THE Third volume of Chronicles, beginning at duke William the Norman, commonly called the Conqueror; and descending by degrees of years to all the kings and queens of England in their orderly successions:  
First compiled by raphael Holinshed, and by him extended to the year 1577.  
Now newly recognised, augmented, and continued (with occurrences and accidents of fresh memory) to the year 1586.  
Wherein also are contained many matters of singular discourse and rare observation, fruitful to such as be studious in antiquities, or take pleasure in the grounds of ancient histories.  
With a third table (peculiarly serving this third volume) both of names and matters memorable.  
Historiae placeant nostrates ac peregrinae.   

TO THE Right Honourable and his singular good Lord, Sir William Cecil, Baron of Burghleygh, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Lord high Treasurer of England, Master of the Courts of Wards and Liveries, and one of the Queen's majesties privy Council.  
COnsidering with myself, right Honourable and my singular good Lord, how ready (no doubt) many will be to accuse me of vain presumption, for enterprising to deal in this so weighty a work, and so far above my reach to accomplish: I have thought good to advertise your Honour, by what occasion I was first induced to undertake the same, although the cause that moved me thereto hath (in part) yer this been signified unto your good Lordship.  
Whereas therefore, that worthy Citizen Reginald Wolf late Printer to the Queen's Majesty, a man well known and beholden to your Honour, meant in his life time to publish an universal cosmography of the whole world, and therewith also certain particular histories of every known nation, amongst other whom he purposed to use for performance of his intent in that behalf, he procured me to take in hand the collection of those histories, and having proceeded so far in the same, as little wanted to the accomplishment of that long promised work, it pleased God to call him to his mercy, after five and twenty years travel spent therein; so that by his untimely decease, no hope remained to see that performed, which we had so long traveled about. Nevertheless, those whom he put in trust to dispose his things after his departure hence, wishing to the benefit of others, that some fruit might follow of that whereabout he had employed so long time, willed me to continue mine endeavour for their furtherance in the same. Which although I was ready to do, so far as mine ability would reach, and the rather to answer that trust which the deceased reposed in me, to see it brought to some perfection: yet when the volume grew so great, as they that were to defray the charges for the impression, were not willing to go through with the whole, they resolved first to publish the histories of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with their descriptions; which descriptions, because they were not in such readiness, as those of foreign countries, they were enforced to use the help of other better able to do it than myself.  
Moreover, the Charts, wherein Master Wolf spent a great part of his time, were not found so complete as we wished: and again, understanding of the great charges and notable enterprise of that worthy Gentleman master Thomas Sackford, in procuring the Charts of the several provinces of this realm to be set forth, we are in hope that in time he will delineate this whole land so perfectly, as shall be comparable or beyond any delineation heretofore made of any other region; and therefore leave that to his well deserved praise. If any well willer will imitate him in so praiseworthy a work for the two other regions, we will be glad to further his endeavour with all the helps we may.  
The histories I have gathered according to my skill, and conferred the greatest part with Master Wolf in his life time, to his liking, who procured me so many helps to the furtherance thereof, that I was loath to omit any thing that might increase the reader's knowledge, which causeth the book to grow so great. But receiving them by parts, and at several times (as I might get them) it may be, that having had more regard to the matter than the apt penning, I have not so orderly disposed them, as otherwise I ought; choosing rather to want order, than to defraud the reader of that which for his further understanding might seem to satisfy his expectation.  
I therefore most humbly beseech your Honour to accept these Chronicles of England under your protection, and according to your wisdom and accustomed benignity to bear with my faults; the rather, because you were ever so especial good Lord to Master Wolf, to whom I was singularly beholden; and in whose name I humbly present this rude work unto you; beseeching God, that as he hath made you an instrument to advance his truth, so it may please him to increase his good gifts in you, to his glory, the furtherance of the Queen's majesties service, and the comfort of all her faithful and loving subjects.  
Your Honour's most humble to be commanded, RAPHAEL HOLINSHED.   

THE PREFACE to the reader.  
IT is dangerous (gentle reader) to range in so large a field as I have here undertaken, while so many sundry men in divers things may be able to control me, and many excellent wits of our country (as well or better occupied I hope) are able herein to surpass me; but seeing the best able do seem to neglect it, let me (though least able) crave pardon to put them in mind not to forget their native country's praise (which is their duty) the encouragement of their worthy countrymen, by elders advancements; and the daunting of the vicious, by four penal examples, to which end (as I take it) chronicles and histories ought chiefly to be written. My labour may show mine uttermost good will, of the more learned I require their further enlargement, and of fault-finders dispensation till they be more fully informed. It is too common that the least able are readiest to find fault in matters of least weight, and therefore I esteem the less of their carping, but humbly beseech the skilful to supply my want, and to have care of their duty; and either to amend that wherein I have failed, or be content with this mine endeavour. For it may please them to consider, that no one can be eyewitness to all that is written within our time; much less to those things which happened in former times, and therefore must be content with reports of others. Therein I have been so careful, that I have spared no pains or help of friends to search out either written or printed ancient authors, or to inquire of modern eie-witnesses for the true setting down of that which I have here delivered: but I find such want in writers for the necessary knowledge of things done in times past, and lack of means to obtain sufficient instructions by reporters of the time present; and herewith the worthy exploits of our countrymen so many, that it grieveth me I could not leave the same to posterity (as I wished) to their well deserved praise. But I have here imparted what I could learn, and crave that it may be taken in good part. My speech is plain, without any rhetorical show of eloquence, having rather a regard to simple truth, than to decking words. I wish I had been furnished with so perfect instructions, and so many good gifts, that I might have pleased all kinds of men, but that same being so rare a thing in any one of the best, I beseech thee (gentle reader) not to look for it in me the meanest.  
But now for thy further instruction, to understand the course of these my labours. First concerning the history of England, as I have collected the same out of many and sundry authors, in whom what contrariety, negligence, and rashness sometime is found in their reports; I leave to the discretion of those that have perused their works: for my part, I have in things doubtful rather chosen to show the diversity of their writings, than by overruling them, and using a peremptory censure, to frame them to agree to my liking: leaving it nevertheless to each man's judgement, to control them as he seethe cause. If somewhere I show my fancy what I think, and that the same dislike them; I crave pardon, specially if by probable reasons or plainer matter to be produced, they can show mine error; upon knowledge whereof I shall be ready to reform it accordingly. Where I do begin the history from the first inhabitation of this isle, I look not to content each man's opinion concerning the original of them that first peopled it, and no marvel: for in matters so uncertain, if I cannot sufficiently content myself (as in deed I cannot) I know not how I should satisfy others. That which seemeth to me most likely, I have noted, beseeching the learned (as I trust they will) in such points of doubtful antiquities to bear with my skill: sith for aught I know, the matter is not yet decided among the learned, but still they are in controversy about it, and as yet Sub judice lis est. Well, howsoever it came first to be inhabited, likely it is, that at the first the whole Isle was under one prince and governor, though afterwards (and long peradventure before the Romans set any foot within it) the monarchy thereof was broken, even when the multitude of the inhabitants grew to be great, and ambition entered amongst them: which hath brought so many good policies and states to ruin and decay.  
The Romans having once got possession of the continent that faceth this isle, could not rest (as it appeareth) till they had brought the same also under their subjection: and the sooner doubtless, by reason of the factions amongst the princes of the land, which the Romans (through their accustomed skill) could turn very well to their most advantage. They possessed it almost five hundredth years, and longer might have done, if either their insufferable tyranny had not taken away from them the love of the people, as well here as elsewhere; either that their civil discord about the chopping and changing of their emperors had not so weakened the forces of their empire, that they were not able to defend the same against the irruption of barbarous nations. But as we may conjecture by that which is found in histories, about that time, in which the Roman empire began to decline, this land stood in very weak state: being spoiled of the most part of all her able men, which were led away into foreign regions, to supply the Roman armies; and likewise (perhaps) of all necessary armour, weapon, and treasure: which being perceived of the Saxons, after they were received into the isle, to aid the Britons against the Scots and Picts then invading the same, ministered to them occasion to attempt the second conquest, which at length they brought to pass, to the overthrow not only of the British dominion, but also to the subversion of the Christian religion here in this land: which chanced (as appeareth by Gildas) for the wicked sins and unthankfulness of the inhabitants towards God, the chief occasions and causes of the transmutations of kingdoms, Nam propter peccata, regna transmutantur à gente in gentem.  
The Saxons obtaining possession of the land, governed the same, being divided into sundry kingdoms, and having once subdued the Britons, or at the leastwise removed them out of the most part of the isle into odd corners and mountains, fell at division among themselves, and oftentimes with war pursued each other, so as no perfect order of government could be framed, nor the kings grow to any great puissance, either to move wars abroad, or sufficiently to defend themselves against foreign forces at home: as manifestly was perceived, when the Danes and other the Northeasterne people, being then of great puissance by sea, began miserably to afflict this land: at the first invading as it were but only the coasts and countries lying near to the sea, but afterwards with main armies they entered into the middle parts of the land. And although the English people at length came under one king, and by that means were the better able to resist the enemies; yet at length those Danes subdued the whole, and had possession thereof for a time, although not long, but that the crown returned again to those of the Saxon line: till shortly after, by the insolent dealings of the governors, a division was made betwixt the king and his people, through just punishment decreed by the providence of the Almighty, determining for their sins and contempt of his laws, to deliver them into the hands of a stranger; and thereupon when spite and envy had brought the title in doubt, to whom the right in succession appertained, the Conqueror entered, and they remained a prey to him and his: who plucked all the heads and chief in authority so clearly up by the roots, as few or none of them in the end was left to stand up against him. And herewith altering the whole state, he planted such laws and ordinances as stood most for his avail and security, which being after qualified with more mild and gentle laws, took such effect, that the state hath ever sithence continued whole and unbroken by wise and politic government, although disquieted sometime by civil dissension, to the ruin commonly of the first movers, as by the sequel of the history you may see.  
For the history of Scotland, I have for the more part followed Hector Boece, johannes Maior, and jovan Ferreri Piemontese, so far as they have continued it, interlaced sometimes with other authors, as Hoveden, Fourdon, and such like; although not often, because I meant rather to deliver what I found in their own histories extant, than to correct them by others, leaving that enterprise to their own countrymen: so that whatsoever ye read in the same, consider that a Scotishman writ it, and an Englishman hath but only translated it into our language, referring the reader to the English history, in all matters betwixt us and them, to be confronted therewith as he seethe cause. For the continuation thereof I used the like order, in such copies and notes as Master Wolf in his life time procured me; saving that in these last years I have inserted some such notes as concerned matters of war betwixt us and the Scots, because I got them not till that part of the English history was past the press.  
For Ireland, I have showed in mine epistle dedicatory in what sort, and by what helps I have proceeded therein; only this I forgot to signify, that I had not Giraldus Cambrensis, and Flatsburie, until that part of the book was under the press, and so being constrained to make post hast, I could not exemplify what I would out of them all, neither yet dispose it so orderly as had been convenient, nor pen it with so apt words as might satisfy either myself, or those to whose view it is now like to come. And by reason of the like haste made in the impression, where I was determined to have transposed the most part of that which in the English history I had noted, concerning the conquest of Ireland by Hen. the second, out of Hoveden & others, I had not time thereto; and so have left it there remaining where I first noted it, before I determined to make any particular collection of the Irish histories, because the same cometh there well enough in place, as to those that shall vouchsafe to turn the book it may appear.  
For the computation of the years of the world, I had by Master Wolves advise followed Functius; but after his decease, M. W. H. made me partaker of a chronology, which he had gathered and compiled with most exquisite diligence, following Gerardus Mercator, and other late Chronologers, and his own observations, according to the which I have reform the same. As for the years of our Lord, and the kings, I have set them down according to such authors as seem to be of best credit in that behalf, as I doubt not but to the learned and skilful in histories it shall appear. Moreover, this the reader hath to consider, that I do begin the year at the nativity of our Lord, which is the surest order (in my fancy) that can be followed.  
For the names of persons, towns, and places, as I have been diligent to reform the errors of other (which are to be ascribed more to the unperfect copies than to the authors) so may it be that I have somewhere committed the like faults, either by negligence or want of skill to restore them to their full integrity as I wished. But what I have performed, aswell in that behalf as others, the skilful reader shall easily perceive, and withal consider (I trust) what travel I have bestowed to his behoof in this huge volume; craving only, that in recompense thereof he will judge the best, and to make a friendly construction of my meaning, where aught may seem to have escaped my pen or the printers press, otherwise than we could have wished for his better satisfaction. Many things being taken out as they lie in authors, may be thought to give offence in time present, which referred to the time past when the author writ, are not only tolerable, but also allowable. Therefore (good reader) I beseech thee to weigh the causes and circumstances of such faults and imperfections, and consider that the like may creep into a far less volume than this, and show me so much favour as hath been showed to others in like causes. And sithence I have done my good will, accept the same, as I with a free and thankful mind do offer it thee; so shall I think my labour well bestowed. For the other histories, which are already collected, if it please God to give ability, shall in time come to light, with some such brief descriptions of the foreign regions whereof they treat, as may the better suffice to the reader's contentation, and understanding of the matters contained in the same histories, reduced into abridgements out of their great volumes. And thus I cease further to trouble thy patience, wishing to thee (gentle reader) so much profit, as by reading may be had, and as great comfort as God's holy spirit may endue thee with.  
FINIS.   

The politic Conquest of William the first.  
THis William Duke of Normandy, 
Anno. 1.  base son of Robert the sixth Duke of Normandy, and nephew unto Edward King of England, surnamed the Confessor, having vanquished line 10 the English power, and slain Harold in the field (as you may read at large towards the end of the history of England) began his reign over England the xv. day of October being sunday, in the year after the creation of the world 5033. (as W. Harison gathereth) and after the birth of our Saviour 1066. which was in the tenth year of the emperor line 20 Henry the fourth, year 1066 in the sixth of pope Alexander the second, in the sixth of Philip king of France, and about the tenth of Malcolme the third, surnamed Camoir, king of Scotland.  

Sim. Dun.  Immediately after he had thus got the victory in a pight field (as before ye have heard) he first returned to Hastings, and after set forward towards London, wasted the countries of Sussex, Kent, Hamshire, Southerie, Middlesex, and Herefordshire, burning the towns, and slaying the people, till he came line 30 to Beorcham. In the mean time, immediately after the discomfiture in Sussex, the two earls of Northumberland and Mercia, 
Edwin and Marchar.  Edwin and Marchar, who had withdrawn themselves from the battle together with their people, came to London, and with all speed sent their sister queen Aldgitha unto the city of Chester, 
Queen Aldgitha sent to Chester.  and herewith sought to persuade the Londoners to advance one of them to the kingdom: as Wil Mal. writeth. 
Wil Mal. Simon Dun.  But Simon of Durham saith, that Aldred archbishop of York, and the said earls with line 40 others would have made Edgar Etheling king. Howbeit, whilst many of the Nobility and others prepared to make themselves ready to give a new battle to the Normans (how or whatsoever was the cause) the said earls drew homewards with their powers, 
Wil Malm. The bishops blamed.  to the great discomfort of their friends. Wil Malm. seemeth to put blame in the bishops, for that the lords went not forward with their purpose in advancing Edgar Etheling to the crown. For the bishops (saith he) refused to join with the lords in that line 50 behalf, and so through envy and spite which one part bare to another, when they could not agree upon an Englishman, they received a stranger, insomuch that upon king William his coming unto Beorcham, 
The archbishop of York & other submit themselves to king William.  Aldred archbishop of York, Wolstane bishop of Worcester, and Walter bishop of Hereford, Edgar Etheling, and the foresaid earls Edwin and Marchar came and submitted themselves unto him, whom he gently received, and incontinently made an agreement with them, taking their oath and hostages (as some writ) and yet nevertheless he permitted his people to spoil and burn the country.  
But now, when the feast of Christ's nativity (commonly called Christmas) was at hand, he approached to the city of London, and coming thither, caused his vanguard first to enter into the streets, where finding some resistance, he easily subdued the citizens that thus took upon them to withstand him, though not without some bloodshed (as Gemeticen. writeth) but as by others it should appear, 
Gemeticensi●▪  he was received into the city without any resistance at all; and so being in possession thereof, he spoke many friendly words to the citizens, and promised that he would use them in most liberal & courteous manner. Not long after, when things were brought in order (as was thought requisite) he was crowned king upon Christmas day following, by Aldred archbishop of York. 
William Conqueror crowned 1067. according to their account which begin the year on the day of Christ his nativity.  For he would not receive the crown at the hands of Stigand archbishop of Canturburie, because he was hated, and furthermore judged to be a very lewd person and a naughty liver.  
At his coronation he caused the bishops and barons of the realm to take their oath, that they should be his true and loyal subjects (according to the manner in that case accustomed.) And being required thereto by the archbishop of York, he took his personal oath before the altar of S. Peter at Westmister, to defend the holy church, and rulers of the same, to govern the people in justice as became a king to do, to ordain righteous laws & keep the same, so that all manner of bribing, rapine, and wrongful judgements should for ever after be abolished.  
After this, 
Polydor.  he took order how to keep the realm in good and quiet government, fortifying the necessary places, and furnishing them with garrisons. year 1067 He also appointed officers and counsellors, such as he thought to be wise and discreet men, and appointed ships to be in the havens by the coast for the defence of the land, as he thought most expedient. After his coronation, 
john Stow.  or rather before (as by some authors it should seem) even presently upon obtaining of the city of London, 
Tho. Spo●.  he took his journey towards the castle of Dover, to subdue that and the rest of Kent also: which when the archbishop Stigand and Egelsin the abbot of S. Augustine's (being as it were the chiefest lords and governors of all Kent) did perceive, and considered that the whole realm was in an evil state; & that whereas in this realm of England, before the coming in of the foresaid duke William, there were no bondmen: now all, 
Servitude & bondage of the Nobility and Commonalty to the Normans.  as well the Nobility as the Commonalty were without respect made subject to the intolerable bondage of the Normans, taking an occasion by the peril and danger that their neighbours were in, to provide for the safeguard of themselves and their country. They caused all the people of the county of Kent to assemble at Canturburie, and declared to them the perils and dangers imminent, the misery that their neighbours were come into, the pride and insolency of the Normans, and the hardness and grief of bondage and seru●le estate. Whereupon all the people rather choosing to end their unfortunate life, than to submit themselves to an unaccustomed yoke of servitude and bondage, with a common consent determined to meet duke William, line 10 and to fight with him ●or the laws of their country. Also, the foresaid Stigand the archbishop, and the abbot Egelsin, choosing rather to die in bartell, than to see their nation in so evil an estate, being encouraged by the examples of the holy Maccabees, became captains of the army. And at a day appointed, all the people met at Swanescombe, and being hidden in the woods, lay privily in wait for the coming of the foresaid duke William.  
Now, because it cannot hurt to take great heed, line 20 and to be very wary in such cases, they agreed before hand, that when the duke was come, and the passages on every side stopped, to the end he should no way be able to escape, every one of them, as well horsemen as footmen should bear boughs in their hands. The next day after, when the duke was come into the fields and territories near unto Swanescombe, and saw all the country set and placed about him, as it had been a stirring and moving wood, and that with a mean pace they approached and drew near unto line 30 him, with great discomfort of mind he wondered at that sight. And assoon as the captains of the Kentishmen saw that duke William was enclosed in the midst of their army, they caused their trumpets to be sounded, their banners to be displayed, and threw down their boughs, & with their bows bend, their swords drawn, and their spears and other kind of weapons stretched forth, they showed themselves ready to fight. Duke William and they that were with him stood (as no marvel it was) sore astonished, and amazed: line 40 so that he which thought he had already all England fast in his fist, did now despair of his own life. Therefore on the behalf of the Kentishmen, were sent unto duke William the archbishop Stigand, and Egelsin abbot of S. Augustine's, who told him their message in this sort.  
My lord duke, behold the people of Kent come forth to meet you, and to receive you as their liege lord, requiring at your hands the things which pertain to peace, and that under this condition; that all the people of Kent enjoy for ever their ancient liberties, and may for evermore use the laws and customs of the country▪ otherwise they are ready presently to bid battle to you, and them that be with you▪ and are minded rather to die here altogether, than to departed from ●he law●s and customs of their country, and to submit themselves to bondage, ●hereof as yet they never had experience.  
The duke seeing himself to be driven to such an exigent & ●a●row pinch, consulted a while with them that came with him, prudently considering, that if he should take any repulse or displeasure at the hands of this people, whi●h ●e 〈◊〉 ●ey of England, all that he had done before 〈…〉 disannulled and made of none effect, and all his hope and safety should stand in danger and jeopardy: not so willingly as wisely he granted the people of Kent their request. Now when the covenant was established, and pledges given on both sides: the Kentishmen being joyful, conducted the Normans (who also were glad) unto Rochester, and yielded up to the duke the earldom of Kent, and the noble castle of Dover. 
The ancient liberties and laws of England remain in Kent only.  Thus the ancient liberties of England, and the laws and customs of the country, which before the coming of duke William out of Normandy, were equally kept throughout all England, do (through this industry and earnest travel of the archbishop Stigand and Egelsin abbot of S. Augustine's) remain inviolably observed until this day within that county of Kent. ¶ Thus far Thomas Spot, 
Wil Thorn●.  and after him William thorn writeth the same. Of the which the former (that is Spot) lived in the days of king Edward the first, and William Thorn in the days of king Richard the second.  
But now, before we proceed any further in recital of the Conquerors doings, we have here in a table noted all the noble captains and gentlemen of name, aswell Normans as other strangers, which assisted duke William in the conquest of this land: and first, as we find them written in the chronicles of Normandy by one William Tailleur.  

The Catalogue of such Noble men, Lords, and Gentlemen of name, as came into this land with William the Conqueror.  
ODo bishop of Bayeulx.  
Robert earl of Mortaing.  
Roger earl of Beaumond surnamed A la barb.  
Guillaume Mallet seigneur de Montfort.  
Henry seig. de Ferrer.  
Guillaume d'Aubellemare seign. de Fougieres.  
Guillaume de Roumare seig. de Lithare.  
Le seig. de Touque.  
Le seig. de la Mare.  
Neel le Viconte.  
Guillaume de Vepont.  
Le seig. de Magneville.  
Le seig. de Grosmenil.  
Le seig. de S. Martin.  
Le seig. de Puis.  
Guillaume Crespin.  
Guillaume de Moyenne  
Guillaume Desmoullins.  
Guillaume Desgarennes.  
Hue de Gourney, alias Genevay.  
Le seig. de Bray.  
Le seig. de Govy.  
Le seig. de Laigle.  
Le seig. de Tovarts.  
Le seig. de Aurenchin.  
Le seig. de Vitrey.  
Le seig. de Trassy, alias Tracy.  
Le seig. de Picquigny.  
Le seig. d Espinay.  
Osmond seig. du Pont.  
Le seig. de Estoutevile.  
Le seig. de Torchy.  
Le seig. de Barnabost.  
Le seig. de Breval.  
Le seig. de Seeulme.  
Le seig. de Houme.  
Le seig. de Souchoy.  
Le seig. de Cally.  
Le seig. de la Rivere.  
Euldes de Beanieu.  
Le seig. de Roumilly.  
Le seig. de Glotz.  
Le seig. du Sap.  
Le seig. de Vanuille.  
Le seig. Branchou.  
Le seig. Balleul.  
Le seig. de Beausault.  
Le seig. de Telleres.  
Le seig. de Senlys.  
Le seig. de Bacqueville.  
Le seig. de Preaulx.  
Le seig. de jovy.  
Le seig. de Longueville.  
Le seig. d●Aquigny.  
Le seig. de Passy.  
Le seig. de Tournay.  
Le seig. de Colombieres  
Le seig. de Bolleber.  
Le seig. de Garensieres.  
Le seig. de Longueile.  
Le seig. de Houdetot.  
Le seig. de Malletot.  
Le seig. de la Hay Malerbe.  
Le sei. de Porch pinch.  
Le seig. de juetor.  
The earl of Tanqueruile  
The earl d'Eu.  
The earl d'Arques.  
The earl of Anjou.  
The earl of Nevers.  
Le seig. de Rowile.  
Le prince de Alemaigne.  
Le seig. de Pavilly.  
Le seig. de S. Cler.  
Le seig. d'Espinay.  
Le seig. de Bremetot.  
Alain Fergant earl of Britain.  
Le seig. de la Ferte.  
Robert fils Heruays duke de Orleans.  
Le seig. de la Land.  
Le seig. de Mortimer.  
Le seig. de Clare.  
Le seig. de Magny.  
Le seig. de Fontnay.  
Roger de Montgomery.  
Amaury de Tovars.  
Le seig. de Hacquevile.  
Le seig. de Neanshou.  
Le seig. de Perou.  
Robert de Beaufou.  
Le seig. Meawon.  
Le seig. de Sotevile.  
Eustace de Hamblevile.  
Geoffray Bournom.  
Le seig. de Blainuile.  
Le seig. de Maunevile.  
Geoffrey de Moienne.  
Auffray and Maugre de Carteny.  
Le seig. de Freanuile.  
Le seig de Mowbray.  
Le seig. de jafitay.  
Guillaume Patais seig. de la Land.  
Eulde de Mortimer.  
Hue earl of Gournay.  
Egremont de Laigle.  
Richard d'Aurinchin.  
Le seig. de Bearts.  
Le seig. de Soulligny.  
Bouteclier d' Aubigny.  
Le seig. de Marcey.  
Le seig. de Lachy.  
Le seig. de Valdere.  
Eulde de Montfort.  
Henoyn de Cahieu.  
Le seig. de Vimers.  
Guillaume de Movion.  
Raoul Tesson de Tignolles.  
Anguerand earl of Hercourt.  
Roger Marmion.  
Raoul de Gaiel.  
Auenel de Viers.  
Pawel du Montier Hubert.  
Robert Bertraule Tort.  
Le seig. de Seulle.  
Le seig. Dorival.  
Le seig. de la Hay.  
Le seig. de S. john.  
Le seig. de Saussy.  
Le seig. de Brye.  
Richard Dollebec.  
Le seig. du Monfiquet.  
Le seig. de Bresey.  
Le seig. de Semilly.  
Le seig. de Tilly.  
Le seig. de Preaux.  
Le seig. de S. Denis.  
Le seig. de Meuley.  
Le seig. de Monceaux.  
The archers of Bretuile.  
The archers of Vaudrevile.  
Le seig. de S. Sain.  
Le seig. de Breansou.  
Le seig. de Sassy.  
Le seig. de Nassy.  
Le vidam de Chartres.  
Le seig. de jeanuile.  
Le vidam du Passais.  
Pierre du Bailleul seig. de Fescampe.  
Le feneschal de Torchy.  
Le seig. de Grissey.  
Le seig. de Bassey.  
Le seig. de Tourneur.  
Guillaume de Colombieres.  
Le seig. de Bonnebault.  
Le seig. de Ennebault.  
Le seig. de Danuillers.  
Le seig. de Beruile.  
Le seig. de Creveceur.  
Le seig. de Breate.  
Le seig. de Coutray.  
The earl of Eureux.  
Le seig. de saint Valery.  
Thomas earl d' Aumale.  
The earl de Hiesmes.   
With other lords and men of account in great numbers, whose names the author of the chronicles of Normandy could not come by (as he himself confesseth.) In consideration whereof, and because divers of these are set forth only by their titles of estate, and not by their surnames; we have thought it convenient to make you partakers of the roll which sometime belonged to Battle abbey, containing also (as the title thereof importeth) the names of such Nobles and Gentlemen of mark, as came at this time with the Conqueror, whereof diverse may be the same persons which in the catalogue above written are contained, bearing the names of the places whereof they were possessors and owners, as by the same catalogue may appear.  

The roll of Battle abbeie.  


A  
AVmarle  
Aincourt  
Audeley  
Adgillam  
Argentoune  
Arundel  
Auenant  
Abel  
Awerne  
Aunwers'  
Angers  
Angenoun  
Archere  
Anuay  
Asperuile  
Albevile  
Andevile  
Amoverduile  
Arcy and Akeny  
Albeny  
Aybevare  
Amay  
Aspermound  
Amerenges    


B  
BErtram  
Buttecourt  
Brebus and Byseg  
Bardolfe  
Basset and Bigot  
Bohun  
Bailif  
Bondevile  
Brabason  
Baskervile  
Bures  
Bounilaine  
Bois  
Botelere  
Bourcher  
Brabaion  
berner's  
Braibuf  
brand & Bronce  
Burgh  
Bushy  
Banet  
blondel  
Breton  
Bluat and Baious  
Browne  
Beke  
Bickard  
Banastre  
Baloun  
Beauchampe  
Bray and Bandy  
Bracy  
Bounds  
Bascoun  
Broilem  
Brolevy  
Burnell  
Bellet  
Baudewin  
Beaumond  
Burdon  
Bertevilay  
Bar  
Bussevile  
Blunt  
Beaupere  
bevil  
Barduedor  
Brette  
Barrett  
Bonret  
Bainard  
Barnivale  
Bonett  
Barry  
Bryan  
Bodin  
Beteruile  
Bertin  
Berenevile  
Bellewe  
Bevery  
bushel  
Boranuile  
brow  
Believers  
Buffard  
Botelere  
Bonueier  
Botevile  
Bellire  
Bastard  
Bainard  
Brasard  
Beelhelme  
Brain  
Brent  
branch  
Belesuz  
blundel  
Burdet  
Bagot  
Beawise  
Belemis  
Beisin  
Bernon  
Boels  
Belefroun  
Brutz  
Barchampe    


C  
CAmois  
Camuile  
Chawent  
chancy  
Conderay  
Coluile  
Chamberlain  
Chamburnoun  
Coming  
Columber  
Cribett  
Creuquere  
Corbine  
Corbett  
Chaundos  
Chaworth  
Cleremaus  
Clarell  
Chopis  
Chaunduit  
Chantelow  
Chamberay  
Cressy  
Curtenay  
Constable  
Cholmeley  
Champney  
Chawnos  
Comivile  
Champain  
Carevile  
Carbonelle  
Charles  
Chereberge  
Chawnes  
Chaumont  
Caperoun  
chain  
Curson  
Coville  
Chaiters  
chains  
Cateray  
Cherecourt  
Cammile  
Clerenay  
Curly  
Cuily  
Clinels  
Chaundos  
Courteney  
Clifford    


D  
Denaville  
Dercy  
Dive  
Dispencere  
Daubery  
Daniel  
Device and Druell  
Devans  
Davers  
Dodingsels  
Darell  
Delaber  
Delapole  
Delalinde  
Delahill  
Delaware  
Delavache  
Dakeny  
Dauntre  
Desny  
Dabernoune  
Damry  
Daveros'  
Davonge  
Duilby  
Delavere  
Delahoid  
Durange  
Delee  
Delaund  
Delaward  
Delaplanch  
Damnot  
Danway  
Dehense  
devil  
Disard  
Doiville  
Durant  
Drury  
Dabitot  
Dunsteruile  
Dunchampe  
Dambelton    


E  
EStrange  
Estutevile  
Engaine  
Estriels  
Esturney    


F  
FErrerers  
Foluille  
Fitz Water  
Fitz Marmaduke  
Flevez  
filbert  
Fitz Roger  
Favecourt  
Ferrer  
Fitz Philip  
Filiot  
Furnivens  
Furnivaus  
Fitz Oats  
Fitz William  
Fitz Roand  
Fitz Pain  
Fitz Auger  
Fitz Aleyn  
Fitz Rauff  
Fitz Browne  
Fouke  
Frevil  
Front de Boef  
Facunberge  
Fort  
Frisell  
Fitz Simon  
Fitz Fouk  
Filioll  
Fitz Thomas  
Fitz Morice  
Fitz Hugh  
Fitz Henry  
Fitz Waren  
Fitz Rainold  
Flamuile  
Formay  
Fitz Eustach  
Fitz Laurence  
Formibaud  
Frisound  
Finere and Fitz Robert  
Furnivale  
Fitz Geffrey  
Fitz Herbert  
Fitz Peres  
Fichet  
Fitz Rues  
Fitz Fitz  
Fitz john  
Fleschampe    


G  
GVrnay  
Gressy  
Graunson  
Gracy  
George's  
Gower  
Gaugy  
Goband  
Grace  
Gaunson  
Golofre  
Gobion  
Grensy  
Grant  
Greile  
Grevet  
Gurry  
Gurley  
Grammori  
Gernoun  
Grendon  
Gurdon  
Gines  
Grivil  
Grenevile  
Glatevile  
Gurney  
Giffard  
Goverges  
Gamages    


H  
HAunteney  
Haunsard  
Hastings  
Hanlay  
Haurell  
Husee  
Hercy  
Herioun  
Herne  
Harecourt  
Henoure  
Hovel  
Hamelin  
Harewell  
Hardell  
Haket  
Hamound  
Harcord    


I  
IArden  
jay  
jeniels  
jerconuise  
januile  
jasperuile    


K  
KAunt  
Karre  
Karrowe  
Koine  
Kimaronne  
Kiriell  
Kancey  
Kenelre.    


L  
LOueny  
Lacie  
Linneby  
Latomer  
Loveday  
Lovel  
Lemare  
Levetot  
Lucy  
Luny  
Logevile  
Longespes  
Loverace  
Longechampe  
Lascales  
Lacie  
Lovan  
Leded  
Luse  
Loterell  
Loruge  
Longevale  
Loy  
Lorancourt  
Loions  
Limers  
Longepay  
Laumale  
Lane  
Lovetot    


M  
MOhant  
Mown  
Maundevile  
Marmilon  
Moribray  
Moruile  
Miriell  
Manlay  
Malebraunch  
Malemaine  
Mortimere  
Mortimaine  
Muse  
Marteine  
Mountbother  
Mountsoler  
Malevile  
Malet  
Mounten●y  
Monfichet  
Maleherb●  
Mare  
Musegros  
Musard  
Moine  
Montravers  
Merke  
Murres  
Mortivale  
Monchenesy  
Mallory  
Marny  
Mountagu  
Mountford  
Maule  
Monhermon  
Musett  
Menevile  
Mantevenant and Manfe  
Menpincoy  
main  
Mainard  
morel  
Mainell  
Maleluse  
Memorous  
Morreis  
Morleian main  
Maleuere  
Mandu●  
Mountmarten  
Mantelet  
Miners  
Mauclerke  
Maunchenell  
Movet  
Meintenore  
Meletak  
Manvile  
Mangisere  
Maumasin  
Mountlovel  
Mawreward  
Monhaut  
meler  
Mountgomerie  
Manlay  
Maulard  
Mainard  
Menere  
Martinast  
Mare  
Mainwaring  
Matelay  
Malemis  
Maleheire  
Moren  
Melun  
Marceans  
Maiell  
Morton    


N  
NOers  
Nevile  
Newmarch  
Norbet  
Norice  
Newborough  
Neiremet  
Neile  
Normavile  
Neofmarch  
Nermitz  
Nembrutz    


O  
Otevell  
Olibef  
Olifant  
Osenel  
Oisell  
Olifard  
Orinall  
Orioll    


P  
PIgot  
Pery  
Perepount  
Pershale  
Power  
Painell  
perch and Pavey  
Peurell  
Perot  
Picard  
Pinkenie  
Pomeray  
Pounce  
Pavely  
Paifrere  
Plukenet  
Phuars'  
Punchardoun  
Pinchard  
Placy  
Pugoy  
Patefinc  
Place  
Pampilioun  
Percelay  
Perere & Pekeny  
Poterell  
Peukeny  
Peccell  
Pinell  
Putrill  
Petivoll  
Preaus  
Pantolf  
Peito  
Penecord  
Pre●dirlegast  
Percivale    


Q  
QVinci  
Quintiny    


R  
ROs  
Ridell  
rivers  
Rivell  
Rous  
Rushell  
Raband  
Ronde  
Rye  
Rokell  
Risers  
Randuile  
Roselin  
Rastoke  
Rinuill  
Rougere  
Rait  
Ripere  
Rigny  
Richemound  
Rochfort  
Raimond    


S  
SOuch  
Shevile  
Seucheus  
Senclere  
Sent Quintin  
Sent Omere  
Sent Amond  
Sent Legere  
Someruile  
Siward  
Saunsovere  
Sanford  
saints  
Savay  
Saulay  
Sules  
Sorrel  
Somerey  
Sent john  
Sent George  
Sent Les  
Sesse  
Saluin  
Say  
Solers  
Saulay  
Sent Albin  
Sent Martin  
Sourdemale  
Seguin  
Sent barb  
Sent Vile  
Souremount  
Soreglise  
Sanduile  
Sauncey  
Sirewast  
Sent Cheveroll  
Sent More  
Sent Scudemore    


T  
TOget  
Tercy  
Tuchet  
Tracy  
Trousbut  
Trainell  
Taket  
Trussel and Trison  
Talbot  
Touny  
Trays  
Tollemach  
Tolous  
Tanny  
Touke  
Tibtote  
Turbevile  
Turuile  
Tomy and Taverner  
Trenchevile  
Trenchelion  
tankerville  
Tirell  
Trivet  
Tolet  
Travers  
Tardevile  
Turburuile  
Tinevile  
Torell  
Tortechappell  
Trusbote  
Treverell  
Tenwis  
Totelles    


V  
VEre  
Vernoun  
Ves●y  
Verdoune  
Valence  
Verdeire  
Vavasour  
Vendore  
Verlay  
Valenger  
Venables  
Venoure  
Vilan  
Verland  
Valers'  
Veirny  
Va●uruile  
Veniels  
Verrere  
Vschere  
Veffay  
Vanay  
Vian  
Vernoys  
Vrnall  
Vnket  
Vrnafull  
Vasderoll  
Vaberon  
Valingford  
Venicorde  
Valive  
Viville  
Vancorde and Valenges    


W  
WArdebois  
Ward  
Wafre  
Wake  
Wareine  
Wate  
Watelin  
Watevil  
Wely  
Werdonell  
Wespaile  
Wivell.     
When king William had set all things in order through the most part of the realm, he delivered the guiding thereof unto his brother Odo, 
Sim. Dunel.  the bishop of Bayeux, and his coosine William Fits Osborne, whom he had made earl of Hereford. 
King William goeth over into Normandy Hen. Hun●. Polychron. Sim. Dun.  In Lent following he sailed into Normandy, leading with him the pledges, and other of the chiefest lords of the English nation: among whom, the two earls Edwine and Marchar, Stigand the archbishop, Edgar Etheling, Walteof son to Siward sometime duke of line 10 Northumberland, and Agelnothus the abbot of Glastenburie were the most famous. Soon after his departing, 
Edricke Syluaticus.  Edricke surnamed Syluaticus, son to Alfricke that was brother to Edricke de Streona, refusing to submit himself unto the king, rebelled and rose against such as he had left in his absence to govern the land. Whereupon those that lay in the castle of Hereford, 
Richard Fits Scroop.  as Richard Fitz Scroop and others, did oftentimes invade his lands, and wasted the goods of his farmers and tenants: but yet so often as they attempted, to invade him▪ they lost many line 20 of their own soldiers and men of war. Moreover, the said Edricke calling to his aid the kings of the Welshmen, Bleothgent and Rithwall, about the feast of the assumption of our Lady, wasted the country of Hereford, even to the bridge of the river of Wye, and obtained out of those quarters a marvelous great spoil. 
The river of Wye. King William returneth into England.  In the winter also following, and after king William had disposed his business in Normandy, he returned into England, and even then began to handle the Englishmen somewhat line 30 sharply, supposing thereby to keep them the more easil●e under his obedience. He also took away from diverse of the Nobility, and others of the better sort, all their livings, and gave the same to his Normans. Moreover, 
H. Hun●.  he raised great taxes and subsidies through the realm: nor any thing regarded th'English Nobility, so that they who before thought themselves to be made for ever by bringing a stranger into the realm, do now see themselves trodden under foot, to be despised, and to be mocked on all sides, 
Matth. Paris.  insomuch that many of them were constrained (as it were for a further testimony of servitude and bondage) to shave their beards, to round their hear, and to frame themselves as well in apparel as in service and diet at their tables after the Norman manner, very strange and far differing from the ancient customs and old usages of their country. Others utterly refusing to sustain such an intolerable yoke of thraldom as was daily laid upon them by the Normans, chose rather to leave all both goods and lands, & after the manner of outlaws, got them to the woods, with their wives, children, and servants, 
Englishmen withdraw them to the woods as outlaws.  meaning from thenceforth wholly to live upon the spoil of the countries adjoining, and to take whatsoever came next to hand. Whereupon it came to pass within a while, that no man might travel in safety from his own house or town to his next neighbours, and every quiet and honest man's house became as it were an hold or fortress furnished for defence with bows and arrows, bills, pole-axes, swords, clubs and staves, and other weapons; the doors kept locked and strongly bolted in the night season, for fear to be surprised as it had been in time of open war, and amongst public enemies. Prayers were said also by the master of the house, as though they had been in the midst of the seas in some stormy tempest, and when the windows or doors should be shut in and closed, they used to say Benedicite, and others to answer, Dominus, in like sort as the priest and his penitent were wont to do at confession in the church.  
Notwithstanding all this, K. William sought to tame & vanquish those of the English Nobility, who would not be at his beck. They again on the other side made themselves strong, the better to resist him, choosing for their chief captains and leaders, the line 10 earls Edwine & Edgar Etheling, who valiantly resisted the Normans, and slew many of them with great rage and cruelty. And as they thus proceeded in their matters, king William being a politic prince, forward and painful in his business, suffered them not altogether to escape clear away, but did sore annoy and put them off to remediless losses, though he abode in the mean time many laborious journeys, slaughters of his people, and damages of line 20 his person. Hereupon the English Nobility ever after, yea in time of peace, were hated of the king and his Normans, and at length were kept so short, that being moved partly with disdain, and partly with dread, 
Polydor. Anno Reg. 2. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. divers of the English Nobility forsake their native country.  they got them out of the realm, some into Scotland, some into Denmark, others into Norway; and among these, the two earls Edwine and Marchar, with certain bishops & others of the clergy, besides many also of the temporalty, escaped into Scotland. Marleswine & Gospatricke, with a great number of other the Nobles of Northumberland, line 30 Edgar Ethling with his mother Agatha, and his sisters Christine and Margaret, chanced also to be driven into Scotland by tempest, as they sailed towards the coasts of Germany, purposing to have returned into Hungary, where the said Edgar was borne: howbeit being arrived in Scotland, he found so friendly entertainment there, that finally Malcolme the third than king of that realm, took his sister Margaret to wife, and Christine became a nun, as in the Scotish chronicles more line 40 plainly doth appear. 
Polydor.  King William hereby perceiving daily how unwilling the Englishmen were to be under his obeisance, was in fear of rebellious commotions; and therefore to subdue them the better, he builded four castles, 
Two at York, wherein he left five hundred men in garrison. Simon Dun.  one at Nottingham, another at Lincoln, the third at York, and the fourth near unto Hastings, where he landed at his first coming into England.  
Moreover, to reduce the English people the sooner line 50 unto obedience and awe, he took from them all their armour and weapons. 
The Conqueror taketh from the Englishmen their armour.  He ordained also that the master of every household about eight of the clock in the evening, should cause his fire to be raked up in a●hes, his lights to be put out, and then go to bed. Besides this, to the end that every man might have knowledge of the hour to go to rest, he gave order, that in all cities, towns, and villages, where any church was, there should a bell be rung at the said hour, which custom is still used even unto this day, line 60 and commonly called by the French word, 
Cover few first instituted.  Cover few, that is, Rake up the fire.  
This year on Whitsunday, Maud the wife of king William was crowned Queen by Acldred archbishop of York. year 1068 
Matth. We●●.  The same year also was Henry his son borne here in England: for his other two sons Robert and William were borne in Normandy, 
Edmund the great.  before he had conquered this land. About the same time also, Goodwin and Edmund surnamed the great, the sons of K. Harold, came from Ireland, and landing in Somersetshire, fought with Adriothus that had been master of their father's horses, whom they ●●ue, with a great number of others; and so having gotten this victory, returned into Ireland, from whence they came with a great booty which they took in their return out of Cornwall, Devonshire, and other places thereabouts. In like manner, Excester did as then rebel, and likewise the country of Northumberland, whereupon the king appointed one of his captains named Robert Cumin, 
Wil Mal●▪ Simon Dun.  a right noble parsonage (but more valiant than circumspect) to go against the northern people with a part of his army, whilst he himself and the other part went to subdue them of Excester: where, at his coming before the city, the citizens prepared themselves to defend their gates and walls: but after he began to make his approach to assail them, part of the citizens repenting their foolish attempts, opened the gates, and suffered him to enter. Thus having subdued them of Excester, he grievously punished the chief offenders. But the countess Gita, the sister of Sweine K. of Denmark, and sometime wife to earl Goodwin, and mother to the last K. Harold, with divers other that were got into that city, found means to fly, and so escaped over into Flanders. King William having passed his business in such wise in Devonshire, hasted back towards York, being advertised in the way, that the Northumber's having knowledge by their spials, that Robert general of the Normans being come to Durham, did not so diligently cause watch and ward to be kept about the town in the night season as was requisite, did set upon him about midnight, & slew the same Robert with all his company, 
This chanced the 28. of januarie on a wednesday. Polydor.  so that of seven hundred which he brought with him, there was but one that escaped to bring tidings to the king their sovereign.  
He heard also, how Edgar Etheling at the same time, being in the country, riding abroad with a troup of horsemen, and hearing of the discomfiture of those Normans, pursued them eagerly, and slew great numbers of them, as they were about to save themselves by flight, 
Polydor.  with which news being in no small fury, be made speed forward, and coming at the last into Northumberland, he easily vanquished the foresaid rebels, and putting the chief authors of this mutiny to death, he reserved some of the rest as captives, and of other some he caused the hands to be chopped off in token of their inconstancy and rebellious dealing. After this, he came to York, and there in like sort punished those that had aided Edgar, which done, he returned to London.  
In the mean time, year 1069 those Englishmen that were fled (as you have heard) into Denmark, by continual suit made to Sueine then king of that realm, 
Swetne and Osborne hath Matth. Paris.  to procure him to make a journey into England for recovery of the right descended to him from his ancestors, at length obtained their purpose, in so much that king Sueine sent his sons Harold and Canutus toward England, who with a navy of two hundred sail, 
Three hundred sails saith M. W. but Sim. Dun. hath 240.  in the company of Osborne their uncle, arrived in the mouth of Humber between the two later lady days, and there landing their people with the English outlaws, whom they had brought with them, they straightways marched towards York, wasting and spoiling the country with great cruelty as they passed. Soon after also came Edgar, and such other English exiles as had before fled into Scotland, and joined their forces with them. When the news of these things were brought to York, the people there were stricken with a marvelous fear, insomuch that Aeldred the archbishop (through very grief and anguish of mind) departed this life. The Normans also which lay there in garrison, after they understood by their spies that the enemies were come within two days journey of them, began not a little to mistrust the faith of the citizens, and because the suburbs should not he any aid unto them, they set fire on the same, which by the hugeness of the wind that suddenly arose, the flame became so big, and mounted such a height, that it caught the city also, and consumed a great part thereof to ashes, 
York burnt.  together with the minster of S. Peter, and a famous library belonging to the same. Hereupon the Normans and citizens in like manner were constrained to issue forth at the same time, and being upon the enemies before they had any knowledge of their approach, were forced to try the matter by line 10 disordered battle: whose number though it was far inferior unto theirs, yet they valiantly defended themselves for a time, till being oppressed with multitudes, they were overcome and slain, so that there perished in this conflict, to the number of three thousand of them. 
Normans slain.  Many of the Englishmen also that came with them to the field, were saved by the enemies, to the end they might gain somewhat by their ransoms, as William Mallet sheriff of the shire, with his wife, 
Simon Dun.  and two of their children, Gilbert de line 20 Gaunt, and divers other. This slaughter chanced on a saturday, being the nineteenth day of September; a dismal day to the Normans.  
The two brethren having thus obtained this victory, went on further into the country of Northumberland, and brought the same wholly to their subjection, insomuch that all the north parts were at their commandment. Upon this they meant to have gone towards London with the like attempt in the south parts, if the extreme and hard winter which chanced line 30 that year, 
A sharp winter, an enemy to warlike enterprises.  had not stayed their enterprise, as it did king William from assailing them; who hearing of all their doings in the north country, would else full gladly have set upon them. In the mean time, the Danes wintered in Yorkshire, 
The Danes where they wintered. Hen. Hunt. Polydor.  betwixt the two rivers Ouse and Trent; but so soon as the snow began to melt, and the ice to thaw and waste away, king William sped him with great haste toward his enemies into Yorkshire, and coming to the river of Trent, where it falleth into Humber, he pitched line 40 his tents there, to refresh his people, for his enemies were at hand. The day following he brought his army into the field to fight with the Danish princes, who likewise in battle array met them. Then began a right sore and terrible battle, continuing a long space in equal balance, till at length in one of the Danish wings the Norman horsemen had put their enemies to flight. Which when the residue of the Danes perceived, and therewith put in a sudden fear, they likewise fled. Harold and Canutus with line 50 a band of hardy soldiers that tarried about them, retired back (though with much a do and great danger) unto their ships. Edgar also, by help of good horses, escaped into Scotland with a few in his company. Earl Walteof, who had fought most manfully in that battle, 
Matth. Paris.  & slain many Normans with his own hands, 
Hen. Hunt.  was reconciled into the king's favour: but the residue were for the most part taken prisoners, 
Wil Malm.  and killed. William of Malmesburie writeth, that king William coming at that time into the line 60 north parts, besieged the city of York, and putting to flight a great army of his enemies that came to the succour of them within, not without great loss of his own soldiers, at length the city was delivered into his hands; the citizens and other that kept it, as Scots, Danes, and Englishmen, being constrained thereto through lack of victuals. 
Sim. Dunel.  Other writ, how the Danes, being laden with riches and spoils gotten in the country, departed to their ships before the coming of king William. Here is not to be forgotten, 
Earl Edwines lands given unto Alane earl of Britain.  that (as john Leland hath noted) whilst the Conqueror held siege before York, at the earnest request of his wife Queen Maud, he advanced his nephew Alane earl of Britain, with the gift of all those lands that sometime belonged unto earl Edwine, the tenor of which gift ensueth: Ego Gulihelmus cognomine Bastardus, do & concedo tibi nepoti meo Alano Britanniae comiti, & haeredibus tuis in perpetuum, omnes illas villas & terras, quae nuper fuerunt comitis Eadwini in Eborashira, cum feodis militum & alijs libertatibus & consuetudinibus, ita liberè & honorificè sicut idem Eadwinus ea tenuit. Dat. in obsidione coram civitate Eboraci: that is, I William surnamed Bastard, do give and grant to thee my nephew Alane earl of Britain, and to thine heirs for ever, all those towns & lands that lately were earl Eadwines in Yorkshire, with the knights fees and other liberties and customs, so freely and honourably as the said Eadwine held the same. Given in our siege before the city of York.  
The earl of Britain, being a man of a stout stomach, and meaning to defend that which was thus given to him, 
Castle of Richmont.  built a strong castle near to his manor of Gillingham, and named it Richmont. The first original line of the earls of Richmont (that bore their title of honour of this castle and town of Richmont (as Leland hath set down the same) is this: Eudo earl of Britain, the son of Geffrey, begat three sons, Alane le Rous, otherwise Fregaunte, Alane the black, and Stephan. These three brethren after their father's decease, succeeded one another in the earldom of Britain; the two elder, 
Earl of Britain.  Alane the red and Alane the black died without issue. Stephan begat a son named Alane, who left a son, which was his heir named Conan, which Conan married Margaret the daughter of William king of Scotland, who bore him a daughter named Constantia, which Constantia was coupled in marriage with Geffrey son to king Henry the second, who had by her Arthur, whom his uncle king john, for fear to be deprived by him of the crown, caused to be made away; as some have written. But now to return where we left touching the Danes. 
Simon Dun.  Simon Dunel. affirmeth, that Harold and Canute or Cnute the sons of Sweine king of Denmark, 
Matth. Paris maketh mention but of Sweine and Osborne whom he calleth brethren.  with their uncle earl Osborne, and one Christianus a bishop of the Danes, and earl Turketillus were guiders of this Danish army, & that afterwards, when king William came into Northumberland, he sent unto earl Osborne, promising him that he would permit him to take up victuals for his army about the sea coasts; and further, to give him a portion of money, so that he should departed and return home as soon as the winter was passed. But howsoever the matter went with the Danes, certain it is by the whole consent of writers, that king William having thus subdued his enemies in the north, he took so great displeasure with the inhabitants of the country of Yorkshire and Northumberland, that he wasted all the land betwixt York and Durham, so that for the space of threescore miles, 
Wil Malm●.  there was left in manner no habitation for the people, by reason whereof it lay waste and desert for the space of nine or ten years. ¶ The goodly cities with their towers and steeples set upon a stately height, and reaching as it were into the air: the beautiful fields and pastures, watered with the course of sweet and pleasant rivers, if a stranger should then have beheld, and also known before they were thus defaced, he would surely have lamented: or if any old inhabitant had been long absent, & newly returned thither, had seen this pitiful face of the country, he would not have known it, such destruction was made through out all those quarters, whereof York itself felt not the smallest portion. The bishop of Durham Egelwinus with his clergy fled into holy Island with S. Cutberts' body, and other jewels of the church of Durham, 
Simon Du●▪  where they tarried three months and odd days, before they returned to Durham again. The kings army coming into the country that lieth betwixt the rivers These and Tine, found nothing but void fields and bare walls; the people with their goods and cattle being fled and withdrawn into the woods and mountains, if any thing were forgotten behind, these new gests were diligent enough to find it out.  
In the beginning of the spring, king William returned to London, 
Anno Reg. 4. 1070.  and now after all these troubles, began to conceive greater hatred against the Englishmen line 10 than ever before; 
Polydor.  so as doubting that he should never by gentleness win their good wills, he now determined by a harder measure to meet with them; insomuch that he banished a great number, other some also (not a few) he spoilt of their goods, those especially of whom he was in hope to gain any great portion of substance.  
Thus were the Englishmen generally in danger to lose life, lands and goods, without knowledge, or orderly proceeding in judgement, so that no greater line 20 misery in the earth could be imagined, than that whereinto our nation was now fallen. He took from the towns and cities, 
Privileges and fréedoms revoked.  from the bishops sees and abbeys all their ancient privileges and freedoms, to the end they should not only be cut short and made weaker, but also that they (for the obteinment of their quietness) might redeem the same of him for such sums of money as pleased him to exact. Among other things, he ordained that in time of war they should aid him with armour, 
Matth. Paris  horse and line 30 money, according to that order which he should then prescribe: all which he caused to be registered, enrolled, and laid up in his treasury. But diverse of the spiritual persons would not obey this ordinance, whom he banished without remorse.  

Stigand. Alexander bishop of Lincoln.  About this time the archbishop Stigand, and Alexander bishop of Lincoln fled to Scotland, where they kept themselves close for a season. But the king still continued in his hard proceeding against the Englishmen, insomuch that now protesting how he line 40 came to the governance of the realm only by plain conquest, 
Polydor. The hard dealing of K. William against the Englishmen.  he seized into his hands most part of every man's possessions, causing them to redeem the same at his hands again, and yet retained a property in the most part of them; so that those that should afterwards enjoy them, should acknowledge themselves to hold them of him, in yielding a yéerlie rent to him and his successors for ever, with certain other provisions, whereby in cases of forfeiture the same lands should return to him, and his said successors line 50 again. The like order he appointed to be used by other possessors of lands, in letting them forth to their tenants. He ordained also, that the Terms should be kept four times in the year, 
The institution of the four Terms.  in such places as he should nominate, and that the judges should sit in their several places to judge and decide causes and matters in controversy betwixt party and party, in manner as is used unto this day. He decreed moreover, that there should be sheriffs in every shire, and justices of the peace to keep the country's line 60 in quiet, and to see offenders punished. Furthermore, he instituted the court of the Excheker, and the officers belonging to the same, 

The Excheker.  
The Chancery.   as the barons, the clerks, and such other, and also the high court of Chancery.  
After he had in this sort ordained his magistrates and ministers of the laws, he lastly took order what ordinances he would have observed: whereupon abrogating in manner all the ancient laws used in times past, and instituted by the former kings for the good order and quietness of the people, he made new, nothing so equal or easy to be kept; 
New laws.  which nevertheless those that came after (not without their great harm) were constrained to observe: as though it had been an high offence against GOD to abolish those evil laws, which king William (a prince nothing friendly to the English nation) had first ordained, and to bring in other more easy and tolerable. ¶ Here by the way I give you to note a great absurdity; namely, that those laws which touched all, and aught to be known of all, were notwithstanding written in the Norman tongue, 
The laws were written in the Norman tongue.  which the Englishmen understood not; so that even at the beginning you should have great numbers, partly by the iniquity of the laws, and partly by ignorance in misconstruing the same, to be wrongfully condemned: some to death, and some in the forfeitures of their goods; others were so entangled in suits and causes, that by no means they knew how to get out, but continually were tossed from post to pillar; in such wise that in their minds they cursed the time that ever these unequal laws were made.  
The manner for the trial of causes in controversy, was devised in such sort as is yet used. 
Matters to be tried by a jury of 12. men.  Twelve ancient men (but most commonly unlearned in the laws) being of the same county where the suit lay, were appointed by the judges to go together into some close chamber, where they should be shut up, till upon diligent examination of the matter they should agree upon the condemnation or acquitting of the prisoner, if it were in criminal causes; or upon deciding in whom the right remained, if it were upon trial of things in controversy. Now when they were all agreed, they came in before the judges, declaring to what agreement they were grown: which done, the judges opened it to the offenders or suitors, and withal gave sentence as the quality of the case did enforce and require. There may happily be (as Polydor Virgil saith) that will maintain this manner of proceeding in the administration of justice by the voices of a jury, to have been in use before the conqueror's days, but they are not able to prove it by any ancient records of writers, as he thinketh: albeit by some of our histories they should seem to be first ordained by Ethelred or Egelred. Howbeit this is most true, that the Norman kings themselves would confess, that the laws devised and made by the Conqueror were not very equal; insomuch that William Rufus and Henry the sons of the Conqueror would at all times, when they sought to purchase the people's favour, promise to abolish the laws ordained by their father, establish other more equal, and restore those which were used in S. Edward's days. The like kind of purchasing favour was used by king Stéephen, and other kings that followed him. But now to the matter, king William having made these ordinances to keep the people in order, set his mind to enrich his coffers, and thereupon caused first a tribute to be levied of the commons, than the abbeys to be searched, 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Wil Mal. Wil thorn. Abbeys searched. Polydor. Simon Dun.  and all such money as any of the Englishmen had laid up in the same, to be kept. Besides all this, he seized into his hands their charters of privileges made to them by the Saxon kings of the land, and spared not so much as the jewels and plate dedicated to sacred uses. All this did he (as some writ) by the counsel of the earl of Hertford.  
Shortly after betwixt Easter and Whitsuntid●, 
Wil Thorn.  a great synod was holden at Winchester by the bishops and clergy, where Ermenfred the bishop of Zion or Satin, 
Polydor. Sim. Dunel.  with two cardinals john and Peter sent thither from pope Alexander the second, did sit as chief commissioners. In this synod was Stigand the archbishop of Canturburie deprived of his bishopric, for three special causes. 
Stigand archbishop of Canturburie deprived.   
1 First, for that he had wrongfully holden that bishopric, whilst the archbishop Robert was living.  
2 secondly, for that he kept the see of Winchester in his hands, after his investiture unto Canturburie, which he ought not to have done.  
3 thirdly, for that he had received the pall at the hands of pope Benedict the tenth, whom the cardinals, as one not lawfully elected, had deposed.  
Howbeit, many writer's burden king William (who was present at this synod) for the procuring of Stigand his deprivation, to the end he might place a stranger in his room. For as he had rooted out the line 10 English Nobility, and given away their lands & livings to his Normans; so meant he to turn out the English clergy from bearing any office of honour within the realm, which meaning of his did well appear at his council, wherein divers bishops, abbots, and prior's were deposed, and Normans preferred to their places. 
Agelmarus' bishop of Thetford was one that was deposed. Simon Dun. Matt. Paris.  Stigand after his deprivation was kept in perpetual prison at Winchester, till he died, and yet (as some writ) the same Stigand was an helper under hand for king William to attain the line 20 crown.  
In the feast of Pentecost next ensuing, the king being at Windsor, 
Thomas a canon of Bayeux made archbishop of York. Lanfranke consecrated archbishop of Canturburie. Matth. Westm. hath the eight Kal. of May, but Wil Mal. and Eadmerus the fourth Kal. of September.  gave the archbishopric of York unto one Thomas, a canon of Bayeux, and to Walkelme one of his chaplains he gave the bishopric of Winchester. After this, calling one Lanfranke an Italian from Caen where he was abbot, he made him archbishop of Canturburie, who was consecrated there in the feast of S. john Baptist, in the year following, which was after the birth of our Saviour 1071. The foresaid Thomas was the five and line 30 twentieth bishop that had governed in that see of York, & Lanfranke the three & thirtieth in the see of Canturburie. But yer long, betwixt these two archbishops there rose great contention for the primacy of their churches, in so much that the archbishop of York appealed to Rome, 
1071 Anno Reg. 5.  where they both appeared personally before pope Alexander, in whose presence Lanfranks cause was so much favoured, 
Wil Mal. Eadmerus.  that not only the foresaid Thomas, but also Remigius the line 40 bishop of Dorchester were for reasonable causes deprived of their crosiers and rings: and Lanfranke at their humble request was a mean to the pope for them in the end, that they might be restored to their staves, which was accordingly obtained. For when the pope heard Lanfranke declare in their favour, how necessary their service might be to the king, in the establishment of his new gotten kingdom, he said to Lanfranke; Well, look you then to the matter, you are the father of that country, and therefore line 50 consider what is expedient to be done therein: their staves which they have surrendered, there they be, take them, and dispose them as you shall think most profitable for the advancement of the christian religion in that country. Whereupon, Lanfranke took the staves, and delivered them to the former possessors, and so were they in the pope's presence restored to their former dignities. One cause why Thomas was deprived (as some writers say) was, for that he had helped duke William toward his journey line 60 into England when he came to conquer it, for the which pleasure to him then showed, the duke promised him a bishopric, if ever he obtained victory over the English: an other cause, for that he was a priest's son. Now, when the pope understood the full ground of their contention to be for the primacy of the two sees, Canterbury and York, and had heard what could be alleged on both sides, 
Wil Malm.  he remitted the determination thereof to the king and bishops of England, that by the histories and records of the land, the matter might be tried, judged and ordered.  
Wherefore at their coming home, and after long debating and discussing of the cause (as in William Marleburgh it appeareth more at large) at a synod holden at Windsor, 
Anno Reg. 6. 1072  in the year 1072. sentence was given on Lanfranks side, so that in all things concerning religion and the faith of holy church, 
Matth. We●t. The subjection of the archbishopric of York, to the archbishopric of Canturburie.  the archbishop of York should be ever subject to the archbishop of Canturburie, and come with all the bishops of his province to what place soever the archbishop of Canturburie should summon any council within the realm of England. Moreover, when any elected bishop of Canturburie was to be consecrated, the archbishop of York (for the time being) should come to Canturburie, and consecrate him there. And if the archbishop of York▪ was to be installed and consecrated, then should he come to Canturburie, or to what place it should please the archbishop of Canturburie to assign, and there to be confirmed of him, taking an oath with profession of due obedience unto the higher see. Now, 
Polydor. The archbishop of York, acknowleged primate of all Scotland.  as the said Thomas of York did yield obedience to Lanfranke of Canturburie, so likewise the elect bishop of Glascow in Scotland named Michael, was soon after consecrated of the foresaid Thomas archbishop of York, and made an oath of obedience unto the said archbishop, as to the primate of all Scotland: and after him Tothade the bishop of S. Andrew's did the like, by commandment of Malcolme the third of that name king of Scotland, and Margaret his wife, who thought good by this recognizance of obedience and duty, so to provide against further inconvenience to come, that hereafter, one of the bishops of their realm should not take upon them to consecrate an other: or do any thing contrary to the ancient decrees of the old fathers, that might be prejudicial to the authority of the archbishop of York, at whose appointment those and the like things were accustomed to be done. 
Ranulph. Cestren. lib. 1. cap. 57 & lib. 7. cap. 2.  In this controversy (or the like) it is left written, that in a court held at Rome (the time is not mentioned) the pope perceiving the strife between these two prelates to be but for the highest place or primacy in the church; he solemnly gave sentence by decree, that the see of York should have in title Primas Angliae, & Canturburie Primas totius Angliae, which titles do yet remain to them both.  
But to leave this, and to speak of other things which chanced in the mean time that this controversy depended betwixt the two archbishops, I find that Edwin and Marchar earls of Mertia and Northumberland, having of late obtained pardon for their former misdemeanour, & reconciled to the king, began now so much to mislike the state of the world again, as ever they did before. For perceiving how the Englishmen were still oppressed with thraldom & misery on each hand, they conspired, & began a new rebellion, but with very ill success, as shall hereafter appear. The king understanding of their dealings, 
Matt. Paris.  and being not only armed throughly with temporal force, but also endued with the spiritual power of his archbishop Lanfranke (who aided him in all that he might, for the suppressing of those rebels) wasted the countries exceedingly, where he understood that they had gotten any relief, minding utterly to vanquish them with sword, fire, and hunger, or by extreme penury to bring them under. They on the other part make as stout resistance; and perceiving that it stood them upon, either to vanquish or to fall into utter ruin, they raise a mighty strong host, and make Edgar Etheling their captain, a comely gentleman and a valiant, in whom also the whole hope of the English nation was reposed, as appeareth by this his accustomed byword, Edgar Etheling England's darling. Amongst other noble men that were chief doers in the assembling of this army, Fredrick abbot of S. Albon, a prelate of great wealth and no less puissance, was a principal.  
The king perceiving his estate to be now in no small danger, is in a great perplexity what to do, in the end, he counseleth with the said Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie, how he might remedy the matter; who told him that in such a desperate case, the best way for him should be to seek by fair words and friendly offers to pacify the English Nobility, which by all means possible would never cease to molest him in the recovery of their liberties. Whereupon he made means to come to some agreement with them, and so well the matter proceeded line 10 on his side, that the Englishmen being deceived through his fair promises, were contented to common of peace, for which purpose they came also under the conduct of the abbot Fredrick unto Berkamsted, where (after much reasoning and debating of the matter for the conclusion of amity betwixt them) king William in the presence of the archbishop Lanfranke and other of his lords, took a personal oath upon all the relics of the church of S. Albon, and the holy evangelists (the abbot Fredrick ministering line 20 the same unto him) that he would from thenceforth observe and keep the good and ancient approved laws of the realm, which the noble kings of England his predecessors had made and ordained heretofore; but namely those of S. Edward, which were supposed to be most equal and indifferent.  
The peace being thus concluded, and the Englishmen grown thereby to some hope of further quietness, they began to forsake their allies, and returned each one, either to his own possessions, or to give line 30 attendance upon the king. But he warily cloaking his inward purpose, notwithstanding the unity lately made, determineth particularly to assail his enemies (whose power without doubt so long as it was united, could not possibly be overcome, as he thought) and being now by reason of this peace dissevered and dispersed, he thought it high time to put his secret purposes in execution: whereupon taking them at unwares and thinking of nothing less than wars and sudden invasion, he imprisoneth many, line 40 killeth divers, and pursueth the residue with fire and sword, taking away their goods, possessions, lands, and inheritances, and banishing them out of the realm. In the mean time, those of the English Nobility, which could escape this his outrageous tyranny, got away, and amongst other, Edgar Etheling fled again into Scotland: but Edwin was slain of his own soldiers, as he road toward Scotland. earl Marchar, and one Hereward, with the bishop of Durham named Egelwinus, 
Ran. Higa. H. Hunt. Matth. Paris.  got into the isle of line 50 Elie, in purpose there to defend themselves from the injury of the Normans, for they took the place (by reason of the situation) to be of no small strength. Howbeit king William endeavouring to cut them short, raised a power, and stopped all the passages on the east side, and on the west part he made a causey through the fens, 
Polydor. Hen. Hunt. Matth. Paris.  of two miles in length, whereby he got unto them, and constrained them to yield. But Marchar, or (as others have) Hereward, foreseeing the imminent danger likely to take effect, made line 60 shift to get out of the isle by boat, and so by speedy flight escaped into Scotland. The bishop of Durham being taken, 
Simon Dun.  was sent to the abbey of Abingdon, to be kept as prisoner, where he was so sparingly fed, 
Some writ that he was so stubborne-harted, that after he knew he should remain in perpetual prison, he refused his meat, and so pined himself to death.  that within a short space he died for hunger.  
In this mean time, and whilst king William was thus occupied in rooting out the English, Malcolme king of Scotland had wasted the countries of Theisedale, Cleveland, and the lands of S. Cuthbert, with sundry other places in the north parts. Whereupon Gospatrike being lately reconciled to the king & made earl of Northumberland, was sent against him, who sacked and destroyed that part of Cumberland which the said Malcolme by violence had brought under his subjection. At the same time Malcolme was at Weremouth, beholding the fire which his people had kindled in the church of Saint Peter to burn up the same▪ and there hearing what Gospatrike had done, he took such displeasure thereat, that he commanded his men they should leave none of the English nation alive, but put them all to the sword without pity or compassion, 
A bloody commandment executed upon the English by the Scots.  so oft as they came to hand. The bloody slaughter which was made at this time by the Scots, through that cruel commandment of Malcolme, was pitiful to consider, for women, children, old and young, went all one way: howbeit, many of those that were strong and able to serve for drudges and slaves, were reserved, and carried into Scotland as prisoners, where they remained many years after; in so much that there were few houses in that realm, but had one or more English slaves and captives, whom they got at this unhappy voyage. Miserable was the state of the English at that time, one being consumed of another so unnaturally, many of them destroyed by the Scots so cruelly, and the residue kept under by the king so tyrannically.  
But to return to the purpose in hand, king William hearing of all these things, was not a little moved at the same, but chiefly with Malcolme king of Scots, for that his country was the only place wherein all the mal-contents of his realm had their refuge. Wherefore, thinking to revenge the loss of his subjects, and to bring that realm also unto his subjection, he went thither with an huge army, about the middle of August, where he first invaded the bounds of Galloway, because he heard how the English were lately fled thither. 
Polydor.  But after he had wearied his soldiers in vain pursuit of them (who kept themselves in the mountains and mars grounds) he gave over the enterprise, and drew towards Lothiam, where king Malcolme lay with all his power, & sundry English fugitives, with whom he determined by battle either to end his trouble, or else to lose his life. Now as both the kings with their armies were ready to encounter, Malcolme began to doubt somewhat of the ●iersenesse of the battle, 
Matth. Paris.  because he saw the great puissance and ready wills of the English and Normans to fight, whereupon he sent an harrold to king William to treat of peace, wherewith he was content at the last (though with much ado) and so a unity ensued betwixt them, 
H. Hunt.  upon these conditions; namely, that king Malcolme should do homage to king William for the realm of Scotland, 
The king of Scots did homage to king William for Scotland.  and thereupon deliver sufficient hostages: and that on the other side, king William should pardon all the English outlaws in Scotland which then rebelled against him. The place where this peace was concluded, was called Abirnethi. After this, king William returned into England, where he yet long took the earldom of Northumberland from Gospatrike, 
Simon Dun.  and gave it to Waltheof the son of Siward; because of right it seemed to descend unto him from his father, 
The king's justice.  but chiefly from his mother Alfreda, who was the daughter of Aldred sometime earl of that country.  
At the same time also the king caused a castle to be built at Durham, and returned to London, where he received advertisement that his subjects in Normandy toward the parties of Angiew had begun a rebellion against him. Hereupon with all speed he levied an army, whereof the most part consisted of English (whose service he liked rather in a foreign country than in their own) and sailed over into Normandy, where he easily subdued his enemies by the valiancy of the English, whom from thenceforth he began somewhat to favour and better think of than before. Young Edgar also grew in very good credit with him, for though he had twice broken his oath of allegiance, and run to the Scots as a rebel, yet now of his own motion, returning to the king and craving pardon, he was not only received, but also highly honoured and preferred in his court.  
The year 1074. three monks of the province of Mercia, purposing to restore religion after their manner within the province of Northumberland, came into York, and required of Hugh Fitz Baldric (than sheriff of the shire) to have safe conduct unto Monkaster, 
Mount caster now Newcastle.  which afterwards height Newcastle, and line 10 so is called to this day. These monks, whose names were Aldwin, Alswin, and Remfred, coming unto the foresaid place, found no token or remanent of any religious persons, which sometime had habitation there (for all was defaced and gone:) whereupon, after they had remained there a while, they removed to jarrowe, where finding the ruins of old decayed buildings and churches, pertaining in times passed to the monks that there inhabited, they had such assistance at the hands of Walkher bishop of Durham, line 20 that at length, by the diligent travel and suit of these monks, three monasteries were newly founded and erected in the north parts, one at Durham, an other at York, and the third at Whitby. For you must consider, that by the invasion of the Danes, the churches and monasteries throughout Northumberland were so wasted and ruinated, that a man could scarcely find a church standing in all that country, as for those that remained, they were covered with broom or thatch: but as for any abbey or monastery, line 30 not one was left in all the country, neither did any man (for the space of two hundred years) take care for the repairing or building up of any thing in decay, so that the people of that country witted not what a monk meant, and if they saw any, they wondered at the strangeness of the sight.  
Whilst the king remained thus in Normandy, 
Anno Reg. 9 1075  Roger earl of Hereford (contrary to the king's mind and pleasure) married his sister unto Ralph earl of Cambridge, 
Ralph Earl of Cambridge. Matth. West. Matth. Paris. Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. A rebellion raised against K. William.  or (as other have) Norfolk, line 40 and withal began a new conspiracy against him. Amongst other also of the associates, earl Walteof the son of earl Siward was one, who afterward mistrusting the success of this devise, first uttered it to archbishop Lanfranke, and by his advice sailed over into Normandy, and there disclosed the whole matter to king William: but in the mean time, the other two earls; namely, Hereford and Cambridge had so far proceeded in the matter, that they were up in armour. Howbeit, Wolstan bishop of Worcester, line 50 and Egelwine abbot of Euesham, with the sheriff of Worcester & Walter Lacie, so resisted the earl of Hereford, that he could not pass the Severne to join with the earl of Cambridge. On the other side, 
john Pike.  Odo the bishop of Bayeux, and Geffrey the bishop of Constances' pursued the earl of Cambridge so narrowly with an other army, which they had gathered of the English and Normans, that they constrained him to flee into Britain, whereby the rebellion was very much appeased. line 60  

Anno Reg. 10. 1076  In the mean time, the king understanding by earl Walteof how the matter went in England, came over with all speed out of Normandy, & within a short space brought the residue of the conspirators into such a fear, that they were scattered and put to flight, without attempting any further exploit or conspiracy against him. Many of them also were apprehended and put to death, among whom Roger and Walteof were most famous. And though Walteof (as ye have heard before) disclosed the treason, 
H. Hunt. Earl Walteof beheaded.  yet to the end he should offend no more hereafter, he was beheaded at Winchester by the king's commandment, and his body having been first buried in the same place where he suffered, was after conveyed unto Crowland, and there more honourably interred.  
This earl Walteof or Waldeve was son (as ye have heard) to Siward the noble earl of Northumberland, of whose valour in the time of K. Edward the confessor ye have heard. His son the foresaid Walteof in strength of body and hardiness did not degenerate from his father, for he was tall of parsonage, in sinews and musculs very strong and mighty. In the slaughter of the Normans at York, he showed proof of his prowess, in striking off the heads of many of them with his own hands, as they came forth of the gates singly one by one: yet afterwards, when the king had pardoned him of all former offences, and received him into favour, he gave to him in marriage his niece judith the daughter of Lambert earl of Lens, sister to Stephenerle of Albermare, and with her he had of the king's gift, all the lands and liberties belonging to the honour of Huntingdon: in consideration whereof, 
Earldom of Huntingdon.  he assigned to her in name of her dower, all the lands that he held from Trent southward. She bore by him two daughters, Maud and Alice. We find, that he was not only earl of Northumberland, but also of Northampton and Huntingdon.  
The countess of Cambridge or Norfolk (as other have) wife of earl Ralph, 
Matth. Paris.  being fled into the city of Norwich, was besieged in the same by the king's power, which pressed the city so sore, as it was forced for very famine to yield; but yet by composition; namely, that such as were besieged within, should departed the realm, as persons abjured and banished the land for ever. This was the end of the foresaid conspiracy. 
Polydor. Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris.  At this very time the Danes being confederate with these rebels, and by them solicited, set forth towards England under the leading of Cnuto, son to Sueno, and earl Haco, and (unlooked for) arrive here in England with two hundred sails. But hearing that the civil tumult was ended, and seeing no man ready either to countenance or encourage them in their enterprise, they sailed first into Flanders, which they spoilt, and after into their own country, with little desire or will to come again into England. King William also understanding that they were thus departed, passed over into Britain, and there besieged the castle of Doll that belonged to Ralph earl of Cambridge or Norfolk: but by the coming of Philip the French king, king William being unprovided of sufficient victuals for his army, was constrained to raise his siege, although with great loss both of men and horses.  
On the 27. day of March was a general earthquake in England, 
Anno Reg. 11. 1077  and in the winter following a frost that continued from the first of November until the middle of April. 
Matth. Paris. An earthquake, a long frost, a comet.  A blazing star appeared on palm sunday, being the sixteenth day of April, about six of the clock, when the air was fair and clear.  
About the same season, pope Gregory perceiving that married priests did those rather to run into the danger of his c●●sse, than to forsake their wives, 
Married priests.  meaning to bridle them by an other proviso, gave commandment by his bull published abroad, that none should hear the mass of a married priest.  
King William after his coming from the siege of Doll, remained a certain time in quiet▪ 
Anno Reg. 12. 1078  during which season, 

Polydor.  
A synod holden at London.  
Bishop's sée● removed.   Lanfranke the archbishop called a synod or council of the clergy at London, wherein amongst other things it was ordained, that certain bishops sees should be 〈…〉 small towns to cities of more fame, whereby it came to pass that Chichester, Exeter, Bath, Salisbury, Lincoln & Chester were honoured with new sees and palaces of bishops, whereas before they kept their residence at Sellewey, Kirton, Welles, Shireborne, Dorchester and Lichfield.  

Woolstan.  At this synod also Woolstan bishop of Worcester was present, whom Lanfranke would have deposed for his insufficiency of learning; as he colourably pretended, but indeed to pleasure the king, who feign would have placed a Norman in his room: but (as they say) by a miracle which he presently wrought, in causing his crosier staff to stick fast in the tomb line 10 of saint Edward (to whom he protested and said he would resign it, for that he obtained the same by his gift) he did put the king and the archbishop into such fear, that they suffered him still to enjoy his bishopric without any further vexation. These things with other (touching a reformation in the church and clergy) being handled in this council, it was soon after dissolved.  

Anno Reg. 13. 1079  In the year following, king William led a mighty army into Wales, and subdued it; receiving of line 20 the rulers and princes there their homages and hostages. 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West.  About the same time, Robert the king's eldest son, a right worthy parsonage, but yet as one of nature somewhat unstable, entered into Normandy as a rebel to his father, and by force took divers places into his hands. Which he did by the practice of Philip the French king, who now began to doubt of the great puissance of king William, as foreseeing how much it might prejudice him, and the whole line 30 realm of France in time to come. 
The French king setteth the son against the father.  Wherefore to stop the course of his prosperous success, he devised a mean to set the son against the father. True it is that king William had promised long afore to resign the government of Normandy unto the said Robert his son. Whereupon the young man, being of an ambitious nature, and now pricked forward by the sinister counsel of his adherents, seeketh to obtain that by violence, which he thought would be very long yer he should attain by courtesy. King William hereof advertised, was not a little moved line 40 against his disobedient son, and cursed both him and the time that ever he begat him. 
Simon Dun. Matth. Paris.  Finally, raising an army, he marched towards him, so that they met in the field. Assoon as the one came in sight of the other, they encountered at a place called Archenbraie, and whilst the battle was at the hottest, and the footmen most busied in fight, Robert appointed a power of horsemen to break in upon the réereward of his enemies; & he himself following after line 50 with all his might, chanced among other to have a conflict with his own father, so that thrusting him through the arm with his lance, he bore him beside his horse, and overthrew him to the ground. The king being fallen, 
The son overthroweth the father.  called to his men to remount him. Robert perceiving by his voice that it was his father, whom he had unhorssed, speedily alighted, and took him up, ask him forgiveness for that fact, and setting him up on his own horse, brought him out of the press, and suffered him to departed in safety. line 60 King William being thus escaped out of that present danger, and seeing himself not able to resist the puissance of his enemies, left the field to his son, having lost many of his men which were slain in battle and chase, 
Simon Dun.  besides a great number that were hurt and wounded, among whom his second son William surnamed Rufus or Red, was one; and therefore (as some writ) he bitterly cursed his son Robert, 
Matth. Paris.  by whom he had sustained such injury, loss, and dishonour. Howbeit, other writ, that for the courtesy which his son showed, in relieving and helping him out of danger, 
The father and the son made friends.  when he was cast off his horse, he was moved with such a fatherly affection, that presently after they were made friends, the father pardoned his son all his former offences, and thereupon found him ever after more trac●able and obedient than before.  
After this battle, king William being thus accorded with his son, 
Anno Reg. 14. 1080  returned with him into England, and immediately sent him against Malcolme king of Scotland, who having broken the truce in time of the trouble betwixt king William and his son, 
Simon Dunel.  had done much hurt by forrays upon the English borders, wasting all Northumberland even to the river of Tine. Howbeit, when he heard that Robert approached with his army towards him, he retired into Scotland. Robert Curthuze then lodged with his army upon the banks of the river of Tine, 
The foundation of New castle upon Tine, which before that season was called Moncaster.  where he began the foundation of a castle, whereof the town of Newcastle did after take both beginning and name, for before this season it was called Moncaster.  
About the same time, Odo the bishop of Bayeux was sent to Northumberland, to revenge the death of Walkher bishop of Durham, whom not long before the people of Northumberland had slain in a tumult. The occasion of his death grew by the death of one Liulfus, a noble man of those quarters, and dearly beloved of the people, 
Simon Dun.  because he was descended of honourable parentage, and had married the lady Algitha daughter unto earl Alered, and sister to Alfleda the mother of earl Walteof.  
This Liulfus, a man of great possessions through England, now that the Normans ruled in all places, quietly withdrew himself unto Durham, and grew into such familiarity and credit with the bishop, that touching the order of temporal matters, he would do nothing without his advice. Whereat Leofwin the bishop's chaplain conceived such envy (for that he was not so often called to counsel as before) that in the end he procured by his malicious means one Gilbert (to whom the bishop had committed the rule of the earldom) to murder the said Liulfus by night in his manor place not far from Durham. Whereof the bishop having understanding, and knowing that the matter would be grievously taken of the people, sent out letters and messengers into the country, offering to purge himself of the slaughter of this man, according to the order of the canon laws: howbeit he did nothing less. Among other things concerning his purgation, he said that he had banished Gilbert and others, (who had committed the murder) out of Northumberland. hereupon the malice of the people was kindled against him. For when it was known that he had received the murderers into his house, and favoured them as before, they stomached the matter highly: insomuch that when by the travel of those that went to and fro betwixt the bishop and the kinsfolks of Liulfus, a day was appointed, on the which the bishop should come to farther communication with them at Gateshead, he repaired thither according to his promise, but refusing to talk with them abroad, he kept himself still within the church, and sent forth such of his counsel as should commune with them. But when the people that were there gathered in great numbers, had signified in plain words that he should either come forth and show himself amongst them, or else that they should fire the place where he sat: he caused Gilbert to go forth unto them first, whom they slew, and his partakers also that issued out of the church with him for his defence. But when the people's fury was not so quenched, the bishop himself casting the skirts of his gown over his face, came likewise forth, and was immediately slain of the people. After this, they set the church on fire, because Leofwine the bishop's chaplain and others were yet within, and refused to come forth: howbeit in the end, being compelled by the rage of the fire to come out, the said Leofwine was also slain and hacked in pieces (as he had well deserved) being the ringleader of all the mischief.  

Note the sequel of the neglect of justice in the ●ormer story.  ¶ Thus may we see what followed of the neglecting of justice in the bishop: for if he had either banished Gilbert and other his complices (accordingly as he pretended to do) or otherwise had seen due punishment executed against them, the people's rage had never proceeded so far as it did: for they could not persuade themselves, but that the bishop was guilty line 10 and privy to Liulfus death, sith he had received the murderers into his house, the very same night in which the fact was done, and kept them still about him, which his bearing with them cost him his own life. But now to the history.  
When bishop Odo was come into those parties to revenge the bishop's death with an army (as we have said) he sore afflicted the country, by spoiling it on every side with great cruelty. Here king William line 20 placed and displaced diverse rulers over the Northumber's: for first he appointed one Copsi to have the rule of that country, 
Sim. Dunel.  in place of Marchar who before had held the same. This Copsi expelled Osulfe the son of earl Edulfe brother to earl Aldred, 
Copsi.  which Osulfe was substitute unto the earls Edwine and Marchar, who although he was driven out of his government by Copsi, yet recovering his forces again, he slew the same Copsi as he entered into the church of Newburne. But within a few line 30 months after, the same Osulfe (as he ran with his horse against a thief) was thrust through the body with a spear, which the thief held in his hand, and so died. Then Gospatrike was assigned by king William to have the government there: 
Gospatrike.  whose mother Aldgitha was daughter to Uthred sometime earl of Northumberland begotten upon Elfgiva the daughter of king Egelred.  
Some writ, that Gospatrike purchased the earldom of king William, and so held it, till the king line 40 took it from him again, and then gave it unto earl Walteof or Waldeve. Next after him Walkher the foresaid bishop of Durham had the whole administration committed to him, but (after he was slain as ye have heard) one Alberike ruled that country, and lastly, Robert Mulbray a right noble parsonage (for his wisdom and valiancy highly renowned with all men) was created earl of Northumberland, 
Robert Mulbray earl of Northumberland.  and governed the people of those parties in such politic and wise order, that during his line 50 time, it is hard to say, whether his quietness or the obedience of the people was greater.  
In like manner, after the foresaid Walkher; one William was created bishop of Durham, 
The foundation of university college in Oxford.  who was the original founder of university college in Oxford, and by whose assistance, the moonkes gaping both for riches, ease, and possessions, found the means to displace the secular priests of the college of Durham, 
Anno Reg. 15. 1081  that they might get into their rooms, as they did indeed soon after, 
Anno Reg. 16. 1082  to their great gain and advantage. line 60 But to return again to the course of the history. Shortly after the revenge of the death of Walkher bishop of Durham, the forenamed bishop Odo the king's brother was suspected of some untruth and sinister dealing, 
Odo suspected and banished.  whereupon he was sent as a banished man into Normandy, or rather (as other writ) committed to prison, where he remained, not as a clerk, but as a baron of the realm; for he was both bishop and earl of Kent.  

Anno Reg. 17. 1083  The king having at length obtained some rest from wars, practised by sundry means to enrich his coffers, and therefore raised a tribute through out the whole kingdom, for the better levying whereof, he appointed all the subjects of his realm to be numbered, all the cities, towns, villages, and hamlets to be registered, all the abbeys, monasteries and priories to be recorded. Moreover, he caused a certificate to be taken of every man's substance, and what he might dispend by the year; he also caused their names to be written which held knights fees, & were bound thereby to serve him in the wars. Likewise he took a note of every yoke of oxen, 
Blow land.  & what number of plough lands, and how many bondmen were within the realm. This certificate being made & brought unto him, gave him full understanding what wealth remained among the English people. Hereupon he raised his tribute, taking six shillings for every hide of land through out this realm, which amounted to a great mass of money when it was all brought together into his Excheker. ¶ Here note by the way, 
Geruasius Tilberiensis. The true definition of a hide of land.  that an hide of land containeth an hundred acres, and an acre containeth forty perches in length, and four in breadth, the length of a perch is sixteen foot and an half: so that the common acre should make 240. perches; & eight hides or 800. acres is a knight's fee, after the best approved writers and plain demonstration. Those therefore are deceived, that take an hide of land to contain twenty acres (as William Lambert hath well noted in his De priscis Anglorum legibus) where he expoundeth the meaning of the old Saxon terms pertaining to the laws.  
But to proceed & come, a little after the temporals dealing, to some of the spiritual affairs. It happened about the same time, that when king William had finished the rating of his subjects, that there rose a strife betwixt Thurstane abbot of Glastenburie a Norman, and the moonkes of that house. 
Anno Reg. 18. 1084  One cause thereof was, 
Wil Malm. Simon Dun. Thurstan abbot of Glastenburie. William of Fescampe.  for that the abbot would have compelled them to have left the plain song or note for the service which pope Gregory had set forth, and to have used an other kind of tune devised by one William of Fescampe: beside this, the said abbot spent and wasted the goods that belonged to the house, in riot, lechery, and by such other insolent means (withdrawing also from the moonkes their old accustomed allowance of diet) for the which they first fell at altercation in words, and afterwards to fight. The abbot got armed men about him, 
Hen. Hunt. Wil Malm. have two slain & xiv. hurt.  and falling upon the moonkes, slew three of them at the high altar, and wounded xviij. Howbeit the moonkes for their parts played the pretty men with forms and candelsticks, defending themselves as well as they might, 
Matt. Westm.  so that they hurt divers of the abbots adherents, and drove them out of the quire.  
In the end, complaint hereof was brought to the king, by whose judgement the matter was so ordered, that Thurstane lost his room, and returned unto Caen in Normandy from whence he came, and the moonkes were spread abroad into diverse houses of religion through the realm, Glastenburie being replenished with more quiet persons, and such as were supposed readier to pray than to quarrel, as the other did: yet is it said, that in the time of William Rufus this Thurstane obtained the rule of that abbeie again for five hundred pounds.  
There be which writ, that the numbering of men and of places, the valuation of goods and substance, 
Sim. Dunel. Hen. Marle. Matth. Paris.  as well in cattle as ready money, was not taken till about the nineteen. year of this king's reign (although the subsidy afore mentioned was gathered about two years before of every hide of land as ye have heard) and that the certificate hereof being enrolled, was put into the king's treasury at Winchester, 
Hen. Marle. Anno Reg. 19 Simon Dun.  in the nineteen. year of his reign, and not in the xuj. But in what year soever it was, and howsoever the writers agree or disagree herein; certain it is, that the same was exacted, to the great grief and impoverishment of the people, who sore lamented the miserable estate whereinto they were brought, and hated the Normans in their hearts to the very death. Howbeit, 
Polydor. Matth. Paris.  the more they grudged at such tolls, tallages, customs, and other impositions wherewith they were pressed; the more they were charged and overpressed. The Normans on the other side with their king perceiving the hatred which the English bore them, 
The Conqueror seeketh to keep the English men low.  were sore offended, and therefore sought by all means to keep them under. Such as were called to be justices, were enemies to all justice; whereupon greater burdens were laid upon the English, insomuch line 10 that after they had been rob and spoiled of their goods, 
Polydor.  they were also debarred of their accustomed games and pastimes. For where naturally (as they do unto this day) they took great pleasure in hunting of dear, both red and fallow, in the woods and forests about without restraint, 
The forests seized into the king's hands. Matth. Paris.  king William seizing the most part of the same forests into his own hands, appointed a punishment to be executed upon all such offenders; namely, to have their eyes put out. And to bring the greater number of men in line 20 danger of those his penal laws (a pestilent policy of a spiteful mind, and savouring altogether of his French slavery) he devised means how to breed, nourish, and increase the multitude of dear, and also to make room for them in that part of the realm which lieth betwixt Salisbury and the sea southward: he pulled down towns, villages, churches, & other buildings for the space of 30. miles, to make thereof a forest, 
New forest.  which at this day is called New forest. line 30 The people as then sore bewailed their distress, & greatly lamented that they must thus leave house & home to the use of savage beasts. Which cruelty, not only mortal men living here on earth, but also the earth itself might seem to detest, 
Matth. Paris. An earthquake.  as by a wonderful signification it seemed to declare, by the shaking and roaring of the same, which chanced about the 14. year of his reign (as writers have recorded.) There be that suppose how the king made that part of the realm waste and barren upon a policy, 
Polydor.  to the intent that if his chance were to be expelled by civil line 40 wars, & he compelled to leave the land, there should be no inhabitants in that part of the isle to resist his arrival upon his new return.  
But to go forth with our purpose. About the same time, 
Simon Dun.  a rumour was spread in England that Sueine king of Denmark meant to invade England with a puissant army, year 1085 
A rumour spread of the coming of the Danes.  having the assistance of the earl of Flanders, whose daughter he had married. Whereupon king William being then in Normandy, retained a great power of French soldiers, both archers line 50 and footmen, which together with his Normans he brought over into England in harvest season, & meaning to disburden himself of the charge of their keeping, he caused their finding and wages to be borne by the lords and peers of the realm, by the sheriffs of shires, 
Anno 20.  and other officers. Howbeit, when he understood that the Danes changed their purpose, and would not hold on their journey, he dismissed part of his power, and sent them home again, keeping line 60 the residue all the winter with him in England, ready for his defence, if any rebellion or other necessity should befall.  
The same year, he kept his Christmas at Gloucester, year 1086 and made his son Henry knight at Westminster in Whitsunwéeke ensuing. 
Matth. West.  Shortly after, calling together aswell lords spiritual as temporal, year 1087 he caused them all to swear fealty to him and his heirs after him in the possession of this kingdom. 
An oath taken to be true to the king.   
About this season, the people in all places were pitifully plagued with burning fevers, 
Great sickness reigning. Murren of ca●tell. Matth. West.  which brought many to their end: a murrain also came to their cattle, whereof a wonderful number died. At the same time (which is more marvelous) tame fowls, as hens, geese, & peacocks, forsaking their owner's houses, fled to the woods and became wild. Great hurt was done in many places of the realm by fire, and specially in London, where upon the 7. day of julie a sudden flame began, 
Paul's church burned. Simon Dun.  which burned Paul's church, and a great part of the city down to the very ground.  
Now when K. William had taken the oath of fealty and loyalty of all his lords, Edgar Etheling, 
Ran. Higd. Simon Dun.  who was reconciled unto his ●auour (as you have heard) obtaining licence of him to departed the realm for a season, sailed into Puglia with two hundred soldiers: of whose acts there and return into England I spare to speak, because I find little or nothing of moment recorded. And now king William, 
Anno Reg. 21.  who having brought the Englishmen so low and bare, that little more was to be got out of their hands, went once again over into Normandy with an huge mass of money, where soon after he fell sick, so that he was constrained to keep his bed longer than he had been accustomed to do, whereat Philip the French king in jesting manner said, that king William his cousin lay now in childbed (alluding belike to his big belly, 
Wil Malm. Matth. Paris.  for he was very corpulent) and withal added; Oh what a number of candles must I provide to offer up at his going to church! certainly I think that 100000. will not suffice, etc. This frumping speech so moved the king, that he made this answer: Well, I trust when I shall be churched, that our cousin shall be at no such cost, 
Wil M●lm. Ran. Hugged.  but I will help to find him a thousand candles myself, and light them too, to some of their pains, if God grant me life. Which promise he bound with an oath, and in deed performed. For in julie next ensuing, when their corn, fruit, and grapes were most flourishing, and ready for the sickle, 
He invadeth France.  he entered France with a great army, set fire on many of their cities and towns in the westside of that country, & came at last to the city of Maunt, 
Gemeticensis. The city of Maunt burnt by K. William. Matth. West.  which he burned with the church of our lady, and an anchoress enclosed in the wall thereof as an holy closet, for the force of the fire was such as all went to wreck. In this heat king William took such a sickness (which was likewise aggravated by the fall of an horse as he road to and fro, 
Matth. Paris.  because he was not able to travel on foot about his palace by reason of his disease) that cost him his life; so that when he had ordained his last will, and taken order for the stay of things after his decease, 

King William departed this life.  
Simon Dun. Matth. West. The lix. of his age hath W●l. Malm.   he departed this life on the 9 day of September, in the year after the birth of our Saviour 1087. and 74. (as Polydore saith) of his age, having governed Normandy about 51. years, and reigned over England 20. years, ten months, and 28. days (as all writers do report.)  
Not long before his death, he released his brother Odo bishop of Bayeux out of prison, 
He set all prisoners at liberty saith Wil Malm. Polydor.  Marchar earl of Northumberland, and Wilnotus the son of king Harold, or (as some say) his brother. Moreover he repented him (as some say) when he lay on his deathbed of his cruel dealing with the English, considering that by them he had attained to such honour and dignity, as to wear the crown and sceptre of a kingdom: but whether he did so or not, or that some monk devised the excuse in favour of the prince: surely he was a puissant prince, and though his time was troublesome, yet he was right fortunate in all his attempts. Again, if a man shall consider that in a strange realm he could make such a conquest, and so exactly and readily assure the same to his heirs, with new laws, orders, and constitutions (which are like for ever to endure) he would think it a thing altogether void of credit. Yet so it was, & so honourable were his doings in the sight of the world, that those kings, which succeeded sithence his death, begin their account at him, as from one that had by his prudence renewed the state of the realm, and instituted an other form of regiment, in achieving whereof he did not so much pretend a rightful challenge by the grant of his coosine king Edward the Confessor, as by the law of arms and plain conquest, than the which (as he supposed) there could be no better title.  
Hereupon also those that have sithence succeeded him, use the same arms as peculiar to the crown of England, which he used in his time; namely, three line 10 lions passant gold in a field gewels (as Polydore writeth) the three flower delices were since that time annexed thereto by Edward the third, 
He bore but two lions or rather leopards as some think.  by reason of his claim to the crown of France, whereof hereafter ye shall hear. Among other grievances which the English sustained by the hard dealing of the Conqueror, this is to be ed, that he brought jews into this land from Roven, and appointed them a place to inhabit and occupy.  
There be that writ, how the inconstancy of the line 20 English people by their oft rebellions occasioned the king to be so rough and rigorous against them; 
Polydor.  whereas (of his natural disposition and proper inclination) he was rather gentle and courteous than sharp and cruel. But sith he continued his extremity even to his last days, we may rather believe, that although from his childhood he showed some tokens of clemency, bounty, and liberality; yet by following the wars, and practising to reign with sternness, he became so enured therewith, that those peaceable virtues line 30 were quite altered in him, and in manner clearly quenched. He was endued with a certain stoutness of courage and skill in feats of war, which good hap ever followed: he was free from lecherous lusts, without suspicion of bodily vices, quick of wit, desirous of honour, painful, watchful, and able to tolerate heat and cold, though he were tall of stature, and very gross of body.  
Toward the end of his days he waxed very devout, and became desirous to advance the state of the line 40 church, insomuch that he builded three abbeys in three several places, endowing them with fair lands and large possessions, one at the place where he vanquished king Harold, five miles from Hastings, which he named Battle, of the field there fought: the other at Celby in Yorkshire: and the third in Normandy at Caen, where his wife Queen Maud had builded a nunnery, which Maud died in the year 1084. before the decease of the king her husband.  
After his death, his body was buried in Caen, line 50 in S. stephan's church; but before it could be committed to the ground, the executors were constrained to agree with the lord of the soil where the church stood, 
They gave him an hundred pound, saith Hen. Marle.  which (as he said) the king in his life time had injuriously taken from him, and gave him a great sum of money to release his title.  
¶ By this we may consider the great misery of man's estate, in that so mighty a prince could not have so much ground after his death as to cover his dead cor●s, without doing injury to another. This line 60 also may be a special lesson for all men, and namely for princes, noblemen, and gentlemen, who oftentimes to enlarge their own commodities, do not regard what wrong they offer to the inferior ●ort.  
The said king William had by Maud his wife the daughter of Baldwine earl of Flanders, four sons, Robert surnamed Curthose (unto whom he bequeathed the duchy of Normandy) Richard who died in his youth, William surnamed Ru●●s, to whom he gave by testament the realm of England, and Henry surnamed Beauclerke for his cunning, knowledge and learning, unto whom he bequeathed all his treasure and movable goods, with the possessions that belonged to his mother. 
Hen. Marle.  Besides these four sons, he had also by his said wife five daughters, Cecilie, who became a nun; Constance, who was married to Alane duke of Britain: Adela, who was given in marriage to Stephan earl of Blois (of whom that Stephan was borne which reigned after Henry the first) Adeliza, who was promised in marriage to Harold king of England (as before you have heard) but she died yer she was married either to him, or to any other, and so likewise did the fift, whose name I cannot rehearse.  
But to conclude, 
john Rou●.  though king William held the English so under foot, that in his days almost no Englishman bore any office of honour or rule in his time, yet he somewhat favoured the city of London, and at the earnest suit of William a Norman then bishop of that see, he granted unto the citizens the first charter, which is written in the Saxon tongue, sealed with green wax, and expressed in viii. or ix. lines at the most, exemplified according to the copy, and so printed, as followeth.  
Williem king grets Williem Bisceop & Godfred Porterefan, & ealle ya Burghwarn binnen London Frencisce, & Englise frendlice, & Ic kiden eoy, yeet ic will yeet git been ealra weera lagayweord, ye get weeran on Eadwerds' daege kings. And ic will yeet aelc child by his father yrfnume, after his faders daege. And ic nelle ge wolian, yeet aenig man eoy aenis wrang beode. God eoy healed.  
Wilhelmus rex salutat Wilhelmum Episcopum, & Goffridum Portegrefium, & omnem Burghware infra London Frans. & Angl. amicabiliter. Et vobis notum facio, quòd ego volo quòd vos sitis omni lege illa digni qua fuistis Edwardi dicbus regis. Et volo quòd omnis puer sit patris sui haeres post diem patris sui. Et ego nolo pati quòd aliquis homo aliquam iniuriam vobis inferat. Deus vos saluet.  
But howsoever he used the rest of the English, 
Matth. Paris. Hen. Hunt.  this is recorded of some writers, that by his rigorous proceed against them, he brought to pass that the country was so rid of thieves and robbers, as that at length a maid might have passed through the land with a bag full of gold, and not have met with any misdooer to have bereft her of the same: a thing right strange to consider, sith in the beginning of his reign there were such routs of outlaws and robbers, that the peaceabler people could not be safely possessed of their own houses, were the same never so well fortified and defended.  
Among many laws made by the said William, 
john Rous. Hen. Marle.  this one is to be remembered, that such as forced any woman, should lose their genitals.  
In this king's days also lived Osmond the second bishop of Salisbury, 
Salisbury use.  who compiled the church service, which in times past they commonly called after Salisbury use.  
The use of the long bow (as john Rous testifieth) came first into England with this king William the Conqueror: 
Shooting.  for the English (before that time) used to fight with axes and such hand weapons: and therefore in the oration made by the Conqueror before he gave battle to king Harold, the better to encourage his men, he told them they should encounter with enemies that wanted shot.  
In the year of our Lord 1542. Monsieur de Castres' bishop of Baieulx and abbot of Saint Estienne in Caen, caused the sepulchre of this William to be opened, wherein his body was found whole, fair and perfect; of limbs, large and big; of stature and parsonage, longer than the ordinary sort of men: with a copper plate fairly gilded, and this epitaph thereupon engraven: 
Qui rexit rigidos Normannos, atque Britannos  
Audacter vicit, fortiter obtinuit,  
Et Coenomenses virtute contudit enses,  
Imperijque suilegibus applicuit,  
Rex magnus parva jacet hac Guilhelmus in urna:  
Sufficit & magno parva domus domino,  
Ter septem gradibus se voluerat atque duobus  
Virgins in gremio Phoebus, & hic o●ijt:  that is; 
Who over Normans rough did rule,  
and over Britons bold  
Did conquest stoutly win, and conquest  
won did strongly hold:  
Who by his valour great the fatal  
uproars calmed in main,  
And to obey his powers and laws,  
the Manceaux did constrain:  
This mighty king within this little  
vault intoomed lies,  
So great a lord sometime, 
W. Patten collecteth this to be the 23. after the sun was in Virgo: which is the 6 of September  so small  
a room doth now suffice.  
When three times seven and two by just  
degrees the sun had took  
His wonted course in Virgos lap,  
than he the world forsook.   
Thus far William Conqueror.   

William Rufus or William the Red.  
WIlliam, surnamed Rufus or William the Red, 
1087 Anno Reg. 1.  second son to William Conqueror, began his reign over England the ninth of September, in the year 1087. about the 31. year of the emperor Henry the fourth, and the 37. of Philip the first, king of France, Urbane the second then governing the see of Rome, and Malcolme Cammoir line 10 reigning in Scotland. 
Polydor. Sim. Dunel. Matth. Paris.  Immediately after his father's decease, and before the solemnity of the funerals were executed, he came over into England with no less speed than was possible, and following the counsel of Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie (in whom he reposed all his trust) he sought to win the favour of the Péers and Nobility of the realm by great and liberal gifts. For although there were but few of the home-born States that bare rule in the land at this season; yet those that remained, line 20 and whom his father in extreme sort had wronged, he very gently entertained, promising them not only to continue their good lord and sovereign, but also to make more favourable ordinances than his father had left behind him; and furthermore to restore the former laws and liberties of the realm, which his said father had abolished. Thus by fair words and policy he obtained his purpose. Howbeit soon after he forgot himself, and imprisoned Marchar and Wilnot, 
Sim. Dunel. Marchar and Wilnot.  whom he had brought over line 30 with him from Normandy, being set at liberty by his father.  
The Nobles at the first wished rather to have had the elder brother duke Robert to have governed them: howbeit by the aid only of the said Lanfranke, 

Lanfranke had favoured him even of a child.  
Matth. P●ris. William Rufus is crowned the 26. of September. Polydor.  
His bountiful 〈◊〉.   whose authority was of no small force amongst all the lords of the land, this William (according to his father's assignation) was proclaimed and crowned at Westminster on the 26. of September (being sunday, the 6. kalends of October) line 40 and the 11. indiction, as the best writers do report. After his coronation, to gratify the people he went to Winchester, where he found great treasure which his father had laid up there for his own use: this he freely spent in large gifts, and all kind of princely largesse. He set very many prisoners at liberty, & did many other things to benefit the people, wherein the diligence and good advice of Lanfranke did not a little prevail. For he perceived that there was in the king a variable mind, an unstable nature, and a disposition to lightness and folly. Wherefore he took oftentimes the more pains in persuading him not only to liberality (which is none of the least virtues in a prince) but also to use a discreet and orderly behaviour in all his doings. Moreover, he sticked not to put him in fear of an evil end, and troublesome regiment likely to ensue, if he did give himself to vice and wilfulness, & neglect the charge thus by the providence of GOD committed to his hands. After this manner did the said prelate travel with the king, whom we will leave at this time as it were hearkening to his admonitions, and set forth by the way what his brother Robert did, whilst William Rufus his brother was occupied in such wise as you have heard.  
It happened that this Robert was abroad in Germany, when king William his father died (whither he went to raise a power, to the intent he might thereby obtain the possession of Normandy, which he trusted to enjoy in his father's life time) where hearing news of his death, he hasted straightways into Normandy, and there being joyfully received, was peaceably proclaimed duke of that country, with great gladness and shouting of the people.  
After this, considering with himself how dishonourable a thing it was for him, year 1088 that his younger brother should possess the crown of England, which of right (as he said) belonged unto him, by reason of his age; he determined with all expedition to pass the seas with an army, and recover that into his hands, which his father had given from him, partly (as it is thought) for his wilfulness and disobedience towards him, and partly also because he doubted that if he should leave it unto him, he would through his too much gentleness and facility, give occasion to the English to resume strength, and thereby to revolt. Wherefore he judged his younger brother the said William (a man of a rougher nature) the m●●ter of the twain for the government.  
As duke Robert was thus moved by his own desire to bereave his brother of the dominion of England, so he was not a little incensed ther●nto by such of the English Nobility and Normans, as came daily over unto him out of the realm, complaining of the present state of the world, as those that misliked of the whole manner of regiment used in the beginning of the reign of his brother William. His uncle Odo also (than bishop of Baieux) furthered the matter all that he might. This Odo was at first in great estimation with his brother the Conqueror, and bare great rule under him, till at length for envy line 10 that the archbishop Lanfranke was preferred before him, he conspired against him, who understanding thereof, committed him forthwith to prison, where he remained, till the said prince then lying on his deathbed, released and restored him to his former liberty. When the king was dead, William Rufus took him back into England, supposing no less but to have had a special friend and a trusty counsellor of him in all his affairs. But yer long after his coming thither, he fell again into the line 20 same offence of ingratitude, whereof he became culpable in the Conqueror's days: 
Odo the bishop of Bai●●x conspireth against his nephew William Rufus.  for perceiving that Lanfranke was so highly esteemed with the king, that he could bear no rule, and partly suspecting that Lanfranke had been chief causer ofhi former imprisonment, he conspired with the rest against his nephew, and thereupon wrote sundry letters over unto duke Robert, counseling him to come over with an army in all haste, to take the rule upon him, which by his practice should easily be compassed.  
Duke Robert being thus animated on all sides, line 30 and yet wanting sufficient money to the furniture of this journey, engaged a portion of his duchy of Normandy, as the county of Constantine to his youngest brother Henry, for a great sum of gold, and therewith returned answer to the foresaid bishop, that he should provide and look for him upon the south coast of England, at a certain time appointed. Hereupon Odo fortified the castle of Rochester, & began to make sore wars against the king's friends in Kent: 
The castle of Rochester.  line 40 he procured others of the complices also to do the like in other parts of the realm; and first on the west part of England, where Geffrey bishop of Constans wi●h his nephew Robert de Mowbray earl of Northumberland setting forth from Bristol, 
Simon Dun. Wil Malm. The bishop of Constance taketh the town of Bath.  came toward Bath, which town they took and sacked, and likewise Berkley, with a great part of Wiltshire, and brought the spoil and booties back to Bristol, where they had a castle strongly fortified for their more safety. In like manner Roger de Byg●d, departing line 50 from Norwich, with great forrays overrode and rob all the countries about, 
Hugh Grandmesnill. Hen. Hunt. Wil Mal. The earl of Shrewsburie  and conveyed such riches as he had gotten into the said city. In like sort did Hugh de Grandmesnill at Leiceister, spoiling and wasting all the countries about him.  
The earl of Shrewsburie called Roger de Mountgomerie, with a power of Welshmen set forth from Shrewsburie, and with him were William bishop of Durham the king's household chaplain, Barnard of Newmerch, Roger Lacie, and Ralph Mortimer, line 60 (all Normans or Frenchmen) who joining their powers together, invaded the country, and with fire and sword did much hurt where they came, killing and taking a great number of people. Afterwards coming to Worcester, they assaulted the city, overran the suburbs, & set the same on fire. But the citizens shutting fast the gates of their city (though with the sudden coming of the enemies they were somewhat afraid) made valiant resistance: 
Worcester assaulted.  and conveying their goods, their wives, and their children into the castle, got them to the walls and places of defence, to repel & beat back the enemies. Among them in the town was bishop Woolstan, 
Bishop Woolstan.  whom the citizens would have compelled to go into the castle for his su●er safeguard, but he refused it.  
At length it chanced that the enemies (continuing the said siege) b●gan to wax negligent, and ranged abroad in the country, little regarding watch and ward about their camp, whereupon the English within the city took this opportunity, being moved thereto with the comfortable exhortation of bishop Woolstan, and sailing forth of the town did set on their enemies with great fierceness, whom they got at such advantage, that they slew and took that day above five M. men (as Henry of Huntingdon recordeth. 
They slew five hundred, and chased the residue as saith Simon Dunel. ) For the English bearing a continual malice in their hearts against the French and Normans, did now their best to be fully revenged of them, upon so convenient an occasion offered. Those that escaped by flight, hide themselves in the next towns, making such shifts for their lives as the present necessity could minister.  
Whilst the realm was thus troubled on each side, 
The diligence of the archbishop Lanfranke.  archbishop Lanfranke sendeth, writeth, and admonisheth all the king's friends to make themselves ready to defend their prince. And after he understood that they were assembled together for that purpose, he counseleth the king to march into the field with them speedily, to repress his enemies. The king following his counsel, first appointed his navy to scour and keep the seas, and to withstand (if it were possible) the arrival of his brother by fair words. 
The great courtesy showed to the Englishmen by Wil Rufus. Simon Dun.  Also he reconcileth Roger de Mountgomerie earl of Shrewsburie unto him, and therewith maketh large promises to the English, that he would out of hand give and restore unto them such favourable laws as they would wish or desire. Moreover he commanded all unjust imposts, tolls and tallages to be laid down, and granted free hunting in the woods, chaces and forests. All which grants and promises he kept not long, though for the time he greatly contented the people with such a show of good meaning towards them. This done, 
Wil Malm.  he goeth with a mighty army into Kent, where the sedition began, and first coming to the castle of Tunbridge, he compelled captain Gilbert to yield up the fortress into his hands. Then went he to Horn castle, where he heard say Odo was (but the report was untrue, for he had betaken himself to the castle of Pemsey) which when he had overthrown, he hasted forth unto Pemsey, and besieged the castle there a long season, which the bishop had strongly fortified.  
During this time, and about the fiftieth day after the beginning of the siege, word was brought to the king, that his brother duke Robert was landed at Southampton, and minded with all possible speed to come to the succour of the bishop, and of other his friends, whom he and his power had not a little afflicted. ¶ Here authors vary: 
H. Hunt. Simon Dun.  for some report that duke Robert came not over himself at the first at all, but sent a part of his army, with a certain number of ships, which encountering with the king's fleet, were discomfited. Others writ that duke Robert hearing of the loss of his men, came after himself, and landed with a mighty army as before, which is most likely. And certainly (as Gemeticen. affirmeth) he might easily as then have recovered England from his brother, if he had not lingered the time, 
Gemeticensis. Eustace earl of Bullongne.  considering that Eustace earl of Bullongne, Odo bishop of Bai●ux, and the earl of Mortaigne, with other lords of Normandy that were passed to England, had already taken Rochester, and divers other castles in the province of Canturburie, keeping the same a certain time, still looking that he should have come over to their aid, which he deferred to do, till they were constrained by siege and lack of necessary succour to return into Normandy, leaving those places which they had won unto the king, and that to their great dishonour. But howsoever it was, the king still continued the siege before Pemsey castle, till Odo (through want of victuals) was glad to submit himself, and promised to cause the castle of Rochester to be delivered: 
Simon Dun.  but at his coming thither, they within the city suffered him to enter, and streightwaies laid him fast in prison. Some judge that it was done under a colour by his own consent.  
There were in Rochester a sort of valiant gentlemen (the flower in manner of all Normandy) with line 10 Eustace earl of Bolongne, and many gentlemen of Flanders, which were in mind to defend the place against the king: who hearing what was done, came with his army and besieged the city of Rochester on each side so sharply, 

Rochester besieged by the king.  
Anno Reg. 2. Polydor.   that they within were glad to deliver it up into his hands. Thus lost bishop Odo all his livings and dignities in England, and so returned into Normandy, year 1089 where under duke Robert he had the chief government of the country committed unto him. line 20  
After this he overcame divers of his enemies some by fair and some by fowl means. Notwithstanding this, there yet remained the bishop of Durham, one of the chief conspirators, who withdrew himself into the city of Durham, there to lie in safety, till he saw how the world would go: but being therein besieged by the king, who came thither personally, he was at length forced to surrender the city, 
The bishop of durham exiled.  and yield himself: whereupon also he was exiled the land, with diverse of his complices. But within line 30 two years after, he was called home again, and restored to his church, wherein he lived not long, but died for sorrow, because he could not clear himself of offence in the said rebellion, albeit that he laboured most earnestly so to do, that he might thereby have attained to the king's favour again.  

Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie departeth this life.  Whilst these things were thus in hand, the archbishop Lanfranke falleth sick and dieth, in the 19 year after his first entering into the government of the sea of Canturburie. This Lanfranke (as should line 40 seem) was a wise, politic, and learned prelate, who whilst he lived, mollified the furious and cruel nature of king William Rufus, instructing him to forbear such wild and outrageous behaviours as his youthfulness was inclined unto: and moreover persuaded the English to obey the same king as their loyal prince, whereby they should occasion him to be their good lord and king, not using them rigorously as his father had done. So that Lanfranke could not well have been spared in the time of the rebellion, line 50 without great danger of subverting the state of the commonwealth. He builded two hospitals without the city of Canturburie, for the relief of poor people and strangers, the one of S. john, the other at Harbaldowne. He advanced the church of Rochester from four secular clerks, to the number of fifty moonkes: he repaired Christ's church in Canturburie, 
Matth. Westm. Paul abbot of S. Albon.  and the abbey of S. Albon, whereof he made one Paul that was his nephew abbot, which Paul governed that house by his uncles assistance greatly line 60 to the advancement thereof, as well in temporal as spiritual preferments, as it was then judged. Likewise the said Lanfranke was very fortunate in the government of his church and see of Canturburie, recovering sundry portions of lands and rends alienated from the same before his days, insomuch that he restored to that see 25. manors. For amongst other, 
Eadmerus.  whereas Odo the Bishop of Baieux, who also was Earl of Kent, bearing great rule in England under his nephew king William the Conqueror, had usurped diverse possessions which belonged to the see of Canturburie, and had seized the franchises appertaining to the same Lanfranke, into his own hands, by suit and earnest travel he recovered the same, and being impleaded about that matter by the said Odo, he so defended his cause, that in the end (though with much 〈◊〉) he had his will, and so remained in qui●t possession ●f his right after that so long as he lived, without any trouble or vexation concerning the said possessions and liberties.  
Whereas also not only Walkhem the bishop of Winchester, but diverse, other bishops in England were in mind to have displaced monks out of their cathedral churches, and to have brought canons into their rooms, Lanfranke withstood them, 
Lanfranke praised for holding with the monks.  and would tolerate no such dislocation: an act at that time so well liked, that he was highly commended for the same. After Lanfrankes death, the king began greatly to forget himself in all his dealings, insomuch that he kept many concubines, and waxed very cruel and inconstant in all his doings, so that he became an heavy burden unto his people. 
The king given to sensual lust and covetousness.  For he was so much addicted to gather goods, that he considered not what pertained to the majesty of a king, insomuch that nothing tending to his gain, and the satisfying of his appetite, was esteemed of him unlawful, sith he measured all things by the uncontrolled rule of his royalty, and considered nothing what so high an office required. He kept the see of Canturburie four years in his hands, to see who would give most for it, in the mean time taking the profits thereof, and making the uttermost of the same that by any means could be devised.  
The like he used when other benefices and abbeys were vacant, 
Matth. Paris.  and furthermore that little which the prince spared, his officers and farmers, no less covetous than he, converted to their advantage: so that what by the king, and what by his procurators, the church of England was now sore charged and fleeced of her wealth. diverse of her prelate's in like manner were not a little offended, to see their mother so spoiled of her treasure and livelihood, insomuch that they practised a redress: and to begin withal, complained of the king to pope Urban: but he was so busied with other troubles of his own nearer home, that he could have no time to seek means how to redress enormities a far off, 
Wil Malm. Matt. Paris.  whereby the lands and goods belonging to the church here in England were still wastefully spent and consumed by the king and others, to whom he gave or let them forth to farm at his own pleasure, and to his most commodity.  
But albeit the prince was of such a disposition by nature, yet there is one thing written of him which ought not to be forgotten, to admonish us that there is no man of so evil an affection, but that sometime he dealeth uprightly, though it be by hap or other extraordinary motion. It chanced that an abbeie was void of an abbot, wherein were two moonkes very covetous persons above the rest, and such as by scraping and gathering together, were become very rich, for such (saith Polydor) in those days mounted to preferment. These two appointed to go together to the court, each hoping at their coming thither to find some means that he might be made abbot of that house. Being thus agreed, to the court they come, and there offer very largely to the king to obtain their suit: who perceiving their greedy desires, and casting his eyes about the chamber, espied by chance an other monk (that came to bear them company, being a more sober man, and simple after his outward appearance) whom he called unto him, and asked what he would give him to be made abbot of the foresaid abbeie. The monk after a little pause, made answer, that he would give nothing at all for any such purpose, since he entered into that profession of mere zeal to despise riches & all worldly pomp, to the end he might the more quietly serve God in holiness & purity of conversation. Sayest thou so, quoth the king, than art thou even he that art worthy to govern this house: and straightway he bestowed the house upon him, justly refusing the other two, to their open infamy and reproach.  
But to return to our history. After the expulsion of the bishop of Durham, 
Matt. Pari●▪  and other of his adherents, 
Anno Reg. 3. 1090  the king passed over into Normandy, purposing to deprive his brother of that dukedom, and being arrived there, he besieged and took S. Ualerie, Albemarle, and diverse other towns and castles, line 10 wherein he placed a number of his best soldiers, the better to maintain war against his foresaid brother. 
Simon Dun. Wars betwixt the king and his brother Robert.  Hereupon also the said Robert sent unto the French king for aid, who came down at his request with a noble army, and besieged one of those castles which king William had lately won; howbeit by such means as king William made, in sending to the French king an huge sum of money, he raised his siege shortly & returned home again. At length a peace was concluded betwixt king William and line 20 the duke his brother, 
Anno Reg. 4. 1091  but yet very dishonourable to the said Robert: 

Gemeticensis. A peace concluded.  
Simon Dun. M●tth. West. Matt. Paris.   for it was accorded, that king William should retain & still enjoy the county of Ewe, with Fescampe, the abbasie of mount S. Michael, ●hersburg, and all those other places which he had won & gotten out of his hands in this his late voyage. On the other side it was agreed, that king William should aid the duke to recover all other places beyond the seas, which belonged to their father. Also, that such Normans as had lost any of their lands & livings in England, for taking part with the duke line 30 in the late rebellion, should be restored to the same. And furthermore, that whether soever of both should die first, the survivor should be his heir, and succeed in his dominions.  

Gemeticensis.  This peace was concluded at Caen, and that by procurement of the French king, at what time king William was very strong in the field near unto Ewe. After which conclusion, they united their powers, and besieged their youngest brother Henry line 40 in the castle of mount S. Michael, which (being situate in the confines of Normandy and Britain) he had strongly fortified not long before for fear of afterclaps. But when they had lain about it by the space of all the Lent season, and had made many bickerings with his m●n, more to their loss than lucre, they raised their siege, and voluntarily departed. Not long after this, 
Sim. Dunel.  king William deprived Edgar Etheling of his honour, which duke Robert had assigned unto him, banishing him out of Normandy for ever. line 50  
Shortly a●ter also the aforesaid Henry won a strong town called Damfront, and furnishing it at all points, he kept the same in his possession as long as he lived, maugre both his brethren. Thus the war waxed hot between those three, howbeit suddenly (I wots not upon what occasion) this Henry was reconciled with king William and his brother Robert, so that all debates being quieted on every side, they were made friends and well-willers. King William also returned into England, having his brother Robert line 60 in his company, all men rejoicing at their pacification and amity, which happened in the year 1091. and fourth of the reign of the king.  
Toward the end whereof, and upon the fift day of October, a marvelous sore tempest fell in sundry parts of England, but especially in the town of Winchcomb, where (by force of thunder and lightning) a part of the steeple of the church was thrown down, and the crucifix with the image of Marie standing under the rood-lost, was likewise overthrown, broken, and shattered in pieces; then followed a foul, a noisome, and a most horrible stink in the church. On the 17. day of the same month much harm was done in London with an outrageous wind, 
A mighty wind.  the violence whereof overturned and rend in pieces above five hundred houses, at which time and tempest the roof of S. Marry bow church in cheap was also overthrown, wherewith two men were slain. Moreover, at Salisbury much hurt was done with the like wind and thunder, 
Anno Reg. 5. 1092  for the top of the steeple and many buildings beside were sore shaken and cast down. But now we will speak somewhat of the doings of Scotland, as occasion moveth. Whilst (as ye have heard) variance depended between king William and his brother duke Robert, the Scotish king Malcolme made sore wars upon the inhabitants of Northumberland, 
The Scots invade England.  caring great booties and preys out of that country, which he invaded even to Chester in the street. Wherefore king William, soon after his return, gathered his power together, and sped him northwards. But king Malcolme hearing of his puissance & great strength sent to him for peace, which was granted in the end.  
Some writers affirm, that king William prepared a great army both by sea and land against Malcolme; 
Wil Malm. Sim. Dun.  and that his navy being abroad on the seas, was lost by tempest, and the most part of his ships drowned; that the army by land entering into Scotland, suffered many damages through want of victuals, and so recoiled: finally, that duke Robert lying on the borders with an army in his brother's name (whereby it should appear that the king himself was not there) by the help and furtherance of Edgar Etheling, who then served K. Malcolme in his wars, concluded a peace betwixt his brother and the said Malcolme, upon certain articles, by virtue whereof certain places in Northumberland were restored unto Malcolme, which he had held in William Conquerors days. Some other writ in like manner, that king Malcolme did homage to king William and duke Robert that brought the said Edgar Etheling into the favour of the king.  
Howsoever the truth of the story doth stand in this behalf, certain it is, that the king returned out of Northumberland into the west parts of the realm, retaining still with him duke Robert, who looked daily when he should perform such covenants as were concluded upon betwixt them in their late reconciliation. But when he saw that the king meant nothing less than to stand to those articles, and how he did only protract and delay the time for some other secret purpose, he returned into Normandy in great displeasure, and took with him the said Edgar Etheling, of whom he always made very great account. Soon after king William returned into the north parts, and (as it chanced) he stayed a few days about Carlisle, where being delighted with the situation of the town (which had been destroyed by the Danes two hundred years before) he set workmen to repair the same (meaning to use it in steed of a bulwark against the Scots on those west borders) which when he had fenced with walls, 
The repairing and new peopling of Carlisle.  and builded a castle in the most convenient place thereof, he caused churches and houses to be erected for the benefit of such people as he had determined to bring unto the same. This being done, he placed a colony of southern men there with their wives and children, and gave large privileges unto the town, which they enjoy at this day.  
¶ Here have I thought good to advertise you of an error in Matth. West. crept in either through misplacing the matter by means of some exemplifier, 
Matth. West.  either else by the authors mistaking his account of years, as 1072. for 1092. referring the repairing of Carlisle unto William Conqueror, at what time he made a journey against the Scots in the said year 1072. And yet not thus contented; to bewray the error more manifestly, he affirmeth, that the king exchanged the earldom of Chester with Ralph or Ranulfe de Micenis, alias Meschines, for the earldom of Carlisle, which the said Meschines held before, and had begun there to build and fortify that town: whereas it is certain that Ranulfe de Meschines came to enjoy the earldom of Chester by way of inheritance, as after shall appear. For better proof whereof ye shall understand, that we find by ancient records, how one Hugh Lou or Lupus enjoyed the earldom of Chester all the days of the Conqueror, and long after, which Hugh was son to Richard line 10 earl of Auranges and the countess Emma daughter of a noble man in Normandy named Herlowin, who married Arlet the daughter of a burgess in Falois, and mother to William Conqueror. So that the said Hugh, being sister's son to the Conqueror, received by gift at his hands the earldom of Chester, to hold of him as freely by right of the sword, as he held the realm of England in title of his crown. For these be the words: Tenendum sibi & haeredibus ita liberè ad gladium, sicut ipse (Rex) totam tenebat line 20 Angliam ad coronam.  
Earl Hugh then established in possession of this earldom, with most large privileges and fréedoms, for the better government thereof, ordained under him four barons; namely, his cousin Nigell or Neal baron of Halton, 
Four barons, Nigell or Neal, Piers Malbanke,  sir Piers Malbanke baron of Nauntwich, sir Eustace 
* 
Eustace whose surname we find not.  
Warren Uernon.   baron of Mawpasse, and sir Warren Uernon baron of Shipbrooke. Nigell held his barony of Halton by service, to lead the Uauntgard of the earls army when he should line 30 make any journey into Wales; so as he should be the foremost in marching into the enemies country, and the last in coming back: he was also constable and marshal of Chester. From this Nigell or Neal, 
The Lacies.  the Lacies that were earls of Lincoln had their original. When earl Hugh had governed the earldom of Chester the term of 40. years, he departed this life, in the year 1107. He had issue by his wife Armetrida, Richard the second earl of Chester after the conquest; Robert, abbot of Saint line 40 Edmundsburie: and Otnell, tutor to the children of king Henry the first. Moreover, the said earl Hugh had a sister named Margaret, that was married to john Bohun, 
john Bohun.  who had issue by her, Ranulfe Bohun, otherwise called Meschines, which Ranulfe by that means came to enjoy the earldom of Chester in right of his mother (after that earl Richard was drowned in the sea) and not by exchange for the earldom of Carlisle, as by this which we have already recited may sufficiently be proved. line 50  
Now to return where we left. After that king William Rufus had given order for the building, 
Anno Reg. 6.  fortifying, and peopling of Carlisle, he returned southwards, and came to Gloucester, where he fell into a grievous and dangerous sickness; so that he was in despair and doubt of his life: year 1093 wherefore he repented him of his former misdeeds, 
Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. Matth Paris. The king being sick promiseth amendment of life. Polydor. Eadmerus.  and promised (if he escaped that dangerous sickness) to amend and become a new man. But when he had his health, that promise was quickly broken, for his doings which line 60 were so bad and wicked before his sickness, being compared with those which followed after his recovery, might have been reputed good and sufferable.  
Moreover, whereas he retained and kept in his hands the bishopric of Canturburie the space of four years, he now bestowed it upon Anselme, who was before abbot of Bechellovin in Normandy; 
Anselme elected archbishop of Canturburie.  and for certain abbeys which he had held long time in his possession, he ordained abbots: by mean whereof all men (but especially the spirituality) began to conceive a very good opinion of him. The year wherein Anselme was thus elected, was from the birth of our Saviour 1093. on the sixth of March, being the first sunday in Lent (as Eadmerus recordeth. 
Eadmerus. ) Furthermore he gave the see of Lincoln (being void by the death of bishop Remigius) to his councillor Robert Bluet; 
Matth. Paris. Polydor. Robert Bluet L. Chancellor elected bishop of Lincoln.  but afterward repenting himself of such liberality, in that he had not kept it longer in his hands towards the enriching of his coffers, he devised a shift how to wipe the bishop's nose of some of his gold, which he performed after this manner. He caused the bishop to be sued, quarelinglie charging him that he had wrongfully usurped certain possessions, together with the city of Lincoln, which appertained to the see of York. Which although it was but a forged cavillation, and a shameful untruth; yet could not the bishop be delivered out of that trouble, 
Hen. Hunt.  till he had paid to the king five thousand pounds. And as he dealt with the spirituality, so he caused diverse of the Nobility to be put to grievous fines, for transgressing of his laws, though the fault were never so little. He also caused the archbishop Anselme to pay him a great sum of money, under colour of a contribution which was due in Lanfrankes days, though it was certainly known that Lanfranke had paid it. Thus grew king William from time to time more sharp and rigorous to his subjects, so that whosoever came within the danger of the laws, was sure to be condemned; and such as would play the promoters and give informations against any man for transgressing the laws, were highly rewarded.  
In this sixth year there chanced such an excessive rain, and such high floods, the rivers overflowing the low grounds that lay near unto them, as the like had not been seen of many years before; and afterwards ensued a sudden frost, whereby the great streams were congealed in such sort, that at their dissolving or thawing, many bridges both of wood and stone were borne down, and diverse water-mills rend up and carried away.  
Furthermore, 
Polydor.  king William perceiving that by his cruel and covetous government, sundry of his subjects did daily steal out of the realm, to live in foreign countries, he published a proclamation, charging that no man should departed the realm without his licence and safeconduct. 
A proclamation that none should departed the realm.  Hereof it is thought, that the custom rose of forbidding passage out of the realm, which oftentimes is used as a law, when occasion serveth. Soon after, he went against the Welshmen, whom he vanquished in battle near to Brecknock, and slew Rees their king, who had done much hurt within the English borders, 
Ran. Higd. Rées king of Wales slain.  when he was their encamped. This Rise or Rées was the last king that reigned over the Welshmen, as authors affirm: for afterwards, though they oftentimes rebelled, yet the kings of England were reputed and taken as supreme governors of that part of the Island. Moreover, to have the country the better in quiet, he did cut down their woods, 
Wil Thorn.  and builded many castles and piles in places convenient, by means whereof they were somewhat tamed, and trained in due time to obedience, though not at the first, nor in the days of sundry of his successors.  
Having thus finished his journey into Wales, Malcolme king of Scotland came unto Gloucester to see the king, 
Malcolme king of Scots cometh to Gloucester. Wil Malm. Polydor.  and to common with him of sundry matters touching the peace betwixt both the realms, as he returned homewards: but because king William disdained to entertain him in such pompous manner as he expected and made account of; and forsomuch as he did not at the very first admit him to his presence, the said Malcolme returned into Scotland in great displeasure, and immediately raising a power, entered into England, 
K. Malcolme invadeth England.  destroying the country unto Alnewike castle, where he was so environed with an ambushment laid by Robert earl of Northumberland, that he and his eldest son Edward were slain. At which mishap his whole host being utterly discomfited, fled out of the field, with the loss of many, whereof some were slain, and some taken by pursuit. 
Simon Dun.  Thus came king Malcolme to his end (by the just providence of God) in that province which he had wasted and spoiled at five several times, as first in the days of king Edward, when earl Tostie was gone to Rome; the second time, in the days of William Conqueror, when he spoiled Cleveland; thirdly, in the same Conquerors days, whilst bishop line 10 Walkher possessed the see of Durham, at what time all the country was spoiled and forraied, even to the river of Tine; fourthly, about the fourth or fift year of the reign of this William Rufus, at which time he entered the land as far as Chester in the street, whilst king William was in Normandy; the fift time was now, when he lost his life on saint Brices' day, by the hands of a very valiant knight named Morkell. King Malcolme being thus surprised by death, his body was buried at Tinmouth (as in the line 20 Scotish histories more plainly appeareth) where also ye may find, how the sons of king Malcolme were aided by king William Rufus to obtain the crown of Scotland, whereunto they were interessed; whereas otherwise by the force and practise of their uncle Donald they had been kept from the sceptre and crown of the kingdom.  

Ran. Higd.  This year England and Normandy were sore vexed with mortality both of men and beasts, 
Anno Reg. 7. 1094  insomuch that tillage of the ground was laid aside in line 30 many places, 
Ran. Higd. Wil Malm. Simon Dun. Death & murrain of cattle. Strange wonders. Matth. Paris. Polydor.  by reason whereof there followed great dearth & famine. Many grizelie and hideous sights were seen also in England, as hosts of men fight in the air, flashes of fire, stars falling from heaven, and such like strange wonders. About this time new occasions of breach of amity grew betwixt the king and his brother Robert, who accused him of perjury, for not observing the articles of the last peace concluded betwixt them: wherefore he purposed line 40 to sail over into Normandy, 
Simon Dun.  and so came unto Hastings, about the first of February, where he sojourned for a time, and caused the church of Battle abbey to be dedicated in the honour of S. Martin. He deprived Herbert bishop of Thetford of his bishop's staff, because he meant to have stolen away secretly to Rome, and there to have purchased absolution of pope Urban for his bishopric, which he had bought of the king for himself; and likewise for the abbasie of Winchester, which he had purchased for his father, paying for them both a thousand pounds. line 50  

King William passeth over into Normandy.  After this, about midlent he passed over into Normandy with an army, purposing to try the matter with his brother in plain battle, that thereby he might rather grow to some certain point of loss or lucre, than to stand ever upon uncerteinties, whether to have peace or war, that he must be constrained to be at all times in a readiness to defend himself. But after he was come into Normandy, 
Wars betwixt the king and his brother.  & had forraied part of the country once or twice▪ he fell to a line 60 parley with his brother duke Robert, & in the end condescended to put the matter in compromise to the arbitrement of certain grave persons, whose judgement the king rejected, because they gave not sentence on his side. Hereupon both parts prepared for war afresh, 
Matth. West.  insomuch that the king perceiving how his brother was aided by the French king, and that his power was too weak to withstand them both, he sent his commission into England for the levying of 20. thousand men, commanding that they should be sent over unto him into Normandy by a day, which was diligently performed. But as they were come together about Hastings, ready to enter a shipboard, immediately cometh the king's lieutenant with a countermand, and signifieth to them, that the king minding to favour and spare them for that journey, would that every of them should give him 10. shillings (as Matt. Paris hath, or 20. shillings as others have) towards the charges of the war, and thereupon departed home with a sufficient safeconduct; which the most part were better content to do, than to commit themselves to the fortune of the sea, and bloody success of the wars in Normandy. 
Polydor.  In deed king William changing his mind, was now determined to end the matter with money, and not with the sword, as it afterward appeared: for by bribing of king Philip, 
A peace concluded betwixt the king and his brother Robert.  in whom duke Robert had reposed his whole trust, he concluded peace upon such articles and conditions as he himself required.  
Having dispatched his business in Normandy, he returned into England, where he happened to meet with new and more dangerous wars: for the Welshmen hearing of the variance betwixt the brethren, 
Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. The Welshmen invade England.  after their accustomed manner begin to invade the English marshes, taking booties of cattle, destroying the countries, killing and spoiling many of the king's subjects, both English and Normans. After this (waxing proud of their good success) they besieged the castle of Mountgomerie, 
The castle of Mountgomeri● won by the Welshmen.  where though the garrison made stout resistance for a time, yet in the end the enemy finding shift to overthrow the walls, entered perforce, and slew all that they found within. Wherewith though king William was offended when he heard of it, yet could he not remedy the matter as then, 
Anno Reg. 8. 1095  being troubled with a conspiracy newly kindled against him by Robert earl of Northumberland, 
Robert earl of Northumberland refuseth to come to the king.  who upon displeasure conceived against him (because he was not rewarded nor thanked at his hands for his good service showed in the kill of Malcolme king of Scotland) refused to come unto him being sent for by letters, and herewith began to practise with certain other Noble men of that country, how to depose king William. But yer he could bring any piece of his purpose to pass, the king having advertisement of his attempts, 
Matth. Paris.  first appointed his brother the lord Henry to go thither with an army, and forthwith followeth himself; and coming to Newcastle, where the most part of his complices were assembled, he surprised them yer they could have time to provide for their safety. That done, he went to Tinmouth, and in the castle took the earls brother there, and after came to Banbourgh castle, which the said earl with his wife and children did hold for their better safeguard and defence.  
Some authors write, 
Hen. Hunt.  that when the king perceived it would be hard for him to win Banbourgh castle (by reason of the great strength thereof) without famine, he builded up an other castle or bastilion fast by it, calling the same Maluoisin, 
Maluoisin a fortress built against Banbourgh.  wherein he placed a great power of men, by whose means at length the earl was so narrowly driven, that when he sought to have escaped by night, he was espied, and therewith pursued so closely by the king's soldiers, that he was forced to take sanctuary within the church of S. Oswins at Tinmouth, 
Polydor.  from whence he was quickly taken, and brought as prisoner to the king's presence. Notwithstanding, those that remained within the castle, upon trust of the strength of that place, would not yield by any means; but stood still to their tackling: whereupon the king caused the earl their master to be brought forth before the gates, and threatened that he should have his eyes put out, if they within did not streightwaies give up the hold into his hands. Hereupon it came to pass, that the castle was yielded, 
Banbourgh yielded to the king.  and those that kept it were diversly punished, some by banishment, some by losing their ears, & diverse by the loss of their hands, in example to others. The earl himself was conveyed to Windsor castle, and there committed to prison.  

S●mo● Dun. ●he earl of ●we.  Some writ that the meaning of the earl and his complices (amongst whom was William earl of Ewe, who renouncing his allegiance to Robert duke of Normandy, was become the king's man) was to have displaced the king from his royal throne, and to have set up his son William de Albemarle, whom he had begotten of his concubine. But whatsoever their purpose was, after that the line 10 king had quieted his country in the north parts, he bent all his force against the Welshmen, 
Matth. Paris.  who the year before had destroyed and overthrown the castle of Moungomerie, and slain the Normans that lay there in garrison to defend it, whereat he was very much offended, 
King William invadeth Wales.  & therefore entering into Wales, he began to spoil and waste the country. For he saw that the Welshmen would not join in battle with him in the plain field, but kept themselves still aloof within the woods and marshes, and aloft upon line 20 mountains: albeit oftentimes when they saw advantage, they would come forth, and taking the Englishmen and Normans at unawares, kill many, and wound no small numbers, he still pursued them by hills and dales, though more to the loss of his own people than the hurt of the Welshmen, who easily eschewed the danger of battle, and still at the straits and cumbersome passages distressed many of their enemies: whereby the king at length perceiving that he could not prevail against them, ceased line 30 further to follow on with his purposed voyage, and therewith returned home, 
The king returneth out of Wales with dishonour. Eadme●us. Murcherdach king of Ireland.  not without some note of dishonour.  
About the same time Murcherdach king of Ireland, with the clergy and people of the city of Dublin, elected one Samuel a monk of S. Albon, an Irish man borne, to the government of the church and bishops see of Dublin, and (according to the ancient custom) presented him by sufficient letters of testimony unto Anselme archbishop of Canturburie, line 40 to be consecrated of him, who (according to their request) did so, and received from him a promise of his canonical subjection, after the old usual manner, having four bishops (suffragans to the see of Canturburie) ministering to him at that consecration.  
In like manner, pope Urban calling a council at Clermount in Awergne, 
The council of Clermount.  exhorted the christian princes so earnestly to make a journey into the holieland, for the recovery thereof out of the Saracens line 50 hands, that the said great and general journey was concluded upon to be taken in hand; 

The journey into the holy land.  
Godfray be Bullion.   wherein many Noble men of christendom went under the leading of Godfray of Bullion, and others, as in the chronicles of France, of Germany, and of the holy land doth more plainly appear. There went also among other divers Noble men forth of this realm of England, specially that worthily bore the surname of Beauchampe. Robert duke of Normandy minding also to go the same journey, and wanting money to line 60 furnish and set forth himself, 
Anno Reg. 9 1096.  mortgaged his duchy of Normandy to his brother king William, 
Hen. Hunt. Wil thorn. Simon Dun. A subsidy.  for the sum of ten thousand pounds. About this time another occasion was offered unto king William, to lay a new payment upon his subjects, so grievous and intolerable, as well to the spirituality as the temporalty, that diverse bishops and abbots, who had already made away some of their chalices and church jewels to pay the king, made now plain answer that they were not able to help him with any more. Unto whom on the other side (as the report went) the king said again; Have you not (I beseech you) coffins of gold and silver full of dead men's bones? Meaning the shrines wherein the relics of saints were enclosed. Which (as his words seemed to import) he would have had them convert into money, therewith to help him in that need, judging it no sacrilege, though many did otherwise esteem it, considering (as he pretended) that it was gathered for so godly an use, as to maintain wars against Infidels and enemies of Christ.  
The archbishop Anselme took the worth of two 
Eadmerus.  hundred marks of silver of the jewels that belonged to the church of Canturburie (the greater part of the covent of monks winking thereat) towards the making up of such payment as he was constrained to make unto the king towards his aid at that time. But because he would not leave this for an example to be followed of his successors, he granted to the church of Canturburie the profits and revenues of his manor of Petteham, unto the use of the same church for the term of seven years, which amounted to the sum of thirty pounds yearly in those days.  
Thus king William seeking rather to spoil the realm of England, 
Polydor.  than to preserve the royal state thereof, after he had gotten together a great mass of money, sailed over into Normandy, and there delivering unto the duke the ten thousand pounds aforesaid, was put in possession of the duchy, 
The duchy of Normandy mortgaged to king William.  to enjoy the same, and the profits rising thereof, till the said ten thousand pounds were paid him again: or (as some writ) it was covenanted that in recompense thereof, 
Eadmerus.  the king should enjoy the profits for term only of three years, and then to restore it without any further interest or commodity. This done, he returned again into England. 
Polydor.   
Now duke Robert setteth forward on his iornie, in company of other Noble men, towards the holy land. In which voyage his valorous hart at all assays (when any service should be showed) was most manifestly perceived, to his high fame and renown among the princes and nobility there and then assembled.  
About the same time, the citizens of Waterford in Ireland, 
Anno Reg. 10. 1097  perceiving that by reason of the great multitude of people in that city, it was necessary for them to have a bishop, 
Eadmerus. Waterford in Ireland made a bishopric.  obtained licence of their king and rulers to erect in their city a bishops see, and besought them that it might please them to write unto Anselme the archbishop of Canturburie their primate, to have his consent therein, so as it might stand with his pleasure to institute and ordain such a one bishop, to have government of their church, 
The archbishop of Canturburie primate of Ireland.  as they should name, knowing him to be a man of such learning, knowledge, discretion, and worthiness, as were fit for the room. Hereupon were letters sent by messengers from Murcherdach king of Ireland unto Anselme, 
Murcherdach K. of Ireland.  informing him of the whole matter: wherein one Malchus was commended and presented unto him to be admitted and consecrated, if he thought good. These letters were subscribed with the hands, not only of king Murcherdach, but also of his brother duke Dermeth, bishop Dufnald, Idiman bishop of Methe, Samuel bishop of Dublin, Ferdomnachus bishop of Laginia or Leinister, and many others both of the spirituality and temporalty.  
Anselme considering their request to be just and necessary, granted to fulfil their desires, and so upon examination had of the man, and taking of him his oath of obedience, according to the manner, he consecrated the same Malchus, 
Malchus consecrated bishop of Waterford.  and so ordained him to rule the church of Waterford as bishop. This was d●one at Canturburie the 28. day of October, Ralph bishop of Chichester, and Gundulfe bishop of Rochester helping Anselme in the consecration as ministers unto him in that behalf. The said Malchus was a monk, and sometime under Walkhelme bishop of Winchester.  
But to the purpose, king William after his return into England, remembering what damage he had sustained two years before at the hands of the Welshmen, determined eftsoons to invade their country, and therefore doubling his power, cometh into the marshes, 
The king eftsoons invadeth the Welshmen. Polydor.  pitcheth his field, and consulteth with his captains what order he were best to use in that his enterprise, for the taming of his enemies. line 10 The Welshmen hearing of the king's approach, and that his army was far greater than the last which he brought into their country, fell to their wonted policy, 
The Welshmen withdraw into the woods. H. Hunt.  and got them into the woods, there to lie in wait, trusting more to the advantage of starting holes, than to their own force & puissance.  
When the king understood their practice, he set armed men in divers places, and builded towers and fortifications to defend him and his, because he durst not assay to enter into wild and waste grounds where line 20 he had been hindered and damnified before that time, hoping by this means in stopping up the ways and passages of the country, to bring the rebels to more subjection. But when this policy was found by proof to weary the king's soldiers rather than to hurt the enemies, which straying up and down in the woods entrapped oftentimes the Normans and English, in taking them at advantage, the king without bringing his purpose to any good effect, departed home into England. 
Simon Dun. R. Houed.  After this, he sent Edgar Etheling line 30 with an army into Scotland, that he might place his coosine Edgar the son of king Malcolme in the government of that kingdom, and expel his uncle Duffnald, who had usurped the same.  

Anno Reg. 11. 1098  King William, being still inflamed with ire, for that he could not have his will, determined with continual wars to weary the rebellious stomaches of the Welshmen: and therefore was fixed first to set upon them of Anglesey, which being an isle environed with the sea, was ever a refuge for them when line 40 they were sharply pursued. 
Matth. Paris.  This enterprise was chiefly committed unto Hugh earl of Shrewsburie and Arundel, and to Hugh earl of Chester, who at their first coming won the isle, and tempered the victory with great cruelty and bloodshed, putting out the eyes of some, cutting off the noses, the arms, or hands of others, and some also they gelded. Moreover (as authors writ) the said earl of Shrewesburie made a kennel of the church of Saint Fridancus, 
Gyral. Cam.  laying his hounds within it for the night line 50 time, but in the morning he found them all raging wood. How true so ever this report is I wot not, but shortly after they had executed (in manner as before is said) such strange kinds of cruelty in that I'll, it chanced that a navy of rovers came thither from the Isles of Orkney, whose chief admiral was named Magnus, 
Hugh earl of Shrewsburie slain.  who encountering with the said earl of Shrewesburie, shot him into the eye with an arrow, which part of his body remained bare and unarmed, so that by & by he fell down dead out of his ship into line 60 the sea. When Magnus beheld this, he said scornfully in the Danish tongue, Leit loupe, that is; Let him leap now: the English nevertheless had the victory at that time (as some writ) and overcame their enemies with great slaughter and bloodshed. Not long after, the earl of Chester going over to Wales, with long and continual wars tired and tamed the wild Welshmen▪ 
●ab. ex Guido. de Columna.  who for a good while after durst not show their faces.  
The king being thus at quiet and without war in all places, 
Anno Reg. 12. 1099  began now to set his mind on building, and first causes new walls ●o be made about the tower of London, and also laid the foundation of Westminster hall, which though it be a very large and roomthie place, yet after it was finished at his return out of Normandy, he came to view it, 
Fabian. Ran. Higd. Matth. Paris.  and held his court therein with great pomp and honour. He repented that he had made it no larger, saying; it was too little by the half, and therefore determined to have made a new, and that this other should have served but for a dining chamber. A diligent searcher (saith Matthew Paris) might yet find out the foundation of the hall, which he had purposed to build, stretching from the Thames side unto the common street. But though those his buildings were great ornaments to the realm, yet because he took up money by extortion of his subjects towards the charges of the same, he was evil spoken of; the report being spread, 
Polydor.  that he should take them in hand but only under a colour to spoil his subjects, in gathering a far greater sum than the expenses of them did amount unto. 
The king goeth over into Normandy.  About the same time that king William began these buildings, he went over into Normandy, to understand in what state that country stood.  
About the same time also, or rather two year before; to wit 1097. near to Abington, at a town called Finchamsteed in Berkshire, a well or fountain flowed with blood, 
Finchamstéed Ran. Higd. Hen. Hunt. Matth. West. Wil Malm.  in manner as before it used to flow with water, and this continued for the space of three days, or (as William Malm. saith) fifteen days together.  
After the king had dispatched his business in Normandy, & was returned into England (as he was making provision to ride forth on hunting) a messenger came suddenly unto him, bringing word, that the city of Man's was besieged, 
Hen. Hunt. Matth. Paris.  and like to be surprised. The king was then at dinner, meaning first to make an end thereof, and after to take advice in that matter: but being reproved by the messenger, for that to the great danger of his subjects which were besieged he passed not to make delays, rather than to go and secure them with all speed, he taketh the man's blunt speech in so good part, that he called straightway for masons to break down the wall, to the end he might pass through the next way, and not be driven to step so far out of his path, as to go forth by the doors: and so without any long advisement taken in the cause, he road straightway to the sea, sending his lords a commandment to follow; 
Wil Malm.  who when they came in his presence, counseled him to stay till his people were assembled. Howbeit he would not give ear to their advice in that point, but said; Such as love me, I know well will follow me, and so went a shipboard, setting apart all doubts of perils; and yet was the weather very dark, rough and cloudy, insomuch that the master of the ship was afraid, and willed him to tarry till the wind did settle in some quiet quarter: but he commanded to hoist up sails, and to make all speed that could be for life, 
The saying of king William Rufus.  encouraging the shipmaster with these words, that he never heard as yet of any king that was drowned.  
Thus passing the seas, he landed in Normandy, where he gathered his power, and made towards Mans. When those which held the siege before the city, heard of his approach, 
Mans delivered from an asséege.  they broke up their camp and departed thence: howbeit, the captain named Helias, that pretended by title and right to be earl of Man's, was taken by a train, and brought before the king, who jested at him, as though he had been but a fool and a coward. Whereupon, 
Helias.  the said Helias kindled in wrath, boldly said unto him; Whereas thou hast taken me prisoner, it was by mere chance, and not by thy manhood: but if I were at liberty again, I would so use the matter with thee, that thou shouldest not think I were a man so lightly to be laughed at▪ No should (saith the king?) Well then I give thee thy liberty, and go thy ways, do even the worst that lieth in thy power against me, for I care not a button for thee Helias being thus set at liberty, did nothing after (to make any account of) against the king, but rather kept himself quiet. Howbeit some write, 
Hen. Hunt. Polydor.  that he was not taken at all, but escaped by flight. To proceed, king William being returned into England, and puffed up with pride of his victories, and now seeing himself fully delivered from all troubles of war, began after his old manner to spoil and waste the country by unreasonable line 10 exactions, tributes and payments.  

Uariance betwixt the king and the archbishop Anselme.  Here upon fell a great controversy between Anselme and the king, who pretended a reproach of cruel surcharging of his commons with subsidies, lones, and unreasonable fines: but the chief cause was, for that he might not call his synods, nor correct the bishops, but all to be done as the king would. The king also challenged the investiture of prelate's, and indeed sore tared both the spirituality and temporalty, line 20 spending the money upon the reparations and buildings of the Tower, & Westminster hall, as is before remembered. Besides this, his servants spoiled the English of their goods by indirect means: but especially one Ralph sometime chaplain unto William the Conqueror, & at this time the king's proctor and collector of his tasks and subsidies was so malicious & covetous, that in steed of two tasks, he would levy three, pilling the rich, and powling the poor, so that many through his cruel dealing were line 30 oftentimes made to forfeit their lands for small offences: and by his means also diverse bishoprics were bought and sold as other kinds of merchandizes, whereby he was in singular favour with the king. The clergy also were used very straightly, and (as I suppose) not without good cause; for surly in those days it was far out of order, not only in covetous practices, but in all kinds of worldly pomp and vanity: for they had up bushed and braided perukes, long side garments very gorgeous, gilt girdles, gilt spurs, with many other unseemly disorders in attire. To be short, the contention grew so hot betwixt the king and Anselme, who would also have corrected such vices in the clergy (as some writ) that in the end the archbishop was quite cast out of favour. 
Matth. Paris.  There are which allege the very first and original occasion of their falling out to be, for that the archbishop denied to pay a thousand marks of silver at his request: 
A thousand marks demanded of Anselme.  in consideration of the kings great benevolence showed in preferring him line 50 to his see, whereas the archbishop judged the offence of simony, to rest as well in giving after his promotion received, as if he had bribed him aforehand, and therefore refused to make any such payment: but yet (as Eadmerus writeth) he offered him five hundred pounds of silver, 
Eadmer●●.  which would not be received, for the king was informed by some of his council, that the archbishop (in consideration of his bounteous liberality extended towards him) ought rather to give him two thousand pounds, than five hundred, line 60 adding, that if he would but change his countenance, and give him no friendly looks for a while, he should perceive that Anselme would add to the first offer, other five hundred pounds. But Anselme was so far from being brought to the king's lure with such fetches, that openly to the king's face he told him, that better it should be for his majesty to receive of him a small sum granted of him with a free and frank hart, so as he might help him eftsoons with more, than to take from him a great deal at once, without his good will, in such sort as if he were his bondman. For your grace (saith he) may have me, and all that is mine▪ to serve your turn with friendly benevolence: but in the way of servitude and bondage you shall neither have me nor mine. With which words the king was in marvelous choler, and therewith said in anger: Well then, get thee home, take that which is thine to thyself, that which I have of mine own I trust will suffice me. The archbishop being on his knees, rose herewith and departed, rejoicing in his mind that the king had refused his offer, whereby he was delivered out of suspicion to have bribed the king, and given him that money in way of reward for his preferment to the mitre, as of malicious men would happily have been construed. Whereupon being after laboured to double the sum, he utterly refused, and determining rather to forsake the realm than to commit such an offence, 
Matth. Paris.  made suit to the king for licence to go to Rome to fetch his pall of the pope. The king hearing the pope named, 
The king could not abide to ●eare the pope named.  waxed marvelous angry: for they of Rome began already to demand donations and contributions, more impudently than they were hitherto accustomed. And as it chanced, there was a schism at that time in the church, by reason the emperor Henry had placed a pope of his own advancing (namely Wibteth archbishop of Ravenna) against pope Urban: for the emperor maintained that it belonged to his office only to elect and assign what pope it pleased him.  
King William therefore conceived displeasure against Urban, who withstood the emperors pretence, and alleged by the like, that no archbishop or bishop within his realm should have respect to the church of Rome, nor to any pope, with whom they had nothing to do, either by way of subjection, or otherwise; sith the pope's wandered out of the steps which Peter trod, seeking after bribes, lucre, and worldly honour. He said also that they could not retain the power to lose and bind, which they sometime had, since they showed themselves nothing at all to follow his most virtuous life and holy conversation. He added furthermore, that for himself, sithence the conversion of the realm to the christian faith, he had as great authority, franchises and liberties within the same, as the emperor had in his empire. And what hath the pope then to do (quoth he) in the empire, or in my kingdom touching temporal liberties, whose duty it is to be careful for the soul of man, and to see that heresies spring not up, which if the prelate's of the province be not able to reform, than might the pope do it, either by himself or his legates. Again, by reason of the schism, & for the displeasure that he bare pope Urban, 
Eadmerus. The kings demand to An●elme.  he asked Anselme of which pope he would require his pall, sith he was so hasty to go to Rome for it? Whereto Anselme answered, that he would require it of pope Urban. Which words when the king had heard, he said, I have not as yet admitted him pope: adding further that it was against the custom used either in his or his father's time, that any man within the realm of England should name or obey any man for pope, without the king's licence and consent, saying moreover, that if the said Anselme would seek to take that prerogative and dignity from him, it should be all one, as if he should go about to take away from him his crown, and all other royal dignity. Whereunto Anselme answered, that at Rochester (before he was consecrated bishop) he had declared his mind therein, and that being abbot of Bechellovin in Normandy, he had received Urban for pope; so that whatsoever chanced, he might revolt from his obedience and subjection.  
The king being the more kindled herewith, protested in plain words, that Anselme could not keep his faith and allegiance towards him, and his obedience also to the see of Rome▪ against his will and pleasure. But (to conclude) this matter went so far in controversy betwixt the king and the bishop, that a council was called at Rockingham in Rutlandshire, 
A council at Rockingham in Rutlandshire.  and there in the church within the castle, the matter was earnestly decided, and much ado on every side, to have constrained Anselme to renounce his opinion, but he would not. Wherefore it was then devised, that if he would not agree to the king's pleasure, they would by and by see if they might by any means deprive him: but Anselme still held hard, and could not be feared by all these threats; and in like manner to judge of an archbishop's cause, the other line 10 bishops concluded that they had no authority.  
Moreover, while the matter was in consultation among the bishops, another of the king's council that was a knight, came before Anselme in place where he sat almost alone, to look for an answer by them from the king, which knight kneeling down before the archbishop, spoke these words unto him: Reverend father, your humble children beseech your Grace not to have your heart troubled with these line 20 things which you hear; but call to remembrance that blessed man job, vanquishing the devil on the dunghill, and revenging Adam whom he had overcome in paradise. Which words the archbishop considering with a friendly countenance, perceived that the minds of the people remained on his side, whereof both he and such as were about him, were right joyful and greatly comforted, having hope (according to the scripture) that the 
* If they be God's people.  voice of the people was the voice of God. When the king understood all these things, he was marvelously disquieted line 30 in mind, and therefore perceiving that the bishops and other of his council had promised more than they could perform, he blamed them for it: unto whom the bishop of Durham that was the chief doer in this matter, framed this answer: He spoke so faintly (quoth he) and so coldly at the first, that he seemed not to have any store of wit or wisdom.  
Finally, the matter was deferred until the next morning, and then the said bishop of Durham, alleging that they could not well overcome him by arguments, line 40 so long as he grounded his opinion in such sort upon the scripture, and the authority of Saint Peter; The best way therefore (said he) shall be, to compel him by force, either to agree to the king's mind, or else to deprive him of his ring and staff, and after banish him the realm. But the lords of the council allowed not the bishop's words herein. Well (saith the king) and what other way will you think good, if this like you not: so long as I may line 50 live, I will not surely suffer any to be my peer within my realm: and if you knew his cause to be so good, why did you suffer me to commense this action against him: go your ways therefore, and take advice together, for by God's face (for that was his oath) if you condemn him not at my will, I will revenge myself upon you. Nevertheless, when he was informed, that because he was an archbishop, they had no power to judge or condemn him, though his cause proved never so evil, which they could not line 60 perceive so to be; he told them yet they might at the leastwise renounce their obedience to him, and forsake his company, which they said they might do. Then do it (saith the king) with speed, that he may (when he shall see himself abandoned, and despised of all men) repent that he hath followed Urban, and neglected me his sovereign lord and master. And that ye may do it the more safely, first of all I deprive him of the surety and allegiance which he may pretend to have of me within all my dominions, 
The king renounceth the archbishop for his subject.  and from henceforth I will have no affiance in him, nor take him for an archbishop.  
The bishops would feign have persuaded Anselme to have showed himself conformable to the king's pleasure, and therefore took pains with him earnestly in that behalf, but all would not serve. He answered indeed very courteously, but his benefice he would not renounce, as touching the name and office, though in exterior things he were never so much disquieted. The king perceiving him to stand stiff in his opinion, said unto his lords; His words are ever contrary to my mind, and I will not take him for my friend, whosoever doth favour him. I shall therefore require you that be peers of my realm, to renounce all the faith and friendship which you bear him, that he may see what he hath gained by that allegiance, which (to the offending of my person) he observeth to the apostolic see. Whereto the lords answered; As for us, we were never his men, and therefore we cannot abjure any fealty which we never acknowledged. He is our archbishop, and hath rule in matters pertaining to christian religion within this land, for which cause we that are christians may not refuse his authority whilst we remain here on earth, because he is attainted with no blemish of any heinous crime, which may constrain us otherwise to do. The king refrained and dissembled his wrath, lest he should provoke them to further displeasure by speaking against their reason.  
The bishops were sore abashed hereat, 
The bishops driven to their shifts how to shape an answer.  and driven to a shrewd pinch. Now when, not long after, the king required to know of every of them apart, whether they utterly renounced all manner of subjection and obedience unto Anselme without any condition intermitted, or else that only which he did pretend by authority of the pope: the bishops making answer diversly hereunto, the king appointed those to sit down by him as faithful subjects, who acknowledged that their renuntiation was absolutely made, without intermitting of any condition: as for the other, who protested that they renounced their subjection and obedience unto him only in that which he presumed upon in the behalf of the pope, he commanded them to go aside, and to remain in a corner of the house to hear the sentence of their condemnation pronounced.  
Wherefore being put in a marvelous fear, they withdrew themselves aside, but yet straightways they devised a shift wherewith they had been well acquainted before, 
The mean to pacify the king.  as followeth. They presented to the king a great mass of money to appease his wrath, and so thereby were restored to his favour. 
The stiffness of Anselme in withstanding the king's pleasure.  Anselme notwithstanding was obstinate in his opinion, so that in the end, the sentence touching this controversy betwixt him and the king, was respited till the octaves of Pentecost next ensuing. All this was notified well enough to the pope, who used the matter with such moderation, 
Matth. Paris.  that by secret advertisements given, he took away from his brethren all rigorous ways of proceedings, saying; Dum furor in cursu est, currenti cede furori. But yet the king's enmity towards Anselme was openly declared, and that chiefly for the denial of the money which he demanded; but at length he got it, though not with any free hart or goodwill of the archbishop: insomuch that the king reputed him guilty of treason. Within a few days after, Walter bishop of Alba, bringing to him his pall, very wisely reconciled the pope and the king. Notwithstanding all this, Anselme could not purchase the king's goodwill to his contentment, though he wisely dissembled for the time: so that when the bishop of Alba should return to Rome, he made suit for licence to go with him. Nevertheless, the king offered him, that if he would desist from his purpose, and swear upon the evangelists neither to go to Rome, nor to appeal in any cause to the pope's court, he might and should live in quietness free from all danger: but if he would not be so contented, he might and should departed at his peril, without hope to return hither again. 
Ead●eru●.  For surely (saith he) if he go, I will seize the archbishoprike into mine own hands, and receive him no more for archbishop.  
Anselme herewith departing from the court, came to Canturburie, declaring openly what had been said unto him, and immediately sought to flee out of the realm in the night, providing for himself a shi● at Dover. But his purpose being revealed to the king, line 10 one William Warlewast the king's servant was sent after him, 
Fabian.  and finding him ready to departed, took from him all that he had, & gave him a free passport out of the land. Anselme repairing to Rome, made unto pope Urban a grievous information against the king, 
Matth. Paris. Anselme coming to Rome complaineth of the king.  declaring into what miserable state he had brought the Realm, and that for want of assistance in his suffragans it lay not in him to reform the matter.  
Indeed we find not that any of the bishops held line 20 with Anselme in the controversy betwixt him and the king, Ranulph bishop of Chichester excepted, who both blamed the king, and rebuked all such bishops as had refused to stand with Anselme, and favoured the king in cases concerning the foresaid variance. Moreover, the same bishop of Chichester withstood the king and his officers in taking fines of priests for the crime of fornication; 
Ranulfe bishop of Chichester.  by reason of which presumption, the king became sore offended with him, & found means to suspend many churches of his diocese. line 30 Howbeit in the end, the bishop demeaned himself in such wise, that he had his own will, and his church doors were opened again, which had been stopped up before with thorns. 
Finess of priests that had wives as by some writers it seemed.  Besides this, the king was contented, that the said bishop should have the fines of priests in crimes of fornication within his diocese, and enjoy many other privileges in right of his church. But how beneficial so ever he was unto the see of Chichester, 
Polydor.  true it is (as Polydor writeth) that he let out divers abbeys, and the bishopric of Winchester line 40 and Salisbury, with the archbishopric of Canturburie unto certain persons that farmed the same at his hands for great sums of money, in so much that (beside the said sees of Canturburie, Winchester, and Salisbury, which at the time of his death he kept in his hands) he also received the profits of eleven abbeys which he had let out, or otherwise turned to his most advantage.  

Robert Losaunge. Ran. Higd. Wil Malm.  Robert Losaunge, of some called Herbert, that sometime had been abbot of Ramsey, and then bishop line 50 of Thetford by gift of a thousand pounds to the king (as before ye have heard) repented him, for that he was invested by the king, who after he had bewailed his offence, went to Rome, and did penance for the same in all points as the pope enjoined him. Which being done, he returned into England, removing yer long his see from Thetford to Norwich, where he founded a fair monastery of his own charges, and not of the church's goods (as some say) wherein is a doubt, considering he was first an abbot, and after line 60 a bishop.  

Stephan Harding a monk.  About this time, by the means of Stephan Harding a Monk of Shireborne, an Englishman, the order of Cisteaux or white moonkes had his beginning within the country of Burgongne, as witnesneth Ranulph the monk of Chester: 
Ran. Higd. jacobus Philippus Berigonias.  but other writers (as jacob. Philippus) say that this Stephan was the second abbot of that place, and that it was founded by one Robert abbot of Molmense, in the year of Grace 1098. This order was after brought into England by one called Walter Espeke, who founded the first abbey of that religion within this realm at Rival, 
Anno Reg. 13. 1100  about the year of Grace 1131.  
But to return again to the king, who still continued in his wilful covetousness, pulling from the rich and wealthy, to waste and spend it out in all excess, vain riot, and gifts bestowed on such as had least deserved the same. 
The kings lavish prodigality.  And yet he was warned by many strange wonders (as the common people did descant) to refrain from these evil doings: for the Thames did rise with such high springs and tides, that many towns were drowned, 
Strange wonders. Wil Malm.  and much hurt done in places about London, and elsewhere. diverse rare things happened also at the same time, which I pass over. But the king hearing hereof, did nothing regard those which were so bold as to tell him that they were evident significations of some vengeance to follow thereupon. 
A dream. Matth. West. Wil Malm.  The king also himself on a night as he slept & dreamt, thought that the veins of his arms were broken, and that the blood issued out in great abundance. Likewise, he was told by Robert Fitz Hammon, that a monk should dream in his sleep, how he saw the king gnaw the image of Christ crucified with his teeth, and that as he was about to bite away the legs of the same image. Christ with his feet should spurn him down to the ground, insomuch that as he lay on the earth, there came out of his mouth a flame of fire, and such abundance of smoke, that the air was darkened therewith. But the king made a jest of these and the like tales; He is a right monk (saith he) and to have a piece of money, he dreameth such things, give him therefore an hundred shillings, and bid him dream of better fortune to our person. Nevertheless, the king was somewhat moved herewith in the end, and doubted whether he should go into the New forest to hunt on Lammas day (as he had purposed) or no, because his friends counseled him not to try the truth of dreams to his own loss and hindrance. Whereupon he forbore to go forth before dinner, but when he had dined and made himself merry with receiving more drink than commonly he used to do abroad he got him into the forest with a small train: amongst whom was one sir Walter Tirell a French knight, 
Sir Walter Tirell.  whom he had retained in service with a large stipend.  
This sir Walter chanced to remain with the king, when all the rest of the company was dispersed here and there, as the manner in hunting is. Now as the sun began to draw low, the king perceiving an hart to come alongst by him, shot at the same, and with his arrow struck him; but not greatly hurting him, the beast ran away. The king, to mark which way the hart took, and the manner of his hurt, held up his hand between the sun and his eyes; who standing in that sort, out came another hart, at whom as sir Walter Tirell let drive an arrow, the same by glancing stroke the king into the breast, so that he never spoke word, but breaking off so much of the arrow as appeared out of his body, 
The king slain.  he fell down, and giving only one groan, immediately died, without more noise or moving. Sir Walter running to him, and perceiving no speech nor sense to remain in him, straightways got to his horse, and riding away, escaped and saved himself: for few there were that pursued him, every man being amazed at the chance, some departing one way, and some another, every one for his own advantage and commodity, as the time then served. The dead body of the king was strait conveyed to Winchester, and there buried the morrow after, which was the second day of August, the year of our Lord 1100. To this end came king William, after he had reigned almost 13. years, 
Wil Malm▪  and lived 43. and somewhat more.  
This prince, although evil reported of by writers for the covetous talking of his subjects, and retaining of ecclesiastical livings in his hands; yet was he endued with many noble and princely qualities. He had good knowledge in feats of war, and could well away with bodily labour. In all his affairs he was circumspect; of his promise, trusty; of his word, steadfast; and in his wars no less diligent than fortimate. He gave to the moonkes called Monachi de charitate in Southwark, the great new church of S. Saviour of Bermondsay, and also Bermonds eye itself. He founded a goodly hospital in the city of York, called S. leonard's, for the sustentation line 10 and finding of the poor as well brethren as sisters. Towards soldiers and men of war he was very liberal, and to enrich them, he passed not for taking from farmers and husbandmen what soever could be gotten. He was indeed of a prodigal nature, and therefore when in the beginning of his reign, doubting some troubles, he had assembled many men of war for his defence, there was nothing that they could ask which he would deny them, in somuch that his father's treasures were soon consumed, by line 20 reason whereof he was put to his shifts to provide more. For though substance wanted to show his liberality, yet there sailed not in him a mind still to be bountiful, sith continual use of giving rewards, was in manner turned in him to a nature, so that to furnish himself with money and necessaries, he was put to extremities unbeseeming a king; 
The liberal hart of king William.  and to bestow his benevolence upon some, he spared not to impoverish others. For in such sort he was liberal, that therewith he was prodigal; and in such wise line 30 stout of courage, as proud withal; and in such manner severe, as he seemed cruel and inexorable. But what means he used to make his best of benefices and spiritual livings, partly appeareth before.  
In deed such was his condition, that who soever would give, might have, & that oftentimes without respect, whether their suit was reasonable and allowable or not, in somuch that it is said of him, that being in Rouen on a time, there came to him diverse jews who inhabited that city, 
jews.  complaining to line 40 him, that diverse of their nation had renounced their jewish religion, and were become christians: wherefore they besought him, that for a certain sum of money which they offered to give, it might please him to constrain them to abjure christianity, and turn to the jewish law again. He was contented to satisfy their desires, and so receiving the money, called them before him, & what with threats, and putting them otherwise in fear, he compelled diverse of them to forsake Christ, and return to their line 50 old errors.  
There was about the same time a young man a jew, who by a vision appearing unto him (as is said) was converted to the christian faith, and being baptized, was named Stephan, because S. Stephan was the man that had appeared to him in the vision, as by the same he was informed. The father of the yoongman being sore troubled, for that his son was become a christian, and hearing what the king had done in such like matters, presented to him 60. line 60 marks of silver, conditionally that he should enforce his son to return to his jewish religion. Hereupon was the young man brought before the king, unto whom he said; Sirrah, thy father here complaineth that without his licence thou art become a christian: if this be true, I command thee to return again to the religion of thy nation, without any more ado. To whom the yoongman answered, Your grace (as I guess) doth but jest. Wherewith the king being moved said, What thou dunghill knave, should I jest with thee? Get thee hence quickly, and fulfil my commandment, or by S. Luke's face I shall cause thine eyes to be plucked out of thine head. The yoongman nothing abashed hereat, with a constant voice answered, Truly I will not do it, 
An answer of a good Iew.  but know for certain, that if you were a good christian, you would never have uttered any such words, for it is the part of a christian to reduce them again to Christ which be departed from him; & not to separate them from him, which are joined to him by faith. The king herwith confounded, commanded the jew to avant & get him out of his sight. But his father perceiving that the king could not persuade his son to forsake the christian faith, required to have his money again. To whom the king said, he had done so much as he promised to do, that was, to persuade him so far as he might. At length, when he would have had the king to have dealt further in the matter, the king (to stop his mouth) tendered back to him the one half of his money, & retained the other to himself. 
A pretty division.   
Moreover, to increase the suspicion which men had of his infidelity, it is written, 
King William suspected of infidelity.  that he caused a disputation to be kept betwixt the jews & the christians, promising that if the jews overcame the christians in argument, he would be a jew: but the jews being overcome, and receiving the foil, would not confess their errors, but alleged, that by factions (and not by reason) they were put to the worse. Howbeit, what opinion soever he had of the jews faith, it appeareth by writers that he doubted in many points of the religion then in credit. 
Eadmerus.  For he sticked not to protest openly, that he believed no saint could profit any man in the Lord's sight, and therefore neither would he nor any other that was wise (as he affirmed) make intercession, either to Peter, 
Praying to saints.  or to any other for help.  
He was of stature not so tall as the common sort of men, red of hair, 
His stature. Whereof he took his surname Rufus.  whereof he took his surname Rufus, somewhat big of belly, and not ready of tongue, specially in his anger, for then his utterance was so hindered, that he could scarcely show the conceits of his mind: he died without issue, and used concubines all the days of his life. I find that in apparel he loved to be gay and gorgeous, & could not abide to have any thing (for his wearing) esteemed at a small valour. Whereupon it came to pass on a morning, when he should pull on a new pair of hose, 
Wil Malm.  he asked the groom of his chamber that brought them to him what they cost? Three shillings saith he; Why thou whoreson (said the king) doth a pair of hose of three shillings price become a king to wear? Go thy ways, and fetch me a pair that shall cost a mark of silver. The groom went, and brought him another pair, for the which he paid scarcely so much as for the first. But when the king asked what they stood him in, he told him they cost a mark: and then was he well satisfied, and said; Yea marry, these are more fit for a king to wear, and so drew them upon his legs.  
In this king's days john bishop of Welles joined the monastery of Bath unto his see, 
Coventrie church joined to the see of Chester.  and repairing the same monastery, began to inhabit there in the year 1094. The church of Coventrie was in like sort joined unto the see of Chester by Robert bishop of that diocese. Woolstan bishop of Worcester died about the same time, and Anselme having purchased bulls of pope paschal, wherein was contained an admonition unto king William to desist from his grievous oppressing of the church, and to amend his former doings, was now on his return towards England, and by the way heard of the king's death. Hugh earl of Chester in this king's days builded the abbeie of Chester, and procured Anselme (afterwards archbishop of Canturburie) to come over from Normandy, that he might direct the same abbeie, and place such religious persons as were necessary and convenient for so good a foundation.  
Long it was yer Anselme would come over, because he doubted to be had in suspicion of an ambitious desire in seeking to be made archbishop of Canturburie. For it was talked that if he went over into England, he should surely be elected before he returned into Normandy. But at length so it chanced, that the foresaid Hugh earl of Chester fell sick, and despairing of life, sent with all speed to Anselme, requiring him most instantly to come over to him lying in extremity of sickness; adding, that if he hasted no● the sooner, it would be too late, whereof he would after repent him. Then Anselme, for that he might not fail his friend in such necessity, came over, and gave order to the abbeie, according as it seemed best to him for the establishment of religion there.  
Thus far William Rufus.   

Henry the first, youngest son to William the Conqueror.  
HEnrie the youngest son to William the first, brother to Rufus lately departed, 
Anno Reg. 1. 1100.  the first of that name that ruled here in England, & for his knowledge in good literature surnamed Beauclerke, was line 10 admitted king by the whole assent of the lords and commons, and began his reign over England the first of August, in the year after the creation of the world 1067. after the birth of our Saviour 1100. and 44. of the emperor Henry the fourth, paschal the second then governing the see of Rome, which was about the 51. year of Philip the first of that name king of France, and in the beginning of the reign of Edgar king of Scotland. 
Wil Thorn. Geruasius Dorobernensis.  This king was line 20 consecrated and crowned at Westminster, the fift day of August, by Thomas archbishop of York, and Maurice bishop of London, because at that time Anselme archbishop of Canturburie was exiled. This prince had aforehand trained the people to his humour and vein, in bringing them to think well of him, and to conceive a marvelous evil opinion of his brother duke Robert, 
Matth. Paris.  persuading them moreover, that she said duke was likely to prove a sharp and rigorous governor, if he once obtained the crown and dominion of the land. Moreover, he caused to be line 30 reported for a certain truth, that the same Robert was already created king of jerusalem. And therefore considering that the kingdom of Palestine (as the rumour ran) was of greater revenues than that of England, there was no cause why they should stay for him, who would not willingly leave the greater for the lesser. By which means the Nobility and Commons were the sooner persuaded to decline from the election of the said Robert, and to receive his brother Henry for their lawful king, who on the line 40 other side ceased not to promise mountains, till his enterprise took effect; and then at leisure paid some of them with molhils: as by the sequel of the story shall more at large appear.  
This Henry therefore coming thus to the crown, considered furthermore with himself, that hereafter, when his eldest brother Robert should return, and understand how the matter was brought about, he would think himself to have had much wrong, and been very evil dealt withal, sith that as well by birthright, as also by agreement made with his brother William Rufus, he ought of right to be preferred, and thereupon would not fail but make earnest claim against him. 
The king ●●●keth to win the people's favour.  Wherefore yer he should come home out of the holy land (where he than remained) the king studied by all possible means how to gratify all the states of his realm, & to plant in their hearts some good opinion of him. And first of all he reform such things as his brother had left very prejudicial to the estate of the church, setting the same free which before was s●re oppressed. And furthermore, somewhat to relieve the commonwealth, he promised to restore the laws of good king Edward, 
Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. Matth. Paris.  and to abolish or amend those which by his father and brother were already ordained to the hurt & prejudice of the old ancient liberties of the realm of England. 
Anselme called home.  He revoked Anselme the archbishop of Canturburie out of exile, who fled (as ye have heard) to avoid the wrath of king William. Moreover, he placed in the see of Winchester, 
Wil Malm. William Gifford bishop of Winchester. Hen. Hunt.  one William Gifford, a grave and discreet person, and also ordained moonkes of honest reputation to be abbots in certain abbeys which had been long void, and in the hands of William his brother: in like manner he remitted certain payments which his brother and predecessor had caused to be raised by way of taxes and customs. Besides this, on the 8. day of September, 

Ralph bishop of Durham committed to the Tower.  
Simon Dun. The first ordaining of the yard measure. Wil Malm.   he committed Ralph bishop of Durham to the Tower of London, by whose lewd counsel his said brother being seduced, had in his life time done many oppressions to his people. He ordained also that one length of measuring should be used through this realm, which was a yard, appointing it to be cut after the length of his own arm. Many other things he redressed, to the contentation and commodity of his subjects, who gave God thanks that he had in such wise delivered them out of the hands of cruel extortioners.  
After he had thus brought the commonwealth in so good estate, he consulted with his Nobility▪ 
Wil Mal●▪ Polydor.  where he might best get him a wise, and thereby leave unlawful company keeping with concubines: which demand was not misliked at all. Hereupon they considered that Edgar king of Scotland had a sister named Maud, a beautiful lady, and of virtuous conditions, who was a professed nun in a religious house, to the end she might avoid the storms of the world, and lead her life in more security after her father's decease. This gentlewoman, notwithstanding her vow, was thought to be a meet bedfellow for the king: wherefore he sent ambassadors to her brother Edgar, requesting that he might have line 10 her in marriage. But she refusing superstitiously at the first to break her professed vow, would not hear of the offer: wherewithal king Henry being the mor● inflamed, sent new ambassadors to move the case in more earnest sort than before, in so much that Edgar, upon the declaration of their embassage, set the abbess of the house (where then she abode) in hand to persuade her, who so effectually and diversly telling her how necessary, profitable, & honourable the same should be both to her country and line 20 kindred, did so prevail at the last, that the young lady granted willingly to the marriage. Hereupon she was transported into England, and wedded to the king, who caused the archbishop Anselme to crown her queen on S. Martin's day, which fell upon a sunday, being the eleventh of November.  
¶ It should seem by Eadmerus, that she was never nun, but only veiled by her mother, and placed amongst nuns against her will (as she protested to the whole world) at such time as archbishop Anselme line 30 refused to solemnize the marriage betwixt them, till that doubt were cleared, and the occasion removed, whereupon evil disposed men would have surmised ilfavoredlie, and reported the worst. Howbeit whether she were professed, or veiled only, loath she was to consent at the first (as partly ye have heard) but after that she was coupled with the king in marriage, she proved a right obedient wife.  
About this season the archbishop of Uienna came over into England with the pope's authority (as he line 40 pretended) to be legate over all Briteine, 
The archbishop of Uienna the pope's legate.  which was strange news unto England, and greatly wondered at (as Eadmerus saith) of all men. For ithad not been heard of in England before that time, that any person should supply the pope's room, except the archbishop of Canturburie. 
He is not received for legate.  And so he departed as he came, for no man received him as legate, neither did he exercise any legantine authority. Not long after, the king sent ambassadors to Rome, about a suit which he had against the archbishop Anselme, for that line 50 he denied not only to do him homage, but also would not consecrate such bishops and ecclesiastical governors as he undertook to invest. Touching which matter no small trouble arose, as hereafter shall appear.  
year 1011 In the mean time, Robert the king's elder brother, returning out of the holy land, came into Normandy: for after he had advertisement of the death of his brother Rufus, and that his younger brother line 60 was crowned king of England, he was greatly displeased in his mind, and meant with all speed to assay if he might recover it out of his hands.  
¶ We read, that when christian princes had won Jerusalem, 
Ran. Higd. Duke Robert chosen king of Jerusalem.  they met together in the temple to choose a king for the government of that city and country, in which convent duke Robert was chosen before all the residue to be king there, by reason of a miracle (as some have left recorded) wrought by quenching of a ●aper, and the sudden kindling thereof again, as he held the same in his hand, standing in the church before the altar amongst other on Easter even: so as thereby it should be thought he was appointed among all the residue to be king, and so was nominated. 
Polydor.  But he having his mind more inclined to England, refused to take the charge upon him: whereupon after that day he never greatly prospered in any business which he took in hand: as some do gather. Other authors of good credit, which have written that voyage into the holy land, m●ke no mention of any such matter, but declare, that Godfraie of Bolongne was by the general consent of all the princes and capiteins there elected king, as in the description of that voyage more plainly appeareth. But now to return from whence I have digressed.  
When the fame was blown into England, 
Anno Reg. 2.  that duke Robert was returned into Normandy, and that the people had received him for their duke with great triumph and joy: there were diverse which desiring innovations, delighting in alterations, and being weary of the quiet government of king Henry, wrote letters into England to the duke, 
Duke Robert is solicited to come into England to claim the crown.  signifying to him, that if he would make haste, and come to recover the realm out of his brother's hands (who usurped it by an unjust title) they would be ready to aid him with all their power. Herewithal the duke being ready of his own accord to this enterprise, was not a little inflamed, and grew more earnest to make haste about this business: in somuch as, where he would not seem at the first to esteem greatly of the offer made to him by the Englishmen, who had thus written over unto him (blaming generally all the English Nobility, for that while he was abroad in the service of the christian commonwealth against the infidels, they would suffer him to be in such wise defrauded of his father's inheritance, by his brother, through their untruth and negligence) yet although he meant to delay the matter, and thought it rather better to dissemble with them for a time, 
Wil Malm. Simon Dun.  than to commit the success of his affairs and person to their inconstancy; shortly after being set on fire, and still encouraged by the persuasion of Ralph bishop of Durham (who by a wonderful wily shi●t, about the first of February had broken out of prison) with all speed possible he gathered an army, 
In the Kal. of February. R. Hove. Hen. Hun●. Polydor.  purposing out of hand to pass over with the same into England, and to hazard his right by dent of sword, which was thus by plain injury most wickedly detained from him.  
King Henry in the mean time understanding his meaning, assembled likewise his power, and rigged forth a great number of ships, appointing them to lie in a readiness to stop his brothers coming to land if it might be. He himself also lodged with his main army near the town of Hastings, to give him battle if he landed thereabouts.  
Duke Robert also meaning to set forward, sent certain of his ships before, to choose some convenient place where he might land with his army: which ships by chance fell into the danger of the king's nanie, but yet abstaining from battle, they recovered the wind, and returned back to the duke, signifying from point to point how they had sped in this voyage. The duke as he was of a bold courage, and of so gentle a nature that he believed he should win their good wills, with whom he should have any thing to do, passed forward, and approaching to the king's navy, used such mild persuasions, that a great part of the soldiers which were aboard in the king's ships, submitted themselves unto him, 
Duke Robert arrived at Portsmouth. Simon Dun. Wil Malm. Hen. Hunt. Polydor.  by whose conduct he arrived in Portsmouth haven, and there landed with his host, about the beginning of August. Now when he had rested a few days & refreshed his men, he took the way towards Winchester, a great number of people flocking unto him by the way.  
The king having knowledge as well of the arrival of his enemies, as also of the revolting of his subjects, raised his camp, and came to lodge near unto his enemies, the better to perceive what he attempted and purposed to do. They were also in manner ready to have joined battle, when divers Noble men that ought good will to both the brethren, and abhorred in their minds so unnatural discord, began to entreat for peace, 
Wil Malm. Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt.  which in the end they concluded upon, conditionally that Henry (who was borne after his father had conquered the realm of England) should now enjoy the same, yielding and paying line 10 yearly unto duke Robert the sum of iij. M. marks. Provided, that whose hap of the two it should be to survive or outlive, he should be the others right and lawful heir, by mutual agreement. conditionally also, that those English or Normans, which had taken part either with the king or the duke, should be pardoned of all offences that could be laid unto them for the same by either of the princes. There were twelve Noble men on either part that received corporal oaths for performance of this agreement, 
Hen. Hunt. Wil thorn. Matth. West. Geruasius Dorober.  line 20 which being concluded upon in this sort, duke Robert, who in his affairs showed himself more credulous than suspicious, remained with his brother here in England till the feast of S. Michael, and then showing himself well contented with the composition, returned into Normandy. In the second year of this king's reign, the Queen was delivered of her daughter Maud or Mathild, so called after her own name, who afterward was empress, of whom ye shall hear by God's grace anon in this history. line 30  
year 1102 The king being now rid of foreign trouble, was shortly after disquieted with the seditious attempts of Robert de Belesme earl of Shrewsburie, 
Simon Dun. Robert de Belesme earl of Shrewsburie.  son to Hugh before named, who fortified the castle of Bridg●north, and an other castle in Wales at a place called Caircove, and furnished the town of Shrewsburie, with the castles of Arundel & Tickehill (which belonged to him) in most substantial manner. Moreover he sought to win the favour of the Welshmen, by whose aid he purposed to defend himself line 40 against the king in such unlawful enterprises as he meant to take in hand. But the king having an inkling whereabout he went, straightways proclaimed him a traitor, whereupon he got such Welshmen and Normans together as he could conveniently come by, with whom and his brother Arnold, he entered into Staffordshire, which they forraied and wasted exceedingly, 
Stafford wasted.  bringing from thence a great booty of beasts and cattle, with some prisoners, whom they led forthwith into Wales, where they kept themselves line 50 as in a place of greatest safety.  
The king in the mean time with all convenient speed raised a power, first besieging the castle of Arundel, 
Arundel castle besieged.  and then planting diverse bastillions before it, he departed from thence, and sending the bishop of Lincoln with part of his army to besiege Tickehill, 
Bridgenorth besieged.  he himself went to Bridgenorth, which he environed about with a mighty army made out of all parts of his realm: so that what with gifts, large promises, and fearful threatenings, at the last he alured line 60 to his side the fickle Welshmen, and in such wise won them, that they abandoned the earl, and took part against him. 
Anno Reg. 3.  Whereupon the king within 30. days subdued all the towns and castles (which he held) out of his hands, 
The earl of Shrewsburie banished the realm.  and banished him the realm, and shortly after confined his brother Arnold for his traitorous demeanour used against him, whereby their attempts were brought unto an end.  

A synod of bishops. Eadmerus.  After this, at the feast of saint Michael, Anselme archbishop of Canturburie held a council at Westminster, whereat were present the archbishop of York, the bishops of London, Winchester, Lincoln, Worcester, Chester, Bath, Norwich, Rochester, and two other bishops lately elected by the king, namely, Salisbury and Hereford: 
abbots & prior's deprived.  the bishop of Excester was absent by reason of sickness.  
At this council or synod, divers abbots and prior's, both French and English, were deprived of their promotions and benefices by Anselme, because they had come unto them otherwise than he pretended to stand with the decrees of the church; as the abbots of Persor, Ramsey, Tavestocke, Peterborow, 
Matth. Par●●▪  Middleton, Bury, and Stoke, the prior of Elie, and others. The chiefest cause of their deposing, was, 
The cause why they were deprived. Hen. Hunt. Sim. Dun.  for that they had received their investitures at the king's hands.  
divers constitutions were made by authority of this council, but namely this one.  
1 That priests should no more be suffered to have wives, 
Eadmerus. Marriage of priests forbidden.  which decree (as saith Henry of Huntingdon) seemed to some very pure, but to some again very dangerous, lest whilst divers of those that coveted to profess such cleanness and purity of life as passed their powers to observe, 
Hen. Hunt.  might happily fall into most horrible uncleanness, to the high dishonour of christianity, and offence of the Almighty.  
2 That no spiritual person should have the administration of any temporal office or function, 
Decrees instituted in this council.  nor sit in judgement of life and death.  
3 That priests should not haunt alehouses, 
Against priests that were alehouse hunters.  and further, that they should wear apparel of one manner of colour, and shoes after a comely fashion: for a little before that time, priests used to go very unseemly.  
4 That no archdeaconries should be let to farm. 
Archdeaconries'.   
5 That every archdeacon should at the least receive the orders of a deacon.  
6 That none should be admitted to the orders of a subdeacon, without profession of chastity. 
Subdeacons.   
7 That no priests sons should succeed their fathers in their benefices. 
Priests sons.   
8 That monks and priests which had forsaken their orders (for the love of their wives) should be excommunicated, if they would not return to their profession again.  
9 That priests should wear broad crowns. 
Priests to wear crowns. Tithes. Benefices.   
10 That no tithes should be given but to the church.  
11 That no benefices should be bought or sold.  
12 That no new chapels should be builded without consent of the bishop. 
New chapels   
13 That no church should be consecrated except provision were first had to the maintenance of it and the minister. 
Consecration of churches.   
14 That abbots should not be made knights or men of war, 
abbots.  but should sleep & eat within the precinct of their own houses, except some necessity moved them to the contrary.  
15 That no monks should enjoin penance to any man without licence of their abbot, 
Monks.  and that abbots might not grant licence, but for those of whose souls they had cure.  
16 That no monks should be godfathers, nor nuns godmothers to any man's child.  
17 That monks should not hold and occupy any farms in their hands. 
Farms.   
18 That no monks should receive any parsonages, but at the bishop's hands, 
Parsonages.  nor should spoil those which they did receive in such wise of the profits and revenues, that curates which should serve the cures might thereby want necessary provision for themselves and the same churches.  
19 That contracts made between man and woman without witnesses concerning marriage should be void, if either of them denied it. 
Contracts.   
20 That such as did wear their hear long should be nevertheless so rounded, 
Wearing of hair.  that part of their ears might appear.  
21 That kinsfolk might not contract matrimony within the seventh degree of consanguinity.  

Burial.  22 That the bodies of the dead should not be buried but within their parishes, lest the priest might lose his duty.  

Fond worshipping of men.  23 That no man should upon some new rash devotion give reverence or honour to any dead bodies, fountains of water, or other things, without the bishop's authority, which hath been well known to have chanced heretofore.  
24 That there should be no more buying and selling of men used in England, which was hitherto accustomed, line 10 as if they had been kine or oxen.  
25 That all such as committed the filthy sin of Sodomitry should be accursed by the decree of this council, till by penance & confession they should obtain absolution. Provided that if he were a priest or any religious person, he should lose his benefice, and be made uncapable of any other ecclesiastical preferment if: he were a lay man, he should lose the prerogative of his estate. Provided also that no religious man might be absolved of this crime, but at the line 20 bishops hands.  

The curse to be read every sunday.  26 That every sunday this curse should be read in every church.  
The king also caused some necessary ordinances to be devised at this council, to move men to the leading of a good and upright life.  

S. Bartholomewes' by Smithfield founded. Smithfield sometimes a common laiestall & a place of execution.  About the third year of K. Henry's reign, the foundation of saint bartholomew's by Smithfield was begun by Raier one of the king's musicians (as some writ) who also became the first prior thereof. line 30 In those days Smithfield was a place where they laid all the ordure and filth of the city. It was also the appointed place of execution, where felons and other malefactors of the laws did suffer for their misdeeds.  
In this third year of king Henry's reign the queen was delivered of a son called William.  

Anno Reg. 3.  When the earl of Shrewesburie was banished (as ye have heard) the state of the realm seemed to be reduced into very good order and quietness: so that line 40 king Henry being advanced with good success in his affairs, was now in no fear of danger any manner of way. Howbeit herein he somewhat displeased the clergy: 
Polydor. The king bestoweth bishoprics. Matth. Paris.  for leaning unto his princely authority, he took upon him both to nominate bishops, and to invest them into the possession of their sees: amongst whom was one Remclid, bishop of Hereford by the king's ordinance. This Remclid or Remeline did afterwards resign that bishopric to the king, because he was persuaded he had greatly line 50 offended in receiving the same at a temporal man's hands. 
Sim. Dunel.   
Truly not only king Henry here in England, but also other princes and high potentates of the temporalty about the same season, challenged this right of investing bishops and other clergy men, as a thing due unto them and their predecessors, without all prescription of time, as they alleged, which caused no small debate betwixt them and the spirituality, line 60 as in that which is written thereof at large by others may more easily appear.  

Anselme refuseth to consecrate the bishops invested by the king.  Howbeit Anselme the archbishop of Canturburie more earnest in this case than any other, would not admit nor consecrate such bishops as were nominated and invested by the king, making no account of their investiture: and further he took upon him to admonish the K. not to violate the sacred laws, rites and ceremonies of christian religion so lately decreed concerning those matters. But so far was the king from giving any ear to his admonitions, ●●at he stood the more stiffly in his challenge. And where Thomas the archbishop of York was not long before departed out of this transitory life, he gave that benefice then void to one Gerard, 
Gerard invested archbishop of York.  a man of great wit, but (as some writer's report) more desirous of honour than was requisite for his calling, and willed him in despite of Anselme to consecrate those bishops whom he had of late invested. This Gerard therefore obeying his commandment, did consecrate them all, 
W. G●fford bishop of Winchester, Matth. Paris. Wil Thorn. Polydor.  William Gifford bishop of Winchester excepted; who refused to be consecrated at his hands, whereupon he was deprived and banished the realm. The archbishop Ans●lme also was quite out of favour, for that he ceased not to speak against the K. in reproving him in this behalf, till time that the king was contented to refer the matter to pope paschal, and to stand to his decree and determination: also, that such as he had placed in any bishopric, 
Polydor.  should have licence to go to Rome to plead their causes, whither he promised shortly to send his ambassadors, and so he did: appointing for the purpose, Herbert bishop of Norwich, 
1102 Anno Reg. 4.  and Robert bishop of Lichfield, being both of his privy council, and William Warlewast, 
Ambassadors sent to Rome.  of whom mention is made before, who went on their way and came to Rome, according to their commission.  
After them also followed Anselme archbishop of Canturburie, Gerard archbishop of York, 
Anselme goeth also to Rome.  & William the elect of Winchester, whom the pope received with a courteous kind of entertainment. But Anselme was highly honoured above all the residue, whose diligence and zeal in defence of the ordinances of the see of Rome, he well enough understood. The ambassadors in like manner declaring the effect of their message, opened unto the pope the ground of the controversy begun between the king and Anselme, & with good arguments went about to prove the king's cause to be lawful. Upon the otherside, Anselme and his partakers with contrary reasons sought to confute the same. Whereupon the pope declared, that sith by the laws of the church it was decreed, that the possession of any spiritual benefice, obtained otherwise than by means of a spiritual person, could not be good or allowable; from thenceforth, neither the king nor any other for him, should challenge any such right to appertain unto them.  
The king's ambassadors hearing this, were somewhat troubled in their minds: whereupon William Warlewast burst out and said with great vehemency even to the pope's face: 
Eadmerus. The saying of Wil Warlewast to the pope.  Whatsoever is or may be spoken in this manner to or fro, I would all that be present should well understand, that the king my master will not lose the investitures of churches for the loss of his whole realm. Unto which words paschal himself replying, said unto him again: 
The pope's answer to him  If (as thou sayest) the king thy master will not forego the investiture of churches for the loss of his realm, know thou for certain, and mark my words well, I speak it before God, that for the ransom of his head, pope paschal will not at any time permit that he shall enjoy them in quiet. At length by the advise of his council, the pope granted the king certain privileges and customs, which his predecessors had used and enjoyed: but as for the investitures of bishops, he would not have him in any wise to meddle withal: 
Polydor.  yet did he confirm those bishops whom the king had already created, lest the refusal should be occasion to sow any further discord.  
This business being in this manner ordered, the ambassadors were licensed to departed, who receiving at the pope's hands great rewards, and Gerard the archbishop of York his pall, they shortly after returned into England, declaring unto the king the pope's decree and sentence. The king being still otherwise persuaded, and looking for other news, was nothing pleased with this matter. Long it was yer he would give over his claim, or yield to the pope's judgement, till that in process of time, overcome with the earnest suit of Anselme, he granted to ob●ie the pope's order herein, though (as it should appear) right sore against his will.  
In this mean time, ●he king had seized into his hands the possessions of the archbishop of Canturburie, 
Wil Malm.  and banished Anselme, so that he stayed at Lions in France for the space of one year and four months, during which time there passed many letters and messages to and fro. The pope also wrote to king line 10 Henry in very courteous manner, exhorting him to call Anselme home again, and to release his claim to the investitures of bishops, 
The pope writeth courteously to the king.  whereunto he could have no right, sith it appertained not to the office of any temporal magistrate: adding furthermore, if the king would give over that ungodly and usurped custom, that he would show such friendly favour in all things, as by the sufferance of God in any wise he might be able to perform, and further would receive not only him, but also his young son William line 20 (whom lately it had pleased God to send him by his virtuous wife queen Maud) into his protection, so that who so ever did hurt either of them, should be thought to hurt the holy church of Rome.  
In one of the letters which the said pope wrote unto Anselme (after that the king was contented to renounce the investitures aforesaid) he willed Anselme, according to the promise which he had made, to assoil as well from sin as from penance due for the same, both the king and his wife queen Maud, line 30 with all such persons of honour as in this behalf had traveled with the king to induce him to be agréeaable to his purpose.  
year 1104 Moreover, the earl of Mellent, and Richard de Rivers (who had counseled the king to stand stoutly in the matter, 
The earl of Mellent.  and not to give over his title of such invesritures, sith his ancestors had used them so long a time before his days, 
Anno Reg. 4.  by reason whereof, in renouncing his right to the same, he should do a thing greatly prejudicial to his royal estate and princely majesty) line 40 were now earnest labourers to agree the king and the pope, 
The K. persuaded to renounce his title to the investiture of prelates. Eadmerus.  in so much that in the end the king was persuaded by Anselme and them to let go his hold, resigning the investitures with staff and ring; notwithstanding that, he reserved the right of elections, and such other royalties as otherwise appertained to to his majesty, so that such bishops as had done homage to the king, were not disabled thereby, but quietly permitted to receive their jurisdictions.  
About this time Robert duke of Normandy came line 50 into England to see his brother: 
Duke Robert cometh into England to visit his brother.  who through the sugared words and sweet entertainment of the king, released the yearly tribute of 3000. marks, which he should have had out of the realm upon agreement (as before ye have heard) but chiefly indeed at the request of the queen, being instructed by her husband how she should deal with him that was known to be free and liberal, without any great consideration what he presently granted.  
Now having been here a certain time, and solaced line 60 himself with his brother and sister, he returned into Normandy, where shortly after he began to repent him of his folly, in being so liberal as to release the foresaid tribute: whereupon he menaced the king, and openly in his reproach said that he was craftily circumvented by him, and flatly cozened. diverse in Normandy desired nothing more than to set the two brethren at square, 
Wil Malm. Factious persons practise to set the two brethren at variance.  and namely Robert de Belesme earl of Shrewsburie, with William earl of Mortaigne: these two were banished the realm of England. The earl of Shrewesburie for his rebellious attempts (as before you have heard) and the earl of Mortaigne left the land of his own wilful and stubborn mind, 
The earl of Mortaigne.  exiling himself only upon hatred which he bore to the king. For being not contented with the earldom of Mortaigne in Normandy, and the earldom of Cornwall in England, he made suit also for the earldom of Kent, which his uncle Odo sometime held. Now because he was not only denied of that suit, but also by order of law had certain parcels of land taken from him, which he wrongfully detained, he got him into Normandy, and there made war both against those places which the king held, and also against other that belonged to Richard earl of Chester, who was then under the king's tuition and government by reason of his minority. 
Richard earl of Chester.   
The threatening words of duke Robert coming at the last to king Henry's ears, caused him forthwith to conceive very sore displeasure against the duke, in so much that he sent over a power into Normandy, which finding no great resistance, 
A power of men sent into Normandy.  did much hurt in the country, by fetching and carrying spoils and preys. Again, the Normans rather favoured than sought to hinder the enterprise of king Henry, because they saw how duke Robert with his foolish prodigality and undiscréet liberality had made away all that belonged to his estate; so that of the whole duchy of Normandy, he had not any city or town of name left in his own possession, Rouen only excepted, which he also would have alienated, if the citizens would have consented to his fond motion. 
Gemeticen●is.   
Now king Henry hearing of the good success of his men, year 1105 passed over himself soon after with a mighty army, 
The k. passeth over to Normandy. Anno Reg. 6. Simon Dun. Gemeticensis. Polydor.  and with little ado took Eureux or (as others have) Baieux and Caen, which cities when he had furnished with sufficient garrisons of men, he repassed the sea into England, because the winter approached, and the wether waxed troublesome for such as lay in the field. Hereupon duke Robert considering how unable he was (by reason that his people failed him at need) to resist king Henry, sith the Britan's also, and they of Anjou, took part with the said king, he thought good to lay armour aside, and to pass over into England, to entreat with him by way of brotherly amity, in full hope by that means to avoid this present danger. But at his arrival here, 
1106 Anno Reg. 7.  he learned how the king his brother as then was at Northampton: wherefore he hasted thither, and coming to him, made earnest suit for peace, beseeching the king in respect of brotherly love to grant the same; or if it were that he regarded not the goodwill of his natural brother, to consider at least wise what appertained to his accustomed gentleness, and to think with himself that war betwixt brethren could not be maintained without reproach, nor that victory be honourable which was obtained against his own flesh. Wherefore he required him not to refuse peace, friendship, and voluntary benevolence, sith he was now ready to render all that ever he had into his hands.  
The king nothing moved herewith, but as one that disdained to make a direct answer, murmured certain things with himself, and turned away from the duke, as one that either by experience knew his brother's light and unstable mind, or as one that determined to be revenged of him even to the uttermost. Duke Robert also, 
The brethren depart in displeasure.  abhorring and utterly detesting this his brother's pride, streightwaies returned home, purposing with himself to try the hazard of war, sith he saw no hope to be had in brotherly love and amity. Whereupon he provided for wars with all his power, seeking aid from all places where he might get any, 
K. Henry passeth into Normandy to pursue his brother.  though the king his brother gave him small leisure thereto, who followed him incontinently with a new supply of soldiers, desiring nothing more than to get him within his danger.  
Soon after, both the brethren approaching near together, each of them pitched their camp within the sight of other, preparing themselves to give battle with princely stomaches. 
They join in battle.  The king surmounting the duke his brother in number, first bringeth forth his men in order of battle, and streightwaies the duke likewise, bo●h being ready to try the matter by dint of sword. Then the one provoking the other, and the trumpets sounding aloft, the conflict began. The king's soldiers trusting too much in their own line 10 force, by reason of their great multitude, broke their array, and assailed their enemies on each side very disorderly: but the Normans being wisely ordered and instructed by their duke, kept themselves close together: so that the king's battle, which had without order stepped forth to assail them, finding sturdy resistance, began now to result or give back: for not only duke Robert but also William earl of Mortaigne pressed forward amongst their men, and fought valiantly with their own hands. Whereupon line 20 the king, when he perceived how his men began to shrink, cried upon them to stay, and withal commanded his horsemen to break upon the flanks of his enemies battle: which they did, with such violence that they disparkled the same, and caused the enemies to scatter. Herewith also the king's foot men, 
The Normans vanquished.  together with the horsemen invaded the Normans afresh, who nevertheless resisted a while, till being compassed about in manner on every side, they began to flee: as oftentimes it chanceth, when a few driven in sunder by a multitude, are assailed on line 30 all sides. The king then having vanquished his adversaries, followeth the chase, and maketh great slaughter of them, though not without some loss of his own: for the Normans despairing of safety, turned oftentimes again upon their pursuers.  

The earl of Mortaigne.  Duke Robert and the earl of Mortaigne fight most manfully in the very press of their enemies, were taken, or (as other say) betrayed, and delivered into their enemies hands: 
Eadmerus. W. Crispin. W. Ferreis. Robert de Estoutuille. The number slain.  beside which twain, William Crispin, William Ferreis, Robert Estoutuille line 40 the elder, with four hundredth men of arms, and to the number of 10. thousand footmen were taken. As for the number that were slain in this battle, there is none that declareth the certainty: but yet it is reported by divers writers, that no one battle in those days was sorer fought, nor with greater bloodshed either in Normandy, or elsewhere.  
Gemeticensis showeth briefly, that king Henry was offended with his brother duke Robert, 
Gemeticensis.  for alienating line 50 the duchy of Normandy his inberitance, & for wasting his revenues with such riotous demeanour as he used, so that he left himself nothing but the city of Rouen, which he had not passed to have given away also, if the citizens would thereto have granted their consent. The king (I say) taking displeasure herewith, went over into Normandy, and assuming a mighty power, first besieged Baieur, & then half destroying it, he took it by force. After this he took Caen also, and then besieged a castle called line 60 Tenerchbray pertaining to the earl of Mortaigne, during which siege his brother Robert, and the said earl of Mortaigne came with a great multitude of people in hope to be revenged of the king, and to chase him out of the country. But the punishment of God fell so upon them, that they were both taken, and many of their friends with them, as Robert de Estoutuille, William de Crispin, and others, who were brought before king Henry as prisoners. ¶ Thus did almighty God grant unto the king a notable victory without bloodshed, for he lost not a man: as for his adversaries, there died in the field not past three score persons.  

Wil Malm.  This seemeth also to agree with that which Wil Malmesburie writeth: for he saith, that king Henry with small ado brought into his hands duke Robert, who with a great troup of men came against him then lodging near the said castle of Tenerchbray. The earl of Mortaigne was also taken, 
Robert de Belesme.  but the earl of Shrewsburie escaped by flight, notwithstanding he was apprehended, as he went about to practise some privy conspiracy against the king. ¶ This battle was fought (as the same Wil Malme. affirmeth) upon a saturday, 
The 27. of September chro. de Nor.  being the day of S. Michael In gloria, and (as may be thought) by the provident judgement of God, to the end that Normandy should be subdued unto England on that day, in the which 40. years passed, king William the Conqueror first set foot on land at Hastings, when he came out of Normandy to subdue England. 
Simon Dun.  Neither doth Simon Dunelmensis vary in any thing from Gemeticensis touching the conclusion of this business, and the taking of duke Robert.  
These wars being thus finished, and the country set in quiet, which through the mere folly of duke Robert was wonderfully impoverished, the king received the keys of all the towns and castles that belonged either to the duke or the earl of Mortaigne, and furnished the same with garrisons to be kept for his behoof. Having thus pacified the country of Normandy, he came to Bec or Bechellou●n, 
Matth. West.  where archbishop Anselme then remained, year 1107 whom by mediation of friends he received to favour again, 
Anselme returneth home.  and sending him over into England, immediately after followed himself.  
Duke Robert being also spoiled of his dominions, lands and liberties, 
Duke Robert prisoner in the castle of Cardiff.  was shortly committed to prison within the castle of Cardiff in Wales, where he remained about the space of 26. years, and then died. He governed the duchy of Normandy 19 years, he was a perfect and expert warrior, 
Gemeticensis.  & comparable with the best capiteines that then lived, had he been somewhat more wary and circumspect in his affairs, and therewithal constant in his opinion. 
Polydor.  His worthy acts valiantly and fortunately achieved against the infidels, are notified to the world by many and sundry writers, to his high commendation and long lasting praise. It is said also, that he was after his taking once set at liberty by king Henry, and bound to forswear the realm of England and Normandy, being appointed to avoid within the space of 40. days, and twelve hours. But because he was perceived to practise somewhat against the king, he was eftsoons taken again, and having his eyes put out, committed to prison, where finally worn through age and grief of mind, he ended his miserable life. ¶ The form of banishing men out of the realm, was ordained by Edward the Confessor, and remained as a law in use till these our days, for the benefit of them which fled to any church or other privileged place, thereby to escape the punishment of death due for their offences. By a latter custom it was also devised, that they should bear a cross in their hand, as a sign that they were pardoned of life, for the holy place sake where they sought for secure.  
But duke Robert (as it should appear by that which others writ) found no such favour, 
Ma●th. West.  save only liberty to walk abroad in the king's forests, parks, and chases near the place where he was appointed to remain; so that upon a day, as he was walking abroad, he got a horse, and with all post hast road his wai●, in hope to have escaped: howbeit his keepers being advised thereof, followed him with hue and cry, and at length overtook him in a meadow, where he had laid his horse up to the belly in a quavemire. Then being brought back, his keepers kept him in close prison, advertising the king of his demeanour: whereupon he commanded that the sight of his eyes should be put out, but so, as the balls of them should remain unbroken, for the avoiding of a noisome deformity that otherwise would ensue, if the glassy tunicles should take hurt.  
In his return out of the holy land, he married one Sibell, the earl of Conuersans sister in Puglia, her father height Roger or Geffrey (as some books have) and was nephew to Robert Guyshard duke of Puglia, 
john Pike.  and by her had issue one son named William afterward earl of Flanders, whereof (God willing) line 10 more shall be said hereafter.  
Here must I leave duke Robert, and speak somewhat of Anselme the archbishop, who shortly after his return into England, received letters from pope paschal, wherein Anselme was authorised to dispose and order things as should seem to him most expedient. Now, whereas the greater and better part of the English clergy consisted of priests sons, he committed to his discretion the order to dispense line 20 with them; namely, that such as were of commendable life and sufficient learning, might be admitted to the ministery, as the necessity of time and state of the church should require. The pope also by the same letters gave Anselme authority to absolve Richard the prior of Elie, 
Richard prior of Elie.  upon his satisfaction pretermitted, and to restore him to the government of the priory of Elie, if the king thought it convenient.  
About the calends of August, in this year 1107. the king held a council of bishops, year 1107 abbots, and other line 30 lords of his realm in his palace at London, where in the absence of Anselme, the matter touching the investitures of churches, was argued upon for the space of three days together, and in the end because the pope had granted the homages of bishops and other prelates to the king, which his predecessor Urban had forbidden, together with the investitures; the king was contented to consent to the pope's will in forbearing the same. So that when Anselme was come, the king in presence of him and a line 40 great multitude of his people, granted and ordained, that from thenceforth no bishop nor abbot should be invested within the realm of England, by the hand either of the king or any lay man: on the other side it was granted again by Anselme, that no person elected into the prelacy, should be deprived of his consecration for doing his homage to the king.  
These things thus ordered, the churches which through England had been long vacant, were provided of governors, which were placed without any investiture line 50 of staff or ring. About this time, Anselme consecrated five bishops at Canturburie in one day, archbishop William to the see of Winchester, Roger that was the king's chancellor to Salisbury, William Warlewast to Excester, Remaline the queens chancellor to Hereford, and one Urban to Glamorgan in Wales.  
About this season a great part of Flanders being drowned by an exundation or breaking in of the sea, 
Polydor. Ran. Higd.  a great number of Flemings came into England, line 60 beseeching the king to have some void place assigned them, 
Flemings coming over into England, have places appointed them to inhabit.  wherein they might inhabit. At the first they were appointed to the country lying on the east part of the river of Twéed: but within four years after, they were removed into a corner by the sea side in Wales, called Penbrokeshire, to the end they might be a defence there to the English against the unquiet Welshmen.  
¶ It should appear by some writers, that this multitude of Flemings consisted not of such only as came over about that time by reason their country was overflown with the sea (as ye have heard) but of other also that arrived here long before, 
Wil Malm.  even in the days of William the Conqu●rour, through the friendship of the queen their countriewoman, sithence which time their number so increased, that the realm of England was sore pestered with them: whereupon king Henry devised to place them in Penbrokeshire, as well to avoid them out of the other parts of England, as also by their help to tame the bold and presumptuous fierceness of the Welshmen. Which thing in those parties they brought very well to pass: for after they were settled there, they valiantly resisted their enemies, and made very sharp wars upon them, sometimes with gain, and sometimes with loss.  
In the year 1108. Anselme held an other synod or council, whereat in presence of the king, year 1108 
A council. Sim. Dunel. Eadmerus. Anno Reg. 9  and by the assent of the earls and barons of the realm it was ordained.  
1 That priests, deacons, and subdeacons should live chastely, and keep no women in their houses, except such as were near of kin to them.  
2 That such priests, deacons, and subdeacons, as contrary to the inhibition of the council holden at London, had either kept their wives, 
Priests are sequestered from their wives.  or married other (of whom as Eadmerus saith, there was no small number) they should put them quite away, if they would continue still in their préesthood.  
3 That neither the same wines should come to their houses, nor they to the houses where their wives dwelled: but if they had any thing to say to them, they should take two or three witnesses, and talk with them abroad in the street.  
4 That if any of them chanced to be accused of breaking this ordinance, he should be driven to purge himself with six sufficient witnesses of his own order, if he were a priest: if a deacon, with four: and if a subdeacon, with two.  
5 That such priests as would forego serving at the altar, and holy order (to remain with their wives) should be deprived of their benefices, and not suffered to come within the choir.  
6 That such as contemptuously kept still their wives, and presumed to say mass, if being called to satisfaction, they should neglect it, they should then be excommunicated. 
Archdeacon's and canons.  Within compass of which sentence all archdeacon's and prebendary canons were comprised, both touching the foregoing of their women, and avoiding of their company, and also the punishment by the censures of the church, if they transgressed the ordinance.  
7 That every archdeacon should be sworn, not to take any money for favouring any person transgressing these statutes: and that they should not suffer any priests, whom they knew to have wives, 
Archdeacon's to be sworn.  either to say mass, or to have any vicar's. The like oath should a dean receive. Provided that such archdeacon's or deans as refused this oath, should be deprived of their rooms.  
8 That priests, who leaving their wives, would be content to serve God & the altar, should be suspended from that office, by the space of forty days, and be allowed to have vicar's in the mean time to serve for them: and after, upon performance of their enjoined penance by the bishop, they might return to their function. 
Penance.   
In this mean time king Henry being advertised of the death of Philip king of France, 
Polydor.  
Philip king of Fran. dead.  and not knowing what his son jews, surnamed Crassus might happily attempt in his new preferment to the crown, sailed over into Normandy, 
Lewis le gros K. of France.  to see the country in good order, and the towns, castles, and fortresses furnished accordingly as the doubtful time required. Now after he had finished his business on that side, he returned into England, where he met with ambassadors sent to him from the emperor Henry. The effect of whose m●ssage was, to require his daughter Maud in marriage unto the said emperor, 
Ambassadors from the emperor.  whereunto (though she was not then past five years of age) he willingly consented, and showing to the ambassadors great signs of love, he caused the espousals by way of procuration to be solemnised with great feasts and triumphs. 
Maud the king's daughter fianced unto the emperor.  This being ended, he suffered the ambassadors honoured with great gifts and princely rewards to departed.  
About this time Gerard archbishop of York died, whom one Thomas the king's chaplain succeeded, 
Eadmerus. The death of Gerard archbish. of Yo●ke. Thom●s the king's chaplain succeeded in that see.  who for lack of money to furnish his journey, and for line 10 other causes (as in his letters of excuse, which he wrote to Anselme it doth appear) could not come to Canturburie for to be consecrated of him in so short a time as was convenient. But Anselme at length admonished him by letters, that without delay he should dispatch and come to be consecrated. And whereas Anselme understood that the same Thomas was purposed to send unto Rome for his pall, 
The doubt of Anselme.  he doubted, lest if the pope should confirm him in his seey by sending to him his pall, he would happily refuse line 20 to make unto him profession of his due obedience. 
Anselme writeth to the Pope.  Wherefore to prevent that matter, Anselme wrote to pope paschal, requiring him in no wise to send unto the nominated archbishop of York his pall, till he had (according to the ancient customs) made profession to him of subjection, lest some troublesome contentions might thereof arise, to the no small disquieting of the English church. He also advertised pope paschal, that because he permitted the emperor to invest bishops, and did not therefore excommunicate line 30 him, king Henry threatened, that without doubt he would resume the investitures into his hands, thinking to hold them in quiet as well as he; and therefore be sought him to consider what his wisdom had to do therein with speed, lest that building which he had well erected, should utterly decay, & fall again into irrecoverable ruin. For K. Henry maketh diligently inquiry (saith he) what order you take with the emperor.  

The pope's answer to Anselme.  The pope receiving and perusing these letters, line 40 wrote again unto Anselme a very friendly answer concerning the archbishop of York. And as for suffering of the emperor to have the investitures, he signified to him that he neither did nor would suffer him to have them: but that having borne with him for a time, he now meant very shortly to cause him to feel the weight of the spiritual sword of S. Peter, which already he had drawn out of the scabbard, therewith to strike if he did not the sooner forsake his horrible error & naughty opinion. line 50  
There was another cause also that moved Anselme to doubt of the archbishop of York his meaning, 
The archbishop of York refuseth to come unto Canturburie to be consecrated.  as after it appeared. For being summoned to come and receive his consecration at Canturburie (as already ye have heard) through counsel of the canons of York he refused so to do: because they informed him that if he so did, it should be greatly prejudicial to the liberties of that see, whose archbishop was of like authority in all things unto the archbishop of Canturburie, so that he was bound line 60 only to fetch his consecration and benediction at Canturburie, but in no wise to acknowledge any subjection unto that see. ¶ For ye must understand, that there was great stomaching betwixt the clergy of the two provinces, 
Look in the 9 page, and the first column, of the debate between Thomas of York & Lan●renke of Canturburie.  Canturburie and York, about the metropolitan prerogative: and ever as occasion served, and as they thought the favour of the prince, or opportunity of time might advance their quarrels, they of York sticked not to utter their griefs, in that (as they took it) some injury was offered them therein.  
The archbishop of York being thus instructed by the canons of his church, year 1019 signified to archbishop Anselme the cause why he came not at his summons. The copy of a parcel whereof is here exemplified. Causam, qua differtur sacratio mea, quam nemo studiosius quàm ego vellet accellerare, qui protulerunt, non desistunt corroborare. Quamobrem, quàm periculosum & quàm turpe sit, contra consensum ec●lesiae, cui praefici debeo, regimen ipsius invadere, vestra discretio noverit. Sed & quàm sormidabile & quàm sit evitandum, sub specie benedictionis maledictionem endure, &c: that is;  
The cause why my consecration is deferred, which no man living would wish to be done with more speed than I myself: those that have prolonged it, cease not to confirm. Wherefore how dangerous and how dishonest it should be for me to invade the government of that church, which I ought to rule, without consent of the same, your discretion rightwell understandeth. Yea and how dreadful a thing it is, and how much to be avoided to receive a curse, under colour of a blessing, etc.  
Anselme having already written twice unto the said Thomas archbishop of York about this matter, and now receiving this answer, could not be quiet in mind, and thereupon taking advice with certain bishops whom he called unto him, determined to send two bishops unto the said Thomas of York: and so the bishop of London (as dean to the archbishop of Canturburie) & the bishop of Rochester (as his household chaplain) were sent to commune with him, 

The bishop of London dean to the archbishop of Canturburie.  
The bishop of Rochester his chaplain.   who met them at his manor of Southwell, where they declared to him the effect of their message: but he deferred his answer, till a messenger which he had sent to the king (as then being in Normandy) was returned, and so without any full answer the bishops came back again.  
Howbeit shortly after, there came to Canturburie a messenger on the behalf of the archbishop of York, with letters enclosed under the king's seal, by the tenor whereof the king commanded Anselme, that the consecration of the archbishop of York might stay till the feast of Easter; and if he might return into England by that day, he promised (by the advice had therein of the bishops and barons of his realm) that he would set a direction betwixt them in all matters, whereof any controversy had been moved heretofore: or if he could not return so soon, he would yet take such order, that brotherly love & concord might remain betwixt them. When he that brought these letters required an answer, Anselme answered, 
A stout prelate.  that he would signify his mind to the king, and not to his master. Immediately therefore was the dean of Chichester sent over from Anselme, with a monk of Bech●llouin to the king, to inform him of all the matter, and to beseech his majesty, by his authority to provide, that no discord should rise to the dividing of the present state of the church of England. Furthermore, whereas he had commanded him to grant unto Thomas the archbishop of York, a time of respite; he should take for certain answer, that he would rather suffer himself to be cut in pieces, than to grant so much as one hours' space on the said Thomas of York, 
Anselme sen●●eth to the king.  whom he knew already to have set himself unjustly against the ancient constitutions of holy fathers, and against the Lord himself. The messengers declared these things to the king, and brought word back again at their return, that the king had heard their message with favourable mind, and promised by the power of God, to declare to the world that he coveted unity, and not any division in the church of England.  
All this while Anselme was detained with long and grievous sickness, 
Ans●lme sick.  and yet not forgetful of the obstinate dealing of Thomas of York, he wrote letters unto him, by virtue whereof he suspended him from exercising all pastoral function, till he had reform his error, submitted himself to receive his blessing, and acknowledged his subjection to the church of Canturburie, as his predecessors Thomas and Gerard had done, and before them other ancients, as custom had prescribed. Thus he charged him, upon pain of cursing, except he would renounce his archbishop's dignity: for in so doing he did grant him licence to use the office and ministery of a priest (which before time he had taken upon him) or else not. line 10  
In the same letters he prohibited all the bishops within the precinct of the isle of Britain, that in no wise they should consecrate him, upon pain of cursing: and if he should chance to be consecrated by any stranger, that in no wise they should (under the like pain) receive him for archbishop, or communicate with him in any condition. Every bishop also within the whole isle of Britain had a copy of these letters directed to him from Anselme under his seal, 
Letters from Anselme.  line 20 commanding them to behave themselves therein according to the contents, and as they were bound by the subjection which they ought to the church of Canturburie. The letters were dated alike in March.  
Notwithstanding all this, upon the 21. of April ensuing, 
1109 Anno Reg. 10.  Anselme ended his life in the sixtéenth year after his first preferment to that see, being threescore and sixteen years of age. He was an Italian, borne in Piedmont, 
Augusta Praetoriana▪  near to the Alps, in a city called Aosta, he was brought up by Lanfranke, and before he was made archbishop, was abbot of the monastery line 30 of Bechellovin in Normandy.  

Matth. West. The first erection of the bishopric of Elie. Eadmerus.  About the same time was the bishops see of Elie erected by the king, who appointed one Harvey to be the first bishop there, who before had been bishop of Bangor. Cambridgeshire was annexed to that see, which because it had of former time belonged to the see of Lincoln, the king gave unto the bishop of Lincoln (as it were in recompense) the town of Spalding which was his own. The prior of Elie, line 40 named Richard, 
Richard prior of Elie.  desirous to honour himself and his house with the title of a bishop's dignity, procured the erection of that bishopric, first moving the king therein, and after persuading with the bishop of Lincoln to grant his good will: but yet yer the matter was brought to perfection, this prior died, and so the said Harvey enjoyed the room: wherein the prover be took place, that One soweth, but an other reapeth (as Polydore allegeth it.) But to proceed.  

Polydor.  Shortly after the decease of Anselme, a Legate line 50 came from Rome, 
Eadmerus.  bringing with him the pall for the archbishop of York. 
A legate from Rome.  Howbeit now that Anselme was dead, the said Legate witted not what to do in the matter, because he was appointed to deliver the pall first and immediately unto Anselme, and further therein to deal (concerning the bestowing thereof) as should seem good unto him.  
In the feast of Pentecost next ensuing, the king returned from Normandy, and held his court at London, where after the solemnity of that feast, he line 60 called an assembly of the bishops, to understand what was to be done in the matter, for the consecration of the archbishop of York. Here were the letters showed which the archbishop Anselme had (a little before his death) directed unto every of the bishops as before ye have heard. 
The earl of Mellent.  Which when the earl of Mellent had read, and understood the effect, he asked what he was that durst receive any such letters without the king's assent and commandment? At length the bishops advising themselves what they had to do, required Samson bishop of Worcester to declare his opinion, 
Samson bishop of Worcester.  who boldly spoke these words; Although this man, who is elected archbishop, is my son, whom in times past I begot of my wife, and therefore aught to seek his advancement as nature and worldly respects might move me: yet am I more bound unto the church of Canturburie, my mother, which hath preferred me to this honour that I do bear, and by the ministery of a bishoplike office hath made me partaker of that grace, which it hath deserved to enjoy of the Lord. Wherefore I would it should be notified unto you all, that I mean to obey in every condition the commandment contained in the letters of our father Anselme concerning the matter which you have now in hand. For I will never give mine assent, that Thomas nominated archbishop of York shall be consecrated, till he have professed his due and canonical obedience touching his subjection to the church of Canturburie. 
Look in pa. 9 in both columns, where you shall see this matter determined.  For I myself was present when my brother▪ Thomas archbishop of York, constrained both by ancient customs and invincible reasons, did profess the like subjection unto archbishop Lanfranke, and all his successors the archbishops of Canturburie.  
These words thus uttered by the bishop of Worcester, all the bishops returned together, 
The protestation of the bishops to the king.  and coming before the king's presence, boldly confessed that they had received Anselmes letters, and would not do any thing contrary to the tenor of the same. Whereat the earl of Mellent shook the head, as though he meant to accuse them of contempt towards the king. But the king himself uttered his mind, and said, that whatsoever other men thought of the matter, he surly was of the like mind with the bishops, & would be loath to run in danger of Anselms curse. Wherefore it was determined, that the elect of York should either acknowledge his subjection to the church of Canturburie, or else forego his dignity of archbishop: whereupon in the end he came to London, and there upon the 28. day of May was consecrated by Richard bishop of London, as dean to the see of Canturburie. Then having the profession or protestation of his subjection to the see of Canturburie delivered him under seal, he broke up the same, and read the writing in manner and form following: Ego Thomas Eboracensis ecclesiae consecrandus metropolitanus, 
The tenor of the profession which the archishop of York made unto the archbishop of Canturburie.  profiteor subiectionem & canonicam obedientiam sanctae Dorobernensiecclesiae, & eiusdem ecclesiae primati canonicè electo & consecrato, & successoribus suis canonicè inthronizatis, salva fidelitate domini mei Henrici regis Anglorum, & salva obedientia ex part mea tenenda, quam Thomas antecessor meus sanctae Romanae ecclesiae ex' part sua professus est: that is; I Thomas to be consecrated metropolitan archbishop of York, profess my subjection and canonical obedience unto the holy church of Canturburie, and to the primate of the same church canonically elected and consecrated, and to his successors canonically enthronized, saving the faith which I own unto my sovereign lord Henry king of the English, and saving the obedience to be holden of my part, which Thomas my predecessor professed on his behalf unto the holy church of Rome.  
When this writing was read, the bishop of London took it, and delivered it unto the prior of Canturburie, appointing him to keep the same as a testimonial for the time to come. Thus was Thomas the archbishop of York consecrated, year 1110 being the 27. in number that had governed that see, who when he was consecrated, the pope's Legate went unto York, and there delivered to the same archbishop the pall, wherewith when he was invested, he departed and returned to Rome, as he was appointed.  
At the feast of Christmas next ensuing, the king held his court at London with great solemnity. The archbishop of York prepared to have set the crown on the king's head, and to have song mass afore him, because the archbishops see at Canturburie was void. But the bishop of London would not suffer it, claiming as high dean to the see of Canturburie to execute that office, 
Strife betwixt bishops.  and so did, leading the king to the church after the manner. Howbeit when they should come to sit down at dinner, there kindled a strife betwixt the said two bishops about their places, because the bishop of London, for that he had been ordained long before the archbishop, and therefore not only as dean to the see of Canturburie, but also by reason of priority, pretended to have the upper seat. line 10 But the king perceiving their manner, would not hear them, but commanded them out of his house, and get them to dinner at their inns.  

Anno Reg. 11.  About the same time the cause of the marriage of priests and their keeping of women came again into question, 
Priests prohibited to marry or keep women,  so that by the king's commandment, they were more straightly forbidden the company of women than before in Anselmes time. For after his decease, diverse of them (as it were promising to line 20 themselves a new liberty to do that which in his life time they were constrained sore against their wills to forbear) deceived themselves by their hasty dealing. For the king being informed thereof, by the force of the ecclesiastical laws compelled them to stand to and obey the decree of the council holden at London by Anselme (as before ye have heard) at least wise in the sight of men. But if so it be (saith Eadmerus) that the priests attempt to do worse, as it were to the condemnation and reproof of Anselmes doings, let the charge light on their line 30 heads, sith every man shall bear his own burden: for I know (saith he) that if fornicators and adulterers God will judge, the abusers of their one cousins (I will not say their own sisters and daughters) shall not surly escape his judgement.  

The river of Trent dried up.  About the same time many wonders were seen and heard of. The river of Trent near to Nottingham, for the space of a mile ceased to run the wonted course during the time of four & twenty hours, so that the channel being dried up, men might pass over line 40 to and fro dry shod.  

Monsters.  Also a sow brought forth a pig with a face like a man, & a chicken was hatched with four feet. Moreover a comet or blazing star appeared in a strange sort: 
A comet. Wil Thorn. Matth. West.  for rising in the east, when it once came aloft in the firmament, it kept not the course forward, but seemed to go backward, as if it had been retrograde.  
About this season the king married Robert his base son to the lady Maud, 
john Stow. Robert the king's base son created earl of Gloucester  daughter and heir to line 50 Robert Fitzham, and withal made his said son earl of Gloucester, who afterwards builded the castles of Bristol and Cardiff, with the priory of S. james in Bristol, where his body was buried.  

1111 Anno Reg. 12.  In the year following, Foulke earl of Anjou, envying the prosperous estate of king Henry, and lamenting the case of duke Robert, 
Fabian. The city of Constances' taken.  won the city of Constances', by corrupting certain of the king's subjects the inhabitants of the same. Whereof king Henry being advertised, passed over into Normandy, 
The king passeth into Normandy.  recovered the said city, punished the offenders, line 60 revenged himself of the earl, and returned into England.  
Now, as also before, the king continued his inordinate desire of enriching himself, year 1112 for the fulfilling of which hungry appetite (called Sacra of the poets Per antiphrasin) he pinched many so sore, that they ceased not to speak very ill of his doings. He did also incur the misliking of very many people, because he kept still the see of Canturburie in his hands, 
The archbishops see of Canturburie in the king's hand four years.  and would not bestow it, for that he found sweetness in receiving all the profits and revenues belonging thereunto, during the time that it remained vacant, which was the space of four years, or thereabouts. In like manner, 
1113 Anno Reg. 13.  when he was admonished to place some meet man in the room, he would say, that he was willing to bestow it, but he took the longer time, for that he meant to find such a one to prefer thereto as should not be too far behind Lanfranke and Anselme in doctrine, virtue and wisdom. And sith there was none such yet to be found, he suffered that see to be void till such could be provided. This excuse he pretended, 
The king's excuse.  as though he were more careful for the placing of a worthy man, than of the gain that followed during the time of the vacation. Howbeit not long after, 
1114 Anno Reg. 14.  he translated one Richard bishop of London to that archbishopric, who enjoying it but a while, he gave the same to one Ralph than bishop of Rochester, and made him archbishop of Canturburie, being the 35. in order that ruled that see. 
Eadmerus.  He was elected at Windsor the 26. of April, and on the 16. day of May installed at Canturburie, great preparation being made for the feast which was holden at the same. Soon after likewise he sent for his pall to Rome, which was brought from paschal by one Anselme nephew unto the late archbishop Anselme. About this time also the pope found himself grieved, 
The pope's authority not regarded in England.  for that his authority was but little esteemed in England, & for that no persons were permitted to appeal to Rome in cases of controversy, and for that (without seeking to obtain his licence and consent) they did keep their synods & counsels about ecclesiastical affairs, neither would obey such Legates as he did send, nor come to the convocations which they held. In so much that one Cono the pope's Legate in France had excommunicated all the priests of Normandy, because they would not come to a synod which they had summoned. Whereupon the king being somewhat troubled, by advice of his council, sent the bishop of Excester to Rome, 
The bishop of Excester sent to Rome.  (though he were then blind) to talk with the pope concerning that matter.  
Not long after this Thomas the archbishop of York died: after whom succeeded Thurstane, 
Thurstane archbishop of York.  a man of a lofty stomach, but yet of notable learning, who even at the very first began to contend with Ralph the archbishop of Canturburie about the title and right of the primacy. And though the king advised him to stand to the order which the late archbishops of York had observed, yet he would not stay the matter, sith he saw that archbishop Ralph being sick and diseased, could not attend to prevent his doings. Thurstane therefore consecrated certain bishops of Scotland, 
Giles Aldane bishop of S. Ninian.  and first of all Giles Aldane the elect bishop of S. Ninian, who promised and took his oath (as the manner is) to obey him in all things as his primate.  
The city of Worcester about this season was by a casual fire almost wholly burnt up and consumed. 

Floriacensis Wigorniensis. Worcester burnt. Polydor.  
The Welshmen invade the english marshes. K. Henry entereth into Wales with an army.   Which mishap, because that city joineth near unto Wales, was thought to be a signification of troubles to follow by the insurrection of the Welshmen: who conceiving hope of good speed by their good success in the wars held with William Rufus, began now to invade & waste the English marshes. Whereupon king Henry desirous to tame their haughty stomaches (because it was a grief to him still to be vexed with such tumults and uprisings as they daily procured) assembled a mighty army, and went into Wales. Now because he knew the Welshmen trusted more to the woods and mountains, than to their own strength, he beset all the places of their refuge with armed men, and sent into the woods certain bands to lay them waste, & to hunt the Welsh out of their holes. The soldiers (for their parts) needed no exhortation: for remembering the losses sustained afore time at the Welshman's hands, they showed well by their fresh pursuit, how much they desired to be revenged, so that the Welsh were slain on each hand, and that in great numbers, till the king perceived the huge slaughter, & saw that having thrown away their armour and weapons, they sought to save themselves by flight, he commanded the soldiers to cease from killing, and to take the residue that were left prisoners, if they would yield themselves: which they did, and besought the king of his mercy and grace to pardon and forgive them.  
The king thus having vanquished and overcome line 10 the Welshmen, 
Garrisons placed in Wales by K. Henry. Floriacensis Wigorniensis.  placed garrisons in sundry towns & castles, where he thought most necessary, and then returned to London with great triumph. Thither shortly after came ambassadors from the emperor, requiring the king's daughter affianced (as before you have heard) unto him, and (being now viripotent or marriable) desired that she might be delivered unto them. 
A subsidy raised by the king to bestow with his daughter. Hen. Hunt. Polydor.  King Henry having heard their suit and willing with speed to perform the same, raised a great tax among his subjects, rated after every hide line 20 of land which they held, & taking of each one three shillings towards the payment of the money which was covenanted to be given with her at the time of the contract. Which when the king had levied, with much more, towards the charges to be employed in sending her forth, he appointed certain of his greatest peers to safe conduct her unto her husband, who with all convenient speed conveyed her into Germany, and in very honourable manner there delivered her unto the foresaid emperor. After this, the king went into Normandy, 
The king goeth over into Normandy.  and there created his son William line 30 duke of that country, causing the people to swear fealty and obedience to him, whereof rose a custom, that the kings of England from thenceforth (so long as Normandy remained in their hands) made ever their eldest sons dukes of that country. When he had done this with other his business in Normandy, he returned into England.  
In this year about the fifteenth day of October, the sea so decreased and shrank from the old accustomed water-markes and coasts of the land here in line 40 this realm, year 1114 
The sea decreaseth. Wonders. Wil Thorn.  that a man might have passed on foot over the sands and washes, for the space of a whole day together, so that it was taken for a great wonder. It was also noted, that the main rivers (which by the tides of the sea used to ebb and flow twice in 24. hours) became so shallow, that in many places men might go over them without danger, and namely the river of Thames was so low for the space of a day and a night, 
Simon Dun. Ran. Higd. Matth. Westm.  that horses, men, and children passed line 50 over it betwixt London bridge and the tower, and also under the bridge, the water not reaching above their knees. Moreover, in the month of December, the air appeared red, as though it had burned. In like manner, the Winter was very extreme cold with frosts, 
1115 Anno Reg. 16.  by reason whereof at the thawing and breaking of the ice, the most part of all the bridges in England were broken and borne down.  
Not long after this, Griffin ap Rees took a great preie and booty out of the country's subject to the line 60 king within the limits of Wales, 
1116 Anno. Reg. 17.  and burned the king's castles, because he would not restore such lands and possessions unto him as appertained to his father Rées or Rice. 
Griffin ap Rice doth much hurt on the marshes Polydor.  Howbeit, the king (notwithstanding this business) being not otherwise troubled with any other wars or weighty affairs, deferred his voyage into those quarters, and first called a council of his lords both spiritual and temporal at Salisbury on the nintéenth day of March, wherein many things were ordained for the wealth and quiet state of the land. And first he swore the Nobility of the realm, that they should be true to him and his son William after his decease. secondly, he appeased sundry matters then in controversy betwixt the Nobles and great Péers, causing the same to be brought to an end, and the parties made friends: the division betwixt the archbishops of York and Canturburie (which had long depended in trial, and could not as yet have end) excepted. For ambitious Thurstane would not stand to any decree or order therein. except he might have had his whole will, so that the king taking displeasure with him for his obstinate demeanour, commanded him either to be conformable to the decree made in Lanfranks time, or else to renounce his mitre, 
Thurstane refuseth to obey the king's pleasure. Eadmerus.  which to do (rather than to acknowledge any subjection to the archbishop of Canturburie) he seemed to be very willing at the first, but afterwards repented him of his speech passed in that behalf. Now when the council was ended, and the king went over into Normandy, he followed, trusting by some means to persuade the king, that he might have his furtherance to be consecrated, without recognizing any obedience to the see of Canturburie: but the king would not hear him, whereby the matter rested long in suit, as hereafter shall appear.  
¶ Hereby it is plain (as Polydore saith) how the bishops in those days were blinded with covetousness and ambition, not considering that it was their duties to despise such worldly pomp, as the people regard, and that their calling required a studious endeavour for the health of such souls as fell to their charge. Neither yet remembered they the simplicity of Christ, and his contempt of worldly dignity, when he refused to satisfy the humour of the people, who very desirously would have made him a king, but withdrew himself, and departed to a mountain himself alone. They were rather infected with the ambition of the apostles, contending one with another for the primacy, forgetting the vocation where to Christ had separated them, not to rule as kings over the gentiles; but to submit their necks to the yokes of obedience, as they had Christ their master an example and precedent.  
¶ Here is to be noted, 
The first use of parlements in England.  that before this time, the kings of England used but seldom to call together the states of the realm after any certain manner or general kind of process, to have their consents in matters to be decreed. But as the lords of the privy council in our time do sit only when necessity requireth, so did they whensoever it pleased the king to have any conference with them. So that from this Henry it may be thought the first use of the parliament to have proceeded, which sith that time hath remained in force, and is continued unto our times, insomuch that whatsoever is to be decreed touching the state of the commonwealth and conservation thereof, is now referred to that council. And furthermore, if any thing be appointed by the king or any other person to be used for the wealth of the realm, it shall not yet be received as law, till by authority of this assembly it be established.  
Now because the house should not be troubled with multitude of unlearned commoners, whose property is to understand little reason, and yet to conceive well of their own doings: there was a certain order taken, what manner of ecclesiastical persons, and what number and sort of temporal men should be called unto the same, and how they should be chosen by voices of free holder's, that being as attorneys for their countries, that which they confessed or denied, should bind the residue of the realm to receive it as a law. This counsel is called a parliament, by the French word, for so the Frenchmen call their public assemblies.  

The manner of the parliament in England.  The manner of their consulting here in England in their said assemblies of parliament is on this wise. Whereas they have line 10 to entreat of matters touching the commodity both of the prince and of the people, that every man may have free liberty to utter what he thinketh, they are appointed to sit in several chambers, the king, the bishops, and lords of the realm sit in one chamber to confer together by themselves; and the commoners called knights for the shires, citizens of cities, line 20 and burgesses of good towns in another. These choose some wise, eloquent, and learned man to be their prolocutor or speaker (as they term him) who propoundeth those things unto them that are to be talked of, and asketh every man's opinion concerning the conclusion thereof. In like sort, when any thing is agreed upon, and decreed by them in this place (which they call the lower house in respect of their estate) line 30 he declareth it again to the lords that sit in the other chamber called the higher house, demanding likewise their judgements touching the same. For nothing is ratified there, except it be agreed upon by the consent of the more part of both those houses. Now when they have said their minds, and yielded their confirmation thereunto, the final ratification is line 40 referred to the prince; so that if he think good that it shall pass for a law, he confirmeth also by the mouth of the lord Chancellor of the realm, who is prolocutor to the lords always by the custom of that house.  
The same order is used also by the bishops and spirituality in their convocation houses. For the bishops sit in one place line 50 by themselves as in the higher house, and the deans, archdeacon's, and other procurators of the spirituality in an other, as in the lower house, whose prolocutor declareth to the bishops what is agreed upon by them. Then the archbishop (by consent of the more part of them that are assembled in both those convocation houses) ratifieth and pronounceth their decrees for laws, remitting (notwithstanding) the final line 60 ratification of them to the temporal houses.  
This is the order of the lawgiving of England; and in such decrees (established by authority of the prince, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons of this realm thus assembled in parliament) consisteth the whole force of our English laws. Which decrees are called statutes, meaning by that name, that the same should stand firm and stable, and not be repealed without the consent of an other parliament, and that upon good and great consideration.  
About this season, one Owin (whom some name prince of Wales) was slain, as Simon Dunelmen. 
Simon Dun.  writeth, but by whom, or in what sort, he showeth not. In this eightéenth year of king Henry's reign, on All hallows day, or first of November, great lightning, thunder, and such a storm of hail fell, that the people were marvelously amazed therewith. Also on the thirteenth of December, there happened a great earthquake, and the moon was turned into a bloody colour: which strange accidents fell about the midst of the night. At the same time, queen Maud, wife to king Henry departed this life. But now to return to other doings.  
It chanced upon a small occasion, that very sore and dangerous wars followed out of hand, betwixt king Henry and jews surnamed the gross king of France: the beginning whereof grew hereupon. Theobald earl of champaign, descended of the earls of Blois, 
Theobald earl of champaign. Polydor.  was linked in amity with king Henry, by reason of affinity that was betwixt them (for Stephan the earl of Blois married lady Adila the sister of king Henry.) Now it happened, that the foresaid Theobald had by chance offended the said jews, who in revenge made sharp wars upon him. But earl Theobald hoping for aid to be sent from his friends in the mean time valiantly resisted him, 
Hen. Hunt.  and at length (by reason of a power of men which came to him from king Henry) in such sort vexed and annoyed the French king, that he consulted with Baldwine earl of Flanders, and Foulke earl of Anjou, 
Foulke earl of Anjou.  by what means he might best deprive king Henry of his duchy of Normandy, and restore the same unto William the son of duke Robert, unto whom of right he said it did belong.  
Now king Henry having intelligence of his whole purpose, endeavoured on the otherside to resist his attempts, and after he had levied a sore tribute of his subjects, passed over into Normandy with a great power, and no small mass of money, 
King Henry passeth over into Normandy to assist the earl of champaign.  where joining with earl Theobald, they began to prepare for war, purposing to follow the same even to the uttermost. K. jews in the m●ane time, supposing that all hope of victory rested in speedy dispatch of present affairs, determined likewise to have invaded Normandy upon the sudden. But after he perceived that his enemies were all in a readiness, and very well provided to resist him: he stayed and drew back a little while. Nevertheless in the end he became so desirous to be doing with king Henry, that approaching near unto the confines of Normandy, 
The French K. invadeth Normandy.  he made many skirmishes with the English, yet no notable exploit passed betwixt them in that year.  
¶ Here will I leave the kings of England and France skirmishing and encountering one another, and show something more of the contention that was between the archbishops of Canturburie and York, to the end that their ambitious desire of worldly honour may in some respect appear.  
About this very time, Anselme the nephew to archbishop Anselme came again from Rome, 
1117 Anno. Reg. 13.  with free authority to execute the office of the pope's legate in England: 
Ans●lme the pope's Legat. The bishop of Canturburie goth to Rome.  which seemed a thing right strange to the English clergy. Wherefore the bishop of Canturburie, to prevent other inconveniences likely to ensue, took upon him to go unto Rome, to understand the pope's pleasure concerning the truth and certainty of this matter, and to require him in no wise to diminish the authority or to extenuat the prerogative of his see of Canturburie, which hitherto used to determine all causes rising in his province.  
This said archbishop came to Rome, but finding not the pope there, he sent messengers with letters unto him, then lying sick at Benevento, and obtained a favourable answer, wherewith returning towards England, he came to the king at Rouen (where he had left him at his setting forth forward) certifying him how he had sped in this voyage. The foresaid Anselme was also stayed by the king at Rouen, and could not be suffered to pass over into England all that time, till it might be understood by the return of the archbishop, what the pope's pleasure should be line 10 further in that matter. 
Pope Gelasius succeeded pope paschal.  Shortly after whose repair to the king, word was brought that pope paschal was departed this life, and that Gelasius the second was elected in his place. This Gelasius (to avoid the dangers that might ensue to him by reason of the schism and controversy betwixt the see of Rome, 
1118 Anno. Reg. 19  and the emperor Henry the fift) came into France, where he lived not long, but died in the abbe●● of Clugnie, 
Carlixtus the second of that name pope.  after whose decease Calixtus the second was called to the papacy. line 20  
Thus by the chance and change of pope's, the legatship of Anselme could take no place, although his bulls permitted him without limitation of time, not only to call and celebrate synods for reformation of disorders in the church, but also for the receiving of Peter pence to be levied in England (in the which point pope paschal in his life time thought them in England very slack) as by the same bulls more largely doth appear. The archbishop of Canturburie had already stayed four or five years in the party's line 30 beyond the sees, about the matter in controversy betwixt him and Thurstane archbishop of York, who was likewise gone over to solicit his cause. But where as at the first he could not find the king in any wise agreeable to his mind, yet when the council should be holden at Rheims by pope Calixt, he sued at the leastwise for licence to go thither: but he could neither have any grant so to do, till he had promised (upon his allegiance which he ought to the king) not to attempt any thing there that might be prejudicial line 40 to the church of Canturburie in any manner of wise. Nevertheless, at his coming thither, he so wrought with bribes and large gifts, that the pope's court (a thing easily done in Rome) favoured his cause; yea, such was his success, that the pope consecrated him with his own hands, although king Henry had given notice to him of the controversy depending betwixt Thurstane and Ralph the archbishop of Canturburie, requiring him in no wise either to consecrate Thurstane himself, or grant licence line 50 to any other person to consecrate him: for if he did, surely (for his part) he would banish him quite out of his dominion, which should not be long undone. But now to the purpose.  
In this mean time, the wars were busily pursued betwixt the two kings of England & France, and a battle was fought between them, 
1119 Anno Reg. 20.  with great slaughter on both sides for the space of nine hours. 
The two kings of England & France join battle. King Henry hurt in the battle.  The forewards on both parties were beaten down and overthrown; and king Henry received line 60 sundry stripes on his head at the hands of one William Crispin county de Eureux, so as (though his helmet were very strong and sure) the blood burst out of his mouth: wherewith he was nothing afraid, but like a fierce lion laid more lustily about him, and struck down diverse of his enemies, namely the said Crispin, who was there taken prisoner at the king's feet. 
The earl of Eureux taken prisoner.  Now were the king's people encouraged at the valiancy and prowess of their king and chieftain, so that at length they opened and overcame the main battle, and setting upon the rearward, overthrew the whole army of France, which never recoiled, but fought it out even to the uttermost. There died and were taken prisoners in this conflict many thousands of men. The French king leaving the field, got him unto a place called Andelie: 
Andelei.  and the king of England, recovering a town by the way called Nicasium, which the French king had lately won, returned unto Roven, 
Nicasium.  where he was with great triumph received, and highly commended for his noble victory thus achieved.  
The earl of Flanders (as some writ) was so wounded in this battle, that he died thereof. 
Matth. Paris. ja. M●ir.  But others affirm, that coming into Normandy in the year last passed, to make war against king Henry in favour of king jews, he won the town of Andelie, and an other which they name Aquae Nicasij. But as he was come before the town of Augen in the month of September, and assailed the same, he received his death's wound in the head, 

The earl of Flanders wounded. He departed this life.  
Foulke earl of Anjou became the king of England's man.   whereupon returning home in the ninth month after, when he could not be cured of his hurt, he departed this life at Rosilare the 17. day of june.  
Shortly after Foulke earl of Anjou (who before had aided the French king against king Henry) became now kings Henry's friend by alliance, marrying his daughter to William king Henry's eldest son. But the French king (as their histories make mention) minding still to be revenged of the earl Theobald, invaded his country again with a puissant army, and had destroyed the city of Chartres, which belonged unto the same earl, had not the citizens humbled themselves to his mercy: and so likewise did the earl, as may be thought. For in the wars which immediately followed betwixt jews and the emperor Henry, the earl aided the French king against the same emperor to the uttermost of his power. Soon after this, the king came to an interview with pope Calixtus at guysor's, 
The king and the pope come to an enter●ew at guysor's  where many matters were talked of betwixt them: and amongst other, the king required of the pope a grant of all such liberties as his father enjoyed within the limits of England and Normandy, and chéefeli●, that no legate should have any thing to do within England, except he required to have one sent him for some urgent cause.  
All which matters being determined (as the state of the time present required) the pope besought the king to be good unto archbishop Thurstane, 
The pope is a suitor for Thurstan●.  and to restore him to his see: but the king protested that he had vowed never so to do whilst he lived. Where unto the pope answered, that he was pope, and by his apostolic power he would discharge him of that vow, if he would satisfy his request. 
The pope offereth to discharge the K. of his vow.  The king to shift the matter off, promised the pope that he would take advice of his council, and give him further knowledge, as the cause required, whereupon departing from thence, 
Eadmerus. The kings answer sent to the pope.  he did afterwards (upon farther deliberation) send him this message, in effect as followeth.  
Whereas he saith he is pope, and will (as he said) assoil me of the vow which I have made, if contrary thereto I will restore Thurstane to the see of York: I think it not to stand with the honour of a king, to consent in any wise unto such an absolution. For who shall believe an others promise hereafter, if by mine example he see the same so easily by an absolution to be made void▪ But sith he hath so great a desire to have. Thurstane restored, I shall be contented at his request, to receive him to his see, 
Simon Du●▪ Eadmerus▪  with this condition, that he shall acknowledge his church to be subject unto the see of Canturburie, as his predecessors have done before him; although in 〈◊〉 this offer would not seru● the turue.  
But now to return again to the two princes. Not long after the departure of the pope from G●isors, year 1120 
Simon Dun. Anno Reg. ●1.  Foulke earl of Anio● found means to make an agreement betwixt king Henry & king jews, so that William son to king Henry did homage unto king jews for the duchy of Normandy. 
The kings of England and France are accorded. Wil Malm.  And further it was accorded between them, that all those that had borne armour either on the one side or the other, should be pardoned, whose subjects soever they were. 
Eadmerus.  In like manner, Ralph archbishop of Canturburie returned into England, after he had remained long in Normandy, because of the controversy betwixt him and Thurstan archbishop of York, as is aforesaid.  
Now shortly after his return to Canturburie, line 10 messengers came with letters from Alexander king of Scotland unto him, signifying, that where the see of S. Andrews was void, 
Alexander K. of Scots.  the same king did instantly require him to send over Eadmer a monk of Canturburie (of whom he had heard great commendation for his sufficiency of virtue and learning) to be seated there. ¶ This Eadmer is the same which wrote the history entitled Historia novorum in Anglia, out of which (as may appear) we have line 20 gathered the most part of our matters concerning Anselme and Ralph archbishops of Canturburie, 
Eadmer Anselmes disciple.  in whose days he lived, and was Anselmes disciple.  
Archbishop Ralph was contented to satisfy the request of king Alexander in that behalf, and obtaining the consent of king Henry, he sent the said Eadmer into Scotland with letters of commendation unto the said king Alexander, who received him right ioiullie, and upon the third day after his coming thither (being the feast of the apostles Peter & Paul) he was elected archbishop of S. Andrews line 30 by the clergy and people of the land, to the great rejoicing of Alexander, and the rest of the Nobility. The next day after the king talked with him secretly of his consecration, and uttered to him how he had no mind to have him consecrated at the hands of Thurstan archbishop of York. In which case when he was informed by the said Eadmer, that no such thing needed to trouble his mind, since the archbishop 〈◊〉 Canturburie, being primate of all Britain, might consecrate him as reason was; the king line 40 could not away with that answer, because he would not hear that the church of Canturburie should be preferred before the church of S. Andrews. Hereupon he departed from Eadmer in displeasure, and calling one William (sometime monk of S. Edmundsbury) unto him, a man also that had governed (or rather spoiled) the church of S. Andrews in the vacation: this William was commanded to take upon him the charge thereof again, at the king's line 50 pleasure, whose meaning was utterly to remove Eadmer, as not worthy of that room. Howbeit, within a month after (to satisfy the minds of his Nobles) he called for the said Eadmer, 
Eadmer receiveth his staff from an altar.  and with much ado got him to receive the staff of that bishopric, taking it from an altar whereon it lay (as if he should have that dignity at the Lords hands) whereby he was invested, & went straight to S. Andrews church, where he was received by the quire, the scholars, and all the people, for true and lawful bishop. line 60  
In this mean while Thurstan nothing slacking his suit in the pope's court, obtained such favour (wherein the king of England also was greatly laboured unto) that he wrote letters thrice unto the king of Scotland, and once unto the archbishop of Canturburie, that neither the king should permit Eadmer to be consecrated, nor the archbishop of Canturburie in any wise consecrate him if he were thereunto required. Hereupon it came to pass, that finally Eadmer, after he had remained in Scotland twelve months or thereabouts, and perceived that things went not as he would have wished (for that he could not get the king's consent that he should be consecrated of the archbishop of Canturburie, as it was first meant both by the archbishop and Eadmer) he departed out of Scotland, and returned again to Canturburie, there to take further advice in all things as cause should move him. In like manner king Henry, 
King Henry returneth into England.  having quieted his business in France, returned into England, where he was received and welcomed home with great joy and triumph; but such public rejoicing lasted not long with him. For indeed, this pleasantness and m●rth was changed into mourning, by advertisement given of the death of the king's sons, 
Ran. Higd. wil Malm. Polydor. Matth. Paris. The king's sons and his daughter with other Nobles are drowned by shipwreck.  William duke of Normandy, and Richard his brother, who together with their sister the lady Marie countess of Perch, Richard earl of Chester, with his brother O●well governor to duke William, and the said earl of Chester his wife the king's niece, the archdeacon of Hereford, Geffrey Riddle, Robert Manduit, William Bigot, and diverse other, to the number of an hundredth and forty persons, besides fifty mariners, took ship at Harflew, thinking to follow the king, and sailing forth with a south wind, their ship through negligence of the mariners (who had drunk out their wits & reason) were thrown upon a rock, and utterly perished on the coast of England, upon the 25. of November, so that of all the company none escaped but one butcher, who catching hold of the mast, was driven with the same to the shore which was at hand, and so saved from that dangerous shipwreck. 
Wil Malm.  Duke William might also have escaped very well, if pity had not moved him more than the regard of his own preservation. For being gotten into the shipboat, and launching toward the land, he heard the skréeking of his sister in dreadful danger of drowning, and crying out for succour; whereupon he commanded them that rowed the boat to turn back to the ship, and to take her in. But such was the press of the company that strove to leap in with her, that it streightwaies sank, 
Wil Malm. Matth. Paris.  so that all those which were already in the boat were cast away.  
¶ Here (by the way) would be noted the unadvised speech of William Rufus to the shipmaster, 
Look in page 23. column 2. against the number 60.  whom he emboldened with a vain and desperate persuasion in tempestuous weather and high seas to hoist up sails; adding (for further encouragement) that he never heard of any king that was drowned. In which words (no doubt) he sinned presumptuously against God, who in due time punished that offence of his in his posterity and kindred, even by the same element, whose fierceness he himself seemed so little to regard, as if he would have commanded the storms to cease; as we read Christ did in the gospel by the virtue and power of his word. Here is also to be noted the variableness of fortune (as we commonly call it) or rather the uncertain and changeable event of things, which oftentimes doth raise up (even in the minds of princes) troublesome thoughts, and grievous passions, to the great impairing of their quietness: as here we see exemplified in king Henry, whose mirth was turned into moan, and his pleasures relished with pangs of pensiveness, contrary to his expectation when he was in the midst of his triumph at his return out of France into England. So that we see the old adage verified, Miscentur tristia Laetis; and that saying of an old poet justified; Saeva noverca dies nunc est, nunc ma●er amica. 
Hesiod. in lib. cuirie. opera & dies.   
But to return to the history. King Henry being thus deprived of issue to succeed him, did not a little lament that infortunate chance: but yet to restore that loss, shortly after, even the 10. 
1121 Anno Reg. 22.  of April next ensuing, 
Eadmerus. Hen. Hunt. The king marrieth again.  he married his second wife named Adelicia, a lady of excellent beauty, and noble conditions, daughter to the duke of Louvain, and descended of the noble dukes of Lorraine, howbeit he could never have any issue by her. 
Eadmerus.  The archbishop Thurstan (after the manner of obtaining suits in the court of Rome) found such favour at the hands of pope Calixt, 
The pope writeth to king Henry, in favour of the archbishop Thurstan, & accurseth him with the archbishop of Canturburie.  that he directed his letters as well to king Henry, as to Ralph archbishop of Canturburie, by virtue whereof he accursed them both, and interdicted as well the province of York as Canturburie from the use of all manner of sacraments; from baptism of infants, the penance of them that died only excepted: if archbishop Thurstan were not line 10 suffered (within one month next after the receipt of those letters) to enjoy his see, without compelling him to make any promise of subjection at all. The king to be out of trouble, permitted Thurstan to return into the realm, and so repair unto York; but with condition, that he should not exercise any jurisdiction out of his own diocese as metropolitan, till he had confessed his obstinate error, and acknowleged his obedience to the church of Canturburie.  


The Welshmen make stirs.  
Eadmerus.  
The king raiseth an army to go against the Welshmen.   Whilst these things were thus a doing, king He●rie line 20 was advertised, that the Welshmen breaking the peace, did much hurt on the marshes, & specially in Cheshire where they had burned two castles. Meaning therefore to be revenged on them to the uttermost, he assembled an army out of all parts of his realm, and entered with the same into Wales. The Welshmen, hearing that the king was come with such puissance to invade them, were afraid, and forthwith sent ambassadors, beseeching him to grant them pardon and peace. 
The Welshmen sue for peace.  The king moved with their line 30 humble petitions, took hostages of them, & remitted them for that time, considering that in maintaining of war against such manner of people, there was more fear of loss than hope of gain. 
More doubt of loss than hope of gain, by the wars against the Welshmen.  But yet to provide for the quietness of his subjects which inhabited near the marshes, that they should not be overrun and harried daily by them (as oftentimes before they had been) he appointed Warren earl of Shrewesburie to have the charge of the marshes, that peace might be the better kept and maintained in the line 40 country.  

Simon Dun. A channel cast from Torksey to Lincoln.  Soon after king Henry caused a channel to be cast along the country in Lincolnshire, from Torksey to the city of Lincoln, that vessels might have passage out of the river of Trent unto the same. Moreover, Ralph bishop of Durham began to build the castle of Norham, 
Norham castle built. H. Hunt.  upon the bank of the river of Twéed.  
At this time likewise Foulke Earl of Anjou being now come out of the holy land (whither he went line 50 after the peace was made betwixt king Henry and the French king) began to pick a quarrel against king Henry, for withholding the jointure of his daughter, who (as before you have heard) was married unto William the king's son that was drowned. He also gave her sister in marriage unto William the son of duke Robert, assigning unto him the earldom of Maim to enjoy in the right of his wife.  
In the mean time, king Henry visited the north line 60 parts of his realm, 
Polydor.  to understand the state of the country, and to provide for the surety and good government thereof, as was thought requisite.  
In the year next ensuing, the twentieth of October, year 1122 Ralph archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, 
13. Kalends of November. Anno Reg. 23.  after he had ruled that see the space of 8. years, in whose room succeeded one William archbishop, who was in number the eight and twentieth from Augustine. Moreover, Henry the son of earl Blois, who before was abbot of Glastenburie, was now made bishop of Winchester, a man for his singular bounty, gentleness and modesty greatly beloved of the English.  
But to return to the affairs of the king. It chanced about this time, that the parts beyond the sea (being now void of a governor (as they suppose) by means of the death of the king's son) began to make commotions. Soon after it came also to pass that Robert earl of Mellent rebelled against the king, who being speedily advertised thereof, 
1123 Anno. Reg. 24.  sailed forthwith into those quarters, 
Robert earl of Mellent rebelleth.  and besieged the castle of Ponteaudemer pertaining to the said earl, and took it. About the same time also the king fortified the castle of Rouen, 
Hen. Hunt. The castle of Rouen fortified Matth. Paris.  causing a mighty thick wall with turrets thereabout as a fortification to be made. Likewise, he repaired the castle of Caen, the castles of Arches, guysor's, Faleise, Argentone, Damfront, Uernon, Ambres, with others, & made them strong. In the mean season, the earl of Mellent (desirous to be revenged of king Henry) proeured aid where he could, 
1124 Anno. Reg. 25.  and so with Hugh earl of Mountfert entered into Normandy, 
Polydor. H. Hunt. Matth. Paris.  wasting and destroying the country with fire and sword, thinking yer long to bring the same to obedience. But the king's chamberlain and lieutenant in those parts, named William de tankerville, being thereof advertised, laid an ambush for them, and training them within the danger thereof, set upon them, and after long fight, took them twain prisoners, with divers other, and presented them both unto the king, whereby the wars ceased in that country for a time.  
The king having in this manner purchased quietness by the sword, gave himself somewhat to the reformation of his house, and among other things which he redressed, 
Long hair redressed in the court. Matth. West.  he caused all his knights and men of war to cut their hair short, after the manner of the Frenthmen, whereas before they ware the same long after the usage of women.  
After this also, 
1125 Anno. Reg. 26.  in the year 1125. a cardinal named johannes Cremensis was sent into England from pope Honorius the second, 
johannes Cremensis a legate sent into England  to see reformation in certain points touching the church: but his chief errand was to correct priests that still kept their wives with them. At his first coming over, he sojourned in colleges of cathedral churches, and in abbeys, addicting himself to lucre & wantonness, reaping where he had not sown. At length, about the feast of the nativity of our lady, he called a convocation of the clergy at London, where making an oration, he inveighed sore against those of the spirituality that were spotted with any note of incontinency. Many thought themselves touched with his words, who having smelled somewhat of his secret tricks, that whereas he was a most licentious liver, and an unchaste person of body and mind, yet he was so blinded, that he could not perceive the beam in his own eyes, whilst he espied a mote in another man's. Hereupon they grudged, that he should in such wise call other men to accounts for their honest demeanour of life, which could not render any good reckoning of his own: insomuch that they watched him so narrowly, that in the evening (after he had blown his horn so loud against other men; in declaring that it was a shameful vice to rise from the side of a strumpet, and presume to sacrifice the body of Christ) he was taken in bed with a strumpet, to his own shame and reproach. But being reproved thereof, he alleged this excuse (as some writ) that he was no priest, 
But this should not seem to be any just excuse, for M. P. saith that the same day he consecrated the Lords body, & therefore he must needs be a priest.  but a reformer of priests. Howbeit to conclude, being thus defamed, he got him back to Rome again from whence he came, without any performance of that whereabout he was sent.  
But to return to king Henry, who whilst he remained in Normandy (which was a long time after the apprehension of the two foresaid earls) understood that his son in law Henry the emperor was departed this life at Utregt, the 23. of May last passed. 
1126 Anno. Reg. 27.  Whereupon he sent for his daughter the empress to come over unto him into Normandy, and having set his business in order on that side the sea, and taken her with him, he returned into England before the feast of S. Michael, where calling a parliament, 
Polydor. An oath taken by the lords touching the succession of the crown.  he caused her by authority of the same to be established as his lawful heir and successor, with an article of entail upon her issue, if it should please God to send her any at all. At this parliament was David K. of Scotland, who succeeded Alexander the fierce. Stephan earl of Morton and Bullongne, and son of Stephan earl of Blois, nephew line 10 to K. Henry by his sister Adela; these two princes chiefly took their oath amongst other, to obey the foresaid empress, as touching her right and lawful claim to the crown of England. But although Stephan was now the first that was to swear, 
Stephan earl of Bullongne the first that offered to receive the oath.  he became shortly after the first that broke that oath for his own preferment. ¶ Thus it cometh often to pass, that those which receive the greatest benefits, do oftentimes soon forget to be thankful.  
This Stephan lately before by his uncle K. Henry's line 20 means, had purchased & got in marriage the only daughter and heir of Eustace earl of Bullongne, and so after the decease of his father in law, became earl there: and further, had goodly possessions in England given him by the king, and yet (as farther shall appear) he kept not his oath made with K. Henry. 
Wil Malm.  Some writ that there rose no small strife betwixt this earl Stephan, & Robert earl of Gloucester, in contending which of them should first receive this oath: the one alleging that he was a king's son, line 30 the other affirming that he was a king's nephew.  
Shortly after this parliament was ended, K. Henry held his Christmas at Windsor, year 1127 where Thurstan archbishop of York (in prejudice of the right of William archbishop of Canturburie) would have set the crown upon the king's head, 
Matth. Paris.  at his going to the church: but he was put back with no small reproach; 
Strife betwixt the prelate's for pre-eminence.  and his chaplain (whom he appointed to bear his cross before him at his entrance into the king's chapel) was contemptuously and violently thrust line 40 out of the doors with cross and all by the friends of the archbishop of Canturburie. In short time, this unseemly contention betwixt Thurstan and William the two archbishops grew so hot, that not only both of them, but also the bishop of Lincoln went to Rome about the deciding of their strife.  

Polydor.  In this year Charles earl of Flanders, the successor of earl Baldwin, was traitorously murdered of his own people: & because he left no issue behind him to succeed as his heir, jews the French line 50 king made William the son of duke Robert Curthose earl of Flanders, 
William son to Robert Curthose made earl of Flanders.  as the next cousin in blood to the same Charles. ¶ Truth it is, that by his father's side, this William was descended from earl Baldwin surnamed Pius, whose daughter Maud being married unto William Conqueror, bare by him the foresaid Robert Curthose, father to this William, now advanced to the government of Flanders, but he wanted not adversaries that were competitors and malignant suitors for that earldom, who line 60 sought to prefer themselves, and to displace him.  
King Henry misliking the promotion of the said William, although he was his nephew, for that he supposed he would seek to revenge old displeasures if he might compass to have the French kings assistance, thought good with the advice of his council towithstand the worst. Whereupon he took order for the maintenance of the war abroad, and the supply of soldiers, and other things necessary to be considered of for the surety of his realm. 
The empress Maud married to the earl of Anjou. Ger. Dor.   
After this, because he was in despair to have issue by his second wife, about Whitsuntide he sent over his daughter Maud the empress into Normandy, that she might be married unto Geffrey Plantagenet earl of Anjou, and in August after he followed himself. Now the matter went so forward, that the marriage was celebrated betwixt the said earl and empress upon the first sunday in April, which fell upon the third of the month, and in the 27. of his reign.  
In the year ensuing, 
Anno Reg. 28▪ Matth. Paris. 1128  king Henry meaning to cause the French king to withdraw his helping hand from his nephew William earl of Flanders, passed forth of Normandy with an army, and invading France, remained for the space of eight days at Hipard, in as good quiet as if he had been within his own dominions, and finally obtained that of the French king which he sought for; namely, his refusal to aid his nephew the said earl of Flanders. Who at length contending with other that claimed the earldom, chanced this year to be wounded, 
Anno Reg. 29. ja. Meir.  as he pursued his enemies unto the walls of a town called Alhust, and soon after died of the hurt the 16. of August.  
¶ It was thought that the great felicity of king Henry was the chief occasion of this earls death, 
William earl● of Flanders deceaseth of a wound.  who meant (if he might have brought his purpose to pass, and be once quietly set in the dominion of Flanders) to have attempted some great enterprise against king Henry for the recovery of Normandy, and delivery of his father out of prison. 
The fortunate & good hap of K. Henry.  Which was known well enough to king Henry, who maintained those that made him war at home, both with men and money; namely, 
William d● Hypres.  William of Hypres, who took upon him as regent in the name of Stephan earl of Bullongne, whom king Henry procured to make claim to Flanders also, in the title of his grandmother queen Maud, wife to William Conqueror. But to proceed with our history.  
When king Henry had sped his business in Normandy, 
1129 Anno Reg. 30.  where he had remained a certain space both about the conclusion and solemnising of the marriage made betwixt his daughter Maud the empress and the earl of Anjou, and also to see the end of the wars in Flanders, he now returned into England, where he called a great council or parliament at London, in August: 
1130 Anno Reg. 31.  wherein (amongst other things) it was decreed, that priests, which lived unchastlie, should be punished, and that by the king's permission, 

Matth. Paris. Polydor.  
An act against unchaste priests.   who hereby took occasion to serve his own turn: for he regarded not the reformation which the bishops trusted (by his plain dealing) would have followed, but put those priests to their fines that were accused, and suffered them to keep their wives still in house with them, which offended the bishops greatly, who would have had them sequestered asunder.  
After this parliament ended, the king kept his Christmas at Worcester, and his Eastermasse following at Woodstock, where a certain Noble man named Geffrey Clinton was accused to him of high treason. In this 31. year of king Henry's reign, great death and murrain of cattle began in this land so universally in all places, that no town nor village escaped free: and long it was before the same discontinued or ceased. 
Wil Malm. In novella historia. Polydor.  King Henry passing over into Normandy, was troubled with certain strange dreams or visions in his sleep. For as he thought, he saw a multitude of ploughmen with such tools as belong to their trade and occupation; after whom came a sort of soldiers with warlike weapons: and last of all, bishops approaching towards him with their crosier s●aues ready to fall upon him, as if they meant to kill him. Now when he awaked, he leapt forth of his bed, got his sword in his hand, & called his servants to come & help him. Nevertheless, repressing those perturbations, and somewhat better advising himself, partly by his own reason, and partly by the counsel of learned gentlemen, was persuaded to put such fantasies away, and was admonished withal, that whilst he had time and space here on earth, he should redeem his passed offences and sins committed against God, with repentance, almesdéeds, and abstinence. Wherefore being moved herewith, he began to practise an amendment of his former lewd life.  
¶ Here it shall not be amiss to compare the two sons of William the Conqueror; namely William line 10 Rufus, and Henry Beauclerke together; and to consider among other events the supernatural dreams wherewith they were admonished, to excellent good purpose (no doubt) if they could have applied them to the end whereto they were directed. For William Rufus (as you shall read in pag. 26. col. 2.) neglecting to be admonished by a dreadful dream wherewith he was troubled, shortly after received his death's wound by casualty or chancemedlie, even in the prime of his pastime and disport. This other line 20 brother H. Beauclerke had the like warnings by the same means, and (to a good effect) as the learned do gather. Their rash opinion therefore is much to be checked, which contemn dreams as mere delusorie, alleging by way of disproof an old erroneous verse: Somnia ne cures, nam fallunt plurima plures, Speaking indefinitely of dreams without distinction: whereas in truth great valour is in them in respect of their kind and nature. For though some line 30 sort of dreams (as those that be physical) are not greatly to be relied upon; yet those of the metaphysical sort, having a special influence from above nature's reach, are not lightly to be overslipped. To determine this matter I remit the studious readers to that excellent chapter of Peter Martyr, in the first part of his common places, pag. 32. column 2. where dreams In genere are copiously handled.  

Polydor.  About the same time, Maud daughter of this Henry, being forsaken of her husband Geffrey earl of line 40 Anjou, came to her father then being in Normandy. What the cause was why her husband put her from him, is not certainly known: but the matter (belike) was not very great, sith shortly after he received her again, and that of his own accord. During the time also that king Henry remained in Normandy, pope Innocent the 2. came into France, to avoid the danger of his enemies: and holding a council at Clerimont, he accursed one Peter Fitz Leo, who had usurped as pope, and named himself line 50 Anacletus. 
1131 Anno Reg. 32.  Afterward at breaking up of the same counsel at Clerimont, he came to Orleans, and then to Charters, 
King Henry and pope Innocent meet at Charters.  meeting king Henry by the way, who offered unto the pope to maintain his cause against his enemies to the uttermost of his power, for the which the pope gave the king great thanks: and seeming as though he had been more careful for the defence of the common cause of the christian commonwealth then for his own, he exhorted king Henry to make a journey into the holy land, against line 60 the Saracens and enemies of the christian religion.  

Wil Malm.  In this interview betwixt the pope and the king, the Romans were moved to marvel greatly at the wisdom and sharpness of wit which they perceived in the Normans. For king Henry, to show what learning remained amongst the people of the west parts of Europe, 
The sons of Robert earl of Melent praised for their learning.  caused the sons of Robert earl of Melent to argue and dispute in the points and subtle sophisines of Logic, with the cardinals and other learned chapleins of the pope there present, who were not ashamed to confess, that there was more learning amongst them here in the west parts, than ever they heard or knew of in their own country of Italy.  
King Henry after this returned into England, 
King Henry returneth into England.  and upon the sea was in danger to have been drowned by tempest: so that judging the same to be as a warning for him to amend his life, he made many vows, and after his landing went to S. Edmundsburie in Suffolk to do his devotions unto the sepulchre of that king. Now at his coming from thence, being well disposed, towards the relief of his people, he lessened the tributes and impositions, and did justice aswell in respect and favour of the poor as of the rich.  
Not long after, 
1132 Anno. Reg. 33.  Geffrey earl of Anjou had a son named Henry by his wife the empress, who (as before is said) was after king of England: for his grandfather king Henry having no issue male to succeed him, caused the empress and this Henry her son to be established heirs of the realm: all the Nobles and other estates taking an oath to be their true and loyal subjects. After this king Henry kept his Christmas at Dunstable, 
1133 Anno Reg. 34.  and his Easter at Woodstock. In the same year, 
Matth. Paris. Prior of L. Oswald as Wil thorn hath, and likewise Matth. Paris. Matt. Westm.  or (as some have) in the beginning of the year precedent, or (as other have) in the year following, king Henry erected a bishops see at Carlisle, in which one Arnulfe or rather Athelwoolfe, who before was abbot of S. Bothoulfs, and the king's confessor, was the first bishop that was instituted there. This man immediately after his consecration placed regular canons in that church.  
Not long after, or rather before (as by Wil Malmes. it should seem) king Henry passed over into Normandy, from whence (this being the last time of his going thither) he never returned alive. And as it came to pass, he took ship to sail this last journey thither, even the same day in which he had afore time received the crown. 
An eclipse.  On which day (falling upon the wednesday and being the second of August) a wonderful and extraordinary eclipse of the sun and moon appeared, in somuch that Wil Malmes. who then lived, writeth that he saw the stars plainly about the sun at the very time of that eclipse. On the friday after such an earthquake also happened in this realm, 
An earthquake.  that many houses and buildings were overthrown. This earthquake was so sensible, or rather so visible, that the wall of the house wherein the king than sat, was lift up with a double remove, & at the third it settled itself again in his due place. Moreover at the very same time also fire burst out of certain riffs of the earth, in so huge flames, that neither by water nor otherwise it could be quenched.  
In the 34. year of his reign, his brother Robert Curthose departed this life in the castle of Cardiff. 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Anno Reg. 35.  It is said that on a festival day king Henry put on a rob of scarlet, the cape whereof being streict, he rend it in striving to put it over his head: and perceiving it would not serve him, he laid it aside, and said; Let my brother Robert have this rob, who hath a sharper head than I have. Which when it was brought to duke Robert, and the rend place not sowed up, he perceived it, and asked whether any man had worn it before. The messenger told the whole matter, how it happened. Wherewith duke Robert took such a grief for the scornful mock of his brother, that he waxed weary of his life, and said; Now I perceive I have lived too long, 
The decease of Robert Curthose.  that my brother shall clothe me like his alms man with his cast and rend garments. Thus cursing the time of his nativity, he refused from thenceforth to eat or drink, and so pined away, and was buried at Gloucester.  
King Henry remaining still in Normandy, road round about a great part of the country, showing no small love and courtesy to the people, studying by all means possible to win their favours, and bring merry amongst them. Howbeit nothing rejoiced him more, than that his daughter Maud the empress at the same time was delivered of her second son named Geffrey, so that he saw himself provided of an assured successor.  
But whilst he thus passed the time in mirth and solace, 
Polydor.  he began soon after to be somewhat diseased, and never could perceive any evident cause thereof. 
1135 Anno. Reg. 35.  Wherefore to drive his grief away, he went abroad to hunt, and being somewhat amended thereby (as he thought) at his coming home he would needs line 10 eat of a lamprey, 
Matth. West. Sim Dunel.  though his physician counseled him to the contrary: but he delighting most in that meat (though it be in quality very hurtful to health) would not be dissuaded from it, so that his stomach being annoyed therewith, he fell immediately into an ague, 
King Henry departeth this life.  and so died shortly after, on the first day of December, being as then about 67. years of age, after he had reigned 35. years, & four months lacking four days. His body was conveyed into England, and buried at Reading within the abbey church line 20 which he had founded, and endowed in his life time with great and large possessions. It is written, that his body, 
Matth. West. Ran. Higd. Sim. Dunel.  to avoid the stench which had infected many men, was closed in a bulls hide, and how he that cleansed the head died of the savour which issued out of the brain.  
¶ Thus we see that even princes come to the like end by as base means as other inferior persons; according to that of the poet: 
Dant alios furiae toruo spectacula Marti,  
Exitio est avidis mare nautis: line 30  
Mista senum ac iwenum densantur funera, nullum  
Saeva caput Proserpina fugit.  And here we have to note the neglect of the physician's counsel, and that same ill disposition in diet which the king chose rather to satisfy, than by restraining it to avoid the danger whereinto he fell. But this is the preposterous election of untoward patients, according to that: Nitimur in vetitum semper, cupimúsque negata.  

The issue of king Henry the first.  Touching his issue, he had by his first wife a son line 40 named William, drowned (as ye have heard) in the sea: also a daughter named Maud, whom with her sons he appointed to inherit his crown and other dominions. He had issue also by one of his concubines, even a son named Richard, and a daughter named Marry, who were both drowned with their brother William. By an other concubine he had a son named Robert, who was created duke of Gloucester. line 50  

His stature.  He was strong of body, fleshy, and of an indifferent stature, black of hair, and in manner bald before, with great and large eyes, of face comely, well countenanced, and pleasant to the beholders, specially when he was disposed to mirth.  

His virtues.  He excelled in three virtues, wisdom, eloquence, and valiancy, which notwithstanding were somewhat blemished with the like number of vices that reigned in him; 
His vices.  as covetousness, cruelty, and fleshly lust of body. His covetousness appeared, in that he line 60 sore oppressed his subjects with tributes and impositions. His cruelty, in that he kept his brother Robert Curtehose in perpetual prison, and likewise in the hard using of his coosine Robert earl of Mortaigne, whom he not only detained in prison, but also caused his eyes to be put out: which act was kept secret till the king's death revealed it. And his fleshly lust was manifest, by keeping of sundry women.  

His wisdom.  But in his other affairs he was circumspect, in defending his own very earnest and diligent. Such wars as might be avoided, with honourable peace he ever sought to appease; but when such injuries were offered as he thought not meet to suffer, he was an impatient revenger of the same, overcoming all perils with the force of virtue and manly courage, 
His manly courage.  showing himself either a most loving friend, or an extreme enemy: for he would subdue his foes to the uttermost, and advance his friends above measure.  
With justice he ruled the commons quietly, and entertained the nobles honourably. thieves, 
His zeal to justice.  counterfeiters of money, and other transgressors he caused to be sought out with great diligence, and when they were found, to be punished with great severity. Neither did he neglect reformations of certain naughty abuses. 
Simon Dun. thieves appointed to be hanged.  And (as one author hath written) he ordained that thieves should suffer death by hanging. When he heard that such pieces of money as were cracked would not be received amongst the people, although the same were good and fine silver, he caused all the coin in the realm to be either broken or slit. He was sober of diet, using to eat rather for the quailing of hunger, than to pamper himself with many dainty sorts of banqueting dishes. He never drank but when thirst moved him, he would sleep soundly and snore oftentimes till he awaked therewith. 
His policy.  He pursued his wars rather by policy than by the sword, and overcame his enemies so near as he could without bloodshed, which if it might not be, yet with as little slaughter as was possible. To conclude, 
His praise for his princely government.  he was not inferior to any of the kings that reigned in those days, in wisdom and policy, and so behaved himself, that he was honoured of the Nobles, and beloved of the commons. He builded diverse abbeys both in England and Normandy, but Reading was the chief. 
Reading abbey builded.  He builded the manor of Woodstock, with the park there, wherein (beside the great store of dear) he appointed diverse strange beasts to be kept and nourished, which were brought and sent unto him from foreign countries, far distant, as lions, leopards, lynxes, and porcupines. His estimation was such among outlandish princes, that few would willingly offend him.  
Murcherdach king of Ireland & his successors had him in such reverence, 
Murcherdach K. of Ireland.  that they durst do nothing but what he commanded, nor write any thing but what might stand with his pleasure, though at the first the same Morchad attempted something against the Englishmen more than held with reason, but afterward (upon restraint of the intercourse of merchandise) he was glad to show himself more friendly.  
Moreover the earl of Orkney, 
The earl of Orkney.  although he was the king of Norway's subject, yet did he what he could to procure king Henry's friendship, sending such strange beasts and other things to him oftentimes as presents, wherein he knew the king took great delight and pleasure. He had in singular favour above all other of his council, 
Roger bishop of Salisbury.  Roger the bishop of Salisbury, a politic prelate, and one that knew how to order matters of great importance, unto whom he committed the government of the realm most commonly whilst he remained in Normandy.  
As well in this king's days, as in the time of his brother William Rufus, men forgetting their own sex and state, transformed themselves into the habit and form of women, by suffering their hair to grow in length, the which they curled and trimmed very curiously, after the manner of damosels and young gentlewomen: 
The abuse of wearing long hair.  insomuch that they made such account of their long bushing perukes, that those which would be taken for courtiers, contended with women who should have the longest tresses, and such as wanted, sought to amend it with art, and by knitting wreaths about their heads of those their long and side locks for a bravery. Yet we read that king Henry gave commandment to all his people to cut their hair, about the 28. year of his reign. year 1127 
Matth. West.  Preachers indeed inveighed against such unseemly manners in men, as a thing more agreeable and seemly for the contrary sex.  
Wil Malm. reciteth a tale of a knight in those days that took no small liking of himself for his fair and long hair, who chanced to have a very terrible dream. For it seemed to him in his sleep that one was about to strangle him with his own hair, which he wrapped about his throat and neck) the impression whereof sank so deeply into his line 10 mind, that when he awaked out of his sleep, he streightwaies caused so much of his hair to be cut as might seem superfluous. A great number of other in the realm followed his commendable example, but the remorse of conscience herein that thus caused them to cut their hair, continued not long, for they fell to the like abuse again, so as within a twelve months space they exceeded therein as far beyond all the bounds of seemly order as before.  
¶ In this Henry ended the line of the Normans as touching the heirs male, and then came in the Frenchmen by the title of the heirs general, after that the Normans had reigned about 69. years: for so many are accounted from the coming of William Conqueror, unto the beginning of the reign of king Stephan, who succeeded the said Henry.  
Thus far the succession and regiment of the Normans; namely, William Conqueror the father, William Rufus, and Henry Beauclerke the sons.   

Stephan earl of Bullongne.  
STephan earl of Bullongne, the son of Stephan earl of Blois, 
1135 Anno Reg●.  by his wife Adela, daughter to William Conqueror, came over with all speed after the death of his uncle, and took upon him the line 20 government of the realm of England, partly through confidence which he had in the puissance and strength of his brother Theobald earl of Blois, and partly by the aid of his brother Henry bishop of Winchester and abbot of Glastenburie, although that he with other of the Nobles had sworn afore to be true unto the empress and her issue as lawful heirs of king Henry lately deceased. line 30  
The same day that he arrived in England, there chanced a mighty great tempest of thunder horrible to hear, 
A tempest. Matth. West.  and lightning dreadful to behold. Now because this happened in the winter time, it seemed against nature, and therefore it was the more noted as a foreshowing of some trouble and calamity to come.  
This Stephan began his reign over the realm of England the second day of December, in the year of our Lord 1135. in the eleventh year of the emperor line 40 Lothair, the sixth of pope Innocentius the second, and about the xxvij. of jews the seventh, surnamed Crassus' king of France, David the first of that name then reigning in Scotland, & entering into the twelve of his regiment. He was crowned at Westminster upon S. stephan's day, 
Matth. Paris Wil Mal. Simon Dun.  by William archbishop of Canturburie, the most part of the Nobles of the realm being present, and swearing fealty unto him, as to their true and lawful sovereign.  
Howbeit, there were diverse of the wiser sort of line 50 all estates, which regarding their former oath, could have been contented that the empress should have governed till her son had come to lawful age; notwithstanding they held their peace as yet, and consented unto Stephan. 
Perjury punished.  But this breach of their oaths was worthily punished afterward, insomuch that as well the bishops as the other Nobles either died an evil death, or were afflicted with diverse kinds of calamities and mischances, and that even here in this life, of which some of them as occasion serveth shall be remembered hereafter. 
Wil Malm. The bishop of Salisburies' protestation.  Yet there were of them (and namely the bishop of Salisbury) which protested that they were free from their oath of allegiance made to the said empress, because that without the consent of the lords of the land she was married out of the realm, whereas they took their oath to receive her for queen, upon that condition, that without their assent she should not marry with any person out of the realm.  
Moreover (as some writers think) the bishops took it, 
The bishops think to please God in breaking their oath.  that they should do God good service in providing for the wealth of the realm, and the advancement of the church by their perjury. For whereas the late deceased king used himself not altogether for their purpose, they thought that if they might set up and create a king chiefly by their especial means and authority, he would follow their counsel better, and reform such things as they judged to be amiss. But a great cause that moved many of the lords unto the violating thus of their oath, 
Matth. Paris.  was (as some authors rehearse) for that Hugh Bigot, sometime steward to king Henry the first, 
Hugh Bigot.  immediately after the decease of king Henry, came into England, and as well before the archbishop of Canturburie, as divers other lords of the land, took a voluntary oath (although most men think that he was hired so to do because of great promotion) declaring upon the same that he was present a little before king Henry's death, when the same king adopted and chose his nephew Stephan to be his heir and successor, because his daughter the empress had grievously displeased him. But unto this man's oath the archbishop and the o●her lords were so hasty in giving of credit. Now 〈◊〉 said Hugh for his perjury, by the just judgement 〈◊〉 God, came shortly after to a miserable end.  

Simon Dun.  But to our purpose. King Stephan (by what title soever he obtained the crown) immediately after his coronation, year 1136 went first to Reading to the burial of the body of his uncle Henry, the same being now brought over from Normandy, 
Polydor. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris.  from whence after the burial he repaired to Oxenford, and there calling a council of the lords & other estates of his realm; 
The fair promises of king Stephan.  amongst other things he promised before line 10 the whole assembly (to win the hearts of the people) that he would put down and quite abolish that tribute which oftentimes was accustomed to be gathered after the rate of their acres of hides of land, commonly called Danegilt, which was two shillings of every hide of land. Also, that he would so provide, that no bishops sees nor other benefices should remain void, but immediately after upon their first vacation, they should be again bestowed upon some convenient person meet to supply the room. Further line 20 he promised not to seize upon any man's woods as forfeit, though any private man had hunted and killed his deer in the same woods, as the manner of his predecessor was. ¶ For a kind of forfeiture was devised by king Henry, that those should lose their right inheritance in their woods, that chanced to kill any of the kings dear within the same.  

Polydor. Ran. Higd. Licence to build castles,  Moreover, be granted licence to all men, to build either castle, tower, or other hold for defence of themselves upon their own grounds. All this did he chiefly line 30 in hope that the same might be a safeguard for him in time to come, if the empress should invade the land, as he doubted she shortly would. Moreover he advanced many young & lusty gentlemen to great livings. 
Wil Malm. In novella historia.  For such as were of any noble family, and thereto through a certain stoutness of stomach sought preferment, easily obtained of him the possession of castles and great lordships, diverse of whom he honoured with titles of dignity, creating some of them earls and some lords. Now, such was their line 40 importunate suit in demanding, that when he had little more to bestow amongst them, having already given sundry portions that belonged to the crown, they ceased not to be in hand with him for more, and being denied with reasonable excuses on his behalf, they thought themselves ill dealt withal, and so turning from him, fortified their castles and holds, making open war against him: as hereafter shall appear.  
There came over unto him also a great number line 50 of Flemings and Britons to serve him as soldiers, 
The resort of strangers to serve king Stephan.  whom he retained, to be the stronger and better able to defend himself against the malice of the empress, by whom he looked to be molested he witted not how soon. Wherefore he showed himself very liberal, courteous, and gentle towards all manner of persons at the first, and (to say truth) more liberal, familiar, and free hearted than stood with the majesty of a king: which was afterward a cause that he grew line 60 into contempt. ¶ But to such means are princes driven, that attain to their estates more through favour and support of others, than by any good right or title which they may pretend of themselves. Thus the government of this prince at the beginning was nothing bitter or heavy to his subjects, but full of gentleness, lenity, courtesy, and mildness.  

Polydor.  Howbeit whilst these things were a doing, certain of the English Nobility, abhorring both the king and the present state of his government, went privily out of the realm into Scotland to king David, declaring unto him what a detestable act was committed by the lords of England, in that (contrary to their oath made unto the empress Maud, and her issue) they had now crowned Stephan. Wherefore they besought the said king to take in hand to revenge such a vile injury practised against her, and to restore the kingdom unto the said empress, which if he did, it should be a thing most acceptable both to God and man.  
King David having heard and well weighed the effect of their request, 
The king of Scots invadeth the English marshes. Sim. Dunel. Matt. Paris. Polydor.  forthwith was so moved at their words, that in all possible hast he assembled an army, and entering into England, first took the city and castle of Carlisle: afterward coming into Northumberland, he took Newcastle, and many other places upon the borders there. Whereof king Stephan being advertised, streightwaies assembled a power, and forthwith hasted into Cumberland, meaning to recover that again by force of arms, which the enemy had stolen from him by craft and subtlety. At his approach near to Carlisle, 
K. Stephan encamped near to his enemy the K. of Scots.  he pitched down his field in the evening, thinking there to stay till the morning, that he might understand of what power the enemy was, whom he knew to be at hand.  
King David also was of a fierce courage, and ready enough to have given him battle, but yet when he beheld the English standards in the field, and diligently viewed their order and behaviour, he was at the last contented to give ear to such as entreated for peace on both sides. Whereupon coming to king Stephan, he entered a friendly peace with him, wherein he made a surrender of Newcastle, with condition that he should retain Cumberland by the free grant of king Stephan, 
An accord made betwixt the two kings Stephan and David.  who hoped thereby to find king David the more faithful unto him in time of need: but yet he was deceived, as afterwards manifestly appeared. For when king Stephan required of him an oath of allegiance, he answered that he was once sworn already unto Maud the empress. Howbeit to gratify him, he commanded his son Henry to receive that oath, for the which the king gave him the earldom of Huntingdon to hold of him for ever.  
¶ The Scotish chronicles set out the matter in other order, 
Hec. Boetius.  but yet all agree that Henry swore fealty to king Stephan, as in the said history of Scotland you may see more at large. Now after that king Stephan had concluded a peace with king David, he returned to London, 
Simon Dun. Matth. Paris.  and there kept his Easter with great joy and triumphs: who whilst he was yet in the midst of all his pastime, about Rogation week, he chanced to fall sick of a lethargy, 
Simon Dun. King Stephan sick.  by reason whereof a rumour was spread over all the realm that he was dead. Which though it was but a vain tale, and of no importance at the first, yet was it after the occasion of much evil. 
False rumours what hurt they oftentimes do.  For upon that report great sedition was raised by the king's enemies amongst the people, the minds of his friends were alienated from him, & many of the Normans (which were well practised in perjuries & treasons) thought they might boldly attempt all mischéefes that came to hand, and hereupon some of them undertook to defend one place, and some another. 
Hugh Bigot. Baldwin Reduers. Robert Quisquere.  Hugh Bigot earl of Norfolk a valiant chieftein entered into Norwich, Baldwin Reduers took Excester, & Robert Quisquere got certain castles also into his hands.  
King Stephan hearing what his enemies had done, though he was somewhat moved with this alteration of things, yet as one nothing afraid of the matter, he said merrily to those that stood about him: We are alive yet God be thanked, and that shall be known to our enemies ye● it be long. Neither doubted he any thing but some secret practice of treason, and therefore using all diligence, he made the more haste to go against his enemies, whose attempts though streightwaies for the more part he repressed, yet could he not recover the places (without much ado) that they had gotten, as Excester, and others: which when he had obtained, he contented himself for a time, and followed not the victory any further in pursuing of his enemies. Whereupon they became more, bold afterward than before; in somuch that soon after they practised diverse things against him, whereof (God willing) some in places convenient shall appear: howbeit they permitted him to remain in quiet for a time. But whilst he studied to line 10 take order in things at home (perceiving how no small number of his subjects did daily show themselves to bear him no hearty good will) he began by little and little to take away those liberties from the people, 
Polydor.  which in the beginning of his reign he had granted unto them, and to deny those promises which he had made, according to the saying, That which I have given, I would I had not given, and that which remaineth I will keep still. This sudden alteration and new kind of rough dealing purchased line 20 him great envy amongst all men in the end. About the same time great commotions were raised in Normandy by means of the lord Geffrey earl of Anjou, 
Geffrey earl of Anjou.  husband to Maud the empress, setting the whole country in trouble: but yer any news thereof came into England, king Stephan went against Baldwin Reduers, who being lately (though not without great and long siege expelled out of Excester) got him into the isle of Wight, and there began to devise a new conspiracy. Howbeit the king coming suddenly into the isle, 
Simon Dunel. Wil ●aruus. Polydor.  took it at the first assault, line 30 and exiled Baldwin out of the realm.  
Having thus with good success finished this enterprise, 
Anno Reg. 2. 1137  and being now advertised of the business in Normandy, he sailed thither with a great army: and being come within two days journey of his enemy the earl of Anjou, 
K. Stephan passeth into Normandy.  he sent forth his whole power of horsemen, divided into three parts, which were not gone past a days journey forward, but they encountered the earl, finding him with no great force about him. 
The earl of Anjou put to flight.  Whereupon giving the charge upon him, line 40 they put him to flight, and slew many of his people. Which enterprise in this manner valiantly achieved, even according to the mind of king Stephan, he joined in friendship with jews the seventh king of France: 
Lewes' king of France. Eustace son to king Stephan.  and having lately created his son Eustace duke of Normandy, he presently appointed him to do his homage unto the said jews for the same.  

Matth. Paris. Theobald earl of Blois.  Now whereas his elder brother Theobald earl of Blois at that time in Normandy, found himself line 50 grieved, that Stephan the younger brother had usurped the lands that belonged to their uncle king Henry, rather than himself, Stephan to stop this just complaint of his brother, and to allay his mood, agreed with him, 
K. Stephan agreeth with the earl of Anjou.  covenanting to pay him yearly two thousand marks of such currant money as was then in use. Furthermore, whereas Geffrey the earl of Anjou demanded in right of his wife the empress the whole kingdom of England, to be at an end with him, king Stephan was contented to satisfy line 60 him with a yearly pension of five thousand marks, which composition he willingly received.  
Thus when he had provided for the surety of Normandy, 
Polydor.  he returned again into England, where he was no sooner arrived, but advertisement was given him of a war newly beg●n with the Scots, whose king under a colour of observing the oath to the empress, 
The Scots invade the English borders.  made daily insurrections and invasions into England, to the great disturbance of king Stephan and the annoyance of his people. Wherewith being somewhat moved, he went streightwaies toward the north parts, and determined first to besiege Bedford by the way, which appertained to the earldom of Huntingdon, by gift made unto Henry the son of king David, and thereupon at that present kept with a garrison of Scotish men.  
This place did the king besiege by the space of 30. days together, 
Simon Dun.  giving thereto every day an assault or alarm, in somuch that coming thither on Christmas day, he spared not on the morrow to assail them, and so at length won the town from them by mere force and strength. 
Anno Reg. 3. 1138  King David hearing those news, and being already in armour in the field, entered into Northumberland, 
King David invaded Northumberland. Matth. West. Polydor. Matt. Paris. Simon Dun.  and licenced his men of war to spoil and rob the country thereabout at their pleasure. Hereupon followed such cruelty, that their rage stretched unto old and young, unto priest and clerk, yea women with child escaped not their hands, they hanged, headed, and slew all that came in their way: houses were burnt, cattle driven away, and all put to fire and sword that served to any use for relief, either of man or beast.  
¶ Here we see what a band of calamities do accompany and wait upon war, wherein also we have to consider what a train of felicities do attend upon peace, by an equal comparing of which twain together, we may easily perceive in how heavenly an estate those people be that live under the sceptre of tranquility, and contrariwise what a hellish course of life they lead that have sworn their service to the sword. We may consider also the inordinate outrages of princes, & their frantic fierceness, who esteem not the loss of their subjects lives, the effusion of innocent blood, the population of countries, the ruinating of ample regions, &c: so their will may be satisfied, there desire served. 
M. Pal. in suo Capric.  And therefore it was aptly spoken by a late poet, not beside this purpose: 
Reges atque duces dira impelluntur in arma,  
Imperiúmque sibi miserorum caede lucrantur.  
O caeci, o miseri, quid? bellum pace putatis  
Dignius aut melius? nempe hoc nil turpius, & nil  
Quod magis humana procul à ratione recedat.  
Candida pax homines, trux decet ira feras.   
But to our story. 
ovid.  King Stephan hearing of this pitiful spoil, 

K. Stephan maketh haste to rescue the north parts. The Scots retire.  
K. Stephan burned the south parts of Scotland.   hasted forward with great journeys to the rescue of the country. The Scots put in fear of speedy coming to encounter them, drew back into Scotland: but he pursued them, and entering into their country, burned and destroyed the south parts of that realm in most miserable manner. Whilst king Stephan was thus about to beat back the foreign enemies, and revenge himself on them, he was assailed by other at home, & not without the just vengeance of almighty God, who meant to punish him for his perjury committed in taking upon him the crown, contrary to his oath made unto the empress and her children. For Robert earl of Gloucester, base brother unto the empress, 
Robert earl of Gloucester.  and of her privy council, sought by all means how to bring king Stephan into hatred, both of the Nobles and commons, that by their help he might be expelled the realm, and the government restored to the empress and her son.  
Such earnest travel was made by this earl of Gloucester, that many of his friends which favoured his cause, now that king Stephan was occupied in the north parts, joined with him in conspiracy against their sovereign. First the said earl himself took Bristol: 
Bristol taken.  and after this diverse other towns and castles there in that country were taken by him and others, with full purpose to keep the same to the behoof of the empress and her son. Amongst other William Talbot took upon him to defend Hereford in Wales: 
Simon Dun. Talbot. Matt. Paris. Lovel. Painell.  William Lovel held the castle of carry: Paganell or Painell kept the castle of Ludlow: William de Moun the castle of Dunestor: 
Fitz-Iohn. Fitz-Alain.  Robert de Nicholl, the castle of Warram: Eustace Fitz-Iohn, the castle of Walton; and William Fitz-Alain, the castle of Shrewesburie.  
When word hereof came to king Stephan, he was marvelously vexed: for being determined to have pursued the Scots even to the uttermost limits of their country, he was now driven to change his mind, and thought it good at the first to stop the proceed of his enemies at home, lest in giving them space to increase their force, they might in process line 10 of time grow so strong, that it would be an hard matter to resist them at the last. Hereupon therefore he returned southward, 
Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. The castle of Dover delivered to the queen. Polydor.  and coming upon his enemies, recovered out of their hands divers of those places which they held, as Hereford, and the castle of Shrewesburie. About the same time one Walkeline yielded the castle of Dover unto the queen, who had besieged him within the same.  
Now king Stephan knowing that the Scots were not like long to continue in quiet, returned line 20 northwards again; 
Thurstan archbishop of York made lieutenant of the north parts.  and coming to Thurstan the archbishop of York, he committed the keeping of the country unto his charge, commanding him to be in a readiness to defend the borders upon any sudden invasion. Which thing the courageous archbishop willingly undertook. By this means king Stephan being eased of a great part of his care, fell in hand to besiege the residue of those places which the rebels kept: but they fearing to abide the danger of an assault, fled away, some into one part, and some line 30 into an other; whom the king's power of horsemen still pursuing and overtaking by the way, slew, and took no small number of them prisoners in the chase. Thus was the victory in manner wholly achieved, and all those places recovered, which the enemies had fortified.  
In like manner when king David heard that the king was thus vexed with civil war at home, he entered England again in most forcible wise: 
The Scots eftsoons invade Northumberland.  and sending his horsemen abroad into the country, line 40 commanded them to waste and spoil the same after their accustomed manner. But in the mean time he purposed with himself to besiege York: which city if he might have won, he determined to have made it the frontier hold against king Stephan, and the rest that took part with him. Hereupon calling in his horsemen from straying further abroad, he marched thitherwards, and coming near to the city, pitched down his tents.  

Archbishop Thurstan raiseth a power to fight with the Scots.  In this mean while the archbishop Thurstan, to line 50 whom the charge of defending the country chiefly in the king's absence appertained, called together the Nobles and gentlemen of the shire and parties adjoining, whom with so pithy and effectual words he exhorted to resist the attempts of the Scots (whose cruel doings could keep no measure) that incontinently all the power of the northparts was raised, and (under the leading of William earl of Albemarle, 
Simon Dun. Captains of the army.  Walter Espeke, William Peverell of Nottingham, and two of the Lacies, Walter and Gilbert) line 60 offered even with peril of life and limb to try the matter against the Scots in a pight field, and either to drive them out of the country, or else to lose their lives in the quarrel of their prince.  
It chanced at this time, that archbishop Thurstan was sick, and therefore could not come into the field himself, but yet he sent Ralph bishop of Durham to supply his room, 
Ralph bish. of Durham supplieth the room of the archbishop.  who though he saw and perceived that every man was ready enough to encounter with their enemies; yet he thought good to use some exhortation unto them, the better to encourage them, in manner as here ensueth.  
Most noble Englishmen, and ye right valiant Normans, 
Matth. Paris. Sim. Dun.  of whose courage the Frenchman is afraid, by you England is kept under, by you Apulia doth flourish, and unto you jerusalem and Antioch have yielded their subjection. We have at this present the rebellious nation of Scotland (which of right aught to be subject to the crown of England) come into the field against us, thinking for evermore to rid themselves of their submission, and to bring both us and our country into their bondage and thraldom. Now albeit I see in you courage sufficient, to beat them back from any further attempt; yet lest when you shall come to the trial, by any manner of chance, you should lose any piece thereof, I lamenting the state of my country (whose grievances I wish you should redress) do mean to use a few words unto you, not for that I would exhort you to do any man wrong, but rather to beat them back which offer to do you injury. Consider therefore that you shall here fight with that enemy, whom you have oftentimes vanquished, and oftentimes offending in perjury, have oftentimes most worthily punished: whom also (to be brief) raging after the manner of cruel robbers, wickedly spoiling churches, and taking away our goods, you did lately constrain to lurk in desert places and corners out of sight. Against this enemy (I say) therefore worthy of revengement for his so manifold outrages, show yourselves valiant, and with manly stomachs drive him out of our confines. For as far as I can perceive, the victory is yours, God surely will aid you, who cannot longer abide the sins of this people. Wherefore he that loseth his life in so just a quarrel (according to the saying of our saviour) shall find it. Let not their rash and presumptuous boldness make you afraid, sith so many tokens of your approved valiancy cannot cause them to stand in doubt of you. You are clad in armour, and so appointed with helmet, cuirass, grieves, and target, that the enemy knoweth not where to strike and hurt you. Then sith you shall have to do with naked men, and such as use not to wear any armour at all, but more meet for brablers and alehouse quarrelers than men of war used to the field: what should you stand in doubt of? Their huge number is not able to stand against your skilful order and practised knowledge in all warlike feats and martial discipline. A rude multitude is but a let, rather than a furtherance to achieve the victory. A small number of your worthy elders have oftentimes vanquished great multitudes of enemies. As the bishop was thus speaking to the English army, and before he grew to an end of his exhortation, the Scots approached with their battles, & first certain of their bands of horsemen were sent afore, to take the higher ground: which when the Englishmen perceived, 
The Englishmen set upon the Scots.  they stayed not till the enemies should begin the battle, but straightways caused their trumpets to sound, and so gave the onset.  
The Scots were as ready to encounter with them, so that the battle began to be very hot, and even at the first out flew the arrows, and then the footmen joined, who fought most fiercely on both sides. Herewith a wing of them of Lodian, 
The Scots of Lodian disorder the Englishmen. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris.  which were in the Scotish vanguard, broke in upon the vanguard of the English: but yet closing together again, they kept out the enemies, and casting about with a wing, compassed the Scotish horsemen round about, and panching their horses, they slew a great number, and constrained the residue to retire. Which thing when their fellows in the other wing saw, their hearts began to faint, and by and by betook them to their heels.  
The rumour of this flight being notified to the main battle of the Scotish men, where king David himself was fight with his enemies, 
The Scots put to flight.  discomfited them also, in such wise, that they in like sort began to shrink back: first by parts, and after by heaps together. The king did what he could to stay them: but the English pressed so upon them, that there was no recovery. Wherefore he himself was glad in the end to bear his men company, in seeking to save himself by flight, and make such shift as he could amongst the residue.  

Henry earl of Huntingdon his valiancy.  His son Henry the earl of Huntingdon more regarding his honour, than the danger of life, neither moved with the flight of his father, nor the overthrow of the other, came in amongst his men, being ready line 10 to turn their backs, and with bold countenance spoke these or the like words unto them, as the shortness of the time would permit. Whither go you good fellows? Here shall you find armour and force, neither shall you, whilst life remaineth in your captain (whom ye ought to follow) depart without the victory. Therefore choose whether ye had rather try the matter with the enemies by battle, or to be put to a shameful death at home after your return thither. The Scots moved with these vehement words line 20 of their valiant captain, recoiled upon their enemies, and began to make havoc of them: but being no great number, and beset with the English footmen before, and the horsemen behind, they were shortly brought to distress, and for the more part either taken or slain.  
At length earl Henry perceiving how the matter went, and that there was no hope left of recovery, fled also with those that could escape, bitterly cursing the frowardness of fortune, and mishap of that line 30 days chance. The number of them that were killed at this battle was above ten thousand. 
Polydor. Hen. Hunt. The number.  In which number there were not many of the English: but yet among other, Walter Lacie the brother of Gilbert Lacie, one of their chief captains is remembered to be one. 
Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. Wil Paru. Polydor.  This battle was fought in the month of August, in the fourth of king Stephan, who hearing of this victory, greatly rejoiced, and gave infinite commendations to his subjects (the Englishmen and the Normans) but principally praised line 40 archbishop Thurstan and the bishop of Durham for their faithful and diligent service showed in this behalf.  
On the other side he himself using the like good success amongst the rebels at home, overcame them, and chased them out of the land. 
Ran. Higd. Castles recovered by king Stephan.  For in this mean time he had taken the castles of Hereford, Gloucester, Webbeley, Bristol, Dudley, and Shrewesburie. Likewise Robert earl of Gloucester not being able to resist the king thus prevailing against his adversaries line 50 on each hand, fled into France unto his sister the empress. After this, about advent, the pope's legate one Alberike bishop of Hostia, 
N. Trivet. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris.  held a synod at London, within Paul's church, where by the king's consent, 
Theobald archbishop of Canturburie.  Theobald abbot of Bechellovin was consecrated archbishop of Canturburie, being the 37. archbishop which had ruled that see, after Augustine the monk.  
The king having now accomplished his purpose, line 60 taken the castle of Leides, 
Anno Reg. 5. 1140  and brought the state of the realm to a meetly good stay, thought it expedient after the late overthrow given to the Scots, 
Polydor. Matth. Paris.  to pursue the victory, and utterly to subdue them with all expedition. 
K. Stephan invadeth Scotland.  He brought his army therefore into Scotland, first wasting and spoiling the country, and afterward preparing to fight with such Scots as came forth to defend their goods and houses. K. David perceiving himself to be too weak, made suit to the king for peace, 
A peace concluded between the two kings of England and Scotland.  which with much difficulty he obtained at length, by delivering his son Henry unto king Stephan in pledge for the sure performance of covenants concluded upon betwixt them. Hereupon king Stephan having thus ended his business in Scotland, returned into England: and after directing his iornie towards Wales, he came to Ludlow: 
Ludlow room.  which town (being held by his adversaries) he won yer long out of their hands.  
After this he went to Oxenford, where whilst he remained, a great brute was spread abroad, that the empress was coming with her brother the earl of Gloucester: which caused him to put the less trust in his people from thenceforth, in so much that he began to repent himself (although too late) for that he had granted licence to so many of his subjects to build castles within their own grounds. For he had them all in suspicion: and amongst other, he vehemently suspected Roger bishop of Salisbury (who had done very much for him) and Alexander bishop of Lincoln nephew to the said bishop of Salisbury, 
Roger bishop of Salisbury. Alexander B. of Lincoln. Wil Malm.  or (as some thought) more near to him in kindred than his nephew, I mean, his son. For the said Roger had builded diverse castles, as at Shierborne, at the Uies, and at Malmesburie. The said Alexander likewise following his uncles example, 
Castles built by the bishop of Salisbury.  bestowed his money that way very freely, having builded one castle at Newarke, and an other at Sléeford.  
The king therefore having committed both these bishops to prison, 
Simon Dun. Newarke castle built by the bishop of Lincoln. The B. of Elie banished.  and furthermore sent Nigell or neil the bishop of Elie into exile (which Nigell was nephew also to the foresaid bishop of Salisbury) he threatened to keep them without either meat or drink, if they would not cause these castles to be delivered into his hands, whereby he obtained them, and moreover found in the bishop of Salisburies' coffers 40. thousand marks, which he took to his own use, by way of confiscation for his disloyal demeanour: 
The bishop of Salisbury dieth of thought. Wil Malm. In novella historia.  This ingratitude of the king wounded the bishop's hart, insomuch that taking thought for the loss of his houses and money, he pined away, and died within a while after.  
The quarrel which was first picked at these bishops, rose by occasion of a fray betwixt the bishop's men and the servants of Alaine duke of Britain, about the taking up of Inues at their coming to Oxenford. In which fray one of the duke's men was killed, his nephew almost slain, and the residue of his folks sore beaten and chased. Hereupon were the bishops first committed to ward, and afterward handled at the king's pleasure, as partly ye have heard.  
¶ Here by the way, good reader, 
Fortune's inconstancy. Wil Paru.  thou hast one example worthy to be marked of fickle fortune's inconstancy, whereof the poet speaketh very excellently; 
— variat semper fortuna tenorera, 
M. Pal. in s●● sc●r.   
Diverso gaudens mortalia volvere cafis.  
Nam qui scire velit, cur hunc fortuna vel illum  
Aut premat aut sursum tollat, nimis arduae quaerit:  
Terrarum siquidem est illi concessa potestas  
Maxima, & huic illam praesecit jupiter erbi.   
For this Roger bishop of Salisbury, was in the days of William Rufus a poor priest, serving a cure in a village near the city of Caen in Normandy. Now it chanced, that the lord Henry the king's brother came thither on a time, and called for a priest to say mass before him. Whereupon this Roger coming to the altar, was by and by ready and quick at it, and therewithal had so speedily made an end thereof, that the men of war then attendant on the said lord Henry, affirmed that this priest above all other, was a chaplain meet to say mass before men of war, because he had made an end when many thought he had but newly begun. Hereupon the king's brother commanded the priest to follow him, insomuch that when opportunity served, for his diligent service, and ready dispatch of matters, when Henry had attained the crown, he was by him advanced to great promotions: 
The bishop of Salisbury made lord Chancellor.  as first to be Chancellor of England, & after bishop of Salisbury, growing still into such estimation, that he might do more with the king than any other of the council.  
But to return to king Stephan, who after he had thus imprisoned the aforesaid bishops, manned those castles which he took from them with his own soldiers, in like manner as he had done all the rest which he had taken from the rebels, that he might the better withstand the empress and her son, whose coming line 10 he ever feared. He began also to show himself cruel towards all men, and namely against those that had chiefly furthered his title to the obtaining of the crown. ¶ This (as many took it) came to pass by the providence of almighty God, that those should suffer for their perjuries, which contrary to law and right had consented to crown him king.  
In deed he witted not well whom he might trust, for he stood in doubt of all men, 
K. Stephan doubts whom to trust.  because he was advertised by credible report, that the empress sought for aid line 20 on all sides, meaning very shortly to come into England. For this cause also he thought good to procure the friendship of jews king of France, which he brought to pass, 
He contracteth affinity with the French king.  by concluding a marriage between his son Eustace and the lady Constance sister to the said jews. But within a few years after, this Eustace died, and then was Constance married to Raimond earl of Tholouse.  

Wil Malm. Polydor. Matt. Paris. Alberike de Uéer pleadeth the king's cause.  In the mean time, namely on the first day of September, a council was holden at Winchester, line 30 wherein earl Alberike de Ueer pleaded with great eloquence the king's case, in excuse of his fault for imprisoning the bishops, which was sore laid to his charge by his own brother the bishop of Winchester, being also the pope's legate: who (together with the archbishop of Canturburie and other bishops) had called this council for that purpose. Howbeit they got nothing of the king but fair words, and promises of amendment in that which had been done otherwise than equity required, which promises were utterly unperformed, and so the council broke up. line 40  
In the month of julie the empress Maud landed here in England at Portesmouth, 
The empress landed here in England.  & went straight to Arundel, which town (together with the county of Sussex) her mother in law Adelicia king Henry's second wife, wedded to William de Albenay, held in right of assignation for her dower. There came in with the empress her brother Robert and Hugh Bigot, of whom ye have heard before.  

What power she brought with her.  Some writ that the empress brought with her a great army, to the intent that joining with Ranulph line 50 earl of Chester (who took part with Robert earl of Gloucester, because the same Rob. had married his daughter) she might fight with king Stephan, and try the battle with him. Other declare that she came to England now at the first, 
Wil Malm.  but with a small power (as seven score horsemen or men of arms as we may call them) in hope of God's assurance (who seldom faileth those that fight in a rightful cause) and again upon trust of aid of friends, 
Polydor.  who for the line 60 benefits received at her father's hands, would be ready to go against king Stephan. Whereupon her brother earl Robert leaving his sister in the castle of Arundel, road with all speed unto Gloucester through his enemies country, not taking with him past 12. men of arms, and as many archers on horseback, that upon his coming thither he might levy an army with so much speed as was possible. Now when he came to Gloucester, though the city was kept with a garrison of soldiers placed there by king Stephan, 
Earl Robert cometh to Gloucester.  yet the townsmen, after they heard that their earl was approached to the gates, they drove out the garrison, & received him into the town, where he remained a time, partly to assemble an army, and partly to practise with other towns and castles thereabouts, to revolt unto his sister. 

Matt. Paris. Brian the earl of Glocesters' son. Miles earl of Hereford. Polydor.  
The empress besieged in Arundel castle.   Amongst all other, the earls son Brian, and Miles of Gloucester were right joyful of the news of the empresses arrival, and gladly prepared themselves to fight in defence of her cause.  
In the mean time king Stephan, having knowledge of the landing of the empress, and other his enemies, came straight to Arundel, where he besieged her in the castle, and spent his labour certain days in vain about the winning of it. Howbeit at that present he did not prevail, for there were certain with him, who in favour of the empress bore him in hand, that it was not possible to win that fortress, and therefore advised him to raise his siege, and suffer the empress to be at liberty to go to some other place, where he might with more ease and less damage get her into his hands. 
The king raiseth his siege.  The king not perceiving the drift of those secret practisers, followed their counsel. Whereupon the empress being now at liberty, went from place to place to try and solicit her friends: and as a river increaseth in the passage, so the further the lady went, the more her power increased. About the midst of the next night after the siege was raised, she departed out of the castle, and with great journeys sped her towards Bristol, 
The empress goeth to Bristol.  which was already revolted to her side.  
These things being thus bruited abroad, the Peers of the realm resorted to her, as they that well remembered how in time passed by oath of allegiance they were surly bound to her and her issue. The king in the mean time besieged the castle of Wallingford, 
K. Stephan besiegeth Wallingford.  but after he understood that the empress was gotten to Bristol, repenting himself for his light credit given to evil counsel, he left off the siege of Wallingford, and drew towards Bristol, that he might (if it were possible) enclose his adversaries within that walled city. But the empress, being advertised of his determination (by such of her friends as were resident about him) first went to Gloucester, and after to Lincoln, where she provided victuals and all other things necessary for her army and defence: purposing to remain in that city, till the matter were either tried by chance of war betwixt her and king Stephan, or that by the people's help revolting to her side, he might be driven out of the realm, and she restored to the whole government. The king followed her very earnestly, and coming unto Lincoln besieged it, 
Anno Reg. 6. 1141  assaieng on every side which way he might best find means to win it, & enter into the same. 
Sim. Dunel. R. Hove. K. Stephan winneth Lincoln. Ran. Higd. Simon Dun.  At length the empress found shift to escape from thence, and within a little while the king got possession of the city. But shortly after, Robert earl of Gloucester, and Ranulph earl of Chester, Hugh Bigot, and Robert of Morley assembling their power, aswell of Welshmen as others, to come to the succour of those that were thus besieged, came to Lincoln, 
Polydor. N. Trivet.  & pitching down their tents near to the enemies, they rested the first night without making any great attempt.  
In the morning being the second day of February, so soon as it was day, they set their men in order of battle, and brought them forth in sight of the king and his host: who on the other side, 

The ordering of the king's army ready to give battle.  
Simon Dun. Matt. Paris.   not meaning to refuse the conflict, ordered his men ready to encounter them, whom he divided into 3. several battles, The chiefest part of his armed men he appointed to remain on foot, amongst whom he placed himself, with certain noble men, as earl Baldwin, and others. The residue being horsemen, he disposed into two several wings, 
The earls of Norfolk. Hampton, Mellent, & Waren.  in one of which were Alaine duke of Britain, Hugh Bigot earl of Norfolk, Simon earl of Hampton, and two other earls, Mellent and Waren: howbeit they were not furnished with such number of men as had been requisite; for as it fell out, they brought no great retinues with them. 

The earl of Albemarle. William de Ypres.  
The ordering of the battles on the king's adversaries part.   The other wing was governed by the earl of Albemarle, and William de Ypres.  
Now on the adversaries side, the earl of Chester led the fore ward, and those whom king Stephan had disherited, were placed in the middle ward. In the rear ward the earl of Gloucester with his company had the rule. And besides those three battles, the Welshmen were set as a wing at one of the sides.  
Here the earl of Chester (to utter the good will line 10 which he had to fight) appointed in fair armour as he was, spoke these words in effect as followeth, directing the same to the earl of Gloucester, and other the captains, saying: I give you hearty thanks, most invincible chiefteine, 
The oration of the earl of Chester. Ran. Higd.  and you my fellow soldiers, which declare your hearty good wills towards me, even to the ieoparding of your lives at this my request and instance. Sith than I am the occasion of your peril, it is convenient that I make the first entrance, line 20 and give the onset of the battle upon that most disloyal king, who granting a truce, hath broken the peace; and swearing to be a subject, is now proved a most wicked usurper: I therefore trusting both upon revenge of the unjust dealings of this king, and also upon mine own force and courage, shall straightways break in sunder the array of his army, and make way through the midst of the enemies with sword in hand. It shall be your parts then to follow me, who will lead you the way: for even now my mind giveth me, that I shall pass through line 30 the battles, tread the captains under foot, and run the king through with this my sharp sword.  
When he had thus ended, the earl of Gloucester answered in this wise: 
The earl of Glocesters' answer to the earl of Chester's oration.  It is not against reason that you should require the honour of the first onset, both for the nobility of your house, and also in respect of the prowess wherein you excel: but yet if you stand upon nobility, for my part, being the son and nephew of a king, ought not I to be preferred? If upon line 40 valiancy, here are many very worthy men, afore whom there is not one alive that may challenge any prerogative. But another reason moveth me most chiefly to be the foremost. The king, who contrary to his oath made to my sister, hath cruelly usurped the kingdom, and setting all in trouble, hath been the cause of many thousand men's deaths, and distributed lands and livings to such as have no right to the same, which he hath violently taken from the rightful owners, who are quite disherited. This king (I say) is first to be assailed with the assistance of the line 50 righteous judge, who prepareth punishment for wicked doers. For almighty God, who judgeth his people with equity, will look down from his heavenly habitation, and will not leave us comfortless in this so great a necessity. One thing there is, most valiant captains, and all you right hardy soldiers, which I would have you to consider, that through the fens, which with much ado you have passed, there is no way to escape by flight. Here must we either line 60 vanquish the enemies, 
The necessity to fight valiantly.  or else die in the field: for no hope of safeguard remaineth in fleeing away. This only resteth (I say) that you make way for you to enter the city with force of your weapons. If I be not deceived in that which my mind giveth me to conjecture, the lack of means to escape, otherwise than by showing yourselves valiant men, by God's help will bring us the victory. For he must needs play the man, who hath not other succour to avoid the danger of destruction. The citizens of Lincoln, who shall fight so near their houses as you shall see, will not stay long to get them thither for their refuge. And herewith consider and weigh (I beseech you) against whom you shall match in this battle. There is Alane duke of Britain, 
Alane duke of Britain.  who cometh armed against you, yea rather against God, a wicked person, and spotted with all kind of filthiness; who in malice hath no peer, as one that never wanted desire to do mischief: and who to be comparable in cruelty, would judge it a great reproach. There cometh also the earl of Mellent, 
The earl of Mellent.  a man full of all guile and deceit, in whose hart iniquity is rooted, and nothing sounding in his mouth but unthankfulness; besides this, he is slothful in deeds, presumptuous in words, not hasty to fight, but swift to run away. Then cometh earl Hugh, who hath not thought it sufficient to break his oath to my sister the empress, 
Earl Hugh.  but he must commit perjury the second time, in avouching (upon a new oath) that king Henry granted the kingdom to Stephan, and disabled his daughter. After him marcheth the earl of Albemarle, a man of singular constancy in evil, 
The earl of Albemarle.  very ready to attempt and loath to give over a mischief: whose wife, through irksomeness of his filthy behaviour is gone from him; & he that keepeth her, 
The earl of Albermarles wife.  cometh with him also against us, an open adulterer, & one well esteemed of Bacchus, but nothing acquainted with Mars. Then setteth forth Simon earl of Hampton, whose deeds consist in words, & whose gifts rest in promises. 
Simon earl of Hampton.  For when he hath said, he hath done; & when he hath promised, ye get no more. Finally there come together a knot of Peers & Noble men, 
Like master, like servants.  like to their king and master, accustomed to robberies, enriched with rapines, imbrued with manslaughters, & defamed with perjury. You therefore (most valiant captains & hardy soldiers) whom king Henry hath advanced, and this man hath brought under foot; whom he made wealthy, and this man hath impoverished; upon trust of your worthy valiancy, yea rather upon trust of God's justice seek your revenge thus offered by God upon these wicked wretches, & with manly stomaches vow to go forward, & forswear stepping back. When the earl had made an end, all the army (lifting up their hands to God) abjured all intention to flee, and so made themselves ready to set forward.  
King Stephan having no pleasant voice of himself, appointed earl Baldwin to give an exhortation to his army, whereupon getting himself to an high place where he might be seen & heard of them, he thus began. All such as shall give battle, 

Earl Baldwin his oration in the behalf of king Stephan.  
Three things to be foreseen by them that shall give battle.   aught to foresee three things: first, that their cause be righteous: secondly, the number of their men to be equal at the least: and thirdly, the goodness and sufficiency of them.  
The righteousness of their cause ought to be regarded, least men run in danger of the soul; the number of men is to be respected, lest they should be oppressed with multitude of enemies; and the goodness of the soldiers is to be considered, least trusting in the multitude, they should presume upon the aid of feeble persons, & such as are of small valour. In all these points we see ourselves sufficiently furnished. The justice of our cause is this: that observing the thing which we vowed to our king before God, we stand to the same against those that have falsified their faith, even to the peril of death. Our number is not much less in horsemen, and in footmen we exceed them. As for the goodness or sufficiency of our men, who is able to express the noble prowess of so many earls, of so many lords and soldiers, trained up ever in wars? The passing valiancy of our king may stand in place of innumerable soldiers. Sith than he being the lords anointed, is here amongst you, unto whom ye have vowed allegiance, perform your vow. For the more earnestly and faithfully ye serve your prince in this battle, which you are ready to fight against perjured persons, the more shall your reward be at the hands of God and him. Therefore be of good comfort, & have in remembrance against whom you do darraine the battle. 
Earl Robert.  The force of earl Robert is well known, his manner is to threaten much, & to work little, furious in words, eloquent of speech, but cold or rather dead hearted in deeds. 
The earl of Chester.  The earl of Chester what is he? A man of unreasonable boldness, bend to conspiracy, inconstant to perform that which he rashly taketh in hand, ready to run into battle, uncircumspect in danger, practising things of great importance, seeking after things unpossible, bringing with him few good soldiers, but gathering a vagrant rout of rascals. line 10 There is nothing in him that we ought to be afraid of, for look whatsoever he attempteth manfully, the same he giveth over womanly, in all his doings unfortunate, in all encounters either he is overcome and fléeth away, or if he get the upper hand (which seldom times chanceth) he sustaineth greater loss than they whom he doth vanquish.  
The Welshmen, whom he bringeth with him are little esteemed of us, who pretend a naked rashness without any use of armour, so that as men without line 20 any knowledge of martial policy, they fall as brute beasts upon the hunter's javelin. The other, as well the nobles as the common soldiers are but runagates and vagabonds; of whom I would wish the number greater than it is: for the more they be, the worse in effect their service shall prove in time of need. You therefore (most worthy cheefetaines) you men of honour, it standeth you upon to have in regard your virtue and dignities. This day advance your line 30 renown, and follow the foresteps of your famous ancestors, leave to your sons an everlasting commendation. 
Continual good success a provocation of boldness.  The continual success of victory ought to be a provocation unto you to do manfully: the continuance of evil speed may be to yonder side an occasion to run away. For even already (I dare say) they repent them of their coming hither, and could be contented to be gone, if the nature of the place would suffer them to departed. Then sith it is not possible for them either to fight or to flee, what other thing line 40 can they do, but (as appointed by God's ordinance) offer themselves and all they have about them presently unto us. ye see then their horses, their armour, and their bodies ready here at your pleasure, lift up your hearts therefore, and reach your hands to take that with great cheerfulness of mind, which the Lord hath thus offered and freely presented unto you.  
Now yer he had all made an end of his words, the battles were ready to join, they met with great line 50 noise of trumpets and other instruments, and the fight began with a very sore and cruel slaughter. Hard it was in the beginning to guess who should have the better. 
Matth. Paris. Hen. Hunt.  The wing of the disherited men overthrew and bore down their adversaries, which were led by the duke of Britain, and the forenamed earls. On the contrary part, the earl of Albemarle and William de Ypres put the Welshmen to flight, but by the earl of Chester and his retinue, the same earl and William de Ypres were fiercely assailed line 60 afresh, and put out of order. Thus was the king's side put to the worse, 
W. Paru. Hen. Hunt.  namely his horsemen, who being placed in the forefront, and there overmatched, fell to galoping. Which thing when the king beheld, he was not yet any whit therewith abashed, but like an hardy captein (as he was no less indeed) comforted his footmen whom he had about him, and rushing upon his enemies, bore them down, and overthrew so many as stood before him, so that with the point of his weapon he made himself way. His footmen, who were but a few in number to the multitude of his enemies, 
Polydor.  countervailed in all points the prows and manlike doings of their king and captain, insomuch that few battles had been better fought, nor with greater slaughter on both sides, if the kings fore ward (which in manner at the first shrank back and was disordered, not without some suspicion of treason) had stayed the brunt of the enemies a while, as it had been requisite. At length the king encountering with the earl of Chester, being overcharged with multitude, was taken prisoner by one William de Cahames.  
Earl Baldwine, 
Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt.  who had made the oration in the king's behalf, was also taken, after he had fought valiantly and received many sore wounds: likewise Richard Fitzurse, who on that day had showed good proof of his manhood, and had given and received many a sore stripe. To conclude, 
Matth. Paris.  all those that abode with the king, and namely all the footmen were taken prisoners, those which were slain in the place excepted. 
W. Paru.  This battle was fought in the sixth year of king stephan's reign, upon Candlemas day, being sunday, as Niger saith.  
The king being apprehended and brought to the empress lying at Gloucester, 
Polydor. The king led to Bristol.  was commanded by her to be conveyed in safety unto Bristol, where he was kept as prisoner from that time of his taking, until the feast of All saints next ensuing. Not long after this field fought, as ye have heard, Geffrey earl of Anjou husband to the empress, 
W. Paru.  receiving advertisement of this victory achieved in England, forthwith invaded Normandy, inducing all the Nobles of the country to incline unto him: for by publishing the captivity of king Stephan, it was easy for him to come by the possession of the same.  
Moreover, David king of Scotland entered into Northumberland, 

The king of Scots taketh Northumberland into his possession. Polydor.  
The empress followeth the victory.   and by commandment of the empress took the country into his hands, whilst she (like a woman of great wisdom, as she was no less indeed) judging that it stood her upon to use the victory which fell to her lot, slept not her business, but went forward, and setting from Gloucester, she came to Winchester, where she was honourably received of bishop Henry, though he was king stephan's brother, and inwardly lamented the misfortune of the king. Then came she back again to Wilton, and so to Oxenford, from thence to Reading, and then to S. Albon, into all which cities and towns she was received with great triumph and honour.  
Having thus passed through all the south parts of the realm on that side, 
She cometh to London.  she finally came to London, where the citizens welcomed her in most joyful and hearty manner. Now being come to London, and consulting with those of her council for the quieting of the whole state of the realm, queen Maud wife to king Stephan (for so she was also called) made humble suit unto her to have her husband set at liberty, 
The queen sueth to the empress for the delivery of her husband  promising that he should resign his whole claim and title into her hands, and content himself with a private life. But her suit was so far off from being granted, that she was rejected and cast off with reproachful words. Whereupon she conceived a most high displeasure, and understood well enough; that peace was to be purchased by force of arms only, and not by any other means: insomuch that with all diligence she sent to her son Eustace (then being in Kent) & willed him to prepare an army, which he did most speedily.  
It chanced at the same time that the citizens of London made great and laborious suit unto the said empress, that they might have the laws of king Edward the Confessor restored, and the strait laws of her father king Henry abolished. But for so much as they could get no grant of their petition, and perceived the empress to be displeased with them about that importunate request, 
The Londoners conspire to take the empress.  wherein only she overshot herself, they devised how and by what means they might take her prisoner, knowing that all the Kentishmen would help to strengthen them in their enterprise. But reckoning with herself that Nil p●terit propera tutius esse fuga, And being warned thereof, she fled by night out of the city, 
She fled in the night time out of the city.  and went to Oxenford, determining to be revenged upon her adversaries when time should serve her turn. Herewith she began to wax more displeased both against those Nobles whom she kept in prison, & other also whom she troubled, but namely king Stephan, whom she commanded to be laden with irons, and served with very slender diet. line 10  

N. Triue●.  Now when she had thus fled out of London, which was about the feast of the nativity of S. john Baptist, the tower of London was besieged, which Geoffrey de Mandevile held, 
Geffrey de Mandevile.  and valiantly defended. The same Geffrey rushing out on a time, came to Fulham, 
The bishop of London taken.  where he took the bishop of London then lodging in his manor place, being one of the contrary faction.  
Henry bishop of Winchester perceiving the wrath of the empress more and more to increase daily against line 20 her people, 
Polydor.  thinking it wisdom to serve the time, 
Castles fortified by the bishop of winchester.  manned all the castles which he had builded within his dieces; as at Waltham, Farnham, and other places, and withdrew himself into the castle of Winchester, there to remain, till he might see to what end the fury of the woman would grow. This being known, the empress took unto her David king of Scotland that was her uncle, who immediately joining their armies together, went to Winchester and besieged the castle. In the mean time the line 30 queen and her son Eustace, with the help of their friends, as the Kentishmen, the Londoners and other had assembled a great army, and appointed the government and general conduct thereof unto one William of Ypres a Fleming, 
William de Ypresse.  who for his valiancy was by king Stephan created earl of Kent: he was son to Philip of Flanders, 
ja. Meir.  begotten of a concubine, his father also was son to Robert earl of Flanders, surnamed Frisius. This William was banished out of his country by Theodorike Elsas earl line 40 of Flanders, because he attempted to bereave him of his earldom.  
The queens army thus committed to his guiding, came near unto Winchester, and kept the empress and her people in manner besieged: 

Wil Malm. In novella historia.  
N. Triue●. Sim. Dun. Polydor.  
The empress army put to flight.  
Wil Malm. Robert earl of Gloucester taken prisoner.   at length perceiving the advantage after the coming of a great supply of Londoners to their aid, they set upon her army as the same was departing, with such violence, that straightways her host was put to flight and discomfited. The empress was glad to sane her line 50 self dead, and so to be conveyed in a coach as a dead corpse unto Gloucester. Her brother Robert with many other of the Nobles that stayed behind, till she and other might get out of danger, were taken prisoners. And because the king was kept at Bristol under the custody of the said Robert, the queen caused him to be hardly handled, that he might prove the words of the gospel true: With what measure ye meat unto other, 
Matt. Paris.  with the same by other shall it be line 60 remeasured unto you. He had deserved very evil of the king heretofore, and therefore it was now remembered. He was taken (in manner abovesaid) on the feast day of the exaltation of the cross.  


Wil parvus. N. Trivet. David king of Scots retired home.  
Simon Dun. R. Hove. Alberike de Uéer slain.   David king of Scotland was not at the battle himself, but hearing of the discomfiture, got him out of the country, and by help of trusty guides returned into Scotland, whilst Alberike de ●éer was slain at London in a seditious tumult raised by the citizens. The kingdom being thus divided into two several factions, was by all similitudes like to come to utter ruin: for the people kindled in hatred one against another, sought nothing else but revenge on both sides, 
Wil Malm.  and still the land was spoilt and wasted by the men of war which lodged within the castles and fortresses, 
Polydor.  and would often issue out to harry and spoil the countries. But now that the two chiefest heads were prisoners, there was good hope conceived that God had so wrought it, whereby might grow some overture of talk, to quiet such troubles by friendly peace and agreement.  
Hereupon those lords that wished well to the commonwealth, began to entreat betwixt them, and articles were propounded for a concord to be had, and an exchange of prisoners on both sides. But the empress and her brother would not hearken to any agreement, except that the realm might wholly remain to the said empress. Whereby the enemies were rather increased than decreased by this treaty, so that at length the king and the earl (wearied with tedious irksomeness of irons and hard imprisonment, 

Geruasius Dorober.  
The king and the earl of Gloucester delivered by exchange.   and putting all their hope in the chance of war) about the feast of All saints made exchange by delivering of the one for the other, without making mention of any peace at all: 
Anno Reg. 7. 1142  and so kindled with new displeasures, they renewed the war.  
King Stephan being delivered in such wise as you have heard, coming to London, 
Geruasius Dorobernensis. A parliament called.  and there being accompanied with his brother Henry bishop of Winchester (than the pope's legate) Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, and others, he called a parliament, wherein the king declared the present state, how the enemy was brought to this point, that if it would please the Nobles of the realm to maintain him with men & money, he trusted now so to work, as they should not need to fear submission to the yoke of a woman's government: which at the first they seemed much to mislike, and now sithence (to their great grief) had proved to be intolerable. The sum of his talk tended to this end, that those which were able of themselves to aid him with their own persons, should prepare them out of hand so to do; and the residue that were not meet (as bishops, and such like manner of men) should be contributors to aid him with hired soldiers, armour, and money.  
This was gladly agreed upon, with the general consent of all the assembly. And because the bishops showed themselves very liberal towards the advancing of the king's purpose, there was a statute made at the same parliament, that who so ever did lay any violent hands on a sacred person, or else took upon him to apprehend any of them, 
A statute established in favour of priests  for what fault soever, without the bishop's licence, he should be accursed, and not be assoiled of any manner of person, except of the pope, as by a canon it was already decreed, but not obeyed among the Englishmen till that day. ¶ The cause of making this statute was chiefly, for that priests during the time of the civil wars, were daily either slain, or taken prisoners, and so put to their ransoms, or charged with great penalties and grievous fines.  
The bishop of Winchester at this council also began an other brawl among the clergy, for being brother to king Stephan, & armed with the pope's authority as his legate in England, by reason of exercising his authority, fell at variance with the bishop of Canturburie, who took himself for his superior, because he was his primate. This quarrel grew so far in question, that they went both to Rome to have the controversy decided, and so bringing their suits thither, contented well the ears of them that had the hearing of the same: for the more weighty the cause seemed, the better it liked them.  
¶ A late writer, noting in clergiemen of his age & country not only the aspiring vice of ambition, 
Paul. Lang. in Chron citizen. pag. 760.  but other disorders also, and monstrous outrages, after a complaint made that gold (by which title he calleth those of the ecclesiastical order) is turned into dross, and sweet wine become tart vinegar, concludeth with the illation of the cause hereof comprised in this metrical accouplement, saying: 
Dum factor rerum privaret flamine clerum,  
Ad satanae votum successit turba nepotum.   
Which he inferred upon occasion against the preposterous elections of unmeet men into episcopal ●ées, for that they were not so qualified as the dignity of the place required; otherwise peradventure enabled with competent knowledge and learning. And surly, we may note these inordinate affection's line 10 from the beginning of this our chronicle in the best (I mean in respect of their estates) of this livery, and may justly impute it to the defection of God's spirit in them, whose nature is to plant peace and meekness in the hearts of his tenants, not discord, not ambition, not the works of darkness, which beseem not the children of light. But to the purpose.  
As the king began (after his liberty obtained) to provide for wars, 
Matth. Paris. Earl Robert passeth over into Normandy.  so earl Robert (after he was line 20 discharged) sailed over into Normandy, taking with him the sons of diverse Noble men who favoured the empress, whom he delivered to her husband the earl of Anjou to be kept as pledges, & earnestly besought him to pass over into England with an army to aid the empress. 
Normandy won by the earl of Anjou.  Howbeit because he was newly intred into the conquest of Normandy, and had already won the most part thereof, he thought good to make first an end of his wars there, having somewhat to do against certain rebels of his own county of Anjou, which did not a little molest line 30 him. But he recovered (whilst the earl of Gloucester was there with him) Alney, Mortaigne, Tenerchbray, and diverse other places pertaining chiefly to the earl of Mortaigne: about the same time also they of Constances' submitted themselves unto him. Thus the earl of Anjou being occupied in those parties, could not well come into England.  

Wil Malm. Earl of Glocoster returneth.  Whereupon the earl of Gloucester came back again himself, and bringing with him somewhat less than four hundred men of arms (embarked in line 40 52. ships) landed with the same at Warrham, and besieged the castle there, which his enemies had won out of his hands whilst he was absent in Normandy. 
Ger. Dor.  In the end they that were within it (under the government of Herebert de Lucy) fell to agreement by composition, that if they were not succoured by a certain time, they should deliver the castle unto the earl. 
Wil Malm.  King Stephan himself the same time held a siege before Oxford, within the which he had enclosed line 50 the empress, as hereafter shallbe showed: so that they within the castle of Warrham had no succour sent unto them, and therefore (according to the articles of their composition) they yielded up the hold, after earl Robert had lain three weeks before it.  
This castle being thus won, earl Robert subdued also such as kept the isle of Portland, 
The I'll of Portland. Circester.  and had fenced it after the manner of a fortress: afterwards he came to Circester, and there assembled all those that favoured the part of the empress, meaning with all convenient speed to go to Oxford, & there to give line 60 battle to king Stephan, if he would abide it. Who after his deliverance from captivity, had assembled a great host of men, 
The empress besieged in Oxford.  and coming to Oxford, where the empress then lay, suddenly besieged her, before she looked for him. And to the end also that he might compel the townsmen to yield, or else keep them from entering which would come to their succours, he ranged abroad into the country with part of his army, wasting all afore him by fire & sword. This siege continued almost two months, in manner from his delivery in the beginning of November, until Christmas immediately following: in somuch that through lack of victuals they within the town began to raise mutinies. The empress therefore doubting the sequel, and seeing her provision to decay, devised a shift how to escape that present danger, which by force she was unlikely to perform.  
It was a very hard winter that year, the Thames and other rivers thereabouts were frozen, so that both man and horse might safely pass over upon the ice, 

N. Trivet. Simon Dun. Wil Paru. Ran. Higd. Matth. Paris.  
The empress escapeth out of Oxford.  
Polydor. Wil Malm. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris.  
Brian son to the earl of Gloucester.   the fields were also covered with a thick and deep snow. Hereupon taking occasion, she clad herself and all her company in white apparel, that a far off they might not be discerned from the snow; and so by negligence of the watch that kept ward but slenderly, by reason of the exceeding cold weather, she and her partakers secretly in the night issued out of the town, and passing over the Thames, came to Walingford, where she was received into the castle by those that had the same in keeping to her use: of whom Brian the son to the earl of Gloucester was the chief.  
¶ Here we may see the subtlety of the empress, whereby she obtained free and safe passage out of her enemies hands, who otherwise had taken her in their net. So that it will be true, that hath never been false, 
Aeneas Silvius.  which Aeneas Silvius (and before him many more driving upon the like argument) doth say in this distichon: 
Non audet stygius Pluto tentare, quod audent  
Effraenis monachus plenáque fraudis illa,   
Meaning Mulier, a woman. And therefore look what they want in magnanimity, in strength, in courage, the same is supplied by deceit, by circumvention, by craft, by fraud, by collusion; sometimes applied to a good intent, but most commonly directed to an evil meaning and purpose, as the events themselves do many times declare. But let us see what followed upon this escape of the empress.  
After her departure from Oxford, 
Polydor. Simon Dun. N. Trivet.  the townsmen yielded unto the king, who having taken order for the keeping of them in obedience, marched toward Walingford, minding to besiege the castle there: but being encountered in the way by his enemies, he was driven back, and so constrained to turn another way. 
Anno Reg. 8. 1143  Earl Robert hearing that his sister was escaped and gotten to Wallingford, hasted thither with all speed to visit her: 
The empress her son lord Henry.  & (as some writ) brought with him her son the lord Henry that was come with him from beyond the seas, to see his mother: so that the empress now beholding both her son and brother, received them with all the joy and honour that she could or might presently make them. Her son remaining under the government of earl Robert, was then appointed by him to abide within the city of Bristol, & there continued for the space of 4. years, being committed to one Matthew his schoolmaster, to be instructed in knowledge, and trained up in civil behaviour.  
King Stephan (after the spoiling of sundry churches, the robbing and burning of many towns and villages by the hands of his hired soldiers, who for the more part were Flemings) came at length with his brother the bishop of Winchester strongly armed unto Wilton, 
The king cometh to wilton.  where he took in hand to fortify the nunnery in steed of a castle, to resist the incursions and inroads of them of Salisbury, who in the behalf of the empress had done many displeasures unto his friends: but earl Robert understanding of his doings, got a power together with all speed, and the first day of julie about sun setting came to Wilton, and suddenly set the town on fire.  
The king being lodged within the nunnery, and fearing no such matter, after he heard of the sudden assembly of his enemies, was put in such fear, that he took himself dishonourably to flight, leaving his men, his plate, and other riches altogether behind him. 
Wil Paru. Sim Dun. M. Trivet. Matt. Paris.  The earls soldiers eagerly assailed the king's people, killed and spoiled them at their pleasure, rifled the king's treasury without resistance, and satisfied themselves with greediness. In this broil was William marcel or martel taken prisoner by earl Robert's men, & led to the castle of Wallingford, where Brian the earl of Glocesters' son having charge of that castle, kept him in close prison, and used him hardly, who by reason of the opinion which men had conceived of his valiancy, could not be delivered, till he had paid 300. marks for his ransom, and delivered line 10 the castle of Shirborne into the earls hands. Within a few days after, 
Miles earl of Hereford deceased.  Miles earl of Hereford departed this life, whose death was very grievously taken of the empress, for he was one of her chief friends and counsellors. His eldest son Roger succeeded him, a gentleman though young in years, yet valiant and forward in feats of arms. William Mandevile earl of Essex, 
Ger. Dor. The earl of Essex taken.  an ancient captain, & an expert warrior (who had served the empress, was taken also at S. Albon) but not without great line 20 slaughter of the king's soldiers: in so much that among other, the earl of Arundel mounted on a courageous palfrey & a very valiant man was overthrown in the midst of a water called Haliwell, by a knight named Walkeline de Orcaie, so that the same earl was sore bruised in his body, 
The earl of Arundel.  and almost drowned. The king was present himself at the taking of the said Mandevile, whom he spoiled of all his goods, 
N. Trivet. Wil Paru.  and constrained by way of redemption of his liberty, to deliver into the king's hands the line 30 Tower of London, the castle of Walden, and Pleshey. Hereupon the same earl being released was driven through poverty to seek some recovery of his losses by sundry spoils and robberies. First of all therefore he spoilt the abbeie of S. Albon, 
Anno Reg. 9 1144  and then the abbeie of Ramsey, which he fortified and defended as a fortress, 
Hen. Hunt.  casting the monks out of doors, and in every place where soever he came, he rob the country before him, till at length in the midst of his revenge and malicious doings, he was shot through line 40 with an arrow amongst his men by a silly footman, and so ended his life with confusion, receiving worthy punishment for his ungodly behaviour. For he was a man of high stomach & lofty courage, 
Sim. Dunel. john Pike. Matth. West. N. Trivet.  but very obstinate against God, of great industry in worldly business, but passing negligent towards his maker, as writers report of him.  
Likewise Robert Marmion, who had attempted the semblable robbery & spoil in the abbeie church of Coventrie, was slain before the same abbeie by line 50 a like mischance. For going forth to encounter with the earl of Chester (his mortal enemy, 
Wil Malm. Wil Paru.  and being approached as then towards the city) he fell with his horse into a ditch, which he caused to be covertly made for the destruction of his enemies: and before he could be relieved, a soldier of the earls part stepped to him, and struck his head from his shoulders in sight of both armies. Ernulfus the son of earl Geffrey Mandevile that kept the church of Ramsey as a fortress, after his father's death, was taken at line 60 length and banished.  
¶ Thus we see how God's judgement hunteth and pursueth the wicked, in somuch that they be overtaken in their own imaginations: according to that of the scripture, The wicked and bloodthirsty man shall not live half his days. And true it is, that as men live, so commonly they die: for, as one saith very well; 
— bona nulla scelestis  
Et justis mala nulla quidem contingere possunt. 
M. Pal. in suo scor.    
About the same time advertisement was given, that the city of Lincoln, which the earl of Chester had in keeping, was but slenderly manned. Whereupon the king conceiving some hope to win the same, hasted forward: and coming thither in the night, laid siege thereunto, 
Lincoln besieged.  and began to cast a trench to stop them within from making any sallies without.  
The earl at the first being somewhat amazed with the sudden approach of the enemy, yet beholding from the walls the manner of them without, he perceived the ranks to be very thin: and thereby guessing their number to be but small, suddenly issued forth at the gates to encounter with them. The king abode not the giving of the charge, because he was but weak and therefore fled; 
The siege raised.  neither could the earl follow the chase conveniently, for the like cause; but setting upon those that were about to make the trench, he slew 80. of the workmen, 
N. Trivet.  and then retired into the castle.  
This year was an heinous act committed by the jews at Norwich, where they put a child to death, 
A child crucified by the jews.  in crucifying him upon a cross to the reproach of christian religion.  
In the year following; namely, in the 10. 
Matth. Paris. Simon Dun.  year of king stephan's reign, Robert earl of Gloucester and other captains took in hand to build a castle at Faringdon. 
Anno. Reg. 10. 1145  But king Stephan assembling an army of Londoners and other, 
A castle built at Faringdon. Hen. Hunt.  came thither, and besieged them within. Now whilst earl Robert and others of the empresses captains remaining not far off, tarried for a greater power to come to their aid, the king with sharp assaults (but not without loss of his men) won the fortress: 
The king winneth it by force.  whereby his side began to wax the stronger, and to be more highly advanced. After this he came with a mighty army unto Wallingford, 
Anno Reg. 11. 1146  and there builded a strong castle over against the other castle which his adversaries held against him.  
Thither also came the earl of Chester with a great train of knights and gentlemen unto the king, 
Ran. Higd. Matth. Paris. N. Trivet. Simon Dun.  and so at length they were not unfeignedly accorded and made friends, but in appearance on the king's behalf. For shortly after, the earl was craftily taken at a parliament holden at Northampton, by the practice of K. Stephan, and could not be delivered, till he had surrendered the city and castle of Lincoln, with other fortresses pertaining to the crown into the king's hands. 
Ran. Higd. The Welshmen wafte Cheshire. Ger. Dor.  About that time did the Welshmen destroy the province of Chester, but at last they were distressed. This year also the lord Geffrey earl of Anjou sent three Noble men into England, accompanied with certain men of war, unto earl Robert, requesting him to send over his son Henry into France, that he might see him, and if need required, he promised to send him back again with all convenient speed. Earl Robert was contented to satisfy his request: and so with a good power of armed men brought the lord Henry unto Warham, where he took leave of him, never after to see him in this world. For when the child was transported, earl Robert returned speedily to the parties from whence he came, and there falling into an ague, 
The earl of Gloucester departeth this life.  departed this life about the beginning of November, and was buried at Bristol. The lord Henry coming to his father, was joyfully received, and remained in those parties for the space of two years and four months.  
In the mean season, 
Anno Reg. 12. 1147  the unjust proceedings of K. Stephan against the earl of Chester, purchased him new hatred of his old adversaries, and like suspicion of such as were his friends, for it sounded not a little to his dishonour. Every man therefore was in doubt of his dealing, 
Simon Dun. K. Stephan entereth into Lincoln with his crown on his head.  and judged that it stood them upon to take heed to themselves. But he (as one that thought he had achieved some high exploit) in triumphant wise shortly after entered into Lincoln in his royal robes, and his crown on his head, whereas it had not been heard that any king had done the like many years before.  
¶ It is reported by some writers, that he did this, to root out of men's minds a foolish superstitious conceit, which believed that no king with his crown upon his head might enter that city, but some mischance should light upon him: whereupon he seemed by this means to mock their superstitious imagination.  
About the same time many of the Nobles of the line 10 realm (perceiving the king's authority to repress violent wrongs committed by evil doers to be defective) builded sundry strong castles and fortresses upon their own grounds, either to defend themselves, or to make force upon their enemies near adjoining. After the departing of the king from Lincoln, the earl of Chester came thither with an army, to assay if he might recover that city. But his lieutenant that had the leading of his men, was slain at the entering of the northgate, and so the earl line 20 was beaten back with the loss of many of his men: 
Simon Dun.  and the citizens having got the upper hand, rejoiced not a little for the victory.  
But here (to stay a little with temporal affairs) it shall not be amiss to rehearse the effect of a contention, which fell about this time between that king and the archbishop of Canturburie. For so it happened (as Geruasius Dorobernensis writeth) that pope Eugenius came this year into France, 
Ger. Dor.  about the midst of Lent, and afterward held a synod or council at Rheims: whereunto Theobald archbishop of line 30 Canturburie, with others of the English bishops were summoned. The archbishop thereupon ask licence of the king, & not obtaining it, found means to steal away in a small boat, not without danger of his person.  
Now therefore the case of this Theobald stood very hard: for Henry bishop of Winchester the king's brother through envy had so wrought, that if the archbishop passed over without licence, he should be confined of the king. Again, he was sure, if he came line 40 not to the council, that he should be suspended by the pope. Hereupon the archbishop meaning rather to offend the king than the pope, got over, as it were swimming, rather than sailing; the vessel wherein he passed over being stark nought: for all the ports were kept by the king's servants, so that he was glad to take such a boat as came next to hand. In consideration whereof he was highly commended by the pope. line 50  
In this council the prebendaries of York, together with Henry Mordach then abbot of Fountney, presented themselves, exhibiting their complaint against William archbishop of York, for that (as they alleged) he was neither canonically chosen, nor lawfully consecrated, but intruded by the king's authority. At length archbishop William was convicted and deposed, Albert bishop of Hostia pronouncing sentence in this wise: We do decree by the apostolic authority, that William archbishop line 60 of York is to be deposed from his see, because Stephan king of England, before any canonical election, named him.  
Then, for that pope Eugenius had thus deposed archbishop William, although not with the consent of the more part of the cardinals, the chapter of the church of York, by his commandment coming together, part of them chose Hilary bishop of Chichester, and the other part elected Henry Mordach abbot of Fountney. Now pope Eugenius, when both elections were showed him at Auxerre, confirmed the election of Henry Mordach, and disannulled the other, and then consecrated the foresaid Henry with his own hands. The late nominated archbishop William being thus deposed, returned into England, and remained at Winchester with king Henry till the death of pope Eugenius, following the counsel of the same bishop in all things.  
Now when the council at Rheims was ended, archbishop Theobald returned into England, and coming to Canturburie, was received with great ho●or of the covent and citizens there. But the king remaining then at London, when he heard of it, was sore displeased, and came with great speed unto Canturburie, where much conference being had betwixt him and the archbishop (although to small purpose) for the bringing of them to an agreement, at length the king compelled the archbishop to departed the realm. Whereupon, after a few days respite, he went to Dover, where he took ship and sailed into France. But within a while he was called back by the queen and William of Ypres, unto S. Omers, that they might the sooner advertise him of the king's mind and pleasure. Here he consecrated Gilbert the elect bishop of Hereford, the fift day of September, Theodoric bishop of Amiens and Nicholas bishop of Cambre assisting him.  
After this, when by sending of messengers to and fro, aswell bishops, abbots, and other, both spiritual persons and temporal, there could no agreement be made, he directed his letter to certain churches here in England, pronouncing by a certain day, namely the twelve day of September, a sentence of interdiction to be observed through the realm. The monks of Canturburie sore offended herewith, before the prefixed day of this sentence to be put in ure, sent two moonkes of their own house, Nigell and Absalon, unto the pope: whose errand when the pope had understood, he commanded them to return home, and to obey their archbishop's sentence in all things.  
In the mean time the archbishop's men and tenants were sore oppressed, and his rents and revenues seized to the king's use, yea even before the days of payment. Which manner of proceeding sore grieved the archbishop: in so much that departing from S. Omers, he came to graveling, and there taking the sea, crossed over to a town called Goseford that belonged unto Hugh Bigot earl of Norfolk: which earl received him with great honour, and sent him all necessary provision, so long as he remained in his country. At the term appointed, he interdicted all the king's dominions, and would not revoke the sentence, till Robert bishop of London, Hilary bishop of Chichester, and William bishop of Norwich, with many other Noblemen, came to him unto Framelingham in Norfolk, a castle appertaining to the said earl, where at length an atonement was concluded betwixt him and the king: whereupon he was brought home unto Canturburie with great joy and honour.  
He accused the monks of Canturburie, for disobeieng the interdiction, trusting that the pope would not hear those two moonkes whom they had sent, as he did not indeed. He excommunicated also all those that had received the sacraments amongst them, during the time of the interdiction. Now these moonkes being at their wit's end, dispatched with all speed other two moonkes to the pope, to obtain an absolution, before the archbishop should understand it: but they were sent back again with checks, and commanded to obey their archbishop in all things, as the other were, which had been there with him before.  
The monks of Canturburie that were sent to Rome, returning, came from thence to Bullongne, 
Geruasius.  
Anno Reg. 13. 1148  where they found those that were first sent thither: and so they all four came to Canturburie. The pope also had sent a privy commandment to the archbishop, that he should duly punish as well them as the other. Whereupon the archbishop taking counsel with his friends, deposed Sylvester the prior, and suspended William the secretary of the house from entering the queer. It was decreed also, that the residue should cease so long a time from saying service, as they had said it before unlawfully, against the archbishop's commandment. For it was thought reason, that whilst other sang and were merry, they should keep silence, which wilfully took upon them to sing, line 10 whilst other held their peace and were still. They began therefore to cease from saying divine service, and from ringing their bells in the second week of Lent: & so kept silence from the twelve day of March, until the first day of August.  
The queen wife to king Stephan in this mean while lay much at S. Augustine's in Canturburie, because of hastening forward the building of Feversham abbeie, which she and her husband had begun from the very foundation. And because the moonkes line 20 of S. Augustine might not celebrate divine service, she called thither commonly the monks of Christ's church to say service before her. Thus much for that purpose: and now to other matters.  
The lord Henry fitzempress after all these businesses returned into England, 
The L. Henry returneth into England  in the month of May, with a great company of men of war both horsemen and footmen: 
Anno Reg. 14. 1149  by reason whereof many revolted from king Stephan to take part with him: whereas before they sat still, and would not attempt line 30 any exploit against him. But now encouraged with the presence of the lord Henry, they declared themselves friends to him, and enemies to the king. Immediately after his arrival, he took with him the earls of Chester and Hereford, Ranulfe and Roger, and divers other Noble men and knights of great fame, beside those whom he had brought with him out of Normandy, and went unto Carlisle, where he found his cousin David king of Scotland, of whom he was most joyfully received: and upon Whitsunday line 40 with great solemnity, being not past sixteen years of age, 
He is made knight. R. Houed.  was by the same king made knight, with diverse other young gentlemen that were much about the same age.  
¶ Some write, that the king of Scots received an oath of him before he gave him the honour of knighthood, that if he chanced to attain unto the possession of the realm of England, he should restore to the Scots the town of Newcastle, with the country of Northumberland, from the river of Twéed, to the river line 50 of Tine. But whether it were so or not, I am not able to make warrantise.  
Now king Stephan hearing that the king of Scots, and his adversary the lord Henry with the chiefest lords of the west parts of England lay thus in Carlisle, he raised an army, and came to the city of York, where he remained for the most part of the month of August, 
K. Stephan with an army cometh to York.  fearing lest his enemies should attempt the winning of that city. But after the one part had remained a time in Carlisle, and the other in line 60 York, they departed from both those places without any further exploit for that season, saving that Eustachius king stephan's son (having also lately received the order of knighthood) did much hurt in the countries which belonged to those Noble men that were with the lord Henry.  
The great rain that fell in the summer season this year did much hurt unto corn standing on the ground, 
Matth. Paris. Great rain.  so that a great dearth followed. In the winter also after, about the tenth day of December, it began to freeze extremely, and so continued till the nineteenth of February: 
A sore frost.  whereby the river of Thames was so frozen, that men might pass over it both on foot and horseback.  
In the mean while Henry Duke of Normandy, 
Anno Reg. 15. 1150  after he had returned from the king of the Scots, sailed back into Normandy, about the beginning of August, leaving England full of all those calamities, which civil war is accustomed to bring with it, as burning of houses, killing, robbing, and spoiling of people, so that the land was in danger of utter destruction, by reason of that pestilent discord.  
This year the 23. of February, Galfridus Monumetens●s, otherwise called Galfridus Ar●h●rius, who turned the British history into Latin, was consecrated bishop of S. Assaph, by Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, at Lambeth, William bishop of Norwich and Walter bishop of Rochester assisting him.  
moreover, 
Ger. Dor. The earl of Anjou father to Henry Fitz empress departeth this life.  this year (as some writers have recorded) Geffrey earl of Anjou, husband to the empress Maud, departed this life, on the seventh day of September, leaving his son Henry only heir and successor in the estates of the duchy of Normandy and county of Anjou. The body of the said earl was buried at Man's, with a great funeral pomp: his three sons Henry, Geffrey, and William being present.  
But king Stephan assaulting the fair city of Worcester with a great power of men of war, 
Worcester assaulted.  took it, and consumed it with fire, but the castle he could not win. This city belonged to earl Waleran de Mellent, at that season: for king Stephan to his own hindrance had given it unto him. Now after the men of war had divided the spoil amongst them, they came back, and passing through the lands of their enemies, got great booties, which they also took away with them, finding none to resist them in their journey.  
In the year following Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, and legate to the see apostolic, 
Anno Reg. 16. 1151  held a general synod or council at London in the Lent season, 
Ger. Dorobe●. A synod at London.  where king Stephan himself with his son Eustachius, and other the peers of the realm were present. This council was full of appeals, contrary to that had been used in this land, till the time that Henry bishop of Winchester unto his own harm (whilst he was likewise the pope's legate) had by unjust intrusion brought them in, and now at this council he was himself thrice appealed to the hearing of the pope's own consistory. After this king Stephan in the same year broke into the city of Worcester, and whereas he could not the last time win the castle, he now endeavoured with all his force to take it. But when those within made valiant resistance, he raised two castles against it, and leaving in the same certain of his Nobles to continue the siege, he himself returned home. ¶ Thus (as ye see) the king's property was to attempt many things valiantly, but he proceeded in them oftentimes very slowly: howbeit, now by the policy of the earl of Leicester, those two castles which the king had raised to besiege the other castle, were shortly after destroyed: and so the besieged were delivered from danger. This earl of Leicester was brother to the earl of Mellent. 
The earl of Leicester brother to the earl of Mellent.  Thus the king's purposed intention and painful travel on that behalf came to none effect.  
In the mean while Henry duke of Normandy married Elinor duchess of Guien or Aquitaine, 
Anno Reg. 17. 1152  lately divorced from the French king, 
The duke of Normandy fitzempress marrieth the duchess of Aquitaine.  and so in right of her he became duke of Aquitaine, and earl of Poictou; for she was the only daughter to William duke of Guien, and earl of Poictou, and by her father created his sole and lawful heir.  
The French king was nothing pleased with this marriage, 
The French king maketh war against the duke of Normandy.  in somuch that he made sore war upon duke Henry, joining himself in league with king Stephan, with his son Eustace, and with the lord Geffrey brother to duke Henry, so that the said Henry was constrained to defer his journey into England, and apply his power to de●end his countries and subjects on that side of the sea. For whereas he was ready at the mouth of the river of Barb to pass over into England, not long after midsummer, the French king, with Eustace king stephan's son, Robert earl of Perch, Henry earl of champaign, and Geffrey brother to duke Henry, having assembled a mighty army, came and besieged the line 10 castle of Newmarch, and sent forth the lord Geffrey with a strong power to win the castle of Angers. Duke Henry advertised hereof, departing from the place where he sojourned, hasted forth to secure his people that were besieged, but the castle of Newmarch was delivered to the French king, 
The castle of Newmarch delivered to the French king.  through treason of those that had it in keeping, before the duke could come to their rescue.  
Whereupon the said duke having knowledge by the way that he should come too late thither, he encamped line 20 first upon the fide of the river of Andell, and wasted a great part of the country of Ueuxin or Ueulquesine, 
Ueulquesine. or Ueuxin.  surnamed Le Normant, which lieth betwixt the river of Epte and Andell. This country belonged sometime to Normandy, but Geffrey earl of Anjou the duke's father had resigned it to the French king, to the end he should not aid king Stephan. The duke also burned the castles of Bascheruisle, Chitrey, Stirpiney, and the castle of Fort, that belonged to Hugh de Gourney, with diverse other. line 30 About the end of August he left his towns in Normandy sufficiently furnished with garrisons of soldiers, and went into Anjou, where he besieged the castle de mount Sotelli, till he had taken it, and all those that were within it, amongst whom was the lord thereof named William. The French king on the other side entering into Normandy, burnt part of the borough of Rieule, and either then or shortly after that duke Henry was gone over into England, 
The castle of Uernon. Simon Dun.  he took the town and castle of Uernon. line 40  
Whilst these things were thus a doing in France, K. Stephan would have caused the archbishop of Canturburie & diverse other bishops, whom for that purpose he had assembled, to crown, anoint, and confirm his son Eustace king over the realm of England. 
The pope is against it.  But the archbishops and bishops refused so to do, because the pope by his letters sent to the archbishop, had commanded to the contrary; namely, that he should in no wise crown the king's son, because his father king Stephan had got line 50 the possession of the land against his oath received in behalf of the empress. The father and son being not a little offended herewith, committed most of his bishops to ward, 
The bishops are threatened.  seeking by threats and menacings to bring them to his purpose. The bishops also were in no small perplexity: for according to the truth, the king never seemed greatly to favour churchmen, because of their strength (as in former times by his rigour used against the bishops of Salisbury and Lincoln it plainly appeared) and yet would not line 60 these men yield to his pleasure: whereupon although they were set at liberty, they were nevertheless deprived of their temporal possessions, which notwithstanding afterwards upon the kings own motion were restored unto them.  
Howbeit the archbishop of Canturburie persisting still in his opinion, 
Ger. Dor.  was forsaken of diverse of the bishops, who through fear durst not stand against their prince's pleasure. But the archbishop, when he perceived how the matter went, & that all the blame was like to light and rest on his shoulders, 
The archbishop of Canturburie flieth out of the realm.  he got himself by a marvelous hap over the Thames, and with speed riding to Dover, passed the sea, to avoid both the fathers and sons revengeful displeasure. Hereupon the king seized into his hands all the lands & possessions that belonged to the archbishop.  
This year queen Maud wife to king Stephan departed this life at Hangey castle, 
Matth. Paris. Ger. Dor.  that belonged to earl Alberike de Uéer, about the third day of May, and was buried in the abbeie of Feversham, which she with her husband king Stephan had lately founded.  
This year through great and immoderate rain that fell in the summer, the growing of corn was so hindered, that a great death of people ensued.  
This year also was the battle of Monadmore fought in Ireland, 
The battle of Monadmore.  where the flower and chiefest personages of Monster and Leynister were slain. Moreover one john, a monk of Sagium, 
Matth. Paris. The second & also the first bishops of man..  was made the second bishop of the isle of Man: the first bishop that was there instituted height Wimond a monk of Savinie, who for his importunate misdemenour in some respects, had his eyes put out, and was displaced.  
john Papirio a cardinal, 
Hen. Marle.  being sent from the pope as legate into Ireland, ordained four archbishops there, one at Dublin, an other at Ardmach, the third at Cassels, and the fourth at Connach. The see of Dublin he changed into an archbishops see, 
The bishop of Dublin made archbishop.  one Gregory at that time possessing the same: to whom he gave the first and chief pall, and appointed the church of the blessed Trinity to be church metropolitan. As this cardinal passed through England, he received an oath of fealty unto king Stephan.  
The same year also king Stephan by siege and force of assault did win the castle of Newberie not far from Winchester. 
The castle of Newberie won.  This done he went to Wallingford, and besieging the castle, he builded at the entering of the bridge a fortress to stop them within from issuing out, and likewise from receiving any relief or succour by their friends abroad. The defendants perceiving themselves so hardly laid at, sent to the duke of Normandy (in whose name they kept that castle) desiring him either to secure them, or else give them licence to yield up the castle to the king. Hereupon duke Henry having dispatched his business on the further side of the sea, began to be kindled with a fervent desire once again to attempt his fortune here in England for recovery of that kingdom, and so with three thousand footmen, 
Duke Henry fitzempress returneth into England.  & 7. score horsemen, with all speed possible failed over into England, where he landed about the 12. day in Christmas. He was no sooner arrived, 
Ger. Dor.  but a great number of such as took part with his mother came flocking in unto him: whereupon being now furnished with a great and puissant army, he marched forth to Malmesburie, 
He besiegeth the castle of Malmesbury. Matth. Paris. Polydor.  where in the castle was a great garrison of soldiers placed by king Stephan. Duke Henry planted his siege about this castle the thirteenth day of januarie, and enforced himself to the uttermost of his power to win it.  
Now king Stephan hearing of his enemies arrival, with all hast possible got his army on foot, and coming suddenly towards the place where his enemies were pitched, 
K. Stephan constraineth him to raise his siege.  he caused duke Henry to raise his siege, and following after, offered him battle. But duke Henry, knowing that his enemies were far more in number than he was at that present, and also conceiving with himself that by prolonging of time his own power would increase, abstained from fight, and kept him within the closure of his camp. ¶ Thus have some written, but other authors write, 
Wil Par●.  that Henry kept himself indeed within his camp, and refused to give battle, but yet removed not his siege, till the king departed from thence, after he saw he could not have his purpose, and then did duke Henry win the castle of Malmesburie, or rather the master tower or chief dungeon of that castle. For as (Simon of Durham writeth) he had won by assault the other parts and limbs of the castle before king Stephan came to remove him. 
Simon Dun. Ger. Dor.   
This tower that thus held out, was in the keeping of one captain jordan, who escaping forth came to the king, informing him in what state he had left his men within the tower: whereupon the king (making all the power that he was able) set forward, and coming to Circiter, lodged there one night, and in the morning purposing to raise the siege, or to fight with line 10 his enemies (if they would abide battle) marched forth towards Malmesburie. But upon his approach to the duke's camp, the day following his coming thither, 
A sore storm.  there rose such a hideous tempest of wind and rain, beating full in the faces of king stephan's people, that God seemed to fight for the duke, who in respect of the number of people was thought too weak to deal with the strong and puissant army of the king: howbeit the storm being on his back, and beating extremely in king stephan's mens faces, line 20 they were not able to hold their weapons in their hands, in somuch that he perceived he could not pass the river that ran betwixt the armies: whereupon constrained in that sort through the violent rage of that cold and wet weather, he returned to London full evil appaied, in that he could not satisfy his expectation at that present.  
The tower that duke Henry had hardly besieged immediately herewith was surrendered unto him, & then making provision for victuals and other things, line 30 to the relief of them that kept the castle of Wallingford, 
The castle of Wallingford.  he hasted thither, and finding no resistance by the way, easily accomplished his enterprise. There were diverse castles thereabouts in the country furnished with garrisons of the king's soldiers, but they kept themselves close, and durst not come abroad to stop his passage. Shortly after he besieged the castle of Cranemers, 
The castle of Cranemers.  and cast a trench about it, so as his people within Wallingford castle might have free liberty to come forth at their pleasure: but as for line 40 those within the castle of Cranemers, they were so hardly holden in, that there was no way for them to start out.  
The king advertised hereof, got all his host together, and marched forward very terribly toward duke Henry's camp. But showing no token of fear, he caused the trench wherewith he had enclosed his camp forthwith to be cast down, and leaving the siege, came into the fields with his army set in order of battle, meaning to try the matter by dint line 50 of sword, although he had not the like number of men as the king had: whose army perceiving their enemies to come in the face of them, were stricken with a sudden fear: nevertheless, he himself being of a good courage, commanded his people to march forward. But herewith certain Noble men, that loved not the advancement of either part, under a colour of good meaning sought to treat an agreement betwixt them, so that an intermission or cesing from war was granted, and by composition the castle line 60 which the king had built, and the duke besieged, was razed to the ground. The king and the duke also came to an interview and communication together, a river running betwixt them. Some writ that they fell to agreement, 
Matth. Paris. Ger. Dor. Eustace king stephan's son.  king Stephan undertaking to raze the castle of Cranemers himself, and so laying armour aside for that time, they parted asunder.  
But Eustace K. stephan's son was sore offended herewith, and reproving his father for concluding such an agreement, in a great rage departed from the court, & taking his way toward Cambridgeshire (which country he meant to overrun) he came to the abbeie of Bury, and upon S. Laurence day caused all the corn in the country about, and namely that which belonged to the said abbey, to ●e spoiled and brought into a castle which he had in keeping not far from thence. But as he sat down to meat the same day upon receiving the first morsel he fell mad (as writers have reported) and miserably ended his life▪ 
Eustace king stephan's son and Simon earl of Northampton depart this life both in one week.  The same week Simon earl of Northampton departed this world of a like disease, and so two of the chiefest adversaries which duke Henry had, were rid out of the way. Eustace was buried at Feversham in Kent, and earl Simon at Northampton.  
About the same time also that noble and valiant earl of Chester called Ranulfe departed this life, 
The earl of Chester deceasseth.  a man of such stoutness of stomach, that death could scarcely make him to yield, or show any token of fear: he was poisoned (as was thought) by William Peverell. After him succeeded his son Hugh, a man likewise of passing strength and virtue. Now although earl Ranulfe favoured the part of duke Henry, yet in these later years he did but little for him: wherefore it was thought that the death of this earl was not so great a loss to the duke, as the deaths of Eustace, earl Simon, and other the king's friends deceasing about the same time seemed to further him: so that his part became daily stronger, and the kings weaker.  
About the same time the castles of Reading and Béertwell were delivered to duke Henry, and the lady Gundreda countess of Warwick drove out the soldiers that held it for king Stephan, 
Matth. Paris. Rob. Mont.  and delivered the town to duke Henry. In this year duchess Elinor, wife to Henry fitzempress, was brought to bed of her first borne son, whom they named William, after the manner of the ancient dukes of Aquitaine.  
Thus came things to pass in sundry places wi●h so good success as duke Henry could wish, whereupon meaning to follow the steps of prosperous fortune, he marched forth to Stamford, 
Stamford was taken. Simon Dun. Ger. Dor.  and taking the town at his first coming laid siege to the castle. Now they that had it in keeping sent messengers to king Stephan, requiring rescue, but the same time he had laid siege to the castle of Gipswich, which Hugh Bigot kept against him: 
Gipswich or Ipswich besieged.  and because he would not departed from that siege till he had the castle given up into his hands (which came at last to pass) in the mean time the castle of Stamford was yielded up to duke Henry, 
N. Trivet.  who immediately thereupon departed from Stamford eastward, meaning to come to the succour of his friends besieged at Gipswich or Ipswich (as it is commonly called) not understanding as yet that they had surrendered the hold: but having knowledge by the way what was happened, he returned and marched straight to Nottingham, and got the town easily; 
Nottingham.  for they within the castle had set it on fire, therefore he besieged the castle standing upon the point of a steep craggy rock, and was furnished with a strong garrison of men, and all things necessary for defence, so that it could not easily be won.  
When duke Henry had assayed all the ways how to take it, and saw that he could not preua●le, 
Duke Henry raiseth his siege from Nottingham. Polydor.  he minded to lose no more time: but raising his siege from thence, he ranged abroad to get other places into his possession, and finally came to his mother, and lay at Wallingford. King Stephan in the mean time being strong in the field, sought time and place to have Henry at s●me advantage, who in his young years (as yet not having tasted any misfortune) he thought would rashly attempt some unadvised enterprise. ¶ But whereas the realm of England had been now many years miserably turmoiled with civil war (which the very heathen have so detested, 
The misery of this land in time of the civil war.  that they have exclaimed against it with a kind of irksomeness; as: 
Eheu cicatricum & sceleris pudet, 
Hor. lib. car. 1. ode. 35.   
Fratrúmque: quid nos dura refugimus  
Aetas? quid intactum nefasti  
Linquimus? unde manus juventus  
Metu deorum continuit? quibus  
Pepercit aris? 
Idem. lib. car. 2. ode. 1.  iam litui strepunt,  
jamfulgor armorum fugaces  
Terret equos equitúmque vultus)  Wherein (besides millians of extremities) honest matrons and men's wives were violated, maids and virgins ravished, churches spoiled, towns and line 10 villages rob, whole flocks and herds of sheep and beasts destroyed (wherein the substance of the realm chiefly consisted) and men without number slain and murdered, it pleased the goodness of almighty God at length to deliver the land of these miseries, which were notified to all countries round about that sore lamented the same.  
Now whereas king Stephan was the cause of all the troubles, in having usurped an other man's rightful inheritance, it pleased God to move his hart at line 20 length to desire peace which he had ever before abhorred. The cause that moved him chiefly to change his former purpose, was for that his son Eustace by speedy death was taken out of this world (as before you have heard) which loss seemed great not only to the father, but also to all those lords and others which had always taken his part, because he was a young man so well liked of all men, that he was judged to be borne to much honour. But his wife Constance took his death very sorrowfully, 
The lady Constance wife to Eustace sent home.  and the more line 30 indeed, for that she had no issue by him, whereupon shortly after she was sent honourably home to her father king jews with her dower, and other rich and princely gifts.  
King Stephan seeing himself thus deprived of his only son, unto whom he minded to leave the kingdom which he so earnestly sought to confirm and assure unto him by warlike endeavour, and that again the French kings aid would not be so ready as heretofore it had been (whereupon he much stayed, line 40 now that the bonds of affinity were abolished) he began at length (though not immediately upon his sons decease) to withdraw his mind from war, 
K. Stephan began to incline his mind to peace. Matth. Paris.  and bequeashed it wholly to peace. Which alteration being perceived, those Nobles that were glad to see the state of their country quieted, did their best to further it; & chiefly Theobald archbishop of Canturburie traveled earnestly to bring the princes to some agreement, now talking with the king, now sending to the duke, and using all means line 50 possible to set them at unity. 
Ger. Dor.  The bishop of Winchester also, who had caused all the trouble, upon consideration of the great calamities wherewith the land was most miserably afflicted, began to wish an end thereof. Whereupon the lords spiritual and temporal were called together at Winchester about the latter end of November, that they with their consents also might confirm whatsoever the king and the duke should conclude upon. line 60  

An assembly of lords at Winchester.  Thus was a public assembly made in the city of Winchester, whither also duke Henry came, who being joyfully received of the king in the bishop's palace, they were made friends, the king admitting the duke for his son, and the duke the king for his father, insomuch that the agreement, which (through the careful suit of the archbishop of Canturburie) had been laboured with such diligence to good effect, 
A peace concluded betwixt the king and the duke.  was now confirmed: the chief articles whereof were these.  

Some writers have recorded that duke Henry should presently by this agreement enjoy half the realm of England.  1 That king Stephan, during his natural life, should remain king of England, and Henry the empresses son should enjoy the dukedom of Normandy, and be proclaimed heir apparent to succeed in and have the regiment of England, after the decease of Stephan.  
2 That such noble men, and other, which had held either with the one party or the other, during the time of the civil wars, should be in no danger for the same, but enjoy their lands, possessions and livings, according to their ancient rights and titles.  
3 That the king should resume and take into his hands again, all such portions and parcels of inheritance belonging to the crown, as he had given away, or were otherwise usurped by any manner of person, and that all those possessions which by any intrusion had been violently taken from the right owners, since the days of king Henry, should be restored to them that were rightly possessed in the same by the days of the said king.  
4 That all those castles, which contrary to all reason and good order had been made and builded by any manner of person in the days of king Stephan, 
Matth. Paris. Castles to be razed in number. 1115.  should be overthrown and cast down, which were found to be eleven hundred and fifteen.  
5 That the king should reform all such disorders as war had brought in; to restore farmers to their holdings, to repair decayed buildings, to store pastures and leassues with cattle, hills with sheep, etc.  
6 That by his means the clergy might enjoy their due quietness, and not be oppressed with any unjust exactions.  
7 That he should place sheriffs where they had been accustomed to bear rule, with instructions given them to deal uprightly in causes, so as offenders might not escape through bribes, or any other respect of friendship; but that every man might receive according to right and equity.  
8 That soldiers should convert their swords (as isaiah saith) into culters & plough shares, their spears into mattocks, and so return from the camp to the plough: and that such as were wont to keep watch in the night season, might now sleep and take their rest without any danger.  
9 That the husbandman might be set free from all trouble and vexation, by means whereof he might follow his tilth, and ply his culture.  
10 That merchant men and occupiers might enjoy their trades and occupations to their advancement.  
11 That one kind and manner of silver coin should run through the land, etc.  
12 There was also consideration had of a son which king Stephan had, named William, who though he were very young, was yet appointed to swear fealty unto duke Henry as lawful heir to the crown. The same William had the city of Norwich, and diverse other lands assigned him for the maintenance of his estate, and that by the consent and agreement of duke Henry his adopted brother.  
These things being thus concluded at Winchester, and the war that had continued for the space of 17. years now ended and fully pacified: the king took the duke with him to London, doing to him all the honour he could devise. The news whereof being spread abroad, every good man rejoiced thereat. Thus through the great mercy of God, peace was restored unto the decayed state of this realm of England. Which things being thus accomplished with great joy and tokens of love, king Stephan and his new adopted son duke Henry took leave either of other, appointing shortly after to meet again at Oxenford, there to perfect every article of their agreement, which was thus accorded a little before Christmas.  
¶ But by the way, for the better understanding of the said agreement, I have thought good to set down the very tenor of the charter made by king Stephan, as I have copied it out, and translated it into English out of an authentic book containing the old laws of the Saxon and Danish kings, in the end whereof the same charter is exemplified, which book is remaining with the right worshipful William Fléetwood esquire, now recorder of London, and sergeant at law.  

The charter of king Stephan, of the pacification of the troubles betwixt him and line 10 Henry duke of Normandy.  
STephan king of England, to all archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, justicers, sheriffs, barons and all his faithful subjects of England sendeth greeting. Know ye that I king Stephan, have ordained Henry duke of Normandy after me by right of inheritance to be my successor, and heir of line 20 the kingdom of England, and so have I given and granted to him and his heirs the kingdom of England. For the which honour, gift, and confirmation to him by me made, he hath done homage to me, and with a corporal oath hath assured me, that he shall be faithful and loyal to me, and shall to his power preserve my life and honour: and I on the other side shall maintain line 30 and preserve him as my son and heir in all things to my power, and so far as by any ways or means I may.  
And William my son hath done his lawful homage, 
William son to king Stephan.  and assured his fealty unto the said duke of Normandy, and the duke hath granted to him to hold of him all those tenements and holdings which I held before I attained to the possession of the realm of England, wheresoever the line 40 same be in England, Normandy, or elsewhere, and whatsoever he received with the daughter of earl Warren, either in England or Normandy, 
Earl Warren.  & likewise whatsoever appertaineth to those honours. And the duke shall put my son William and his men that are of that honour in full possession and seizine of all the lands, boroughs and rents, which the duke thereof line 50 now hath in his demain, and namely of those that belong to the honour of the earl Warren, and namely of the castles of Bellencumber and Mortimer, 
The castles of Bellencumber and Mortimer.  so that Reginald de Warren shall have the keeping of the same castles of Bellencumber, and of Mortimer, if he will; and thereupon shall give pledges to the duke: and if he will not have the keeping of those castles, line 60 then other liege men of the said earl Warren, whom it shall please the duke to appoint, shall by sure pledges and good surety keep the said castles.  
Moreover, the duke shall deliver unto him according to my will and pleasure the other castles, which belong unto the earldom of Mortaigne by safe custody and pledges, 
The earldom of Mortaigne.  so soon as he conveniently may, so as all the pledges are to be restored unto my son free, so soon as the duke shall have the realm of England in possession. The augmentation also which I have given unto my son William, he hath likewise granted the same to him; to wit, the castle and town of Norwich, 
Norwich.  with seven hundred pounds in lands, so as the rents of Norwich be accounted as parcel of the same seven hundred pounds in lands, and all the county of Norfolk; the profits and rents which belong to churches, bishops, abbots & earls excepted; and the third penny whereof Hugh Bigot is earl, 
Hugh Bigot.  also excepted: saving also and reserving the kings royal jurisdiction for administration of justice. Also the more to strengthen my favour and love to himwards, the duke hath given and granted unto my said son whatsoever Richer de Aquila hath of the honour of Pevensey. 
Richer de Egle.  And moreover the castle and town of Pevensey, and the service of Faremouth, beside the castle and town of Dover, and whatsoever appertaineth to the honour of Dover.  
The duke hath also confirmed the church of Feversham with the appurtenances; 
The church of Feversham.  and all other things given or restored by me unto other churches, he shall confirm by the counsel and advice of holy church and of me. The earls and barons that belong to the duke, which were never my leeges, for the honour which I have done to their master, they have now done homage and sworn fealty to me, the covenants betwixt me & the said duke always saved. The other which had before done homage to me, have sworn fealty to me as to their sovereign lord. And if the duke should break and go from the premises, then are they altogether to cease from doing him any service, till he reform his misdoings. And my son also is to constrain him thereto, according to the advice of holy church, if the duke shall chance to go from the covenants afore mentioned. My earls and barons also have done their liege and homage unto the duke, saving their faith to me so long as I live, and shall hold the kingdom with like condition, that if I do break and go from the premitted covenants, that then they may cease from doing me any service, till the time I have reform that which I have done amiss.  
The citizens also of cities, and those persons that dwell in castles, which I have in my demain, by my commandment have done homage, and made assurance to the duke, saving the fealty which they own to me during my life time, and so long as I shall hold the kingdom. They which keep the castle of Wallingford have done their homage to me, 
Wallingford castle.  and have given to me pledges for the observing of their fealty. And I have made unto the duke such assurance of the castles and strengths which I hold by the counsel and advice of holy church, that when I shall departed this life, the duke thereby may not run into any loss or impeachment, whereby to be debarred from the kingdom. 
The tower of London. Mo●a de Windsor.  The tower of London, and the fortress of Windsor, by the counsel and advice of holy church are delivered unto the lord Richard de Lucy, 
Richard de Lucy.  safely to be kept, which Richard hath taken an oath, and hath delivered his son in pledge to remain in the hands and custody of the archbishop of Canturburie, that after my decease he shall deliver the same castles unto the duke. Likewise by the counsel and advise of holy church, Roger de Bussey keepeth the castle of Oxford, 
Mo●● de Oxford.  and Jordaine de Bussey the castle of line 10 Lincoln, which Roger & jordaine have sworn, and thereof have delivered pledges into the hands of the archbishop, that if I shall chance to leave this life, they shall render the same castles to the duke without impeachment. 
The bishop of Winchester.  The bishop of Winchester hath also given his faith in the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, that if I chance to departed this life, he shall render line 20 up unto the duke the castles of Winchester, and the fortress of Hampton.  
And if any of them, unto whom the custody of these fortresses shall be committed, fortune to die, or otherwise to departed from his charge, an other shall be appointed to the keeping of the same fortress, before he shall departed forth thereof, by the counsel and advice of holy church. And if any of those persons that have any castles line 30 or fortresses belonging to me in their custody shall be found disobedient and rebel, I and the duke shall constrain him to satisfy our will & pleasure, not leaving him in rest till he be so constrained. The archbishops and bishops of the realm of England, and the abbots also, have by my commandment sworn fealty unto the duke; and the bishops and abbots that hereafter line 40 shall be made and advanced here within the realm of England shall likewise swear fealty to him. The archbishops also and bishops on either part, have undertaken, that if either of us shall go from the foresaid covenants, they shall so long chastise the party offending with the ecclesiastical censures, till he reform his fault, and return to fulfil and observe the said line 50 covenants. The mother also of the duke, and his wife, and his brethren, & subjects whom he may procure, shall likewise assure the premises.  
In matters belonging to the state of the realm, I shall work by the duke's advice. And through all the realm of England, as well in that part which belongeth to the duke, as in that which belongeth to line 60 me, I shall see that royal justice be executed. These being witnesses, Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, Hen. of Winchester, Robert of Excester, Rob. of Bath, Goceline of Salisbury, Robert of Lincoln, Hilary of Cicester, William of Norwich, Richard of London, Nigell of Elie, Gilbert of Hereford, john of Worcester, Walter of Chester, Walter of Rochester, Geffrey of S. Asaph, Bishops: Robert prior of Bermondsey, Othon knight of the temple, William earl of Cicester, Robert earl of Leicester, William earl of Gloucester, Renold of Cornwall, Baldwin de Toning, Roger de Hereford, Hugh Bigot, Patrick de Salisbury, William de Albemarle, Earl Alberike, Roger Clare, Richard earl of Pembroke, Richard de Lucy, William martel, Richard de Humer, Reginald de Warren, Mahaser Biset, john de Port, Richard de Cameville, Henry de Essex. yeven at Westminster.   
Thus far the Charter: and now to proceed with the history. Immediately after Christmas, 
1154 Ger. Dor. Anno Reg. 19  even in the Octaves of the epiphany, the king and duke Henry met again at Oxenford, where all the earls and barons of the land being assembled, swore fealty unto duke Henry, their allegiance due unto king Stephan, as to their sovereign lord and supreme governor so long as he lived, always reserved. The form of the peace was now also engrossed and registered for a perpetual witness of the thing, in this year 1154. after their account that begin the year at Christmas, as about the feast of S. Hilary in januarie commonly called the twentieth day. Thus was Henry the son of the empress made the adopted son of king Stephan, and thereupon the said Henry saluted him as king, and named him father. After conclusion of this peace, by the power of almighty God, all debate ceased, in such wise, that the state of the realm of England did marvellously for a time flourish, concord being maintained on each hand. ¶ There be which affirm, that an other cause bound king Stephan to agree to this atonement chiefly, namely for that the empress (as they say) was rather king stephan's paramour than his enemy: 
Polydor.  and therefore (when she saw the matter grown to this point, that they were ready to try battle with their armies ready ranged on a plain in the western parts called Egelaw heath) she came secretly unto king Stephan, 
Matth. Paris. Egelaw heath.  & spoke unto him on this wise: What a mischievous and unnatural thing go ye about? 
The words of the empress to king Stephan.  Is it meet that the father should destroy the son? Is it lawful for the son to kill the father? For the love of God (man) refrain thy displeasure, and cast thy weapons out of thy hand, sith that (as thou thyself knowest full well) Henry is thine own son. With these and the like words she put him in mind, and covertly told him, 
The empress confesseth herself to be nought of her body.  that he had to do with her a little before she was married unto earl Geffrey.  
The king by such tokens as the empress gave him, took her words to be true, and thereupon all his malice was streightwaies quenched: so that calling forth the archbishop of Canturburie, he uttered to him the whole matter, and took therewith such direction, in sending to his adversaries for avoiding battle at that present, that immediately the armies on both sides wrapped up their ensigns, and every man was commanded to keep the peace, that a communication might be had about the conclusion of some pacification, which afterwards ensued in manner above mentioned.  
¶ But whether this or some other cause moved the king to this peace, it is to be thought that God was the worker of it. And surely a man may think it good reason, that the report of such secret companie-keeping betwixt the king and the empress, 
Slanders deuise● by malicious heads.  was but a tale made among the common people upon no ground of truth, but upon some slanderous device of a malicious head. And admit that king Stephan had to do with her; yet is it like that both of them would do for best to keep it secret, that no such reproach might be imputed either to Henry, who was taken to be legitimate; or to his mother, whose honour thereby should not a little be stained.  

Oxenford. Ger. Dor. The king and duke meet at Dunstable.  But now to the purpose. Shortly after that the king and duke Henry had been together at Oxenford, where they ended all things touching the peace & concord betwixt them concluded, they met again at Dunstable, where some cloud of displeasure seemed to darken the bright sunshine of the late begun love and amity betwixt those two mighty princes the king and the duke. 
Articles not performed.  For where it was accorded (among other articles) that all the castles which had been built since the days of the late king Henry line 10 for evil intents and purposes, should be razed and thrown down: contrary thereunto (notwithstanding many of them were overthrown and destroyed to the accomplishment of that article) divers through the king's permission were suffered to stand. And when the duke complained to the king thereof, he could not get at that time any redress, which somewhat troubled him: but yet because he would not give occasion of any new trouble, nor offend the line 20 king, to whom (as to his reputed father) he would seem to yield all honour and due reverence, he passed it over.  

The king and duke come to Canturburie.  Within a while after, the king and he came to Canturburie, where they were solemnly received of the covent of Christ's church with procession. After this, in the Lent season they went to Dover, where they talked with Theodorike earl of Flanders, and with the countess his wife who was aunt to duke Henry. At their coming towards Canturburie (as it was bruited) the duke should have been murdered, line 30 through treason of the Flemings that envied both the duke's person, 
The envy of the Flemings  and also that peace which he had concluded with the king. But see the hap. As this feat should have been wrought on Berhamdowne, William earl of Norfolk king Stephan his son, who was one of the chief conspirators, fell beside his horse, and broke his leg, so that every man by that sudden chance was in a maze, & came wondering about him. ¶ This no doubt came to pass by the providence of God, though such accidents are line 40 commonly imputed to casualty or chance medley. For it is the work of God either to prevent, or to intercept, or to recompense the unnatural conspiracies of traitors and rebels with some notable plague: according to that of the poet; 

Hesiod in lib. cui ●it. op. & di.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Noxius ipse sibi est alij qui quaerit obesse,  
Consiliúmque malum danti fert maxima damna. line 50   
Duke Henry herewith getting knowledge of the treason intended against him, or at the least suspecting somewhat, got him back again to Canturburie, and so avoided the danger. After this, taking his way to Rochester, 
Duke Henry passeth over into Normandy.  and so to London, he got him a shipboard, and sailed by long seas into Normandy, where he arrived in safety.  
After his departure, king Stephan spent the summer season of this year, in going about the most line 60 part of the realm, showing all the courtesy he could devise to the people in all places where he came; except where he found any rebellious persons, 

Wil Paru. Philip de Coleville.  
The castle of Drax.   as in Yorkshire, where Philip de Coleville (in trust of his castle which he had strongly fortified at a certain place called Drax) showed himself disobedient to the king, who assembling a power in the country, besieged that castle, and shortly wan it, without any great ado.  
When duke Henry was departed (as ye have heard) and gone over into Normandy, now that he had concluded a peace with king Stephan, his puissance was thought to be such, 
The puissance of duke Henry.  that he was able to maintain wars with the mightiest prince that then reigned. For in right of his wife, he had gotten possession of the duchy of Aquitaine, and the earldom of Poictou; and further by his mother, he enjoyed the duchy of Normandy, and looked to succeed in the kingdom of England: and in right of his father he was earl of Anjou, Thouraigne, and main. He also revoked into his hands certain parcels of his demean lands, which his father had given away, and passing from thence into Aquitaine, mightily subdued certain lords and barons there, that had rebelled against him.  
About the same time a peace was concluded betwixt the French king, and this duke Henry: 
A peace concluded betwixt the French king and duke Henry. Matth. West.  the king restoring unto the duke the towns of Newmarch and Uernon, which he had before taken from him, and the duke giving to the king 20000. marks of silver, for the harms done by him, within the realm of France.  
But now to return unto king Stephan. Ye shall understand, that within a while after he had made his foresaid progress almost about the whole realm, he returned unto London, where he called a parliament as well to consult of matters touching the state of the commonwealth, as to furnish the see of York with a sufficient archbishop. 
Wil Paru. Roger Archdecon of Canturburie made archbishop of york.  Whereupon one Roger that was before archdeacon of Canturburie, was chosen to that dignity, and consecrated the tenth day of October, by archbishop Theobald, as legate to the pope, and not as archbishop of Canturburie. Then also was Thomas Becket made archdeacon of Canturburie by the said Theobald. 
Thomas Becket archdeacon of Canturburie.  The new archbishop Roger first went to his see at York, where after he had received his inthronization, and set his business there in order, he took his journey towards Rome to fetch his pall in his own person.  
King Stephan also after the end of the parliament went to Dover, 
The earl of Flanders.  there to meet the earl of Flanders, who came thither to talk with him of certain business. The earl was no sooner returned back, but the king fell sick, and was so grievously tormented with a pain in his belly, and with an old disease also, 
King Stephan departed this life.  wherewith (as should appear) he had been often troubled, namely, the emrods, that finally he died in the abbey on the five and twentieth day of October, in the nine and fortieth year of his age, and after he had reigned eighteen years, ten months, and odd days, in the year after the birth of our Saviour 1154. 
Matth. Paris. N. Trivet.  His body was interred in the abbeie of Feversham in Kent, which he had builded, where his wife also, and his son Eustace were buried before. year 1154 ¶ Thus far of the acts and deeds of Stephan; now a little of other brief remembrances, and first touching the profopographie or description of his person.  
He was comely of stature, of a very good complexion and disposition, of great strength, 
His stature.  in qualities of mind very excellent, expert in war, gentle, courteous, and very liberal. For though he continued all his time in a manner in the maintenance of wars, yet he levied but few tributes, or almost none at all. Indeed he put divers bishops to grievous fines, and that not without the just judgement of Almighty God, that they might so be punished duly for their perjury committed in helping him to the crown. Uices wherewith he should be noted I find none, but that upon an ambitious desire to reign, he broke his oath which he made unto the empress Maud.  
In his days, the abbeys of Tiltey, Fontneis, 
abbeys founded. Coggheshall he founded himself, and Fontneiss in Lancashire, & Feversham in Kent.  Rievalle, Coggeshall in Essex, Newbourgh and Béeland, Merivale in Warwikeshire, Garedon in Leicestershire, Kirkstéed in Yorkshire, with diverse other in other parts of the realm, were founded, in so much that more abbeys were erected in his days, than had been within the space of an hundred years before, 
Wil parvus.  as William parvus writeth.  
A great number of castles also were builded in his days (as before ye have heard) by the Nobles of the realm, either to defend the confines of their countries from invasions of forrenners, and violence of homelings; or as fortifications to themselves when they meant or intended any inroad or breaking upon their neighbours.  
diverse learned men namely historiographers lived in these days, as William Malmesburie, Henry Huntingdon, Simon Dunelmensis, Galfridus Arturius, otherwise called Monumetensis, Caradoc Lancarnavensis, William Revellensis, among whom Thurstan archbishop of York is not to be forgotten, besides many more, who in diverse sciences were very expert and skilful, as by treatises of their setting forth to the world hath sufficiently appeared.  
Thus far Stephan of Bullongne.   

Henry the second, the second son ofGeffrey Plantagenet.  
HEnrie the second of that name, a French man borne, the second son of Geffrey Plantagenet earl of Anjou, begotten of Maud the empress, 
Anno Reg. 1.  daughter to Henry the first, began his reign over England the five and twentieth of October, in the year after the creation of the world 5121. year 1154 and in line 10 the year after the incarnation of our saviour 1154. about the beginning of the third year of the emperor Fredrick the first, the second of pope Anastasius the fourth, the seventeenth year of jews the seventh king of France, and second of Malcolme than king of Scotland. Immediately after he was advertised of the death of king Stephan, he came over into England, landing at Ostreham about the seventh day of December. 
N. Trivet. Matth. Paris▪  After he had got his companies together, which by tempest were scattered in his passage, he came first to Winchester, where he line 20 received homage and fealty of the Nobles of the realm resorting unto him. This done he set forth towards London, where he was crowned king by Theobald archbishop of Canturburie the twentieth day of December.  

N. Trevet. The archbishop of Roven.  The archbishop of Roven, with three of his suffragans, the archbishop of York, and many other bishops of England: Theodorus the earl of Flanders, with a great number of other earls, lords and barons were present there at his coronation. He line 30 was at that time about the age of three and twenty years, 
Polydor.  and to win the people's love, he spoke many comfortable words unto them, to put them in hope (as the manner is) that they should find him a loving prince. He used the lords also very coveteouslie. And first of all, after his attaining to the crown, he chose to him counsellors of the gravest personages, 
counsellors chosen.  and best learned in the laws of the realm, with whose prudent advice be perused those laws, and amended line 40 them where he thought necessary, commanding chiefly, that the laws established by his grandfather Henry the first should be observed: 
Ran. Higd.  and in many things he relied upon the advice of Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, at whose su●e he admitted Thomas Becket to be his chancellor, 
Thom. Becket lord chancellor.  which Becket the said archbishop had made archdeacon of Canturburie the year before.  
Moreover, by the sentence and doom of his counsellors, to the intent that peace and quiet order might take place, and be the better maintained, he commanded by way of publishing a proclamation, 
Anno Reg. 2. 1155  that all strangers (which to get somewhat by the wars had flocked into the realm, 

Nic. Trivet. Polydor. Wil parvus.  
Strangers appointed to departed the realm.   during the time of the civil discord between him and king Stephan) should departed home without further delay: wherefore he appointed them a day, before the which they should avoid upon peril that might ensue. It was a world's wonder to see and mark how suddenly these aliens were quite vanished, 
Aliens avoid the land.  as though they had been phantasms. Their abiding here was nothing profitable to the subjects of the realm, as they that were accustomed to attempt one shrewd turn upon an others neck, and thought it lawful for them so to do. Amongst them was a great number of Flemings, whom the king hated more than the residue.  
By virtue also of this edict, William of Ypres, 
William de Ypres.  whom king Stephan (as ye have heard) had made earl of Kent, was constrained with others to departed the realm, king Henry seizing all his possessions into his own hands. 
Castles overthrown. Polydor. Matth. Paris.  diverse castles were thrown down and made plain with the ground at the king's commandment, which private men by king stephan's permission had builded, or else for that they stood not in such places as was thought meet and expedient; 
Wil parvus. Matth. Paris.  yet some he caused to be fortified: and furthermore, took into his hands again such lands and possessions as appertained to the crown, and were alienated unto any manner of person, of what degree so ever he was. This wounded the minds of many with an inward grudge, as well enough perce●uing that the king would look so near to his own commodity, that nothing should be left for them that might any way be recovered and gotten to his use.  
In this year queen Elinor being then in the city of London, on the last of February was delivered of her second son named Henry. 
N. Trivet. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. William Peverell disherited.  About the same time also, William Peverell of Nottingham a noble man and of great possessions was disherited by the king for sorcery and witchcraft, which he had practised to kill Ran●●fe earl of Chester, as it was revealed openly, and brought to light. In accomplishing of which heinous crime and detestable act, many others were of counsel, and found guilty with him, which escaped not unpunished.  
On the tenth of April, king Henry assembled the peers & great lords of his realm together at Wallingford, 
●ic. Trevet.  and caused them to swear allegiance unto his eldest son William: providing, that if he chanced to die, 
Matth. Paris. Nic. Trevet. Hugh de Mortimer. The castle of Cleberie.  than they should do the like unto his brother Henry. Also whereas Hugh de Mortimer had fenced his castles against king Henry, he besieged the same, and taking the castle of Cleberie, he destroyed it. Whereupon, the foresaid Hugh shortly after was at peace with the king, and surrendered to him the two castles of Wigmore and Bridgenorth, line 10 which hitherto he had holden. Moreover, whereas there was variance kindled betwixt the king, and Roger Fitz Miles of Gloucester (who was earl of Hereford) for the lands of Gloucester, 
Roger Fitz Miles.  that variance was also quenched: for after the same Roger was dead, his brother Walter succeeding him in the earldom of Hereford, was constrained to departed with the city of Gloucester, which the king held and retained in his own hands.  
In the second year of his reign, king Henry line 20 went to York, 

Anno Reg. 2. The king goeth into the north.  
The castle of Scarborough Wil parvus. Nic. Trevet. The death of the king's son William.   and in that country took into his hands divers castles which had been long in possession of private men; namely, the castle of Scarborrough, which William earl of Albemarle held, and now was constrained to resign it up, full sore against his will. This year William the king's eldest son departed this life, and was buried at Reading. The realm of England was brought on all sides into very good quiet; but yer long, word came to K. Henry, 
Geffrey the king's brother rebelleth.  that his brother Geffrey had begun a line 30 rebellion on the other side of the sea. For their father Geffrey (when he died) left three sons behind him, Henry, Geffrey, and William, ordaining by his testament, when Henry should have gotten possession of England and Normandy, that then the country of Anjou should remain unto Geffrey, and in the mean time, he to have these three towns, Chinon, Lodun, and mirabel, to maintain his estate; and when the time came that the whole heritage should fall unto him, he ●ight by possession of these three line 40 have a readier mean to come by all the rest. Furthermore, fearing lest his eldest son Henry (who as then was absent) would not consent to the performance of this his will, 
Wil parvus.  he caused certain bishops and other of the Nobles to swear, that they should not suffer his body to be committed to burial, till his sons had sworn to fulfil his last will and testament in all other things, but especially in this behalf, wherein he judged not amiss. For though Henry was loath to take his oath, yet because his father's line 50 body should not remain unburied, he was contented to swear.  
But after he had obtained the kingdom of England, his covetous desire, increasing still with abundance already obtained, found means to procure of pope Adrian the fourth (who was an Englishm●n borne) a dispensation for that oath: 
Pope Adrian an Englsh-man borne. A dispensation for an oath. Nic. Trevet.  whereupon (having got licence to departed from the office both of right, law and equity) neglecting his father's ordinance, he passed over into Normandy, and making war against line 60 his brother the said Geffrey, easily expelled him out of those places, which were assigned him by bequest in his father's testament, and so took the earldom of Anjou into his own possession. Howbeit, he gave unto his said brother a pension of a thousand pounds English, & two thousand pounds of the money of Anjou, with the town of Lodun, and certain other lands to live upon; who nevertheless thinking himself evil used at the king's hands, rebelled and died.  
¶ Here we have to note the lack of conscience and religion, not only in the pretended successor of Peter in giving a dispensasion for an oath, but also in his good ghostly son, who was no less forward in revolting from his oath, than the other was willing to acquit him from the force thereof. But if these men had been profiting scholars in the university of the pagans, as they were errand truants and rank dullards in the school of christians, they might have learned by profane examples, that as oaths are not to be rashly taken, so they are not to be unadvisedly broken. Hereunto alludeth Aristotle in his Metaphysikes, showing the cause why poetry hath feigned that the gods in old time used to swear by water, as jupiter is reported to have done in this manner; 
— per flumina iuro  
Infera sub terra Stygio labentia luco. 
ovid. Met. lib. 1. fab. 6.    
To signify unto us, that as water is a very ancient and excellent element, and so necessary that without it the life of man cannot consist; even so we ought to esteem of an oath, than the which we should think nothing more religious, nothing more holy, nothing more christian. Hereunto also tendeth the fable of the transmutation of mariners into dolphin's for perjury: 
ovid. Met. lib. 3. fab. 8, 9, 10.  importing thus much for our instruction, that the breaking of an oath, in a case that may prejudice, procureth grievous punishments from God against them that so lewdly do offend. But such is the impudency of the pope, that he will not grant dispensations only for oaths, but for incest, for treason, and for any other sin: which he may do (as he boasteth) by virtue of his absolute and universal jurisdiction: as we have lately in most lamentable sort seen exemplified. But to the course of our story.  
Shortly after, when king Henry had dispatched his business in Normandy, year 1156 and made an end of troubles there betwixt him and his brother Geffrey, he returned into England, 
King Henry goeth against the Scots.  because he received advertisement, that Malcolme king of Scotland began to make war against his subjects that bordered next unto him, whereupon he hasted northwards: and coming first into Cumberland, he took the city of Carlisle, seizing all that counrie into his hands; and going after into Northumberland, 
He won Carlisle and Newcastle and others.  he won the town of Newcastle, with the castle of Bamburg, and took into his possession all that country which his mother the empress had sometimes granted unto king David, as before ye have heard: howbeit, because he would not seem to offer too much wrong, and be esteemed unmindful of former benefits received, he suffered king Malcolme to enjoy the earldom of Huntingdon, 
The earldom of Huntingdon.  which king Stephan had given unto his father earl. Henry, son to king David, as before is partly touched.  
William also the earl of Mortaigne, 
William earl of Mortaigne. Matth. Paris. Nic. Trevet.  and Warren son of king Stephan, were compelled to surrender to king Henry, the castle of Pemsey, the city of Norwich, and other towns and castles which he held, appertaining to the demean of the crown: to whom the king in recompense restored those lands which his father king Stephan held in the days of king Henry the first.  
About this time Theodorike earl of Flanders (going with his wife unto jerusalem) committed his son Philip with all his lands, 
Anno Reg. 3. 1157  to the custody of the king of England. 
Theoderike earl of Flanders.  Hugh Bigot also resigned his castles into the king's hands.  
But whilst king Henry was about (as before ye have heard) to recover and get back the portions of his kingdom made away and dismembered by his predecessors, 
Rebellion of Welshmen.  he was informed that the Welshmen raised a rebellion against him; to repress whose attempts, he hasted forth with all diligence. Now at his first approach to their country, 
The king i●uadeth them.  his soldiers being set upon in the straits, were very fiercely put back by the enemies, in somuch that a rumour ran how king Henry was slain, which puffed up the Welshmen with no small hope, and dawnted the Englishmen with great fear. In deed, diverse of the English nobility were slain, and (amongst others) Eustace Fitz john, and Robert de Curcy, men of great honour and reputation. 
Eustace Fitz john, & Robert de Curcy slain.   
Those which escaped in returning back, not knowing that the king passed through the straits without danger, declared to their fellows that followed and were approaching to the said straits, that (so far as they knew) the king and all the residue were lost. These news so discomforted the companies, that line 10 Henry of Essex, which bore the king's standard by right of inheritance, 

Henry of Essex. Matth. West. Wil parvus.  
A combat betwixt Henry de Essex, and Robert de Mountfort. Matth. West.   threw down the same, and fled: which dishonourable deed was afterward laid to his charge by one Robert de Mountfort, with whom (by order taken of the king) he fought a combat in trial of the quarrel, and was overcome: but yet the king qualifying the rigour of the judgement by mercy pardoned his life, and appointed him to be a shorn monk, and put into the abbey of Reading, taking line 20 his lands and possessions into his hands as forfeited: howbeit this combat was not tried till about the 9 year of this king's reign.  
Now the king, hearing that his army was discomfited, came to his men, and showing himself to them with open visage, greatly revived the whole multitude, and then proceeding against the enemies, his people were afterwards more wary in looking to themselves, insomuch that at length (when the K. prepared to invade the Welshmen both by water & line 30 land) they sought to him for peace, 

The Welshmen submit themselves. The castle of Rutland and Basingwerke built.  
Matth. Paris. Anno Reg. 4. Thomas Becket lord Chancellor.   and wholly submitted themselves unto his grace and mercy.  
About the same time, king Henry builded the castle of Rutland, the castle of Basingwerke, and one house also of Templars. In the month of September also this year, the kings third son was borne at Oxenford, & named Richard. This year was Thomas Becket preferred to be the king's Chancellor. The king holding his Christmas at Worcester in great royalty, year 1158 sat in the church at service, with his line 40 crown on his head, 
Matth. Paris. The king layeth his crown on the altar. Coin altered.  as the kings used in those days to do on solemn feasts: but as soon as mass was ended, he took his crown from his head, and set it down upon the altar in sign of humbleness, so that he never after passed for the wearing of a crown. The same year also the king altered his coin, abrogating certain pieces called basels.  
In the month of August he went over into Normandy, and came to an interview with the French king near to the river of Eata, where they entreated line 50 of a league, and of a marriage, which was after agreed upon, 
Additions to john Pike. The lord chancellor Becket sent into France. Matth. West.  betwixt Henry the son of king Henry; and the lady Margaret, daughter to the French king: at which time Thomas Becket (then being the king's chancellor) was sent to Paris in great array to fetch her: who among other furnitures had nine long charet (as Matthew Paris writeth.) Now when this lady was delivered to Thomas Becket the lord chancellor, and brought from Paris, she was appointed from thenceforth to remain in the house line 60 of Robert de Newburge, a Noble man of great honour, until such time as the marriage should be solemnised.  
After the two kings were departed in sunder, K. Henry prepared an army against Conan duke of Britain, who had seized the city of Aunts into his hands, after the decease of Geffrey the king's brother, who was earl of Naunts. At length, the same Conan perceiving himself not able to resist the king of England, upon the day of the feast of saint Michael the archangel came to king Henry, and surrendered the city of Aunts into his hands, with all the whole country thereunto belonging. Soon after which resignation, and upon the 24. of August, Geffrey the king's fourth son was borne of his wife queen Elinor. 
Geffrey the king's fourth son borne.   
In December following, Theobald earl of Blois was accorded with king Henry, to deliver to him two of his castles. Likewise Petroke earl of Perch surrendered two castles unto king Henry, 
Petroke earl of Perch.  which he had usurped of the demeans of Normandy in the days of king Stephan: one of which castles the king gave him again, receiving homage of him for the same.  
Moreover king Henry and Raimond earl of Barzelone met together at Blaime, 
Raimond earl of Barzelone. Richard the king's son offered to earl Raimond's daughter.  where they concluded a league by way of allegiance, so that Richard the son of king Henry should take to wife the daughter of the said Raimond in time convenient▪ and that the king of England should give unto the said Richard the duchy of Aquitane, & the county of Poictow. This earl Raimond had married the daughter and heir of the king of Arragon.  
In the mean time, a secret grudge that had long depended between king Henry and king jews of France did still continue, and though there was a friendship agreed between them (as ye have heard) to have extinguished the same; 
A feigned friendship. William duke of Aquitane.  yet was it but a feigned friendship: for upon every new occasion they were ready to break again, as it came to pass shortly after.  
William duke of Aquitane, grandfather to queen Elinor, married the daughter and heir of the earl of Tholouze, and going unto the wars of the holy land, he engaged that earldom unto Raimond the earl of saint Giles, and died before he could return. 
Earl of saint Giles otherwise Tholouze.  His son William, father to queen Elinor, suffered his earldom to remain still unredéemed, either for want of sufficiency, or through negligence and carelessness: so that the earl of saint Giles keeping possession thereof unto his dying day, left it to his son Raimond, who enjoyed it likewise. Now when king jews (having married the foresaid Elinor) demanded restitution as in the right of his wife, earl Raimond flatly at the first denied to restore it, but after considering his lack of power to resist the king's puissance, he plied the K. with humble petitions, and so prevailed by fair words, that in the end king jews granted him his sister Constance in marriage (which Constance, as ye have heard, was married before unto Eustace the son of king Stephan) & with her granted him liberty to retain the earldom of Tholouze as it were by way of endowment: whereto the other accorded. Howbeit king Henry having married the foresaid queen Elinor, 
Anno. Reg. 5. 1159  after the divorce had betwixt her and king jews, 
Matth. Paris. Matt. Westm.  made claim to the said county of Tholouze in the right of his wife. Hereupon earl Raimond, trusting now to the aid of his brother in law king jews, denied to restore it; so that king Henry determined to recover it by force, and entering by and by into Gascoine with an army, he drew towards the country of Tholouze, & began to invade the same with great force and courage.  
divers great lords of those parties joined with king Henry in his war which he attempted against the earl of saint Giles, as the earl of Barzelone, 
Wil parvus.  and the lord William Trenchevile, a man of great power in those quarters, 
William Trenchevile.  having under his rule many cities, castles and towns, notwithstanding that he had of late lost many of them by violence of the foresaid earl of Tholouze, but now by the aid of king Henry he recovered them all. Malcolme also king of Scotland came unto king Henry, 
N. Trivet.  whilst he was forth in this journey, to associate him in this business.  
The earl hearing of king Henry's coming with an army, was put in great fear, and thereupon wrote letters to his brother in law king jews, requiring him with all speed possible to come unto his aid. King jews upon receipt of the letters, & understanding the present danger of the earl, made such haste in continuing his journey both day and night, that he came to Tholouze, before king Henry could arrive there. Which when king Henry understood, and perceived how he was prevented, he changed his purpose of besieging the city, and fell to spoiling of the country thereabouts: at which time he line 10 recovered certain places that lately before had revolted from his government, & (amongst the rest) the city of Cahors, 
The city of Cahors. N. Trivet. The lord chancellor Becket.  which he furnished with men, 〈◊〉 on and victuals, appointing his chancellor Thomas Becket to the custody and keeping thereof: he fortified other places also which he had gotten, placing captains and men of war to look unto the defence of the same. Whilst the king was thus abroad on his journey in the parties of Aquitaine, 
Rob. Houed. William earl of Bullongne.  William earl of Bullongne and Mortaine the son of king line 20 Stephan, and Hannon earl of Gloucester departed this life, which two earls went thither with him.  
Finally, when he had set things at a stay in those parties, he returned towards Normandy, and coming to the city of Toures, he gave the order of knighthood unto Malcolme king of Scotland, and so in the month of October he came back into Normandy, and there augmenting his army with new supplies, 
The county of Beaunoisin  entered into the county of Beau●oisin, burned many villages in the same, and destroyed the strong castle of Gerberie, except one turret, which line 30 his soldiers could not take, by reason of the fire and smoke which stayed and kept them from it. Moreover, Simon earl of Auranches delivered unto king Henry such fortresses as he held in France, as Rochfort, Montfort, and such like, which was no small discommodity and inconvenience to the French king, because the garrisons placed in those fortresses impeached the passage betwixt Paris and Orleans. But shortly after, a truce was taken to last from the month of December, 
A truce taken Anno Reg. 6.  unto the feast of the holy line 40 Trinity in the year next following.  
In the month of May also ensuing, a peace was concluded upon the former articles and conditions: year 1160 for further confirmation whereof, 

A peace concluded.  
A marriage concluded.   the marriage was solemnised betwixt Henry the king's son being seven years of age, and the lady Margaret daughter to the French king, being not past three years old: 
Matth. Paris.  as writers do report. The marriage was celebrated at Newborough on the second day of November, 
Legates.  line 50 by the authority of two legates of the apostolic see, Henry bishop of Pisa, and William bishop of Pavia, both priests and cardinals.  
About the same time came certain Dutchmen of the sort called Ualdoys over into this realm, 
Wil parvus. Certain of the Ualdoys came into England being Dutchmen.  to the number of thirty or more, who held opinions in religion contrary to the faith of the Roman church, for (as one author affirmeth) they which first spread the opinions which these men held, came from Gascoigne, and prevailed so greatly in setting forth their doctrine, line 60 that they mightily increased through the large regions of Spain, France, Italy, and Germany: simple men (God wot) they were for the most part, as is written of them, and of no quick capacity. Howbeit, those which at this time came over into England, were indifferently well learned, and their principal or ringleader was named Gerard. Now also was a council assembled at Oxford, 
A council at Oxford.  whereat these dogmatists were examined upon certain points of their profession. The foresaid Gerard undertaking to answer for them all, protested that they were good christians, 
The professions of the Ualdoys.  and had the doctrine of the apostles in all reverence. Moreover, being examined what they thought of the substance of the godhead and the merits of 〈◊〉, they answered rightly, and to the point▪ 
Their examination & protestation.  but being further examined upon other articles of the religion then received, then swar●ed from the church, and 〈◊〉, in the use of the divine sacraments, derogating such grace 〈◊〉 the same, as the church by her authority had then ascribed thereto. To conclude, they would in no wise renounce their opinions▪ 
The Ualdels condemned.  in somuch that they were condemned, burned in the forehead with an hot iron, and in the cold season of winter ●●●ipped naked from the girdle 〈◊〉 upward▪ and so whipped out of the town; with proclamation 〈◊〉 that ●o man should be so hardi● as to 〈◊〉 them into any house 〈◊〉 have them with meat, drink▪ 〈◊〉 any other kind of means: 
They are forbidden meat and drink. They are starved to death.  whereupon it fell out in fine that they were starved to dea●● through cold and hunger: howbeit in this their affliction the● seemed to rejoice▪ in that they suffered for Gods c●●se▪ as they made account.  
The same year, Matt●ew son to the earl of Flanders married the lady Marie the abbess of Ramsey, daughter to king Stephan, 
N. Trivet.  and with her had the county of Bullongne. About this marriage grew the first falling out betwixt the king and his chancellor Thomas Becket (as some have written) but none more than the said Matthew was offended with the said chancellor, 

The first falling out betwixt the K. & Thomas Becket.  
Anno Reg. 7. Matth. Paris. Matth. West.   because he was so sore against the said contract.  
King Henry, shortly after the marriage was consummate betwixt his son & the French kings daughter, got into his hands the castle of guysor's, year 1161 with two other castles▪ situate upon the river of Eata in the confines of Normandy and France. For it was accorded betwixt the two kings, that when the marriage should be finished, king Henry should have those three castles, because they appertained to Normandy; in the mean time, the same castles were delivered into the hands of Robert de Poiron, Tostes de Saint Omer, and Robert Hastings, 
Rog. Houed.  three knights templars, who upon the consummation of the marriages before said, and according to the trust committed to them, surrendered the possession of the said castles into the hands of king Henry.  
But the French king was not a little moved, for that king Henry had seized upon them without his licence, in so much that he raised a power of armed men, and sent them into Normandy, where they had one cruel conflict above the rest with the Normans, till the night parted them in sunder, 
Gaguinus. The French & Normans fight.  by mean whereof the Frenchmen withdrew to Chaumount, and the Romans to guysor's. The next day, as the Frenchmen came forth again, purposing to have won guysor's, they were beaten back by the Normans, who issued out of the town to skirmish with them. Thus was the war renewed betwixt these two princes; 
Nic. Trivet.  and by setting on of Theobald earl of Blois, the matter grew to that point, that the English and French powers coming forthwith into the field, and marching one against an other, they approached so near together, that battle was presently looked for, first in Ueulgessine, and after in the territory of Dune; but yet in the end such order was taken betwixt them, that their armies broke up.  
The three Templars also ran in displeasure of the French king, 
Three knights templars. Rog. Houed.  for the delivery of the castles before they knew his mind, so that he banished them the realm of France for evermore: but king Henry received them, and gave them honourable entertainment. Some writ that there were but two castles, guysor's and meal, which were thus put into their hands, and by them delivered as before is mentioned. 
Matth. Paris. The death of Theobald archbishop of Canterbury.   
About this time Theobald archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, after he had governed that see the space of 22. years, who at his going to Rome, and receipt of the pall of pope Innocent the second, was also created legate of the see apostolic, which office he exercised so diligently, and so much to the avail of the church, 
The power legantine annexed to Cant. Wil Paru.  that the dignity of legatship remained ever after to the archbishop of Canturburie by a special decree, so that they were entitled Legati nati, that is to say Legates borne (as mine author doth report.) This Theobald greatly favoured Thomas Becket. line 10  
This Becket was borne in London, his father height Gilbert, but his mother was a Syrian borne, and by religion a Saracen: howbeit (no regard had of his parents) he grew so highly in favour with the king, 
The authority of Becket. Anno Reg▪ 6.  and might do so much in England, that he seemed to reign as if he had been associate with him also in the kingdom, and being Lord chancellor, the king sent him over into England (Richard Lucy being in his company) with sundry letters in his favour, thereby to procure his election to that see: which line 20 was brought to pass according to the kings desire at Westminster. Afterward he was ordained at Canturburie on saturday in Whitsunwéeke, 
He is consecrated archb. Wil Paru.  by Henry bishop of Winchester (although there be that writ how Walter bishop of Rochester did consecrate him) which consecration was in the 44. year of his age, year 1162 
Quadrilogium ex vita eiusdem Th●●ae.  and in the fift year after his first advancement to the office of Lord chancellor, so that he was the eight and thirtieth archbishop which governed in that see. line 30  
Toward the end of the same year, Henry the king's son received homage of the barons, first in Normandy, and after in England. In the year ensuing, 
The archbish. a better courtier than a preacher.  the king his father committed him to archbishop Becket, that he might see him brought up and trained in manners and courtly behaviour, as appertained to his estate: whereupon the archbishop in jest called him his son.  

The queen brought to bed of a daughter. An interview.  This year Queen Elinor was brought to bed at Rohan of a daughter named Elinor.  
In like manner the kings of England and France line 40 received pope Alexander the third at Cocie upon Loire with all honour and reverence, 
Anno Reg. 9 1163  
N. Trivet.  insomuch that they attended upon his stirrup on foot like pages or lackeys, the one upon his right side, and the other on his left.  
¶ Note here the intolerable pride of this antichristian pope in assuming, and the basemindednesse of these two kings in ascribing unto that man of sin such dignity as is utterly unfit for his indignity. line 50 But what will this monster of men, this Stupor mundi, this Diaboli primogenitus & haeres not arrogate for his own advancement; like ivy climbing aloft, & choking the tree by whose help it creepeth up from the root to the top. But the end of this seven horned beast so extolling and lifting itself up to heaven, is 
— Erebo miserè claudetur in imo  
Atque illic miris cruciatibus afficietur.   

Homage of the K. of Scots.  In januarie ensuing, the king returned into England, and the same year the king of Scots did line 60 homage unto Henry the younger, and delivered his younger brother David to the king his father, with diverse other the sons of his lords and barons in pledge, for assurance of a perpetual peace to be kept between them, with some such castles as he required.  
In the mean time archbishop Thomas went to the council holden by pope Alexander at Tours in the Octaves of Pentecost, 
A council at Tours.  where he resigned his bishopric into the pope's hands (as the ●ame went) being troubled in conscience for that he had received it by the king's preferment. The pope allowing his purpose, committed the same pastorlike dignity to him again by his ecclesiastical power, whereby the archbishop was eased very well of his grief, and shortly after his return from his council, seemed desirous to reduce & cause to be restored such rights as he pretended to belong unto the church of Canturburie, whereby he ran into the displeasure of many, and namely of the mightiest.  
Moreover he required of the king the keeping of Rochester castle, & the custody of the tower of London. He alleged also that Saltwood & Hith belonged peculiarly to the signiory of his see. 
The archbish. practiseth treason secretly.  He called Roger earl of Clare unto Westminster, to do his homage unto him for the castle of Tunbridge▪ but the earl denied it through the setting on of the king, 
Homage for the castle of Tunbridge.  alleging all the fee thereof to appertain rather to the king than to the archbishop. Thus was the archbishop troubled, and he grew daily more and more out of the king's favour. For ye must understand, that this was not the first nor the second, but the eight time that the king had showed tokens of his displeasure against him.  
After this, upon the first day of julie, Rice prince of Southwales, 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West.  with diverse other lords and nobles of Wales, did homage both to the king and to his son Henry at Woodstock. Hamline the king's bastard brother married the countess of Warren, the widow of William earl of Mortaigne bastard son to king Stephan. 
Anno Reg. 10 Homage of the welshmen.  This countess was the sole daughter and heir of William the third earl of Warren, year 1164 which went with Lewes' king of France into the holy land, and there died. Soon after, 
N. Trivet.  the Welshmen rebelling with their prince Rice and his uncle Owen, did many mischéefes on the marshes: and by the death of Walter Gifford earl of Buckingham (who deceased this year without heir) that earldom came to the king's hands.  
On the 20. day of September were three circles seen to compass the sun, 
Matth. Paris.  and so continued the space of three hours together: which when they vanished away, two suns appeared and sprang forth after a marvelous manner. Which strange sight the common people imagined to be a sign or token of the controversy then kindling betwixt the king and the archbishop.  
About this time the king called a parliament at Westminster, to treat of matters concerning the commonwealth, 
Discord still kindleth betwixt the king and the archb.  wherein great discord arose betwixt the king & archbishop Becket, about certain points touching the liberties of the church. For the king having an earnest zeal unto justice, and commanding the judges to punish offenders without respect, understood by their information, that many things by them of the spirituality (against whom their authority might not be extended) were committed contrary to common order: as theft, rapine, murder, and manslaughter; in so much that in his presence it was made notorious, that sith the beginning of his reign, above an hundred manslaughters had been committed within his realm of England by priests and men of religious orders. Hereupon being moved in mind, 
Murders committed by priests.  he set forth laws against the spirituality, wherein he showed his zeal of justice. For as the cause proceeded from the bishops of that age, so did the fault also, sith contrary to their own canons they permitted priests to live over licentiously without due correction, studying only to maintain the liberties and immunities of the church, 
W. parvus.  and not to reform the irregularity of the regulars. 
Matth. Paris.  Of this crew was one Philip de Broc, a canon of Bedford, who being arraigned before the king's justicer for a murder, uttered disdainful words against the same i●sticer: which when he could not deny before the archbishop, he was deprived of his prebend, and banished the land for two years space.  
These things troubled the king, who therefore having already set down such 〈◊〉 as should bridle the spirituality from their wicked doings, thought that if he might get them confirmed in parliament by consent of the bishops and clergy▪ 〈◊〉 the same should take place and be received for 〈◊〉. Wherefore he earnestly required at this parliament, 
 ●ha● it might be enacted against all such of the spiritualty, as should be taken and convicted for 〈…〉 offence, they should lose ●he privilege of the church, and be delivered unto the civil magistrate, 〈◊〉 line 10 should see them ●uffer execution for their 〈◊〉, in like manner as he might any of the king's 〈◊〉 being lay men. For otherwise the 〈…〉, that they would boldly presume 〈…〉, if after ecclesiastical discipline, no secular 〈◊〉 should follow. And likely it was ●hat they would pass but little for their disgrading and lo●●e of their order, who in contempt of their calling would not abstain from committing most mischievous abominations and heinous 〈◊〉. line 20  
Unto these reasons thus proposed by the king (to 〈◊〉 his purpose take effect) the archbishop and his 〈…〉 the rest of the bishops, answered very pithily, labouring to prove that it was more against the liberties of the church, than that they might with reason well allow. Whereupon the king being moved exceedingly against them, demanded whether they would observe his royal laws and customs, which the archbishops and bishops in the time of his grandfather did hold and ob●ie or not? Whereunto line 30 they made answer, that they would observe them, 
 Salu● ord●●● suo, Their order in all things saved. But the king being highly offended with such exceptions▪ urged the matter so, that he would have them to take their oath absolutely, & without all exceptions, but they would none of that. At length he departed from London in very great displeasure with the bishops, 
The king offende● with the bishops.  having first taken from the archbishop Thomas all the offices and dignities which he enjoyed since his first being created chancellor.  
Howbeit, after this, many of the bishops seeing line 40 whereunto this broil would grow, began to shrink from the archbishop, and inclined to the king. But the archbishop sto●d stiffly in his opinion, and would not bend at all, till at length not only his suffragans the bishops, but also the bishop of Liseur (who came over to do some good in the matter) and the abbot of Elemosina (who was sent from the pope) persuaded him to agree to the kings will, 
R ●oued.  in so much that being overcome at last with the earnest suit of line 50 his friends, he came first to Woodstock, and there promised the king to observe his laws, Bona fide, Faithfully, 
R Houed. 1164 Ge●. Dor. A council at Clarendon.  and without all collusion or deceit.  
Shortly after, in the feast of S. Hilary, a council was holden at Clarendon, whereto the archbishop, and in manner all the lords spiritual and temporal of the land made their repair. Here the archbishop would have willingly started from his promise, if first the bishops, and after the earls of Leicester and Cornwall, 
Ger. Dor.  Robert and Reignald (which Reignald was uncle to the king) and lastly two knights templars, line 60 had not moved him to yield to the kings will. But (among the rest) these two knights, namely Richard de Hastings, and Hostess de Boulogne were very earnest with him, & at length prevailed, though not for conscience of duty, wherewith he should have been touched; yet with fear of danger, which (by refusing to satisfy the kings will) he should have brought not only upon himself, but also upon the the other bishops there present.  
These knights seemed to lament his case, as if already they had seen naked swords shaken about his ears. And indeed, certain of the king's servants that attended upon his person after the manner of a 〈…〉 Saluo ordine meo, 
 Mine order saved, which he had used before. The like 〈◊〉 did all the bishop's sake. But the archbishop refused at that 〈◊〉 to se●le to the ●●●ting that contained the articles of the oath which he should have observed, requiring as it were 〈◊〉 to consider of them, sith in so weighty a master nothing aught to be do●ne without good and deliberate advice, wherefore he took wi●h him a copy thereof, and so did the archbishopof York an other, and the third remained with the king.  
Shortly after, the archbishop considering further of this oath which he had taken, 
 repente● himself grievously thereof, in so much that he 〈◊〉 from 〈…〉 mass, till he had by confession and fruits of penance (as saith Matth. Paris) obtained 〈◊〉 of the pope. For addressing and sending out messengers with all speed unto the pope, with a certificate of the whole matter as it lay, he required to be ass●iled of the bond which he had unadvisedly entered into. This suit was soon granted, in so much that the pope directed his especial letters unto him, containing the same absolution in very ample and large manner, as Matth. Paris doth report it. And thus began a new broil.  
The archbishop in the mean time, perceiving that the liberties of the church were now not only embezzled, but in manner extinguished, and being losh to make any further attempt against his former dealings, would now (without the king's knowledge) have departed the realm, whereupon coming to Romnie, he took shipping, to have passed over into France, and so to have gone to the pope's court. 
The archbishop Becke● would have 〈◊〉 out of the realm.  But by a contrary wind he was brought back into England, and thereby fell further into the king's displeasure than before, in so much that, whereas an action was commenced against him of late for a manor, which the archbishops of Canturburie had of long time held: now the matter was so used, that the archbishop lost the man●r, and was moreover condemned to pay the arrearages, and thus his troubles increased even through his own malaper●nesse and brainesicknesse; whereas all these tumults ●ight have been composed and laid asleep, if he had been wise, peaceable, patiented, and obedient. For, 
Vir b●nus & sapiens quaerit super omnia pacem,  
Vid●que min●ra pati, metuens graviora, 
M. 〈◊〉 sag.  〈◊〉  
Ne parus ex igni seelerata incendi● surg●nt.   
In the end, 
The archbishop cited to appear at Northampton.  the archbishop was cited to appear before the king at Northampton, where the king used him somewhat roughly, placing his horses at his Inn, and laid disobedience to his charge, for that he did not personally appear at a certain place before his highness, 
R Houed.  upon summons given unto him for the same purpose. Whereunto though the archbishop alleged that he had sent thither a sufficient deputy to make answer for him; 
Sentence gruen against the archbishop.  yet could he not be so excused, but was found guilty, and his goods confiscate to the king's pleasure.  
Now when the archbishop heard that sentence was in such wise pronounced against him; What manner of judgement (saith he) is this? Though I hold my peace, yet the age that shall hereafter follow, will not hide it in silence; for sithence the world began, it hath not been heard, that any archbishop of Canturburie hath been judged in any of the king of England's courts for any manner of cause; partly in regard of the dignity and authority of his office, and partly because he is spiritually the father of the king and all his people. This is therefore a new form and order of judgement, that the archbishop should be judged by his suffragans, or the father by his sons.  
The next day the king required of him the repayment of five hundred marks, which he had lent him when he was chancellor. Now although he affirmed that he received the same by way of gift, and not by way of lone; 
The archbish. condemned in five hundred marks.  yet because he confessed the receipt, he line 10 was condemned in that debt, forsomuch as he could not prove the title of the gift.  

An assembly of bishops.  On the morrow after, the archbishop with his fellow bishops being set in council, by commandment of the king (& the doors fast locked that they should not get out) this was proponed against the archbishop, that whereas he held certain bishops sees as than vacant, with abbeys, and other revenues of his sovereign lord the king in his hands, and had made none account to him for the same of long line 20 time; 
The archbish. called to an account.  the king required now to be answered at his hands, and that with all speed, for he would have no delay. The sum amounted to thirty thousand marks.  
When the archbishop had heard the variable sentences of the bishops in this case, he answered after this manner: I would (said he) speak with two earls which are about the king, and named them. Who being called, and the doors set open, he said unto them; line 30 We have not here at this present to show whereby the thing may be more manifest: therefore we ask respite for answer till to morrow. The council therefore broke up, and the multitude of people, which came with the archbishop thither, being afraid of the king's displeasure, fell from him. Wherefore he caused his servants to fetch a great number of poor and impotent people to his lodging, saying that by the service of such men of war, a more speedy victory in short space might be gotten, than by them which in time of temptation shamefully drew back. Hereupon his line 40 house was filled full, and the tables set with such as his servants had brought in, out of the lanes and streets abroad.  
Upon the tuesday, the bishops all amazed and full of care, came unto him; and because of the displeasure which the king had conceived against him, counseled him to submit himself to the kings will, or else in fine, 
The bishops persuade the archbishop to submit himself to the king's pleasure.  they told him plainly, that he would be judged a perjured person; because he had sworn unto the king as to his earthly sovereign, touching all line 50 temporal honour in life, limb, and member; and namely to observe all his royal laws and customs, which of late he had established.  

The archbish. answer to his brethren.  Whereunto he answered: My brethren, ye see how the world roareth against me, and the enemy riseth up, but I more lament that the sons of my mother fight against me. If I should hold my peace, yet would the world come to declare how ye leave me alone in the battle, and have judged against me line 60 now these two days past, I being your father, though never so much a sinner. But I command you by virtue of your obedience, and upon peril of your order, that you be not present in any place of judgement, where my person may fortune to be adjudged: in testimony whereof I appeal to our mother the church of Rome. 
He appealeth to the church of Rome.  Furthermore, if it chance that temporal men lay their hands upon me, I charge you likewise by virtue of your obedience, that ye exercise the censures of the church in the behalf of your father the archbishop as it becometh you. This one thing know ye well, that the world roareth, the flesh trembleth and is weak, but I (by God's grace) will not shrink, nor leave the flock committed unto me.  
After this he entered into the church, and celebrated the mass of saint Stephan (otherwise than he was accustomed to do) with his pall: which being ended, he put on his sacrificing vestures, 
He goeth to the court.  with a cope upon them all, and so went to the court. Furthermore, because he was afraid, he received the sacrament secretly with him, and bearing the cross in his right hand, and the rain of his bridle in his left, he came in that order to the court, where he alighted, and entered the place, still bearing the cross himself, till he came to the king's chamber door, the other bishops following him with great fear and trembling. Now being come thither, the bishop of Hereford would gladly have taken the cross, and have borne it before him, but he would not suffer him, saying: It is most reason that I should bear it myself, under the defence whereof I may remain in safety: and beholding this ensign, I need not doubt under what prince I serve.  
At length, when the king had exhibited great complaints unto them all generally against him, 
He is reputed a traitor.  they cried that he was a traitor, sith he had received so many benefits at the king's hands, and now refused to do him all earthly honour as he had sworn to do. To be short, when the bishops came to sit upon the matter in council, they appealed to the see of Rome against the archbishop, accusing him of perjury: and in the word of truth bound themselves by promise, to do what they might to depose him, if the king would pardon them of that judgement which now hanged over the archbishop's head. Then coming to the archbishop they said: Thou wast sometime our archbishop, and we were bound to obey thee: but sith thou hast sworn fealty to the king, that is, life, member, and earthly honour, & to observe his laws and customs, and now goest about to destroy the same, we say that thou art guilty of perjury, 
The bishops disallow their archbishop.  and we will not from henceforth obey a perjured archbishop. Therefore we cite thee by appellation to appear before the pope, there to answer thine accusors. Then they appointed him a day, in which they meant to prosecute their appeal. I hear you well (said the archbishop.)  
The princes and peers of the realm did also judge him a perjured person and a traitor. Among whom (many then being present) the earl of Leicester accompanied with Reignald earl of Cornwall, came unto him and said; The king commanded thee to come and render an account of that which is objected against thee, or else hear thy judgement. judgement? said the archbishop, [and therewith rising up said,] Nay son earl, first hear thou: It is not unknown to thee how faithful I have been to the king, in consideration whereof he advanced me to the archbishops see against my will (as God can be my judge:) for I knew mine own infirmity, and I was contented to take it upon me rather for his pleasure, than for God's cause, and therefore doth God both withdraw himself and the king from me. In the time of mine election he made me free, and discharged me of all courtly bondage. Wherefore as touching those things from which I am free and delivered, I am not bound to answer, neither will I. So much as the soul is more worth than the body, so much the more art thou bound to obey God and me, rather than any earthly creature. Neither will law nor reason permit, that the sons should judge or condemn the father: and therefore I refuse to stand to the judgement either of the king, or of any other, and appeal to the pope, by whom (under God) I ought to be judged, referring all that I have unto God's protection and his, and under the defence of his authority I depart out of this place. Having thus spoken, went incontinent to fake horse.  
Now as he passed on his way, the king's servants and others of the court did cast out many reproachful words against him, calling him traitor and false forsworn caitiff. 
Ger. Dor. The stout courage of the archbishop.  At which words turning himself, and looking back with a stern countenance he said; That if it were not for his order of priesthood, and that it were lawful for him, he would surly clear himself of perjury and treason, in defending and maintaining his cause against them with weapon in hand. line 10  
When he was come to the utter gate, he found the same fast locked, whereat they began all to be amazed: but one of his servants espying where a bunch of keys tied to a clubs end were hanging on a pin, he took them down, & tried which was the right key, by proof whereof he found it at the last, opened the gate, and let the archbishop out, the porters standing still as men amazed, and speaking not one word against it.  
Now when he was got out, a great number of line 20 poor, weak and impotent people met him, saying: Blessed be God, which hath delivered his servant from the face of his enemy. Thus with a great rout or company, and with the clergy, he was honourably conveyed to the abbeie of S. Andrews: and looking behind and before him, as he passed thitherward, he said unto those that went with him; How glorious a procession doth bring me from the face of the enemy? Suffer all the poor people to come into the place, that we may make merry together in the Lord. line 30 Having thus spoken the people had entrance, so that all the hall, parlours, and chambers being furnished with tables and stools, they were conveniently placed, and served with victuals to the full.  
The very same night before the cockcrowing he issued forth by a little postern gate, 
Rog. H●●ed. The archbishop B●cket fled away in the night.  and taking with him only two monks of the Cisteaur order, the one named Robert Can, and the other S. Capman, with one of his own servants called Roger de Broc, he fled away disguised in a white vesture line 40 and a monks cowl, and changing his name, caused himself to be called Dereman, & iourneied still all the night, and by day lay close in one friends house or other; till at last he got to Sandwich, and there taking ship, he sailed over into Flanders, and so went to France, where at the city of Sens he found pope Alexander, into whose bosom he emptied whole cart loads of complaints and grievances.  
The king upon knowledge that the archbishop was fled the realm, 
Gilbert Follioth bishop of London was sent to the French king.  sent Gilbert Follioth bishop of line 50 London, and William earl of Arundel in spe●die embassage to the king of France, to signify unto him the whole matter and circumstance of the falling out betwixt him and the archbishop, requiring him not to receive the archbishop into his realm, but this request was little regarded of the French king, as appeared: for the archbishop's cause was favoured of many, and the blame imputed to king Henry, so that the archbishop found great grace with the French king, and no small favour at the line 60 hands of the pope.  
Now when king Henry heard that he was accused by the archbishop unto the pope, he appointed Roger archbishop of York, 
Additions to john Pike. Matth. Paris▪ Ger. Dor.  the foresaid Gilbert bishop of London, Hilarius bishop of Chichester, Roger bishop of Worcester, Bartholomew bishop of Excester, with diverse bishops, deans, archdeacon's, & other learned men of good account, to the number of 15. to pass in embassage unto the pope, that they might excuse his doings, and burden the archbishop with the note of rebellion, whereof he had good proof.  
Being admitted to declare their message in the consistory before the pope, 
Roger archbishop of York with others, are sent to the pope.  they opened the whole circumstance of the matter, from the beginning to the end, declaring that betwixt Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie and the king there was a controversy moved, and by both their consents a day appointed for the hearing and determining thereof, as justice should require. At the which day (by the king's commandment) all the chiefest lords of the realm both spiritual and temporal were assembled, to the end that the more general the meeting should be, the more manifest might the discovery of the fraud and malice of the archbishop appear.  
At the day appointed (say they) there came before the catholic prince his presence, the Nobles of his realm: and amongst other, the archbishop the disquieter both of the kingdom & church, who (as one not well assured of the quality of his own deservings) blessed himself with the sign of the cross at his coming into the court, as though he should have come before some tyrant or schismatical person. Notwithstanding all which contemptuous and ambitious behaviour, the king's majesty was nothing offended, but committed the judgement of his cause to the faithful order of the bishops, meaning so to deliver himself of all suspicion of wrong dealing. Then it rested in the bishop's hands to make an end of the controversy, and to set a small union and agreement betwixt them. But the archbishop would none of that, alleging how it should be a derogation to the see apostolic and his metropolitical dignity, to stand before the king in judgement, or any other temporal magistrate. And albeit (say they) some diminution or eclipse might have chanced to the dignity of the church by that judgement, yet it had been his part to have dissembled the matter for the time, to the end that peace might have been restored to the church. He further objected (ascribing to himself the name of father, which seemed to savour somewhat of arrogancy) that the children ought not to come together to judge the father's cause, but it had been far more necessary that the humbleness of the sons should mitigate the pride and temper the ambition of the father.  
To conclude, the king's ambassadors made earnest suit, that two legates might be sent from the pope, 
The king's tale could not be heard.  to have the hearing & discussing of all the matter betwixt the king and the archbishop without any other appealing. But the king's tale could not be heard in that court, the archbishop having already persuaded the pope to the contrary. For coming to the pope, he uttered his complaint as followeth: 
The archbishop Bec●ct. Matt. Paris.   
Most holy father, I do here come for succour to your audience, lamenting that the state of the church, and the liberties ●hereof are brought to ruin by the covetous dealing of kings and princes. Wherefore when I thought to resist the disease approaching, I was suddenly called before the king, to render accounts as a lay man about certain wards, for whom (while I was the king's chancellor) I had notwithstanding given accounts; and also, when I was made bishop, and entered into the dignity of ruling the archbishops see, I was released and discharged of all reckonings and bonds by the king's eldest son, and by the chief justicer of the realm: so that now, where I looked to have found aid, I was destitute thereof, to my great hindrance and vexation. Consider furthermore (I pray you) how my lords and brethren the bishops are ready at the pleasure of the Noble men of the court to give sentence against me, so that all men being about to run upon me, I was almost oppressed: and therefore am now come as it were to take breath in the audience of your clemency, which doth not forsake your children in their extreme necessity, before whom I here stand, ready to declare and testify that I am not to be judged there, nor yet at all by them. For what other thing should that be, but to pluck away the right of the church▪ What else then to submit spiritual things to temporal? This example therefore once sprung up, might give an occasion to many enormities to follow. The bishops do say, Those things that are Caesar's, aught to be restored to Cesar. But admit that in many things the king is to be obeyed, is he therefore to be obeyed in things wherein he is no king? For those belong not to Cesar, but to a tyrant▪ Wherein if for line 10 my sake they would not, yet ought the bishops for their own sakes to have resisted him. For what should be the cause of such deadly and unnatural hatred, that to destroy me, they should destroy themselves? Therefore whilst for temporal things they neglect spiritual, they fail in both. Weigh then most holy father, my fleeing away, and my persecution, and how for your sake I have been provoked with injuries, use your rigour, constrain them to amendment, through whose motion this hath chanced; line 20 let them not be borne out by the king, who is rather the obstinate minister, than the finder out of this practice.  
The pope having heard his words, took deliberation in the matter, with the advice of his cardinals, and thereupon answered the archbishop in effect as followeth: That the lower power may not judge the higher, 
The pope's answer to the archbishop.  and chiefly him whom he is bound to obey, all the laws both of God and man do witness, and the ordinances of the ancient fathers do manifestly line 30 declare: Hereupon we (to whom it appertaineth to reform disorders) do clearly reverse and make void the judgement pronounced against you by the barons and bishops, whereby as well against the order of law, as against the customs of the church, your goods were adjudged forfeit, whereas the same goods were not yours, but the churches of Canturburie, over which you have the only cure and charge. But if those that have violently entered upon the possessions and goods of your church, and have thereby line 40 wronged either you or yours, will not upon admonition given to them, make restitution with sufficient amends, then may you (if you shall think convenient) exercise ecclesiastical justice upon them, and we shall allow of that which you shall reasonably do in that behalf. Howbeit as touching the king himself we will not give you any special commandment, neither yet do we take from you any right belonging to your bishoplike office, which you received at your consecration. But the king only we will spare, line 50 and exempt from your excommunications and censures. After these and many by-matters were overpassed, 
The archbish. resigneth his pall.  the archbishop resigned his pall unto the pope, but the pope gave it him again, and appointed him to remain at Pountney an abbeie of monks Cisteaux in the diocese of Auxerre, till the variance were brought to some good end betwixt the king and him. This was done in the year of our Lord 1164.  
The king having knowledge by his ambassadors line 60 what answer the pope had made, became grievously offended in his mind, and thereupon confiscated all the goods that belonged to the archbishop and his complices, and seized their revenues into his hands, appointing one randal de Broc to have the custody of all that belonged to the see, 
Ger. Dor.  which Broc was nothing friendly to the archbishop, being his known enemy of old, but favoured the moonkes, and would not suffer that they should take wrong or displeasure at any hand.  
year 1165 In the year 1165. queen Elinor was delivered of a daughter which was named joane. 
Matth. West. Matth. Paris.  Also on the 26. day of januarie, there chanced a marvelous earthquake in Norfolk, in the isle of Elie, and in Suffolk, so that men as they stood on the ground were overthrown therewith, and buildings so shaken, that the bells in stéeples knolled: the like had also chanced in the advent season then last before passed.  
The Welshmen this year spoiled a great part of those countries that bordered upon them: 
The Welshmen make wa● on the English marshes.  wherewith the king being sore moved, levied an army with all speed as well of Englishmen as strangers, and (without regard of difficulties and dangers) did go against the rebels, 
Wil parvus. Polydor. The king invadeth Wales.  and finding them withdrawn into their starting holes (I mean the woods a●d straight passages) he compassed the same about in very forcible manner. The Welshmen perceiving themselves now to be brought into such jeopardy, as that they could not well devise how to escape the same, consulted what was best to be done. After consultation, casting away their weapons, they came forth to the king, ask mercy; which somewhat hardly they obtained. Few of them were executed in comparison of the numbers that offended: but yet the captains and chief authors of this rebellion were so punished, that it was thought they would never have presumed so rashly to offend him in like sort again. 
Rog. Houed. The severe punishment used by king Henry against the Welshmen.  For (as some writers affirm) he did justice on the sons of Rice or Rees, & also on the sons and daughters of other noble men that were his complices very rigorously: causing the eyes of the young striplings to be pecked out of their heads, and their noses to be cut off or slit: and the ears of the young gentlewomen to be stuffed.  
But yet I find in other authors, that in this journey king Henry did not greatly prevail against his enemies, but rather lost many of his men of war, both horsemen and footmen: for by his severe proceeding against them, he rather made them more eager to seek revenge, than quieted them in any tumult. They took the castle of Cardigan, 
Ger. Dor. Ran. Cog. Cardigan castle won by the Welshmen.  and in besieging of Briges, the king was in no small danger of his life: for one of the enemies shooting directly at him, had pierced him through the body, if Hubert de Saint Clear constable of Colchester, 
Hubert de S. Clere constable of Colchester.  perceiving the arrow coming, had not thrust himself betwixt the king and the same arrow, and so preserving his master, received the stripe himself, whereof he died presently after, beseeching the king to be good lord to one only daughter which he had, whom the king bestowed in marriage upon William de Langualée, 
William de Langualée.  together with her father's inheritance, which William begat of her a son that bore both his name and surname. ¶ A precedent of gratitude & thankfulness is here committed to memory. And surely the king could do no less, than some way requite the venturous courage and hearty zeal of the gentleman, who with the loss of his own life preserved the king, if not from death, yet from some dangerous wound that might have put him to extreme anguish and pain. This may incite men to be mindful of benefits received, a virtue no less rare than the contrary is common, and as one saith, 
— inveniuntur  
Quidam sed rari, acceptorum qui meritorum  
Assiduè memores, etc.   
But to conclude with this journey which king Henry made at this time against the Welshmen, 
W. Paru●s.  although by reason of the cumbersome difficulties of the places, he could not enter within the country so far as he wished, yet he so impounded and constrained them to keep within the woods and mountains, that they durst not come abroad, insomuch that at the length they were glad to sue for peace.  
William king of Scots, 
William king of Scots doth his homage to king Henry.  successor of Malcolme (who departed this life in the year last passed) after he had received the crown of Scotland, came about this present time into England, and finding king Henry at London, did his homage to him as his predecessor Malcolme had done before. He made suit also to have Northumberland restored unto him, which the king of England's mother the empress had in times past given unto king David. But king Henry gave diverse reasons to excuse himself why he might not deliver that country to him at that present, namely, without consent of a parliament: where upon king William perceiving how the ma●ter went, gave over his suit for that present, meaning line 10 (when occasion served) to attempt the getting thereof by force, sith that by prayer and suit he saw well enough he should not obtain it.  
Moreover, the Scottish king being required by king Henry to go over with him into Normandy, granted so to do; insomuch that king Henry, having set all things in order within his realm of England, in the Lent following passed over into Normandy. But before he took his journey, 
N. Trivet. Matth. Paris Ger. Dor. An edict against the archbishop Becket.  he set forth a decree consisting of these points in effect as followeth. line 20  
1 That no man should bring any letters or commandment from pope Alexander, or Thomas archbishop of Canturburie into England, containing an interdiction of the realm: upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a traitor to the king, and an enemy to the realm.  
2 That no religious person or priest should be permitted to pass the seas, or to come into the realm of England, except he had letters of safe conduct line 30 from the justicers for passage over, and of the king for his return from thence.  

Appeals forbidden.  3 That no man should appeal to the said pope or archbishop, nor by their appointment hold any plea: and if any person were found doing the contrary hereunto, he should be taken and committed to prison.  
4 That if any manner of person, either spiritual or temporal, were obedient to the sentence of the interdiction, the same person should be banished the line 40 realm without delay, and all his lineage with him, so as they should not convey with them any of their goods, the which together with their possessions should be seized into the king's hands.  
5 That all spiritual persons, which had any benefices within England, should have warning given to return into England within four months after the same summons pronounced, and that if they failed hereof, then should the king seize upon their goods and possessions. line 50  
6 That the bishops of London and Norwich, should be (and by virtue hereof were) summoned to appear before the king's justicers, to make answer for that they had interdicted the lands of earl Hugh, and excommunicated him.  
7 That the Peter pence should be gathered and kept.  
In the octaves of Easter king Henry came to an interview with the French king at guysor's, 

The kings of England and France interview.  
Chro. Sigeb. Matth. Paris. King john borne.   where they had conference together of sundry matters. line 60  
This year the queen was delivered of a son named john, who afterward was king of this realm.  
Moreover, king Henry calling a council of his bishops and barons in Normandy, 
Ger. Dor.  caused and ordained a collection (by their advise) to be made through all his countries and dominions, 
A contribution.  of two pence in the pound of every man's lands and goods, jewels and apparel only excepted: to be paid this year 1166. and for the space of four years next ensuing, one penny of every pound to be paid yearly: and those that were not worth twenty shillings in goods or lands (being householders notwithstanding) or bore any office, should pay a penny to this contribution, which was only granted for the relief of the christians in the east parts, and those that warred against the miscreants there. The payment thereof was appointed to be made in the feast day of saint Remigius, or within fifteen days after. It was also ordained, that all such as departed this life, within the term that this collection was in force (their debts being paid) should give the tenth part of the residue of all their goods unto this so necessary a contribution.  
King Henry remaining now in Normandy, and understanding that diverse lords and barons of main, and the marshes of Britain, would not in his absence show themselves obedient unto his wife queen Elinor, but were about to practise a rebellion, raised an army, and went against them, easily subduing them whom he found obstinate: and besieging the castle of Foulgiers, 

The castle of Foulgiers. Matth. Paris. Uizeley.  
The archbishop Becket accursed those in England that maintained the customs of their elders.   took and utterly destroyed it.  
Soon after the archbishop of Canturburie came from Pountney to Uizeley, and there (on Ascension day) when the church was most full of people, got him into the pulpit, and with book, bell, and candle solemnly accursed all the observers, defenders, and maintainers, with the promoters of such customs, as within the realm of England they term the custom of their elders: amongst others that were accursed, was Richard de Lucy, Richard the archdeacon of Poitiers, jocelin de Bailleville, Alane de Nevil, and many other. But they being absent, & neither called nor convinced (as they alleged notwithstanding they were thus excommunicated) sent their messengers unto the archbishop, and appealed from him, and so feared not to enter into their churches.  
He had before this also written certain letters unto his suffragans, 
R. Hove.  denouncing some of these and other persons by express name accursed, not only for maintaining the matter against him, touching the ancient custom of the realm: but also for the schism raised in Almain by Reignald archbishop of Colein, for the which he accursed one john of Oxford. Moreover, he accursed Ranulfe de Broc, Hugh de S. Clete, & Thomas Fitz Bernard, for violently seizing upon and detaining the goods and possessions belonging to his archbishopric, without his consent or agreement thereunto.  
The king on the other part banished out of England, and all parts of his other dominions, all those persons that were known to be of kin unto the archbishop, both young and old: and furthermore sent advertisement to the abbot of Pountney and to his monks, with whom the archbishop by the pope's appointment remained, that if they kept him still in their house, he would not fail to banish all the monks of their order out of England. Now the archbishop, after he had remained there scarce two years, departed from thence of his own accord, and came to the king of France, who courteously received him, and sent him to the abbeie of saint Columbes near to the city of Sens, where he remained a certain season, as shall be showed hereafter.  
Shortly after this, two legates named William of Pavia, and john of Naples both cardinals, 
Matth. Paris. Legates from the pope.  came from the pope to Montmiriall, whom the archbishop suspected rather to favour the king's cause than his: yet he was contented that they should have the judgement thereof committed unto them: so that first (according to the rules of the church) restitution might be made both to him and his, of such goods as had been taken from them. For being spoiled, as he was, he would not stand to any judgement, nor could not be compelled thereunto by any reason (as he said.) Now when the two legates saw that they could not bring any thing to pass, they departed without any thing concluded.  

Comes Sagiens●s.  About this time William Taivan earl of Sagium (by the consent of his sons and nephews) delivered into the hands of king Henry the castles of Alerium, 
N. Trivet. Alerium.  and Roch Laberie, with all the appurtenances to the castles belonging.  
About this season also Conan the duke of Britain departed this life, 
Conan duke of Britain deceasseth. Matt. Paris.  leaving behind him no issue, but one only daughter begot of his wife the duchess line 10 Constance, the daughter of the king of Scotland, which succeeded him in the estate. Whereupon king Henry made earnest suit to procure a marriage betwixt her and his son Geffrey, 

A marriage concluded betwixt Geffrey the king's son and the Duchess of Britain.  
Wil parvus.   which at length he brought to pass, to the great comfort and contentation of his mind, in that his son had by such good fortune attained to the dukedom of Britain.  
At that season in Britain were certain Noble men of such strength and power, that they disdained line 20 to acknowledge themselves subject to any superior, in somuch that through ambitious desire of rule and pre-eminence, they warred continually one against an other, to the great destruction and utter undoing of their miserable country, so that the land sometime fruitful by nature, was as it were a wilderness. Whereupon, those that were the weaker, perceiving themselves too much oppressed by the stronger, submitted themselves unto king Henry, and required his aid and secure. King Henry rejoicing to have so good an occasion and opportunity to reduce them line 30 to reason, with all speed aided these supplicants and subdued the resistants, 
Anno Reg. 13.  notwithstanding their great puissance, & the strength of the places which they kept.  
year 1167 In the mean while Henry came over to his father, 
N. Trivet. King Henry invadeth the earl of Aluergnes' lands.  and found him at Poitiers, from whence (shortly after Easter) he removed, and with an army entered into the lands of the earl of Aluergnes, which he wasted and spoiled, because the said earl had renounced his allegiance to king Henry, and made line 40 his resort to the French king, seeking to sow discord betwixt the foresaid two kings: which was kindled the more by a challenge pretended about the sending of the money over into the holy land, which was gathered within the county of Tours: for the French king claimed to send it, by reason that the church there appertained to his dominion: and the king of England would have sent it, because it was gathered within the country that belonged to his government. line 50  

Ger. Dor. The earl of Bolongne prepareth 600▪ ships to invade England.  This year a great preparation of ships was made by the earl of Bullongne, to have invaded England, but by the warlike provision of Richard Lucy, lord governor of the realm, the seacoasts were so provided of sufficient defence, that the earls attempts came to nothing. The cause why he made this brag, was for that the king withheld from him certain revenues which he claimed to have here in England▪ and therefore he meant to recover them by force. The empress Maud mother to the king of line 60 England (a woman in stoutness of stomach and warlike attempts more famous than commonly any of that sex) deceased this year the 10▪ of Septem.. 

The decease of the empress Maud.  
Matth. West.    
Also Robert bishop of Lincoln departed this life, after whose decease the 〈◊〉 of Lincoln was vacant by the space of seventeen years, 
The fee of Lincoln void 17. years.  the king in all that mean time receiving the profits. 
Anno. Reg. 14.  The 〈◊〉 of Colein came ambassador from the emperor unto the king of England, 
An embassage from the emperor.  requiring to have ou● of his daughters given in marriage unto the emperour● son▪ and an other of them unto Henry duke of Saxony: which request ●he K. bid w●●●inglie grant, and thereupon was the queen sent for to come over into Normandy, an● to bring hi●●aithe the lord Richard and her daughter the lady Maud with her: which lady was married unto the duke of Saxony, year 1168 in the beginning of the year next ensuing; and had issue by him three sons, Henry, Otho, and William, of which the middlemost came to be emperor. 
Matth. West.   
The variance still depending betwixt the king and the archbishop of Canturburie: there was also about the same time a great debate betwixt the emperor Fredrick the first and pope Alexander the third: whereupon king Henry wrote to the emperor, 
Debate betwixt the pope and the emperor.  and signified unto him, that he would aid him if need should require against the pope, 
K. Henry offereth to aid the emperor.  who maintained such a runagate traitor as the archbishop Becket was. Moreover at the same time the king caused all his subjects within the realm of England, from the child of twelve years old unto the aged person, to forswear all obedience that might be pretended as due to the same pope Alexander. The king for the space of two years together, remaining still in Normandy, and in other places beyond the seas, subdued diverse rebels, as the earl of Angoulesme, Aimerike de Lucignie, and his sons Robert and Hugh.  
Also he came to an interview with the king of France betwixt Pacie and Maunt, 
An interview betwixt the king of England and king of France. The kings met again to comen of peace.  where they communed of such injuries as were thought to be attempted on either part. For the Poictovins had made their resort to the French king, and were confederate with him against their supreme lord king Henry, and had delivered pledges for assurance thereof, which pledges the French king would not restore. But yet there was a truce concluded betwixt them, to endure till the feast of S. john Baptist.  
About the feast of Easter Patrick the earl of Salisbury was slain by treason of the Poictovins, 
A truce. Patrick earl of Salisbury slain.  and was buried at Saint Hilaries: after whom his son William succeeded in the earldom.  
The Britons practised rebellions daily: but king Henry entering their country, wan diverse strong towns and castles, and brought them at length under his subjection. Moreover in this summer season the two kings met again at Fert Bernard to treat of peace, but they departed without concluding any agreement at all. For there were many of the Poictovins and Britons, which took part with the king of France, and having delivered unto him hostages, had a promise made them, that the French king should not conclude an agreement with the king of England without their consent. hereupon they made wars either upon other, till finally (about the feast of the Epithanie) a peace was accorded betwixt them: 
Anno. Reg. 15. 1169  and then Henry the king of England son made his homage unto the French king for the county of Anjou: 
Ger. Dor. N. Trivet.  and the French king granted him the office of the Seneschalcie of France, which anciently belonged unto the earls of Anjou. Also Geffrey duke of Britain did homage to his elder brother the aforesaid Henry, 
Geffrey duke of Britain.  by commandment of his father, for the duc●ie of Britain. And afterwards the same Geffrey went into Britain, and at Rheines received the homage and fealty of the lords and barons of that country.  
King 〈◊〉 in the mean● while subdued certain rebels in Gascoin●, and returning into Normandy, built a goodly town and fortress near to Hay de 〈…〉.  
About 〈◊〉 same time one Harvey de Yuon, 
Harvey de Yuon.  who had married the daughter of one William Goieth, 〈…〉 in his journey which he took into the holy 〈…〉 into the hands of king Henry, 〈◊〉 he was in despair to keep them 〈…〉 of Chartres, who through the French kings 〈…〉 to dispossess him of the same castles: whereupon the war was renewed betwixt the king of England and the said earl of Chartres. Nevertheless king Henry making no great account of those wars, went into Britain with his son Geffrey, where going about the country to visit the cities and towns, he reform many disorders, laying as it were a manner of a new foundation of things there, fortifying the castles, cities and towns, and communing in courteous manner with the lords and peers of the country, sought to win their good wills: and so in such exercises he spent a great part of the time. line 10  

Anno Reg. 16. 1170  He kept his Christmas at Nauntes, whither all the great lords and barons of Britain resorted to him. The solemnity of which feast being past, he entered into the lands of earl Eudo, and wasted the same, till the said earl submitted himself. At length, after the king had taken order for the good government of Normandy, and his other countries on that side the sea, he returned into England in the first week of March, but not without great danger, by reason of a tempest that took him on the seas, beginning line 20 about midnight, and not ceasing till 9 of the clock in the morning, about which hour he came on land at Portesmouth, not with many of his ships, the rest being tossed and driven to seek succour in sundry créeks and havens of the land, and one of them which was the chiefest and newest, was lost in the middle of the floods, together with 400. persons, men & women: among whom was Henry de Aguell with two of his sons, Gilbert Sullemuy, and Ralph Beumount the king's physician & household servant. line 30  

Polydor. David was made knight by K. Henry as Hoveden hath.  After this the king held his Easter at Windsor, whither William the Scotish king came with his brother David, to welcome him home, and to congratulat his happy success in his business on the further side the seas. They were honourably entertained, and at their departure princely rewarded. The king thus returned into England, punished the sheriffs of the land very grievously for their extortion, bribery, 
A prudent consideration of the king.  and rapine. After this, studying how to assure the estate of the realm unto his sons, upon good line 40 consideration remembering that no living creature was more subject to the uncertainty of death than Adam's heirs, and that there is engraffed such a fervent desire in the ambitious nature of man to govern, 
Man's nature ambitious.  that so oft as they once come in hope of a kingdom, they have no regard either of right or wrong, God or the devil, till they be in possession of their desired prey: he thought it not the worst point of wisdom to foresee that which might happen. For if he should chance to departed this life, and leave his line 50 sons young, and not able to maintain wars through lack of knowledge, it might fortune them through the ambition of some to be defrauded and disappointed of their lawful inheritance. Therefore to prevent the chances of fortune, he determined whilst he was alive to crown his eldest son Henry, being now of the age of 17. years, and so to invest him in the kingdom by his own act in his life time: which deed turned him to much trouble, as after shall appear. line 60  
Being upon this point 〈…〉 called together a parliament of the lords both sp●rituall and temporal at London, 
R. Houed.  and there (〈◊〉 S. B●rtholomew● day) proclaimed his said son Henry fellow 〈◊〉 him in the kingdom, whom after this on the 〈◊〉 following, 
Henry the son crowned the 18. of julie saith Matth. Paris.  being the fouretéenth day of june 1●70. Roger archbishop of 〈…〉 to the manner, being 〈…〉 the king. This 〈◊〉 a●●erteined 〈…〉 of Canturburie, but because he was 〈◊〉 the realm, the king appointed the archbishop of York to do it, which he ought not to have done without licence 
W. parvus.  of the archbishop of Canterbury within the precinct of his province (as was alleged by archbishop Becket) who complained thereof unto pope Alexander, and so incensed the pope, that he being highly moved by his letters, for bade not only the archbishop of York, but also Gilbert bishop of London, 
The archb. of York is forbidden the use of the sacraments.  and jocelin bishop of Salisbury (who were present at the coronation) the use of the sacraments, which made king Henry far more displeased with the archbishop Thomas than he was before.  
Upon the day of coronation, 

Matt. Paris▪ Polydor.  
The king became servitor to his son.   king Henry the father served his son at the table as sewer, bringing up the bores head with trumpets before it, according to the manner. Whereupon (according to the old adage, (Immutant mores homines cùm dantur honores) the young man conceiving a pride in his heart, 
Honour's change manners.  beheld the standers-by with a more stately countenance than he had been wont. The archbishop of York, who sat by him, marking his behaviour, turned unto him, & said; Be glad my good son, there is not an other prince in the world that hath such a sewer at his table. 
Young men set up in dignity easily forget themselves.  To this the new king answered, as it were disdainfully, thus: Why dost thou marvel at that? My father in doing it, thinketh it not more than becometh him, he being borne of princely blood only on the mother's side, serveth me that am a king borne having both a king to my father, and a queen to my mother. Thus the young man of an evil and perverse nature, was puffed up in pride by his father's unseemly doings.  
But the king his father hearing his talk, was very sorrowful in his mind, and said to the archbishop softly in his ear: It repenteth me, it repenteth me my lord, that I have thus advanced the boy. For he guessed hereby what a one he would prove afterward, that showed himself so disobedient and froward already. But although he was displeased with himself in that he had done undiscreetly, yet now when that which was done could not be undone, he caused all the Nobles and lords of the realm, together with the king of Scots and hi● brother David, to do homage unto his said son thus made fellow with him in the kingdom: but he would not release them of their oath of allegiance, wherein they stood bound to obey him the father, so long as he li●●d.  
¶ Howbeit some write that he renounc●● his estate, first before all the lords of the land, and after caused his son to be crowned: but in such uncertain points set forth by partial writers, tha● is to be received as a truth, which is confirmed by the order and sequel of things after done and put in practice. For true it is, that king Henry the father (so long as his son●e lived) did show himself 〈◊〉 as fellow with his son in government, and sometime as absolute king: and after his son's decease, he continued in the entire government, so long as he lived. But to proceed.  
The French king hearing that his son in law was ●hus crowned, 
The French king offended.  and not his ●aughter the wife of Henry the son, was highly offended therewith, and threatened to make war against king Henry the father, except 〈◊〉 daughter Margaret might 〈…〉 crown also as queen immediat●●e.  

An 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉. R. Houed.   
The French king 〈…〉 homewards, and king Henry returning came to Uernon, where he fell into so great a sickness, that anon it was noised over all the country. Insomch that he was in such despair of life, that he made his testament: 
He made his testament. Rog. Houed.  wherein he assigned his son Richard the duchy of Aquitaine, and all those lands which came by queen Elinor the mother of the same Richard. And to his son Geffrey he bequeathed Britain (with the daughter of earl Conan) which he had purchased to his use of the French king. And to line 10 his son king Henry he gave the duchy of Normandy, and all those lands which came by his father Geffrey earl of Anjou. And to his youngest son john he bequeathed the earldom of Mortaine. And finally appointed where he would have his body to be buried.  

Polydor. ●ing Henry the son his misorder.  In the mean time Henry the son remaining at home in England, fell from all good order of measure keeping, and gave himself to all excessive riot, spending and wasting his revenues inordinately. line 20 Of which behaviour his father being advertised, returned into England, where he tarried not long, but passed over again into Normandy, having his said son in his company, 
Anno Reg. 16 1170  meaning thereby to remove him from the company of those that were very like to corrupt his nature, and frame the same to all lewdness: for he knew that 
— commercia turpia sanctos  
Corrumpunt mores: multi hoc periere veneno,  
Labimur in vitium & facilè ad p●ior● movemur. line 30   
In this mean while Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie remained in exile almost six years, and could not be restored, till partly by swelling threats of the pope, and partly at the earnest suit of jews the French king, Theobald earl of Blois, and others, king Henry began somewhat to show himself conformable towards an agreement.  
Whereupon the two kings met diverse times, and the archbishop Thomas coming with the French king, 
Ex Quadrilogio. The king and the arch. Becket met together in presence of the French king.  at one time humbled himself so to the king of line 40 England, that kneeling down at his feet, he said: My sovereign liege lord, I commit the whole cause of the controversy betwixt your grace and me, unto your majesties order, God's honour only reserved.  
The king offended with that ambiguous exception, said to the king of France:  
Whatsoever displeaseth this man, is taken (as he interpreteth it) contrary to God's honour, and so by that shift will he challenge to himself all that belongeth unto me. But because line 50 you shall not think that I go about to resist God's honour, or him, in any reasonable order, look what the greatest and most holy of all his ancestors have done unto the meanest of mine ancestors, let him do the same unto me, and I am contented therewith.  
All the company present cried, that the king humbled himself enough. My lord archbishop (said the French king) will you be greater than saints, and better than saint Peter? Whereof stand you in doubt? line 60 Behold, your peace is at hand. The archbishop made answer in commendation of the present state of holy church, as thus: My holy predecessors in their time, 
The present state of the church in Beckets days.  although they cut not all things away that extolled itself against God, yet did they cut off divers: but if they had plucked up all by the hard roots, which might offend, who should now have raised the fire of temptation against us? We are in much better case (thanks be to God) and as we have laboured in their lot and number, so are we partakers of their labour and reward. What if any of them had been defective or excessive in any point, are we bound to ●ollow the example of their defection or excess? We blame Peter for his denying of Christ, but we praise him in reproving of Nero's violence with danger of his life. The church hath risen and increased out of many dangerous oppressions, our fathers have suffered many things, because they would not forsake the name of Christ; and ought I to suppress his honour, to be reconciled unto any man's favour? God forbidden, God forbidden.  
When the Noble men present heard this answer of a subject against his sovereign, 
The archb. Becket blamed of arrogancy.  they all held against him, imputing the fault to the archbishop's arrogancy, that the peace was not made between the king and him, insomuch that there was an earl which openly said; Sith he resisteth the will of both the realms, he is not worthy to be succoured by either of them from henceforth: and therefore being cast out of England, let not France receive him.  
The council then being broken up, the kings departed without bidding the archbishop farewell, and such as were mediators for peace, in departing from this meeting, spoke many reproachful words to him, 
Archb. Becket wilful in his own opinion.  alleging that he had been ever stout and wise in his own conceit, and a follower of his own will and opinion: adding that it was a great hindrance to the church, that he was ordained archbishop, and that by him the church was already in part destroyed, and would shortly be altogether brought to utter ruin.  
But the archbishop setting a watch before his mouth, kept silence (as though he had not heard) and followed the French king with his people. Many said by the way as they iourneied, Behold the archbishop yonder, which in talk the last night would not for the pleasure of the king deny God, nor keep his honour in silence.  
After this, when the archbishop was come to Sens, and advised with himself whether it should be best for him to go, at length he said, God is able in the last point of misery and distress, to help those that be his. Herewith came a messenger from the French king to bring him to the court, for the French king (as one that had been better instructed in the matter) repented himself that he had judged evil of his answers at the last meeting, 
The French K. receiveth the archbishop Becket again into favour.  and hereupon received him again into his favour, and rested not to travel so much in his cause, that at length another meeting was assigned at a certain place near the confines of Normandy, whither king Henry came, and there found king jews, the archbishop of Roven, and diverse other bishops together, 
The archb. is reconciled to the king.  with the foresaid archbishop, who after they had reasoned of the matter throughly as they saw cause, king Henry received the archbishop into his favour again, and promised to redress all that had been done amiss, and pardon all those that had followed him out of the realm. Whereupon the king and the archbishop being reconciled, the archbishop the same day came before the king, and talked with him.  
Now among other things he required of the K. that it might be lawful for him (without offending of his majesty) to punish (according to the censures of the church) the injury done unto him by the archbishop of York, and other bishops in the coronation of his son. The king granted this, and showed himself so courteous at that time, that (as it is said) he held his stirrup whiles he mounted on horseback. ¶ Notwithstanding which obsequiousness of the king, it is to be presumed that all inward rep●●i●g 〈◊〉 not be so abolished, as that no fragments remained; but that the archbishop for his part, for the maintenance of his great title, & the K. for the supportation of his sovereignty, when opportunity s●rued, ●ought to get advantage one of another, & acquit their hearts with a new revenge of an old grudge: for Immortals odium & nunqu●m s●nabile vulum. 
●umen. sat. 15.   

The king would not kiss the pax with the archbishop.  But whereas twice within a few days after, the king and the said archbishop met at mass, the king refused to kiss the pax with him. This was marked as a sign of a feigned reconciliation, though in deed he afterwards entertained him very courteously, and at his departure over into England, took leave of him in friendly manner, and directed letters under his seal to his son the new king in form as followeth. 
Matt. Paris.   
A letter of the king touching line 10 the pacification between him and Thomas Becket.  
KNow ye that Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie hath made his peace with me at my will and pleasure; and therefore I command you, that both he and his may remain line 20 in peace; and that he and all those which for his cause departed out of the realm, may have all their goods restored, and in such quiet estate be now possessed of them as at any time within three months before their departure from thence. And further, cause to come before us of the best and most ancient knights of the honour of Saltwood, 
The honour of Saltwood.  that upon their oaths they may find what fee the archbishop ought to have within that honour, & that which shall line 30 appear to appertain unto him, as in fee, let him enjoy the same. And thus farewell.  
The archbishop (before he took his journey into England) went to visit the French king, and to give him thanks for his great pains and travel sustained in his cause, 
The French kings advice to the archbish. Becket.  who advised him in no wise as yet to commit himself to present danger amongst his new reconciled enemies, but rather to stay till their malice were somewhat assuaged. For he perceived line 40 by king Henry's words & countenance such a deep rooted displeasure in his hart, that he agreed to receive him into favour rather by compulsion and against his will than otherwise.  
But when the archbishop would needs departed & go over into England, the French K. suffered him so to do, doing him all the honour he could at his leave taking. Then the archbishop departing out of France, came into England, 
Matth. Paris. The archbishop Becket returneth into England.  and landed at Sandwich about the first of December, in the seventh year after his line 50 first departure out of the realm. Shortly after his arrival, Roger the archbishop of York, Gilbert bishop of London, and jocelin bishop of Salisbury, with diverse other, came unto him as to the pope's legate, and required that it might please him to restore them to the ministration of their offices again: whose request he granted, but yet upon condition, that they should undertake to stand to his judgement and order in all things, which (by the counsel line 60 of the archbishop of York) they utterly refused.  
¶ Here authors agree not (as Polydor truly saith) for some writ that archbishop Thomas (immediately upon his return into England) denounced the archbishop of York with the bishops of Salisbury and London accursed, whereas before they were deprived of the use and administration of the sacraments. So●e ●●hers write, that now at his coming over into England from his ●●ile, he deprived them only of the ministration of the sacraments, together with the bishops of E●●ester, Chester, Rochester, S. Asaph, & Landa●●, which had personally been present at the coronation of king Henry the son, to the derogation of the dignity of their primate the archbishop of Canturburie (as before you have heard.) It should seem yet by G●r. Doro●●e●▪ that the archbishop of York, and the bishop of Durham were suspended, and the bishops of London, Salisbury, and diverse other excommunicated.  
But how soever he used them, the archbishop of York, the two bishops London and Salisbury, 
The archbish. of York and other go over to the king to complain of the archbishop Becket. Ger. Dor.  being offended with his doings, sailed over into Normandy, and there complained to king Henry of injuries done to them by archbishop Thomas, grievously accusing him that he went about to take away their liberty of priesthood, to destroy, corrupt, and finally to abolish both the laws of God and man, together with the ancient decrees and statutes of their elders; in somuch that he took upon him to exclude bishops at his pleasure from the company of christian men, and so being excluded, to banish them for ever: to deerogate things merely prejudicial to the kings royal prerogative; and finally to take away from all men the equity of laws and civil orders.  
The king giving ear to their complaint, was so displeased in his mind against archbishop Thomas, that in open audience of his lords, knights, and gentlemen, he said these or the like words: 
The occasion of the king's words that cost bish. Becket his life.  In what miserable state am I, that can not be in rest within mine own realm, by reason of one only priest? Neither is there any of my folks that will help to deliver me out of such troubles.  
There were some that stood about the king, which guessed by these words, that his mind was to signify how he would have some man to dispatch the archbishop out of the way. The king's displeasure against the archbishop was known well enough, which caused men to have him in no reverence at all, so that (as it was said) it chanced on a time, that he came to Strewed in Kent, where the inhabitants meaning to do somewhat to his infamy, being thus out of the king's favour, and despised of the world, cut off his horses tail.  
There were some also of the king's servants, that thought after an other manner of sort to revenge the displeasure done to the king's majesty, 
The knights that slew the archbishop Becket.  as sir Hugh Morevile, sir William Tracie, sir Richard Britain, and sir Reignold Fitz Urse, knights, who taking advice together, and agreeing in one mind and will, took shipping, & sailed over into England, landing at a place called Dogs haven, near Dover.  
Now the first night they lodged in the castle of Saltwood, which Randulfe de Broc had in keeping. The next morning (being the 29. of December, and fift day of Christmas, which as that year came about fell upon a tuesday) having gotten together certain soldiers in the country thereabouts, came to Canturburie, and first entering into the court of the abbeie of S. Augustine, they talked with Clarenbald the elect abbot of that place: and after conference had with him, they proceeded in their business as followeth.  
The first knight sir Reignold Fitz Urse came to him about the eleventh hour of the day, 
Reignold Fitz Urse. Th●t is between 4. and 5. in the evening.  as the archbishop sat in his chamber, and sitting down at his feet upon the ground without any manner of greeting or salutation, at length began with him thus: Being sent of our sovereign lord the king from beyond the seas, we do here present unto you his Grace's commandments, to wit, that you should go to his son the king, to do unto him that which appertaineth unto you to do unto your sovereign lord, and to do your fealty unto him in taking an oath, and further to amend that wherein you have offended his majesty. Whereunto the archbishop answered: For what cause ought I to con●●●me my fealty unto him by oath? or wherein am I guilty in offending the king's Majesty? 
An oath required of him for his barony.  Sir Reignold said: For your barony, fealty is demanded of you with an oath, and an other oath is required of those clerks, which you have brought with you, if they mean to continue within the land. The archbishop answered: For my barony I am ready to do to the king whatsoever law or reason shall allow: but let him for certain hold, that he shall not get any oath either of me or of my clerks. We knew that (said the knight) that you would not do any of these things which we line 10 proponed unto you. Moreover the king commandeth you to absolve those bishops that are excommunicated by you without his licence. Whereunto he said: The bishops are excommunicated not by me, but by the pope, who hath thereto authority from the Lord. If in deed he hath revenged the injury done to my church, I confess that I am not displeased therewith. Then said the knight: Sith that such things in despite of the king do please you, it is to be thought that you would take from him his crown, and be called line 20 and taken for king yourself, but you shall miss of your purpose surely therein. The archbishop answered: I do not aspire to the name of a king, rather would I knit three crowns unto his crown if it lay in my power.  
At length after these and such words, the knights turning them to the monks, 
The knights command the monks to see the archbishop kept safe.  said: In the behalf of our sovereign lord the king, we command you, that in any wise ye keep this man safe, and present him to the king when it shall please his grace to send for line 30 him. The archbishop said: Do ye think that I will runaway? I came not to run away, but look for the outrage and malice of wicked men. Truly (said they) you shall not run away, and herewith went out with noise and threatenings. Then master john of Salisbury his chancellor said unto him: 
john de Salisbury the archb. Beckets chancellor.  My lord, this is a wonderful matter that you will take no man's counsel: had it not been meet to have given them a more meek and gentle answer? But the archbishop said: Surely I have already taken all the counsel that I will take, 
The archbishop's resolution.  I know what I ought to line 40 do. Then said Salisbury, I pray God it may be good. Now the knights departing out of the place, and going about to put on their armour, certain came to the archbishop, 
The knights put on their armour.  & said; My lord, they arm themselves. What forceth it? said he, let them arm themselves.  
Now when they were armed, and many other about them, they entered into the archbishop's palace. Those that were about the archbishop cried upon him to flee, but he sat still and would not once remove, line 50 till the monks brought him even by force & against his will into the churth. The coming of the armed men being known, 
The monks with force bring the archbishop into the church.  some of the monks continued singing of evensong, and some sought places where to hide themselves, other came to the archbishop, who was loath to have entered into the church, and when he was within, he would not yet suffer them to make fast the doors, so that there was a great stur among them, but chiefly when they perceived that the armed men went about to seek for the archbishop, by mean whereof their evensong was left unfinished. line 60  
At length the knights with their servants having sought the palace, came rushing into the church by the cloister door with their swords drawn, 
The knights enter the church. As though archbishops can be no traitors.  some of them ask for the traitor, and some of them for the archbishop, who came and met them, saying; Here am I, no traitor, but the archbishop. The foremost of the knights said unto him: Flee, thou art but dead. To whom the archbishop said, I will not flee. The knight s●ept to him taking him by the sleeve, and with his sword cast his cap besides his head, and said, Come hither, for thou art a prisoner. I will not (said the archbishop) do with me here what thou wilt: and plucked his sleeve with a mighty strength out of the knight's hand. Wherewith the knight stepped back two or three paces. Then the archbishop turning to one of the knights, said to him, What meaneth this, 
The courage of the archb.  Reignold? I have done unto thee many great pleasures, and comest thou now unto me into the church armed? Unto whom the knight presently answered and said; Thou shalt know anon what is meant, thou art but dead: it is not possible for thee any longer to live. Unto whom the archbishop answered: I am ready to die for my God, and for the defence of his justice and the liberty of the church; gladly do I embrace death, so that the church may purchase peace and liberty by the shedding of my blood. And herewith taking on other of the knights by the habergeon, he flung him from him with such violence, that he had almost thrown him down to the ground. This was sir Will. Tracie, as he after confessed.  
Then the archbishop inclined his head after the manner of one that would pray, pronouncing these his last words: To God, to saint Marie, and to the saints that are patrons of this church, and to saint Device, I commend myself and the church's cause. Therewith sir Reignold Fitz Urse striking a full blow at his head, 
Edward of Cambridge.  chanced to light upon the arm of a clerk named Edward of Cambridge, who cast up his arm to save the archbishop: but when he was not able to bear the weight of the blow, he plucked his arm back, and so the stroke stayed upon the archbishop's head, in such wise that the blood ran down by his face. Then they struck at him one after an other, and though he fell to the ground at the second blow, 
The archbish. is slain.  yet they left him not till they had cut and pashed out his brains, and dashed them about upon the church pavement. All this being done, they rifled his house, spoiled his goods, and took them to their own uses, supposing it lawful for them being the king's servants so to do.  
But doubting how the matter would be taken, after they had wrought their feat, they got them into the bishopric of Duresme, there to remain till they might hear how the king would take this their unlawful enterprise: though (as they alleged) they had lustily defended his cause, and revenged his quarrel as faithful servants ought to do. Howbeit, it chanced otherwise than they looked it should have done: for king Henry gave them so little thanks for their presumptuous act, 
The murderers come to an evil end. Matth. Paris. W. parvus.  sounding to the evil example of other in breach of his laws, that they despairing utterly of pardon, fled one into one place, and another into another, so that within four years they all died an evil death (as it hath been reported.) Some writ, that they went to Rome by the king's commandment, and there presented themselves before the pope, to receive such penance for their wicked act as he should enjoin them. Hereupon the pope appointed them to go unto jerusalem, there to do their penance, where they remained certain years, applying themselves very diligently to perform the satisfaction of their offence, according to the manner prescribed to them by the pope, and so at length died.  
This was the end of Thomas Becket archbishop of Canturburie, 
Anno Reg. 17.  which was after he had entered into that see eight years and six months, year 1171 in the year after the birth of our Lord 1171. 
●●ter their account that begin the year on Christmas day. Robert de Broc.  On Christmas day before his death, which fell that year on the friday, he preached a sermon to the people, and when he had made an end thereof, he accursed Nigell de Sackeville, the violent incumbent of the church of Berges, and Robert de Broc, both which had (upon spite) curtailed the horse of the said archbishop: and as the same day whilst he was at the altar, according to his custom, altogether in tears and lamentation; so at dinner he showed himself very pleasant & merry, insomuch that when those that were at the table seemed somewhat doubtful to eat of the flesh that was set before them, because it was friday; Why do ye abhor (saith he) to eat flesh? This day flesh hath a great privilege, for this same day the word was made flesh, and came into light, and appeared unto us. These his words greatly contented all the company.  
¶ Thus you have heard the tragical discourse of ambitious Becket, a man of mean parentage, and yet through the prince's favour very fortunate, if he had not abused the benevolence of so gracious a sovereign line 10 by his insolency and presumption. Wherein we have to note, how unseemly a thing it was for him, being called to so sacred a function, to lead so secular and profane a life, as if he had professed open hostility to the vocation which he pretended to honour and reverence. We are also taught, that promotions achieved by ambition are not permanent, and are so far from procuring fame and renown to the obteiners, that they turn them in the end to shame, infamy and reproach, after loss of life and effusion line 20 of blood. The issue of all which tragedy is to be imputed to the providence and counsel of almighty God, as one writeth very agréeablie to this purpose, saying, 

H●si. in lib. cui tit. op. & dies.  Nam facile extolli● facilè elatúmque refraenat,  
Et clarum obscurans, obscuri nomen adauget.  
Erigit & miserum facilè extinguitque superbum  
jupiter altifremus, cui celsum regia coelum.   
But to let this matter pass. King Henry doubtless was right pensive for his death, 
King Henry sorry for the archb. Beckets death.  because he witted line 30 well enough that it would be judged, that he himself was privy to the thing: and even so came it to pass, for immediately upon notice given into France of the archbishop's death, 
Polydor.  king jews, and Theobald the earl of Blois, as they that loved him most dearly were most sorrowful for it, and judging straightway that king Henry was the procurer, they wrote their letters unto pope Alexander, giving him to understand both of the slaughter, and how king Henry had caused it to be put in execution, requiring most instantly, line 40 that such an injury done to the Christian religion, might speedily be punished. The pope was much offended, and determined to have the matter throughly considered and ordered, so as might stand with his dignity, and accordingly as the heinous state of the case required. King Henry whilst these things were a doing, lay certain days at Argenton, so much displeased in his mind, that he would suffer no man once to speak to him about any manner of business. line 50  
At length, he sent his ambassadors to Rome, partly to purge himself of the archbishop's death, 
King Henry sendeth ambassadors to the pope.  partly to excuse his fault, for that in his fury he had uttered words against the archbishop, which had given occasion to naughty men to contrive his death, & partly to require the pope to send his legates into England, to make inquiry both for the death of the archbishop, and also of the state of the clergy. The king's ambassadors found the pope at Tivoli, and there were heard to declare their message: but little credit line 60 was given to their words, in so much that the pope plainly told them, that he understood the matter to be much otherwise than they had declared. Yet according to the king's request, he sent two of his cardinals into England, which upon due examination, might understand the truth of the matter thoroughly as appertained.  
There be that writ, that the king sent ambassadors twice unto the pope, 
Matth. Paris.  for the first that went, could not come to his presence, nor be suffered to declare their message: those that were sent the second time, were received of some of the cardinals, but yet only with words without any other way of friendly entertainment. At length, when the feast of Easter drew near, on the which either absolution or excommunication was to be denounced against every man, there were certain of the cardinals which gave intelligence to the English ambassadors, that the pope by advice of the college, meant on the thursday before Easter day to declare the sentence of interdiction against the king of England, and against all his dominions, and to confirm that which had been already pronounced against Richard the archbishop of York, and the other bishops his complices.  
The ambassadors being brought to a streict issue herewith, by help of some of the cardinals found means to have it put into the pope's head, how the English ambassadors had commission to undertake, that the king of England should obey in all things what order soever it pleased the pope and his court to award him. Hereupon they took their oath, that it should so be, and by that means they avoided the interdiction. The messengers of the archbishop of York & the other bishops used the like shift, but yet the same day the pope did excommunicate the knights that had murdered the archbishop Thomas, and all those that had procured, aided, succoured, or abetted them therein. Some writ, 
Ger. Dor.  that those ambassadors which the king sent to the court of Rome, could not be suffered to come to the pope's presence, 
The ambassadors were glad to use a shift by bribery.  till according to the fashion, they had given 500 marks in reward, and so at length were admitted to his presence.  
Howsoever that matter passed, the king stood in great fear lest his land should be interdicted, in so much that he commanded the wardens of the ports both on this side the sea and beyond, to take good heed, lest any coming with letters of interdiction should pass into England; but if any such came, that the bringer should be arrested and committed to prison. Also he commanded, that no clerk were suffered to come over into England, except he first took an oath that he came about no business that might turn to the prejudice of the king or his realm. This commandment he set forth, at what time he transported over into England himself, where he landed this year at Portesmouth the third day of August. About which time it came into the king's mind, to make a conquest of Ireland upon this occasion.  
It chanced, 
Sundry rulers in Ireland.  whereas diverse rulers or (as we may call them) petty kings reigned the same season in that Island (which was divided into several estates or kingdoms) that continual strife and dissension remained amongst them, so that oftentimes they made sore war after the manner of their country one against an other, (for 
Nulla fides regnisocijs, omnisque potestas 
Luc. lib. 1.   
Impatiens consortis erit.)   
Hereupon it fortuned, that one of those kings or rulers, about the 14. year of this king's reign, was sore afflicted and oppressed by his neighbours, whereupon taking advice what he might best do for remedy in that case, at length he sent his son into England to retain soldiers and men of war, 
Matth. Paris. W. parvus. See more hereof in Ireland.  and to bring them over unto his aid in hope of gain, & such commodities as he assured them of.  
Now it came to pass, that by the assistance of such Englishmen as then came over, the foresaid Irish king began to recover his losses, and in the end waxed so strong, that he subdued all his enemies. When he had thus obtained the victory, he did not only not send back his aiders, but so liberally retained them still with him, that they had no haste to return home, but settled themselves in that country, where they lived a pleasant and very licentious life. For this cause also the stoutest lords and rulers of and Irish nation began sore to stomach the matter against him that had thus brought the English nation into their country, in so much that the Englishmen perceiving their malice, and therewithal having some fear of themselves, because of their small number, they sent over into England for such as wanted living, and were willing to seek for it in other countries, of which sort, great numbers went over thither within a short space, whereby the multitude of the English greatly increased: but for as line 10 much as they had no ruler to govern them, they procured Richard Strangbow earl of Struguille, alias Chepstow in Wales to come over thither, and to receive the sovereign government, 
earl Strangbow. N. Trivet.  with such honourable provision for maintenance of his estate, as should seem requisite.  

N. Trivet. Wil parvus.  ¶ Some write, that this earl Richard (being also earl Martial of England) for a rebellion moved against king Henry, had before this time forfeited all his lands; but others affirm that through riot and line 20 more sumptuous port than his ability might bear, he had made away and consumed the most part of his living, and was run so far in debt, that he knew not how to satisfy his creditors, and therefore was he the readier to incline to their request, which made labour unto him to come over into Ireland to have the governance of such English people, as had already planted themselves there to inhabit & remain. Hereupon he prepared a navy, and assembled together a great number of such as lacked living, and shortly determined to pass over into Ireland. But line 30 even as he was ready to set forward, 
Strangbow contermanded  there came unto him messengers from king Henry, commanding him to stay, and not to take that journey in hand. Howbeit the earl having nothing in England whereof to make any great account, notwithstanding the king's commandment, took the sea, and passed over into that country, where he greatly delighted such Englishmen as daily had looked for his repair and coming thither. line 40  
Shortly after, joining those which he brought over with him, with the other that were there before his coming, he thought to work some feat, whereby he might make his name famous, & cause the Irishmen to have him in fear. 
Dublin won. Additions to john Pike.  Whereupon he first assailed the city of Dublin, and by force won it. He likewise wan Waterford, & diverse other towns near unto the sea side. Also to have some friendship amongst those barbarous people, 
Strangbow marrieth Dermutius his daughter.  he married the daughter of the confederate king, and so grew into very line 50 great estimation in that country and region.  
Howbeit, with these and the like doings of the earl, king Henry took such displeasure (but chiefly for disobeieng his commandment) that he confined him the realm, 
Strangbow confined.  seized his lands as forfeited, and by proclamation restrained all his subjects from passing into Ireland with any kind of merchandise, provision of victuals, or other commodities whatsoever. By reason whereof, earl Strangbow, partly by constraint, and partly in hope to return into favour line 60 with king Henry, and for other respects as may be conjectured, 
He seeketh to procure the king's favour.  advertised him of the whole state of the country of Ireland, promising him, that if it would please his grace to come over thither, he would so work that he should be admitted sovereign lord of all the land. Hereupon king Henry pardoned him of all former trespasses, and restored unto him all his lands and inheritances within England and Normandy: 
The king pardoneth him. N. Trivet.  and further, confirmed to him such livings abroad in Ireland out of the walled towns, as he held already in right of his wife: and furthermore ordained, that he should be high steward of Ireland under him.  
King Henry then returning out of Normandy into England about the sixth day of August (as is aforesaid) caused a navy of 400. ships to be made ready, and to assemble at Milford haven in Penbrokshire, 
Rog. Houed.  with all such provision and furniture as was thought necessary for such a journey. Herewith also he levied a great army both of horsemen and footmen, 
Milford haven. King Henry landeth in Ireland.  and came forward with the same unto Penbroke, and so when all his provision and ships were ready, he entered the sea at Milford haven aforesaid the sixteenth day of October, and landed in Ireland, at a place called Crouch, 
Crouch.  not past seven miles from Waterford the day next following, about nine of the clock: and on the morrow after being S. Luke the evangelists day, he with all his army marched forth to Waterford, where he found William Fitz Aldelme his sewer, and Robert Fitz Bernard, with other whom he had sent thither before him for such purposes as he thought most convenient. He remained at Waterford fifteen days, during which time, there came in unto him the king of Cork, the king of Limerike, the king of Ossorie, the king of Méeth, Reignald de Waterford, and diverse other great princes of Ireland. At his first arrival, 
The surrender made by earl Strangbow.  the foresaid earl Richard surrendered into his hands all those towns and places which he had subdued in that country.  
Herewithal the whole land began to tremble, so that the rulers of towns and countries sent unto him messengers; offering to become tributaries, and to deliver hostages: for whilst every of those rulers which had the government of Ireland in their hands, 
Sundry rulers in a land what weakness it causeth.  feared their own estate, and mistrusted their own powers, they all in manner submitted themselves, so that this victory chanced to king Henry, without the drawing forth of his sword, and in such wise, that he could not have wished for better or more speedy success therein. For whereas the whole Island was divided into sundry dominions, and ruled by sundry governors, not drawing all one way, but through factions and contrary studies one envying an others wealth (for 
Non bene cum socijs regna venúsque manent, 
ovid. li. 3. de ●rr. Siat. 1. Th.   
— Socijsque comes discordia regnis)  nothing more hindered the fierce and unquiet nation from making resistance, than in that they could not agree to take council together for defending of their liberties, and entire state of the commonwealth. Whereupon, whilst every of them apart by himself was in doubt to attempt the hazard of war against so mighty a king, they were all overcome, as were the Britons likewise in the time of Cesar and the Saxons. King Henry therefore gladly received their humble submission, and they doing homage unto him, swore to be his liege and faithful subjects. Only Roderike governor of Connagh refused to submit himself.  
This Roderike pretended to be the chief king of Ireland, 
Roderike K. of Connagh.  and therefore kept continual war with the other rulers, which was partly the cause wherefore they submitted themselves so soon unto king Henry. The said Roderike held that part of Ireland which lieth toward the west, 
Matth. Paris. Polydor. The nature of the country of Connagh.  being full of great and thick woods, and defended with very high & great mountains, closed also with waters and marshes, so that it should be very hard, and specially in the winter season, to bring an army unto it: which was the only cause why king Henry attempted nothing against Roderike at that time, but took in hand to plant garrisons of soldiers in places convenient to keep the land in quiet, which he had won already, and to give order for the government of the whole estate of the country to his behoof and commodity. hereupon going to Dublin, which is the chiefest city of all Ireland, he assembled all the rulers and lords as well spiritual as temporal together in council, consulting with them for the assurance of the dominion of the land to him and his heirs for evermore.  

The allegation of the Irishmen.  The Irish men alleged for themselves, that his devise therein could not be compassed, unless the pope's authority were therein first obtained: for they affirmed, that immediately upon receiving the christian faith, they did submit themselves, & all that they had, unto the see of Rome, so that they could not acknowledge line 10 any for their sovereign lord, but only the pope. Which opinion some of them (although vainly, have holden unto these our days. King Henry then understanding this matter, dispatched ambassadors to Rome, requiring of pope Alexander, that he would by his authority grant him licence to join the country of Ireland unto the realm of England, who went thither with all expedition according to their charge.  
And certainly, these ambassadors whom the king line 20 sent now out of Ireland to Rome in this behalf, returned with better speed in their message, than did the other whom he had sent to him out of Normandy, to excuse him of the death of the archbishop Thomas. For the pope upon good advice taken in this matter considering that he had now no profit growing to him by that I'll, and that the Irish people being wild and rude, were far off from all good order of christianity in diverse points) thought it would be a mean to bring some gain to his coffers, and the people line 30 more easily from their naughty customs, if they were once made subject unto some christian prince of puissance able to tame them, and constrain them by force to be more meek and tractable. In consideration whereof, he was content to grant unto the king all that herein he required.  
Hereupon, king Henry considering in what respect the pope was so ready to accomplish his request, 
A council at cassil  called a council of the bishops to assemble at cassil, where many things were decreed and ordained for the reforming of diverse customs used before line 40 amongst the Irish men, and merely repugnant to the laws of the christian religion. There were also appointed as solicitors in these matters, 
R. Houed.  and to sit as assistants with the Irish bishops, one of the king's chaplains named Nicholas, 
The archdeacon of Landaf.  and one Ralph the archdeacon of Landaf.  
1 Amongst other things there concluded, it was ordained, that children should be brought to the church, there to receive baptism in fair water, with three line 50 dippings into the same, in the name of the father, the son, and the holy-ghost, and that by the priests hands, except in case where danger of death was feared, which then might be done by any other person, and in any other place.  
2 Also it was ordained, that tithes should be paid to churches, and that such lay men as would keep wives, should keep them according to the laws of holy church, and not otherwise.  
3 The Peter pence also that Adrian reserved in line 60 his bulls, sent to the king touching the same matter in the beginning of his reign (with diverse other things) were in like manner appointed to be paid, so that nothing was omitted that might pleasure the pope, or recover his gracious favour already lost in the matters of Thomas Becket, whereof you have already heard. Thus you hear what success our ambassadors had in this voyage. ¶ Now will I tell you (yer I proceed any further) what strange things did happen in England whilst the king was thus occupied in Ireland, and within the compass of that year, 
Anno Reg. 18. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. A sore tempest  and first of all, in the night before Christmas day last passed, there chanced such a tempest of lightning and thunder, that the like had not been heard of, which tempest was not only generally throughout all England, but also in other foreign parts near adjoining, namely in Ireland, where it continued all that night, and Christmas day following, year 1172 to so great terror of the people, that they looked for present death.  
The same night at Andever in Hamshire, a priest being in his prayers before the altar, was stricken with the tempest, so that he died ye● it was nine of the clock in the morning. Also, a temporal man that was there the same time, was burned with the lightning, 
Lightning.  and whereas his brother being present, ran to him to have succoured him, he likewise was caught with the fire, and in like manner consumed. 
Polydor.  In Ireland also, evil diet in eating of fresh flesh and drinking of water, contrary to the custom of the Englishmen, brought the flux and other diseases in the king's army, so that many died thereof, for Gra●issimum est imperium consuetudinis. 
Pub. 〈◊〉.  Wherefore, about the beginning of Lent, the king removed from Dublin, & went unto the city of Werford, where he remained till toward Easter, and then prepared to return into England: but before he took the sea, he gave and by his charter confirmed to Hugh Lacie, all the lands of Meeth, with the appurtenances, 
The king's gift unto Hugh Lacie.  to hold of him & his heirs in fee by knight's service, as to find him an hundred knights or men of arms (as we may term them) for evermore. He gave also unto the same Hugh, the keeping of the city of Dublin, and made him chief justicer of Ireland. Unto Robert Fitz Bernard he committed the cities of Waterford, and Wesseford, that he should keep the same to his use, and build in them castles, for a more sure defence against the enemies.  
Thus when the king had planted garrisons of soldiers in those & other places also where was thought needful; and further had given order for the politic government of the whole country, so far as he had conquered; he first sent over his household servants, which took the water on Easter day, and landed at Milleford, but he himself and other of the Nobles stayed there all that day, by reason of the high solemnity of that feast: howbeit the day next after they took the sea together, and landed near to S. David's in south Wales, 
The king returns into England.  from whence (without delay) he hasted forth to Dover, and having his son the young king with him, he sailed over into Normandy in the cross week to meet the pope's legates, 
Ger. Dor. The pope's legates.  whom he understood to be already come thither. At his meeting with them there, he gave them very good countenance, and right honourable entertainment, omitting nothing that might do them pleasure.  
Here when the matter came to be discussed touching the death of archbishop Thomas, because it could not be certainly tried out in whom the fault rested, much reasoning to and fro passed, about objections and excuses laid (as in doubtful cases it often happeneth) so that well-near the space of four months was spent in debating of that matter. In which mean time, the king to avoid all contention and strife betwixt him and king jews, sent his son Henry together with his wife over into England, there eftsoons to receive the crown, and with them came Rotrod the archbishop of Roven, 
Ger. Dor. R. Houed.  Giles bishop of Eureux, Roger bishop of Worcester, and diverse others.  
Hereupon the young king being arrived in England, called an assemblieof the lords spiritual and temporal at Winchester, where both he and his said wife Margaret daughter to the French king was crowned with all solemnity, 
Rog. Houed.  by the hands of the said Rotrod archbishop of Roven upon the twenty one of August.  
In the mean time (saith one writer) his father king Henry might have foreseen and found means to have avoided the discord, which even now began to spring up betwixt him and his children, causing a sore and civil war, if he had not been a man that utterly did detest all superstitious admonitions. For being told (I wots not by whom) that if he did not repent, and take more regard to minister justice, which is a virtue that containeth in itself all other virtues; it would come to pass, that within short time he should fall into great and manifold calamities. line 10  
In his return also out of Ireland (saith an other) upon the sunday next after the feast of Easter, 
A strange apparition.  commonly called Lowsundaie, as he should take his horse at Cardiff in Wales, there appeared unto him a man of pale and wan colour, barefooted, and in a white kirtle, who boldly in the Dutch language spoke unto him, and admonished him of amendment of life, and to have regard that the sabbath day (commonly called the sunday) might be more duly kept and observed, so that no markets line 20 nor bodily works be holden, used, or done upon that day within the bounds of his dominions, except that which appertaineth to dressing of meats. And if thou do (saith he) after this commandment, I assure thee that all things which thou doest enterprise of good intent and purpose, shall sort to good effect and very lucky end.  
But the king was not greatly pleased with these words, and in French said to the knight that held his bridle; Ask of this churl, whether he hath dreamt all line 30 this that he telleth or not. When the knight had expounded it in English, the man answered, Whether I have dreamt it in my sleep or not, take thou heed to my words, & mark what day this is: for if thou amend not thy life, and do as I have advertised thee, before a twelve month come to an end, thou shalt hear such tidings as will make thee sorrowful all the days of thy life after.  
The man having thus spoken, vanished away suddenly, and the king took his words but in sport: howbeit he wondered that he line 40 was so suddenly gone, as he did likewise at his sudden appearing. Many other warnings the king had (saith mine author) but he set little thereby.  
The second warning he received of an Irishman, that told him of tokens very privy. The third time a knight of Lindsey called Philip de Chesterby, passing the sea, came to the king into Normandy, and there declared unto him seven articles, which he should amend, which if he did, than he should reign seven years in great honour, and subdue God's enemies. line 50 If he did not amend and redress those points, than should he come to death with dishonour in the fourth year.  
1 The first article or point was, that he should seek to maintain holy church.  
2 The second, that he should cause rightful laws to be executed.  
3 The third, that he should condemn no man without lawful process.  
4 The fourth, that he should restore the lands, line 60 goods and heritage's to those rightful owners from whom he had taken them by any wrong or unlawful means.  
5 The fift, that he should cause every man to have right, without bribing and giving of méed.  
6 The sixth, that he should pay his debts as well due to any of his subjects, for any stuff taken up of them to his use, as to his servants and soldiers, who because they could not have their wages truly paid them, fell to robbing and spoiling of true labouring men.  
7 The seventh and last article was, that he should cause the jews to be avoided out of the land, by whom the people were sore impoverished with such unmerciful usury as they exercised.  
The king (notwithstanding these and other like warnings) took no regard to the amendment of his sinful life, whereupon (as is thought) the troubles which ensued did light upon him by God's just appointment.  
¶ Howsoever this may seem a fable, but no written verity, & therefore esteemed as the chaff of summer flowers; yet as in the tales of A●sop many good morals are comprised, so the scope whereto this apparition tendeth being necessary, maketh the argument itself of the more authority. The end therefore being (as you see) to revoke the king from worse to better, from the swines-stie of vice to the stately throne of virtue, from the kennel of sin to the rivers of sanctity, proveth that even very fictions of poets (though of light credit) have their drift many times to honest purpose, and therefore bring with them a competent weight of profit to the readers. So the scope of this tale being the same that David pointeth at in the second psalm, when he saith, 
(At vos in populos quibus est permissa potefias, 
Ex. G. Buch. paraph. in psal. 2.   
Et ius ab alta sede plebi dicitis,  
Errorum tenebras depellite, discite verum, etc.)  maketh the narration itself (though otherwise seeming mere fabulous) to be somewhat authentical. But to return to the course of our story, and now to say somewhat of this Henry the seconds son the young king, by whom the troubles were moved, (note you this) that after he had received the crown together with his said wife, they both passed the seas incontinently back again into Normandy, 
R. Houed. Ger. Dor.  where on the seven and twentieth of September, at a general assembly holden within the city of Auranches in the church of the apostle S. Andrew, 
King Henry purgeth himself of the archbishop Beckets death.  king Henry the father, before the cardinals the pope's legates, and a great number of bishops and other people, made his purgation, in receiving an oath upon the holy relics of the saints, and upon the sacred evangelists, that he neither willed, nor commanded the archbishop Thomas to be murdered, and that when he heard of it, he was sorry for it. But because he could not apprehend them that slew the archbishop, and for that he feared in his conscience lest they had executed that unlawful act upon a presumptuous boldness, because they had perceived him to be offended with the archbishop, he swore to make satisfaction (for giving such occasion) in this manner.  
1 In primis, 
O vile subjection unbeseeming a king.  that he would not departed from pope Alexander, nor from his catholic successors, so long as they should repute him for a catholic king.  
2 Item, that he would neither impeach appeals, nor suffer them to be impeached, but that they might freely be made within the realm unto the pope, in causes ecclesiastical; yet so, that if the king have the parties suspected, they shall find him sureties that they shall not procure harm or hindrance whatsoever to him or to his realm.  
3 Item, that within three years after the nativity of our lord next ensuing, he should take upon him the cross, and personally pass to the holy land, except pope Alexander or his successors took other order with him.  
4 Provided, that if upon any urgent necessity he chanced to go into Spain to war against the Saracens there, then so long space of time as he spent in that journey, he might defer his going into the east parts.  
5 Item, he bond himself in the mean time by his oath, to employ so much money as the templars should think sufficient for the finding of two hundred knights or men of arms, for one years term in the defence of the holy land.  
6 Item, he remitted his wrath conceived against those which were in exile for the archbishop Thomas his cause, so that they might return again into the realm.  
7 Item, to restore all the lands and possessions which had been taken away from the see of Canturburie, as they were belonging thereto in the year before the departure of the archbishop Thomas out of England.  
8 Item, he swore to take away and abolish all those customs, which in his time had been brought line 10 in against the church, as prejudicial thereto.  
All these articles faithfully, and without maleingene to perform and fulfil in every degree, he received a solemn oath, and caused his son the young king being there present, to receive the same for performance of all those articles, such as touched his own person only excepted. And to the intent the same should remain in the pope's consistory as matter of record, he put his seal unto the writing wherein the same articles were engrossed, together line 20 with the seals of the above mentioned cardinals.  
Shortly after king Henry the father suffered the young king his son to go in't France, together with his wife, to visit his father king jews, according as their deputies required, which journey verily bred the cause of the dissension that followed betwixt him and his father. King jews most lovingly received them (as reason was) and caused divers kinds of triumphant plays and pastimes to be showed for the honour and delectation of his son in law and line 30 daughter.  
Nevertheless, whilst this young prince sojourned in France, king jews not heartily favouring the king of England, and therewithal perceiving the rash and headstrong disposition of the young king did first of all inveigle him to consider of his estate, and to remember that he was now a king equal unto his father, 
The French king seeketh to sow sedition betwixt the father and the son.  and therefore advised him so shortly as he could, to get the entire government out of his father's hands: whereunto he furthermore promised line 40 all the aid that lay in him to perform.  
The young king being ready enough not only to work unquietness, but also to follow his father in laws counsel (as he that was apt of nature to aspire to the sole government, and loath to have any partner in authority (according to that of the tragedie-writer, Nec regna socium ferre nec tedae sciunt) and namely such one as might control him) was the more encouraged thereto by a number of prodigal line 50 curry favours, 
Sen. in Agam.  who by flattery set him aloft, declaring unto him that he was borne to rule, and not to obey, and therefore it became not his highness to reign by the appointment of an other, but rather to have the government freely in his own hands, that he might not be counted prince by permission. Hereupon the youthful courage of the young king being tickled, began to wax of a contrary mind to his father: who suspecting indeed that which chanced; to wit (lest his sons young years not able yet to discern line 60 good and wholesome counsel from evil, might easily be infected with some sinister practice) thought it not good to suffer him to be long absent from him, and therefore sent for him: who taking leave of his father in law king jews in courteous manner, 
Rog. Houed.  returned and came to his father king Henry into Normandy, 
Anno Reg. 19 1173  who when the feast of Christmas drew near, repaired towards Anjou, where in the town of Chinon, he solemnised that feast, having left his son the young king and his wife all that while in Normandy: but sending for him after the feast was ended, they went both into Auvergne, where being at mount Ferrat, 
Hubert earl of Morienne.  Hubert earl of Morienne came unto them, bringing with him his eldest daughter Alice, whom king Henry the father bought of him for the sum of five thousand marks, that he might bestow her in marriage upon his youngest son john with the heritage of the county of Morienne, 
A marriage contracted.  if her father died without other issue, or at the leastwise the said Hubert chanced to have any son lawfully begotten, that then he should leave unto them and to their heirs the county of Russellon, 
Comitatus bellensis.  the county of bell, as he then had and held the same, Pierre castle with the appurtenances, the valley of Novalleise, also Chambrie with the appurtenances, Aiz, Aspermont, Rochet, mont Magor, and Chambres, with Burg, all which lying on this side the mountains with their appurtenances, the said Hubert granted to them immediately for ever. And beyond the mountains he covenanted to give unto them Turine with the appurtenances, the college of Gavoreth with the appurtenances, and all the fees which the earls of Canaves held of him, together with the fealties and services. And also, the fees, fealties, and services which belonged to him in the county of Amund, and in the valley called Uale Dosta; and in like manner, the town of Castellone.  
All the forenamed places the said earl gave and granted to the said john, son to the king of England for evermore, with his daughter, so freely, wholly and quietly (in men and cities, castles, fortresses, or other places of defence, in meadows, leassewes, milnes, woods, plains, waters, valleys and mountains, in customs and all other things) as ever he or his father had held or enjoyed the same. And furthermore, the said earl would, that immediately (when it pleased the king of England) his people should do homage and fealty to the king of England's son, reserving the fealty due to him so long as he lived. Moreover, the said earl Hubert granted to the said john and his wife all the right that he had in the county of Granople, and whatsoever might be got and evicted in the same county. It was also covenanted, 
The county of Granople.  if the elder daughter died, that then the said john should marry the younger daughter, and enjoy all the like portions and parts of inheritance as he should have enjoyed with the first.  
Finally, that these covenants, grants and agréements should be performed on the part and behalf of the said earl Hubert, both he, the said earl, and the earl of Geneva, and in manner all the great lords and barons of those countries received an oath, and undertook to come and offer themselves as hostages to remain with the king of England, in case the said earl Hubert failed in performance of any of the aforesaid articles, till he framed himself to satisfy the king's pleasure in such behalf.  
Furthermore, Peter the reverend archbishop of Tarenfasia, and Ardune the bishop of Geneva, and also William the bishop of Morienne, with the abbot of S. Michael promised upon their oath to be ready at the appointment of the king of England, to put under the censures of the church the said earl and his lands, refusing to perform the foresaid covenants, and so to keep him and the same lands bound, till he had satisfied the king of England therein.  
William earl of mandevil, 
The earls of Mandeville and Arundel.  and William earl of Arundel swore on the part of king Henry, that he should perform the articles, covenants and agréements on his part, as first to make payment immediately unto the said Hubert of one thousand marks, and assoon as he should receive his daughter, he should pay him an other thousand marks at the least, and the residue then remaining of the said sum of five thousand marks, should be paid when the marriage was consummate.  
It was provided also, that the said earl Hubert might marry his younger daughter where he would, without any great diminishing of the earldom after the first marriage consummate with the lord john, the king of England's son. And that if either the said lord john, or his affianced wife chanced to die before the consummation of the marriage, then should the money which the earl had received, be repaid to the king, or bestowed as the king should appoint.  
Shortly after that the parties were agreed upon the covenants afore cited, the marquess of Montferrat line 10 & one Geffrey de Plozac with his son Miles and other Noble men came to the king as ambassadors from the earl of Morienne, and received an oath, that they should see and procure the said earl to perform the covenants and agreements concluded betwixt the king and him. When these things were thus ordered, as seemed good to both parties, for the establishment of the foresaid marriage, the king the father, and the king the son removed to Lymoges, whither the earl of S. Giles came, 
The earl of S. Giles.  and was there line 20 accorded with king Henry and his son Richard duke of Guien, concerning the controversy that had been moved for the county of Tholouze, doing his homage as well unto the father as to the son for the same county, 
Nic. Trivet.  and further covenanted to serve them with an hundred knights or men of arms (as we may call them) for the term of forty days at all times, upon lawful summons. And if the king or his son duke Richard would have his service longer time after the forty days were expired, line 30 they should pay wages both to him and his men in reasonable manner. Moreover, the said earl condescended & agreed to give yearly for Tholouze an hundred marks, 
Tribute for Tholouze.  or else 10. horses with 10. marks a piece. Now also, whilst the king sojourned at Lymoges, the earl of Morienne came thither to him, and required to understand what parcels of land he would assign unto his son john. Whereupon the king resolved to allot unto him the chapel of Chinon, 
Ger. Dor.  Lodun and mirabel, whereby he offended his line 40 eldest son the young king (as after may appear) who was glad to have occasion (whom the poets feign to be bald behind and hairy before, as this monastich insinuateth, Front capillata est post est occasio calua) offered to broach his conceived purpose of rebellion which of late he had imagined, and now began to put in practice, using the opportunity of the time and the state or quality of the quarrel then taken for his best advantage, and meaning to make it an ingredience line 50 or entrance to the malicious conceit which he had kept secret in his hart.  
This year the monks of Canturburie (by the king's assent) chose for their archbishop one Richard, who before was prior of Dover, this man was the 39 in number that had ruled the church of Canturburie, 
Matth. West. N. Trivet.  being of an evil life, as he well showed, in that he wasted the goods of the church inordinately. Roger the abbot of Bechellovin was first chosen, but he refused that dignity rather for slothfulness and idleness line 60 (as some take it) than for modesty or wisdom: so hard a thing it is to please the people, which measure all things to be honest or dishonest, as they ebb or flow in profit and gain. 
Matth. Paris.   
The said Richard, after that he was elected, did homage unto king Henry, and swore fealty unto him (Saluo semper ordine suo, His order always saved) without making mention of the customs of the kingdom. This was done at Westminster in the chapel of S. Katherine, 
A council holden at westminster.  the king's justicer giving his assent thereunto, where a council was held the same time, and a letter of the pope's read there before the bishops and barons of the realm, containing amongst other things this that followeth.  
A brief extract or clause of a letter which the pope sent to the clergy of England, &c: for the making of a new holy day.  
WE admonish you all, & by the authority which we retain, do straightly charge you, that you celebrat the day of the suffering of the blessed man Thomas the glorious martyr, sometime archbishop of Canturburie, every year in most solemn sort, & that with devout prayers ye endeavour yourselves to purchase forgiveness of sins; that he which for Christ's sake suffered banishment in this life, and martyrdom in death by constancy of virtue, through continual supplication of faithful people, may make intercession for you unto God.  
The tenor of these letters were scarcely read, but every man with a loud voice began to recite this psalm or hymn, Te Deum laudamus. Furthermore because his suffragans had not exhibited due reverence to him their father, either in time of his banishment, or at his return from the same, but rather persecuted him; that they might openly confess their error and wickedness to all men, they made this collect: Be favourable good Lord to our supplication and prayer, 
A collect devised in honour of the archbishop Becket.  that we which acknowledge ourselves guilty of iniquity, may be delivered by the intercession of Thomas thy blessed martyr and bishop, Amen.  
This prayer was used by the covent of S. Albon on the day of his martyrdom. Thus 
— caeca superstitionis  
Est facilísque via & cunctis iam cognita saeclis.   
¶ Notwithstanding all which honour of the pope then exhibited to his saint, as his canonisation, with other solemnities procured for the maintenance of his memorial in all ages succeeding; what remembrance is there now of Thomas Becket? Where be the shrines that were erected in this church and that chapel for perpetuities of his name and fame? Are they not all defaced? are they not all ruinated? are they not all converted to powder and dust? And although the pope meant by causing such ikons to be erected, to prefer Thomas as a perpetual saint to all posterities, and thought as he that said of his poems, 
Exegi monumentum aere perennius,  
Regalíque situ pyramidum altius,  
Quod non imber edax non aquilo impotens  
Posset diruere aut innumerabilis  
Annorum series & fuga temporum,   
Yet is he grown not into renown, but infamy and shame in England, as our chronicles declare, which have published that Romish rakehells ambitious and traitorous heart to all successions. Nay, whereas in times past he was reckoned in the pope's rubric for a saint and a martyr, now it is come to pass (by the means belike of other saints whose merits have surpassed Beckets) that he is grown in oblivion even at Rome, and his name razed out of the pope's calendar (as a learned man preached in a solemn audience at a high festival time) by whom he was so magnified. 
M. Uagh●n at Spittle the tuesday in Easter week 1585.  In which kind of discontinuing his favour to his sworn children, he showeth himself very ingrateful, and not worthy of the dutifulness wherewith (like buzzards as they be) they overcharge their hellish (holy I would say) father.  
This year the sister of the said archbishop Richard was made abbess of Berking. 
Ger. Dor. The archbishop's consecration disturbed by the young king.  But now touching the new elected archbishop Richard, we find, that coming to Canturburie on the saturday after his election, in hope to be there consecrated, he was disappointed by letters that came from king Henry the son, in form as followeth.  
A letter of young king Henry touching the disappointment of archbishop Richard's consecration.  
HEnrie by the grace of God king of England, duke of Normandy, and earl of Anjou, son of king Henry; line 10 to our dear and faithful friend Odo, prior of the church of Canturburie, and to all the convent there, sendeth greeting. By the assured report of some we understand, that in your church and in other churches also, my father goeth about to institute certain persons not very meet for such calling: and because (without our consent) it ought not so to be done, who by reason of our kingly anointing line 20 have taken upon us the kingdom and charge of the whole realm: hereupon we have in the presence of many persons appealed to the see of Rome, and have signified our appeal in that behalf, made unto our reverend fathers and friends Albert and Theodorike, cardinals and legates of the apostolic see, by our writing and messenger, who like wise and discreet personages have assented thereunto. We have likewise signified the same our appeal to our line 30 faithful friends the bishops of London, Excester, and Worcester, and as we have appealed, so likewise we do appeal under your testimony.  
After the perusal of this letter, and the due consideration of the substance and sum of the same, (albeit no such afterclaps were suspected before) the bishops were altogether driven to their shifts, line 40 some of them desiring to go forward with the consecration, and some supposing it better to yield unto the appeal. The elect archbishop therefore first sent messengers to Rome with letters, not written only by himself, but also by all the bishops and convent of Canturburie. After this he followed himself in person, and coming to the pope's court, found there divers adversaries to his cause. For some were there that took part with the king the father, and some with the king the son, and so his business could line 50 have no speedy dispatch. In the mean time the rancour which king Henry the son had conceived against his father was so ripened, that it could not but burst out, and show itself to the breach of all dutiful obedience which nature requireth of a son towards his father.  
You have heard how king Henry promised the earl of Morienne, when the marriage was concluded betwixt his son john and the said earls daughter, to give unto the said john certain towns in line 60 Normandy, for the better maintaining of his estate and his wives. This gift of the fathers caused his eldest son the young king Henry, the sooner to power out his poison which he had sucked before at his being with his father in law king jews. For conceiving an offence, that his father should give away any portion of his inheritance, 
Wil parvus.  he would not condescend to any such gifts, but alleged that sithence he was king of England, and that all belonged to him, his father could not now have any title to give away that which did in no wise appertain unto him.  
There was another cause that troubled his mind also, and moved him to grudge at his father, which was; for that the proportion of his allowance for maintenance of his household and port was very slender, and yet more slenderly paid. Also his father removed from him certain of his servants, as Astulfe de S. Hilary, 
Astulfe de S. Hilary a counsellor or rather corrupter of king Henry the son. Polydor.  and other whom he suspected to give him evil counsel. Wherefore those that were procurers of him to attempt the seizing of the government into his hands, upon this occasion slept not, but put into his head such matter, that at length he openly demanded to have the whole rule committed to him: which when he saw would not be obtained of his father by quiet means, he fled secretly away unto his father in law king jews, 
King Henry the son fled to the French king.  requiring aid of him to recover his right, which king Henry the elder unjustly detained from him.  
The French king comforted him, and bade him be of good cheer, for he meant to do for him all that in him lay. Herewith he proclaimed him duke of Normandy, and received homage of him for the same. King Henry the father understanding that his son was thus fled to the French king, sent ambassadors forthwith to the same king, requiring him to give his son some good & wholesome counsel, that he might repent, and not follow such wilfulness of mind in swerving from his father's friendship, but rather with speed to return home again; & to promise in his name, that if any thing were otherwise than well, he would be contented the same should be reform by his order and correction. But so far was king jews from meaning to set a quietness betwixt the father and the son, that he would not hear the ambassadors declare their message, because they named the father, king, 
W. parvus.  to the derogation of the sons right, to whom he said he offered manifest wrong in usurping the government, which he had already given over and resigned. Insomuch that when the ambassadors had declared some part of their message, he asked them what he was that willed such things of him: and when they answered that the king of England had sent them with that message, That is a false lie (saith he) for behold here is the king of England, who hath given you no commission to declare any message from him unto me at all.  
¶ Here we see philautie or self-love, which rageth in men so preposterously, that even natural duty and affection quite forgotten, they undertake what mischief soever cometh next to hand, without exception of place or person; and all for the maintenance of stately titles, of lofty styles, of honourable names, and such like vanities more light than thistle-downe that flieth in the air. A vice that hath been noted to reign in all ages, among all peers and people of all nations, both at home and abroad, as one very well noteth and giveth his verdict thereupon, saying, 
— proh dij, 
M. Pal. in virg. & sag.  nunc nomina tantùm  
Magnifica, & claros titulos sibi quilibet optat,  
Arrogat, affectat, sequitur, rapit; ut meritò iam  
Et 〈◊〉 asinus pardum vocet & formica leonem.  
Quid tituli illustres praeclaráque nomina prosunt?  
Quae citò mors rapit, & lethaeas mergit in undas.   
King Henry the father perceiving hereby that wars would follow, 
King Henry the father knoweth not whom he may trust. Polydor.  prepared the best he could for his own defence: but he was in great doubt on every side, not knowing whom he might trust. And to increase this mischief, his wife queen Elinor studied to maintain the strife betwixt her sons. The young king then getting an army together entered into Guian.  
King Henry was not hasty to go against him, 
Richard Bart chancellor to the young king, also his chaplain, sir Walter Ailward with others▪ Rog. Houed.  but sought rather with gentleness and all courteous means to reconcile him: insomuch that whereas diverse grave personages being of the young king's counsel, and doubting to run into the displeasure of his father, revolted from the son to the father, and brought with them the sons seal, which he used in sealing of letters. Howbeit, the father received them not, but sent them back again to his son, commanding them to continue faithful in serving him as he should appoint them, and herewith he sent ambassadors unto his son to entreat with him of peace and concord.  
Now whilst the father went about to assuage the sons displeasure, the mother queen Elinor did what she could to prick him forward in his disobedient attempts. For she being enraged against line 10 her husband because he kept sundry concubines, and therefore delighted the less in her company, cared not what mischief she procured against him. Hereupon she made her complaint so grievously unto her sons Richard and Geffrey, that they joined with their brother against their father, & came to him into Guien, to aid him to the uttermost of their powers.  
¶ This may well seem to be brought upon the king as a plague of his incontinent, unchaste and libidinous life; who having Chara coniugij pignora, a notable motive to kindle and continue honest love in line 20 wedlock, did notwithstanding most inordinately abandon his body to beastly and unlawful company keeping with strange flesh. Note here how God stirreth up the wife of his own bosom, & the sons descending of his own loins to be thorns in his eyes and gods in his sides for profaning so divine and holy an ordinance; which the very pagans did so honour and reverence, that they did not only give precepts touching the due observation thereof, but denounced undoubted vengeance for the violation line 30 of the same, as appeareth in this old testimony, 

Hesiod. in lib. cui tit. op. & di.  Patrat & ingreditur quicunque cubilia fratris  
Vxorem maculans, & sancta cubilia stupro,  
Hunc pater ipse deûm Saturnius odit, & ipsi  
Hunc malè dij vexant, etc.   
But we will remit this to the reader's consideration, and note the issue of this mischief now broached. The young king rejoicing that he had his brethren thus on his side, ready to take his part, became more line 40 stout than before, and for answer unto the messengers that came to him from his father, he declared that if his father would deliver up the whole government into his hands, he would be content to break up his army. As for such soldiers as would willingly take his part in this quarrel, he caused them to swear that they should faithfully serve him against his adversaries: and those that had rather serve on the other side, he licensed them freely to departed and go to his father. line 50  
King Henry the father receiving such a rebellious answer from his son, much lamented the matter, 
Twenty thousand Brabanders were retained by king Henry the father as saith R. Houed.  and so much the more, for that he saw there was no remedy, but to have the controversy decided by the sword. Therefore lest he should be taken unprovided, he kept his army in a readiness about him, having retained certain bands of Brabanders called the Routs.  
The lords that took part with his son, being advertised by espials of the doings of the father, and hearing that he was ready (if he were constrained) line 60 to defend himself by battle, 
Wil parvus. N. Trivet. Polydor.  and yet willing to receive his sons into his favour again, if they would be reform, they took great care how to cause his sons to persist in their enterprise, till the father were compelled by force to resign the government unto them. But none more than the French king coveted to maintain the discord, till it might be ended by force of arms: and therefore sent unto king Henry the son, willing him to come to Paris, where he caused a council to be called, & there made a league betwixt the said Henry and himself, with William king of Scotland, Hugh earl of Chester, William Patrick the elder, 
N. Trivet▪ Polydor.  the three sons of Robert earl of Mellent, whose castles king Henry the elder had in possession, Roger Moumbray, Hugh Bigot, and diverse other complices of the conspiracy, Flabella seditionum, that took part with Henry the son.  
Here after they had consulted of the manner how to maintain war, because they would assure the young king that they meant not to forsake him, first king jews, and after all the residue took an oath to aid him with men and money, 
The French king taketh an oath to aid king Henry the son. Rog. Houed. Ger. Dor.  till his father should either be driven out of his kingdom, or brought to agree with him at his will and pleasure. On the other part, he swore never to conclude any peace with his father without their consent and good will. He also promised upon his oath to give, & by his charter under his s●ale he confirmed unto Philip earl of Flanders (for his homage) a thousand pounds of yearly revenues in England, 
Philip earl of Flanders. Matthew earl of Bullongne.  and the county of Kent, with the castles of Dover and Rochester. And to Matthew earl of Bullongne (for his homage) he likewise promised and confirmed the Soak of Kirketon in Lindsey, and the earldom of Morton, with the honour of Hey. Also to Theobald earl of Blois (for his homage) he gave and granted five hundred marks of yearly revenue in Anjou with the castle of Ambois, and all that which he claimed as his right within the country of Touraine, and surrendered to him all the right which he and his father claimed and demanded to have in Chateau Reignold. 
Chateau Reignold.  To the K. of Scots (for his assistance) he gave and granted all Northumberland as far as the river of Tine. And to his brother David (to have his service) he granted the counties of Huntingdon and Cambridge. 
Earl David.  To Hugh Bigot (for his service) he gave the castle of Norwich. 
Hugh Bigot.  All these gifts and grants (with diverse other to other persons) promised & granted, he confirmed with his new seal, which the king of France had caused him to make. These things being thus ordered at Paris, every man resorted to his charge, 
Polydor.  that he might provide for the war with all speed convenient.  
King Henry the father advertised of this new league of the conspirators against him, was in great perplexity of mind, for that he saw himself in danger, not only of outward enemies, but also of his own subjects at home. Yet because the winter season was already at hand, taking away all convenient occasions of attempting any great exploit by war for that time, he was in hope to compass some agreement with his son's yer the spring of the year should return, and therefore he made not so great provision for his defence, as had been necessary in so dangerous a case. But the Frenchmen, who were bend to set forward this war with all diligence, were ready in the field immediately upon the coming of the spring with king Henry the son, 
The confederates invade ● dominions of king Henry the father.  and even at one instant made their invasions upon the lands of king Henry the father in three several parties; namely, in Normandy, Guien, and Britain, which (against the will of his son Geffrey duke thereof) king Henry the father did hold and retain in his own hands. The Frenchmen thus invading the foresaid countries, did much hurt with robbing and spoiling, and also took diverse castles and towns.  
Moreover, about the same time, 
The king of Scots invadeth Cumberland.  William king of Scotland entered with a great power, first into Cumberland, and besieged Carlisle: but hearing that an army was prepared against him in the south parties of the realm, and ready to set forward, he raised his siege, and entered into Northumberland, (which province king Henry the son had given him in the last assembly holden at Paris) endeavouring to bring it into his possession. But the more earnestly he went about to enforce the people to his will, the more stillie did they withstand his purpose, hating him so much, that in no condition they were willing to come under his rule, whereby the Scots were put back and repelled, and that to their great loss. The king's power also coming into the country followed them, 
Will parvus.  and passing over the water of Tweed, which divided then (as it doth at this day) the two realms, made the like spoil in the land of the enemies, as they had made in the countries of Northumberland and Cumberland.  
But in Normandy, whilst others in other places, line 10 made their hand in fetching preys and booties out of the enemies country, king jews besieged Uernueil, 
Uernueil besieged.  which town being strong of itself, Hugh Beauchampe and others that had charge thereof valiantly defended, 
R. Houed. Hugh Beauchampe.  so that the French king was a month before it, yet he could win any part thereof. This town of Uernueil was in those days divided into three portions, beside the castle, every of them apart from other with mighty walls and deep ditches full of water. One of these parts was called the line 20 great Burrow without the walls, where the French king had pitched his field & planted his engines. About a month after whose coming thither, victuals began to fail them within, so that at length they required a truce only for three days, & if no succour came within those three days, they promised to yield that part of the town called the great Burrow, & the peremptory day was the vigil or eve of S. Laurence. Hereupon were hostages delivered by the burgesses unto the French king. Now it was agreed that if they line 30 yielded the town at the day appointed for want of succour, king Henry the son, and Robert the French kings brother, with the earls of Trois & Blois, Henry and Theobald, and William archbish. of Sens, undertook upon their oaths that the hostages should then be restored free & without any hurt or damage.  
King Henry being certified from them within of the composition thus made, was driven to a very hard shift: for he doubted nothing less than that any such thing should have chanced. Yet considering with line 40 himself, that the saving of the town stood in his speedy coming to the rescue, he hasted thither without any stay, and came to the place the day before the third and last day of the truce. 
The French king requireth to ta●ke.  King jews perceiving him to be come, doubting lest he should lose the prey which he looked for, sent unto the king, and required that he might common with him on the next day, touching some means of agreement to be had betwixt him and his sons. This did he of policy, to feed him with hope of some end to be made in the line 50 troubles betwixt him and his sons, till he had gotten possession of the town.  
Now as he forecast that matter, even so it came to pass, for whilst a great piece of the next day was spent in feigned talk about an agreement; K. jews appointed a great part of his host to close the town about, and to declare unto them within, that king Henry was put to flight; which talk they within Uernueil believing, yielded the town & themselves to the French men. Soon after, king jews mistrusting line 60 lest he should not be able to keep it, set it on fire, and so burned it, contrary to the composition betwixt him and them agreed and concluded upon. He kept also the soldiers that had yielded it into his hands, 
Rog. Houed.  together with the hostages as prisoners, and doubting to cope with his enemy, 
The ninth of August being thursday saith R. Houed. king jews fleeth away in the night.  went away in the night with as still noise as was possible. Which evil dealing had not invaded his hart, but that evil meaning had possessed it before, even at the composition making: but he never learned that, 
Pub. Mim.  Fidem qui perdit nihil potest ultra perdere.  
King Henry at length perceiving the fraud, sent certain bands of his horsemen after to pursue the enemy: but for that king jews was already gotten into the inner parts of his own country, those which were sent, turned upon those that were left in the hindermost ward, of whom they slew a great number both horsemen and footmen.  
K. Henry following his men, came to Uernueil, and staying there that night, took order for the repairing and new fortifying of the town. On the morrow after he went to the castle of danvil, and won it, 
danvil.  taking diverse knights and yeomen within it: this castle belonged to one Gilbert de Tileres. 
Gilbert de Tileres.  And thus it came to pass touching the attempt of the French king for the winning of Uernueil, as in some authors we find reported. 
Wil parvus.  ¶ Other write otherwise of the matter, as thus, the French K. being summoned by K. Henry the father, either to departed from the siege of Uernueil, or to look for battle; & hearing also that in performance of the message K. Henry approached with his power, he sent a bishop & an abbot unto him to understand if he meant to give battle in deed. 
K. Henry his short answer to the French kings messengers.  The messengers met king Henry as he was advanced before his host upon some occasion, with a small company about him, unto whom they declared that their master the French king required to be assured whether he should have battle or no. King Henry armed as he was, with fierce countenance and dreadful voice made this short answer; Get you hence, and tell your king that I am here at hand. The messengers returning to their master, declared what they had seen and heard. Whereupon (without longer stay) he raised his field, and with a gallant and mighty army departed home to his great dishonour, not winning the town at all, as by the same author it should appear.  
About the same time the earl of Flanders, one of the confederates besieged the town of Albemarle, 
Albemarle won by the earl of Flanders.  and the earl thereof within it, which earl was thought to betray the town, because it was so easily won, and both he himself, and those which king Henry the father had sent thither to defend the town were taken prisoners. diverse other places which belonged to the same earl were also immediately delivered into the enemies hands, which increased the suspicion.  
After this town of Newcastle (otherwise called Drincourt) in those frontiers was besieged, 
R. Houed. ja. Meir. Ger. Dor. The earl of Bullongne wounded, and dirth.  and finally won by surrender, by the said earl of Flanders, who rejoiced nothing at the gain of that town: for his brother Matthew the earl of Bullongne who should have been his heir, was shot into the knee with an arrow, as he approached to the walls, and died of the hurt within a few days after. The earl of Flanders was so pensive for his brother's death, that he broke up his journey and returned, blaming his evil hap and folly in that he had attempted war against his cousin german king Henry, who never had harmed him, but rather had done him many great and singular pleasures from time to time.  
¶ Good cause had the earl to give over the prosecuting of violence against his sovereign, being dawnted with so heavy a chance, & gripped also with the grudge of conscience, in so unkindly rewarding his well-willer, at whose hands he confessed himself to have received many a benefit. Wherein we are to note, that ingratitude never hurieth any so much as him or them in whom it is nestled. And hereto alludeth the comedie-writer, when he saith very neatly, 
— morem hunc homines habent, quod sibi volunt 
Plant. in C●.   
Dum id impetrant, boni sunt: sed id ubi iam pene● se habent,  
Ex bonis pessimi & fraudulentissimi sunt.   
Moreover Henry the elder (after the journey of Uernueil ended) came back to Roven, and there understanding that Hugh earl of Chester, and Raft de Foulgiers, men of singular prowess (who long before were revolted to his son Henry) had taken the castle of Dole in Britain, and there making war, brought all the country into trouble, he sent forth streightwaies certain of his captains with the Brabanders to aid his people in those parts who on the twentieth day of August (being monday) encountering with the enemies, 
〈◊〉 Houed.  discomfited them in battle, took seventeen knights, besides diverse others both horsemen and footmen, slew above fifteen hundred of the enemies being Britain's, and pursuing the residue, entered the town which they won, and drove their adversaries into the castle, where line 10 they besieged them, and with all speed advertised the king of that enterprise, who immediately with all possible haste came thither, applying his whole diligence to win the place, that he might have them which were within the same at his commandment.  
To be short, it was not long yer he had his desire, for being such a multitude, that they were not able long to continue within so streict a room, for want of victual they fell to a composition, yielding the castle line 20 unto the king, their body's lives and limbs saved, on the 25. day of August. There were taken within this castle 80. knights, besides yeomen and other common soldiers. In like manner, and with the semblable good fortune, about the same time, his captains in England overcame his enemies: for whereas Robert earl of Leicester that took part with king Henry the son, had assembled at the town of Leicester a great host of men, in purpose to set upon Reignold earl of Cornwall and Richard Lucy captains on the side of king Henry the father: they line 30 understanding his meaning, marched straight towards Leicester, and by the way met with their enemy earl Robert, whom they so fiercely assailed, that they put him to flight, and after approaching the town, 
The earl of Leicester put to flight.  had it surrendered unto them, permitting the inhabitants to departed with bag and baggage, and then burned the town: but the castle (which in those days was of great strength by reason of the situation) they could not win. line 40  

Matth. Paris. Leicester was by force.  Howbeit some write, that by undermining, the walls of the town were subverted and thrown down, so that the town was entered by force, although they within withdrew themselves into the castle and other strong houses, which they defended for a time, till at length they surrendered all, one parcel of the castle excepted, for the which by composition they paid by way of a fine the sum of three hundred pounds to the use of K. Henry the father. The siege began the seventh day of julie, and on the 28. line 50 day of the same month the army departed from thence, a truce being granted to those that still defended a certain tower of the castle into the which they were withdrawn.  

The king of Scots invadeth Northumberland.  William also the Scotish king, with an army of Scots and Gallowaimen invaded Northumberland, and passing by the confines of the bishopric of Durham did much hurt by slaughter, burning and spoiling the country. Nevertheless, hearing of a power raised by the English lords in those parts line 60 to resist him, 
He retireth.  he withdrew into his country. The English army following him, 
The English sp●●le Lothian.  wasted the country of Lothian, till at length by mediation of certain religious men, a truce was granted to the Scots to endure till the feast of S. Hilary. 
A truce.  For the which truce happily some rewards went betwixt, and so the English lords with spoils and gains returned homewards.  
A few days after these lucky chances thus happening to king Henry, king jews perceiving fortune to be on that side, determined to assay whether he could obtain his purpose by some means of treaty▪ or at the least put king Henry in hope of a peace for a time, knowing that he would rather suffer all discommodities whatsoever, than once to try the matter by battle with his sons: 
Rog. Houed. A treaty of peace.  wherefore he offered to come to a communication with him betwixt guysor's and Try, showing bread in the one hand (as they say) and hiding a stone in the other.  
King Henry was easily entreated to hear of any talk for peace, and therefore coming to the place on tuesday the fifteenth day of September, made so large offers, that he had almost converted the young men's minds unto concord. First he offered to his son Henry the young king, 
Rog. Houed. The offer of K. Henry the father to his sons.  the moiety or one half of all the revenues belonging to the domains of the crown within England, and four convenient castles within the same. Or if his son had rather remain in Normandy, he offered the half of all the revenues of that duchy, with all the rents and profits that were his father's pertaining to the earldom of Anjou, with certain castles in Normandy, one castle in Anjou, one in main, and one in Towraine. To his son Richard, he offered half the revenues of Given, and four convenient castles in the same. And to his son Geffrey he offered all those lands that belonged by right of inheritance unto the daughter of Conan earl of Britain, if he might by the pope's good licence marry her. And further king Henry the father yielded himself to stand to the order of the archbishop of Tharent and other the pope's legates, not refusing to give his sons what rents and revenues soever they should say were reasonable, reserving only to himself the administration of justice, and the power royal.  
These seemed to be large offers, but yet they could not be accepted. For certain sons of belial, set upon nothing but mischief, troublers of common peace and quietness, wrought so with them, that no conditions of peace (were the same never so reasonable) could content them, so that without effect this communication broke up, but not without contumelious words passed betwixt the parties, insomuch that the earl of Leicester (who being put from all his aid in England, was come over to the French king to purchase aid at his hands) could not restrain but giving credit to the old adage, Homo extra corpus suum est cùm irascitur, 
Pub. Mim.  after many opprobrious words uttered against king Henry the father, 
The earl of Leicester offered to strike the king.  laid hand on his sword to have stricken him, but the standers by would not suffer him and so they departed; which rash attempt or rather disloyal enterprise, Non sani esse hominis non sanus iuret Orestes.  
On the morrow after, the French and English skirmished together betwixt Curseils and guysor's, in which conflict Enguerane Chastillone de Try was taken prisoner by earl William de Mandeville, who presented him to the king of England. King jews though he judged it his part to preserve his son in law from danger, yet he meant nothing less than to join battle with the English at that present. But within a few days after, he sent Robert earl of Leicester into England with an army of Flemings and others, there to join with Hugh Bigot, that both of them might as well by force as fair promises and gentle persuasions bring the whole realm unto the obedience of king Henry the son.  
The earl of Leicester therefore landing at Walton the 21. of September, 
Additions to john Pike.  passed through the country unto Framingham, where he was received of Hugh Bigot earl of Norfolk; and after that an other fleet of Flemings were arrived for their aid, they went unto Gipswich, where when they had remained a few days, 
Rog. Houed.  and augmented their forces by certain bands of men of war that belonged unto earl Bigot, they went to the castle of Haghenet (that belonged unto Ranulph Broc) which they took, spoiled & burned, & then returned to Framingham.  
After this, hearing that the countess of Leicester w●s arrived at Orreford with an other power of Flemings, they went to meet her: and so the earl of Leicester, having now a strong army about him, took leave of earl Bigot, and meant to pass through the country into Leicestershire, there to secure his friends, and to work some feat for the behoof and furtherance of their quarrel. line 10  
In the mean time the arrival of the earl of Leicester being known, the people of the country were assembled together. Also Richard Lucy lord chief justice, and Humphrey de Boun high constable of England, 
Rog. Houed.  with the king's power of horsemen which lately before had been in Scotland and made inroads there (as before is mentioned) came with all speed to save the country from spoil, having first taken a truce (as before is said) with the king of Scots, till the feast of Saint Hilary next ensuing (or rather line 20 Ester) hostages being delivered on both sides. Upon knowledge than had where the enemies were lodged, and what they intended to do, the said Richard Lucy & Humphrey de Boun came to Saint Edmundsburie, whither Reignold earl of Cornwall the king's uncle, 
Rog. Houed.  Robert earl of Gloucester, and William earl of Arundel resorted.  
In the mean while, the earl of Leicester passed forward on his way so far as Fornham a little village beside S. Edmundsburie. The lord chief justice line 30 & the earls before mentioned with a great army, and amongst others the said Humphrey de Boun, who had the leading of 300. knights, or men of arms at the king's wages, came out of S. Edmundsburie, having the banner of S. Edmund borne before them, & in a marish ground betwixt Fornham & Edmundsburie, they encountered with the said earl of Leicester, and after long and cruel fight discomfited his people, 
The earl of Leicester taken prisoner.  and took him prisoner, together with his wife the countess Petronill, after he had done all that line 40 belonged to a valiant captain.  

Rog. Houed. Polydor.  Some writ that there were killed on that day of his people to the number of ten thousand [and almost as many taken] verily [all the footmen of the Flemings being in number four or five thousand were either taken or slain:] the residue that escaped fled towards Leicester, that they might both defend the town & themselves from the danger of their foes. 
Wil parvus.   
¶ But here is to be noted, that it seemeth by the report of some writers, how the earl of Leicester had line 50 not so great an army there at that battle, as by others account of the number slain and taken it should appear he had. For at his departure from his companion in arms Hugh Bigot, he took upon him to pass through the country (as some writ) partly upon trust that he had of the force and number of his soldiers, being about four or five thousand stout and valiant footmen, besides 80 chosen and well appointed horsemen; and partly in hope that many of those which were in his adversaries camp, line 60 would rather turn to him than fight against him.  
He had a great confidence in the Flemings, who indeed presumed much upon their own strength, so that they made account of some great conquest, in such wise, that when they came into any large plain where they might rest, they would take each others by the hand, and leading a danse, sing in their country language, 

watch. Paris.  Hop hop Wilkine, hop Wilkine,  
England is mine and thine.   
King Henry receiving advertisement of the victory which his captains had thus gotten in England, was marvelous joyful, and commanded that the prisoners should be brought over unto him into Normandy: which being done, he went into Anjou, and there fortified the towns and castles of the country with sure garrisons of men, to resist all sudden invasions, secret practices, 
R. Houed. The town of Uandosme won.  and other attempts of the enemies. On the feast of S. Andrew the apostle, he took the town of Uandosme by force, which Buchard de Laverdin held against him, having first expelled his father the earl of Uandosme.  
About this season, or rather somewhat before, 
See his letter before in page 86.  king Henry the father (contrary to the prohibition of the king his son) and after the appeal made unto the pope) gave not only unto Richard prior of Dover, the archbishopric of Canturburie; but also to Reignold Fitz joceline the bishopric of Bath; to Richard de Worcester archdeacon of Poitiers the bishopric of Winchester; to Robert Foliot the bishopric of Hereford; to Geffrey Ridell archdeacon of Canturburie he gave the bishopric of Elie, and to john de Oxenford the bishopric of Chichester.  
But now to our purpose. 
Matt. Paris.  The nobles of the realm of England (after the 
* Which was fought on the 17. of October.  battle of S. Edmundsburie) with an infinite number of men went against Hugh Bigot in purpose to abate his pride. But whereas they might easily have had him at their pleasure, by means of such sums of money as he gave in bribes, a peace was granted to him till Whitsuntide, within which time having gotten together fourteen thousand Flemings, he passed through Essex, and so getting over into Kent, came to Dover, where he took ship and transported over into France.  
King Henry the father held his Christmas this year at Caen in Normandy, 
Anno. Reg. 20. 1174  about which time a truce was made betwixt him and king jews to endure till Easter, or (as others writ) for the term of six months. For ye have to understand, that the fame of the victory gotten by the captains of king Henry the father against the earl of Leicester (being not only spread through England, but also blown over into France) put those that took part with him in great fear; but specially king jews mistrusting the matter began to wax weary that he had attempted so far, and sustained so great travel and expenses in another man's cause.  
Whilst this truce endured, the archbishop of Canturburie being ready to return home in despair of his business, 
Ger. Dor.  upon a feigned rumour spread that there was a peace concluded betwixt the two kings, the father and son, he was called back and consecrated by the pope the sunday after Easter: and then furnished with the dignities of primate and legate of England, and other privileges according, he took his way homewards towards England, after he had laid forth great sums of money to disappoint the purposes of his adversaries.  
This year in june, the lord Geffrey the elect of Lincoln the king's son besieged the castle which Roger de Mowbray had repaired at Kinard Ferie, within the isle of Oxholme, and compelling the soldiers within to yield, he beat down and razed the same castle unto the very ground. Robert Mowbray constable of that castle, as he passed through the country towards Leicester, there to procure some aid, was taken by the men of Clay, and kept as prisoner. Moreover, the said elect of Lincoln took the castle of Malesert that belonged to the said Roger Mowbray, which being now taken, was delivered unto the keeping of the archbishop of York. The said elect also fortified a castle at Topclife, and took it to the keeping of William Stuteville. In this mean while the king took the strengths and fortresses which his son Richard had fortified at Xanctes, and in the same forts and church (which was also fortified against him) 60. knights or men of arms, and 400. archbalisters, that is, the best of them that bore crossbows.  

The oath of the earl of Flanders.  Philip earl of Flanders in the presence of the French king and other the peers of France, laying his hand upon the holy relics, swore that within 15. days next ensuing the feast of S. john then instant to enter England with an army, and to do his best to subdue the same to king Henry the son. Upon trust whereof the young king the more presuming came down to Whitsand, 
Additions to john Pike.  the 14. day of julie, that he might from thence send over into England line 10 Ralph de la Hay with certain bands of soldiers. Before this the earl of Flanders had sent over 318. knights or men of arms, as we may call them. But after their arrival at Orwell, which chanced the 14. of june, by reason that their associates were dispersed, and for the more part subdued, they took with them earl Hugh Bigot, and marching to Norwich, assaulted the city and won it, gaining there great riches, and specially in ready money, and led away a great sort of prisoners whom they line 20 ransomed at their pleasure. 
Matth. Paris. Ger. Dor.  This chanced the 18. of june.  
¶ I remember that William parvus writeth, that the city of Norwich was taken by the Flemings that came over with the earl of Leicester in the year last passed, by the conduct of the said earl before he was taken, and that after he had taken that city, being accompanied with earl Bigot, he led those Flemings also unto Dunwich, purposing to win and sack that town also: but the inhabitants being line 30 better provided against the coming of their enemies than they of Norwich were, showed such countenance of defence, that they preserved their town from that danger, so that the two earls with Flemings were constrained to departed without achieving their purpose. But whether that this attempt against Dunwich was made by the earl of Leicester (before his taking) in company of earl Bigot, I have not to avouch. But verily for the winning of Norwich, I suppose that William parvus mistaketh line 40 the time, except we shall say that it was twice taken, as first by the earl of Leicester in the year 1173. For it is certain by consent of most writers, and especially those that have recorded particularly the incidents that chanced here in this land during these troubles betwixt the king and his sons, that it was taken now this year 1174. by earl Bigot (as before we have showed.)  
But now to proceed. The lords that had the rule of the land for king Henry the father, perceiving line 50 earl Bigots' proceedings, sent knowledge thereof with all expedition to the king, as yet remaining in the parties beyond the seas. Whilst these things were a doing, although the minds of many of the conspirators against king Henry the father were inclined to peace, 
Additions to john Pike.  yet Roger Mowbray, and Hugh Bigot (by reason of this new supply of men got out of Flanders) ceased not to attempt fresh exploits: and chiefly they solicited the matter in such wise with William king of Scotland, that whilst they in line 60 other quarters of the realm played their parts, he entered into the confines of Cumberland, 
The king of Scots invadeth England.  and first besieged the city of Carlisle, but perceiving he could not win it in any short time, he left one part of his army to keep siege before it, and with the residue marched into the country alongst by the river of Eden, 
Castles won by the Scots.  taking by force the castles of Bourgh and Applebie, with diverse other. This done, he passed over the river, and came through Northumberland (wasting the country as he went) unto Alnewike, which place he attempted to win, though his labour therein proved but in vain.  
This enterprise which he made into Northumberland, he took in hand chiefly at the suit and request of Roger Mowbray, from whom Geffrey (who after was bishop of Lincoln) K. Henries eldest base son had taken two of his castles, so that he kept the third with much ado. He had given his eldest son in hostage unto the said king of Scots for assurance of such covenants to be kept on his behalf as were passed betwixt them. 
Polydor. Duncane a Scotish captain wasteth Kendal.  In the mean time one Duncane or Rothland, with an other part of the Scotish army entered into Kendal, and wasted that country in most cruel wise, neither sparing age nor sex, insomuch that he broke into the churches, slew those that were fled into the same for safeguard of their lives as well priests as other. The English power of horsemen which passed not the number of 400. was assembled at Newcastle, under the leading of Robert de Stouteville, Ra●e glanvil, 
Wil parvus. R. Houed.  William Ursie, Bernard Balliolle [and Odonet de Umfreiville.]  
These captains having knowledge that Duncane was in one side of the country, and king William in another, determined to issue forth and try the chance of war (which is doubtful and uncertain, according to the old saying, Fortuna belli semper ancipiti in loco est) 
Sen. in The.  against the enemies, sith it should be a great rebuke to them to suffer the country to be wasted after that sort without revengement. Hereupon riding forth one morning, there arose such a thick fog and mist that they could not discern any way about them, so that doubting to fall within the laps of their enemies at unwares, they stayed a while to take advise what should be best for them to do. Now when they were almost fully resolved to have turned back again, by the comfortable words and bold exhortation of Bernard Balliolle, they changed their purpose, 
Bernard de Balliolle.  and road forward, till at length the northern wind began to waken, and drove away the mist, so that the country was discovered unto them, and perceiving where Alnewike stood, not knowing as yet whether the Scots had won it or not, they stayed their pace, and riding softly, at length learning by the inhabitants of the country, that the Scotish king despairing to win Alnewike, had raised his siege from thence the same day, they turned straight thither, and lodging there all night, in the morning got to their horses very early, riding forth towards the enemies that were spread abroad in the country to forrey the same. They had anon espied where the king was, and incontinently compassed him about on every side, who perceiving the English horsemen ready thus to assail him, with all diligence called back his men from the spoil; but the more part of them being strayed far off through the sweetness they found in getting of preys, could not hear the sound of the trumpets, yet notwithstanding with those his horsemen which he could get together, he encountered the English men which came upon him very hastily.  
The battle was begun very fiercely at the first, and well fought for a time, but the Scotish horsemen being toiled before in forreieng the country, could not long continue against the fierce assault of the English, but were either beaten down, or else constrained to save themselves by flight. The king with a few other (who at the first had begun the battle) was taken. 
The king of Scots taken.  Also many of the Scots who being far off, and yet hearing of the skirmish, came running toward the place, & were taken yer they could understand how the matter had passed. This taking of the king of Scots was on a saturday, being the seventh of julie. 
Ger. Dor.   
The English captains having thus taken the Scotish king in the midst of his army, containing the number of 80000 men, returned to Newcastle, 
Wil parvus.  greatly rei●ising of their good success, advertising king Henry the father hereof with all speed, who as then was come over from Normandy, 
Matt. Paris. Matth. West. Wil parvus. Ger. Dor.  and was (the same day that the Scotish king was taken) at Canturburie, making his prayers there before the sepulture of the archbishop Becket (as after it shall appear.)  

Polydor.  In the mean while and somewhat before this time, the earl of Leicester's men, which lay at Leicester under the conduct of Robert Ferreis earl of Derby (as some writ) or rather of Anketille Malorie line 10 constable or governor (if we shall so call him, as Roger Hoveden saith) came to Northampton, where they fought with them of that town, and getting the victory, 
This chanced a little after Whitsuntide.  took two hundred prisoners, and slew or wounded near hand as many more, and so with this good success in that enterprise returned again to Leicester, from whence they first set forth. The king's horsemen hereupon came streightwaies to Northampton, and following the enemies, could not overtake them. line 20  

Rob. Ferreis.  Robert Ferreis' earl of Derby being now come unto Leicester in aid of them that lay there, stayed not passed ten days: but finding means to increase his number of horsemen, 
Polydor. Rog. Houed. Nottingham taken.  suddenly made to Nottingham, which Reignold de Lucy had in keeping, and coming thither early in the morning took it, drove out the king's soldiers that lay there in garrison, burned the town, slew the inhabitants, and divided their goods amongst his soldiers: which thing put the country about in such fear, that many of line 30 the inhabitants submitted themselves unto him.  
King Henry the son being hereof advertised by letters oftentimes sent unto him by this Robert Ferreis, and other his friends here in England, eftsoons concei●ed some good hope to obtain his purpose: and therefore determined to prepare for the war. Hereupon he purchased aid of king jews, who (because the truce which he had taken with king Henry the father was now expired) thought it was reason to further his son in laws enterprise so line 40 far as in him lay. 
Wil parvus.  Wherefore he made his provision at graveling, and there encamping with his people, stayed till his ships were ready to transport him and his army, which consisted of certain horsemen, and of a number of Brabanders.  
King Henry the father being informed both of his sons purpose, and of the doings in England, with all possible speed determined to pass over into England, and therefore got his soldiers a shipboard, among whom were certain bands of his Brabanders: 
Polydor.  line 50 and so soon as the wind blew to his mind, he caused the sails to be hoist up, and the navy to set forward. Being landed, he repaired first unto Canturburie, there to make his prayers, doubting lest the blood of the archbishop Thomas Becket being shed through his occasion, 
Wil parvus.  did yet require vengeance against him for that fact. From Canturburie he came to London, and took order for the placing of captains with their bands in certain towns about the coast, to defend the landing places, where he line 60 thought his son was like to arrive. Then went he to Huntingdon, 
Huntingdon castle won.  and subdued the castle there the 19 of julie: for the knights and other soldiers that were within it yielded themselves to the king's mercy, their lives and limbs saved.  
After this, assembling his people on all sides, he made his general musters at S. Edmundsburie, 
R. Houed.  and determined to besiege the castles of Bunghey and Framingham, 
Matth. Paris. Earl Bigot is accorded with the K.  which the earl Hugh Bigot held against him, who mistrusting that he was not able to defend himself and those places against the king, agreed with the king to have peace, paying him the sum of a thousand marks by composition. This agreement was concluded the 25. of julie. Hereupon a multitude of the Flemings which Philip earl of Flanders had sent into England (as before is mentioned) upon their oath received, 
The Flemings sent home.  not afterwards to come as enemies into England, had licence to return into their country. Also the bands of soldiers that came into the realm with Ralph de la Hay departed without impechment by the king's sufferance.  
The king having thus accomplished that which stood with his pleasure in those parties, 
R. Houed.  removed from thence and drew towards Northampton. To which town after his coming thither, 
The king of Scots presented to the king of England.  the king of Scots was brought with his feet bound under the horses belly. Thither also came the bishop of Durham, and delivered to the king the castles of Durham, Norham, and Allerton. Thither also came to the king Roger mowbray, and surrendered to him the castle of Treske, and Robert earl Ferreis delivered up into his hands the castles of Tutburie and Duffield, and Anketill Mallorie, and William de Dive constables to the earl of Leicester yielded to the king the castles of Cicester, Grobie, and Mountsorell, to the intent that he should deal more courteously with the earl their master. 
The earl of Gloucester. The earl Richard of Clare  Also William earl of Gloucester, and earl Richard of Clare submitted themselves to the king, and so he brought all his adversaries within the realm of England unto such subjection as he himself wished; so that the king having achieved the upper hand of his enemies returned to London.  
¶ All this hurlie burlie and bloody tumult, was partly to be ascribed to the king himself, who over tenderly favouring his son, did deject and abase himself to advance the other; partly to the ambitious disposition of the youth, who was charged with royalty, before he had learned sufficient loyalty, else would he not have made insurrections against his father, that himself might obtain the monarchy, and the old king do him homage: and partly to the queens discontented or rather malicious mind, whose duty it had been (notwithstanding such dishonour done her by the king in abusing his body unlawfully) so little to have thought of stirring commotions betwixt the father and the sons, that she should rather have lulled the contention asleep, and done what she possibly could to quench the fervent fire of strife with the water of pacification. But true it is that hath been said long ago, 
Mulier nihil novit nisi quod vult,  
Et plenum malorum est onus. 
Pub. Mi●.    
But what ensued hereupon even by way of chastisement, but that which commonly lighteth upon tumult-raisers; namely, either loss of life, or at least restraint of liberty? For the king after this happy achievement of his warlike affairs, being ruled by reason and advise (as it is likely) would not that so smoking a firebrand (as queen Elinor had proved herself to be) should still annoy his eyes, 
Queen Elinor is committed to close prison.  and therefore (whether in angry or quiet mood, that is doubtful) he committed her to close prison, because she had procured his sons Richard and Geffrey to join with their elder brother against him their father (as before ye have partly heard).  
But to proceed, king jews being advertised that there was no great number of men of war left in Normandy to defend the country, raised a power, and coming to Roven, besieged it very straitly. 
Polydor.  Shortly after also king Henry the son and Philip earl of Flanders came thither, meaning to obtain the possession of Normandy first, and after to go into England. 
Roven besieged by the French king. Wil parvus.  The citizens of Roven perceiving in what danger they stood, without faint hearts prepared all things necessary for defence, and did every thing in order, purposing not to give over their city for any threats or menaces of their enemies. Now whilst they within were busy in devising how to repel the assault, and to defend themselves, the adversaries about midnight came forth of their camp, and approaching the walls with their ladders, raised them up, and began to scale the city. But the citizens being advised thereof, boldly got them to the loops and towers, overthrew the ladders of the enemies that were coming up, and with arrows, stones and darts beat them back, to their great loss and overthrow. Howbeit though the enemies line 10 could not prevail thus to get the city by this assault, yet they continued the siege, and suffered not them within to be in quiet, but day and night assailed them by one means or other.  

Rog. Houed. King Henry returneth into Normandy.  King Henry the father being advertised hereof, after he had set his business in order, touching the surety and safe defence of the English estate, he returned into Normandy, and landed at Harfleet on a thursday being the eight day of August, bringing back again with him his Brabanders, and a thousand line 20 Welshmen. In this mean while, king jews continued still his siege before Roven, constreining them within by all means he could devise to yield up their city. At length came the feast of Saint Laurence, on which day the French king commanded that no man should attempt any enterprise against the citizens, granting them truce for that day, in worship of that saint. This truce was so acceptable a thing to them within, that they forgetting themselves, without all respect to the danger wherein the line 30 city stood, threw off their armour, and gave themselves to sleep and rest. Some also fell to banqueting and other pastimes in very dissolute manner.  
¶ But through this their remiss usage and lose behaviour, and forgetting that a temporary truce is no safe warrant of security and peace, they derived danger and destruction to themselves; which it had been their parts providently to have prevented, and not through their carelessness to set open a gap of advantage to their enemies, who pursued them with line 40 professed hostility, notwithstanding they reposed confidence in the truce that was granted. Herein they are to be resembled to the cooks of whom Plautus speaketh very neatly, saying, 
— coquos equidem nimis  
Demiror, qui tot utuntur condimentis, eos eo  
Condimento non utier quod praestat omnibus,  Meaning sobriety: so these delighting more in their dishes, than mistrusting their enemies, remembered to take the use of any pleasure that the convenientness line 50 of this present time might proffer; only as cooks among all their sauces do mind nothing less than soberness: so these in the abundance of their joys, thought nothing of afterclaps, which afterwards made them (like fools) to sing an unhappy had I witted. For the Frenchmen, perceiving this their negligence, required licence of the French king to give assault to the city, declaring in what state the matter presently stood; who not meaning to violate the reverence of that day, and his promised line 60 faith, with any such unlawful attempt, commanded his men of war that made the request in no wise to stir. 
The Frenchmen assault the city, without commandment of their king. Two priests.  Howbeit the soldiers upon covetousness of the spoil, raised the ladders to that part of the wall which they judged to be most without warders, so that some of them mounting aloft, got up, and were about to help up their fellows.  
Now it happened (as God would have it) that two priests being gone up into the steeple of the chief church, to look about them for their pleasures, fortuned to see where the French men were about to enter the city, and streightwaies gave knowledge to the citizens beneath. Whereupon the alarm rose, insomuch that with all speed the people ran to the place, and with such violence came upon their enemies which were entered upon the walls, 
The Frenchmen are repelled.  that streightwaies they slew many of them, and chased the residue out of the ditches, so that they returned with bleeding wounds to their camp, repenting them of their unhappy enterprise, that turned them to such woe and grievance.  
The same day a little before night, 
Polydor.  king Henry the father came unto Roven, and was received into the city with great joy and gladness: for he came thither by chance, even about the time that the city had thus like to have been surprised & taken at unwares.  
¶ There be that writ, 
Matt. Paris.  how the French king (immediately upon the arrival of king Henry) left his field and departed, greatly to his dishonour, burning up his engines of war, and not staying till his men might have leisure to charge their wagons with their armour and other stuff, which they were glad to leave behind for a prey to the English men issuing forth upon them. But other declare, that the French king being nothing abashed of king Henry's coming, continued the siege, in hope to win the city.  
The next day early in the morning (or as other say in the night season) the king did send forth a certain number of Welshmen to pass over the river of Saine, which they did, 
R. Houed. The Welshman's good service.  and by force made themselves way through the French camp, getting without loss or danger unto a great wood, and slew that day of their adversaries above an hundred men. After this, lying abroad in the country, they skirmished daily with the French horsemen, 
Nic. Trivet.  and oft times cut off such provision of victuals as came to nourish the camp. The king himself on the other side remaining within the city, caused his people to issue out at the gates, and to keep the enemies occupied with skirmishes afore the city. And moreover, 
Rog. Houed.  where there was a great trench cast betwixt the French camp and the walls of the city, he caused the same to be filled up with faggots, stones, and earth. But although the French men saw this the king's deed well enough, yet none of them issued forth of their tents to hinder the English of their purpose.  
Now king jews being sore vexed with his enemies on each side, and perceiving the city would not be won within any short time, began to wax weary, and to repent himself (as afore) for taking in hand so chargeable and great a war for another man's quarrel. 
The French king maketh an overture for peace.  Whereupon he caused William bishop of Sens, and Theobald earl of Blois to go to king Henry, and to promise upon forbearance from war for a time, to find means to reconcile him and his sons, between whom unnatural variance rested. Whereof K. Henry being most desirous, and taking a truce, appointed to come to guysor's [in the feast of the nativity of our lady] there to meet king jews, 
N. Trivet. A truce.  that they might talk of the matter and bring it to some good end.  
The French king, 
The French king leaveth his siege.  so soon as he knew that truce was taken, raised his siege, and returning home, within a few days after (according to the appointment) came to guysor's, and there communed with king Henry: but because he could not make any agreement betwixt him and his sons at that time, he appointed another time to meet about it. King Henry the father (whilst the truce continued with the French king) and his son Henry went to Poictou, where his son Richard (whilst his father had been occupied in other places) had gotten the most part of the country into his possession. But now hearing of his father's coming, and that a truce was taken with the French king and with his brother, he considered with himself, that without their assistance he was not able to withstand his father's power. Howbeit at length choosing rather to try the matter with force of arms, 
Richard the king's son prepareth to resist his father.  than cowardly to yield, he prepared for defence, furnishing diverse towns and castles with garrisons of men: and assembling together all the other power that he was able to make, c●me into the field, & pitched his tents not far off from his father. In the mean while, which way soever his father passed, the towns and castles submitted themselves unto him, 
He beginneth to despair of good success.  so that Richard began to despair of the matter, insomuch that he durst line 10 not approach near his father, but kept aloof, doubting to be entrapped.  
At length when he had considered his own state, and weled how unthankefullie the French king and his brother had dealt with him, in having no consideration of him at such time as they took truce, 
Polydor.  he determined to alter his purpose, and having some good hope in his father's clemency, thought best to try it, which he found to be the best way that he could have taken. For oftentimes it chanceth, that latter line 20 thoughts are better advised than the first, as the old saying is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Hereupon Richard laying armour aside, came of his own accord unto his father on the 21. of September, 
The son submitteth himself to the father.  and asked pardon. His father most courteously receiving him, made so much of him as though he had not offended at all. Which example of courtesy prevailed much to the alluring of his other sons to come to a reconciliation. For the bringing whereof line 30 to speedy effect, he sent this Richard unto king jews, and to his other son Henry, to comen with them of peace, at which time earl Richard did so effectually his message, that he brought them both in good forwardness to agree to his father's purpose, so that there was a day appointed for them to meet with their father, betwixt Towers in Touraine and Ambois.  

Ger. Dor. The father & sons are accorded.  King Henry rejoicing hereat, kept his day (being the morrow after the feast of S. Michael) and line 40 there met him both king jews, and his two sons Henry and Geffrey, where finally the father and the sons were accorded; he promising to receive them into favour upon these conditions. 
The conditions of the agreement.   
1 First the prisoners to be released freely without ransom on both sides, and their offences, which had taken either the one part or the other, to be likewise pardoned.  

R. Houed.  2 Out of this article were excepted all those which before the concluding of this peace had already line 50 compounded for their ransoms, as the king of Scots, the earls of Leicester and Chester, and Ralph Fulgiers, with their pledges.  
3 It was also agreed, that all those castles which had been builded in time of this war, should be razed and thrown down, and all such cities, towns, castles, countries and places, as had been won by either part during these wars, should be restored unto those persons that held the same, and were in possession of them 15. days before the departure of the line 60 sons from king Henry the father.  
4 That king Henry the father should assign to his sons more large revenues for maintenance of their estates, with a caution included, that they should not spend the same riotously in any prodigal sort or manner.  
5 To the king his son, he gave two castles in Normandy, 
R. Houed.  with an increase of yearly revenues, to the sum of 15. thousand pounds Aniovin.  
6 To his son Richard he gave two houses in Poictou, 
Richard.  with the one half of all the revenues of the county of Poictou to be received and taken in ready money.  

Geffrey.  7 And to his son Geffrey he granted in money, the moiety of that which he should have by the marriage of earl Conans daughter, and after he had married her by licence purchased of the pope, he should enjoy all the whole livings and revenues that descended to her, as in her father's writing thereof more at large was contained.  
8 On the other part, king Henry the son covenanted to & with the king his father, that he would perform and confirm all those gifts, which his father should grant out of his lands, & also all those gifts of lands which he either had made and assured, or hereafter should make and assure unto any of his men for any of their services: & likewise those gifts which he had made unto his son john the brother of king Henry the son; namely, 
john,  a thousand pounds in lands by year in England of his demain and excheats with the appurtenances, and the castle and county of Nottingham, with the castle of Marlebrough, & the appurtenances. Also a thousand pounds Aniovin of yearly revenues in Normandy, and two castles there. And in Anjou a thousand pounds Aniovin, of such lands as belonged to the earl of Anjou, with one castle in Anjou, and one in Touraine, and another in main.  
Thus were the father and sons agreed and made friends, the sons covenanting never to withdraw their services and bounden duties from their father, but to obey him in all things from that day forward. Herewith also the peace was renewed betwixt king Henry and king jews, and for the further confirmation, 
A marriage concluded.  a new alliance was accorded betwixt them, which was, that the lady Adela the daughter of king jews should be given in marriage unto earl Richard the son of king Henry, who because she was not yet of age able to marry, she was conveyed into England to be under the guiding of king Henry, till she came to lawful years.  
Thus the peace being concluded, king Henry forgetting all injuries passed, brought home his sons in manner aforesaid, who being well pleased with the agreement, attended their father into Normandy, 
Wil parvus▪  where Richard and Geffrey did homage to him, receiving their oaths of allegiance according to the manner in that case required. But king Henry the son did no homage, 
R. Houed. Wil parvus saith that he did homage also.  for his father (in respect that he was a king) would not suffer him, and therefore took only sureties of him for performance of the covenants on his part, as was thought expedient.  
¶ All this dissension and strife was kindled (no doubt) by the means of certain sowers of discord, sycophants, parasites, flatterers, clawback's, & pickthanks, who had learned their lesson, that Principibus placuisse viris non ultima laus est, and thinking by their embossed speech to tickle the ears and hearts of the young princes, who by reason of their young years and nakedness of experience in the course of worldly matters, sought their own advancement, even by flinging fiery faggots of dissension between them, whose hearts natural affection had united. For by the tenor of the story (mark it who will) we shall fee that no attempt of the sons against the father but had original from the suggestions of evil disposed persons, who (like eels that fatten not in fair running water, but in muddy motes and ponds) sought honour in hurlie burlies, & reached out long arms to riches by many a ones impoverishment. This to be true, the small event and issue proveth; namely, the mutual atonement and reconciliation woven between the father and the sons; their remorse for their undutifulness, his loving favour and graciousness; their promptness to yield to conditions of agreement, his forwardness to give consent to covenants required; their readiness to do the old king homage, his acceptable admission of their proffered service; with other circumstances to be collected out of the story, all which do prove that this their disloyal resistance sprang rather by others incitement, than of their own seeking. Thus we see what alterations happen in the actions of men, and that evil things many times (though naturally bad) do infer their contraries, as one aptly saith, Discordia fit charior concordia.  

Willi. king of Scots delivered out of prison with other  At length king Henry went to Faleise, and there delivered out of captivity William king of Scotland, line 10 Robert earl of Leicester, Hugh earl of Chester, with diverse other Noble men which were kept there as prisoners, putting them to their ransoms, and receiving of them pledges with an oath of allegiance. This king Henry the father released for his part the number of nine hundred 69. knights or men of arms (if ye list so to term them) which had been taken since the beginning of these passed wars. 
Matth. Paris. Prisoners released.   
As for king Henry the son he also set at liberty above an hundred, and that without ransom line 20 paying, according to the articles of the peace (as before you have heard.) But yet some (as is already specified) were excepted out of the benefit of that article, as William king of Scotland, who being not able to pay his ransom in present money, delivered up in gage four of the strongest castles within his realm into king Henry's hands, namely, Barwike, 
Castles delivered by the K. of Scots.  Edenbourgh, Roxbourgh, and Sterling, with condition, that if he broke the peace, and paid not the money behind due for his ransom, king Henry line 30 and his successors should enjoy for ever the same castles. He also covenanted, not to receive any English rebels into his realm. Other writ that the king of Scots did not only become the king of England's liegeman at this time, 
N. Trivet. Matth. Paris.  and covenanted to do homage unto him for the realm of Scotland, and all other his lands, but also delivered the castles of Barwike, and Roxbourgh to be possessed of the same king of England and his heirs for ever, without any covenant mentioned of mortgage. line 40  
Things being settled thus in good order, king Henry leaving his son Henry at Roven, went to Argenton, and there held his Christmas, and afterwards, namely in the feast of the purification of our lady, 
Rog. Houed.  both the kings (as well the father as the son) were at Mauns, year 1175 and upon their return from thence into Normandy, came to a communication with the French king at guysor's, 
The kings of England and France meet at guysor's.  and then being come back into Normandy at Bure, the son (to put the father out of all doubt and mistrust of any evil meaning line 50 in him) swore fealty to him against all persons, and so became his liegeman in the presence of Rothrod archbishop of Roven, Henry bishop of Baieux William earl of Mandeville, Richard de Hun●ez his constable, and many other.  
After this they kept their easter at Chirebourgh▪ from whence they came to Caen, where they met with Philip earl of Flanders, 
Philip earl of Flanders.  who had lately before taken on him the cross, to go to the holy land: where king Henry the father required him to release all line 60 such covenants as king Henry the son had made unto him in time of his last wars, which he freely did, and delivered up the writing that he had of the same king concerning those covenants, and so they confirmed unto him the yearly rent which he was wont to receive out of England, before the said wars.  

Polydor.  Finally, when king Henry had visited the most part of the country, he came to Harflew, and caused his navy to be decked and rigged, that he might sail over into England. Whilst he tarried here till his ships were ready, he sent letters to his son king Henry, willing him to repair unto him, and meaning that he should accompany him into England. 
Envious persons ready to forge matters of suspicion.  Who at the first was loath to obey his father's will and pleasure herein, because some envious persons about him had put in his head a doubt, lest his father had not altogether forgot his former grudge, and that he meant at his coming into England to commit him to prison. Which was a surmise altogether void of likeliehood, considering that the father, in the whole process of his actions between himself and his sons, was so far from the desire of inflicting any corporal punishment, or levying any fine upon them for their misdemenour, that he always sought means of reconcilement and pacification. And though this Henry the son for his part deserved to be roughly dealt withal; yet the father handled him so gently with courteous letters & messages, that shortly after he came of his own accord unto Harflew, from whence shortly after they sailed both together over into England, landing at Portsmouth on a friday being the ninth of May, 
The two kings the father and the son return into England.  from thence they took their journey straight to London, all the ways being full of people that came to see them, and to show themselves glad and joyful of their concord and happy arrival. At their coming to the city they were received with great rejoicing of the people, beseeching God long to preserve them both in health and honour.  
The same year William de Breause having got a great number of Welshmen into the castle of Abergavennie, 
William de Breause.  under a colourable pretext of communication, proponed this ordinance to be received of them with a corporal oath; That no traveler by the way amongst them should bear any bow, or other unlawful weapon. Which oath when they refused to take, 
The Welshmen not well dealt withal.  because they would not stand to that ordinance he condemned them all to death. This deceit he used towards them in revenge of the death of his uncle Henry of Hereford, whom upon easter even before, they had through treason murdered, and were now acquitted with the like again.  
The same year died Reignold earl of Cornwall, 
N. Trivet. Reignold earl of Cornwall departed this life.  bastard son to king Henry the first without heirs male, by reason whereof the king took into his hands all the inheritance of lands and livings which he held within England, Normandy and Wales, except certain portions which the daughters of the same earl had by assignment allotted to them. Also Richard earl of Gloucester deceased this year, and his son Philip succeeded him.  
The same year was a synod of the clergy kept at Westminster, 
Matth. West. A synod held at London.  wherein many things were decreed for the conservation of religion. Amongst other things it was provided, that those abbeys and churches which were void of governors, and could have none placed in them by the time of the late civil wars, should now be committed unto men worthy to enjoy the same, for the reformation of disorders grown and plentifully sprung up in time of the vacations.  
The realm now brought into good order and delivered from the troubles of war, as well at home as abroad, 
W. parvus. The king of Scots doth homage to the king of England.  the king being at good leisure determined to ride about a great part of the realm, and coming to York, sent for the king of Scots to come and do his homage. Now the king of Scots (according to covenants before concluded) came unto York in the month of August, where doing his homage about the twentieth day of the same month in S. Peter's church, the king granted further by his letters patents, that he and his successors kings of Scotland, should do homage and fealty to the kings of England, so often as they should be necessarily required thereunto. In sign and token of which subjection, the king of Scots offered his hat and his saddle upon the altar of S. Peter in York, which for a remembrance hereof was kept there many years after that day.  

The charter containing the articles of the peace and agreement concluded betwixt the two kings, which was read in S. Peter's church at the same time, exemplified as followeth. line 10  
WIlhelmus rex Scotiae devenit homo ligius domini regis Angliae contra omnes homines, 
R. Houed.  de Scotia & de alijs terris suis, & fidelitatem ei fecit ut ligio domino suo sicut alij homines sui ipsi facere solent. Similiter fecit homagium Henrico filio regis salva fide domini regis patris sui.  
2 Omnes vero epis●. abbates & clerus terrae Scotiae & successores suifacient domino regi sicut ligio domino fidelitatem, de quibus habere volverit, sicut alij episcopi sui ipsi facere solent, & line 20 Henric● filio suo & David & haeredibus eorum.  
3 Concessit autem rex Scotiae, & frater eius, & barones, & alij homines sui domino regi, quòd ecclesia Scotiae talem subiectionem amodò faciet ecclesiae Angliae, qu●lem facere debet, & solebat tempore regum Angliae praedecessorum suorum.  
4 Similiter Richardus episcopus Sancti Andreae, & Richardus episcopus Dunkelden▪ & Gaufridus abbas de Dunfermlin. & Herbertus prior de Coldingham concesserunt, ut ecclesia Anglicana illud habea●ius in ecclesia Scotiae, quod de iure debet habere: & quod ipsi non erunt contraius Anglicanae ecclesiae. line 30 Et de hac concessione sicut quando ligiam fidelitatem domino regi & domino Henrico filio suo fecerint, ita eos inde assecuraverint.  
5 Hoc idem facient alij episcopi & clerus Scotiae, per conventionem inter dominum regem Scotiae & David fratrem suum & barones suos factam, comites & barones & alij homines de terra regis Scotiae (de quibus dominus rex habere volverit) facient ei homagium contra omnem hominem, & f●delitatem ut ligio domino suo sicut alij homines sui facere ei solent, & Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis salva fide domini regis patris line 40 fui. Similiter haeredes regis Scotiae & baronum & hominum suorum homagium & ligiantiam facient haeredibus domini regis contra omnem hominem.  
6 Praeterea rex Scotiae & homines sui nullum am●●o fugitiwm de terra domini regis pro felonia receptabunt, vel in alia terra sua nisi volverit venire ad rectum in curia domini regis & stare iud●io curiae. Sed rex Scotiae & homines sui quàm citius poterunt eum capient, & domino regi reddent, vel iusticiarijs suis aut ballivis suis in Anglia. line 50  
7 Si autem de terra regis Scotiae aliquis laxatiuus fuerit pro felonia in Anglia, nisi volverit venire ad rectum in curia domini regis Scotiae, &▪ stare judicio curiae, non receptabitur in terra regis, sed liberabitur hominibus regis Scotiae▪ per ballivos domini regis ubi inventus fuerit.  
8 Praeterea homines domini regis habebunt terras suas quas habebant, & habere debent de domino rege, & hominibus suis, & de rege Scotiae & de hominibus suis. Et homines regis Scotiae habebunt terras suas, quas habebant, & habere debent de domino rege & hominibus suis. Pro ista vero conuentione line 60 & fine firmiter obseruando domino regi & Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis à rege Scotiae & haeredibus suis, liberavit rex Scotiae domino regi castellum de Roxburgh, & castellum Puellarum, & castellum de Striueling, in manu domini regis, & ad custodienda castella assignabit rex Scotiae de redditu suo mesurabiliter ad voluntatem domini regis.  
9 Praeterea pro praedicta conuentione & fine exequendo, liberavit rex Scotiae domino regi david fratrem suum in obside● & comitem Duncanum, & comitem Waldenum, similiter alios comites & barones cum alijs viris potentibus quorum numerus 18. Et quando castella reddita fuerint illis, rex Scotiae & David frater suus liberabuntur. Comites quidem & barones praenominati unusquisque postquam liberaverit obsidem suum, scilicet filium legitimum, qui habuerit, & alij nepotes suos vel propinquiores sibi haeredes, & castellis ut dictum est redditis liberabuntur.  
10 Praeterea rex Scotiae & barones sui praenominati assecuraverunt, quòd ipsi bona fide, & sine malo ingenio, & sine occasione facient ut episcopi & barones & caeteri homines terrae suae, qui non affuerunt quando rex Scotiae cum domino rege finiuit● eandem ligiantiam & fidelitatem domino regi & Henrico filio suo quam ipsi fecerunt, & ut barones, & homines qui affuerunt obsides, liberabunt domino regi de quibus habere volverit.  
11 Praeterea episc. comites & barones conventionaverunt domino regi & Henrico filio suo, quòd sirex Scotiae aliquo casu à fidelitate domini regis & filii, & à conuentione praedicta recederet, ipsi cum domino rege tenebunt sicut cum ligio domino suo contra regem Scotiae, & contra omnes homines ei inimicantes. Et episcopi sub interdicto ponent terram regis Scotiae donet ipse ad fidelitatem domini regis redeat.  
12 Praedictam itaque conventionem firmiter obseruandam bona fide, & sine malo ingenio domino regi & Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis à Wilhelmo rege Scotiae & David fratre suo & baronibus suis praedictis, & haeredibus eorum assecuravit ipse rex Scotiae, & David frater eius, & omnes barones sui praenominati sicut ligij homines domino regis contra omnem hominem, & Henrici filii sui (salva fidelitate patris sui) hijs testibus, Richardo episcopo Abrincensi, & johann Salisburiae decano, & Roberto abbate Malmesburiae, & Radulpho abbate Mundesburg, nec non alijs abbatibus, comitibus & baronibus, & duobus filijs suis scilicet Richardo & Galfrido.   
These things being recited in the church of S. Peter's in York, in the presence of the said kings, & of David the king of Scots brother, and before an innumerable number of other people, the bishops, earls, barons and knights of Scotland swore fealty to the king of England and to Henry his son, and to their heirs against all men, as to their liege and sovereign lords.  
King Henry having ended his business at York with the king of Scots and others, which likewise did homage to him there, returned to London, in the octaves of S. Michael, 
A parliament at Windsor.  and he called a parliament at Windsor, whereat were present king Henry the son, Richard archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops of England, Laurence archbishop of Dublin with a great number of earls and barons of this realm. 
Ambassadors from K. Connagh.  About the same time the archbishop of Tuamon, and the abbot of S. Brandon, with Laurence the chancellor of Roderike king of Connagh in Ireland were come as ambassadors from the said Roderike, unto king Henry, who willingly heard them, as he that was more desi●●●s to grow to some accord with those savage people by some friendly order, than to war with them that had nothing to lose: so that he might in pursuing of them seem to fish with an hook of gold. Therefore in this parliament the matter was debated, and in the end a peace concluded at the request of the said ambassadors, the king appointing Roderike to pay unto him in token of subjection, a tribute of ox hides. 
A tribute of ox hides.   

The charter of the agreement was written and subscribed in form as followeth.  
HAec est finis & concordia quae facta fuit apud Windshore in octavis sancti Michaelis an. Gratiae 1175. inter dominum regem Angliae Henr. secundum, 
The tenor of the charter of the agreement.  & Rodericum regem Conaciae, per catholicum Tuamensem archiep. & abbatem C. sancti Brandani, & magistrum L. cancellarium regis Conaciae.  
1 Scilicet quòd rex Angliae concedit praedicto Roderico ligi● homini suo regnum Conaciae, quamdus ei fideliter seruiet, ut sit rex sub eo, paratus ad seruicium suum sicut homo suus, & ut teneat terram suam ita bene & in pace, sicut tenuit antequam dominus rex Angliae intraret Hiberniam, reddendo ei trilutum & totam aliam terram, & habitatores terrae habeat sub se, & iusticiet ut tributum regi Angliae integrè persoluant, & per manum eius suai●ra sibi conseruent. Et illi qui modò tenent, teneant in pace quamdiu manserint in fidelitate regis Angliae, & fideliter & integrè persoluerint tributum & alia iura sua quae ei debent per manum regis Conaciae, saluo in omnibus iure & honore domini regis Angliae & suo.  
2 Et si qui ex eye regi Angliae & ei rebelles fuerint, & tributum & alia iura regis Angliae per manum eius solvere noluerint, & à fidelitate regis Angliae recesserint, ipse line 10 eos iusticiet & amoveat. Et si eos per se insticiare non poterit, constabularius regis Angliae, & familia sua de terra illa iwabunt eum ad hoc faciendum, cùm ab ipso fuerint requisiti, & ipsi viderint quòd necesse fuerit. Et propter hunc finem reddet praedictus rex Conaciae domino regi Angliae tributum singulis annis, scilicet de singulis decem animalibus unum corium placabile mercatoribus, tam de tot● terra sua, quám de aliena.  
3 Excepto quòd de terris illis quas dominu● rex Angliae retinuit in dominio suo, & in dominio baronum suorum, nihil line 20 se intromittet, scilicet Duuelin● cum pertinentijs suis, & Midia cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, sicut unquam Marchat Wamailethlachlin eam meliùs & pleniùs tenuit, aut aliqui qui eam de eo tenuerint. Et excepta Wesefordia, cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, scilicet cum tota lagenia. Et excepta Waterfordia cum tota terra illa, quae est à Waterford usque ad Duncarnam, ita ut Duncarnam sit cum omnibus pertinentijs suis infra terram illam.  
4 Et si Hibernenses qui aufugerint, redire volverint ad terram baronum regis Angliae, redeant in pace, reddendo trilutum line 30 praedictum quod alij reddunt, vel faciendo antiqua seruicia quae facere solebant pro terris suis. Et hot sit in arbitrio dominorum suorum. Et si aliqui eorum redire noluerint, domini eorum & rex Conaciae accipiat obsides ab omnibus quos ei commisit dominus rex Angliae ad voluntatem domini regis & suam. Et ipse dabit obsides ad voluntatem domini regi● Angliae illos vel alios, & ipsi seruient domino de canibus & avibus suis singulis annis de praesentis suis. Et nullum omninò de quacunque terra regis sit, retinebunt contra voluntatem domini regis & mandatum. Hijs testibus, Richardo episcopo line 40 Wintoniae, Gaufrido episcopo Eliensi, Laurentio Dwelinensi archiepiscopo, Gaufrido, Nicholas, & Rogero capellanis regis, Guilhelmo comite de Essex, & alijs multis.   
Moreover, at this parliament the king gave an Irishman named Augustine, the bishopric of Waterford, which see was then void, and sent him into Ireland with Laurence the archbishop of Dubline to be consecrated of Donat the archbishop of Cassels. The same year, both England and the countries adjoining line 50 were sore vexed with a great mortality of people, 
A great dearth.  and immediately after followed a sore dearth and famine.  
King Henry held his Christmas at Windsor, and about the feast of the conversion of saint Paul he came to Northampton, 
Anno Reg. 22. 1176  & after the mortality was well ceased, 
A parliament at Northhampton.  he called a parliament, whereat was present a deacon cardinal entitled of S. Angelo, being sent into England as a legate from the pope, to take order in the controversies betwixt the two archbishop's line 60 of Canturburie and York. This cardinal whose name was Hugh Petro Lion, assembled in the same place a convocation or synod of the bishops and clergy, 
Matth. Paris.  as well of England as Scotland: in which convocation, after the ceasing of certain strifes and decrees made as well concerning the state of commonwealth, as for the honest behaviour of man's life, the cardinal consented that (according as by the king's laws it was already ordained) all manner of persons within the sacred orders of the clergy, 
An act against priests that were hunters.  which should hunt within the king's grounds and kill any of his dear, should be convented and punished before a temporal judge. Which liberty granted to the king, did so infringe the immunity which the clergy pretended to have within this realm, that afterwards in many points, priests were called before temporal judges, and punished for their offences as well as the laity, though they have grudged indeed and maintained that they had wrong therein, as they that would be exempted and judged by none, 
Polydor.  except by those of their own order.  
Moreover, in this council the matter came in question touching the obedience which the bishops of Scotland did owe by right unto the archbishop of York, 
Obedience of the church of Scotland to the church of England.  whom from the beginning the pope's of Rome had constituted and ordained to be primate of all Scotland, and of the Isles belonging to that realm, as well of the Orkeneis as all the other. Which constitution was observed by the bishops of those parts many years together, though after they renounced their obedience. Whereupon the archbishops of York (for the time being) continually complained, so that these pope's, paschal the second, Calyxt the second, Honorius, Innocentius, Eugenius the third, and Adrian the fourth, had the hearing of the matter, and with often sending their letters, went about to reduce them to the province of York. But the Scots still withstanding this ordinance, at length the matter thus in controversy was referred to pope Alexander, who sent the foresaid cardinal Hugh as well to make an end of that contention, as of diverse other: but yet he left it undecided.  
William king of Scotland came personally unto this parliament at Northhampton, 
Rog. Houed. The king of Scots cometh to the parliament.  by commandment of king Henry, and brought with him Richard bishop of S. Andrew, and josseline bishop of Glascow, with other bishops and abbots of Scotland, the which being commanded by king Henry to show such subjection to the church of England as they were bound to do by the faith which they ought to him, and by the oath of fealty which they had made to him, they made this answer, that they had never showed any subjection to the church of England, nor aught. Against which denial, the archbishop of York replied, and brought forth sufficient privileges granted by the forenamed pope's, to prove the subjection of the Scotish bishops, and namely Glascow and Whiterne unto the see of York. But because the archbishop of Canturburie meant to bring the Scotish bishops under subjection to his see, he wrought so for that time with the king, that he suffered them to departed home, without yielding any subjection to the church of England. The letters which the foresaid pope's did send touching this matter, were remaining safe and sound amongst other writings in the college at York, when Polydore Virgil wrote the histories of England, the copies whereof in an old ancient book he confesseth to have seen and read.  
But to speak further of things ordered and done at this parliament holden at Northampton, 
R. Houed. Division of circuits for justices itinerants.  the king by common consent of his Nobles and other states, divided his realm into six parts, appointing three justices itinerants in every of them, as here followeth, Hugh de Cressie, Walter Fitz Robert, and Robert mantel, were deputed unto Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Huntingtonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex and Hertfordshire: Hugh de Gundeville, William Fitz Ralph, and William Basset were appointed to Lincolnshire, Notinghamshire, Derbishire, Staffordshire, Warwikeshire, Northamptonshire, and Leicestershire: Robert Fitz Bernard, Richard Gifford, Roger Fitz Remfrey, were assigned to Kent, Surrey, Hampshire, Sussex, Berkshire and Oxfordshire: William Fitz Stephan, Berthram de Uerdon, Thurstan Fitz Simon were ordained to Herefordshire, Glocestershire, Worcestershire, and Salopshire: Ralph Fitz Stephan, William Ruff, and Gilbert Pipard were put in charge with Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, Summersetshire, Devonshire & Cornwall: Robert de Walls, Ranulf de Glanuile, and Robert Pikenet were appointed to Yorkshire, Richmondshire, Lancashire, Copeland, Westmoreland, Northumberland, and Cumberland.  

The oath of the justices.  The king caused these justices to swear upon the holy evangelists, that they should keep his assizes which he first had ordained at Clarendon, and after had renewed here at Northampton, & also caused line 10 all his subjects within the realm of England to keep and observe the same.  

Ger. Dor.  Moreover at this council, king Henry restored unto Robert earl of Leicester all his lands, both on this side the sea, and beyond, in manner as he held the same fifteen days before the war. To William de Albenie earl of Arundel, he gave the earldom of Sussex. About midlent, the king with his son and the legate came to London, where at Westminster a convocation of the clergy was called, but line 20 when the legate was set, and the archbishop of Canturburie on his right hand as primate of the realm, the archbishop of York coming in, 
The presumptuous demeanour of the archbishop of York.  and disdaining to sit on the left, where he might seem to give pre-eminence unto the archbishop of Canturburie (unmannerly enough indeed) swasht him down, meaning to thrust himself in betwixt the legate, and the archbishop of Canturburie. And where belike the said archbishop of Canturburie was loath to remove, he set his buttocks just in his lap, but he scarcely touched line 30 the archbishop's skirt with his bum, when the bishops and other chapleins with their servants stepped to him, pulled him away, and threw him to the ground, and beginning to lay on him with bats and fists, the archbishop of Canturburie yielding good for evil, sought to save him from their hands. Thus was verified in him that sage sentence, 
Pub. Mim.  Nunquam periculum sine periculo vincitur. The archbishop of York with his rend rochet got up, line 40 and away he went▪ to the king with a great complaint against the archbishop of Canturburie: but when upon examination of the matter the truth was known, he was well laughed at for his labour, and that was all the remedy he got. As he departed so bebuffeted forth of the convocation house towards the king, they cried out upon him; Go traitor that didst betray that holy man Thomas, go get thee hence, thy hands yet stink of blood. The assembly was by this means dispersed, and the legate fled and got him out of the way, as he might with shame enough, line 50 which is the common panion and waiting-woman of pride, as one very well said, 
Pub. Mim.  Citò ignominia fit superbi gloria.  

Appeals made.  After this, followed appealing, the archbishop of York appealed to Rome, and the legate also for his own safeguard appealed the archbishop of Canturburie unto Rome, which archbishop submitting himself and his cause under the pope's protection, made a like solemn appeal from the legate to the pope. The line 60 legate perceiving that the matter went otherwise than he wished, and seeing little remedy to be had at that present, gave over his legatship as it had been of his own accord, though greatly against his will, and prepared himself to departed. Nevertheless, through mediation of friends that took pains betwixt them, they gave over their appeals on either side, and dissembled the displeasures which they had conceived either against other, but yet the convocation was dissolved for that time, 
The convocation dissolved.  and the two archbishops presented their complaints to the king, who kept his Easter this year at Winchester, and about the same time or shortly after, licensed his son Henry to sail over into Normandy, meaning shortly after to go unto Compostella in Spain, to visit the body of saint james the apostle, but being otherwise advised by his father's letters, he discontinued his purpose and stayed at home.  
The same year, the lady johan the king's daughter was given in marriage unto William king of Sicill. Also the same year died the lord chief justice of Ireland, Robert earl of Striguill otherwise Chepstow, 
N. Trivet.  then was William Fitzaldelme ordained lord chief justice in his place, who seized into the king's hands all those fortresses which the said earl of Striguill held within the realm of Ireland. 
R. Houed.  
N. Trivet.  The Irishmen also paid to the king a tribute of twelve pence yearly for every house, 
A tribute granted by the Irish.  or else for every yoke of oxen which they had of their own. William earl of Arundel died also this year at Waverley, and was buried at Wimondham.  
This year, 
R. Houed.  when it might have been thought that all things were forgotten touching the rebellious attempts made against king Henry the father by his sons, and other (as before ye have heard) he caused the walls both of the town and castle of Leicester to be razed, 
The walls of the town and castle of Leicester razed.  and all such castles and places of strength as had been kept against him during the time of that rebellion, to be likewise overthrown and made plain with the ground, as the castles of Huntingdon, Waleton, Growby, hay, Stutesbirrie or Sterdesbirrie, Malasert, the new castle of Allerton, the castles of Framingham and Bungey, with divers other both in England and Normandy. But the castles of Pascie, and Mountsorell he retained in his own hands as his of right, being so found by a jury of fréeholders impanelled there in the country; further, he seized into his hands all the other castles of bishops, earls and barons, 
Elinor the king's daughter married to the king of Castille.  both in England and Normandy, appointing keepers in them at his pleasure. This year also he married his daughter Elinor unto Alfonse king of Castille.  
Moreover, Gilbert the son of Fergus lord of Galloway, 
Gilbert Fitz Fergus.  who had slain his brother Uthred cousin to king Henry, came this year into England, under conduct of William king of Scotland, and became king Henry the father's man, swearing fealty to him against all men: and to have his love and favour gave him a thousand marks of silver, and delivered into his hands his son Duncane as a pledge. It is to be remembered also, that in this year, 
Richard earl of Poictow.  Richard earl of Poictow son to king Henry, fought with certain Brabanders his enemies betwixt S. Megrine and Buteville, where he overcame them.  
¶ Here I have thought good to advertise the reader, that these men of war, whom we have generally in this part of our book named Brabanders, we find them written in old copies diversly, as Brebazones, Brebanceni, and Brebationes, the which for so much as I have found them by the learned translated Brabanders, and that the French word somewhat yieldeth thereto, I have likewise so named them: wherein whether I have erred or not, I must submit mine opinion to the learned & skilful searchers of such points of antiquities. For to confess in plain truth mine ignorance, or rather unresolved doubt herein, I can not satisfy myself with any thing that I have read, whereby to assure my conjecture what to make of them, although verily it may be, and the likelihood is great, that the Brabanders in those days for their trained skill and usual practice in warlike feats, won themselves a name, whereby not only those that were naturally borne in Brabant, but such also as served amongst them, or else used the same warlike furniture, order, trade and discipline, which was in use among them, passed in that age under the name of Brabanders. Or else I must think, that by reason of some odd kind of habit or other special cause, a certain sort of soldiers purchased to themselves the privilege of that name, so to be called Brabanceni or Brebationes (whether ye will) as hath chanced to the Lansquenetz and Reisters' in our time, and likewise to the companions Arminaes' and Escorchers in the days of our forefathers, and as in all ages likewise it hath fortuned amongst men of war. Which if it so chanced to these Brabanceni, I know not then what countrymen to make them: for as I remember, Marchades line 10 that was a chief leader of such soldiers as were known by that name (as after ye shall hear) is reported by some authors to be a Provancois.  
It should seem also that they were called by other names, as the Routs (in Latin Ruptarij) which name whether it came of a French word, as ye would say some unruly and headstrong company, or of the Dutch word Rutters, that signifieth a rider, I cannot say. But it may suffice for the course of the history to understand that they were a kind of hired soldiers, in those days highly esteemed, and no less feared, line 20 in so much that against them and others there was an article contained among the decrees of the Lateran council holden at Rome, in the year 1179, 
Wil parvus, lib. 3. cap. 3.  whereby all those were to be denounced accursed, which did hire, maintain or any way nourish those Brebationes, Aragonois, Navarrois, Basques and Coterelles, which did so much hurt in the christian world in those days.  
But to return where we left to earl Richard, beside the above mentioned victory against those line 30 Brabanders, if we shall so take them; he also vanquished Hamerike viscount of Lymoges, and William earl of Angolesme, with the viscounts of Uentadore and Cambanais, who attempted rebellion against him, whom earl Richard subdued, and took prisoners, with diverse castles and strong holds which they had fortified.  

The departure of the legate forth of the Realm.  About the feast of Peter and Paul, the legate departed out of the realm, of whom we find that as he granted to the king some liberties against the privileges line 40 which the clergy pretended to have a right unto: 
Liberty's obtained for churchmen.  so he obtained of the king certain grants in favour of them and their order, as thus.  
1 First, that for no offence, crime or transgression any spiritual person should be brought before a temporal judge personally, except for hunting, or for some lay fee, or that for which some temporal service was due to be yielded, either to the king, or some other that was chief lord thereof. line 50  
2 secondly, that no archbishops see, nor bishops see, nor any abbey should be kept in the king's hands more than one year, except upon some evident cause or necessity constreining.  
3 thirdly, that such as slew any spiritual person, and were of such offence convicted, either by evidence or confession before the justice of the realm in presence of the bishop, should be punished as the temporal law in such cases required.  
4 fourthly, that spiritual men should not be compelled to fight in lists for the trial of any matter line 60 or cause whatsoever.  
It should appear by Nicholas Trivet, that the archbishop of Canturburie procured the bishops of Winchester, 
N. Trivet.  Elie, and Norwich, three prelates highly at that present in the king's favour, to further these grants; namely, that such as slew any priest or spiritual person might have the law for it: where before, there was no punishment for a season used against such offenders but only excommunication. But now to leave priests, we will pass to other matters.  
In this mean time, king Henry the son remaining in Normandy, began to devise new practices how to remove his father from the government and to take it to himself: 
The young K. beginneth new practices against his father.  but one of his servants named Adam de Cherehedune being of his secret counsel, advertised king Henry the father thereof, for the which his master king Henry the son (Cereus in vitium flecti, monitoribus asper) put him to great shame and rebuke, causing him to be stripped naked, and whipped round about the streets of the city of Poitiers, where he than was upon his return from his brother earl Richard, with whom he had been to aid him against his enemies. King Henry the father perceiving the naughty mind of his son, 
R. Houed,  and that he ceased not from his wilful maliciousness, thought to dissemble all things, sith he saw no hope of amendment in him: but yet to be provided against his wicked attempts, he furnished all his fortresses both in England & in Normandy with strong garrisons of men, and all necessary munition.  
About this time, the sea rose on such a height, that many men were drowned thereby. Also a great snow fell this year, which by reason of the hard frost that chanced therewith, continued long without wasting away, so that fishes both in the sea and fresh water died through sharpness and vehemency of that frost, neither could husbandmen till the ground. A sore eclipse of the sun chanced also the sixth ideses of januarie. The monastery of Westwood or Lesnos was begun to be founded by Richard de Lucy Lord chief justice. The same year also at Woodstock the king made his son the lord Geffrey knight.  
In the year 1177. king Henry held his Christmas at Northampton, 
Rog. Houed.  with his two sons Geffrey and john, year 1177 his other two sons the young king Henry, and Richard earl of Poictou, were in the parts beyond the seas, as the king in Normandy, and the earl in Gascoigne, where he besieged the city of Aques, 
The city of Aques or Aigues.  which the viscount of Aques and the earl of Bigorre had fortified against him, but he won it within ten days after his coming thither. Within the like term also he won the city of Baion, which Arnold Berthram had fortified against him, and coming to the uttermost frontiers of that country adjoining to Spain, he took a castle called saint Piero which he destroyed, and constrained the Basques and Navarrois to receive an oath, that from thenceforth they should suffer passengers quietly to come and go through their country, and that they should live in quiet and keep peace one with an other, and so he reform the state of that country, and caused them to renounce many evil customs which they before that time had unlawfully used.  
Moreover, king Henry, to avoid further slander, 
Anno Reg. 23. Polydor. Geffrey the king's base son made bishop of Lincoln.  placed for bishop in the see of Lincoln a bastard son which he had named Geffrey, after h● had kept that bishopric in his hands so long till he had almost clearly destroyed it. And his son that was now made bishop to help the matter for his part, made havoc in wasting and spending in riotous manner the goods of that church, and in the end forsook his mitre, and left the see again in the king's hands to make his best of it.  
Furthermore, the king in times past made a vow to build a new monastery in satisfaction of his offences committed against Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie: wherefore he required of the bishops and other spiritual fathers, to have some place by them assigned, where he might begin that foundation. But whilst they should have taken advise herein, he secretly practised with the cardinals, and with diverse other bishops, that he might remove the secular canons out of the college at Waltham, and place therein regular canons, so to save money in his coffers, planting in another man's vineyard. Howbeit, because it should not be thought he did this of such a covetous meaning, he promised to give great possessions to that house, 
Priests displaced, & ca●●ns regular put in their rooms.  which he after but slenderly performed, though upon licence obtained at the bishop's hands, he displaced the priests, and brought in to their rooms the canons as it were by way of exchange.  

R. Houed. Nuns of Amesburie.  The same year also he thrust the nuns of Amesburie out of their house, because of their incontinent line 10 living, in abusing their bodies greatly to their reproach, and bestowed them in other monasteries to be kept in more straightly. And their house was committed unto the abbess and covent of Fountevered, who sent over certain of their number to furnish the house of Amesburie, wherein they were placed by the archbishop of Canturburie, in the presence of the king and a great number of others.  
Philip earl of Flanders by sending over ambassadors to king Henry, 
Philip earl of Flanders.  promised that he would not line 20 bestow his two néeces, daughters to his brother Matthew earl of Bullongne, without consent of the same king: but shortly after he forgot his promise, & married the elder of them to the duke of Zaringes, & the younger to Henry duke of Louvain.  
john de Curcie lord chief justice of Ireland discomfiting a power of Irishmen, won the city of Dun in Ulnestre, 
john de Curcie.  where the bodies of S. Patrick and S. Colme confessors, and S. Brigit the virgin are buried, for the taking of which city, Roderike king of Ulnestre being sore offended, raised a mighty line 30 host, 
Roderike K. of Ulnestre vanquished.  and coming into the field, fought with the lord chief justice, and in the end received & took the overthrow at his hands, although the lord chief justice at that encounter lost no small number of his men. Amongst prisoners that were taken, the bishop of Dun was one, whom yet the lord chief justice released and set at liberty, in respect of a request and suit made to him by a cardinal the pope's legate that was there in Ireland at that time. line 40  

Uiviano a cardinal.  This cardinals name was Uiviano, entitled the cardinal of S. Stephan in Mount Celio; he was sent from the pope the year before, and coming into England, though without licence, was pardoned upon knowledging his fault for his entering without the kings leave first obtained, and so permitted to go into Scotland, whither (as also into other the northwest regions) he was sent as legate, authorised from the pope. Now when he had ended his business in Scotland, he passed over into Man, and there held line 50 his Christmas with Euthred king of Man, and after the feast of the epiphany, sailed from thence into Ireland, and chanced (the same time that the Englishmen invaded that country) to be in the city of Dun, 
〈◊〉 parvus.  where he was received of the king & bishops of that land with great reverence.  
The invasion then of the Englishmen being signified to them of the country aforehand, they asked counsel of the legate what he thought best to be done in that matter; who streightwaies told them, that line 60 they ought to fight in defence of their country, and at their setting forward, he gave them his benediction in way of their good speed. But they coming (as ye have heard) to encounter with the Englishmen, were put to flight, and beaten back into the city, which was herewith also won by the Englishmen, so that the Roman legate was glad to get him into the church for his more safeguard, and like a wise fellow had provided afore hand for such haps if they chanced, having there with him the king of England's letters directed to the captains in Ireland in the legates favour, 
The legate holdeth a council at Dublin.  so that by the assistance and authority of the same, he went to Dublin, and there (in the name of the pope and the king of England) held a council.  
But when he began to practise, after the manner of legates in those days, somewhat largely for his own advantage, in the churches of that simple rude country, the English captains commanded him either to departed, or else to go forth to the wars with them: whereupon he returned into Scotland, having his bags well stuffed with Irish gold, for the which it seemed he greatly thirsted.  
¶ Where we have to note the drift of the pope and all popelings to be far otherwise than they pretend. For who (unless he will be wilfully ignorant) knoweth not, that he and his never attempt any thing, but the same beareth the hue and colour of holiness and honesty? Hereto tend the sendings out of his legates and cardinals to make pacifications, to redress disorders, to appease tumults, & I wots not what infinite enormities (for he must have his ore in every man's boat, his spoon in every man's dish, and his fingers in every man's purse) but the end and scope of all his doings consisteth in this; namely, to set himself above all sovereignty, to purchase and assure to himself an absolute and supereminent jurisdiction, to rob christian kingdoms, to impoverish churches, chapels, and religious places. Our chronicles are full of these his pranks, and here we have one practised by a limb of his, who (as you see) very impudently and licentiously preied upon the church-goods, and converted the same to his own profit and commodity: which he had if not trembled, yet blushed to do, considering that the goods of the church are the treasury of Christ (or at leastwise aught to be) and that none ought to alienate or change the property of such goods, as the canon law hath provided. Besides, the wretch ought to have remembered that which even the very pagans did not forget; namely, 
Haud ullas portabis opes Acherontis ad vnd●s, 
P●●p. lib. 3.   
Nudus ad infernas stulte vehere rates.   
But now to the doings of john de Curcie, and of those Englishmen that were with him, who did not only defend such places as they had won out of the Irishmen hands against those kings and their powers, but also enlarged daily more and more their frontiers, and won the town of Armach (wherein is the metropolitan see of all that land) with the whole province thereto belonging.  
About the same time came ambassadors unto king Henry from Alfonse king of Castille and Garsias king of Navarre, to advertise him, 
Matth. Paris. Polydor.  that in a controversy risen betwixt the said two kings touching the possession of certain grounds near unto the confines of their realms, they had chosen him for judge by compromise, promising upon their oaths to stand unto & abide his order and decree therein. Therefore they required him to end the matter by his authority, sith they had wholly put it to his judgement. 
R. Houed.  Furthermore, either king had sent a most able and valiant knight furnished with horse and armour ready in their prince's cause to fight the combat, if king Henry should happily commit the trial of their quarrel unto the judgement of battle. King Henry gladly accepted their request, 
Polydor.  so that thereupon calling his councillors together, he consulted with them of the thing, and hearing every man's opinion, at length he gave judgement so with the one, that the other was contented to be agreeable thereunto.  
Within a while after, Philip earl of Flanders came over into England to do his devotions at the tomb of Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, of whom the most part of men than had conceived an opinion of such holiness, that they reputed him for a saint. The king met him there, and very friendly entertained him, and because he was appointed shortly after to go over into the holy land to war against God's enemies, the king gave him five hundred marks in reward, and licensed William Mandevile earl of Essex to go in that journey with other lords, knights and men of war of sundry nations that were of his dominions.  
The king then returning unto London, took order for the establishing of things touching the surety of the realm, 
R. Houed.  and his own estate. And first he appointed the custody of such castles as were of most importance by their situation, unto the keeping of certain worthy captains. To sir William de Stuteville line 10 he assigned the custody of Rockesburgh castle, to sir Roger de Stuteville the castle of Edinburgh, to sir William Nevil the castle of Norham, to sir Geffrie Nevil the castle of Berwick, and to the archbishop of York he delivered the castle of Scarborough, and sir Roger Coniers he made captain of the tower of Durham, which he had taken from the bishop, 
Durham tower.  because he had showed himself an unsteadfast man in the time of the civil war, and therefore to have the king's favour again, he gave to him two line 20 thousand marks, with condition that his castles might stand, and that his son Henry de Putsey alias Pudsey, 
Henry de Pudsey. A parliament at Oxford.  might enjoy one of the king's manor places called Wighton.  
After this, the king went to Oxenford, and there held a parliament, at the which he created his son john king of Ireland, having a grant and confirmation thereto from pope Alexander. About the same time it reigned blood in the isle of Wight, 
john the king's son created king of Ireland. Polydor. It reigned blood.  by the space of two days together, so that linen clothes that hung line 30 on the hedges were coloured therewith: which unused wonder caused the people, as the manner is, to suspect some evil of the said john's government.  
Moreover, to this parliament holden at Oxenford, all the chief rulers and governors of Southwales and North-wales repaired, and became the king of England's liege men, 
R. Houed.  swearing fealty to him against all men. Hereupon he gave unto Rice ap Griffin prince of Southwales the land of Merionith, line 40 and to David ap Owen he gave the lands of Ellesmare. Also at the same time he gave and confirmed unto Hugh Lacie (as before is said) the land of Meth in Ireland with the appurtenances, for the service of an hundred knights or men of arms, to hold of him and of his son john by a charter which he made thereof. Also he divided there the lands and possessions of Ireland with the services to his subjects, as well of England as Ireland, appointing some to hold by service to find forty knights or men line 50 of arms, and some thirty, and so forth.  
Unto two Irish lords he granted the kingdom of Cork for the service of forty knights, and to other three lords he gave the kingdom of Limerike for the service of the like number of knights to be held of him & his son john, reserving to himself & to his heirs the city of Limerike with one cantred. To William Fitz Adelme his sewer, 
William Fitz Adelme. Robert de Poer. Hugh Lacie.  he gave the city of Wesseford with the appurtenances and services: and to Robert de Poer his marshal, he gave the city line 60 of Waterford; and to Hugh Lacie, he committed the safe keeping of the city of Diveline. And these persons, to whom such gifts and assignations were made, received oaths of fealty to bear their allegiance unto him and to his son for those lands and possessions in Ireland, in manner and form as was requisite.  
The cardinal Uivian having dispatched his business in Ireland, came back into England, and by the king's safe conduct returned again into Scotland, where in a council holden at Edinburgh, he suspended the bishop of Whiterne, because he did refuse to come to that council: but the bishop made no account of that suspension, having a defence good enough by the bishop of York, whose suffragan he was.  
After the king had dissolved and broken up his parliament at Oxenford, he came to Marleborrough, and there granted unto Philip de Breause all the kingdom of Limerike for the service of forty knights: 
Philip de Breause.  for Hubert and William the brethren of Reignold earl of Cornwall, and john de la Pumeray their nephew, refused the gift thereof, because it was not as yet conquered. For the king thereof, surnamed Monoculus, that is, with one eye, who had held that kingdom of the king of England, being lately slain, one of his kinsmen got possession of that kingdom, and held it without acknowledging any subjection to king Henry, nor would obey his officers, because of the losses and damages which they did practise against the Irish people, without occasion (as they alleged) by reason whereof the king of Cork also rebelled against the king of England and his people, and so that realm was full of trouble.  
The same season, 
Matth. Paris. Polychr.  queen Margaret the wife of king Henry the son was delivered of a man child which lived not passed three days. 
Iewes in England.  In that time there was also through all England a great multitude of jews, and because they had no place appointed them where to bury those that died, but only at London, they were constrained to bring all their dead corpses thither from all parts of the realm. To ease them therefore of that inconvenience, they obtained of king Henry a grant, to have a place assigned them in every quarter where they dwelled, to bury their dead bodies. The same year was the body of S. Amphibulus the martyr, who was instructor to saint Albone found, not far from the town of S. Alban's, and there in the monastery of that town buried with great and solemn ceremonies.  
In the mean time, king Henry passed over into Normandy, hearing that the old grudge betwixt him & king jews began to be renewed upon this occasion, that whereas king Henry had received the French kings daughter Alice, promised in marriage unto his son Richard, to remain in England with him, till she were able to company with her husband, king Henry being of a dissolute life, and given much to the pleasure of the body (a vice which was graffed in the bone and therefore like to stick fast in the flesh, for as it is said, Quod nova testa capit inveterata sapit) at leastwise (as the French king suspected) began to fantasy the young lady, and by such wanton talk and companie-kéeping as he used with her, he was thought to have brought her to consent to his fleshly lust, which was the cause wherefore he would not suffer his son to marry her, being not of ripe years nor viripotent or marriable. Wherefore the French king imagining (upon consideration of the other kings former lose life) what an inconvenience & infamy might redound to him and his, 
R. Houed.  bethought himself that Turpe senex miles turpe senilis amor, and therefore deemed justly that such a vile reproach wrought against him in his blood, was in no wise to be suffered, but rather prevented, resisted & withstood. Hereupon he complained to the pope, who for redress thereof, sent one Peter a priest, & cardinal entitled of saint Grisogone as legate from him into France, with commission to put Normandy and all the lands that belonged to king Henry under inderdiction, if he would not suffer the marriage to be solemnised without delay betwixt his son Richard and Alice the French kings daughter. The king advertised hereof, came to a communication with the French king at Yurie, upon the 21. of September, 
The kings meet at Yur●e.  and there offered to cause the marriage to be solemnised out of hand, if the French king would give in marriage with his daughter the city of Burges, with all the appurtenances as it was accorded, and also unto his son king Henry the country of Ueulgesine, that is to say, all the land betwixt guysor's and Pussie, as he had likewise covenanted.  
But because the French king refused so to do, king Henry would not suffer his son Richard to marry his daughter Alice: howbeit at this interview line 10 of the two princes, by the help of the cardinal, and other Noble men of both sides, they agreed to be friends, and that if they could not take order betwixt them, to end all matters touching the controversies depending betwixt them for the lands in Anuergne and Berrie, and for the fee of Chateau Raoul; then should the matter be put to twelve persons, six on the one side, and six on the other, authorising them to compound and finish that controversy and all other which might rise betwixt them. For the French line 20 king these were named, the bishops of Claremount, Nevers, and Trois; and three barons, earl Theobald, Robert, and Peter de courtney, the king's brethren. For the king of England were named the bishops of Mauns, Peregort, and Aunts; with three barons also, Maurice de Croume, William Maigot and Peter de Mountrabell.  
At the same time also, both these kings promised and undertook to join their powers together, and to go into the holy land to aid Guido king of jerusalem, whom the Saracen Saladine king of Egypt line 30 did sore oppress with continual and most cruel war. This done, 
R. Houed. A law.  the French king returned home, and king Henry came to Uernueil, where he made this ordinance, that no man should trouble the vassal or tenant, as we may call them, for his lords debt.  
After this, king Henry went into Berrie, and took Chatean Roux or Raoul, and marching towards Castre, the lord of that town came and met him on the way, surrendering into his hands the line 40 daughter of Ralph de Dolis lately before deceased, whom the king gave unto Baldwine de Rivers, with the honour of Chateau Roux or Raoul. Then went he unto Graundemont, where Audebert earl of March came unto him, and sold to him the whole country of March for the sum of fifteen thousand pounds Anionin, 
The purchase of the earldom of March.  twenty mules, and twenty palfreys. The charters of this grant and sale made and given under the seal of the said earl of March, bare date in the month of September Anno Christi line 50 1177. Then did the king receive the fealty and homages of all the barons and knights of the country of March, 
Anno Reg. 24.  after he had satisfied, contented, and paid the money unto the earl according to the covenants.  
The king this year held his Christmas at Angiers, year 1178 and meaning shortly after to return into England, he sent to the French king for letters of protection, which were granted, and sent to him in form as followeth. line 60  
The tenor of the French kings letters of protection.  
Lvdovicus rex Francorum, omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quòd nos recipimus in protectione & custodia nostra totam terram Henrici regis Angliae charissimi fratris nostri, in cismarinis partibus sitam, si contigerit eumin Angliam transfretare vel peregrè proficisci. Ita planè, ut quando ballivi sui de terra transmarina nos requisierint, bona fide & sine malo ingenio eis consilium & auxilium praestabimus, ad eiusdem terrae defensionem & protectionem. Actum apud Nicenas. The English whereof is thus.  
Lewes' king of France, to all those to whom these present letters shall come greeting. Know all ye that we have received into our protection & custody all the lands of Henry king of England our dear brother, lying and being in the parts of this side the sea, if it chance him to pass over into England, or to go any way forth from home, so that when the bailives of his lands on this hither side the sea shall require us, we shall help them and counsel them faithfully and without male-engine for defence and protection of the same lands. Given at Nicens.  
Shortly after, king Henry returned into England from Normandy, and at Woodstock made his son Geffrey knight. This year pope Alexander sent into all parts legates to summon the bishops and prelate's to a general council to be holden at Rome in the beginning of the Lent in the year next following. Whereabout two legates came into England, 
A general council summoned at Rome.  the one named Albert de Suma, who had in commission to summon them of England and Normandy: and the other called Petro de Santa Agatha, who was appointed to summon them of Scotland, Ireland, and the Isles about the same: whereupon obtaining licence to pass through the king of England's dominions, he was constrained to swear upon the holy evangelists, that he should not attempt any thing in his legatship that might be hurtful to the king or his realm, and that he should come and visit the king again as he returned homewards.  
This year on the sunday before the nativity of S. john Baptist, being the 18 of june, 
Ger. Dor.  after the setting of the sun, there appeared a marvelous sight in the air unto certain persons that beheld the same. For whereas the new moon shone forth very fair with his horns towards the east, 
A strange sight about the moon.  streightwais the upper horn was divided into two, out of the mids of which division a burning brand sprang up, casting from it a far off coals and sparks, as it had been of fire. The body of the moon in the mean time that was beneath, seemed to wrest and writh in resemblance like to an adder or snake that had been beaten, and anon after it came to the old state again. This chanced above a dozzen ti●es, and at length from horn to horn it became black.  
In September following, the moon being about 27. days old, at six of the clock, a partile eclipse of the sun happened, 
A strange eclipse of the sun.  for the body thereof appeared as it were horned, shooting the horns towards the west as the moon doth; being twenty days old. The residue of the compass of it was covered with a black roundel, which coming down by little and little, threw about the horned brightness that remained, till both the horns came to hang down on either side to the earthwards; and as the black roundel went by little & little forwards, the horns at length were turned towards the west, and so the blackness passing away, the sun received his brightness again. In the mean time, the air being full of clouds of diverse colours, as red, yellow, green, and pale, holp the people's sight with more ease to discern the manner of it.  
The king this year held his Christmas at Winchester, 
Anno. Reg. ●5. R. Houed.  at which time news came abroad of a great wonder that had chanced at a place called Oxenhale, year 1179 within the lordship of Derlington, 
A strange wonder of the earth.  in which place a part of the earth lifted itself up on high in appearance like to a mighty tower, and so it remained from nine of the clock in the morning, till the even tide, and then it fell down with an horrible noise, so that as such as were thereabout, were put in great fear. That piece of earth with the fall was swallowed up, leaving a great deep pit in the place, as was to be seen many years after.  
¶ Touching these celestial apparitions, the common doctrine of philosophy is, that they be mere natural, and therefore of no great admiration. For of eclipses, as well such as are proper to the sun, as also those that are peculiar to the moon, the position is not so generally delivered, as it is constantly believed. For the philosophers give this reason of eclipses. line 10  

M. Pal. in Aquar. — radios Phoebi luna interiecta repellit,  
Nec sinit in terras claram descendere lucem.  
Quip aliud non est quàm terrae atque aequoris umbra,  
Quae si fortè ferit nocturnae corpora lunae,  
Eclipsin facit.  
In somuch as observing them to be ordinary accidents, they are overpassed and nothing regarded. Howbeit Lucan maketh a great matter of eclipses, 
Luc. lib. 1.  and of other strange sights precéeding the bloody battles between Pompeie and Cesar; intimating thereby, that prodigious wonders, and other line 20 rare and unaccustomed accidents are significations of some notable event ensuing, either to some great parsonage, to the commonwealth, or to the state of the church. And therefore it is a matter worth the marking, to compare effects following with signs and wonders before going; since they have a doctrine in them of no small importance. For not many years after, the king's glory was darkened on earth, nay his pomp and royal state took end; a prediction line 30 whereof might be imported by the extraordinary eclipse of the sun, a beautiful creature, and the ornament of the sky.  
Laurence archbishop of Dublin, and Catholicus the archbishop of Tuamon, with five or six other Irish bishops, and diverse both bishops and abbots of Scotland, passed through England towards the general council, and withal took their oath, that they should not procure any damage to the king or realm of England. There went but only four bishop's line 40 out of England, to wit, Hugh Putsey or Pudsey bishop of Durham, john bishop of Norwich, Reignold bishop of Bath, and Robert bishop of Hereford, beside abbots: for the English bishops firmly stood in it, that there aught but four bish. only to go forth of England to any general council called by the pope. 
Richard de Lucy lord chief justice of England deceasseth.  This year Richard de Lucy lord chief justice of England gave over his office, and became a canon in the abbeie of Westwood or Lesnos, which he had founded, and built upon his own ground, endowing line 50 it with great revenues, and in julie after he died there.  

A parliament at Windsor.  King Henry the father called a parliament at Windsor, at the which was present king Henry the son, and a great number of lords, earls and barons. At this parliament, order was taken for partition of the realm, so that it was divided into four parts, certain sage personages being allotted unto every part to govern the same, but not by the name of justices, 
Ranulfe de glanvil.  albeit that Ranulfe de glanvil was line 60 made ruler of Yorkshire, & authorised justice there, as he that best understood in those days the ancient laws and customs of the realm. The same year, Geffrey earl of Britain by his father's commandment levied an army, 
Geffrey earl of Britain son to king Henry. Guidomer de Leon's.  and passing over into Britain, wasted the lands of Guidomer de Leon's, and constrained him to submit himself unto him. The 18. day of August, the moon was eclipsed, which was seen of king Henry and his company as he road all that night towards Dover there to meet the French king, 
The moon eclipsed. The French K. cometh a madding to visit the archbishop Beckets tomb.  who was coming towards England to visit the tomb of archbishop Thomas Becket, as he had before time vowed. He landed at Dover the 22. day of August. There came over with him Henry duke of Louvain, Philip earl of Flanders, Baldwin earl of Guines, earl William de Mandeville, and diverse other earls, lords, barons and knights; whom king Henry was ready to receive at the water side, and the morrow after brought them with great honour to Canturburie, where they were with due reverence and unspeakable joy received of archbishop Richard, and diverse other bishops there assembled together with the covent of Christeschurch, and an infinite multitude of Nobles and gentlemen. 
The French word is Muis.  The French king offered upon the tomb of the said archbishop Thomas, a rich cup of gold; and gave to the monks there an hundred tuns of wine to be received yearly of his gift for ever at Poissie in France. Further he granted to the same monks, that whatsoever was bought in his dominions of France to their use, should be free from toll, tallage, and paying any manner of excise for the same. These grants he confirmed with his charter thereof, made & delivered to them by the hands of Hugh Putsey, son to the bishop of Duresme that was his chancellor. King jews having performed his vow, 
Polydor.  and received many rich gifts of king Henry, returned home into France, and shortly after causing his son to be crowned king, resigned the government to him (as by some writers appeareth. 
Matth. Paris. Cadwallon prince of Wales. ) About the same time, Cadwallon prince of Wales, being brought before the king to make his answer to diverse accusations exhibited against him, as he returned toward his country under the king's safe conduct, was laid for by his enemies, and slain, to the kings great slander, though he were not guilty in the matter. After this, king Henry the father held his Christmas at Nottingham, 
Anno Reg. 26. R. Houed.  and William king of Scotland with him. 
1180.   
The same year fell discord betwixt the young king of France, and his mother and uncles, her brethren, 
Discord betwixt the French K. and his nobles.  earl Theobald and earl Stephan, who thinking themselves not well used, procured king Henry the son to join with them in friendship, and to go over into England to purchase his father's assistance in their behalf against their nephew. Who being come over to his father, informed him of the whole matter, and did so much by his earnest suit therein, that before the feast of Easter, his father went over with him into Normandy, and immediately upon their arrival in those parts, the old French queen, mother to the young king Philip, with their brethren the said earls, and many other Noble men of France, came unto him, and concluding a league with him, delivered hostages into his hands, and received an oath to follow his counsel and advice in all things.  
Hereupon king Henry assembled a great army, in purpose after Easter to invade the French kings dominions: but before any great exploit was made, he came to an interview with the new king of France, betwixt guysor's and Treodsunt, where partly by gentle words, 
R. Houed▪  and partly by threatenings which king Henry used for persuasion, the French king released all his indignation conceived against his mother and uncles, and received them again into his favour, covenanting to allow his mother for every day towards her expenses seven pounds of Paris money, during his father king jews his life time; and after his death, she should enjoy all her dower, except the cassels which king Philip might retain still in his hands. Also at this assembly, king Henry the father in the presence of the French king, received homage of Philip earl of Flanders, 
The earl of Flanders doth homage to the king of England.  and granted to him for the same a thousand marks of silver, to be received yearly out of the chequer at London, so that in consideration thereof he should find five hundred knights or men of arms, to serve the king of England for the space of 40. days, when soever he should have warning given unto him.  
Moreover, the two kings at this assembly concluded a league together, and whereas certain lands were in controversy betwixt them, as the fee of Chateau, Raoul, and other small fees, if they could not agree among themselves concerning the same, either of them was contented to commit the order thereof, and of all other controversies betwixt them unto six bishops, to be chosen indifferently betwixt them, the one to choose three, and the other three. line 10  

Matth. Paris. Tailbourg won.  In this year, or (as the annals of Aquitaine say) in the year last passed, Richard earl of Poictou subdued the strong fortress of Tailbourg, which was judged before that time inexpugnable: but earl Richard oppressed them that kept it so sore with straight siege, that first in a desperate mood they issued forth, and assailed his people very valiantly, but yet nevertheless they were beaten back, and forced to retire into their fortress, which finally they surrendered into the hands of earl Richard, who caused the line 20 walls thereof to be razed. The like fortune chanced to divers other castles and fortresses that stood in rebellion against him within a month space.  
Tailbourg belonged unto one Geffrey de Rancin, who of a proud and lofty stomach practising rebellion against duke Richard, took this enterprise in hand, 
Matth. Paris.  and when he had achieved the same to his own contentation, he passed over into England, and was received with great triumph, pomp & magnificence.  

W. parvus. The form of the king's coin changed.  About the same time, the form of the king's coin line 30 was altered and changed, because many naughty and wicked persons had devised ways to counterfeit the same, so that the alteration thereof was very necessary, but yet grievous and chargeable to the poor inhabitants of the realm.  

Anno Reg. 27. R. Houed.  King Henry the father, whilst he was at Mauns after Christmas made this ordinance, that every man being worth in goods to the value of an hundred pounds Aniovin, 
1181.  should keep one horse able for service in the wars, and complete armour for a line 40 knight or man of arms, as we may rather call them. Also that such as had goods worth in value from 40. pounds to 25. of the same money, should at the least have in his house for his furniture an habergeon, a cap of steel, a spear, and a sword, or bow and arrows. Furthermore he ordained, that no man might sell or lay to gauge his armour and weapon, but should be bound to leave it to his next heir. When the French king and the earl of Flanders were advertised that king Henry had made this ordinance line 50 amongst his subjects, they gave commandment that their people should be armed after the like manner.  
This year after Candlemas, Laurence archbishop of Dublin came over to the king into Normandy, 
Matth. Paris.  and brought with him the son of Roderike king of Conagh, to remain with him as a pledge, for performance of covenants passed betwixt them, as the payment of tribute and such like. The said archbishop died there in Normandy, whereupon the king sent line 60 Geffrey de Hay one of his chapleins, and chaplain also to Alexius the pope's legate into Ireland, to seize that archbishops see into his hands. He also sent john Lacie constable of Chester, and Richard de Peake, to have the city of Dublin in keeping, which Hugh Lacie had in charge before, and now was discharged, because the king took displeasure with him, for that without his licence he had married a daughter of the king of Conagh, according to the manner of that country.  
This year also, Geffrey the king's bastard son, who was the elect of Lincoln, and had received the profits of that bishopric by the space of seven years, and had his election confirmed by the pope in the feast of the epiphany at Marlebridge, in presence of the king and bishops renounced that preferment, of his own free will. 
R. Houed.  Within a while after the pope sent a straight commandment unto Richard archbishop of Canturburie, either to cause the same Geffrey by the censure of the church to renounce his mitre, or else to take upon him the order of préesthood. Wherefore upon good advice taken in the matter with his father and other of his especial friends, judging himself insufficient for the one, he was contented to part with the other; and thereupon wrote letters unto the said archbishop of Canturburie, in form as followeth.  
A letter of Geffrey the king's base son elect of Lincoln to Richard archbishop of Canturburie.  
VEnerabili patri Richardo Dei gratia Cantuariensi archiepiscopo apostolicae sedis legato, Galfridus domini regis Angliae filius & cancellarius salutem & reverentiam debitam ac devotam. Placuit maiestati apostolicae vestrae iniungere sanctitati, v● me certo tempore vocaretis ad suscipendum ordinem sacerdotis, & pontificalis officij dignitatem. Ego verò considerans quamplures episcopos maturiores ac provectiores prudentia & aetate vix tantae administrationi sufficere, nec sine periculo animarum suarum sui officium pontificatus ad perfectum explere, veritus sum onus importabile senioribus mihi imponere iuniori: faciens haec non ex levitate animi, sed ob reverentiam sacramenti. Habito itaque tractatu super eo cum domino rege patre meo, dominis fratribus meísque rege & Pictavensi & Britannorum comitibus: episcopis etiam Henrico Baiocensi, Frogerio Sagiensi, Reginaldo Batoniensi, Sefrido Cicestrensi, qui praesentes aderant, aliter de vita & statu meo disposui, volens patris mei obsequijs militare ad tempus, & ab episcopalibus abstinere: omne itaque ius electionis inde & Lincolnensem episcopatum spontaneè, liberè, quietè, & integrè, in manu vestra pater sa●cte resigno, tam electionem quàm episcopatus absolutionem postulans à vobis, tanquam à metropolitano meo, & ad hoc ab apostolica sede specialiter delegato. Bene vale.  
The king for his maintenance, now after he had resigned his bishopric, gave him 500 marks of yearly rent in England, and as much in Normandy, and made him moreover lord chancellor.  
This year also after Easter, the kings of England and France came to an interview together, at a place in the confines of their countries called by some writers Vadum Sancti Remigij, on a monday being the 17. of April, in which assembly of those two princes, the knight's templars and hospitalers presented to them letters directed from pope Alexander unto all christian princes, advertising them of the danger wherein the holy land stood at that present, 
The danger of the holy land.  if speedy remedy were not the sooner provided. Wherefore he exhorted them to address their helping hand towards the relief thereof, granting unto all such as would enterprise to go thither in person (to remain there upon defence of the country against the infidels) great pardon, as to those that did continue there the space of two years, pardon of penance for all their sins, except theft, extortion, robbery, and usury; in which cases restitution was to be made, if the party were able to do it; if not, than he should be absolved as well for those things as for other. And those that remained one year in those parties were pardoned of half their whole penance due for all their sins. And to those that went to visit the holy sepulchre, he also granted great pardon, as remission of their sins, whether they came thither or peradventure died by the way. He also granted his free indulgence unto those that went to war against the common, the professed and open enemies of our religion in the holy land, as his predecessors the pope's Urbanus and Eugenius had granted in time past: and he received likewise their wives, their children, their goods and possessions under the protection of S. Peter and the church of Rome.  
The two kings having heard the pope's letters read, and taken good advice thereof, promised by God's favour shortly to provide convenient aid for relief of the holy land, and of the christians as yet remaining in the same. This was the end of their line 10 communication for that time, and so they departed, the French king into France, and the king of England into Normandy.  
In the mean time, by the king of England's appointment, William king of Scotland went over into Normandy, and by the advice and good admonition of king Henry, he granted licence unto two bishops of his realm of Scotland, to wit, Aberdene and saint Andrew's, to return into Scotland, whom he had lately before banished, and driven out of his line 20 realm. Moreover, as king Henry lay at Harfléet ready to sail over into England, discord fell betwixt the king of France and the earl of Flanders, so that the king of England at desire of the French king returned back, and came unto guysor's, where the French king met him, and so did the earl of Flanders, betwixt whom upon talk had in the matter depending in controversy, he made a concord, and then coming down to Chirburge, he and the king of Scots in his company passed over into England, line 30 landing at Portesmouth the 26. of julie.  
The king now being returned into England, ordained a statute for armour and weapon to be had amongst his subjects here in this realm, which was thus. 
An ordinance for armour.  Every man that held a knight's fee should be bound to have a pair of curasses, an helmet, with shield and spear; and every knight or man of arms should have as many curasses, helmets, shields and spears as he held knights fees in demain. Every man of the laity having goods or revenues to the line 40 value of sixteen marks, should have one pair of curasses, an helmet, a spear, and a shield. And every free man of the laity having goods in value worth ten marks, should have an habergeon, a steel cap, & a spear; and all burgesses, and the whole commonalty of free men should have a wambaiss, a cap o● steel, and a spear.  
Further it was ordained, that every man thus bound to have armour, should be sworn to have th● same before the feast of S. Hilary, and to be true unto line 50 king Henry Fitz empress, in defence of whom and of his realm they should keep with them such armour and weapon, according to his precept and commandment thereof had and made. And no man being furnished with such armour, should sell, pledge, lend, or otherwise alien the same, neither may his lord by any means take the same from him, either by way of forfeiture, by distress or pledge, nor by any other means: and when any man died, having such armour, he shall leave it to his heir, and if his line 60 heir be not of lawful age to wear it into the field, than he that hath the custody of his body shall have the armour, and find an able man to wear it for him, till he come to age.  
If any burgess of any good town have more armour than he ought to have by this statute, he shall sell it or give it to some man that may wear it in the king's service. No jew might have armour by this statute: 
jews might have no armour.  but those that had any, were appointed to sell the same to such as were inhabitants within the realm, for no man might sell or transport any armour over the sea, without the king's licence. For the better execution of which ordinance, it was ordained, that inquests should be taken by sufficient jurors, what they were that were able to have armour by their ability in lands and goods. Also the K. would, that none should be sworn to have armour, except he were a free man of birth and blood.  
The same year, the king being at Waltham, assigned an aid to the maintenance of the christian soldiers in the holy land, that is to wit, 
Matt. Paris.  42. thousand marks of silver, and five hundred marks of gold. Hugh Bosun otherwise called Kevelocke the son of Ranulfe the second of that name earl of Chester, died this year, and was buried at Léeke. 
The dec●sse of Hugh earl of Chester. Ran. Higd.  He left behind him issue by his wife the countess Beatrice daughter of Richard Lacie lord justice of England, a son named Ranulfe, who succeeded him, being the first earl of Chester, & third of that name after the conquest. Besides this Ranulfe he had four daughters by his said wife; to wit, Maud married to David earl of Angus, Huntingdon and Galloway; Mabell coupled with William Daubignie earl of Arundel, Agnes married to William Ferrer earl of Derbie, and Havise joined with Robert Quincie earl of Lincoln.  
The 21. of November, Roger archbishop of York died, 
The archbish. of York deceasseth.  who (when he perceived himself in danger of death by force of that his last sickness) delivered great sums of money unto certain bishops and other grave personages to be distributed amongst poor people: but after his death, the king called for the money, and seized it to his use, alleging a sentence given by the same archbishop in his life time, that no ecclesiastical person might give any thing by will, except he devised the same whilst he was in perfect health: yet the bishop of Durham would not departed with four hundred marks which he had received to distribute amongst the poor, alleging that he dealt the same away before the archbishop's death, and therefore he that would have it again, must go gather it up of them to whom he had distributed it, which he himself would in no wise do. But the king took no small displeasure with this undiscréet answer, insomuch that he seized the castle of Durham into his hands, and sought means to disquiet the said bishop by diverse manner of ways.  
The king held his Christmas this year at Winchester, and afterwards sailed over into Normandy, year 1182 because he heard that the king his son was gone to his brother in law king Philip, 
The k. passeth over into Normandy.  and began to practise eftsoons new trouble, which was true indeed: but yet at length he came back, 
The K. & his son eftsoons reconciled.  and was reconciled to his father, and took an oath, that from thenceforth he would never serve from him, nor demand more for his maintenance but an hundred pounds Anionin by the day, and ten pounds a day of the same money for his wife. His father granted this, and also covenanted, that within the term of one year he would give him the services of an hundred knights. Nevertheless all this did little amend the matter, for though he set a new copy of countenance thereupon, yet he retained his old perverse purpose in his discontented mind, having learned that Qui nescit fingere nescit regere. After this, king Henry the father as a mediator betwixt the king of France, and the earl of Flanders touching controversies betwixt them did so much in the matter, that he set them at one for that time.  
About the same season, king Henry the father sent William de Mandeville earl of Albemarle, and other ambassadors unto the emperor Fredrick, 
Rog. Houed.  to entreat for his son in law the duke of Saxony, 
The duke of Saxony.  that he might be again restored into his favour, which could not be obtained: for he was already condemned to exile, but yet thus much to pleasure the king of England the emperor granted, that so many as went with him out of their country, might return again at their pleasure, and that his wife the duchess Maud the K. of England's daughter, should enjoy her dowry, and be at liberty, whether she would remain upon it, or follow her husband into exile, therefore when the day came that he must departed out of his country, he set forward with his wife and children, and a great number of the Nobles of his country, and finally came into Normandy, where he was right joyfully received of his father in law king Henry. line 10  
Shortly after his coming thither, he gave licence to the Noble men that were come thither with him, to return home, and then he himself went into Spain to visit the body of S. james the apostle. His wife being great with child, 
The duchess of Saxony delivered of a son. Ranulfe Poer slain.  remained with her father in Normandy, and at Argenton she was delivered of a son. This year the Welshmen slew Ranulfe Poer sheriff of Glocestershire. King Henry held his Christmas at Caen, with his three sons, Henry the king, 
Anno Reg. 29. 1183.  Richard earl of Poictow, and Geffrey line 20 earl of Britain. There was also Henry duke of Saxony, with his wife and their children, besides the archbishops of Canturburie and Dublin, with other bishop's earls and barons in great number.  
Here would king Henry the father, that his son the king should receive homage of his brethren Richard earl of Poictow, and Geffrey earl of Britain. The earl of Britain did not stay at the matter, but the earl of Poictow refused, alleging line 30 that it was not convenient so long as their father lived, to acknowledge any superiority to their brother: 
Wil parvus.  for as the father's inheritance was due to the eldest son, so he claimed the lands which he held due to him in right of his mother. This denial so much offended his brother the king, that afterwards when Richard would have done homage, he would not receive it, whereupon Richard departed from the court in great displeasure, 
Polydor.  & coming into Poictow, began to fortify his castles & towns, that he might line 40 be in a readiness to stand upon his safeguard, if his father or brethren should come to pursue him. King Henry the son followed him, set on by the earls and barons of Poictow, which for the sharp and cruel government of earl Richard, hated him mortally. 
Ger. Dor.  Again on the other side; the favourable courtesy, seemly parsonage, and other noble qualities which they saw in the young king, moved them to take part with him against Richard, and shortly after their brother Geffrey came with a great army in aid of his brother the king, 
Rog. Houed. war betwixt the brethren.  in so much that earl line 50 Richard not knowing how to shift off the present danger, sent to his father for aid, who being very sorry in his mind to see such unnatural dealing among his sons, gathered an army and set forward.  
He had a little before traveled to set them at one, in somuch that where earl Richard held a castle named Clarevalx, which after the father's decease ought to remain unto king Henry the son, upon his complaint thereof made, th● father did so line 60 much with the earl, that he surrendered it into his father's hands. 
The father seeketh to appease the quarrel betwixt his sons.  Immediately after all the three sons came to Angers, and there swore to be obedient unto their father's will, and to serve him against all men: whereupon he appointed them a day to meet at mirabel, where the barons of Guien should also be, unto whom king Henry the son had sworn to aid them against earl Richard. Herewith was earl Geffrey sent unto them to persuade them to peace and quietness, 
Earl Geffrey dealeth unfaithfully.  and to come unto mirabel according to king Henry the father's appointment: but in steed of persuading them to peace (contrary to his oath so oftentimes received) he procured them to pursue the war both against his father and his brother earl Richard: and no marvel, for Malè sarta gratia nunquam benè coalescit.  
King Henry the son remaining with his father, showed outwardly that he wished for peace, but his meaning was all contrary, and so obtained licence of his father to go unto Lymoges, that he might labour to reduce both his brother Geffrey, and the barons of Given unto quietness. But such dissembling was put in practice by king Henry, that when the father followed with an army, and came unto Lymoges, in steed of receiving him with honour, as it had been their duties to have done, they shot at him, and pierced through his uppermost armour, so that both he and his son Richard were constrained to departed. Howbeit afterwards he entered that city, and coming forth of it again to talk with his sons, those within Lymoges eftsoons rebelled, so that certain of them within, shot the horse whereon king Henry the father road into the head. And if it had so chanced, that the horse in casting up his head had not received the blow, the arrow had light in the king's breast, to the great danger & peril of his person. Neither did his sons the king and his brother Geffrey go about to see such an heinous attempt punished, but rather seemed to like well of it, and to maintain those most malicious enemies of their sovereign lord and father, for they joined with them against him, although king Henry the son made countenance to be willing to reconcile his brother and the barons of Given to his father by way of some agreement: 
The disloyal dissembling of the young king.  but his double dealing was too manifest, although indeed he abused his father's patience for a while, who was desirous of nothing more than to win his sons by some courteous means, and therefore diverse times offered to pardon all offences committed by his enemies, at the suit of his son the king, who in deed offered himself now and then as an intreatour, but that was only to win time that his brother with such Brabanders and other soldiers as he had with him in aid, beside the forces of the barons of Given, might work the more mischief against their father and their brother earl Richard, in wasting and destroying their countries that stood steadfast on their side.  
In the mean time Richard the archbishop of Canturburie, and diverse other bishops and abbots both of England and Normandy assembled together at Caen, and in the abbeie church of S. Stephan pronounced the sentence of excommunication against all those that did hinder and impeach their purpose, which was to have peace and concord concluded betwixt the king and his sons, the same sons only out of the said sentence excepted.  
diverse shifts were made by king Henry the son, and his brother earl Geffrey also to get money for the payment of their soldiers, as spoiling of shrines, and such like. But at length when things framed not to their purpose, and that the harm which they could do against their father was much less than they wished, if power had been answerable to their w●●es, 
King Henry the son falleth sick.  king Henry the son through indignation and displeasure (as some writ) fell into a grievous sickness in a village called Mertell, no● far from Lymoges, where his father lay at siege.  
At the first he was taken with an extreme fever, and after followed a sore flux. Now perceiving himself in danger of death, and that the physicians had given him over, 
He sendeth to his father 〈…〉  he sent to his father (better late than never) confessing his trespass committed against him, and required of all fatherly loveth 〈◊〉 & see him once before he died▪ But for that the father thought not good to commit himself into the hands of such ungracious persons as were about his son, he sent his ring unto him in token of his blessing, and as it were a pledge to signify that he had forgiven him his unnatural doings against him. The son receiving it with great humility, kissed it, and so ended his life in the presence of the archbishop of Bordeaux and others, on the day of saint Barnaby the apostle. He died (as some writ) very penitent and sorrowful.  
And whereas in his life time he had vowed to make a journey into the holy land against God's enemies, 
His repentance before h●s death.  and taken upon him the cross for that intent, he delivered it unto his familiar friend William line 10 Marshal to go thither with it in his stead. Moreover when he perceived present death at hand, he first confessed his sins secretly, and after openly before sundry bishops and men of religion, and received absolution in most humble wise. After this, he caused his fine clothes to be taken from him, and therewith a hear cloth to be put upon him, 
A strange kind of superstitious devotion, if this report of our author be true  and after tying a cord about his neck, he said unto the bishops and other that stood by him; I deliver myself an unworthy and grievous sinner unto you the ministers of line 20 God by this cord, beseeching our Lord jesus Christ, which pardoned the thief confessing his faults on the cross, that through your prayers and for his great mercy's sake it may please him to be merciful unto my soul; whereunto they all answered, Amen. Then he said unto them, 
He is drawn out of his bed, a thing unlike to be true.  Draw me out of this bed with this cord, and lay me on that bed strawed with ashes (which he had of purpose prepared) and as he commanded so they did: and they laid at his feet and at his head two great square stones. Thus being prepared line 30 to die, he willed his body after his decease to be conveyed into Normandy, and buried at Roven. And so after he had received the sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord, 
His death.  he departed this life as afore is said, about the 28. year of his age.  
His body after his death was conveyed towards Roven, 
N. Triue●.  there to be buried accordingly as he had willed: but when those that had charge to convey it thither were come unto the city of Mauns, the bishop there and the clergy would not suffer them to line 40 go any further with it, but committed it to burial in honourable wise within the church of saint julian. Whereof when the citizens of Roven were advertised, they were sore offended with that doing, and streightwaies sent unto them of Mauns, requiring to have the corpse delivered, threatening otherwise with many earnest oaths to fetch it from them by force. Wherefore king Henry, to set order in this matter, commanded that the corpse of his son the king should be delivered unto them of Roven to be line 50 buried in their city, as he himself had willed before his death. 
The body of the young king lastly buried at Roven.  And so it was taken up and conveyed to Roven, where it was eftsoons buried in the church of our lady.  
¶ Thus ended this young king in his flourishing youth, to whom through his own just deserts long life was justly denied, sith he delighted to begin his government with unlawful attempts, as an other Absalon against his own natural father, seeking line 60 by wrongful violence to pull the sceptre out of his hand. He is not put in the number of kings, because he remained for the more part under the governance of his father, so that he rather bore the name of king as appointed to reign, than that he may be said to have reigned in deed. So that here by the way a notable observation doth occur and offer itself to be noted of us; namely, that even princes children, though borne to great excellency, and in high deg●e● of dignity, a●e to consider with themselves, that notwithstanding their stately titles of sovereignty, they have a duty to discharge unto their parents, which if it be neglected, and that in place thereof disobedience is substituted, God himself (when politic laws provide not to punish such offences) will take the cause in hand, & will power vengeance upon such ungracious children. For he will be true of his word both in blessing and cursing, in blessing the dutiful child with long life and happy days, and in cursing the obstinate and froward with short life and unfortunate days, according to the tenure of his law. If this man had lived in the old Romans time, when aged persons were so reverenced and honoured (much more parents) he had been cut off in the prime of his disobedience, and present death had been inflicted upon him as a due and deserved reward; which Juvenal noteth excellently well in these words, 
Credebant hoc grand nefas, & morte piandum,  
Si juvenis vetulo non assurrexerat, 
Iwen. sa●. 13.  & si  
Barbato cuicunque puer, licèt ipse videret  
Plura domi farra, & maioris glandis aceruos,  
Tam venerabile erat praecendere quattuor annis,  
Primáque par adeò sacrae lanugo senectae.   
King Henry (after his son the king was thus dead) enforced his power more earnestly than before to win the city and castle of Lymoges which he had besieged, 
Lymoges rendered to king Henry.  and at length had them both surrendered into his hands, with all other castles and places of strength kept by his enemies in those parts, of the which some he furnished with garrisons, and some he caused to be laid flat with the ground.  
There rose about the same time occasion of strife and variance betwixt king Henry and the French king, about the enjoying of the country lying upon guysor's, called Ueulquesine, on this side the river of Heaped, which was given unto king Henry the son, 
Ueulquesine.  in consideration of the marriage betwixt him and queen Margaret the French kings sister. For the French king now after the death of his brother in law king Henry the son, required to have the same restored unto the crown of France: but king Henry was not willing to part with it. 
The kings of England and France talk together.  At length they met betwixt Try and guysor's to talk of the matter, where they agreed that queen Margaret the widow of the late deceased king Henry the son, should receive yearly during her life 1750 pounds of Aniovin money at Paris, of king Henry the father and his heirs; in consideration whereof she should release and quit claim all her right to those lands that were demanded, as Ueulquesine and others. Shortly after, Geffrey earl of Britain came to his father, and submitting himself, was reconciled to him, and also to his brother Richard earl of Poictow. 
Anno Reg. 30  Also I find that king Henry at an interview had betwixt him and the French king at their accustomed place of meeting betwixt Try and guysor's on saint Nicholas day, did his homage to the same French king for the lands which he held of him on that side the sea, which to do till then he had refused. The same year king Henry held his Christmas at the city of Mauns.  
When the king had set the French king and the earl of Flanders at agreement for the controversy that chanced betwixt them about the lands of Uermendois, year 1584. he passed through the earl of Flanders country, and coming to Wi●●nd, took ship and sailed over into England, landing at Dover the tenth day of june, 
The duchess of Saxony delivered of a son.  with his daughter the duchess of Saxony, who was afterwards delivered of a son at Winchester, and her husband the duke of Saxony came also this year into England, and was joyfully received and honourably entertained of the king his father in law.  
And whereas the archbishop of Colen came over into England this year to visit the tomb of Thomas late archbishop of Canturburie, 
The archbish. of Colen.  the king traveled to make an agreement betwixt him and the Saxonish duke touching a certain variance depending betwixt them, wherein the king did so much, that the archbishop forgave all injuries past, and so they were made friends. Also by the counsel of the same archbishop the king sent Hugh Novant archdeacon of Liseux and others, 
Hugh Novant.  ambassadors from him unto pope Lucius, that by his help there might be made some way to obtain a pardon for the said duke, and licence for him to return into his country. Those that were sent demeaned themselves so discreetly in doing their message, that the emperor coming line 10 where the pope than was, that is to say, at Uerona in Italy, at the earnest suit of the said pope was contented to release all his evil will which he bore towards the duke, 
The duke of Saxony pardoned and revoked out of exile.  pardoned him for all things past, and licensed him now at length to return home into his country, his condemnation of exile being clearly revoked.  
There died this year sundry honourable personages, as Simon earl of Huntingdon son to Simon earl of Northampton, after whose decease the line 20 king gave his earldom unto his brother David, or (as Radulfus de Diceto saith) because the said Simon died without issue, 
Death of Noble men.  the king gave the earldom of Huntingdon unto William king of Scots son to earl Henry that was son to king David. Also the earl of Warwick died this year, and Thomas Fitz Bernard lord chief justice of the forests, which room Alaine de Nevil had enjoyed before him. Now after the death of this Thomas Fitz Bernard, the king divided his forests into sundry quarters, 
The government of the forests divided.  and line 30 to every quarter he appointed four justices, two of the spirituality, and two knights of the temporalty, beside two general wardens that were of his own servants, to be as surueiers above all other foresters of vert and venison, whose office was to see that no disorder nor spoil were committed within any grounds of warren contrary to the assizes of forests. diverse prelate's died this year also, as four bishops, to wit, Gerald surnamed la Pucelle bishop of Chester, Walran bishop of Rochester, joceline line 40 of Salisbury, and Bartholomew of Excester.  
Besides these, diverse abbots, & on the 16. of February died Richard archbishop of Canturburie in the 11. year after his first entering into the government of that see. His body was buried at Canturburie. He was noted to be a man of evil life, and wasted the goods of that church inordinately. It was reported that before his death there appeared to him a vision, which said; Thou hast wasted the goods of the church, and I shall root thee out of the earth. Whereupon line 50 he took such a fear, that he died within eight days after. Then Baldwin who before was bishop of Worcester succeeded him, he was the 40. archbishop that had ruled the church of Canturburie. The king and bishops procured his election not without much ado: for the monks pretending a right thereto, were sore against it. It is reported of him, that after he was made a white monk, he never eat flesh to his lives end. On a time an old woman met him, and asked him if it were true that he never eat line 60 any manner of flesh; It is true said he. It is false quoth she, for I had but one cow to find me with, and thy servants have taken her from me. Whereunto he answered, that if it so were, she should have as good a cow restored to her by God's grace as her own was. The same time also Margaret the wife of the late deceased king Henry the son, returned into France to her brother king Philip, and was after joined in marriage with Bela king of Hungary.  
But after long digression to return again to our purpose. The king being advertised of the destruction and spoil which the Welshmen daitie did practise against his subjects, both in their persons and substance, assembled a mighty army, and came with the sa●e unto Worcester, meaning to invade the enemies countries. But Rées ap Griffin fearing his puissance thus bend against him and other the leaders of the Welshmen, came by safeconduct unto Worcester, and there submitting himself, swore fealty to the king, and became his liegeman, promising to bring his son and nephews unto him as pledges. But when (according to his promise) he would have brought them, they refused to go with him, and so the matter rested for a time.  
After this, king Henry held his Christmas at Windsor, and the same year Heraclius the patriarch of jerusalem, 
Heraclius patriarch of jerusalem.  and Roger master of the house of S. john's of jerusalem came into England, to make suit unto king Henry for aid against the Saracens that daily won from the christians, towns and holds in the holy land, taking and killing the people most miserably, as in the description of the holy land may more plainly appear, where the doings of Saladine the Saracen are touched. The patriarch made earnest request unto the king, proffering him the keys of the city of jerusalem, and of the holy sepulchre (with the letters of Lucius the third than pope of Rome) charging him to take upon him the journey, and to have mind of the oath which before time he had made.  
The king deferred his answer for a time, and calling a council of his lords together at Clerkenwell, 
A council at Clerkenwell.  on the 15. of April, asked their advice in this matter: who declared to him, that as they took it, he might not well departed so far out of his realm and other dominions, leaving the same as a prey to his enemies. And whereas it was thought by some, that he might appoint one of his sons to take upon him that journey, yet because they were not as then within the realm, it was judged that in their absence there was no reason why it should be so decreed.  
Howbeit in the mean time upon licence granted by the king, that so many might go as would, 
Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie exhorteth men to go to war against the Saracens.  Baldwin the archbishop of Canturburie preached, and exhorted men to take upon them the cross so effectually, that a great number receiving it, fully purposed to go on in that journey. At length the king gave answer to the patriarch, excusing himself in that he could go, for he declared that he might not leave his land without keeping, being in danger to remain as a prey to the robbery and spoil of the Frenchmen: but he offered to give large sums of gold and silver to such as would take upon them that voyage. 
Five thousand marks saith Gen●. Dor.  With this answer the cardinal was nothing pleased, and therefore said; We seek a man and not money: every christian region well near sendeth us money, but no country sendeth us a prince; 
Ran. Higd.  and therefore we require a prince that needeth money, and not money that needeth a prince. But the king still alleged matter for his excuse, so that the patriarch departed from him comfortless, and greatly discontented in his mind: whereof the king having knowledge, and intending somewhat to recomfort him with sweet and pleasant words, followed him to the sea side. But the more the king thought to satisfy the patriarch with words, the more wroth and discontented he showed himself to be; in so much that at the last he said unto him, 
The words of the partriarch to the king.  Hither to hast thou reigned gloriously, but hereafter shalt thou be forsaken of him, whom thou at this time forsakest. Consider of him, and remember what he hath given thee, and what thou hast yielded to him again, how first thou wast false to the king of France, and after ●●uedst archbishop Becket, and now lastly thou forsakest the protection of Christ's faith.  
The king was stirred with these words, and said unto the patriarch, Though all the men of the land were one body, and spoke with one mouth, they durst not utter such words against me. No wonder (said the patriarch) for they love thine and not thee; that is to say, they love thy temporal goods, and stand in fear of thee for loss of promotion, but thy soul they love not. And when he had so said, he offered his head to the king; saying, Do by me even as thou didst by archbishop Becket, for all is one to me, either to be slain here in Europe of a wicked christian, or in the holy land by a Saracen, for thou art worse than a Saracen, and thy people follow the prey and spoil and not a man. The king kept his patience, and said, line 10 I may not go out of my land, for if I should, mine own sons would rise and rebel against me. No marvel (said the patriarch) for of the devil they came, and to the devil they shall. And thus he departed from the king in great displeasure. ¶ Thus have some written: but by others it appeareth that the patriarch remained here till the king went over into Normandy himself, 
Rash judgement in an holy father.  in company of whom the patriarch went also (as after shall appear.) line 20  

R. Houed. john the king's son made king of Ireland. Ger. Dor.  This year the last of March, king Henry made his son john knight, and shortly after sent him over into Ireland, of which country he had made him king. At his coming into Ireland, he was honourably received of the archbishop of Diveline, and other noble men that had been sent thither before him. The king allowed him great abundance of treasure, but he having learned that Non minor est virtus quàm quaerere parta tueri, keeping it in his coffers (as one now come into a line 30 strange place, and not knowing what he should want) would not departed with it so freely amongst his soldiers and men of war as they looked for: by reason whereof their service was such, that in diverse conflicts he lost many of his men, and at length was driven through want of convenient aid, to return again into England, having appointed his captains and soldiers to remain in places most expedient for the defence of that country. ¶ But hereof ye may read more at large in the history of Ireland. line 40  
On the monday in the week before Easter, chanced a sore earthquake through all the parts of this land, 
An earthquake.  such a one as the like had not been heard of in England sithence the beginning of the world. For stones that lay couched fast in the earth, were removed out of their places, stone houses were overthrown, and the great church of Lincoln was rend from the top downwards.  
The day next after this terrible wonder, the king line 50 and the patriarch with the bishop of Durham and a great sort of other Noble men of this realm, 
The king and the patriarch pass over into France.  passed the seas from Dover to Wissand, and so road forth towards Normandy, where immediately upon his coming thither he raised a power, and sent word to his son Richard earl of Poictou (which had fortified the towns and castles of Poictou against him, 
The king's message to his son earl Richard.  and taken his brother Geffrey prisoner) that except he delivered up into his mother's hands the whole country of Poictou, he would surely come line 60 to chastise him with an iron rod, and bring him under obedience smallly to his ease. Upon this message earl Richard being somewhat better advised, obeyed his father's commandments in all points, 
earl Richard obeyeth his father.  rendering up into his mother's hands the earldom of Poictou, and coming to his father as an obedient son, showed himself ready to serve him at commandment with a glad and willing mind. Soon after this, and about the seventh hour of the day, 
Rog. Houed.  the sun suffered a general eclipse, 
Particular and not general, saith Ger. Dor.  so that no part of it appeared, and therewith followed great thunder with lightning and sore tempest, with the violence whereof both men and beasts were destroyed, and many houses burned.  
Shortly after this, the kings of England and France met and communed together for the aiding of them in the holy land, and they promised indeed to send thither both men and money: but the patriarch made small account thereof, for he was much deceived of that which he hoped to have brought to pass, which was, either to have got the king of England, or one of his sons, or some other man of great authority with him into the holy land: but because that would not be, he departed from the court very sorrowful and sore displeased, so that it may be thought, that then (and not before his departure out of England) he spoke his mind so plainly unto the king (as before ye have heard.)  
Moreover, about this time king Henry obtained of pope Urbane the third, 
Anno Reg. 32.  that he might crown which of his sons it should please him king of Ireland, in token of which grant and confirmation, the said pope sent unto him a crown of peacocks feathers, after a feat manner woven in with gold.  
This year the king held his Christmas at Danfrount, year 1186 and shortly after came to a communication with the French king, at the which he took a solemn oath that he would deliver the lady Alice the French kings sister (whom he had as yet in his custody) unto his son Richard earl of Poictou in marriage. For the which marriage to be had and solemnised, the French king granted to deliver unto the said Richard the town of guysor's, with all that which his father king jews promised unto king Henry the son (lately deceased) in marriage with queen Margaret the wife of the same Henry, receiving an oath thereto, never to make any claim or challenge to the same town and lands.  
King Henry (after he had thus concluded and finished his affairs with the French king) returned back into England in May, 

King Henry returneth into England. Ger. Dor.  
Hugh prior of Witham made bishop of Lincoln.   and then was Hugh prior of Witham instituted bishop of Lincoln after that the see there had been void and without any lawful governor almost the space of seventeen years. This Hugh was reputed a very godly and virtuous man. Before him Walter Constance was nominated to that see, but because he was made archbishop of Roven before he was invested in the church of Lincoln, he is not accounted in number of the bishops of Lincoln.  
Moreover king Henry shortly after his return at this time into England, assembled a great army, and went with the same to caerleil, in purpose to have entered Galloway, and there to have chastised Roland lord of that country, who was son to Uthred the son of Fergus, for the injuries done to his coosine germans, namely to Duncane son to Gilbert, who was son to the same Fergus, in spoiling him and the residue (after the decease of the said Gilbert) of their parts of inheritance, usurping the whole to himself. But as the king was now ready to invade his country, Roland came to him, and used such means under pretence of satisfaction, that he made his peace with the king, who thereupon brought back his army, and did no more at that time.  
About the same time came news to the king, 
Hugh Lacie slain.  that Hugh Lacie was slain in Ireland by an Irish gentleman that was his confederate (or rather by a labourer, as in the Irish history you may read) whereof the king was nothing sorry, because the same Hugh was grown to so high degree of puissance in that country, that he refused to obey the king's commandment when he sent for him.  
¶ It is to be noted, that when king Henry had conquered the most part of Ireland, and set the country in some good order, after his coming from thence, such captains as he left there behind him, were not idle, but still did what they could to enlarge the confines which were committed to their governance: but amongst them all this Hugh Lacie was the chiefest, in somuch that after the death of Richard earl of Striguile, 
Hugh Lacy's diligence to enlarge his possessions in Ireland.  the king made him governor of the country in place of the said earl, by reason whereof he so enlarged his possessions, that within a while he became dreadful, not only to the enemies, but also to his associates, as to such English captains as were abiding in Ireland upon guard of the English line 10 frontiers. For if any of them disobeyed his commandment, he would not stick to chastise them at his pleasure, so that by such means he seemed rather to conquer the country to his own use, than to the kings. Wherein he dealt not so directly or discreetly as he might; for, Homines volunt allici non impelli.  
He had also joined himself in marriage with a daughter of the king of Unlester, not making king Henry privy to the same. Whereupon the king having sundry informations presented to him of such line 20 his presumptuous demeanour, commanded him by his letters to return home, and come before his presence, which to do (as before I have said) he refused, by reason whereof he confirmed the suspicion which was conceived of him, to rise upon no vain conjectures, and therefore the evil that came to him was nothing lamented of king Henry, 
King Henry not sorry for the death of Lacie.  who with good cause was highly offended towards him for the contempts and considerations aforesaid. line 30  
This year Geffrey the king's son who was earl of Britain died at Paris, 
The death of Geffrey the king's son.  and was buried in the same city, leaving behind him (besides two daughters) one only son as then in his mother's womb, of whom she was delivered in the night of the feast of Easter next ensuing her husband's death: he was named Arthur, and succeeded his father in the earldom of Britain. His father's death was occasioned (as men judge) by a fall which he caught at a journey, for he was sore bruised therewith, and never had his health, but finally fell into a flux and so died. line 40  
About this season pope Urbane wrote unto Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie, granting him licence to build a church at Alkinton, in honour of S. Stephan and Thomas Becket now reputed a martyr, and that the fourth part of the offerings which came to the box of Thomas the martyr should be assigned to the use of the monks, & an other fourth part to the buildings of that church, and an other fourth part to be given to the poor, and the other fourth part line 50 remaining he might reserve to himself to bestow at his pleasure. But within a while after, at the suit and supplication of the prior and covent of Canturburie (who liked nothing of the former partition) the pope sent letters of prohibition to the said archbishop, that he should cease from building of the fore mentioned church, because the building thereof would be prejudicial to the church of Canturburie.  

The lady Ermengard the viscount Beaumont's daughter, married to William king of Scots.  About the same time also king Henry gave his cousin the lady Ermengard (who was daughter to Richard Uicount Beaumount) in marriage unto line 60 William king of Scotland, causing the archbishop of Canturburie to join them together in the bond of matrimony within the chapel at Woodstock, where he kept great cheer in honour of that marriage for the space of four days together. And further he gave at the same time unto the king of Scots the castle of Edenbourgh: 
Castle of Edenbourgh.  and the king of Scots streitway gave it unto his wife the foresaid Ermingard, as a portion of her dower, augmented with an hundred pounds of lands by the year, and 40. knights fees.  
The French king required to have the custody of the infant Arthur, heir to Geffrey earl of Britain: but king Henry would in no wise grant thereto. 
Ambassadors sent to the French king.  Wherefore he sent Walter archbishop of Roven, William de Mandeville earl of Albemarle, and Ranulfe de Glandeville lord chief justice of England to the French court, to talk with king Philip about that matter, so that king Philip having heard them, was contented to stay from attempting force till the feast of S. Hilary. But in the mean time it chanced, 
Sir William de Walls.  that one sir Richard de Walls a knight of the realm of France went about to fortify a castle in a village that belonged to him called Walls, situated betwixt Try & guysor's. Whereupon Henry Vere (constable of guysor's under William earl of Albemarle) was nothing content therewith, and therefore got a company together, & went forth to disturb the work. Upon this occasion the servants of the said sir Richard de Walls came forth, and encountered with him in the field, in somuch that Ralph the son of sir Richard de Walls was slain, and the residue that were with him fled, many of them being sore beaten and wounded.  
When the French king was informed hereof, 
The king of England's subjects arrested in France.  he caused all the kings of England his subjects, that could be found within his countries and dominion of France to be apprehended, and their goods seized. The stewards, bailiffs, 
The French subjects arrested in Normandy.  & officers then of king Henry, did the like by the French kings subjects that chanced to be at that present within the king of England's countries, on that further side of the sea. But within a little while after, the French king set the English subjects at liberty, and so likewise did the K. of England's officers release the French subjects.  
At this time king Henry held his Christmas at Gilford, 
Anno Reg. 33 1187  and shortly after came one Octavianus a subdeacon cardinal, 
Octavianus a cardinal.  and Hugh de Novant from the court of Rome, sent as legates from pope Urbane into Ireland, that they might crown earl john the king's son king of that land. But king Henry made a delay therein, 
King Henry passeth over into Normandy.  taking the legates with him into Normandy, whither he sailed at the same time, and landing at Wissand, he went from thence into Normandy, and shortly after came to a communication with the French king, at a place called Vadum Sancti Remigij, where after much talk they could not agree, by reason the French king demanded things unreasonable, 
Ger. Dor.  and so they departed without any thing concluded [saving a truce] till after Whitsuntide.  
About the same time, the city of jerusalem was taken by Saladine the chief prince of the Saracens. 
jerusalem taken.  Whereupon much conference was had among the christian princes for the succouring of those christians, which as yet held and defended other pieces in the holy land, so that by publishing of the pope's bulls, many took on them the cross: and amongst other Richard the son of king Henry (without any licence obtained of his father) received the same, vowing to go thither out of hand, and to fight against God's enemies to the uttermost of his power.  
In the mean time the grudge still increased betwixt king Henry and Philip the French king, partly for one cause, and partly for an other, 
Out of the annals of France written by nicol Gallis.  but specially one chief occasion was for that earl Richard deferred the doings of his homage unto king Philip for the duchy of Poictou, which by his father's appointment he now enjoyed and held. The French king to prevent his enemies, immediately upon the expiring of the truce raised a power, and entering into the dominions belonging to king Henry, wasted the country till he came unto Chateu Raoul: about which castle also he forthwith planted his siege.  
When king Henry was advertised hereof, he raised his power also, and together with his son earl Richard came with all speed to secure his people, and to save his castle from the hands of his enemies. Now when he approached near unto the place, he pitched down his tents over against the one side of the French camp, and earl Richard on the other, so that they were ready to assail the French king on both sides at once, but before they came to join battle, by the mediation of a cardinal (as some writ) or (as other say) through means made by the earl of Flanders, 
Ger. Dor.  the matter was taken up. For earl Richard through persuasion of the said earl of Flanders came to the French king, and agreed with him, line 10 before that his father king Henry was resolved of any such matter for his part, so that he was now in a marvelous perplexity, & almost to seek what was best to do, as a man fearing his own surety, by reason of mistrust which he had in his son Richard: but yet at the length through humble suit made by his said son unto the French king, 
A truce granted.  a truce was granted by the space of two years.  
Earl Richard, after the matter was thus taken up, went into France with the French king, of line 20 whom he was so honoured whilst he was there, that they kept one table at dinner and supper in the day time, and (as was said) one bed served them both to sleep on in the night.  
In the mean time king Henry hearing of all this, fell into great suspicion whereto this great familiarity betwixt the French king and his son would tend, and doubting the likeliest, sent for him to return unto him. 
earl Richard giveth his father fair words.  But earl Richard perceiving his father to mistrust his loyalty, gave fair words, line 30 and promised to return with all convenient speed. Howbeit he meant an other matter, and so departing from the French court, came to Chinon, where he got into his hands a great portion of his father's treasure that was kept there, against the will of him that had the custody of it, 
He seizeth upon his father's treasure.  and taking it thus away with him, he began to fortify his castles and towns within his country of Poictou, and clearly refused to come back to his father for a time, although at length forsaking the counsel of naughty men, he line 40 turned home unto him, and humbly submitted himself, in such wise as to his duty appertained. And for the more assurance thereof, he renewed his fealty, in receiving an oath upon the holy evangelists. Which done, king Henry went into Britain with an army, and won the castle of Mountreleis by siege, which one Henry de Lions, and one Guinemer his brother had gotten into their hands, after the decease of Geffrey earl of Britain. line 50  
This year the twenty of October, the city of Chichester was almost wholly consumed to ashes by mischance of fire. The head church with the bishop's palace, and the houses of the canons were burnt even down to the ground. After this king Henry held his Christmas at Caen, 
Anno Reg. 34. 1188  from whence he went to Harfleet, 
King Henry returneth into England.  and there taking the sea passed over into England. The French king hearing by and by of his departure, assembled a great army, and threatened to destroy the country of Normandy, and other line 60 lands on that side the sea, except king Henry would deliver into his hands the town of guysor's, with the appurtenances, or cause his son Richard earl of Poictou to take to wife his sister Alice, according to his promise.  

King Henry passeth again into Normandy.  When king Henry was advertised hereof, he turned with all speed into Normandy, that he might provide for timely resistance, if the French king came forward to invade his dominions. About the self same time came news out of the holy land, 
Polydor. Heavy news from the east paris.  that Saladine after the winning of jerusalem, pursued his victory with such success, that he had taken from the christians the more part of all other towns and strengths within the land. These news were nothing pleasant to the christian princes, and namely the two kings Henry and Philip seemed sorrowful for the same, and therefore came to an interview together on the 21. day of januarie betwixt Try and guysor's, where the archbishop of Tire was present, 
An interview betwixt the two kings.  through whose earnest exhortation the two kings were made friends, and the same day received the cross at his hands in purpose to make a journey together against those Saracens that had done such injuries to the christian name. 
The two kings receive the cross.  And for a difference that one nation might be known from an other, the French king and his people took upon them to wear read crosses, 

The French ware red crosses,  
The English white,  
The Flemings green.   the king of England and his subjects white crosses: but the earl of Flanders and his men ware green.  
Herewith they departed asunder, each one repairing to their countries to provide their armies, and make them in a readiness to set forward by a day towards this necessary journey. King Henry coming to Chinon, by advise of his council, ordained that every one of his subjects should yield a tenth part of his revenues and movable goods for that year towards the aid of them in the holy land (corn of that years growth excepted, and also all armour, 
An aid granted to them in the holy land. Wil parvus.  horses, books, apparel, ornaments of chapels, and precious stones, which should not come in the rate of goods now taxed, nor be charged with this payment.) Moreover those knights and men of war that were appointed to go in this journey paid nothing, but had that money also towards their furniture, which were gathered of their tenants and farmers, howbeit burgesses and others that took upon them the cross without licence of their lords, paid his tenth, so that none of them went free.  
There were also good orders devised, 
Good orders and discipline, instituted.  both for the advancement of God's glory, and the relief of the commonwealth, as that no man should swear in any outrageous manner, that no man should play at cards, dice or tables, and that no manner of person after Easter should wear any costly furs or cloth of scarlet, nor that men should use to have their tables served with more than two dishes of meat at one meal, nor should have their apparel cut, jagged, or laced: and further, that none of them should take any women forth with them in this journey, except such a laundress, of whom there might not grow any suspicion of wanton life. It was also ordained, that the money of such as died in this journey, should go towards the finding and maintenance of their servants and of poor people, and towards the aid of the christians in the holy land. Moreover, the pope granted that all those that went forth in this journey, repenting and confessing their sins, should be absolved and pardoned of the same. 
The king returneth into England.  The king having thus taken order for his business in the parts on the further side the sea, came now over into England again, landing at Winchelsey on a saturday the thirtieth day of januarie, and calling a council together at Gaitington, 
A council helden at Gaitington. Ger. Dor.  which is eight or nine miles from Northampton, he there declared what orders he had taken for his journey into the holy land. Whereupon the bishops of Norwich and Lincoln, and a great number of other people took upon them the cross at the preaching of the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Rochester.  
This done, king Henry took order also for the levying of the tenth, as well here in England, 
A tenth levied  as he had done in the parts subject to him on the further side the sea. He also sent Hugh bishop of Durham, and other both spiritual and temporal persons, unto William king of Scots, to gather the tenth likewise within his country, but he met them betwixt W●rk and Brightham, 
The king of Scots.  and would not suffer them to enter into Scotland, but he offered to give unto the king of England in recompense of the tenths, and for to have again his castles, the sum of 5000. marks of silver, which could not be accepted. The French king likewise gathered the tenths in his country towards this intended journey. But by the working of some wicked spirit (as we may well think) which envied the advancement of the christian commonwealth, 
The good meaning of the two kings disappointed. Polydor.  that good meaning of the two kings was broken and disappointed: for the peace lately concluded betwixt them continued not long unviolated. line 10  
The French writers impute the fault thereof unto English men, and the English writers lay it to French men. 
Reimond earl of Tholouze.  The French writers say, that earl Richard the son of king Henry in breach of the league, made war upon Reimond earl of Tholouze. The English writers reprove the French king as a wicked man, in that he should of purpose break the peace and move war against king Henry, to withdraw him from going to make war against the Saracens, to the which enterprise he was wholly line 20 bent and inclined. Such is the manner of many writers, who more affectionate to the love of their country than to the truth, do not observe the law of histories in their writings, but rather inveie one against another in a brawling and reproving manner.  
¶ Examples hereof are more than by any possibility may be remembered, and namely for brevity sake George Bucchanan in the 8. book of his Scotish history very reproachfully speaketh of Richard Grafton (a right reverend man whiles he lived and line 30 of entire name also being dead) charging him with ignorance, and the report of a shameless liar. Whose case, because it is not so convenient to be handled in this place as else where, we will remit to the reign of 
* where he shall be fully & sufficiently answered.  Edward the third, in whose time john Balliol was king of Scots, and clear him (as well as we can) from a Scotish slander. Another example also we have, and that most notorious, of Gabriel Prateolus the jesuit, who having never been in England, nor yet understanding the English tongue, blusheth line 40 not to say that the translation of the English bible hath in it a thousand faults. O singular and insufferable impudency, when men pass not what they vomit and cast up out of a full gorge surfeiting with malice and rancour! But what shall we say, 
Horat. in art. poet.  Omne superuacuum pleno de pectore manat.  
Indeed (as Roger Hoveden and other do witness) the foresaid earl Reimond, and also Aimer earl of Angolesme, 
Rog. Houed. The nobles of Poictou rebel against earl Richard.  Geffrey de Racon, and Geffrey de Lusignan, with the most part of all the Nobles of line 50 Poictou, made war against earl Richard, and he held tack against them all, and in the end overcame them. Amongst other of earl Reimonds' part whom he took, was one Peter Seille, by whose counsel earl Reimond had taken diverse merchants of Poictou that were subjects to earl Richard, 
Peter Seille.  & done many other displeasures to him and to his country, wherefore earl Richard kept this Peter in very close prison, and would not put him to his ransom: in somuch that earl Reimond took two of the king line 60 of England's knights, sir Robert Poer, and sir Richard Fraser, as they were returning from Compostella, where they had been to visit the body of S. james, but they were quickly set at liberty by the French kings commandment, for the reverence of S. james whose pilgrims they were.  

earl Richard invadeth the earl Tholouze lands.  After this, earl Richard entered with a great army into the lands of earl Reimond, wasted the same, and took by siege a castle of his situate near unto Tholouze, called Moisac: whereof the French king hearing, sent out of hand to the king of England, requiring to know if the damages done by his son earl Richard unto him & his people in Tholouze, were done by his commandment, for the which he demanded restitution. Hereunto the king of England answered, that his son earl Richard did nothing in that behalf, either by his knowledge or commandment: but that as he had signified to him by the archbishop of Dublin, what soever he did therein, was done by the counsel of the French king himself.  
Howsoever this matter went, certain it is, that king Philip taking weapon in hand, upon a sudden entered into Berrie, and took from king Henry Chasteau raoul, Brezancois, Argenton, 
annals de France.  Mountrichard, Mountresor, Uandosine, leprous, Blanc en Berrie, Culan and Molignon. Wherefore king Henry (who was at this time in England about to prepare an army to go therewith into the holy land) when he heard thereof, 
Rog. Houed. The archbishop of Canturburie with the bishops of Chester, saith Ger. Dor.  with all speed possible he sent Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie, and Hugh bishop of Durham over into France, to appease the French kings displeasure with courteous words and reasonable persuasions if it might be: but when that could not be brought to pass, he sailed over into Normandy himself, with an army of Englishmen and Welshmen, landing with the same at Herflue the 10. day of julie, 
Ger. Dor.  after he had been sore tossed by a cruel tempest that rose as he was on the sea, to the great danger of his person, & all that were with him.  
Now after his coming to land, he repaired unto Alencon, increasing his power by gathering up soldiers and men of war out of Normandy and other his countries on that side the sea. In the mean time his son Richard earl of Poictou entered into Berrie with a mighty army, and the French king delivering Chateau Raoull unto the keeping of sir William de Berres returned into France, 
Chateau Roux it is called in the French annals: but that chronicles of Anjou name it Chasteau Raoul, and rightly as I think.  so that earl Richard spoiled and wasted the lands of those earls and barons which took the French part exceedingly. The French king kept him as yet within France, and durst not come forth now after the arrival of king Henry, but many enterprises were achieved by the captains on both sides. Philip bishop of Beawois invading the frontiers of Normandy, burned Blangeville, belonging to the earl of Angiolella, and the castle Albemarle (that belonged to William de Mandeville, whereof he bore the title of earl) and wasted the country round about. The French king also came to the town of Trow, and burned it, and took 40. men of arms there, but the castle he could not win. On the other part, Richard earl of Poictou took a strong place called Les Roches, 
Sergeants.  beyond Trow towards Uandosme, with 25. men of arms, and 60. yeomen.  
About this time king Henry sent ambassadors unto the French king, as Walter the archbishop of Roven, john bishop of Eureux, and William Marshal, to require restitution for the damages done to him and his people. And furthermore, that if the French king refused to make restitution, than had they in commandment to declare defiance against him. Whereunto the French king answered, that he would not give over to make war till he had Berrie, and the country of Ueuxin or Ueulgesine wholly in his possession. Wherefore king Henry with a mighty army (on the tuesday after the feast of the decollation of S. john) entered into the realm of France, and burned many towns and villages, approaching the same day near to the town of Maunt▪ where the French king was thought to be. Now as it chanced, William de Berres and Drogo de Merlo encountered with Richard earl of Poictou and William de Mandeville earl of Albemarle, so that William de Berres was taken by earl Richard, but by negligence of them that should have taken heed to him, he escaped away upon his page● horse. The morrow after also, earl Richard departed from his father towards Berrie, and upon the thursday the Welshmen burned many villages, 
The Welshmen.  with the castle of danvil that belonged to Simon Daneth, and took many rich preys and booties. Also William Mandeville earl of Albemarle burned a place called saint Clare, that was belonging unto the demain of the French king.  
But see, when the English were fully bend to prosecute the wars (with all extremity) now in hand, there came messengers unto king Henry from the line 10 French king, requiring him that he would grant a peace to be had betwixt them, with promise that if he would condescend thereunto, that he should receive by way of restitution all that the French king had now taken from him in Berrie. Hereupon they came to a communication betwixt Try & guysor's, and when they could not agree, 
The two kings come to a treaty.  the French king caused a great elm standing betwixt those two places to be cut down, at which the kings of England and France were accustomed to meet when they treated line 20 of matters in controversy betwixt them, 
An elm cut down.  swearing that from thenceforth there should never be any more meetings holden at that place.  
Afterward, when the earl of Flanders and the earl of Blois with diverse other earls and barons of the Realm of France, laid their armour aside, protesting openly that they would not put on the same again to make war against any christian, 
A commendable protestation and worthy to be noted.  till they should return from their journey which they had vowed into the holy land, the French king destitute line 30 of men to serve him, made suit once again to king Henry, that they might meet and talk of peace, which was hardly granted, and so they met on the morrow after saint faiths day, or the seventh of October, at Chatellon, where they entreated of a form of peace, 
Castellium.  so that the French king should have restored all that he had taken within the country's belonging to king Henry, and likewise Richard earl of Poictou should deliver up unto the earl of saint Giles (otherwise called earl of Tholouse) line 40 all that he had taken from him since the breach of the last truce. But when king Henry would not deliver the castle of Pascie in pledge to the French king, they departed in sunder (as before) without any thing concluded. The king of France after this took the castle of Paivell.  
Upon the eighteenth day of August the two kings came again together about a new treaty of peace betwixt Bonsemblance and Sukennie, 
Another treaty betwixt the two kings  where the French king offered king Henry, to restore to him line 50 all that he had taken by his last wars, if his sister Alice might be joined in marriage with Richard earl of Poictou, now eldest son alive to king Henry, and that all king Henry's subjects might do homage and swear fealty to the same Richard. But king Henry after the old proverb, Ictus piscator sapit, having bought his experience with the feeling of smart, & bearing in memory the injuries done to him by his son Henry, after such his advancement to kingly degree, would not grant the French kings request line 60 herein. Whereupon a further mischief happened, for his son earl Richard (taking displeasure that his father should deny him that honour, which made altogether for his more assurance to succeed him as king) fell from his said father manifestly, and became the French kings man, 
earl Richard revolteth from his father to serve the French king.  doing homage to him also without consent of king Henry, for all those lands that belonged to his said father on that further side the sea. The French king for his homage and fealty gave him Chateau raoul and Ysoldun, with all the honour thereto belonging.  
¶ Some write, that the chiefest cause which moved king Henry to refuse to join his son earl Richard and the lady Alice, 
Polydor.  daughter unto the French king in marriage together, was, for that he was linked in the cumbersome chain of hot burning love with the same lady, and therefore he sought all the shifts of excuses & delays that might be imagined; so that it appeared he had no mind to part with her. The truth was (as writers affirm) he had already persuaded her to satisfy his lust, insomuch that he liked her so well, that he meant to be divorced from his wife queen Elinor, and to marry this young lady, which if he might bring to pass, and have children by her, he purposed to disherit those which he had by Elinor, and to make the other which he should have by Adela his legitimat and lawful heirs. 
Rog. Houed.  Yet before they departed from this communication, a truce was taken to endure till the feast of S. Hilary. And Henry bishop of Alba a cardinal that was sent from the pope to end this controversy betwixt these two mighty princes, accursed Richard earl of Poictou, for that by his means the troubles rose and were continued betwixt them.  
The town of Beverley, 
Beverley burnt.  with the church of saint john the archbishop, was in manner wholly consumed with fire, on the 20. of September. Also the same year died William of Sempringham, 
William de Sempringham decesseth.  the author and first founder of the religious order of Sempringham. Moreover Gilbert de Ogerstan a knight templar put in trust by king Henry, with others, 
Gilbert de Ogerstan.  to gather the tenths towards the relief of the holy land, was proved to use falsehood in the receipt, and so was delivered unto the master of the temple at London to be punished according to the statutes of his order. Also this year in the vigil of S. Laurence, there was seen at Dunstable by diverse persons a figure of the cross very long and large in the air, with the shape of a crucifix thereon, 
A strange appearance in the air.  and streams of blood to their sight seemed to run out of the wounds of the feet, hands and sides. This strange appearance continued in sight from noon till almost night.  
¶ Some will deem this a mere fable, and say it savoureth of gross superstition and idolatry, whereupon they will conclude that no such fragments powdered with papistry should be inserted into a chronicle. But (to avoid all suspicion of justifying the fancies of men) note you this, that in the ecclesiastical history, no small number of things no less strange and true than this seemeth vain and false, are recorded; yea even touching the very cross. But considering that this our age is very nice and dainty in making choice of matter pleasing their own humour we will not wade too far in this kind of argument, which we know may as soon offend as it is taken, as a thorn may prick, or a nettle sting when it is touched. Nevertheless, we would not wish that the form of a thing should be quite condemned for some scandalous people's pleasures, whom nothing will please, unless it come out of their own drievat or casket of conceits.  
King Henry held his Christmas at Saumur in Anjou, 
Anno. Reg. 35. 1189  but many of his earls and barons were gone from him, and took part with the French king, and with his son Richard earl of Poictou. Now when the day was come, in which the truce expired, the Britain's (which had a charter of covenants of the French king and earl Richard, that if they conclude● any peace with king Henry, the Britain's should be partakers in the same) entered into the confines of those countries, which still continued their due obedience towards king Henry, spoiling and wasting the same on each side with barbarous cruelty. 
A legate.  At which time also a legate came from the pope named john de Anagnia, who assayed both by courteous means and also by threats and menacings to reduce the parties unto peace and concord: insomuch that by his procurement they met this year after Easter near unto Fler● Bernard, twice within a few days together, to try if by talk they might sort to some reasonable conditions of agreement.  
The last time of those their meetings was in the Whitsunwéeke, 
Matth. Paris.  at what time the French king required not only to have his sister Alice delivered unto earl Richard for wife, according to the former covenants, but also some assurance given unto the same earl Richard, that he should inherit his father's lands after his decease. Also he required that earl line 10 john might take upon him the cross to pass over into the holy land also, for otherwise earl Richard would not go. 
R. Houed.  Howbeit king Henry would in no wise consent to any of these demands: but yet as some writ, he offered thus much unto king Philip, that if he could be so content, his son john should marry his sister Alice, and enjoy with her all such things as he demanded in preferment of his son Richard, and that in more large manner than he had requested the same. But king Philip would none line 20 of that.  
Thus how soever it was, whilst the one demanded that which the other thought no reason to grant, they departed without concluding any agreement, so that king Philip having got by this means a good occasion to further his enterprises, 
King Philip entereth the country of main.  with all his whole puissance entered into main, where he destroyed a great part of that country, and approached to the city of Mauns, where king Henry as then lay, in purpose to besiege it. But king Henry being warned of his coming set the suburbs on fire, because line 30 his enemies should have no succour in them. Howbeit the flame of the fire was by force of the wind driven so directly into the city, that what with heat and assault of the enemy, the king being without any store of soldiers to defend it longer, was constrained to forsake it. 
The words of king Henry in his displeasure towards earl Richard.  Herewith he was so moved, that in departing from the city, he said these words of his son Richard to himself: Sith thou hast taken from me this day the thing that I most loved in this world, I will requite thee, for after this day, I shall line 40 deprive thee of that thing which in me should most please thee, even mine own hart.  
Being thus driven to leave the defaced city of Mauns, 
Mauns yielded to the French king. Wil parvus.  he repaired unto Chinon, the citizens whereof being left destitute of aid, yielded themselves to the French king, who taking a great pride in his doings for that victory, passed over Loire, and won the city of Towers, wherein he placed a garrison, and so having sped his business with good success, line 50 brought home his army laden with preys & booties. King Henry being thus put to the worse, and not perceiving any ready mean how to recover his losses, 
Polydor.  began to despair in himself, and therefore of necessity thought it best to seek for peace, but his suit was in vain: for the enemy having now the advantage, 
The earl of Flanders seeketh to agree the parties. Matth. Paris.  would not grant to agree upon any reasonable conditions.  
At the last Philip the earl of Flanders and William archbishop of Rheims, with Hugh duke of line 60 Burgoine, came to king Henry to move ways of agreement, and to conclude the same betwixt him on the one party, and the French king and earl Richard on the other party. Earl Richard had the Britain's and them of Poictou confederate with him, under such conditions, as he might not agree with his father, unless they might be comprised in the agreement. At length they agreed upon conditions, 
A peace concluded.  not altogether advantageable to the king of England, yet in the end, Chateau Raoul was restored to king Hnerie with all that had been taken from him since the time that the French king & he took upon them the cross: on the other part king Henry did homage to the French king, which in the beginning of this war he had surrendered and renounced. He was bound also to pay to the French king 20. 
Thirty thousand to the 〈◊〉 and twenty 〈◊〉 the barons 〈◊〉 France, 〈◊〉 Ger. Dor.  thousand marks for the aid which earl Richard had received of him: moreover to resign and acquit unto the French king, all that which either he or his predecessors held or possessed within Aluergue. Other articles there were which king Henry agreed unto sore against his will, as the delivery of the lady Alice or Adela, and such other, which (as not much material) we pass over.  
This peace was concluded not far from Towers, 
Rog. Houed. It Gisor● saith Ger. Dor.  in a place appointed convenient for both the kings to meet in, about the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul. And (as writers record) there chanced great thunder and lightning at the very time when the two kings came to interview and talk together, so that the thunderbolt did light betwixt them two: & yet (notwithstanding such thunder & lightning) the air was clear and nothing troubled. 
Strange thunder & lightning.  The two kings parted a sunder through fear thereof for that day, and on the next day the like chance happened, greatly to the terror of them both. Which moved king Henry the sooner to condescend to the agreement.  
Moreover this is not to be forgotten, that when all matters were quieted and accorded amongst them, King Henry required to have all their names delivered unto him in writing, which had promised to take part (and were joined as confederates) with the French king and earl Richard. This was granted, and when the roll was presented unto him, he found his son john the first person that was named in that register, wherewith he was so troubled and disquieted in his mind, that coming to Chinon he felt such grief hereof, that he cursed even the very day in which he was borne, and as was said, gave to his sons Gods curse and his, the which he would never release, although he was admonished to do it both of sundry bishops and other religious and godly men. Thus saith Hoveden.  
Howbeit, it is not like that earl Richard at this time had procured his brother john to be confederate with him in his rebellious dealings, but rather because earl Richard had some suspicion, lest his father would make john his heir and successor in the kingdom, it might be a policy wrought by the French king and earl Richard, to alienate his father's mind from the said john.  
¶ These evils were esteemed to fall unto king Henry by the just judgement of God, for that being admonished diverse ways, as well by divine revelation, as by the wholesome advise of grave men, as Hugh bishop of Lincoln and others, he would not reform his licentious appetite of heaping up sin upon sin, but still wallowed therein to his own destruction. Whereupon being brought to such an extremity as ye have heard, he was taken with a grievous sickness, which bringing him to utter desperation of recovering of health, he finally departed this life, though more through very anguish and grief of his late loss and troubles sustained, than by the force of his bodily disease (as writers have affirmed.) But howsoever it was, 
King Henry departeth this life.  he ended his life the sixth of julie in the 61. year of his age, and after he had reigned 34. years, nine months, and two days, which was in the year after the birth of our saviour 1189. and of the creation of the world 5155. His body was buried at Founteverard, year 1189 which is an abbeie situate not far from the town of the eagle within the duchy of Alencon.  
Immediately upon his death, those that were about him, applied their market so busily in catching and filching away things that lay ready for them, that the king's corpse lay naked a long time, till a child covered the neither parts of his body with a short cloak, 
His surname whereof it came.  and then it seemed that his surname was fulfilled that he had from his childhood, which was Shortmantell, being so called, because he was the first that brought short cloaks out of Anjou into England. As his son Richard met the corpse going towards the burial, suddenly there issued blood out of the dead bodies nosthrilles, which was taken for a signification that it abhorred the presence of so wicked a son, which in his life time had so persecuted the father. His death was signified by a marvelous strange wonder, 
A strange manner of fight betwixt fishes.  line 10 for a few days before he died, all the fishes in a certain mere or pool in Normandy, leapt forth on land in the night season, and fought together with such a noise, that a great multitude of men came running thither to behold the wonder, and could not find on fish alive in the mere.  


The issue of Henry the second.  
His sons.   He had issue by his wife queen Elinor (as may appear by that which already is rehearsed) four sons, Henry, Richard, Geffrey, and john, besides two other that died young, as some authors have recorded: line 20 also three daughters, Maud, married unto Henry the duke of Saxony; 
His daughters.  Elinor the wife of Alfonse the eight of that name king of Castille, and joane given in marriage unto William king of Sicill. He had also two bastard sons by a concubine, the one named William, & the other Geffrey. He was one of body fleshy and strong, 
His base sons. The constitution of his body.  and could abide very patiently the displeasures both of cold and heat, he had a large head, a broad breast, a broken voice, and was furthermore very spare of diet, chiefly line 30 because he would not be too fat; and therefore when he was at quiet without any trouble of wars, he would exercise himself in hunting or traveling abroad. He was of a good stature and very well form, 
His stature.  of a comely countenance, partly red heard, with grey eyes, of wit quick, and of a perfect good memory, so that he would long remember those things which he had either read, 
His qualities and conditions of mind.  heard, or seen. He was stout of stomach, and more constant in time of adversity than in time of prosperity, except at the line 40 time of his death, when being destitute in manner of all hisfréends, he showed himself almost in despair. He was liberal towards all men, oftentimes giving rewards to his soldiers over and beside their wages.  
Moreover, of nature he was pitiful towards the poor, 
Radulphus de Diceto.  as it well appeared by diverse his charitable deeds; as for example. When in the year 1176. there was a great dearth & scarcity of bread in the parts of Anjou & main, he fed every day with sufficient sustenance line 50 ten thousand persons, from the beginning of April, till the time that new corn was inned: and what provision soever was laid up in garners, cellars and storehouses, for the kings necessary uses, he caused the same to be employed towards the relief of religious houses, and poor people. He took of his subjects but seldom times any great tributes. He was very expert in feats of war, and right fortunate therein. He praised his captains and men of war line 60 when they were dead, and lamented their loss more than he showed to love them when they were alive. And this did he of policy, that they might understand that they should be honoured after death, and therefore fear it the less. He was somewhat learned, and also known to be wise.  

Radulphus de Di●eto.  His care to have justice duly ministered in his realm was exceeding great, insomuch that finding how the sheriffs were rather inclined to seek their own gain, than to deal uprightly with his subjects, he appointed other officers to have a regard to their doings, as if they had been controllers, that they knowing how there were such appointed to have a sound oversight in their dealings, might be the more circumspect in their duties. He ordained also punishments for hunters in forests and grounds of warren, either by fining them, or by imprisonment.  
Moreover, he ordained that murderers should suffer death by hanging: and so for other transgressors he appointed other kinds of punishments, as some to be condemned to exile, and other to loss of limbs, &c: according to the quality of the offence committed. And to have the laws duly executed, and justice uprightly ministered on all hands, he was so careful that he tried all orders of men, in placing them in rooms of justice. And lastly, trusting to find among the clergy such as would not be corrupted with bribes, nor for respect of fear or friendship decline from right judgement, he chose forth the bishops of Winchester, Elie, 
Bishops chosen principal justices.  and Norwich to be principal justices of the realm, so as they might end and determine all matters, except in certain cases reserved to the hearing of the prince himself.  
His vices were these, as they are remembered. In time of adverse fortune no man could show himself more courteous, gentle, meek, 
The vices of K. Henry.  and promising more largely than he would. But when fortune once began to smile, no man was more sharp, hard to deal with, nor more ready to break his promise and faith. He was also partly noted of covetousness: for although he was liberal towards soldiers and strangers, yet was he streict enough towards his own people, and namely towards his sons, which caused them to estrange themselves and their good wills from him. He was not so zealous toward the execution of right and equity as to the furtherance of his own private commodity.  
He was out of measure given to fleshly lust, 
His incontinency.  and satisfying of his inordinate concupiscence. For not contented with the use of his wife, he kept many concubines, but namely he delighted most in the company of a pleasant damsel, whom he called the Rose of the world (the common people named her Rosamund) for her passing beauty, properness of person, and pleasant wit, with other amiable qualities, being verily a rare and peerless piece in those days. He made for her an house at Woodstock in Oxfordshire, 
Rosamund his concubine.  like a labyrinth, with such turnings and windding in & out as a knot in a garden called a maze, that no creature might find her nor come to her, except he were instructed by the king, or such as were secret with him in that matter. But the common re-report of the people is, that the queen in the end found her out by a silken thread, which the king had drawn after him out of her chamber with his foot, and dealt with her in such sharp and cruel wise, that she lived not long after. She was buried in the nunnery of Goodstow beside Oxford, with these verses upon her tomb: 
Hîc jacet in tumulo, Rosa mundi non Rosa munda,  
Non redolet sed olet, quaeredolere solet.  The meaning whereof may be found in Graftons' large chronicle, page 77. in an English septenary.  
Long time after the death of this damsel, in the said abbeie was showed a coffer, 
Ran. Higd.  that sometimes was hers, of the length of two foot, in the which appeared giants fight, startling of beasts, swimming of fishes, and flying of fowls, so lively, that a man might wonder at the fine devise thereof.  
Moreover, king Henry was noted not to be so favourable to the liberties & fréedoms of the church as he might have been. For besides the persecuting of the foresaid Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, he would not suffer the legates sent from the pope, to enter within the bounds of his dominion, till they had sworn that they should do nothing prejudicial to the customs of his kingdom, neither by prescribing orders, nor any other manner of act or means. He was thought to be negligent in aiding the christian commonwealth in the holy land. 
Hi● negligence in a●ding the Christians against the Saracens.  For though he had appointed twice or thrice to go thither in person, yet being letted by light occasions, he stayed at home, and sent small relief thither, though he was earnestly called upon for the same. His estimation was such amongst foreign princes, that Philip king of France being newly entered into the government of that realm after his father's decease, committed line 10 himself and his kingdom to the disposition and order of king Henry, as if he had been regent of his realm, and governor of his person.  
There lived in the days of this king Henry the second, diverse honourable personages and captains of great fame, for their approved valiancy and experience in warlike enterprises, as Robert earl of Leicester, Hugh Bigot earl of Norfolk, Reignold earl of Cornwall, Robert Ferreis earl of Derby, Richard Lacie, Roger Mowbray, Ralph de Fulgiers, Humphrey Bohun constable of England, line 20 Ranulfe Glandeville, William Uesey, & Bernard de Ballioll. Also there flourished in his time here in this land, 
Bale.  men of singular learning in arts and sciences, as Nicholas Breakespeare, Serlo surnamed Grammaticus, William Rhevalensis, Adam de Euesham, Thomas of Munmouth, Adelbertus Levita, Geruasius Cicestrensis, Odo Cantianus, Ealred Rhievellensis, johannes Sarisburiensis, Clemens Lanthoniensis, Walter Daniel, Robert line 30 Knought alias Camtus, Robert Folioth, William Ramsey, Senatus Bravonus, Robert the Scribe, Odo Miremuth, Hugh of Reading, Richard of Dover, William of Peterburough, Cicerciensis, Bartholomew Iscanus, and Gilbert de Sempringham, with others.  
¶ And here to make an end with this high and mighty prince Henry the second, I have thought good to make you partaker of an epitaph, which we find in Matthew Paris and others written of him as line 40 followeth.  

Epitaphium in Henricum secundum regem mortuum & hîc sepultum.  
REx Henricus eram, mihi plurima regna subegi,  
Multiplicíque modo dúxque comésque fui,  
Cui satis ad votum non essent omnia terrae  
Climata, terra modò sufficit octo pedum.  
Qui legis haec, pensa discrimina mortis, & indè line 50  
Humanae specula conditionis habe.  
Quod potes instanter operare bonum, quia mundus  
Transit, & incautos mors inopina rapit.   

Aliud.  
TVmuli regis superscriptio brevis exorna●,  
Sufficit hic tumulus, cui non suffecerat orbis,  
Res brevis est ampla, cui fuit ampla brevis.   

An epitaph upon king Henry the second dead and here intoomed.  
OF late king Henry was my name,  
which conquered many a land,  
And diverse dukedoms did possess,  
and earledoms held in hand.  
And yet while all the earth could scarce  
my greedy mind suffice,  
Eight foot within the ground now serves,  
wherein my carcase lies.  
Now thou that readest this, note well  
my force with force of death,  
And let that serve to show the state  
of all that yieldeth breath.  
Do good then here, foreslowe no time,  
cast off all worldly cares,  
For brittle world full soon doth fail,  
and death doth strike unwares.   

An other.  
SMall epitaph now serves, to deck  
this tomb of stately king:  
And he who whilom thought whole earth  
could scarce his mind content,  
In little room hath room at large,  
that serves now life is spent.   
¶ Here may be thought that the reign of the Normans and French men over the realm of England took end, a hundred twenty two years after the coming in of the Conqueror; for those that reigned after this Henry the second, we may rightly esteem to be Englishmen, because they were borne in England, and used the English tongue, customs, and manners, according to the nature and quality of the country.  
Thus far the succession and regiment of the Frenchmen over this Island; namely, Stephan of Bullongne and Henry the second.   

Richard the first, second son to Henry the second.  

Anno Reg. 1.  RIchard the first of that name, and second son of Henry the second, began his reign over England the sixth day of julie, in the year of our Lord 1189. year 1189 in the seven and thirteeths year of the emperor Fredrick the first, in the eleventh year of the reign of Philip the second king of France, 
Wil parvus.  and king William surnamed the Lion line 10 as yet living in the government of Scotland.  
This Richard, immediately after the solemnities of his father's funerals were ended, made haste to Roven, where he was joyfully received, and proclaimed duke of Normandy, receiving the investure according to the custom, 
Matt. Paris.  on the twentieth day of julie. Then studying to set all things in good order on that side the sea, he made search where his father's treasure was preserved, and thereupon attached Stephan de Turnham, who was seneschal or governor (as we line 20 may call him) of Anjou, 
Stephan de Turnham committed to prison.  and committing him to prison, compelled him to make delivery of all such sums of money as he had hid and laid up in certain castles by the commandment of the late king his father.  
Whilst he was thus occupied, his brother john came to him, 
Matth. Paris. Polydor.  to whom he joyfully gave the welcome, and besides all other things which his father had bequeathed unto him by his testament in England, amounting to the value of four thousand pounds of line 30 yearly rent, with the earldom of Mortaigne, he procured a marriage for him (being now a widower) for his further advancement with the lady Isabella, 
Isabella daughter to the earl of Gloucester married to john the kings brother.  daughter to Robert earl of Gloucester, which earl had appointed the said john to be his heir as before is mentioned, although Baldwine the archbishop of Canturburie forbade the marriage, because they were coosens in the third degree of consanguinity. 
She is named by diverse authors Ha●isia. Matth. Paris. R. Houed.  To Robert earl of Leicester also he restored all his lands which had been taken from him, and such persons line 40 as his father had disherited, he restored likewise to their former rights and possessions, howbeit those had forsaken his father, and taken part with him against his said father, he seemed now so much to mislike, that he removed them utterly from his presence, and contrariwise preferred such as had continued faithful unto his father in time of the troubles.  
At length, king Richard remembering himself of his mother queen Elinor, 
Matt. Paris.  who had been separated line 50 from the bed of her husband for the space of sixteen years, and was as yet detained in prison in England, wrote his letters unto the rulers of the realm, commanding them to set her again at liberty, 
The king's mother set at liberty.  and withal appointed her by his letters patents, to take upon her the whole government of the kingdom in his absence. The queen being thus delivered, and having now the chief authority & rule in her hands, road in progress about the realm, to see the estate thereof; and as she passed from place to place, she showed gladsome countenance to the people wheresoever she came, doing also what she could to pleasure them, that she might thereby win their good wills to her, and to her son: but specially remembering by her late experience and taste thereof, what an irksome & most grievous thing imprisonment was, she caused the gailes to be opened, and forthwith set no small number of prisoners at liberty by the way as she passed through the countries, according to the verse of Virgil, Non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco.  
In the mean time, king Richard concluding a league with Philip king of France, received all those places again which were taken from his father by the same Philip, together with his wife Adela, whom upon suspicion that she had been dishonested in her person before, without any sufficient proof thereof had, he forsook, & sent her home with her dowry, and otherwise with great and princely gifts, most bountifully enriched, having already concluded a marriage with the lady Berengaria, daughter to Garsias king of Navarre, who was sent into Sicill unto her sister joane, that he might marry her there, as he passed that way towards the holy land.  
Whilst these things passed thus in these parties, the christians in the holy land daily sent hither for aid, whereupon the two kings of France and England took counsel together, 
The 2. kings of England & France determine to go into the holy land.  and determined with all convenient speed to join their powers, & with ships prepared for that purpose to sail into Syria. Having thus concluded, they went about to prepare themselves of necessary provision for so long a journey. 
At southhampton the 21 of August saith Ger. Dor.  Now when king Richard had set in order his affairs in Normandy and France, he came over into England, landing at Portesmouth the 13. of August. With him also came his brother john, unto whom he assigned the castles of Marlebridge, 
Rog. Houed. Matth. Pari●.  Lutegareshall, Peake, Bollesour, the honour of Wallingford, Tikehill and Eye, with the earledoms of Mortaigne, Dorset, Sumerset, Nottingham, Derbie, Devonshire, and Cornwall, with the earldom of Lancaster, intituling him earl of the same, whereby he was so exalted in state and degree, that he seemed in manner of a tetrarch, having as it were a fourth part of the realm in governance: but yet the king held some of the castles (in those counties and honours thus given to his brother) in his own hands. Moreover, unto William Martial he gave in marriage the daughter of Richard earl of Chepstow, together with the earldom which her father possessed; and to Gilbert Fitz Roger the son of Rainfrey he gave the daughter of William de Lancaster. After he was landed (as before ye have heard) he hasted to Winchester, where his mother queen Elinor with the most part of the English nobility had lain a good space to attend his coming, and there on the even of the assumption of our lady, the king was by them received with great joy and triumph.  
¶ Here is to be noted, that whilst the queen and lords lay in Winchester waiting for the king's arrival, Geffrey Riddle the bishop of Elie departed this life. He is named by Geruasius Dorobernensis the proud bishop of Elie: but he might rather have named him the rich bishop, for he left in his coffers no small quantity of treasure, of the which three thousand and two hundred marks came to the king's part towards the charges of his coronation. No marvel though Geruasius spoke somewhat in his dispraise, for (as he himself confesseth) he was no friend but an enemy to monks. line 10  
But to let this pass, soon after the kings coming into England, he was informed that the Welshmen had broken into the English marshes, and destroyed certain towns; to repress whose presumptuous attempts he made towards them, but was yet stayed for that time, & revoked by his mother. At Salisbury he found his father's treasure, 
His father's treasure.  highly rejoicing, for that the sum was far greater than he thought it would have proved, for besides the precious stones, apparel, and jewels, it was reported he line 20 had there the sum of nine hundred thousand pounds in ready coin. With this good hap king Richard not a little advanced, came to London on the first of September, 
R. Houed. Gau. Vinsaf. Nic. Trivet. The second of September saith Ger. Dor.  where he had appointed provision to be made for his coronation, and so calling a council of the Nobles of the realm, he received the crown with all due and accustomed solemnity, at the hands of Baldwin the archbishop of Canturburie, the third day of September.  

The order of his coronation. Matth. Paris.  At his coronation, first the archbishops of Canturburie, line 30 Rouen, Trier, and Dublin, which were present, with all the other bishops, abbots and clergy, appareled in rich copes, and having the cross, holy water and censures carried afore them, came to fetch him unto the door of his privy chamber, and there receiving him, they led him unto the church at Westminster, till he came before the high altar with a solemn procession. In the middle of the bishops and clergy went four barons, 
Rog. Houed.  bearing candlesticks with tapers, after whom came Geffrey de Lucy bearing line 40 the cap of maintenance, and john Martial next to him, bearing a great and massive pair of spurs of gold: then followed William Marshal earl of Striguill alias Pembroke, who bore the royal sceptre, in the top whereof was set a cross of gold: and William de Patrick earl of Salisbury going next him, bare the warder or rod, having on the top thereof a dove. Then came three other earls, David brother to the king of Scots, the earl of Huntingdon, john the king's brother earl of Mortaigne, and line 50 Robert earl of Leicester, each of them bearing a sword upright in his hand with the scabbards richly trimmed and adorned with gold.  
The earl of Mortaigne went in the midst betwixt the other two. After them followed six earls and barons, bearing a chequer table, upon the which was set the king's scochens of arms, 
Rog. Houed.  and then followed William mandevil earl of Albemarle, bearing a crown of gold a great height before the king, who followed the same, having Hugh bishop of Durham line 60 on the right hand, and Reignold bishop of Bath on the left, over whom a canopy was borne: and in this order he came into the church at Westminster, where before the high altar in the presence of the clergy & the people, 
The king his oath.  laying his hand upon the holy evangelists and the relics of certain saints, he took a solemn oath, that he should observe peace, honour, and reverence to almighty God, to his church, and to the ministers of the same all the days of his life. Also that he should exercise upright justice to the people committed to his charge, and that he should abrogate and disannul all evil laws and wrongful customs, if any were to be found within the precinct of his realm, and maintain those that were good and laudable.  
This done, he put off all his garments from the middle upwards, his shirt excepted, which was open on the shoulders, that he might be anointed. The archbishop of Canturburie anointed him then in three places, to wit, on the head, on the shoulders, and on the right arm, with prayers in such case accustomed. After this, he covered his head with a linen cloth hallowed, and set his cap aloft thereon; and then when he had put on his royal garments and uppermost rob, the archbishop took unto him the sword wherewith he should beat down the enemies of the church; which done, two earls put his shoes upon his feet, and having his mantel put on him, the archbishop forbade him on the behalf of almighty God, not to presume to take upon him this dignity, except he faithfully meant to perform those things which he had there sworn to perform. Whereunto the king made answer, that by God's grace he would perform them. Then the king took the crown beside the altar, and delivered it to the archbishop, which he set upon the king's head, delivering to him the sceptre to hold in his right hand, and the rod royal in his left hand, & thus being crowned he was brought back by the bishops and barons, with the cross and candelsticks, and three swords passing forth before him unto his seat. When the bishop that sang the mass came to the offertory, the two bishops that brought him to the church, led him to the altar, and brought him back again.  
Finally when mass was done, and all things ended in order as was requisite, he was brought with solemn procession into his chamber, where he put off his heavy rich apparel, and put on a crown and other garments more light and easy, and so went to dinner, whereat wanted no store of meats & drinks, which were served out in most princely and bountiful wise.  
Upon this day of king Richard's coronation, the jews that dwelled in London and in other parts of the realm, being there assembled, had but sorry hap, 
Wil Paru●s.  as it chanced. For they meaning to honour the same coronation with their presence, and to present to the king some honourable gift, 
The jews meant to present him with a rich gift.  whereby they might declare themselves glad for his advancement, and procure his friendship towards them, for the confirming of their privileges & liberties, according to the grants and charters made to them by the former kings: he of a zealous mind to Christ's religion, abhorring their nation (and doubting some sorcery by them to be practised) commanded that they should not come within the church when he should receive the crown, 
Matt. Paris.  nor within the palace whilst he was at dinner.  
But at dinner time, among other that pressed in at the palace gate, diverse of the jews were about to thrust in, 
A jew stricken.  till one of them was stricken by a christian, who alleging the king's commandment, kept them back from coming within the palace. Which some of the unruly people perceiving, and supposing it had been done by the king's commandment, took lightly occasion thereof, 
The people fall upon the jews and beat them.  and falling upon the jews with staves, bats and stones, beat them and chased them home to their houses and lodgings. Héerewith rose a rumour through the city, that the king had commanded the jews to be destroyed, and thereupon came running together, to assault them in their houses, which when they could not easily break up nor enter, by reason the same were strongly builded, they set fire on them, so that divers houses were consumed, not only of the jews, but also of their neighbours, 
Their houses are set on fire.  so hideous was the rage of the fire. Here we see that Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis.  
The king being advertised of this riotous attempt of the outrageous people, sent some of his councillors, as Ranulfe de glanvil lord justice, and other officers to appease the tumult: but their authority was nothing regarded, nor their persuasions any whit reverenced, but their threatenings rather brought themselves in danger of life among the rude sort of those that were about to spoil, rob, and sack the houses and shops of the jews: to the better accomplishment of which their unlawful act, the light that the fire of those houses which burned, gave after it line 10 was once night, did minister no small help and occasion of furtherance. The jews that were in those houses which were set on fire, 
Iewes burnt to death.  were either smoldred and burned to death within, or else at their coming forth most cruelly received upon the points of spears, bills, swords and glaives of their adversaries that watched for them very diligently.  
This outrage of the furious and disordered people continued from the midst of the one day, till two of the clock on the other; the commons all that line 20 while never ceasing their fury against that nation, but still killing them as they met with any of them, in most horrible, rash and unreasonable manner. At length, rather wearied with their cruel doings, than satisfied with spoil, or moved with respect of reason or reverence of their prince, they withdrew themselves from their riotous enterprise, after they had executed many unlawful and horrible enormities. This great riot well deserved sore and grievous punishment, but yet it passed over without correction, line 30 in respect of the great number of the transgressors, and for that the most part of men for the hatred generally conceived against the obstinate frowardness of the jews, liked the doings hereof well enough, interpreting it to be a good token, that the joyful day of the king's advancement to the crown should be doleful unto the jews, in bringing them to such slaughter and destruction. Finally, after that the tumult was ceased, the king commanded that no man should hurt or harm any of the jews, and so line 40 they were restored to peace, after they had sustained infinite damage.  
¶ The occasion of this tragedy and bloody tumult (redounding to the jews great vexation and pitiful distress, but to the satisfying of the people's furious and unbridled proneness to cruelty) sprang principally from the king, who if he had not so lightly esteemed of the jews when they repaired unto him with their present, in sign of submission and hope of obtaining their suit then purposed to be exhibited; line 50 this hurlie burlie had not ensued. For it was a violent example & a mighty motive to the people to malign the jews; as also a hart-gréefe to them in respect of their rejection, when the prince gave them so discourteous a repulse. Here therefore is to be observed, that the people is the prince's ape, as one very well saith. For look whereto he is inclined, note wherein he delighteth; the same is the practice of the people: in consideration whereof the mighty ones of the world have special cause to have an eye to line 60 their course of life, & to set caveats before their actions, that the people may in them see none but good signs of commendable & virtuous imitation. For 
— regis imago  
Vulgus, 
Pal. in suo sag.  & ad mores accedere principis optat.  
Qualis enim rex est talis quoque subditus illi▪  
Esse solet populus, studijsque tenetur 〈◊〉   
Shortly after, to wit, the 15. day of September, a council was holden at Pipewell, 
A council at Pipewell.  where the bishops and abbots being assembled, there were in presence of the king and of the archbishop of Canturburie elected certain bishops and abbots to such places as then were vacant: and amongst other▪ William de Longchampe the king's chancellor was elected to the see of Elie, 
Wil parvus.  Geffrey the king's bastard brother unto the archbishopric of York, who was the 32. in number that had governed the same, Geffrey de Lucy to Winchester, one Hubert Walter to Salisbury, and Richard archdeacon of Elie, and the king's treasurer to the see of London. The abbeys that were provided of abbots were these, Glastenburie, Shirborne, Persore and Feversham. In like manner, john the elect of Whitherne was consecrated bishop of that see, 
The bishop of Whitherne consecrated. Rog. Houed.  by the hands of the archbishop of Dublin. Also in this council the king ordained Hugh bishop of Durham, and William Mandeville earl of Albemarle, lord chief justices of England, having deposed Ranulfe de glanvil from that room.  
Moreover, the king being thus established in the estate of the kingdom, did not forget his journey which he had promised into the holy land, but with all diligence made his provision, and namely he sought to gather money to furnish his charges, and so thereupon levied a tax, engaged, sold, and let to farm his lands, tols, customs, and other his revenues▪ with certain counties and offices, so that he made an exceeding sum of money. 
Matt. Par.  He also found, that Ranulfe de glanvil lord chief justice, and other of the head magistrates had not behaved themselves uprightly in the administration of their offices; so that he both deposed the said lord chief justice as is aforesaid, and almost all the sheriffs and their deputies within the realm of England, putting them to grievous fines for their offences and transgressions, and so by that means he got no small deal of money.  
¶ Here note by the way, 
Wil parvus.  how William parvus affirmeth, that where this Ranulfe glanvil, being a man of high wisdom and stepped into age, saw that many things were done by the new king, not so advisedly, nor with such foresight as they ought to be, sought of his own accord to be discharged of his office, that he might the better prepare himself to go in that journey to the holy land, as by taking upon him the cross he had vowed in the days of king Henry, and so he solemnly renounced his office, which other (nothing so worthy of it) did afterwards enjoy.  
Moreover, the king understanding that Hugh Putsey or Pudsey bishop of Durham, being a very aged man, had much money, he sold to him the manor of Seggesfield or Sadberge; with the wapentake belonging to the same, and also found means to persuade him to buy his own province, which he did, giving to the king an inestimable sum of money, and was thereupon created an earl by the king for the same: 
The bishop of Durham. Sadberge. The bishop of Durham made an earl.  whereupon he was entitled both bishop and earl of Durham, whereat the king would jest afterwards and say; What a cunning craftsman am I, that have made a new earl of an old bishop?  
Furthermore, the same bishop gave to the king a thousand marks to be made chief justice of England, and that he might tarry at home, and not go into the holy land. And because he would not be reproved of any person, he obtained of the apostolic see (which faileth no man that is surcharged with white or red metal, and would be eased) a licence for a sum of money to be dispensed with for that journey. The king thus being earnestly bend to make commodity of those things, 
The citizens of London present money to the king. Polydor. Liberties granted to London.  for the which he might get any money at all, the citizens of London presented unto him a great sum towards the furnishing forth of his enterprise. Whereupon to acquit their courtesy, he granted them large privileges, and ordained that the city should be ruled by two head officers, which they should choose amongst themselves removable from year to year by the name of bailiffs. 
Two bailiffs  The names of the two first bailiffs chosen by force of that ordinance, were Henry Cornhill, and Richard Fitz Reiner.  
The city before those days ever since the coming in of William Conqueror, and a good while before his time, was governed by certain officers or rulers named Port Greves (which word is derived of two Saxon words, 
Port Greves.  as Port and grieve. By Port is meant a town, and by grieve a guardian or ruler, as who should say, A keeper or ruler of a town.) These rulers with the laws & customs then used within line 10 this city, were registered in a book called (as some have said) Doomesdaie, but through negligence after these laws and customs were changed and altered, the book was lost, so that the remembrance of such rulers as were before the days of this Richard the first, are not to be had. These bailiffs ever entered at Michaelmas, and so continued forth their year.  
Thus began the city first to receive the form and state of a commonwealth, and to be divided into fellowships, which they call crafts or corporations. Such line 20 also are admitted to the fellowships of these companies, 
Apprentices.  as have truly served as apprentices a certain number of years, as seven at the least, under which time of service expired, there is none made free, nor suffered to enjoy the liberties of that city, saving such as are borne free, that is to say, of fréemen within the city, 
Fréemen.  of whom at this time, it is not much material to make any further report. The city thus consisting of the said crafts or occupations, chooseth out of the same a senate or company of grave councillors, line 30 whom they name Aldermen (E) changed into (A) according to the old Saxon pronunciation. 
Wards.  It is also divided into 26. tribes or wards, of the which every one hath his several Alderman, or overseer, who have both authority sufficient, and large privileges to maintain the good government of their portions withal. Out of the number of these, there is another officer yearly chosen and appointed, called the Mayor, 
The Mayor.  who ruleth all the rest.  
But now to return unto the further doings of line 40 king Richard before his departure out of England towards his journey into the land of Palestine, commonly called Holy land, it is said, he made such sale of things appertaining to him, as well in right of the crown, as otherwise, that it seemed to diverse he made his reckoning never to return again, in so much that some of his councillors told him plainly, that he did not well in making things away so freely, 
K. Richard setteth things on sale. Ran. Higd. Wil parvus.  to the dishonouring of his majesty, and prejudice of his successor; unto whom he answered, that line 50 in time of need it was no evil policy for a man to help himself with his own, and further joined hereto these words, that if London at that time of need would be bought, he would surely sell it, if he might meet with a convenient merchant that were able to give him money enough for it.  
Another way he had also to gather riches, and that was this. He had a licence of pope Innocent the third, to dispense with such as pleased him within his realm, for their vows made to go into the holy line 60 land, although they had taken on them the cross for that purpose, namely such as he should appoint to remain behind him for the defence of his country: and of these also he took abundantly, and diverse other he compelled to fine, namely, to the end that he might get their money likewise, that hereby he obtained no small sum toward the furniture of his journey. But both pope & prince forgot in the mean while, that Boni pastoris est tondere pecus non excoriare.  
This year also in the month of November, as Matthew Paris saith, johannes de Anagnia a cardinal and legate from the pope arrived here in England, coming on land at Dover, and because the king was as then in the north parts, the same cardinal was prohibited on the behalf of the king's mother queen Elinor, to pass any further without the king's commandment. And so he stayed there thirteen days at the charges of the archbishop of Canturburie, till the king came to those parties, by whose wisdom a direction was taken for the quieting of the controversy betwixt the archbishop, and the moonkes of Canturburie, for the chapel church of Hakinton now called S. stephan's.  
In the same month of November, by the king's appointment, Geffrey the elect of York, 
R. Houed.  who was the king's brother, with other barons and lords of Yorkshire, 
William king of Scots.  received William king of Scotland at the water of Tweed, and from thence with all due reverence and honour they brought him unto Canturburie, where the king had called a council of the lords of his realm both spiritual and temporal, 
A council c●lled at Canturburie. Polydor. An oath. Matth. Paris.  in the which every of them took an oath to be true to the king, and to continue in due obedience under him and his laws, which oath also the king of Scots received, being there present, and likewise king Richard's brethren earl john and Geffrey the archbishop of York.  
The king of Scots therefore having received this oath, 
Matth. Paris▪ Polydor.  and thinking the time to serve his purpose for redeeming of those castles, which were delivered to king Henry as gauges for his ransom, paid now unto king Richard ten thousand marks, and had restitution of the same, that is of Berwick, Roxburgh, 
Restitution made to the K. of Scots. Wil parvus.  Sterling, and Edinburgh. But William parvus saith, that Edinburgh was restored to him in the days of king Henry, by reason of his wife which he took in the parties beyond the seas: and herewith agreeth the Scotish chronicle. King Richard also assigned to queen Elinor his mother, the accustomed dower, with many lordships and honours beside, as an augmentation thereof. 
Rog. Houed.  About which time died William de Mandeville earl of Albemarle at Roven, and Hugh de Putsey the nephew of the bishop of Durham died at Ac●et, and was buried at Durham. 
N. Trivet.  Also Formalis archbishop of Trier died at Northampton, and was there buried in the church of S. Andrews.  
In the mean time, king Richard still desirous to furnish himself with money, devised yet another shift, and feigned that he had lost his seal; wherefore he commanded a new to be made, which being done, he caused it to be proclaimed and published in every country, that those to whom he had granted any thing by his deed or charter, 
Matth. Paris.  meaning to enjoy the same in surety, should not think it much to come and have it confirmed by his new seal, lest afterward the other being lost, their lawful titles might be called into question. Whereupon many that could not come to him whilst he was in England, were glad to follow him, and sail over into Normandy, and there to fine at his pleasure for the new seal, to the end that their writings might be confirmed thereby, and made so much the more sure to them and their successors. For the same business also Remigius the prior of S. Albon, and many other went over to their great costs, charges, and travel, after he was transported into France.  
I find moreover about the same time, that the king's brother earl john exhibited a sore complaint against the Roman legate and other bishops▪ for that the archbishop of Canturburie, after the appeal made unto the apostolic sea●, had put his lands under interdiction for his marriage made with the earl of Glocesters' daughter: which when the legate heard, he forthwith confirmed the appeal, and released the earls lands of the aforesaid interdiction. The same time also, the tenth part of all the movable goods through the realm of England was levied to the aid of the wars in the holy land. And this collection, passing under the name of an alms, was extended upon the goods as well of the spiritual men as temporal.  
After all this, K. Richard desirous to set order in the government of his realm, appointed Hugh bishop of Durham to have the rule of the north parts as chief justice from Humber northwards toward Scotland, 
Hugh bishop of Durham governeth the north parts. Matth. Paris.  delivering unto him also the keeping of line 10 Winchester castle: the residue of the kingdom (with the custody of the tower) he assigned to the governance of William Longchampe bishop of Elie, 
William Longchampe bishop of Elie.  whom he had made chief justice of that part, and chancellor of the realm, a man of great diligence and knowledge in the administration of things, but very factious and desirous of rule, honour and riches far above all measure. And with these two he joined in commission Hugh Bardulfe, William Martial earl of Chepstow, or rather Pembroke, Geffrey Fitz Peter, & William Brewer, men of great line 20 honour, wisdom, and discretion.  

R. Houed. King Richard passeth over in to Normandy  On the fift day of December, he departed from Canturburie, and went to Dover, there to take water, and so on the eleventh day of December he passed over unto Calais, where he found Philip earl of Flanders ready to receive him, who attended upon him till he came into Normandy, where the king held his Christmas at Burun, and immediately he came to an interview with the French king at Gue S. Remige, year 1190 

Vadum sancti Remegij.  
A league betwixt the kings of England and France.   where they concluded peace together, to line 30 be kept betwixt them & their countries on each part: the which was put in writing, and confirmed with their oaths and seals in the feast of saint Hilary.  
Furthermore, about the purification of our lady, Elinor the queen mother, and the lady Alice sister to the French king, 
R. Houed.  Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie, john bishop of Norwich, Hugh bishop of Durham, Geffrey bishop of Winchester, Reignold bishop of Bath, William Bishop of Elie, Hubert bishop line 40 of Salisbury, and Hugh bishop of Chester, with Geffrey the elect of York and john earl of Mortaigne the kings two brethren, by commandment of the king passed over into Normandy to comen with him before hi● setting forward▪  
¶ Some write, that now at this present, the king should ordain or rather confirm the bishop of Elie his chancellor to be lord chief justice over all England, and the bishop of Durham to be lord justice from Trent northwards. But whensoever they were line 50 thu● advanced to such dignities, 
Contention betwixt two ambitious bishops.  howsoever they came by them, directly or indirectly, tr●● it is, that immediately thereupon, strife and discord did arise betwixt them: for 〈◊〉 proud and insolent, they disdained each other, contending which of them should bear most rule and authority▪ insomuch that whatsoever seemed good to the 〈…〉 misliked, as in cases where partners in authority are equal, it often happeneth. The like hereof is 〈◊〉 before between the archbishops of Canturburie 〈◊〉 York line 60 in diverse kings reigns▪ Fo● the nature of ambition is to delight in singularity, to admit no peers▪ to give place to no superior, to acknowledge no equal. Hereto alludeth the poet very nealley, and exemplifieth it in the old Romans, the ●rder of whose actions is continued at this day, as by th● wo●●s ensuing may be gathered, and ordinarily observed, booth here and elsewhere; 
〈…〉 pladoxe,  
Plebei●●▪ quo●ie● suffragi● 〈◊〉,  

M. Pal●n sua uong.  Cerdo●úmque ani●●● precibus sosuilibusque  
Turpibus obsequijs 〈…〉  
Vt proprijs rebus cur 〈…〉 publica 〈◊〉  
Pérque foram medium multis comitantibus irent,  
Inflati v● vento follies, ac fronte superba, etc.   
Moreover, at the same time he caused his two brethren, earl john, and Geffrey the elect archbishop of York to take an oath not to return into England during the term of three years next ensuing, without his consent and licence first had. This he did, foreseeing what might happen, providing as it were against such practices as his brethren might happily attempt against him. But yet his mother queen Elinor procured him to revoke that decree immediately, lest it might seem to the world, that her sons should stand in fear one of another. And so the earl of Mortaigne was licensed to return into England at his pleasure, 
Earl john licensed to return into England.  swearing an oath at his departure to obey the king's behest, and truly to serve him, according to the duty of a good and loyal subject. The bishop of Elie lord chancellor and chief justice of England was also sent back hither into this realm, to set forward things behoveful for the king's journey.  
In like manner the king sent to Rome to obtain that the said bishop of Elie might be constituted the pope's legate through both the provinces of Canturburie and York, 
The bishop of Elie returneth.  and likewise through Wales and Ireland. Which was soon granted by the bulls of pope Clement the third, bearing date the 5. of june. For the which office the bishops gave him 1500. marks, to the great offence of the king, as he showed afterward to cardinal Octavian that came to visit him when he arrived in the river of Tiber, being upon his journey towards Messina, as after may appear. But in the mean time, calling together the lords and peers of those his dominions on that side the sea, to wit, Normandy, Britain, Anjou, Poitou, 
Polydor.  and Given, he consulted with them what number of soldiers and how many ships it should be convenient for him to take with him and furnish into Alla: and herewith he did command them also to obey Robert earl of Leicester, whom he appointed to remain amongst them as his lieutenant or vicegerent of those parts during his absence.  
¶ But here to leave king Richard in consultation for matters appertaining to his journey, and show briefly what happened (by the way) to the jews, which as then dwelled here in England, after that king Richard was passed ever into Normandy: 
W. Paruu●.  ye have heard how after the riot against them at London, when the king was crowned, he took order that they should remain in peace under his protection, and commanded that no person should in any wise molest them. But now after that he was gone over, and that the soldiers (which prepared themselves to follow him) began to assemble in r●●●s, the heads of the common people began to wax wild, 〈◊〉 feign would they have had some occasion of raising a new tumult against the jews, 
The hatred borne to the jews.  whom (for these unmerciful usury practised to the undoing of many an honest man) they most ●●adlie hated, wishing most earnestly these expulsion out of England▪ hereupon by reason of a riot committed lately against them, at the town of L●n in Norfolk, where ma●ie of them were slain, other people in other parts of the realm, taking occasion hereat, as if they had been called up by the sound of a bell or trumpet, a●ose against them in those 〈◊〉 where they had any habit 〈…〉 them after a disordered 〈…〉.  
As at Stamford (on the fair day in Lent) at Lincoln, and at York, 
john Textor.  in which city after a number of them had been besieged certain days within a 〈◊〉 of the kings (whither they fled for succour) one of them learned governors caused four hundred of 
Five hundred saith Hoveden and Textor.  their company to consent to have their thro●s cut one at an others hands, he himself cutting his wives throt first, whose name was Anna, than his children's, one after another, and last of all slew himself, only rather than he would fall into the hands of the christians, that had thus long besieged them. The rest perceiving what their great Rabbi had done, set fire upon all their goods and substance, which they had gotten into the tower with them, and so consuming the same, would have burnt also the residue of their fellows which would not agree to the Rabbis counsel, line 10 in the cruel murdering of themselves, if they had not taken a strong turret hard by within that tower, and defended themselves both from the fire and cruelty of their brethren, who had made away themselves in such manner as I have said: and that to the number of four hundred, or (as some writ) five hundred at the least.  
On the morrow, those that were saved, called out to the people, and not only showed how and after what sort their fellows were dispatched, but also offered line 20 to be baptized, and forsake their judaisme, if they might have their lives saved from the imminent & present danger wherein they saw themselves to be wrapped, through the fury of the people. To be short, this thing was granted, and they came forth, howbeit they were no sooner entered into the press, but they were all slain, and not one man of them preserved.  
After this also, the people ran to the cathedral church, and broke into those places where their bonds line 30 and obligations lay, by the which they had diverse of the king's subjects bound unto them in most unconscionable sort, and for such detestable usury as (if the authors that writ thereof were not of credit) would hardly be believed. All which evidences or bonds they solemnly burned in the midst of the church. After which, each went his way, the soldiers to the king, and the commons to their houses, and so was the city quieted. This happened at York on palmsunday eve, being the 17. of March: and upon line 40 the 15. of that month, those that inhabited in the town of S. Edmundsburie in Suffolk, were set upon, and many of them slain. The residue that escaped, through the procurement of the abbot than named Samson, were expelled, so that they never had any dwellings there since that time.  
Thus were the jews unmercifully dealt with in all places in manner through this realm, the first beginning whereof chanced at London (as before ye have heard) and the next at Lin, of which I think it line 50 good to note some part of the manner thereof, although briefly, and so to return to my purpose. The occasion therefore of the tumult at Lin chanced by this means: it fortuned that one of the jews there was become a christian, wherewith those of his nation were so moved, that they determined to kill him where soever they might find him. And hereupon they set upon him one day as he came by, through the streets: he to escape their hands fled to the next church; but his countrymen were so desirous to execute line 60 their malicious purpose, that they followed him still, and enforced themselves to break into the church upon him. Herewith the noise being raised by the christians that sought to save the converted jew, a number of mariners being foreigners, that were arrived there with their vessels out of sundry parts, and diverse also of the townsmen came to the rescue, and setting upon the jews, caused them to flee into their houses.  
The townsmen were not very earnest in pursuing of them, because of the king's proclamation and ordinance before time made in favour of the jews: 
The slaughter made of the jews at Lin.  but the mariners followed them to their houses, 〈◊〉 diverse of them, rob and sacked their goods, and finally set their dwellings on fire; and so burnt them up altogether. These mariners being enriched with the spoil of the jews goods, and fearing to be called to account for their unlawful act by the king's officers, got them forthwith to shipboard, and hoising up sails, departed with their ships to the sea, and so escaped the danger of that which might have been otherwise laid to their charge▪ The townsmen being called to an account excused themselves by the mariners, burdening them with all the fault. But although they of Lin were thus excused, yet they of York escaped not so easily. For the king being advertised of such outrage, done contrary to the order of his laws and express commandment, wrote over to the bishop of Elie his chancellor, charging him to take cruel punishment of the offenders.  
The bishop with an army went to York, but the chief authors of the riot hearing of his coming, fled into Scotland: yet the bishop at his coming to the city, caused earnest inquiry to be made of the whole matter. The citizens excused themselves, & offered to prove that they were not of counsel with them that had committed the riot, neither had they aided nor comforted them therein in any manner of wise. And in deed the most part of them that were the offenders, were of the countries and towns near to the city, with such as were crossed into the holy land, and now gone over to the king, so that very few or none of the substantial men of the city were found to have joined with them. Howbeit this would not excuse the citizens, 
The citizens of York put to their fine for slaughter of the jews.  but that they were put to their fine by the stout bishop, every of them paying his portion according to his power and ability in substance, the common sort of the poor people being pardoned, and not called into judgement, sith the ringleaders were fled and gone out of the way: and thus much by way of digression touching the jews.  
Now to return unto the king, who in this mean time was very busy to provide all things necessary to set forward on his journey; his ships which lay in the mouth of the river of Saine, being ready to put off, he took order in many points concerning the state of the commonwealth on that side, and chiefly he called to mind, that it should be a thing necessary for him, to name who should succeed him in the kingdom of England, if his chance should not be to return again from so long and dangerous a journey. 
Matt. Wes●.  He therefore named (as some suppose) his nephew Arthur, the son of his brother Geffrey duke of Britain, to be his successor in the kingdom, a y●●ng man of a likely proof and princely towardness, but not ordained by God to succeed over this kingdom.  
About the same time the bishop of Elie, lord chancellor and chief justice of England, took up to the king's use, of every city in England two palfreys and two sumpter horses, & of every abbeie one palfrey and one sumpter horse; & every manor within the realm ●ound also one palfrey and one sumpter horse. Moreover, the said bishop of Elie delivered the government of Yorkshire to his brother O●bert de Longchampe: and ●ll those knights of the said shire, the which would not come to make answer to the law upon summons given them, he commanded to be apprehended and by and by cast in prison. Also when the bishop of Durham was returned from the king and co●e over into England to go v●to his charge, at his meeting with the lord chancellor at Elie (notwithstanding that he showed him his letters patents of the grant made to him to be justice from Trent northward) the said lord chancellor taking his journey to Southwell with him, 
The bishop 〈◊〉 Durham restrained of liberty.  there detained him as prisoner, till he had made surrender to him of the castle of Windsor, & further had delivered to him his sons, Henry de Putsey, and Gilbert de la Ley, as pledges that he should keep the peace against the king and all his subjects, until the said prince should return from the holy land. And so he was delivered for that time, though shortly after, and whilst he remained at Hoveden, there came to him Osbert de Longchampe the lord chancellor's brother, and William de Stuteville, the which caused the said bishop to find sufficient surety that he should not thence departed without the king's licence, or the line 10 lord chancellor's, so long as the king should be absent o● Hereupon the bishop of Durham sent knowledge to the king how and in what sort he had been handled by the chancellor.  
In the meantime the king was gone into Gascoigne, where he besieged a castle that belonged to one William de Chisi, 
William de Chisi.  and took both the castle and the owner, whom he caused to be hanged for the spoils and robberies which he had committed upon pilgrims that passed by those parts toward Compostella, line 20 to visit the body of saint james. After this, the king came back unto Chinon in Anjou, 
The king's navy is set forth.  and there took order for the setting forth of his navy by sea, over which he appointed chief governors Gerard archbishop of Aux, Bernard bishop of Baieux, Robert de Sablius, Richard de Camuille, and William de Forz de Ulerun, commanding all those that should pass forth with his said navy, 
Baion. Sablius, or Sabuille.  to be obedient unto these persons as his deputies and lieutenants. Herewith they were appointed to provide line 30 victuals to serve all those that should go by sea for the space of 60. days.  

Polydor.  The king also made the same time certain ordinances to be observed among the seafaring men which tended to this effect:  
1 First, that if any man chanced to ●lea an other on the shipboard, 
Sleiers of men.  he should be bound to the dead body and so thrown into the sea.  
2 secondly, if he killed him on land, he should yet be bound to him as before, and so buried quick line 40 together.  

Brallers.  3 thirdly, if any man should be convicted by lawful witness, that he drew any weapon to strike any other, or chanced by striking at any man to draw blood of him that was smitten, 
Punishment for bloud-drawers.  he should lose his hand.  
4 fourthly, if he gave but a blow with his fist without bloodshedding, he should be plunged three several times over head and ears in the water.  
5 fiftly, if any man reviled another, he should line 50 for every time so misusing himself, 
Revilers.  forfeit an ounce of silver.  

Theft and pickery.  6 sixtly, that if any man were taken with theft or pickery, and thereof convicted, he should have his head polled, and hot pitch powered upon his pate, and upon that, the feathers of some pillow or cushion shaken aloft, that he might thereby be known for a thief, and at the next arrival of the ships to any land, be put forth of the company to seek his adventure, without all hope of return unto his fellows. line 60  
These were the statutes which this famous prince did enact at the first for his navy, which sithence that time have been very much enlarged. About the same time john Bishop of Whiterne in Scotland, suffragan to the church of York, ordained Geffrey archbishop of York, 
Wil parvus.  priest. At the same season also the election of the same Geffrey was confirmed by pope Clement, who among other things that he wrote to the chapter of York on his behalf, in the end he addeth these words: We do therefore admonish you all, and by the apostolical bulls command you, that you exhibit both reverence and honour unto him as unto your prelate, that thereby you may appear commendable both before God and man. Given at Lateran in the nonce of March and third year of our government.  
Whilst these things were in doing, there came into France legates from the said Clement, to move the two kings to make all the speed possible towards their journey, because of the great danger wherein things stood in Palestine, requiring present help. Hereupon king Richard (his men and provision being ready) commanded that his ships should set forward, 
Polydor. King Richard set forward on his journey. Rog. Houed.  & to coast about by the streicts of Giberalterre to come unto Marseilles, where he appointed to meet them, and so with a chosen company of men he also set forth thitherwards by land, and coming to Towers, received the scrip and staff as a pilgrim should, at the hands of the archbishop there.  
After this, both the kings of England and France met at Uizeley in the octaves of the nativity of S. john Baptist, and when they had remained there two days they passed forth to the city of Lion; where the two kings departed in sunder, 
Anno Reg. 2.  and each one kept his journey, the one toward Guenes, where his navy was appointed to come to him, and the other to Marseilles, there to meet with his fleet, according to his appointment. But the English ships being let and stayed by the way by contrary winds and rigorous tempests, 
The English fleet stayed by contrary winds.  which tossed them to and fro upon the coasts of Spain, could not come in any convenient time unto Marseilles, so that king Richard thinking long to tarry for them, 
Twenty galleys & twelve other vessels saith Houed.  & perceiving they could not keep their appointed time, he hired ships from all places thereabouts, and embarking himself and his men in the same, upon saint Laurence even, 
Upon the seventh day of August saith Hoveden.  sailed forth towards Sicily, where he was appointed to meet with king Philip.  
Here is to be noted, that king Richard made not all that journey from Marseilles to Messina by sea, 
Rog. Houed.  but sundry times coming on land, hired horses, and road forth alongst the coast, appointing with his ships and galleys where to meet him, and sometimes he rested certain days together in one place or other as at Portdelphin, at Naples, and at Salerne, from whence there departed from him Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie, Hubert bishop of Salisbury, and the lord Ranulfe de glanvil, the which taking upon them to go before, with prosperous wind and weather in short space landed at Acon, which was then besieged, as you shall hear hereafter.  
At Rome the king came not, but being within the stream of the river of Tiber, there came to him a cardinal named Octavianus, bishop of Hostia, to whom he spoke many reproachful words of the covetousness used in the court of Rome (a vice reputed the common nurse of all mischéefes, 
King Richard blameth the court of Rome for covetousness.  as one very well noteth, 
Vbi avaritia est, habitant fermè omnia ibidem  
Flagitia, impietas, periuria, furta, rapinae,  
Frauds atque doli, insidiaeque & proditiones,  
jurgia & infandae caedes, etc.)  Because they had received seven hundred marks for the consecration of the bishop of Mauns, and 1500. marks for the confirming of the bishop of Elie the pope's legate. And again no small sum of money they had received of the archbishop of Bordeaux, when upon an accusation brought against him by the clergy of his province he should have been deposed. In the mean time whiles king Richard thus passed forward towards Messina, the navy that was appointed to coast about Spain and to meet him at Marseilles, was tossed (as before is said) with wind and tempests, and a part thereof, that is to wit, ten ships driven here and there on the coasts of Spain, of which number nine arrived at Lisbon and the tenth being a ship of London arrived at the city of Sylva, which was then the uttermost city of Spain, that was inhabited with christians.  
The Saracens at that time made wars against the king of Portugal, so that the Portugese's stood in need of aid, in so much that they of Sylva did not only entreat the Englishmen to stay with them for a time, but also got grant of them to break their ship, with the timber whereof they might the better fortify their town, promising that their king should recompense them with an other as good as theirs, and also further satisfy them for their service, during the time of their abode there in defence of line 10 that city. Likewise of those that arrived at Lisbon there went to the number of five hundred unto saint Iranes, where the king of Portugal then was, looking to be assaulted by his enemies: 
The king of Portugal.  but by the counterfeit death of the great K. of the Saracens named Boiac Almiramumoli (who feared these new succours, 
Almiramumoli king of the Saracens.  and doubted the sequel of his doings, to the end he might departed with honour, he feigned himself dead) the king of Portugal was for that time presently delivered out of danger. line 20  
Hereupon he returned to Lisbon, where he found three score and three other ships of king Richard's navy there newly arrived, over the which were chief captains Robert de Sabwille, 
Robert de Sabwille. Richard de Camuille.  and Richard de Camuille: which at their coming to land could not so govern their people, but that some naughty fellows amongst them fell to breaking and robbing of orchards: some also entering into the city, behaved themselves very disorderly. But yet by the coming of the king, their lewdness was stayed, so that line 30 he seemed not to seek revenge of the pilgrims, but rather with courteous means to bridle their unlawful attempts: whereunto the diligence of the English captains not a little prevailed for a while, but yet for all that could be done on both sides, within three days after, a new tumult was raised betwixt the English pilgrims and the townsmen, and diverse hurt and killed on either part.  

A mutiny betwixt the Englishmen and the townsmen of Lisbon. Englishmen committed to prison.  Whereupon the king caused the gates of the city to be shut, and all those that were come from the line 40 ships into the city to eat and drink (being in number about seven hundred) were apprehended and committed to ward: and before they could be released, sir Robert Sabwille and sir Richard Camuille were glad to agree with the king, so as all former offences being remitted, and things taken by either part restored, the Englishmen promised to observe the peace against the king of Portugal and his people; and he likewise covenanted for him and his subjects, that they should keep the peace against all pilgrim's line 50 that went forth in this voyage, and use them like his friends, and thus the quarrel ceased.  
Soon after, the English navy departed from Lisbon, and came unto the mouth of the river of Taie, between Caperico and Belem, where the same day on saint james éeve the lord William de Forzdulerun arrived also with three and thirty other ships, 
The English ships meet together.  and so then they were in all about an hundred and six sails very well furnished and manned, and so from thence taking their course towards Marsciles, line 60 finally they arrived there in the octaves of the assumption of our lady; and staying there an eight days (till they had repaired such things about their ships as were needful) they set forward again, and came to Messina in Sicily in the feast of the exaltation of the cross. On the sunday following also came the French king thither, having lost no small part of his navy by tempests of weather.  
King Richard as then remained at Saleru, and hearing that his navy was gone towards Messina, 
They arrive at Messina.  he departed thence on the thirteenth day of September, and hasted forth towards Messina, passing by Melphi and Cocenza, and so at length coming to Faro de Messina, he passed the same, 
K. Richard arriveth at Messina.  and on the 23. day of September arrived at Messina with great noise of trumpets and other instruments, to the wonder of the French king and others that beheld his great puissance and royal behaviour now at his coming. The same time he went unto the French kings lodging, to comen with him of their business: and immediately the French king took the sea, in purpose to have passed forward on his journey but by contrary wind he was stayed and kept back within the haven, whereupon both the kings determined to winter there, and in the mean time to provide themselves of all things necessary for their iornie, against the beginning of the next spring. On the 30 of September he received his sister the queen of Sicily, the widow of William late king of that I'll, whom he placed in a strong fortress, which he took the same day, and left therein a convenient garrison of men of arms and demilances for the safeguard of the place and of his said sister.  
¶ But now for the better understanding of the cause of such quarreling as fell out betwixt the Englishmen and the Sicilians, ye shall understand that a little before the arrival of the kings of England and France in those parts, king William of Sicily was departed this life, leaving no issue behind him. Whereupon the lords of the isle elected one Tancred to their king, a bastard son of Roger sometime king of that land, and grandfather to this last deceased king William. This Tancred though he received king Richard very courteously: yet he greatly trusted him not, because he demanded the dowry of his sister queen joane, wife to the late king William to be restored, whereas he had not ready money to discharge it.  
Furthermore to departed with the city of Mount saint Angelo, 
A chair of gold.  with all the country thereunto belonging, which was indeed assigned to her for her dowry, he thought in no wise profitable: but king Richard did not only require that city and county with a chair of gold, 
K. Richard's demands for the dowry of his sister wife to K. William.  according to the custom of that kingdom in right of his sister, as due to her by way of her dowry, but also he required to his own use a table of gold containing twelve foot in length, and one foot and an half in breadth, & two trestles of gold to bear up the same table, with 24. silver cups, and as many dishes of silver, with a tent of silk of such largeness that two hundred knights might sit at meat within it: also forty thousand measures of wheat, with as many of barley, and as many of wine, beside one hundred armed galleys, with all furniture and victuals sufficient to serve the gallie-men in the same for the term of two years. These things he demanded as due to him being heir to his father king Henry, accordingly as was devised by king William in his last will and testament, which demands seemed intolerable to the said Tancred: so that if he could have shifted the matter, he was loath to have heard thereof.  
Moreover, because pope Clement in right of the church pretended a title to the realm of Sicily, now that king William was dead without heirs, he doubted of some practice that might be made against him betwixt king Richard and the pope. Whereupon he thought to provide against all attempts that might be made, fortifying his towns & castles with strong garrisons, and took counsel with the citizens of Messina, by what means he might soon dispatch his country of that present danger, and procure K. Richard to get him forward on his journey.  
Whilst these things were in hand, there was ministered to the English men occasion of displeasure▪ for as it oftentimes chanceth (where an army is) certain of the unruly soldiers within Messina used themselves somewhat riotously, whereupon the citizens offended therewith, got them to armour, and chased all the soldiers out of the city. King Richard who lay in camp without the walls near to the city, was so highly displeased herewith, that he caused his men to arm themselves, and to prepare ladders and other necessary things to assault the city: but by the mediation of the French king & courteous excuse of king Tancred (alleging the fault to rest only in a sort of rude citizens, whom he promised to punish) the matter was taken up, and stayed line 10 for a time, till at length it was perceived, that the Sicilians subtly went about to feed king Richard with fair words, till he should be ready to set forwards on his journey, and so should the matter pass without further punishment.  
Hereupon king Richard, not minding to be so mocked at their hands, approached one day to the walls and gates with his army in good array of battle to give the assault, which was done so earnestly, line 20 and so well maintained, 
k. Richard assalteth and entereth the city by force.  that finally the city was entered by force, and many of the citizens slain, but the slaughter had been much greater, if king Richard had not commanded his men to spare the sword, moved with the lamentable noise of poor people crying to him for mercy and grace. The Englishmen having got possession of the city pight up the banners with the arms of the king of England round about the walls, wherewith the French king was sore displeased, and required that the same might be taken line 30 down, and his set up: but the king of England would not so agree. Nevertheless to pacify the French kings mood, he delivered the city of Messina into the custody of the knights Templars and Hospitalers, till he might be satisfied of such things as he demanded of king Tancred.  
After this on the 8. day of October, the two kings of England and France, before a great number of earls, 
The two kings of England and France receive a solemn oath.  barons, and others, both of the clergy and temporalty, took their solemn oaths, that the one should defend the other, and also either others army line 40 in this journey, both coming and going, without fraud or deceit: and the like oath was received by the earls and barons on both parties. Then the two kings by advise and consent of both their armies devised these ordinances.  

Ordinances devised.  1 That all pilgrims which chanced to die in this journey might dispose at their pleasure all their armour, horses, and apparel, and half of those things which they had with them, so that they sent nothing line 50 home into their countries, and the other half should be at the discretion of Walter archbishop of Roven, Manser bishop of Langres, of the master of the temple, and of the master of the Hospital, of Hugh duke of Burgoigne, of Ralph de Coucie, of Drogo de Marlowe, of Robert Sabuill, Andrew de Chavennie, and of Gilbert Wascoile, which should implore the same towards the support of the wars in the holy land against the infidels as they thought most expedient. line 60  

Play forbidden.  2 That no man should play at any game within the army for money, except knights and chapleins, the which should not lose in one day and night above 20 shillings, they to forfeit an 100 shillings so oft as they lost above that sum: the persons aforenamed to have the same to be distributed as afore is said. The two kings might play, and command their servants in their presence likewise to play, so that they exceeded not the sum of 20 shillings. And also the servants of archbishops, bishops, earls and barons, by their masters commandment might play, not exceeding that sum: but if any servants or mariners, or other of like degree, were found to play without licence, the servants should be whipped naked three days round about the camp, except they ransomed forth themselves, at the pleasure of the persons above named: and the mariners should be plunged over head and ears in the sea three mornings together, after the use of seamen, except they redeemed that punishment, at the discretion likewise of the said persons: and those of other like mean degrees being neither knights nor chapleins should be punished as servants.  
3 That if any pilgrim borrowed any thing of an other whilst he was on his journey, 
Borrowing.  he should be bound to pay it: but if he borrowed it before his setting forth, he was not bound to answer it till his return home.  
4 That if any mariner or servant, 
Soldiers or mariners departing from their masters.  retoined in wages with any man in this journey, departed from his master without licence, no other person might receive him, and if he did, he should be punished at the discretion of the forenamed persons.  
5 That no vitteler or other should buy any bread to sell again, 
Uittelers.  nor any meal within the compass of the camp, except the same were brought by a stranger, neither might they buy any past or other thing to sell again in the camp, or within a league of it.  
6 That if any man bought corn whereof to make bread, it was appointed how much he should gain in one measure beside the bran.  
7 That other occupiers, which used buying and selling of wares, should gain one penny in 10 pence, neither should any man refuse any of the king's coin, except it were broken within the circle.  
8 That no man should buy any flesh to sell it again, except a living beast, which he should kill within the camp.  
9 That no man should make bread to sell, but after the rate of penny loaves. Wherein the penny English was appointed to go for four pence Aniovine. All these ordinances with other were decreed and ordained to be observed and kept by the counsel, consent, and agreement of the kings of England, France, and Sicily.  
But to return now to the dissension betwixt the Englishmen and them of Messina: 
Polydor.  ye shall understand that the tumult being once ceased, and diverse of the chief offenders in the late commotion put to death, king Tancred shortly after came thither, and sought to avoid all suspicion out of king Richard's head, that he might conceive of him for being in any wise culpable in that which his subjects of Messina had attempted against him, and therefore having recovered money of his friends, he restored unto king Richard the dowry of his sister queen joane, and further offered unto him to join in new alliance with him, offering his daughter in marriage unto Arthur duke of Britain, the king's nephew, with a great sum of money for her dowry, if it so should please him.  
King Richard accepted the offer, and so joined in peace and affinity with the king of Sicily, receiving of him twenty thousand ounces of gold for the same marriage to be had, and an honourable dowry assigned forth of the lands that belonged to the said Arthur for the said lady to enjoy during her life, in case she survived her husband. And if it so chanced, that by the death of either of them the marriage could not take place, than should king Richard restore the same twenty thousand ounces of gold again. But beside these twenty thousand ounces of gold thus given by king Tancred for the marriage of his daughter, he gave other twenty thousand ounces to king Richard for an acquittance and quite claim of all manner of duties, rights, and demands, which either he or his sister might pretend, either by reason of any bequest, dowry, or any other manner of way.  
England seeketh to have some quarrel why he may refuse to marry with my sister. For these are but forged matters, and no truth resteth in them.  
When the king of England understood this manner of answer, he replied in this wise; That as for the French kings sister, he might not marry, for as much as he was able to produce good witness to prove that his father had lain with her and got a child of her. And as for his privy proceeding and practice with Tancred, he needed no further testimony than line 10 his own hand and his seal, the party himself being present who received them, the messenger also being not far off that carried them between both the parties.  
When the French king was throughly informed of the first point, through counsel of the earl of Flanders and others, he pacified himself, and was contented to release the king of England of his faith given by oath for the contract made with his sister Alice: in consideration of which releasement and deliverance, the king of England covenanted to give line 20 yearly to the French king two thousand marks of starling coin for the term of five years together: and at his return home, it was agreed, that he should also deliver unto the French king his sister the said lady Alice, with the town of guysor's, and all other things which the French king had granted to him with his said sister. On the other part, the French king granted, that the duchy of Britain should appertain to the dominion of the duchy of Normandy, so as the duke of Britain should be accounted line 30 the liege man of the duke of Normandy, and that the duke of Normandy should answer the French king for both the duchies, as well of Britain as Normandy. These agréements were ratified and confirmed with solemn oaths received, and charters given under their hands and seals, upon the 30. of March.  
About this time the French king (now that the season of the year was come) set forward toward the holy land, 
The French king setteth forth from Messina towards the holy land.  leaving king Richard behind him in line 40 Sicily: and the two and twentieth day after his setting forth from Messina, he arrived at the siege of Acres or Acon. The same day also that the French king departed from Messina, queen Elinor the mother of king Richard arrived there, bringing with her the lady Berengaria the daughter of Sanctius the king of Navarre, and the fourth day after queen Elinor took leave of her son king Richard, 
Queen Elinor returneth by Rome.  and departed homeward towards England, taking her line 50 journey by Rome about the business of Geffrey the elect of York, as to entreat the pope that he would confirm and consecrate him archbishop, or to authorize some other to do it in his name. The lady Berengaria remained behind with the king's sister joane queen of Sicily.  
After this in the month of April, on the wednesday in the passion week, king Richard (after he had finished and made an end of all conclusions with king Tancred) did also set forward with his sister joane, who took with her the lady Berengaria line 60 daughter to the king of Navarre, affianced to him long before, 
Matth. Paris. 150. ships and 53. galies saith Rog. Houed.  as above is partly mentioned. His navy consisted in thirteen mighty great ships with triple sails, an hundred carikes or rather hulks, and fifty galleys. He was no sooner abroad in the main sea, but a great tempest arose, wherewith his whole navy was sore tossed and turmoiled up and down the seas, and at length driven on the coast of Cypress, where seeking to take harbour, & to come on land, the Cypriots would not suffer him, but showed countenance to drive him back, and to resist his landing. Also whereas six of his ships were so driven by force of tempest from the residue, that three of them perished, and three being cast upon the shore of Cypress before the king's arrival there, the soldiers and other people in the same were compelled to come on land for saving their lives, where otherwise they stood in danger of drowning, the people of the isle assailing them in right cruel sort, slew diverse, and took the residue prisoners, and so detained them for a certain season.  
King Richard then understanding this injury to him done by the Cypriots, & perceiving they would resist his landing, prepared himself and his people to enter upon them by force. The king of Cypress Isakius or Cursach (whom Hoveden nameth emperor of Cypress) had assembled the most part of all the power of men that he might make (though few of them were armed, or had any great skill in feats of war) and caused them to set boards, logs of wood, benches, forms, and great chests afore them, as a defence, and as it were in steed of a wall, that by succour thereof they might the better keep off their enemy from landing.  
But K. Richard so encouraged his men by his presence, & heartened them with such comfortable words as he uttered unto them, that rowing to the shore with their galies and small boats, 
The Englishmen take land & chase their enemies.  having the archers afore them, they easily got to land, drove their enemies back, and so far pursued them (being but footmen, weatherbeaten, weary, and wet) as conveniently they might, for the shortness of time. King Richard having thus got foot on land, approached the town of Limezun, which he with his soldiers entered, and finding it empty of people (which were fled away) but full of riches and great plenty of victuals, as corn, wine, oil, and flesh, he seized thereupon.  
The same day also the king's sisters and the lady Berengaria with the residue of the king's navy entered the haven of Limezun. In the mean time the king of Cypress (having escaped from the battle) got together his men which were fled and dispersed sundry ways, and encamped within six miles of king Richard, threatening that the next day he would eftsoons give battle: which when king Richard understood, he caused his people to be armed the next morning long before day, and so coming by guides unto the place where the Cypriots with their king were lodged, 
King Richard with a camisado vanqui●heth the Cypriots, & chaseth them out of their camp. john Textor.  suddenly they assailed them yer they had any warning of his marching towards them, by reason whereof they were slain like beasts in great numbers. Howbeit, their king and a few other▪ escaped and fled away naked, having no time to put on their apparel, his treasure, horse, armour and standard were taken, which standard king Richard straightways determined to send unto saint Edmund's shrine, and so did.  
Having thus vanquished his adversaries, 
The K. of jerusalem and other noble men do fealty unto king Richard.  he came back to Limezun: and the third day after, Guy king of jerusalem and his brother Geffrey de Lucignan with the prince of Antioch Raimond and his son named also Raimond earl of Tripoli, with other noble men, arrived at Limezun aforesaid, to visit king Richard, and to offer him their services, and so became his men, in swearing fealty to him against all other persons whatsoever.  
The same day the king of Cypress perceiving himself unable to resist the great puissance of king Richard's army, sent ambassadors, and offered to king Richard the sum of twenty thousand marks of gold, 
The offers of the king of Cypress.  in recompense of the money which his men that were drowned had about them, and also to restore those to liberty which he had taken prisoners, and to make delivery to their hands of all their goods. Furthermore, he offered to go with him into the holy land personally, and to serve him with an hundred knights, 400 light horsemen, and 500 well armed footmen, & also to deliver to king Richard his daughter and heir in hostage, 
The king of Cypress submitteth himself.  and to acknowledge him his sovereign lord, by swearing to him fealty for his kingdom, as for that which he should confess to hold of him.  
King Richard accepted these offers, and so the king of Cypress came in and swore fealty to king Richard, in presence of the king of jerusalem, the prince of Antioch, and other barons, and promised line 10 upon his oath then received, not to departed till all things covenanted on his part were performed. Then king Richard assigned tents for him and his to lodge in, and appointed certain knights and other men of war to have the custody of him. But the same day after dinner upon repentance of that which he had done, he deceived his keepers and s●ale away, sending knowledge back to the king that he would not stand to the covenants, which were concluded upon betwixt them. line 20  
King Richard seemed to like the matter well enough, and forthwith delivered a part of his army unto the king of jerusalem and to the prince of Antioch, appointing them to pursue the king of Cypress by land, whilst he with one part of his galleys and Robert de Turneham with the other might search about the coast by sea, to prohibit his passage by water. In every place where they came, such ships and galleys as they found they seized into their hands, and no resistance was made against them, by reason line 30 the people fled to the woods and mountains, leaving the cities, towns and castles void in all stéeds, where the king or the said sir Robert de Turneham with their vessels began to appear. 
Robert de Turneham.  When they had taken their pleasure thus alongst the coasts, they returned again unto Limezun. The king of jerusalem and the other that went forth by land, when they could not speed of their purpose, returned also, in which mean time a great number of Cypriots came in, and submitting themselves to king Richard, were line 40 received as his subjects.  
On the 12. day of May, the lady Berengaria daughter to the king of Navarre was married according to a precontract unto king Richard at Limezun aforesaid in the isle of Cypress, 
The king of England marrieth the lady Berengaria. She is crowned queen.  one of the king's chaplains executing the order of the marriage. The same day also she was crowned by the bishop of Eureux, the archbishops of Apamea and Aur, with the bishop of Baion ministering unto him. After the solemnity of this marriage and coronation ended, line 50 king Richard se● forward with his army into the country of Cypress, and first won (by surrender) the city of Nichosia, and after the strong castle of Cherin, within the which was the daughter of the king of Cypress, which lady humbly yielded herself unto K. Richard, who (counting it reproach to be extreme with such as submit themselves, and specially the female sex, according to the old saying, Parcere subiectis nobilis s●it ira leonis) had pity of her case, and sent her to his wife the new line 60 queen, willing that she might be honourably used. From thence passing forward, these castles were delivered into his hands, 
Castles delivered to the king of England.  Baffes and Buffenent▪ Den, Amur, Candace, and afterwards all the other castles and cities, towns and places of strength within that I'll one after an other. Finally, hearing that the king of Cypress was enclosed in an abbeie called Cap S. Andrew, he marched thitherwards: but when the king of Cypress heard of his approach, 
The king of Cypress again submitteth himself to the king of England. Ralph Fitz Geffrey.  he came forth and submitted himself wholly into his hands. The king first appointed him to the keeping of his chamberlain Ralph Fitz Geffrey, and after sent him unto the city of Tripoli, there to be kept in close prison. Who when he heard he should be committed to close prison, and remain in fetters, said, that if he lay in irons, he should shortly end his life. Whereunto king Richard when he heard of it, answered: He saith well, and therefore because he is a noble man, and our mind is not to have him dead, but only to be kept safe from starting any more away, and doing new hurt, let him be chamed in gives and fetters made of silver, and so he was.  
But to proceed. After the king had set the country of Cypress in good stay, he delivered the keeping thereof unto Richard de Camuille and Robert de Turneham. This done, 

He arrived there on the saturday in Whitsunwéek, being the saturday also next before the feast of S. Barnaby.  
Galfridus Vinsant.   upon the wednesday in the Whitsunwéeke he took the sea again, and passed over to the city of Acres, which as then was besieged by the christian army, as ye may read in the description of the holy land, only giving you to understand, that such was the valiancy of king Richard showed in manful constreining of the city, that his praise was greatly bruited both amongst the christians and also the Saracens.  
Howbeit the secret enmity betwixt him and the French king eftsoons revived, by occasion of such discord as chanced betwixt Guido king of jerusalem, and Conrade the marquess of Tire, so that parties were taken, and whereas both the Pisans and Genevois did offer their service unto king Richard, yet because the Genevois were confederate with the French king, who took part with the marquess, he refused them, and received the Pisans, joining himself with king Guido to support him against his enemies. 
Pisans and Genevois.   
Here is to be remembered, that before king Richard arrived at the siege, he encountered on the sea a mighty great ship called a Drommond, which one Saphaldine the brother of Saladine a prince of the Saracens had sent, 
Matt. Paris. Nic. Triue●. Saphaldine, the brother of Saladine.  to refresh them with victuals. This ship king Richard caused féercelie to be assailed with his galleys, and at length bowged her with all the victuals and provision within the same, as wildfire, barels of fiery serpents, armour and weapons of sundry sorts, besides all the mariners and men of war, except such as were taken to mercy and saved alive, being about 200 in the whole, whereas there were aboard the same ship 500 men of war, as some writ, though other have but 800. 
Matth. Paris▪ N. Triue●.   
¶ But now to other accidents that chanced this year. 
An eclipse of the sun.  On Midsummer eve there was such an eclipse of the sun, the moon being the same time 27. days old, that for the space of thr●e hours (for so long it lasted) such darkness came over the face of the earth, that even in the day time (for this eclipse began about nine of the clock in the morning) the stars appeared plainly in the element. 
The seventh hour of the day saith Matth. Paris.   
In the same month of june, Richard de Camville, whom the king had left (as ye have hea●d) governor in Cypress, chanced to fall sick, 
Richard de Camuille deceasseth.  and coming without licence to the siege of Acres, there died. After whose death the Cypriots and those called Griffones and ●r●●ians revolted from the English obedience, and chose to them a king, one that was a monk of the family of Is●chus their former 〈◊〉 but Robert de Turneham, who after the decease of Richard Camuille remained so●● governor of the isle, gathered a power of men together, and giving battest to the new king (whom ●oueden name●● also emperor) vanquished him with his complices, took him prisoner, and hanged him on a pair of gallows. The same month also died ●afe Fi●z Geffrey, who had the other king Isac in custody▪ and then king Richard delivered him to the ●nights of the hospital, who sent him to the ca●●ell of Marg●●●t, there safely to be kept as prisoner to the use of the king of England.  
Now will we return unto the affairs of England and make 〈◊〉 mention of ●he doings there. Ye shall understand, that a●●er king Richard was set forward on his journey, William Longchampe lord chancellor and bishop of E●ie, appointed (as ye have hear●) governor of the realm, 
Polydor.  began to exercise his a●●●oritie to the uttermost, taking upon him the state of a prince, rather ●han of a subject. He had 〈…〉 late (as before 〈◊〉 heard) procured such favour at the hands of pope Clement, that he was instituted by him legate of the apostolic see here in England, 
The Lord chancellor called the pope's legate in England.  line 10 so that pretending a rule ●oth over the clergy and temporalty, and by reason that he had both the authority of pope and king 〈◊〉 his hands, he used the same to his most advantage, as well in causes ecclesiastical as temporal, whereby he wrought many oppressions both against them of the clergy and temporalty. 
The stately port of the lord chancellor. Ran. Higd.  He maintained such a port and countenance in his doings, that he would ride with a thousand horses, by means whereof ●hen he came to lie at abbeys and other places (bringing with him such a train) he line 20 was very burdenous unto them, specially when he lay at their houses any space of time.  
This man called a convocation at Westminster, wherein at the suit of Hugh Novant bishop of Chester, 
A convocation.  it was decreed, that the monks of Coventrie should be displaced, 
Monks of Coventrie displaced. Polydor. Ran. Higd. Wil parvus. The occasion. Ran. Higd.  and secular canons brought into that house to supply their rooms. Which was done by the authority of the said lord chancellor, being bribed by the foresaid bishop of Chester (as some writers have recorded) for displeasure which he bore to line 30 the monks, by reason of a fray which they had made upon the said bishop in their church at Coventrie, and drawn blood of him before the altar there, as he alleged.  
But some have written, that the bishop of Chester procured a licence of the pope, 
Wil Paruu●.  to alter the state of that church in sort above mentioned, which is most likely, surmising against the monks, that they were most manifest and stubborn disturbers of that peace and quietness which ought to remain amongst line 40 churchmen: and yet he himself sowed the strife and dissension amongst them, and namely between the prior and his covent. Moreover, the said lord chancellor deprived such rulers of their administrations and governments, 
Ran. Higd. Polydor.  as the king had appointed to bear any high authority within the realm, pretending not only the king's commandment, but also alleging a reason which moved him so to do, as thus, that he might thereby take away all occasions of grudges from the people, 
The L. chancellor's reason.  which line 50 otherwise might think, and would not stick to say, that they were oppressed by the rule of many kings in steed of one king. 
The bishop of Durham. The bishop of Winchester.  He did also deprive Hugh the bishop of Durham of all his honour and dignity, and put the bishop of Winchester to great trouble. Moreover, doubting lest the Nobles of the realm would rise against him, and put him out of his place; he sought to keep them low, and spoiled them of their money and substance. Likewise pretending a colour of doubt, lest earl john the king's brother line 60 should attempt any thing against his brother the king now in his absence, 
The lord chancellor's meaning to keep earl john low.  he sought also to keep him under. To be brief, he played in all points the right part of a tyrant, and showed himself such a one in all respects as maintained his title, 
Non disceptando aut subtilibus argumentis  
Vincere, sed ferro mawlt sua iura tueri,  

Pal●in suo cap.  Pontifices nunc bella iwant, sunt caetera nuga,  
Nec praecepta patrum nec Christi dogmata curant,  
jactant se dominos rerum & sibi cuncta licere.   
At length the king received advertisement from his mother queen Elinor of his demeanour, and that there was great likeliehood of some commotion to ensue, if speedy remedy were not in time provided. Whereupon being then in Sicily, 
Walter the archbishop of Roven sent into England  he sent Walter the archbishop of Roven into England with commission, to join in administration of the kingdom with his chancellor the said bishop of Elie. But the archbishop coming into England was so slenderly entertained of the chancellor, and in effect so lit●e regarded, that notwithstanding his commission and instructions brought from the king, 
He is little regarded of the lord chancellor.  he could not be permitted to 〈◊〉 any rule. But the chancellor detaining the same who●●e in his h●●ds, ordered all things at his pleasure, without 〈◊〉 the archbish.. 〈◊〉 Roven, or any other of counsel with him, except such a● it pleased him to 〈◊〉 for the serving of his own turn.  
¶ He certainly believed (as ma●●e other 〈◊〉) that king Richard would never return with life into England again, which caused him to attempt so many unlawful enterprises, and therefore he got into his hands all the castles and fortresses belonging to the crown, and furnished them with garrisons of soldiers, as he thought necessary, depriving such captains of their rooms as he suspected not ●o favour his proceedings.  
One Gerard de Camuille had bought of the king the keeping of the castle of Lincoln, unto whom also the shiriffewike of the shire was committed for a time, but the lord chancellor, perceiving that he bore more good will unto earl john the king's brother than to him (which john he most suspected) he took from him the shiriffewike, & demanded also to have the castle of Lincoln delivered into his hands, which Gerard refused to deliver, and perceiving that the chancellor would practise to have it by force, he fled unto earl john, requiring him of competent aid and secure.  
The chancellor on the other part, perceiving what hatred diverse of the Nobles bore him, thought good to provide for his own surety the best that he could, and therefore sent for a power of men from beyond the sea: but because he thought it too long to stay till they arrived, he came to Lincoln with such power as he could make, and besieged the castle. earl john the king's brother advertised hereof, 

The lord chancellor besiegeth the castle of Lincoln.  
Earl john winneth the castles of Nottingham and Tickhill.   raised such numbers of men as he might make of his friends, servants and tenants, and with small a do wan the castles of Nottingham and Tickhill within two days space. This done, he sent to the lord chancellor, commanding him either to break up his siege, or else to prepare for battle. The chancellor considering with himself that there was small trust to be put in diverse of those lords that were with him, bearing good will to earl john, and but hollow hearts towards him, raised his siege and departed with dishonour.  
Not long after, 
The chancellor raiseth his siege with dishonour. The lord chancellor and earl john are agreed.  one of his horns was broken off by the death of pope Clement, whereby his power legantine ceased: wherewith being somewhat abashed, he came to a communication with earl john, and upon certain conditions made peace with him. Shortly after the soldiers which he had sent for, arrived in England, and then he began to go from the agreement made with earl john, affirming that he would either drive the same earl out of England, or else should earl john do the like to him: for it was not of sufficient largeness to hold them both. 
The chancellor breaketh the agreement. The lord chancellor and earl john make another agreement.  Howbeit shortly after, a peace was eftsoons concluded betwixt them with condition, that if it chanced king Richard to departed this life before his return into England, not leaving any issue of his body begotten, that then the chancellor renouncing the ordinance made by king Richard (who had instituted his nephew Arthur duke of Britain to be his heir and successor) should consent to admit earl john for king of England, contrary to the said ordinance.  
But in the mean time it was agreed, that earl john should deliver up the castles of Nottingham and Tickhill, Nottingham to the hands of William Martial, and Tickhill to the hands of William Wendenall, they to keep the fame unto the use and behoof of king Richard, that upon his return he might do● with them as should please him▪ provided that if it so chanced, that he should die before he ●o●ld return from his voyage, or that the chancellor went from the agreement now taken▪ than immediately should the foresa●d castles of Nottingham and line 10 Tickhill be restored unto earl john.  
Moreover, ●he other castles of such honours as were assigned to each john by the king his brother, were committed unto the custody of certain persons of great trust and loyalty, as the castle of Wallingford to the archbishop of Roven, the castle of Bristol to the bishop of Linc●lne, the castle of the Peake to the bishop of Coventrie, the castle of Bolesofres' unto Richard de Peake (or if he refused, then should the bishop of Coventrie have it in keeping) line 20 the castle of Eye was committed to Walter Fitz Robert▪ the castle of Herford to Roger Bigot, and to Richard Revel the castle of Excester and Launston. These persons to whom these castles were thus committed to be kept, received also an oath, that they should faithfully keep them to the king's behoof, and if he chanced to die, before he should return, than the same should be delivered unto earl john's hands. Also there were three castles that pertained to the crown, 
Castles delivered in trust to the keeping of certain persons.  delivered likewise in trust, as line 30 the castle of Windsor unto the earl of Arundel, the castle of Winchester unto Gilbert de Lacie, and the castle of Northampton unto Simon de Pateshull.  
It was also agreed, that bishops, abbots, earls, and barons, valuasors, and freeholders should not be dizseized of their lands, goods or cattles, otherwise than by order of the justices or officers of the king, so that they should be judged in the kings courts according to the lawful customs and ordinances of the line 40 realm: and likewise that earl john should cause the same orders to be observed through all his lands. Provided that if any man attempted to do otherwise upon support or maintenance of earl john, he should stand to be reform by the archbishop of Roven if he chanced then to be in England, and by the king's justices, and by those that had sworn to observe this peace: and also earl john himself at their request should see such reformation to be had.  
Moreover, it was agreed that all those castles that line 50 had been built or begun to be builded since the king's passage over towards his journey, should be razed, and no new made or fortified till his return, except in manors pertaining to the king's demain, if need required, or by his special commandment, either by letters, or sufficient messengerrs. That the shiriffewike of Lincoln, which the lord chancellor had assigned unto William de Stuteville should be restored to Gerard de Camuille, who had a day appointed him to appear in the king's court, to hear line 60 what might be laid against him: and if such matter could be proved, for the which he ought to lose the said shiriffewike and the castle of Lincoln, than he should departed from them by the judgement of the court, or else not. Neither should earl john maintain him against the judgement of that court, nor should receive any outlaws, or such as were notoriously known for enemies to the king, and so named, nor should suffer them to be received within the precinct of his liberties.  
To hold, maintain and observe this peace, the said earl and chancellor swore in the hand of the archbishop of Roven with seven barons on either part. On the part of earl john these were the 〈…〉 Nottingham and Tickhill be restored unto earl john, notwithstanding what soever the king should command touching the same▪ Thus was the peace concluded eftsoons betwixt earl john and the chancellor. 
Anno Reg. 3. Matth. We●●. Polydor. Geffrey the archbishop of York. Rog. Houed.   
In this mean while, Ge●●rey the elect archbishop of York, after long suit and many delays contrived, specially by the chancellor, obtained his pall, being consecrated by the archbishop of Towers, by virtue of his bulls obtained from pope Celestine. The chancellor advertised hereof, and understanding that he meant to come shortly into England to be installed, was in a great chafe, because that during the time of the vacation, he had used the revenues of that see at his pleasure, and therefore now to forego them he was nothing contented. Hereupon he wrote his letters unto Matthew de Clere sheriff of Kent in this form. 
Matth. Pari●.   
The lord chancellors letters to the sheriff of Kent.  
PRaecipimus tibi quòd si Eb●racen. electus ad aliquem portum in balliva tua applicuerit, aut aliquis nunci●rum eius, eum retineri fa●ias, donec mandatum nostrum indè receperis. Et similiter praecipimus, quòd omnes literas papae aut magni alicuius viri quae illic venerint, facias retineri. The English whereof is thus.  
We command you that if the elect of York shall arrive at any port or haven within your bailiwicke, or any messenger of his, that you cause them to be arrested and kept, till you have commandment from us therein. And we command you likewise, to stay, attach, and keep all letters that come from the pope, or any other great man.  
Likewise, 
Polydor. The death of the archbishop of Cantur●●rie. Io. Textor.  whereas Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie, having taken his journey into the holy land, and arriving there before the king, chanced to departed this life at Tyrus, the last year, upon the feast day of S. Edmund, the chancellor found means to keep that see also vacant, that he might receive the profits thereof, during the vacation, and find means to be prepared to it in the end. But as touching the see of York, although he had (as before is said) made his hand of the revenues belonging to the same from time to time at his pleasure, yet now after that he heard how Geffrey had received the pall, he made havoc, wasting & spoiling all that would yield him any money, without respect of right or wrong. Moreover, he caused the havens to be watched, with commandment given to the towns on the sea coast, that they should not suffer the archbishop Geffrey to take land. 
The archbishop arrived and is committed toward.  At length yet he arrived at Dover, where he was by the foresaid Matthew de Clere first stayed, and after taken out of the abbeie by the chancellors commandment, and committed to prison within the castle, where a Noble man that had married the chancellor's sister was captain.  
The news of whose imprisonment was anon bruited through the realm, wherewith the Nobles fretted, and the commons cursed: finally all men detested such tyranny in the chancellor. But namely the king's brother earl john stormed at the matter, and with all speed assembled an army out of those places where he bare rule, increasing the number with a power of Welshmeir. There came to him the bishop of Winchester, with many earls and barons, also the bishop of Bath and Chester, which line 10 lately before had been chief favourers of the chancellor in all his doings: but now that the world was changed, they showed themselves the most earnest enemies he had, as well in words as deeds.  
In an assembly of all the bishops of England, all those were excommunicate in solemn wise, with candles light, and other such ceremonies, which had either given commandment, or were present as partakers, to pull out of the church the archbishop of York, or his people by violence, and had imprisoned line 20 them in manner (as before ye have heard:) but this was after the archbishop was set at liberty, as should appear by Matthew Paris, for the chancellor repenting himself (though now too late) of his cruel dealing against the archbishop of York, wherewith he had kindled such a brand against him, commanded the said archbishop (namely at the instant suit of the bishop of London, or rather at the commandment of earl john, as Hoveden saith) to be set at liberty. But the displeasure once kindled in the hearts of the line 30 Nobles, could not so easily be quenched with his delivery, as it was speedily set on fire by his imprisonment, so that they being now in armour, purposed to abate the pride of the chancellor, and to deliver the commonwealth of such an ugly tyrant. And to begin, they summoned and assigned him a peremptory day to appear at Reading, 
R. Houed. The chancellor summoned to appear  to make answer unto such injuries as he had done against the archbishop of York, and the bishop of Durham, sithence the departure line 40 of his sovereign lord the king.  
At which day there came to Reading earl john, and the archbishop of Roven, with many other bishops, earls, and barons, abiding there all that day, to see if the chancellor would appear or no; but he came not: whereupon they prepared to march forth towards London, and therewithal set forward in like manner. He on the other side being a man of a great courage, had gathered an army of such strangers and other his friends as he could make, and therewith went forth, and encamped near to Windsor, line 50 there to abide his adversaries, and to give them battle, if they came forward and would abide it. But when they approached, and he perceived also how diverse of his friends shrank from him, and went to his enemies, he durst not attempt the hazard of a field, but fled back to London, and there withdrew into the tower, 
The chancellor retireth to London.  with all his host, because he durst not commit himself to the doubtful fellowship of the citizens. Through his great pride and stately port line 60 which he maintained, as partly ye have heard, he had procured to himself no small hatred amongst all degrees of men, and namely such as by the king's appointment ought to have been partners with him in government of the realm sore repined at his presumptuous proceed, for that he disdained (as it seemed) to use their advise, or to join them with him in the administration of things, so that now in time of his trouble he witted not in whom he might put his trust.  
After he was thus retired into the tower of London, earl john the archbishop of Roven, and the other bishops, earls, and barons associated together against him, followed him at the heels, entered the city, and besieged the tower on each side. On the morrow after, being the fourth day after the octaves of saint Michael, they came together into Paul's churchyard, where they publicly declared the injurious wrongs done and practised by the chancellor; 
A declaration made against the lord chancellor.  namely against the archbishop of York, and the bishop of Durham. Those also that had been appointed as associates with him, accused him, in that he had taken upon him to rule and govern all things after his own will, not vouchsafing to have their advise or council in such sort as had been convenient.  
The archbishop of Roven and William Martial earl of Pembroke showed there before all the people the king's letters which he had sent from Messina, appointing that they should be associates with him in government of the kingdom; 
The tenor of this letter shall hereafter appear.  and that without the counsel and advice of them and others assigned thereto, he should not meddle with the rule of the land, and that if he should do any thing to the hindrance of the commonwealth, or seek to meddle with the affairs of the realm, without their good advise, that then he should be deposed. Hereupon it seemed good to earl john, and to all the bishops, earls and barons of the realm, and to the citizens of London there assembled, that the said chancellor should be deposed, and so they proceeded, and deposed him indeed, appointing the archbishop of Roven in his place, who would not take upon him to do any thing touching the rule of the land, without consent of his associates assigned to him, and the barons of the exchequer.  
The same day, earl john, and the archbishop of Roven, and other of the king's justices, granted to the citizens of London the privilege of their commonalty; 
The citizens of London.  and the said earl and archbishop, and in manner all the bishops, earls and barons of the realm swore to maintain the said privilege firm and stable, so long as should please their sovereign lord. And the citizens of London swore to be true, and to do their faithful service unto king Richard and his heirs, and if he chanced to die without issue, then to receive earl john the brother of king Richard for their king and sovereign lord, and thereupon swore fealty to him against all men, saving that which they owed unto his brother king Richard.  
The chancellor perceiving the multitude to be such which he had with him in the tower, as the place was not able to hold them any long time, after he had remained within it one night, he came forth unto earl john, and to the other that were thus entered the city, and now ready to besiege him, of whom he got licence for them that were enclosed within the tower, to departed without damage, and therewith delivered up the tower unto the hands of the archbishop of Roven, with the castle of Windsor, 
The chancellor yieldeth up the tower.  and certain other castles, which he held within the realm, but not all: notwithstanding he covenanted to make delivery of the residue, which yet remained in the hands of them whom he had appointed to the keeping of the same. And for assurance of that covenant to be performed before he departed the realm, he delivered his brethren, and one that was his chamberlain, to remain with the lords as hostages.  
This done, he hasted to Canturburie, where he promised to receive the cross of a pilgrim to go into the holy land, and to render up the cross of his legatship, which he had usurped a year and a half after the death of pope Clement, to the prejudice of the church of Rome, and to the detriment and great hindrance of the English church. For there was not any church within the realm, 
The print of the legates cross.  which had not been put to fine and ransom by that cross, nor any ecclesiastical person went free, but the print of the cross appeared in him and his purse. From Canturburie he got him to Dover to his brother in law, and finally seeking means to pass over into France, and doubting to be discovered, 
The bishop of Elie late lord chancellor disguiseth himself in woman's apparel.  he appareled himself in woman's raiment, & got a web of cloth on his arm, as though he had been some housewifelie woman of the country: but by the untowardly folding and uncunning handling of his cloth (or rather by a lewd fisherman that took him for an harlot) he was suspected and searched so narrowly, that by his privy members he was proved to be a man, 
He is bewrayed.  and at line 10 length known, attached, and committed to prison, after he had been reproachfully handled by them that found him, and by the wives of the town, in such unseemly apparel.  

Earl john not the bishops friend.  Earl john would have had him punished, and put to some open reproof for his passed tyrannical doings; but the bishops, and other of the barons, for reverence of his order, procured his deliverance, with licence to pass over into Normandy where he was borne. Thus was the bishop of Elie a man full line 20 of pride and covetousness overthrown with shame, and received for his high climbing a reproachful downfall: for none are more subject to ruin and rebuke, than such as be aloft and supereminent over others, as the poet noteth well, saying: 

ovid. lib. ●. de rem. am.  Summa petit livor, perflant altissima venti,  
Summa petunt dextra fulmina missa iovis.   
In time he was deposed from his office of being chancellor, and not without warrant, for in very deed, 
Matth. Paris.  king Richard having received advertisements line 30 from the lords and peers of the realm, of the chancellors presumptuous and haughty demeanour, with wrongs offered to diverse persons, wrote to them again as followeth.  
A letter of king Richard directed to the States of the land for the deposing of the bishop of Elie from his office of lord chancellor.  line 40 
RIchard king of England sendeth greeting to William Martial, to Gilbert Fitz Peter, and Henry Berdulfe, and to William Brewer, peers. If it so chance that our chancellor hath not faithfully handled the affairs and business of our realm (committed unto him) by the advise and counsel of you, and others to whom we have also assigned the charge of government of the same realm: line 50 we command you, that according to your disposition in all things to be done concerning the government thereof, you order and dispose as well for eschetes, as all other things, etc.  
By force of this commission, the lords were the bolder to proceed against him as ye have heard. Now after his coming into the parties beyond the seas, 
The bishop of Elie complaineth of his wrongs received.  he ceased not with letters and messengers to present his complaint to the pope of Rome, and to line 60 king Richard of the injuries received at the hands of earl john and his complices. Hereupon pope Celestine wrote in deed to all the archbishops and bishops that were within the realm of England, 
The pope's letters unto the archbishop and bishops of England.  in behalf of the said bishop of Elie, declaring, that for so much as the king of England was gone into the holy land to war against the enemies of our faith, leaving his kingdom under the protection of the apostolic see, he could not but have special regard to see that the state, rights and honour thereof were preserved from all danger of decay.  

Note how the pope defendeth his chaplains.  Wherefore, understanding that there had been certain attempts made by john earl of Mortaigne and others, both against the king and the bishop of Elie, that was not only legate of the apostolic see, but also governor of the land appointed by the king, which attempt sounded greatly to the reproach of the church of Rome, and danger of damage to ensue to king Richard, if remedy were not the sooner found: therefore he commanded them by the virtue of their obedience, to excommunicate the earl of Mortaigne, or any other that was known to have laid any violent hands upon the said bishop of Elie, or detained him as captive, or enforced him to any oath, or else had changed the state of rule in the kingdom of England to other form, than king Richard had ordained at his setting forward towards the holy land: and that not only all the councillors, authors, aiders and complices of those that had committed such outrage, but also their lands should stand interdicted, so that no divine service should be used within the precinct of the same, except penance and christening of infants. This to remain till the said bishop & kingdom were restored into the former estate: and that the parties excommunicated should present themselves with letters from the bishops unto the apostolic see to be absolved, etc.  
Hereupon also the bishop of Elie himself wrote unto the bishop of Lincoln and other, touching this matter: but the bishops did neither any thing in accomplishment of the effect of the pope's letters, nor at his own supplication. And therefore perceiving small help to come that way, he sought to obtain the favour and friendship of earl john, and of his mother queen Elinor. In the mean time, the lords, barons and prelate's of the realm, after they had deprived him of all authority, and banished him out of the land, ordained the archbishop of Roven in favour of the king's commission, 
The archbishop of Roven chief governor of England.  to have the chief rule and administration of things touching all the affairs of the commonwealth; but yet so as earl john had the doings in many points, so that he might seem in manner an associate with him, whereof sprang much inconvenience. For this john being a man (as he is noted by some writers) of an ambitious nature, was suspected to aspire unto the kingdom: in somuch that he had joined with the French king, after the same king was returned forth of the holy land, against his brother king Richard, if his mother queen Elinor had not persuaded him to the contrary.  
Whilst these things were a doing, 
R. Houed. Wil parvus. Fifteen saith Functius, but others agree with Houed. as Gerardus Mercator, citing Albericus a monk.  on the twelfth day of julie, the city of Acres was surrendered into the christian men's hands, for the Sultan Saladine (being approached near to the siege of the christians with a puissant army, in hope to have raised their siege) when he perceived it lay not in his power to work any feat to the succour of his people within the city, and that they were so constrained that they must needs yield, he holp to make their composition, and promised to perform certain covenants on their behalf. Hereupon, the Saracens within Acres covenanted not only to deliver the city unto the christians with five hundred prisoners of christians which they had within the same, but also to procure that the holy cross should be to them delivered, with a thousand other christian prisoners, such as the christian princes should appoint out of those numbers which Saladine had in his custody, and further, to give them two hundred thousand Besans. And till these covenants were performed, it was agreed, that the Saracens, which were at that present left within the city, should remain as pledges, under condition, that if the same covenants were not performed within forty days, than should they stand at the mercy of the christian princes as touching life and limb.  
These things thus concluded, 
The city of Acres.  and the city yielded up into the christian men's hands, the French king upon envy and malice conceived against king Richard (although he pretended sickness for excuse) departed homewards, 
The French K. returneth home.  setting from Acres the last day of julie. Now then, after the departure of king Philip, when the day approached, in the which the Saracens should perform the covenants; or else stand to the judgement of life and death at the pleasure of the christian princes: it was perceived that the covenants would not be fulfiled according to the agreement. For Saladine, as it well appeared, meant not to perform that which for the safeguard of his men he line 10 had undertaken, and did but dally with the christians to prolong the time: whereupon sentence was given forth, that for default in such behalf, the Saracens remaining as pledges should lose their heads.  
Saladine having knowledge thereof, sent word to king Richard and to the whole christian army, that if his people that were in the christian men's hands lost their heads, he would not fail but cause the heads of all those christians which he had in captivity line 20 to be cut off also. Notwithstanding which answer, on the fourteenth day of August king Richard issued forth of the city, passing the uttermost ditches, and encamped himself near the army of Saladine, who the same day sent rich presents unto king Richard, requiring of him a longer day for performance of the covenants, but that would not be granted. Wherefore upon the said denial, Saladine caused all those christian prisoners which he had in his hands to be beheaded on the eightéenth day of August, 
Saladine causeth the christian prisoners to be beheaded.  line 30 on which day king Richard advanced forth towards the lodgings of the Saracens, and skirmished with them very hotly, so that many were wounded and slain on both parts: and amongst other one of king Richard's companions at all exercises named Peter Mignot lost his life there. Furthermore, although king Richard knew that Saladine had put the christian prisoners to death in such wise as you have heard, yet would not he prevent his term appointed for the execution of the Saracens that were line 40 in his custody, but abiding unto the twentieth day of August, he then caused those Saracens which fell to his lot, at the time of the surrender of Acres, being in number about 2600. to be brought forth of the city, and near to the walls in the sight of Saladine and all his host they had their heads chopped off. The duke of Burgoigne caused execution to be done within the city upon those which fell to the French kings share, the number of the which rose to two line 50 thousand and four hundred, or thereabouts: for the whole number was reckoned to be about five thousand that thus lost their lives through the inconstancy of their prince: yet diverse of the principal had their lives saved. The Saracens themselves also spoke much evil of Saladine for this matter, because that refusing to perform the articles of covenants, 
R. Houed.  he had occasioned the enemy to slay those that had so valiantly served in defence of the city, to the uttermost jeopardy of their lives. And her●e is verified line 60 that known verse, Quicquid delirant reges plectu●tur Achiu●.  
But now to leave foreign matters, and to return home into England: 
Ger. Dor.  we find, that on the second of December, the monks of Canturburie chose to their archbishop Reignold bishop of Bath, who within fifteen days after his election, departed this life, and lieth buried at Bath. Also this year, or (as Ger. Dor. saith) in the year following, the bishop of Durham sought means to withdraw his subjection from the archbishop of York, 
Strife betwixt the archbishop of York and the bishop of Durham.  for which attempt the archbishop of York, upon trust of the pope's grant, did not excommunicate the said bishop, notwithstanding that he appealed to the pope's consistory three several times, putting his own matter and his churches to be examined and tried by the pope, whereupon he obeyed not the excommunication: and signifying the cause unto Rome, obtained such favour, that the pope and his cardinals reversed the sentence, and judged the excommunication to be of none effect. And further they decreed, that if the archbishop of York had broken the altars and chalices, as information was given, in which the bishop of Durham had celebrated after his appeal made to the court of Rome, that then should the said bishop of Durham be acquitted from owing any subjection to the said archbishop for so long as they two should live together.  
True it is, that the archbishop had not only broken the altars and chalices which the bishop had used in deed for the celebration of mass, but also held his own brother john earl of Mortaigne for excommunicate, because he had eat and drunk in company of the said bishop, and would not communicate with him, till he came to receive absolution, and to make satisfaction for his fault. In the end the bishops of Lincoln and Rochester, with the abbot of Peterburrow, were appointed by the pope to have the hearing of this matter, as judges authorised by his bulls, who sat thereupon at Norshampton, upon S. Calixt his day, where after they had heard both parties argue what they could in either of their cases, they gave a longer day, to wit, until the feast of the nativity of saint john Baptist next after, to see if by any good means there might some agreement have been had betwixt them, or (if that could not be) that then the pope's letters should stand in force as before, & the helps of either part saved, as though no delay had been used. And to this, both parties were agreeable, specially at the motion of the bishop of Lincoln.  
This year also, 
Roger Lacie constable of Chester.  Roger de Lacie constable of Chester took Alan de Lec and Peter de Bovencort, and upon despite hanged them, for that being put in trust amongst other with the keeping of the castles of Nottingham and Tickhill, which he had received into his custody of the bishop of Elie quandam lord chancellor, they had consented to the treason of Robert de Crokeston, & Eudo de D●uille, which delivered the same castles unto john earl of Mortaigne. The same earl of Mortaigne was highly offended for the death of those two persons, and therefore wasted the lands of the said Roger which lay within the compass of his jurisdiction.  
But now touching the depa●tu●e of the French king from Aeres, diverse occasions are remembered by writers of the emulation and secret spite which he should bear towards king Richard, and beside other already touched, one was for entertaining and relieving the earl of champaign in such bountiful wise in his necessity, that he was ready to forsake the French kings ser●●●, and clea●e to king Richard. But howsoever it came to pass▪ partly through envy (as hath been thought) conceived at the great deeds of king Richard, whose mighty power and valiantness he could not well abide, and partly for other respects him moving, he took the sea with three galleys of the Genevois, and returned into Italy, and so home into France, having promised first unto king Richard at his departure out of the holy land, and after to pope Celestine at Rome, that he would not attempt any hurtful enterprise against the English dominions, till king Richard should be returned forth of the holy land. But this promise was not kept, for after that he was returned into France, 
The evil dealing & breach of promise of the French king.  he first sought to procure the foresaid earl john, king Richard's brother, to rebel against him, promising him not only aid to reduce all his brother's dominions into his hands, but also to give his sister Adela in marriage, whom king Richard upon suspicion of unchaste living, had forsaken, as before ye have heard. But when earl john was dissuaded by his mother, from accepting this offer (which otherwise as it is said he would willingly have received) king Philip still retained a malicious rancour in his hart, and in revenge of old displeasures, would have attempted the war against the subjects of king Richard, if his lords would have joined with him: but line 10 they considering what slander would redound hereby both to him and them for the injury done to the christian commonwealth, in making war against him that was occupied in defence of the faith against the common enemies of christendom, would not give their consent thereto, and so the matter rested, till king Richard was taken prisoner in Almaigne, and then what followed, it shall after appear.  

Wil parvus. Envious discord among the christians.  In the mean while, the christian army achieved some worthy enterprises in the holy land, though line 20 not many, by reason of such envious discord as reigned amongst the chief governors. It chanced yet on the éeve of the Nativity of our lady next after the departure of king Philip, as king Richard marched forth towards japh anciently called joppa, that the Sultan Saladine taking advantage of the place, did set upon the rearward of the christians: but his Saracens (after they had fought right fiercely from noon till sun setting) were so beaten back at length, 
K. Richard discomfiteth the Saracens near to Port japh.  and repelled with such loss and disadvantage, line 30 that in 40. years before they had not sustained at one time greater damage. Amongst other of the christians slain at that encounter, was one james Davenes, a man of high prowess and valiancy.  
Moreover, king Richard won diverse towns and castles out of the enemies hands, 
Rog. Houed.  as Ascalon, Darus', and diverse other, and some he fortified, as Ascalon aforesaid, and Port japh, otherwise called joppa. There were sundry encounters also betwixt the Saracens line 40 and christians, wherein king Richard and his people bore themselves so manfully, that the victory for the most part continually rested on their side. At one time also, hearing of a great convey of victuals, year 1192 munitions, and other things which came from Babylon towards jerusalem to furnish Saladine and his army (which conveis they call caravannes) king Richard with a competent power of men met them on the way, and distressed those that were attendant upon the safeguard of that carriage, being in line 50 number about two thousand horsemen, besides a great multitude of footmen, and therewith took the carriages with four thousand and six hundred camels and dromedaries, besides an innumerable sort of mules, asses, and other beasts of burden.  
¶ But to speak of all the worthy exploits achieved by king Richard and his valiant captains there in the holy land against the infidels, it would require a long treatise, and therefore here we pass them over. This is to be noted, that amongst other line 60 of whom we find honourable mention made by writers for their high valiancy showed in those exploits, these are named as chief, 
The names of such noble men as were famous for their valiant doings in this voyage.  Robert earl of Leicester, Hubert bishop of Salisbury, with the earls of S. Paul and Dreux, beside diverse other, as Hugh de Gourney, William de Borrez, Walcline de Ferrer, Roger de Toonie, james de Auencs, the bishop of Beawois, William de Bars, William de Tarland, Drogo de Merlo, Robert de Nealle, Henry Fitz Nicholas, Robert de Newburg, Ralph de S. Marry, Arnold de Bois, Henry de Mai●oc, William & Saul de Bruil, Andrew de Chavignie, Henry de Gray, Peter de Pratellis, Stephan de Turneham, Baldwin Carron, Clarenbald de Mount Chablon, Manser de Lisle, Richard de Orques and Theodorike ●hilip, Ferrike de Uienne, Gilbert Malemaine, Alexander d' Arsie, Stephan de Longchamp, Seguin de Barret, Roger de glanvil, Raimond Fitz Prince, Bartholomew de Mortimer, Gerard Furnival, Ralph de Malleon, Roger de Sa●ie, William de Poole, Hugh de Nevil, 
De Poole 〈◊〉 de Stagno.  Henry Teutch or (if ye will) Teutonicus the king's standardbearer, with diverse others, as well Englishmen, Frenchmen, Normans, Poictovins, Aniovines, Britan's, Gascoignes, as other nations, of whom partly mention is already made before in this book, and partly for briefness diverse are omitted.  
But now to return, sure it is, that king Richard meant to have recovered the city of jerusalem, and all the holy land out of the Saracens hands, by the assistance of almighty God: if the doubt which he had of his brother the earl of Mortaigns' practices, & the French kings doings, which were brought to him with a grievous report, had not revoked him home. For diverse messengers were sent daily into the holy land, 
Galf. Vinsa●.  to advertise him of such dangers as were like to ensue, if by his speedy return the same were not prevented. And first after Easter, there came to him the prior of Hereford with letters from the bishop of Elie, containing a sore information against his brother earl john, for having expelled those whom he had appointed rulers over the realm of England, and altered the state of things there contrary to the ordinances by him devised afore his setting forward upon his journey (as before ye have partly heard.)  
Upon receipt of which letters, he meant inmediatlie at the first to have returned, and to have left behind him a convenient power of men, to wit, three hundred knights or men of arms, and two thousand chosen footmen, to abide upon the defence of the holy land, with other christians at his costs and charges. But yet at length he was persuaded to tarry, specially till things were set in some better state, which then were out of order by the death of the marquess of Montferrato, lord of Tire, 
The marquess of Montferrato murthill by the Assassini.  whom two traitorous Saracens of the kind which they name Assassini had murdered. After whose death Henry earl of champaign nephew to king Richard married his wife, and was made king of jerusalem, Guido resigning to him his title, unto whom as it were in recompense king Richard gave the isle of Cypress: although some writ, that the knights Templars had bought it of him before. Thus king Richard remaining still in the holy land, shortly after Whitsuntide, there came an other messenger to him, one john de Alanzon a clerk, bringing worse news out of England than the prior of Hereford had brought before, which in effect contained, that his brother earl john was allied as a confederate with the French king, and meant through his setting on, 
Earl john purposed to seize upon the kingdom in his brother's absence.  to seize into his possession the whole realm of England, notwithstanding the persuasion of his mother queen Eli●nor and other his friends to the contrary.  
Hereupon king Richard was fully persuaded to return home, but yet through the admonition of certain persons, and namely of one William d● Poicters, a chaplain of his, 
William de Poicters K. Richards chaplain.  he eftsoons altered his purpose, and so remained there, till at length through envy and malice still increasing amongst the christians, he perceived how no good purpose could go forward, since that which seemed good to some, was misliked of other; and specially our writers put great blame in the French men, who either upon disdain or other displeasure would not be persuaded to follow their advise, which were known b●st to understand the state of things in those parties. And hereupon, when the army was advanced to Betenoble, a place not past four leagues distant from jerusalem, because their mind might not be fulfilled for the besieging of jerusalem, which they had intended to take in hand (whereas the residue would rather that they should have gone to besiege Babylon in Egypt, and that upon sundry great respects) the Frenchmen raised their field, and returned again to Acres in great despite, putting the rest of the army also (so much as in them lay) in danger of utter ruin and distress. line 10  
Then king Richard and the other christian captains perceiving how the matter inclined, 
Anno Reg. 4.  and giving over all hope of any more good success, followed them. So that after they were thus returned to Acres, king Richard still doubting lest his long absence from home might put him in danger of more loss here, than he saw hope of present gain to be had there, in such diversity of humours and privy malice which reigned among them, he determined fully to departed homewards, with no less purpose to line 20 return thither again after he had settled things at home in such sure stay as was expedient for the surety of his own estate and quietness of his people. Hereupon being ready to enter into his ships at Acres [or as some have, 
Wil parvus.  being on his journey homewards in Cypress] he was advertised that the Sultan Saladine had taken the town of japh, slain a great number of the christians within it, and besieged the residue within the castle, the which (constrained through fear) had compounded to yield, if within line 30 three days there came no succour.  
King Richard being hereof advertised, and turning grief into valiancy, with all speed sailed back unto japh, and landing there with his people, caused his enemies to forsake the town: but anon assembling themselves again together, they turned once more to besiege it, whereupon he issued forth into the fields, 
K. Richard rescueth Port japh.  and fought with them sundry days together, till finally they were content to forsake their enterprise, and to departed thence for altogether. In these line 40 conflicts the valiant courage of king Richard, and the worthy manhood of his soldiers right well appeared: 
Rad. Niger. Matth. Paris.  for he brought not with him at that time unto japh above 80 men of arms, and four hundred other soldiers with crossbows, and yet with that small handful of men, and some aid of them that he found there in the castle, he did not only bid battle to the enemies, which were numbered to 62 thousand, but also put them to the worse, and caused them to flee back, to their great shame and confusion. line 50  
Thus japh being delivered out of the enemies hands, 
Cephas. K. Richard fell sick.  king Richard fell sick at a castle called Cephas, and so remained there certain days, till he had recovered his health. In which mean time the sultan Saladine seeming to lament his ●ase, sent unto him certain of his councillors to common with him of peace, declaring that although he well understood that king Richard meant shortly to return into his country, and that after his departure out of the east parts, he could with small ado recover line 60 all that the christians yet held within the holy land, he would nevertheless in respect of king Richard's high prows; and noble valiancy, grant a peace for a certain time, so that not only Ascalon, but also all other such towns and places as the christians had fortified or won since the conquest of Acres should be razed, as touching their walls, bulwarks, gates, and other fortifications.  
King Richard (though he perceived that this offer of peace tended unto this point chiefly, that Saladine would thereby annihilate whatsoever the christian army had done in the holy land since his & the French kings arrival, so that by the said peace he should gain more than by the edge of his sword) did somewhat stay at this offer and demand, as a thing greatly dishonourable to the christians, to lose by treaty of peace so much or rather more than they got by force of wars (a mere token of faint and feeble courage) yet considering that in such necessity both of his departure from thence, and also of lack of other succours to resist the puissance of the enemies, after his coming away, he judged it best to take the offer at the enemies hands in avoiding of some greater evil. Hereupon therefore was a peace concluded to endure for three years, three months, three weeks, three days, and three hours, 
A peace concluded betwixt the Christians & Saracens.  to begin at Easter next ensuing. And among other articles, it was covenanted, that the christians should have free passage to come and go unto the city of jerusalem, to visit the holy sepulchre there, which was granted; so that amongst a great number of christians that presently upon this conclusion went thither, Hubert bishop of Salisbury was one, 
Hubert bishop of Salisbury.  who had continued about the king during the time of all his journey till this time.  
King Richard having thus concluded with Saladine, took the sea, and coming again into Cypress, sent his wife queen Berengaria with his sister joane (late queen of Sicily) into England by the long seas, 
K. Richard taketh his iornie homewards.  but he himself not minding to lie long on the seas, determined to take his course into Grecia, and so by land to pass homewards with all speed possible. Howbeit yer he could attain his purpose, his chance was to be driven by tempest into the coast of Istria, not far from Aquilia, where he stood in some doubt of his life. For if he had been known and taken, they would surely have killed him, because of the slander that went of him, 
K. Richard slandered for the death of the marquess of Montferrato.  as guilty of the death of Conrade the marquess of Montferrato, who indeed was slain by two of the Assassini in the city of Tyrus, whilst king Richard was in the holy land (as before ye have heard.)  
He therefore having here made shipwreck, and doubting to fall into the hands of any person in those parts that bore good will unto the marquess (against whom he had indeed showed himself not friendly in a quarrel betwixt the said marquess and Guido the king of jerusalem) made the best shift he could to get away, yet knowledge being had of him, and search made after him by one Meinard of Gorezein, he lost eight of his servants, 
W. parvus. earl of Gorze Saltzburge.  and so came to a town within the bishopric of Saltzburge called Frisake, where he was eftsoons in danger to have been taken again by one Fredrick de saint some, who notwithstanding took six of his men, but yet he himself with three other of his company made shif● to get away. Finally coming to Uienna in Ostrich, 
K. Richard cometh to Uienna.  and there causing his servants to provide meat for him, more sumptuous and fine than was thought requisite for so mean a person as he counterfeited then to bear out in countenance, it was streightwaies suspected that he was some other manner of man than he pretended, and in fine, 
Polydor.  those that marked more diligently the manner of him, perceived what he was, and gave knowledge to the duke of Ostrich named Leopold, being then in the city of Uienna, what they had seen. His page that had the Dutch tongue, going about the town to change gold, and buy victuals, bewrayed him, having by chance the king's gloves under his girdle: whereupon coming to be examined for fear of tortures confessed the truth.  
The duke streightwaies caused the house where he was lodged, to be set about with armed men, 
Ra. Niger.  and sent other into the house to apprehend him. He being wary that he was descried, got him to his weapon: but they advising him to be contented, and alleging the duke's commandment, he boldly answered, that sith he must be taken, he being a king, would yield himself to none of the company but to the duke alone, and therefore if it would please him to come, he would yield himself into his hands. The duke hearing of this, 
K. Richard submitteth himself to the duke of Ostrich.  speedily came unto him, whom he meeting, delivered up his sword, and committed him unto his custody. The duke rejoicing of such a prey, brought him unto his palace, and with gentle words entertained him, though he meant no great good towards him, as well enough appeared in that he committed him to the keeping of certain gentlemen, which without much courtesy looked straightly enough line 10 to him for starting away, in somuch that they kept him in cold irons (as some authors do write. 
N. Trivet. ) He was taken after the manner aforesaid in December upon S. Thomas eve, in the year of our Lord 1192. and in the fourth year of his reign.  

Polychron.  The duke of Ostrich ought the king no good will, because he had cast down his ensigns pitched up in a turret at Acres, which he had won at the very time when that city was delivered by the Saracens: for while they were in treaty on the one side, the line 20 duke on the other, 
The cause of the displeasure betwixt the duke of Ostrich & king Richard.  not knowing any thing thereof, gave the assault unto that part of the town which was appointed unto him to besiege. And so being entered the town, and perceiving that by treaty it was to be delivered, he retired into the turret which he had first won and entered, and there set up his standard and ensigns, which king Richard (as the Dutch writers affirm) coming thither, threw down and trod under his feet.  

Ger. Dor.  But Geruasius Dorobornensis declareth this matter line 30 somewhat otherwise, as thus. After that the said city of Acres was rendered into the christian men's hands (saith he) diverse lords took their lodgings as they thought good, and hanged forth their ensigns. And as it chanced, the duke of Ostrich placing himself in one of the fairest palaces of all the city, put forth his ensign, whereof king Richard being wary, came thither with a company of hardy soldiers about him, and threw down the duke's ensign, so displacing him out of that so pleasant and beautiful line 40 a lodging. For this cause, and also surmizing that king Richard should be guilty of the death of the marquess, 
Rog. Houed.  Conrade the duke of Ostrich showed such discourtesy towards him. But concerning the mutther of the marquess, the chief governor of those Saracens called Assassini cleared king Richard by a letter written and directed unto the duke of Ostrich in manner as followeth.  
A letter directed to the duke of Ostrich, wherein king Richard is cleared of the death of the marquess of Mountserrat, whereof he was vehemently suspected.  
line 50  
LVpoldo duci Austriae, Vetus de Monte salutem. Cùm plurimi reges & principes ultra mare Richardum regem Angliae & dominum de morte marchisi inculpent, iuro per dominum qui regnat in line 60 aeternum, & per legem quam tenemus, quòd in ●ius mortem nullam culpam habuit. Est siquidem causa mortis ipsius marchisi talis. unus ex fratribus nostris in unam navem de Satalei, ad partes nostras veniebat, & tempestas illum fortè ad Tyrum appulit, & marchisus fecit illum capere & occidere, & magnam pecuniam eius rapuit. Nos verò marchiso nuncios nostros misimus, mandantes ut pecuniam fratris nostrinobis redderet, & de morte fratris nostri nobiscum se concordaret, & noluit.  
Nec non & nuncios nostros sprevit, & mortem fratris nostri super Reginaldum dominum de Sidonis posuit, & nos tantùm fecimus per amicos nostros, quod in veritate scimus, quòd ille fecit illum occidere & pecuniam rapere. Et iterum alium nuncium nostrum nomine Edrisum misimus ad eum, quem in mare mergere voluit, sed amici nostri illum à Tyro festinanter fecerunt recedere, qui ad nos pervenit, & ista nobis nunciavit. Nos quoque ex illa hora marchisum desideravimus occidere. Túncque duos fratres misimus ad Tyrum, qui eum apertè & ferè coram omni populo Tyri occiderunt.  
Haec ergò fuit causa mortis marchisi, & benè dicimus vobis in veritate, quòd dominus Richardus rex Angliae in hac marchisi morte nullam culpam habuit. Et qui propter hoc domino regi Angliae malum fecerunt, iniustè fecerunt, & sine causa. Sciatis pro certo, quòd nullum hominem huius mundi pro mercede aliqua vel pecunia occidimus, nisi priùs nobis malum fecerit. Et sciatis quòd has litter as fecimus in domo nostra ad castellum nostrum Messiat in dimidio Septembri, anno ab Alexandro 1505.  
The same in English.  
VEtus de Monte to Lupold duke of Ostrich sendeth greeting. Where many kings and princes beyond the seas blame Richard king of England of the marquess his death, I swear by the lord that reigneth everlastingly, and by the law which we hold, that he was not in fault for his death. For the very cause of the marquess his death was such as followeth. One of our brethren in a ship of Satalie came towards our parties, and chanced by tempest to be driven unto tire, and the marquess caused him to be taken and slain, and took a great portion of money that he had in the ship with him. Whereupon we sent our messengers to the marquess, commanding him to restore unto us the money of our brother, and to compound with us for our said brother's death, and he would not.  
Moreover, he also contemned our messengers, & laid the fault of our brother's death upon Reginald lord of Sidon, and we did so much through our friends, that we got full understanding that the marquess himself caused him to be slain, and took his money. And therefore we sent unto him again an other messenger named Edrisus, whom he would have drowned in the sea, but our friends made such shift, that they procured him to departed with speed from tire, who returned to us, 〈◊〉 signified these things to us for certain. And from that hour ever after we had a desire to slay the marquess: and so then we sent two of our brethren unto tire, who openly, & in a manner in presence of all the people of tire slew him.  
This therefore was the very cause of the death of the marquess; & we say to you in good sooth, that the lord Richard king of England, in this death of the marquess was nothing culpable: and they that have done any displeasure unto the king of England for this cause, they have done it wrongfully, and without any just occasion. Know ye for certain, that we do not use to kill any man of this world for any bribe, or for money, except he have done to us some harm afore time. And know ye that we have made these letters in our house at our castle of Messuat, in the midst of September, in the year from Alexander the great, 1505.  
¶ Thus we see how king Richard was cleared of that crime concerning the marquess his death by the tenor of this letter. And verily it is most like that line 10 king Richard would have been loath to have communicated his purpose unto such a wicked kind of pagans as the Assassini were, if he had pretended any such matter, but rather would have sought his revenge by some other means. Now therefore to our purpose.  
The news of the taking of king Richard was anon bruited and blown over all Germany, whereupon the emperor Henry the sixth, the son of Fredrick the first, year 1193 sent in all haste unto the duke, persuading line 20 him to deliver the king into his hands, being able to sustain and abide the malice of all them that would be offended with the taking and detaining of him prisoner, as the pope and others. The emperor well understood the wealth and riches of England, and therefore hoped to make some good purchase by ransoming the king, if he might get him out of the duke's hands. The duke perceiving also the emperors meaning, durst not well deny his request, and therefore he delivered the king unto them that line 30 were sent from the emperor, 
The king is delivered to the emperor. Matth. Paris.  who covenanted to give unto the said duke the sum of 6000. pounds of Cullen weight for the having of the said king. The emperor thus receiving the king at the hands of the duke of Ostrich, commanded that he should be committed to close prison, and would not do so much as once speak with him. This he did, to cause the king upon an indignation and weariness of that manner of life, to make speed in offering some large mass of money for his liberty & deliverance. ¶ Thus line 40 we see how covetousness infected the hearts of the mighty, and what occasion the emperor and duke did take, to enrich themselves by the means of the king, whom they forced not to impoverish, so their own greedy worm were served. But this hath been a disease not so general as ancient, according to his words that said, 
Vix ego Saturno quenquam regnant videbam,  

ovid. lib. Fast. 1.  Cuius non animo dulcia lucra forent.   

Rog. Houed.  Here is to be remembered by the way, that about line 50 the same time, or somewhat before, in the year of our Lord 1192. the pope sent two legates (namely, Octavian bishop of Hostia, and jordane de Fossa nova) into Normandy, 
Two legates from the pope.  to reconcile the bishop of Elie and the archbishop of Roven: but coming unto guysor's, they were stayed from entering any further into the country, whereupon they did interdict the whole duchy of Normandy, together with William Fitz Radulfe lord steward of that country, 
Normandy interdicted.  because he was the man that had so stayed them. Immediately line 60 hereupon, queen Elinor, and the archbishop of Roven sent unto those legates Hugh bishop of Durham, requiring them to release that sentence of interdiction so pronounced against the steward and country of Normandy in the king's absence, but they would not, except they might be received into Normandy: howbeit, the pope being sent unto, released it, and caused the legates to release it also, and yet they entered not into Normandy at all.  

The earl of Pieregort & others wast the K. of England's lands.  This year, whilst the seneschal of Gascoigne lay sick, the earl of Pieregort, and the viscount of March, and almost all the lords and barons of Gascoigne, began to waste and destroy the lands of king Richard. And though the seneschal many times by messengers required a peace, or at the least some truce, yet could he not have any grant thereof: wherefore upon his recovery of health he invaded the lands of the said earl, took the castles and fortresses and some of them he fortified, 
The seneschal of Gascoigne revengeth injury.  and kept to the king's use, and some of them he razed down to the ground. He also invaded the viscounts country, and subdued it to the king's government. Shortly after came the brother of the king of Navarre, with eight hundred knights or men of arms to the seneschals' aid, 
The king of Navars' brother.  and so they two together entering into the lands of the earl of Tholouse, took diverse castles and fortresses within the same, of the which some they fortified, and some they razed, and road even to the gates of Tholouse, and lodged in manner under the walls of the city.  
A little before Christmas also, diverse of those that had been in the holy land with king Richard, came home into England, not knowing but that king Richard had been at home before them, and being asked where they thought he was become, they could say no more but that they had seen the ship wherein he first went aboard, arriving at Brendize in Puglia. At length, when news came that he was taken and stayed as prisoner, the archbishop of Roven and other the rulers of the realm of England, sent the abbot of Boxeley and the abbot of Roberts-bridge with all speed into Almain to speak with him, 
The abbots of Boxley and Roberts-bridge.  and to understand his state, and what his pleasure was in all things. Who coming to Germany, passed through the count ● into Baierland, where at a place called Oxefer they found the king as then on his journey towards the emperor, to whom (as ye have heard) the duke of Ostrich did send him. The said abbots attended him to the emperors court, and remained there with him till the emperor and he were accorded, in manner as after shall be showed: and then after Easter they returned with the news into England.  
Upon report hereof order was taken for many things, but chiefly for the state: in which dealings, 
Ger. Dor.  forsomuch as those which had the rule of the land stood in great doubt of things (for the inconstant nature of earl john was of them much suspected) first they caused a new oath of allegiance to be made to king Richard, and received of the people. They fortified also such towns and castles as were of importance, both with repairing the walls and other defences about the same, and furnishing them with men, munition and victuals. Thus was the land brought into some order.  
In the mean while, 
The French king counseleth K. john to usurp against his brother.  the French king being advertised that king Richard was detained as prisoner, rejoiced not a little thereat, and with all speed by secret messages did send for his brother earl john, who was ready to come at his call. And being come, he exhorted him not to suffer so convenient an occasion to pass, but to take the government of the realm of England now into his hands, promising him all such aid as he could of him reasonably require: with other like talk still tending to the provocation of the earl to forsake his allegiance unto his brother. And to say the truth, earl john was easily persuaded so to do, and therefore upon his immediate return into England, assembled an army, and with the same (and such strangers as he brought with him) began to prove masteries, first winning the castles of Windsor, Wallingford, Nottingham, and diverse other, and fortifying the same to his own use and defence.  
The barons of the land, judging such unlawful doings not to be any longer suffered, first besieged the castle of Windsor, and after preparing to levy a greater force, did put them within in such fear, that they yielded up the same, seeking to escape by flight, some into one place, and some into an other, the which yet being apprehended were put to worthy execution. 
Ger. Dor.  But this was not done without continuance of time, & without great trouble & charges to the realm: for whereas there was a practice betwixt the French king and earl john, that a great power of strangers, & namely Flemings should have come into the realm (for whose transporting a great number of ships were brought together at Witsand) yet the high providence and goodness of God disappointed line 10 their purpose. For their messengers being taken which were sent hither into England, the treason was revealed, and by the queen mother's appointment (who chiefly then ruled the land) a great company of knights, men of arms, and commons of the country, watched the sea coasts over against Flanders, to keep the enemies from landing. They began thus to watch in the passion week, and so continued till a certain time after Easter. Howbeit earl john came secréetlie over, in hope to have not line 20 only the assistance of the Welshmen and of many other his friends in England, but also of the Scots, howbeit, the king of Scots would not meddle. He therefore with such Welshmen and other as he had brought over, and such Englishmen as he could get to take his part, began such attempts (as before ye have heard) to the disquieting of the whole realm, and great displeasure of the king.  
Moreover, beside that power of the barons which laid siege to Windsor castle, there were Noble men line 30 also in other parts of the realm that were ready to resist him. 

The archbishop of York. Hugh Bardolfe.  
William de Stuteville.   And amongst other, Geffrey the archbishop of York, with Hugh Bardolfe one of the king's justices, and William de Stuteville, assembled an army, and coming to Doncaster, fortified the town: but when the archbishop would have gone forward to besiege the castle of Tickhill, which earl john had in possession, the other two his associates would not consent to go with him, because they were servants, and retained with earl john. Herewith line 40 the archbishop being sore offended, departed from them, calling them traitors to their king, and enemies to the realm.  
About the same time did the French king enter into Normandy with an army, & coming to the town of guysor's, besieged it, the which one Gilbert de Uascoll or Guascoill captain thereof (to his high reproach) yielded up unto him, with an other castle also called Nefle, which he had likewise in keeping. After this, 
Wil parvus.  the French king entering into the country line 50 of Ueurine or Ueulquessine, wan divers towns and fortresses in the same, and passing forward, took Ual de Rueil, and Neusburge, and finally coming before the city of Roven he laid siege thereto: 

Roven besieged.  
The earl of Leicester.   but the earl of Leicester being gotten into the city before the French kings coming thither, so encouraged the citizens, that they stoutly standing to their defence, caused the French king to his great dishonour to raise his field, having lost there more than he won. Yet to save other towns and castles from taking, line 60 and the country from destruction, 
Polydor.  the rulers of the same procured a truce for a great sum of money, which they covenanted to give, delivering up four notable castles by way of engagement, till the sum agreed upon should be to him contented and duly paid.  
In the mean time, earl john as head of all the conspirators, perceiving himself not able to achieve his purpose as then, nor to resist the lords and barons of the realm, being up in armour against him, and now grown to greater stomach, because they understood by the bishop of Salisbury lately arrived, of the king's welfare, and hope of deliverance; and furthermore, considering that he was disappointed both of Scots and Flemings as he had well hoped should have come to his aid: he took a truce with the lords of the king's side, by the earnest travel of the bishop of Salisbury, 
Michaelmas: saith Ger. Dorob.  till the feast of All saints, so as the castles of Windsor, Wallingford, and the Peake, should remain in the hands of his mother queen Elinor; but the castles of Nottingham and Tickhill remained still in his own possession, the which with such other castles as he held within the land, he furnished with garrisons of his own men and friends, and then went again over into France to the French king, to purchase some new aid at his hands according to his promise.  
Here will we leave earl john conferring with the French king, 
Wil parvus.  and return to the king of England. Upon palmsunday after that he was delivered (or rather betrayed) into the emperors hands, he was brought before the princes and lords of the empire, 
The emperor chargeth king Richard with injuries done to the Sicilians.  in whose presence the emperor charged him with diverse unlawful doings: and namely picked a quarrel at him for the wrongs and hurts done to the Sicilians in time of his sojourning in their Isle, as he went towards the holy land. For albeit the said emperor had nothing as then to do in the country, yet for somuch as he had lately recovered the isle of Sicily out of king Tancred's hands, and was now entitled king thereof by the pope, in right of his wife Constance, the daughter of Roger king of Sicily, and so by reason thereof seemed to be grievously offended with him for his doings about the recovering of the money from Tancred, which nevertheless was justly due unto his sister for her dowry, as in the process afore I have already declared. King Richard notwithstanding these vain and other frivolous objections laid to his charge, 
W. parvus. Matth. West. The king's wisdom in making his answer.  made his answears always so pithily and directly to all that could be laid against him, and excused himself in every point so throughly, that the emperor much marveled at his high wisdom and prudence, and not only greatly commended him for the fame, but from thenceforth used him more courteously, and suffered that his friends might have access to him more freely than before they could be permitted.  
The Pope also being advertised of the taking of king Richard, was much offended, 
Polydor.  that any christian prince, having taken upon him the defence of the christian faith against the infidels, should be so used in his return from so godly an enterprise: and therefore sent both to the duke of Ostrich, and to the emperor, requiring them to set him at liberty. But the emperor declared plainly that he would be answered for such sums of money as king Richard had taken out of Sicily before he would release him or set him at liberty.  
When king Richard perceived that no excuses would serve, though never so just, 
The bishop of Salisbury sent into England.  but that he must needs pay to his covetous host some great sum of money for his hard entertainment, he sent the bishop of Salisbury into England, to take order with the barons of the realm to provide for the payment of his ransom, which bishop (as ye have heard) after the peace concluded with Saladine, went unto jerusalem to visit the holy sepulchre, and now coming into Sicily, as he returned homewards, had knowledge there how king Richard was taken prisoner in Ostrich, and remained in the emperors hands: whereupon he turned that way forth, and coming to him, was now sent into England with commission (as I have said) to levy money for the king's ransom. He landed bear the twentieth day of April, by whose coming the land was the sooner brought in quiet: for the agreement which earl john took (as before ye have heard) was chiefly procured by his means. For till his coming, 
Ger. Dor.  the castle of Windsor was not won, the siege being but slackelie followed by the archbishop of Roven, who had diverse of his friends within it, and therefore was not very earnest against them.  

Rog. Houed. The bishop of Elie cometh to the king.  When the bishop of Salisbury was departed towards England, the bishop of Elie came to the king and traveled so earnestly betwixt the emperor and him, that finally the emperor (partly through his suit, & partly for that he had been very much called upon by the pope and other for his delivery) took order with him for the redeeming of his liberty, and appointed line 10 what sum he should pay for his ransom, 

The emperor agreeth with king Richard for his ransom.  
N. Trivet, Matt. Paris.   which (as some writ) was two hundred thousand marks: other say that it was but 140 thousand marks of the poise of Cullen weight. But William parvus, who lived in those days, affirmeth it was one hundred thousand pounds, and Roger Hoveden saith an hundred thousand marks of Cullen poise, to be paid presently at the kings first coming into England, and fifty thousand marks afterwards, that is to say, thirty thousand to the emperor, and twenty line 20 thousand to the duke of Ostrich, as it were in recompense of the injury done to him in the holy land; where king Richard overthrew his ensigns: and for the same to deliver sufficient sureties.  
Moreover, we find in Roger Hoveden that the emperor amongst other the articles of this agreement thus concluded betwixt him and king Richard, 
R. Houed. Lands assigned to king Richard.  gave and granted, and by his letters patents confirmed unto him these lands hereafter mentioned, that is to say: Provence with the city of Uienne, and Uiennois, line 30 the city of Marseils, Narbon, Arles and Lion upon the Rhone, with the country up to the Alps, and all those possessions which belonged to the empire in Burgoine, with the homages of the king of Arragon and of the earl of S. Giles: wherein is to be noted, that with the precinct of the premises thus granted to king Richard, five archbishops sees, and thirty three bishops sees are included. Howbeit the truth is, that the emperor never had possession of these countries, cities, and towns himself, neither would line 40 the inhabitants receive any person so by him appointed to their lord and governor, wherefore the king made small account of that his so large grant. But after he once understood the certainty of the sum that he should pay for his ransom (which business he most attended) he sent one with letters by and by and in great haste into England to his treasurers, requiring them with all convenient speed to provide money, 
Polydor.  and to send it to him by a day, that he might be set at liberty with speed. line 50  

Rog. Houed. Orders taken for levying money to pay the king's ransom.  These letters being come to the queen mother, and other that had charge in governance of the realm, took order that all manner of persons as well spiritual as temporal, should give the fourth part of their whole revenues to them for that year accrueing, and as much more of their movable goods, and that of every knight's fee there should be levied the sum of twenty shillings. Also that the religious houses of the orders of the Cisteaux and Sempringham should line 60 give all their wools for that year towards the king's ransom.  
Now those that had commission to levy this money, 
The hard dealing of officers in the collection.  being poisoned with covetousness, and incensed with a greedy desire (than the which as the poet saith, 
— nulla est hac maior Erinnys,  
Hanc memorant Acheronte satam, per tristia Ditis  
Regna truces agitare faces, etc.)  used much straightness in exacting it, not only levying it to the uttermost value and extent of men's lands, goods, and possessions, but after their own wills and pleasures: so that under colour of the king's commission, and letters to them directed, there seemed not a tribute or subsidy to be raised, but by some public proclamation all the goods and substance of the people to be appointed as a prey to the king's officers, whereby it came to pass, that not only private men's goods, but also the chalices, jewels, 
Church jewels.  and vessels belonging to the church were turned into money, and a far greater sum made than was at the first commanded, a great part of the overplus being converted to the use of those, through whose hands the receipt passed. There was no privilege nor freedom allowed to exempt any person or place for being contributory towards the payment of this money. The order of Cisteaux that were never charged with any payment before, were now assessed more deeply than the rest.  
The bishop of Norwich lamenting the injurious dealings of the petty officers, 
The bishop of Norwich.  and pittieng the people of the church, collected half the value of all the chalices within his diocese himself, and to make up the other half of the whole sum, he spared not to give a great portion of his own treasure. The abbot of S. Albon's acquitted all those churches within the compass of his jurisdiction, 
The abbot of saint Albon.  by the gift of an hundred marks. 
The bishop of Chester.  But the bishop of Chester had very ill luck with his collections; for having gathered a great sum of money to the king's use, he was spoiled thereof in one night, as he lodged near unto Canturburie, being upon his journey towards the king. 
Matthew de Clear.  And because Matthew de Clear that lay in the castle of Dover was known to aid those that rob the said bishop, the archbishop of Canturburie pronounced him accursed.  
About this time, and on the morrow after the nativity of saint john Baptist, 
R. Houed. The bishop of Elie.  the bishop of Elie lord chancellor arrived in England, not showing himself in any stately port (for he took upon him neither the dignity of chancellor nor legate, nor yet of justice) but only as a simple bishop and messenger sent from the king. The queen mother, the archbishop of Roven, and such other as had government of the land, hearing of his coming, met him at saint Albon, where he showed to them the emperors letters, containing the agreement made betwixt him and king Richard, and withal appointed certain lords & barons to go with him at his return back to the king, as Gilbert bishop of Rochester, Sifrid bishop of Chichester, Bennet abbot of Peterborow, Richard earl of Clare, Roger Bigot earl of Norfolk, Geffrey de Say, and diverse other. It was also ordained at this same time, that the money gathered towards the payment of the king's ransom should remain in custody of Hubert bishop of Salisbury, Richard bishop of London, William earl of Arundel, Hameline earl of Warren, and of the Mayor of London, under the seals of the queen mother, and of the archbishop of Roven.  
¶ But see the hap of things, whilst each one was thus occupied about the aforesaid money; 
Anno Reg. 5. Wil parvus.  it chanced that king Richard was at the point to have been delivered into the hands of his deadly adversary the French king, as hereafter you shall hear, noting by the way the dangerous estate of princes, the manifold distresses whereinto by sinister fate (as well as the inferior & rascal rout of common drudges) they be driven. For what greater calamity, what grievouser hartach, what more miserable casualty could have happened unto a bondman, than to be delivered to and fro from the hand of one enemy to another, to be bought and sold for money, to stand to the courtesies of foreign foes, of a king to become a captive? whereunto the poet did right well allude, when he said, 
Saepius ventis agitatur ingens  
Pinus, 
Hor. lib caer. 1. ode. 10.  & celsae graviore casis  
Decidunt turres, feriúntque summos  
Fulminae montes.   
The emperor upon displeasure conceived against the bishop of Liege, which lately had attained to that benefice contrary to the emperors pleasure, who wished the same rather to an other person, 
The bishop of Liege murdered.  hired certain naughty fellows to go into France, where the bishop remained for fear of the emperors malice, and there to find means traitorously to slay him, which they accordingly did, by reason whereof the duke of Lovaigne that was brother to the bishop, and other of his kinsmen, upon knowledge had line 10 thereof, meant to have made the emperor war, in revenge of that murder: insomuch that the emperor, to have the French kings aid against them, was minded to have delivered K. Richard unto him.  
Howbeit after that the matter was taken up, and a concord made betwixt the emperor and his nobles, he changed his purpose also touching the delivering over of king Richard, who perceiving that till his ransom were paid (which would amount to the sum of an hundred & fifty thousand marks) he line 20 should not get liberty: and putting great confidence in the dexterity and diligence of Hubert bishop of Salisbury (whom he sent as ye have heard into England to deal for the levying of the same) he thought good to advance the same bishop to the metropolitan see of Canturburie, which had been vacant ever sithence the decease of archbishop Baldwine, that died (as ye have heard) in the holy land.  

Wil parvus.  Hereupon writing to the bishops of the realm, and to the monks of Canturburie, he required them line 30 to proceed to the election of an archbishop for that see, and withal commended unto them the foresaid Hubert, as a man most sufficient and meet for that room. 
Hubert bishop of Salisbury elected archbishop of Canturburie.  He wrote likewise to the queen to further that matter, and easily hereby obtained his desire. For shortly after, the same Hubert was elected by the bishops and monks, which assembled together for that purpose. He was the 41 archbishop that governed that see: for although Reginold bishop of Bath was elected before him, yet because he died yer he line 40 was installed, he is not put in the number.  
The king being now put in good hope of his speedy deliverance, sent into England, willing his mother queen Elinor, the archbishop of Roven and others, 
Hubert archbishop of Canterbury, lord chief justice.  to come over unto him into Almain, and in the mean time he ordained Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie to remain at home as lord chief justice. After this, the emperor with the advice of the princes of the empire, assigned a day to king Richard, in which he should be delivered out of captivity, line 50 which was the monday next after the twentieth day of Christmas. Whereupon king Richard wrote unto Hubert archbishop of Canturburie in form as followeth.  
The tenor of king Richard's letters to the said archbishop.  
RIchardus Dei gratiarex Angliae, & line 60 dux Normaniae & Aquitaniaes, & comes Andigaviae, venerabili patri nostro in Christo, & amico charissimo Huberto eadem gratia Cantuariensi archiepiscopo salutem & sincerae dilectionis plenitudinem. Quoniam certiores sumus, quod liberationem nostram plurimùm desideratis, & quòd liberatio nostra admodum vos laetificat, scripto volumus quod laetitiae nostrae participes sitis. Ind est quòd dilectioni vestrae dignum duximus significare, dominum imperatorem certum diem liberationis nostrae nobis praefixisse, in die lunae proxima post vicessimum diem nativitatis Domini, & die dominica proxima sequenti coronabimur de regno provinciae, quod nobis dedit. unde mittimus in Angliam literas domini imperatoris super hijs patentes, vobis & caeteris amicis nostris benevolis. Vos autem interim pro omni posse vestro quos scitis nos diligere, consolari velitis, & quos scitis promotionem nostram desiderare. Testemeipso apud Spiram 22. die Septembris.  
The emperor also signified by his letters to the lords of England his resolute determination in this matter, as followeth.  
The tenor of the emperors letters to the States of England touching king Richard, and the day of his deliverance, etc.  
HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum imperator, & semper Augustus, dilectis suis archiep. episcopis, comitibus, baronibus, militibus, & universis alijs fidelibus Richardi illustris regis Anglorum gratiam suam & omne bonum. Vniversitati vestrae duximus intimandum, quòd dilecto amico nostro Richardo illustri regi Anglorum domino vestro certum diem liberationis suae statuimus, à secunda feria post diem nativitatis domini in tres septimanas apud Spiram sive apud Berenatiam, & inde in septem dies posuimus ei diem coronationis suae de regno Provinciae, quod ei promisimus: & hoc certum habeatis, & indubitatum, nostri siquidem propositi est, & voluntatis, praefatum dominum vestrum specialem promovere sicut amicum nostrum, & magnificentiùs honorare. Datum apud Theallusam vigilia beati Thomae Apostoli.  
Before this king Richard had sent the bishop of Elie into France unto his brother earl john, who prevailed so much with him, that he returned into Normandy, and there swore fealty unto his brother king Richard, and so was contented to forsake the French king. But whereas king Richard commanded that all such castles and honours as he had given to him afore time, should now be restored to him again, as well those in England, as the other on the further side the sea: such as had the same castles in keeping would not obey the king's commandment herein, refusing to make restitution of those places, 
The king's commandment not obeyed.  according to the tenor & purport of the kings writ, unto the said earl of Mortaigne, by reason of which refusal, he returned again to the French king, and stuck to him. Hereupon the French king gave unto him the castles of Dreincourt, and Arques, the which ought to have been delivered unto the archbishop of Rheims as in pledge, who had traveled as a mean betwixt the French king to whom he was uncle, and the king of England to whom he was cousin, procuring a meeting for agreement to be had betwixt them at a certain place betwixt Uaucolour and Tulle in the borders of Lorraine. But notwithstanding all that he could do, matters were so far out of frame, and such mistrust was entered into the minds of the parties, that no conclusion held. So that all the hope which king Richard had, was by payment of his ransom to redeem his liberty, and then to shift with things as he might. And so finally when the money was once ready, or rather a sufficient portion thereof, the same was conveyed over into Germany, and payment made to the emperor of the more part of the king's ransom, and sufficient pledges left with him for the rest, year 1194 as the archbishop of Roven, the bishop of Bath [Baldwin Wac] and other which were of late come out of England to see and salute the king.  
Hereupon king Richard, after he had been prisoner one year, 
R. Houed. King Richard released out of captivity.  six weeks, and three days, was set at liberty on Candlemas day (as most writers agree) and then with long and hasty journeys, not keeping the high ways, he hasted forth towards England. It is reported that if he had lingered by the way, he had been eftsoons apprehended. For the emperor being line 10 incensed against him by ambassadors that came from the French king, immediately after he was set forward, began to repent himself in that he had suffered him so soon to departed from him, and hereupon sent men after him with all speed to bring him back if they could by any means overtake him, meaning as then to have kept him in perpetual prison.  
Some writ that those ambassadors sent from the French king, 
R. Houed. The offers of the French K and earl john to have the K. of England kept still in prison.  with other from earl john, came to the emperor before king Richard was delivered, line 20 offering in the French kings name fifty thousand marks of silver, and in the name of earl john thirty thousand, upon condition that K. Richard might remain still in captivity until the feast of S. Michael next ensuing; or else if it might so please him, he should receive a thousand pounds of silver for every month, whilst king Richard should be detained in his prison, or otherwise fifty thousand marks of silver more than the first offer, at one entire payment, if he would deliver him into their hands, or at the line 30 leastwise to keep him prisoner by the term of one whole year.  
The emperor hearing of such large offers, and yet hoping for more, contrary to his promise and letters patents therefore granted, prorogued the day in which king Richard should have been set at liberty, till Candlemas after, at which day he was brought from Haguenaw unto Spiers, where the emperor had called a council to entreat further of the matter touching his redemption. Here the emperor line 40 showed the letters which he had received from the French king and earl john unto king Richard, who upon sight and perusing of the same, was marvelously amazed, and began to despair of all speedy deliverance.  
Indeed the emperor sought delays upon a covetous desire of the money offered by the French king and earl john, but yet such princes and great lords as had undertaken for the emperor, 
The princes that had undertaken for the emperor to perform the covenants.  that the covenants and articles on his part agreed upon in the accord line 50 passed betwixt him and king Richard, should be in each behalf performed [that is to say, the archbishops of Ments, Cullen, and Saltzburge, the bishops of Worms, Spiers, and Liege, the dukes of Suaben, Ostrich, & Louvain, the Palsgrave of the Rhine, and others] came to the emperor, and reproving him for his covetous mind, in that he deferred the restoring of king Richard to his liberty, contrary to the composition, did so much prevail, that the emperor receiving pledges for the payment of the money line 60 yet behind (as before ye have heard) released king Richard out of captivity on the second or (as Roger Hoveden saith) the fourth day of February, being a dismal day and an infortunate (as they note them in calendars.) And where the king would have left Robert de Novant the bishop of Coventries' brother for a pledge amongst the other, 
Robert de Novant.  he refused to be one of the number, alleging that he was servant to earl john. King Richard grievously offended herewith, commanded that he should be apprehended, and committed to prison, & so he was. This Robert was one of those that came with the letters from the French king and earl john to the emperor, about the staying of king Richard's deliverance.  
Furthermore, king Richard the same day in which he was restored to liberty, summoned by his letters Hugh Novant bishop of Coventrie, to appear in his court, to answer such things as were to be objected against him, both before spiritual judges in that he was a bishop, and also before temporal in that he had holden and exercised a temporal office. On the very same day also the emperor and the princes of the empire, sent letters under their hands and seals to the French king, and to john earl of Mortaigne, commanding them immediately upon sight of the same letters, to restore unto king Richard all those castles, cities, towns, lands, and other things, which they had taken from him during the time of his remaining in captivity, and if they refused thus to do, than they gave them to understand by the same letters, that they would aid king Richard to recover that by force, which had been wrongfully taken from him.  
Moreover king Richard gave and by his deed confirmed unto sundry princes of the empire for their homage and fealty, certain yearly pensions, 

Yéerelie pensions given by the king ●o certain princes of the empire.  
Memburge.   as to the archbishop of Ments and Cullen, to the bishop of Liege, to the dukes of Ostrich and Louvain, to the marquess of Mountferrat, to the duke of Meglenburge, to the duke of Suaben the emperor's brother, to the earl of Bins, to the earl of Holland, and to the son of the earl of Henault, of all the which, and other more, he received homage, or rather had their promise by oath to aid him against the French king, which French king, now that he saw no hope nor likelihood remaining to bring the emperor to the bent of his bow for the detaining of K. Richard still in captivity, raised a power forthwith, & entering into Normandy (the truce notwithstanding) took the town of Eureux, 
Wil parvus. The French king invadeth Normandy.  with diverse other fortresses thereabouts, and after he had done mischief enough, as it were wearied with evil doing, he granted eftsoons to stand to the truce, and so returned home.  
Finally after king Richard had dispatched his business with the emperor, and the princes of Almaigne, he set forward on his iornie towards England, and having the emperors passport, came to Cullen, where he was joyfully received of the archbishop, the which archbishop attended on him till he came to Antwerp, where king Richard took the water in a galley that belonged to Alane de Trenchmere, but in the night he went into a ship of Rye, 
R. Houed.  being a very fair vessel, and so lay aboard in her all the night, and in the morning returned to the galley, and so sailed about the coast, till he came to the haven of Swim in Flanders, and there staying five days, on the sixth day he set forth again, and at length in good safety landed at Sandwich the twelve day of March, and the morrow after came to Canturburie, 
He landed the 20. of March being sunday as R. Hoveden and Ralph de Diceto write.  where he was received with procession, as Ger. Dor. saith. From thence he went to Rochester, and on the wednesday being the sixteenth of March, he came unto London, where he was received with great joy and gladness of the people, giving hearty thanks to almighty GOD for his safe return and deliverance.  
¶ It is recorded by writers, that when such lords of Almain as came over with him, saw the great riches which the Londoners showed in that triumphant receiving of their sovereign lord and king, they marveled greatly thereat, insomuch that one of them said unto him; Surely oh king, your people are wise and subtle, which do nothing doubt to show the beautiful shine of their riches now that they have received you home, whereas before they seemed to bewail their need and poverty, whilst you remained in captivity. For verily if the emperor had understood that the riches of the realm had been such, neither would he have been persuaded that England could have been made bare of wealth, neither yet should you so lightly have escaped his hands without the payment of a more huge and intolerable ransom.  
The same year that king Richard was taken (as before is mentioned) by the duke of Ostrich, one night in the month of januarie about the first watch of the same night, the northwest side of the element appeared of such a ruddy colour as though it line 10 had burned, without any clouds or other darkness to cover it, so that the stars shined through that redness, and might be very well discerned. diverse bright streaks appeared to flash upwards now and then, dividing the redness, through the which the stars seemed to be of a bright sanguine colour. In February next ensuing, one night after midnight the like wonder was seen, and shortly after news came that the king was taken in Almaigne.  
On the second day of November also a little before line 20 the break of the day, the like thing appeared again with less fear and wonder to the people (than before) being now better accustomed to the like sight again. And now the same day and self hour that the king arrived at Sandwich, being the second hour of that day, whilst the sun shone very bright and clear, there appeared a most brightsome and unaccustomed clearness, not far distant from the sun, as it were to the length and breadth of a man's parsonage, having a red shining brightness line 30 withal, like to the rainbow, which strange sight when many beheld, there were that prognosticated the king already to be arrived.  
In this mean while the bishop of Durham with a great army besieged the castle of Tickhill; 
Rog. Houed. diverse sieges held at one time.  and earl David brother to the king of Scots, with Ranulfe earl of Chester, and earl Ferrer, besieged the castle of Nottingham, whilst at the same present the archbishop of Canturburie with a great power besieged Marleburgh castle, the which within a few line 40 days was rendered into his hands, the lives and limbs of them within saved. Also the castle of Lancaster was delivered to him, the which the same archbishop's brother had in keeping under earl john, and likewise the abbeie of S. Michael's mount in Cornwall, 
S. Michael's mount.  the which abbey Henry de la Pomerey chase out the monks, had fortified against the king, and hearing news of the kings return home, died (as it was thought) for mere grief and fear. These three places were surrendered to the archbishop before the line 50 kings return, but Tickhill & Nottingham held out.  
King Richard being returned into England, and understanding both how the French king made war against him in Normandy, and that the state of England was not a little disquieted, by the practice of his brother earl john and his complices, specially by reason that diverse castles were defended by such as he had placed in them, he thought good with all speed to cut off such occasions as might breed a further mischief. Whereupon he first went to Nottingham, 
The king goeth to Nottingham and winneth the castle.  line 60 and within three days after his coming thither (which was on the day of the Annunciation of our lady) he constrained them that kept the castle there in his brother's name, to yield themselves simply unto his mercy, 
Rog. Houed.  after they had abidden diverse assaults, by the which even the first day the utter gates were burnt, and certain defences destroyed, which they had made before the same.  
The chief of them that were within this castle to defend it were these, William de Uendevall constable there, Roger de Mountbegun, Ralph Murdac, Philip de Worceter and Ranulfe de Worceter brethren. The morrow after the surrender was made, the king went to Clipstone, and road into the forest of Shirewood, where he had never been before, the view whereof pleased him greatly. 
The forest 〈◊〉 Shirewood.  The castle of Tickhill was likewise at the same time yielded unto the bishop of Durham, who received it to the king's use, and them that kept it as prisoners, without any composition, but standing simply to the K. mercy. For although those that had these castles in keeping, were sufficiently provided of all necessary things for defence, yet the sudden coming of the king (whom they thought verily would never have returned) put them in such fear, that they witted not what to make of the matter, 
The castle of Tickhill yielded.  and so (as men amazed) they yielded without any further exception. The bishop of Durham bringing those prisoners with him which had yielded up this castle of Tickhill, 
Rog. Houed.  came to the king the 27 day of March, the very day before that Nottingham castle was given over.  
Moreover, this is to be remembered, that during the siege of Nottingham, 
Strife betwixt the archbishops for carrying of their crosses.  contention arose betwixt the two archbishops of Canturburie and York, about the carriage of their crosses. For Hubert archshop of Canturburie coming thither, had his cross borne before him; the archbishop of York (having no cross there at all) was very sore offended, that any other should go with cross borne before him in his diocese, and therefore complained hereof to the king. But the archbishop of Canturburie maintained that he had not done any thing but that which was lawful for him to do, and thereupon made his appeal to Rome, that the pope might have the hearing and judging of that controversy betwixt them.  
In the mean time, after the king had got the castles of Nottingham and Tickhill into his hands (as ye have heard) he called a parliament at Nottingham, where the queen mother sat on the right hand of him, and the archbishops of Canturburie & York on the left, with other bishops, earls and barons according to their places. On the first day of their session was Gerard de Camuille discharged of the office which he had borne of sheriff of Lincoln, 
Officers discharged.  and dispossessed both of the castle & county. And so likewise was Hugh Bardolfe of the castle and county of York, and of the castle of Scarbourgh, and of the custody and keeping of the country of Westmoreland, 
Lieutenantships set on sale.  the which offices being now in the king's hands, he set them on sale to him that would give most. Hereof it came to pass, that where the lord chancellor offered to give fifteen hundred marks before hand, for the counties of York, Lincoln and Northampton, and an hundred marks of increase of rent for every of the same counties, 
The archbishop of York offer.  Geffrey archbishop of York offered to the king three thousand marks aforehand, only for the county of York, and an hundred marks yearly of increase, and so had the same committed to his regiment.  
Moreover in this parliament, the king demanded judgement against his brother john, and Hugh Novant the bishop of Coventrie and Chester, 
The bishop of Chester.  for such traitorous and most disloyal attempts as they had made against him and his countries, and judgement was given that both the said earl and bishop should have summons given them peremptorily to appear, and if within forty days after, they came not to answer such plaints as might be laid against them, than should earl john forfeit all that he had within the realm, and the bishop should stand to the judgement of the bishops, in that he was a bishop, and to the temporal lords in that he had been the king's sheriff.  
In this parliament also, in the kalends of April, the king procured a subsidy to be granted to him, to wit, 
A subsided.  two shillings of every plough land through England, which manner of subsidy by an old name is called Teemen toll, or Theyme toll. He also commanded that every man should make for him the third part of knight's service, accordingly as every see might bear, to furnish him forth into Normandy. He demanded of the monks Cisteaux, all their wools for the same year. But because that seemed an over grievous burden unto them, they fined with him, as after shall appear. The fourth day of this parliament, by the king's permission many grievous complaints were exhibited against the archbishop of York, 
The archbishop of York accused.  for extortion and other unjust vexations, line 10 which he had practised: but he passed so little thereof, that he made no answer unto their bills.  

Gerard de Camuille charged with felony and treason.  Moreover through the procurement of the lord chancellor, Gerard de Camuille was arraigned for receiving thieves, and robbers, which had rob certain merchants of their goods, that were going to the fair of Stamfort; also they appealed him of treason for refusing to stand to his trial by order of the king's laws at commandment of the king's justices, bearing himself to be earl john's man, and aiding line 20 the same earl against the king. But all these accusations he flatly denied, and so his adversaries put in pledges to follow their suit, and he put in the like to defend himself by one of his fréeholders.  
The same day king Richard received the king of Scots at Clipstone, 
The king of Scots cometh to see the king of England.  coming now to visit him, and to rejoice with him for his safe return home after so long a journey, and so many passed perils. After they had spent the time a certain space in joy and mirth, the fourth of April at their being together at Malton, line 30 the king of Scots required of king Richard to have restored to him the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmoreland, with the county of Lancaster also, the which in right of his predecessors belonged to him (as he alleged▪)  

A parliament.  King Richard assembling a parliament of the Nobles of his realm at Northampton, about sixteen days after that the Scotish king had made this request, gave him answer that by no means he might as then satisfy his petition: for if he should so line 40 do, his adversaries in France would report that he did it for fear, and not for any love or hearty friendship. But yet king Richard in the presence of his mother queen Elinor▪ 
A grant made to the king of Scots what allowance he should have when he came to England.  and the lords spiritual and temporal of his realm together at that present assembled, granted and by his deed confirmed unto the said king of Scots, and to his heirs for ever, that whensoever he or any of them should come by summons of the king of England unto his court, the bishop of Durham, and the sheriff of Northumberland line 50 should receive him at the water of Twéed, and safe conduct him unto the water of These, and there should the archbishop of York, and the sheriff of York be ready to receive him of them, and from thence give their attendance upon him unto the borders of the next shire.  
It was also granted to the said king, that he should be attended from shire to shire by prelates and sheriffs, till he came to the king's court, also from the time that the king of Scotland should enter this line 60 realm of England, he should have daily out of the king's purse for his livery an hundred shillings, and after he came to the court, he should have in allowance daily for his livery, so long as he there remained, thirty shillings and twelve manchet wastels, twelve manchet simnels, four gallons of the best wine, and eight gallons of household wine, two pound of pepper, four pound of cumin, two stone of wax, or else four links, and forty great and long colpons of such candles as are served before the king, and four and twenty colpons of other candles that serve for the household. And when he should return into his country again, then should he be conveyed with the bishops and sheriffs from county to county, till he come to the water of Twéed, having an hundred shillings a day of livery, &c: as is before appointed. The charter of this grant was delivered unto William king of Scots in the town of Northampton in Easter week, by the hands of William bishop of Elie lord chancellor, in the year of our lord 1194, and in the fift year of king Richard his reign.  
After this, on the fifteenth day of April, king Richard having the said king of Scots in his company came to Winchester, where he called a council, 
A council holden at Winchester.  and there in open assembly he highly commended all those of the Nobility, that in his absence had showed themselves faithful, and resisted his brother, and such other his complices, which had as disloyal persons rebelled against him. Here he also proclaimed his said brother, and all those that took his part, traitors to the crown, and took order for the punishment of them, that (being of their faction) could by any means be apprehended.  
Furthermore, to put away as it were the reproof of his captivity and imprisonment) by the reviving of his nobleness, which he had in high estimation, 
— pretio nam dignior omni est  
Nobilitas, haec non emitur nec venditur auro)  he caused himself to be eftsoons crowned by the archbishop Hubert, on the 18 of April, at Winchester, 
The king crowned anew.  and so showed himself as a new crowned king (in hope of good success and better luck to follow) in the presence of the said king of Scots, who bore one of the three swords before him, 
R. Houed. The king of Scots beareth one of the swords before the king of England.  going in the middle betwixt two earls, that is to say, Hamelin earl of Warren going on his right hand, and Ranulfe earl of Chester on his left. The canopy under the which he went was borne up also by four earls, Norfolk, Lislewight, Salisbury, and Ferrer. The bishop of Elie lord chancellor went on the right hand of the king, and the bishop of London on the left. At dinner also the citizens of London served him in the buttery by reason of two hundred marks which they had given the king that they might so do, 
The citizens of London.  notwithstanding the claim and challenge made by the citizens of Winchester, the which served him in the kitchen.  
The archbishop of York was commanded that he should not be present at the coronation, lest some tumult might arise about the having of his cross borne afore him, to the displeasure of the archbishop of Canturburie, who stood in it, that no prelate within his province ought to have any cross borne before him, himself excepted.  
After this, he called a parliament, 
A parliament called.  by virtue whereof he revoked back and resumed into his hands all patents, annuities, fees, and other grants (before his voyage into the holy land) by him made, or otherwise granted or alienated. And because it should not seem that he used a mere violent extortion herein, he treated with every one of them in most courteous wise, bearing them in hand, that he knew well they meant not to let forth their money to him upon usury, but would be contented with such reasonable gain and profit, as had been raised to their use in time of his absence of those things which they held of him by assignation in way of lone, so that now the same might be restored to him again, sith he meant not to sell them, but to let them forth as it were to farm for the time, as all men might well understand, considering that he could not maintain the port of a king without receipt of those profits which he had so let forth. With these gentle words therefore mixed with some dreadful allegations, he brought them all into such perplexity, 
The bold courage of the bishop of Lincoln.  that not one of them durst withstand his request, nor allege that he had wrong done to him, except Hugh the bishop of Lincoln, who sticked not to say, that the king in this demand did them and the rest open injury. 
The bishop of Durham lost his earldom.  The bishop of Durham lost his earldom, and was constrained to content himself with his old bishopric, and to leave the dignity of an earl, or at the leastwise the possessions which he had bought of the king before his setting forward into the holy land.  
Thus the king recovered those things for the which he had received great sums of money, without making any recompense, where the most part of the line 10 occupiers had not received scarcely a third part of the principal which they had laid forth. For no sufficiency of grant, patent, or other writing to any of them before made, did any thing avail them. Moreover, 
K. Richard's practices.  where he had borrowed a great sum of money of the merchants of the staple, he wrought a feat with the monks of the Cisteaux order to discharge that debt. 
The monks Cisteaux.  He told these monks that being constrained with urgent necessity, he had borrowed that money of the merchants beyond the sea, upon confidence line 20 of their good benevolence, and therefore he required them to extend their liberality so far toward him, as to deliver so much wool in value, as should discharge that debt. To be short, the monks being overcome with the king's words, threatening kindness upon them, fulfilled his request. Moreover not satisfied herewith, he levied a task throughout the realm, exacting of every hide of land two shillings, according to the grant made to him at Nottingham: and the same was generally gathered, as line 30 well of the spiritual men's lands as of the temporal.  
The king of Scots understanding that the bishop of Durham had given over and resigned the earldom of Northumberland into the king's hands, 
Rog. Houed. The king of Scots maketh suit for Northumberland.  thought good once again to assay if he might compass his desire, and herewith he began his former suit afresh, offering to king Richard fifteen thousand marks of silver for the whole earldom of Northumberland with the appurtenances, as his father earl Henry did hold the same before. The king line 40 taking counsel in the matter, agreed that he should have it for that money, excepting the castles: but the king of Scots would have castles and all, or else he would not bargain.  
Finally, after he had sundry times hooved this suit for the having of the lands unto which he pretended a title, and could get nothing of king Richard but fair words, putting him as it were in hope to obtain that he required at his next return out of France, upon the 22 day of April being friday, line 50 he took leave of the king, and returned towards his country, not very joyful, in that he could not obtain his suit. King Richard in this mean while caused all those prisoners that were taken in the castles of Nottingham, Tickhill, Marleburgh, Lancaster, and S. Michael's mount, 
Mainprize.  which were of any wealth to be put in prison, that they might fine for their ransoms. The residue he suffered to departed upon sureties, that were bound for them in an hundredth marks a piece, to be forth coming when they should line 60 be called.  
Now the king (after he had gathered a great portion of money, and ordained diverse things for the behoof of the commonwealth, thereby to satisfy the hearts of the people) prepared himself to sail into Normandy. 
Rog. Houed.  But first he reconciled the archbishop of York, and the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, aswell for the apprehension & imprisoning of the archbishop at Dover, as for the dishonourable expulsion of the chancellor out of England, in such wise that the chancellor should upon reasonable summons given to him by the archbishop, swear with the hands of an hundred priests with him, that he neither commanded nor willed that the archbishop should be apprehended. The controversy betwixt the two archbishops about the bearing of their crosses, the king would not meddle withal, for (as he said) that pertained to the pope. Yet the archbishop of Canturburie complained to king Richard of the injury done to him at that present by the archbishop of York, presuming within his province to have his cross borne before him. At length when the king's provision was once ready for his voyage into Normandy, he came to Dover, and hearing that the French king had besieged the town of Uernueil, and that the same was in danger to be taken, he took the sea together with his mother queen Elinor on the ninth day of May, 
The king transporteth over into France.  and transporting over into Normandy, arrived at Harfléet with an hundred great ships fraught with men, horses and armour.  
The French king hearing of king Richard's arrival, and that he was coming with a great power to the succour of them within Uernueil, and was already encamped near to the town of the Eagle, 
The French king raiseth his siege from Uernueil.  he plucked up his tents in the night before Whitsundaie, and leaving the siege, departed from thence, and took a certain small fortress by the way as he marched, wherein he left a few soldiers to keep it to his use. King Richard herewith entering into the French dominions, sent three bands of soldiers towards Uale de rule, and went himself unto Loches, and besieging that castle won it within a short time. The Normans also recovered the city of Eureux out of the French men's hands, 
N. Trivet.  but those that were sent unto rule, and had besieged the castle there an eight days without any gain, hearing that the French king was coming towards them, departed thence, & came back to the king's camp, whereupon the French king coming to rule razed it to the ground, because his enemy should not at any time in winning it nestle there to the further damage of the country.  
About the same time▪ 
Rog. Houed.  Robert earl of Leicester issuing forth of Roven in hope to work some feat to the damage of the Frenchmen, as he road somewhat unadvisedly in the lands of Hugh Gourney, 
The earl of Leicester taken prisoner.  fell within danger of his enemies, who took him prisoner, and a few other that were in his company. The French king after this came with his army into the coasts of Touraine, and marched near Uandosine, and there encamped, whereof king Richard being advertised, drew near to Uandosme, meaning to assail the French king in his camp, who having knowledge thereof dislodged with his army early in the morning, and fled away (to his great dishonour) in all hast possible. The king of England with his people following in chase of the French men slew many, and took a great number of prisoners, amongst whom was the French kings chief treasurer. Also the Englishmen took many wagons and sumpters laden with crossbows, armour, plate, apparel, and the furniture of the French kings chapel. This chanced about 37 days after his fleeing in the night from Uernueil, of which two flights of the French king (in manner as ye have heard) we find these verses written: 

Gallia fugisti bis, & hoc sub rege Philippo,  
Nec sunt sub modio facta pudenda tuo.  
Vernolium sumit testem fuga prima, secunda  
Vindocinum, noctem prima, secunda diem.  
Nocte fugam primam rapuisti manè secundam,  
Prima metus vitio, uíque secunda fuit.   

France, twice thou fledst, while Philip reigned,  
the world doth know thy shame,  
For Vernueil witness bears of th'one,  
next Vandosme knows the same.  
The first by night, the next by day,  
thy heart and force do show,  
That first through fear, and next by force,  
was wrought thine overthrow.    

Geffrey de Rancon. The earl of Engolesme. The king of Navars' brother.  In this mean while certain rebels in Given, as the lord Geffrey de Rancin or Rancon, and the earl of Engolesme with their complices, upon confidence of the French kings assistance, sore disquieted the country. Howbeit, the son of the king of line 10 Navarre, and brother to Berengaria the queen of England, entering into Given with an army, wasted the lands of both those rebels, till he was called home by reason of his father's death which chanced about the same time. Shortly after Geffrey Rancin died, 
Anno Reg. 6.  and king Richard coming into his country, won the strong castle of Tailleburge by surrender, which appertained to the same Geffrey with others, and then going against the other rebels, he won the city of Engolesme from him by force of assault. 
Engolesme won.  All line 20 which time the French king stirred not, by reason that there was some communication in hand for a truce to be taken betwixt him and king Richard, which by mediation of certain bishops was shortly after concluded, 
Polydor. Wil parvus.  to endure for twelve months. The bishop of Elie was chief commissioner for the king of England, and this truce was accorded about Lammas, and served to little purpose, except to give liberty to either prince to breathe a little, and in the mean time to provide themselves of men, 
Polydor.  munition, line 30 ships & money, that immediately after the term was expired, they might with greater force return to the field again, for they had not only a like desire to follow the wars, but also used a like mean and practise to levy money.  
For whereas they had already made the temporalty bore with often payments, 
Great exactions.  and calling them forth to serve personally in the wars, they thought best now to fetch a fleece from the spirituality and churchmen, considering also that they had been by reason line 40 of their immunity more gently dealt with, and not appointed to serve themselves in any manner of wise. 
The colour pretended in levying of money.  To colour this exaction which they knew would be evil taken of many, they bruited abroad, that they levied this money upon purpose, to send it into the holy land, towards the payment of the christian soldiers, which remained there upon the defence of those towns, which yet the Saracens had not conquered. King Richard therefore coming to Towers in Touraine, required a great sum of money of the clergy line 50 in those parts, and the like request he made through out all those his dominions, on that further side of the sea. King Philip for his part demanded likewise intolerable tithes and duties of all the churchmen in his territories, and those that had the gathering of that money served their own turn, in dealing most straightly with silly priests, making them to pay what they thought good, though sometime beyond the bounds of equity and reason.  

Rog. Houed. Inquisitions taken by a jury of sundry matters.  In September, the justices itinerants made their line 60 circuits through every shire and county of this realm, causing inquisitions to be taken by substantial juries of plées of the crown both old and new, of recognizances, of escheats, of wards, of marriages, of all manner of offenders against the laws and ordinances of the realm, and of all other transgressors, falsifiers, and murderers of jews; of the pledges, goods, lands, debts, and writings of jews that were slain, and of other circumstances touching that matter. Likewise of the accounts of sheriffs, as to understand what had been given towards the king's ransom, how much had been received, and what remained behind to receive. Also of the lands that belonged to earl john, and what goods he had, and what he held in demain, in wards, escheats, and in gifts, and for what cause they were given. Furthermore, of his fautors and partakers, which had made fines with the king, and which not, 
Usurers.  with many other articles touching the same earl. Also of usurers, and of their goods being seized, of wines sold contrary to the assize, of false measures, and of such as having received the cross to go into the holy land, died before they set forward. Also of grand assizes that were of an hundred shillings land or under, and of defaults, and of diverse other things, the iurats were charged to inquire, and present the same.  
The justices also were appointed to cause the manors, farms and lands which the king held in demain, or by wards and escheats, to be surveyed by a substantial jury, and to take order for the converting of them to such use, as the king might be answered of the gains rising by the same at the farmer's hands. Also, 
jews.  the jews were appointed to enroll all their debts, pledges, lands, houses, rents and possessions. Moreover, inquisition was taken of justices, sheriffs, bailiffs, constable's, foresters and other officers belonging to the king, 
justices, sheriffs and other officers.  to understand in what manner they had behaved themselves in taking and seizing of things into their hands, and of all such goods, gifts and promises had and received by occasion of leisure made of the lands of earl john and his fautors, and who received the same, and what delay was granted by commandment of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, than lord chief justice. 
Hubert archbishop of Canturburie lord chief justice.   
In this mean time, whilst these inquisitions were thus taken in England, king Richard coming forth of Poictou into Anjou, 
Officers driven to fine for their offices. The king offended with the lord chancellor.  caused all the bailiffs and officers of that country, and also of main, to fine with him for their offices. After this, when he came down into Normandy, he seemed in show to be offended with his chancellor the bishop of Elie, about concluding of the truce with the French king (where as ye have heard he was chief commissioner) misliking greatly all that was done therein, and therefore he took the seal from him, and caused a new seal to be made, commanding to be proclaimed through all his dominions, that whatsoever had been sealed with the old seal, should stand in no force, both for that his chancellor had wrought more undiscreetly than was convenient; and again, because the same seal was lost, when Roger Malus Catulus his vicechancellour was drowned, who perished among other by shipwreck, 
A new scale.  near to the isle of Cypress, before the king arrived there, being as then on his journey into the holy land. Therefore all men had commandment to come to this new seal, that they might have their charters and writings confirmed.  
Furthermore, whilst the truce yet lasted, king Richard sailed over into England, 
Matth. Paris. The king returneth into England. He granteth the English men licence to journey.  where he caused tourneys to be exercised in diverse places, for the better training up of soldiers in feats of war, that they might grow more skilful and perfect in the same, when they should come to the trial of their forces, whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting licence to his subjects so to tournie. Every earl that would tournie, paid to him for his licence twenty marks, every baron ten marks, and every knight having lands, did give four marks, 
Rog. Houed. Fines paid for licence to exercise turnements.  and those that had no lands two marks, to the great damnifieng of the people; having learned the common lesson, and received the ordinary rule followed of all, and neglected of none; namely, 
— opus est nummis vel morte relictis, 
M●l. Pal▪ ●n suo cap.   
Vel sort inventis, vel quavis arte paratis,  
Quip inopem mala multa pati contingit ubique,  
Nec sine divitijs fas cuiquam ducere vitam  
Foelicem, etc.   
The charter of this grant was delivered by the king unto William earl of Salisbury, to have the keeping thereof: but Hubert Walter the archbishop of Canturburie, and lord chief justice, made his brother Theobald Walter collector of the money, for the scraping and raking together whereof, in huge sums, he put the former shifts of extortion and exaction in practice.  

The tenor of the charter concerning line 10 the turnements before remembered.  
RIchard by the grace of God king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou, to the reverend father in Christ, Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and primate of all England, sendeth greeting. Know ye that line 20 we have granted tournaments to be kept in England in five steeds, to wit, betwixt Sarisburie and Wilton, betwixt Warwick and Kenelworth, betwixt Stanford and Warmeford, betwixt Brackeley and Nixburgh, betwixt Blie & Tickhill, so that the peace of our land be not broken, nor yet our justices authority diminished, nor any damage done to our forests. Provided that what earl soever will tourney there, shall give to us twenty marks, a baron line 30 ten marks, a knight that hath lands four marks and he that hath no lands shall give two marks.  
Moreover, no stranger shall be admitted to tourney there, whereupon we command you, that at the day of the turnieng, ye have there two clerks, and two of our knights to receive the oath of the earls and barons, which shall satisfy us of the said sums of money, before the turnieng begin, & that they suffer none to line 40 tourney, till (before) they have made payment, and have caused to be entered how much & of whom they have received: and ye shall take ten marks for this charter to our use, whereof the earl of Salisbury, and the earl of Clare, and the earl of Warren are pledges. Witness myself, 
Bishop's town.  at Ville Levesche, the two and twentieth of August.   
Furthermore, ordinances were made and set forth for the safe keeping of the peace, so that such as would tourney, neither by the way in coming or going, or whilst the turnieng lasted, should violently take any thing to serve their necessary uses, without paying therefore to the owner according to the worth, nor should do injury to any man in any manner of wise. But now to the other doings of king Richard, who made no long abode in England at this time, but shortly returned into Normandy, because line 60 he heard that king Philip had an army ready levied. 
I think he came not over at all into England at this time, but rather sent his mind unto the archbishop.  Wherefore meaning to buckle with him upon occasion offered, he made the more haste, and being landed there, approached unto the borders of the French dominions, encamping himself with his army in the field, to wait for the time that the truce should be expired, lest the enemy should in any exploit prevent him. In like manner king Philip having with him earl john king Richard's brother, kept his soldiers and men of war in a readiness with him, to work any feat that should be thought expedient assoon as the truce should end.  
Whilst both these kings were thus bend to power out their malice, year 1195 and to ease their stomaches with dint of sword, there came messengers from the pope, 
Messengers from the pope.  exhorting him unto peace and quietness, but his exhortation little availed. For they regarding it little or nothing, immediately as the truce was expired, got them abroad into the field, & king Richard drew towards Isoldune, 
Isoldune.  a town situate in the confines of Berrie, whither it was reported that the French king meant to come: and there stayed for him a whole day together. But the French king hearing that king Richard was there to look for him, thought i● best not to come there at all. Wherefore king Richard went the next day unto a castle called Brison, and took it upon his first approach. Then went he to a town called Novencourt, and perceiving the same to be strong and well manned, took not in hand to assail it till the third day after his coming thither, at what time he so enclosed the same round about with diligent watch and ward, that a cat could not have escaped out of the place, 
Nouencour● yieldeth to K. Richard. Albemarle besieged. Matt. West. Polydor.  neither by day nor night, but that she should have been espied. They within being put in fear herewith, yielded up the town the day next following, in which mean time the French king besieged Albermarle.  
Hereupon king Richard, having left a garrison of soldiers in Novencourt, came to raise the enemy from his siege, & setting upon the Frenchmen, there began a sharp fight: but the Englishmen being weary with travel of their passed journey, and having rashly entered into the battle, were not able to endure the Frenchmens violence, so that (not without great loss) they were constrained to retire with swift flight, or (to say the truth) to run away a main pace. The French king having thus chased his enemies, returned to assault Albemarle, won the castle by force, and the town by composition, permitting the garrison there to departed with all their armour. This done, he ruinated the castle flat to the ground. 
Rog. Houed▪ The earl of Leicester's offer for his ransom.  Robert earl of Leicester offered to the French king a thousand marks sterling for his ransom, and to quite claim to him and his heirs for ever all the right which he had to the castle of Pascie, with the appurtenances, and to get a confirmation thereof for him both of the pope, and of the king of England: but for that the war still lasted, the French king took a respite in answering this offer, nevertheless afterwards in the year next ensuing, he took it, and so the earl was set at liberty.  
Not long after this foresaid repulse, the king of England having refreshed his soldiers with some rest after their great travel, went to Million, 
Million 〈◊〉 and razed.  and giving assault to the town won it at the first brunt, and made it plain with the earth. Then was a motion made for peace betwixt the two kings, 
A motion for peace.  being now wearied with long wars: whereof when earl john was advertised, who (as it should seem by some writers) having tarried with the French king till this present, began now to doubt lest if any agreement were made, he might happily be betrayed of the French king by covenants that should pass betwixt them: he determined therefore with himself to commit his whole safety to his natural brother, and to no man else, perceiving that the French king made not so great account of him after the loss of his castles in England, as he had done before.  
Hereupon coming to his brother king Richard, he besought him to pardon his ●●●ense, and though he had not dealt brotherly towards him, yet that he would brotherly forgive him his rebellious trespass, adding furthermore, that whereas he had not heretofore been thankful for his manifold benefits which he had received at his hands, yet he was now most sorry therefore, and was willing to make amends: wherewith he acknowledged the safeguard of his life to rest in him, for the which he was bound to give him thanks, if he would grant thereto. The king moved with his words, made this answer (as it is said) that he pardoned him indeed, but yet wished that he might forget such injuries as he had received at his hands, which he doubted lest he should not easily do. 
Earl john returneth to the king his brother, and is pardoned.  Herewith earl john being yet put in good hope of forgiveness, swore to be true ever after unto him, and that he would endeavour himself to make amends for his misdeeds past, and so was shortly after restored unto his former degree, honour and estimation in all respects. line 10  

Wil parvus. R. Houed. Matth. Paris.  But by some writers it should appear, that earl john, immediately upon conclusion of the first truce, came from the French king, and submitted himself to his brother, and by mediation of the queen their mother was pardoned, received again into favour, and served 〈◊〉 after against the French king very dutifully, 
Rog. Houed.  seeking by new achieved enterpises brought about (to the contentation of his brother) to make a recompense for his former misdemeanour, reputing it mere madness to make means to further line 20 mischief; for 
— stultum est hostem iritare potentem▪  
Atque malum maius tumidis, sibi quaerere verbis.  But at what time soever he returned thus to his brother, this year (as Roger Hoveden saith) he was restored to the earledoms of Mortaigne in Normandy, 
R. Houed.  and Gloucester in England, with the honour of Eye (the castles only excepted) and in recompense of the residue of the earledoms which he had before enjoyed, together with certain other lands, his brother line 30 king Richard gave unto him a yearly pension amounting to the sum of eight thousand pound of Aniovin money. ¶ Now here to stay a while at matters chancing here about home, 
Rog. Houed. Wil parvus. Matth. Paris. Polychron.  I will speak somewhat of the doings of Leopold duke of Ostrich, who as one nothing moved with the pestilence and famine that oppressed his country in this season, but rather having his hart hardened, began to threaten the English hostages that they should lose their lives, if king Richard kept not the covenants which he had line 40 undertaken to perform by a day appointed. Whereupon Baldwin Betun one of the hostages was sent by common agreement of the residue unto king Richard, 
Baldwin de Betun.  to signify to him their estate. King Richard willing to deliver them out of further danger, sent with the same Baldwin his cousin, the sister of Arthur duke of Britain, and the daughter of the emperor of Cypress, to be conveyed unto the said duke of Ostrich, the one, namely the sister of Arthur to be joined in marriage with the duke's son, and the line 50 other to continue in the duke's hands to bestow at his pleasure.  
But in the mean time, on saint stephan's day, duke Leopold chanced to have a fall beside his horse, 
Duke Leopold catcheth a fall beside his horse and dieth of the hurt.  and hurt his leg in such wise, that all the surgeons in the country could not help him, whereupon in extreme anguish he ended his life. And whereas before his death he required to be absolved of the sentence of excommunication pronounced against him by the pope (for apprehending of king Richard in line 60 his returning from his journey made into the holy land) he was answered by the clergy, that except he would receive an oath to stand to the judgement of the church for the injury done to king Richard, and that unless other of the Nobility would receive the like oath with him if he chanced to die (whereby he might not fulfil that which the church herein should decree) that yet they should see the same performed, he might not otherwise be absolved.  
Wherefore he took the oath, and the Nobles of his country with him, and therewithal released the English pledges, remitted the money that yet remained behind of his portion aforesaid, and immediately therewith died. After his decease, because certain pée●es of the country withstood the performance of the premises, his body lay eight days longer above ground than otherwise it should have done, for till such time as all the pledges were perfectly released, it might not be buried. Also Baldwin de Betun approaching near to the confines of Ostrich, when he heard that the duke was dead, returned with the two ladies▪ unto his sovereign lord king Richard. Th●s (as ye have heard) for fear of the censures of the church were the pledges restored, and the residue of the money behind released.  
¶ All this was ●●th pleasant and profitable for king Richard's souls health (as may 〈◊〉 thought) because he took occasion thereof to amend hi● own former 〈◊〉▪ by considering how much he might be reprehe●●e●▪ for his sundry faults committed both against God and man. A marvelous matter to ●eare, how much from that time forward he reform his former trade of living into a better form & order. Moreover, the emperor gave to the Ci●teau● monks 3000 marks of silver, parcel of king Richard's ransom, 
White monks  to make silver censers in every church throughout where they had any houses: but the abbots of the same order refused the gift, being a portion of so wrongful and ungodly a gain. At which thing, when it came to the knowledge of K. Richard, he greatly marveled at the first, but after commended the abbots in their doings, and chiefly for showing that they were void of the accustomed greediness of having, which most men supposed them to be much infected withal.  
King Richard this year pardoned Hugh Novant bishop of Coventrie of all his wrath and displeasure conceived toward him, 
Rog. Houed. Hugh Novamt bishop of Coventrie restored to his see.  and restored to him his bishopric for five thousand marks of silver. But Robert Novant the same bishop's brother died in the king's prison at Dover. Also whereas the archbishop of York had offended king Richard, 
The archbishop of York.  he pardoned him, and received him again into favour, with the kiss of peace. Whereupon the archbishop waxed so proud, that using the king reproachfully, he lost his archbishopric, the rule of Yorkshire which he had in government as sheriff, the favour of his sovereign, and (which was the greatest loss of all) the love of God. For 
Nemo superbus amat superos, nec amatur ab illis, 
M. Pal. in suo sag.   
Vult humiles Deus ac mites, habitátque libenter  
Mansuetos animos procul ambitione remotos,  
Inflatos verò ac ventosos deprimit idem,  
Nec patitur secum puro consistere olympo.   
Moreover, through the king's request, pope Celestine this year made the archbishop of Canturburie legate of all England by his bulls directed to him, 

Pope Celestine.  
The archbish. of Canturburie is made the pope's legate.   bearing date at his palace in Rome called Lateran the fifteenth kalends of April, in the fourth year of his papacy. Furthermore, the pope wrote to the English clergy, giving them to understand that he had created the said archbishop of Canturburie his legate, commanding them so to accept him: by virtue of which letters, 
A trinity of offices in unity of person.  the archbishop Hubert being now both archbishop of Canturburie, legate of the apostolic see, and lord chief justice of England, appointed to hold a council at York, and therefore gave knowledge by the abbot of Binham in Norfolk, and one master Geruise, unto the canons of York, and to the archbishop's officials of his purposed intention.  
The said canons and officials well considering of the pope's letters, which were delivered unto them by the messengers, signified for answer, that they would gladly receive him as legate of the apostolic see, but not as archbishop of Canturburie, nor as their primate. Herewith he came to York upon saint Barnabies day being sunday, and was received with procession. On the morrow after, he held a court of pleas of the crown, of assizes, and such other matters touching the king. On the next day being Tuesday, he entered into the monastery of saint Maries in York, and deposed the abbot, because of his infirmity of body, at the request of the monks, but the abbot appealed to the pope's consistory. Then he assembled the clergy in the church of Saint Peter in York, 
A synod holden at York.  and there held a synod for reformation of things amiss in the church, and amendment of manners line 10 in the clergy▪ so that diverse decrees were made, the which for bréefenesse we 〈◊〉 to speak of in particular. This year also, the said archbishop 〈…〉 throughout the realm of England to receive an oath of observing the king's 〈◊〉, and to swear that they should not be robbers, nor abettors of ro●bers, nor in any wise consenting unto them, but should do what in them might lie to 〈…〉 offenders, and to discover them to the king's officers to be apprehended, and to pursue line 20 them upon hue and cry to the uttermost of their powers, and those that withdrew themselves from such pursuit; should be apprehended as partakers with the offenders.  

The emperor sendeth to the king.  About this time the emperor sent to king Richard, requiring him in no wise to conclude any peace with the French king, but rather to invade his dominions, promising to aid him all that he might. But king Richard, 
Anno Reg. 7.  to understand further of the emperors mind herein, sent over his chancellor the line 30 bishop of Elie unto him in embassage. 
The bishop of Elie is sent to the emperor.  In the mean time the war was still continued betwixt him and the French, by the which they were commonly put to the worse, and king Richard invading their borders, did much hurt in wasting the countries on each side. The French king was at one time so narrowly chased, that as he would have passed a bridge that lay over the water of Saine, he was in danger of drowning by the fall of the same under him, but yet at the length he escaped, and got to the line 40 further side.  
After this, the two kings came to a communication together, 
The 2 kings talk together.  in the which a motion was made, that jews the French king his son and heir should have the sister of Arthur duke of Britain in marriage, and that king Richard in consideration thereof should surrender unto them and to their heirs the towns of guysor's, Bademont, with the country of Ueulquessine or Ueuxine le Normant, Uernon, ivory and Pascie; and further should give unto them line 50 twenty thousand marks of silver. On the other side it was moved, that the French king should resign unto king Richard all that he could demand in the county of Engeulesme, and should restore unto him the counties of Albemarle and Augie, with the castle of arks, and all other castles which he had taken in Normandy, or in any party during these last wars. But there was a respite taken for the full concluding and assuring of these conditions, till the octaves of All saints, that king Richard might understand line 60 the emperors pleasure, without whose consent he might not conclude any thing concerning that matter, because he had sent such word unto him by the lord chancellor, who at this time was attendant in his court.  
In the mean time, the emperor being advertised of the whole matter, and of the articles afore mentioned, gave knowledge to king Richard by the bishop of Elie at his returning back, that this form of peace nothing liked him, but rather made directly to his discontentment: the which least he might seem to say without sufficient ground of reason, he alleged, that it should sound to king Richard's dishonour, if he surrendered and gave up any thing that he had not in possession. 
The emperor dissuadeth the king from agreeing to the peace.  And to encourage him to recover those things which had been taken from him, ●he emperor pardoned him of the seventeen thousand marks of silver, which yet remained behind due to him for the king's ransom. Howsoever the matter passed▪ the two kings met not in the octaves of all saints, according to the appointment, although they were 〈◊〉, and approached very near to the pla●e where they should have communed together▪ but through the dissimulation of the Frenchmen, they departed, without seeing one another, and 〈…〉 began the war as fiercely as at any time before.  
The French king took the town of Diep, 
The war 〈◊〉 begun afresh.  which king Richard had lately repaired, and burned it, with the ships that harboured 〈◊〉 the haven: after this, coming to Isoldun, he won the town and besieged the castle▪ But king Richard advertised thereof, came with quick speed (making of three days journey but one) and entered into the castle of Isoldun to defend the same against his adversaries: 
The has● which king Richard made  and forthwith there resorted such numbers of men unto him, when they heard how he was besieged, that the French king doubting how to retire from thence in safety, made suit first to have licence to departed, and after when that would not be granted, he required at the leastwise to talk with the king of England about some agreement.  
Whereunto king Richard condescended, 
The 2 kings again talk together of peace,  and so coming together, they concluded upon a truce to endure from that day, being saturday next after the feast of saint Nicholas, unto the feast of saint Hilary next ensuing, and then to meet again near unto Loviers with their counsels, that they might grow by some reasonable way unto a final peace and concord. And according to this article, year 1196 shortly after the same feast of S. Hilary, they met at Loviers, where finally they were accorded to conclude a peace on these conditions, 
The conditions of peace concluded betwixt the two kings. Matth. Paris▪  that the French king should release to the king of England Isoldun, with the country about, won by him sith the beginning of these wars; likewise, all the right which he had in Berrie, Au●ergine, and Gascoigne, and the county of Albemarle. On the other part, 
Matth. West.  the king of England should resign guysor's, and certain other places, and namely Ueurine or Ueulquesine unto the king of France.  
Hereupon were sureties also bound for performance, 
Matth. West. Matth. Paris.  and the forfeiture of fifteen thousand marks assigned to be paid by the party that first broke the peace. Shortly after, the French king repenting himself of the agreement, began to make a war anew, so that king Richard seized into his hands all the goods and possessions which belonged to the abbots of the order of the great monastery of Clunie, and of saint Device & la Charity, which had become surety for the French king in the sum of 1500 marks aforesaid. 
Rog. Houed. The earl of Albemarle departed this life  This year died William de Forz earl of Albemarle, in whose place succeeded Baldwine de Betun by the king's gift, and married the countess of Albermarle.  
There was a motion also made for a marriage betwixt the lord Otho, 
Otho son to the duke of Saxony.  son to Henry duke of Saxony, king Richard's nephew by his sister, and the lady Margaret, daughter to the king of Scots, so as they should have enjoyed the countries of Lothian, Northumberland, and the county of caerleil with the castles. For the conclusion of which marriage, 
Lawns.  the archbishop of Canturburie was sent about Christmas to commune with the king of Scots: but because the Scotish queen was then conceived of child, her husband (in hope that God would send him a son) refused to stand unto the above mentioned covenants.  

Wil parvus. Ran. Higd. The abbot of Caen sent into England.  At this time king Richard sent the abbot of Caen (who was also the elect of Durham) into England, to take an accounts of those that had the receipts of the king's money: for this abbot had informed the king, that his receivers and officers here in the realm dealt not justly in making their accounts, but both deceived the king, and oppressed his people, in exacting more than was due, 
Fraudulent dealing in officers.  and concealing that which they ought to stand accountable for. The king supposing his words to be true, or at least likely so to line 10 be, and that in reforming such untruth in his officers, it should be both profitable to him, and well liked of the people, sent this abbot over with commission, to be as it were his general auditor.  
Howbeit, Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, which was governor of the realm in causes both temporal and spiritual (by reason he had the king's authority as his vicegerent, & therefore sufficiently countenanced, & also the pope's as his legate authorised) did somewhat stomach the matter, in that it line 20 should be thought he did suffer such abuses in the king's officers, and not reform them. But he held him content and said little, sith the abbot showed him the king's commission to do that which he went about, although he brought it not to pass. For whereas he came over in lent, and gave out commandments, that all such as had any thing to do in receipt of the king's money, should appear before him after Easter, he tarried not to see Easter himself, but was called into another world by the stroke of death, line 30 there to render accounts for his own acts here in this life committed.  

Fabian. Wil parvus. Matt. Paris. Ran. Higd. William Fitz Osbert.  At the same time there was another person in London called William with the long beard (alias Fitz Osbert) which had likewise informed the king of certain great oppressions and excessive outrages used by rich men against the poor (namely the worshipful of the city, the Mayor and Aldermen) who in their hoisting, when any tallage was to be gathered, burdened the poor further than was thought reason, 
The ●oule disorder in the citizens of London.  line 40 to ease themselves; whereupon the said William being a seditious person, and of a busy nature, ceased not to make complaints. Now because the king gave ear unto him at the first, he took a boldness thereof, & drawing unto him great routs of the poorer sort of people, would take upon him to defend the causes of those that found themselves grieved with the heavy yoke of rich-men and gentlemen. He was somewhat learned, and very eloquent: he had also a very good wit, but he applied it rather to set dissension line 50 betwixt the high estates and the low, than to any other good purpose. He accused also his own brother of treason, who in his youth had kept him to school, & been very good and beneficial brother unto him, because now he would not still maintain him with money to bear out his riotous port. 
The unnatural ingratitude of Fitz Osbert.  Moreover, he declared to the king that by extortion and bribery of certain men of great wealth, he lost many forfeits and escheats.  
Many gentlemen of honour sore hated him for line 60 his presumptuous attempts to the hindering of their purposes: but he had such comfort of the king, that he little passed for their malice, but kept on his intent, till the king being advertised of the assemblies which he made▪ commanded him to cease from such doings, that the people might fall again to their sciences and occupations, which they had for the more part left off at the instigation of this William with the long beard, 
Why he ware his long beard. Matth. Paris.  so named of the long hear of his ●eard, which he nourished of purpose to seem the more grave and manlike, and also as it were in despite of them which counterfeited the Normans (that were for the most part shaven) and because he would resemble the ancient usage of the English nation. 
Fabian.  The king's commandment in restraint of the people's resort unto him, was well kept a while, but it was not long yer they began to follow him again as they had done before.  
Then he took upon him to make unto them certain collations or sermons, taking for his theme, Haurietis aqu●● in gaudio de fontibus salvatoris, 
His oration to the people.  that is to say: Ye shall draw in gladness waters out of the founteins of your saviour. And hereto he added, I am (said he) the saviour of poor men; ye be the poor, and have assayed the hard hands and heavy burdens of the rich: now draw ye therefore the healthful waters of understanding out of my wells and springs, and that with joy. For the time of your visitation is come: I shall part waters from waters, by waters I understand the people, and I shall part the people which are good and meek, from the people that are wicked and proud, and I shall dissever the good and evil, even as light is divided from darkness.  
By these and such persuasions and means as he used, he had gotten two and fifty thousand persons, 
Ger. Dor.  ready to have taken his part, as appeared after by a roll of their names found in his keeping, besides diverse instruments of iron to break up houses, and other things serving to such like purposes. So that he brought the commoners into a great liking of him: but the rich and wealthy citizens stood in much fear, so that they kept their houses, in arms, in doubt to be rob and murdered by him in the night season.  
The archbishop of Canturburie (unto whom the rule of the realm chiefly belonged) being advertised hereof, sent for the greatest number of the citizens, and using them with gentle words, persuaded them to deliver pledges, the better to assure him, that no such thing should chance, which was suspected of many, though he was loath to conceive any such opinion of them. They being overcome with his courteous words, gave unto him pledges.  
After this, when the foresaid William ceased not to make congregations of the people, 
He is called before the archbishop of Canturburie lord chief justice or precedent of the realm.  at length the archbishop sent a commandment unto him, that he should appear before him and other of the council, at a certain prefixed day, to answer to such things as might be laid to his charge. To be short, he did so at the time appointed, but with such a rout of the common people about him, that the archbishop durst not pronounce against him, but licensed him to departed for that time, giving him soft and gentle words. Howbeit, certain persons were then appointed by the said archbishop and other of the council to watch him sometime, when he should have no great company about him, and then to apprehend him.  
Amongst those that were thus commanded to attach him, were two burgesses of the city, who having espied a convenient time for the execution of their purpose, set upon him to have taken him, but he getting an axe, defended himself manfully: and in resisting slew one of them, and after that fled into the church of S. Marry Bow, 
He fleeth in●o the church of S. Marry Bow.  keeping the same not as a place of sanctuary, but as a fortress: in somuch that by the help of such as resorted unto him, he defended it against his adversaries, till with fire and smoke they constrained him to come forth and all those that were there with him: 
His concubine.  amongst them also was his concubine, who never left him for any danger that might be●ide him.  
The people regarding the danger of their pledges, came not out to aid him, as it was much doubted they would have done. Wherefore being thus attached, he was brought forth, and coming out of the church, the son of that burgess whom he had slain (as you have heard) strake him very sore into the belly with a knife, in revenge of his father's death▪ After this, he was had to his arraignment before the archbishop, sitting within the tower, and being condemned, was from thence drawn with horses to the place of execution called the Elms, and there hanged on a gibbet, 
He is executed.  with nine of his adherents, which had defended the church against the king's power: and yet for all this, the grudge ceased not, but the common people raised a great slander upon the archbishop, 
Wil parvus. Matth. Paris.  both for causing him to be taken out of the church, 
The archbish. of Canturburie evil spoken of, for the death of William Fitz Osbert.  where he claimed privilege of sanctuary, line 10 and also for putting him to death, who was innocent (as they alleged) and not guilty of those crimes that were laid against him: who sought only the defence of poor people against extortioners, and such as were wrong doers.  
This rumour rose so fast, that at length (by bruting abroad, that certain miracles should be wrought by a chain, 
An old whormonger, and a new saint.  wherein he was bound in time of his imprisonment) he was taken for a saint. The place also where he suffered, was visited by women, and other line 20 superstitious folks, as a plot of great holiness, till at length the archbishop caused it to be watched, to the end that no such foolishness should be used there. In fine, the opinion which the people had thus fondly conceived of his virtue and innocency, was by little and little removed out of their heads, when his acts were more certainly published: as the sleaing of a man with his own hands, and the using of his concubine within Bow church, during the time of his being there. Also the archbishop accursed a priest, line 30 which had first brought up the false report and feigned fable of the miracle wrought by the chain, whereby the occasion of idolatry was first given, and might easily have been continued, if the archbishop had not been the wiser man, and by such means repressed the rumour. ¶ So that we are to note by this example the force of counterfeit holiness and feigned harmlessness in hypocrites, 
— qui pelle sub agni  
Vipereum celant vi●us morésque, luporum, line 40  
Et stol●dos ficta virtutis imagine fallunt.   
But now to return unto the doings of king Richard in France. Ye have heard how a peace was concluded (as some have written) but the same continued not long: for the French king seeming to repent himself of that he had done (as is aforesaid) broke the peace, and raising a power, besieged Albemarle, at length wa● it, and razed it down to the ground, than king Richard gave unto him three thousand marks of silver for the ransom of his knight's line 50 and yeomen, or demilances (as I may call them) that were taken in that fortress. After this, the French king wan Novencourt, and earl john took the castle of Gamages.  

The earldom of Poictou.  About the same time also king Richard gave unto his nephew Otho the earldom of Poictou. Which I have thought good to note out of Roger Ho●eden, to remove the doubt of john Bouchet, who in the third part of his annals of Aquitaine, 
john Bouchet his dou●.  marveleth at an old panehart or record which he had seen, by line 60 the tenor whereof it appeared, that this Otho entitled himself duke of Aquitaine and earl of Poictou, being in his castle of Monstereulbonin near to Poitiers, in the year a thousand, one hundredth, ninety nine, in presence of Geffrey de Lusignen, and others, and granted unto a certain person the office of cutting the money in the mint of that town, as by the same 〈◊〉 hart it further appeareth.  
The sight whereof brought the sai● Bouchet into a great perplexine, considering that no chronicle which he had either seen, or heard of, made mention of any Otho that should be duke of Aquitaine, or earl of Poicto●, either before that time, or after. Where again it was evident to him, that queen Elinor the mother of king Richard, as then living, named herself duchess of Aquitaine, and countess of Poictou; & likewise king Richard entitled himself duke of Aquitaine, and earl of Poictou, ever after he had fianced the earl of Barcelons' daughter, as by diverse records both of the mother and the son he had seen perfect notice. At length yet he guesseth (and that truly) that it should be this Otho, to whom the mother and son had assigned the duchy of Aquitaine and county of Poictou, for the maintenance of his estate, he holding the same till the year 1199, in the which he was made emperor by king Richard's good help, as after shall be showed more at large.  
About this time also as the countess of Britain, 
Ranulph earl of Chester took his wife the duchess of Britain prisoner.  the mother of duke Arthur came into Normandy to have spoken with king Richard, Ranulph earl of Chester her husband meeting her at Pountourson, took her as prisoner, and shut her up within his castle at S. james de Beumeron: and when her son Arthur could not find means to deliver her out of captivity, he joined with the king of France, and made great havoc in the lands of his uncle king Richard, whereupon the king gathered a mighty army, and invading Britain with great force, cruelly wasted and destroyed the country.  
Here is also to be noted, that in this seventh year of king Richard, 
A dearth.  a great dearth chanced through this realm of England, and in the coasts about the same. Also about the same time died William earl of Salisbury, 
The death of the earl of Salisbury.  the son of earl Patrick, whose daughter and heir king Richard gave in marriage, together with the earldom of Salisbury, unto his base brother, surnamed Long Espée.  
It chanced moreover about the same time, 
R. Houed. Matth. Paris.  that earl john the king's brother, with certain capiteins of such hired soldiers as some call Brabanceni; others, the Routs; and the French histories name them Costereaux, or Co●erels, went abroad to achieve some enterprise against the bishop of Beau●ois, and other Frenchmen, which had done much hurt to king Richard's subjects in those parties. The chief leaders of those Routs or Costereaux; which went forth with earl john, and served under him at that time, were two Provancois, 
Marchades & Lupescaro.  Marchades & Lupescaro. These riding forth into the country about Beawois, made havoc in robbing and spoiling all afore them.  
Anon as Philip the bishop of Beawois, a man more given to the camp than to the church, had knowledge hereof, thinking them to be a meet prey for him, with sir William de Merlow and his son, and a great number of other valiant men of war, came forth into the fields, and encountering with the enemies, fought very stoutly. 
The bishop of Beawois taken prisoner.  But yet in the end the bishop, the archdeacon, and all the chief captains were taken: the residue slain and chased. After this, earl john and the foresaid captains passed forth, and won the town of Millie, and so returned.  
Earl john and Marchades presented the two prelates with great triumph unto K. Richard early in the morning, lying yet in his bed, as those that were known to be his great enemies, saying to him in French; Rise Richard, rise, we have gotten the great chantour of Beawois, and a good quie● man (as we take it) to answer him in the same note, and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion. The king seeing them, smiled, and was very glad for the taking of this bishop, for that he had ever found him his great adversary: and therefore being thus taken fight in the field with armour on his back, thought he might be bold in temporal wise to chastise him: sith he (not regarding his calling) practised to mo●es● him which temporal weapons: whereupon he committed him to close prison all armed as he was.  
It chanced soon after, that two of his chaplains came unto the king to Roven, where this bishop was detained, beseeching the king of licence to attend upon their master now in captivity: unto whom (as it is of some reported) the king made this answer; I am content to make you judges in the cause betwixt me and your master, as for the evils which he hath either done, either else gone about to do unto line 10 me, let the same be forgotten. This is true, that I being taken as I returned from my journey made into the holy land, and delivered into the emperors hands, was in respect of my kingly state, used according thereunto very friendly and honourably, till your master coming thither (for what purpose he himself best knoweth) had long conference with the emperor. After which, I for my part in the next morning tasted the fruit of their overnights talk, being then laden with as many irons as a good ass line 20 might not very easily have borne. judge you therefore, what manner of imprisonment your master deserved at my hands, that procured such ease for me at the emperors hands.  
The two chaplains had their mouths stopped with these words thus by the king uttered, and so departed their ways. The bishop being still detained in prison, procured suit to be made to the pope for his deliverance: but the pope, being truly informed of the matter, and wisely considering that the king had line 30 not taken the bishop preaching, but fight, and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy, than as a peaceable prelate, would not be earnest with the king for his deliverance, but rather reproved the bishop, in that he had preferred secular warfare before the spiritual, and had taken upon him the use of a spear in steed of a crosier, an helmet in steed of a mitre, an herbergeon in steed of a white rocket, a target for a stole, and an iron sword in am of the spiritual sword: and therefore he refused to use any commandment line 40 to king Richard for the setting of him at liberty. But yet he promised to do what he could by way of entreating, that he might be released.  
It is reported by some writers, that the pope at first, not understanding the truth of the whole circumstance, should send to king Richard, commanding him by force of the canons of the church to deliver his sons the bishop and archdeacon out of their captivity. To whom the king sent their armour with this message written in Latin, Vide an tunica filii tui line 50 sit an non, that is, See whether these are the garments of thy sons or not: alluding to the saying of those that carried joseph's coat to jacob. 
Genes. 37.  Which when the pope saw, he said: Nay by S. Peter, it is neither the apparel of my sons, nor yet of my brethren: but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars: and so he left them still to be ransomed at the king's pleasure. The bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two kings, became now through irksomeness of his line 60 bonds, an earnest mediator for peace, whereas before he had been an extreme stirrer up of war. Such a schoolmaster is imprisonment, & plucker down of lofty courages. But to proceed.  

Anno Reg. 8.  About the same time the archbishop of Roven put all the country of Normandy under sentence of interdiction, because king Richard had begun to fortify a castle at Lisle Dandelie, 
Normandy interdicted by the archbishop of Roven.  upon a piece of ground which the archbishop claimed to appertain unto his see. The matter was brought before the pope, who perceiving the intent of king Richard was not otherwise grounded upon any covetous purpose to defraud the church of her right, but only to build a fortress in such place as was most expedient for defence of the country about, to preserve it from invasion of the enemies; he counseled the archbishop not to stand against the king in it, but to exchange with him for some other lands: which was done, and the interdiction by the pope released. The bishop of Elie lord chancellor, being sent about this business towards Rome, 
The bishop of Elie departed this life.  departed this life by the way at Poitiers, in januarie.  
But the bishops of Durham & Lisieux that were sent with him, passed forward, and coming to Rome, informed the pope of the matter, who took order with the bishops (as before is mentioned.) The king gave to the church in Roven in recompense, his mills which he had in Roven, so that the said church should pay the alms of old time appointed to be given for the same. He gave to the said church likewise the town of deep, and the town of Bussels, so that the church should likewise pay the alms assigned forth of the same, being the sum of 372 pounds of Aniovine money: also the manor of Lovers, and the forest of Alermound with the dear and the appurtenances. But now to other doings.  
About the same time, or not long before, whereas there had been long contention betwixt the kings of England, 
Rog. Houed. The king and the earl of Tholouse agreed.  and the earls of S. Giles for the earldom of Tholouse, king Richard by way of alliance fell now at an appointment with the earl Raimond that held those lands: for whereas the countess Constance wife to the said Raimond earl of Tholouse and aunt to king Philip was now departed this life, king Richard concluded a marriage between the said earl and his sister joane queen of Sicily, sometime wife to William king of Sicily, so that being thus joined in alliance with the said earl of Tholouse on the one side, 
Matt. Paris. The earl of Flanders allied with K. Richard.  he procured a league also with Baldwine earl of Flanders on the other, unto whom he gave five thousand marks in reward, upon condition, that he should covenant not to grow to any agreement with the French king without his consent. Likewise Reginold the earl of Bolongne, 
jacob. Meir. Les annales de France.  that was son to the earl of Chasteau Martin, allied himself with them against the French king, and so did Baldwine earl of Guines with diverse other.  
Thus king Richard by such alliance having his part greatly strengthened, prepared himself to the war more earnestly than before, and took order with the earl of Flanders, that they should invade the French dominions in two several quarters both at one time, as the earl by Flanders, & he himself by Normandy, according to the appointment betwixt them devised. The earl preparing an army, 
jacob. Meir. Wil parvus.  first won the town of Dowaie, and then besieged saint Omers, and won it after five weeks siege: whereupon they of Air yielded to him; 
Towns won by the earl of Flanders.  shortly after he entered into Artois, & besieged the city of Arras.  
At the same time king Richard marching towards guysor's, wan in his way the castle of Corselles, & destroyed it; that done, he came to guysor's, and besieged the town, 
guysor's besieged.  wasting all the country round about him where he came. The French king being thus troubled with the invasion of his enemies in two several places at one present time, sent certain bands of his soldiers towards Arras to keep the earl of Flanders play, whilst he himself went against king Richard: and coming unto guysor's, found it straightly besieged of the same king, so that he witted not well how to enter the town. But yet at length feigning to give battle to king Richard (who upon desire to receive it, came abroad into the field) the French king rushed forth with all his whole force to make towards the town, & so got into it, 
The French king entereth into guysor's.  though not without great loss and damage of his people.  
King Richard not meaning to break up his siege from before the town, notwithstanding the French king had entered it) stayed a certain time of purpose to win it, knowing the gain to be the greater, and his name more famous, if he might achieve his purpose, now that his adversary was within it. But when he saw it would not be, 
K. Richard raiseth his siege.  he raised his siege, and departed towards Clerimont, spoiling all the country by his forrais as he went, so that he won great pillage, wherewith his soldiers were laden and made very rich.  
It chanced, that in a skirmish Hugh de Chanmount was taken prisoner, 
Hugh de Chaumount taken prisoner  one that was of the line 10 French kings privy council, and king Richard appointed him to the keeping of Robert Ros, who charged one of his servants named William de Spiny with the custody of him. But the said Hugh corrupting his keeper the foresaid William with rewards, (whereof it is said, 

Ovid in 3. Art am. ep. 16. — acceptissima semper  
Munera sunt, author quae preticsa facit)  escaped out of the castle of Bonneville, where he was within ward, 
Robert Rosse put to his fine for an escape.  to the great displeasure of king line 20 Richard, who caused Robert Ros to pay for a fine, the sum of twelve hundred marks, which the prisoner should have paid for his ransom: and further, commanded William de Spiny to be hanged for his disloyal dealing.  
King Philip, after that the king of England was removed from guysor's (as before ye have heard) assembled a great host, and with banner displayed, entered into Normandy, 
Matth. Paris.  and wasted the country from Newburge to Beaumond le Rogier, and that done, line 30 returned into France, licensing his men to return unto their homes. About the same time, he sent unto king Richard, 
Nic. Trevet. The French kings request for a combat.  requiring him to appoint five champions, and he would appoint other five for his part, which might fight in lists, for trial of all matters in controversy betwixt them, so to avoid the shedding of more guiltless blood. King Richard accepted the offer, 
K. Richard's answer.  with condition, that either king might be of the number, that is, the French king one of the five upon line 40 the French part; & K. Richard one of the five upon the English part. year 1197 But this condition would not be granted. Hereupon, when shortly after it was signified to king Richard, 
Matth. Paris.  that ships used to come out of England to saint Ualerie with victuals, which were sold and conveyed away unto the French K. and other his enemies, he road to saint Ualeries, and set the town on fire, and such ships of England as he found there he also burnt, and hanged the mariners by the neck, 
Ships burnt, and mariners hanged.  dividing the grain and other victuals which were found in the same ships amongst his line 50 own soldiers.  
About the same time he got the favour of them of champaign and of the Britons, 
Les annales de France.  and William Crespine also was constrained to deliver unto him the castle of Auge, but the French king recovered it by siege, whilst king Richard entering into Aluergne won diverse castles there, to the number of ten out of king Philip's hands. 
Anno Reg. 9  In the mean time the earl of Flanders made sore war against the line 60 French king for his part, and training the same king within straits, so that he was almost enclosed on each side, he constrained him to agree to such composition as pleased the same earl to appoint, but afterwards the French king refused to stand to the covenants of that agreement, and so the war continued betwixt them as before.  

R. Houed.  At length king Richard and the French king concluded upon an abstinence of war to endure from the feast of S. Hilary for one whole year, 
One year & 4 months saith Wil. parvus.  purposing in the mean time to make a final peace and agreement. In which season Baldwine earl of Flanders came into England to do his devotions unto the shrine where Thomas the archbishop lay buried at Canturburie. 
Griffin king of Wales departed this life.  The same year also some what before this time, Rise ap Griffin king of Wales departed this life, after whose death there fell discord betwixt his sons for the succession, till the archbishop Hubert went to the marshes of that country and made an agreement betwixt them. Not long after, Roger the brother of Robert earl of Leicester, elected bishop of saint Andrews in Scotland, received the order of priesthood, and was consecrated bishop by the hands of the bishop of Aberdine.  
This year it was ordained that measures of all manner of grain should contain one quantity throughout the realm, that is to say, 
Weights and measures.  one reasonable horsselode, and that the measures of wine and ale with all manner of liquors should be of one just quantity according to the diversity of the liquor: also that weights should be of like rate throughout the realm, and that cloth should contain two yards in breadth within the lists, of perfect goodness throughout, as well in the midst as by the sides, and that one manner of yard should be used through the realm. It was also ordained that no merchants within the realm should hang any red or black clothes before their windows, nor set up any pentises or other thing whereby to darken the light from those that come to buy their cloth, so as they might be deceived in choosing thereof.  
Also it was enacted that there should be four or six substantial honest men chosen in every town, and likewise in shires, with the head officers of cities and boroughs, which had a corporation, to see that the assizes aforesaid were truly kept, and that if any were found to be offending in the premises, to cause their bodies to be attached and committed to prison, and their goods to be seized to the king's use: and if those that were chosen to have regard thereto, were tried to be negligent, so that by others, and not by them any offenders chanced to be convicted before the justices, than should the regarders be put to their fines, for the negligent looking to their offices.  
King Richard held his Christmas this year at Rouen, and Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie legate of the apostolic see, year 1198 named lord chéfe justice of England, was about the same time in the marshes of Wales at Hereford, and there received into his hands the castles of Hereford, Bridgenorth and Ludlow, removing those that had the same in keeping, and appointing others in their rooms. 
Monks placed again in the church of Coventrie.  Afterwards coming by Coventrie, he placed the monks again in the cathedral church of that city, by commandment of pope Celestine, and chased out the secular canons, which the bishop Hugh Novant had brought into the same church when he removed the monks.  
In the Christmas week also there came messengers to Roven from the archbishops of Cullen and Mentz, and from other states of the empire, 
Messengers from the states of Germany.  which declared unto king Richard, that all the princes of Germany were appointed to assemble at Cullen, the two & twentieth of February, about the choosing of a new emperor, in place of the late deceased Henry: and therefore they commanded him by force of the oath and league in which he was bound to the emperor and empire, that all excuse of denial or occasions to the contrary ceasing and set apart, he should make his repair unto Cullen at the aforesaid day, to help them in choosing of some worthy parsonage that might and was able to have the empire. King Richard doubting to put himself in danger, because he had not discharged all the debts due for his ransom, stayed at home, but yet he sent diverse noble men thither, and did so much in favour of his nephew Otho, that by the help of the foresaid two archbishops of Cullen and Mentz, the same Otho was elected emperor. But of this matter more shall be said hereafter.  

Three hundred knights of men of arms to be found.  Moreover, about the same time king Richard required by the archbishop of Canturburie his chief justice, an aid of 300 knights to be found by his subjects of England, to remain with him in his service for one whole year, or else that they would give him so much money, as might serve to retain that number after the rate of three shillings a day of English money for every knight. Whereas all other were contented to be contributors herein, only Hugh line 10 bishop of Lincoln refused, 
The bishop of Lincoln.  and spoke sore against the archbishop that moved the matter. But how soever that request took place, king Richard (as we find) levied this year a subsidy of five shillings of every hide of land within the realm, two commissioners, that is to say, one of the spirituality, & a knight of the temporalty, being appointed as commissioners in every shire, with the assistance of the sheriff, and others, to see the same assessed & rated after an hundred acres of land to the hide of land, according line 20 to the custom.  
The same year also the monks of the house of the holy Trinity, 
The monks of Christ's church send to the pope, complaining of their archbishop.  otherwise called Christ's church in Canturburie, exhibited their complaint unto pope Innocent, that their archbishop Hubert (contrary to his order and dignity) exercised the office of high justice, and sat in judgement of blood, being so encumbered in temporal matters, that he could not have time to discharge his office touching spiritual causes: whereupon the pope sent unto king Richard, line 30 admonishing him not to suffer the said archbishop to be any longer troubled with temporal affairs, 
The pope sendeth to the king.  but to discharge him thereof, and not to admit any spiritual person from thenceforth unto any temporal administration.  
He further prohibited by virtue of their obedience, all manner of prelates and men of the church, that they should not presume rashly to take upon them any manner of secular function or office. Whereupon the archbishop was discharged of his office of line 40 chief justice, and Geffrey Fitz Peter succeeded in government of the realm in his steed. ¶ Geruasius Dorobernensis saith, that the archbishop resigned that office of his own accord, and that not till after his return from the marshes of Wales, where he had overthrown the Welshmen, and slain five thousand of them. Which victory other ascribe unto Geffrey Fitz Peter, which Geffrey (as the said Dorobernensis saith) succeeded the archbishop in the office of lord chief justice, but not until August, in the line 50 tenth year of the king's reign.  
In this year, immediately upon the expiring of the truce which was taken till harvest might be ended, 
Anno Reg. 10.  the war betwixt the two kings of England & France began eftsoons to be pursued with like earnestness as before: whereupon many encounters chanced betwixt the parties, with taking of towns and fortresses, as commonly in such cases it happeneth. Twice the French king was put to the worse, line 60 once in September betwixt Gamages and Uernon, where he was driven to save himself by flight, losing twenty knights, and threescore servitors or yeomen, which were taken, besides those that were slain: and again, in the same month on Michaelmas even betwixt Curseilles and guysor's, at what time he came to succour Curseilles, bringing with him 400 knights, besides servitors, and a great multitude of commons. But the castle was won before he could approach it.  
King Richard being advertised of his coming, hasted forth to meet him, and giving the onset upon him, forced him to flee unto guysor's, where at the entering of the bridge there was such press, that the bridge broke, so that amongst other, the king himself with his horse and all fell into the river of Geth, 
King Philip almost drowned.  and with much ado was relieved, and got out of the water, no small number of right hardy and valiant gentlemen being taken at the same time, which put themselves forward to stay the Englishmen, till the king was recovered out of that present danger. To conclude, 
Seven score saith R. Houed.  there were taken to the number of an hundred knights, and two hundred barded horses, besides servitors on horseback, 
Matth. Paris. R. Houed.  and footmen with crossbows. Amongst other prisoners these are named, Matthew de Montmorancie, Gales de Ports, jollen de Bray, and many other also innumerable. King Richard having got this victory, wrote letters thereof unto the archbishops, bishops, abbots earls and barons of his realm, that they might praise God for his good success.  
¶ A notable example to all princes that have the conquest over their enemies, to refer the happy getting thereof to God, and to give praise unto him who giveth victory unto whom it pleaseth him. Which the Psalmograph saw very well, and therefore ascribed all the issue of his prosperous affairs to God, as may well be noted by his words, saying expressly, 
— ab illo  
Munior, hic instar turkish & arcis erat, 
Eo●. H●ss. in Psal. 144.   
Dura manus in bella meas qui format & armat,  
Ad fera qui digitos instruit arma meos.   
Now will we stay the proceed of the king of France at this time, and make no further relation thereof for a while, till we have touched other things that happened in England at the same season. And first ye shall understand, that Hugh Bardolfe, Roger Arundel, and Geffrey Hachet, to whom as justices, the counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, York, Derbie, Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Lancaster were appointed for circuits, held not only plées of assizes, and of the crown, but also took inquisitions of escheats, 
Inquisitions taken.  and forfeitures of all manner of transgressions, and of donations of benefices, of marriages of widows and maids, and other such like things as appertained to the king, whereby any advantages grew to his use, the which for tediousness we pass over. These things were straightly looked unto, not without the disquieting of many.  
Herewith came an other trouble in the neck of this former, to diverse persons within the realm, through inquiries taken by the justices of the forests: for Hugh Nevil, Hugh Waley, and Heruisius Nevil, appointed justices itinerants in that case, were commanded by the king to call before them archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, knights, and fréeholders, with the reeve, and four of the substantial men of every town or village, 
Ordinances of forests.  to hear and take knowledge of the king's commandment, touching the ordinances of forests, the which were very strait in sundry points, so that whereas before those that offended in killing of the kings dear were punished by the purse, now they should lose their eyes and genitals, as the law was in the days of king Henry his grandfather: and those that offended in cutting down woods or bushes, or in digging and delving up of turfs and clods, or by any other manner of way made waste and destruction in woods or grass, or spoil of venison, within the precinct of the forests, contrary to order, they should be put to their ●ines.  
He gave commandment also, that it should be lawful to the foresters to take and put under arrest, 
Priests to be arrested offending in forests.  as well priests and those of the clergy, as temporal men, being found offenders in forest grounds and chases. Many other ordinances were decreed touching the preservation of forests, and the king's prerogative, advantages and profits rising and growing by the same, as well for saving of his woods and wastes, as in pannage and agistements, greatly to the restraint of them that might usurp or encroach upon the grounds within the compass of his forests.  
Ye have heard before, how the monks of Canturburie did send to exhibit a complaint to the pope, for that their archbishop took upon him to deal in exercise of matters belonging to a temporal man, and line 10 not to such a one as had rule over the spirituality: but this was not the cause that did grieve them so much, as that he went forward with the erection of that church at Lameth, 
Ger. Dor.  which his predecessor archbishop Baldwine had first begun at Haketon, now called S. stephan's (as before ye have heard) and after was driven through the importunate suit of the monks to leave off, 
The church of Lameth.  and race that which he had there begun, to obey the pope's pleasure: and after laid a new foundation at Lameth. line 20  
The monks of Canturburie therefore still fearing lest that church should greatly prejudice such rights and liberties, as they pretended, namely in the election of their archbishop, would never rest, but still complained and followed their suit in most obstinate manner in the court of Rome, as well in the days of the said Baldwine, as now against Hubert, (when he took in hand to continue the work according to the purpose of his predecessor the said Baldwine, which was to have instituted a college there, line 30 and to have placed secular canons in the same) and such was the earnest travel of the monks herein, that in the end now after the decease of pope Celestine, they found such favour at the hands of pope Innocent his successor, 
The pope commandeth the church of Lameth to be razed.  that the same Innocent directed his letters of commandment to the archbishop, and other bishops of this land, to destroy and raze the same foundation, as a piece of work derogatory to the see of Canturburie, and very prejudicial to the estate of holy church. line 40  
The archbishop at the first trusted to be borne out by the king (who was highly offended with the monks for their presumptuous dealing) and therefore refused to obey the pope's commandment. The king in deed stomached the matter so highly, that he sent letters unto the monks by no worse messengers than by Geffrey Fitz Peter, and Hugh Fitz Bardolfe his justices, signifying to them not only his high displeasure for their presumptuous proceed in their suit without his consent, but also commanding line 50 them to surcease, and not to proceed further in the matter by virtue of any such the pope's letters, which they had purchased contrary to the honour and dignity of his crown and realm. Moreover, he wrote to the bishops, commanding them to appeal; and to the archbishop, forbidding him in any wise to break down the church which he had so builded at Lameth.  

The presumptuous stoutness of the monks.  The sheriff of Kent also was commanded to seize into his hands all the tenements and possessions that line 60 belonged to the monks (a fry of satan, and as one saith very well of them and the like leaven of lewdness, 
— sentina malorum,  
Agnorum sub pelle lupi, mercede colentes  
Non pietate Deum, etc.)  who nevertheless were so stout in that quarrel, that they would not prolong one day of the time appointed by the pope for the racing of that church. Hereupon the king for his part and the bishops in their own behalfs wrote to the pope. Likewise the abbots of Boreley, Fourd, Stratford, Roberts-bridge, Stanleie, and Basing Work, wrote the matter to him: and again the pope and the cardinals wrote to the king, to the archbishops, and bishops: and so letters passed to and fro, till at length the pope sent a Nuncio of purpose, to signify his full determination, as in the next year it shall be showed at full.  
About the same time Geffrey Fitz Peter, 
Welshmen vanquished. Ger. Dor. ascribeth this victory unto Hubert arch●. of Canturburie and saith there were slain about 500 of the enemies. Mauds' castle  lord chief justice of England, raised a power of men, and went into Wales to secure the tenants of William de Brause, which were besieged of the king, or rather prince of that country, named Owen, the brother of Cadwalaine, in Mauds' castle: but the lord chief justice coming to the rescue of them within, gave battle to the adversaries, and vanquishing them, slew three thousand of them, and seven hundred of those that were taken prisoners and wounded. And all the while the wars continued in France, the loss for the most part still redounded to the Frenchmen. Earl john burned Newburg, and took eighteen knights of such as were sent to the rescue.  
The earl of Leicester with a small company came before the castle of Pascie, 
The earl of Leicester.  which (although the Frenchmen held it) did yet of right belong unto the said earl. The soldiers within issued forth, and being too strong for the earl, caused him to flee, for otherwise he had been taken. But returning on the morrow after with more company about him, and laying ambushes for the enemy, he approached the said castle, and trained the Frenchmen forth till he had them within his danger, and then causing his men to break out upon them took an eighteen knights, and a great multitude of other people. 
Marchades.  Also Marchades with his rout of Brabanders did the Frenchmen much hurt, in robbing and spoiling the countries.  
About this season the archbishop of Canturburie went over into Normandy to speak with king Richard, and at the French kings request he passed into France, to common with him of peace, which the French king offered to conclude, in restoring all the towns and castles which he had taken (guysor's only excepted) and touching the possession and title thereof, he was contented to put the matter in compromise, to the order and award of six barons in Normandy to be named by him; and of six barons in France which king Richard should name. But king Richard would not thus agree, except the earl of Flanders and others which had forsaken the French king to take his part, might be comprised in the same peace. At length yet in November, there was truce taken betwixt the two kings till the feast of S. Hilary next ensuing.  
In the mean time pope Innocent the third, understanding in what present danger things stood in the holy land, and on the other side, 
A truce taken betwixt the two kings.  considering what a weakening it was unto christendom, to have these two kings thus to war with mortal hatred one against the other: he thought it stood him upon to travel betwixt them, to bring them unto some peace and agreement. Hereupon he dispatched one Peter the cardinal of Capua into France, as legate from the see of Rome, unto the two foresaid kings, to instruct them in what present danger the state of the christians in Asia presently stood, so that without the aid of them and of other christian princes, it could not be helped, but needs it must come to utter ruin, and the Saracens yer long to be possessed of the whole. Therefore both in respect hereof, and also for the avoiding of the further wilful spilling of christian blood in such civil and ungodly war, he besought them to stay their hands, and to join in some friendly band of concord, whereby they might with mutual consent bestow their service in that necessary and most godly war, wherein by overcoming the enemies of Christ, they might look for worthy reward at his hands, which is the free giver of all victories.  
The cardinal coming into France, and doing his message in most earnest wise, was present at the interview appointed betwixt the two kings in the feast of S. Hilary, year 1199 
R. Houed.  but yet could not he bring his purpose to full effect: only he procured them to take truce for the term of five years, 
A truce concluded for five years.  further he could not get them to agree. ¶ The fault by authors is ascribed aswell to king Richard, as to king Philip: for line 10 king Richard being first evil used, and put to hindrance, determined either to vanquish, or never to give place.  
This forbearance from war was concluded and taken in the year 1199 after the incarnation, and tenth of king Richard's reign. But immediately after, there arose matter of new displeasure betwixt these two kings to keep their minds in ure with secret grudges, though by reason of the truce they outwardly abstained from declaring it by force of line 20 arms. 
Contention about the choosing of the emperor.  It chanced that in the election of a new emperor, the electors could not agree, one part of them choosing Otho duke of Saxony, nephew to king Richard by his sister Maud, and another part of them naming Philip duke of Tuscaine, and brother to the last emperor Henry.  
King Richard (as reason was) did procure what favour he could to the furtherance of his nephew Otho: and king Philip on the contrary part, did what he could in favour of the foresaid Philip. At length Otho line 30 was admitted by the pope to end the strife: but yet the grudge remained in the hearts of the two kings; Philip finding himself much grieved in that he had miss his purpose, and Richard being as little pleased, for that he had won his so hardly, and with so much ado. And thus matters passed for that year.  

R. Houed. The pope's letters to the king for the church of Lameth.  In the beginning of the next, the pope's Nuncio came with letters, not only to the archbishop and bishops of England, but also to the king himself, signifying line 40 the pope's resolute decree touching the church and college of Lameth to be broken down and suppressed. Whereupon the king and archbishop (though sore against their wills) when they saw no way longer to shift off the matter, yielded to the pope's pleasure: and so the archbishop sent his letters to Lameth, where the 21 day of januarie they were read, and the 27 day of the same month was the church cast down, & the canons which were already there placed, had commandment to departed from thence line 50 without further delay. Thus the monks in despite of the king and archbishop had their wills, but yet their vexation ceased not, 
The monks borne out by the pope.  for the king and archbishop bearing them no small evil will, for that they had so obtained their purpose contrary to their minds and intents, molested them diverse ways, although the monks still upon complaint to the pope, were very much relieved, and found great friendship both with him and likewise with his court. ¶ So that it may be observed that these dishclouts line 60 of the pope's kitchen have in all ages, since their first quickening been troublesome and mutinous, saucy and insolent, proud and malapert. But 
Proh pudor! hos tolerare potest ecclesia porcos,  

M. Pal. in suo sag.  Cùm sint lascivi nimiùm, nimiúmque superbi,  
Duntaxàt ventri, veneri somnóque vacantes?   
In this mean time, king Richard being now at rest from troubles of war, studied busily to provide money, meaning to make a new voyage into the holy land. 
A tax. Five shillings of every plough land, as saith Matt. Westm.  Therefore finding himself bare of treasure, by reason the French wars had emptied his coffers, he set a great tax upon his subjects, and by that means, having recovered a great sum, he builded that notable strong castle in Normandy, upon the bank of the river of Saine, 
Chasteau Galliard built.  named Chateau Galliard: which when it was finished, he fell a jesting thereat and said; Behold, is not this a fair daughter of one years growth. The soil where this castle was builded, belonged to the archbishop of Roven, for which there followed great strife betwixt the king and the archbishop, till the pope took up the matter (as before ye have heard.)  
After this, he determined to chastise certain persons in Poictou, which during the wars betwixt him and the French king, had aided the Frenchmen against him: whereupon with an army he passed forth towards them, but by the way he was informed, that one Widomer a viscount in the country of Britain, had found great treasure: 

Images of an emperor and of his wife & children all of fine gold.  
The annals of Aquitaine.   and therefore pretending a right thereto by virtue of his prerogative, he sent for the viscount, who smelling out the matter, and supposing the king would not be indifferent in parting the treasure, fled into Limosin, where although the people were tributaries to the king of England, yet they took part with the French king.  
There is a town in that country called Chalus Chevril, 
Chalus Chevril. R. Houed.  into which the said viscount retired for safeguard of himself, and then gave the townsmen a great portion of treasure, to the end they should defend him and his quarrel for the rest. King Richard still following him, as one that could not avoid his fatal ordinance, hasted into the confines of Limosin, fully determining either to win the town by force, if the inhabitants should make resistance, or at least wise, to get into his hands the prey, which he so earnestly pursued. At his first approach he gave many fierce assaults to the town, but they within having throughly provided aforehand for to defend a siege, so resisted his attempts, 
K. Richard besiegeth Chalus.  that within three days after his coming, he ceased to assail the town, meaning to undermine the walls, which otherwise he perceived would very hardly be gotten, considering the stoutness of them within, and withal, the natural strength and situation of the place itself.  
Hereupon therefore on the 26 of March, whiles he (together with captain Marchades) went about unadvisedly to view the town (the better to consider the place which way he might convey the course of his mine) they came so far within danger, that the king was stricken in the left arm, 
He is wounded.  or (as some writ) in the shoulder, where it joined to the neck, with a quarrel envenomed (as is to be supposed by the sequel.) Being thus wounded, he got to his horse, 
Ra. Niger.  and road home again to his lodging, where he caused the wound to be searched and bound up, and as a man nothing dismayed therewith, continued his siege with such force and assurance, that within 12 days after the mishap, the town was yielded unto him, although very little treasure (to make any great account of) was at that time found therein.  
In this mean season, the king had committed the cure of his wound to one of Marchades his surgeons, who taking in hand to pluck out the quarrel, drew forth only the shaft at the first, and left the iron still within, and afterwards going about most unskilfully to get forth the head of the said quarrel, he used such incisions, and so mangled the king's arm, yer he could cut it, 
The king despaired of life.  that he himself despaired of all help and longer life, affirming flatly to such as stood about him, that he could not long continue by reason of his butcherly handling. To be short, feeling himself to wax weaker and weaker, preparing his mind to death, which he perceived now to be at hand, he ordained his testament, 
He ordaineth his testament.  or rather reform and added sundry things unto the same which he before had made, at the time of his going forth towards the holy land.  
Unto his brother john he assigned the crown of England, and all other his lands and dominions, causing the Nobles there present to swear fealty unto him. His money, his jewels, and all other his goods movable he willed to be divided into three parts, of the which Otho the emperor his sister's son to have one, 
R. Houed.  his household servants an other part, and the third to be distributed to the poor. Finally, remembering himself also of the place of his burial, he commanded that his body should be interred at line 10 Fonteverard at his father's feet, but he willed his heart to be conveyed unto Roven, 
Matth. Paris.  and there buried, in testimony of the love which he had ever borne unto that city for the steadfast faith and tried loyalty at all times found in the citizens there. His bowels he ordained to be buried in Poitiers, as in a place naturally unthankful and not worthy to retain any of the more honourable parts of his body.  
Moreover he caused the arcubalistar that wounded him, to be sought out, whose name was Barthram line 20 de Gurden, or Peter basil (for so he named himself as some writ) who being brought before the king, 
Rog. Houed.  he demanded wherein he had so much offended him, that he should so lie in wait to slay him, rather than Marchades, who was then in his company, and attendant on his person? The other answered boldly again, saying; I purposed to kill thee, because thou sluest my father, and two of my brethren heretofore, and wouldst also now have slain me, if I had happened to fall into thy hands. Wherefore I intended to line 30 revenge their deaths, not caring in the mean time what became of myself, so that I might in any wise obtain my will of thee, who in such sort hast bearest me of my friends. The king hearkening unto his words, 
A notable example of forgiving an enemy. Matth. Paris.  and pondering his talk by good advisement, freely pardoned him, and withal commanded that he should be set at liberty, and thereto have an hundred shillings given him in his purse, and so to be let go. Moreover, he gave straight charge that no man should hurt him, or seek any revenge for this line 40 his death hereafter. Thus the penitent prince not only forgave, but also rewarded his adversary. Howbeit after his decease, Marchades getting him into his hands, first caused the skin to be stripped of his body, and after hanged him on a gibbet.  
At length king Richard by force of sickness (increased with anguish of his incurable wound) departed this life, on the tuesday before palmsunday, being the ninth of April, 
King Richard departed this life.  and the xj. day after he was hurt, in the year after the birth of our Saviour 1199. line 50 in the 44 year of his age, and after he had reigned nine years, nine months, and odd days: he left no issue behind him. He was tall of stature, and well proportioned, 
His stature & shape of body. Gal. Vinsaf.  fair and comely of face, so as in his countenance appeared much favour and gravity, of hair bright aborne, as it were betwixt red and yellow, with long arms, and nimble in all his joints, his thighs and legs were of due proportion, and answerable to the other parts of his body.  

His disposition of mind.  As he was comely of parsonage, so was he of stomach line 60 more courageous and fierce, so that not without cause, he obtained the surname of Cueur de lion, that is to say, The lion's hart. Moreover, he was courteous to his soldiers, and towards his friends and strangers that resorted unto him very liberal, but to his enemies hard and not to be entreated, desirous of battle, an enemy to rest and quietness, very eloquent of speech and wise, but ready to enter into jeopardies, and that without fear or forecast in time of greatest perils.  
These were his virtuous qualities, but his vices (if his virtues, 
The vices that were in king Richard.  his age, and the wars which he maintained were throughly weighed) were either none at all, or else few in number, and not very notorious. He was noted of the common people to be partly subject unto pride, which surely for the most part followeth stoutness of mind: of incontinency, to the which his youth might happily be somewhat bend: and of covetousness, into the which infamy most capiteins and such princes as commonly follow the wars do oftentimes fall, when of necessity they are driven to exact money, as well of friends as enemies, to maintain the infinite charges of their wars.  
Hereof it came, that on a time whiles he sojourned in France about his wars, which he held against K. Philip, there came unto him a French priest whose name was Fulco, who required the K. in any wise to put from him three abominable daughters which he had, and to bestow them in marriage, 
Fulco a priest  lest God punished him for them. Thou liest hypocrite (said the king) to thy very face, for all the world knoweth that I have not one daughter. I lie not (said the priest) for thou hast three daughters, one of them is called pride, the second covetousness, and the third lechery. With that the king called to him his lords & barons, and said to them; This hypocrite here hath required me to marry away my three daughters, which (as he saith) I cherish, nourish, foster and maintain, that is to say, pride, covetousness, and lechery. And now that I have found out necessary & fit husbands for them, I will do it with effect, and seek no more delays. I therefore bequeath my pride to the high minded templars and hospitalers, which are as proud as Lucifer himself. My covetousness I give unto the white monks, otherwise called of the Cisteaux order, for they covet the devil and all. My lechery I commit to the prelates of the church, who have most pleasure and felicity therein.  
There lived in the days of this king Richard, 
Baldwine & Hubert archbishops of Canturburie.  men of worthy fame amongst those of the clergy, Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie, and Hubert who succeeded him in that see, also Hugh bishop of Lincoln, a man for his worthiness of life highly to be commended. Moreover, William bishop of Elie, who though otherwise he was to be dispraised for his ambition and pompous haughtiness, yet the king used his service for a time greatly to his profit and advancement of the public affairs. Also of learned men we find diverse in these days that flourished here in this land, as Baldwine of Devonshire that came to be bishop of Worcester in this king's time, and after his decease, he was advanced to the government of the archbishops see of Canturburie, he wrote diverse treatises, namely of matters pertaining to divinity. 
john Bale.  Daniel Morley well seen in the Mathematicals, john de Hexam, and Richard de Hexham two notable historicians, Guilielmus Stephanides a monk of Canturburie, who wrote much in the praise of archbishop Becket. Beside these, we find one Richard, that was an abbot of the order Premonstratensis, Richard Divisiensis, Nicholas Walkington, Robert de Bello Foco, an excellent philosopher, etc. ¶ See Bale in his third century.  
In martial renown there flourished in this king's days diverse noble captains, as Robert earl of Leicester, Ranulfe de Fulgiers, two of the Bardulphes, Hugh and Henry, three Williams, Martial, Brunell, and mandevil, with two Roberts, Ros and Sabevile. Furthermore, I find that in the days of this king Richard, 
A great dearth  a great dearth reigned in England, and also in France, for the space of three or four years during the wars between him & king Philip, so that after his return out of Germany, and from imprisonment, a quarter of wheat was sold at 18 shillings eight pence, no small price in those days, if you consider the allay of money than currant.  
Also immediately after, that is to say, in the year of our Lord, a thousand, one hundred, ninety six, which was about the seventh year of the said kings reign, there followed a marvelous sore death, which daily consumed such numbers of people, that scarce there might be found any to keep and look to those that were sick, 
A great mortality of people. W●l. parvus.  or to bury them that died. Which sickness was a pestilential fever or sharp burning ague. The accustomed manner of burial was also neglected: so that in many places they made great pits, and threw their dead bodies into the same, one upon an other. For the multitude of them that died line 10 was such, that they could not have time to make for every one a several grave. This mortality continued for the space of five or six months, and at length ceased in the cold season of winter.  

Two suns.  In the octaves of Pentecost before this great death, in the first hour of the day, there appeared two suns, the true sun & another, as it were a counterfeit sun: but so apparently, that hard it was to the common people, to discern the one from the other. The skilful also were compelled by instruments to distinguish the one from the other: in taking their altitudes and places, whereby in the end they found the new apparition, as it were, to wait upon the planet, and so continued by the space of certain hours. At length when the beholders (of whom Wil. parvus that recorded things in that age was one) had well wearied their eyes in diligent marking the manner of this strange appearance, the counterfeit sun vanished away.  
¶ This strange wonder was taken for a signification of that which followed, that is to say, of war, famine and pestilence: or to say the truth, it betokened rather the continuance of two of those mischiefs. For war and famine had sore afflicted the people before that time, and as yet ceased not: but as for the pestilence, it began soon after the strange sight, whereof ensued such effect, as I have already rehearsed.  
Thus far king Richard.   

john the youngest son of Henry the second.  
IOhn the youngest son of Henry the second was proclaimed king of England, beginning his reign the sixth day of April, 
Anno Reg. 1.  in the year of our Lord 1199, the first of Philip emperor of Rome, and the 20 of Philip king of France, K. William line 20 as yet living in government over the Scots. This man, 
Rog. Houed.  so soon as his brother Richard was deceased, sent Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and William Marshal earl of Striguill (otherwise called Chepstow) into England, both to proclaim him king, and also to see his peace kept, together with Geffrey Fitz Peter lord chief justice, and diverse other barons of the realm, whilst he himself went to Chinon where his brother's treasure lay, which was forthwith delivered unto him by Robert de line 30 Turneham: 
Matth. Paris. Chinon. Robert de Turneham. Sawmer. Rog. Houed. Thomas de Furnes.  and therewithal the castle of Chinon and Sawmer and diverse other places, which were in the custody of the foresaid Robert. But Thomas de Furnes nephew to the said Robert de Turneham delivered the city and castle of Angiers unto Arthur duke of Britain. For by general consent of the nobles and years of the countries of Anjou, main, and Touraine, Arthur was received as the liege and sovereign lord of the same countries.  

Strife amongst the English subjects on the other side of the sea.  For even at this present, and so soon as it was line 40 known that king Richard was deceased, diverse cities and towns on that side of the sea belonging to the said Richard whilst he lived, fell at odds among themselves, some of them endeavouring to prefer king john, other labouring rather to be under the governance of Arthur duke of Britain, considering that he seemed by most right to be their chief lord, forsomuch as he was son to Geffrey elder brother to john. And thus began the broil in those quarters, whereof in process of time ensued great inconvenience, and finally the death of the said Arthur, as shall be showed hereafter.  
Now whilst king john was thus occupied in recovering his brother's treasure, and traveling with his subjects to reduce them to his obedience, queen Elinor his mother by the help of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie and other of the noble men and barons of the land, traveled as diligently to procure the English people to receive their oath of allegiance to be true to king john. For the said archbishop and William Marshal earl of Striguill, being sent over into England (as before you have heard) to proclaim him king, 
Matth. Paris. The states assembled at Northampton.  and to keep the land in quiet, assembled the estates of the realm at Northampton, where Geffrey Fitz Peter lord chief justice was present with other of the Nobles, afore whom those lords whose fidelities were erst suspected, willingly took their oaths of obedience to the new king, and were assured by the same lords on his behalf, that they should find him a liberal, a noble and a righteous prince, and such a one as would see that every man should enjoy his own, and such as were known to be notorious transgressors, should be sure to receive their condign punishment.  
They sent Eustace de Uescie also unto William king of Scotland, to signify to him, 
Eustace Uescie sent into Scotland.  that king john upon his arrival in England, would satisfy him of all such right as he pretended to have within the English dominions. And thus was king john accounted and proclaimed king of England by the general consent of all the lords and barons of the same. The names of the chief of those peers that were sworn (as you have heard) are as followeth. David earl of Huntingdon brother unto William king of Scots▪ Richard earl of Clare, Ranulfo earl of Chester, William earl of Tutherie or rather Derby, Walran earl of Warwick, Roger Lacie constable of Chester, and William de mowbray, with diverse other, whose names I here omit, because I would not be tedious and irksome to the line 10 readers.  
Now the king of Scotland being informed by the lord Eustace Uescie (who had married his daughter) that there was some hope to be had on his part, for the recovery of such signiories as he and his predecessors sometime held in England, did further dispatch sundry ambassadors with full purpose to send them over into Normandy unto king john, there to require restitution of the countries of Northumberland and Cumberland, with their appurtenances, line 20 and he promised also by his letters, that if the same might be granted unto him, in as ample manner as they had been in times passed to his ancestors, he would gladly do his homage to king john, as to the true & lawful king of England for the same, and furthermore yield to him his faithful service against all men, so often as he should be required thereunto. Howbeit when the archbishop of Canturburie and the rest of the council, understood that these ambassadors should pass through England, they would line 30 not suffer them so to do, but speedily sent David earl of Huntingdon into Scotland unto the king his brother, requiring him earnestly that he would not send any ambassadors over as yet, but rather tarry, and take patience a while, till the king should come over into England: which (as they said) he purposed to do very shortly.  
King john also having understanding of his purpose, sent over the said lord Eustace again unto him with the like request, who in such wise persuaded him, line 40 that he was contented to abide a time, in hope of the better success in his late attempted suit. And all this was done chiefly by the working of the king's mother, whom the nobility much honoured and loved. For she being bend to prefer her son john, left no stone unturned to establish him in the throne, comparing oftentimes the difference of government between a king that is a man, and a king that is but a child. For as john was 32 years old, so Arthur duke of Britain was but a babe to speak of. In line 50 the end, winning all the nobility wholly unto her will, and seeing the coast to be clear on every side, without any doubt of tempestuous weather likely to arise, she signified the whole matter unto K. john, who forthwith framed all his endeavours to the accomplishment of his business.  
Surely queen Elinor the king's mother was sore against her nephew Arthur, 
Queen Elianors envy against Arthur.  rather moved thereto by envy conceived against his mother, than upon any just occasion given in the behalf of the child, for line 60 that she saw if he were king, how his mother Constance would look to bear most rule within the realm of England, 
Constance duchess of Britain.  till her son should come to lawful age, to govern of himself. ¶ So hard it is to bring women to agree in one mind, their natures commonly being so contrary, their words so variable, and their deeds so undiscreet. And therefore it was well said of one (alluding to their disposition and qualities, — nulla diu foemina pondus habet)  

Prop. lib. 2.  When this doing of the queen was signified unto the said Constance, she doubting the surety of her son, committed him to the trust of the French king, who receiving him into his tuition, promised to defend him from all his enemies, and forthwith furnished the holds in Britain with French soldiers. Queen Elinor being advertised hereof, 
Queen Elinor passeth into Normandy.  stood in doubt by and by of her country of Guien, and therefore with all possible speed passed over the sea, and came to her son john into Normandy, and shortly after they went forth together into the country of main, and there took both the city and castle of Mauns, 
The city of Mauns taken.  throwing down the walls and turrets thereof, with all the fortifications and stone-houses in and about the same, and kept the citizens as prisoners, 
Matth. Paris. R. Houed.  because they had aided Arthur against his uncle john.  
After this, king john entering into Anjou, held his Easter at Beaufort (which feast fell that year the 18 day of April) and from thence he went straight unto Roven, where on the sunday next after Easter being S. Marks day, he was girded with the sword of the duchy of Normandy in the high church there by the hands of Walter archbishop of Roven. And so being invested duke of Normandy, received the oath according to the custom, 
K. john invested duke of Normandy.  that he should defend the church, and maintain the liberties thereof, see justice ministered, good laws put in execution, and naughty laws and orders abolished. In the mean time his mother queen Elinor, together with captain Marchades entered into Anion, and wasted the same, because they of that country had received Arthur for their sovereign lord and governor. And amongst other towns and fortresses, they took the city of Angiers, slew many of the citizens, 
The city of Angiers taken.  and committed the rest to prison.  
This enterprise being thus luckily achieved, the residue of the people in those parties were put in such fear, that of their own accord they turned to their wonted obedience, seeming as though they would continue still therein. The French king all this while conceiving an other exploit in his head, more commodious unto him than as yet to attempt war against the Englishmen upon so light an occasion, dissembled the matter for a time, as though he would know nothing of all that was done, till the king should be otherwise occupied in England about his coronation.  
In the mean season king john having set some stay in his business on the further side of the sea, he left his mother still in Guien, to defend that country against the enemies, and taking the sea, came over himself into England, landing at Shorham, 
K. john cometh over into England.  the 25 day of May. On the next day, being Ascension eve, he came to London there to receive the crown. On the morrow after being Ascension day, when the Nobility and commons were assembled, and the king brought into the church of S. Peter at Westminster there to receive his diadem; Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie being chief in authority and honour, both for his age and calling, spoke these words or the like in substance before the whole assembly, as followeth.  

Hubert the archbishop of Canturburies' oration to the lords spiritual and temporal in the presence of the king, etc.  
MOst honourable lords of the spirituality, and most grave and politic peers and barons of the temporalty, you are come hither this day to choose you a king, and such a one as (if need should require) may be able of himself to take such a charge upon him, and (having undertaken the same) ready to execute that which he shall think to be expedient for the profit of his subjects: we have therefore one present here among us, upon whom hearts and good wills of high and low, rich and poor, do generally depend: a man I doubt not, but that for his own part will apply his whole endeavour, study, and thought unto that only end, which he shall perceive to be most profitable for the commonwealth, as knowing himself to be borne not to serve his own line 10 turn, but for to profit his country, and to seek for the general benefit of us that are his subjects.  
And albeit I am sure that you do well know, how all these qualities are most abundantly planted in the person of john duke of Normandy (a person of high prowess and no less prudence, for the which ye ought to judge him right worthy of the line 20 government) yet being in doubt lest the common fame should carry you away, or lest you should turn your minds to the favour of an other, as in respect of some better right, by title of a more lawful descent of inheritance pretended by others than he hath to show, I require you to give ear unto my words: who bearing the state of two manner of persons, aught to be profitable to my country, not only by example line 30 and exhortation, but also by loyalty and good counsel, which hitherto I have ever studied to perform, and wherein (God willing) I mean to persist, so long as I shall continue in this mortal and transitory tabernacle.  
Therefore whereas at this present we have in hand to conclude upon such a weitie matter, which being once done, can line 40 not be undone, I commend unto you this john, even with all my very heart, and judge that you ought to accept him for your king, who in all things which he shall ordain, purpose, or take in hand, shall not fail so to answer your opinions with his well doing, and so satisfy your good erpectations already conceived of him with his diligent providence, that all the whole line 50 realm shall not only like of and allow your doing herein, but also with high commendation extol the same to the very stars. These things do I promise unto you, and so farforth as in me may lie, I dare take upon me all chances and perils that may proceed thereof.   
When the archbishop had ended his speech, diverse line 60 held their peace, and many with great zeal saluted king john, whom the same day the said archbishop crowned at Westminster, after the manner then used with great solemnity, and no less rejoicing of all such as were present. 
Matth. Paris.  At the same time also he received the homages of the lords and barons of the realm, and promised with all speed to have consideration of things that appertained as well to religion as to the due execution of laws, 
Polydor.  whereby every man might come to enjoy that which was his own, by right and due course of justice. We find that there were present at this solemnity and coronation of king john, which was celebrated on the Ascension day the 27 of May, 
Rog. Houed.  archbishops and bishops to the number of seventeen, as Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, john archbishop of Dubline, also the archbishop of Raguse, William bishop of London, Gilbert bishop of Rochester, john bishop of Norwich, Hugh bishop of Lincoln, Eustace bishop of Elie, Godfrey bishop of Winchester, Henry bishop of Exeter, Sefride bishop of Chichester, Godfrey bishop of Coventrie, Savarie bishop of Bath, Herbert bishop of Salisbury, Philip bishop of Duresme, Roger bishop of saint Andrew in Scotland, and Henry bishop of Landaffe in Wales. 
Matth. Paris. Additions to john Pike.  The bishop of Duresme found himself somewhat grieved in the matter, making objections, that the coronation ought not to be celebrated without the presence of Geffrey archbishop of York: but it prevailed not.  
Besides these bishops, there were of the temporal lords and earls, Robert of Leicester, Richard of Clare, William of Tutburie, Hamlin of Warren, William of Salisbury, William of Chepstow otherwise called Striguille, Walran of Warwick▪ Roger Bigot, William of Arundel, and Ranulfe of Chester, with many other barons, lords, knights, and no small multitudes of gentlemen and other common people. The same day of his coronation also, 
Rog. Houed. William Martial earl of Striguille. Geffrey Fitz Peter created earl of Essex.  he invested William Marshal with the sword of the earldom of Striguille, and Geffrey Fitz Peter, with the sword of the earldom of Essex. For although they were called earls, and exercised the administration of their earledoms; yet were they not till that day girded with the sword of those earledoms, and so that day they served at the table with their swords girded unto them.  
In like manner, Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie was made lord chancellor of England; 
The archb. of Canturburie made lord chancellor.  who as he uttered some words unadvisedly, that showed how he inwardly rejoiced at the king's favour toward him in the gift of this office, and so gloried in the honour whereto he was preferred (which he would never have done, if he had weighed of worldly pomp as by his profession he ought, and as one asketh the question in the same case: 
— dic mihi, nunquid  
Corporibus prosunt? certè nil; dic animisue?  
Tantundem, etc.)  the lord Hugh Bardolfe said unto him, 
The saying of the lord Bardolfe.  yet not so softly in his ear, but that some overheard it; My lord, to speak and not offend you, surly if you would well consider the dignity and honour of your calling, you would not willingly yield to suffer this yoke of bondage to be laid upon your shoulders, for we have oftentimes heard of a chancellor made an archbishop, but never an archbishop made a chancellor till now. The coronation being thus ended, 
Ambassadors from the king of Scots.  it was not long yer there came ambassadors from the Scotish king, namely William the prior of May, William the prior of saint Colmes Ins, and one William Hay, the which on the behalf of the said Scotish king required restitution of Northumberland and Cumberland, with the appurtenances, promising that if the same were restored to him, he would serve the king of England with all his power against all men then alive; otherwise, that is, if he could not have those countries, which of right to him appertained by law, as he pretended, he would do the best he could to recover them by force.  
King john made answer hereunto, that if his cousin the king of Scots would come unto him, he should be assured to receive at his hands all that was reason, as well in those demands, as in all other things. He also sent to him the bishop of Duresme, to require him to come unto Nottingham, where he would meet with him. Howbeit, king William refused to come himself as then, but sent the bishop of saint Andrew, and Hugh Malebisse to follow his suit, with promise to abstain from any forcible invasion of England, by the space of forty days, so that he might within that term have some resolute answer from king john, whereunto he might stand either on the one side or the other.  

N. Trivet. The French K. invadeth Normandy.  Whilst these things were a doing in England, Philip K. of France having levied an army, broke into Normandy, and took the city of Eureux, the town of Arques, and diverse other places from the English. And passing from thence into main, he recovered that country lately before through fear line 10 alienated. In an other part, an army of Britain's with great diligence won the towns of Gorney, Butevant and Gensolin, and following the victory, took the city of Angiers, which king john had won from duke Arthur, in the last year passed. These things being signified to king john, he thought to make provision for the recovery of his losses there, with all speed possible. 
Rog. Houed.  And thereupon perceiving that the Scotish king meant not to meet with him at line 20 Nottingham whither he was come, and where he kept the feast of Whitsuntide, he determined to pass the seas over into Normandy: but first he took order for the government and defence of the realm in his absence.  

L. William de Stuteville.  Whereupon he delivered the charge of the counties of Northumberland and Cumberland, unto the lord William de Stuteville, with all the castles, and other the appurtenances, which the lord Hugh Bardolfe before held, and had in keeping. He also delivered line 30 unto Roger de Lacie constable of Chester, 
Roger de Lacie constable of Chester.  the castle of Pomfret, having first the son and heir of the same Lacie delivered unto him as an hostage for his loyalty and faithful obedience. 
King john passeth over into Normandy.  This done, he hasted unto the sea side, and sailed over into Normandy, landing first at Diep, and from thence went to Roven, whither he came upon the sunday before Midsummer day, which was the 26 of june as W. Harison hath noted.  
Immediately upon his arrival in those parts, line 40 there resorted unto him a great number of soldiers both horsemen and footmen, hoping to be entertained, but by reason of ambassadors riding to and fro betwixt the two kings, they came to a communication, and took truce for fifty days. 
A truce for fifty days.  The earl of Flanders being certified thereof, was sorry in his hart, and loath that the French king should come to any accord with the king of England, and therefore to turn the mind of king john from the purpose of peace, 
The earl of Flanders. Polydor. The league renewed betwixt England and Flanders.  he came to visit him at Roven, where they renewed line 50 the league betwixt England & Flanders, to be the better able to defend themselves from the French power: and withal determined fully, that immediately upon the expiring of this last truce they would make the French king war, to revenge their late received injuries. The French king advertised by espials of their determination, prepared also for the wars.  
In this mean time it chanced, that Henry earl of Namure, 
Rog. Houed. The earl of Namure.  brother to Philip earl of Flanders, and line 60 one Peter of Douai, a right valiant knight, with his brother that was the elect bishop of Cambrey, were taken prisoners in a skirmish, and presented to the French king. Whereupon the cardinal of Capua (being at the same time the pope's legate in France) interdicted that realm for the taking of the same elect of Cambrey, 
France interdicted. Normandy interdicted.  & also all Normandy, for the detaining of the bishop of Beawois in prison (who had lain there a long time, & was taken in the field after such manner as is before rehearsed) so that the French king was glad to restore the elect of Cambrey to his liberty. And likewise king john delivered the bishop of Beawois, 
Rog. Houed.  who paid two thousand marks, besides expenses of diet during the time of his captivity, and furthermore took an oath, that he should never after bear armour in the war against any christian or christians.  
About the same time, 
Arthur duke of Britain made knight.  king Philip made Arthur duke of Britain knight, and received of him his homage for Anjou, Poitiers, main, Touraine, and Britain. Also somewhat before the time that the truce should expire; to wit, on the morrow after the feast of the Assumption of our lady, and also the day next following, the two kings talked by commissioners, in a place betwixt the towns of Butevant and Guleton. Within three days after, they came together personally, and communed at full of the variance depending between them. But the French king showed himself stiff and hard in this treaty, demanding the whole country of Ueulquessine to be restored unto him, 
The French kings demand.  as that which had been granted by Geffrey earl of Anjou, the father of king Henry the second, unto jews le gross, to have his aid then against king Stephan. Moreover, he demanded, that Poitiers, Anjou, main, and Touraine, should be delivered and wholly resigned unto Arthur duke of Britain.  
But these, & diverse other requests which he made, king john would not in any wise grant unto, and so they departed without conclusion of any agreement. Therefore diverse earls and barons of France, which before that time had served king Richard, repaired unto king john, and took an oath to assist him, and not to agree with the French king without his consent: and he likewise swore unto them, not to make peace with the French king, except they were therein comprised. In the month of September, jone king john's sister, wife to Raimond earl of S. Giles, and sometime queen of Sicily, died at Roven, and was buried at Fonteverard. The French king also took diverse towns and castles, but amongst other the castle of Balun, and razed the walls thereof down to the ground, 
Balun 〈◊〉  wherewith William de Roches, general of the army of Arthur duke of Britain, was greatly offended, and did so much by his drift, that shortly after a peace was concluded betwixt king john and his nephew duke Arthur, though the same served but to small purpose. 
A peace betwixt king john & his nephew.   
The French king having (as I have said) overthrown the walls of Balun, besieged a fortress called Lavardin, 
Lavardin.  but king john coming with an army, caused him to raise his siege, and to withdraw himself to the city of Mauns, whither he followed, and compelled him (manger his force) to remove from thence. All this while was William de Roches busily occupied about his practice, 
William de Roches.  to make king john and his nephew Arthur friends, which thing at length he brought about, and thereupon delivered into king john's hands the city of Mauns which he had in keeping. 
The viscount of Tours.  Also the viscount of Tours came to the king of England, and surrendered unto him the castle of Chinon, the keeping whereof he betook unto Roger de Lacie the constable of Chester. But in the night following, upon some mistrust and suspicion gathered in the observation of the covenants on K. john's behalf, both the said Arthur, 
The mistrust that duke Arthur had in his uncle king john.  with his mother Constance the said viscount of Tours, and diverse other, fled away secretly from the king, and got them to the city of Angiers, where the mother of the said Arthur refusing her former husband the earl of Chester, married herself to the lord Guy de Tours, brother to the said viscount, by the pope's dispensation. The same year, Philip bastard son to king Richard, to whom his father had given the castle and honour of Coinacke, killed the viscount of Lymoges, 
Philip king Richard's bastard son 〈◊〉 the viscount of Lymoges.  in revenge of his father's death, who was slain (as ye have heard) in besieging the castle of Chalus Chevril.  
Moreover, there fell many great floods in England, 
Great floods.  and on the borders of Scotland, by violence whereof diverse bridges were borne down, and amongst other, the bridge at Barwike. For the building up again whereof, some variance arose betwixt Philip bishop of Durham and earl Patrick lord chief justice of Scotland, 
Uariance betwixt the bishop of Durham and earl Patrick.  and capiteine at the same time of the town of Barwike, who by the Scotish kings commandment would have repaired again the same bridge, which c●uld not be done, line 10 but that the one end thereof must be builded on the bishop of durham's ground, which he would not suffer, till by the counsel of the lord William de Stuteville, he agreed, so that the convention accorded and concluded betwixt the king of Scots and his predecessor bishop Hugh might be reserved inviolable.  

A rate of the prices of wines.  Furthermore, king john did set a rate upon the prices of wines, as Rochel wine to be sold for twenty shillings the tun, and not above. The wine of Anjou for twenty four shillings the tun, and no other line 20 French wines above five and twenty shillings the tun, except it were of such notable goodness as that some peradventure for their own expenses would be contented to give after twenty six shillings eight pence for the tun, and not above. Moreover, the galon of Rochel wine he appointed to be sold at four pence: and the galon of white wine at six pence. It was also ordained, that in every city, town, and place where wine was used to be sold, there should be twelve honest men sworn to have regard that this line 30 assize should not be broken: and that if they found any vintner that should from the pin sell any wine by small measures contrary to the same assize, his body should be attached by the sheriff, and detained in prison, till other commandment were given for his further punishment, and his goods seized unto the king's use. Furthermore, if any persons were or should be found to buy and sell by the hogshead or tun, contrary to this assize, they should be committed to prison, there to remain, till other order were taken line 40 for them: neither should there be any regrating of wines that were brought into England. But this ordinance lasted not long, for the merchants could not bear it, and so they fell to and sold white wine for eight pence the gallon, & red or claret for six pence.  

King john returneth into England.  King john also came over from Normandy into England, and there levied a subsidy, taking of every ploughland three shillings. In the Lent following, year 1200 he went to York, in hope to have met the king of Scots there, 
A subsidy.  but he came not, and so king john line 50 returned back, and sailed again into Normandy, because the variance still depended between him and the king of France. 
He saileth again into Normandy. Anno Reg. 2.  Finally upon the Ascension day in this second year of his reign, they came eftsoons to a communication betwixt the towns of Uernon and Lisle Dandelie, where finally they concluded an agreement, with a marriage to be had betwixt jews the son of king Philip, and the lady Blanch, 
A peace concluded with a marriage.  daughter to Alfonso king of Castille the 8 of that name, & niece to K. john by his sister Elinor. line 60  
In consideration whereof, king john, besides the sum of thirty thousand marks in silver, 
Matth. Paris.  as in respect of dowry assigned to his said niece, resigned his title to the city of Eureux, and also unto all those towns which the French king had by war taken from him, the city of Angiers only excepted, which city he received again by covenants of the same agreement. The French king restored also to king john (as Ralph Niger writeth) the city of Tours, and all the castles and fortresses which he had taken within Touraine: 
Ra. Niger.  and moreover, received of king john his homage for all the lands, fees and tenements which at any time his brother king Richard, or his father king Henry had holden of him, the said king jews or any his predecessors, the quit claims and marriages always excepted. The king of England likewise did homage unto the French king for Britain, and again (as after you shall hear) received homage for the same country, and for the county of Richmont of his nephew Arthur. He also gave the earldom of Gloucester unto the earl of Eureux, as it were by way of exchange, for that he resigned to the French king all right, title & claim that might be pretended to the county of Eureux.  
By this conclusion of marriage betwixt the said jews and Blanch, the right of king john went away, which he lawfully before pretended unto the city of Eureux, and unto those towns in the confines of Berrie, Chateau, Roux or Raoul, Cressie and Isoldune, and likewise unto the country of Ueuxin or Ueulquessine, which is a part of the territory of guysor's: the right of all which lands, towns and countries was released to the king of France by K. john, who supposed that by his affinity, 
Polydor.  and resignation of his right to those places, the peace now made would have continued for ever. And in consideration thereof, he procured furthermore, 
The king cometh back again into England.  that the foresaid Blanch should be conveyed into France to her husband with all speed. That done he returned into England.  
¶ Certes this peace was displeasant to many, but namely to the earl of Flanders, who hereupon making no account of king john's amity, concluded a peace with king Philip shortly after, and meant to make war against the infidels in the east parts, whereby we may see the discontented minds of men, and of how differing humours they be, so that nothing is harder than to satisfy many with one thing, be the same never so good, 
— o caecis mortalia plena tenebris  
Pectora, & o mentes caligine circumseptas!  But by the chronicles of Flanders it appeareth, that the earl of Flanders concluded a peace with the French king in February last passed, 
ja. Me●●▪  before that king john and the French king fell to any composition. But such was the malice of writers in times past, which they bore towards king john, that whatsoever was done in prejudice of him or his subjects, it was still interpreted to chance through his default, so as the blame still was imputed to him, in so much that although many things he did peradventure in matters of government, for the which he might be hardly excused, yet to think that he deserved the tenth part of the blame wherewith writers charge him, it might seem a great lack of advised consideration in them that so should take it. But now to proceed with our purpose.  
King john being now in rest from wars with foreign enemies, began to make war with his subjects purses at home, emptieng them by taxes and tallages, to fill his coffers, which alienated the minds of a great number of them from his love and obedience. At length also, when he had got together a great mass of money, he went over again into Normandy, where by Helias archbishop of Bordeaux, and the bishop of Poitiers and Scone, he was divorced from his wife Isabella, that was the daughter of Robert earl of Gloucester, 
R. Houed. King john is divorced. Matt. West. Matth. Paris. R. Houed.  because of the nearness of blood, as touching her in the third degree. After that, he married Isabella the daughter of Amerie earl of Angolesme, by whom he had two sons, Henry and Richard, and three daughters, Isabella, Elinor, and jane.  
Moreover, about this time, 
Matth. Paris. Geffrey arch. of York deprived.  Geffrey archbishop of York was deprived of all his manors, lands, and possessions, by the king's commandment, directed to the sheriff of Yorkshire for diverse causes, for that he would not permit the same sheriff to levy the duty called Charugage, that was; three shillings of every ploughland within his diocese, rated and appointed to be levied to the king's use, throughout all parts of the realm. secondly, for that the same archbishop refused to go over with the king into Normandy to help to make the marriage betwixt the French kings son and his niece. thirdly, because he had excommunicated the same sheriff and all the province of York: whereupon the king took displeasure against him, and not only spoiled him line 10 (as I said) of his goods, but also banished him out of the court, not suffering him to come in his presence for the space of twelve months after.  

Rog. Houed. A council called at Westminster by the archbishop of Canturburie.  In this year also, Hubert archbishop of Canturburie held a council at Westminster against the prohibition of the lord chief justice, Geffrey Fitz Peter earl of Essex. In the which council or synod, diverse constitutions were made and ordained for orders and customs to be used touching the service and administration of sacraments in the church, and line 20 other articles concerning churchmen and ecclesiastical matters. 
Arthur duke of Britain doth homage to the king of England.  About the same time, king john and Philip king of France met together near the town of Uernon, where Arthur duke of Britain (as vassal to his uncle king john) did his homage unto him for the duchy of Britain, & those other places which he held of him on this side and beyond the river of Loir, and afterward still mistrusting his uncles courtesy, he returned back again with the French king, and would not commit himself to his said uncle, line 30 who (as he supposed) did bear him little good will. These things being thus performed, king john returned into England, 
King john returneth into England. The queen is crowned.  and there caused his new married wife Isabella to be crowned on the sunday before the feast of S. Device, the eight of October.  
At the same time he gave commandment unto Hugh Nevil high justice of his forests, that he should award his precepts unto all foresters within the realm, to give warning to all the white monks, that before the quindene of S. Michael they should line 40 remove out of his forests all their horses of Haraz, and other cattle, under the penalty to forfeit so many of them, as after that day chanced to be found within the same forests. The cause that moved the king to deal so hardly with them was, for that they refused to help him with money, when before his last going over into Normandy, he demanded it of them towards the payment of the thirty thousand pounds which he had covenanted to pay the French king, to live in rest and peace, which he coveted to line 50 have done for relief of his people, and his own surety, knowing what enemies he had that lay in wait to destroy him, and again, what discommodities had chanced to his father and brethren, by the often and continual wars. But now to proceed with other doings.  
Immediately after the solemnisation of the queens coronation ended, 
In embassage sent unto the K. of Scots.  he sent Philip bishop of Duresme, Roger Bigot earl of Norfolk, and Henry de Bohun earl of Hereford, nephew to William king line 60 of Scotland, and David earl of Huntingdon, brother to the said king, and Roger de Lacie constable of Chester, the lord William de Uescie, and the lord Robert de Ros, which had married two of the daughters of the said king, & Robert Fitz Roger sheriff of Northumberland, as ambassadors from him unto the foresaid William king of Scotland, with letters patents, 
The king of Scots came to the king of England at Lincoln. Matth. Paris. Ran. Higd. R. Houed. Polydor.  containing a safe conduct for him to come into England, and to meet with king john at Lincoln on the morrow after the feast of S. Edmund, who gladly granted thereunto, and so according to that appointment, both the kings met at Lincoln the 21 day of November. And on the morrow after king john went to the cathedral church, and offered upon the high altar a chalice of gold.  
On the same day, upon a hill without the city, the king of Scots did homage unto king john, in the presence and fight of a great multitude of people, swearing fealty of life, limb, and worldly honour unto king john, which oath he made upon the cross of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie. There were present at that time, beside other Noblemen, three archbishops, Canturburie, York, and Raguse, with other bishops, to the number of thirteen, as Duresme London, Rochester, Elie, Bath, Salisbury, Winchester, Hereford, Norwich, S. Andrews in Scotland, Landaffe, and Bangor in Wales, and Meth in Ireland, beside a great multitude of earls, barons, and other Noblemen. When the king of Scots had thus done his homage, he required restitution of Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmoreland, which he claimed as his right and lawful heritage. Much talk was had touching this matter, but they could not agree, and therefore king john asked respite to consider of it till the feast of Pentecost next ensuing, which being granted, the king of Scots the next morrow being the 23 of November returned homewards, and was conducted back again into his country by the same Noble men that brought him to Lincoln.  
The same day that the king of Scots took his journey homewards from Lincoln, the corpse of Hugh bishop of that city (lately before, departed this life at London, after his return from the parts of beyond the seas) was brought thither to be buried, the king and all the bishops, earls and barons went to receive it, and honoured his burial with their presence. On the morrow after being friday, he was interred within the new church which he had builded. This Hugh was a Frenchman by nation, borne at Granople, a man of a pregnant wit, and skilful both in science of holy scripture and human knowledge. He was first a regular canon, and after became a Carthusian monk. King Henry the second moved with the fame of his virtue and godly life, sent the bishop of Bath to bring him into England, and after he was come, made him first abbot of Whithing in the diocese of Welles, and after created him bishop of Lincoln.  
He was noted to be of a very perfect life, namely, because he would not stick to reprove men of their faults plainly and frankly, not regarding the favour or disfavour of any man, in somuch that he would not fear to pronounce them accursed, which being the king's officers, would take upon them the punishment of any person within orders of the church, for hunting and killing of the king's game within his parks, forests and chaces, yea (and that which is more) he would deny payments of such subsidies and taxes as he was assessed to pay to the uses of king Richard and king john, 
A presumptuous part in a bishop.  towards the maintenance of their wars, and did oftentimes accursse by his ecclesiastical authority, such sheriffs, collectors, or other officers, as did distrain upon his lands and goods for to satisfy these kings of their demands, alleging openly, that he would not pay any money towards the maintenance of wars, which one christian prince, upon private displeasure and grudge, made against another prince of the same religion. This was his reason.  
And when he came before the king to make answer to his disobedience showed herein, he would so handle the matter, partly with gentle admonishments, partly with sharp reproofs, and sometime mixing merry and pleasant speech amongst his serious arguments, that often times he would so qualify the king's mood, that being driven from anger, he could not but laugh and smile at the bishops pleasant talk and merry conceits, so that it might well be said of him, Omne tulit punctum quimiscuit utile dulci. This manner he used, not only with the king alone, but with the father and the two sons, that is to say, Henry the second, Richard and john, in whose time he ruled and governed the see of Lincoln. He was after his decease, for the opinion which men conceived of his holiness and virtues, admitted into the number of the saints.  
Ye have heard how king john had conceived no line 10 small displeasure against the monks of the white order, for that they would not part with any money, excusing themselves that they might not do it, without consent of a general chapter of their order. Whereupon the king had caused them diverse ways to be molested, but chiefly in restraining them of liberty to have any horses or other cattle going to pasture within his forests. They therefore taking advise together, chose forth twelve abbots amongst them of that order, the which in all ●heir names went line 20 to Lincoln, there to make suit to the king (coming thither at this time to meet the king of Scots) that it would please him to remit his displeasure conceived against them, and to take them again into his protection.  
This suit was so followed, although with some difficulty, that at length, to wit, the sunday after that the king of Scots had done his homage, through the help and furtherance of the archbishop of Canturburie, they came to the king's speech, and obtained so line 30 much, as they in reason might desire: for he pardoned them of all his passed displeasure, received them again into his favour, took them into his protection, and commanded that all injuries, grievances and molestations should be reform, redressed and amended, which in respect of his indignation had been offered and done to them by any manner of means. And to see the same accomplished, writs were directed unto the sheriffs of the counties, bearing date from Lincoln the 27 of November. And line 40 thus were those monks for that time restored to the king's favour, to their great commodity and comfort.  

Five moons.  About the month of December, there were seen in the province of York five moons, one in the east, the second in the west, the third in the north, the fourth in the south, and the fift as it were set in the midst of the other, having many stars about it, and went five or six times encompassing the other, as it were the space of one hour, and shortly after vanished away. line 50 The winter after was extremely cold, more than the natural course had been aforetime. And in the spring time came a great glutting and continual rain, causing the rivers to rise with higher floods than they had been accustomed.  
year 1201 In the year 1201 king john held his Christmas at Gilford, and there gave to his servants many fair liveries and suits of apparel. 
Matt. Paris. Anno. Reg. 3.  The archbishop of Canturburie did also the like at Canturburie, seeming in deed to strive with the king, which of them line 60 should pass the other in such sumptuous appareling of their men: whereat the king (and not without good cause) was greatly moved to indignation against him, although for a time he coloured the same, going presently into the north, where he gathered of the country there no small sums of money, as it were by way of fining them for their transgressions committed in his forests.  
From thence he returned and came to Canturburie, where he held his caster, which fell that year on the day of the Annunciation of our lady, in the which feast he sat crowned, together with his wife queen Isabella, the archbishop of Canturburie bearing the charges of them and their trains while they remained there. At the feast of the Ascension next ensuing, king john set out a proclamation at Tewkesburie, that all the earls and barons of the realm, and also all other that held of him by knight's service, should be ready in the feast of Pentecost next ensuing, with horse and armour at Portesmouth, to pass over with him into Normandy, who made their appearance accordingly. Howbeit, a great number of them in the end got licence to tarry at home, paying for every knight's fee two marks of silver for a fine, which then was a great matter.  
But he sent before him into Normandy William Martial earl of Striguille with an hundred knights or men of arms, which he had hired, 
Rog. Houed.  and Roger de Lacie with an other hundred men of arms to defend the confines of Normandy against the enemies: and to his chamberlain Hubert de Burgh he delivered the like number of knights or men of arms also, to keep the marshes betwixt England and Wales as warden of the same. This done, 
The archbish. of York restored.  he pardoned his brother the archbishop of York, and restored him to all his dignities, possessions and liberties, confirming the same unto him in as full and large manner, as ever Roger late archbishop of that see had enjoyed the same: for the which confirmation his said brother undertook to pay to the king within the term of one year the sum of a thousand pounds' starling: and for the assurance thereof, engaged his barony to the king in pledge.  
Moreover, about the same time, 
Ambassadors sent to Scotland.  the king sent Geffrey bishop of Chester, and Richard Malebisse, with Henry de Poisie, unto William king of Scotland, requiring him that the time appointed for him to make answer touching his demand of Northumberland, might be prorogued until the feast of saint Michael the archangel next ensuing, which was obtained, and then the king and queen (being come to Portsmouth on the monday in Whitsunwéeke) took the sea to pass over into Normandy, but not both in one ship, 
The king passeth over into Normandy.  so that the queen with a prosperous gale of wind arrived there at her own desire. But the king was driven by reason of a pirrie, to take land in the isle of Wight, and so was stayed there for a time: howbeit, within a few days after, he took ship again at Portsmouth, and so passed over into Normandy, where shortly after his arrival in those parties he came to an interview with the king of France, near to Lisle Donelie, where coming a long time together alone, they agreed so well, 
He cometh to talk with the king of France.  that within three days after, king john at the French kings request went into France, and was received of him with much honour, first at S. Device with procession of the clergy: and there lodging one night, upon the morrow the French king accompanied him unto Paris, where he was received of the citizens with great reverence, 
King john entereth into Paris.  the provost presenting unto him in the name of the whole city many rich gifts for his welcome. K. Philip feasted him also in his own palace, & for his part gave to him, to his lords, and to his servants many great and princely gifts. moreover, the league at this time was renewed betwixt them, and put in writing, with this caution, 
The league renewed. Matth. Paris. R. Houed.  that whether of them first broke the covenants; such lords on his part as were become sureties for performance, should be released of their allegiance which they ought to him that so should break, & that they might thereupon freely become subjects to the other prince.  
These things done, at length when as king john had remained at Paris with great mirth and solace certain days, the French king brought him forth of the city, and took leave of him in very loving wise. After this b●ing john went to Chinon, & from thence into Normandy; about which time there chanced some troubles in Ireland, for where Walter Lacie under pretence of a communication that was appointed betwixt him and john de Curcie, 
Walter Lacie meant to have taken the lord Curcie.  lord of Ulnester, meant to have taken the said Curcie, and for the accomplishment of his purpose set upon him, slew many of his men, and for his safeguard constrained Curcie in the end to take a castle which belonged unto Hugh Lacie, upon fair promises made to him by the same Hugh, to be preserved out of all danger, line 10 it came to pass, that when he was once got in, he might no more be suffered to departed. For the Lacy's thought to have delivered him to king john, but the servants and friends of the said Curcie made such cruel war, in wasting and destroying the lands and possessions that belonged unto the said Walter and Hugh Lacy's, that finally they were constrained to set him again at liberty whether they would or no.  

Polydor. Aid against the Turks and infidels.  At the same time also, the kings of France and line 20 England gave large money towards the maintenance of the army, which at this present went forth under the leading of the earl of Flanders and other, to war against the enemies of the christian faith, 
Matth. Paris.  at the instance of pope Innocent. There was furthermore granted unto them the fortieth part of all the revenues belonging to ecclesiastical persons, towards the aid of the christians then being in the holy land, and all such as well of the Nobility as other of the weaker sort, which had taken upon them the cross, and secretly laid it down, were compelled line 30 eftsoons to receive it now again.  

Unseasonable weather.  There chanced this year wonderful tempests of thunder, lightning, hail, and abundance of rain, in such wise, that men's minds were greatly astonished therewith: meadows and marsh grounds were quite overflown, bridges broken and borne down, and great quantity of corn and hay lost and carried away, and diverse men and women drowned. Margaret mother of Constance, duchess of Britain, sister to William king of Scots, and mother to Henry line 40 Boun earl of Hereford, deceased. This year also by the counsel and advice of the burgesses of London, 
Fabian.  there were chosen 35 of the most substantial and wisest men, which after the report of some writers, were called the council of the city of London, out of which number the Mayor and Bailiffs were yearly chosen.  

Matth. Paris.  In the year 1202 king john held his Christmas at Argenton in Normandy, year 1202 and in the Lent line 50 following he and the French king met together, near unto the castle of Gulleton, and there in talk had between them, he commanded king john with no small arrogancy, and contrary to his former promise, to restore unto his nephew Arthur duke of Britain, all those lands now in his possession on that side the sea, 
The French K. beginneth to make war against king john.  which king john earnestly denied to do, whereupon the French king immediately after, began war against him, and took Butevant, Augi, and the castle of Linos. Moreover, he besieged the line 60 castle of Radepont for the space of eight days, till king john came thither, and forced him to departed with much dishonour. Howbeit after this, the French king wan Gourney, and then returning to Paris, he appointed certain persons to have the government of the foresaid Arthur duke of Britain, and then sent him forth with 200 men of arms into Poictou, that he might bring the country also under his subjection.  

Polydor. Hugh earl of March.  Hereupon Hugh le Brun earl of March (unto whom queen Isabella the wife of king john had been promised in marriage, before that king john was motioned unto her, and therefore bare an inward displeasure towards the king of England, for that he had so bereft him of his promised spouse) being now desirous to procure some trouble also unto king john, 
The Poictovins revolt from king john.  joined himself with Arthur duke of Britain, and found means to cause them of Poictou (a people ever subject to rebellion) to revolt from king john, and to take armour against him, so that the young Arthur being encouraged with this new supply of associates, first went into Touraine, and after into Anjou, compelling both those countries to submit themselves unto him, 
Arthur proclaimeth himself earl of Anjou, etc.  and proclaimed himself earl of those places, by commission and grant obtained from king Philip.  
Queen Elinor that was regent in those parties being put in great fear with the news of this sudden stir, got her into Mirabeau a strong town, 
Queen Elinor.  situate in the country of Anjou, and forthwith dispatched a messenger with letters unto king john, requiring him of speedy succour in this her present danger. In the mean time, Arthur following the victory, shortly after followed her, and won Mirabeau, where he t●oke his grandmother within the same, whom he yet entreated very honourably, and with great reverence (as some have reported. 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West. ) ¶ But other writ far more truly, that she was not taken, but escaped into a tower, within the which she was straitly besieged. Thither came also to aid Arthur all the Nobles and men of arms in Poictou, and namely the foresaid earl of March according to appointment betwixt them: so that by this means Arthur had a great army together in the field.  
King john in the mean time, having received his mother's letters, and understanding thereby in what danger she stood, was marvelously troubled with the strangeness of the news, and with many bitter words accused the French king as an untrue prince, and a fraudulent leaguebreaker: 
Polydor.  and in all possible haste speedeth him forth, continuing his journey for the most part both day and night to come to the succour of his people. To be brief, 
K. john cometh upon his enemies not looked for.  he used such diligence, that he was upon his enemies necks yer they could understand any thing of his coming, or guess what the matter meant, when they saw such a company of soldiers as he brought with him to approach so near the city. For so negligent were they, that having once won the town, they ranged abroad over the country hither and thither at their liberty without any care. So that now being put in a sudden fear, as prevented by the hasty coming of the enemies upon them, and wanting leisure to take advice what was best to be done, and having not time in manner to get any armour on their backs, they were in a marvelous trouble, not knowing whether it were best for them to fight or to flee, to yield or to resist.  
This their fear being apparent to the Englishmen (by their disorder showed in running up and down from place to place with great noise and turmoil) they set upon them with great violence, and compassing them round about, they either took or st●e them in a manner at their pleasure. And having thus put them all to flight, they pursued the chase towards the town of Mirabeau, into which the enemies made very great haste to enter: but such speed was used by the English soldiers at that present, that they entered and won the said town before their enemies could come near to get into it. Great slaughter was made within Mirabeau itself, 
Arthur duke of Britain taken prisoner.  and Arthur with the residue of the army that escaped with life from the first bickering was taken, who being hereupon committed to prison, first at Falais, 
Matth. Paris.  and after within the city of Roven, lived not long after as you shall hear. The other of the prisoners were also committed unto safe keeping, some into castles within Normandy, and some were sent into England.  
King john having gotten this victory, and taken his nephew Arthur, he wrote the manner of that his success unto his barons in England, in manner as followeth.  
IOhn by the grace of God king of England, and lord of Ireland, to all his barons sendeth greeting. Know line 10 ye that we by God's good favour are in sound and perfect health, and through God's grace that marvelously worketh with us, on tuesday before Lammas day, we being before the city of Mauns, were advertised that our mother was besieged in Mirabeau, and therefore we hasted so fast as we possibly might, so that we came thither on Lammas day, and there we took our nephew Arthur, Hugh le line 20 Brun, 
De Castre Erald.  Andrew de Chavenie, the viscount of Chateau Erald, Raimond de Tovars, savoury de Mauleon, and Hugh Bangi, and all other enemies of Poictou that were there assembled against us, to the number of two hundred knights and above, 
252 knights or men of arms besides demilances.  so that not one of them escaped. Give God therefore thanks, and rejoice at our good success.  
The French king at the same time lying in siege line 30 before Arques, immediately upon the news of this overthrow, raised from thence, and returned homewards, destroying all that came in his way, till he was entered into his own country. 
Anno Reg. 4.  It is said that king john caused his nephew Arthur to be brought before him at Falais, and there went about to persuade him all that he could to forsake his friendship and alliance with the French king, and to lean and stick to him being his natural uncle. But Arthur line 40 like one that wanted good counsel, and abounding too much in his own wilful opinion, made a presumptuous answer, not only denying so to do, but also commanding king john to restore unto him the realm of England, with all those other lands and possessions which king Richard had in his hand at the hour of his death. For sith the same appertained to him by right of inheritance, he assured him, except restitution were made the sooner, he should not long continue quiet. King john being sore moved with line 50 such words thus uttered by his nephew, appointed (as before is said) that he should be straitly kept in prison, as first in Falais, and after at Rouen within the new castle there. Thus by means of this good success, the countries of Poictou, Touraine, and Anjou were recovered.  
Shortly after king john coming over into England, 
Matth. Paris. King john eftsoons crowned.  caused himself to be crowned again at Canturburie by the hands of Hubert the archbishop there, on the fourteenth day of April, and then went line 60 back again into Normandy, where immediately upon his arrival, a rumour was spread through all France, of the death of his nephew Arthur. True it is that great suit was made to have Arthur set at liberty, 
Ralph Cog.  as well by the French king, as by William de Riches a valiant baron of Poictou, and diverse other Noble men of the Britain's, who when they could not prevail in their suit, they banded themselves together, and joining in confederacy with Robert earl of Alencon, the viscount Beaumond, William de Fulgiers, and other, they began to levy sharp wars against king john in diverse places, insomuch (as it was thought) that so long as Arthur lived, there would be no quiet in those parts: whereupon it was reported, that king john through persuasion of his councillors, appointed certain persons to go unto Falais, where Arthur was kept in prison, under the charge of Hubert de Burgh, and there to put out the young gentleman's eyes.  
But through such resistance as he made against one of the tormentors that came to execute the king's commandment (for the other rather forsook their prince and country, than they would consent to obey the king's authority herein) and such lamentable words as he uttered, Hubert de Burgh did preserve him from that injury, not doubting but rather to have thanks than displeasure at the king's hands, for delivering him of such infamy as would have redounded unto his highness, if the young gentleman had been so cruelly dealt withal. For he considered, that king john had resolved upon this point only in his heat and fury (which moveth men to undertake many an inconvenient enterprise, unbeseeming the person of a common man, much more reproachful to a prince, all men in that mood being mere foolish and furious, and prone to accomplish the perverse conceits of their ill possessed heart; as one saith right well, 
— pronus in iram  
Stultorum est unimus, facilè excandescit, & audet  
Omne scelus, quoties concepta bile tumescit)  and that afterwards, upon better advisement, he would both repent himself so to have commanded, and give them small thank that should see it put in execution. Howbeit to satisfy his mind for the time, and to stay the rage of the Britain's, he caused it to be bruited abroad through the country, that the king's commandment was fulfilled, and that Arthur also through sorrow and grief was departed out of this life. For the space of fifteen days this rumour incessantly ran through both the realms of England and France, and there was ringing for him through towns and villages, as it had been for his funerals. It was also bruited, that his body was buried in the monastery of saint Andrew's of the Cisteaux order.  
But when the Britain's were nothing pacified, but rather kindled more vehemently to work all the mischief they could devise, in revenge of their sovereigns' death, there was no remedy but to signify abroad again, that Arthur was as yet living and in health. Now when the king heard the truth of all this matter, he was nothing displeased for that his commandment was not executed, sith there were diverse of his captains which uttered in plain words, that he should not find knights to keep his castles, if he dealt so cruelly with his nephew. For if it chanced any of them to be taken by the king of France or other their adversaries, they should be sure to taste of the like cup. ¶ But now touching the manner in very deed of the end of this Arthur, writers make sundry reports. Nevertheless certain it is, that in the year next ensuing, he was removed from Falais unto the castle or tower of Roven, out of the which there was not any that would confess that ever he saw him go alive. Some have written, that as he assayed to have escaped out of prison, and proving to climb over the walls of the castle, he fell into the river of Saine, and so was drowned. Other writ, that through very grief and languor he pined away, and died of natural sickness. But some affirm, that king john secretly caused him to be murdered and made away, so as it is not throughly agreed upon, in what sort he finished his days: but verily king john was had in great suspicion, ●●ether worthily or not, the lord knoweth. Yet how extremely soever he dealt with his nephew, he released and set at liberty diverse of those lords that were taken prisoners with him, namely Hugh le Brun, and savoury de Mauleon, the one to his great trouble and hindrance, and the other to his gain: for Hugh le Brun afterwards levied and occasioned sore wars against him, but savoury de Mauleon continued ever after his loyal subject, doing to him very agreeable service, as hereafter may appear.  

Guy son to the viscount of Tovars.  The Lord Guy, son to the viscount of Tovars, who had taken Arthur's mother Constance to wife, after the divorce made betwixt her and the earl of Chester, in right of her obtained the dukedom of line 10 Britain. But king Philip after he was advertised of Arthur's death, took the matter very grievously, and upon occasion thereof, 
Constance the mother of duke Arthur accuseth king john.  cited king john to appear before him at a certain day, to answer such objections as Constance the duchess of Britain mother to the said Arthur should lay to his charge, touching the murder of her son. And because king john appeared not, he was therefore condemned in the action, and adjudged to forfeit all that he held within the precinct line 20 of France, aswell Normandy as all his other lands and dominions.  

Matt. Paris. The ordinance for the assize of bread.  About the same time the king caused a proclamation to be published for the lawful assize of bread to be made by the bakers, upon pain to be punished by the pillory: which assize was approved and assessed by the baker of Geffrey Fitz Peter, lord chief justice of England, and by the baker of Robert de Tuinham. So that the baker might sell and gain in every quarter three pence, besides the bran, and two loaves for the heater of the oven, and for four line 30 servants four halfpences, for two boys a farthing, for allowance in salt an halfpenny, yeast an halfpenny, for candle a farthing, for fuel three pence, and for a bulter an halfpenny. And this was the rate.  
When wheat was sold for six shillings the quarter, then shall every loaf of fine manchet weigh 41 shillings, and every loaf of cheat shall weigh 24 shillings. When wheat is sold for five shillings and six pence, than manchet shall weigh 20 shillings, and cheat 28 shillings. When wheat is sold for five shillings, line 40 then manchet shall weigh 24 shillings, and the cheat bread 32 shillings. When wheat is sold for four shillings six pence, manchet shall weigh 32 shillings, and cheat 42 shillings. When wheat is sold for four shillings, manchet shall weigh 36 shillings, and cheat 46 shillings. When wheat is sold for three shillings six pence, then shall manchet weigh 42 shillings, and cheat 54 shillings. When wheat is sold for three shillings, manchet shall weigh 48 shillings, and cheat 44 shillings. line 50 When wheat is sold for two shillings and six pence, manchet shall weigh 54 shillings, and cheat 72 shillings. When wheat is sold for two shillings, manchet shall weigh sixty shillings, and cheat four pound. When wheat is sold for 18 pence the quarter, manchet shall weigh 77 shillings, & cheat four pound and eight shillings. This ordinance was proclaimed throughout the realm, as most necessary and profitable for the commonwealth.  
This year many wonderful things happened, line 60 for beside the sore winter, which passed any other that had been heard of in many years before, both for continuance in length and extreme coldness of frosts, 
Great tempests.  there followed grifelie tempests, with thunder, lightning, and storms of rain, and hail of the bigness of hens eggs, wherewith much fruit & great store of corn was perished, beside other great hurts done upon houses and young cattle. Also spirits (as it was thought) in likeness of birds and fowls were seen in the air flying with fire in their beaks, wherewith they set diverse houses on fire: which did import great troubles yer long to ensue, and followed in deed, as shall appear hereafter.  
With this entrance of the year of our lord 1203, king john held his Christmas at Caen, where not having (as s●me writers say) sufficient regard to the necessary affairs of his wars, year 1203 
Matth. Par●●.  he gave his ●ind to banqueting, and passed the time in pleasure with the queen his wife, to the great grief of his lords, so that they perceiving his reckless demeanour (or as some writ, the doubtful minds of the Nobility which served on that side, and were ready daily to revolt from his obedience) withdrew their dutiful hearts from him, and therefore getting licence, returned home into England.  
In this mean time the French king, 
Anno Reg. 5.  to bring his purpose to full effect, entered into Normandy, wasted the countries, and won the towns of Cowches, 
Matth. Paris. Polydor. The French king invadeth Normandy.  le Ual de Rueil, and Lis●e Dandel●▪ Le Ual de Rueil wis given over without any great enforcement of assault, by two noble men that had charge thereof, the one named Robert Fitz Walter, and the other Saer de Quin●ie. Howbeit Lisle Dandele was valiantly for a certain time defended by Roger de Lacie the constable of Chester. But at length they within were so constrained by famine and long siege, that the said Lacie and others perceiving it to be more honourable for them to die by the sword, than to starve through want of food, broke out upon their enemies, and slew a great sort of the Frenchmen, 
Roger de Lacie constable of Chester taken.  but yet in the end they were taken prisoners, and so these fortresses came into the French kings hands.  
The pope hearing of these variances betwixt the two kings, sent the abbot of Casmer into France, 
The pope sendeth his Nuncij into France.  accompanied with the abbot of Troissons, to move them to a peace. These two abbots took such pains in the matter; that the kings were almost brought to agreement. But the French king perceiving himself to be aforehand in his business, sticked at one article, which was to repair all such abbeys as he had destroyed within the dominions of king john: and king john to do the like by all those that he had wasted within the French kings countries. 
Gaguin●●▪  The pope's Nuncij would have excommunicated king Philip, because he would not thus agree. But king Philip appealing from them, pursued the war, and besieged the town of Radpont. 
Polydor.  The soldiers within the town defended the first assault very manfully, and caused the Frenchmen to retire back: but king Philip meaning to have the town yer he departed, did so enclose it about, that within ten days he won it, 
Radpont won.  and took there twenty men of arms, an hundred demilances, and twenty arcubalisters.  
After this, when he had fortified this place, he went to castle Galliard, which he besieged; 
Castle Galliard.  and though by the high valiancy of Hugh de Gourney the captain there, the Frenchmen were manfully beaten back, and kept out for a month and more, yet at length by streict siege and near approaches hardly made, 
Matth. Paris.  the fortress was delivered into the French kings hands. 
Hugh de Gourney revolteth from king john.  And in the end the said Hugh Gourney revolted from his obedience, delivering also the castle of Mountfort unto the French king, which castle with the honour thereto appertaining king john had given to the same Hugh, not very long before. All this while king john did lie at Roven: but forsomuch as he could not well remedy the matter as then, because he wanted such help as he daily looked for out of England, and durst not trust any of that side, he passed it over with a stout countenance for a while, and would say oftentimes to such as stood about him; What else doth my c●●sen the French ● now, than steal those things from me, which hereafter I shall endeavour myself to cause him to restore with interest? But when he saw that his enemies would still proceed, 
K. john cometh back into England.  and that no aid came out of England, he came over himself, and landed at Portesmouth on S. Nicholas day.  
King Philip doubting by using the victory with too much rigour, lest he should bring the Normans into a desperate boldness, and so cause them for safeguard of their lives to hazard all upon resistance, ●e stayed for a time, and withdrew his soldiers back again into France, having not only furnished those places in the mean time which he had w●n, with strong garrisons of his soldiers, but also appointed certain personages to travel with the people, yet remaining line 10 in the English subjection, to revolt and turn from king john, to his obeisance and subjection.  
King john being returned into England▪ accused diverse of his Nobles for showing themselves negligent and slothful in aiding him, according to his commandment, alleging furthermore, that being destitute of their due and requisite service, he was constrained to lose his time in Normandy, as not being able for want of their aid to resist his enemies. Wherefore for this and other matters laid to their line 20 charges, he did put them to grievous ●ines. By means whereof, and by leavieng a subsidy of his people, he got together an huge sum of money. This subsidy was granted him in a parliament holden at Oxenford, 
Matth. Paris. A parliament at Oxenford.  and begun there upon the second of januarie 1204, wherein of every knight's fee was granted the sum of two marks and an half. year 1204 Neither were the bishops, 
A subsidy granted.  abbots, nor any other ecclesiastical persons exempted, by means whereof he ran first into the hatred of the clergy, and consequently line 30 of many other of his subjects: so that they failed him at his need, whereby he often sustained no small damage, which he might have prevented and withstood, if he had been so qualified with discretion as to have seen what was convenient and what inconvenient for his royal estate. But 
— voluntas  
Improba perniciem ingentem mortalibus affert,  as it did to him, which may be gathered by a due observation of the consequence. ¶ This year the air line 40 toward the north and east parts seemed to be on a bright fire for the space of six hours together. It began about the first watch of the night, on the first of April.  
King john about the beginning of this sixth year of his reign, 
Anno Reg. 6.  sent in embassage to the French king the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishops of Norwich and Elie, 
Ralph Cog. Ambassadors sent into France.  the earls Marshal and Leicester, to treat with him of peace: but he was so far off from coming near to any reasonable motions, because line 50 he saw the world frame as he wished, that still by demanding somewhat that might not be granted, he kept off, and brought in such hard conditions, that it was not possible to conclude any agreement. And this he did of purpose, hoping within short time to conquer all that the king of England possessed as yet on that side the seas. He was the more untoward to compound, for that he was informed how Arthur the duke of Britain was dispatched of his life, and therefore not doubting but to have many to take line 60 part with him in seeking revenge of his death, he made that his chief quarrel, swearing that he would not cease to pursue the war against king john, till he had deprived him of his whole kingdom. So the ambassadors departed without all hope to come to any agreement. ¶ This year Easter day fell so high as it possibly might, year 1204 that is to say, on saint Marks day.  
King Philip understanding that king john remained still in England, rather occupied in gathering of money amongst his subjects, than in making other provision to bring them into the field (to the great offence of his said people) thought now for his part to lose no time: but assembling a mighty army, he came with the same into Normandy, 
Towns w●n by the French king.  and upon his first coming, he won the town of Falaise, and shortly after was Dampfront delivered unto him by surrender. This done, he marched further into the country, and with his sudden invasion so oppressed the people every where, that they could have no time to make shift by flight to get into the towns. With this swiftness of speed, he brought also such a fear into the hearts of most men, that he won all the country of Normandy even to Mount S. Michael. The inhabitants in every place submitted themselves, as those of Baieulx, Constances', Liseux, and other towns thereabouts.  
Finally, he came before Roven, 
Roven besieged by the French king.  the principal city of all the country, and encamped so in sundry places about the city, that all the issues, entries and ways were closed up by his army, being so divided into several camps, that the distance was not great from one to another, making a terrible show to them within. At length after he had provided all things necessary for his purpose, and taken good advise of his captains how he should best employ his force for the winning of this city (in which exploit he knew the full perfection of all his passed conquests chiefly to consist) he did manfully assault it, and they within as manfully defended themselves, so that he got little by the assaults and approaches which he made. Whereupon he fell in hand to practise with the citizens to win them with méed, courtesy, gentle speech, and great promises. So that in fine, they within were so moved with such reasons as he used to persuade them withal, that they made request for a truce to be had for certain days, within the term whereof if no succour came, they covenanted to yield without any further trouble.  
This truce being obtained, ambassadors were sent from them of Roven into England, to signify unto king john the whole state of the city, and of the truce, so that if aid came not within the time appointed, the city must needs be delivered into the enemies hands. The king having no army in readiness to send over, nor other shift to make for the succour of the city, permitted the ambassadors to departed without comfort of any aid, who hereupon returning to Roven, and reporting what they had hard, seen, and found, brought the city into great sorrow. For whereas that city had ever been accustomed to glory for the great loyalty and faithful fidelity which the same had ever showed towards their liege lords and natural princes; 
The great fidelity of the citizens of Roven.  now the citizens perceived manifestly, that unless they would cast away themselves, and lose all they had, they must of force yield into the hands of their enemies. Wherefore to make their true allegiance more apparent to the world, they stayed the surrender as long as they had any store of victuals within the city to relieve their fainting bodies withal: 
Roven through famine is surrendered to the French king.  and so in the end being vanquished with hunger, they submitted themselves to the French king. Their submission being once known, caused all those other towns which had not yielded, to deliver up their keys unto the Frenchmen, as Arques, Uernueill, and others.  
Moreover the towns in Poictou, Touraine, and Anjou, which king john had recovered lately before, did now again (being in no small fear) yield themselves unto king Philip: 
Matth. Paris.  so that of all the towns within those countries, there remained none under the English obeisance, save only Rochel, Tours, Niorth, and a few other. Thus Normandy which king Rollo had purchased and gotten 316 years before that present time, was then recovered by the French men, to the great reproach and dishonour of the English, in this year 1204. About this time queen Elinor the mother of king john departed this life, consumed rather through sorrow and anguish of mind, than of any other natural infirmity.  


〈…〉 this s●ould 〈…〉 in the dai●s of K. Henry the second.  
A fish like to a man.   In this sixth year of king john's reign, at Oxeford in Suffolk, as Fabian saith (although I sh●●●ke he be deceived in the time) a fish was taken by fisher's in their nets as they were at sea, resembling in s●ape a wild or savage man, whom they presented unto sir Bartholomew de glanvil knight, that had then the keeping of the castle of Oreford in Suffolk. He was naked, and in all his lives and members line 10 resembling the right proportion of a man; he had hairs also in the usual parts of his body▪ albeit that the crown of his head was bald, his beard was long and rugged, and his breast hairy. The knight caused him to be kept certain days & nights from the sea, me●t set afore him he greedily devoured, & did eat fish both raw and sod. Those that were raw he pressed in his hand till he had thrust out all the moisture, and so then did eat them. He would not or could not utter any speech, although to try him they line 20 hung him up by the heels, and miserably tormented him. He would get him to his couch at the setting of the sun, and rise again at the rising of the same.  
One day they brought him to the haven, and suffered him to go into the sea, but to be sure he should not escape from them, they set ●hrée ranks of mighty strong nets before him, so to catch him again at their pleasure (as they imagined) but he streightwaies diving down to the bottom of the water, got past all the nets, and coming up, showed himself line 30 to them again that stood waiting for him, and dowking diverse times under water and coming up again he beheld them on the shore that stood still looking at him, who seemed as it were to mock them, for that he had deceived them, & got past their nets. At length after he had thus sported himself a great while in the water, and that there was no more hope of his return, he came to them again of his own accord, swimming through the water, and remained with them two months after. But finally, line 40 when he was negligently looked to, and now seemed not to be regarded, he fled secretly to the sea, and was never after seen nor heard of.  
¶ Thus much out of Ralph Coghshall, who affirmeth that this chanced in the days of Henry the second, about the 33 of his reign, 
john Stow.  as john Stow in his summary hath also noted. Which report of theirs in respect of the strangeness thereof might seem incredible, specially to such as be hard of belief, and refuse to give faith and credit to any thing but what their line 50 own eyes have sealed to their consciences, so that the reading of such wonders as these, is no more beneficial to them, than to carry a candle before a blind man, or to sing a song to him that is stark deaf. Nevertheless, of all uncouth and rare sights, specially of monstruous appearances we ought to be so far from having little regard; that we should rather in them and by them observe the event and falling out of some future thing, no less miraculous in the issue, than they be wonderful at the sudden line 60 sight. This was well noted of a philosopher, who to the purpose (among other matters by him touched) hath spoken no less pithily than credibly, saying; 

M. P●●. in 〈◊〉.  Nec fieri aut errore aut c●su monstra putandum,  
Cum certas habeant causas, ut tristia monstrent,  
unde il●as nomen, quare & portenta vocantur.   
The war was mightily maintained all this while betwixt them of Poictou and Aquitaine, and many sharp encounters chanced betwixt the parties, of which the one following the king of England's lieutenant Robert de Turneham▪ valiantly resisted the other that held with the French king under the conduct of William de Roches, & Hugh le Brun earl of March, chief leaders of that faction. But Robert 〈…〉.  
The bishop of London was sent ambassador from king john unto the emperor upon certain earnest business. The duke of Lo●●in●, and the earl of Bullongne were made friends by the French kings 〈◊〉, and promised to invade England with an army, and to make war against king john for the withholding of such lands and revenues as they claimed to be due unto them, in right of their wives. King Philip also undertook to follow them within a month after they should be entered into England, & thus did the French king seek to make him str●ng with friends, which ●a●lie fell from king john ●n each hand. ¶ Godfrey bishop of Winchester, that was son to the lord Richard de L●●ie departed this life. This year the king was on Christmas day at Tenkesburie, 
120●  where he stayed not passed one day.  
The 14 day of januarie it began to freeze, and so continued till the 22 of March, with such extremity, 
An extreme frost.  that the husbandmen could not make their ●ilth, by reason whereof in the summer following, corn began to grow to an excessive price, so that wheat was sold by the quarter at 12 shillings of money than currant. This year about the feast of Pentecost, the king (by the advise of his council assembled at Northampton) prepared a navy of ships, 
Anno. Reg. ●. Polydor. Matth. Paris. King john prepareth an army to go into France.  mustered soldiers, and showed great tokens that he would renew the war, and seek to be revenged of his enemy the French king. The Nobles of the realm endeavoured themselves also to match the diligence of the king in this preparation, upon an earnest desire to revenge the injuries lately done to the commonwealth.  
Now when all things were ready, and the ships fraught with victuals, armour, and all other provisions necessary, the king came to Porchester, there to take the sea, purposing verily to pass over into France, in hope of such fair promises as his friends of Normandy and Poictou had made, in sending oftentimes to him, to procure him with speed to come to their succours. 
Ralph Cog. The archbishop of Canturburie, and the earl of Penbroke persuade the king to stay at home.  But as the king was ready to enter on shipboard, Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and William Marshal earl of Penbroke came to him, and with many great reasons went about to persuade him to stay his journey. Who although he was very loath to follow their counsel, yet they put forth so many doubts and dangers that might follow of his departing the realm at that present, to the hazarding of the whole state, that in the end (sore to his grief) he was overcome by their importunate persuasions, and so dismissing the most part of his army, appointed his brother the earl of Salisbury with a certain number of knights & men of arms to pass over into Rochel, whither the lord Geffrey the king's base son was gone before him, with many other knights and men of arms.  
The lords and other that were dismissed, took it very evil, considering the great preparation that had been made for that journey. But specially the mariners were sore offended, cursing the archbishop and the said earl of Penbroke, that were known to be authors of so naughty counsel as they took this to be. It was thought there was never so many ships gotten together at one time before, as were at that present, to have attended the king: for (as writers have recorded) there were to the number of fourteen thousand mariners that had brought their ships thither for that purpose. But as the breaking up of this voyage grieved others, so it pinched the king so near the heart, that he being come back line 10 from the sea side to Winchester, 
The king repenting him goeth back to the sea side.  repented so much that he had not gone forward with his journey, that the next day he returned again to the coast, and at Portesmouth, entering the sea with his ships, on the fifteenth of julie he sailed to the isle of Wight, 
He goeth to the sea the 15 of julie, as some authors have.  and wasted up and down for the space of two days together, till by advise of his friends he was persuaded not to adventure to pass over, sith his army was dismissed and gone home, and so he returned back to the shore again, arriving at Scotland, near unto line 20 Warham, the third day after his setting forth: yet such as were behind, and hasted after him, thought verily he had been gone over, and such a brute was spread over all, till at length in time the truth was known.  
At his coming back (as some writ) he charged certain of the Nobility with treason, because they did not follow him: whereupon shortly after he punished them very grievously, and peradventure not without some ground of just cause. For likely it is, line 30 that some greater matter forced him to break up his journey, than appeareth in our writers, although Ralph Cogheshall setteth down some reasons alleged by the archbishop Hubert, and earl Martial, to persuade him not to departed the realm. But peradventure other causes there were also of far more importance that constrained him so greatly against his mind & full resolution, both at the first, and now at this second time to return. ¶ verily to utter my conjecture, it may be that upon his last determination line 40 to go over, he gave new commandment to his lords to follow him, and they peradventure used not such diligence in accomplishing his pleasure therein, as he looked they should have done: or it may be, when the army was once discharged, the soldiers made such haste homewards, each man towards his country, that it was no easy matter to bring them back again in any convenient time. But howsoever it was, as it had been upon a change of purpose, he came back again (as before ye have line 50 heard.)  
The thirteenth of julie Hubert archbishop of Canturburie departed this life at Tenham, 
The death of the archb. of Canturburie. Matt. Paris. Polydor.  the king not being gratlie sorry for his death (as some have written) because he gathered some suspicion that he bore too much good will towards the French king. In very deed (as some writ) the archbishop repented himself of nothing so much, as for that he had commended king john to the Noblemen and Peers of the line 60 realm, sith he proved an other manner of man than he looked to have found him. This archbishop had governed the see of Canturburie eleven years, eight months, and six days.  
After his decease, the monks of Canturburie without knowledge of the king, chose one Reignold the subprior of their house to be their archbishop, 
An archbishop chosen.  who secretly went to Rome to obtain his confirmation of the pope. Which thing bred much mischief and great discord betwixt pope Innocent & king john, since the pope would not confirm the election, because he saw some piece of secret practice, till he might understand and be certified by report of sufficient witness (for that he wanted the letters commendatory from the king) that the same election was lawful and orderly made. Of this delay also the monks being speedily advertised, and to the end they might now recover the king's favour, whom they had very sore offended in not making him privy to the first election, they made request unto him, that by his nomination it might be lawful for them to choose an other archbishop.  
The king gladly hereunto assented, 
Matth. West. john Grace bishop of Norwich precedent of the council. Matth. Paris.  requiring them to grant their voices unto john Grace the bishop of Norwich, being both his chaplain and precedent of his council. The monks to gratify the king obeyed his request, and so electing the same bishop of Norwich, they sent their procurators to Rome in the year following, to signify the same unto the pope, and to require him to confirm this their second election, as unmindful of their first, and clearly adnihilating the same to all intents and purposes. Amongst other that were sent to Rome about this business, Helias de Brantfield was one, 
Helias de Brantfield.  a monk of great estimation, and had in good credit with the king, who ministered unto them that were thus sent, sufficient allowance wherewith to bear their charges and expenses.  
Also at the same time the bishops that were suffragans to the see of Canturburie, 
The bishop's quarrel with the monks of Canturburie about the election of an archbishop.  sent their procurators to Rome, about a quarrel which they had against the monks there, for that the same monks presumed to proceed to the election of an archbishop without their consent, having (as they alleged) a right by ancient decrees and customs to be associate with them in the said elections. But how this matter was answered, ye shall see hereafter. In the mean time, these and other like things procured the pope to reject both the elections, and of his own authority to nominate the third person, whereby the trouble begun was not a little augmented (as you shall hear hereafter.) Now whilst these procurators were thus occupied in Rome, Philip the French king minding to conquer all that which king john yet held within France, assembled an army, and coming before the town of Loches, won it, and took Gerard de Atie prisoner, 
Gerard de Atie & Robert de Turnham taken prisoners  that had so long time and with such valiancy defended it. The same time also was Robert de Turnham taken prisoner, who with great manhood had all this while repressed and chastised the rebellious Poictovins.  
Moreover, when the French king had won Loches, he went to Chinon, 
Hubert de Burgh a valiant captain.  within the which Hubert de Burgh was captain, a right valiant man of war as was any where to be found, who having prepared all things necessary for defence, manfully repelled the Frenchmen, who enforced themselves to win the town with continual assaults and alarms, not suffering them within to rest neither day nor night, who yet for certain days together, by the valiant encouragement of their captain defended the town, with great slaughter of the Frenchmen. Nevertheless, at length beginning to despair by reason of their incessant travel, certain of them that were somewhat fainthearted stale over the walls in the night, and ran to the Frenchmen, and for safeguard of their lives instructed them of the whole estate of the town. The French understanding that they within were in no small fear of themselves, 
Polydor. Chinon taken by force of assault.  with such violence came unto the walls, and renewed the assault upon all sides, that streightwaies they entered by force. A great number of Englishmen were taken, and amongst other their captain the foresaid Hubert de Burgh. [This chanced on the vigil of S. john Baptist.]  
After this king Philip took diverse other towns and castles in that country, of the which some he razed, and some he fortified and stored with garrisons of his soldiers. This done he passed over the river of Loir, and won a castle situate near unto a promontory or head of land called Grapelitum, which was wont to be a great succour & aid to Englishmen arriving on that coast. The occasion why he made wars thus upon the Britain's, was (as some writ) for that Guy duke of Britain, who had married the duchess Constance, and succeeded in the duchy after her son Arthur, without regard to revenge the death of the same Arthur, was joined in league with king john together with Savere de Mauleon, line 10 and Almerike de Lusignian, lords of great honour, power, and stoutness of stomach.  

1206 Anno. Reg. 8.  King john also in this mean while, moved with the increase of these his new associates, and also with desire to revenge so many injuries and losses sustained at the French kings hands, preparing an army of men, and a navy of ships, took the sea with them and landed at Rochel the ninth of julie, 
P●lydor.  where he was received with great joy and gladness of the line 20 people; and no small number of gentlemen and others that inhabited thereabout repaired unto him, offering to aid him to the uttermost of their powers. He therefore with assured hope of good speed departed from thence, 
Montalban won.  and won the town of Montalban, with a great part of all the country thereabouts. Finally he entered into Anjou, 
Les annales de France. Polydor.  and coming to the city of Angiers, appointed certain bands of his footmen, & all hislight horsemen to compass the town about, whilst he, with the residue of the footmen, & line 30 all the men of arms, did go to assault the gates. Which enterprise with fire and sword he so manfully executed, 
King john won the city of Angiers by assault.  that the gates being in a moment broken open, the city was entered and delivered to the soldiers for a prey. So that of the citizens some were taken, some killed, and the walls of the city beaten flat to the ground. This done, he went abroad into the country, and put all things that were in his way to the like destruction. Then came the people of the country's next adjoining, of their own accord to line 40 submit themselves unto him, promising to aid him with men and victuals most plentifully.  
King john being very joyful of this good success, marched towards Poictou, sending out his troops of horsemen to waste the country on every side. In the mean while the French king being hereof advertised, came forth with his army ready furnished to resist king john, 
The duke of Britain and other of king john's friends overthrown.  and by the way encountered with the duke of Britain, savoury de Mauleon, and Almerike de Lusignian, which had been abroad line 50 to spoil the French kings countries. But being now overset with the king's puissance, they were taken, and all their company stripped out of their armour, to their great confusion. This mishap sore weakened the power and courage of king john. But the French king proud of the victory, kept on his journey, and approaching near unto the place where king john was as then lodged, did cause his tents to be pitched down for the first night, and on the morrow after, as one desirous of battle, brought his line 60 army into the fields, ranged in good order and ready to fight.  
The like did king john, so that with stout stomaches and eager minds, they stood there in the field ready to try the matter with dint of sword upon sound of the warning-blast given by the trumpets. Howbeit, by the mediation of certain grave personages, 
Matt. West. Matth. Paris. This truce was concluded upon All hallows day.  as well of the spirituality as of the temporalty, which were in good estimation with both the princes, a communication was appointed, which took such effect, that a truce was taken betwixt them for the term of two years, the prisoners on either side being released by way of exchange: and thus the wars ceased for that time. Then king Philip returned into France, and king john into England, where he landed at Portesmouth the 12 of December.  
About this time came one john Ferentino (so called peradventure A ferends, 
john Feren●tino the pope's legate.  a common name to all the whelps of that litter, for they never came into the land as legates but they would be sure to carry out with them many large legacies and usurped duties) a legate from the pope into England, and passing through the same as it were in visitation, gathered a great sum of money; and finally at Reading on the morrow after saint Luke's day, celebrated a council, which being ended, he caused his coffers to be packed up and sent away, hasting himself after to departed the realm, and so taking the sea bad England farewell. 
The pope g●ueth sentence with the monks against the bishops.  About the same season also pope Innocent confirmed the authority and power which the prior and monks of Canturburie had to elect and choose the archbishop of that see, giving sentence against the suffragans which claimed a right to be joined with the said prior and monks in the election, 
See Matt. Paris pag 28. in the printed copy.  as by a letter directed to the same suffragans from the said pope it may more plainly appear.  
After this it chanced that king john remembering himself of the destruction of the city of Angiers, which (because he was descended from thence) he had before time greatly loved, began now to repent him, in that he had destroyed it, and therefore with all speed he took order to have it again repaired, 
King john repaireth the city of Angiers.  which was done in most beautiful wife, to his great cost and expenses, which he might have saved, had not his foolish rashness driven him to attempt that, whereof upon sober advisement afterwards he was ashamed. But what will not an ordinary man do in the full tide of his fury; much more princes & great men, whose anger is resembled to the roaring of a lion, even upon light occasions oftentimes, to satisfy their unbridled and brainsick affections, which carry them with a swift and full stream into such follies and dotages as are undecent for their degrees. Herto assenteth the poet, saying, 
— magni regésque ducésque 
Mal. Pal●● suo cap.   
Delirant saepe, & vitiorum pest laborant,  
Stultiti●sque suis saepe urbes exitio daunt,  
Imperiúmque sibi miserorum caede lucrantu●.   
Moreover, in this year about Candlemas, the K. caused the 13 part of every man's goods, 
1207 A tax levied.  as well of the spirituality, as of the temporalty, to be levied and gathered to his use, all men murmuring at such doings, but none being so hardy as to gainsay the king's pleasure, 
The archbishop of York stealeth out of the realm.  except only Geffrey the archbishop of York, who thereupon departing secretly out of the realm, accursed all those that laid any hands to the collection of that payment, within his archbishopric of York. Also upon the 17 of januarie than last passed, about the midst of the night, 
A mighty tempest.  there rose such a tempest of wind upon a sudden, that many houses were overthrown therewith, and sheep and other cattle destroyed and buried in the drifts of snow, which as then lay very deep every where upon the ground.  
The order of friar Minors began about this time, and increased marvelously within a short season. And the emperor Otho came over into England in this year, 
The emperor Otho cometh into England.  where he was most royally received by king john, who taking council with the said emperor to renew the war against the French king (because he was promised great aid at his hands for the furnishing of the same) gave unto him at his departing forth of the realm, 

Five thousand marks of silver, as Matth. West. and Matth. parvus do● write.  
Anno Reg. 9   great sums of money in hand towards the payment of such soldiers as he should levy for this business.  
In this mean while, the strife depended still in the court of Rome betwixt the two elected archbishops of Canturburie, Reginald and john. But after the pope was fully informed of the manner of their elections, 
Stephan Langton chosen archbishop of Canturburie by the pope's appointment.  he disannulled them both, and procured by his papal authority the monks of Canturburie (of whom many were then come to Rome about that matter) to choose one Steph●n L●●gton the cardinal of S. Chrysogon an Englishman borne, and of good estimation and learning in the court of Rome to be their archbishop. The monks at the first were loath to consent thereto, alleging that they might not lawfully do it without consent of their king, line 10 and of their covent.  
But the pope as it were taking the word out of their mouths, said unto them: Do ye not consider that we have full authority and power in the church of Canturburie: neither is the assent of kings or princes to be looked for upon elections celebrated in the presence of the apostolic see. Wherefore I command you by virtue of your obedience, and upon pain of cursing, that you being such and so many here as are sufficient for the election, to choose him to line 20 your archbishop, whom I shall appoint to you for father and pastor of your souls. The monks doubting to offend the pope, consented all of them to gratify him, except Helias de Brantfield, who refused. And so the foresaid Stephan Langton being elected of them, was confirmed of the pope, who signified by letters the whole state thereof to king john, commending the said Stephan as archbishop unto him.  
The king ●ore offended in his mind that the bishop of Norwich was thus put beside that dignity, to the line 30 which he had advanced him, caused forthwith all the goods of the monks of Canturburie to be confiscate to his use, 
The monks of Canturburie banished. King john writeth to the pope.  and after banished them the realm, as well I mean those at home, as those that were at Rome, and herewith wrote his letters unto the pope, giving him to understand for answer,  
that he would never consent that Stephan which had been brought up & always conversant with his enemies the Frenchmen, should now enjoy the rule of the bishopric and diocese of Canturburie. Moreover, he declared in the line 40 same letters, that he marveled not a little what the pope ment, in that he did not consider how necessary the friendship of the king of England was to the see of Rome, 
How gainful England was to the court of Rome  sith there came more gains to the Roman church out of that kingdom, than out of any other realm on this side the mountains. He added hereto, that for the liberties of his crown he would stand to the death, if the matter so required. And as for the election of the bishop of Norwich unto the see of Canturburie, sith it was profitable to him and to line 50 his realm, he meant not to release it.  
Moreover, he declared that if he might not be heard and have his mind, he would surly restrain the passages out of this realm, that none should go to Rome, lest his land should be so emptied of money and treasure, that he should want sufficient ability to beat back and expel his enemies that might attempt invasion against the same. lastly of all he concluded, sith the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastical persons, as well of his realm of line 60 England, as of other his lands and dominions, were sufficiently furnished with knowledge, that he would not go for any need that should drive him thereto, to seek justice or judgement at the prescript of any foreign persons.  
The pope greatly marveling hereat, wrote again to the king, 
The pope's answer unto the king.  requiring him to abstain from the spoiling of those men that were privileged by the canons of the church, that he would place the monks again in their house and possessions, and receive the archbishop canonically elected and confirmed, the which for his learning and knowledge, as well in the liberal sciences, as in holy scripture, was thought worthy to be admitted to a prebend in Paris: an● what estimation he himself had of him it appeared, in that he had written to him thrice since he was made cardinal, declaring that although he was minded to call him to his service, yet he was glad that he was promoted to an higher room; adding further, how there was good cause that he should have consideration of him, because he was borne within his land, of father and mother that were his faithful subjects, and for that he had a prebend in the church of York, which was greater and of more dignity than that he had in Paris. Whereby not only by reason of flesh and blood, but also by having ecclesiastical dignity and office, it could not be but that he loved him and his realm with sincere affection.  
Many other reasons the pope alleged in his letters to king john, to have persuaded him to the allowing of the election of Stephan Langton. But king john was so far from giving care to the pope's admonitions, that he with more cruelty handled all such, not only of the spirituality, but also of the temporalty, which by any manner means had aided the forenamed Stephan. The pope being hereof advertised, thought good not to suffer such contempt of his authority, as he interpreted it; namely, in a matter that touched the injurious handling of men within orders of the church. Which example might procure hindrance, not to one private person alone, but to the whole estate of the spirituality, which he would not suffer in any wise to be suppressed. Wherefore he decreed with speed to devise remedy against that large increasing mischief. And though there was no speedier way to redress the same, but by excommunication, yet he would not use it at the first towards so mighty a prince, but gave him liberty and time to consider his offence and trespass so committed.  
¶ These things being brought to this issue, the further narration of them shall stay for a time, till I have told you of a little trouble which about this time happened in London. For upon the seventh of june, the bailiffs of London, Roger Winchester and Edmund Hardell were discharged, 
Bailiffs o● London discharged and committed toward.  and Serle the mercer and Hugh of saint Albon chosen in their rooms. The two former bailiffs were discharged and committed to prison by the king's commandment, upon displeasure taken against them, because they had resisted his purueier of wheat, and wo●l● not suffer him to convey any of that kind of grain out of the city, till the city was stored. The thirty & five rulers of the city, having fulfilled the king's commandment to them directed for the discharging of those bailiffs, and imprisoning them, did after take advice together, and appointed a certain number of themselves with other to ride unto the king, as then being at Langley, to obtain pardon for the said bailiffs, and so coming thither, they made such excuse in the matter, showing further, that at the same season there was such scarcity of wheat in the city, that the common people were at point to have made an insurrection about the same. By which means, and through friendship which they had in the court, the king was so satisfied, that he released them from prison, and pardoned their offences.  
Also upon the first of October, 
The birth of king Henry the third. N. Trivet.  Henry the son of king john, begotten of his wife queen Isabella, was borne at Winchester, who after succeeded his father in the kingdom. But now again to our purpose. year 1208 The pope perceiving that king john continued still in his former mind (which he called obstinacy) sent over his bulls into England, 
The pope writeth to the bishops. Matt. Paris. Nic. Treue●.  directed to William bishop of London, to Eustace bishop of Elie, and to Maugre bishop of Worcester, commanding them that unless king john would suffer peaceably the archbishop of Canturburie to occupy his see, and his monks their abbey, they should put both him and his land under the sentence of interdiction, denouncing him and his land plainly accursed. And further he wrote express letters unto all the suffragans of the church of Canturburie, that they should by virtue of their obedience, 
Matth. Paris.  which they ought to the apostolic see, receive and obey the archbishop Stephan for their father and metropolitan.  
These bishops with other to them associate, made instant request and suit to the king for the observing of the pope's commandment, and to eschew the censures line 10 of the church, but that was in vain: for the king in a great rage swore, that if either they or any other presumed to put his land under interdiction, he would incontinently thereupon send all the prelates within the realm out of the same unto the pope, and seize all their good● unto his own use. And further he added, 
Romans, that is such chapleines strangers as belonged to the pope.  that what Romans soever he found within the precinct of any his dominions, he would put out their eyes, and slit their noses, and so send them packing to Rome, that by such marks they might be line 20 known from all other nations of the world. And herewith he commanded the bishops to pack out of his sight, if they loved their own health and preservation.  
Hereupon the said bishops departed, and according to the pope's commission to them sent, upon the even of the Annunciation of our Lady, 
The monday in the passion week saith Matth West. The king and realm put under the pope's curse.  denounced both the king and the realm of England accursed, and furthermore caused the doors of churches to be closed up, and all other places where divine service line 30 was accustomed to be used, first at London, and after in all other places where they came. Then perceiving that the K. meant not to stoop for all this which they had done, but rather sought to be revenged upon them, they fled the realm, and got them over unto Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie, to wit, William bishop of London, Eustace bishop of Elie, Malger bishop of Worcester, joceline bishop of Bath, and Giles bishop of Hereford.  

Anno Reg. 10. The dealing of the king after the interdiction was pronounced.  The king taking this matter in very great displeasure, seized upon all their temporalties, and converted line 40 the same to his use, and persecuted such other of the prelacy as he knew to favour their doings, banishing them the realm, and seizing their goods also into his hands. Howbeit the most part of the prelates wisely provided for themselves in this point, so that they would not departed out of their houses, except they were compelled by force, which when the king's officers perceived, they suffered them to remain still in their abbeys, and other habitations, because they line 50 had no commission to use any violence in expelling them. But their goods they did confiscate to the king's use, allowing them only meat and drink, and that very barely in respect of their former allowance.  
¶ It was a miserable time now for priests and churchmen, 
An heavy time for churchmen.  which were spoiled on every hand, without finding remedy against those that offered them wrong. It is reported that in the borders of Wales, the officers of a sheriff brought before the king a fellow which had rob and slain a priest, desiring to line 60 understand his pleasure what should be done with that offender: unto whom the king made this answer, He hath slain mine enemy, and therefore set him at liberty. 
Matth. Paris.   
The king also doubting lest the pope should proceed further, and absolve all his subjects of their allegiance which they ought to him, and that his lords would happily revolt and forsake him in this his trouble, took hostages of them whom he most suspected. And as the messengers, which were sent abroad for that purpose, 
Lord William de Breuse.  came unto the lord William de Breuse, requiring to have his sons for the said purpose, his wife (like a quick and hasty dame) taking the word out of her husband's mouth, made this round answer, that she would n●t ●●liuer her sons unto King john▪ who already ha● 〈◊〉 his 〈…〉 Ar●●ur, 〈◊〉 he ought r●●her honourably to have loved and ●●●serued▪ These words being signified unto the 〈…〉 at against her husband (〈…〉) ●hat ●he 〈◊〉 was glad together with his ●ife and 〈…〉 of the realm into Ireland for safeguard of their lives.  
Whereas before this 〈◊〉 London bridge was made of timber, and was ruled, 
London bridge repaired.  guided & repai●e● by a fraternity or college of priests▪ this year by great aid of the citizens of London and others 〈◊〉 that way, the same bridge was beg●n to be 〈◊〉 of ●one. And in the same year 〈◊〉 Marie Ouer●es in Southwark was begun to be repaired. The same year also, the citizen's 〈◊〉 London made such suit unto the king, that he granted unto them by his letters patents, licence to 〈◊〉 to themselu●● a mayor, and two sheriffs everse year. A●ter which gran● unto them confirmed, they chose for their 〈◊〉 He●rie Fitz Alwin, who was sworn and charged at that present mayor of that city, upon the day of 〈◊〉 Michael the archangel, in ●he said tenth year of king john his reign. On the same day and year, were Peter Duke & Thomas N●te sworn for sheriffs. Thus the name of ba●liffes from thence forth was clearly extinguished.  
But here ye have to understand, that this Henry Fitz Alwin had been mayor of London long before this time, even from the first year of king Richard (as john Stow hath gathered out of ancient instruments and records) unto this present tenth year of king john, and now upon grant made to the citizens, 
john Stow.  that it should be lawful for them to choose every year a mayor, and two sheriffs, for the better government of their city, the said Henry Fitz Alwin was newly by them elected, and likewise afterwards from year to year, till he departed this life, which chanced in the year 1213, and fifteenth of king john's reign, so that he continued mayor of the same city of London, by the term of twenty and four years.  
¶ Now therefore because it appeareth here how the governors of the city of London had their names altered for their greater honour, and the state of government thereby partly changed, or rather confirmed; I have thought good (though very briefly) to touch somewhat the signification of this word More, 
The signification of this word More. Wulf. Laz. Berosus.  before I proceed any further with the rest of this history. The ancient inhabitants of Franconia, or Frankenland, from whom the Frenchmen are descended, and their neighbours the old Saxons, of whom the Englishmen have their original, being people of Germany, and descended (as Berosus saith) of the the old hebrews, have retained many Hebrew words, either from the beginning, or else borrowed them abroad in other regions which they conquered, passing by force of arms through a great part of the world. For no doubt, by conversation with those people whom they subdued, they brought home into their own country and tongue many borrowed words, so that their language hath no small store of them fetched out of sundry strange tongues.  
Now among other old words remaining in their tongue, this word Mar was one, which in Hebrew signifieth Dominus, (that is to say, lord) but pronounced now somewhat corruptly More. So as it is to be supposed, hereof it came to pass that the head officer and lieutenant to the prince, as well in London as in other cities and towns of the realm, are called by that name of mayor, though in the cities of London and York, for an augmentation of honour by an ancient custom (through ignorance what the title of maire doth signify) they have an addition, and are entitled by the name of lord maire, where More simply pronounced of itself, signifieth no less than lord, without any such addition. Thus much for the name of More. And now to proceed.  
King john holding his Christmas this year at Bristol, year 1299 set forth a commandment, whereby he restrained the taking of wild foul. 
Matth. Paris.  About the same time, Henry duke of Suaben came into England from the emperor Otho, and receiving no small line 10 portion of money of the king, departed back into his own country again. In the vigil of the epiphany also, the kings second son was borne, and named Richard after his uncles name. 
The exchequer removed.  And the court of the exchequer was removed from Westminster unto Northampton. Moreover in the same year, Walter Grace was made lord chancellor, who in all things studied to satisfy the kings will and purpose, for the which he incurred great indignation of the clergy, and other that favoured not the proceed line 20 of the king.  
¶ It was surly a rueful thing to consider the estate of this realm at that present, when as the king neither trusted his peers, neither the nobility favoured the king; no, there were very few that trusted one another, but each one hid & hourded up his wealth, looking daily when another should come and enter upon the spoil. The commonalty also grew into factions, some favouring, & some cursing the king, as they bare affection. The clergy was likewise at dissension, line 30 so that nothing prevailed but malice and spite, which brought forth and spread abroad the fruits of disobedience to all good laws and orders, greatly to the disquieting of the whole state▪ So that herein we have a perfect view of the perplexed state of princes, chiefly when they are overswaied with foreign & profane power, and not able to assure themselves of their subjects allegiance and loyalty. Whereto this clause alludeth, 

M. Pal. in suo Le●. — cruciat comes improbus ipsos line 40  
Assiduimetus atque timor, suspectáque ijsdem  
Omnia sunt: hinc insidias, hinc dira venena  
Concipiunt, soli nec possunt ire nec audent,  
Nec sine fas illis praegustatore comesse.   

Anno Reg. 11. Polydor.  King john notwithstanding that the realm was thus wholly interdicted and vexed, so that no priests could be found to say service in churches or chapels, made no great account thereof as touching any offence towards God or the pope: 
A new oath of allegiance.  but rather mistrusting the hollow hearts of his people, he took a new line 50 oath of them for their faithful allegiance, and immediately thereupon assembled an army to go against Alexander king of Scots, 
Alexander K. of Scots.  unto whom (as he had heard) diverse of the nobility of this realm were fled, which Alexander was the second of that name that had ruled the Scots, and lately before was entered into the rule as lawful successor to the crown of Scotland, by the death of his father K. William.  
In this mean while also Stephan archbishop of Canturburie lamenting (as some have reported) the line 60 state of his native country, and yet not minding to give over his hold, obtained of pope Innocent, that upon certain days it might be lawful for an appointed number of priests within the realm of England, to celebrate divine service, that is to say, for those of conventual churches once in the week. But the monks of the white order were forbidden to use that privilege, 
Matth. Paris. The white monks.  because in the beginning of the interdiction they had at the appointment of their principal abbot presumed to celebrate the sacraments without the pope's consent o● knowledge.  
In like manner on the otherside, king john having his army in a readiness, 
Polydor. Matth. Paris.  hasted forth towards the borders of Scotland, and coming to the castle of Norham, prepared to invade the Scots. But king Alexander wanting power to give him battle, sought to come unto some friendly agreement with him, and so by counsel of his lords, casting off his armour, 
Alexander K. of Scots compoundeth for peace with king john.  he came to the king, and for a great sum of gold (or 11 thousand marks of silver as some writ) with much ado he purchased peace, delivering two of his daughters in hostage for more assurance of his dealing. Whereupon king john, after his return from Norham, 
Polydor.  which was about the 24 of june, showed himself not a little displeased with those of the nobility, which had refused to attend upon him in that journey, having received straight commandment from him to attend upon him at that time. Certes the cause why they refused to follow him, was evident, as they said, in that they knew him to stand accursed by the pope. About the same time also, when corn began to wax ripe, to revenge himself of them that had refused to go with him in that journey, he caused the pales of all the parks & forests which he had within his realm to be thrown down, & the diches to be made plain, 
Matth. Paris.  that the dear breaking out and ranging abroad in the corn fields, might destroy & eat up the same before it could be ripened, for which act (if it were so in deed) many a bitter curse proceeded from the mouths of the poor husbandmen towards the king's person, and not unworthily. Moreover in this season the Welshmen (which thing had not been seen afore time) came unto Woodstoke, and there did homage unto the king, although the same was chargeable, aswell to the rich as the poor so to come out of their country.  
About the same time also, it thanced that a priest slew a woman at Oxford, 
Matth. Paris. A murder at Oxford.  and when the king's officers could not find him that had committed the murder, they apprehended three other priests not guilty of the fact, and straightway hanged them up without judgement. 
Three thousand as saith Matth. Paris.  With which cruelty others of the University being put in fear, departed thence in great numbers, and came not thither again of a long time after, some of them repairing to Cambridge, and some to Reading to apply their studies in those places, 
Oxford forsaken of the scholars.  leaving Oxford void. The same year one Hugh archdeacon of Welles, 
Hugh archdeacon of Wells made bishop of Lincoln. Polydor. Matth. Paris.  and keeper of the kings great seal, was nominated bishop of Lincoln; and herewithal he craved licence to go over into France unto the archbishop of Roven, that he might be consecrated of him. Wherewith the king was contented and gladly gave him leave, who no sooner got over into Normandy, but he straight took the high way to Rome, and there received his consecration of Stephan archbishop of Canturburie. Now when the king understood this matter, and saw the dullness of the bishop, he was in a wonderful chafe toward him, and thereupon made port-sale of all his goods, and received the profit of the revenues belonging to the see of Lincoln for his own use.  
¶ There lived in those days a divine named Alexander Cementarius, surnamed Theologus, 
Cementarius  who by his preaching incensed the king greatly unto all cruelty (as the monks and friars say) against his subjects, affirming that the general scourge wherewith the people were afflicted, chanced not through the prince's fault, but for the wickedness of his people, for the king was but the rod of the Lords wrath, and to this end a prince was ordained, that he might rule the people with a rod of iron, and break them as an earthen vessel, to chain the mighty infetters, & the noble men in iron manacles. He did see (as it should seem) the evil disposed humours of the people concerning their dutiful obedience which they ought to have borne to their natural prince king john, and therefore as a doctrine most necessary in that dangerous time, he taught the people how they were by God's laws bound in duty to obey their lawful prince, and not through any wicked persuasion of busy heads and lewd discoursers, to be carried away to forget their loyal allegiance, and so to fall into the damnable sink of rebellion.  
He went about also to prove with likely arguments, that it appertained not to the pope, to have to do concerning the temporal possessions of any kings or other potentates touching the rule and government of their subjects, sith no power was granted line 10 to Peter (the special and chief of the apostles of the Lord) but only touching the church, and matters appertaining thereunto. By such doctrine of him set forth, he won in such wise the king's favour, that he obtained many great preferments at the king's hands, and was abbot of saint Austin's in Canturburie: but at length, when his manners were notified to the pope, he took such order for him, that he was despoiled of all his goods and benefices, so that afterwards he was driven in great misery to beg his line 20 bread from door to door, as some writ. This did he procure to himself by telling the truth against that beast, whose horns were pricking at every christian prince, that he might set himself in a seat of supremacy above all principalities: so that we may say, In audaces non est audacia tuta.  
Furthermore, about the same time the king taxed the jews, year 1210 and grievously tormented and imprisoned them, because divers of them would not willingly pay the sums that they were taxed at. 
Matth. Paris. Iewes taxed.  Amongst line 30 other, there was one of them at Bristol, which would not consent to give any fine for his deliverance: wherefore by the king's commandment he was put unto this penance, that every day, till he would agree to give to the king those ten thousand marks that he was seized at, he should have one of his teeth plucked out of his head. By the space of seven days together he stood steadfast, losing every of those days a tooth, but on the eight day, when he should come to have the eight tooth and the last (for he had but line 40 eight in all) drawn out, 
A jew hath his teeth drawn out.  he paid the money to save that one, who with more wisdom and less pain might have done so before, and have saved his seven teeth, which he lost with such torments, for those homely toothdrawers used no great cunning in plucking them forth (as may be conjectured.)  
Whilst king john was thus occupied, news came to him, 
Anno Reg. 12.  that the Irish rebels made foul work and sore annoyed the English subjects. He therefore assembling a mighty army, 
Matth. Paris. King john passeth over into Ireland. Polydor. Matth. Paris.  embarked at Penbroke line 50 in Wales, and so hasting towards Ireland, arrived there the twenty five of May, and brought the people in such fear immediately upon his arrival, that all those that inhabited upon the sea coasts in the champain countries, came in, and yielded themselves, receiving an oath to be true and faithful unto him. There were twenty of the chiefest rulers within Ireland, which came to the king at his coming to Dublin, and there did to him homage and fealty as appertained. The king at the same time line 60 ordained also, that the English laws should be used in that land, and appointed sheriffs and other officers to have the order of the country, to rule the same according to the English ordinances. After this, he marched forward into the land, and took diverse fortresses and strong holds of his enemies, which fled before him, for fear to be apprehended, as Walter de Lacie and many other. 
Walter de Lacie.  At length, coming into the country of Meth, he besieged a castle, wherein the wife of William de Breuse, and her son named also William were enclosed, but they found means to escape before the castle was won, though afterward they were taken in the isle of Man, 
The Lady de Breuse & her son taken.  and sent by the king into England, where they were so straitly kept within the castle of Windsor, that (as the fame went) they were famished to death.  
¶ We read in an old history of Flanders, written by one whose name is not known, but printed at Lions by Guillaume Roville, in the year 1562, that the said lady, wife to the lord William de Breuse, presented upon a time unto the queen of England, 
A present of white kine.  a gift of four hundred kine, and one bull, of colour all white, the ears excepted, which were red. Although this tale may seem incredible, yet if we shall consider that the said Breuse was a lord marcher, and had goodly possessions in Wales, and on the marshes, in which countries the most part of the people's substance consisteth in cattle, it may carry with it the more likelihood of truth. And surly the same author writeth of the journey made this year into Ireland, so sensibly, and namely touching the manners of the Irish, that he seemeth to have had good informations, saving that he misseth in the names of men and places, which is a fault in manner common to all foreign writers. Touching the death of the said lady, he saith, that within eleven days after she was committed to prison here in England, she was found dead, sitting betwixt her sons legs, who likewise being dead, sat directly up against a wall of the chamber, wherein they were kept with hard pitance (as writers do report. 
He himself escapeth. ) William the father escaped, and got away into France.  
Thus the more part of the Irish people being brought under, 
The bishop of Norwich lor● lieutenant of Ireland.  he appointed john Grace the bishop of Norwich, to be his deputy there, removing out of that office Hugh Lacie, which bore great rule in that quarter before. The bishop then being appointed deputy and chief justice of Ireland, 
Irish moni● reform.  reform the coin there, causing the same to be made of like weight and fineness to the English coin, so that the Irish money was currant, as well in England, as in Ireland, being of the like weight, form, and fineness to the English. Moreover, those that inhabited the wood-countries and the mountain places, though they would not as then submit themselves, he would not at that time further pursue, because winter was at hand, which in that country approacheth timely in the year. Having thus subdued the more part of all Ireland, and ordered things there at his pleasure, he took the sea again with much triumph, 
The king r●●turneth into England.  and landed in England about the thirtieth day of August.  
From hence he made haste to London, and at his coming thither, took counsel how to recover the great charges and expenses that he had been at in this journey, and by the advise of William Brewer, 
An assembly of the prelates at London.  Robert de Turnham, Reignold de Cornhill, and Richard de Marish, he caused all the chief prelates of England to assemble before him at S. Brides in London. So that thither came all the abbots, abbesses, templars, hospitalers, keepers of farms and possessions of the order of Clugnie, and other such foreigners as had lands within this realm belonging to their houses. All which were constrained to pay such a grievous tax, 
A tax levied.  that the whole amounted to the sum of an hundred thousand pounds. The monks of the Cisteaux order, otherwise called white monks, were constrained to pay 40 thousand pounds of silver at this time, all their privileges to the contrary notwithstanding. Moreover, the abbots of that order might not get licence to go to their general chapter that year, which yeerelie was used to be holden, lest their complaint should move all the world against the king, for his too too hard and severe handling of them. 
1211 Anno Reg. 13.  
King john goeth into Wales with an army.   
In the summer following, about the 18 day of julie, king john with a mighty army went into Wales, and passing forth into the inner parts of the country, he came into Snowdon, beating down all that came in his way, so that he subdued all the rulers and princes, without contradiction. And to be the better assured for their subjection in time following, he took pledges of them, to the number of 28, & so returned to Album Monasterium on the day of the Assumption of our lady, 
Matth. Paris. White church I think.  from whence he first set forth into the Welsh confines. In the same year also, the pope sent two legates into England, the one named Pandulph a lawyer, 
Pandulph & Durant the po●●s legars. Polydor.  and the other Durant a templar, who coming unto king john, exhorted line 10 him with many terrible words to leave his stubborn disobedience to the church, and to reform his misdoings. The king for his part quietly heard them, and bringing them to Northampton, being not far distant from the place where he met them upon his return forth of Wales had much conference with them; but at length, when they perceived that they could not have their purpose, neither for restitution of the goods belonging to priests which he had seized upon, neither of those that appertained to line 20 certain other persons, which the king had gotten also into his hands, by means of the controversy betwixt him and the pope the legates departed, leaving him accursed, and the land interdicted, as they found it at their coming.  
¶ Touching the manner of this interdiction there have been diverse opinions, 
Fabian.  some have said, that the land was interdicted throughly, and the churches and houses of religion closed up, that no where was any divine service used: but it was not so straight, for there line 30 were diverse places occupied with divine service all that time, 
Matth. Paris.  by certain privileges purchased either then or before. Children were also christened, and men houseled and annoiled through all the land, except such as were in the bill of excommunication by name expressed. But to our purpose.  
King john, after that the legates were returned toward Rome again, punished diverse of those persons which had refused to go with him into Wales, in like manner as he had done those that refused to line 40 go with him into Scotland: he took now of each of them for every knight's fee two marks of silver, as before is recited. About the same time also, Reginald earl of Bullongne being accursed in like manner as king john was, 
Reginald earl of Bullongne.  for certain oppressions done to poor men, and namely to certain priests, fled over into England, because the French king had banished him out of France.  
The chiefest cause of the French kings displeasure towards this earl, 
The like league was made in the same first year of king john betwixt him & Ferdinando earl of Flanders.  may seem to proceed of the line 50 amity and league which was concluded betwixt king john, and the said earl, in the first year of the said kings reign, whereby they bond themselves either to other, not to make any peace, or to take any truce with the king of France, without either others consent first thereto had, and that if after any agreement taken betwixt them and the king of France, he should chance to make war against either of them, than should the other aid and assist him, against whom such war should be made, to the uttermost line 60 of his power.  
This league was accorded to remain for ever betwixt them and their heirs, with sureties sworn on either part: and for the king of England, these, whose names ensue, William Martial earl of Penbroke, Ranulfe earl of Chester, Robert earl of Leicester, Baldwine earl of 〈◊〉; William earl of Arundel, Ralph earl of Augi, Robert de Mellet, Hugh de Gourney, William de Kaeu, Geffrey de Cella, Roger constable of Chester, Ralph Fitz Water, William de Albany, Robert de Ras, Richard de Montfichet, Roger de 〈◊〉, Saer de Quincie, William de M●ntchenise▪ Peter de Pratellis, William de Poo●e alias de 〈◊〉 Adam de Port, Robert de Turneham, William Mallet, Eustace de Uescie, Peter de Brus, William de Presennie, Hubert de Burgh, William de Ma●sey, and Peter Savenie. For the earl, these were sureties, Anselme de Kaeu, Guy Lieschans, Ralph the said earls brother etc. But now to return.  
After that the earl of Bullongne was expelled out of France (as before ye have heard) he came over to king john, and was of him joyfully received, having three hundred pounds of revenues in land to him assigned within England, for the which he did homage and fealty unto him. Shortly after this also, died William de Breuse the elder, which fled from the face of king john out of Ireland into France, and departing this life at corbel, was buried at Paris in the abbeie of S. Victor.  
In the mean time pope Innocent, 
Polydor.  after the return of his legates out of England, perceiving that king john would not be ordered by him▪ determined with the consent of his cardinals and other councillors, and also at the instant suit of the English bishops and other prelates being there with him, to deprive king john of his kingly state, and so first absolved all his subjects and vassals of their oaths of allegiance made unto the same king, and after deprived him by solemn protestation of his kingly administration and dignity, and lastly signified that his deprivation unto the French king and other christian princes, admonishing them to pursue king john, being thus deprived, forsaken, and condemned as a common enemy to God and his church. He ordained furthermore, that whosoever employed goods or other aid to vanquish and overcome that disobedient prince, should remain in assured peace of the church, as well as those which went to visit the sepulchre of our Lord, not only in their goods and persons, but also in suffrages for saving of their souls.  
But yet that it might appear to all men, that nothing could be more joyful unto his holiness, than to have king john to repent his trespasses committed, and to ask forgiveness for the same, he appointed Pandulph, 
Pandulph sent into France to practise with the french king, for king john his destruction.  which lately before was returned to Rome, with a great number of English exiles to go into France, together with Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other English bishops, giving him in commandment, that repairing unto the French king, he should communicate with him all that which he had appointed to be done against king john, and to exhort the French king to make war upon him, as a person for his wickedness excommunicated. Moreover this Pandulph was commanded by the pope, if he saw cause, to go over 〈◊〉 England, and to deliver unto king john such letters as the pope had written for his better instruction, and to seek by all means possible to draw him from his naughty opinion.  
In the mean time, when it was bruited through the realm of England, that the pope had released the people & absolved them of their oath of fidelity to the king, and that he was deprived of his government by the pope's sentence, by little and little a great number both of soldiers, citizens, burgesses, captains and constable's of castles, leaving their charges, & bishops with a great multitude of priests revolting from him, and avoiding his company and presence, secretly stolen away, and got oue● into France.  
Notwithstanding that diverse in respect of the pope's curse▪ and other considerations them 〈◊〉, 
Matth. West. Matt. Paris.  otherlie refused in this manner to obey king john, yet there wer● many others that did take his Part, 
〈…〉 the noble men that continued true unto K. john.  and maintain his quarrel very earnestly, as his brother William earl of Salesburie, Alber●ke de ●●eere earl of Oxford, Geffrey Fitz Peter lord chief justice of England, also three bishops, Durham, Winchester, and Norwich, Richard de Marish lord chancellor, Hugh Nevil chief forester, William de Wroshing lord warden of the ports, Robert Ueipount and his brother Yuan, Brian de Lisle, Geffrey de Lucy, Hugh Ballioll, and his brother Barnard, William de Cantlow and his son William Fulke de Cantlow, Reginald de Cornehull sheriff of Kent, Robert Braibrooke and his son Harrie, Philip de Lovecotes, john de Bassingborne, Philip March, line 10 Chatelaine of Nottingham, Peter de Maulley, Robert de Gaugy, Gerard de Athie and his nephew Ingelrand, William Brewer, Peter Fitz Hubert, Thomas Basset, and Foulks de Brianta Norman, with many other, too long here to rehearse, who as fautors and councillors unto him, sought to defend him in all causes, notwithstanding the censures of the church so cruelly pronounced against him; knowing that they were bound in conscience to stick to him, now specially in this general apostasy of his peers and line 20 people. For they were opinioned, that it was 

ovid. lib. 2. de Pont.  Turpe referre pedem, nec passu stare tenaci,  
Turpe laborantem deseruisse ratem.   
The same year king john held his Christmas at Windsor▪ year 1212 and in the Lent following, on midlent sunday being at London, he honoured the lord Alexander son and heir to the king of Scots, with the high order of knighthood. And (as I find it mentioned by some writers) whereas he understood how there were diverse in Scotland, 
Bernewell.  that contemning their natural line 30 lord and king by reason of his great age, king john went thither with an army to repress the rebels, and being come thither, he sent his men of war into the inner parts of the country, who scouring the coasts, took Guthred Macwilliam captain of them that moved sedition, whom king john caused to be hanged on a pair of gallows. This Guthred was descended of the line of the ancient Scotish kings, and being assisted with the Irishmen and Scots that favoured not the race of the kings that presently line 40 reigned, wrought them much trouble, as his father (named Donald) had done before him, sometime secretly under hand, and sometime again by way of open rebellion.  
Shortly after, the Welshmen began to stir also, who rushing out of their own confines, 
The Welshmen move rebellion. Matth. Paris.  fell upon their next neighbours within the English marshes, wasted the country, and overthrew diverse castles flat to the ground. Whereof the king having knowledge, 
Anno Reg. 14.  assembled a mighty army out of hand, and line 50 coming to Nottingham, he hanged up the Welsh hostages which the last year he had received, 
King john hangeth the Welsh pledges.  to the number of eight and twenty young striplings. And by reason he was now set in a marvelous chase, he roughly proceeded against all those whom he knew not to favour his case: some he discharged of their offices, other he deprived of their capteineships and other rooms, & revoked certain privileges & immunities granted to monks, priests, & men of religion.  
Furthermore, having his army ready to pass line 60 on into Wales, he received letters the same time, both from the king of Scots, and from his daughter the wife of Leoline prince of Wales, containing in effect the advertisement of one matter, which was to let him know, that if he proceeded on his journey, he should either through treason he slain of his own lords, or else be delivered to be destroyed of his enemies. The king judging no less, but that the tenor of the letters contained a truth, 
Matth. Paris. King john breaketh up his army.  broke up his army and returned to London. From whence he sent messengers unto all such lords as he suspected, commanding them to send unto him hostages for more assurance of their fidelities. The lords durst not disobey his commandment, but sent their sons, their nephews, and other their kinsmen, accordingly as he required, and so his rancour was appeased for a time. But Eustace de Uescie, Robert Fitz Walter, and Stephan Ridell, being accused an● suspected of the K. for the said treason, were glad to flee the realm, Uescie departing into Scotland, and the other two into France.  
The same year, the church of S. Marry Oueries, and all the buildings upon London bridge on both sides the same, were consumed with fire, 
Matth. Paris▪ Matt. West. Saint Marry Oueries burnt.  which was judged to be a signification of some mishap to follow. The king held his Christmas this year at Westminster, year 1213 with no great train of knights about him. About the same time Geffrey archbishop of York departed this life, 
The decease of Geffrey the archbishop o● York.  after he had remained in exile about a seven years. But now to return again to the practices of the pope's legates.  
Ye shall understand, the French king being requested by Pandulph the pope's legate, to take the war in hand against king john, was easily persuaded thereto of an inward hatred that he bore unto our king, 
The French king prepared to invade England.  and thereupon with all diligence made his provision of men, ships, munition and victual, in purpose to pass over into England: and now was his navy ready rigged at the mouth of Saine, and he in greatest forwardness, to take his journey. When Pandulph upon good considerations thought first to go eftsoons, or at the least wise to send into England, before the French army should land there, and to assay once again, if he might induce the king to show himself reformable unto the pope's pleasure: king john having knowledge of the French kings purpose and ordinance, assembled his people, and lodged with them alongst by the coast towards France, that he might resist his enemies, and keep them off from landing.  
Here writers declare, that he had got together such an army of men out of all the parts of his realm, 
Anno Reg. 15. Matth. Paris. The great army which k. john assembled together.  both of lords, knights, gentlemen, yeomen, & other of the commons, that notwithstanding all the provision of victuals that might possible be recovered, there could not be found sufficient store to sustain the huge multitude of them that were gathered alongst the coast, namely at Dover, Feversham, Gipsewich, and other places. Whereupon the captains discharged and sent home a great number of the commons, retaining only the men of arms, yeomen, and fréeholders, with the crossbows and archers. There came likewise to the king's aid at the same time, the bishop of Norwich out of Ireland, 
The bishop of Norwich.  bringing with him five hundred men of arms, & a great sort of other horsemen.  
To conclude, there was esteemed of able men assembled together in the army on Barhamdowne, what of chosen men of arms, and valiant yeomen, and other armed men, the number of sixty thousand: so that if they had been all of one mind, and well bend towards the service of their king and defence of their country, there had not been a prince in christendom, but that they might have been able to have defended the realm of England against him. He had also provided a navy of ships far stronger than the French kings, ready to fight with them by sea, if the case had so required.  
But as he lay thus ready, near to the coast, to withstand and beat back his enemies, 
Polydor. Two knights of the temple.  there arrived at Dover two Templars, who coming before the king, declared unto him that they were sent from Pandulph the pope's legate, who for his profit coveted to talk with him: for he had (as they affirmed) means to propone, whereby he might be reconciled, both to God and his church, although he were adjudged in the court of Rome, to have forfeited all the right which he had to his kingdom.  
The king understanding the meaning of the messengers, sent them back again to bring over the legate, 
The legate Pandulph cometh over.  who incontinently came over to Dover, of whose arrival when the king was advertised, he went thither, and received him with all due honour and reverence. Now after they had talked together a little, and courteously saluted each other (as the course of humanity required) the legate (as it is reported) uttered these words following.  

The saucy speech of proud Pandulph the pope's lewd legate, to king john, in the presumptuous pope's behalf.  
I Do not think that you are ignorant, how pope Innocent, to do that which to his duty appertaineth, hath both absolved your subjects of that oath which they made unto you at the beginning, and also taken from line 20 you the governance of England, according to your deserts, and finally given commandment unto certain princes of Christendom, to expel you out of this kingdom and to place an other in your room; so worthily to punish you for your disobedience and contempt of religion: and that Philip king of France, with the first being ready to accomplish the pope's commandment, line 30 hath an army in a readiness, and with his navy newly decked, rigged and furnished in all points, lieth at the mouth of the river of Saine, looking for a prosperous wind, that as soon as it cometh about, he may sail therewith hither into England, trusting (as he saith) with the help of your own people (which neither name you, nor will take you for their king) line 40 to spoil you of your kingdom with small ado, and to conquer it at his pleasure, for he hath (as he sticketh not to protest openly to the world) a charter made by all the chiefest lords of England touching their fealty and obedience assured to him. Therefore, sith God for your just desert is wroth with you, and that you are as evil spoken of by all men, as they that come against line 50 you be well reported, I would advise you, that whilst there is a place for grace and favour, rather to obey the pope's just demands, to whose word other christian princes are ready to give ear, than by striving in vain to cast away yourself and all others that take your part, or are bend to defend your quarrel or cause.   
These words being thus spoken by the legate, king line 60 john as then utterly despairing in his matters, when he saw himself constrained to obey, was in a great perplexity of mind, and as one full of thought, looked about him with a frowning countenance, weighing with himself what counsel were best for him to follow. At length, oppressed with the burden of the imminent danger and ruin, against his will, and very loath so to have done, he promised upon his oath to stand to the pope's order and decree. Wherefore shortly after (in like manner as pope Innocent had commanded) he took the crown from his own head, 
K. john delivereth his crown unto Pandulph.  and delivered the same to Pandulph the legate, neither he, nor his heirs at any time thereafter to receive the same, but at the pope's hands. Upon this, he promised to receive Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie into his favour, with all other the bishops and banished men, making unto them sufficient amends for all injuries to them done, and so to pardon them, that they should not run into any danger, for that they had rebelled against him.  
Then Pandulph keeping the crown with him for the space of five days in token of possession thereof, 
Pandulph restoreth the crown again to the king.  at length (as the pope's vicar) gave it him again. By means of this act (saith Polydor) the same went abroad, that king john willing to continue the memory hereof, made himself vassal to pope Innocent, with condition, that his successors should likewise from thenceforth acknowledge to have their right to the same kingdom from the pope. But those kings that succeeded king john, have not observed any such laws of reconciliation, neither do the authentic chronicles of the realm make mention of any such surrender, so that such articles as were appointed to king john to observe, pertained unto him that had offended, and not to his successors. Thus saith Polydor.  
Howbeit, 
Ran. Higd.  Ranulph Higden in his book entitled Polychronicon, saith indeed, that king john did not only bind himself, but his heirs and successors, being kings of England, 
England became tributary to the pope.  to be feudaries unto pope Innocent and his successors pope's of Rome, that is to say, that they should hold their dominions of them in fee, yielding and paying yéerelie to the see of Rome the sum of seven hundred marks for England, 
Matth. West.  and three hundred marks for Ireland. Furthermore, by report of the most authentic and approved writers, king john, to avoid all dangers, 
Matth. Paris.  which (as he doubted) might ensue, despairing as it were in himself, or rather most specially for lack of loyal duty in his subjects, consented to all the persuasions of Pandulph, and so (not without his great hart-gréefe) he was contented to take his oath, together with sixteen earls and barons, who laying their hands upon the holy evangelists, swore with him upon peril of their souls, that he should stand to the judgement of the church of Rome, and that if he repented him, and would refuse to stand to promise, they should then compel him to make satisfaction. hereupon, they being all together at Dover, the king and Pandulph, with the earls and barons, and a great multitude of other people, agreed and concluded upon a final peace in form as here ensueth.  

The charter of king john his submission, as it was conveyed to the pope at Rome.  
johannes Deigratia rex Angliae, omnibus Christi fidelibus hanc chartam inspecturis, salutem in Domino. Vniversitati vestrae per hanc chartam sigillo nostro munitam, volumus esse notum, quòd cùm Deum & matrem nostram sanctam ecclesiam offenderimus in multis, & proinde divina misericordia plurimùm indigeamus, nec quid dignè offerre possimus pro satisfactione Deo & ecclesiae debita facienda, nisi nosmetipsos humiliemus & regna nostra, volentes nosipsos humiliare, pro illo qui se pro nobis humiliavit usque ad mortem, gratia sancti spiritus inspirant, non vi interdicti nec timore coacti, sed nostra bona spontaneáque volun ate, ac communi consilio baronum nostrorum conferimus, & liberè concedimus Deo & sanctis apostolis eius Petro & Paulo, & sanctae Romanae ecclesiae matri nostrae, ac domino papae Innocentio, eiúsque catholicis successoribus, totum regnum Angliae, & totum regnum Hyberniae, cum omni iure & pertinentijs suis, pro remissione omnium peccatorum nostrorum, & totius generis nostri, tam pro vivis quàm pro defunctis, & amodò illa ab eo & ecclesiae Romana tanquam secundarius recipientes & tenentes, in praesentia prudentis viri Pandulphi domini papae subdiaconi & familiaris.  
Exindè praedicto domino papae Innocentio, eiúsque catholicis successoribus, & ecclesiae Romanae, secundùm subscriptam formam fecimus & iuravimus, line 10 & homagium ligium in praesentia Pandulphi; si coram domino papaesse poterimus, eidem faciemus: successores nostros & haeredes de uxore nostra in perpetuum obligantes, ut simili modo summo pontifici, quipro tempore fuerit, & ecclesiae Romanae, sine contradictione debeant fidelitatem praestare, & homagium recognoscere.  
Adindicium autem huius nostrae perpetua obligationis & concessionis, volumus & stabilimus, line 20 ut de proprijs & specialibus redditibus nostris praedictorum regnorum, pro omni seruitio & consuetudine, quae pro ipsis facere debemus, saluis per omnia denarijs beati Petri, ecclesia Romana mill marcas Esterlingorum percipiat annuatim: in festo scilicet sancti Michaëlis quingentas marcas, & in Pascha quingentas: septingentas scilicet pro regno Angliae, & trecentas pro regno Hyberniae, saluis nobis & haeredibus nostris, iustitijs, libertatibus, & regalibus nostris. Quae omnia, sicut line 30 supra scripta sunt, rata esse volentes at que firma, obligamus nos & successores nostros contranon venire, & si nos vel aliquis successorum nostrorum contra haec attentare praesumpserit, quicunque ille fuerit, nisi ritè commonitus resipuerit, cadat à iure regni.  
Et haec charta obligationis & concessionis nostrae, semper firma permaneat. Teste meipso, apud domum militum templi juxta Doveram, coram H. Dublinensi archiepiscopo, johann Norwicensi episcopo, line 40 Galfrido filio Petri, W. comite Sarisburiae, Willielmo comite Penbroc, R. comite Bononiae, W. comite Warennae, S. comite Winton, W. comite Arundel, W. comite de Ferarijs, W. Briwere, Petro filio Hereberti, Warino filio Geroldi, 15 die Maij, anno regni nostri decimo quarto.   
This deed and instrument being written and engrossed, the king delivered it unto Pandulph, to take line 50 with him to Rome, there to make delivery thereof to pope Innocent, and herewith did homage to the same pope, in form as followeth.  

The words of fealty made by king john to the pope.  
EG● johannes Dei gratia rex Angliae, & dominus Hyberniae, ab hac hora & line 60 in antea, fidelis ero Deo & beato Petro & ecclesiae Romanae, & domino meo papae domino Innocentio, eiúsque successoribus catholicè intrantibus. Non ero in facto, in dicto, consensu vel consilio, ut vitam perdant vel membra, vel mala captione capiantur. Eorum damnum si scivero, impediam, & remanere faciam sipotero: alioquin eye quàm citiùs potero intimabo, vel tali personae dicam, quàm eye creda● pro certo dicturam. Consilium quod mihi crediderint, per se vel per nuncios suos seu literas suas, secretum, tenebo, & ad eorum damnum nulli pand●● me sciente. Patrimonium beati Petri, & specialiterregnum Angliae, & regnum Hyberniae adiutor ero ad: tenendum & defendendum, contra omnes homines pro posse meo. Sic me adiwet Deus, & haec sancta evangelia, Amen▪ Act a autem sunt haec, ut praedictum est, in vigilia dominicae Ascensionis ad Doveram, Anno 1213.   

An English thus.  
IOhn by the grace of God king of England, and lord of Ireland, from this hour forward, shall be faithful to God and to saint Peter, and to the church of Rome, and to my lord pope Innocentius, and to his successors lawfully entering. I shall not be in word nor deed, in consent or counsel, that they should lose life or member, or be apprehended in evil manner. Their loss if I may know it, I shall impeach and stay, so far as I shallbe able, or else so shortly as I can I shall signify unto them, or declare to such person the which I shall believe will declare the same unto them. The counsel which they shall commit to me by themselves, their messengers, or letters, I shall keep secret, and not utter to any man to their hurt to my knowledge. The patrimony of S. Peter, and specially the kingdoms of England and Ireland, I shall endeavour myself to defend against all men to my power. So help me God, and these holy evangelists, Amen. These things were done on the eve of the Ascension of our Lord, in the year 1213.   
Pandulph having thus reconciled king john, thought not good to release the excommunication, till the king had performed all things which he had promised, 
Matth. Paris.  and so with all speed having received eight thousand marks sterling in part of restitution to be made to the archbishop, and the other banished men, he sailed back into France, & came to Rouen, where he declared to king Philip the effect of his travel, and what he had done in England. But king Philip having in this mean while consumed a great mass of money, to the sum of sixty thousand pounds, 
Forty thousand marks of silver saith Matth. West.  as he himself alleged, about the furniture of his journey, which he intended to have made into England, upon hope to have had no small and within the realm, by reason of such bishops and other banished men as he had in France with him, was much offended for the reconciliation of king john, and determined not so to break off his enterprise, lest it might be imputed to him for a great reproach to have been at such charges and great expenses in vain. 
The French K. displeases for the reconciliation of K▪ john with the pope.  Therefore calling his council together, he declared unto them what he purposed to do.  
All his Nobles in like manner held with him, and allowed his purpose to be very good and requisite, except the earl of Flanders named Ferdinando, who (in hope to recover again those towns, which the French king held from him in Arthois, as Air, and S. Omers) had joined secretly in league with king john, and with the earl of Bullongne, and therefore misliked the conclusion of their advise. 
The French king meaneth to proceed in his journey against the realm of England.  Howbeit king Philip not being yet fully certified hereof, caused his navy to draw alongst the coast towards Flanders, whither he himself hasted to go also by land, that coming thither, he might from thence sail over into England, and take land at a place to him assigned.  
Now it came to pass, that at his coming to graveling, he had perfect knowledge, that the earl of Flanders was joined in league with his enemies, wherefore he determined first to subdue the earl, lest whilst he should be out of his realm, some great trouble or sedition might rise within his own dominions. Therefore, leaning the enterprise which he meant to have made against England, he turned his power against the earl of Flanders, 
The French K. invadeth Flanders.  and first commanded his navy to sail unto the port of Dam, whilst he himself keeping on his journey still by land, took the town of Cassile, and likewise Ypres. From thence he went to Bruges, and besieged the town, but he could not win it at the first, and therefore leaving a power of men to maintain the siege before line 10 it, 
Gaunt besieged by the French king.  he himself went to Gaunt, and thereto also laid his siege.  
In the mean time, the earl of Flanders perceiving that he was not able to resist so puissant an enemy as the French king, sent over in haste unto the king of England for aid. Whereupon king john understanding that his adversary king Philip had turned all his force against the earl of Flanders, and that thereby he was delivered out of the fear of the Frenchmens coming into England; that line 20 same navy (which as before is recited) he had put in a readiness, containing the number of five hundred sail, 
Matth. Paris.  he sent straight into Flanders with a strong army, both of horsemen and footmen, under the guiding of William duke of Holland, William Longspée earl of Salisbury base brother to king john, and Reignold earl of Bullongne.  
These captains being now passed forth with their fléets into the main sea, espied anon many ships lying without the haven of Dam (for the number of line 30 ships of the French fleet was so great, that the haven could not receive them all, so that many of them lay at anchor without the haven mouth, and all alongst the coast.) Wherefore they sent forth certain shallops, to espy whether they were friends or enemies, and what their number and order was. It chanced, that the same time, the men of war which were appointed to keep the French fleet, were gone forth, together with a great number of the mariners, to line 40 spoil and fetch booties abroad in the country.  
The English espials therefore, making semblance as though they had been some fishermen of those parts, came very near the French ships lying at anchor, and perceiving them to be unfurnished of people necessary to defend them, came back to their company, and declared what they had seen, certifying their captains that the victory was in their hands, if they would make speed. The captains glad of these news, commanded their men to make them ready to give battle, and causing their mariners line 50 to make sail directly towards the French fleet, at their first approach they wan those tall ships that lay at anchor abroad before the haven, 
The English men assail the French ships.  without any great resistance, the mariners only making request to have their lives saved. The other smaller vessels which (after the tide was gone) remained upon the sands (spoiling them first of their tackle and other things that would serve to use) they consumed with fire, the mariners escaping by flight. line 60  
Thus the Englishmen having dispatched this business with good success, did set upon those ships that lay in harbour within the haven. But here was hard hold for a while, because the narrowness of the place would not give any great advantage to the greater number. And those Frenchmen that were gone abroad into the country, perceiving that the enemies were come, by the running away of the mariners, returned with all speed to their ships to aid their fellows, and so made valiant resistance for a time, till the Englishmen getting on land, and ranging themselves on either side of the haven, 
The English men wan the French ships.  beat the Frenchmen so on the sides, and the ships grappling together on front, that they fought as it had been in a pitched field, till that finally the Frenchmen were not able to sustain the force of the Englishmen, but were constrained (after long fight and great slaughter) to yield themselves prisoners.  
The English captains glad of this victory gotten, contrary to expectation, first gave thanks to God for the same, and then manning three hundred of those French ships, which they had taken fraught with corn, wine, oil, flesh, and other victuals, and also with armour, they sent them away into England, and afterwards they set fire upon the residue that lay on ground, which were above an hundred, because they were drawn up so far upon the sands, that they could not easily get them out, without their further inconvenience. After this, coming on land with their power, they marched forth into the country in good order of battle, to the end that if they should encounter with king Philip by the way coming to the rescue of his ships, they might be ready to give them battle, which thing was not devised, without good and great consideration.  
For king Philip being certified of the danger wherein his ships stood by the sudden coming of his enemies, and therewithal being in good hope to come to their succours in time, and yer the Englishmen had wrote their full feat, he raised his siege, and made haste toward the coast: but as he was coming forward towards his navy, he was advertised that the enemies had won all his whole fleet, and were now marching forth to meet him, and to give him battle. Also it was told him, how Ferdinando the earl of Flanders, being certified of the victory achieved by his friends, followed at his back. Wherefore, lest he should seem over rashly to commit himself into manifest peril, he stayed a little from Bruges, and there encamped for that day, as if he meant to abide the coming of his enemies.  
The next morrow he raised and returned towards France, the very same way that he came, 
The French K. returneth into France.  no man pursuing him. For the Englishmen contented with that victory which they had gotten, thought it not necessary to follow him with their further hazard. In the mean time, king john receiving news of this prosperous victory thus gotten by his people, did wonderfully rejoice for the same, conceiving an hope, that all his business would now come forward and grow to good success.  
¶ This is the truth of this history, 
Matt. Paris. Polydor. jacob. Meir.  as some authors have set it forth. But james Meir in his discourse of Flanders declareth the matter somewhat otherwise, as thus: Upon the thursday before the Pentecost (saith he) the English fleet setting upon the French navy, which lay at anchor in the haven of Dam, drowned certain of the French vessels, and took to the number of four, which they conveyed away with them. Ferdinando the earl of Flanders having an army of men ready by land, was lodged the same time not far off from the coast, and therefore hearing what had chanced, came the next day, and joined with the Englishmen.  
There were yet remaining also diverse other of the French ships (besides those which the Englishmen had sunk and taken) which were drawn up further into the land ward. The earl of Flanders therefore, and the English captains judged, that it should much hinder the French kings attempts, if they might win those ships also with the town of Dam, wherein the king had laid up a great part of his provision for the furniture of his wars. Hereupon the Englishmen were set on land, and joining with the earls power, they marched straight towards Dam. This was upon Whitsun éeuen, on the which day, as they were most busy in assaulting the town and ships which lay there in the haven, the French king being come away from Gaunt, suddenly set upon them, and though in the beginning he found sharp resistance, yet in the end, the Englishmen and Flemings overset with the great multitude of the Frenchmen, 
The English 〈…〉  were put to flight, and chased to their ships, with the loss of two thousand men, besides those that were taken prisoners, amongst the which were found to be 22 knights.  
The earl of Flanders with the earls of Bullen and Salisbury, doubting to lose their ships, and la●e line 10 gotten booty, sailed straight into one of the Isles of Zealand called Walkeren. Then the French king constreining them of Gaunt, Bruges, and Ypres, to deliver unto him pledges, caused the town of Dam, and his ships lying there in the haven to be burned, 
The French 〈…〉 his ships.  doubting lest they should come into the hands of his enemies. This done, he returned into France, leaving his son jews and the earl of S. Paul in garrison at Lis●e and Douai, and for great sums of money, which by agreement he received of the line 10 towns of Gaunt, Bruges, and Ypres, he restored unto them their pledges. Thus saith Meire and Matthew Paris differeth not much from him touching the success which chanced to the Englishmen by land. ¶ Here will I stay a while in the further narration of this matter, and touch by the way a thing that happened to king john about this present time.  

In 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 writers have. See M. Fox, 〈◊〉 first, pag. 331.  There was in this season an heremit, whose name was Peter, dwelling about York, a man in great reputation with the common people, because that either inspired with some spirit of prophesy as the people line 30 believed▪ or else having some notable skill in art magic, he was accustomed to tell what should follow after. And for so much as oftentimes his saiengs proved true, great credit was given to him as to a very prophet: which was no good consequence that therefore his predictions comprised undoubted events. Nay rather, sith in this pseudoprophet or false foreteller of afterclaps, these necessary concurrents (namely, line 40 
si sensus atque effectus compresserit omnes,  
Si spernens prorsiss mortalia gaudia, sese  
Abdicet a cur●s terrenis, assiduòque  
Conetur studio ad superos extollere mentem,  
Tunc etenim sapiens fiet, poterítque futura  
Cer●ere, vel vigilant vel s●mno oppressus inerti,  
Hoc pacto cecinêre olim ventura prophetae)  were wanting, and that he was contrarily qualified to that which this heptastichon comprehendeth, necessarily it followeth, that he was not as he was taken, line 50 but rather a deluder of the people, and an instrument of satan raised up for the enlargement of his kingdom; as the sequel of this discourse importeth. This Peter about the first of januarie last passed, had told the king, that at the feast of the Ascension it should come to pass, that he should be cast out of his kingdom. And (whether, to the intent that his words should be the better believed, or whether upon too much trust of his own cunning) he offered himself to suffer death for it, if his prophesy proved not true. line 60 Hereupon being committed to prison within the castle of Corf, when the day by him prefixed came, without any other notable damage unto king john, he was by the king's commandment drawn from the said castle, 
The heremit and his son hanged.  unto the town of Warham, & there hanged, together with his son.  
The people much blamed king john, for this extreme dealing, because that the heremit was supposed to be a man of great virtue, and his son nothing guilty of the offence committed by his father (if any were) against the king. Moreover, some thought, that he had much wrong to die, because the matter fell out even as he had prophesied: for the day before the Ascension day, king john had resigned the superiority of his kingdom (as they took the matter) unto the pope, and had done to him homage, so that he was no absolute king indeed, as authors affirm. One cause, and that not the least which moved king john the sooner to agree with the pope, rose through the words of the said heremit, that did put such a fear of some great mishap in his hart, which should grow through the disloyalty of his people, that it made him yield the sooner. But to the matter again.  
King john (after his captains in Flanders had sped so well as before ye have heard) prepared to make a voyage into Guien, not much regarding the matter, in that the realm stood as yet interdicted. But when he understood by his lords, that they would not go with him except the interdicting might first be released, and he clearly absolved of the pope's curse, to the end that God's wrath and the pope's being fully pacified towards him, he might with better speed move and maintain the wars, he was constrained to change his purpose, and so coming to Winchester, dispatched forth a messenger with letters, signed with the hands of four and twenty earls and barons, to the archbishop of Canturburie, 
King john writeth to the archbishop & the other bishops to return.  and the bishops of London, Lincoln, and Hereford, as then sojourning in France, requiring them with all the other banished men to return into England, promising them by his letters patents, not only a sure safeconduct for their coming over, but that he would also forget all passed displeasures, and frankly restore unto every man all that by his means had been wrongfully taken from them, and as yet by him detained.  
The archbishop and the other bishops receiving the king's letters, 
The bishops do return.  with all speed made haste to come into England, and so arriving at Dover the sixtéenth day of julie, with other the banished men, they went to Winchester, where the king yet remained, 
They came to Winchester the 20 of julie.  who hearing that the bishops were come, went forth to receive them, and at his first meeting with the archbishop of Canturburie, he kneeled down at his feet, 
The K. kneeleth to the archbishop.  and besought him of forgiveness, and that it would please him and the other bishops also to provide for the relief of the miserable state of the realm. Herewith the water standing in diverse of their eyes on both sides, they entered into the city, the people greatly rejoicing to behold the head of the commonwealth agree at length with the members. This was in the year after the birth of our Saviour 1213.  
King john required of the archbishop (having as then the pope's power in his hands, because he was his legate) to be absolved, promising upon his solemn received oath, 
The king prayeth to be absolved.  that he would (afore all things) defend the church and the order of priesthood from receiving any wrongs. Also, that he would restore the old laws made by the ancient kings of England, and namely those of S. Edward, which were almost extinguished and forgotten. And further, that he would make recompense to all men whom he had by any means in damaged. This done, 
He is absolved.  he was absolved by the archbishop, & shortly after he sent his orators to Rome, to entreat with the bishop to take away the interdiction of the land. On the morrow after also, the king sent his letters unto all the sheriffs of the counties within the realm, commanding them to summon four lawful men of every town belonging to the demeans of the crown, to make their appearance at S. Albon, upon the 4 day of August, that they and other might make inquisition of the losses which every bishop had sustained, 
A quest of inquiry.  what had been taken from them, and what ought to be restored to them as due for the same.  
The archbishop for that time taking his leave of the king, went to Canturburie, where he restored the monks to their abbey, 
The archbishop taketh possession of his see.  and then took possession of his see, being the two and fortieth archbishop that had ruled the same. In the mean time, the king repaired to Portesmouth, there to take the sea to sail over into Poictow, committing the rule of the realm unto Geffrey Fitz Peter or Fitz Peers, lord chief justice, and to the bishop of Winchester, commanding them to use the counsel and advise of the archbishop of Canturburie, in governing things touching the commonwealth. Herewith there came also line 10 to the king a great multitude of men of war, alleging, that they had spent in staying for him, and his going over sea all their money, so that he must now needs give them wages, 
The lords refuse to follow the king into France.  if he would have them to pass over with him into France. The which when he refused to do, he was constrained to take the water with his own servants, arriving about a three days after at the isle of jersey: but perceiving that none of his lords followed him according to his commandment, as one disappointed of aid, he returned line 20 back again into England, there to take further order for this their misdemeanour.  
Whilst these things were thus in doing, Geffrey Fitz Peter, and the bishop of Winchester were come to S. Albon, together with the archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops and peers of the realm, where the king's peace being proclaimed to all men, it was on his behalf straitly commanded, that the laws of K. Henry his grandfather should be observed universally within his realm, 
King Henry the first his laws.  and that all unjust laws and ordinances should be abrogated. line 30 It was also commanded, that no sheriff, nor forester, nor other minister of the kings, should upon pain of life and limb, take violently any thing of any man by way of extortion, nor presume to wrong any man, or to fine any man, as they had afore time been accustomed to do.  
After this, the king being come back from his journey, which he purposed to have made into Poictow, assembled an army, and meant to have gone line 40 against those lords which had refused to go with him, but the archbishop of Canturburie coming to him at Northampton, sought to appease his mood, and to cause him to stay, but yet in his furious rage he went forward till he came to Nottingham, and there with much ado, 
The archbishop menaceth to excommunicate those that assist the king.  the archbishop following him with threatening to excommunicate all those that should aid him, procured him to leave off his enterprise.  
Then the archbishop (about the five and twentieth day of August) came to London, there to take advise line 50 for the reformation of things touching the good government of the commonwealth. But here whilst the archbishop, with other peers of the realm devised orders very necessary (as was thought) for the state of the commonwealth, the king doubting least the same should be a bridle for him to restrain his authority royal from doing things to his pleasure, he began to find fault, and seemed as though he had repent himself of his large promises made for his reconciliation: but the archbishop of Canturburie line 60 so assuaged his mood, and persuaded him, by opening unto him what danger would ensue both to him and to his realm, if he went from the agreement, that he was glad to be quiet for fear of further trouble.  
In this hurlie burlie also the lords and peers of the realm (by the setting on of the archbishop) were earnestly bend to have the king to restore and confirm the grant which his grandfather king Henry the first had by his charter granted and confirmed to his subjects, which to do, king john thought greatly prejudicial to his royal estate and dignity. The earl of Tholouse having lost all his possessions, 
Ralph Cog. The earl of Tholouse.  the city of Tholouse only excepted, came over into England, & rendered the said city into the hands of king john, and received at his departure, the sum of ten thousand marks as was reported, by the bountiful gift of king john.  
Upon the second of October, 
Matth. Paris. Geffrey Fitz Péers or Fitz Peter departeth this life.  Geffrey Fitz Peter earl of Essex and lord chief justice of England departed this life, a man of great power and authority, in whose politic direction and government, the order of things pertaining to the commonwealth chiefly consisted. He was of a noble mind, expert in knowledge of the laws of the land, rich in possessions, and joined in blood or affinity with the more part of all the Nobles of the realm, so that his death was no small loss to the commonwealth: for through him and the archbishop Hubert, the king was oftentimes revoked from such wilful purposes, as now and then he was determined to have put in practice, in so much that the king, as was reported (but how truly I cannot tell) seemed to rejoice for his death, because he might now work his will without any to control him.  
The same time, to wit, about the feast of saint Michael, 
A cardinal sent into England.  came Nicholas the cardinal of Tusculane into England, sent from the pope, to take away the interdiction, if the king would stand to that agreement which he had made and promised by his oath to perform. King john received this cardinal in most honourable wise, and gladly heard him in all things that he had to say. This legate at his coming to Westminster, deposed the abbot of that place, named William from his room, for that he was accused both of wasting the revenues of the house, and also of notable incontinency. Moreover the burgesses of the town of Oxford came unto him to obtain absolution of their offence, 
The burgesses of Oxford require absolution.  in that through their presumption, the three scholars (of whom ye have heard before) were hanged there, to the great terror of all the residue. To be short, they were absolved and penance enjoined them, that they should strip them out of their apparel at every church in the town, and going barefooted with scourges in their hands, they should require the benefit of absolution of every parish priest within their town, saying the psalm of Miserere.  
After this, the said cardinal called a council or convocation of the clergy, 
A convocation called by the cardinal.  to reform such things touching the state of the church as should be thought requisite. And though he handled not this matter with such favour and uprightness as the bishops wished on their behalfs, yet he caused king john to restore the most part of all those goods that remained unspent, and also the value of half of those that were consumed and made away, unto those persons as well spiritual as temporal, from whom they had been taken in time of the discord betwixt him and the pope. But before all things could be thus quieted and set in order betwixt the king and the bishops, many meetings were had, as at London, Reading, Wallingford, and in other places.  
Now the archbishop and prelate's for their parts thought this recompense to be but small, in respect of the great losses and hindrances which they had sustained: and to have the whole restitution delayed, they took it not well. Howbeit the cardinal leaned so to the king's side (having received of him to the pope's use the charter of subjection of the realms of England and Ireland, now bulled with gold, where at the first it was delivered to Pandulph sealed only with wax. But their suit came to little effect, and in the end it fell out in such wise, that their complaint was less regarded. Moreover, the rating of the value which the king should restore unto the archbishop, and the other bishops, was by agreement of the king and them together, appointed unto four barons indifferently chosen betwixt them.  
At length notwithstanding that devise took no place: for it was otherwise decreed by the pope, that the king should restore to them the sum of forty thousand marks, 
 of the which he had paid already twelve thousand, before the return of the said archbishop and bishops into the realm, and fifteen thousand more at the late meeting had betwixt them at Reading, so that there remained only 13000 behind: for not only the king, but also the cardinal had sent to the pope, requiring him to take direction in the matter, and to advertise him, that there was a line 10 great fault in the archbishop and his fellows. In so much that Pandulph which was sent to him from the legate, 
King john commended to the pope for an humble prince.  declared in favour of the king, that there was not a more humble and modest prince to be found than king john, and that the archbishop and his fellows were too hard, and showed themselves too covetous in requiring the restitution that should be made to them for losses sustained in time of the interdiction.  
Now the cause wherefore the legate and the king line 20 did send unto the pope, was this. There was some grudge betwixt the legate and the archbishop, for that where the pope had written to the legate, how he should (according to the order of the ancient canons of the church) place in every bishops see and abbey (that was void) meet and able persons to rule and guide the same, 
Matth. Paris. The presumption of the cardinal.  the legate presuming on that authority granted him by the pope, without the advise of the archbishop or other bishops, took only with him certain of the king's chapleins, and coming with line 30 them to such churches as were vacant, ordained in them such persons as were nothing meet to take such charge upon them, and that according to the old abuse of England, as Matthew Paris saith. Whereupon the archbishop of Canturburie repining at such doings, year 1214 sent to the legate as then being at Burton upon Trent, 
Burton upon Trent. Dunstable. A synod. Discord betwixt the cardinal and the archbishop of Canturburie.  two of his chapleins from Dunstable (where he and his suffragans held as then a synod, after the feast of the epiphany) commanding him by way of appeal, in no wise to meddle with instituting line 40 any governors to churches, within the precinct of his jurisdiction, where such institutions belonged only to him.  
Hereupon therefore the legate dispatched Pandulph to Rome unto the pope as is aforesaid, and the king likewise sent ambassadors thither, as the bishop of Norwich, and the archdeacon of Northumberland, with others, the which in the end so behaved themselves in their suit, that notwithstanding Simon Langton the archbishop's brother earnestly withstood line 50 them, as proctor for the bishops, yet at length, the pope took order in the matter, writing unto his legate, that he should see the same fulfilled, and then absolve the realm of the former interdiction. In this mean time, king john made provision to go over into France (as after ye shall hear) but at his going over he committed the whole ordering of this matter unto the legate, and to William Marshal the earl of Penbroke. The legate therefore upon the receipt of the pope's bulls, called a council at London, line 60 and there declaring what was contained in the same, he took hands for payment of the residue of the forty thousand marks which was behind, being 13000 only, as before I have said.  
About the same time also, Walter Grace bishop of Worcester was removed to the government of the see of York, 
Walter Grace bishop of Worcester is removed to the see of York.  which had been vacant ever since the death of the archbishop Geffrey. This Walter was the three & thirtieth archbishop that governed that see. But now to return and speak of the king's affairs in the parts beyond the sea. Ye shall understand, that having set his business in some good stay at home with the legate, he applied his study to the performance of his war● abroad, and therefore he first sent money into Flanders to pay the soldiers wages, 
Money sent 〈◊〉 to Flanders.  which he had sent thither to aid the earl there against king Philip. Which earl came over this year into England, and at Canturburie the king received him, where he did homage to the king for the whole earldom of Flanders: 
Ralph Cog. The earl of Flanders do●th homage to K. john.  and on the other part, the king as well to the said earl, as to such lords and bishops which came over with him, declared his royal liberality by princely gifts of gold, silver, jewels, and precious stones. After his return, such captains as remained in his country with their bands at the king of England's pay, 
Matth. Par●●. The lands of the earl of Gu●snes wasted.  made a journey into France, and wasted the lands that belonged to the earl of Guisnes, wan the castle of Bruncham, and razed it, taking within it diverse men of arms and demilances. They also wan by siege the town of Air, and burned it. The castle of lians they took by assault, and slew many soldiers that defended it, beside those which they took prisoners.  
Moreover, they wasted and destroyed the lands which jews the French kings son was possessed of in those parts. In the mean time, king john having prepared a mighty navy, and a strong army of valiant soldiers, took sea at Portsmouth on Candlemas day, with his wife, his son Richard, & Elinor the sister of Arthur duke of Britain. He had not many of his earls or barons with him, but a great number of knights and gentlemen, with whom he landed at Rochel in safety, within a few days after his setting forth. He took over with him inestimable treasure, as it was reported; in gold, silver, and jewels. Immediately upon his arrival at Rochel, the barons of Poictow revolted from the French king, and coming in to king john, did homage unto him, as to their king and sovereign lord.  
But howsoever it was, after the truce began to expire which he had granted unto the earls of Marsh and Augi, on the friday before Whitsunday he came with his army before the castle of Meirevent, 
Anno. Reg●●  which belonged unto Geffrey de Lucignam, and on the day next ensuing, being Whitsun eve, he wan the same. On Whitsunday he laid siege unto Novant, 
Meirevent. Geffrey de Lucignam.  an other castle belonging to the same Geffrey, who as then was lodged in the same, and also two of his sons: but within three days after that the siege was laid, the earl of Marsh came to king john, 
Novant.  and did so much prevail, that through his means, both Geffrey and his two sons were received to mercy, and king john put in possession of the castle. After this, because king john was advertised, that jews the French kings son had now besieged Mountcounter, a castle that was appertaining to the said Geffrey, he hasted thitherwards, and came to Parthenay, whither came to him as well the foresaid earl of Marsh, as also the earl of Augi, and both they together with the said Geffrey de Lucignam, did homage to our king, 
Mountcounter.  and so became his liege men. The same time also, the lady jane the king's daughter was affianced to the said earl of Marsh his son, 
Parthenay.  whereas the French king made means to have her married to his son: 
jane the daughter of king john married to the earl of Mars●.  but because king john doubted lest that suit was attempted but under some cloaked pretence, he would give no ear thereto, but rather made this match with the earl of Marsh, in hope so to assure himself of the said earl, that he might stand him in no small steed to defend his cause against his adversaries of France. But now to the doings in England.  
¶ Ye have heard before how pope Innocent (or r●ther Nocent, who was the root of much mischief and trouble, which qualities are nothing consonant to his name) according to that king john had required of him by solemn messengers, directed his bulls unto his legate Nicholas, declaring upon what conditions his pleasure was to have the sentence of interdiction released. Wherein first he commanded that the king should satisfy and pay so much money unto the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London and Elie, as should fully amount to the sum of 40 thousand marks (with that which already he had paid, which was 27 thousand marks, at two several payments, as upon his accounts appeared.) For true contentation and payment to be line 10 made of the residue, he ordained that the king should be sworn, and also seal to an obligation, and certain sureties with him (as the bishops of Norwich and Winchester, with the earls of Chester, Winchester, and Marshal) all which things were performed at this present, so that after the assurance so taken for payment of the odd 13 thousand marks behind, residue of the 40 thousand marks, 
The interdiction released.  the interdiction was taken utterly away, and the land solemnly released by the legate, sitting within the cathedral line 20 church of S. Paul at London, upon the 29 of june, in the year 1214, after the term of six years, three months, and 14 days, that the realm had been stricken with that dreadful dart of correction, as it was then esteemed.  
King john in the mean time remaining still in France, and finding at the beginning fortune favourable enough unto him, by reason his power was much increased by the aid of the Poictovins, determined to attempt the winning of Britain, for this line 30 cause specially, that he might by so doing weaken the French kings power, and partly also to withdraw him from the wars of Flanders, on which side he had procured likewise the French borders to be invaded with great force, and that not only by the earl and such captains as he had sent thither, and retained in wages, but also by the emperor Otho, who in proper person came down into that country himself. 
The emperor Otho.   
Hereupon king john went forth with all his line 40 power of horsemen, 
K. john invadeth Britain.  and entering into Britain, made roads through the country, wasting the same even to the walls of Aunts: but shortly after the Britaines assembled together, under the leading of Peter, the son of Robert earl of Drieux (the French kings uncle, who had married the lady Adela, daughter to duke Guy of Britain) and marching forth into the field to defend their country from the enemies, came to join with them in battle. At the first there was a very sharp encounter, but at length the line 50 Britain's being vanquished and put to flight, 
The Britain's put to flight.  a great number of them were taken prisoners, and amongst other their captains, the foresaid Peter was one, whom king john sent away with all the rest unto Angiers, 
Peter the earl of Drieux his son taken prisoner.  to be kept in safeguard until he should return.  
After this, he besieged a castle that stood upon the bank of the river of Loier, called La Roch aumoyne, enforcing his whole endeavour to have won it. 
The French kings son came to fight with king john.  But yer he could attain his purpose, he was advertised line 60 that jews the son of king Philip was coming towards him with a great power to raise his siege. Wherefore having no great confidence in the Poictovins, and understanding that jews brought with him a very strong army, he took advise of his council, who judged that it should be best for him to break up his siege and to departed, which he did, 

K. john removeth to Angiers.  
The Poictovins subdued by the French. The battle at the bridge of Bovins,   and went straight ways to Angiers. jews (after king john was thus retired) brought the Poictovins again to subjection, and put the chief authors of the rebellion to death. In the mean time also his father king Philip with like success, but in a fought field, vanquished the emperor Otho at the bridge of Bovins on the 28 day of julie, as in the history of France more at large appear. There among other prisoners, the three earls of Flanders Salisbury and Bullogne were taken.  
Now king john being advertised of that overthrow, was marvelously sad and sorrowful for the chance, in somuch that he would not receive any meat in a whole day after the news thereof was brought unto him. 
The saying of king john.  At length turning his sorrow into rage, he openly said, that since the time that he made himself & his kingdom subject to the church of Rome, nothing that he did had prospered well with him. Indeed he condescended to an agreement with the pope (as may be thought) more by force than of devotion, and therefore rather dissembled with the pope (sith he could not otherwise choose) than agreed to the covenants with any hearty affection.  
But to the purpose. Perceiving himself now destitute of his best friends, of whom diverse remained prisoners with the French king (being taken at the battle of Bovins) he thought good to agree with king Philip for this present, by way of taking some truce, which by mediation of ambassadors riding to and fro betwixt them, 
A truce taken betwixt the two kings of England & France.  was at length accorded to endure for five years, and to begin at Easter, in the year of our Lord, 1215. After this, about the 19 day of October he returned into England, to appease certain tumults which began already to shoot out buds of some new civil dissension. And surly the same spread abroad their blossoms so freshly, that the fruit was knit before the growth by any timely provision could be hindered. For the people being set on by diverse of the superiors of both sorts, finding themselves grieved that the king kept not promise in restoring the ancient laws of S. Edward, determined from thenceforth to use force, since by request he might not prevail. To appease this fury of the people, not only policy but power also was required, for the people undertaking an evil enterprise, specially raising a tumult or joining in a conspiracy are as hardly suppressed and vanquished as Hydra the monster having many: heads and therefore it is well said, that 
— comes est discordia vulgi,  
Námque à turbando nomen sibi turba recepit.   
The Nobles supposing that longer delay therein was not to be suffered, assembled themselves together at the abbeie of Bury (under colour of going thither to do their devotions to the body of S. Edmund which lay there enshrined) where they uttered their complaint of the kings tyrannical manners, 
A cloaked pilgrimage.  alleging how they were oftentimes called forth to serve in the wars & to fight in defence of the realm, and yet notwithstanding were still oppressed at home by the king's officers, who (upon confidence of the laws) attempted all things whatsoever they conceived. And if any man complained, or alleged that he received wrong at their hands, they would answer by and by, that they had law on their side to do as they had done, so that it was no wrong but right which they did, and therefore if they that were the lords and peers of the realm were men, it stood them upon to provide that such inconveniences might be avoided, and better laws brought in use, by the which their ancestors lived in a more quiet and happy state.  
There was brought forth and also read an ancient charter made sometime by Henry the first (which 
The charter of K. Henry the first.  charter Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie had delivered unto them before in the city of London) contemning the grant of certain liberties according to the laws of king Edward the confessor, 
A firebrand of dissension.  profitable to the church and barons of the realm, which they purposed to have universally executed over all the land. And therefore being thus assembled in the queer of the church of S. Edmund, they received a solemn oath upon the altar there, that if the king would not grant to the same liberties, with others which be of his own accord had promised to confirm to them, they would from thenceforth make war upon him, till they had obtained their purpose, and enforced him to grant, not only to all these their petitions, but also yield to the confirmation of them under his scale, for ●uer to remain most steadfast and inviolable. line 10  

Bernewell.  The chief cause that moved the lords to this conspiracy, rose by reason the king demanded escuage of them that refused to go with him into Poictow: and they on the other part maintained, that they were not bound to pay it, for any wars which the king made in the parts beyond the seas. But he to prove that he ought to have it, declared how in his fathers and brother's time it was paid, and therefore he ought to have it. Much ado there was about this matter at the first broaching thereof, and more ado line 20 there had been, if the legates presence had not somewhat sta●ed the parties. But after they had gotten the charter of king Henry the first at the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, they made such a sinister interpretation thereof, that supposing it to serve their turns, they proceeded in their wilful opinions (as above is mentioned.)  
Finally it was determined amongst them, that shortly after Christmas, they should go to the king, and require of him that they might have those laws line 30 restored, which he had promised to them (as is aforesaid.) But forasmuch as they knew well that their suit would not be thankfully accepted, in the mean time they provided themselves of horse, armour, and other furniture for the war, thereby to be in the better readiness and safeguard, if in exhibiting their request, the matter did grow to any such enforcement. They appointed also diverse of the most ancient lords to move the said matter to the king, in all their names, who was as then at Worcester, and being line 40 advertised of this conspiracy, as soon as the feast of Christmas was passed, he went straight to London: thither came the lords also with like speed, year 1215 leaving their men in the towns and villages abroad, 
Matt. Paris Polydor.  to be ready upon any sudden warning to come unto them, if need should so require.  
Being come into his presence, they required of him that it might please him, 
The lords present their request to the king.  first, to appoint the exercise and use of those ancient laws unto them, by the which the kings of England in times past ruled line 50 their subjects: secondly, that according to his promise, he would abrogate those newer laws, which every man might with good cause name mere wrongs, rather than laws: and thirdly they required of him the performance of all other things, which he had most faithfully of late undertaken to observe. The king (though somewhat contrary to his nature) having heard their request, gave them a very gentle answer. For perceiving them ready with force to constrain him, if by gentleness they might not prevail, line 60 he thought it should be more safe and easy for him to turn their unquiet minds with soft remedies than to go about to break them of their wills by strong hand, which is a thing very dangerous, especially where both parts are of like force. 
The K. promiseth to consider of their requests.  Therefore he promised them within a few days, to have consideration of their request.  
And to the intent they might give the more credit to his words, he caused the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Elie, with William Marshal earl of Penbroke (unto whom he had given his daughter Elinor in marriage) to undertake for him, and as it were to become his sureties: which willingly they did. Herewith the minds of the Nobility being somewhat pacified, returned home to their houses. The king soon after also, 
Matth. Paris. The king demandeth a new oath of allegiance of his subjects.  to assure himself the more effectually of the allegiance of his people in time to come, caused every man to renew his homage, and to take a new oath to be faithful to him against all other persons. And to provide the more surly for himself, on Candlemas day next ensuing, he took upon him the cross to go into the holy land, 
The king ●●●keth on him the cross.  which I think he did rather for fear than any devotion, as was also thought by other, to the end that he might (under the protection thereof) remain the more out of danger of such as were his foes. In which point of dissimulation he showed himself prudent, observing the counsel of the wiseman, 
— in●lusum cord dolorem  
Dissimula atque tace, ne deteriora subinde  
Damma feras.   
¶ Some say that a great part of this variance that chanced between king john and his barons, 
The causes 〈◊〉 the discord betwixt the king and his barons. Fabian. Caxton. The earl of Chester. Hector Boet. The king's covetousness.  was because the king would without skilful advise have exiled the earl of Chester, and for none other occasion than for that he had oftentimes advised him to leave his cruel dealing, and also his accustomed adultery with his brother's wife and others. Other writ, that the same dissension rose by reason of the great cruelty, and unreasonable avarice, which the king used towards all the states and degrees of his subjects, as well towards them of the spirituality, as of the temporalty. The prelates therefore of the realm sore repining at his doings, 
The repining of the clergy against the K.  for that they could not patiently suffer such exaction to be levied of their livings (contrary as they took it to the liberty of the church) found means through practice, to persuade both the kings of Scotland and France to aid and support them against him, by linking themselves together with sundry noblemen of England. But these seem to be conjectures of such writers as were evil affected towards the king's cause.  
Now therefore to the sequel of the matter. The king having sent away the barons with a gentle answer, 
Polydor.  though he minded nothing less than to satisfy them in that they did demand, because it made much against his royal prerogative: and therewith foreseeing that the matter would be like to grow at length to be tried by force, he began to doubt his own estate, and therefore prepared an army, and fortified diverse castles and places with men, munition, and victuals, into the which he might retire for his safety in any time of need. The barons which understood the king's diligence herein, and conjecturing thereof his whole intent, made ready also their power, appointing for their general one Robert Fitz Walter, a man both excellent in counsel, 
Robert Fitz Walter.  and valiant in war. Herewith they came unto the archbishop of Canturburie, presenting unto him a book, wherein was contained a note of all the articles of their petitions, 
The archb. of Canturburie moveth the K. to satisfy the requests of the barons.  & required him to understand the king's mind touching the same. The archbishop coveting to extinguish the sedition (whereof he himself had been no small kindler) which was like to grow, if the Nobility were not pacified the sooner, talked with the king, and exhorted his grace very instantly to satisfy the requests of his barons, and herewith did show the book of the articles which they had delivered unto him.  
The king, when he saw what they demanded (which in effect was a new order in things touching the whole state of the common wealth) swore in a great fury, 
The king refuseth to gri● their petitions Matt. Paris.  that he would never condescend unto those petitions. Whereof when the barons had knowledge, they got them straight unto armour, making their assembly at Stamford in the Easter week, whither they had drawn unto them almost the whole Nobility, and gathered an exceeding great army. For the commons flocked unto them from every part, because the king was generally hated of the more part of his subjects.  
It was conjectured that there were in that army the number of two thousand knights, beside yeomen on horseback or demilances (as I may call them) and footmen appareled in diverse sorts of armour. The chief ringleaders of this power were these, whose names ensue: 
The names of the lords that banded themselves against the king.  Robert Fitz Walter, Eustace Uescie, Richard Percy, Robert Roos, Peter de Breuse, Nicholas de Stutevill, Saer earl of Winchester, line 10 Robert earl of Clare, Henry earl of Clare, Richard earl de Bigot, William de Mowbray, William de Cressey, Ralph Fitz Robert, Robert de Vere, Foulke Fitz Warren, Will. Mallet, William de Montacute, William de Beauchampe, Simon de Kime, William Marshal the younger, William Manduit, Robert de Montibigonis, john Fitz Robert, john Fitz Alane, G. Lavale, O. Fitz Alane, W. de Hobrug, O. de Uales, G. de Gaunt, line 20 Maurice de Gaunt, Robert de Brakesley, Robert de Mounfichet, Will. de Lanualley, G. de Maundevile earl of Essex, William his brother, William de Huntingfield, Robert de Gresley, G. constable of Menton, Alexander de Panton, Peter Fitz john, Alexander de Sutton, Osbert de body, john constable of Chester, Thomas de Muleton, Conan Fitz Helie, and many other; they had also of council with them as chief the archbishop of Canturburie.  
The king as then was at Oxford, who hearing of the assembly which the barons made, 
Anno Reg. 17.  and that they line 30 were come to Brakesley, 
Matth. Paris.  on the monday next after the octaves of Easter, he sent unto them the archbishop of Canturburie, 
The king sendeth to the lords.  in whom he reposed great confidence, and William Marshal earl of Penbroke, to understand what they meant by that their assembling thus together. Whereupon they delivered to the same messengers a roll containing the ancient liberties, privileges and customs of the realm, signifying that if the king would not confirm the same, they would not cease to make him war, till line 40 he should satisfy their requests in that behalf.  
The archbishop and the earl returning to the king, showed him the whole circumstance of that which the barons demanded, who took great indignation thereat, and scornfully said; Why do they not ask to have the kingdom also? Finally, he affirmed with an oath, that he would never grant any such liberties, whereby he should become a slave. Hereupon the archbishop and the earl of Penbroke line 50 returned to the barons, and declared the king's denial to confirm their articles. Then the barons naming their host The army of God and the holy church, 
The barons give a plausible name to their army.  set forward, and first came unto Northampton, and besieging the town, when they could not prevail, because the same was well provided for defence aforehand, 
Northampton besieged.  they departed from thence, and came towards Bedford to besiege the castle there, in which sir William Beauchampe was captain, 
They won the town but not the castle. Matth. West.  who being secretly confederate with them, delivered line 60 the place incontinently into their hands.  

Bedford castle delivered to the barons.  Whilst they remained here a certain time to fortify and furnish the castle with necessary provision, there came letters to them from London, giving them to understand, that if they would send a convenient power of soldiers to defend the city, the same should be received thereinto at some meet and reasonable time in the night season by the citizens, who would join with them in that quarrel against the king to the uttermost of their powers. The lords were glad of these news, to have the chief city of the realm to take part with them, and therefore they sent four bands of soldiers streightwaies thither, which were brought into the city in the night season (according to order aforehand taken.) But as Matt. Paris saith, they were received into the city by Algate, the 24 of May being sunday, whilst the citizens were at mass. The next day they made open rebellion, took such as they knew favoured the king, broke into the houses of the jews, & spoilt them.  
The barons having thus gotten possession of the city of London, wrote letters unto all those lords which as yet had not joined with them in this confederacy, 
Matth. Paris.  threatening that if they refused to aid them now in this necessity, 
The barons writ to other of the nobility to join with them against the king,  they would destroy their castles, manors, parks, and other possessions, making open war upon them as the enemies of God, and rebels to the church. These were the names of those lords which yet had not sworn to maintain the foresaid liberties, William Martial earl of Penbroke, Rainulfe earl of Chester, Nicholas earl of Salisbury, William earl Warren, William earl of Albemarle, H. earl of Cornwall, W. de Albenie, Robert de Ueipount, Peter Fitz Herbert, Brian de Lisley, G. de Lucy, G. de Furnival, Thomas Basset, H. de Braibrooke, I. de Bassingborne, W. de Cantlow, H. de Cornwall, john Fitz Hugh, Hugh de Nevil, Philip de Albenie, john Martial, and William Brewer. All these upon receipt of the barons letters, or the more part of them came to London, and joined themselves with the barons, utterly renouncing to aid king john.  
Also the plées in the exchequer ceased, and the sheriffs stayed from executing their office. 
The king lest desolate of friends.  For there was none that would pay any money to the king's use, nor any that did obey him, in somuch that there remained with him but only seven horsemen of all his train at one time (as some writ) though soon after he had a great power, which came to him to the castle of Windsor, where he than lay, 
Polydor.  and meant to have led the same against the lords with all speed. But hearing now of this new rebellion of the Londoners, he changed his purpose and durst not departed from Windsor, being brought in great doubt lest all the other cities of the realm would follow their example. Hereupon he thought good to assay if he might come to some agreement by way of communication, and incontinently sent his ambassadors to the barons, promising them that he would satisfy their requests, if they would come to Windsor to talk with him.  
Howbeit, 
The lords encamped betwixt Stanes and Windsor.  the lords having no confidence in his promise came with their army within three miles of Windsor, and their pitched down their tents in a meadow betwixt Stanes and Windsor, whither king john also came the 15 day of june, and showed such friendly countenance towards every one of them, 
K. john cometh to them to talk of some pacification.  that they were put in good hope he meant no deceit. Being thus met, they fell in consultation about an agreement to be had. 
Matth. Paris.  On the king's part (as it were) sat the archbishops of Canturburie and Dublin, the bishops of London, Winchester, Lincoln, Bath, Worcester, Coventrie, Rochester, and Pandulph the pope's Nuncio, with Almerike master of the knight's templars: the earls of Penbroke, Salisbury, Warren, Arundel, Alane de Galoway, William Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Alane Basset, Hugh de Nevil, Hubert de Burgh seneschal of Poictou, Robert de Ropley, john Martial, and Philip de Albenie. On the barons part, there were innumerable, for all the nobility of England was in a manner assembled there together.  
Finally, when the king measuring his own strength with the barons, perceived that he was not able to resist them, he consented to subscribe and seal to such articles concerning the liberties demanded, in form for the most part as is contained in the two charters Magna Charta, and Charta de Foresta, 
Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta.  beginning johannes Deigratia, etc. And he did not only grant unto them their petitions touching the foresaid liberties, but also to win him further credit, was contented that they should choose out certain grave and honourable personages, which should have authority and power to see those things performed which he then granted unto them.  
There were twenty five of those that were so elected, namely these. The earls of Clare, Albemarle, Gloucester, Winchester, and Hereford: also earl Roger, earl Robert, earl Martial the younger, line 10 Robert Fitz Walter the younger, Gilbert de Clare, Eustace de Uescie, Hugh Bigot, William de Mowbray, the mayor of London, Gilbert de la Uale, Robert de Roos, john constable of Chester, Richard de Percy, john Fitz Robert, William Mallet, Geffrey de Say, Roger de Mowbray, William de Huntingfield, Richard de Mountfichet, and William de Albenie. These five and twenty were sworn to see the liberties granted and confirmed by the king to be in every point observed, but if he went against line 20 the same, than they should have authority to compel him to the observing of every of them.  
Moreover, there were other that were sworn to be obedient, and as it were assistant unto these five and twenty peers in such things as they should appoint, which were these. The earl of Arundel, the earl Warren by his attornie, Henry Doilie, Hubert de Burgh, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Robert de Pinknie, Roger Huscarle, Robert de Newburgh, Henry de Pont Audoin, Ralph de la Hay, Henry line 30 de Brentfield, Warren Fitz Gerald, Thomas Basset, William de Buckland, William de saint john, Alane Basset, Richard de Rivers, Hugh de Bonevale, jordain de Sackuille, Ralph Musgrave, Richard Siflewast, Robert de Ropeley, Andrew de Beauchampe, Walter de Dunstable, Walter Folioth, Foukes de Brent, john Martial, Philip Daubnie, William de Perca, Ralph de Normandy, William de Percy, William Agoilum, Engerand line 40 de Pratellis, William de Cirenton, Roger de Zuche, 
The chatelains of four castles.  Roger Fitz Barnard, and Godfrey de Grancombe. It was further ordered, that the chatelains or constables (as I may call them) of the four castles of Northampton, Killingworth, Nottingham, and Scarborow, should be sworn to the five and twenty peers, to govern those castles in such wise as they should have in commandment from the said five and twenty peers, or from the greater part of them: and that such should be placed as chatelains in the same, as were thought to be most true and line 50 faithful unto the barons and the realm. ¶ It was also decreed, that certain strangers, as Flemings and other, should be banished out of England.  
The king hereupon sent his letters patents unto the sheriffs of all the counties of this realm, commanding them to see the ordinances and liberties which he granted and confirmed, to be diligently observed. And for the more strengthening of this his grant, he had gotten the pope to confirm a like charter line 60 granted the year before. For the pope (sith king john was become his obedient vassal, and the apostolic king) easily granted to gratify both him and his lords herein, and so was the grant of the liberties corroborated & made good with a double confirmation, and so sealed, that it was impossible for them to be separated in sunder, the kings grant being annexed to the pope's bull.  
Immediately also upon the confirmation now made by the king, diverse lords came to him, and required restitution of such possessions, lands, and houses, as he had in his hands▪ the right whereof (as they alleged) appertained to them: but he excused the matter, and shifted them off, till by inquest taken, it might appear what right every man had to those things which they then claimed: and furthermore assigned them a day to be holden at Westminster, which was the sixteenth day of julie. But yer he restored at that time the castle of Rochester unto the archbishop of Canturburie, the barons having obtained a great piece of their purpose (as they thought) returned to London with their charter sealed, the date whereof was this: 
Rochester c●stell restored to the archb.. 〈◊〉 Canturburie.  Given by our own hand, in the meadow called Kuningsmede or Rimemede, betwixt Stanes and Windsor, the fifteenth of june, in the eighteenth year of our reign.  
Great rejoicing was made for this conclusion of peace betwixt the king and his barons, the people judging that God had touched the king's heart, 
Matt. Paris.  and mollified it, whereby happy days were come for the realm of England, as though it had been delivered out of the bondage of Egypt: but they were much deceived, 
The king's impatiency 〈◊〉 see himself bridled by 〈◊〉 subjects.  for the king having condescended to make such grant of liberties, far contrary to his mind▪ was right sorrowful in his heart, cursed his mother that bore him, the hour that he was borne, and the paps that gave him suck, wishing that he had received death by violence of sword or knife, in steed of natural nourishment: he whetted his teeth, he did bite now on one staff, and now on an other as he walked, and oft broke the same in pieces when he had done, and with such disordered behaviour and furious gestures he uttered his grief, in such sort that the Noble men very well perceived the inclination of his inward affection concerning these things, before the breaking up of the council, and therefore sore lamented the state of the realm, guessing what would follow of his impatiency and displeasant taking of the matter.  
Hereupon they said among themselves, Woe be to us, yea rather to the whole realm that wanteth a sufficient king, and is governed by a tyrant that seeketh the subversion thereof. Now hath our sovereign lord made us subject to Rome, and to the Romish court, so that we must henceforth obtain our protection from thence. It is very much to be feared, lest we do feel hereafter some further piece of mischief to light upon us suddenly. We never heard of any king that would not gladly endeavour to withdraw his neck from bondage & captivity, but ours of his own accord voluntarily submitteth himself to become vassal to every stranger. And thus the lords lamenting the case, left the king, and returned to London (as before ye have heard.)  
But the king disquieted not a little, for that he was thus driven to yield so far unto the barons, 
The king departeth into the isle of Wight.  notwithstanding as much as was possible he kept his purpose secret, devised by what means he might disappoint all that had been done, and promised on his part, at this assembly betwixt him and the lords a pacification (as ye have heard.) Wherefore the next day very late in the evening, he secretly departed to Southampton, and so over into the isle of Wight, where he took advice with his council what remedy he might find to quiet the minds of his lords and barons, and to bring them unto his purpose. 
He sendeth ambassadors to the pope.  At length after much debating of the matter, it was concluded by the advise of the greater part, that the king should require the pope's aid therein. And so Walter the bishop of Worcester, & john the bishop of Norwich, with one Richard Marish his chancellor, with all speed were sent as ambassadors from the king unto pope Innocent, to instruct him of the rebellion of the English Nobility, and that he constrained by force had granted them certain laws and privileges, hurtful to his realm, and prejudicial to his crown.  
Moreover, sith that all this was done by the authority of the pope, the king besought him to make the same void, and to command the barons to obey him being their king, as reason required they should. There were also sent by him other messengers, as Hugh de Boves and others, 
Hugh de Boves.  into diverse parts beyond the sea, to bring from thence great numbers of men of war and soldiers, appointing them to meet him at Dover, at the feast of saint Michael next ensuing. 
Matth. Paris.  He sent likewise unto all his chateleins and constables of castles within the realm, requiring line 10 them to provide themselves of all things necessary for defence of the holds committed to their charge, if they should chance to be besieged, though it were on the next morrow.  
His ambassadors and other messengers being thus dispatched, and having but few persons left about him, or in manner none, except such of the bishop of Norwich his servants as he had borrowed of him, he fell to take prizes as any ships came by suspected not to be his friends, so seeking to win the favour of line 20 the mariners that belonged to the cinke ports, and so lay close in the isle of Wight and there about the seacoasts for the space of three months together. In which mean time, many things were reported of him, some calling him a fisher, some a merchant, and some a pirate and rover. And many (for that no certain news could be heard of him) judged that he was either drowned, or dead by some other means. But he still looking for some power to come over to his aid, kept himself out of the way, till the line 30 same should be arrived, and dissembled the conceit of his revenge and hartgrudge, till opportunity served him with convenient security to put the same in execution. Wherein he showed himself discreet and provident, and did as in such a case one wiseman doth counsel another, saying, 
— sapiens irámque coërcet,  
Saepè etiam utiliter cedit, placidísque furentem  
Demulcet dictis, & dulcibus allicit hostem  
Blanditijs, donec deceptum in retia mittat.   

Polydor.  The lords all this while lay at London, and began line 40 to doubt the matter, because they could hear no certain news where the king was become: for doubting (as I said) the surety of his person, he conveyed himself secretly from one place to another, lodging and taking his diet oftentimes more meanly than was decent for his estate: and still he longed to hear how his ambassadors sped with the pope, who in the mean time coming unto Rome, 
The ambassadors coming to the pope's presence declare their message.  and declaring their message at full, took it upon their solemn oath, line 50 that the right was on the king's side, and that the fault rested only on the lords, touching the whole controversy between them and him, who sought with great rigour and against reason to bridle him at their pleasures.  
They showed also a note of certain articles contained in the charter, 
Matth. Paris.  which seemed to make most for the king's purpose, and withal declared that the king in open assembly, where he and the barons met to talk of such matters, had protested that the kingdom line 60 of England specially appertained (as touching the sovereignty) unto the church of Rome, whereupon he neither could nor ought without knowledge of the pope to ordain any thing anew, or change aught within that kingdom in prejudice thereof. Wherefore whereas he put himself and all the rights of his kingdom by way of appealing under the protection of the apostolic see: the barons yet without regard had to the same appeal, did seize into their possession the city of London, and getting them to armour, enforced the king to confirm such unreasonable articles, as there appeared for him to consider.  

The pope's answer unto the king's ambassadors.  The pope having heard their tale, and considered of the articles, with bending brows (in witness of his indignation) made forthwith this short answer: And is it so, that the barons of England do go about to expel their king, which hath taken upon him the cross, and is remaining under the protection of the apostolic see▪ And do they mean indeed to translate the dominion that belongeth to the church of Rome unto another? By S. Peter we cannot suffer this injury to pass unpunished. Hereupon (crediting the ambassadors words) by the advice of his cardinals, he decreed that all those privileges, which the king had granted unto the lords and barons of this realm, as enforced thereto by their rebellious attempt, should be accounted void and of none effect. Also he wrote unto the lords, admonishing them by his letters that they should obey their king, upon pain of his curse if they should attempt any thing that sounded to the contrary.  
¶ At the same time there was in the court of Rome (as Hector Boetius saith) a cardinal named Gualo or walo, a very covetous person, 
Hect. Boetius. Cardinal Gualo.  and such a one (as in that place some are never wanting) which for money passed not what he did further any man's suit, without regard either to right or wrong, by whose chief travel and means the pope was greatly induced to favour king john's cause, and to judge with him in prejudice of the lords purposes, as before is expressed.  
But to proceed. 
Polydor. The ambassadors return from the pope.  The ambassadors being dispatched, and having the pope's prescript, and such other his letters with them as they had obtained of him, returned with all speed into England unto the king (who was come a little before unto Windsor castle) and there declared unto him how they sped. K. john being joyful in that they had brought the matter so well about for his purpose, 
The pope's decree is declared to the lords.  caused the pope's decree to be declared unto the barons, commanding them straitly to obey the same. The barons taking the matter grievously to be thus mocked, with great indignation both blamed king john's unjust dealing, and the pope's wrongful judgement, in that he had pronounced against them, without hearing what they had of right to allege for themselves. Whereupon out of hand (notwithstanding the pope's prohibition and prescript to the contrary) they determined to try their cause by dint of sword, 
The barons will try their quarrel by dint of sword.  and with all speed assembled their powers, which for the greater part they had lately dismissed and sent home. They furnished the castle of Rochester with a strong garrison of men, and placed therein as captain one William Albeney, a very skilful warrior.  
King john, after he understood that the barons (contemning the pope's decree and inhibition) were more offended and bend against him than before, 
The K. sendeth eftsoons to the pope.  sent once again to the pope, to advertise him of their disobedience and great contumacy showed in refusing to stand to his prescript. This done, he returned to the isle of Wight, and sailed from thence to Dover, 
The king returneth into the isle of Wight.  where diverse of those his commissaries which he had sent to hire soldiers in foreign parts returned to him, bringing with them out of diverse countries such a multitude of soldiers and armed men, 
Matt. Paris. Polydor.  that the only sight of them stroke the hearts of all the beholders with great fear and terror. 
The arrival of foreign soldiers to the king's aid. Sancrie de Mauleon.  For out of the parties of Poictou and Gascoine, there came men of great nobility, and right worthy warriors, as savoury de Mauleon, Geffrey and Oliver de Butevile two brethren, having under them great numbers of good soldiers and tall men of war. Also out of Brabant there came Walter Buc, Gerard de Sotignie, and on● Godestall, with three legions of armed men and crossbows. Likewise there came out of Flanders other captains, with diverse bands of soldiers, which Ferdinando earl of Flanders (lately returned 
Ferdinando earl of Flanders.  out of the French captivity) for old fréendships' 〈◊〉 furnished and sent over to aid him against his 〈…〉 as he had 〈◊〉.  
King john then having recovered strength 〈◊〉 him and being advertised that William de 〈◊〉 was entered into the castle of Rochester with a great number of knights, 
 men of arms and other soldiers, hasted thither with his whole arm, and besieged them within, enforcing himself by all ways possible to win the castle as well by battering the walls with engines, 
 as by giving thereto many assaults: line 10 but the garrison within consisting of ninety and four knights beside demilances, and other soldiers defended the place very manfully, in hope of reseve from the barons, which lay as then at London: but they coming forward one days journey unto Dartford, when they heard that the king was coming forward in good array of battle to meet them upon consideration had of their own forces, for that they were not able to match him with footmen, they returned bark again to the city, breaking line 20 that assured promise which they had made and also confirmed by their solemn oaths, which was that if the castle should chance to be besieged, 
 they would not fail but raise the siege.  
At length they within for want of victuals were constrained to yield it up unto the king, after it had been besieged the space of three score days: 
 during which ti●e they had beaten back their enemies at sundry assaults, with great slaughter and loss. But the king having now got the possession of that hold, line 30 upon grief conceived for the loss of so many men, and also because he had line so long about it yet he could w●nne it, to his inestimable costs and charges, was determined to have put them all to death that had kept it. 
 But savoury de Ma●leon advised him otherwise, lest by such cruelty, the barons in any like case should be occasioned to use the same extremity towards such of his people, as by chance might fall into their hands. Thus the king spa●ed the Nobles and gentlemen, sending William de Albenie, William line 40 de Lancaster, William de Emeford, Thomas de Muleton, Osbert Giff●●d, Os●ert de Bobie, Odinell de Albenie, and diverse other to the castle of Corfe, there to be kept as prisoners. But Robert Charm, Richard Gifford, and Thomas de Lincoln were sent to Nottingham, and so other were sent to other places. As for all the demilances or yeomen (if I shall so call them) and the arcubalisters which had slain many of his men during the siege (as Matthew Paris saith) the king caused them to be hanged, 
A●cubalisters those that bear cr●ss●bowes.  line 50 to put other in fear that should so obstinately resist him.  
Nevertheless as the book that belonged to Berne●ell abbey saith) there was not any of them hanged, 
 saving one arcubalister only, whom the king had brought up top a child. But howsoever the king dealt with them after they were yielded, true it is (as by the same book it appeareth▪ there had been no siege in those days more earnestly enforced, nor more obstinately defended: for after that all the limbs of line 60 the castle had been reversed and thrown down, they kept the master tower, till half thereof was also overthrown, and after kept the other half, till through famine they were constrained to yield, having nothing but horsseflesh and water to sustain their lives withal.  
Here is to be remembered, that whilst the siege lay thus at Rochester, Hugh de Boves a valiant knight, but full of pride and arrogancy, a Frenchman borne, but banished out of his country, came down to Calais with an huge number of men of war and soldiers to come to the aid of king john. But as he was upon the sea with all his people, meaning to land at Dover, by a sudden tempest which ro●e at that instant, 
 the said Hugh with all his company was drowned by shipwreck. So●e after the 〈◊〉 of the same Hugh with the carcases of other innumerable, both of men, women, and children, were found not far from Yeu●ou●h, and all along that coast. There were of them in all forty thousand, as saith Matthew Paris, for of all those which he brought with him, there was (as it is said) not one man le●t alive.  
The king (as the ●ame went, but h●w 〈◊〉 I know not) had given by charter unto the 〈◊〉 Hugh de Boves, the whole country of Norfolk, so that he meant to have expelled the old inhabitants, and to have peopled it with strangers. But whether this was so or not, sure it is that he was very sorrowful for the loss of this 〈◊〉 and aid which thus perished in the seas, though it happened very well for his subjects of England, that should have been sore oppressed by such multitude of strangers, which for the most part must needs have lived upon the country, to the utter undoing of the inhabitants wheresoever they should have come.  
Here is to be noted, 
 that during the siege of Rochester (as some writ) there came out of France to the number ●eere hand of seven thousand men sent from the French king unto the aid of the barons, at the suit of Saer de Quincie earl of Winchester and other ambassadors that were sent from the barons, during the time of this siege, although it should seem by Matthew Paris, that the said earl was not sent till after the pope had excommunicated the barons (as after ye shall hear.) The Frenchmen that came over at this first time landed at Orwell, and at other havens there near adjoining.  
About this season, the canons of York (because the archbishops see there had remained void a long time) obtaining licence of the king, assembled together about the election of an archbishop. And though the king had once again earnestly moved them to prefer Walter Grey bishop of Wo●cester, yet they refused so to do, and therefore chose Simon de Langton, brother to the archbishop of Canturburie, which election was afterward made vo● by the earnest travel of the king to the pope, because his brother the said archbishop of Canturburie was known to favour the part of the barons against him, so that the said Walter Gray was then elected and promoted to the guiding of the see of York, 
Walter 〈◊〉 elected arc●●, of york.  according to the kings special desire in that behalf.  
About the same time also, pope Innocent being certified, how the barons of England would not obey his prescript, judged them enemies to the church and gave commandment to Peter the bishop of Winchester, to the abbot of Reading, and to the subdeacon Pandulph, to pronounce the sentence of excommunication against them. But they could not at the first execute the pope's commandment herein, by reason that the archbishop of Canturburie, 
The arc●b. 〈◊〉 Canturburi● favoureth the barons par●.  who favoured the barons cause, would not permit them. Wherefore the same archbishop was interdicted out of the church, and from saying divine service, and also being cited to appear at Rome, was in danger to be deprived of his mitre; had not certain cardinals entreated for him, and obtained his pardon. The archbishop being gone to Rome, as well to excuse himself in this matter, as to be present at the general council there holden at that time (for he was ready to go take the sea thitherwards when the bishop of Winchester and Pandulph came to him with the pope's letters) the said bishop of Winchester & Pandulph proceeded to the pronouncing of the excommunication against the barons, 
Matth. Paris. The bar●●● denounced ●curssed by the pope's commandment.  renewing the same every sunday and holieday: albeit the barons (because none of them were expressly named in the pope's letters) made none account of the censure, reputing it as void, and not to concern them in any manner of point. But now to return to king john.  
After he had won the castle of Rochester (as before you have heard) he hasted to S. Albon, and there divided his army into two parts, 
K. john divideth his army in two parts.  appointing the one to remain about London, whilst he himself with the other might go into the north to waste and destroy the possessions of certain lords there, which (as he was informed) went about to raise an army against him. He made captains of that army line 10 which he left behind him, 
Polydor. Matth. Paris.  his brother William earl of Salisbury, savoury de Mauleon, Will. Brewer, Walter Buc, and others. He himself departed from S. Albon about the 21 day of December, leading his said army northwards: in which were chief captains these that follow, William earl of Albemarle, Philip de Albeney, and john Martial. Also of strangers, Gerard de Sotigam, and Godstall, with the Flemings, the crossbows, and others.  

K. john goeth northward. Matth. Paris.  The first night he lay at Dunstable, and from thence passing forwards towards Northampton, he destroyed by the way all the manors, places and houses, which belonged to the adversaries, and so kept on his journey till he came to Nottingham, 
Nottingham.  where he lay in the castle on Christmas day, year 1216 and in the morning (being S. stephan's day) he went to Langar, and lodged there that night, sending his summons in the morning to the castle of Beaver, 

Beaver castle summoned to yield.  
William de Albeney.   willing them within to yield. This castle appertained to William Albeney, who had committed the custody line 30 thereof unto his son Nicholas de Albeney priest, to sir William de Stodham, 
Stodham. Charnelles.  and to sir Hugh Charnelles knights: the which came to the king with the keys of the castle, and surrendered the same unto him, with condition that he should be good to their master the said William Albeney, and grant unto them their horses and armour, wherewith they would remain with him under his peace and protection. On the next morrow (being S. john's day) the king line 40 went to the castle, 
The castle of Beavoir rendered to the king.  and receiving the same, delivered it to the keeping of Geffrey Butevile, and his brother Oliver.  

Dunnington castle taken and razed.  After this the castle of john Lacie at Dunnington was taken and laid flat to the ground, by commandment of the king, who having accomplished his will in those parties, drew towards Yorkshire, and at his coming thither destroyed the houses, towns and manors of those lords and gentlemen which were against him. It is horrible to hear, and line 50 loathsome to rehearse the cruelty which was practised by the soldiers and men of war in places where they came, 
Matth. Paris.  who counting no honour or renown more excellent, nor glory (as warriors say) 
Maior nulla quidem quàm bello parta videtur,  
Horrida Mavortis tractare ferociter arma,  
Hostilìque suam temerare in sanguine dextram,  and therefore were wholly bend to spoil and ransack the houses of the people without pity or compassion, besides the robberies, spoils and great outrages line 60 used by the soldiers generally against the common people. Few there were in that country of great lineage or wealth, whom the king for their assembling themselves with the barons either spoiled not, or put not to execution. 
K. john taketh the castle of Barwike.  Thus with his army (to the great desolation of the country) he passed forth to the borders of Scotland, and entering that realm, took the castle of Barwike, and other places of strength in those parts, meaning to have won more from the Scots, if other urgent business had not called him back again. This being done, he committed the country which lieth betwixt the river of These, and the confines of Scotland, 
Hugh de Balliol & Philip de Hulcotes.  to the keeping of Hugh de Balliol and Philip de Hulcotes, assigning to them such convenient number of men of war as was thought expedient, 
Robert de Uepount, Brian de Lisle, Geffrey de Lucy.  and the custody of the castles in Yorkshire he delivered to Robert de Uepount, to Brian de Lisle, and to Geffrey de Lucy.  
Finally, when he had so ordered things in the North parts as stood with his pleasure, so that there remained no more but two castles, that is to say, Mountsorrell, 
Mountsorell betwixt Leicester & Lugborough.  and another in Yorkshire that appertained to Robert de Roos in possession of the barons, he returned by the borders of Wales into the south parts: and by all the way as he passed, he showed great cruelty against his adversaries, besieging and taking their castles and strong houses, of the which some he caused to be fortified with garrisons of soldiers to his own use, and some he razed. The like feats were wrought by the other army in the parts about London: for▪ William earl of Salisbury, and Foukes de Brent, with the other captains which the king had left behind him there, perceiving that the city would not easily be won by any siege, first furnished the castle of Windsor, Hertford, and Barkhamsted, with such strong garrisons of soldiers as might watch, upon occasion given to assail those that should either go into the city, or come from thence: they marched forth with the residue of the army, 
The earl of Salisbury with his army invadeth the countries about London.  and passing through the counties of Essex, and Hertford, Middlesex, Cambridge, Huntingdon, they wasted the countries, and made the towns become tributaries to them. As for the houses, manor places, parks, and other possessions of the barons, they wasted, spoiled and destroyed them, running even hard to the city of London and setting fire in the suburbs.  
In this mean time, whilst the king went forwards on his journey northwards, upon the 18 of December last passed, 
The castle of Hanslap.  the castle of Hanslap was taken by Foukes de Brent, which appertained unto William Manduit. On the same day also was the castle of Tunbridge taken by the garrison of Rochester, 
Tunbridge castle.  which castle of Tunbridge belonged to the earl of Clare. Moreover, the foresaid Foukes de Brent coming unto Bedford, 
Bedford taken by Foukes de Brent.  won both the town and castle: for they that had the castle in keeping, after 7 days respite (which they obtained at the hands of the said Foukes) when rescue came not from the lord William Beauchampe their master, 
Will. Beauchampe.  they delivered it unto the said Foukes. Unto whom K. john gave not only that castle, but also committed to his keeping the castles of Northampton, 
Castles delivered to the keeping of Foukes' de Brent.  Oxford and Cambridge.  
The king had this Foukes in great estimation, and amongst other ways to advance him, he gave to him in marriage Margaret de Rivers, a lady of high nobility, 

Foukes' de Brent advanced by marriage.  
Rockingham, Sawey, and Biham.   with all the lands and possessions that to her belonged. Moreover, to William earl of Albemarle the king delivered the custody of the castles of Rockingham, Sawey and Biham. To one Ranulfe Teutonicus, the castle of Barkehamsted, and to Walter Godrevill servant to Foukes de Brent, 
Barkhamsted  he betook the keeping of the castle of Hertford. Thus what on the one part, 
Hertfort castle.  and what on the other, the barons lost in manner all their possessions from the south sea unto the borders of Scotland, the king seizing the same into his hands, and committing them to the keeping of strangers, and such other as he thought more trusty and convenient. All this while the barons lay at London banqueting and making merry, without attempting any exploit praiseworthy. But yet when they heard by certain advertisement, what havoc and destruction was made of their houses & possessions abroad, they could not but lament their miseries, and amongst other their complaints which they uttered one to another, they sore blamed the pope, as a chief cause of all these evils, for that he maintained and defended the king against them.  
Indeed about the same time pope Innocent, who before at the instant suit of king john had excommunicated the barons in general, 
The barons accursed by name.  did now excommunicate them by name, and in particular, as these. First all the citizens of London which were authors of the mischief that had happened by the rebellion of the said barons. Also Robert Fitz Walter, Saer de Quincie earl of Winchester, R. his son, G. de Mandeville, and W. his brother the earl of Clare, line 10 and G. his son, H. earl of Hereford, R. de Percy, G. de Uescie, I. constable of Chester, W. de mowbray, Will. de Albenie, W. his son, P. de Breuse, R. de Cressey, I. his son, Ranulfe Fitz Robert, R. earl Bigot, H. his son, Robert de Vere, Foulke Fitz Warren, W. Mallet, W. de Montacute, W. Fitz Martial, W. de Beauchampe, S. de Kime, R. de Montbigons, and Nicholas de Stuteville, with diverse other. line 20  
The army which king john had left behind him in the south parts, under the leading of the earl of Salisbury and other, lay not idle, but scouring the countries abroad (as partly ye have heard) came to S. Edmundsburie, 
Ralph Cog.  and having intelligence there, that diverse knights, ladies and gentlewomen that were there before their coming, had fled out of that town, and for their more safety were withdrawn into the isle of Elie, they followed them, besieged the Isle, and assailed it on each side, so that although line 30 they within had fortified the passages, and appointed men of war to remain upon the guard of the same in places where it was thought most needful; yet at length they entered upon them by force, Walter Buck with his Brabanders being the first that set foot within the isle towards Herbie. For by reason the waters in the fenes and ditches were hard frozen, so that men might pass by the same into the said Isle, they found means to enter, and spoilt it from side to side, 
The I'll of Elie spoiled. Polydor. Bernewell.  together with the cathedral church, line 40 carrying from thence at their departure a marvelous great prey of goods and cattle.  
The barons of the realm being thus afflicted with so many mischéefes all at one time, as both by the sharp and cruel wars which the king made against them on the one side, and by the enmity of the pope on the other side, they knew not which way to turn them, nor how to seek for relief. For by the loss of their complices taken in the castle of Rochester, they saw not how it should any thing avail line 50 them to join in battle with the king. Therefore considering that they were in such extremity of despair they resolved with themselves to seek for aid at the enemies hands, 
The lords send to the French kings son, offering to him the crown.  and thereupon Saer earl of Winchester, and Robert Fitz Walter, with letters under their seals were sent unto jews the son of Philip the French king, offering him the crown of England, and sufficient pledges for performance of the same, and other covenants to be agreed betwixt them, requiring him with all speed to come unto their line 60 succour. This jews had married (as before is said) Blanch daughter to Alfonse king of Cas●ile, near to king john by his sister Elinor.  
Now king Philip the father of this jews, being glad to have such an occasion to invade the realm of England, which he never loved, promised willingly that his son should come unto the aid of the said barons with all convenient speed (but first he received four and twenty hostages which he placed at Campaine for further assurance of the covenants accorded) and herewith he prepared an army, and diverse ships to transport his son and his army over into England. In the mean time, and to put the barons in comfort, he sent over a certain number of armed men, under the leading of the chatelaine of saint Omers and the chatelaine of Arras, 
French 〈◊〉 sent over to the aid of the barons.  Hugh Thacon, Eustace de Nevil, Baldwin Brecell, William de Wimes, Giles de Melun, W. de Beaumont, Giles de Heresy, Biset de Fersie, and others, the which taking the sea, arrived with one and forty ships in the Thames, 
The 〈◊〉 after the 〈…〉 Ralph Co●.  and so came to London the seven and twentieth of February, where they were received of the barons with great joy and gladness. Moreover the said jews wrote to the barons, that he purposed by God's assistance to be at Calais by a day appointed, with an army ready to pass over with all speed unto their succours.  
The friday before Candlemas day, 
Ralph Co●▪  Savarie de Mauleon, and other captains of the king's side, laid siege to the castle of Colchester, but having intelligence that the barons which lay at London made forward with all speed to come to secure that castle, on the Wednesday after Candlemas day, being the third of February, they raised their siege, and went back towards S. Edmundsburie.  
In the mean while, the K. being gone (as ye have heard) to the borders of Scotland, a brute was raised that he was dead, and secretly buried at Reading. But this rumour had not time to work any great alteration, for after he had dispatched his business in the north, as he thought expedient, he returned, and coming into the east parts about the midst of Lent himself in person besieged the castle of Colchester, and within a few days after his coming thither, it was delivered unto him by Frenchmen that kept it, with condition that they might departed with all their goods and armour, unto their fellows at London, and that the Englishmen there in company with them in that castle, might likewise departed upon reasonable ransoms.  
But although that covenant was kept with the Frenchmen, yet the Englishmen were stayed and committed to prison. Whereupon when the Frenchmen came to London, they were apprehended and charged with treason for making such composition, whereby those Englishmen that were fellows with them in arms were secluded from so beneficial conditions as they had made for themselves. They were in danger to have been put to death for their evil dealing herein, albeit at length it was concluded that they should remain in prison till the coming of jews, unto whose pleasure their cause should be referred.  
After this the castle of H●dingham was won, which belonged unto earl Robert de Vere. Then the king prepared to besiege London, but the Londoners were of such courage, that they set open their gates, and hearing of the king's approach, made ready to issue forth to give him battle: whereof the king being advertised, withdrew back, but savoury de Mauleon was suddenly set upon by the Londoners, lost many of his men, and was sore hurt and wounded himself.  
The king perceiving that it would not prevail him to attempt the winning of the city at that time, drew alongst the coast, fortified his castles, and prepared a great name, meaning to encounter his enemy jews by sea: but through tempest the ships which he had got together from Yarmouth, Dunwich Lin, and other havens, were dispersed in sunder, and many of them cast away by rage and violence of the outrageous winds.  
Somewhat before this time also, 
King john once agai●● sendeth to the pope.  when he heard of the compact made betwixt the barons and his adversaries the Frenchmen, he dispatched a messenger in all haste to the pope, signifying to him what was in hand and practised against him, requiring furthermore the said pope by his authority to cause jews to stay his journey, and to secure those rebels in England which he had already excommunicated. This he needed not have done, had he been endued with such prudence and prowess as is requisite to be planted in one that beareth rule, of whom it is said, 
Cui si quando Deus rerum permittat habenas,  
Imperijque decus, tunc aurea secula fiunt,  
Tunc floret virtus, terrásque Astrea revisit,  
Pax viget, & vitium duris cohibetur habenis,  whereas by means of defects in the contrary, he line 10 bare too low a sail, in that he would be so foolified as being a king, to suffer usurped supremacy to be caruee of his kingdom. But let us see the consequence. 
Anno. Reg. 18. Cardinal Gualo. Matth. Paris.  The pope desirous to help king john all that he might (because he was now his vassal) sent his legate Gualo into France, to dissuade king Philip from taking any enterprise in hand against the king of England. But king Philip though he was content to hear what the legate could say, 
The French kings allegations to the pope's legate Gualo.  yet by no means would be turned from the execution of his line 20 purpose, alleging that king john was not the lawful king of England, having first usurped and taken it away from his nephew Arthur the lawful inheritor, and that now sithence as an enemy to his own royal dignity he had given the right of his kingdom away to the pope (which he could not do without consent of his nobles) and therefore through his own fault he was worthily deprived of all his kingly honour. 
Matth. Paris.  
Matth. West.  For the kingdom of England (saith he) never belonged to the patrimony of S. Peter, nor at any time shall. For admit that he were rightful line 30 king, yet neither he nor any other prince may give away his kingdom without the assent of his barons, which are bound to defend the same, and the prerogative royal, to the uttermost of their powers. Furthermore (saith he) if the pope do mean to maintain this error, he shall give a perilous example to all kingdoms of the world. Herewithal the Nobles of France then present, protested also with one voice, that in defence of this article they would stand to the death, which is, that no king or prince at line 40 his will and pleasure might give away his kingdom, or make it tributary to any other potentate, whereby the Nobles should become thrall or subject to a foreign governor. These things were done at Lions in the quindene after Easter.  
jews on the morrow following, being the 26 of April, by his father's procurement, came into the council chamber, 
jews the French kings son maintaineth his pretended title to the crown of England.  and with frowning look beheld the legate, where by his procurator he defended the cause that moved him to take upon him this journey into line 50 England, disproving not only the right which king john had to the crown, but also alleging his own interest, not only by his new election of the barons, but also in the title of his wife, whose mother the queen of Castille remained only alive of all the brethren and sisters of Henry the second late king of England (as before ye have heard.) The legate made answer hereunto, that king john had taken upon him the cross, as one appointed to go to war line 60 against God's enemies in the holy land, wherefore he ought by decree of the general council to have peace for four years to come, 
The privilege of those that took upon them the cross.  and to remain in surety under protection of the apostolic see. But jews replied thereto, that king john had by war first invaded his castles and lands in Picardy, and wasted the same, as Buncham castle and Lying, with the county of Guisnes which belonged to the fee of the said jews.  

Matth. Paris.  But these reasons notwithstanding, the legate warned the French king on pain of cursing, not to suffer his son to go into England, and likewise his son, that he should not presume to take the journey in hand. But jews hearing this, declared that his father had nothing to do to forbid him to prosecute his right in the realm of England, which was not holden of him, and therefore required his father not to hinder his purpose in such things as belonged nothing to him, but rather to licence him to seek the recovery of his wives right, which he meant to pursue with peril of life, if need should require.  
The legate perceiving he could not prevail in his suit made to king Philip, thought that he would not spend time longer in vain, in further treating with him, but sped him forth into England, obtaining yet a safeconduct of the French king to pass through his realm. jews in like manner, purposing by all means to prevent the legate, 
The French kings son sendeth to the pope.  first dispatched forth ambassadors in all haste unto the court of Rome to excuse himself to the pope, and to render the reasons that most specially moved him to proceed forward in his enterprise against king john, being called by the barons of England to take the crown thereof upon him. This done, with all convenient speed he came down to Calais, 
He cometh to Calais.  where he found 680 ships well appointed and trimmed, which Eustace surnamed the monk had gathered and prepared there ready against his coming.  
jews therefore forthwith embarking himself with his people, 
He taketh the sea.  and all necessary provisions for such a journey, took the sea, and arrived at a place called Stanchorre in the isle of Tenet, upon the 21 day of May, and shortly after came to Sandwich, 
He landeth in Kent.  & there landed with all his people, where he also encamped upon the shore by the space of three days. In which mean time there came unto him a great number of those lords and gentlemen which had sent for him, and there every one apart and by himself swore fealty and homage unto him, 
The lords do homage unto him.  as if he had been their true and natural prince.  
King john about the same time that jews thus arrived, came to Dover, meaning to fight with his adversaries by the way as they should come forward towards London. But yet upon other advisement taken, he changed his purpose, because he put some doubt in the Flemings and other strangers, of whom the most part of his army consisted, 
Matth. Paris.  because he knew that they hated the French men no more than they did the English. Therefore furnishing the castle of Dover, with men, munition, and victuals, he left it in the keeping of Hubert de Burgh, a man of notable prowess & valiancy, and returned himself unto Canturburie, and from thence took the high way towards Winchester. jews being advertised that king john was retired out of Kent, passed through the country without any encounter, and won all the castles and holds as he went, but Dover he could not win.  
At his coming to Rochester, 
Rochester castle won.  he laid siege to the castle there, and won it, causing all the strangers that were found within it to be hanged. This done, he came to London, 
jews cometh to London.  and there received the homage of those lords and gentlemen which had not yet done their homage to him at Sandwich. On the other part he took an oath to maintain and perform the old laws and customs of the realm, and to restore to every man his rightful heritage and lands, requiring the barons furthermore to continue faithful towards him, assuring them to bring things so to pass, that the realm of England should recover the former dignity, and they their ancient liberties. Moreover he used them so courteously, gave them so fair words, and made such large promises, that they believed him with all their hearts. But alas! Cur vincit opinio verum?  
The rumour of this pretended outward courtesy being once ●ored through the realm, caused great numbers of people to come flocking to him, among whom were diverse of those which before had taken part with king john, as William earl Warren, William earl of Arundel, 
noblemans revolting from K. john unto jews.  William earl of Salisbury, William Marshal the younger, and diverse other, supposing verily that the French kings son should now obtain the king doom, who in the mean time ordained Simon Langton afore mentioned, 
Simon Langton chancellor to jews.  to be his chancellor, by whose preaching and exhortation, as well the citizens of London as the barons that were excommunicated, caused divine service to be celebrated in their presence, induced thereto, because line 10 jews had already sent his procurators to Rome before his coming into England, there to show the goodness of his cause and quarrel.  
But this availed them not, neither took his excuse any such effect as he did hope it should: for those ambassadors that king john had sent thither, replied against their assertions, so that there was hard hold about it in that court, albeit that the pope would decree nothing till he hard further from his legate Gualo, who the same time (being advertised of the proceedings of jews in his journey) with all diligence hasted over into England, 
Cardinal Gualo cometh over into England.  and passing through the middle of his adversaries, came unto king john, then sojourning at Gloucester, of whom he was most joyfully received, for in him king john reposed all his hope of victory. This legate immediately after his coming did excommunicate jews by name, with all his fautors and complices, but specially Simon de Langton, with bell, book, and candle, as the manner was. Howbeit the same Simon, and one line 30 Gervase de Hobrug dean of S. Paul's in London, with other, alleged that for the right and state of the cause of jews, they had already appealed to the court of Rome, and therefore the sentence published by Gualo they took as void.  
At the same time also, all the knights and men of war of Flanders and other parts beyond the seas, 
The more part of the strangers depart from the service of K. john.  which had served the king, departed from him, the Poictovins only excepted: and part of them that thus went from him resorted unto jews, and entered line 40 into his wages; but the residue repaired home into their own countries, so that jews being thus increased in power, departed from London, and marching towards Winchester, he won the castles of Rigat, 
Castles won by jews.  Gilford, and Farnham. From thence he went to Winchester, where the city was yielded unto him, with all the castles and holds thereabout, as Woluesey, Odiham, and Beaumere.  
¶ Whilst the said jews was thus occupied in Sussex, about the subduing of that country unto his line 50 obeisance, there was a young gentleman in those parts named William de Collingham, being of a valorous mind, and loathing foreign subjection, who would in no wise do fealty to jews, 
William de Collingham a gentleman of Sussex.  but assembling together about the number of a thousand archers, kept himself within the woods and desert places, whereof that country is full, and so during all the time of this war, showed himself an enemy to the Frenchmen, slaying no small numbers of them, as he took them at any advantage. O worthy gentleman line 60 of English blood! And O Grandia quae aggreditur fortis discrimina virtus!  
In like manner, all the fortresses, towns, and castles in the south parts of the realm were subdued unto the obeisance of jews (the castles of Dover and Windsor only excepted▪) Within a little while after, Will. de Mandeville, Robert Fitz Walter, and William de Huntingfield, with a great power of men of war, did the like unto the countries of Essex and Suffolk. In which season, king john fortified the castles of Wallingford, 
Castles fortified by king john.  Corse, Warham, Bristol, the Uies, and diverse others with munition and victuals. About which time letters came also unto jews from his procurators, whom he had sent to the pope, by the tenor whereof he was advertised, that notwithstanding all that they could do or say, the pope meant to excommunicate him, and did but only stay till he had received some advertisement from his legate Gualo.  
The chiefest points (as we find) that were laid by jews his procurators against king john were these, 
The points wherewith king john was charged.  that by the murder committed in the person of his nephew Arthur, he had been condemned in the parliament chamber, before the French king, by the peers of France, and that being summoned to appear, he had obstinately refused so to do, and therefore had by good right forfeited not only his lands within the precinct of France, but also the realm of England, which was now due unto the said jews as they alleged, in right of the lady Blanch his wife, daughter to Elinor queen of Spain. But the pope refelled all such allegations as they produced for proof hereof, & seemed to defend king john's cause very pithily; but namely, in that he was under the protection of him as supreme lord of England: again, for that he had taken upon him the cross (as before ye have heard.) But now to return where we left.  
About the feast of saint Margaret, jews with the lords came again to London, at whose coming, the tower of London was yielded up to him by appointment, after which the French captains and gentlemen, thinking themselves assured of the realm, began to show their inward dispositions and hatred toward the Englishmen, 
The French men begin to show themselves in their kind. I●●en. sat. 9  and forgetting all former promises (such is the nature of strangers, and men of mean estate, that are once become lords of their desires, according to the poet's words, Asperius nihil est humili cùm surgit in altum) they did many excessive outrages, in spoiling and robbing the people of the country, without pity or mercy. Moreover they did not only break into men's houses, but also into churches, and took out of the same such vessels and ornaments of gold and silver, as they could lay hands upon: for jews had not the power now to rule the greedy soldiers, being wholly given to the spoil.  
But most of all their tyranny did appear in the east parts of the realm, when they went through the countries of Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk, where they miserably spoilt the towns and villages, reducing those quarters under their subjection, and making them tributaries unto jews in most servile and slavish manner. Furthermore, 
The castle of Norwich le●t for a prey to jews.  at his coming to Norwich, he found the castle void of defence, and so took it, without any resistance, and put into it a garrison of his soldiers. Also he sent a power to the town of Lin, which conquered the same, and took the citizens prisoners, 
Lin.  causing them to pay great sums of money for their ransoms. moreover, Thomas de Burgh, 
Thomas de Burgh taken prisoner.  chateleine of the castle of Norwich, who upon the approach of the Frenchmen to the city, fled out in hope to escape, was taken prisoner, and put under safekéeping. He was brother unto Hubert de Burgh captain of Dover castle.  
Now when jews had thus finished his enterprises in those parts, he returned to London, 
Gilbert de Gaunt made earl of Lincoln.  and shortly thereupon created Gilbert de Gaunt earl of Lincoln, appointing him to go thither with all convenient speed, that he might resist the issues made by them which did hold the castles of Nottingham and Newarke, wasting and spoiling the possessions and lands belonging to the barons near adjoining to the same castles. This Gilbert de Gaunt then, together with Robert de Ropeley, coming into that country, took the city of Lincoln, and brought all the country under subjection (the castle only excepted▪ 
Lincoln won. ) After that, 
Holland in Lincolnshire invaded.  they invaded Holland, and spoiling that country, made it also tributary unto the French. Likewise, Robert de Roos, Peter de Bruis, and Richard Percy, subdued York and all Yorkshire, bringing the same under the obeisance of jews. 
Yorkshire subdued to jews.  The king of Scots in like sort subdued unto the said jews all the country of Northumberland, except the castles which Hugh de Balliol, and Philip de Hulcotes valiantly defended against all the force of the enemy. line 10  
And as these wicked rebels made a prey of their own country, so the legate gualo not behind for his part to get something yer all should be gone, upon a falkonish or woolnish appetite fleeced the church, considering that, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and took proxies of every cathedral church & house of religion within England, that is to say, for every proxy fifty shillings. 
The legate Gualo gathereth proxes. Sequestration of benefices.  Moreover, he sequestered all the line 20 benefices of those persons and religious men, that either aided or counseled jews and the barons, in their attempts and enterprises. All which benefices he speedily converted to his own use, and to the use of his chapleins.  
In the mean time, jews was brought into some good hope through means of Thomas de Burgh, whom he took prisoner (as before you have heard) to persuade his brother Hubert to yield up the castle of Dover, the siege whereof was the next line 30 enterprise which he attempted. For his father king Philip, hearing that the same was kept by a garrison, to the behoof of king john, wrote to his son, blaming him that he left behind him so strong a fortress in his enemies hands. 
jews traveleth in vain to take Dover. Ralph Cog.  But though jews enforced his whole endeavour to win that castle, yet all his travel was in vain. For the said Hubert de Burgh, and Gerard de Sotigam, who were chief captains within, did their best to defend it against him and all his power, so that despairing to win it by force, he assayed to obtain his purpose, by threatening line 40 to hang the captains brother before his face, if he would not yield the sooner. But when that would not serve, he sought to win him by large offers of gold and silver. Howbeit, such was the singular constancy of Hubert, that he would not give any ear unto those his flattering motions. Then jews in a great fury menaced that he would not once departed from thence, till he had won the castle, and put all them within to death, and began to assail it with more line 50 force than before he had done.  
The barons also, which at this season lay at London, making a road to Cambridge, took the town, and after went forth into Norfolk and Suffolk (as it were to gather up such scraps as the French had left) spoiling those countries very pitifully, churches and all. 
Yermouth, Dunwich, & Gipswich ransomed.  They constrained the towns of Yermouth, Dunwich & Gipswich, to pay to them great sums of money by way of ransoming. And at length returning by Colchester, they used like practices line 60 there. From thence they returned to London, and shortly after, under the conduct of the earl of Nevers (upon a sudden) going to Windsor, they laid a strong siege about that castle; in the which was captain Ingelard de Athie, with sixty valiant knights, & other men of war of their suit, the which manfully stood at defence.  
In the month of August, Alexander king of Scotland came through the country unto the siege of Dover, 
Alexander K. of Scots doth homage to K. jews.  and there did homage unto jews, in right of his tenure holden of the kings of England, and then returned home, but in his coming up, as he came by castle Bernard in the country of Haliwerkfolke (which appertained unto Hugh de Balliol) he lost his brother in law the lord Eustace de Uescie, 
This Eustace had married the sister of K. Alexander.  who was stricken in the forehead with a quarrel, as he road in company of the king near unto the same castle, to view if it were possible upon any side to win it by assault.  
About the same time, or rather in the year last passed as some hold, it fortuned that the viscount of Melune a French man, fell sick at London, and perceiving that death was at hand, 
Matth. Paris.  he called unto him certain of the English barons, which remained in the city, upon safeguard thereof, 
The viscount of Melune discovereth the purpose of jews.  and to them made this protestation: I lament (saith he) your destruction and desolation at hand, because ye are ignorant of the perils hanging over your heads. For this understand, that jews, and with him 16 earls and barons of France, have secretly sworn (if it shall fortune him to conquer this realm of England, & to be crowned king) that he will kill, banish, and confine all those of the English nobility (which now do serve under him, and persecute their own king) as traitors and rebels, and furthermore will dispossess all their lineage of such inheritances as they now hold in England. And because (saith he) you shall not have doubt hereof, I which lie here at the point of death, do now affirm unto you, and take it on the peril of my soul, that I am one of those sixteen that have sworn to perform this thing: wherefore I advise you to provide for your own safeties, and your realms which you now destroy, and keep this thing secret which I have uttered unto you. 
The viscount of Melune dieth.  After this speech was uttered he streightwaies died.  
When these words of the lord of Melune were opened unto the barons, they were, and not without cause, in great doubt of themselves, for they saw how jews had already placed and set Frenchmen in most of such castles and towns as he had gotten, the right whereof indeed belonged to them. And again, it grieved them much to understand, 
The English nobility beginneth to mislike of the match which they had made with jews.  how besides the hatred of their prince, they were every sunday and holiday openly accursed in every church, so that many of them inwardly relented, and could have been contented to have returned to king john, if they had thought that they should thankfully have been received.  
In this year, about the 17 of julie, pope Innocent died, 
The death of pope Innocent.  at whose death (being known in England) all they that were enemies to king john greatly rejoiced, for they were in great hope that his successor would have rather inclined to their part, than to the kings. But it fell out otherwise, 
Honorius the third chosen pope.  for Honorius the third that succeeded the same foresaid Innocent, maintained the same cause in defence of king john, as earnestly or rather more than his predecessor had done, sending with all speed his bulls over into England to confirm Gualo in his former authority of legate, commanding him with all endeavour to proceed in his business, in maintaining the king against jews, and the disloyal English nobility that aided the said jews. But now to our purpose.  
King john lying all this while at Winchester, and having knowledge how his adversaries were daily occupied in most hard enterprises, as in besieging sundry strong and invincible places, sent forth his commissioners to assemble men of war, and to allure unto his service all such, as in hope of prey, were minded to follow his standard, of the which there resorted to him no small number. So that having gotten together a competent army for his purpose, he broke forth of Winchester, as it had been an hideous tempest of weather, beating down all things that stood in his way, 
The havoc which king john made in the possessions of his adversaries.  sending forth his people on each side to waste the countries, to burn up the towns and villages, to spoil the churches & churchmen. With which success still increasing his fury, he turned his whole violence into Cambridgeshire, where he did exceeding great hurt. Then entering into the countries of Norfolk and Suffolk, 
Norfolk and Suffolk.  he committed the like rage, waist, and destruction, in the lands and possessions that belonged unto the earl of Arundel, to Roger Bigot, William de Huntingfield, and Roger de Cressey.  
The barons in the mean time that lay at siege before the castle of Windsor, 
The siege raised from Windsor.  hearing of that havoc which king john had made in the east parts of the line 10 realm, secretly in the night season raised their camps, and leaving their tents behind them, with all speed made towards Cambridge. But king john by faithful espials, having advertisement of their intent, which was, to get betwixt him and the places of his refuge, withdrew him and got to Stamford, yer they might reach to Cambridge, so that missing their purpose, after they had taken some spoils abroad in the country, they returned to London. King john from Stamford, marched toward Lincoln, because line 20 he heard that the castle there was besieged.  
But those that had besieged it, as Gilbert de Gaunt, 
Gilbert de Gaunt fleeth from the face of king john.  and others, hearing that king john was coming towards them, durst not abide him, but fled, and so escaped. The king than turned his journey towards the marshes of Wales, and there did much hurt to those places that belonged to his adversaries. After this also, and with a very puissant army he went e●tsoones eastwards, and passing through the countries, came again into the counties of Norfolk line 30 and Suffolk, wasting and afflicting all that came in his way, and at length coming to Lin, was there joyfully received. 
Lin. The abbeys of Peterburgh & Crowland spoiled. Bernewell.  Then keeping forth northwards, he spoilt the towns and abbeys of Peterburgh and Crowland, where a number of the king's enemies were withdrawn into the church, but savoury de Mauleon, being sent forth to seek them, found them in the church the morrow after S. Michael, and drew them out by force, spoiled the house, and getting a great booty and prey of cattle and other line 40 riches, he with his people conveyed the same away at his departing, after he had ransacked every corner of the church, and other the houses and places belonging to that abbeie.  
Thus the country being wasted on each hand, the king hasted forward till he came to Wellestreme sands, where passing the washes he lost a great part of his army, 
The loss of the king's carriages.  with horses and carriages, so that it was judged to be a punishment appointed by God, that the spoil which had been gotten and taken out line 50 of churches, abbeys, and other religious houses, should perish, and be lost by such means together with the spoilers. Yet the king himself, and a few other, escaped the violence of the waters, 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West.  by following a good guide. But as some have written, he took such grief for the loss sustained at this passage, that immediately thereupon he fell into an ague, the force and heat whereof, 
King john falleth sick of an ague. Matth. Paris.  together with his immoderate feeding on raw peaches, and drinking of new cider, so increased his sickness, that he was not able to line 60 ride, but was feign to be carried in a litter presently made of twigs, with a couch of straw under him, without any bed or pillow, thinking to have gone to Lincoln, but the disease still so raged and grew upon him, that he was enforced to stay one night at the castle of Laford, 
Laford. Matth. West. Matt. Paris.  and on the next day with great pain, caused himself to be carried unto Newarke, where in the castle through anguish of mind, rather than through force of sickness, 
King john departed this life.  he departed this life the night before the ninetéenth day of October, in the year of his age fifty and one, and after he had reigned seventeen years, six months, and seven and twenty days.  
¶ There be which have written, that after he had lost his army, he came to the abbeie of Swineshead in Lincolnshire, and there understanding the cheapness and plenty of corn, showed himself greatly displeased therewith, as he that for the hatred which he bore to the English people, that had so traitorously revolted from him unto his adversary jews, wished all misery to light upon them, and thereupon said in his anger, that he would cause all kind of grain to be at a far higher price, yer many days should pass. Where upon a monk that heard him speak such words, being moved with zeal for the oppression of his country, gave the king poison in a cup of ale, whereof he first took the assay, 
Caxton.  to cause the king not to suspect the master, and so they both died in manner at one time.  
There are that writ, 
Gisburn & 〈◊〉  how one of his own servants did conspire with a convert of that abbeie, and that they prepared a dish of pears, which they poisoned, three of the whole number excepted, which dish the said convert presented unto him. And when the king suspected them to be poisoned indeed, by reason that such precious stones as he had about him, cast forth a certain sweat, as it were bewraying the poison, he compelled the said convert to taste and eat some of them, who knowing the three pears which were not poisoned, took and eat those three, which when the king had seen, he could not longer abstain, but fell to, and eating greedily of the rest, died the same night, no hurt happening to the convert, who through help of such as bore no good will to the K. found shift to escape, and conveyed himself away from danger of receiving due punishment for so wicked a deed.  
Beside these reports which ye have heard, there are other that writ, 
The variable reports of writers, concerning the death of king john.  how he died of surfeiting in the night, as Ralph Niger; some, of a bloody flix, as one said that writeth an addition unto Roger Hoveden, And Ralph Cogheshall saith, that coming to Lin, (where he appointed savoury de Mauleon to be captain, and to take order for the fortifying of that town) he took a surfeit there of immoderate diet, and withal fell into a lask, and after his lask had left him, at his coming to Laford in Lindsey, he was let blood: furthermore to increase his other griefs and sorrows for the loss of his carriage, jewels and men, in passing over the washes, which troubled him sore; there came unto him messengers from Hubert de Burgh, and Gerard de Sotegam captains of Dover castle, advertising him, that they were not aable to resist the forcible assaults and engines of the enemies, if speedy succour came not to them in due time. Whereat his grief of mind being doubled, so as he might seem even oppressed with sorrow, the same increased his disease so vehemently, that within a small time it made an end of his life (as before ye have heard.)  
The men of war that served under his ensigns, being for the more part hired soldiers and strangers, came together, and marching forth with his body, each man with his armour on his back, in warlike order, conveyed it unto Worcester, where he was pompouslie buried in the cathedral church before the high altar, not for that he had so appointed (as some writ) but because it was thought to be a place of most surety for the lords and other of his friends there to assemble, 
Bernewell.  and to take order in their business now after his decease. And because he was somewhat fat and corpulent, his bowels were taken out of his body, and buried at Croxton abbeie, a house of monks of the order called Praemonstratenses, in Staffordshire, the abbot of which house was his physician.  
¶ How soever or where soever or when soever he died, it is not a matter of such moment that it should impeach the credit of the story: but certain it is that he came to his end, let it be by a surfeit, or by other means ordained for the shortening of his life. The manner is not so material as the truth is certain. And surly, he might be thought to have procured against himself many molestations, many anguishes & vexations, which nipped his hart & gnawed his very bowels with many a sore symptom or passion: all which he might have withstood if fortune had been so favourable, that the loyalty of his subjects line 10 had remained towards him inviolable, that his Nobles with multitudes of adherents had not with such shameful apostasy withstood him in open fight, that foreign force had not weakened his dominion, or rather rob him of a main branch of his regiment, that he himself had not sought with the spoil of his own people to please the imaginations of his ill affected mind; that courtiers & commoners had with one assent performed in duty no less than they pretended in verity, to the preservation of the state and line 20 the security of their sovereign: all which presupposed plagues concurring, what happiness could the king arrogate to himself by his imperial title, which was through his own default so embezzled, that a small remanent became his in right, when by open hostility and accursed papacy the greater portion was plucked out of his hands.  
Here therefore we see the issue of domestical or homebred broils, the fruits of variance, the gain that riseth of dissension, whereas no greater nor safer line 30 fortification can betide a land, than when the inhabitants are all alike minded. By concord many an hard enterprise (in common sense thought unpossible) is achieved, many weak things become so defended, that without manifold force they cannot be dissolved. From division and mutinies do issue (as out of the Trojan horse) ruins of royalties, and decay of commonalties. The sinews of a realm is supposed of some to be substance and wealth; of other some policy and power; of other some convenient line 40 defences both by water and land: but a most excellent description of a well fortified country is that of Plautus, set down in most pithy words and grave sentences; no less worthy to be written than read and considered. The description is this. 

Plaut. in Pers.  Si incolae bene sunt morati pulchrè munitum regnum arbitror:  
Perfidia & peculatus ex urbe & avaritia si exulent,  
Quarta invidia, quinta ambitio, sexta obtrectatio,  
Septimum periurium, octava indulgentia,  
Nona iniuria, decima quod pessimum aggressu scelus: line 50  
Haec nisi inde aberunt centuplex murus reb secundis parum est.  And therefore no marvel though both courtiers and commoners fell from king john their natural prince, and took part with the enemy; not only to the disgrace of their sovereign, but even to his overthrow, and the depopulation of the whole land; sith these main bulwarks and rampires were wanting; and the contrary in most rank sort and detestable manner extended their virulent forces.  
But we will surcease to aggranate this matter, line 60 sith the same is sufficiently urged in the very course of the history concerning his acts and deeds, continued to the very day of his death, and the very time of his burial, whereof I say thus much, that whether it was his will to be interred, as is aforesaid, or whether his corpse being at the disposing of the survivors, to elect the place as a convenient storehouse for a prince's bones, I leave it as doubtful, and therefore undetermined, esteeming the less to labour therein, because the truth can hardly by certainty be winnowed out, but by conjectural supposals aimed and shot at. Notwithstanding, in my poor judgement it is very likely (first in respect of the time which was superstitious and popish; secondly by reason of the custom of funeral rites then commonly used) that he was buried in the said place for order sake, & his body (if I may presume so far by warrant of mine author) wrapped in a monks cowl and so laid in his grave or tomb. For the manner was at that time, in such sort to bury their Nobles and great men, who were induced by the imaginations of monks and fond fancies of fréers to believe, that the said cowl was an amulet or defensitive to their souls from hell and hellish hags, how or in what soever sort they died; either in sorrow and repentance for sin, or in blasphemy, outrage, impatiency, or desperation.  
This form of funerals was frequented in Wales, having been first brewed and broached in England, from whence (if we may give credit to our late Chronographers) as from a poisoned spring it spread itself into Wales. 
Humf. Lhloyd. David powel.  For the first abbey or friary that is read to have been erected there, since the dissolution of the noble house of Bangor, which savoured not of Romish dregs, was the Twy Gwyn, which was builded in the year 1146. Afterwards these vermin swarmed like bees, or rather crawled like louse over all the land, and drew in with them their lousy religion, tempered with I wots not how many millians of abominations; having utterly forgotten the lesson which Ambrose Telesinus had taught them [who writ in the year 540, when the right christian faith (which joseph of Arimathia taught the isle of Aualon) reigned in this land, before the proud and bloodthirsty monk Augustine infected it with the poison of Romish errors] in a certain ode, a part whereof are these few verses ensuing, 

Gwae'r offeiriad bid,  
Nys angreifftia gwyd,  
Ac ny phregetha:  
Gwae ny cheidw ey gail,  
Ac efyn vigail,  
Ac nys areilia:  
Gwae ny theidw ey dhevaid,  
Rhae bleidhie Rhiefeniaid,  
Ai ffon grewppa,   

Woe be to that priest yborn, 
Thus in English almost word for word.   
That will not cleanly weed his corn,  
And preach his charge among:  
Woe be to that shepherd (I say)  
That will not watch his fold alway,  
As to his office doth belong:  
Woe be to him that doth not keep,  
From ravening Romish wolves his sheep,  
With staff and weapon strong.    
This (as not impertinent to the purpose) I have recorded, partly to show the palpable blindness of that age wherein king john lived, as also the religion which they reposed in a rotten rag, esteeming it as a Scala coeli or ladder to life; but specially inferred to this end, that we may fetch some light from this clear candle (though the same seem to be duskish & dim) whereby we may be lead to conceive in reason and common sense, that the interrement of the king was according to the custom then in use and request, and therefore by all likelihoods he was buried as the peers and states of the land were wont to be in those days, after the manner above mentioned.  
But to let this pass as a cold discourse of a coffin of bones covered with clods of clay; 
King john's children.  you shall understand that he left behind him posterity of both sexes. For he had issue by his wife queen Isabella two sons, Henry who succeeded him in the kingdom, and Richard; three daughters, joane married to Alexander king of Scotland, Isabella coupled in matrimony with the emperor Fredrick the second, and Elinor whom William earl of Gloucester had to wife. He had also another daughter (as some have left in writing) called Elinor.  
He was comely of stature, but of look and countenance displeasant and angry, somewhat cruel of nature, as by the writers of his time he is noted, and not so hardy as doubtful in time of peril and danger. But this seemeth to be an envious report uttered by those that were given to speak no good of him whom they inwardly hated. Howbeit some give line 10 this witness of him (as the author of the book of Bernewell abbeie and other) that he was a great and mighty prince, but yet not very fortunate, much like to Marius the noble Roman, tasting of fortune both ways: bountiful and liberal unto strangers, but of his own people (for their daily treasons practised towards him) a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to foreigners than to them, and therefore in the end he was of them utterly forsaken.  
¶ verily, whosoever shall consider the course of the line 20 history written of this prince, he shall find, that he hath been little beholden to the writers of that time in which he lived: for scarcely can they afford him a good word, except when the truth enforceth them to come out with it as it were against their wills. The occasion whereof (as some think) was, for that he was no great friend to the clergy. And yet undoubtedly his deeds show he had a zeal to religion, as it was then accounted: for he founded the abbeie of Beauleau in the new forest, as it were in recompense line 30 of certain parishchurches, which to enlarge the same forest he caused to be thrown down and ruinated.  
He builded the monastery of Farendon, and the abbey of Hales in Shropshire; he repaired Godstow where his father's concubine Rosamund lay interred; he was no small benefactor to the minster of Lichfield in Staffordshire; to the abbeie of Crokesden in the same shire, and to the chapel at Knatesburgh in Yorkshire. So that (to say what I think) line 40 he was not so void of devotion towards the church, as divers of his enemies have reported, who of mere malice conceal all his virtues, and hide none of his vices; but are plentiful enough in setting forth the same to the uttermost, and interpret all his doings and saiengs to the worst, as may appear to those that advisedly read the works of them that writ the order of his life, which may seem rather an invective than a true history: nevertheless, sith we cannot come by the truth of things through the malice line 50 of writers, 
Matth. Paris. Polydor. & alij.  we must content ourselves with this unfréendlie description of his time. certainly it should seem the man had a princely heart in him, and wanted nothing but faithful subjects to have assisted him in revenging such wrongs as were done and offered by the French king and others.  
Moreover, the pride and pretended authority of the clergy he could not well abide, when they went about to wrest out of his hands the prerogative of his princely rule and government. True it is, that to maintain his wars which he was forced to take in hand, as well in France as elsewhere, he was constrained to make all the shift he could devise to recover money, and because he pinched their purses, they conceived no small hatred against him, which when he perceived, and wanted peradventure discretion to pass it over, he discovered now and then in his rage his immoderate displeasure, as one not able to bridle his affections, a thing very hard in a stout stomach, and thereby miss now and then to compass that which otherwise he might very well have brought to pass.  
It is written, that he meant to have become feudary (for maintenance sake against his own disloyal subjects, 
Matth. Paris▪  and other his adversaries) unto Miramumeline the great king of the Saracens: but for the truth of this report I have little to say, and therefore I leave the credit thereof to the authors. It is reported likewise, that in time when the realm stood interdicted, as he was abroad to hunt one day, it chanced that there was a great stag or hart killed, which when he came to be broken up, proved to be very fat and thick of flesh; Oh (saith he) what a pleasant life this dear hath led, and yet in all his days he never heard mass. To conclude, it may seem, that in some respects he was not greatly superstitious, and yet not void of a religious zeal towards the maintenance of the clergy, as by his bountiful liberality bestowed in building of abbeys and churches (as before ye have hard) it may partly appear.  
In his days many learned men lived, as Geffrey Uinesaufe, Simon Fraxinus alias Ash, Adamus Dorensis, Gualther de Constantijs first bishop of Lincoln and after archbishop of Roven, john de Oxford, Colman surnamed Sapiens, Richard Canonicus, William Peregrine, Alane Te●kesburie, Simon Thurnaie, 
Bale,  who being an excellent philosopher but standing too much in his own conceit, upon a sudden did so forget all his knowledge in learning, that he became the most ignorant of all other, a punishment (as was thought) appointed him of God, for such blasphemies as he had wickedly uttered, both against Moses and Christ. Geruasius Dorobernensis, john Hanwill, Nigell Woreker, Gilbert de Hoiland, Benet de Peterburgh, William Parnus a monk of Newburgh, Roger Hoveden, Hubert Walter, first bishop of Salisbury and after archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander Theologus, of whom ye have heard before, Geruasius Tilberiensis, Sylvester Giraldus Cambrensis, who wrote many treatises, joseph Devonius, Walter Mapis, Radulfus de Diceto, Gilbert Legley, Mauricius Morganius, Walter Morganius, john de Fordeham, William Leicester, joceline Brakeland, Roger of Crowland, Hugh White alias Candidus that wrote an history entitled Historia Petroburgensis, john de saint Omer, Adam Barking, john Grace an historiographer and bishop of Norwich, Walter of Coventrie, Radulphus Niger, etc. See Bale Scriptorum Britanniae centuria tertia.  
Thus far king john.   

Henry the third, the eldest son of king john.  
HEnrie, the third of that name, the eldest son of K. john, a child of the age of nine years, began his reign over the realm of England the ninetéenth day of October, 
Anno Reg. 1.  in the year of our Lord 1216, in the seventh year of the emperor Fredrick the second, year 1216 and in the 36 year of the reign of Philip line 10 the second king of France.  
Immediately after the death of his father king john, 
William Marshal earl of Pembroke.  William Martial earl of Penbroke, general of his father's army, brought this young prince with his brother and sisters unto Gloucester, and there called a council of all such lords as had taken part with king john. Anon after it was once openly known, that the sons and daughters of the late deceased prince were brought into a place of safety, a great number of the lords and chief barons of the line 20 realm hasted thither (I mean not only such as had holden with king john, but also diverse other, which upon certain knowledge had of his death, were newly revolted from jews) in purpose to aid young king Henry, to whom of right the crown did appertain.  
Thither also came Uallo or Guallo the pope's legate (an earnest defender of the king's cause) with Peter bishop of Winchester, & jocelin bishop of Bath: also Ranulph earl of Chester, William Ferrer line 30 earl of Derbie, 
Matth. Paris.  john Martial, and Philip de Albenie, with diverse other lords and peers of the realm, and a great number of abbots and prior's, who by and by fell to council together what way should be best to take, for the good order of things now in so doubtful and perilous a time as this. The peers of the realm being thus assembled, William earl of Penbroke, bringing the young king into their presence, and setting him before them, spoke these words following. line 40  

The earl of Penbroks' short and sweet oration as it is borrowed out of master Fox.  
BEhold right honourable and well-beloved, although we have persecuted the father of this young prince for his evil demeanour, and worthily, yet this young child whom here line 50 you see before you, as he is in years tender, so is he pure and innocent from those his father's doings. Wherefore, in so much as every man is charged only with the burden of his own works and transgressions, neither shall the child (as the scripture teacheth us) bear the iniquity of his father: we ought therefore of duty and conscience to pardon this young and tender prince, and take compassion of his age as ye see. And now, for so much as he is the kings natural and eldest son, and must be our sovereign king, and successor in this kingdom, come and let us appoint him our king & governor, let us remove from us this jews the French kings son, and suppress his people, which are a confusion and shame to our nation: and the yoke of their servitude let us cast from off our shoulders.   
When the barons had heard this earls words, after some silence and conference had, they allowed of his saiengs, and immediately with one consent, proclaimed the young gentleman king of England, whom the bishops of Winchester and Bath did crown and anoint with all due solemnities at Gloucester, upon the day of the feast of the apostles Simon & Jude, in presence of the legate. Being thus crowned, he was committed to the governance of his brother in law, the foresaid William Marshal earl of Penbroke, who to win the good will of the people towards the young king, sent forth messengers with letters into all parts of the realm, to signify the news of the king's coronation, with an offer also of pardon to all such of the barons side as would turn to his part: and likewise of great rewards to those, which having hitherto continued faithful, would so remain until this trouble should be overpast. By this means it came to pass, that his friends greatly rejoiced at these news, and many of those which till that time had aided the Frenchmen, revolted from them, and in hope of pardon and reward turned to king Henry.  
It is reported by writers, that amongst other things, as there were diverse which withdrew the hearts of the Englishmen from jews, the consideration of the confession which the 
* See pag. 193. col. 2.  viscount of Melune made at the hour of his death, was the principal. The order whereof, in the later end of the life of king john, ye have heard. Truly how little good will inwardly jews and his Frenchmen bare towards the English nation, it appeared sundry ways. And first of all, in that they had them in a manner in no regard or estimation at all, but rather sought by all means to spoil and keep them under, not suffering them to bear any rule, nor putting them in trust with the custody of such places as they had brought them in possession of. secondly, they called them not to council, so often as at the first they used to do, neither did they proceed by their directions in their business, as before they were accustomed. thirdly, 
The pride of the Frenchmen procureth them hatred.  in all manner of their conversation, neither jews nor his Frenchmen used them so familiarly, as at their first coming: but (as their manner is showing more lofty countenances toward them, they greatly increased the indignation of the English lo●ds against them, who might evil abide to be so overruled.  
To conclude, where great promises were made at their entering into the land, they were slow enough in performing the same, so as the expectation of the line 10 English barons was quite made void: for they perceived daily that they were despised & scoffed at for their disloyalty showed to their own natural prince, hearing now and then nips and tawnts openly by the Frenchmen, that as they had showed themselves false and untrusty to their own lawful king, so they would not continue any long time true unto a stranger. Thus all these things laid together, gave occasion to the English barons to remember themselves, and to take just occasion to revolt unto king line 20 Henry, as before we have mentioned. But now to the purpose of the history.  
Ye have heard how jews had spent long time in vain about the besieging of the castle of Dover, for although he plagued them within very sore, yet Hubert de Burgh and Gerard de Sotigam bore themselves so manfully, and therewith so politicly, that their adversaries could not come to understand their distress & danger within the castle, in so much that despairing to win it in any short time, even before line 30 the death of king john was known (as some writ jews was contented to grant a truce to them that kept this castle, till the feast of Easter ne●t ensuing: but (as it appeareth by other) this truce was not concluded till after the death of king john was signified to jews, who greatly rejoicing thereat, supposed now within a short time, to bring the whole realm under his subjection: and therefore raising his siege from Dover, in hope to compass enterprises of greater consequence, he came back unto line 40 the city of London.  
When they within the castle of Dover saw the siege removed, they came forth, and burned such houses and buildings as the Frenchmen had raised before the same castle, and coming abroad into the country, got together such victuals and other necessary provision, as might serve for the furnishing of their fortress for a long season. After that jews was returned unto London, he remained not long there, but with a great army marched forth unto line 50 Hertford, where he besieged the castle, which was in the keeping of Walter de Godardule servant in household unto Fouks de Brent, 
Matth. Paris.  who defended the place from the feast of S. Martin, until the feast of S. Nicholas, 
Hertford castle delivered to jews.  and then delivered it by composition, that he and his people might departed with all their goods, horse and armour. From thence jews went unto Berkehamstéed, and besieged the castle, which was valiantly defended by a Dutch captain named Waleron, who with his people behaved himself so line 60 manfully, that a great number of Frenchmen and other of them without, were left dead in the ditches. At an issue also made upon the side, towards the north where the barons lay, they spoilt the carriage and truss of the said barons, and took therewithal the standard of William Mandevile. Finally about the ●0 day of December, they yet yielded the place unto jews, 
The cast●●l of Berkehams●●●d s●rre●red.  because they were no longer able to keep▪ it their lives, goods▪ horse and armour saved.  
jews having furnished this castle with a sufficient garrison, returned back towards London, and coming to S. Albon, 
Ma●●h. P●ris.  constrained the abbot to give unto him four score marks of silver, for a fine, 〈◊〉 recognizance of doing his homage till the feast of the purification of our lady next ensuing. Which poor abbot was made to believe, that he ought to take this dealing to be an act of great courtesy, the earl of Winchester being an earnest mean for him that he might so easily escape. 
Bernewe●●. A truce.  About the same time was a general truce taken betwixt the king and jews, and all their partakers, till the 20 day after Christmas, for the obtaining of which truce (as some writ) the castle of Berkehamstéed was surrendered unto the same jews, as before ye have heard.  
After Christmas, and whilst the truce yet dured, year 1218 jews and the barons assembled at the council which they held at Cambridge, & the lords that took part with the king met likewise at Oxford, and much talk there was, and great travel employed to have concluded some agreement by composition betwixt the parties, but it would not be, nor yet any longer truce (which was also sought for) could be granted: whereupon jews besieged the castle of Hidingham, the which together with the castles of Norwich, Colchester, and Oxford, were surrendered unto him, to have a truce granted until a month after Easter next ensuing. And so by this means all the east part of the realm came unto the possession of jews. For the isle of Elie was won by his people a little before the last truce, whilst he himself lay in siege at Berkehamstéed, except one fortress belonging to the same I'll, into the which the soldiers that served there under the king were withdrawn. But yet although jews might seem thus partly to prevail, in having these castles delivered into his hands, yet being advertised that daily there revolted diverse of the barons of England unto king Henry, which before had taken part with him: he stood in great doubt and fear of the rest, and therefore furnished all those castles which he had won with convenient garrisons, and namely the castle of Hertford, and after went to London, 
Polydor.  there to understand what further trust he might put in the rest of the English lords and barons: for as diverse had already forsaken him, as it is said, so the residue were doubtful what they were best to do.  
For first they considered, 
The perpl●●●●tie in which the barons stood.  that the renouncing of their promised faith unto jews, whom they had sworn to maintain as king of England, should be a great reproach unto them: and again they well saw that to continue in their obedience towards him, should bring the realm in great danger, sith it would be hard for any loving agreement to continue between the French & Englishmen, their natures being so contrary. thirdly, they stood somewhat in fear of the pope's curse, pronounced by his legate, both against jews and all his partakers. Albeit on the other side, to revolt unto king Henry, though the love which they did bear to their country, and the great towardness which they saw in him greatly moved them; yet sith by reason of his young years, he was not able either to follow the wars himself, or to take counsel what was to be done in public government, they judged it a very dangerous case. For whereas in wars nothing can be more expedient than to have one head, by whose appointment all things may be governed: so nothing can be more hurtful than to have many rulers, by whose authority things shall pass and be ordered.  
Wherefore these considerations sta●ed and kept one part of the English lords still in obedience to jews, namely, for that diverse of the confederates thought that it stood not with their honours so to forsake him, till they might have some more honourable colour to revolt from their promises, or that the matter should be taken up by some indifferent agreement to be concluded out of hand betwixt them. hereupon they resorted in like manner unto London, and there with jews took council what was to be done with their business touching the whole state of their cause. ¶ Here ye shall note, that before the concluding of this last truce, Fouks de Brent the captain of the castle of Bedford got together a number of soldiers out of the garrisons 〈◊〉 the castles of Oxford, Northampton, Bedford, and Windsor, and coming with them to S. Albon's the 22 of February, 
S. Albon destroyed.  he spoilt the town & abbey, in like manner as he line 10 had done all the towns and villages by the way as he passed through the country, from Bedford unto S. Albon.  
The messengers which jews had remaining in the court of Rome, signified unto him about the same time, that except he departed out of England, the sentence of excommunication, which Gualo or Walo the legate had pronounced against him, should be confirmed by the pope on Maundie thursday next ensuing. Whereupon jews was the more inclined line 20 to yield to the truce before mentioned, that he might in the mean time go over into France to his father, who had most earnestly written and sent in commandment to him, that in any wise he should return home to talk with him, and so about midlent after the truce was concluded, he prepared himself, and sailed over into France, and as Polydor saith (but with what authority I know not) the king of Scots went also with him.  
After his departure over, William earl of Salisbury, 
Matth. Paris. Noble men revolting from jews.  line 30 William earl of Arundel, William earl Warren, and diverse other revolted to king Henry. Moreover, William Martial earl of Penbroke so traveled with his son William Marshal the younger, that he likewise came to take part with the young king: whereby the side of jews and his Frenchmen was sore weakened, and their hearts no less appalled for the sequel of their affairs. Lewes' returned yet into England before the truce was expired. The lords that held on the king's part in the absence line 40 of jews, were not forgetful to use opportunity of time: for beside that they had procured no small number of those that before time held with jews to revolt from him to the king's side, they at one self time besieged diverse castles, and recovered them out of their adversaries hands, as Marlebrough, Farneham, Winchester, Cicester, and certain other, which they overthrew and razed, because they should not be taken and kept again by the enemy. For ye must understand, that the going over of line 50 jews now at that time, when it stood him most upon to have been present here in that troublesome season (which he ought to have regarded with singular circumspection, and warily to have watched, for Virtus est, ubi occasio admonet, dispicere) brought no small hindrance to the whole state of all his business, in so much that he was never so highly regarded afterwards among the Englishmen as before.  
About the same time Ranulfe earl of Chester, line 60 William earl of Albermarle, 
Matth. Paris. The earl of Chester.  William earl Ferrer, Robert de Ueipount, Brian de Lisle, William de Cantlow, Philip de Marc, Robert de Gaugi, Fouks de Brent, & others assembled their powers, and coming to Mountsorell beside Loughborough in Leicestershire, 
The castle of Mountsorell besieged.  besieged the castle there, the captain whereof was one Henry de Braibroke. This Henry defended the place right manfully, 
Henry Braibroke.  and doubting to be in distress by long siege, sent with all speed to the earl of Winchester, 
Saer de Quincie earl of Winchester.  Saer de Quincie as then being at London with the Frenchmen, requiring him to send some succour to remove the siege. Hereupon the earl of Winchester, to whom that castle belonged, required jews that some convenient power might be sent, whereby the siege might be removed. Wherefore upon council taken with deliberate advise, it was ordained that an army should be sent thither with all speed, not only to raise the siege, but also to subdue that country unto the obedience of jews. Herwith there went out of London 600 knights, and with them above twenty thousand men in armour, greedy (as it seemed) to have the spoil of other men's goods.  
Their chief captains were these: Saer de Quincie earl of Winchester, Robert Fitzwater, and others, and they did set forward upon the last of April, which was the monday before the Ascension day, passing through S. Albon, where they lodged the first night, and so to Dunstable, and by the way such soldiers as were used to spoil and pillage, played their parts, not sparing to rob and ransack as well religious houses as other. From Dunstable keeping on their journey northwards, at length they came to Mountsorell, but the earl of Chester and the other lords, advertised of their approach, 
The earl of Chester raiseth his siege.  were retired before to Nottingham, determining there to abide, till they might understand what way the enemies would take.  
In the mean time the earl of Winchester and the other barons, finding their enemies departed and the siege raised, determined forthwith to go unto Lincoln, where Gilbert de Gaunt and other had kept siege a long time before the castle, but yet in vain. 
Bernewell.  For there was a noble lady within that castle named Nichola, who demeaned herself so valiantly in resisting all assaults and enterprises, which the enemies that besieged her could attempt by any means against her, that they rather lost than wan honour and estimation at her hands daily. Therefore Robert Fitzwater and the other leaders of this army, to the end they might get that castle out of her and other their enemies hands, took their journey forward, and passing through the vale of Beawere, all things there that came to sight fell into the hands of the greedy soldiers. For the French footmen, which were as it had been the scum & refuse of their country, lest nothing untouched that they might lay hands upon, not sparing church or churchyard, nor hallowed place more than common or profane. For they were so poor and ragged, 
The poor estate of the French soldiers.  that they had scarce any tatters to cover their privy parts withal. Finally coming unto Lincoln, they assaulted the castle with all manner of engines, and assayed by all ways possible whereby they hoped to advance their purpose.  
Thus whiles the barons with the Frenchmen were much busied about the siege of Lincoln castle, W. Marshal earl of Penbroke, by the advise of the legate Gualo or Walo, and of Peter bishop of Winchester, and other of the council with king Henry, caused summons to be given to all captains and chateleins on the king's part, 
Summons to raise an army for the king.  to be at Newarke upon monday in Whitsunwéeke, with such power as they might make, from thence to march to Lincoln, there to raise the siege, and deliver the country from imminent oppression. Whereupon there assembled at the day and place prefixed, a great puissance of people desirous to fight for the defence of their country against the Frenchmen and other adversaries, rebels to the pope, and excommunicated persons, so that when the muster was taken, there was numbered 400 knights, 250 crossbows, besides demilances and horsemen in great numbers, which for need might have supplied and served in steed of men of arms, being very well furnished for the purpose, and armed at all points.  
The chief captains of this company were these: 
The captains of the king's army.  William Martial earl of Penbroke, and his son William Marshal the younger, Peter bish. of Winchester, a man right skilful in feats of war, Ranulph earl of Chester, William earl of Salisbury, William earl Ferrer, William earl of Albemarle, besides barons, as William de Albenie lately released out of captivity, john Martial, William de Cantlow, and William his son, Fouks de Brent, Thomas Basset, Robert de Ueipount, Brian de Lisle, Geffrey de Lucy, Philip de Albenie, with many other chateleins and constables of line 10 sundry castles.  

The legate accurseth jews & his complices.  The legate being there present also on the friday in the Whitsunwéeke aforesaid, revested in a white albe, accompanied with the clergy, accursed in solemn wise jews the French kings son, with all his fautors and complices, & especially those which held siege before the castle of Lincoln, with all the city: and the more to encourage all those that should pass forth in this army, to raise the siege, he granted to them free remission of all their sins, whereof they line 20 were truly confessed, and by authority which he had from almighty GOD, and the apostolic see, he promised to them the guerdon of everlasting salvation. Herewith when the army had received absolution, and the legates blessing, every man marched forth in his order and place appointed, and coming to Stow, an eight miles from Lincoln, they lodged there all night.  
In the morning they passed forth towards Lincoln, under the conduct of the said earl of Penbroke as general of the whole army, who being line 30 come thither, compassed about the city with his army. And to cause the enemy the sooner to leave the siege of the castle, he assaulted the gates of the city, enforcing his power to bear down and break them open. The Frenchmen perceiving all the danger to be about the gates, withdrew a little from the assailing of the castle, and resorting to the walls of the city, did their best with shooting and casting of stones and other things, to drive their adversaries line 40 from the gates.  

Fouks' de Brent.  Thus whiles they were occupied on both parts, Fouks de Brent entered into the castle by a postern gate on the backside, and a great number of soldiers with him, and rushing into the city out of the castle, he began a fierce battle with the citizens within the city: which when the Frenchmen perceived, by the noise and cry raised at their backs, they ran to the place where the skirmish was, doing their best to beat back the aforesaid Foukes de Brent line 50 with his company. But in the mean time the Englishmen, under the leading of savoury de Mauleon, a Poictovin (of whom you have heard in the life of king john) broke open the gates and entered the city. Then the fight was sore increased and maintained for a time with great fury: so that it was hard to judge who should have the better. But at length the Frenchmen and those English lords that were with them, being sore laid at on each side, began to retire towards the gates, and finally to turn their line 60 backs and so fled away: 
The Frenchmen put to flight at Lincoln.  but being beset round about with the king's horsemen, they were streightwaies either slain or taken for the most part of them.  
Amongst other that were there slain, the earl of Perch a Frenchman was one, 
The earl of Perch slain.  who being gotten into a churchyard manfully defended himself till his horse was killed under him, and lastly himself was also beaten down and slain. There were taken of Englishmen, 
Noble men taken prisoners.  Saer de Quincie earl of Winchester, and Humphrey de Bohun earl of Hereford, Gilbert de Gaunt earl of Lincoln by the gift of jews, 
Gilbert de Gaunt by the gift of jews.  Richard de Montfichet, William de mowbray, William de Beauchampe, William de Manduit, Oliver de Harecourt, Roger de Cressie, William de Colevill, William de Roos, William de Ropeley, Ralph Chanduit, and diverse other: so that of knights there were taken to the number of four hundred, beside such multitude of demilances, and other horsemen and footmen, as could not well be numbered. Moreover, all the provision, truss, and baggage laden in carts, clothsackes, and males belonging to the barons and Frenchmen was taken, and the city was spoiled, rifled and sacked.  
This enterprise and discomfiture at Lincoln, which was in derision called jews his fair, 
Lewes' his fair.  chanced the 14 kalends of june, being saturday in the Whitsunwéeke. Many honest matrons of the town were drowned, as they were got into boats to avoid the danger of their persons, wanting skill how to guide the same boats. The earl of Penbroke the same day before he received any repast, road back in post to the king, whom he had left at Stow, and there declared the joyful news of his good speed, in vanquishing of the enemies. On the next morrow, news came to the king, that they which had kept the castle of Mountsorell were fled out of the same, 
The K. commandeth the castle of Mountsorell to be razed.  and had left it void. Whereupon immediately he sent in commandment unto the sheriff of Notinghamshire, that going thither in his own person, he should ruinat the said castle, & make it plain with the ground.  
The Frenchmen which escaped with life from the slaughter of Lincoln, as the Marshal of France, the chateleine of Arras, with others, made towards London with all possible speed, in hope to escape so well as they might: but many of them, and namely the footmen were slain by the country people where they passed, and that in great numbers: for the husbandmen fell upon them with clubs and swords, not sparing those whom they got at advantage. Two hundred knights or men of arms (as we may call them) getting to London, 
Milites.  presented unto jews the sorrowful report of their misadventure, and were of him not moaned, but blamed and sore rebuked, for that they had fled, and shamefully left the residue of their companies to be distressed, taken, and slain by the adversaries, where if they had manfully stood to it, they might happily have saved their fellows, and obtained victory.  
¶ The chronicle of Dunstable showeth in deed that Simon de Peschie and Henry Braibroc, 
Chr. Dunsta.  perceiving that Fouks de Brent was entered into the city, and that they were now assailed both affront, and on the backs, they withdrew, and getting together 80 French knights or men of arms (if we shall so call them) departed out of the city, and fleeing through the country by Lin and saint Edmundsburie, at length got through to London. How soever they were welcomed of jews, certain it is, that the lords that took part with king Henry, were put in no small hope by the achieving of this so great a victory, to bring within a short time all the realm to the obedience of king Henry: and hereupon marching forth into the country, put the people in such fear, that they submitted themselves unto the government of king Henry in all places where soever they came.  
On the other part, jews who all this season remained at London, being sore dismayed for the loss of his people, began to fear every day more and more, least by some practice he should be betrayed and delivered into his enemies hands. Therefore he went about to make himself as strong as was possible, 
jews sendeth to his father for aid.  & fortifying the city, sent messengers into France, to require his father to send him more aid. His ●●●ther sorry to hear of his son's distress, and loath that he should take the foil, caused his daughter the wife of jews, to prepare a power of men, that the same might pass with all speed over into England to the aid of her husband. For the French king himself would not seem to aid his son, because he was excommunicated: but his daughter in law, having licence and commission thereto, got together three hundred knights, 
In army prepared in France to come to the succour of jews.  or men of arms, whom with a great number of other soldiers and armed men, she sent down to Caleis, where Eustace the monk had provided a navy of ships to convey them over into England. But how they sped you shall hear line 10 anon.  
In the mean time the earl of Penbroke approached towards London, 
Polydor.  purposing to assail the city now in this opportunity of time, letting pass no occasion that might further his proceedings, night and day studying how to recover the realm wholly out of the Frenchmens hands, and to set the same at liberty: 
The diligence of the earl of Penbroke.  so that what was to be devised, he did devise, and what was to be done, that he did, not forslowing any occasion or opportunity that might be offered. line 20 The English barons also calling to mind the benefit which they had received at the Frenchmens hands in time of their most need, sought now by all means possible, some way how to procure a peace betwixt king Henry and the said jews, thinking by that means to benefit themselves, and to gratify him in am of his former courtesy bountifully showed in a case of extremity, which because it was obtained in a wished time was the more acceptable, whereas being lingered it had been the less welcome, as one saith, line 30 
Gratia quae tarda est ingrata est, gratia námque  

Anson in epig.  Quùm fieri properat, gratia grata magis.   
hereupon they caused daily new articles of agreement to be presented in writing unto the said jews, as from king Henry. But while these things were a doing, 
Matth. Paris.  the earl of Penbroke and other the lords that took part with king Henry, having advertisement, that a new supply of men was ready to come and aid jews, they appointed Philip de Albenie and john Marshal to associate with them the line 40 power of the cinque ports, and to watch for the coming of the adversaries, that they might keep them from landing, who on saint Bartholomews day set forth from Caleis, in purpose to arrive in the Thames, and so to come up the river to London. Howbeit Hubert de Burgh capiteine of the castle of Dover, together with the said Philip de Albenie and john Martial, with other such power as they could get together of the cinque ports, having not yet above the number of 40 ships great & small, upon the discovering line 50 of the French fleet, which consisted of 80 great ships, besides other lesser vessels well appointed and trimmed, made forth to the sea. And first coasting aloof from them, 
Hubert de Burgh assaileth the French fleet.  till they had got the wind on their backs, came finally with their main force to assail the Frenchmen, and with help of their crossbows and archers at the first joining, made great slaughter of their enemies, and so grappling together, in the end the Englishmen bore themselves so manfully, 
The French fleet is vanquished.  that they vanquished the whole French fleet, and obtained line 60 a famous victory.  

Matth. Paris.  Eustace the monk was found amongst the captains, who although he offered great sums of gold for his ransom, 
Eustace the monk taken and beheaded.  so that he might have had his life saved, and also to serve king Henry, yet the English capitoins would none of that: but Richard the bastard son of king john, took him, and cut off his head, 

Richard base son to king john.  
Eustace the monk what he was.   and sent it unto king Henry his brother, as a witness of this their achieved victory. This Eustace was a Fleming borne, and sometime a monk, but renouncing his cowl to receive such heritage as fell to him by the death of his brethren, deceassing without issue, he became a notable pirate, and had done in his days much mischief to the Englishmen, and therefore was now rewarded according to his demerits. For 
Rarò antecedentem scelestum 
Hor. lib. 3. car. odd. 2.   
Deseruit pede poena claudo.   
The spoil and prey of the French ships was very rich, 
A rich spoil.  so that the Englishmen being laden with riches and honour, upon their safe return home were received with great joy and gladness. But jews, after he understood of this mischance happening to his people that came to his aid, began not a little to despair of all other succour to come unto him at any time hereafter: wherefore he inclined the sooner unto peace, so that at length he took such offers of agreement as were put unto him, and received furthermore a sum of money for the release of such hostages as he had in his hands, 
An accord betwixt K. Henry & jews.  together with the title of the kingdom of England, and the possession of all such castles and holds as he held within the realm. ¶ The French chronicle (to the which the chronicle of Dunstable and Matthew Paris do also agree) affirmeth that he received fifteen thousand marks. Moreover, 
The English chronicle saith a thousand pounds.  the pope's legate absolved jews and all those that had taken his part in the offence of disobedience showed in attempting the war against the pope's commandment. 
Matth. Paris.   
Then jews with all his complices that had been excommunicated swore upon the holy evangelist, that they should stand to the judgement of holy church, and from thenceforth be faithful unto the pope and to the church of Rome. Moreover, that he with his people should incontinently departed out of the realm, and never upon evil intent return again. And that so far as in him lay, he should procure his father king Philip, to make restitution unto king Henry of all the right which he had in the parts beyond the sea: and that when he should be king of France, he should resign the same in most quiet manner.  
On the other part, king Henry took his oath together with the legate, and the earl of Penbroke governor of the realm, that he should restore unto the barons of his realm, and to other his subjects, all their rights and heritage's, with all the liberties before demanded, for the which the discord was moved betwixt the late king john and his barons. Moreover, all prisoners on both parts were released and set at liberty, without paying any ransom: yea and those which had covenanted to pay, and upon the same were set at liberty before the conclusion of this peace, were now discharged of all sums of money which then remained unpaid.  
This peace was concluded on the eleventh day of September, not far from Stanes, hard by the river of Thames, where jews himself, the legate gualo, and diverse of the spirituality with the earl of Penbroke lord governor of the realm, and others, did meet and talk about this accord. Now when all things were ordered and finished agreeable to the articles and covenants of the peace, so far as the time present required, the lords of the realm (when jews should departed homeward) attended him to Dover in honourable wise, as appertained, and there took leave of him, and so he departed out of the realm about the feast of saint Michael.  
King Henry by this means being put in full possession of the realm, according to the prescript of that article contained in those conditions of the peace lately specified, pardoned all those that had aided his adversary jews during the wars, except certain of the spirituality, which were put to such fines, that they were compelled to lay all that they had to pledge, to levy such sums of money, as they might with the same obtain the king's favour again: 
The prelates are fined.  and beside that, to sue to Rome for their entire absolution at the pope's own hands. Amongst other, Hugh bishop of Lincoln returning into England, was compelled to pay a thousand marks to the pope's use for recovery of his bishopric, & an hundred marks also to the legate of good and lawful money. Such chevance made the legate amongst them of the church, 
Anno Reg. 2. What chevance the legate made.  as well persons secular as regular, that he got together twelve thousand marks towards his charges, whereby it appeared, that he lost no time in England. But to proceed. line 10  
The realm now being quiet and in all outward felicity, a number of unruly persons, such as delighting in idleness, knew not how to live in time of peace, assembled themselves together and (appointing Fouks de Brent, 
Fouks' de Brent.  who was a man of great stomach and more rashness, to be their captain and ringleder) began to make war against the king, and to spoil the towns and countries about them, so that their evil doings might have caused no small peril to have ensued by some great civil sedition, if the line 20 earl of Penbroke had not in time prevented their attempts. For he assembling the king's power, hasted towards the rebels, and what by his own authority, and by the reverend regard of some bishops in his company; more than by using any force of arms, he stayed the matter for that time, so that no further mischief followed of this mutiny. 
Matth. Paris.   
Besides the foresaid Fouks de Brent, there were other of the Nobility also which practised the like disorder, as William earl of Albemarle, Robert de line 30 Ueipount, Brian de Lisle, Hugh de Balliol, Philip de Marc, and Robert de Gaugi, the which Robert withheld the castle of Newarke that belonged to the bishop of Lincoln, and would not deliver it, till the king with William Martial earl of Penbroke had lain at siege before it an eight days, 
The castle of Newarke restored to the bishop of Lincoln.  in the end of which term by mediation of friends the matter was taken up, and the bishop recovered his castle, paying to the said Robert de Gaugi an hundred pounds sterling for the victuals which he left within line 40 the same castle.  
Soon after this, Ranulph earl of Chester was sent into the holy land by king Henry, with a goodly company of soldiers and men of war, to aid the christians there against the infidels, 
Matt. Paris. The earl of Chester goeth into the holy land.  which at the same time had besieged the city of Damieta in Egypt, in which enterprise the valiancy of the same earl after his coming thither, was to his great praise most apparent. There went with him in that journey Saer de Quincie earl of Winchester, line 50 William de Albenie earl of Arundel, besides diverse barons, as the lord Robert Fitz Walter, john constable of Chester, William de Harecourt, and Oliver Fitzroie son to the king of England, 
Son to K. john belike.  and diverse other.  
The next year, which was after the birth of our lord 1219, 
Anno Reg. 3. 1219  William Marshal the foresaid earl of Penbroke died, governor both of the realm and also of the king's person, 
The decease of the earl of Penbroke.  a man of such worthiness both in stoutness of stomach and martial knowledge, line 60 as England had few then living that might be compared with him. He was buried in the new temple church at London upon the Ascension day. 
He is buried in the temple church.  The same year also walo or gualo the legate returned to Rome, and Pandulph, who (as before is expressed) did the message so stoutly from pope Innocent to king john, 
Pandulph made bishop of Norwich.  was also made bishop of Norwich.  
Moreover, the government of king Henry after the death of William Martial the elder, 
The bishop of Winchester governor to the king.  earl of Penbroke, was committed unto Peter bishop of Winchester: for the young king was almost destitute of any of his kindred that were worthy to have the rule of him: 
Queen Isab●ll married to the earl of Marsh.  forasmuch as his mother queen Isabella was lately married to Hugh Brime the earl of Marsh in France, unto whom she was promised before king john took her to wife, as in the life of the same king john is mentioned.  
The bishop of Winchester being now in the possession of the king's person, doubting lest he had taken a greater charge upon him than he might well answer, caused diverse sage and honourable personages to be admitted of the king's council, to assist him in the administration of the commonwealth and good governance of the realm. Which being done, a parliament was holden at London, 
A parliament and a subsidy. R. Fabian.  wherein a subsidy was granted to the king of two shillings to be gathered and levied of every ploughland within his dominions, towards the relieving of the great charges which he had sustained by the wars against the foresaid jews.  
About the same time also he began the building of the new work of the church at Westminster. 
The new church of Westm. begun.  In which mean time the city of Damieta afore mentioned, was won by the christian princes, 
Anno. Reg. 4. Matth. West. The earl of Chester returneth home. Polydor.  and Ranulph earl of Chester returned home, leaving the earl of Arundel with a great number of soldiers behind him there in aid of the christians against the Saracens, which daily attempted the recovery of the same. Moreover, in the year ensuing, year 1220 which was of our lord 1220, and upon the seventeenth day of May being Whitsunday, the king was eftsoons solemnly crowned at Westminster, 
The K. crowned the second time.  to the end it might be said, that now after the extinguishment of all seditious factions, he was crowned by the general consent of all the estates and subjects of his realm.  
The same year also was the body of Thomas archbishop of Canturburie translated, 
Matth. Paris.  and Hugh bishop of Lincoln canonised for a saint. 
Matth. Paris.  In like manner in the vigil of Peter and Paul, the king finding the castles of Rokingham and Saweie at that present unpurveyed of victuals, took the same into his hands against the will of William of Albemarle which before held the same. ¶ This year also was a proclamation made in London, 
Ran. Higd. A proclamation to avoid strangers.  and throughout all the realm, that all strangers should avoid the land before the feast of saint Michael then next following except those that came with merchandise. Furthermore Ranulph earl of Chester, after he was come from the holy land, began to build the castles of Chartleie and Béeston, 
The castles of Chartley & Béeston built. Ran. Higd.  and afterward he also builded the abbeie of Dieu Lencresse, commonly called Delacresse of the white order. Toward his charges sustained about the building of which castles and abbey, he took toll throughout all his lordships of all such persons as passed by the same with any cattle, chaffre or merchandise.  
This year deceased Henry de Boun earl of Hereford, 
Anno Reg. 5. 1121  and Saer de Quincie earl of Winchester in their journey which they made into the holy land. Also the same year the priests or canons that inhabited within the king's castle of old Salisbury, removed with the bishops see unto new Salisbury, 
Salisbury.  which by the king was made a city. The bishop Richard procured this removing, through the king's help, who was very willing thereunto, as it seemed by his charters largely granted in that behalf. After this, 
Matth. Paris.  king Henry held his Christmas at Oxenford, at what time William de Fortz earl of Albemarle meaning to trouble the king's peace, 
The earl of Albemarle.  and to set things in a new broil, departed from the court in the night season, without leave or licence, and hasted with all speed unto the castle of Biham, 
The castle of Biham.  where he assembled a sort of youthful persons, given to lewd demeanour, and weary of quietness (as to whom theft and robberies were very pleasant) by whose help he spoiled divers towns and villages about him, as Tenham and Deping, with others.  
There were of counsel with him also (as was thought) Fouks de Brent, Philip de Marc, Peter de Mauleon, Engellard de Athie, and many other, who privily sent men to his aid, and furthered him in his tumultuous affairs, that they might participate with him the sweetness of the spoil, which is the mark whereat every one shooteth that is 
— iners & inops, qui vivere luxuriosè  
Vult quamuis nequeat, non respondente crumena,  
Proinde animam vendit pretio, seséque periclis  
Obijcit, ut raptis alienis victor ouánsque  
Ad proprios referat praedam & spolia ampla penates.   
In the mean time the country people withdrew to the churches, and got their goods into the churchyards. Moreover, the peers of the realm assembled themselves in council at Westminster where the king was present, whither the earl of Albermarle was summoned to come, who feigning as though he had meant to have gone thitherward directly, 
The castle of Fodringhey.  turned suddenly his way to the castle of Fodringhey, line 20 and took it upon the sudden, furnishing it also with a garrison of soldiers, to be kept hereafter to his own use. That castle was in the keeping of the earl of Chester, who at that instant had but few soldiers there in garrison, whereby it was the sooner surprised. When these news were brought to the king, he raised a power and came with all speed to the castle of Biham, 
The castle of Biham yielded.  upon the wednesday next after the feast of Candelmasse, and then compassing the same about with a strong siege, he constrained them line 30 within by force of such engines as they used in those days, that finally on the eight day of February they came forth, and submitted themselves and all that they had unto the king's pleasure. Who caused them to be safely kept, till he might take further advisement what should be done with them.  
In the mean while also came the earl of Albemarle, who by the help & means of the archbishop of York, and the legate Pandulph, purchased peace at the king's hands, the rather indeed because he had line 40 faithfully served both the king and his father king john in their wars, 
Matth. Paris. Old service remembered.  before that time. All those men of arms & soldiers also, which had submitted themselves and remained as prisoners, were pardoned. Which overgreat clemency caused other unruly persons to attempt the like offence of rebellion shortly after. At the very self same time the Welshmen began to stir, 
The Welshmen begin to stur.  and under their prince and leader Leolin they entered upon the English marshes, and with great cruelty spoiled and rob the same, line 50 whereupon it was determined by the council, that the king (as he was coming toward the castle of Biham) should divide his army, and so he did, sending one part thereof against the Welshmen: 
Polydor.  whereupon Leolin, after he understood that the king's power came toward him, as one not able to resist the same, cast off his armour, and submitted himself to his mercy.  
There be which writ, that where prince Leolin had besieged the castle of Buet belonging to Reginald line 60 de Breuse, 
Matth. Paris.  the same Reginald besought the K. to help to remove that siege. 
Reginald de Breuse.  The king contented with his request, came with a puissant army into those parts, and therewith the siege was raised, for the Welshmen (according to their accustomed manner) fled. The king then entering further into the country, 
Mountgomerie castle built.  came to the place where Mountgomerie now standeth, and perceiving the site of the same to serve well for fortification, he caused a castle to be builded there, to restrain the Welshmen from their accustomed trade of harrieng the country. And so after he had foraied those quarters, and taken order for the full accomplishment of that castle, he returned, 
escuage paid.  the Nobles granting to him of every knights see two marks of silver.  
Things being thus in quiet, the king (who by daily experience of matters grew to more knowledge from time to time) began now of himself to order his affairs for his own behalf, namely touching the estate of his kingdom: 
Polydor.  and because he was minded to assay the recovery of those places which his father had lost in France, he ordained savoury de Mauleon to be his lieutenant in Guien, whereof a great part as yet remained in his hands, 
K. Henry requireth restitution of his right of the French king.  and moreover sent ambassadors unto the French king, requiring of him restitution of those places which he had taken from his father.  
These orators being come into France, and admitted to the king's presence, received answer, 
The French kings answer  that nothing ought to be restored, which by law of arms was rightly conquered: and other redress at that time would none be granted. ¶ But a marvel it was to consider here at home, in how short a space the state of the English commonwealth was changed, and from a troubled form reduced to a flourishing and prosperous degree: chiefly by the diligent heed and careful provision of the king himself. So much availeth it to have him that ruleth, to attend that which belongeth to his office.  
After this, to the intent that whiles he might be occupied in wars abroad, he should not be troubled with civil discord at home, he devised to join in affinity with the Scots, 
Matt. Westm. Matth. Paris. Marriages concluded.  giving his sister jone in marriage unto Alexander the king of Scotland, and Hubert of Burgh on the other side married the sister of the same Alexander called Margaret. These marriages were solemnised at York on the morrow after the feast of S. john Baptist, in the presence of a great number of the Nobles both of England and Scotland. 
Anno Reg. 6. 1222  A council also was holden by the archbishop of Canturburie at Oxford for reformation of the state ecclesiastical and the religion of monks. 
A council or synod at Oxford.  ¶ In which council two naughty fellows were presents before him, that of late had been apprehended, either of them naming himself Christ, and preached many things against such abuses as the clergy in those days used. Moreover, to prove their error to have a show of truth, 
Two dissembling persons apprehended. Matth. Westm.  they showed certain tokens and signs of wounds in their bodies, hands and feet, like unto our saviour jesus that was nailed on the cross. In the end being well opposed, they were found to be but false dissemblers, wherefore by doom of that council, they were judged to be nailed unto a cross of wood, and so those to whom the execution was assigned, had them forth to a place called Arborberie, where they nailed them to a cross, 
They are executed.  and there left them till they were dead. The one of them was an Hermaphrodite, that is to say, both man and woman. Also there were two women condemned, 
Two women counterfeiting themselves to be, the one our lady, the other Marry Magdalene. Ralph Cog.  of whom the one had taken upon her to be that blessed virgin Marie, and the other feigned herself to de Marie Magdalene.  
Ralph Coghshall showeth this matter otherwise, and saith, that there were two men and two women brought before the archbishop at this council, of the which one of the men being a deacon, was accused to be an apostata, & for the love of a woman that was a jew, he had circumcised himself: & being hereof convicted & disgraded, he was committed to the secular power, & so burnt by the servants of Fouks de Brent. The other being a young man, was accused of contemning the sacraments of the church, & that he suffered himself to be crucified, having the prints of the five wounds appearing in his body, and counterfeiting himself to be Christ, rejoiced to have the two women give out and spread the rumour abroad, that he was Christ in deed, one of the which women being very aged, was also accused of witchery, having with her sorcery and witchcraft brought that young man unto such wicked fo●●ie and madness. They two being hereof convicted, were closed up betwixt two walls, where they remained till they died, the other woman being sister to the young man, was pardoned and let go, because she had revealed the devilish practice of the other.  
This year also was the building of the steeple belonging to the church of S. Paul in London finished. And this year also upon saint james day the line 10 citizens of London kept a play of defence and wrestling at the hospital of saint james, 
Matth. Paris.  against other their neighbours of the suburbs, and the quarters next adjoining. In the end whereof it so fortuned, that the Londoners had the upper hand: 
Matt. Paris. Matt●. West.  and amongst other that were put to the foil, the steward of the abbot of Westminster with his folks went away with the worst, to their great grief. Whereupon the same steward devised an other game of wrestling to be holden at Westminster on Lammas day next line 20 following, and that whosoever could get the upper hand there, should have a ram for the price, which the steward had prepared. 
A 〈◊〉 wedder some say.   
At the day appointed, there was a great assembly, and the steward had got together out of all parts the best wrestlers that might be heard of, so that there was hard hold betwixt them and the Londoners. But finally, the steward upon desire of revenge, 
A not committed under pretence of wrestling.  procured them to fall together by the ears without any just cause, so that the Londoners were beaten and wounded, and constrained to flee back line 30 to the city in great disorder. The citizens sore offended to see their people so misused, rose in tumult, and rang the common bell to gather the more company to them. 
Robert Serle mayor of London.  Robert Serle mayor of the city would have pacified the matter, persuading them to let the injury pass, till by orderly plaint they might get redress, as law and justice should assign. But a certain stout man of the city namedConstantine Fitz Arnulfe, 
Constant●ne, a citizen of London procureth the citizens to revenge their cause by way of rebellion. Matth. Paris.  of good authority amongst them, advised line 40 the multitude not to hearken unto peace, but to seek revenge out of hand (wherein he showed himself so far from true manhood, that he bewrayed himself rather to have had a woman's heart, 
— quod vindicta  
Nemomagis gaudet quàm foemina)  still prosecuting the strife with tooth and nail, and blowing the coals of contention as it were with full bellows, that the houses belonging to the abbot of Westminster, and namely the house of his steward line 50 might be overthrown and beaten down flat with the ground.  
This lewd counsel was soon received and executed by the outrageous people, & Constantine himself being chief leader of them, cried with a loud voice, Mount joy mount joy, God be our aid and our sovereign jews. 
The lord chief justice taketh inquisition of the riot.  This outrageous part coming to the notice of Hubert de Burgh lord chief justice, he got together a power of armed men, and came to the city with the fame, and taking inquisition of the cheéfe offenders, found Constantine as constant in line 60 affirming the deed to be his, 
Constantine apprehended.  as he had before constantly put it in practice, whereupon he was apprehended and two other citizens with him. On the next day in the morning Fouks de Brent was appointed to have them to execution: and so by the Thames he quietly led them to the place where they should suffer. Now when Constantine had the halter about his neck, he offered fifteen thousand marks of silver to have been pardoned, but it would not be. There was hanged with him his nephew named also Constantine, 
He is executed  and one Geffrey, who made the proclamation devised by the said Constantine. The cry also which Constantine used to the setting forward of his unlawful enterprise in the name of jews most of all offended the king's friends, as the lord chief justice and others, who not satisfied with the death of the three before remembered persons, but also entering the city again with their hands of armed men, apprehended diverse of those whom they took to be culpable, not only putting many of them into prison, but also punishing other of them, as some with loss of a foot, some of an hand, and other of their eyesight. The king furthermore to revenge this matter, deposed all the magistrates of the city, and ordained new in their rooms. Which caused great hartburning against diverse of the Nobility, but chiefly the lord Hubert and Fouks de Brent, on whom in time they hoped to have revenge.  
As this bro●le vexed the city of London, 
Great tempe●●  so in this year there chanced great tempest of thunder, lightning and rain, whereby much hurt was done in diverse parts of the realm, and at sundry times, 
A general thunder.  as by throwing down of steeples, churches, and other buildings, with the rootwalting of trees, as well in woods as orchards, very strange to consider, chiefly on the eight day of February at Grantham in Lincolnshire, where there chanced (beside the thunder) such a stink and filthy favour to follow in the church, that the people fled out, for that they were not able to abide it. Likewise in the day of the exaltation of the cross, a general thunder happened throughout the realm, and thereupon followed a continual season of foul weather and wet, till Candelmas next after, which caused a dearth of corn, 
Great dearth of corn.  so as wheat was sold at twelve shillings the quarter. Likewise on the day of saint Andrew an other terrible tempest of thunder happened through the realm, 
In other tempest of thunder  throwing down and shaking buildings in many places, in so much that at Pillerdeston in Warwikeshire, in a knight's house, the lady thereof and six other persons were destroyed by the same. And a turbarie thereby compassed about with water and marresse was so dried up, 
Polydor.  that neither grass nor mire remained, after which ensued an earthquake. Moreover on the even of saint Lucy, a mighty wind raged, which did much hurt in sundry places of the realm. Furthermore, about this time there appeared in England a wonderful comet or blazing star. The sea also rose with higher tides and springs than it had been accustomed to do. 
A comet or blazing star.  All which wonders were afterward judged to betoken and signify the loss which the christians sustained the same year in Egypt, when they were constrained to surrender the city of Damieta into the Saracens hands, 
The loss of the city of Damieta.  which lately before (as ye have heard) they had won with long and chargeable siege. After the yielding up of Damieta, 
William de ●●benie earl of Arundel departed this 〈◊〉  William de Albenie earl of Arundel (whom Ranulfe earl of Chester left behind him in the holy land) with many soldiers and men of war (when he returned from thence) came now homewards towards England, and died by the way.  
About the same time john the son of David earl of Anguish in Scotland, 
Anno Reg. 7. john Scot marrieth the daughter of Leolin prince of Wales.  sister's son unto Ranulfe earl of Chester, married the daughter of Leolin prince of Wales, as it were to procure a final accord between the said Leolin and Ranulfe. After which marriage, king Henry held his Christmas at Oxenford, and shortly after the twelftide came to London: where assembling a council of his barons, year 1223 he was earnestly required by the bishop of Canturburie and other peers, to confirm the liberties, 
A council 〈◊〉 London.  franchises, and free customs of the realm, 
Note the readiness of the bish. to 〈◊〉 new contention.  for which the wars in his father's time had been moved: which to deny (as the archbishop seemed to allege, & should have been ashamed so to open his mouth, to the disadvantage of his sovereign, but that it is likely he forgot the old posy, namely that, Imago rex est animatae Dei.) he might not with any reason, sith he had covenanted (and all the baronage with him) to see the same observed, by the articles of the peace concluded with jews, when the same jews departed the realm.  
Hereupon William Brewer one of the king's council, 
The answer of William Brewer to the archbishop's demand.  hearing the archbishop so earnest in these matters, told him, that sith these liberties were procured & extorted rather by force than otherwise, of line 10 the king being under age, they were not to be observed. Whereunto the archbishop replied, that if he loved the king, 
Ahab accuseth Helias.  he would be loath to seek to trouble the quiet state of the realm. The king perceiving the archbishop to be chafed, & taking the tale himself, made a courteous answer, and further advise had in the matter, sent forth writs to the sheriff of every county, commanding them by inquiry of a sufficient jury impanelled, 
An inquisition.  to make certificate within the quindene of Ester, what were the liberties in times line 20 past of his grandfather K. Henry, used within the realm of England.  

Matth. Paris.  The same year, whiles William Martial earl of Penbroke was busy in Ireland in war against Hugh Lacie, Leolin prince (or king) of Wales, as some have entitled him, took by force two castles that belonged to the same earl: whereof when he was advertised, with all speed he returned out of Ireland, raised an army, and recovered the said castles, putting to death all such as he found in the same, to requite Leolin with the like damage as he had showed line 30 him before in his absence. 
The earl of Penbroke recovereth his castles taken by the prince of Wales.  This done he entered into the land of Leolin, wasting and spoiling the same, whereof when the said Leolin was informed, he assembled an host of Welshmen, and coming into the field gave battle, but the victory rested on the earl of Penbroks' side: 
The prince of Wales discomfited.  so that there were taken and slain in this bickering to the number of 9000 Welshmen. There was in this year a conspiracy also begun by the earl of Chester, and other Noble men, 
A conspiracy against the lord chief justice.  against Hubert de Burgh lord chief justice line 40 of England, by whose counsel (as it was thought) the king was more streict towards the nobility and other his subjects, in staying his grant to confirm the charter of liberties, than otherwise he would have been, if the same Hubert and other had not advised him to the contrary.  
In this season also john de Bren king of jerusalem, 
Matt. Paris. The king of jerusalem cometh into England.  and the lord great master of the knights hospitalers came into England, where they were honourably line 50 received of king Henry, and liberally rewarded. The cause of their coming was to require aid of the king for the recovery of the holy land out of the possession of the Saracens. In like manner about the same time Leolin prince of Northwals, with certain English lords, as Hugh Lacie and others, upon an hatred which they bore towards king Henry for his father's sake, supposing that so evil a stock as they took him to be, could not bring forth any good branch, sought by open wars to bring William line 60 Marshal earl of Penbroke and other barons that were faithful friends to the king unto their purpose: but the whole country rising against them, they were disappointed to their own confusion, and so they could never bring that to pass which they so earnestly intended.  
In this year Philip the French king departed this life, 

The death of the French king.  
Ambassadors sent into France.   and after him succeeded jews his son, unto whom king Henry sent in embassage the archbishop of Canturburie with three other bishops, to require, that (according to his oath made and received at his return out of England) he would restore and deliver up to him the dukedom of Normandy, with other such lands and possessions as his father in times past had taken from king john, and still did wrongfully withhold. K. jews answered hereunto, that he held Normandy & the other lands by good right and just title, as he could well prove and justify, if king Henry would come to the parliament in France to hear it. And as touching the oath which he had sworn in England, he affirmed that the same was first broken by king Henry, both in that his men which had been taken at Lincoln were put to grievous ransoms, and also for that their liberties for which the war first began, were not observed, but denied to the English subjects, contrary to that which was concluded at the agreement betwixt them at the same time made.  
Moreover, king Henry sent other ambassadors to Rome, who purchased a bull of the pope, whereby he was adjudged to be of age sufficient to receive the government of the kingdom of England into his own hands, thereby to order and dispose a●● things at his pleasure, & by the advise of such councillors as he should elect and choose to be about him. Whereupon after the said ambassadors were returned, all those earls, barons and nobles, which held any castles, honours, manors or places appertaining to the king, were commanded to deliver and resign the same to his use, which caused much trouble, as after shall appear. For diverse Noble men, whose hearts were filled with covetousness, would not obey the pope's order herein, but sore repined; yet not so much against the king as against the lord Hubert de Burgh, by whose council the king was most led and ruled. And therefore they did put him in all the blame, as one that should set the king against them, and stay him from suffering them to enjoy those liberties, which they from time to time so much laboured to have had to them granted and confirmed. 
Anno Reg. 8.   
Upon this occasion therefore, 
Polydor. The king giveth a gentle answer to his lords.  they sued to the king for the restitution of the ancient laws according to his promise, who to pacify them for the time, gave them a gentle answer, assuring them, that he would perform all that he had promised, so soon as opportunity would permit and suffer him so to do. Howbeit, afterwards by the advise of certain old councillors, which had been of the privy council with king john his father, he found a shift to disappoint them of their demands, by requiring them on the other side, to restore unto him those things which they had in times past received of his ancestors. Furthermore, because he would the more easily obtain his purpose, and make the residue afraid to follow a suit so displeasant and irksome, he thought best to begin with the chief authors and first procurers of the said petitions, and to take from them whatsoever they held belonging to his crown.  
Hereupon therefore assembling a great power about him, year 1224 he demanded of Ranulph earl of Chester the restitution of certain lordships which anciently appertained to the crown of the realm, 
The king demanded restitution of parcels of inheritance belonging to the crown.  which earl not being as then able to resist, readily obeyed the king's pleasure, and resigned them all. By this entrance of the king into the execution of his purpose▪ diverse of the rest of the barons were brought into such fear, that they were contented also to do the like, so that by this means the lords being cut short and weakened in power, surceased as then from molesting the king any further with the demand of other lands or liberties.  
The archbishop of Canturburie also threatened them with the dart of excommunication, if they went about to disquiet the realm with any civil commotions, though no man was more desirous to have that matter go forward than he, as appeared by his diligent travel therein (hoping as now in short process of time, and that by courteous means, to persuade the king to his purpose) but the king drove him off with fair words, and minded nothing less than to alter any one of the laws which he knew to be profitable to himself and his successors after him. Whereupon diverse misliking his dealing herein, withdrew themselves secretly, some into one place, and some into an other, to the intent they might avoid the daily sight of such abuses, as they for the most part could not well abide to bear.  
Whilst king Henry thus politicly provided line 10 for his affairs at home, savoury de Mauleon made provision in Given to withstand such perils and dangers as he saw most likely to ensue by the practices of the Frenchmen. But as he was most busily occupied about the purveyance of such things as should be very necessary for his doings, there sprang a great dissension betwixt him and William the earl of Salisbury, 
Discord betwixt savoury de Mauleon and the earl of Salisbury.  who was sent over into that country with commission to survey the state thereof, and by colour of the same commission, took upon him line 20 to order all things at his own pleasure. Whereas the foresaid savoury de Mauleon (being a man of high parentage in those parts where he was borne) judged it to be a matter nothing standing with his honour, that another man should order things at his will and commandment within the country, whereof he himself had the chief charge, as the king's lieutenant; and therefore determined not to suffer it any longer.  
Hereupon verily arose the contention betwixt line 30 them, which the English soldiers that were there, did greatly increase, favouring the earl as the king's uncle, and contemning the lieutenant as a stranger borne, by means whereof the foresaid savoury doubting lest if he should fight with his enemies, and through such discord as was now amongst them, be put to the worse, the fault should be laid wholly on his neck: he secretly departed and fled to jews the French king, 
savoury de Mauleon reuel●●th to the French king.  who was lately come to the crown of France by the death of his father line 40 king Philip, as you before have heard: wherein he dealt wisely in respect of safety. For Quid poterit justa tutius esse fuga?  

Matth. Paris. Matt. Westm. Fouks de Brent an enemy to rest and quietness.  About the same time Fouks de Brent, being a man of an unquiet mind, ready to mischief and lo●h to live in peace (as some say) conspired against the king of England, and advertised the king of France that if he would boldly begin the wars against king Henry in France, he would not fail but raise war against him here in the midst of his realm line 50 of England, having diverse noble men in a readiness, that would willingly take his part. But how soever it fell out, certain it is that this Fouks having fortified his castle of Bedford, attempted many enterprises greatly to the prejudice of the king's peace, aswell in robbing and spoiling the country about him, as otherwise.  
And now fearing to be punished therefore by order of law he showed his malice against such as had the execution of the same laws chiefly in their line 60 hands. Hereupon he took prisoner Henry Bra●broke, one of the king's justices of his bench, and led him to his castle of Bedford, and there shut him up close 〈◊〉 his lawful prisoner. Indeed the said Henry de Braibroke, 
Matth. Paris. Henry Braibroke taken by Fouks de Brent, and imprisoned.  with Martin de Pateshull, Thomas de Multon, and other of the king's justices were come to keep their circuit at Dunstable. Where, upon information given and presented before them, Fouks' de Brent was condemned to the king in great 〈◊〉 of money. Wherewithal this Fouks took such indignation and displeasure, that he commanded his men of war which lay in the castle of Bedford, to ride unto Dunstable, and there to apprehend the said justices, and to bring them unto Bedford, where (as he said) he meant to comen further with them. But they having knowledge of his purpose, fled quickly out of the town, seeking to escape every man which way he might best devise. Howbeit, the soldiers used such diligence, that Henry de Braibroke fell into their hands, & so was brought captive to Bedford as their master had commanded them.  
The king advertised hereof by the grievous complaints of his subjects, was as then at Northampton (where he had assembled his parliament) and thereupon having gathered speedily a power, with all expedition he hasted towards Bedford. At his coming thither, he besieged the castle on each side, 
Bedford castle besieged.  and at length after two months, though not without much ado, he won it, and hanged them all which were taken within, being in number 80 or above: and amongst other William de Brent, the brother of the said Fouks was one. There were but three that escaped with life, who were pardoned, upon condition they should pass into the holy land, there to serve among the Templars. The siege began on the Ascension even, and continued till the 15 day of August, being the feast day of the assumption of our lady.  
Fouks himself, whilst the siege continued, lay aloof in ●●eshire, and on the borders of Wales, 
He was in the borders of Wales, where the earl of Chester was lord.  as one watching to do some mischief: but after the castle was won, he got him to Coventrie, and there was yer long apprehended, and brought to the king, of whom he obtained pardon of life, but yet by the whole consent of the nobles and peers of the realm, he was exiled the land for evermore, and then went to Rome, where he knew to purchase his pardon easily enough for money, of what crime soever he should be judged culpable. His wife, because she never consented to his doings, nor yet willingly to the marriage had betwixt her and him, was acquitted of all blame, and so likewise was his son Thomas.  
Howbeit at length the foresaid Fouks, having obtained his purpose at Rome (by means of his chaplain Robert Paslew an Englishman, 
The end of Fouks' 〈◊〉 Brent.  who was his solicitor there) as he returned towards England in the year ensuing, was poisoned and died by the way, making so an end of his inconstant life, which from the time that he came to years of discretion was never bend to quietness. Which may be reported of him, not to his honour or renown (for alas what same is gotten by giving occasions of evil) but to his everlasting shame and infamy, for the same shall never die, but remain in perpetual memory, as one saith right well, 
H●minum immortalis est infamia, 
Plaut. in P●●sa.   
Etiam tunc vivit cùm essecredas m●rtuam.   
But now to leave these things, and return to the doings in France where we left. Ye shall understand, that after savoury de Mauleon was revolted to the French king, the said king with all speed determined to make war upon king Henry, and to win from 〈◊〉 certain towns and fortresses within the country of Poictou.  
The French writers affirm, that king jews to covered out of the Englishmen'S hands the towns of Niort, S. john's d'Angeli, & Rochel, before savoury de Mauleon revolted from the French part. In deed, the chronicle of Dunstable saith, 
Dunstable▪  that after the truce took end, this ●eare the French king raised an army, and took Niort, and after they of S. john d'Angeli submitted themselves unto him. From whence he went to Rochel, within the which at ●●at present was the said savoury de Mauleon with seventy knights, and Richard Gray, with Geffrey Nevil, who had in their retinue sixty knights. These with the forces of the town ●allied forth, & encountering with the French army, ●●ue many of their adversaries, and lost some of their own people. Yet after this, the French K. besieged the town, and in the end won it, whilst the king of England being occupied about the besieging of Bedford castle, neglected to send them within Rochel necessary succours.  
But Polydore Virgil writeth, that now after that savoury de Mauleon was become the French king his man, 
The Poictovins send to king Henry.  the Poictovins sent unto king Henry, signifying, that they were ready to revolt from the French kings subjection, and yield themselves unto him, if he would send unto them a power of men to line 10 defend their country from the French men. Now king Henry having received these letters, entertained them that brought this message very courteously, and promising them to send over aid with all expedition, he caused his navy to be made ready for that voyage. In the mean time, the French king sent forth an army under the leading of savoury de Mauleon, who then took Niort and Rochel, placing in the same sundry garrisons of soldiers, 
Rochel won.  but chiefly he fortified Rochel, which had been long in the line 20 Englishmen'S hands, and always served them to very good purpose, for the handsome landing of their people, when any occasion required. The French king therefore having got it, fortified it, and meant to keep it, to the intent the Englishmen should not have hereafter in time of war, so necessary a place for their arrival in those coasts. 
Matth. Paris.   

Anno Reg. 9 A parliament.  King Henry holding his Christmas at Westminster, called his high court of parliament there the same time, year 1225 and demanded a relief of money, toward line 30 the maintenance of his wars in France, and had granted to him the fifteenth penny in value of all the movable goods to be found within the realm, 
A fifteenth granted to the king.  as well belonging to the spirituality as temporalty, but under condition that he should confirm unto his subjects their often demanded liberties. The king upon desire to have the money, was contented to condescend unto their requests, and so the two charters were made, and by the king confirmed, the one line 40 entitled Magna Charta, & the other Charta de Forresta. 
Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta confirmed.  Thus at this parliament were made and confirmed these good laws and laudable ordinances, which have been from time to time by the kings and princes of this realm confirmed, so that a great part of the law now in use dependeth of the same. The same charters also were directed and sent forth into every county within the realm to be proclaimed.  
It was moreover decreed, that at a certain day after Easter, there should be an inquisition taken by line 50 the inquest of a substantial jury, for the severing of forests, 
Forests.  the new from the old, so as all those grounds which had been made forests, since the days of king Henry the grandfather of this Henry the third, should be disafforested. And thereupon after Easter, Hugh de Nevil, and Brian de Lisle, were sent forth as commissioners, to take that inquisition. By force whereof, many woods were asserted and improved to arable land by the owners, and so not only line 60 men, but also dogs, which for safeguard of the game were accustomed to lose their claws, had good cause to rejoice for these confirmed liberties.  
In the mean time, and about the feast of the purification, king Henry (having just occasion to pursue the war, for recovery of those towns taken, as before you have heard by the Frenchmen) sent over his brother Richard, whom he had made earl of Cornwall and Poictow, with a mighty navy of ships unto Gascoigne. 
Matth. Paris. Polydor.  This earl, having in his company the earl of Salisbury, Philip de Albenie, and others, with prosperous wind and weather arrived at Bordeaux with four hundred sails, 
Three hundred saith Gaguin.  and there landing his men, went strait unto the town of saint Machaire, situated upon the bank of Garon, where, upon his first coming, he got the castle, and sacked the town, and then passing further, 
Towns won by the Englishmen.  wan diverse other towns, as Longuile, Bergerat, and other, and after went with great diligence to besiege and recover Rochel, or rather Riol. The French king advertised of the earls arrival, and of these his achieved enterprises, 
The earl of Marsh, saith Matth. Paris.  sent forth by and by the earl of champaign with a mighty army into Guien to aid his people there.  
The earl of Cornwall understanding of the coming of that French army, took a part of his host, and therewithal went to meet his enemies, and lying in ambush for them by the way, had them at a good advantage, and slew great numbers of them. 
The Frenchmen taken at advantage.  After this, the earl of champaign keeping his men within their trenches and camp, without attempting any other exploit, the earl of Cornwall thought it sufficient, if he might keep the Gascoignes in obedience, which had already practised a rebellion, by sending letters and messengers for the same intent unto the French king, 
The earl of Cornwall raiseth his siege from the Riol.  and therefore breaking up his siege before the Riol, he stayed a while from exploiting any further enterprise. About the same time, the earl of Salisbury returning homewards out of Gascoigne, was so tossed and turmoiled on the seas by tempests of weather, that he fell sick thereof, 
The death of the earl of Salisbury. Matth. Paris.  and within a few days after his arrival died.  
¶ This year also, there came forth a decree from the archbishop of Canturburie, and his suffragans, 
Priests concubines forbidden christian burial.  that the concubines of priests and clerk within orders (for so were their wives then called in contempt of their wedlock) should be denied of christian burial, except they repented whilst they were alive in perfect health, or else showed manifest tokens of repentance at the time of their deaths. The same decree also prohibited them from the receiving of the pax at mass time, & also of holy bread after mass, so long as the priests kept them in their houses, or used their company publicly out of their houses. Moreover, that they should not be purified when they should be delivered of child, as other good women were, unless they found sufficient surety to the archdeacon, or his official, to make satisfaction at the next chapter or court to be holden, after they should be purified. And the priests should be suspended, which did not present all such their concubines as were resiant within their parishes. Also, all such women as were convict to have dealt carnally with a priest, were appointed by the same decree to do open penance. Where the question may be asked, whether this decree was extended to priests wives or no? Whereunto answer may be made, that as a quadrangle in geometry compriseth in it a triangle, and a quaternion in arithmetic containeth a ternion; so in logic a universal proposition comprehendeth a particular. But it is said here, that all such women as had carnal knowledge with a priest, were to be punished, therefore some, and consequently all priests wives. But yet this seemeth not to be the meaning of that decree, for priests were allowed no wives, nay Sericius the pope judged that all such of the clergy as had wives could not please God, because they were In carne, which words he and the residue of that litter restrained to marriage, admitting in no case that churchmen should enjoy the rights of matrimony. Wherein they offer God great injury, in seeking to limit that large institution of wedlock, wherein all estates are interressed; and they seem likewise to bridle nature, and to compel her within certain precincts, wherein they offer intolerable injury to all mankind, considering that 
— ad venerem compellimur exercendum  
Non modò nos, verùm omne animal, terraeque marísque,  
Nature imperio: facias peiora necesse est,  
Si non foeminei sorberis abore barathri.   
This year, or (as some say) in the next, the king granted to the citizens of London free warren, that is to say, liberty to hunt within a certain circuit about London, & that all weires in the Thames should be plucked up and destroyed. Also in this tenth year of his reign, 
Anno Reg. 10.  king Henry granted to the citizens of London, that they might have and use a common seal. About the time of the making of which ordinances, 
A legate from the pope. Matth. Paris.  line 10 Otho the cardinal of S. Nicholas in Carcere Tulliano came as legate from pope Honorius into England to king Henry, presenting him with letters from the pope. The tenor whereof when the king had well considered, he declared to the legate, that without the whole assent of the estates of his realm, he could do little in that which the pope as then required.  

A parliament called.  Hereupon therefore he caused a parliament to be summoned at Westminster, there to be holden in line 20 the octaves of the epiphany: this legate also moved the king in the behalf of Fouks de Brent, that he might be restored to his possessions, and enjoy his wife as before time he had done: but the king declared that for his manifest treason committed he was justly exiled, and not only by his, but by the sentence of the nobles and other estates of the whole realm: which answer when the legate had heard, he left off to solicit the king for Fouks, and from thenceforth talked no more of that matter. Shortly after by way line 30 of proxy, the said legate gathered a duty which he claimed of the spirituality, that was of every conventual church within the realm two marks of silver.  
year 1226 In this year the king held his Christmas at Winchester, and after coming to Marlebridge, chanced there to fall sick, 
The king to sick.  so that he lay in despair of life for certain days together. In the mean time also came the day appointed for the parliament to begin at Westminster, where the legate and other of the spirituality and temporalty being assembled, the said line 40 Otho showed the pope's letters, and according to the tenor and purport of the same, was earnestly in hand to have the priests to grant the yearly payment of a certain pension or tribute to the pope, towards the maintenance of his estate, which they generally denied. When he saw that this bait would not take, he only demanded a tenth part of all their spiritual livings for maintenance of the wars against the Saracens, which was easily granted, as more reasonable than the first. line 50  

Matt. Westm. Matth. Paris. The cardinals request.  ¶ Here by diverse credible writers of good credit, it should appear, that the pope demanded to have assigned unto him out of every cathedral church two prebends, one out of the portion belonging to the bishop, & an other out of the portion belonging to the dean and chapter: and likewise of the abbeys, where there were several portions, that is to say, so much of the convent as belonged to the finding of one monk, and as much also of every abbots living as should countervail the same. The cardinal used jolly persuasions line 60 to induce the prelates to assent to this grant, alleging that the church of Rome was run in great slander for taking of money in dispatch of suitors causes, which arose by means there was no maintenance of living sufficient for the churchmen there: and therefore he added, how it was the parts of natural children to relieve the necessity of their loving mother, and that except the charitable devotion of them and other good and well disposed persons were shortly extended, they should want necessary maintenance for the sustentation of their lives, which should be altogether an unseemly thing for the dignity of the Roman church.  
The clergy resorting together to take advise what answer they should make, at length upon their resolute determination, 
The answer of john the archdeacon of Bedford.  john the archdeacon of Bedford was appointed to tell the tale for them all: who coming before the cardinal, declared boldly unto him, that the demand which he had proponed, touched the king especially, and generally all the nobility of the realm, which were patrons of any churches. He added furthermore, how the archbishops and bishops, and many other of the prelates of England (sithence the king by reason of his sickness could not be there) were also absent, so that they which were there present, being but as it were the inferior part of the house, neither might nor aught to make any resolute answer as then in this matter. Immediately herewith also came the lord john Martial, and other messengers from the king unto all the prelates that held any baronies of the king, straightly commanding them, that they should in no wise bind and endanger his lay fee unto the church of Rome, whereby he might be deprived of his due and accustomed services, and so every man hereupon departed and went home.  
This year, the plées of the crown were pleaded in the tower of London. 
Fabian▪  And on the sixtéenth day of March in this tenth year of his reign, the king granted by his charter insealed, 
A grant to the citizens of London.  that the citizens of London should pass toll free through all England, and if any of them were constrained in any city, borough or town within the realm, to pay toll, that then the sheriffs of London might attach any man of the said city, borough or town, where such toll was exacted, being found within the liberties of London, and him retain with his goods and cattles, till the citizens that paid such toll were satisfied, by restitution of the same, with all costs and charges sustained in the suit. Howbeit, about the same time, the king constrained the Londoners to give unto him the sum of five thousand marks as a fine, 
Matth. Paris▪  for that they had aided and succoured his adversary jews against him, and lent to the said jews at his departure out of the realm a like sum. But it may rather be thought they gave unto the king the said five thousand marks for his favour showed in granting unto them the above mentioned freedom and liberties. At the same time, he had also twelve hundred pounds of the burgesses of Northampton, besides the fifteenth, which not only they, but also the Londoners, and all other generally through the realm, paid accordingly as it was granted.  
In February, the king called a parliament at Oxford, in the which he made open declaration unto all the assembly, 
Anno Reg. 11. 1227  that he was now of lawful age to govern of himself, 
A parliament at Oxford. The king at lawful age. Matth. Paris. Polydor.  without any to have rule over him, and so whereas before he was governed first by the earl of Penbroke lord protector, whilst he lived, & after by the bishop of Winchester and others, he now removed them from him by the counsel of the lord chief justice, taking the regiment wholly to himself, & to such as should please him from thenceforth to appoint. Also in the same parliament, he did cancel and disannul the two charters before mentioned, 
The charters canceled.  after that the same had been used through the realm for the space of two years, pretending them to be of no value, sith they were sealed and signed whilst he was under age. This deed of the king was grievously taken, and all the blame put in the lord chief justice. Herewith all such also as claimed any manner charters of liberties, were appointed to remove the same (a practice only to get money) and to get them confirmed with the kings new seal, the old being made void and pronounced of none effect.  
In this year died the French king jews the eighth, and his son jews the ninth succeeded him, 
The death 〈◊〉 jews the French king.  a child of twelve years of age, by reason of whose infancy diverse peers of the realm began to withdraw their obedience from him, as Theobald earl of champaign, Hugh earl of Marsh, and Peter duke of Britain. Howbeit, the earl of champaign was easily reduced again to his former obedience, by the high wisdom and policy of the queen mother, who had the government of her son the young king and his realm committed unto her. 
The earl of Marsh cometh over to the king and offereth him his service.  But the earl of Marsh constant in his purpose, came over to king Henry, whose mother he had married, and line 10 declared unto him, that now was the time for him to recover those places, which king Philip had unjustly taken from his father king john: and to bring the same to pass, he offered himself and all that he could make, in the furthering of this voyage. The K. being thus pricked forward with the earl of Marsh his words, 
Polydor.  determined without delay to take in hand the war.  
¶ Here authors vary, for some write, that king line 20 Henry sent over certain persons, 
Matth. Paris. Ambassadors sent into France.  as the archbishop of York, the bishop of Careleill, and the Lord Philip Dalbenie, to understand the minds of the Normans, the Britain's and Poictovins. And for that those that were sent, brought word again that the said people were not greatly minded to forsake the French government, he surceased from attempting any exploit at that time. Other writ, that gathering a great sum of money of his subjects, towards the maintenance of his charges, he prepared a navy of ships, and sailed over with the said earl of Marsh line 30 into Britain, and there wasted the confines of the French dominions, and that when the French king was ready with an army to secure his subjects, he suddenly retired to his ships, and returned into England, without achieving any enterprise worthy of remembrance, so that whether he went himself or sent, 
Polydor.  it forceth not: for certain it is that he profited nothing at that season, either by sending messengers to procure him friendship, or by going over himself to make an entry to the wars. line 40  
When the French affairs were thus at a stay, within a few months after, Richard earl of Cornwall returned forth of Gascoigne into England, and shortly after, 
The earl of Cornwall returneth home. Matth. Paris.  because he heard and was credibly informed, that a certain manor place which Walerane the Dutchman, captain of Berkamstéed castle held, by the gift and assignment of king john, appertained to his earldom of Cornwall, he seized the castle into his hands. 
The earl of Cornwall.  So that Walerane being line 50 thus dipossessed, exhibited his bill of complaint to the king, who incontinently sent to the earl, commanding him to make restitution, which he utterly refused to do. But forthwith, coming to the king, and without retaining any advocate, he declared his right which he offered to aver in open presence, & in any of the king's courts, before whatsoever peers of the realm should be there assembled.  
This addition [the peers of the realm] nothing pleased the king and his council, namely the lord line 60 chief justice, by whose advice the king meant to have apprehended the earl the same night, after he was withdrawn to his lodging. But the earl warned thereof, 
He departeth from the court secretly.  secretly departed, accompanied only with one man, and never drew bridle out of his horses mouth, until he came to Reading (whither his servants resorted to him) and from thence he road strait to Marlebridge, 
He wineth himself with the earls of Chester and Penbroke and others.  where he found his dear friend William earl Martial, to whom he did impart the danger likely to have befallen him. Then they drew to the earl of Chester, & taking order with him for the raising of an army, there met shortly after at Stamford the persons whose names hereafter ensue; 
They meét at Stamford with an army  Ranulfe earl of Chester, William Martial earl of Penbroke, Richard earl of Cornwall the king's brother, Gilbert earl of Gloucester, William earl Warren, Henry earl of Hereford, William earl Ferrer, William earl of Warwick, and diverse barons, lords and knights, having there with them a great puissance of warlike personages.  
The king having understanding as well of their demeanour, as also what they required by their letters and messengers to him daily sent, 
A day appointed to meét at Northampton, for a treaty of pacification.  thought good for a time to pacify their fury, and there upon appointed a day at Northampton, where he would meet, and minister such justice unto them, as should be thought reasonable, and to stand with their good wills and contentation. Whereupon, 
The kings grant to his brother.  the parties coming to Northampton at the day assigned, he granted to the earl his brother (at the instant desire of the lords) all his mother's dowry, with all those lands which belonged to the earl of Britain within England, and withal, those lands also that appertained to the earl of Bullongne deceased. Thus the matter being pacified, every man departed to his home, whereas if the king had been froward (as he was mild and patiented, knowing that 
— non solis viribus aequum  
Credere, 
Val. Flac. lib. 4.  saepè acri potior prudentia dextra)  wars had immediately been raised betwixt them, namely, because many of the lords bore a secret grudge towards the king, for that he had revoked certain liberties which in the beginning of his reign he had granted to be holden, though now to take away the envy which might be conceived towards him for his doing, he alleged, that he did not infringe any thing that he had then granted, but such things as his governors had suffered to pass whilst he was under age, and not ruler of himself: he caused them therefore to redeem many of the same privileges, whereby he gained great finance for the setting to of his new seal (as before ye have heard declared.)  
Moreover, in this year there were sent certain persons from pope Gregory the ninth (that succeeded Honorius) into all the parts of Europe, 
The pope exhorteth the christians to make a journey against the Saracens  to move by preaching the christian people to make a journey into the holy land against the Saracens. Such a multitude by means hereof did assemble together from all parts, and that within a short time, as the like had seldom times been heard of. It is said, that amongst them there should be to the number of forty thousand Englishmen, 
Matth. Paris sixty thousand.  of whom Peter bishop of Winchester, and William bishop of Excester were the chief. captains also of that great multitude of crossed soldiers that went forth of sundry countries were these, Theobald earl of champaign, and Philip de Albenie, 
Polydor.  through whose negligence the sequels of this noble enterprise came but to small effect. But to proceed.  
About this time the king minding the benefit of the commonwealth, 
Anno Reg. 12. 1228  caused the weights and measures generally within the land to be reform after one standard. 
Matth. Paris. Weights and measures. Polydor. Hubert de Burgh created earl of Kent.  Furthermore, he created Hubert de Burgh earl of Kent, the which Hubert how much praise so ever he got at the beginning for his valiancy showed in the defending of Dover castle, and in vanquishing the French fleet that was coming to the succour of jews by battle on the sea, it is certain, that now he purchased himself double as much hatred and evil will, because that being of secret council with the king, and thereby after a sort sequestered from the lords, he was known to dissuade the said prince from restoring of the ancient laws and customs unto the people, which the barons oft required: whereby it came to pass, that the more he grew in favour with the prince, the further he came into the envy of the Nobility, and hatred of the people, which is a common reward to such as in respect of their master do little regard the profit of others, as the proverb saith, Plus quis honoratur hostis tum multiplicatur.  


Stephan archbishop of Canturburie departed this life.  
Richard Wethersheid elected in his place.  
Matth. Paris. Walter Helmesham.   Furthermore, upon the ninth of julie Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie died, after he had governed that see the term of 21 years, after whom succeeded Richard Wethersheid dean of Paul's, who was the three and fortieth archbishop of that see. The monks of Canturburie had first elected one of line 10 their own convent, named Walter de Helmesham: which election was made by the same monks the third day of August next ensuing the death of their said archbishop Stephan, but the king would not consent that he should have the place for diverse causes, which he objected: as first, for that he knew him to be such a man as should be unprofitable, both to him and to his kingdom. secondly, because his father was a thief, and thereof being convict, suffered death upon the gallows. thirdly, for that he line 20 himself had stood against king john in time of the interdiction.  
On the other side, the bishops suffragans to the church of Canturburie objected also against him, that he had used the familiar company of a nun, and begot of her certain children. Moreover they alleged, that no election without their consent, could be good, nor aught to take place. But the monk making his appeal, stood in it, and taking with him certain of his fellow monks of Canturburie, 
A new trouble about the election of the archbishop of Canturburie.  went line 30 to Rome, and there made supplication to the pope, that his election by his authority might be ratified and confirmed. Whereof the king and the other bishops being advertised, did put their objections in writing under their seals, & sent the same to Rome to be exhibited to the pope by the bishops of Westchester and Rochester, and john the archdeacon of Bedford, who used such means, that his election was judged void, & then the said Richard Wethersheid was out of hand elected & confirmed. In that year line 40 also, 
Fabian.  a grant was made to the citizens of London, that they should have and use a common seal.  
In this mean while, Hugh the earl of March so laboured with the Normans and Poictovins in the behalf of the king of England, 

Polydor. The earl of March worketh to induce the Normans & Poictovins to favour the king of England.  
The Normans writ to the king of England.   that they began to incline to his purpose: whereupon he sent his letters by secret means unto king Henry, signifying to him, that if it would please him to come over with an army to make war against the French king, they would be ready to turn unto his side, and line 50 receive him as their sovereign. King Henry taking advise what to answer and do herein, with his well-beloved councillor Hubert of Burgh, thought it not good to attempt any thing rashly in this matter, because the dealings of the Normans were never without some fraud: but yet to satisfy the request of his friends, he promised to come over shortly unto them, if in the mean time he might perceive that they remained steadfast in their purpose, giving them furthermore many great and hearty thanks for their line 60 good meaning and singular kindness towards him.  
Now things beyond the sea standing in this order, 
Matt. Paris.  it happened in the month of August, that the soldiers which lay in garrison within the castle of Mountgomerie, took in hand to stock up a wood not far from the said castle, through which lay an highwaie, where oftentimes many felonious robberies and murders were committed by the Welsh. As the soldiers were busy at work in stocking up the wood, there came upon them an ambushment of Welshmen, which not only drove them away from their work, 
The Welshmen 〈◊〉 the castle of Montgomerie.  but also took and slew diverse of them, constreining the residue to flee into the castle, which immediately the Welshmen environed also about with a strong siege, thinking to find the defendants unprovided.  
They within advertised Hugh de Burgh, the lord chief justice (to whom the castle belonged by the king's late gift) of the exploit and enterprise attempted by their enemies, with all possible haste: whereupon the king at request of the said Hubert levied ● power, and came to raise the siege. But the Welshmen hearing of the king's approach, 
The king with an army cometh to the succour of them 〈◊〉 the castle.  fled away like sheep, so that coming to the castle, he found no resistance: howbeit, for so much as he saw the foresaid wood to be troublesome and an annoyance to the said castle, he willed it to be destroyed. True it is, that the▪ same wood was very thick and rough, and further it contained also five leagues or fifteen miles in length: yet by such diligence as was used, the same was wasted, stocked up, and quickly rid out of the way by fire and other means, so that the country was made plain a great way about.  
After this, the king departed forth into the Welsh confines, 
The abbeie 〈◊〉 Cried burnt.  and coming to an abbeie of the white monks called Cried, caused it to be burnt, because it served as a refuge for his enemies. Then by the advise of the lord chief justice Hubert de Burgh, 
The king ●●●ginneth to build a castle.  he set in hand to build a castle there, because the place seemed very fit for fortification. But after the king with his army had lain there three months, through lack of victuals (the Welshmen still cutting the Englishmen off as they went abroad to fetch in forage and other provision) he was constrained to fall to agreement with Leolin their prince, and receiving of the said prince the sum of three thousand marks, he was contented that so much of the castle as was already builded, should be razed and made flat again with the ground, 
Pe is constrained to agree with the Welshmen.  before his departure from thence. Hereupon, many men took occasion to jest at the lord chief justice and his doings about this castle, who at the beginning named it Hubert's folly.  
Amongst other also that were taken prisoners by the Welshmen, whilst the king thus vainly spent his time about the building of that fort, 
The lord William de Breuse taken prisoner.  William de Breuse a right valiant man of war was one, who being taken by Leolin prince of Wales, was by him cruelty put to death (as after shall appear) for the which act, and other such injuries received at the same Leolins hands, king Henry at length grievously punished him. ¶ For the most part of this summer season, 
Matt. Paris. Strange sights in the air.  great thunders happened in England: the element also seemed as though it had burned with continual flames: stéeples, churches, and other high buildings were stricken with lightning, and the harvest was sore hindered by continual rain. Also in the midst of the day there came a wonderful darkness upon the earth, 
Polydor.  that the brightness of the air seemed to be covered and taken away.  
In the thirteenth year of this king, 
Anno. Reg. 13. 1229  Stephan the pope's chaplain and his Nuncio came over unto king Henry, requiring to have towards the maintenance of the pope's wars against the emperor Fredrick, a tenth part of all the movable goods within the realms & countries of England, Wales, and Ireland, as well of spiritual persons as temporal. Whereupon, a parliament or assembly of the lords was called at Westminster, 
A parliament or a council holden.  on the second sunday after Easter, which was the 29 of April. At which parliament, when the pope's bulls were read, and the matter therein contained plainly opened and examined, to the end it might appear upon what necessary causes the pope was constrained to pursue the said wars, and to ask relief of faithful christian people, being members of the holy church: the king, because he had by his procurators at Rome aforehand promised & bound himself to such payment of tenths, sat still, and answered not to the contrary (whereas the hope of a great number was reposed in him, that by his denial the pope's request should have been frustrate) so that when by his silence he was adjudged to consent, yet the temporal lords & lay men utterly denied to agree unto such payment, 
The temporal lords refuse to ●●d the pope with money.  not willing in any wise to bind their baronies and temporal possessions unto the church of Rome.  
Howbeit, the bishops, abbots, prior's, and other ecclesiastical persons, after they had showed themselves to rest doubtful (not without great grudging line 10 and murmuring in the mean time, for the space of three or four days together) at length, for fear of excommunication, consented to be contributory, but in such sort, as they had escaped for a far more reasonable sum, 
Stephan de Segraue. The tenths of the spirituality granted to the pope.  if Stephan Segraue one of the king's council had not by compact (as was thought) made with the Nuncio, wrought so in the matter, that the tenths were finally granted, to the great impoverishment and inestimable damage of the church and realm of England. After this, the Nuncio line 20 showed the procuratory letters, whereby he was authorised to gather those tenths, and that not after a common manner, but by a very strait and hard valuation.  
And for the more sure way of proceeding herein, he had letters of authority from the pope, to excommunicate all such as should withstand him or his deputies in proceeding with those affairs. He showed himself moreover very extreme in collecting of this money, and namely towards the prelates of the church, insomuch that appointing him a certain day line 30 in the which under pain of excommunication they should make payment, divers for want of ready money, were compelled to make shift with the chalices, and other vessels and ornaments belonging to their churches, and other were glad to take up money upon interest, 
Usurers.  and for that shift there were come over with the Nuncio diverse wicked usurers under the name of merchants, which when they saw those that stood in need like to be excommunicate for want of ready money, they would offer themselves to lend line 40 unto any that would borrow, after the rate of one noble for the loan of twenty by the month, so bringing the needy into their snares, to their irrecoverable losses and undoing. Hereby the land was filled with bitter cursings (though in secret) by those that wished such unreasonable exactors never to see good end of the use of that money.  
From that day forward there wanted not in England certain usurers called Caursini, which line 50 sought nothing else but the wealth of such persons as they might get into their snares, 
Matth. Paris.  namely those whom the church of Rome doth vex and put to trouble with her exactions and payments. The earl of Chester only stood manfully against the payment of those tenths, 
The earl of Chester would not permit the tenths to be gathered with in his land.  insomuch that he would not suffer his lands to be brought under bondage, neither would he permit the religious men and priests that held of his fee to pay the same, although the rest of England, Wales, Ireland, and Scotland were compelled to be contributory thereto, having only this comfort, line 60 that not they alone, but also other foreign regions were driven to do the like. Thus did the locusts of Rome from time to time suck the sweetness of the land, and all to maintain the pomp and pride of the same, wherein what other practices did they use, than as one truly testifieth? 
Cuncti luxuriae atque gulae, furtisque dolisque  
Certatim incumbunt, etc.  But to let this pass: king Henry purposing to sail over into Britain and invade France, 
King Henry prepareth to pass over into France.  came to Portsmouth about Michaelmas, with such an army assembled out of England, Wales, Ireland, and Scotland, as the like for number of people had not been known to have passed over with any of his ancestors: howbeit when he should come to the very point of embarking his people, with victuals, armour, and other provision, there were not ships sufficient to pass over the one half of the army: wherefore when the king saw this default, he was sore offended, but chiefly with Hubert the earl of Kent, lord chief justice, insomuch that he openly called him old traitor, and laid to his charge how he had thus used the matter of purpose, only to pleasure the queen of France, 
The earl of Kent fallen in to the king's displeasure.  of whom (as he said) he had received five thousand marks to hinder his proceed. In this heat if the earl of Chester and other had not been at hand, he had surly slain the chief justice even there with his drawn sword, who was glad to avoid his presence, till his angry mood was somewhat overpassed.  
In the mean time there arrived Henry earl of Britain on the ninth of October, 
Henry earl of Britain. The king's journey deferred.  which should have conducted the king into his country. But sith winter was come upon them, he advised him to stay till the next spring, and so he did. Then every man was licensed to departed home, and the earl of Kent reconciled again into favour. The earl of Britain in like manner did homage to the king for Britain, and the king restored him to all his rights in England, and further giving him five thousand marks to defend his country against the enemies, sent him home again in most courteous and loving manner. 
Anno Reg. 14. 1230  In this year of our Lord 1230 king Henry held his Christmas at York, together with the king of Scots, 
Matth. Paris. The king of Scots kept Christmas with the king of England at York.  whom he had desired to come thither at that time, that they might make merry: and so for the space of three days together, there was great banqueting and sport between them. On the fourth day they took leave either of other, the king of Scots with rich gifts returning towards his country, and the king of England towards London.  
Upon the five and twentieth day of januarie also, 
Matth. Paris. A strange tempest at London.  while the bishop of London was at high mass within the church of S. Paul in London, a sudden darkness overshadowed the choir, and therewith such a tempest of thunder and lightning, 
See john Stow, pag. 261. of his large collection printed 1580.  that the people there assembled thought verily the church and steeple had come down upon their heads. There came moreover such a filthy savour and stink withal, that partly for fear, and partly for that they might not abide the savour, they voided the church, falling on heaps one upon another, as they sought to get out of the same. The vicar's and canons forsook their desks, so that the bishop remained there only with one deacon that served him at mass. Afterward, when the air began to clear up, 
Matth. Paris.  the people returned into the church, and the bishop went forward and finished the mass.  
In the mean time the king levied a great sum of money of the prelates of his land towards his journey into France: 
The king gathereth money towards his journey into France.  he had also a great relief of the citizens of London. And the jews were constrained to give to him the third part of all their movable goods. In the month of April, 
Matth. Paris. The Lord W. de Breuse hanged.  Leolin prince of Wales caused William de Breuse, whom he had taken prisoner long before (as above is mentioned) to be hanged on a pair of gallows, for that he was taken (as was reported) in adultery with the wife of the said prince. And on the last day of April, the king with a puissant army took the sea at Portesmouth, and landed at saint Malos in Britain on the third day of May, 
The king saileth over into France.  where he was right joyfully received of Henry earl of that country. After he was thus arrived in Britain, he entered into the French dominions, with the said earl, and the earl of Marsh his father in law, doing much hurt within the same. His army daily increasing by the great numbers were beaten down on all parts, and utterly vanquished, with loss of 20 thousand men (as it was credibly reported.) The king of Connagh was also taken and committed to prison.  
In the mean time king Henry having spent a great deal of treasure in his journey made into France, year 1221 there was granted unto him a fifteenth of the temporalty, 

A fifteénth and tenth granted to the king. Polydor.  
Englishmen sent to Spain against the Saracens.   with a disme and a half of the spirituality, towards the furnishing out of a new power of men to be sent into Spain against the Saracens, which made sore wars upon the christians in line 10 that country, whereupon king Henry being required of the K. of Arragon to aid him with some number of soldiers, he sent a great power thither with all speed, and so likewise did the French king. By means whereof the Spaniards, being joined with Englishmen and Frenchmen, obtained a noble victory, in vanquishing those their enemies. Thus saith Polydor. 
Matth. Paris.  But other writ that the king on the seven and twentieth of januarie, holding a parliament line 20 at Westminster (where the Nobles both spiritual and temporal were assembled) demanded escuage of all those that held any baronies of him, 
Escuage demanded.  that is to say, foreign knights fee, forty shillings, or three marks.  
Moreover, the archbishop of Canturburie (as they say) stood against the king in this demand, 
The archb. of Canturburie standeth against the K. in defence of his clergy.  maintaining that the clergy ought not to be subject unto the judgement of lay men, sith this escuage was granted in the parts beyond the seas without their line 30 consent. Whereupon the matter as touching the bishops was deferred till the quindene of Easter, albeit that all the laity, and other of the spirituality consented to the kings will. ¶ About this time also there chanced to rise a great strife and contention betwixt Richard the archbishop of Canturburie, and Hubert the earl of Kent, who as guardian to the young earl of Gloucester had got into his hands the castle of Tunbridge, 
Contention betwixt the archb. and the earl of Kent.  with the town, and certain other possessions which belonged to the archbishops see, and therefore line 40 did the archbishop complain to the king of the injury which he sustained.  
Now when he perceived no hope likely to come for any redress a● the king's hands, he took an other way: 
Matth. Paris.  and first by his pontifical authority accursed all those that withheld the same possessions, and all their maintainers (the king excepted) and therewith appealing to the pope▪ he went to prosecute his appeal at Rome, whither the king and the earl sent also their procurators, and made the pope their arbitrator line 50 to judge of the matter. In the end pope Gregory having heard the whole process of the controversy, judged the right to remain with the archbishop, who having then obtained his desire, hasted toward England: but as he was returning homewards, he died by the way, not far from Rome, whereby the pope's judgement took no place: for whilst the see was void, there was none that would follow the suit: and such was the end of this controversy for this time. line 60  

Ralph Nevil elected arch. of Canturburie.  After the decease of this archbishop Richard, the monks elected Ralph Nevil bishop of Chichester the king's chancellor, an upright man, and of just dealing in all his doings. In whom also it is to be noted, he would not give one halfpenny to the monks towards the bearing of their charges in their journey to Rome, which they should take upon them from thence to fetch his confirmation, according to the manner, lest he should burden his conscience with the crime of simony which he greatly abhorred, although some imputed this to proceed rather of a cloaked spice of covetousness. Which practice of his maketh greatly to the confounding of the indirect means now used to aspire unto promotions, for the obteinment whereof no remedy is forborn; no, though the same be repugnant to reason, and utterly against conscience and honesty. But this is the temptation of avarice and ambition, which poison the minds of men in such sort, that rather than they will want their wished advancement, they will use these means that may further them most, namely, friendship, money, and mighty men's countenance; which one noveth very well in a distichon of neat devise, saying, 
Artis, honestatis, recti, praecepta, decus, vim,  
Conculcat, superant, spernunt, favour, aera, potentes,  But to the purpose from whence we are digressed. When the monks came to the pope's presence, upon inquiry made, 
Simon Langtons' report of the conditions of Ralph Nevil.  and chiefly by report of Simon Langton, who (as some think) gaped for the dignity▪ he understood that the said Ralph Nevil should be a man unlearned, a courtier, hasty and short of word, and that which most displeased the pope, it was to be feared, that if he should be preferred to that room, he would go about to deliver the realm of England from the thraldom of the pope, and the court of Rome (into the which being made tributory by king john it had lately been brought) that (as he should allege) it might serve God and holy church in the old accustomed liberty.  
To bring this to pass (having the king thereto greatly inclined, and all the realm ready to assist him in the same) he would not stick to put his life in jeopardy, namely upon confidence of the right and app●alos of Stephan the late archbishop of Canturburie, made in solemn wise before the altar of S. Paul in the cathedral church of London, 

See before in pag. 177, & 178.  
The pope maketh void the election.   when king john resigning his crown into the hands of the legate, made that writing obligatory most exeerable to the whole world.  
When the pope had heard this tale told, he straight disannulled the election and request of the confirmation of the said Ralph Nevil, granting liberty to the monks to choose some other which might prove a wholesome shepherd for the soul of man, profitable to the church of England, and a faithful son to the see of Rome, and so the monks returning home, made relation to the covent how they had sped. After this, the monks elected the prior of their house named john to be their archbishop, who going to Rome for his confirmation, was persuaded in the end to renounce his election: so that at length one Edmund that was treasurer of the college of Salisbury, was elected, confirmed, and consecrated, a man of great zeal, being the four & fortieth archbishop that had governed that see.  
This year the king's brother the earl of Cornwall married the countess of Gloucester, 
The earl of Cornwall marrieth the countess of Gloucester.  widow to the late earl Gilbert, and sister to William Martial earl of Penbroke, the which earl of Penbroke shortly after the same marriage departed this life, and was buried on the fifteenth day of April, 

The earl of Penbroke departed this life.  
Polydor. Leolin prince of Wales invadeth the English borders.   in the new temple at London, near unto his father. Moreover, Leolin prince of Wales about this season enterprising to invade the English confines, burned and wasted the country in most cruel wise. Whereof the king being advertised, hasted forth by great journeys, with purpose to revenge such injuries. But the enemies hearing of his coming (according to the custom of their country) withdrew into the mounteins, bogs, and marshes. Wherefore the king (seeing that he could not have them at his pleasure, and lest he should be thought to spend time in vain) came back, and left behind him a small troup of soldiers to resist their attempts, if they should happen to rise up any more.  
The Welshmen having intelligence that the king was returned home, broke forth again as before into to the English marshes, and not only took preys and booties, but went about to destroy with fire and sword all that stood in their way. Howbe it in their return, and as they ranged abroad somewhat unadvisedly, they were entrapped by the soldiers which the king had left there for the defence of the country, and put to flight near the castle of Mountgomerie, with great slaughter & loss of their people. 
The Welshmen put to flight.  But Leolin nothing dismayed therewith, assembled a greater power than he had before, and began forthwith to rob and line 10 spoil within the English marshes with paganish extremity. Which thing when it came to the understanding of the king, he was very sore displeased, that so mean a man as Leolin was, should put him to so much trouble, therefore he raised a far greater army than he had done at any time before, 
The king goeth against the Welshmen. Matt. Paris.  and with the same came to the city of Hereford.  
In the mean time Leolin coming near unto the said castle of Mountgomerie, by the practice of a traitorous monk, 
The English men distressed.  trained forth the English soldiers line 20 which lay in garrison there, and counterfeiting to flee, till he had laid them up in bogs and mires with their horses, so as they could not help themselves▪ he fell upon them, and so slew and took a great number of them even as he could have wished. The king advertised hereof, hasted the faster forward, and coming into those parts, as he passed by an abbeie of the Ciffeaux order (of which house the monk was that had betrayed the Englishmen of Mountgomerie) he burned a grange that belonged to the same line 30 abbeie, and further spoiling the same abbey itself, he had set it on a light fire also, if the abbot thereof had not redeemed it with the sum of three hundred marks of silver. After this, he caused Mawds castle to be repaired and fortified, 
Mawds' castle repaired.  which the Welshmen in times past had overthrown, and when the work was finished, he left there a strong garrison of soldiers to keep back the Welshmen from making their accustomed incursions.  

Matth. Paris.  Whilst the king was thus occupied in Wales, line 40 there was some business in France: for in the month of june, the French king with an army came to invade the country of Britain, but earl Henry with the earl of Chester and the other English captains found means to take and destroy all the carriages and wagons which came with victuals and other provision to serve the French army. 
H●nrie earl of Britain, and the earl of Chester distress the French kings carriages.  When the Frenchmen perceived they could not have their purpose, by mediation of the archbishop of Rheims, and the earl of Bollongne on the French part, and by consent of line 50 the earls of Britain and Chester on the English part, a peace was concluded, or rather a truce to endure for three years betwixt the two kings of England and France. 
A truce taken.  This agreement was made the fift day of julie, and then the earls of Britain and Chester, with Richard Martial, came over into England, and road to the king, whom they found at Mawds castle, where he remained till the work● was finished, and then in the month of October returned into England. line 60  

Anno Reg. 16. 1232  In this mean time no small grudge arose among the people, by reason that their churches were occupied by incumbents that were strangers, promoted by the pope's and their legates, 
Matth. Paris.  who neither instructed the people, nor could well speak any more English than that which served for the collection of their tithes, in somuch that for the insolency of such imcumbents as well the Noble men and those of good reputation, as other of the meaner sort, by an undiscréet presumption attempted a disorderly redress, 
An unorderly & presumptuous attempt  confederating themselves together, and taking upon them to write and direct their letters unto bishops and chapters, commanding them by way of inhibition, not to seem to interrupt those that should seize upon the beneficed strangers, or upon their revenues.  
They also took upon them to write unto such religious men and others, which were farmers unto any of those strangers, forbidding them to stand accountable unto the said strangers, but to retain the rents and profits in their hands to answer the same unto such as they should appoint for the receipt thereof. The superscription of their letters was this. 
The superscription of their letters.  ¶ Tali episcopo, & tali capitulo, universitas eorum, qui magis volunt mori quàm à Romanis confundi, salutem. That is to say, To such a bishop and chapter, all those which had rather die than be confounded by the Romans, send greeting. In the seal wherewith the said letters were sealed, were two swords engraven.  
This matter went so far forth, that th●●e were sundry persons armed and disguised like mummers, which enterprised not only to take diverse of those strangers that were beneficed men, but also came to their barns, threshed up their grain, 
Masking threshers.  and either made sale thereof, or gave it away for God his sake, showing counterfeited letters under the king's seal, which they had procured for their warrant, as they did pretend. At length the pope upon complaint made unto him of such violent doings, 
The pope complaineth to the K. in blaming him. The pope commandeth the offenders to be accursed.  wrote to king Henry, blaming him not a little for suffering such disorders to be committed within his realm, commanding him upon pain of excommunication to cause a diligent inquiry to be had of the offenders, and to see them sharply punished, to the example of others.  
Moreover he sent letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to the abbot of saint Edmundsburie, to make the like inquisition, and to accurse all those that should be found culpable within the south parts of England, as he did to the archbishop of York, to the bishop of Durham, and to an Italian named john a canon of York, to do the like in the north parts, so that the offenders should remain accursed, till they came to Rome, there to fetch their absolution. 
Inquisition taken.  Hereupon therefore a general inquisition was taken, as well by the king as by the bishops, and many found guilty, some in fact, and some in consent: amongst which number there were both bishops and chapleins to the king, with archdeacon's and deans, knights, and many of the laity.  
There were some sheriffs and batliffes also, which by the king's commandment were arrested and put in prison, and diverse of all sorts did keep themselves out of the way, and would not as yet be ●ound. In like manner, H●beit earl of Kent, lord chief justice, 
The earl of Kent put in blame.  was accused to be chief transgressor in this matter, as he that had given forth the king's letters patents to those disguised and ma●●ing threshers, who had taken upon them so to sequester other men's goods, whereto they had no right. There came also to the king one sir Robert de Twing, 
Sir Robert de Twing.  a knight of the north parts (which named himself William Wetherso, and had led about a company of the foresaid maskers) professing that he had done it upon just cause to be revenged upon the Romans, which went about by sentence of the pope, and manifest fraud to spoil him of the parsonage of a certain church which he held, and therefore he said he had rather stand accursed without just cause for a time, ●●an to lose his benefice without due judgement. Howbeit the king and the other commissioners counseled him in the end to go to Rome to purchase his absolution, sith he was fallen in danger of excommunication, and there to sue for his pardon in the pope's consistory. And to encourage him the better so to do, the king wrote also in his favour to the pope, testifying the right which he claimed to the church, whereby at length he obtained his suit (as after ye shall hear. 
Polydor. A parle●●●● & subsidy demanded, and denied. )  
The king called a parliament at Westminster, wherein declaring what charges he had been at divers ways, 
A subsidy demanded, and denied.  he required to have a subsidy granted him, for the relief of his want, which was flatly denied, the Nobles and other estates excusing the poverty amongst all degrees of men, by many evident reasons. 
The bishop of Winchester's counsel given to the king.  Hereupon the bishop of Winchester being a very eloquent and fair-spoken man, openly counseled the king to favour his people, whom he had already made poor and bare with continual tributes and exactions. And if it were so that he stood in such need as was alleged, that then he should take line 10 into his hands again such possessions and things, which during the time of his young years he had bestowed upon his servants, without any good advised consideration, for lack of ripe judgement and discretion, and again to take from certain covetous persons, who now were become horsseleches and caterpillars in the commonwealth, all such offices as they held, and had very much abused, causing them to yield up their accounts, and to use them after the manner of sponges, so that where he had in times line 20 past made them full of moisture, he might now wring them dry, following herein the example of Uespasian. And by this means it was not to be doubted but he should have enough of his own, without doing injury to any man.  
The king gave very good ear to the bishop's words, 
The king followeth the bishop of Winchester's counsel.  and following his counsel, caused his receivers, treasurers, and other such as had meddled with any of his receipts to come to a reckoning. And understanding by the auditors appointed to take their line 30 accounts, that the most part of them had received much more and by other means than they had entered into their reckoning, he compelled them to restore it out of hand with interest. Also he caused the magistrates to be called to a reckoning, and many of them being convicted of fraud, were condemned to make restitution. And among other Ranulfe Briton treasurer of his chamber was put beside his office, 
Matth. Paris. Ranulfe Briton, Peter de Rivales.  and fined at a thousand marks, in whose place was set Peter de Rivales, or after some copies de line 40 Oruiales, a Poictovin, nephew or rather son to the bishop of Winchester, by whose advice the king took a more straight account of his officers, and often removed such as he judged guilty.  
At the same time also, Hubert earl of Kent was deposed from the office of high justice, 

The earl of Kent discharged of his office of cheéfe justice.  
Matth. Paris.   and Stephan Segraue appointed in his room. The said Hubert (because he refused to answer a certain duty which was demanded of him to the kings use) ran so far into his displeasure, that he durst not abide his sight, line 50 but for safeguard of himself got him to the abbeie of Merton, 
The earl of Kent taketh sanctuary.  and there took sanctuary. The king hearing of this his demeanour, was so highly offended withal, that he sent to the Londoners, willing them to go thither and fetch him to his presence. The Londoners, which in no wise loved him, because of the death of their citizen Constantine, were very ready to accomplish this commandment, insomuch that where the mayor overnight late declared to them the effect of the king's commission, 
The citizens of London their good devotion towards the earl of Kent.  there were line 60 twenty thousand of them in armour gotten forward early in the morning towards Merton, in full hope now to be revenged of him, for the small goodwill that he had borne unto their city heretofore.  
But the king being informed by the earl of Chester and others, that if the Londoners being thus in armour, and in so great a number, should commit any other outrage by the way, the matter might grow to some such inconvenience as would not easily be stayed, he sent to them a countermand to return back to the city again, which they did, though sorry in their hearts that they might not go through with their desired enterprise. Furthermore (see here the mutability of fortune and her inconstancy, whereof complaint hath been made by our forefather's time out of mind, saying, 
Passibus ambiguis fortuna volubilis errat,  
Et manet in nullo certa tenáxque loco; 
ovid. lib. 2. de trist. 5.   
Sed modò laeta manet, vultus modò sumit acerbos,  
Et tantùm constans in levitate sua est.)  now that the earl of Kent was thus out of the king's favour, there were few or none of those whom he had before been beneficial unto, that showed themselves as friends and lovers unto him, but all forsook & were ready to say the worst of him, the archbishop of Dubline excepted, who yet obtained of the king respite for him to make answer unto such things as should lawfully be objected against him, both for the debt which should be due to the king, and also upon points of treason, which were now laid to his charge. ¶ Wherein we may see what hath been the course of the world in former ages touching friends, who in the spring of a man's felicity like swallows will fly about him; but when the winter of adversity nippeth, like snails they keep within their shells: whereunto the poet very well alluding, saith, 
Hor. lib. car. 1. od. 35.  
— diffugiunt cadis  
Cum faece siccatis amici,  
Far jugum pariter dolosi.   
After this, as the said Hubert would have gone to S. Edmundsburie in Suffolk, where his wife as then remained, he was apprehended at Burntwood in Essex, within a chapel there (as saith Fabian. 
Matth. Paris. ) But (as Matthew Paris saith) sir Robert de Cranecombe, with three hundred armed men was sent to apprehend him by the king's commandment, and so he was taken in a village belonging to the bishop of Norwich in Essex, and by the king's commandment cast into prison, but yet afterwards he was reconciled to the king's favour, when he had lain four months in prison, and thirteen months banished the court.  
In this year, on the exaltation of the cross, 
A subsidy granted in a parliament holden at Lambeth.  at Lambeth, in the assembly of the states there, a subsidy was granted to the K. of the fortieth part of every man's goods towards the discharge of his debts which he ought to the earl of Britain. 
Anno Reg. 17.  Also in the beginning of the seventeenth year of his reign, Ranulfe earl of Chester and Lincoln departed this life the six and twentieth day of October, 
Matth. Paris. Ranulfe earl of Chester departeth this life.  whose body was buried at Chester, and his bowels at Wallingford where he died. This earl Ranulfe was thrice married, 
earl Ranulfe thrice married.  first to Constance daughter and heir to Conan earl of Britain and Richmund, and so in right of her was entitled earl of those two places: which Constance had been first married unto Geffrey the third son of king Henry the second, by whom she had issue Arthur (as before ye have heard.) But by earl Ranulfe she had no issue at all, but was from him divorced, and afterwards married unto Guy viscount de Towars. Then after earl Ranulfe was so divorced from the said Constance, 
This Clemence was daughter to earl Ferrer.  he married a lady named Clemence, and after her decease, he married the third time the lady Margaret, daughter to Humphrey de Bohun earl of Hereford and Essex, constable of England.  
Howbeit he never had issue by any of those his wives, 
The partition of his lands.  so that john Scot his nephew by his sister Maud succeeded him in the earldom of Chester, and William Dalbenie earl of Arundel, nephew to him by his sister Mabell, had the manor of Barrow, and other lands that belonged to the said Ranulfe, of the yearly value of five hundred pounds. Robert Quincie, he that married his sister Havise, had the earldom of Lincoln, and so of a baron became an earl who had issue by his wife, Margery countess of Lincoln, that was married to Edmund Lacie earl of Lincoln. William earl Ferrer and of Derby, that had married Agnes, sister to the said Ranulfe, had the castle and manor of Chartley, together with other lands for his pourpart.  
Here is also to be remembered, that the afore mentioned earl Ranulfe (or Randulfe whether ye list to call him) achieved many high enterprises in his time, as partly in this book ye have already heard: he held sore wars against the Welshmen, till at length an agreement was concluded betwixt him line 10 and Leolin prince of Wales. I remember I have read in an old record, that upon a time as this earl passed into Wales with an army, his chance was to be overset by the Welshmen, so that he was driven to retire into a castle, wherein the Welshmen did besiege him. 
This Roger Lacie is surnamed Helie.  And as it fortuned at that time, Roger Lacie the constable of Chester was not then with him, but left behind at Chester to see the city kept in order (for as it should seem, their solemn plays which commonly are used at Whitsuntide line 20 were then in hand, or else their fair which is kept at Midsummer.)  
Wherefore the earl sent a messenger in all possible haste unto his constable, praying him with speed to come to his succour in that extreme point of necessity. Lacie made no delay, but assembling all the foreigners, players, musicians, and others which he could find within that city fit to wear armour, went forth with them, and in most speedy manner marched toward the castle, where the Welshmen kept the line 30 earl besieged, who now perceiving such a multitude of men coming towards them, incontinently left the siege and fled away. The earl then being thus delivered out of that present danger, came forth of the castle, returned with his constable unto Chester, and in recompense of that service, gave unto his said constable Roger Lacie, the rule, order, and authority over all the foreigners, players, musicians, and other strangers resorting to Chester at the time, when such public plays (or else fair) should be kept & holden. line 40  
john Lacie the son of the said Roger married Alice the daughter of Gilbert de Aquila, and after her decease, he married the lady Margaret, the daughter of Robert Quincie earl of Lincoln, of whom he begat Edmund Lacie constable of Chester, which Edmund after the decease of his father, married Alice the daughter of the marquess of Saluces in Italy, which lady was surnamed the queen, of whom he begat Henry Lacie earl of Lincoln, which Henry married the lady Margaret, daughter line 50 to William Long espee earl of Salisbury, by whom he had two sons, Edmund and john, and two daughters, Alice and joan, which Alice Thomas earl of Lancaster married, who claimed and had the same rights and privileges which anciently belonged to the said Roger Lacie, and other the constables of Chester, concerning the fines of foreigners and others. ¶ This have I the more willingly declared, that it may appear in what estimation and credit the Lacy's constables Chester by inheritance lived in their line 60 time, of whose high valiancy, and likewise of other of that family, highly commended for their noble chivalry in martial enterprises ye may read in sundry histories at large.  
But now to return and speak of other doings, which chanced about the time in which the said Ranulfe earl of Chester departed this life. The king in the mean while seized into his hands a great portion of the treasure which Hubert de Burgh earl of Kent had committed to the keeping of the templars. But whereas there were that traveled to have had him put to death, the king in respect of the service which he had done to him and to his predecessors king Richard and king john, granted him life, with those sands which he had either by purchase, or by gift of king john, 
The earl of Kent kept in prison within the castle of Uées.  but nevertheless he caused him to be kept in free prison at the castle of the Uées, under the custody of four knights belonging to the earls of Cornwall, Warren, Penbroke, and Ferrer, which four earls were become sureties for him.  
This year also about the same time, to wit, 
Matth. Paris. A great thunder.  the morrow after S. Martin's day, chanced great thunder and lightning, which continued for the space of 15 days together, to the great terror and fear of the people, and namely of the Londoners, which have that kind of weather so familiar to them, that if there be any abroad in the land, they have their part thereof. Moreover on the 23 of March, year 1233 was heard an other great and terrible tempest of thunder, 
A wet summer.  and after followed a marvelous wet summer with many floods. Also on the 8 day of April, in the parts about Hereford and Worcester, 
Four summer beside the accustomed sun.  there appeared four suns in the element, beside the natural sun, of red colour, and a great circle of crystalline colour, the which compassed with his largeness as it had been the whole circuit almost of the whole realm of England, 
Matth. Paris.  from the sides whereof went forth certain half circles, in whose sections appeared the said four suns. The natural sun was at the same time in the east part of the firmament, for it was about the first hour of the day, or betwixt six and seven in the morning, the air being the same time very bright and clear. The bishop of Hereford, and sir john Monmouth knight, and many others beheld this wonderful sight, and testified the same to be most true. 
Matth. Paris.  And after this there followed the same year in those parts cruel war, slaughter, terrible bloodshed, & a general trouble through England, Wales, and Ireland. About the same time, to wit, in june, 
A strange wonder.  in the south parts of England near to the sea coast, two huge dragons appeared fight in the air, and after a long fight the one overcome the other, and followed him, fleeing into the depth of the sea, & so they were seen no more.  
Moreover in this year great variance and strife rose betwixt the king and his barons, for the king took great displeasure against all other his officers, & so much the more mistrusted them, 
Polydor.  for that he found himself deceived in the earl of Kent, to whom he had committed a further credit than to any other, and had made him high justice of England, only for the good will that he always bare to him. Therefore perceiving this, 
The king beginneth to favour strangers.  he was doubtful whom he should trust, discharging the most part of those Englishmen that bore any office about him, and in their rooms placed strangers, as Poictovins and Britain's, of the which there came over unto him many knights and other, to the number of 2000, which he placed in garrisons within castles of diverse places of the land, and committed the order of all things for the most part to the bishop of Winchester, 
The bishop of Winchester.  and to his nephew or son Peter de Rivales.  
Herwith he offended so much the minds of his Nobles, that Richard Martial earl of Penbroke (chief of that family, & boldest to speak, 
The earl of Penbroke.  now that Ranulfe of Chester was gone) as well in his own name, as in the names of other, took upon him openly to reprove the kings doings herein, as pernicious and dangerous to the state of the realm. 
Strangers always odious to the hours borne.  Hereunto the bishop of Winchester (whose counsel as it seemed he followed) made answer, that the king had done nothing in that behalf unadvisedly, but upon good and deep consideration: for sith he might perceive how the English nobility had first pursued his father with malicious hatred & open war, and now that he found diverse of them whom he had brought up and advanced to high honours, unfaithful in the administration of their offices, he did not without just cause receive into his favour strangers, and prefer them before those of his own nation, which were not so faithful in his service and obedience as they.  
This answer of the bishop so pricked and wounded the minds of the English Nobility, that many of them (amongst whom the said earl of Penbroke was the chief) began an open rebellion, some of them resorting to one place, and some to an other, to gather people for their purpose. 
The lords that withdrew into Wales. Matth. Paris. Polydor.  The names of such barons as stirred upon this occasion were these; Richard Marshal earl of Penbroke afore named, line 10 Gilbert Basset and his brethren, men of great honour and right hardy captains: also Richard Sward a warlike parsonage, trained up in feats of arms from his youth, 
The king proclaimed them traitors.  with Walter Clifford a worthy knight, and many others. The king having knowledge of their doings proclaimed them all traitors, confiscated their goods, 
Strangers sent for.  and sent for a great power of men out of Flanders to serve him in his wars.  
Whilst king Henry thus provided himself of an army, the lords with their captain Richard Marshal line 20 joined themselves to Leolin prince of Wales, & doubting the coming of the king, spoiled all the marshes next adjoining to England, leaving no victuals nor cattle any where about in those parts whereby the king's army might have relief, and further made all things ready for their own defence so well as they could devise. The earl of Kent about the same time, 
Matth. Paris. The earl of Kent escapeth and taketh sanctuary.  by help of two yeomen that attended upon him, escaped out of the castle of Uées, and took sanctuary in the next church: but when those that line 30 had the charge of him and the castle in keeping, miss him, and heard where he was, they fetched both him, and the two yeomen that holp him to make the escape out of the church, 
He is fetched out.  and bringing them back to the castle, imprisoned the earl.  
And though the bishop of Salisbury came thither and threatened to accursse them, if they would not deliver the earl, and restore him to sanctuary again: they made answer, that they had rather the earl should hang for himself, than they for him. And line 40 so because they would not deliver him, the bishop did excommunicate them, and after riding to the court, and taking with him the bishop of London, and other bishops, prevailed so much by complaint exhibited to the K. that the earl was restored to the church again the eighteenth day of October: 
He is restored to sanctuary.  but so, as the sheriff of the shire had commandment to compass the church about with men, to watch that no relief came unto him, whereby he might be constrained line 50 through famishing to submit himself. Notwithstanding, 
Anno Reg. 18. The earl of Kent rescued and conveyed into Wales.  shortly after there came a power of armed men, and fetched the said earl from thence (setting him on horseback in fair complete armour) and so conveyed him into Wales, where he joined with other of the king's enemies, the thirtieth day of October.  

Polydor. The king entereth into Wales with an army.  Within a few days after came the king with his army, and entering into Wales, for want of victuals was constrained to retire back to the marshes, betwixt line 60 Worcestershire & Salopshire, where staying certain days together in those parts, his soldiers strayed abroad in the country unadvisedly, and keeping no watch nor ward about their camp, were surprised in the night by their enemies, and slain on every side. The slaughter had been greater, but that the residue which lay in camp, broke forth about midnight, and in a plump together fled into a castle which was near at hand, called Grossemound, in the which the king himself was lodged. There were slain above five hundred men, and all the truss and baggage of the camp lost. Yet Matthew Paris saith there were but two knights slain, which cast away themselves by their own wilfulness, that would needs stand to it and make resistance, where the residue being spoiled of all that they had with them, got away by flight, as the bishops of Winchester and Chichester, the lord chief justice Stephan Segraue, Peter de Rivales treasurer, Hugh Bigot earl of Norfolk, William earl of Salisbury, William lord Beauchampe, and William Dalbenie the younger, who were witnesses of this loss amongst the residue.  
Hereof it came to pass, that many of the king's army (specially those which had lost their horses, armour, money, and other furniture, with their victuals) returned into their country, to their great confusion. For the Welshmen and other outlaws, having spoiled the camp, returned with the carriages and sumpters which they had taken, into places of safe refuge. The king having received this loss, and oftentimes tried fortune nothing favourable unto him in those parts, 
Polydor.  by reason of the straits and disadvantage of the places, thought good to reserve the revenge of his received injuries until a more convenient time, and thereupon returned to Gloucester, 
The king returneth out of Wales.  and furnished divers castles and fortresses in the borders of Wales, with garrisons of soldiers, namely Poictovins and other strangers to defend the same against William Martial, and the other his complices, who upon occasions daily sought to suppress and distress the said strangers.  
And beside other encounters, in the which many of those Poictovins and other strangers were slain and oppressed by the said William Martial and his adherents, it chanced that upon saint Katherins day, the said William Martial coming near to the castle of Monmouth to view the same, was in danger to have remained prisoner in the enemies hands, through an issue made by sir Baldwine de Guines, capiteine of that castle, with his Poictovins and Flemings. 
The earl of Penbroke in danger.  But by such rescue as came to his aid, he was delivered out of their hands, and the Poictovins and other of the garrison discomfited. At this skirmish sir Baldwine himself being sore wounded, was borne out of the field into the castle, 
He is rescued. The Poictovins discomfited.  losing fifteen knights of his part, and a great sort of other which were taken prisoners, besides no small number that were slain in the place.  
The same year chanced a great dearth, 
Dearth.  by reason that the growth of all things was much hindered with the extreme cold weather. 
Tempests.  Also there happened about the beginning of November great thunder and lightning, 
An earthquake.  and therewith followed an earthquake to the great fear of the inhabitants of the town of Huntingdon and other places thereabouts. After this, came a great dearth amongst the people, 
A death.  being commonly a near companion to great famine and dearth.  
Richard Marshal earl of Penbroke in this mean time ceased not to waste the marshes of England next adjoining to Wales, and daily diverse of the English Nobility repaired to him, so that the king was sore troubled in his mind. It chanced at the same time, that one john of Monmouth a right valiant captain, who led the king's army, received a great overthrow at the hands of Richard Martial. For whereas the foresaid john, having assembled a mighty host, made great haste towards his enemies, in hope to have come upon them at unwares, and therefore marching by night, that he might be ready to assail them somewhat afore the break of the day, which in the summer season is the most silent time of all the night, it chanced far otherwise than he looked it should have done. For the earl of Penbroke, having knowledge by his spies of his adversaries intent, lay himself with his people within a wood in ambush by the way, where the said john should pass, and setting upon him as he approached, put his people in such fear by the sudden encounter, that they knew not what captain or ensign they might follow, and so immediately fell to running away. The slaughter was great on every side, 
Matth. Paris.  both of Poictovins and others. 
john Monmouth receiveth an overthrow.  diverse of them fleeing also into the next woods, were received by such as were laid there to cut them off, and so slain or taken out of hand. Howbeit their chief captain the forenamed john of Monmouth escaped, with a few other in his company. year 1234 line 10 This overthrow chanced the morrow after Christmas day. 
Polydor.   
The next day Richard Martial having thus got the victory, destroyed certain houses and lordships there in the marshes which belonged to the said john of Monmouth. 
Matth. Paris.  About the same time also, Richard Sward with other outlaws destroyed the possessions belonging to the earl of Cornwall beside Brehull, and burned a place there called Segraue, where Stephan de Segraue the lord chief justice was line 20 borne, and likewise a village belonging to the bishop of Winchester, not far from Segraue aforesaid. This was the manner of those outlaws, that they hurt no person, but only those counsellors about the king by whom they were exiled, and therefore bearing stomach against them, they did not only excogitate but also execute this revenge; which till they had obtained, they were no less ill apaid, than well pleased when the same was past, for — minuit vindicta dolorem. line 30  
Immediately within the octaves of the Epithanie, the earl Martial and Leolin prince of Wales wasted and rob all the marshes betwixt Wales and Shrewsburie, 
A part of the town of Shrewsburie burnt. Polydor.  a part of which town they also burnt. King Henry being hereof certified as yet sojourning at Gloucester, was sore troubled in his mind, and calling together his council, asked advise what way he might best take to redress such injuries. After sundry opinions amongst them declared, they agreed all in one sentence, that it should be most expedient to appease the minds of the rebels with gentle line 40 offers, to grant them pardon of their offences, wisely to win them to tractableness, and not roughly afflicting them to exasperate their fierceness, sith, — saepe acri potior prudentia dextra.  
Also to banish from his court diverse that bare great rule, and namely Peter the bishop of Winchester, and his son or nephew Peter de Rivales, by the counsel of which two persons all things had been changed in the king's house. Moreover, to put from him such strangers as bare offices, and to restore line 50 Englishmen again to the same.  
The king allowing this advise to be good, followed it accordingly, and first of all discharging the bishop of Winchester of all public administration of things, he commanded him to repair home to his diocese, and to see to the government thereof, as to his duty appertained. He also banished from his presence Peter de Rivales, 
Matth. Paris.  Stephan Segraue, Robert Passelew, and diverse others of his chief counsellors, by whose means he had procured the evil will of line 60 his Nobility. Then received he again his old servants & officers, & finally sent the archb. of Canturburie, the bishops of Chester & Rochester unto the barons in Wales, to offer them peace & pardon of all injuries past, if they would return to his obedience. Thus in the end there was a truce taken betwixt the king and the rebels, 
Matth. Paris.  to begin at Candlemas, and to endure until Easter next ensuing, 
The earl of Penbroke passeth over into Ireland.  in which mean time, Richard the earl of Penbroke, hearing that Maurish Fitz Gerald, with Walter Lacie, Richard Burgh and others wasted his lands and possessions in Ireland (according to such commission as they had received of late from king Henry and his council) passed over thither, and there incountering with his enemies, was sore wounded and taken prisoner, 
He is taken prisoner.  having entered the battle very rashly, and with a small company of his people about him, only by the traitorous persuasion of Geffrey Maurish, who with other fled at the first brunt, 
Geffrey Maurish.  and left him in manner alone, to stand to all the danger. Those that thus took him, brought him into his own castle, the which the lord chief justice Maurice Fitz Gerald had lately won. This encounter, in which Richard Martial was thus taken, chanced on a saturday, being the first of April; and on the 16 of the same month, by reason of the wound which he had received, he departed this life. 
The death 〈◊〉 the earl of Penbroke.   
We find also that the bishop of Winchester, and his son (or kinsman as some have called him) Peter de Rivales had procured the king to send commission under his seal unto the foresaid noble men in Ireland, that if the said Richard Marshal earl of Penbroke chanced to come thither, they should do their best to take him, and in reward of their pains, they should enjoy all his lands and possessions which he held in that country. But after his death, and when the king had removed those his counsellors from him, he confessed he had put his seal to a writing, but that he understood what were the contents thereof he utterly denied. Finally, this was the end of the worthy earl of Penbroke Richard Marshal, a man worthy to be highly renowned for his approved valiancy. His death surly was greatly bewailed of king Henry, openly protesting that he had lost the worthiest captain that then lived.  
After this, the lords that had remained in Wales, by safe conduct came to the king, and through the diligent travel of the archbishop of Canturburie, he received them into favour. Amongst them were these men of name, 
Polydor. Matth. Pari●  Gilbert Marshal the brother of the foresaid Richard Martial, Hubert earl of Kent, Gilbert Basset, and Richard Sward, be●ide diverse other. Unto Gilbert Martial he delivered his brother's inheritance, and upon whitsunday made him knight, 
Gilbert Martial earl of Penbroke.  giving unto him the rod of the office of Marshal of his court, according to the manner, to use and exercise as his ancestors had done before him. And herewith the earl of Kent Gilbert Basset and Richard Sward were received again into the court, and admitted to be of the kings privy council.  
Soon after this, Peter de Rivales, Stephan Segraue, & Robert Passelew were called to accounts, that it might appear how the king's treasure was spent, and how they had used themselves with the king's seal. The two last remembered kept themselves out of the way, and could not be found. 
Officers called to accounts.  Stephan Segraue shrouding himself in secret within the abbeie of Leicester, and Robert Passelew feigning himself sick, kept within the new temple at London. Peter de Rivales also, with his father the bishop of Winchester, took sanctuary at Winchester, for they were afraid lest their bodies should not be in safety if they came abroad, because they understood that their manors and grange places were spoiled and burnt by those that bore them displeasure. Howbeit at length, under the protection of the archbishop of Canturburie, they came to their answer, & were sore charged for their unjust dealing, traitorous practice, and great falsehood used in time of their bearing office, and (as it appeareth by writers) they could but sorilie clear themselves in those matters wherewith they were charged: but yet by reason of their protection they were restored to the places from whence they came, or else otherwise shifted off the matter for the time, so that we read not of any great bodily punishment which they should receive as then. In the end they were pardoned & reconciled to the king's favour, upon payment of such fines as were assessed upon them.  
This year, because the truce ended betwixt the kings of England and France, king Henry sent over to aid the earl of Britain, 
The truce ended. Welshmen sent over to the aid of the earl of Britain.  threescore knights▪ and two thousand Welshmen, the which when the French king came with his army to enter and invade Britain, did cut off and take his carriage laden with victuals, armour, and other provision, overthrowing also no small number of the Frenchmen, and taking line 10 from them their horses, they returned back in safety, without any great damage received. Notwithstanding this, the French king enforcing again his power, waxed too strong for the earl of Britain, so that he was constrained to take a truce to endure till the feast of all saints, that he might in the mean time understand if the king of England would come over with some puissant army to his aid or no: but because it was perceived in the end that the said earl of Britain sought nothing else line 20 but how to get money out of king Henry's coffers, and to do him no pleasure for it, because he was in manner at an other agreement already with the king of France, king Henry refused to satisfy his requests at such time as he came over unto him (after the taking of that truce) for more money. Herewith also the said earl being offended, 
The earl of Britain submitteth himself to the French king.  got him back into his own country, and shortly after apparently submitted himself to the French king, which (as the report went) he had done before in secret. line 30  

Anno Reg. 19 1235  These things being thus brought to pass, and all troubles quieted, the king as then being at London, there was brought before him by one Tolie, 
Polydor. Fabian.  a complaint exhibited against the 
* See the like in pag. 56. col. 1.  jews of Norwich, which had stolen a young child, being not past a twelve months old, and secretly kept him an whole year together, to the end that he might (when Ester came) crucify him in despite of our saviour jesus Christ, and the christian religion. The matter as it happened fell out well for the lad: for within a few days before line 40 that those cursed murderers purposed to have shed this innocents blood, they were accused, convicted and punished, whereby he escaped their cruel hands. About the same time, 
Matth. Paris.  to wit the seventh of February died Hugh de Wells bishop of Lincoln, a great enemy to monks and religious men. Robert Grosted was then preferred to his room, a man of great learning, and trained up in schools even from his infancy.  

The emperor Fredrick marrieth the king of England's sister.  The same year, the emperor Fredrick the second, married the lady Isabella the king's sister. This line 50 Isabella was a most beautiful lady, of comely parsonage, and of age about one and twenty years. She was affianced by procuracy, about the seven and twentieth of February. And after Easter, the archbishop of Cullen, and the duke of Louane came over from the emperor, to have the conveyance of her unto the emperor's presence. 
A great and sumptuous feast.  There was such a feast holden, so sumptuous service, so rich furniture, and royal banqueting kept the day before her departure line 60 from London towards the sea side, that more could not be imagined. The same feast was kept at Westminster on the fift day of May, and the day following she did set forward, and by easy journeys came to Sandwich, the king bringing her thither with three thousand horses. Finally, she took the sea the eleventh of May, the king taking leave of her not without tears, when they thus departed the one from the other. And so with prosperous wind and weather she arrived at Antwerp, and from thence passed forward, till she came to her husband the emperor, by whom she was received with great joy and comfort at Worms, where the marriage was consummate upon a sunday, being the two and twentieth day of julie, or (as Matthew Westminster saith) the seven and twentieth of May, being Whitsunday.  
This year the bishop of London pronounced the sentence of excommunication against certain usurers called Caorsini. But because▪ the same usurers shadowed themselves under the pretext of the pope's merchants (as they named themselves) they prevailed so much by the favour of the court of Rome, 
Matth. Paris. Usurers called Caorsini, of whom see more in pag. 211. col. 1.  that the said bishop being sick and feeble, was cited peremptorily in the parts beyond the seas, before judges chosen forth by the same usurers, to make answer for such high injury as he had here done to the pope's factors. The bishop willing by the example of ●●em, rather to cover his father's shame, than to reveal it to the whole world, did quietly put up the matter: and with commendable patience received the proffered wrong, having learned this lesson, that Gaudet patientia duris, and to pacify the trouble, suffered their wickedness, commending in the mean while the cause unto his patron S. Paul. And when he preached of the force of faith, he uttered this saying: 
The bishop of London his doctrine.  If an angel preach contrary doctrine to us in these things, let him be accursed.  
In the twentieth year of king Henry's reign, 
Anno Reg. 20.  in the advent time, the noble baron the lord Robert Fitz Water departed this life, and so likewise did a noble young man descended of most noble parentage, one Roger de Somerie. year 1236 On the fourteenth day of januarie ensuing, 
King Henry marrieth the lady Elinor daughter to the earl of Provence. Matth. Paris.  the king married the lady Elinor, daughter to the earl of Provence named Raimond. This marriage was solemnised at Canturburie, and in the octaves of S. Hilary next ensuing being sunday, she was crowned queen of England at Westminster. At the solemnity of this feast and coronation of the queen, all the high peers of the realm, both spiritual and temporal, were present there to exercise their offices as to them appertained.  
The citizens of London were there in great array, bearing afore her in solemn wise, three hundred and threescore cups of gold and silver, in token that they ought to wait upon her cup. The archbishop of Canturburie (according to his duty) crowned her, the bishop of London assisting him as his deacon. The earl of Chester bore the sword of saint Edward before the king, 
The earl of Chester.  in token that he was earl of the palace, and had authority to correct the king, if he should see him to serve from the limits of justice, his constable of Chester attended upon him, 
The constable of Chester. The earl of Penbroke.  and removed where the press was thick, with his rod or warder. The earl of Penbroke high Marshal bore the rod before the king, and made room before him, both in the church and in the hall, placing every man, and ordering the service at the table. The wardens of the cinque ports bore a canopy over the king, 

The wardens of the cinque ports.  
The earl of Leicester.  
earl Warren.   supported with four spears.  
The earl of Leicester held the basin when they washed. The earl of Warren, in the place of the earl of Arundel, because he was under age, attended on the kings cup. M. Michael Bellet was Butler by office. The earl of Hereford exercised the room of high Marshal in the king's house. The lord William de Beauchampe was almoner. 

The earl of Hereford.  
Lord William Beauchampe The citizens of London.  
The citizens of Winchester.   The chief justice of the forests on the right hand of the king removed the dishes on the table, though at the first he was stayed by some allegation made to the contrary. The citizens of London served out wine to every one in great plenty. The citizens of Winchester had oversight of the kitchen and larderie. And so every person (according to his duty) exercised his room: and because no trouble should arise, many things were suffered, which upon further advise taken therein were reform. The chancellor and all other ordinary officers kept their place. The feast was plentiful, so that nothing wanted that could be wished. Moreover, in Tuthill field royal jousts were holden by the space of eight days together. And soon after the king called a parliament at London, 
A parliament at London. Polydor.  where many things were enacted for the good government of the realm, and therewith the king demanded a subsidy.  

Strange sights. Matth. Paris.  ¶ About the same time wonderful strange sights were seen. In the northparts of England, not far from the abbey of Ro●h o● Rupie, there appeared coming line 10 forth of the earth companies of armed men 〈◊〉 horseback, with spear, shield, sword, and banners displayed, in sundry forms and shapes, riding in order of battle, and incountering together: and this sight was seen sundry days each after other. Sometime they seemed to join as it had been in battle, and fought sore; and sometime they appeared to just and break staves, as it had been at some triumphant justs of tornie. The people of the country beheld them a far off, with great wonder: for the thing line 20 showed so lively, that now and then they might see them come with their empty horses sore wounded and hurt: and then men likewise mangled and bleeding, that pity it was to see them. And that which seemed more strange and to be most marveled at, the prints of their feet appeared in the ground, and the grass trodden down in places where they had been seen. The like sight was also seen more apparently in Ireland, and in the parts thereabout.  
Immediately followed, or rather precéeded passing great tempests of rain, 
Great rain. Matth. Paris.  which filled the earth full of line 30 water, and caused monstruous floods: for this rain continued all the space of the months of januarie, February, and a great part of March; and for eight days it reigned (as some writ) in manner without ceasing: 
Matth. West.  and upon the tenth of February, immediately after the change of the moon, the Thames rose with such an high tide, that boats might have been rowed up and down in Westminster hall. In the winter before, on the twentieth of December, there chanced a great thunder, 
A great thunder.  and on the first friday line 40 in December, which was the fift of that month, there was a counterfeit sun seen beside the true sun. Moreover, as in the spring precéeding there happened sore and exceeding great rains, so in the summer following there chanced a great drought, 
A dry summer.  continuing by the space of four months or more.  
This year was a parliament holden at Merton, a town in Surrie, distant from London 7 miles, where was an abbeie of regular canons founded line 50 by one Gilbert a lord of Normandy, that came into the realm with William conqueror. 
Gilbert Norman founder of Merton abbeie.  At this parliament, diverse good & profitable laws were made and established, which yet remain in use, bearing the name of the place where they were first ordained.  

Anno Reg. 21.  ¶ In the beginning of the 21 year of king Henry's reign, on the morrow after the feast of S. Martin, and certain days after, the sea burst out with such high tides and tempests of wind, 
High tides. Matth. Paris.  that the marish countries near to the same were drowned up and overflown: line 60 and beside great herds and flocks of cattle that perished, there was no small number of men lost and drowned. The sea rose continually in flowing the space of two days and one night, without ebbing, by reason of the mighty violence of contrary winds. 
Wisbech people perishing by rage of waters.  At Wisbech also, and in villages thereabouts, the people were drowned in great numbers, so that in one village there were buried an hundred corpses in one day. Also the day before Christmas eve, there chanced a great wind, with thunder and rain, in such extreme wise, that many buildings were shaken and overthrown.  
In a parliament holden at Westminster about the octaves of the epiphany, year 1327 the king required a subsidy of his subjects, which request was not very well taken, but yet at length, upon promise that he would be good lord 〈◊〉 them, and not seek to instringe and disannul the 〈◊〉 which he had made by pretence of want of the pope's confirmation (as it was thought he meant to do) they agreed to give him the thirtieth part of all movable goods, 
A subsidy.  as well of the spirituality as the temporalty, reserving yet to every man his ready come▪ with horse and armour, to be employed for the profit of the commonwealth. In consideration of which grant, the king being of perfect age, and in his own rule and full governance, of his free and mere goodwill, at the request, and by counsel of the lords of his realm, eftsoons granted and confirmed the liberties and customs contained in the two charters, the one called Magna charta, and the other Charta de foresta, with this addition following added in the end.  

The confirmation of the charters, under the king's acknowledgement and subscription of witnesses.  
NVnc autem concessimus, & hac praesenti charta confirmavimus omnibus praedictis de regno nostro, omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines content as in chartis nostris, quas eis fidelibus nostris fieri fecimus cùm in minori essemus aetate, scilicet in Magna charta nostra, quàm in charta de Foresta. Et volumus pro nobis, & haeredibus nostris, quòd praefati fideles nostri, & successores, & haeredes eorum habeant, & teneant in perpetuum omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines praedictas, non obstante quòd praedictae chartae confectae fuerint cùm minoris essemus aetatis, ut praedictum est, hijs testibus, Edmundo Cant archiepiscopo, & omnibus alijs in Magna charta nominatis. Dat. per manum venerabilis patris Cicestriensis episcopi, cancellarij nostri 28 die januarij, Anno Regni nostri 21.   
Beside the confirmation of these charters, 
Matth. Paris.  the king further to win the favour of his people, was contented to remove and sequester from him diverse of his councillors that were thought not to be well minded towards the advancement of the commonwealth, and in their places to admit the earl of Waren, William de Ferrer, and john Fitz Geffrey, who were sworn to give to the king faithful counsel, and in no wise to go out of the right way for any respect that might otherwise move them. ¶ About the first day of March, there began sore rain and tempestuous weather, whereof ensued great floods, as before in the beginning of the year passed, had chanced, though not doing so much hurt as before.  
john Scot also earl of Chester and Huntingdon died at Deren hall the seventh day of june, 
john Scot earl of Chester departed this life.  without issue, and was buried at Chester. He was poisoned by the devilish practice of his wife daughter to Leolin prince of Wales (as Matt. Paris saith. 
Ran. Higd. His sisters. ) He had four sisters, of whom the first named Margaret was married to Allen of Gallowaie, by whom she had issue a daughter named Devorgoill; which Devorgoill was married to john Balliol, by whom she had issue john Balliol that was afterward king of Scotland. The second named Isabella, was married to Robert le Bruis. The third named maud, died without issue. And the fourth called Alda, was married to Henry Hastings. But because the land pertaining to the earldom of Chester, should not go amongst rocks and distaffs, having such royal prerogatives belonging thereto, the king seized them into his own hands, and in recompense assigned other lands to the foresaid sisters, as it had been by way of exchange.  
Now sith the earls of Chester (I mean those of the line of Hugh Lupus) took end in this john Scot; I have thought it not impertinent for the honour of so noble a lineage, to set down the descent of the same earls, beginning at the foresaid Hugh the first that governed after the conquest, as I have seen the same collected out of ancient records, according line 10 to their true succession in seven descents one after another, as here followeth.  

The true genealogy of the famous and most honourable earls of Chester.  
HUgh Lou or Lupus, first earl of Chester after the conquest, nephew line 20 to William Conqueror by his sister Margaret, wife to Richard Uicount of Auranches, married a noble lady named Armetruda, by whom he had issue Richard that succeeded him in the earldom, Robert abbot of saint Edmundsburie, and Otuell. He departed this life about the year of our Lord 1102, when he had been earl about 40 years.  
2 Richard Lupus eldest son to Hugh line 30 Lupus, and second earl of Chester, married Maud the daughter of Stephan earl of Blois, Charters and champaign, and sister to K. Stephan. This Richard with his brother Otuell was drowned in the seas, in the year of our Lord 1120, as before hath been showed, after he had been earl about nineteen years.  
3 Ranulfe or Randulfe the first of that line 40 name called Bohun, and otherwise Mestheins, the son of john de Bohun, and of Margaret, sister to Hugh Lupus, succeeded Richard, as cousin and heir to him in the earldom of Chester, and was the third earl in number after the conquest. He married Maud the daughter of Auberie de Vere earl of Gisney and Oxenford, by whom he had issue Ranulfe surnamed line 50 Geruous the fourth earl of Chester. He died about the year of our Lord 1130, after he had continued earl eight years.  
4 Ranulfe or Randulfe Bohun, the second of that name, and fourth earl in number after the conquest, surnamed Geruous, succeeded his father, and married Alice, daughter to Robert earl of Gloucester, base son to king Henry the first by whom he line 60 had issue Hugh Kevelocke, the fift earl of Chester. He deceased about the year of our Lord 1153, when he had been earl 29 years.  
5 Hugh Bohun otherwise Kevelocke, the son of the said Ranulfe, was the first earl of Chester after the conquest, and second of that name. He married Beatrice, daughter to Richard Lucy lord chief justice of England, by whom he had issue Ranulfe the third of that name, and four daughters, maud married to David that was earl of Angus and Huntingdon and lord of Galloway, Mabell married to William Dalbegnie earl of Arundel, Agnes married to William Ferrer earl of Derbie, and Havisa joined in marriage with Robert Quincie, a baron of great honour. This Hugh died about the year 1181, when he had been earl eight and twenty years.  
6 Ranulfe Bohun the third of that name, otherwise called Blundeville, the son of Hugh Kevelocke, was the sixth earl of Chester after the conquest. He was also earl of Lincoln, as next cousin and heir to William Romare earl of Lincoln. He had three wives (as before ye have heard) but yet died without issue, about the year of our Lord 1232, after he had been earl 51 years.  
7 john Scot, the son of David earl of Angus & Huntingdon, was in the right of his mother the seventh earl of Chester after the conquest. He died without issue (as before ye have heard) by reason whereof, the earldom came into the king's hands in the year 1237. Thus much may suffice (with that which is said before) touching the descent of the earls of Chester. And now to proceed.   
The same year that john Scot died, 
Cardinal Otho or Othobon.  cardinal Otho (by some writers named Othobon) about the feast of S. Peter and Paul came into England from pope Gregory. He was received with all honour and solemn reverence as was decent, yea and more than was decent, the king meeting him at the sea side. His coming was not signified afore to the nobles of the realm, which caused them to mislike the matter, and to grudge against the king, seeing that he did all things contrary to order, breaking law, faith, and promise in all things. 
The lords grudge at the king for receiving the cardinal without their knowledge.  He hath coupled himself (said they) in marriage with a stranger, without consent of his friends and natural subjects, and now he bringeth in a legate secretly, who will take upon him to make an alteration in the whole state of the realm.  
But this legate showed himself a very sober and discreet person, not so covetous as his predecessors, 
The legate praised for his sober behaviour.  in so much that he refused diverse gifts which were offered unto him, though some he received, and indeed commanded the other to be reserved for him. He also distributed liberally the vacant rents unto such as he brought with him, as well persons worthy as unworthy, and pacified such controversies as were sprung betwixt the nobles and peers of the realm, so that he made them friends. ¶ An act memorable & to be kept in record, that the instrument and servant of so bad a master as he served, namely the pope, should be the procurer of so good a work: considering that from the see of Rome full tides and violent streams of seditions have flowed, and very seldom any occasion or means made to plant peace among men, which is the daughter of love, and the worthiest thing that is, as one saith very well in these words: Gignit amor pacem, pax est dignissima rerum.  
The bishop of Winchester, the earl of Kent, Gilbert Basset, Stephen Siward & others were by him accorded, who had borne secret grudge each to other a long time, which hatred was at point to have broken forth, 
A tournie at Blie.  and showed itself in perilous wise at a tornie holden at Blie in the beginning of Lent, where the Southernmen strove against the Northern men, and in the end the Southern men prevailed, and took diverse of their adversaries, so that it seemed not to be a triumphant jousts, but rather a sharp challenge and encounter betwixt enemies. But amongst all others, 
Earl Bigot.  earl Bigot bore himself very stoutly.  

Anno Reg. 22. The legate holdeth a synod at London.  After that the legate had thus agreed the noblemen, he assembled a synod at London, the morrow after the octaves of S. Martin, wherein many ordinances were newly constituted for the state of the clergy, but not altogether very acceptable to diverse young line 10 priests and scholars (as some writ) in somuch that the legate afterwards coming to Oxford, year 1238 and lodging in the abbey of Osnie, 
The legate co●meth to Oxford.  it chanced as certain scholars pressed to the gates thinking to come in and do their duty (as they took the matter) unto the legate, the porter kept them back, and gave them overthwart words, whereupon they rushed in upon him, & so began a fray betwixt them and the legates men, who would have beaten them back. 
A fray betwixt the legates men, and the scholars of Oxford.   
It fortuned in this hurlie burlie, that a poor Irish line 20 scholar being got in near to the kitchen dresser, besought the cook for God's sake to give him some relief: but the cook (as many of that calling are choleric fellows) in a great fury took up a ladle full of hot broth out of a kettle wherein flesh had been sodden, 
A cook's alms.  and threw it right upon the Irishmans face, which thing when another Welsh scholar that stood by beheld, he cried out; What mean we to suffer this villainy, and therewithal took an arrow, and set it in his bow, which he had caught up in his hand at the line 30 beginning of the fray, and drawing it up to the head let fly at the cook, 
The legates cook slain.  and so slew him there outright.  
Hereupon again noise and tumult rose round about the house, the legate for fear got him into the belfraie of the abbeie, where he kept himself close till the dark of the night had stayed the uproar, and then stolen forth, and taking his horse escaped as secretly as he could over the Thames, and road with all speed to the court, which lay not far off at Abington, 
The legate complaineth to the king. The earl Waren sent to apprehend the offenders.  and there made his complaint to the king, in such line 40 lamentable wise, that he forthwith sent the earl Waren with a power of armed men, to fetch away the residue of the legates servants which remained behind in the abbeie, and to apprehend the chief offenders.  
The earl coming thither, took thirty scholars, with one master Odo a lawyer, and brought them to Wallingford castle, and there committed them to prison. The legate also in revenge of the injury in this wise to him done, 
The legate curseth.  pronounced the curse against line 50 the misdooers, and handled the matter in such wise, that the regents and masters of the University were at length constrained to come unto London, & there to go barefooted through Cheapside, unto the church of S. Paul, 
The regents of the University absolved. Polydor.  in such wise to ask him forgiveness, and so with much ado they obtained absolution. This legate among other things demanded soon after the tenth part of all spiritual men's yearly revenues, towards the maintenance of the wars against the Saracens in Asia. line 60  
Moreover, the emperor of Constantinople, namely, 
Matth. Paris. The emperor of Constantinople cometh into England.  Baldwine son to Peter earl of Ausserre, being expelled out of his empire, came this year into England, to sue for aid: but at his first arrival at Dover, he was told, that he had not done well to come so presumptuously into the land of another prince, without his safe conduct. But when the said emperor seemed to be sorry for his offence, and to excuse his innocency and sincere meaning, the king was pacified, & willed him to come to London, where at his coming thither, being the 22 day of April, he was honourably received, and at his departure with rich gifts highly honoured, so that he had away with him to the value of about seven hundred marks as was reported. About this time also, 
The countess of Pe●broke, sister to the king married to Simon de Montford. Polydor.  Elinor the king's sister (that was sometime wife unto William Martial earl of Penbroke) was now by the kings means married the second time to Simon Montford, a man of high parentage and noble prowess.  
This Simon was endowed with such virtue, good counsel, courteous discretion, and other amiable qualities, that he was highly favoured as was supposed, both of God and man: in somuch that he might right well, as for birth, so also for education and good demeanour be counted (as he deserved) a notable Noble man, for he was so qualified as standeth with the nature of true nobility, according to that of the poet, 
— non census, nec clarum nomen avorum,  
Sed probitas magnos ingeniùmque facit.   
Notwithstanding all which noble endowments concurring in him, he was banished out of France, upon displeasure, which Blanche the queen mother conceived against him. But now coming into England, he was joyfully received of king Henry, who not only gave unto him (as above is mentioned) his sister in marriage with the earldom of Leicester in name of a dowry, but also advanced him unto offices of greatest honour within the realm of England. Howbeit, 
The archbishop of Canturburie displeased with the marriage.  this marriage was very displeasant unto Edmund the archbishop of Canturburie, because that the foresaid Elinor, after the death of her first husband, had vowed perpetual chastity, and betaken her (as was said) to the mantel and the ring.  
As the prelate was not pleased with this match, so the king was as highly offended with the archbishop for not favouring the cause, in somuch that the archbishop went soon after to Rome, 
He goeth to Rome to complain of the king.  where he not only complained of certain injuries received lately at the king's hands, but also signified the estate of this marriage, to procure a divorce. In like manner, Richard the king's brother found great fault with the king for the same matter, but chiefly, 
The earl of Cornwall ●● also offended for the same marriage. Matth. Paris.  for that he struck it up without making him and other of the Nobles of council therein. To be short, it was not long yer this grudge grew so far, that civil war was very likely to have followed thereupon. But when the king saw that all the lords leaned to his brother, he sought to pacify the matter by courteous means, and so by mediation of the legate, the king and his brother were reconciled, to the great grief of the lords, which had brought the matter now to that point, that the king could not have so resisted their force, but that they were in good hope to have delivered the realm out of bondage from all manner of strangers, as well of those Romans that were beneficed men, as of any other.  
Simon the earl of Leicester also perceiving how the matter went, made shift another way to get all the money he could in priest or otherwise (in somuch that he had of one burges of Leicester, 
The earl of Leicester gathereth 〈◊〉.  named Simon Curlevath, five hundred marks) and leaving his wife in the castle of Kelingworth, he secretly departed out of the realm, and got him to Rome, 
He goeth to Rome to get ● dispensation or rather confirmation of his marriage  to purchase a confirmation of his marriage, which he easily obtained, notwithstanding the archbishop of Canturburies' former and very vehement information against him, and so having brought his purpose about, in the latter end of this year, he returned into England, and was joyfully received, first of the king and after of his wife, whom he found at Kelingworth, near to the time of her travel, and shortly after delivered of a young son, whom they called Simon after the name of his father.  
At the same time, Fredrick the emperor going into Italy, 
Aid sent forth of England ●● the emperor.  had a great number of English soldiers with him, which king Henry furnished for his aid, under the leading of a right valiant warrior, named Henry de Trubleville, 
Henry Trubleville. john Mansel Wil Hardell.  with whom went also john Mansell, whose valiancy in that journey well appeared, and William Hardell a citizen of London was treasurer and paimaister to the soldiers. Herewith the pope was sore offended, and wrote his mind thereof to the king, who forthwith returned an eloquent answer, requiring him to be more favourable to the emperor, considering his cause was such as could not justly offend his holiness. About the same time, or rather (as by some writers it should appear) line 10 somewhat before, the king's sister joane queen of Scotland, coming into England to see her brother, fell into a sickness, and died.  
Moreover, the archbishop of Canturburie returned into England, who at his coming to Rome, obtained little or nothing touching the suit which he had before the pope, for (as some have written) the legate Otho being his heavy friend, had so stopped the pope's ears from hearing any of his complaints, line 20 that all his whole travel did come to none effect. In like manner, Peter des Roches bishop of Winchester died this year in his manor at Farnham, 
The bishop of Winchester departeth this life.  about the ninth of june, which prelate had governed that see about 32 years. He was a man of great wisdom and dexterity in ordering of weighty affairs touching the state of temporal regiment. He builded many goodly monasteries, as the abbeys of Hales, Tikborne and Seleborne, with the hospital at Portesmouth. He made also a notable testament, line 30 and besides his bequests which were great, he left his bishopric so stored and throughly furnished, that there was not so much diminished of that which he found at his coming in value, as the cattle that served to draw the very ploughs.  
About this time, a learned esquire, or rather a clerk of the university of Oxenford, bearing some malice toward the king, feigned himself mad, and espying thereby the secret places of his house at Woodstoke where he than lay, 
Matth. Paris. A naughty wretch meant to have destroyed the K.  upon a night by a window line 40 he got into the king's bedchamber, and coming to the bed's side, threw off the coverings, and with a dagger strake divers times into a pillow, supposing that the king had been there, but as GOD would, that night the king lay in another chamber with the queen. In the mean time, one of the queen's chambermaids named Margaret Biset, having espied the traitor, made an outcry, so that the K. servants which came to understand what the matter meant, presently apprehended the said clerk, who being line 50 conveyed to Coventrie, was there arraigned, and by lawful proof had of his malicious intent, was condemned, and executed as a traitor. At his death he confessed, that he was sent from 
* See his end in pag. 230.  William de Marisch the son of Geffrie de Marisch to murder the king by such manner of means, not caring what had become of himself so he might have dispatched his purpose.  
¶ These practices of treason In summo gradu, which cannot be committed without irrecoverable detriment line 60 to the whole estate (specially where succession is uncertain) are of an old brewing, though they be never so newly broached. And truly, if the cursed miscreant which undertaketh an enterprise of this quality, had the grace to consider how many murders he committeth by implication in giving the royal person of the prince a deadly wound; I doubt not, if he were a man and not a rank devil, he would be weaned from that outrageous villainy. For, in wounding and killing the prince, he is guilty of homicide, of parricide, of christicide, nay of deicide. And therefore a thousand woes light on his hart that shall stretch out his hand, nay, that shall once conceive in thought a murder so heinous, as both God and nature doth abhor; specially if it be commenced against a christian prince; and such a one as to whom true and undefiled religion is no less precious and dear than life itself. Prince's therefore had need to see to the safeguard of their persons, sithence the safety of many millians dependeth thereupon. For certain it is, that the state of a poor private man is less perilous by many degrees than the state of a potentat, which is meant by this true allegory following.  
Quatiunt altas sapèprocellae,  
Aut evertit fortuna domos; 
Seneca in Octa, & Hippol.   
Minùs in parvis fortuna furit,  
Raros patitur fulminis ictus  
Humida vallis.  
In the three and twentieth year of his reign, 
Anno Reg. 23. 1239  king Henry held his Christmas at Winchester, where a great grudge arose betwixt him and Gilbert the earl of Penbroke, 
Matth. Paris. Uariance betwixt the king and the earl of Penbroke.  by reason that the said earl with his servants (having tipstaffs) in their coming to the court, were not suffered to enter within the gates but were kept back by the porters and other. Of which injury when he had complained, the king made him such an overthwart answer, that the earl perceiving him not to like very well of his service, departed forthwith, and road into the North country, so that from that day forth, neither he nor his brother Walter loved the king as they ought to have done. Soon after this departure of earl Gilbert, upon Candlemas day the king gave the earldom of Leicester unto Simon de Mountford, and invested him thereinto, having first pacified earl Almerike that was elder brother to the same Simon. Yet about the beginning of the next August, 
Simon earl of Leicester fled over into France.  the king was so incensed against earl Simon, that both he and his wife were glad to get them over into France, till the king's wrath were more pacified.  
Upon the sixteenth day of june, the king's eldest son named Edward, 
The birth of king Edward the first.  and after surnamed Longshank by the Scots in mockage, because he was a tall and slender man, was borne at Westminster, who after his father's decease, succeeded him in the kingdom. ¶ Before the birth of this Edward, there appeared early in the morning certain days together before the sun was up, 
Polydor. A strange star.  a star of a large compass, the which with swift course was carried through a long circuit of the air, sometimes showing as it had borne fire with it, and sometimes leaving as it were smoke behind it, so that it was after judged, that the great deeds which were to be achieved by the same Edward, were by this wonderful constellation foreshowed and signified.  
About the same time, by reason of an accusation made by a prisoner against Ranulfe Briton (sometime the king's chancellor, but now leading a private life, 
Matth. Paris.  being a canon of the cathedral church of saint Paul in London) the same Ranulfe (by commandment from the king sent to the mayor of the city William joiner) was taken out of his house, 
Ranulfe Briton taken out of his house, and led to the tower.  had to the tower, and there imprisoned, whereupon the dean of Paul's, master G. Lucy, in absence of the bishop accursed all those that had presumptuously attempted to lay hands on the said Ranulfe, and further, he put his own church of saint Paul under interdiction.  
To conclude, through threatening of excommunication to be pronounced against the king, and other for this fact by the legate and the bishops of the realm as namely, Canturburie and London, the king was compelled to release and set at liberty the foresaid Ranulfe. Finally, the prisoner that had accused the said Ranulfe and other, being one of the king's pursuivants, when for his wicked doings he came to suffer death, openly confessed, how he had accused those persons, only in hope to defer his own execution, being convicted as accessary to the treason of the clerk that suffered at Coventrie the last year. He had accused not only the said Briton, but divers of the nobility also to be privy and guilty of the same conspiracy. ¶ This year for the space of four months together, 
Great rain.  fell exceeding great rain, yet at length it began to hold up about Easter.  
In this while, the lords of the realm practised sundry drifts likewise, as men that would feign have been rid of the legates company: but the king did what he could on the otherside (by sending to the pope line 10 for licence) to have him remain still here, who began now indeed to look to his own profit, 
The legate beginneth to look to his own commodity.  as by way of procuracies and other means, so that he got together great sums of money, although in the beginning he seemed to forbear, and not to seek for any such gain. Also, he took upon him to bestow benefices without consent of the patrons that were temporal men, whereupon complaint was made to the pope, 
Sir Robert de Twing.  namely, by one sir Robert de Twing, who claimed line 20 as patron the presentation of the rectory of Luthun in Yorkshire, and could not be permitted to enjoy it, by reason of the pope's prohibition, but upon the hearing of his title in the pope's consistory, he obtained letters ●●om the pope to be restored, and also an inhibition, that from thence forth no person should be promoted to any spiritual benefice or church, without consent of the patron. The king and the peers of the realm understanding themselves to be touched in this wrong offered to this knight, had written in line 30 his favour to the pope, so that his suit had the better success.  
Moreover, the jews in this year, for a murder which they had secretly committed, were grievously punished, 
The jews punished by the purse.  namely by the purse to buy their peace, & they were glad to give the king the third part of all their goods. The legate also assembled a synod of the clergy at London upon the last of julie, 
A synod holden at London.  in the which he demanded procuracies, but the bishops upon deliberation had in the matter, answered, that the importunatnes line 40 of the Roman church had so often consumed the goods of the English church, that they could no longer suffer it, and therefore said they; Let them give you procuracies which unadvisedly have called you into the realm, if they will, for of us you shall be sure to come by none at all, howbeit he got his demand of the abbots and other religious men.  
About the feast of the assumption of our lady, Thomas earl of Flanders, uncle to the queen, arrived at Dover, and was received of the king with great line 50 joy and gladness, who road thitherward to meet him, and so brought him to London, where the citizens came forth also, and meeting him in the way, brought him into the city with all honour that might be devised. He did homage to the king (as authors writ) and at his departure had in reward five hundred marks, and a pension assured him of as much yearly out of the escheker of the kings free gift. This earl Thomas was son to the earl of Savoy, and a little before his coming into England, he had married line 60 jone countess of Flanders, which had first been coupled in marriage with Ferdinando, as in the life of king john may further appear.  
In the 24 year of his reign, king Henry held his Christmas at Winchester, 
Anno Reg. 24. 1240  where he made Baldwine de Rivers knight, and invested him with the right of the earldom of the isle of Wight, 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Baldwin de Rivers earl of the isle of Wight.  in the presence of the earl of Cornwall, who procured him this honour, because he had the wardship of him, and married him to his daughter in law the lady Amicia, that was daughter to his wife the countess of Gloucester by her former husband. The earl of Leicester also, meaning to go into the holy land, returned out of France, where he had remained a certain time as an exile, but was now received honourably of the king and other peers of the realm, and after that he had seen the king and done his duty as appertained, he went to his possessions to make money for his furniture necessary to be had in that journey, for the which he sold at that time his woods about Leicester, 
The woods about Leicester field.  unto the knights of the Hospital, and to the canons of Leicester, receiving of them for the same about the sum of a thousand pounds.  
About the same time, to wit, the 14 of April, died Leolin prince of Wales, 
Leolin prince of Wales departeth this life.  and then followed contention betwixt his sons Griffin and David for the principality, which at length David obtained through king Henry's support (though he were the younger brother) because he was begot in lawful bed on the sister of king Henry. The whole country of Wales was marvelously in trouble about their quarrels. At length, a day of meeting was appointed betwixt them, to grow by way of talk unto some quiet end; and Griffin meaning no deceit, came in peaceable wise with Richard bishop of Bangor and others to the place assigned, where they should have met. But David by a train took Griffin, and committed him to prison, whereupon afterwards, the year ensuing, by continual plaint and earnest suit of the bishop of Bangor, king Henry entered Wales with an army, and constrained David to submit himself, and to deliver the said Griffin into his hands, and further also to put in sureties to appear at London, there to receive such order in the king's courts, as to him by law should be orderly awarded. Griffin ap Maddock and diverse other great lords of Wales joined with the king in this journey against David, 
Griffin ap Maddocke●  as in the next year ye shall further hear.  
About the same time, there was great strife and contention still remaining betwixt the emperor Fredrick and pope Innocent the fourth that succeeded Celestine the fourth, in somuch that sore and mortal war followed. But king Henry by the procurement of the legate Otho, 
King Henry aided the pope with money against the temperour.  aided the pope with money, though he was somewhat loath to do it, because the said emperor had married his sister. Indeed, the emperor wrote to the king to stay his hand, but the diligence of that legate was such in furthering his master's business, that the money was gone over yer the emperors letters came. At this time also, Edmund the archbishop of Canturburie greatly disallowed the often exactions and subsidies which the legate caused daily to be levied of the English clergy. Howbeit, in hope to have his purpose the rather against the monks of Canturburie, with whom he was at variance, he first granted to the legates request made on the pope's behalf in a synod holden at Reading, for the having of the fift part of spiritual men's revenues, and so by his example others were enforced to do the like.  
Furthermore he gave eight hundred marks to the pope, but whether of his own free will, or by constraint, I cannot say; but now utterly misliking all things done by the legate contrary to his mind, after he had done and said what he could for redress, and when he saw no hope at hand for any reformation either in the king or legate, who esteemed not his words, as a man not longer able to see his country so spoiled, he went over into France, and got him unto Pontney, there to remain in voluntary exile, after the example of his predecessor Thomas Becket, whose doings he did follow in very many things. verily the collections of money, which the pope in these days by his legates gathered here in this realm, were great and sundry, so that (as it appeareth by historiographers of this time) the clergy and other found themselves sore grieved, and repined not a little against such covetous dealings and unmeasurable exactions, in so much that they spoke to the king of it, 
Complaint to the king of the collections made for the pope.  and said; Right famous prince, why suffer you England to be made a prey and desolation to all the passers by, as a vineyard without an hedge, common to the wayfaring man, and to be destroyed of the bores of the field, sith you have a sufficient privilege that no such exactions should be made in this kingdom? And surly he is not worthy of a privilege which abuseth the same being granted. The king answered those that went thus about to persuade him, that he neither would nor durst gainsay line 10 the pope in any thing: and so the people were brought into miserable despair. 
The answer of the king.   
There be that writ how that there were other occasions of the archbishop's departure out of the realm of the which this should be one; 
Polydor. The causes that moved archbishop Edmund to departed the realm.  when he saw religion not to be regarded, and that priests were had in no honour, neither that it lay in his power to reform the matter, sith the king gave no ear to his admonitions, he determined to absent himself till the king (warned by some mishap) should repent him of his line 20 errors, and amend his misdoings. Other join an other cause hereunto, which was this; whereas the king by the ensample of other kings (begun by William Rufus) used to keep bishops sees, and other such spiritual possessions in his hands, during the vacation, till a convenient person were to the same preferred, 
Matth. West. Matth. Paris. Polydor.  the archbishop Edmund, for that he saw long delays made oftentimes yer any could be admitted to the room of those that were deceased, or by any other means deprived, he was in hand with the king, that line 30 the archbishop of Canturburie might have power only to provide for successors in such rooms as chanced to be vacant, above the term of six months, which thing the king for a certain sum of money granted: but afterward perceiving what hindrance he sustained thereby, he revoked that grant, so much to the displeasure of the archbishop, that he thought good no longer to continue in the realm.  
At his coming to Pontney, he so seemed to despise all worldly pomp and honour, giving himself line 40 wholly to divine contemplation, to fasting and prayer, that the former opinion, which men had conceived of his virtues, was marvelously confirmed. At length being sore vexed with sickness, supposing that he might recover health by changing of air and place, he caused himself to be conveyed into an other house of religion, named Soisie, two days journey from Pontney, 
The death of Edmund archbishop of Canturburie surnamed of Pontney.  where finally he died the sixteenth of November, and his body was brought again to Pontney, and there buried, where also through sundry miracles line 50 showed (as they say) at his grave, he was reputed a saint, and at length canonised by pope Innocent the fourth. He was borne at Abingdon, beside Oxenford, and thereby some named him saint Edmund of Abingdon, and some S. Edmund of Pontney, after the place where he was enshrined. The see of Canturburie was void more than three years after his decease, till at length by the king's commandment, the monks of Canturburie elected one Boniface of Savoie uncle to queen Elinor, being the line 60 45 archbishop which ruled that church.  
¶ There was this year a certain person of honest conversation, 
A Charterhouse monk apprehended.  and sober, representing in habit one of the Carthusian monks, taken at Cambridge, being accused for that he refused to come to the church to hear divine service, and upon his examination, because he answered otherwise than was thought convenient, he was committed to secret prison, and shortly after sent up to the legate to be of him examined. This man openly protested, that Gregory was not the true pope, nor head of the church, but that there was another head of the church, and that the church was defiled, so that no service ought to be said therein, except the same were newly dedicated, and the vessels and vestments again hallowed and consecrated; The devil (said he) is loosed, & the pope is an heretic, for Gregory, which nameth himself pope, hath polluted the church.  
Hereupon (in the presence and audience of the abbot of Euesham, master Nic. de Fernham, and diverse other worshipful personages) the legate said unto him being thus out of the way; Is not power granted to our sovereign lord the pope from above, both to lose and bind souls, sith he executeth the room of S. Peter upon earth? Now when all men looked to hear what answer he would make, believing his judgement to depend upon the same, he said by way of interrogation, and not by way of assertion; How can I believe, that unto a person spotted with simony and usury, and haply wrapped in more grievous sins, such power should be granted as was granted unto holy Peter, who immediately followed the lord, as soon as he was made his apostle, and followed him not only in bodily footsteps, but in clearness of virtues. At which word the legate blushed, & said to some of the standers by; A man ought not to chide with a fool, nor gape over an oven.  
In this season the king sent his justices itinerants in circuit about the land, 
justices itinerants. William de York, Robert Lexinton justices.  the which under pretext of justice punished many persons, and so levied great sums of money to the king's use. Sir William of York provost of Beverley was assigned to visit the south parts, and sir Robert de Lexinton the north parts. Also Richard earl of Cornwall the king's brother, with a navy of ships sailed into Syria, where in the wars against the Saracens, he greatly advanced the part of the christians. 
The earl of Cornewal goeth into the holy land.  There went over with him the earl of Salisbury William Long espee, and William Basset, john Beauchampe, Geffrey de Lucy, john Nevil, Geffrey Beauchampe, Peter de Breuse, and William Furnival. The earl of Montford also went over the same time: but where the earl of Cornwall took the sea at Marsiles, 
The earl of Leice●ster goeth thither also.  the earl of Leicester passed through Italy, and took the water at Brandize, and with him went these persons of name, Thomas de Furnival, with his brother Gerard de Furnival, Hugh Wake, Almerike de S. Aumond, Wischard Ledet, Punchard de Dewin, and William de Dewin that were brethren, Gerard Pesmes, Fouke de Baugie, and Peter de Chauntenaie. 
The earl of Albemarle.  Shortly after also, john earl of Albemarle, William Fortis, and Peter de Mallow a Poictovin, men for their valiancy greatly renowned, went thither, leading with them a great number of christian soldiers.  
In this year and upon the day of S. Romigius, was the church of S. Paul in the city of London dedicated by Roger bishop of that city, 
The dedication of the church of S. Paul in London.  the king and a great number of bishops and other Noble men being present, which were feasted the same day by the said bishop Roger and the canons. Moreover, there died the same year the countess Isabella, wife to Richard earl of Cornwall, and two earls, William earl Warren, and john earl of Lincoln, 
The death of Isabella the countess of Cornwall. The lord john Fitz Robert. A comet. A battle betwixt fishes. Matth. Paris.  also the lord john Fitz Robert, one of the chief barons in all the north parts of the realm. ¶ Also in Februaarie there appeared a comet or blazing star very dreadful to behold, for the space of thirty days together. Moreover, on the coast of England there was a great battle amongst the fishes of the sea, so that there were eleven whales or thirlepooles cast on land, beside other huge and monstruous fishes, which appeared to be dead of some hurts; and one of those mighty fishes, coming into the Thames alive, was pursued by the fishers, and could scarce pass through the arches of London bridge. At length with darts and other such weapons, they slew him before the king's manor at Mortlake, whither they followed him. 
The king's manor at Mortlake.  There was also a great sound heard this year in sundry parts of England at one self time, as if it had been the noise of some mighty mountain that had fallen into the sea. And upon the seventh of May there chanced a great boisterous wind that sore troubled the sky. 
A great wind.   
This year the king caused the citizens of London, and the guardians of the cinque ports, 
An oath received.  and many other to receive an oath to be true and faithful to his line 10 son prince Edward. The friars preachers and minors, and other men of the church that were divines, absolved such as had taken on them the cross, receiving of them so much money as would suffice to have borne their charges in that journey, and this not without slander redounding to the church. The same means to get money was practised also by the legate Otho, having authority thereto of the pope. The same year the seneschal of Aquitaine came over to the king, 
The seneschal of Aquitaine.  and let him know, that if timely provision line 20 were not had, all those countries on the further side of the sea would be lost. No other incident chanced the same year neither in war abroad, nor in the state of government of the commonwealth at home, whereof any great account is to be made, but that the legate Otho got great sums of money diverse ways, of religious men to the pope's behoof: whereupon certain abbots made complaints to the king, but in place of comfort they received discomfort, & after knowledge thereof given to the legate, he line 30 was more extreme with them than he was before.  
Shortly after one of the pope's familiars and kinsman named master Peter Rosso came from Rome, 
Peter Rosso.  taking England in his way to go into Scotland, and used in both such diligence in the pope's cause, that he got a fifteenth granted here, which he speedily gathered. 
Peter de Supino got a vintiesme, that is the 20 part of priests benefices.  About the same time one Peter de Supino was sent into Ireland, and there likewise he got a vintiesme, bringing from these the sum of 115 marks, and above. But the collection which Peter Rosso got out of the Scotish confines doubled that line 40 sum, as was thought. In his return also from thence, visiting the houses of religion, and searching the consciences of religious persons, by new shifts he craftily got yet more money to the pope's use, causing them to swear to keep this mystery secret, as it were some privity of confession for the space of one half year, whereby he turned the hearts of many men from the love of the church of Rome, wounding them with great grief and remorse of conscience to see this pillage. line 50  

Anno Reg. 25. 1241  In the 25 year of his reign, king Henry kept his Christmas at Westminster, at which time the legate was sent for to return unto Rome, and after he had been honourably feasted of the king, on the 4 day of Christmas he departed from London towards the sea side, after he had remained here above three years. Peter of Savoie that was uncle to the queen came into England, and was honourably received and entertained of king Henry, who had given to him the earldom of Richmont. His son line 60 Boniface was this year also elected archbishop of Canturburie, 
Boniface de Savoie elected archb. of Canturburie. Matth. Paris.  a tall gentleman and of a goodly parsonage, but neither so learned nor otherwise meet for that room. But such was the king's pleasure, who in favour of the queen, to whom he was cousin german sought to advance him, and getting the pope's favour in that behalf, procured the monks & bishops to grant their consents, although much against their minds, if they might have had their own wills.  
The earl of Cornwall returning out of the holy land in safety, after he had settled things there, by concluding an abstinence of war betwixt the Saracens and christians about the octaves of S. john Baptist, he arrived in Sicill, and hearing there in what place the emperor as then sojourned, he repaired unto him, of whom and of his sister the empress he was most joyfully received. Within a few days after, he went to the court of Rome, 
The earl of Cornwall 〈◊〉 intercessor, 〈◊〉 a peace to be had betwixt the pope and the emperor.  to try if he might drive some agreement betwixt the emperor and the pope, but finding the pope too hard, and nothing conformable, except he might have had all his own will (which was, that the emperor should have submitted himself to the pope's pleasure, and stand unto what soever order the church should appoint) he returned back to the emperor without concluding any thing with the pope, declaring unto him as he had found. After this he remained two months with the emperor, & then taking his leave was honoured with great gifts at his departure, and so returning towards England, at length arrived at the town of Dover on the morrow after the feast of the epiphany in the year following. 
He returneth into England.   
About the same time that the earl of Cornwall was in his return forth of the holy land, new wars suddenly arose in Wales, which happened well for king Henry. There were diverse of the Welshmen that could not well like of the government of David, and therefore sore lamenting the captivity of his brother Griffin, whom before (as ye have heard) he had by a train taken and kept still as prisoner, began to make war upon the said David, and those that took his part, the which on the other side sought to oppress their adversaries, 
Wars between the Welshmen.  so that there ensued much bloodshed and slaughter between the parties. The wife also of the said Griffin, and such other noble men as were become enemies unto David, sent and writ unto king Henry, requiring his aid, that Griffin might be delivered out of his brother's hands, promising him great help and furtherance, with large conditions of submission, and assurance furthermore to be at his commandment, and to receive him for their true and sovereign lord.  
King Henry understanding all their doings and intents, 
King Henry goeth into Wales with an army.  thought that this contention between the two brethren for the title of Wales would serve very well for his purpose, and therefore he hasted forth with a speedy army of men in that country, purposing to reduce the same under his obeisance. Herewith Senena or Guenhera, the wife of Griffin (and other of the Welsh Nobility, that took part with her) concluded a league with king Henry, upon certain conditions as the same are contained in an instrument or charter, the tenor whereof beginneth as followeth.  
Conuenit inter dominum Henricum tertium regem Anglorum illustremex una part, & Senenam uxorem Griffini, filii. Leolini, quondàm principis Northwalliae, quem david frater eius tenet carceri mancipatum, cum Owino filio suo, nomine eiusdem Griff. ex altera, etc.  
Articles of agreement between Henry the th●●d of that name▪ king of England of the one parti●▪ and Senena the wife of Griffin, the son of Leolin, sometimes prince of North-wales, whom David his brother detaineth in prison, with Owen his son, in the name of the said Griffin of the other party.  
IN primis, the sa●d Senena vndertake●●▪ line 1 that the said Griffin her husband will give unto the king six hundred marks, vpo● condition that the king ou● cause the sai● Griffin and Owen his son to be delivered from the prison wherein they are kept, and will stand to the judgement of the king's court, whether by law he ought to be imprisoned or no.  
line 2 Item the said Griffin and his heirs will stand to the judgement of the king's court, for and concerning that portion of the inheritance of the said Leolin his father, which of right aught to appertain unto him.  
Item the said Senena undertaketh for the said line 3 Griffin and his heirs, that the said Griffin and his heirs shall yield and pay yearly to the king for the same lands, the sum of three hundred marks. Whereof the first third part to be paid in money, the line 10 second in kine, and the third in horses, by the estimation of indifferent men, and the same to be paid yearly at Michaelmas and Easter by even portions, by the hands of the sheriff of the county of Salop for the time being.  
Item the said Senena undertaketh further for the line 4 said Griffin and his heirs, that they and every of them shall observe the peace against the said David, and suffer him quietly to enjoy such portion of his father's inheritance as to him shall be found to be line 20 due.  
Item the said Senena doth further undertake line 5 for the said Griffin her husband and his heirs, that in case any Welshman hereafter shall happen to rebel against the king, they at their own costs and charges shall compel the said offendor to make satisfaction to the king for his disobedience.  
line 6 Item for the performance of the premises, the said Senena will deliver unto the lord the king, David and Roderike her sons for pledges, with proviso line 30 that if the said Griffin and Owen or either of them shall happen to die before their delivery out of the said prison, it shall be lawful for the said Senena to have one of her sons released, the other remaining with the king for pledge.  
Item the said Senena hath sworn upon the holy line 7 Evangelist, that the said Griffin her husband and his heirs, and every of them shall accomplish and perform all the premises on their behalf, and further undertaketh that the said Griffin her husband, line 40 upon his delivery out of prison, shall take the same oath.  
Item the said Senena in the name of the said line 8 Griffin her husband, submitteth herself concerning the observation of the premises unto the jurisdiction of the reverend fathers the bishops of Hereford and Lichfield, so that the said bishops or either of them at the king's request shall compel the said Griffin and his heirs to observe all and singular the premises on their behalf, by sentence of excommunication line 50 upon their persons, and interdiction upon their lands.  
line 9 lastly, the said Senena doth undertake and promise (Bona fide) to see and procure the full performance of all the premises, and that the said Griffin her husband and his heirs shall allow and perform the same, and thereof shall deliver his instrument in writing to the king in form aforesaid. To this charter both parties put their seals, Griffin and Senena to that part which remained with the king, and the K. line 60 to that part which remained with Senena.  
Finally, for the performance of the articles in this instrument or writing contained▪ the ●aid lady in name of her husband, procured diverse Noble men to become sureties or pledges, that is to say, Ralph de Mortimer, Walter de Clifford, Roger de Monthualt seneschal of Chester, Mailgun ap Mailgun, Meredoc ap Robert, Griffin ap Maddoc of Bromefield, Houwell and Meredoc brethren, Griffin ap Wenuwen: which persons undertook for the said lady, that the covenants on her part should be performed, and thereupon they also bound themselves by their writings obligatory unto the said king, in form following.  
Omnibus hoc scriptum visuris Rogerus de monte alto senescallus Cestriae salutem. Sciatis quòd ego me constitui plegium, etc.  
TO all and singular, to whom this writing shall come, Roger de monte alto the steward of Chester sendeth greeting. Know ye that I have constituted myself pledge for Senena the wife of Griffin the son of Leolin, sometimes prince of North-wales, and have undertaken for her to our sovereign lord Henry king of England, that the said Senena shall accomplish and perform all and singular those covenants and articles, agreed upon between our said sovereign lord and the said Senena, for and concerning the deliverance of the said Griffin her husband and Owen his son out of the prison of David his brother, and the portion of inheritance due unto the said Griffin, which the said David keepeth from him by force. In witness whereof to this present writing I have put my seal. Dated at Salop, the monday before the feast of the Ascension of the blessed virgin Marie, in the 15 year of his reign.  
But now to our purpose. When David understood of the kings approach with so puissant an army, he was brought into great perplexity, and the more in deed, not only because there chanced the same year for the space of four months together a great drought, 
David driven to his wit's end.  so that the marshes and bogs were dried up and made passable for the king's people, but also for that many of the Welsh Nobility, as chiefly Griffin Maddoc and others, sought his destruction in favour of his brother Griffin (whose deliverance they earnestly wished) and for that he stood excommunicate by the pope. All which things well considered, caused him to doubt of a further mischief to hang over his head: whereupon he sent to the king, signifying that he would deliver his brother Griffin freely into his hands, but letting him withal to wit by many good reasons, that if he did set him at liberty, he should minister many new occasions of continual wars.  
Moreover, this covenant David required at the king's hands, that the king should reserve him so to his peace under the bond of fidelity and hostages, that he should not disherit him: which when as the king courteously granted, David sent unto him his brother Griffin, to dispose of him as he should think requisite. The king receiving him, sent him to London, under the conduct of sir john de Lexinton, together with other more (whom he had received as hostages both of David and others the Nobles of Wales) appointing them to be kept in safety within the tower there. 
David delivereth his brother to the K.  There was also a charter or deed made by the same David unto king Henry, containing the articles, covenants, and grants made betwixt the said prince and the foresaid David, as followeth.  

The charter of the articles of David's submission to the king.  
Omnibus Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint, David filius Leolini sal●tem. Sciatis quòd concessi domino meo Henrico regi Angliae illustri, etc.  
TO all christian people, to whom these present line 1 letters shall come, David the son of Leolin sendeth greeting. Know ye that I have granted and promised to deliver unto the lord Henry the noble king of England, Griffin my brother with his son and heir whom I keep in prison, and all other prisoners, who by occasion of the said Griffin lie in durance.  
line 2 Item I shall stand to the judgement of the king's court, aswell in that case, whether the said Griffin ought to be detained prisoner or no, as also for and concerning the part of the inheritance of the said Leolin my father, claimed by the said Griffin according to the customs of Wales: so that the peace be line 10 maintained between me and the said Griffin.  
line 3 Item I and the said Griffin, and either of us shall hold our portions of land, of our said sovereign the king in Capite, acknowledging him chief lord thereof.  
line 4 Item I shall restore unto Roger de monte alto steward of Chester, his land of Montalt or Mould, with the appurtenances.  
line 5 Item I shall likewise restore to all other barons, all such lands, lordships and castles, as were taken from them since the beginning of the wars between line 20 the lord john king of England, and the said Leolin prince of Wales my father, saving the right of all covenants and grants by writing, to be reserved unto the judgement and determination of the king's court.  
line 6 Item I shall give and restore unto our sovereign lord the king all his charges in this present voyage laid out.  
line 7 Item I shall make satisfaction for all damages & injuries done by me, or any of my subjects unto the line 30 king or his, according to the consideration of the king's court, and shall deliver such as shallbe malefactors in that behalf.  
line 8 Item I shall restore unto the said lord the king all the homages, which the late king john his father had, & which the said lord the king of right aught to have, especially of all the noble men of Wales: and if the king shall set at liberty any of his captives, the possessions of that man shall remain to the king.  
line 9 Item the land of Elsmer with the appurtenances line 40 shall remain to the lord the king and his heirs for ever.  
line 10 Item I shall not receive or suffer to be received within my country of Wales, any of the subjects of England, outlawed or banished by the said lord the king, or his barons of Mercia.  
line 11 Item for confirmation and performance of all and singular the premises on my behalf, I shall provide by bonds and pledges, and by all other ways and means as the said lord the king shall award, and will line 50 accomplish the commandment of the said king, and will obey his laws.   
In witness whereof to this present writing I have put my seal: dated at Alnet by the river of Elwey, in the feast of the decollation of S. john Baptist, in the five & twentieth year of the reign of the said king. For the observation of these 11 articles, the said prince David and Ednivet Uachan were sworn. Also the said prince David submitted himself to the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Canturburie, and of line 60 the bishops of London, Hereford, and Coventrie, for the time being. That all, or one of them, whom the king shall appoint, may excommunicate him, and interdict his land upon br●ach of any the said articles. And thereupon he procured the bishops of S. Bangor, and S. Asaph to make their charters to the lord the king, whereby they granted to execute and denounce all sentences, aswell of excommunication as of interdiction sent from the foresaid archbishop, bishops, or any of them.  
The said David also sent privily to the king, to desire him that he would suffer him being his nephew, and the lawful heir of Leolin his father, to enjoy the principality of Wales rather than Griffin, which was but a bastard, and no kin unto the king. Giving him withal to understand, that in case he did set Griffin at liberty, he should be sure to have the war renewed. Whereupon the king knowing these things to be true, and understanding also that Griffin was a valiant stout man, and had many friends and favorours' of his cause, inclined rather to assent unto David's request than otherwise to be in danger of further troubles, & therefore willingly granted the same.  
Shortly after David did send his brother Griffin unto the king, and other pledges for himself, for performance of the said articles, whom the king sent forthwith to the tower of London, there to be safely kept, allowing to Griffin a noble a day for his finding. And within few days after Michaelmas, 
Matth. Pari●. page, 765.  prince David coming to the king's court did his homage, and swore fealty, who for so doing, and in that he was the king's nephew, was sent home again in peace. When Griffin saw how all things went, and that he was not like to be set at liberty, he began to devise ways and means to escape out of prison.  
Wherefore deceiving the watch one night, he made a long line of hangings, coverings, and shéets, 
Matth. Paris▪ page, 830.  and having gotten out at a window, let down himself by the same from the top of the tower: but by reason that he was a mighty parsonage and full of flesh, the line broke with the weight of his body, and so falling down headlong of a great height, his neck and head was driven into his body with the fall: whose miserable carcase being found the morrow after, was a pitiful sight to the beholders. The king being certified thereof, commanded Griffins son to be better looked unto, and punished the officers for their negligence.  
About the same time there chanced a controversy to rise betwixt the king and the bishop of Lincoln, for the bestowing of the benefice of Thame, the which john Mansell the king's chaplain had gotten in possession by the king's favour, 
john Maunsell.  through provision granted of the pope, where the bishop alleging privileges to the contrary, had granted it to an other. At length the king having his father's trouble before his eyes, and doubting the bishop's words, threatening some evil mishap to follow, if he should stand long in the matter against the said bishop, gave over his tenor: and therewithal provided john Mansell of a far more rich benefice, that is to say, of the parsonage of Maidstone, whereinto the bishop speedily invested him.  
This year many noble men ended their lives, as well such as were gone with the earls of Cornwall and Leicester into the holy land, 
Death of ●●●ble men.  and others remaining still at home. Amongst which number were these: William Fortz earl of Albemarle, Walter Lacie, one of the chiefest nobles in all Ireland, 
Lacie l●ft 〈◊〉 issue ma●e behind him, so that his daughter's inherit●● his lands.  Stephan de Segraue, Gilbert de Basset and his son and heir named also Gilbert. Moreover, john Biset high justice of the forests, and Peter de Mallow, Hugh Wake, Robert Marmion, Peter de Bruis, Guischarde Laidec, Eustace Stoutuill, Eudo Hamon surnamed Peccham, Baldwin de Betun, john Fitz john steward in household to earl Richard, john de Beauli●●, Gerard de Furnival. There died also the lady Elinor the countess of Britain, wife unto Geffrey, that was sometime earl of Britain (which countess had been long kept prisoner at Bristol) with diverse other.  
Moreover, there died this year Roger bishop of London, and Hugh bishop of Chester. Also Gilbert Marshal earl of Penbroke, in a torneie which he had attempted at Hereford against the king's licence, was by an unruly horse cast, and so hurt, that immediately he died thereof. Neither was this year only mournful to England for the loss of such high estates, but also in other places many notable personages departed out of this transitory life. As two pope's, Gregory the ninth and his successor Celestine the fourth, besides cardinals: amongst the which▪ Robert Somercotean English man was one. 
Cardinal Somercotean Englishman.  ¶ About the later end of this 25 year, the sixth day of October, there appeared a right sore eclipse of the sun, very strange to the beholders. ¶ In the 26 year died the empress Isabella, 
An eclipse.  wife unto Fredrick the emperor. line 10  
In this year also began the wars again betwixt king Henry, and jews the king of France, for the quarrel of Hugh earl of March, 
Anno Reg. 26. The death of the empress Isabell.  who refused to do homage unto Alfonse the brother of king jews, which Alfonse had married the only daughter and heir of Raimund earl of Tholouse, and therefore should succeed the same earl in his estate and inheritance. year 1242 
Wars renewed betwixt the kings of England & France The earl of March. Gaguinus. Matth. West.  His brother king jews had also given unto him the earldom of Poictou, with all the lands of Aluergne: and because the earl of March would not do homage unto him, king jews made war line 20 upon the earl of March, who thereupon sought to procure king Henry (whose mother he had married) to come over with an army unto his aid.  
King Henry being solicited with letters, not only from his father in law, but also from diverse other noble men of Poictou, who willingly would have been under his government, 
Sundry opinions in the king's counsellors.  asked advise of his council what he ought to do in the matter. Some were of opinion, that sith there had been a truce taken betwixt the kings, it were not reason in any line 30 wise to break the same: but some other thought, that sith the Frenchmen in times past had taken from king john his lawful heritage in Normandy and Poictou, and wrongfully detained the same still in their possession without restitution, it could not be at any time unlawful upon occasion given to recover the same out of their hands. This opinion was allowed for good, and the best that might be both of the king & also of the earl of Cornwall, who was line 40 lately returned from his journey which he had made into the holy land.  
But now all the stay rested in gathering of money, which being earnestly demanded in a parliament begun at Westminster the tuesday before Candlemas, was as stiffly denied, alleging in excuse their often payments of subsidies and reléefes, which had been gathered sith the coming of the king to his crown, as the thirteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth and fortieth parts of all their movable goods, besides line 50 charugage, 
Charugage a certain duty for every Plowland.  hidage, and sundry escuages, namely the great escuage granted for the marriage of his sister the empress: and also beside the thirtieth within four years last passed, or thereabouts, granted to him, which they thought remained unspent, because it could not be understood about what necessary affairs for the commonwealth it should be laid forth and employed, whereas the same was levied upon condition, that it should remain in certain castles, and not to be expended but by the advise of four line 60 peers of the realm, as the earl of Warren, and others. Moreover, they alleged, that the escheats and amercements which had been gathered of late were such as must needs fill the king's coffers: & so to conclude, they would not consent to grant any subsidy.  
Howbeit, the king so handled the matter with the richer sort, and namely those of the spirituality, that partly by gift and partly by borrowing, he got together a great mass of treasure, and so prepared an army and ships to pass over into Gascoine with all convenient speed. In the mean time, because he would leave things in more surety at home, 
The bishops of Durham sent into Scotland.  he sent the bishop of Durham into Scotland, by whose diligence a marriage was concluded betwixt the lord Alexander eldest son to the king of Scots, and the lady Margaret daughter to king Henry. 

The king of Scots warden of the English marshes.  
The archbishop of York governor of the realm.   Moreover the marshes of England adjoining to Scotland were committed to the king of Scots as warden of the same to keep and defend whilst king Henry should abide in the parts beyond the seas. The archbishop of York, in the king's absence, was also appointed chief governor of the realm.  
When this provision was once ready, about the midst of May, the king took the sea, together with the queen his wife, his brother Richard earl of Cornwall, and seven other earls, and about three hundred knights or men of arms. The Poictovins had written to him that he needed not bring over with him any great army of men, but rather plenty of money to retain such as he should find there ready to serve him at his coming. 
Thirty barrels of English coin. The king passeth over into France.  Whereupon he took with him thirty barrels of sterling coin: and at length (but not without contrary winds) he arrived on the coast of Gascoine, in the mouth of the river of Garon, and taking land, was joyfully received of the people, and namely of Reignold lord of Pons.  
The French king advertised that the king of England was come over into France, to the aid of the earl of March, and other his subjects against him, prepared a mighty army, in the which were reckoned to be to the number of four thousand men of arms, well provided and armed at all points, besides twenty thousand esquires, gentlemen, 
The French king invadeth the earl of Marches land.  yeomen and crossbows: and with the same immediately he entered the dominions of the earl of March, and took from him diverse towns and castles, as Fountney, wherein he took one of the earls sons: also Meruant with divers other. In the mean while the king of England was advanced forward and come near unto Tailborge, lying with his army in the fair meadow by the river side of Charent fast by the castle of Thonay: & he had there with him in camp sixteen hundred knights, or rather men of arms, and twenty thousand footmen, 
The number of the English army.  with seven hundred that bare crossebows. He made there his two half brethren, the sons of the earl of March knights, and gave to the one of them five hundred marks, and to the other six hundred marks yearly, to be paid out of his escheker, till he had otherwise provided for them in lands and revenues equal to that pension.  
Now the French king being advertised that king Henry lay thus near to Tailborge, marched thitherwards with all his puissance lately reenforced with new supplies, and approaching to Tailborge, 
Tailborge.  had the town delivered unto him. This chanced about the latter end of julie. Then after the French king had gotten possession of Tailborge, he meant to pass the water, and if by mediation of a truce politicly procured by the earl of Cornwall (and as it were at a narrow pinch) the king of England had not found means to remove in the night season, he had been in great danger to have been taken, through want of such aid as he looked to have had at the hands of the Poictovins and other his confederates. But yet he got away (though with some stain of honour) and withdrew to Xainctes, 
Xainctes. An encounter betwixt the English and French.  whither also the French king followed, and coming near to the town, there was a sharp encounter begun betwixt the French and the English, wherein the Englishmen were victors, and in which by the Frenchmens own confession, if the English power had been like to theirs in number, they had fully achieved the honour of a fought field, and for a light skirmish a sound and perfect victory. 
The valiancy of the earl of Leicester and others.   
The high prowess and valiancy of the earls of Leicester, Salisbury, Norfolk, with other Noble men, as john de Burgh, Warren de Mount Chenill or Cheincie, Hubert Fitz Matthew, 〈…〉 Fitz Nicholas did in this 〈◊〉 right well ●ppear●: and likewise other of the English nation bore themselves so manfully, that they deserved no small commendation. 
john Mansell.  Amongst other also sir john Mansell the king●●●apleine, and one of his privy cou●cell did right worthily, taking prisoner with his own hands one Peter Orige a gentleman in good place. There was moreover taken on the French pace sir line 10 john de Barris a man of good account, by William de Say, 
Sir john Barris. Wil de Sey. Gilbert de Clare slain.  beside sundry others. On the English part was slain Gilbert de Clare, and Henry Hasting taken prisoner, with other, to the number of twenty knights, or men of arms, if I may so call them.  
After this encounter, by reason the French army increased by new bands still resorting to their king, the earl of March secretly sought means to be reconciled unto him: 
The earl of March is reconciled to the French king.  and finally by the help of the duke of Britain, his old acquaintance and friend at line 20 need, his peace was purchased, so that he had his lands again to him restored, except certain castles, which for further assurance the French king retained in his hands by the space of three years. The king of England, perceiving himself too too much deceived in that he had put such confidence in the earl of March and others of that country, which should have aided him at this present, and again advertised, that the French king meant to besiege him within the city of Xainctes, departed with all speed from thence, line 30 and came to Blaie, a town in Gascoigne, situate near to the river of Garon, & distant seven leagues from Bordeaux.  
Now whilst he lay here at Blaie, there came unto him the countess of Bierne (a woman monstruous big of body) bringing with her to serve the king, 
Matth. Paris. The countess of Bierne.  her son, and three score knights, in hope to get some of his sterling money, whereof she knew him to have plenty: and so covenanting for her entertainment, remained still with him, and received every line 40 day 13 pounds sterling, and yet she never pleasured him the worth of a groat, but rather hindered him, in making him bare of money, which she received, purssed up and took away with her when she departed from him. 
The revolting of other French lords  But if to her making and stature she had been endued with the courage of Uoadicia, whom she exceeded (as it should soome) in proportion, 
See pag. 42, 43, 44. & pag. 152. of the history of England.  or with the prowess of Elfleda, her service had been no less beneficial to the K. than any skilful captains marching under his banner. So that we see in this woman line 50 a desire rather to satisffe her hydropical humour of covetousness, than any true affection to set forward the king's affairs; therefore it may well be said of her in respect of her greediness to get from the king for her own commodities sake, that she was 
Vt mare, quod das devorat, nunquam abundat,  
Nunquam rependit.   
In the mean time the lords de Pons, Mirabeau and Mortaigne suddenly revolted, & submitted themselves to the French king, with the viscount of Towars, line 60 and all other the lords and knights of Poictou, and the marches thereabouts, that not long before had procured king Henry to come over to their aid. The city of Xainctes was likewise rendered to him immediately upon king Henry's departure from thence. At which season the French king meant to have followed him to Blaie, but by reason of a great death which chanced in his army, he was constrained to alter his purpose. Surly, as authors have recorded, what through pestilence and unwholesomeness of the air, 
Death in the French camp.  a great many of Frenchmen died at that time, and daily more fell sick. The number of them that died (as Matth. Paris, & Matth. Westminster affirm) amounted to twenty thousand persons, beside fourscore of the Nobility that bore banners ●●pe●o●s. King allows himself also began to war● diseased and 〈◊〉, 
Truce 〈◊〉 betwixt the two kings. Polydor. The queen 〈◊〉 England delivered of a daughter.  so that he was const●ei●●s to 〈◊〉 the truce with king Henry, departed therewith home.  
King 〈◊〉 remained at Blaie. until the feast of the assumption of 〈◊〉 lady▪ and then went to 〈◊〉 to visit the queen, who in this mean while was brought to bed about midsummer of a young 〈◊〉, whom they named Beatrice after the queens mother. Now whilst king Henry was thus occupied in Poictou and Gascoine, William Mar●●ch, 
William Marisch executi●.  the son of Gentry Marisch (by commandment ●ont from the king) was put to death at London, with sixteen of his complices on the even of S. james the apostle. This William Marisch falling in to the king's displeasure, got him to the sea, and played the rover, keeping the isle of Lundaie in the west country, till finally he was taken and brought prisoner unto the tower, where he was charged with sundry articles of treason, as that he should hire that counterfeit mad man which sought to have murdered the king at Woodstoke, as before ye have heard. Howbeit when he should die, 
See pag. 223.  he utterly denied that ever he was privy to any such thing. He was first had from Westminster to the town, & from thence drawn to the gibbet, and there hanged till he was dead, and after being cut down, had his bowels ripped out and burned, and when his head was cut off, the body was divided into four quarters, and sent unto four of the principal cities of the realm. His complices were also drawn through the city of London unto the same gibbet, and there hanged.  
In the time of this war also betwixt England and France, 
The seas tr●ebled with men of war.  there was much hurt done on the sea betwixt them of the cinque ports and the Frenchmen of Normandy, and other: as the Caleis men and the Britons, which did make themselves as strong as they could against the Englishmen by sea. Whereupon diverse encounters chanced betwixt them, but more to the loss of the Englishmen, than of the Frenchmen: in somuch that they of the ports were constrained to require aid of the archb. of York the lord governor of the realm. About which time, and after the king was withdrawn to Bordeaux, divers noble men, as the earls of Norfolk and Winchester, with others, got licence to return into England. Soon after whose arrival, escuage was gathered through the realm towards the bearing of the king's charges. Moreover, 
Escuage gathered 20 shillings of every knight's fee. Matth. West. Death of noble men.  in this year of the king there died sundry noble men of natural infirmities, as the earl of Warwick, Gilbert de Gaunt, Baldwin Wake, Philip de Kime, and Roger Berthram of the north, with diverse other. Howbeit the king himself returned not home, but lay all the winter time at Bordeaux, meaning to attempt many enterprises, but he brought none to pass, saving that in protracting the time, he spent much money, and to little purpose.  
About the beginning of the seven and twentieth year of his reign, 
Anno. Reg. 27.  his brother the earl of Cornwall, misliking the order of things which he saw daily in the king his brother's proceedings, would needs return back into England, but chiefly when he perceived that his council & advise could not be heard. The king was sore offended herewith, but he could not well remedy the matter, nor persuade him to tarry. And so the said earl of Cornwall, 
The earl of Cornwall and other return home.  together with the earls of Penbroke and Hereford, and diverse other noble men took the sea, and after many dangers escaped in their course, at length on S. Lucy's day they arrived in Cornwall, though some of the vessels that were in the company were driven by force of the tempestuous weather upon other contrary coasts. ¶ About this season also, that is to say, on the day of S. Edmund the king, there happened a marvelous tempest of thunder and lightning, and therewith followed such an exceeding rain (which continued many days together) that rivers rose on marvelous height, and the Thames itself, which seldom riseth or is increased by land floods, passing over the banks, drowned all the country for the space of six miles about Lambeth, so that none might get into Westminster hall, except they were set on horseback.  
About the same time the king sent over into England line 10 to the archbishop of York lord governor of the realm, to cause provision of grain and bacon, to be conveyed over unto him, 
Provision of grain and victuals taken up and sent to the king.  which he appointed to be taken out of the possessions of the archbishopric of Canturburie, and other bishoprics that were vacant, and out of other such places as seemed to him good to appoint. Hereupon were sent over to him ten thousand quarters of wheat, five thousand quarters of oats, with as many bakons. Also there was sent line 20 unto him great provision of other things, as clothe for apparel and liveries, but much of it perished in the sea by one mean or other, that little thereof came to his use, who remained still at Bordeaux to his great cost and charges, and small gain, saving that he recovered certain towns and holds there in Gascoigne that were kept by certain rebels. At which time, because he was inclined rather to follow the counsel of the Gascoignes and other strangers than of his own subjects, year 1243 and gave unto them larger entertainment, 
The king led by strangers.  not regarding the service of his own line 30 natural people: 
He is evil spoken of.  he was marvelously evil spoken of here in England, and the more in deed, because his journey had no better success, and was yet so chargeable unto him and all his subjects. The Noble men that remained with him, as the earls of Leicester and Salisbury, with other, were constrained to borrow no small sums of money to bear out their charges: and so likewise the king himself ran greatly in debt, by taking up money towards the discharging of his importable expenses. line 40  
At length by mediation of such as were commissioners a truce was concluded betwixt him and the French king for five years, 
A truce taken for five years.  and then he returned toward England, but he arrived not there till the ninth of October, although the truce was concluded in March upon S. Gregory's day: for beside other occasions of his stay, one chanced by such strife and debate as rose amongst the Gascoignes, which caused him to return to land, that he might pacify the same when he was already embarked, and had hoist his line 50 sail immediately to set forward. He left in Given for his lieutenant one Nicholas de Mueles or Moles, 
Nicholas de Mueles his lieutenant in Gascoigne.  to defend those towns, which yet remained under his obeisance, for he put no great confidence in the people of that country, the which of custom being vexed with continual war, were constrained not by will, but by the change of times, one while to hold on the French side, and an other while on the English. In deed the towns, namely those that had line 60 their situation upon the sea coasts, were so destroyed and decayed in their walls and fortifications, that they could not long be any great aid to either part, and therefore being not of force to hold out, they were compelled to obey one or other, where by their wills they would have done otherwise.  
This was the cause that the K. of England, oftentimes upon trust of these towns, which for the most part were ready to receive him, was brought into some hope to recover his losses, and chiefly for that he was so many times procured to attempt his fortune there, at the request of the fickle-minded Poietovins, who whilst they did seek still to purge their offences to the one king or to the other, they daily by new treasons defamed their credit, and so by such means the king of England oftentimes with small advantage or none at all, made war against the French king, in trust of their aid, that could, or (upon the least occasion conceived) quickly would do little to his furtherance. And so thereby king Henry as well as his father king john, was oftentimes deceived of his vain conceived hope.  
In this seven and twentieth year of king Henry's reign, diverse noble personages departed this life, and first about the beginning of januarie, 
Death of Noble men.  deceased the lord Richard de Burgh, a man of great honour and estimation in Ireland, where he held many fair possessions, by conquest of that noble gentleman his worthy father. Also that valiant warrior Hugh Lacie, who had conquered in his time a great part of Ireland. 
Hugh Lacie.  Also the same year on the seventh of May, Hugh de Albenie earl of Arundel departed this life, in the midst of his youthful years, and was buried in the priory of Wimundham, which his ancestors had founded. After his decease, that noble heritage was divided by partition amongst four sisters.  
About the same time, to wit, on the twelfth day of May, Hubert de Burgh earl of Kent departed this life at his manor of Banstude, and his body was conveyed to London, and there buried in the church of the friars preachers, unto the which Friars he had been very beneficial. Amongst other things, he gave unto them his goodly palace at Westminster adjoining near to the palace of the earl of Cornwall, which the archbishop of York afterwards purchased. The monks of the Cisteaux were this year somewhat vexed by the king, 
Fabian.  because they had refused to aid him with money towards his journey made into Gascoigne. 
Matth. Paris.  Also the plées of the crown were kept and holden in the tower of London. 
Stars fallen after a strange manner.  And in the night of the six and twentieth day of julie, stars were seen fall from the sky after a marvelous sort, not after the common manner, but thirty or forty at once, so fast one after another and glancing to and fro, that if there had fallen so many very stars in deed, there would none have been left in the firmament.  
In the eight and twentieth year of king Henry's reign, 
Anno Reg. 28. The countess of Provence mother to the queen cometh over into England.  the queens mother the lady Beatrice countess of Provence arrived at Dover on the fouretéenth day of November, bringing with her the lady Sanctia her daughter, and in the octaves of S. Martin they were received into London in most solemn wise, the streets being hanged with rich clothes, as the manner is at the coronations of princes. On S. Clement's day, Richard earl of Cornwall the king's brother married the said lady Sanctia, 
The earl of Cornwall married to the lady Sanctia.  which marriage was solemnised in most royal wise, and with such sumptuous feasts and banketings, as greater could not be devised. Finally, the queens mother the countess of Provence, being a right notable and worthy lady, was honoured in every degree of her son in law king Henry in most courteous and sumptuous manner, and at her departure out of the realm, which was after Christmas, she was with most rich and princely gifts honourably rewarded.  
About the same time also, 
William Ralegh bishop of Norwich.  whereas William de Ralegh was requested to remove from the see of Norwich unto Winchester, and consenting thereunto, without the king's licence, obtained his confirmation of the pope: the king was highly displeased therewith, because he meant it to another. Whereupon when the said William Ralegh was returned from Rome to be installed, 
He is consecrated bish. of Winchester by the pope.  the king sent commandment to the mayor and citizens of Winchester, that they should not suffer him to enter the city. Whereupon he being so kept out, accursed both the city and cathedral church with all the monks and others that favoured the prior, which had intruded himself only by the king's authority, and not by lawful election and means, as was supposed.  
At length the said bishop upon grief conceived that the king should be so heavy lord unto him, year 1244 got into a ship at London, and stolen away into France, where he was well received of the French king, 
He stealeth out of the realm.  and greatly cherished. Also he found such means that the line 10 pope in favour of his cause wrote letters both to the king and to the queen, naming her his cousin, but which way that kindred should come about, as yet it was never known. The bishop to show himself thankful for such friendship, 
He giveth to the pope 6000 marks.  gave the pope above six thousand marks (as is said) and the pope because he would not be accounted a disdainful person, turned not back one penny of that which was so gently offered him. At length partly at contemplation of the pope's letters, and partly by reason the bishop line 20 humbled himself in answering the articles which the king had objected against him in cause of the controversy betwixt them, he granted him his peace, and received him into the land, restoring to him all that had been taken and detained from him.  
Moreover, in this mean while the pope trusting more than enough upon the king's simplicity and patience, who indeed durst not in any case seem to displease him, had sent an other collector of money into England named Martin, 
Martin the pope's collector.  not adorned with power line 30 legantine, but furnished with such authorities and faculties as had not been heard of. He was lodged in the temple, where he showed what commission he had to gather up the pope's revenues, and to exact money by sundry manner of means, and so fell in hand therewith, using no small diligence therein, unto the great grief and hurt of conscience of many: he had power to stay the bestowing of benefices, till he was satisfied to the full contentation of his mind. Benefices of small value he regarded not greatly, line 40 but such as were good livings in deed felt his heavy and ravenous hands extended towards them. He had power also to excommunicate, to suspend, and to punish all such as should resist his will, although never so wilfully bend, in so much that it was said, he had sundry blanks under the pope's bulled seal, because that upon the sudden he brought forth such as seemed best to serve for his purpose. He used this his unmeasurable authority to the uttermost, and therein did not forget his own profit, but took palfreys and other presents of religious men. line 50  
¶ But to declare all the practices of this the pope's agent, as it would be too long and tedious a process, so it is nothing strange that these his landloping legates and Nuncios have their manifold collusions to cousin christian kingdoms of their revenues. For if they were not furnished with forlike fraud and wolvish ravin, they were no fit factors for him; sith it is required that like master have like man. And therefore he is aptly described in the likeness of a line 60 man, his head and face excepted, wherein he resembleth a wolf; besides that, he is set forth with a crosiers staff in his hand, at the hook whereof hangeth his judas purse, wherein are powched up his pilfered Peter pence, and I wots not what extorted payments and pretended duties. As for his deceits and crafts, he hath more variety of them, than the cat of the mountain hath spots in his skin, or the peacock hath eyes in his tail. Whereupon it is truly said of a late poet, 
Sydera nemo potest quot sunt numerare polorum,  

Antichasis de Christi & papae facinorb. sub authore an●nymo.  Quot neque vere novo gramina campus habet,  
Sic quoque nemo potest vafri ludibria papae  
Eius & innumeros commemorare dolos:  
Huic scopus immension seducere fraudibus orbem,  
Huic scopus humanum ludificare genus.   
But to proceed, 
The nobles complain● 〈◊〉 the king 〈…〉 pope's 〈◊〉.  when men saw such unreasonable covetousness▪ and polling, by the pope's procurement; some of the nobility of the realm, not able longer to bear it, came to the king, and exhibited to him their complaint hereof, namely for that the pope's procurator bestowed divers rith prebends and other rooms in churches upon strangres known to be infamed for usury, simony, and other heinous vices, which had no respect to preaching, nor to keeping of any hospitality, for maintenance whereof their ancestors had given forth their lands to the enriching of the church, not meaning to have the same bestowed on such manner of persons. 
The king writeth to the pope.  The king understood that truth it was which was told him, and therefore writ to the pope in humble wise, beseeching him of his fatherly care to take order for some redress therein.  
About this time the king began to renew his imagination for the following of the wars against the French king, 
Polydor. The king as●keth counsel how to proc●● in his wars against the French kin●.  and therefore asked the advise of his council how he might best attempt the recovery of those lands in France which were wrongfully detained from him. The most part of all his ancient councillors were of this opinion, that to make war again in trust of others aid, as had been attempted so often before without any profit, should be no wisdom, and therefore he ought either to forbear, or else so to provide himself of power sufficient, without trusting to the support of strangers, as he might be able with his own puissance and force to achieve his enterprise, for otherwise his travel should prove but vain and to very small effect. The king persuaded with these sound reasons, thought not good to attempt any thing more touching the said war unadvisedly: and to the end it should not be said how he trusted in vain upon the aid of strangers, he caused all such possessions as the Normans held in England to be confiscated, 
The posses●●ons of the Normans confiscated.  to the intent that as well the Normans as Britons and Poictovins might well understand, that he minded not from thenceforth to credit the false promises of rebels, as he that would now use only the service of his own people the Englishmen, which in respect of others painted promises he had before contemned.  
The occasion that moved the king so to disherit the Normans, 
Matth. Paris. The occas●●● why the N●●●mans were disherited.  did chiefly rise of the French kings dealing, who about the same time calling to him all those that had lands in England, required them either to stick unto him inseparably, either else to the king of England, sith no man might serve two masters. Whereupon some forsaking their lands in England, lived on those which they had in France, and other forsook those livings which they had in France, and came over into England to live on those possessions which they had here. But in the French kings doings was no enforcing of men, either to forsake the one or the other: wherefore the proceedings of the king of England seemed somewhat more injurious, and partly sounded to the breach of the truce. Howbeit all was passed over without apparent trouble.  
Whilst all things were thus in quiet, 
Polydor. Matth. Paris▪ Matt. West. David 〈◊〉 of Wales ●●●neth to submit himself to the pope.  and the king himself not troubled with any outward wars, the Welshmen (who though they were subdued, yet could not rest in quiet) received again the forenamed David to their prince, the which for a policy determined himself to make offer to the pope to hold his land of him, yielding therefore yearly unto him the sum of five hundred marks (as is said) to the end that under the wings of the pope's protection he might shadow himself, and be defended against all men. At length by large gifts of no small sums of money he purchased letters of the pope in his favour, to the prejudice of the crown of England, as touching the right which the king of England had to the dominion of Wales, as by the tenor thereof it may appear, 
Matth. Paris pag. 880.  beginning as here ensueth. Illustri viro domino Henrico Dei gratia regi Angliae, etc.  
Thus David being encouraged herewith and such other of the Welshmen as took his part, at time appointed did set upon the kings captains as they straggled abroad, whom at the first brunt they put to flight, and slew many of them here and there as they took line 10 them at adventure. The Englishmen when night was come, and that the Welshmen withdrew to rest, assembled themselves again together, and in the morning with new recovered force both of mind and body, came upon all the Welshmen, and began with them a new battle, which continued the space of three hours together, 
The Welshmen discomfited.  till at length the Welshmen, which rashly had entered the fight, began to shrink back, and fled to their wonted places of refuge, the woods and mareshes. Their chief captain David fled into line 20 Scotland, 
David fled into Scotland.  having lost in that battle the most part of all his soldiers which he had there with him. At his coming into Scotland, and whilst he there remained, he incensed king Alexander against king Henry to his uttermost power, putting into his head how reproachfully the Englishmen did speak of the Scots, 
He provoketh the king of Scots to make war against England.  reproving them of cowardness & lack of stomach; also that they lived according to the prescript of the English nation, as subjects to the same: and many other things he forged, which had been able to line 30 have moved a most patiented man unto indignation and displeasure.  

The king of Scots invadeth England.  Finally, either by the provoking of this David, or by som● other occasion, king Alexander meant to make wars upon king Henry indeed, and in raising an army made a road into England, and did some hurt by incursions, and further signified to king Henry, as some writ, that he neither ought nor would hold any part or portion of Scotland of the king of England. 
Matth. Paris.  King Henry sore offended herewith, line 40 purposed in time to be revenged, and shortly after called a parliament at Westminster, 
King Henry requireth an aid of money of his subjects  in the which he earnestly moved the lords and other states to aid him with money towards the furnishing of his coffers, being emptied (as they knew) by his exceeding charges in his last journey into Gascoigne. He would not open his meaning which he had to make war to the Scots, because he would have his enterprise secretly kept, till he should be ready to set forward.  
But although the king had got the pope to write line 50 in his favour unto the lords both spiritual and temporal, to aid him in that his demand of money, there was much ado, and plain denial made at the first, to grant at that time to any such payment as was demanded: and eftsoons they fell in hand with devising new orders, and namely to renew again their suit for the confirmation of the ancient liberties of the realm, 
New orders devised by the lords.  so as the same might be observed, according to the grant thereof before made by the king's letters patents, without all fraud or contradiction. line 60 They also appointed, that there should be four lords chosen of the most puissant and discréetest of all other within the realm, which should be sworn of the king's council, to order his business justly and truly, and to see that every man had right without respecting of persons. And these four chief councillors should be ever attending about the king, or at the least three or two of them: also that by the view, knowledge and witness of them, the king's treasure should be spent and laid forth, and that if one of them chanced to fall away, an other should be placed in his room by the appointment of the residue.  
They would also that the lord chief justice and the lord chancellor should be chosen by the general voices of the states assembled, 
Unreasonable requests.  and because it was needful that they should be oftentimes with the king, it was thought they might be chosen out of the number of those four above rehearsed conservators of justice. And if the king at any time chanced to take the seal from the lord chancellor, whatsoever writing were sealed in the mean time should be of none effect. They advised also, that there should be two justices of the benches, two barons of the excheker, and one justice for the jews; and these for that present to be appointed by public voices of the states, that as they had to order all men's matters and business, so in their election the assents of all men might be had and given: and that afterwards, when upon any occasion there should be any elected into the room of any of these justices, the same should be appointed by one of the afore mentioned four councillors.  
But as the Nobles were busy in three weeks space about the devising of these ordinances and other, to have been decreed as statutes, the enemy of peace and sour of discord, the devil, hindered all these things by the covetousness of the pope, 
The pope sendeth for some aid of money to maintain wars against the emperor.  who had sent his chaplain master Martin, with authority to levy also an aid of money for his need to maintain his wars withal against the emperor; and the emperor on the other part sent ambassadors to the king, to stay him and his people from granting any such aid unto the pope: so that there was no less hard hold and difficulty showed in refusing to contribute unto this demand of the pope's Nuncio, than unto the kings. At length yet in another sitting, which was begun three weeks after Candlemas, they agreed to give the king escuage to run towards the marriage of his eldest daughter, 
Escuage granted the king.  of every knight's fee holden of the king twenty shillings to be paid at two terms, the one half at Easter, and the other at Michelmasse.  
After this, the king minding to invade the Scots, caused the whole force of all such as ought to serve him in the wars to assemble, and so with a mighty host he went to new castle upon Tine, meaning from thence to invade the same, 
The K. with an army goeth towards Scotland.  in revenge of such injuries as the Scots had done unto him and his subjects, and namely, for that Walter Cumin a mighty baron of Scotland and other noble men had built two castles near to the English confines, the one in Galowaie, and the other in Lothian, and further had received and succoured certain rebels to the king of England, as Geffrey de Marisch or Mareis an Irish man, and others. The king of Scots was advertised of king Henry's approach, and therefore in defence of himself and his country, had raised an huge army. Hereupon certain noble men upon either side, sorry to understand that such bloodshed should chance as was like to follow (and that upon no great apparent cause) if the two kings joined battle, took pain in the matter to agree them, which in the end they brought to pass, 
The king of England and Scotland made friends.  so that they were made friends and wholly reconciled. There was a public instrument also made thereof by the king of Scots unto king Henry, signed with his seal, and likewise with the seals of other noble men, testifying his allegiance which he ought to the king of England, as superior lord, in form following.  

The charter of Alexander king of Scotland made to Henry the third.  
ALexander Dei gratia rex Scotiae, omnibus Christi fidelibus hoc scriptum visuris vel audituris, salutem. Ad vestram volumus venire notitiam, nos pro nobis & haeredibus nostris concessisse, & fideliter promisisse charissimo & ligio domino nostro Henrico tertio Dei gratia regi Angliae illustri domino Hiberniae, duci Normaniae & Aquitaniaes, & comiti Andegaviae, & eius haeredibus, quòd in perpetuum bonam fidem ei seruabimus, pariter & amorem. Et quòd nunquam aliquod foedus iniemus per nos velper aliquos alios ex part nostra, cum inimicis domini regis Angliae vel haeredum suorum, ad bellum procurandum vel faciendum, unde damnum eis vel regnis suis Angliae & Hiberniae, line 10 aut caeteris terris suis eveniat, vel possit aliquatenus evenire: nisi nos iniustè gravent: stantibus in suo robore conventionibus inter nos & dictum dominum regem Angliae initis ultimo apud Eboracum in praesentia domini Othonis tituli S. Nicholai in carcere Tulliano, diaconi cardinalis, tunc apostolicae sedis legati in Anglia. Et saluis conventionibus super matrimonio contrahendo inter filium nostrum & filiam dicti domini regis Angliae. line 20  
Et ut haec nostra concessio & promissio pro nobis & haeredibus nostris perpetuae firmitatis robur obtineant, fecimus jurare in animam nostram Alanum Ostiarium, Henricum de Balliol, David de Lindesey, Wilhelmum Gifford, quòd omnia praedicta bona fide firmiter & fideliter obseruabimus. Et similiter jurare fecimus venerabiles patres, David, Wilhelmum, Galfridum, & Clementem sancti Andreae Glasconiensem, Dunkeldensem, Dublinensem episcopos: & praeterea Malcolmum comitem line 30 de Fife, fideles nostros, Patricium comitem de Dunbar, Malisium comitem de Strathern, Walterum Cumin comitem de Menteth, Wilhelmum comitem de Mar, Alexandrum comitem de Buchquhan, David de Hastings comitem de Athol, Robertum de Bruts, Alanum Ostiarium, Henricum de Balliol, Rogerum de Mowbray, Laurentium de Abirnethiae, Richardum Cumin, David de Lindesey, Richardum Siward, Wilhelmum de Lindesey, line 40 Walterum de Moravia, Wilhelmum Gifford, Nicholaum de Sully, Wilhelmum de veteri Ponte, Wilhelmum de Brewer, Anselmum de Mesue, David de Graham, & Stephanum de Suningam.  
Quòd si nos vel haeredes nostri, contra concessionem & promissionem praedictam (quod absit) venerimus, ipsi & haeredes eorum nobis & haeredibus nostris nullum contra concessionem & promissionem praedictam auxilium vel consilium impendent, line 50 aut ab alijs proposse suo impendi permittent. Imò bona fide laborabunt erga nos & haeredes nostros, ipsi & haeredes eorum, quòd omnia praedicta à nobis & haeredibus nostris nec non ab ipsis & eorum haeredibus firmiter & fideliter obseruentur inperpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium tam nos quàm praedicti praelati, comites & barones nostri praesens scriptum sigillorum suorum appositione roboravimus. Testibus praelatis, comitibus & baronibus line 60 superiùs nominatis, Anno regni nostri, etc.   

The same in English.  
ALexander by the grace of God, king of Scotland, to all faithful christian people that shall see or hear this writing, sendeth greeting. We will that it be known to you, that we for us and our heirs have granted and faithfully promised to our most dear and liege lord Henry the third, by the grace of God, the noble king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Normandy and Guien, and earl of Anjou, and to his heirs, that we will bear and keep unto him good faith and love for ever, and that we shall not enter into any league with ourselves, or by others in our behalf with the enemies of our said sovereign lord the king of England, or of his heirs, to procure or make war, whereby any damage may happen to come to them or to their kingdoms of England and Ireland, or to their other lands, except unjustly they do molest and oppress us. The covenants always standing in force, which were concluded betwixt us at our last being together at York, in the presence of Otho decon cardinal of saint Nicholas In carcere Tulliano, than legate of the see apostolic in England, and saving the covenants made upon the contract of the marriage betwixt our son & the daughter of the said king of England.  
And that this promise and grant for us and our heirs may have the force and confirmation of an everlasting assuredness, 
The lords swear to see the covenants performed.  we have caused these to swear on our behalf: Alan Porter, Henry de Balliol, David de Lindesey, Wil Gifford, that we shall in good faith observe all the premises faithfully and substantially, and we have likewise caused to swear the reverend fathers, David, William, Geffrey, & Clement, Bishops of S. Andrew's, Glascew, Dunkeld, and Dublane: and furthermore our faithful subjects Patrick earl of Dunbar, Malcolme earl of Fife, Malisius earl of Stratherne, Walter Cumin earl of Menteth, William earl of Mar, Alexander earl of Buchquhan, David de Hastings earl of Athol, Robert de Bruis, Alan Porter, Henry de Balliol, Roger de mowbray, Laurence de Abirnethi, Richard Cumin, David de Lindesey, Richard Siward, William de Lindesey, Walter de murray, William de Gifford, Nicholas de Sully, William de Veipont, William de Brewer, Anselme de Mesue, David de Graham, and Stephan de Suningham.  
And if that either we or our heirs, against the foresaid grant and promise, shall do any thing to the breach thereof (which God forbidden) they and their heirs shall not employ either aid or counsel against the said grant and promise, nor shall suffer other to employ any such aid or counsel, so far as they may hinder them therein: yea rather they and their heirs shall in good faith and plain meaning endeavour against us and our heirs, that all the premises may firmly and faithfully be observed and kept of us and our heirs, and likewise of them and their heirs for ever. In witness whereof aswell we ourselves, as the said prelates, our earls and barons have confirmed this writing by putting their seals unto the same, the prelates earls and barons before rehearsed being true witnesses thereunto, In the year of our reign, etc.   
The seals of king Alexander himself, of William de Brewer, William de Ueipont, William de Lindesey, Stephan de Suningham, and the seals of the rest were set to afterwards, and the writing sent over to the king of England at Christmas next ensuing, by the prior of Tinmouth, who had traveled diligently and faithfully in this negotiation to the honour of both parts. This writing also was sent to the pope, that he might confirm the same in manner as followeth.  

A request made to the pope that he would vouchsafe to confirm the foresaid charter.  
SAnctissimo in Christo patri I. Dei gratia summo pontisici, Alexander eadem gratia rex Scotiae, comes Patricius, comes de Strathern, comes Levenox, comes de Anegui, comes de Marra, comes de Atholia, line 10 comes de Ros, comes de Catnes, comes de Buth, Rogerus de Mowbray, Rogerus de Abirnethiae, Petrus de Mawere, Richardus Cumin, Wilhelmus de veteri Ponte, Robertus de Bruis, Rogerus Auenel, Richardus de Sully, Wilhelm de Murray de Dunfel, Wilhelmus de Muref de Petin, johannes Biset juvenis, Wilhelmus de Lindesey, johannes de Vallibus, David de Lindesey, Wilhelmus Gifford, Duncanus de Ergatilia, I. de Matrevers, Hemerus filius eius, Rogerus comes Wintoniensis, line 20 H. comes Oxoniensis, W. de Vescy, Richardus Siward, Wilhelmus de Ros, Rogerus de Clere, Henricus filius comitis de Brettere, Eustacius de Stoutville, Malcolmus de Fif comes de Mentethshire, Walterus filius Alani, Walterus Olifar, Barnardus Fraser, Henricus de bailiol, David Cumin, David Mareschallus, David filius Ranulfi, Wilhelmus de Fortere, joannes de bailiol, & Robertus de Ros, salutem & debitam cum omni honore line 30 reverentiam.  
Sanctitati vestrae significamus, nos sacramentum corporaliter praestitisse coram venerabili patre Othone, tituli S. Nicolai in carcere Tulliano diacono cardinalium, in Anglia, Scotia, & Hibernia, nunc Apostolicae sedis legato, ac chartam nostram confecisse, quae ita incipit: Sciant praesentes & futuri, quòd ita convenit in praesentia domini Othonis sancti Nicolai, etc. Quae charta penes dominum line 40 regem Angliae, & nos remanet chyrographata. Item aliam quae sic incipit: Ad omnium vestrum notitiam volumus pervenire. Cùm ut ex forma praecedentium nostrarum pateat obligationum subiecimus nos iurisdictioni vestrae, ut nos & haeredes nostros, per censuram ecclesiasticam possitis coërcere, si aliquo tempore contra memoratam pacem venerimus.  
Et si nonnunquam continget, quòd quidam nostrum omnes vel unus contravenire temerè praesumpserint line 50 vel praesumere nituntur vel nitentur; & ex hoc tam animabus nostris quàm haeredum nostrorum grave possit generari periculum, & corporibus nostris & rebus non minimum immineret detrimentum: sanctae paternitati vestrae supplicamus, quatenus alicui suffraganeorum archiepiscopi Cantuariensis detis in mandatis, ut nos, & haeredes nostros ad praefatae pacis obseruationem compellat, prout in instrumentis inde confectis pleniùs line 60 continetur. Alias super eadem pace quod canonicum fuerit anctoritate vestra statuat contradictores, etc. Et ad istius petitionis nostrae consummationem praesenti scripto sigilla nostra apposuimus.   

In English thus.  

The letter of the lords to pope Innocent.  TO our holy father in Christ I. by the grace of God, the highest bishop, Alexander by the same grace king of Scotland, earl Patrick, the earl of Stratherne, the earl of Levenox, the earl of Angus, the earl of Mar, the earl of Athole, the earl of Ros, the earl of Catnesse, the earl of Buch, Roger de Mowbray, Laurence de Abirnethie, Peter de Mawere, Richard Cumin, William de Veipont, Robert de Bruis, Roger Auenel, Nicholas de Sulley, William de Murray de Dunfel, William de Murray de Petin, john Biset the younger, William de Lindesey, john de Valeis, David de Lindesey, William Gifford, Duncan de Ergile, john de Matrevers, Eimere his son, Roger earl of Winchester, Hugh earl of Oxford, William de Vescy, Richard Siward, William de Ros, Roger de Clere, Henry Fitz conte de Brettere, Eustace de Stouteville, earl Malcolme of Fife, the earl of Mentethshire, Walter Fitz Alaine, Walter Olifard, Barnard Fraser, Henry de Baillioll, David Cumin, David marshal, David Fitz Randulfe, William de Fortere, john de bailiol, and Robert Ros, send greeting and due reverence with all honour.  
We do signify unto your holiness, that we have received a corporal oath before the reverend father Otho, deacon cardinal of S. Nicholas In carcere Tulliano, legate to the see apostolic, in England, Scotland and Ireland, and have made our charter or deed, which beginneth thus; Sciant praesentes, etc. Which charter or deed indented and sealed, remaineth with the king of England, and with us. Also another deed or writing that beginneth thus; Ad omnium vestrum notitiam volumus pervenire. Whereas therefore by the form of our precedent deeds obligatory, we have submitted ourselves to your jurisdiction, that you may bridle and restrain us, and our heirs by the ecclesiastical censures, if at any time we go against the said peace.  
And if it happen at any time, that any of us all, or one of us, shall fortune to presume rashly and unadvisedly to go against it, or be about, or hereafter shall be about so to presume, and thereby may procure great peril as well to the souls of our own selves, as of our heirs, & no small danger may also be ready through the same our default to light upon our bodies & goods, we beseech your holy fatherhood, that you will give in commandment unto some of the suffragans of the archbishop of Canturburie, that he do compel us and our heirs unto the observing of the same peace, accordingly as in the instruments thereof more fully is contained, or else to order by your authority upon the same peace, that which shall be agreeable to the canons, etc. And to the performance of this our petition, we have to this present writing set our seals.   
When all things were throughly concluded, and order taken in what sort the assurances of this accord should pass, the king of Scots returned into the inner parts of his realm, and the king of England likewise returned to London. At the same time also, 
The Welshmen stir coals.  the Welshmen were very busy: for hearing that the kings of England and Scotland were agreed, they doubted least all the burden of the war would be turned against them. Wherefore (as it were to prevent the matter) they began to waste the English confines. The king advertised thereof, sent Hubert Fitz Matthew with three hundredth knights or men of arms to defend the English marshes against the Welshmen, that made daily war against those that dwelled on the marshes, and namely against the earl of Herford, which chiefly occasioned this war, by detaining the land which appertained unto the wife of prince David, as in the right of her purparty.  

Matth. Paris.  Whereupon when the Welshmen understood that the king had broken up his army and was returned to London, they invaded their enemies, namely the said earl of herford's men and the Mortimers, slaying and cutting in pieces two valiant and noble line 10 knights, and maiming the third, they slew and overthrew of the footbands about an hundred, so that all the English army was disordered, and the Welshmen with victory returned to their places of refuge. Which when the foresaid Hubert Fitz Matthew understood, the morrow after he made forth with his three hundred waged men of arms, in hope to 'em in and take the Welshmen at advantage: but he was prevented and by them distressed, in so much that he was constrained with loss of men and horses to line 20 return to his holds, and scarce could be suffered to remain there in safety. This year Ralph Nevil bishop of Cicester and chancellor of England departed this life. 
The decease of the bishop of Cicester.   

Anno. Reg. 29. P. V.  In the 29 year of his reign, king Henry having spent much treasure with the great preparation of wars which he had taken in hand against the Scots, and also because he was constrained to be at further charges for the Welsh wars, he called a parliament to begin on the third day of November, in the which line 30 he demanded a great relief of money, 
A subsidy of the richer sort.  but the same being generally denied of all men, he exacted it in particular of the richer sort of his subjects, 
Matth. Paris.  & amongst other he caused the citizens of London to give unto him 15 hundred marks for a fine, 
The citizens of London.  because they had received a banished man, one Walter Bukerell into their city, contrary to the law and order: but this they denied, affirming that his brother had got his pardon, as by the kings own letters patents they could prove, but they were answered, that the king line 40 was under age when these letters were purchased, and therefore were of none effect. 
The seneschal of Gascoine vanquished the king of Navarre. Anno, 1242. as Matt. West. saith, & Matth. Paris.  About the same time, sir Nicholas de Molis or Mules seneschal of Gascoigne, having wars against the king of Navarre, got the victory in battle. ¶ About the midst of November, great thunder and lightning chanced, with a marvelous untemperate season for the space of 15 days together, as a sign of some misfortune to succeed.  
On S. Hugh's day died Margaret countess of Penbroke the widow of Gilbert Martial late earl line 50 of Penbroke, year 1245 & sister to the king of Scots, and shortly after the bishop of Excester William de Brewer likewise deceased, as yet being in his flourishing age, a man in manners, parentage, and knowledge right honourable, and highly commended. ¶ On the day of S. Marcellus was the queen delivered of a man child, which at the font was named Edmund.  
In Lent following near to the castle of Mountgomerie in Wales, three hundred Welshmen were line 60 slain by them that lay in garrison there by a policy of the captain, which feigning a counterfeited flight, drew the Welshmen within danger of an ambush, which he had laid to surprise them unwares as it came even to pass according to his devise. David that took himself for king of Wales, coveting to be revenged of this displeasure, 
David king or prince of Wales.  ●cassed not day nor night to make incursions and to exploit enterprises to the damage of the marchers, the which valiantly resisted the enemies, and drove them oftentimes into the mountains, woods, bogs, and other places of refuge, and oftentimes the enemies having the advantage of place, did much displeasure to the Englishmen.  
Upon a time as they (being got to the height of an hill, to cast down stones and throw darts upon the Englishmen that assailed them beneath) chanced amongst other to slay with a mighty stone (which they threw down by the side of the hill) sir Hubert Fitz Matthew a right valiant knight, 
Sir Hubert Fitz Matthew slain,  and a man of great account for his knowledge and service in wars. Thus the wars continued between the parties, and oftentimes the Welshmen by the sudden invasions got the better: their prince David coming to the castle of Monthault besieged it, and within a short time won it, 
The castle ● Monthault taken by the Welshmen.  slaying or taking all those whom he found within it. The owner thereof the lord Roger de Monthault by chance was not at home, which happened well for him, where otherwise he had been in great danger: but near to the castle of Mountgomerie, the Welshmen yet were eftsoons overthrown and 200 of them slain by an ambush that broke forth upon their backs. About the midst of Lent the prelates of England were summoned to come to a general council, the which pope Innocent had appointed to be holden at the feast of S. john Baptist next following. 
A general council.   
It chanced that about this time, a post coming from the pope with letters to his Nuncio master Martin, 
The pope's letters stayed.  containing instructions how he should proceed for the gathering of money, was stayed at Dover, by the practice of such noble men as were grieved to see any such sums of money to be conveyed out of the realm in sort as was used. He was had into the castle and his letters taken from him, wherein such secrets were contained for the getting of money, as ought not to have been revealed. Master Martin hearing that the post was thus stayed and imprisoned, made a grievous complaint unto the king, so that the post was set at liberty, had his letters to him restored, & so came unto master Martin, and delivered them unto him that he might understand the pope's pleasure, which others to his grief understood now as well as himself.  
The king this year caused inquisition to be made through every county within the realm, 
The valna●● of benefices taken, that pertained to strangers.  to understand the true valuation of all such benefices and spiritual promotions as were in the hands of any incumbents that were strangers borne, and such as had been preferred by the court of Rome, and the whole sum of all their revenues was found to be sixty thousand marks. On whitsunday the king made the earl of Gloucester, 
This Gilbert was earl of Gloucester, Hereford & lord of Clare.  Gilbert de Clare knight, and 40 other young gentlemen that attended upon him. And perceiving by the late inquisition what great revenues the beneficed strangers had and possessed within the realm, and again considering the exceeding great sums of money which the court of Rome had recovered of his subjects, he began to detest such covetous dealing. And hereupon a letter was devised by the whole body of the realm, wherein were contained, the sundry extortions and manifold exactions of the pope's legates, and other of his chapleines, which under colour of his authority they had used. 
Ambassadors sent to the general council.  There were appointed also to go with these letters unto the general council, certain honourable and discreet personages, as Roger Bigod earl of Norfolk, john Fitz Geffrey, William de Cantlow, Philip Basset, 
These were barons.  and Ralph Fitz Nicholas, with other, the which presenting the same letters unto the said assembly, should declare the grief of the whole realm; and require some redress and easement therein.  
Moreover, it chanced that there was a great number of lords, knights, 
A justs and tornie appointed, and by the king's commandment disappointed.  and gentlemen assembled together at Dunstable and Luiton, to have kept a martial justs, and triumphant tornie, but they had a countercommandement from the king, not to go forward with the same: whereupon, when they were disappointed of their purpose herein. Upon occasion of their being altogether, on the morrow after the feast of Peter & Paul, they sent from them Fouke Fitz Warren, 
Fouke Fitz Warren commandeth the pope's Nuncio to avoid the realm.  to declare unto master Martin the pope's Nuncio, as then lodging at the temple in London, in name as it were of all the whole body of the realm, that he should immediately departed out of the land. Fouke doing the message somewhat after a rough manner, master Martin asked him what he was that gave forth the said commandment, or whether he spoke it of himself or from some other? This commandment line 10 (saith Fouke) is sent to thee, from all those knights and men of arms which lately were assembled together at Dunstable and Luiton.  
Master Martin hearing this, got him to the court, and declaring to the king what message he had received, required to understand whether he was privy to the matter, or that his people took it upon them so rashly without his authority or no? 
The king's answer unto the pope's Nuncio.  To whom the king answered, that he had not given them any authority so to command him out of the realm: but line 20 indeed (saith he) my barons do scarcely forbear to rise against me, because I have maintained and suffered thy pilling and injurious polling within this my realm, and I have had much ado to stay them from running upon thee to pull thee in pieces. Master Martin hearing these words, with a fearful voice besought the king that he might for the love of God, and reverence of the pope, have free passage out of the realm: to whom the king in great displeasure answered, The devil that brought thee in carry thee out, line 30 even to the pit of hell for me. 
Matth. Paris. Matth. West. The Pope's Nuncio sent out of the realm.  Howbeit at length, when those that were about the king had pacified him, he appointed one of the marshals of his house, called Robert North or Nores, to conduct him to the sea side, and so he did, but not without great fear, sithence he was afraid of every bush, least men should have risen upon him and murdered him. Whereupon, when he came to the pope, he made a grievous complaint, both against the king and others.  

S. Peter's church at Westminster.  The church of saint Peter at Westminster was line 40 enlarged, and newly repaired by the king, specially all the east part of it, the old walls being pulled down, and builded up in more comely form. ¶ The general council, according to the summons given, was holden this year at Lions, 
The English ambassadors come to the council.  where it began about midsummer, in which the English ambassadors being arrived, presented to the pope their letters, directed from the whole body of the realm of England, requiring a redress in such things, wherewith (as by the same letters it appeared) the realm found itself sore annoyed. line 50 The pope promised to take advise therein, but sith the matter was weighty, it required respite. Finally, when they were earnest in requiring a determinate answer, it was given them to understand, that they should not obtain their desires, whereupon in great displeasure they came away, 
The English ambassadors threaten the pope, that he should not have any tribute out of England.  threatening and binding their words with oaths, that from thenceforth they would never pay, nor suffer to be paid, any tribute to the court of Rome, nor permit the revenues of those churches, whereof they were patrons, line 60 to be pulled away, by any provision of the same court.  
The pope hearing of these things, passed them over patiently, but he procured the English bishops to set their seals unto that charter, which king john had made concerning the tribute, against the mind of the archbishop of Canturburie Stephan Langton, who at that time, when king john should seal it, spoke sore against it. When king Henry was informed hereof, he was grievously offended; and swore in a great chafe, that although the bishops had done otherwise than they ought, yet would he stand in defence of the liberties of his realm, and would not so long as he had a day to live, pay any duty to the court of Rome, under the name of a tribute. In this mean while, the king with a puissant army invaded the Welsh rebels, 
Matth. Paris.  to reduce them to some quiet, whereas with their continual incursions and other exploits, they had sore harried, vexed, and wasted the lands of the king's subjects.  
Hereupon the king being entered the country, 
The king invades Wales. He buildeth a castle at Gannoke.  invaded the same, unto the confines of Snowdon, and there he began to build a strong castle at a place called Gannoke, remaining there about the space often weeks, during the which, the army suffered great misery through want of victuals and other provisions namely apparel, and other helps to defend themselves from cold, which sore afflicted the soldiers and men of war, because they lay in the field, and winter as then began to approach. Moreover, they were driven to keep watch and ward very strongly, for doubt to be surprised by sudden assaults of the enemies, the which watched upon occasion ever to do some mischief.  
The morrow after the Purification of our lady, Isabella de Boulbec countess of Oxenford departed this life, 

The decease of the countess of Oxford, and of the earl of Devonshire. Geffrey de March deceaseth.  
The decease of Raimond earl of Provence.  
The decease of the lord Humfrevile.   and likewise the morrow after saint Valentine's day died Baldwine de Rivers earl of Devonshire and of the Wight. Moreover, Geffrey de March, a man sometime of great honour and possessions in Ireland, after he had remained long in exile, and suffered great misery, ended the same by natural death. Also Raimond earl of Provence, father to the queens of England and France deceased this year, for whom was kept in England a most solemn obsequy. Also in the week after Palmesundaie, died a right noble baron, and warden of the north parts of England, the lord Gilbert Humfrevile, leaving behind him a young son, the custody of whom the king forthwith committed to the earl of Leicester, not without the indignation of the earl of Cornwall, who desired the same.  
Finally, 
Anno. Reg. 30.  after that the king had lain at Gannoke about the fortifying of the castle there, the space of ten weeks, and saw the work now fully finished, he appointed forth such as should lie there in garrison, and therewith, on the morrow after the feast of Simon and Jude, he raised his field, and returned towards England, leaving the Welshmen in great misery, and like to starve for want of necessary food. 

The king ' returneth forth of Wales.  
Irishmen destroyed Anglesey.   For the isle of Anglesey, which is as a nurse to the Welshmen, those Irishmen that came to the king's aid, had utterly wasted and destroyed. Again, the king of purpose had consumed all the provision of corn and victuals which remained in the marshes, so that in Cheshire, and other the parts adjoining, there was such dearth, 
A dearth.  that the people scarce could get sufficient victuals to sustain themselves withal.  
The king also gave forth commandment, that no provision of corn or victuals should be conveyed unto the Welshmen, out of any parts, either of England or Ireland, on pain of forfeiting life, 

Brine pits destroyed in wales.  
The lord Maurice chief justice of Ireland.   lands & goods. Moreover, he caused the brine pits in Wales to be stopped up and destroyed. The king having thus ordered his business, returned into England, and shortly after, taking displeasure with the lord Maurice, chief justice of Ireland, because he had not made such speed as had been convenient in bringing the Irishmen to his aid, he discharged him of the office of chief justice, and placed in his room john Fitz Geffrey. 

john Fitz Geffrey lord justice of Ireland.  
Matth. Paris. The decease of Walter earl Martial▪   In this thirtieth year of king Henry's reign, Walter earl Martial and of Penbroke departed this life: and shortly after, to wit, three days before Christmas, his brother Anselme that succeeded him in the inheritance, deceased also without issue: and so all the fine sons of the great earl William Martial, being departed this world without heirs of their bodies begotten, the whole heritage descended to the sisters, and so was divided amongst them as coparteners.  
The king this year held his Christmas at London, year 1246 and had there with him a great number of the nobility of his realm, which had been with him in Wales, that they might be partakers of pastime, mirth and pleasure, as they had been participants with him in suffering the diseases of heat, cold, and other pains abroad in the fields and high mountains line 10 of Wales, considering with himself (as the truth is) that 

Mal. Pal. in suo cap. — vita est quàm proxi●● letho,  
Quàm meritò spernenda anim●● si nulla volupt●s  
Mulceat atque levent solatia nulla laborem.   
But that no pleasure should pass without some stain of grief, there was a rumour spread abroad, that the pope conceived fresh rancour in his stomach against the king and realm of England, for the complaints which had been exhibited in the council at Lion by line 20 the English orator, for the oppression done to the church of England: that thereupon, minding now to be revenged, 
The pope requireth the French king to make war against England.  as was said, he earnestly moved the French king to make war against the Englishmen and to subdue them under his dominion: which enterprise the French king utterly refused, both for that he and the king of England were coosens, and again, 
The French king refuseth to gratify the pope therein.  because the king of France had no just title or right to make claim to England.  
Further, there was as then a truce betwixt England line 30 and France, and before that England could be subdued, much guiltless blood should be spilled. Also, the christians in the holy land were sore oppressed, and looked daily for the arrival of the king of France, and therefore he would be loath to attempt any new enterprise to hinder his journey thither. But about the feast of the epiphany, other news came out of Provence, that troubled the king of England worse than the other before, 
The countess of Provence dealeth unjust lie with the king of England her son in law.  as thus, That the countess Beatrice his wives mother had delivered up the county of Provence into the French kings hands, together line 40 with sixteen castles, which in right of the queen ought to have remained unto the king of England. For the safe keeping whereof to his use, the said countess Beatrice had received yeerelie for the term of five years last passed, the sum of four thousand marks of the king of England, and yet now in the delivering of them, with the residue of the country unto the French king, she never made any mention of his right. line 50  
Shortly after also, Charles the French kings brother married the lady Beatrice, 
Charles the French kings brother is made earl of Provence.  youngest daughter of earl Raimond, and had with her the same county of Provence, and so was entitled earl thereof, as in the French history appeareth. Moreover, the archbishop of Canturburie procured a grant from the pope to recover for one year the first fruits of all cures that chanced to be void within the city, 
The archb. of Canturburie purchaseth grant of the pope to levy money.  diocese, and province of Canturburie, by and during the term of seven years then next following, till the sum line 60 of ten thousand marks were levied, towards the discharge of the said archbishops debts. The collection of the which ten thousand marks was assigned by the pope's bulls unto the bishop of Hereford, who should also levy two thousand marks of the revenues belonging to the church of Canturburie, to be converted to the same use. The king at the first was sore offended herewith, but shortly after, he was pacified and so the archbishop had his will.  
After this, about the beginning of the next spring, David prince of Wales departed this life, 
David prince of Wales departeth this life.  after great pensiveness of mind, for the destruction and misery into the which his country had been brought through the present wars with the Englishmen. After his decease, the Welshmen elected to succeed in his place, the son of Griffin, 
Ap Griffin chosen prince of Wales.  whom king Henry had retained in service, and honourably used, even of a child: but now that he heard that the Welshmen had elected him to their prince, he stolen away, and fled into Wales. ¶ On the day of the purification of our lady, a robbery was committed upon certain jews at Oxenford, for the which fact, 
jews robbe● in Oxenford.  five and forty of the offenders were put in prison, but at the suit of Robert bishop of Lincoln, they were delivered by the king's commandment, because no man impeached them of any breach of peace, or other crime. The citizens of London also about the beginning of the spring, were compelled to pay a tallage, 
The Londoners pay a tallage.  wherewith they found themselves sore aggrieved.  
About the midst of Lent, 
A parliament.  there was a parliament holden at London, wherein diverse statutes and ordinances were devised, as penalties for those that offended in other men's parks and warrens: but the chiefest occasion of assembling this parliament, 
A statute against hunters  was to take advise in matters touching the griefs wherewith the church of England seemed to be oppressed by the pope and the court of Rome. The pope indeed to quiet the English ambassadors, and to put the king and realm in some good hope of relief and deliverance out of such oppressions, as were opened unto him in the face of the whole council, did not only promise largely, but also caused diverse privileges to be made and delivered unto the said ambassadors very favourably, in the behalf of their request. But yet the same notwithstanding, sith the breaking up of the said general council, and return to the ambassadors, many things were done, to the increasing and continuation of the former griefs, so that they stood in doubt of further oppressions to follow, rather than in hope of the promised redress. Hereupon they concluded eftsoons to write unto the pope, and to the cardinals, both in name of the king, of the bishops and prelates, of the earls, barons, and other estates of the temporalty, and of the abbots and prior's. In the mean time, the pope for a while somewhat relented in the point of bestowing benefices here in England, for when any of his friends or kinsmen was to be preferred to any benefies within this realm, he would sue to the king for his grant and good will, that such a one might be admitted, and not seem of himself to grant it without the king's consent.  
The earl of Savoy in the presence of the archbishop of Canturburie, 
The earl of Savoy doth homage to the K. of England  and the bishop of Hereford and others, did homage to the king of England, acknowledging to hold of him certain fees, as those of Suse, Auislian, S. Maurice de Chablais, and the castle of Bard, which he might well do, not prejudicing the right of the empire, sith he held nothing of the same empire, except Aigues and the passages. This year, 
Roger Bigod entitled to the office of earl Martial.  the office of the earl Martial was given to Roger Bigod earl of Norfolk, in right of his wife the countess, that was eldest daughter unto the great earl William Martial. ¶ Moreover, 
Matth. Paris. Harold king of man.. Welshmen received to the king's peace, up on their submission.  in this year the king holding his Easter at London, honoured Harold king of Man with the order of knighthood. About the same time, diverse noble men of Wales submitted themselves, and were received unto the king's peace. ¶ On saint Marks day was a great frost and snow, which nipped the leaves of trees and herbs in such extreme wise, that for the more part they withered and faded away.  
Furthermore, because the pope understood, that diverse rich beneficed men were of late dead in England intestate, as Robert hails the archdeacon of Lincoln, Almerike the archdeacon of Bedford, and john Hotospe archdeacon of Northhampton, he ordained a decree, 
A decree of the pope.  that all such spiritual persons as died intestate, their goods should remain to the pope. The execution of which decree he commanded to the friars preachers and minors▪ but the king would not suffer it to take place, because he saw that it should redound to the prejudice of him and his kingdom. Wherein the pope's oppression and wrong offered to the dead (by whose decease their surviving friends should be benefited) and his cruel covetousness extending to the very senseless corpse doth manifestly appear, so that it is verified of him, by way line 10 of comparison, 
Carnivorax tumidis ut gaudet hyaena sepulchris,  
Sic instat putidis ille cadaveribus.  Also, where the pope required a tallage of the clergy, the king flatly forbade it by his letters inhibitorie.  
In this mean while, William Powis chaplain, and sir Henry de Lamere knight, which were sent with the second letters, devised in the late parliament (as you have heard) to be preferred unto the pope and cardinals, returned again without obtaining any line 20 towardly answer, but rather (as they declared) they found the pope sharp and rough in speech, saying, The king of England which now kicketh against the church, & beginneth to play Frederiks' part, hath his counsel, & so likewise have I, which I intent to follow. Other answer they could not obtain. Again, the Englishmen that were suitors in the court of Rome, were strangely used, and could not get any dispatch in their business, but were rather put back as schismatics, and with rebukes reviled. Hereupon the line 30 king called a parliament at Winchester, to have the advise of his lords in this matter, 
A proclamation inhibiting money to be sent to the pope.  where how soever they agreed, proclamation was immediately set forth, and published in every shire & county through the realm, that no man should consent to the pope's contribution, nor send any money out of the realm to his aid. When the pope heard of this, he wrote very sharply to the bishops, commanding them on pain of excommunication and suspension, to sasisfie his Nuncio remaining at the new temple in London, line 40 before the feast of the Assumption of our lady. And whereas the king minded to have stood in the matter through threats of his brother the earl of Cornwall, and of certain prelates, namely, the bishop of Worcester (who had authority as was said to interdict the land) he yielded and suffered the pope to have his will, to the great grief and discomfort of many.  

A sore tempest of hail.  On S. Margaret's day, there fortuned a marvelous sore tempest of hail, rain, thunder and lightning, line 50 which being universal through the realm, did much hurt, & continued the space of 16 hours together without ceasing. This year, sundry noble personages departed this world, 
Isabella the king's mother departeth this life.  as Isabella the king's mother, wife to the earl of March in Poictou. Also, the countess of Albemarle, the daughter of Alaine of Galloway, and sister to the countess of Winchester: whereupon, a great part of galloway that belonged to her (for that she died without issue) remained to Roger de Quincie earl of Winchester, 
Roger de Quincie earl of Winchester.  that married line 60 the eldest sister. Moreover, john lord Nevil died this year, 
john lord Nevil departed this life with divers other.  which had been chief forester of England: but he was not only put out of that office for certain transgressions, but also out of the king's favour before he died, where (at first) none was more esteemed in the court than he. The bishop of Salisbury, named master Robert de Bingham, died also this year, and sir Richard de Argenton knight, a right noble parsonage, which in the holy land had showed good proof of his high valiancy, manhood, & prowess: likewise sir Henry bailiol of the north, and diverse other.  

Anno Reg. 31.  In the beginning of the one and thirtieth year of king Henry's reign, the pope sent into England to have the third part of one years profit of every beneficed man that was resident, and of every one not resident the one half. The bishop of London should have seen this aid and collection levied, but it would not be granted. year 1247 And in a parliament called this year on the morrow after the Purification of our lady it was ordained, 
Matth. Paris.  that new letters sealed with the common seal of the city of London should be sent by sufficient messengers, from all the estates of the realm, unto the pope and cardinals, requiring a moderation to be had in such exactions as were intolerable for the realm to bear. 
Intolerable exactions.  Whilst this parliament yet lasted, 
Peter de Savoy earl of Richmond.  there came over the lord Peter of Savoy earl of Richmond, bringing with him certain young ladies and damsels, to be bestowed in marriage on such young lords and gentlemen as were wards to the king.  
On S. Valentine's even, a great earthquake happened here in England, and namely about London, 
An earthquake.  on the Thames side, with the which many buildings were overthrown. These earthquakes, the seldomer they chance in England, the more dreadful the same are, and thought to signify some great alteration. A little before this earthquake, the sea had ceased from ebbing and flowing for the space of three months together, 
A strange wonder.  by a long tract near to the English shore, to the great marvel of many, for either it flowed not at all, or else so little that it might not be perceived. And after the earthquake, 
Continual rain.  there followed such a season of foul weather, that the spring seemed to be changed into winter, for scarce was there any day without rain, till the feast of the translation of S. Benet.  
There were at this time diverse ordinances decreed and enacted by way of prohibition, 
Acts made to restrain presumptuous authority of the spirituality.  to restrain the authority of spiritual persons, as that no ecclesiastical judge should determine in causes of any temporal man, except touching causes of matrimony and testaments. They were also prohibited to sue any actions touching tithes, before any spiritual judge, and the writ whereby they were prohibited, was called an Indicavit. Sundry other such ordinances were devised, which for briefness we omit. What speed or answer so ever the messengers had that were sent to Rome with the letters devised in the late parliament, truth it is, 
The pope's collectors.  that the pope sent over into England such of his agents as gathered no small sums of money amongst the clergy, as one Marinus, and an other named johannes Anglicus a friar minor, the which were not entitled by the name of legates, 
A shift by forbearing the name of legate.  to save the privileges which the king had, that no legate might come into the realm without his licence. The coming over of these men, because it was to gather money, contented not many men's minds, as well appeared in a parliament called at Oxford about reformation thereof, but yet notwithstanding it was there agreed, that the pope should have eleven thousand marks to be levied amongst them of the spirituality, exempt persons and places reserved.  
About the same time, Baldwine naming himself emperor of Constantinople, 
The emperor of Constantinople cometh into England.  came again into England, to procure some new aid of the king, towards the recovery of his empire, out of the which he was was expelled by the Greeks. ¶ Also, there arrived in England a cardinal that was bishop of Sabine, having first received an oath, 
A cardinal cometh into England, receiving an oath not to prejudice the realm.  that he came not for any hurt to the king or his realm, for otherwise being a legate he might not be suffered to enter the land: he came this way to pass over into Norway, whither he went to crown and anoint Hacon king of that realm. 
The kings half brethren came to see the king.  There arrived here with him the three half brethren to the king, Guy de Lucignan, William de Valence, & Athelmare a priest, with their sister Alice. All these were begotten by Hugh 〈◊〉 earl of March, of queen Isabella the king's mother, and were therefore joyfully received of the king, with faithful promise, that he would be to them a beneficial good brother, which his saiengs with effectual deeds he 〈◊〉 fully performed. The cardinal having saluted the king, took leave of him and came to Lin, where he stayed at the point of three months, making such purchase amongst religious men, 
The cardinal maketh shift for 〈◊〉.  that what by procuraries and other shifts, he got as was thought, a four thousand marks towards line 10 his charges, and so departed. Edmund Lacie earl of Lincoln, and Richard de Burgh, as then wards to the king, were married unto two of those young ladies of Provence, which Peter de Savoy earl of Richmond brought over with him, whereat many of the English nobility grudged.  
Also, about the thirteenth of August, the lady jone daughter to the lord Guarine de Monchenc●e, 
William de Ualence marrieth lord Montchencies daughter.  was married unto William de Ualence the king's half brother. The same lady was heir to her father's line 20 lands, by the death of her brother the son of the said lord Guarine. Sir William de Bueles knight a Norman borne, was made seneschal of Gascoigne about this season, and was sore vexed with wars by Gaston the son of the countess of Bierne and others, 
Gaston de Bierne maketh war against the king's lieutenant.  which Gaston showed himself very unthankful, for the king had given both to him and to his mother (a woman of a monstrous stature) very large entertainment to serve him in his wars at his last being in that country (as before ye have heard.) The line 30 archbishop of Canturburie suspended the priests of his province, 
Priests of the province of Canturburie suspended.  because they would not consent (according to the grant which he had purchased of the pope) that he should have the first fruits for one year, of every benefice that chanced to be vacant within the same province. The earls of Cornwall and Penbroke got much money by way of a collection, towards the relief of the wars in the holy land, having purchased of the pope certain bulls of indulgence for the same. 
Sir Fouke de Newcastle the king's cousin by his mother departeth this life.  Sir Fouke de Newcastle a valiant knight, and cousin german to the king on the line 40 mother's side died at London, during the time of the parliament.  
On the thirteenth of October was a portion of the holy blood of Christ (as it was then supposed) showed in most reverent wise in a solemn procession, for the king coming to the church of S. Paul in London, received there the same blood contained in a crystalline glass, the which he bore under a canopy supported with four staves, through the streets, unto the abbeie church of Westminster. His arms were line 50 also supported by two lords as aids to him all the way as he went. The masters of the Templars and hospitalers had sent this relic to the king. To describe the whole course and order of the procession and feast kept that day, would require a special treatise. But this is not to be forgotten, that the same day the bishop of Norwich preached before the king in commendation of that relic, pronouncing six years and one hundred and sixteen days of pardon, granted by the bishops there present, 
Pardon granted by bishops  to all that came to line 60 reverence it.  
Also the same day and in the same church, the king made his half brother William de Ualence, 
Knights made.  and diverse other young bachelors, knights. Unto the said William de Valence, for his further advancement and maintenance, he gave the castle of Hertford, and the honour thereto belonging, with great treasure: & to the elder brother Guy de Lucignan, which about the same time returned into France, he gave very great and honourable gifts, lading his sumpters with plate and treasure of sterling money, which in those days in all countries was very much esteemed. The earl of Winchester remaining in galloway, 
Anno Reg. 32.  where he had fair possessions in right of his wife, 
The earl of Winchester besieged in Galloway by his own tenants.  was besieged of his own tenants, within a castle wherein he lodged, and being in danger either to die through famine, or else at the discretion of the enemies, he burst forth▪ and making way with his sword, escaped, and coming to the king of Scots, complained of the injury done to him by his people, whereupon the king took such order, that the rebels were punished, and the earl set in quiet possession of his lands again.  
Toward the latter end of November, William earl Ferrer & of Derbie departed this life, 
William earl Ferrer departeth this life.  a man of great years and long troubled with the gout, a just man and a peaceable. The same month the countess his wife died also, a woman of years, virtue and fame like to her husband: Thomas Becket the archbishop of Canturburie did minister the priest's office at their marriage. Their eldest son William succeeded his father in the earldom, a good man and a discreet, but vexed with the gout very pitifully, having that disease also as it were, by inheritance from his father. There died likewise other of the nobility, as Richard de Burgh, and William Fitz Ham. Beatrice the countess of Provence mother to the queen, year 1248 and Thomas de Savoy late earl of Flanders, 
The countess of Provence cometh into England.  came into England to visit the king and queen and were honourably received, and at their departure back towards home, richly rewarded. This year in the octaves of the Purification, 
A parliament.  a parliament was holden at London, where all the nobility of the realm in manner was present, There were nine bishops, as the archbishop of York, with the bishops of Winchester, Lincoln, Norwich, Worcester, Chichester, Elie, Rochester and Carlell, with the earls of Cornwall, Leicester, Winchester, Hereford, Norfolk, Oxford, Lincoln, Ferrer, and Warwick, with Peter de Savoy earl of Richmond, besides lords and barons. The archbishop of Canturburie was at the court of Rome, & the bishop of Duresme was lefted by sickness.  
In this parliament king Henry earnestly required a subsidy, 
A subsidy demanded. Polydor. Matth. Pari●.  in relief of the great charges which he had diverse ways sustained, whereupon he was streightwaies by the peers of the realm noted both of covetousness, unthankfulness, and breach of promise, because he never ceased gathering of money, without regard had to his people: and where he had promised many things, as that he would not be burdenous unto them, and such like; he had performed very little of those his gay promises. Many misdemeanours, and wrongful doings, to the grievance of his people were opened and laid before him, as cherrishing and enriching of strangers, 
The king charged for his immoderate enriching of strangers.  & using his prerogatives too largely, to the great decay & hindrance of the commonwealth. The king abashed herewith, and supposing that the confession of his fault should make amends, & assuage the displeasure which his Nobles and other had conceived at his misgovernance, to content them all with one answer, he promised that he would reform all that was amiss, and so quieting the minds of his barons, 
The parliament prorogued.  the parliament was prorogued till the quindene of the nativity of S. john Baptist. Wherein his prudence and wisdom was to be commended, but his patience deserveth exceeding great praise, whereby he showed himself princelike-minded, in that he could tolerate the exprobration and casting of his faults in his face, even by such as should rather have concealed than disclosed them: whereas it had stood with his royalty to have given them the countercheck, and in angry mood to have tamed their malapertness: but that he providently considered that 
— parit ira furorem,  
Turpia verba furor, verbis ex turpibus exit  
Rixa, ex hac oritur ●ulnus, de vulnere lethum:  
— patientia virtus,  
Qua quicúnq, caret, careat probitate necesse est.  
Qui nil far p●test, hominum commercia vitet.   
About the same time, by reason that the sterling money was generally so clipped, 
An ordinance for money.  that the inscription was cut off for the most part even to the inner circle, a proclamation was set forth, that no pieces thereof should pass from one to an other, nor be received as currant and lawful money, except the same were of just weight and fashion. Herewith also inquiry was line 10 made for those that had so defaced it, and sundry Iewes bankers, and cloth-merchants of Flanders were found guilty. 
inquiry made for washers & clippers of money.  Also, the French king caused search to be made within his realm for the same offenders, and such as were found guilty, were hanged, so that he was more severe in punishing those falsifiers of the king of England's coin, than the king of England was himself.  
The parliament began again at the day appointed, line 20 but nothing to account of was then concluded, but rather a displeasure kindled betwixt the king and his barons, for that they looked for a reformation in his doings, 
Matth. Paris. The parliament dissolved.  and he for money out of their coffers, which would not be granted, and so that parliament broke up. 
The king driven to sell his plate.  The king hereupon for want of money, was driven to so hard a shift, that he was constrained to sell his plate and jewels (which the Londoners bought) so much to his hindrance, that divers pieces (the workmanship whereof was more worth than the value of the stuff) were sold notwithstanding after line 30 the rate as they weighed.  
This year, the king caused a fair to be kept at Westminster at saint Edward's tide, 
S. Edward's fair at Westminster.  to endure for fifteen days, and to the end that the same should be the more haunted with all manner of people, he commanded by proclamation, that all other fairs, as Elie, and such like holden in that season, should not be kept, nor that any wares should be showed within the city of London, either in shop or without, but that such as would sell, should come for that time unto line 40 Westminster: which was done, not without great trouble and pains to the citizens, which had not room there, but in booths and tents, to their great disquieting and disease, for want of necessary provision, being turmoiled too pitifully in mire and dirt, through occasion of rain that fell in that unseasonable time of the year. The bishop of Elie complained sore of the wrong done to him by suspending his fair at Elie aforesaid. line 50  

Sir Richard Sward de●●●●eth.  Sir Richard Sward died this year, after he had lain a long time vexed with the palsy, which sir Richard had in his days been a right worthy and famous knight. There died also the bishops of Bash and saint David's. 
Death of bishops.  In the first day of june, the moon immediately upon the setting of the sun, was almost wholly eclipsed, 
An eclipse.  so that little of her might appear. 

Newcastle burnt by casual fire.  
The archb. of Cant. curseth.   The town of Newcastle upon Tine was almost wholly consumed with fire, together with the bridge there. The archbishop of Canturburie remaining line 60 still with the pope by his procurator the dean of Beaweis, denounced all them accursed which went about to impeach him of receiving the first fruits of benefices that voided, which he had by the pope's grant, the king and queen, with their children, and the king's brother the earl of Cornwall only excepted out of that curse.  
There chanced another earthquake four days before Christmas, 
Anno Reg. 33. An earthquake  namely in the west country about Bath and Welles, which shook and overthrew some buildings, specially the tops and summets of stéeples, turrets and chimneys were shaken therewith, and not the bases or lower parts. ¶ In Christmas following, year 1249 the earl of Leicester returned out of Gascoigne, where he had been as general against Gaston de Bierne, whom he had so afflicted and put to the worse, that the same Gaston was glad to sue for an abstinence of war, where before he had done much hurt to the king's subjects. The said earl had also with the aid of the king's subjects apprehended an other rebel, one William Berthram de Egremont who had done much hurt in the parts of Gascoigne, and in the confines there, whom he had left in prison within the castle of the Riol.  
This year a little before Candlemas, 
The bishop of Durham resigneth his bishopric.  the bishop of Durham being a man of great years, by licence obtained of the pope, resigned his mitre, reserving to himself only three manors, Hoveden with the appurtenances, Stocton and Euerington. The king having the last year received of his subjects a denial of a general subsidy to be granted him, 
Matth. Paris. The king practiseth to get money.  practised this year to get some relief at their hands, in calling each of them apart: but first he got two thousand marks of the city of London, and after fell in hand with the abbots and prior's, of whom he got somewhat, though sore against their wills. By occasion of two merchant strangers of Brabant, which chanced to be rob about the parts of Winchester, whilst the king was there, upon their importunate suit and complaint, there was a great nest of thieves broken, 
A nest of thieves broken.  amongst the which were many wealthy persons and freeholders, such as used to pass on life and death of their own companions, to whom they were favourable enough you may be sure: also, there were some of the king's servants amongst them. About thirty of those offenders were apprehended, and put to execution, besides those that escaped, some into sanctuary, and some into voluntary exile, running out of and utterly forsaking the country.  
About Easter, 
The archbish. of Rone.  the archbishop of Rone came over into England, and doing homage for such revenues as belonged to his church here within this realm, had the same restored unto him. 
Matth. Paris. Great rain.  In june there fell such abundance of rain, specially about Abington, that the willow trees, mills, and other houses standing near to the water side, were borne down and overturned, with one chapel also: and the corn in the field was so beaten to the ground, that bread made thereof after it was ripe, seemed as it had been made of bran.  
About the same time, 
The earl of Salisbury & other go into the holy land.  William de Longespée earl of Salisbury, and Robert de Uéer, with other Englishmen, to the number of two hundred knights, having taken on them the cross, went into the holy land, the said earl being their chief captain, and had so prosperous speed in their iornie, that they arrived safe and sound in the christian army, where (the French king being chief thereof) they were received joyfully. 
Matth. Paris.  But yet (as Matthew Paris writeth) the pride and disdain of the Frenchmen was so great, that upon spite and envy conceived at the Englishmen'S glory, which bore themselves right worthily, 
The spite of the French towards the Englishmen.  the Frenchmen used the Englishmen nothing friendly; & namely the earl of Arras sticked not to speak many reproachful words against the said William de Longespée and his people, whereat they could not but take great indignation.  
Also the same season, the earl of Leicester, who had likewise received the cross, deferred his journey for a time, and sailing into Gascoigne, mightily there subdued the king's enemies, as Gaston de Bierne, also one Rusteine, and William de Solares. This year died Peter de Geneure, a Provancois borne, 
Peter de Geneure.  whom the king had preferred in marriage unto the lady Maud, daughter and heir of Walter Lacie a man of fair possessions in Ireland. Of which marriage there came issue a son and a daughter. Also about Whitsuntide died a noble baron of the north parts, 
The decease of Roger Fitz john.  named the lord Roger Fitz john, whose son and heir being young, was given in wardship to William de Ualence the king's half brother. Also this year Hugh earl of March, father to the same William de Ualence died in Cyprus, 
The death of Hugh le Brun.  whilst the French army wintered there, as then going into the holy hand.  

Anno Reg. 34. The archb. of Canturburie enthronized.  In the feast of All saints, the archbishop Bonifacius was enthronized at Canturburie, and kept a solemn feast, at the which the king and queen, with the line 10 more part of all the prelates of the land were present. About this season was a great tornie and justs holden at Brackley, 
A tornie holden at Brackley, or (as some copies have) at Barkley.  where the earl of Gloucester (contrary to his accustomed manner) favoured the part of the strangers, whereby they prevailed. In somuch that William de Ualence handled one sir William de Odingesselles very roughly, the same sir William being a right worthy knight. year 1250 About the same time, the countess of Cornwall at Berkehamstéed was delivered of a son named Edmund. 
Edmond son to Richard earl of Cornwall borne.  This year line 20 about the beginning of the spring, the king's brother the earl of Cornwall with other Noble men of the realm, as the earl of Gloucester, Henry Hastings baron, 
An embassage sent to the pope.  & Roger Thurkebie, went over into France in princely array and furniture to visit the pope, who held his court still at the city of Lions. The bishop of Lincoln also and the bishop of Worcester went thither. For what cause the other went, it was not openly known. But the bishop of Lincoln went thither about such business as he had in hand against line 30 the Templars, Hospitalers, and such other which had appealed from him to the court of Rome, where he could not bring his purpose to pass, for his adversaries with money had purchased the judges favour. And so the bishop returned, having spent his travel and money in vain.  

The king taketh on him the cross.  On the 6 of March being sunday, the king took upon him the cross, with his brother de Ualence, and a great number of other Noble men, and amongst other the abbot of Bury, to the prejudice (as was line 40 thought) of his order. Roger de Monthault, a baron of great honour, 
The lord Roger de Monthault.  meaning verily to go in that journey, to recover money towards his necessary furniture, set and sold the most part of his livings. His woods and possessions, which he had about Coventrie, he sold and let to fee farm unto the covent there. The like chievance was made by sundry noble men, which prepared themselves to go in that journey.  
Upon the 27 day of April those that had taken on them the cross, assembled at Bermondsey besides London, to treat of their setting forward, determining line 50 that the same should be at Midsummer next: but by the pope's letters which the king procured, they were commanded to stay till the king himself went. Thus their journey for that time was disappointed. There was of them and their retinues that meant thus to have gone, five hundredth knights, besides yeomen or demilances and other common soldiers in great numbers. Gaston de Bierne was so driven to his shifts by the high prowess of the earl line 60 of Leicester, 
Gaston de Bierne submiteth himself to the king.  that in the end he was constrained to come over into England, and submit himself to the king, whom he found at Clarendon, where he got such mercy at the king's hands, that he was pardoned and restored to his lands. But the earl of Leicester put the king in possession of the castles of Fronsacke, 
The earl of Leicester his service in Gascoigne.  Egremount, and others, and banished Rustein, and William de Solares, with diverse other stubborn and disloyal rebels, depriving them of their lands and inheritance in that country.  
The bishop of Lincoln did excommunicate a priest within his diocese, 
The bishop of Lincoln.  that was accused of incontinency. And because the same priest continued forty days without seeking to be reconciled, the bishop sent to the sheriff of Rutland, within whose bailiwike the same priest dwelled, to apprehend him as a disobedient and rebellious person: but the sheriff winked at the matter, and would not execute the bishop's commandment, whereupon the bishop did also excommunicate the sheriff: whereof the king being informed, took displeasure, and sending to the pope, procured an inhibition, 
An inhibition procured by the king of the pope.  that no archbishop nor bishop should compel any officer belonging to the king, to follow any suit afore them, for those things that appertained to the king's jurisdiction, or give sentence against them for the same.  
The monday before the R●gation week, Richard the king's brother earl of Cornwall, 
The earl of Cornwall r●●turneth from the pope.  returned from the court of Rome, where he had been about certain business unknown to most men: but whatsoever the same was, the pope gave him most courteous and honourable entertainment for his welcome, and made him great cheer during his abode at Lions, where the pope's court as then lay. ¶ About this season, the K. to rid himself out of debt, wherein he was endangered to certain merchants, lessened the charges of his household, and kept but a mean port, diminishing even the accustomed alms of the poor, 
The king sp●●reth to bring himself out of debt.  and also the great number of tapers and lights in his chapel, so that he was noted with the blame of too much niggardly sparing an● pinching: but in that he discharged his debt to the merchants, he was thought to do wisely and charitably, for that he would not see them hindered to whom he was so indebted; besides the opinion that he had concerning himself, namely that Profectum faciunt rarum quos debita stringunt.  
About the same time also, 
The jews constrained to help the king with money.  he caused the jews to give unto him a great portion of their goods, so that they were greatly impoverished. There was one of them named Aaron borne in York, the which since the kings last return out of Gascoigne, had paid to the king the sum of thirty thousand marks, 
Matth. Paris.  over and beside two hundred marks which he had given to the queen, as the same Aaron protested to Matthew Paris▪ upon his faith and truth which he bore to his law. In the Whitsunwéeke was a general chapter holden of the friars preachers at London in Holborn, 
A general chapter of the friars preachers.  where out of sundry parts of the world were assembled above four hundred of them, and they had meat and drink found them of alms, because they possessed nothing of their own. On the first day the king came into their chapter, that he might be partaker of their prayers, and found them meat and drink that day, and dined there with them, to do them the more honour. Another day the queen likewise fed them, and afterwards the bishop of London, the abbots of Westminster, S. Albon, and Waltham, with others.  
About the same season the citizens of London found themselves grieved very sore, 
Matth. Paris. Strife betwixt the Londoners and the abbot of Westminster.  for such liberties as the king granted to the abbot of Westminster, to the great hindrance and decay of the franchises of their city. The mayor and commonalty resisted all that they might against those liberties, and finally by the good help and favour of the lords, as the earls of Cornwall and Leicester, they obtained their purpose. 
William de Kilkennie keeper of the great seal.  This year master William de Kilkennie, a sober, faithful and learned man, was made keeper of the great seal. ¶ The same year upon inquisition made by Geffrey de Langley, one of the king's council of transgressors in forests and chaces, many that had offended were presented, and most grievously punished by imprisonment, fines, and exceeding great amercements, and namely in the north country.  
On the nineteenth of May died Robert de Lexinton clerk, 
Robert de Lexinton departeth this life.  the which having continued a long time in the office of a judge, purchased to himself great fame, and also most large possessions. But certain years before his death, because he was diseased with the palsy, he gave over that office, and drew himself into a quiet trade of life, so ending his days in prayers and doing of almesdeeds. 

The lord Henry Hastings deceaseth.  
Robert Muschampe.  
Athelmarie the king's half brother made bishop of Winchester.  
The earl of Salisbury slain by the Saracens.   About the feast of S. Margaret died Henry Hastings a noble baron, and one Robert de Muschampe a man of great renown in the north parts. Also Walter bishop of Winchester departed this life, about the feast of S. Matthew, in whose place (through the king's earnest line 10 suit) his half brother Athelmare was promoted to succeed. Moreover, in the east parts, that valiant earl of Salisbury William de Longespee, with Robert de Ueer, and others, was slain in that unfortunate battle in the which the Saracens vanquished the christian army, and took jews the French king prisoner.  
On the first day of October, the moon upon her change, appearing exceeding red and swelled, began to show tokens of the great tempest of wind that line 20 followed, 
A mighty wind.  which was so huge and mighty, both by land & sea, that the like had not been lightly known, and seldom or rather never heard of by men then alive. 
Matth. Paris.  The sea forced contrary to her natural course, flowed twice without ebbing, yielding such a roaring noise, that the same was heard (not without great wonder) a far distance from the shore. Moreover, the same sea appeared in the dark of the night to burn, 
The sea seemeth to burn  as it had been on fire, and the waves to strive and fight together after a marvelous sort, so that the line 30 mariners could not devise how to save their ships where they lay at anchor, by no cunning nor shift which they could devise. At Hertburne three tall ships perished without recovery, 
Ships lost. Hertburne. Winchelsey.  besides other smaller vessels. At Winchelsey, besides other hurt that was done in bridges, mills, breaks and banks, there were three hundred houses, and some churches drowned with the high rising of the water course. The country of Holland beyond the sea, and the marish land in Flanders, sustained inestimable damage, and line 40 in many other places; by reason that rivers beaten back and repelled (by the rising of the sea) swelled so high that they overflowed their channels, and much hurt was done in meadows, bridges, mills, and houses.  

Anno Reg. 35. The practice of the bishops to disappoint the archbi. of Canturburie of his purpose  About the beginning of the five and thirtieth year of king Henry's reign, the bishops of England, understanding that the archbishop of Canturburie was about to purchase of the pope a grant to gather money through his whole province of the clergy and line 50 people for synods and procuracies, they thought to prevent him, and therefore made a collection every one through his own diocese, of two pence in every mark which any beneficed man might dispend, which money so collected, they meant to employ about charges in the pope's court, for the stay of the archbishop's suit, that the grant should not pass.  

An earthquake at S. Albon.  About the same time, to wit, upon saint Lucy's day, there was a great earthquake at S. Albon, and line 60 in the parts thereabouts with a noise under the ground, as though it had thundered. This was strange and marvelous, because the ground there is chalky and sound, not hollow nor lose, as those places be where earthquakes for the most part happen. Doves, rooks, and other birds that sat upon houses, and in boughs of trees fearing this strange wonder, flickred up, and slew to and fro, showing a token of fear as if a goshawk had been over their heads. The pope required by solemn messengers sent to the king of England, 
The pope sueth for licence to sojourn at Bordeaux.  that he might come to the city of Bordeaux in Gascoigne, & there for a time remain. The king witted not well what answer to make, for loath he was to deny any thing that the pope should require, and again he was not willing for sundry respects, that the pope should come so near unto him. Indeed, many were in doubt, lest if he came to Bordeaux, he would also come into England, 
The pope's presence more like to impair than amend things.  and rather impair the state thereof than amend it by his presence, sith by such usurers and licentious livers as belonged to him, the realm had already been sore corrupted. Howsoever the matter went, there was delay and such means devised and made, that the pope came not there at that time.  
On Christmas day in the night, great thunder and lightning chanced in Norfolk and Suffolk past measure, year 1251 
Thunder and lightning.  in token as was thought of some evil to follow. ¶ The king kept his Christmas at Winchester, but without any great port or liberality, for hospitality with him was greatly laid aside. About this time, Guy de Lusignan the king's half brother came over into England, after his return out of the holy land, and was of the king joyfully received. 
Guy de Lusignan brother to the king.  Towards the relief of his expenses made in that journey, the king gave him five hundred pounds which he got of the jews. Moreover, he gave to his brother. Geffrey the custody of the baron Hastings lands, and so by such liberal and bounteous gifts as he bestowed on them and other strangers, he greatly incurred the hatred of his natural people the Englishmen.  
On the day of the epiphany, 
The earl of Leicester returneth.  the earl of Leicester came to the king in great haste out of Gascoigne giving him to understand, that the Gascoignes were revolted in such number, that if speedy succour were not provided, the whole country would fall from the English subjection. Hereupon the king furnished him with money, 
He had of the king 3000 marks.  and the earl himself got all that he could make of his own revenues, and likewise of the Umfrevilles' lands, the heir whereof he had in custody. He made no long abode, but with all speed returned, and retained two hundred Rutters out of the duke of Brabant's countries, 
Rutters.  and with them certain crossbows. These were eager soldiers, and bloody, but yet the Gascoignes prepared themselves to resist them all that they might: howbeit the earl put them still to the worse. Before his last return from thence, he had razed the castle of Fronsacke flat with the ground, and likewise left desolate the castle of Egremount.  
About this season, one of the king's justices named Henry de Bath fell in the king's displeasure, 
A justice accused for taking bribes.  because he was accused that he had not exercised his office uprightly, but to his own private gain, and perverted justice through bribes, upon occasion of a suit moved betwixt him and one Euerard de Trumpington: he was appealed of falsehood and treason by Sir Philip Darcie knight. His wife was of kin to the Basset's and Samfords, the which procured him great friendship at the hands of the earl of Cornwall, and of john Mansell, and other of the king's council. But for all that they could do, he was in great danger to have lost his life at the parliament holden that year, and begun on the sixtéenth day of February. For the king was so sore moved against him, that he caused proclamation to be made, that if any man had any thing to lay against the said Henry de Bath, they should come forth, and their information should be heard. Hereupon diverse came and presented their complaints, and amongst other, one of his own fellows, that was a justice also, declared that he had suffered an offendor convict, to escape unpunished, for a bribe, which he received to the prejudice of the king, and the danger of his associates the other justices, whereas it is required of one put in trust with the administration of laws, to be uncorrupt and sound in judgement, according to this true position, judicis est recti n●c munere nec prece flecti.  
The king herewith rose up in a great fume, and said openly: If any man will slay Henry of Bath, he shall not be impeached for his death: for I do here plainly declare him acquit and guiltless for the same. Herewith diverse would have run upon him to have murdered him, but that john Mansell stayed their outrage, showing them that the king might well hereafter repent the words which he spoke thus in his fury, and those that should do any violence line 10 unto the man, were not like to escape punishment: for both the bishop of London would surly accurse them, and other of his friends would not fail to seek revenge by temporal force: and thus was Henry of Bath in the king's high displeasure for the time. 
Henry de Bath put to his fine.  Howbeit at length, through intercession of the earl of Cornwall, and the bishop of London, he was put to his fine, and pardoned.  
About the same time, Athelmare the king's half brother was confirmed bishop of Winchester by the pope, 

Athelmare or Odomare bishop of Winchester confirmed.  
A convocation of the bishops.   although he was thought scarcely sufficient to line 20 have the place, for lack of learning and ripe years. About this time also, the bishops assembling at Dunstable, took advise together, how to prevent the archbishop of Canturburie, that he should not visit: and in the end they concluded to send their procurator unto the court of Rome, to try what purchase might be made there for money to stay the licence, and not to stick for the disbursing of four thousand marks, if need required. Their procurator did so much in the line 30 matter, that he found the pope favourable unto his cause, though no determinate answer was given of a long time, till at length, to gratify the archbishop and his kin, as the duke of Savoy and other, the pope granted him licence to visit, but not generally: for he might not visit any parish church, except the person required him thereto. And whereas he had liberty to visit conventual churches, yet might he not receive for procuracies above four marks. 
Six thousand marks given to the pope.  For this moderation to be had, the procurator for the bishop's line 40 gave unto the pope six thousand marks.  
The same year the bishop of Lincoln visited the religious houses within his diocese, 
The bishop of Lincoln visiteth abbeys.  to understand what rule was kept amongst them, using the matter somewhat strictly (as they thought:) for he entered into the chambers of the monks & searched their beds. And coming to the houses of the nuns, he went so near as to cause their breasts to be tried, that he might understand of their chaste livings. In Lent following he was suspended by the pope, 
The bishop of Lincoln suspended by the pope,  because he line 50 would not suffer an Italian that had no skill of the English tongue to enjoy a prebend in his church, which the pope had given to the same Italian. In this season, 
Wales subject to the English laws.  Wales was brought to be subject unto the English laws, and that part which joineth to Cheshire, was committed to the custody of Alain lord Zouch, 
Alain lord Zouch.  ●he which gave, for having of the profits thereof to farm, 11 hundred marks, and supplanted lord john Gray which should have had it for five hundred. Certain usurers and strangers borne called Caorsini, 
Usurers called Caorsini.  line 60 had bought fair houses at London, and so remained there as inhabitants, occupying their trade without controlment, for the prelates durst not speak against them, because they alleged themselves to be the merchants of the pope's highness: and the citizens durst not trouble them because they were defended by certain noble men, whose money (as was said) they occupied, to gain after the manner of the court of Rome. Howbeit at length they were called before the civil magistrate by the king's procurement, and grievously accused for their unlawful occupying of usury, and some of them committed to prison, the residue hide themselves out of the way, till at length for a sum of money they were licensed to be at rest, and so continued for a season. The jews rejoiced hereat, to have fellows with them in their misery.  
In this season also there depended a controversy betwixt the archbishop of Canturburie with the bishop of London and his canons of Paul's, 
controversy betwixt prelates.  so that the said bishop of London & the dean of Paul's, and other of the 〈◊〉 were excommunicated. But the bishop perceiving which way the world went, reconciled himself: as for the dean, he stood long in the matter, & at length went himself to the pope to utter his grief. This controversy hanged long betwixt them, and was handled in such wise, that ●aie-men laughed at their doings, for now and then whom the pope commanded to be absolved, their adversaries by colour of the pope's authority would command to be excommunicated. 
The earl of Leicester prospereth in Gascoigne.  The first day of julie the earl of Leicester in Gascoigne overcame many of the king's enemies, and took from them a fortress called Chattellon.  
On S. Dunstan's day there was a marvelous sore tempest of weather, 
A sore tempest of thunder & lightning.  the air being darkened on every side from the four corners thereof, and withal chanced such a thunder as few the like had been heard of. First it began as it had been a great way off, but after it burst out with such terrible cracks as was wonderful. But one amongst the rest exceeded, and withal such lightning flashed forth, as put men in great fear and terror. The chimney of the chamber, wherein the queen and her children than were, was beaten down to dust, and the whole building sore shaken. This was at Windsor, 
Windsor.  where in the park, oaks were rend in sunder, and turned up by the roots, and much hurt done; as mills with the millers in them, shéepfolds with their shepherds, and plowmen, and such as were going by the way were destroyed and beaten down. About the same time the sea on the coasts of England arose with higher tides than the natural course gave, 
High tides.  by the space of six feet.  
About Michaelmas queen Dowager of Scotland, that was daughter to Monsieur de Cousie a Frenchman, came through England to return into France where she was borne, and was of the king honourably received and welcomed. This year the nunnery of Marran not far from Lin was founded by the lady Isabella countess of Arundel. 
The nunnery of Mar●an founded.  ¶ Also this year the lord William de Cantlow departed this life, in whose heritage his son also named William succeeded. ¶ Moreover, john Cobham & Geffrey Spenser (that was a man of great fame, and one of the king's council) departed this life, Cobham before Easter, and Spenser shortly after the same feast. Also in the octaves of Pentecost, 
Paul Peiver.  Paul Peiver or Peure departed this life, he was one of the kings chief councillors, and lord steward of his house. This man at the first was not borne to any great possessions, but by purchase attained to great revenues. The lady jone his wife compounded with the king for the marriage of her son named Paul, after his father, but the lord john Grai● paid the money, being five hundred marks, and so discharging her of that debt, married her son to one of his daughters at his manor of Eiton, and afterwards at London married the mother of his son in law, 
The lord W●l●. Gray marrieth the wife of Paul Pe●uer.  wherewith the king was sore displeased, for he had given the marriage of her unto a stranger, one Stephan de Salines, so that the lord Gray was glad to give to the king the sum of fifty marks, by way of a fine to have his good will.  
In the six and thirtieth year of king Henry's reign, 
Anno Reg. 3●. Matth. Par●●▪ The church of Hales dedicated.  the church of Hales was dedicated of the foundation of Richard earl of Cornwall. At which dedication he kept a solemn feast on the even of saint Leonard being Sunday. There was present the king and the queen, and almost all the Nobility of England, both spiritual and temporal. 
The charges of the building of the church of Hales.  The building of that church, all charges accounted, stood the earl in ten thousand marks, as he himself confessed unto Matthew Paris. ¶ About the same time the earl of Leicester and Guy de Lusignan the king's half brother came into England out of France, and landed at Dover, whom the king received with great joy and gladness. He gave to his brother at his return great rewards, as he was ever accustomed. In the feast of the Conception of our lady at a jousts holden line 10 at Rochester, 
Tourneys and justs in those days were handled in more rough manner than is used in our tune.  the strangers were put to the worse, and well beaten by the English bachelors and men of arms, so that the dishonour which they did to the Englishmen at Brakley was now recompensed with interest. For the strangers fleeing to the city for succour, were met by the way by the English knights servants and yeomen, which fell upon them, beat them sore with clubs and staves, and handled them very evil. Hereof sprang a great hatred betwixt the Englishmen and strangers, which daily line 20 grew and increased more and more, the rather because the king had them in so good estimation, and retained so many of them within the realm.  
The king did celebrate the feast of Christmas at York, year 1252 whither came Alexander the young king of Scots, and was there made knight by the king of England, and on saint stephan's day he married the lady Margaret, daughter to the king of England, according to the assurance before time concluded. There was a great assembly of noble personages at line 30 that feast. The queen Dowager of Scotland mother to king Alexander, a French woman of the house of Coucie, 
The house of Coucie.  had passed the sea, & was present there with a fair company of lords and gentlemen. The number of knights that were come thither on the king of England's part were reckoned to be at the point of one thousand. The king of Scots had with him three score knights, 
The king of Scots did homage to the K. of England.  and a great sort of other gentlemen comparable to knights. The king of Scots did homage to the king of England at that time for the line 40 realm of Scotland, and all things were done with great love and favour, although at the beginning some strife was kindled about taking up of lodgings.  
This assembly of the princes cost the archbishop very dearly, in feasting and banqueting them and their trains. At one dinner it was reported he spent at the first course threescore fat oxen. ¶ At request of the K. of Scots, the K. of England received Philip lunel again into favour, or rather Lovel (as I line 50 take it) one of his council, against whom he had conceived displeasure in the year last passed, for such bribery as he was thought to be guilty of for showing favour to the jews. The king of Scots when he should departed, took his leave in most courteous manner, and led with him his new married wife, on whom attended sir Robert Norice knight marshal of the king's house, 
Sir Robert Norice, and sir Stephan Bausan.  and sir Stephan Bausan, and also the lady Maud, the widow of the lord William line 60 Cantlow, 
An exceeding great wind.  with others. On the octaves of the epiphany chanced an exceeding great wind, which did much hurt in diverse places of the realm. The bishop of Rochester returning from the court of Rome, 
The bishop of Rochest. bull.  brought with him a bull, authorising him to receive to his own use the fift part of the revenues of all the beneficed men within his diocese.  
In this mean while the earl of Leicester remaining in England, 
The Gascoignes make war against the English subjects.  the Gascoignes made sore war against such as he had left behind him, and withal gave information to the king that the earl of Leicester was a traitor, and one that had spoiled the king's subjects: and furthermore by his unjust dealings had given to the Gascoignes cause of rebellion. The king to bolt out the truth of this matter, sent first his chaplain Henry Wingham, and afterwards sir Nicholas de Moles de Ualence, as commissioners to inquire of the earls doing, who went and returned without finding any manifest crime in the earls demeanour. The earl was much offended that his innocency should be thus suspected; but at length being appointed to return into Gascoigne, he obeyed and having a great sum of money, he retained a power of men of war, as well Frenchmen as others, and meaning to be revenged of those that had given the information against him, he strengthened himself with the aid of the king of Navarre, and of the earl of Bigorre and other, so that he oppressed his adversaries on each hand, and so abated their pride, 
The earl of Leicester danteth his enemies.  that if conveniently they might, they would have yielded themselves to some other prince, and utterly have renounced the K. of England for ever. Whereby it should seem that he was throughly revenged of them even to their no small smart, not in word and threatening, but with sword and bloodshedding, defending his innocency, and manfully showing his warlike mind. But yet he had purchased to himself a greater portion of praise, if he had not with weapon but with wisdom made a conquest of the enemy: according to this sound counsel of a sage writer; 
Ingenio studeas magè quàm superare furore, 
Mal. Pal. in suo cap.   
Ingenio vires cedunt, prudentia victrix  
Cuncta domat.  On the thirteenth day of March, 
A strange wonder of the new moon.  the new moon was seen, whereas the prime change by natural course should not have been till the sixteenth day following; and for the space of fifteen days that then next ensued, the sun, the moon, and stars appeared of a red colour. And herewith the whole face of the earth seemed as it had been shadowed with a thick mist or smoke, the wind notwithstanding remaining north and north-east. Then began a sore drought, continuing a long time, 
A great drought.  the which together with morning frosts, and northerly winds, destroyed the fruits and other growing things, which were blasted in such wise, that although at the first it was a very forward year, and great plenty towards of corn and fruit, yet by the means aforesaid, the same was greatly hindered and specially in the summer season, when the suns heat increased, and the drought still continued.  
The residue of such fruits as then remained, withered away, so that scarce a tenth part was left, and yet there was indifferent store. For if the abundance which the blossoms promised had come forward, the trees had not been able to have borne the same. The grass was so burned up in pastures and meadows, that if a man took up some of it in his hands, and rubbed the same never so little, it straight fell to powder, and so cattle were ready to starve for lack of meat. And because of the exceeding hot nights, there was such abundance of fleas, flies, and gnats, that people were vexed and brought in case to be weary of their lives. And herewith chanced many diseases, 
Many diseases reigned.  as sweats, agues, and other. In the harvest time fell there a great death and murrain amongst cattle, 
A murrain of cattle.  and specially in Norfolk, in the fens and other parts of the south. This infection was such, that dogs and ravens feeding on the dead carrens, swelled streightwaies and died, so that the people durst eat no beef, lest the flesh happily might be infected.  
Also this was noted not without great wonder, that young heifers and bullocks followed the milk-cows, & as it had been calves sucked the same kine. Also appletrées and pearetrées, now after the time of yielding their ripe fruit, began again to blossom, as if it had been in April. 
The cause of the death of cattle.  The cause of the death of cattle was thought to come hereof. After so great a drought (which had continued by all the space of the months of April, May, june, and julie) when there followed good plenty of rain, the earth began to yield her increase most plenteously of all growing things, though not so wholesome nor of such kindly substance, as in due time and season she is accustomed to bring forth, and so the cattle which before were hunger-starved, fed now so greedily of this new grass sprung up in undue season, that they were suddenly puffed up with flesh, and such unnatural humours, line 10 as bred infections amongst them, whereof they died.  

The bishop of Lincoln.  The bishop of Lincoln would have enforced all the beneficed men within his diocese to be priests, but they purchased a licence from Rome, to remain at the Universities for certain years, without taking the order of préesthood upon them. ¶ The king meaning to go (as he pretended) into the holy land, had grant of the pope to levy a tenth of his subjects both spiritual and temporal. 
The Gascoigns mean to complain of the earl of Leicester.  The Gascoignes sore line 20 repining at the earl of Leicester his streict governance (who handled them more roughly than they had been accustomed) sent the archbishop of Bordeaux over into England to exhibit a complaint against him in all their names. The earl of Leicester advertised thereof, followed him, and coming to the court, found the archbishop ready to avouch the information which he had made against the said earl, chiefly in that he had sought the destruction of those to whom the earl of Cornwall when he was line 30 ruler there, had granted life and peace, and whom sir Henry Trublevile, and Waleran the Dutchman, late stewards of Gascoigne, under the king, had cherished and maintained. With many other things the archbishop charged him, 
The earl disproveth the allegations of his accusers.  the which the earl wittily refelled and disproved, so as he was allowed in his justification by those that stood by, as the earl of Cornwall and others.  

The bishop of Lincoln's authority to institute vicar's in church's impropriate.  The bishop of Lincoln got authority of the pope to institute vicarages in churches impropriat to religious line 40 men, where no vicar's were; and where such were as seemed too slenderly provided of sufficient allowance, to augment the same as he thought expedient: which his authority he used more largely than stood with the pleasure of religious persons, because he showed great favour to the vicar's. The copy of the letters which the bishop had procured of the pope, authorising him herein, followeth as we find the same in the chronicles of Matthew Paris.  

The tenor of the pope's grant.  
INnocentius episcopus, etc. Cùm sicut accepimus in tua civitate & diocoesi, nonnulli religiosi & alij collegiati ecclesias perochiales in propriosusus obtineant, in quibus nimis exiles aut nullae taxatae sunt vicariae; fraternitati tuae per authoritatem summam mandamus, quòd in ijsdem ecclesijs de ipsarum line 60 proventibus vicarias instituas, & institutas exiles adaugeas vice nostra: prout juxta consuetudinem patriae secundum Deum videtur expedire, non obstantibus sipraedicti exempti sint, aut aliàs muniti apostolicis privilegijs sine indulgentijs, per quae id impediri vel differri possit; & de quibus speciale oporteat in praesentibus fieri mentionem: contradictores per censuras ecclesiasticas apostolica potestate compescendo. Datum Lugduni 7 Octob. pontificatus nostri, An. 8.   

The earl of Leicester sent eftsoons into Gascoigne.  The earl of Leicester was eftsoons sent into Gascoigne by the king, who had not cared if he had fallen into his enemies hands, as should appear. But the earl hired soldiers in France, and coming into Gascoigne, prevailed against his enemies, though in one conflict he was in danger of losing both life and the honour of the field. But yet through his good hap, God's favour, and the valiancy of himself and some of his retinue, he got the upper hand, and put his enemies to flight, taking Rusteine, 
Rusteine taken.  one of the chief ringleaders, whom he caused to be presented to the king. At the same time had the king invested his son Edward with the duchy of Aquitaine to the offence of the earl of Cornwall, 

The king's eldest son Edward creates duke of Aquitaine.  
Sir Arnold de Monteinie slain.   to whom by charter he had before given and confirmed the same. In a justs holden at Walden, sir Arnold de Monteinie a right valiant knight was slain by sir Roger de Lemborne, for which mischance all the Nobles there assembled made great lamentation, and namely the said sir Roger: but yet he was suspected to be in blame, because the socket of his staff was polished, & not abated. Hereby it should appear, that in quality of weapon, and not in manner of their running together, these justs and tornies in those days practised differed from the very order of war.  
The 17 of September the cathedral church of Elie was dedicated, 
The church of Elie dedicated.  which the bishop of that see named Hugh had builded of his own proper costs and charges, together with the palace there. The king and a great number of the peers & nobles of the realm both spiritual and temporal were present at this solemn feast, which was kept in most plentiful manner. The 13 day of October, 
A parliament.  the king held a great feast at London, and had called the states of the realm, then and there to assemble in parliament, wherein he opened to them the pope's grant, which he had obtained of the tenths due to the church, 
The king demandeth the tenths of the spirituality.  to be received by him for three years, towards his charges in his journey which he meant to make into the holy land. The bishops, and namely Lincoln, utterly refused to be contributary to his grant.  
They alleged sundry reasons for their excuse, 
The bishops refuse to yield to the pope's grant.  as the poverty of the English church being already made bare, with continual exactions and oppressions; but chiefly they excused themselves by the absence of the archbishops of Canturburie and York, of whom the one was beyond the sea, and the other at home in the north parts. All th' other English bishops were there, except Hereford & Chester, which Chester was sick, and therefore without the consent of those that were absent, and namely their primate the archbishop of Canturburie, they could not conclude upon any general point touching the king's demand. And although the king fretted and stormed against them, yet could he not bring them to his purpose, so that the parliament for that time was dissolved. Yet before their departure from London, he communed with the bishops apart, to see if he might persuade them to give him some portion of money towards his charges: but they had tuned their strings all after one note, discording all from his tenor, so that not a penny could be got of them: 
The king highly offended with the bishops.  wherefore he took high displeasure against them, reviling them in most reproachful manner, and amongst other he upbraided his half brother (the elect of Winchester) of great unthankfulness, who also amongst the residue stood against him.  
The king having this repulse at the bishop's hands, 
The king assayeth to get money of the lords temporal.  began to fall in talk with the lords of the temporalty touching the troubles in Gascoigne, where things were in broil by the hard doings of the earl of Leicester, against whom the Gascoignes ceased not to make war still, and of late having besieged him in the castle of Mountalbon, drove him to such shift, that to escape the present danger he was glad to set at liberty certain rebels, which he had before taken captives. Therefore to reduce that country unto quietness, the king determined to go thither himself, and to remove the earl of Leicester out of his office: but when he came to the pith of the matter, which was to desire their aid both of men and money, the lords would not agree to grant him any. And where he sought to burden the earl of Leicester with misgoverning things against his honour, they excused the same earl, and so the lords also departed in displeasure of the king as well as the bishops. line 10 Howbeit the king got of the Londoners by way of princely prayer twenty thousand marks of gold at that time. 
The Londoners help at a pinch.  And to their further grief for better mean to be revenged against the bishop of Elie, he caused the said Londoners to keep saint Edward's fair for fifteen days together at Westminster, and in the mean time to keep their shops shut through all the city. Which thing (by reason of the foul weather chancing at that time) was very grievous unto them, albeit there was such repair of people thither, line 20 that London had not been fuller to the judgement of old ancient men never at any time in their days to their remembrance.  
This year died sir Nicholas Samford knight, a man of great reputation and valiancy. 
The death of sir Nicholas Samford.  Also on the twentieth day of October, the countess of Winchester daughter to the earl of Hereford departed this life at Grobie, 
The countess of Winchester departeth this life.  a manor place belonging to her husband the earl of Winchester, a little besides Leicester, and was buried at Braklie. The said earl shortly line 30 after married an other wife in hope of issue. For neither by this his last wife, neither by his first that was daughter to the lord Alane de Galowaie had he any children. 
Matth. Paris.  Also the same year, that noble lady Margaret countess of Lisle surnamed Rivers, 
The decease of the countess de Lisle de Wight.  sometime wife to Fouks de Brent, departed out of this world, about the second day of October. In the seven and thirtieth year of king Henry's reign, one of the pope's notaries called Albert came into England to offer unto Richard earl of Cornwall the line 40 kings brother, 
Anno Reg. 37.  
The pope offereth the kingdom of Sicill unto the earl of Cornwall.  the kingdoms of Naples and Sicill. But the earl supposing it not to stand with his honour, to deprive his nephew Henry, son to the emperor Fredrick the second, by his wife the empress Isabella that was sister to the said earl, refused to take that honour upon him.  
About the same time, that is to say, on the octaves of saint Martin, Boniface the archbishop of Canturburie arrived in England, coming from the court of Rome, where he had been long resiant. ¶ At the line 50 same time there chanced a great occasion of strife betwixt the said archbishop, and the bishop of Winchester. For where master Eustace de Lin, official to the said archbishop had first excommunicated, and after for his contumacy caused to be attached a priest which by authority of the elect of Winchester as diocesane there, was entered into possession of an hospital in Southwark, as governor thereof, by the name of prior, without consent of the official: who pretended title as patron in his masters line 60 name. The said elect of Winchester caused a riotous sort of persons after the manner of war to seek revenge hereof, the which after many outrages done, came to Lambeth, and there by violence took the said Eustace out of his own house, and led him to Farnham, where he was kept as prisoner.  
The archbishop thus served at his first coming over, and taking the same but for a homlie welcome, was marvelously offended, and coming to London accompanied with the bishops of Chichester and Hereford, in the church of saint Marie bow, being revested in pontificalibus, pronounced all those accursed, which were authors or favourers of such a rash and presumptuous deed, and further commanded all the bishops within his province, by virtue of their obedience, to denounce the same in their churches every sunday and holy day. The bishop of Winchester on the other part, sent commandment to the dean of Southwark, to resist the archbishop to his face, and to denounce his curse to be void, vain, and of no force, but devised of a crafty purpose and wicked meaning. The archbishop continuing in his conceived displeasure, went to Oxenford, and there on the morrow after saint Nicholas day, renewed the same curse in solemn wise before all the learned men, students, and scholars of the University.  
Howbeit, at length the matter was taken up betwixt them, for the king in his brother's cause, year 1253 and the queen for her uncle the archbishop, took some pain to agree them: 
The archb. of Canturburie and the bishop of Winchester made friends. William de Ualence, and john de Warren.  and so in the octaves of the epiphany they were made friends, and those absolved that were excommunicated, in which number William de Ualence, and john de Warren were thought to be contained, as those that should be present in using the force against the official (as before ye have heard.) By inquiry taken about this time by the diligence of the bishop of Lincoln, it was found that the yéerlie profits and revenues of spiritual promotions and livings resting in strangers hands preferred by the pope's provisions, 
The value of spiritual livings in strangers hands.  amounted to the sum of threescore and ten thousand marks, which was more by two third parts, than the king's revenues belonging to his crown.  
The earl of Gloucester and the lord William de Ualence went over into France in most triumphant manner, to conclude a marriage betwixt the son of the said earl of Gloucester, and the daughter of the lord Guy of Engolesme. Which marriage the king had motioned for the affection which he bore towards the advancement of his lineage, by the mother's side. Whereat because they were strangers, the English nobility somewhat repined. And whereas like lusty young gentlemen they attempted a justs and tornie to show some proof of their valiant stomaches, they were well beaten by the Frenchmen, that disdained to see young men so presumptuous, to provoke old accustomed warriors to the trial of such martial enterprises. 
The new moon appeared before her time.  About the beginning of Lent, the new moon was seen four days before she ought to have appeared by her due and common course.  
The king by a shift got of the Londoners 1000 marks. For as it happened about the same time the youthful citizens (for an exercise and trial of their activity) had set forth a game to run at the quintine, and whosoever did best, 
Running at the quintine.  should have a peacock which they had prepared for a prize. Certain of the king's servants, because the court lay then at Westminster, came (as it were in spite of the citizens) to the game, and giving reproachful names to the Londoners (which for the dignity of the city and ancient privileges which they ought to have enjoyed were called barons) the said Londoners not able to bear so to be misused, fell upon the king's servants, 
The Londoners called Barons.  and bet them shrewdly, so that upon complaint, the king caused the citizens to fine for their rash doings. Wherein the Londoners followed the counsel of him that in a case of strife, said 
Tu ne cede malis sed contra audentior ito,  
Audaces fortuna juuat.   
Moreover, about the same time, the king upon displeasure conceived against the earl of Leicester, had caused him to resign his office of the wardenship of Gascoigne: 
The earl of Leicester resigneth his government of Gascoigne.  and because the earl had it by patent, the king not able to find any just cause of forfeiture, agreed to pay unto him for the resignation no small portion of money. And whereas the Gascoignes had charged the earl with too much streict handling of them, whereby they were occasioned to raise tumults, the matter was now nothing at all amended. For after the earl had resigned, they continued still in rebellion, 
The Riol, S. Mill●on, towns in Gascoigne.  so that the Riol with S. Millions and other places were taken by the adversaries out of the king's hands, and great slaughter of people made in those parts: wherefore the king minding to go thither, caused musters to be taken, and men put in a readiness according to the custom, that he might understand what number of able men furnished for the war were to be had. He also took order that every line 10 man that might dispend yeerlie fifteen pounds in lands should be made knight. 
Knights to be made.   
Moreover, for the better preservation of peace and quietness amongst his people, he appointed watch to be kept by night in cities and borough towns. And further by the advise of the Savoisines, which were about him, 
An ordinance against robbers.  he ordained that if any man chanced to be rob, or by any means damnified by any thief or robber, he to whom the keeping of that country chiefly appertained where the robbery was line 20 done, should competently restore the loss: and this was after the usage of Savoy, but was thought more hard to be observed here, than in those parts, where are not so many by-paths and starting corners to shift out of the way. ¶ The Gascoignes continued in their seditious doings, and namely Gascon de Bierne, who renouncing his duty and obedience to the king of England joined himself to the king of Spain, through his help to be the stronger & more able to annoy the English subjects. The evil entreating line 30 used towards the Gascoignes which brought hither wines, 
The cause that moved the Gascoignes to rebellion.  in that the same were oftentimes taken from them by the king's officers, and other, without ready money allowed for the sale, gave occasion to them to grudge and repine against the king.  

A parliament.  In the quindene of Easter a parliament began at London, in which all the states being assembled, the matter was moved for aiding the king with some relief of money towards the journey which he meant to make into the holy land: and so at length it was line 40 agreed that a tenth part of all the revenues belonging to the church was granted to him for three years space, 
A tenth granted of the spirituality. Escuage granted.  and that escuage should be levied for that year, after three marks of every knight's fee, and the king on the other part promised faithfully to observe and maintain the grant of the great charter, 
Magna charta.  and all the articles contained within the same. For further assurance whereof, on the third day of May, in the great hall at Westminster, in the presence and by the assent of the king and the earls of Norfolk, line 50 Hereford, Oxford, Warwick, and other Noble men, by the archbishop of Canturburie as primate, and by the bishops of London, Elie, Lincoln, Worcester, Norwich, Hereford, Salisbury, Durham, Excester, carliel, Bath, Rochester, and S. Davies, revested and appareled in pontificalibus, with tapers, according to the manner, the sentence of excommunication was pronounced against all transgressors of the liberties of the church, and of the ancient liberties and customs of the realm of England, line 60 and namely those which are contained in the great charter, and in the charter of forest.  
Whilst the sentence was in reading, the king held his hand upon his breast with glad and cheerful countenance, and when in the end they threw away their extinct and smoking tapers, saying, So let them be extinguished and sink into the pit of hell which run into the dangers of this sentence; the king said, So help me God, as I shall observe and keep all these things, even as I am a christian man, as I am a knight, and as I am a king crowned and anointed. But afterward when he through other counsel broke his promise therein, 
Godly counsel no doubt.  he was advised by some to give a portion of that money which he got at this time, to the Pope, that he might of him be absolved.  
Immediately after the breaking up of the parliament, that is to say, about the first of june, the king being earnestly called upon by messengers sent from the Gascoignes to provide in time for the defence and safeguard of that country, sith otherwise he stood in danger to lose it, 
The king p●●●poseth to go himself into Gascoigne.  with all speed he resolved to go thither; and thereupon caused summons to be given to all those that held of him by knight's service, to prepare to be at Portesmouth, with horse and armour in the octaves of the Trinity. Herewith he made great provision of ships, the which being assembled, and the army likewise come together, through lack of convenient wind he was enforced to stay a long time, to his great grief and no less charges.  
Finally, on the 6 of August he took the sea, 
He taketh the sea.  leaving his brother the earl of Cornwall, and the queen in charge with governance of the realm, and of his son the lord Edward. There departed with him from Portesmouth three hundred sails of great ships, besides a number of other smaller vessels. And thus accompanied, he took his course to Gascoigne, & about our lady day named her Assumption, he arrived at Bordeaux, 
He arriveth at Bordeaux.  where he was of the citizens honourably received. Immediately after his arrival there, he caused the town of the Riol to be compassed about with a strong siege, within the which a great number of rebels were enclosed, which valiantly defended the place in hope of rescue, which Gaston de Bierne that was fled to the king of Spain had promised to procure for them. But the king of England to prevent them in that point, sent the bishop of Bath, 
Ambassadors sent into Spain.  and his trusty chaplain sir john Mansell unto the said king of Spain, to conclude friendship and alliance with him, so that the lord Edward his eldest son might marry the king of Spain his daughter.  
After long treaty, 
A marriage concluded betwixt the K. of England's son & the K. of Spain's daughter.  by the diligence of the said ambassadors, a full conclusion followed of their motion. And whereas the king of England had given and assigned the dominion of Gascoigne to his said son the lord Edward, the king of Spain in the instrument that contained the covenants of the marriage, resigned and quite claimed all the right and title within Gascoigne which he had or might have by the gift of king Henry the second, and by confirmation of the kings, Richard and john. In this mean while, the towns and castles which the rebels held, were won and delivered into the king's hands, and herewith followed a great dearth in the king's army, so that a hen was sold for six pence sterling, 
A dearth in the king's camp.  a pound weight in bread was at two pence or three pence, a gallon of wine at two shillings, a come of four bushels of wheat at twenty shillings, so that a knight with his esquire, and coistrel with his two horses, might scarce be competently found for two shillings in silver. Wherefore the king to relieve his people there with him on that side the sea, sent the prior of Newbourgh with other into England, to cause provision of victuals and other necessaries to be conveyed and brought unto him into Gascoigne, and so there was a great quantity of grain and powdered flesh taken up and sent away with all convenient speed.  
The earl of Leicester came to the king, bringing with him out of France where he had remained for a time; a fair company of soldiers and men of war to the king's aid, and was very courteously received. The Gascoignes then perceived the king's power to increase, and saw how not only the castles wherein they trusted to have refuge were worn and gotten out of their hands by the king of England, but also that their vines (wherein chiefly consisted their hope of sustentation) were burned up and destroyed, they began to humble themselves, and so by little and little returned to their due obedience, 
The Gascoigns begin to humble themselves.  after that the authors of their seditious tumults were either apprehended, or chased out of the country.  

The bishop of Chichester Richard Witz and Grosted b. of Lincoln depart this life  This year died Richard Witz the bishop of Chichester, a man of great virtue and singular knowledge. Also that famous clerk Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln departed this life on the day of S. Device in the night, at his manor of Bugdon, whose learning coupled with virtue and uprightness of line 10 life wan to him perpetual commendation. 
The praise of Grosted.  He was a manifest blamer of pope and king, a reproover of prelates, a corrector of monks, a director of priests, an instructor of clerk, a susteinor of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of incontinent livers, a diligent searcher of the scriptures, a contemnor and a very mallet of such strangers as sought preferment in this realm by the pope's provisions: in housekeeping liberal, in corporal refection plentiful, and in ministering spiritual food, devout and godly line 20 affected: in his bishoplike office diligent, reverend, and never wearied: a singular example of a bishop, specially in those days, and at whose life our reformed bishops may fetch light to abandon their darkness, and to amend that which is amiss in them, sith 
Validiora sunt exempla quàm praecepta,  

Leo papa.  Et pleniùs docemur vita quàm verbo.   

The L. Wil Uescie departeth this life.  Moreover there died in Gascoigne, William de Uescie a baron of great fame in the north parts. Also in the spring and summer of this year was a great line 30 drought, and in the harvest season fell such wet, that great floods by the rising of the rivers, 
Great wet.  and overflowing their banks, did much hurt in sundry places of the realm. Again in the later end of harvest about Michaelmas, there was eftsoons such a drought, that men could get no grinding at the mills, 
Great drout.  but were constrained to go in some places a days journey off, to have their corn groond. In the eight and thirtieth year of king Henry's reign, the queen was delivered of a daughter which was called Katherine, 
Anno Reg. 38. The lady Katherine the king's daughter borne.  line 40 because the same was borne on saint Katherins day.  
On S. Lucy's day, there fell a great snow, and withal a winter's thunder, for a token of some evil to follow. 
Winter thunder.  The king to settle the state of the country of Gascoigne in better order, tarried there all the winter, and repaired certain decayed towns and castles. year 1254 The queen kept her Christmas at London, where she lay in childbed, and was purified on the even of the epiphany, making a royal feast, at the line 50 which many great lords were present, as the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishop of Elie, the earls of Cornwall and Gloucester, and many other. She sent over at the same time to her husband for a new years gift the sum of five hundred marks of her own revenues, 
The queens liberality towards the K.  towards the maintenance of his wars. On the even of the Circumcision of our Lord, 
A strange sight in the air.  in the night season, whilst the air was most clear and bright with shining stars, the moon being eight days old, there appeared in the element the perfect line 60 form and likeness of a mighty great ship, which was first seen of certain monks of saint Albon, who remaining at saint Amphibalus, 
Redborne.  were got up to behold by the stars, if it were time for them to go to matins; but perceiving that strange sight, they called up such of their acquaintance as lodged near at hand, to view the same. At length it seemed as the bourds and joints thereof had gone in sunder, and so it vanished away. There followed a marvelous sore later end of a winter, through cold and over-sharpe weather, which continued till the feast of S. Gregory in March next ensuing. 
A death of sheep.  Also there chanced the same year a great murrain and death of sheep and dear, so that of whole flocks and herds scarce the one half escaped.  
Whilst the king remained still in Gascoigne, he sent for his wife queen Elinor, with his eldest son Edward, but because he could not make an end of all his business that winter, he continued there the summer also. And forsomuch as he stood in need of money, to have some reasonable pretence to demand a subsidy, in the beginning of March, he sent to his brother Richard the earl of Cornwall (which was come over before chiefly for that purpose) certain instructions, to declare how there was like to follow great war, by means of Alfonse the tenth of that name king of Castille, who menaced very shortly to invade the confines of Gascoigne pertaining to the English dominion, 
The king demandeth a subsidy.  and therefore he required of his faithful subjects some aid of money, whereby he might be able to resist his adversary the said K. of Castille. Earl Richard did what he could to persuade the people to this payment, but he cast his net in vain before the face of the feathered foul, as the old proverb saith, Apparens rete fugêre volucria quaeque. For though he set forth the matter to the uttermost in the presence of the Nobles and other estates, yet would they not hear of any payment to be made, as those that smelled out the feigned fetch and forged tale of the king's need. For they had intelligence that there was an agreement concluded betwixt him and the king of Spain. And for the same cause the queen and the lord Edward were gone over, that the king of Spain might have a sight of him, as he had required, when the covenants of the marriage were accorded.  
The states of the realm were twice assembled at London about the grant of this payment, but all in vain; so that they were constrained to pass it over with silence, and to surcease in the matter to their great grief, and namely the earl of Cornwall, who had taken great pains therein. Yet for that he would not return with empty hand, he levied by rigorous means a great sum of the jews (of whom a main multitude inhabited at that season in London) and therewith returning to his brother king Henry, showed him how he had sped. The king was not a little offended with them that thus had denied to help him with money, 
The king offended with them that refused to help him with money.  insomuch that upon every light occasion, he was ready to revenge his displeasure towards them, in taking away such grants of privileges and liberties as before he had made. But now to avoid suspicion of his feigned pretence of war betwixt him and king Alfonse, he sent his son Edward into Castille unto the same Alfonse, 
Edward the king's son is sent to the K. of Castille.  under a colour to compound with him for peace, whereas the very occasion of his going thither, was to purchase him the lady Elinor to wise, that was sister to the said king Alfonse.  
At his coming to the court of Spain, he was very honourably received of the king, and in the end, upon conference had of his message, obtained his suit, so that king Alfonse was content to bestow upon him his daughter in marriage, with the county of Pontieu in France, 
He marrieth the lady Elinor daughter to K. Alfonse.  which she held in right of her mother queen jone, the second wife of Ferdinando the king of Castille, father unto this king Alfonse, which jone was the only daughter and heir of Simon earl of Pontieu, and had issue by her husband the said Ferdinando two sons, Ferdinando and jews, with one daughter; to wit, the foresaid Elinor, the which by reason her brethren died young, was heir to her mother. The lord Edward having dispatched his business according to his desire, returned with a joyful hart to his father, and declared to him what he had done. His father most glad thereof, 
Ran. Higd. Polydor.  for an a●●men●anon of honour, 
 created him prince of W●les and earl of ●●ester, and appointed him to be his deputy and general lieutenant both in Guien and in Ireland, and gave to him the towns of Bris●ow Stamford and Grantham. Hereof came it, that ●uer after the king's eldest son was made immediately upon his birth prince of Wales and earl of ●●ester. 
 He created also his other son named Edmund earl of Lancaster.  
About this season were certain ships driven by line 10 force of wind and weather into certain havens on the north coasts of England towards Barwike, w●ich ships were of a very strange form and fashion, but mighty and strong. The men that were aboard the same ships were of some far country, for their language was unknown, and not understandable to any man that could be brought to talk with them. The fraught and ballast of the ships was armour and weapon, as habergeons, helmets, spears, bows, arrows, crossbows and darts, with great line 20 store of victuals. There lay also without the havens on the coast diverse other ships of like form, mould and fashion. Those that were driven into the havens were stayed for a time by the bailiffs of the ports. But finally, when it could not be known what they were, nor from whence they came, they were licensed to departed without loss or harm in body or goods.  

Gaston de Bi●●n● 〈◊〉 to take 〈◊〉 of B●●●n  About Candlemas, Gaston de Bierne, assembling together a multitude of the king's enemies, through the intelligence of some of the citizens of line 30 Ba●on that favoured not the king, wrought so, that certain of his number entered that city, meaning to have bereft the king of the dominion thereof. But other of the citizens (namely those of the meaner sort which favoured the king) made such resistance, that the enemies which were entered, were apprehended, and diverse of them suffered punishment, as they had well deserved. After this, there chanced a mutiny in the English army, 
A 〈◊〉 in the English a●●●e.  because the king's brethren and the bishop of Hereford took upon them to punish line 40 certain Welshmen, for that without commission they had been abroad to spoil within the French confines. Therefore in as much as the punishment seemed to exceed the degree and quality of the offence; and again, for that the earl of Hereford being constable of the host by inheritance ought to have had the order of all corrections in cases of such offences, the Englishmen were in mind to have slain all the Poic●ouins in despite of the king's brethren, if the king had not in humble wise sought to have appeased their line 50 fury.  
The wind continuing this year for the space of three months and odd days northerly, did greatly hinder the growth and increase of flowers and fruits: and about the first of julie there fell such a storm of hail and rain, 
A mighty storm of hail.  as the like had not been seen nor heard of in those days, breaking down the tiles and other coverings of houses, with boughs of trees, by the violent abundance and force of the water and hailstones, which continued above the space of an line 60 hour pouring and beating down incessantly. After this, when the king had remained a whole year in Guien, 
Anno Reg. 39 The king returneth homewards through France  he returned homewards through France, and coming unto Charters, was honourably there received of jews the French king, as then lately returned out of the holy land, and from thence he was roiallic by the same king jews brought unto Paris. 
The countess of Cornwall.  The countess of Cornwall went over with a noble train of lords, gentlemen, and others, to be present at the meeting of her two sisters, the queens of England and France, so that the royalty of the assembly on each part was great.  
After that king Henry had continued there for his pleasure certain days, year 1255 he returned to England, landing at Dover in Christmas week. This journey into Gascoigne was very costly, and to small purpose (as writers have recorded) for the king's charges amounted to the sum of 27 hundred thousand pounds and above, except lands and rents, which he gave unadvisedly to those which l●ttle deserved, but rather sought the hindrance both of him and his realm, besides the gift of ●0 thousand marks, which he bestowed upon his half brethren by the mother's side, not reckoning the lands nor rents, neither yet the wards nor the horses, nor jewels which he gave to them beside, being of price inestimable. Thus in two journeys which he made, the one into Poictou, which country he lost; and the other into Gascoigne, which he hardly preserved; he spent more treasure than a wise chapman would have given for them both if they had been set on sale (as Matthew Par●● writeth) so that it might be verified in him that is meant by the old proverb, 
Qui procul excurrit, sed nil mercatur ibidem,  
Sivia longa fuit, rediens tristatur hic idem.   
Moreover to increase the kings vain charges, so it fell out, that pope Innocent bearing grudge towards Conrade king of Sicill, offered that kingdom (as before is partly touched) to Richard duke of Cornwall, who refused the offer, aswell for other causes, as chiefly for that the pope would not agree to such conditions as earl Richard thought necessary for his assurance. Whereupon the pope granted that kingdom unto king Henry, 
The pope offereth the kingdom of Sicill unto the king of England.  with many goodly promises of aid to his furtherance for attaining the possession thereof. King Henry joyfully received that grant, and called his son Edmund openly by the name of K. of Sicill, and to furnish the pope with money for the maintenance of his war against Conrade, he got together all such sums as he could make, aswell out of his own coffers, and out of the excheker, as by borrowing of his brother earl Richard, and likewise what he could scrape from the jews, 
The K. maketh great shift for money to send to the pope.  or otherwise extort by the rapine of the justices itinerants: all which he sent to the pope, who not content herwith (when he began eftsoons to want) wrote again to the king for more.  
The king through the instinct of the devil, to answer the pope's avarice, 
He sendeth to the pope a warrant to take up money.  sent him letters patents obligatory, signed with his royal seal, by which he might take by way of lone such sums of money, as would largely serve his turn of the merchants Italians, willing him not to stick at the disbursing of treasure, nor at the great quantity of the interest rising upon the usury, for he would discharge all: and hereunto he bond himself under pain to forfeit his kingdom and other his heritage's. 
Matth. Paris▪  The pope consenting hereunto, accepted this large offer. If he did well herein (saith Matthew Paris) the Lord the judge of all judges judge it, to whom appertaineth the care of all things. To conclude, 
The pope is liberal of an other man's purse.  much money was spent, for the pope spared not the king of England's purse, though little good was done therewith. At length Conrade died, not without suspicion of poison. The pope being advertised of his death, rejoiced greatly, as he well uttered in plain words, saying; Let us all that be the children of the Romish church rejoice, for now two of our greatest enemies are dispatched out of the way; the one a spiritual man, that is to say, Robert bishop of Lincoln; and the other a laieman, that is Conrade king of Sicill. 
Manfred proclaimed king of Sicill.  But yet the pope miss of his purpose, for Manfred the bastard son of the emperor Fredrick the second, was shortly after proclaimed king of Sicill, and so the second error was greater than the first.  
About the quindene of Easter, 
A parliament.  there was a parliament holden at London, at the which were assembled all the states of the realm in greater number than had been commonly seen. This parliament was chiefly called, to let them understand the king's necessity of money for discharging of his debts, and to require them of their aid towards the same. 
The states refu●e to grant a subsidy.  But whereas he requested more than was thought stood with reason, they would not agree thereunto, but desired that he would confirm, and without all cavillation swear to observe the liberties which by the charter he had promised to hold. Moreover they required, that by the common council of the realm they line 10 might choose to them the chief justice, the chancellor and treasurer, but they were answered plainly by some of the privy council, that this request would at no hand be granted.  
Furthermore, the prelates complained, that they were driven to pay the tenths which they promised conditionally, as it were now by constraint and of duty, to the prejudice of the liberties of the church. The Nobles also found themselves grieved for the exactions which they saw at hand, but finally, after many things had been debated touching these matters, line 20 the parliament was adjourned till Michaelmas next, 
The parliament adjourned.  and every man departed to his home, with no great trust of the kings good will towards them, nor any hearty thanks received of him for their pains, as may be thought by that which writers have recorded. Two Noble men, to whom the custody and guiding of the king and queen of Scots was committed, that is to say, Robert de Ros, and john de bailiol, 
Rob. de Ros & john bailiol accused.  were accused, for misusing themselves in the trust and charge which they had taken upon them. line 30 King Henry was the same time at Nottingham. The information came forth by a physician, who was sent from the queen of England, unto her daughter the queen of Scots, to be about her for guard of her health, but because the same physician (whose name was Reignold of Bath) perceived the queen of Scots to be impaired in health through anguish of mind, 
Reignold de Bath a physician.  by reason of the misdemeanour of such as had the government of her and her husband, he sticked line 40 not to blame and reprove them in their doings, for the which he was poisoned, as some think: for the truth was, he shortly after sickened and died, signifying upon his deathbed unto the queen of England what he misliked and thought amiss in those▪ that had the doings about her daughter and her husband the Scotish king.  

An eclipse.  The moon suffered a marvelous eclipse on the night following the day of S. Margaret in julie. It began afore midnight, and continued four hours. The king in the behalf of his daughter the queen line 50 of Scots raised a power, and drew northwards, sending before him the earl of Gloucester, 
The earl of Gloucester & john Mansell sent into Scotland.  and john Mansell that was his chaplain and one of his council. These two so used the matter, that they came to Edinburgh, where the king and queen of Scots than lay in the castle, into the which the● entered, and altered the order of the household, so as stood with the contentation of the king and queen, which were in such wise used before that time, that they were not line 60 suffered to lie together, nor scarce come to talk together.  

Robert de Ros summoned to appear.  Robert de Ros was summoned to appear before the king of England, to answer to such things as might be laid to his charge. At the first he withdrew himself, but afterwards he came in, and submitted himself to the king's pleasure. diverse of the nobles of Scotland took it not well, that the earl of Gloucester and john Mansell should thus come into the castle of Edinburgh, and order things in the king's house in such sort at their pleasure: whereupon they assembled a power, and besieged the castle, but at length perceiving their own error, they raised their siege and departed. john de bailiol being accused of the like crime that was laid to the charge of his fellow Robert de Ros, for a p●ece of money bought his peace and was pardoned, but the lands of Robert de Ros were seized into the king's hands. Finally, the king and queen of England came to an interview with the king of Scots and the queen their daughter, and setting all things with them in such order as was thought convenient, they returned towards the south parts.  
In the mean season, 
A shift to get money of the bishops devised by the bish. o● Hereford.  the bishop of Hereford devised a shift to help the K. with money, towards the payments of his debts, by obtaining certain authentic seals of the prelates of this land, wherewith he signed certain instruments and writings, wherein was expressed, that he had received diverse sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their churches, of this and that merchant of Florence or Sienna, whereby they stood bound for repayment thereof by the same instruments and writings so made by him their agent in their names. This shift was devised by the said bishop of Hereford, with licence obtained thereunto of the king, and also of the pope, unto whom for the same intent the said bishop was sent, with sir Robert Walerane knight. The pope was the sooner persuaded to grant licence for the contriving of such manner of shift, because the money should go to the discharging of the king's debts, into the which he was run, by bearing the charges of the wars against the king of Sicill.  
About the feast of saint Edward, the parliament began again at London, 
A parliament.  in which the states treated of a subsidy to be granted to the king, 
Richard earl of Cornwall standeth against his brother for the grant of a subsidy.  but they could not conclude thereof, neither would Richard earl of Cornwall disburse any money at that season to his brother the king, because he allowed not the manner of laying it out for the wars against Manfred, being taken in hand without his consent. The same years, the king by the procurement of his brother Richard earl of Cornwall, 
The liberties of London seized into the king's hands.  had seized the liberties of the city of London into his own hands, under colour that the mayor had not done his duty in the just punishing of bakers for breaking of the assizes of their bread. Hereupon, where the mayor and commonalty of the city had by the kings grant the city to farm, with diverse customs and offices, at a certain rate and stinted sum of money; now the king set officers therein at his pleasure, which were accountable to him for all the revenues and profits that grew within the city.  
But whereas the malice which the earl of Cornwall bore to the city, was, for that they would not exchange with him c●rteine grounds that belonged to their commonalty, they were glad to agree with him, and pay unto him six hundred marks. After which agreement concluded, about the nintéenth day of November, they were shortly after restored to their liberties. This chanced before the kings coming over, who at his coming to London, lodged in the tower, and upon new displeasure conceived against the city for the escape of a prisoner (being a clerk convict) out of Newgate, which had killed a prior, that was of alliance to the king, as cousin to the queen, the king sent for the mayor and the sheriffs to come before him to answer the matter. The mayor laid the fault from him to the sheriffs, for so much as to them belonged the keeping of all the prisoners within the city: and so the mayor returned home again, 
The sheriffs of London imprisoned.  but the sheriffs remained there as prisoners by the space of a whole month or more, and yet they excused themselves, in that the fault chiefly rested in the bishop's officers: for whereas the prisoner was under his custody, they at his request had granted him licence to imprison the offendor within their ward of Newgate, but so as his officers were charged to see him safe kept. The king notwithstanding demanded of the city three thousand marks for a fine.  
Moreover, whereas he stood in great need of money, he required by way of a tallage eight thousand marks of the jews, 
The king demandeth money of the jews.  charging them on pain of hanging, not to defer that payment. The jews sore impoverished with grievous and often payments excused themselves by the pope's usurers, and reproved line 10 plainly the kings excessive taking of money, as well of his christian subjects as of them. The king on the other side, to let it be known that he taxed not his people without just occasion, and upon necessity that drove him thereto, confessed openly, that he was indebted by his bonds obligatory, in three hundred thousand marks: 
The king's debt 3000000 marks.  and again, the yearly revenues assigned to his son prince Edward, arose to the sum of fifteen thousand marks and above, where the revenues that belonged unto the crown were line 20 greatly diminished, in such wise, that without the aid of his subjects, he should never be able to come out of debt. To be short, when he had fleeced the jews to the quick, he set them to farm unto his brother earl Richard, 
The earl of Cornwall dareth the king money.  that he might pull off skin and all; but yet considering their poverty, he spared them, and nevertheless, to relieve his brother's necessity, upon a pawn he lent him an huge mass of money. These shifts did the king use from time to time, not caring with what exactions and impositions he burdened line 30 the inhabitants of his land, whereby he procured unto himself the name of an oppressor and covetous scraper. But what wonder is it in a king, sith 
Hor. lib. 2. serm.  Maxima paris hominum morbo iactatur eodem?  
About the same time, jews the French king sent unto king Henry for a present an elephant, 
An elephant sent to the K.  a beast most strange and wonderful to the English people, sith most seldom or never any of that kind had been seen in England before that time. The French queen also sent for a present unto the king of England line 40 an ewer of pearl like to a peacock in form and fashion, 
An ewer of pearl, peradventure an agate.  garnished most richly with gold, silver, and sapphires to furnish him forth in all points of fine and cunning workmanship, to the very resemblance of a living peacock. ¶ Many wonders chanced about this time. The sea rose with most high tides, rivers were so filled with abundance of water, 
Strange wonders. High tides.  by reason of the great continual rain, that marvelous floods followed thereupon. 
A comet.  A comet also appeared, and many high buildings were stricken by force of line 50 tempests. 
The decease of Walter archbishop of York.  The death of Walter archbishop of York followed these prodigious wonders, who had governed that see the space of forty years. After him succeeded one Sevall the 34 archbishop of that city.  

Elinor the wife of prince Edward cometh to the city.  About the feast of S. Etheldred, the lady Elinor wife of prince Edward the king's son, came to London, where she was honourably received of the citizens, & conveyed through the city to S. jones without Smithfield, and there lodged for a season, and yer long she removed to the Savoy. It was not long line 60 after, that the king seized the liberties of the city of London into his hands, for certain money which the queen claimed as due to her of a certain right to be paid by the citizens, 
The liberties of the city restored to the Londoners.  so that about the feast of S. Martin in November, they gave unto the king four hundred marks, and then had their liberties to them again restored, and the kings under-treasuror discharged, which for the time was made custos or keeper of the city.  

A legate from the pope named Ruscand a Gascoigne.  About the same time came another legate from the pope, namely, one Ruscand a Gascoigne borne, to whom, with the archb. of Canturburie, and the bishop of Hereford, the pope had granted authority to collect and gather the tenths of the spirituality within England, Scotland, and Ireland, 
Tenths gathered for the pope.  to the use of the pope and the king, notwithstanding all privileges, for what cause or under what form of words so ever the same had passed. This Ruscand also absolved the king of his vow made to go into the holy land, to the end he might go against Manfred king of Sicill. He also preached the cross against the same Manfred, 
The cross preached against Manfred.  promising all those remission of their sins which should go to war against Manfred, as well as if they should go into the holy land, to war against God's enemies there, whereat faithful men much marveled, that he should promise as great méed for the shedding of christian blood, as the blood of infidels.  
The crafty and sly fetches which were used in this season by this Ruscand the bishop of Hereford, and other their complices, to get money of the prelates and governors of monasteries within this realm, were wonderful, & very grievous to those that felt themselves oppressed therewith; and namely, for the debt which the said bishop of Hereford had charged them with, they being not privy to the receipt, nor having any benefit thereby. 
A council called at London by the legate.  Ruscand called a council at London, & propounded great causes why the prelates ought to aid the pope, and so thereupon demanded great sums of money. Amongst other sums, he demanded six hundred marks of the house of S. Albon.  
To conclude, his demands were esteemed unreasonable, 
Matth. Paris. The churchmen being pinched by their purses, fret and fume against the pope's procé●dings in that behalf.  so that the bishops and abbots were in a marvelous perplexity, perceiving into what miserable state by reason of immoderate exactions the church of England was brought. The bishop of London sticked not to say, that he would rather lose his head, than consent that the church should be brought to such servitude as the legate went about to enforce. And the bishop of Worcester openly protested, that he would sooner suffer himself to be hanged, than to see the church subject to such oppression by their examples. Other also taking a boldness unto them, affirmed, 
The bishops would rather become martyrs, than lose their money.  that they would follow the steps of Thomas sometime archbishop of Canturburie, which for the liberties of the church suffered himself to have his brains cut out of his head. Yet were those prelates evil troubled, for the king was against them on the one side, and the pope gaping after money was become their utter enemy on the other: neither were the Noble men much moved with pity towards the church their mother (as the term than went) now thus in misery.  
Finally, the prelates appealed from Ruscand, unto the pope's presence, and would not obey the wilful and violent oppressions of the same Ruscand, so that much ado there was, and a great complaint made to the king by Ruscand, 
Ruscand complaineth to the king of the frowardness of the prelates. The bishop o● London his saiengs.  of the stubborn disobedience of the prelates, and namely of the bishop of London. The king was in a great chafe with him, and threatened that he would cause the pope to punish him according to ●hat he well deserved: but the bishop answered thereto; Let the pope and king (saith he) which are stronger than I am, take from me my bishopric, which by law yet they cannot do: let them take away my mitre, yet an helmet shall remain.  
This year after S. Luke's day, 
Anno Reg. 40.  the king assembled a great number of the nobility at London, and thither came the bishop of Bologna lafoy grass from the pope, bringing with him a ring, 
Edmund the king's son invested king of Sicill and Naples. Chro. Dun.  with the which he invested Edmund the king's son king of Sicill and Naples. About the same time, the burgess of Derby obtained of the king for a sum of money to have the justices itinerants to hold their assizes at Derby for the county of Derby, and likewise the sheriffs to keep their tourneys there, and not at Nothingham, as before they had been accustomed for both the shires. But now to return to the bishops.  
In the mean time, the bishop of Hereford and Ruscand sought to set variance and discord amongst the English prelates, whereby being divided in parts, and not consenting together, they should be less able to give true information to the pope, how she very truth rested. But finally, because the archbishop of Canturburie was in the parts beyond the sea, and for that also the see of York was vacant, and diverse bishops were absent, 
The council prorogued.  the council was prorogued till the feast of S. Hilary, and so they departed every man to his home in a marvelous doubt what way line 10 were best for them to take, sith they saw themselves in great distress, if Ruscand did suspend or excommunicate any of them either justly or otherwise. For sure they were, 
The K. lieth in wait for men's goods.  that the king as a lion lying in wait whom he might devour (to get money) after forty days were passed, if they submitted not themselves, would spoil them of all their goods as forfeited. So that the pope and the king seemed as though the shepherd and wolf had been confederate together to the destruction of the poor flock of sheep, line 20 threatening every man's undoing, to their own enriching: and not ceasing, till with fullness they were forced to fall from the flesh, much like bloudsucking horsseeches, of whose nature it is notably noted, that 
Non missura priùs carnem, quàm plena cruoris,  
Quando haeret tenerae mollis hirudo cuti:  
Sic ignara dolis emungitur aere caterua,  
Imbelles populi quid nisi praeda manent?   
Thus by reason of covetous greediness to get money line 30 for the furnishing of the pope's wars against Manfred king of Sicill, both the pope and the king of England ran in slander and hatred of the English nation, namely, of the spirituality, so that such as recorded the acts and doings of that time, spared not to make manifest to the world by their writings, 
Matth. Paris.  how injuriously they were handled, blaming the practices of the court of Rome in plain terms, and affirming that the pope had power in those things which work to edification, and not to destruction. line 40 About this season, 
The Lord Grace forsaketh the court.  john lord Grey, being one of the chief councillors to the king, a right honourable knight, and for his good demeanour and high valiancy greatly commended of all, withdrew himself from the court, either by reason of age that desireth rest, or rather (as was thought) for that he doubted to bear blame for such errors as were daily committed by them that bare rule about the king, which could not but bring the authors into great infamy at length, and therefore was he loath to be partaker with line 50 them of such slander as might have redounded to him also, if he had still continued and tarried amongst them.  
Also, upon the two and twentieth of November, were brought unto Westminster a hundred and two jews from Lincoln, 
Iewes accused & executed for crucifying a child at Lincoln named Hugh.  that were accused for the crucifying of a child in the last summer, in despite of Christ's religion. They were upon their examination sent to the tower. The child which they had so crucified was named Hugh, about an eight years of line 60 age. They kept him ten days after they got him into their hands, sending in the mean time unto diverse other places of the realm, for other of their nation to be present at the crucifying of him. The murder came out, by the diligent search made by the mother of the child, who found his body in a well, on the back side of the jews house, where he was crucified: for she had learned, that her son was lastly seen playing with certain jews children of like age to him, before the door of the same Iew. The jew that was owner of the house, was apprehended, and being brought before sir john de Lerinton, upon promise of pardon, confessed the whole matter. For they used yearly (if they could come by their prey) to crucify one christian child or other. The king upon knowledge had hereof, would not pardon this jew that had so confessed the matter, but caused him to be executed at Lincoln, who coming to the place where he should die, opened more matter concerning such as were of counsel and present at the crucifying of the poor innocent. 
Eighteen jews hanged  Whereupon at length also eighteen of them that were so brought to London, were convinced, adjudged and hanged, the other remained long in prison.  
When the feast of saint Hilary was come, year 1256 the clergy met again at London, and fell to entreat of their former business, at what time one master Leonard alias Reignold that was chosen prolocutor for all the prelates, 
The prolocutors answer to the pope's legate.  amongst other answers made to the legate Ruscand, when the same Ruscand alleged that all churches were the pope's; Truth it is said Leonard, to defend, and not to use and appropriate them to serve his own turn; as we say, that all is the princes, meaning that all is his to defend, and not to spoil: and such was the intent of the founders. Ruscand sore offended herewith, said, he would that every man should speak afterwards for himself, that as well the pope as the king might understand what every man said in their business and matters. The prelates were stricken in a dump herewith, for they perceived how the matter went: 
The prelates appeal.  they appealed yet against the demands that were made by Ruscand, who would not change a word of that he had written, in which was contained, that the prelates had acknowledged themselves to have borrowed of the merchant strangers, no small sums of money, and the same to be converted to the use of their churches, which was most untrue as all men well understood: whereupon the prelates affirmed, and not without reasonable cause, 
Mark the cause of martyrdom.  that there was a greater occasion in this cause of martyrdom, than in that of Thomas sometime archbishop of Canturburie.  
Ruscand at length, perceiving their manner, became somewhat more mild, and promised that he would talk with the pope of this matter. 
The dean of saint Paul's sent to Rome on the behalf of the prelates.  But first there was sent to Rome the dean of Paul's in London, and certain others, as attorneys or agents for the whole clergy of England. These sped so in their suit, that the pope took order that if the prelates paid the money by force of the contrived writings, whereby they stood bound for them, their houses, and churches; then, to ease their burden, they might retain in their hands such parcel of tenths as they ought to pay to the king, for furnishing of his wars against the Saracens, amounting to the sum which they should be constrained to pay for the bonds made to the merchants, by the bishop of Hereford (as before is recited.)  
In this season the devotion, which many had conceived of the pope and the church of Rome, 
men's devotion towards the pope waxeth cold.  began to wax cold, reputing the virtue which he showed at his entering into the papacy, to be rather a colourable hypocrisy, than otherwise, sith his proceed answered not to his good beginnings: for as it was manifest, where suitors brought their complaints into the court of Rome, such sped best as gave most bribes, and the two prior's of Winchester, the one expelled, and the other got in by intrusion, could well witness the same: and all the world knoweth that the viperous generation of Romanists, reckoning from the ringleader to the simplest shaveling, have made gain the scope of their holiness, and as it is truly said, 
Quae libet arripiunt, lucri bonus est odo● ex re  
Qualibet, imponunt, hos scelus omne juuat: 
Antith. de pr●cl. Chris●i, etc.   
Accipiunt quoduis, si non sonat aere crumena,  
Sive siligo adsit, sordida sive pecus, 
The b. of Salisbury departeth this life.  etc.  This year died William of York bishop of Salisbury, which had been brought up in the court, even from his youth. 
Suit of court when it was first received for a law.  This bishop first caused that custom to be received for a law, whereby the tenants of every lordship are bound to owe their suit to the lords court, of whom they hold their tenements.  

Matth. Paris. Magnus' king of man..  In the feast of Easter this year, the king adorned Magnus' king of Man, with the order of knighthood, and bestowed upon him great gifts and honours. ¶ The countess of Warren Auesia or Atesia (as some books have) sister to the king by his mother, line 10 departed this life in her flourishing youth, unto the great grief of her brother, but specially of her husband john earl of Waren that loved her entirely. ¶ About the midst of May, the jews that were in the tower, and in other prisons for the murder of the child at Lincoln, and had been indicted by an inquest upon the 〈◊〉 of him that had suffered at Lincoln, were 〈…〉 and set at liberty, to the number of 〈…〉 of them. ¶ In Whitsuntide was holden a 〈…〉 at Blie, where the line 20 lord Edward the 〈…〉 son first began to show proof of his chivalric There were diverse overthrown and hurt, and a●●●gst other William de Longspee was so bruised, 〈…〉 never after recover his former strength.  

A proclamation for knighthood.  The king caused a proclamation is be set forth, that all such as might dispend ●●●eene pounds in lands, should receive the 〈◊〉 of knighthood; and those that would not or could not, should pay their fines. 
A sore tempest of wind and rain.  This year, three days after the feast of S. line 30 Ciricus, a marvelous sore tempest of wind, rain, hail, and thunder chanced, that did exceeding much hurt. Mill-whéeles by the viole●●e of waters were carried away, and the windmills were no less tormented with the rage of wind. Arches of bridges, stacks of hay, houses that stood by water sides, and children in cradles were borne away, that both wonderful and no less pitiful it was to see. At Bedford the river of Duse bore down six houses together, and did unspeakable hurt thereabouts. line 40  
Alexander the third king of Scots with his wife queen Margaret, 
The king of Scots cometh into England.  came about the beginning of August into England, and found the king at his manor of Woodstoke, where he solaced him a season, and had the lands of the earl of Huntingdon restored unto him, which his grandfather king William in his time lost and forfeited. Here he did homage to king Henry. Upon the day of the decollation of S. john, the two kings with their queens came to London, where they were honourably received, and so conveyed line 50 unto Westminster. On the day of S. Augustine the bishop, 
john Mansell trusted the two kings.  being the eight and twentieth of August, john Mansell the king's chaplain besought the two kings, and other states, to dine with him on the morrow following, which they granted, and so he made a marvelous great dinner. There were seven hundred messes served up, but the multitude of guests was such, that scarce the same sufficed; his house was not able to receive them all, and therefore he caused tents and booths to be set up for the●. The like dinner line 60 had not been made by any chaplain before that time. All those that came were worthily received, feasted and entertained, in such sort, as every man was satisfied.  

Orders devised for the appearance of sheriffs.  About four days before the feast of S. Edward, K. Henry came into the excheker himself, & there devised order for the appearance of sheriffs, and bringing in of their accounts. At the same time also, there was five marks set on every sheriffs head for a fine, 
The sheriffs fined.  because they had not distrained every person that might dispend 15 pounds' land, to receive the order of knighthood, as was to the same sheriffs commanded. The king of Scots, after he had remained a while with the king of England, 
The king of Scots 〈◊〉 into his country.  returned back into Scotland, and left his wife behind with her mother till she should be brought to bed, for she was as then great with child.  
In the 41 year of the reign of king Henry, his brother Richard earl of Cornwall was elected emperor, by one part of the Cornosters: 
Anno Reg. 4● Richard earl of Cornew●●● elected emperor.  and diverse lords of Almain coming over into this land (upon the day of the innocents in Christmas) presented unto him letters from the archbishop of Colen, and other great lords of Almain, year 1257 testifying their consents in the choosing of him to be emperor, and withal, that it might stand with his pleasure to accept that honour. Finally, upon good deliberation had in the matter, he consented thereunto: whereupon the lords that came with the message, being right glad of their answer, returned with all speed to signify the same unto those from whom they had been sent. The treasure of this earl Richard now elected king of Almain, 
The great treasure of Richard king of Almain.  was esteemed to amount unto such a sum, that he might dispend every day a hundred marks, for the term of ten years together, not reckoning at all the revenues which daily accrued to him of his rents in Almain and England.  
In this mean time the unquiet Welshmen, after the death of their prince David, 
The Welshmen choose them a governor, an● rebel against the king.  chose in his steed one Leolin, that was son to the same Griffin that broke his neck as he would have escaped out of the tower of London; and herewith they began a new rebellion, either driving out such Englishmen as lay there in garrisons within the castles and fortresses, or else entering into the same by some traitorous practice, they slew those which they found within them, to the great displeasure of their sovereign lord Edward the king's eldest son, who coveting to be revenged of their rebellious enterprises, could not bring his purpose to pass, by reason of the unseasonable weather and continual rain which fell that winter, so raising the waters & setting the marshes on floods, that he could not pass with his army.  
Moreover, 
The king wanteth money.  his father the king wanted money and treasure to furnish him withal, howbeit prince Edward borrowed of his uncle earl Richard four thousand marks towards the maintenance of that war. The rebellion of the Welshmen specially rose by the hard dealing of sir Geffrey de Langlie knight, 
Sir Geffrey de Langlies hard dealing, cause of the Welshman's rebellion.  the king's collector amongst them, who handled them so straightly, that in defence of their country, laws, and liberties (as they pretended) they put on armour. They took and destroyed the lands and possessions which were great and large, of Griffin Brunet, being fled for safeguard of his life unto the king of England. There were of those Welsh rebels at the point of twenty thousand men, 
Matth. Paris. The number of the Welsh●enimies.  and of them ten thousand were horsemen, the which perceiving the season to make for their purpose, defended themselves so manfully, that they drove back prince Edward and his army, & so continuing the wars, did much 〈◊〉 to the English marshes. Their power so increased, that at length they divided the same in two equal parts, 
The Welshmen divide their power into two parts.  the better to recover victuals, and in ei●her army there were esteemed thirty thousand armed men, after the manner of their country of the which there were five hundred men of arms in either host, with barded horses all covered in it on. Thus being of such puissance, they did much mischief to the Englishmen that inhabited on the marshes, neither were the lords marchers able to resist them, al●●●ugh the earl of Gloucester aided the same lords 〈◊〉 that he might.  
King Henry being hereof advertised, 〈…〉 all speed Stephan Bauzan, 
Nic. Trevet. Stephan Bauzan, 〈◊〉 Baucan.  of man skilful in 〈…〉 wary, wi●● a great number of soldiers into Wal●●▪ against the rebels, who coming into that country, and entering into the lands of a Welsh 〈…〉 Rise Uaughan, was entrapped by such ambushments as his enemies laid for him, and thereby was slain with the more part of his army. 
Englishmen overthrown.  This overthrow chanced by the treason of Griffin de Brunet, who at that present revolting from the English side to his countrymen, instructed them in all things, how they might vanquish their enemies. At that time, North-wales and Southwales joined in league and friendly amity together, 
North-wales and Southwales joined together in league.  which commonly was not seen in those days, they being for the more part at variance, line 10 the one rather seeking still how to endamage the other: but now in defence of their liberties (as they pretended) they agreed in one.  
The king sore moved herewith, determined to go himself into Wales, that he might take worthy punishment of those his adversaries, that could never be sufficiently chastised. Whereupon raising a great power, 
The king passeth himself in person into Wales.  he hasted forth, and coming into Wales, put the rebels in such fear, that they withdrew to their accustomed places of refuge, I mean line 20 the woods and mareshes. The king would feign have had them forth, that he might have punished them according to their deserts, and therefore to bring his purpose the better to pass, he sent for an army of soldiers into Ireland, and tarried for their coming at the castle of Brecknoke, but the year was far spent yer his people could be gathered, so that by the advise of his lords he strengthened certain castles, and so returned for that year into England, leaving the lord Roger Mortimer his lieutenant in Wales, line 30 to resist the rebels. 
The lord Mortimer the king's lieutenant in Wales Polydor.  But now let us speak of other doings which chanced in the mean while that the wars thus continued and lasted betwixt England and Wales.  
ye shall understand, that in the Lent season, the archbishop of Messina came as legate from the pope hither into England, 
A legate from Rome. Matth. Paris.  with letters of procuration, to demand and receive, and also with power, to punish such as should deny and seem to resist, and so being here arrived with a great train of servants and horses, line 40 he sent forth his commandments in writing to every prelate, to provide him money by way of proxy so that of the house of S. Albon, and of the celles that belonged thereunto, he had one and twenty marks, and when the monks of S. Albon came to visit him in his house, they could not be permitted to departed, but were kept as prisoners, till they had satisfied his covetous demand: for whereas they alleged that they had not brought any money with them, he asked them why they were such beggars, and further line 50 said, Send ye then to some merchant, that will lend you money, and so it was done: for otherwise they might not have liberty to departed. This archbishop was of the order of the friars preachers, 
A new order of Friars.  in whom (saith Matthew Paris) we had hoped to have found more abundant humility. About the same time, there appeared at London a new order of Friars, not known till those days, having yet the pope's authentic bulls, which they openly showed, so that there seemed a confusion of many orders, as line 60 the same Matthew Paris recordeth, and because they were appareled in sackcloth, they were called sacked Friars.  
About the midst of Lent, there was a great parliament holden, 
A parliament.  to the which the masters of the University of Oxford were summoned, that peace might be concluded betwixt them and the bishop of Lincoln, which had them in suit about their liberties. There came to the same parliament, the earl of Gloucester, and sir john Mansell, lately returned out of Almain, where they had been on embassage from Richard the elect king of Almain. Thither came also the same elect king of Almain, and almost all the Nobility of the realm, so that scarce might the city of London receive the number that repaired to that parliament. 
Matth. Paris.  The king of Almain meant to take his leave at that time of the lords and peers of the realm, purposing shortly after, to take his journey towards Almain, and to ordain the bishop of London governor of all his lands and possessions within England.  
In this parliament, the lord Edmund the king's younger son was showed as king of Naples and Sicill, 
The lord Edmund the king's son.  for the obtaining of the possession of which dominions and kingdoms, his father king Henry demanded no small subsidy and aid of money, 
A subsidy demanded.  both of the temporalty and also of the spirituality, but namely, he required to have the tenths of spiritual men's livings for the term of five years, according to the new taxations without any deductions to be allowed except necessary expenses: also, the fruits for one year of benefices that chanced to fall void within the said term of five year. Moreover, sundry other duties he required to ha●e of the spiritual men, sore to their grievance, and specially, because they knew that such tyranny first took beginning from the pope. In the end (though le●h they were to consent) yet conditionally that the king would confirm the liberties contained in the great charter, and observe the same throughly, now after it had been so many times brought out and redeemed, they offered to give him towards his instant necessity two and fifty thousand marks, 
The offer of the spirituality.  〈…〉 recoverable danger of impoverishing the church. And yet, as it is said, the king refused the gift, as that which he thought not to be sufficient.  
¶ Truly it should seem, that there was a great untowardly disposition in the subjects of that time, for the helping of their king with necessary aid of money, towards such great charges as he had been divers ways occasioned to be at, since his first coming to the crown. But because it was perceived that he bestowed no small quantity of his treasure to the advancing of his kinsfolk and alliance, namely strangers, and again defrayed great sums in vain hope to obtain the kingdoms of both the Sicils which the pope offered to him freely enough in words, as before ye have heard, the English subjects conceived a great misliking of the whole government, and namely, for that he seemed to be led and ruled by the advise and counsel of those strangers, who being not throughly acquainted with the nature of the English people, nor fully instructed in the laws and customs of the realm, caused him to do many things, that procured both to him and them much ill will, as well of the high states as of the commons, which as occasion served, they were ready enough to discover, and therefore they were very inquisitive, both to learn what he received, and also in what sort he bestowed that which he did receive and take.  
It was therefore known, that since he first began to waste his treasure, his charges amounted unto the sum of 950000 marks, as the books of accounts remaining in the hands of the clerks of his closet plainly witnessed, and yet of all those vain expenses no great advantage was grown thereby to the king or realm, but rather disadvantage, as the most part of men than took to, and no marvel: for there was such hart-burning amongst the nobility, one envying an others advancement, & repining at each others doings, that it was not possible to bring any good drift forward amongst men so far at odds together. But we will let this pass as a thing manifest enough to them that shall well consider the course of that time, and will return to the parliament above mentioned.  
Before the end of this solemn assembly of states, the archbishop of Cullen with a duke, 
The archbish. of Cullen and other ambassadors of Almain.  & an other bishop came over out of Almain, unto their elect king Richard, to whom they did fealty and homage, as to their sovereign liege lord and governor, which thing once done, he gave to the said archbishop five hundred marks to bear his charges, with a rich mitre set with stones, & furnished with plates of beaten gold; which mitre when the archbishop had set it upon his head; He hath (saith he) given a rich gift to me and to my church, and verily, even as I have put this mitre line 10 on my head, so will I set on his head the crown of the kingdom of Almain; he hath mitered me, and I will crown him. The other lords of Almain, which at the same time did homage unto earl Richard, were also presented with great and rich gifts.  

Six archbish. present at London in time of the parliament.  Here is further to be noted, that there were present at this parliament six archbishops, Canturburie, York, Dubline, Messina, Tarento and Cullen. The archbishop of Messina was come to the king to set him on dotage for the business about the conquest of line 20 Naples and Sicill. At the feast of Ester next following, the archbishop of Cullen returned into his country, 
The elect K. of Almain taketh his leave of the king his brother.  and the third day after Easter, the elect king of Almain took his leave, and departed toward Yarmouth, where he purposed to take the sea, to sail over into Almain, but by reason of contrary winds he was driven to remain there a long time, to his great grief and inestimable charges before he could pass over; yet finally, about the latter end of April, he got forth to the sea, and landed at Dordreigh the line 30 first of May next ensuing. 
He landeth at Dordreigh. A synod.   
About the same time, the archbishop of Canturburie called a synod of the bishops and abbots inhabiting within his province, that invocating the grace of the holy-ghost, they might foresee some redress for relief of the English church, now in these late years sore disquieted by new oppressions, more grievous than had been accustomed: for the king by counsel, or rather by the whispering of some flatterers and enemies to the realm, was so induced, that line 40 he permitted certain evil customs, as thorny brambles to increase in the fruitful garden of pleasure, and to choke up the trees that brought forth fruit in great plenty. Moreover in this year, king Henry caused the walls of the city of London, 
Matth. Paris.  which w●re sore decayed and destitute of turrets, to be repaired in more seemly wise than before they had been, at the common charges of the city.  

A decree made by the pope.  There was an ordinance made at Rome by the pope and his cardinals (which very diligently foresaw line 50 to advance their temporal commodities, not much passing for other men's advantages) that every one which should be chosen an exempt abbot, should come to the court of Rome to be there confirmed, and receive the pope's blessing, by which heinous ordinance, religion was laid open to great danger, and the church deprived of temporal prosperity (as saith Matthew Paris) for by this means (saith he) it was needful for religious men, to choose to their governor a man not religious, but rather half line 60 temporal, 
Matth. Paris The monks of Durham that were excommunicated are now absolved.  and such a one as to whom rather justinian's laws than Christ's which converteth souls should be familiar. The monks of Durham, who only with the canons of Gisborne resisted the wicked proceedings of the pope's exactors, and stood therefore interdicted a long time, at length, after many altercations, were absolved. Oh (saith Matth. Paris) if in that their tribulation they might have had fellows, and in their constant doings aidors, how happily had the church of England triumphed over her tormentors and oppressors!  

Matth. Paris  You have heard how Richard earl of Cornwall being elected king of Almain, sailed thither, where on the Ascension day last, he was crowned king by the archbishop of Cullen, of whom, and diverse other great princes of Germany he was holden for their lawful king and governor (as in the Dutch histories you may find more largely expressed) though other of them had chosen Alfonse king of Castille, the which Alfonse wrote to the king of England, as his confederate and alley, requiring aid of him against the said Richard that was his own brother, to the which unreasonable request the king would in no wise consent.  
Moreover, in this forty one year of king Henry's reign, 
Fabian. An informa●●●on against the lord mayor of London.  by reason of a roll closed in green wax and found in the king's Wardrobe at Windsor, containing as it were an information against the mayor and sheriffs of London, for oppression and wrongs done to the commonalty of the city, the king took great displeasure, and caused straight inquisition to be made, as well by Fouke Moots, as Ward Moots, & diverse other means. At length, the mayor and sheriffs, 
The lord 〈◊〉 and sheriffs of London discharged.  with the chamberlain of the city, were discharged by john Mansell, one of the king's justices, afore whom and other the king's council, the inquisition was taken, and then was the custody of the city assigned unto the constable of the tower, and in place of the sheriffs were appointed Michael Tony, and john Audrian. At length, the mayor, sheriffs and Aldermen that were accused, perceiving the king's displeasure towards them, submitted themselves wholly to his mercy, saving to them and to all other the citizens their liberties & franchises, and so in the excheker chamber at Westminster afore the king, there sitting in judgement upon the matter, they were condemned to pay their fines for their offences committed, and further, every of them discharged of his ward and office. 
The lord mayor and sheriffs fin●.  Shortly after was William Fitz Richard by the king's commandment made mayor, and Thomas Fitz Thomas, and William Grapisgate sheriffs.  
The archbishop of York was accursed by the pope's commandment through all England, 
Matth. Paris The archbishop of York accursed.  with book, bell and candle, that by such terror his constancy might he weakened. But the archbishop (saith Matthew Paris) informed by the example of Thomas Becket, and by the example and doctrine of saint Edmund sometime his instructor, and also taught by the faithfulness of blessed Robert, late bishop of Lincoln, despaired not of comfort from heaven, 
The constancy of the archbishop of York.  in bearing patiently the pope's tyranny; neither would he bestow the wealthy revenues of his church upon Italians, being unworthy persons and strangers; neither would he obey and incline to the pope's will like a faint-hearted person, by leaning and setting apart the rigour of the law, lest thereby he might seem to result from his pastorlike office, and animate the wolf of Rome to break into the shéepfold of the church, whose purpose was to suck the very blood quite and clean out of every vein, yea to bite out bowels and all. Which quality to rest in him, woeful experience hath taught, and the testimony of written verities hath showed, among which this one for the truth thereof is worthy to be reported even to the praise of the deviser for his pretty devise therein comprised, and here set down as fit for the purpose: 
Non pontifex sed potifex,  
Non potifex sed panifex,  
Non panifex sed: carnifex,  
Est papa pater pontifex.   
About ●he beginning of the two: and fortieth year of king Henry's reign, the lord james audley that had been over with the king of Almain, and was lately returned home in company of the lord Henry, son to the said king (who came back from his father about the feast of saint Michael last passed) understanding how the Welshmen in his absence had burnt, wasted, and destroyed his lands, possessions, and castles, which belonged unto him in the confines of Wales, he meant to be revenged of those injuries, and invading them, he slew a great number of them, so revenging the death of those his friends, 
The lord audley warreth upon the Welshmen.  servants and tenants, whom they before had murdered. The Welshmen were not so discouraged herewith, but that they broke upon him out of their startingholes and places of refuge through the marshes, and slaying their enemies horses, put them back to their power, & ceased not to do what mischief they could, line 10 by spoiling, killing, and burning houses and castles where they might come unto them, and so the realm of England was daily put to losses & hindrances. For out of Wales, England was accustomed to be furnished with horses, cattle, and other things, to the great profit of both the countries. About the same time there was an embassage sent from the king of England to the French king by the bishop of Worcester, 
Ambassadors sent into France.  the elect of Winchester, the abbot of Westminster, the earl of Leicester, & Hugh Bigod earl line 20 Marshal, with Peter de Savoy, and Robert Walcron. The effect of their message was to require restitution of those countries, lands, cities, and towns which had been evicted out of the hands of king john and others, appertaining by right of inheritance to the king of England. These lords did their message, but as was thought, they had no towardly answer, but rather were put off with trifling words & scornful ●awnts, so that they returned shortly again all of them, the abbot of Westminster only excepted, line 30 who remained there behind for a fuller answer, not only to those requests exhibited on the part of the king of England, but also on the behalf of the king of Almain. The marshes towards Wales in this season were brought almost desert, by reason of the continual wars with the Welshmen, 
The marshes of Wales sore impoverished.  for what with fire & sword, neither building nor living creature, nor any other thing was spared, that fire & sword might bring to ruin. line 40  

A great dearth. Matth. Paris.  In this year was an exceeding great dearth, in so much that a quarter of wheat was sold at London for four and twenty shillings, whereas within two or three years before, a quarter was sold at two shillings. It had been more dearer, if great store had not come out of Almain, for in France and in Normandy it likewise failed. year 1258 But there came fifty great ships fraught with wheat and barley, with meal and bread out of Dutchland, by the procurement of Richard king of Almain, which greatly relieved the poor; for proclamation was made, and order line 50 taken by the king, that none of the citizens of London should buy any of that grain to lay it up in store, whereby it might be sold at an higher price unto the needy. But though this provision did much ease, yet the want was great over all the realm. For it was certainly affirmed, that in three shires within the realm, there was not found so much grain of that years growth, as came over in those fifty ships. 
The greedy dealing of the Londoners to the hurt of the commonwealth.  The proclamation was set forth, to restrain the Londoners from engrossing up that grain, and not without cause: for the wealthy citizens were evil spoken of in that season, because in time of scarcity they would either stay such ships as fraught with victuals were coming towards the city, and send them some other way forth; or else buy the whole, that they might sell it by retail at their pleasure to the needy. By means of this great dearth and scarcity, the common people were constrained to live upon herbs & roots, and a great number of the poor people died through famine, which is the most miserable calamity that can betide mortal men, and was well marked even of the heathen, but notably by Ovid, who making a description of famine, setteth her forth in most ugly and irksome sort, intending thereby the dreadfulness of that heavy plague, saying: 
Quaesitámque famem lapidoso vidit in antro, 
ovid. lib. 8. Meta. fab. 11.   
unguibus & raris vellentem dentibus herbas,  
Hirtus erat crinis, cava lumina, pallor in ore,  
Labra incana situ, scabrirubigine dentes,  
Dura cutis, per quam spectari viscera possent,  
Ossa sub incuruis extabant arida lumbis,  
Ventris erat pro ventre locus, pendêre putares,  
Pectus & àspinae tantummodo crate teneri,  
Auxerat articulos macies, genuùmque tumebat  
Orbis, & immodico prodibant tubere tali, etc.   
This year after Easter a parliament was holden at London, 
A parliament. Matth. Paris.  in the which many weighty matters were entreated of touching the king's causes, namely, about the conquest of the realm of Naples, 
Hurtred, a messenger from the pope.  the pope having sent a messenger named Hurtred for the discharge of money, which the pope had received of merchants, as it were to the king's use, and entered bonds for the payment thereof. Also, whereas the king was sore disquieted for the war which the Welshmen made against him, he asked advise of the states, how he might proceed to seek his just revenge of them, who by reason of their good hap were become very stout and lofty, and had of late by the expiring of a truce which had been accorded betwixt them, 
The Welshmen spoil Penbrokeshire.  spoiled and wasted the most part of Penbrokeshire, of which injury the earl of Penbroke, namely William de Ualence, sore complained.  
But whereas the king knowing him to be rich, willed him to lay out some great portion of money, towards the maintenance of his wars, the earl took great displeasure therewith, as though the king had made that request by the suggestion and setting on of some of the English lords, 
Uariance betwixt the earl of Penbroke and others.  in somuch that words passed in displeasant sort betwixt him and the earls of Gloucester and Leicester, so far forth, that the earl of Penbroke called the earl of Leicester traitor, who therewith made towards him, to have revenged the injury, and so would have done indeed, if the king had not been moderator betwixt them. Finally at this parliament the lords told the king that they might not aid him with any great sums of money, except it should redound to their great impoverishment: they told him also, that he had not done wisely to enter into covenants, for the purchase of the kingdom of Naples for his son, without their consents.  
They also declared to him, what articles it should be good for him to propone unto the pope, if he would have him to continue in bearing the charges of the wars against Manfred. But when those articles were afterwards presented to the pope, he allowed them not, & so the matter remained without any certain assurance of the promises, which had been and still were from time to time made to set the king on dotage. The archbishop of York had his cross taken from him by the pope's commandment, 
The archbishop of York deprived of his cross.  but the archbishop would not yet bow his knee unto Baal, to bestow the benefices of his church upon aliens, and such as were unworthy persons, as it had been to cast pearls unto swine. ¶ There came from the pope as his Nuncio, 
Mansuetus the pope's Nuncio.  unto king Henry, a friar minor named Mansuetus, furnished with great power and authority, in somuch that he took upon him to absolve men for changing their vows, and to justify those that were excommunicated persons, false perjured, and such like. Whereupon, many of evil disposition presumed to offend: for easiness to purchase pardon bred boldness in many, howbeit the wise seemed to laugh at such doings.  
The parliament still continued, till the sunday after the Ascension day, with hard hold betwixt the king and the lords, who laid it fore to his charge, that he had not performed the promises which he made touching the observing of the liberties contained in the great charter. They also complained greatly of his misgovernance, in that he so much advanced the Poictovins and other strangers, to the impoverishment of himself and the whole realm, and further, maintained them so far forth, that they were ready to offer wrong unto other, upon presumption of his favour and bearing with them, he having by commandment restrained that no process should pass line 10 out of the chancery against certain of them that were his coosins, as the earl of Penbroke and others. Finally, when the lords were in doubt which way to work for their own safeties, 
The parliament prorogued.  they caused the parliament to be prorogued, till the feast of saint Barnaby, then to begin again at Oxford. In the mean time the lords of the realm, as the earls of Gloucester, Leicester, Hereford and Norfolk, with other, did confederate themselves together, because they stood in fear to be entrapped by the king's subtle sleights, line 20 and by the crafty wiles of those strangers whom he retained against them.  
In the same year by the wind, which continually certain months together kept northerly, the flowers, with other growing things, were so hindered, that scarcely they appeared to any purpose, 
A late growth  till the most part of june was past, whereupon the hope of receiving the fruits of the earth was quite taken away, 
I dearth accompanied with a death.  & so upon the great dearth that happened, a sore death and mortality followed, for want of necessary food line 30 to sustain the pining bodies of the poor people. They died so thick, that there were great pits made in churchyards to lay the dead bodies in one upon an other.  
About the feast of the Ascension, Sevall the archbishop of York departed this life, 
Sevall archb. of York departeth this life.  who constantly had resisted the tyranny of the court of Rome, in defence of his church, suffering in this world many grievous tribulations, but now was removed from thence unto the kingdom of heaven, 
Matth. Paris.  to be crowned with line 40 the elect for his good deservings, as was then certainly believed. About this time, a great number of Poictovins were come into England, by reason of their alliance and cousinage to the king, the which by the king's favour being highly advanced, began to war proud thereof, and to require to be restored unto such lands and livings as before time they had possessed: namely the kings half brethren, Athelmare or Odomare, 
The kings half brethren.  that was a priest, with William, Geffrey and Guy, these were the sons of Hugh le Brun line 50 earl of Marsh, by his wife queen Isabella, the mother of king Henry, and being come into England, they showed themselves very lofty & highminded, partly, because of their cousinage to the king, & partly by reason of his courteous entertaining of them, insomuch that forgetting themselves, they began to despise (upon a presumptuous pride) the English nobility, looking still for preferment of honour above all other. And surly Odomare obtained at the first a great piece of his purpose, being made by the king's line 60 gift bishop of Winchester, and by that means bore a stout port, and greatly holp and maintained his other brethren.  
The English barons not well able to suffer such presumption in strangers, who seemed to have them in derision, complained to the king, in so much that at length, as well for a reformation hereof, as in other things, a parliament was called (as before you have heard) first at London, and after reiorned to Oxenford, there to be assembled about the feast of saint Barnaby in the month of june. This (of some writers) is named Insanum parliamentum, 
Insanum parliamentum.  that is to say, The mad parliament; for at this parliament (to the which the lords came with great retinues of armed men, for the better safeguard of their persons) many things in the same year enacted contrary to the king's pleasure, and his royal prerogative. For the lords at the first determined to demand the confirmation of the ancient charter of liberties, 
The demand of the lords.  which his father king john had granted, and he himself had so often promised to observe and maintain, signifying plainly, that they meant to pursue their purpose and intent herein, not sparing either for loss of life, lands or goods, according to that they had mutually given their faiths by joining of hands, as the manner in such cases is accustomed. Besides the grant of the great charter, they required other things necessary for the state of the commonwealth, to be established and enacted.  
It was therefore first enacted, that all the Poictovins should avoid the land, 
Ordinances made.  together with other strangers, and that neither the king nor his son prince Edward should in any secret manner aid them against the people. Moreover, that the king & his son should receive an oath, 
An oath exacted of the king  to stand unto the decrees and ordinances of that parliament, and withal speed to restore the ancient laws and institutions of the realm, which they both did, rather constrained thereunto by fear, than of any good will. Thus not only the king himself, but also his son prince Edward received an oath, to observe the ordinances of that parliament. But john earl Warren, and the kings half brethren; namely the earl of Penbroke refused that oath; and likewise the lord Henry, son to the king of Almain, excused himself by his father's absence, without whose consent he would not receive it, unto whom this answer was made, that if his father would not consent to the agreement of the baronage, he should not possess one furrow of land within this realm.  
Also, whereas the earl of Leicester resigned the castles of Killingworth and Odiham into the king's hands, which he had lately received by his gift, and newly repaired, the earl of Penbroke and his other brethren swore deeply, that they would for no man's pleasure give over such castles, rents, and wardships of theirs, as they had of the king's gift. But the earl of Leicester told the earl of Penbroke flatly and plainly, that he should either render them up, 
The earl of Leicester threateneth the earl of Penbroke.  or else he should be sure to lose his head. This saying was confirmed by the general voices of all other the barons, because it was a special article concluded amongst other in that parliament. The kings half brethren, perceiving which way the world went, 
The kings half brethren shift away.  stood in doubt of themselves, and secretly thereupon departing from Oxenford, first withdrew unto Winchester, where Odomare, one of the same brethren was bishop, through whose support, and by reason of the strength of such castles as he held, they trusted to be in more safety: but finally, perceiving themselves not to be so out of danger, sith the barons minded to pursue them, 
They depart the Realm.  about the eighteenth day of julie they departed the realm with a great number of other of their countrymen; and amongst those, William de saint Herman the king's carver was one.  
Henry Montfort, son to the earl of Leicester, 
Henry Montfort pursueth the king's ha● brethren.  understanding of their departure out of the realm, followed; and hearing that they were arrived at Bullogne, he landed in those parts, & by such friendship as he found there amongst those that bare good will unto his father, he got together a power, and after a manner besieged the Poictovins within Bullogne, laying watch for them in such sort, both by sea and land, that there was no way left for them to escape. When they saw themselves in that danger, they sent a messenger with all post hast to the French king, 
They sent to the French ●.  requiring his safe conduct, to pass freely through his realm, as they trusted he would be content to grant unto such, as for refuge and safeguard of life should repair unto him for comfort. The French king courteously granted their request, and so they were in safety permitted to pass quietly through the country. 
Richard Grace captain of Dover castle, and lord warden of the ports.  In the mean while one Richard Grace, chatellaine of Dover castle, a right valiant man and a faithful, suffered no man to pass that way unsearched, according to that which he had in commandment: whereupon he took & seized into his hands line 10 a great portion of treasure, which was brought thither to be transported over to the Poictovins that were fled out of the realm. Also, there was found a great quantity of treasure in the new temple at London, which they had gathered & hoardward up there, which also was seized to the king's use.  
But now to return unto the doings in the parliament holden at Oxford. It was ordained (as some writ) that the king should choose twelve persons of the realm, 
Matt. West.  and the commonalty of the land should line 20 choose other twelve, the which having regal authority in their hands, 
Four and twenty governors.  might take in charge the governance of the realm upon them, & should from year to year provide for the due election of justices, chancellor's, treasurors, and other officers, and see for the safe keeping of the castles which belonged to the crown. These four and twenty governors appointed as providers for the good government of the realm, began to order all things at their pleasure, in the mean time not forgetting to use things chiefly line 30 to their own advantages, as well in providing eschets and wards for their sons and kinsfolks, as also in bestowing patronages of churches (belonging to the king's gift) at their pleasures, so that these providers seemed to provide all for themselves, in so much that neither king nor Christ could receive aught amongst them: 
The abuses of those governors.  and as for justice they regarded nothing less, their minds were so ravished with desire of private wealth; which who so hunteth after, being in place of magistracy, he must needs neglect the law line 40 and course of equity, and therefore this counsel is good which a good writer giveth in this behalf, saying; 
Si justus vult esse aliquis non utile quaerat,  

M. Pal. in Virg.  justicia est multis laudata, domestica paucis.   
There be that writ, how there were but twelve of these governors chosen; 
Fabian.  whose names were as followeth. First, the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishop of Worcester, Roger Bigod earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, Simon de Mountfort earl of Leicester, Richard de Clare earl of line 50 Gloucester, Humphrey Bohun earl of Hereford, the earls of Warwick and Arundel, sir john Mansell chief justice of England, sir Roger lord Mortimer, sir Hugh Bigod, sir Peter de Savoy, sir james Aud●ley, and sir Peter de Mountfort. To these was authority only given to punish and correct all such as offended in breaking of any the ordinances at this parliament established.  
It was not long after the finishing of this parliament, 
Contention betwixt the earls of Leicester and Gloucester.  but that strife and variance began to kindle line 60 between the king and the earls of Leicester and Gloucester, by reason of such officers as the said earls had removed, and put others in their rooms: among the which john Mansell was discharged of his office, and sir Hugh Bigod, brother to earl Martial, admitted in his room. Also because the foresaid governors had knowledge that the king minded not to perform the ordinances established at Oxford, they thought to make their part as strong as was possible for them to do, and therefore upon the morrow after the feast of Marie Magdalene, 
The lords come to the Guildhall to have their ordinances confirmed.  the king as then being at Westminster, the earl Martial, the earl of Leicester, and diverse other came to the Guildhall of London, where the mayor and aldermen, with the commons of the city were assembled, and there the lords showed the instrument or writing sealed with the king's seal, and with the seals of his son prince Edward, and of many other lords of the land, containing the articles of those ordinances which had been concluded at Oxford, willing the mayor and aldermen to set also thereunto their common seal of the city. The mayor and aldermen upon advise amongst them taken, required respite till they might know the king's pleasure therein, but the lords were so earnest in the matter, and made such instance, that no respite could be had; so that in the end the common seal of the city was put to that writing, and the mayor with diverse of the city sworn to maintain the same, their allegiance saved to the king, with their liberties and franchises, according to the accustomed manner.  
Upon the ninth day of August, proclamation was made in diverse places of the city, 
A proclamation against purveyors.  that none of the king's takers should take any thing within the city, without the will of the owner, except two tons of wine, which the king accustomably had of every ship coming from Bordeaux, paying but 40 shillings for the tun. By means of this proclamation, nothing was taken by the king's officers within the city and liberties of the same, except ready payment were made in hand, which use continued not long. Hereupon the king held a parliament at Westminster, and another at Winchester, 
A parliament.  or else prorogued and removed the same thither. Also sir Hugh Bigod lord chief justice, with Roger Turksey, and other called Itinerarij, kept the term for plées at saint saviours: for you must understand, 
The justices sit at S·S saviours.  that in those days they were kept in diverse places of the realm, which now are holden altogether at Westminster, and judges ordained to keep a circuit, as now they keep the assizes in time of vacation. 
Bailiffs and other officers punished.  The foresaid judges sitting on that manner at saint saviours, punished bailiffs, and other officers very extremely, which were convict afore them for diverse trespasses, and specially for taking of merciaments otherwise than law gave them. After this, the same sir Hugh came unto the Guildhall, and there sat in judgement, 
Bakers punished.  and kept pleas without order of law; yea contrary to the liberties of the city, he punished bakers for lack of true size, by the tumbril; where before they were punished by the pillory, & many other things he used after such manner, more by will than good order of law.  
There was a bruit raised (whether of truth or otherwise we leave to the credit of the authors) that the Poictovins had practised to poison the most part of the English nobility. 
Matth. Paris. The Poictovins suspected to have poisoned the English lords.  Indeed divers of them were grievously tormented with a certain disease of swelling and breaking out, some died, and othersome very hardly escaped, of which number the earl of Gloucester was one, who lay sick a long time at Sunning a place besides Reading. At length he recovered: but his brother William died of the same disease, and upon his deathbed laid the fault to one Walter Scotenie, as the occasioner of his death, which afterwards cost the said Walter his life. For although he was one of the chief councillors, and steward also to the said earl of Gloucester, yet being had in suspicion, and thereupon apprehended and charged with that crime, when in the year next following in june he came to be arraigned at Winchester, and put himself to be tried by a jury, 
Walter Scotonie arraigned and condemned.  the same pronounced him guilty: and when those that were impanneled upon that jury were asked by the judges how they understood that he should be guilty, they answered, because that where the said Walter was never indebted, that they could hear of, either to William de Ualence, or to any of his brethren, they were fully certified that he had late received no small sum of money of the said W. de Ualence to poison both his master and other of the English nobility as was to be thought, sith there was no other apparent cause why he should receive such a gift at the hands of their enemy the said William de Ualence, and so was the said Walter executed at Winchester aforesaid. 
He suffereth.   
The harvest was very late this year, so that the most part of the corn rotten on the ground, 
A late harvest  and that which at length was got in, remained yet abroad till line 10 after Alhallowentide, so untemperate was the weather, with excessive wet and rain beyond all measure. 
Dearth of corn increaseth.  Hereupon the dearth so increased, that even those which had of late relieved other, were in danger to starve themselves. Finally solemn fasts and general processions were made in diverse places of the realm to appease God's wrath, 
Fasts & processions used.  and (as it was thought) their prayers were heard, for the weather partly amended, and by reason the same served to get in some such corn as was not lost, the price thereof line 20 in the market fell half in half. A good and memorable motive, that in such extremities as are above the reach of man to redress, we should by and by have recourse to him that can give a remedy against every casualty. For Flectitur iratus voce rogante Deus.  
Richard Grace the chattellaine of Dover looking diligently unto his charge, 
Richard Grey lord warden of the ports.  took a thousand marks which the bishop of Winchester had sent thither to have been transported over into France. Erlotus line 30 the pope's Nuncio perceiving the trouble that was like to ensue within the realm would no longer tarry, 
Erlotus the pope's Nuncio returneth hovie.  but wisely departed and got him home. Herewith certain wise personages were sent to Rome on the part of the king and baronage, to inform the pope in what state the realm stood, and to give him to understand how grievously the people had been handled by the practice of certain Roman prelates promoted in this land.  
This year near to Carmardin Patrick of Chauton line 40 lord of Kedwelli, 
Matth. Paris. The lord of Kedwellie slain.  Hugh de Uiun, and diverse other both horsemen and footmen were slain through treason by the Welshmen: yet it should appear by Matthew Paris that the Englishmen procured this mischief to light on their own heads, 
Matth. Paris.  through their disloyal dealing. For where they were come to the place to talk of an agreement, some of the marchers supposing they had been too strong for the Welshmen, persuaded the said lord of Kedwellie to assail them upon the sudden, in hope to have destroyed them all: but in the end the Englishmen were distressed line 50 through the valiancy of David one of the sons of the great Leolin and other captains of the Welsh nation. Nevertheless Matthew Westminster saith briefly, that the English men were treasonablie slain: so that it seemeth that Matthew Paris speaketh rather of an affection and good will which he bore to the Welsh proceedings in those days, than otherwise.  

Matth. Paris not well affected towards the government of the realm as it then stood.  For who so marketh the course of his history, shall line 60 perceive that he had no good liking of the state in those days, neither concerning the ecclesiastical nor temporal policy, in somuch that he sticketh not to commend the Welshmen greatly for their holding together, against the oppression (as he meaneth it) of the English government, and no doubt there was cause that moved him to such misliking, namely the often payments and collections of money by the pope's agents, and other such misorders as daily were permitted or rather maintained to the impoverishing of both estates spiritual and temporal.  

Godfrey de Kinton archbishop of Canturburie.  Godfrey de Kinton was consecrated archbishop of Canturburie at Rome, about the feast of Christmas last passed, and so returned from thence home to his cure. 
An ordinance against extortion.  There was an ordinance made about this time, for punishment to be had of the extortion of sheriffs, so that aswell the receiver as the giver of bribes was punishable. Which law if it were now executed upon all officers & occupiers whatsoever, there would not be so much wealth and substance, so great riches and treasure raked up together in the possession of some few men, as the old sage saying importeth, Quisquis ditatur rapidos miluos imitatur.  
The bishops of Worcester and Lincoln, 
Anno Reg. Ambassadors sent to the council at Cambrey.  with the earls of Norfolk and Leicester, were sent over in embassage unto a council holden at Cambrey, for a league and peace to be concluded betwixt the kingdoms of England and France, and also the empire: but because the French king looked to have the king of England there, when he heard that the same king came not, he also stayed at home, and so no conclusion followed at that assembly.  
jone countess of Penbroke, the wife of William de Ualence the king's half brother, 
jone countess of Penbroke.  demanded her right of dower, in such lands as belonged to her by title of inheritance. At length she had to the value of five hundred marks assigned her of the same lands, notwithstanding her heritage amounted to the sum of a thousand marks and above of yearly revenues, but for that she should not aid her husband with part thereof, the one half was thought sufficient for her maintenance. About Advent next ensuing, she went over unto her husband, either for the desire she had to enjoy his personal presence, or for that she thought herself not well dealt with, to be abridged of those revenues, which by right of inheritance were her own. In the first night of December, 
A great tempest of lightning and thunder.  there chanced a marvelous sore tempest of lightning and thunder, with mighty winds and rain, as a token and sign of the troubles that after followed, the more noted, for that thunder in the winter season is not commonly heard of. Guy de Rochfort a Poictovin, to whom about two years before the king had given the castle of Rochester, 
Guy de Rochfort banished.  was now banished the realm, and deprived of all that he held in this land. About this season there rose great variance amongst the scholars of Oxford being of sundry countries, 
Uariance and debat betwixt the student's 〈◊〉 Oxford.  as Scotishmen, Welshmen, Northern men, and Southern men: who fell so far at square, that they raised banners one against an other, and fought together, in somuch that diverse were slain, and many hurt on both parties. ¶ The Welshmen this year, notwithstanding their good success had in these late wars, considered with themselves, that if the barons of England did once join in one knot of friendship, they would with main force easily subdue them, wherefore to prevent that which might chance unto them by stubborn resistance, 
The Welshmen seek to agreé with the king.  they made suit to be received into the king's peace, offering to give unto him the sum of four thousand marks, and to his son the lord Edward three hundred marks, and to the queen two hundred marks. Yet the king would not accept those offers, and so the matter depended in doubtful balance a certain time. The Welshmen in the mean season attempted not any exploit, but rather sat still in hope to come at length to some reasonable agreement. ¶ The monks of Winchester meaning to provide themselves of a bishop, now that Athelmare alias Odomare the king's half brother was banished the realm, elected one Henry de Wingham the king's chancellor, 
Henry de Wingham elected bishop of Winchester.  in hope that the K. would be contented with his election, and so he was, but yet conditionally, that if the pope would allow his said half brother for bishop, then should the other give place.  
About the feast of S. Hilary, when knowledge was given that king Richard of Almain meant to return into England, year 1259 
Ambassadors sent to the K. of Almain.  there were sent over unto him the bishop of Worcester, the abbot of saint Edmundsburie. Peter de Savoy, and john Mansell, as ambassadors from the baronage and commonalty of the realm, to require of him an oath, to stand unto and obey the ordinances of the late parliament holden at Oxenford. When the said ambassadors came before his presence, and declared to him the effect of their message, he beheld them with a stern look, and frowning countenance, saying (and binding it with an oath) that he would neither be sworn, line 10 nor keep any such ordinances as had been made without his consent; 
His protestation to their demand.  neither would he make them of counsel how long his purpose was to stay within the realm, which the ambassadors required also to understand. Hereunto he further added, that he had no peer in England, for he was the son of the deceased king, and brother of the king that now reigned, and also earl of Cornwall, and therefore if the barons of England meant to reform the state of the kingdom, their duty had been first to have sent line 20 for him, and not to have proceeded so presumptuously in such a weighty cause, without his presence or consent. When one of the ambassadors was about to have made answer somewhat roundly, and also nippinglie unto this speech uttered by the king of Almain, he was stayed by one of his associates. And so the ambassadors understanding his mind, returned with all convenient speed.  
The king of Almain had assembled a great host of men on the further side the sea, meaning with all line 30 expedition to have passed hither into England: but when he had advertisement given that there was a power raised in England, and bestowed both by sea and land to resist him, 
He changeth his purpose and cometh over into England.  he changed his purpose by advise of his friends, so that he consented to receive such manner of oath as the barons required, and herewith taking the sea, he arrived at Dover on saint julian's day with his own household-servants, bringing with him no train of strangers, except only two earls of Almain, which brought with them but only three knights, and he himself had but eight line 40 knights: his brother king Henry was ready to receive him, and brought him from Dover unto Canturburie, for neither of them was suffered to enter into the castle of Dover, the lords having them in a controversy, lest they should be about to break the ordinances which were concluded. On the morrow after, 
He receiveth an oath not to infringe the statutes of Oxford.  the king of Almain received the oath in the presence of Richard earl of Gloucester and others, within the chapter house of Canturburie. And on the day line 50 of the Purification of our lady, the two kings with their queens and a great number of noble personages made their entry and passage into the city of London.  
In the octaves of the said Purification, the parliament began at London, 
A parliament.  to the which came the earl of Leicester from the parts of beyond the sea, where he had for a certain time remained. There came also an ambassador from the French king, one that was dean of Burges, and so there was an earnest treaty line 60 had touching a peace to be concluded betwixt the two kings of England and France, which on the day of saint Valentine was accorded and put in articles, with condition that the same should remain firm and stable, 
A peace concluded upon betwixt the kings of England & France  if the kings would assent to that which had been talked of and agreed upon by their special and solemn agents. For the further perfecting of this agreement and final peace betwixt the kings of England and France▪ about the beginning of April, the earls of Gloucester and Leicester, john Mansell, Peter de Savoy, and Robert Ualerane were sent over into France, having also with them letters of credence, to conclude in all matters as had been talked of by their agents. But when the countess of Leicester would not consent to quite claim and release her right in such parcels of Normandy as belonged to her, 
The countess of Leicester.  which king Henry had covenanted with the residue to resign unto the French king. The earl of Gloucester fell at words with the earl of Leicester, 
Contention betwixt the earls of Gloucester and Leicester.  about the stubborn demeanour which his wife showed in that matter, and so by reason that either of them stood at defiance with the other (although by mean of friends they stayed from further inconvenience) they returned back without concluding any thing in that whereabout they were sent.  
About the same time there was a certain mansion house by way of devotion given unto the friars that are called preachers within the town of Dunstable, 
The friars preachers begin to inhabit at Dunstable.  so that certain of them thrusting themselves in there, began to inhabit in that place, to the great annoyance of the prior and convent of Dunstable, & as it were by the example of the other order called minors (which in the last precéeding year, at saint Edmundsburie in Suffolk had practised the like matter against the wills of the abbot and convent there) they began to build very sumptuous houses, so that in the eyes of the beholders such chargeable works of building, so suddenly advanced by them that professed voluntary poverty, caused no small wonder. The said friars building them a church with all speed, and setting up an altar, immediately began to celebrate divine service, not once staying for the purchase of any licence. And so building from day to day, they obtained great aid of such as inhabited near unto them, of whom the prior and convent ought to have received the revenues that were now converted to be employed on the said friars towards their maintenance. Thus by how much more their house increased, 
The monks hindered by the the coming of the friars.  by so much more did the prior and convent decrease in substance and possessions: for the rents which they were accustomed to receive of the messages and houses given to the friars, were lost, and likewise the offerings (which were wont to come to their hands) now these friars being newly entered by occasion of their preachings, usurped to themselves.  
Richard Gray constable of the castle of Dover, and lord warden of the cinque ports was this year removed by the lord chief justice Hugh Bigod, 
Richard Grace discharged of his office of lord warden. Walascho a friar sent from the pope.  who took into his own hands the custody of the said castle and ports. The cause why the said Richard Gray was discharged, we find to have fallen out by this means. He suffered a friar minor called Walascho, coming from the pope (because he had the king's letters under the great seal) to enter the land, not staying him, nor warning the lords of his coming, contrary (as it was interpreted) unto the articles of their provisions enacted at Oxenford. This friar indeed was sent from the pope to have restored Athilmarus or Odomarus (as some writ him) the king's half brother, unto the possessions of the bishopric of Winchester, to the which he had been long before elected. But the lords were so bend against him, that upon such suggestions as they laid forth, Walascho refrained from doing that which he had in commandment, and returned to make report what he understood, so that Odomarus was now as far from his purpose as before.  
About the feast of saint Michael, the bishop of Bangor was sent from Leolin prince of Wales unto the king of England, 
The bishop of Bangor sent from the prince of Wales to king Henry. The welshmen offer to resort unto Chester.  to make offer on the behalf of the said Leolin and other the lords of Wales, of sixteen thousand pounds of silver for a peace to be had betwixt the king and them, and that they might come to Chester, and there have their matters heard and determined, as in time passed they had been accustomed. But what answer at his return was given to this bishop by the king and his nobles, it is uncertain. In the forty and fourth year of king Henry's reign, 
Anno Reg. 44. I parliament.  the friday following the feast of Simon and Jude, in a parliament holden at Westminster, were read in presence of all the lords and commons, the acts and ordinances made in the parliament holden at Oxenford, 
The statutes of Oxenford read, and the breakers of the same denounced accursed.  with certain other articles by the governors thereunto added and annexed. After the reading whereof the archbishop of Canturburie being revested with his suffragans to the number of nine bishops, besides abbots and others, denounced line 10 all them accursed that attempted in word or deed to break the said statutes, or any of them. In the same parliament was granted to the king a talk called scutagium, 
Escuage granted.  or escuage, that is to say, forty shillings of every knight's fee throughout England, the which extended to a great sum of money. For as diverse writers do agree, 
Knights feés how many were then in England.  there were in England at that time in possession of the spirituality and temporalty beyond forty thousand knights fees, but almost half of them were in spiritual men's hands. line 20  

Fabian. I folkemote.  Upon the sixth day of November the king came unto Paul's, where by his commandment was the folkemote court assembled, and the king (according to the former ordinances made) asked licence of the commonalty of the city to pass the sea, 
The king asketh licence to pass the seas.  and promised there in the presence of a great multitude of people, by the mouth of Hugh Bigod his chief justice, to be good and grafious lord unto the city, and to maintain the liberties thereof unhurt. Herewith the people for joy made a great shout. 
Matth. West. The king saileth over into France.  The eight day line 30 of November he road through the city towards the sea side, and upon the thirteenth day of November, he took the sea at Dover and arrived at Whitsand, and so from thence he road unto Paris, where, of the French king he was most honourably received. The cause of his going over was chiefly to conclude some assured peace with the French king, that he should not need to doubt any foreign enemies, if he should come to have war with his own people, whereof he saw great likelihoods, year 1260 and therefore he line 40 made such agreement with king jews (as in the French history more at large appeareth) which (to be short) I here omit. 
He compoundeth all differences with the French k.   
This one thing is here to be noted, that besides the money which king Henry had in hand, amounting to the sum of an hundred and fifty thousand crowns for his resignation then made unto Normandy, Anjou and main, it was accorded, that he should receive yearly in name of a tribute the sum of ten thousand crowns. 
Polydor. N. Trivet. Wil Risang.  ¶ Others writ that he had line 50 three hundred thousand pounds of small Turon money, which he received in ready payment, and was promised restitution of lands to the value of twenty thousand pounds of yearly rent: and that after the decease of the French king, 
Matt. West.  that then was, the country of Poictou should return unto the English dominion. Some writ that immediately after king Henry had concluded his agreement, he began to repent himself thereof, and would never receive penny of the money, nor leave out in his style the title line 60 of duke of Normandy. But it is rather to be thought that such an agreement was at point to have been concluded, or at the leastwise was had in talk, but yet never concluded nor confirmed with hands and seals, as it ought to have been, if they had gone through with it.  

Dissension betwixt prince Edward and the earl of Gloucester.  In the mean time that king Henry was thus occupied in France, dissension fell in England between prince Edward and Richard earl of Gloucester, for the appeasing whereof a parliament was called at Westminster, to the which the lords came with great companies, and specially the said prince and earl. They intended to have lodged within the city: but the mayor going unto the bishop of Worcester, to sir Hugh Bigod, and to sir Philip Basset (unto whom, and to the archbishop of Canturburie, the K. had committed the rule of the land in his absence) required to know their pleasure herein. Whereupon they thought it good to have the advise of Richard the king of Almain, and thereupon went to him, where they concluded, 
Prince Edward and the earl of Gloc●ster are not suffered to come within the city of London.  that neither the said prince nor earl nor any of their partakers should come within the city, the gates whereof were by the majors appointment closed and kept with watch and ward both day and night. Soon after also, for the more safeguard of the city, the gates were by the majors appointment closed and kept with diligent watch and ward both day and night. Soon after also for the more safeguard of the said city, and sure keeping of the peace, the king of Almain with the said sir Hugh and sir Philip came and lodged in the city with their companies, and such other as they would assign, to strengthen the city if need required. Wherein their provident consent to withstand so foul a mischief as sedition might have bred in the city, deserveth high commendation, for it was the next way to preserve the state thereof against all occasions of ruin, to unite hearts and hands in so sweet an harmony, which the law of nature teacheth men to do, and as by this sage sentence is insinuated and given to understand, 
Manus manum lavat & digitus digitum,  
Vir virum & civitas servat civitatem.   
Shortly after, the king returned out of France, and about the feast of S. Mark came to London, 
The king returneth into England.  and lodged in the bishop's palace. And because of certain rumours that were spread abroad sounding to some evil meaning, which prince Edward should have against his father, the king brought over with him a great power of men in arms being strangers, howbeit he brought them not into the city, but left them beyond the bridge in the parts of Surrie, notwithstanding being entered the city, he so kept the gates and entries, that none was permitted to enter, but such as came in by his sufferance. The earl of Gloucester by his appointment also was lodged within the city, and the prince in the palace at Westminster. Shortly after by the king's commandment he removed to S. john's, & all the other lords were lodged without the city, and the king of Almain removed again to Westminster. In which time a direction was taken between the said parties, and a now assembly and parliament assigned to be kept in the quindene of S. john Baptist, and after deferred or prorogued till the feast of saint Edward, at the which time all things were pacified a while, but so as the earl of Gloucester was put beside the room which he had amongst other the peers, and so then he joined in friendship with the earl of Leiscester, 
The earl of Gloucester confederateth 〈◊〉 self with the earl of Leicester.  as it were by way of confederacy against the residue, and yet in this last contention, the said earl of Leicester took part with the prince against the earl of Gloucester.  
This year the lord William de Beauchampe the elder deceased. ¶ The lord Edward the king's son, 
Chr. Dunstab.  with a fair company of knights and other men of arms, passed the seas to exercise himself in justs, but he himself and his men were evil entreated in many places, so that they lost horse, armour, and all other things to his great grief and disliking (as may be esteemed) yet (as some writ) he returned home with victory in the justs. 
Matth. West.  This year at Teukesburie, a jew falling by chance into a jakes upon the saturday, 
A jew at Teukesburie falleth into a jakes.  in reverence of his sabbath would not suffer any man to pluck him forth, whereof the earl of Gloucester being aduertise●, thought the christians should do as much reverence to their sabbath which is sunday, and therefore would suffer no man to go about to take him forth that day, and so lying still till monday, he was there found dead.  

Matt. Westm. Death of Noble men.  divers Noble men departed this life in this year, as the earl of Albemarle, the lord William Beauchampe, Stephan de Longespee lord chief justice of Ireland, and Roger de Turkeby one of the king's cheese councillors and justices of the land, William de Kickham bishop of Durham, and john de Crakehale treasurer of England, a spiritual man, but rich beyond measure: 
Bach rather.  also Henry de  another of the king's justices of the bench. In the 45 year of king line 10 Henry's reign, 
Matth. West. Anno. Reg. 45. The king of Scots cometh to London. Matt. West.  Alexander king of Scotland came to London anon after the feast of S. Edward, with a fair company of Scotishmen, and shortly after his wife the queen of Scots came thither also. Moreover king Henry kept a royal feast at Westminster, where he made to the number of four score knights, amongst whom, john son to the earl of Britain, who had married the lady Beatrice, one of the king's daughters was there made knight. Shortly after was sir Hugh Spenser made lord line 20 chief justice.  
After Christmas the K. coming into the tower of London, year 1261 fortified it greatly, & caused the gates of the city to be warded, 
Chro. Dun.  sending forth commandment to his lords that they should come to the tower, there to hold a parliament; but they denied flatly so to do, sending him word that if it pleased him, they would come to Westminster, where usually the parliament had been kept; and not to any other place, whereupon there rose dissension betwixt him and the barons. line 30 After the feast of the Purification, 
Fabian. A folkemote holden at Paul's cross.  at a folkemote holden at Paul's cross (where the king was present in person, with the king of Almain, the archbishop of Canturburie, and diverse other of the Nobles) commandment was given to the mayor, that every stripling of the age of 12 years and above, should before his alderman be sworn to be true to the king and his hetres kings of England, 
An oath to be true to the king.  and that the gates of the city should be kept with armed men, as before by the king of Romans was devised. line 40  
About Easter the barons of the land with consent of the peers, discharged sir Hugh Spenser of his office of chief justice, 
The lord Spenser discharged of his office.  and placed in his room sir Philip Basset without the king's assent, he being not made privy thereunto. Whereupon a new occasion of displeasure was ministered to kindle debate betwixt the king and his lords, but by the policy of the king of Almain and some prelates, the matter was quieted for a time, till after at Hallowentide next ensuing, which was the 46 year of K. Henry's reign. line 50 At that time the barons took upon them to discharge such sheriffs as the king had elected & named guardians of the countries and shires, 
Anno Reg. 46. The presumptuous proceedings of the barons against the king.  and in their places put other sheriffs, and besides that would not suffer the justice which the king had admitted, to do his office in keeping his circuit, but appointed such to do it, as it pleased them to assign, wherewith the king was so much offended, that he laboured by all means to him possible about the disannulling of the ordinances made at Oxford, and upon the second sunday in line 60 Lent, he caused to be read at Paul's cross a bull, obtained of pope Urbane the fourth, year 1262 as a confirmation of an other bull before purchased of his predecessor pope Alexander, 
I bull read at Paul's cross.  for the absolving of the king, and all other that were sworn to the maintenance of the articles agrees upon at Oxford. This absolution he caused to be showed through the realms of England, Wales & Ireland, giving straight charge that if any person were found that would disobey this absolution, the same should be committed to prison, there to remain till the king's pleasure were further known.  
Surly the most part of those peers which had the rule of the king and kingdom thus in their hand, 
Matth. West. Many governors pernicious to a commonwealth.  perceiving the enormity that daily grew of so manifold heads and governors, were minded of themselves to dissolve those provisions and ordinances so made at Oxford, in somuch that there were but five which stiffly stood in defence of the same, that is to say, the bishop of Worcester, and the earls of Leicester and Gloucester, with Henry Spenser, and Peter de Montfort, the which by no means could be brought to confess that they might with a safe conscience go contrary to those ordinances which they had confirmed with their solemn oath, notwithstanding the pope's dispensation; whereas the same oath was rather a bond of iniquity (as saith Matth. Westminster) devised to conspire against Christ and his anointed, that is to say, their natural liege lord and lawful king, than any godly oath advisedly taken, or necessary to be received of good meaning subjects, yea and of such a frivolous oath it is said, that In aqua scribitur & in pulvere exaratur.  
In june the king of Almain took shipping and sailed over into Dutchland, 

The king of Almain goeth over into Germany. Fabian.  
The king having licence passeth over into France.   and king Henry at a folkemote holden at Paul's cross the sunday after S. Peter's day, had licence to sail into France, and the morrow after he departed from London towards the sea side, with the queen and other lords, his two sons prince Edward and the earl of Lancaster being at that present in Guien. When he had been a season in France, he went unto Bordeaux, and there fell sick of a fever quartane, 
He falleth sick of a fever quartane.  by occasion whereof he tarried in those parties till S. Nicholas tide next following. There were few that went over with him that escaped free without the same disease, 
Chro. Dun.  so that in manner all his company were taken and fore handled therewith. Many died thereof to the number of threescore, 
Death of noble men.  and amongst them as chief were these, Baldwine de Lisle earl of Devonshire, Ingram de Percy, and William de Beauchampe.  
In this year died Richard the Clare earl of Gloucester, 
The earl of Gloucester departeth this life.  and his son sir Gilbert de Clare was earl after him, unto whom his father gave great charge that he should maintain the ordinances of Oxford. In the 47 year of king Henry's reign, 
Anno Reg. 47.  by reason that a jew had wounded a christian man at London within Colechurch, in the ward of cheap, 
Iewes slain.  not only the said jew was slain by other christians that followed him home to his house, but also many other jews were rob and slain in that fury and rage of the people. The Welshmen with their prince Leolin made wars against the men and tenants of Roger de Mortimer; 
Matth. Westm. The Welshmen war against the lord Mortimer's tenants.  and took two of his castles (the one called Kenet) and razed them both to the ground. The said Roger being sore grieved herwith, got such assistance as he could of other lords there in the marches, 
He seeketh his revenge against them.  and watching the Welshmen at advantage, distressed diverse companies of them, sometime three hundred, sometime four hundred, and other whiles five hundred. But at one time he lost three hundred of this footmen that were entered the country, and so enclosed that they could make no shift to escape.  
Upon the even of S. Thomas the apostle, 
Fabian.  the king landed at Dover, year 1263 and came to London the wednesday before the twelve day in Christmas. 
Thames frozen.  In this year the frost began about S. Nicholas day, and continued for the space of a month and more, so extremely, that the Thames was frozen, so that men passed over on horseback. ¶ The same winter the kings little hall at Westminster, with many other houses thereunto adjoining, was consumed with fire, by negligence of one of the king's servants. 
Uariance betwixt the citizens of London and the constable of the tower.  Uariance rose betwixt the citizens of London, and the constable of the tower, for that contrary to the liberties of the city he took certain ships passing by the tower with wheat and other victuals into the tower, making the price thereof himself. The matter was had before sir Philip Basset lord chief justice and others, who upon the sight and hearing of all such evidences and privileges as could be brought forth for the advantage of both the parties, took order that the constable should (when he lacked provision of grain or victuals) come into the market holden within the city, and there to have wheat two pence in a quarter within the majors price, and other victuals after the same rate.  
Prince Edward the king's son returning from line 10 the parts beyond the sea, 
Matth. West. Prince Edward goeth against the Welshmen.  went with a great power (as well of Englishmen as strangers) against the Welshmen towards Snowdon hills: but the enemies withdrawing themselves to their strengths within the woods and mountains, he could not much endamage them, whereupon after he had fortified certain castles in those parts, with men, numition, and victuals, he returned being sent for back of his father. The archbishop of Canturburie foreseeing the trouble that was like to ensue betwixt the king and his line 20 barons, 
The archb. of Canturburie goeth to Rome.  got licence of the king to go unto Rome, about such business as he feigned to have to do with the pope, and so departed the land, and kept him away till the trouble was appeased. 
Fabian.  Upon Midlent sunday, at a folkemote holden at Paul's cross, before sir Philip Basset and other of the king's council, the mayor of London was sworn to be true to the king, 
The lord mayor of London sworn to be true to the king.  and to his heirs kings of England, and upon the morrow at the Guildhall every alderman in presence of the mayor took the same oath. And upon line 30 the sunday following, every inhabitant within the city, of the age of 12 years and above, before his alderman in his ward was newly charged with the like oath.  

Cloaked malice bursteth out.  Then began the displeasure between the king and his barons to appear, which had been long kept secret, divers of whom assembling together in the marches of Wales, 
The barons raise people.  gathered unto them a power of men, and sent a letter unto the king, under the seal of sir Roger Clifford, 
The lord Clifford.  beseeching him to have in remembrance line 40 his oath and manifold promises made for the observing of the statutes ordained at Oxford. But although this letter was indicted and written very effectually, yet received they no answer from the king, who minded in no wise to observe the same statutes, as by evident takens it was most apparent. Whereupon they determined to attempt by force to bring their purpose to pass. 
Chron. Dun.  The king and the queen for their more safeguard got them into the tower of London, and prince Edward lay at Clerkenwell, line 50 but in such necessity and discredit for money, that neither had they any store to furnish their wants, neither was there any man that would trust them with a groat.  
Prince Edward not able to abide such dishonour, in the feast of the apostle Peter and Paul, 
Prince Edward taketh money out of the treasury of the temple.  taking with him Robert Waleran, and certain others, went to the new temple, and there easling for the keeper of the treasurehouse, as if he meant to see his mother's jewels, that were laid up there, to be safely line 60 kept, he entered into the house, and breaking the coffers of certain persons that had likewise brought their money thither, to have it in more safety, he took away from thence the value of 1000 pounds. 

Mars. lib. 11. Hor. lib. car. 3. ode 24. — o quantum cogit egestas▪  
Magnum pauperies opprobrium jubet  
Quiduis & facere & pati,  
Virtutisque viam deserit arduae.   
The citizens of London were so offended herewith that they rose in armour against him and other of the king's council, 
The Londoners rob the house of the lord Grace.  in somuch that they assailed the lodging of the lord john Grace without Ludgate, and took out of his stables 32 horses, and such other things as they might lay hold upon, keeping such stur that the lord Grace himself was forced to fly beyond Fleetbridge. The like rule they kept at the house of john de Passelew.  
john Mansell departing forth of the tower to the Thames, with the countess de Lisle, 
john Mansell fleeth into France.  and other ladies that were strangers borne, sailed into France, and landed at Whitsand, where the said Mansell hearing that the lord Henry, son to the king of Almain, that then held with the barons was in those parts, he caused the lord Ingram de Fines to stay him as prisoner, and so he remained, till king Henry upon the agreement betwixt him and the barons, found means to get him released, and so then he returned into England.  
But now touching the barons, they proceeded in their business which they had in hand with all earnest diligence, of whom these were the chief that undertook this matter: young Humphrey de Boun, the lord Henry son to the king of Almain, 
The baron● that ros● against the king.  Henry Montford, Hugh Spenser, Baldwin Wake, Gilbert Gifford, Richard Grace, john Ros, William Marmion, Henry Hastings, Haimon le Strange, john Fitz john, Godfrey Lucy, Nicholas Segraue, Roger de Leiborne, john Uesie, Roger de Clifford, john de Uaus, Gilbert de Clare, Gilbert de Lacie, and Robert Uepont, the which with one general consent elected for their chief captains and general governors, Simon de Mountfort earl of Leicester, 
Their chief captains.  Gilbert of Clare earl of Gloucester, and Robert Ferreis' earl of Derby, and john earl of Warren. On the king's part these persons are named to stand with him against the other. First, Roger Bigod earl of Norfolk and Suffolk, 
The baron● that took part with the king.  Humphrey de Boun earl of Hereford, Hugh Bigod lord chief justice, Philip Basset, William de Ualence, Geffrey de Lucignan, Peter de Savoy, Robert Walrand, john Mansell, Geffrey Langley, john Grace, William Latimer, Henry Percy, and many other. The barons notwithstanding having assembled their powers, resolved to go through with their purpose.  
The first enterprise they made was at Hereford, 
Risanger noteth this to be 1264.  where they took the bishop of that see named john Breton, and as many of his canons as were strangers borne. After this they took sir Matthew de Bezilles sheriff of Gloucester, a stranger borne; and keeping on their way towards London with banners displayed, so many as came within their reach, 
The barons make havocs  whom they knew to be against the maintenance of the statutes of Oxford, they spoilt them of their houses, rob them of their goods, and imprisoned their bodies, having no regard whether they were spiritual men or temporal. In diverse of the king's castles they placed such captains and soldiers as they thought convenient, 〈◊〉 placed others whom they either knew or suspected to be adversaries to their purpose.  
About Midsummer when they drew near to London, they sent a letter to the mayor and aldermen under the seal of the earl of Leicester, willing to understand whether they woul●●bserue the acts and statutes established at Oxford, or else aid and assist such persons as meant the breath of the same. And herewith they sent unto them ● copy of those articles, with a proviso, that if any of them were prejudicial, or in any wife hurtful to the realm and commonwealth, that then the same by the advise of discreet persons should be amended and reform. The mayor bore this letter and the copy of the articles unto the king, who in this mean time remained in the tower of London▪ together with the queen and the king of Almain, lately returned out of Almain; also his son prince Edward, and many other of his council. The king asked of the mayor what he thought of those articles? Who made such answer as the king seemed well pleased therewith, and so permitted the mayor to return again into the city, 
The diligence o● the lord mai●r of London.  who took much pain in keeping the city in good quiet now in that dangerous time.  
All such the inhabitants as were strangers borne, and suspected to favour either of the parties, were banished the city, but within a while after, prince Edward set them or the most part of them in offices within the castle of Windsor. On the saturday next after the translation of saint Benet, as the queen would have passed by water from the tower line 10 unto Windsor, 
The misdemeanour of lewd persons towards the queen.  a sort of lewd naughtipacks got them to the bridge, making a noise at her, and crying; Drown the witch, threw down stones, cudgels, dirt, and other things at her, so that she escaped in great danger of her person, fled to Lambeth, and through feat to be further pursued, landed there, and so she stayed till the mayor of London with much ado appesing the fury of the people, repaired to the queen and brought her back again in safety unto the tower. And (as some writ) because the king would not line 20 suffer her to enter again into the tower, 
Chron. Dunst.  the mayor conveyed her unto the bishop of London's house by Paul's, and there lodged her.  
The barons in this mean time having got the city of Worcester and Bridgenorth, 
Manh. West.  with other places, were come into the south parts, to the end that they might win the castle of Dover, and find some means to set the lord Henry (son to the king of Almain that was prisoner beyond the seas) at liberty. In the mean time the bishops of Lincoln, London line 30 and Chester, 
Chron. Dunst. Bishops travel to make peace.  traveled betwixt the king and barons for a peace; but the barons would not agree, except that the king and queen would first cause the lord Henry to be set at liberty, and deliver into their hands the castles of Windsor, Dover, and other fortresses, and send away all the strangers, and take such order that the provisions of Oxenford might be observed, as well by the king as others.  
The king although these conditions seemed very hard and displeasant to his mind, yet was he driven line 40 to such an extremity that he granted to accept them, and so an agreement was made and had betwixt him and the lords. But now all the difficulty was to appease the lord Edward, and to remove the strangers which he had placed in the castle of Windsor, 
Strangers keep the castle of Windsor.  which they had not only fortified, but also in manner destroyed the town, and done much hurt in the country round about them. There were to the number of an hundred knights or men of arms (as I may call line 50 them) beside a great number of other men of war. But now after that the king had agreed to the peace, the barons entered the city on the sunday before S. Margaret's day; and shortly after the king came to Westminster with the queen, and those of his council. And immediately hereupon, by consent of the king and the barons, sir Hugh Spenser was made chief justice and keeper of the tower. During the time that the lords remained in London, many robberies and riots were done within the city, and line 60 small redress had in correcting the offenders, they were so borne out and maintained by their masters and others.  
The commons of the city were far out of order, 
The great disorder in the city of London.  for in the assemblies and courts, as well at Guildhall as in other places, the matters and judgement of things went by the voices of the simple and undiscreet multitude, so that the substantial and worshipful citizens were not regarded. The barons on the morrow following the feast of saint james, departed from London toward Windsor, 
Abington.  in which mean while prince Edward was gone to Bristol, & there thinking himself to be out of danger, by mishap there rose variance betwixt the citizens & his men, so that the whole city revolted from him, and prepared to besiege him in the castle, not doubting but easily to win it. When he saw how the world went, he sent to the bishop of Worcester that was of the barons side, promising that he would agree with the barons, if he would help to deliver him out of the Bristol mens hands. The bishop taking his promise conveyed him forth in safety toward the court; but when he came near unto Windsor, he turned thither, greatly to the misliking of the bishop: yet nevertheless when the barons came forward to besiege that castle, the lord Edward met them not far from Kingston, offering them conditions of peace. 
Nic. Trever.  Some writ that he was stayed and not suffered to return again to Windsor, after he had ended his talk with the barons: but howsoever it was, the castle was surrendered, with condition that those that were within it should safely departed, and so they did, and were conducted to the sea by Humphrey de Bohun the younger. ¶ About the same time, Leolin prince of Wales destroyed the lands of prince Edward in Cheshire, and the marshes thereabouts. The two castles of Disard and Gannoc he took and destroyed, being two very fair fortresses.  
About the feast of the Nativity of our lady, there was a parliament holden at London, 
A parliament.  at the which all the nobles of the realm both spiritual and temporal were present; and then the city of London, 
Abing●on.  and the cinque ports joined in league as confederates with the barons: but the king plainly protested before all the assembly, 
The king's protestation against the articles at Oxeniord.  that by the statutes and provisions (as they termed them) made at Oxenford, he was much deceived. For contrary to that which the barons had promised, he felt himself rather charged with more debt than any thing relieved: and therefore sith he had obtained of the pope an absolution of the oath both for himself and his people, his request was to be restored unto his former estate of all such prerogatives as in time passed he had enjoyed. The barons on the other side stiffly maintained, that they could not with safe conscientes go against their oath, and therefore they meant to stand in defence of the articles aforesaid even so long as they had a day to live.  
Thus whilst both parts kept so far from all hope of agreement, and were now in point to have departed in sunder, through mediation of some bishops that were present a peace was concluded, and the parties so agreed, that all matters in controversy touching the articles, provisions, and statutes made at Oxenford should be ordered and judged by the French king, 
The matter put to the French king.  whom they chose as arbitrator betwixt them. Hereupon, on the thirteenth of September, both the king and queen, with their sons, and diverse other of the nobles of this land, took shipping, and sailed over to Bullongne, where the French king as then was at a parliament, with a great number of the nobles and peers of France. The earl of Leicester also with diverse of his complices went thither, and there the matter was opened, argued, and debated before the French king, who in the end upon due examination, and orderly hearing of the whole process of all their controversies, gave express sentence, that all and every of the said statutes and ordinances devised at Oxford, 
The French king giveth sentence against the barons.  should be from thenceforth utterly void, and all bonds and promises made by king Henry, or any other for performance of them, should likewise be annihilated, foredone, and clearly canceled.  
The barons highly displeased herewith, refused to stand to the French kings award herein, because he had judged altogether on the king's side. Whereupon after they were returned into the realm, either party prepared for war: but yet about the feast of S. Edward, the king and the barons eftsoons met at London, holding a new parliament at Westminster, but no good could be done. Then when the king of Almain and prince Edward, 
Anno Reg. 4 8.  with others of the king's council saw that by rapine, oppression, and extortion practised by the barons against the king's subjects, 
Matth. Wes●m.  as well spiritual as temporal, the state of the realm and the king's honour was much decayed, and brought in manner unto utter ruin, they procured the king to withdraw secretly from Westminster unto Windsor castle, of which his son prince line 10 Edward had gotten the possession by a train. From Windsor he went to Reading, and from thence to Wallingford, and so to Oxford, having a great power with him.  
At his being at Oxford there came unto him the lord Henry, 
The lords that revolted to the king.  son to the king of Almain, john earl Warren, Roger Clifford, Roger Leiborne, Haimond le Strange, and john de Uaux, which had reevolted from the barons to the king's side, john Gifford also did the like: but he shortly after returned to line 20 the barons part again. The king's son the lord Edward had procured them thus to revolt, promising to every of them in reward by his charter of grant fifty pounds lands to aid the king his father and him against the barons.  
After this the king went to Winchester, and from thence came back unto Reading, 
Chron. Dun.  and then he marched forth with his army unto Dover, where he could not be suffered to come into the castle, being kept line 30 out by the lord Richard Grace that was captain there. Hereupon he returned to London, where the barons again were entered, through favour of the commoners, against the will of the chief citizens, and here they fell eftsoons to treat of agreement, 
Abington.  but their talk profited nothing. And so in the Christmas week the king, year 1264 with his son prince Edward and diverse other of the council sailed over again into France, 
The king goeth again over to the French king.  and went to Amiens, where they found the French king, and a great number of his Nobles. Also for the barons, Peter de Montford, and other were line 40 sent thither as commissioners, and as some writ, at that present, to wit on the 24 day of januarie, the French king sitting in judgement, pronounced his definitive sentence on the bahalfe of king Henry against the barons: 
Fabian.  but whether he gave that sentence now, or the year before, the barons judged him very partial, and therefore meant not to stand unto his arbitrement therein.  
The king having ended his business with the French king, returned into England, and came to line 50 London the morrow after S. Valentine's day. And about seven or eight days after, the lord Edward his eldest son returned also, and hearing that the barons were gone to the marshes of Wales (where joining with the Welshmen, they had begun to make war against the king's friends, and namely against his lieutenant Roger lord Mortimer, whom they had besieged in the castle of Wigmore) the lord Edward thereupon, with such power as he could get line 60 together, marched thitherwards to raise their siege: but the lord Mortimer perceiving himself in danger, fled privily out of the castle, and got to Hereford, whither the prince was come. The barons enforced their strength in such wise that they won the castle. 
Nic. Triue●. Castles gotten by prince Edward.  Prince Edward on the other side took the castles of Hay and Huntingdon that belonged unto the earl of Hereford young Henry de Boun.  
The castle of Brecknoc was also delivered into his hands, which he béetooke to the keeping of the lord Roger de Mortimer, with all the territory thereto belonging. Robert earl of Derby that took part with the barons, besieged the city of Worcester, and took it by the old castle, 
Worcester taken.  sacked the citizen's goods, and constrained the jews to be baptized. The city of Gloucester also was taken by the barons: but prince Edward following them and repairing the bridge over Severne, which the barons had broken down after they were come over, he entered the castle of Gloucester with his people. The next day by procurement of Walter bishop of Worcester, a truce was taken betwixt prince Edward and the barons that had taken the town, during the which truce the barons left the town, and the burgesses submitted themselves unto prince Edward: and so he having the castle and town in his hands, 
Matth. We●●. The city of Gloucester 〈◊〉 covered, and put to fin●.  imprisoned many of the burgesses, & fined the town at the sum of a thousand pounds. Then he drew towards his father lying at Oxford, or at Woodstoke, gathering people together on each hand.  
In the mean time the lords drew towards London, 
The commoners of the city of London agree with the barons. R. Fabia●.  and the new assurance by writing indented was made between the commonalty of the city and the barons, without consent of any of the rulers of the city. The commoners herewith appointed of themselves two captains, which they named constables of the city, that is to say, Thomas Piwelsoon & Stephan Bukerell, by whose commandment and ●olling of the great bell of Paul's all the city was warned to be ready in harness, to attend upon the said two captains. About the beginning of Lent the constable of the tower sir Hugh Spenser, with the said two captains, and a great multitude of the citizens and others went to Thistlewor●●▪ 
The manor 〈◊〉 Thistleworth spoiled.  and there spoiled the manor place of the king of Almain, and then set it on fire, and destroyed the water mills, and other commodities which he there had. This deed was the cause (as some have judged) of the war that after ensued. 
The chief cause that 〈◊〉 the K. of ●●maine so 〈◊〉 against the barons.  For where before this time the said king of Almain had been, by reason of the alliance betwixt him and the earl of Gloucester, continually an entreater for peace, he was now ever after this time an utter enemy unto the barons, and unto their side, so far as lay in his power.  
The king hearing of this riotous act, and being informed that Peter de Mountfort was at Northampton, assembling people to strengthen the barons part, he got together such men of war as he could from all places, and so he had with him his brother Richard king of Almain, his eldest son the lord Edward, 
The lords that follow●● the king.  William de Ualence his half brother on the mother's side, & john Coming of Ward in Scotland with a great number of Scots, john Ballioll lord of galloway, Robert Bruis lord of Annandale, Roger Clifford, Philip Marmion, john Uaux, john Leiborne, Henry Percy, Philip Basset, and Roger Mortimer.  
Thus the king having these Noble men about him, 
Northampt●● taken by 〈◊〉.  with his army sped him towards Northampton, and coming thither took the town by force, ●●ue diverse, and took prisoners Peter Mountfort, and Simon Mountfort the earl of Leicester's son, William Ferries, Baldwin Wake, with Nicholas his brother, Berengarius de Wateruile, Hugh Gubiun, Robert Butevilein, Adam of Newmarch, Robert Newton, Philip Dribie, Grimbald Pauncef●et, Roger Beltram, Thomas Mansell, and diverse other, to the number of 80 knights (or as Matthew Westminster hath 15 barons, and 60 knights) besides a great number of esquires and burgesses, the which were bestowed abroad in sundry prisons. The town (as some writ) was taken by this means. Whilst diverse of the captains within were talking with the king on the one side of the town towards the meadows, the lord Philip Basset approached the walls near unto the monastery of S. Andrew, and there with his people having spades, mattocks, and other instruments provided for the purpose, undermined a great pain of the wall, and reversed the same into ditches, making such a breach, that forty horsemen might enter affront. Some put the blame in such monks of the abbeie as were strangers, as though they should prepare this entry for the enemy: but howsoever it was, the king got the town out of his enemies hands.  
This also is to be remembered, that where by reason of variance, which had chanced that year betwixt the scholars of Oxford and the townsmen, a great line 10 number of the same scholars were withdrawn to Northampton and there studied. 
Scholars fight against the king.  They had raised a banner to fight in defence of the town against the king, and did more hurt to the assailants than any other band; whereupon the king threatened to hang them all, and so had he done indeed, if by the persuasion of his council he had not altered his purpose, doubting to procure the hatred of their friends, if the execution should have been so rigorously prosecuted against them: for there were amongst them many line 20 young gentlemen of good houses and noble parentage. Thus was the town of Northampton taken on a saturday being Passion sunday even, and the morrow after the day of S. Ambrose which is the fift of April. On the monday following, the king led his army towards Leicester, where the burgesses received him into the town at his coming thither. From thence he marched to Nottingham, burning and wasting the houses and manors of the barons and other of his enemies, and specially those that belonged to the earl of Leicester. Here he also gathered line 30 more people, 
Some writ that john de Balliol and Robert de Bruis, and Peter de Bruis, came to him here and not before Matt. West. The castle of Turburie defaced.  and so increased his power: in somuch that diverse Noblemen, as Roger Clifford, Henry Percy, Richard Grace, Philip Basset, Richard Sward, and Hubert earl of Kent, doubting the lack of power in their companions, revolted incontinently to the king's side.  
He sent his son prince Edward into Darbishire and Staffordshire with a strong power, where he wasted the manors and possessions of Robert de Ferrer earl of Derby, and namely he overthrew line 40 and defaced the castle of Tutburie. Wheresoever the king's army, or that which his son prince Edward led, chanced to come, there followed spoiling, burning and killing. The barons on the other side sat not still, for the lord john Gifford, with others that were appointed by the earl of Leicester to keep Killingworth castle (which was furnished with all things necessary, marvelously, and with such strange kind of engines as had not been lightly heard of nor seen in these parts) took by a policy the castle of line 50 Warwick, and William Manduit earl of Warwick, 
The castle of Warwick taken.  with his wife and family within it; and leading them to Killingworth, there committed them to prison. The cause was, for that they suspected him that he would take part with the king against them. The castle of Warwick they razed down, lest the king's people should take it for their refuge. 
The castle of Warwick razed. The jews are killed.  In the Passion week the jews that inhabited in London being detected of treason, which they had devised against the barons and citizens, were slain almost line 60 all the whole number of them, and great riches found in their houses, which were taken and carried away by those that ransacked the same houses.  
After Easter the earl of Leicester, having London at his commandment, 
Rochester besieged.  went to Rochester and besieged that city, but the captain thereof john earl of Warren did manfully resist the enemies; till the king advertised thereof, with the power of the marshes of the north parts and other came and removed the siege. 
N. Triue●. Matth. West.  This done, he left a convenient garrison within the city to defend it, and coming to Tunbridge, won the castle, and taking the countess of Gloucester that was within it, permitted her to departed. This done, he repaired to the sea side towards France, to stay there till his brethren, Geffrey and Guy, the sons of the earl of Marsh should arrive with some band of soldiers, 
The kings half brethren come out of France to his aid. The king incampeth at jews.  for whom he had now sent and revoked into the realm, being lately before banished by the Nobles, as before ye have heard. They shortly after landed, whereupon the king having his power increased, came to jews, and pight down his field not far from that town.  
In the end of April the barons hearing where the king was, departed from London with a great multitude of the citizens, whom they placed in the vantward, and marched forth towards the king, and coming near to the place where he was lodged; set down their tents, and encamped themselves a little beside him. Either here or by the way as they came forward, the barons devised a letter, and sent it unto the king, containing an excuse of their doings, and a declaration of their well meanings, 
The barons send a letter to the king.  both towards him, and the wealth of the realm; and herewith accused those that were about him, and with evil counsel misinformed him, both against them, against the public wealth of the land, and his own honour. This letter was dated the tenth of May, and subscribed with the names of a great number of noble men, of the which the more part do here ensue, but yet not all; Sir Simon de Montfort earl of Leicester and high steward of England, sir Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester, Robert Ferrer earl of Derby, Hugh Spenser lord chief justice, & Henry Montfort son and heir to the earl of Leicester, Richard Grey, Henry Hastings, john Fitz john, Robert de Uéepont, john Ginuile, Robert Rops, William Marmion, Baldwine Wake, Gilbert Gifford, Nicholas de Segraue, Godfrey de Lucy, john de Ueisie, William de Mountchensie, with other. The king answered this letter, 
The answer to the barons.  in charging them with rebellion, and moving of open war against him, to the great disquieting of the realm. Also he laid unto their charge, the burning of the manors, houses and places of his nobles and councillors; and herewith defied them by the same answer, 
He defieth them.  which was dated at jews aforesaid on the twelfth of May.  
Also the king of Romans, and prince Edward sent their defiance to the barons at the same time in writing under their seals, for that the barons in their letter to the king, had burdened them and other with misleading the king with untrue informations and sinister counsel. 
Matth. West.  Thus as they writ to and fro such nipping letters, all the treaty of peace was forgotten and laid aside, so that they prepared to battle. The king had indeed the greater number of armed men, but many of them were unfaithful, and cared not greatly though the loss fell to his side, and so whilst they went to it without order, & unadvisedly, they fought at adventure, & continued but faintly. 
N. Trivet. The ordering of the battles.  His captains made three battles of their army, the lord Edward led the forward, and with him William de Ualence earl of Penbroke, and john de Warren earl of Surrey and Sussex. In the second, the K. of Almain, with his son Henry were cheeftaines. The third the king governed himself.  
The barons divided their host into four battles, the first was under the government of the lord Henry de Montfort and others. The second was led by the lord Gilbert de Clare, the lord john Fitz john, and the lord William de Mountchensie. The third, in which the Londoners were placed, the lord Nicholas de Segraue ruled. The fourth was led by Simon Montfort earl of Leicester himself, and one Thomas de Pevelston. Thus being ordered, on the fourteenth of May being wednesday, they joined in fight, and at the first encounter, 
The battles join.  the L. Henry de Hastings, 
Chron. Dunst.  the lord Geffrey de Lucy, & Humphrey de Bohun the younger were wounded, and the Londoners forthwith were beaten back: 
Prince Edward pursueth the Londoners.  for prince Edward so fiercely assailed them, that they were not able to abide the brunt. He hated them indeed above all other, namely for that of late they had misused his mother, reviling her, and throwing dirt and stones at her, when she passed the bridge (as before ye have heard) which wrong and abuse by them committed was peradventure on their parts forgotten, line 10 but of prince Edward (as it seemeth) remembered, for pulvere qui laedit, sed laesus marmore scribit.  
Hereupon prince Edward now to be revenged of them, after they began to fly, most eagerly following them, chased & slew them by heaps. But whilst he separated himself by such earnest following of the Londoners too far from the residue of the king's army, he was the only cause of the loss of that field: for the earl of Leicester, perceiving that the prince with the chiefest force of the king's army was thus gone after the Londoners (of whom he made no line 20 great account) he exhorted his people to show their valiancy at that instant, and so coming upon his adversaries with great courage, 
The kings part put to the worse. Matt. Westm. Nic. Triver.  in a moment put them to flight. There were taken the king of Almain, the lords john de Burgh and Philip Basset with all other the chiefest that were about the king, but the king himself retired with those few about him that were left, into the priory of jews, and other there were that withdrew into the castle. line 30 The barons pursuing them, entered the town, and took or slew so many as they found within the castle and priory. At length, prince Edward returned from the chase of the Londoners, whom he had pursued for the space of four miles, and finding the field lost, began a new battle: 
Matth. Paris.  but the earl of Surrie, William de Valence, and Guy de Lucignan, with Hugh Bigod and others, 
Seven hundred hath Abington. Prince Edward cometh back to his father.  having with them three hundred armed men, streightwaies fled unto the castle of Pemsie. Prince Edward then perceiving slaughter line 40 to be made on each hand, cast about the town, and with his company got into the priory to his father.  
In the mean time the barons gave assault to the castle, but they within valiantly defended themselves, with whose hardy doings prince Edward encouraged, gathered his people together again, and meant e●tsoones to give battle; but the subtle head of the earl of Leicester beguiled them all, for he caused certain friars to take in hand to be intreators betwixt them, 
Fri●rs suborned to treat a peace.  which coming to the king and to the line 50 prince his son, declared that the barons, to avoid that more christian blood should not be spilled, would be contented to have the matter put in compromise of indifferent persons; but if it were so, that the king and his son would needs stand to the uttermost trial of battle, they would not fail but strike off the heads of the king of Almain and other prisoners, which they would set upon the ends of their spears in steed of standards.  
The king and his people having the respect of pity line 60 before their eyes, changed their purposed intent to fight, and falling to a parley (which continued for the most part of all the night next following) at length it was agreed upon, 
An agreement taken. Matth. West.  that the French king with three prelates and three other noble men of the temporalty, should choose forth and name two noble men of France, which coming into England should take a third person to them whom they thought good, and they three should have the hearing of all controversies betwixt the king and the barons, and what order so ever they took therein, the same should stand, and be received for a perfect conclusion and stable decree. This agreement was confirmed, and prince Edward and Henry son to the king of Almain were appointed to remain as hostages with the barons.  
¶ Other write otherwise of this battle at jews, 
Polydor.  affirming, that not only the king of Romans, but also king Henry himself, having his own horse thrust through on both sides, was taken, and likewise his son prince Edward with other on their side, to the number of five and twenty barons and bannerets: and that moreover, there died on the king's side that day in the battle and chase, six thousand and five hundred men, as Polydore noteth: howbeit, Richard Southwell saith, there died on both parts only 3400. But Matth. Westminster writeth, that as the report went, there died five thousand on both sides, and amongst other, these he nameth as chief, William de Wilton one of the king's justices, & the lord Fouke Fitz Waren a baron that took the king's part. On the barons side, 
Matth. West●▪ Lords ta●●● on the king's side.  the lord Ralph Heringander a baron also, and William Blunt the earls standardbearer. Of them that were taken on the king's side, beside such as before are recited, we find these named, Humphrey de Bohun earl of Hereford, William lord Bardolfe, Robert lord of Tatshale, Roger lord Somerie, Henry lord Percy, john de Balliol, Robert de Bruis, and john Coming, with other barons of Scotland, having lost all their footmen whom they had brought with them to the king's aid.  
Moreover, it should appear by some writers, 
Fabian. N. Triue●. Matth. Wes●▪  that the king being thus in captivity, was constrained to make a new grant, that the statutes of Oxford should stand in force, and if any were thought unreasonable, the same should be reform by four Noble men of the realm of France, two of the spirituality and two of the temporalty. And if those four could not agree, than the earl of Anton and the duke of Burgoigne should be judges in the matter. ¶ But if either those or the other were appointed to be arbitrators, like it is, that the former report touching the success of the battle is true; for if both the king and his son had been taken prisoners in the field, the barons would surly have constrained him to have consented to the observance of the statutes, without putting the same in compromise, to be altered at the discretion of any arbitrators, and namely strangers.  
But howsoever it was, on the tuesday before the Ascension day, peace was proclaimed in London, 
Peace proclaimed.  between the king and the barons; and whereas the king either by constraint for safeguard of himself or his friends, either upon assurance of the barons promise, committed himself unto the company of the same barons, at their coming with him to London they went from this last agreement, and forthwith devised other ordinances as thus. They ordained, 
A new 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉  that two earls and a bishop, which being elected out by the commonalty, should choose to them nine other persons, and of these, three of them should still remain about the king, and by their order and the other nine, all things should be governed both in the court and in the realm. They constrained the king and his son prince Edward (menacing to depose the one, and to keep the other in perpetual prison) to consent and agree to this last ordinance: and so the earls of Leicester and Gloucester, and the bishop of Chichester were ordained there the chief rulers, and letters sent with all speed unto the cardinal Sabinensis the pope's legate, and to the king of France, to signify to them, that the compromise agreed upon at jews was utterly revoked, and that a new peace in friendly wise was concluded.  
But although the bishops of London, Winchester, and Worcester instantly required the said legate, that he would help to further the same peace, yet he sore rebuked them, in that they would give their consent, so much to abase and bring under the king's royal power. And because he might not be suffered to enter the realm, he first cited them to appear before him at Bullongne. And whereas they seemed to contemn his authority, and appeared not, he both suspended the said three bishops, and excommunicated the said earls of Leicester and Gloucester, and their complices, with the city of London, and the cinque ports: but the foresaid bishops, earls and barons, feigning to make their appeals to the pope's consistory, or if need were, unto a general council and so forth, though indeed trusting more to the temporal line 10 sword, than fearing the spiritual, they did not forbear to say and hear divine service in churches and elsewhere, as before they had done, till the coming of the cardinal Othobone.  
The captains and men of war, whom the king had left at Tunbridge, immediately upon the agreement concluded betwixt the king and the barons, were commanded by the K. to departed, 
Matth. West.  & repair every man to his home; but they fearing the malice of their enemies, would not break in sunder, but keeping line 20 together, went straight to Bristol, and there remained, till the lord Edward the king's son was escaped out of captivity. But this is to be remembered, that before their departure from Tunbridge, when by report of William de Say, 
N. Trivet.  who escaping from the battle at jews, was come thither, they understood how the matter had passed on both sides, and that the Londoners being chased out of the field, were lodged at Croidon, 
The Londoners spoiled at Croidon.  about the evening tide they came thither, and assailing them in their lodgings, line 30 slew many, and won a great spoil. The earl of Leicester and the barons having the rule of the king and realm in their hands, sought to oppress all such as they knew to be against them, and not to like of their proceedings; namely, the northern lords, and those of the marshes of Wales, as the lord Mortimer and others: but waxing herewith wilful, they used things with small discretion, which at length brought them to confusion. For the four sons of the earl of Leicester, Henry, Guy, Simon, and an line 40 other Henry, which had served right worthily indeed on the day of the battle, began to wax so proud, that in comparison of themselves, they despised all others.  
The lords of the marshes of Wales, as Roger de Mortimer, james de audley, Roger de Clifford, Roger de Leiborne, 
Matt. West.  Haimon le Strange, Hugh turbervile, and other that had escaped from the battle at jews, began to make against them that had thus usurped the rule of the land, under colour of line 50 having the king in their hands. The earl of Leicester advertised hereof, joined in league with Leolin prince of Wales, and coming with the king into those parts, entered into the castle of Hereford, into the which he removed the lord Edward from Dover, where he was first kept in ward, after he had yielded himself at jews. After this, the earl of Leicester recovered the castle of Hay, and wasting the lands and manors of the lord Mortimer, constrained Hugh Mortimer to yield himself, so that line 60 his castle called Richar, and other his possessions, were committed to the keeping of the lord john Fitz john. 
The earl of Derby cometh to Chester with 20 thousand men.  Robert de Ferrer earl of Derby, with a great puissance of horsemen and footmen came to Chester, in favour of the earl of Leicester, against whom although William de Cousche, and David brother to the prince of Wales, taking the contrary part with the lord james audley and other, came to encounter, yet they durst not abide him, but fled, and lost an hundred of their men.  
In the mean time, the earl of Leicester proceeding in his business, won the castle of Ludlow, and after marching towards Montgomerie, whither the lords Roger de Mortimer, and james audley were withdrawn, he constrained them at length to a feigned agreement, so that they gave hostages, 
The lords Mortimer and Audeli● banished.  promising to come to the next parliament that was appointed to be holden, where they were banished the land for a twelve months, and all the castles on the marshes, in manner from Bristol to Chester, were delivered to the earl. After this (as by Nicholas Trivet it appeareth) there was a great assembly of men of war made out of all parts of the realm, to resist such strangers as the queen (remaining in the parts beyond the seas) had got together, meaning to send them into England to aid the king against the barons, and for that purpose had caused a great number of ships to be brought into the haven of Dam. But now that the king was in the barons hands, 
An army lodged on Barhamdowne.  and that such a multitude of horsemen and footmen were assembled on Barhamdowne (as a man would not have thought had been possible to have found within the whole realm) to resist the landing of those strangers, the said strangers were sent home again, without having done any pleasure to the queen, other than spent her money. 
Matth. West.  The king held his Christmas at Woodstoke; year 1265 and the earl of Leicester, who seemed then to rule the whole realm, 
Chr. Dunstab.  kept his Christmas at Killingworth.  
After this, a parliament was holden at London in the octaves of saint Hilary, and many things were concluded, covenants accorded, and oaths taken for performance by the K. and his son prince Edward, which shortly after came to little effect. Yet prince Edward, and Henry the son and heir of the king of Almain, which had been kept as pledges about the term of nine months and odd days, were in the Lent following set at liberty, upon assurance made, 
Abington.  that the said prince Edward should remain in the king's court, and not departed from thence without licence of the king and certain of the barons. He was also constrained to give unto the earl of Leicester the county Palantine of Chester, before he might obtain to have so much liberty. Between Easter and Whitsuntide, the earls of Leicester and Gloucester fell at variance, through the presumptuous demeanour of the earl of Leicester's sons, and also because the earl of Leicester would not deliver the king of Almain and other prisoners unto the earl of Gloucester, requiring to have the custody of them, because he had taken them in the battle at jews.  
The earl of Gloucester, perceiving himself not well used, secretly entered into confederacy with the lord Mortimer, and other of the marshes: whereupon the earl of Leicester having thereof some inkling, came to Hereford, in purpose to have taken the earl of Gloucester, and to have put him in safe keeping, as lately before he had served the earl of Derby. But by the practice of the lord Mortimer, shortly after the lord Edward or prince Edward (whether ye list to call him) assaieng abroad in the fields an horse or two, such as he should use at justs and tornies, which were appointed to be holden, he mounted at length upon a light courser, which the said lord Mortimer had sent to him; 
Prince Edward escapeth away. Matth. West.  and bidding the lord Robert Roos and other (that were appointed to attend on him, as his keepers) farewell, he galloped from them, and could not be overtaken of them that pursued him, till at length he came to the lord Mortimer, who with a great troup of men was come forth of his castle of Wigmore to receive him. This was on the thursday in Whitsunweeke.  
About the same time, the earl of Warren, with William de Ualence earl of Penbroke, the kings half brother, and others, who (as ye have heard) fled from the battle at jews, were now returned into the realm, landing first in Southwales with a power of crossbows and other men of war, the which hearing that the lord Edward was thus escaped out of captivity, came to Ludlow, and there joined with him, and so likewise did the earl of Gloucester. Now after they had communed together, and were made friends and confederates, they caused all the bridges to be broken, that the enemies should not come to oppress them, till they had assembled all their forces, and passing forward towards Gloucester, won the city, and still came people unto them from all line 10 sides, namely those lords and captains, which all the time since the battle of jews had lain in Bristol. After this they came to Worcester, and entered there also. When the earl of Leicester was hereof advertised (who in all this mean time by order taken, was about the king, and ruled all things in the court) h● sent in all haste unto his son Simon de Montfort to raise a power of men, 

The earl of Leicester's son raiseth an army.  
He won Winchester.   the which accordingly assembled to him much people, and coming with the same unto Winchester, won the city by line 20 surrender, spoilt it, and slew the more part of the jews that inhabited there. Then he laid siege to the castle, but hearing a feigned rumour that prince Edward was coming thither with his power, he departed from thence with his company, and went to Killingwoorth.  
On the last day of julie, prince Edward with his host came to Killingwoorth aforesaid, and there fight with the said Simon de Montfort and his army, with little slaughter discomfited the same, and line 30 took prisoners the earl of Oxford, 
The army of the earl of Leicester's son is discomfited.  the lords William de Montchensie, Adam de Newmarch, Baldwine Wake, and Hugh Nevil, with diverse others: the lord Simon himself fled into the castle, and so escaped. In this mean while the earl of Leicester having raised his power, 
N. Trivet.  came to the castle of Monmouth, 
The castle of Monmouth taken.  which the earl of Gloucester had lately taken and fortified: but they that were within it being driven to yield, it was now razed down to the ground. This done, the earl of Leicester entering into Glamorganshire, line 40 and joining his power with the prince of Wales, wasted and burned the lands of the said earl of Gloucester: but hearing what his adversaries went about in other places, he returned from thence, and came forward towards the said prince Edward, who likewise made towards him, and at Euesham they met on the sixth day of August, 
The battle of Euesham.  where was fought a very fierce and cruel battle betwixt the parties.  

Polydor.  ¶ Some write, that the earl of Leicester placed king Henry in the front of his battle, whom he had line 50 there with him as captive, and had arrayed him in his own cote-armour, that if fortune went against him, whilst the enemies should be earnest to take the king bearing the semblance of the chief captain, he might himself escape: but king Henry, when they came to join, fought not, but called to his people, and declared who he was, whereby he escaped the danger of death, for being known of them he was saved. The Welshmen which in great numbers the earl of Leicester had there on his side, 
The Welshmen fled.  at the first onset fled line 60 and ran away; which their demeanour, when the earl saw, he exhorted those that were about him to play the men, and so rushing forth into the press of his enemies, 
The earl of Leicester slain.  he was enclosed about and slain, together with his son Henry. Hereupon, his death being known, his people took them to flight as men utterly discomfited. There died in that battle about 4000 men (as Polydore saith.) But Richard Southwell saith, there were killed of knights or rather men of arms 180, and of yeomen or rather demilances 220, of Welshmen 5000, and of such footmen as were of the earl of Leicester's own retinue 2000, so that there died in all to the number of ten thousand men, as the same Southwell affirmeth. Among whom of noblemen, 
Matth. We●●▪  these are reckoned Hugh Spenser lord chief justice, the lord Ralph Ba●●et, the lord Peter de Montfort, the lord john Beauchampe, sir William York, the lord Thomas de Esterlie, the lord Walter de Crepping, Guy de B●lioll a Frenchman, the lord William de Mandevill, the lord Roger S. john, the lord Robert Tregoz, and others.  
This ruin fell to the baron● by the discord which was sprung lately before, 
The pri●e of the earl of Leicester's sons bringeth the barons to confusion.  betwixt the earls of Leicester and Gloucester, through the insolency and pride of the earl of Leicester's sons, who (as I said before) despising other of the nobility, and forgetting in the mean time the nature of true and unstained nobleness, whereof it is said and truly remembered, that Nobilitas morum plus 〈◊〉 ●●●●genitorum, spoke many reproachful words by the said earl of Gloucester, and used him in such evil sort, that he upon displeasure thereof, had not only procured the escape of prince Edward, but joined with him in aid, against the said earl of Leicester, and other of the barons, to the utter confusion, ●●th of them and of their cause. The body of the same earl was shamefully abused & cut in pieces, his head and his privy members were cut off, and fastened on either side of his nose, and presented unto the wife of the lord Roger Mortimer.  
The people conceived an opinion, that this earl being thus slain, 
Polydor.  fight in defence of the liberties of the realm, & performance of his oath, as they took it, died a martyr: which by the bruited holiness of his passed life and miracles ascribed to him after his death, was greatly confirmed in the next age. But the fear of the king's displeasure stayed the people from hasty honouring him as a saint at this time, where otherwise, they were inclined greatly thereto, reputing him for no less in their conscience, as in secret talk they would not stick to utter. There were wounded & taken, 
Matth. West.  besides the other that were slain at that battle of Euesham, Guy de Montfort, the earl of Leicester's son, the lords john Fitz john, Henry de Hastings, Humphrey de Bohun the younger, john de Uescie, Peter de Montfort the younger, and Nicholas de Segraue with others. The king being delivered out of his adversaries hands, and likewise the king of Romans, went unto Warwick, and there increasing his power, determined to pursue his enemies.  
But first, about the Nativity of our lady was a parliament holden at Winchester, 
A parliament at Winchester.  where the statutes of Oxford were clearly repealed. Also, all such as had favoured the barons, and were as then either in prison or abroad, should be disherited. It was also ordained at this parliament, that the wealthiest citizens of London should be cast into prison, and that the city should be deprived of her liberties. Also, that the stulps and cheins, wherewith the streets were fenced, should be had away, because that the citizens had aided the earl of Leicester against the king and his realm. All this was done, for the chief citizens were committed to ward within the castle of Windsor, till they had paid no small sums of money for their fines. The liberties of the city were suspended, and the tower of London was made stronger by the stulps and cheins which were brought into it out of the city. Moreover, because Simon de Montfort might not agree with the king, being come to this parliament upon assurance, he was restored to the castle of Killingworth.  
After this, 
A parliament at Westminster.  in the feast of the translation of S. Edward, a parliament was holden at Westminster, and the sentence of disheriting the king's adversaries was pronounced against them, whose lands the king forthwith gave unto his trusty subjects, where he thought good. Some of the disherited men redeemed their possessions, with a portion of money, in name of a fine. Other of them flocking together, got them into the woods and desert places, where keeping them out of sight as outlaws, they lived by spoils and robberies. The chiefest of them was Robert earl of Ferrer, who nevertheless was restored to his lands, 
earl Ferrer  but yet with condition, that if afterwards he fell into the like crime, he should forfeit his earldom for ever. 
Fabian. Anno Reg. 50. The city of London submitteth herself to the K.  The Londoners with much ado, at length, obtained pardon of the king. The mayor and aldermen line 10 of the city were glad to submit themselves, though the commons, without consideration of the great peril which they were in, would have stood still at defiance with the king, and defended the city against him. It was no marvel though they were of diverse and contrary opinions, for in those days, the city was inhabited with many and sundry nations which then were admitted for citizens. At length, upon their submission, the king took them to mercy, upon their fine, 

The Londoners put to their fine.  
Cardinal Othobone the pope's legate. Fabian.   which was seized at twenty thousand line 20 marks.  
About Alhallowentide, cardinal Othobone came from the pope into England as his legate, to help towards some agreement to be had betwixt the king and his barons. He was committed to prison (as some writ) by the Londoners, for that he spoke against their doings, when they shut their gates against the king; but he was shortly released as should appear. On the sixth day of November in the fiftieth year of his reign, king Henry came to line 30 Westminster, and shortly after, he gave away the number of threescore houses, with the household stuff in the same contained, so that the owners were compelled to redeem them again of those his servants, to whom he had given the said houses, together with all such lands, goods and cattles, as the same citizens had within any part of England. Then was one called sir Othon made custos or guardian of the city, 
One Othon made guardian of the city of London.  who was also constable of the tower, he chose to be bailiffs, and to be accountable to the king's use, line 40 john Adrian, and Walter Henry, citizens of the same city. The king also took pledges of the best men's sons of the city, which pledges he caused to be put in the tower, and there kept at the costs of their parents. 
Matth. West.  ¶ The king by advise of his council ordained, that within every shire of the realm, there should be a captain or lieutenant appointed with necessary allowance of the king for his charges, the which, with the assistance of the sheriff, should punish and keep down the wicked outrage of thieves and line 50 robbers, which in time of the late civil wars were sprung up in great numbers, and grown to exceeding great boldness; but now, through fear of deserved punishment, they began to cease from their accustomed rapine, and the king's power came again in estimation, so that peace after a manner took new root and increase. 
Nic. Trevet. The legate holdeth a synod at Northampton.   
Upon S. Nicholas even, the king departed from Westminster, towards Northampton, where the cardinal Othobone held a synod, and according to line 60 that he had in commandment, pronounced all the king's adversaries accursed, and namely all the bishops which had aided the barons against the king, in time of the late wars, of whom afterward he absolved the most part. 
Matt. West. This suspension was pronounced in a council holden by the said cardinal at Paul's as Fabian saith. Matth. West.  But john bishop of Winchester, Henry bishop of London, and Stephan bishop of Chichester were sent to Rome, to purchase their absolution of pope Clement the fourth, as well for other points of disobedience, as chiefly for that, where the queen had procured a curse of pope Urbane the fourth, that was predecessor to this Clement, to accursse all the barons and their supporters, which warred against the king her husband: the said bishops (to whom the commission was sent to denounce that curse) for fear of the barons deferred the execution. Walter bishop of Worcester; chancing to fall sick at that time, died about the beginning of February, confessing first, that he had grievously erred, in maintaining the side of the earl of Leicester against the king, and therefore directed his letters to the pope's legate, requiring to be absolved, which his petition the legate granted. Moreover, 
N. Trivet.  in this council at Northampton, there was published by the cardinal a grant, made to the king by the pope, of the dimes of the english church for one whole year than next ensuing.  
A little before the king's departure from London now in this last time, he ordained sir john Lined knight, and master john Waldren clerk, to be guardians of the city and tower, by the names of seneshals or stewards: but such earnest suit was made to the king, to obtain a perfect pardon for the Londoners, that at length after the aforesaid seneshals had taken sureties for the payment of their fine, the K. caused his charter of pardon to be made under his broad seal, and sent it unto them, wherein all former trespasses committed by them in the last wars was clearly pardoned; certain persons, 
The Londoners pardoned.  whose bodies and goods were given unto his eldest son Edward, excepted out of the same pardon. This charter was dated at Northampton, the tenth day of januarie, in the fiftieth year of king Henry's reign. year 1266 Then also were discharged the foresaid seneshals, 
Fabian.  and the citizens of themselves chose for mayor, William Fitz Richard; and for shiriffs, Thomas de la Fourd, and Gregory de Rockesleg.  
Whilst the king lay at Northampton, 
Simon de Montfort.  the lord Simon de Montfort put himself upon the doom and order of the legate Othobone, and was therefore permitted to be at large in the king's court: but at the kings coming to London, he suddenly departed out of the court, and road to Winchelsie, where he associated himself with rovers, and after some prices taken, departed from them, and went into France, 
Matth. West. Polydor.  where he offered his service to the French king, and was received. Thus saith Matthew Westminster, and other. But Polydore saith, that by Othobons' means, he was reconciled to the king's favour; and thereupon to avoid occasion of further displeasure, he commanded, that the castle of Killingworth should be restored unto the king, which the captain refused to deliver, having fortified it with all manner of provision, and things necessary to defend a siege.  
The wardens of the cinque ports, 
Fabian. The wardens of the five ports reconciled to the king. Matth. West.  which (during the time of the barons war) had done many robberies on the sea, as well against the Englishmen as other, were at length reconciled to the king, who was feign to agree with them upon such conditions as they thought good, because at that time (as the common fame went) they had the dominion of the sea in their own hands. But in some writers we find it thus recorded, that when certain prisoners which were kept by the barons of the cinque ports in the castle of Dover, heard how all things prospered on the king's side, they got possession of a tower within the same castle, and took upon them to defend it against their keepers; whereof when advertisement was given to the king and to his son the lord Edward, they hasted forth to come & secure their friends. The keepers of the castle, 
Dover castle delivered to the king.  perceiving themselves beset with their enemies, sent to the king for peace, who granting them pardon of life and limb, with horse, armour and other such necessaries, the castle was yielded unto his hands. From thence, prince Edward departing, visited the sea coasts, punishing diverse of the inhabitants within the precinct of the cinque ports, and putting them in fear, received diverse to the king his father's peace. The inhabitants of Winchelsie only made countenance to resist him, but prince Edward with valiant assaults entered the town, 
Winchelsie won by force.  in which entry much guilty blood was spilled, but yet the multitude by commandment of prince Edward was spared. And thus having won the town, he commanded that from thenceforth they should abstain from piracies, which they had before time greatly used. Thus were the seas made quiet, and those of the cinque ports brought to the king's peace, and throughly reconciled. line 10  

Matth. westm. The I'll of Oxholme.  In this mean while diverse of the disherited gentlemen, sore repining at the sentence and order given against them, had taken the Isle of Oxholme in Lincolnshire, whither a great number of evil doers immediately resorted, and began to do mischief in all the country's next adjoining. They took and sacked the city of Lincoln, 
Abington. Lincoln taken. N. Trivet.  spoiled the jews, and slew many of them, entered their synagogue, and burned the book of their law. At length prince Edward, or (as other say) his brother earl Edmund, was sent line 20 against them, who compelled them by force to come to the king's peace, which to observe, they received an oath shortly after at London, but nevertheless were as soon ready to break and renounce the same, and began a new broil in sundry parts of the realm. diverse of them fortified the castle of Killingworth, 
Killingworth castle fortified against the king.  providing themselves of all things necessary for defence out of the countries adjoining. The king advertised hereof, sent unto them a pursuivant, commanding them to cease from such rebellious attempts, line 30 but the messenger had one of his hands cut off, 
The king's pursuivant had his hand cut off.  and so with a contemptuous answer was sent back again.  
Prince Edward in passing through the forest of Aulton, got sight of sir Adam Gurdon one of the disherited men, 
Adam Gurdon.  with whom he coped and took him prisoner with his own hand, yet saving him, and pardoning the offence of rebellion, 
Matth. Westm.  in respect of the valiancy which he tried by proof to rest in him: but his soldiers and complices being there taken, he caused to be hanged upon trees within the same forest. Robert line 40 earl Ferrer contrary to his oath of late received, accompanied with the lord d'Euille and others, did much hurt by way of open war against the king's friends in the north parts. Against whom the lord Henry, son to the king of Almain was sent with a great power: the which coming to Chesterfield fell upon his enemies in such wise on the sudden, 
The battle of Chesterfield.  that they had not time to arm themselves, and so were distressed and overcome.  
Yet the lord john d'Euille broke out, and encountering line 50 with sir Gilbert Hansard, overthrew him, and escaped out of danger. Great slaughter was made on each hand, and in the mean while the Nobles and gentlemen sought to get out of peril by flight. The earl of Derby got into a church, but he was descried by a woman, and so was taken. There were many other also taken: & amongst them the lord Baldwine Wake, and sir john de la Hay with much pain escaped. This battle was fought about the midst of May, or upon Whitsun eve, as the Chronicle line 60 of Dunstable saith. Those that escaped, as the lord john d'Euille and others, 
Euersden.  gave not over yet, but assembling themselves together in companies, keeping within woods and other desert places, broke out oftentimes, and did much mischief. On the ninth of August they took the isle of Elie, and so strengthened it, that they held it a long time after, spoiling and robbing the countries round about them, as Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire.  
The bishop of Elie had undertaken to keep the isle to the king's use, but being now dispossessed thereof, he got him away▪ and fell to cursing them that were thus entered against his will, but they seemed to pass little upon his thundering excommunications. On the 16 of December, 
Norwich ●●cked.  they came to the city of Norwich; and spoiling it, took many of the wealthy citizens, and ransomed them at great sums of money. The lord Henry Hastings and Simon de Pateshull, with diverse others, got them into the castle of Killingworth, and daily went forth at their pleasures, spoiling and wasting the towns about them, or causing them to fine with them to be spared. 
Chron. Du●●▪  And this they forced not to do, although the lord Edmund the king's son lay in Warwick, to cut them short of such their licentious doings. The king therefore meaning to have the said castles of Killingworth by force, 

The siege of Killingworth castle beginneth.  
The lord Hastings.   began his siege about the same upon the éeuen of S. john Baptist. But the lord Henry Hastings, the captain of that castle, and other his complices defended it so strongly, that though the king enforced his power to the uttermost to win it of them, yet could he not any thing prevail, 
Anno Reg. 51.  till at length victuals began to fail them within, and then upon the even of saint Thomas the apostle before Christmas, the lord Henry Hastings delivered the said castle into the king's hands, 
Killingworth castle delivered to the K.  upon condition that he and all other should have life and limb, horse and armour, with all things within the place to them belonging. And thus this siege had continued from the 26 of june unto the 20 day of December.  
¶ Here is to be remembered, that at the beginning of the siege, there were within the castle a thousand and seven hundred armed men, and eight score women, beside lackeys and coisterels. Here is also to be remembered, that whilst the siege lay before Killingworth, by the advise of the king's council, and of the legate Othobone, there were twelve peers appointed and chosen forth, which should devise and make ordinances touching the state of the realm, and the disherited persons, who according to their commission, ordained certain provisions, the which are contained within the statute entitled Dictum de Killingworth. 
Dictum de Killingworth. Abington. Matth. Westm.  The king after that the castle of Killingworth was delivered to his hand, left therein his son Edmund, and went himself to Coventrie or (as other have) to Oxford, and there held his Christmas. year 1267 Shortly after coming to Westminster he held a parliament there, 
A parliament at Westminster.  studying to set a quietness in all matters and controversies depending betwixt him and the barons. In this parliament sentence was given against earl Ferrer for the forfeiture of his earldom: 
Earl Ferrer disherited.  then was Edmund the king's younger son put in possession both of the earldom of Derby and Leicester.  
On the sixth of February being sunday, the king came to S. Edmundsburie, and staying there till the two and twentieth of the same month, set forward that day towards Cambridge, where he lay with his army, the better to bridle them that kept the isle of Elie against him. He lay there all the Lent season. And in the mean time the earl of Gloucester taking great displeasure, 
The earl of Gloucester with an arn●● cometh to London.  for that he might not have his will, as well for the banishing of strangers, as for restitution to be made unto the disherited men of their lands, he began a new stir, and assembling a great power in the marshes of Wales came near unto London, pretending at the first as though he had come to aid the king, at length he got licence of the mayor and citizens to pass through the city into Southwark, where he lodged with his people, and thither came to him shortly sir john d'Euille, by Southerie side, bringing with him a great company.  
The mayor caused the bridge and water side to be kept and watched both day and night with armed men, and every night was the drawbridge drawn up: but within a while the earl used the matter so, that he was permitted to lodge within the city with certain of his men, by reason whereof, he drew more and more of his people into the city, so that in the end he was master of the city, and in Easter week took the keys of the bridge into his hands. The legate coming forth of the tower, repaired to the church of S. Paul, under a colour to preach the croisey, but in the end of that his exhortation, he turned his words to the earl of Gloucester, 
The legate admonisheth the earl of Gloucester to obey the king.  admonishing him to obey the king as he was bound by his line 10 allegiance. And further, whereas the earl had given commandment that no victuals should be suffered to be brought into the tower where the pope's legate was lodged, he thought himself evil used in that behalf, sith he was a mediator for peace, and no partaker. But when the earl seemed to give small regard to his words, he got him secretly again into the tower, with certain noble men the king's friends, meaning to defend it unto the uttermost of their powers. line 20  
There entered also into the tower a great number of jews with their wives and children, 
The legate & other mean to defend the tower against the earl of Gloucester.  unto whom one ward of the tower was committed to defend, which they did in that necessity very stoutly. Many of the citizens fearing a new insurrection, avoided out of the city, whose goods the earl seized into his own use, or suffered his men to spoil the same at their pleasures. The most part of all the commons of the city took part which the earl, 
The citizens of London in uproar chose new officers.  and in a tumult got them to the Guildhall, and there chose for their line 30 mayor or custos of the city, Richard de Colworth knight, and for bailiffs, Robert de Linton and Roger Martial, discharging the old mayor and sheriffs of their rooms. diverse aldermen were committed to prison, and their goods sequestered, and much part thereof spoiled. Also all such persons as were prisoners in Newgate, Ludgate, Creplegate, or in any other prison about the city, 
Prisoners set at liberty.  for the quarrel of the barons war, were set at liberty.  
The legate perceiving such disorder, accursed generally line 40 all such as thus troubled the king's peace, 
The legate accurseth the troublers of the king's peace.  showing themselves enemies to the king and the realm. He also interdicted all the churches within the city and about it, licensing only divine service to be said in houses of religion, and without ringing of any bell or singing: and whilst service was in hand, he appointed the church doors to be shut, because none of them that stood accursed, should enter and be present. The king in the mean time lay at Cambridge to defend the countries about from injuries, 
The king lay at Cambridge  which were daily attempted by them that held the isle of line 50 Elie against him, of whom at one time he distressed a certain number at Ramsey. 
Ramsey.  And because now after that the earl was thus come to London, another company of them broke out to rob and spoil, and were stopped by the king's power from entering into the isle again, they repaired straight to London, doing mischief enough by the way.  
The earl of Gloucester greatly encouraged by their assistance, fell in hand to assail the tower, within line 60 the which the pope's legate Othobone, and diverse other were enclosed, taking upon them to defend it against the earl and all his puissance. The king upon the first news of the earl of Gloucester his commotion, 
The king maketh hard shift for money to hire soldiers & men of war to assist him.  engaged the shrines of saints, and other jewels and relics of the church of Westminster unto certain merchants for great sums of money, with the which sending into France and Scotland, he retained men of war to come to his aid. Hereupon his son prince Edward came to his succour unto Cambridge, bringing thither with him thirty thousand able men out of the north parts, Scots and other. 
The K. removeth towards Windsor.  The king then leaving a convenient number to defend Cambridge, marched from thence toward Windsor. After his coming thither, his army daily increased. The earl of Gloucester and his complices, began to fear the matter, and sent to him for peace which could not be granted: whereupon they appointed to give him battle upon Houndslow heath. The king coming thither in the morning, found no man there to resist him, and therefore, after he had stayed there a certain space, 
The king cometh to Stratford. Fabian.  he marched forth and came to Stratford, where he was lodged in the abbeie: his host encamped and lay at Ham and thereabouts.  
This chanced about three weeks after Easter. 
Matth. Westm.  The soldiers which lay in London and in Southwark, did much hurt about in the country of Southerie, & elsewhere. They also spoilt the town of Westminster, and the parish-church there: but the monks and the goods belonging to the abbeie they touched not, 
Westminster spoiled.  but made havoc in the king's palace, drinking up & destroying his wine, breaking the glass windows, and defacing the buildings most disorderly, yea scarce forbearing to set the house on fire. Also there were of them that broke up & rob certain houses in London, of the which misgoverned persons there were four taken, that ware the cognisance of the earl of Derby, 
Soldiers sacked and thrown into the Thames.  whom the earl of Gloucester caused to be put in sacks, and so thrown into the Thames.  
As the king thus lay at Stratford, there came unto him from the parts of beyond the sea, 
The earls of Bullongne & S. Paul. A fleét of Gascons come to the king's aid.  the earl of Bullongne, and S. Paul, with two hundred men of arms, and their suit of other soldiers. Also there arrived in the Thames a fleet of great vessels fraught with Gascons, and lay afore the tower, abiding the king's pleasure. ¶ The earl of Gloucester had caused bulwarks and barbicans to be made betwixt the tower and the city; and also in sundry places where need required ditches and trenches were cast, so that the city was strongly fortified. Howbeit now that the said earl and his complices perceived themselves in manner as besieged, they sought for peace. And by mediation of the king of Almain, 
Abington. A peace concluded.  the lord Philip Basset and the legate Othobone, the same was granted, the ordinance of Killingworth in every condition observed. 
The Londoners pardoned  The Londoners were pardoned of their trespass for receiving the earl, though they were constrained to pay a thousand marks to the king of Romans, in recompense of the hurts done to him in burning of his house at Thistleworth.  
Whilst the earl of Gloucester kept the city of London against the king, one Henry de Guderesch, 
Chron. Dun. Buderesch.  steward to the said earl, departing from London, came to the manor house of Geffrey saint Leger at Offeld, which he burned, and turning from thence came to Brickhill. 
The lord Gray.  The lord Reignold Gray that held of the knight's part, advertised hereof, followed him with his retinue of men of war, and coming upon his enemy at unwares, took the said Henry, and slew thirty of the chiefest of his company, some he took, howbeit many escaped. But now to our purpose. By this agreement concluded betwixt the king & the earl of Gloucester, he also accepted to his grace the lord john Eineley, the lord Nicholas de Segraue, the lord William Marmion, the lord Richard de Gray, the lord john Fitz john, and the lord Gilbert de Lucy, with others: so that all parts of the realm were quieted, saving that those in the Isle of Elie would not submit themselves: yet at length by mediation of prince Edward they were reconciled to the king, and all the fortresses and defences within that Isle by them made, were plucked down and destroyed.  
But it appeareth by other writers, 
Euersden.  that immediately after the agreement concluded betwixt the earl of Gloucester, prince Edward the king's son, by setting workmen in hand to make a caussie through the fens with boards and hurdles, entered upon them that kept the isle of Elie, so that many of them got out, and fled to London unto the said earl of Gloucester, and other their complices. The residue submitted themselves, as the lord Wake, Simon Montfort the younger, the Pechees and other, upon condition to be pardoned of life and member: and further, that prince Edward should be a mean to his father to receive them into favour. But by other it may rather seem, that some of them kept and defended line 10 themselves within that I'll, till after the agreement made betwixt the king and the earl of Gloucester. By order of which agreement there were four bishops and eight lords chosen forth, which had been first nominated at Coventrie, to order and prescribe betwixt the king and the disherited men a form of peace and redemption of their lands. And so in the feast of All saints, 
Anno Reg. 52.  proclamation was made of a full accord and agreement, and what every man should line 20 pay for his ransom for redeeming his offence against the king.  
In the octaves of S. Martin, the king held a parliament at Marleborough, 
A parliament at Marleborough.  where the liberties contained in the book called Magna charta were confirmed, and also diverse other good and wholesome ordinances concerning the state of the commonwealth were established and enacted. ¶ In the month of April there chanced great thunder, tempestuous rain, and floods, occasioned by the same, very sore & horrible, continuing for the space of fifteen days together. line 30 The legate Othobone, year 1268 after he had in the synods holden at Northampton and London, devised and made many orders and rules for churchmen, and levied amongst them great sums of money, 

The legate Othobone returneth to Rome.  
Othobone chosen pope.   finally in the month of julie, he took leave of the king and returned to Rome, where after the decease of Innocent the fift, about the year of our Lord 1276 he was chosen pope, and named Adrian the fift, living not past 50 days after. He went so near hand to search out things at his going away, 
Abington.  that he had enrolled line 40 the true value of all the churches and benefices in England, and took the note with him to Rome.  
Prince Edward the king's son, and diverse other great lords of England before this legates departure out of the realm, 
Prince Edward receiveth the cross.  received the cross at his hands in Northampton on Midsummer day, meaning shortly after according to promise there made, to go into the holy land to war against God's enemies. 
Fabian. A fray in London between the goldsmiths and tailors.  In this year fell great variance between line 50 the corporations or fellowships of the goldsmiths and tailors within the city of London, whereunto evil words flowing from the tongue gave original, for Pondus valde grave verbosum vas sine clave, so that one evening there were assembled to the number of five hundred in the streets in armour, and running together made a fowl fray, so that many were wounded and some slain. But the sheriffs hearing thereof, came & parted them, with assistance of other trades, and sent diverse of them being taken unto prison, of the which there were arraigned to the line 60 number of thirty, and thirteen of them condemned and hanged.  
In the fifty & third year of king Henry's reign, there was such an exceeding great frost, 
Anno. Reg. 53. Thames frozen.  beginning at saint Andrew's tide, and continuing till it was near candlemas, that the Thames from the bridge upwards was so hard frozen, year 1269 that men and beasts passed over on feet from Lambeth to Westminster, and so westward in diverse places up to Kingston. Also merchandise was brought from Sandwich and other places unto London by land. For the ships by reason of the ice could not enter the Thames. ¶ And about the feast of S. Uedast, which falleth on the 6 of February, fell so great abundance of rain, that the Thames rose so high, as it had not done at any time before, to remembrance of men then living; so that the cellars and vaults in London by the water side were drowned, and much merchandise marred & lost.  
About S. George's day there was a parliament holden at London, 
Abington. A parliament holden at London.  for the appeasing of a controversy depending betwixt prince Edward the king's son and the earl of Gloucester: at the which parliament were present almost all the prelates and peers of the realm. At length they put the matter in compromise, into the hands of the king of Almain, undertaking to be ordered by him high and low touching all controversies: and likewise for the journey to be made into the holy land, but the king of Almain did little in the matter to any great effect. ¶ In the beginning of Lent the king gave to his son prince Edward the rule of the city of London, with all the revenues and profits thereto belonging. After which gift, the said prince made sir Hugh Fitz Othon constable of the tower and custos of the city of London. ¶ Upon the ninth day of April, Edmund the king's son, surnamed Crouchbacke, married at Westminster Auelina the daughter of the earl of Aumarle. Prince Edward commanded the citizens of London to present unto him six citizens, 
Prince Edward appoints the ma●● and sheriffs of London.  of the which number he might nominate two sheriffs, and so appointed William de Hadstocke and Anketill de Alberne, which were sworn to be accountants as their predecessors had been.  
In those days a new custom or toll was used to be paid, which prince Edward let to farm unto certain strangers, for the sum of twenty marks by year. Wherefore the citizens being grieved therewith, bought it of him for two hundred marks. Also this year there was granted to the king towards his journey by him purposed into the holy land, the twentieth penny of every man's movable goods throughout the realm of the lay fee, 
An aid gr●●ted to the king  and of the spirituality was granted by the assent of pope Gregory the tenth, three dimes to be gathered within the term of three years. 
The liberties of the city confirmed.  This year the king's son the lord Edward obtained a confirmation for the city of London of the charter of the ancient liberties, so that the citizens did then choose unto them a mayor and two sheriffs, which sheriffs by virtue of the same charter, had their office to farm, in manner as before time was accustomed: 
The rent of the farm of the sheriffs of London increased.  saving that where they paid afore but three hundred and fifty pounds, they paid now four hundred and fifty pounds. After which confirmation granted and passed under the king's broad seal, they chose for their mayor john Adrian, and for sheriffs Walter Potter and john Tailor, the which were presented the 16 day of julie unto the king at Westminster by his son prince Edward, and there admitted and sworn. Then was sir Hugh Fitz Othon discharged of the rule of the city. The citizens of their own freewill gave unto the king an hundred marks, and to his son prince Edward five hundred marks. 
Chron. Dun●●.  There was no great disorder attempted this year to the disquieting of the realm, saving that certain of the disherited gentlemen that belonged to the earl of Derby, withdrew unto the forest of the Peake in Darbishire, and there making their abode, spoiled and wasted the country's next adjoining.  
In the month of May, prince Edward the king's son set forward on his journey towards the holy land, and taking the sea at Dover, 
Anno Reg. 14 1270  
Wil Ris●am. Prince Edward setteth forward towards the holy land.  passed over into France, and came to Bordeaux, where he stayed a while, and after went to Agues Mortes, and there took shipping, first sailing (as some writ) unto Thunis, where the christian army, which jews the French king as than deceased had brought thither, was ready to departed, and so prince Edward, with the new French king jews and other princes passed over into Sicill, where he sojourned for the winter time. 
Matth. West. The king sick  In this year the king was vexed with a grievous sickness: and the Irishmen in rebellion slew a ●reat sort of Englishmen, as well magistrates, as others in that country.  
When the spring of the year began to approach, prince Edward eftsoons took the sea, 
Anno Reg. 55. 1271  and finally arrived at Acres with a thousand chosen men of war, line 10 though there be writers that affirm, how there arrived with him of sundry countries five thousand horsemen, and double the same number of footmen. But amongst those that went out of England with him, these we find as principal, john de Britain, john de Uescie, Ot●s de Grantson, and Robert de Bruse, besides other. Of his noble chivalry there achieved, ye shall find a brief note in the description of the holy land, and therefore here we omit the same. Howbeit this is to be remembered, 
Prince Edward arriveth at Acres. Abington.  that whilst the lord Edward line 20 sojourned there in the city of Acres, he was in great danger to have been slain by treason: for a traitorous Saracen of that generation which are called Arsacidae, 
Arsacide, of some named Assassini.  and lately retained by the same lord Edward, and become very familiar with him, found means one day as he sat in his chamber, to give him three wounds, which surly had cost him his life, but that one of the prince's chamberleins stayed the traitor's hand, 
Prince Edw. to traitorously wounded.  and somewhat broke the strokes, till other servants came to the rescue, and slew him there in the line 30 place.  
¶ There be that writ, how prince Edward himself, perceiving the traitor to strike at his belly, warded the blow with his arm: and as the Saracen offered to have stricken again, he thrust him back to the ground with his foot, and catching him by the hand, wrested the knife from him, and thrusting him into the belly, so killed him, though in struggling with him, he was hurt again a little in the forehead: and his servants withal coming to help him, one line 40 of them that was his musician, got up a trestill and stroke out the brains of the traitor, as he lay dead on the ground, and was blamed of his master for striking him, after he saw him once dead before his face, as he might perceive him to be. Some writ, that this traitor was sent from the great admiral of japha, on message to the prince Edward, and had been with him diverse times before, 
Port japha.  & now making countenance to take forth letters, got forth his knife, and attempted so to have wrought his feat. Whatsoever line 50 the man was, the prince was in great danger, by reason of the enuenimed knife wherewith he was wounded, so that it was long yer he could be perfectly whole. 
The generation of the Arsacide, or Assass●ni.  These Saracens called Arsacidaes, are a wicked generation of men, infected with such a superstitious opinion, that they believe heavenly bliss is purchased of them, if they can by any means slay one of the enemies of their religion, & suffer themselves for that fact the most cruel death that may be devised. ¶ Prince Edward, after he was whole and recovered line 60 of his wounds, 
Anno Reg. 56.  perceiving that no such aid came into those parts out of christendom, as was looked for, took a truce with the enemies of our faith, and returned towards England, as hereafter shall be showed.  
year 1272 On the fourth nonce of April (as some say) or in the month of February (as other writ) in the six and fiftieth year of K. Henry's reign at Berkhamstéed, 
Nic. Triver. Matth. West. The ●●●easse of the king of Almain.  died Richard king of Almain and earl of Cornwall, and was buried in the abbeie of hails which he himself had founded: he was a worthy prince, and stood his brother king Henry in great stead, in handling matters both in peace and war. 
His issue.  He left behind him issue begotten of his wife Sanctla two sons, Edmund and Henry. 
Edmund earl o● Cornwall.  This Edmund was he that brought the blood of Hails out of Germany: for as he was there upon a time with his father, it chanced that as he was beholding the relics, and other precious monuments of the ancient emperors, he espied a box of gold: by the inscription whereof he perceived (as the opinion of men than gave) that therein was contained a portion of the blood of our saviour.  
He therefore, being desirous to have some part thereof, so entreated him that had the keeping of it, that he obtained his desire, and brought it over with him into England, bestowing a third part thereof after his father's decease in the abbeie of hails, as it were to adorn and enrich the same, 
The blood of hails.  because that therein both his father and mother were buried; and the other two parts he did reserve in his own custody, till at length moved upon such devotion as was then used, he founded an abbey a little from his manor of Berkhamsteed: which abbey was named Ashrug, 
Ashrug abbey built. Bonhommes.  in the which he placed monks of the order of Bonhommes, being the first that ever had been seen of that order here in England. And herewith he also assigned the two other parts of that blood to the same abbeie. Whereupon followed great resort of people to those two places, induced thereunto by a certain blind devotion.  
Henry the brother of this Edmund, 
The L. Henry son to the K. of Almain murdered in Italy.  and son to the foresaid king of Almain, as he returned from Africa, where he had been with prince Edward, was slain at Uiterbo in Italy (whither he was come about business which he had to do with the pope) by the hand of Guy de Montfort, the son of Simon de Montfort earl of Leicester, in revenge of the same Simons death. This murder was committed afore the high altar, as the same Henry kneeled there to hear divine service. The foresaid Guy upon that murder committed, fled unto his father in law, the earl of Anguilare, than governor of Tuskain. There was at Uiterbo the same time Philip king of France, returning homewards from the journey which his father made into Africa, where he died. Also Charles king of Sicill was there present, whom the said Guy then served. Both those kings were put in much blame, for that the murder and wilful escape was done and suffered in their presence and no pursuit made after the murderer. Boniface the archbishop of Canturburie, 
Robert Kilwarbie archb. of Canterbury  when he had ruled the sea seven and thirty years, departed this life: and after his decease, about two years or more, was one Robert Kilwarbie appointed in his place by pope Gregory, which Robert was the six and fortieth archbishop that had governed the see of Canturburie.  
About the month of june there fell great debate and discord betwixt the monks of Norwich and the citizens there; which increased so far, that at length the citizens with great violence assaulted the monastery, fired the gates, 
A fray betwixt the monks and citizens of Norwich.  and forced the fire so with reed and dry wood, that the church with the books, and all other ornaments of the same, and all houses of office belonging to that abbeie were clean burned, wasted, and destroyed, so that nothing was preserved except one little chapel. The king hearing of this riot, road to Norwich, and causing inquiry to be made thereof, 
Thirty of the citizens of Norwich hanged and burnt.  thirty young men of the city were condemned, hanged and burnt, to the great grief of the other citizens, for they thought that the prior of the place was the occasion of all that mischief, who had got together armed men, and took upon him to keep the belfraie and church by force of arms: but the prior was well enough borne out, and defended by the bishop of Norwich, named Roger, who (as it is likely) was the master of the mischief, though hands were not laid upon him nor his adherents: perhaps for fear, peradventure for favour; & no marvel though the less faulty lost their lives as most guilty, for 
— rarus venator ad ursos  
Accedit, tutos conseruat sylua leones,  
Debilibus robusta nocent, & grandia parvis,  
A les fulminiger timidos infestat olores,  
Accipiter laniat turdos millésque columbas,  
Versicolor coluber ranas miser●sque lacertas,  
Irretit muscas transmittit aranea vespas.   
The king returning by saint Edmundsburie, after he had done his devotions to S. Edmund's shrine, line 10 began to ware somewhat crazy: but after having a little recovered his health, he called a council there, wherein he went about to have taken order for the punishment of rebels: but his sickness again renewing, he broke up the assembly, and with all speed hasted to London. Prince Edward upon his return out of the holy land came to Chalons in Burgogne, & at the request of the earl he did attempt with his company to hold a jousts and tournie against the line 20 said earl & all other comers; And thought through disdain and spite there was homely play showed, 
A justs and tornie holden at Chalons.  upon purpose to put the Englishmen to the foil & reproach; yet by high valiancy prince Edward and his company bore themselves so worthily, that in the end the adversaries were well beaten, and constrained to leave the honour of that enterprise to the said prince Edward and his partakers. After this, he kept on his iornie till he came unto Paris, where he was honourably received of the French king, and from line 30 thence he went to Bordeaux, and there remained till after his father's death.  
In this mean time king Henry, being returned to London from saint Edmundsburie (as before ye have heard) his sickness so increased upon him, 
Anno Reg. 57  that finally he departed at Westminster on the sixteenth day of November, in the year of our Saviour 1272. after he had lived threescore and five years, and reigned fifty and six years, 
King Henry departeth this life.  and seven and twenty days. A little before his death, when he perceived line 40 that he could no longer live, he caused the earl of Gloucester to come before him, 
The earl of Gloucester.  and to be newly sworn to keep the peace of the land, to the behoof of his son prince Edward. His body was buried at Westminster. He had issue by his wife queen Elinor two sons, the foresaid Edward, prince of Wales, that succeeded him; and Edmund earl of Lancaster, 
The issue of king Henry the third.  by some authors surnamed Crouchbacke, though (as other affirm untruely) that this Edmund was the elder brother: but because he was a deformed line 50 person, therefore his younger brother Edward was preferred to the kingdom, which was devised of purpose to convey a right to king Henry the fourth, which fetched the descent from the said Edmund, and by force usurped and held the crown, as after it may appear. Moreover, king Henry had three daughters by the said Elinor, as Margaret married to Alexander king of Scots, 
His proportion of body.  Beatrice whom the duke of Britain had to wife, and Catharine which died before she was marriable. line 60  
He was of body well cast and strong, of a good stature in height, well favoured of face, with the lid of one of his eyes coming down, so as it almost covered the apple of the same eye. Of nature he was courteous, 
His conditions  and of stomach rather noble than stout; a devout prince and liberal towards the poor and needy. Yet he wanted not dispraise in some points, namely for that in ordering of things and weighty affairs, he used small consideration. He was also noted to be a great taker of money by leans, taxes, and subsidies: but there unto he was enforced by necessity, to bear the charges of war and other public affairs, than of any covetous mind or purpose to serve his own turn. ¶ What captains of honour among the nobility lived in his time, it may appear by the course of the history of his age.  
Of sundry learned men these we find mentioned in master Bales centuries and others. Walter of Coventrie an historiographer: Radulphus Niger that wrote both histories and other treatises, Geruasius de Melkelie, Albricius of London, Robert Curson a man excellently learned both in divine and humane letters, so that coming to the court of Rome he there grew in such estimation, that he became a cardinal, of whom we find this recorded by Matthew Westminster and Matthew Paris. [At the taking of Damiate, a city in Egypt, there was with Pelagius, the cardinal of Alba, the pope's legate, master Robert Curson an Englishman a most famous clerk, borne of a noble house, and cardinal of the church of Rome.] These are reported to flourish in the days both of king john and king Henry his son.  
In the said king's time also there lived other learned men, as these; Hugh Kirkestéed, Richard of Elie, Peter Henham, john Giles or de Sancto Egidio an excellent physician, Caducan a Welshman borne and bishop of Bangor, Alexander a singular learned man that wrote diverse and many treatises aswell in divinity as philosophy and humanity, both in verse and prose; also Stephan Langton, that for his singular knowledge was made high chancellor of the university of Paris, and at length was admitted archbishop of Canturburie, against the will of king john, in which quarrel so great trouble ensued, as before ye have partly heard; Ralph Coggeshall also lived in king Henry's days, that wrote the appendix unto the chronicle of Ralph Niger, he was abbot of Coggeshall abbey in Essex, whereof he took his surname; William Lanthonie, Peter of S. saviour, a canon of the house called S. saviour, or of the trinity by London; Alexander hails a friar of the order of the minors, who wrote many treatises in divinity; Richard surnamed Medicus a most learned physician, and no less expert in philosophy and the mathematicals. There be also remembered by master Bale, Randulfe the earl of Chester, the third and last of that name, who having great knowledge and understanding in the laws of this land, compiled a book of the same laws, as a witness of his great skill therein: Alexander Wendocke bishop of Chester, john Blund, Edmund Rich, Robert Rich, Henry Bracton, that excellent lawyer, who wrote the book commonly called Bracton after his name, entitled De consuetudinibus Anglicanis; Richard surnamed Theologus, Walter de Euesham, Ralph Fresborne, Laurence Somercote, brother as it is thought to Robert Somercote, at that time a cardinal of the Roman church; Nicholas Fernham a physician, Robert Bacon a notable divine, Simon Langton, brother to the archbishop of Canturburie Stephan Langton; Richard Fisaker, Simon Stokes, john of Kent or Kantianus, William Shirwood, Michael Blaunpaine, john Goddard, Uincent of Coventrie, Alberike Ueer, Richard Which, john Basing alias the Basingstoke, Roger Walsham, William Seningham, Robert Grosted that learned bishop of Lincoln, whose memory amongst the learned will remain while the world lasteth.  
Thus far Henry the third.   

Edward the first, surnamed Longshanks, the eldest son of Henry the third.  
EDward, the first of that name after the conquest, began his reign over this kingdom of England, 
1272 Anno Reg. 1.  the 16 day of November, in the year of the world, 5239, of our Lord 1272, of the Saxons 814, after the conquest 206, the variation of the empire after the decease of Fredrick the second as yet enduring (though shortly after in line 10 the year next following, Radulfe of Habspurge was elected emperor) in the third year of Philip the third then reigning in France, and Alexander the third yet living in government of the Scotish kingdom.  
This Edward the first, when his father died, being about the age of 35 years, was as then in the holy land, or rather in his journey homewards: but wheresoever he was at that present, the nobles of the land, after his father was departed this life, assembled line 20 at the new temple in London, 
Matth. West. A new seal made.  and causing a new seal to be made, they ordained faithful ministers and officers, which should have the treasure in keeping, and the administration of justice for the maintenance of peace and tranquility within the land, and on the 22 day of November he was proclaimed king. 
Chro. Dun.  Who after he had remained a time in the holy land, and perceived himself destitute of such aid as he looked for at the hands both of the Christians and Tartarians, 
Matt. Westm.  he left in the city of Acon certain line 30 stipendary soldiers, and taking the sea sailed homewards, arriving first in Sicill, year 1273 where, of Charles K. of that land he was honourably received and conveyed, till he came unto Civita Vecchia in Italy, where pope Gregory as then lay with his court, of whom (as of his old friend that had been with him in the holy land) he obtained that earl Aldebrandino Rosso, and Guy of Montfort, that had murdered the lord Henry, eldest son to Richard king of Almain, might be sent for. Earl Aldebrandino purged himself, 
Guy de Montfort excommunicated.  line 40 but Guy de Montfort was excommunicated, as a violator of the church, a murderer and a traitor, so as he was disherited even unto the fourth generation, till he had reconciled himself to the church, as he was enjoined.  
After this, it is wonderful to remember with what great honour king Edward was received of the cities, as he passed through Tuscaine and Lombardy. At his coming over the mounteins at Chalon in Burgundy, he was at a justs and tornie, which then was there holden by the Frenchmen against line 50 the Englishmen, the honour whereof remained with the Englishmen. In this tornie the fight of the footmen was great: for the Englishmen being sore provoked, slew many of the French footmen, but because they were but rascals, no great account was made of them, for they were unarmed, gaping for the spoil of them that were overthrown. K. Edward passing forth, came to the French court, where of his coosine german king Philip he was joyfully received. Here king Edward, doing homage to the French king for the lands which he ought to hold of him in France, passed into Guien.  
A tenth was granted of the clergy to the K. and to his brother Edmund earl of Leicester and Lancaster by the pope's appointment for two years, 
Anno Reg. 2. Matth. Westm. A disine granted to the king & his brother.  a chaplain of the pope a Gascoine borne named Reimond being sent into England for that purpose, who gave part unto them, and part thereof he kept to himself towards his charges, year 1274 but the most part was reserved to the pope's disposing. ¶ Whilst the king remained in Gascoigne, he had somewhat to do against certain rebels, as Gaston de Bierne, and other that were revolted from him. The castles belonging to the said Gaston he subdued, but his person he could not meet with. Finally, after he had set things in order aswell in Given as in other places in the parts of beyond the seas, he hasted homewards, 
Nic. Trevet. King Edward his return home.  and came to London on the second day of August, where he was received with all joy that might be devised. The streets were hanged with rich clothes of silk, arras, and tapestry, the aldermen and burgesses of the city threw out of their windows handfuls of gold and silver, 
Matth. West.  to signify the great gladness which they had conceived of his safe return: the conduits ran plentifully with white wine and red, that each creature might drink his fill. Upon the 19 day of August in this second year of his reign he was crowned at Westminster, together with his wife queen Elinor, by the hands of Robert Kilwarbie archbishop of Canturburie.  
At this coronation were present Alexander king of Scots, and john earl of Britain, with their wives that were sisters to K. Edward. The king of Scots did homage unto king Edward for the realm of Scotland, in like manner as other the kings of Scotland before him had done to other kings of England ancestors to this king Edward. At the solemnity of this coronation there were let go at liberty (catch them that catch might) five hundred great horses by the king of Scots, the earls of Cornwall, 
Caxton.  Gloucester, Penbroke, Warren, & others, as they were alighted from their backs. ¶ On S. Nicholas even there chanced such an earthquake with lightning and thunder, and therewithal the appearing of the burning drake, and a blazing star called a comet, that the people were brought into no small fear upon consideration thereof. But now to the point of the history.  
King Edward at the first like a prudent prince chose the wisest and worthiest men to be of his council, & to purchase the love of his subjects, whose minds were somewhat offended towards his father (by reason that he refused to keep promise with them, touching the restitution of gentle and favourable laws) king Edward showed himself so gentle towards all degrees of men, that he seemed to exceed the reasonable bounds of courteous humanity, much more than became his royal estate. 
1275 Anno Reg. 3.  After this, he reform diverse laws and statutes, and devised some new ordinances, greatly for the wealth of the realm. He held his first parliament at Westminster, 

A parliament. The statutes of Westminster.  
The prince of Wales Leolin.   where the ordinances were made, called the statutes of Westminster the first.  
To this parliament was Leolin the prince of Wales summoned to come and do his homage, having line 10 been requested first to come to the king's coronation, but he refused; and now having summons to come to this parliament, he excused himself, affirming that he durst not come for fear of certain noblemen that lay in wait for his life, requiring to have pledges delivered for his safe coming and going, the king's son, and Gilbert earl of Gloucester, with Robert Burne●l the lord chancellor. The king was greatly offended with such a presumptuous demand, but passed it over, till after the line 20 end of the parliament, 
The king cometh to Chester.  & then repairing to Chester he sent eftsoons messengers to the said Leolin, requiring of him to come & do his homage, but he still detracted time, so that in the end the king raised an army, meaning to recover that by force, which otherwise he could not obtain by quiet means. ¶ This year the people paid a fifteenth to the king of all their temporal goods, which was said to be granted first to his father.  

Matth. Westm. Breton bishop of Hereford departeth this life.  The same year departed this life john Breton line 30 bishop of Hereford, who being very expert in the laws of the land, compiled a book of them called Le Breton. The 11 of September, a general earthquake chanced betwixt the first hour and the third of the same day, the church of S. Michael on the hill without Glastenburie, was therewith thrown down to the ground. After this, it reigned blood in the country of Wales, 
It reigned blood.  as a prodigious evil token to that nation, with whose blood shortly after that region was in many places moistened and stained. For as line 40 it chanced shortly after, Leolin the son of Griffin came to have the government of Wales, 
1276 Anno Reg. 4.  who partly to raise new seditions in England, and partly to purchase him friendship and alliance in France, sent unto king Philip, requiring of him that he might have in marriage the lady Eleanor daughter to Simon Montfort earl of Leicester, the which together with her mother and brother Emerike, remained as banished persons in France. The French king granted his request, and sent her under the conduct of line 50 her said brother to be conveyed into Wales unto Leolin, who had promised to marry her. But yer they approached to Wales, at the isle of Silly both the brother & sister were taken by four ships of Bristol, 
The earl of Montforts' daughter appointed wife to the prince of Wales taken.  the owners whereof that so took them, sent them unto king Edward. When Leolin understood that his wife was taken from him by the way as she was coming, he was not a little wrath, and incontinently began to make war upon king Edward's subjects that bordered near unto Wales, killing the line 60 people, 
Leolin prince of Wales begins to make wars. Matth. West.  spoiling their goods, and burning up their towns and houses on each side.  
Herewith the king of England was so moved, that although the said Leolin made suit for peace, and offered no small sum of money to have the daughter of the earl of Leicester his fianced wife delivered to him, yet would not the king by any means consent to that marriage, nor receive any money of him, except he would restore unto the right owners such lands as he had invaded and got into his possession, and further repair such castles as he had destroyed. Hereupon grew no small grudge betwixt the Welshmen and Englishmen, so that to repress the invasion of the enemies in the parts towards Bristol, Mountgomerie and Chester, the king sent three hundred men in arms on horseback. In the quindene of Easter, the king departing from Westminster, hasted towards Wales with a mighty power, 
Matth. West. The excheker and the king's bench removed to Shrewesburie.  and caused the courts of the excheker and of his bench to remove unto Shrewesburie, that they might be near unto him, making forward with all convenient speed to come to the aid and secure of his liege people.  
hereupon entering into Wales he took the castle of Rutland, 
The castle 〈◊〉 Rutland taken.  and sent into Westwales a valiant captain named Pain de Camure●js, who with fire and sword wasted that country, 
Anno Reg. 5. 1277  so that the people offering themselves to the king's peace, delivered unto the said Pain the castle of Stridewie with the country adjoining. 
The castle of Stridewie. Leolin sueth for peace.  Then Leolin the prince of Wales, perceiving that he was not able to resist the king's power, and knowing that if he did attempt the conflict against him the danger would redound to himself & his train, did as th'old verse counseleth, Peruigili cura semper meditare futura, and therefore made suit for peace, in so much that finally it was agreed, 
N. Trivet. Commissioners appointed.  that commissioners for both parts should talk concerning certain articles, and whatsoever they concluded, aswell the king as the said Leolin should hold the same for firm and stable. The king appointed one of his commissioners, to wit, the lord Robert de Tiptost, to take an oath for him, & authorised the said Robert, Anthony Beke, and friar William de Southampton, prior provincial of the friars preachers, commissioners, nominated on his behalf, to receive the like oath of the said Leolin. Which Leolin appointed commissioners for his part, Tuder ap Edevenet, and Grono ap Helin, the which commissioners with good deliberation concluded upon certain points and articles, of which the principal were as followeth.  
First, that the said Leolin should set at liberty all line 1 prisoners which he held in captivity for the king of England's cause, freely and without all challenge.  
secondly, that to have peace and the kings of line 2 England's favour, he should give unto the said king fifty thousand pounds sterling, the days of the payment whereof to rest in the kings will and pleasure.  
thirdly, that the land of the four canters without line 3 all contradiction should remain for ever to the king and his heirs, with all lands conquered by the king and his people, the isle of Anglesey excepted, which I'll was granted to the prince, so that he should pay for the same yearly the sum of one thousand marks, and five thousand marks for an income. Provided, that if the prince chanced to die without issue, than the said Isle to revert again into the king's hands.  
fourthly, that the prince shall come to Rothelan line 4 or Rothland (as it is commonly called) there to do fealty to the king, and before his coming thither, he should be absolved and have the interdiction of his lands released, and at his being at Rothelan, a day shall be appointed him by the king for his coming to London, there to do his homage. Hereupon was order taken for his safe conduct, aswell in his coming to Rothelan, as to London. There be that write that he was appointed to come unto London, at the feast of the nativity of our Lord.  
fiftly, it was covenanted, that all the homages line 5 of Wales should remain to the king, except only of five barons which inhabited near unto the castle of Snowdon: for otherwise the said Leolin could not conveniently call himself prince, except he ha● some barons under him.  
sixtly, that he should receive the title and name of line 6 prince so long as he lived, and after his decease the homages of those five barons should revert to the king and to his heirs forever.  
line 7 seventhly the king granted unto the said Leolin, the lands that belonged▪ 
N. Trivet. David Leolins' brother provided for.  〈◊〉 his brother David, for enarme of the said Leolins' life, and in recompense thereof was contented to sa●●fie the said David with other lands in some other place, the which after the decease of the said Leolin 〈◊〉 David should revert to the king and his heirs.  
For the assurance of which articles and covenants the prince delivered for hostages▪ ten persons of the best in Wales, which he could get▪ without imprisonment, line 10 disheriting, or term of deliuera●●e, and of every cantred twenty persons, 
In oath to be rec●i●ed.  of the best and most sufficient, to be chosen by such as the king▪ shall send thither yearly, & shall from year to year he sworn upon the evangelists, in presence of the bailiffs of the said Leolin, that whensoever the prince shall break any of these articles, and upon admonition doth not reform himself, they shall forsake him, and in all things, being unto him open enemies, shall bear him deadly hostility. line 20  
Besides this, the prince shall (as far as in him may lie) pacify his brethren, 
Leolins' brethren.  of the which he had put two in prison, Owen and Roderike ● the third named David, escaping his hands, fled into England, and remained many years with king Edward, who receiving him into his service, made him knight in this war, 
David rewarded by king Edward.  and gave unto him a castle at Denbigh in Wales, with lands to the yéerelie value of a thousand marks, in recompense of those possessions which he ought to have had in Anglesey, the which (as before line 30 is said) the king granted unto Leolin for term of his life, and after his decease to revert unto the king and to his heirs. 
David preferred in marriage  Moreover, he preferred David to the marriage of a jolly widow, that was daughter to the earl of Derby.  

The article concerning Owen.  As concerning Owen, through the king's favour he was delivered out of prison, by force of the articles concluded at this present by the commissioners, under this form and manner: that upon his being set line 40 at liberty, certain persons appointed by the king should make offer to him, to choose whether he would first compound with his brother, and thereupon come to the king, and beseech him to allow the composition, or else to put himself under the safe keeping of the king, till according to the laws and customs of Wales, in the place where he did transgress, judgement should be given of the matter: and if he were acquit, then might he demand his heritage if he thought it so expedient: and which of these two ways he should choose, the same should be made firm and line 50 stable in the king's presence.  
All these articles, with other additions, were accorded by the said commissioners at Aberconweie, on the tuesday before the feast of S. Martin, in the year 1277, and letters of confirmation made thereof by the king, dated at Rutland on the tenth day of November, in the fift year of his reign. Also the said Leolin, by the name of Leolin ap Griffin prince of Wales, with letters under his seal, confirmed the line 60 abovesaid articles on his behalf, for the releasing of his right to the four canters and other things that should remain to the king, which letters bare date at Aberconweie, on the foresaid tuesday in the said year 1277. Also the K. released to the said Leolin, the said sum of fifty thousand pounds, and the said sum of a thousand marks yéerelie to be paid for the isle of Angles●y, as by his letters dated at Rutland on the said 10 day of November in the said fift year of his reign more at large it appeareth. Nevertheless by his letters dated at Rutland, on the said eleventh of the said month of November, it is evident that he received of the said Leolin the sum of two thousand marks sterling, by the hands of Thomas Beke keeper of his wardrobe.  
Moreover, 
The castle of Lamperdevaur built.  the king in the west part of Wales built at the same time▪ a castle at Lamperdevaur, to keep under the rebellious attempts of the Welshmen. King Edward gave in marriage by way of restitution to the fore-remembred Leolin prince of Wales the earl of Leicester's daughter, 
Anno. Reg. 6. 1278  which was taken (as ye have heard) at the isle of Silly▪ 
Leolins' wife restored to her husband.  He also bore all the charges of the feast at the day of the marriage, and honoured the same with the presence of himself and the queen. ¶ A subsidy of the twentieth part of every man's goods was granted to the king towards his charges sustained in the Welsh wars. Moreover, in the sixth year of his reign K. Edward held a parliament at Gloucester, 
Statutes of Gloucester.  in the which were certain acts and statutes made for the wealth and good government of the realm, which unto this day are called the statutes of Gloucester. ¶ Alexander king of Scots came into England, to common with K. Edward, of matters touching his kingdom of Scotland. ¶ Shortly after king Edward went over into France, and there received certain towns that were restored to him, but not the moiety of those that were promised to his father, when he released his title unto the duchy of Normandy.  
Robert Kilwarbie archbishop of Canturburie, 
The archbish. of York being made cardinal resigneth his archbishopric  was by pope Nicholas advanced to the dignity of a cardinal, and made bishop of Portua, so that he went to Rome, and gave over the archbishopric of Canturburie, to the which through the pope's grant friar john Peckham was admitted archbishop. 
john Peckham archbish. of York.  This year there was inquiry made in London for such as had clipped, washed, & counterfeited the king's coin, whereupon the jews of the city and divers goldsmiths that kept the exchange of silver were indicted, 
Clippers of money.  and after to the number of two hundredth four score and seventeen persons were condemned, 
Anno Reg. 7. Nic. Trivet.  and in divers places put to execution. There were but 3. Englishmen among them, all the residue were jews, but diverse christians that were participants with them in their offences were put to their fines, and not without just cause.  
About the same time the king removed all such sheriffs as were either priests or strangers, 
Chron. Dunst.  and in their places appointed knights to be sheriffs, that were of the same country where their offices lay. Moreover, 
The castles of Flint & Rutland built.  about this season king Edward builded the castle of Flint, and fortified the castle of Rutland and others, placing garrisons of Englishmen in the same to defend the country, and to keep the Welshmen under obedience. But Leolin so smallly regarded all covenants made, year 1279 and benefits received, that shortly after, upon the death of his late married wife, being summoned to come to a parliament holden by king Edward, he disdained to obey, and upon a very spite began to make new war to the Englishmen, 
Leolin beginneth new war  in wasting and destroying the country: notwithstanding king Edward had so many ways done him good, and had given him just cause of thankfulness, which is the common reward of benefits, and which little recompense whoso neglecteth to make, being but a little lip-labour, Non est laudari dignus, nec dignus amari.  
But being put in fear with the kings coming towards him with his power, he laid armour aside, 
He sueth for peace.  and began eftsoons to require peace, which the king now the second time did not deny to grant; because he would not lose time to war with the mounteins, woods and marshes, the places of refuge for Welshmen in those days, when they wanted power to abide battle and keep the fields. About the same time the king gave unto David the brother of Leolin the lordship of Frodesham in Cheshire, and made him knight. Moreover▪ in this year the king held a parliament, in which the statute of Mortmain was established. 
The statute of Mortmain.   
Friar john Peckham, whom the pope had already consecrated archbishop of Canturburie, being the 47 in number that had governed the said s●●, came this year over into England to supply the room. ¶ Also Walter Gifford archbishop of York departed this life, in whose place succeeded William Wickham, the 37 archbishop there. The archbishop of Canturburie held a synod at Reading about the latter line 10 end of julie, 
A synod at Reading.  wherein he renewed the constitutions of the general council, as thus: That no ecclesiastical person should have above one benefice to the which belonged cure of soul; and again, that all those that were promoted to any ecclesiastical living, should receive the order of priesthood within one year after his being promoted thereunto.  

The kings come amended.  In this year the king took order for the amending of his money and coin, which in that season was foully clipped, washed, and counterfeited by those line 20 naughty men the jews, and other, as before you have partly heard. The king therefore in the octaves of the Trinity sent forth commandment to all the sheriffs within the land, that such money as was counterfeited, clipped or washed, should not be currant from thenceforth: and furthermore he sent of his own treasure, good money and not clipped, unto certain cities and towns in the realm, that exchange might be made with the same till new money were stamped. About the third day of August, the line 30 first exchange was made of the new money of pence and farthings; but yet the old money went all this year together with the new, and then was the old coin generally forbidden, and commandment given by public proclamation, that from thenceforth it should no more be allowed for currant. Herewith also halfpennies, which had been stamped in the mean time, began to come abroad the same day in which the old money was thus prohibited.  
The lord Roger Mortimer kept a great feast at line 40 Killingworth, with justs and triumphs of an hundred knights and as many ladies, to the which resorted lords, knights, & gentlemen from diverse countries and lands, to show proof of their valiancy in the practice of warlike feats and exercises. 
Anno Reg. 8. 1280  In the mean season king Edward standing in need of money, 
N. Trivet. Polydor. Abington. A shift to get money.  devised a new shift to serve his turn, as this: namely that whereas he was chief lord of many lordships, manors, possessions and tenements, he well understood, that partly by length and process of time, line 50 and partly by casualties during the troubles of the civil wars, many men's evidences, as their charters, deeds, copies and other writings were lost, wasted, and made away, he therefore under colour to put the statute of (Quo waranto) in execution, which was ordained this year in the parliament holden at Gloucester in August last passed (as some writ) did now command by public proclamation, that all such as held any lands or tenements of him, should come and show by what right and title they held the same, line 60 that by such means their possessions might return unto him, by escheat as chief lord of the same, and so to be sold or redeemed again at his hands.  
This was thought to be so sore a proclamation, as that a more grievous had not lightly been heard of. 
Ordinances for money.  Men in every place made complaint and showed themselves grievously offended, so that the king by means thereof came in great hatred of his people: but the mean sort of men, though they stood in defence of their right, yet it availed them but little, because they had no evidence to show, so that they were constrained to be quiet with loss, rather than to strive against the stream. Many were thus called to answer, till at length the lord john Warren earl of Surrie, a man greatly beloue● of the people, perceiving the king to have cast his net for a prey, and that there was not one which spoke against him, determined to stand against th●se so bitter and cruel proceedings. And the ●e●●re b●ing called afore the justices about this matter, he appeared, and being asked by what right he held h●● la●●s▪ suddenly drawing forth an old rusty sword; By this instrument (said he) do I hold my lands, 
The saying 〈◊〉 the earl of Surrie.  〈◊〉 by the same I intent to defend them. Our ancestors coming into this realm wi●h William the Conqueror, conquered their lands with the sword, and with the same will I defend ●e from all those that shall be about to take them from me▪ he did not make a conquest of this realm alone, our progenitors were with him as participants and helpers.  
The king understanding into what hatred of his people by this means he was fallen, and therefore desirous to avoid civil dissension and war that might thereby ensue, he left off his 〈◊〉 practise: so that the thing which generally should have touched and been hurtful to all men, was now suddenly stayed by the manhood and courageous stoutness only of one man, the foresaid earl, who in his rare act of defending common equity against the mighty in authority (who spared not to offer extreme injury) showed himself a very true and natural branch of nobility, 
— cupit quae grandia semper,  
Vilia contemnit, quae sursum tendere ut ignis  
Nititur, & summas penetrat velut ardea ●ibes.   
The archbishop of Canturburie held an other synod at Lambeth, 
A synod at Lambeth.  in the which he received and confirmed the orders and constitutions decreed and established by the legates Otho and Othobone, in counsels by them kept here within this realm, adding diverse other of his own: & in the same council he went about to annihilate certain liberties belonging to the crown, as the taking knowledge of the right of patronages and the king's prohibitions In placitis de catallis, and such like, which seemed merely to touch the spirituality. But the king by some in that council withstood the archbishop openly, and with menaces stayed him from concluding any thing that might prejudice his royal liberties and prerogatives. King Edward held a parliament at London, 
A parliament.  in the which he demanded a fifteenth of the clergy, which lately before he had got of the temporalty. The archbishop of York was content at the first to grant this fifteenth to be paid of the clergy within his diocese in two years; 
The archbishop of York.  but the archbishop of Canturburie held off, 
The archbishop of Canturburie.  and required respite till the next parliament to be holden after Easter, and then he granted unto the king the dimes of all his clergy for three years, that in some point he might be different from the archbishop of York.  
In the ninth year of king Edward's reign, 
Anno Reg 9 1281  the feast of the round table was kept at Warwick with great and sumptuous triumph. 
The feast of the round table holden as Warwick. David the brother of Leolin rejecteth, and becometh a rebel.  Whilst these things were in doing, David brother to Leolin prince of Wales, forgetting the great benefits which he had received at the hands of king Edward, became his adversary, and caused his said brother the prince of Wales with a great number of other noble men of that country to rebel: and to encourage them the sooner to attempt the war, he began the first exploit himself, 
The lord Clifford taken.  taking the said lord Roger Clifford (a right worthy and famous knight) in his castle of Hawardine, upon Palm sunday, the said lord being in no doubt of any such matter. diverse knights and other that were in the same castle at that time, and made resistance, were slain.  
After this the foresaid David returned to his brother the prince, and therewith assembling an army, 
The castle of Rutland besieged.  they went both together and besieged the castle of Rutland. King Edward at the same time being in the parts about Salisbury, where he kept his Easter at the Uies, sent out commissioners to levy an army, and commanded such men of war as he had then in a readiness, to hast forth to the rescue of the castle of Rutland. 
The castle of Lamperdevaux taken.  And in the mean time, the castle of Lamperdevaux was taken by Rice ap Malgone and Griffith ap Meridoc. Also diverse other castles were taken by other of the Welsh nobility. Moreover, about this time by the labour and suit of john line 10 the archbishop of Canturburie, Emericke de Montfort, 
Emericke de Montfort set at liberty.  which had been retained in prison (sith that he was first taken together with his sister at the Isle of Silly by the Bristowmen) was now set at liberty and permitted to return into France. The said archbishop of Canturburie was sent into Wales to persuade Leolin and his brother with the other rebels unto peace and quietness, 
Leolin and other the W●lsh rebels accursed. Anno Reg. 10.  but returning into England, without bringing any thing to pass, he denounced them accursed. line 20  
year 1282 The king hasted forth to come to the rescue of his people, 
The king entereth into Wales.  whereupon Leolin and his brother David retired with their people to Snowdon hills, and fortified the castle there with a strong garrison of men. The king entering into Wales, when he heard that his enemies were withdrawn into the mounteins, passed forth till he came near unto them, where he pitched down his field, and the next day causing his horsemen to issue forth of the camp, filled all the plains which compass the foot of those hills (aswell line 30 on the east side as toward the south) with the same horsemen, and herewith placed his footmen more aloft on the side of the hills in covert: this done he provoked his enemy to come forth to fight, but when he saw this would not be, then that he might stop them from all places of refuge, he caused his ships to take the Isle of Anglesey, because the Welshmen used to fly thither oftentimes for their safeguard, in the which enterprise the mariners of the cinque ports bore themselves right manfully. 
The mariners of the cinque ports.  line 40  
After this, joining certain vessels together, he caused a bridge to be made in the river of Meaneth, 
Meaneth.  into the which an other small river falleth that riseth at the roots of those hills of Snowdone, to keep the enemies from lodging on the further side of that river. This bridge containing room for threescore armed men to pass affront, was made over the river of Sient, by the which men sail into the Isle, which by the course of the sea ebbeth and floweth every twelve hours. But so it came to pass, that before the bridge line 50 was well boarded over, whilst the king yet remained at Aberconwaie, diverse of the English nobility, to the number of seven banerets with three hundredth armed men rashly passed over, and as they surveyed the foot of the mountain, the tide began to come in so swiftly, that where the Englishmen were advanced a good pretty way from the water side, they could not now get back again to the bridge which as yet was not fully made up.  
The Welshmen perceiving this, came down beside line 60 the mounteine, and assailed the Englishmen very fiercely, and with their great multitude so oppressed them, 
The Englishmen distressed by Welshmen.  that for fear the Englishmen were driven to take the water, and so by reason they were loaden with armour, many of them were drowned: and amongst other, that famous knight sir Lucas de Thanie, 
The lord Clifford.  Robert Clifford, sir William Lindsey, and two gentlemen of good account that were brethren to Robert Burnell as then bishop of Bath. There perished in all (as some say) thirteen knights, 
Chron. Dunst.  seventeen young gentlemen, and to the number of two hundred footmen. Yet sir William Latimer, as good hap would, escaped, and diverse other. This mischance happened on S. leonard's day.  
In this mean time in an other part of the country the earl of Gloucester with an army, 
The earl of Gloucester maketh war on the Welshmen  made sore war to the Welshmen, and near unto the town called Lantilaware, fought a sore battle with them, in the which many of the Welshmen being slain, the earl lost also five knights upon his party, as William Ualence the younger, being one of that number, who was the king's cousin. The earl of Gloucester then departing from thence, Leolin the prince of Wales entered into the country of Cardigan and Stradwie, destroying the lands of Rice ap Meridoc, which now held with the king against the said prince. At length, prince Leolin going towards the land of Buelth with a small company, 
Anno Reg. 11.  left his main army behind him aloft upon the top of the mountain, near to the water called Way, 
Leolin invadeth the king's friends.  and he had set a number of his people to keep the bridge of Orewin: and so the Welshmen kept on the one side, and the Englishmen on the other, of whom were captains the lord john Gifford and the lord Edmund Mortimer, 
The lord Gifford and Mortimer.  the which perceiving the Welshmen that were ready to defend the bridge, and a great host of them upon the top of the mountain, they consulted together what they were best to do.  
At length by the courageous exhortation of one Helias Walewaine they drew on the one hand alongst the river, where was a ford passable in deed, 
Helias Walwaine.  though not without danger: but yet the Englishmen by the conduct of the same Helias, got over by the same ford, so that it bore the name long after of Helias way. And so the Welshmen that kept the bridge (perceiving the Englishmen to be got over unto that side) fled, whereupon the residue of the English army passed over at the bridge, whereof rose a great noise, which Leolin lurking not far off might well hear, but yet at the first he could not be brought to think that by any possible means the Englishmen were got over to that side of the water. But yet perceiving it to be true, he drew back toward the height of the mountain again, nevertheless being discovered by one Stephan de Franketon, 
Prince Leolin slain by Stephan de Franketon.  named by some writers Sward, he was so narrowly pursued of the same Stephan, that he was overtaken and slain.  
Stephan not knowing whom he had slain, returned to the host, the which was now mounting up the hill to join with the Welsh army that stood still looking for the return of their prince Leolin (though in vain) yet they manfully abode by their tackle, discharging plenty of arrows and darts at the Englishmen as they came up towards them. The English archers which were mingled amongst the horsemen, paid them home again with their shot, so that finally the English horsemen, winning the top of the hill, slew many of them standing stoutly at defence, and put the residue to flight. Stephan Sward that had slain Leolin, after the victory was achieved, road to the dead body which he had slain in the beginning of the battle, and upon ●ew taken of him perceived who he was, of which good hap the Englishmen were very joyful. 
Leolins' head presented to the king.  His head was herewith cut off, which the lord Edmund Mortimer took with him unto Rutland (where the king as then was lodged) unto whom he presented it: and the king sent 〈◊〉 unto London, appointing that there should be an ivy crown set upon it, in token that he was a prince, and so being adorned, a horsseman carried it upon the end of his staff through Cheapside, holding it as he road on height, that all men might see it, till he came to the tower, & there it was pight up aloft upon one of the highest turrets, remaining there a long time after.  
Thus was the prophesy fulfilled, 
A prophesy fulfilled.  which was told is showed) in the third year of king Henry, was in this year fully finished.  

The death of the Scotish king.  The nineteenth of March, died Alexander king of Scotland, by a fall which he caught as he ran a stirring horse: he left no issue behind him, nor any certain known heir to succeed him, by reason whereof ensued great harm to that realm (as in the Scotish history may more at large appear.) The manner of whose death (as in Richard Southwell I find it reported) I have thought good briefly to touch, for that in line 10 recital thereof, he somewhat disagreeth from the Scotish history. 
Rich. South.  There went (saith he) a common speech through Scotland all this year, before the king's death, that on the same ninetéenth of March the day of judgement should be: whereupon, as the said king sat at dinner in the castle of Edinburgh, having a dish of excellent good lampreys before him, he sent part thereof to one of the lords that sat at some other table not far from him, and willed him by the gentleman that bore it, to be merry, and have in line 20 min● that this was the day of doom. The lord sent him thanks again, and prayed the messenger to tell the king merrily, 〈◊〉 if this were the day of doom, they should rise to judgement speedily with their bellies filled with good meats and drinks. After they had dined, and the night began to draw on, he took his horse, and only accompanied with three gentlemen, would needs ride to Kingorne, where the queen his new wife then lay, and before he could get unto Innerkenin, it was dark night, so that he took there line 30 two guides to lead him the way: but they had not ridden past two miles, but that the guides had quite lost the way, so that they were driven to give their horses liberty to beat it out themselves.  
Herewithal the king being severed from his company, how he ruled his horse it is hard to say, but down he was thrown, and immediately died with the vehement fall which he thus caught, either headlong down one of the cliffs or otherwise, and thus he came to his end, on a monday, being saint cuthbert's even the nineteenth of March (as before is noted) line 40 after he had reigned six & thirty years and nine months, as the same Southwell saith; who also (contrary to that which Hector Boetius writeth) affirmeth, that the same day was so tempestuous with wind, snow, hail and rain, that he and many other that then lived and felt it, durst not uncover their faces, in going abroad against the bitter northern wind, that drove the snow and sleet most vehemently upon them. And although that such fowl weather line 50 might have stayed him from taking his journey in that sort, yet he made no account thereof, as he that was accustomed to ride as well in fowl weather as fair, and spared neither for tempest, waters, nor craggy rocks, thick nor thin; for all was one to him, oftentimes taking his journey in disguised apparel, accompanied only with one servant. But to return unto the doings in England.  
In this year the king took escuage, forty shillings of every knight's fee, towards the charges of his line 60 last wars in Wales. ¶ A parliament was holden at Westminster, at the which were made the statutes called Additamenta Glocestriae, or rather the statutes of Westminster the second. 

Anno Reg. 14.  
Fabian. Thomas Piwilesdon a citizen of London.   In the fouretéenth year of king Edward, a citizen of London named Thomas Piwilesdon, who in time of the barons wars had been a great doer, to stir the people against king Henry, was now accused, that he with other should go about to make new disturbance within the city: whereof inquiry being made and had before sir Ralph Standish, then custos or guardian of the city, 
He with other are banished the city.  the said Piwilesdon and other, to the number of fifty, were banished the city for ever. ¶ Also, whereas of old time before this season, the merchant strangers were used to be lodged within the dwelling houses of the citizens of London, and sold all their merchandise by procuration of their hosts, for the which their said hosts had a certain allowance, after the rate of every pound: now it was ordained, that the said merchant strangers might take houses to hire, 
A new order for merchant strangers.  for to inhabit therein, & for stowage of their wares, & no citizen to intermeddle with them or their wares: by reason whereof they used many deceits, both in uttering counterfeit wares, and also unjust weights. Moreover, much of those wares, which they should have weighed at the K. beam, they weighed at home within their houses, to the hindrance of the king's custom. 
Strangers ●●mmitted to the tower.  Where upon search being made upon a sudden, and their weights found and proved false, twenty of the said strangers were arrested and sent to the tower, and their weights burnt, destroyed and broken to pieces in Westcheape, on thursday before the feast of Simon and jude. Finally, the said merchants were delivered, being put to a fine of a thousand pounds, after sore and hard imprisonment.  
The jews in one night were generally apprehended, year 1286 and put in prison through all the parts of England, and so kept in durance, till they had fined at the king's pleasure. ¶ It is reported that the commons of England granted to the king, the fift part of their movables, to have the jews banished out of the land: but the jews, to put the Englishmen from their purpose, gave to the king great sums of money, whereby they tarried yet a while longer. King Edward went over into France upon the five and twentieth of May, 
Nic. Trivet. The king passeth over into France.  passing through Picardy unto Amiens, and there the French king, to do him honour, was ready to receive him. Here king Edward did homage unto the French king, for the lands which he ought to hold of him in France. And after, he was also present at a parliament, which the said French king held at Paris, in the which he obtained many things for the liberties of his said lands, as then by diverse ways wrongfully oppressed, though such grant continued not long in force. After Whitsuntide, king Edward departed from Paris and went into Gascoigne, together with his wife queen Elinor, who was with him in all his journey.  
This year the king went into Arragon, 
Anno Reg. 15. 1287  where his authority availed much, in the making of agreement betwixt the kings of Arragon and Naples; whereby Charles king of Naples was then set at liberty, upon certain contracts or covenants passed and agreed betwixt them. 
Rich. South.  ¶ The king's mother queen Elinor this year forsook the world, and took upon her the habit of a nun at Ambresburie; but yet she still retained and enjoyed her dower by the pope's authority and dispensation. About this time a squire called Chamberlain, with his complices, set fire on the merchant's booths, at S. Butolphes fair; 
Bristol fair rob.  and whilst the merchants were about to quench the fire, the said squire and his complices set upon the said merchants, slew many of them, and rob them of their goods. In this year fell variance between the lord Pain Tiptost, 
Uariance betwixt the lord Pain Tiptost, and Rice ap Meridoc.  wardeine of certain castles in Wales, and a Welsh knight called sir Rees ap Meridoc, so that sundry skirmishes were fought betwixt them, and men slain on both sides, to the great disturbance of the country.  
The cause of this war rose chiefly, for that the said lord Tiptost, and the lord Alane Plucknet, the king's steward in Wales, would have constrained the said Rées to appear at counties and hundreds, as the use in other parts of Wales then was, contrary to such liberties as he had obtained of the king as he pretended. But when the king wrote unto the same Rées, requiring him to keep the peace, till his return (at what time he promised to reform all things in due and reasonable order) Rees having already put armour upon his back, would not now incline to any peace, but to revenge his cause, assembled a great multitude of Welshmen, with whose help he burnt & destroyed many towns in Wales, 
N. Trivet.  so that the K. being then beyond the seas, sent to the earl of Cornwall, whom in his absence he had appointed his lieutenant over England, requiring him to send an army into Wales, to resist the malice and riotous attempts of the Welshmen. The earl shortly thereupon prepared an army, and went with the line 10 same into Wales, or (as other writ) the bishop of Elie, the lord prior of S. john's, the earl of Gloucester, and diverse barons of the land went thither, and chase the said Rées, dispersed his army, and overthrew and razed his castles, but by undermining and reversing the walls at the castle of Druslan, with the fall thereof, the baron Stafford, and the lord William de Montchensie, with many other knights and esquires, were oppressed and bruised to death. ¶ This year, the king at Blankfort in Gascoigne, took upon line 20 him the cross, purposing eftsoons to make a journey against God's enemies.  
In the winter of this year great floods chanced, by reason of the exceeding abundance of rain that fell: and the sea alongst the north-east coasts from Humber to Yarmouth, broke into the land, overflowing the same by the space of three or four leagues in breadth (as the author of the Chronicle of Dunstable affirmeth) overthrowing buildings, 
Chron. Dunst.  and drowning up line 30 men and cattle that could not avoid the danger by the sudden coming in thereof, namely, about Yarmouth, Dunwich, and Gippeswich. Likewise in the Mers land of Lincolnshire it did passing great hurt, bringing all the country into water. This chanced in the very night of the beginning of this year, to wit, in the feast of the circumcision of our Lord, and in December it broke out again in Norfolk and Suffolk, where it did much harm, namely about Yarmouth. line 40  

Anno Reg. 16. 1288  This year, and likewise the year last passed, was such plenty of grain, that wheat was sold in some places of this land for twenty pence a quarter, 
Chron. Dunst. Nic. Trevet.  and in some places for sixteen pence, and pease for twelve pence a quarter. The summer this year exceeded in heat, so that men through the intemperate excess thereof died in divers places. ¶ It chanced in Gascoigne, 
O wonder by thunder!  that as the king & queen sat in their chamber upon a bed talking together, the thunder bolt coming in at the window behind them, passed line 50 through betwixt them as they sat, and slew two of their gentlemen that stood before them, to the great terror of all that were present. 
Ri. Southwell.  ¶ This year diverse of those that robbed the fair at Boston, were executed.  
Moreover, whereas Rees ap Meridoc continued still in his mischievous doings, at length, the lord deputy of Wales, 
Polydor. Ran. Higd. N. Trivet.  Robert Tiptost, using both speedy diligence and timely counsel, gathered all such power as he could make, & passed forth against his adversaries. Whereof when sir Rées was advertised, line 60 and understanding that the Englishmen were far fewer in number than his Welshmen, he thought to overthrow them at his pleasure, and therefore encouraging his people with many comfortable words, to show their manhood upon the Englishmen'S approach, he hasted to meet them. The Welshmen being for the more part but young soldiers, and not trained to keep any order of battle, ran fiercely upon their enemies, assailing them on the front before, on the sides a flank, and on the back behind, enforcing themselves to the uttermost of their power to break their array.  
But the Englishmen valiantly resisted, so that there was a sore battle for a while, and the more courageously the Welshmen assailed, the more stoutly the Englishmen defended, in keeping themselves close together, and beating back their adversaries: and at length perceiving them to faint and wax weary, they rushed forth into the middle of the Welshmen, & broke them in sunder, so that when they saw themselves thus repelled by the Englishmen, contrary unto all their expectation, they knew not what to do, for they durst neither fight nor flee, 
The Welsh discomfited. Rees ap Meridoc taken.  and so by that means were beaten down on every side. Meridoc himself was taken, but the most part of all his army was slain, to the number of four thousand men. Thus were the Welshmen worthily chastised for their rebellion. Sir Rées ap Meridoc was had to York, where at length, after the king was returned out of Gascoigne, he was hanged, drawn and quartered.  
This year on S. Margaret's even, that is, 
Anno Reg. ●●. 128●  the 9 day of julie, fell a wonderful tempest of hail, that the like had not been seen nor heard of by any man then living. And after, 
Hen. Ma●●. A sore tempest of ha●e. Ran. Hugged.  there ensued such continual rain, so distempering the ground, that corn waxed very dear, so that whereas wheat was sold before at three pence a bushel, 
A great dearth beginneth.  the market so rose by little and little, that it was sold for two shillings a bushel, and so the dearth increased still almost by the space of 40 years, till the death of Edward the second, in so much that sometime a bushel of wheat London measure was sold at ten shillings.  
The king, after he had remained and continued three years, two months, and fifteen days in Gascoine, and in other parts there beyond the sea, he returned into England on the fourth day of August, and upon the even of the Assumption of our lady he came to London, where he was most joyfully received, & so ●ame to Westminster: where shortly after were presented unto him many grievous complaints and informations against diverse of his justices, as sir Thomas Weiland, Adam Stretton, and others, the which were had in examination, and thereupon found guilty of many trespasses and transgressions, in so much that it was given him to understand, that there were among them that had given consent to the committing of murders and robberies, and wittingly had received the offenders. Whereupon, 
Chron. Dun.  the king caused straight inquiry to be made by an inquest of 12▪ substantial personages, who found by verdict, 
Thomas Weiland lord chief justice of the king's bench.  that Thomas Weiland lord chief justice of the king's bench, had caused a murder to be done by his servants, and after succoured and maintained them: hereupon he was by the king's officers arrested, but escaping their hands, he took sanctuary in the church of the friars minors at saint Edmundesburie, and was admitted into their habit, but within forty days after, order was given by the king that no kind of victuals should be suffered to be conveyed to that house, so that all the friars came forth, except three or four, and at length he was constrained to take upon him a lay man's apparel, and coming forth was delivered to the hands of Robert Malet knight, 
Robert Malet.  who had before the custody of him, and now having him again brought him to the tower of London. At length, he was put to his choice of three ways, which soever of them he would take, that is, whether to be tried by his peers, or to remain in perpetual prison, or to abjure the realm: he chose the last, and so barefooted and bareheaded, bearing a cross in his hand, he was conveyed from the tower to Dover, where taking the sea, he was transported to the further side of the sea; his goods, movable and unmovable, 
William Brampton Roger Leicester, 〈◊〉 john Luneth  being confiscate to the king's coffers.  
William Brampton, Roger Leicester, john Luneth, associates of the said Thomas, and justices of the king's bench: also, Robert Lithburie chaplain, and master of the rolls, being accused of wrongful judgements and other trespasses were committed to prison within the tower, and at length with much ado, escaped with paying their fines, so that he which paid least, 
Solomon de Roffa. Thomas de Sudington. Richard de Boiland. Walter Hopton Ralph de Hingham.  gave a thousand marks. Moreover, Solomon of Rochester, Thomas de Sudington, Richard de Boiland, and Walter de Hopton, justices itinerants, were likewise punished, and for the semblable offences put to their fines. Sir Ralph de Hingham line 10 a justice also, to whom in the king's absence the ordering of the realm chiefly appertained, being accused of diverse transgressions, and committed to the tower, redeemed his offence for an infinite sum of money. 
Adam de Stratton, L. chief baron.  Adam de Stratton, lord chief baron of the excheker, being convicted of many heinous crimes, a man plentifully provided both of temporal possessions, and ecclesiastical revenues, lost all his temporal livings, and four and thirty thousand marks in ready coin, beside other movables, in cattle, line 20 jewels and furniture of household, which were all confiscated, and forfeited wholly: and it was thought he was gently dealt with, that he escaped with life, and such spiritual livings as to him remained. Henry Braie escheator, 
Henry Braie  and the judges over the jews, were reported to have committed many grievous offences, but for money they bought their peace. To conclude, there was not found any amongst all the justices and officers clear and void of unjust dealing except john de Metingham, 
john de Metingham, and Elias de Bekingham.  and Elias de Bekingham, line 30 who only among the rest had behaved themselves uprightly. When therefore such grievous complaints were exhibited to the king, he appointed the earl of Lincoln, the bishop of Elie, and others, to hear every man's complaint, and upon due examination & trial, to see them answered accordingly as right and equity should require. In which administration of justice against evil justiciaries, the king performed the charge imposed and laid upon all such as are in government and magistracy; namely, line 40 

E●b. Hess. in Psal. 2.  Nunc igitur reges resipiscite, quaerite rectum,  
Quorum judicijs terra regenda data est.   
In the eighteenth year of his reign, the king married two of his daughters, 
Anno Reg. 18. 1290  that is to say, joane de Acres unto Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester, and the lady Margaret unto the lord john son to the duke of Brabant. 
H. Marle. N. Trivet.  ¶ The king ordained, that all the wool, which should be sold unto strangers, should be brought unto Sandwich, where the staple thereof was kept long time after. In the same year was a line 50 parliament holden at Westminster, 
The statutes of Westminster the third established.  wherein the statutes of Westminster the third were ordained. It was also decreed, that all the jews should avoid out of the land, in consideration whereof, a fifteenth was granted to the king, and so hereupon were the jews banished out of all the king's dominions, 
The jews banished out of England.  and never since could they obtain any privilege to return hither again. All their goods not movable were confiscated, with their taillies and obligations; but all other their goods that were movable, together with line 60 their coin of gold and silver, the king licensed them to have and convey with them. A sort of the richest of them, being shipped with their treasure in a mighty ●all ship which they had hired, when the fame was under sail, and got down the Thames towards the mouth of the river beyond Quinborowe, the master mariner be thought him of a wile, and caused his men to cast anchor, and so road at the same, till the ship by ebbing of the stream remained on the dry sands. The master herewith enticed the jews to walk out with him on land for recreation. And at length, when he understood the tide to be coming in, he got him back to the ship, whither he was drawn up by a cord. The jews made not so much hast as he did, because they were not ware of the danger. But when they perceived how the matter stood, they cried to him for help: howbeit he told them, that they ought to cry rather unto Moses, by whose conduct their fathers passed through the red sea, and therefore, if they would call to him for help, he was able enough to help them out of those raging floods, which now came in upon them: they cried indeed, but no succour appeared, 
Iewes drowned.  and so they were swallowed up in water. The master returned with the ship, and told the king how he had used the matter, and had both thanks and reward, as some have written. But other affirm (and more truly as should seem) that diverse of those mariners, 
Chro. Dun.  which dealt so wickedly against the jews, were hanged for their wicked practice, and so received a just reward of their fraudulent and mischievous dealing. But now to the purpose.  
In the foresaid parliament, the king demanded an aid of money of the spirituality, for that (as he pretended) he meant to make a journey into the holy land, to secure the christians there: 
The eleventh part of ecclesiastical revenues granted to the K.  whereupon they granted to him the eleventh part of all their movables. He received the money aforehand, but letted by other business at home, he went not forth upon that journey. In the ninetéenth year of king Edward, queen Elinor king Edward's wife died upon saint Andrews even at Herdebie, 
Anno Reg. 19 The decease of Q. Elinor  or Herdelie (as some have) near to Lincoln, the king being as then on his way towards the borders of Scotland: but having now lost the jewel which he most esteemed, he returned towards London to accompany the corpse unto Westminster, 
Thom. Walsin.  where it was buried in S. Edward's chapel, at the feet of king Henry the third. She was a godly and modest princess, full of pity, and one that showed much favour to the English nation, 
The praise of the queen deceased.  ready to relieve every man's grief that sustained wrong, and to make them friends that were at discord, so far as in her lay. In every town and place, where the corpse rested by the way, the king caused a cross of cunning workmanship to be erected in remembrance of her, and in the same was a picture of her engraven. Two of the like crosses were set up at London, one at Charing, 
Charing-cross & other erected.  and the other in Westcheape. moreover, he gave in alms every wednesday wheresoever he went, pence a piece, to all such poor folks as came to demand the same.  
About the same time, because the king should be the more willing to go into the holy land, as he had promised to do, having money to furnish him forth, year 1291 the pope granted unto him the tenth of the church of England, Scotland and Ireland, according to the true value of all the revenues belonging unto the same for six years. 
The tenth of spiritual revenues granted to the K.  He wrote to the bishops of Lincoln and Winchester, that the same tenth should be laid up in monasteries and abbeys, till the king was entered into the sea, called Mare Maggiore, forwards on his journey eastwards, and then to be paid to his use. But the king afterwards caused the collectors to make payment to him of the same tenth gathered for three years, and laid up in monasteries, although he set not one foot forward in that journey, as letted through other business.  
Also, by reason of the controversy which depended as then betwixt diverse persons, 
Controversy about the crown of Scotland.  as competitors of the crown of Scotland, he went into the north parts and kept his easter at Newcastle, and shortly after, called a parliament at Northampton; where, by the advise of the prelates and other of his council, learned in both the laws, upon knowledge had by search of records, and chronicles of ancient time, he caused all the prelates and barons of Scotland to be called afore him, and there in the parish-church of Norham, he declared unto them his right to the superiority of the kingdom of Scotland, and requiring of them, that they would recognise the same, protesting that he would defend the right of his crown, to the shedding of his own blood, that a true certificate and information might come to light of his title and rightful claim, unto the direct and supreme dominion over the realm of Scotland.  
He had caused verily all the histories, chronicles, and monuments that were to be found within England, Scotland and Wales, to be sought up and perused, line 10 that it might be known what right he had in this behalf. Whereupon it was found by the chronicles of Marianus the Scot, William of Malmesburie, Roger Hoveden, Henry Huntingdon, Ralph de Diceto, and others, that in the year of our Lord 910, K. Edward surnamed Senior, or the elder, subdued to him the kings of Scots and Welshmen, so that in the year 921, the same people chose the said Edward to be their king and patron. And likewise in the year 926, Athelstan king of England vanquished line 20 Constantine king of Scotland, and permitted him yet to reign under him. Moreover, Edred the brother of Athelstan, and king of England, overcame the Scots and Northumber's, the which submitted themselves to him and swore him fealty. Also Edgar king of England vanquished Kineth the son of Alpine king of Scotland, who swore fealty to him. Likewise Cnute king of England and Denmark, in the 16 year of his reign overcame Malcolme king of Scots, & so became king of four kingdoms, line 30 England, Scotland, Denmark, and Norway.  
Furthermore, that blessed king S. Edward, gave the kingdom of Scotland unto Malcolme the son of the king of Cumberland, to hold the same of him. Again, William Bastard the Norman conqueror, in the sixth year of his reign vanquished Malcolme king of Scotland, and received of him an oath of fealty. Also, Will. Rufus did the like unto Malcolme king of Scots, and two of his sons that successively reigned over that realm. Also, Alexander succeeded line 40 his brother Edgar in the kingdom of Scotland, by consent of K. Henry the first. Also David king of Scotland did homage to K. Stephan, & William K. of Scots did homage to Henry, the son of K. Henry the second, when in his father's life time he was crowned; and again, to Henry the father in the 20 year of his reign, as by an agreement made betwixt them two it doth appear. Also, Roger Hoveden saith, that William king of Scotland came to his sovereign lord king Henry into Normandy, and likewise to king Richard, and moreover to king line 50 john at Lincoln, doing to them his homage. Also, in the chronicles of S. Albon it is found, that Alexander king of Scotland married at York Margaret the daughter of king Henry the third, in the 35 year of his reign, and did to him homage.  
And further, when king Edward himself was crowned at Westminster, in the year of our Lord 1274, being the second of his reign, the last deceased K. of Scotland, Alexander the third of that name line 60 did homage unto him at Westminster the morrow after the coronation. All which homages and fealties thus done by sundry kings of Scotland, unto sundry kings of England, were directly and most manifestly proved to be done for the realm of Scotland, and not only for the lands which they held of the kings of England within England, as the Scotish writers would seem to colour the matter. But things being then fresh in memory, no such cavillation might be averred. 
K. Edward recognised for superior lord of Scotland.  And so hereupon king Edward's title being substantially proved, he was recognised superior lord of Scotland, of all them that pretended title at that time to that kingdom, by writings thereof made and confirmed under their seals, the which being written in French contained matter as here followeth.  

The copy of the charter in French.  
ATous ceulx, qui ceste present lettre verrunt ou orrunt, Florence count de Holland, Robert de Brus seigneur du Val Danand, jehan Balliol seigneur de Galloway, jehan de Hastings seigneur de Abergevenne, jehan Coming seigneur de Badenaugh, Patrique de Dunbar count de la March, jehan de Vescy pur son pere, Nichol de Souls, & Guilaum de Ros, saluz en dieu. Come nous entendons d'auger droyt en reaume d' Escoce, & cell droyt monstrer, challenger, & averer devant celuy, que plus de poer, jurisdiction, & reeson, eust de trier nostre droyt, & l' noble prince sire Edward, par la grace de dieu, roy d' Angleterre, nous a inform per bonnes & suffissant reesons, que aluy apent, & aver doit la soverein signory, du dict reaume d' Escoce, & la cognisance de oir, trier & terminer nostre droyt. Nous de nostre propre volunté, sanz null manner de force ou distress, voluns, otrions, & grantons de receiuré droyt devant luy, come soverein seigneur de la terre. Et voluns ialemeins, & promettons, que nous averons, & tendrons, farm, & estable son fait, & que celuy emportera le reaume, a qui droyt le durra devant luy. En testimoigne de ceste chose, nous auons mis nous seaules a ceste escript. Fait & donné a Norham, le mardi prochein apres la Ascension, l'an de Grace, 1291.   

In English thus.  
TO all them that these present letters shall see or hear, Florence earl of Holland, Robert le Bruce lord of Annandale, john Coming lord of Badenaw, Patrick de Dunbar earl of March, john de Balliol lord of galloway, john Hastings lord of Abergevennie, john de Vescy in stead of his father, Nicholas de Sules, & Walter Ros, send greeting in our Lord. Whereas we intent to have right in the kingdom of Scotland, and intent to declare, challenge and prove the same before him that hath the best authority, jurisdiction and reason to examine our right, and that the noble prince the lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, by good and sufficient reasons hath informed us, that the superior dominion of Scotland belongeth to him, and that he ought to have the knowledge in the hearing, examining, and defining of our right, we of our free wills, without all violence and constraint, will, consent and grant, to receive our right before him, as the superior lord of the land. We will also & promise, that we shall have and hold his deed for firm and stable, and that he shall have the kingdom, unto whom before him best right shall assign the same. In witness whereof we have to these letters put our seals. Given at Norham, the tuesday next after the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, in the year of Grace, 1291.   
The recognising therefore made of the superiority and submission of grant to receive that, which before the king of England should by law be defined, the said king required to have the castles, and the whole land delivered unto his possession, that by peaceable seizine thereof had, his right of superiority now recognised by their letters and writings, might be the more manifest and apparent to the whole world. They streightwaies agreed to the king's request, and writings thereof were made and confirmed with their seals, being written in French, as followeth.  

The copy of the second charter touching the possession of the line 10 land, in French.  
ATous iceulx, que ceste present lettre verrunt ou orront, Florence count de Holland, Robert de Brus seigneur du Val Danand, jehan de Baliol seigneur de Galloway, jehan de Hastings seigneur de Abergeuenny, jehan Coming seigneur de Badenaw, Patrique Dunbar count de la March, jehan de Vescy, pour son pere, Nichol de Souls, & Guilaume line 20 de Ros, saluz en dieu. Come nous aions otrie, & grant, de nostre bonne volunté, & common assent sans null distress, a noble prince sire Edward, par la grace de dieu, roy de Angleterre quill come soverein seig▪ de lafoy terre de Escoce puisse oir trier, & terminer nos challenges, & nos demands, que nos entendons monstrer, & averrer pur nostre droyt en la reaume de Escoces & droyt receiver devant luy, come soverein seigneur de la terre, promettons line 30 jam lemains que son fait averons & tendrons farm & estable, & qu' il emportera le reaume, a qui droyt le durra devant luy.  
Mes pour ce que lauandict roy de Ang. ne puist null manner conusance fair ne a complier sauns judgement, ne judgement doit estre sauns execution, ne execution ne peult il fair duement, sauns la possession, & seysine de mesme la terre, & de chasteaux. Nous volons, otrions, & grantons, quill come line 40 sovereign seigneur, a parfaire les choses avant dictes, ait la seysine de toute la mesme terre, & de chasteaux de Escoce, tant que droyt soit feit & perform, as demandans en tiel manner, que avant ceo qu' il eit le seysine avant dict face bone seurte, & suffisante as demandants & as gardiens, & a la commune du reaume d' Escoce, a fair lareversion de mesme le reaume, & de chasteaux, oue toute la royauté, dignité, seignourie, franchises, coustomes, droitures, leys, usages, & possessions, & line 50 touse manieres des apurtenances, en mesme le estate, quills estoient quant la seysine luy fust bailleé, & livereé a celuy que le droyt emportera par judgement de saroyaute, sawe au roy d' Anglterre le homage de celuy, qui serra rey. Yssint quela reversion soit feit dedans les deux moys apres le iour que le droyt sera trieé & affirmé. Et que les issues de mesme la terre en le moyne temps resceus, soient sawement mis en depos & bien gardees par la main le line 60 chamberlain d' Escoce que ore est, & de celuy qui serra assign a luy de par le rey d' Angleterre, & de sous leur seaus sawe renable sustenance de la terre, & des chasteaux & des ministres du royalme. En testimoigne de ●estes choses avandicts, nous auons mis nos seaules a ceste escript. Fa●t & done a Norham le mecredie prochein apres l' Ascension ● ' an de Grace, 1291.   

The same in English.  
TO all them that these present writings shall see or hear, Florence earl of Holland, Robert le Bruce lord of Annandale, john de Balliol lord of Galloway, john Hastings lord of Abergeuenny, john Coming lord of Badenaw, Patrick de Dunbarre the earl of March, john de Vescy in stead of his father, Nicholas de Sules, William de Ros, send greeting in our lord. Because that of our good will and common assent, without all constraint, we do consent and grant unto the noble prince the lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, that he as superior lord of Scotland, may hear, examine, define and determine our claims, challenges, and petitions, which we intent to show and prove for our right, to be received before him as superior lord of the land, promising moreover, that we shall take his deed for firm and stable, and that he shall enjoy the kingdom of Scotland, whose right shall by declaration best appear before him.  
Whereas then the said king of England cannot in this manner take knowledge, nor fulfil our meanings without judgement, nor judgement ought to be without execution, nor execution may in due form be done without possession and seizine of the said land and castles of the same; we will, consent, and grant, that he as superior lord to perform the premises may have the seizine of all the land and castles of the same, till they that pretend title to the crown be satisfied in their suit, so that before he be put in possession and seizine, he find sufficient surety to us that pretend title, and to the wardens, and to all the commonalty of the kingdom of Scotland, that he shall restore the same kingdom with all the royalty, dignity, signiory, liberties, customs, rights, laws, usages, possessions, and all and whatsoever the appurtenances, in the same state wherein they were before the seizine to him delivered, unto him to whom by right it is due, according to the judgement of his regality, saving to him the homage of that person that shall be king: and this restitution to be made within two months after the day in the which the right shall be discussed and established, the issues of the same land in the mean time shall be received, laid up, and put in safe keeping, in the hands of the chamberlain of Scotland which now is, and of him, whom the king of England shall to him assign, and this under their seals, reserving and allowing the reasonable charges for the sustentation of the land, the castles and officers of the kingdom. In witness of all the which premises, we have unto these letters set our seals. Given at Norham the wednesday next after the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, in the year of Grace, 1291.   
These two letters the king of England sent under his privy seal unto diverse monasteries within his realm, in the 19 year of his reign, that in perpetual memory of the thing thus passed, it might be registered in their chronicles. Thus by the common assent of the chiefest of the lords in Scotland, king Edward received the land into his custody, till by due and lawful trial had, 
Rich. South.  it might appear who was rightful heir to the crown there. The homage or fealty of the nobles of Scotland was expressed in words as followeth.  

The form and tenor of the homage done by the Scots.  
Because all we are come unto the allegiance of the noble prince Edward king of England, we promise for us and our heirs, upon all the danger that we may incur, that we shall be faithful, & loyally hold of him against all manner of mortal men, and that line 10 we shall not understand of any damage that may come to the king, nor to his heirs, but we shall stay and impeach the same to our powers. And to this we bind ourselves & our heirs, and are sworn upon the evangelists to perform the same. Besides this, we have done fealty unto our sovereign lord the said king in these words each one by himself; I shall be true line 20 and faithful, and faith and loyalty I shall bear to the king of England Edward and his heirs, of life, member, and worldly honour against all mortal creatures.   

Master Stephansons' book of Records.  The king having received as well the possessions of the realm, castles, manors, as other places belonging to the crown of Scotland, he committed the government and custody of the realm unto the bishops of S. Andrews and Glasco, 
Wardens of the realm of Scotland appointed by K. Edward.  to the lords john line 30 Coming, and james Steward, who had put him in possession, so that under him they held the same, in manner as they had done before. But in diverse castles he placed such captains as he thought most meetest to keep them to his use, till he had ended the controversy, & placed him in the kingdom, to whom of right it belonged. He also willed the lords of Scotland to elect a sufficient parsonage to be chancellor of the realm, which they did, naming Alane bishop of Catnesse, 
The bishop of Catnesse elected chancellor of Scotland.  whom the king admitted, joining with him line 40 one of his chapleins named Walter Armundesham, so that on the 12 of june, upon the green over against the the castle of Norham, near to the river of Tweed, in the parish of Upsetelington, before john Balliol, Robert Bruce, the bishops of S. Andrews and Glasco, the lords Coming and Steward, wardens of Scotland; the bishop of Catnesse received his seal, 
He receiveth his seal.  appointed him by the king of England as supreme lord of Scotland, and there both the said bishop & Walter Armundesham were sworn line 50 truly to govern themselves in the office. 
He is sworn.   
The morrow after were the wardens sworn and with them as associated Brian Fitz Alane, 
The wardens sworn.  and there all the earls and lords of Scotland that were present swore fealty unto king Edward, as to their supreme sovereign lord, and withal there was peace proclaimed, and public edicts set forth in the name of the same king, entitled supreme lord of the realm of Scotland. The residue of the Scotish nobility, earls, 
The Scotish nobility doth fealty to king Edward.  barons, knights, and others, with the bishop's line 60 and abbots, upon his coming into Scotland, swore fealty either to himself in person, or to such as he appointed his deputies to receive the same, in sundry towns and places, according to order given in that behalf. Such as refused to do their fealties, were attached by their bodies till they should do their fealties as they were bound. Those that came not, but excused themselves upon some reasonable cause, were heard, and had day given until the next parliament▪ but such as neither came, nor made any reasonable excuse, were appointed to be distrained to come.  
The bishop of S. Andrew's, and john lord Coming of Badenoth, with Brian Fitz Alane, were assigned to receive such fealties at S. john's town. The bishop of Glasco, james lord steward of Scotland, and Nicholas Segraue were appointed to receive them at Newcastle of Are. The earl of Southerland, and the sheriff of that country, with his bailiffs, and the chatellaine of Inuernesse were ordained to receive those fealties in that county; the chattelaine first to receive it of the said earl, and then he with his said associates to receive the same of others. The lord William de Saintclare, and William de Bomille, were appointed to receive fealty of the bishop of Whitterne, and then the said bishop with them to receive the fealties of all the inhabitants of Gallowaie. Amongst other that did their homage to the king himself, was Marie queen of Man, and countess of Stratherne, upon the 24 day of julie, the king being thus in S. john's town, otherwise called Perth. To conclude, he was put in full possession of the realm of Scotland, & received there homages and fealties (as before ye have heard) as the direct and supreme lord of that land.  
This done, and every thing ordered as seemed most expedient, king Edward returned into the south parts of his realm, to be at his mother's burial, that in this mean time was departed this life. 
The king's mother deceased.  Her hart was buried in the church of the Graifriers at London, & her body at Ambresburie in the house of the nuns. ¶ After the funerals were ended, king Edward returned into the north parts again: he stayed a while at York, and during his abode there, Rées ap Meridoc (of whom ye have heard before) was by order of law condemned & executed. ¶ This year after Easter, as the fleet lay before S. Matthewes in Britain, 
Anno Reg. 2●▪ 1292  there rose certain discord betwixt the Norman mariners, and them of Baion, 
Nic. Triue●.  and so far the quarrel increased, that they fell to try it by force, the Englishmen assisting them of Baion, and the French kings subjects taking part with the Normans, and now they fraught not their ships so much with merchandise as with armour & weapon. At length the matter burst out from sparks into open flame, the sequel whereof hereafter shall appear, as we find it reported by writers.  
But now touching the Scotish affairs. At length the king coming into Scotland, gave summons to all those that claimed the crown, to appear before him at the feast of the nativity of S. john Baptist next ensuing, that they might declare more at large by what right they claimed the kingdom. hereupon, when the day of their appearance was come, and that king Edward was ready to hear the matter, he chose out the number of 40 persons, the one half Englishmen, and the other Scotishmen, which should discuss with advised deliberation and great diligence the allegations of the competitors, deferring the final sentence unto the feast of S. Michael next ensuing, the which feast being come, after due examination, full trial, and assured knowledge had of the right, 
john Balliol obtaineth the kingdom of Scotland.  the kingdom by all their assents was adjudged unto john Balliol, who descended of the eldest daughter of David king of Scotland. Robert le Bruce, betwixt whom and the same Balliol at length (the other being excluded) the question and trial only rested, was descended of the second daughter of king David, though otherwise by one degree he was nearer to him in blood. Thus writeth Nicholas Trivet. 
Nic. Trivet.   
But others affirm, that after long disputation in the matter, by order of king Edward, 
Polydor.  there were appointed 80 ancient and grave personages, amongst the which were 30 Englishmen, unto whom (being sworn and admonished to have God before their eyes) authority was given to name him that should be king. These 80 persons▪ after they had well considered unto whom the right appertained, declared with one voi●e, that john Balliol was rightful king. king Edward allowed their sentence, and by his authority confirmed unto the same john, the possession of the kingdom of Scotland, with condition that if he did not govern that realm with justice, then upon complaint, the king of England might put unto his hand of reformation, as he was bound to do by his right of superiority, that in him was invested. Hereupon king Edward awarded forth his writ of delivery of seizine at the suit of the said I. Balliol, to William and Robert, bishops of S. Andrew's and Glasco, to john lord Coming, james lord Steward line 10 of Scotland, and to the lord Brian Fitz Alane, wardens of Scotland, commanding them to deliver unto the said john Balliol the seizine and possession of that realm, saving the releefes and debts due to him of the issues and profits of the same realm, unto the day of the date of the writ, which was the ninetéenth day of November, in the twenty year of his reign. Also there was another writ made, and directed to such as had the keeping of the castles in their hands, line 20 in form as followeth.  

The copy of the writ for the delivery of the castles.  
EDwardus Dei gratia rex Angliae, dominus Hiberniae, dux Aquitaniae, & superior dominus regni Scotiae, dilecto & fideli suo Petro Burdet, line 30 constabulario castri de Berwike salutem. Cùm johannes de Baliolo nuper in parlamento nostro apud Berwicum super Tuedam, venisset coram nobis, & petivisset praedictum regnum Scotiae sibi per nos adiudicari, & seisinam ipsius regni ut propinquiori haeredi Margaretae filiae regis Norwegiae dominae Scotiae iure successionis liberari, ac nos auditis & intellectis petitionibus, & rationibus diligentur examinatis, invenerimus praefatum johannem de Baliolo esse propinquiorem line 40 haeredem praedictae Margaretae, quo ad praedictum regnum Scotiae obtinendum: propter quod idem regnum Scotiae, & scisinam eiusdem, saluo iure nostro, & heredum nostrorum, cum voluerimus inde loqui, praedicto johanni reddidimus: tibi mandamus quòd seisinam praedicti castri de Beruico cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, unà cum alijs omnibus rebus tibi per chirographum traditis, secundum quod in praedicti castritibi commissa custodia line 50 res huiusmodi recepisti, sine dilatione praefato johanni de Baliolo, vel attornatis suis has litteras deferentibus, deliberari facias. Teste meipso apud Beruicum super Tuedam 19 die Novembris, Anno regni nostri 20.   

In English thus.  
EDward by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke line 60 of Aquitaine, and superior lord of the realm of Scotland, to his well-beloved and faithful servant Peter Burdet constable of the castle of Berwick, sendeth greeting. Where john de Balliol late in parliament holden at Berwick upon Tweed, came before us, and demanded the said realm of Scotland to be adjudged to him by us, and seizine of the same realm to be to him delivered as next heir to Margaret daughter to the king of Norway, lady of Scotland by right of succession. We having heard and understood the same petitions; and reasons being diligently weighed and examined, we find the said john Balliol to be next heir unto the laid Margaret, as to obtain the said kingdom of Scotland, whereupon we have delivered to him the said kingdom of Scotland, and the seizine thereof, saving the right of us & our heirs, when it shall please us to speak thereof. We therefore command you, that you deliver up unto the said john Balliol, or to his attorneys, that shall bring with them these our present letters, the seizine of the said castle of Berwick, with all the appurtenances, together with all other things to you by indenture delivered accordingly as you did receive the same, with the custody of the said castle to you committed: and this without delay. Witness ourself at Berwick upon Tweed the nineteenth day of November, in the twentieth year of our reign.   
In the same form of words were writs awarded forth, to all and every other the keepers of castles and manors belonging to the crown of Scotland, and being at that time in K. Edward's hands, the names of places and the persons that had them in custody only changed. 
The seal broken.  On the same day also in the castle of Berwick was the seal broken, which had been appointed to the governors, during the time that the realm was vacant of a king. It was broken into four parts, and put into a purse to be reserved in the treasury of the king of England, in further and more full token of his superiority and direct supreme dominion over the realm of Scotland.  
These things were done in presence of the said john Balliol then king of Scotland, john archbishop of Dubline, john bishop of Winchester, Anthony bishop of Duresme, William bishop of Elie, john bishop of Carlisle, William bishop of S. Andrew's, Robert bishop of Glasco, Mark bishop of Man, and Henry bishop of Aberdene, with diverse other bishops, besides abbots and prior's of both the realms; Henry earl of Lincoln, Humphrey earl of Hereford, Roger earl of Norfolk, john earl of Buchquane, Dovenald earl of Mar, Gilbert earl of Angus, Patrick earl of March, and Malisius earl of Stratherne; with the four and twenty auditors of England, and the four score auditors of Scotland: chapleins also, Henry de Newmarke dean of York, john Lacie chancellor of Chichester, William de Greenefield canon of York, and john Ercurie notary, and many other. john Balliol being thus created K. of Scotland, on the twentieth day of November, in the castle of Norham, did fealty to king Edward for the kingdom of Scotland, in manner as followeth.  

The form of the fealty of john Balliol king of Scots to the king of England in protestation.  
THis hear you my lord Edward king of England, sovereign lord of the realm of Scotland, that I john de Balliol king of Scotland, which I hold and claim to hold of you, that I shall be faithful and loyal, and own faith and loyalty to you, I shall bear of life and member, and of earthly honour, against all people, and lawfully I shall acknowledge and do the services which I own to do to you, for the realm of Scotland aforesaid. So God me help and his holy evangelists.   
Hereof also he made letters patents, witnessing that he had thus done fealty unto king Edward, which letters he sealed and delivered in presence of William bishop of saint Andrews, Robert bishop of Glasco, john earl of Bouchquane. William earl of Ros, Patrick earl of March, Walter earl of Menteth, james lord steward of Scotland, Alexander de Ergay, Alexander de Balliol lord of Caures, Patrick de Graham, and William de Saintclere. This done, king Edward appointed Anthony bishop line 10 of Duresme, and the lord john saint john to pass with Balliol into Scotland, and there to put him into the corporal possession of the same realm of Scotland, 
Anno Reg. 21. john Balliol crowned king of Scotland.  which they did, and so he was crowned at Scone upon saint Andrews day, being placed in the marble chair within the abbeie church there. The solemnity of which coronation being ended, he returned into England, and coming to Newcastle upon Tine, where K. Edward in that year kept his Christmas, he there did homage upon saint stephan's line 20 day unto the said king Edward, in form of words as followeth.  

The form of the king of Scots homage to king Edward, in action.  
MY lord, lord Edward king of England, superior lord of Scotland, I john de Balliol king of Scotland, do acknowledge and recognise line 30 me to be your liegeman of the whole realm of Scotland, with all the appurtenances, and whatsoever belongeth thereto, the which kingdom I hold and aught of right and claim to hold by inheritance of you and your heirs kings of England, and I shall bear faith and loyalty to you and to your heirs kings of England, of life, of member, and earthly honour, against all line 40 men, which may live and die.   
This homage in form aforesaid did king Edward receive, his own and others right saved. Then did the king of England without delay restore unto the said john Balliol the kingdom of Scotland, 
1293  with all the appurtenances. 
Richard Bagley.  This year, as one Richard Bagley an officer of the sheriffs of London led a prisoner towards the gail, 
A prisoner rescued.  three persons rescued the said prisoner, and took him from the officer, the which line 50 were pursued and taken, and by judgement of law then used, were brought into Westcheape, and there had their hands stricken off by the wrists. 

The offenders lost their hand.  
A great snow and tempest of wind in May   On the 14 day of May fell a wonderful snow, and therewith blew such an exceeding wind, that great harm was done thereby in sundry places of England. In the same year died friar john Peckham archbishop of Canturburie, 
The archbishop of Canturburie deceasseth.  and then was Robert of Winchelsie elected archbishop the 48 in number that had ruled that see. About the middle of September following, line 60 the earl of Bar a Frenchman, married the lady Elinor the king's daughter in the town of Bristol. 
The king's daughter married to the earl of Bar.  ¶ This year wheat was sold at London for two shillings a bushel.  
This year also the war was begun between the kings of England and France. 
War betwixt England and France.  For whereas king Edward had furnished forth six ships of war, and sent them unto Bordeaux for defence of the coasts thereabouts, two of them, as they sailed alongst the coast of Normandy, and fearing no hurt by enemies, were taken by the Norman fleet, and diverse of the mariners hanged. 
Two English ships taken.  The lord Robert Tiptost that was admiral of the English fleet advertised thereof, got together a great number of ships, and directed his course with them straight towards Normandy, and finding no ships of the Normans abroad in the seas, upon a desire to be revenged, 
The lord Admerall of England setteth upon the Norman ships.  entered the mouth of the river of Saine, and set upon the Norman ships that lay there at anchor, slew many of the mariners, & took six ships away with him, and so returning to the sea again, cast anchor not far off from the land, to provoke the Frenchmen to come forth with their fleet to give battle. And as he lay at anchor, it chanced that certain Norman ships fraught with wine came that ways, as they returned out of Gascoigne. The lord Tiptost setting on them, took them with little ado, and slaying near hand the third part of all the mariners, sent the ships into England.  
The Frenchmen to revenge this act, prepared a navy, and furnishing the same with soldiers went forth to the sea, to encounter the Englishmen: but yer they met, messengers were sent to and fro, the Englishmen accusing the Frenchmen of truce-breaking, and the Frenchmen again requiring restitution of their goods taken from them by violence. And now forsomuch as this business had been moved rashly betwixt the Englishmen and the Normans, without any commission of their princes their minds therefore were not so kindled in displeasure, but that there had been good hope of agreement betwixt them, if Charles earl of Ualois the French kings brother (being a man of a hot nature & desirous of revenge) had not procured his brother to seek revengement by force of arms. 
Charles earl of Ualois pr●cureth war betwixt England and France.  Whereupon the French fleet made toward the Englishmen, who minding not to detract the battle, sharply encountered their enemies in a certain place betwixt England and Normandy, where they had laid a great empty ship at anchor, to give token where they meant to join. There were with the Englishmen both Irishmen and Hollanders, and with the Normans there were Frenchmen and Flemings, and certain vessels of Genoese.  
The fight at the first was doubtful, and great slaughter made, as in the meeting of two such mighty navies must needs ensue. Yet in the end the victory fell to the Englishmen, 
The Englishmen victors by sea.  and the French ships put to the chase and scattered abroad. The number of ships lost is not recorded by such writers as make report of this conflict, but they writ that the loss was great. King Philip being advertised of this discomfiture of his fleet was sore displeased, and as though he would proceed against king Edward by order of law, 
K. Edward summoned to appear at Paris.  he summoned him as his liegeman to appear at Paris, to answer what might be objected against him; but withal because he knew that king Edward would not come to make his appearance, he prepared an army.  
In the mean time king Edward sent his brother Edmund earl of Lancaster to be his attornie, 
Edward earl of Lancaster sent to the French king.  and to make answer for him before all such judges as might have hearing of the matter: but the judges meaning nothing less than to try out the truth of the cause, admitted no reasons that the earl could allege in his brother's behalf, and so pronounced king Edward a rebel, and decreed by arrest, 
K. Edward condemned in the French kings court.  that he had forfeited all his right unto the duchy of Guien. These things thus done, he sent privy messengers unto Bordeaux, to procure the citizens to revolt from the Englishmen, 
Arnold de Neale sent into Gascoigne with an army.  and appointed constable of France the lord Arnold de Neale to follow with an army, who coming thither easily brought them of Bordeaux under the French dominion, being already minded to revolt through practice of those that were lately before sent unto them from the French king for that purpose. After this, the said constable brought the people near adjoining under subjection, partly moved by the example of the chief and head city of all the country, and partly induced thereunto by bribes and large gifts. The Englishmen that were in the country, after they perceived that the people did thus revolt to the French king, withdrew incontinently unto the towns situate near to the sea side, but specially they fled to a town called the Riol, which they fortified with all speed. Thus saith Polydore.  

N. Trivet.  Nicholas Trivet, writing hereof, declareth the beginning of this war to be on this manner. The English merchants being diversly vexed upon the seas, made complaint to the king for loss of their line 10 merchandise. The king sent Henry Lacie earl of Lincoln unto the French king, 
Henry earl of Lincoln.  instantly requiring, that by his assent there might some way be provided with speed by them and their council, for some competent remedy touching such harms and losses by sea as his people had sustained. In the mean time whilst the earl tarried for answer, a navy of the parts of Normandy containing two hundred ships and above, being assembled together, that they might the more boldly assail their enemies, and the more line 20 valiantly resist such as should encounter them, sailed into Gascoigne, determining to destroy all those of their adversaries that should come in their way. But as these Normane ships returned back with wines, glorying as it were that they had got the rule of the sea only to themselves, they were assailed by threescore English ships, which took them, & brought them into England the friday before Whitsunday: all the men were either drowned or slain, those only excepted which made shift to escape by boats. The line 30 news hereof being brought into France, did not so much move the king and the council to wonder at the matter, as to take thereof great indignation.  
Ambassadors were appointed to go into England which on the behalf of the French king, might demand of king Edward restitution of those ships and goods thus taken by his subjects, and conveyed into his realm, without all delay, if he minded to have any favour in the French court touching his affairs line 40 that belonged to his country of Gascoigne. The king of England hearing this message, 
The bishop of London sent with an answer unto the French king.  took therein deliberation to answer, and then sent the bishop of London, accompanied with other wise and discreet persons into France, to declare for answer unto the French king and his council as followeth; that is, Whereas the king of England hath his regal court without subjection to any man, if there were therefore any persons that found themselves hurt or endamaged by his people, they might come to his court, and upon declaration of their received injuries, line 50 they should have speedy justice, and to the end they might thus do without all danger, whosoever minded to complain, he would give unto them a safe conduct to come and go in safety through his land: but if this way pleased not the French king, than he was content there should be arbitrators chosen on both sides, who weighing the losses on both parts, might provide how to satisfy the complaints: and the king of England would for his part enter into line 60 bonds by obligation to stand to and abide their order and judgement herein, so that the French king would likewise be bound for his part, and if any such doubt fortuned to arise, which could not be decided by the said arbitrators, let the same be reserved unto the kings themselves to discuss and determine, and the king of England upon a sufficient safe conduct had, would come over to the French K. if he would come down unto any haven town near to the sea coast, that by mutual assent an end might be had in the business: but if neither this way should please the French king nor the other, then let the matter be committed to the order of the pope, to whom it appertained to nourish concord among christian princes; or because the see was as then void, let the whole college of cardinals or part of them take order therein, as should be thought necessary, that strife and discord being taken away and removed, peace might again flourish betwixt them and their people, as before time it had done, and bring with it the blessings thereupon depending; namely, allthings that may make an happy & fortunate state, according to the nature of peace, whereof it is said, 
Pax est cunctorum matter veneranda bonorum,  
Fit sub pace forum, fit felix cultus agrorum,  
Pax pietas mentis, pax est pincerna salutis.   
The French council weighed nothing at all these offers, and would not so much as once vouchsafe to give an answer to the English ambassadors earnestly requiring the same. Finally, the French K. sent unto the city of Anion, which is known to belong unto the duchy of Guien, where he there caused the king of England to be cited to make his appearance at Paris, at a certain day, 
The king of England cited to appear  to answer to the injuries and rebellions by him done in the country of Gascoigne, at the which day when he appeared not, the French king sitting in the seat of judgement in his own proper person, gave sentence there against the king of England, 
Sentence given against the king of England.  for making default, and withal commanded the high constable of France to seize into his hands all the duchy of Guien, and either to take or to expel all the king of England's officers, soldiers, and deputies, which were by him placed within the said duchy. The king a little before had sent thither a valiant knight, named the lord john saint john, which had furnished all the cities, towns, castles, and places, with men, munition, and victuals, for defence of the same. 
Anno Reg. 22.   
In the mean time the king of England, desirous to be at quiet with the Frenchmen, appointed his brother Edmund earl of Lancaster, as then sojourning in France, to go unto the French kings council to procure some agreement, which both might be allowed of the French king, and not be dishonourable unto him. But when the earl could not prevail in his suit, he took his journey towards England, utterly despairing to procure any peace. But yer he came to the sea side, year 1294 he was sent for back again by the two queens of France, jone wife to king Philip, and Marry his mother in law, which promised to frame some accord between the two kings, and so thereupon after diverse communications by them had in the matter with the said earl of Lancaster, at length it was accorded, that for the saving of the French kings honour, which seemed to be touched by things done by the king of England's ministers in Gascoigne, 
The peace of the queens.  six castles should remain at the said king's pleasure, as Sanctes, Talemond, Turnim, Pomeroll, Pen, and mount Flaunton. Also there should be set a servant or sergeant in the French kings name, in every city and castle within all the whole duchy of Guien, except Bordeaux, Baion, and the Riol. And further, hostages should be delivered at the French kings pleasure, of all ministers to be placed by the king of England in Gascoigne and other places through all the country. These things done, the French king should revoke the summons published and pronounced in the court of Paris against the king of England. Also he should restore all the castles (his servants being removed which he had placed in the same) together with the pledges incontinently, at the request of the same queens, or of either of them. The king of England having a safe conduct should come to Amiens, that there meeting with the French king, peace and amity might be confirmed betwixt them. Then were there writings made and engrossed touching the foresaid articles of agreement, one part delivered to the earl, sealed with the seals of the queens, and other remained with the foresaid queens sealed with the seal of the earl.  

Letters patents.  The king of England certified hereof, sent his letters patents, directed unto all his officers and ministers in Gascoigne, commanding them to obey in all things the French kings pleasure. These letters patents were first sent unto the earl of Lancaster, that he might cause them to be conveyed into Gascoigne when he should see time. The earl having received those letters, doubting whether the French K. line 10 would observe the agreement which the queens had made and concluded, or not; required of them that he might hear the French king speak the word, that he would stand unto that which they had concluded. Whereupon in the presence of the said earl and his wife Blanch queen of Navarre, mother to the French queen, also of the duke of Burgoigne, Hugh Ueere son to the earl of Oxenford, and of a chaplain called sir john Lacie, the French king promised by the faith of a prince, that he would fulfil the line 20 promises of the said queens, and the covenants by them accorded.  
Hereupon a knight of the earls of Lancaster, called sir Geffrey de Langley, 
Sir Geffrey Langley.  was speedily sent into Gascoigne with letters from the French king, directed to the constable, to call him back again from his appointed enterprise. And the foresaid chaplain sir john Lacie was sent also thither with the letters patents of the king of England, directed unto his officers there, in form as is above mentioned, line 30 whereupon the lord john saint john the king of England's lieutenant in Gascoigne, understanding the conclusions of the agreement, sold all such provisions as he had made and brought into the cities, towns, and fortresses for the defence of the same, and departing out of Gascoigne, came towards Paris to return that way into England.  

The French kings mind changed.  But behold what followed; suddenly by the enemy of peace was the French kings mind quite changed. And where the king of England was come line 40 unto Canturburie, and kept his Easter there, that immediately upon the receipt of the safe conduct he might transport over the seas, and so come to Amiens, 
His unjust dealing.  according to the appointment made by the agreement; now not only the safe conduct was denied, but also the first letters revocatory sent unto the constable to call him back, by other letters sent after were also made void, and he by the latter letters appointed to keep upon his journey, so that the constable entering into Gascoigne with a power, found no line 50 resistance, the captains and officers submitting themselves with the towns and fortresses at his pleasure according to the tenor of the letters patents lately to them delivered. All the officers and captains of the fortresses were brought to Paris as captives and pledges.  
Within a few days after, the earl of Lancaster required the queens, that they would call upon the king to grant his safe conduct for the king of England, to revoke the citation or summons, to restore line 60 the lands taken from him; and to deliver the pledges: but the French king by the mouths of certain knights sent unto the earl, 
The French K. renounceth what he had said.  renounced all such covenants as before had been concluded. The earl of Lancaster then perceiving that both he and his brother king Edward were mocked thus at the French kings hands, returned into England, and informed the king & his council from point to point of all the matter. Hereupon a parliament being called at Westminster, at the which the king of Scotland was present, it was decreed by the states, that those lands which were craftily taken so from the K. should be recovered again by the sword. And the king herewith sent unto the French king a friar preacher named Hugh of Manchester, 
Hugh of M●●chester a 〈◊〉 sent to the French king.  and a friar minor called William de Gainesbourgh, both being wise and discreet men, and doctors of divinity, to declare unto him, that sith he would not observe such agréements as had been concluded betwixt their ancestors; and further had broken such covenants as were now of late agreed upon betwixt them, by the travel of his brother Edmund earl of Lancaster: 
The king of England renounceth the French king.  there was no cause why he ought to account him being king of England, and duke of Guien, as his liegeman, neither did he intend or mean further to be bound unto him by reason of his homage.  
About the same time did the king of England send the archbishop of Dubline, 
Ambassadors sent into Germany.  and the bishop of Duresme into Germany, about the concluding of a league with Adolph king of Romans, to whom was given a great sum of money (as was said) upon covenants, that he should aid the king of England against the French king, with all his main force, and that neither of them should conclude peace with the said French king without consent of the other. About the Ascension tide, king Edward stayed the wools of this land, 
Wolles' 〈◊〉 Fabian.  aswell belonging to spiritual men as temporal men, till the merchants had fined with him for the same, 
A subsidy raised of 〈◊〉  so that there was a subsidy paid for all sarpliers of wool that went out of the realm, and in semblable wise for fells and hides. He also sent an army by sea into Gascoigne, under the conduct of his nephew john of Britain that was earl of Richmond, 
An army sent to Gascoigne.  appointing to him as councillors, the lord john saint john, and the lord Robert Tiptost; men of great wisdom, and very expert in warlike enterprises.  
He also caused three several fléets to be prepared, 
N. Trivet.  and appointed to them three sundry admerals, for the better keeping of the seas. 
Three fléets appointed to the sea.  To them of Yarmouth and other of those parts, he assigned the lord john Botetourt: to them of the cinque ports, William de Leiborne: and to them of the west country, and to the Irishmen, he appointed a valiant knight of Ireland as their chéefteine. This year in England was a great dearth and scarcity of corn, 
A dearth. Rich. South.  so that a quarter of wheat in many places was sold for thirty shillings: by reason whereof poor people died in many places for lack of sustnance. About Michaelmas, the English fleet took the sea at Portesmouth, 
The English army passeth to Gascoigne.  and after some contrary winds, yet at last they arrived within the river of Garon, 
Towns 〈◊〉, Nic. Trivet. Polydor. Abington.  and so passing up the same river, wan divers towns, as Burge, Blains, Rions, and others.  
The king's coffers by reason of furnishing forth of this army, and other continual charges which he had sustained, were now in manner empty: for remedy whereof, William March one of the king's treasurers, purposed with other men's losses to supply that want. 
Matth. West. A shift for money.  He knew that in abbeys and churches was much money kept in store, the which if he commanded to be taken from thence, he thought that he should not commit any offence, but rather do a good deed, that the money might come abroad to the use of the people, whereby the soldiers might be satisfied for their wages. Such captains therefore, as he appointed to work the feat▪ placing their soldiers in every quarter through the realm, made search at one time, 
Abington.  in julie, at three of the clock in the afternoon, for all such money as was hid and laid up in all hallowed places, and taking the same away, brought it unto the king, who dissembling the matter, 
The treasurer accused.  as he that stood in need, excused the act done by his treasurer so well as he could, to avoid the envy of the people; and not content herewith▪ he called together shortly after, 
The K. ●●seth himself.  to wit, on saint Matthewes day the apostle, at London, all the archbishops, bishops, deans, & archdeacon's, 
Abington.  not in their proper persons, but by two procurators of every diocese. Here when they were once assembled, 
The spirituality called to a council.  the king declared unto them the wars which he was driven to maintain against the Frenchmen, & the charges which he was at for the same. He also showed them, that the earls, barons & knights of the realm, did not only aid him with their goods, but put their persons forward to serve him in defence of the land, whereof they were members, even to the shedding of their blood, and oftentimes with loss of line 10 their lives. Therefore (saith he) you which may not put your persons in peril by service in the wars, it is good reason you should aid us with your goods.  
The clergy having no special head, by reason that the see of Canturburie was void, witted not well how to govern themselves. At length Oliver bishop of Lincoln, required in all their names to have three days respite to make answer to the matter, the which time expired, they offered to the king two dimes to be paid within one year. The which when the line 20 king heard, 
Their offer not liked.  he took great disdain therewith, and threatened by some of his men of war to put the clergy out of his protection, except they would grant to him the half of their goods. The clergy put in fear herewith, 

The half part of spiritual livings granted to the king.  
R. Fabian. Polydor. Abington.   and some of them also desirous to win the king's favour, granted his request, and so the king at that time got the half part of every spiritual man's living and benefice for one years extent, to be paid in portions within three years next ensuing, beginning at twenty marks benefice, & so upwards. And line 30 the sooner to induce them hereunto, he promised the bishops to grant some thing that might be beneficial to the clergy, if they would demand it.  
The bishops taking council together, required of him that the statute of Mortmain might be repealed, 
The prelate's require to have the statute of Mortmain repealed  which they saw to be most prejudicial to their order. But the king answered them, that without the whole consent of a parliament he could not break that ordinance, which by authority of parliament had been once established, and therefore he wished that they line 40 would not require that thing which lay not in him to grant, 
The K. shifteth them off.  and so by that means he shifted them off. The spirituality was not only charged with this subsidy, but they of the temporalty were also burdened. For the citizens and burgesses of good towns gave to the king the sixth part of their goods, 
N. Trivet.  and the residue of the people gave the tenth part.  
Moreover, about the same time, the Welshmen eftsoons rebelled against the king, 
The Welshmen are busy.  and in diverse parts made diverse rulers amongst them. Those of line 50 North-wales which inhabited about Snowdon hills, having to their captain one Madoc, of the line of their former prince Leolin, 
Madoc. Carnarvan burnt.  burned the town and castle of Carnarvan, slaying a great multitude of Englishmen, which doubting no such matter, were come thither to the fair. Those of the west part having chosen to their ruler one Malgon on the parts of Penbroke and Carmardin shires, 
Malgon.  did much mischief. And one Morgan having them of Southwals at his commandment, 
Morgan driveth the earl of Gloucester out of Glamorganshire.  expelled and drove the earl line 60 of Gloucester out of his country of Glamorgan, which earl had before time disherited the ancestors of the same Morgan. The king therefore to repress the Welshman's attempts, called back his brother Edmund earl of Lancaster, and the earl of Lincoln, being ready to have sailed over into Gascoine, 
The earls of Lancaster & Lincoln vanquished by the Welshmen.  the which earls as they approached near unto the castle of Denbigh upon saint Martin's day, the Welshmen with great force encountered them, and giving them battle, drove them back and discomfited their people. Polydor judgeth that this overthrow happened to the Englishmen, the rather for that the army was hired with such money as had been wrongfully taken out of the abbeys and other holy places, howbeit it is but his opinion only.  
The king kept his Christmas at Aber●onwey in Wales, 
Anno Reg. ●3. 1295  and hearing that the new archbishop of Canturburie, doctor Robert Winchelsey, being returned from Rome (where, of pope Celestine he had received his pall) was coming towards him, he sent one of his chapleines named john Berwick with a power of soldiers to conduct him safely unto his presence▪ And after the archbishop had done his fealty to the king, accordingly as of duty and custom he was bound, he was licensed to return with great honour showed unto him at the king's hands. Upon the day of the circumcision of our Lord, 
Baion yielded to the Englishmen.  was the city of Baion rendered unto the lord john saint john, the which the day before had been taken by the mariners by force of assault. Many of the citizens which were known to be chief enemies unto the king of England, 
The castle of Baion w●n.  were apprehended and sent into England. The castle was then besieged, and after eight days taken. The lord of Aspermont with diverse others that held it, 
Two French galleys taken.  were committed to prison. There were also taken two galleys, which the French king had caused to be made, and appointed to be remaining there upon defence of that city. 
Saint john de Sordes.  Shortly after the town of saint john de Sordes was delivered unto the Englishmen, who won many other towns and fortresses, some by surrender of their own accord, and some by force and violence. The English army greatly increased within a while, after the deceit of the Frenchmen once appeared, 
The Gascons aid the Englishmen.  for the Gascons returned unto the English obedience, in such wise that four thousand footmen and two hundred horsemen came to aid the English captains.  
In the mean time, 
The king entereth into Wales.  the king of England passing over the river of Conwey, with part of his army to go further into Wales towards Snowdon, lost many carts and other carriages which were taken by the Welshmen, being laden with the provisions of victuals, so that he with his people endured great penury, and was constrained to drink water mixed with honey, and eat such course bread and salt flesh as he could get, till the other part of the army came unto him. There was a small quantity of wine amongst them, 
Abington.  which they would have reserved only for the king, & therefore refused to taste thereof. But lest they should repine at his extraordinary and several fare, and so by conceits of discontentment for not having the like, he considered in a sympathy, that, Quae mala cum multis patimur, leviora videntur, saying, that in time of necessity all things ought to be common, and all men to be contented with like diet. For as touching him (being the cause and procurer of their want) he would not be preferred before any of them in his meats and drinks. The Welshmen compassed him about in hope to distress him, for that the water was so risen, that the residue of his army could not get to him. But shortly after, when the water fell, they came over to his aid, and therewith the adversaries fled.  
The earl of Warwick, 
The earl of Warwick. N. Trivet.  hearing that a great number of Welshmen was assembled together, and lodged in a valley betwixt two woods, he chose out a number of horsemen, with certain crossbows and archers, and coming upon the Welshmen in the night, compassed them round about, the which pitching the ends of their spears in the ground, and turning the points against their enemies, stood at defence so to keep off the horsemen. But the earl having placed his battle so, that ever betwixt two horsemen there stood a crossbow, a great part of the Welshmen which stood at defence in manner aforesaid with their spears, 
The Welshmen overthrown by the earl of Warwick.  were overthrown and broken with the shot of the quarrels, and then the earl charged the residue with a troup of horsemen, and bore them down with such slaughter, as they had not sustained the like loss of people (as was thought) at any one time before.  
In the mean while, king Edward to restrain the rebellious attempts of those Welshmen, 
The woods in Wales cut down.  caused the woods of Wales to be cut down, wherein before time the Welshmen were accustomed to hide themselves in time of danger. He also repaired the castles and holds in that country, and builded some new, as the city and castle of Bewmarise with other, 
Beaumarise built.  so that line 10 the Welshmen constrained through hunger and famine, were enforced within a while to come to the king's peace. Also at length about the feast of saint Laurence, the Welshman Madoc, that took himself for prince of Wales was taken prisoner, and being brought to London was committed to perpetual prison. ¶ By some writers it should appear, that Madoc was not taken, 
Madoc taken prisoner. Abington.  but rather after many adventures & sundry conflicts, when the Welshmen were brought to an issue of great extremity; line 20 the said Madoc came in and submitted himself to the king's peace, and was received, upon condition that he should pursue Morgan till he had taken him and brought him to the king's prison, which was done, and so all things in those parts were set in rest and peace, and many hostages of the chiefest amongst the Welsh nobility were delivered to the king, 
Welshmen imprisoned.  who sent them to diverse castles in England where they were safely kept almost to the end of the wars that followed with Scotland. line 30  

Polydor.  About the same time Charles de Ualois brother to the French king, being sent with an army into Gascoine, and coming upon the sudden, found the Englishmen wandering abroad in the country out of order, by reason whereof taking them at that advantage, he caused them to leave their booties behind them, slew part of them, and chased the residue, the which fled to their ships, 
Charles de Valois chaseth the Englishmen.  or to such haven towns as were in their possession. The captains of the Englishmen, as john de Britain earl of Richmond, and line 40 the lord john saint john, after they had got together their soldiers which had been thus chased, 
The Earl of Richmond.  sent two bands unto Pontesey to defend that town against the enemies: also other two bands unto saint Severe: and they themselves went to Rion to fortify that place. Charles de Ualois advertised hereof, thought he would not give them long respite to make themselves strong by gathering any new power, and therefore appointed the constable sir Ralph de Neale, (who had won the city of Bordeaux from the Englishmen line 50 lately before) to go unto Pontesey and besiege that town, 
Rion besieged  whilst he went unto Rion, which he besieged and fiercely assaulted. But the Englishmen and Gascons did not only defend the town stoutly, but also made an issue forth upon their enemies, though (as it happened) the smaller number was not able to sustain the force of the greater multitude, and so were the Englishmen beaten back into the town again.  

Pontsey won.  Whilst they tried their manhood thus at Rion, line 60 the constable won Pontesey or Pontsac upon Dordone, and came to join with the earls de Ualois at Rion, and so enforced both their powers to win that town. The Englishmen and Gascons, though they were put in some fear, yet they showed their approved valiancy in defending the town, till at length when they saw they could defend it no longer, and were in no hope of succour from any part, they fled out about midnight, and made toward their ships: but diverse of them were taken by the way, for the Frenchmen having knowledge of their intent, forlaie the passages, and taking some of them that first sought to escape thus by flight, slew them, but there was not many of those. For all the residue, when they perceived that the Frenchmen had laid betwixt them and their ships, making virtue of necessity, stood still in defence of the town, till the Frenchmen entered it by force of assault the friday in Easter week. 
Nic. Trivet. Rion wo●●.   
Some writ, that the same night, in which they so meant to flee to their ships, there chanced a great tumult and mutiny betwixt the footmen and horsemen, so that they fought together, or else might the whole number of them have escaped. The horsemen that got forth left their horses behind them ready bridled and saddled, which the Frenchmen upon entering the town in the morning took, after they had slain the most part of the footmen. The Frenchmen having got a bloody victory, saved only the captains and gentlemen, and slew the other, aswell Englishmen as Gascons. There was taken of knights, sir Ralph Tannie, sir Amis de saint Amand, 
Englishmen taken.  with his brother sir Ralph de Gorges marshal of the army, sir Roger Leiborne, sir john Kreting, sir james Kreting, sir Hen. Boding, sir john Mandevile, sir john Fulborne, sir Robert Goodfield, sir Thomas turbervile, & sir Walter, with three & thirty esquires, 
Abington.  which were sent all unto Paris. Sir Adam Kreting was killed, a right valiant knight, 
Sir Adam Kreting 〈◊〉. Sir Walter Gifford.  by reason of one sir walter Gifford a knight also, which had dwelled in France many years before as an outlaw.  
On the same day was the town of saint Severe delivered unto the Englishmen, 
Saint Severe taken. Nic. Trivet. Hugh Ueer▪ Charles de Ualois.  the which Hugh or (as Abington saith) Robert Ueer, brother to the earl of Oxenford took upon him to keep as captain there with two hundred men of arms. Charles de Ualois advertised thereof, departed from Rion with all speed, to besiege the foresaid town of saint Severe, 
Saint Severe besieged.  yer the Englishmen should have time to fortify it. But the foresaid Hugh Uéer kept him out the space of thirteen or (as Abington saith) nine weeks, to the great loss of the Frenchmen, no small part of their people dying in the mean time, both of pestilence and famine. At length, when victuals began to fail within, a truce was taken for fifteen days, within the which it might be lawful for them within the town to send unto Baion for succour, which if it came not within that term, the town should be yielded unto the Frenchmen, 
Saint Severe yielded by composition.  and so it was upon these conditions, that the Englishmen and other that would departed, should have liberty to take with them their armour and goods, and be safely conveyed two days journey on their way from the French army. Also that those which were minded to remain still in the town, should not sustain any loss or damage in their bodies or goods. The pledges also which aforetime were taken out of that town by the French kings seneschal, should return in safety to the town, and have their goods restored unto them. This done, 
Charles de Ualois returneth into France.  Charles de Ualois appointed a garrison of soldiers to remain there for the keeping of the town, and then returned back into France. The Englishmen, which escaped out of those places from the Frenchmens hands, repaired unto Baion, 
Polydor.  to defend that town with their captains the foresaid earl earl of Richmond and the lord john de S. john, the which of some are untruely said to have been slain at Rion. Shortly after that Charles de Ualois was departed and gone out of the country, the town of saint Severe was recovered by the Englishmen.  
¶ It should appear by report of some writers, that Hugh Uéer (whom they wrongly name to be earl of Oxenford) was sent over as then from king Edward to the aid of his captains in Gascoine, 
The Earl of Oxford then living high● Robert Ueer▪ and not Hugh Ueer.  and at his first coming, recovered the town of saint Severe, and afterwards so valiantly defended it against the Frenchmen, that honourable mention is made of him, both by Nicholas Trivet, and also by some French writers, 
N. Trivet.  for his high manhood therein showed. But whether he were brother or son to the earl of Oxford, I can not say; howbeit about the 27 year of this king Edward's reign, we find one Hugh Ueer, that was a baron, whom I take to be this man, but earl I think he was not. For (as Euersden saith) one Robert Ueer that was earl of Oxford deceased in the year next ensuing, and after him succeeded an other earl that bore the same name (as by records it may appear. 
Polydor. ) Polydore speaking of the line 10 siege of S. Severe, rehearseth not who was captain as then of the town, but in the yielding of it unto Charles de Ualois, after he had lain more than three months before it, he agreeth with other writers.  
In the same year Berard bishop of Alba and Simon archbishop of Bourges, 
Polydor. Cardinals sent to the kings of England and France to treat a peace. Matth. Westm.  two cardinals of the Roman see, were sent unto the kings of England and France, to move them to conclude a peace. They first came into France, and after into England, but perceiving the minds of the kings nothing inclined line 20 to concord, they returned to Rome without any conclusion of their purpose, but not without money gathered of religious men to bear out their expenses, for they had authority by the pope's grant to receive in name of procuracies and expenses, six marks of every cathedral and collegiat church through the realm, 
The cardinals gather money.  besides diverse other rewards. And where any poor chapter of nuns or religious persons were not able of themselves, the parish churches next adjoining were appointed to be contributory with line 30 them.  
At the same time sir Thomas turbervile a knight, and one of those (as before ye have heard) which were taken at Rion, 
Nic. Trivet. Polydor. Matth. Westm. Sir Thomas Turberuiles' promise to the French king.  to save his life, and to deliver himself out of captivity, though he was never proved false before, promised king Philip that if he would suffer him to return into England, he would so work with king Edward, that he might be made by him admiral of the seas; which thing brought to pass he would deliver the English navy into the hands line 40 of the said king Philip. Hereupon was he set at liberty, and over he came into England. And for as much as he had known to be a man of singular and approved valiancy, king Edward received him very courteously, who remembering his promised practice to the French king, fell in hand by procuring of friends to be made admiral of the seas. But king Edward (as God would have it) denied that suit.  

The French king sendeth forth a fleet against England. Abington.  The French king in the mean time having prepared his navy, containing three hundred sail, what with the galleys and other ships (for he had got diverse line 50 both from Merselles and Genoa) sent the same forth to the seas, that upon such occasion the king of England might also send forth his fleet. But the French navy coming near to the coast of England, and lying at anchor certain days, looking for sir Thomas turbervile; when he came not at the day prefixed, the captains of the French fleet appointed one of their vessels to approach near to the shore, and to set on land certain persons that knew the line 60 country, to understand and learn the cause of such stay. They being taken of the Englishmen and examined, could make no direct answer in their own excuse, 
Abington.  and so were put to death. Some writ that they sent five galleys towards the shore to survey the coast, of the which galleys one of them advansing forth afore her fellows, arrived at Hide near to Romney haven, where the Englishmen esp●eng her, to draw the Frenchmen on land, feigned to fly bac●e into the country, but returning suddenly upon the enemies, 
French men slain. A galley burnt.  they slew the whole number of them, being about two hundred and fifty persons. They set fire on the galley also and burned her.  
The admiral of the French fleet kindled in anger herewith, sailed straight unto Dover, and there landing with his people, 
Dover rob by the French.  rob the town and priory. The townsmen being stricken with terror and fear of the sudden landing of their enemies, fled into the country, and raised people on every side, the which being assembled together in great numbers, towards evening came to Dover, and invading such Frenchmen as were strayed abroad to seek preys, slew them down in sundry places. 
The Frenchmen chased to their ships.  The French admiral which had been busy all the day in pilfering the town, hearing the noise of those Frenchmen that came running towards the sea side, streightwaies got him to his ships with such pillage as he could take with him. The other Frenchmen, which were gone abroad into the country to fetch preys, and could not come to their ships in time, were slain every mother's son. Some of them hid themselves in the corn fields, and were after slain of the country people. 
Frenchmen slain about Dover.  There was little less than eight hundred of them thus slain by one mean and other at that time. There were not many of the men of Dover slain, for they escaped by swift flight at the first entry made by the Frenchmen: but of women and children there died a great number, for the enemies spared none. There was also an old monk slain named Thomas, a man of such virtue (as the opinion went) that after his decease, many miracles through him were showed.  
Sir Thomas turbervile, being troubled in his mind that he could not bring his traitorous purpose to pass, began to assay another way, which was to procure john Balliol king of Scotland to join in league with the French king, but yer any of his practices could be brought about, his treason was revealed, who being thereof evidently convicted, 
Sir Thomas turbervile executed. N. Trivet.  was put to execution. Nich. Trivet saith, that he had promised the French king to cause Wales to revolt from king Edward, and that by procurement of the provost of Paris, he consented to work such treason. And (as some writ) he did not only homage unto the French king, 
Caxton.  but also left two of his sons in pledge for assurance to work that which he had promised. His secretary that wrote the letters unto the French king, containing his imagined treasons, 
Abington.  with other advertisements touching king Edward's purposes, fearing lest the matter by some other means might come to light (as the old proverb saith, Quicquid nix celat solis calor omne revelat) as well to his destruction as his masters for concealing it, disclosed all to the king. Now he having knowledge that he was bewrayed by his servant, fled out of the court, but such diligence was used in the pursuit of him, that he was taken within two days after, and brought back again to London, where be was convicted of the treason so by him imagined, and therefore finally put to death. ¶ This year the clergy gave to the king the tenth part of their goods, the citizens a sixth part, and the commons a twelfth part, or rather (as Euersden saith) the burgesses of good towns gave the seventh, and the commons abroad the eleventh penny.  
The same year died Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester, which left issue behind him, 
The death of noble men.  begot of his wife the countess jone the king's daughter (beside three daughters) one young son named also Gilbert to succeed him as his heir. The countess his wife, after her husband's decease, married a knight of mean estate, borne in the bishopric of Duresme, named sir Ralph Monthermer, 
Sir Ralph Montherme● wedded the countess of Gloucester.  that had served the earl her first husband in his life time. The king at the first took displeasure herewith, but at length through the high valiancy of the knight, oft times showed and apparently approved, the matter was so well taken, that he was entitled earl of Gloucester, and advanced to great honour. 
Anno Reg. 24. N. Trivet.  ¶ john Roman archbishop of York also this year died, after whom one Henry de Newmarke dean of the college there succeeded. year 1296 ¶ Moreover the same year William de Ualence earl of Penbroke departed this life, and lieth buried at Westminster, and then Aimer his son succeeded him.  

The king of Scots concludeth a league with the French king. Polydor.  john king of Scotland affianced his son Edward Balliol with the daughter of Charles du Ualois brother to the French king, and concluded with the said French king a league against the king of line 10 England. Nothing moved the Scotish king so much hereto, as the affection which he bore towards his native country, for he was a French man borne, and lord of Harecourt in Normandy, which signory was after made an earldom by Philip du Ualois king of France. 
Matth. West.  The Scotishmen had chosen 12 peers, that is to say, four bishops, four earls, and four barons, by whose advise and counsel the king should govern the realm, by whom he was induced also to consent unto such accord with the line 20 French men, contrary to his promised faith given to king Edward when he did homage to him.  
King Edward not fully understanding the conclusion of this league, required aid of the Scotish king for the maintenance of his wars against France, and receiving a doubtful answer, began to suspect the matter: whereupon he required to have three castles, as Barwike, Edinburgh, and Rokesburgh, delivered unto him as gauges till the end of the war, and if the Scotishmen continued faithful line 30 unto him, 
K. Edward's request made to the Scots is denied. Abington.  he would then restore the same castles to them again when the wars were ended. This to do the Scotishmen utterly denied, alleging that their country was free of itself, and acquit of all servitude or bondage, and that they were in no condition bound unto the king of Scotland, and therefore they would receive the merchants of France, of Flanders, 
The disloyal dealing of the Scots.  or any other country without exception, as they thought good. line 40  
There were in the haven of Berwick at the same time, certain English merchants, upon whom the Scots made assault, and wounded some of them, and some of them they slew, and chased the residue, the which returning into England, made complaint, and showed in what evil manner they had been dealt with. King Edward hereupon perceiving the purposes of the Scots, 
Nic. Trivet.  determined to make war upon them with all speed, & to conquer the whole country, if they could not clear themselves of such evil line 50 dealing as of them was reported and thought to be put in practice. About the conversion of saint Paul in januarie, king Edward sent over into Gascoine his brother the lord Edmund earl of Lancaster, 
The earl of Lancaster sent into Gascoine. Abington.  with the earl of Lincoln and other, to the number of 26 banerets, and 700 men of arms, besides a great multitude of other people. They arrived at Blay, about the midst of Lent, and stayed there till towards Easter. In which mean season, a great sort of Gascons and other people resorted unto them, line 60 so that they were two thousand men of arms.  
Upon Cene thursday, the castle de Lesparre was delivered unto the earl of Lancaster, 
The castle of Lespar delivered unto him. Nic. Trivet.  and after that divers other castles. At his approaching near unto Bordeaux, upon the thursday in Easter week, as he rested to refresh himself and his army in a little village called Kekell, an army of French men issuing out of Bordeaux, meant to come on the Englishmen at unwares: but having warning, they prepared themselves to battle, so well as the shortness of time would permit, and so thereupon encountering with their enemies, and fight a sore battle, at length constrained the French men to return unto the city, 
The Frenchmen forced to retire.  and pursuing them as they fled, two English knights being brethren to sir Peter de Mallow and an other that was a Gascoine, entered the city with two standard-bearers belonging to the earl of Richmond, & to the lord Alane de la Zouch, whom the Frenchmen took, closing them within the gates. The other Englishmen being shut out, first fell to the spoil of the suburbs, and then set fire upon the same. After this were certain of the citizens that secretly were at a point with the earl of Lancaster, 
Polydor.  to have delivered the city into his hands, but their practice being espied, they were taken and executed yer they could perform that which they had promised.  
Then the earl perceiving he should but lose his labour to stay any longer there, 
The earl of Lancaster departeth this life.  upon certain weighty occasions returned unto Baionne, where he shortly after fell sick and died. He left behind him three sons, Thomas that succeeded him in the earldom of Lancaster, Henry lord of Monmouth, and john whom he had begot of his wife Blanch, the which before had been married unto Henry earl of champaign, and king of Navarre, by whom she had but one only daughter, that was married unto the French king Philip de Beau. After this the English army besieged the city of Aques, 

Aques besieged.  
The earl of Arthois sent with an army to Gascoine. N. Trivet.   but through want of victuals he was constrained to raise thence and break up the siege. The earl of Arthois being sent of the French king with an army into Gascoine, encountered with the Englishmen, and chased them with the slaughter of a great number, and after recovered divers towns and fortresses in the country.  
Those Englishmen that kept the town of Burg, 
Burg desieged.  being compassed about with a siege by Mounseur de Sully, obtained truce for a certain space, during the which they sent unto Blains for some relief of victuals, and where other refused to bring up a ship laden with victuals, which was there prepared, 
The lord Simon de Montagew his enterprise to rescue the garrison of Burg.  the lord Simon de Montagew, a right valiant chéefetaine, and a wise, took upon him the enterprise, and through the middle of the French galleys, which were placed in the river to stop that no ship should pass towards that town, by help of a prosperous wind, he got into the haven of Burg, and so relieved them within of their want of victuals, by means whereof, Mounseur de Sully broke up his siege, 
The siege is raised.  and returned into France.  
In the mean time, 
The king of England concludeth ● league with the earl of Flanders. He concludeth a league also with the earl of Bar. The earl of Bar invadeth champaign.  king Edward not sleeping his business, procured Guy earl of Flanders to join with him in league against the Frenchmen. This Guy was the son of Margaret countess of Flanders, whom she had by her second husband William lord of Dampire in Burstoine. Also king Edward procured Henry earl of Bar, to whom (as before ye have heard) he had given his daughter Eleanor in marriage, to make war upon the Frenchmen, so that at one time the earl of Bar invaded the country of champaign, and the earl of Flanders made incursions upon those countries of France which join unto Flanders. King Philip hereof advertised, sent forth one Walter de Cressie with a great army against the earl of Bar, so that besieging the chiefest town of Bar, he constrained the said earl to leave off his enterprise in champaign, and to return home, for doubt to lose more there than he should win abroad.  
But now to touch more at large the circumstances of the occasion that moved the earl of Flanders to make war against the French king. 
A marriage concluded.  I find (in jacob Meir) that there was a marriage concluded betwixt the lord Edward the eldest son of king Edward, and the lady Philip daughter to the foresaid Guy earl of Flanders, which marriage was concluded by Henry bishop of Lincoln, and the earl Warren, being sent over as ambassadors by king Edward, unto the said earl Guy for the same purpose. 
The earl of Flanders arrested.  In the year following, the said earl of Flanders, together with his wife, coming to visit the French king at Corbeill, were arrested, and sent to Paris, there to remain as prisoners, because that the earl had affianced his daughter to the French kings adversary, without his licence: neither might they be delivered, till by mediation of the pope (who must needs meddle in the matter by virtue of his line 10 peremptory power, & all christendom must veil the bonnet to his holiness, or rather abhominablenesse, 
Ille etenim toto sese jubet orb colendum,  
Cui nisi parueris, crede perire licet)  and surety had upon the promise of Amedie earl of Savoy, 
The pope intermeddleth in the matter.  they were set at liberty, with these conditions, that they should deliver into the French kings hands their daughter, which was so affianced unto K. Edward's son, and further covenanted, not to conclude any league with the king of England, but in line 20 all points t'observe a certain peace which was concluded with Ferdinando earl of Flanders, 
The earl of Flanders forced to agree with the French king.  in the year 1225. And if earl Guy broke the same peace, then should he be excommunicated, and all his country of Flanders interdicted by the archbishop of Reims, and the bishop of Senlis, judges appointed herein by authority of the pope.  
The earls daughter being sent for, and brought unto Paris, the earl and his wife were released, and suffered to return into Flanders, 
The earl of Flanders released returneth home.  and shortly after, line 30 the earl made earnest suit to have his daughter restored unto him again, insomuch that he procured pope Boniface to be a mean for him to the French king; but all would not serve, no, though as some say the pope accursed the French king for retaining her, answer being made, 
The French kings answer to the pope.  that matters pertaining to worldly government, belonged not to the pope to discuss. Finally, earl Guy, perceiving he could not prevail in that suit, to have his daughter again, upon high displeasure concluded to join in line 40 league with king Edward & his confederates. 
A new league betwixt the K. of England, the emperor and others against the French king.  Hereupon, at an assembly or council kept at Gerardmount, there was a solemn league made and agreed betwixt Adolph the emperor of Almain, Edward king of England, Guy earl of Flanders, john Duke of Brabant, Henry earl of Bar, both sons in law to king Edward, and Albert duke of Ostrich, against Philip king of France, and john earl of Henault his partaker.  

Matth. West.  The merchants of Flanders procured the earl to line 50 conclude this league with king Edward, as some writ, the rather in respect of the great commodities which rose to their country, by reason of the intercourse of merchandise used betwixt England and Flanders, and for that through aid of the Englishmen, they might the better withstand the malice, both of the French and of all other their enemies. This league being proclaimed in England, there were sent over into Flanders, the treasurer of the excheker, and diverse other noble men, to fetch hostages line 60 from thence, and to give to the earl fifteen thousand pounds of silver, toward the fortifying of his castles and holds. King Philip being hereof advertised, by counsel of the peers of his realm, sent two honourable personages, as the captain of Mounstrell, and the captain of Belquerke, which should attach the earl of Flanders by his body, and summon him to yield himself prisoner at Paris, within the space of fifteen days next ensuing.  

The earl of Flanders 〈◊〉 the ●rench king.  This attachment made, and summons given, the earl of Flanders sent his full defiance unto the French king by the abbots of Gemblois, and Senefles, unto whom he gave sufficient letters procuratory, to authorize them thereto, dated at Male in the year of Grace 1296, after the accounts of the chronicles of Flanders, which begin their year at Easter: and so this chanced in the five and twentieth year of king Edward's reign, the wednesday next after the feast of the epiphany. 
The earl of Flanders accursed.  Hereupon was the earl accursed, & Flanders interdicted by the archbishop of Reims, and the bishop of Senlis coming unto Terwane for that purpose, about the fifteenth day of june, in the year 1297. But the lord Robert the earls son appealed from that interdiction to the pope, 
His son appealeth from the interdiction.  and so the Flemings took themselves free & out of danger of the same. Earl Guy also obtained of king Edward, that it might be lawful for them of Bruges, to buy wools, through England, Scotland and Ireland, as freely as the Italians might by their privilege and grant.  
But to return now to the doings of king Edward, who in this mean time, having perfect knowledge of the league concluded betwixt the king of France and the king of Scotland, prepared an army, and first sent ambassadors into Scotland, 
Ambassadors sent to the K. of Scots.  to give summons to king john to appear at Newcastle within certain days, that he might there show the cause why he had broken the league: and further, to declare unto him that he was deceived, if he thought he might serve two masters, contrary to the words of the gospel, and according to the old saying which seldom never faileth in consequence, Defuit ambobus qui vult servire duobus. For how much favour as he purchased at the hands of the Frenth king, so much displeasure might he assure himself to procure at the hands of the king of England, whom to obey, it should be most for his advantage. The ambassadors that were sent, did their message throughly, but king john was so far off from answering any thing that might sound to the maintenance of peace, that shortly after he sent letters of complaint unto king Edward, for wrongs which he alleged he had sustained by his means and at his hands. Hereupon king Edward, by advise of his council, determined to set forward with his army into Scotland.  
In the mean time, Robert Ros, 
Nic. Trivet. The lord Ros revolteth to the K. of Scots.  captain of Work castle, revolted to the Scotish king, moved thereunto through the love of a Scotish gentlewoman, whom he meant to marry, notwithstanding he had sworn fealty unto king Edward. 
William de Ros continueth faithful to the king of England.  Where upon, his brother William de Ros giving knowledge to king Edward, required to have some aid, whereby he might defend the castle against the Scotishmen. King Edward sent unto him a thousand soldiers, (Polydore saith an hundred) the which as they lodged one night in a town called Prestfen, 
Englishmen distressed.  were slain by the Scotishmen of the garrison of Rockesborough, that were led and guided by the said Robert Ros: some of them although but few escaped away by flight. King Edward advertised hereof, hasted forth, and came to the said castle, glad of this (as is reported) that the Scotishmen had first begun the war, meaning, as it should seem by their proceedings, to follow the same, for upon Good friday, diverse Scotishmen entering the borders, burnt sundry villages, 
Rich. South.  and spoiled the abbeie of Carham.  
Furthermore, 
N. Trivet.  whilst king Edward kept his castle at Work, seven earls of Scotland, as Bouchan, Menteth, Stratherne, Lennox, Ros, Athol, and Mar, with john Coming the master of Badenaw, having assembled an army together of five hundred men of arms on horseback, 
Abington. The Scots invade England.  and ten thousand footmen in Annandale, upon monday in Easter week entered England, and putting all to fire and sword, approached to Carleill, and laid siege thereunto on each side, passing the water of Eden by a ford under Richardston, and did so much prevail, 
Nic. Trivet.  that they burned the suburbs, and assaulted the gates, at which enterprise, a gentleman of Galloway as he ventured somewhat near to the gate, was drawn up by an iron hook, of those that stood aloft upon the gates to defend the same, and there slain, and thrust through with spears. In the mean time, a spy, the which had been taken and committed to prison, set fire on the house wherein he was enclosed, and so the flames catching hold upon the other buildings, a great part of the city was thereby burned. Yet the men and the line 10 women getting themselves to the walls, drove their enemies back, and so defended the city from taking. Whereupon, the Scotish lords perceiving they could not prevail, 
The Scots raise their siege from Caricil.  left their siege on the thursday in Easter week, and returned again into Scotland.  
On the same thursday, king Edward with his army passed the river of Tweed, and so entering into Scotland, 
Berwick summoned.  sent to the burgesses of Berwick, offering them peace upon certain conditions, and stayed a whole day for an answer: but when he could have line 20 none that liked him, nor that sounded in any thing to peace, he approached the town, and lodged in the monastery of Caldestreime. 
Abington.  His army consisted as some writ of four thousand men of arms on horseback, and thirty thousand footmen, besides five hundred men of arms on horseback, and a thousand footmen of the bishopric of Durham. 
The English fleet.  At the same time, there came four and twenty English ships, the mariners whereof, beholding where the English army was placed in battle ray, upon a plain, the line 30 king making there certain knights, they thought his meaning was to have given forthwith an assault, and so entering the haven, and approaching to the land, began to fight with the townsmen, where they lost four of their ships, and were constrained to withdraw with the residue, 
Four English ships lost.  with help of the falling water. Some have written, that they lost but three ships which were consumed with fire, 
Abington.  and that the mariners and soldiers of one of those ships, after they had defended themselves by great manhood from the line 40 first hour of the day, till eleven of the clock, escaped away, some by the boat of that ship, and some leaping into the water, were saved by the boats of other ships that made in to secure them.  
The rumour of the mariners attempt being bruited through the army, the king passing forward towards the town, got over a ditch, which the Scots had cast to impeach his passage, 

Berwick won.  
This sir Richard Cornwall was brother to the earl of Cornwall. Abington.   and so coming to the town, won it, not losing any man of renown, saving sir Richard Cornwall, the which was slain by a quarrel which a Fleming shot out of a crossbow, line 50 being in the red hall, which the merchants of Flanders held in that town, and had fortified it in manner of a tower: but when they would not yield, and could not easily otherwise be won, the house towards evening was set on fire, and so they being thirty in number, were burned to death within it. Upon the same night, the king lodged in the castle, which was yielded unto him by them that kept it, their lives and limbs saved, and receiving an oath, line 60 that they should not from thenceforth bear armour against the king of England, they were permitted to departed whither they thought good, their captain sir William Dowglas excepted, whom the king still kept with him, 
Caxton.  till the end of the wars. Some writ that there should be slain of Scotishmen at this winning of Berwick, above the number of twenty thousand men, Abington saith 8000, but Richard Southwell saith 15000 at the least one with an other, with small loss of Englishmen, not past eight and twenty of all sorts. ye may read more hereof in the Scotish history.  
¶ But before I pass over this slaughter, so lamentable and wonderful, 
Abraham Fleming.  I have bethought myself of a promised apology for and in the behalf of Richard Grafton, mentioned before in the reign of Henry the second, page 112. col. 1. where I showed how unadvisedly and with unseemly modesty for a man of learning, George Buchanan the Scot doth shoot his bolts at the said Grafton, as now by occasion of the matter conveniently occurrent shall be showed. The said Grafton in his large volume of English chronicles, falling upon the affairs between king Edward the first, and john Balliol king of Scotland, among other things there remembered, 
R. Grafton, pag. 176.  maketh report that in the said battle of Berwick, the slaughter was so great, that a mill might well have been driven by the space of two days, with the streams of blood which at that time overran the ground. At which words George Buchanan giveth a snatch, 
G. Buchanan rer. Scotic. 〈◊〉 8. pag. 243. 〈◊〉 finem▪  emboldened so to do, because the said Grafton referreth this record to Hector Boetius in his fourteenth book and second chapter.  
jesus, how the Scot taketh up the Englishman for halting in his allegation, first for the chapter, convincing him that Hector Boetius divided not his book into chapters, and therefore, where is the second chapter, sith the whole fourteenth book is a continued discourse without distinction by chapters? secondly the said Grafton hath the check, for setting a lie afloat, Buchanan flatly affirming that Hector Boetius hath no such matter once mentioned in his annals, Touching the first fault, wherewith the Scot chargeth the Englishman, this is note-worthy, that it should seem to any man of mean judgement, that Buchanan of a prepensed malice and purposed wilfulness hath sharpened his style in this nipping sort against Grafton. For sith it was Graftons' meaning to record the truth, so far forth as he was warranted by the averment of writers; why should he be cast in the teeth with Effraenis maledicendi libido, or dishonestly termed Indoctus & impudenter mendax? Which opprobrious epithets, if they were deserved by an untrue report of the author; then should Buchanan have sharpened his tongue against Belenden his countryman, the translator of Hector Boetius into their mother tongue, from whom Grafton hath derived his words; sense for sense unmangled (as he found the same written.)  
Now who knoweth not that Bellenden distinguished Hector's annals into chapters, upon whose authority Grafton relying, and citing his authority according to the quotation of his division, why should he rather than Bellenden be barked at, who is the principal in this controversy? Again, it could not be hidden from Buchanan, that Bellenden had distributed Boerius into chapters; considering that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, both living in the reign of james the fift of that name king of Scots: so that it might have pleased him to have tried Grafton by the Scotish Boetius, and so to have been resolved for the second chapter of the fouretéenth book, according to the archdeacon of Murreis' translation.  
Now for the matter itself, touching the effusion of blood, wherewith a mill might well have been driven for two days space; 
Hector Boe●●us, pag. 29● 〈◊〉 impress. P●●sij● à Iacob●● Puys, 1574.  Hector Boetius his own words are these; Rivi sanguinis toto oppido adeo fluxere, ut cumaestu decurrente min●r aqua quàm ad molendina circumagenda fuerit, adiuuante aquam sanguine aliqua circumagi sponte coeperint. Which place, Bellenden hath interpreted after this manner; So lamentabl' slauhter wes throw all the parts of the town, that one mill might ha●f gave two days ithandlie be stremis of blood. Now examine Graftons' words by Bellenden, and Bellendens by Boetius (besides that, mark what Grafton annexeth to the report of this slaughter, who saith that he will not enforce the credit thereof upon any man, but counteth it a Scotish lie rather than a matter of truth) and then conclude according to equity, that Grafton is altogether excusable and faultless, and buchanan's curious & furious challenge reprovable. But admit Grafton had fetched his report from Boetius, as he had it from Bellenden; seemeth it a lie or an unlikelihood, that the blood gushing out of the bodies of 25000, or (as Hector Boetius saith) 7000, would not increase to a stream sufficient & able to drive a mill or two about, without any water intermingled therewithal? The Latin copy hath Rivi sanguinis, rivers of blood, noting by the word line 10 the abundance and also the streaming course of the same, which was able with the violent current thereof to bear away the very bodies of the slain. To conclude this matter, & to set our Englishman by the truth, and let the Scot go with his lying tongue, which I would he had had the modesty to have tempered, & to have proffered a practice of that which himself paraphrasticallie preacheth and teacheth others to observe, saying; line 20 
(Linguae obseravi claustra fraeno, pertinax  

In paraph. super psal. 39  Obmutui silentio,  
Ac temerè ne quid os mali profunderet,  
Verbis bonis clausi exitum.)   
And now to the story. K. Edward remained at Berwick 15 days, 
K. Edward fortifieth Berwick.  & caused a ditch to be cast about the town of 80 foot in breadth, & of the like in depth. In the mean time, 
A scotish friar sent to king Edward.  about the beginning of April, the warden and reader of the friar minors of Rockesborough called Adam Blunt, came unto him with line 30 letters of complaint from king john, for the wrongs done and offered unto him and his realm, as well in claiming an unjust superiority, and constreining him to do homage by undue and wrongful means, as also by invading his towns, 
The Scotish king renounceth his homage and fealty unto the king of England.  slaying and robbing his subjects: for the which causes he testified by the same letters, that he renounced all such homage and fealty for him and his subjects, as he, or any of them ought for any lands holden within England. The king hearing the letters red, received the resignation line 40 of the homage, and commanded his chancellor, that the letter might be registered in perpetual memory of the thing.  
The earls of Scotland before remembered, being assembled together with their powers at the castle of jedworth, 
The Scots invade the English borders.  entered into England the eighth of April, and with fire and sword did much hurt in the countries as they passed. In Riddesdale they besieged the castle of Harbotell by the space of two days, 
Harbotell.  but when they could not prevail, they removed, and line 50 passing forth by the east part of the river of Tine, through Cokesdale, Riddesdale, and Northumberland, unto Hexham, they did much mischief by burning and harrieng the countries. 
Rich. South.  At Hexham they spoilt the abbeie church, and got a great number of the clergy, as well monks, priests, as scholars, and others, whom they thrust into the schoolhouse there, and closing up the doors, set fire on the school, and burned all them to ashes that were within it. It is wonderful to read, what beastly cruelty the Scots used line 60 in that road which they made at that time in two several parts. 
The earl of Boghan.  For the earl of Boghan, with them of Galloway, entered by Cumberland in like manner as the other did in Riddesdale, burning and murdering all that came in their way. 
The cruelty of the Scots.  For whereas all those that were of able age and lusty to get away, fled, & escaped their hands; the aged & impotent creatures, women in childbed, and young children that could not shift for themselves, were unmercifully slain, and thrust upon spears, and shaken up in the air, where they yielded up their innocent ghosts in most pitiful wise.  
Churches were burned, women were forced without respect of order, condition or quality, as well she maids, widows and wives, as nuns that were reputed in those days consecrated to God, and when they had been so abused, many of them were after also murdered, and cruelly dispatched out of life. At length, they came to the nunnery of Lamelaie, & burned all the buildings there, saving the church, 
The nunnery of Lamelaie burnt.  and then returned back into Scotland with all their pillage and booties by Lavercost, an house of monks, which they likewise spoiled. So that the cruel & bloody desolation whereof Lucan speaketh in his second book of civil wars, may aptly be inferred here, as fitly describing the merciless murder of all states and sexes without partiality under the hand of the enemy: for saith he, 
Nobilitas cum plebe perit, 
Luc. lib. 2.  latéque vagatur  
Ensis, & a nullo revocatum est pectore ferrum,  
Stat cruor in templis, multáque rubentia caede  
Lubrica saxa madent, nulli sua profuit aetas,  
Non senis extremum piguit vergentibus annis  
Praecipitasse diem, non primo in limine vitae  
Infantis miseri nascentia rumpere fata.   
Patrick earl of Dunbar came to the king of England, and submitted himself, with all that he had into his hands; 
The castle of Dunbar rendered to the Scots.  but the castle of Dunbar upon saint Marks day, being assieged of the Scots was rendered unto them, by treason of some that were within it, of whom, the countess (wife to the same earl) was the chiefest; 

Beside 2000 barded horses they had in that army 10000 footmen.  
N. Trivet. Matth. Westm. Abington.  
A sore battle fought at Dunbar.  
The number slain.  
Matth. Westm. Abington.   for recovery whereof king Edward sent john earl of Warren, Surrey and Sussex, & William earl of Warwick with a great power, the which laying siege to that castle, a great host of Scotishmen came upon them to the rescue of them within, so that there was fought a very sore and terrible battle. At length, the victory abode with the Englishmen, and the Scotishmen were put to flight, the Englishmen following them in chase eight mile of that country, almost to the forest of Selkirke: the slaughter was great, so that (as was esteemed) there died of the Scotishmen that day, to the number of ten thousand.  
The morrow after being saturday, which was the eight and twentieth day of April, at the kings coming thither the castle was surrendered unto him. There were taken in the same castle three earls, Menteth, Cassels, and Ros; six barons, john Coming the younger, William Sanclere, Richard Siward the elder, john Fitz Geffrey, Alexander de Morteigne, Edmund Coming of Kilbird, with thirty knights, two clerks, john de somervile, and William de Sanclere, and three and thirty esquires, the which were sent unto diverse castles in England, to be kept as prisoners. After the winning of Dunbar the king went to the castle of Rockesborough, 
Rockesborough yielded.  which incontinently was yielded by the lord Steward of Scotland, the lives and members of all such as were within it at the time of the surrender.  
Then went king Edward unto Edinburgh▪ where he planted his siege about the castle, and raised engines, which cast stones against and over the walls, sore beating and bruising the buildings within. But as it chanced, the king writing letters, to advertise his council at 〈◊〉 of his proceed, and concerning other business, 
Rich. South●.  delivered that packet unto a Welshman named Lewin, commanding him to go with the same to London in all hast possible, for he knew him to be a very speedy messenger and a trusty also (as he took it.) But having the letter thus delivered him, together with money to bear his charges, he got him to a tavern, where riotously consuming the money (which he had so received) in play, & making good cheer, in the morning he caused one of his companions to take a target, and bear it afore him in approaching the castle, for that he meant (as he colourably pretended) not to departed, until he had wrought some displeasure to them within with his crossbow, which he took with him for that purpose, so that coming unto the castle gates, he called to the warders on the walls to cast down to him a cord, that they might pluck him up to them therewith, for that he had somewhat to say to their captain touching the secrets of the king of England.  
They fulfilling his desire, when he came in, and was brought afore the captain sitting then at breakfast, he said unto him: Behold sir, here ye may peruse line 10 the king of England's secrets, and withal reached to him a box, wherein the packet of the king's letters were enclosed, and appoint me (saith he) to some corner of the wall, and try whether I can handle a crossbow or not, to defend it against your adversaries. Here when others would have opened the box, and have read the letters, the captain would in no wise consent thereto, but going into a turret, called to the Englishmen beelow, and willed them to signify to the king, that one of his servants being fled to him, line 20 sought to bewray his secrets, whereunto he would by no means agree, and therefore meant to restore both the traitor and the letters. Hereupon, the lord john Spenser, coming to hear what the matter might mean, the captain caused Lewin to be let down to him, together with the letters safe, and not touched by him at all.  
When the king understood this, he much commended the honest respect of the captain, and whereas he had caused engines to be raised to annoy them within line 30 (as ye have heard) he commanded the same to cease, and withal, upon their captains suit, he granted them liberty to send unto their king john Balliol, to give him to understand in what sort they stood. As touching the Welshman, 
A Welshman hanged.  he was drawn and hanged on a pair of high gallows, prepared for him of purpose, as he had well deserved. A notable example of a traitorous villain, so to offer the secrets of his sovereign to be known to his enemies: and no less excellent a precedent of an honest and line 40 faithful hearted foe, that would not himself nor let any other have a sight of the contents therein written; a rare point of good meaning and upright dealing in a soldier, and specially in an enemy; but 
— multo optimus ille  
Militiae cui postremum est primúmque, tueri  
Inter bella fidem.   
Now while the messengers were on their way to Forfair, 
Striueling castle left void  where the Scotish king then lay, king Edward with a part of his army went unto Striueling, line 50 where he found the castle gates set open, and the keys hanging on a nail, so that he entered there without any resistance, for they that had this castle in guard, were fled out of it for fear before his coming. The messengers that were sent from them within Edinburgh castle, coming to their king, declared to him in what case they stood that were besieged. King john, for that he was not able to succour them by any manner of means at that present, sent them word, to take the best way they could for their line 60 own safety; with which answer the messengers returning, the castle was immediately delivered unto the lord john Spenser, 
Edinburgh castle delivered to the king of England.  that was left in charge with the siege, at the king's departure towards Striueling, with the like conditions as the castle of Rockesborough had yielded a little before.  
Thus was that strong castle of Edinburgh surrendered by force of siege, to the king of England's use, on the 15 day, after he had first laid his siege about it. A place of such strength by the height of the ground whereon it stood, that it was thought impregnable, and had not been won by force at any time, since the first building thereof, before that present, so far as any remembrance either by writing or otherwise could be had thereof.  
Here at Edinburgh, or rather at Rockesborough (as Abington saith) a great number of Welshmen came unto the king, who sent home the like number of English footmen, of those that seemed most weary. Moreover, at Striueling, there came to the king the earl of Ulster, with a great number of Irishmen. Then passing over the river of Forth, 

Saint Ioh●● town.  
The king of Scots su●th for peace.   the king came unto saint john's town about Midsummer, and there tarried certain days. Whilst these things were a doing, john king of Scotland, perceiving that he was not of power to resist king Edward, sent ambassadors unto him to sue for peace: king Edward was content to hear them, and thereupon appointed, that king john should resort unto the castle of Brechin, there to comen with such of his council as he would send thither within fifteen days next ensuing, to treat of an agreement. 
The bishop of Durham.  King Edward sent thither Anthony bishop of Durham, with full commission to conclude all things in his name. And within the appointed time came king john, and divers of his nobles unto him, the which after many & sundry treaties holden betwixt them and the said bishop, 
The king of Scots submitteth himself to the K. of England.  at length they submitted themselves and the realm of Scotland, simply and purely into the hands of the king of England, for the which submission to be firmly kept and observed, king john delivered his son in hostage, and made letters thereof, written in French as followeth.  

The instrument of the said submission.  
jehan per la grace de Dieu, roy de Escoce, á tous ceulx quae cestes praesentes letres verront ou orront, saluz, etc. john by the grace of GOD king of Scotland, to all those that these present letters shall see or hear, sendeth greeting. Because that we through evil counsel and our own simplicity, have grievously offended our sovereign lord, Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitane, in many things; that is to say, in that, whereas we being and abiding under his faith and homage, have bound ourselves unto the king of France which then was his enemy and yet is, procuring a marriage with the daughter of his brother Charles du Valois, and that we might grieve our said lord, and aid the king of France with all our power by war and other means, we have at length by advise of our perverse counsel defied our said lord the K. of England, and have put ourselves out of his allegiance and homage, & sent our people into England, to burn houses, to take spoils, to commit murder, with many other damages, and also in fortifying the kingdom of Scotland, which is of his fee, putting and establishing armed men in towns, castles, and other places, to defend the land against him, to deforce him of his fee, for the which transgressions our said sovereign lord the king, entering into the realm of Scotland with his power, hath conquered and taken the same, notwithstanding all that we could do against him, as by right he may do, as a lord of his fee, because that we did render unto him our homage, and made the foresaid rebellion. We therefore as yet being in our full power and free will, do render unto him the land of Scotland, and all the people thereof with the homages. In witness whereof, we have caused these letters patents to be made. yeven at Brechin the tenth day of julie, in the fourth year of our reign, sealed with the common seal of the kingdom of Scotland.   
After this, king Edward went forward to see the mounteine countries of Scotland, 
K. Edward passeth forward through Scotland.  the bishop of Durham ever keeping a days journey afore him. At line 10 length, when he had passed through Murrey land, and was come to Elghin, perceiving all things to be in quiet, he returned towards Berwick, and coming to the abbeie of Scone, he took from thence the marble stone, 
K. Edward bringeth the marble stone out of Scotland.  whereupon the kings of Scotland were accustomed to sit as in a chair, at the time of their coronation, which king Edward caused now to be transferred to Westminster and there placed, to serve for a chair for the priest to sit in at the altar. The king coming to Berwick, called thither unto line 20 a parliament all the nobles of Scotland, and there received of them their homages, 
The nobility of Scotland submit themselves to the king.  the which in perpetual witness of the thing, made letters patents thereof, written in French, and sealed with their seals, as the tenor here followeth.  

The instrument of the homages of the lords of Scotland to K. Edward.  
A Touse ceux que cestes letters verront ou orront, etc. To all those that these present letters shall see or hear, we john Coming of Badenaw, etc. Because that we at the faith and will of the most noble prince, and our dearest lord, Edward by the grace of God king ofEngland, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine, do vow and promise for us and our heirs, upon pain of body and goods, and of all that we may have, that we line 40 shall serve him well and truly against all men, which may live and die, at all times when we shall be required or warned by our said lord the king of England or his heirs, and that we shall not know of any hurt to be done to them, but the same we shall let and impeach with all our power, and give them warning thereof: and those things to hold and keep, we bind us, our heirs, and all our goods, and further, receive line 50 an oath thereof upon the holy evangelists: and after all, we and every of us have done homage unto our sovereign lord the king ofEngland in words as followeth; 
The form of their homage.  I become your liegeman of life, members, and earthly honour, against all men which may live and die. And the same our sovereign lord the king received this homage under this form of words; We receive it for the land of the which you be now seized, 
The words of K. Edward accepting it.  the line 60 right of us, or other saved, and except the lands which john Balliol sometime king of Scotland granted unto us, after that we did deliver unto him the kingdom of Scotland, if happily he hath given to you any such lands.  
Moreover, all we, and every of us by himself have done fealty to our said sovereign lord the king in these words; I as a faithful & liege man, shall keep faith and loyalty unto Edward king ofEngland, and to his heirs, of life, member and earthly honour, against all men which may live and die, and shall never for any person bear armour, nor shall be of counsel nor in aid with any person against him, or his heirs in any case that may chance, but shall faithfully acknowledge, and do the service that belongeth to the tenements the which I claim to hold of him, as God me help and all his saints. In witness whereof, these letters patents are made and signed with our seals. yeven at Work the four and twentieth of March, in the 24 year of the reign of our said lord the king of England.   
Then was john Warren earl of Surrey and Sussex made by king Edward warden of Scotland, 
Officers appointed in Scotland by king john.  Hugh Cressingham treasurer, and William Ormesbie high justice, whom the king commanded, that he should call all those before him which held any lands of the crown, and to receive of them in his name their homages and fealties. 
john Balliol sent to London.  john Balliol the late king of Scotland was sent to London, and had a convenient company of servants appointed to attend him, having licence to go any whither abroad, so that he kept himself within the circuit of twenty miles near to London. john Coming of Badenaw, and john Coming of Lowan, and diverse nobles of Scotland were brought into England on the south side of Trent, being warned upon pain of death not to return into Scotland, till the king had made an end of his wars with France. After this, 
A parliament at saint Edmundsburie.  at his return into England, king Edward held a parliament at saint Edmundsburie, which began the morrow after the feast of All saints, in which the citizens & burgesses of good towns granted unto him an eighth part of their goods, 
A subsidy granted.  and of the residue of the people a twelfth part.  
The clergy by reason of a constitution ordained and constituted the same year by pope Boniface, prohibiting upon pain of excommunication, 
The pretended excuse of the clergy.  that no tallages nor other exactions should be levied or exacted of the clergy in any manner of wise by secular princes, or to be paid to them of things that pertained to the church, utterly refused to grant any manner of aid to the king, towards the maintenance of his wars. Whereupon the king, to the intent they should have time to study for a better answer, deferred the matter to an other parliament to be holden on the morrow after the feast of saint Hilary.  
This year after the feast of the epiphany, 
Anno Reg. 25. 1297  Elizabeth the king's daughter was married unto king john earl of Holland. 
The earl of Holland marrieth Elizabeth the king's daughter. N. Trivet.  Humphrey de Bohun earl of Hereford and Essex was sent to convey them into Holland, there to take possession of the earldom, as then descended unto the said john, by the death of his father lately before slain by his own subjects, because he would have disherited this john, and made a bastard son which he had to be his heir. ¶ The day appointed for the parliament to be holden at London being come, and the clergy continuing in their denial to grant any subsidy, the king excluded them out of his protection, for the redeeming whereof, many by themselves, and many by mediators, did afterwards give unto the king a fift part of all their goods. The archbishop of Canturburie being found stiff in the matter, the king seized all his lands, and commanded all such debts as were found of his in the rolls of the excheker, to be levied with all speed of his goods and cattle. Some writ, that when the archbishop of Canturburie in name of all the residue, 
Abington. The archbishop his words.  had declared to them whom the king had appointed commissioners to receive the answer, that whereas they of the clergy had two sovereign lords and governors, the one in spiritual matters and the other in temporal, yet they ought rather to obey their spiritual governor than their temporal. Nevertheless, to satisfy the king's pleasure, they would of their own charges send to the pope, that by his licence and permission, they might grant the king some aid, or else receive some answer from him, what to do therein: for (saith the archbishop) we believe that the king feareth the sentence of excommunication, and would be as glad to avoid it as we.  
When the commissioners heard this answer, they required that they would appoint some of their own company to bear this message unto the king, for they durst not report it to him: which being done as the commissioners had required, the king in his fury line 10 proceeded against them, in such rigorous manner as ye have heard, in somuch that the lord chief justice sitting upon the bench, 
The declaration of the lord chief justice.  spoke openly these words; You sirs that be attorneys of my lords the archbishops, bishops, abbots, prior's, and all other the clergy, declare unto your masters, and tell them, that from henceforth there shall no justice be done unto them in the king's court for any manner of thing, although never so heinous wrong be done unto them: but justice shall be had against them, to every one line 20 that will complain and require to have it.  

The clearkelie handling of the matter by the archbi. of York his suffragans.  Henry de Newarke the elect bishop of York, with the bishops of Durham, Elie and Salisbury, with certain other, fearing the king's indignation thus kindled against them, ordained to lay down in the churches, a fift part as ye have heard, of all their goods, towards the defence of the realm, and maintenance of the king's wars in such time of great necessity, and so the king receiving it, they were restored to the king's protection again. The friends of line 30 the bishop of Lincoln found means, that the sheriff of the shire levied and took the fift part of all his goods, and restored to him again his lands and possessions. Also, all the monasteries within his diocese, and within the whole province of Canturburie, were seized into the king's hands, and wardens appointed, which only ministered necessary finding unto the monks and other religious persons, and converted the overplus unto the king's use. Whereupon the abbots and prior's were glad to follow the court, and sued line 40 to redeem, not their sins, but their goods, with giving a fourth part thereof. The clergy suffered many injuries in that season, for religious men were spoiled and rob in the king's high way, and could not have any restitution nor remedy against them that thus evil entreated them, till they had redeemed the king's protection. Persons and vicar's, and other of the clergy, 
The misery of churchmen.  when they road forth any whither, were glad to apparel themselves in lay men's garments, so to pass through the country in safety. line 50  
The archbishop of Canturburie lost all the goods that he had, for he would neither agree to give any thing, 
The archbish. of Canturburie his goods confiscate.  nor to lay any thing down in the church, that the king might receive it. Whereupon he was brought to such extreme misery, that all his servants went from him, & commandment was given forth, that no man should receive him, neither within monastery nor without, and so not having any one place of all his bishopric where to lay his head, he remained in the house of a poor person, only with line 60 one priest and one clerk: yet he stiffly stood in the matter, affirming certainly, that all those which granted any thing, 
The obstinate manner of the archbishop of Canturburie.  either to the king, or to any other temporal person without the pope's leave, ran without doubt into the danger of the sentence pronounced in the canon.  
About the feast of S. Matthew in February, the king called a parliament of his nobles (not admitting thereto any of the clergy) at Salisbury, 
A parliament at Salisbury  and there required certain of his Nobles to pass over into Gascoine, but every of them seemed to excuse himself, whereat the king being moved, threatened that they should either go, or he would give their lands to other that would go, with which words many of them were grievously offended, in so much that the earls of Hereford and Martial, Humphrey Bohun, and Roger Bigod, declared that they would be ready to go with the king if he went himself, or else not. And when the earl Martial was eftsoons required to go, he answered, I will willingly go with the king, and march before him in the fore ward, as by right of inheritance I am bound. Yea (saith the king) and you shall go with other though I go not. I am not so bound (saith the earl) neither do I purpose to take the journey in hand with you.  
The king then in a great chafe burst out & swore, By God sir earl, either thou shalt go or hang. And I swear (saith the earl) the same oath, that I will neither go nor hang: and so he departed from the king without leave taking. 
The 〈◊〉 demeanour 〈◊〉 the two 〈◊〉.  Immediately hereupon those two earls assembled many noble men, and other of their friends together to the number of thirty banerets and above, so that in all they were found to be fifteen hundred men of arms appointed and ready for battle, and herewith they withdrew into their countries, and kept such stir there, that they would not permit the king's officers to take neither wools, leather, nor any thing against the owners will, but forbade them on pain of losing their heads to come within their rooms, and withal prepared themselves to resist if need were.  
In this mean time the war was prosecuted in Gascoine. 
They had with them 600 men of arms, and 10000 〈◊〉 as Abing●●● saith.  ¶ The thursday before the Purification of our lady, Henry earl of Lincoln, and the lord john saint john departing from Baion towards Bellegard, a place besieged as then by the earl of Arthois, to secure them within the same with victuals (whereof they stood in need) as they approached to a wood distant from the fortress three miles, they divided themselves into two several battles, the lord john saint john leading the first, and the earl of Lincoln the second. The lord saint john therefore having passed the wood with his battle, 
Battle betwixt the 〈◊〉 of Lincoln and the earl of Arthois, who had 〈◊〉 him 1500 〈◊〉 of arms, 〈◊〉 Abington 〈◊〉.  and entering into the plain fields, was encountered by the earl of Arthois, who tarried there for him with a great power, where immediately at the first joining of the battles, the earl of Lincoln retired back: so that the lord john saint john and his company overset with press of enemies were vanquished: and the said lord saint john with sir William de Mortimer, sir William Burmengham and other to the number of eight knights, and diverse esquires were taken, the which were sent to Paris as prisoners.  
Other writ somewhat otherwise of this battle, as that upon the first encounter the Englishmen drove back one regiment of the earl of Arthois his men of arms, whom he divided into four parts; but when they once joined with the second regiment, to the which they were beaten back, forward they came again, and so charging the Englishmen, with help of their third squadron, which was now come to them also, they easily put the Englishmen oppressed with multitude unto flight, & followed them in chase. After this came the Englishmen which were in the rearward, and encountering with the fourth squadron or regiment of the Frenchmen, streightwaies broke the fame. Herewith was the night come upon them, so that one could not know an other, a friend from an enemy, and so both the Englishmen and Frenchmen were dispersed till the moon rose, and the Frenchmen withdrew to their fortresses, and amongst them certain Englishmen were mingled, which being discovered were taken prisoners, as the lord john saint john, and others.  
The slaughter was not great, for there were no footmen on either part, to spoil or kill the men of arms that were thrown beside their horses: for the English footmen remained in the wood, or were withdrawn back, as before ye have heard, without attempting any exploit worthy of praise. Indeed some lay the blame in the Gascoine footmen for the loss of this battle, 
Matth. West.  because that they withdrew back, and left the English horsemen in danger of the enemies which had compassed them about on every side. Three hundred of the men of arms came through to the town of Bellegard, 
Abington.  but because it was night, so that they could not be discerned whether they were friends line 10 or foes, they within the town would not suffer them to enter: whereupon they departed, and went to S. Severe four leagues off. Yet further in the night, other of the Englishmen were received into Bellegard, which came thither after the other, and so in the morning they of the garrison with their assistance issued forth, and coming to the place where the battle had been, gathered the spoil of the field, and conveyed into their town such provision of victuals as they found there. line 20  
The earl of Lincoln with a great many of other wandered a great part of the night and knew not whither to go. 
The earl of Lincoln escaped.  At length about three of the clock in the morning he came to Perforate, where he had lodged with his army the night before, & there found a great number of his people right glad of his coming and happy escape out of danger. 
He cometh home.  From thence he returned unto Baion with the earl of Richmond sir john de Britain and all his company that were left. And such was the hap of this journey. In Lent line 30 following, those that were dispersed here and there abroad, resorted to the earl of Lincoln, sojourning at Baion, and in the summer season made a journey towards Tholouse, 
He invadeth the country about Tholouse.  spoiling and wasting the countries of Tholouse and other there abouts, and removed also the siege which those of Tholouse had laid unto a fortress called S. Kiternes, in chase them from the same siege: and towards Michaelmas they returned to Baion, and there lay all the winter till after Christmas, and then by reason of the truce concluded, line 40 as after appeareth, betwixt the two kings of England & France, they returned home into England.  
In the same year the king raised the custom of wool to an higher rate than had been paid at any time before: 
The custom of wool raised.  for he took now forty shillings of a sack or sarpler, where before there was paid but half a mark. 
Abington. Euer●den. Provision for the king's journey into France.  Moreover he commanded, that against his journey which he meant to make over into France, there should be two thousand quarters of wheat, and as much of oats taken by the sheriff in every county line 50 within the realm to be conveyed to the sea side, except where they had no store of corn, and there should beeves and bakons be taken to a certain number. In the mean time the earl of Flanders was sore vexed by war which the French king made against him, 
ja. Meir. The French king invadeth Flanders.  being entered into Flanders with an army of three score thousand men, as some authors have recorded.  

Lisle besieged.  About the feast of the nativity of S. john Baptist, he laid siege to Lisle, and shortly after came the line 60 earl of Arthois, being returned out of Gascoine with his power unto that siege, and was sent forth to keep the Flemings and others occupied, 
The earl of Arthois vanquisheth the Flemings in battle.  which lay at furnaces, and in other places thereabouts in low Flanders, with whom he fought and got the victory. King Edward therefore, to secure his friends prepared to go over into Flanders, and thereupon summoned all those that ought him any service, 
N. Trivet.  & such also as held lands to the value of twenty pounds and above, to be ready with horse and harness at London about Lammas to pass over with him in that journey.  

A rebellion in Scotland by the means of one William Waleis.  In the mean time about the month of May, there began a rebellion in Scotland by the setting on of William Waleis: for the king of England's justice William Ormsbie, accordingly as he had in commission, confined and put to outlawry a great sort of such Scotishmen, as refused to do fealty and homage unto the king of England, the which Scotishmen being thus condemned as outlaws, elected the foresaid William Waleis for their captain, with whom William Douglas being once associated, the number of them increased hugely. The earl of Surrey and the treasurer being in England, those outlaws purposed to have taken the justice at Scone: but he being warned though almost too late, escaped himself with much ado, leaving the most part of his people as a spoil to the enemies. For William Waleis and his company killed as many Englishmen as fell into his hands, 
Englishmen slain in Scotland.  and taking certain religious men, he bond their hands behind them, and constrained them to leap into the river, taking pleasure to behold how they plunged.  
The king sent the bishop of Durham into Scotland, to understand the certainty of this rebellion, who returning from thence, informed him of the truth. The king not minding to break his journey which he had purposed to make into Flanders, appointed that the earl of Surrey should have the leading of all such men of war as might be levied beyond Trent, to repress the Scotish rebels, and also wrote unto john Coming earl of Boughan, 
The unfaithful dealing of the Scots.  that remembering their faith and promise, they should return into Scotland, and do their best to quiet the country: they according to his commandment, went into Scotland, but showed themselves slow enough to procure those things that pertained to peace and quietness.  
In the mean time, whilst these things were a doing, the bishop of Carleill, 
Abington.  and other which lay there upon the guard of that city and castle, having some mistrust of the loyalty in Robert Bruce the younger, 
Robert Bruce.  that was earl of Carrike by his mother, they sent him word to come unto them at a certain day, because they had to talk with him of matters touching the king's affairs. He durst not disobey but came to Carleill together with the bishop of galloway, & there received a corporal oath upon the holy and sacred mysteries, and upon the sword of Thomas Becket, to be true to the king of England, 
Thomas Beckets sword.  and to aid him and his against their enemies in all that he might: and further to withstand that the said king received no hurt nor damage so far as in him might lie.  
This done, he returned again into Scotland, and for a colour entered into the lands of William Douglas, and burnt part of them, bringing the wife and children of the same William back with him into Annandale: but shortly after, 
Robert Bruce revolteth to the rebels.  he conspired with the Scotish rebels, and joined himself with them, not making his father privy to the matter, who in the mean while remained in the south parts of England. He would have persuaded such knights, gentlemen and other as held their lands of his father in Annandale, to have gone with him, 
N. Trivet. Three hundredth men of arms, and fifty thousand footmen saith Abington.  but they would not break their faith given to the king of England, and so left him. The earl of Surrey assembling together his power in Yorkshire, sent his nephew the lord Henry Percy with the soldiers of the country of Carleill before into Scotland, who passing forth to the town of Air, went about to induce them of galloway into peace, 
Henry Percy sent before.  and hearing that an army of Scotishmen was gathered together at a place about four miles from thence called Irwin, he made thitherward, and coming near to the Scotish host, 
Irwin.  might behold where the same was lodged beyond a certain lake. In that army were captains, the bishop of Glasco, Andrew de Murreie steward of Scotland, and William Waleis which (as it should seem) were not all of one mind.  

Discord in the Scotish army. Sir Richard Lundie.  There was in the same army a knight named sir Richard Lundie, which never yet had done homage to the king of England, but now flying from his company, he came to the English army, and submitted himself with his retinue unto the king of England, saying that he meant not to serve amongst them any longer that could not agree together. 
The Scots sue for peace.  The residue of the Scotishmen sued for peace, upon condition to have lives, members, goods, cattles and lands saved, line 10 with a pardon of all offences past. The lord Percy upon pledges & writings hereof delivered, was contented to grant their requests, so that the king his master would be therewith pleased, who being hereof certified, because he would not gladly be stayed of his journey into Flanders, granted unto all things that were thus required.  
Then after that the earl of Surrie was come to the English camp, because William Waleis ceased not in the mean time to assemble more people, line 20 the Englishmen doubting some treason, resolved to give battle, but whilst they were in mind thus to do, the bishop of Glasco and William Douglas to avoid the note of disloyalty and treason, 
The bishop of Glasco and William Douglas.  came and submitted themselves: and so the bishop was committed to ward within the castle of Rokesborough, and William Douglas in the castle of Berwick. It is to be noted, that even in the very time that the treaty was in hand betwixt the lord Percy and the Scotish captains, the Scots of Gallowaie and other set upon that part of the English camp, where the line 30 tr●s●e and baggage lay, which they spoilt and ransacked, slaying above five hundredth persons, what of men, women and children, but the alarm being raised, the Englishmen came to the rescue, and chase the Scots, slew above a thousand of them, and recovered the most part of their own goods, 
Abington.  with more which they took from their enemies.  

The archbish. of Canturburie received into favour.  In this mean time king Edward at the feast of Lammas held a council at London, where he received the archbishop of Canturburie again into his line 40 favour, restoring unto him all his goods and lands. He appointed him and the lord Reinold Grey to have his eldest son prince Edward in keeping, till his return out of Flanders. But Nicholas Trivet writeth, that the said prince Edward being appointed to remain at home, 
Nic. Trivet. Guardians appointed to the king's son in his father's absence.  as lieutenant to his father, there were appointed unto him as councillors, Richard bishop of London, William earl of Warwick, and the forenamed lord Reinold Grey, with the lord john Gifford, and the lord Alane Plokenet, men of line 50 high wisdom, 
Earl's Marshal and Hereford refuse to go over with the king into Flanders.  gravity and discretion, without making mention of the archbishop of Canturburie in that place. The two earls Marshal and Hereford being commanded to attend the king into Flanders, refused, excusing themselves by messenger.  

Sir Ralph Monthermer released.  After this, the king caused sir Ralph Monthermer (whom his daughter the countess of Gloucester, in her widowhood had taken to husband without knowledge of her father) to be delivered out of the castle of Bristol, wherein he had been kept prisoner a certain line 60 time upon displeasure for the marriage: but now he was not only set at liberty, but also restored to his wife, and to all the lands pertaining to the earldom of Gloucester, appointing him to find 50 men at arms to serve in that journey into Flanders. 
Scotishmen released.  He also delivered the earls of Cassels and Menteth, john Coming, and divers other Scotishmen, appointing them also to go with him into Flanders. Finally having assembled his army, over the which he made the lord Thomas Berklie constable, and Geffrey jenuille marshal, 
The lord Berkley. A libel delivered to the king from 〈◊〉 earls o● H●reford and Martial.  he went to Winchelsey, and whilst he lay there before he took the sea, there was presented unto him from the earls a writing, which contained the causes of the grief of all the archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, lords, barons, and of all the commonalty, as well for summoning them to serve by an undue mean, as also for the unreasonable taxes, subsidies, impositions & paiements which they daily sustained, and namely the impost augmented upon the custom of wool seemed to them very grievous. For whereas for every sack of whole wool there was forty shillings paid, and for every sack of broken wool one mark: it was well known, that the wool of England was almost in value esteemed to be worth half the riches of the realm, and so the custom thereof paid, would ascend to a fift part of all the substance of the land.  
The kings answer thereunto was, 
The king's answer.  that he could not alter any thing, without the advise of his council, of the which part were already passed over into Flanders, and part were at London; and therefore he required the said earls, that if they would not attend him in that journey into Flanders, they would yet in his absence do nothing that might be prejudicial to the realm: for he trusted by God's favour to return again in safety, 
The king 〈…〉 over 〈…〉 Flanders Abington.  and set all things in good order. At length, about the 21 day of August, the king took the sea, and landed in Flanders near to Sluice, about the 27 day of the same month. He was no sooner on land, but that through old envy and malice depending between the mariners of the cinque ports, and them of Yermouth and other quarters, a quarrel was picked, so that they fell together, 
Debate 〈…〉 fight 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 and 〈…〉  and fought on the water in such earnest sort, notwithstanding the king's commandment sent to the contrary, that there were 25 ships burnt and destroyed of theirs of Yermouth, and other their partakers: also three of their greatest ships, part of the king's treasure being in one of them, were tolled forth into the high sea, and quite conveyed away.  
The king from Sluice first went to Bruges, 
la. Mei●.  and after to Gaunt, finding the country in evil state, by reason that the good towns were not all of one mind: for divers of them misliked with the doings of the earl, 
Lisle 〈…〉 to the 〈…〉 king.  in that he had allied himself with the French kings adversaries. About the beginning of September was Li●le yielded unto the French king, and after that they of Douai, Curtray, and Bruges, did likewise submit themselves to the same king. 
Charle● 〈…〉 Ualois 〈…〉 to 〈…〉  Then was Charles earl of Ualois sent to Bruges to fortify that town, and to take the English navy that lay at anchor in the haven of Dam: but the Englishmen having warning thereof, got forth with their vessels into the sea, and so the earl of Ualois being disappointed of that prey, set in hand to fortify Bruges and Dam. But the earl of Ostrich, & Robert de Nevers son to earl Guy, being sent with a power of Englishmen, Flemings, and other soldiers unto Dam, fought with the Frenchmen, slew four hundredth of them, besides divers that were taken, and recovered the town. They might also have recovered Bruges, as was thought, if the Englishmen and Flemings had not fallen at strife, & fought together about dividing of the prey.  
Finally, after this, the French king came to Bruges, 
The 〈…〉 Adul●● 〈…〉  and when the king of England and the earl of Flanders had long looked and all in vain for the emperor Adulfe, who had promised to come to their aid with a great army; for the charges and wages whereof he had received great sums of money both of the king of England, and also of the earl of Flanders: they concluded in the end (when they perceived he would not come) to make some agreement with the French king: and so first was a truce taken, from the midst of October, unto the calends of December, and after by mediation of Charles (surnamed Claudius) king of Sicill, the same truce was prolonged as hereafter ye shall hear.  
In this mean while, to wit, about the end of August, the earl of Surrey, when he saw that the Scotishmen would not perform promise touching the delivery of the pledges, and that William Waleis still moved the people to rebellion, he assembled his army, & with the same entering Scotland, came unto Striueling. Then the lord steward of Scotland, and also the earl of Lenox came unto him, requiring him to stay till they might have leisure to see if they could bring the people of Scotland unto the line 10 kings peace. But when they could not do it, they returned on the tenth day of September, promising to bring to the aid of the earl of Surrey on the morrow after forty horsemen, upon the which day two friars of the order of preachers were sent unto William Waleis, and to the other Scotishmen lying beyond the hill above the monastery of Scambeskin, to move them to the king's peace. But their answer was, that they were not come to have peace, but to try the matter by battle. line 20  

The pride of Hugh Cressingham.  The English army without good advise, through the presumptuous pride of the lord Hugh Cressingham, pressed to the bridge, and hasting to pass the same, the Scotishmen came upon them yer the one half could get over, and so fiercely assailed them, that the Englishmen were beaten back and slain down. 
The Scots assail the Englishmen.  For the Scots, after they saw so many of the Englishmen to have passed the bridge, as they thought themselves able to distress, they made down to the bridge foot, 
Abington.  and with a number of their line 30 spearemen on foot, closed it up, that no more should come over to the aid of their fellows, nor those that were already passed, should return again: yet one sir Marmaduke Thweng a right valiant knight, 
The valiancy of sir Marmaduke Thweng.  which was one of the first among the men of arms that came over, after that he and his company had driven down one wing of their adversaries, & had followed them in chase a good way, as purposing to have gotten the conquest against them, at length perceiving the company behind distressed by the Scots, line 40 he returned with those few that were about him, and purposing to repass the bridge, rushed in among the Scots that stood before him with such violence, that he passed through them, making way for himself and his folks by great manhood, saving one of his nephews also which was set on foot & wounded, after his horse had been killed under him.  
At length the discomfiture was such, and the Scots pressed so earnestly to win the bridge also of those Englishmen, 
The Englishmen discomfited.  which were not yet passed, that at line 50 length the earl of Surrey commanded to break that end of the bridge, where they stood at defence to keep back the Scots, for else had there few of the Englishmen escaped. There were slain (as some have written) to the number of six thousand men, and amongst other was slain sir Hugh Cressingham, whose skin (as hath been reported) the Scots stripped off his dead carcase, for the malice which they bore toward him. This discomfiture chanced on the 11 day of September. The earl of Surrey, leaving in line 60 the castle of Striueling the said sir Marmaduke Thweng, 
The earl of Surrey returneth in haste to Berwick.  promised him to come to his aid at all times when need should be, within ten weeks space, and herewith taking his horse, road in such haste to Berwick, that after his coming thither, his steed being set up in the stable of the friars minors, never after tasted meat, but died: after this, the said earl making no long abode in Berwick, road up to London unto prince Edward, and left the town of Berwick as a prey to the Scotishmen: but those yet that had the castle in keeping, defended it manfully against the Scots, 
The Scots enter Berwick.  the which assembled together in camp under the leading of Alexander earl of Murrey: and their captain William Waleis came to Berwick, and finding the town void of all defence, 
The castle holdeth tack against them.  entered it, but they could not win the castle by any means.  
The Northumberland men conveyed their wives, their children, their cattle, & other goods, which might be removed, out of the country for fear of the enemies invasion: but when the Scots lingered time, 
The Scots invade Northumberland, and spoil the country.  and entered not within the English borders for a season, they brought their goods again, in hope that the Scots would not come forth of their own marches at that time. But the Scots having advertisement thereof, about the feast of S. Luke entered the English borders, and did much hurt within the country of Northumberland, so that to avoid the danger, all the religious men fled out of the monasteries situate betwixt Newcastle upon Tine, and Carleill. The Scots spoiled, harried, and burnt up the country, till the feast of saint Martin, and in the oactues of the same feast they drew together, and went towards Carleill, which town they summoned, as you shall hear.  
They sent a priest to them that kept it, commanding them to yield: but receiving a froward answer, they fell to and wasted all that country, passing through the forest of Inglewood, Cumberland, 
The forest of Inglewood.  and Allerdale, till they came unto Derwent and Cokermouth, not sparing either church nor chapel. Their meaning was to have gone into the bishopric of Durham, but what through sore weather of hail, snow and frost, & what through vain fear of wrong information given by their spials, that the country was well provided of men of war for defence, they broke off that journey, and yet there were not passed a hundred men of arms, and three thousand footmen in that country, which were then also dispersed through irksomeness of long staying for the enemies. The Scots therefore drew unto Hexham, and there lodged, not without vexing the canons, although they had granted letters of protection unto the prior and covent of the same house, to endure for one whole year: and likewise letters of safe conduct to pass and repass for one canon, one squire, and two servants, when soever they should send to them, during that term: which letters were given forth under the name of the said earl of Murrey, and William Waleis. 
The town of Riton burnt. Anno Reg. 26.  From thence they went towards Newcastle, and burned the town of Riton. Finally, perceiving they could not prevail in attempting to win the town of Newcastle, 
The Scots return home.  they divided their spoils and returned home.  
About the same time, to wit, a little before Christmas, the lord Robert Clifford, 
The lord Clifford invadeth Annandale.  with the power of the city of Carleill, entered Annandale, committing all to the spoil of the footmen, of whom there was a great number. The men of arms on horseback, being not past an hundred in all, kept together, and finding their enemies assembled near to Annankirke, 
Annankirke.  gave a charge upon them, and chased them into a marish, within the which they kept them, till the footmen came in, and assailing them, slew 308 persons, 
Scots slain.  and took diverse of them prisoners, and returning again to their market, burned ten villages, and on Christmas even returned with their prey and booties unto Carleill. year 1298 In the beginning of Lent they made an other road, 
Annankirke burnt.  in the which they burned the church of Annan.  
Whilst these things were in hand, prince Edward the king's eldest son, and other, which had the rule of the realm in the king's absence, sought means to pacify the earls Marshal and Hereford: 
N Trivet, The froward dealing of the earls of Hereford & Martial.  but they would not agree, but upon such conditions as pleased themselves to prescribe, which were, that the king should confirm the ggeat charter, and the charter of forests, with certain new articles to be included in the same great charter, and that from thenceforth the king should not charge his subjects so freely at his pleasure as before time he had done, without consent of the states of parliament, and that he should pardon his displeasure and malice conceived against them for denying to go with him into Flanders. Many other articles they would that the king should grant, confirm, pardon and establish. The which were all sent over into Flanders to the king, that he might line 10 peruse them, and declare whether he would agree or disagree to the same. He as one being driven to the wall, thought good to yield unto the malice and iniquity of the time, to reconcile the offended minds of the peers and barons of his realm, and granted unto all the said articles, confirming the same with his charter under his great seal. 
Abington. A subsidy granted.  In consideration whereof, the nobles of the realm and commons granted to the king the ninth penny of all their goods: the archbishop of Canturburie, with the clergy of his province, line 20 the tenth penny; and the elect of York and those of his province, granted the fift penny; towards the maintenance of the war against the Scots, because they were next unto the danger.  
The king also by his special letters required the nobles of the realm, that if they continued in their due obedience to him, as they promised at his departure out of the realm to do, that then they should resort and appear at his parliament, 
A parliament at York.  to begin at York the morrow after the feast of saint Hilary, without line 30 all excuse or delay: for otherwise he would account them as enemies to the commonwealth of the realm. At which day appeared the earls of Warren and Gloucester, with the countess of Gloucester his wife daughter to the king, the earls Marshal, Hereford, and Arundel, Guy son to the earl of Warwick in his father's room: and of barons, the lord Henry Percy, the lord john Wake, and the lord john Segraue, with many of the nobility, the which being assembled together, would that it should to all men be line 40 notified, in what manner the king had confirmed the great charter, and the charter of forests: whereupon the same being read with the articles thereunto added, 
Magna charta.  and put in, the bishop of Carleill, adorned in pontificalibus, did pronounce all them accursed, that went about to violate and break the same. And because the Scotish lords appeared not, being summoned to be there, it was decreed that the army should come together at Newcastle upon Tine, in the octaves of the feast of saint Hilary next ensuing, so line 50 that the general musters might then and there be taken.  
The king lay the most part of this winter at Gant, 
Debate betwixt the kings men and the Gantners.  in the which mean time there chanced sedition between th' Englishmen & the Gantners, insomuch that the Welshmen had set fire on the town, if the king had not stayed the matter. But the Flemish writers say, the Englishmen set fire in four parts of the town indeed, that they might the more freely have rob in other parts thereof, whilst the line 60 townsmen had gone about to quench the fire. But the townsmen bend on revenge, assembled together in great numbers, and falling on the Englishmen slew thirty of their horsemen, and of their footmen to the number of seven hundred, or thereabouts. They had also slain the king, if a knight of Flanders had not made shift to save him. ¶ In deed (as should appear by the same writers) the English footmen had done much hurt in the country, and namely one day they spoilt the town of Dam, and slew two hundred worthy personages, who had yielded themselves to the king at his first coming into the country.  
And although the king caused certain of those that had done this outrage to be hanged: yet the Flemings bore this & other injuries in their minds, & meant to be revenged thereof, before the Englishmen departed out of their country, and therefore there drew out of sundry parts into the city of Gant by small companies, to the number of four thousand men of arms, besides a great multitude of footmen, and when they perceived themselves strong enough (as they took the matter) at the day amongst them appointed, and considered in their minds, that 
— unita potentior est vis  
Quaelibet, at parts in plures secta peribit,  they clustered together, and under the leading of the earls sons, William and Robert, they did first set upon the Englishmen that were in their lodgings, 
The ●●●mings set 〈◊〉 the Englishmen in their lodgings.  of whom they slew diverse, and after coming forth into the streets, they meant to have made slaughter of all the residue: but by the noise that was raised, the king had warning in what state the matter stood, and therewith getting him to armour, came forth of his lodging, and streightwaies his people flocked about him. And furthermore, the footmen which were lodged in the suburbs, hearing of this tumult, got them to armour, & approaching the gates, found them shut: but with fire which they kindled with straw, wood, butter and tallow, and other such things, they burned up the same gates and so got in, losing not passed six persons that were slain at the first entering.  
Herewith the earl of Flanders came to the king, and besought him to stay his people from committing further outrage: but the king as he had reason so to do, blamed him for the outrageous attempt of his people, and bade him go to appease them, or he would take pain with them himself to his own surety, though not greatly to their ease. The earl went, and prevailed so much, 
The earl of Flanders p●cifieth his people.  that at length he quieted them, and then was order given for restitution of such things as had been taken from any man wrongfully, according to the order and direction prescribed by certain discreet persons appointed as commissioners in that behalf. The king perceiving himself in some danger, and that without the favour of the Flemings he might hardly escape out of their country, bore many things, and spoke courteously, making partly amends for the harms done by his people, as well abroad in the countries as in the towns. And finally about Midlent he returned into England, as after ye shall hear.  
In this mean time, by the king's appointment, the earl of Surrey lord warden of Scotland, 
Nic. Trivet. An army assembled at York.  with other earls and noble men to him associate, about the feast of saint Hilary, had assembled an army at York, having first summoned the lords of Scotland to appear there at the same day, who yet came not, but contrarily had besieged the castle of Rockesborough. Whereupon the earl of Surrey hasted thitherwards, 
The Scots besiege Ro●kesborough.  so that William Waleis and other of the Scotishmen which lay there at siege, raised the same, and departed from thence. The earl of Surrey coming to Rockesborough, and relieving them that kept it with such things as they wanted, 
The earl of Surrey entereth Scotland.  passed forth to Kelsow, and came afterwards to the town of Berwick, which the Scotishmen had left void. Here came letters unto them from king Edward, signifying that he had taken truce with the French king, and that he meant shortly to return into England, and therefore commanded them not to make any further enterprise than the defending of the frontiers, and the recovery of Berwick, till his coming over. Hereupon was a great part of the army discharged, and such only remained in Berwick as might suffice for defence thereof.  
King Edward having made an end of his business in Flanders, 
K. Edward returneth homewards.  as before ye have heard, returned now towards England, and came to a town called Ardenburge, where the most part of such Scotishmen as he had brought with him into Flanders slipped from him, and went unto Paris. The king being returned into England, removed the barons of the excheker, and the justices of the bench unto York, calling a parliament thither, and gave summons unto the lords of Scotland to come to the same: 
The Scots summoned to the parliament at York, refused to come.  but making default in their appearance, he sent forth his commission and letters to warn his subjects to be line 10 ready with horse and harness at Rockesborough in the feast of the Nativity of S. john Baptist next ensuing. 
An army raised.  They obeying his commandment, assembled there at the day appointed.  
There were in this army now assembled at Rockesborough together with those of the bishopric, 
Abington. The number of men armed in this army.  about three thousand men of arms mounted on barded horses, besides four thousand other armed men on horseback without bards. There were also a great number of footmen, and yet none but such as line 20 came upon their own good wills, the which were almost all Welshmen or Irishmen. 
Welshmen and Irishmen.  There came also afterwards five hundred men of arms well appareled, furnished and mounted out of Gascoine, of the which a certain number were sent to Berwick by the king: 
Gascons.  where after the battle fought with the Scots, they remained in garrison. The earl of Hereford, 
N. Trivet.  and the earl Martial were present with their retinues amongst other in this army here assembled at Rockesborough, the which upon suspicion conceived of that they had heard, thought it not sufficient line 30 to have the king's letters patents touching the confirmation of the two charters, 
The earls of Hereford and Martial mistrust the king.  and other the articles above mentioned, signed by him, whilst he was out of the realm, and therefore required that he would now within his own land confirm the same again. Here the bishop of Durham, john earl of Surrie, William earl of Warwick, and Ralph earl of Gloucester, undertook for the king, that after he had subdued his enemies, and should be again returned into the realm, he should satisfy them in that line 40 behalf, and confirm the same articles.  
This done, the king marching forth with his army, came to Temple Histon, and sent forth the bishop of Durham to take certain castles thereabouts, 
Castles won by the bishop of Durham.  as Orinton or (as some copies have) Drilton, and other two, which enterprise the bishop speedily accomplished. The English fleet that should have come from Berwick, and kept alongst the coast to have furnished the army with victuals, was stayed and holden back with contrary winds, so that the army line 50 began to be in great necessity of victuals. The Scotishmen were advertised hereof, and supposing that the Englishmen by reason of such want of victuals, had not been able through feebleness to make any great resistance, assembled their powers together, and came towards the place where the king with his army was lodged.  
At the same time two of the English ships arrived there with victuals, the which being bestowed amongst line 60 the soldiers, relieved them greatly of their hunger. Amongst other the Welshmen had two tons of wine delivered to them for their share, the which they tasted so greedily, 
Abington. A fray betwixt the Welsh and Englishmen.  that overcome therewith they fell to quarreling with the Englishmen, and begun a fray, in the which they slew eighteen, and hurt diverse. The English horsemen herewith being kindled with displeasure, got them to armour, and setting upon the Welshmen, slew of them to the number of fourscore, and put the other to flight: whereupon the next morning it was said that the Welshmen upon wrath conceived hereof meant to departed to the Scots: 
The Englishmen stand in doubt of the Welshmen.  but yet when the camp removed, they followed the army though a far off, and apart by themselves, insomuch that many doubted lest if the Englishmen had chanced to have had the worse at the Scottishmen'S hands, they would have joined▪ with them against the Englishmen. This bloody broil sprang of intemperancy, and surfeiting drunkenness, which is worthy to be thus disclaimed, 
— animae lethum, & vitiorum  
Nutrix ac scelerum, quid non m●rtalia cogis  
Pectora? Quid per te non audent? jurgia, litès,  
Praelia 〈…〉, & ga●des sanguine fuso,  
S●r 〈…〉, qu● bell●● vilior? etc.   
The king now hearing that the Scots were coming towards him, raised his ●●eld, 
N. Trivet.  and went forth to meet them, lodging the next● night in a fair plain. In the morning very early, a great alarm was raised, so that every man got him to armour, supposing the Scots to be at hand. The horse appointed for the kings saddle that day, as the king should have got upon him, frighted with some noise, started aside, and threw the king down with such violence, that he broke two of his ribs, as the report went. Other writ, that his horse trod on him in the night, as he and his people rested them, keeping their horses still bridled, to be ready the sooner upon occasion of any necessity: but howsoever he came by his hurt, he stayed not to pass forward in his purposed journey, but mounting upon an other horse, went forth with his army till he came to a place called Foukirke, 
The battle of Foukirke.  where both the armies of England and Scotland met and fought.  
The Scots were divided in four schiltrons, as they termed them, or as we may say, round battles, 
Abington. The order of the Scotish battles.  in form of a circle, in the which stood their people that carried long staves or spears, which they crossed jointly together one within another, betwixt which schiltrons or round battles were certain spaces left, the which were filled with their archers and bowmen, and behind all these were their horsemen placed. They had chosen a strong ground, somewhat sideling on the side of a hill. The earls Marshal, Hereford, 
The earls Marshal, Hereford, and Lincoln led the fore ward.  & Lincoln, which led the fore ward of the Englishmen, at the first made directly towards the Scots, but they were stayed, by reason they found a marish, or an evil favoured moss betwixt their enemies and them, so that they were constrained to fetch a compass towards the west side of the field. The bishop of Durham ruling in the second battle of the Englishmen, 
The bishop of Durham led the second ward.  consisting of six and thirty standards or banners, knowing the let of that moss or marish toward the east side, hasted forth to be the first that should give the onset: but yet when they approached near to the enemies, the bishop commanded his people to stay till the third battle, which the king led, might approach. But that valiant knight the lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him: My lord bishop, 
The lord Basset of Draitons' words to the bishop of Durham.  you may go and say mass, which better becometh you, than to teach us what we have to do, for we will do that which belongeth to the order and custom of war.  
Herewith they hasted forth on that side to charge the first schiltron of the Scots, and the earls with their battle on the otherside, and even upon the first brunt the Scotish horsemen fled, 
The Scotish horsemen flee.  a few only excepted, which stayed to keep the footmen in order. And amongst other was the brother of the lord steward of Scotland, who as he was about to set in order the bowmen of Selkirke, by chance was unhorssed, and slain there amongst the same bowmen, and many a tall man's body with him. 
Their archers slain.  The Scotish archers thus being slain, the Englishmen assailed the spearemen; 
These Scotish spearemen were of Gallowai● as Eueriden saith.  but keeping themselves close together, and standing at defence with their spears like a thick wood, they kept out the English horsemen for a while, & fought manfully, though they were sore beaten with shot of arrows by the English archers on 〈◊〉 & so at length galled with shot; and assailed by the horsemen on each side, they begun to disorder and 〈◊〉 from one side to another, and herewith the horsemen br●ke in amongst them, and so they were slain and beaten down in manner all the whole number of them.  
Some say there died of the Scots that day (being the two & twentieth of julie, 
Nic. Trivet.  and the feast of Marie Magdalene) above twenty thousand. Other writ that there were slain at the least to the number of line 10 15 thousand. 
Matth. West. saith forty thousand. Polydo●. N. Trivet.  The Scotish writers allege that this battle was lost by treason of the coming and other, as in the Scotish history ye may more plainly perceive, with more ●●●ter touching the same battle: after this was the town of saint Andrews destroyed, 
The towns of S. Andrews.  no man being within to make resistance. And from thence the English army came through Selkirke forest unto the castle of Air, which they found 〈◊〉: 
The castle of Air.  and after they came by the town of Annan, and took the castle of Lochmaben, and so returned line 20 into England by the west marches, and came to Carleill.  

Abington. Irish lords. The I'll of Araine.  About the same time certain Irish lords, and amongst other as chief, one Thomas Biset landed in the isle of Araine, the inhabitants whereof yielded themselves unto the same Thomas, who (as was judged) meant to have aided the Scots: but now hearing of the victory which king Edward had gotten in a pight field, he sent unto him to give him to understand that he was come in his aid, & had won the said I'll of Araine, 
Thomas Biset requireth the isle of Araine.  and therefore besought him that it line 30 might please him to grant it unto him and his heirs for ever. Which request the king granted: whereof when the earls Marshal and Hereford were advertised, 
The evil opinion of the earls Marshal & Hereford towards the king.  they thought this a rash part of the king, considering that he had promised to do nothing anew without their consents and counsel.  
Therefore the king being (as ye have heard) returned to Carleill, they got licence to departed home with their people, leaving the king still at Carleill, where he remained a time, and held a parliament there, in line 40 the which he granted unto many of his nobles, the lands and livings of divers noble men of the Scots, as to the earls earldoms, 
The king's liberality towards his nobles.  to the barons baronies; but galloway and Annandale, with certain other counties, he assigned to none, reserving the same (as was thought) unto the foresaid two earls, lest they should think themselves evil dealt with, if they had no part bestowed on them amongst the residue.  
The king after this went to Durham, and from line 50 thence thought to have returned straight towards London, but hearing that the Scots meant to make some invasion, he went to Tinmouth, and remained there till towards Christmas. Now when the king had lain a certain time at Tinmouth, 
Anno Reg. 27.  he departed from thence, and drew southward, and coming to Cotingham, 
Cotingham.  a little from Beverlie, held his Christmas there, and after drew towards London, where in the beginning of Lent, year 1299 he held a parliament, at the which he was required to keep promise for the confirmation line 60 of the two charters and articles concluded with the earls of Hereford and Martial. 
A parliament. Abington.  The king was nothing contented that this matter should be so earnestly called upon, for loath he was to grant their full requests; and again to deny them, he stood in doubt how it might be taken: he therefore prolonged time, & would make no answer either to or fro. But when the lords urged him so sore to give them answer, 
The lords call upon the king to perform promise.  he got him out of the city, not making them privy of his departure, and when they followed him, and seemed not well contented that he should so dissemble with them, he excused himself by blaming the air of the city to be against his health, and therefore bore them in hand, that he only sought to refresh himself in some better air in the country more agreeable to his nature▪ and as for answer to their requests, he willed 〈◊〉 to repair again to the city, and they should ha●e answer by hi● council, 
His answer.  so far as should stand with reason to content them. They returned as he willed 〈◊〉, and had the charters confirmed according to their requests, saving that 〈◊〉 a●dition was put in the latter end of the same, 
The 〈◊〉 put in the ●●●clusion of 〈◊〉 articles.  〈…〉, coronae 〈…〉 With which addition the lord● 〈…〉 home to their houses in 〈…〉 towards the king as before.  
The co●●cell doubting some seditious stir to arise hereof amongst the people, delivered the charters (so sealed and 〈◊〉 as they were) unto the sheriffs of London, that the same might be read openly before the people, 
The articles red in Paul's churchyard.  which was done in Paul's churchyard in presence of a great assembly there, come together and gathered for that purpose. The people (than whom the sea in ebbing and fl●wing is not more inconstant, nor in judgement more rash, heady, sudden, and unadvised, as one saith very well, & to purpose, 
judicium ●ulgi insulsum, imbecilláque mens est,  
Quandoquidem invisa est vulgo sapientia, etc.)  at the first before they heard the addition, gave many blessings to the king for those grants: but when they heard with what words he concluded, they cursed as fast as before they had blessed. Before this parliament was dissolved, the lords had warning to return again shortly after Easter, and then they had all things granted and performed as they could wish or desire. 
The per●●bulations of forests.  The perambulations of forests were appointed unto three bishops, three earls, and three barons.  
About the latter end of june there came over a bishop sent from pope Boniface as his Nuncio, 
A bishop sen● from the pope.  and diverse other with him, to declare the order which the pope as arbitrator indifferently chosen betwixt the kings of England and France, for the deciding of all controversies depending betwixt them, had given forth & decreed, which was in effect as followeth.  
1 First that king Edward being then a widower should marry the French kings sister named Margaret, 
The pope's decree of peace betwixt the kings of England & France.  notwithstanding the degrees of consanguinity, for the which the pope would dispense.  
2 That the lord Edward the king's eldest son should at convenient time take to wife the lady Isabella the French kings daughter.  
3 That the king of England should make satisfaction for the French ships which his men had taken at the beginning of the war, 
Nic. Trivet.  and that sundry towns in Gascoine should be put into the pope's hands, till it might be understood unto whom the right appertained. But those two last articles took small effect, the French king refusing to deliver any of those towns which he had gotten in possession. Moreover, these messengers in the pope's behalf required the king that he would set john Balliol, 
The pope's request for the releasing to liberty of john Balliol.  sometime king of Scotland at liberty, and restore those lands unto his son Edward Balliol, which he ought to hold within the realm of England, promising and undertaking in the pope's behalf to preserve and save the realm harmless from all hurt and damage that might ensue by the delivery of the said john Balliol.  
King Edward understanding that there was great danger in setting him at liberty, 
john Balliol delivered out of prison at the pope's 〈◊〉.  was contented to deliver him unto the pope, but he refused to make restitution unto Balliol of the lands which he demanded. The pope's ambassadors receiving john Balliol at king Edward's hands, took him over with him into France, and there left him in the custody of the bishop of Cambrie, 
Polydor. He departet● this life.  the pope's deputy in that behalf, where shortly after he died. After this, according to the covenants of agreement made betwixt the two kings of England and France, 
N. Trivet.  the captives upon either part were delivered. In the feast of the nativity of our Lady, 
The king marrieth the French kings sister.  the king married the lady Margaret sister to the French king at Canturburie with great solemnity. About the feast of S. Martin in winter the king held a parliament at York, meaning to have gone from thence into Scotland, 
A parliament at York.  to have rescued the castle of Striueling, which the Scotishmen had besieged, and had it surrendered unto them, yet the king could set forward to come to line 10 raise the siege. The same year died Henry Newarke archbishop of York, 
The decease of the archbishop of York. Anno Reg. 28. 1300  and Thomas Corbridge a doctor in divinity succeeded him.  
In the eight and twentieth year of his reign, in the Christmas season king Edward set forth a proclamation, forbidding and prohibiting all foreign coins to be received and paid as sterling money within his dominion, 
Abington. A proclamation for money.  commanding by the same proclamation, that two pieces of them should go for one line 20 sterling, until the feast of Easter. There were diverse moneys in those days currant within this realm, as pollards, crocards, staldings, eagles, leonines, sléeping, and all these were white moneys, artificially made of silver, copper, and sulphur, so that it was an ill time for base moneys, & much chopping and changing was used in buying and selling of things.  
At Easter following the king utterly forbade that any of those moneys should be currant at all, 
Foreign moneys forbidden to go as currant.  and held his exchange in sundry places, and to be rid of line 30 them, men gave five or six of them for one sterling, not caring for them, because of their baseness, and yet within a year after that men had learned the skill by proof how to try metal with melted lead in the fire, they found that two pieces of those base moneys were in value worth one sterling, and many became rich by the exchange, which had bought good store of them, when they were so smallly esteemed: but the king caused inquiry to be made of them that used such exchange without his licence, and put them to line 40 their fines.  
At a parliament holden at London in Lent this year, the king renewed the confirmation of the charters, and made certain new statutes concerning fines and goal deliveries, very profitable to the commonwealth. About the feast of saint john Baptist, 
Abington. The king goeth with an army into Scotland.  king Edward went with an army into Scotland, and there granted a truce to the Scots that inhabited the mountain countries to endure for eleven months, that is to say, till Whitsuntide line 50 next ensuing. As the king was upon his journey forewards in the north parts, his late married wife queen Margaret was delivered of her first son at Brotherton, 
Thomas of Brotherton borne the first of june.  a place in Yorkshire not far from Pontfret; he was named Thomas, and took the surname of Brotherton, of the place where he was borne.  
Moreover pope Boniface at the suit of the Scots wrote his letters unto king Edward, commanding him by the same and by the archbishop of Canturburie, line 60 whom he appointed to deliver the same letters by other letters to him directed, that he should not only release and set at liberty all such Scots as he had in prison, but also give over his wars which he made against the realm of Scotland: and if he meant to make any claim to the same, then to send his procurators unto the court of Rome, and there to show what evidence he could for his right thereto, where the matter (as he maintained) was to be heard, decided, and judged; and not elsewhere. The archbishop, according to the pope's commandment, did the message, and presented the pope's letters unto the king, who deferred the answer unto the assembly of the estates in parliament, and hereof the archbishop advertised the pope accordingly, as in the letters to him diercted he was commanded; which he durst not but satisfy, because he was persuaded the pope's authority to have been so ample and peremptory, that there was no resisting or gainesaieng of him, sith, 
Vt medijs ludunt in aquis immania coete,  
Et patulo pisces quoslibet ore vorant: 
Antith, Christ. & Antichrist. pag. 24.   
Sic tenet imperium mortales inter, & omnes  
Diripit, illicita subdit & arte du●es,  
Omnibus insultans, sic subijcit impius orbem,  
Implicat atque suo regia colla iugo.   
This year also on saint Remigius day, which is the first of October, 
Euersden.  died Edmund earl of Cornwall, the son of earl Richard, that was also king of Almain; and because he left no issue behind him to inherit that earldom, the same returned to the crown. In the 29 year of king Edward's reign, 
Anno Reg. 29. Matth. Westm. Croxden.  on saint oswald day, or (as some have written) the friday after the feast of Peter Ad Vincula, his wife queen Margaret was delivered of her second son, that had to name Edmund of Woodstoke, year 1301 surnamed so of the place where he was borne. ¶ The king also this year after Christmas held a parliament at Lincoln, to the which the earls and barons of the realm came in armour, to the end (as it is said) that they might procure of the king the more speedy execution of the charter of forests, which by him had hitherto been delayed, but now that he perceived their earnestness and importunate suit, he condescended to their wills in all things.  
Pope Boniface being solicited by the instant suit of the Scotishmen, 
Pope Boniface prohibiteth the king of England further to vex the Scots.  and offended also that the lands in England, which belonged unto Edward Balliol son of john Balliol, were not to the same Edward restored, he eftsoons wrote to king Edward; forbidding him from thence forth any further to vex the Scots by wars, because that the kingdom of Scotland was surrendered already into his hands by the general consent of the Scotishmen themselves, and therefore was it in his power to bestow and take away the same to whom or from whom soever it should please him.  
¶ There were reasons alleged why the king of England seemed to do wrong in challenging as then the kingdom of Scotland: and amongst other, 
N. Trivet.  one was, that such homage as had been done of ancient time to the kings of England, by the kings of the Scots, was only meant for Tindale, Penreth, and such other lands as the Scotish kings held within England, and not for the realm of Scotland. And whereas the kings of Scotland had aided the kings of England in their wars against the rebels of the realm of England, and been present at their coronation, the same was done of special favour, and not of duty. K. Edward having received the pope's prescript, and well considered the whole contents thereof, sent in writing his answer at large, proving by evident reasons that the right of propriety in the kingdom of Scotland, did most justly appertain unto him, and that the allegations were not true, but forged, which had been by surmised information presented against him.  
Beside the king's letters, which he wrote in his own behalf, there was an other letter devised and written by all the lords temporal of the land, assembled in parliament at Lincoln, in which letter they answered in name of all the estates there gathered, unto that point wherein the pope pretended a right to be judge for the title of the realm of Scotland, protesting flatly, that they would not consent that their king should do any thing that might tend to the disheriting of the right of the crown of England, and plain overthrow of the state of the same realm, and also hurt of the liberties, customs, and laws of their fathers, sith it was never known, that the kings of this land had answered or ought to answer for their rights in the same realm, afore any judge ecclesiastical or secular.  
The tenor of the foresaid letter indicted and directed to pope Boniface.  line 10 
TO our most holy father in Christ, Boniface by God's providence high bishop of the holy Roman and universal church, his devout sons john earl Warren, Thomas earl of Lancaster, Ralph de Monthermer earl of Gloucester and Hereford, Humphrey de Bohun earl of Hertford and Essex and constable of England, Roger Bigod earl of line 20 Norfolk, and marshal of England, Guy earl of Warwick, Richard earl of Arundel, Adomare de Ualence lord of Monterney, Henry de Lancaster lord of Monmouth; john de Hastings lord of Bergevennie, Henry de Perrie lord of Topclife, Edmund de Mortimer lord of Wigmor, Robert Fitz Walter lord of Wodham, john de S. john lord of Hannake, line 30 Hugh de Ueer lord of Swanestampe, William de Breuse lord of Gower, Robert de Monthault lord of Hawarden, Robert de Tateshall lord of Wokeham, Reignold de Grey lord of Ruthin, Henry de Grey lord of Coduore, Hugh Bardolfe lord of Wormegaie, Robert de Clifford chatellaine of Appelbie, Peter de mallow lord of Mulgreene, Philip lord of Kime, Robert Fitz Roger lord of Claverings, john de line 40 Mohun lord of Dunester, Almerike de S. Amound lord of Widehaie, William de Ferrer lord of Grobie, Alane de Zouche lord of Ashbie, Theobald de Uerdon lord of Webbeley, Thomas de Furnival lord of Schefield, Thomas de Multon lord of Egremont, William Latimer lord of Torbie, Thomas lord Berkley, Foulke Fitz Warren lord of Mitingham, john lord line 50 Segraue, Edmund de Eincourt lord of Thurgerton, Peter Corbet lord of cause, William de Cantelowe lord of Ravensthorpe, john de Beauchampe lord of Hacche, Roger de Mortimer lord of Penkethlin, john Fitz Reignold lord of Blenleveny Ralph de Nevil lord of Rabie, Brian Fitz Alane lord of Bedale, William Martial lord of Hengham, Walter lord Huntercombe, line 60 William Martin lord of Cameis, Henry de these lord of Chilton, Roger le Ware lord of Isefield, john de Rivers lord of Augre. john de Lancaster lord of Grisedale, Robert Fitz Pain lord of Lainnier, Henry Tregoz lord of Garinges, Robert Hipard lord of Lomford, Walter lord Fancomberge, Roger le Strange lord of Ellesmer, john le Strange lord of Cnokin, Thomas de Chances lord of Norton, Walter de Beauchampe lord of Alecester, Richard Talbot lord of Eccleswell, john Butetourt lord of Mendesham, john Engain lord of Colum, Hugh de Poinz lord of Cornevalet, Adam L. of Wells, Simon L. Montacute, john L. Sulle, john de Melles or Moelles L. of Candeburie, Edmund baron Stafford, 
Hastings I take it.  john Lovel lord of Hackings, Edmund de N. lord of Elchimhonokes, Ralph Fitz William L. of Grimthorpe, Robert de Scales lord of Neusels, William Tuchet lord of Lewenhales, john Abadan lord of Deverston, john de Haverings lord of Grafton, Robert la Ward lord of Whitehall, Nicholas de Segraue lord of Stow, Walter de Tey L. of Stongrave, john de Lisle lord of Wodton, Eustace lord Hacche, Gilbert Peche L. of Corbie, William Painell lord Trachington, Rog. de Albo monasterio, 
Whitemins●● I think.  Foulke le Strange lord of Corsham, Henry de Pinkenie lord of Wedon, john de Hodeleston lord of Aneiss, john de Huntingfield lord of Bradenham, Hugh Fitz Henry lord of Raveneswath, john Daleton lord of Sporle, Nicholas de carry lord of Mulesford, 
Thus far 〈◊〉 of M Parkins of the inner temple.  Thomas lord de la Roche, Wal. de Muncie lord of Thornton, john Fitz Marmaduke lord of Horden, john lord of Kingston, Robert Hastings the father lord of Chebessey, Ralph lord Grendon, William lord of Leiborne, john de Greistocke lord of Morpath, Matthew Fitz john lord of Stokenham, Nicholas de Nevell lord of Wherlton, and john Painell lord of Ateli, with all humble submission.  
The holy mother church, 
Out of master Fox. pag. 427.  by whose ministery the catholic see is governed, in her deeds (as we throughly believe and hold) proceedeth with that ripeness in judgement, that she will be hurtful to none, but like a mother would every man's right be kept unbroken, aswell in another, as in herself. Whereas therefore in a general parliament called at Lincoln of late, by our most dread lord Edward by the grace of God the noble king of England; the same our lord caused certain letters received from you to be read openly, and to be declared seriously afore us, about certain business touching the condition and state of the realm of Scotland: we did not a little muse and marvel with ourselves, hearing the meanings concerning the same, so wondrous and strange as the like we have not heard at any time before. For we know most holy father, and it is well known aswell within this realm of England (as also not unknown to other persons beside) that from the first beginning of the realm of England, the certain and direct government of the realm of Scotland in all temporal causes from time to time belonged to the kings of the same realm of England and realm of Scotland, aswell in the times both of the Britain's as also Englishmen, yea rather the same realm of Scotland of old time was in fee to the ancestors of our foresaid lords kings of England, yea and to himself.  
Furthermore, the kings of Scots and the realm have not been under any other than the kings of England, and the kings of England have answered or ought to answer for their rights in the foresaid realm, or for any his temporalities before any judge ecclesiastical or secular, by reason of free pre-eminence of the state of his royal dignity and custom kept without breach at all times. Wherefore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation of the contents in your foresaid letters, this was the common line 10 agreement & consent with one mind, and shall be without fail in time to come by God's grace, that our foresaid lord the king ought by no means to answer in judgement in any case, or should bring his foresaid rights into doubt, nor ought not to send any proctor's or messengers to your presence, specially seeing that the premises tend manifestly to the disheriting of line 20 the right of the crown of England, and the plain overthrow of the state of the said realm, and also hurt of the liberties, customs and laws of our fathers, for the keeping & defence of which we are bound by the duty of the oath made, and we will maintain them with all power, and will defend them (by God's help) with all strength; and furthermore, will not suffer our foresaid lord the king to do or by any line 30 means attempt the premises being so unaccustomed, unwont, and not hard of afore. Wherefore we reverently and humbly beseech your holiness, that ye would suffer the same our lord king of England (who among other princes of the world showeth himself catholic and devout to the Romish church) quietly to enjoy his rights, liberties, customs, and laws aforesaid: line 40 without all impairing and trouble, and let them continue untouched. In witness whereof, we have set our seals to these presents, as well for us, as for the whole commonalty of the foresaid realm of England. Dated at Lincoln the twelfth of February, in the year of our Lord 1301, Et anno Edwardi primi 29.  
The pope when he heard and deliberately pondered line 50 the kings answer, with this letter directed to him from the English barons, waxed cold in the matter, 
The K. goeth to Scotland.  and followed it no further. The truce betwixt the king and the Scots being once expired, the king assembled his army, and went into Scotland, about the feast of saint john Baptist, and tarrying there all the summer and winter following, his soldiers lost many of their great horses for lack of forage, which could not be gotten in the cold winter season. 
Anno. Reg. 30 1302  He kept his Christmas at Lithquo, and at line 60 length at the request and suit of his brother in law the French king, 
I truce granted to the Scots.  he granted eftsoons a truce to the Scotishmen, until the feast of All saints next ensuing.  

The king returneth into England.  Then having ordered his business for that time in Scotland, he returned into England, and about midlent called a parliament at London. Also this year pope Boniface upon displeasure conceived against the French king, 
The pope exhorteth the K. of England to make war against France.  sent unto king Edward, exhorting him to make wars against the same French king, and to persuade him the more easily thereunto, he promised him great aid: but the king of England having proved the said pope, not the surest man in friendship towards him, forbore to attempt any forcible exploit against the French king, trusting by some other means to recover his right.  
This year Humphrey Bohun earl of Hereford departed out of this life, 
The decease of the earl of Hereford.  after whom succeeded his son Humphrey, who afterwards married the king's daughter, Elizabeth countess of Holland, after that her first husband was dead. Tourneys, 
Re. Tur. Tourneys prohibited.  jousts, barriers, and other warlike exercises, which young lords and gentlemen had appointed to exercise for their pastime in diverse parts of the realm, were forbidden by the king's proclamations sent down to be published by the sheriffs in every county abroad in the realm: the teste of the writ was from Westminster the sixteenth of julie. ¶ The citizens of Bordeaux could not bear the yoke of the French bondage, and therefore this year about Christmas expelled them out of their city. ¶ Shortly after the French king doubting least the king of England, by the setting on of the pope, should make wars against him for wrongful detaining of Gascoine, to purchase his favour, 
Towns restored to the k. in Gascoine.  restored to him all that which he held in Gascoine, and so then they of Bordeaux also submitted themselves to the king of England of their own accord.  
Now after that the truce with the Scots was expired, which took end at the feast of All saints last passed, the king sent the lord john Segraue, 
Polydor. The lord Segraue sent with an army into Scotland.  a right valiant knight (but not so circumspect in his government as was necessary) with a great army into Scotland, to have the rule of the land as lord warden of the same: with him was joined also Ralph Confreie, treasurer of the army. These two captains coming to the borders, 
Abington. Polydor.  and hearing that the Scotishmen already were in arms, they entered into Scotland, and in order of battle passed forth to Edinburgh, and hearing nothing of their enemies which kept them still in the mounteins, they divided their army into three several battles, two of the which came behind the fore ward under the leading of the said Ralph Confreie, the third (that is to say) the fore ward, the lord Segraue led himself, in such order that there was the distance of four miles betwixt their lodgings. This they did to be the more plenteously served of victuals.  
But the Scots understanding this order of their enemies, became the more hardy, and thereupon having knowledge where the lord Segraue was lodged with his company, a good way off from the other two parts of the army, they hasted forwards in the night season, and came near unto the place where the same lord Segraue was encamped, a little before day, making themselves ready to assail the Englishmen in their camp. But the lord Segraue having knowledge of their coming, though he was counseled by some of them that were about him, either to withdraw unto the other battles, or else to send unto them to come to his aid, he would follow neither of both the ways; but like a captain more hardy than wise in this point, disposed his companies which he had there in order to fight, and encouraging them to play the men, immediately upon the rising of the sun, and that his enemies approached, he caused the trumpets to sound to the battle, and gave therewith the ouset.  
The fight was sore and doubtful for a while, till the Englishmen overcome with the multitude of their enemies began to be slain on each side, so that few escaped by flight. To the number of twenty worthy knights were taken, 
The English men vanquished by the Scots.  with their captain the said lord Segraue being sore wounded, but he was by chance rescued and delivered out of the enemies hands, by certain horsemen, which under the leading of the lord Robert Nevell a right valiant knight (upon hearing the noise of them that fled) came on the spurs out of the next camp to the succour of their fellows. 
Abington.  
Ralph Confreie was slain at this encounter, as Abington saith.  Ralph Confreie after this mishap (as Polydore saith) brought back the residue of the army into England, not thinking it necessary to attempt any further enterprise at that time against the enemies, overmatching him both in strength and number. This encounter chanced on the first sunday in Lent. ¶ I remember the Scotish chronicles contain much more line 10 of this enterprise greatly to their glory, and more (haply) than is true, as by conferring the place where they entreat of it, with this that I have here exemplified out of our writers it may well appear. The earl Martial having spent largely whilst he stood in contention against the king, who was now earnestly called upon to repay such sums of money as he had borrowed of his brother john Bigod, 
N. Trivet. The earl Martial resigneth his lands unto the king.  who was very rich by reason of such benefices and spiritual livings as he had in his hands, the earl because line 20 he had no children, to whom he might leave his lands, meant to have left them unto his said brother: but when he saw him so importunate in calling for the debts which he ought him; he took such displeasure therewith, that to obtain the king's favour, and to disappoint his brother of the inheritance, he gave unto the king all his possessions, upon condition that the king adding thereto other lands in value worth a thousand marks by year, should restore them to him again to enjoy during his life, the remainder line 30 after his decease to come unto the king, and further, the king should pay and discharge him of all his debts.  
King Edward being advertised of the loss which his men had sustained in Scotland, 
A subsidy.  streightwaies called a parliament, wherein by assent of the states a subsidy was granted, towards the maintenance of his wars, and then the same being levied he assembled his people, 
The king goeth in person into Scotland.  and shortly after about Whitsuntide entered into Scotland to revenge the death of his line 40 men. The Scots hearing of the kings coming, fled into the mounteins, mosses, and marish grounds, not once showing any countenance to fight any set battle with the English host, so that the king in manner without resistance passed through the country even unto Cathnes, 
Cathnes.  which is the furthest part of all Scotland. Many of the Scots perceiving their lack of power to resist the English puissance, came to king Edward, 
The Scots submit themselves to the king.  and submitted themselves, with condition that they should enjoy their lands which he line 50 had given away to his lords, they redeeming the same with convenient fines, which was granted.  

Abington. William Waleis.  But Will. Waleis with certain other, keeping themselves in places where no army could come to pursue them, would never give ear to any conditions of agreement: 
Polydor. Hect. Boetius. ja. Meir.  so that neither with fear, neither with offer of rewards could this Waleis be induced to follow or behold the English K. ruling the realm of Scotland. King Edward returning back, came to the castle of Striueling (which the Scotishmen line 60 held against him) and besieged it. 

Anno Reg. 32. Striueling castle besieged.  
Abington.   The king himself lay at Dunfersing the most part of the winter: and whilst he lay there, the queen which had lain a long time at Tinmouth came to him, and when the winter was once past, 
1●04  the king himself came to the siege, 
Engines to cast stones.  and caused certain engines of wood to be raised up against the castle, which shot off stones of two or three hundred weight: but yet would not they within once talk of any surrender. And where the Englishmen filled the ditches with wood and boughs of trees, they set the same on fire, and burned them to ashes: at length the ditches were filled with stones and earth, so that then the Scots within perceiving themselves in evident peril to lose the castle, on saint Margaret's day they yielded themselves simply into the king's hands, as the English writers affirm, though the Scotish writers record the contrary.  
Finally, when the king had ordered all his business in Scotland at his pleasure, he returned into England, leaving in Scotland for warden the lord john Segraue, 
Polydor.  or (as other writers have) sir Aimer de Ualence earl of Penbroke. 
Tho. Wals. The earl of Penbroke lord Warde● of Scotland. N. Trivet. Polydor.  At his coming to York he caused the justices of his bench, and the barons of the excheker to remove with their courts, and all their clerks and officers, together with the lord chancellor and his court to London, that the terms might be kept there, as in times past they had been, whereas now the same had remained at York above the space of six years, upon this consideration, that the king and his council might be near unto Scotland to provide for the defence thereof, as occasion from time to time should require. From York he came to Lincoln, and there remained all the winter, holding a council, in the which he eftsoons confirmed the articles of Magna charta, touching the liberties, privileges and immunities of his subjects, the which to declare their thankful minds towards him for the same, granted to him for the space of one year the fifteenth part of all their revenues. 
A fifteenth granted.  Others writ that the king had in this year of citizens and of the burgesses of good towns, the sixth penny according to the valued rate of their goods.  
About the same time, Thomas Colebrugh or Corbridge archbishop of York departed this life, 
The deceased of the archbishop of York Wil Gréenefield made archbishop of York.  and one William Greenefield doctor of both the laws succeeded him. ¶ There died about the same time that valiant knight the lord W. Latimer. ¶ Also john Warren earl of Surrey and Sussex died this year & was buried at jews. His nephew by his son (named also john) succeeded him, obtaining to wife the king's niece by his daughter Elinor that was married to the earl of Bar, as before ye have heard. Likewise Robert Bruce earl of Carrike, 
Robert Bruce earl of Carrike departeth this life.  the fift of that name died this year, who was father to that Robert Bruce that was after K. of Scots. ¶ Moreover, about this season the king ordained certain commissioners of justiciaries, to make inquisitions through the realm, 
N. Trivet. Inquisitions taken of the misdemeanours of justices. Caxton.  by the verdict of substantial juries upon all officers, as majors, sheriffs, bailiffs, exchetors, and other that had misused themselves in their offices, either by extortion, bribery, or otherwise, to the grievance of the people, contrary to that they rightly might do and justify by virtue of their offices: by means of which inquisitions many were accused and found culpable, and thereupon put to grievous fines. 
justices fined.   
Also the justices, which were assigned to take these inquisitions, 
Matth. Westm.  extended the same according to their commission against such as had made intrusions into other men's lands, and for doubt to be impleaded for the same had made alienations over into the hands of great men; 
Intrusions punished, and other offences against the king's peace and justice.  also against such barrators as used to take money to beat any man, and again would not stick to take money of him whom they had so beaten, to beat him that first hired them to beat the other. The malice of such manner people was now restrained by force of these inquisitions: for such as were found culpable, were worthily punished, some by death, and some by ransoms: diverse also for fear to come to their answers fled the realm: also forfeits against the crown were straightly looked unto, found out, and levied; 
Forfeits.  by reason whereof great sums of money came to the king's coffers, which holp well towards the maintenance and charges of his wars. This kind of inquisition was named commonly Trail baston, which signifieth, Trail or draw the staff. 
Nic. Trivet. Trail basto●  And forsomuch as the proceeding in this wise against such misdemeanours as then were used, brought so great a benefit to the realm in restraining such malefactors, which greatly (as should seem) disquieted the state of the commonwealth, I have thought good to set down the substance of the same, as followeth.  

An extract of the foresaid writ, as it is registered in the book that belonged to the abbeie of Abington. line 10  
REx dilectis & fidelibus suis, Radulfo filio Wilhelmi, & johanni de Barton de Riton salutem. Quia quàm plures malefactores, & pacis nostrae perturbatores, homicidia, depraedationes, incendia, & alia damna quàm plurima nocte diéque perpetrantes, vagantur in boscis, parcis, & alijs locis diversis, tam infra libertates quàm extra, in comitatu Eboracensi, & line 20 ibidem receptantur in maximum periculum tam hominum per partes illas transeuntium, quàm ibidem commorantium, in nostri contemptum, ac pacis nostrae laesionem manifestam, ut accepimus: per quorum incursum poterunt peiora peioribus de facili evenire, nisi remedium super hoc citiùs apponatur, nos eorum malitiae in hac part obuiare, & huiusmodidamnis & periculis praecavere volentes, assignamus vos ad inquirendum per sacramentum tam militum quàm aliorum proborum & legalium line 30 hominum, de contemptu praedicto, tam infra libertates quàm extra, per quos ipsa veritas meliùs sciri poterit, qui sint illi malefactores & pacis nostrae perturbatores, & eos conduxerunt & conducunt ad verberandum, vulnerandum, malè tractandum, & interficiendum, plures de regno nostro in ferijs, mercarijs, & alijs locis in dicto comitatu, pro inimicitia, invidia, aut malitia. Et etiam pro eo quòd in assisis iuratis, recognitionibus, & inquisitionibus line 40 factis de felonijs positifuerant, & veritatem dixerunt: unde per conditionem huiusmodi malefactorum, iuratores assisarum, iurationum, recognitionum, & inquisitionum illarum, pro timore dictorum malefactorum, & eorum minarum, saepiùs veritatem dicere, seu dictos malefactores indictare minimè ausifuerunt, & sunt. Et ad inquirendum de illis qui huiusmodi munera dederunt, & dant, & quantum, & quibus, & qui huiusmodi munera receperunt, & à quibus & qualiter, & quo modo, line 50 & qui huiusmodi malefactores fovent, nutriunt, & manutenent in comitatu praedicto, & ad ipsos malefactores tamper vos, quàm per vicecomitem nostrum comitatus praedicti arrestandos, & prisonae nostrae liberandos, & saluò & securè in eadem per vicecomitem comitatus praedicti custodiendos, it a quòd ab eadem prisona nullo modo deliberentur, sine mandato nostro speciali. line 60  
Et ideo vobis mandamus, quòd ad certos diem & locum, quos ad hoc provideritis, inquisitiones illas faciatis. Et assumpto vobiscum sufficienti pass comitatus praedicti, si necesse fuerit, dictos malefactores coram vobis sic indictatos, arrestetis, & ipsos prisonae nostrae liberetis, informa praedicta: & etiam omnia bona, & catalla ipsorum malefactorum qui se subtraxerint, & fugam fecerint, postquam de felonijs aliquibus coram vobis solenniter indictati fuerint, per vicecomitem comitatus praedicti, in manum nostram capiatis, & ea ad opus nostrum saluò custodire faciatis, donec aliud inde vobis praeceperimus. Mandamus enim vicecomiti nostro comitatus praedicti, quòd ad certos diem & locum, quos vos providere duxeritis, venire faciat, coram vobis tot & tales, tam milites quàm alios, quos habere decreveritis, de comitatu illo, tam infra libertates, quàm extra, per quos ipsa veritas meliùs sciri poterit, & inquiri. Et quod omnes illos quos per inquisitionem culpabiles invenire contigerit, & quos vos sic liberaveritis, à nobis recipiantur, & quorum nomina eye scire faciatis, assumpto secum sufficienti posse comitatus praedicti, sine dilatione arrestari, & in prisona nostra saluò & securè custodire faciat in forma praedicta, & communitati dicti comitatus, quod simul cum vicecomite praedicto, vobis quotienscúnque opus fuerit in praemissis pareat, assistat, & intendat, prout eis iniungetis ex part nostra. In cuius reitestimonium, etc. ¶ Hereunto were annexed certain articles by way of instructions, of what points they should inquire, as partly above is noted out of the addition to Matthew West. but not so fully, as in the said chronicle of Abington is found expressed, and here for briefness omitted.   
In the three and thirtieth year of his reign, 
Anno Reg. 33. 1305  king Edward put his son prince Edward in prison, because that he had riotously broken the park of Walter Langton bishop of Chester; 
Prince Edward committed to ward. Caxton. Fabian.  and because the prince had done this deed by the procurement of a lewd and wanton person, one Péers Gavaston, an esquire of Gascoine, the king banished him the realm, lest the prince, who delighted much in his company, might by his evil and wanton counsel fall to evil and naughty rule. Moreover, 
William Waleis taken & put to death. Rich. South.  the same year, William Waleis was taken, and delivered unto king Edward, who caused him to be brought to London, where on S. Bartholomew's even, he was conveyed through the streets unto Westminster, and there arraigned of high treason, and condemned, and thereupon hanged, drawn and quartered, his head was set over London bridge, his right side over the bridge at Newcastle upon Tine, his left side was sent to Berwick and there set up, his right leg was sent to S. john's town, and his left unto Aberden, in which places the same were set up for an example of terror to others.  
Also, about the same time, the king of France required the king of England by messengers and letters sent unto him, 
N. Trivet.  that he would banish all the Flemings out of his realm, in like manner as at his instance he had lately before banished all the Scotishmen out of France. 

Flemings banished the land, at contemplation of the king of France.  
Abington. The archbishop of Canturburie accused by the K. Nic. Trivet. He is suspended.   The king of England was contented so to do, and by that means were all the Flemings avoided out of this land at that season, but shortly after, they returned again. King Edward accused Robert archbishop of Canturburie unto the pope, for that he should go about to trouble the quiet state of the realm, and to defend and secure rebellious persons, whereupon the said archbishop being cited to the pope's consistory, was suspended from executing his office, till he should purge himself by order of law, of such crimes as were laid and objected against him. The king also obtained an absolution of the pope, of the oath which against his will he had taken, for the observing of the liberties exacted by force of him, by the earls and barons of his realm, namely, touching disforresting to be made.  
This year, Robert Bruce, 
Anno Reg. 34. 1306  contriving ways how to make himself king of Scotland, the nine & twentieth day of januarie, 
john lord Coming slain by Robert Bruce.  slew the lord john Coming at Dunfrice, whilst the king's justices were sitting in judgement within the castle there, and upon the day of the Annunciation of our lady, caused himself to be crowned king of Scotland at Scone, where the countess of Boughan, that was secretly departed from her husband the earl of Boughan, and had taken with her all his great horses, 
The countess of Boughan set the crown on Robert Bruce his head.  was ready to set the crown upon R. Bruces head, in absence of her brother the earl of Fife, to whom (being in England) sojourning at his manor of Whitwike in Leicestershire, that office of right appertained. This countess being afterwards taken the same year by the Englishmen, 
She is taken.  where other would have had her put to death, line 10 the king would not grant thereunto, but commanded that she should be put in a cage made of wood, 
Her punishment.  which was set upon the walls of the castle of Berwick, that all such as passed by might behold her; too slender a punishment for so great an offence. But the king counted it no honour to be severe against that sex whom nature tendereth, though malefactors, and therefore was content with a mild correction tending rather to some shame than smart, to recompense her offence, line 20 whereby she procured against herself no less reproach than she sustained, agreeable to the old saying. Saepe suum proprium fecit puer ipse flagellum  
There were present at his coronation four bishops, five earls, and a great multitude of people of the land. Immediately upon the news brought to the king of Bruces coronation, 
An army sent into Scotland.  he sent forth a power of men, under the conduct of the earl of Penbroke, and of the lord Henry Percy, the lord Robert Clifford, and others, to resist the attempts of the Scots, now ready to work some mischief, through line 30 the encouragement of the new king. Edward prince of Wales was made knight this year at London upon Witsundaie, 

Prince Edward made knight.  
Three hundred saith Matth. West.   & a great number of other young bachelors with him (297 as Abington writeth) the which were sent streightwaies with the said prince towards Scotland, to join with the earl of Penbroke, to resist the attempts of the new king Robert le Bruce and his complices. 
Prince Edward sent into Scotland.  King Edward himself followed. The general assembly of the army was appointed at Carleill, fifteen days after the Nativity line 40 of saint john Baptist, from thence to march forth under the guiding of the prince into Scotland.  
In the mean time, Robert le Bruce went abroad in the countries of Scotland, 
Robert Bruce.  received the homages of many Scotishmen, and got together an army of men, with the which he approached near to saint john's town, 
Abington.  into the which the earl of Penbroke was a little before entered to defend it, with three hundred men of arms, beside footmen. Then R. Bruce sent to the earl to come out and give battle, the earl sent line 50 unto him word again, that he would not fight that day being sunday, 
It was the next sunday after midsummer day.  but upon the next morrow he would satisfy his request. Robert Bruce hereupon withdrew a mile back from the town, determining to rest himself and his people that night. About evening tide came the earl forth of the town with his people in order of battle, 
Rob. Bruce out to flight by the earl of Penbroke.  and assailing his enemies upon a sudden, slew diverse yer they could get their armour on their backs. Robert Bruce and others line 60 that had some space to arm themselves made some resistance for a while, but at length the Englishmen put them to the worse, so that they were constrained to flee.  

Rob. Bruce fled into Kentire.  The earl following the chase, pursued them even into Kentire, not resting till he understood that a great number of them were gotten into a castle, which he besieged, in hope to have found Robert Bruce within it, but he was fled further into the country. Howbeit, his wife and his brother Nigell or neal, 

His wife and brother are taken.  
The earl of Itholl taken. Fabian.   with diverse other were taken in this castle, and sent in safety unto Berwick. Also shortly after, the earl of Athol was taken, being fled out of the same castle. ¶ But some writ, that this earl was taken in the battle last remembered, after long fight and great slaughter of Scots, to the number of seven thousand, and also that in the chase, the lord Simon de Friseill was taken, with the bishops of saint Andrews and Glasco, the abbot of Scone, and the said earl of Athol, named sir john Chambres. The bishops and abbot, 
Nic. Trivet. Matth. West.  king Edward sent unto pope Innocent, with report of their perjury: but others writ, that the foresaid bishops and abbot being taken indeed the same year, were brought into England, and there kept as prisoners within sunbrie castles.  
The wife of Robert le Bruce being daughter to the earl of Ulster, was sent unto the manor of Brustwike, and there honourably used, having a convenient number of servants appointed to wait on her. The earl of Ulster her father, 
Bruces 〈◊〉 whose daughter she was.  in the beginning of these last wars, sent unto king Edward two of his own sons to remain with him, in such wise as he should think convenient, to assure himself of him, that he would attempt nothing against the English subjects. Also it was said, that the lady herself, the same day her husband and she should be crowned, said, 
The saying of Robert Bruces wi●e.  that she feared they should prove but as a summer king and queen, such as in country towns the young folks choose for sport to danse about maipoles. For these causes was she the more courteously used at the king's hands, as reason no less required.  
It should appear by Robert Fabian, that the king was present himself at this battle: but other affirm, 
Polydor.  that prince Edward was there as general and not his father, and that the battle was fought at Dunchell upon the river of Tay. But neither the Scotish chronicles nor Nicholas Trivet (whom in the history of this king Edward the first, we have most followed) make any mention, 
Nic. Trivet  that either the king or prince should be at the foresaid battle, but that the earl of Penbroke with Robert lord Clifford, and Henry lord Percy were sent before (as ye have already heard) with an army, by whom as appeareth this victory was obtained, at a place called Methfen. 

Matth. West. Methfen. The castle of Lochdore taken, and Christopher Seiton within it.  
Nic Trivet. He is executed.   After this was the castle of Lochdore taken, and within it Christopher Seiton, that had married the sister of Robert le Bruce; and because he was no Scot but an Englishman borne, the king commanded that he should be led unto Dunfrise, where he had killed one of the king's knights, and there to be hanged, drawn and quartered.  
The wife of this Christopher Seiton, he appointed to be kept in the monastery of Thixell in Lindsey; and the daughter of Robert le Bruce, which was also taken about the same time, was sent to the monastery of Waiton. Moreover, 
His lands given away by the king.  the manor of Seiton in Whitebestroud he gave unto the lord Edmund de Mauley, and those other lands that belonged unto the said Christopher Seiton in Northumberland he gave unto the lord William Latimer. 
The lands 〈◊〉 Rob. Bruce given away. The earl of Hereford.  The lands that belonged to the new Scotish king he bestowed in this wise, to Henry Bohun earl of Hereford, which had married one of king Edward's daughters, he gave the lordships of Annandale; Heart & Hertnes he gave unto the lord Robert Clifford, 
Lord Clifford  saving always the right yet that belonged to the church of Durham, Tottenham, and Totenhamshire; and the manner of Wrothell in the south parts he gave to other noble men; and the earldom of Carrike which R. Bruce had holden, as by inheritance from his mother, the king gave to the lord Henry Percy, the earldom of Athol he gave to Ralph de Monthermer earl of Gloucester, 
The lord 〈◊〉 Percy. Ralph de Mōther●●●.  who had also married (as before ye have heard) an other of the king's daughters, after the decease of her first husband Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester.  
About the feast of saint Michael, the new Scotish king Robert le Bruce returned forth of the Isles (into the which he had fled) with many Irishmen and Scots in his company, and remained a certain time in Kentire, he sent certain of his officers, to levy and gather up the rents of the fermes due at the feast of saint Martin for such lands and possessions as they held in that country, 
The L. Percy put to flight by the Scotish king Bruce.  whereof the lord Percy being advertised, hasted thither; but the new king coming upon him, slew certain of his men, took his horses and plate, with other things, and drove him into a castle, within the which he besieged him, line 10 till at length by a power sent from king Edward, Bruce was constrained to departed. The king in this mean time was come to Lavercost near to Carleill, and there remained a long time. From thence he sent his justices unto Berwick, where they sat in judgement upon Nigell Bruce, and the other prisoners taken with him, 
Nigell or neal Bruce condemned and executed.  which were condemned to die, and so they were hanged, drawn and quartered. The earl of Athol was conveyed to London, and although he sued for pardon in respect of that he was line 20 of kin to the king, yet was he hanged upon a gibbet higher than all the residue, his body burned under the same gibbet, 
The earl of Athol executed.  and his head first cut off, was set upon a pole over London bridge for example sake that traitors should look for no pardon.  
The elect archbishop of York William Gréenefield was confirmed this year by pope Clement the fift, at the city of Lions in France, where the same pope was crowned about the same time, and held his court there, living chiefly by the money which he got line 30 of bishops that came to him for their confirmations: he had of the said archbishop of York within one year, 
The sums of money which the pope had of the archbish. of York.  nine thousand and 500 marks, besides the expenses which he was at whilst he lay there, and so when this archbishop was returned into England, through poverty he was driven to gather money of the persons, priests, and religious men within his province at two sundry times in one year, as first, in name of a courtesy and gracious benevolence, and the second time by way of an aid. line 40  
Moreover, pope Clement ordained Anthony bishop of Durham, patriarch of jerusalem, dispensing with him, so as he held still the bishopric of Durham, notwithstanding his other promotion; and this was, because the bishop was rich, and the pope poor. For this bishop might dispend in yearly revenues by purchases & inheritances, 
The great revenues of Anthony B. of Durham.  besides that belonged to his mitre, above five thousand marks, and he gave great rewards to the pope, and to his cardinals, by means whereof he obtained in suit against the prior line 50 of Durham, so that he had the charge and oversight of the monastery of Durham, both the spiritual government and temporal, through informing the pope, that the prior was not able in discretion to rule the house. At his returning home, he caused a cross of silver and gilt, adorned with an image of the crucifix, to be borne afore him.  
But where he appointed certain persons as his deputies to enter into the priory of Durham, and to take charge thereof in place of the prior, 
He is kept out of the abbeie 〈◊〉 Durham.  the monks line 60 shut the gates against them, appealing to the pope, and pretending the king's protection, which they had purchased. But those that thus came in the bishop's name, accursed the monks, & so departed. The king héerewith was highly offended, so that he caused them to answer the matter afore the justices of his bench, and for their presumption in pronouncing the curse, without making the king privy to their doings, 
●e is summoned to appear before the K. 〈◊〉 refuseth.  they were put to their fines. And whereas the bishop was summoned to appear before the king in person at a certain day, he made default, and departing out of the realm, got back again to the pope, contrary to the king's prohibition: whereupon the liberties of the see of Durham were seized into the king's hands, and the king placed his justices and chancellor there, and in the year next ensuing, he exacted of the tenants of the archbishopric, the thirteenth penny of their goods, and otherwise vexed them with sundry tallages.  
The conclusion of this matter was this, that the prior was cited by the pope, 
The conclusion of the strife betwixt the bishop and monks of Durham.  to appear at his consistory, whither he went, having the king's letters in his favour directed to the pope; whereupon, when the pope had examined the matter, and heard the prior speak in his own person, he perceived him to be otherwise than he was informed (a sober and discreet man) and therefore restored him again to the government of his house; but he remained in the pope's court, till after the king's death, and finally died there himself in the year 1307. But now to return to other doings of king Edward. We find, that whilst he lay still at Lavercost, 
Bernard's castle given to the earl of Warwick.  he gave to the earl of Warwick Bernard's castle, the which he had by escheat, through forfeiture thereof made by john Balliol late king of Scotland. He also took and seized into his hands Penreth with the appurtenances.  
In the octaves of S. Hilary, 
Anno. Reg. 35. 1307  the king held a parliament at Carleill, in the which, by the peers of the realm, great complaint was made of the oppressions done to churches, abbeys, and monasteries, 
A parliament at Carleill.  by reason of payments lately raised and taxed by one master William or Guilelmo Testa the ●●pes chaplain. 
William Testa the pope's chaplain inhibited to levy money.  Commandment therefore was given to the same chaplain, that from thenceforth he should not levy any such payments; and for further remedy, messengers were made forth unto the pope, to declare unto him the inconvenience thereof. This Testa was sent from pope Clement into England with bulls, in the contents whereof it appeared, 
Abington.  that the pope had reserved to himself the first fruits of one years revenues of every benefice that fell void by any manner of means within the realm of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and likewise of all abbeys, priories, and monasteries; so that it may well be said of him & his retinue, according to the process of all their actions, as it was said of old, Curia Romana non quaerit ovem sine lana.  
But the king and lords of the land thought it against reason, that the pope should take and receive the profits of those abbeys and monasteries, which had been founded by their predecessors for the service of God, and the maintenance of almesdeeds, and good hospitality to be kept: and so the pope changed his purpose, touching abbeys, but granting to the K. the tenth of the English churches for two years, he obtained the first fruits of the same churches for himself, as before he required. 

A statute against the religious persons.  
N. Trivet.   In the same parliament were statutes made concerning religious men, which had their head and chiefest houses in foreign regions.  
There came also at the same time, 
Petrus Hispanus a cardinal sent from the pope.  a cardinal from the pope, named Petrus Hispanus, to procure the consummation of the marriage, betwixt the prince of Wales, and the French kings daughter; for the same was delayed, by reason that all covenants were not kept on the French kings behalf, touching the delivery of the towns in Gascoine. For whereas in times past, 
The cause of his coming.  the French king had given one of those towns that were taken from the Englishmen, named Mauleon, unto a French knight; he kept the same still, and would not deliver it now at the French kings commandment, wherethrough (as was said) the marriage had been hitherto deferred. The same cardinal by virtue of his bull, 
Matth. West. His demand of money of religious houses.  would have had of every cathedral church, college, abbeie, and priory, twelve marks of sterling money; and of every person of parish churches eight pence of every mark of his revenues. But the English clergy appealed from this exaction, so that by the king and his council it was ordained, that he should have no more than in times past cardinal Othobon did receive, that is to say, the half of his demand. Moreover, this cardinal being at Carleill, and having made a sermon in praise of peace, upon the conclusion of marriage betwixt the prince of Wales and the French kings daughter, 
The cardinal preacheth.  in the end he revested himself and the other bishops which were present, line 10 and then with candles light, and causing the bells to be rung, 
He accurseth Rob. Bruce. Nic. Trivet.  they accursed in terrible wise Robert Bruce the usurper of the crown of Scotland, with all his partakers, aiders and maintainers.  
Nevertheless, Robert Bruce in this mean while slept not his business, but ranging abroad in the country, slew many that would not obey him, and sent forth his two brethren, Thomas that was a knight, and Alexander that was a priest, with part of his army into an other quarter of the country, to allure line 20 the people unto his obedience, partly with gentleness, 
Thomas Bruce and Alexander Bruce taken.  and partly with menaces. But the Englishmen came upon them in the night and took them both, so that being brought before the justices they were condemned, and thereupon hanged, drawn and quartered. 
Matth. West.  ¶ Some write, that Duncan Magdoili, a man of great power in Galloway, took these two brethren prisoners, together with Reginald Crawford (being the principlas) on the ninth day of February, as they with certain other captains line 30 and men of war came by sea, and landed in his country, upon whom being seven hundred men, he with three hundred or few above that number boldly gave the onset, and not only took the said three persons prisoners, sore wounded as they were, with diverse other, but also slew Malcolme Makaile a lord of Kentice, and two Irish lords, whose heads, and the foresaid prisoners, he presented unto king Edward, who caused Thomas Bruce to be hanged, 
Tho. Bruce executed. Alexander Bruce & Reginald Crawford executed.  drawn and quartered, but the other two were only hanged and line 40 quartered at Carleill, where their heads were set up aloft on the castle and gates of the city.  
After Easter their brother Robert Bruce, calling himself king of Scotland, and having now augmented his army with many soldiers of the out-Iles, 
The earl of Penbroke put to f●ight.  fought with the earl of Penbroke and put him to flight, and slew some of his men though no● many. Within a few days after, he chased also the earl of Gloucester, into the castle of Air, and besieged him within the same, 
Bruce besiegeth the earl of Gloucester.  till an army was sent from king line 50 Edward to the rescue: for then the said Robert was constrained to flee, and the Englishmen followed, till he got into the woods and marshes, 
He is chased from that siege.  where they might come near him without manifest danger, to cast themselves away. ¶ The king of England, minding to make a full conquest of the Scots, and not to leave off until he had wholly subdued them, sent his commissions into England, commanding all those that ought him service, to be ready at Careleill within three weeks after Midsummer. He sent his son line 60 Edward into England, that upon knowledge had what the French king did touching the agreement, he might accordingly proceed in the marriage to be made with his daughter.  
After the prince was departed from the camp, his father king Edward was taken with sore sickness, yet he removed from Carleill, where the same sickness first took him, unto Burrough upon Sand, and there the day after being the seventh day of julie, 

The death of K. Edward the first.  
He is buried at Westminster.   he ended his life, after he had reigned 34 years, six months and one and twenty days. He lived 68 years and twenty days. His body was conveyed to London, and in the church of Westminster lieth buried. 
His issue.  He had issue by his first wife queen Elinor, four sons, john, Henry, Alfonse, & Edward which succeeded him, the other died long before their father. Also five daughters; Elinor, jone, Margaret, and Elizabeth, were bestowed in marriage as before in this book is expressed: the fift named Marie became a nun. By his second wife queen Margaret, he had two sons, Thomas of Brotherton, and Edmund of Woodstoke, with one daughter named Margaret after her mother.  
He was tall of stature, some what black of colour, strong of body, and lean, avoiding grossness, 
His stature and form 〈◊〉 body.  with continual exercise, of comely favour, and iettie eyes, the which when he waxed angry, would suddenly become reddish, and seem as though they sparkled with fire. The hair of his head was black and curled, 
His quality of mind.  he continued for the most part in good health of body, and was of a stout stomach, which never failed him in time of adversity. Moreover, he had an excellent good wit, for to whatsoever he applied his study, he easily attained to the understanding thereof: wise he was and virtuous, an earnest enemy of the high and presumptuous insolency of priests, the which he judged to proceed chiefly of too much wealth and riches: and therefore, 
He misliked the pride of prelates.  he devised to establish the statute of Mortmain, to be a bridle to their inordinate lusts and riotous excess. He built the abbeie of the vale royal in Cheshire, he was a constant friend, but if he once took displeasure or hatred against any person, he would not easily receive him into favour again: whilst he had any vacant time from weighty affairs, he spent lightly the same in hunting.  
Towards the maintenance of his wars and other charges, besides the subsidies which he levied of his people, and other revenues coming to his coffers, he had great help, 
Silver 〈◊〉  by reason of the silver mines which in his days were found in Devonshire, and occupied greatly to his profit, as in the records remaining in the excheker, concerning▪ the accounts and allowances about the same it doth and may appear. For in the accounts of master William de Wimondham, it is recorded, that betwixt the twelfth day of August, and the last of October, 
The same Wimondha● also receiue● 82 pounds▪ 〈◊〉 26 founder●● lead, out of 〈◊〉 which 〈…〉 by his accounts.  in the 22 year of this king Edward's reign, there was tried and fined out at Martinestowe in Devonshire by times, so much of fined silver▪ as amounted to the sum of 370 pounds' weight, which being brought to London, was there refined by certain finers, that plate might be forged thereof, for the lady Elinor duchess of Bar, and daughter to the said king, married in the year than last passed to the duke of Bar▪ as before ye have heard.  
In the 23 year of his reign, there was fined at the place aforesaid 521 pounds & ten shillings weight of silver by times, 
Betwixt th● 10 day of I●lie, and the ●● day of Oct●ber the same year.  which was also brought to London. In the 24 year of his reign, there were taken up 337 miners, within the wapentake of the Peake in Darbishire, and brought into Devonshire, to work there in those silver mines, as appeareth by the allowance demanded by the said master William de Wimondham in his roll of accounts, delivered that year into the excheker: and there was brought from thence to London the same year of silver fined and cast in wedges 700 four pounds, three shillings, one penny weight. In the 25 year of his reign, there were three hundred and forty eight miners brought again out of the Peake into Devonshine, and out of Wales there were brought also 25 miners, which all were occupied about those silver mines, beside others of the self country of Devonshire, and other places. Also Wil de Aulton clerk, keeper of the king's mines in Devonshire and Cornwall, was accountant of the issues and profits of the king's mines there, from the fourth of March, Anno 26 of his reign, till the eighteenth of April, Anno 27, and yielded up his account, both of the silver and lead.  
But now to conclude with this noble prince king Edward the first, he was sure not only valiant but also politic, labouring to bring this divided Isle, into one entire monarchy, which he went very near to have achieved, for whereas he was fully bend to make a conquest of Scotland, in like case as he had already done of Wales, if he had lived any longer time to have dispatched Robert le Bruce, that only stood in his way, it was very likely that he should have found none other to have raised banner against line 10 him about the quarrel or title to the claim of that realm. For as he was a right warlike prince of himself, so was he furnished with captains and soldiers answerable to his desire, who being able to lead and command them of himself, had them at length obedient enough to serve him, although (as partly ye have heard) some of the peers showed themselves at times disobedient and stubborn, whom yet in the end he tamed well enough, as the earls of Hereford line 20 and Norfolk, the which in the thirtieth year of his reign resigned their castles and manors into his hands, as by the records of the tower it further may appear.  
Now to follow, as in other kings I have done heretofore for learned men, these I find to have flourished in this king's days, Henry de Henna a Carmelite friar, Goodwin the chantor of the church of Salisbury, Adam de Marisco or Mareis borne in Summersetshire an excellent divine as he was reputed line 30 in those days, Gregory Huntingdon a monk of ramsey very expert in the tongues; Sevall archbishop of York a man singularly learned and stout in defending the cause of his clergy against the pope, Haimo de Feversham, Peter Swanington, Helias Trickingham, Helias de Euesham, Radulfe Bocking borne in Sussex, Alphred● surnamed Anglicus, james Cisterciensis, William of Ware, Robert Oxenford, Thomas Docking, john surnamed Grammaticus, Robert Dodeford: but the more line 40 part of these are rather to be ascribed unto the time of Henry the third, the father of this king Edward, where these that follow are thought to flourish in the time of king Edward's reign, after the decease of his father king Henry, Thomas Spot a chronographer, Peter de Ickeham a Kentishman borne as Bale thinketh, john Beckton a doctor of both the laws, William Hanaberge a Carmelite friar, provincial governor of his order here in England; Robert Kilwarbie bishop of Canturburie, and after made a cardinal and bishop of Portua; Glbert surnamed Magnus, a monk of the Cisteaux order; Helias Ros, Walter Recluse, Hugh le Euesham, john Euersden a writer of annals, whom I have partly followed in this king's life; William Pagham, Henry Esseborne, john de Haida, Roger Bacon a Franciscane friar, an excellent philosopher, and likewise a mathematician, john Derlington a dominic friar, john Chelmeston, Thomas Borstale a Norfolk man borne, Gregory Cairugent a monk of Gloucester a writer of annals, Gregory de Bredlington, Thomas Bungey a friar minor borne in Norfolk, an excellent mathematician, provincial ruler of his order here in England, he flourished in the days of king Edward the first, although there were another of the same name that lived in the time of king Edward the third, Hugh de Manchester a Dominike friar, & provincial governor of his order here in England, Richard Knapwell a Dominike friar, john Peckham borne in the diocese of Chichester, a Franciscane friar, excellently learned, as by his works it appeareth, he was advanced by pope Honorius the third, to the archbishops see of Canturburie; Thomas de Illey a Suffolk man borne, and a white or Carmelite friar in the house of Gippeswich, Michael surnamed Scot, but borne in the bishopric of Durham (as Leland saith) an excellent physician, and likewise very expert in the mathematicals, Hugh de Newcastle a friar minor, professed in the same town, Thomas Sutton a black friar, that is of the order of S. Dominike, john Read an historiographer, William de la Mare a friar minor, Thomas wick a canon of Osney in Oxenford, Simon de Gaunt, William Hothun, provincial of the friars Dominiks in England, john de Hid a monk of Winchester, Robert Crouch, a cordelier, or a Franciscane friar, Richard Midleton a friar minor, Thomas Spirman a black friar, William Lidlington a doctor of divinity, and a Carmelite friar in Stanford, john Fiberie or Beaver, a monk of Westminster, William Makelesfield borne in Cheshire, in a market town, whereof he beareth the name, a black friar by profession, and an excellent philosopher.  
Thus far Edward the first, surnamed Longshanks.   

Edward the second, the son of Edward the first.  
EDward, the second of that name, the son of Edward the first, borne at Carnarvan in Wales, began his reign over England the seventh day of julie, year 1307 in the year of our Lord 1307, of the world 5273, of the coming of the Saxons 847, after the conquest 241, about the tenth year of Albert emperor of Rome, and the two and twentieth of the fourth Philip, surnamed Le Beau, as line 10 then king of France, and in the third year after that Robert le Bruce had taken upon him the crown and government of Scotland. His father's corpse was conveyed from Burgh upon Sands, 
Continuation of Matt. West.  unto the abbeie of Waltham, there to remain, till things were ready for the burial, which was appointed at Westminster.  
Within three days after, when the lord treasurer Walter de Langton bishop of Couentri● and Lichfield (through whose complaint Péers de Gaveston line 20 had been banished the land) was going towards Westminster, to make preparation for the same burial, he was upon commandment from the new king arrested, committed to prison, and after delivered to the hands of the said Péers, being then returned again into the realm, 
The bishop of Coventrie committed to prison.  who sent him from castle to castle as a prisoner. His lands and tenements were seized to the king's use, but his movables were given to the foresaid Peers. Walter Reignold line 30 that had been the king's tutor in his childhood, was then made lord treasurer, and after when the fee of Worcester was void, at the king's instance he was by the pope to that bishopric preferred. Also, Ralph bishop of London was deposed from the office of lord Chancellor, 
Officers removed.  and john Langton bishop of Chichester was thereto restored. Likewise, the barons of the excheker were removed, and other put in their places. And Amerie de Ualence earl of Penbroke was discharged of the wardenship of Scotland, line 40 and john de Britain placed in that office, whom he also made earl of Richmond.  
But now concerning the demeanour of this new king, whose disordered manners brought himself and many others unto destruction; we find that in the beginning of his government, though he was of nature given to lightness, yet being restrained with the prudent advertisements of certain of his councillors, 
Polydor.  to the end he might show some likelihood of good proof, be counterfeited a kind of gravity, virtue line 50 and modesty; but yet he could not throughly be so bridled, but that forthwith he began to play divers wanton and light parts, at the first indeed not outrageously, but by little and little, and that covertlie. For having revoked again into England his old mate the said Peers de Gaveston, 
Péers de Gaveston.  he received him into most high favour, creating him earl of Cornwall, and lord of Man, his principal secretary, 
The year next ensuing, the isle of Man was taken by Robert Bruce.  and lord chamberlain of the realm, through whose company and society he was suddenly so corrupted, that he burst out into most heinous vices; for then using the said Peers as a procurer of his disordered doings, he began to have his nobles in no regard, to set nothing by their instructions, and to take small heed unto the good government of the commonwealth, so that within a while, he gave himself to wantonness, passing his time in voluptuous pleasure, and riotous excess: and (to help them forward in that kind of life, the foresaid Peers, who (as it may be thought, he had sworn to make the king to forget himself, and the state, to the which he was called) furnished his court with companies of jesters, ruffians, flattering parasites, musicians, and other vile and naughty ribalds, that the king might spend both days and nights in jesting, playing, banqueting, and in such other filthy and dishonourable exercises: and moreover, desirous to advance those that were like to himself, he procured for them honourable offices, all which notable preferments and dignities, sith they were ill bestowed, were rather to be accounted dishonourable than otherwise, both to the giver and the receiver, sith 
Sufficiens honor est homini, cùm dignus honore est,  
Q●i datur indigno non est honour, est o●us, imò  
judibrium, veluti in scena cùm ludius est rex,  
Quip honour est soli virtuti debitamerces.   
About the thirteenth day of October, 
A parliament at Northampton.  a parliament was holden at Northampton, in the which it was ordained by the king's appointment, that the coin of his father king Edward should be still currant, notwithstanding the baseness thereof, as some reputed it, and therefore it was moved in the parliament to have it disannulled. ¶ Also, order was taken for the burial of his father's corpse, which was solemnly conveyed from Waltham, and brought to Westminster the seven and twentieth day of October following, where with all funeral pomp it was interred. Moreover, at ●he same parliament, a marriage was concluded betwixt the earl of Cornwall Peers de Gaveston, and the daughter of Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester, 
Péers de G●●ueston 〈◊〉  which he had by his wife the countess joane de Acres the king's sister, which marriage was solemnised on All hallows day next ensuing.  
About the two and twentieth of januarie, the king sailed over into France, 
The K. passeth over 〈◊〉 France.  and at Bullongne in Picardy on the four and twentieth day of januarie, he did homage to the French king for his lands of Gascoine and Pontieu, and on the morrow after, 
1●0●  married Isabella the French kings daughter, 
He w●s married the 2● 〈◊〉 February 〈◊〉 Tho. de la More 〈◊〉  and on the seventh of February he returned with her into England, and coming to London, was joyfully received of the citizens, and on the five and twentieth day of February, being Shrovesundaie in the leap year, 
The king and queen crowned.  they were solemnly crowned by the bishop of Winchester, because that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie was not as then within the realm. There was such press and throng of people at this coronation, 

Tho. Walsin. Sir john Blackwell smothered and thrust to death.  
Continuation of N. Trivet.   that a knight called sir john Bakewell alias Blackwell, was thrust or crowded to death. ¶ On the day of the circumcision this year, a great tempest of thunder and lightning began about evensong time, that continued the most part of the night following. line 10  
On wednesday after the epiphany, the knight's templars in England were apprehended all in one day by the king's commandment, upon suspicion of heinous crimes & great enormities by them practised, contrary to the articles of the christian faith. The order of their apprehension was on this wise. 
The order taken for the apprehension of the templars.  The king directed his writs unto all and every the sheriffs of counties within the realm, that they should give summons to a certain number of substantial line 20 persons, knights or other men of good account, to be afore them at certain places within their governments, named in the same writs, on the sunday the morrow after the epiphany than next ensuing, and that the said sheriffs fail not to be there the same day in their own persons, to execute that which in other writs to them directed, and after to be sent, should be contained. The date of this writ was the fifteenth of December.  
The second writ was sent by certain chapleins, line 30 in which the sheriffs were commanded upon the opening of the same, forthwith to receive an oath in presence of the said chapleins, to put in execution all that was therein contained, and not to disclose the contents to any man, till they had executed the same with all expedition, and therewith to take the like oath of those persons, whom by virtue of the first writ they had summoned to appear afore them. An other writ there was also framed & sent by the same chapleins, by the which the said sheriffs were commanded to line 40 attach by their bodies, all the templars within the precinct of their governments, and to seize all their lands and goods into the king's hands, together with their writings, charters, deeds, and miniments, and to make thereof a true inventary and indenture, in presence of the warden of the place, whether he were brother of that order, or any other, & in presence of honest men being neighbours; of which indenture, one part to remain in the custody of the said warden, and the other with the sheriff, under his seal that line 50 should so make seizure of the said goods: and further, that the said goods and chattels should be put in safe custody, and that the quick goods and cattle should be kept and found of the premises as should seem most expedient, and that their lands and possessions should be manured and tilled to the uttermost commodity.  
Further, that the persons of the said templars being attached, in manner as before is said, should be safely kept in some competent place out of their line 60 own houses, but not in straight prison, but in such order, as the sheriffs might be sure of them to bring them forth when he should be commanded, to be found in the mean time according to their estate of their own goods so seized, and hereof to make a true certificate unto the treasurer and barons of the excheker, what they had done concerning the premises, declaring how many of the said templars they had attached, with their names, and what lands and goods they had seized by virtue of this precept. The date of these two last writs was from Billet the 20 of December, and the return thereof to be made unto the excheker, was the morrow after the Purification. There were writs also directed into Ireland, as we have there made mention, and likewise unto john de Britain earl of Richmond the lord warden of Scotland, & to Eustace de Cotesbach chamberlain of Scotland, to Walter de Pederton justice of Westwales, and to Hugh Aldighle alias Audlie justice of North-wales, to Robert Holland justice of Chester, under like form and manner as in Ireland we have expressed.  
The malice which the lords had conceived against the earl of Cornwall still increased, the more indeed through the high bearing of him, being now advanced to honour. For being a goodly gentleman and a stout, he would not once yield an inch to any of them, which worthily procured him great envy amongst the chiefest peers of all the realm, as sir Henry Lacie earl of Lincoln, sir Guy earl of Warwick, and sir Aimer de Ualence earl of Penbroke, the earls of Gloucester, Hereford, Arundel, and others, which upon such wrath and displeasure as they had conceived against him, thought it not convenient to suffer the same any longer, in hope that the king's mind might happily be altered into a better purpose, being not altogether converted into a venomous disposition, but so that it might be cured, if the corrupter thereof were once banished from him.  
Hereupon they assembled together in the parliament time, at the new temple, 
Tho. Walsi. Conntinuation of N. Trivet.  on saturday next before the feast of saint Dunstan, and there ordained that the said Péers should abjure the realm, and departed the same on the morrow after the Nativity of saint john Baptist at the furthest, and not to return into the same again at any time then after to come. To this ordinance the king (altho●●● against his will) because he saw himself and the ●●alme in danger, gave his consent, and made his letters patents to the said earls and lords, to witness the same.  

The tenor of the king's letters patents.  
NOtum vobis facimus per praesentes, quòd amodò usque ad diem dominus Petrus de Gaveston regnum nostrum est abiuraturus & exiturus, videlicet in crastino nativitatis S. johannis Baptistae proximo sequenti: nos in quantum nobis est nihil faciemus, nec aliquid fieri permittemus, per quod exilium dicti domini Petri in aliquo poterit impediri, vel protelari, quin secundum formam à praelatis, comitibus, & baronibus regni nostri, ordinatam, & per nos libero consensu confirmatam, plenary perficiatur. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Datum apud Westm. 18 die May. Anno regni nostri primo.   
These letters were read, heard, and allowed in the presence of all the Noble men of this land, the day and year abovesaid. ¶ The archbishop of Canturburie, being lately returned from Rome, where he had remained in exile in the late deceased kings days for a certain time, did pronounce the said Péers accursed, if he tarried within the realm longer than the appointed time, and likewise all those that should aid, help, or maintain him, as also if he should at any time hereafter return again into the land. To conclude, this matter was so followed, that at length he was constrained to withdraw himself to Bristol, 
Anno Reg. 2. The earl of Cornwall banished the realm.  and so by sea as a banished man to sail into Ireland.  
The king being sore offended herewith, as he that favoured the earl more than that he could be without his company, 
The king's favour towards the earl of Cornwall.  threatened the lords to be revenged for this displeasure, and ceased not to send into Ireland unto Péers, comforting him both with friendly messages, and rich presents, and as it were to show that he meant to retain him still in his favour, he made him ruler of Ireland as his deputy there. 
Polydor. Fabian. The earl of Cornwall deputy of Ireland. Hen. Marle.  A wonderful matter that the king should be so enchanted with the said earl, and so addict himself, or rather fix his hart upon a man of such a corrupt humour, against whom the heads of the noblest houses in the land were bend to devise his overthrow: but the less line 10 marvel it is that the king bore him such a fervent affection, and set his hart upon him, considering that 
— vetus autorum sententia, mores  
Quòd similes, similé & studium sunt fomes amoris,  
Sic vanus vanum, studiosus sic studiosum  
Diligit, & socios adeunt animalia coetus.   
The lords perceiving the king's affection, and that the treasure was spent as lavishly as before, thought with themselves that it might be that the king would line 20 both amend his passed trade of life, and that Peers being restored home, would rather advise him thereto, than follow his old manners, considering that it might be well perceived, that if he continued in the encouraging of the king to lewdness, as in times past he had done, he could not think but that the lords would be ready to correct him, as by proof he had now tried their meanings to be no less. Hereupon to retain amity, 
1309 Anno Reg. 3.  as was thought on both sides, Péers by consent of the lords was restored home again (the king meeting him at Chester) to his great line 30 comfort and rejoicing for the time, 
Hen. Marle.  although the malice of the lords was such, that such joy lasted not long.  

1310 Anno Reg. 4  In the fourth year of king Edward was a council holden at London against the templars, the which council endured from the beginning of May, 
The addition to Trivet.  till june. In this council they confessed the fame, but not the fact of the crimes laid to their charge, except two or three ribalds that were amongst them: but because they could not clear themselves, they were adjudged unto perpetual penance within line 40 certain monasteries. 
The earl of Cornwall placed in Bambourgh castle.  The king this year fearing the envy of the lords against Peers de Gaveston, placed him for his more safety in Bambourgh castle, bearing the prelates and lords in hand, that he had committed him there to prison for their pleasures.  
This year also there were ordinances made for the state and government of the realm, by the prelates, earls, and barons, which were confirmed with line 50 the sentence of excommunication against all them that should go about to break the same. The king neither allowed of them nor observed them, although he had confirmed them with his seal, and sent them to all cathedral churches and counties, to be registered in perpetual memory thereof. 
Polydor.  The king indeed was lewdly led, for after that the earl of Cornwall was returned into England, he showed himself no changeling (as writers do affirm) but through support of the king's favour, bore himself so high in his line 60 doings, which were without all good order, that he seemed to disdain all the peers & barons of the realm. Also after the old sort he provoked the king to all naughty rule and riotous demeanour, and having the custody of the king's jewels and treasure, he took out of the jewel-house a table, & a pair of trestels of gold, which he delivered unto a merchant called Aimerie de Friscobald, commanding him to convey them over the sea into Gascoine. 
Caxton.  This table was judged of the common people, to belong sometime unto king Arthur, and therefore men grudged the more that the same should thus be sent out of the realm.  
year 1311 The king this year raised a great power to go into Scotland. 
Rich. 〈◊〉. Anno Reg. ●.  And about the feast of the Assumption of our lady, having with him Péers de Gaveston earl of Cornwall, and the earls of Gloucester and Warren, he came to Berwick, 
Berwick ●●tified.  which town he caused to be fortified with a strong wall, and a mighty deep ditch, and although the other earls would not come to serve him in that voyage, 
The king 〈◊〉 into Scotland.  by reason of a new variance risen amongst them, yet he marched forth into Scotland, to seek his adversary Robert le Bruce: but Robert refusing the battle, kept him forth of the way, so that the king was driven to return to Berwick again, without meeting with his enemy. And he was no sooner come back, but the said Robert and his people entered into Lothian, sore molesting such as were yielded to the king of England. The king advertised thereof, followed them, but could do no good, & so returned. The earl of Cornwall lay at Rockesbourgh, and the earl of Gloucester at Norham to defend those parts. After Candlemas, the king sent the earl of Cornwall, with two hundred men of arms to S. john's town, beyond the Scotish sea, who received to the king's peace all those that inhabited beyond that sea up to the mounteins. The king lay still at Berwick, but the earls of Gloucester and Warren, after the beginning of Lent, road into the forest of Solkirke, and received the foresters & other the inhabitants there to the king's peace. ¶ In this fift year of the king's reign, but somewhat before this present, in the year 1310, Henry Lacie earl of Lincoln governor of England in the king's absence departed this life, in whose place the earl of Gloucester was chosen governor, and therefore he returned now into England. This earl of Lincoln was buried in the new work at Paul's. Lying on his death bed, he requested (as was reported) Thomas earl of Lancaster, who had married his daughter, that in any wise he should stand with the other lords in defence of the commonwealth, and to maintain his quarrel against the earl of Cornwall, which request earl Thomas faithfully accomplished: for by the pursuit of him, and of the earl of Warwick chiefly, the said earl of Cornwall was at length taken and beheaded (as after shall appear.) Some writ that king Edward the first upon his deathbed, charged the earls of Lincoln, Warwick, and Penbroke, to foresee that the foresaid Peers returned not again into England, lest by his evil example he might induce his son the prince to lewdness, as before he had already done.  
Thomas earl of Lancaster came toward Berwick, to do homage to the king for the earldom of Lincoln fallen to him in right of his wife, now after the decease of her father the late earl of Lincoln. But he was counseled not to go forth of the realm to the king, so that thereupon rose no small displeasure, and great doubt lest there would have followed civil wars about it. Nevertheless, at length the king was persuaded to come over the water unto Hagerston, four miles distant from Berwick, and there received homage of the earl, and so they continued friends, and for that time departed asunder in loving manner. The lords perceiving the mischief that daily followed and increased by that naughty man (as they took it) the earl of Cornwall, 
Fabian. Hen. Marle.  assembled at Lincoln, and there took counsel together, and concluded eftsoons to banish him out of the realm, and so thereupon shortly after, about Christmas (as some writ) or rather, as other have, within the quindene of saint Michael, 
Rich. So●●● The car●● 〈◊〉 Cornwall banished 〈◊〉 Flanders.  he was exiled into Flanders, sore against the kings will and pleasure, who made such account of him, that (as appeared) he could not be quiet in mind without his company, & therefore about Can●lemasse he eftsoons revoked whitsunday at the coronation of Philip son to the French king, created that day king of Navarre. ¶ john de Drokensford bishop of Bath and Welles was appointed warden of the realm till the king's return. 
Anno Reg. 7. Record. Tur.  In julie the king returned back from his journey into France, and landed at Sandwich the monday before the feast of S. Margaret, having dispatched his business with the French king in good and honourable manner, for his lands and country of Gascoine. 
Hen. Marle. Marriages.  ¶ About this season Maurice fitz Thomas, line 10 and Thomas fitz john married two sisters that were daughters to Richard earl of Ulnester. In this mean time, Robert Bruce recovered the most part of all Scotland, year 1314 winning out of the Englishmen'S hands such castles as they held within Scotland, 
The success of Robert Bruce.  chase all the soldiers which lay there in garrison, out of the country, and subduing such of the Scots as held on the English part.  

The king of England passeth into Scotland.  King Edward to be revenged hereof, with a mighty army bravely furnished, and gorgeously appareled, line 20 more seemly for a triumph, than meet to encounter with the cruel enemy in the field, entered Scotland, in purpose specially to rescue the castle of Sterling, as then besieged by the Scotishmen. But at his approaching near to the same, Robert Bruce was ready with his power to give him battle. In the which king Edward nothing doubtful of loss, had so unwisely ordered his people, and confounded their ranks, that even at the first joining, they were not only beaten down and overthrown, by those line 30 that coped with them at hand, but also were wounded with shot a far off, by those their enemies which stood behind to secure their fellows when need required, so that in the end the Englishmen fled to save their lives, 
The Englishmen chased.  and were chased and slain by the Scots in great number.  

The king escapeth.  The king escaped with a few about him, in great danger to have been either taken or slain. Many were drowned in a little river called Banokesborne, near to the which the battle was fought. 
The battle of Banokesborne.  There line 40 were slain of noble men, Gilbert earl of Gloucester, Robert lord Clifford, the lord Giles Argentine, the lord Pain Tiptost, the lord William Martial▪ the lord Reginald Daincourt, the lord Edmund of Mauley the king's steward, with other lords and barons to the number of 42, and of knights and baronet's to the number of 67. There were slain of all sorts upon the English part that day about ten thousand men, 
The great slaughter of Englishmen. Polydor.  over and beside the prisoners that were taken. Amongst the which were accounted 22 men of line 50 name, as the earl of Hereford, the lord john Segraue, 
Fabian. Croxden. Addition to Trivet and Matth. Paris.  William lord Latimer, Maurice lord Berkley, and others. He that listeth to hear more of this discomfiture may read thereof further at large in the Scotish history.  
The king of England having escaped from this battle, which was fought on Midsummer day in the year aforesaid, 
Anno Reg. 8. A council holden at York.  came to York, where he held a council of his lords, to have their advise by what means he might best restore his army, and revenge the loss line 60 which he had sustained at the hands of his enemy R. Bruce. 
Sir Peter Spalding.  And shortly after was sir Peter Spalding sent unto Berwick, with a crew of soldiers to defend the town against the said Bruce, who intended shortly to lay siege to that town, as the king had certain understanding. Also the Scotishmen advanced highly in their minds for the late gotten victory, year 1315 
The Scots in Ireland.  passed over into Ireland, under the conduct of Edward Bruce, the brother of Robert Bruce, sore afflicting that country, by spoil, sword, and fire: the villages were rob, the towns and castles which they won were sacked, and after fired, so utterly to deface them.  
The Irishmen being put in great fear herewith, assembled together, and joined themselves with such Englishmen as lay there in garrisons, over the which the lord john Bermingham as deputy had the chief charge. 
The lord Berming●●●  Thus being joined together, they made earnest resistance against the attempts of their enemies in defence of the country. And so by that means they warred and fought one against an other, with great slaughter on both sides, the Scotishmen on their part doing their best to obtain the government of the country, having already obtained no small portion thereof, and created Edward Bruce king there▪ and the Irishmen on the other part, enforcing their whole endeavour to beat the enemy back, and to rid him out of the country. But at length the invincible obstinateness of the Irishmen prevailed, through aid of the Englishmen (as after shall appear.) Nevertheless in the me●ne while, 
Great slaughter of Scots in Ireland.  as some English chronicles make mention, there died of the Scots in these wars to the number of thirty thousand, and above fifteen thousand Irishmen.  
The Scots not only thus invaded Ireland, 
Ri. Southw.  but also continued their rage against England. For the same year about the feast of Peter and Paul, 
The bishopric of Durham spoiled 〈◊〉 the Scots.  they entered into the bishopric of Durham, & spoilt the country unto Hartilpoole, which town they rob of all the goods which they there found, the inhabitants being fled with their ships to the sea. About Mandelentide following, the king of Scots entered England with a mighty army on the west borders, 
Anno Reg. ●. Rob. Bruce invadeth ●●●gland. Carleill besieged.  and coming to Carleill besieged the city, remaining before it ten days, but they within so valiantly defended themselves and their walls, that the Scots lost more than they won, saving that during their abode at this siege, they rob and wasted the countries of Allerdale, Copeland, and Westmoreland. The 11 day after their coming thither, when they had assayed all their force and policy to win the city, and saw themselves nothing to prevail, but to lose their men and travel, they raised their field, and returned into Scotland with dishonour, 
The siege raised.  leaving behind them all their engines of war, so that besides the dishonour which he sustained by the repulse, in am of lucre he suffered loss, and therefore this lesson by exemplification would be learned and practised, that Res le●e quisque gereus lucra 〈◊〉 inde ferens. Now as they went their way, 
john de Murrey taken.  certain Englishmen following them, took john de Murrey, who in the battle of Striueling had for his part 13 English knights prisoners, beside esquires and others. They took also with him one Robert Berdolfe a great enemy of the Englishmen▪  
This year there fell exceeding great rain and abundance of wet, 
Great rain●  in the months of julie and August, that the husbandmen of the country could not get in that small crop which then stood on the ground, and that which they inned, yielded not the hoped quantity, as when it came to the threshing well appeared. ¶ On the day of the Assumption of our lady, john the king's second son was borne at Eltham. 
john of Eltham bor●●.  ¶ A knight of Lancashire called sir Adam Banister raised war in this year of king Edward's reign, against his lord the earl of Lancaster; but about the feast of saint Martin he was taken and beheaded. ¶ Also this year, Edward de Bruce brother to the king of Scots, entered into the north parts of Ulnester with a great army, upon the day of S. Augustine in May and afterwards burned Dunda●ke, 
Hen M●rl● Dunda●ke burnt.  and a great part of Argile. The Irishmen also burned the church of Athird. Moreover in the battle of Comeran in Ulnester, 
The battles Comeran.  Richard earl of Ulnester fled, and sir Richard Bourgh, & sir john Mandevile, and sir Alane fitz Waren were taken prisoners. The castle of Norbrough was also taken, & at Kent●s in M●sh the lord Roger Mortimer was discomfited by the foresaid Edward Bruce, and many of the said sir Roger's men were slain and taken.  
Also in the ninth year of king Edward's reign, before Christmas, a blazing star or comet appeared in the north part of the element, 
A blazing star dearth and death.  by the space of a month together, and after followed dearth and death (as after shall appear.) Guy earl of Warwick, a man of great counsel and skilful providence, 
The decease of Guy earl of Warwick. Croxden.  departed this life this year, and was buried at the abbeie of Bordisley. ¶ About Midsummer the Scots eftsoons line 10 entered into England, doing much mischief with fire and sword, year 1316 in like sort as they had used to do before time, 
Rich. South.  not sparing (as some writ) so much as those houses wherein women lay in childbed. At their coming to Richmond, the gentlemen of the country that were got into the castle to defend it, compounded with the enemies for a great sum of money, to spare the town and country about it, without doing further damage thereto at that journey.  
The Scots having received the money, turned their march toward the west parts, and journeying line 20 threescore miles, came to furnace, burning all the country thereabouts, and took away with them all the goods and prisoners, both men and women which they might lay hands on, and so returned, rejoicing most of such iron as they had got in that journey, for they had great want in Scotland of that kind of metal in those days. The dearth by reason of the unseasonable weather in the summer and harvest last passed still increased, 
Anno Reg. 10. The dearth increased.  for that which with much ado was inned, line 30 after when it came to the proof, yielded nothing to the value of that which in sheaf it seemed to contain, so that wheat and other grain which was at a sore price before, now was enhanced to a far higher rate, the scarcity thereof being so great, that a quarter of wheat was sold for forty shillings, which was a great price, if we shall consider the allay of money than currant. ¶ Also by reason of the murrain that fell among cattle, béefes and muttons were unresonablie priced. line 40  
About this season, the lord Henry Beaumond a man of high valiancy and noble courage, having gotten together a power of men, entered into Scotland, and after he had taken great booties and spoils in the country, he being entrapped by sir james Dowglas, lost the most part of his men, together with the prey which they had gotten. 
The lord Beaumond discomfited.  The displeasure of these mishaps was increased with the naughty and bold presumption of sir Gilbert Middleton knight, year 1317 who being offended that master jews Beaumount was preferred unto the bishops see of line 50 Durham, 
jews Beaumond taken by sir Gilbert Middleton.  and Henry Stamford put from it, that was first elected and after displaced by the king's suit made unto the pope, took the said jews Beaumond and his brother Henry on Winglesdon moor near unto Darington, 
Caxton.  leading the bishop to Morpath, and his brother the lord Beaumond unto the castle of Mitford, and so detained them as prisoners, till they had redeemed their liberty with great sums of money. Herewith the said sir Gilbert being advanced line 60 in pride, 
Sir Gilbert Middleton proclaimeth himself duke.  proclaimed himself duke of Northumberland, and joining in friendship with Robert Bruce the Scotish king, cruelly destroyed the county of Richmond. Wi●● such traitorous parts Will●am Felton, and Thomas Heton, being not a little stirred, first won by force the castle of M●●ford, and after apprehended sir Gilbert Middleton, with his companion Walter Selby, and sent them up to London, where shortly after they were drawn, hanged and quartered.  

G●ucellino and Flisco cardinals.  Some writ that the said sir Gilbert was put to death for robbing two cardinals, to wit, Gaucellino the pope's chancellor, and Lucas de Flisco, that were sent from pope john the two and twentieth, to consecrate the foresaid jews Beaumond bishop of Durham, 
Thom. Walsi.  and to entreat a peace betwixt the realms of England and Scotland, and also to make an agreement betwixt the king and the earl of Lancaster. The which being met with upon Winglesdon moor in Yorkshire by the said Gilbert, 
Fabian. Caxton.  were rob of such stuff & treasure as they brought with them, but yet escaped themselves and came to Durham, and from thence sent messengers to Robert Bruce, 
Polydor.  to persuade him to some agreement. But whereas he would not condescend to any reasonable conditions of peace at that time, they determined to go into Scotland to talk with him themselves: but before they came to the borders, king Robert, who judged it not to stand with his profit to have any peace in that season, sent certain of his people to forbid the cardinals the entry of his realm. The cardinals being thus injuriously handled, 
The curse pronounced against the Scots.  pronounced the Scots by their legantine power accursed; and interdicted their whole realm. And because they saw nothing less than any hope to do good with king Robert touching any composition or agreement to be had, they returned again to the pope, without any conclusion of that for the which they were sent.  
After that Edward Bruce had achieved such enterprises in other parts of Ireland, 
Rich. South.  as in the last year ye have heard, he went unto Fenath, and to Skeres in Leinister, and there the lord chief justice Edmund Butler rose against him, with the lord john fitz Thomas, that was after earl of Kildare, sir Arnold Power, and diverse other, with a great army. But by reason of discord that chanced amongst them, they scaled their army, and departed out of the field on the 26 day of February. Edward Bruce then burned the castle of Leis, and after returning into Ulnester, he besieged the castle of Knockfergus, and slew Thomas Mandevile, and his brother john, at a place called Down, as they came thither out of England. After this the foresaid Edward returned into Scotland.  
In this season victuals were so scant and dear, 
A pitiful famine.  and wheat and other grain brought to so high a price, that the poor people were constrained through famine to eat the flesh of horses, dogs, and other vile beasts, which is wonderful to believe, 
Tho. Wals. Fabian.  and yet for default there died a great multitude of people in divers places of the land. Four pence in bread of the courser sort would not suffice one man a day. Wheat was sold at London for four marks the quarter and above. Then after this dearth and scarcity of victuals ensued a great death and mortality of people, 
A sore mortality of people.  so that what by war of the Scots, and what by this mortality and death, the people of the land were wonderfully wasted and consumed. O pitiful depopulation!  
Edward Bruce before the feast of Easter returned again into Ireland, with the earl of Murrey and other noble men of Scotland, having with them a great army, and besieged the castle of Knockfergus, and after they went to another castle where they took a baron prisoner: & there Edward Bruce lay for a season. Also Richard earl of Ulnester lay in saint Mary's abbey by Dublin, where the mayor and commonalty of the city took him, and put him in prison within the castle of Dublin. They also slew his men, and spoiled the abbey. After this the foresaid Edward Bruce went to Limerike, after the feast of saint Matthew the apostle, and there sojourned till Easter was passed.  
In the mean while Roger de Mortimer the king's deputy arrived at Waterford with a great army, by reason whereof Edward le Bruce for fear departed, and got him into the uttermost parts of Ulnester, 
john fitz Thomas earl of Kildare.  and john fitz Thomas was made earl of Kildare. Also Occoner of Conneigh, and many other Irishmen of Cornagh and Meth were slain near to Aurie by the Englishmen of those parts. There was a great slaughter also made of the Irishmen near unto Thistildermote, by the lord Edmund Butler, and an other also at Baliteham of Omorth by the same Edmund. The lord deputy delivered the earl of Ulnester out of prison, and after Whitsuntide banished out of Meth sir Walter Lacie, and sir Hugh Lacie, giving their lands away from them unto his line 10 knights, and they went over into Scotland with Edward Bruce, 
Croxden.  who returned thither about that time. The death still increased as by some writers it should appear.  

Anno Reg. 11. Ri. Southwell.  In the eleventh year of king Edward the second his reign, upon the saturday night before Midlent sunday, year 1318 the town of Berwick was betrayed to the Scots, 
Berwick betrayed to the Scots.  through the treason of Peter Spalding. The castle held good tack a while, till for want of victuals they within were constrained to deliver it into the Scottishmen'S hands, who won also the same time the line 20 castle of Harbotell, 
Castles won by the Scots.  work, and Medford, so that they possessed the more part of all Northumberland, even unto Newcastle upon Tine, saving that certain other castles were defended against them. In May they entered with an army further into the land, burning all the country before them, till they came to Ripon, which town they spoilt, and tarrying there three days, they received a thousand marks of those that were got into the church, and defended it against them, for that they should spare the town, and line 30 not put it to the fire, as they had already done the towns of Northalerton and Bourghbridge as they came forwards. 
Northalerton and Bourghbridge burnt.  In their going back they burned Knaresbourgh, and Skipton in Craven, which they had first sacked, and so passing through the midst of the country, burning and spoiling all before them, they returned into Scotland with a marvelous great multitude of cattle, beside prisoners, men and women, and no small number of poor people, which they took with them to help to drive the cattle. line 40  


Anno Reg. 12. Additions to Trivet.  
The king & the earl of Lancaster made friends.   In the 12 year of Edward the seconds reign, in August, the king and the earl of Lancaster came to talk together in a plain beside Leicester, where they were made friends to the outward show, so that in the year next following, the said earl went with the king to the siege of Berwick. About the feast of the Nativity of our lady, the two cardinals, which were yet remaining in England, sent forth commandments unto all the prelates and priests within the realm, that three times in every solemn line 50 mass, 
Rob. Bruce pronounced accursed.  they should denounce Robert Bruce that called himself king of Scotland accursed, with all his councillors and fautors, and on the behalf of the pope, they deprived him by denunciation of all honour, and put all his lands under interdiction, disabling all their children [to the second degree] that held with him, as unworthy & unfit to receive or take upon them any ecclesiastical function. They denounced also all the prelates of Scotland and men of line 60 religion, exempt, and not exempt, excommunicate and accursed.  

Hen. Marl.  The lord Roger Mortimer returned again into England, and Alexander Bicnor was made chief justice of Ireland. ¶ Also Edward Bruce, with sir Walter and sir Hugh La●ie, bringing with them a great army, returned out of Scotland; and arrived at Dundalke, on the day of saint Calix● the pope. But near to the same place sir john Belmingham, 
Th. Walsing. Continuation of Trivet.  Richard Tute, and Miles of Ue●don, with a power of 1●24 men encountered them, and slew the said Edward le Bruce, and above the number of 8200 men, or (as other have) but 5800. The said sir john Birmingham brought the head of Edward le Bruce over into England, and presented it to the king. Whereupon the king in recompense of his service, gave unto him the earldom of Louth, to hold to him and his heirs males, and the barony of Athird to him and his heirs general.  
About this season, or somewhat before, about Midsummer (as Southwell saith) a naughty fellow called john Poidras', or (as some books have) Ponderham, a tanner's son of Excester commmig to Oxford, and there thrusting himself into the king's hall that stood without the walls, gave forth that he was son and right heir of king Edward the first, and that by means of a false nurse he was stolen out of his cradle, and this Edward the second being a carters son was brought in and laid in his place, so that he by reason thereof was afterwards hardly fostered and brought up in the north part of Wales. At length being laid for, he fled to the church of the white friars in Oxford, trusting there to be safe through the immunity of the place, because king Edward the first was their founder. But when he could not keep his tongue, but still fondly uttered his folly, and stood in his opinion, so that great rumour thereof was raised, he was at length taken out of that church, & carried to Northhampton, where he was there arraigned, condemned, and had forth to a place in the country called the copped oak, where he was drawn, hanged, and as a traitor bowelled. At the hour of his death he confessed, that in his house he had a spirit in likeness of a cat, which amongst other things assured him that he should be king of England.  
In this season, to wit, in the year 1319, a great murrain and death of cattle chanced through the whole realm, spreading from place to place, year 1319 
Murren of cattle.  but specially this year it reigned most in the north, where as in the years before it began in the south parts. The king desirous to be revenged of the Scots, 
Anno Reg. 1●.  made preparation to levy a mighty army; and for want of sufficient numbers of men in other places towards the north parts, the king caused much people to come unto him out of the south and east parts of the realm, amongst the which the city of London was constrained to find at their costs and charges two hundred men, sending them to York, where the general assembly of the army was made. From thence, after he had received his men from sundry countries and good towns of his realm, he went to Berwick, & laid siege to the town. 
The king goeth to Berwick.  In which mean time the Scots being assembled, came to the borders, passed by the English host, and entering into England, came in secret wise down into the mar●hes of Yorkshire, and there slew the people, 
The Scots come into t●● parts of York.  and rob them in most cruel wise.  
Wherefore the archbishop of York, meaning in time of such necessity to do his endeavour in defence of his country, assembled such power as he could get together, of clerk, monks, canons, and other spiritual men of the church, with husbandmen and such other unapt people for the wars: and thus with a great number of men, and see to warlike or discreet chéefeteins, he together with the bishop of Elie, as then lord chancellor, came forth against the Scots, 
Auesburie.  and encountered with them at a place called Mitton upon Suale, the twelfth day of October. Here as the Englishmen p●ssed over the 〈◊〉 of Suale, the Scots set 〈◊〉 upon certain 〈◊〉 of hay, 
The disco●●●ture of Mitton upon Suale. Caxton.  the smoke whereof was 〈◊〉, that the Englishmen a might not be where the Scotsla●e (And when the Englishmen were over got over the 〈◊〉 the Scots came upon them with a wing in good order of battle, in 〈…〉 to a shield, eagerly assailing their enemies, who for lack of good government were easily beaten down and discomfited, without showing any great resistance: so that there were slain to the number of two thousand and the residue shamefully put to flight. 
Polydor.   
The archbishop, 
Auesburie.  the lord chancellor, and the abbot of Selby, with help of their swift horses escaped, and diverse other. The mayor of York named Nicholas Fleming was slain, & sir William Diremin priest taken prisoner. Many were drowned, by reason that the Scots had gotten betwixt the Englishmen and the bridge, 
Caxton.  so that the Englishmen fled betwixt that wing of the Scots and their main battle, line 10 which had compassed the Englishmen about on the one side, as the wing did upon the other. And because so many spiritual men died in this battle, it was after named of many writers The white battle. The king of England informed of this overthrow given by the Scots to the Northern men, he broke up his siege incontinently, and returned to York.  

Polydor.  Thus all the king's exploits by one means or other quailed, and came but to evil success, so that line 20 the English nation began to grow in contempt by the infortunate government of the prince, the which as one out of the right way, rashly and with no good advisement ordered his doings, which thing so grieved the noblemen of the realm, that they studied day and night by what means they might procure him to look better to his office and duty; which they judged might well be brought to pass, his nature being not altogether evil, if they might find shift to remove from him the two Spensers, 
The envy of the lords towards the Spensers.  Hugh the father, line 30 and Hugh the son, who were gotten into such favour with him, that they only did all things, and without them nothing was done, so that they were now had in as great hatred and indignation (sigh 
— livor non deerit iniquus  
Dulcibus & laetis, qui fel confundat amarum)  both of the lords and commons, as ever in times past was Peers de Gaveston the late earl of Cornwall. But the lords minded not so much the destruction of these Spensers, but that the king meant as much their advancement; so that Hugh the son was line 40 made high chamberlain of England, contrary to the mind of all the noblemen, by reason whereof he bore himself so haughty and proud, that no lord within the land might gainsay that which in his conceit seemed good.  
In this thirteenth year of his reign, in june king Edward went over into France, year 1320 where at Amiens he found the French king, 
Additions to N. Trivet.  of whom he received the county of Pontieu, which the said French king upon his coming to the crown had seized into line 50 his hands, because the king of England had not done to him his homage due for the same. Also this year the pope granted to the king of England the tenth of ecclesiastical revenues for one year, 
A tenth of the ecclesiastical livings granted to the K.  as before that time he had likewise done. ¶ About this season, 
Anno. Reg. 54. Caxton.  pope john, being informed of the great destruction and unmerciful war which the Scots made upon the Englishmen, and namely for that they spared neither church nor chapel, abbey nor priory, he sent a general sentence under his bulls of line 60 lead unto the archbishop of Canturburie and York, appointing them that if Robert le Bruce the Scotish king would not recompense king Edward for all such harms as the realm of England had by him sustained, and also make restitution of the goods that had been taken out of churches and monasteries, they should pronounce the same sentence against him and his complices. 
Scots eftsoons accursed   
Whereupon when the Scots took no regard to the pope's admonition, the archbishop proceeded to the pronouncing of the foresaid sentence, so that Robert Br●ce, james Dowglas, and Thomas Randulfe earl of Murrey, and all other that kept him company, or them in any wise maintained, were accursed throughout England every day at mass three times. Howbeit, this nothing holp the matter, but put the king and the realm to great cost and charge, and in the mean season the commons of the realm were sore oppressed by sundry ways and means, diverse of them lost their goods and possessions, being taken from them upon surmised and feigned quarrels, so that many were utterly undone, and a few singular and misordered persons were advanced.  
After the epiphany, year 1321 when the truce failed betwixt the two realms of England and Scotland, 
Rich. South. The Scots invade England.  an army of Scots entered England, and came into the bishopric of Durham. The earl of Murrey stayed at Darington, but james Dowglas and the steward of Scotland went forth to waste the country, the one towards Hartlepoole and Cleveland, and the other towards Richmond: but they of the county of Richmond (as before they had done) gave a great sum of money to save their country from invasion. The Scots at that time remained within England by the space of fifteen days or more. The knights and gentlemen of the north parts did come unto the earl of Lancaster that lay the same time at Pomfret, offering to go forth with him to give the enemies battle, if he would assist them: but the earl seemed that he had no lust to fight in defence of his prince, that sought to oppress him wrongfully (as he took it) and therefore he dissembled the matter, and so the Scots returned at their pleasure without encounter.  
About this season, 
Thom. Wals.  the lord William de Bruce that in the marches of Wales enjoyed diverse fair possessions to him descended from his ancestors, but through want of good government was run behind hand, offered to sell a certain portion of his lands called gower's land lying in the marches there, unto diverse noble men that had their lands adjoining to the same, as to the earl of Hereford, and to the two lords Mortimers, the uncle & nephew, albeit the lord mowbray that had married the only daughter and heir of the lord Bruce, thought verily in the end to have had it, as due to his wife by right of inheritance. But at length (as unhap would) Hugh Spenser the younger lord chamberlain, coveting that land (because it lay near on each side to other lands that he had in those parts) found such means through the king's furtherance and help, 
The chief cause of the variance betwixt the lords and the Spensers.  that he went away with the purchase, to the great displeasure of the other lords that had been in hand to buy it.  
Hereby such hartburning rose against the Spensers, that upon complaint made by the earl of Hereford unto the earl of Lancaster, of their presumptuous dealing, by ruling all things about the king as seemed best to their likings, it was thought expedient by the said earls that some remedy in time (if it were possible) should be provided. Whereupon the said earls of Lancaster and Hereford, with the lords Roger Tuchet, Roger Clifford, jocelin Deieville, Roger Bernsfield, the two Mortimers, Roger the uncle and Roger the nephew, William de Sully, William de Elmbrige, john Gifford of Brimesfield, and Henry Tieis, all barons; the which with diverse other lords and knights, and men of name, assembling together at Shierborne in Elmedone, swore each of them to stand by other, till they had amended the state of the realm. But yet notwithstanding this their oath, the most part of them afterwards forsaking the enterprise, submitted themselves to the king.  
Nevertheless, whether for that the king by a proclamation set forth the sixteenth of March, had commanded (as some writ) that the lords mowbray, Clifford, and Deieville for disobeieng to make their personal appearance before him, should avoid the land within ten days next ensuing, or for that they meant with all speed to put their enterprise in execution, we find that the earl of Hereford, the lords Mortimer, the uncle and nephew, the lord Roger Damorie, the lord john mowbray, the lord Hugh audley, and his son named also Hugh, the lord Clifford, the lord john Gifford of Brimesfield, the lord Morice Berkeley, the lord Henry Tieis, the lord john Matravers, line 10 with many other that were allied together, having the consent also of the earl of Lancaster, on the wednesday next after the feast of the Invention of the cross, 
The lords take arms upon them against the Spensers.  having with them to the number of eight hundred men of arms, five hundred hoblers, and ten thousand men on foot, came with the king's banner spread unto Newport in Wenloks lands, where they took the castle that belonged unto the lord chamberlain Hugh Spenser the younger.  

They invade the Spensers' lands.  They also took Kaerdie, Kersillie, Lantrissane, line 20 Taluan, Lamblethian, Kenefegis, Neoth, Druffelan, and Divenor; part of his men which in the foresaid places they found, they slew, as sir john Iwain, and sir Matthew de Gorges knights, with 15 other of his men that were Welshmen: part they took and put them in prison, as sir Ralph or Randulfe de Gorges being sore wounded, sir Philip joice, sir john de Frissingfield, sir john de Dunstable, William de Dunstable, and many other, of the which the most part were put to their ransom. They took, spoiled line 30 and destroyed so much in value of his goods as amounted unto two thousand pounds. They took up in such debts as were owing to him in those parts, to the sum of three thousand pounds, and of his rents to the value near hand of a thousand pounds. They burned 23 of his manors which he had in those parts of Wales, with his barns, and did what hurt they could devise, burning or taking away all his writings and evidences. After they had remained 15 days there, they came into England, with the like line 40 force and disorder invading his castles, manors and possessions, so that the damage which they did here unto the said lord chamberlain, amounted to the value of ten thousand pounds.  
The king advertised of their doings, sent unto them the archbishop of Canturburie, 
The king sendeth to the lords.  and the lord Bartholomew de Badelismere lord steward of his house, to request them to desist and leave off from such their outrageous doings, and coming to the parliament which he had already summoned, they might line 50 put in their complaints and grievances, & he would see that they should have justice, according as equity should require. The lord Badelismere forsaking the king, 
The lord Badelismere reuolt●●h to the side of the ●arons.  became one of the confederacy with the barons, and so the archbish. was glad to return alone, leaving the L. Badelismere behind him, who sent the king word by the archbishop, that till they had expelled the Spensers out of the realm, they would not give over their enterprise. On saint Barnabies day they came to a manor of Hugh Spenser the line 60 father called Fasterne, in the county of Wiltshire, and spoiled the same with diverse and many other manors, aswell in Wiltshire, as else where, to wit, in Glocestershire, Dorsetshire, Hamshire, Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Surrie, Cambridgeshire, Huntingtonshire, Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, cheshire, and Warwikeshire, making such havoc of all such goods or cattle as belonged to the said Hugh Spenser the father, that he was thought to be endamaged to the value of thirty thousand pounds, burning his houses, ●eating, maiming and ransoming his men.  
Furthermore not contented to spoil those places which belonged to him, but hearing that in the abbeie of Stanley he had laid up money and evidences, they broke into that abbeie, and took out thereof a thousand pounds in ready coin beside evidences and writings, to the indamaging of him to the value of six thousand pounds, and likewise entering into the castle of Marleburgh, where the said Hugh Spenser the father had laid up in wool to the number of 36 sacks, they took the same and other of his goods, as well in plate as apparel, to the value in all of six thousand pounds. And they did not only spoil the possessions, houses, goods, and cattles of the two Spensers, wheresoever they could hear that the same were to be found, but also they used the like disorder against all such as were known to be friends or well-willers, to either the father or son, sending commissions unto such as should see the same executed to the most extremity, so that in this rage of envy and hot revenge there was no partiality, but that one with another, the innocent with the nocent, the guiltless with the guilty went to wrack, and (as the old proverb saith concurring with common practice Quòd sus peccavit succula saepe luit) finally, after they had satisfied their desires in such riotous sort, they raised the people, 
The barons raise the people and came in arms towards the parliament.  and constrained them to swear to be of their accord, and so came forward with the like force towards the parliament that was summoned to be holden at London three weeks after Midsummer. At their coming to S. Albon, they sent the bishops of London, Salisbury, Elie, Hereford, and Chichester, 
They send to the king.  to the king with their humble suit in outward appearance, though in effect and very deed more presumptuous than was requisite. Their chief request was that it might please his highness to put from him the Spensers, whose counsel they knew to be greatly against his honour, and hereof not to fail if he tendered the quiet of his realm. They also required letters patents of him, containing a general pardon for the indemnity of themselves, 
Their requests.  and all those that had been in arms with them, so as they should not be impeached by the king for any transgressions past or present, in time hereafter to come.  
The king hereunto answered, that as concerning Hugh Spenser the father, 
The king's answer.  he was abroad on his business beyond the seas, and that Hugh the son was on the sea for the safe keeping of the cinque ports, as by his office he was bound, and that they ought not by any right or custom to be banished, before they have made answer to the crimes objected against them. He added further, that their request wanted foundation of law and reason. And if it might be proved that the Spensers had in any wise offended against the statutes and ordinances of the land, they were always ready to make their answer as the laws of the realm should require. lastly he added this with an oath, that he would not be forsworn contrary to that which at his coronation he had taken upon him by oath, through granting letters of peace and pardon to such notorious offenders in contempt of his person, and to the trouble and disquieting of the whole realm.  
The barons upon knowledge had what answer the king made to their requests, forthwith got them to armour, and with a great power of men of arms and other, came to the parliament, which the king had summoned to begin at Westminster three weeks after Midsummer. 
Fabian. Caxton.  Their retinue were appareled in a suit of ●ake●s or c●ats of colours demie, par●ie yellow and green, with a band of white ●ast overthwart. By reason whereof that parliament long after was called The parliament of white bands. Then to see the king's peace kept within the city, 
The 〈◊〉 which the 〈◊〉 mayor of L●●●don took.  the mayor caused a thousand men well a●med to watch daily in diverse wards, & at diverse gates of the city, which watch began at four of the clock in the morning, and so continued till six at night, and then as many were appointed to the night watch, continuing the same till the hour of five in the morning. And for the more surety that this night watch should be well and sufficiently kept, two aldermen were assigned nightly to ride about the city with certain officers of the town, to see the watchmen well and discreetly guided. The gates were shut at nine of the clock & opened again at seven in the morning. Also every line 10 citizen was warned to have his armour by him, that he might be ready upon any occasion when he should be called.  
Nevertheless the barons being come in forcible wise (as ye have heard) unto this parliament, 
Matt. West.  they constrained the earl of Richmond, Arundel, Warren, and Penbroke, to agree unto their purpose; and likewise some of the bishops they compelled through fear to take an oath to join with them in their purpose, for the expelling of the Spensers out of the line 20 realm, and so coming all together before the king, they published certain articles against the said Spensers, 
The Spensers banished by the decree of the barons.  both the father and son, whereupon they made an award, that they should be disherited and banished the land during their lives, if by the king and consent of all the lords in parliament assembled, they should not be restored. They had day and place appointed where to pass forth of the land, to wit, at Dover, and not elsewhere, betwixt the day of his award made, and the feast of the decollation of saint john Baptist, that day to be counted for one. divers line 30 articles (as before is said) were laid to the charge of those Spensers.  
line 1 Amongst other things it was alleged; First that Hugh Spenser the son, 
Articles wherewith the barons charged the Spensers.  being on a time angry and displeased with the king, sought to ally and confederate himself with the lord Gifford of Brimesfield, and the lord Richard Grace to have constrained and forced the king by strong hand to have followed his will and pleasure. line 40  
secondly it was alleged, that the said Spensers' line 2 as well the father as the son, had caused the king to ride into Glocestershire, to oppress and destroy the good people of his land, contrary to the form of the great charter.  
thirdly, that where the earl of Hereford, and the line 3 lord Mortimer of Wigmore, had gone against one Thlewillin Bren, who had raised a rebellion against the king in Glamorganshire, whiles the lands of the earl of Gloucester were in the king's hands, the same line 50 Thlewillin yielded himself to the said earl, and to the lord Mortimer, who brought him to the king, upon promise that he should have the king's pardon, and so the king received him. But after that the said earl and lord Mortimer were out of the land, the Spensers taking to them royal power, took the said Thlewillin and led him unto Kardif, where after that the said Hugh Spenser the son had his purparty of the said earl of Glocesters lands, he caused the said Thlewillin to be drawn, headed and line 60 quartered, to the discredit of the king, and of the said earl of Hereford and lord Mortimer, yea and contrary to the laws and dignity of the imperial crown.  
line 4 fourthly, the said Spensers counseled the king to forejudge sir Hugh Audlie, son to the lord Hugh Audlie, and to take into his hands his castles and possessions. They compassed also to have atteinted the lord Roger Damorie, that thereby they might have enjoyed the whole earldom of Gloucester.  
These and other articles of misdemeanour in the Spensers were exhibited, to persuade the king and others, that they were unprofitable members in the commonwealth, and not worthy of those places which they occupied. Now after that their disheriting and banishment was concluded in manner as before is said, the earl of Hereford and other the lords that had prosecuted the quarrel against them, came before the king, and humbly on their knees besought him of pardon for all things which they had committed against him, his laws, or any other person in the pursuit of the said Spensers. The king, being brought into a streict, durst not but grant unto all that which they requested, establishing the same by statute.  
The parliament being thus ended, 
The king goeth to Canturburie.  the king and queen went to Canturburie, there to visit the shrine of Thomas Becket sometime archbishop there. From thence he went to the isle of Tenet, that he might meet with his dear & well-beloved councillor Hugh Spenser the younger, whom he had of late sent in embassage unto the French king, 
He cometh to talk with the lord chamberlain.  and now being returned by sea into those parts, he was desirous to see him, that he might have conference with him: and so coming together, they spent certain days in commoning of such matters as they thought good. The king calling to him the mariners of the cinque ports, committed to them the custody of the said Hugh, who for a time kept him with them in their ships, and the king sailing alongst the coast to Porchester, conferred with him of many things.  
From Porchester the king meant to return unto London, there to meet the queen, who in her return from Canturburie would have lodged one night in the castle of Léeds, which the lord Bartholomew de Badelismere late steward of the king's house had by exchange of the king for other lands, and now taking part with the barons, had left his wife and children with other of his friends and treasure in the same castle. 
The queen not suffered to lodge in the castle of Léeds.  Those that were put in trust with keeping this castle, would neither permit queen nor other to enter therein, without express commandment from their lord and master, and so they signified not only to the queens servants that came before to make provision for her, but also declared the same to herself coming thither in person.  
This chanced very unluckily for the barons: for where the queen had ever sought to procure peace, love and concord betwixt the king and his lords, she took such displeasure with this denial made to her for one night's lodging in that castle, that upon her grievous complaint sent to the king, he forthwith raised a mighty army out of Kent and Essex, from the cinque ports, and of the Londoners, and having with him his brethren, Thomas earl Martial, and Edmund earl of Kent, also the earls of Richmond, Penbroke, Arundel, and Athol, he hasted thither, 
The king besiegeth the castle of Léeds.  & laid siege about the castle; constreining them within by all means that might be devised.  
In the mean time, 
The lords came with a power to raise the siege.  at the suit of the lord Badelismere, the earl of Hereford, and other lords of the confederacy, came with a great power unto Kingston, about the feast of Simon and Jude, and there staying certain days for some of their company that were to come unto them, they sent unto the king the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of London, with the earl of Penbroke, requiring him to remove his siege, till by parliament some order might be taken: but the king would not give ear to their suit, but continued his siege till the castle was yielded to him. 
The castle of Léeds yielded  For those that were at Kingston cowardly leving their enterprise, came not forward, but returned back again. They that were within the castle, having simply submitted themselves to the king, caused twelve or thirteen of them to suffer death. 
Walter Culpepper executed.  Amongst other was one Walter Culpepper reckoned for the chief of them that defended the castle against the king. The wife of the lord Badelismere, with his nephew Bartholomew de Burwash was sent to the tower of London, but his sister was sent to Dover castle, there to remain in safe keeping. The castle of Leeds being thus yielded to the king, he entered the same on All hallows day, and shortly after the castle of Chilham was delivered, and the castle of Tunbridge left void by them that had it in keeping. The king thus bestirring him, came into Essex, and seized into his hands the lands of the lord Badelismere, and likewise the lands of such as were his maintainers, abettors, line 10 friends, favourers, and furtherers; of the which such as he could meet with he put in prison, and herewith summoned an army to meet him at Cirencester about saint Lucy's day the virgin. And then about saint Andrews tide he came to London, where the archbishop of Canturburie had called a provincial council.  
At the same time Hugh Spenser the son, being lately come from the sea, 
The lord chamberlain yieldeth himself to the law.  yielded himself prisoner to the king's ward, beseeching the king that he might line 20 have right ministered to him, concerning the wrongs and injuries to him done by the barons in manner as before ye have heard, specially for the award which in parliament they had procured to be enacted against him, the errors committed in the process, whereof he besought the king that he might be admitted to show: as first, in that they made themselves judges: secondly, in that he was not called to answer: thirdly, for that the same award was made without the assent of the prelates, who are peers of line 30 the parliament as well as the temporal lords: fourthly, in that the said barons had no record in their pursuit upon the causes contained in that award: fiftly, in that the award was made against the form of the great charter of franchises, wherein is contained that none shall be foreiudged nor destroyed but by lawful judgement of his péers, according to the law of the land. Further, he alleged that it was to be considered, how the said barons and great men being summoned to come in due manner unto that line 40 parliament, they came in forcible wise with all their powers. A like petition was also exhibited on the behalf of Hugh Spenser the father, for redress to be had of the wrongs and losses, which in like case he had sustained.  

Anno Reg. 15.  The king favouring enough the causes and petitions of the Spensers, granted their requests, and delivered the petitions unto the archbishop of Canturburie and his suffragans, 
The king asketh the opinions of the prelates.  the which at the same time were there assembled in their provincial council aforesaid, line 50 requiring to have their advise and opinion therein. He likewise requested of the earls and barons that were then with him, and of the counsellors in law, what they thought of this matter. The prelates upon deliberation had, declared that in their opinion, the said award as touching the disheriting and banishing of the Spensers, the father and son was erroneous, 
The declaration of the prelates.  and not rightly decreed, and for themselves they denied that they either did or could think it reason to consent thereunto, and therefore they required line 60 that it might be repealed, and the king's brother Edmund earl of Kent, john de Britain earl of Richmond, 
The declaration of the earls.  Aimer de Ualence earl of Penbroke, and Edmund earl of Arundel, then being in presence of the king, and likewise of the foresaid prelates, affirmed that the said award pronounced against the Spensers was made contrary to law and right, and therefore as the prelates requested, that the same might be repealed.  
Further, the said earls alleged, that the assent which they gave in the said award, was for doubt of the unlawful force which the barons brought unto the said parliament, when they made that award, and for that the said earls that now were with the king, had counseled him to suffer the said award to pass, for fear of the said force, and confessed they had done evil, and besought him of pardon for their offences in so doing. The king thus having caused the prelates, earls, barons, and lawyers there present to utter their judgements in manner aforesaid, he judicially revoked and quite disannulled the process of the said award, made as well touching the banishment, as the disheriting of the Spensers, and restored them to his peace and allegiance, and to their former estates, in all conditions as they enjoyed the same before the making of the said award, notwithstanding certain letters to the contrary of the earl of Lancaster, and other lords of his faction, which for the approving and ratifying of the said process they directed under their seals to the king as yet remaining at London.  
They wrote also to the prelates, justices, and barons of the excheker, to induce the king to give his assent to that which in the tenor of their letters was contained. The earl of Hereford, the lord Roger Mortimer of Cherke, 
The barons again 〈◊〉 armour.  & the lord Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, entering the marches of Wales, came to Gloucester, and took that city. The castle was also delivered unto them by the constable thereof. The king having his people coming daily unto him, whereby his army was hugely increased, about the feast of saint Nicholas he set forth from London, and with him there went his brother Edmund earl of Kent, john earl of Richmond, Edmund earl of Arundel, and many other great lords and barons. The queen with her children he left in the tower of London. 
The lord saint john.  The lord john de saint john coming to submit himself unto the king, at the intercession of diverse noble men, with much ado had his pardon at length granted him.  
The king passing forward, seized into his hands the towns, castles, manors, and goods of them that were against him. But in the mean time the lord Henry de Tieis, 
The lord Tieis.  with certain other that were entered into Glocestershire (hearing that a great multitude of people was assembled out of the country of Eirencester by the king's commandment) came thither and chased them home to their houses, 
Cirencester.  putting them in fear of their lives, if they should offer to resist him. 
The K. 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of Lancaster.  The king coming to Crikelade after the feast of saint Lucy the virgin, wrote to the earl of Lancaster an answer of his letters, which he had received from him at London, modestly reproving him, for that he had so grievously and undutifully reproached him, without respect had to his royal estate, and also presumed to assign him a day within the which he should reform those things which he misliked in him, as if he were his subject and underling, & beside this was now joined with his adversaries against him, where on his behalf there had been no let nor stay at any time, but that they might be friends & remain in quiet together. Where in though he did more than stood with the dignity of his royal title, in somuch as he had the earls life at his commandment, yet for that he tolerated such insolency of behaviour, as was unseemly to be showed against the person of his prince, the king's clemency and patience is highly therein to be commended; though his forbearing and seeking means of quietness did never a whit amend the malignant mind of the earl, whose hart was so enchanted with ambition and supereminent honour, that he quite forgot this good lesson of submission and due allegiance, V● nequeas laedi maiori semper obedi.  
From Crikelade the king went to Eirencester, 
The K. ●●●peth his Christmas●● at Crikela●●.  where he held the feast of Christmas, the earls of Norfolk, Penbroke, Sur●i●, and other great lords coming thither to join their powers with his. Thither came also a great strength of footmen, 
Earls that came to the king to Erikeland.  part of the which under the leading of one Robert Aquari●, a right famous captain, took the castle of Bromfield, those that had the keeping of it fleeing forth of it. The king coming to Worcester about Newyeres tied, year 1322 caused the walls of the city to be repaired, committing the custody thereof unto William de Longchampe. After the epiphany he passed on the side of Severne towards Shrewsburie, where, at his line 10 coming thither he was honourably received by the burgesses that came forth to meet him in armour, and so conveyed him into their town being strongly fenced. 
The Scots invade Northumberland.  In this mean time the Scots now that the truce was ended, entering with a strong power into England, destroyed all the country to Newcastle upon Tine with fire and sword. The Welshmen with their captain Griffin Loitis took the castles in Wales, 
Castles taken by the Welshmen.  which were kept by the people of the lord Mortimer the elder. They took also the castles of line 20 Mole, Chirke, and Olono, the keepers whereof coming unto the king to Shrewsburie submitted themselves to him, who shortly after sent them to the tower of London. The lord Hugh audley the elder, the lord john de Hastings, and diverse other coming in, and submitting themselves to the king were likewise committed to ward. The lord Roger Damorie entering into the city of Worcester destroyed all that which the K. had appointed to be done, about the fortification thereof. line 30  

The earl of Lancaster writeth to the earl of Hereford.  The earl of Lancaster lying at Pomfret, and hearing of all this business, wrote to the earl of Hereford, and other lords that were with him, that they should make haste to come to him at Pomfret, promising from thenceforth to be their general and leader. The earl of Hereford rejoicing at these news, together with all those that were about him, leaving Gloucester and all other strengths which they held in those parts, set forward to pass through the midst of the realm, spoiling by the way men's cattle line 40 and goods very disorderly, 
The earl of Hereford cometh to join with the earl of Lancaster.  and so came through to the earl of Lancaster. The king getting into his hands all the castles of his adversaries in those parts, went to Hereford, where he was honourably received of the clergy and citizens. His army increased daily, many coming in unto him, that before durst not for fear of his adversaries. The bishop of Hereford was sharply checked, because he had taken part with the king's enemies.  
The king sent from hence the lord john Hastings line 50 into Southwales, to take in his name the seizine of the castles belonging to the earl of Hereford, the lord Roger Damorie, and the lord Hugh Spenser the younger, which the barons had the last year got into their hands, all which being now taken to the king's use, were furnished with faithful garrisons. ¶ The king, after this, coming to Gloucester, condemned the sheriff of Hereford to be hanged, for that he had taken part against him with the barons. The lord Maurice Berkley came to the king to Gloucester, 
The lord Berkley submitteth himself to the K.  line 60 submitting himself to the king's pleasure. After this the king came by Weston under edge towards Coventrie, where he had appointed aswell such as he had lately licensed to departed to their homes to refresh themselves for a time, as also diverse other, to assemble with their powers to go with him from thence against his adversaries. 
They appointed to meet at Coventrie.  The day of this assembly was the friday next after the first sunday in Lent. The king from Coventrie went to Merinall, and there lodged in the abbeie for his more ease, writing to William Sutton under-constable of Warwick castle, 
Wil Sutton.  commanding him to be attendant on the sheriff of Warwick, in helping him to watch the entries and issues to and from the castle of Killingworth that was holden against him. 
Killingworth holden against the K. Tik●hil castle besieged.  In the mean time certain of the lords that were gone to the earl of Lancaster besieged Tikehill castle fifteen days together, but prevailed not.  
There were letters intercepted about the same time, which a messenger brought forth of Scotland, 
Letters intercepted.  three closed and three open, for there were six in all. The king sent them to the archbishop of Canturburie, who by his commandment published them in open audience at London. The first was closed with the seal of the lord Thomas Randulfe earl of Murrie, lord of Annandale and of Man, lieutenant to Robert le Bruce king of Scotland, which contained a safe conduct for sir Thomas Top●liue chaplain, and one to be associate with him to come into Scotland, and to return from thence in safety. The second was sealed with the seal of sir james Dowglas for a like safe conduct for the same persons. The third was closed with the seal of the said earl of Murrie for the safe conduct of the lord john de mowbray, and the lord john de Clifford, and forty horses with their pages for their safe coming unto the said earl into Scotland, and for their abiding there and returning back. The fourth was closed with the seal of james Dowglas, directed to king Arthur. 
King Arthur a name feigned of purpose.  The fift was closed with the seal of james Dowglas directed unto the lord Ralph Nevil. The sixth had no direction, but the tenor thereof was this as followeth.  
The tenor of the said sixth letter lacking a direction.  
YOu shall understand my lord, that the communication before hand had, is now brought to effect. For the earl of Hereford, the lords Roger Damorie, Hugh de audley the younger, Bartholomew de Badelesmer, Roger de Clifford, john Gifford, Henry Teis, Thomas Manduit, john de Willington, and all other are come to Pomfret, and are ready to make you good assurance, so that you will perform covenant with them, to wit for your coming to aid us, and to go with us into England and Wales, to live and die with us in our quarrel. We therefore beseech you to assign us day and place, where we may meet, and we will be ready to accomplish fully our business: and we beseech you to make us a safe conduct for thirty horses, that we may in safety come to your parts.  
The king, 
Record. Tur.  when such earls and lords as he had licensed for a time were returned (his brother the earl of Norfolk excepted) & that the most part of those men of war were assembled that had summons, although diverse came not at all; about the first sunday in Lent he set forward towards his enemies, having with him to the number of sixteen hundred men of arms on horseback, 

The king setteth forward towards his enemies.  
He made a proclamation.   and footmen innumerable, with this power passing forth towards his adversaries, he caused proclamation to be made, that he was ready to receive all men to his peace, that would come and submit themselves, those excepted which had been at the siege of Tikehill castle, or at the taking of the city of Gloucester, or at the invasion made upon his men at Bridgenorth.  
At his coming to a little village called Caldwell, 
Burton upon Trent.  he sent afore him certain bands to Burton upon on Trent, where he meant to have lodged: but the earls of Lancaster and Hereford, the lords Roger Damorie, Hugh audley the younger, john de mowbray, Bartholomew de Badelismere, Roger de Clifford, john Gifford de Brem●sfield, Henry Tieis, and many other being gotten thither before, kept the bridge, and affailing the king's people which he had thus sent before, some of them they slew, and some they wounded, so defending the bridge, that none could pass, and by reason that the waters, and specially line 10 the river of Trent through abundance of rain that was lately fallen, were raised, there was no mean to pass by the fords, whereupon the king was constrained to stay the space of three days, in which mean time, the earls and their complices fortified the bridge at Burton, with barriers and such like defences, after the manner of war, but the king at length upon deliberate advise taken how to pass the river, 
The earl of Surrie. Peradventure at Wichnore.  ordained, that the earl of Surrie with certain armed men, should go over by a bridge that line 20 was three miles distant from Burton, that he might come upon the backs of the enemies, as they were fight with those that should assail them affront.  

The earls of Richmond & Penbroke.  The earls of Richmond and Penbroke were appointed to pass by a ford, which they had got knowledge of, with three hundred horsemen in complete armour, and the king with his brother the earl of Kent should follow them, with the residue of the army, 
Robert aquary.  saving that Robert aquary or Waters, with certain bands of footmen was commanded to assail line 30 the bridge, which he did very manfully, causing the archers & crossbows to annoy them that kept it, so as he might draw the whole power of the enemies that way, 
The K. passeth by a ford.  till the king and the earls were passed by the ford. But after that the earls of Lancaster and Hereford with their complices, heard that the king was passed with his army, they came forth with their people into the fields, 
The earls of Lancaster & Hereford flee and set fire on the town.  and put them in order of battle: but perceiving the great puissance which the king had there ready to encounter them, line 40 without more ado they fled setting fire on the town, and leaving all their victuals and other things behind them. The king's people coming speedily forward, and entering the town, quenched the fire, and fell to the spoil of such things as the enemies for haste had left behind them. The king kept nothing to himself, but only a fair cup that belonged to the earl of Lancaster, a piece esteemed to be of some great value.  

The K. cometh to Tutburie.  On the same night, being wednesday, the king line 50 came to Tutburie, and lodged in the castle, sending forth the next day with all speed, letters to the sheriff of Derbishire and Notinghamshire, advertising him both of the success he had against his enemies, and withal, pronouncing them and all their adherents, rebels and traitors to him and his realm, and that for such they should be reputed, taken and used. Wherefore he commanded in the same letters or writs, upon forfeiture of all that the said sheriff might forfeit, he should pursue the said rebels, that is, the earls of line 60 Lancaster and Hereford, the lords Roger Damorie, Hugh Andelie the younger, john de mowbray, Bartholomew de Badelismere, Roger de Clifford, john Gifford de Brimesfield, Henry Tieis, and all and every other person or persons that were of their confederacy, or in their companies; causing hue and cry to be raised upon them, 
Hue and cry.  in what part soever they might be heard of, and in all places where the said sheriff should think it expedient, and to enjoin and straightly command all and singular persons, the said rebels and enemies to pursue, take and arrest, and them to deliver unto the said sheriff, and that such as were not able to pursue them, yet with hand or horn they should levy hue and cry against them, in pain that being found negligent herein, to be accounted for favourers and adherents to the said rebels and traitors, and that the said sheriff should thereupon apprehend them, and put them in prison. The writ was dated at Tutburie the eleventh of March, and the like writs were directed and sent forth to all other sheriffs through the realm, and likewise to the bishop of Durham, and to the justice of Chester.  
Beside this, he directed also other writs to the said sheriffs and others, that although he had been constrained to pass in forcible wise through diverse parts of his realm, and the marches of Wales, to suppress the malicious rebellion of diverse his subjects, and that as yet he was constrained to continue his journey in such forcible wise, nevertheless his pleasure was, that the peace should be maintained and kept throughout his realm, with the statutes, laws and customs inviolated, and therefore he commanded the said sheriffs, that they should cause the same to be proclaimed in places where was thought most expedient, as well within liberties as without, 
Proclamations made for the peace to be kept.  inhibiting that any manner of person, of what state or condition soever he was, upon pain that might fall thereon, to attempt any thing to the breach of peace; but that every man should seek to maintain and preserve the peace and tranquility of the people, with the statutes, laws and good customs of the land, to the uttermost of his power: this always observed, that the rebels, wheresoever they might be found, should be arrested, and committed to safe custody. The day of this writ was at Tutburie aforesaid on the twelfth of March.  
The lord Roger Damorie lay sick in his bed at the same time in the priory of Tutburie, 
The lord Damorie departed th●● life.  who after he had heard what judgement the king had pronounced against him, departed this life within two days after. But the earls of Lancaster and Hereford, with other in their company that fled from the discomfiture at Burton, lost many men and horses in their flying away, by reason of such pursuit as was made after them. diverse of them that had taken part with the lords against the king, came now and submitted themselves unto him, amongst the which were sir Gilbert de Ellesfield, 
Sir Gilbert de Ellesfield & sir Robert Helland 〈◊〉 themselves to the king.  and sir Robert Helland knights. The king yet had the said Holland in some suspicion, because he had promised to have come to him before. The earl of Lancaster had sent him at this time to raise his tenants in Lancashire, and to bring them unto him, but he deceived him, and came not to him at all, whereupon the earls of Lancaster and Hereford, with the other barons, 
The earle●● 〈◊〉 Lancas●●●●● Hereford came to Pomfr●t.  being come unto Pom●ret, fell to council in the Friars there, and finally, after much debating of the matter, and considering how by the untrue dealing of the said Robert Holland, their side was much weakened, it was concluded, that they should go to the castle of Dunstanborough, and there remain till they might purchase the king's pardon, sith their enterprise thus quailed under their hands: and herewith setting forward that way forth, they came to Borough bridge, 
Rich. So●●●. Sir 〈◊〉 Herkley.  where sir Andrew de Herkley with the power of the countess of Cumberland and Westmoreland had forlaid the passage, and there on a tuesday being the 16 of March, he setting upon the barons, in the end discomfited them, and chased their people.  
In this fight was s●aine the earl of Hereford, the lord William de Sully, 

The earl 〈◊〉 Here●ord slain.  
The earl 〈◊〉 Lancaster taken.   with sir Roger de Bourghfield, and diverse others. And there were taken Thomas earl of Lancaster, the lord Roger Clifford son to that lord Roger which died in the battle of Bannockesborne in Scotland, the lord Gilbert Talbot, the lord john ●owbraie, 
〈◊〉  the lord Hugh de Willington, the lord Thomas ●anduit, the lord Warren de Lisle, the lord Philip Darcie, the lord Thomas Wither, the lord Henry de Willington, the lord Hugh de Knovill, the lord Philip de Beche, the lord Henry de Leiborne, the lord Henry de Bradborne, the lord john de Becks, the lord Thomas Lovel, the lord William fitz William, Robert de Wateville, john de Strikeland, Odnell Heron, Walter Pavelie of Stretton, and a great number of other esquires and gentlemen. 
The battle of ●orough bridge.  This battle was fought on the fifteenth day of March, in the year 1322 after the account of them that begin the year at the Circumcision, line 10 which was in the said fifteenth yé ere of this king's reign.  
The body of the earl of Hereford was sent to York, two friars of the order of preachers being appointed to look to it, till the king took order for the burying of it. The lord Clifford also, because he was wounded with an arrow, was sent unto York. At the same time, the lord Henry Percy took the lord Henry Tieis, and john de Goldington knight, with two esquires, and within a few days after, Donald de Mar took the lord Bartholomew de Badelismere, line 20 the lord Hugh audley the younger, the lord john Gifford, the lord William Tuche●, and in manner all those which escaped by flight from this battle were taken in one place or other, by such of the king's servants and friends as pursued them. 
The castle of Pom●ret is rendered to the king.  Upon the one and twentieth of March, came sir Andrew de Harkley unto Pomfret, bringing with him the earl of Lancaster and other prisoners. The king was come thither a few days before, and had the castle yielded to him by the constable, that not many days past was line 30 appointed to the keeping thereof by the earl, which earl now being brought thither captive, was mocked, scorned, and in derision called king Arthur.  
On the morrow after being monday, the two and twentieth of March, he was brought before these noble men, Edmund earl of Kent, john earl of Richmond, Aimer earl of Penbroke, john earl of Surrie, Edmund earl of Arundel, David earl of Athol, Robert earl of Anegoes, the lord Hugh Spenser line 40 the father, the lord Robert de Malmesthorp justice, 
The earl of Lancaster arraigned.  and others with them associate, before whom he was arraigned of high treason, for that he had raised war against the king, and defended the passage of Burton bridge, for the space of three days together against him, and after when it was perceived that the king had passed the river, he with Humphrey de Bohun earl of Hereford, and other their complices like traitors, set fire on the said town, and cruelly burnt part of the houses and men of the same town, and after, the said earl of Lancaster with his complices, line 50 arranged himself in field with his army and banners displayed ready to fight against the king, till that perceiving the king's power to be overstrong for him & his partakers to resist, he together with them fled, committing by the way diverse felonies and robberies, till they came to Burrough bridge, where finding certain of the kings faithful subjects ready to resist them, they assailed the said faithful subjects with force of arms and banners displayed, slaying line 60 diverse of them, till finally the said earl of Lancaster was caught, and other of his complices, some taken, some slain, and the residue put to flight, so that there wanted no good will in the said earl of Lancaster and others, why the king should not have been vanquished. Which treasons, murders, burning of houses, destroying of the king's people, being plainly & manifestly known to the earls, 
He is found guilty. ●●. Southwell.  barons, lords, and other people of the land, the said earl of Lancaster was thereupon adjudged to die, according to the law in such cases provided, that is, to be drawn, hanged, and headed. But because he was the queen's uncle, 
He is beheaded.  and son to the king's uncle, he was pardoned of all save heading, and so accordingly thereunto suffered at Pomfret the two and twentieth of March.  
Thus the king seemed to be revenged of the displeasure done to him by the earl of Lancaster, for the beheading of Peers de Gaveston earl of Cornwall, whom he so dearly loved, and because the earl of Lancaster was the chief occasioner of his death, the king never loved him entirely after. ¶ So that here is verified the censure of the scripture expressed by the wisdom of Solomon, that the anger and displeasure of the king is as the roaring of a lion, and his revenge inevitable. Wherefore it is an high point of discretion in such as are mighty, to take heed how they give edge unto the wrath of their sovereign, which if it be not by submission made blunt, the burden of the smart ensuing will lie heavy upon the offendor, even to his utter undoing, and loss (perhaps) of life. In this sort came the mighty earl of Lancaster to his end, being the greatest peer in the realm, and one of the mightiest earls in christendom: for when he began to levy war against the king, he was possessed of five earldoms, Lancaster, Lincoln, Salisbury, Leicester, and Derbie, beside other signiories, lands, and possessions, great to his advancement in honour and puissance. But all this was limited within prescription of time, which being expired, both honour and puissance were cut off with dishonour and death, for (O mutable state!) 
Inuida fatorum series, summísque negatum  
Stare diu.   
On the same day, the lord William Tuchet, the lord William fitz William, the lord Warren de Lisle, the lord Henry Bradborne, and the lord William; Chenie barons, with john Page an esquire, were drawn and hanged at Pomfret aforesaid, and then shortly after, Roger lord Clifford, john lord mowbray, and sir Gosein d' Eevill barons, 
Lords executed.  were drawn and hanged at York. At Bristol in like manner were executed sir Henry de Willington, and sir Henry Montfort baronet's; and at Gloucester, the lord john Gifford, and sir William Elmebridge knight; and at London, the lord Henry Teies baron; at Winchelsie, sir Thomas Culpepper knight; at Windsor, the lord Francis de Aldham baron; and at Canturburie, the lord Bartholomew de Badelismere, and the lord Bartholomew de Ashbornham, barons. Also at Cardiff in Wales, sir William Fleming knight was executed: diverse were executed in their countries, as sir Thomas Mandit and others.  
But now touching the foresaid earl of Lancaster, 
Auesburie. Nic. Triver.  great strife rose afterwards amongst the people, whether he ought to be reputed for a saint or no. Some held, that he ought to be no less esteemed, for that he did many almesdéeds in his life time, honoured men of religion, and maintained a true quarrel till his lives end. Also, his enemies continued not long after, but came to evil end. Others conceived an other opinion of him, alleging, that he favoured not his wife, but lived in spouse-breach, defiling a great number of damosels and gentlewomen. If any offended him, he slew him shortly after in his wrathful mood. Apostates and other evil doers he maintained, and would not suffer them to be punished by due order of law. All his doings he used to commit unto one of his secretaries, and took no heed himself thereof: and as for the manner of his death, he fled shamefully in the fight, and was taken and put to death against his will, because he could not avoid it: yet by reason of certain miracles which were said to be done near the place both where he suffered, and where he was buried, caused many to think he was a saint; howbeit, at length, by the king's commandment, the church doors of the priory where he was buried, were shut and closed, so that no man might be suffered to come to the tomb to bring any offerings, or to do any other kind of devotion to the same. 
Caxton.  Also, the hill where he suffered was kept by certain Gascoines, appointed by the lord Hugh Spenser the son then lying at Pomfret, to the end that no people should come and make their prayers there in worship of the said earl, whom they took verily for a martyr.  

A parliament at York.  When the king had subdued the barons, shortly after, about the feast of the Ascension of our lord, he line 10 held a parliament at York, in which parliament, the record and whole process of the decree or judgement concerning the disheriting of the Spensers, 
The record touching the banishing of the Spensers' reversed.  ordained by the lords in parliament assembled at London the last summer, was now throughly examined, and for their errors therein found, the same record and process was clearly adnthilated and reversed, and the said Spensers were restored to all their lands and offices, 
Creation of earls.  as before. And in the same parliament the lord Hugh Spenser the father was made earl of line 20 Winchester, and the lord Andrew de Herklie earl of Carleill. Moreover, in the same parliament, all such were disherited as had taken part with the earls of Lancaster & Hereford, 
The lord audley pardoned.  except the lord Hugh audley the younger, and a few other, the which lord Hugh was pardoned, because he had married the king's niece, that was sister to Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester, which was slain in Scotland, at the battle of Bannockesborne, as before is mentioned.  

Robert Baldock is made lord chancellor. Polydor.  At this time also master Robert Baldock, a man line 30 evil beloved in the realm, was made lord chancellor of England. This Robert Baldock, and one Simon Reding were great favourers of the Spensers, and so likewise was the earl of Arundel, whereby it may be thought, that the Spensers did help to advance them into the king's favour, so that they bore no small rule in the realm, during the time that the same Spensers continued in prosperity, which for the term of five years after that the foresaid barons (as before is expressed) were brought to line 40 confusion, did wonderfully increase, and the queen for that she gave good and faithful counsel, 
The queen giveth good counsel.  was nothing regarded, but by the Spensers' means clearly worn out of the king's favour. Moreover, we find, 
The king's eldest son created prince of Wales.  that in this parliament holden at York, the king's son Edward was made prince of Wales, and duke of Aquitaine.  
Also, the king caused the ordinances made by the earls and barons to be examined by men of great knowledge and skill, and such as were thought necessary line 50 to be established, he commanded that the same should be called statutes, 
Statutes.  and not ordinances. Beside a great subsidy granted to the king by the temporalty, 
A subsidy.  the clergy of all the province of Canturburie granted five pence of every mark, and they of the province of York four pence. Aimer earl of Penbroke, 
Addition to Trivet. The earl of Penbroke arrested.  being returned home from this parliament holden at York, was arrested by certain knights, sent with authority thereunto from the king, who brought him back to York, where at length through line 60 suit of certain noble men, he was upon his oath taken to be a faithful subject, and in consideration of a fine which he paid to the king, set at liberty. The occasion of his imprisonment came, for that he was accused and detected to be a secret favourer of the barons cause against the Spensers in time of the late troubles.  

Fabian.  Moreover, shortly after the king gathered the sixth penny of the temporal men's goods through England, Ireland and Wales, which had been granted to him at the foresaid parliament holden at York, towards the defending of the realm against the Scots. This ta● was not gathered without great murmur and grudge, the realm being in such evil and miserable state as it then was. ¶ This year also the sun appeared to man's sight in colour like to blood, and so continued six hours, to wit, from seven of the clock in the morning of the last day of October, until one of the clock in the afternoon of the same day.  
Here is to be noted, 
Polydor.  that during the time whilst the civil war was in hand betwixt king Edward and his barons, the Scots and Frenchmen were not idle, for the Scots wasted & destroyed the country of the bishopric of Durham (as before ye have partly heard) & the Frenchmen made roads & incursions into the borders of Given, 
The Scots invade the bishopric of Durham.  alleging that they did it upon good and sufficient occasion, for that king Edward had not done his homage unto the king of France, as he ought to have done, for the duchy of Aquitaine, and the county of Pontieu. But the true occasion that moved them to attempt the wars at that present, was for that they were in hope to recover all the lands which the king of England held within France, clearly out of his hands, for so much as they understood the discord betwixt him and his barons, and how infortunatlie he had sped against the Scots, by reason whereof they judged the time to serve most fitly now for their purpose.  
In the octaves of the nativity of saint john Baptist, Robert Bruce entering into England by Carleill, kept on his way through Cumberland, 
Rich. South. Rob. Bruc● invadeth England.  Coupeland, Kendal, and so into Lancashire, till he came to Preston in Andernesse, which town he burned, as he had done others in the countries through which he had passed. There were some of the Scots that forraied the country five miles on this side Preston southwards, 
See more hereof in Scotland.  and thus being fourscore long miles within England, they returned homewards, and entered again into Scotland without encounter, after they had been at this time within England the space of three weeks and three days. King Edward being thus beset with two mischiefs both at one time, thought good first to provide remedy against the nearer danger, which by the Scots was still at hand, and therefore he meant to go against them himself, and to send his brother Edmund earl of Kent into Guien, to defend that country from the Frenchmen. Hereupon now in the sixteenth year of his reign, 
Anno Reg. ●●.  after that the Scots were returned home with a great booty and rich spoil, 
The king goeth into Scotland with an ar●● Ri. Southw. Merimou●h▪  he got together a wonderful great army of men, and entering into Scotland, passed far within the country, not finding any resistance at all (as the most part of our writers do agree) but at length, through famine and diseases of the flux and other maladies that fell amongst the Englishmen in the army, he was constrained to come back, and in his way besieged the castle of Norham, which fortress he won within ten days after he had begun to assault it.  
Robert Bruce immediately after the English army was retired home, raised a power, and entering into England by Sulwaie sands, lay at a place called Beaumond, not past three miles from Carleill, by the space of five days, sending in the mean time the most part of his army abroad to spoil and harry the country on every side, and afterwards removing from thence, he passed towards Blackamoor, having knowledge by diligent espials, that king Edward was in those parts, giving himself more to pastime in hunting there within the woods about Blackamoor, than to the good ordering of his people which he had then about him. Whereupon the Scotish king Bruce, entering into that wild and moorish country, where he had not been afore, conveyed his enterprise so warily, and with such diligent industry, that on saint Luke's day, coming upon the English army at unwares, he put the same to flight, so that the king himself was in great danger to have been taken prisoner. For (as some authors writ) the Scots had almost taken him at dinner in the abbeie of Beighland. Sir john Britain earl of Richmond was taken at this battle, and the king's treasure was spoiled and carried away, with the provision and ordinance that belonged to the host.  

Rich. South.  The king escaping away, got to York, and the Scots having thus the upper hand, after they had spoiled the monastery of Rinale, 

Yorkeswol● spoiled by the Scots.  
Beverlie ransomed.   and taken their pleasure there, they passed forth into Yorkeswold, destroying line 10 that country even almost unto Beverlie, which town they ransomed, receiving a sum of money for sparing it, lest they should have burnt it, as they did other. 
The earl of Carleill raiseth an army.  The earl of Carleill being commanded by the king to raise the powers of Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lancashire, did so, and according to that he had in commandment, bringing them below the countries unto York, found the K. there in no plight to give battle to his enemies, all things being brought about him into great confusion: line 20 whereupon he licensed his people to departed to their homes again, and the Scots so returned without battle home into their countries, entering into Scotland the morrow after All ballowes day, after they had remained in England at this time, one whole month and four days. 
Fabian.  Some writ, that in their return, they spoilt Northalerton, and diverse other towns and places as they passed.  

A conspiracy to set prisoners at liberty.  In the same year, there was a great conspiracy line 30 practised by certain persons that had taken part with the barons in the late wars, purposing to set at liberty in one self night, all those noble men and others, that were by the king kept in prison for that quarrel. Certain therefore of those conspirators came to the castle of Walingford, within the which the lord Maurice Berkelie, and the lord Hugh Audlie remained as prisoners. The conspirators found shift to enter the castle by a postern gate towards the Thames side, howbeit not so secretly but that the line 40 townsmen having knowledge thereof, assembled together, and besieged them that were so entered the castle, till the earls of Kent and Winchester came with a great power to reinforce the siege, so that in the end, they that had made this attempt fled into the chapel of the castle, in hope to be saved through sanctuary of the place, but they were (against the wills of the dean and priests of the college there that sought to defend them) taken forth by force, so that sir john de Goldington knight, 
Sir john Goldington.  sir Edmund of line 50 the Bech chaplain, and an esquire called Roger Walton, were sent to Pomfret, and there put in prison; the esquire was after sent to York, and there drawn and hanged. This enterprise caused all other prisoners to be more straightly looked unto.  
In this year was begun a wicked practice of treason upon this occasion. Where K. Edward having assayed fortune so froward towards him, in chance of war against the Scots at sundry times, was thereby taught to doubt the trial thereof any further, and line 60 rather to seek for peace, he appointed Andrew Herklie earl of Carleill, 
Polydor.  to seek some means, whereby a peace might be concluded betwixt him and king Robert. 
Rich. South W. Polydor.  The earl by the king's commandment, going into Scotland, and coming unto king Robert, whom he found at Loghmaban, entreated with him of war, and not of peace; for whether it were so that he despaired of the state of king Edward's business, which prospered neither at home nor abroad; chiefly by reason of his own wilful negligence (as some writ) or whether of his own nature this earl delighted in nothing so much, as in deceit, craft, and treason: he concluded upon points with the Scotish king, how, when, and where king Edward should be betrayed, and to the end that covenanted faith on either side might be the more surly kept and observed, the sister of K. Robert was affianced unto the said earl of Carleill: a very beautiful lady and a comely as was any where to be seen or found.  
This practice being thus contrived, shortly after the king got knowledge thereof, though by whom it was not certainly known: so hard a thing it is for man to conceal and keep secret that thing which he goeth about, though he study never so much so to do, namely in matters of treason, 
Treason will ever come to light by one mean● or other.  which hath a thousand feet to creep abroad, and which way soever it goeth, it leaveth a thousand prints of the footsteps behind it, by the which it may be discovered to the world. When therefore the earl came back again to Carleill, he was arrested by commandment from the king, and straightways being arraigned of the treason, he was thereof condemned and put to execution. 
1323 The earl of Carleill put to death.  His head was sent unto London, 
The earl of Carleill put to death.  and there set upon the bridge, or rather upon some turret of the tower. So hard a matter it is for traitors to escape the hands of the executioner; under whose hatchet they submit their heads to be hewn from their shoulders, even then when they have conceived their traitorous attempts in hart, for God who hath placed princes in thrones of royalty, to this end hath vouchsafed them a superlative degree of dignity, that they might be obeyed, neither will his justice permit impunity to the disloyal enterprises and complots of malefactors, common peace-disturbers, hautie-harted Nimrod's, ambitious haman's, or any lewd malcontent: for 
Acer Dei est oculus ad omnia videndum,  
Eius poenas non effugit mortalis,  
Vivere volens ergo ne faciat morte digna.   
¶ But there be that writ otherwise (as it may well be) thus, that this earl of Carleill, perceiving the misery of his country, without consent of the king of England, made peace with the king of Scots, under this form, as by Richard Southwell we find recorded. 
Ri. Southwell.  First, the earl promised faithfully for him and his heirs, that they should with all their force and means possible, seek to maintain the said king of Scots, his heirs and successors, in the peaceable possession of the kingdom of Scotland, and that to their powers they should fight against all those that would not agree unto that covenant, as against them that should seem to be enemies unto the commonwealth of both the realms of England and Scotland. The king of Scots promised faithfully for his part, to defend the said earl, his heirs, and adherents in the said covenant or paction, and not only to keep peace with England, but also to build a monastery within Scotland, assigning revenues thereto, to the value of five hundred marks, to celebrate divine service, and to pray continually for the souls of them that were dead, by occasion of the passed wars betwixt England and Scotland; and further, that he should give to the king of England within ten years, forty thousand pounds of silver; and that the king of England should have the king of Scots eldest son, to marry him unto some lady of his blood, as he should think expedient. To the performance of all which covenants well and truly to be observed, Thomas Randulfe earl of Murrey swore on the behalf of the king of Scots, and the earl of Carleill swore for himself: and héerewith certain writings indented were drawn and engrossed, to the which interchangeably they set their hands and seals.  
After that the earl of Carleill was returned home, he called to Carleill all the chief persons of the country, as well spiritual as temporal, and there rather through fear, than otherwise, constrained them to receive an oath, that they should aid & assist him to their powers, to see all the covenants abovesaid performed and kept. After that these things were known to the king and the realm, although some of the commonalty liked well enough of the matter, because they hoped thereby to remain in peace, especially those of the north parts, the king yet and his council (not without cause) were sore offended, for that he whom the king had so lately advanced, should confederate himself with the Scots, line 10 to the prejudice of the king and his crown, concluding any covenants of peace without his consent, whereupon reputing him for a rank traitor, the king sent unto the lord Antony Lucy, 
The lord Lucy.  to apprehend the said earl by some means if he might, and for his pains he should not fail to be well rewarded.  
The lord Lucy watching his time, when the earls men were gone some whither abroad, and but few left about him, the morrow after the feast of saint Matthew the apostle, he entered the castle of Carleill, line 20 as it were to talk with the earl of some business, as his manner was at other times to do. He had with him sir Hugh Lowther, sir Richard Denton, and sir Hugh Moricebie knights, and four esquires, beside other privily armed, so that leaving some at every gate and door as he entered, he came into the hall, and there finding the earl inditing letters, arrested him. Herewith when certain of the earls servants made a noise, and cried, Treason, treason, the porter of the inner gate would have shut it upon line 30 them that were thus entered, but sir Richard Denton slew that porter with his own hands, and there was not one more slain by them in the apprehension of the earl, for all other his servants yielded themselves and the house unto the said lord Lucy, without more resistance.  
Howbeit one of his servants that saw these doings, got away, and with all speed ran to the péele of He●head, 
Michael de Herkley.  and showed to the earls brother Michael Herkeley what was chanced to the earl, whereupon line 40 the said Michael forthwith fled into Scotland, and with him sir William Blunt knight, a Scotishman, and diverse other that were of the earls privy council. The lord Lucy streightwaies sent a messenger to the king unto York, advertising him how he had taken the earl, and therefore required to understand further of the king's pleasure. The king forthwith sent the lord Geffrey Scroobe justice, with a number of armed men unto Carleill, the which came thither on saint Chaddes day, and the morrow after, being line 50 the third of March, he sat in judgement upon the said earl, in the castle of Carleill, and there (as out of the king's mouth) he pronounced sentence against him in this wise; first, that he should be disgraded of his earldom, by the taking away from him the sword which the king had gird him with, and likewise of his knighthood, by cutting off his spurs from his heels, and that after this, he should be drawn from the castle through the city unto the place of execution, 
The earl of Carle●●s judgement.  where felons were accustomed to suffer, and there line 60 to be hanged, afterwards headed, and then his head to be sent unto London, there to be set aloft upon one of the turrets of the tower, and his quarters to be divided, one to be set up at Carleill, an other at Newcastle upon Tine, the third at Bristol, & the fourth at Dover.  
When he had heard this judgement, he said; You have divided my body at your pleasure, and I commit my soul unto God: and being according to the judgement drawn to the place where he suffered, he never shrank at the matter, but boldly behaved himself, 
His constancy at his death.  declaring at the very hour of his death, that his intention in concluding the agreement with the Scots was good, and proceeding not of any evil meaning, but tending only to the wealth and quietness of the realm. Neither could such friars as were permitted to come to him before his arraignment to hear his confession, get any thing more of him, but that his meaning was good, and that which he had concluded with the king of Scots was not done upon any evil purpose, whereby any hurt might ensue, either to the king or to the realm. ¶ Thus have we thought good to show the cause of this earls death, as by some writers it hath been registered; although there be that writ, 
Fabian.  that the overthrow at Beighland chanced through his fault, 
Ca●ton,  by misleading a great part of the king's host, and that therefore the king being offended with him, caused him to be put to death, albeit (as I think) no such matter was alleged against him at the time of his arraignment.  
About this season was the foundation begun of S. Michael's college in Cambridge, 
Polydor.  by one sir Henry Stanton knight, chancellor of the excheker. About the feast of the Ascension, 
Rich. Sou●● Commissioners 〈◊〉 entreat of peace.  there came as commissioners from the king of England unto Newcastle, Aimerie earl of Penbroke, and the lord chamberlain Hugh Spenser the younger, and other four personages of good account. And from the king of Scots, there came the bishop of saint Andrews, Thomas Randulfe earl of Murrey, and other four of good credit to treat of peace, or at the leastwise of some long truce, and through the good will and pleasure of God, the author of all peace and quietness, they concluded upon a truce, to endure for thirteen years, 
A tr●ce 〈◊〉 claded.  and so about the feast of saint Barnaby the apostle, it was proclaimed in both realms, but yet so, that they might not traffic together, because of the excommunication wherewith the Scots were as yet entangled, although as some writ, about the same time, the interdict wherein the realm of Scotland stood bound, was by pope john released. 
Polydore▪ Hect. 〈◊〉▪ Anno Reg. 1● Messengers from the French king.   
The French K. being lately come to the crown, sent certain ambassadors unto king Edward, to wit, the lord Beoville, and one Andreas de Florentia a notary, to give summons unto him from the French king, to come and do homage for the lands which he held in France, 
The Fren●● king taketh towns in Aquitaine.  as for the duchy of Aquitaine, and the county of Pontieu. And though the lord chamberlain Hugh Spenser the son, and the lord chancellor Robert Baldock did what they could to procure these ambassadors, not to declare the cause of their coming to the king, yet when they should departed, they admonished the king to come and do his homage unto the French king, and upon this admonition the said Andreas framed a public instrument, by virtue whereof, the French king made process against the king of England, and seized into his hands diverse towns and castles in Aquitaine, alleging that he did it for the contumacy showed by the king of England, in refusing to come to do his homage, being lawfully summoned, although the king was throughly informed, that the summons was neither lawful, nor touched him any thing at all.  
About the same time, 
The lord Mortimer breaketh 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉  the lord Roger Mortimer of Wigmor, giving his keepers a drink that brought them into a sound and heavy sleep, escaped out of the tower of London where he was prisoner. This escape of the lord Mortimer greatly troubled the king, so that immediately upon the first news, he wrote to all the sheriffs of the realm, that if he chanced to come within their rooms, they should cause hue and cry to be raised, so as he might be stayed and arrested, but he made such shift, that he got over into France, where he was received by a lord of Picardy, named monsieur Iohn de Fieules, who had fair lands in England, and therefore the king wrote to him, reproving him of unthankfulness, considering he had been ever ready to pleasure him, and to advance his profits and commodities, and yet notwithstanding he did secure the said lord Mortimer, and other rebels that were fled out of his realm.  
In Lent this year, a parliament was holden at London, 
1●24  in the which diverse things were entreated, amongst other the chiefest was, 
A parliament.  to determine for the sending of some honourable embassage to the French king, to excuse the king for not coming to him to do his homage, according to the pretended summons. 
The bishop of Hereford arrested.  line 10 ¶ In the same parliament, Adam bishop of Hereford was arrested, and examined upon points of treason, for aiding, succouring, and maintaining the Mortimers, and other of the rebels. This bishop was reckoned to be wise, 
Thom. de la More.  subtle, and learned, but otherwise wilful, presumptuous, and given to maintain factions. At the first, he disdained to make any answer at all, and finally, when he was in manner forced thereto, he flatly told the king, that he might not make any answer to such matters as he was charged with, 
Thom. Wals.  except by the licence and consent of his line 20 metropolitan the archbishop of Canturburie, and other his peers. Hereupon, the said archbishop and other bishops made such suit, that he was committed to the keeping of the said archbishop, with him to remain, till the king had taken order for his further answer.  
Within few days after, when the king called him again before his presence, to make answer to the matters laid against him, the archbishops of Canturburie, line 30 York, Dublin, and ten other bishops came with their crosses afore them, 
The presamtuous ●enicanor of prelates.  and under a colour of the privilege and liberties of the church, took him away, before he had made any answer, forbidding all men on pain of excommunication, to lay any hands upon him. The king greatly offended with this bold proceeding of the prelates, caused yet an inquest to be impavelled, to inquire of the bishop of Hereford's treasons, and upon the finding of him guilty, he seized into his hands all the temporalties line 40 that belonged to his bishopric, and spoiled his manors and houses most violently, in revenge of his disloyal dealings.  

Re. Tu●▪ Lands belonging to the templars.  Moreover, in this parliament, the lands and possessions that belonged sometime to the Templars, and had been delivered unto the knight's Hospitalers, otherwise called knights of the Rhodes by the king in the seventh year of his reign (according to the decree of the council of Uienna) were by authority of this parliament assured unto the said knights, to enjoy line 50 to them and their successors for ever. Also it was concluded, that the earl of Kent, and the archbishop of Dubline should go over as ambassadors into France, to excuse the king for his not coming in person to the French king, to do his homage for the lands he held in France. Moreover, in the same parliament, 
Licence to 〈◊〉 the bodies of the rebels. Reco●d. Tur.  the king granted, that all the dead bodies of his enemies and rebels that had suffered and hanged still on the gallows, should be taken down, and buried in the churchyards next to the places where line 60 the same bodies were hanging, and not elsewhere, by such as would take pain to bury them, as by his writs directed unto the sheriffs of London, and of the counties of Middlesex, Kent, Gloucester, York, and Buckingham it appeared. And not only this liberty was granted at that time for the taking down of those bodies, 
Polydor.  but (as some writ) it was decreed by authority in the same parliament, that the bodies of all those that from thenceforth should be hanged for felonies, should incontinently be buried, which ordinance hath been ever since observed.  

Ambassadors sent into France.  The earl of Kent, and the archbishop of Dubline going over into France, could not light upon any good conclusion for the matter about the which they were sent, because the same time, or rather somewhat before, the lord Raze Basset of Draiton, 
The lord Basset.  being the king's seneschal in Guien, had overthrown a certain town, newly fortified by the Frenchmen on the frontiers, for that the inhabitants, trusting on the French kings favour and maintenance, refused to obey the laws and ordinances of the country of Aquitaine, and seemed to despise and set at nought the authority of the said lord Basset in that country, contrary to all right, good order or reason. Nevertheless, the French king took the matter so grievously, that except the lord Basset might be constrained to come unto Paris, and there make answer to his offence, he would not hearken to any other satisfaction. And thereupon, when the ambassadors were returned, he sent his uncle the lord Charles de Ualois earl of Anio●, with a mighty army, 
Anno Reg. 18. The earl of Amou sent into Guien.  against the English subjects into Guien, where entering into Agenois, he took and seized all that country into the French kings hands. 
The earl of Kent.  The earl of Kent being now gotten into those parts, with a great number of other captains and men of war sent thither by the king of England, resisted the enemies very manfully, in so much that upon their approach to the Riol, a strong town in those parts, the earl of Kent as then being within it, did issue forth, and giving them battle, slew (as some writ) fourteen hundred of their men, so that they were glad to lodge at the first somewhat further off the town.  
Whilst this siege remained before the town of the Riol, 
Fabian. The king of England writeth to the duke of Britain. Record. Tur.  the king of England wrote his letters to the duke of Britain, as one of the peers of France, declaring the injurious dealing of the French king, who had sent his uncle the earl of Anjou with an army against his people in Agenois, where he had taken many towns, destroyed his people, and now had besieged his nephew Edmund earl of Kent, within the town of the Riol, inforsing his whole puissance wrongfully to bereave him of all the duchy of Guien, and against all reason, and the prerogative of the peers of France, to an evil precedent or example in time to come of the perpetual servitude of the said peers. And although saith the king of England, that the French allege that we have been lawfully summoned to come and do homage, and have refused so to do, that is not so: for we were never in due order required as was convenient, neither could we do homage, by reason of the great injuries and hard dealings practised against us, from the feast of Easter last, till the date of those his present letters (which was the sixth of October, in this eighteenth year of his reign) and yet, saith he, there was never any lawful process had against us before our peers, in the great chamber at Paris, as had been requisite.  
Hereupon he requested the duke of Britain, that for the preservation and maintenance of the honourable estate of the peers of France, & for justice sake he would help to aid him, either by way of request, or other convenient means, so as the said streict dealings and injurious wrongs may cease, and the estate of the péereship may be maintained as was requisite. He wrote likewise to the lord john the infant, the lord of Biskie, 
The lord of Biskie.  and to the lady Marie of Biskie governess of the king of Castille and Leon, and to james king of Arragon, requesting them to aid him with men of war, as well horsemen as footmen, against his adversary the French king, that most unjustly went about to deprive him of his inheritance. But howsoever the matter went, no aid came to the earl of Kent from any part, till at length, the Frenchmen so reinforced the siege, that the town was delivered to the earl of Anjou, and a truce taken upon certain conditions, that further talk might be had, 
Tho. Wals. A truce taken.  for the conclusion of some peace.  
Then were sent over other ambassadors, as the lord john de Sully a Frenchman borne, 
The lord de Sully sent into France in embassage.  and one master john de Shoreditch, but the lord Sully had so strange entertainment for some displeasure which the French king conceived against him, that if the French queen had not the better entreated for him, he had lost his head; and as for the other, he had also returned home without bringing any thing to pass, of that for the which he was sent. After this, the pope line 10 sent the archbishop of Uienna, 
The pope sendeth ambassadors to the kings of England and France.  and the bishop of Orange, to the princes of either realm, to exhort them to some agreement, but they could do no good, and so taking money of the clergy for their expenses, they returned. After this, about the twentieth day after Christmas, year 1325 there was a parliament called at London, in the which the king required to have the advise of the lords, how he might work for saving, of the duchy of Guien, sore molested by the French. hereupon line 20 it was concluded, 
Other ambassadors sent over into France.  that the bishops of Winchester and Norwich, and john de Britain earl of Richmond, should go over as ambassadors to the French king, who coming into France, after many argumentations, allegations, and excuses, made on both parts, at length received a certain form of pacification at the French kings hands, with the which the bishop of Winchester was sent back to England, the bishop of Norwich, and the earl of Richmond remaining there, till it might be known how the king line 30 of England would like thereof.  
Finally it was thought good, that the queen should go over to her brother the French king, 
The queen is sent over into France to talk with her brother the French king.  to confirm that treaty of peace upon some reasonable conditions. She willingly took upon her the charge, and so with the lord john Crumwell, & other four knights, without any other great train, taking sea, she landed in France, where of the king her brother she was joyfully received, 
A peace and concord agreed upon.  and finally she being the mediatrix, it was finally accorded, that the K. of England should give to his eldest son the duchy of Aquitaine, and line 40 the county of Pontieu, and that the French king receiving homage of him for the same, he should restore into his hands the said county, and the lands in Given, for the which they were at variance, and for those countries which had been forraied and spoiled, the earl of Anjou should fully see him satisfied, as right did require.  

Anno Reg. 19  Upon the covenants the French king wrote his letters patents into England, and other letters also of safe conduct, as well for the son as for the king line 50 himself, if it should please him to come over himself in person. Upon which choice great deliberation was had, as well at Langdon, as at Dover, diverse thinking it best that the king should go over himself: but the earl of Winchester and his son the lord chamberlain, that neither durst go over themselves with the king, nor abide at home in his absence, gave contrary counsel, and at length prevailed so, that it was fully determined that the king's eldest line 60 son Edward should go over, which turned to their destruction, as it appeared afterward.  
Hereupon the king made a charter of grant unto his son, of the duchy of Guien, and county of Pontieu, to have and hold to him & his heirs kings of England, with condition, that if he chanced to departed this life whilst his father lived, those lands should return to his father again, so as the French king might not marry the king's son at his pleasure, nor appoint unto him any guardians or governors. 
The prince of Wales is sent into France.  This ordinance was made at Dover by the king's charter, with consent of the prelates and other noble men of the realm there present, the morrow after the Nativity of our lady, and on the thursday following, the king's son took the sea, and with him Walter bishop of Excester and others in competent number, and about the feast of saint Matthew the apostle, he did homage to his uncle the French king at Bois de Vincennes, under certain protestations made, as well on the one part as the other.  
The summer this year proved exceeding hot and dry, 
A dry summer.  so that springs and rivers failed to yield their accustomed course of waters, by reason whereof great numbers of cattle and beasts, 
cattle died.  both wild and tame died, through lack of convenient liquor to assuage their vehement thirst. In the beginning of the next spring, 
The king suddeth for his wife and so● to return home.  king Edward sent into France unto his wife and son, commanding them, now that they had made an end of their business, to return home with all convenient speed. The queen receiving the message from her husband, whether it was so that she was stayed by her brother, unto whom belike she had complained after what manner she was used at her husband's hands, being had in no regard with him: or for that she had no mind to return home, because she was loath to see all things ordered out of frame by the counsel of the Spensers, whereof to hear she was weary: or whether (as the manner of women is) she was long about to prepare herself forward, she slacked all the summer, and sent letters ever to excuse her tarriance. 
The woman's dissimulation.  But yet because she would not run in any suspicion with her husband, she sent diverse of her folks before her into England by soft journeys. A lamentable case, that such division should be between a king and his queen, being lawfully married, and having issue of their bodies, which ought to have made that their copulation more comfortable: but (alas) what will not a woman be drawn and alured unto, if by evil counsel she be once assaulted? And what will she leave undone, though never so inconvenient to those that should be most dear unto her, so her own fancy and will be satisfied? And how hardly is the revoked from proceeding in an evil action, if she have once taken a taste of the same? As very truly is reported by the comedie-writer, saying, 
Malè quod mulier incoepit nisi efficere id perpetrat,  
Id illi morbo, id illi senio est; ea illi miserae miseria est:  
Si bene facere incoepit, eius eam cito odium percipit, 
Plaut. i● True.   
Nimisque paucae sunt defessae, male quae facere occoeperint;  
Nimisque paucae efficiunt, si quid occoeperint benefacere;  
Mulieri nimiò malefacere melius est onus, quàm benè.   
But to the purpose. King Edward not a little offended with king Charles, by whole means he knew that the woman thus lingered abroad, he procured pope john to write his letters unto the French king, admonishing him to send home his sister and her son unto her husband. 
A proclam●●tion. Fabian.  But when this nothing availed, a proclamation was made in the month of December, the nineteenth year of this king's reign, that if the queen and her son entered not the land by the octaves of the epiphany next ensuing in peaceable wise, they should be taken for enemies to the realm and crown of England. 
Polydor.  ¶ Here authors vary, for some write, that upon knowledge had of this proclamation, the queen determined to return into England forthwith, that she might be reconciled to her husband.  
Others writ, and that more truly, how she being highly displeased, both with the Spensers and the king her husband, that suffered himself to be misled by their counsels, did appoint indeed to return into England, not to be reconciled, but to stir the people to some rebellion, whereby she might revenge her manifold injuries. Which (as the proof of the thing showed) seemeth to be most true, for she being a wise woman, & considering that sith the Spensers had excluded, put out, and removed all good men, from and beside the king's council, and placed in their rooms such of their clients, servants and friends as pleased them, she might well think that there was small hope to be had in her husband, who heard no man but the said Spensers, which she knew hated her deadly. Whereupon, year 1326 after that the term prefixed in the proclamation was expired, the king caused to be seized into his hands, all such lands, as belonged either to his son, or to his wife.  
About the same time, one sir Robert Walkfare knight, 
Sir Robert Walkfare.  a right hardy man of his hands, but crafty and subtle (who being taken in the wars which the line 10 lords raised against the king, had been committed to prison in the castle of Corfe) found means now to kill the constable of that castle most cruelly, and escaping away, got over to the queen into France, and so the number of them that ran out of the realm unto her daily increased. This sir Robert Walkfare was a great procurer of the discord betwixt the king and the lords, and a chief leader, or rather seducer of that noble man Humphrey de Bohune earl of Hereford: and whilst other gave themselves to line 20 seek a reformation in the decayed state of the commonwealth, he set his mind upon murders and robberies. diverse other about the same time fled out of the realm unto the queen, and unto her son the earl of Chester. 
The bishop of Excester cometh from the queen.  But in the mean time, Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester, which hitherto had remained with the queen in France, stolen now from her, and got over into England, opening to the king all the counsel and whole mind of the queen: which thing turned first of all unto his own destruction, line 30 as shall after appear.  

Sir Oliver de Ingham lieutenant of Gascoine.  About the same time, one sir Oliver de Ingham, a young, lusty, and valiant knight, was by the king's son the duke of Aquitaine (not without his father's consent) established lord warden of the marches of Given, the which sir Oliver gathering an army of hired soldiers, Spaniards, Aragon's, and Gascons, invaded the country of Agenois (which the French king held yet in his hands contrary to covenant) and recovering it from the French, 
Agenois recovered out of the Frenchmens hands.  clearly reduced it to line 40 the English dominion. Moreover, sir john Oturum, sir Nicholas Kiriell, and sir john Felton, admerals by the king's appointment, with the fléets of the east, south, and west parts, went to the sea, to apprehend such Frenchmen as they might meet withal. They according to their commission bestirred themselves so, 
Ships of Normandy taken.  that within few days they took six score sail of Normans, and brought them into England, whereupon the displeasure sore increased betwixt the line 50 two realms.  
The king of England stood not only in doubt of the Frenchmen, but more of his own people that remained in France, lest they through help of the French should invade the land, and therefore he commanded the havens and ports to be surly watched, lest some sudden invasion might happily be attempted, for it was well understood, that the queen meant not to return, till she might bring with her the lord Mortimer, and the other banished men, who in no line 60 wise could obtain any favour at the king's hands, so long as the Spensers' bare rule. ¶ The pope lamenting this matter, sent two bishops into England, to reconcile the king and queen, and also to agree the two kings. These bishops were reverently received, but more than reverence here they obtained not, and so departed as they came.  
King Edward understanding all the queens drift, 
Anno. Reg. 20.  at length sought the French kings favour, and did so much by letters and promise of bribes with him and his council, that queen Isabella was destitute in manner of all help there, so that she was glad to withdraw into Heinault, 
The lord Beaumond 〈◊〉 H●inault.  by the comfort of john the lord Beaumond, the earl of Heinault his brother, who being then in the court of France, and lamenting queen Isabella's case, imagined with himself of ●ome marriage that might be had betwixt the young prince of Wales, and some of the daughters of his brother the earl of Heinault, and thereupon required her to go into Heinault, 
The queen of England with her son goeth into Heinault. Polydor.  and he would be glad to attend her. She gladly consenting hereto, went thither with him, where she was most joyfully received with her son, and all other of her train.  
The Spensers (some writ) procured her banishment out of France, and that she was advised by the earl of Arthois▪ chiefly to repair into Heinault. Also I find, that the Spensers delivered five barrels of silver, 
Caxton.  the sum amounting unto five thousand marks, unto one Arnold of Spain a broker, appointing him to convey it over into France, to bestow it upon such friends as they had there of the French kings counsel, by whose means the king of France did banish his sister out of his realm. But this money was met with upon the sea by certain Zelanders, and taken, together with the said Arnold, and presented to the earl of Heinault, under whose dominion the Zelanders in those days remained, of which good hap the earl and queen Isabella greatly rejoiced.  
In the time that the queen and her son lay in the court of the earl of Heinault, 
Fabian. A marriage concluded.  a marriage was concluded betwixt the prince of Wales, and the lady Philip, daughter to the said earl, upon certain conditions, whereof one was, that the said earl should at his proper costs set over into England the said prince of Wales, with a crew of four hundred men of arms. But whether there was any such marriage as then concluded, and that in consideration thereof, the earl of Heinault aided queen Isabella and her son, it may be doubted, because other writers make no such report. Nevertheless, certain it is, that the earls brother sir john de Heinault lord Beaumond, was appointed with certain bands of men of arms, to the number of four hundred or five hundred, to pass over with the said queen and her son into England, and so thereupon began to make his purveyance for that journey, which thing when it came to the knowledge of king Edward and the Spensers, they caused musters to be taken through the realm, and ordained beacons to be set up, kept and watched, as well in the valleys by the sea side, 
Caxton. Provision made in England to resist the queen.  as within the countries, upon hills and high grounds, that the same upon occasion of the enemies arrival, might be set on fire, to warn the countries adjoining to assemble and resist them.  
But queen Isabella and her son, with such others as were with her in Heinault, stayed not their journey for doubt of all their adversaries provision, but immediately after that they had once made their purueiances, and were ready to departed, they took the sea, namely the queen, her son, Edmund of Wodstoke earl of Kent, sir john de Heinault aforesaid, and the lord Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, a man of good experience in the wars, and diverse others, 
Tho. Walsin. The queen with her son land in Suffolk.  having with them a small company of Englishmen, with a crew of Heinewiers and Almains, to the number of 2757 armed men, the which sailing forth towards England, landed at length in Suffolk, at an haven called Orwell besides Harwich, the 25 day of September. Immediately after that the queen and her son were come to land, it was wonder to see how fast the people resorted unto them; and first of all, the earl Martial, in whose l●nds she first came on shore, repaired unto her, 
Tho. Walsi,  so did the earl of Leicester, and diverse barons & knights of those parts, with all the prelates in manner of the land, as the bishops of Lincoln, Hereford, Dubline, and Elie, the which being joined with the queen, made a great army. 
The readiness of the prelates to assist the queen.  The archbishop of Canturburie and others aided her with money.  
After that she had refreshed her people a little space at saint Edmundsburie, she marched forth to seek the adversaries of her and of the realm, as she bruited it; but they still keeping themselves near to the king's person, that under the shadow of the wings of his protection they might remain in more safeguard, durst not departed from his presence. At the time of the queen's landing he was at London, and being sore amazed with the news, he required aid of line 10 the Londoners. 
The answer of the Londoners to the king.  They answered, that they would do all the honour they might unto the king, the queen, and to their son the lawful heir of the land: but as for strangers & traitors to the realm, they would keep them out of their gates, and resist them with all their forces: but to go forth of the city further than that they might return before sun-setting, they refused, pretending certain liberties in that behalf to them granted in times past, as they alleged.  
The king not greatly liking of this answer, fortified line 20 the tower, 
The king forsaketh London, and goeth towards the marches of Wales.  and leaving within it his younger son john of Eltham, and the wife of the lord chamberlain Hugh Spenser the younger that was his niece, he departed towards the marches of Wales, there to raise an army against the queen. Before his departure from London, 
A proclamation set forth by the king.  he set forth a proclamation, that every man under pain of forfeiting of life & goods, should resist them that were thus landed, assail, and kill them, the queen, his son Edward, and his brother the earl of Kent only excepted; and whosoever line 30 could bring the head or dead corpse of the lord Mortimer of Wigmore, should have for his labour a thousand marks. 
The queens proclamation.  The queen's proclamations on the other part willed all men to hope for peace, the Spensers' public enemies of the realm, and the lord chancellor Robert Baldock, with their assistants only excepted, through whose means the present trouble was happened to the realm. And it was forbidden, that no man should take aught from any person, and who so ever could bring to the queen the head of Hugh line 40 Spenser the younger, should have two thousand pounds of the queen's gift.  

The bishop of Excester le●t in charge with the city of London.  The king at his departure from London, left master Walter Stapleton the bishop of Excester behind him, to have the rule of the city of London. Then shortly after, the queen with her son, making towards London, wrote a letter to the mayor, and the citizens, requiring to have assistance for the putting down of the Spensers, not only known enemies of theirs, but also common enemies to all the realm line 50 of England. To this letter no answer at the first was made, 
Caxton.  wherefore an other was sent, dated at Baldock the sixth day of October, under the names of Isabella by the grace of God queen of England, lady of Ireland, and countess of Pontieu, and of Edward eldest son to the king of England, duke of Guien, earl of Chester, of Pontieu and of Muttrell. This letter being directed to the mayor and commonalty of London, containing in effect, that the cause of their landing and entering into the realm at that line 60 time, was only for the honour of the king and wealth of the realm, meaning hurt to no manner of person, but to the Spensers, was fastened upon the cross in Cheap, then called the new cross in Cheap, on the night before the ninth day of October. diverse copies of the same letter were set up, and fastened upon windows and doors in other places of the city, and one of the same copies was tacked upon the lord majors gates.  
After which letter thus published in the city, a great number of artificers, 
Fabian. Thom. Walsi.  and other that loved not to sit in rest upon such occasion of discord offered, now that things were in bro●le in other parts of the realm, assembled in great numbers, & with weapon in hand came to the lord mayor of the city, whom they knew to favour the king's part, 
The lord mayor forc●● to take 〈◊〉  & therefore they forced him through fear of some injurious violence, to receive an oath to stand to their ordinance, which was to put to death all those that were adversaries to the queen, or had by any means procured the hindrance of the cities liberties, under pretext of which oath they ran and took one of the citizens, 
john Marshal taken ● beheaded.  called john Martial, who because he was very familiar with the earl of Gloucester, and therefore suspected to have accused the citizens, they struck off his head, and spoiled all his goods.  
On the same day, being the fourteenth of October, continuing their rage, they ran to the house of the bishop of Excester, Walter de Stapleton, and setting fire on the gates, they entered and spoiled him of all his plate, jewels, money and goods. And as it chanced in an infortunate hour for him, the bishop being at the same time returning from the fields, would not seem to shrink, although he was admonished of these outrageous attempts of the people; but sitting on horseback, came to the north door of S. Paul, where forthwith the furious people laid violent hands on him, threw him down, and drew him most outrageously into Cheapside, where they proclaimed him an open traitor, a seducer of the king, and a destroyer of their liberties. The bishop had upon him a certain cote of defence, which was called an aketon, 
The bishop of Excester beheaded,  the same therefore being plucked beside his back as all other his garments, they shore his head from his shoulders, and to the like death they put two of his servants, the one an esquire, and the other a yeoman, The bishop's head was set on a pole for a spectacle, that the remembrance of his death, and the cause thereof might continue. His body was buried in an old churchyard of the pied friars, without any manner of exequys of funeral service done for him.  
The chiefest cause of the enmity which the Londoners bore towards this bishop, rose hereof. He being lord treasurer, procured that the justices itinerants did sit in the city of London, and where many of the citizens were found offenders, and justly punished, as well by losing their freedoms, as by paying their fines, and suffering corporal punishments, they conceived a great displeasure towards him. Moreover, it was said, that he had raised a great multitude of armed men against the queen, and her son the duke of Aquitaine, and therefore did the Londoners (as they affirmed) seek to prevent his proceed. ¶ The morrow after that they had thus beheaded the bishop of Excester, they took by chance sir john Weston constable of the tower, and from him they took the keys of the same tower, and so entering the tower, they set all the prisoners at liberty, and in like case all those that were imprisoned in manner through the land were permitted to go at large, and all the banished men and outlaws were likewise restored home.  
The Londoners having the tower thus at their commandment, removed all the officers therein placed by the king, and put other in their rooms, in the name of the lord john de Eltham the king's son, whom they named warden of the city and land. And yet they ceased not to commit many robberies & other outrageous & most insolent parts. In the mean time, the king being come to Bristol, left that city in the keeping of the earl of Winchester. And with the earls of Gloucester and Arundel, and the lord chancellor sir Robert Baldock, 
The king sailed in●● Wales.  he sailed over into Wales, there to raise a power of Welshmen in defence of himself against the queen and her adherents, which he had good hope to find amongst the Welshmen, 
Polydor. His favour towards the Welshmen.  because he had ever used them gently, and showed no rigour towards them for their riotous misgovernance. Again, he drew the rather into that part, that if there were no remedy, he might easily escape over into Ireland, and get into some mounteine-countrie, marish-ground, or other streict, where his enemies should not come at him.  
But now to speak of the queen, ye most understand, that after she had received knowledge from the Londoners, that they were wholly at her devotion, 
The queen following the king cometh to Oxenford. Tho. de la Mo●e.  line 10 she being glad thereof, turned her journey toward Wales to follow the king, and coming to Oxenford, stayed there a while, and still came people to her from all sides. Here Adam de Torleton the bishop of Hereford, which lately before had been sore fined by the king, for that he was accused to stir the people to rebellion, and to aid the barons (as ye have heard) made a pithy oration to the army, 
The bishop of Hereford maketh an oration to the queens army.  declaring that the queen and her son were returned only into England, to the intent to persecute the Spensers, line 20 & reform the state of the realm. And sith then that they now were come in manner to an end of the tyranny of most naughty men, and of the danger that might grow daily thereof, he exhorted them with patiented minds to bear the small travel that remained in pursuit of the enemies; and as for reward, they might look for all things by the victory, and the queens liberality, whose love was such towards the commonwealth, as she only applied all her endeavours and doings to the advancement line 30 thereof.  

The queen goeth to Gloucester.  These words spoken, the queen accompanied with a great power, departed from Oxenford, and went strait unto Gloucester, and sent before her unto Bristol the earl of Kent, the king's brother, sir john of Hennegew, with other, to take the earl of Winchester. They did their endeavour with such diligence, that the townsmen, compounding to be saved harmless in body and goods, delivered the town and castle unto the queen, & to her son the prince. In the mean time, there came to the queen at Gloucester, line 40 the lord Percy, the lord Wake, and diverse other, as well from the north parts, as forth of the marches of Wales, so that her army hugely increased.  
From Gloucester she passed by Berkley, and restored the castle of Berkley (which the earl of Gloucester, 
The lord Berkley.  Hugh Spenser the younger had held) unto the lord Thomas Berkley, heir to the lord Maurice Berkley lately before deceased in prison, within the castle of Wallingford, together with all the appurtenances line 50 to the honour of Berkley belonging. From thence she went to Bristol, 
The queen cometh to Bristol.  and the morrow after her thither coming, being the even of the apostles Simon and Jude, through the instant calling upon of the people, 
The earl of Winchester executed.  the earl of Winchester was drawn forth in his cote armour unto the common gallows, and there hanged. His head was after cut off, and sent to Winchester, whereof he was earl.  
The king in this mean time kept not in one place, but shifting hither and thither, remained in great line 60 care. 
Sir Thomas Blunt, lord Steward to the king, revolteth to the queen.  Whereupon sir Thomas Blunt, an ancient knight, and lord steward of the king's house, took his servants, with victuals, horses, and armour in great plenty, and came to the queen, of whom, and likewise of her son he was joyfully received, and diverse of them which he brought with him were retained, and the other had letters of protection, and were sent away in loving manner. ¶ The king with the earl of Gloucester▪ and the lord chancellor, taking the sea, meant to have gone either into the isle of ●u●daie, or else into Ireland, but being tossed with contrary winds for the space of a week together, at length he landed in Glamorganshire, and got him to the abbeie and castle of Neith, there secretly remaining upon trust of the Welshman's promises. ¶ Hugoline Spenser, the son of the earl of Gloucester, defended the castle of Kersilie, against the power of the queen and of her son till easter following, and then compounding for the safety of his own life, and all theirs within that castle, and likewise for the enjoying of their goods, he yielded it to the hands of the men of war that held siege before it in the queen's name, and of her son.  
But now touching the king, whilst he was thus abroad, and no man witted where he was become, proclamations were made in the queen's army daily, in the which he was summoned to return, and to take the rule of the realm into his hands, if he would be conformable to the minds of his true liege men; but when he appeared not, the lords of the land assembled in council at Hereford, whither the queen was come from Bristol, 
A council at Hereford.  and there was the lord Edward prince of Wales and duke of Aquitaine made warden of England, by common decree, 
The prince of Wales made lord warden of the realm.  unto whom all men, as to the lord warden of the realm, made fealty, in receiving an oath of allegiance to be faithful and loyal to him. After this, they made the bishop of Norwich lord chancellor, 
A new chancellor and treasurer.  and the bishop of Winchester lord treasurer.  
The queen remained about a months space at Hereford, and in the mean while sent the lord Henry earl of Leicester, and the lord William lafoy Zouch, and one Rice ap howel, that was lately delivered out of the tower where he was prisoner, into Wales, to see if they might find means to apprehend the king by help of their acquaintance in those parts, all three of them having lands thereabouts, where it was known the king for the more part kept. They used such diligence in that charge, that finally with large gifts bestowed on the Welshmen, they came to understand where the king was, and so on the day of saint Edmund the archbishop, being the sixteenth of November, they took him in the monastery of Neith, near to the castle of Laturssan, together with Hugh Spenser the son called earl of Gloucester, the lord chancellor Robert de Baldock, and Simon de Reading the king's marshal, not caring for other the king's servants, whom they suffered to escape.  
The king was delivered to the earl of Leicester, who conveyed him by Monmouth and Leadburie, 
The king is brought to Killingworth.  to Killingworth castle, where he remained the whole winter. The earl of Gloucester, the lord chancellor, and Simon de Reading, were brought to Hereford, and there presented to the queen, where on the four & twentieth of November, the said earl was drawn and hanged on a pair of gallows of fifty foot in height. Then was his head stricken off, 
Hugh Spenser the younger executed.  his bowels taken out of his body and burnt, and his body divided in quarters. His head was sent to London, and set upon the bridge with other, & his quarters were sent to four several parts of the realm, and there pight upon poles, to be seen of the people. He was drawn in his own cote armour, about the which there were letters embroidered plain to be read containing a parcel of the 52 psalm, as followeth.  
1 QVid gloriaris in malitia potens?  
2 Iniquitatem tota die, iniustitiam cogitavit lingua tua, sicut novacula acuta fecisti dolum,  
3 Dilexisti malitiam super bonitatem, iniustitiam magis quàm loqui justitiam,  
4 Dilexisti omnia verba demersionis lingua dolosa,  
5 Propterea Deus destruat te in finem, evellat te & emigrare te faciat de tabernaculo tuo, & radicem tuam de terra viventium,  
6 Videbunt justi & timebunt, & super eum ridebunt, & dicent,  
7 Ecce homo qui non posuit Deum adiutorem suum, sed speravit in multitudine divitiarum suarum, & praevaluit in vanitate sua.  
1 WHy boastest thou that thou canst do mischief? line 10  
2 Thy tongue imagineth wickedness, & with lies thou cuttest like a sharp razor,  
3 Thou hast loved ungraciousness more than goodness, and to talk of lies more than righteousness,  
4 Thou hast loved to speak all words that may do hurt o thou false tongue,  
5 Therefore shall God destroy thee for ever, he shall take thee, and pluck thee out of thy dwelling, and root thee out of the land of line 20 the living,  
6 The righteous also shall see this, and fear, and shall laugh him to scorn,  
7 Lo this is the man that took not God for his strength, but trusted unto the multitude of his riches, & strengthened himself in his wickedness.  

Simon de Reading executed.  On the same day was Simon de Reading drawn and hanged on the same gallows, but ten foot lower than the other. This Reading being marshal of the line 30 kings house, had used the queen very uncourteously, giving her many reproachful words, which now were remembered, and therefore may serve for an example, how dangerous a thing it is to speak evil of the higher powers. 
Caxton.  The common fame went, that after this Hugh Spenser the son was taken, he would receive no sustenance, wherefore he was the sooner put to death, or else had he been conveyed to London, there to have suffered. 
The earl of Arundel taken.  john earl of Arundel was line 40 taken on S. Hugh's day, in the parts about Shrewesburie, and the same day seven-night before the execution of the earl of Gloucester, Hugh Spenser the younger, as well the said earl, who had been ever a great friend to both the Spensers, 
Th. Walsing. Execution.  as also john Daniel, and Thomas de Milcheldeure were put to death at Hereford, by procurement of the lord Mortimer of Wigmore, 
The favour in which the lord Mortimer was with the queen.  that hated them extremely, by reason whereof they were not like to speed much better, for what he willed the same was done, and without him line 50 the queen in all these matters did nothing.  
The chancellor Robert de Baldock being committed to the custody of Adam de Torleton bishop of Hereford, remained at Hereford in safe keeping till Candlemas next, and then the bishop being at London, appointed him to be brought up, where not without the bishop's consent (as was thought) he was taken out of his house by violence, and laid in Newgate, 
Robert Baldock ended his life.  where shortly after through inward sorrow and extreme grief of mind he ended his life. Thus the line 60 queen and her company having compassed their business in so happy manner as they could wish, she with her son and a great company of lords and gentlemen repaired unto Wallingford, where they kept Christmas together with great joy and triumph, the king in the mean while remaining (as ye have heard) at Killingworth, in a kind of honourable estate, although he was prisoner. ¶ After Christmas, the queen with her son and such lords as were then with them, year 1327 removed to London, where at their coming thither, which was before the feast of the epiphany, they were received with great joy, triumph, and large gifts, and so brought to Westminster, where the morrow after the same feast, 
A parliament.  the parliament which before hand had been summoned began, in which it was concluded and fully agreed by all the states (for none durst speak to the contrary) that for diverse articles which were put up against the king, he was not worthy longer to reign, and therefore should be deposed, and withal they willed to have his son Edward duke of Aquitaine to reign in his place. This ordinance was openly pronounced in the great hall at Westminster by one of the lords, 
The king's deposed by 〈◊〉 of parliament  on the feast day of saint Hilary being tuesday, to the which all the people consented. 
The archb●●shop of Ca●●turburie preacheth.  The archbishop of Canturburie taking his theme, Vox populi, vox Dei, made a sermon, exhorting the people to pray to God to bestow of his grace upon the new king. And so when the sermon was ended, every man departed to his lodging. But the duke of Aquitaine, when he perceived that his mother took the matter heavily in appearance, for that her husband should be thus deprived of the crown, he protested that he would never take it on him, without his father's consent, and so thereupon it was concluded, that certain solemn messengers should go to Killingworth to move the king to make resignation of his crown and title of the kingdom unto his son.  
There were sent on this message (as some writ) three or (as other have) two bishops, two earls, two abbots, 
Thom. de la More. Thom. Walls▪  two or (as Tho. de la More and Walsingham have) four barons, and for every county, city, and burrow, and likewise for the cinque ports, certain knights and burgesses. The bishops that were sent were these (as T. de la More noteth) john de Stratford bishop of Winchester, Adam de Torleton bishop of Hereford, and Henry bishop of Lincoln. The two earls (as Southwell hath) were Lancaster and Warwick: the two barons, Rose and Courtney: beside these (as he saith) there were two abbots, two prior's, two justices, two friars of the order of preachers, two of the Carmelits, two knights for the commons on the north side of Trent, and two for the other on the south side of the same river: two citizens for London, two burgesses for the cinque ports, so as in all there went of this message (as Southwell saith) three and twenty or rather four and twenty persons of one degree and other.  
None of the friar minors went, because they would not be the bringers of so heavy tidings, sith he had ever borne them great good will. The bishops of Winchester and Lincoln went before, and coming to Killingworth, associated with them the earl of Leicester, of some called the earl of Lancaster, that had the king in keeping. And having secret conference with the king, they sought to frame his mind, so as he might be contented to resign the crown to his son, bearing him in hand, that if he refused so to do, the people in respect of the evil will which they had conceived against him, would not fail but proceed to the election of some other that should happily not touch him in lineage. And s●th this was the only mean to bring the land in quiet, they willed him to consider how much he was bound in conscience to take that way that should be so beneficial to the whole realm.  
The king being sore troubled to hear such displeasant news, was brought into a marvelous agony: but in the end, for the quiet of the realm and doubt of further danger to himself, he determined to follow their a●uise, and so when the other commissioners were come, and that the bishop of Hereford had declared the cause where 〈…〉 were sent, the king in presence of them all, notwithstanding his outward countenance discovered how much it inwardly grieved him; yet after 〈◊〉 ●as come 〈◊〉 himself, he answered that he 〈◊〉 that he was 〈◊〉 into this misery through his own offensed, 
Rich. 〈◊〉  and therefore he was contented patiently to suffer it, but yet it could not (he said) but green him, that he had in such wise run into the hatred of all his people: notwithstanding he gave the lords most hearty thanks, that they had so forgotten their received injuries, 
The king's answer.  and ceased not to bear so much good will towards his son Edward, as to wish that he might reign over them. Therefore to satisfy them, sith otherwise it might not be, he utterly renounced his right to the kingdom, and to the whole administration thereof. And lastly he besought the lords now in his misery line 10 to forgive him such offences as he had committed against them. Ah lamentable ruin from royalty to miserable calamity, procured by them chiefly that should have been the pillars of the king's estate, and not the hooked engines to pull him down from his throne! So that here we see it verified by trial, that 
— miser atque infoelix est etiam rex,  
Nec quenquam (mihi crede) facit diadema beatum.   
The ambassadors with this answer returning to London, 
Polydor.  declared the same unto all the states, in order line 20 as they had received it, whereupon great joy was made of all men, to consider that they might now by course of law proceed to the choosing of a new king. And so thereupon the nine and twentieth day of januarie in session of parliament then at Westminster assembled, was the third king Edward, son to king Edward the second, chosen and elected king of England, by the authority of the same parliament, first (as before is said) confirmed by his father's resignation: and the first day of his reign they agreed to line 30 be the five and twentieth of januarie, in the year 1326 after the account of the church of England, beginning the year the five & twentieth day of March, but by the common account of writers, 
Merimuth.  it was in the year 1327. ¶ On the same day sir William Trussell procurator for the whole parliament did renounce the old king in name of the whole parliament, with all homages and fealties due to him, so that the same five and twentieth day of januarie hath been reputed line 40 and taken for the first day of the beginning of king Edward the third his reign, so that whatsoever chanced before that day, is ascribed to be done during the reign of his father.  
But now to make an end of the life, as well as of the reign of king Edward the second, I find that after he was deposed of his kingly honour and title, he remained for a time at Killingworth, 
Thom. de la More.  in custody of the earl of Leicester. But within a while the queen was informed by the bishop of Hereford, line 50 (whose hatred towards him had no end) that the earl of Leicester favoured her husband too much, and more than stood with the surety of her sons state, whereupon he was appointed to the keeping of two other lords, Thomas Berkley, and john Matrevers, who receiving him of the earl of Leicester the third of April, conveyed him from Killingworth unto the castle of Berkley, situate not far off from the river of Severne, almost the midway betwixt Gloucester and Bristol. line 60  
But forsomuch as the lord Berkley used him more courteously than his adversaries wished him to do, he was discharged of that office, and sir Thomas Gourney appointed in his stead, 
Sir Thomas Gourney.  who together with the lord Matrevers conveyed him secretly (for fear lest he should be taken from them by force) from one strong place to another, as to the castle of Corfe, and such like, still removing with him in the night season, till at length they thought it should not be known whither they had conveyed him. And so at length they brought him back again in secret manner unto the castle of Berkley, where whilst he remained (as some writ) the queen would send unto him courteous and loving letters with apparel and other such things, but she would not once come near to visit him, bearing him in hand that she durst not, for fear of the people's displeasure, who hated him so extremely. Howbeit, she with the rest of her confederates had (no doubt) laid the plot of their devise for his dispatch, though by painted words she pretended a kind of remorse to him in this his distress, & would seem to be faultless in the sight of the world; for Proditor illudit verbis dum verbera cudit.  
But as he thus continued in prison, closely kept, so that none of his friends might have access unto him, as in such cases it often happeneth, when men be in misery, some will ever pity their state, 
The earl of Kent conspireth to deliver his brother.  there were diverse of the nobility (of whom the earl of Kent was chief) began to devise means by secret conference had together, how they might restore him to liberty, discommending greatly both queen Isabella, and such other as were appointed governors to the young king, for his father's streict imprisonment. The queen and other the governors understanding this conspiracy of the earl of Kent, and of his brother, durst not yet in that new and green world go about to punish it, but rather thought good to take away from them the occasion of accomplishing their purpose. And hereupon the queen and the bishop of Hereford wrote sharp letters unto his keepers, blaming them greatly, for that they dealt so gently with him, and kept him no streictlier, but suffered him to have such liberty, that he advertised some of his friends abroad how and in what manner he was used, and withal the bishop of Hereford under a sophistical form of words signified to them by his letters, that they should dispatch him out of the way, the tenor whereof wrapped in obscurity ran thus: 
Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est:  
To kill Edward will not to fear it is good.   
Which riddle or doubtful kind of speech, as it might be taken in two contrary senses, only by placing the point in orthography called Comma, they construed in the worse sense, putting the Comma after Timere, and so presuming of this commandment as they took it from the bishop, they lodged the miserable prisoner in a chamber over a foul filthy dungeon, full of dead carrion, trusting so to make an end of him, with the abominable stinch thereof: but he bearing it out strongly, as a man of a tough nature, continued still in life, so as it seemed he was very like to escape that danger, as he had by purging either up or down avoided the force of such poison as had been ministered to him sundry times before, of purpose so to rid him.  
Whereupon when they saw that such practices would not serve their turn, they came suddenly one night into the chamber where he lay in bed fast asleep, and with heavy featherbeds or a table (as some writ) being cast upon him, 
Tho. Wals.  they kept him down and withal put into his fundament an horn, and through the same they thrust up into his body an hot spit, 
Thom. de la More.  or (as other have) through the pipe of a trumpet a plumbers instrument of iron made very hot, the which passing up into his entrails, 
K. Edward the second murdered.  and being rolled to and fro, burned the same, but so as no appearance of any wound or hurt outwardly might be once perceived. His cry did move many within the castle and town of Berkley to compassion, plainly hearing him utter a wailful noise, as the tormentors were about to murder him, so that diverse being awakened therewith (as they themselves confessed) prayed heartily to God to receive his soul, when they understood by his cry what the matter ment.  
The queen, the bishop, and others, that their tyranny might be hid, outlawed and banished the lord Matrevers, and Thomas Gourney, who flying unto Marcels, three years after being known, taken, and brought toward England was beheaded on the sea, lest he should accuse the chief doers, as the bishop and other. john Matrevers, repenting himself, lay long hidden in Germany, and in the end died penitently. Thus was king Edward murdered, in the year 1327, 
The fond opinion of the ignorant people.  on the 22 of September. The fame went that by this Edward the second, after his death many miracles were wrought. So that the like opinion of him was conceived as before had been of earl Thomas of Lancaster, namely amongst the common people. He was known to be of a good and line 10 courteous nature, 
The nature & disposition of king Edward the second.  though not of most pregnant wit.  
And albeit in his youth he fell into certain light crimes, and after by the company and counsel of evil men, was induced unto more heinous vices, yet was it thought that he purged the same by repentance, and patiently suffered many reproofs, and finally death itself (as before ye have heard) after a most cruel manner. He had surly good cause to repent his former trade of living, for by his undiscreet line 20 and wanton misgovernance, there were headed and put to death during his reign (by judgement of law) to the number of 28 barons and knights, over and beside such as were slain in Scotland by his infortunate conduct.  
All these mischiefs and many more happened not only to him, but also to the whole state of the realm, in that he wanted judgement and prudent discretion to make choice of sage and discreet councillors, receiving those into his favour, that abused the same to their private gain and advantage, not respecting line 30 the advancement of the commonwealth, so they themselves might attain to riches and honour, for which they only sought, in somuch that by their covetous rapine, spoil, and immoderate ambition, the hearts of the common people & nobility were quite estranged from the dutiful love and obedience which they ought to have showed to their sovereign, going about by force to wrest him to follow their wills, and to seek the destruction of them whom he commonly favoured, wherein surly they were worthy of line 40 blame, and to taste (as many of them did) the deserved punishment for their disobedient and disloyal demeanours. For it was not the way which they took to help the disfigured state of the commonwealth, but rather the ready mean to overthrow all, as if God's goodness had not been the greater it must needs have come to pass, as to those that shall well consider the pitiful tragedy of this king's time it may well appear. 
His issue.  line 50  
But now to proceed with that which remaineth touching this infortunate prince. He had issue by his wife queen Isabella two sons, Edward which was made king whilst he was yet alive, and john which died young: also two daughters, Elinor which died before she came to years able for marriage; and jone which was after given in marriage unto David king of Scotland. He was indifferently tall of stature, strong of body, and healthful, neither wanted there in him stoutness of stomach, if his evil councillors line 60 had been removed, that he might have showed it in honourable exploits, which being kept back by them, he could not do. So that thereby it appeareth of what importance it is to be trained up in youth with good and honest company. ¶ It is said that he was learned, insomuch that there remain verses, which (as some have written) he made whilst he was in prison. Certain it is he favoured learning, as by the erection of Oriall college in Oxford, & S. Mary's hall, 
Oriall & S. Mary's hall in Oxford.  which were of his foundation, it may well be gathered.  
Learned men we find recorded by Bale, to live in this king's time these as follow. 
Ex centuria 4. Bale.  john Duns that subtle logician, borne (as Leland hath gathered) in a village in Northumberland called Emildune, three miles distant from Alnwike, although other hold the contrary, the Scots claiming him for their countryman, and the Irishmen for theirs; Robert Walsingham a Carmelite friar that writ diverse treatises, john Wilton an Augustine friar, Walter Winterborne, Ralph Locksley, Nicholas Stanford, William Whitley, Thomas joice, Walter joice, William Gainesburgh, Robert Baston borne not far from Nottingham a Carmelite friar of Scarburgh, the same whom king Edward took with him into Scotland to write some remembrances of his victories, although being taken by the Scots, he was constrained by Robert Bruce to frame a ditty to a contrary tune; 
See in Scotland.  john Horminger a Suffolk man borne, William Rishanger a monk of S. Albon's an historiographer, Ralph Baldock bishop of London wrote also an history, which was entitled Historiae Anglica; Richard Bliton a Lincolnshire man borne a Carmelite friar, john Walsingham borne either in Walsingham or Brunham (as Bale supposeth) a Carmelite friar also, and wrote diverse treatises; Thomas Chabham a canon of Salisbury and a doctor of divinity, Robert Plimpton borne in Devonshire a regular canon, Thomas Castleford a monk of Pomfret, William Mansfield, john Canon, Robert Grime, William Askettle of Beverley, Geffrey of Cornwall, john Gatisdene, Theobald Anglicus, Stephan Eiton or Edon, john Goldstone borne in Yorkshire, john Winchelsey, Nicholas de Lyra a jew by birth of those that had their habitations in England, who wrote very many treatises, to his great commendation for his singular knowledge and zeal, which he showed in disproving the Rabines that still sought to keep the jewish nation in blindness and vain hope, in looking for another Messiah; Ralph Acton an excellent divine, john Dumbleton a logician, Thomas Langford borne in Maldon in Essex a logician, Osbert Pickenam a Carmelite friar of Lin in Norfolk, Nicholas Okeham a grey friar, William Ockam a friar minor that wrote diverse treatises, and namely against john Duns, and likewise against john the three and twentieth pope of that name in favour of the emperor jews of Bavier, Richard Walingford, Thomas Haselwood a canon of Léeds in Kent wrote a chronicle called Chronicon compendiarium, Robert Karew, Robert Perscrutator borne in Yorkshire a black friar and a philosopher or rather a magician, Richard Belgrave a Carmelite, Brinkley a minorite; and others.  
Thus far infortunate Edward the second.   

Edward the third, who came to the crown by the resignation of his father Edward the second.  
EDward the third of that name, the son of Edward the second, and of Isabella the only daughter of Philip le Beau, & sister to Charles the fift king of France, began his reign as king of England, his father yet living, the 25 day of januarie, after the creation 5293, in the year of our lord 1327, year 1327 after the account of them that line 10 begin the year at Christmas, 867 after the coming of the Saxons, 260 after the conquest, the 13 year of the reign of jews the fourth then emperor, the seventh of Charles the fift king of France, the second of Andronicus junior emperor of the east almost ended, and about the end of the 22 of Robert le Bruce king of Scotland. He was crowned at Westminster on the day of the Purification of our lady next ensuing, by the hands of Walter the archbishop of Canturburie. line 20  

Governors appointed.  And because he was but fourteen years of age, so that to govern of himself he was not sufficient, it was decreed that twelve of the greatest lords within the realm should have the rule and government till he came to more perfect years. The names of which lords were as followeth. The archbishop of Canturburie, the archbishop of York, the bishops of Winchester and of Hereford, Henry earl of Lancaster, Thomas Brotherton earl marshal, Edmund of Woodstoke earl of Kent, john earl of Warren, the lord Thomas Wake, the lord Henry Percy, the line 30 lord Oliver de Ingham, & the lord john Ros. These were sworn of the king's council, and charged with the government as they would make answer. But this ordinance continued not long: for the queen, and the lord Roger Mortimer took the whole rule so into their hands, that both the king and his said councillors were governed only by them in all matters both high and low. Nevertheless, although they had taken the regiment upon them, yet could they not foresee the tumults and uproars that presently upon line 40 the young king's inthronizing did ensue: but needs it must come to pass that is left written where children wear the crown, & bear the sceptre in hand, Vaepueri terrae saepissimè sunt ibi guerrae.  
He confirmed the liberties and franchises of the city of London, and granted that the mayor of the same city for the time being might sit in all places of judgement within the liberties thereof for chief justice, 
The franchises of the city of London confirmed.  above all other, the king's person only excepted; and that every alderman that had been mayor line 50 should be justice of peace through all the city of London and county of Middlesex; and every alderman that had not been mayor, should be justice of peace within his own ward. He granted also to the citizens, that they should not be constrained to go forth of the city to any wars in defence of the land, and that the franchises of the city should not be seized from thenceforth into the king's hands for any cause, but only for treason and rebellion showed by the whole city. Also Southwark was appointed to be under the rule of the city, and the mayor of London to be bailiff of Southwark, and to ordain such a substitute in the same borough as pleased him.  
In the first year of this king's reign, 
Records of Bury.  we find in records belonging to the abbeie of S. Edmundsburie in Suffolk, that the inhabitants of that town raised a sore commotion against the abbot & monks of the same abbeie, and that at several times, as first on the wednesday next after the feast of the conversion of S. Paul, in the said first year of this king's reign, one Robert Foxton, Richard Draiton, and a great number of other, assembling themselves together in warlike order and array, assaulted the said abbey, broke down the gates, windows, and doors, entered the house by force, and assailing certain monks and servants that belonged to the abbot, did beat, wound, and evil entreat them, broke open a number of chests, coffers, and forssets, took out chalices of gold and silver, books, vestments, and other ornaments of the church, beside a great quantity of rich plate, and other furniture of household, apparel, armour, and other things, beside five hundred pounds in ready coin, & also three thousand florins of gold.  
All these things they took and carried away, together with diverse charters, writings, & miniments, as three charters of Knute sometime king of England, four charters of king Hardiknute, one charter of king Edward the confessor, two charters of king Henry the first, & other two charters of king Henry the third, which charters concerned as well the foundation of the same abbeie, as the grants and confirmations of the possessions and liberties belonging thereto. Also they took away certain writings obligatory, in the which diverse persons were bound for the payment of great sums of money, and delivery of certain wines unto the hands of the said abbot. Moreover they took away with them ten several bulls, concerning certain exemptions and immunities granted to the abbots and monks of Bury by sundry bishops of Rome.  
Furthermore, not herewith contented, they took Peter Clopton prior of the said abbey, and other monks forth of the house, and leading them unto a place called the Leaden hall, there imprisoned them, till the thursday next before the feast of the Purification of our lady, and that day bringing them back again into the chapterhouse, detained them still as prisoners, till they had sealed a writing, containing that the abbot and convent were bound in ten thousand pounds to be paid to Oliver Kempe and others by them named. And further, they were constrained to seal a letter of release for all actions, quarrels, debts, transgressions, suits and demands, which the abbot might in any wise claim or prosecute against the said Oliver Kempe and others in the same letters named.  
For these wrongs and other, as for that they would not permit the abbots bailiffs and officers to keep their ordinary courts as they were accustomed to do, as well three days in the week for the market, to wit, monday, wednesday and friday, as the Portman moat every tuesday three weeks, line 10 and further prohibit them from gathering such tols, customs, and yearly rents, as were due to the abbot for certain tenements in the town, which were let to farm, the abbot brought his action against the said Foxton, Draiton, and others, and having it tried by an inquest, on the friday next after the feast of saint Lucy the virgin, in a sessions holden at Bury by john Stonore, Walter Friskney, Robert Maberthorpe, & john Bousser, by virtue of the kings writ of oier and determiner to them directed, line 20 the offenders were condemned in 40000 pounds, so that the said Richard Draiton, and others there present in the court, were committed to prison in custody of the sheriff Robert Walkefare, who was commanded also to apprehend the other that were not yet arrested, if within his bailiwike they might be found, and to have their bodies before the said justices at Bury aforesaid, on thursday in Whitsunwéeke next ensuing.  
Beside this, there was an other indictement and line 30 action of trespass found there the same day against the said Richard Draiton and others, for a like disorder and riot by them committed, on the thursday next after the feast of the Purification of our lady, 
The second riot.  in the same first year of this king, at what time they did not only break into the abbey, and beat the abbots men, but also took the abbot himself, being then at home, with certain of his monks, keeping both him and them as prisoners, till the next day that they were constrained to seal certain writings. line 40 And amongst other, a charter, in which it was contained, that the abbot and his convent did grant unto the inhabitants of the town of Bury, to be a corporation of themselves, and to have a common seal with a gilled of merchants and aldermen: also they were compelled to seal another charter, wherein was contained a grant to the said inhabitants, that they should have the custody of the town gates, and likewise the wardship of all pupils and orphans within the same town, beside diverse other liberties. line 50  
Moreover, they were in like manner constrained to seal three several obligations, in which the abbot and convent were bound to the said inhabitants, as to a commonalty of a corporation, in seven thousand pounds, as in two thousand by one obligation, and in two thousand by an other, and in three thousand by the third obligation: and further they were driven to seal a letter of release of all trespasses, and other things that might be demanded against the line 60 said inhabitants, with a general acquittance of all debts. Beside this, the said riotous persons took at the same time forth of the abbey great riches, as well in plate, armour, books, & apparel, as in other things. They also broke down two houses or messages, that belonged to the abbeie, and situate within the town of Bury: they also destroyed his fishponds, and took out such store of fish as they found in the same: they cut down also threescore ashes there growing on the soil that belonged to the said abbot, and did many other great outrages and enormities, so that it was found by the inquest, that the abbot was damnified to the value of other forty thousand pounds.  
These riots may seem grievous and very strange, 
The third riot.  but yet the same were not so heinously taken, as an other which the said inhabitants of Bury attempted against the said abbey in manner of a plain commotion, upon saint Luke's day in the same year, at what time (as by the records of that abbey it should appear) both the abbot and his house were in the king's special protection, and the said inhabitants prohibited by his letters to attempt any injury against him or his convent. But nevertheless we find that not only the inhabitants of Bury, but also a great number of other misgoverned persons, that resorted to them from places there about, arrayed and furnished with horse, armour and weapons, after the manner of war, came and assaulted the abbeie gates, set fire on them, and burned them with diverse other houses near adjoining, that belonged to the abbeie, and continued in that their riotous enterprise all that day and the night following.  
The same night also they burned a manor of the abbots called holderness barn, 
The manoor of holderness barn.  with two other manors called the Almoners barn, and Haberdone, also the granges that stood without the south gate, and the manor of Westlie, in which places they burned in corn & grain, to the value of a thousand pounds. 
The manor of Westlie burnt.  The next day they entered into the abbeie court, and burned all the houses on the north side, as stables, brewhouses, bakehouses, garners, and other such necessary houses and convenient rooms of offices; and on the other side the court, they burned certain houses belonging to the Almonrie. On the next day they burned the mote hall, and Bradford hall, with the new hall, and diverse chambers and solers to the same halls annexed, with the chapel of saint Laurence at the end of the hospital hall. Also the manor of Eldhall, the manor of Horninger, with all the corn and grain within and about the same.  
The next day they burned the cellar of the Sollerer, with a chapel there: also the kitchen, the larder, and a part of the farmarie. On the thursday they burned the residue of the farmarie, and the lodging called the black lodging, with a chapel of S. Andrew therein. In executing of all these riotous disorders, one Geffrie Moreman was an aider, who with diverse other persons unknown, departed forth of the town of Bury, and by the assent of the other his complices he burned the manor of Fornham. 
The manoor of Fornham burnt.  The same day also other of their company, as William the son of james Neketon, Ralph Grub, Richard Kerie, and a great number of other persons unknown, by the assent and abbetment of the other that committed the said disorders, burned two manors belonging also to the said abbey in great Berton, with all the corn and grain there found.  
Upon knowledge had of these great riots, and perilous commotions, there was a commission directed from the king, unto Thomas earl of Norfolk high marshal of England, to Thomas Bardulfe, Robert Morlie, Peter Wedall, john Howard, and john Walkfare, authorising them with the power of the countess of Suffolk and Norfolk, to apprehend, try and punish such lewd disordered persons, and rebellious malefactors, which had committed such felonious enterprises, to the breach of the king's peace, and dangerous disquieting of his subjects: but the said commissioners proceeded not according to the effect of their commission in trial of any felonies by the same persons committed and done, but only caused them to be indicted of trespass: albeit Robert Walkfare, and john clover, with their associates justices of peace, in their sessions holden at Elueden the tuesday next after the feast of the apostles Simon and Jude, in the said first year of this K. Edward the third proceeded in such wise against the said malefactors, that john de Berton cordwainer, Robert Foxton, and a great number of other were indicted of felony, for the misdemenours afore mentioned, and the indictements so found were after sent and presented unto john Stonore, Walter de Friskenie, Robert Malberthorpe, and john Bousser, who by virtue of the king's commission of oier and determiner to them directed, sat at S. Edmundsburie the wednesday next after the feast of saint line 10 Lucy the virgin; and then and there sent forth precepts to the sheriff, commanding him to apprehend the said Berton, Foxton, and others, that were indicted of the foresaid felonies, and also to return a sufficient jury to try upon their arreignment the said malefactors by order of law, the friday next after the said feast of S. Lucy. Hereupon Alane de Latoner, and Robert Dalling, with seventeen others, being arraigned, were found guilty, and suffered death according to the order appointed for felons. line 20  
One Adam Miniot stood mute, and refused to be tried by his country, and so was pressed to death, as the law in such case appointeth. diverse other were saved by their books, according unto the order of clerks convict, as Alexander Brid person of Hogeset, john Rugham person of little Welnetham, john Berton cordwainer, and diverse other. Some were reprieved, as one woman named julian Barber, who being big bellied was respited, till she were delivered of child. Benedict Sio and Robert russel line 30 were reprieved, and committed to the safe keeping of the sheriff, as triers or appeachers (as we term them) of other offenders: and because there was not any as yet attached by their appeals, they were commanded again to prison. One Robert de Creswell was saved by the king's letters of special pardon, which he had there ready to show. As for Robert Foxton, Adam Cokefield, and a great number of other, whom the sheriff was commanded to apprehend, he returned that he could not hear of them line 40 within the precinct of his bailiffewéeke, whereupon exigents were awarded against them, and the sheriff was commanded, that if he might come to attach them, he should not fail but so to do, and to have their bodies there at Bury before the said justices, the thursday in Whitsunwéeke, next ensuing.  
diverse also were arraigned at the same time of the said felonies, and thereof acquitted, as Michael Scabaille, 
The common people often deceived by lewd informations.  Ralph Smeremonger, and others. Indeed line 50 those that were found guilty, and suffered, were the chief authors and procurors of the commotion, bearing others in hand, that the abbot had in his custody a certain charter, wherein the king should grant to the inhabitants of the town of Bury, certain liberties, whereby it might appear that they were free, and discharged from the payment of diverse customs and exactions, whereupon the ignorant multitude easily giving credit to such surmised tales, were the sooner induced to attempt such disorders as line 60 before are mentioned. ¶ Thus have ye heard all in effect that was done in this first year of king Edward the third his reign, by and against those offenders. But because we will not interrupt matters of other years with that which followed further of this business, we have thought good to put the whole that we intent to write thereof here in this place.  
ye shall therefore understand, that diverse of those, against whom exigents were awarded, came in, and yielded their bodies to the sheriffs prison, before they were called on the fift county day. Albeit a great many there were that came not, and so were outlawed. Robert Foxton got the king's pardon, and so purchasing forth a supersede as, 
Rob. Foxton pardoned.  the suit thereupon against him was stayed. The sheriff therefore in Whitsunwéeke, in the second year of this king's reign, made his return touching Benedict Sio, Robert russel, & julian Barber, so that he delivered them unto the bailiffs of the liberty of the abbot of Bury, by reason of an ancient privilege, 
A privilege.  which the abbot claimed to belong to his house. The bailiffs confessed they had received the said prisoners, but forsomuch as they had been arraigned at a Portmane mote, which was used to be kept every three weeks, 
Portman mote.  and upon their arreignment were found guilty of certain other felonies by them committed within the town of Bury, and thereupon were put to execution, 
The abbots officers blamed.  Adam Finchman the king's attorney there took it very evil, & laid it grievously to the charge of the abbots officers, for their hasty and presumptuous proceeding against the said prisoners, namely, because the said Sio and russel were reprieved, to the end that by their utterance, many heinous offences might have been brought to light.  
On the same day, that is to wit, the thursday in Whitsunweeke, the foresaid Robert Foxton, and diverse other came in, and were attached by the sheriff to answer the abbot to his action of trespass, which he brought against them, and putting the matter to the trial of an inquest, 
A condemnation.  they were condemned in sixty thousand pounds, to be levied of their goods and chattels, unto the use of the abbot, and in the mean time they were committed to prison. But first they made suit that they might be put to their fines for their offences committed against the king's peace, and their request in that behalf was granted, so that upon putting in sufficient sureties for their good abearing, their fines were assessed, as some at more and some at less, as the case was thought for to require.  
Thus rested the matter a long season after, until the fift year of this king's reign, in which the thursday next after the feast of the blessed Trinity, the K. being himself in person at S. Edmundsburie aforesaid, 
An agreement.  a final agreement and concord was concluded betwixt the said abbot and his convent on the one party, and Richard Draiton and others of the inhabitants of that town on the other party, before the right reverend father in God john bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England, and the king's justices john Stonore and john Cantbridge sitting there at the same time, by the king's commandment. The effect of which agreement was as followeth.  

The articles of agreement between the monks of Bury and the inhabitants of Bury.  
FIrst, whereas the said abbot had recovered by judgement before the said john Stonore and other his associates justices of oier and determiner in the said town of Bury, the sum of seven score thousand pounds for trespasses to him and his house committed and done by the said Richard Draiton, and other the inhabitants of Bury: now at the desire of the said king, and for other good respects him moving, he pardoned and released unto the said Richard Draiton, and to other the inhabitants of Bury, to their heirs, executors, and assigns the sum of 122333 pounds, eight shillings eight pence, of the said total sum of 140000 pounds.  
And further the said abbot and convent granted and agreed for them and their successors, that if the said Richard Draiton, & other the inhabitants of the said town of Bury, or any of them, their heirs, executors or assigns, should pay to the said abbot & convent, or their successors within twenty years next ensuing the date of that present agreement, 2000 marks, that is to say, 100 marks yearly at the feasts line 10 of S. Michael & Easter, by even portions: that then the said Richard & other the inhabitants of the town of Bury should be acquitted & discharged of 4000 marks, parcel of 17666 pounds, thirteen shillings four pence residue behind for ever.  
Moreover, whereas the said abbot and convent, & the said abbot by himself, since the 19 year of the reign of king Edward line 20 the second unto that present time, had sealed certain charters, deeds, & writings, as well with the proper seal of the abbot, as with the common seal of the abbot & convent, if the said Richard and the inhabitants of the said town of Bury did restore unto the said abbot & convent all the same writings, or take such order, that neither the abbot nor convent be impleaded, or in line 30 any wise hindered, endamaged nor molested by force of the same: and further if neither the said Richard, nor any the inhabitants of the said town, nor their heirs, executors, nor assigns, shall go about to reverse the judgements against them, at the suit of the said abbot, nor shall seek to impeach the executions of the same judgements by any false or forged acquitances or releases, line 40 nor implead nor molest any of the jury, by whom they were convict, that then they and their heirs, executors & assigns shall be acquitted & discharged of ten thousand pounds parcel of the said 17666 pounds, 13 shillings four pence.  
And furthermore, if the said Richard and other the inhabitants of the said town of Bury, do not hereafter maliciously rise against the said abbot or convent, nor seek line 50 to vex them by any conspiracy, confederacy, or by some other secret unjust cause, nor likewise evil entreat any man by reason of the indictment found against them, nor yet claim to have any corporation of themselves within that town, that then the said Richard, & the said inhabitants, their heirs, successors & assigns, shall remain acquitted and discharged of all the residue line 60 of the said 17666 pounds, thirteen shillings four pence for ever. And the said abbot and convent do grant for them & their successors, that their intention is not, that if any singular person of his own private malice, shall rise against the said abbot and convent, their successors, monks▪ bailiffs, or servants, to do them, or any of them injury or displeasure; that those which be not partakers of the offence, shall be in any wise punished for the same, so that the offenders be not maintained by any of the same town, but that the inhabitants there, do assist the abbot and convent their successors, bailiffs, servants & officers, that the same offenders may be punished, according to their demerits, as reason and law shall allow.   
This was the effect of the agreement at length had and made betwixt the abbot and monks of Bury on the one part, & the inhabitants of that town on the other part, and for the more confirmation thereof, it pleased the king to put his seal to the charter containing the same agreement. ¶ But how soever it chanced, it should appear by such records as came to the hands of master john Fox, 
This might come to pass before the agreement wa● made in the fift year of the king's reign as above is mentioned, and so thereupon he might be restored.  as he allegeth in the first tome of his book of acts and monuments, this agreement was but sorilie kept: for diverse of the former offenders, bearing grudge towards the abbot for breaking promise with them at London, did confederate themselves together, and privily in the night coming to the manor of Chennington where the abbot than did lie, burst open the gates, and entering by force, first bound all his servants, and after they had rob the house, they took the abbot, and shaving him, secretly conveyed him to London, and there removing him from street to street unknown, had him over the Thames into Kent, and at length transported him over unto Dist in Brabant, where they kept him for a time in much penury, thraldom and misery, until at length the matter being understood, they were all excommunicate, first by the archbishop, & after by the pope. At the last, his friends having knowledge where he was, they found means to deliver him out of the hands of those thieves, and finally brought him home with procession, and so he was restored to his house again.  
Thus much touching those troubles betwixt the townsmen of Bury & the abbot and monks there, and now we will return to other general matters touching the public state of the realm. ¶ And first you shall understand, that in the beginning of this kings reign the land truly seemed to be blessed of God: for the earth became fruitful, the air temperate, and the sea calm and quiet. This king though he was as yet under the government of other, nevertheless he began within a short time to show tokens of great towardness, framing his mind unto grave devices, and first he prepared to make a journey against the Scotishmen, the which in his father's time had done so many displeasures to the Englishmen, and now upon confidence of his minority, ceased not to invade the borders of his realm. And namely the very self night that followed the day of this king's coronation, they had thought by scaling to have stolen the castle of Norham: 
Rich. South. Rob. Manners captein of Norham castle.  but Robert Manners captain of that place, understanding of their enterprise aforehand by a Scotishman of the garrison there, so well provided for their coming, that where sixteen of them boldly entered upon the wall, he slew nine or ten of them, and took five.  
This was thought an evil token, that they should still be put to the worse in this king's time, sith they had so bad success in the very beginning of his reign: but they continuing in their malicious purposes, about saint Margaret's tide invaded the land with three armies, the earl of Murrey having the leading of one of the same armies, 
The 〈◊〉 invade England.  and james Douglas of another, and the third was guided by the earl of Mar. King Edward advertised hereof, assembled not only a great power of Englishmen, but also required john lord Beaumond de Heinault, whom he had lately sent home right honourably rewarded for his good assistance, 
The lord Beaumo●● of Hein●u●●.  to come again into England, with certain bands of men at arms, and he should receive wages and good entertainment for them. The lord Beaumond, as one that loved deeds of arms, 
Caxton.  was glad to accomplish king Edward's request: and so thereupon with seven hundred men at arms, or five hundred (as Froissart saith) came over into England again, to serve against the Scots.  
The general assembly of the army was appointed to be at York, and thither came the said lord Beaumond with his people, and was joyfully received of the king and his lords. Here whilst not only line 10 the Scotish ambassadors (which had been sent to treat of peace, were heard to tell their message) but also whilst the council took some leisure in debating the matter how to guide their enterprise, which they had now in hand: upon Trinity sunday, it chanced that there arose contention within the city of York, betwixt the English archers, and the strangers, 
A fray betwixt the English archers and the Henuiers. Caxton.  which the lord Beaumond of Heinault had brought with him, insomuch that fight together there were slain to the number of four score persons line 20 of those archers, which were buried within the church of saint Clement in Fosgate. ¶ Some write that there were slain to the number of three hundred Englishmen: yet because the Henuiers came to aid the king, their peace was cried upon pain of life. 
Froissart.  And further, it was found by an inquest of the city, that the quarrel was begun by the Englishmen, the which (as some writ) were of the Lincolnshire men, of those that sometime belonged to the Spensers, and to the earl of Arundel, so that there was line 30 cause, 
Caxton. Froissart.  why they bore evil will to the Henuiers which had aided (as ye have heard) to bring the said earl and Spensers to their confusion.  
In this mean time the Scots being entered into England, had done much hurt, and were come as far as Stanop park in Wiredale: 
Stanop park. Caxton.  and though they had sent their ambassadors to treat with the king and his council for peace, yet no conclusion followed of their talk. At the same time, because the English soldiers of this army were clothed all line 40 in coats and hoods embroidered with flowers and branches very seemly, and used to nourish their beards: the Scots in derision thereof made a rhyme, which they fastened upon the church doors of saint Peter toward Stangate, containing this that followeth.  

A ●ime in derision of the Englishmen.  Long beards, heartless, Painted hoods, witless,  
Gay coats, graceless, Make England thriftless.  
The king when he saw it was but a vain thing to stay any longer in communication with the ambassadors line 50 about peace, departed from York with his puissant army, and getting knowledge how the Scots were closely lodged in the woods of Stanop park, he came and stopped all the passages, so it was thought that he should have had them at his pleasure, but through treason (as was after reported) of the lord Roger Mortimer, after that the Scots had been kept within their lodgings for the space of fifteen days, till they were almost famished, they did not only find a way out, but about two hundred of line 60 them under the leading of the lord William Douglas, 
●roissart. The lord Dowglas.  assailing that part of the English camp where the king's tent stood, in the night season, miss not much of either taking the king or sleieng him: and having done hurt enough otherwise, as in the Scotish chronicle is also touched, they followed their company, and with them returned into Scotland without impeachment.  
It is said, that Henry earl of Lancaster, and john the lord Beaumond of Heinault would gladly have passed over the water of Wire, to have assaulted the Scots, but the earl of March through counsel of the lord Mortimer, pretending to have right to the leading of the fore ward, and to the giving of the first onset, would not suffer them. Howsoever it was the king miss his purpose, and right pensive therefore, broke up his field, and returned unto London. ¶ Walter bishop of Canturburie departed this life in November, and then Simon Mepham was advanced to the government of that see. The lord Beaumond of Heinalt was honourably rewarded for his pains and travel, 
The lord Beaumond returned home. Polydor.  and then licensed to return into his country, where he had not been long, but that through his means then (as some writ) the marriage was concluded between king Edward, and the lady Philip daughter to William earl of Heinault, and niece to the said lord Beaumond, who had the charge to see her brought over thither into England about Christmas: where in the city of York upon the even of the Conversion of saint Paul, being sunday, 
Fabian.  year 1328 in the latter end of the first year of his reign, king Edward solemnly married her.  
In the second year of his reign, about the feast of Pentecost, 
Anno Reg. 2. A parliament at Northampton.  king Edward held a parliament at Northampton, at the which parliament by evil and naughty counsel, whereof the lord Roger Mortimer and the queen mother bore the blame, the king concluded with the Scotish king both an unprofitable and a dishonourable peace. For first, 
A dishonourable peace.  he released to the Scots their fealty and homage. Also he delivered unto them certain old ancient writings, sealed with the seals of the king of Scots, and of diverse lords of the land both spiritual and temporal: amongst the which was that indenture, 
Ragman.  which they called Ragman, with many other charters and patents, by the which the kings of Scotland were bound as feodaries unto the crown of England; 
Fabian. Caxton. The black cross.  at which season also there were delivered certain jewels, which before time had been won from the Scots by the kings of England, and among other, the black crosier or rood is specially named.  
And not only the king by his sinister council lost such right and title as he had to the realm of Scotland, so far as by the same council might be devised, but also the lords and barons, and other men of England that had any lands or rents within Scotland, lost their right in like manner, except they would dwell upon the same lands, and become liege men to the king of Scotland. 
A marriage concluded.  Hereupon was there also a marriage concluded betwixt David Bruce the son of Robert Bruce king of Scotland, and the lady jane sister to king Edward, which of diverse writers is surnamed jone of the tower, and the Scots surnamed her half in derision, jone Make-peace. 
jone Make-peace.  This marriage was solemnised at Berwick upon the day of Marie Magdalen. The queen with the bishops of Elie and Norwich, the earl Warren, the lord Mortimer, and diverse other barons of the land, and a great multitude of other people were present at that marriage, 
Ri. Southwell.  which was celebrate with all the honour that might be.  
After the quindene of saint Michael, king Edward held a parliament at Salisbury, 
Tho. Walsin. Adam Merimuth. Polydor. Creations of earls.  in which the lord Roger Mortimer was created earl of March, the lord john of Eltham the king's brother was made earl of Cornwall, and the lord james Butler of Ireland earl of Ormond, who about the same time had married the earl of Hereford's daughter. But the earl of March took the most part of the rule of all things pertaining either to the king or realm into his own hands: 
The earl of March ruleth all things at his pleasure.  so that the whole government rested in a manner betwixt the queen mother and him. The other of the council that were first appointed, were in manner displaced; for they bore no rule to speak of at all, which caused no small grudge to arise against the queen and the said earl of March, 
Caxton.  who maintained such ports, and kept among them such retinue of servants, that their provision was wonderful, which they caused to be taken up, namely for the queen, at the king's price, to the sore oppression of the people, which took it displesantlie enough.  

The e●rle of Lancaster.  There was like to have grown great variance betwixt the queen and Henry earl of Lancaster, by reason that one sir Thomas Wither, a knight pertaining to the said earl of Lancaster, had slain Robert Holland, 
Robert Holland slain.  who had betrayed sometime Thomas earl of Lancaster, and was after committed to prison line 10 by earl Henry's means, but the queen had caused him to be set at liberty, and admitted him as one of her council. The queen would have had sir Thomas Wither punished for the murder, but earl Henry caused him to be kept out of the way, so that for these causes and other, Henry the earl of Lancaster went about to make a rebellion, 
The archbishop of Canturburie was the chief procuror of the agreement & reconciliation of the earl (as Merimuth saith.)  and the queen having knowledge thereof, sought to apprehend him: but by the mediation of the earls Marshal and Kent, the matter was taken up, and earl Henry line 20 had the king's peace granted him for the sum of eleven thousand pounds, which he should have paid, but he never paid that fine, though it was so assessed at the time of the agreement.  
There were diverse lords and great men that were confederate with him, 
Adam Merimuth.  the lord Thomas Wake, the lord Henry Beaumond, the lord Foulke Fitz Warrein, sir Thomas Rosselin, sir William Trussell, and other, to the number of an hundred knights. ¶ In the third year of his reign, 
1●29 Anno Reg. 3.  about the Ascension line 30 tide, king Edward went over into France, and coming to the French king Philip de Ualois, as then being at Amiens, did there his homage unto him for the duchy of Guien (as in the French history appeareth.) ¶ The same year Simon the archbishop of Canturburie held a synod at London, wherein all those were excommunicated that were guilty to the death of Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester, that had been put to death by the Londoners, as in the last king's time ye have heard. ¶ This bishop of Excester line 40 founded Excester college in Oxford, & Heart's hall. But now to the purpose.  
The king about the beginning, or (as other say) about the middle of Lent, 
Tho. Wals●. Ri. Southwell. Additions to Meri.  held a parliament at Winchester, during the which, Edmund of Woodstoke earl of Kent the king's uncle was arrested the morrow after saint Gregory's day, and being arraigned upon certain confessions and letters found about him, he was found guilty of treason. There were diverse in trouble about the same matter, for the earl line 50 upon his open confession before sundry lords of the realm, declared that not only by commandment from the pope, but also by the setting on of diverse nobles of this land (whom he named) he was persuaded to endeavour himself by all ways and means possible how to deliver his brother king Edward the second out of prison, and to restore him to the crown, whom one Thomas Dunhed, a friar of the order of preachers in London, 
Thom. Dunhed a friar.  affirmed for certain to be alive, having (as he himself said) called up a spirit to line 60 understand the truth thereof, and so what by counsel of the said friar, and of three other friars of the same order, 
Thom. Wals.  he had purposed to work some mean how to deliver him, and to restore him again to the kingdom. Among the letters that were found about him, disclosing a great part of his practice, some there were, which he had written and directed unto his brother the said king Edward, as by some writers it should appear.  
year 1330 The bishop of London and certain other great personages, whom he had accused, were permitted to go at liberty, 
Anno Reg 4.  under sureties taken for their good demeanour and forth coming. But Robert de Touton, and the friar that had raised the spirit for to know whether the king's father were living or not, were committed to prison, wherein the f●ier remained till he died. The earl himself was had out of the castle gate at Winchester, and there lost his head the 19 day of March, 
The earl of Kent beheaded.  chiefly (as was thought) through the malice of the queen mother, and of the earl of March: whose pride and high presumption the said earl of Kent might not well abide. His death was the less lamented, because of the presumptuous government of his servants and retinue, 
Naughty servants bring their master into disfavour.  which he kept about him, for that they riding abroad, would take up things at their pleasure, not paying nor agreeing with the party to whom such things belonged; in so much that by their means, who ought to have done their uttermost for the enlargement of his honour, he grew in greater obloquy and reproach: a fowl fault in servants so to abuse their lords names to their private profit, to whom they cannot be too trusty. But such are to be warned, that by the same wherein they offend, they shall be punished, even with servants faithless to plague their untrustiness, for Qui violare fidem solet, & violetur eidem.  
The young queen Philip was brought to bed at Woodstoke the 15 day of june of her first son, 
The Black prince borne.  the which at the fontstone was named Edward, and in process of time came to great proof of famous chivalry, as in this book shall more plainly appear. He was commonly named when he came to ripe years prince Edward, & also surnamed the Black prince. The sixteenth day of julie chanced a great eclipse of the sun, 
Croxden. An eclipse.  and for the space of two months before, and three months after, there fell exceeding great rain, so that through the great intemperancy of weather, corn could not ripen, by reason whereof, in many places they began not harvest till Michaelmas, 
A late harvest  & in some places they inned not their wheat till Alhallontide, nor their pease till saint Andrews tide.  
On Christmas even, about the break of day, a marvelous sore and terrible wind came forth of the west, which overthrew houses and buildings, 
A mighty wind.  overturned trees by the roots, and did much hurt in diverse places. ¶ This year shortly after Easter, the king with the bishop of Winchester, and the lord William Montacute, having not passed fifteen horses in their company, passed the sea, appareled in cloaks like to merchants, he left his brother the earl of Cornwall his deputy & guardian of the realm till his return. Moreover, he caused it to be proclaimed in London, that he went over on pilgrimage, and for none other purpose. He returned before the later end of April, and then was there holden a turnie at Dertfort.  
The monday after saint Matthews day in September, the king held a solemn justs in Cheapside, betwixt the great cross and Soperlane, he with 12 as challengers answering all defendants that came. This solemn justs and turnie continued three days. The queen with many ladies being present at the same, fell beside a stage, but yet as good hap would they had no hurt by that fall, to the rejoicing of many that saw them in such danger, and yet so luckily to escape without harm. ¶ Also in a parliament holden at Nottingham about saint Luke's tide, sir Roger Mortimer the earl of March was apprehended the seventeenth day of October within the castle of Nottingham, where the king with the two queens, his mother and his wife, and diverse other were as then lodged. And though the keys of the castle were daily and nightly in the custody of the said earl of March, and that his power was such, as it was doubted how he might be arrested (for he had, 
Additions 〈◊〉 N. Trivet.  as some writers affirm, at that present in retinue nine score knights, beside esquires, gentlemen and yeomen) yet at length by the king's help, the lord William Montacute, the lord Humphrey de Bohun, and his brother sir William, the lord Ralph Stafford, the lord Robert Ufford, the lord William Clinton, the lord john Nevil of Hornbie, and diverse other, which had accused the said earl of March for the murder of king Edward the second, found means by intelligence had with sir William de Eland constable of the castle of Nottingham, to take the said earl of March with his son the lord Roger or Geffrey Mortimer, and sir Simon Bereford, with other.  
Sir Hugh Trumpington or Turrington (as line 10 some copies have) that was one of his chiefest friends with certain other were slain, as they were about to resist against the lord Montacute, and his company in taking of the said earl. The manner of his taking I pass over, because of the diversity in report thereof by sundry writers. From Nottingham he was sent up to London with his son the lord Roger or Geffrey de Mortimer, sir Simon Bereford, and the other prisoners, where they were committed to prison in the tower. Shortly after was a parliament line 20 called at Westminster, chiefly (as was thought) for reformation of things disordered through the misgovernance of the earl of March. But whosoever was glad or sorry for the trouble of the said earl, surly the queen mother took it most heavily above all other, as she that loved him more (as the fame went) than stood well with her honour. For as some writ, 
Master Fox.  she was found to be with child by him. They kept as it were house together, for the earl to have his provision the better cheap, laid his penny line 30 with hers, so that her takers served him as well as they did her both of victuals & carriages. Of which mis-usage (all regard to honour and estimation neglected) every subject spoke shame. For their manner of dealing, tending to such evil purposes as they continually thought upon, could not be secret from the eyes of the people. And their offence herein was so much the more heinous, because they were persons of an extraordinary degree, and were the more narrowly marked of the multitude or common people, line 40 

●la●di. — nam lux altissima fati  
Occultum nil esse sinit, latebrásque per omnes  
Intrat, & obtrusos explorat fama recessus.  But now in this parliament holden at Westminster he was attainted of high treason expressed in five articles, 
The earl of March attainted.  as in effect followeth.  
1 First, he was charged that he had procured Edward of Carnarvan the king's father to be murdered in most heinous and tyrannous manner within the castle of Berklie.  
2 secondly, that the Scots at Stanop park line 50 through his means escaped.  
3 thirdly, that he received at the hands of the lord james Dowglas, at that time general of the Scots, great sums of money to execute that treason, and further to conclude the peace upon such dishonourable covenants as was accorded with the Scots at the parliament of Northampton.  
4 fourthly, that he had got into his hands a great part of the king's treasure, and had wasted and line 60 consumed it.  
5 fiftly, that he had impropried unto him divers wards that belonged unto the king: and had been more privy with queen Isabella the king's mother, than stood either with God's law, or the king's pleasure.  
These articles with other being proved against him, he was adjudged by authority of the parliament to suffer death, and according thereunto, upon saint Andrew's even next ensuing, he was at London drawn and hanged, 
Adam Me●emuth. The earl of March executed.  at the common place of execution, called in those days The elms, & now Tyburn, as in some books we find. His body remained two days and two nights on the gallows, and after taken down was delivered to the friars minors, who buried him in their church the morrow after he was delivered to them, with great pomp and funeral exequys, although afterwards he was taken up and carried unto Wigmore, whereof he was lord. He came not to his answer in judgement, no more than any other of the nobility had done, since the death of Thomas earl of Lancaster.  
Sir Simon de Bereford knight that had been one of the king's justices, 
Sir Simon Bereford executed.  was drawn also and hanged at London, upon S. Lucy's day. In this parliament holden at Westminster, the king took into his hand, by advise of the states there assembled, all the possessions, lands and revenues that belonged to the queen his mother, she having assigned to her a thousand pounds by year, 
Some books have 3 thousand pounds.  for the maintenance of her estate, being appointed to remain in a certain place, and not to go elsewhere abroad: yet the king to comfort her, would lightly every year once come to visit her. ¶ After that the earl of March was executed (as ye have heard) diverse noble men that were departed the realm, because they could not abide the pride and presumption of the said earl, now returned: as the son and heir of the earl of Arundel, 
Ad. Merem.  the lord Thomas Wake, the L. Henry Beaumond, sir Thomas de Rosselin, sir Foulke fitz Warren, sir Griffin de la Poole, and diverse other.  
In the fift year of K. Edward's reign, 
1331 Anno. Reg. 5.  Edward Balliol came forth of France into England, and obtained such favour through the assistance of the lord Henry Beaumond, 
Edward Balliol cometh into England  the lord David of Strabogie earl of Athole, the lord Geffrey de mowbray, the lord Walter Cumin, and others, that king Edward granted him licence to make his provision in England to pass into Scotland, with an army of men to attempt the recovery of his right to the crown of Scotland, with condition that if he recovered it, he should acknowledge to hold it of the king of England as superior lord of Scotland. The coming away of Edward Balliol out of France is diversly reported by writers: some say that he was aided by the French king, whose sister he had married: 
Caxton.  and other say, that he being in prison in France, for the escape of an Englishman, 
john Barnaby.  one john Barnaby esquire, which had slain a Frenchman by chance of quarreling in the town of Dampierre, where the same Barnaby dwelled with the said Edward Balliol, 
The lord Beaumond.  so it came to pass that the lord Henry Beaumond having occasion of business with the French king, that favoured him well, came over to France, and there understanding of Balliol's imprisonment, procured his deliverance, and brought him over into England, and caused him to remain in secret wise at the manor of Sandhall upon Ouse in Yorkshire with the lady Uesci●, till he had purchased the kings grant for him to make his provision of men of war and ships within the English dominions.  
In the sixth year of king Edward's reign, 
1332 Anno Reg. 6.  Reignold earl of Gelderland married the lady Elinor sister to this king Edward the third, 
Croxden. The earl of Gelderland.  who gave unto the said earl with her for her portion, fifteen thousand pounds sterling. ¶ Isabella the king's daughter was borne also this year at Woodstoke. ¶ After that Edward Balliol had prepared and made ready his purueiances for his journey, and that his men of war were assembled and come together, being in all not past five hundred men of arms, and about two thousand archers, and other footmen, he took the sea at Ravenspurgh in Yorkshire, and from thence directing his course northward, he arrived at length in Scotland, where he achieving great victories (as in the Scotish chronicle ye may read more at large) was finally crowned king of that realm. 
Edward Balliol crowned k. of Scotland.   
It may seem a wonder to many, that the king of England would permit Edward Balliol to make his provision thus in England, and to suffer his people to aid him against his brother in law king David that had married his sister (as before ye have heard. 
The cause that moved K. Edward to aid Edward Balioll. ) Indeed at the first he was not very ready to grant their suit that moved it, but at length he was contented to dissemble the matter, in hope that if Edward Balliol had good success, he should then recover that again, which by the conclusion of peace during his minority, he had through evil counsel line 10 resigned out of his hands. The Scots nevertheless in December chased their new king Edward Balliol out of Scotland, so that he was feign to retire into England, and celebrated the feast of the Nativity at Carleill, in the house of the friars minors, and the morrow after being S. stephan's day, he went into Westmoreland, 
Rich. South. Edward Balliol chased out of Scotland.  where of the lord Clifford he was right honourably received, to whom he then granted Douglas Dale in Scotland, which had been granted to the said lord Clifford's grandfather in the days line 20 of king Edward the first, if he might at any time recover the realm of Scotland out of his adversaries hands. year 1333  
After this, he went and lay a time with the lady of Gines, that was his kinswoman. Finally about the téenth day of March, 
Anno Reg. 7.  having assembled a power of Englishmen and Scotishmen, he entered Scotland, 
Berwick besieged.  and besieged the town of Berwick, during the which siege, many enterprises were attempted by the parties: and amongst other, the Scots entered line 30 England by Carleill, doing much mischief in Gilles●and, by burning, killing, robbing and spoiling. The king advertised hereof, thought himself discharged of the agreement concluded betwixt him and David Bruce, the son of Robert Bruce that had married his sister, & therefore took it to be lawful for him to aid his cousin Edward Balliol the lawful K. of Scots. And herewith assembling an army, came to the siege of Berwick, together with his brother john of Eltham earl of Cornwall, 
The victory of Englishmen at Halidon hill.  and other noble men, seeking line 40 by all means possible how to win the town: and finally discomfited an army of Scots, which came to the rescue thereof upon Halidon hill, in slaying of them what in the fight and chase, seven earls, nine hundred knights and baronet's, four hundred esquires, and upon 32 thousand of the common people: and of Englishmen were slain but 15 persons, as our English writers make mention. The Scotish writers confess, that the Scotishmen lost the number of 14 thousand. line 50  

Berwick delivered.  On the morrow following, being S. Margaret's day, the town of Berwick was rendered unto king Edward with the castle, as in the Scotish chronicle ye may read, with more matter touching the siege and battle aforesaid, and therefore here in few words, I pass it over. King Edward having thus sped his business, left a power of men with Edward Balliol, under the conduct of the lord Richard Talbot, 
The lord Richard Talbot  and returned himself back into England, appointing the lord Percy to be governor of the town of Berwick, line 60 and sir Thomas Grey knight his lieutenant. The lord john Darcie lord chief justice of Ireland, leaving the lord Thomas Bourgh his deputy in that country, 
The lord justice of Ireland cometh into Scotland.  passed over with an army into Scotland, to aid the king, who (as ye have heard) was there the same time in person. And so by the king on one side, and by the Irishmen on an other, Scotland was subdued, and restored unto Balliol, who the morrow after the octaves of the Nativity of our lady, held a parliament at saint john's town, in the which he revoked and made void all acts, which the late king of Scots Robert Bruce had enacted or made: and further ordained, that all such lands and possessions as the said Bruce had given to any manner of person, should be taken from them, and restored to the former and true inheritor.  
In this year about the twelfth of October, Simon Mepham archbishop of Canturburie, departed this life, in whose place succeeded john Stretford, being removed from the see of Winchester, 
Adam Me●muth.  whereof he was bishop, before that he was thus called to the see of Canturburie. 
1334 Anno Reg. ●  After Candlemas the king of England repaired towards York, 
Adam Me●muth. A parliament at York.  there to hold a parliament, to the which (beginning on the monday in the second week in Lent) when Edward Balliol doubting to be surprised by his adversaries, could not come, yet he sent the lord Henry de Beaumond, and the lord William de Montacute, to make excuse for him. The king of England passing further into the north parts, held his Whitsuntide at Newcastle upon Tine, with great royalty: and shortly after, Edward Balliol king of Scots came thither, 
Edward B●●lioll doth ●●mage unto the king of England for Sc●●land.  and upon the nintéenth day of june made his homage unto the king of England, and swore unto him fealty in the presence of a great number of Nobles and gentlemen there assembled, as to his superior and chief lord of the realm of Scotland, binding himself by that oath, to hold the same realm of the king of England, his heirs and successors for ever. He also gave and granted unto the king of England at that time five counties next adjoining unto the borders of England, as Berwick and Rocksburgh, Peplis, and Dunfres', the towns of Hadington and Gedworth with the castle, the forests of Silkirke, Etherike, and Gedworth, so as all these portions should be clearly separated and put apart from the crown of Scotland, and annexed unto the crown of England for ever. And these things were confirmed and roborated with oath, sceptre, and witness sufficient.  
Which things done in due order, as was requisite, the king of England returned home, and the kings went back into Scotland. And then were all such lords restored again to their lands and possessions in Scotland, which in the days of Edward the second had been expelled from the same: and now they did their homage unto the king of Scotland for those lands as appertained. ¶ Immediately after, the king of England called a council of his lords spiritual and temporal at Nottingham, commanding them to meet him there about the thirteenth day of julie, there to consult with him of weighty causes concerning the state of the realm. This year on saint Clement's day at night, 
Inundation of the sea.  which fell on the three and twentieth of November, through a marvelous inundation & rising of the sea all alongst by the coasts of this realm, but especially about the Thames, the sea banks or walls were broken and borne down with violence of the water, and infinite numbers of beasts and cattle drowned, fruitful grounds and pastures were made salt marshes, so as there was no hope that in long time they should recover again their former fruitfulness.  
In this mean time the French king was appointed to have made a voyage against the Saracens, enemies of our faith, and had sent to the king of England, requiring him of his company in that journey. But the king of England being otherwise occupied with the affairs of Scotland, made no direct answer thereunto, 
Ambassadors from the French 〈◊〉  so that the French king perceiving that the king of England was not in all things well pleased with him, thought good before he set forward on that journey to understand his meaning, and thereupon sent eftsoons unto him other ambassadors. These ambassadors arrived here in England and had audience, but nothing they concluded in effect, save that the king promised to send his ambassadors over into France, to have further communication in the matter touching such points of variance as depended betwixt them.  
Although Edward Balliol by the puissance of the king of England's assistance had got the most part of the realm of Scotland into his hands, yet diverse castles were holden against him, and the Scots daily slipped from him, and by open rebellion molested him diverse ways. The king of England advertised thereof called a parliament at London, 
Rich. South. A parliament at London.  wherein he took order for his journey into Scotland, had a tenth line 10 and a fifteenth granted him, and so about Alhallontide he came to Newcastle upon Tine, with his army, and remained there till the feast of saint Katherine, 
The king entereth into Scotland with an army  and then entering into Scotland, came to Rockesburgh, where he repaired the castle which had been aforetime destroyed. After the third day of Christmas was passed, the king of England entered into Ethrike forest, year 1335 beating it up and down, but the Scots would not come within his reach: whereupon he sent the king of Scots that was there present with him, line 20 and the earls of Warwick and Oxenford, and certain other barons and knights with their retinues unto Carleill, to keep and defend those west parts of the realm from the Scots.  
In their journey thitherwards, they went by Peplis to apprehend certain Scots, whom they heard to be lodged and abiding thereabouts, but when they found them not, they wasted the country, and turned straight to Carleill, where after the epiphany there assembled an army forth of the counties of Lancaster, line 30 Westmoreland, and Cumberland, by the king's appointment, which army together with the king of Scots and the other lords there found, entered Scotland, and did much hurt in the country of Galloway, destroying towns and all that they found abroad, 
Hen. Marle.  but the people were fled and withdrawn out of their way. And when they had taken their pleasure, the king of Scots returned back to Carleill. This year there fell great abundance of rain, 
〈◊〉 dearth and ●eth of cattle.  and thereupon ensued morren of beasts: also corn so failed this year, that a quarter of wheat was sold at forty line 40 shillings.  
Finally, when the king had finished his business in Scotland, 
Anno Reg. 9  as to his seeming stood with his pleasure, he returned into England, and shortly after he sent the archbishop of Canturburie, 
Ambassadors ●ent into France.  sir Philip de Montacute, and Geffrey Scroop unto the French king, to conclude a firm amity & league with him. These lords coming into France, were not at the first admitted to the French kings presence, till they showed themselves half grieved with that strange line 50 dealing: for then finally were they brought unto him, who gently received them, and caused the matter to be entreated of about the which they were sent, in furthering whereof, such diligence was used, that finally a conclusion of peace and concord was agreed, and so far passed, that proclamation thereof should have been made in Paris, and in the country thereabout the next day: but scarce were the English ambassadors returned unto their lodgings, when they were sent for back again, and further line 60 informed, that the French king minded to have David king of Scotland comprised in the same league, so that he might be restored unto his kingdom, and the Balliol put out. The English ambassadors answered, that their commission extended not so far, and therefore they could not conclude any thing therein. Hereupon all the former communication was revoked, and clearly made void, so that the English ambassadors returned home into England without any thing concluded.  
About the feast of the Ascension, the king held a parliament at York, 
〈◊〉. Southwell. 〈◊〉 parliament.  ordaining for his journey into Scotland, and also devising by authority thereof diverse profitable statutes for the commonwealth. About midsummer, he came with his army unto Newcastle upon Tine, whither came to him from Carleill the king of Scots, and there order was taken, that the king of England, and his brother the earl of Cornwall, the earls of Warwick, Lancaster, Lincoln, and Hereford, with all their retinues, and the earl of Gulikerland, that had married the king's sister, and with a fair company was come to serve the king in these wars, should pass to Carleill, and on the twelve of julie enter Scotland. The king of Scots, the earls of Surrie, and Arundel, and the lord Henry Percy, a baron of great might and power, being all of kin unto the king of Scots, with their retinues should go to Berwick, and there enter the same day above mentioned, and as it was appointed, so it was put in practice. For both kings on the same day entering Scotland in several parts passed forward without resistance at their pleasures, wasting and burning all the countries, both on this side, and beyond the Scotish sea. 
The Welshmen.  The Welshmen spared neither religious persons nor their houses, making no more account of them than of others: the mariners of Newcastle also burned a great part of the town of Dundée. 
Dundée burnt.   
The earl of Namure about the same time coming into England, to serve the king in his wars, 
The earl of Namure.  took upon him to pass into Scotland with a band of an hundred men of arms, beside seven or eight knights which he brought over with him, and certain Englishmen to be his guides from Berwick, 
Fourdon.  but he was assailed before he could get to Edinburgh, by the earls of Murrey and Dunbarre, and the lord William Dowglas: so that notwithstanding the strangers bore themselves very manfully, yet oppressed with multitude, they were forced to give place, but yet still fight and defending themselves till they came to Edinburgh, and there taking the hill where the ruins of the castle stood, kept the same all the night following. But the next day they despairing of all succours, and having neither meat nor drink, at length yielded themselves, whom the earl of Murrey receiving right courteously, 
The earl of Murrey taken. Rich. Southw.  showed them such favour, that without ransom he was contented they should return into their countries: and for more surety, he conveyed the said earl of Namure (whom the Scotish books call earl of Gelderland) and his company back to the borders; but in his return, or shortly after, 
Fourdon.  the same earl of Murrey that took himself for governor of Scotland, was encountered by the Englishmen that lay in garrison within Rockesburgh, and by them taken prisoner. The lord William Dowglas being there also with him escaped, but james Dowglas brother to the said lord William Dowglas, was at that bickering slain with diverse other.  
About the feast of the Assumption of our lady, 
Scots submit them to the king of England.  diverse of the Scotish nobility came and submitted themselves to the king, namely the earl of Athol and others, but earl Patrick of Dunbarre, and the earl of Rosse, the lord Andrew de Murrey, the lord William Dowglas, and the lord William de k, and many other would not come in, but assembling themselves together, did all the mischief they could unto those that had received the king's peace. 
The castle of Kildrummie.  The earl of Athol in the winter season, besieging the castle of Kildrummie beyond the Scotish sea was set upon by the earls of Dunbarre and Rosse, 
The earl of Athol slain.  so that they slew him there in field, for his men fled from him (through some traitorous practice as was thought) and left him and a few other in all the danger. ¶ The king of England being returned forth of Scotland, remained for the most part of the winter in the north parts, and held his Christmas at Newcastle upon Tine, and after the epiphany having assembled an army ready to pass into Scotland, to revenge the earl of athol's death, which he took very displeasantlie, there came in the mean time ambassadors both from the pope and the French king, year 1336 and found the king of England at Berwick, ready with his army to set forwards into Scotland. 
Anno Reg. 10.  But these ambassadors did so much by entreaty with the two kings of England and Scotland, that about the feast of the Purification, 
A truce granted to the Scots.  a truce was agreed upon to endure till line 10 midlent.  
Then was a parliament to be holden at London, and herewith articles were drawn, and certain petitions put forth, upon the which if the parties in the mean time could agree, the peace accordingly might be established, if not, than the war to be prosecuted as before. The chiefest article and petition which the Scots proponed, as desirous to be therein resolved, was to understand which of the two that claimed the crown of Scotland, to wit, Edward line 20 Balliol, and David Bruce, had most right thereto. But when in the parliament time the lord Maurice de Murrey slew sir Geffrey de Rosse a Scotish knight, that was sheriff of Air and Lenarke, being of the Balliol's side, for that in time of open war the same sir Geffrey had slain his brother, 
The stoutness of Scots hindered the conclusion of the peace.  upon respect of this presumptuous part, and by reason of such stoutness as the Scots otherwise showed, no conclusion of peace could be brought to effect.  
Before the feast of the Ascension, the king of England line 30 sent forward the king of Scots, the earls of Lancaster, Warwick, Oxford, and Anegoes, and diverse lords and captains with an army, the which after Whitsuntide entering into Scotland, 

An army sent into Scotland.  
S. john's town fortified.   passed over the Scotish sea, and coming to saint john's town (which the Scots had burnt, despairing to defend it against the English power) they set in hand to fortify it, compassing it with deep diches and a strong rampire of earth. ¶ About the same time the king called a parliament at Northampton, where leaving the prelates line 40 and other to treat of such matters as were proponed, 
Adam Merimuth.  he himself road northwards, and coming to Berwick, took with him a small band of men of arms, and setting forward, hasted forth till he came to saint john's town, 
The K. goeth into Scotland.  where he found the king of Scots, and other his nobles greatly wondering at his coming thither so unlooked for. After he had rested there a little, he took with him part of the army, and passed forward over the mountains of Scotland even unto Elgen in Murrey and Inuernes, line 50 further by many miles than ever his grandfather had gone.  


Aberden burnt.  
Tho. Walsin. Sir Thomas Rosselin slain.   In his return he burned the town of Aberden, in revenge of the death of a right valiant knight called sir Thomas Rosselin, that coming thither by sea took land there, and was slain by the enemies: he burned diverse other towns and places in this voyage, spoiling and wasting the countries where he came, 
The earl of Cornwall.  not finding any to resist him. About Lammas the earl of Cornwall with the power of Yorkshire line 60 and Northumberland, and the lord Anthony Lucy with the Cumberland and Westmoreland men entered Scotland, and destroyed the west parts, as Carrike, and other which obeyed not the Balioll. The lord William Douglas still coasted the Englishmen, 
The lord Douglas.  doing to them what damage he might. At length this army laden with preys and spoil returned home, but the earl of Cornwall with his own retinue came through to saint john's town, where he found the king being returned thither from his journey which he had made beyond the mounteins. The king stayed not long there, 
Striueling castle built or rather repaired.  but leaving the king of Scots with his company in that town, he went to Striueling, where, on the plot of ground upon which the destroyed castle had stood, he built an other fortress, called a Pile. And now, because he had spent a great deal of treasure in those wars of Scotland, he summoned a parliament to be holden at Nottingham, in which there was granted to him a tenth of the clergy, and likewise of the citizens and burgesses of good towns, and a fifteenth of other that dwelled forth of cities and boroughs.  
About the latter end of October, john of Eltham earl of Cornwall the king's brother departed this life at saint john's town in Scotland: 
The 〈◊〉 of the earl 〈◊〉 Corne●●●l  his body was afterwards conveyed to Westminster, & there buried with all solemn funerals. The Scotish writers affirm that he was slain by his brother king Edward for the cruelty he had used in the west parts of Scotland, in slaying such as for safeguard of their lives fled into churches. Moreover, in December there deceased at S. john's town aforesaid, 
The dec●●●● of Hugh de Fresnes 〈◊〉 of Lincol●●.  Hugh de Fresnes, that in right of the countess of Lincoln was entitled earl of Lincoln. He died of the flux, or (as was said) through excessive cold, which in those quarters in that cold time of the year sore afflicted the English people. ¶ In the mean time, 
Walter G●●burgh. Thom. Wa●.  about the feast of saint Luke the evangelist, the king went with an army into Scotland toward the castle of Bothuille, and coming thither repaired the same, which by the Scots had lately before been destroyed. The baron Stafford at the same time coming towards the king with a power of men, 
The lord Stafford.  took Douglas Dale in his way, taking in the same a great prey of cattle and other things.  
Before Christmas the king returned into England, but the king of Scots remained all the winter in saint john's town with a sober company. When the king had settled the state of Scotland under the government of the Balliol, 
A statute ordained by 〈◊〉 Scots in ●●uour of 〈…〉 of England.  those Scotishmen which took part with the Balliol, ordained as it were in recompense of king Edward's friendship a statute, whereby they bond themselves to the said king Edward and his heirs kings of England, that they should aid and assist him against all other princes: and whensoever it chanced that either he or any king of England being rightful inheritor, had any wars against any prince, either within the land or without, the Scotishmen of their own proper costs and expenses should find three hundred horsemen, & a thousand footmen well and sufficiently arrayed for the war, the which thirteen hundred men the Scots should wage for a whole year: & if the king of England ended not his wars within the year, than he to give wages to the said number of thirteen hundred Scots, as he doth to other of his soldiers and men of war. There be that writ, that the king of England should not only fortify saint john's town about this time, as before is mentioned, 
Polydor.  but also saint Andrews, Cowper, Aberdine, Dunfermeling, with certain other castles, 
towns 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 Edward's 〈◊〉 Scotland.  leaving garrisons of men in the same. But for so much as ye may read sufficiently of those troubles, in Scotland; and of the return of king David forth of France, and how his realm was recovered out of the Balliol's hands in the Scotish chronicles: we need not here to make any long discourse thereof.  
The queen was delivered of her second son at Hatfield, 
Th. 〈◊〉 Croxden.  who was therefore named William of Hatfield, who lived but a short time, 
13●●  departing this world when he was but young. The king being returned home out of Scotland, 
The king 〈◊〉 dieth together 〈◊〉 maintain 〈◊〉 wars.  sought by all ways possible how to recover money, both to supply his charges for the Scotish wars, and also to furnish the other wars which he meant to take in hand against the French king: he got so much into his hands (as it is reported by writers) that it was very scant and hard to come by throughout the whole realm: by reason of which scarcity and want of money, or upon some other necessary cause, 
Great cheapness of w●rs end scarcity of money.  victuals, and other chaffer and merchandise were exceeding cheap: for at London a quarter of wheat was sold for two shillings, a fat ox for 〈◊〉 shillings eight pence, a fat sheep for six pence or eight pence, half a dozen of pigeons for one penny, a fat goose for two pence, a pig for one penny, and so all other v●●tels after the like rate.  
This year was the war proclaimed betwixt England and France, chiefly by the procurement line 10 of the lord Robert Dartois, a Frenchman, as then banished out of France, upon occasion of a claim by him made unto the earldom of Artois. This lord Robert after he was banished France, fled over unto king Edward, who gladly received him and made him earl of Richmond. ¶ All the goods of the Italians were by the king's commandment this year confiscate to his use, and so likewise were the goods of the monks of the Cluniake and Cisterceaur orders. ¶ This year also a comet or blasingstarre line 20 appeared, with long and terrible streams passing from it. In the eleventh year of his reign, the king held a parliament at Westminster, 
1338 Anno Reg. 11.  about the time of Lent, during the which, of the earldom of Cornwall he made a duchy, 
Thom. Wals. Ran. Higd. Polydor. Fabian.  and gave it unto his eldest son Edward, that was then earl of Chester, whom also (as some writ) he created at the same time prince of Wales.  
Moreover in reward of service, there were six noble men at this parliament advanced to the honour and title of earls, as the lord Henry son to the line 30 earl of Lancaster was created earl of Derbie, 
Creations of noble men.  or after some writers, earl of Leicester; William Bohun was created earl of Northampton, William Montacute earl of Salisbury, Hugh Audeley earl of Gloucester, William Clinton earl of Huntingdon, 
Additions to Hen. Marle. Croxden.  and Robert Ufford earl of Suffolk. This creation was on the second sunday in Lent, and the same day were twenty knights made, whose names for briefness we do here omit. 
An act of array, against sumptuous apparel.  In this parliament line 40 it was enacted, that no man should wear any manner of silk in gown, cote, or doublet; except he might dispend of good and sufficient rent an hundred pounds by year, which act was not long observed. For the nature of man is such, that of it own corrupt & evil inclination, it withstandeth good things, and chooseth rather to follow whatsoever is forbidden▪ yea though the same be stark nought and offensive to law and conscience: which preposterous and overthwart disposition the poet noteth well, saying, line 50 
— aliédque cupido  
Mens aliud suadet: video meliora, probóque,  
Deteriora sequor.   
It was also ordained by the advise of this parliament, that Henry of Lancaster newly created earl of Derbie should go over into Gascoine, there to remain as the king's lieutenant. But Richard Southwell saith, that the earl of Salisbury, and not the earl of Derbie was appointed to go into Gascoine at that time, and the earl of Warwick into Scotland. 
An act for restrain● of transporting over wools. Adam Meri●●uth.  line 60 Moreover in this parliament it was enacted that no wool of the English growth should go forth of the land, but be here wrought and made in cloth: and further an act was ordained for receiving of strangers that were clothworkers, and order taken, that fit and convenient places should be assigned forth to them where to inhabit, with many privileges and liberties, and that they should have wages and stipends allowed them, till they were so settled as they might gain commodiously by their occupation and science: but now to return again to other matters. 
Rich. South. The castle of Bothuile taken.   
The Scots this year took the castle of Bothuile by surrender, so as the Englishmen that were within it, departed with their lives and goods saved. diverse other castles and fortresses were taken by the Scots in Fife, and in other parts, but the country of Galloway was by them specially sore afflicted, because the people there held with their lord Edward Balioll. Hereupon it was agreed in this last parliament, that the earl of Warwick being appointed to go thither, should have with him the power beyond Trent northwards. But when about the Ascension tide the Scots had besieged the castle of Striueling, the king of England in person hasted thitherwards, of whose approach the Scots no sooner understood, but that streightwaies they broke up their siege, and departed thence: the king therefore returned back into the south parts. 
Sir Eustace Maxwell.  About the same time sir Eustace de Maxwell knight, lord of Carlaverocke, revolted from Edward Balliol unto David le Bruse his side, and so that part daily increased, and also the war continued, with damage enough unto both parts.  
In the beginning of September the earl of Warwick with an army entered Scotland by Berwick, and the lord Thomas de Wake, 
The earl of Warwick invadeth Scotland.  and the lord Clifford, with the bishop of Carleill accompanied with the Westmoreland and Cumberland men, entered by Carleill, and within two days after met with the earl of Warwick, as before it was appointed, and so joining together, they passed forwards, spoiling and wasting Tevidale, Mofeteidale, and Nidesdale. The lord Anthony Lucy with a part of the army entered into Galloway, and after he had wasted that country, he returned to the army, which by reason of the exceeding great wet that fell in that season, they could not keep on their journey into Douglasdale, and to Air, as they had appointed: but having remained in Scotland twelve days, they returned altogether unto Carleill. Edward Balliol was not with them in this journey, but remained still in England.  
The Scots in revenge hereof made diverse roads into England, withdrawing still with their prey and booties, before the English power could assemble to give them battle. About Alhallontide, the Scots besieged the castle of Edinburgh, 
The castle of Edinburgh besieged.  but the bishop of Carleill, the lord Randoll Dacres of Gillesland, with the power of the counties of Cumberland and of Westmoreland, and the king of Scots Edward Balliol, with the lord Anthony Lucy, and such company as they brought from Berwick, meeting at Rockesburgh, marched forth unto Edinburgh, 
The siege is raised.  and chase the Scots from the siege, took order for the safe keeping of the castle from thenceforth, and returned into England. In this mean time things happened so well to the purpose of king Edward, 
The K. practiseth with the Flemings.  that by practice he alienated the hearts of the Flemings from the obedience of their earl, being altogether an earnest friend to the French king. He therefore understanding the minds of his people, sought to win them by some gentle treaty, and so did even at the first, concluding an agreement with them of Gaunt, which were fully at a point to have entered into league with the king of England, as with him whose friendship by reason of the traffic of merchandise, (and namely of the English wools) they knew to be more necessary for their country than the French kings.  
Although by the help of the bishop of Tournie the earl of Flanders caused them to stay from concluding or joining in any such bonds of amity with the king of England for that time, 
The bishop of Tournie.  yet he doubted the arrival of some power out of England, and thereupon appointed his bastard brother Guy of Rij●kenburgh, and certain other noble men and captains, 
ja. M●ir.  with a crew of men of war to lie in the isle of Cadsant, 
The I'll of Cadsant.  to defend the passage there, and to see that no English ships should come or go that way by the seas: whereof the king of England being advertised, sent thither the earl of Derbie, the lord jews Beauchampe, 
An army sent by sea into Flanders.  the lord Reginald Cobham, also the lord William son to the earl of Warwick, the lord Walter de Mannie an Hannevier, and other lords, knights, and captains, with a power of five hundred men of arms, 
Four thousand saith ja. Meir.  and two thousand archers, the which coming to the foresaid I'll of Cadsant, line 10 found the Flemings, about five thousand in number, ready arranged on the town dikes and sands, in purpose to defend the entry, which they did a certain space right valiantly: 
Froissard.  but in the end they were discomfited, and three thousand of them slain in the streets, haven, and houses. Sir Guy the bastard of Flanders was taken with diverse other knights and gentlemen, the town was burnt, and the goods with the prisoners were carried into England. This chanced on a sunday the day before the feast of saint line 20 Martin in November. Where the lord Walter de Mannie might have had 11 thousand pounds sterling for the ransom of the said sir Guy, and other prisoners, the king bought them of him in the fouretéenth year of his reign for eight thousand pounds sterling, as by records in the tower it appeareth.  
About the feast of saint Martin in winter, there came unto London two cardinals, 
Two cardinals come into England.  sent by the pope to treat for a peace betwixt the kings of England, and France. ¶ The archbishop of Canturburie, with line 30 the bishops of Winchester, Elie, Chichester, Coventrie, & the commoners of the city of London met them on Shooter's hill. 
Additions to Meri.  The duke of Cornwall with the earl of Surrie, and many other of the nobility received them a mile without the city. The king himself received them at the lesser hall door of his palace at Westminster, and brought them into the painted chamber, where they declared their message: whereupon the king caused a parliament to be summoned at London, to begin the morrow after Candlemas line 40 day. The king held his Christmas at Gildford, and within the octaves of the same feast he took his journey towards Scotland, year 1339 or rather (as other have) he sent thither the earls of Salisbury, 
Ri. Southwell▪ The castle of Dunbar besieged. Anno Reg. 12.  Gloucester, Derbie, and Anegoes, with three barons, the lords Percy, Nevil, and Stafford, the which with twenty thousand men besieged the castle of Dunbar.  
This siege began even in the beginning of the twelfth year of king Edward's reign, and continued for the space of nineteen weeks, with small gain line 50 and less honour to the Englishmen, in so much that the same broke up under a colour of a truce, when there was no hope of winning the place, and that the noble men that lay there at siege, hasted to make an end, that they might attend the king in his journey over into Brabant. 
A parliament.  The morrow after Candlemas day the parliament began, in which there was a grant made to the king by the laity of the one half of their wools through the whole realm for the next summer, 
Croxden. A subsidy.  which he received, and likewise he levied of the line 60 clergy the whole, causing them to pay nine marks of every sack of the best wool. But after the rate of the one half he took in whose hands so ever it was found, aswell merchants as others. After this, he took a fifteenth of all the commonalty of his realm in wool, the price of every stone containing fourteen pounds rated at two shillings. The one and twentieth of March the two cardinals took the sea at Dover, 
The cardinals return.  and in their company went over the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Durham to treat of a peace, if by any good means the two kings might be made friends. But as it appeared, their travel was in vain, for although they abode together for a time on the frontiers, doing their best endeavour, yet their travel nothing availed, as by that which followeth is most manifest.  
The Flemings that favoured king Edward, were put in such comfort by the late victory obtained by the Englishmen in the isle of Cadsant, that falling to their former practice, one jaques or jacob ●an Arteveld an hommaker of the town of Gant, 
james or jacob Arteveld, a hommaker of Gant.  was chosen amongst them to be as it were the defender of the people, and namely of the weavers, and other clothworkers. Finally, his authority grew so hugely amongst all the whole number of the commons in Flanders▪ 
His authority among the commons.  that he might do mo●e with them than their earl; and yet the earl to reconcile the people to his favour, ceased not to use all courteous means towards them that he could devise, as releasing customs and duties of money, pardoning offences, forfeitures, and other such like, but all would not avail him. The king of England had so won them by the means of the said jaques van Arteveld, that in the end john archbishop of Canturburie, & Richard the bishop of Durham, 
A league betwixt England & Flanders. jac. Meir.  came into Flanders as ambassadors from king Edward, and traveled so earnestly to draw the Flemings unto an amity with their master king Edward, that finally a league was concluded betwixt the country of Flanders, and the said king at Gant, in the presence of the earl of Gelderland, as then being there. The chief authors of this league were the said jaques van Arteveld, and a noble man of Flanders, 
Siger de Curtrey.  called Siger de Curtrey.  
But this Siger being immediately after apprehended by the earl of Flanders, was put to death. Which act procured the earl so much hatred of the people, that shortly after coming to Bruges, and attempting to force the town to his will, he was forced himself to flee from thence, for otherwise he had been either taken or slain; 
The Fuller's of Gant.  the commons of the town & namely the fullers, of whom he had slain some there in the streets, rose so fast upon him. Hereupon fleeing home to his house, he took his wife, 
The earl of Flanders fleeth into France.  and a son which he had, and fled with them into France, so forsaking his country which was now governed by jaques van Arteveld, as though he had been immediately lord thereof. After this, the earl returned home again, 
He returneth home.  as it were with the French kings commission, to persuade the Flemings to renounce the league concluded with the king of England: but he could bring nothing to pass, but was still in danger to have been arrested and stayed of his own subjects, both at Gant and in other places, but namely at Dixmue, 
Dixmue.  where if he had not made the more haste away, he had been taken by them of Bruges. Amongst other of his stuff which he left behind him in that hasty departure, his signet was forgotten, 
He eftsoons fleeth.  and not miss till he came to saint Omers, whither he fled for his safeguard.  
Thus ye may perceive that Flanders rested wholly at king Edward's commandment, 
Flanders wholly at the devotion of K. Edward.  who to establish amity also with the duke of Brabant, and other princes of the empire, about the midst of julie sailed over unto Antwerp, with his wife queen Philip, his son the prince of Wales, 
K. Edward saileth to Antwerp.  and a great number of other of the peers and barons of his realm, where he was most joyfully received of the duke of Brabant, and other lords of the empire. There was sent to the emperor to procure his friendship, from the king of England, 
Froissard, The marquess of Gulike● land.  the marquess of Gulike with certain noble men of England, and also certain of the duke of Gelderland his council, the which marquess was made at that time an earl, & the earl of Gelderland was made duke. This duke of Gelderland named Reginald had married the lady Isabella sister of king Edward, 
The earl of Gelderland created ●uke●.  and therefore in favour of the king his brother in law, traveled most earnestly to procure him all the friends within the empire that he could make.  
The princes and lords then, with whom king Edward was allied and confederated at that time, I find to be these; 
K. Edward's confederates.  the dukes of Brabant and Gelderland, the archbishop of Cullen, the marquess of Gulike, sir Arnold de Baquehen, and the lord of Ualkenburgh, who all promised to defy the French king, in the king of England's quarrel, and to serve him with notable numbers of men, where and whensoever line 10 it should please him to appoint. The alliance of the earl of Heinault first procured the king of England all these friends, unto the which earl he had sent over the bishop of Lincoln and other in embassage, immediately after that he had resolved to make wars against France, by the counsel and advise of sir Robert Dartois, as in the French history more plainly appeareth. In this mean season was queen Philip brought to bed at Antwerp of her third son, 
Lionel that was after duke of Clarence borne.  which was named Lionel. ¶ The king of England earnestly followed his business, and had line 20 many treaties with his friends and confederates, till at length he made sure to him the friendship of all those towns & countries, which lie betwixt France and the river of Rhine: only the cities of Tournie and Cambrie held of the French kings part, though Cambrie belonged to the empire.  


Additions to Adam Merimuth.  
A parliament at Northampton.  
A subsidy upon wool.  
The clergy granteth a tenth.   In this twelfth year of king Edward's reign at a council holden at Northampton by the duke of Cornwall, lord warden of England in absence of line 30 the king his brother, and by many of the prelates and barons of the realm, there was granted to the king a subsidy in wool, to the great burden of the commons: but for so much as the clergy of the land was not present at that council, it was ordained that they should be called, and so they assembled in a convocation at London the first day of October, in which the clergy granted to the king a tenth for the third year then to come, over and beside the two tenths before granted, and that the tenth of this present line 40 year should be paid in shorter time than it was appointed: but they flatly denied to grant their wools, which nevertheless the laity paid, and that to their great hindrance, for it rose double to a fifteen. From the beginning of October, to the beginning of December this year, 
Great rain.  fell such abundance of rain that it hindered greatly the husbandmen in sowing of their winter corn: and in the beginning of December came such a vehement frost continuing the space of twelve weeks, that it destroyed up all the seed line 50 almost that was sown, by reason whereof small store of winter corn came to proof in the summer following: but though there was no plenty, yet all kinds of grain were sold at a reasonable price, 
1339 Anno Reg. 13.  through want of money.  
The Frenchmen by sea sore troubled the sea coasts of this realm, specially where the champion countries stretch towards the sea coasts. At Hastings in the feast of Corpus Christi, 

The Frenchmen invade the coasts of this land.  
Plymouth burnt.   they burned certain fishermen's houses, and slew some of the inhabitants. Also line 60 in the havens about Devonshire and Cornwall, and towards Bristol, they took and burnt certain ships, killing the mariners that came to their hands, and in the Whitsunwéeke they landed at Plymouth, and burned the more part of the town: but Hugh Courtnie earl of Devonshire, a man almost fourscore years of age, 
The earl of Devonshire.  and other knights and men of the country came against these Frenchmen, slaying such as came into their hands to the number of five hundred, as was esteemed, and chased the residue. ¶ The Scots also about the same time did much hurt and great mischief to the Englishmen both by sea and land. 
Rich. South.   

William Dowglas.  In the beginning of julie the lord William Dowglas, with a number of men of war, returned from France home into England, and to him upon his return the castle of Cowper was delivered, with all the country thereabouts. After this, coming to the siege of S. john's town, which the governor the earl of Murrey, the earl of March, 
Hect. Boetius▪  Patrick de Dunbarre, and other of the Scotish lords had besieged, at length it was surrendered by sir Thomas Uthred capiteine there of the English garrison, departing in safety home into England. Three days before the feast of the Assumption of our lady, there chanced in the night season such a mighty and sudden inundation of water at Newcastle upon Tine, 
A flood.  that it bore down a piece of the town wall, six perches in length, near to a place called Walknow, where a hundred and twenty temporal men with diverse priests and many women were drowned and lamentably perished.  
But now to return to the king, which all this while remained in Brabant. Ye have heard how the city of Cambrie held with the French king: wherefore the K. of England assembling together a mighty strong army aswell of Englishmen as of the low countries of Dutchland, meant to besiege it, but first he sent the archbishop of Canturburie with the bishops of Lincoln and Durham unto Arras, as commissioners from him to meet there with the archbishop of Roven, 
Commissioners sent to treat of peace.  and the bishops of Langres and Beawaiss, appointed to come thither as commissioners from the French king, to treat with the Englishmen of a peace, but they could not agree upon any conclusion, whereupon king Edward, coming forward with his power, 
They cannot agree.  approached to Cambrie, and planted his siege round about it. But the bishop, 
Cambrie besieged.  not meaning to deliver the city unto king Edward nor unto any other that should demand it to the behoof of the emperor Ludovike of Baviere, as then excommunicated of the pope, had received into the town five thousand Frenchmen, with the French kings eldest son, 
ja. Meir.  the duke of Normandy lately returned out of Given, and the lord Theobald Maruise, 
The king ra●●seth his siege and entereth into France▪ Flaminguerie.  with certain companies of Savoisins, so that the city was so defended, that the king of England perceiving he should but lose time, levied his siege, and entered into France, pitching his field at a place called Flaminguerie.  
In the mean time had the French king not only made himself strong by land, but also by sea, 
Fabian. Thom. Walsi.  having sent forth a strong navy of ships and galleys towards the coasts of England, which arriving at Southampton the monday after Michaelmas day, 
Southampton burnt.  took and spoiled the town, and the morrow after set fire upon it in five places, so that a great part of it was burnt. Also thirteen sails of the French fleet met with five English ships, and after a sore fight which continued nine hours, took two of those five being tall and goodly ships, the one called the Edward, and the other the Christopher; the other three being smaller vessels, 
Two English ships taken.  as two of them barks and the other a carvel escaped by their swiftness of sailing. There was slain in that fight upon both parts about the number of six hundred men.  
The French king himself hearing that the king of England would invade his realm, make his general assembly of his army at Peronne; and when he heard that he was entered France, he removed towards him with his whole power, being at the point of an hundred thousand men, 
The French kings army.  as in the French chronicle ye may read more at large. The king of England had not pas● threescore thousand in his army at the most: 
jacob. Meir.  but whilst he lay there upon the borders of France, his people did much hurt, making roads abroad beyond the water of Some, burning and spoiling abbeys, 
Towns burnt by the Englishmen in France.  towns, and villages, as Orignie, saint Benoit, Rib●mont in Thi●rasse, saint Govan, Marle, and Cressie. Also the lord Beaumond of Heinault burned the town of Guise, though his daughter was as then within the same town wife unto Lewes' earl of Blois: 
The town of Guise burnt.  his brother William earl of Heinault was lately before deceased, 
The earl of Heinault.  leaving the earldom to his son named also William, who continued with the king of England so long as he lay before Cambrie, & kept him within the bounds line 10 of the empire, as though his allegiance had bound him to no less, but after the said king was passed the river of Lescault, otherwise called the Skell, and in Latin Scaldis, which divideth the empire from the kingdom of France, he would no longer serve the king of England, but departed from him for fear to offend the French king, accounting that the matter pertained not now to the empire, but to the private quarrel and business of the king of England: notwithstanding his uncle the said sir john like a faithful gentleman continued still in king Edward his line 20 service.  

The armies approach near together.  The two armies of England and France approached within four miles together, so that every man thought that there would sure have been battle betwixt them, as there had been in deed, if the French king had been willing; yet some say, that he of himself was disposed thereto: 
Froissard.  but his councillors advised him to the contrary, by reason of certain signs and tokens which they misliked, as the starting of an hare amongst them, and such like. Also it was said line 30 that Robert king of Naples being then come into France, 
Robert king of Sicill dissuadeth the French king to fight with the king of England.  whose knowledge in astronomy was known to be great, dissuaded the French king by his letters, that in no wise he should fight with the king of England, for he had understanding by art of the heavenly influences and disposition of the bodies above, that if the French king fought with this Edward king of England, he should assuredly b● put to the worse. Whether this was the cause, or any other, sure it is that the Frenchmen had no mind to line 40 fight, so that these two mighty armies departed in sunder without battle, and the king of England returned into Flanders, 
The armies retire without battle.  sorry in deed that he had not with him half the number that the French king had, yet in trust of the valiancy of his souldi●rs, chosen out of the pikedst men through England and all the low country on this side the Rhine, he meant verily to have encountered his enemies, if they had come forward.  

A council at Brusse●●.  At his coming back into Brabant, there was a line 50 council called at Brussels, where were present all those lords of the empire which had been with him in that journey, as the dukes of Brabant, Gelderland, and Gulike, the marquess of Blankbourgh, the earl of Bergen, the lord Beaumond of Heinault otherwise called sir john de Heinault, the lord of Ualkenbourgh, and many others. Thither came also jaques Arteveld chief governor of Flanders. Here in council taken how the king of England might best line 60 maintain the wars which be had begun thus against the French king, he was advised that he should in any wise require them of Flanders to aid him, and in his quarrel to defy the French king, and to go with hi● against the said French king, and if they would thus do, than should he promise them to recover and deliver into their hands the towns of Lisle, Dowaie, and Bothon. The king of England, according to this advise to him given, made such request to the Flemings, who thereupon desires time to consult together, what they might 〈◊〉 there 〈◊〉, ●nd finally they declared for answer, that they would gladly so do, but yet whereas they were bound by ●aith and oath, and in the sum of two millians of ●lorens in the pope's chamber, not to make nor move any war against the king of France, whosoever he were, on pain to lose that sum, 
The motion 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 to have the 〈◊〉 of Englan● 〈◊〉 take upon 〈◊〉 the title to 〈◊〉 crown of France.  and beside to run in the sentence of cursing, they besought him, that it might stand with his pleasure, to take upon him the title and arms of France, as the same appertained to him of right, and then would they obey him as rightful K. of France, and require of him acquittances in discharge of their bonds, and he to pardon them thereof, as rightful king of France.  
The king of England, though he had just cause to claim the crown of France, in right of his mother queen Isabella, yet to take upon him the name and arms of that realm, before he had made conquest of any part thereof, he thought it stood not with much reason: but yet after he had caused the matter to be throughly debated amongst them of his council, as well to satisfy the Flemings, as for other respects, he saw it should be the best way that might be taken to the advancement of his purpose. 
The king's answer to the Flemings.  Then he answered the Flemings, that if they would swear, and seal to this accord, and promise to maintain his war, he would be contented to fulfil their desire, and also he promised to get for them again the towns of Lisle, Dowaie, and Be●hune. 
These to●●● had been engaged to the king of Frā●● for money.  Hereupon was a day assigned to meet at Gant: the king came thither, and the most part of the said lords, and all the councillors of the good towns & places in Flanders were there assembled, and so all the foresaid matters were rehearsed, sworn, and sealed, 
The quartering of the arms of England & France.  and the arms of France were then quartered with those of England, and from thenceforth he took upon him the name of king of France, in all his writings, proclamations, and commandments. This is noted by Christopher Okland, where speaking of the mingling of the French and English arms, he saith amongst other things, 
— ut haere●  
Legitimus regni Celtarum, 
In Angl. 〈◊〉 sub Ed●ard● 3.  insignia gentis  
Ille suis immiscet a●r●x, quòd awnculus orbus  
Carolus è vita ad superas migraverat oras, etc.   
¶ Sith than that we be come to this place, 
Polydor.  it shall not be much amiss to rehearse somewhat of the right and title whereby king Edward did thus claim the crown of France, having of purpose omitted to speak thereof, till now that he entitled himself with the name, & took upon him to bear the arms also of France, upon occasion before expressed. 
The issue of Philip le Beau.  It is well known that Philip le Beau king of France had issue by his wife queen jone three sons, jews surnamed Hutine, Philip le Long, and Charles le Beau: also two daughters, the one dying in her infancy, and the other named Isabella lived, and was married unto Edward the second of that name king of England, who begot of her this Edward the third, that made this claim. The three sons of the foresaid Philip le Beau reigned each after other, as kings of France. First after Philip the father, 
jews H●tine.  succeeded his eldest son jews H●tine, who had issue by his first wife Margaret, daughter to Robert duke of Burgogne, a daughter named jone, the which was anon given in marriage unto Lewes' earl of Eureux: but she living not long, died without issue. Her father the said jews Hutine married after the decease of his first wife, an other wife named Clemence, daughter to Charles martel, the father of K. Robert of Sicill, whom he left great with child when he died. The child being borne proved a son, & was named john, but lived not many days after. Then Philip the Long was admitted unto the cro●●e of France, 
Philip le Long.  though many stood in opinion that jone the daughter of jews Hutine, which yet was alive, aught to have inherited the kingdom after her father: and namely Odo duke of Burgogne, w●●le to the said jone, was most earnest in that ma●ter, in favour of his niece. But might overcame right, so that he was constrained to be quiet. Philip le Long, after he had reigned five years, died also, and left no issue behind him. Then lastly Charles le Beau took upon him the kingdom, 
Charles le Beau.  and the seventh year after died, his wife big bellied, which shortly after brought forth a maiden named Blanch, shall streightwaies hasting to follow her father, lived no while in this world. By this means then the blood royal in the heirs male of Philip le Beau was extinguished in his son the line 10 foresaid Charles le Beau, whereof the contention took beginning about the right to the crown of France, betwixt the Frenchmen and Englishmen, which hangeth as yet undecided till these our days. For king Edward averred that the kingdom of France appertained unto him as lawful heir, because that he alone was remaining of the king's stock, and touched his mother's father Philip le Beau, in the next degree of consanguinity, as he that was borne of his daughter Isabell. line 20  
Therefore immediately after the decease of the said Charles le Beau, by ambassadors sent unto the peers of France, he published to them his right, requiring that they would admit him king according thereunto: 
King Edward signifieth his right to the crown of France.  but his ambassadors could never be quietly heard, and therefore returned home without any towardly answer, which moved him in the end to attempt the recovery of his lawful inheritance by force, sith by law he could not prevail, and now by advise of his friends to take upon him both line 30 the title and arms of France, to signify to the world what right he had to the same. 

ja. Mair. King Edward took upon him the rule & arms of the K. of France.  
The Flemings swear fealty to the King of England.   After that this league therefore was concluded with them of Flanders, and that king Edward had taken upon him the name of king of France with the arms; the duke of Gelderland and jaques van Arteveld went unto all the good towns and jurisdictions of Flanders, to receive their oaths of fidelity unto king Edward, persuading with the people, that the supreme rule belonged unto him, saving to the towns their ancient laws and liberties, line 40 and to their earl his right of propriety.  
About the latter end of this thirteenth year of K. Edward's reign, 
Additions to Nic. Trivet.  the mariners and seamen of the cinque ports, getting them aboard into a number of small ships and balingers, well trimmed and appointed for the purpose, passed over to Bullongne, where they took land one day in a thick foggy weather, and setting on the Base town, they burned nineteen galleys, four great ships, and to the number of twenty smaller vessels, together with their tackle line 50 and furniture. They set fire also on the houses that stood near to the water side, and namely they burned one great house, wherein lay such a number of oars, sails, armour, and crossbows, as might have sufficed to furnish so many men as could be well aboard in nineteen galleys. There were many slain on both parts in achieving this enterprise, but more of the Frenchmen than of the Englishmen. About the same time the queen of England was delivered of his fourth son in the town of Gaunt, the which line 60 was named john, first created earl of Richmond, and after duke of Lancaster. 
john of Gaunt borne.  He was borne about Christmas, in the thirteenth year of king Edward's reign.  
year 1340 When king Edward had finished his business with the Flemings at Gaunt, 
Anno Reg. 14.  he left his wife queen Philip there still in that town, and returned himself unto Antwerp, and shortly after about the feast of Candlemas took the sea, and came back into England, to provide for money to maintain his begun wars. And hereupon about the time of Lent following, 
A parliament.  he called his high court of parliament at Westminster, in the which he asked of his commons towards his charges, for the recovery of his right in France, the fift part of their movable goods, 
Hen. Marl. Polydor.  the customs of wools for two years to be paid aforehand, and the ninth sheaf of every man's corn. At length it was agreed, 
A subsidy.  that the king should have for every sack of wool forty shillings, for every three hundred wool fells forty shillings, and for every last of leather forty shillings, and for other merchandise after the rate; to begin at the feast of Easter, in this fouretéenth year of the king's reign, and to endure till the feast of Pentecost than next following, and from that feast till the feast of Pentecost, than next ensuing into one year: for which the king granted, that from the feast of Pentecost, which was then to come into one year, he nor his heirs should not demand, assess, nor take, nor suffer to be assessed or taken, more custom of a sack of wool of any Englishman, but half a mark, and upon the wool fells and leather the old former custom.  
Beside this, the citizens and burgesses of cities and good towns, granted to give the ninth part of all their goods; and the foreign merchants and other not living of gain, nor of breeding cattle, nor of sheep, should give the fifteenth part of all their goods lawfully to the value: for the which he granted that as well now in time of war as of peace, all merchants, denizens and foreigners (those excepted that were of the enemies countries) might without let safely come into the realm of England with their goods and merchandise, and safely tarry, and likewise return, paying the customs, subsidies, and profits, reasonable thereof due, so always that the franchises and free customs granted by him or his predecessors reasonably to the city of London, and other cities, burroughes, and towns, might always to them be saved. Moreover, there was granted unto him the ninth sheaf, the ninth fleece, and ninth lamb, to be taken by two years next coming. And for the levying thereof, the lords of every shire through the land, were appointed to answer him, every one for the circuit within the which he dwelled. And because the king must needs occupy much money yet the receipt of this subsidy could come to his hands, he borrowed in the mean time many notable sums of diverse cities, and particular persons of this land, 
The city of London dareth the king money.  amongst the which he borrowed of the city of London 20000 marks, to be paid again of the money coming of the foresaid subsidy.  
In the mean while, now that king Edward was come back into England, the wars were hotly pursued against his friends, that had their lands near to the borders of France, and namely against sir john de Heinault lord Beaumond, for the French men burned all his lands of Chimaie, except the fortresses, and took from thence a great preie. 
The frontiers of France full of men of war.  All the frontiers were full of men of war, lodged within towns in garrison, as at Tournie, Mortaigne, S. Amond, Dowaie, Cambrie, and in other smaller fortresses. These men of war late not idle, but were doing oftentimes in Flanders, and sometime otherwhere, neither was the country of Heinault spared, though the earl (as ye have heard) did not only refuse to serve the king of England against France, but also when the same king entered France, he resorted to the French king, and served him; yet by the suggestion of the bishop of Cambrie, who complained of the Hainniers, for the damages which they had done him, the French garrisons of the frontiers thereabouts were commanded to make a road into that country, which they did, 
The town of Asper burnt.  burning the town of Asper, and brought from thence a great booty. The earl of Heinault sore moved therewith to have his lands so spoiled and burnt, defied the French king, 
The earl of Heinault defieth the French king.  and joining with his uncle the lord Beaumond, entered with an army into Thierasse, took & destroyed Aubenton, 
Towns burnt in Thierasse.  with Mawbert, Fonteine, Daubecuille, and diverse other.  
In this mean time the French king procured the pope to pronounce his curse against the Flemings for their rebellion, and to suspend all divine service that ought to be said in any hallowed place, 
Flanders interdicted.  so that there were no priests to be found that would take upon them to say any divine service: whereupon the Flemings sent over into England certain messengers to give notice to king Edward how they were line 10 entreated, but he sent them word that he would bring at his coming over unto them, priests that should say masses and other service, whether the pope would or not, for he had privilege so to do. ¶ In April, William Melton archbishop of York departed this life, after whom variance rose in the election of a new governor to that church, so that two were elected, William lafoy Zouch, 
Ad. Merim.  and William Killesbie: but at length William la Zouch took place, being the 43 archbishop that had sit in that seat. ¶ The earls of line 20 Salisbury and Suffolk, 
Adam Merimuth. jac. Meir.  which were left in Flanders by king Edward to help the Flemings, shortly after Ester, or (as other have) in the time of Lent, were discomfited by the garrison of Lisle, and taken prisoners as they would have passed by that town, to have joined with jaques Arteveld, 
The earls of Salisbury & Suffolk taken.  meaning to besiege Tournie; but now by the taking of those two earls that enterprise was broken. The duke of Normandy with a great army entered into Heinault, burning and wasting the country, 
The country of Heinault invaded.  even to the gates line 30 of Ualenciennes and Quesnoy. And thus were they occupied in those parts, whilst the king of England prepared himself with all diligence to return into Flanders.  
The French king being advertised, that the king of England meant shortly to return into Flanders with a great power, 
Gaguin.  in purpose to invade the realm of France on that side, assembled a navy of four hundred ships under the leading of three expert captains of the wars by sea, 
A great navy prepared by the French king.  as sir Hugh Kiriell, sir line 40 Peter Bahuchet, and a Geneweis named barb Noir, appointing them to the coasts of Flanders to defend the king of England from landing there, if by any means they might. These three captains or admerals came and lay with their ships in the haven of Sluice, for that it was supposed the king of England would arrive there, as his meaning was indeed, whereupon when his men, ships, and provisions were once ready in the month of june, he took the sea with two hundred sail, and directing his course towards line 50 Flanders, 
The king of England taketh the sea.  there came unto him the lord Robert Morley, with the north navy of England, so that then he had in all about three hundred sail, or (as other say) two hundred and three score.  
The French navy lay betwixt Sluice and Blancbergh, 
Polydor. ja. Meir.  so that when the king of England approached, either part descried other, & therewith prepared them to battle. The king of England stayed, till the sun which at the first was in his face, came somewhat westward, and so had it upon his back, that it should line 60 not hinder the sight of his people, and so therewith did set upon his enemies with great manhood, who likewise very stoutly encountered him, 
The king of England setteth upon his enemies.  by reason whereof ensued a sore and deadly fight betwixt them. The navies on both sides were divided into three battles. On the English part, the earls of Gloucester, Northampton and Huntingdon, 
Additions to Trivet.  who was admiral of the fleet that belonged to the cinque ports, and the lord Robert Morley admiral of the northern navy had the guiding of the fore ward, bearing themselves right valiantly, so that at length the Englishmen having the advantage, not only of the sun, but also of the wind and tide, so fortunately, that the French fleet was driven into the straits of the haven, in such wise that neither the soldiers nor mariners could help themselves, in somuch that both heaven, sea, and wind, seemed all to have conspired against the Frenchmen. And herewith many ships of Flanders joining themselves with the English fleet, 
The victo●●● of the Englishmen at the battle of Sluice.  in the end the Frenchmen were vanquished, slain and taken, their ships being also either taken, bowged, or broken.  
When night was come upon them, there were thirty French ships, 
Additions to Trivet & Merimuth.  that yet had not entered the battle, the which sought by covert of the night to have stolen away, and one of them being a mighty great vessel, called the james of Deep, 
The james of Deep.  would have taken away with her a ship of Sandwich that belonged to the prior of Canturburie: but by the help of the earl of Huntingdon, after they had fought all the night till the next morning, the Englishmen at length prevailed, and taking that great huge ship of Deep, found in her above four hundred dead bodies. To conclude, very few of the French ships escaped, except some of their smaller vessels, and certain galleys with their admiral Barbenoir, 
Barbenoir. Gaguin. Auesburie. Tho. Walsi. Adam Merimuth.  who in the beginning of the battle got forth of the haven, advising the other captains to do the like, thereby to avoid the danger which they wilfully embraced. There died in this battle fought (as some writ) on midsummer day, in the year aforesaid, of Frenchmen to the number of 30000, of Englishmen about 4000, 
Froissard. ja. Meir. R. Southw. The number slain. Rich. South.  or (as other have that lived in those days) not past 400, amongst whom there were four knights of great nobility, as sir Thomas Monhermere, sir Thomas Latimer, sir john Boteler, and sir Thomas Poinings.  
It is said also, that the king himself was hurt in the thigh. The two English ships that had been taken the year before, the Edward and the Christopher, were recovered at this time, amongst other of the French ships that were taken there. ¶ Sir Peter Bahuchet was hanged upon a cross pole fastened to a mast of one of the ships. Through the wilfulness of this man, the Frenchmen received this loss (as the French chronicles report) because he kept the navy so long within the haven, till they were so enclosed by the Englishmen, that a great number of the Frenchmen could never come to strike stroke, nor to use the shot of their artillery, but to the hurt of their fellows. Howsoever it was, the Englishmen got a famous victory, to the great comfort of themselves, and discomfort of their adversaries. ¶ The king of England, after he had thus vanquished his enemies, remained on the sea by the space of three days, and then coming on land, went to Gant, where he was received of the queen with great joy and gladness.  
In this mean while had the duke of Normandy besieged the castle of Thuine Levesques, 
Rich. South. The king 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 Froissard.  near to Cambrie, which was taken by sir Walter of Mannie, a lord of Heinault, at the first beginning of the wars, and ever since till that time kept to the king of England his use. The earl of Heinault, who had been of late both in England with king Edward, and also in Almain with the emperor, to purchase their assistance for the defence of his country against the invasions of the Frenchmen, was now returned home, and meaning to rescue such as were besieged in Thuine, sent for succours into Flanders, and into Almain, and in the mean time levying such power as he could make with his own country, came therewith to Ualenciennes, whither forthwith resorted unto him the earl of Namure with two hundred spears, the duke of Brabant with six hundred, the duke of Gelderland, the earl of Bergen, the lord of Ualkenburgh, and diverse other, the which together with the earl of Heinault went and lodged alongst by the river of Lestault over against the French host, 
The river 〈◊〉 Lestault, 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  which kept siege (as ye have heard) under the conduct of the duke of Normandy before Thuine Levesques, that is situate upon the same river.  
There came also to the aid of the earl of Heinault jaques Arteveld, 
The Flemings.  with his three score thousand Flemings. Now it was thought that they would have fought yer they had departed in sunder, but they did not. For after it was known how the king of England was arrived in Flanders, and had discomfited the French fleet, the duke of Brabant and others line 10 thought good to break up their enterprise for that time, and to resort unto the king of England, to understand what his purpose was to do. Neither were the Frenchmen hasty to give battle, so that after the captains of Thuine Levesques, sir Richard Limosin knight an Englishman, 
Sir Richard Limosin.  and two esquires, brethren to the earl of Namure, john and Thierrie, had left their fortress void, and were come over the river by boats unto the earl of Heinaults camp, the armies on both sides broke up and departed, the line 20 Frenchmen into France, and the other to Ualenciennes, 
The armies break up.  and from thence the princes and great lords drew to Gaunt, to welcome the king of England into the country, of whom they were right joyfully received: and after they had communed together of their affairs, it was appointed by the king, that they should meet him at Uillefort in Brabant at a day prefixed, where he would be ready to consult with them about his proceed in his wars against his adversaries the Frenchmen. line 30  

The assembly of the princes at Uilleford.  At the day appointed, there came to Uillefort the dukes of Brabant, and Gelderland, the earl of Heinault, Gulike, Namure, Blackenheim, Bergen, sir Robert Dartois earl of Richmond, the earl of Ualkenburgh, and jaques Arteveld, with the other rulers of Flanders, and many others. Here it was ordained, 
The covenants betwixt the k. of England & his confederates  that the countries of Flanders, Brabant, and Heinault, should be so united and knit in one corporation, that nothing should be done amongst them in public affairs, but by common consent, line 40 and if any wars were moved against any of them, than should the other be ready to aid them, against whom any such war was moved▪ and if upon any occasion any discord rose betwixt them for any matter, they should make an end of it amongst themselves; and if they could not, then should they stand to the judgement and arbitrement of the king of England, unto whom they bound themselves by oath to keep this ordinance and agreement.  
The French king being informed that the king line 50 of England meant to lay siege unto Tournie, 
Froissard. Tournie furnished with a strong power of men.  as it was indeed devised at this council holden at Uillefort, took order for the furnishing thereof with men, munition, and victuals in most defensible wise. There were sent to that town the best men of war in all France, as the earl of Ewe constable of France, the young earl of Guines his son, the earl of Foiz and his brethren, the earl Amerie de Narbon, with many other, having with them four thousand line 60 soldiers. Sir Godmar du Foie was there before as captain of the town, so that it was provided of all things necessary. Howbeit, the king of England (according as it was appointed at the council holden at Uillefort, about the feast of Marie Magdalen) departed from Gaunt, and came to Tournie, having with him seven earls of his own country, as Derby, Penbroke, Hereford, Huntingdon, Northampton, Gloucester, and Arundel, eight prelates, eight and twenty baronet's, 
Tournie besieged.  two hundred knights, four thousand men of arms, and nine thousand archers, besides other footmen. He lodged at the gate called saint Martin, in the way that is toward Lisle and Dowaie.  
Anon after came the dukes of Brabant and Gelderland, the earl of Gulike, the marquess of Blanqueburgh, the marquess of Musse, the earls of Bergen, Savines, and Heinault: also jaques Arteveld, who brought with him about forty thousand Flemings. 
The great number of people at the siege of Tournie. ja. Meir.  So that there was at this siege to the number of six score thousand men, as some writers affirm. There was also an other army of Flemings, as of the towns of Ypres, Popringue, Furnes, cassel, of the Chateleinie, & of Bergis, being to the number of forty thousand, appointed to make war against the Frenchmen that kept saint Omers, and other towns there on the frontiers of Arthois, which army was led by the earl of Richmond, otherwise called the lord Robert Dartois, and by sir Henry de Flanders, 
The earl of Richmond.  the which approaching one day to saint Omers, were sharply fought with; for within saint Omers at that time lay a strong power of Frenchmen with the duke of Burgoine, the earl of Arminacke and others.  
The Flemings were not willing to serve, for neither had they any trust in their captain the said earl of Richmond, neither would they willingly have passed out of their own confines, but only to defend the same from the invasion of their enemies: yet through much persuasion, forward they went, divided into sundry battles contrary to their manner. The enemies perceiving some advantage, 
The Frenchmen set upon the Flemings.  issued forth upon them, and assailed them very stoutly, insomuch that the earl of Arminacke setting upon them of Ypres, overthrew them, and chased them unto a town called Arques, which they had a little before set on fire and burned. another company of Frenchmen, skirmishing with them of Franks, Furnes, and Bergis, put them also to the worse. contrarily, those Frenchmen that encountered with the lord Robert Dartois, and them of Bruges whom he led, 
The variable fortune of fights.  sustained great loss, and were beaten back into the city: 
Additions to Adam Merimuth.  the duke of Burgoine himself being in no small danger for a time, so sharp the bickering was betwixt them, and the event so variable. Wherefore it is notably and fitly said in this behalf, that — incerti fallax fiducia Martis. 
Sil. Ital. lib. 6.   
There be that writ, that this fight continued from three of the clock till eventide, and that the earl of Richmond was twice put to flight, for his people did leave him in the plain field: but at length by the advise of sir Thomas Uthred, 
Sir Thomas Uthred.  whom the king of England had appointed to attend the said earl, with many Englishmen and archers, he assembled his people eftsoons together again, and setting on his enemies. Now when it was almost night, near to the gates of saint Omers, he finally overcame them, where were slain of the French part fifteen barons and fourscore knights, beside a great number of other people. diverse also were slain on the earl of Richmond's part at this last encounter, and among other an English knight, that bare arms escheeked silver and gules.  
Finally, as the earl of Richmond returned towards his camp, which lay in the vale of cassel, he met with certain Artesines and Frenchmen, which had been chase the other Flemings, and though it was late in the evening, that one could not take good view of an other, yet here they fought again, and so diverse of the Frenchmen were taken and killed, and amongst other that were caught, was a knight of Burgoine, named sir William de Nillie. But when the earl of Richmond and those that were with him came to the place where the camp lay, they found that all the residue of the Flemings were fled and gone. And when the said earl came to cassel, 
The earl of Richmond in danger to be slain.  the people were ready to have slain him, their former malice towards him being now much increased with the evil success of this passed enterprise, so that he was glad to get him thence, and to repair unto king Edward, that lay yet at the siege before Tournie, during which siege many proper feats of arms were done betwixt those within and them without: for few days passed without the achieving of some enterprise.  

The great army raised by the French king.  Also the French king, having made his assembly at Arras, and got thither a mighty host, as well out of the empire as of his own subjects, came and lodged line 10 at the bridge of Bowins, three leagues from Tournie. There were with him the king of Bohem, the duke of Lorreine, the bishop of Mentz, the earls of Bar, mount Belliard, & savoy, also the dukes of Burgogne and Burbone, with a great number of other earls and lords, so that the greatest puissance of all France was judged to be there with the king. Whilst he lay encamped thus at Bowins, and the king of England at Tournie, many exploits were achieved betwixt their people, who lay not idle, but line 20 still road abroad and oftentimes met, and then that part which was weakest paid for the others charges, so that many were slain & taken on both sides as well of the nobility as other. Also diverse towns were sacked and burned on the frontiers of France, during this siege at Tournie, namely at the pursuit of the earl of Heinault, as Seclin, S. Amond, Orchies, Landas, and other.  

The lady jane de Ualois treateth for a peace.  At length at the suit of the lady jane de Ualois, sister to the French king, and mother to the earl of line 30 Heinault, traveling still betwixt the parties to bring them unto some accord, it was granted that either party should send certain sufficient persons to entreat of the matter, which should meet at a little chapel, standing in the fields called Esplotin, and hereto also was a truce granted for three days. For the English part were appointed the duke of Brabant, the bishop of Lincoln, the duke of Gelderland, the earl of Gulike, and sir john de Heinault lord Beaumond. For the French part, the king of Bohem, line 40 Charles earl of Alencon brother to the French king, the bishop of Liege, the earl of Flanders, and the earl of Arminacke: and the lady of Ualois was still among them as a mediatrix, by whose means chiefly they at length did agree upon a truce to endure for a year between all parties and their men, 
A truce accorded.  and also between them that were in Scotland, in Gascoigne, and Poictou.  
It was agreed also by these commissioners, that there should other commissioners of either part four line 50 or five meet at Arras at a day appointed, and thither also should the pope send his legates, to treat of a perpetual peace and full agreement to be made betwixt the two kings of England and France. There was also consideration had of the Flemings, 
The Flemings released of debts, and of the interdiction.  so that they were released of all such sums of money as they were by any bonds endangered to pay by forfeiture, or otherwise, for any matter before that time unto the crown of France. Also they were released of the interdiction and curse of the church, 
Polydor.  and then also line 60 was their earl restored home. It was further accorded, 
Restitution of towns to the king of England. Gaguin.  that the French king should restore unto the king of England certain towns and places in Given, which in the beginning of these wars the earl of Alencon had taken from the Englishmen, as Pen in Agenois, and others. Also whereas the French king had seized the county of Pontieu into his hands, which was the dower of queen Isabella, the mother of king Edward, he should also restore the same unto king Edward, to hold it as he did before.  
Hereupon was the siege raised from Tournie, after it had continued there the space of ten weeks and four days. 
The siege raised from Tournie.  They within stood in great danger for lack of victuals to have been constrained to the surrendering of the town, if this truce had not been concluded, which caused the French king the sooner to agree, in like case as the lack of money caused the king of England to take his truce, which otherwise (as was thought) he would not have done: so that by the violent constraint of necessity they were forced thus to do, against which there is no trieng of masteries, nor struggling to make it stoop and obey: for A necessitate omnia in servitutem rediguntur.  
After he had raised his siege he went to Gant, and thither came also the earl of Flanders being now restored home to his country, 
The earl of Flanders feasteth the K. of England. ja. Meir.  and made the king of England great cheer, feasting and banqueting him right princely, together with the queen. Finally, after that king Edward had refreshed himself a while at Gant, he took a very few with him, 
The king goeth into Zealand.  and ●ame into Zealand; and there taking the seas to pass over into England, he was sore tossed by force of outrageous storms of wind and weather. Yet at length after three days and three nights sailing, 
Continuation of Trivet.  in the night of the feast of saint Andrew, he came on land at the tower of London about cocke-crowing, and with him the earl of Northampton, the lord Walter de Mannie, the lord john Darcie, the son of the lord john Beauchampe, Giles Beauchampe, with two chapleins that were his secretaries, sir William Killesbie, and sir Philip Weston, beside a few others.  
After his arrival he sent for the bishop of Chichester that was lord chancellor, for the bishop of Coventrie and Lichfield being lord treasurer, and for such of the judges as were then in London. The lord chancellor and the lord treasurer he streightwaies discharged of their offices, 
Auesburie.  threatening to send them into Flanders, there to remain as pledges for money that he there ought, or if they refused to go thither, then to keep them prisoners in the town. But when the bishop of Chichester declared to him the danger of the canon established against such as imprisoned bishops, he suffered them to departed: but the judges, to wit, john de Stonore, Richard de Willoughby, William de Shareshull, and also Nicholas or (as other have) Matthew de la Bech, who was before guardian of his son, and lieutenant of the tower: 
judges and other officers committed to the tower.  also john de Pultnie, and William de Poole merchants; and the chief clerks of the chancery, john de saint Paul, Michael de Wath, Henry de Stretford, and Robert de Chikewell; and of the escheker, john de Thorpe, and many other, were committed to diverse prisons, but yet because they were committed but only upon commandment, they were within a while after delivered.  
The lord Wake was also committed, but shortly after, he was delivered to his great honour, as Walsingham writeth. Robert de Bourchier was made lord chancellor, 
New officers made in place of other that were discharged.  and Richard de Sadington lord treasurer: all the sheriffs of shires, and other officers also were removed, and other put in their places, and justices appointed in every shire, to inquire upon the defaults of collectors and other officers, so that few or none escaped unpunished, howsoever they had demeaned themselves, so straightly those justices proceeded in their commissions. The king indeed was sore offended with those whom he had put in trust to levy money, and to see it conveyed over to him into the low country, because that for want thereof in time of need, he was constrained to take truce with his adversary the French king, and leave off his enterprise, which he was in good forwardness to have gone through withal, if he had not been disappointed of treasure which he had commanded to be sent over unto him, which was not done but kept back, in whom soever the fault rested.  
There were some of his secretaries, namely, sir William Killesbie, 
The K. offended with the the archb. of Canturburie.  which stirred him to take no small displeasure against the archbishop of Canturburie john Stratford, who thereupon withdrew him into the priory of Christ's church at Canturburie, and there remaining for a season, wrote his mind to the king, exhorting him not to give too light credit unto such as should counsel him to have those in contempt that were faithful and true to him, 
1341 The archbish. writeth to the king.  for in so doing, he might happily lose the love and good will of his people. Nevertheless, he wished that he should try out in whose hands the wools and money remained, which were taken up to his use, and that upon a line 10 just accounts had at their hands, it might appear who were in fault, that he had not money brought to him, whilst he lay at siege before Tournie, as he had appointed; and that when the truth was known, they that were in fault might be worthily punished. And as for his own cause, he signified, that he was ready to be tried by his peers, saving always the state of holy church, and of his order, etc. Further, he besought the king, not to think evil of him, and of other good men, till the truth might be tried, for otherwise, line 20 if judgement should be pronounced, without admitting the party to come to his answer, as well the guiltless as the guilty might be condemned.  
The king nevertheless still offended towards the archbishop, 
Anno Reg. 15. A letter sent to the dean of Paul's.  caused Adam bishop of Winchester to indite a letter against him, directed from the king to the dean and chapter of Paul's, openly to be published by them: the effect whereof was, to burden the archbishop with unthankfulness, and forgetting of line 30 his bounden duty towards his sovereign lord and loving master, namely, in that where he promised the king to see him throughly furnished with money, towards the maintenance of his wars: when it came to pass, none would be had, which turned not only to the hindrance of the kings whole proceedings, but also to his great discredit, and causing him to run greatly in debt by interest, through borrowing of money, for the payment of the wages of his men of war, when through the archbishop's negligence, line 40 who had the chief rule of the land, the collectors and other officers slacked their duty, whereby there was no money sent over, according to that was appointed: and whereas now, since his coming over, he had sent to the archbishop to come unto him, that by his information, he might the better learn who they were that neglected their duty, he disobedientlie refused to come, pretending some fear of bodily harm, through the malice of some that were about the king. Whereupon, when Ralph lord Stafford, line 50 lord steward of the king's house, was sent with a safe conduct, for him to come in all safety to the court, he flatly made answer that he would not come, except in full parliament.  

The archbishop refuseth to come to the court.  Many other misdemeanours was the archbishop charged with towards the king in that letter, as maliciously slandering the king for unjust oppression of the people, confounding the clergy, and grieving the church with exactions, levies of money, tolls and ●allages. Therefore, sith he went about to slander the line 60 kings royal authority, to defame his servants, to stir rebellion among the people, and to withdraw the devotion and love of the earls, lords, and great men of the lan● from the king: his highness declared, that he meant to provide for the integrity & preservation of his good name (whereof it is said truly, Dulcius est aere pretiosum nomen hab●re.) and to meet with the archbishop's malice. And herewith diverse things were rehearsed to the archbishop's reproach, which he should do, procure, and suffer to be done, by his evil and sinister counsel, whilst he had the rule of the realm in his hands under the king: wherein he had showed himself not only an acceptor of gifts, but also of persons, in gratifieng diverse that nothing had deserved sundry ways forth, and presuming to do rashly many other things to the detriment of the kings royal state, and hurt of his regal dignity, and to no small damage of the people, abusing the authority and office to him committed, so that if he persisted in his obstinate wilfulness, and rebellious contumacy, the king by those his letters signified, that he meant to declare it more apparently in due time and place, and therefore commanded the said dean and chapter of Paul's, to publish all those things openly, in places where they thought convenient, according to their wisdom given to them by God, so as he might have cause to commend therein their careful diligence. ¶ This letter was dated at Westminster the tenth of February, in the fifteenth year of his reign over England, and second over France.  
Where the Londoners would not permit the king's justices to sit within the city of London, contrary to their liberties, the king appointed them to sit in the tower; and when they would not make any answer there, a great tumult was raised by the commons of the city, so that the justices being in some peril (as they thought) feigned themselves to sit there till towards Easter. Whereupon, when the king could not get the names of them that raised the tumult, no otherwise but that they were certain light persons of the common people, he at length pardoned the offence. After this, those justices neither sat in the tower, nor elsewhere, of all that year.  
In the quindene of Easter, 
A parliament.  the king held a parliament at London, in the which, the prelates, earls, barons, and commons, presented many petitions; 
Adam Merimuth.  as to have the great charter of liberties, and the charter of forests duly observed, and that they which broke the same should be discharged of their offices, if they were the king's officers, and that the high officers of the king should be elected and chosen by their peers in parliament. The king withstood these petitions a certain time, yet at length he granted to some of them; but as concerning the election of his officers, he in no wise would consent, but yet he was contented that they should receive an oath in parliament, to do justice to all men in their offices, etc. Upon which article and others, a statute was made and confirmed with the king's seal.  
In the mean while, the French king had with bribes won jews of Bavaria, 
The emperor won from the king of England's friendship.  that named himself emperor, from further favouring the king of England; in so much that, under a colourable pretence of finding himself grieved, for that the king of England had without his knowledge taken truce with the French king, he revoked the dignity of being vicar in the empire, from the king of England, but yet signified to him, that where the French king had at his request put the matter in controversy betwixt him and the king of England into his hands, to make an end thereof, if it so pleased the king of England, 
The emperor offereth to be a mean to conclude a peace.  that he should treat as an indifferent arbitrator betwixt them, he promised to do his endeavour, so as he doubted not, but that by his means he should come to a good agreement in his cause, if he would f●llow his advise. And to receive answer hereof, he sent his letters by one Eberhard a chaplain of his, the reader of the ●riers heremits to S. Augustins' order, requesting the king of England to advertise him by the same messenger, of his whole mind in that behalf.  
The king for answer, signified again by his letters to the emperor, 
The kings answer.  that for the zeal which he had to make an accord betwixt him and his adversary Philip de Ualois, that named himself French king, he could not but much commend him, and for his part he had ever wished, that some reasonable agreement might be had betwixt them: but sith his right to the realm of France was clear and manifest enough, he purposed not to commit it by writing unto the doubtful judgement or arbitrement of any. And as concerning the agreement which the emperor had made with the French king, because (as he alleged) it was lawful for him so to do, sith without the emperor's knowledge he had taken truce with the same French king, he said, if the circumstances were well considered, that matter could not minister any cause line 10 to move him to such agreement: for if the emperor remembered, he had given to him liberty at all times to treat of peace, without making the emperor privy thereto (so that without his assent, he concluded not upon any final peace) which he protested that he never meant to do, till he might have his provident advise, counsel, and assent thereunto. And as concerning the revoking of the vicarship of the empire from him, he took it done out of time; for it was promised, line 20 that no such revocation should be made, till he had obtained the whole realm of France, or at the least, the more part thereof. ¶ These in effect were the points of the king's letters of answer unto the emperor. Dated at London the thirteenth of julie, in the second year of his reign over France, and fifteenth over England.  
This year, about Midsummer, or somewhat before, at Gant in Flanders, 
The decease of the lord Geffrey de Scrope, & of the bishop of Lincoln. The queen brought to bed.  died the lord Geffrey Scrope the king's justice, and Henry bishop of Lincoln, line 30 two chief councillors to the king. The queen after her return into England, was this year brought to bed in the tower of London of a daughter named Blanch, that died young, and was buried at Westminster. ¶ In this mean while, during the wars betwixt France and England, the French king in favour of David king of Scotland, had sent men of war into Scotland, under the conduct of sir Arnold Dandreghen, who was after one of the marshals of France, and the lord of Garrentiers, with other, line 40 by whose comfort and help, the Scots that took part with king David, did endeavour themselves to recover out of the Englishmen'S hands, such castles and fortresses as they held within Scotland, as in the Scotish history ye shall find mentioned, and how about this time, their king the foresaid David returned forth of France into Scotland by the French kings help, who having long before concluded a league with him, thought by his friendship to trouble the king of England so at home, that he should not be at great leisure to invade him in France. line 50  
But now to tell you what chanced of the meeting appointed at Arras. 
The commissioners that met at Arras.  For the commissioners that should there treat of the peace, when the day assigned of their meeting was come, there arrived for the king of England the bishop of Lincoln, the bishop of Duresme, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Richmond, sir Robert Dartois, sir john of Heinault, otherwise called lord Beaumond, and sir Henry of Flanders. For the French king, there came the earl of Alencon, the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Flanders, the line 60 earl of Blois, the archbishop of Sens, the bishop of Beawois, and the bishop of Aurerre. The pope sent thither two cardinals, Naples and Clerimont; these commissioners were in treaty fifteen days, 
This truce was prolonged about the least of the decollation of S. john, to endure till Midsummer next following, as the addition to Ad. Merimuth hath.  during the which, many matters were put forth and argued, but none concluded: for the Englishmen demanded largely, and the Frenchmen would departed with nothing, saving with the county of Pontieu, the which was given with queen▪ Isabella in marriage to the king of England. So the treaty broke, the commissioners departed, and nothing done, but only that the truce was prolonged for two years further.  
Thus were the wars partly appeased in some part of France, but yet was the truce but slenderly kept in other parts, by reason of the duke of Britain. For whereas contention arose betwixt one Charles de Blois, and john earl of Mountfort, 
The occasion of the war● 〈◊〉 Britain.  about the right to the duchy of Britain, as in the history of France may more plainly appear; the earl of Mountfort, thinking that he had wrong offered him at the French kings hands, who favoured his adversary Charles de Blois, allied himself with the king of England. And (as some writ) after he had won diverse cities and towns within Britain, he came over into England, and by doing homage to king Edward, acknowledged to hold it of him, as of the sovereign lord thereof, so that he would promise to defend him and that duchy against his adversaries: which the king promised him to do. After this, the French king made such wars against this earl of Mountfort, that he was at length taken prisoner in the town of Aunts, and committed to safe keeping within the castle of Louvre at Paris. But his wife being a stout woman, and of a manly courage, stood up in the quarrel of her husband, and presented a young son which she had by him, unto such captains and men of war as served her husband, requiring them not to be dismayed with the infortunate chance of her husbands taking; but rather like men of good stomaches, to stand in defence of his right, sith whatsoever happened to him, the same remained in that young gentleman his son: meaning that although the enemies should deal tyrannically with him, & without regard of his nobleness practise his overthrow; yet there was hope in her son, as increase of years should minister strength and courage, both to be revenged on his father's enemies, and to add an enlargement of glory and renown to his present honour by practices of his prowess: which to be singular the seemly symmetry or goodly proportion of his person and his jolly countenance seemed to testify; for 
Forts creantur fortibus, 
Mor. lib. ca● 4 Ode 4.  & bonis▪  
Est in iwencis, est in equis patrum  
Virtus; nec imbellem feroces  
Progenerant aquilae columbam.   
This countess of Mountfort was sister unto Lewes' earl of Flanders, and named Margaret, 
ja. Meir.  and not Claudia (as some writ.) She was very diligent in her business, and spared no travel to advance her cause, so that she won not only the hearts of the men of war, but also of the people of Britain, the which favoured her husband, and lamented the mishap of his taking. She first furnished such cities, towns, 
Froissard▪  castles, and fortresses as her husband had in possession, with men, munition and victuals, as Renes, Dinaunt, Guerand, Hanibout, and others. This done, she sent over into England, sir Emerie de Clisson, a noble man of Britain, to require the king of England of succours, with condition, that if it pleased him, her son john should marry one of his daughters. ¶ The king of England glad to have such an entry into France, as by Britain, thought not to refuse the offer, & thereupon granted to aid the countess: & forthwith raising a power, sent the same over into Britain, under the conduct of the lord Walter of Mannie, and others: the which at length, after they had continued long upon the sea, by reason of contrary winds, arrived in Britain; in which mean time, a great army of Frenchmen were entered into Britain▪ and had besieged the city of Reves, and finally won it by surrender, & were now before the town of Hanibout, which with streict siege, and sore bruising of the walls, they were near at point to have taken, and the countess of Mountfort within it▪ If the succours of England had not arrived there, 〈◊〉 at such time as the Frenchmen were in talk with them within, about the surrender. But after that the English fleet was seen to approach, the treaty was soon broken off, for they within had no lust then to talk any further of the matter.  
The lord of Mannie, and the Englishmen arriving at Hanibout thus in time of imminent danger, 
The english succour drived in good time.  wherein the countess, and the other within that town were presently beset, greatly recomforted the said countess, as she well showed by her cheerful countenance in receiving them. 
Archers.  Shortly after their arrival, a certain number of the English archers, line 10 issuing forth, beat the Frenchmen from an engine which they had reared against the walls, and set fire upon the same engine. To conclude, the Frenchmen liked the Englishmen so well, that shortly after being weary of their company, they raised their siege to get themselves further from them: and in an other part of the country endeavoured themselves to win towns and castles as they did indeed, having their army divided into two parts, the lord Charles de Blois governing the one line 20 part, 
Charles de Blois. jews de Spain.  and a Spaniard called the lord jews de Spain the other (which was the same that thus departed from the siege of Hanibout, after the arrival of the Englishmen) and then winning the towns of Dinant and Guerand, passed into the country of Britain Britonant, 
Britain Britonant.  and there not far from Quinpercorentine, were discomfited by the Englishmen, who followed them thither. Of six thousand Genoese, Spaniards, and Frenchmen, which the lord jews of Spain had there with him, there escaped line 30 but a few away. A nephew which he had there with him named Alfonse was slain, howbeit he himself escaped, though not without sore hurts.  

Edmund of Langley that was after duke of york is borne. Fabian. A justs and tornie at Dunstable.  This year, the fift of june queen Philip was delivered of a son at the town of Langley, the which was named Edmund, and surnamed Langley of the place where he was thus borne. Also about the same time was a great jousts kept by king Edward at the town of Dunstable, with other counterfeited feats of war, at the request of diverse young lords line 40 and gentlemen, whereat both the king and queen were present, with the more part of the lords and ladies of the land. ¶ The lord Charles de Blois, having in the mean time won Uannes', and other towns, brought his army back unto Hanibout, 
Hanibout besieged.  and eftsoons besieged the same, and the countess of Mountfort within it. But for so much as it was well fortified, and provided of all things necessary to defend a siege, the Englishmen being returned thither again after the overthrow of the lord jews de Spain, 
1342 Anno Reg. 16.  it line 50 could not be easily won. At length, by the labour of certain lords of Britain, 
The counts of Richmond cometh over into England. An army sent into Britain  a truce was taken for a time, during the which, the countess of Richmond came over into England, to commune with king Edward, touching the affairs of Britain, who appointed sir Robert Dartois earl of Richmond, the earls of Salisbury, Penbroke, and Suffolk, the lords Stafford, Spenser, and Bourchier, with others, to go with her over into Britain, who made their provision, so that they might take the sea, to come line 60 thither against the time that the truce betwixt the countess and the lord Charles de Blois should be expired.  

Additions to Adam Merimuth, and Nic. Triue●.  There be that writ, how the lord Walter de Mannie, took a truce indeed with the lord Charles de Blois, to endure till Alhallontide next ensuing, but with condition, that if the king of England were contented therewith, than the same to be firm and fully ratified, otherwise not. Whereupon, when about the beginning of julie, the said lord Walter came over into England, bringing with him the lord of Lions, and other such prisoners as he had taken, and signified to king Edward what he had concluded touching the truce, the king liked not thereof, and so sent over the earls of Northampton and Devonshire, the lord Stafford, 
The earl of Northampton and Devonshire.  and sir William de Killesbie his chaplain, and one of his secretaries, with five hundred men of arms, and a thousand archers, which taking ship, on the vigil of th'Assumption of our lady, sa●led forth towards Britain. The Frenchmen therefore understanding that this succour was coming, appointed the lord jews of Spain, sir Charles Grimaldo, and sir Antony Doria, 
Genoese retained in the French kings wages.  with three thousand Genoese, and a thousand men of arms, embarked in two and thirty great ships, to lie on the sea in wait to encounter with the English fleet, as the same should approach towards Britain.  
About Easter, the countess of Mountford with the English army, appointed to attend her, took the sea at Southampton, 
The Englishmen and Genoese meet and fight on the Seas.  and at length met with the lord jews of Spain, and his fleet, where betwixt them was fought a sore battle. Of the Englishmen there were six and forty vessels, but the lord jews of Spain had nine great ships, and of more force than any of those which the Englishmen had, and also he had three galleys. They began to fight about evensong time, and continued till that night parted them, and had gone together again in the morning, if by a tempest that rose about midnight, the same night, they had not been scattered in sunder. The Spaniards and Genoese took away with them four English ships, which being victuallers, were left behind. And because the same Spaniards and Genoese were able to abide the sea better than the Englishmen, by reason of their great ships, they kept the main sea; but the Englishmen were advised by their mariners to draw unto the land, and so they did, arriving at a little haven, not far from Uannes', where coming on land, they straightway made towards that city, and besieged it, 
Uannes' wo●  not ceasing to assault it both day and night, till at length they won it, by giving the assault in two places at once, whilst an other number of them set upon it in a third place, where was no suspicion, and so entered.  
After this, the most part of the Englishmen departed from Uannes', as some with the countess, to bring her unto Hanibout, and some with the earls of Salisbury, Suffolk, and Cornwall, who went and laid siege to Rennes, so that the earl of Richmond remained in Uannes', with the lords Spenser and Stafford, to keep it, having a certain number of archers and other men of war with them. The lord Clisson, and sir Henry de Leon, which were within Uannes', when it was taken by the Englishmen, and found means to escape, were abashed at the ma●ter, that they had so lost the city, whereupon they secretly assembled a great power of men thereabouts, and came again unto Uannes', and so fiercely assailed the gates and walls, that in the end they entered by more force. The earl of Richmond was sore hurt, but yet he escaped out at a postern gate, and the lord Stafford with him, but the lord Spenser was taken by sir Henry de Leon.  
Other writ otherwise, both of the landing, and also concerning the misfortune of the lord Spenser, 
Additions to Nic. Trivet.  alleging letters sent from the earl of Northampton (whom the same authors repute as general of that army into Britain) directed to the king, in which was signified, how that within the octaves of the Assumption of our lady, they arrived on the coast of Britain, near to the town and castle of Breast, in the which the duchess of Britain with her children were of the enemies besieged, both by sea and land, by sea with thirteen great galleys, by land by the lord Charles de Blois, the earls of savoy and Foiz. But the galleys perceiving the English fleet to be approached upon them, yet they were aware, so that they were compassed in, to their great danger, three of the same galleys fled, and so escaped, the residue got up into a river of the same haven, where they that were aboard, left their vessels and fled to the land, and as well they, as the other that held siege before Breast and such as kept a castle there, not far off, called Goule forest, packed away without any more ado. The English mariners following the galleys (that were withdrawn up the river) with their small boats and barges, set fire on the galleys, and so burnt them.  
Thus all the Englishmen came on land, and leaning the lord Say captain in the said castle of line 10 Goule forest, they pass forward into the country, and coming to a castle commonly called Monsieur Relix, gave an assault thereto, where many of their men of war were wounded, and sir james Lovel slain. After this, staying a time for the coming of their confederates, which after a fortnight's space came to them on the monday, being the morrow after Michaelmas day, they heard that the lords Charles de Blois was coming in all haste with a power of three thousand men of arms, twelve hundred line 20 Genoese, & a great multitude of commons to raise the siege. Whereupon the earl of Northampton with his army marched softly towards them, and choosing a plot of ground convenient for his purpose, fought with his enemies, slew and took of them at the least three hundred men of arms. The earl of Northampton lost not any noble man in this fight, the lord Edward Spenser only excepted.  
But now as touching the earl of Richmont, Froissard saith, that he coming to Hanibout, after he line 30 had thus lost Uannes', took the sea, and sailed into England: but by reason of being tossed on the seas, his wounds rankled so, that shortly after his coming to London he died, & was buried in the church of S. Paul. The king of England was sore displeased with his death, 
The king passeth over into Britain.  and immediately after passed over himself into Britain with a great army: and landing there the nine and twentieth of November, at the same place where the earl of Richmond did land line 40 at his arrival there, not far from Uannes', he went strait and besieged Uannes', 
Uann●s besieged.  but perceiving that it would not be won but by long siege, he left the earl of Arundel, and the lord Stafford to continue the siege, whilst he went to Rennes to aid his people, which still lay at the siege thereof. Before the king's arrival in Britain, those that were there under the earl of Northampton, 
Additions to Trivet.  as the lord Hugh Spenser, and the lord Richard Talbot, with their retinues, fought with the Frenchmen near to Morleis, where line 50 a few Englishmen, scarce five hundred, discomfited a mighty power of Frenchmen, esteemed to be above fifty thousand, 
An army of Frenchmen discomfited by a few Englishmen.  of whom some they slew, and some they took. Among other was taken the lord Geffrey de Charnie, accounted for one of the best and sagest knights in France, whom the lord Richard Talbot took and sent into England.  
But now as touching the kings doings, we find, that whilst he remained for this winter season in Britain, his people forraied the country four line 60 days journey in length, and two days journey in breadth. After his coming to Rennes, he stayed not passed five days, but leaving them whom he found there to continue the siege, he went himself to Aunts, where he had knowledge, that the lord Charles de Blois was. At his coming thither, he environed the city about with a strong siege, & made many fierce assaults to the walls and gates, but could not prevail, then leaving certain of his lords there to continue the siege, 
Aunts besieged.  he raised with the residue, and went to Dinan, which town with sore and fierce assaults he lastly won, and after that drew again towards Uannes', for that he was informed, how the duke of Normandy was coming down towards him, with an army of forty thousand men. Hereupon he sent for them that lay at siege before Aunts to come unto him, and suffered them at Rennes to keep their siege still, till they heard other word from him.  
The duke of Normandy with four thousand men of arms, and thirty thousand other men of war, coming into Britain to aid the lord Charles of Blois, was advertised, 
The duke 〈◊〉 Norman●●● cometh down 〈◊〉 Britain.  that the king of England was with the most part of all his power withdrawn to Uannes', and there lay at siege, sore constreining them within: wherefore he also drew thitherwards, and approaching to the place, encamped with his army over against the king of England, enclosing his field with a great trench. The king of England supposing he should have battle, sent unto those which lay at siege before Rennes, commanding them to come from thence unto him: so that by this means all the powers, both of the king of England, and of the duke of Normandy, general to his father the French king in those wars of Britain, being assembled before Uannes', had fought some great and bloody battle, as was supposed, for the whole trial of the right of Britain, if the cardinals of Clerimont and Prenesti, as legates from pope Clement the sixth, had not taken up the matter, by concluding a truce betwixt them, for the term of three years.  
Commissioners appointed to treat with these cardinal's, 
Additions 〈◊〉 Trivet. Commissioners for the king of England.  on the behalf of the king of England were these, Henry of Lancaster earl of Derbie, William Bohun earl of Northampton, William Montacute earl of Salisbury, Ralph lord Stafford, Bartholomew lord Burghese, Nicholas lord Cantelow, Reginald lord Cobham, Walter lord of Mannie, Maurice lord Berkeley, and master john Ufford archdeacon of Elie. For the French king, Odo duke of Burgogne, 
Commissioners for the French king  and Piers duke of Bourbon were deputed commissioners. Such diligence was used by the parties, that finally they agreed upon this truce of three years, year 1343 with certain articles for mean to conclude some final peace, 
A truce 〈◊〉 three year●●.  as that there should be sent from either king some personages of their blood and others, unto the court of Rome, with sufficient authority, to agree, confirm, and establish upon all controversies and dissensions betwixt the said kings, according to the agreement of the pope, and such as should be so sent to treat thereof.  
It was further agreed, that they should have liberty to declare and pronounce their arguments and reasons before the pope, but not to have power to decide and give sentence, but only by way of some better treaty and order of agreement to be made. And these commissioners were appointed to appear before the pope, afore the feast of saint john Baptist next ensuing, and the pope to dispatch the business before Christmas after, if by consent of the said nobles, the term were not prorogued. And if it so were that the pope could make no agreement, yet should the truce endure the prefixed term, to wit, till the feast of S. Michael the archangel, 
The cond●tions of the truce.  and for the space of three years then next ensuing, betwixt the kings of France, England and Scotland, the earl of Heinault and their allies, as the dukes of Brabant, and of Gelderland, also the marquess of Gullikerland, the lord Beaumond, otherwise called sir john de Heinault, and the people of Flanders, in all their lands and dominions, from the date of the charter made hereof, by all the said term aforesaid, to be observed, holden and kept. Also, the king of Scots, and the earl of Heinault were appointed to send certain persons, as commissioners for them, unto the said court of Rome.  
This truce was also accorded to be kept in Britain, betwixt the said kings and their adherents, in which country, as well as in Given, and other places, every man should remain in possession of that which he held at the time of concluding this truce, save that the city of Uannes' should be delivered into the hands of the cardinal, to be kept by them in the pope's name, during the truce, and then to dispose thereof, as should seem to them good. Many other articles were comprised in the charter of this truce, too long here to rehearse, all the which were confirmed with the oaths of the said dukes of Burgoigne, line 10 and Burbone, on the French kings behalf; and of the earls of Derbie, Northampton and Salisbury, the lord Burghersts, and the lord of Mannie, for the king of England. In witness whereof, the said cardinals caused the charter to be made, putting thereunto their seals, the ninetéenth day of januarie, in the year 1343 in presence of diverse prelates, and of the earls of Bullongne, Ausserre, Sancerre, juignie, and Porcien, the lord Miles de Nohers, the lord Ingram de Coucie, and the foresaid lords, Cantelowe, line 20 Cobham, and Berkeley, with many other lords, barons, nobles, and gentlemen.  
When this truce was thus confirmed, many of the English army returned home through France, 
Anno Reg. 17.  so to pass over by the narrow seas into England, but the king himself, 
The king of England returneth by sea forth of Britain.  with a few other, taking their ships to pass by long seas, were marvelously tormented by tempest, so that their ships were scattered and driven to take land at diverse havens. The duchess of Britain with her son and daughter, came line 30 on land in Devonshire. Sir Peers de Ueele, and his son sir Henry Uéele, and sir john Rain knights, were drowned, 
Shipwreck.  together with the ship in which they passed. The king escaping very hardly, landed at Weimouth, and on the fift day of March came to London to the queen. In the quindene of Easter, he held a parliament at Westminster, 
A parliament. The king's eldest son created prince of Wales.  in which he created his eldest son Edward prince of Wales. In this parliament were diverse matters talked of, and specially concerning wools, and of the assessment of a certain price of them, more and less, according line 40 to the several parts of the realm, and of the customs to be made of them, to wit, three marks and an half, for every sack to be transported forth of the realm.  

Ambassadors appointed to go to the ●ope.  Also in the same parliament were ambassadors appointed forth, such as should go to the pope to treat of peace (as in the charter of the truce among other articles it was contained) whose names follow, john bishop of Excester, Henry de Lancaster earl of Derbie, Hugh le Dispenser lord of Glamorgan, line 50 cousins to the king; Ralph lord Stafford, William de Norwich dean of Lincoln, William Trussell knight, and master Andrew de Ufford a civilian. These persons were sent with commission to the pope, to treat with him, not as pope, nor as judge, but as a private person, and a common friend to both parts, to be a mean or mediator, to find out some indifferent end of all controversy betwixt the parties. The date of their commission was at Westminster, the four and twentieth of May, in this seventeenth line 60 year of the king's reign.  
Moreover, in this parliament a grievous complaint was exhibited, by the earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and other of the commons, for that strangers, by virtue of reservations and provisions apostolic, got the best benefices of this land into their hands, and never came at them, nor bore any charges due for the same, but diminishing the treasure of the realm, and conveying it forth, sore endamaged the whole state. The bishops durst not, or would not give their consents in exhibiting this complaint, but rather seemed to stand against it, till the king compelled them to give over.  
Hereupon, a letter was framed by the lords of the temporalty and commons, which they directed unto the pope in all humble manner, beseeching him to consider of the derogation done to the realm of England, by such reservations, provisions, and collations of benefices, as had been practised here in England. And therefore, sith the churches of England had been founded and endowed by noble and worthy men in times past, to the end the people might be instructed by such as were of their own language, and that he being so far off, and not understanding the default, had (like as some of his predecessors more than in times past had been accustomed) granted by diverse reservations, provisions, and collations, the churches and spiritual promotions of this land unto diverse persons, some strangers, yea, and enemies to the realm, whereby the money and profits were carried forth, the cures not provided for, alms withdrawn, hospitality decayed, the temples and other buildings belonging to the churches ruinated and fallen down, the charity and devotion of the people sore diminished, and diverse other grievous enormities thereby grown clean contrary to the founder's minds: wherefore, upon due consideration thereof had, they signified to him, that they could not suffer such enormities any longer, & therefore besought him wholly to revoke such reservations, provisions, collations, to avoid such slanders, mischiefs, and harms as might ensue, and that the cures might therewith be committed to persons meet for the exercise of the same: further also, beseeching him without delay, to signify his intention, sith they meant to employ their diligence to remedy the matter, and to see that redress might be had according to reason. The date of these letters was in full parliament at Westminster, the eight and twentieth of May, in the year of Grace 1343.  
Beside these letters, were other written, and sent from the king, containing in sum, 
Sir john Shoreditch sent to the Pope.  the tenor of the other above mentioned, and one sir john Shoreditch, knight a grave parsonage and well seen in the law, was appointed to go with the same, who coming to avignon, and there presenting his letters in the pope's privy chamber, where the pope sat, with all his cardinals about him, received no great courteous welcome, after his letters were once read. And why? Even because the contents of the same misliked his mind, tending to the impairing of his usurped profits & commodities from time to time in this land, 
Ambitiosus enim sibi totum vendicat orbem,  
Seque (scelus) Christo clamitat esse parem.   
Now when the knight made answer to such words as he heard the pope utter, 
The Pope's words to sir john Shoreditch.  and charged him with giving the deanery of York unto one that was reputed the king's enemy, the pope said; Well, it is not unknown to us who made and indicted these letters, and we know that thou madest them not, but there is one that pincheth at us, and we shall punish him well enough: we know all. Hereunto he added thus much more, that there was a knight that spoke defamous words of him, and the church of Rome, wherewith he seemed highly offended. To conclude, he said, that he would answer the letters of the king and commons, as touching the points contained in the same. The cardinals, after they had heard these things, departed as if they had been sore offended and troubled therewith: and the knight taking his leave of the pope, departed also forth of the chamber, and without any longer abode, got him away toward Bordeaux, about other of the king's business, doubting lest if he had stayed longer, he might have been kept there against his will. The pope sent answer indeed, but nevertheless, 
Of benefices inhibited by the king.  the king proceeded in prohibiting such provisions, and collations within his realm, on pain of imprisonment and death to the intrudors thereby, as after ye shall perceive.  

justs in Smithfield.  This year about Midsummer, there were solemn justs proclaimed by the lord Robet Morley, which were holden in Smithféeld, where for challengers, came forth one appareled like to the pope, bringing with him twelve other in garments like to cardinals, which took upon them to answer all comers, for three courses. On the defendants side, ran the prince of Wales, with many earls, barons knights line 10 and esquires innumerable, so that those justs continued three days together, to the great pleasure of the beholders. ¶ This year, king Edward ordained a certain new coin of gold, 
1344 Anno Reg. 18.  which he named the florin, that is, the penny of six shillings eight pence, the half penny of the value of three shillings four pence, and the farthing of the value of twenty pence. This coin was ordained for his wars in France, the gold whereof was not so fine as the noble, which in the fourteenth year of his reign he had caused line 20 for to be coined. 
Th. Walsing. A chamber built within the castle of Windsor, called the round table.  This year, the king caused a great number of artificers and labourers to be taken up, whom he set in hand to build a chamber in the castle of Windsor, which was called the round table, the floor whereof, from the centre or middle point, unto the compass throughout, the one half was (as Walsingham writeth) an hundred foot, and so the diameter or compass round about, was two hundred foot. The expenses of this work amounted by the week, first unto an hundred pounds, but afterward by reason of line 30 the wars that followed, the charges was diminished unto two and twenty pounds the week (as Thomas Walsingham writeth in his larger book, entitled, the history of England) or (as some copies have) unto 9 pounds. 
I. Stow out of Henry de Leicester. The I'll of man..  This year also, W. Montacute earl of Salisbury conquered the isle of Man, out of the hands of the Scots, which I'll the king gave unto the said earl, and caused him to be entitled, and crowned king of man.. ¶ This Isle (as Robert Southwell noteth) was won by the Scots, about the second year of Edward the second his reign, who in the line 40 year before, to wit, anno Christi 1307, had given the same I'll unto Péers de Gaveston, whom he had also made earl of Cornwall.  
Moreover, about the beginning of this eightéenth year of his reign, king Edward held a solemn feast at his castle of Windsor, where betwixt Candlemas and Lent, were achieved many martial feats, 
justs & tornies holden at Windsor.  and justs, tornaments, and diverse other the like warlike pastimes, at the which were present many line 50 strangers of other lands, and in the end thereof, he devised the order of the garter, and after established it, as it is at this day. There are six and twenty companions or confrers of this fellowship of that order, 
The order of the garter founded.  being called knights of the blue garter, & as one dieth or is deprived, an other is admitted into his place. The K. of England is ever chief of this order. They wear a blue rob or mantel, & a garter about their left leg, richly wrought with gold and precious stones, having this inscription in French upon it, line 60 Honi soit qui mal y pense, Shame come to him that evil thinketh. This order is dedicated to S. George, as chief patron of men of war, and therefore every year do the knights of this order keep solemn his feast, with many noble ceremonies at the castle of Windsor, where king Edward founded a college of canons, or rather augmenting the same, ordained therein a dean with twelve canons secular, eight peticanons, and thirteen vicar's, thirteen clerks, and thirteen choristers.  
The knights have certain laws and rules appertaining to their order, amongst the which this is chiefly to be observed (as Polydore also notech) that they shall aid and defend one another, and never turn their backs or run away out of the field in time of battle, where he is present with his sovereign lord, his lieutenant or deputy, or other captain, having the king's power royal and authority, and whereas his banners, standards, or pennons are spread. The residue of the laws and rules appertaining unto this noble order, I do here purposely omit, for that the same in 
* Look in 〈◊〉 description: Britain.  an other place more convenient is expressed, so far as may be thought expedient. But now touching these six and twenty noble men & knights, which were first chosen and admitted into the same order, by the first founder thereof, this king Edward the third, their names are as followeth.  
First the said noble prince king Edward the third, the prince of Wales duke of Cornwall and earl of Chester his eldest son, Henry duke of Lancaster, the earl of Warwick, the capital de Beuch alias Buz or B●ufe, Ralph earl of Stafford, William Montacute earl of Salisbury, Roger lord Mortimer, john lord Lisle, Bartholomew lord Burwasch or Berghesech, the lord john Beauchampe, the lord de Mahun, Hugh lord Courtnie, Thomas lord Holland, john lord Gray, Richard lord Fitz Simon, sir Miles Stapleton, sir Thomas wall, sir Hugh Wrottesley, sir Néele Loring, sir john Chandos, james lord audley, sir Oats Holland, sir Henry Eme, sir Sanchet Dabrichcourt, sir Walter panel. ¶ Christopher Okland speaking of the first institution of this honourable order, doth say, 
In Angl. prae●● sub Edwardo 3.  that after four days were expired in the said exercises of chivalry, the king besides the rich garter which he bestowed upon them that tried masteries, did also give them a precious collar of S S. but whether this collar had his first institution then with the garter he saith nothing, belike it was an ornament of greater antiquity. Oklands words are these as followeth; 
— concertatoribus ampla  
Praemia dat princeps, baccatas induit illis  
Crura periscelides, quas unio mistus Eous  
Commendat, flammis interlucente pyropo.  
Praeterea ex auro puro, quod odorifer Indus  
Miserat, inserta donabat iaspide gemma,  
Si formam spectes duplicato ex sygmate torques.   
¶ The cause and first original of instituting this order is uncertain. 
The occasion that moved K. Edward to institute the order of the garter.  But there goeth a tale amongst the people, that it rose by this means. It chanced that K. Edward finding either the garter of the queen, or of some 
* The countr●● of Salisbury.  lady with whom he was in love, being fallen from her leg, stooped down and took it up, whereat diverse of his nobles found matter to jest, and to talk their fancies merrily, touching the king's affection towards the woman, unto whom he said, that if he lived, it should come so pass, that most high honour should be given unto them for the garters sake: and there upon shortly after, he devised and ordained this order of the garter, with such a posy, whereby he signified, that his nobles judged otherwise of him than the truth was. Though some may think, that so noble an order had but a mean beginning, if this tale be true, yet many honourable degrees of estates have had their beginnings of more base and mean things, than of love, which being orderly used, is most noble and commendable, sith nobility itself is covered under love, as the poet Ovid aptly saith, Nobilitas sub amore jacet.  
William de Montacute earl of Salisbury king of Man, and marshal of England, 
Additions 〈◊〉 Adam Me●imuth, and Trivet.  was so bruised at the justs holden here at Windsor (as before ye have heard) that he departed this life, the more was the pity, within eight days after. ¶ The king about the same time, to wit, in the quindene of Candlemas, held a council at London, in the which with good advise and sound deliberation had upon the complaint of the commons to him before time made, he gave out streict commandment, that no man, on pain of imprisonment and death, should in time to come, present or induct any such person or persons, that were so by the pope promoted, without the king's agreement, in prejudice of his royal prerogative. Hereupon, he directed also writs to all archbishops, bishops, abbots, prior's, deans, archdeacon's, officials and other ecclesiastical persons, to whom it appertained, inhibiting them in no wise to attempt any thing in prejudice of that ordinance, under pretext of any bulls, or other writings, for such manner of line 10 provisions to come from the court of Rome. Other writs were also directed to his son the prince of Wales, and to all the sheriffs within the realm, for to arrest all such as brought into the land any such bulls or writings, and to bring them before the king's council or his justices, where they might be punished according to the trespass by them committed.  
About the same time, the king ordained a certain coin of fine gold, and named it the florin, which line 20 coin was devised for his wars in France, for the gold thereof was not so fine as was the noble, which in the fourteenth year he had caused to be coined: but this coin continued not long. ¶ After the feast of the holy Trinity, the king held a parliament at London, in the which he asked a tenth of the clergy, and a fifteenth of the laity, about which demand there was no small altercation, but at length he had it granted for one year. ¶ At the same time, the archbishop of Canturburie held a convocation of all the clergy at London, in the which many things were line 30 in talk about the honest demeanour of churchmen, which seldom is observed, as the addition to Nicholas Trivet saith. 
Coin changed.  About the feast of the Assumption of our lady, the king disannulled the florins, to the great commodity of his kingdom, ordaining a greater florin of half a mark, and a lesser of three shillings four pence, and the least of all of twenty pence, and these were called nobles, and not without cause, for they were a noble coin, of fair & fine gold.  
This year, on the seventeenth day of November, line 40 the pope in Auinion created the lord jews de Spain, ambassador for the French king, prince of the Isles called Fortunatae, for what purpose it was not known, but it was doubted, not to be for any good meaning towards the kingdom of England, the prosperity whereof, the same pope was suspected not greatly to wish. ¶ About the beginning of Lent the same year, 
1345 Anno Reg. 19  the said pope had sent an archbishop and a bishop, ambassadors to the king, who met them at Ospring in Kent, and to the end they line 50 should not linger long within the realm, he quickly dispatched them without effect of their message. ¶ This year, shortly after Easter, the duke of Britain, that had been detained prisoner by the French king, and escaped out of prison, came over into England. ¶ And about the same time, the king ordained the exchange of moneys at London, Canturburie, and York, to the great commodity of his people. line 60  
About Midsummer, or (as other have) Michaelmas, the earl of Derbie, 
Auesburie. Ad. Merimuth Polychron.  with the earl of Penbroke, the lord Ralph Stafford, the lord Walter de Mannie, the lord john Gray of Codnore, and diverse other lords, knights, 
Five hundred men of arms, and two thousand archers saith Froissard.  and esquires, to the number of five or six hundred men of arms, and as many archers, sailed over into Gascoine, to assist the king's subjects there against the Frenchmen. This earl of Derbie, being general of the army, after his arrival in Gascoine, about the beginning of December, won the town of Bergerat by force, 
Bergerat won.  having put to flight the earl of Lisle, as then the French kings lieutenant in Gascoine, who lay there with a great power, to defend the passage: but being driven into the town, and having lost the suburbs to the Englishmen, he fled out in the night, and so left the town, 
Froissard.  without any soldiers to defend it, so that the townsmen yielded it unto the earl of Derbie, and swore themselves to be true liege men unto the king of England. After this, the earl of Derbie passed further into the country, and wan diverse castles and towns, as Lango, le Lake, Moundurant, Monguise, Punach, Laliew, Forsath, Pondair, Beaumond in Laillois, Bounall, Auberoch and Liborne, part of them by assault, and the residue by surrender. This done, he returned to Bordeaux, having left captains and soldiers in such places as he had won.  
This year, the king sent forth a commission unto certain persons in every county within the realm, to inquire what lands and tenements every man, above five pounds of yearly revenues, being of the lay fee, might dispend; because he had given order, that every man which might dispend five pounds and above, unto ten pounds of such yearly revenues in land of the lay fee, should furnish himself, or find an archer on horseback, furnished with armour and weapon accordingly. He that might dispend ten pounds, should furnish himself, or find a demi-lance or light horsseman (if I shall so term him) being then called a hobbler with a lance. And he that might dispend five and twenty pounds, should furnish himself or find a man at arms. And he that might dispend fifty pounds, should furnish two men at arms. And he that might dispend an hundred pounds should find three men at arms, that is, himself, or one in his steed, with two other. And such as might dispend above an hundred pounds, were appointed to find more in number of men at arms, accordingly as they should be assessed, after the rate of their lands which they might yearly dispend, being of the lay fee, and not belonging to the church.  
About this season, the duke of Britain, 
Additions to Nic. Trivet.  having with him the earls of Northampton and Oxenford, sir William de Killesbie one of the king's secretaries, and many other barons and knights, with a great number of men of arms, passed over into Britain, against the lord Charles de Blois, where they tarried a long time, 
The duke of Britain departed this life.  and did little good to make any account of, by reason that the duke, in whose quarrel they came into those parts, shortly after his arrival there, departed this life, and so they returned home into England. But after their coming from thence, sir Thomas Dagworth knight, that had been before, and now after the departure of those lords and nobles, still remained the king's lieutenant there, so behaved himself against both Frenchmen and Britain's, that the memory of his worthy doings deserveth perpetual commendation. 
The lord Beaumond of Heinault forsaketh the K. of England his service.  Sir john de Heinault lord Beaumond, about the same time, changed his cote, and leaving the king of England's service, was retained by the French king.  
In this ninetéenth year of king Edward I find, that about the feast of the Nativity of saint john Baptist, he sailed over into Flanders, 
The king goeth over into Flanders.  leaving his son the lord Lionel, warden of the realm in his absence. He took with him a great number of lords, knights, and gentlemen, with whom he landed at Sluse. The cause of his going over was, to further a practice which he had in hand with them of Flanders, the which by the labour of jaques Arteveld, meant to cause their earl jews, either to do homage unto king Edward; or else if he refused, 
ja. Mair.  then to disherit him, and to receive Edward prince of Wales for their lord, the eldest son of king Edward.  
King Edward promising to make a dukedom of the county of Flanders, 
Froissard.  for an augmentation of honour to the country, there came unto Sluse to the king, jaques van Arteveld, and a great number of other, appointed as councillors for their chiefest towns. 
A council ●elden in the king of England's ship.  The king with all his navy lay in the haven of Sluse, where, in his great ship called the Catharine, a council was holden upon this foresaid purpose: but at length, those of the councillors of the chiefest towns misliked the matter so much, that they would conclude nothing, but required respite for a month, to consult with all the commonalty of the countries and towns, and as the more part should be inclined, so should the king receive answer. The king line 10 and jaques Arteveld would feign have had a shorter day, and a more towardly answer, but none other could be gotten.  
Hereupon the council broke up, and jaques Arteveld tarrying with the king a certain space, after the other were departed, promised him to persuade the country well enough to his purpose, and surly, he had a great gift of eloquence, and had thereby induced the country wonderfully, to consent to many things, as well in favour of king Edward, as to his line 20 own advancement: but this suit which he went now about to bring to pass, was so odious unto all the Flemings, that in no wise they thought it reason to consent unto the disheriting of the earl. At length, when jaques Arteveld should return unto Gant, 
ja. Meir. Welshmen appointed to jaques Arteveld for a guard against Gerard Device.  king Edward appointed five hundred Welshmen to attend him as a guard, for the preservation of his person, because he said, that one Gerard Device dean of the weavers, an unquiet man, maliciously purposed his destruction. line 30  
captains of these Welshmen were john Matrevers, and William Sturine or Sturrie, and so with this crew of soldiers Arteveld returned unto Gant, and earnestly went in hand with his suit in king Edward's behalf, that either the earl should do his homage to the king of England to whom it was due; or else to forfeit his earldom. Then the foresaid Gerard, as well of his own mind, as procured thereto by the authority of earl jews, stirred the whole city against the said Arteveld, 
jacob Artevelds house beset.  and gathering line 40 a great power unto him, came and beset Artevelds house round about upon each side, the fury of the people being wonderfully bend against him, crying; Kill him, Kill him that hath rob the treasury of the country, and now goeth about to disherit our noble earl.  
jaques van Arteveld perceiving in what danger he was, came unto a window, and spoke to that enraged multitude, in hope with fair and courteous words to appease them, but it could not be: whereupon line 50 he sought to have fled out of his house, but the same was broken up, and so many entered upon him, that he was found out, 
Froissard. ja. Meir.  and slain by one Thomas Device (as some writ.) But other affirm, that on a sunday in the after noon, being the 17 of julie, a cobbler, whose father this jaques van Arteveld had sometime slain, followed him, as he was fleeing into a stable where his horses stood, & there with an axe clove his head asunder, so that he fell down stark dead on the ground. 
jacob van Arteveld slain.  And this was the end of the foresaid line 60 jaques van Arteveld, who by his wisdom and policy had obtained the whole government of all Flanders. This woeful end was allotted unto him by destiny, whose decree nothing is able by any shift to avoid, as is notably said of the poet in this distichon; 

M. Pal. in scor.  Nil extra fatum est, metitúrque omnia summi  
Mens regis, cuius sine numine fit nihil usquam.   
There were slain also ten other persons that were of his council, and diverse of the Welshmen in like manner; 
Ambassadors from the good towns in Flanders unto king Edward.  but the other escaped, and got away unto king Edward, as yet remaining at Sluse, unto whom those of Bruges, cassel, Curtrike, Ypres, Aldenard, and other towns, did afterwards send their orators to excuse themselves, as nothing guilty nor privy to the death of his friend, and their worthy governor jaques van Arteveld, requiring him not to impute the fault unto the whole country, which the rash and unadvised Gantiners had committed, sith the country of Flanders was as ready now to do him service and pleasure as before, saving that to the disheriting of their earl they could not be agreeable, but they doubted not to persuade him to do his homage unto the king of England, and till than they promised not to receive him. They put the king also in hope of a marriage to be had, betwixt the son of their earl, and some one of the king's daughters. Herewith the king of England (who was departed from Sluse, in great displeasure with the Flemings) became somewhat pacified in his mood, and so renewed the league eftsoons with the country of Flanders: but the earl would never consent to do homage unto the king of England, but still sticked to the French kings part, which purchased him much trouble, and in the end cost him his life, as after shall appear.  
But now to return unto the earl of Derbie, whom we left in Gascoigne. Ye shall understand, 
Froissard.  that shortly after he was come back to Bordeaux, from the conquest which he had made of Bergerat, and other towns thereabouts; the earl of Lisle, who (as ye have heard) was the French kings lieutenant in that country, assembled an army of twelve thousand men, 
Auberoch besieged.  & coming before Auberoch (a town in Gascoigne) besieged it, sore pressing them within, in somuch that they were in great danger to have been taken, if the earl of Derbie, having knowledge in what case they stood, had not come to their rescue, who with three hundred spears or men of arms, as we may call them, and six hundred archers, approaching near to the siege, laid himself closely within a wood, till the Frenchmen in the evening were at supper, & then suddenly set upon them in their camp, 
The Fren●● army distressed, and the earl of Li●●e taken.  and discomfited them, so that the earl of Lisle was taken in his own tent, and sore hurt. There were also taken the earl of Ualentinois, and other earls, viscounts, and lords of great account, to the number of nine, besides those that were slain. The residue were put to flight and chased, so that the Englishmen had a fair journey, and wan great riches by prisoners and spoil of the enemies camp.  
After this, the earl of Derbie, being returned to Bordeaux, and having put the captives in safe keeping, assembled his power, and marching forth into the country, 
Towns 〈◊〉 by the earl o● Derbie.  towards the Riol (a town in those parts which he meant to besiege) he won diverse towns and castles by the way, as saint basil, Roch, Million, Montsegure, Aguillon, & Segart. At length he came to the town of the Riol, which he besieged, and lay about it nine weeks yer he could win it, and then was the same town surrendered into his hands, but the castle was still defended against him for the space of eleven weeks, at which time being sore oppressed & undermined, it was yielded by them within conditionally, that they should departed only with their armour. After this, the earl of Derbie wan Montpesance, Mauleon, Uille-Franche in Agenois, Miremont, Thomines, 
Angolesme.  the castle of Damassen, and at length came before the city of Angolesme the which made appointment with the earl, that if no succours came from the French king within the space of a month, that then the city should be surrendered to the king of England's use: and to assure this appointment, they delivered to the earl four and twenty of their chief citizens as hostages.  
In the mean time, the earl laid siege to Blaues, 
Blaues.  but could not win it. His men road abroad into the country, to Mortaigne, Mirabeau, and Aunay, but won little, and so returned again to the siege of Blaues. Now when the month was expired, that they of Angolesme should yield, the earl sent his two marshals thither, who received the homage and fealty of the citizens, in the king of England's name, and so they were in peace, and received again their hostages. At length when the earl of Derbie saw that he did but lose his time in the besieging of Blaues, which sir Guischart Dangle, and sir Guilliaume de Rochfort, being captains within, did so valiantly defend, that he could obtain no advantage of them, he raised his siege, and returned unto Bordeaux, having line 10 furnished such towns as he had won in that journey with convenient garrisons of men to defend them against the enemies, and to keep frontier war, as they should see cause.  

Froissard saith they were an hundred thousand. Gio. Villani writeth that they were a six thousand horsemen and fifty thousand footmen, of Frenchmen, Gascoignes & lombards.  The French king being sore moved at the conquests thus achieved by the earl of Derbie, raised a mighty army, and sent the same forth, under the leading of his son the duke of Normandy, into Gascoigne, to resist the said earl, and to recover again line 20 those towns which he had won in those parts. The duke of Normandy being come to Tholouz, where general assembly was appointed, set forward with his army, and winning by the way Miremount, and Uille Franche in Agenois; at length came to the city of Angolesme, which he environed about with a strong siege, continuing the same, till finally, the capiteine named john Normell, 
annals de Burgoigne.  required a truce to endure for one day, 
1346 Anno Reg. 20.  which was granted, and the same was the day of the Purification of our lady, on the line 30 which, the same capiteine, with the soldiers of the garrison departed, and left the city in the citizens hands. 
Angolisme recovered by the Frenchmen.  The Frenchmen, because they had granted the truce to endure for that day without exception, permitted them to go their ways without let or vexation. The citizens in the morning yielded the city to the duke. 
Damassen. Thonins.  After this, he won the castle of Damassen, Thonins, and Port S. Marry; Thonins by surrender, and the other two by force of assaults. Then he came to the strong castle of Aiguillon, which he line 40 besieged, 
Aiguillon besieged.  and lay thereat a long season. Within was the earl of Penbroke, the lord Walter de Mannie, sir Frank de Halle, and diverse knights and captains, which defended themselves, and the place so stoutly, that the Frenchmen could win little advantage at their hands.  
Whilst the siege continued before this fortress, the seneschal of Guien departed from the camp, 
Gio. Villani.  with eight hundred horsemen, and four thousand footmen, purposing to win a castle, belonging to a line 50 nephew of the cardinal Della Motte, a twelve leagues distant from Aiguillon. 
The archdecon of Unfort.  The archdeacon of Unfort, owner of that castle, went to the Riol, where the earl of Derbie with his army as then was lodged, to whom he made suit, to have some power of men to rescue his castle. The earl appointed to him a sufficient number, both of horsemen, and also of English archers, with whom the said archdeacon road all the night, and the next morning betimes, being the one and thirtieth of julie, they came to the castle line 60 where the Frenchmen were arrived the day before, and had fiercely assailed the castle, doing their best to win it by force. But the Englishmen without any delay, immediately upon their coming, set upon the Frenchmen, and gave them so sharp and fierce battle, that in the end, the Frenchmen were discomfited: 
Frenchmen discomfited.  the seneschal with many other gentlemen were taken prisoners, beside those that were slain. To conclude, the number of them that were slain, and taken prisoners in the whole, amounted to four hundred horsemen, and two thousand footmen. Sir Godfrey de Harcourt being constrained to flee out of France, to avoid the French kings displeasure, came over unto the king of England, who received him very joyfully, for he was known to be a right valiant and a wise parsonage. He was brother to the earl of Harecourt, lord of saint Saviour le Uicount, and of diverse other towns in Normandy. A little before that he fell into the French kings displeasure, he might have done with the king of France, more than any other lord within that realm.  
In this twentieth year of his reign, 
Additions to Adam Merimuth.  king Edward upon complaint of the people made against purveyors of victuals for his household (the which under colour of their commissions, abused the same, in taking up among the commons all manner of things that liked them, without making payment for the same, further than the said commissions did allow them) he caused inquiry to be made of their misdemeanours, and such as were found to have offended, of whom there was no small number, some of them were put to death on the gallows, 
purveyors punished.  and other were fined, so to teach the rest to deal more warily in their business from thenceforth. ¶ About the same time, 
justices.  he caused all the justices within his dominions to renounce and give over all their pensions, fees, and other bribing benefits and rewards, which they used to receive of the lords and great men of the land, as well prelates, as of them of the temporalty, to the end that their hands being free from gifts, justice might more freely have course, and be of them duly and uprightly ministered. 
A parliament.  Also this year in the Lent season, the king held a parliament at Westminster, and took into his hands all the profits, revenues, 
Cardinals.  and emoluments, which the cardinals held within this land: for he thought it not reason, that they which favoured the pope and the French king, being his adversaries, should enjoy such commodities within his realm.  
After this, in the month of julie following, he took shipping, and sailed into Normandy, 
Froissard. The king paseth over into Normandy.  having established the lord Percy, and the lord Nevil, to be wardens of his realm in his absence, with the archbishop of York, the bishop of Lincoln, and the bishop of Duresme. The army which he had over with him, 
john Villani saith there were 2500 horsemen, and 30000 footmen and archers, that passed over with the K. but when he cometh to speak of th● battle, he seemeth to increase the number.  was to the number of four thousand men of arms, and ten thousand archers, beside Irishmen, & Welshmen, that followed the host on foot. The chiefest captains that went over with him were these. First his eldest son Edward prince of Wales, being as then about the age of thirteen years, the earls of Hereford, Northampton, Arundel, Cornwall, Huntingdon, Warwick, Suffolk, and Oxford; of barons the lord Mortimer, who was after earl of March, the lords, john, jews, and Roger Beanchampe; also the lords Cobham, mowbray, Lucy, Basset, Barkeley, and Willoughby, with diverse other lords, besides a great number of knights and other worthy captains. They landed by the advise of the lord Godfrey of Harecourt, in the isle of Constantine, at the port of Hague saint Waste, near to saint Saviour le Uicount. The earl of Huntingdon was appointed to be governor of the fleet by sea, having with him a hundred men of arms, and four hundred archers.  
After that the whole army was landed, the king appointed two marshals, the lord Godfrey of Harecourt, and the earl of Warwick, and the earl of Arundel was made constable. 
The ordering of the king's army.  There were ordained thrèe battles, one to go on his right hand, following by the coast of the sea; and another to march on his left hand, under the conduct of the marshals; so that he himself went in the midst with the main army, and in this order forward they passed towards Caen, lodging every night together in one field. They that went by the sea, took all the ships they found in their way, and as they marched forth thus, what by water & land, at length they came to a town called Harflew, 
Harflew  which was given up, but yet nevertheless it was rob, and much goods found in it. After this they came to Chierburge, 
Chierburge.  which town they won by force, rob it, and burnt part of it, but the castle they could not win. Then came they to Mountburge and took it, 
Mountburge  rob it & burned it clean. In this manner they passed forth, and burned many towns and villages in all the country as they went. The town of Carentine was delivered unto them against the will of the soldiers that were within it▪ 
Carentine.  line 10 The soldiers defended the castle two days, and then yielded it up into the Englishmen'S hands, who burned the same, and caused the burgesses to enter into their ships. All this was done by the battle that went by the sea side, and by them on the sea together.  
On the other side, the lord Godfrey of Harecourt, with the battle on the right hand of the king, road forth six or seven leagues from the king's battle, in burning and exiling the country. The king had with him (beside those that were with the marshals) line 20 3000 men of arms, six thousand archers, and ten thousand men on foot. They left the city of Constance, 
Saint Lo.  and came to a great town called saint Lo, a rich town of drapery, having many wealthy burgesses within it: it was soon taken and rob by the Englishmen upon their first approach. From thence the king marched straight to Caen, wherein were captains Ralph earl of Ewe and Guines constable of France, & the earl of tankerville. These noble men meant to have kept their defences on the line 30 walls, gate, bridge, and river, and to have left the suburbs void, because they were not closed, but only with the river: but they of the town said they would issue forth, for they were strong enough to fight with the king of England.  
When the constable saw their good wills, he was contented to follow their desire, and so forth they went in good order, and made good face to put their lives in hazard: but when they saw the Englishmen approach in good order, divided into three battles, & the line 40 archers ready to shoot, which they of Caen had not seen before, they were sore afraid, and fled away toward the town without any order or array, for all that the constable could do to stay them. The Englishmen followed, 
There were slain in all without and within the town 5000 men, as Gio. Villani writeth.  and in the chase slew many, and entered the town with their enemies. The constable, and the earl of tankerville took a tower at the bridge foot, thinking there to save themselves, but perceiving the place to be of no force, nor able long to hold out, they submitted themselves unto sir Thomas line 50 Holland. ¶ But here whatsoever Froissard doth report of the taking of this tower, and of the yielding of these two noble men, it is to be proved that the said earl of tankerville was taken by one surnamed Legh, 
Peter Legh.  ancestor to sir Peter Legh now living, whether in the fight or within the tower, I have not to say: but for the taking of the said earl, and for his other manlike prows showed here and elsewhere in this journey, king Edward in recompense of his agreeable line 60 service, gave to him a lordship in the county of Chester called Hanley, which the said sir Peter Legh now living doth enjoy and possess, as successor and heir to his ancestor the foresaid Legh, to whom it was so first given.  
But to return now to the matter where we left. The Frenchmen being entered into their houses, cast down upon the Englishmen below in the streets, stones, 
Caen taken.  timber, hot water, and bars of iron, so that they hurt and slew more than five hundred persons. The king was so moved therewith, that if the lord Godfrey of Harecourt had not assuaged his mood, the town had been burnt, and the people put to the edge of the sword: but by the treaty of the said lord Godfrey, proclamation w●s made, that no man should put fire into any house, nor ●lea any person, nor force any woman, and then did the townsmen and soldiers submit themselves, and received the Englishmen into their houses. 
40000 clot●●s as Gio. 〈◊〉 writeth, 〈◊〉 got by the Englishmen in one place and other 〈◊〉 this iourn●●.  There was great store of riches gotten in this town, and the most part thereof sent into England, with the fleet which the king sent home with the prisoners, under the guiding of the earl of Huntingdon, accompanied with two hundred men of arms, and four hundred archers.  
When all things were ordered in Caen as the king could desire, he marched from thence in the same order as he had kept before, burning and exiling the country. He passed by Eureux & came to Loviers, 
Loviers.  which the Englishmen soon entered and sacked without mercy. Then went they forth and left Rouen, and came to guysor's, the town they burned, 
guysor's.  but the castle they could not get: they burned also Uernon, 
Uernon.  and at Poissie they repaired the bridge which was broken, and so there they passed over the river of Saine. The power of the Englishmen increased daily, 
Gio. Villani▪  by such numbers as came over forth of England in hope to win by pillage. Also many gentlemen of Normandy, and other of the French nation, which loved not nor ought any good will unto the French king, came to the king of England, offering to serve him, so that there were in his army four thousand horsemen and fifty thousand footmen with the Normans, and of this number there were thirty thousand English arthurs, as Giovan Villani writeth. The English marshals ran abroad just to Paris, 
S. Germans in Lay. S. Cloud.  and burnt S. Germans in Lay: also Mountioy, and S. Cloud, and petty Bullongne by Paris, & the queen's Burge. In the mean time had the French king assembled a mighty army upon purpose to fight with the Englishmen. ¶ The lord Godfrey of Harecourt, as he road forth with five hundred men of arms, and 13 hundred archers, by adventure encountered with a great number of the burgesses of Amiens on horseback, who were riding by the king's commandment to Paris. They were quickly assailed, and though they defended themselves manfully for a while, yet at length they were overcome, and eleven hundred of them slain in the field, beside those that were taken. The Englishmen had all their carriage and armour. Thus passed forth the king of England, and came into Beawoisin, and lodged near unto the city of Beawois one night in an abbeie called Messene, and for that after he was dislodged, 
Beawois.  there were that set fire in the same abbeie, without any commandment given by him; he caused twenty of them to be hanged that were the first procurers of that fire. 
Burners executed.   
So long the king of England passed forward, that finally he approached near to the water of Some, the which was large and deep, and all the bridges broken and the passages well kept, whereupon he caused his two marshals with a thousand men of arms, & two thousand archers, to go along the river, to the end to find some passage. The marshals assayed diverse places, as at Piqueney, and other where, but they could not find any passage unclosed, 
Piquency.  captains with men of war being set to defend the same, in somuch that the marshals returned to the king, and declared what they had seen and found. At the same instant time was the French king come to Amiens, 
The Fren●● kings arm●●.  with more than a hundred thousand men, and thought to enclose the king of England, that he should no way escape, but be constrained to receive battle in some place greatly to his disadvantage.  
The king of England well perceiving himself in danger, removed from the place where he was encamped, and marched forward through the countries of Pontiew and Uimew, approaching unto the good town of Abuile, and at length by one of the prisoners named Gobin de Grace, he was told where he might pass with his army over the river of Some, at a 〈◊〉 in the same river, being hard in the bottom, and very shallow at an ebb water. The French king understanding that the K. of England sought to pass the river of Some, sent a great baron of Normandy, one sir Godmare du Foy, to defend the passage of the same river, 
Sir Godmare du Foy.  with a thousand men of arms, and six thousand on foot with the Genoese. line 10 This sir Godmare had with him also a great number of them of Muxterell and others of the country, so that he had in all to the number of twelve thousand men, one and other, and hearing that the king of England was minded to pass at Blanchetake (which was the passage that Gobin Agace had informed the king of England of) he came thither. 
Gobin Agace  When the Englishmen approached, he arranged all his company to defend the passage. line 20  
And surly when the Englishmen at the low water entered the ford to pass over, there was a sharp bickering, for diverse of the Frenchmen encountered the Englishmen on horseback in the water, and the Genoese did them much hurt, and troubled them sore with their crossbows: but on the other side, 
The English men won the passage over the water of Some.  the English archers shot so wholly together, that the Frenchmen were feign to give place to the Englishmen, so that they got the passage and came over, assembling themselves in the field, and then the Frenchmen fled, some to Abuile, some to saint Riquier. line 30 They that were on foot could not escape so well as those on horseback, insomuch that a great number of them of Abuile, Mutterell, Arras, and S. Riquier were slain and taken, for the chase endured more than a great league. 
Caxton. The number slain. F●o●sard.  There were slain in all to the number of two thousand. When the K. of England had thus passed the river, he acquitted Gobin Agace, and all his company of their ransoms, and gave to the same Gobin an hundred nobles, and a good horse, and so the king road forth as he did before. line 40 His marshal's road to Crotaie by the sea side, 
Crotay burnt  and burned the town, and took all such wines and goods as were in the ships and barks which lay there in the haven.  
One of the marshal's road to the gates of Abuile, and from thence to S. Riquier, and after to the town of Rue saint Esperit. This was on a friday, and both the marshals returned to the king's host about noon, and so lodged all together about Cressie in Pontiew, where having knowledge that the French line 50 king followed to give him battle, he commanded his marshals to choose a plot of ground, somewhat to his advantage, that he might there abide his adversaries. In the mean time the French king being come with all his puissance unto Abuile, and hearing how the king of England was passed over the river of Some, and discomfited sir Godmare du Foy, was sore displeased in his mind: but when he understood that his enemies were lodged at Cressie, and meant there to abide him, he caused all his people to issue line 60 out of Abuile, and early on the saturday in the morning, anon after sun rising he departed out of the town himself, and marched towards his enemies. The king of England understanding that his adversary king Philip still followed him, to give him battle, & supposing that the same saturday he would come to offer it, rose betimes in the morning, and commanded every man first to call upon God for his aid, then to be armed, and to draw with speed into the field, that in the place before appointed they might be set in order of battle. Beginning his enterprise at invocation or calling upon God, he was the more fortunate in his affairs, and sped the better in the progress of his actions, as the issue of the war showed. A notable example to every private man, to remember to call upon▪ God when he purposeth any thing, for as the poet saith, and that very christianly, 
— nihil est mortalibus aegris  
Vtilius, quàm coelestem, 
Mar. Pal. in sag.  sanctéque piéque  
Orando sibi quaerere opem.   
Beside this, he caused a park to be made and closed by the wood side behind his host, in the which he ordained that all the carts and carriages should be set, with all the horses (for every man was on foot.) Then he ordained three battles, in the first was the prince of Wales, and with him the earl of Warwick, the lord Godfrey of Harecourt, the lord Stafford, the lord de la Ware, the lord Bourchier, the lord Thomas Clifford, the lord Reginald Cobham, 
Giovon Villani saith, that when they should join in battle, the Englishmen were 30000. archers English & Welsh, beside other footmen with axes & javelins, and not fully 4000 horsemen.  the lord Thomas Holland, sir john Chandos, sir Bartholomew de Browash, sir Robert Nevil. They were eight hundred men of arms, and two thousand archers, and a thousand of other with the Welsh men. In the second battle was the earl of Northhampton, the earl of Arundel, the lords Ros and Willoughby, Basset, S. Albine, Multon, and others. The third battle the king led himself, having with him seven hundred men of arms, and two thousand archers, and in the other battle were to the number of eight hundred men of arms, and twelve hundred archers. Thus was the English army marshaled according to the report of Froissard. When every man was gotten into order of battle, the king leapt upon a white hobby, and road from rank to rank to view them, 
Froissard. The king's demeanour before the battle.  the one marshal on his right hand, and the other on his left, desiring every man that day to have regard to his right and honour. He spoke it so courteously, and with so good a countenance, that even they which before were discomforted, took courage in hearing him speak such sweet and loving words amongst them. It was nine of the clock yet ever he had thus visited all his battles, & thereupon he caused every man to eat and drink a little, which they did at their leisure.  
The French king, before he approached near to his enemies, sent forth four skilful knights to view the demeanour of his enemies, the which returning again, made report as they had seen, and that for somuch as they could guess, the Englishmen meant to abide him, being divided into three battles, ready to receive him and his puissance, if he went forward in purpose to assail them. Here was the French king counseled to stay and not to give battle that day, but to advise all things with good deliberation and regard, to consider well how and what way he might best assail them. 
The disorder among the Frenchmen.  Then by the marshals were all men commanded to stay, and not to go any further, they that were foremost and next to the enemies tarried, but they that were behind would not abide but road forth, and said they would not stay till they were as far as the foremost: and when they before saw them behind come forward, than they marched on also again, so that neither the K. nor his marshals could rule them, but that they passed forward still without order, or any good array, till they came in sight of their enemies: and as soon as the foremost saw their enemies, than they recoiled back, whereof they behind had marvel, and were abashed, supposing that the foremost company had been fight. Then they might have had room to have gone forward, if they had been minded. The commons, of whom all the ways betwixt Abuile and Cressie were full, when they saw that they were near their enemies, they took their swords and cried; Down with them, Let us slay them all. There was no man, though he were present at the journey, that could imagine or show the truth of the evil order that was among the French party, and yet they were a marvelous great number.  
The Englishmen which beheld their enemies thus approaching them, prepared themselves at leisure for the battle, which they saw to be at hand. The first battle, whereof the prince was ruler, had the archers standing in manner of an hearse, and the men of arms in the bottom of the battle. The earl of Northampton and the earl of Arundel with the second battle, were on a wing in good order, ready to comfort the line 10 princes battle if need were. The lords and knights of France came not to the assembly together, for some came after, in such haste and evil order, that one of them troubled another. 

Charles Grimald● & Anthony or Othone Doris were captain's of these Genowa●es, which were not passed six thousand, as Gio. Villani saith.  
Polydor. Froissard. The earl of Ilanson.   There were of Genoese crossbows to the number of twelve or fifteen thousand, the which were commanded to go on before, and with their shot to begin the battle; but they were so weary with going on foot that morning six leagues armed with their crossbows, that they said to their constables; We be not well used, in that we are line 20 commanded to fight this day, for we be not in case to do any great feat of arms, we have more need of rest. These words came to the hearing of the earl of Alencon, who said; A man is well at ease to be charged with such a sort of rascals, that faint and fail now at most need.  

Raine and thunder with an eclipse.  Also at the same instant there fell a great rain, and an eclipse with a terrible thunder, and before the rain, there came flying over both armies a great number of crows, for fear of the tempest coming: line 30 then anon the air began to wax clear, and the sun to shine fair and bright, which was right in the French men's eyes, and on the Englishmen'S backs. ¶ When the Genoese were assembled together, and began to approach, they made a great leap and cry, 
T●e Genowa●●s.  to abash the Englishmen, but they stood still and stirred not at all for that noise. Then the Genoese the second time made an other leap and huge cry, and stepped forward a little, and the Englishmen removed not a foot. The third time again line 40 the Genoese leapt, and yelled, and went forth till they came within shot, and fiercely therewith discharged their crossbows. Then the English archers stepped forth one pace, 
The battle is begun.  and let fly their arrows so wholly and so thick together, that it seemed to snow. When the Genoese felt the arrows piercing their heads, arms and breasts, many of them cast down their crossbows, and cut the strings, and returned discomfited. When the French king saw them flee away, he said: Slay these rascals, for they will let and trouble us without reason. line 50  
Then ye might have seen the men of arms have dashed in amongst them, and killed a great number of them, and ever the Englishmen shot where they saw the thickest press: the sharp arrows ran into the men of arms, and into their horses, and many fell horse and man amongst the Genoese, and still the Englishmen shot where they saw the thickest press, and when they were once down they could not recover again. The throng was such that one overthrew line 60 another; & also among the Englishmen, there were certain of the footmen with great knives, that went in among the men of arms, and killed many of them as they lay on the ground, both earls, barons, 
The king of Boheme.  knights, and esquires. The valiant king of Bohem being almost blind, caused his men to fasten all the reins of the bridles of their horses each to other, and so he being himself amongst them in the foremost rank, they ran on their enemies.  
The lord Charles of Boheme son to the same king and late elected emperor, came in good order to the battle, but when he saw how the matter went awry on their part, he departed and saved himself. His father by the means aforesaid went so far forward, that joining with his enemies he fought right valiantly, and so did all his company: but finally being entered within the press of their enemies, they were of them enclosed and slain, together with the king their master, and the next day found dead lying about him, and their horses all tied each to other. The earl of Alencon came right orderly to the battle, 
The earl 〈◊〉 Alencon.  and fought with the Englishmen, and so did the earl of Flanders also on his part. These two lords coasted the English archers, and came to the prince's battle, and there fought right valiantly a long time. The French king perceiving where their banners stood, would feign have come to them, but could not, by reason of a great hedge of archers that stood betwixt them and him. This was a perilous battle and sore fought: there were few taken to mercy, for the Englishmen had so determined in the morning.  
Certain Frenchmen and Almains perforce opened the archers of the prince's battle, 
The princ●● battle p●●sed.  and came to fight with the men of arms hand to hand. Then the second battle of the Englishmen came to succour the prince's battle, and not before it was time, for they of that battle had as then enough to do, in somuch that some which were about him, as the earl of Northampton, and others sent to the king, 
The earl of Northamp●●● sendeth to the king.  where he stood aloft on a windmill hill, requiring him to advance forward, and come to their aid, they being as then sore laid to of their enemies. The king hereupon demanded if his son were slain, hurt, or felled to the earth? No (said the knight that brought the message) but he is sore matched. 
The king's answer.  Well (said the king) return to him and them that sent you, and say to them that they send no more to me for any adventure that falleth, so long as my son is alive, for I will that this journey be his, with the honour thereof. With this answer the knight returned, which greatly encouraged them to do their best to win the spurs, being half abashed in that they had so sent to the king for aid. At length when it drew toward evening, and that the Frenchmen were beaten down and slain on each hand▪ 
The Fre●●● king departeth out of the field.  king Philip as it were by constraint departed out of the field, not having as then past three score persons about him, of whom the lord john of Heinault was one, by whose persuasion he chiefly consented to ride his way for his own safeguard, when he saw the loss was such as on that day it could not be recovered.  
The slaughter of the Frenchmen was great and lamentable, 

Great slaughter of Frenchmen.  
Caxton. jac. Meir. Polydor. Froissard.   namely for the loss of so many noble men, as were slain at the same battle, fought between Cressie and Broy on the saturday next following the feast of saint Bartholomew being (as that year fell) the 26 of August. Among other which died that day, these I find registered by name as chiefest, john king of Boheme, 
Noble men slain.  Ralph duke of Lorraine, Charles of Alanso brother german to king Philip, Charles earl of Blois, jews earl of Flanders, also the earl of Harecourt, brother to the lord Geffrie of Harecourt, with the earls of Ausserre, Aumerle, and saint Poule, beside diverse other of the nobility. The Englishmen never broke out of their battles to chase any man, but kept themselves together in their wards and ranks, and defended themselves ever against such as came to assail them. This battle ended about evening.  
When the Frenchmen were clearly overcome, and those that were left alive fled and gone, so that the Englishmen heard no more noise of them, 
The king of England co●●meth 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉.  king Edward came down from the hill (on the which he stood all that day with his helmet still on his head) and going to the prince, embraced him in his arms, and kissed him, saying; Fair son, God send you good perseverance in this your prosperous beginning, you have nobly acquit yourself, you are well worthy to have the governance of a realm committed to your hands for your valiant doings. The prince inclined himself to the earth in honouring his father, as he best could. This done, they thanked God together with their soldiers for their good adventure. For so the king commanded, and willed no man to make any boast of his own power, but to ascribe all the praise to almighty God for such a noble victory; seeming herein to be affected as David was in the four and line 10 fortieth psalm; for he also referreth the happy success of war, and all victory, unto almighty God, and not to the strength of a multitude of men, saying: 
Tu nos ab hoste subtrahis, sternis solo  

Georg. Buch. paraph. in psal.  Infensa nobis agmina.  
Non ergo s●●per iure te cantabimus  
Nostrae salutis vindicem?   
¶ On the sunday in the morning, there was such a mist, that a man could not see an acres breadth before him. Then by the king's commandeme●● there departed line 20 from the host five hundred spears, and two thousand archers, to try if they might hear of any Frenchmen gathered together in any place near unto them.  
On the same morning there were departed out of Abuile and S. require in Pontiew, the commons of Rouen and Beawais, with other that knew nothing of the discomfiture the day before. These met with the Englishmen, supposing they had been Frenchmen, and being fiercely assailed of them, after line 30 sore fight, and great slaughter, the Frenchmen were discomfited and fled, 
Frenchmen slain the day after the bat●●ll.  of whom were slain in the hedges & bushes, more than seven thousand men. The archbishop of Rouen, and the grand prior of France, ignorant also of the discomfiture the day before, & supposing (as they were informed) the French should not have fought till that sunday, were likewise encountered (as they came thitherward) by the Englishmen, with whom they fought a sore battle, for they were a great number, but yet at length they line 40 were not able to sustain the puissant force of the Englishmen, 
The archb. of Roven and the lord grand prior of France slain  and so the most part of them were slain, with the said archbishop and grand prior, and few there were that escaped.  
On that sunday morning, the Englishmen met with diverse Frenchmen, that had lost their way on the saturday, and witted not where the king nor their captains were become. They were all slain in manner, so many as the Englishmen could meet wish, insomuch that of the commons and footmen of the city's line 50 and good towns of France (as was thought) there were slain this sunday four times as many as were slain on the saturday in the great battle. When those Englishmen that were sent abroad thus to view the country, were returned again, and signified to the king what they had seen and done, and how there was no more appearance of the enemies, the king to search what the number was of them that were slain, and upon the view taken, it was reported unto him, that there were found dead eleven line 60 princes, four score baronet's, 12 hundred knights, and more than thirty thousand other of the meaner sort. Thus was the whole puissance of France vanquished, and that chiefly by force of such as were of no reputation amongst them, that is to say, the English archers, by whose sharp and violent shot the victory was achieved, to the great confusion of the French nation. ¶ Of such price were the English bows in that season, that nothing was able to withstand them; whereas now our archers covet not to draw long and strong bows, but ra●her to shoot compass, which are not meet for the wars, nor greatly to be feared, though they come into the field.  
The king of England with his army kept still his field, until monday in the morning, and then dislodged, and came before Motureell by the sea, and his marsh●ls ran towards Hedin. The next day they road toward Bullongne, & at Wisam the king and the prince encamped, and tarried a whole day to refresh their people, and on the wednesday being the thirtieth day of August, he came before the strong town of Calis, and there planted his siege, and erected bastides between the town and the river, 
Calis besieged.  and caused carpenters to make houses and lodgings of great timber, which were covered with reed & broom, so many and in such order, that it seemed a new town, and in it was a market place appointed of purpose, in the which the market was daily kept of victuals, & all other necessary things every tuesdai● and saturday, so that a man might have bought what he would of things brought thither out of England & Flanders. ¶ But now, forsomuch as we have spoken of this journey and invasion made by king Edward into France, in this nineteenth year of his reign, accordingly as we have gathered out of Froissard, and diverse other authors, I have thought good to make the reader partaker of the contents of a letter written by a chaplain of the said king, and attendant about him in the same journey, containing the success of his proceedings after his departure from Poissie, which letter is inserted with others in the history of Robert de Auesburie, and Englished by master john Fox as followeth.  
A letter of W. Northbourgh the king's confessor describing the king's voyage into France.  
SAlutations premised. 
In the Acts and monuments.  We give you to understand, that our sovereign lord the king came to the town of Poissie the day before the Assumption of our lady, where was a certain bridge over the water of Saine broken down by the enemy, but the king tarried there so long, till that the bridge was made again. And whiles the bridge was in repairing, there came a great number of men at arms, and other soldiers well armed, to hinder the same. But the earl of Northampton issued out against them, a●●o slew of them more than a thousand, the rest fled away: thanks be to God. And at another time, our men passed the water (although with much travel) and slew a great number of the common soldiers of France, about the city of Paris, and country adjoining, being part of the French kings army, and throughly well appointed: so that our people have now made other good bridges upon our enemies, God be thanked, without any loss and damage to us. And on the morrow after the Assumption of our lady, the king passed the water of Saine, and marched toward Poissie, which is a town of great defence, and strongly walled, and a marvelous strong castle within the same, which our enemies kept. And when our vanguard was passed the town, our rearguard gave an assault thereunto, and took the same, where were slain more than three hundred men at arms of our enemies part. And the next day following, the earl of Suffolk, and sir Hugh Spenser, marched forth upon the commons of the country assembled and well armed, and in fine discomfited them, and slew of them more than two hundred, & took three score gentlemen prisoners, beside others.  
And after that, the king marched toward grand Uilliers, and while he was there encamped, line 10 the king's vanguard was descried by the men at arms of the K. of Boheme: whereupon our men issued out in great haste and joined battle with them, but were enforced to retire. Notwithstanding, thanks be unto God, the earl of Northampton issued out, and rescued the horsemen with the other soldiers: so that few or none of them were either taken or slain, saving only Thomas Talbot, but had again the line 20 enemy in chase within two leagues of Amiens: of whom we took eight, and slew twelve of their best men at arms: the rest being well horsed, took the town of Amiens. After this the king of England marched toward Pountife, upon Bartholomew day, and came to the water of Some, where the French king had laid five hundred men at arms, and three thousand footmen, purposing to have kept and stopped line 30 our passage: but thanks be to God, the K. of England and his host entered the same water of Some, where never man passed before, without loss of any of our men; and after that encountered with the enemy, and slew of them more than 2000, the rest fled to Abuile, in which chase were taken many knights, esquires, & men at arms. The same day sir Hugh Spenser took the line 40 town of Crotaie, where he & his soldiers slew 400 men at arms, & kept the town, where they found great store of victuals.  
The same night encamped the king of England in the forest of Cressie upon the same water, for that the French kings host came on the other side of the town, near unto our passage: but he would not take the water of us, & so marched toward Abuile. line 50 And upon the friday next following, the king being still encamped in the said forest, our scuriers descried the French K. which marched toward us in four great battles; and having then understanding of our enemies (as Gods will was) a little before the evening tide, we drew to the plain field, and set our battles in array: and immediately the fight began, which was sore and cruel, & endured long, for our enemies line 60 behaved themselves right nobly. But thanks be given unto God, the victory fell on our side, & the king our adversary was discomfited with all his host & put to flight: where also was slain the king of Boheme, the duke of Lorraine, the earl of Alencon, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Blois, the earl of Harecourt, with his two sons, the earl of Daumarle, the earl de Nevers, and his brother the lord of Tronard, the archbishop of Nismes, the archbishop of Sens, the high prior of France, the earl of savoy, the lord of Morles, the lord de Gyves, le seigneur de Saint Novant, le seigneur de Rosinburgh, with six earls of Almain, and diverse other earls, barons, knights, and esquires, whose names are unknown. And Philip de Ualois himself, with an other marquess, which was called lord elector among the Romans, escaped from the battle. The number of the men of arms which were found dead in the field, beside the common soldiers and footmen, were a thousand, five hundred, forty and two: and all that night the king of England with his host abode armed in the field, where the battle was fought.  
On the next morrow, before the sun rose, there marched towards us another great host mighty & strong, of the Frenchmen: but the earl of Northampton, and the earl of Norfolk issued out against them in three battles, & after long and terrible fight, them likewise they discomfited by God's great help and grace (for otherwise it could never have been) where they took of knights and esquires a great number, and slew above two thousand, pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The same night also the king encamped himself again in the forest of Cressie, and on the morrow marched toward Bullongne, and by the way he took the town of Staples: and from thence he marched toward Calis, where he intendeth to plant his siege, and lay his battery to the same. And therefore our sovereign lord the king willeth and commandeth you, in all that ever you may, to send to the said siege victuals convenient. For after the time of our departing from Caen, we have traveled through the country with great peril & danger of our people, but yet always had of victuals plenty, thanks be to God therefore. But now (as the case standeth) we partly need your help to be refreshed with victuals. Thus far you well. Written at the siege before the town of Calis, the fourteenth day of September.  
But now touching the siege of Calis, and to return where we left, ye shall understand, that (as ye have heard) the English camp was furnished with sufficient provision of meat, drink, apparel, munition, and all other things necessary: and oftentimes also the soldiers made roads and forrais into the borders of France next adjoining, as towards Guines, and saint Omer, ye even to the gates of that town, and sometime to Bullongne. Also the earl of Northampton fetched a booty out of Arthois, 
jac. Me●●.  and as he returned toward the host, he came to Terrovan, 
Terrou●n.  which town the bishop had fortified and manned, delivering the custody thereof unto sir Arnold Dandrehen: for when he heard the Englishmen approached, he durst not tarry within the city himself, but got him to saint Omers. Sir Arnold stood valiantly to his defence, and would not yield, till by very force the Englishmen entered the city, slew the soldiers, 
Terrovan won by 〈◊〉  and took their captain the said sir Arnold prisoner. The city was put to sack, and after set on fire. And when the Englishmen were departed, there came a number of Flemings from the siege, which they had ●aid before S. Omers, and began a new spoil, and fired such houses belonging to the canons and other, which the Englishmen had spared. Thus were those confines in most miserable case, for no house nor other thing was in safeguard, but such as were contained within closure of strong towns and fortresses.  
The king of England would not assail the town of Calis by giving any assault to it, for he knew he should but lose his labour, 
Froissard.  and waste his people, it was so strong of itself, and so well furnished with men of war. captain thereof also was one sir line 10 john de Uienne, a valiant knight of Burgoigne, having with him diverse other right hardy and expert captains, 
Sir john de Uienne captain of Calis.  knights, and esquires. When the said sir john de Uienne saw the manner of the English host, and what the king's intention was, he constrained all the poor and mean people to departed out of the town. The king of England perceiving that this was done of purpose to spare victuals, would not drive them back again to help to consume the same, but rather pitied them; and therefore did not line 20 only show them so much grace to suffer them to pass through his host, 
The king of England's pity towards the poor.  but also gave them meat and drink to dinner, and moreover two pence sterling to every person: which charitable deed won him much praise, and caused many of his enemies to pray right heartily for his good success and prosperity. A most notable example of pity and compassion, teaching other to be in like sort affected, 
The duke of Normandy sent for.  and also to know, that Spernit coelorum regem spretor miserorum. line 30  
The French king meaning to raise the siege from Calis, which the king of England kept there, sent for his son the duke of Normandy, which had line long at the siege of Aiguillon, and now by commandment of his father left it sore against his will. In this mean while, the earl of Derbie remained in the city of Bordeaux, and there had held him during all the time that the siege lay before Aiguillon. When he once understood that the siege was raised, and that the duke of Normandy had broken up his line 40 camp, he sent into Gascoigne for all knights and esquires that held of the English part. Then came to Bordeaux the lord Dalbret, 
The earl of Derbie assembleth an army  the lord de Lespare, the lord de Rosam, the lord of Musident, the lord of Pumiers, and a great sort more of the lords and nobles of Gascoigne, so that the earl had twelve hundred men of arms, two thousand archers, and three thousand other footmen. They passed the river of Garon, betwixt Bordeaux and Blaie, and took their way to Zanctonge, so to go unto Poitiers, and took by line 50 the way the town of mirabel by assault: they won also the town and castle of Aunaie, Surgieres and Benon. Also they took Maraunt in Poictow by force, 
Towns won by the earl of Derbie.  they burned also the town of Lusignen, but the castle they could not win. Moreover, they did win the bridge, town, and castle of Tailburge, and slew all that were found within it, because a knight of the English part was slain in the assaulting. From thence the earl of Derbie went and laid siege to saint john Dangelie, which was yielded to him by line 60 composition.  
At Niort he made three assaults, but could not win it, and so from thence he came to Bourge saint Maximent, the which was won by force, and all that were within it slain; and in like manner the town of montrevil Bonin was won, and the most part of them within slain, that took upon them to defend it, which were 200 coiners of money that wrought in the mint, which the French king kept there. From thence he passed forward with his host, and finally came before the city of Poitiers, which was great and large, so that he could not besiege it but on the one side. The third day after his coming thither, he caused the city to be assaulted in three places, and the greatest number were appointed to assail the weakest part of the city. As then there were no expert men of war within Poitiers, but a great multitude of people unskilful and not used to any feats of war, by reason whereof the Englishmen entered in at the weakest place. When they within saw the city won, they fled out at other gates, but yet there were slain to the number of seven hundred persons, for all that came in the Englishmen'S way were put to the sword, men, women, and children. The city was sacked and rifled, so that great store of riches was gotten there, 
The city of Poitiers won by force.  as well of the inhabitants as other that had brought their goods thither for safeguard of the same. The earl of Derbie lay there ten or twelve days, and longer might have lain, if his pleasure had so been, for there was none that durst go about to disquiet him, all the country trembled so at his presence.  
At his departure from Poitiers he left the city void, for it was too great to be kept: his soldiers and men of war were so pestered with riches, that they witted not what to do therewith: they esteemed nothing but gold and silver, and feathers for men of war. The earl visited by the way as he returned homewards to Bordeaux the town of saint john Dangelie, 
Saint john Dangelie.  and other fortresses which he had won in going towards Poitiers, and having furnished them with men, munition, and victuals necessary, at his coming to Bordeaux he broke up his host, and licensing his people to departed, thanked them for their pains and good service. All this while the siege continued still before Calis, and the French king amongst other devices which he imagined how to raise the K. of England from it, procured the Scots to make war into England, insomuch that David king of Scotland, notwithstanding the truce which yet endured betwixt him and the king of England, upon hope now to do some great exploit, by reason of the absence of king Edward, 
The king of Scots invadeth England. Polydor.  entangled thus with the besieging of Calis, he assembled the whole puissance of his realm, to the number of forty or threescore thousand fight men (as some writ) and with them entered into England, burning, spoiling, and wasting the country, till he came as far as Durham.  
The lords of England that were left at home with the queen for the sure keeping and defence of the realm, perceiving the king of Scots thus boldie to invade the land, and in hope of spoil to send forth his light horsemen to harry the country on each side him, assembled an host of all such people as were able to bear armour, both priests and other. Their general assembly was appointed at Newcastle, 
The English lords assemble a power to fight with the Scots. Froissard.  and when they were all together, they were to the number of 1200 men of arms, three thousand archers, and seven thousand other, with the Welshmen, and issuing out of the town, they found the Scots ready to come forward to encounter them. Then every man was set in order of battle, and there were four battles ordained, one to aid another. The first was led by the bishop of Durham, Gilbert de Uinfrevile earl of Anegoes, Henry lord Percy, and the lord Henry Scroop: the second by the archbishop of York, and the lord Ralph Nevil: the third by the bishop of Lincoln, john lord mowbray, and the lord Thomas de Rokebie: the fourth was governed by the lord Edward Balliol captain of Berwick, the archbishop of Canturburie, and the lord Ros: beside these were W. lord d' Eincourt, Robert de Ogle, and other. The queen was there in person, and went from rank to rank, 
Tho. Wals. Froissard. The queens diligence.  and encouraged her people in the best manner she could, and that done she departed, committing them and their cause to God the giver of all victory.  
Shortly hereupon the Scots set forward to begin the battle, and likewise did the Englishmen, and therewith the archers on both parts began to shoot: the shot of the Scots did little hurt, but the archers of England sore galled the Scots, so that there was an hard battle. They began at nine of the clock, and continued still in fight till noon. The Scots had sharp and heavy axes, & gave with the same great and mighty strokes, 
The Scots fight with ●xes.  howbeit finally the Englishmen by the help of God obtained the victory, although they lost many of their men. There were diverse line 10 of the nobles of Scotland slain, 
The English men obtain the victory.  to the number of seven earls, beside lords. The king was taken in the field sore wounded, for he fought valiantly. He was prisoner to an esquire of Northumberland, 
The king of Scots taken.  who as soon as he had taken him, road out of the field with him, accompanied only with eight of his servants, and rested not till he came to his own castle where he dwelled, being thirty miles distant from the place of the battle.  

Hect. Boetius. Ri. Southwell. Fabian. Froissard.  There was taken also beside him, the earls of line 20 Fife, Sutherland, Wighton, and Menteth, the lord William Douglas, the lord Uescie, the archbishop of S. Andrew's, and another bishop, with sir Thomelin Foukes, and diverse other men of name. There were slain of one and other to the number of 15 thousand. This battle was fought beside the city of Durham at a place called Nevil's cross, 
Nevil's cross.  upon a saturday next after the feast of saint Michael, in the year of our Lord 1346. Of this overthrow Christopher Okland hath very commendably written, saying, line 30 
— haud omine dextro  
jam Scotus intulerat vim Dunelmensibus agris,  
Cùm formidandum saeuus bellum instruit Anglus, 
In Angl. praelijs sub Edward● 3.   
Aggreditúrque hostem violantem foedera sacra.  
Nominis incerti Scoticae plebs obuia gentis  
Sternitur, & tristi gladio cadit impia turba,  
Frustrà obluctantur Scotiae comitésque ducésque,  
Quorum pars jacet occumbens; pars caetera capta  
Captiuum corpus dedit vincentibus, auro  
Et pacto pretio redimendum, bellicus utmos line 40  
Postulat. At David Scotiae rex captus ad urbem  
Londinum fidei pendens dignissima fractae  
Supplicia, adductus celebri concluditur arce.  
Exiguus numerus volucri pede fisus equorum  
Effugit in patriam, testis certissimus Anglos  
Devicissesuos, & tristia funera narrant.   
¶ He that will see more of this battle, may find the same also set forth in the Scotish history, 
See in Scotland.  as their writers have written thereof. And for somuch as by the circumstances of their writings, it should seem line 50 they kept the remembrance of the same battle perfectly registered, we have in this place only showed what other writers have recorded of that matter, and left that which the Scotish chronicles write, to be seen in the life of king David, without much abridging thereof. The Englishmen after this victory thus obtained, 
Hector Boet. Countries of Scotland subdued by the Englishmen. Froissard.  took the castles of Roxburgh and Hermitage, and also without any resistance subdued the countries of Anandale, Galloway, Mers, Tividale, and Ethrike forest, extending their marches line 60 forth at that time unto Cokburnes Peth, and Sowtray hedge, and after unto Trarlinlips, and cross Cave.  
The queen of England being certainly informed that the king of Scots was taken, & that john Copland had conveyed him out of the field, no man understood to what place, she incontinently wrote to him, commanding him forthwith to bring his prisoner king David unto her presence: 
john Copland refuseth to deliver the K. of Scots.  but john Copland wrote to her again for a determinate answer, that he would not deliver his prisoner the said king David unto any person living, man or woman, except only to the king of England, his sovereign lord and master. Hereupon the queen wrote letters to the king, signifying to him both of the happy victory chanced to his people against the Scots, and also of the demeanour of john Copland, in detaining the Scotish king. King Edward immediately by letters commanded john Copland to repair unto him where he lay at siege before Calis, 
john Copland rewarded.  which with all convenient speed he did, and there so excused himself of that which the queen had found herself grieved with him, for detaining the king of Scots from her, that the king did not only pardon him, but also gave to him five hundred pounds sterling of yearly rent, to him & to his heirs for ever, in reward of his good service and valiant prows, and made him esquire for his body, commanding him yet upon his return into England to deliver king David unto the queen, which he did, and so excused himself also unto her, that she was therewith satisfied and contented. Then the queen, after she had taken order for the safe keeping of the king of Scots, and good government of the realm, took the sea and sailed over to the king her husband still lying before Calis.  
Whilst Calis was thus besieged by the king of England, 
ja. Meir. The Flemings.  the Flemings which had lately before besieged Betwine, and had raised from thence about the same time that the battle was fought at Cressie, now assemble together again, and doing what damage they might against the Frenchmen on the borders, they lay siege unto the town of Air. Moreover, 
Froissard.  they wrought so for the king of England (earnestly requiring their friendship in that behalf) that their sovereign lord jews earl of Flanders being as then about fifteen years of age, 
1347 Anno Re● ●●  fianced the lady Isabella daughter to the king of England, 
The earl of Flanders 〈◊〉 strained to promise marriage to the king of England's daugh●ter.  more by constraint indeed of his subjects, than for any good will he bore to the king of England: for he would often say, and openly protest, that he would never marry her whose father had slain his: but there was no remedy, for the Flemings kept him in manner as a prisoner, till he granted to follow their advise. But the same week that the marriage was appointed to be solemnised, the earl as he was abroad in hawking at the hearon, stolen away and fled into France, not staying to ride his horse upon the spurs till he came into Arthois, and so dishonourably disappointed both the king of England, and his own natural subjects the Flemings, to their high displeasure.  
While the king lay thus before Calis, diverse lords and knights came to see him out of Flanders, Brabant, Heinault, and Almaigne. Amongst other came the lord Robert of Namur, and was retained with the king as his servant, the king giving him three hundred pounds sterling of yearly pension out of his coffers to be paid at Bruges. 
The lord Charles de Blois tak● prisoner.  During the time that the siege thus continued before Calis, the lord Charles de Blois, that named himself duke of Britain, was taken before a castle in Britain, called lafoy Roch Darien, and his army discomfited, chiefly by the aid of that valiant English knight sir Thomas Dagworth, 
Sir Thoma● Dagworth. Froissard.  who had been sent from the siege of Calis by king Edward to assist the countess of Montfort and other his friends against the said Charles de Blois, that with a great army of Frenchmen and Britain's, had the same time besieged the said castle of Roch Darien, constreining them within in such forcible manner, that they stood in great need of present succours. 
Sir 〈◊〉 Heartily 〈◊〉 English knight w●s also there with him.  The said sir Thomas Dagworth advertised hereof, with three hundred men of arms, and four hundred archers of his own retinues, beside certain Britain's, approached to the siege, and on the 20 of june early in the morning, a quarter of an hour before day, suddenly set upon the enemies, who having knowledge of his coming, were ready to receive him as the day before, but being now surprised thus on the sudden, they were greatly amazed: for they that were within Roch Darien, as soon as the appearance of day had discovered the matter unto them, so that they might know their friends from their enemies, they issued forth, and holp not a little to the achieving of the victory, which was clearly obtained before sun-rising, and the French army quite discomfited, greatly to the praise of the said sir Thomas Dagworth and his company, considering their small number, in comparison of their line 10 adversaries, who were reckoned to be twelve hundred good men of arms, knights, and esquires, beside six hundred other armed men, two thousand crossbows, six hundred archers of the country of Britain, and footmen of commons innumerable.  
There were taken, besides the lord Charles de Blois naming himself duke of Britain, diverse other lords and men of name, as monsieur Guie de la Uaall son and heir to the lord la Uaall, which died in the battle, the lord of Rocheford, the lord de line 20 Beaumanour, the lord of Loiacke, with other lords, knights, and esquires, in great numbers. There were slain the said lord de la Uaall, the Uicount of Rohan, the lord of Chasteau Brian, the lord de Mailestreit, the lord de Quintin, the lord de Rogue, the lord of Derevall and his son, sir Ralph de Montford, and many other worthy men of arms, knights and esquires, to the number of betwixt six and seven hundred, as by a letter written by the said sir Thomas Dagworth, and registered in the history of Robert de line 30 Auesburie doth appear.  
In this mean while, king Philip having daily word how the power of his enemy king Edward did increase by aid of the Easterlings and other nations, which were to him allied, and that his men within Calis were brought to such an extreme point, 
Fabian.  that without speedy rescue they could not long keep the town, but must of force render it over into the hands of his said enemy, to the great prejudice of all the realm of France, after great deliberation taken line 40 upon this so weighty a matter, 
The French king assembleth an army Froissard.  he commanded every man to meet him in their best array for the war, at the feast of Pentecost in the city of Amiens, or in those marches. At the day and place thus appointed, there came to him Odes duke of Burgoigne, and the duke of Normandy eldest son to the king, the duke of Orleans his youngest son, the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Fois, the lord Lois de Savoie, the lord john of Hemalt, the earl of Arminacke, the earl of Forest, and the earl Ualentinois, line 50 with many others.  
These noble men being thus assembled, they took council which way they might pass to give battle to the Englishmen: it was thought the best way had been through Flanders, but the Flemings in favour of the king of England denied, 
The Flemings besiege air.  not only to open their passages to the Frenchmen, but also had levied an army of an hundred thousand men of one and other, and laid siege to Air, and burned the country all about. 
ja. Meir.  Wherepon there were many sharp bickerings line 60 and sore encounters betwixt the Flemings and such Frenchmen as king Philip sent forth against them both, now, whilst the French army lay about A●●ens, and also before, during all the time that the siege lay at Calis. For all the French towns upon the frontiers were stuffed with strong garrisons of soldiers, as Lisle, saint Omers, Arras, Bullongne, Air and 〈◊〉, and those men of war were ever ready upon occasion to attempt sundry exploits. After this, when the army of the Flemings was broken-up, 
The French K. cometh towards Calis.  and returned home, or rather divided into parts, and lodged along on the frontiers, the French king with two thousand men one and other came forward, taking his way through the country called lafoy Belme, and so by the country of Frankeberge, came straight to the hill of Sangate, betwixt Calis and Wisant.  
The king of England had caused a strong castle to be made between the town of Calis and the sea, to close up that passage, and had placed therein three score men of arms, and two hundred archers, which kept the haven in such sort that nothing could come in nor out. Also considering that his enemies could come neither to secure the town, nor to annoy his host, except either by the downs alongst the sea side, or else above by the high way, he caused all his navy to draw alongst by the coast of the downs, to stop up that the Frenchmen should not approach that way. Also the earl of Derbie being come thither out of Given, was appointed to keep Newland bridge, 
The earl of Derbie.  with a great number of men of arms and archers, so that the Frenchmen could not approach any way, unless they would have come through the marshes, which to do was not possible.  
Fifteen hundred of the commons of Tournie won a tower, which the Englishmen had made and kept for the impeachment of the Frenchmens passage by the downs, but that notwithstanding, when the marshals of France had well viewed all the passages and streicts through the which their army must pass, if they meant to fight with the Englishmen, they well perceived that they could not come to the Englishmen to give them battle, without the king would lose his people, whereupon (as Froissard saith) the French king sent the lord Geffrey de Charnie, the lord Eustace de Ribaumont, Guy de Néele, and the lord de Beaview unto the king of England, 
The request of the French lords to the king of England.  which required him on their masters behalf to appoint certain of his council, as he would likewise appoint certain of his, which by common consent might advise between them an indifferent place for them to try the battle upon: whereunto the king of England answered, 
His answer.  That there he was and had been almost a whole year, which could not be unknown to his adversary their master, so that he might have come sooner if he would: but now, sith he had suffered him there to remain so long, without offer of battle, he meant not to accomplish his desire, nor to departed from that, which to his great cost he had brought now at length to that point, that he might easily win it. Wherefore if the French K. nor his host could not pass those ways which were closed by the English power, let them seek some other passage (said he) if they think to come hither.  
In this mean while came two cardinals from pope Clement, 
Cardinals sent to entreat of peace.  to treat a peace betwixt the two kings, whereupon commissioners were appointed, as the dukes of Burgoigne and Burbone, the lord jews de Savoie, and the lord john de Heinault, otherwise called lord Beaumond, on the French part: and the earls of Derbie and Northampton, the lord Reginald Cobham, and the lord Walter de Mannie, on the English part. These commissioners and the legates (as intreators between the parties) met and communed three days together, but agreed not upon any conclusion, and so the cardinals departed; and the French king perceiving he could not have his purpose, broke up his host and returned to France, 
They depart.  bidding Calis farewell. After that the French king with his host was once departed from Sangate, 
The French K. returneth into France.  without ministering any succour to them within the town, they began to sue for a parlée, which being granted, in the end they were contented to yield, and the king granted to receive them and the town on these conditions; that six of the chief burgesses of the town should come forth bareheaded, barefooted, 
The conditions of the surrender of Calis.  and barelegged, and in their shirts, with halters about their necks, with the keys of the town and castle in their hands, to submit themselves simply to the kings will, and the residue he was contented to take to mercy.  
This determinate resolution of king Edward being intimated to the commons of the town, assembled in the market place by the sound of the common bell before the captain, caused many a weeping eye amongst them: but in the end, when it was perceived that no other grace would be obtained, six of the most wealthy burgesses of all the town agreed to hazard their lives for the safeguard of the residue, and line 10 so according to the prescript order devised by the K. they went forth of the gates, and were presented by the lord Walter de Mannie to the king, 
Six burgesses of Calis presented to the king.  before whom they kneeled down, offered to him the keys of the town, and besought him to have mercy upon them. But the king regarding them with a fell countenance, commanded straight that their heads should be stricken off. And although many of the noble men did make great entreatance for them, yet would no grace be showed, 
The queen obtained their pardon.  until the queen being great with line 20 child, came and kneeled down before the king her husband, and with lamentable cheer & weeping eyes entreated so much for them, that finally the king's anger was assuaged & his rigour turned to mercy (for Flectitur iratus vo●erogante Deus) so that he gave the prisoners unto her to do her pleasure with them. Then the queen commanded them to be brought into her chamber, and caused the halters to be taken from their necks, clothed them anew, gave them their dinner, and bestowing upon each of line 30 them six nobles, appointed them to be conveyed out of the host in safeguard, and set at liberty.  

Calis yielded to the king of England.  Thus was the strong town of Calis yielded up into the hands of king Edward, the third of August, in the year 1347. The captain the lord john de Uienne, and all the other captains and men of name were stayed as prisoners, and the common soldiers and other mean people of the town were licensed to departed and void their houses, leaving all their armour and riches behind them. The king would not line 40 have any of the old inhabitants to remain in the town, save only a priest, and two other ancient personages, such as best knew the customs, laws and ordinances of the town. He appointed to send over thither amongst other Englishmen, there to inhabit, 36 burgesses of London, 
Calis made a colony of Englishmen.  and those of the wealthiest sort, for he meant to people the town only with Englishmen, for the better and more sure defence thereof. The king and queen were lodged in the castle, 
The queen brought to bed in the castle of Calis. Polydor.  and continued there, till the queen was delivered line 50 of a daughter named Margaret.  
The cardinals, of whom ye heard before, being come as legates from pope Clement to move communication of peace, did so much in the matter, that a truce was granted betwixt the realm of England & France, for the term of twelve months, or two years (as Froissard saith.) But the English chronicle and jacobus Meir seem to agree, 
Caxton. ja. Meir. A truce.  that this truce was taken but for nine months, though afterwards line 60 the same was prorogued. To the which truce all parties agreed, 
Women hard to agree.  Britain excepted, for the two women there would not be quieted, but still pursued the war the one against the other. After that this truce was accorded, the king with the queen his wife returned into England, and left as captain within Calis one sir Amerie of Pavia an Italian knight, 
Sir Amerie de Pavia.  or (as other books have) he was but captain of the castle, or of some one of the towers of that town, which seemeth more like to be true, than that the king should commit the whole charge of the town unto his government, being a stranger borne, and therefore jacobus Meir is the more to be credited, that writeth how sir Amerie of Pavia was left but in charge with the castle only, and that the town was committed to the keeping of the lord john Beauchampe, and jews his brother.  
But now that there was a peace thus concluded betwixt the two kings, 
134●  it seemed to the English people that the sun broke forth after a long cloudy season, by reason both of the great plenty of allthings, 
Thom. 〈◊〉  and remembrance of the late glorious victories: for there were few women that were housekeepers within this land, but they had some furniture of household that had been brought to them out of France, as part of the spoil got in Caen, Calis, Carenien, or some other good town. And beside household stuff, the English maids and matrons were bedecked and trimmed up in French women's jewels and apparel, so that as the French women lamented for the loss of those things, so our women rejoiced of the gain. In this 22 year, 
Anno Reg ●. Great 〈◊〉  from Midsummer to Christmas for the more part it continually reigned, so that there was not one day and night dry together, by reason whereof great floods ensued, and the ground therewith was sore corrupted, and many inconveniences ensued, as great sickness, and other, in somuch that in the year following in France the people died wonderfully in diverse places. In Italy also, and in many other countries, 
1349 Anno Reg. 13.  as well in the lands of the infidels, as in christendom, 
A great mortality.  this grievous mortality reigned to the great destruction of people. ¶ About the end of August, the like death began in diverse places of England, and especially in London, continuing so for the space of twelve months following. And upon that ensued great barrenness, as well of the sea, as the land, 
Dearth.  neither of them yielding such plenty of things as before they had done. Whereupon victuals and corn became scant and hard to come by.  
About the same time died john Stretford archbishop of Canturburie, after whom succeeded john Ufford, who lived not in that dignity past ten months, and then followed Thomas Bredwardin, who deceased within one year after his consecration, so that then Simon Islep was consecrated archbishop by pope Clement the sixth, being the 53 archbishop that had sit in that seat. Within a while after, William archbishop of York died: in whose place succeeded john Torsbie, being the 44 archbishop that had governed that church. Moreover in this 23 year of king Edward's reign, 
A practice 〈◊〉 betray 〈◊〉  the great mortality in England still continuing, there was a practice in hand for recovering again of Calis to the French kings possession. The lord Geffrie of Charnie lying in the town of S. Omers, did practise with sir Am●rie de Pavia, to be received into the town of Calis by the castle, secretly in the night season. The Italian gave ear to the lord Geffrie his suit; and to make few words, covenanted for the sum of twenty thousand crowns to betray the town unto him, in such sort as he could best devise.  
¶ Here writers vary: 
Diversitted writers.  for Froissard saith that king Edward had information thereof, before that sir Amerie de Pavia uttered the thing himself; but the French chronicles, and also other writers affirm, that the Italian advertised the king of all the drift and matter betwixt him & the lord Geffrie of Charnie, before he went through with the bargain. But whether by him or by other, truth it is the king was made privy to the matter at Havering Bower in Essex (where he kept the feast of Christmas) & thereupon departing from thence, he came to Dover, 
Fabian.  
Froissard.  and the day before the night of the appointment made for the delivery of the castle of Calis (having secretly made his provision (he took shipping, 
The king secretly passover to 〈◊〉  and landed the same night at Calis, in so secret manner, that but few of the town understood of his arrival, he brought with him out of England three hundred men of arms, and six hundred archers, whom he laid in chambers and towers within the castle, so closely that few or none perceived it, the manner he knew by sir Amerie de Pavia his advertisements (accordingly as it was agreed betwixt them) that the lord Geffrie of Charnie was appointed to come and enter the town that night, 
The lord Geffrie de Charnie.  for the king had commanded sir Amerie to proceed in merchandizing with the said lord Charnie, and only to make him privy of the day & hour in the which the feat should be wrought. line 10  
The lord Geffrie de Charnie being covenanted that he should be received into Calis the first night of the new year, year 1350 departed from S. Omers, where he had assembled five hundred spears, the last day of December toward night, and so in secret wise he passed forth, till about the midst of the next night after, he approached near to Calis, and sending an hundred men of arms to take possession of the castle, and to pay the Italian his twenty thousand line 20 crowns, came to the postern of the castle, where sir Amerie de Pavia having let down the postern bridge, was ready to bring them in by the same postern, and so the hundred men of arms entered, and sir Edward de Rentie delivered to the Italian his twenty thousand crowns in a bag, 
Sir Edward de Rentie.  who when he had cast the crowns into a coffer (for he had no leisure to tell them) he brought the Frenchmen into the dungeon of the castle, as it were to possess them of the chiefest strength of the fortress. Within this dungeon or tower was the king of England closely laid, line 30 with two hundred men of arms, who issued out with their swords and axes in their hands, 
The king crieth Mannie to the rescue.  crying Mannie to the rescue, for the king had so ordained, that both he and his son should fight under the banner of the lord Walter de Mannie, as chief of that enterprise.  
Then were the Frenchmen greatly abashed, in such wise, that perceiving how no defence might advance them, they yielded themselves without any great show of resistance. Herewith the Englishmen issued out of the castle into the town, and mounted line 40 on horseback, for they had the French prisoners horses, and then the archers road to Bullongne gate, where the lord Geffrie was with his banner before him of gules three scutcheons silver. He had great desire to be the first that should enter the town: but shortly the king of England with the prince his son was ready at the gate, under the banner of the lord Walter de Mannie to assail him. There were also other banners, 
The earls of Stafford and Suffolk, the lords Montacute, Berkley and la Ware.  as the earls of Stafford and Suffolk, the lord john Montacute brother to the earl of line 50 Salisbury, the lord Beauchampe, the lord Berkley, and the lord de la Ware. Then the great gate was set open, and they all issued forth crying Mannie to the rescue. The Frenchmen perceiving that they were betrayed, alighted from their horses, and put themselves in order of battle on foot, determining to fight it out like valiant men of war. 
The Frenchmen alight on foot.  The king perceiving this, caused his people likewise to be set in order of battle, & sent three hundred archers to Newland bridge, to distress those Frenchmen, which he line 60 herd should be there. This was early in the morning but incontinently it was day: the Frenchmen kept their ground a while, and many feats of arms were done of both parts, but the Englishmen ever increased out of Calis, and the Frenchmen diminished, so that finally they were overcome, as well in the one place, as in the other.  

Sir Eustace de Ribaumont a right vali●nt knight.  It chanced that in the hottest of the fight, the king was matched with sir Eustace de Ribaumont, a right strong and hardy knight. There was a sore encounter betwixt him and the king, that marvel it was to behold them. At length they were put asunder, for a great company of both parts came that way, and there fought fiercely together. The Frenchmen did behave themselves right valiantly, and especially sir Eustace de Ribaumont: 

He is taken prisoner by the king of England.  
The lord Geffrie de Charnie is taken.   he strake the king that day twice upon his knees, but finally he was taken prisoner by the king himself. The lord Geffrie of Charnie was also taken prisoner, and wounded right sore, but the king of his noble courtesy caused him to be dressed by surgeons, and tenderly looked unto. There were slain, sir Henry de Blois, and sir Pepin de la Ware, with other, to the number of six hundred. Monsieur de Memorancie escaped with great danger. Froissard saith, that this battle was fought in the year 1348, upon the last of December, towards the next morning being Newyeares' day: but (as Auesburie & Walsingham have, who begin the year at our lady day) this enterprise chanced 1349, and so consequently in the 23 year of this king's reign. All the prisoners were brought to the castle of Calis, where the K. the next night gave them a supper, 
Sir Eustace de Ribaumont.  & made them right hearty cheer, and gave to sir Eustace de Ribaumont a rich chaplet of pearls, which he then did wear on his own head, in token that he had best deserved it for his manful prows showed in the fight; & beside that in favour of his tried valiancy, he acquit him of his ransom, and set him at liberty. This fact of the king was royal in deed, and his clemency greatly to be commended; & therefore it is well said to this purpose, 
Gloria consequitur reges sic bella gerentes,  
Sic certare parit decus immortal duello.   
About the end of August the death in London ceased, 
Anno Reg. 24. The death ceaseth. Auesdurie.  which had been so great & vehement within that ciitie, that over & beside the bodies buried in other accustomed burying places (which for their infinite number cannot be reduced into account) there were buried that year daily, from Candlemas till Easter, in the Charterhouse yard of London, more than two hundred dead corpses. Also this year, by the earnest suit of the two cardinals which were sent (as ye have heard) from pope Clement the sixth, a peace was concluded for one year. There met near unto Calis for the treaty of this peace, the foresaid two cardinals, 
Commissioners meet to talk of peace.  as mediators; and for the king of England, the bishop of Norwich treasurer and high chancellor of the realm, with others came thither as commissioners; and in like manner for the French king, there appeared the bishop of Lion, and the abbot of S. Device. ¶ This year in August died Philip de Ualois the French king. Here is to be noted, 
Men borne with ●ewer teeth than in times past. Caxton. Tho. Walsin. Polychron.  that all those that were borne, after the beginning of that great mortality whereof ye have heard, wanted four cheek teeth (when they came to the time of growth) of those 32 which the people before that time commonly used to have, so that they had but 28. In this 24 year of this king's reign, 
A combat.  there was a combat fought in lists within the king's palace of Westminster, betwixt the lord john, bastard son to Philip king of France, & a knight of the town of Ypres in Flanders; but the bastard had the upper hand, and vanquished his adversary. ¶ About the feast of the decollation of saint john Baptist, 
Auesburie. Thom. Wals.  king Edward advertised of a fleet of Spaniards returning forth of Flanders, that was laden with clothes and other riches, assembled a convenient power of men of arms and archers, & at Sandwich took the sea with them, 

A Spanish fleet.  
Spaniard's vanquished by the K. of England by sea.   sailing forth, till upon the coast of Winchelsie he met with the Spaniards, and there assailed them; so that betwixt him and those Spaniards, there was a sore fight, and long continued, to the great loss of people on both parts; but in the end, the bright beam of victory shone upon the English sails, so that all the Spaniards were slain, for they were so proud and obstinate (as Walsingham affirmeth) that they would not yield, but rather choose to die, & so they did indeed, either on the Englishmen'S weapons points, or else were they drowned there in the sea, 
Thom. Wals.  six and twenty of their ships were taken, in the which was found great store of good ware and riches. 
Auesburie.  And so the king thought himself well revenged of the Spaniards, which in the last year about Alhallontide, had entered into the river of Garons, as it runneth up towards Bordeaux, and there finding many ships fraught with wines, slew all the Englishmen they found aboard, and took away the ships with them: which injury line 10 moved the king to enterprise this exploit now at this time against them.  

Froissard. Sir Thomas Dagworth slain.  About the beginning of August, sir raoul de Cahors, and diverse other knights and esquires, to the number of six score men of arms, fought before a castle called Auleon, with sir Thomas Dagworth, and there slew the same sir Thomas, and to the number of one hundred men of arms with him. There were sent solemn messengers this year unto avignon, 
Ambassadors sent to the pope.  for the establishing of a peace, mentioned line 20 betwixt the king of England and France, at the suit of the pope, so that king Edward should have resigned his title and claim to the crown of France, and the French king should have given over unto him the whole duchy of Guien, to hold the same freely, without knowledging of resort or superiority, or doing any manner of homage for the same: but such delays were made, and the suit so prolonged by the pope, that the erale of Derbie, who with others was sent to him about this matter, returned without line 30 speed of his purpose for the which he went.  

Anno Reg 25. 1351  In the five and twentieth year of king Edward's reign, the Frenchmen having laid siege unto the town of saint john Dangeli, the lord Dalbrets son, having assembled six hundred men of arms, Gascoigns and Englishmen, meant to work some feat for relief of them within, whereupon, as he was marching through the country of Xainctonge near unto Xaincts the eighth of April, 
Froissard.  or (as other have) the first, he was encountered by the lord Guy de Néell, one of line 40 the marshals of France, & other French lords, where at length, the Frenchmen were discomfited, many also slain, and diverse taken prisoners, of which number was the said marshal, with his brother the lord William, and sir Arnold de Dandrehen, beside others, to the number of 300 men of arms, but yet the siege remained, till for want of victuals the town was rendered to the Frenchmen.  
The same year in October, an English archer of the garrison of Calis, named john of Dancaster, by line 50 licence of the lord deputy of Calis, took with him threescore persons men of arms and archers, and in the night that goeth before the feast day of S. Uincent, in the last quarter of the same night, he coming to the castle of Guines, 
The castle of Guines won.  found as well the watch as others fast as●●●pe, whereupon he passed a water that adjoined to the castle, wading up to the girdle, and so came to the wall, where he & his company rearing up ladders, mounted by the same so secretly, that slaying the watch, being not past three or line 60 four persons that were on the walls, they entered the castle, and finding the Frenchmen asleep, slew those that upon their wakening made any defence, and took the residue, whom they suffered to departed: and by this means they won the castle, finding great store of victuals within, and so as they found it, they kept it to the king of England's use. The French histories declare, that one Guilliam de Beauconroy that was captain of this castle, betrayed the place to the Englishmen, for a sum of money, and when the French king required restitution because the truce was not yet expired, 
Polydor.  he was shifted off with this forged answer, that nothing was excepted by the assurance of the truce, concerning things that should be bought and sold. The Frenchman that betrayed it, was shortly after put to execution at Amiens.  
In this year were the first pieces of silver called groats and half groats of four penc● & two pence the piece stamped, by the king's appointment, 
Groats 〈◊〉 hal●e 〈◊〉 fi●st 〈◊〉.  through the counsel of William de Edington bishop of Winchester lord treasurer. Before that time, there were no other coins, but the noble▪ half noble, and quarter noble, with the pieces of silver called starlings. Because these new pieces wanted of the weight of the old sterling coin, the prices as well of victuals as of other wares, did daily rise▪ and servants and workmen waxing more crafty than before time they had been, demanded great wages, ¶ This year, upon the even of the Assumption of our lodie, sir john Bentlie knight, 
1●5● Anno. Reg▪  as then lord warden of Britain, fought with the lord Guy de Neel, marshal of France (lately ransomed out of captivity) in the parts of Britain, near to a place called Mouron, betwixt Rennes and Pluremell, where the said marshal was slain, 
Mouron.  together with the lord of Briquebeke the Chateline of Beawais, and diverse other both Britain's and Frenchmen.  
In the seven and twentieth year of his reign, K. Edward held a parliament at Westminster, 
135● Anno. Reg. ●●  after the feast of Easter, in which an ordinance was devised, 
Tho. Walsi▪ In the printed books of statutes 〈◊〉 should appear, that this parliament was rather h●lden in the ●● year of the king's reig●●.  what wages servants and labourers should be allowed, prohibiting them to receive above the rate which they were accustomed to take before the year of the great mortality. Servants and labourers were in deed grown to be more subtle than before time they had been; but by reason of the prices of things were enhanced, it is like they demanded greater wages than they had done before time: and one cause of the dearth was imputed to the new coin of money, being of less weight in the value thereof, than before it had been, so that ●he bishop of Winchester being lord treasurer, who had counseled the king to ordain those groats and half groats, was evil spoken of amongst the people. 
Statutes 〈◊〉 making of clothes.  In this parliament there were statutes also made, that clothes should in length and in breadth through the realm, bear the same assize, as was ordained in the parliament holden at Northampton. Also, that all wears, mills, and other lets, 
Wears and mills.  should be removed forth of rivers, that might be any hindrance of ships, boats, or lighters to pass up and down the same. But these good ordinances took little or none effect, by reason of bribes that walked abroad, and friendship of lords and great men, that sought rather their own commodity, than the commonwealths.  
Shortly after the feast of Pentecost, 
Creation's 〈◊〉 noble men.  the earl of Derbie and Lancaster was made duke of Lancaster, and Ralph lord Stafford was created earl of Stafford. Whereas there had been a treaty betwixt the lords of Britain, and the king of England, not only for the deliverance of the lord Charles de Blois, 
The lord Charles 〈◊〉 Blois.  but also for the matching of his eldest son in marriage with one of king Edward's daughters, and so to enjoy the dukedom in peace: this matter was so far forwards, that in the year last passed, the said lord Charles, leaving two of his sons and a daughter in pledge for the payment of forty thousand floreus, agreed upon for his ransom; he was permitted to return into Britain to provide that money: and withal, to procure a dispensation, that his eldest son might marry with one of K. Edward's daughters, notwithstanding that otherwise they were within the degrees of consanguinity, prohibiting them to marry. Hereupon this year about Michaelmas, he returned into England with the same dispensation: but because about the same time the Britain's had taken by stealth an Island with a castle therein, that the Englishmen had kept, & put all those which they ●ound therein, to the sword, the said lord Charles, otherwise duke of Britain, lost the king's favour, so that he would hear no more of any such alliance, by way of marriage, as had been communed of before: by reason whereof the British lords, that were in great number come over with the lord Charles de Blois, were constrained to return home, without achieving any part of their purpose, leaving the said lord Charles and his children behind them still here in England.  
On the fourth day of September, the duke of line 10 Brunswike and the duke of Lancaster should have fought a combat in Paris, 
Debate betwixt the dukes of Brunswike & Lancaster.  about words the duke of Lancaster should speak, in derogation of the duke of Brunswikes honour, for the which the said duke had appealed him in the court of France: but when they were ready to have tried it, and were on horseback with their spears in hand within the lists, at point to have run together, the French king caused them to stay, and taking on him the matter, made them line 20 friends, and agreed them. This year the king by advise of his council removed the mart or staple of wools from the towns in Flanders, 
Auesburie. Tho. Walsi. affirmeth that this removing of the staple of wols was the 28 year of K. Edward's reign.  and caused the same to be kept at Westminster, Chichester, Lincoln, Bristol, Canturburie and Hull. This was done in despite of the Flemings, because they held not the covenants and agréements which they had made with the king, in the life time of jaques Arteveld, by whose provision the said mart or staple had been kept in sundry towns in Flanders, to their line 30 great advantage and commodity. 
Fabian.   
Sir Walter Bentlie, upon his coming over forth of Britain, 
Sir Walter Bentl●e committed to the tower.  where he had been the king's lieutenant, was committed to the tower, where he remained prisoner for the space of twelve months, because he refused to deliver up the castles within his government, unto sir john Auenell knight, being appointed to receive the same, to the use of the lord Charles de Blois, at the same time when the treaty of agreement was in hand, betwixt the king, and the line 40 said lord Charles. But after, when it was perceived what damage might have ensued by delivery of those castles, sir Walter was set at liberty upon sureties yet they were bound for his forth coming, and that he should not departed the realm: at length, he was received again into the king's favour. In the summer of this seven and twentieth year, 
A great drought.  was so great a drought, that from the latter end of March, fell little rain, till the latter end of julie, by reason whereof, many inconveniences ensued: and one thing is line 50 specially to be noted, that corn the year following waxed scant, 
A dearth.  and the price began this year to be greatly enhanced. Also beeves and muttons waxed dear for the want of grass, and this chanced both in England and France, so that this was called the dear summer. The lord William duke of Baviere or Bavarie, and earl of Zealand, brought many ships into London, fraught with rye, for relief of the people, 
Caxton. Corn brought out of Zealand.  who otherwise had, through their present p●●ching penury, if not utterly perished, yet pitifully line 60 pined. 
1354 Anno Reg. 28.   
In the eight and twentieth year of king Edward's reign, 
Thom. Wals. Auesburie.  upon a treaty that was holden by commissioners, appointed by the two kings of England and France, after Easter, they were in manner fully agreed upon a peace, so that nothing wanted, but putting unto their seals. In the articles whereof it was contained, that the king of England should enjoy all the lands of his duchy of Aquitaine, without holding the same of any by homage, or resort, and in consideration thereof he should resign all his claim to the crown of France. 
A truce betwixt England and France.  Hereupon were ambassadors sent from either king, unto the pope, and a truce taken, to endure till the feast of saint john Baptist in the year next following. 
Ambassadors to the pope.  Ambassadors for the king of England were these: Henry duke of Lancaster, john earl of Arundel, the bishops of Norwich and London, and the lord Guy de Brian. For the French king, the archbishop of Roven lord chancellor of France, the duke of Bourbon, and others: but when the matter came to be heard before the pope about Christmas, all went to smoke that had been talked of: for the Frenchmen denied that the articles were drawn according to the meaning of their commissioners, and the pope also winked at the matter, so that the English ambassadors (when they saw that nothing would be concluded) returned home all of them) the bishop of Norwich excepted who departed this life there) and so their journey came to none effect.  
This year, the tenth of February, 
1355 Anno Reg. 29.  there rose a sore debate betwixt the scholars and townsmen of Oxenford. 
Debate betwixt the scholars & townsmen of Oxenford.  The occasion rose by reason of the falling out of a scholar with one that sold wine: for the scholar perceiving himself evil used, powered the wine on the drawers head, knocking the pot about his pate, so as the blood ran down by his ears. Hereupon began a sore fray betwixt the scholars and townsmen, which continued for the most part of two days together. There were twenty townsmen slain, beside those that were hurt: but at length, there came a great number of countrymen forth of the villages next adjoining, to aid the townsmen, entering the town with a black banner, and so fiercely assailed the scholars, that they were constrained to flee to their houses and hostels, but their enemies pursuing them, broke up their doors, entered their chambers, slew diverse of them, and threw them into privies, tore their books, and bare away their goods. The scholars héerewith took such displeasure, that they departed the University: those of Merton college, and other the like colleges only excepted.  
The bishop of Lincoln inhibited priests to celebrate divine service in presence of any lay man within that town of Oxenford; and the king sending his justices thither, to take knowledge of this disorderly riot, there were diverse, both of the townsmen and scholars indicted, and certain of the burgesses committed to ward. ¶ This year, the first sunday in Lent, the king held a royal jousts at Woodstoke, for joy of the queen's purifying, after the birth of her sixth son, the lord Thomas, whom the bishop of Durham (named Thomas) held at the fontstone: he was borne the seventh of januarie last passed. In the parliament holden at Westminster this year after Easter, 
Thom. Wals. Auesburie. The quarrel appeased betwixt the scholars and townesme no● Oxenford.  the king took upon him to make an end of the quarrel betwixt the scholars and townsmen of Oxenford, and saving to every man his right, pardoned the scholars of all transgressions: and this he signified into every shire, by writs directed to the sheriffs, they to proclaim the same for more notice of the thing. And so in the summer following, the University began again to flourish, students resorting thither from each side, and falling afresh to their academical exercises, which they needed not to have discontinued, if either party, I mean the townsmen or scholars, would have tolerated and borne one with another, and not so rashly have undertaken the revenge of one another's wrath and injury; but, Oderunt pacem stulti & certamina quaerunt.  
In this parliament, the process of the judgement had and made against Roger Mortimer, late earl of March, was revoked, annihilated, and made void, so that the lord Roger Mortimer was restored to the title and possessions of the earldom of March, as cousin and heir to his grandfather the said earl of March. Moreover, to this parliament came the bishop of Carpentras, and the abbot of Clugnie, being sent from pope Innocent the sixth, to make suit to have the truce prorogued betwixt the two kings, of England and France, to whom the king himself in person, made this resolute answer, that he would not agree to any longer truce; for that, when diverse times, at the Frenchmens suit, he had consented to have truce by mediation of two cardinals, sent to him about the same matter, his adversaries in the mean time, whilst such truces endured, had done much harm and damage by subtle practices to persons line 10 and places beyond the sea, that were under his rule and government, yet he said he would deliberate hereof with his council, and after intimate his pleasure to the pope, and to them of France by messengers which he would send over for that purpose: and so these ambassadors within four days after their coming, were thus dispatched with answer. Herewith in this parliament it was ordained, that the prince of Wales, being as then about four and twenty years of age, should pass over into line 20 Gascoigne, and have with him a thousand men of arms, and two thousand archers, with a great number of Welshmen.  

Auesburie. A navy prepared.  About the same time the king caused forty ships to be provided, rigged, and made ready at Rutherhive, furnished with victuals for one quarter of a year, and every of the said ships had principal streamers of the duke of Lancaster's arms, who was appointed with a great power of chosen men of arms and archers to pass to the sea with the same ships, but few line 30 or none of his company knew whither; horses they had none. He had with him two of the king's sons, Lionel of Antwerp, 
The duke of Lancaster.  and john of Gant, the elder of them being about sixteen years of age. Also, there went with him the earls of Northampton, March, and Stafford, beside many lords, barons, & knights. On the tenth of julie, he made sail to Greenwich, and there and at Sandwich he stayed, till the Assumption of our lady, the wind for the most part continuing all that while at west and south, contrary to his line 40 journey, as it might appear. At length with much difficulty he came to Winchel●ie, & after to the Wight. It was thought, that the duke's purpose was to pass into Normandy, to join with the king of Navarre, who was at variance with the French king. But after it was known by espials that they were made friends, the duke of Lancaster doubting crooked measures, and having with him no horsemen, returned home without further attempt.  

Record. Tur.  On saint Kenelmes day being friday, and the line 50 17 of julie, master Humphrey Carleton professor of divinity, and john Carleton the younger, doctor of the laws, on the behalf of the University of Oxford, and john saint Frideswide mayor, john Bereford, and john Norton, burgesses of the said town of Oxford, on the behalf of the commonalty of the same town, came before the king's council at Westminster in the council chamber there, near to the excheker, where the allegations on both parties being heard, and upon request made, that it might line 60 please his majesties council, according to the submissions by both parties made unto the king and to his council, to take order in the matter in controversy betwixt them, concerning the late tumult and business which had chanced in the said town, by the disorder of the commonalty of the same, in breaking down, and burning up of houses, in taking away the books and other goods of the said masters and scholars, & in committing other transgressions. The council having consideration thereof, to avoid the decay that might have ensued to the said town, made this end betwixt them, that the said town (john Bereford, 
The end and award made of the quarrel betwixt the University and townsmen of Oxford.  being in the king's prison, and Robert Lardiner only excepted) should be bound to pay unto the said masters and scholars, damnified in the said tumult and business, for amends, and reformation of injuries and losses sustained (death and maim excepted) two hundred and fifty pounds, beside the goods taken and borne away, to be restored again, and this money to be paid to the said chancellor, masters and scholars, on that side the monday next before the feast of saint james, or else sufficient sureties put in for the payment thereof, at certain terms, as the parties should agree upon: and in respect thereof, the said john Bereford, and john Norton, shall be released out of prison of the Marshalsea, at the bail of the said mayor, and of Robert de Menkes, and john Dimmoks, till the next sessions of jail delivery, with condition, that the said sums of money be paid, or sureties put in for the payment thereof, as before is said, or else the bodies of the said john Bereford, & john de Norton, shall be returned to the said prison, within three days after the feast of Peter ad Vincula, there to remain in manner as before they did.  
It was also ordained by the council, with the assent of the said Humphrey and john Carleton, that all and every manner of persons of the said town of Oxford, and the suburbs of the same, indicted and arraigned of the felonies and transgressions before mentioned, that should yield themselves to the king's prison to be tried by law, and also all other that were at that present in prison, which the said Humphrey and john de Carleton should name (john de Bereford and Robert Lardiner excepted) might be let to bail, upon sufficient sureties, that should undertake for them, bodies for bodies, to appear at the next sessions of jail delivery, there to be tried, according to the order of law. And further it was ordered, that all such goods and cattles as were taken and carried away from the said masters and scholars in the said tumult and business, by the men of the said town and suburbs, in whose hands, and in what places soever within the said town and suburbs, by inquisitions, informations, or other means, they should or might be found, should be delivered to the said chancellor, and procurators of the said University, to be by them restore● unto those persons, to whom they belonged▪ This was the effect of the order taken at that day and place, before the ●eu●r●nd fathers, john archbishop of York primate and chancellor of England, William bishop of Winchester lord treasurer, Thomas de Br●mbre lord keeper of the privy seal, and David de Wollore master of the rolls, Henry de Ingelbie clerk, and other of the king's council then and there present.  
The prince of Wales (as ye have heard) being appointed to pass over into Gascoigne, 
Tho. Wals●. The prince 〈◊〉 Wales goeth over into Gasco●gne.  set forward from London the last day of june, and coming to Plymouth, where his navy was appointed to be made ready, he stayed there, for want of convenient wind and weather a long time after. Finally, having with him the earls of Warwick, Suffolk, Salisbury & Oxford, also the lord john Chan●●ls, sir Robert Knols, sir Frank de Hall, the lord james audley, with diverse other of the nobility, and of men of arms and archers ● great number▪ then in parliament to him assigned, ●e ●●●st set from Plymouth on the day of the Nativity of one lady. They were in all three hundred sail, and finding the wind prosperous, they passed over into Gascoigne, where of th● Gascoignes they were joyfully received. In August, the Englishmen that were in Britain, warring against the Frenchmen, that took part with the lord Charl●s de Blois, slew many of them, & took the lord of Beaumanor, the viscount of Rouen, and diverse other. ¶ This year also, about Michaelmas, the king having 〈◊〉 an army to be ready at Sandwich, passed over to Calis with the same. There went over with him his two sons, Lionel of Antwerp earl of Ulster, and john of Gant earl of Richmond. He found at Calis a thousand men of arms that came to serve him for wages, forth of Flanders, Brabant, and Almaigne, so that he had about three thousand men of arms, and two thousand archers on horseback, beside archers on foot a great number. The city of London had sent to him five hundred men of arms, 
The city of London.  and five hundred archers line 10 all in one suit or livery, at their own costs and charges. On the second of November, he set from Calis, marching forth towards saint Omers, wasting the country by the way as he passed.  

The king engageth France. The lord Bousicant.  The French king being at the same time within the town of saint Omers, sent the lord Bousicant unto the king of England, that under colour of communication, he might view the king's power, who made such report thereof, upon his return back to the French king, that he determined not to fight line 20 with the king of England, but rather to pass before him, and so to destroy victuals, that for want thereof, the king of England should be constrained to return. And as he determined, so it came to pass, for the victuals were so cut off, that the Englishmen for three full days together, drank nothing but water. When therefore king Edward had followed his enemies so far as Heiden, 
Froissard. The king for want of victuals returneth  where he broke the park, and burned the houses within and about the park, although he entered not into the town nor castle, at line 30 length, for default of victuals, he returned back, and came again to Calis on saint Martin's day, being the tenth after his setting forth from thence. 
Auesburie.   

The constable of France demandeth battle.  The morrow after being thursday, and the twelve of November, the constable of France, and other Frenchmen, came to the end of the causey of Calis, with letters of credence, offering battle on tuesday next following unto the king of England, in presence of the duke of Lancaster, the earls of Northampton, and the lord Walter de Mannie, who in the line 40 kings behalf declared to the constable, that the king of England, 
The answer made to him.  to eschew shedding of blood, would fight with the French king body to body, so to try their right: and if he liked not of that match, then if he would choose three or four knights to him that were nearest to him in blood, he should choose the like number. But when this offer would not be accepted, the English lords offered battle the next day, being friday, or else on saturday following, at the Frenchmens choice: but the constable of France and his company, continuing in their first offer, refused both line 50 those days. Then the English lords accepted the day by them assigned, with condition, that if they brought not king Edward to give battle that day, they would yield themselves prisoners, so that the Frenchmen would likewise undertake for their king. The constable having no answer ready, stayed a while, and after flatly refused to make any such covenant. Finally, when the English lords perceived their adversaries, not to mean battle, as their words at the first pretended, line 60 they broke off, and both parties returned home. The king of England stayed till the tuesday, and paid the strangers their wages, and so came back into England. 
Berwick taken by Scots  On the sixth of November, whilst the king was thus abroad in Picardy, the Scots very early in the morning of that day, came privily to Berwick, entered by stealth into the town, and sleeping three or four Englishmen, took it, with all the goods and persons within it, those excepted, which got to the castle.  
In a parliament summoned this year, the monday after the feast of saint Edmund the king, 
A parliament.  the lords and commons granted to king Edward fifty shillings of every sack of wool, that should be carried over the sea, for the space of six years next ensuing. By this grant it was thought, that the king might dispend a thousand marks sterling a day, such vent of wools had the English merchants in that season. ¶ The parliament being ended the king about S. Andrews tide set forward towards Scotland, and held his Christmas at Newcastle. About which time by letters sent from the prince, the king was advertised of his proceed after his arrival▪ in Gascoigne, where being joyfully received of the nobles, and other the people of that country (as before ye have heard) he declared to them the cause of his thither coming, and took advise with them how to proceed in his business; and so about the tenth of October, he set forward to pass against his enemies, first entering into a country called juliake, which together with the fortresses yielded to him, without any great resistance. 
The proceedings of the prince of Wales in Aquitaine.  Then he road through the county Armignac, wasting and spoiling the country, and so passed through the lands of the viscounts de lafoy Riviere, and after entered into the county de l'Estrac, and passing through the same, came to the county of Commiges, finding the town of S. Matain void, being a good town & one of the best in that country.  
After this, he passed by the land of the earl of Lisle, till he came within a league of Tholouse, where the earl of Armignac, being the French kings lieutenant in those parts, and other great lords and nobles were assembled. The prince with his army tarried there two days, and after passed over the river of Garonne, and after over an other river the reabouts, a league above Tholouse, lodging that night a league on the other side of Tholouse▪ and so they passed through Tholouse, daily taking towns & castles, wherein they found great riches, for the country was very plentiful. Upon All-hallows éeuen, they came to castle Naudarie, and from thence they took the way to Carcasson, 
Carcasson.  into the which a great number of men of arms and commons were withdrawn. But upon the approach of the Englishmen, they slipped away, and got them to a strong castle that stood near at hand. The third day after, the Englishmen burned the town, and passing forth, traversed all the country of Carcassono●s, till they came to the town of Narbonne. 
Narbonne.  The people there were fled into the castle, in which the viscount of Narbonne was enclosed, with five hundred men of arms. 
Two bishops sent from the pope to the prince of Wales.  The prince stayed there two days. The pope sent two bishops towards the prince, to treat with him of peace, but because the prince would not hearken to any treaty without commission from his father, they could not get any safe conduct to approach nearer.  
The prince having advertisements here, that his enemies were assembled, and followed him, he turned back to meet them, but they had no will to abide him: for although the earl of Armignac, the constable of France, the marshal Clerimont, and the prince of Orange, with diverse other near to Tholouse, made some show to impeach the prince his passage, yet in the end they withdrew, not without some loss, for the lord Bartholomew de Burwasch alias Burghersch, sir john Chandois, the lord james Audeley, and sir Thomas Felton, being sent forth to view them, skirmished with two hundred of their men of arms, and took of them five and thirty. After this, they had no mind to abide the English power, but still shrank away, as the prince was ready to follow them, and so he perceiving that the Frenchmen would not give him battle, he withdrew towards Bordeaux, after he had spent eight weeks in that his journey, and so coming thither, he wintetered there, whilst his captains in the mean time took diverse towns and castles abroad in the country. ¶ And now to the end ye may have more plain information of the princes doings in those parties, I have thought good to make you partakers of a letter or two, written by sir john Winkefield knight, attendant on the prince there in Gascoigne.  
The copy of sir john Winkefields letters.  
MY lord, as touching the news in these parts, may it please you to line 10 understand, that all the earls, barons, baronet's, knights, and esquires, were in health at the making hereof, and my lord hath not lost either knight or esquire in this voyage, except the lord john Lisle, who was slain after a strange manner with a quarrel, the third day after we were entered into our enemies countries, he died the fifteenth of October. And please line 20 it you to understand, that my lord hath ridden through the country of Arminac, and hath taken many fenced towns, and burnt and destroyed them, except certain which he hath fortified. After this, he marched into the vicountie of Rovergne, where he took a good town named Pleasance, the chiefest town of that country, which he hath burnt and destroyed, with the country line 30 round about the same. This done, he went into the county d'Astrike wherein he took many towns, wasted and destroyed all the country. After this, he entered into the county of Coming, and took many towns there, which he caused to be destroyed & burnt, together with all the country abroad. He took also the town of S. Matan, which is the chiefest town of that country, being as large in compass as line 40 Norwich.  
Afterward, he entered into the county of Lisle, and took the most part of the fenced towns therein, causing diverse of them to be burnt and destroyed as he passed. And after entering into the lordship of Tholouse, we passed the river of Girond, and an other a league above Tholouse, which is very great: for our enemies had burnt all the line 50 bridges, as well on the one side of Tholouse, as the other, except the bridges with in Tholouse, for the river runneth through the town. And the constable of France, the marshal Clerimont, and the earl of Arminac, were with a great power within the town the same time. And Tholouse is a great town, strong, fair, and well walled, and there was none in our host line 60 that knew the ford there: but yet by the grace and goodness of God we found it. So then we marched through the signiory of Tholouse, & took many good towns enclosed, and burnt and destroyed them, and all the country about.  
Then we entered into the signiory of Carcason, and we took many good towns, before we came to Carcason, which town we also took, which is greater, stronger, & fairer than York. And as well this town as all other towns in the country were burnt and destroyed. And after we had passed by many journeys through the country of Carcason, we came into the signiory of Narbon, and we took many towns, and wasted them, till we came to Narbon, which town was holden against us, but it was won by force, and the said town is little less than London, and is situate upon the Greekish sea, for that the distance from the said town unto the Greekish sea is not past two leagues, 
He 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 sea.  and there is an haven and a place to arrive at, from whence the water cometh up to Narbon. And Narbon is not but eleven leagues distant from mountpelier, & eighteen from Eguemortz, & thirty from avignon. And may it please you to understand, that the holy father sent his messengers to my lord, that were not passed seven leagues from him, and they sent a sergeant at arms▪ that was sergeant at arms attendant on the door of our holy father's chamber, with their letters to my lord, praying him to have a safe conduct to come to declare to his highness their message from the holy father, which was to treat betwixt my L. and his adversaries of France: and the said sergeant was two days in the host before my lord would see him, or receive his letters. And the reason was, because he had understanding, that the power of France was come forth of Tholouse toward Carcason, so that my lord was driven to turn back towards them suddenly, and so did.  
On the third day when we should have come upon them, they had knowledge given before day, and so retiring, got them to the mounteins, hasting fast toward Tholouse; and the country people that were their guides to lead them that way, were taken as they should have passed the water. And because the pope's sergeant at arms was in my keeping, I caused him to examine the guides that were so taken; and for that the guide which was thus examined, was the constables guide, and his countryman▪ he might well see and know the countenance of the Frenchmen upon this examining him. And I said to the same sergeant, that he might well declare to the pope, and to all them of avignon, that which he had heard or seen. And as touching the answer which my lord made to them that were sent to treat with him, you would be well paid if you understood all the manner; for he would not suffer in any wise that they should come nearer unto him. But if they came to treat of any matter, he would that they should send to the king his father: for my lord himself would not do any thing therein, except by commandment from my lord his father.  
And of my lords turning back to follow after his enemies, and of the passage of the river of Garonne, and of the taking of castles and towns in this journey, and of other things which he hath done against his enemies in pursuit of them in this journey, being things right worthy and honourable, as many know very well, in like manner as sir Richard Stafford, & sir William Burton can more plainly declare, than I to you can write, for it were too much to put in writing. And my lord road thus abroad in the country of his enemies eight whole weeks, and rested not passed eleven days in all those places where he came. And know it for certain, that since this war began against the French king he had never such loss or destruction as he line 10 hath had in this journey: for the countries and good towns which were wasted at this journey, found to the king of France every year more to the maintenance of his war than half his realm hath done beside, except the exchange of his money which he maketh every year, and the advantage and custom which he taketh of them of Poictou, as I can show you by line 20 good remembrances, which were found in diverse towns in the receivers houses: for Carcason and le Moignes, which is as great as Carcason, and two other towns in the coasts of Carcason, found to the king of France yearly wages for a thousand men of arms: and beside that 100000 old crowns to maintain the war.  
And know you, that by the remembrances line 30 which we found, that the towns in Tholouse which are destroyed, and the towns in the country of Carcason, and the town of Narbonne and Narbonnois did find every year with the sums aforesaid, in aid of his war, four hundred thousand old crowns, as the burgesses of the great towns & other people of the country which ought to know it, have told us. And so by God's assistance if my lord had line 40 wherewith to maintain this war, and to make the king's profit and his own honour, he should well enlarge the English marches, and gain many fair places: for our enemies are greatly astonished. And at the making hereof, my lord hath appointed to send all the earls and baronet's to abide in certain places on the marches, to make roads, and to annoy his enemies. line 50 Now my lord, at this present I know none other news to send, but you may by your letters command me as yours to my power. My right honourable lord, God grant you good life, joy, and health, long to continue. Written at Bordeaux, the tuesday next before Christmas.  
The tenor of an other letter written by sir john Wingfield, directed to sir Richard Stafford line 60 knight, who had been in Gascoigne, and there leaving his family, was now returned into England.  
RIght dear sir, and right loving friend, touching news after your departure, you may understand, year 1356 that there be taken and yielded five towns enclosed, to wit, port saint Marie, Cleirac, Toning, Burgh, saint Pierre, Chastiell sacred or Satrat and Brassake. Also seventeen castles, to wit, Coiller, Buset, Lemnake, two castles called Boloines, which join the one near so the other, Mounjoy, U●resch, Frechenet, Mountender, Pudeschales, Mounpoun, Montanac, Ualeclare, Cenamont, Leistrake, Plassac, Cont Destablison, and Mounrivell. And will it please you to know that my lord john Chandois, my lord james Audeley, and your men that are with them, and the other Gascoignes that are in their company, & my lord Baldwine Butetort, & that company, & my lord Reignald Cobham▪ took the said town, which is called Chastiell sacred or Satrat, by assault: and the bastard of Lisle which was captain of the said town was also slain there, as they assaulted it, being stricken with an arrow through the head: and my lord Reignold is returned back toward Languedocke: and my lord Baldwin towards Brassacke, with their companies: and the lords john & james, and those of their company remain in Chastiell Satrat, and have victuals plenty of all sorts to serve them between this and Midsummer, except fresh fish and cabbages as they have certified us by letters, wherefore ye need not take care for your men.  
And there be in that town more than three hundred glaives, and three hundred yeomen, and a hundred and fifty archers. And they have rid before Again, and burnt and destroyed all their mills, and have burnt and broken down all their bridges that lie over Garon, and have taken a castle without the same town, and have fortified it. And monsieur john Darminake, and the seneschal of Agenois, which were in the town of Again, would not once put forth their head, nor any of their people, and yet have they been twice before that town. And monsieur Busgaud was come, and monsieur Ernald de Spain, 
Buscicau●●●  and Grimoton de Chambule, with three hundred glaives, and three sergeants Lombard's, and they are in the town of Muschacke, which is in Cressie, and it is but a mile from Chastiell Satrat or sacred, and a league from Bressake, and ye may well think that there will be good company one with another.  
And further may it please ye to know, that monsieur Bartholomew is at Coniake with six score men of arms of my lords house, & six score archers, & the capital de Buche or Beuf, the L. Monferrant, 
The capital de Beuf.  & the L. of Crotonie, which have with them 300 glaives, & six score archers, and two hundred sergeants, beside them which are in Tailbourgh, Tanney, and Rochfort, so that when they are together, they may be well six hundred glaives, and at the making hereof, they were upon a journey towards Anjou and Poictou, and the earls of Suffolk, Oxford, and Salisbury, the lord of Museden, monsieur Ellis de Pomiers, and other Gascoignes, with the which are well more than five hundred glaives, and two hundred sergeants, and three hundred archers, and they were at the making hereof toward the parties of Notre dame de Rochemade, and have been forth above twelve days, and were not returned at the sending of these presents. My lord john Chandois, my lord james, and my lord Baldwin, and those which be in their company are also forth upon a journey toward their parties; my lord Reinold and those of the household, with the Gascoigns which be in their company, are also forth line 10 upon a journey towards their parties.  
The earl of Warwick hath been at Toning & Clerake, to take those towns, and at the making hereof was gone towards Mermande to destroy their vines, and all other things which he can destroy of theirs. My lord is at Leiborne, and the lord of Pomiers at Fronsak, which is but a quarter of a league from Leiborne: and my line 20 lords people lie as well at saint Million, as at Leiborne, and monsieur Berard de Bret is there with him, and my lord looketh for news which he should have, and according to the news that he shall have, he will behave himself: for as it seemeth, he standeth much on his honour. At the making hereof, the earl of Arminac was at avignon, and the king of Arragon is there also: & of all other parleys which have been line 30 in diverse places (whereof you know) I can not certify you at the making hereof. Right dear sir, other thing I can not send unto you, but that you remember yourself to send news to my lord prince as soon as in any wise you may, and so the Lord grant you good life and long. Written at Leiborne the 21 of januarie.  
¶ These letters have I thought good to make the reader partaker of, as I find them in the chronicle of Robert Auesburie, to the end ye may perceive how other writers agree therewith, sith the same letters may serve as a touchstone to try the truth of the matter. And so now I will return to speak of the kings doings in the north part where we left him. On the fourteenth of januarie K. Edward having his army lodged near the town of Berwick, and his navy ready in the haven to assail the Scots line 50 that were within the town, he entered the castle which the Englishmen had in their hands, the lord Walter de Mannie being their captain, who had gotten certain miners thither from the forest of Deane, and other parts of the realm, which were busy to make passage under the ground by a mine, through which the Englishmen might enter into the town. Hereupon, when the Scots perceived in what danger they stood, and knew that they could not long defend the town against him, they surrendered it into line 60 his hands without further resistance.  
In the Scotish histories it is recorded, that when those which were within the town of Berwick, 
Hector Boe●.  heard how that an army of Englishmen came to the succours of the castle, they razed the walls and burnt the houses of the town, and so departed with all the spoil which they had gotten there. But how soever it was, king Edward being again possessed of the town, 
Anno Reg. 30.  he set men awork to repair it, and passing forth to Roxburge, 
The resignation of the realm of Scotland made by the Balioll.  there met with him the rightful king of Scots Edward Balliol, who transferred & resigned all the right, title and interest, which he had or might have to the crown and realm of Scotland into king Edward's hands: which resignatian he confirmed by his letters patents thereof made and given under his hand and seal, dated the 25 of januarie 1356, requiring king Edward to persevere in pursuit of his title to the uttermost.  
King Edward having thus received the resignation and release of the crown of Scotland, marched forth with his army, till he came to Hadington, burning and destroying the country on each side round about him, as he passed. And whilst he lay there, abiding for his ships, his men of war were not idle, but ranged abroad in the country, and did all the damage to their enemies that they could de●ise. At length his army which he had at the same time on the sea, arrived on that coast, and landing, spoilt a church of our lady, called the White kirk: but being returned to their ships, there arose such a tempest and vehement north wind, that many of their vessels rushing and beating against the banks and sands, were drowned together with the men that were within them, for displeasure whereof king Edward fell to the spoil of the country again, 
K. Edward sore afflicted the Scots.  not sparing one place more than another: by reason whereof, as well abbeys as all other churches and religious houses both in Hadington, in Edinburgh, and through all other the parts of Lothian, wheresoever he came, were defaced and put to sack. At length when he had accomplished his will, and so set things in order, he returned back into England with the foresaid Edward Balliol in his company, whom he kept with him, for doubt lest he should revolt, and procure some new trouble. In the month of julie the duke of Lancaster being sent to the aid of the K. of Navarre, came into Constantine, 
The duke of Lancaster sent to aid the king of Navarre.  which is a portion of Normandy, & there joined with the lord Philip of Navarre, brother to the king of Navarre, and with the lord Godfrey de Harecourt, 
Paulus A●milius.  the which being returned into France, and restored to the French kings favour, was lately again revolted, upon displeasure taken for the death of his nephew the lord john de Harecourt, as in the French histories ye may read more at large. 
Froissard.  They were in all about the number of four thousand fight men, and being assembled together, they went to Liseux, to Orbec, 
The castle of Orbec rescued.  to Ponteau, & rescued the castle there, which had been besieged by the lord Robert de Hotetot master of the crossbows in France, more than two months: but now hearing that the Englishmen and Navarrois approached, he departed from thence, leaving behind him for hast his engines and artillery.  
The duke of Lancaster passed forward unto Bretueill, which he caused to be relieved and furnished with necessary things as was convenient. And then leaving the city of Eureux, 
The city of Eureux yielded to the Frenchmen.  which was as then in the Frenchmens hands, lately yielded to them after a long siege, he went forward with the lord Philip de Navarre in company till they came to Uernueill in Perch, and there took both the town and castle, 
Uernueil.  and rob the town and burnt a great part thereof. The French king, 
The French K. cometh to give the duke of Lancaster battle.  who had assembled a mighty army, being advertised of these matters, hasted forward towards the duke of Lancaster, fully purposing to give him battle. The duke and the lord Philip de Navarre, having knowledge that the French king followed them, withdrew towards the town of the Eagle, and the king still went after them, till he came to Tuebeuf two leagues from the town of the Eagle, and there it was showed to him that he could not follow his enemies any further, by reason of the thick forests, which he could not pass without great danger of his person and loss of his people. Then returned he with all his host, and took from the Navarrois the castle of Thilliers, and also the castle of Bretueill, which was yielded to him after two months siege.  
About the same time, that is to say, in julie, the prince of Wales, 
Froissard. The prince of Wales invadeth the French dominions.  having assembled an army of men of war, to the number of eight thousand, entered into the French dominions, and first passing through Awergne, at length he came into the country of Berrie, wasting and burning the towns and villages as he went, taking easy journeys for the better relief of his people, and destruction of his enemies: for when he was entered into any town that was sufficiently stored of things necessary, he would tarry there two or three days to refresh his soldiers line 10 and men of war, and when they dislodged, they would strike out the heads of the wine vessels, and burn the wheat, oats and barley, and all other things which they could not take with them, to the intent their enemies should not therewith be sustained and nourished.  

The city of Burges.  After this, they came before the city of Burges, and there made a great skirmish at one of the ga●es, and there were many feats of arms done. The host departed from thence, without doing any more, and line 20 coming to a strong castle called Issoldune, 
Issoldune assaulted.  they fiercely assailed it, but could not win it: the gentlemen within defended the walls and gates so manfully. Then passed they forward, and came to Uierzon, 
Uierzon won.  a great town and a good castle, but it was nothing strongly fortified; and therefore was it won perforce, the people within it being not sufficient to resist the valiant puissance of the Englishmen. Here they found wine and other victuals in great plenty, line 30 and hereupon they tarried there three days to refresh themselves at ease. But before they departed, the prince had advertisement given him that the French king was come to Chartres, with an huge assembly of men of war, and that all the towns and passages above the river of Loire were closed and kept. Then was the prince counseled to return and pass by Touraine and Poictow, 
The passages stopped.  and so that way to Bordeaux.  

The prince returneth.  The prince following their advise that thus counseled line 40 him, set forward toward Remorentine. The French king had sent into that country to keep the frontiers there, the lord of Craon, the lord Bouciqualt, and the heremit of Chaumount, the which with three hundred men of arms had followed the Englishmen six days together, and could never find any convenient occasion to set upon them: for the Englishmen governed themselves so sagely, that their enemies could not lightly assail them, but to their own disadvantage. One day the Frenchmen laid line 50 themselves closely in an ambush near to the town of Remorentine, at a marvelous streict passage, by which the Englishmen must needs pass.  
On the same day there were departed from the prince's battle, by licence of the marshals, certain captains, Englishmen and Gascoignes, as the lord Bartholomew de Burghers●e or Burwasche (as some writ him) the lord of Mucident Gascongne, monsieur Petiton de Courton, the lord de la Ware; the lord Basset, sir Daniel Passelew, sir Richard line 60 Ponchardon, sir noel Loring, the young lord Spenser, and two of the Danbreticourts, sir Edward, and an other, who having with them two hundred men of arms, went forth to run before Remorentine, that they might view the place. 
Remorentine.  They passed forth alongst by the Frenchmen which lay in ambush, as ye have heard, and they were not advised of them, and they were no sooner passed, but that the Frenchmen broke out, and galloped after the Englishmen with great random, having their spears in their rests.  
The Englishmen and the Gascoignes hearing horses to come galloping after them, turned, and perceiving them to be their enemies, stood still to abide them. 
A skirmish.  The Frenchmen courageously gave the charge, and the Englishmen as valiantly defended them, so that there ensued a great skirmish, which continued a long while, so that it could not be easily judged who had the better, nor on which side the fortunate issue of the present conflict would then fall (for — mutabilis alea Martis) till that the battle of the English marshals approached, the which when the Frenchmen saw coming by a wood side, 
The Frenchmen fled.  they fled streightwaies towards Remorentine, and the Englishmen followed in chase so fast as their horses might bear them, and entered the town with the Frenchmen: but the French lords and the one half of their company got into the castle, and so saved themselves. 
The prince lodgeth in the town of Remorentine.  The prince hearing what had happened, came into the town, and there lodged that night, sending sir john Chandois to talk with the capiteines of the castle, to know if they would yield: and because they refused so to do, on the next morrow he caused his people to give an assault to the place, which continued the most part of the day, but yet missing their purpose, he commanded that they should draw to their lodgings, and rest them for that night.  
In the morning as soon as the sun was up, 
The castle of Remorentine assaulted.  the marshals caused the trumpets to sound, and those that were appointed to give the assault again, prepared themselves to it. The prince himself was present personally at this assault, so that the same was enforced to the uttermost: but when they saw that by assaults they could not win the castle, they devised engines, 
It is set on fire.  wherewith they cast wild fire into the base court, and so set it on fire, which increased in such vehement sort, that it took into the covering of a great tower, which was covered with reed: and then they within perceiving they must either yield or perish with fire, 
They with●● submitted themselves.  came down and submitted themselves to the prince, who as prisoners received them. The castle of Remorentine being thus won and defaced with fire, the prince left it void, and marched forth with his army as before, destroying the country, and approached to Anjou and Touraine. 
The French king followeth the prince of Wales.  The French king came forwards toward the prince, and at Ambois heard how the prince was in Touraine, meaning to return through Poictow. He was daily advertised of the princes doings by such as were appointed to coast him ever in his journey.  
Then came the king to Hay in Touraine, and his people were passed the river of Loire at sundry passages, 
Froissard. Seven thousand chosen men saith Tho. Walsi.  where most conveniently they might. They were in number twenty thousand men of arms; of noble men there were six and twenty, dukes and earls, beside a great number of other lords and barons: the four sons of the king were there, as the lord Charles duke of Normandy, the lord jews after duke of Anjou, the lord john after duke of Berrie, and the lord Philip which was after duke of Burgongne. The French king doubting least the prince should escape by speedy journeys out of his country, before he could come to give him battle, removed to Chauvignie; 
Chauvignie.  and there passed the river of Creusa by the bridge, supposing that the Englishmen had been before him, but they were not. Some of the Frenchmen tarried behind at Chauvignie for one night, and in the morning followed the king. They were about two hundred men of arms under the leading of the lord Craon, the lord raoul de Coucie, and the earl of joignie. They chanced to encounter with certain of the avaunt couriers of the English army, which removed that day from a little village fast by. Those Englishmen were not passed three score men of arms, but well horsed, and therefore perceiving the great number of the Frenchmen, they fled towards the prince's battle, which they knew was not far off. Capteins' of the Englishmen were two knights of Heinault, the lord Eustace Dambreticourt, and the lord john of Guistelles.  
The Frenchmen beholding them in this wise to flee, road after amain, and as they followed in chase, they came on the prince's battle before they were aware. The lord raoul of Coucie went so far forward with his banner, 
The lord raoul de Coucie taken.  that he entered under the prince's banner, and fought right valiantly, but yet he was there taken, and the earl of joignie, also the viscount of Bruce, the lord Chauvignie, and diverse other, line 10 so that the most part of those Frenchmen were either taken or slain, 
Frenchmen distressed.  and very few escaped. The prince understood by the prisoners, that the French king was so far advanced forward in pursuit of him, that he could not avoid the battle. Then he assembled his men together, and commanded them to keep order, and so road that day being saturday from morning till it was toward night, & then came within two leagues of Poitiers: and herewith sending forth certain captains, to search if they could line 20 hear where the king was, he encamped himself that night in a strong place amongst hedges, vines, and bushes. They that were sent to discover the country, road so far, that they saw where the French king with his great battle was marching, and setting upon the tail of the Frenchmen, caused all the host to stir: whereof knowledge being given to the king, the which as then was entering into Poitiers, he returned again, and made all his host to do the like, so that it was very late yer he and his people were bestowed line 30 in their lodgings that night. The English couriers returning to the prince, declared what they had seen and done. So, that night, the two armies being lodged within a small distance either of other, kept strong and sure watch about their camps.  
On the morrow after being sunday, and the eightéenth day of September, the French king caused his host to be divided into three battles or wards, and in each of them were sixteen thousand armed men, all mustered and passed for armed men. The first battle line 40 was governed by the duke of Orleans, 
The ordering of the French battle.  wherein were six and thirty banners, and twice as many pennons. The second was led by the duke of Normandy and his brethren, the lord jews & the lord john. The third the French king himself conducted. And while these battles were setting in array, the king caused the lord Eustace de Ribaumount, and two other noble men to ride on before, to see the dealing of the Englishmen, and to advise of what number they were. Those that were thus sent, road forth and beheld line 50 the order of the Englishmen at good leisure: and returning, informed the king, that as they could judge, the enemies were about two thousand men of arms, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred of others, and that they were lodged in such a strong place, and so well fenced with ditches and hedges, that it would be hard assaulting them therein.  
The cardinal of Piergort the pope's legate, as then li●ng in the city of Poitiers, 
The cardinal of Piergort.  came that morning to the king, and required him to abstain from battle, line 60 till he might understand whether the prince would condescend unto such conditions of peace as he himself should think reasonable, which if it might be brought to pass, the same should be more honourable for him, than to adventure so many noble men as were there with him at that present in hazard of battle. The king was contented that the cardinal should go to the prince, and see what he could do with him. 
The prince of Wales contented to come to a treaty.  The cardinal road to the prince, and talked with him till he was contented to come to a freatie. The cardinal returned to the French king, and required of him that a truce might be granted till the next days sunrising: which truce obtained, he spent that day in riding to and fro betwixt them.  
The prince offered to render into the king's hands all that he had won in that voyage, 
The offer 〈◊〉 the prince of Wales.  as well towns as castles, and also to release all the prisoners, which he or any of his men had taken in that journey: and further he was contented to have been sworn not to bear armour against the French king within the term of seven years next following. But the French king would not agree thereunto: 
The French kings presumptuous demand.  the uttermost that he would agree unto, was this, that the prince and an hundred of his knights should yield themselves as prisoners unto him, otherwise he would not have the matter taken up. But it was the French kings hap after (notwithstanding his haughtiness) to be taken captive, as Okland noteth, saying, 
— seruilia sub iuga missus  
Disceret ut domino regi parêre Britanno.  But the prince in no wise cold be brought to any such unreasonable conditions, and so the cardinal could not make them friends, although he traveled earnestly betwixt them all that day. When it drew towards night, he returned toward Poitiers.  
The Englishmen were not idle, 
The English men fortify their camp.  whilst the cardinal was thus in hand to bring the parties to some good agreement, but cast great ditches, and made hedges, and other fortifications about the place where their archers stood, and on the next morning, being monday, the prince and his people prepared themselves to receive battle, as they had done before, having passed the day before and that night in great defect of necessary things, for they could not stir abroad to fetch forage or other provisions without danger to be surprised of their enemies. The cardinal came again early in the morning unto the French king, and found the French army ready in order of battle by that time the sun was up, and though he eftsoons fell in hand to exhort the king to an agreement, yet it would not be. So he went to the prince, 
The cardinal traveled in vain.  and declared to him how he could do no good in the matter, and therefore he must abide the hazard of battle for aught that he could see: wherewith the prince was content, and so the cardinal returned unto Poic●iers.  
¶ Here is to be remembered, that when (as Thomas Walsingham writeth) this cardinal of Piergort was sent from the pope to travel betwixt the parties for a peace to be had, and that the pope exhorted him very earnestly to show his uttermost diligence and endeavour therein: at his setting forth to go on that message, the said cardinal (as was said) made this answer: 
Tho. Wal●. A prophesy 〈◊〉 a prelate.  Most blessed father (said he) either we will persuade them to peace and quietness, either else shall the very flintstones cry out of it. But this he spoke not of himself, as it was supposed▪ but being a prelate in that time, he prophesied what should follow; for when the English archers had bestowed all their arrows upon their enemies, they took ●p pebbles from the place where they stood, being full of those kind of stones, and approaching to their enemies, they threw the same with such violence on them, that lighting against their helmets, armour, and targets, they made a great ringing noise, so that the cardinals prophesy was fulfilled, that he would either persuade a peace, or else the stones should cry out thereof.  
The worthy prince like a courageous chiefteine, when he saw that he must needs ●ight, 
The exte●●tion of the prince.  required his people not to be abashed at the great number of their enemies, sith the victory did not consist in the multitude of men, but where God would send it: and if it fortuned that the journey might be theirs and his, they should be the most honoured people of the world: and if they should die in that righteous quarrel, he had the king his father and also his brethren, in like case as they had friends and kinsmen, that would seek their revenge. And therefore he desired them that day to show themselves like valiant men of war: and for his part he trusted in God and saint George, they should see in his person no default▪ These or the like words did this most gentle prince speak, which greatly comforted all his people.  

Noble men with the prince of Wales.  There were with him of earls, Warwick, Su●folke, Sal●sburie, Stafford; of lords, Cobhain▪ Spenser, Andeley, Berkley, Basset, Warren, de la Wa●e, Bradeston, Burwasch, Felton, Mallow, and diverse other: also sir john Chandois, by whom he line 10 was much counseled▪ sir Richard Stafford, sir Richard of Penbruche, and many other knights and valiant esquires of England. Moreover, there was of Gascoigne, 
The capital de Beuf.  the capital of Buz or Beuf, the lords of Prumes, Burguenrie, Chaumount, de Lespare, Rosen, Monferant, Landuras, the Souldich of Lestrad or Lescard, and other: and of Heinault, sir Eustace Daubreticourt, sir john de Guistelles▪ and other strangers. 
The number of the prince his army.  All the prince's company passed not the number of eight thousand men one and other, of line 20 the which (as jacobus Meire saith) three thousand were archers: though Froissard (as I have rehearsed before) reporteth the number of archers to be more, as in one place six thousand, and in an other place four thousand.  

The number of the French.  The French king having in his army three score thousand fight men, whereof there were more than three thousand knights, made so sure account of victory, as any man might of a thing not yet had, considering his great puissance, in regard to the small line 30 number of his adversaries: and therefore immediately after that the cardinal was departed, he caused his battles to march forward, and approaching to the place where the Englishmen stood ready to receive their enemies, 
The battle is begun.  caused the onset to be given. There were certain French horsemen, to the number of three hundred, with the Almains also on horseback appointed to break the array of the English archers, but the archers were so defended and compassed about with hedges and ditches, that the horsemen line 40 of the French part could not enter to do their feat, and being galled with the sharp shot of the English bows, 
The force of the English archers.  they were overthrown horse and man, so that the vaward of the Frenchmen, wherein was the duke of Athens, with the marshals of France, the lord john de Clerimont, and the lord Arnold Dandrehen or Odenhen, began to disorder within a while, by reason of the shot of the archers, together with the help of the men of arms, amongst whom in the forefront was the lord james Audeley, 
The lord james Audeley.  line 50 to perform a vow which he had made, to be one of the first setters on.  
There was the lord Arnold Dandrehen taken prisoner, and the lord john de Clerimont slain, so that the noble prowess of the said lord james Audeley, breaking through the Frenchmens battle with the slaughter of many enemies, was that day most apparent. 
Tho. Walsi. The earls of Warwick and S●ffolke.  The loyal constancy of the noble earls of Warwick and Suffolk, that fought so stoutly, so earnestly, and so fiercely, was right manifest. And line 60 the prince himself did not only fulfil the office of a noble chéefteine, but also of a right valiant and expert soldier, attempting what soever any other hardy warrior would in such cases have done. Neither was this battle quickly dispatched, nor easily brought to end; but it was fought out with such obstinate earnestness, that three times that day were the Englishmen driven to renew the fight, through the multitude of enemies that increased and came still upon them.  
Finally, the marshal's battle was quite discomfited: for the Frenchmen and Almains fell one upon an other, and could not pass forth; and those that were behind, & could not get forward, recoiled back: and while the marshal's battle being on horseback thus assailed the English army with great disadvantage▪ and was ●n the end beaten back▪ the two battles of the 〈◊〉 of Norm●ndie and Orlean●● came forward and likewise ●ss●iled th● Englishmen, but could not prevail. The archers shot so fercelie, that to conclude▪ the Frenchmen behind, understanding the discomfiture of the marshal's battle, 
The marshal's battle put to the worst  and how their fellows before could not enter upon their enemies, they opened and ran to their horses, in whom they did put more trust for their safeguard by galloping on thei● away, than in their 〈◊〉 hands, for all their late bravery and gre●t 〈◊〉▪ One thing sore discouraged the Frenchmen▪ 〈◊〉 that was this beside those Englishmen that were within the closure of their camp, there were certain men of arms on horseback, with a number of archers also on horseback, appointed to coast under the covert of a mountain, adjoining to the place, where they thought to strike into a side of the duke of Normandies' battle, 
The Frenchmen seek to save themselves by flight Polydor.  so that with the terror hereof, and with the continual shot of the English archers, the Frenchmen not knowing where to turn themselves, sought to save their lives by flight.  
The prince of Wales, perceiving how his enemies (for the more part of them) were fleeing away as men discomfited, sent out his horsemen as well on the one hand as on the other, and he himself with his whole power of footmen rushed forth, and manfully assailed the main battle of the Frenchmen, where the king himself was, 
Froissard. The valiancy of the French king.  who like a valiant prince would not flee, but fought right manfully: so that if the fourth part of his men had doo●e half their parts as he did his, the victory by likelihood had rested (as Froissard saith) on his side: but he was forsaken of his three sons, and of his brother the duke of Orleans, which fled out of the battle with clear hands. Finally, after huge slaughter made of those noblemen, and other which abode with him even to the end, he was taken, and so likewise was his youngest son Philip, 
The French king taken.  and both put in great danger to have been murdered after they were taken, by the Englishmen and Gascoignes, striving who should have the king to his prisoner, where in deed a knight of Flanders or rather Artois, borne in saint Omers, called sir Device Morbecke, took him, 
ja. Meit. Sir Device Morbecke. Froissard.  but he was straightways taken from the same sir Device by other that came in the mean season, better provided (béelike) of strength, and lead him away unresisted.  
There were slain in this battle, of noblemen, the dukes of Bourbon and Athens, 
Noblemen slain.  the marshal Clerimont, sir Geffrey Charnie that bore the chief standert of France, the bishop of Chaalons, sir Eustace de Ribaumont, with diverse other to the number of eight hundred lords, knights, 
ja. Meir.  and gentlemen of name. In all there died on the French part six thousand of one and other. 
Polydor. The chase.  The chase was continued even to the gates of Poitiers, and many slain and beaten down in the street before the gates, which the citizens had closed, for doubt lest the Englishmen should enter with them that fled thither for safeguard. There were taken beside the king and his son, the lord jaques de Bourbon earl of Ponthieu, 
Froissard. annals de France.  brother to the duke of Bourbon that was slain there, the earl of Ewe, the lord Charles his brother earl of Longuile, the archbishop of Sens, the earls of Uandosme, Salesbruch, Uentadore, tankerville, Estampes, and Dampmartine: 
Archembald Douglas tak● jacob. Meir.  also Archembald Dowglas a noble man of Scotland, son to the honourable lord William Dowglas that was killed in Spain, the marshal Dandrehen or Odenhen (as jacobus Meir saith) with others to the number of seventeen hundred earls, lords, knights, and gentlemen, 
Prisoners taken.  beside those of the meaner sort; so that the Englishmen 〈…〉  
Thus was the prince of Wales victor in that notable battle fought in the fields of 〈◊〉 and Malpertuse, two leagues from 〈◊〉, the nineteenth day of September being monday, 
The battle of Po●ctiers when it was.  in the year line 10 〈…〉 all his men together. It was almost night yet they were all returned from the chase. The prince made a great supper in his lodging that night to the French king, 
The prince suppeth the prisoners.  and to the most part of his nobles that there taken prisoners, and did all the honour that he could devise to the king. And where he perceived by line 20 his cheer and countenance, that his heart was full of pensive grief, careful thought and heaviness, he comforted him in the best manner that he might, and said to him: as followeth.  

The meek and comfortable oration of the English prince to the French king being taken prisoner.  
MOst noble king, there is no cause line 30 wherefore your grace should be pensive, though God this day did not consent to follow your will. For your noble prows and dignity royal, with the supreme type of your kingly majesty, remaineth whole and inviolate, and what soever may rightly be called yours; so that no violent force of time shall blot out or diminish the same. The almighty God hath determined that the chance of line 40 war shall rest in his disposition and will▪ as all other things. Your elders have archiued both by land & sea many noble enterprises. The whole compass of Europe, all the east parts of the world, all places and countries, both far & near, are full of monuments, witnessing the noble victories attained by the French people.  
The cause of godly living and religion, line 50 the dignity and pre-eminence of christianity hath been defended and augmented by you, against the most mighty and puissant captains of the infidels, enemies to the said christian religion. All ages shall make mention of your worthy praises, no nation there is but shall confess itself bounden at one time or other for benefits received at your hands▪ neither is there line 60 any people but such as hope to be hereafter bounden to you for relief and benefits, to proceed from you in time to come. One or two battles happily have chanced among so many triumphs otherwise than you would have wished; chance would it should be so, which may enfeeble and make weak the power of horses, armour, and weapon: your invincible courage and royal magnanimity lieth in your power to retain: neither shall this day take any thing from you or yours. And this realm of France which hath procreate and brought forth and nourished so many of my noble progenitors, shall 〈◊〉 my good meaning towards h●r, as not forgetful of mine elders, and toward your majesty (if you will vouchsafe that I should glory of that name) a most humble kinsman. There are many occasions of love and friendship betwixt you and my father, which I trust shall take place, for I know all his thoughts and inward meanings: you shall agree and come to an atonement right easily together, & I pray God he never take me for his son, except I have you in the same degree of honour, reverence, and faithful love, which I own towards him.   
The king (as reason would) acknowledged this to proceed of great courtesy showed toward him in the prince, and thanked him accordingly. 
The French king than● 〈◊〉 the prince.  And the prince performing in deed that which he spoke with word, ceased from further using of fire, or other indamaging of the French dominions, and taking his way through the countries of Poictou and Xaintonge, by easy journeys, he and his people came to Blaie, and so passed over the water to Bordeaux in good safety with all their riches and prisoners. 
The prince returneth 〈◊〉 Bordeaux. Froissard.  The prince gave to the lord james audley (who had received in the battle many sore wounds) five hundred marks of yearly revenues assigned forth of his lands in England. 
The lord ●●●delie rewarded.  The which gift the knight granted as freely as he had received it unto four of his esquires, which in the battle had been ever attendant about his person, without whose aid & valiant support, he knew well that he had been slain sundry times in the same battle by his enemies, and therefore thought it a duty of humanity and gratitude to make them amends with some temporal recompense, that had saved his life, than the which nothing is more dear, nor of greater price in the world, as the poet saith, — nihil est vita pr●tiosius ipsa.  
When the prince heard that he had so done, he marveled what his meaning was thereby, and caused him to be brought before his presence, and demanded of him wherefore he had so lightly given away that reward which he had bestowed upon him, and whether he thought that gift too mean for him or not. The lord audley so excused himself in extolling the good service done to him by his esquires, through whom he had so many times escaped the dangers of death, that the prince did not only confirm the resignation of the five hundred marks given to the esquires, but also rewarded the lord audley with six hundred marks more of like yearly revenues, in manner and form as he had received the other.  
When the news of this great victory came into England of the overthrow of the Frenchmen, and taking of the French king, ye may be sure there was great joy showed by outward tokens, 
Bonfires.  as bonfires made, feasts and banquets kept, through the whole realm. Likewise the Gascoignes and Englishmen being come to Bordeaux, made great revel and pastime there, spending freely that gold and silver which they had won in the battle of Poitiers, and elsewhere in that journey. 
135● Anno Reg.. ●●.  ¶ This year in April the prince of Wales took shipping with his prisoners at Bordeaux, 
Additions 〈◊〉 Adam Me●●muth.  and on the fift of May arrived at Plymouth. On the four and twentieth day of May he was with great honour joyfully received of the citizens into the city of London, and so conveyed to the palace of Westminster, 
The prince bringeth the French king over into England.  where the king sitting in Westminster hall, received the French king, and after conveyed him to a lodging appointed for him, where he lay a season; but after he was removed to the savoy, which was at that time a goodly house, pertaining to the duke of Lancaster, though afterwards it was burnt and destroyed by Wat Tiler, jacke Straw, and their company. In this place the French king lay, and kept house a long time after.  
In the winter following were royal jousts holden in Smithfield, 
A just holden in Smithfeld  at the which were present the kings of England, France, and Scotland, with many great estates of all their three kingdoms, of the which the more part of the strangers were as then prisoners. line 10 It was reported, that the French king could not so dissemble nor cloak his inward thought, but that there appeared some tokens of grief in his countenance, whilst he beheld these warlike pastimes. And when the king of England, & his son prince Edward with comfortable words required him after supper to put all pensive cares out of his fantasy, 
The French k. sorrowful.  and to be merry and sing as other did, he should make this answer with a smiling countenance, line 20 alluding to the complaint of the israelites in time of their captivity under the gentiles, & saying, 
Psalm. 137. Thom. Wals. Froissard.  Quomodo cantabimus canticum in terra aliena?  
About the same time there came over into England two cardinals, the one called Talirand being bishop of Alba (commonly named the cardinal of Pierregort) and the other named Nicholas entitled cardinal of S. Uitale or (as Froissard saith) of Dargell, 
Cardinals sent into England.  they were sent from pope Innocent the sixth, to entreat for a peace betwixt the kings of England line 30 and France: but they could not bring their purpose to any perfect conclusion, although they remained her● for the space of two years: but yet only by good means they procured a truce between the said kings, and all their assistants, to endure from the time of the publication thereof, unto the feast of S. john Baptist, 
A truce for two yeare●.  which should be in the year 1359: out of the which truce was excepted the L. Philip of Navarre, and his allies, the countess of Montfort, and the whole duchy of Britain. line 40  
Anon after, the French king was removed from the savoy unto the castle of Windsor with all his household, 
The French king removed to Windsor.  and then he went on hunting and hawking there about at his pleasure, and the lord Philip his son with him, all the residue of the prisoners abode still at London, but were suffered to go up and down, and to come to the court when they would. In the same year the duke of Lancaster besieged the city of Rennes in Britain, 
Rennes besieged.  in the title of the countess of Richmond, & her young son john of Montfort, line 50 that claimed to be duke of Britain. Those that were within the city, as the viscount of Rohan, and Berthram de Claiquin (who as then was a lusty young bachelor) and others defended themselves manfully for a time, but yet at length they were compelled to render the city into their enemies hands.  

Tho. Walsi.  About the same time two Franciscane friars were burnt at London, for matters of religion. ¶ Moreover queen Isabella, mother unto king Edward the line 60 third, departed this life the seven and twentieth day of August, and was buried the seven and twentieth day of November, in the church of the friars minors at London, not yet dedicated. ¶ David king of Scotland, shortly after the truce was concluded betwixt England and France, was set at liberty, paying for his ransom the sum of one hundred thousand marks (as Fourdon saith) but whether he meaneth Scotish or sterling money, 
Fourdon. The king of Scots ransomed.  I cannot say. He also was bound by covenant now upon his deliverance, to cause the castles in Nidesdale to be raised, which were known to be evil neighbours to the English borderers, 
Polydor.  as Dunfrise, Dalswinton, Morton, Dunsd●re, and nine other.  
His wife queen jone made such earnest suit to her brother king Edward for her husband's deliverance, that king Edward was contented to release him upon the payment of so small a portion of money, and performance of the covenants, for the raising of those castles; although Froissard saith, 
Froissard.  that he was covenanted to pay for his deliverance within the term of ten years, five hundred thousand nobles, and for surety of that payment to send into England sufficient hostages, as the earls of Dowglas, Murrey, Mar, Sutherland, and Fife, the baron of Uescie, and sir William Camoise. Also he covenanted never to wear armour against king Edward, within his realm of England, nor to consent that his subjects should so do: and further should upon his return home, do the best he could to cause the Scots to agree that their country should hold of him in fee, and that he and his successors, kings of Scotland, should do homage to the king of England, and his successors for the realm of Scotland.  
In this two and thirtieth year, 
1358 Anno Reg. 3●.  as witnesseth the French chronicles, sir Robert Knolles, james Pipe, and one Thomlin Foulke, with other capiteins and men of war as soldiers to the king of Navarre upon the tenth day of March early in the morning scaled the walls of the city of Auxerre, 
annals de France.  and behaved them so manfully, that they were masters of the town before the sun was up. They got exceeding much by the spoil of that city, and by ransoming the prisoners which they took there. 
The city of Auxerre taken by sir Robert Knolles.  At length after they had remained eight days in that city, and taken their pleasures of all things within it, they wrought so with the citizens, that to have possession of their city again, and to have it saved from fire, they agreed to give to sir Robert Knolles, and to his company, fifty thousand motons of gold, which amounted to the sum of twelve thousand and five hundred pounds sterling or there about; and yet was it agreed, that the Englishmen should burn the gates, and throw down the walls in divers places. In April next ensuing, the town of Daubignie sir le Metre was likewise won by the Englishmen; and the second day of May Chastelon sir Loigne was taken by the said sir Robert Knolles, 
Daubignie sir le Metre. Chastelon. New castle upon Loire.  and put to sack as the other were. From thence they went to Newcastle upon Loire. Thus did the Englishmen and other, in title of the K. of Navarre, greatly endamage the realm of France, daily winning towns and castles, ransoming the people, and wasting the countries in most miserable wise, as in the history of France you may read more at large.  
In this mean while there was talk of peace betwixt the king of England, and the king of France, 
Talk of a peace, and articles thereof drawn. Caxton.  and articles thereof drawn in this form, that the whole countries of Gascoine, Given, Poictou, Touraine, Xainctonge, Piergourd, Quercie, Limosin, Angolisinois, Calis, Guines, Bullogne, and Ponthieu, should remain to the king of England wholly without doing homage or paying any relief for the same: but on the other part, he should renounce all his right, which he might by any manner of mean claim to the countries of Normandy, Anjou, or main. And further, that the French king should pay a certain sum of money for his ransom, and deliver sufficient pledges for the same, and so departed into France. These articles were sent over into France, that the three states there might confirm them, which they refused to do. Whereupon when the truce ended, the wars were again revived. ¶ The king held this year the feast of S. George at Windsor, in more sumptuous manner than ever it had been kept before.  
In the same year also, 
Thom. Wals.  friar john Lisle bishop of Elie, 
The bishop of Elie.  being (as he took it) somewhat wronged by the lady Blanch de Wake, and other that were of her counsel, when the last year against the kings will unto the pope's court, where exhibiting his complaint, he caused the pope to excommunicate all his adversaries, sending to the bishop of Lincoln and other of the clergy, that if they knew any of them so excommunicated to be dead and buried, they should draw them out of their graves: 
Excommunication.  which was done. And because some of those that were excommunicated line 10 were of the king's council, the king took such displeasure therewith, that he grievously disquieted the prelates. Whereupon there were sent from the court of Rome on the behalf of the bishop of Elie, certain persons, which being armed, met the bishop of Rochester lord treasurer, delivering to him letters from the pope, the contents of the which were not known, and forthwith they shrank away: but the king's servants made such pursuit after them, that some of them they took, 
Such as delivered the pope's letters hanged.  and bringing them before the line 20 kings justices, upon their arraignment they were condemned, and suffered death on the gallows.  
Great discord rose also about this time, or rather afore, 
Discord betwixt priests and friars.  betwixt the clergy, and the four orders of friars, as in the book of acts & monuments set forth by master john Fox ye may read more at large. In this year john of Gant earl of Richmond, 
Th. Walsing. john of Gant married.  son to the king, the ninetéenth day of May married the lady Blanch daughter to Henry duke of Lancaster at Reading; 
1359 Anno Reg. 33.  and because they were cousins within line 30 the degrees of consanguinity, forbidden by the church laws to marry, a dispensation was procured of the pope to remove that obstacle and let. In this year the king set workmen in hand to take down much old bildings belonging to the castle of Windsor, 
Windsor castle repaired. Additions to Trivet.  and caused diverse other fair and sumptuous works to be erected and set up, in and about the same castle, so that almost all the masons and carpenters that were of any account within this land, were sent for and employed about the same works, the overseer line 40 whereof was William Wickham the king's chaplain, by whose advise the king took in hand to repair that place, the rather in deed because he was borne there, and therefore he took great pleasure to bestow cost in beautifying it with such buildings, as may appear even unto this day. Moreover, this year in the Rogation week was solemn justs enterprised at London, 
A solemn justs at London.  for the mayor and his four and twenty brethren as challengers did appoint to answer all comers, in whose name and steed the king with his line 50 four sons, 
Caxton. The K. with his four sons are of the challengers part.  Edward, Lionel, john, and Edmund, and nineteen other great lords, in secret manner came and held the field with honour, to the great pleasure of the citizens that beheld the same. ¶ Ye have heard how the Frenchmen refused the peace, which was accorded betwixt K. Edward & their king, as then prisoner here in England. Whereupon K. Edward determined to make such war against the realm of France, that the Frenchmen with all their hearts should be glad to condescend and agree to reason: and line 60 first he commanded all manner of Frenchmen (other than such as were prisoners) to avoid out of England. He also appointed the French king to be removed from the castle of Hertford, 
The French K. removed. He departed from Hertford the 29 of julie. Polydor.  where he than remained, unto the castle of Somerton in Lincolnshire, under the guard and conduct of the lord William Deincourt, being allowed forty shillings the day for the wages of two and twenty men at arms, twenty archers, & two watchmen: as thus, for himself and sir john Kirketon baronet's, either of them four shillings the day; for three knights, sir William Collevill (in place of the lord Robert Collevill, that could not travel himself by reason of sickness) sir john Deincourt, and sir Saer de Rochfort, each of them two shillings the day; seventeen esquires each of them twelve pence the day, eight archers on horse back every of them six pence the day, and twelve archers on foot three pence, and the two watchmen either of them six pence the day, which amounteth in the whole unto nine and thirty shillings the day; and the odd twelve pence was allowed to the said lord Deincourt to make up the sum of 40 shillings. ¶ This have I noted the rather, to give a light to the reader to consider how chargeable the retaining of men of war in these days is, in respect of the former times. But now to our purpose.  
The king meaning to pass over himself in person into France, 
The king prepareth to make a journey into France. Froissard. The duke of Lancaster.  caused a mighty army to be mustered and put in a readiness, and sent before him the duke of Lancaster over to Calis with four hundred spears, and two thousand archers, where the said duke joined with such strangers as were already come to Calis in great numbers, and together with them entered into the French dominions, and passing by saint Omers & Bethune, came to Mount saint Eloie, a goodly abbeie and a rich, two leagues distant from Arras, and there the host tarried four days, and when they had rob and wasted all the country thereabout, they road to Braie, 
Braie assaulted.  and there made a great assault, at the which a baronet of England was slain with diverse other. When the Englishmen saw they could win nothing there, they departed, and following the water of Some, came to a town called Chersie, where they passed the river, and there tarried Alhallowen day, & the night following.  
On the same day the duke of Lancaster was advertised, 
The king's arrival at Calis.  that the king was arrived at Calis the seventeenth day of October, commanding him by letters to draw towards him with all his company. The duke according to the king's commandment obeyed, and so returned toward Calis. 
Froissard.  The king being there arrived with all his power, took counsel which way he should take. Some advised him first to invade Flanders, and to revenge the injurious dealing of the earl and the Flemings: 
Polydor.  but he would not agree to that motion, for he purposed fully either by plain force to make a conquest of France, or else utterly to destroy and waste the country throughout with fire and sword. Hereupon he set forwards the fourth of November, and passing through the countries of Arthois, and Uermendois, he came before the city of Rheims. There went over with him in this journey, & with the duke of Lancaster, his four sons, Edward prince of Wales, 
Froissard.  Lionel earl of Ulster, john earl of Richmond, and the lord Edmund his youngest son. Also there was Henry the said duke of Lancaster, with the earls of March, Warwick, Suffolk, Hereford (who also was earl of Northampton) Salisbury, Stafford, and Oxford, the bishops of Lincoln, and Durham, and the lords Percy, Nevil, Spenser, Kirdiston, Rosse, Mannie, Cobham, Mowbray, de la Ware, Willoughby, Felton, Basset, Fitz Water, Charleton, audley, Burwasch, and others, beside knights and esquires, as sir john Chandois, sir Stephan Goussanton, sir Nowell Loring, sir Hugh Hastings, sir john Lisle, sir Richard Pembruge, and others.  
The siege was laid before Rheims about saint Andrew's tide, and continued more than seven weeks: 
Rheims besieged.  but the city was so well defended by the bishop and the earl of Porcien, and other capiteins within it, that the Englishmen could not obtain their purpose, and so at length, when they could not have forage nor other necessary things abroad in the country for to serve their turn, 
1●6●  the king raised his field, and departed with his army in good order of battle, taking the way through champaign, and so passed by Chaalons, and after to Merry on the river of Seine. 
Anno Reg. 34. Tonnere won.  From Merry he departed and came unto Tonnere, which town about the beginning of the four and thirtieth year of his reign was won by assault, but the castle could not be won, for there was within it the lord Fiennes constable of France, and a great number of other good men of war, which defended it valiantly.  
After the king had rested there five days, and that his men were well refreshed with the wines and other such things, which they found in that town line 10 in good plenty, he removed and drew towards Burgognie, 
Guillon.  coming to a town called Guillon or Aguillon, where he lay from Ash-wednesday unto Midlent, having good provision of all manner of victuals by the means of an esquire of his called john Alencon, which had taken the town of Flavignie not far thence, 
Flavignie.  wherein was great store of bread and wine and other victuals: and still the marshals road forth, and oftentimes refreshed the host with new provision. The Englishmen had with them in their carriages, line 20 tents, pavilions, mills, ovens, and forges; also boats of leather cunningly made and devised, able to receive three men a piece, and to pass them over waters and rivers. 
The number of carriages.  They had at the least six thousand carts with them, and for every cart four horses which they had out of England.  
In this mean while, the Frenchmen made certain vessels forth to the sea, under the governance of the earl of S. Paul, the which upon the fifteenth day of March landed early in the morning at Winchelsie, 
Caxton. Additions to Ad. Merimu●h.  line 30 and before sun rising entered the town, and finding the inhabitants unprovided to make any great resistance, fell to and sacked the houses, slew many men, women and also children, and after set fire on the town; 
Winchelsie burnt by the French.  and upon knowledge had that the people of the country next adjoining were assembled, and coming to the rescue, he caused his men to draw to their ships, and so they taking their pillage and spoil with them, got them aboard, not without some loss of their company, which were slain in the line 40 town by such as resisted their violence. Whilst the king lay at Aguillon, there came to him Anscaume de Salilans chancellor of Burgognie, jaques de Uienne, 
A Composition made to spare the country of Burgognie.  and other lords of the country, being sent from their duke, to agree with the king for the sparing of the lands and signiories appertaining to the duchy of Burgognie.  
The chancellor, and the other Burgognian lords found the king so agreeable to their request, that a composition was made betwixt him and the country of Burgognie, so that he should make to them an line 50 assurance for him, 

Franks hath Paradine, in Les Annales de Burgogni●. Froissard.  
The king of England draweth towards Paris   and all his people, not to overrun or endamage that country, during the space of three years, and he to have in ready money the sum of two hundred thousand florins of gold, which of sterling money amounted to the sum of five and thirty thousand pounds. When this agreement was engrossed up in writing, and sealed, the king dislodged, and all his host, taking the right way to Paris, and passing the river of Yonne, entered into Gastinois, line 60 and at length by easy journeys, upon a tuesday being the last of March in the week before Easter, he came and lodged between Mont le Herie, and Chartres, with his people in the country there abouts.  
Here the duke of Normandy made means for a treaty of peace, which was laboured by a friar called Simon de Langres provincial of the friars jacobins and the pope's legate: he did so much, that a treaty was appointed to be holden on good friday in the Malederie of Longegimew, where appeared for the king of England the duke of Lancaster, the earls of Warwick and Northampton, 
A treaty.  with sir john Chandois, sir Walter de Mannie, and sir William Cheinie knights: and for the French king thither came the earl of Eu constable of France, and the marshal Bouciquant, with other; but their treaty came to none effect: wherefore the king upon the tuesday in the Easter week removed nearer unto Paris, and upon the friday following, being the tenth of April, by procurement of the abbot of Clugnie newly come from pope Innocent the sixth, the foresaid commissioners eftsoons did meet to treat of an agreement, but nothing they could conclude, the parties in their offers and demands were so far at odds.  
Upon the sunday next following, 
The English men before Paris.  a part of the king's host came before the city of Paris, and imbattelled themselves in a field fast by saint Marcilles, abiding there from morning till three of the clock in the after noon, to see if the Frenchmen would come forth to give battle: but the French would not taste of that vessel. For the duke of Normandy (well considering what loss had ensued within few years passed unto the realm of France, by giving battle to the Englishmen, and taught by late trial and feeling of smart to dread imminent danger, for Vulneribus didicit miles habere metum) would not suffer any of his people to issue forth of the gates, but commanded them to be ready only to defend the walls and gates, although he had a great power of men of war within the city, beside the huge multitude of the inhabitants. The Englishmen to provoke their enemies the sooner to sail forth, 
Polydor. The suburbs o● Paris burnt.  burned diverse parts of the suburbs, and road even to the gates of the city. When they perceived that the Frenchmen would not come forth, about three of the clock in the afternoon they departed out of the field and withdrew to their camp, and then the king and all the English host removed towards Chartres, and was lodged at a place called Dones. 
Froissard. The bishop of Beawois.  Thither came to him the bishop of Beawois than chancellor of Normandy, with other, and so handled the matter with him, that a new day of treaty was appointed to be holden at Bretignie, which is little more than a mile distant from Chartres, upon the first day of May next ensuing.  
In which day and place appointed, the foresaid duke of Lancaster, and the said earls and other commissioners met with the said bishop, and other French lords and spiritual men to him associate, 
A new treaty  on the behalf of the duke of Normandy then regent of France, to renew the former communication of peace, in full hope to bring it to a good conclusion; because king Edward began to frame his imagination more to accord with his adversaries, than he had done of late, chiefly for that the duke of Lancaster with courteous words and sage persuasions, 
The duke of Lancaster persuadeth the king to agree.  advised him not to forsake such reasonable conditions as the Frenchmen were contented now to agree unto, sith that by making such manner of war as he had attempted, his soldiers only gained, and he himself lost but time, and consumed his treasure● and further he might war in this sort all the days of his life, before he could attain to his intent, and lose perhaps in one day more than he had gained in twenty years.  
Such words spoken for the wealth of the king and his subjects, converted the king's mind to fancy peace, namely by the grace of the holy-ghost chief worker in this case. For it chanced on a day, as he was marching not far from Chartres, 
An hideous storm & tempest of wether  there came such a storm and tempest of thunder, lightning, hail and rain, as the like had never been seen by any of the English people. This storm fell so hideous in the king's host, that it seemed the world should have ended: for such unreasonable great stones of hail fell from the sky, that men and horses were slain therewith, so that the most hardy were abashed. There perished thousands thereby, as some have written. Then the king remembering what reasonable offers of agreement he had refused, upon remorse of conscience (as by some writers should appear) asked forgiveness of the damage done by sword and fire in those parts, and fully determined to grant unto indifferent articles of peace, for relief of the christian inhabitants of that land: and so shortly after, by the good diligence of the commissioners on both line 10 parts, 
A peace concluded.  an unity and final peace was accorded, the conditions whereof were comprised in forty and one articles, the chief whereof in effect were these.  

The articles.  1 First that the king of England should have and enjoy (over and beside that which he held already in Gascoigne and Guien) the castle, 
Fabian. Froissard.  city, and county of Poitiers, and all the lands and country of Poicton, with the fee of Tovars, and the lands of Belleville; the city and castle of Xainctes, and all the lands and country of Xaonctonge on both sides the river of line 20 Charent, with the town and fortress of Rochel, with their appurtenances; the city and castle of Agent, and the country of Agenois; the city and castle of Piergort, and all the land and country of Perigueux; the city and castle of Lymoges, and all the lands and country of Limosin; the city and castle of Cahors, and the lordship of Cahorsin; the castle and country of Tarbe; the lands country and county of Bigorre; the county, country, and lands of Gaure; the city and castle of Angolesme; and the county, line 30 land, and country of Angolesmois; the city, town and castle of Rodaix; and all the county, and country of Rovergne; and if there were in the du●●ie of Given any lords, as the earls of Foiz, Arminacke, Lisle, and Perigueux, the viscounts of Carmain, and Lymoges, or other holding any lands within the foresaid bounds, it was accorded that they should do homage and other customary services due for the same unto the king of England. 
Homages and services.   
2 It was also agreed, that Calis and Guines, with line 40 the appurtenances, the lands of Montrevill on the sea with the county of Ponthieu, wholly and entirely should remain unto the king of England. All the which countries, cities, towns, and castles, with the other lands and signiories, the same king should have and hold to him and his heirs for ever, even as they were in demain or fee, immediately of God, and free without recognizing any manner sovereignty to any earthly man. In consideration whereof, king Edward renounced all such claims, titles and interest line 50 as he pretended unto any part of France, other than such as were comprised within the charter of covenants of this peace first agreed upon at Bretignie aforesaid, and after confirmed at Calis, as appeareth by the same charter dated there the four & twentieth day of October, 
The date of the charter of the peace.  in the year of our Lord 1360.  
3 It was also covenanted, that the French king should pay unto the king of England thirty hundred thousan● crowns in name of his ransom: 
The French kings ransom.  for assurance of which payment, & performance of all the line 60 covenants afore mentioned, and other agreed upon by this peace, the dukes of Orleans, Anjou, Berrie, and Bourbon, with diverse other honourable personages, 
Hostages.  as earls, lords, and burgesses of every good town, some were appointed to be sent over hither into England to remain as hostages.  

The French not to aid the Scots.  4 It was further agreed, that neither the French king nor his successors should aid the Scots against the king of England or his successors; nor that king Edward nor his heirs kings of England should aid the Flemings against the crown of France.  
5 And as for the title or right of the duchy of Britain, 
Britain.  which was in question between the earls of Blois and Mountfort, it was accorded, that both kings being at Calis, the parties should be called before them, and if the two kings could not make them friends, than should they assign certain indifferent persons to agree them, and they to have half a years respite to end the matter: and if within that term those that should be so appointed to agree them, could not take up the matter betwixt the said earls, then either of them might make the best purchase for himself that he could, by help of friends, or otherwise: but always provided, that neither of the kings nor their sons should so aid the said earls, whereby the peace accorded betwixt England and France, might by any means be broken or infringed. Also, to whether of the said earls the duchy of Britain in the end chanced to fall by sentence of judges, or otherwise, the homage should be done for the same unto the French king.  
All these ordinances, articles and agréements, with many more (which here would be too long to rehearse) were accorded and ratified by the instruments and seals of the prince of Wales on the one part, and of the duke of Normandy regent of France on the other part, as by their letters patents then sealed further appeared, bearing date, the one at Loures in Normandy the sixteenth day of May in the year of Grace 1360, and the other at Paris the tenth day of the same month, and in the year aforesaid. Over & beside this, both the said princes took on them a solemn oath, to see all the same articles and covenants of agreement throughly kept, maintained and performed. This done, king Edward embarked himself with his four sons and the most part of his nobles at Hunfleu the twentieth day of May, 
The king of England returneth home The earl of Warwick.  and so sailed into England, leaving hehind him the earl of Warwick to have the government of all the men of war which he left behind him, either in Gaien or in any other place on that side the sea.  
There died in this journey diverse noble men of this land, as the earls of March and Oxford, 
Tho. Walsi●. The French king goeth over to Calis.  the lord john Gray than steward of England, and the lord Geffrie de Say, with diverse other. The eight of julie next ensuing, the French king having licence to departed, landed at Calis, and was lodged in the castle there, abiding till the king of England came thither, which was not till the ninth day of October next after. On the four and twentieth day of October, both the kings being in two traverses and one chapel at Calis, a mass was said before them, 
The kings receive a solemn oath to see the p●ace performed.  and when they should have kissed the pax, either of them in sign of greater friendship kissed the other, & there they were solemnly sworn to maintain the articles of the same peace; and for more assurance thereof, many lords of both parts were likewise sworn to maintain the same articles to the uttermost of their powers. Whilst these kings lay thus at Calis, there was great banqueting and cheer made betwixt them.  
Also the duke of Normandy came from Bullongne to Calis, to visit his father, 
The duke 〈◊〉 Normandy.  and to see the king of England, in which mean time two of king Edward's sons were at Bullongne. Finally, when these two kings had finished all matters in so good order and form that the same could not be amended nor corrected, and that the French king had delivered his hostages to the king of England, that is to say, six dukes, beside earls, lords, and other honourable personages, in all to the number of eight and thirty: on the morrow after the taking of their oaths, 
The 〈◊〉 of the Fre●●● hostages.  that is to say on the five and twentieth day of October, being sunday, the French king was freely delivered, and the same day before noon he departed from Calis, and road to Bullongne. The king of England brought him a mile forward on his way, and then took leave of him in most loving manner. The prince attended him to Bullongne, where both he and the duke of Normandy with other were eftsoons sworn to hold and maintain the foresaid peace without all fraud or colourable deceit: and this done, the prince returned to Calis. Thus was the French king set at liberty, 
The French king set at liberty.  after he had been prisoner here in England the space of four years, and as much as from the nineteenth day of September, unto the five and twentieth of October. When the king of England had finished his business at Calis, according to his mind, he returned into England, and came to London line 10 the ninth day of November.  
¶ Thus have ye hard the original beginning, the process, and issue of sundry conflicts and battles, and specially of two, one of john the French king unluckily attempted against England; the other of David the Scotish king as unfortunately ended. For both kings were subdued in fight, vanquished, and taken prisoners; with a great number of their noblemen, whereas they were in hope to have gone away with the conquest, and to have had renown line 20 for their reward. Of which overthrow given to both these kings, with the clemency of king Edward (in whose hands though their lives lay to be disposed as he list, yet he was so far from violating the same, that he showed himself a wonderful favourer of their estates, and in fine not only put them to their reasonable ransoms, but restored them to their royalties, from the which their sinister lot had deposed them) Christopher Okland hath left this remembered: 
Plantageneta duos reges iam illustris habebat line 30  

In Angl. prel. sub Edwardo. 3.  Captivos tenuit comites custodia mitis  
Multos ambabus claro regionibus ortos  
Sanguine, quos saevo bello cepere Britanni.  
Attamen Eduardi viguit clementia regis  
Tanta, & tanta animo virtus innata sedebat,  
Vt pretio & pacto dimitteret aere redemptos  
In patriam ad propriae consanguinitatis amicos.   
In this four and thirtieth year of king Edward, men and cattle were destroyed in diverse places of this realm, 
Strange wonders.  by lightening and tempest; also houses line 40 were set on fire and burnt, and many strange and wonderful sights seen. ¶ The same year Edward prince of Wales married the countess of Kent, which before was wife unto the lord Thomas Holland: and before that, she was also wife unto the earl of Salisbury, and divorced from him, and wedded to the same lord Holland. She was daughter unto Edmund earl of Kent, brother to king Edward the second, that was beheaded in the beginning of this king's reign, as before ye have heard. And because line 50 the prince and she were within degrees of consanguinity forbidden to marry, a dispensation was gotten from the pope to remove that let. In this year also was a great death of people (namely of men, 
A great death.  for women were not so much subject thereto.) This was called the second mortality, because it was the second that fell in this king's days.  

H●n. M●rl. The primate of Ardmach departed this li●e.  This year also by the death of Richard fitz Ralph primate of Ardmach, that departed this life in the court of Rome; and also of Richard Kilminton deceased line 60 here in England, the discord that had continued for the space of three or four years betwixt them of the clergy on the one part, and the four orders of friars on the other part, was now quieted and brought to end. Moreover, this year appeared two castles in the air, 
1●61  of the which the one appeared to the southeast, 

Additions to Trivet and Ad●m. Merimu●h.  
A strange sight in the a●re.   and the other in the south-west, out of which castles about the hour of noon sundry times were seen hosts of armed men (as appeared to man's sight) issuing forth, and that host which sailed out of the castle in the southeast seemed white, and the other black. They appeared as they should have fought either against other, and first the white had the upper h●nd, and after was overcome, and so vanished out of sight.  
About the same time, the soldiers which were discharged in France and out of wages, by the breaking up of the wars, assembled together, 
Froissard.  and did much hurt in that realm, as in the French histories ye may read. Their chief leaders were Englishmen and Gascoignes subjects to the king of England. The king assembled the states of his realm in parliament at Westminster in the feast of the Conversion of S. Paul, 
Anno. Reg. 3●. A parliament.  and there was declared unto them the tenor and whole effect of the peace concluded betwixt England and France, wherewith they were greatly pleased, 
Caxton.  and hereupon the nobles of the realm, and such Frenchmen as were hostages, came together at Westminster church on the first sunday of Lent next following: and there such as were not already sworn, received the oath for performance of the same peace, in a right solemn manner, having the tenor of their oaths written in certain scrols; and after they had taken their oaths upon the sacrament and mass book, they delivered the same scrols unto certain notaries appointed to receive and register the same.  
The mortality yet during, that noble duke Henry of Lancaster departed this life on the éeuen of the Annunciation of our lady, and was buried at Leicester. ¶ john of Gant the fourth son to the king, who had married his daughter the lady Blanch, as before ye have heard, succeeded him in that duchy as his heir in right of the said lady. 
Tho. Walsi. Adam Merimuth.  The same year also died the lord Reginold Cobham, the lord Walter fitz Warren, and three bishops, Worcester, London, and Elie. This year upon the fifteenth day of janurie there rose such a passing wind, year 1362 that the like had not been heard of in many years before. 
Caxton.  It began about evensong time in the south, 
A mighty wind.  and that with such force, that it overthrew and blew down strong and mighty buildings, as towers, steeples, houses and chimneys. This outrageous wind continued thus for the space of six or seven days, whereby even those buildings that were not overthrown and broken down, were yet so shaken, that they without repairing were not able long to stand. 
Anno Reg. 36.  After this followed a very wet season, namely in the summer time and harvest, so that much corn and hay was lost and spoiled, for want of seasonable weather to gather in the same.  
The lord Lionel the king's son went over into Ireland, to be deputy to his father there, and was created duke of Clarence, and his brother Edmund was created earl of Cambridge; also Edward prince of Wales was by his father king Edward invested duke of Guien, 
Creations of the king's sons to degrees of honour Hen. Marle.  and did homage unto his father for the same, in like manner and form as his father and other kings of England were accustomed to do for the said duchy to the kings of France. And afterwards about the feast of Candlemas next ensuing, the said prince sailed into Gascoigne, and arrived at Bordeaux, taking upon him the government and rule of the country. Moreover this year, 

The prince of wales passeth over into Guien.  
Thom. Wals. Additions to Ad. Merim. A justs in Smithfield. The Staple of wools removed ●o Calis. A parliament.   the five first days of May, were kept royal justs in Smithfield by London, the king and queen being present, with a great multitude of the nobles and gentlemen of both the realms of England and France; at which time came hither Spaniards, Cipriots, and Armenians, requiring aid of the king against the infidels, that sore molested their confines. ¶ The staple of wols was this year removed to Calis.  
Also the sixteenth of October, a parliament began, that was called at Westminster, which continued till the feast day of S. Brice, on which day, the king at that time fifty years then past, was borne; whereupon, as it were in the year of his jubilee, he showed himself more gracious to his people, granting pardon to offenders, 
A pardon.  and revoking outlaws. Moreover, it was ordained in this parliament, that no manner of person, of what estate or degree soever he was, the king, 
A statute against purveyors.  the queen, and dukes only excepted, should have any purveyors of victuals, nor should take up any thing without ready payment, and those that from thenceforth did contrary to this ordinance, should be extremely punished. There was granted to the king in this parliament six and twenty shillings line 10 eight pence of every sack of wool that was to be transported over the sea, 
A subsidy.  for three years next ensuing.  
Furthermore, at the suit of the commons it was ordained and established by an act in this parliament devised, that men of law should plead their causes, and write their actions and plaints in the English tongue, 

lawyers to plead their ca●es in English.  
Caxton. Schoolmasters to teach scholars to construe their lessons in English.   and not in the French, as they had been accustomed to do, ever since the Conqueror's time. It was ordained also, that schoolmasters should teach line 20 their scholars to construe their lessons in English, & not in French, as before they had been used. The K. showed so much courtesy to the French hostages, that he permitted them to go over to Calis, and there being near home, to purchase friendship, by oft calling on their friends for their deliverance. They were suffered to ride to and fro about the marches of Calis, for the space of four days together, so that on the fourth day before sun setting, they returned into Calis again. The duke of Anjou turning this liberty line 30 to serve his own turn, departed from thence, and went home into France, without making his fellows privy to his purpose.  
This year a parliament was called by the king, which began the ninth of October, 
1363 Anno Reg. 37.  from the which none of the noble men could obtain licence to be absent. 
Thom. Wals.  In this parliament all rich ornaments of gold and silver used to be worn in knives, 

Additions to Adam Merimuth.  
A statute of array against costly apparel.   girdles, ouches, rings, or otherwise, to the setting forth of the body, were prohibited, except to such as might dispend ten line 40 pounds by year. moreover that none should wear any rich clothes or furs, except they might dispend an hundred pounds by year. ¶ Moreover it was enacted, that labourers and husbandmen should not use any dainty dishes, or costly drinks at their tables. But these, and such other acts as were devised and established at this parliament, took none effect, as after it appeared. In this year, there came into England to speak with king Edward concerning their weighty affairs, 
Three kings came into England about business with K. Edward.  three kings, to wit, the king of line 50 France, the king of Scotland, & the king of Cypress: they were honourably received, and highly feasted.  
The king of Scotland, and the king of Cypress after they had dispatched their business for the which they came, turned back again; but the French king fell sick, and remained here till he died, as in the next year ye shall hear. He arrived here in England, about the latter end of this year, and came to Eltham (where king Edward as then lay) on the four and twentieth day of januarie, year 1364 and there dined. line 60 After dinner, he took his horse and road toward London, and upon Black heath, the citizens of London clad in one kind of livery, and very well horsed, met him, and conveyed him from thence through to London, to the Savoy, where his lodging was prepared. About the beginning of March, 
Anno. Reg. 38.  in this eight and thirtieth year, the forenamed French king fell into a grievous sickness, 
The death of the French king.  of the which he died the eight day of April following. His corpse was conveyed into France, and there buried at S. Device: his exequys were kept here in England in diverse places right solemnly, by king Edward's appointment.  

Fabian.  This year, by reason of an extreme sore frost, continuing from the seven and twentieth day of September last passed, unto the beginning of April, in this eight and thirtieth year (or rather from the seventh day of December till the ninetenth day of March, as Walsingham and other old writers do report) the ground lay untild, to the great hindrance and loss of all growing things on the earth. This year on Michaelmas day, before the castle of Aulroy, 
The battle of Aulroy.  not far distant from the city of Uannes' in Britain, a sore battle was fought betwixt the lord Charles de Blois, and the lord john of Mountford. For when there could be no end made betwixt these two lords, touching their title unto the duchy of Britain, they renewed the wars very hotly in that country, 
Froissard.  and procured all the aid they might from each side. The king of France sent to the aid of his cousin Charles de Blois a thousand spears; and the earl of Mountford sent into Gascoigne, requiring sir john Chandois, and other Englishmen there to come to his succour. Sir john Chandois gladly consented to this request, and thereupon got licence of the prince, and came into Britain, where he found the earl of Mountford at the siege of the foresaid castle of Aulroy. In the mean time, the lord Charles de Blois, being provided of men, and all things necessary to give battle, came and lodged fast by his enemies.  
The earl of Mountford advertised of his approach, by the advise of sir john Chandois and other of his captains, had chosen out a plot of ground to lodge in, and meant there to abide their enemies. With the lord Charles of Blois was that valiant knight sir Berthram de Cleaquin or Guesclin (as some writ him) by whose advise there were ordained three battles, and a rearguard, 
Three thou●sand and six hundred fig●●ting men, 〈◊〉 Walsing. 〈◊〉.  and in each battle were appointed a thousand of good fight men. On the other part, the earl of Mountford divided his men likewise into three battles and a rearguard. The first was led by sir Robert Knols, sir Walter Hewet, and sir Richard Brulle or Burlie. The second by sir Oliver de Clisson, sir Eustace Daubreticourt, and sir Matthew Gournie. The third the earl of Mountford himself guided, and with him was sir john Chandois associate, by whom he was much ruled: for the king of England, whose daughter the earl of Mountford should marry, had written to sir john Chandois, that he should take good heed to the business of the said earl, and order the same as sagely as he might devise or imagine.  
In each of these three armies were five hundred armed men, and four hundred archers. In the rearguard were appointed five hundred men of war, under the governance of sir Hugh Caluerlie. Beside sir john Chandois, & other Englishmen recited by Froissard, there was the lord William Latimer, as one of the chief on the earl of Mountford's side. There were not passed sixteen hundred good fight men on that side, as Thomas Walsingham plainly writeth. Now when the hosts were ordered on both sides (as before we have said) they approached together, the Frenchmen came close in their order of battle, and were to the number of five and twenty hundred men of arms, after the manner of that age, beside others. Every man had cut his spear (as then they used, at what time they should join in battle) to the length of five foot, and a short axe hanging at his side. At the first encounter, there was a sore battle, and truly the archers shot right fiercely, howbeit their shot did little hurt to the Frenchmen, they were so well armed and furnished: the archers perceiving that (being big men and light) cast away their bows, 
The wor●●● activity of the English archers.  and entered in amongst the Frenchmen that bore the axes, and plucked them out of their hands, wherewith they fought after right hardly. There was done many a noble feat of arms, many taken, and rescued again.  
Against the earl of Montfords' battle, fought the battle which the lord Charles de Blois ruled, and at the first, the earl of Montfords' part was sore oppressed, and brought out of order in such sort, that if sir Hugh Caluerlie had not in time relieved them, the loss had run on that side; but finally so long they fought, that all the battles assembled and joined each to other, except the rearguard of the Englishmen, whereof (as is said) sir Hugh Caluerlie was chief. 
Sir Hugh Caluerlie.  He kept always his battle on a wing, and line 10 ever succoured where he saw need. At length, the Frenchmen not able to endure the valiant doings of their adversaries, began to break. First the earl of Auxerres battle was discomfited, and put to flight, and the said earl sore woimded, 
The earl of Auxerre taken prisoner.  and taken prisoner, but the battle of sir Berthram de Cleaquin as yet stood manfully at defence, howbeit at length the Englishmen perforce opened it, and then was the said sir Berthram taken prisoner, 
Sir Berthran de Cleaquin.  under the banner of sir john Chandois. line 20  
Héerewith also, all the other battles of the Frenchmen and Britain's, on the part of the lord Charles de Blois, were clean discomfited, and put out of array, so that such as resisted, and stood at defence, were slain and beaten down, and amongst others, the lord Charles was there slain himself, and all other either taken or slain, except those that escaped by flight, amongst the which there were not many of the nobility. For (as Thomas Walsingham saith) there were slain about a thousand men of arms, line 30 and there were taken two earls, seven and twenty lords, and fifteen hundred men of arms. The chase was followed to the city of Rheims, eight great leagues from the place where the battle began. After this victory, the earl of Montford conquered many towns and castles in Britain, whereof the French king being advertised, sent his brother the duke of Anjou, unto the wife of the lord Charles of Blois now deceased, to comfort her in such an heavy case, and to take order for things as should line 40 be thought expedient, until further provision might be made.  
Shortly after, there were sent unto the earl of Montford, 
Ambassadors sent to the earl of Montford.  the archbishop of Rheims, the marshal Bouciqualt, and the lord of Cranmer, as commissioners, to commune with him of a final agreement. Whereupon, 
The variance for Britain compounded.  after he had signified the matter unto the king of England, and understood his pleasure therein, this treaty was so handled, that peace thereof followed, 
Fabian.  and the parties were agreed in the month line 50 of April next ensuing. year 1365 ¶ This year (as some have written) king Edward finished his wars upon S. stephan's day, 
Anno Reg. 39 Fabian.  and began the foundation of S. stephan's chapel at Westminster in memory thereof, which chapel was afterwards finished by king Richard the second that succeeded him. 
Tho. Wals.  ¶ In the nine and thirtieth year of king Edward's reign, and in the month of February, in the city of Angolesme, was borne the first son of prince Edward, and was named after his father, but he departed this life line 60 the seventh year of his age.  
Also this year, the seven and twentieth of julie, Ingeram de Guines lord de Coucie a Frenchman, 
The lord Coucie marrieth the king of England's daughter. Polychron.  married the lady Isabella daughter to K. Edward. The solemnisation of the marriage feast was kept at Windsor in most royal and triumphant wise. The said lord Coucie was created earl of Bedford, with an yearly annuity of thirty marks, going forth of the issues and profits of that county, over and beside a thousand marks by year, 
Froissard. ja. Mair. A treaty of marriage for the earl of Cambridge.  assigned to him and his said wife, and to the heirs male of their bodies begotten, to be paid forth of the exchecker. About this time, there was a treaty also for marriage to be had, betwixt the lord Edmund earl of Cambridge, and the lady Margaret, daughter and heir to the earl of Flanders▪ which treaty went so far, that the earl came over to Dover, where the king was ready to receive him, and there the earl promised by words of affiance, 
The earl of Flanders.  to give his said daughter unto the said lord Edmund in marriage: and after that the earl had been at Dover, the space of three days, passing the time in great solace and banqueting, when he had finished his business, he returned back again into his country.  
Whilst the king was thus at Dover with the earl of Flanders, 
The lord Latimer.  the lord Latimer came from the lord john de Montford, to understand his pleasure, touching the offers that were made for peace, upon whose return with answer, the peace was concluded as before ye have heard. This year was Peter king of Castille chased out of his realm, 
The king of Castille chased out of his realm. Froissard.  by his bastard brother Henry, which was aided in that enterprise by sir Berthram de Cleaquin lately delivered, and other Frenchmen; so that the said Henry was crowned at Burgus, upon Easter day: wherefore the said Peter was constrained to flee, and so came to Bordeaux to sue for aid at the hands of the prince of Wales. This year by the king's commandment, 
Peter pence.  a restraint was ordained, that Peter pence should not be from thenceforth any more gathered within this realm, nor any such payment made at Rome, which had been used to be paid there, ever since the days of Ine, king of Westsaxons, which ordained this payment toward the maintenance of a school for English scholars. 
Ine king of Westsaxons.  But howsoever this payment was abrogated at this time by king Edward, it was after renewed again, and the money gathered in certain shires of this realm, till the days of king Henry the eight, so greatly prevailed the usurped power of that beast of Rome, which had poisoned the princes of the world with the dregs of his abomination, whose glory shall end in shame, his honour turn to horror, and his ambitious climbing up aloft above all principality (to be compear with God) shall have an irrecoverable ruin; as long agone, and of late likewise hath been and now is prophesied of him, that he may readily read his own downfall into hell: 
In rapidas acherontis aquas, qui gloria mundi  
Papafuit, lapsu corruet ille gravi:  
Corruet ut rapidum descendit ab aethere fulmen,  
Corruet in stygios tempus in omne lacus.   
In this year fell great abundance of rain in the time of hay harvest, 
A rainy harvest. Caxton.  so that much corn and hay was lost. ¶ There was also such fighting amongst sparrows in that season, that they were found dead on the ground in great numbers. Also, there followed great mortality of people, 
Death.  the sickness being so sharp and vehement, that many being in perfect health over night when they went to bed, were found dead in the morning. Also, many died of the small pocks, both men, women, and children. ¶ Moreover this year, Simon Is●ep archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, and Simon Langham bishop of Elie succeeded in his place. 
K. Richard the second borne.  This year at Bordeaux, was borne the second son of prince Edward named Richard, on the third day of April; his godfather at the fontstone was james K. of Maiorke. ¶ Peter the king of Spain, who (as ye have heard) was expelled out of his realm by his bastard brother, made such earnest suit to the prince of Wales for aid to be restored home, that finally the prince advertising his father king Edward of the whole matter, by advise from him, determined to bring home the said king Peter, 
Froissard.  and to restore him again to his kingdom, by force of arms, in despite of all his adversaries.  
The prince indeed was very desirous to take this enterprise upon him, both of a certain pitiful affection to relieve the miserable state of king Peter, and also of an ardent desire which he had to purchase a glorious fame through martial deeds, and noble acts of chivalry. Therefore having this occasion to employ his time in such exercises, and now commanded thereto of his father, he was exceedingly glad in his mind, and with all speed that might be, made his provision both of a sufficient army of men of war, and also of all other things necessary for the furniture of such an enterprise: but first, he took good assurance line 10 of king Peter, for the payment of the soldiers wages: so the king left at Baionne three of his daughters, Beatrice, Constance, and Isabella as pledges, for performance of all the covenants agreed betwixt him and the prince.  

1367 Anno Reg. 41.  Thus when the prince, by the advise and counsel of sir john Chandois, and sir Robert Knols (by whom he was much ruled) had taken direction in his business, for that his journey into Spain, in each condition as was thought behoveful, he with line 20 the king of Spain in his company, 
The prince setteth forward towards Spain.  passed forth with a puissant army, and came to the streicts of Roncevalle, at the entry into Navarre, and obtaining so much friendship of the king of Navarre, as to have the passages of his country opened, they entered into his realm through the same, 
He entereth into Naua●re.  as friends, without finding any resistance. In this mean time, Henry king of Spain, having knowledge that the prince of Wales was thus coming against him, to restore his brother king Peter to his former degree, line 30 by advise of sir Berthram de Cleaquin, got a great number of soldiers out of France, by whose aid he might the better defend himself against his enemies.  
Now it chanced, that whilst the prince of Wales was passing through Navarre, toward the entry of Spain, certain of those Frenchmen, under the leading of sir Oliver Mannie, 
The king of Navarre taken by the Frenchmen.  took the king of Navarre prisoner, as he was riding from one town to an other. Many marveled at that chance, and some line 40 there were that thought he suffered himself to be taken for a caut●le, because he would not aid the prince of Wales any further, nor conduct him through his realm, as he had promised to do. But the prince nothing dismayed herewith, passed forward, by the guiding of a knight of Navarre, 
Sir Martin de Care.  called sir Martin de Care, and finally came to the confines of Spain, and lodged at Uictoria, not far from his enemies. For king Henry of Spain, understanding which way the prince drew, came forward to encounter line 50 him, and pight down his field, not far from the borders of his realm, at a place called saint Muchaule: and thus were both the hosts lodged within a small distance the one against the other. 
Saint Machaule.   
King Henry had sent to the prince an herald of arms with a letter, 
The king of Spain sendeth to the prince.  requiring to know of him for what cause he moved war against him, sith he had never offended him. The prince taking deliberation for answer of this letter, kept the messenger with him, and perceiving that king Henry came not forward, line 60 but lay still at saint Muchaule, strongly encamped, 
Uictoria. Uiana.  he removed from Uictoria, and came to a town called Uiana, where he stayed two days to refresh his people, and after went forward, and passed the river which divideth the realms of Castille and Navarre, at the bridge of Groigne. King Henry advertised hereof, departed from saint Muchaule, and came before the town of Nauarret, situate on the same river. Not many days before the prince passed the river at Groigne, king Henry had sent forth two of his brethren, the earl Dom Teille, and the lord Sanches, with six hundred horsemen, to view the prince's host. 
Polydor.   
They chanced to encounter two hundred English horsemen, whom after long and sharp fight they distressed, & slew sir William Felton, one of the chief leaders of those Englishmen▪ 
Sir William Felton 〈◊〉▪ Froissard.  and took sir Thomas Felton his brother, sir Hugh Hastings, and diverse other, both knights and esquires. Whether that king Henry was greatly encouraged by this good luck in the beginning, or that he trusted through the great multitude of his people, which he had there with him, to have the upper hand of his enemies, true it is▪ that he coveted sore to give them battle; and although he might have wearied the prince, and constrained him for want of victuals to have returned, or to have fought with him at some great advantage, if he had deferred the battle, as the marshal of France Dandrehen gave counsel, yet he would needs fight in all the haste, and therefore did thus approach his enemies.  
The prince perceiving that his adversary came forward to encounter him, dispatched the herald with an answer to the letter which he had of him received, containing in effect, that for great considerations, he had taken upon him to aid the rightful K. of Spain, chased out of his realm by violent wrong, and that if it might be, he would gladly make an agreement betwixt them; conditionally, that king Henry of necessity must then forsake the administration, and all the title of the kingdom of Spain, which by no rightful mean he could enjoy, and therefore if he refused thus to do, he was for his part resolved how to proceed. The herald departed with this answer, and came therewith unto king Henry, and delivered it unto him, as then lodged with his puissant army at Navarre, so that then both parties prepared themselves to battle.  
The prince having with him thirty thousand men of Englishmen, Gascoignes, and other strangers, 
The number of the prince's army.  ordained three battles, of the which, the first was led by the duke of Lancaster, and with him was sir john Chandois constable of Guien, 
The chiefteins of the same army.  sir William Beauchampe son to the earl of Warwick, the lord Dalbret, sir Richard Dangle, and sir Stephan Cousenton, marshals of Given, & diverse other. The middle ward was governed by the prince, and with him was the foresaid Peter king of Spain, and diverse other lords and knights of England, Poictou, and other countries, as the viscounts of Chatelareault and Rochcort, the lords of Partnie, Pinan, Taneboton, and others, sir Richard Pontchardon, sir Thomas Spenser, sir john Grendon, and a great sort more, whose names it would be too long to rehearse. The rearward was under the governance of the king of Malorques, & with him were associate the earls of Arminacke, Dalbreth, Piergort, Gominges, the capitol of Buefz, sir Robert Knols, and many other valiant lords, knights, and esquires.  
On the second day of April, the prince with his battle thus ordered, removed from Groigne, and marching that day two leagues forward, came before Nauarret, and there took his lodging, within a small distance from his enemies, so that both parties prepared to give battle the next day in the morning, commanding that every man at the sounding of the first trumpet, should apparel themselves, that they might be ready upon the next sound to be set in order of battle, and to go against their enemies. The Spaniards very early in the morning drew into the field, and ordained three battles in this wise. 
The order 〈◊〉 the Spaniards.  The first was led by sir Berthram de Cleaquin, wherein were all the Frenchmen and other strangers, to the number of four thousand knights and esquires, well armed and appointed, after the manner of France. In the second battle was the earl Dom Tielle, with his brother the lord Sanches, having with them fifteen thousand men on foot, and on horseback. The third battle and the greatest of all was governed by king Henry himself, having in that battle seven thousand horsemen, and threescore thousand footmen, with crossbows, darts, spears, lances, and other habiliments of war: 
The number of the Spanish army.  so in all three battles he had fourscore and six thousand men on horseback and on foot.  
The prince of Wales, at the breaking of the day was ready in the field with his people arranged in order of battle, and advanced forward with them toward his enemies, an hosting pace; and as they passed a little hill, they might see as they were descending down the same, their enemies coming likewise line 10 towards them, in good order of battle. When they were approached near together, and ready to join, 
The duke of Lancaster.  the duke of Lancaster's battle encountered with the battle of sir Berthram de Cleaquin, which two battles very eagerly assailed each other, so that there was betwixt them a sore conflict, and well continued. The earl Dom Teille, and his brother the lord Sanches, upon the first approach of the prince's battle towards them, fled out of the field, and with them two thousand spears, so that the residue of their battle line 20 were shortly after discomfited, for the capital of Buz otherwise Beuf, 
The capital of Beuf.  and the lord Clisson, came upon them on foot, and slew and hurt many of them, so that they broke their array, and fled to save themselves.  
This chance discomforted the hearts of the Spaniards right sore, but yet king Henry like a valiant gentleman came forward, and encouraged his men all that he might, so that there was a cruel battle, line 30 and well fought a long time. For the Spaniards with slings cast stones in such fierce manner, that they clave therewith many an helmet and bassenet, hurt many, and overthrew them to the earth. On the other part, 
The archers.  the English archers shot freshly at their enemies, galled and slew the Spaniards, and brought them to great confusion: yet king Henry nothing abashed herewith, wheresoever he perceived his men to shrink, thither he resorted, calling upon them, and exhorting them to remember their estimations and line 40 duties, so that by his diligence and manful encouragement, thrice that day did he stay his people, being at point to give over, and set them in the faces of his enemies again. Neither did the soldiers alone manfully behave themselves, but the captains also stoutly laid about them. King Peter like a lion pressed forward, 
King Peter.  coveting to meet with his brother Henry, that he might seek his revenge on him with his own hands. Cruel was the fight, and tried throughly with most eager and fierce minds. line 50  
At length, when the Spaniards were no longer able to sustain the force and violence of the Englishmen, Gascoignes, & other which were there against them, they broke their array, and fled; so that neither the authority nor bold exhortation of king Henry, could cause them to tarry any longer: whereupon, when he saw himself forsaken of his people, 
The Spaniards put to ●●ght.  and that few abode with him to resist his enemies, he also to save himself fled out of the field, being fully persuaded, that if he had been taken, no ransom line 60 should have saved his life. The battle that was best fought, and longest held together, was that of the strangers, which sir Berthram de Cleaquin led. For if the Spaniards had done half their parts as well as the Frenchmen, & other in this battle, the matter had gone harder against the Englishmen than it did: yet finally, by the noble courage of the duke of Lancaster, and the valiant prowess of sir john Chandois, sir Hugh Caluerlie, & others, the Frenchmen were put to flight, and their battle quite discomfited. The slaughter in this battle was great, both of them that were slain in the field, and of those that were drowned in the river that runneth by the town of Nauarret.  
After that the battle was ended, and that such as had followed the chase were returned, the prince caused the fields to be searched, to understand what number had been slain in the battle: they that were appointed to take the view, upon their return reported, 
The number slain at this battle at Nauarret.  that there was dead of men of arms five hundred and threescore, and of commons about seven thousand, and five hundred of the English part: there were slain of men of name, but four knights, two Gascoignes, one Almain, and the fourth an Englishman, and of other mean soldiers, not past forty (as Froissard saith.) But others affirm, that there were slain of the prince's part about sixteen hundred; which should seem to be more like a truth, 
Fabian.  if the battle was fought so sore and fiercely, as Froissard himself doth make report. Howbeit, 
Caxton.  there be that writ, how the duke of Lancaster won the field by great fortune and valiancy, yet the prince came near to his enemies. But howsoever it was, the Englishmen obtained the victory in this battle, fought on a saturday being the third of April, in the year 1367. There were taken prisoners, 
Froissard.  to the number of two thousand, and amongst them the earl of Dene, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, the marshal Dandrehen or Odenhen, 
Caxton.  and many other men of name.  
After the battle, king Peter went to Burgus, and was received into the city, and shortly after, that is to say, on the wednesday following, the prince came thither, and there held his Easter with king Peter, and tarried there above three weeks. 
Froissard.  In the mean time, they of Asturgus, Toledo, Lisbon, Cordova, Galice, Seville, and of all other places of the kingdom of Spain, came in, and did homage unto king Peter, promising him to be true to him ever after: for they saw that resistance would not avail so long as the prince should be in the country. After this, the prince was in hand with king Peter, for the soldiers wages, by whose aid he was thus restored into his former estate. King Peter went unto Seville, to make shift for money accordingly, promising to return again, within a few weeks, and to see every man paid, according as he had covenanted. For when he was driven out of his realm, and came to Bordeaux to crave aid of the prince, he promised, that so soon as he should be restored to his kingdom, he would see the soldiers contented of their wages, and bound himself thereto, both by his oath and writing given under his seal. But when he obtained his purpose, he forgot all friendly duty, and was so far from performing his promise, that he cloaked his ill meaning with a feigned tale, and sent the prince a message spiced with hypocrisy and unthankfulness, two foul faults in a private man, much more odious in a prince and great state, as the poet wisely and truly saith in this distichon: 
Omne animi vitium tantò conspectius in se  
Crimen habet, quantò maior qui peccat habetur.   
The prince tarried for the return of king Peter, both weeks and months, but could not hear any tidings of him. He therefore sent unto him, to understand the cause of the stay: his answer was, that he had provided money, and sent it by certain of his men toward the prince, but the companions that served under the prince, had met with it by the way, and taken it from them that had the conveyance of it: he therefore required the prince to rid the realm of those snaphances, 
King Peter's dissimulation.  and to leave behind him some of his officers, to whom in name of him he would make payment of such money as was due. This answer pleased not the prince, but there was no remedy, for other at that present he could not have, for any likeliehood he saw: and therefore, taking order with king Peter how the payment should be made, he prepared to return into Gascoigne. The order therefore taken betwixt them, was this. Within four months next ensuing, king Peter should pay the one half of the wages due to the soldiers for this journey▪ unto such as the prince should leave behind him to receive the same, and the other half within one year.  

Tho. Walsi.  The prince was compelled to break his plate, and to make money thereof to pay his soldiers, namely, 
The prince put to his shifts for de●ault of pay.  the companions, which he had called forth of France, so that he left himself bare of all riches, to line 10 keep touch with them, although king Dampeter failed in his promise each way forth. For where the prince should have had in recompense towards his charges, the county of Algezara, and other lands, by the said Dampeters assignment, so that he sent one of his knights to take seizine of the same lands, he was nevertheless disappointed, for he could not come by any peaceable possession of those lands, and so returned greatly impoverished, having spent in this journey all that he could make. In the mean time line 20 the bastard Henry, having escaped out of the field by flight, got him into France, and there through favour of the duke of Anjou, so purchased for himself, that he got together a certain number of Britain's and other soldiers, & coming to the frontiers of the prince's land in Gascoigne, got a town in Bigore, called Bannieres, and made war upon the prince's subjects.  

The prince returneth into Gascoigne.  The prince obtaining passage for himself and his men, of the kings of Arragon and Navarre, returned line 30 to Bordeaux, and then did the bastard Henry forsake his garrison at Bannieres, and went into Arragon, and there got the king of Arragon's assistance: & finally, in the year 1369, returning into Spain, recovered the kingdom, and slew his brother king Peter, as in the history of Spain it may appear, which for that it appertaineth not to this history of England, I do here pass over. This year, in the month of March, appeared a blazing star, betwixt the north and west, 
1368 Anno Reg. 42.  whose beams stretched towards line 40 France as was then marked, 
A blazing star. Polychron. Polydor.  threatening (as might be thought) that within a small time after it should again be wrapped and set on fire with new troubles of war, and even then, that country was not in quiet, but harried in diverse parts, by such soldiers as had been with the prince in Spain, & were now out of wages. The leaders of which people were for the more part Englishmen and Gascoignes, 
Froissard.  as sir Robert Briquet, sir john Tresmelle, Robert Cenie, sir Gaollard Uigier, the bourge of Bertueill, the line 50 bourge Camois of Cominges, as Device Savage thinketh, the bourge of Lespare, Nandon or Nawdon of Bargerant, Bernard de la Salle, Ortigo, Lamut, and many other.  

The duke of Clarence goeth into Italy.  In this 42 year of king Edward's reign, his second son the lord Lionel duke of Clarence and earl of Ulster passed the sea, with a noble company of lords, knights, and gentlemen, and went through France into Lombardie, 
The lady Uiolant.  there to marry the lady line 60 Uiolant, daughter to the duke of Milan. He was honourably received in all places where he came, and specially at Paris, by the dukes of Berrie and Burgognie, the lord Coucie and other, the which brought him to the court, where he dined and supped with the king, and lodged within the palace. On the next day he was had to a place where the queen lodged, and dined with her, and after was conveyed to the court again, and supped that night with the king, and on the morrow following, he took his leave of the king and queen the which gave to him great gifts, and likewise to the noble men of England that came over with him, to the value of twenty thousand florins and above: he was conveyed from place to place, with certain of the French nobility, till he came to the borders of the realm, and then entering into Savoy, 
His entertainment ● Savoy.  he came to Chamberie, where the earl of Savoy was ready to receive him, and there he remained four days, being highly feasted amongst the ladies and damosels: and then he departed, and the earl of Savoy brought him to Milla●e, to do him the more honour, for his sister was mother to the bride, which the duke should marry.  
To speak of the honourable receiving of him into the city of Milan, and of the great feast, triumph, 
His receiving into Millan●.  and banqueting, and what an assembly there was in Milan of high states, at the solemnising of the marriage betwixt him and the said lady Uiolant, 
Corio in the history of Milan.  it were too long a process to remember▪ The gifts that the father of the bride, the lord Galeas gave unto such honourable personages as were there present, amounted in value to an inestimable sum. ¶ The writers of the Milan histories affirm, that this marriage was celebrated on the fifteenth day of june, in the year 1367, which being true, the same chanced in the 41 year of this king's reign, 
ja. Meir. Froissard. Caxton.  and not in this 42 year, though other authors agree, that it was in the year 1368. But to return to other doings where we left.  
Ye have heard how the prince of Wales could get no money of the king of Spain, 
Froissard.  for the wages of his men of war, which he had retained to serve him in the reducing of the said king home into his country: wherefore the prince having been at great charges in that journey, was neither able to satisfy them, nor maintain his own estate, without some great aid of his subjects, and therefore he was counseled to raise a subsidy called a fuage, through all the country of Aquitaine, 
The prince 〈◊〉 Wales constrained to b●●●den his subjects with ● sore subsidy.  to run only for the space of five years. To this payment, every chimney or fire must have been contributory, paying yearly one frank, the rich to have borne out the poor. And to have this payment granted, all the states of the country were called together at Niort. The Poictovins, and they of Xainctonge, Limosin, Rovergne, and of Rochel, agreed to the prince's request, with condition, 
Coin not to be enhanced nor abased.  that he should keep the course of his coin stable, for the term of seven years.  
But diverse of the other parts of Given refused that ordinance, as the earls of Arminake, and Gominges, the viscount of Carmaigne, the lords Dalbret, de la bard, Cande, Pincornet, and diverse other great barons: but yet to departed quietly from the assembly, they required a time to take better advise, and so they repairing into their countries, determined neither to return again according to their promises, 
The dem●●● of this fuage the cause of the Gascoignes revolting to the French king.  nor to suffer any fuage to run amongst them at all, and were so much offended with the motion, that they sought occasion forthwith to revolt from the English obeisance and submission, knowing that 
pastors tondere boni haud deglubere cultris  
Villosum assuescunt pecus.  And therefore diverse lords of them went to the French king, and there exhibited into the chamber of the peers of France, their complaints of the grievous impositions & wrongs, which the prince went about to lay upon them, affirming that their resort ought of special duty to be to the crown of France, and to the king there, as to their lord Peramount. The French king, who would not seem to break the peace between him and the king of England, dissembled the matter, and told them that he would peruse the tenor of the charters and letters of the peace, and so far forth as he might by permission of the same, he would be glad to do them good. The earls of Arminake, Perigourd, Gominge, and the lord Dalbret, with other that were come thither about this matter, were contented with this answer, and so stayed in France, till they might understand further, both of the French kings mind, and of the princes doings. ¶ This year in October, was Simon Langham archbishop of Canturburie elected to the dignity of a cardinal, and then William Witleslie, bishop of Worcester, was removed unto the see of Canturburie.  
About the same time, the earl of saint Paul, one of the hostages in England, 
The earl of Saint Paul  stolen from hence, without taking any leave, or saying farewell. At his coming into France, he greatly furthered the suit of line 10 the lords of Gascoigne, & finally so much was done on their behalf, that the French king was contented that the prince of Wales should be appealed, year 1369 and summoned to appear before the French king as judge in that point, 
The prince of Wales appealed to appear.  for reformation of the wrongs which he offered to them that had made their resort unto him, as reason was they should. This appeal was written, and duly examined.  
The tenor of the said prince of Wales his appeal or summons of appearance before the French king, etc.  
line 20  
Charles' by the grace of God king of France, to our nephew the prince of Wales and Aquitaine, send greeting. So it is, that diverse prelates, barons, knights, universities, commonalties, and colleges of the line 30 marches and limits of the country of Gascoigne, and the dwellers and inhabitants in the bounds of our realm, besides diverse other of the duchy of Aquitaine, are resorted, and come to our court, to have right of certain griefs, and unlawful troubles, which you, by unadvised counsel, and simple information, have purposed to do unto them, whereof we greatly marvel. line 40 Therefore, to withstand, and to redress such things, we are so conjoined to them, that we have thought good, by our royal power, to command you to repair to our city of Paris, in proper person, and there to show and present yourself before us, in the chamber of our peers, that you may be constrained to do right to your people, concerning the griefs which they allege line 50 that you are about to oppress them with, who claim to have their resort into our court: and that you fail not thus to do, in as speedy manner as ye can, immediately upon the sight and hearing of these present letters. In witness whereof, we have to the same set our seal. yeven at Paris, the five and twentieth day of januarie.  

Anno Reg. 43.  These letters were given to a knight and a clerk, line 60 to bear and present to the prince, which according to that they had in charge, went to Bordeaux, and there getting licence to come before his presence, they read the letters, wherewith he was not a little chafed, and openly told them for a plain answer, 
The princes answer to the messenger.  that he meant to accomplish the French kings request, for his coming to Paris, but that should be with his helmet on his head, and threescore thousand armed men, to bear witness of his appearance. The messengers perceiving the prince to be sore offended with their message, got them away, without taking their leave: but before they were passed the limits of the English dominion, they were stayed by commandment of the prince, and committed to prison, within the city of Agen.  
About the same time, 
The duke of Berrie.  the duke of Berrie returned into France, having licence of king Edward for an whole year; but he bore himself so wisely, that he returned not again at all: for he excused himself, till time that the war was open. In like manner, the more part of all the other hostages, by one mean or other were returned into France, and some indeed were delivered upon their ransoms, or other considerations, so that the French king being delivered of that obstacle, was the more ready to break with the king of England, and therefore upon knowledge had of the prince's answer, to those that he sent with the appeal, by such of the messengers servants as were returned, and declared how their masters were dealt with, he covertly prepared for the war. The lord john Chandois, 
The lord Chandois.  and other of the prince's council foresaw what would ensue of leavieng the ●uage, and therefore counseled the prince, not to proceed any further in it. But he having only regard to the relief of his soldiers and men of war, would needs go forward with it. ¶ Indeed, if he might have brought it to pass, as it was denied, that every householder should have paid a frank for chimniage, 
Chimniage.  the sum would have grown to twelve hundred thousand franks by the year, which had been a great relief, and that made him the more earnest, because he might have been able so to have paid his debts.  
Now, when it was perceived certainly that open rebellion would thereof ensue, and that king Edward was certified of the whole state of the matter, and how diverse of the lords of Aquitaine were withdrawn unto the court of France, in manner as before ye have heard, he devised a letter, which he caused to be published through all the parts of Aquitaine the effect whereof was this; 
A letter published by the prince to appease the Gascoignes.  That where the people of that country found themselves grieved for such exactions as were demanded of them, he meant therefore upon examination of their just complaints, to see their wrongs redressed. And further, he was contented to pardon all such as were withdrawn to the French king, so that within a months space they would return home; requiring them, that in no wise they should stir any seditious tumult, but to remember their oaths of allegiance, and to continue in the same, according to their bounden duties; and as for him, he would be ready to see them eased, that would show by plain proof how they had been otherwise grieved than reason might bear. This was his meaning, and this was the advise of all his councillors.  
But this courteous letter little availed, for daily the Gascoignes revolted from the prince, and turned to the French part. Moreover, 
ja. Meir.  another occasion of grudge chanced to renew the malice betwixt the K. of England, and the French king. For whereas ye have heard, that the earl of Flanders had affianced his daughter and heir to the lord Edmund of Langlie, earl of Cambridge, a shift was made, namely by the earls mother the countess of Arthois, who was all French, that notwithstanding the same affiance, 
Philip duke of Burgognie marrieth the earl of Flanders daughter.  she was married to Philip duke of Burgognie, who was surnamed the Hardy, by this occasion, as I. Meir saith. It chanced, that whilst he was prisoner in England with his father, he was upon a time appointed to wait at the table, where his father and the king of England sat together at meat. And because a noble man of England that was appointed likewise to attend at the same table, 
The cause of his surname le hardy.  served first the king of England before the king of France, this Philip up with his fist, and took the English lord a blow on the ear, saying; Wilt thou serve the king of England first, where the French king sitteth at the same table? The Englishman out with his dagger, & would have stricken the said Philip, but the king of England straightly charged him to the contrary, and praising the deed of the young stripling, said unto him, Vous estes Philip le hardy, Thou art (said he) the hardy Philip. And so from that day he bore that name ever after. There be other that say, how he took that surname, because in the battle of Poitiers he abode still with his father till the end of the battle, without line 10 showing any token of fear, or faintness of courage.  
The earls of Arminacke and Perigord, with the other lords of Gascoigne, 
The earls of Arminacke & Perigord. Froissard.  that had made their appeal (as ye have heard) to the chamber of the peers of France, when they understood that the prince had imprisoned the messengers, that brought to him the French kings letters, began to make war on the prince's lands. The first enterprise they made, was the discomfiting of the lord Thomas Wake seneschal of Rovergne, 
The L. Wake discomfited.  as he was riding from Again unto line 20 the city of Rodais, with threescore spears, and two hundred archers in his company. Also the French king being now provided for the war, and understanding the minds of the people within certain towns under the dominion of the Englishmen, 
Fabian. The French king proceedeth against the prince in judgement of the appeal. Froissard.  in his high court of parliament holden at Paris, proceeded in judgement upon the appellation before made by the earls of Arminacke, Perigord, and others, against prince Edward. And moreover he sent over into England the earl of Salisbruch, and a knight called sir William Dorman, to signify to the king of England, line 30 how he thought himself not honourably used, & that the king of England did but slenderly keep the covenants of the peace, considering that he did not find means to reform such of his subjects Englishmen and Gascoignes, as daily rob and wasted the countries & lands belonging to the crown of France.  
These ambassadors were stayed for the space of two months, & still they complained of the wrongs line 40 that the Englishmen had done, contrary to the covenants of the peace, but the king made small account thereof, because he perceived it was a forged matter that they alleged, and so in the end sent them away. At Dover being upon their return, there met them a Britain that was coming with letters of defiance to the king of England from the French king, and as he had in commandment, he declared to them the effect of his message, whereupon with all speed they passed over to Bullongne, and line 50 were glad they had so escaped. The Britain came to the court, 
The French king sent to defy the king of England.  and delivered the defiance to the king, according to the instructions which he had received. When the king had heard the letters read, and perceived by good view taken of the seal and signet, that the same were of authority, he licensed the messenger to departed, and fell in council with the peers of his realm, what he should do in so weigthie a matter. Whereupon it was thought necessary by them, that he should assemble his court of parliament, and line 60 so he did. In the which (upon declaration made how injuriously the French king after many wrongful dealings had now broken the peace, 
Polydor. A parliament assembled.  and sent his defiance unto the king in so despiteful wise as might be) there was granted towards the maintenance of the war thus begun, 
Three fiftéens and three tenths granted. Fabian. Froissard.  three fifteen of the temporalty, and three dimes of the spirituality, to be paid in three years.  
At the self same time that the defiance was made to the king here in England, the earl of S. Paul, and Guy de Chatillon master of the crossbows in France, entered into the county of Ponthieu, took Abuile, 
Sir Nicholas Lovaigne taken.  and an English knight called sir Nicholas Lovaigne seneschal of that country under the king of England, as then being within it. They took also saint Ualerie, Crotoie, Rue, Pont saint Renie, 
The 〈◊〉 of Pont●●●● taken by t●e French 〈◊〉.  and to be short, reduced the whole country of Ponthieu under the French obeisance, which had remained in possession of the Englishmen for the space of a hundred and twelve years, ever since Edward the first had the same assigned to him in name of a dowry, with his wife queen Elinor, sister to Alfonse K. of Castille. And yet were the people of that country ready now to revolt to the French dominion, notwithstanding their former long continued obeisance to the Englishmen: for otherwise could not the Frenchmen so easily have come to their purpose, but that the people were covenanted before to receive them, and betray those few Englishmen that were amongst them.  
About the same time also, it fell so ill for the Englishmen, that the prince of Wales was troubled with a sore sickness, 
The prince 〈◊〉 Wales dis●●sed with sickness.  that had continued long with him, ever since his being in Spain, by reason whereof his enemies were the more bold to make attempts against him, and daily went about to allure and entice his subjects of the marches of Given to revolt from him, in somuch that the city of Cahors, 
The city of Cahors ●●uolteth.  and diverse other towns thereabout turned to the French part. Thus was the peace which had been so surly made, and with so many solemn oaths confirmed, violated and broken, and the parties fallen together by the ears again in sundry places, and namely in Aquitaine, where sundry armies were abroad in the fields, divers sieges laid, many towns taken, often encounters and skirmishes made, sometime to the loss of the one part, and sometime of the other, and the countries in the mean time harried and spoiled, that marvel it is to consider, and too long a process it should be to rehearse the tenth part of such chances as daily happened amongst them, so that it might well have been said of that sore & tumultuous time: O quàm difficiles sunt sint pace dies.  
King Edward sent over into Gascoigne the earls of Cambridge and Penbroke, 
Succours 〈◊〉 into Gascoigne.  with a certain number of men of arms and archers, the which arriving in Britain, passed through that country by licence of the Duke, and came to the prince as then lying at Angolesme in Poictou, by whom they were sent to overrun the earl of Perigords lands, and so they did, and after laid siege to Burdille, having with them about three thousand men one and other. 
Burdille ●●sieged.  There came with them forth of England four hundred men of arms, four hundred archers, and (as Froissard saith) beside their captains, these earls which he nameth, to wit, the lord of Tabestone (or rather Bradstone as I take it) sir Brian Stapleton, sir Thomas Balaster, and sir john Trivet. Whilst the said earls went thus to make war against the earl of Perigord, 
Sir Hugh Caluerlie.  sir Hugh Caluerlie with two thousand men of war was sent also to overrun the lands of the earl of Arminacke, and of the lord Dalbret; 
Sir john Chandois.  sir john Chandois lay in the marches of Tholouse at Mountaubon, & afterwards besieged Terrieres, and in the end won it; and so likewise did the earls of Cambridge and Penbroke win Burdille, 
Burdille wound.  by reason of a saillie that they within made forth, and passed so far from their fortress, that the Englishmen got betwixt them and home.  
Sir Robert Knols came from such lands as he had in Britain, 
Sir Robert Knols.  to serve the prince now in these wars of Gascoigne, and was by him made chief governor of all his men of war, who bore himself right worthily in that charge. The first journey which he made at that time, was into Quercie, having with him beside his own hands, certain knights of the prince's retinue, as sir Richard Ponchardon, sir Stephan Gousenton, sir noel Loring, sir Hugh Hastings, sir john Trivet, sir Thomas Spenser, sir Thomas Balaster, sir Nicholas Bond, sir William le Moins seneschal of Aigenois, sir Baldwin de Freville, and others. At their coming into Quercie, they besieged a strong fortress called Durmell, within the which were diverse captains of the companions, as Aimon d'Ortigo, the little Mechin, jaques de Bray, Perot de Savoie, and Arnaudon de Pons, the which so valiantly defended the place, that although the lord Chandois, accompanied with sir Thomas Felton, line 10 the capital of Beuf, sir john de Pommiers, sir Thomas Percy, sir Eustace Daubreticourt, and others came with their retinues from Montaubon, to reinforce that siege, yet could they not obtain their purpose, but raising from thence after five weeks siege (constrained thereto through want of victuals) they marched straight to a town called Dumb, which they besieged, having in their army fifteen hundred men at arms, 
B● Gerard.  beside two thousand archers and brigands, so called in those days, of an armour line 20 which they ware named brigandines, used then by footmen, that bore also targets, or pavoises, and certain darts or javelins to throw at their enemies.  
The town and castle of Dumb were so strong of themselves, and so well provided of men of war that were appointed to the guard of the same, with the lord thereof called sir Robert de Domme, that after the English captains perceived they should but lose time to linger about the winning of that town, they line 30 raised their siege, and marching further into the country, wan Gavaches, Freins, Rochmador, and Uille Franche, upon the marches of Toulouzain, greatly to the displeasure of the duke of Anjou that lay at the same time in the city of Toulouze, & could not remedy the matter. ¶ But to recite every particular enterprise, as the same was achieved by the English captains and men of war in that season, it should be more than the purpose of this volume might permit, and therefore I pass over diverse line 40 things, which I find registered by Froissard and other writers, only advertising you, that as the Englishmen thus made sore wars against their adversaries abroad in those quarters: so the Frenchmen on the other part had assembled great numbers of men of war, not only to defend their frontiers, but also by invasions to win from the Englishmen towns and castles, and to wa●t such countries as would not turn to their side. Thus were all those countries in troubles of war. 
Aquitaine full of war.   
The two kings also of England and France, signified line 50 to their neighbours the causes of this war, laying the fault either to other, and excusing themselves as clear and innocent therein. Edward duke of Gelderland, nephew to the king of England, as son to his sister, and the duke of Gulike cousin to the king's children by their mother that was daughter to the earl of Heinault, took great despite that the French king had broken the peace, as they were throughly persuaded, and that he had defied king line 60 Edward (as before ye have heard.) Whereupon they sent their defiance unto the French king, threatening to be revenged on him to the uttermost of their powers. 
The duke of Bavier.  Duke Albert of Bavier, was once minded also to have aided king Edward in this war: but afterwards such persuasions were used on the French kings part, that he chose to remain as neuter betwixt them both, refusing to take any part.  
Among the soldiers also called companions, which served the prince in this season, there were three captains, right hardy and very expert men of war, Ortigo, Bernard de Wiske, & Bernard de la Sale. These three remaining as then in Limosin, hearing that ●he duke of Bourbon's mother, which was also mother to the French queen, la●e within the castle of Belleperch in Burbonnois, 
The duke of Bourbon's mother taken.  with a small company about her, road thither in one day and a night, so that in the morning they approached the castle, scaled it, and took it, with the lady within it. And though they were after besieged in the same castle by the duke of Bourbon and other Frenchmen, yet they defended it, till the earls of Cambridge and Penbroke, with fifteen hundred spears, and three thousand of other men of war, came and offered the Frenchmen battle, lodging afore them fifteen days. And when they perceived that the Frenchmen would not issue out of the bastide (in which they lay) to give battle, the earls of Cambridge and Penbroke caused all them within the castle to come forth, and to bring with them the duchess of Bourbon, whom they led away in sight of her son, leaving the castle void and free for him to enjoy.  
The French king provided a great number of ships to assemble together at Harflew, 
The French king prepareth a navy.  and levied a great power of men, minding to bestow them aboard in the same ships, that they might sail into England, and make war against king Edward in his own country. Cheefteine of this army should have been his brother the duke of Bourbon, but this journey was broken, for the Frenchmen were eased of the pain to come to seek the Englishmen at home in England, they coming over into France, and proffering them battle even at their own doors. For the king of England having levied a power of archers, and other men of war, sent them over under the leading of his son the duke of Lancaster. 
The duke of Lancaster sent into France with an army  There went with him in this journey, the earls of Hereford and Salisbury, the lord Ros, the lord Basset, the lord Willoughby, the lord de la Ware, the lord de la Pole, the lord Walter of Mannie, the lord Henry Percy, the lord Thomas Grantson, sir Alane Burhul, sir Richard Sturrie, & diverse other. They went over about Midsummer. And after they had rested a little, the duke set forward and roded forth into the country, spoiling and harrieng the same, and when he saw time, returned again to Calis.  
The French king being at Rouen, heard of the arrival of this army at Calis, and that his country of Picardy was in great danger: he changed his purpose therefore of sending an army into England, and with all speed appointed that his power should with his brother the duke of Burgognie turn toward Calis, to resist the duke of Lancaster. Hereupon when the duke of Lancaster heard that the duke of Burgognie was thus coming toward him, he issued forth of Calis, and coming into the valley beneath the hill of Turneham, there took his field, and fortified the place with strong hedges and rampires, 

The duke of Lancaster fortifieth his camp.  
The duke of Burgognie. Fabian. Froissard.   the better to be able to resist his enemies if they would assail him. The duke of Burgognie came still forward, till he approached very near to the duke of Lancaster's camp, and pight down his field aloft upon the hill of Turneham, so that the fronts of both hosts were within less than a mile either of other.  
There was come to the duke of Lancaster a knight of the marches of Almain, 
Sir Robert de Namur.  called sir Robert de Namur with an hundred spears: but yet the duke of Lancaster's host was but one handful of men, in respect of the huge number of the French army, wherein were (as Froissard writeth) four thousand knights beside others. But yet for all his great puissance and number of men, he would not adventure to assail the Englishmen in their lodgings, as it was thought he would have done, but kept himself and his men upon the hill, from the four and twentieth of August, unto the twelfth of September, and then dislodged not much to his honour, howsoever writers do excuse it, declaring how his b●o●her had given him straight commandment, that in no wise he should fight with the Englishmen: and that when he had sent to his brother for commission either to fight, or to remove, he was commanded to turn with all speed unto Paris, and to break up his army for that time. Some there be that writ, how that after both these hosts had lain the one against the other a long space, 
Caxton.  to the reproof of both chiefteins, it chanced that the lord Thomas Beauchampe earl of Warwick line 10 came thitherward by sea, 
The earl of Warwick.  to be at the battle, which he heard would shortly follow between the two armies: but yer he was come to land, the Frenchmen for fear durst no longer abide, but secretly in the night departed and fled towards Hesdin, and so to Paris, for the which their flight, the duke of Burgognie was after blamed of his brother the French king.  

Froissard. The queen of England departeth this life.  In this mean while, that is to say, on the even of the Assumption of our lady, died that noble princess, line 20 the lady Philip queen of England. It is said that when she perceived that she must needs departed out of this transitory life, she desired to speak with the king her husband, and when he was come to her with a sorrowful hart to see her in that state, she took him by the hand, 
Her three petitions to the king.  and after courteous words of induction, she required of him to grant her three requests.  
The first request was, that all such merchants, and other men, line 1 with whom she had bargained in any condition, might be answered of all such debts as she line 30 ought them, whether they dwelled on this side the sea or beyond.  
line 2 The second request was, that all such ordinances and promises, as she had made to churches, as well within this realm, as in the parts of the further side the sea, might be performed.  
line 3 The third request was, that it might please him to choose out none other sepulchre when God should call him out of this world, but beside her at Westminster. line 40  

The praise of queen Philip.  This queen, to train the English youth unto virtuous conversation, & to give occasion that they might be brought up in learning and good instructions, founded a college at Oxford, furnishing it with goodly buildings, 
The queens college.  and a church, that they might both serve God, and profit in their studies, whereupon it is called the queens college even to this day.  
But now to return to the duke of Lancaster. Ye shall understand that after the departure of the French army beside the hill of Turneham, the said line 50 duke returned to Calis, and there refreshed himself and his people the space of three days. And then he set forward again, 
The duke of Lancaster maketh a journey into France.  & with him as marshals of the host, was the earl of Warwick, and the lord Roger Beauchampe, with the lords and knights before remembered. They took their journey to S. Omers, and by Turwin, and then through the county of saint Paul, still burning the country as they went. They road not passed three or four leagues in a day, and keeping on their way, 
S. Riquier.  they came by saint Riquier, and line 60 at the planches under Abuile passed the river of Some, and then entered into the country of Uimew, in purpose to go unto Harflew, and there to burn the French kings navy. Thus passing forward through Uimew, and the county of Ewe, they entered into the archbishopric of Rouen, and marching forth by Deep, came unto Harflew: but the earl of saint Poule, and the lord of Fiennes constable of France which had coasted the English army in all this journey, with a great power of men, was gotten before them, and entered into this town, so that they knew how they should but lose their pain, if they did assail it, and so therefore after they had lain before it three days, on the fourth day they dislodged, & went back again towards Calis, returning through the country of Ponthieu, 
Fabian. The master 〈◊〉 the crossbows of France taken.  and before Abuile chanced to encounter a number of Frenchmen, which gave to the duke battle. In the which was taken sir Hugh de Chatellon, master of the crossbows of France, with other knights, esquires, and burgesses of that town, and about sixteen score of the French part slain.  
There be that writ otherwise hereof, 
Froissard.  showing how the said sir Hugh Chatellon was taken by an ambush laid by sir Nicholas Louvain, as the same sir Hugh was come forth of the town, with not past ten or twelve with him, to see how the passage of Rowraie was kept by them that had charge thereof. How soever it came to pass, taken he was, & brought to the duke of Lancaster, that rejoiced greatly of that good hap: and so marching forward, he passed the river at Blanchetaque, and drew towards the town of Rew on the sea side, and so to montrevil, and finally to Calis. Then were the strangers licensed to departed: and because it was far in the winter, as about saint Martin's tide, the duke and the most part of his army returned into England. 
The third mortality. Caxton. Polychron. The earl of Warwick departeth this life.  In this year chanced the third mortality, which was exceeding great both of men and beasts, that the like had not been heard of. And amongst other people that perished of that pestilential sickness, that worthy knight and noble captain the earl of Warwick died at Calis in the month of januarie, after his return from Hartlew. year 1370 ¶ The country of Aquitaine was full of trouble in this mean time, either part seeking to grieve other to the uttermost of their powers. ¶ john Hastings earl of Penbroke, having with him certain bands of men of war, 
Polydor.  recovered diverse towns and castles in those parts: but when he perceived how the enemies that were not far from the place where he was lodged, showed manifest tokens of fear, in marching one while uncerteinelie forward, and an other while fetching great compasses about, he somewhat unwarilie setting upon them in their camp, was discomfited and put to flight, 
Froissard.  so that getting him into a place of the Templars, that was closed about with a wall, he remained there in great danger to be taken prisoner of his enemies that assailed him, if the lord john Chandois seneschal of Poictou had not come to the rescue, and pledged him forth.  
But shortly after, 
Thom. W●●●. Sir john Chandois slain. Froissard.  the said lord Chandois was slain by the enemies (whom first he had overcome) whilst without good advise he put off his helmet, and so receiving a stroke with a glaive that entered into his head, betwixt his nose and his forehead, he never after spoke word, not living past a day and a night after he was hurt. The death of this right famous, wise, and valiant knight, was bewailed as well of the Frenchmen as Englishmen. The French king himself, when he heard that he was slain, greatly lamented the mishap, affirming that now he being dead, there was not any le●t alive able to agree the kings and realms of England and France: so much was he feared, esteemed, and beloved of all men. But alas what availed all their mourning and lamenting against the necessity of death, sith we know that Est commune mori, mors nulli parcit honori: After he was thus slain, 
Sir Thomas Percy.  sir Thomas Percy was made seneschal of Poictou. By reason of the great wet and rain that fell this year in more abundance than had been accustomed, 
A dearth. Hen. Marle.  much corn was lost, so that the price thereof was sore enhanced, in so much that wheat was sold at three shillings four pence the bushel. But as concerning the death, the west parts of the realm was sorest afflicted with this mortality, and namely at Oxford there died a great number of scholars.  
Somewhat before this time, the lady Blanch daughter to Henry duke of Lancaster, 
The duchess of Lancaster. Fabian.  departed this life, and was buried on the north side of the high altar in the cathedral church of saint Paul within the city of London, where her husband john of Gant was after also interred. She ordained for her husband and for herself a solemn obit to be kept yearly in that church, where the mayor being present with the sheriffs, chamberlain, and swordbearer, should offer each of them a penny, and the mayor to take up a pound, the sheriffs either of them a mark, the line 10 chamberlain ten shillings, and the swordbearer six shillings eight pence, and every other of the majors officers two and twenty pence, and the number of eight officers belonging unto the sheriffs (and by them to be appointed) eight pence a piece. ¶ This year was granted to the king in parliament assembled at Westminster of the spiritual men's livings a tenth for the space of three years, 
Polychron. Anno Reg. 44. Froissard. Polychron.  and a fifteenth of the temporalty during the same term.  
This year, after that the king had gotten together line 20 a great sum of money, 
Sir Robert Knolles with an army sent into France.  as well by borrowing of the clergy as of the laity, he levied an army, & sent the same over to Calis about Midsummer, under the governance of that worthy chéefteine sir Robert Knolles, accompanied with the L. Fitz Walter, the lord Granson, sir Alaine Buxhull, sir john Bourchier, sir William Meville, sir Geffrey Wourseley, and diverse other noblemen, knights, and worthy captains. 
Truce with Scots.  About the same time, the king of England concluded an abstinence of war with the Scots for line 30 the term of nine years, yet so that the Scots might arm themselves, and at their pleasure serve and take wages, either of the English or French, by reason whereof, sir Robert Knolles had in his company an hundred spears of the realm of Scotland.  
When this army had lain and rested in Calis about the space of seven days, sir Robert Knolles caused every man to departed the town, and to take the fields, marching the first day near to the castle line 40 of Fiennes, 
jac. Meir. The number of men of war in this army. Froissard.  and there lodged for that night. The whole number of this army was not above twelve thousand men. Froissard saith, they were but fifteen hundred spears, & four thousand archers. Within the castle of Fiennes was the constable of France, that was lord thereof, with such a number of soldiers and men of war, that the Englishmen thought they should but lose their labour to assail it. And so they passed forth by Turrovane, and toward Arras, riding not past four leagues a day, because of their line 50 carriages and footmen. They took their lodging ever about noon, and lay near unto great villages.  
The French king had furnished all his towns and fortresses in Picardy with strong garrisons of soldiers, to defend the same against all chances that might happen either by siege or sudden assault. The Englishmen therefore thought not good to linger about the winning of any of the strong towns, but passed by them, wasting or ransoming the countries. At Arras they showed themselves before the barriers, 
The suburbs of Arras burnt.  line 60 and when none would issue to skirmish with them, they set fire on the suburbs, & departed. From thence they took the way by Baupalmes, and so came into Uermendois, 
The town of Roy burnt.  and burned the town of Roy. Then went they to Han in Uermendois, into the which all the people of the country were withdrawn, with such goods as they might carry with them. 
The French men withdraw into their for●esses & strong towns.  And in like manner had those done which inhabited about S. Quintine, Peronne, and other strong towns, so that the Englishmen found little abroad, saving the barns full of corn for it was after harvest.  
Thus they road fair and easily, two or three leagues a day, and sometime to recover money of their enemies, they would compound with them within strong towns, to spare the country from burning and destruction, for such a sum as they agreed upon, by which means sir Robert Knolles got in that voyage above the sum of an hundred thousand franks. For the which he was after accused to the king of England, as one that had not dealt justly in so doing. In this sort passing the country, they came before Noion, and after they had rested a while afore the town, they went forth wasting and burning the country, and finally passed the river of Marne, and so entered into champaign, and passed the river of Aube, and also diverse times they passed to and fro over the river of Saine: 
The Englishmen before Paris.  at length drawing toward Paris, and coming before that city, they lodged there in the field a day and two nights, and showed themselves in order of battle before the city. This was on the twenty fourth day of September.  
The French king was at the same time within the city, & might behold out of his lodging of S. Paul, the fires and smokes that were made in Gastenois, through burning the towns and villages there by the Englishmen, but yet he would suffer none of his people to go forth of the city, although there was a great power of men of war within the city, both of such as had coasted the English army in all this journey, and also of other which were come thither by the king's commandment, beside the burgesses, and inhabitants of the city. When sir Robert Knolles perceived that he should have no battle, he departed and drew toward Anjou, where they won by strength the towns of Uaas and Ruellie. But now in the beginning of winter, there fell such discord amongst the English captains, through covetousness and envy, that finally they divided themselves in sunder, greatly to the displeasure of sir Robert Knolles their general, who could not rule them.  
There was a knight among them named sir john Minsterworth, 
Thom. Wals. Sir Simon Minsterworth.  that had the leading of one wing of this army, a good man of his hands (as we call him) but perverse of mind, and very deceitful, and to sir Robert Knolles (to whom he was much beholden) most unfaithful. This knight, perceiving the wilful minds of certain young lords and knights there in the army, that repined at the government of sir Robert Knolles, as the Romans did sometime at the governance of Camillus (the chief of whom were the lord Grantson, the lord Fitz Walter, and others) did his best to prick them forward, sounding them in the ear, that it was a great reproach for them being of noble parentage, to serve under such an old rascal as he was, each of them being able to guide their enterprise of themselves, without his counsel, by which flattering of them, and disgracing of him, the said Minsterworth did much mischief, for Lingua loquax, odiosa, procax, parit omne molestum.  
Indeed this sir Robert Knolles was not descended of any high lineage, 
Bermondsey.  but borne in the county of Chester of mean offspring, 
Sir Robert Knolles borne in Cheshire.  nevertheless through his valiant prowess, and good service in war, grown to such estimation, as he was reputed worthy of all honour due to a noble and skilful warrior, so that it was thought the king could not have made his choice of one more able or sufficient to supply the room of a chéefteine, than of him: but yet, although this was most true, his advise could not be heard, nor the authority appointed him by the king bear any sway. For where he counseled that they should now upon the approaching of winter draw forth of France into Britain, and there remain for the winter season, 
Sir Robert Knolles counsel not followed.  they would not so agree, nor obey his will. Whereupon it came to pass, that sir Berthram de Cleaquin, at that time newly made constable of France, understanding this division to grow amongst the Englishmen, and t●at they were divided into parts, set upon them so much to their disadvantage, that he distressed them, and took or slew the more part of them: but sir Robert Knols with the flower of the archers and men of war went into Britain, 
Discord what cometh of it. C●xton.  and there saved himself, and those that followed him. ¶ Here you may see, how those that before through amity and good agreement were of such force as their enemies durst not once assay to annoy them, now by strife and dissension among themselves were slain line 10 or taken by the same enemies, and brought to confusion. To which purpose it is properly and truly said, L●s odium gignit, charos concordia stringit.  
In this mean time that sir Robert Knols made this voyage through the realm of France, 
Froissard. The city of Lymoges besieged.  the prince of Wales laid siege to the city of Lymoges, which was revolted to the Frenchmen. There were with him at the laying of this siege, his brethren, the duke of Lancaster, and the earl of Cambridge, sir Guichard Dangle, sir Lois de Harecourt, the lord of line 20 Pons, the lord of Partenaie, the lord of Pinane, the lord of Tannaibouton, sir percival de Coulongne, sir Geffrie de Argenton, Poictovins: and of Gascoignes, the lord of Mountferrant, the lord de Chaumount, the lord de Longueren, sir Amerie de Tharse, the lords of Pommiers, Mucident de l'Esparre, the Souldich de Lestrade, the lord of Gerond, and many other: of Englishmen there were, sir Thomas Percy, the lord Ros, the lord William Beauchampe, sir Michael de la Pole, sir Stephan Goussenton, sir Richard line 30 Pontchardon, sir Baldwin Freville, sir Simon Burlie, sir Dangousse, sir john Devereux, sir William Menille or (as some copies have) Nevil, and many other. There was also sir Eustace Dambreticourt, and of the companions, sir Perducas Dalbreth, who in the beginning of these wars being turned French, was by the persuasion of sir Robert Knols procured to return again to the prince's service before the siege of Durmelle.  
The prince being thus accompanied with these line 40 worthy captains and men of arms, to the number of twelve hundred, beside a thousand archers and other footmen, endeavoured by all ways he could devise to endamage them within. In the end he caused the walls to be undermined, 
Lymoges taken by ●orce.  and quite reversed into the ditch, & then giving assault, entered by the breach, and made an huge slaughter of them within, in somuch that of men, women, and children (for none were spared in respect of age or sex) there were slain and beheaded that day above three thousand. The bishop line 50 with certain knights and captains were taken and had their lives granted, though the bishop was in great danger to have lost his head, because he was a chief doer in yielding the city before unto the Frenchmen.  
Whilst the prince lay at siege before Lymoges (a little before he won it) thither came to him his brethren, 
Polydor. Froissard.  the duke of Lancaster, and the earl of Cambridge, the lord Ros, sir Michael de la Pole, sir Robert Rous, sir john Saint●o, and sir William Beauchampe, line 60 with a fair number of men of war, spears, and archers. The prince then after he had won Lymoges, and executed some cruelty there to the terror of other; his malady which still continued upon him, rather increased than diminished, so that he was advised by physicians to return into England, in hope that change of air should restore him to health. For the which consideration and other causes of business which he had to do with his father, 
The prince returned into England. Thom. Wals.  touching certain weighty affairs he took the sea, and came over into England, leaving the government of Aquitaine unto his brother the duke of Lancaster, as his lieutenant there: he landed at Plymouth in the beginning of januarie.  
Moreover in this 44 year of king Edward, 
The king of Nauarr● cometh over ● to England.  the king of Navarre came over into England, and at Claringdon found the king, and there talked with him of such matters as they had to conclude betwixt them two. 
Polydor.  But for that the king of Navarre could not assure the king of such covenants as should have passed betwixt them two, it was not thought meet by the king's council to work too far upon his bare word, that had before time showed apparent proofs of his inconstant dealing. And surly this doubt arose not without cause, 
The king of Navare constancy suspected. Froissard.  as his doings shortly after declared: for although he seemed now at this present to be a very enemy to the French king, yet shortly after he was reconciled to him again, and became his great friend for the time it lasted. This year in the month of February was a parliament called, 
1371 Anno Reg. ●  in the which there was demanded of the spirituality a subsidy of fifty thousand pounds, 
Caxton.  and as much of the laity. 
A subsidy.  The temporal men soon agreed to that payment, but the clergy excused themselves with fair words and shifting answers: in somuch that the king took displeasure with them, and deposed certain spiritual men from their offices of dignity, as the chancellor, the privy seal, the treasurer, 
Spiritual men deposed.  and such others, in whose rooms he placed temporal men.  
The bishop of Winchester, and the bishop of Beawois being both cardinals, were put in commission by pope Gregory the eleventh to treat betwixt the kings of England and France for a peace. 
Cardinal's appointed 〈◊〉 treat of peace.  But albeit they did their endeavour therein, and moved both kings to the uttermost of their powers, yet their motions took none effect, and therefore was the war pursued to the uttermost betwixt the parties, & namely in Aquitaine, where the fortresses were so intermeddled one with an other, some English, and some French, that one knew not how to beware of an other, nor to avoid the danger, so that the country of Poictou and other the marches thereabout were in great tribulation. Sir Robert Knols, 
Polydor.  sir Thomas Spenser, sir john Trivet, and sir Hugh Hastings, dividing their powers insunder, went to recover towns, some in one quarter, and some in an other, and certain they assayed, but prevailed not: the inhabitants doubting to be punished for their untruths, made such stout resistance.  
After this, the duke of Lancaster appointed sir Robert Knols to repair again to Calis, and by the way (if occasion served) to attempt the recovery of Ponthieu. 
The fear which the ●●●mies had of sir Ro. Knols  Sir Robert taking his journey through France by Paris, came into the marches of Picardy: and because in comparison to this man, all the English captains were little feared of the Frenchmen, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, 
Sir Berth●● de Cleaquin.  the constable of France, leaving the fortresses in the marches of Aquitaine sufficiently stuffed with men of war and munition, followed sir Robert Knols, still ready to assail the hindermost companies, or else to set on the sides of his enemies. So that there chanced many skirmishes betwixt them, & many men were slain on both parts; but at length, when sir Robert Knols saw no likelihood to achieve his purposed intent in recovery of the towns of Ponthieu, as Abuile and other, he drew straight to Calis, and the constable retired back into France.  
In this 46 year, 
1372 Anno Reg. ●●  sir Robert Ashton was sent into Ireland as lord deputy there, and in the same year, the duke of Lancaster being as then a widower, married the lady Constance eldest daughter to Peter king of Spain, which was slain by his bastard brother Henry (as before ye have heard.) ¶ Also the lord Edmund earl of Cambridge married the lady Isabella, sister to the same Constance. ¶ Their other sister named Beatrice, affianced to Don Ferdinando, son to Peter king of Portugal, was departed this life a little before this time at Baionne, where they were all three left as hostages by their father, when the prince went to bring him home into his country (as before ye may read.) Froissard writeth, that the duke married the lady Constance in Gascoigne, and that shortly after he returned into England with his said wife and her sister, leaving the capital de Bueffz, and other lords of Gascoigne and Poictou in charge with the rule of those countries. By reason of that marriage, the duke of Lancaster, as in right of his wife being the elder sister, caused himself to line 10 be entitled king of Castille, and his said wife queen of the same realm.  
The earl of Hereford being sent to the sea, with certain ships of war, was encountered by the Flemish fleet, before an haven in Britain called the Bay, where was fought a sore battle, and long continued for the space of three hours: howbeit finally the victory abode with the Englishmen, notwithstanding that the Flemings were more in number, line 20 and better provided for the matter. There were taken of them five and twenty ships, with their Admerall john Peterson. They had been at Rochel for wine, and now were come to the Bay for salt upon their return homeward, and hearing that the Englishmen would come that way, stayed for them, and first gave the onset. For ye must remember, that by reason that the earl of Flanders had married his daughter to the duke of Burgognie, which he had first promised to the earl of Cambridge, there was line 30 no perfect friendship betwixt the realm of England, and the countries of the said earl of Flanders.  

Sir Guichard D●ngle made knight of the Garter. Polydor. Caxton.  Sir Guichard Dangle a knight of Poictou, that was come over with the duke of Lancaster, to procure the king to send some new aid into Aquitaine, was for his approved valiancy and tried truth to the king of England, made knight of the garter. And moreover at his instance the king rigged a navy of ships, and appointed the earl of Penbroke as general, line 40 to sail with the same into Aquitaine, and there to remove the siege which the Frenchmen had laid to Rochel. 
The earl of Penbroke set into Ga●en.  The earl according to his commission took the sea with a fleet of forty ships prepared for him: but yer he could enter the haven of Rochel, he was assailed by an huge fleet of Spaniards, and there vanquished, taken prisoner, & led into Spain. The Spaniards had for captains four skilful warriors, 
Froissard.  Ambrose Bouquenegre, Cabesse de Uake or Uakadent, Dom Ferand du Pion, and Rodigo de line 50 lafoy Rochel, who had under their government forty great carravels, and thirteen trim barks throughly furnished and appointed with good mariners and m●n of war.  
The earl of Penbroke had with him nothing the like number of ships, nor men: for (as Froissard writeth) he had not passed two and twenty knights with him, or (as other have) not past twelve, being for the more part of his own retinue or household: and yet those few Englishmen and Poictovins that were line 60 there with him, bore themselves right valiantly, and fought it out to the uttermost. There were slain sir Simon Houssagre, sir john de Mortague, and sir john Tuchet; and there were taken prisoners, besides the earl himself, sir Robert Buffort, sir john Curson, 
These four last remembered came for●h of Rochel to aid the earl.  sir Oaths de Grandson, sir Guichard Dangle, the lord of Pinane, sir john de Griveres, sir jaques de Surgieres, the lord of Tannaibouton, sir john de Hardane, and others. This battle was fought on Midsummer even, in this six and fortieth year of king Edward's reign. The earl had (as Froissard writeth) treasure with him, to have waged three thousand men of war, which never did any man good, for (as he was informed) the ship wherein he was aboard, perished with diverse other being burnt or sunk. ¶ The English writers say, that it was no marvel though this mishap chanced unto him, because he had in parliament spoken against men of the church, in giving counsel that they might be constrained to pay grievous subsidies, towards the maintenance of the king's war, and that no less heavy payments and subsidies should be imposed upon them, than upon the secular sort. Wherein he seemed to bewray a malicious mind against the clergy, who as in no age they have wanted foes, so in his time they found few friends, being a generation appointed and ordained in their cradles to be contemned of the world, specially of great men, of whose favour and goodwill it is truly & rightly said, Gratia magnatum nescit habere statum. By reason of this misfortune thus happened to the English fleet, the Frenchmen recovered many towns and castles out of the Englishmen'S hands, in the countries of Poictou, Xaintonge, Limosin, and other the marches of Aquitaine.  
About the same time the French king sent four thousand men to the sea, 
Froissard. Yuans a Welsh gentleman.  under the guiding of one Yuans a banished Welsh gentleman, the which landing in the isle of Gernesey, was encountered by the captain of that I'll called sir Edmund Rous, 
Sir Edmund Rous.  who had gathered eight hundred men of his own soldiers together, with them of the isle, and boldly gave battle to the Frenchmen: but in the end the Englishmen were discomfited, and four hundred of them slain, so that sir Edmund Rous fled into the castle of Cornet, & was there besieged by the said Yuans, till the French king sent to him to come back from thence, and so he did, leaving the castle of Cornet, and sir Edmund Rous within it as he found him. The Frenchmen this year recovered the city of Poitiers, Rochel also, 
The prosperous success of the French men in Poictou.  and the most part of all Poictou, and finally laid siege to Towars in Poictou, wherein a great number of the lords of that country were enclosed, the which fell to a composition with the Frenchmen to have an abstinence of war for themselves, and their lands, till the feast of saint Michael next ensuing, which should be in the year 1362. And in the mean time they sent to the king of England their sovereign lord, to certify him what conditions they had agreed unto, that if they were not aided by him, or by one of his sons within the said term, than they to yield them and their lands to the obeisance of the French king.  
Not long before this, the capital of Bueffz was taken prisoner, and sir Thomas Percy, with diverse other Englishmen and Gascoignes before Soubise by sir Yuans of Wales and other French captains, so that the countries of Poictou and Xaintonge were in great danger to be quite lost, 
Towars in danger to be lost.  if speedy succours came not in time. Whereupon king Edward advertised of that agreement which they within Towars had made, raised an army, rigged his ships, 
Th. Walsing.  and in August took the sea, purposing to come before the day assigned, to the succours of that fortress: but the wind continued for the space of nine weeks so contrary unto his intent, that he was still driven back and could not get forward toward the coast of Rochel, where he thought to have landed, so that finally when the day of rescuing Towars came, he nor any of his sons could appear in those parts, and so to his great displeasure he returned home, and licensed all his people to departed to their houses. By this means was Towars delivered to the Frenchmen, which ceased not in such occasions of advantage to take time, and follow the steps of prosperous fortune. 
1373 Anno Reg. 47.   
About this season the duke of Britain being sore displeased in his mind, 
The duke of Britain.  that the Englishmen sustained daily losses in the parts of Aquitaine, would gladly have aided their side, if he might have got the nobles of his country to have joined with him, but the lords Clisson and de la Uale, with the viscount of Rouen, and other the lords and barons of Britain, so much favoured the French king, that he perceived they would revolt from him, if he attempted any thing against the Frenchmen. He therefore meaning by one way or other to further the king of England his quarrel, and fearing to be attached by his line 10 own subjects, and sent to Paris, dispatched messengers to K. Edward, requiring him to send some power of men of war into Britain, to defend him against the malice of such as were altogether French and enemies to England.  

The lord Nevil sent into Britain.  King Edward forthwith sent over the lord Nevil, with four hundred men of arms, and as many archers, the which arriving at saint Matthewes de fine Poterne, remained there all the winter. Whereupon the Britain's being sore offended therewith, line 20 closed their towns and fortresses against their duke, and showed much evil towards him. The constable of France sir Berthram de Cleaquin, 
Englishmen discomfited by the constable of France.  laying siege to the town and castle of Sireth in Poictou, discomfited a number of Englishmen that came to raise his siege, by means whereof he got not only Sireth, but also Niort, Lucignen, and all other the towns and fortresses which the Englishmen held till that day within Poictou, 
Towns won by him.  Xaintonge, and rochelois. Shortly after this, the constable returned into line 30 France, and was appointed by the king there to go with an army of men of war into Britain, and there to take into his hands all such towns and fortresses as belonged to the duke of Britain, 
The constable of France sent into Britain  because he had allied himself with the king of England, and received Englishmen into his country, to the prejudice of the realm of France.  

Sir Robert Knols.  The duke being advertised of the constables coming, was counseled by sir Robert Knols (whom the king of England had sent to aid him) that he should line 40 pass over into England, and there to be a suitor in his own cause for more aid to be sent into Britain, to resist the Frenchmen that now sought to bring the whole country into their possession. The duke inclining to this advise, 
The duke of Britain cometh over into England.  went over into England, and in the mean time the constable came and won the most part of all the towns and fortresses of that duchy, except Breast, where sir Robert Knols was, and certain other. 
The earl of Salisbury.  The earl of Salisbury with a great navy of ships, well furnished with men of arms and line 50 archers, lay upon the coast of Britain all that time, and greatly comforted them within Breast, in somuch that he came on land, and offered battle to the constable if he would have come forward & received it.  

Polydor. The duke of Lancaster sent over into France with an army.  In the month of julie in this seven and fourtith year of king Edward's reign, the duke of Lancaster was sent over unto Calis with an army of thirty thousand men (as some writ) but as Froissard saith, they were but thirteen thousand, as three thousand men of arms, and ten thousand archers. This line 60 voyage had been in preparing for the space of three years before. 
ja. Meir. Froissard.  The duke of Britain was there with them, and of the English nobility, beside the duke of Lancaster that was their general, there were the earls of Warwick, Stafford and Suffolk, the lord Edward Spenser that was constable of the host, 
Noble men that went with him in that journey.  the lords Willoughby, de la Pole, Basset, and diverse others. Of knights, sir Henry Percy, sir jews Clifford, sir William Beauchampe, the canon Robertsart, Walter Hewet, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Stephan Cousington, sir Richard Ponchardon, and many other.  
When they had made ready their carriages and other things necessary for such a journey which they had taken in hand, that is to say, to pass through the realm of France unto Bordeaux, they set forward, having their army divided into three battles. The earls of Warwick and Suffolk did lead the forward: the two dukes of Lancaster and Britain, the middle ward or battle, and the rearward was governed by the lord Spenser constable of the host. They passed by S. Omers, by Turrovane, and coasted the country of Arthois, and passed the water of Some at Corbie. 
They 〈◊〉 through the country w●●●out assauling any towns.  They destroyed the countries as they went, and marched not passed three leagues a day. They assailed none of the strong towns, nor fortresses. For the French king had so stuffed them with notable numbers of men of war, that they perceived they should travel in vain about the winning of them. At Roy in Uermandois, they rested them seven days, and at their departure set fire on the town, because they could not win the church which was kept against them. From thence they drew towards Laon, and so marched forward, passing the rivers of Ysare, Marne, Saine, and Yonne. The Frenchmen coasted them, but durst not approach to give them battle.  
near to Ribaumount, about 80 Englishmen of sir Hugh Caluerlies' band were distressed by 120 Frenchmen: & likewise beside Soissons, 
Fabian.  120 English spears, or (as other writers have) fifty spears, and twenty archers were vanquished by a Burgonian knight called sir john de Uienne, that had with him three hundred French spears. Of more hurt by any encounters I read not that the Englishmen sustained in this voyage. 
The Frenchmen meant not to fight with the Englishmen.  For the Frenchmen kept them aloof, and meant not to fight with their enemies, but only to keep them from victuals, and fetching of forage abroad, by reason whereof the Englishmen lost many horses, and were in deed driven to great scarcity of victuals. When they had passed the river of Loire, 
Polydor.  and were come into the country of Berrie, they understood how the Frenchmen laid themselves in sundry ambushes to distress them, if they might espy the advantage: but the duke of Lancaster placing his light horsemen, with part of the archers in the fore ward, and in the battle the whole force of his footmen with the men at arms, divided into wings to cover that battle, wherein he himself was, 
The order of the duke of Lancaster's army in marching.  the residue of the horsemen with the rest of the archers he appointed to the rearward, and so causing them to keep close together, marched forth till he came into Poictou, & then in revenge of the Poictovins that had revolted from the English obeisanc●, he began a new spoil, killing the people, wasting the country, and burning the houses and buildings every where as he passed, 
He cometh 〈◊〉 to Bordeaux▪ Froissard. The archb. of Ravenna 〈◊〉 from the p●p●.  & so finally about Christmas came to Bordeaux.  
Whilst the duke of Lancaster was thus passing through the realm of France, pope Gregory the eleventh sent the archbishop of Ravenna and the bishop of Carpentras as legates from him, to treat for a peace betwixt the realms of England and France. They road to & fro betwixt the French king and his brethren, and the duke of Lancaster: but the duke and the Englishmen kept on their way, and so finally keeping forwards about Christmas came to Bordeaux. The legates pursued their treaty, but the parties were so hard, that no reasonable offers would be taken. The two dukes of Lancaster and Britain lay in Bordeaux all the residue of the winter, and the Lent following. The same year that the duke of Lancaster made this journey through France, 
Caxton. Messengers sent to the pope about reservations o● benefices.  the king of England sent certain ambassadors to the pope, requiring him not to meddle with the reservations of benefices within his realm of England, but that those which were elected bishops might enjoy their sees, and be confirmed of their metropolitan and archbishop, as of ancient time they had been accustomed.  
The pope would not at that present determine any thing herein, but commanded them that were sent, that they should certify him again of the king's pleasure and further meaning, in those articles and other touching him and his realm. Also this year it was decreed in parliament, 
Cathedral churches.  that cathedral churches might enjoy the right of their elections, and that the king should not hinder them that were chosen, but line 10 rather help them to their confirmations. ¶ In the same parliament was granted to the king a disme of the clergy, and a fifteenth of the laity. ¶ Moreover at the suit of the pope's legates, a respite of war was granted betwixt the kings of England and France, but so that the Englishmen lost in Gascoine a great number of castles and towns, by reason of a composition made before, that if they were not rescued by the midst of August, they should then yield themselves French: and because the truce was agreed line 20 upon to endure till the last of August, the Englishmen took no heed to the matter. It was further agreed upon, that in the beginning of September, there should meet in the marches of Picardy, the duke of Lancaster, and other of the English part, as commissioners to entreat of peace; 
Commissioners appointed to meet and commune of peace  and the duke of Anjou and other on the French part, the pope's legate to be there also as mediator. When this agreement was thus accorded, the duke of Lancaster, and the duke of Britain, with the earls of Warwick, Suffolk line 30 and Stafford, the lords Spenser, Willoughby and others, took the sea at Bordeaux the eight of julie, and returned into England.  
This year the fifth of june, died William Wittelsey archbishop of Canturburie, 
Death of the archb. of Can.  after whose death the monks chose to that see the cardinal of Winchester, with which election the king was nothing contented, so that after much money spent by the monks to obtain their purpose, at length they were disappointed, 
Simon Sudberie elected archbishop.  and doctor Simon Sudberie was admitted line 40 to that dignity, who before was bishop of London, being the seven and fiftieth archbishop that had ruled that see. He was chosen by the appointment of the king, and consent of the pope. For already was that decree worn out of use, whereby the elections of bishops have rested in the voices of them of the cathedral church: for not only this Simon archbishop of Canturburie, but other also were ordained bishops from thenceforth, by the will and authority of the pope's and king's of this realm, till at length it line 50 came to pass, that only the kings instituted bishops, and the bishops ordained other governors under them of meaner degrees.  
Thus the pope's within a while lost all their authority, which they had before time within this realm in the appointing of bishops, and other rulers of churches; and in like manner also they lost shortly after their authority of levying tenths of spiritual promotions, the which they in former times had used, to the great detriment of the realm; which lost nothing line 60 by this new ordinance: for the English people were not compelled afterwards to departed with their money unto strangers, so largely as before, to content the greediness of that coruorant generation of Romanists, whose insatiable desires would admit no stint, as infected with the dropsy of filthy avarice, for 
Omnia des cupido, siva non perit inde cupido,  
Quò plus sunt potae plus sitiuntur aquae.   
This restraining reformation concerned the benefit of the whole land very much: 
The beginning of th● statute of Praemunire  for K. Edward the third was the first that caused an act to be made, that none under a great penalty should seek to obtain any spiritual promotions within this realm of the pope, or bring any suits to his court, except by way of appeal: and that those that were the aiders of any such offenders against this act, should run in danger of the same pain, which act by those kings that succeeded was not only commanded to be kept, but also confirmed with new penalties, and is called the statute of Praemunire. 
Caxton.   
About Candlemas there met at Bruges as commissioners for the king of England, 
1275 Anno Reg. 49.  the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Salisbury, and the bishop of London. For the French king, the dukes of Anjou, 
The commissioners meet at Bruges.  and Burgognie, the earl of Salebruce, and the bishop of Amiens with others. Finally, when they could not agree upon any good conclusion for peace, they accorded upon a truce, 
A truce taken betwixt England & France.  to endure to the first of May next ensuing in all the marches of Calis, and up to the water of Some; but the other places were at liberty to be still in war: by report of other writers, the truce was agreed upon to continue till the feast of All saints next ensuing. 
Fabian.  
Froissard.  About the same time that the foresaid commissioners were at Bruges entreating of peace, the duke of Britain did so much with his father in law king Edward, that about the beginning of April he sent over with him into Britain the earls of Cambridge, March, Warwick, 
Tho. Wals. An army sent over into Britain with the duke.  and Stafford, the lord Spenser, sir Thomas Holland, sir Nicholas Camois, sir Edward Twiford, sir Richard Ponchardon, sir john Lesselles, sir Thomas Grandson, sir Hugh Hastings, and diverse other worthy captains with a power of three thousand archers, and two thousand men of arms, all very well furnished to fight.  
They landed at saint Matthews or Mahe de fine Poterne, where they took the castle by force, and the town by surrender. 
Towns won  From thence they went to Pole de Lion, and won it likewise by force of assault, and then went to Brieu de Uaux, a town strongly fenced, and well manned. In hope yet to win it, the duke of Britain and the English lords laid siege to it, but hearing that an English knight, one sir john Deureux was besieged in a fortress which he had newly made, by the viscount of Rouen, the L. Clisson, 
Sir john Deureux.  and other of the French part, they raised from Brieu de Uaux, and hasted forward to the succour of sir john Deureux, earnestly wishing to find their enemies in the field, that they might give them battle: but the British lords hearing that the duke and the Englishmen approached, made no longer abode▪ but got them with all speed unto Campellie a town of great strength not far off, and therein closed themselves for their more safety. The duke of Britain hearing ●hat they were fled thither, followed them, and laid siege round about the town, 
This truce was concluded to endure from midsummer in this 1375, unto midsummer in the year next ensuing. Tho. Walsi.  enforcing himself to obtain the place, and so had done in deed by all likelihood very shortly, if at the same time, by reason of a truce taken for twelve months, he had not been commanded by the duke of Lancaster, without delay to cease his war, and break up his camp: as he did.  
There were sundry meetings of the commissioners for this treaty of peace, and still they took longer time for continuance of the truce. And because that Britain and all the other countries of France (as should seem) were included in this truce, it seemeth that this was some second truce, and not the first truce, which included only the marches of Calis, and those parts up to the water of Some. But howsoever it was, the duke of Britain being in a great forwardness to have recovered his duchy out of the Frenchmens hands, and to have reduced his rebellious subjects under due obeisance again, was now by this truce concluded out of time, greatly disappointed, 
The duke of Britain disappointed by the truce.  and so broke up his siege from before Campellie, and sent home the English army. He went himself to Aulroie, where his wife was; and taking order for the fortifying and keeping of those places, which were in his possession, he came back again into England, and brought his wife with him.  
A little before the concluding of this truce, the Englishmen and others within the fortress of saint Saviour le viscount, in the isle or rather Close (as they call it) of Constantine, which had been long besieged, made a composition, that if they were not rescued by a certain day, then should they yield up the place to the Frenchmen. Now because this truce line 10 was agreed before the day appointed for the rescue of that place, with condition that either part should enjoy and hold that which at that present they had in possession, during the term of the truce; the Englishmen thought that saint Saviour le viscount should be saved by reason of that treaty: but the Frenchmen to the contrary avouched, that the first covenant ought to pass the last ordinance. So that when the day approached, the French king sent thither six thousand spears, knights, and esquires, beside other people: 
S. Saviour le viscount yielded.  line 20 and because none appeared to give them battle, they had the town delivered to them.  
¶ In this 49 year of K. Edward's reign, a great death chanced in this land, 
Thom. Wals. Fabian.  and in diverse other countries, so that innumerable numbers of people died and perished of that contagious sickness. Amongst other the lord Edward Spenser died the same year, 

The lord Spenser departeth this life.  
Polydor. The earl of Penbroke deceasseth.   a man of great renown and valiantness. Also the earl of Penbroke, having compounded for his ransom, as he was upon his return from Spain, line 30 coming homewards through France, he fell sick, and being brought in an horsselitter to Arras, he died there, on the 16 day of April, leaving a son behind him not past two years of age, begot of the countess his wife called Anne, daughter unto the lord Walter de Mannie. Polydor mistaking the matter, saith that Marie the countess of Penbroke, who builded Penbroke hall in Cambridge, was wife to this john Hastings earl of Penbroke, whereas in deed she was wife to his ancestor Aimer line 40 de Ualence earl of Penbroke (as john Stow in his summary hath truly noted. 
john Stow. ) She was daughter to Guy earl of saint Pole, a worthy lady and a virtuous, tendering so much the wealthful state of this land (a great part whereof consisteth in the good bringing up of youth, and training them to the knowledge of learning) that for maintenance of students she began the foresaid commendable foundation, about the year of Christ 1343, upon a plot of ground that was her own, having purchased licence thereto of line 50 the king, to whom she was of kin.  
During that grievous mortality and cruel pestilence before remembered, the pope at the instant request of the English cardinals, granted unto all those that died in England, being shriven and repentant of their sins, clean remission of the same, by two bulls enclosed under lead. 
Froissard. Commissioners eftsoons met to common of peace.  The duke of Lancaster about the feast of All saints met with the French commissioners again at Bruges. There was with him the duke of Britain, the earl of Salisbury, line 60 and the bishop of London. For the French king there appeared the duke of Burgognie, the earl of Salebruch, and the bishop of Amiens. And at saint Omers lay the duke of Anjou, the archbishop of Ravenna, and the bishop of Carpentras took great pain to go to and fro between the parties: 
The demands on both parts.  but they were so far at odds in their demands, and as it were of set purpose on the French behalf, that no good could be done betwixt them. The French king required to have Calis razed, and to have again fourteen hundred thousand franks, which were paid for the ransom of king john. The king of England demanded to have all the lands restored to him in Gascoigne and Guien clearly exempt of all resorts. So when nothing could be concluded touching a final peace, the truce was renewed to endure till the feast of S. john Baptist next ensuing, which should be in the year 1376.  
In this fiftieth year, king Edward assembled his high court of parliament at Westminster, 
13●● Anno 〈◊〉. ●.  in the which was demanded a subsidy of the commons for the defence of the king's dominions against his enemies. 
A parliament.  Whereunto answer was made by the common house, that they might no longer bear such charges, considering the manifold burdens by them sustained in time past. And further they said, it was well known the king was rich enough to withstand his enemies, if his money and treasure were well employed: but the land had been of long time evil guided by evil officers, so that the same could not be stored with chaffer, merchandise, or other riches. The commons also declared whom they took and judged to be chief causer of this disorder, 

The lord Latimer.  
Dame Alice Perers. Sir Richa●● Sturrie.   as the duke of Lancaster, & the L. Latimer lord chamberlain to the king; also dame Alice Perers, whom the king had long time kept to his concubine; and also one named sir Richard Sturrie, by whose sinister means and evil counsel the king was misled, and the land evil governed. Wherefore the commons by the mouth of their speaker sir Peers de la Mere, 
The request of the commons.  required that those persons might be removed from the king, and other more discreet set in their rooms about his person, and so put in authority, that they might see to his honour and weal of the realm, more than the other had done before them.  
This request of the commons by support of the prince was allowed, and granted, so that the said persons and other of their affinity were commanded to departed the court, and other (such as were thought meet by the prince, and the sage peers of the realm) were placed in their stéeds. ¶ Shortly after, the commons granted to the king his whole request, so that he had of every person, man and woman, being above the age of fourteen years, four pence, poor people that lived of alms only excepted. ¶ Likewise the clergy granted, that of every beneficed man, the king should have twelve pence, and of every priest not beneficed four pence (the four orders of friars only excepted.) But yer this money could be levied, the king was constrained to borrow certain great sums in sundry places, and therefore he sent to the city of London for four thousand pounds. And because Adam Staple the mayor was not diligent in furthering that lone, he was by the king's commandment discharged on the 22 day of March, and Richard Whitington mercer chosen in his place.  
On the eight of june being Trinity sunday (the parliament yet continuing) that noble and famous prince Edward the king's son departed this life within the king's palace at Westminster. 
The blac●● prince depa●teth this 〈◊〉.  His body was conveyed to Canturburie with great solemnity, and there honourably buried. He died in the 46 year of his age: a prince of such excellent demeanour, so valiant, wise and politic in his doings, 
Polydor. He is buried at Canturburie.  that the very and perfect representation of knighthood appeared most lively in his person, whilst he lived, so that the loss of him struck a general sorrow into the hearts of all the English nation. For such was his towardness, or rather perfection in princely government, that if he had lived and attained to the crown, every man judged that he would surly have exceeded the glorious renown of all his ancestors. This prince's death is briefly touched by C. Okland, who (after mention made of the great victories achieved by his father the king against his enemies, and concluding him to be very happy and fortunate in the issue of his attempts) saith 
— inclytus ille monarchae  
undique ter foelix, nisi quòd ●rux Atropos occat  
Ante diem gnati fatalia stamina vitae.   
The French king kept his obsequy in most reverend wife, 
Froissard.  in the chapel of his palace at Paris. After his death, the king called to him again the foresaid persons, 
Sir Péers de la Mere. Fabian.  that had been from him removed, and the said sir Peers de la Mere that was speaker in the parliament (as before ye have hard) for his eloquence showed in reproving the misgovernment of the said persons (and namely of the said dame Alice Peres) line 10 was now committed to prison within the castle of Nottingham. 
The truce prolonged. Polydor.  About the same time the truce was again prolonged till the first day of April next following. ¶ King Edward, after the decease of his son prince Edward, created the lord Richard, son to the said prince, as heir to him, prince of Wales, and gave to him the earldoms of Chester & Cornwall. 
Polydor.  ¶ Moreover, because the king waxed feeble and sickly through langor (as some suppose) conceived for the death of his son, he appointed the rule of the line 20 realm to his son the duke of Lancaster, ordaining him as governor under him, and so he continued during his father's life.  

A riot. Caxton.  A great riot happened betwixt the servants of the earl of Warwick, and the tenants of the abbot of Euesham, so that many of the said abbots servants were slain and hurt. The fishponds and warrens belonging to the abbey were broken and spoiled, so that greater hurt would have followed thereof, if the line 30 kings letters had not been sent down to the earl, commanding him to stay his men from such misdemeanours. All the nobles of the realm were caused to swear, 
The nobles sworn to the prince of Wales.  that after the king's decease they should admit and maintain Richard prince of Wales for their king and sovereign lord. And upon Christmas day, the king caused him to sit at his table above all his own children, in high estate, as representing the parsonage of the heir apparent to the crown. line 40  
This year being the one and fiftieth and last of king Edward's reign, 
1377 Anno Reg. 51.  there were sent again to Bruges as commissioners to treat of peace on the part of king Edward, 
Froissard. Commissioners sent to Bruges  john lord Cobham, the bishop of Hereford, and the mayor of London. And for the French part thither came the earl of Salebruch, monsieur de Chatillon, and philibert Lespoit. And still the two legates were present as mediators betwixt the parties, moving a marriage to be had, betwixt Richard prince of Wales, and the lady Marie, daughter to line 50 the French king. But they departed in sunder for this time without any conclusion. But shortly after in Lent following, 
Commissioners sent to montrevil.  there was a secret meeting appointed to be had at Montrevill by the sea, whither came from the king of England, sir Richard Dangle a Poictovine, sir Richard Stan, & Geffrie Chaucer. For the French king there appeared the lord Coucie, and others. These commissioners treated a long season concerning the marriage, and when they had understanding and felt each others meaning, line 60 they departed and made report of the same to their masters. 
The truce eftsoons prolonged.  The truce was again prolonged till the first day of May.  
And in the mean time, the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of saint Davie lord chancellor of England, and the bishop of Hereford went over to Calis. In like case the lord of Coucie, and sir William Dorman chancellor of France came to montrevil. 
Sir Hugh Caluerlie lieutenant of Calis.  But they durst not meet at any indifferent place on the frontiers, for the doubt that either party had of other, for any thing the legates could say or do. Thus these commissioners abode in that state till the truce was expired. And when the war was open, than sir Hugh Caluerlie was sent over to Calis, to remain upon safe keeping of that town, as deputy there. The earl of Salisbury, and the other commissioners returned into England, and with them the duke of Britain. On the twelfth day of April this year, one sir john Minsterworth knight, 
Tho. Walsi. Fabian. Sir john Minsterworth beheaded.  was drawn, hanged, headed, and quartered at Tyburn, being first condemned and adjudged to suffer that execution before the mayor of London, and other the king's justices in the Guildhall, for treason by him committed, in defrauding soldiers of their wages: for where he had received great sums of money to make payment thereof to them, he retained the same to his own use.  
Moreover (as in the forty four year of this king ye have heard) he was the chief procurer and setter forward of the dissension that rose in the army, 
Thom. Wals.  which under the leading of sir Robert Knolles was sent into France. And when in that journey he had lost most of his men, and was escaped himself into England, he laid all the blame on sir Robert Knolles, accusing him to the king of heinous treason; so as the king took no small displeasure against the said sir Robert, insomuch that he durst not return into England, till he had pacified the king's wrath with money, and that the known fidelity of the man had warranted him against the malicious and untrue suggestions of his enemies. Whereupon the said Minsterworth perceiving his craft to want the wished success, he fled to the French king, and conspiring with him to annoy the realm of England by bringing the Spanish navy to invade the same, at length he was taken in the town of Pampilona in Navarre, and brought back into England, where he tasted the deserved fruit of his contrived treason (as before ye have heard.)  
About this season, there rose in the university of Oxenford a learned man john Wiclife, 
Thom. Walsi. john Wiclife.  borne in the north parts, who being a secular priest, and a student in divinity, began to propone certain conclusions greatly contrary to the doctrine of the church in those days established, specially he argued against monks, and other men of religion that enjoyed great riches, and large possessions. There were diverse that gave good ear to him, insomuch that sundry learned men of that university preached and set forth the doctrine that he taught. ¶ Amongst other articles which they held, these were the chief and principal.  

1 That the sacrament of the altar, 
The chiefest articles preached by Wiclife.  after consecration, was not the body of Christ, but a figure thereof.  
2 That the church of Rome was no more head of the universal church than any one other, nor more authority was given by Christ unto Peter, than to any other of the apostles, and that the pope had no more power in the keys of the church than any other priest whatsoever.  
3 That temporal lords might both lawfully and meritoriouslie take the temporal goods and revenues from the church, if it offended; and if any temporal lord knew the church to offend, he was bound under pain of damnation to take from it the temporalties.  
4 That the gospel is sufficient in this life to direct by rule every christian man.  
5 That all other rules of saints, under the observing whereof divers religious do live, add no more perfection to the gospel, than washing over with lime doth the wall.  
6 That the pope, nor any other prelate of the church, aught to have any prisons wherein to punish offenders.   
These and many other opinions did these men hold and maintain, and diverse lords and great men of the land favoured their cause. But when these conclusions were brought before the pope, he condemned the number of 23 of those articles as vain and heretical, directing his bulls to the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London, that they should cause the said Wiclife to be apprehended, and examined upon the said conclusions, which they did in presence of the duke of Lancaster, and the lord Percy, and hearing his declaration, commanded him to silence, and in no wise to deal with those matters line 10 from thenceforth, 
Wiclife & his fellows maintained by certain lords.  so that for a time, both he and his fellows kept silence: but after at the contemplation of diverse of the temporal lords, they preached and set forth their doctrine again.  
The same day that Wiclife was convented thus at London, before the bishops and other lords, through a word spoken in reproach by the duke of Lancaster unto the bishop of London, streightwaies the Londoners getting them to armour, 
The duke of Lancaster in danger by the Londoners.  meant to have slain the duke, & if the bishop had not stayed them, they had surly set fire on the duke's house at the savoy: line 20 and with much ado might the bishop quiet them. Among other reproachful parts which in despite of the duke they committed, they caused his arms in the public street to be reversed as if he had been a traitor, or some notorious offendor. The duke and the lord Henry Percy, 
The lord Percy.  whom the citizens sought in his own house to have slain him, if he had been found, hearing of this riotous stur and rebellious commotion, forsook their dinner and fled to Kenington, where the lord Richard, son to the prince, together line 30 with his mother then remained, exhibiting before their presence, a grievous complaint of the opprobrious injuries done unto them, by the wilful outrage of the Londoners. For this and other causes, the citizens were sore hated of the duke, in so much that he caused the mayor & aldermen that then ruled to be discharged of their rooms, and other put in their places.  
The king being more grievously vexed with sickness from day to day, either increasing by the line 40 course thereof, or renewed by some new surfeit, finally this year departed out of this transitory life at his manor of Shéene, 
Tho. Walsi. The decease of K. Edward the third.  now called Richmond, the 21 day of june, in the year of our Lord 1377, after he had lived 65 years, & reigned fifty years, four months, & 28 days. His corpse was conveyed from Sheen by his four sons, 
Fabian, pag. 262, 263.  namely Lionel duke of Clarence, john of Gant duke of Lancaster, Edmund of Langlie duke of York, and Thomas of Woodstoke earl of Cambridge, with other nobles of the realm, and solemnly interred within Westminster line 50 church, with this epitaph in his memorial: 
Hîc decus Anglorum, flos regum praeteritorum,  
Forma futurorum, rex clemens, pax populorum,  
Tertius Edwardus, regni complens iubileum,  
Inuictus pardus, pollens bellis Machabeum.  He had issue by his wife queen Philip 7 sons, Edward prince of Wales, 
His issue.  William of Hatfield that died young, Lionel duke of Clarence, john of Gant duke of Lancaster, Edmund of Langlie earl of line 60 Cambridge & after created duke of York, Thomas of Woodstoke earl of Buckingham after made duke of Gloucester, and an other William which died likewise young. He had also three daughters, Marry that was married to john of Mountford duke of Britain, Isabella wedded to the lord Coucie earl of Bedford, and Margaret coupled in marriage with the earl of Penbroke.  

His praise.  This king, besides other his gifts of nature, was aided greatly by his seemly parsonage. He had a provident wit, sharp to conceive and understand: he was courteous and gentle, doing all things sagely and with good consideration, a man of great temperance and sobriety. Those he chiefly favoured and advanced to honour, and rooms of high dignity, which excelled in honest conversation, modesty, and innocency of life, of body well made, of a convenient stature, as neither of the highest nor lowest sort: of face fair and manlike, eyes bright and shining, 
His pro●●●tion of 〈◊〉  and in age bald, but so as it was rather a seemliness to those his ancient years than any disfiguring fo his visage; in knowledge of martial affairs very skilful, as the enterprises and worthy acts by him achieved do sufficiently witness.  
In what estimation he was had among strangers it may appear, in that he was not only made vicar of the empire by the emperor jews of Ba●iere, but also after the decease of the same emperor, diverse of the electors, as Lewes' marquess of Brandenbourgh, Robert or Rupert count Palatine of the Rhine, and the young duke of Saxony, with Henry archbishop of Mentz, elected him to succeed in place of the said emperor jews. Nevertheless, he giving them hearty thanks for the honour which they did unto him herein, refused to take the charge upon him, alleging that he could not have time to supply the room, by reason of the wars that he had in France, to recover his right which he had to that realm.  
This is noted by writers to be a token of great wisdom in this noble king, that would not go about to catch more than he might well gripe. Examples of bounteous liberality, and great clemency he showed many, and the same very notable; so that in manner he alone amongst all other kings was found to be one, subject to none, or at the least, to very light and small faults. But yet he was not void of evil haps: for whereas, during the term of forty years space he reigned in high felicity, and as one happy in all his doings: so in the rest of his time that followed, he felt a wonderful change in fortune (whom writers compare to the moon for her variableness, 
Prosperity unstable.  and often alterations, as never at a stay, saying, 
Vultus fortunae variatur imagine lunae,  
Crescit, decrescit, in eodem sistere nescit)  showing herself froward to him in most part of his proceed: for such is the state of this world, seldom doth prosperity continue, and guide the stern of our worldly doings, as it well appeared by this noble prince. For in the first years of his reign, after he once began to govern of himself, he recovered that which had been lost in Scotland, by great victories obtained against his adversaries in that land, and passed further into the same, than ever his grandfather king Edward the first had done before him, subduing the country on each hand, so that he placed governors, and bestowed offices, lands, and livings in that realm at his pleasure.  
¶ Amongst other (as I remember) there is yet remaining a charter under his great seal containing a grant made unto john Ewer and his heirs for his good service done in those parts, 
john S●ow 〈◊〉 con●e●●● referreth 〈◊〉 to the last year of king Edward the first.  of a manor called Ketnes in the county of Forfar (which lieth in the north of Scotland) with a market every monday, and a fair for three days together at Michaelmas, as the even, the day, and the morrow after. Also he granted to the same john Ewer, free warren throughout the same lordship. This john Ewer was ancestor unto the lord Ewer that now liveth, who hath the same charter in his possession. ¶ As for this king's victories in France, the same were such as might seem incredible, if the consent of all writers in that age confirmed not the same. But as these victories were glorious, so yet they proved not so profitable in the end: for whereas he had sore burdened his subjects with tasks and subsidies, at length they waxed weary, and began to withdraw their forward minds to help him with such sums as had been requisite for the maintenance of the wars, which the Frenchmen prolonged of purpose, and refused to try their fortune any more in pight fields, whereby when he was constrained to be at continual charges in such linger wars, to defend that which he had erst gotten by force, and covenants of the peace; the sinews of war, to wit money, began to fail him, and so the enemies recovered a great part of that which before time they had lost, both on the further side the seas, and likewise in line 10 Scotland.  
This must needs be a great grief unto a prince of such a stout and valiant stomach, namely sith he had been so long time before accustomed to find fortune still so favourable unto him in all his enterprises. But finally the thing that most grieved him, was the loss of that most noble gentleman, his dear son prince Edward, in whom was found all parts that might be wished in a worthy governor. But this and other mishaps that chanced to him now in line 20 his old years, might seem to come to pass for a revenge of his disobedience showed to his father in usurping against him, although it might be said, that he did it by constraint, and through the advise of others. But whether the remorse hereof, or of his other offences moved him; it may seem (as some writ) that the consideration of this world's mutability, which he tried to the full, caused him (as is thought) to have in mind the life in the world to come, and therefore of a pure devotion founded the church and college line 30 of saint Stephan at Westminster, and another at Cambridge called The king's hall, giving thereunto lands and revenues, to the maintenance of them that would give themselves unto learning.  
Towards the maintenance of his wars, and furnishing forth of such other charges and expenses as he took in hand to bear out, he had some help by the silver mines in Devonshire and Cornwall, in like manner as his grandfather king Edward line 40 the first had. 
Mines of gold & silver.  For one Matthew Crowthorne keeper of his mines in those parts, yielded diverse accounts of the issues and profits of the same, between the second and fifteenth year of his reign, as well for the silver as for the lead, after the silver was fined from it. Also john Moneron succeeding in the same office, accountant of the profits of the same mines, from Michaelmas in the nineteenth year of his reign, unto the second of November in the three and twentieth year, yielded upon his accounts, both the silver line 50 and the lead there of remaining. Moreover he let by indenture in the two and thirtieth year of his reign, unto john Ballancer, and Walter Goldbeater, his mines of gold, silver, and copper, in the county of Devonshire, for term of years. There is an account thereof remaining, and by the same (as it appeareth) was answered for the first year twenty marks. The second year the patentées died, and the king then disposed the same to others. In the eight and twentieth year of his reign, he committed by indenture line 60 his said mines in Devonshire, to one master john Hanner, and one Herman Rainesthorpe of Boheme, minors, yielding to the king the tenth part of the oar, as well of the gold and silver, as of the lead and copper that should be gotten forth of the said mines.  
In this king's days, there lived many excellent men, both in learning, in virtue, and in martial prowess, as partly is touched in this discourse of his reign; and first, the said noble and most valiant king, the prince of Wales his son surnamed the black prince, the duke of Lancaster john of Gant son to the king, and his father in law duke Henry, Edmund earl of Cambridge, and after duke of York; the earls of Warwick, Huntingdon, Salisbury, Stafford, Northampton, Arundel and others; the lord Reginald Cobham, the lord Basset, the lord Thomas Holland, the lord Walter de Mannie and Henuier, the lord Edward Spenser, the lord john Chandois, the lord james Audeley, Sir john Copland, sir Thomas Felton, sir Robert Knolles, who (as I have said) being borne in Cheshire of mean parentage, through his manly prowess, and most skilful experience in the wars, grew to be right ●amous.  
Moreover, sir Hugh Caluerlie borne in the same shire, the capital de Beufe a Gascoigne, sir Thomas Percy, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Baldwine Frevill, sir john Harleston, sir james Pipe, sir Thomas Dagworth, & that valiant English knight sir john Hawkewood, whose fame in the parts of Italy shall remain for ever, where (as their histories make mention) he grew to such estimation for his valiant achieved enterprises, that happy might that prince or commonwealth account themselves, that might have his service, and so living there in such reputation, sometimes he served the pope, sometimes the lords of Milan, now this prince or commonwealth, now that, and other whiles none at all, but taking one town or other, would keep the same, till some liking entertainment were offered, and then would he sell such a town, where he had thus remained, to them that would give him for it according to his mind. Barnaby lord of Milan gave unto him one of his base daughters in marriage, with an honourable portion for her dower.  
This man was borne in Essex (as some writ) who at the first became a tailor in London, & afterwards going to the wars in France, served in the room of an archer, but at length he became a captain and leader of men of war, highly commended and liked of amongst the soldiers, in so much that, when by the peace concluded at Bretignie, in the year 1360, great numbers of soldiers were discharged out of wages, they got themselves together in companies, and without commandment of any prince, by whose authority they might make war, they fell to of themselves, and sore harried and spoiled diverse countries in the realm of France, as partly ye have heard: amongst whom this sir john Hawkewood was one of the principal captains, & at length went into Italy, to serve the marquess of Montferrato, against the duke of Milan: although I remember that some write, how he came into that country with the duke of Clarence, but I think the former report be true: but it may well be, that he was ready to attend the said duke at his coming into Italy. And thus much concerning such famous captains as served this noble king Edward the third, although for bréefenesse I pass over diverse other, no less famous and worthy for their high manhood and tried valiancy to be remembered, than these afore mentioned.  
Of learned men, these we find by john Bale registered in the Centuries; john Baconthrop borne in Blackney in Norfolk, a friar Carmelite, and provincial of his order, so excellently learned, as well in divinity, as in both the civil and canon laws, that he proceeded doctor in either faculty at Oxenford and Paris, and wrote diverse treatises, to his high and singular commendation; William O●kam, john Bloxham a Carmelite friar, Nicholas Trivet borne in Norfolk, son to sir Thomas Trivet knight, & one of the king's iusticiers, proved excellently learned, and wrote diverse treatises, and amongst other, two histories, and one book of annals, he was by profession a black friar, and departed this life about the second year of this king Edward the third, in the year of Christ 1328; William Alnewike borne in Northumberland, in the town whereof he took name, a friar Minor; john Tanet borne in the isle of Tanet, an excellent musician, and a monk in Canturburie; Hugh of saint Neot, a Carmelite friar in Hertfordshire, a notable divine as those days gave; William Alton borne in Hampshire, a black friar and a divine.  
Furthermore, Richard Stradley borne in the marches of Wales, a monk and a divine, writing certain line 10 treatises of the scripture; William Herbert a Welshman and a friar Minor, wrote also certain goodly treatises of divinity; Richard Comington a friar of the order of the Cordeliers, a preacher, and a writer of divinity; William Exeter a doctor of divinity, and a prebendary canon in Exeter, whereas it is thought he was borne; Lucas Bosden a western man, and by profession a Carmelite friar; Thomas waleis a Dominike friar, a great divine, as by such books as he wrote it may line 20 appear; Thomas Pontius a monk of Canturburie, john Ridewall a grey friar, Henry Costesay or Cossey a friar Minor, Geffrie Alevant borne in Yorkshire, a friar Carmelite; john Euersden, a monk in Bury in Suffolk, an historiographer; Simon Burneston, a doctor of the University of Cambridge, and provincial of the friars dominic or black friars, as they called them here in England; Walter Burlie a doctor of divinity, who in his youth was brought up, not only in Martin college line 30 in Oxford, but also in the Universities and schools abroad beyond the seas, in France and Germany, & afterwards for his wisdom, good demeanour & learning, he was retained with the bishop of Ulmes in Suabenland, a region in high Germany.  
Amongst other treatises which he compiled, being many, and namely of natural philosophy, he wrote a commentary of the ethics of Aristotle, and dedicated the same unto the said bishop, a work which hath been highly esteemed, not only in the line 40 Universities of Italy, Germany and France, but also here in our Universities of England. To conclude, such was the same of this doctor Burlie, that when the lady Philip, daughter to the earl of Heinault should come over into England to be married to king Edward, this doctor Burlie was retained by her, and appointed to be her almoner, and so continued in great estimation, in so much that after Edward prince of Wales, eldest son to king Edward commonly called the black prince, was borne, and line 50 able to learn his book, the said burly among other was commanded to be one of his instructors.  
By reason hereof, sir Simon Burlie, of whom I have made some mention heretofore in this king's life, and more intend to speak, as occasion serveth in the next king, being son to sir john Burlie, near kinsman to the said doctor Burlie, was admitted among other young gentlemen, to be schoolefelow with the said prince, by occasion whereof he grew in such credit and favour with the said prince, that afterwards line 60 when his son Richard of Bordeaux, that succeeded king Edward his father, was borne, the said prince for special trust and confidence which he had in the said sir Simon Burlie, committed the governance & education of his son the said Richard unto him, whereby he was ever after highly in favour with the said Richard, and no less advanced by him, when he came to enjoy the crown of this realm.  
But now to other learned men of that age. john Barwike a friar Minor, and reader to his fellows of that order in Oxford; William Nottingham, Roger Glacton, borne in Huntingtonshire, an Augustin friar; john Polestéed borne in Suffolk, a Carmelite friar in Ipswich or Gippeswich as they writ it; Walter Kingham a friar also of the order of those Dominikes, which they called pied friars; Roger of Chester a monk of that city and an historiographer; Thomas de Hales a friar Minor, Robert Eliphat a grey friar, Geffrie Grandfield an Augustine or black friar, Hugh Wirlie a Carmelite friar of Norwich, William Eincourt a black friar of Boston, Hugh Ditton borne in Cambridgeshire a friar preacher, Adam Carthusianus a doctor of divinity, john Luttrell an excellent philosopher and well seen in the mathematicals, Walter Cotton and Thomas Eckleston both grey friars, john Folsham a Carmelite friar in Norwich, Benet of Norfolk, William Southampton so called of the town where he was borne, a black friar.  
Moreover, john Burgh a monk wrote an history, and certain homilies; Adam Nidzard a master of art, Edmund Albon, Robert Counton a grey friar, William Lissie a friar Minor, john Repingale borne in Lincolnshire a Carmelite or white friar, as they called them; Christopher Mothusensis a black friar, Richard Aungeruile borne in Suffolk, who was bishop of Duresme, and lord chancellor of England; john Manduith, Walter Heminford a canon of Gisborne an historiographer, john Olnie borne in Glocestershire, in an isle so called, whereof he took his surname a Chartreux monk; Thomas Staveshaw a friar Minor in Bristol, Robert of Leicester taking that surname of the town where he was borne, a Franciscane or grey friar; john of Northhampton borne in that town, and a Carmelite friar, an excellent mathematician.  
Add to the foresaid learned men, Robert Worsop borne in Yorkshire, and a black friar in Tickill; William Bruniard a black friar, Richard Chichester, a monk of Westminster wrote an excellent chronicle, beginning the same at the coming in of the Saxons, about the year of our Lord 449, and continued it till the year 1348; Richard roll alias Hampole an excellent divine wrote many treatises; john Guent a Welshman, a Franciscane friar, and provincial of the order; Rodulph Radiptorius a friar Minor, Robert Holcoth a black friar, borne in Northampton, excellently learned, and wrote many works, both of divinity and other arguments; William Miluerlie a logician or rather a sophister, john Teukesburie, Thomas Bradwardin borne in Hartfield, a town within the diocese of Chichester, archbishop of Canturburie succeeding john Offord, he wrote against the Pelagians; Richard Wetherset, William Breton a grey friar, a Welshman borne, as Bale supposeth; john of saint Faith, borne in Norfolk, a Carmelite friar of Brumham.  
Furthermore, john Goodwicke borne also in Norfolk, an Augustine friar of Lin; William Rothwell a black friar, Geffrie Warerton monk of Bury, Richard Fitz Ralph, whom some take to be an Irishman, but a student in Oxford, and scholar to john Baconthrope profited highly, & wrote many treatises, he was first archdeacon of Lichfield, and after chancellor of the University of Oxford, and at length archbishop of Ardmachan in Ireland; Richard Kilington a doctor of divinity, William Grisant a notable physician, surnamed of the country where he was borne Anglicus, he led the later end of his life at Marseilles in Provence, & had a son that was abbot of the regular canons of that city, who at length was advanced to govern the see of Rome, & named Urbane the fift; 
Pope 〈◊〉 the fift.  john paschal borne in Suffolk, a Carmelite friar in Gippeswich, and by K. Edward the third preferred to the bishopric of Landaffe; Adam Woodham a friar Minor, Simon Henton a black friar, William de Pagula; of john Wicliffe ye have heard before.  
Moreover, Geffrie 〈…〉 black 〈◊〉 of Leices●e●, William Bintham, Roger Cou●●wey a Welshman borne in Counwey a grey ●rier, Richard Billingham, William Doroch a lawyer, john Killingworth an excellent philosopher, astronomer, and physician▪ William of Coventrie a ●rier Carme●ite, professed and borne in the same city; Ran●lfe Higden a monk of Chester and borne in th●se parts, an historiographer; john Eastwood alias 〈◊〉 an excellent philosopher, Thomas Ratclife borne in Leicester, line 10 and an Augustine friar in Leicester town; Bartholomew glanvil descended of noble parentage, as of the lineage of those Glanuilles that were sometimes earls of Suffolk, as Bale faith; Robert Computista a monk of Bury, john Wilton a monk of Westminster, Simon Wichingham a friar Carmelite of Norwich, john Deir a northern man borne a notable divine.  
Furthermore, Simon I●●ep, founder of Canturburie college in Oxenford, wrote diverse treatises, line 20 he was archbishop of Canturburie, as before ye have heard; George Chadley, john of Tinmouth vicar of that town in the bishopric of Durham, Peter Baboon, Walter Wiborne or Wimborne, Nicholas de Lin borne in the town of that name in Norfolk, a Carmelite friar by profession, but as excellent an astronomer as was in those days: john Ridington borne in Lincolnshire a friar minor in Stafford, Adam a monk of the Cisteaux order, Roger Wihelpedale a mathematician, Simon line 30 de Feversham parson of Birton in Kent, Matthew Westmonasterienses, who wrote the book called Flores historiarum; john Elin a Carmelite borne in Norfolk, lived in these days, but departed this life in king Richard the seconds days; Thomas de Sturey an Augustine friar, Sertorious Gualensis a Welshman borne.  
 
To conclude, john Mandeville knight, that great traveler, lived in those days, and departed this life at Liege, the seventeenth of November, in the year 1372. Thomas of Dover a monk of the abbeie there, Henry Knighton wrote an history ●ntituled De gestis Anglorum, john Stokes borne in Suffolk an Augustine friar, john Hornebie a friar Carmelite of Boston, Henry Bestrike or (as other rather will) of Bury an Augustine friar, Simon Alcocke a divine, Utred Balton borne in the marches of Wales a monk of Durham, William jordan an Augustine friar, john Hilton a friar minor, William de Lincoln a Carmelite, borne and professed in that city, whereof he took his surname, Adam Saxlingham a friar of the same order, but borne in Norfolk; Simon Mepham a prebend of Chichester, and a great divine; john Bamton a Carmelite, and student in Cambridge; john Wichingham a grey friar: and diverse other, which for that we are not certain in what age they liue●, we here pass over.  
Thus far Edward the third, son to Edward the second and queen Isabell.   

Richard the second, the second son to Edward prince of Wales.  
RIchard, the second of that line 40 name, and son to prince Edward, called the black prince, the son of king Edward the third, a child of the age of eleven years, began to reign over the realm of England the two and twentieth day of june, 
Anno Reg. ●. 1377  in the year of the world 5344, of our Lord 1377, after the conquest 310, about the two and thirtieth year of the emperor Charles the line 50 fourth, and in the fouretéenth year of Charles the fift king of France, and about the seventh year of the reign of Robert the second king of Scotland: 
Fabian.  he was named Richard of Bordeaux, because he was borne at Bordeaux in Gascoigne, whilst his father ruled there. The day before it was understood, that his grandfather king Edward was departed this life, 
Thom. Wals.  being the one and twentieth of june (on which day nevertheless he deceased) the citizens of London having certain knowledge that he could not escape his sickness, 
The Londoners sent to K. Richard, commending themselves to his favour before the death of K. Edward.  sent certain aldermen unto Kingston, where the prince with his mother the princess then lay, to declare unto the said prince their ready good wills, to accept him for their lawful king and governor▪ immediately after it should please God to call to his mercy his grandfather, being now past hope of recovery of health. Wherefore they 〈…〉, 
john Philpot.  line 10 and so were they sent home to bring a joyful answer of their message to the city. The morrow after, there were sent to London from the king, the lord Latimer, sir Nicholas Bond, sir Simon Burlie, & sir Richard Adder●urie, knights; to bring them sorrowful news of the assured death of king line 20 Edward, who (as we have said) deceased the day before; but comfortable news again, of the great towardliness and good meaning of the young king, who promised to love them and their city, and to come to the same city, as they had desired him to do. And further▪ that he had spoken to the duke of Lancaster in their behalf, 
The duke of Lancaster & the Londoners submit their quarrels to the king's order.  and that the duke had submitted himself to him in all things touching the cause; whereupon the king's pleasure was, that they should likewise submit themselves, and he would do his endeavour, that an agreement might be had to the honour of the citizens, line 30 and profit of the city.  
The citizens liked not of this form of proceeding in the duke's matter, because the king was young, and could not give order therein, but by substitutes: yet at length with much ado, they were contented to submit themselves, as the duke had done before, though not, till that the knights had undertaken upon their oath of fidelity and knighthood, that their submission should not redound to the temporal or bodily harm of any of them, consenting to the king's line 40 will in this point. And so with this caution they took their journey towards Sheen, where they found the new K. with his mother, the duke of Lancaster & his brethren, uncles to the king, and diverse bishops, about the body of the deceased king. When it was known that the Londoners were come, they were called before the king, by whom the matter was so handled, that the duke and they were made friends. After this, when the king should ride through the city line 50 towards the coronation, the said duke and the lord Percy riding on great horses before him, as by virtue of their offices appointed to make way before, used themselves so courteously, modestly, and pleasantly, ●hat where before they two were greatly suspected of the common people, by reason of their great puissance in the realm, and huge rout of retainers, they ordered the matter so, that neither this day, nor the morrow after, ●eing the day of the king's coronation, they offended any manner of person, but rather line 60 by gentle and sweet demeanour they reclaimed the hearts of many, of whom before they were greatly had in suspicion, and thought evil of. ¶ But now, sith we are entered into the matter of this king's coronation, we have thought good briefly to touch some particular point thereof (as in Thomas Walsingham we find it) though nothing so largely here, as the author himself setteth it forth, because the purpose of this work will not so permit.  
The king, in riding through the city towards Westminster, 
The manner & order of the king's coronation.  on the 15 day of julie being wednesday, was accompanied with such a train of the nobility and others, as in such case was requisite. Sir Simon Burlie bore the sword before him, and sir 〈…〉 forth wine abundantly. In the towers were placed four beautiful virgins, of stature and age like to the king, appareled in white vestures, in every tower one, the which blew in the king's face, at his approaching near to them, leaves of gold▪ and as he approached also, they threw on him and his horse florins of gold counterfeit.  
When he was come before the castle, they took cups of gold, and filling them with wine at the spouts of the castle, presented the same to the king and to his nobles. On the top of the castle, betwixt the four towers, stood a golden angel, holding a crown in his hands, which was so contrived, that when the king came, he bowed down & offered to him the crown. But to speak of all the pageants and shows which the citizens had caused to be made, and set forth in honour of their new king, it were superfluous; every one in their quarters striving to surmount other, and so with great triumphing of citizens, and joy of the lords and noble men, he was conveyed unto his palace at Westminster, where he rested for that night. The morrow after being thursday, and the 16 day of julie, he was fetched to the church with procession of the bishops and monks, and coming before the high altar, where the pavement was covered with rich clothes of tapistry, he there kneeled down and made his prayers, whilst two bishop's song the Litany, which being finished, the king was brought to his seat, the queer singing an anthem, beginning, Firmetur manus tu●.  
That done, there was a sermon preached by a bishop touching the duty of a king, how he ought to behave himself towards the people, and how the people ought to be obedient unto him. The sermon being ended, the king received his oath before the archbishop and nobles: which done, the archbishop having the lord Henry Percy lord marshal going before him, turned him to every quarter of the church, declaring to the people the king's oath, and demanding of them, if they would submit themselves unto such a prince & governor, and obey his commandments: and when the people with a loud voice had answered that they would obey him, the archbishop using certain prayers, blessed the king; which ended, the archbishop came unto him, and tearing his garments from the highest part to the lowest, stripped him to his shirt. Then was brought by earls, a certain coverture of cloth of gold, under the which he remained, whilst he was anointed.  
The archbishop (as we have said) having stripped him, first anointed his hands, than his head, breast, shoulders, and the joints of his arms with the sacred oil, saying certain prayers, and in the mean time did the queer sing the anthem, beginning, Vnx●runt regem Salomonem, etc. And the archbishop added another prayer, Deus Dei filius, etc. Which ended, he and the other bishop's song the hymn, Veni creator spiritus, the king kneeling in a long vesture, & the archbishop with his suffragans about him. When the hymn was ended, he was lift up by the archbishop, and clad first with the coat of saint Edward, and after with his 〈…〉  
〈…〉 In line 10 the mean time, whilst the archbishop blessed the king's crown, he to whose office it appertained, did put spurs on his heels. After the crown was blessed, the archbishop set it on his head, saying, Coronet te Deus, etc. Then did the archbishop deliver to him a ring, with these words, Accipe annulum, etc. Immediately herewith came the lord Furnival by virtue of his office, offering to him a red glove, which the archbishop blessed, and putting it on his hand, gave to him the sceptre, with these words, Accipe sceptrum, etc. line 20 Then did the archbishop deliver to him in his other hand a rod, in the top whereof stood a dove, with these words, Accipe virgam virtutis, etc. After this the archbishop blessed the king, saying, Benedicat de Deus, etc.  
These things done, the king kissed the bishops and abbots, by whom he was lead afterwards unto his seat, the bishop's beginning to sing (Te deum) which ended, the archbishop said to him, Sta & retine amodo locum, etc. When these things were finished, they began mass, the bishop of Worcester read the epistle, line 30 and the bishop of Elie the gospel. At the offertory, the king rose from his seat, and was brought to offer. He therefore offered first his sword, and after so much gold as he would, but no less than a mark, by reason of the custom; for more he might offer to God and S. Peter, but less he could not. After this, he offered bread and wine, with which he and the archbishop did after communicate. This done, the earl, to whom it appertained to bear the sword before the king, redeemed the sword which the king had offered line 40 with money, and receiving the same, bore it afore the king. When mass should be song, the king was brought again to the altar, & there kneeling down, and saying Confiteor to the archbishop, did communicate, and so was brought back to his seat. The wardens of the cinque ports by their office, as well in time of the procession, as when he was anointed also at mass time, and as he returned from the church to the palace to dinner, held over him a large canopy of blue velvet, fastened unto four slaves at the line 50 four corners.  
In the mean time, sir john Dimmocke that claimed to be the king's champion, had been at the king's armory and stable, where he had chosen according to his tenure, the best armour save one, and the best steed save one: albeit, sir Baldwine Frevill claimed the same office, but could not obtain it; so that the said sir john Dimmocke having armed himself, and being mounted on horseback, came to the abbeie gates, with two riding before him, the one caring line 60 his spear, and the other his shield, staying there till mass should be ended. But the lord Henry Percy lord marshal, appointed to make way before the king with the duke of Lancaster lord Steward, the lord Thomas of Woodstoke lord constable, and the lord marshal's brother sir Thomas Percy, being all mounted on great horses, came to the knight, and told him, that he ought not to come at that time, but when the king was at dinner, and therefore it should be good for him to unarm himself for a while, and take his ease and rest, till the appointed time were come.  
The knight did as the lord marshal willed him, and so after his departure, the king having those 〈…〉  
To show what royal service was at this feast, it passeth our understanding to describe: but to conclude, the fare was exceeding sumptuous, and the furniture princely in all things, that if the same should be rehearsed, the reader would perhaps doubt of the truth thereof. ¶ In the midst of the king's palace was a marble pillar raised hollow upon steps, on the top whereof was a great gilt eagle placed, under whose feet in the chapter of the pillar, divers kinds of wine came gushing forth at four several places all the day long, neither was any forbidden to receive the same, were he never so poor or abject. On the morrow after the coronation, there was a general procession of the archbishop, bishop, and abbots then present, with the lords, and a great multitude of people, to pray for the king and the peace of the kingdom.  
At the going forth of this procession, the bishop of Rochester preached, exhorting them, that the dissensions and discords which had long continued betwixt the people and their superiors, might be appeased and forgotten, proving by many arguments, that the same highly displeased God. He admonished the lords, not to be so extreme and hard towards the people. On the other part, he exhorted the people in necessary causes, for the aid of the king and realm, cheerfully, and without grudging, to put to their helping hands, according to their bounden duties. He further exhorted those in general that were appointed to be about the king, that they should forsake vice, and study to live in cleanness of life and virtue. For if by their example the king were trained to goodness, all should be well; but if he declined through their sufferance from the right way, the people and kingdom were like to fall in danger to perish. After the sermon and procession were ended, the lords and prelates went to their lodgings.  
But now, because the Englishmen should have their joys mingled with some sorrows, it chanced that the Frenchmen (which about the same time that the king's grandfather departed this life, were wafting on the seas) within six or seven days after his decease, burned the town of Rye. Whereupon, 
Froissard. Rye burnt by the Frenchmen  immediately after the coronation, the earls of Cambridge and Buckingham were sent with a power unto Dover, and the earl of Salisbury unto Southampton: but in the mean time, to wit, 
Tho. Wals. The Frenchmen spoil the isle of Wight. Sir Hugh Tirrell.  the one and twentieth of August, the Frenchmen entering the isle of Wight, burnt diverse towns in the same. And though they were repelled from the castle, by the valiant manhood of sir Hugh Tirrell captain thereof, who laid no small number of them on the ground; yet they constrained the men of the isle to give them a thousand marks of silver to save the residue of their houses and goods, and so they departed from thence, 
Froissard. Tho. Walsi. Portsmouth, Dartmouth, & Plymouth, burnt by the French.  sailing still along the costs, and where they saw advantage, set on land, burning sundry towns near to the shore, as Portesmouth, Dartmouth, and Plymouth.  
They made countenance also to have set on southhampton, if sir john Arundel, brother to the earl of Arundel had not been ready there with a number of men of arms and archers, by whom the town was defended, and the enemies chased to their ships. From thence the Frenchmen departed, and sailing towards Dover, 
Hastings burnt.  burnt Hastings; but Winchels●● they could not win, being valiantly defended by the abbot of Battle, 
An overthrow given by the French to the Englishmen.  and others. After this, they landed one day not far from the abbeie of jews, at a place line 10 called Rottington, where the prior of jews, and two knights, the one named sir Thomas Cheinie, and the other sir john Falleslie, having assembled a number of the country people, encountered the Frenchmen, but were overthrown; so that there were slain about an hundred Englishmen; and the prior, with the two knights, and an esquire called john Brokas, were taken prisoners, but yet the Frenchmen lost a great number of their own men at this conflict, and so with their prisoners retired to their ships and galleys, and after returned into France. line 20  

Polydor.  But now touching the doings about the new K. You shall understand, that by reason of his young years, as yet he was not able to govern himself, and therefore john duke of Lancaster, 
The duke of Lancaster & the earl of Cambridge appointed protectors.  and Edmund earl of Cambridge, with other peers of the realm, were appointed to have the administration. He was of good disposition and towardness, but his age being ready to incline which way soever a man should bend it, those that were appointed to have the government line 30 of his person, did what lay in them now at the first, to keep him from all manner of light demeanour. But afterwards, when every one began to study more for his own private commodity, than for the advancement of the commonwealth, they set open the gates to other, which being ready to corrupt his good nature, by little and little grew familiar with him, and dimming the brightness of true honour, with the counterfeit shine of the contrary, so maskered his understanding, that in the end they brought line 40 him to tract the steps of lewd demeanour, and so were causers both of his and their own destruction. This seemeth to be touched by C. Okland, who speaking of the death of the old king and the erection of the new, saith of him according to our annals, as followeth: 

In Angl. prael.  Vndecimum puer hic nondum transegerat annum,  
Cùm juvenile caput gessit diademate cinctum.  
Qui postquam princeps justis adoleverat annis.  
Dicere non facile est quantum distaret avitis  
Moribus atque animo, fuit hic quàm disparement, line 50  
Dissimili ingenio clarae matríque patríque.   
The Frenchmen not ignorant of such mischéefes as were like to grow in England, suffered no time to pass, but took occasions of advantage when they were offered. 
Froissard.  ¶ Among other enterprises I find, that shortly after the decease of king Edward, the duke of Burgognie wan Arde, and two or three other fortresses in those marches. The Scots this year also wan the castle of Berwick by stealth one morning, 
Berwick castle won by the Scots.  but shortly upon knowledge had, the earls of line 60 Northumberland and Nottingham, the lords Nevil, Lucy, Graistoke, & Stafford, with other lords, knights, and esquires, came with their powers in all haste thither, and entering the town, besieged the castle, and finally, assaulting them that kept it, won it of them by force, and slew all those Scotishmen which they found within it, except Alexander Ramsey their captain. 
Berwick castle recovered by the Englishmen.  When the Englishmen had thus recovered the castle, they entered into Scotland, in hope to find the Scots, and to fight with them whom they knew to be assembled.  
The English host was three thousand men of arms, & seven thousand archers, but they sent forth sir Thomas Musgrave with three hundred spears, 〈…〉 
An overthrow 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 to the Englishmen.  
The siege of Morta●g●s raised.   
Governor of this siege at the first, was Yuan or Owen of Wales, but he was murdered one morning as he sat alone viewing the castle, and combing his head, by one of his own countrymen, which under colour to serve him, was become with him very familiar. This Owen or Yuan whether ye will (for all is one) was son to a noble man of Wales, whom K. Edward had put to death for some offence by him committed, where this Yuan got him into France, being as then very young, and was brought up in the French court, and proved an expert man of war, so that great lamentation was made for his death by the Frenchmen. But the Englishmen, although they misliked the manner of his death, yet they were not greatly sorrowful for the chance, sith they were rid thereby of an extreme enemy.  
After that the Englishmen had raised the Frenchmen from the siege of Mortaigne, they returned to Bordeaux, and after recovered sundry castles and fortresses in the marches of Burdelois, and about Baionne. Also they aided the king of Navarre, against the king of Castille, and made a road into the confines of Castille. But shortly after, a peace was concluded betwixt those two kings, so that the lord Charles of Navarre should marry the daughter of the king of Castille upon certain conditions: and so the Englishmen had their wages truly paid them to their full contentation, and thereupon returned. About Michaelmas began a parliament that was summoned at Westminster, 
A parliament Thom. Wa●●.  which continued till the feast of saint Andrew. In this parliament the foresaid sir Peter de la Mere and other the knights that had been so earnest against dame Alice Peres in the last parliament holden by king Edward the third, so prosecuted the same cause now in this parliament, that the said dame Alice Peres was banished the realm, and all her goods movable and unmovable forfeited to the king, because contrary to that she had promised by oath in the said last parliament, she had presumed to come within the court, and to obtain of the king what soever was to her liking.  
There were two tenths granted by the clergy to the king in this parliament, 
The citizens' of London appointed 〈◊〉 keep the subsidy gra●●● by parleyed  and two fiftéenes of the temporalty, to be paid the same year; and two citizens of London, William Walworth, and john Philpot were appointed to have the keeping of that money, to the end it might be employed to the kings necessary uses, for the defence of the realm. Sir Hugh Caluerlie being deputy of Calis, 
Sir Hugh 〈…〉  coming one morning to Bullongne, burnt certain ships which lay there in the haven, to the number of six and twenty, besides two proper barks, being vessels of no small account: and having spoiled and burnt the most part of the base town, he returned to Calis with a great rich booty of goods and cattle.  
Also, where the castle of Mark, in absence of the captain sir Robert de Salle, that was gone over into England, was lost through negligence of them that were left in charge within it; the same sir Hugh Caluerlie made such speed in the matter, that he recovered it again the same day it was lost, by force of assault, taking the Frenchmen prisoners that were gotten into it, and hanging certain Picards stipendary soldiers in the said castle, 
Mark castle recovered by sir Hugh Caluerlie, the same day it was lost.  under the said sir Robert de Salle, for that whilst the Englishmen were gone forth, to see the shooting of a match which line 10 they had made amongst themselves, a little off from the castle, those Picards being left within, shut the gates against them, and received in the Frenchmen, with whom they had practised in treason, keeping the Englishmen forth, to whom the safe keeping of that castle was committed.  
This year was a bull sent from the pope unto the university of Oxenford, 
1●78  to apprehend john Wicliffe, parson of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, within the diocese of Lincoln. 
john Wickliff.  Also, there were other line 20 bulls to the same effect, sent unto the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London. Likewise to the king were letters directed from the pope, to require his favour against the said Wickliff, so grievously was the pope incensed against him, and not without cause, for if his conclusions in doctrine took effect, he well perceived his papistical authority would shortly decay. As for the popish clergy, to them not only the sect but also the name of Wickliff was so odious, that in recording his opinions line 30 and sectaries, they exceed the bounds of all modesty, aggravating such reports as they infer concerning him or his with more than hyperbolical lies: as appeareth by that long and tedious discourse which he wrote, that compiling certain annals entitled De eventibus Angliae, prefixeth this verse in the front of his volume, in letters of red vermilon, as desiring to have his name notoriously known to the world; 
Hen. de Knight●n canon. abbot. Leicest. in annali●. de Rich. secundo.  Autoris nomen capitales litterae pandunt: He (I say) in that copious treatise having spoken as line 40 maliciously & viperouslie as he might both of Wickliff's life, which he concludeth to be lewd; of his opinions, which he avoucheth to be heretical; and of his favourers and followers, to whom (at his pleasure) he giveth unreverent epithets (all which to prosecute at length, as by him they are in ample sort laid down, would but detect the man's malignity, and procure an overthrow of credit to be attributed unto his declarations) he maketh up his mouth with a tristichon of poetical imitation, to bring Wickliff line 50 and his adherents into perpetual obloquy and defamation, saying as followeth in verse and prose; 
Si totum membrana solum, calamus nemus omne,  
Et Thetis encaustum, scriptor & omnis homo,  
Istorum facinus scribere non poterunt.  
Maledictus conventus eorum, quoniam pertinax, propterea Deus destruat eos, in finem evellat, & emigrare faciat de tabernaculis fidelium suorum, & radicem eorum de terra regni; & hoc videant justi, & laetentur; ut dicere possint; Ecce populus qui se exaltavit super electos doctores Domini, line 60 & speravit in multitudine vanitatis suae: confundantur & pereant cum doctrina eorum in aeternum, etc.  But of Wickliff's life and doctrine to read at large, I remit the reader to the acts and monuments of the church, published by master john Fox: and now will we return to matters of state and policy. There went forth this year a very great navy of ships to the sea, under the guiding of the earl of Buckingham, the duke of Britain, the lord Latimer, the lord Fitz Walter, sir Robert Knolles, and other valiant captains, 
The navy setteth forth, and is beaten back by tempest.  meaning to have intercepted the Spanish fleet that was gone to Sluse in Flanders, but through rage of tempest, and contrary winds, they were driven home, although twice they attempted their fortune: but sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputy of Calis, slept not his business, 
Exploits done by sir Hugh Caluerlie.  doing still what displeasures he could to the Frenchmen. Shortly after Christmas, he spoilt the town of Estaples the same day the fair was kept there, to which a great number of merchants of Bullougne were come to make their markets, but the sellers had quick utterance, for that that might easily be carried away, the Englishmen laid hands on, and caused the owners to redeem the residue with great sums of money, which they undertook to pay; or else sir Hugh threatened to have burnt all that was left, together with the houses.  
ye have heard, how at the first the duke of Lancaster was one of the chief about the young king in government of his person and realm, who prudently considering, that sith there must needs be an alteration in the state, & doubting lest if any thing chanced otherwise than well, 
The duke of Lancaster misliking the manners of the court, getteth himself home to the castle of Killingworth  the fault and blame might be chiefly imputed to him, and thanks (howsoever things went) he looked for none, he gave therefore the slip, obtaining licence of the king to departed, and so got him home to his castle of Killingworth, permitting other to have the whole sway: for before his departure from the court, there were with his consent ordained such as should be attending on the king's person, and have the rule and ordering of matters pertaining to the state, as William Courtnie, than bishop of London (though shortly after removed to the archbishops see of Canturburie) Edmund Mortimer earl of March, & diverse other, of whom the people had conceived a good opinion: but yet because the bishop of Salisbury, and the lord Latimer were admitted amongst the residue, the commons murmured greatly against them.  
The earl of Northumberland resigned his office of lord marshal, in whose place succeeded sir john Arundel, brother unto the earl of Arundel. ¶ The duke of Lancaster, although retired from the court, yet desirous to have the money in his hands that was granted the last parliament, at length obtained it, upon promise to defend the realm from invasion of all enemies for one years space: he therefore provided a great navy to go to the sea, hiring nine ships of Baionne, to assist his enterprise herein, the which in making sail hitherwards, encountered with the Spanish fleet, and took fourteen vessels laden with wines and other merchandise. But in the mean time, one Mercer a Scotishman, with certain sail of Scots, Frenchmen, and Spaniards, came to Scarburgh, and there took certain ships, and led them away to the sea, as it were in revenge of his father's imprisonment, named john Mercer, who before being caught by certain ships of the north parts, and delivered to the earl of Northumberland, was committed to prison within the castle of Scarburgh.  
john Philpot that worshipful citizen of London, 
john Philpot Alderman of London setteth forth a fleet at his own charges, to recover certain English ships taken by the Scots.  lamenting the negligence of them that should have provided against such inconveniences, made forth a fleet at his own charges, strongly furnished with men of war and munition necessary: the men of war meeting with the same Mercer, accompanied with his own ships, and fifteen other Spaniards that were newly joined with him, set upon them, and so valiantly behaved themselves, that they took the said Mercer with all them that were then in his company, so recovering again the ships that were taken from Scarburgh, besides great riches which were found aboard, as well in the fifteen Spanish ships, as the other that were of the old retinue, belonging to the same Mercer. john Philpot was afterwards blamed of the lords, for presuming thus far, as to set forth a navy of men of war, without the advise of the king's council: but he made his answer in such wise unto the earl of Stafford, and others that laid the fault to his charge, that he was permitted to departed, without further trouble for that matter.  
Before all such provision as the duke of Lancaster prepared for his journey to the sea could be ready, the earls of Salisbury and Arundel sailed over into Normandy, where, by such composition as was taken betwixt the king of England and the king of line 10 Navarre, who of new was become enemy to the French king, 
Chierburg delivered to the Englishmen.  the town of Chierburg was delivered unto the said earls, who sending knowledge thereof back into England, there were sent over such as should have in charge the keeping of that town; and so the two earls returned. ¶ We find, that the king of Navarre, 
Additions to Adam Merimuth.  having been here in England with the king and his council, had agreed with the king for a certain yearly rent, to demise unto him the said fortress of Chierburg, whereby the Englishmen line 20 might have free entry into Normandy, when they would, as well to aid the king of Navarre in his necessity, as to work any enterprise that should be thought expedient to the advantage of the king of England as occasion served. But the obtaining of possession of Chierburg brought not so much joy to the English nation, as the mishap that happened at the going forth of the said earls did cause lamentation and heaviness.  
For upon the first entering into the sea, it fortuned that sir Philip, 
The English navy is overmatched and overcome by the Spanish fleet.  and sir Peter Covetenie, discovered a line 30 certain number of ships that were enemies, and undiscreetly entered amongst them, there suddenly came upon them the Spanish fleet, so that the English ships that were in company with the said Philip and sir Peter, were not able to make their party good, in somuch that finally after that sir Philip had lost diverse of his men that were there slain, he go● away by flight himself, though grievously wounded, but sir Peter was taken prisoner with a few other line 40 knights that were with him; and the most part of all the valiant esquires of Summer se●shire & Devonshire, being there abroad with him, were slain and drowned, which was esteemed no small loss to the whole commonwealth.  
Thus were the Englishmen occupied in this first year of king Richard with troubles of war, and not only against the Frenchmen, but also against the Scots. For even in the beginning of the same year, 
Rokesburgh burnt by the Scots.  the Scots burned Rokesburgh, in revenge line 50 whereof the new earl of Northumberland entered Scotland with ten thousand men, and sore spoiled the lands of the earl of March for the space of three days together; because the said earl of March was the chief author and procurer of the burning of Rokesburgh, & so for that time th' Englishmen were well revenged of those enemies. But at an other time, when the Northern men would needs make a road into Scotland, entering by the west borders, they were encountered by the Scots and put to flight, so that line 60 many of them being slain, the Scots took the more courage to invade the borders, till at length, Edmund Mortimer earl of March came at the day of truce, and took an abstinence of war betwixt both nations for the time, though the same continued not long.  

Anno Reg. 2. The duke of Lancaster saileth into Britain with a great power. Additions to Adam Merimuth.  Anon after Midsummer, the duke of Lancaster with a strong power took the sea, and landing in Britain, besieged the town of saint malo de Lisle, a fortress of great importance. There went over with him the earls of Buckingham, Warwick, Stafford, and diverse other of the English nobility, the which made their approaches, and fiercely assailed the town, but it was so valiantly defended, that in the end, the duke with his army raised from thence, and returned without achieving his purpose. ¶ About the same time, there was a notable and heinous murder committed within saint Peter's church at Westminster, by occasion of variance between the lord Latimer and sir Ralph Ferters on the one party, 
Hall ● Sh●●kerlie hath Grafton.  and two esquires, the one called Robert Hall and the other john shackle on the other party, about a prisoner which was taken at the battle of Nazers in Spain, called the earl of Deane, who (as some writ) was taken by one sir Frank de Hall at the said battle; 
Polydor.  and because he remained in his hands at the death of the said sir Frank, he bequeathed him unto his son the said Robert Hall esquire.  
But as other writ, the said earl was taken by the said Robert Hall himself & john shackle jointly, and judged to be their lawful prisoner, 
Thom. Wals.  by the sentence of the prince of Wales, and sir john Chandois that was master to the said esquires. Whereupon afterwards the said earl obtained so much favour, that by leaving his son and heir in gage for his ransom, he returned into Spain, to provide money to discharge it; but he was so slow in that matter, after he was at liberty, that he departed this life before he made any payment, and so his lands fell to his son that remained in gage for the money with the two esquires. Whereupon it happened afterwards, that the duke of Lancaster, desirous to have the young earl in his hands (in hope through his means the better to accomplish his enterprise which he meant to take in hand against the king of Castille, for the right of that kingdom) procured his nephew king Richard to require the said earl of Deane, at the hands of the said esquires.  
But they refused to deliver him, keeping their prisoner forth of the way, so that none witted were he was become: the esquires therefore were committed to the tower, out of the which they escaped unto Westminster, and there registered themselves for sanctuary men. The duke of Lancaster was herewith sore offended, and their enemies the said lord Latimer and sir Ralph Ferrer took counsel together, with sir Alane Boxhull and others, how they might be revenged of this despite. This sir Alane Boxhull was constable of the tower, and therefore it grieved him not a little, that the esquires had broken from him, and kept themselves thus at Westminster, under protection of that privileged place. Hereupon it was concluded, that sir Ralph Ferrer, and the said Alane Boxhull, taking with them certain men in armour, to the number of fifty persons, should go and fetch them by force from Westminster, unto the tower again.  
The morrow therefore after saint Laurence day, being the eleventh of August, these two knights accompanied with certain of the king's servants and other, to the number afore mentioned, came into the church at Westminster, whilst the said esquires were there hearing of high mass, which was then in celebrating; and first laying hands upon john shackle, used the matter so with him, that they drew him forth of the church, and led him straight to the tower. But when they came to Robert Hall, and fell in reasoning with him, he would not suffer them to come within his reach, and perceiving they meant to take him by force, he drew out a falcheon or short sword which he had girt to him, and therewith laid so freely about him, traversing twice round about the monks quire, that till they had beset him on each side, they could do him no hurt.  
Howbeit, 
A cruel 〈◊〉 in Westminster church.  at length when they had got him at that advantage, one of them clove his head to the very brains, and an other thrust him through the body behind with a sword, and so they murdered him among them. They slew also one of the moonkes that would have had them to have saved the esquires life. Much ado was about this matter, for the breaking thus of the sanctuary, in somuch that the archbishop of Canturburie, and five other bishops his suffragans, openly pronounced all them that were present at this murder accursed, and likewise all such as aided or counseled them to it, chiefly and namely sir Alane Boxhull, and sir Ralph Ferrer, captains and leaders of them. The king, the queen, and the duke of Lancaster line 10 were yet excepted by special names. The bishop of London a long time after, every sunday, wednesday, and friday, pronounced this excommunication in the church of S. Paul at London.  
The duke of Lancaster (though excepted in the same) yet in behalf of his friends was not a little offended with the bishops doings, in so much that in a council holden at Windsor (to the which the bishop of London was called, but would not come, nor yet cease the pronouncing of the curse, albeit the line 20 king had requested him by his letters) the duke said openly, that the bishops froward dealings were not to be borne with, but (saith he) if the king would command me, I would gladly go to London, and fetch that disobedient prelate, in despite of those ribaulds (for so he termed them) the Londoners. These words procured the duke much evil will, as well of the Londoners, as of other: for it was commonly said, that whatsoever had been done at Westminster, concerning the murder there committed in the line 30 church, was done by his commandment.  

A parliament at Gloucester.  About the feast of S. Luke, a parliament was holden at Gloucester, for the displeasure (as was thought) which some of the council had conceived against the Londoners, or rather (as some took it) for fear of them, lest if any thing were done contrary to their minds, they should be about to hinder it, if the parliament had been kept near them: for many things (as some judged) were meant to have been put forth and concluded in this parliament, albeit few in effect line 40 came to pass of those matters that were surmised, saving that it was enacted, that the king should have a mark of the merchants for every sack of their wools, for this present year; and for every pounds worth of wares that was brought in from beyond the seas, and here sold, six pence of the buyers. ¶ Also, certain privileges were granted in this parliament to merchant-strangers, that they might buy and sell in gross, or by retail within this realm, as in the printed book of statutes it appeareth.  

The pope sendeth to the king for aid.  This year came messengers from the new elected line 50 pope Urbane, with letters to require the king's assistance and aid against such cardinals as he named schismatics, that had elected an other pope whom they named Clement, which cardinals sent likewise their messengers with letters, to beseech the king to aid them with his favourable assistance: but through persuasion of the archbishop of Canturburie, Urbans request was granted, and Clement's rejected. About the same time, 
Berwick castle won by the Scots.  to wit, on thursday before the line 60 feast of S. Andrew th'apostle, the Scots by stealth entered by night into the castle of Berwick, and slew sir Robert Bointon, a right valiant knight, that was constable thereof, permitting his wife, children, and servants to departed, with condition, that within three weeks next ensuing, they should either pay them three thousand marks, or else yield their bodies again to prison.  
The morrow after, the same Scots fetched a great booty of cattle out of the country's next adjoining, but immediately after the earl of Northumberland being advertised hereof, hasted thither with four hundred armed men, and assaulting the castle on each side, after two hours defence, won it, slaying of the defendants about eight and forty, 
Alexander Ramsey was only saved as Froissard saith  reserving only one of the whole number alive, that he might inform the Englishmen thoroughly of the Scottishmen'S purposes. At this enterprise was the earl of Northumberlands eldest son, 
Berwick castle recovered by the earl of Northumberland.  spreading there first his banner, and doing so valiantly, that he deserved singular commendation; as likewise did sir Alane de Heton, and sir Thomas de Ilderton, with those of the surname of the Herons, every of these having their quarters assigned to assault. Thus was the castle recovered the ninth day after the Scots had entered the same, so that they enjoyed not long that victorious exploit.  
And because this enterprise was taken in hand against the covenant of the truce, the earl of Northumberland, before he attempted to recover the castle, sent to the earl of March in Scotland, to understand if he would enough that which his countrymen had done, touching the winning of that castle, who sent him knowledge again, that he neither understood of their enterprise, nor would be partaker with them therein: but if it so pleased the earl of Northumberland, he would come himself, and help to recover it to the K. of England's use, out of those Scottishmen'S hands, which without public authority had made that exploit. This year, sir Robert Rous, captain of Chierburg, was called home, 
Sir Robert Rous a valiant captain.  after he had taken sir Oliver de Clisson, and achieved many other worthy adventures against the king's enemies. 
137●  In his place was sent sir john Herleston, to remain upon the guard of that castle. Also, sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputy of Calis, that had so valiantly borne himself against the Frenchmen, was likewise discharged; and coming home, was made admiral, being joined in commission in that office with sir Thomas Percy.  
Sir William Montacute earl of Salisbury was sent over to Calis, to be the king's lieutenant there, who shortly after his coming thither fetched a great booty of cattle out of the enemies country adjoining, so that Calis was furnished with no small number of the same. ¶ Sir Hugh Caluerlie, and sir Thomas Percy, going to sea, took seven ships laden with merchandise, and one ship of war. ¶ The archbishop of Cassils' in Ireland, returning from Rome, brought with him large authority of binding and losing, granted to him by pope Urbane, in favour of whom at his coming to London, in a sermon which he preached, he declared to the people, how the French king, holding with the antipape Clement, was denounced accursed; and therefore now was the time for Englishmen to make war in France, having such occasion, as greater could not be offered; specially, sith it was like that the excommunicated king should have no courage to make resistance. This is I will not say the divinity (for what heavenliness can there be in such damnable doctrine, to set people together by the ears?) of the Romanists; so far off are they from the study of peace and concord betwixt man and man, that they set whole monarchies and empires up to the mid leg in streams of blood, imitating their great grandfather sashan, who hath been a makebate and a murderer from the beginning: renouncing the footsteps of Christ with open mouth, and forswering to follow him either in demeanour or doctrine, and therefore; 
Quis nisimentis inops, ut sanctum tale probabit?  
Haeccine mens Christi? Talia nulla docet.   
In a parliament holden at Westminster this year after Easter, it was ordained, 
The sanctuary at Westminster confirmed by parliament.  that the privileges and immunities of the abbeie of Westminster should remain whole and inviolate; but yet there was a proviso against those that took sanctuary, with purpose to defraud their creditors, that their lands & goods should be answerable to the discharging of their debts. In the same parliament was granted to the king a subsidy, 
A subsidy to be paid by the great men, & the commons go free.  to be levied of the great men of the land. To the end the commons might be spared, the dukes of Lancaster and Britain paid twenty marks, every earl six marks, bishops and abbots with mitres as much, and every monk three shillings four pence: also, every justice, sheriff, knight, esquire, parson, vicar, and chaplain, were charged after a certain rate, but not any of the commons that line 10 were of the laity.  
Ye have heard how sir john Harleston was sent to Chierburg as captain of that fortress, who issuing abroad on a day, 
Anno Reg. 3. A notable exploit done by sir john Harleston.  with such power as he might take forth, leaving the fortress furnished, came to a place, where within a church and in a mill, the Frenchmen had laid up, as in storehouses, a great quantity of victuals, for provision; which church and mill the Englishmen assaulted so valiantly, that notwithstanding there were within a good number of the enemies, that did their best to defend themselves, yet at length they line 20 were taken, and sir john Harleston with his company, returned with the victuals towards Chierburg, but by the way they were encountered by one sir William de Bourds, whom the French king had appointed to lie in Mountburg with a strong power of men of war, to countergarison Chierburg.  
Hereupon ensued a sore conflict, and many an hardy man was beaten to the ground. And although it seemed that the Englishmen were overmatched in number, yet they stuck to it manfully. Their captain line 30 sir john Harleston, fight in the foremost press, was felled, and lay on the ground at his enemies feet in great hazard of death. The Englishmen nevertheless continued their fight, till at length sir Geffrie Worslie, with a wing of armed footmen with axes, came to the rescue (for to that end he was left behind, of purpose to come to their aid if need required) with whose coming the Frenchmen were so hardly handled, that to conclude, they were broken insunder, beaten down and wholly vanquished: line 40 there were of them slain above six score, and as many taken prisoners, among which number was their chief captain sir William de Bourdes taken, and brought to Chierburg with the residue, and there put in safe keeping. This exploit was achieved by the Englishmen, on saint Martin's day in winter, in this third year of king Richard his reign.  
But least any joy should come to the English people in that season, without some mixture of grief, one sir I. Clerk a right valiant knight, 
Sir john Clerk a valiant captain.  & fellow in line 50 arms with sir Hugh Caluerlie, chanced this year to lie in garrison in a castle in Britain, where was an haven, & diverse English ships lying in the same, whereof the French galleys being advertised, came thither, to set those ships on fire, appointing one of their galleys first to attempt the feat, and if fortune so would, to train the Englishmen forth, till they should fall into the laps of four other galleys which they laid as it had been in ambush. 
A policy.  Now as the enemies line 60 wished so it came to pass, for the Englishmen perceiving their vessels in danger to be burnt of the enemies, ran every man aboard to save the ships and goods within them; and amongst the rest, sir john Clerk their captain, meaning to take such part as his men did, got aboard also, and straight falling in pursuit of the galley that withdrew for the purpose aforesaid, the Englishmen were shortly enclosed with the other galleys before they were aware, not knowing what shift to make to avoid the present danger.  
Sir john Clerk, perceiving how the case stood, laid about him like a giant, causing his company still to draw back again, whilst he resisting the enemies, did show such proof of his valiancy, that they were m●●h astonished therewith. To be short, he so manfully behaved himself, that the most part of his company had time to recover land; but when he that had ●hus preserved others should leap forth of the ship to save himself, he was stricken in the thigh with an axe, that down he fell, and so came into the enemies hands, being not able to recover that hurt, for his thigh was almost quite cut off from the body, so that he died of that and other hurts presently, leaving a remembrance behind him of many worthy acts through his valiancy achieved, to his high praise and great commendation. The bark of York was also lost the same time, being a proper vessel, and now taken suddenly, sank with all that were aboard in her, both Englishmen, and the enemies also that were entered into her, thinking to carry her away.  
About the same time the duke of Britain returning into his country, under the conduct of sir Thomas Percy and sir Hugh Caluerlie, landed at a haven not far from saint Malo, the fourth day of August, being received with unspeakable joy of the Britain's, as well lords as commons, so that the loving hearts which they bore towards him, might well appear, 
The duke of Britain restored to his dukedom.  although the love which he bore to the king of England had caused his subjects, in favour of France, to keep him many years forth of his dukedom as a banished prince, but at length, they being overcome with irksomeness of his long absence, with general consents sent for him home, so that there were but few of the British nobility that withdrew their dutiful obedience from him, and those were only such as firmly linked in service with the French king, were loath to forego such rooms and dignities as under him they enjoyed; namely, the constable of France, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, the lord Clisson, the lord de Rohen, and the lord Rochfort, and certain others.  
The lord de la Uall amongst other, came to him (as we find in Thomas Walsingham) offering him his service as well as the residue. At his landing, he was likely to have lost all such furniture, as well of victuals, apparel, hangings, bedding, armour, and other things, which either he or his train had brought with them. For the French galleys espying their time, immediately as he and his company were set on land, before the ships in which the said furniture was fraught, could enter the haven, which was somewhat straight and narrow, came upon them, and had them at such advantage, 
Sir Hugh Caluerlie.  that if sir Hugh Caluerlie with his archers had not caused the master of his ship, even against his will to return again to the rescue, the galleys had taken and gone away with the other ships; but through the manful prows of sir Hugh, the galleys were repelled, & the ships saved: for according to his wonted valiancy he would not return, till he saw all other in safety, & then defending himself so well as he might, withdrew into the haven, and landed safely with the residue.  
About the same time was an heinous murder committed in London, of a merchant Genowes, 
An heinous murder of ● merchant stranger.  whom certain English merchants upon spite and envy, which they bore towards him, caused to be slain one evening in the street before his own gates. The cause that moved the merchants so to procure his death was, for that he undertook to furnish this land, having the staple allowed him at Southampton, of all such wares as came forth of Levant, so plentifully as was to be had in any place in all the west parts of christendom. 
Great 〈◊〉 in the north country.  In the summer of this year, a grievous mortality afflicted the north parts of this land, so that the country became almost desolate. And to the increase of that misery, 
Great 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 in the death time.  the Scots thinking the time to serve th●ir turn, invaded the borders, and most cruelly harried, rob, and spoiled the same, not letting pass any part, of most cruel murdering of the people that were left alive, and not made away by that sore contagious sickness. The number of cattle was infinite which they drove out of the land with them, not sparing herds of swine which they took at this time, where they never meddled with that kind of cattle before that present.  
Before the Scots made this journey into England, whilst the mortality was most in force, they calling to certain of the English borderers, asked line 10 of them how it came to 〈◊〉, that so great a death reigned amongst them. The Englishmen, as good, plain, and simple meaning men, told them, that truly they knew not the cause, for God's judgements were hid from them in such behalf. But one thing they knew, that all calamity, death, and adversity that chanced unto them, came by the special grace of God, to the end that being punished for their sins, they might learn to repent and amend their wicked lives. The Scots hearing this, when they should enter line 20 this land, understanding lewdly what the Englishmen had told them concerning the disease, and the grace of God, devised a blessing forsooth to be said every morning, of the most ancient person in every family, as; Benedicite, said he: Dominus, said the residue. Then began he again, saying; God and saint Mango, saint Roman and saint Andro, shield us this day fra God's grace, and the fewle death that Englishmen dien upon. Thus the senseless men misconstruing this word the grace of God, prayed for line 30 their own destruction, which if not in this world, yet for their brutish cruelty used at that present, against the miserable creatures, whom the hand of God had spared in time of that grievous mortality, it is to be feared, least in another world it came to them, as the very words of their prayers imported.  
About the same time, john Schakell esquire was set at liberty, the king compounded with him for his prisoner, giving five hundred marks in ready money, and lands to the value of a hundred marks by year. line 40 When he should bring forth his prisoner, and deliver him to the king, this is to be noted, as a thing very strange and wonderful. For when he should appear, it was known to be the very groom that had served him in all the time of his trouble, and would never utter himself what he was before that time, having served him as an hired servant all that while in prison, and out of prison, in danger of life, when his other master was murdered, 
A notable example of a faithful prisoner.  where, if he would have uttered himself, he might have been entertained in line 50 such honourable state, as for a prisoner of his degree had been requisite, so that the faithful love and assured constancy in this noble gentleman was highly commended and praised, and no less marveled at of all men.  
About the feast of S. Nicholas, in this third year of king Richard's reign, there went to sea an army of men, that should have passed over into Britain, to the aid of the duke there, under the conduct of sir john Arundel, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Thomas Percy, line 60 sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morews, sir Thomas Banester, & many other knights and esquires, too long to rehearse, a sufficient power undoubtedly to have done a great enterprise: but they were no sooner on the sea, but suddenly there arose such an hideous tempest of wind and storms, that they looked presently to be all cast away, they were scattered here and there, 
The English ●ame scattered by a terrible tempest.  and driven they witted not whither. The ship wherein sir john Arundel was aboard, chanced to be cast on the coast of Ireland, and there driven to forsake his ship, that was ready to be broken in pieces by rage of waves, beating it there against the rocks: he was drowned before he could win to land, in an isle, near to the which they had thrust in the ship.  
To the like end came sir Thomas Banester, sir Nicholas Trumpington, and sir Thomas Dale, impeaching each others, as they leapt forth of the ship: also one Musard an esquire, a most seemly parsonage and a bold; and an other esquire named Deni●ke, being almost out of danger, were fetched away by the surges of the sea, and so perished, with many other. Robert Rust a cunning seaman, belonging to Blacknie in Norfolk, & master of the ship wherein sir john Arundel was embarked, was the first that got to land, giving example to others how to shift for themselves. But when he saw his chief captain, the said sir john Arundel got forth to the sands, and as one thinking himself past all danger, to shake his wet garments about him; the said Rust weighing the dangerous state wherein the said sir john Arundel yet stood, came down, and reached to him his hand, inforsing himself to pluck him to the shore: but whilst he took care for an other man's safety, and neglected his own, he lost his life, and so they both perished together; for through a mighty billow of the raging seas, they were both overthrown, and with returning of the waves back, drawn into the deep, so that they could never recover foothold again, but were drowned.  
The said Rust was much lamented, because he was not only known to be a skilful master, but also counseled the said sir john Arundel in no wise to go to sea, at what time he would needs set forward, forcing the said Rust and the mariners to hoist up sails and make away. They that scaped to land in that I'll, found nothing there to relieve their miseries, but bare ground, so that diverse starved through cold, wanting fire and other succour: the residue that were lusty and wise withal, ran up and down, and sometime wrestling, and otherwise chafing themselves, remained there in great misery, from the thursday, till sunday at noon next ensuing. At what time, when the sea was appeased and waxen calm, the Irishmen that dwelled over against this isle on the main, came and fetched them thence, and relieved them the best they could, being almost dead, through travel, hunger, and cold.  
The said sir john Arundel lost not only his life, but all his furniture and apparel for his body, 
The excess and sumptuous apparel, of sir john Arundel.  which was very sumptuous, so that it was thought to surmount the apparel of any king. For he had two and fifty new suits of apparel of cloth of gold or tissue, as was reported, all the which, together with his horses & geldings, amounting to the value of ten thousand marks, was lost at the sea. And besides this, there were lost at the same time five and twenty ships, with men, horses, and other riches, 
There were drowned above a thousand men in one place and other, as the additions to Ad. Merimuth do testify.  which attended him in that voyage. Yet sir Thomas Percy, and sir Hugh Caluerlie, with sir William Elmham, and certain others escaped, but cruelly tormented with unmerciful tempest: and before sir Thomas Percy could get to land, after the sea was quieted, he was assaulted by a Spaniard, against whom he so defended himself, that in the end he took the Spanish vessel, and brought her, with all that he found aboard in her, unto the next shore, and sold the same for an hundred pounds, and without long delay, took the sea, & passed over to Breast, of which fortress he was captain, jointly with sir Hugh Caluerlie, and therefore doubting lest some inconvenience might chance thereto now in both their absence, he made the more haste, not taking rest till he came thither, notwithstanding his passed painful travels. Sir Hugh Caluerlie was never in his life in more danger of death, than at that time: for all that were in his ship (as Froissard writeth) were drowned, except himself & s●auen mariners. We find, that there were drowned in one place & other, above a thousand Englishmen in that most unlucky voyage. ¶ Some writers impute this calamity to light on the said sir john Arundel & his company, for the lascivious and filthy rule which they kept before their setting forth, in places where they lay, till their provision was ready; 
Outrageous wickedness justly punished.  who not content with that which they did before they took ship, in ravishing men's wives, maids and daughters, they carried them aboard, that they might line 10 have the use of them whilst they were upon the sea, 
(Saeva libido furens, quid non mortalia cogis  
Pectora? Quídue tuo non est violabile telo?)  and yet when the tempest rose, like cruel and unmerciful persons they threw them into the sea, either for that they would not be troubled with their lamentable noise and crying, or for that they thought so long as they had such women aboard with them (whom they had abused so long) God would not cease the rage of the tempest. But it should appear line 20 that this tempest was general, for where the Spanish and French fléets were abroad at the same time, being assembled together to annoy the coasts of this land, their ships were likewise tossed and turmoiled, so as no small number of them were lost, in so much that the damage which they sustained, was thought far to pass that which happened to the English navy.  
year 1380 In this year about Christmas, sir William de Montacute earl of Salisbury, after he had remained twelve months space at Calis, the king's lieutenant line 30 there was called home, 
Sir john Devereux made deputy of Calis.  & sir john Devereux a right valiant knight, and an old man of war, was sent thither in his place. ¶ Also, sir john Harleston was called home from Chierburg, and sir William Windeshore a noble knight was sent thither to be captain of that fortress. ¶ After the epiphany, was a parliament called at London, which continued till the beginning of the kalends of March. ¶ Also whereas the year before there had been certain bishops, earls, barons, and justices appointed, to have the government line 40 and rule about the king; now at the request of the lords and commons in this parliament assembled; 
The earl of Warwick elected protector.  the lord Thomas Beauchampe earl of Warwick was chosen to remain continually with the king, as chief governor, both of his person, and to give answer to all strangers that should come hither about any business whatsoever, and further to have the rule and order of all things, in am of those that were chosen thereto before: it was perceived that they had sought to enrich themselves, & had done line 50 little to the advancement of the king's honour, or state of the commonwealth, but rather emptied the king's coffers.  
In this parliament also, the lord Richard Scrope gave over the office of chancellor, 
The archbishop of Canturburie made lord chancellor.  and Simon Sudburie archbishop of Canturburie took it upon him. ¶ In this parliament was granted a tenth by the clergy, and a fifteenth by the laity, with condition that from henceforth, to wit, from the kalends of March, to the feast of S. Michael, which then should line 60 be in the year 1381, there should be no more parlements, but this condition was not performed, as after appeared. In the octaves of Easter, the lord Ualeran earl of saint Paul married the king's half sister, 
The kings half sister married the earl of saint Paul.  the lady jone de Courtnie: the solemnisation of this marriage was holden at Windsor, with great triumphing. ¶ The princess that was mother to the bride, was greatly against the marriage, but the bride herself had such a liking to the earl, that the king was contented that they should match together, and set him free of his ransom which he should have paid, for that he had been taken prisoner in the marches of Calis, and further, gave with his sister by way of endowment, the towneship and manor of Bie●léet.  
On the seventh of june, 
A comb●●●●●twixt 〈◊〉 A 〈◊〉 Thoma●●●tring●●●.  a combat was fought afore the king's palace at Westminster, on the pavement there, betwixt one sir john Anneslie knight, and one Thomas Katrington esquire: the occasion of which strange and notable trial rose hereof. The knight accused the esquire of treason, for that where the fortress of saint Saviour within the isle of Constantine in Normandy, belonging sometime to sir john Chandois, had been committed to the said Katrington, as captain the 〈◊〉 ●o keep it against the enemies, he had for 〈…〉 and delivered it over to the Frenchmen, where he was sufficiently provided of men, munition and victuals, to have defended it against them; and sith the inheritance of that fortress and lands belonging thereto, had appertained to the said Anneslie in right of his wife, as nearest cousin by affinity unto sir john Chandois, if by the false conveyance of the said Katrington, it had not been made away, and alienated into the enemies hands: he offered therefore to try the quarrel by combat, against the said Katrington, whereupon was the same Katrington apprehended, and put in prison, but shortly after set at liberty again.  
Whilst the duke of Lancaster, during the time that his father king Edward lay in his last sickness, did in all things what liked him, & so at the contemplation of the lord Latimer (as was thought) he released Katrington for the time, so that sir john Anneslie could not come to the effect of his suit in all the mean time, till now. Such as feared to be charged with the like offences stayed the matter, till at length, by the opinion of true and ancient knights it was defined, 
Trial by ●●bat in 〈◊〉 case lawful.  that for such a foreign controversy that had not risen within the limits of the realm, but touched possession of things on the further side the sea, it was lawful to have it tried by battle, if the cause were first notified to the constable and marshal of the realm, and that the combat was accepted by the parties. Hereupon was the day and place appointed, and all things provided ready, with lists railed and made so substantially, as if the same should have endured for ever. The concourse of people that came to London to see this tried, was thought to exceed that of the king's coronation, so desirous men were to behold a sight so strange and unaccustomed.  
The king, his nobles, 
The order 〈◊〉 the combat.  and all the people being come together in the morning of the day appointed, to the place where the lists were set up, the knight being armed and mounted on a fair courser seemly trapped, entered first as appellant, staying till his adversary the defendant should come. And shortly after was the esquire called to defend his cause in this form: Thomas Katrington defendant, come and appear to save the action, for which sir john Anneslie knight and appellant hath publicly and by writing appealed thee. He being thus called thrice by an herald at arms, at the third call did come armed likewise; and riding on a courser trapped with traps embroidered with his arms, at his approaching to the lists he alighted from his horse, lest according to the law of arms the constable should have challenged the horse if he had entered within the lists. But his shifting nothing availed him, for the horse after his master was alighted beside him, ran up & down by the rails, now thrusting his head over, and now both head & breast, 
The earl Bucking●●● claimeth 〈◊〉 horse.  so that the earl of Buckingham, because he was high constable of England, claimed the horse afterwards, swearing that he would have so much of him as had appeared over the rails, and so the horse was adjudged unto him.  
But now to the matter of the combat (for this challenge of the horse was made after, as soon as the esquire was come within the lists) the indenture was brought forth by the marshal and constable, which had been made and sealed before them, with consent of the parties, in which were contained the articles exhibited by the knight against the esquire, and there the same was read before all the assembly. The esquire (whose conscience was thought not to be clear, but rather guilty, and therefore seemed full of troublesome and grudging passions, as an offendor already convinced, thought (as full well he might) Multamiser timeo, quia feci multa proteruè) went about to make exceptions, that his cause by line 10 some means might have seemed the sounder. But the duke of Lancaster hearing him so stay at the matter, swore, that except according to the conditions of the combat, and the law of arms, he would admit all things in the indentures comprised, that were not made without his own consent, he should as guilty of the treason forthwith be had forth to execution. The duke with those words won great commendation, and avoided no small suspicion that had been conceived of him as partial in the esquires cause. line 20 The esquire hearing this, said, that he durst fight with the knight, not only in those points, but in all other in the world whatsoever the same might be: for he trusted more to his strength of body, and favour of his friends, than to the cause which he had taken upon him to defend. He was in deed a mighty man of stature, where the knight among those that were of a mean stature was one of the least. Friends to the esquire, in whom he had great affiance to be borne line 30 ●ut through their assistance, were the lords Latimer and Basset, with others.  
Before they entered battle, they took an oath, as well the knight as the esquire, that the cause in which they were to fight, was true, and that they dealt with no witchcraft, nor art magic, whereby they might obtain the victory of their adversary, nor had about them any herb or stone, or other kind of experiment with which magicians use to triumph over their enemies. This oath received of either of them, and therewith line 40 having made their prayers devoutly, they began the battle, first with spears, after with swords, and lastly with daggers. 
The esquire 〈◊〉 overthrown.  They fought long, till finally the knight had bereft the esquire of all his weapons, and at length the esquire was manfully overthrown by the knight. But as the knight would have fallen upon the esquire, through sweat that ran down by his helmet his sight was hindered, so that thinking to fall upon the esquire, he fell down sideling himself, not coming near to the esquire, line 50 who perceiving what had happened, although he was almost overcome with long fight, made to the knight, and threw himself upon him, so that many thought the knight should have been overcome: other doubted not but that the knight would recover his feet again, and get the victory of his adversary.  
The king in the mean time caused it to be proclaimed that they should stay, and that the knight should be raised up from the ground, and so meant to take up the matter betwixt them. To be short, such line 60 were sent as should take up the esquire; but coming to the knight, he besought them, that it might please the king to permit them to lie still, for he thanked God he was well, and mistrusted not to obtain the victory, if the esquire might be laid upon him, in manner as he was erst. Finally, when it would not be so granted, he was contented to be raised up, and was no sooner set on his feet, but he cheerfully went to the king, without any man's help, where the esquire could neither stand nor go without the help of two men to hold him up, and therefore was set in his chair to take his ease, to see if he might recover his strength.  
The knight at his coming before the king, besought him & his nobles, to grant him so much, that he might be eftsoons laid on the ground as before, and the esquire to be laid aloft upon him: for the knight perceived that the esquire through excessive heat, and the weight of his armour, did marvelously faint, so as his spirits were in manner taken from him. The king and the nobles perceiving the knight so courageously to demand to try the battle forth to the uttermost, offering great sums of money, that so it might be done, decreed that they should be restored again to the same plight in which they lay when they were raised up: but in the mean time the esquire fainting, and falling down in a swoon, fell out of his chair, 
The esquire fainteth.  as one that was like to yield up his last breath presently among them. Those that stood about him cast wine and water upon him, seeking so to bring him again, but all would not serve, till they had plucked off his armour, & his whole apparel, 
The knight is judged the vanquisher.  which thing proved the knight to be vanquisher, and the esquire to be vanquished.  
After a little time the esquire began to come to himself, and lifting up his eyes, began to hold up his head, and to cast a ghostly look on every one about him: which when it was reported to the knight, he cometh to him armed as he was (for he had put off no piece since the beginning of the fight) and speaking to him, called him traitor, and false perjured man, ask of him if he durst try the battle with him again: but the esquire having neither sense nor spirit whereby to make answer, proclamation was made that the battle was ended, and every one might go to his lodging. The esquire immediately after he was brought to his lodging, and laid in bed, began to wax raging wood, and so continuing still out of his wits, about nine of the clock the next day he yielded up the ghost. ¶ This combat was fought (as before ye have heard) the seventh of june to the great rejoicing of the common people, and discouragement of traitors.  
About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the lord Oliver de Clisson, with a number of ships and galleys of France and Spain, took the sea, and coming on the coast of England, landed in diverse places of the west country, and also in the south parts, spoiling and burning sundry towns, 
The French men spoil & burn d●uerse towns in the west country.  taking such ships and vessels as they might lay hold upon, and so continued to endamage the English people that inhabited near to the sea side, all that summer following. ¶ In the beginning of the fourth year of this king, 
Anno Reg. 4.  Thomas of Woodstoke earl of Buckingham, uncle to the king, 
Froissard. The earl of Buckingham sent into Britain to aid the duke against the French king.  with an army of seven or eight thousand men of arms and archers, was sent over to Calis, that he might invade France, and pass through the same to come into Britain unto the aid of the duke there. ¶ You have heard how the French king had seized into his hands the more part of the duchy of Britain, because that the duke had joined himself in league with the king of England: but yet there were diverse of the good towns, and also many of the barons and nobles of the country which kept themselves as neuters a long season; but at length, longing to see the return of their natural lord and duke, sent for him into England, requiring him to repair home, and to see to the quieting of the troubled state of his country.  
The duke being thus earnestly desired to return home, by the advise of the king of England and his council, granted to their request that had so instantly required him, both by letters and sufficient messengers: whereupon he took the sea, and sailing forth, arrived in Britain, having with him sir Robert Knolles, and a certain number of Englishmen both armed men and archers (as before ye have heard.) The king also promised to send him a new supply very shortly, which was not forgotten. But fortune was so contrary, that sir john Arundel general of those that were sent, and many of his company, were drowned by force of tempest, and the other driven back again into England (as b●fore ye have heard.) In the mean time, though the duke of Britain with aid of his subjects, did manfully defend his towns and country against the Frenchmen, yet he was in doubt to be oppressed by the great puissance of the Frenchmen, if aid came not the sooner. line 10 Which being signified over into England, moved the king and his council to appoint the earl of Buckingham to take upon him this voyage. He landed at Calis three days before the feast of Marie Magdalene.  
There went over with him in that army, the earls of Stafford and Devonshire, the lord Spenser constable of the host, the lord Fitz Walter marshal, the lord Basset, the lord Bourchier, the lord Ferrer, the lord Morlie, the lord Darcie, sir William Windsor, line 20 sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Hugh de la Sent, sir Thomas Percy, sir Thomas Trivet, sir Hugh Tirell, sir William Farrington; sir john and sir Nicholas Daubriticourt, Thomas Camois, Ralph Nevil son to the lord Nevil, sir Henry bastard Ferrer, sir Hugh Broe, sir Geffrie Wourslie, sir William Clinton, sir juon Fitz Warren, and diverse other. After they had rested them at Calis two days, they removed the third day out of the town, and came to Marque●gnes, where they remained line 30 three days, till all their company, carriages, and provisions were come to them out of Calis: from thence they removed and came before Arde, where the earl of Buckingham made knights these that follow: 
Knights made by the earl of Buckingham at his entry into France.  the earl of Devonshire, the lord Morlie, the son of the lord Fitz Walter, sir Roger Strange, sir john Ipre, sir john Colle, sir james Tirel●, sir Thomas Ramston, sir john Nevil, and sir Thomas Ros or Roslie, as some copies have. These persons were made knights, because they went in the vaward, line 40 which was sent to win a strong house called Follant, which the owner had fortified against them. But though he defended himself manfully for a time, yet in the end both he and all his company were taken prisoners.  
After this the duke passed by saint Omers, showing himself (about a mile off) with his host in order of battle aloft upon a mounteine. Some of the Englishmen road to the barriers, requiring that some of them within would come forth and break line 50 staves with them, but they could not be answered. The same day that the Englishmen thus came before S. Omers, 
Knights again made.  the earl of Buckingham made again new knights, as sir Ralph Nevil, sir Bartholomew Bourchier, sir Thomas Camois, sir Foulke Corbet, sir Thomas Danglure, sir Ralph Petipas, sir jews saint Albine, and sir john Paulie or rather Paulet. These Englishmen road through the country, demanding justs and deeds of arms, but they could not be answered. 
The journey of the English army through France.  In deed the towns of the frontiers line 60 were well replenished and stuffed with men of war, and still were the Englishmen coasted, but they kept themselves so close together, without breaking their order, that their enemies could find them at none advantage.  
They passed by Tirwine and by Betwine, where they lodged one day. They made but easy journeys, and seemed to require nothing but battle. They passed by Arras, by Miramont, and so to Clerie on the water of Some, and tarried there three days, and in other places about in that country. The fourth day they dislodged, and drew towards cambray, and so to S. Quintines, & after up towards Rheims. They found little riches, and small store of victuals abroad in the country, for the French king had abandoned all to his men of war, who either wasted or conveyed all things of any value into the fortresses and walled towns. The Englishmen therefore sent to them of Rheims, requiring to have some victuals sent to the host, for the which they would spare the country from wasting: but they of Rheims would not consent hereunto. Whereupon the Englishmen began to light them such candles, as their eyes within the city ached to behold the same a far off.  
Moreover, the Englishmen approached so near to the walls and diches of the city, that they brought away twenty thousand head of cattle, which the citizens had gotten within the compass of their diches; and further sent to them within, that if they would not send bread and wine forth to victual the host, 
The citi●●● o● R●●me● save their corn fiel●● from destr●eng by sending victuals to the English host.  in that behalf they would burn all their corn: for doubt whereof, the citizens sent forth to the host six charets laden with as much bread and wine as they might carry. Thus was their corn saved from destruction, and the Englishmen by soft and easy journeys drew towards the city of Trois, in the which was the duke of Burgognie, with the dukes of Bourbon and Bar, the earl of Ewe, the lord Coucie, sir john de Uien high admiral of France, and a great number of others of the French nobility. They had made a bastide without the town able to receive a thousand men of arms, but upon the Englishmen'S approach to assault it, they did forsake that strength, and withdrew to the town. 
Sir Tho●●● Trivet 〈◊〉 a baro●●●.  Sir Thomas Trivet was here made a baronet. Also there were certain new knights made, as sir Peter Berton, sir john and sir Thomas Paulie or Paulet, sir john St●ugulie, sir Thomas Dortingues, sir john Uassecoque, 
Knights created.  sir Thomas Brasie, sir john Bravin, sir Henry Uernier, sir john Colenile, sir William Euerat, 
Uerne or Uernon.  sir Nicholas Stiugulie, and sir Hugh Lunit.  
The English host perceiving the Frenchmen to withdraw into the town, drew together, and stood in order of battle for the space of two hours, and then returned to their lodgings. The next day they removed to Maillerois le viscount near unto Sens, and there they remained two days, and after drew into Gastinois, and so into Because. They were coasted all the way by a great power of men of war, as many or more in number as they were themselves. But the French king being a politic prince, wisely considered what losses the realm of France had sustained afore time, by giving battle to the Englishmen, and therefore was fully resolved, that in no wise he would give licence to his people to fight with the earl of Buckingham; 
The pol●●● 〈◊〉 the French king.  but thought better (as he had learned by good experience) to keep his towns close against his enemies, and so in the end to weary them, than by giving battle to put things in hazard, whereas he knew they could not take from him his countries by this kind of war, though they sore in damaged the same for a time.  
There chanced many small skirmishes amongst those that road forth to discover the country, but no notable encounter at all. For the Englishmen in those days were cats not to be catched without mittens (as jacob Meir in one place saith) & again the French men were as wary how they adventured to come near them, peradventure for fear, as in the reign of king Edward the 3, as C.O. noteth, saying, 
Contra aciem magnam tremebundo cord Valesus 
In Angl. 〈◊〉 sub 〈◊〉.   
In campum adiunctum & vicina coengerat arua,  
Non tamen Anglig●nas adversum est ausus aperto  
Tendere mart feris confligere fortiter armis.   
Only they sought how to enclose them up in the country, and to famish them, that they might then fight with them at some great advantage; but still the English host passed forward, holding on their voyage towards Britain by Uandosme, Pont Uolaine, 
The death of Charles the 5 French king.  and so over the river of Sartre. In this mean while the French king Charles the fift was taken with a sore sickness, whereof he departed this life the same day that the English army passed over the river of Sartre, which was on the six and twentieth of September, his brethren the dukes of Anjou, Berrie, Bourbon, and Burgognie were at Paris with him at the hour of his death, where as a little before they had been abroad in the country with their line 10 powers, to defend the cities and towns of importance against the Englishmen, and meant indeed (if they could have espied their advantage, and gotten licence thereto of the king) to have given their enemies battle. But now they were otherwise occupied: howbeit they had left their men abroad in the country to coast the Englishmen as they had done before. All the French power was assembled in the city of Man's, under the leading of the duke of Bar, the lord Coucie, and others. line 20  
In this mean while that the earl of Buckingham was passing through the realm of France, 
Tho. Walsi.  the French and Spanish galleys did much mischief on the coast of England: but about the latter end of june, by a fleet of Englishmen of the west country's part of them were forced to retire, 
The French and Spanish galleys chased from the coast of England to Kingsale in Ireland and there vanquished.  and take harbour in an haven in Ireland called Kingsale, where being assailed of the Englishmen and Irishmen, they were vanquished; so that to the number of four hundred of them were slain, and their chief captains taken, line 30 as Gonsalue de Verse, and his brother john Martin de Motrigo, Turgo lord of Morants; also the lord of Reith, Péers Martin of Uermew, john Modit of Uermew, the seneschal of Wargarie, the seneschal of S. Andrew, Cornelis of S. Sebastiano, Paschale de Biskey, john Martinis, Sopogorge of S. Sebastiano, and diverse other.  
There were taken four of their barges with a ballenger, and one and twenty English vessels recovered, which they had rob and taken away from line 40 their owners. There scaped yet four of their notable captains from the hands of our men, Martin Grantz, john Peris Mantago, john Husce Gitario, and one Garcias of S. Sebastiano, so that the malice of those robbers ceased not. For they with the French galleys still lying on the seas, 
diverse towns on the English costs destroyed and burnt.  when they espied any advantage, would land their people, and do what mischief they could, in taking preys, and burning towns and villages, although now and then they came short to their vessels again, losing sometimes line 50 an hundred, sometimes fourscore that were overtaken by the Englishmen that came forth against them. 
The abbot of Battle in relieving Winchel●●e is put to flight.  But among other invasions which they made this summer on the coasts, we find that they burned the town of Winchelsie, & put the abbot of Battle to flight with his people, coming to succour that town and took one of his monks that was there in armour with the abbot. ¶ Some write also, that they burned Rye, Hastings, and Portsmouth. Finally, their boldness so far increased, that in August they entering line 60 with their galleys into the river of Thames, 
Gravesend burnt.  came up to Gravesend, where they burned the most part of the town, and on the other side of the river, as well in Essex as Kent, they burned and spoiled diverse places, and with their prisoners and booties returned without receiving any hurt, bringing with them to France, both rich spoils and good prisoners.  
But to return to the earl of Buckingham where we left. The English army drew still towards Britain, but with so small doubt of their adversaries, that they lay three or four days sometimes still in one place. 
The English host entereth into Britain  At their approaching to the marches of Britain, they came to Uitrie, a town situate at the first entering into that country, and from thence went to Chateau Briant, and there rested, whither came to them certain knights sent from the duke of Britain, which signified to the earl of Buckingham what the duke's meaning was. Indeed by the death of the French king, the duke's malice was greatly abated towards the Frenchmen, so that he had not much passed if the Englishmen had been at home again. Moreover, his towns were not determined to receive the Englishmen, as enemies to the crown of France: so that he was in a perplexity how to order his business. At length, to show himself a steadfast friend to the Englishmen, and one that was no changeling, he determined by their support, to force all those to allow the league which he had established with the Englishmen, who had denied to bear armour against the crown of France. And first, 
Aunts besieged by the Englishmen.  because they of Aunts were the ringleaders of that rebellious demeanour, he appointed first to besiege their city. They having knowledge thereof, sent into France for aid.  
The dukes of Anjou, Berrie, Burgognie, and Bourbon, brethren to the late king, and uncle to his son the young king, having the governance of the realm under him, sent six hundred spears with all speed to strengthen them of Aunts, which defended the city in such wise from the puissance of the Englishmen, who environed the same with a strong s●ege, that in the end, because the duke came not to them (according to his promise) the siege was raised the morrow after New years day, 
The siege at Aunts broken up.  two months and four days after the same was first laid. The duke of Britain would gladly have come to the siege of Aunts, in strengthening of the English host, but he could not persuade his lords to aid him in any such enterprise. And therefore now that the earl of Buckingham had broken up his siege, he caused him to be lodged in the city of Uannes', & his men abroad in the country, some here, and some there, acquitting himself as well towards them as he might.  
But surly the hearts of the Britain's were wonderfully changed, and in no wise would consent to have any war with the Frenchmen, if any reasonable peace might be concluded. For many that hated the father, bare good will and hearty love towards the son, whose young years and great towardness alured the hearts of many to wish him well. hereupon was means made for a peace, which by the duke of Anjou his consent (who bore the greatest rule in France in that season) a final accord was made, 
A peace betwixt the French king and the duke of Britain.  betwixt the young king and the duke of Britain, so that the duke should come and do his homage unto the French king, and swear to be true and faithful unto him: 
The article● of the peace.  also that he should rid the Englishmen out of his country, and help them with ships and vessels to transport them home into England.  
The earl of Buckingham, when he understood of this peace, was not a little displeased in his mind, considering that the duke of Britain had dealt so unjustly with him and his nephew the king of England. But the duke still excused him by his subjects, as though if he had not thus agreed, he should have been in danger to have lost his heritage of that country. Finally, the earl after he had ships provided for his passage, the eleventh of April departed out of Uannes', and came to the haven where his ships lay, and so went aboard in like manner as other of his men did from other havens, and shortly after (when the wind served) took the sea▪ and returned into England, 
The earl of Buckingham returned into England.  sore displeased with the duke of Britain for his great untruth and dissimulation (as he took it) notwithstanding all excuses to cloak the matter by him alleged.  
Whilst the Englishmen were thus occupied in wars against the Frenchmen (as before ye have heard) the Scots could not rest in quiet, but in revenge for a ship, which the townsmen of Newcastle and Hull had taken on the sea, knowing them to be pirates, determined to do what mischief they could unto the English borders: for the loss of that ship grieved them, because it was esteemed to be very rich, the goods that were in it being valued at seven thousand marks. Hereupon the Scots entering line 10 by the west borders, invaded & spoiled the countries of Westmoreland and Cumberland, and coming into the forest of Inglewood, they took away with them such a number of beasts and cattle, that they were reckoned at forty thousand heads of one and other. 
The Scots invade the English borders and spoil whole countries caring away great booties.  Besides this, they cruelly slew all such as they could lay hands upon, and burnt up all the towns, villages, and houses as they passed: and not content herewith, they stolen upon the town of Penreth, when the fair was kept there, slaying, taking, and line 20 chase away the people, and after gathering together all the goods and riches there found, took it away with them, whereof there was such plenty as might have satisfied the covetous desire of a most greedy army. They returned by Carlisle, but hearing that there were gotten into it a great number of men out of the countries adjoining, they durst not stay to make any attempt against that town, but compassed their way to escape with their booties home into their country, which they did, although line 30 they lost some of their company as they passed by an ambushment of certain archers of Westmoreland and Cumberland, that were laid for them of purpose. When the earl of Northumberland would have gone forth to revenge those injuries done to the country by the Scots, he was written to from the king and his council, to forbear till the day of truce, at what time it might be known what was further to be done in the matter.  

An army lingering in the north parts greatly impoverisheth the country.  About Michaelmas the duke of Lancaster, the line 40 earls of Warwick, and Stafford, with other lords and men of honour, having with them a great power of soldiers and men of war, went into the north parts, and coming to the borders, they lay there till they had consumed no small sums of money, and endamaged the country as much as if the Scotish army had invaded the same. The good they did, was, that after long treaty with the Scotish commissioners, a truce was agreed upon till Easter following, which being concluded, they returned home line 50 without any more ado. 
Additions to Adam Merimuth.  For the space of half a score years together now last passed, the Englishmen every year had one or two such treaties with the Scots about the incursions and roads which they yearly made into the English borders, sore indamaging the inhabitants of those north parts of the realm, notwithstanding any truce or abstinence of war that might be concluded.  
Whilst the army (as ye have heard) lay idle in the north parts, there were certain letters found by line 60 a poor man about London, 
Treason in letters written by sir Ralph Ferrer to certain French lords.  who delivered them unto the worthy citizen john Philpot, who calling unto him certain other worshipful citizens, opened one of them, in which was contained matter of high treason: and perceiving by the scale that it belonged unto sir Ralph Ferrer knight, one of the kings privy council, delivered that letter with four other letters closed with the same seal, first to the lord chancellor, and after to the king, the which being read and the seal known to be the said sir Ralph Ferrer his seal, many greatly marveled that so ancient a knight, and one in whom so great trust was put, should go about any such treasons.  
One of the letters was directed to sir Bertram de Cleaquin, an other to the lord de la River the chamberlain of France, an other to the lord Clisson, and an other to the patron of the galleys, and to the captain of the army of Frenchmen and Spaniards, which at the same time wasting alongst the coasts, did much hurt in diverse places of the land. Forthwith the said Philpot and others were sent in post from the king to the duke of Lancaster, that for somuch as the said sir Ralph Ferrer was then in the north parts with him, entreating with the Scots, he should arrest him and put him in safe keeping, which commandment the duke did accomplish, and committed him to be safely kept in the castle of Duresme, but shortly after in the next parliament he was set at liberty, four barons being bound for his forth coming, till time that he might more evidently declare his innocency.  
About the feast of S. Martin, was a parliament holden at Northampton to the more trouble of them that came to it, 
A parliament at Northampton.  because in that season of the year they were constrained to come where there was no store of fuel to make them fires: and beside that, lodgings were very streict for so great a multitude. But the cause that moved the council to appoint this parliament there, was to the end that they might the more freely proceed to the trial of john Kirkbie a citizen of London, 
john Kirkbie executed for murdering a merchant stranger.  that had murdered the Genow●is (as before ye have hard) which Kirkbie was condemned at this parliament, and drawn and hanged in the sight of the Londoners that were come thither, which execution if it should have been done at London, the lords doubted least some tumult might have been raised by the citizens, who were reckoned in those days very rash and presumptuous in their doings.  
But now to the effect of this parliament. There was a new and strange subsidy or task granted to be levied for the king's use, 
A grievous subsidy.  and towards the charges of this army that went over into France with the earl of Buckingham; to wit, of every priest secular or regular six shillings eight pence, and as much of every nun, and of every man & woman married or not married being 16 years of age (beggars certainly known only excepted) four pence for every one. 
Twelve 〈◊〉 as some 〈◊〉  Great grudging & many a bitter curse followed about the levying of this money, & much mischief rose thereof, as after it appeared. ¶ In this fourth year of king Richard's reign, year 1381 immediately after Christmas, 
Thom. Wal●▪  Thomas Brantingham bishop of Exeter and lord treasurer, was discharged of his office of treasurorship, and sir Robert Hales lord of S. john's was advanced in his place, a right noble and manly knight, but not beloved of the commons.  
About this time did john Wicliffe chiefly set forth his opinion touching the sacrament of the altar, denying the doctrine of transubstantiation, 
Wicliffes' opinion.  and that it ought not in any wise to be worshipped in such sort as the church of Rome then did teach. ¶ There were ambassadors sent into Germany, to treat with the emperor for a marriage to be had, betwixt the king of England, and the emperors sister. About the beginning of March they returned, bringing with them the cardinal, entitled of saint Praxed, and the duke of Tarsilia, and other nobles that came from the emperor, to treat with the king & his council about the same marriage. This cardinal, 
The cardinal of Praxed.  whether he passed the bounds of his commission and authority to him granted by the pope (as some writ) or whether he was furnished with such faculties, he was very liberal in bestowing of them abroad on all such as would come with money. Indulgences, which the pope had used only to reserve for himself to bestow, this man granted the same liberally, both biennals and triennals. 
Triennals.  He gave also letters confessionall, to all those that would pay for them, admitting aswell beneficed men as other, 
All for money.  to be the pope's chapleins. He made notaries for money, and denied not altars portative to any that would pay for them.  
He received forty pounds, besides other gifts, of the monks of the Cisteaux order, to grant to them a general licence to eat flesh indifferently▪ as well abroad, as they had been accustomed to do at home within their monasteries. To those that were excommunicate he gave absolution: those that had vowed line 10 to go in pilgrimage to Rome, to the holy land, or to saint james, he would not first release them, till he had received so much money, according to the true valuation, as they should have spent in their journeys: and to be brief, nothing could be asked, but for money he was ready to grant it. And when he was requested to show by what power he did all these things, with great indignation he answered, that he would let them understand at Rome, if they would needs know the authority which he had. At length his males line 20 were so filled with silver, that his servants disdained to make them any answer, except they brought gold saying; Bring us gold, for we are full of your silver. But at his departure he took all away with him, both gold and silver in such abundance as was marvelous. This hath been the practice of the Romanists from time to time, whereupon grew this common byword (taxing the polling and shaving shifts of that execrable see, gaping gulf, and insatiable sea) Curia Romana non quaerit ovem sine lana. line 30  
But now to return to other matters concerning the state of the realm. After the return of the earl of Buckingham, it was ordained by advise of the council, that the duke of Lancaster should eftsoons go as ambassador from king Richard into Scotland, to see if he might renew the truce (which shortly would have been expired) for three years longer. Also whereas there was variance and open war maintained, betwixt john king of Castille, and john king of Portugal, the earl of Cambridge, the lord William line 40 de Beauchampe, the lord Botreux, and sir Matthew Gournie, 
An army sent into Portugal to aid the king there against the K. of Castille.  were sent into Portugal with five hundred armed men, and five hundred archers to aid the king of Portugal against the king of Castille, who was son to the bastard Henry: for the duke of Lancaster rejoiced greatly, that he might have such a friend as the king of Portugal, to join with him in aid against the king of Castille; meaning (as soon as opportunity would serve) to go over with an army to challenge his right, and pursue his claim to the crown of Castille and Leon, against line 50 the usurper, in right of his wife queen Constance, eldest daughter to the late lawful king Peter, whom Henry the bastard as before (ye have heard) did still persecute, till he had bereft from him both his life and kingdom.  
It was meant therefore that if the duke of Lancaster could compass his purpose, for the which he went at that time into Scotland, to the honour of the king and realm, then should he shortly after follow line 60 his brother of Cambridge with a great power, to try what chance God would send to him, against his adversary the king of Castille. ¶ In the mean time other incidents fell within the realm in the fourth year of king Richard, sore to the disquieting of the same, and utter disappointing for that time of the duke of Lancaster's intent. The commons of the realm sore repining, not only for the pole groats that were demanded of them, 
The commons by reason of the great subsidy and other oppressions rise in diverse parts of the realm.  by reason of the grant made in parliament (as ye have heard) but also (as some writ) for that they were sore oppressed (as they took the matter) by their landlords, that demanded of them their ancient customs and services, set on by some devilish instinct & persuasion of their own beastly intentions, as men not content with the state whereunto they were called, rose in diverse parts of this realm, and assembled together in companies, purposing to enforce the prince to make them free, and to release them of all servitude, 
Villains.  whereby they stood as bondmen to their lords and superiors.  
Where this rebellion of the commons first began, diverse have written diversly. One author writeth; that (as he learned by one that was not far from the place at that time) the first beginning should be at Dertford in Kent: for when those pole shillings, 
The beginning of the rebellion at Derford in Kent.  or rather (as other have) pole groats, were to be collected, no small murmuring, cursing, and repining among the common people rose about the same, and the more indeed, through the lewd demeanour of some undiscréet officers, that were assigned to the gathering thereof, insomuch that one of those officers being appointed to gather up that money in Dertford aforesaid, came to the house of one john Tiler, that had both servants in his house, and a fair young maid to his daughter. The officer therefore demanding money for the said Tiler and for his wife, his servants, and daughter, the wife being at home, and her husband abroad at work in the town, made answer that her daughter was not of age, and therefore she denied to pay for her.  
Now here is to be noted, that this money was in common speech said to be due for all those that were undergrowne, because that young persons as well of the man as of the womankind, coming to the age of fourteen or fifteen years, have commonly hair growing forth about those privy parts, which for honesties sake nature hath taught us to cover and keep secret. The officer therefore not satisfied with the mother's excuse, said he would feel whether her daughter were of lawful age or not, and therewith began to misuse the maid, and search further than honesty would have permitted. The mother streightwaies made an outcry, so that her husband being in the town at work, and hearing of this ado at his house, came running home with his lathing staff in his hand, and began to question with the officer, ask who made him so bold to keep such a rule in his house: the officer being somewhat presumptuous, and highminded, would forthwith have flown upon this Tiler; but I. Tiler avoiding the officers blow, reached him such a rap on the pate, that his brains slew out, and so presently he died.  
Great noise rose about this matter in the streets, and the poor folks being glad, every man arrayed himself to support john Tiler, & thus the commons drew together, and went to Maidestone, and from thence to Blackheath, where their number so increased, that they were reckoned to be thirty thousand. And the said john Tiler took upon him to be their chief captain, naming himself jack Straw. ¶ Others writ, that one Thomas Baker of Fobhings was the first that procured the people thus to assemble together: and that one of the king's servants named john Leg, with three of his fellows, practised to feel young maids whether they were undergrowne (as ye have hard the officer did at Dertford) which dishonest and unseemly kind of dealing did set the people straight in such a rage and uproar, that they cared not what they did to be revenged of such injuries.  
But Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, that the first sparks of this rebellion kindled in Essex, 
The commons of Essex begin the commotion as Wal. saith.  where the inhabitants of two towns only at the first, that were the authors and first stirrers of all this mischief, did send unto every little town about, that all manner of men, as well those that were aged, as others that were in their lustiest time and youthful years, should come to them with speed, setting all excuses apart, in their best array and furniture for war, threatening to such as came not, that their goods should be spoiled, their houses burnt or cast down, and they to lose their heads when th●y were taken. The terror of this threatening caused the ignorant people to flo●ke to them by heaps, leaving all their business, letting plough and cart stand, forsaking wife, children, and houses, so that in a short time there were five thousand gotten together of those line 10 commons and husbandmen, of which number many were weaponed only with staves, some with rusty swords and bills, 
The armour of the Essex rebels  and other with smoky bows, more ruddy than old ivory, not having past two or three arrows, and the same happily with one feather a piece.  
Among a thousand of those kind of persons, ye should not have seen one well armed: and yet by reason of their multitude, when they were once got together, they thought the whole realm had not been line 20 able to resist them; and supposed that they could with facility (in respect of the adverse part) make the states of the land stoop to them, and by their permission to retain or compulsion to resign their rooms of dignity. But the fond conceited rout considered not the event of this insurrection, that the worst would be their own; for the old saying is true, namely▪ Laeditur a stimulo quicunque fricatur ab illo. Moreover, to make their part the stronger, these Essexmen sent over into Kent, advertising the people line 30 there of their enterprise, and therefore willed them to make them ready to join with them for their obtaining of liberty, and reforming of the evil customs of the realm. Whether the Kentishmen through persuasions of their neighbours of Essex, by occasion of that which had chanced at Dertford (as before ye have heard) or (as it may be) the same chancing at that self time, they being moved as well by the one as the other, up they got (as ye have heard) and gathering their power out of the next quarter's line 40 adjoining, by the like policy which had been practised by the Essexmen, they stirred up the most part of the country to join with them, and forthwith stopping the way that led to Canturburie, and arresting all such as passed by the same, they caused them to swear that they should be true to king Richard, 
The oath ministered by the rebels to all passengers.  and to the commons, & never to receive any king that should be called john. And this was for the envy which they bore to john of Gant the duke of Lancaster, who in right of his wife Constance, that was daughter to line 50 king Peter of Castille, did name himself king of Castille.  
Also they caused them to swear that they should be ready to come to them whensoever they sent for them, and induce all their neighbours to take part with them. And further, that they should never yield to any tax to be levied in the realm, except a fifteenth only. Thus it came to pass, that after it was spread abroad what stur these Essex and Kentishmen kept; 
The commons of other shires hearing of the stur in Kent & Essex, rise in like manner.  the commons also in the counties of Sussex, Hertford, Cambridge, Suffolk, and Norfolk, and line 60 other shires about, bustled up and ran together on heaps, so that the number of those unruly people marvelously increased, in such wise as now they feared no resistance, and therefore began to show proof of those things which they had before conceived in their minds, 
Lawyers, justices & jurors brought to blockam feast by the rebels.  beheading all such men of law, justices, and jurors as they might catch, and lay hands upon, without respect of pity, or remorse of conscience, alleging that the land could never enjoy her native and true liberty, till all those sorts of people were dispatched out of the way.  

The next way to extinguish right.  This talk liked well the ears of the common uplandish people, and by the less conveying the more, they purposed to burn and destroy all records, evidences, court-rolles, and other minuments, that the remembrance of ancient matters being removed out of mind, their landlords might not have whereby to challenge any right at their hands. Their number still increased: for all such as were in debt or danger of law for their misdemeanours and offences, came out of all coasts unto them, so that when the Essex-men, and other of the hither side the Thames, 
An huge 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  were passed over and joined with the Kentishmen, & those that were assembled on that side the river upon Blackheath; 
Fabian. Capteins' at the Esse● in Kentish 〈◊〉  they were esteemed to be an hundred thousand, having diverse captains beside the said jacke Straw, as William Wraw, Wat Tiler, jacke Shepherd, Tom Milner, and Hob Carter. Whilst they were lodged on Blackheath, the king sent to them certain knights, to understand of them the cause of their gathering thus together, to whom answer was made, that they were come together to speak with the king, about certain causes and business, & therefore they bade the messengers return, 
The rebel's send to the 〈◊〉 to come 〈◊〉 with them.  and declare to the king that there was no remedy but he must needs come and speak with them.  
When this tale was told to the king, 
Ill counsel.  there were some that thought it best that he should go to them, and know what their meaning was: but Simon de Sudburie the archbishop of Canturburie, that was lord chancellor, and also sir Robert Hales lord of S. john's, and as then lord treasurer, spoke earnestly against that advise, and would not by any means that the king should go to such a sort of barelegged ribalds; but rather they wished that he should take some order to abate the pride of such vile rascals. After the commons understood that the king would not come to them, by reason of the contrary advise given to him by those two persons, the lord chancellor and the lord treasurer, they were marvelously moved against them, and swore that they would not rest till they had got them, & chopped off their heads, calling them traitors to the king and realm.  
Nevertheless there be that writ, that the king (to cut off the branches of such mischief now in the first budding thereof) to satisfy in part the desire of those rude people, 
Froi●●ard.  went down the river in his barge to Rethereth, and there near the shore keeping himself still on the water, talked with a great number of them that came down to the river side. But forsomuch as he would not come forth of his barge to them on land, which they seemed most to desire, they were in a great rage, and so for that they could not have him amongst them (as they wished) in furious wise they ran to the city, and at the first approach, 
The rebels spoil Southwark, and 〈◊〉 all prisoners at large.  they spoilt the burrow of Southwark, broke up the prisons of the Marshalsea, & the King's bench, set the prisoners at liberty, & admitted them into their company.  
This was on Corpus Christi day, as the same authors write, that the king should thus talk with them: but their first entering into Southwark, was on Corpus Christi even, as Thomas Walsingham saith, passing at their pleasure to and fro the bridge all that night: for although the lord mayor, 
The commons of London aiders of the rebels.  and other of the best citizens would gladly have closed the gates against them, yet they durst not do it, for fear of the commons of the city, who seemed to favour the cause of the rebels so apparently, that they threatened to kill both the lord mayor, & all other that would take upon them to shut the gates against the commons. The Londoners liked better of the commons, 
All rebels 〈◊〉 tend 〈…〉 but 〈◊〉 purpose destruction 〈◊〉 of king 〈◊〉 country.  for that they protested the cause of their assembling together, was not but to seek out the traitors of the realm, and when they had found them forth, and punished them according to that they had deserved, they meant to be quiet. And to give the more credit to their saiengs, they suffered none of their company to rob or spoil, but caused them to pay for that they took.  
On the morrow being Corpus Christ day, on the which day it is reported that the king should talk with them at Rethereth (as before ye have heard) after that they saw that they could not have him to come and talk with them on land, as they wished, and that now they had filled their heads full with the fume of such wines as they drank in every man's line 10 cellar that was set open for them, enter who would: they fell in talk with the Londoners of many lewd devices, as of the apprehending of traitors, and specially concerning such misliking as they had of the duke of Lancaster, whom they hated above all other persons. And hereupon agreeing in one mind, after diverse other of their outrageous doings, they ran the same day to the said duke's house of the savoy, 
The savoy the duke of Lancaster's house burnt by the rebels.  to the which in beauty and stateliness of building, with all manner of princely furniture, there was not line 20 any other in the realm comparable, which in despite of the duke, whom they called traitor, they set on fire, and by all ways and means endeavoured utterly to destroy it.  
The shameful spoil which they there made was wonderful, and yet the zeal of justice, truth, and upright dealing which they would seem to show, was as nice and strange on the other part, specially in such kind of misgoverned people: for in that spoiling of the duke's house, all the jewels, plate, and other rich line 30 and sumptuous furniture which they there found in great plenty▪ they would not that any man should far the better by it of a mite, but threw all into the fire, 
Strange dealing of the rebels.  so to be consumed; and such things as the fire could not altogether destroy, as plate and jewels, they broke and crashed in pieces, throwing the same into the Thames. One of them having thrust a fair silver piece into his bosom, meaning to convey it away, was espied of his fellows, who took him, and cast both him and the piece into the fire; saying they line 40 might not suffer any such thing, sith they professed themselves to be zealous of truth and justice, 
The justice of the rebels.  and not thieves nor robbers.  
There were 32 of them, that being gotten into the cellar of the savoy, where the duke's wines lay, drank so much of such sweet wine as they found there, that they were not able to come forth, but with stones & wood that fell down as the house burned, they were closed in, so that out they could not get. They lay there shouting & crying seven days line 50 together, and were heard of many, but none came to help them, and so finally they perished. Now after that these wicked people had thus destroyed the duke of Lancaster's house, and done what they could devise to his reproach; 
The lawyers lodgings in the temple burnt by the rebels.  they went to the temple, and burned the men of laws lodgings, with their books, writings, and all that they might lay hand upon. Also the house of saint john's by Smithfield they set on fire, so that it burned for the space of seven days together. On Friday a great number of them, esteemed line 60 to 20 thousand, went to the manor of Heiburie that belonged unto the lord of saint john's, and setting fire on it, sought utterly to destroy the whole buildings about it.  
They were now divided into three parts, one under the leading of jacke Straw, took in hand to ruinated that house, and an other number of them lay on mile end green, and the third company kept upon the tower hill, and would not suffer any victuals to be conveyed into the tower, where the king at that time was lodged, and was put in such fear by those rude people, that he suffered them to enter into the tower, 
The lord chancellor and the lord treasurer drawn out of the tower and put to death by the rebels.  where they sought so narrowly for the lord chancellor, that finding him in the chapel, they drew him forth together with the lord treasurer, and on the tower hill without reverence of their estates and degrees, with great noise and fell cries, they struck off their heads. There were also beheaded at the same time by those rude people, one of the king's servants that was a sergeant at arms called john Leg, who had used himself somewhat extremely in gathering up of the pole money, as by one writer it appeareth. Also to make up the mess, 
Thom. Wals.  they beheaded a Franciscane Friar, whom they had taken there at the same time, for malice of the duke of Lancaster, because he was very familiar with him. ¶ Some write that this friar was confessor, and other say that he was physician to the king; but what soever he was, the commons chopped off his head, to bear the other company, not sparing for any respect that might be alleged in any of their behalfs.  
On the same day also they beheaded many others, as well Englishmen as Flemings, for no cause in the world, but only to satisfy the cruelty of the commons, that then were in their kingdom, for it was a sport to them, when they got any one amongst them, that was not sworn to them, and seemed to mislike of their doings, 
The raging rebels make a pastime to kill men.  or if they bore but never so little hatred to him, streightwaies to pluck of his hood, with such a yelling noise as they took up amongst them, and immediately to come thronging into the streets, and strike off his head. Neither had they any regard to sacred places; for breaking into the church of the Augustine friars, 
No respect of place with the rebels.  they drew forth thirteen Flemings, and beheaded them in the open streets; and out of the parish churches in the city, they took forth seventeen, and likewise struck off their heads, without reverence either of the church or fear of God.  
But they continuing in their mischéefous purpose, showed their malice specially against strangers, so that entering into every street, lane, and place, where they might find them, they broke up their houses, murdered them which they found within, and spoiled their goods in most outrageous manner. Likewise they entered into churches (as before ye have heard) into abbeys, monasteries, and other houses, 
The outrageous dealing of the rebels.  namely of men of law, which in semblable sort they ransacked. They also broke up the prisons of newgate, and of both the counters, destroyed the books, and set prisoners at liberty, and also the sanctuarie-men of saint martin's le grand. And so likewise did they at Westminster, where they broke open the exchequer, and destroyed the ancient books and other records there, doing what they could to suppress law, and by might to beat down equity and right, as it is said, Tunc ius calcatur violentia cum dominatur.  
They that entered the tower, used themselves most presumptuously, and no less unreverently against the princess of Wales, mother to the king: for thrusting into her chamber, they offered to kiss her, and swasht down upon her bed, putting her into such fear, that she fell into a swoon, and being taken up and recovered, was had to the water side, and put into a barge, & conveyed to the place called the queens wardrobe, or the tower rial, where she remained all that day and the night following, as a woman half dead, till the king came to recomfort her. It was strange to consider, in what fear the lords, knights & gentlemen stood of the cruel proceedings of those rude & base people. For where there were six hundred armed men, and as many archers in the tower at that present, there was not one that durst gainsay their doings.  
Finally, when they had eased their stomaches, with the spoiling, burning, and defacing of sundry places, they became more quiet, and the king by the advise of such as were then about him, 
The king offereth the rebels pardon.  upon good deliberation of counsel, offered to them pardon, and his peace, with condition that they should cease from burning and ruinating of houses, from killing and murdering of men, and departed every man to his home without more ado, and there to tarry for the king's charters confirmatory of the same pardon. The Essexmen were content with this offer, as they that were desirous to see their wives and children, being waxed weary of continual travel and pains which they were constrained to take. The king went forth unto Mile end, 
Froissard.  and there declared unto the line 10 commons that they should have charters made to them of his grant, to make them all free. And further that every shire, town, lordship and liberty should have banners of his arms delivered unto them, for a confirmanion of his grant. Hereupon they seemed well appeased, and the king road to the queen's wardrobe, otherwise called the tower royal, to visit his mother, and so did comfort her so well as he could, and tarried with her there all night.  
The Essexmen satisfied with the king's promises, line 20 immediately departed homeward; howbeit they appointed certain of their company to remain still and tarry for the king's charters. The Kentishmen also remained, and were as busy in manner the next day being saturday, in all kind of mischievous dealings, as they had been before, to wit, in murdering of men, overthrowing and burning of houses. The king therefore sent unto them such as declared in what sort their fellows were gone home well satisfied, & from thenceforth to live in quiet, and the same line 30 form of peace he was contented to grant to them, if it liked them to accept the same. Hereupon their chief captain Wat Tiler, a very crafty fellow, and endued with much wit (if he had well applied it) said, that peace indeed he wished, but yet so, as the conditions might be indicted to his purpose.  
He was determined to drive off the king and his council (because he was of greater force than they) with cavils and shifts till the next day, that in the night following he might the more easily have compassed line 40 his resolution, 
The wicked purpose of the rebels.  which was, having all the poorer sort of the city on his side, to have spoiled the city, and to set fire in four corners of it, killing first the king and the lords that were about him: but he that resisteth the proud, and giveth his grace to the humble, would not permit the ungracious devices of the naughty and lewd lozzell to take place, but suddenly disappointed his mischeefous drift. For whereas diverse forms of charters had been drawn according to the effect of the agreement with the Essex-men, line 50 and none of them might please this lordly rebel, at length the king sent to him one of his knights called sir john Newton, to request him to come to him, that they might talk of the articles which he stood upon to have inserted in the charter, 
The rebels would have all law abolished.  of the which one was to have had a commission to put to death all lawyers, escheaters, and other which by any office had any thing to do with the law; for his meaning was that having made all those away that understood the laws, all things should then be ordered according to line 60 the will and disposition of the common people. It was reported in deed, that he should say with great pride the day before these things chanced, putting his hands to his lips, that within four days all the laws of England should come forth of his mouth. The wretches had utterly forgotten all law, both divine and human; otherwise they would have been content to live under law, and to do unto others as they would be done unto, as the very law of nature (than which there cannot be a better guide) teacheth, 
Quod tibi vis fieri mihi fac, quod non tibi, noli,  
Sic potes in terris vivere iure poli.   

Arrogant and prou● words of a villain.  When therefore the said sir john Newton called upon him to come away to the king, he answered as it were with indignation: If thou (saith he) hast so much hast to return to the king, thou mayst departed, I will come at my pleasure. When the knight therefore was come from him, he followed indeed, but somewhat slowly. And when he was come near to the place in Smithfield where the king than was, with certain lords and knights, & other company about him, the said sir john Newton was sent to him again, to understand what he meant. And because the knight came to him on horseback, & did not alight from his horse, Wat Tiler was offended, & said in his fury, that it became him rather on foot than horseback to approach into his presence. The knight not able to abide such presumptuous demeanour in that proud and arrogant person, shaped him this answer: It is not amiss that I being on horseback, should come to thee sitting on horseback.  
With which words Wat Tiler taking indignation, drew out his dagger, menacing to strike the knight, calling him therewith traitor: the knight disdaining to be misused at the hands of such a ribald, told him that he lied falsely, and with that plucked forth his dagger. Wat Tiler being among his men, showed that he would not bear that injury, and forthwith made towards the knight to run upon him. The king perceiving the knight in danger, bade him alight from his horse, and deliver his dagger to Wat Tiler: but when that would not pacify his proud and high mind, but that he would needs flee upon him, the mayor of London William Walworth, and other knights and esquires that were about the king, told him that it should be a shame for them all, 
William Walworth mayor of London ● stout courageous man.  if they permitted the knight in their presence before the eyes of their prince so to be murdered: wherefore they gave counsel to succour him forthwith, and to apprehend the vile naughty ribald. The king though he was but a child in years, yet taking courage to him, commanded the mayor to arrest him. The mayor being a man of incomparable boldness, forthwith road to him and arrested him, in reaching him such a blow on the head, that he sore astonished him therewith: and streightwaies other that were about the king, as john Standish an esquire, and divers more of the king's servants drew their swords, 
The death of Wat Tiler captain of the rebels.  and thrust him through in diverse parts of his body, so that he fell presently from his horse down to the earth, and died there in the place.  
When the commons beheld this, they cried out▪ Our captain is traitorously slain, let us stand together and die with him: let us shoot and revenge his death manfully: and so bending their bows, made them ready to shoot. The king showing both hardiness and wisdom at that instant, more than his age required, set his spurs to his horse, and road to them, saying; What is the matter my men, what mean you? Will you shoot at your king? Be not troubled nor offended at the death of a traitor and ribald; I will be your king, captain and leader, 
The king persuadeth the rebels.  follow me into the fields, and you shall have all things that you can desire. This did the king, to the end he might appease them, lest they should have set fire on the houses there in Smithfield, and have attempted some further mischief, in revenge of the displeasure which they took for the death of their chief leader. They moved with these the kings words, followed him and the knights that were with him, into the open fields, not yet resolved whether they should set upon the king and slay him, or else be quiet, and return home with the king's charter.  
In the mean time, the lord mayor of London was returned into the city, with one man only attending upon him, and cried to the citizens; 
Uehement words of the mayor of Lo●●don to the 〈◊〉 crying for aid against the rebels.  Oh ye good and virtuous citizens, come forth out of hand, and help your king ready to be slain, & help me your mayor standing in the same peril; or if ye will not help me for some faults committed by me against you, yet forsake not your king, but help and secure him in this present danger. When the worshipful citizens and other, that in their loyal hearts loved the king, had heard these words, incontinently they put themselves in strong and sure armour, 
An army without a captain.  to the number of a thousand men, and gathering themselves together into the streets, tarried but for some lord or knight that might conduct them to the king: and by chance there came unto them sir Robert Knolles, line 10 whom all of them requested that he would be their leader, least coming out of array and order, they might the sooner be broken, who willingly led one part of them, and certain other knights led other of them, clad in fair bright armour unto the king's presence. The king with the lords, knights and esquires, not a little rejoiced at the coming of those armed men, and streightwaies compassed the commons about, as they had been a flock of sheep that should have been closed within some fold, till it pleased the line 20 shepherd to appoint forth, which should be thrust into pasture, and which taken to go to the shambels.  

The rebels quite discouraged threw down their weapons at the coming of the Londoners in aid ●f the king.  There was to be seen a marvelous change of the right hand of the lord, to behold how they throwing down stanes, bills, axes, swords, bows and arrows, humbly began to sue for pardon, which a little before gloried to have the life of the king and his servants wholly and altogether in their hands, power, and disposition. The poor wretches sought to hide themselves in the corn that grew in the fields, in ditches, line 30 hedges, and dens, and wheresoever they might get out of the way, so to safe guard their lives. The knights that were with the king would gladly have been doing with them, and requested licence of him to strike off the heads of some one or two hundred of them, that it might be a witness in time to come, that the force of the order of knighthood was able to do somewhat against the carters and ploughmen: but the king would not suffer them, alleging that many of them were come thither by compulsion, and line 40 not of their own accord, and therefore it might come to pass that those should die for it, that had nothing offended: but he commanded that there should be proclamation made in London, that the citizens should have no dealings with them, nor suffer any of them to come within the city that night, but to cause them to lie without doors.  

Abraham Fleming out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  ¶ In the report of this commotion chronographers do somewhat vary, as by this present extract out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie, living line 50 at the time of this tumult may appear: which Abraham Fleming hath faithfully and truly translated out of the annals of the said canon written in parchment in old Latin letters, as followeth. Upon a saturday, these malcontents [to wit, Thomas Baker the first mover but afterwards the principal leaders, jacke Straw, jacke miller, jacke Carter, jacke Trewman, and their treacherous train] met together in Smithfield, whither also the king repaired line 60 in the morning, who although in years he was but young, yet in wisdom and discretion he was well grown. The ringleader of this tumultuous rout, whose right name was Wat Tiler, which he had now changed into jacke Straw, approached near the king, in so much that he might in a manner touch him, being the mouth of all the residue, and having in his hand a drawn dagger, which he tossed from hand to hand, boy-like playing with it, & watching due time therewith, if not to ●●ab, yet suddenly to smite the king, if he denied their requests. Whereupon they that were next and about the king were greatly afeard, lest his pretended mischief should come to pass.  
Now he craved of the king that all warrens, waters, parks and woods should be common, so that as well poor as rich might freely in any place wheresoever practice fishing in ponds, pools, rivers, or any waters, and might hunt dear in forests and parks, and the hare in the fields, with diverse other requests, which he would have granted without contradiction or gainesaieng, and exercise without controlment. Now when the king in the grant hereof by deliberation used some delay, jacke Straw drew nearer unto him, and speaking unto him certain threatening words, took hold of the horses bridle whereon the king road, upon what presumptuous enterprise I wots not. Which john Walworth a burgess of London beholding, and fearing present death to hang over the king's head, caught a weapon in his hand, and therewith thrust jacke Straw through the throat, which when another that was by being an esquire, named Ralph Standish did see, with his weapon also ran him through the sides; in so much that he fell flat on his back to the ground, and beating with his hands to and fro a while, at last he gave up his unhappy ghost.  
Then a great clamour and lamentable outcry was made, and heard a great while together, saying; Our guide is dead, our captain is dead. And indeed so he was, being dragged by the hands and feet in a vile and contemptible sort into saint Bartholomewes' church hard by. Then did many of the unruly multitude withdraw themselves, and vanishing away betook them to their heels, being about the number (as it was thought) of ten thousand. Then the king minding to make amends and to requite received courtesy, knighted the said john Walworth, & Ralph Standish, with four burgesses more of the city, namely john Philpot, Nicholas Brembre, john Land, and Nicholas Twifeld, girding them about the waist with the girdle of knighthood, which was the manner of their graduating. Then the king having ordained and made the foresaid six knights, commanded that the residue of the cursed crew should departed and get them into the field, that meeting together in a company, he might fall unto a treaty of agreement with them.  
The rout being there assembled, behold a multitude of armed men ran rusting out of the city, sir Robert Knols being their captain, who with these his soldiers compassed & hedged in the poor cattives distressed in the field like sheep that have lost their shepherd. Then the king of his accustomed clemency, being pricked with pity, would not that the wretches should die, but spared them being a rash and foolish multitude, and commanded them every man to get him home to his own house; howbeit many of them, at the kings going away suffered the danger of death. In this miserable taking were reckoned to the number of twenty thousand. Thus saith Knighton, not as an eyewitness, but as taught by hearsay, whereby he compiled the greatest part of his annals, as he himself confesseth, seeming sorry that he was so constrained, as by part of the octas●ichon at the foot of the first page, entitled Lamentum compilatoris, appeareth in manner and form following: 
Sum caecus factus subita caligine tactus,  
Nec opus inceptum iam corrigo forsan ineptum,  
Me metuo dubium pro veris saepe locutum,  
Plus audita loquor quàm mihi visa sequor, etc.   
All the foresaid villainies notwithstanding against the king and the state, tending wholly to the subversion of law and civil government, albeit the wretch's deserved no spark of favour, but extreme soveritie of judgement to be executed upon them; yet (as ye have heard) besides the great clemency of the king, exhibited unto them in remitting their offence, and acquitting them from the rigour of the law, he granted and gave to them the charter, which they had requested, fair written and sealed, to avoid a greater mischief, & commanded it for a time to be delivered them, knowing that Essex and Kent were not so pacified, but that if they were not the sooner contented, and that partly after their minds, they would up again. The tenor of the charter which was gotten thus by force of the king was as followeth: line 10  

The form of the king's charter of Manumission.  

The like there was granted to them of other countries as well as to these of Hertforeshire in the same form, the names of the counties changed.  RIchardus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae: omnibus ballivis & fidelibus suis, ad quos praesentes litterae pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali manumisimus universos ligeos & singulos subditos nostros line 20 & alios comitatus Hertfordiae, & ipsos & eorum quemlibet ab omni bondagio exuimus, & quietos facimus per praesentes, ac etiam perdonamus eisdem ligeis ac subditis nostris omnimodas felonias, proditiones, transgressiones, & extortiones, per ipsos vel aliquem eorum qualitercúnque factas sive perpetratas, ac etiam utlagariam & utlagarias, si qua vel quae in ipsos, vel aliquem ipsorum fuerit vel fuerint hijs occasionibus promulgata vel promulgatae, & summam pacem nostram eis & eorum line 30 cuilibet inde concedimus. In cuius rei testimonium, has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud London 15 die Junii. Anno regni nostri quarto.   
The commons having obtained this charter departed home, but ceased not from their riotous demeanour in sundry parts of the realm, and especially at saint Albon, 
The townsmen of saint Albon not yet quieted.  where after the townsmen line 40 were returned home, they kept such a coil against the abbot and monks, to have certain ancient charters delivered them that concerned their liberties, and to have such new made and delivered to them as might serve their purpose; that because such old charters as they requested were not to be had, the abbot and monks looked every hour when their house should be set on fire and burnt over their heads. The prior and certain other as well monks as lay men that were servants to the abbot, fled for fear of the line 50 rage of those misgoverned people, knowing that they hated them deadly, and therefore looked for no courtesy at their hands. They had obtained the king's letters unto the abbot, commanding him to deliver unto them such charters as they had given information to be remaining in his hands, so that under colour thereof, they called for those writings in most importunate wise, threatening sore, if they were not brought to light, utterly to destroy the house by setting it on fire. line 60  
But to speak of all the unruly parts of those unruly people, it were too long a process: yet at length after they understood how their grand captain and chief ringleader Wat Tiler was slain, they began somewhat to assuage their presumptuous attempts, the rather for that there came a knight with the king's letter of protection in behalf of the abbot and his house, and yet they were not so calmed, but that they continued in requiring to have chapters made to them by the abbot, of the like form and effect ●o that which the king had made, concerning the infranchising them from bondage, whereby they that obtained such charters took themselves to be discharged of all services and accustomed labours, so that they meant not to do any further works, nor yield such customs as before time they usually had been accustomed to do and yield unto their landlords.  
Neither did the townsmen of S. Albon, and the tenants of other towns and villages thereabout, that belonged to the abbeie of S. Albon, thus outrageously misdemeane themselves, but every where else the commons kept such like stur, so that it was rightly called the hurling time, 
The hurting time.  there were such hurlie burlies kept in every place, to the great danger of overthrowing the whole state of all good government in this land. For even the self same saturday after Corpus Christi day, in Suffolk there were got together to the number of fifty thousand men, by the setting on of john Wraw, a naughty lewd priest, that had been first among the Essexmen at London, 
The 〈…〉 of the Sufolke rebels.  and was sent down in all post hast from Wat Tiler, to stir the commons in those parts to commit the like mischief as he had seen begun about London. These fellows therefore, after they were assembled together, fell to the destroying of the manors and houses of men of law, & such lawyers as they caught, they slew, and beheaded sir john Cavendish lord chief justice of England, 
Sir john Cavendish lord chief justice beheaded.  and set his head upon the pillory in the market place in S. Edmunsdburie.  
Also sir john of Cambridge the prior of saint Edmundsburie, as he would have fled from them, was taken not far from Mildenhale, and likewise beheaded, 
The prior of S. Edmundsburie sleine.  his body being left naked in the open field, and no man presuming to bury it, during the space of five days, for fear of the cruel commons. His head was set upon a pole, and carried before john Wraw and other of those wicked people; the which coming to Bury, and entering the town in manner of a procession, when they came into the market place where the pillory stood, as it were in token of the old friendship betwixt the lord chief justice, and the said prior, they made sport with their heads, making them sometime as it were to kiss, other while to sound in either others ear. After they had taken their pastime enough herewith, they set both the heads again aloft upon the pillory. After this, they beheaded an other monk called Dan john de Lakinghuith, whose head was likewise set by the other two upon the pillory. Moreover, they caused the monks to come forth and bring unto them all such obligations, in which the townsmen stood bound unto the monastery for their good abearing; likewise such charters of liberties of the town of Bury, which king Cnu●e the founder of the said monastery, and his successors had granted to the same: which writings when they had brought forth, and protested that they knew of no more, the commons would scarcely believe them, and therefore called the townsmen forth, and bade them see if that there were all such writings as they thought stood with their advantage to have brought to light. The townsmen feigned as though they had been sorry to see such rule kept against the monks, where in deed they had set the commons in hand with all these things. To conclude, the commons took this order with the monks, that if the townsmen might not obtain their ancient liberties, by the having of those writings, they should declare what the same liberties were, which they were wont to enjoy, and the abbot of Bury, Edmund Brumfield, 
This Edmund Brumfield was c●●●mitted to 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 for his sumptous intrusion 〈◊〉 the abbate 〈◊〉 Bury.  being then in prison at Nottingham whom they purposed to deliver (so that he should celebrat divine service in his monastery on Midsummer day next) within forty days after his coming home, should confirm with his seal such charter as was to be devised and made concerning the same liberties of the said townsmen, and the covent should likewise put there unto their common seal.  
Moreover, they constrained the monks to deliver unto the townsmen, a cross and a chalice of fine gold, and other jewels that belonged to the abbeie, being in value above the worth of a thousand pounds in money, the which was to remain in the hands of the townsmen, upon this condition, that if Edmund Brumfield being delivered out of prison enjoyed the dignity of abbot there, and with all put his seal together with the covent seal within the time limited, unto a writing that should contain the liberties of the town, that then the same cross, chalice, and other line 10 jewels should be restored unto the monastery, or else the same to remain for ever to the townsmen as forfeited. Such were the doings of those rebels in and about the town of Bury: and the like disorders & breach of peace followed by the commotions of the commons in Cambridgeshire, and in the isle of Elie, resembling the others in slaughters of men, destroying of houses, and all other sorts of mischief.  
In like manner in Norfolk there was assembled line 20 an huge number of those unruly country people, 
john Littester captain o● the Norfolk rebels.  which under the guiding of a dier of cloth, commonly called john Littester, that had dwelled in Norwich, attempted and did all such ungracious feats, as they had heard that other did in other parts of the realm, yea and greater also, putting forth their hands unto rapine and robbery. And whereas they were wholly conspired together, and bend to commit all kind of mischief, yet esteeming their own authority to be small, 
The earl of Suffolk escapeth from the rebels.  they purposed to have brought William Ufford line 30 earl of Suffolk into their fellowship, that if afterwards they might happily be impeached hereafter, for such their naughty and most wicked doings, they might have had some shadow or colour, as it were through him, why they had dealt in such unruly sort. But the earl advertised of their intention, suddenly rose from supper, and got him away by unknown ways, still fleeing from the commons, till at length he got to S. Albon, and so from thence to the king. line 40  
The commons missing of their purpose for the having of him, 
The Norfolk rebels compel the noblemen & gentlemen to be sworn to them.  laid hold upon all such knights and other gentlemen as came in their way, and were found at home in their houses, compelling them to be sworn to them, and to ride with them through the country, as the lord Scales, William lord Morlie, sir john Brews, sir Stephan Hales, and sir Robert Salle: 
Sir Robert Salle slain by one of his own villains.  which sir Robert continued not long alive among them, for he could not dissemble as the residue, but began to reprove openly their naughty doings, line 50 for the which he had his brains dashed out by a country clown, one that was his bondman, and so he ended his life, who if he might have come to have tried his manhood and strength with them in plain battle, had been able to have put a thousand of those villains in fear, his valiancy and prowess was such. The residue taught by his example that they must either dissemble or die for it, were glad to curry favour, praising or dispraising all things as they saw the commons affected, and so coming into credit line 60 with their chéefteine john Littester, that named himself king of the commons, 
The captain of the Norfolk rebels forceth the noblemen and gentlemen to serve him at the table.  they were preferred to serve him at the table, in taking the assay of his meats and drinks, and doing other services, with kneeling humbly before him as he sat at meat, as sir Stephan Hales who was appointed his carver, and others had other offices assigned them.  
At length, when those commons began to war weary of taking pains in evil doings, they took counsel together, and agreed to send two knights, to wit, the lord Morlie, and sir john Brews, and three of the commons, in whom they put great confidence, unto the king; to obtain their charter of manumission and infranchising, and to have the same charter more large than those that were granted to other countries. They delivered great sums of money unto those whom they sent, to bestow the same for the obtaining of pardon, and such grants as they sued for, which money they had got by force of the citizens of Norwich, to save the city from fire and sacking. These knights as they were on their journey, 
A warlike bishop.  at Ichingham not far distant from Newmarket, not looking for any such thing, met with sir Henry Spenser bishop of Norwich, a man more fit for the field than the church, & better skilled (as may appear) in arms than in divinity. This bishop had advertisements at his manor of Burlie near to Okam in the parties about Stamford, of the stir which the commons in Norfolk kept, and there upon resolved streightwaies to see what rule there was holden. He had in his company at that time, not passing eight lances, and a small number of archers.  
The bishop meeting thus with the knights, examined them streightwaies if there were any of the traitors there with them. The knights at the first were doubtful to bewray their associates: but at last emboldened by the bishop's words, declared that two of the chief doers in the rebellion were there present, and the third was gone to provide for their dinner. The bishop streightwaies commanded those two to be made shorter by the head, and the third he himself went to seek, as one of his sheep that was lost; not to bring him home to the fold, but to the slaughter-house, as he had well deserved (in the bishop's opinion) sith he had so mischéefouslie gone astray, and alienated himself from his dutiful allegiance. These persons being executed, and their heads pight on the end of poles, and so set up at Newmarket, the bishop with the knights took their way with all speed towards Northwalsham in Norfolk, 
Spenser ●ish. of Norwich goeth as captain against the ●●bels.  where the commons were purposed to stay for answer from the king: and as he passed through the country, his number increased, for the knights and gentlemen of the country, hearing how their bishop had taken his spear in hand, and was come into the field armed, joined themselves with him.  
When therefore the bishop was come into the place where the commons were encamped, 
The fortifying of the rebels camp.  he perceived that they had fortified their camp very strongly with ditches, and such other stuff as they could make shift with, as doors, windows, boards, & tables, and behind them were all their carriages placed, so that it seemed they meant not to fly. Herewith the bishop being chased with the presumptuous boldness of such a sort of disordered persons, commanded his trumpets to sound to the battle, 
The bishop is the first man that chargeth the rebels in their camp.  and with his spear in the rest, he charged them with such violence, that he went over the ditch, and laid so about him, that through his manful doings, all his company found means to pass the ditch likewise, and so therewith followed a very sore and terrible sight, both parts doing their best to vanquish the other. But finally the commons were overcome, 
The Norfolk rebels vanquished.  and driven to seek their safeguard by flight, which was sore hindered by their carriages that stood behind them, over the which they were forced to climb and leap so well as they might. john Littester and other chief captains were taken alive. The bishop therefore caused the said Littester to be arraigned of high treason, and condemned, and so he was drawn, hanged, and headed according to the judgement.  
The bishop heard his confession, and by virtue of his office absolved him: and to show some parcel of sorrowing for the man's mischance, he went with him to the gallows. But it seemed that pity wrought not with the bishop▪ to quench the zeal of justice: for he caused not Littester only to be executed, but sought for all other that were the chief doers in that rebellion, causing them to be put unto death, and so by that means quieted the country. ¶ To recite what was done in every part of the realm in time of those hellish troubles, it is not possible: but this is to be considered, that the rage of the commons was universally such, as it might seem they had generally conspired together, to do what mischief they could devise. As among sundry other, what wickedness was it, to compel teachers of children in grammar schools to swear never to instruct any in their art? Again, could they have a more mischeefous meaning, line 10 than to burn and destroy all old and ancient monuments, and to murder and dispatch out of the way all such as were able to commit to memory, either any new or old records? For it was dangerous among them to be known for one that was learned, and more dangerous, if any men were found with a penner and inkhorn at his side: 
Anno Reg. 5.  for such seldom or never escaped from them with life.  
But to return to say somewhat more concerning line 20 the end of their rebellious enterprises, you must understand, 
The captain once slain the soldiers faint.  how after that Wat Tiler was slain at London in the presence of the king (as before ye have heard) the hope and confidence of the rebels greatly decayed: and yet nevertheless, the king and his council being not well assured, granted to the commons (as ye have heard) charters of manumission and enfranchisement from all bondage, and so sent them away home to their countries: and forthwith hereupon he assembled an army of the Londoners, line 30 and of all others in the countries abroad that bore him good will, appointing none to come, but such as were armed and had horses, for he would have no footmen with him. Thus it came to pass, that within three days he had about him forty thousand horsemen, 
An army of forty thousand horsemen.  as was esteemed; so that in England had not been heard of the like army assembled together at one time. And herewith was the king advertised, that the Kentishmen began eftsoons to stir, 
The Kentishmen eftsoons rebel.  wherewith the king and the whole army were so grievously line 40 offended, that they meant straight to have set upon that country, and to have wholly destroyed that rebellious generation. But through intercession made by the lords and gentlemen of that country, the king pacified his mood, and so resolved to proceed against them by order of law and justice, causing judges to sit and to make inquisition of the malefactors, and especially of such as were authors of the mischéefes.  
And about the same time did the mayor of London line 50 sit in judgement, as well upon the offenders that were citizens, as of other that were of Kent, Essex, Southsex, Norfolk, Suffolk, and other counties, being found within the liberties of the city; and such as were found culpable, he caused them to lose their heads, 
jack Straw and his adherents executed.  as jacke Straw, john Kirkbie, Alane Tredera, and john Sterling, that gloried of himself, for that he was the man that had slain the archbishop. This fellow (as it is written by some authors) straight ways after he had done that wicked deed, fell out of line 60 his wits, and coming home into Essex where he dwelled, tied a naked sword about his neck, that hung down before on his breast, and likewise a dagger naked, that hanged down behind on his back, and so went up and down the lanes & streets about home, crying out, and protesting, that with those weapons he had dispatched the archbishop; and after he had remained a while at home, he came to London again, for that he should receive (as he said) the reward there of the act which he had committed: and so indeed, when he came thither, and boldly confessed that he was the man that had beheaded the archbishop, he lost his head in steed of a recompense: and diverse other both of Essex and Kent, that had laid violent hands upon the archbishop came to the like end at London, where they did the deed, being bewrayed by their own confessions.  
Here is to be remembered, that the king, after the city of London was delivered from the danger of the rebels (as before ye have heard) in respect of the great manhood, and assured loyalty which had appeared in the mayor, and other of the aldermen, for some part of recompense of their faithful assistance in that dangerous season, 
The mayor and five aldermen knighted.  made the said mayor William Walworth knight, with five other aldermen his brethren, to wit, Nicholas Bramble, john Philpot, Nicholas Twiford, Robert Laundre, and Robert Gaiton, also john Standish, that (as ye have heard) holp to slay What Tiler. Moreover, the king granted, that there should be a dagger added to the arms of the city of London, in the right quarter of the shield, 
The arms of London augmented, by addition of the dagger.  for an augmentation of the same arms, and for a remembrance of this mayor his valiant act, as doth appear unto this day; for till that time, the city bore only the cross, without the dagger.  
Although the king's authority thus began to show itself, to the terror of rebels; yet the commons of Essex eftsoons assembled themselves together, 
The commons of Essex rebel afresh.  not far from Hatfield Peverell, and sent to the king to know of him if his pleasure was, that they should enjoy their promised liberties: and further, that they might be as free as their lords, and not to come to any court, except it were to the great léet, twice in the year. When the king heard such presumptuous requests, he was in a great chafe, & dispatched the messengers away, with a sore threatening answer, saying that bondmen they were, and bondmen they should be, and that in more vile manner than before, to the terrible example of all other that should attempt any the like disorders: and forthwith, the earl of Buckingham, and the lord Thomas Percy, brother to the earl of Northumberland, 
The rebels of Essex are scattered & slain.  were sent with an army to repress those rebels, whom they found fortified within woods, hedges and ditches very strongly, but with small ado they were put to flight, & about five hundred of them slain; the residue saved themselves as well as they might, by succour of the woods. There were eight hundred horses also taken, which those rebels had there with them, to draw and carry their baggage.  
Those of the rebels that escaped, were not yet so tamed by that overthrow, but that assembling themselves together in a rout, they made towards Colchester: and coming thither, would have persuaded the townsmen to have joined with them in a new rebellion. But when they could not bring their purpose to pass, they marched towards Sudburie. The lord Fitz Walter, and sir john Harleston, understanding which way they took, followed them with a company of armed men, and suddenly setting upon them as they were making their proclamations, slew of them so many as it liked them, and the other they saved, and suffered to departed, or else committed them to prison. After this, the king came to Havering at the bower, and from thence to Chelmisford, where he appointed sir Robert Trisilian to sit in judgement of the offenders and rebels of that country, whereupon an inquest being chosen, a great number were indicted, arraigned, & found guilty, so that upon some one gallows there were nine or ten hanged together.  
In every country were like inquiries made, 

Fabian.  
The rebels executed in every lordship.   and the chief offenders apprehended and put to death in every lordship through the realm, where any of them were detected, by ten, twelve, twenty, thirty, yea and in some places by forty at once; so that the whole number grew to fifteen hundred and above. At the first, when the king's justices began to sit in Essex, Kent, and at London, by reason of the multitude that were to be executed, they only chopped off their heads, but afterwards when that kind of death seemed too close and secret for so open offences, they proceeded according to the accustomed law of the realm, by condemning them to be drawn and hanged, and according thereunto they were executed. In the mean time, 
The king calleth in his letters of infranchising granted to the bondmen.  the king by the advise of his council, directed his letters revocatory into every county there, to be proclaimed in every city, borrow, town, and place, as well within the liberties as without; by the which letters he revoked, made void line 10 and frustrate his former letters of infranchising the bondmen of his realm, and commanded that such as had the same letters, should without delay bring them in, and restore them to him and his council to be canceled, as they would answer upon their faith and allegiance which they ought to him, and upon pain of forfeiting all that they had. The date of which letters revocatory was at Chelmesford, the second day of julie, in the fift year of his reign.  

The king removeth to S. Albon.  When the king had quieted the county of Essex, line 20 and punished such as were the chief stirrers of that wicked commotion in those parts, he went to saint Albon, to see justice done upon such as had demeaned themselves most presumptuously against the king's peace in that town, namely against the abbot and his house, who sought to defend themselves under a colour of friendship, that they trusted to find in some persons about the king. But that trust deceived them, and procured the more displeasure against them, for that they would not sue for favour line 30 at the abbots hands in time, by submitting themselves unto his will and pleasure. To be brief, the king came thither with a great number of armed men and archers, and caused his justice sir Robert Trisilian to sit in judgement upon the malefactors, that were brought thither from Hertford gail.  
Thither was brought also to the king from Coventrie, john Ball priest, 
john Ball.  whom the citizens of Coventrie had taken, and now here at saint Albon they presented him to the king's presence, whereupon he line 40 was arraigned and condemned, to be drawn, hanged, and headed for such notable treasons as he was there convicted of. He received judgement upon the saturday the first day that the said sir Robert Trisilian sat in judgement, but he was not executed till the monday following. This man had been a preacher the space of twenty years, and because his doctrine was not according to the religion then by the bishops maintained, he was first prohibited to preach in any church or chapel; and when he ceased not for line 50 all that, but set forth his doctrine in the streets & fields where he might have audience, at length he was committed to prison, 
john Ball 〈◊〉 prophesy.  out of the which he prophesied that he should be delivered with the force of twenty thousand men, and even so it came to pass in time of the rebellion of the commons.  
When all the prisons were broken up, and the prisoners set at liberty, he being therefore so delivered, followed them, & at Blackeheath when the greatest multitude was there got together (as some writ) line 60 he made a sermon, taking his saying or common proverb for his theme, whereupon to entreat, 

john Ball ●is sermon to ●he rebels.  When Adam delude, and Eve span,  
Who was then a gentleman?  and so continuing his sermon, went about to prove by the words of that proverb, that from the beginning, all men by nature were created alike, and that bondage or servitude came in by injust oppression of naughty men. For if God would have had any bondmen from the beginning, he would have appointed who should be bond & who free. And therefore he exhorted them to consider, that now the time was come appointed to them by God, in which they might (if they would) cast off the yoke of bondage, & recover liberty. He counseled them therefore to remember themselves, and to take good hearts unto them, that after the manner of a good husband that tilleth his ground, and riddeth out thereof such evil weeds as choke and destroy the good corn, they might destroy first the great lords of the realm, and after the judges and lawyers, questmoongers, and all other whom they undertook to be against the commons, for so might they procure peace and surety to themselves in time to come, if dispatching out of the way the great men, there should be an equality in liberty, no difference in degrees of nobility, but a like dignity and equal authority in all things brought in among them.  
When he had preached and set forth such kind of doctrine, and other the like fond and foolish toys unto the people, they extolled him to the stars, affirming that he ought to be archbishop and lord chancellor, where he that then enjoyed that room, meaning sir Simon de Sudburie that then was alive, was a traitor to the king and realm, and worthy to lose his head, wheresoever he might be apprehended. Many other things are reported by writers of this john Ball, as the letter, which under a kind of dark riddle he wrote to the captain of the Essex rebels, the copy whereof was found in one of their purses that was executed at London.  
The tenor of the said seditious priests letter.  
IOhn Scheepe S. Marry priest of York, and now of Colchester, greeteth well john nameless, and john the Miller, and john Carter, & biddeth them that they beware of guile in Bourrough, & stand together in God's name, & biddeth Piers ploughman go to his work, and chastise well Hob the robber, & take with you john Trewman and all his fellows, and no more. john the Miller Y ground small, small small, the king's son of heaven shall pay for all. Beware or ye be woe, know your friend from your foe, have enough and say ho, and do well and better, flee sin and seek peace, and hold you therein, and so biddeth john Trewman and all his fellows.  
This letter he confessed himself to have written, as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, with many other things which he had done and committed, to the disquieting of the realm, 
john Ball executed at S. Albon.  for the which he was drawn, hanged, and beheaded at saint Albon, the fifteenth of julie, being monday, in this fift year of king Richard's reign. On the same day, the king's justice sir Robert Trisilian sat upon the rebels of saint Albon, and other of the country of Hertford, afore whom, by such policy as he used, there were a great number indicted, and diverse being arraigned, were found guilty, as William Grindecob, William Cadindon, john Barber, and certain others, which were hanged and drawn, to the number of fifteen persons in all; diverse chief men of the town were committed to prison, as Richard Wallingford, john Garleeke, William Berewill, Thomas Putor and others of the country about. There were committed to prison to the number of fourscore persons, the which nevertheless, by the king's pardon, were released and dismissed.  
The hatred which the townsmen had conceived against the abbot and convent of S. Albon, was s●erlie great, and many devices they had to have saved, those that were executed. And where as well the townsmen, as other of the abbots and convents tenants, both of Hertfordshire, and Buckinghamshire, had gotten of the abbot and convent letters of discharge, from doing any bond service, the king directed his letters unto certain commissioners, as to john Ludowicke, john Westwicombe, john Kenting, Richard Perers, Walter Saunford, Richard line 10 Gifford, 
The king calleth in by proclamation all ●uch letters of manumission, as the abbot of saint Albon had grante● to his bondmen.  Thomas Eidon, and William Eccleshall, commanding them to cause proclamation to be made in all such towns and places as were thought necessary, through the whole countries of Buckingham and Hertford, that all and every person and persons that ought and had been accustomed to do or yield any manner of services, customs, or duties, whether they were bondmen or free, unto the said abbot and covent of S. Albon, should do and yield the same services, customs, and duties, in such like form & manner, as they had been used to do, before line 20 the time of the late troubles, & not to challenge or claim any liberty or privilege which they enjoyed not before the same troubles, upon their faith & allegiance in which they stood bound to him, and upon pain to forfeit all that they might forfeit: and in case any were found to do contrary thereunto, the same commissioners had authority, and were commanded to arrest and imprison them, till for their further punishment, order might be taken and agreed upon in that line 30 beha●●e accordingly.  
On saint Margaret's day, the king being ready to take his journey to Berkhamstéed, in the great court of the abbeie of S. Albon had all the commons of the county of Hertford before him, 
The commons of Hertfordshire sworn to the king.  that had summons there to appear, all that were betwixt fifteen and threescore years of age, where they took an oath together from thenc●foorth, to be faithful subjects unto him, and never to rise or make any commotion, to the disturbance of his peace; and rather to line 40 die, than to consent unto any rebellious persons, whom they should to the uttermost of their powers do their best, to apprehend and deliver them to the king's prison, that they might be forth coming. After they had received this oath, they were licensed to departed, and the king road to Berkhamsteed, where he remained for a time, and went to Esthamstéed to recreate himself with hunting, where he was informed, that those which were hanged at S. Albon, were taken from the gallows, and removed a good way from the same: with which presumption he was line 50 so stirred, that he sent forthwith his letters to the bailiffs of the town of S. Albon, commanding them upon the sight of the same, to cause chains to be made, and to bring the said bodies back unto the gallows, and to hang them in those chains upon the same gallows, there to remain, so long as one piece might stick to another, according to the form of the judgement given. The test of this writ thus directed to the bailiffs of saint Albon, was at Esthamstéed line 60 the third of August, in the fift year of this king's reign, and in the year of our lord a thousand three hundred four score and one.  
The townsmen of S. Albon durst not disobey the king's commandment, and so hanged up again in chains the dead bodies of their neighbours, greatly to their shame and reproach, when they could get none other for any wages to come near the stinking carcases, but that they were constrained themselves to take in hand so vile an office. And such was the end of the tumults at S. Albon, where as well as in other places, the unruly commons had played their parts. To conclude and make an end of these devilish troubles, to the end it may appear, in what danger as well the K. as the whole state of the realm stood, by the mischéefous attempts of the unruly people, I have thought good to declare the confession of jacke Straw one of their chief captains (and next in reputation amongst them unto Wat Tiler) when he came to be executed in London, according to judicial sentence passed against him.  
¶ At the same time (said he) that we were assembled upon Blackeheath, 
The confession of jacke Straw at the time of his death.  and had sent to the king to come unto us, our purpose was to have slain all such knights, esquires, and gentlemen, as should have given their attendance thither upon him: and as for the king, we would have kept him amongst us, to the end that the people might more boldly have repaired to us, sith they should have thought, that whatsoever we did, the same had been done by his authority. Finally, when we had gotten power enough, that we needed not to fear any force that might be made against us, we would have slain all such noble men, as might either have given counsel, or made any resistance against us, specially the knights of the Rhodes; and lastly we would have killed the king and all men of possessions, with bishops, monks, canons and parsons of churches, only friars Mendicants we would have spared, that might have sufficed for ministration of the sacraments. And when we had made a riddance of all those, we would have devised laws, according to the which the subjects of this realm should have lived, for we would have created kings, as Wat Tiler in Kent, and other in other countries. But because this our purpose was disappointed by the archbishop of Canturburie, that would not permit the king to come to us, we sought by all means to dispatch him out of the way, as at length we did. moreover, the same evening that Wat Tiler was killed, we were determined, having the greatest part of the commons of the city bent to join with us, to have set fire in four corners of the city, and so to have divided amongst us the spoil of the chiefest riches that might have been found at our pleasure. And this (said he) was our purpose, as God may help me now at my last end.  
This may you see, after what sort they were conspired to the destruction of the realm, and to have advanced and enriched themselves; not considering or foreseeing the evil success of their tumultuous broil, and that it would tend but little to their profit in the end, by a common spoil to amend their state, and to become mighty and rich with goods evil gotten, which though for a time (if luck had served them to have possessed) they had enjoyed, yet could they not long prosper nor bring good unto the possessors: for Non habet eventus sordida praeda bonos.  
And lest this one man's confession might seem insufficient, diverse other of them confessed the same, or much what the like in effect, when they saw no remedy but present death before their eyes. To declare the occasion why such mischiefs happened thus in the realm, we leave to the judgement of those that may conjecture a truth thereof, by conferring the manners of that age & behaviour of all states then, sith they that wrote in those days, may happily in that behalf miffe the truth, in construing things according to their affections. But truly it is to be thought, that the faults, 
The cause of the late tumults.  as well in one degree as an other, specially the sins of the whole nation, procured such vengeance to rise, whereby they might be warned of their evil doings, and seek to reform the same in time convenient. But as it cometh still to pass; when the danger is once overshot, repentance likewise is put over, and is no more regarded, till an other scourge cometh eftsoons to put men in remembrance of their duty; so in like manner (as seemeth) it chanced in this king's days, as by that which followeth may more plainly appear.  
In this mean time that these troubles were at the hottest in England, the duke of Lancaster being in Scotland, so behaved himself (in the treaty which he had in hand with the Scots) dissembling the matter so, as if he had not understood of any trouble in England at all, that finally before the Scots had knowledge thereof, 
A truce with Scotland. Tho. Wals●. Froissard.  a truce was concluded to endure for two years, or (as other have) for three years. When he had made an end there, and that all things line 10 were agreed upon and passed, for the confirmation of that accord, he returned to Berwick, but at his coming thither, the captain sir Matthew Redman would not suffer him to enter the town, 
The captain of Berwick will not suffer the duke of Lancaster to enter into the town.  because of a commandment given to him from the earl of Northumberland, lord warden of the marches: wherefore the duke was glad to return into Scotland again, obtaining licence of the Scots to remain amongst them, till the realm of England was reduced to better quiet. hereupon, the commons line 20 in England that favoured him not, took occasion to report the worst of him that might be devised, calling him now in time of their rebellious commotions, a traitor to the realm, declaring that he had joined himself to the Scots, and meant to take part with them against his own native country.  
The king indeed had sent commandment, during the time of the rebellious troubles, unto the earl of Northumberland, that he should have good regard to the safe keeping of all the towns & castles under his line 30 rule, & not to suffer any person to enter the same, having forgotten to except the duke of Lancaster being then in Scotland: whereupon the duke took no small displeasure with the earl of Northumberland, as after he well showed at his coming home. But before he returned forth of Scotland, he wrote to the king to understand his pleasure, in what sort he should return, humbling himself in such wise, as he made offer to come with one knight, one esquire, and a groom, if it should please the king so to appoint him; line 40 or if it so were that by his presence it was thought the realm was like to fall in any trouble, he was ready to departed into exile, never to return into his country again, if so be that through his absence the king and realm might enjoy peace and quietness.  
The king hearing such offers, wrote to him, that his pleasure was to have him to return home, with all his whole train; and if the same were not thought sufficient to guard him, he should take of every town by the which he passed, a certain number of men to line 50 attend him unto the next town for his safeguard, and so it was done, the king sending him commission to that effect, and thus coming to the court, he was of the king right honourably received. Within few days after his coming, he exhibited, a grievous complaint against the earl of Northumberland, for abusing him in diverse sorts, 
The duke of Lancaster chargeth the earl of Northumberland with sundry ●runes.  in time of the late troubles, so as his honour was greatly thereby touched, for which the earl was sent for, and commanded to come unto Berkhamstéed, where all the lords in manner line 60 of the land were assembled in council.  
Here, after the duke had laid diverse things to the earls charge, for his disobedience, unfaithfulness, and ingratitude, the earl after the manner of his country, not able to forbear, broke out into reproachful words against the duke, although he was commanded by the king to cease, where the duke kept silence in humble manner, at the first word, when the K. commanded him to hold his peace, so that by reason of the earls disobedience in that behalf, he was arrested. But yet the earls of Warwick and Suffolk undertaking for his appearance at the next parliament, he was suffered to departed, and so the council broke up. About the feast of All saints the parliament began, 
The duke of Lancaster & the earl of Northumberland come to the parliament with great troops of armed men.  to the which the duke of Lancaster came bringing with him an exceeding number of armed men, and likewise the earl of Northumberland with no less company came likewise to London, & was lodged within the city, having great friendship showed towards him of the citizens, who promised to assist him at all times, when necessity required, so that his part seemed to be overstrong for the duke, 
The Londoners, friends to the earl of Northumberland.  if they should have come to any trial of their forces at that time.  
The duke lay with his people in the suburbs, and every day when they went to the parliament house at Westminster, both parts went thither in armour, to the great terror of those that were wise and grave personages, 
The lords sit in armour in the parliament house.  fearing some mischief to fall forth of that unaccustomed manner of their going armed to the parliament house, contrary to the ancient usage of the realm. At length, to quiet the parties and to avoid such inconveniences, 
The K. maketh an agreement between the duke of Lancaster & the earl of Northumberland.  as might have grown of their dissension, the king took the matter into his hands, and so they were made friends, to the end that some good might be done in that parliament, for reformation of things touching the state of the realm, for which cause it was especially called: but now after it had continued a long time, and few things at all concluded, news came that the lady Anne sister to the emperor Wenslaus, & affianced wife to the king of England, was come to Calis, whereupon the parliament was prorogued till after Christmas, that in the mean time the marriage might be solemnised, which was appointed after the epiphany: and forthwith great preparation was made to receive the bride, that she might be conveyed with all honour unto the king's presence.  
Such as should receive her at Dover repaired thither, where at her landing, 

The emperors sister affianced to K Richard, is received at Dover.  
A watershake.   a marvelous and right strange wonder happened; for she was no sooner out of her ship, and got to land in safety with all her company, but that forthwith the water was so troubled and shaken, as the like thing had not to any man's remembrance ever been heard of: so that the ship in which the appointed queen came over, was terribly rend in pieces, and the residue so beaten one against an other, that they were scattered here and there after a wonderful manner. Before her coming to the city of London, she was met on Black-heath by the mayor and citizens of London in most honourable wise, year 1382 and so with great triumph conveyed to Westminster, where (at the time appointed) all the nobility of the realm being assembled, 
The king's marriage with the emperor's sister.  she was joined in marriage to the king, and crowned queen by the archbishop of Canturburie, with all the glory and honour that might be devised. There were also holden for the more honour of the same marriage, solemn jousts for certain days together, in which, as well the Englishmen as the new queens countrymen showed proof of their manhood and valiancy, whereby praise & commendation of knightly prowess was achieved, not without damage of both the parties.  
After that the solemnity of the marriage was finished, the parliament eftsoons began, in the which many things were enacted, for the behoof of the commonwealth. And amongst other things it was ordained, that all manner manumissions, obligations, releasses, and other bonds made by compulsion, dures, and menace, in time of this last tumult and riot against the laws of the land; and good faith, should be utterly void and annihilated. And further, that if the kings faithful liege people did perceive any gathering of the commons in suspected wise, to the number of six or seven, holding conventicles together, they should not stay for the kings writ in that behalf for their warrant, but forthwith it should be lawful for them to apprehend such people, assembling together, and to lay them in prison, till they might answer their doings. These and many other things were established in this parliament, of the which, the most part are set forth in the printed book of statutes, where ye may read the same more at large.  
In time of this parliament William Ufford the earl of Suffolk, being chosen by the knights of the shires, to pronounce in behalf of the commonwealth, certain matters concerning the same: the line 10 very day and hour in which he should have served that turn, 
The sudden death of the earl of Suffolk.  as he went up the stairs, towards the upper house, he suddenly fell down and died in the hands of his servants, busy about to take him up, whereas he felt no grief of sickness when he came into Westminster, being then and before merry and pleasant enough, to all men's sights. Of his sudden death, many were greatly abashed, for that in his life time, he had showed himself courteous and amiable to all men. ¶ The parliament shortly thereupon line 20 took end, after that the merchants had granted to the king for a subsidy certain customs of their wools, which they bought and sold, called a maletot, to endure for four years. ¶ The lord Richard Scroop was made lord chancellor, & the lord Hugh Segraue lord treasurer.  

The earl of March his good service whilst he was deputy in Ireland. Wicliffes' doctrine.  About the same time, the lord Edmund Mortimer earl of March, the king's lieutenant in Ireland, departed this life, after he had brought in manner all that land to peace and quiet, by his noble and prudent line 30 government. In this season, Wicliffe set forth diverse articles and conclusions of his doctrine, which the new archbishop of Canturburie, William courtney, lately removed from the see of London, unto the higher dignity, did what he could by all shifts to suppress, and to force such as were the setters forth and maintainers thereof, to recant, and utterly to renounce. What he brought to pass, in the book of acts and monuments set forth by master I. Fox, ye may find at large. The tuesday next after line 40 the feast of saint john Port latin, an other parliament began, in which at the earnest suit and request of the knights of the shires, 
john Wraie.  john Wraie priest that was the chief doer among the commons in Suffolk, at Bury, and Mildenhall, was adjudged to be drawn, and hanged, although many believed, that his life should have been redeemed for some great portion of money.  
A lewd fellow that took upon him to be skilful in physic and astronomy, caused it to be published line 50 through the city of London, that upon the Ascension even, there would rise such a pestilent planet, that all those which came abroad forth of their chambers, before they had said five times the Lords prayer, then commonly called the Pater noster, and did not eat somewhat that morning, before their going forth, should be taken with sickness, & suddenly die thereof. Many fools believed him, and observed his order; but the next day, when his presumptuous lying could be no longer faced out, he was set on horseback, line 60 with his face towards the tail, which he was compelled to hold in his hand in steed of a bridle, 
A co●●prophet served aright.  and so was led about the city, with two jordan pots about his neck, and a whetstone, in token that he had well deserved it, for the notable lie which he had made.  
About the same time, certain English ships of Rye, 
Ships of Rye win a good price.  and other places, went to the sea, and meeting pirates, fought with them, and overcame them, taking seven ships, with three hundred men in them. One of those ships had been taken from the Englishmen afore time, and was called the falcon, belonging to the lord William Latimer. They were all richly laden with wine, wax, and other good merchandise. This year the mayor of London john de Northampton, 
john de Northa●●●●● mayor o● L●●don, & 〈◊〉 punis●●● 〈◊〉 adultery 〈◊〉 ●●me.  otherwise called john de Comberton, did punish such as were taken in adultery, very extremely: for first he put them in the prison, called the tun, that then stood in Cornhill, and after caused the women to have their hair cut, as thieves in those days were served that were appeachers of others, and so were they led about the streets with trumpets & pipes going before them. Neither were the men spared more than the women, being put to many open shames and reproaches. But because the punishment of such offences was thought rather to appertain unto the spiritual jurisdiction, than to the temporal, the bishop of London, and other of the clergy, took it in very evil part: but the mayor being a stout man, would not forbear, but used his authority herein to the uttermost.  
About the same time also, when the archbishop of Canturburie sat in judgement upon a process that was framed against one john Aston, 
The Londoners 〈◊〉 of Wicliffes' doctrine.  a master of art, that was an earnest follower of Wicliffes' doctrine, the Londoners broke open the doors, where the archbishop with his divines sat, and caused them to give over, so that they durst proceed no further in that matter. The same year were the fishmoongers of London sore disquieted by the foresaid mayor, 
The fishmoongers sore tr●●bled by the mayor.  who sought to infringe their liberties, granting licence to foreigners to come and sell all manner of fish, as freely and more freely than any of the company of fishmoongers: for they might not buy it at the foreigners hands to sell it again by any means, and so that company which before had been accounted one of the chiefest in the city, was now so brought down, as it seemed to be one of the meanest, being compelled to confess, that their occupation was no craft, nor worthy so to be accounted amongst other the crafts of the city.  
In this year, the one and twentieth of May being wednesday, a great earthquake chanced about one of the clock in the after noon; it was so vehement, 

A great earthquake.  
Churches overthrown by the earthquake.   and namely in Kent, that the churches were shaken therewith in such wise, that some of them were overthrown to the ground. On the saturday after, being the four and twenti●h day of May, early in the morning, chanced an other earthquake, or (as some writ) a watershake, being of so vehement & violent a motion, 
A wa●erquake.  that it made the ships in the havens to beat one against the other, by reason whereof they were sore bruised by such knocking together, to the great wonder of the people, who being amazed at such strange tokens, stood a long time after in more awe of God's wrath and displeasure than before, for these so strange and dreadful wonders thus showed amongst them: howbeit when these terrors were forgotten, they followed their former dissoluteness, from the which for a time they were withdrawn through fear of God's heavy hand hanging over their heads; but afterward like swine they wallowed afresh in their puddles of pollusions, & as dogs licked up their filthy vomit of corruption and naughtiness, for Sordida natura semper sequitur sua iura.  
About this season, 
Anno Reg. 6.  the lord Richard Scroop lord chancellor was deposed from that room, and the king receiving the great seal at his hands, kept it a certain time, and sealed therewith such grants and writings as it pleased him: at length, 
The bishop of London made lord chancellor in the lord Scroop his room.  it was delivered to Robert Braibrooke bishop of London, who was made lord chancellor. The cause why the lord Scroop was removed from that dignity, was this. When the king upon certain respects had granted certain gentlemen the lands and possessions that belonged to the late earl of March, and other that were deceased (which he, during the time of their heirs minorities, aught to enjoy by the laws of the realm) the said lord chancellor refused to seal such grants, alleging that the king being greatly in debt, which he was to discharge, stood in need of such profits himself, and therefore (as he said) he took not them for faithful servants, nor dutiful subjects to his grace, that respecting their own private commodity more than his or the realms, did sue for such grants at his hands, advising them to hold themselves contented with such other things, as it had pleased or might please the king to bestow upon line 10 them: for surly he would not consent, that they should enjoy such gifts as those were. They that were thus rejected, made their complaint in such sort to the king, that he taking displeasure with the said lord Scroop, deposed him from his office, to the great offence both of the nobles and commons, by whose consent he was preferred unto that dignity.  
About Michaelmas this year, certain naughty disposed persons in Norfolk, 
A new rebellion intended in Norfolk is bewrayed by one of the conspiracy before.  not warned by the success of the late rebellion, went about a new line 20 commotion, intending to murder the bishop of Norwich, and all the nobles and gentlemen of that country. And to bring their wicked purpose the better to pass, they determined to have assembled together at S. Faiths fair, and to have compelled all those that should have been present at the same fair, to have taken part with them, or else to have lost their lives: and this being done, they would have taken S. Benet's abbey at Holme, which they would have kept for a fortress, to have withdrawn into upon any line 30 force that had been against them. But yer they could bring their purpose to pass, one of the conspiracy bewraying the matter, they were taken, & lost their heads at Norwich, for their malicious devices.  
About the same time a parliament was called, to the which certain commissioners from the country of Flanders came, to treat of certain agréements betwixt the king and realm, and the states of their country: but because those that came over at this time, seemed not sufficient to conclude such treaty line 40 as then was in hand, they were sent back to fetch other more sufficient, 
The commissioners of Flanders rejected for want of sufficient authority.  as from every town in Flanders some such as might have full authority to go through, and confirm the agréements then in hand. In this parliament, the mayor of London, with a great part of the commoners of the city, upon suggestion by them made against the fishmongers, for using great deceit in uttering of their fishes, obtained to have it enacted, 
An act against the fishmongers within the city of London.  that from thenceforth, none of that company, nor any of the vintner's, butchers, line 50 gross, or other that sold any provision of victuals, should be admitted mayor of the city; and so by this shift they sought to cut off all means from the fishmongers to recover again their old former degree. And because it was known well enough of what authority sir john Philpot knight was within the city, and that he favoured those whom the lord maior the said john de Northampton favoured not, he was put off from the bench, and might not sit with them that were of the secret council in the cities affairs, line 60 whereas nevertheless he had traveled more for the preservation of the cities liberties than all the residue. Sir Henry Spenser bishop of Norwich, received bulls a little before this present from pope Urbane, to sign all such with the cross, that would take upon them to go over the seas with him, to war against those that held with the antipape Clement, that took himself for pope, 
Remission of sins granted to as many as would fight against Clement the antipape.  and to such as would receive the cross in that quarrel, such like beneficial pardons were granted by pope Urbane, as were accustomably granted unto such as went to fight against the Infidels, Turks, and Saracens, to wit free remission of sins, and many other graces. The bishop of Norwich that had the disposing of the benefits granted by those bulls, to all such as either would go themselves in person, or else give any thing toward the furtherance of that voyage, & maintenance of them that went in the same, showed those bulls in open parliament, & caused copies to be written forth, & sent into every quarter, that his authority & power legantine might be notified to all men, for the better bringing to pass of that he had in charge. And truly it should appear, there wanted no diligence in the man to accomplish the pope's purpose: and on the other part ye must note, that the privileges which he had from the pope, were passing large, so that as the matter was handled, there were diverse lords, knights, esquires, and other men of war in good numbers, that offered themselves to go in that voyage, and to follow the standards of the church with the bishop, and no small sums of money were levied and gathered amongst the people, for the furnishing forth of that army, as after ye shall hear.  
In this mean time the earl of Cambridge returned home from Portugal, 
The earl of Cambridge returneth out of Portugal.  whither (as ye have heard) he was sent the last year, and promise made, that the duke of Lancaster should have followed him; but by reason of the late rebellion, and also for other considerations, as the wars in Flanders betwixt the earl and them of Gaunt, it was not thought convenient that any men of war should go forth of the realm: and so the king of Portugal not able of himself to go through with his enterprise against the king of Spain, after some small exploits achieved by the Englishmen, and other of the earl of Cambridge his company, as the winning of certain fortresses belonging to the king of Castille, and that the two kings had lain in field, the one against the other by the space of fifteen days without battle, the matter was taken up, and a peace concluded betwixt them, sore against the mind of the earl of Cambridge, who did what in him lay, to have brought them to a set field: but when there was no remedy, he bore it so patiently as he might, and returned home with his people, sore offended (though he said little) against the king of Portugal, for that he dealt otherwise in this matter than was looked for. He had affianced his son, 
The earl of Cambridge his son affianced to the king of Portugeses daughter.  which he had by the daughter of Peter, sometime king of Castille, unto the king of Portugese's daughter, now in the time of his being there: but although he was earnestly requested of the said king, he would not leave his son behind him, but brought him back with him again into England (together with his mother) doubting the slippery faith of those people.  
In the Lent season of this sixth year of king Richard's reign, year 1383 an other parliament was called at London, in the which there was hard hold about the bulls sent to the bishop of Norwich from pope Urbane, concerning his journey that he should take in hand against the Clementines (as we may call them, for that they held with pope Clement) whom the Urbanists (that is, 
Clementines'. Urbanists.  such as held with pope Urbane) took for schismatics. diverse there were, that thought it not good that such sums of money should be levied of the king's subjects, and the same together with an army of men to be committed unto the guiding of a prelate unskilful in warlike affairs. Other there were that would needs have him to go, that the enemies of the church (as they took them) might be subdued.  
And although the more part of the lords of the upper house, and likewise the knights and burgesses of the lower house were earnestly bend against this journey; yet at length those that were of the contrary mind, prevailed; & so it was decreed, that it should forward, and that the said bishop of Norwich should have the fifteenth granted to the king in the last parliament, to pay the wages of such men of war as should go over with him: for soldiers without money passed not much of pardons, no not in those days, except at the very point of death, if they were not assured how to be answered of their wages, or of some other consideration whereby they might gain. ¶ The tenth that was granted afore by the bishops at Oxford, was now in this same parliament appointed to remain to the king for the keeping of the seas, whilst the bishop should be forth of the realm in following line 10 those wars.  
These things being thus appointed, the bishop sent forth his letters firmed with his seal into every province and country of this land, giving to all parsons, vicar's, and curates, through this realm, power and authority to hear the confessions of their parishioners, and to grant unto those that would bestow any parcel of their goods, 
The crossed soldiers.  which God had lent them towards the advancing of the journey to be made by the crossed soldiers against pope Urbans enemies, line 20 the absolution and remission of all their sins by the pope's authority, according to the form of the bull before mentioned. The people understanding of so great and gracious a benefit (as they took it) thus offered to the English nation, at home in their own houses, were desirous to be partakers thereof, and those that were warlike men, prepared themselves to go forth in that journey with all speed possible. The residue that were not fit to be warriors, according to that they were exhorted by their confessors, bestowed line 30 liberally of their goods to the furtherance of those that went: and so, few there were within the whole kingdom, but that either they went, or gave somewhat to the advancing forth of the bishop of Norwich his voyage.  
This bishop chose diverse to be associate with him, as captains that were expert in warlike enterprises. 
The captains that went with the bishop of Norwich against the antipape.  The first and principal was sir Hugh Caluerlie an old man of war, and one that in all places had borne himself both valiantly and politicly; next line 40 unto him was sir William Farington, who stoutly spoke in the bishop's cause, when the matter came in question in the parliament house, touching his going over with this cro●sie. Besides these, there went diverse noble men and knights of high renown, as the lord Henry Beaumount, sir William Elmham, and sir Thomas Trivet, 
Froissard.  sir john Ferrer, sir Hugh Spenser the bishop's nephew by his brother, sir Matthew Redman captain of Berwick, sir Nicholas Tarenson or Traicton, sir William Farington, and line 50 many other of the English nation: & of Gascogne there went le sire de Chasteauneuf, and his brother sir john de Chasteauneuf, Raimund de Marsen, Guillonet de Paux, Gariot Uighier, john de Cachitan, and diverse other. Sir john Beauchampe was appointed marshal of the field, but because he was at that present in the marches of the realm towards Scotland, he was not ready to pass over when the bishop did. The duke of Lancaster liked not well of the bishop's journey, for that he saw how his voyage line 60 that he meant to make into Spain was hereby for the time disappointed, and he could have been better contented (as appeareth by writers) to have had the money employed upon the wars against the king of Castille that was a Clementine, than to have it bestowed upon this voyage, which the bishop was to take in hand against the French king, and other in these nearer parts. Hereupon there were not many of the nobility that offered to go with the bishop.  

The statute against fishmongers repealed, they are restored to their liber●ies.  But to say somewhat of other things that were concluded in this last parliament, we find, that the fishmongers, which through means of the late lord ma●or john of Northampton and his complices were put from their ancient customs and liberties, which they enjoyed aforetime within the city, were now restored to the same again, saving that they might not keep courts among themselves, as in times past they used, but that after the manner of other crafts and companies, all transgressions, offences, and breaches of laws and customs by them committed, should be heard, tried, and reform in the majors court. ¶ All this winter the matter touching the gathering of money towards the croisie, was earnestly applied, so that there was levied what of the disme, and by the devotion of the people for obtaining of the pardon, so much as drew to the sum of five and twenty thousand franks.  
When the bishop therefore had set things in good forwardness for his journey, he drew towards the sea side, and was so desirous to pass over, 
The bishop 〈◊〉 Norwich setteth forward with his army.  and to invade his adversaries, that although the king sent to him an express commandment by letters to return to the court, that he might confer with him before he took the seas; yet excusing himself, that the time would not then permit him to stay longer, he passed over to Calis, where he landed the 23 of April, in this sixth year of king Richard's reign. The army to attend him in this journey, 
Polydor.  rose to the number of two thousand horsemen, and fifteen thousand footmen (as some writ) though other speak of a far lesser number. 
Froissard. 500 spears, ● 115 other.  But it should seem that they went not over all at one time, but by parts, as some before the bishop, some with him, and some after him.  
Now when he and the captains before named, were come over to Calis, they took counsel together into what place they should make their first invasion; and because their commission was to make war only against those that held with pope Clement, the more part were of this mind, that it should be most expedient for them to enter into France, and to make war against the Frenchmen, whom all men knew to be chief maintainers of the said Clement. But the bishop of Norwich was of this opinion, that they could not do better than to invade the country of Flanders, because that a little before, earl jews having intelligence that king Richard had made a confederacy with them of Gaunt, had on the other part expelled all Englishmen out of his dominions and countries, so that the merchants which had their goods at Bruges, and other places in Flanders, sustained great losses. 
The bishop 〈◊〉 Norwich invadeth Flanders.  Howbeit there were that replied against the bishop's purpose herein, as sir Hugh Caluerlie and others; yet at length they yielded thereto, and so by his commandment they went straight to Gravelin, the 21 day of May, and immediately won it by assault. 
ja. Meir.  Whereupon Bruckburge was yielded unto them, the lives and goods of them within saved. Then went they to Dunkirk, 
Dunkirk won & sack●● by the Englishmen.  & without any great resistance entered the town, and won there exceeding much by the spoil, for it was full of riches, which the Englishmen pilfered at their pleasure. The earl of Flanders lying at Lisle was advertised how the Englishmen were thus entered his country, 
The earl of Flanders sendeth to the bish. of Norwich to know the cause of his invasion of Flander●.  whereupon he sent ambassadors unto the English host, to understand why they made him war that was a right Urbanist.  
The bishop of Norwich for answer, declared to them that were sent, that he took the country to appertain to the French king, as he that had of late conquered it, whom all the whole world knew to be a Clementine, or at the least he was assured that the country thereabouts was of the inheritance of the lady of Bar, which likewise was a Clementine: and therefore, except the people of that country would come and join with him to go against such as were known to be enemies to pope Urbane, he would surly seek to destroy them. And whereas the earls ambassadors required safe conduct to go into England by Calis, to understand the king's pleasure in this matter, the bishop would grant them none at all; wherefore they went back again to the earl their master with that answer.  
The Englishmen after the taking and spoiling of Dunkirk, returned to Gravelin and Bruckburge, which places they fortified, and then leaving garrisons in them, they went to Mardike, and took it, for it was not closed. In the mean time, the countrymen of west Flanders rose in armour, and came line 10 to Dunkirk, meaning to resist the Englishmen: whereof when the bishop was certified, with all speed he marched thither, and coming to the place where the Flemings, to the number of more than twelve thousand were ranged without the town, he sent an herald unto them to know the truth, 
The herald of arms sent to the Flemings by the bishop of Norwich is slain.  of whether pope they held; but the rude people, not understanding what appertained to the law of arms, ran upon the herald at his approaching to them, and slew him before he could begin to tell his tale.  
The Englishmen herewith inflamed, determined line 20 either to revenge the death of their herald, or to die for it, and therewith ordered their battles ready to fight, 
Thom. Wals.  and being not above five thousand fight men in all, the bishop placed himself amongst the horsemen, 
The order of the bishop of Norwich his battle against the Flemings  and set the footmen in a battle marshaled wedgewise, broad behind and sharp before, having with them a banner wherein the cross was beaten. The archers were ranged on either side: the standard of the church went before, the field gules, and two keys silver, signifying that they were soldiers line 30 of pope Urbane. Moreover, the bishop had his penon there silver and azure quarterlie, a fret gold on the azure, a bend gules on the silver: and because he was youngest of the Spensers, he bore a border gules for a difference. At the approaching of the battles together the trumpets blew up, and the archers began to shoot against the battle of the Flemings, the which valiantly defended themselves, & fought eagerly a long time, but at length they were so galled with arrows which the archers shot at them a flank, that they line 40 were not able to endure, but were compelled to give back.  
They were divided into two battles, a vaward, and a rearward. 
The Flemings discomfited by the Englishmen.  When the vaward began to shrink, the rearward also broke order, and fled, but the Englishmen pursued them so fast, that they could not escape, but were overtaken and slain in great numbers. 
jac. Meir.  Some say, there died of them in the battle and chase five thousand, some six thousand; and others writ, 
Froissard.  that there were nine thousand of them slain: line 50 and Thomas Walsingham affirmeth twelve thousand. Many of them fled into the town of Dunkirk for succour, but the Englishmen pursued them so eagerly, that they entered the town with them, and slew them down in the streets. The Flemings in diverse places gathered themselves together again as they fled, and showed countenance of defence, but still they were driven out of order, and brought to confusion. 
Tho. Walsi. Priests and religious men hardy soldiers  The priests and religious men line 60 that were with the bishop fought most eagerly, some one of them slaying sixteen of the enemies.  

jacob. Meir.  There died of Englishmen at this battle about four hundred. The Flemings had no horsemen amongst them, nor any number of gentlemen, for they stood in such dread of English bows, that they durst not come to any battle with them, but keeping themselves out of danger, set the commons of the country in hand to try what they against the Englishmen were able to do without them. This battle was fought upon a monday being the fifteenth of May. The country was put in a wonderful fear by this overthrow, so that the towns and fortresses were in great doubt, and some yielded themselves to the Englishmen, as Berghen and others; some were won by force, as the castle of Drinchan, and the town of S. Uenant. To be short, the Englishmen became masters of all the country alongst the sea side, even from Gravelin to Sluis, 
The Englishmen subdue diverse towns in Flanders, and spoil the country.  and got such riches by pillage and spoil, as they could not wish for greater. They prevailed so much, that they won in manner all the close towns within the bailiffewéekes of cassel, of Poppering, Messines, and furnaces, with the towns of Newport, Blankberke, and diverse other.  
Also entering into the woods Nepse and Rutholt, they found a great booty of sheep and beasts, and took a great sort of prisoners of the country people, which were fled into those woods for fear of the enemies: but the Englishmen, playing the part of good bloudhounds, found them out, & sent all their booties and prey unto Gravelin and Bruckburge. On the eight day of june they came before the town of Ypres, and laid siege thereto, 
The town of Ypres besieged.  whereat they continued the space of nine weeks. Thither came to their aid twenty thousand Gauntiners under the leading of Francis Akreman, Peter Wood, and Peter Winter: so that they within Ypres were straightly besieged, but there were within it in garrison diverse valiant knights & captains, 
The manner of fortifying towns in old time.  which defended the town right manfully: it was fenced with a mighty rampire, and a thick hedge, trimly plashed and wound with thorns, as the manner of fortifying towns was in ancient time amongst them in that country (as Strabo witnesseth.)  
During the time that the siege lay before Ypres, the Englishmen swarmed abroad in the country, for when it was once known what good success the first company that went over had found, there came daily forth of England great numbers to be partakers of the gain. 
Hope of gain encourageth the soldier.  Sir john Philpot that favoured the bishop's journey, provided them of vessels for their passage, till the bishop understanding that the more part of those that came thus over were unarmed, and brought nothing with them from home, but only swords, bows and arrows, did write unto the said sir john Philpot, that he should suffer none to pass the seas, but such as were men able and likely to do service: where a great number of those that were come to him, were fit for nothing but to consume victuals, much like the popish shavelings and the Romish rascality, of whom the like is spoken thus: Nos numerus sumus & fruges consumere nati.  
The multitude of Englishmen and Gauntiners at this siege was great, so that diverse skirmishes chanced betwixt them, and such as were appointed by the earl to lie in garrisons about in the country against them: but still the victory abode on the English side. Also there was an English priest, one sir john Boring that went to Gaunt with five hundred English archers, 
ja. Meir.  by whose aid Arnold Hans one of the captains of Gaunt overcame his enemies in battle, which were laid in a castle near to the haven of Allost, and stopped that no victuals might safely come out of Holland or Zealand to be conveyed to Gaunt. The earl of Flanders was not well contented in his mind, 
Anno Reg. 7.  that the Englishmen were thus entered into his country, and therefore earnestly laboured to the duke of Burgognie (that had married his daughter, and should be heir of all his dominions and signiories after his decease) to find some remedy in the matter.  
The duke, whom the matter touched so near, did so much with his nephew the French king, that eftsoons he raised his whole puissance, and came down into Flanders, so that the Englishmen perceiving themselves not of power to encounter with this huge and mighty army, were constrained after a great assault, which they gave the eight of August, to raise their siege from Ypres the monday after, 
The siege at Ypres broken up.  being S. Laurence day, and to withdraw into Bruckburge, Berghen, Dixmew, Newport, cassel, Dunkirk, Gravelin, and other places which they had won. But at Newport the townsmen set up the earls banner, and assailing those that were come into the town, 
Newport sacked and burnt by the Englishmen and Gauntiners.  slew diverse of them. The Englishmen being sore offended therewith, came running thither with certain Gauntiners, and made great slaughter of line 10 them that had so murdered their fellows. The town was sacked, and all the goods aswell church jewels as other were sent away, partly by sea into England, and partly by wagons unto Berge. After this, they set fire in more than thirty places of the town, so that there remained nothing unburnt. The Englishmen & Gauntiners that were withdrawn into Berge, got together all the wagons in the country about, placing the same upon the diches and rampires, to fortify the same against their enemies. line 20  

Thom. Wals.  Some writ, that after the breaking of the siege at Ypres, the bishop of Norwich would gladly have persuaded the lords and knights that were there with him, 
A courageous & warlike bishop.  to have entered into Picardy, and there to have offered the French king battle, before his whole puissance had been assembled: but sir Thomas Trivet and sir William Elmham with other, would in no wise consent thereunto, so that the bishop taking with him sir Hugh Caluerlie, that did never forsake him, bade the other farewell; and first making a road line 30 into Picardy, he after withdrew into Gravelin, whiles the other went to Bruckburge. But by Froissard, and other writers it appeareth, that sir Hugh was certainly at Berge, with other that were retired thither, in purpose to defend it against the French king, who still followed them, and recovered diverse places out of their hands by force, as Mont cassel, the castle of Crincham, and other. Also at his coming to Berghen, the said sir Hugh Caluerlie, and other that were within it, perceiving that they were line 40 not able to defend it against such a puissance as the French king had there with him, being greater than ever sir Hugh Caluerlie that ancient captain would have thought that France had been able to have set forth, departed, and left the town to be spoiled of the Britons, and other French soldiers, which executed there all kinds of cruelty. The more part of the Englishmen went to Bruckburge, but sir Hugh Caluerlie went to Gravelin, and so to Calis, as one sore displeased in his mind, for that his counsel could not line 50 be regarded in all this voyage, which if it had been followed, would have brought it to a better issue than now it was, as was supposed.  
The French king following the tract of good fortune, 
The French king with his huge army driveth the Englishmen out of Flanders.  that guided his stern, marched forth to Bruckburge, so that the vaward of his army came before that town on Holy rood day in September, under the leading of the earl of Flanders, the duke of Britain, the lord Oliver de Clisson high constable of France, and the lord Ualeran earl of S. Paul, line 60 the which demeaned themselves in such sort, 
Bruckburge yielded to the French.  that although the Englishmen within valiantly defended the Frenchmens assault; yet the third day after the Frenchmens coming thither, the Englishmen by composition that they might departed with bag and baggage, yielded up the town, which on the ninetenth of September being saturday, as that year came about, was abandoned to the French soldiers, to rifle and spoil at their pleasure, in the which feat the Britons bore the bell away, doing more mischief unto the poor inhabitants, than with tongue can be recited. 
The duke of Britain a friend to the Englishmen.  The duke of Britain holp greatly to make the composition, that the Englishmen might departed in safety: for the which doing he was in great hatred and obloquy of the soldiers, who affirmed that he was not only a friend to the Englishmen, but an enemy to his country, and a traitor to the commonwealth.  
The Englishmen coming to Gravelin, set it on fire, and departed straight to Calis, leaving the country of Flanders to the Frenchmen, and so returned into England, where they were not greatly commended for their service, but were put so far in blame, that sir Thomas Trivet, & sir William Elmham were committed to prison within the tower of London, as men suspected of evil dealing in the delivery of Bruckburge and Gravelin to the Frenchmens hands: 

Gravelin fortified by the Frenchmen for a countergarison to Calis.  
Thom. Wals.   for immediately after that they had left Gravelin, the Frenchmen came thither, and fortified it for a countergarison to Calis. ¶ There be that writ how the French king offered to give the bishop of Norwich fifteen thousand marks to race the town of Gravelin, and so to leave it unto him, the bishop having liberty with all his people and goods to departed in safety. The bishop required to have liberty for certain days, to make hereunto a full and deliberate answer; which was granted, and in the mean time he sent into England to advertise the king in what state he stood, and how the French king lay before him with a mighty army: and therefore if he meant ever to try battle with the Frenchmen, now was the time.  
In the same summer, the king with the queen went abroad in progress, 
The king & queen in progress.  visiting in their way the rich abbeys of the realm, as Bury, Thetford, Norwich, & other; going about a great part of the realm. And when these news came to him from the bishop of Norwich, he was at Daventrie in Northamptonshire, and being the same time at supper, he put the table from him, and rising with all haste, got him to horseback, and road in post that night, changing horse diverse times, with such speed that he came to S. Albon about midnight, and making no stay there longer than he had borrowed the abbots gelding, hasted forth till he came to Westminster: so that it appeared he would never have rested till he had passed the sea, and given battle to the Frenchmen. But after his coming to Westminster, wearied with that hasty journey, he got him to bed, and liked so well of ease, 
A great hea● soon cooled.  that he thought good to send a lieutenant in his stead to pass the seas, to deliver the bishop from danger of his enemies.  
Hereupon was the duke of Lancaster sent for, that he might with such power as was ready to pass the seas, go over with the same, and give battle to the French king: but he protracted time, till the respite granted to the bishop to make answer was expired, and so the bishop when he saw no succour come forth of England, razed the town as the covenant was: but money he would not or did not receive, because he thought in so doing he should offend the council. At his coming back into England, he found the duke of Lancaster at the sea side with a great power of men ready to have come over: 
The bishop of Norwich returned into England 〈◊〉 of Flanders.  although some thought that he deferred time of purpose, for that he misliked of the bishops whole enterprise; and now because it had thus quailed, he blamed the bishop for his evil government therein: but sir Hugh Caluerlie he retained with him a time, doing him all honour, by reason of the old approved valiancy, that had been ever found in him. And this was the end of the bishop of Norwich his journey.  
The Scots in the mean while sat not still, but made roads into England, 
Work castle burnt by the Scots.  took and burnt the castle of Work. Moreover, whilst the siege lay before Ypres, the Frenchmen armed certain vessels, and sent them to the sea, namely five balengers, as well to intercept such as should pass between England and Flanders, as also to stop such as were appointed to go over into Gascoine, that were soldiers also of the croisie, appointed thither under the leading of the lord Britrigale de la Bret, and certain others. When they of Portesmouth understood that these five ships were abroad, they made forth to the sea, and meeting with their adversaries, fought with them a sore & cruel battle, and in the end slew all the enemies, nine excepted, and took all their vessels. another fleet of Englishmen took eight French ships, 
diverse French ships taken by the Englishmen.  line 10 which had aboard 1500 tuns of good wines, that comforted the Englishmen greatly.  
About the feast of All saints was a parliament holden at London, 
A parliament at London.  in which was granted to the king one moiety of a fifteenth by the laity, and shortly after a moiety of a tenth by the clergy. Moreover, the king took into his hands the temporalties that belonged to the bishop of Norwich, 
The temporalties of the bishopric of Norwich seized into the king's hands for the bishop's disobedience.  because he obeyed not the king's commandment when he was sent for at the time when he took the seas to pass into Flanders. line 20 The knights also that had not showed such obedience to the bishop as was requisite in that journey, were committed to prison; but shortly after they were set at liberty upon sureties that undertook for them. ¶ It was also decreed in this parliament, that the earl of Buckingham the king's uncle should go to the borders against Scotland, with a thousand lances, and two thousand archers, to repress the presumptuous attempts of the Scots, who advertised thereof, sent ambassadors to treat of peace; but they line 30 were dispatched home again, without obtaining that which they came to sue for.  
At the motion and instance of the duke of Britain, immediately upon the return of the English army out of Flanders, there was a meeting of certain commissioners in the marches of Calis, at a place called Lelleghen, 
A treaty of peace between England and France.  for the treaty of a peace to be concluded betwixt the two realms of England and France. There appeared for king Richard, the duke of Lancaster, and his brother the earl of Buckingham, line 40 sir john Holland brother to the king, sir Thomas Percy, and a bishop. For the French king, thither came the dukes of Berrie and Burgogni●, the bishop of Laon, and the chancellor of France. There were also the duke of Britain, and the earl of Flanders. Also there came a bishop with other commissioners from the king of Spain: for the Frenchmen would do nothing, except the king of Spain might be also comprised in the treaty and conclusion. They were three weeks in commoning of an agreement: 
A truce taken between England and France.  but line 50 when nothing else could be brought to pass, they concluded a truce to endure till the feast of S. Michael, which should be in the year 1384.  
The earl of Flanders was judged most in blame, for that no peace could be accorded, because he would not that the Gauntiners should be comprised therein, but the Englishmen would not agree either to truce or peace, except regard might be had of the Gauntiners, as their friends and allies. The kings of Spain and Scotland were comprised in this truce as confederates line 60 to the Frenchmen, which should have signified the same into Scotland, but did not, till great harm followed through negligence used in that matter, as after ye shall perceive. 
Tho. Walsin.  ¶ The same year in the night of the feast of the Purification of our lady, great lightnings and thunders chanced, which p●t many in no small fear, so huge and hideous was that tempest. Shortly after, there rose no small 〈◊〉 in the city of London about the election of their mayor: 
Great contention about the election of the mayor of London.  for such as favoured the late mayor john de Northampton, otherwise called john de Comberton, stood against sir Nicholas Bram●re knight that was chosen to succeed the said john de Northampton, insomuch that a shoemaker who was one of the same john de Northamptons' partakers, presumed through a number of voices that were ready to favour him, to take upon him as mayor: 
Sir Robert Knolles.  but through the counsel of sir Robert Knolles knight, he was suddenly apprehended, drawn, and beheaded, as a rebel and troubler of the king's peace.  
In the Lent season, the duke of Lancaster with his brother the earl of Buckingham went towards the borders, 
The duke of Lancaster invadeth Scotland with an army.  having with him a mighty power of knights, esquires, and archers, and after he had remained a certain time upon the borders, about Easter he entered Scotland, and coming within three miles of Edinburgh, he stayed there three days, 
Edinburgh left desolate.  in which mean time the Scots conveyed all their goods out of the town over the water of Firth: so that when the army came thither, they found nothing but bare walls, which grieved the soldiers not a little. The Scots would not come forth to give any battle to the Englishmen, but got them into woods and mountains, or else passed over the river of Firth, suffering the Englishmen to fight with the vehement cold wether that then sore annoyed those parts, in so much that on Easter day at night, through snow that fell, and such extreme cold and boisterous storms as sore afflicted the army, being encamped within the compass of a marish ground for their more surety there died above five hundred horses, to let pass the loss of men that perished at the same time, of whom we make no mention. To conclude, 
Great death of horses and men in the English host, by reason of extreme cold.  after the duke and his brother the earl had remained a time thus in Scotland, and burned certain towns, they returned into England.  
About the same time, to wit, in the quindene of Easter, 
A parliament at Salisbury.  a parliament of the nobles was holden at Salisbury, during the which an Irish friar of the order of the Carmelits, being a bachelor in divinity, 
An Irish friar appeacheth the duke of Lancaster of treason.  exhibited to the king a bill against the duke of Lancaster, charging him with heinous treasons: as that he meant upon a sudden to destroy the king, and to usurp the crown, showing the time, the place, and circumstances of the whole contrived matter. The king being young both in years and discretion, when he had heard the friars information, called two of his chapleins unto him, one sir Nicholas Slake, and an other, and asked their advise what they thought good to be done in such a weighty cause. Now as they were busy in talk about the same, the duke of Lancaster came into the king's chamber after his wonted manner, not understanding any thing of the matter whereof they were in talk. The king with a stern countenance beheld the duke, not doing him the honour that he was accustomed. The duke suspecting that the king had somewhat in his head that touched his person, withdrew. In the mean time those two that were thus in counsel with the king, fearing happily the duke's power, or el●e upon good will they ●are towards him, persuaded the king that in any wise he should call him, to see and hear what was laid to his charge.  
The duke, after he had read the bill of his 〈◊〉 on, made such answer, and so excused himself 〈◊〉 declaring his innocency, that the king gave credit to his words, and received his excuse. Herewith the duke besought the king, that the friar might be kept in safe guard, till the time came that he might purge himself of that he had charged him with; and that the lord john Holland ●he kings half brother might have the custody of him, till the day appointed that the duke should come to his full trial. The night before which day, the said lord Holland, and sir Henry Green knight, came to this friar, and putting a cord about his neck, 
A miserable & cruel torture.  tied the other end about his privy members, & after hanging him up from the ground; laid a stone up on his belly, with the weight whereof, and peise of his body withal, he was strangled and tormented, so as his very back bone burst in sunder therewith, besides the straining of his privy members: thus with three kind of tormentings he ended his wretched life. On the morrow after, they caused his dead corpse to be drawn about the town, to the end it might appear he had suffered worthily for his great falsehood & treason. Which extreme punishment and exquisite kind of execution, had it not been meritoriouslie inflicted upon so impudent an offendor, had deserved perpetual record of unaccustomed line 10 cruelty, with this vehement exclamation, 
O fera barbaries aevo non nota priori,  
Sed nec apud saevos invenienda Scythas.   
But now to the parliament. At length, when the K. had obtained of the laity a grant of an half fifteenth the same parliament was dissolved. In the summer following the borderers of England and Scotland made roads each into others countries, 
A road into Scotland.  to the great disquieting of both the realms. Among other roads line 20 that the Englishmen made, shortly after Easter (as Froissard saith) the earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, raising an army of 2000 spears, and six thousand archers, entered Scotland by Rockesburgh, burned the country even to Edinburgh, and so returned without damage. In the mean time came messengers from the French king, to advertise the Scots of the conclusion of the truce. But the Scots provoked with this last invasion made by the Englishmen into their country, would not hear of line 30 any truce, till they had in part revenged their displeasure upon the Englishmen: and so with certain men of arms of France, 
One mischief asketh another.  that lately before were come thither, not yet understanding of any truce, they roded into Northumberland, doing what mischief they might: so that for the summer season of this year, either part sought to endamage other (as Walsingham saith) though Froissard writeth, that through the earnest travel of the messengers that came to intimate the abstinence of war taken, the parties now line 40 that their stomaches were well eased with the interchange of indamaging either others confins, agreed to be quiet, and so the truce was proclaimed in both realms, and accordingly observed.  

Anno Reg. 8. The duke of Lancaster sent into France to treat of a peace.  About the beginning of August in the eight year of this king's reign, the duke of Lancaster went over again into France, to treat of peace; but after he ha● remained there a long time, & spent no small store of treasure, he returned with a truce, to endure only till the first day of May then next ensuing. line 50 While the duke of Lancaster was forth of the realm, john de Northampton, 
john de Northampton late mayor of London condemned to perpetual prison and all his goods confiscated.  that had borne such rule in the city of London▪ whilst he was mayor, and also after (as partly ye have heard) was accused by a chaplain (that he had in his house) of seditious slurs, which he went about, so that being arraigned thereof, he was in the end condemned to perpetual prison, and the same not to be within the space of one hundred miles at the least of the city of London. All his goods were confiscated, and so he was sent to the castle line 60 of Tintagill in Cornwall, and the King's officers 〈◊〉 upon his goods & cattles. ¶ About the feast of saint Martin, a parliament was called at London, in which, money, was demanded of the clergy and temporalty, towards the maintenance of the king's 〈◊〉,  

A combat.  During this parliament also a combat was fought within lists betwixt an English esquire▪ named john Walsh, and an esquire of Navarre that accused the said Walsh of treason, though not justly, but moved through displeasure, conceived of an injury done to him by the same Welsh whilst he was under captain or vicedeputie (as we may call him) of Chierburgh, in abusing the Navarrois' wife. Whereupon when the Navarrois was vanquished and confessed the truth, 
The appellant being vanquished, is adjudged to be hanged. Abraham Fleming out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  he was adjudged by the king to be drawn unto the place of execution and hanged, notwithstanding that the queen and diverse other made suit for him. ¶ Henry Knighton maketh report hereof in somewhat a differing manner: but the issue of his tale falleth out to be like to the other. On a wednesday (saith he) at S. Andrews tide, john Wallise of Grimsby fought in lists with Martilet of Navarre esquire, at Westminster, in presence of K. Richard & of john the good duke of Lancaster: in so much that the said john Wallise slew his adversary, whereupon at the king's commandment being made knight, he was enriched with many gifts, as well of the kings and the dukes bestowing, as also of other great men and peers of the realm. As for Martilet, after he was slain, he was presently drawn, hanged, and headed.  
Furthermore before the said parliament was dissolved, news came forth of the north parts, that the Scots had won the castle of Berwick: 
Berwick castle won by the Scots.  for which the earl of Northumberland, that was captain thereof, was put in high blame, for that he had not committed the keeping thereof to more circumspect persons. The duke of Lancaster, who bore no good will to the said earl, was well apaid that he had so good matter to charge his adversary withal, so that through his means the earl of Northumberland was sore accused, and had much ado to escape the danger of being reputed a traitor. Whereupon great occasion of malice and displeasure grew betwixt those two noble personages, as after it well appeared. But howsoever the matter was handled, the earl was licensed by the king to go into his country, and seek to recover possession of the castle thus lately lost. Whereupon raising an army, 
Berwick castle recovered by the earl of Northumberland.  & besieging the Scots that were within the castle, he so constrained them, that for the sum of 2000 marks they surrendered the fortress into his hands, their lives and goods saved: and so the earl of Northumberland recovered the castle out of the Scottishmen'S hands, being taught to commit it to more wary keepers than the other before.  
The king being incensed against the duke of Lancaster, year 1385 meant that he should have been arrested and arraigned of certain points of treason before sir Robert Trissillian chief justice (as Thomas Walsingham saith) and peradventure there might be some such report, that such was the king's meaning: but yet how this may stand, considering he was to be tried by his peers, in case that any the like matter had been pretended, I see not. But how soever it was, 
The duke of Lancaster getteth him to his castle of Pomfret, and fortifieth it.  he being warned thereof by some of the council, got him to his castle of Pomfret, which he fortified, and banded himself so with his friends, that it appeared he would defend his cause with force of arms, rather than to come to his trial by order of law afore such a judge: and by reason hereof, it was greatly doubted, lest some civil war would have broken forth. But through the earnest labour of the kings another, 
The princess of Wales maketh an atonement between the king and the duke at Lancaster.  that (notwithstanding 〈◊〉 indisposition of body to travel, by reason of his 〈◊〉) riding to and fro 〈…〉, made an agreement betwixt the king her son, and the duke, to her great comfort and 〈…〉, and no less surety of qui●●nesse to 〈…〉.  
About the same 〈◊〉 the French king had a great fleet of ships in Flanders, so that it was doubted lest he meant 〈…〉 England. Whereupon there sons sent to 〈…〉 the lord of S. john's, and sir 〈…〉 with a strong navy, but they did no good, suffering the 〈…〉 diverse times to pass by 〈…〉 to set upon them. But the ships of Portesmouth & Dertemouth▪ bestirred themselves better: 
The ships of Port●mouth & Dartmouth 〈◊〉 better service than the kings great name.  for entering into the river of Saine, they drowned four of their enemies ships, and took other four, with a bark of the lord Clissons, one of the fairest that was to be found either in France or England. In these vessels the Englishmen had a rich prey of wines, and other merchandizes. ¶ The king upon some occasion took great displeasure against William Courtnie archbishop of Canturburie, so storming against him, as few durst speak any thing in his excuse. The lord chancellor Michael de la Poole seeming to favour line 10 his cause, waslikelie to have run in high displeasure. Sir Thomas Trivet, and sir john Devereux entreating for him, were sore rebuked at his hands. Yet at length, after that the archbishop was withdrawn, and had kept him close for a time, he was through mediation of some friends reconciled to the king's favour.  
About the same time the French king sent into Scotland the admiral of France, 
〈◊〉 Meir. Froissard. The French king aideth Scots against Englishmen.  with a thousand men of arms, knights, and esquires, besides crossbows line 20 and other to join with the Scots, and to make wars in England. The Scots encouraged with this new aid, sent to them out of France, levied a power, & so together with the Frenchmen, entered into the English confines, 

The Scots invade the frontiers of England.  
Anno Reg. 9   and began to rob & spoil, and further took certain castles and houses of defence. The king of England advertised hereof, assembled an huge power of men of war, and first sent before him the duke of Lancaster with part of the line 30 army, 
The K. goeth with an army against the Scots.  and afterward followed himself, with all convenient speed that might be. At his coming into the parts about York, he was informed that the Scots and Frenchmen were withdrawn upon the duke of Lancaster's approach towards them, but the king thought to keep on his journey. Whilst he was lodged in those parts, a great mischance happened, 
Uariance between sir john Holland's servants and the lord Richard Stafford.  by reason of variance that fell betwixt certain persons of the retinue of sir john Holland brother unto the earl of Kent and half brother to the king, line 40 and other of the retinue of the lord Richard Stafford son to the earl of Stafford.  
The cause of their falling out was about a knight of Boheme, called sir Miles, that was come to see the queen. This knight kept company most an end with the lord Richard Stafford: and chancing to be at words with two of sir john Holland's servants, there came two archers pertaining to the lord Stafford, which blamed them, that were so about to misuse the stranger in words, as they took it: the strife hereby line 50 grew to that point in the end, 
The lord Richard Stafford slain by sir john Holland.  that one of the archers shot at one of sir john Holland's servants, and slew him. This mishap being reported to sir john Holland, set him in such a fury (by reason of the love which he had to his servant) that immediately he rushed forth of his lodging, to revenge his death, and through misfortune meeting with the lord Stafford, slew him, and doubting in what sort his deed might be taken, fled straight unto Beverlie, and there took sanctuary. The earl of Stafford took this misadventure line 60 right heavily, as reason was: yet because he would not trouble the host, nor disappoint the journey which they had in hand, upon the king's promise that he would do upright justice in the matter, as should be thought meet and convenient, he bore his grief so patiently as he might, so that he won himself much praise for his wisdom therein showed.  

Hect. Boetius.  The king advancing forwards with his army, came to the borders, and entering into Scotland, passed through Mers and Lothian, wasting and spoiling all the towns, houses and villages in his way. The abbeys of Melros, Driburgh, and Newbottell were burnt, and those monks and other people that were found in the same were slain. At his coming to Edinburgh, 
Edinburgh burnt by king Richard.  he found all the people fled out of the town, but the houses and buildings he consumed with fire, together with the church of saint Giles. At the humble suit of his uncle the duke of Lancaster, Holy rood house was preserved from hurt, for that the same duke in time of the rebellion of the commons here in England, was lodged in that house, and found much gentleness and friendship in the abbot and convent; so that he could do no less than requite them with kindness, at whose hands he found kindness; for we are bound in conscience to tender them by whom we have been benefited (unless we will be counted uncivil, according to the old adage) Arbour honoretur cuius nos umbra tuetur.  
Thus when the king had revenged the displeasure afore received at the Scots and Frenchmens hands, (and remained in Edinburgh five days) he returned without proffer of battle, or any notable encounter. 
The French admiral persuadeth the Scots to fight with the English host.  The admiral of France was earnestly in hand with the Scotish lords to persuade them to have given battle to the English army, till he and divers other knights of France were brought to the top of a mountain, from whence they might behold all the English army, as the same passed underneath them by a passage that lay by the foot of that mountain: for after that they had viewed the puissance of the Englishmen, and (as near as they could) numbered them, they had no such eager minds to fight with them as before, for they esteemed them to be six thousand men of arms, and threescore thousand archers, and other men of war; where the Scots and Frenchmen were not passed a thousand spears, and thirty thousand of all other sorts, and the most part of those but evil armed. Therefore they determined upon an other point, which was, to invade England in an other quarter, whilst the Englishmen burned up their country, and so they set forward towards the west borders, and passing over the mounteins that divide Northumberland from Scotland, they entered into Cumberland, doing much hurt in the lands that belonged to the lord mowbray, 
Cumberland sore spoiled by the Scots.  to the earls of Nottingham, and Stafford, to the baron of Graistocke, and to the Musgraves.  
lastly, they came to Carleill, 
Carleill assaulted by the Scots.  and boldly assaulted the city: but sir jews Clifford, and sir Thomas Musgrave, Davie Holgrave, and diverse other worthy captains being within it, so defended the waves and gates, that their enemies got small advantage: and finally hearing that the English army was returning homewards, the Scots and Frenchmen drew back into Scotland, doubting to be enclosed by the Englishmen, as they had been in deed, if the duke of Lancaster and his brethren (uncles to the king) might have been believed, 
Good counsel neglected.  who counseled the king to pursue the enemies, and stop the passages through which they must needs pass in their coming back. But the earl of Oxenford being most in favour and credit with the king in those days, as one that ruled all things at his pleasure, did advise him to the contrary, by putting him in belief (as was said) that his uncles went about to bring him in danger to be lost and surprised of his enemies, whereupon he took the next way home, and so broke up his journey.  
When the Scots and Frenchmen were returned into Scotland, 
Polydor.  the Scotish king having conceived a just displeasure towards the French admiral, for that by his means the realm of Scotland had sustained such damage in that season, caused him and his Frenchmen to be despoiled of the most part of their goods, and sent them so away out of his country, 
A noble revenge.  that the Scots might receive some comfort by those wars. In this year was the battle of Algeberota in Portugal, where king john of Portugal discomfited a great host of Spaniards and Frenchmen by the help and policy of certain Englishmen which he had there with him, 
There were 600 Englishm● who with their bows did great service as by one author it appeareth.  under the leading of two esquires Norberie and Hartell. There were slain divers earls & great lords of Spaniards, but for that our writers do not rightly note the Spanish names, but writ them corruptly as strangers use to do, we here omit them. The king of Portugal (after this victory obtained against his enemies) sent six galleys unto the king of England to aid line 10 him against his adversaries, 
The king of Portugal sendeth six galleys to K. Richard's aid.  the which were well received and highly made of by the Londoners and other, so that the Portugese's had no cause to repent of their coming hither.  
The French king this year besieged and won the town of Dam, after he had been at great charges about it. Whilst his navy returned from Scluis, where the same had lain at anchor a long time, the ships by tempest were scattered & wether-driven, so that in the feast day of the exaltation of the cross, line 20 two of their galleys, a great ship, a barge, and seven balengers were cast on shore about Calis, & the Calisians took five hundred Frenchmen and Normans that escaped to land. another day 72 French ships (as they were coming from Scluis, 
A good victory of them of Calis against the French fleet.  to pass by Calis, were met with by them of Calis, who behaved themselves so manfully, that they took 18 of those French ships, and a great bark, in which three score armed men were slain before it could be taken. Within three days after this, the Calisians met 45 line 30 other French ships, and after six hours fight obtained the victory, taking three of the most principal vessels, whereof one being a hulk of Eastland was hired by the Normans, to guard the residue. The other two that were taken were of such mould, that they could not enter into the haven at Calis, and therefore were sent to Sandwich, the one of them being a new ship, which the lord Clisson had bought at Scluis, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  paying for her 3000 franks. ¶ Henry Knighton saith it was prised or valued at 20000 florins, it line 40 was so tall, big, and large a vessel; and therefore of great capacity.  
On saint Device day the soldiers of Calis and other English fortresses thereabouts, 
The Calisians & others make a road into France & win great booties.  made a secret journey into France, and got a booty of four thousand sheep, and three hundred head of great cattle, which they drove towards their holds; and as the lord de Rambures governor of Bullongne would have recovered the prey, he was unhorssed with the rencounter of an English spear, and being relieved by line 50 his company, and mounted again, withdrew himself, not attempting to try any further masteries, and so the Englishmen safely passed forth with their booty of cattle, and above a hundred good prisoners which they had taken at this road. In this 9 year about the feast of S. Martin, 
Fabian.  the king called his high court of parliament at Westminster, in the which amongst other things there concluded, he created two dukes, 
Creation of dukes and earls at the parliament.  a marquess, and five earls. First Edmund Langlie earl of Cambridge the king's uncle was line 60 created duke of York, Thomas of Woodstoke his other uncle earl of Buckingham was created duke of Gloucester, Robert Uéere earl of Oxford was made marquess of Develin, 
Henry of Bolingbroke earl of Derbie afterwards king.  Henry of Bolingbroke son and heir to john of Gaunt duke of Lancaster was created earl of Derbie: Edward Plantagenet son and heir to the Duke of York was made earl of Rutland, Michael lord de la Poole chancellor of England was created earl of Suffolk, & sir Thomas Moubraie earl of Nottingham was made earl marshal.  
Also by authority of this parliament, Roger lord Mortimer earl of March, 
The lord Mortimer earl of March proclaimed heir apparent to the crown.  son and heir of Edmund Mortimer earl of March, and of the lady Philip eldest daughter and heir unto Lionel duke of Clarence, third son to king Edward the third, was established heir apparent to the crown of this realm, and shortly after so proclaimed. The which earl of March, anon after the end of the same parliament, sailed into Ireland to his lordship of Ulster, whereof he was owner by right of his said mother: but whilst he remained there to pacify the rebellions of the wild Irish, 
The earl of March 〈◊〉 by the wild Irish.  a great number of them together assembled, came upon him and slew him, together with the most part of his company. This Roger earl of March had issue Edmund, Roger, Anne, 
The issue of the foresaid earl of March.  Alice, & Eleanor, which Eleanor was made a nun. The two sons died without issue, and Anne the eldest of the daughters was married to Richard earl of Cambridge, son unto Edmund of Langlie before remembered: the which Richard had issue by the said Anne, a son called Richard, that was after duke of York, and father to king Edward the fourth; also a daughter named Isabella, afterwards married to the lord Bourcher. This Richard earl of Cambridge was put to death by Henry the fift, as after ye shall hear.  
Moreover, in this year Henry of Bolingbroke earl of Derbie married the daughter and heir of Humphrey Bohun earl of Hereford, in whose right he was after made duke of Hereford, and by her he had issue Henry that after him was king of this realm, the lady Blanch duchess of Bar, and the lady Philip married to the king of Denmark: also Thomas duke of Clarence, john duke of Bedford, and Humphrey duke of Gloucester. ¶ The Gauntiners still maintained war against the earl of Flanders during his life, and after his decease against Philip duke of Burgogne, by such aid and comfort as they had from time to time of the king of England, till finally this year about the eighteenth day of December, a peace was concluded betwixt the said duke and the town of Gaunt: and sir john Bourchier that had lain a long season there, as captain under the K. of England, and Peter de Bois one of the chief captains of the Gauntiners (before the concluding of this peace) were safely conducted to Calis by virtue of the duke of Burgogne his safe conduct, and so they came over into England, 
Froissard.  and the king gave unto Peter de Bois a pension of an hundred marks sterling, yearly to be paid to him out of the staples of the wools in London.  
This year king Richard holding his Christmas at Eltham, 
The king of Armeni● cometh into England 〈◊〉 aid against the Turks.  thither came to him Leo king of Armenia, whose country and realm being in danger to be conquered of the Turks, he was come into those west parts of christendom for aid and secure at the hands of the christian princes here. The king honourably received him, and after he had taken counsel touching his request, he gave him great sums of money and other rich gifts, with a stipend (as some writ) of a thousand pounds yearly to be paid to him during his life. 
Thom. Wals.  After he had remained here two months space, he took leave of the king and departed. The chiefest point of his errand was, to have procured a peace betwixt the two kings of England and France, but destiny would not permit so good a purpose to take effect: for the hatred which either nation bare to other, would not suffer their lofty minds to yield in any one point, further than seemed good in their own opinions.  
In this ninth year of king Richard (though by other writers it should seem to be rather in the year following) the duke of Lancaster with a great power of men of war went into Spain, 
Thom. 〈◊〉 Froissard. ja. Meir.  year 1386 and lead with him thither his wife the lady Constance, 
The duke 〈◊〉 Lancaster goeth into Spain 〈◊〉 an army.  & a daughter which he had by her named Katherine, and two other daughters which he had by his former wife. He had been about the preparing of an army, and all furniture necessary for this journey two or three years before, and therefore having now seven galleys and eighteen ships sent to him out of Portugal (which arrived at Bristol) he caused all such vessels as he had provided to resort likewise thither, where making his general assembly, when all his men of war were come together, he bestowed them aboard, with all their horses and purueiances, and causing sails to be hoissed up, set forward on his line 10 long wished journey. This was in the month of May, when the seas were calm, the air sweet, and the winds pleasant and agreeable to his purpose. He appointed for admiral of his whole fleet sir Thomas Percy; and sir john Holland that was after created earl of Huntingdon and had married one of his daughters was ordained constable of the host; and sir Thomas Moreaux having married his bastard daughter was one of his marshals.  
There were that attended him in this journey many line 20 other lords and knights of honour, as the lord Lucy, the lord Talbot, the lord Basset, the lord Willoughby, the lord Fitz Walter, the lord Poinings, the lord Bradston, the lord of Pommiers a Gascoigne, the lord Yonne fitz Warren, Henry lord Beaumond, William lord Beauchampe, sir Richard Burlie that was another of the marshals of the army, sir Hugh Spenser, sir William Windsor, sir john Daubreticourt, sir Hugh Hastings, sir William Farrington, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Mauburin line 30 de Liniers, sir Thomas Worcester, sir john Sowtrie, sir Robert Clinton, sir Philip Tirrell, sir jews Rochester, Huguelin Caluerlie, David Holgrave, Thomas Alerie, Hobequin Beaucester, and diverse other: they were in all to the number of fifteen hundred men of arms, whereof a thousand at the least were knights and esquires, besides four thousand archers, and other men of war, so perfectly appointed and arrayed, as could be thought meet and convenient. Of this chosen company attendant upon the line 40 duke of Lancaster, & of this his voyage into Spain, the said C. Okland speaketh no less truly & according to the report of our annals, than honourably: 

In Angl. praelij.  Ocyus instructa pro bello class futuro,  
Milite stipatus generoso traijcit aequor  
Fluctisonum, cum uxore pia natísque duabus, etc.   

Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  ¶ Henry Knighton reporteth of this voyage as followeth, in somewhat a differing sort from this already laid down. On Easter day (saith he) john the duke of Lancaster with his wife came to the king, line 50 to take their leave; to the which duke the king gave a crown of gold, and the queen likewise gave an other crown of gold to the duchess. Besides this, the king commanded his people that they should call him king of Spain, and do him honour in all things. He had with him a power of 20000 chosen men; of which number noted in the marshal's bill or scroll, 2000 were men of arms, 
Thom. Wals. The duke of Lancaster landeth at Breast and winneth two bastid●s from the Frenchmen.  and 8000 were archers.  
As they passed by Britain, they landed at Breast, the captain whereof, at that time named sir john line 60 Roche, finding himself greatly annoyed by the Frenchmen that were lodged in two bastides erected before the castle, declared to the duke in what state he stood. Whereupon he caused the said bastides to be assailed, which was done by the lord Fitz Walter, and others, who bore themselves so manfully, that the bastides were won, broken down, and a great prey with prisoners obtained, although not without loss of diverse valiant personages. Thus were they within Breast castle delivered of their unfreendlie neighbours by the duke of Lancaster and his people. 
Anno Reg. 10. The duke of Lancaster landeth at 〈…〉.  Who having done their feat took the seas, and sailed forth till they came on the coasts of Gallis, where on S. Laurence even, they arrived in the haven of Groigne, otherwise called Coron, 
Le Groigne Corone.  and there they unshipped all their provisions, determining to invade the country on that side. ¶ Here, because it is not unprofitable to know the absolute truth of things done, by the collection of writers, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  I have translated the besieging of Breast, as the same is set down by Henry Knighton in his annals, in a larger and more ample sort, with a fuller certificate of circumstances than hath hitherto been declared. At the same time (saith he) the duke of Britain had laid siege both by sea and land, to a certain town in Britain, in old time subject to the king of England, which was called Breast, with a great multitude of Frenchmen and Britain's. Now on the twelfth of the kalends of julie, he began to build a fort before the said town of Breast, of a wonderful bigness, the walls thereof being ten foot thick, and seven towers about it. A thousand workmen did work day by day upon it, and to defend the said workmen (that they might not be hindered in their business by the citizens) ten thousand fight men were appointed. So that this fort was begun and ended in nineteen days space, and called the dovehouse, because a dovehouse stood in the same place before. Furthermore he stored this fort with all necessaries, as victuals, armour, guns, and other engines, and he placed therein as captain of the warriors the lord john Maletret with a hundred and fifty armed men, and as many other soldiers, the whole number being three hundred.  
The good duke of Lancaster having knowledge hereof, directed his fleet or navy towards the haven of Breast, where when he had arrived, they all fled from the siege, both by sea and land, those only, which were in the fort, remaining behind. Now the prior of S. james in Calis desired the good duke that he might give the first assault against the fort; who taking the repulse with his retinue, he ceased and gave over. In like sort did many more give the assault to the same for the space of two days and more: in somuch that some digging under the walls, and undermining the foundations of one tower, the same fell down upon sir Robert Swinarton a valiant knight of Staffordshire, and many more, among whom was john de Bolton a courageous gentleman and an esquire by degree of Yorkshire. As for those that were upon the tower, they also came tumbling down, and were presently slain.  
In the mean time the lord Maletret guardian of the fort, sent word to the duke of Lancaster, that he would yield and surrender the hold into his hands upon condition, that he and all his might freely departed with such armour, goods, chatels and victuals as they had reposed and laid up in store for their necessary provision: whereunto the good duke (as he was always good) very gently agreed; upon condition also, that before their departure, they should ruinated the said fort, and lay it even with the ground; and should likewise allow and pay him towards his costs and charges defrayed in the siege of the same, twenty thousand s●utes of gold. Then might you see the people flocking from all parts of the country, some with beires, some with cabins, some with carts, and some with crutches to fetch away the dead and the wounded: in so much that there was not one, either slain outright, or deadly maimed, for whom his friends did not mou e and lament. Yea, the lord Maletret himself was so mangled and hurt, that he could not go on his legs, but as he leaned on men's shoulders, and was borne up on either side. It was reported, that many dead bodies were hidden in heaps of salt, to the end that the Englishmen should not glory and triumph in the multitude of the slain, of whom [in sight] the number amounted to above 150. Thus far goeth Henry Knighton, whose report giveth no small light to the matter under hand. After the duke had remained a month at Groigne, he went to Compostella, and there sojourned for a season, during the which, his constable sir john Holland won diverse towns and fortresses which the enemies kept: diverse yielded to the duke with better will, for that the duchess his wife was there with him, whom they knew to be right inheritor to the realm. ¶ At Mouson a town on the confines betwixt line 10 Spain and Portugal, the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancaster met, where they communed and took counsel together for the more speedy proceeding in their enterprise against their adversaries of Castille. Also there was a marriage concluded betwixt the said king of Portugal, 
Philip the dude of Lancaster's daughter married to the king of Portugal.  and the lady Philip daughter to the said duke, which marriage shortly after was wholly consummated, the said lady being first married by procuration at Compostella, and after sent into Portugal right honourably line 20 accompanied.  
The duke continued at Compostella all the winter season, till towards March, and then (according to appointment taken betwixt him, and the king of Portugal, at their being together at Mouson, for their journey to be made into Castille) the said king assembled an army of a thousand men of arms, 
The king of Portugal & the duke of Lancaster joining their armies together invade Castille.  and ten thousand other soldiers, with the which entering the confines of Castille, he first took the town of Feroule, and after joining with the duke, who had line 30 in the mean while by his marshal taken the towns of ruels, Uille Lopes, Pouncevoide, Dighos, Baionne in la Maroll, Ribadan, Maures, Besanses, and Orens, with others in the country of Gallis, they marched forth with their whole powers both together, and passing over the river of Dure, entered into the country de Campo.  
¶ Here the English writers make mention of a battle, which the constable of Castille should give to the duke, and that the victory remained on the duke's line 40 side, and the Spaniards chased out of the field. But Froissard (who lived in those days, 
Uariance amongst writers.  and learned that which he wrote of those that were with the duke in his journey) maketh no remembrance of any such thing, but that contrarily the king of Castille following the advise of such Frenchmen as were sent into Spain to aid him, caused all the riches of the country to be brought into the walled towns and fortresses, which he stuffed with men of war, to defend them from the Englishmen and Portugese's; and line 50 further to cut off their victuals, and to keep them from having forage abroad in the country, unless such as were sent were guarded with the greater troops for their surety and defence.  
Thus bestowing the most part of all such men of war, both Frenchmen and Spaniards, as he could make in places most convenient for that purpose, he fully determined not to give battle till his enemies had wearied themselves in keeping of the fields, and that a new power was come to his aid out of line 60 France, which he daily looked for. By which means it came to pass, 
Great death in the English host in Spain by reason of the great heat of that country.  that the Englishmen not used to such hot air as they found in those parts in that season of the year (for it was about Midsummer) fell daily into many perilous diseases, whereof no small number died; and other became so faint, that they were not able to help themselves, that to consider the misery in which they were, it would have rued the hearts of their very foes. Hereupon was the duke constrained to fall to a communication for a peace, which in the end was accorded, though not at this instant.  
Howbeit a truce was granted, in such wise as it might be at the Englishmen'S choice to return into their country▪ either by sea or by land, through France. Such as passed through Spain to France, had safe conducts sealed and signed by the king of Spain; but scarce the half of those that came out of England with the duke, returned thither again, they died so fast, aswell after the breaking up of their camp, as before. Amongst other, there died before the breaking up of the camp, 
Froissard. The lord Fitz Walter.  one of the greatest barons of all the company, named the lord Fitz Walter; and afterwards within the town of Uille Arpent, 
I think that none of these three were barons but only the lord Poinings.  there died (as Froissard saith) three great barons of England, and men of great possessions: sir Richard Burlie a knight of the garter, who had been as it were high marshal of the army, the lord Poinings, and sir Henry Percy cousin german to the earl of Northumberland.  
In the town of Noic deceased sir Mauburin de Liniers a Poictovin, and in the town of ruels died the lord Talbot, and so here and there (saith Froissard) there died in all twelve great lords, 
The duke of Lancaster returneth out of Portugal into Gascoigne.  four score knights, two hundred esquires, and of the meaner sort of soldiers above five hundred. After that the army was broken up, the duke of Lancaster and the duchess his wife went into Portugal, and there remained a season, and then taking the sea, sailed to Baionne in the marshes of Gascoigne, where he rested a long time after. ¶ In this mean while, there was communication and offers made for a marriage to be had betwixt the duke of Berrie, uncle to the French king; and the lady Katherine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, and of the duchess his wife the lady Constance.  
When the king of Spain understood of that treaty, he began to doubt, lest if that marriage took place, it might turn to his disadvantage; and therefore to be at quietness with the duke of Lancaster, whose puissance he doubted, and whose wisdom he perfectly understood, by politic means and earnest suit, at length concluded a peace with him on this wise; 
A marriage concluded between the prince of Spain, and the duke of Lancaster's daughter.  That his eldest son Henry should have in marriage the lady Katherine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, begot on his wife the duchess Constance, and be entitled prince of Austurgus. In consideration of which marriage to be had, and all claims to cease, which the duke in right of his wife might challenge or pretend; it was agreed, that the said duke should receive yearly the sum of ten thousand marks, to be paid to him, 
Fabian.  or to his assigns in the city of Baionne in Gascoigne, during the term of the lives of the said duke and duchess; and further to have in hand the sum of two hundredth thousand nobles. 
Ab. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  ¶ Henry Knighton in his relation of this composition between these persons of great estate, doth say, that it was told him by one of the good duke of Lancaster's own household, and attendant upon him in this voyage into Spain, that the Spanish king did send seven and forty mules laden with coffers full of gold for the second payment whereupon they were agreed. As touching the first payment (saith Knighton) I asked no question of the party. So that (besides the annuity, which mine author reporteth to be 16000 marks, during the parties lives jointly, and 12000 marks, if it fortuned that the duke's daughter should survive and outlive her husband) it should seem there were other large allowances, which if they were (as it is likely) after this rate, it was a right royal munificence. And to this report of Knighton doth Ch. Okland make a kind of allusion, who speaking of the conditions of peace between the duke of Lancaster, and the king of Spain, saith: 
Causae diffidens extemplò Hispanus, 
In Angl. 〈◊〉 sub Rich. 2.  agebat  
De pace, acceptis & conditionibus, offered  
Argenti ac auri plaustrorum protinùs octo  
justum onus, argentíque decem soluenda quotannis  
Millia nummorum, etc.  The aforesaid agreement and marriage was not concluded, till about the thirteenth year of king Richard's reign, so that in the mean while many incidents chanced in England and in other regions, which in their time and places shall be touched, as to purpose serveth.  
And first it is not to be forgotten, that the Frenchmen never showed more vanity than they did this year, 
jacob. Meir. Froissard.  since the lineage of the Capetes began first to rule in France. All the ships that they could provide line 10 from the confines of Spain, unto the mouth of the Rhine, all alongst the coast, they assembled at Sluis and thereabouts, and made so great preparation for the war, that the like had not been heard of (meaning, as they boasted, and made their vaunts) to pass over into England, and to devour the whole country, in doing sacrifice to the souls of their elders with the blood of the English people. Howbeit these words were wind, & to them accorded the proverb, Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus. line 20 There were numbered in the month of September about Sluis, 
A mighty great navy of French ships at Sluis purposing to invade England.  Dam, and Blankberke 1287 ships, besides those which were rigged in Britain by the constable, who had caused an enclosure of a field to be made of timber, like rails or barriers, that when they were landed in England, they might therewith enclose their field, and so lodge more at surety, and when they removed, it was so made with joints, that they might take it up in pieces and easily convey it with them. line 30  

The description of the enclosure.  This enclosure or wall of wood was twenty foot in height, and contained in length or in compass, when it was set up, three thousand paces, and at the end of every twelve paces stood a turret able to receive ten men, that was higher than the rest of the wall by ten foot at the least. There were appointed to have passed over in those ships twenty thousand men of arms, 
Thom. Wals.  twenty thousand crossbows, and twenty thousand other men of war. To have seen the great apparel, furniture and provision, the shipping, line 40 trussing, bearing, and caring to and fro of things needful for this journey, a man might have marveled; for surly the like hath seldom been remembered. 
Tho. Walsi.  All that was done there on that side the sea by the Frenchmen, was notified into England, so that the Frenchmen were not more occupied to prepare themselves to invade England, than the Englishmen were to make themselves ready to defend their country from all danger of enemies; 
The provision of the Englishmen to resist the great power of Frenchmen.  so that every haven town, especially alongst the west, south, and line 50 eastcoasts, were kept and warded with notable numbers of armed men and archers.  
¶ Notwithstanding the great confidence which the French king reposed in the fortification which he had embarked, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  thinking thereby to have wrought great wonders, to the discomfiture of the English: yet (contrary to his expectation) it so fortuned, that about Michaelmas, the lord William Beauchampe captain of Calis took two ships; whereof one was laden with a piece of the said enclosure or wall of line 60 wood, and in the same ship was the master carpenter of the enclosure, being an Englishman borne, but banished his country before that time for some offence. He also took another ship, wherein were engines, guns, gunpowder & other instruments of war. Not long after this, two more ships were taken likewise, whose burden was parcels of the foresaid frame or enclosure: so that three ships were met withal and seized upon, each of them laden with one kind of stuff. Whereof king Richard hearing, he caused the said enclosure to be reared and set up about Winchelsie town. In the mean while, namely in September, the foresaid army came into Flanders, and arrived at the haven of Sluis, intending to make their progress into England: but by prolonging of the time there, they were driven to great distress and want of victuals: for it was reported that a loaf of bread, sold in England for a penny, was sold there for eighteen pence; and a hen's egg for a penny: so that in the end of November they returned to France, missing their purpose as much as if they had never meant it.  
There were ready within the realm at that season, in one part and other 100000 archers, and ten thousand men of arms, besides those that were gone into Spain with the duke of Lancaster. All this preparation lasted for the more part of the summer, even till the beginning of winter: and still the French king that was come down into Flanders, stayed for the coming of his uncle the duke of Berrie: who at length in the month of November came to Sluis, having protracted time, of purpose, that he might by the excuse of winter, cause this journey to be put off till another season. Wherein he showed more wit than all the councillors which the French king had about him: for if he had not politicly shifted off the matter, the king had landed here in England, to the great danger of his person and loss of his people. And yet if we shall believe writers that lived in those days, by reason of the brute that was spread through the realm, of that huge preparation which the French king made to invade this land, no small fear entered into the hearts of many, namely of the Londoners, 
The Londoners specially afraid of the French forces.  who (as if the enemies had been already landed) bestirred them, in making what provision they might for their defence, though it seemed by their manner of doings, they stood in doubt lest the whole realm had not been able to make sufficient resistance.  
In deed diverse were the more afraid, 
Dissension among the noblemen.  for that they perceived how the barons and great lords agreed not in many points among themselves, and so being not of one mind, the wiser sort doubted least through their disagreeing in that troublesome time, some danger might grow to the state of the whole realm. Notwithstanding, 
Froissard.  no small number of others wished nothing more, than that the French king in going forward with his purpose, might have come over, not doubting but that he should have found such a welcome, as would have been little to his ease. 
Tho. Walsin. A parliament at London.  About the feast of saint Michael, a parliament was called and holden at London, and withal great numbers of men of arms & archers were appointed to come and lie about London, that they might be ready to march forthwith against the enemies whensoever it chanced them to land. Thus all the towns and villages twenty miles in compass round about London, were full of men of arms and archers, lying as it had been in camp; and wanting both victuals and money, they were driven to spoil and to take by violence what they might get. At length, after they had lame thus to small purpose a long season, they were licensed to departed home, with commandment to be ready to return again upon the first summons. Many of them were constrained through necessity, to sell their horses, and armour, and some to spoil and to rob as they went homewards, not sparing what they might lay their hands upon. Although the men of war were dismissed home, the parliament yet continued, and the lords still remained at London, hearkening still for the French kings coming.  
The lord Robert Uéer earl of Oxenford, 
Robert Uéer marquess of Dubline created duke of Ireland.  whom the king in the last parliament had made marquess of Dubline, was now in this parliament created duke of Ireland: the other lords sore envying so high preferment in a man that so little deserved, as they took it. For by reason of the kings great affection which he bore not only to this noble man, but also to the lord Michael de la Poole, whom he had lately created earl of Suffolk, and after advanced him to the office of lord chancellor (as before ye have heard) not only the lords, but also the commons sore grudged at such their high preferrment, in somuch that in this present parliament, the knights & burgesses in the lower house, exhibited a bill against the lord chancellor, of diverse crimes which they laid to his charge, and so used the matter, with the help of the lords, line 10 that in the end in some respect they had their wills against him, contrary to the king's mind, as after may appear.  
And where the king had demanded a relief of money towards the maintenance of his estate, and charges of the wars, it was answered, that he needed not any tallage of his subjects, sith he might furnish himself with such a sum at the hands of the said earl, that was justly indebted unto him therein, as they were able well to prove. But the king was nothing line 20 herewith contented, conceiving no small displeasure, aswell against them of the lower house, as against the lords in the upper, for favouring them in the lower, in matters that went so sore against his mind. Hereupon (as was said, whether truly or otherwise, the lord knoweth) by a conspiracy begun betwixt the king & such as were most in favour with him, it was devised, that the duke of Gloucester (as principal (and such other lords as favoured the knights and burgesses in their suit, against the earl of Suffolk, line 30 and were otherwise against the king in his demand of money, should be willed to a supper in London, there to be murdered.  
But the duke coming by some means to understand of this wicked practice, had no desire to take part of that supper, where such sharp sauce was provided▪ and withal gave warning to the residue, that they likewise should not come there, but to content themselves with their own suppers at their lodgings. It was said, that sir Nicholas Brember, who line 40 had been mayor the year before, had promised his assistance in the execution of this horrible fact: but through the commendable constancy of Richard Exton that was mayor this year, being moved by the king for his furtherance therein, 
Richard Exton justly commended.  and denying flatly to consent to the death of such innocent persons, that heinous practice was omitted. This matter being brought to light, the hatred and malice which men bare to such councillors of the king greatly increased, and the duke of Gloucester and such as withstood line 50 the king, daily grew more and more into the people's favour.  

A subsidy granted and appointed to be sp●nt according to the discretion of the nobility.  Howbeit at length, through the earnest suit of some of the great lords, there was granted to the king half a tenth and half a fifteenth, which should not be spent at the pleasure of the prince, but by the order and appointment of the said lords, & so at length the earl of Arundel was appointed to receive it, to furnish him with a navy to the seas. But before this payment might be granted, there was much ado, line 60 & hard bold: for where the said earl of Suffolk then lord chancellor, at first had demanded of the commons in the king's name, four fiftéens (for with less (said he) the king could not maintain his estate and the wars which he had in hand) the whole body of the parliament made answer thereto, that without the king were present (for he was then at Eltham) they could make therein no answer at all: and herewith they took occasion at length to say further, that except the said earl of Suffolk were removed from the office of chancellorship, they would meddle no further with any act in this parliament, were it never of so small importance.  
The king being advertised hereof, sent again to the commons, 
Dissension between 〈◊〉 king an● 〈◊〉 parliament house.  that they should send unto Eltham (where he lay) forty of the wisest and best learned of the common house, the which in the name of the whole house should declare unto him their minds. And then the house was in no small fear, by reason of a brute that was raised, how the king sought means to entrap and destroy them that followed not his purpose. Hereupon aswell the lords of the upper house as the commons of the lower assembled together, and agreed with one consent, that the duke of Gloucester, 
The duke of Gloucester and the bishop of Elie sent to y● K. at Eltham from the whole body of the parliament.  and Thomas Arundel bishop of Elie, should in the name of the whole parliament be sent to the king unto Eltham: which was done, and the king was well contented that they should come. When they came before his presence, with humble reverence they declared their message, which consisted in these points: That the lords and commons assembled at that present in parliament, 
Their requests to the king.  besought him of his lawful favour, that they might live in peace and tranquility under him.  
They further declared, that one old statute and laudable custom was approved, which no man could deny, that the king once in the year might lawfully summon his high court of parliament, 
And oftener 〈◊〉 need require.  and call the lords and commons thereunto, as to the highest court of his realm, in which court all right and equity ought to shine as the sun being at the highest, whereof poor and rich may take refreshing; where also reformation ought to be had of all oppressions, 
The causes & conditions of a parliament.  wrongs, extortions, & enormities within the realm; and there the king ought to take counsel with the wise men of his realm, for the maintenance of his estate, and conservation of the same. And if it might be known that any persons within the realm or without, intended the contrary; there must also be devised how such evil weeds may be destroyed. There must also be studied and foreseen, that if any charge do come upon the king and realm, how it may be honourably borne and discharged.  
Further, they declared that till that present, his subjects (as was thought) had lovingly demeaned themselves towards him, in aiding him with their substance to the best of their powers, & that their desire was to understand how those goods were spent. And further they said, they had one thing to declare unto him, how that by an old ordinance it was enacted, that if the king should absent himself forty days, not being sick, 
Absence of the king from the parliament 〈◊〉 the space of ● days.  and refuse to come to the parliament, without regard to the charges of his people, and their great pains, they then may lawfully return home to their houses: and therefore sith he had been absent a long time, and yet refused to come among them, it was greatly to their discomfort. To this the king (as we find) made this answer: Well, 
The king's answer.  we do perceive that our people and commons go about to rise against us: wherefore we think we cannot do better than to ask aid of our cousin the French king, and rather submit us unto him than to our own subjects.  
The lords answered, that it should not be good for him so to do, but a way rather to bring him into extreme danger, sith it was plain enough, that the French king was his ancient enemy and greatest adversary, who if he might once set foot in the realm of England, he would rather despoil and dispossess the king of his kingdom, than put his helping hand to relieve him. He might (they said) call to remembrance, how his noble progenitor king Edward the third, his grandfather, and prince Edward his father had traveled in heat and cold, with great anguish and troubles incessantly, to make a conquest of France, that rightfully appertained unto them, and now to him, in which wars he might likewise remember how many lords, noble men, and good commons of both realms had lost their lives, and what charges both the realms likewise bare in maintaining those wars: and now (the more pity) greater burdens were laid upon the necks of the English subjects for the supportation of his charges, by reason whereof, they were so low brought (said they) that they have not to pay their rents, and so by such means was his power decayed, his lords brought behind hand, and all his people sore impoverished. 
Wealth of the people is the glory of the prince and surety of his reign.  And as that king cannot be poor that hath line 10 rich people, so cannot he be rich that hath poor commons. And as he took hurt by such inconveniences chancing through evil councillors that were about him, so the lords and noblemen sustained no less hurt each one after his estate and calling. And if remedy were not in time provided through his helping hand, the realm must needs fall in ruin, and the default should be imputed to him and to those his evil councillors.  
By these and the like persuasions the king was line 20 induced to come to the parliament, and according to his appointment he came indeed. Soon after his coming was john Fortham bishop of Durham discharged of his office of lord treasurer, and in his place was appointed one john Gilbert bishop of Hereford, 
Change of officers by the parliament.  that was a friar of the order of preachers, a man more eloquent than faithful, as some reported of him. Also the earl of Suffolk was discharged of his office of lord chancellor, and Thomas Arundel bishop of Elie placed in his room, by line 30 whole consent of parliament. The same earl of Suffolk was charged with many & very great enormous crimes, frauds, falsehoods, and treasons, which he had practised, to the great prejudice of the king and realm, 
The earl of Suffolk grievously charged by the parliament house for sundry offences.  and thereupon was committed to ward in the castle of Windsor. Notwithstanding they adjudged him not to death (as some writ) nor disgraded him of the honour of knighthood, but condemmed him to pay a fine of twenty thousand marks, and also to forfeit one thousand pounds of yéerlie rents line 40 which he had purchased.  
But other writ, that notwithstanding the king was sore offended for the accusations brought against the said earl of Suffolk and others, whom he loved, and was loath to hear any evil of: yet he was constrained at length, after he had shifted off the matter by sundry devices, to appoint certain persons with full power and authority to hear, and in judgement to determine those matters. The duke of Gloucester therefore, and the earl of Arundel were line 50 appointed as judges; which (whilst the king as yet was absent, who got him forth of the way of purpose, because he would not be present at the condemnation of those whom he most entirely loved and favoured) went earnestly in hand with their business, and so at length (as Walsingham saith) the earl of Suffolk was convicted, & found guilty of sundry crimes, trespasses, and naughty parts: for which it was thought that he deserved to lose his life & goods, but yet he was suffered (as the same Walsingham line 60 saith) to go abroad under surety, certain great men being bound for him in great sums of money. But what order soever was taken for the punishment of him, sure it is he was displaced from his office of chancellorship, as before ye have heard.  
Furthermore, the lords, and other estates in this parliament, considering that through covetousness of the new deposed officers, the king's treasure had been embezzled, 
thirteen lords appointed by parliament to have the government of the realm under the king.  lewdly wasted, & prodigally spent, nothing to his profit: there were in this parliament thirteen lords chosen, to have oversight under the king of the whole government of the realm, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth year of this king it doth in the book of statutes at large appear. Of those thirteen there were three of the new officers named, as the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, the bishop of Hereford lord treasurer, and Nicholas abbot of Waltham lord keeper of the privy seal: the other ten were these, William archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander archbishop of York, Edmund Langlie duke of York, Thomas duke of Gloucester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of Excester, Richard earl of Arundel, Richard lord Scroop, and john lord Debereux. But this participation of the government fell out to be inconvenient, as by process of the story shall appear, even to those unto whom it was allotted: so that no small a do happened among them and their partakers: according to the old proverb, which saith; Vae sibi quando canes veniunt os rodere plures.  
Moreover, at the king's instance and earnest suit it was granted, that Robert de Uéer late marquess of Dubline, and now newly created duke of Ireland, should have and receive to his own use thirty thousand marks, that the Frenchmen were to give for the heirs of the lord Charles de Blois, that remained here in England, which Charles in times past challenged as his rightful inheritance the duchy of Britain, against the earl of Montfort. This grant was made to the duke of Ireland, with condition, that being furnished with this money, he should pass over into Ireland, before the next Easter, there to recover such lands as the king had given to him. For aswell the lords as the commons were so desirous to have him gone, that they wished the realm rather to spare so much treasure, than to have his presence about the king, to allure him to folly. 
The king of Armenia sueth for a safe conduct to come into England which is denied him.  The same time the king of Armenia sued for a safe conduct to come again over into this land, to speak with the king as it had been about the moving of some peace betwixt the two realms of England and France; but sith his meaning was suspected to be to no good end, but to benefit himself by receiving of some great gifts at the kings bountiful hands, his suit was not granted.  
In this mean time also, whilst the French king with such a company of dukes, earls and other lords, as had not been heard of, still continued in Flanders, staying as well for a convenient wind, as for the coming of the duke of Berrie; it chanced that certain English ships, as they wasted the seas, 
Two of the French kings ships taken with a great price in them.  met with two of the French ships, that were sailing towards Sluis, and fight with them, took them, and brought them both to Sandwich. There was found aboard the same ships, a master gunner, that sometime had served the Englishmen at Calis, when sir Hugh Caluerlie was lieutenant there; also diverse great guns and engines to beat down walls were found and taken in the same ships, 
Guns were invented little more than six years before this time, to wit. An. 1380.  with a great quantity of powder that was more worth than all the rest.  
About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the Englishmen also took certain hulks and six cariks of the Genowais, laden with great riches: but because they were merchants, they found such favour at the king's hands through means of Michael de la Poole than lord chancellor (whom they had made their friend) that they had their vessels and all their goods restored, 
Restitution of merchants goods taken.  and streightwaies they passed with the same unto Sluis, where the enemies lay, to make sale of their wares there. Whereupon much murmuring rose among the king's subjects, taking it in evil part, that they should be suffered so to go their ways to relieve the enemies of the realm, with such goods as were once brought into the Englishmen'S possession, and specially the lord chancellor was very evil thought of, for showing so much favour unto those strangers.  
The French king still remaining in Flanders, tarrying for the coming of the duke of Berrie, and also for a convenient wind, at length on the even of All saints, 
The French fleet setting forward towards England is driven back by contrary winds.  the wind came about very favourably for the Frenchmens purpose: whereupon they weighed anchors, and launched from the haven of Sluis, but they were not passed twenty miles forward on their way, when the wind suddenly turned contrary to their course again, and brought them back with such violence, that diverse of them as they should enter line 10 the haven, were broken and bruised, and so by this occasion, and the counsel of the duke of Berrie together, the French king broke up his journey for that year, and returned into France. ¶ Ye have heard what was done by the states assembled in parliament against the earl of Suffolk, whom the most part of the realm so greatly hated, but yet nevertheless, the king had such an affection towards him, that immediately after the parliament was dissolved, he undid all that had been enacted against him, receiving line 20 him into more familiarity than before, and caused him to continue with the duke of Ireland, 
The kings inordinate affection towards the duke of Ireland and the earl of Suffolk.  and Alexander Nevil archbishop of York, which two lords traveled most earnestly to move the king against the other lords, and to disannul all that had been done in the last parliament.  
There increased therefore in the king an inward hatred, which he conceived against the lords, these men putting into his ear, that he was like no king but rather resembled the shadow of one; saying, it line 30 would come to pass that he should be able to do nothing of himself, if the lords might enjoy the authority which they had taken upon them. The king gave credit to these tales, and therefore had the lords in great controversy, notwithstanding they were thought to be his most true and faithful subjects, and the other crafty, deceitful, and untrusty; but such an affection had the king to them, that no informations, nor accusations, though never so manifestly proved, could bring them out of his favour, in so much as at line 40 the feast of Christmas next following, year 1387 he caused the earl of Suffolk to sit with him at his own table, in robes accustomably appointed for kings to wear, and not for meaner estates, which was much noted, and no little increased the envy against him.  
About the beginning of March in this tenth year, Richard earl of Arundel, being appointed lord admiral, 
The earl of Arundel goeth to the sea with 500 men of arms and a thousand archers as Froissard noteth.  & Thomas mowbray earl of Nottingham, the earl of Devonshire, and the bishop of Norwich (as Froissard saith) went to the sea with a warlike line 50 power of men of arms and archers, so well trimmed and appointed as was possible. For the lord admiral understanding that the duke of Gloucester, and many other noblemen would see the muster of his men, used all diligence, and spared for no costs, to have the most choicest and pikedst fellows that might be gotten, not following the evil example of others in times past, which received tag and rag to fill up their numbers, 
A great abuse in choice of soldiers.  whom they hired for small wages, and reserved the residue to their purses. And when to the line 60 advancement of the realm's commodity they should have encountered the enemies, they shifted off all occasions thereto, and only prolonged time, without achieving any enterprise available, to the end they might receive the whole wages, and keep themselves from danger, which they should hardly have avoided, when they had not about them such able men as were like to match the enemies: but the earl of Arundel contrarily got the ablest men he might, not sparing his own purse, to the end that by their service he might achieve some worthy enterprise, to redound unto the commodity of his country.  
After the duke of Gloucester had beheld so fair and chosen a power of men of war, they were streightwaies appointed to get them on shipbrood, & so being embarked, the whole navy passed forth to the Thames mouth, where they stayed to watch for the fleet of Flanders, that was ready to come from Rochel with wines. At length, upon a sunday, being the even of the Annunciation of our lady, the Flemish fleet was discovered a good way off, by one that was mounted into one of the tops of a ship of the English fleet. The earl of Arundel greatly rejoicing at those news, forthwith with his whole fleet made to the sea. When the Flemings approached near to our navy, they made sail, as if they would set upon the same; 
A good policy.  and our men of purpose made countenance as if they would have retired, as mistrusting themselves to be able to match their adversaries, 

A great victory of the English navy against the Flemish fleet.  
ja. Meir. Tho. Walsi.   who coveting rather a safe passage than battle, passed by: but the Englishmen having once got the wind fit for their purpose, suddenly set upon the Flemish ships, and fought with them right fiercely: at length, after a sore conflict which endured four hours, the victory fell to the Englishmen.  
There were taken fourscore ships, with diverse captains and men of arms, namely their chief admiral, named john Buicke, a perfect good seaman, and one that had aforetime done much hurt to the English nation. diverse of their ships were bouged, and some escaped from the battle. But the earl of Arundel pursued them so eagerly for the space of two days together, that at length he took them, and brought them back to his navy, so that what in the battle and in the chase, there were taken of great and small, to the number of an hundred vessels, all fraught with wines, so that there was found aboard the same nine thousand tuns, 
ja. Meir. Thom. Wals.  or rather (as other say) nineteen thousand, which together with the vessels were straight sent unto Orwell haven, and to other havens abroad in the realm, beside that which fell to the king's share, as due to him by his prerogative. Part of the Flemish fleet escaping (as before ye have heard) was pursued unto the haven of Sluis and Blankerke.  
The citizens of Middleburgh came to the earl, and requested him that they might buy those wines of him, and pay for the same after the rate of an hundred shillings the tun, alleging how they were the king's friends, and stood in need of wines: but the earl of Arundel, thinking it more reason that those which had borne the charges of his journey, to wit, the commons of the realm of England should have the commodity thereof than any other, he denied their suit. 
The liberality of the earl of Arundel.  But yet to show them some pleasure as his friends, he gave them twenty tuns to make merry with. As for that which fell to the earls share, he used such bountifulness in bestowing it among his friends, that he left not to himself so much as one tun. He won therefore no small praise, that forbearing his own commodity, which he might have reaped in selling those wines to strangers, he had more regard to the profit of the commons, whereby they might understand, that that which they had laid forth towards the setting forward of his journey, was not altogether lost nor cast away. By this means (besides the commendation which he drew to himself) he also wan the hearts & good will of the people, whose friendship is purchased by gifts and good deeds, sith they make profit the metrod of amity, & bound in benevolence with received benefits, as the poet saith, Vulgus amicitias utilitate probat.  
All the country of Flanders near to the sea coasts, 
divers roads made into Flanders by the Englishmen, & great sporle done.  was in great fear: for the Englishmen landed, and every day went abroad into the country, burning diverse towns and villages, as Mude, Osiburge, Houckam, Monachacedam, & others. And at length, after they had taken their pleasure in the country, for the space of ten days together, they hoissed up sails, and returned with all their prey and booties, which being sold, 
Wine sold for thirteen shillings four pence the tun.  and uttered abroad in the realm, made wine so plentifully here in England, that it was sold for thirteen shillings four pence the tun, and twenty shillings the best and choicest. The earl of Arundel not satisfied with this happy achieved enterprise, but minding to do more service to the benefit of his country, gathered his ships together, and hiring new soldiers to supply the rooms of them that were hurt, maimed, or slain, turned his sails line 10 towards the castle of Breast, which seemed to be a key to the less Britain, and being (as ye have heard) in the Englishmen'S possession, the Frenchmen were about to raise up and build far greater and stronger bastillions, 
The earl of Arundel saileth into Britain with a great power.  than those were that the duke of Lancaster had taken and destroyed, as he sailed forward on his journey toward Spain.  
One of these two new bastiles the earl of Arundel won by force from them that kept it: and because line 20 it seemed necessary to be kept for a defence to the castle, if it were in the Englishmen'S hands, he committed it to the custody of certain Englishmen. The other being not yet finished, but begun in sumptuous wise to be builded, he set on fire and burned. This done, furnishing the garrison with sufficient victuals and munition to serve them for one whole year, he returned home into England, with great praise and commendation of the commons for his doings. But the duke of Ireland, the earl of line 30 Suffolk, sir Simon de Burlie, and sir Richard Sturrie, that still continued about the king, seemed rather to envy the earl of Arundels good name, than otherwise to commend him and others to the king, 
Envy the followers of virtue ● prowess  that had been forth in that journey, in so much that when the earl of Nottingham, otherwise called earl Martial, that had been ever the king's plaifellow, and of equal age to him, came now to the court, hoping to be right welcome, and to receive great thanks at the king's hands, he had no good line 40 countenance showed unto him, neither of the king, nor of the duke of Ireland, who disdaining once to talk with him, seemed to envy the worthy prowess in other, which he knew defective and wanting in himself.  
Shortly after, by the counsel of those lords and knights that remained about the king, the lord Henry Percy, 
The lord Percy sent to the seas.  son to the earl of Northumberland, was sent to the seas, to beat back the attempts of the enemies, but he was slenderly appointed to achieve line 50 any great enterprise. This was done of some envious purpose, because he had got a name amongst the common people, to be a very hardy and valiant gentleman, as well among Englishmen, as Scots. But he either ignorant, or not much waieng of that which they craftily had imagined against him, boldly and valiantly executed the business enjoined him, and having remained abroad, during the whole time of his appointed service, returned safely home. ¶ About the same time, a friar Carmelite, named line 60 Walter Disse, that had been confessor to the duke of Lancaster, obtained in favour of the same duke, at pope Urbans hands, certain faculties, to be distributed to such as would pray & pay for them. Among other of those faculties, one was, to make all those whom he thought good, the pope's chapleines, according to form of law, and the custom used in the court of Rome.  

Friar Pateshull forsaking his profession preacheth openly against his own order.  Now because such as obtained this favour, enjoyed great liberties, many were glad to bestow largely, to be so preferred, the friar being ready to admit those that offered most. Among other, one Peter Pateshull, a friar of the Augustine's order, was made by him the pope's chaplain, a man not unlearned, and one that favoured Wicliffes' doctrine, and there upon forsaking his private profession, gave himself to a public trade of life, which might seem to him more holy, commendable, and sure. Hereupon, he took upon him to preach against his own order, namely in a sermon which he made in saint Christopher's church in London. He inveighed so earnestly against the abuses and heinous crimes which the friars, sometimes his brethren, used to put in practice, that it was an horror to hear. 
Wicklevists.  There were present an hundred at the least of Wicliffes' opinion at his sermon. Now in the mean while that he so laid forth what he knew against his late brethren, some persons there were that ran to the Augustine friars, and declared the whole matter; whereupon a dozen of the hardiest and lustiest fellows among them came to the church, where this Pateshull was preaching, and hearing what was said, they began to be sore moved, insomuch that one of them more zealous in his religion than the other, stepped forth, and gainsaid those things which the preacher proponed.  
When the Wiclevists perceived this, they set upon him that so disquieted the congregation, and laying hands on him, threw him down, trod him under their feet, and lent him many a good buffet: and chase all the other friars away, they were fully bend to have killed them, and set their house on fire, crying out with loud voices; Let us destroy these murderers, let us burn these Sodomites, and hang up such traitors of the king and realm. And running thus with such a furious noise and outrage, they purposed verily to have set fire on the friars lodgingss, but that through the humble prayer of friar Thomas Ashborne, and one that was his fellow, being reputed for two good men, and doctors of divinity, they were stayed. The coming also of one of the sheriffs of London holp much to appease them, so that by his persuasion, they returned home to their houses. But Peter Pateshull, being maintained among them, was counseled, sith he was interrupted in his sermon, to set down in writing all such matters as he was about to entreat of, 
A libel by friar Pateshull against his brethren.  & what he knew further. He therefore devised a libel, in which he accused diverse of his brethren, of murdering sundry of their fellows.  
And for more proof to be given to his saiengs, he told the names of them that were made away, and the names also of the murderers, and showed where those that were murdered were buried. He affirmed further, that the said friars his brethren of late, were Sodomites and traitors, both to the king and realm, and many other things he declared (too too bad) in that his writing or libel which he fastened upon the church door of S. Paul in London, that the more confusion might thereby redound unto his late brethren, the friars aforesaid. In the beginning of the same libel ●e protested, that he was got forth of the devils dungeon, and through the grace of God escaped from amongst wicked and filthy persons; by reason whereof, and for that he was an avoucher of the verity, he said, he was sure to suffer great adversities at the friars hands, if they might lay hold on him. But he thanked pope Urbane, for that through his grant he had obtained such liberty, that by help of his friends, he might lawfully withdraw himself from the hands of his enemies.  
There were diverse men of good worship that maintained this Pateshull, and caused a transcript of this libel to be written forth, affirming all to be true that was therein mentioned. 
The favourers of friar Pateshull.  Amongst other that thus favoured this cause, were diverse knights, as sir William Nevil, Sir jews Clifford, sir john Clanbowe, sir Richard Sturrie, and sir Thomas Latimer, and the chiefest of all was one sir john Montacute, who caused all the images to be taken down and set aside in corners, which john Aubreie, and his successor sir Ala●e Buxhull, or any their ancestors had set up in their chapel of Cheneleie. ¶ About the same time, the duke of Ireland sought to be divorced from his lawful wife, a trim young lady, daughter to the lady Isabella, that was one of king Edward the third his daughters; and took to wife one Lancegrone a Bohemer one of the queens maids; by reason whereof, great occasion of slander and reproach grew, and diverse lords, specially the duke of Gloucester, line 10 that was uncle to the lady that was forsaken, took great displeasure herewith. But sith the king allowed of all the duke of Ireland's doings, the duke of Gloucester dissembled such injuries done to his niece for the time, till opportunity might serve to revenge the same.  
The duke of Ireland understood all these things, and therefore was the more circumspect for his own safety, and studied how by some means he might dispatch the duke of Gloucester out of the way, as the line 20 man whom he most feared; lest his life should be his destruction, by one means or other. Easter was now past, the time (as ye have heard) appointed before the which the duke of Ireland should have transported over into Ireland, & yet was he not set forward. But least somewhat might be thought in the matter, and for fear of some stir to be raised by the lords of the realm, that wished him gone, according to the order prescribed at the last parliament, 
Dissension betwixt the king & the nobles.  the king as it were to bring him to the water side, went with him into line 30 Wales, where being out of the way, they might devise how to dispatch the duke of Gloucester, the earls of Arundel, Warwick, Derbie, and Nottingham, with others of that faction. There were with the king, beside the duke of Ireland▪ Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisilian lord chief justice, and divers other, which doubtful of their own safegards did what they could (as writers report) to move the king forward to the destruction of those noblemen. After the king had remained in those parties a good line 40 while, 
1388 Anno Reg. 11.  he returned, and brought the duke of Ireland back with him again so that it seemed his voyage into Ireland was now quite forgotten.  

Grafton.  About the same time, Robert Trisilian lord chief justice of England came to Coventrie, and indicted there two thousand persons. The king and the queen came to Grobie, and thither came by his commandment the justices of the realm. There were also with him at the same time, Alexander archb. of York, Robert Ueere duke of Ireland, Michael de la Poole line 50 earl of Suffolk, 
Certain questions in law demanded of the justices.  Robert Trisilian, & his fellows; of whom it was demanded, if by the laws of the realm the king might revoke the ordinances made in the last parliament, to the which he had given his consent in manner by constraint; and they made answer that he might. Then were the justices commanded to come unto Nottingham, where the king appointed to meet them, and thither he came according to his appointment, and held a solemn council in the castle of Nottingham, 
A council 〈◊〉 at Nottingham.  the morrow after S. Bartholomews' line 60 day.  
In this council were the aforesaid archbishop of York, the duke of Ireland, the earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisilian justice, Robert Bramble justice, and sundry other, all which justices were commanded to set their hands unto the question under written▪ that by means thereof, those persons that were about the king thought they might have good occasion to put the duke of Gloucester, and other lords that were his complices unto death, which in the last parliament were ordained to have the governance of the realm, and all such as were consenting to the same. diverse of the justices refused to subscribe, but yet they were constrained to do as the rest did, among the which was john Belknap, who utterly refused, 
justice Belknap ●●●●pelled to ●●●scribe.  till the duke of Ireland, and the earl of Suffolk compelled him thereto; for if he had persisted in the refusal, he had not escaped their hands, and yet when he had set to his seal, he burst out into these words; Now (said he) here lacketh nothing but a rope, 
justice Belknaps words.  that I might receive a reward worthy for my desert, and I know, if I had not done this, I might not have escaped your hands, so that for your pleasures and the kings I have done it, and deserved thereby death at the hands of the lords. Which indeed shortly followed, for in the next parliament he was condemned and executed. All this remained in record.  

An act of council touching this matter, in manner as followeth.  
MEmorandum that on the five and twentieth day of August, 
Additions to Polychron. , in the 11 year of the reign of king Richard the second, at the castle of Nottingham aforesaid, Robert Trisilian lord chief justice of England, Robert Belknap lord chief justice of the common pleas, john Holt, Roger Fulthorpe, & William Borough, knights and associates of the said Robert Belknap, and john Lockton one of the king's sergeants at the law, being personalie required in presence of the lords and other witnesses under written by our said sovereign lord the king, in that faith and allegiance in which to him they were bounden, that they should truly answer to certain questions underwritten, and upon the same by their discretions, to say the law.  
1 First, it was asked of them, 
Questions to law demanded of the justices.  whether the new statute, ordinance, and commission made in the last parliament held at Westminster, be hurtful to the king's prerogative. Whereunto all of one mind answered, that they were hurtful, and specially because they be against the kings will.  
2 Item, it was inquired of them, how they ought to be punished, that procured the said statute, ordinance, and commission to be made. Whereunto with one assent they answered, that they deserved death, except the king of his grace would pardon them.  
3 Item, it was inquired, how they ought to be punished, which moved the king to consent to the making of the said statute, ordinance, and commission. Whereunto they answered, that unless the king would give them his pardon, they ought to lose their lives.  
4 Item, it was inquired of them what punishment they deserved, that compelled the king to the making of that statute, ordinance and commission. Whereunto they gave answer, that they ought to suffer as traitors.  
5 Item, it was demanded of them how they ought to be punished that interrupted the king so, that he might not exercise those things that appertained to his regality and prerogative. Whereunto answer was made, that they ought to be punished as traitors.  
6 Item, it was inquired of them, whether that after the affairs of the realm, and the cause of the calling together of the states of the parliament, were once by the king's commandment declared and opened, and other articles on the king's behalf limited, upon which the lords and commons of the realm ought to entreat and proceed; if the lords nevertheless would line 10 proceed upon other articles, and not meddle with those articles which the king had limited, till time the king had answered the articles proponed by them, notwithstanding the king enjoined them to the contrary: whether in this case the king might rule the parliament, and cause them to proceed upon the articles by him limited, before they proceeded any further? To line 20 which question it was answered, that the king should have in this part the rule, for order of all such articles to be prosecuted, until the end of the parliament. And if any presumed to go contrary to this rule, he was to be punished as a traitor.  
7 Item, it was asked, whether the king when soever it pleased him might not dissolve the parliament, and command the lords and commons to departed from thence line 30 or not? Whereunto it was answered that he might.  
8 Item, it was inquired, that for somuch as it was in the king to remove such justices and officers as offend, and to punish them for their offences; whether the lords commons might, without the kings will, impeach the same officers and justices, upon their offences in parliament or not? To line 40 this answer was made, that they might not, and he that attempted contrary, was to suffer as a traitor.  
9 Item, it was inquired, how he is to be punished, that moved in the parliament, that the statute wherein Edward, the son of king Edward, great grandfather to the king that now is, was indicted in parliament, might be sent for; by inspection of line 50 which statute, the said new statute or ordinance and commission were conceived, and devised in the parliament?  
To which question, with one accord, as in all the residue they answered, that as well he that so summoned, as the other, which by force of the same motion, brought the said statute into the parliament house, be as public offenders and traitors to be line 60 punished.  
10 Item, it was inquired of them, whether the judgement given in the parliament against Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk, were erroneous and revocable, or not?  
To which question likewise with one assent they said, that if the same judgement were now to be given, the justices and sergeant aforesaid would not give the same: because it seemed to them, that the said judgement is revocable and erroneous in every part.  
In witness of the premises, the justices & sergeant aforesaid to these presents have set their seals, these being witnesses; Alexander archbishop of York, Robert archbishop of Dubline, john bishop of Durham, Thomas bishop of Chester, john bishop of Bangor, Robert duke of Ireland, Michael earl of Suffolk, john Ripon clerk, and john Blake.   
Now beside these justices and sergeant, 
Thom. Wals.  there were called at that present unto Nottingham, all other justices of the realm, and the sheriffs. Also, diverse of the city of London, which the king knew would incline to his will, the rather; for that some of them, having aforetime confessed treason against the king by them imagined, and obtaining pardon for the same, were ready at his commandment, to recompense such favour, in the accomplishment of whatsoever they knew might stand with his pleasure. Hereupon, they being impanelled to inquire of certain treasons that were supposed to be committed by the lords, which in the last parliament had so caused things to pass, contrary to the king's pleasure, 
The lords indicted of diverse offences  indicted the same lords of many crimes informed against them, ¶ The Londoners indeed were evil reported of in those days, by some writers, for their unstableness, one while holding on the king's part, and with such as were chief in counsel about him; and an other while on the lords side that were of a contrary faction: according as the stream of their affections drove them, and as they were carried away perforce by the flood of their variable wills, whereby they were divided into differing passions, as they were assaulted by sundry and uncertain desires: which is the nature of the people, as the poet noteth, saying: Scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus.  
But now, as concerning the cause why the sheriffs were called hither, 
Why the sheriffs of all shires were sent ●or to the court.  it was chiefly to understand what power of men they might assure the king of, to serve him against the lords and barons, whom he took to be his enemies: and further, that where he meant to call a parliament very shortly, they should so use the matter, that no knight might be chosen, but such as the king and his council should name. But answer was made hereunto by the sheriffs, that the lords were so highly beloved of the commons, that it lay not in their powers to assemble any great forces against the lords; and as for choosing the knights of the shires, they said that the commons would undoubtedly use their ancient liberties, and privileges, in choosing such as they thought meetest. But yet, after that the indictments were found, according to the desire of the king and his councillors, and that those which had been called about this matter, were licensed to departed home; the king and the duke of Ireland sent messengers into every part of the realm, 
Soldiers retained on all sides by the king against the lords.  to retain men of war to assist them in the quarrel against the lords, if need were. Many made answer, that sith they knew the lords to be faithful and loyal to the king, even from the bottom of their hearts, and were ready to study, to devise, and to do all things that might tend to his honour, and wealth of the realm; they might not by any means bear armour against them. But a great number of other, that took it that they were retained for a good and necessary purpose, promised to be ready, whensoever it should please the king to send for them.  
The lords being in this mean while advertised of these doings, were stricken with great heaviness, for that not knowing themselves (as they took it) guilty of any offence, the king should thus seek their destruction. Herewith the duke of Gloucester, meaning to mitigate the king's displeasure, received a solemn oath before the bishop of London, 
The du●e of Glocest●rs procesta●ion upon his oath.  and diverse other lords, protesting by the same oath, that he never imagined, nor went about any thing, to the king's hindrance, but to his power had always done what he might to advance the king's honour, prosperous state and good liking, except only that he had given no good countenance to the duke of Ireland, whom the king so much loved. And surly for that the said duke had dishonoured his kinswoman, and the king's line 10 also, he was firmly determined to revenge that injury upon him; and herewith he besought the bishop of London to declare what his words were unto the king.  
The bishop coming to the king, made report of the duke of Glocesters' protestation, confirmed with his oath, in such wise, as the king began somewhat to be persuaded that it was true. But when the earl of Suffolk perceived that, fearing lest the reconciliation of the king and the duke his uncle should turn line 20 to his undooing, he began to speak against the duke, till the bishop bade him hold his peace; and told him, that it nothing became him to speak at all. 
Stout words of the bishop of London.  And when the earl asked why so; Because (said the bishop) thou wast in the last parliament condemned for an evil person, and one not worthy to live, but only it pleaseth the king to show thee favour. The king offended with the bishops presumptuous words, comm●nded him to departed & get him home to his church, who forthwith departed, and declared to the duke of line 30 Gloucester what he had heard and seen. Hereupon, the great misliking that had been afore time betwixt the king and the lords, was now more vehemently increased, the duke of Ireland, the earl of Suffolk, the archbishop of York, the lord chief justice Robert Trisilian, and others, still procuring, stirring, and confirming the kings heavy displeasure against the lords.  
The duke of Gloucester considering to what conclusion these things tended, came secretly to conference line 40 with the earls of Arundel, Warwick, and Derbie, 
The lords confer how to prevent the perils pretended against them.  who were in like danger, if they provided not more speedily for their safety, whereupon he discovered to them the peril wherein they all stood in common, so that when they weighed what was the most expedient mean to safe guard their lives, they gathered their power together, determining to talk with the king with their armour upon their backs, for their more surety, as well concerning his pretence to bring them to their deaths, as for the favour line 50 which he bore to those whom they reputed to be traitors, both to him, and to the whole state of the realm, whereby the same could not avoid speedy ruin, if remedy were not the sooner provided. The king on the other part took advise, how he might apprehend these lords (whom he took to be plain traitors) each one apart, before they might gather their strengths about them; and first, he sent the earl of Northumberland and others, unto the castle of Reigate, to take the earl of Arundel, who lay there at that present. But line 60 howsoever it fortuned, 
The earl of Northumberland sent to apprehend the earl of Arundel.  the earl of Northumberland came back, and failed to accomplish that which he had in commandment.  
After this, a great number were sent by night, to have laid hands on him, and to have brought him to the king's presence; or in case he resisted, to have slain him, if by any means they might: but he being warned by a messenger, that came to him from the duke of Gloucester, conveyed himself away, and with such bands as he had got together, 
The earl of Arundel joineth with the other lords.  road all that night, so that in the morning having passed thirty miles, not without great travel, and all speed possible, he was in the morning advanced to Haringie park, where he found the duke of Gloucester, and the earl of Warwick, with a great power of men about them. ¶ At the same time the king was about to set forward towards Canturburie, there to perform some vow of pilgrimage, which he had undertaken to make unto the shrine of Thomas Becket. But a brute was raised, and a slander (belike) contrived, to bring him in further hatred of his subjects, that he meant to steal over into France, unto the French king having promised to deliver up into his hands the town of Calis, with the castle of Guines, and all the fortresses which his predecessors had possessed in those parties, either by right from their ancestors, or by warlike conquest.  
Howbeit this his journey to Canturburie was suddenly stayed, upon knowledge had of the gathering together of the lords in Haringie park, wherewith the king being sore amazed, called together such as he trusted, to understand what their opinion was of the matter; and understanding that the purposed intention of the lords, for which they were so assembled, was to this end (as they pretended) to bring him unto a better trade of life, and more profitable order of government, he was straight stricken with no small fear, demanding of them their advise, 
Council taken how to deal against the lords.  what was best for him to do in such troublesome state of things. Some were of this mind, that it should be best to seek to appease the lords with fair promises, assuring them, that they should have their desires. Other thought it better to assemble the king's friends, and joining them with the Londoners, to go forth and try the hazard of battle with the lords. Among them that were of this mind, the archbishop of York was the chiefest. But other that were thought to understand more of the world than he did, judged it not wisdom so to do, considering that if the king lost the field, than should great harm and dishonour follow; and if the victory fell to his side, yet could he gain nought, but lose a great number of his subjects.  
This was in November, at what time the king, upon his returning from Canturburie, meant to have holden a parliament; but through those stirs, neither his journey to Canturburie, nor the parliament went forward: yet he caused order to be given, that no citizen of London should sell to the duke of Gloucester, the earl of Arundel, or any other of the lords, any armour, bows, arrows, or other munition, or matter that might tend to the furniture of war, upon a great pain. But notwithstanding, the lords went forward with their business; 
The lords send messengers to the king.  and before they approached the city of London, they sent to the king the archbishop of Canturburie, the lord john Lovel, the lord Cobham, and the lord john Devereux, requiring to have delivered unto them such as were about him, that were traitors and seducers both of him and the realm, that sought nothing else, but to trouble both poor and rich, and to sow discord and variance betwixt the king and his nobles. And further, they declared that their coming was for the honour and wealth both of the king and realm.  
But the king being ruled altogether by the duke of Ireland, the earl of Suffolk, and two or three other, was fully persuaded that the lords intended to bring him under their government, and therefore he was counseled to make the French king his sure friend in all urgent necessities. And to be assured of him, it was reported, that those councillors advised him to render up into the French kings hands the town of Calis, and all that he had else in possession, on the further side of the sea. Howsoever this matter went, truth it is, that the king sent for the mayor of London, 
A rash answer of the mayor of London.  requiring to know of him how many able men they thought the city could make. The mayor answered, that he thought verily the citizens might make in time of need, fifty thousand men, within an hours respite. Well said the king, than I beseech you go and prove what will be done. But when the mayor began to attempt the matter, he was answered generally, 
The Londoners refuse to fight against the lords.  that they would never fight against the king's friends, and defenders of the realm (as indeed they took the lords to be) but against the enemies of the king and realm they would always be ready to fight, and show what resistance they were able. This answer the mayor reported to the king. line 10  
At the same time there was about the king the lord Ralph Basset, who said thus to the king flatly and plainly: Sir, I have been, and ever will be your true liege man, and my body and goods shall ever be at your grace's commandment, in all justice and truth. 
The earl of Northumberlands and the lord Basset's words to the king in the behalf of the lords.  But nevertheless, hereof I assure you, that if my hap be to come into the field, I will without fail always follow the true part; and it is not I that will adventure to have my head broken for the duke of Ireland's pleasure. Likewise, the earl of line 20 Northumberland, being at that time in the court, spoke these words to the king; Sir, there is no doubt but these lords, who now be in the field, always have been your true and faithful subjects, and yet are, not intending to attempt any thing against your state, wealth, & honour. Nevertheless, they feel themselves sore molested and disquieted, by the wicked devices of certain persons about you, that seek to oppress them. And verily without fail, all your realm is sore grieved therewith, both great and small, as well line 30 lords as commons; and I see not the contrary, but they mind to adventure their lives with the lords that are thus in arms, specially in this case, which they reckon to be yours and your realms. And sir, now ye be in the chief place of your realm, and in the place of your coronation, order yourself now therefore wisely and like a king. Send to them to come before your presence in some public place, where they may declare unto you the intent and purpose of their coming, accompanied with so great a line 40 number of people into these parts, and I believe it verily, they will show such reasons that you will hold them excused.  
The archbishop of Canturburie, and the lord chancellor bishop of Elie, and other of the bishops also there present, affirmed the earls advise to be good. And the king considering wisely the case as it stood, began to be appeased, and accorded to follow their advise, desiring the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Elie, to advertise them of his pleasure, which line 50 was, that he willed them to come to him to Westminster, on sunday than next following; and so they repairing to the lords, made report to them of the king's mind and purpose. 
The lords take an oath together, to prosecute their purposed enterprise.  But the duke of Gloucester, and the other lords, were so fully bend in their opinion, that they swore all whole together, that they would never give over their enterprise, so long as they had a penny to spend, in maintenance of their cause: and if it chanced any of them to departed this life, the overlivers should persist therein, until the time that line 60 they had brought their purpose to some good effect.  
And because they doubted least the king might stir the city of London against them, 
The lords seek the favour of the Londoners.  they determined first to advertise the mayor and the city, how their coming was only to reform certain great enormities, which they set down in writing, & sent it to the mayor and citizens, beseeching them of their favour and counsel therein. This done, they determined yet to keep their day on the sunday following, to appear before the king's presence: but this was not got of them, till that the lord chancellor, with diverse other noblemen of good credit, had undertaken upon their oaths for the king's behalf, 
Thom. Wals.  that no fraud nor deceit, no peril nor evil pretence should be put in practice against the lords, whereby they might come to loss either of life, limb, or goods, or otherwise, through the king's means; but that if he should go about any such things, the said lord chancellor, and other the mediators should forewarn the lords thereof.  
When therefore the lords were ready, according to covenant, to come unto Westminster, 
An ambush at Mews.  they were secretly advertised, that there was an ambush laid in a place called the Mews, and so they stayed, and came not at the appointed hour. Whereupon, when the king demanded, how it fortuned that the lords kept not promise, the bishop of Elie lord Chancellor made him this answer; Because saith he, there is an ambush of a thousand armed men or more laid in such a place (and named it) contrary to covenant, and therefore they neither come nor hold you for faithful of your word. The king hearing this, was astonished, and said with an oath, that he knew of no such thing, & withal sent to the sheriffs of London, commanding them to go to the Mews, and (upon search made) if they found any force of men there assembled, to take and kill all such as they could lay hands upon. But sir Thomas Trivet, and sir Nitholas Brambre, knight, that had in deed assembled such a number of men, when they understood what order the king had given therein, they sent their men back to London.  
The lords, after this, receiving a safe conduct from the king, and perceiving all to be safe and clear, came unto Westminster with a strong power of men about them. The king, when he heard they were come, appareled himself in his kingly robes, and with his sceptre in hand came into the great hall at Westminster. 
The lords come before the king's presence in Westminster hall.  The lords as soon as they had sight of him, made to him their humble obeisance, & went forth till they came to the neither steps, going up to the king's seat of state, where they made their second obeisance; & then the king gave them countenance to come nearer to him, & they so did, kneeling down before him, & forthwith he rose from his place, and lovingly welcoming them, took each of them by the hand, and that done sat him down again. Herewith the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, as mouth to the king, declared unto these lords in effect as followeth. My lords (said he) our sovereign lord the king, 
The lord chancellor speaketh for the king to the lords.  hearing that you were assembled in Haringie park, in other manner than was convenient, would not forthwith run upon you with force to destroy you, as he might easily have done, if he had not wished your safety; for no man doubteth, but if his pleasure had been to gather an army, he might have had more people than you could have got to have taken part with you against him, and so happily much blood might have been spilled, which thing certainly our sovereign lord the king utterly abhorreth: and therefore using patience and mildness, he hath rather chosen to talk with you in peaceable wise, that he may understand the cause why ye have assembled so great a number of people together.  
The lords for answer hereunto said, that they assembled their forces together, 
The answer of the lords & their griefs.  for the profit both of the king and realm, and specially to take away from him such traitors as remained continually about him; to wit, Robert de Ueer duke of Ireland, Alexander Nevil archbishop of York, Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisilian that false justice, and sir Nicholas Brambre that disloyal knight of London; for so they termed them all. And to prove their accusations true, they threw down their gloves, protesting by their oaths to prosecute it by battle. Nay (saith the king) not so, but in the next parliament, which we do appoint before hand to begin the morrow after the Purification of our lady, both they and you appearing, shall receive (according to law) all that which reason shall appoint. And now to you my lords I speak, 
The king reproveth the lords doings.  by what mean or by what reason durst you so presumptuously take upon you within this my land to rise thus against me? Did you think to fear me with such your presumptuous boldness? Have I not armed men sufficient to have beaten you down, compassed about like a sort of dear in a toil? If I would: truly in this behalf I make no more account of you, than of the vilest skullions in my kitchen.  
When he had said these words, with much more, he lift up the duke of Gloucester that all this while kneeled line 10 afore him, and commanded the residue to rise also. After this, 
The king taketh both parties into his protection.  he led them courteously to his chamber, where they sat and drank together. And finally it was concluded, that they should all meet together again at the next parliament, and each one to receive according to justice: and in the mean time the king took aswell the duke of Gloucester, as the duke of Ireland into his protection, so that neither part in the mean time should hurt the other, nor presume to make any gathering of people until the time prefixed: line 20 and so this council broke up, and the lords departed. 
Grafton.  These things yet were done in absence of the forenamed persons whom the lords accused, for they durst not appear in presence of the lords; for if they had been espied, they had smarted for it, as was thought, without any respect that would have been had of the king's presence. And now, for somuch as it should be well known through all the city, that these lords had nothing offended him with their coming, the king caused a proclamation to be made, the tenor line 30 whereof was as followeth.  

A proclamation clearing the lords of treason.  
RIchard by the grace of God, etc. We will that it be known to all our liege people throughout our realm of England, that line 40 whereas Thomas duke of Gloucester, Richard earl of Arundel, & Thomas earl of Warwick, have been defamed of treason by certain of our councillors: we as it appertaineth, diligently searching the ground & cause of this defamation, find no such thing in them, nor any suspicion thereof: wherefore we declare the same defamation to be false, and untrue, and do receive line 50 the same duke and earls into our special protection. And because these accusers shall be notoriously known, their names are Alexander archbishop of York, sir Robert Ueere duke of Ireland, Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisilian lord chief justice, and sir Nicholas Brambre of London knight, who in like case shall remain till the next parliament, and there shall stand to their answers. But in the line 60 mean time we likewise take them into our protection, straightly charging and commanding, that no manner of person charge any of the forenamed, either privily or apertly, in word or deed, to hurt them, or cause any hurt to be done to them, but all quarrels & demands against them to be remitted, until the next parliament prefixed.   
Now to have all things in more perfect readiness and remembrance when the estates should be assembled, certain of the lords were appointed to sit in the mean time, to devise how they might proceed orderly in redress of such matters, as seemed to require some speedy reformation: neither did they think it good to departed in sunder, for fear to be entrapped through the malicious practice of their adversaries. Which doubt of theirs seemed afterwards to stand them in steed of great wisdom. For immediately after, their said adversaries came to the king, and declared how they were daily in danger of their lives, by reason of the malice which the lords had conceived against them only for the king's sake, and not for any matter of their own. And whereas the king had promised that they should appear at the next parliament, which was at hand, they told him plainly that they neither durst nor would put their bodies in such manifest danger. The king considering hereof, withdrew himself from the company of the lords that were assigned to fit at London, to deliberate of matters that were to be talked of and ordered in the parliament; and so that council was deferred and laid aside: and the king's councillors that stood in danger of their lives through the malice of the lords confederated with the duke of Gloucester, got them from the court, and withdrew some into this place and some into that.  
Among other the earl of Suffolk fled over unto Calis in secret wise, 
The earl of Suffolk fleeth over to Calis.  by the help of a knight called sir William Hoo, who holp to convey him thither. He had changed his apparel, and shaven his beard, and so disguised, counterfeited himself to be a poulter, and to sell certain foul which he had gotten, by which means he was not known, till at length coming to the gates of the castle (whereof his brother sir Edmund dela Poole was captain) he discovered to him (scarcely knowing who he was, by reason he was so disguised) the whole occasion of his repairing thither, requiring him to keep his counsel, and that he might remain with him in privy manner for a time, till he might hear more how things went in England, from whence he was thus fled, to avoid the bloody hands of his enemies, that sought his life. His brother doubting what might be laid to his charge if he should conceal this matter from the lord William Beauchampe lord deputy of the town, streightwaies advertised him thereof, who took order that the earl should forthwith be sent back again into England to the king, 
Grafton.  who received him with small thanks to them that brought him over, so that (as some writ) his brother being one, was committed to prison for disclosing him. But yet because it should not seem that he imprisoned him for that cause, he was shortly after set at liberty, and returned again to his charge at Calis. The earl was also permitted to go whither he would, although the king had undertaken to present him and others at the next parliament to answer their offences, as the same might be laid to their charge.  
¶ But here it may be doubted by the uncertainty of writers, whether the earl of Suffolk thus fled over to Calis, before the journey at Ratcote bridge, or after. But whether it chanced either after or before, it is certain that since the time that the lords had forced the king to promise to exhibit him and others at the next parliament to abide their trials, he durst not openly remain in the court, but taking leave of the king departed from him. Whereupon the king being out of quiet for the absence of him and other his best beloved councillors, whom he so much esteemed, and namely of the duke of Ireland, 
A commission to the sheriff of Cheshire to safe 〈◊〉 the duke of Ireland to the king's presence.  and the said earl of Suffolk, he appointed one Thomas Molineux constable of the castle of Chester, a man of high valiancy, and great power in the parties of Cheshire and Lancashire, to raise an army of men, with the assistance of the sheriff of Cheshire, to whom his commission of authority in that behalf, under the great seal was directed, to the end that they might convey the duke of Ireland in all safety unto the king's presence.  
The sheriff having received this commission, together with the foresaid Thomas Molineux raised a power, and such as refused to serve, in respect of such good will as they bore to the lords, he committed to prison, commanding the gailors to keep them streict in irons with bread and water till his return. moreover, line 10 the king sent to sir Ralph Uernon, & sir Richard Ratcliff, willing them to assist the other. And so thus they set forward with the number of five thousand men. 
The lords seek to stop the passage of the duke of Ireland.  When the lords understood that the duke of Ireland was marching towards London, with such a power of men, meaning to join with the Londoners, and so to make as it had been an invincible army, they bestirred themselves, and fell in hand to arm their men, and to exhort one another, that now they should not be negligent in their own defence, line 20 but make haste for the dispatching of those that craftily had gone about to conspire their deaths. And so these lords, to wit, the duke of Gloucester, the earls of Derbie, Arundel, Warwick, and Nottingham, assembled their powers out of all quarters, to encounter with the duke of Ireland; and when they had got their companies together, they forelaied all the ways by which he was thought to come.  
But the duke of Ireland having with him Molineux, Uernon, and Ratcliff, road forward in stately line 30 and glorious array, with an army (as ye have heard) of five thousand men, supposing that none durst come forth to withstand him. Nevertheless when he came to Ratcote bridge, not past four miles from Cheping Norton (which bridge if he could have passed, he had been out of the danger of all enemies) he suddenly espied where the army of the lords lay, not far distant from him, ready in the midst of a valley to abide his coming. Some of the earl of Derbies' company had broken the bridge, & so stopped his passage. line 40 He therefore perceiving his enemies intention, stayed, and caused the king's banner to be spread, and began to set a good countenance of the matter, and to exhort his people to show themselves valiant; and herewith caused the trumpets to sound. But when it appeared that as some were ready to fight in his quarrel, 
The duke of Ireland his soldiers revolt from him.  so there were other that quite forsook him, and said flatly they would not fight against so many noble men, in so unjust a cause: he being thereof advertised, began to wax faint-hearted, and to prepare line 50 himself to escape by flight; and declaring no less openly unto them, said: Before we come to join, I will seek to withdraw myself out of the way, and save myself if I can; for me they only seek, against you they have no quarrel, so that I being shifted away, you shall easily be preserved. Herewith one of the knights said to him; You have brought us out of our country, you have procured us to give you our promise, you have caused us to take this journey in hand: here therefore are we ready to fight & win the line 60 victory with you, if our hap be such; or if fortune will not so favour us, 
The duke of Ireland flieth from his army.  we are ready to spend our lives with you. No said he, ye shall not so do, and forthwith striking his horse with spurs, he fled from them for fear which had set wings on his heels, as one saith: 
Virg. Aeneid. 9 — pedibus timor addidit alas.  
Hereupon many that were with him, cursing this his demeanour, prepared to yield themselves to the lords. But Thomas Molineux determined to fight it out, sith the lords were not yet all come together to that place, but only the earl of Derbie and certain others. Nevertheless, after he had fought a while, and perceived it would not avail him to tarry longer, as one despairing of the victory, betook him likewise to flight, as the duke of Ireland had led him the way: and plunging into the river, which was at hand, it chanced that sir Thomas Mortimer being present amongst other at the same place, willed him to come out of the water unto him; for if he would not, he threatened to shoot him through with arrows in the river where he stood. If I come (said Molineux) will ye save my life? I will make thee no such promise (said sir Thomas Mortimer) but notwithstanding, either come up, or thou shalt presently die for it. Well then (said Molineux) if there be no other remedy, suffer me to come up, and let me try with hand-blowes, either with you or some other, and so die like a man. But as he came up, the knight caught him by the helmet, plucked it off his head, & streightwaies drawing forth his dagger, 
Thomas Molineux slain.  struck him into the brains, and so dispatched him. This was the end of sir Thomas Molineux, which through his bold and rash adventure, in a most dangerous and desperate case, he pulled upon himself; and might as well have avoided as incurred, if the same provident care of safety had taken him in the head that moved the duke of Ireland to take flight for his indemnity: wherein he seemed to remember that there is no safe attempting of any perilous enterprise without dread of danger: for he that can tell when a thing is to be feared, can tell in like sort when it is to be undertaken; as the wiseman very sententiouslie saith: Animus vereri qui scit, scit tutò aggredi.  
In the mean time, the duke of Ireland (as ye have heard) seeking to escape by flight, came to the rivers side; but finding the bridge broken, he galoped till he found an other bridge, where he found a number of archers ready to stop his passage. When he saw that he was thus enclosed with his enemies on the one side, and the river of Thames on the other, he thought to put all in adventure; and casting away his gauntlets, and sword (to be the more nimble) gave his horse the spurs, and leapt into the river; but missing the ford, and not able to land with his horse on the further side, he forsook him, and swimming over so well as he might, got to the bank, and so escaped. It was now night, and therefore his enemies having no knowledge of the country, followed him not; but his horse, helmet, curasses, gauntlets, and sword being found, it was thought verily that he had been drowned. The next news heard of him, was that he had passed the seas, and was got into Holland, 
The duke of Ireland flieth into Holland.  where he had no great friendly welcome, by reason that Albert duke of Baviere, who was lord of that country, bore such good will to his coosins of England, the dukes of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester, that he commanded this duke of Ireland to departed forth of his country, as immediately thereupon he did, from thence resorting to the bishopric of Utreict, and after into other countries, till finally he ended the course of his life, as after in place convenient shall appear.  
But now to return to the armies where we left them. After the duke was fled, and Thomas Molineux slain (as before ye have heard) the army of the lords set upon the people that were come with the duke of Ireland (as hath been said) forth of cheshire, Lancashire, and Wales; and taking them as enemies, spoiled them of their horse, armour, bows and arrows. The knights and esquires had their armour and horses again to them restored, and were retained with the lords to serve them: but the commons without either armour or weapon were sent home, and had no other harm done unto them. 
Letters found in the duke of Ireland's trunks.  The duke of Ireland's carriage being taken, letters were found in his trunks or males, which the king had written to him, exhorting him with all speed to repair unto London, with what power he might make, and there he should find him ready to live and die with him. Such was the conclusion of this battle, which happened near unto Burford, 
Burford.  fast by Bablake, to the great rejoicing of many through the realm, for that the enemies thereof (as they took the matter) were thus overthrown. But yet the escaping away of the duke of Ireland did somewhat mitigate their joy, for what was become of him it was uncertain. After this the duke of Gloucester, and the other lords went to Oxford, being sorry that their fortune was not to have taken the duke of Ireland. line 10  
At the same time, or rather before, the archbishop of York, and the lord chief justice sir Robert Trisilian, fearing the indignation of the lords, withdrew out of the way, 
Tho. Walsi.  and durst not be seen. But now the lords, who after the journey at Radcote bridge, were come (as ye have heard) to Oxford; we find that the same time a brute was raised (whether of truth or not, 
A brute raised that king Richard meant to yield up Calis into the French kings hands.  we have neither to affirm nor deny) how there was a messenger taken being sent from the French line 20 king with letters, in which was contained a licence of safe conduct, for the king of England, the duke of Ireland, and others, to come to Bullongue, with a certain number limited, where they should find the French king come down thither ready to receive them, to the end that for a certain sum of money, which the French king should give to the king of England, the town of Calis, and all the fortresses in those parts, which were in the Englishmen'S hands, should be delivered to the Frenchmen; and further line 30 that the king of England should do his homage to the French king, for the lands which he held in Gascoigne, and so to have acknowledged himself his liege man. The lords (as was reported) having got these letters, and taken counsel together how to proceed in their business, to bring the same to good end, removed from Oxford, and on Christmas even they came to S. Albon, and there stayed that day and the next.  
On saint stephan's day they took their way to line 40 London with an army of forty thousand men, 
The lords come to London with a great army.  as some writ; & coming into the fields besides Clerkenwell, mustered their men, being divided in three several battles very well appointed with armour and weapon, that it was a beautiful sight to behold them. The king kept his Christmas, 

K. Richard keepeth his Christmas in the Tower of London.  
The lords send to the Mayor and citizens of London to understand their meaning.   not at Westminster, but in the Tower; not doubting but there to be defended what chance soever should happen. The lords mistrusting the Londoners, lodged them with their people in the suburbs. They sent yet two knights, and line 50 two esquires, unto the Mayor and Aldermen of the city, to understand whether they were minded to take part with them, or with the duke of Ireland, and his adherents, traitors (as they termed them) both to the king and the realm. The Londoners were now in no small fear and perplexity, not knowing well what way was best for them to take, weighing divers perils; as first the king's displeasure, if they opened their gates unto the lords; and if they shut them forth, they feared the indignation and wrath of the line 60 commons that were come thither with the lords, and were ready to break down their walls and gates, 
The Londoners in great perplexity which part to take.  if they were never so little provoked. Besides this, they stood most in doubt, lest if the wealthiest citizens should not give their consent to receive the lords into the city, the meaner sort, and such as wished rather to see some hurlie burlie than to continue in peace, would seek by force to set open the gates, and make way for the lords and their people to enter, that they might make havoc, and spoil whatsoever might be found of value in the rich men's houses.  
These doubts with all the circumstances being well weighed and considered, 
The Londoners incline to the lords.  the Mayor Nicholas Exton, and certain of the chief men in the city, went forth to the lords, and offered them to lodge in the city at their pleasure, with all things necessary as they should devise. The Mai●● caused also wine, ale, bread, and cheese, to be distributed among the army, so as each one had part, which courtesy turned greatly afterwards to the commodity of the city. The lords upon search made, 
The lord●●●ter into L●●don.  perceiving that there was no guile meant by laying of men in ambushes within the city to entrap them, or otherwise, but that all was sure enough and clear without any such evil me●ning, they entered the city and there abode quietly. Then went the archbishop of Canturburie and others betwixt the king and the lords to make peace betwixt them. But the king at the first seemed little to esteem the matter, saying to the archbishop; Well let them lie here with their great multitude of people hardly till they have spent all they have, 
The king's Words touching the lords proceed.  and then I trust they will return poor enough and needy, and then I doubt not but I shall talk with them; and use the matter so as justice may require.  
The lords being informed hereof, were marvelously moved, and swore that they would not departed till they had spoken with him face to face, and forthwith they sent part of their companies to watch the Thames, for fear the king should scape their hands, and then laugh them to scorn. When the king than perceived himself to be enclosed on each side, he talked eftsoons with the archbishop and his associates that were messengers betwixt him and the lords, willing them to declare to the lords that he would be contented to treat with them in reasonable order; whereupon they required that he should on the morrow next ensuing come unto Westminster, where he should understand their demands. When the king heard that, he refused to come unto Westminster, but willed that they should come to him there in the Tower. The lords sent him word again, 
The lords refuse to come into the Tower but after search made they come thither to the king's presence.  that the Tower was a place to be suspected, for that they might there be surprised by some guileful practice devised to entrap them. The king hereunto made answer, that they might send some two hundred men, or so many as they should think good, to make a through search, whether they needed to fear any such thing; and this accordingly was done: they having the keys of the gates and of all the strong chambers, turret's, and places within the Tower sent unto them.  
On the friday, the duke of Gloucester, 
R. Grafton.  the earls of Derbie, and Nottingham, came to the king, where he was set in a pavilion richly arrayed; 
Thom. Wals.  and after their humble salutations done, and some talk had betwixt them, 
The lords open their griefs to the king.  they went at the king's request with him into his chamber, where they recited unto him the conspiracy of their adversaries, through which they had been indicted. They also showed forth the letters which he had sent to the duke of Ireland, to levy an army unto their destruction. Likewise the letters, which the French king had written to him, containing a safe conduct for him to come into France, there to confirm things to the diminishing of his honour, to the decay of his power, & loss of his fame. ¶ During the time of this communication also, the earl of Derbie desired the king to behold the people that were assembled in sight before the Tower, for the preservation of him and his realm: which he did, and marveling to see such a goodly army and strength, as he declared to them no less, the duke of Gloucester said unto him; Sir this is not the tenth part of your willing subjects that have risen to destroy those false traitors, that have misled you with their wicked and naughty counsel.  
The king being brought to his wit's end, aswell with those things which the lords had charged him with, as otherwise with the sight of that great multitude of people, seemed greatly amazed. Whereupon the lords, under condition that the next day he should come to Westminster to hear more of their minds, and to conclude further for the behoof of the commonwealth of the realm, began to take leave of him, 
R. Grafton.  meaning so to departed: but the king desired them to tarry all night with him and the queen. The duke thinking to make all sure, made excuse that he durst not be absent from all those folks, which they had brought with them, for fear that some disorder line 10 might arise, either in the army, or in the city: yet at the king's instance, the earls of Nottingham and Derbie tarried there all night. The king before his going to bed, 
Tho. Walsing. The inconstancy of the king  was quite turned concerning his determination and promise made to go the next day to Westminster, through such whispering tales as was put into his ears, by some that were about him, telling him that it stood neither with his safety, nor honour, so lightly to agree to departed from the tower, unto such place as the lords had thus appointed him, line 20 to serve more for their purpose than for surety of his person.  
When the lords therefore understood that he would not keep promise with them, they were greatly offended, insomuch as they sent him flat word, that if he would not come (according to promise) they would surly choose another king, that would and ought to obey the faithful counsel of his lords. The king with this message being touched to the quick, 
The K. is compelled to condescend to the lords request.  to satisfy their minds, and to avoid further peril, removed the line 30 next morning unto Westminster, where the lords coming before his presence, after a little other talk, they declared unto him, that aswell in respect of his own honour, as the commodity & wealth of his kingdom, it was behoveful, that such traitors, and most wicked & slanderous persons, as were nothing profitable, but hurtful to him and his loving subjects, should be removed out of his court; and that other that both could and would serve him more honourably and faithfully were placed in their rooms. line 40 The king, although sore against his mind, when he saw how the lords were bend, and that he wanted power to withstand their pleasures, condescended to do what they would have him.  
So when he had granted thereto, they judged that Alexander Nevil archbishop of York, john Fourdham bishop of Durham lord tresuror, Thomas Rushoke a friar of the order of the preachers, bishop of Chichester, and confessor to the king, were worthy to be avoided the court. But the archbishop of York, line 50 and the bishop of Chichester would abide no reckonings, but got them out of the way, and fled, it was not known whither. 
Certain persons put out of the court.  The lords did expel out of the court the lord Zou●h of Haringworth, the lord Burnell, the lord Beaumond, Albrey de Uéer, Baldwin de Bereford, Richard Aderburie, john Worth, Thomas Clifford, and john Lovel knights. These were dismissed out of the court, and removed from the king, but not discharged, for they were constrained to put in sureties to appear at the next parliament. line 60 There were also certain ladies expelled the court, 
Certain ladies expelled the court.  as those that were thought to do much harm about the K. to wit, the lady Poinings, wife to john Worth of Mown, and the lady Moulinge, with others, which also found sureties to answer at the next parliament, to all such things as might be objected against them. Moreover there were arrested and committed to several prisons, sir Simon Burlie, William Elmham, john Beauchampe of Holt steward of the king's house, sir john Salisbury, sir Thomas Trivet, sir james Barneis, sir Nicholas Dagworth, and sir Nicholas Brambre knights. Also Richard Clifford, john Lincoln, Richard Mitford the king's chapleins, and Nicholas Sclake dean of the king's chapel, whose word might do much in the court. There was also apprehended john Blake an apprentice of the law: all which persons were kept in streict ward till the next parliament, in which they were appointed to stand unto their trial and answers.  
Shortly after, to wit, the morrow after the Purification of our lady, the parliament began, 
The parliament that wrought wonders.  the which was named the parliament that wrought wonders. The king would gladly have prorogued the time of this parliament, if by any means he might. 
R. Grafton. Thom. Walsin.  The lords came to the same parliament, with a sufficient army for their own safeties. 
R. Grafton.  On the first day of this parliament, were arrested as they sat in their places, all the justices (except sir William Skipworth) as sir Roger Fulthrop, sir Robert Belknap, 
The justices arrested & sent to the tower.  sir john carry, sir john Holt, sir William Brooke, and john Alocton the king's sergeant at law, all which were sent to the tower, and there kept in several places. The cause why they were thus apprehended, was for that, where in the last parliament, 
Why the justices were apprehended.  diverse lords were made governors of the realm, both by the assent of the same parliament, and also by the advise and counsel of all the justices then being, and indentures tripartite thereof made, of the which one part remained with the king, an other with the lords so chosen to govern the realm, and the third part with the justices: and yet notwithstanding, the said justices at a council holden at Nottingham (as ye have heard before) did go contrary to that agreement. Whereupon it was now determined, that they should make answer to their doings.  
Moreover, in the beginning of this parliament, 
The duke of Ireland & his associates attainted of treason by this parliament.  were openly called Robert Uéer duke of Ireland, Alexander Nevil archbishop of York, Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk, sir Robert Trisilian lord chief justice of England, to answer Thomas of Woodstoke duke of Gloucester, Richard earl of Arundel, Henry earl of Derbie, and Thomas earl of Nottingham, upon certain articles of high treason, which these lords did charge them with. And forsomuch as none of these appeared, it was ordained by the whole assent of the parliament, that they should be banished for ever, and their lands and goods movable and unmovable to be forfeit and seized into the king's hands, their lands entailed only excepted. Shortly after was the lord chief justice, 
Trisilian chief justice descried by his own man is executed at Tyburn.  Robert Trisilian found in an apothecary's house at Westminster, lurking there, to understand by spies daily what was done in the parliament: he was descried by one of his own men, and so taken and brought to the duke of Gloucester, who caused him forthwith the same day to be had to the tower, and from thence drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged.  
On the morrow after, sir Nicholas Brambre, that sometime had been mayor of London, was brought forth to judgement and condemned, although he had many friends that made suit to save his life. This man had done many oppressions within the city of London (as was reported.) In his majoralty, he caused great & monstruous stocks to be made to imprison men therein, and also a common axe to strike off the heads of them which should resist his will and pleasure, for he was so highly in the king's favour, that he might do what he would. And the report went, that he had caused eight thousand or more to be indicted, which before had taken part with the lords, intending to have put them all to death, if God had not shortened his days. Many other evil favoured reports went abroad of him, as that he meant to have changed the name of London, and to have named it little troy, of which city baptized with that new name, he purposed to be entitled duke. But these were forged rumours devised and spread abroad in those days, as many other were, partly by the vain imagination of the people, and partly of purpose, to bring those whom the king favoured further out of the people's liking. 
Sir Nichol●s Brambre 〈◊〉 with an ox of his own devise.  But now touching sir Nicholas Brambre: in the end being thus called to answer his transgressions, he was found guilty, and had judgement, neither to be hanged, nor drawn, but to be beheaded with his own are which before he had devised: serving him herein as Phalaris the tyrant sometime served Perillus, the inventor of that exquisite line 10 torment of the brazen bull, wherein the offendor being put (and the counterfeit beast by force of fire made glowing hot) having his tongue first cut out, through extremity of pain made a bellowing always as he cried, as if it had been the very noise of a natural bull. Of which strange torment Perillus himself first tasted, suffering death by an engine of his own devising, which he thought should have purchased him a good living, whereof the poet saith: 

ovid. li. 1. de art.  V● Phalaris tauro violentus membra Perilli line 20  
Torruit, infelix imbuit autor opus.   
After this, sir john Salisbury, & sir james Berneis, 
diverse that stood against the lords executed.  both knights and lusty young men, were by judgement of parliament drawn and hanged. Then followed john Beauchampe of the Holt, lord steward of the king's house, that had served king Edward the third, and his son Lionel duke of Clarence: who likewise by decree of this parliament was drawn and hanged. Also john Blake esquire, who in an infortunate hour stood against the lords in the council line 30 at Nottingham, was now drawn and hanged, and so was one Thomas Uske. Last of all (or as some hold, first of all) was sir Simon Burlie beheaded, although the earl of Derbie did what he could to save his life, by reason whereof, great dissension rose betwixt the said earl, and the duke of Gloucester: for the duke being a sore and a right severe man, 
The duke of Gloucester a severe man.  might not by any means be removed from his opinion and purpose, if he once resolved upon any matter. Some spite he bore (as was thought) towards the line 40 said sir Simon Burlie, both as well for the faithful friendship, 
Sir Simon Burlie.  which was grown betwixt the duke of Ireland, and the said sir Simon, as also for that he looked to have had such offices and rooms which sir Simon enjoyed, by the king's gracious favour and grants thereof to him made, as the Wardenship of the cinque ports, and constableship of the castle of Dover, and the office of high chamberlain.  
¶ But now, because of all these which were condemned and executed at this parliament, in our common chronicles there is least written; and in Froissard, and line 50 diverse private pamphlets I have read most of this sir Simon, I have thought good to set down some part of his life, so largely as this volume may well bear▪ although a great deal more brief than where I found it. This sir Simon was the son of sir john Burly knight of the garter, and brought up in his youth under his kinsman doctor Walter Burlie, who (as in the latter end of king Edward the third you have heard) was one of the chief that had charge in line 60 the bringing up of the Black prince, eldest son to the said king Edward. By this occasion he grew into such favour with the prince, that afterwards the said prince committed unto him the governance of his son Richard of Bordeaux, who as he was of a gentle and courteous nature, began then to conceive so great love and liking towards him, that when he came to the crown and was king, he advanced him highly to great honours and promotions, in somuch that at one time & other he was made knight of the garter, constable of Dover, lord Wa●den of the cinque ports, lord chamberlain, 
* Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton, fol. 191.  earl of Huntingdon, and also one of the privy council to the king.  
Neither was there any thing done concerning the affairs appertaining unto the state without his counsel, appointment, and direction, wherein he so much favoured and leaned to the party of the duke of Ireland, that he was sore envied, and greatly hated of diverse of the rest of the nobility, specially of the king's uncle the duke of Gloucester, who upon malice that he bore to the man, not so much for his own demeanour, as for his allies, and peradventure for desire of his rooms, more than of his life, caused him to be accused of diverse offences against the crown, realm, and church; namely, for that he had (as they surmised against him) spoilt and wasted the king's treasure, and withholden the pay of the soldiers and men of war, whereupon he was arrested, called to account, & having no clerk allowed him to make up the same, was found in arrearages 250000 franks. And although for one part thereof he demanded allowance of money, which be had defrayed and laid out in Almain, and in Boheme, about the king's marriage, and for the residue desired days of payment, yet he could obtain neither. Further, he was accused that the duke of Ireland and he had gathered great sums of money, conveyed the same to Dover, and from thence sent it in the night by sea into Germany.  
lastly, the archbishop (forsooth) and the monks of Canturburie charged him that he sought the means to remove ●he shrine of the archbishop Thomas, otherwise called Thomas Becket, from Canturburie unto Dover, under a colour of fear, lest the Frenchmen being assembled in Flanders to invade England, should land in Kent and take Canturburie, and spoil it, where indeed (as they surmised against him) he meant to send it over the seas unto the king of Boheme. 
Froissard.  Hereupon he was first committed to the tower, and before the king or his other friends could procure his deliverance, he was without law or justice, before any of the residue (as some hold) brought forth and beheaded on the tower hill, by commandment of the duke of Gloucester, and other of his faction, quite contrary to the kings will or knowledge, in somuch that when he understood it, he spoke many sore words against the duke, affirming that he was a wicked man, and worthy to be kept shorter, sith under a colour of doing justice, he went about to destroy every good and honest man. The king was also offended with the duke of York, for his brother's presumptuous doings, though the said duke of York being verily a man of a gentle nature, wished that the state of the commonwealth might have been redressed without loss of any man's life, or other cruel dealing: but the duke of Gloucester, and diverse other of the nobility, the less that they passed for the king's threatening speech, so much more were they ready to punish all those whom they took to be their enemies. 
Thom. Wal●.  In deed the said sir Simon Burlie was thought to bear himself more lofty, by reason of the king's favour, than was requisite, which procured him envy of them, that could not abide others to be in any condition their equals in authority.  
It should appear by Froissard, that he was first of all, in the beginning of these stirs betwixt the king and the lords, committed to the tower, and notwithstanding all the shift that either the king, or the duke of Ireland, or any other of his friends could make for him, by the duke of Glocesters' commandment he was cruelly beheaded, so greatly to the offence of the king, and those that were his trusty councillors, that thereupon the king caused the duke of Ireland the sooner to assemble an army against the said duke and his complices, thereby ●o restrain their presumptuous proceed. But whether he was thus at the first or last executed, to please the king the better, now at this parliament, amongst others that were condemned in the same: his lands were given to the king, a great part whereof he afterwards disposed to diverse men as he thought expedient. But yet in the parliament holden in the one and twentieth year of this king's reign, the act of atteindor of the said sir Simon was repealed: and at an other parliament holden in the second year of king Henry the fourth, all his lands which then remained ungranted and unsold, were restored to sir john Burly knight, son and heir of sir Roger Burlie, brother to the said Simon, of whom lineally is descended Thomas Eins line 10 esquire, now secretary to the queen's majesties council in the north parts. And thus far touching sir Simon Burlie, of whom many reports went of his disloyal dealings towards the state, as partly ye have heard, but how truly the lord knoweth. Among other slanderous tales that were spread abroad of him, one was that he consented to the delivering of Dover castle by the king's appointment to the Frenchmen for money. But as this was a thing not like to be true, so (no doubt) many things that the persons line 20 aforesaid, which were executed, had been charged with, at the least by common report among the people, were nothing true at all; although happily the substance of those things, for which they died, might be true in some respect.  
Sir William Elmham that was charged also for withdrawing of the soldiers wages, discharged himself thereof, and of all other things that might be laid to his charge. 
Grafton.  As touching the justices, they were all condemned to death by the parliament, but such line 30 means was made for them unto the queen, 
The justices condemned to perpetual exile.  that she obtained pardon for their lives. But they forfeited their lands and goods, and were appointed to remain in perpetual exile, with a certain portion of money to them assigned for their daily sustentation: the names of which justices so condemned to exile were these, Robert Belknap, john Holt, john Craie, Roger Fulthorpe, William Burgh, and john Lokton. Finally, in this parliament was an oath required and line 40 obtained of the king, that he should stand unto and abide such rule and order as the lords should take: and this oath was not required only of the king, 
The king taketh an oath to perform the lords orders.  but also of all the inhabitants of the realm. ¶ In these troubles was the realm of England in these days, and the king brought into that case, that he ruled not, but was ruled by his uncles, and other to them associate.  
In the latter end of this eleventh year was the earl of Arundel sent to the sea with a great navy of ships and men of war. 
The earl of Arundel sent to the sea with a great navy, in aid of the duke of Britain.  There went with him in line 50 this journey, of noble men, the earls of Nottingham & Devonshire, sir Thomas Percy, the lord Clifford, the lord Camois, sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morieux, sir john Daubreticourt, sir William Shellie, sir john Warwick or Berwick, sir Stephan de Liberie, 
Peradventure Maluere, it may be Mongoinerie.  sir Robert Sere, sir Peter Montherie, sir jews Clanbow, sir Thomas Coque or Cook, sir William Paulie or Paulet, & diverse others. There were a thousand men of arms, and three thousand archers. The purpose for which they were sent, was to line 60 have aided the duke of Britain (if he would have received them) being then eftsoons run into the French kings displeasure, for the imprisoning of the lord Clisson constable of France.  
But after that (contrary to expectation) the duke of Britain was come to an agreement with the French king, 
Anno Reg. 12.  the earl of Arundel drew with his navy alongst the coasts of Poictou, and Xaintonge, till at length he arrived in the haven that goeth up to Rochel, and landed with his men at Marrant, four leagues from Rochel, and began to pilfer, spoil, and fetch booties abroad in the country. The Frenchmen within Rochel issued forth to skirmish with the Englishmen, but they were easily put to flight, and followed even to the bariers of the gates of Rochel. ¶ Perot le Bernois a captain of Gascoigne, that made war for the king of England in Limosin, and lay in the fortress of Galuset, came forth the same time, and made a road into Berrie with four hundred spears. The earl of Arundel, 
The earl of Arundel returneth out of France.  after he had lain at Marrant fifteen days, returned to his ships, and finally came back into England, and Perot le Bernois likewise returned to his fortress. ¶ About the same time was a truce taken betwixt the parties English and French on the marches of Aquitaine, to begin the first day of August, and to endure till the first of May next ensuing.  
¶ In this year 1388, in Lent, 

Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie.  
O Scotish cruelty and more than barbarous bloudthirstinesse.   the Scots entered into the western borders, & what with killing as also with burning they did much mischief. Moreover they showed extreme cruelty against young children and sucklings, against women big with child and in travel, against weak and weerish men and crooked with age, in the country of Gildisland, within the lordship of the lord Dacres, gathering them together into houses, and shutting them up, and locking the doors, they burned without mercy or pity to the number (as it was said) of two hundred and above.  
This year in August, 
An overthrow given to the Englishmen by the Scots at Otterburne.  the Scots invaded the country of Northumberland, and at Otterburne overthrew a power of Englishmen, which the earl of Northumberland and his sons had levied against them. In this battle the earl Dowglas chief of that army of Scots was slain, and the lord Henry Percy, and his brother sir Ralph, sons to the said earl of Northumberland, were taken prisoners, as in the Scotish chronicles ye may read more at large. After the feast of the nativity of our lady, 
Fabian. Caxton. A parliament at Cambridge.  a parliament was holden at Cambridge, in the which diverse statutes were ordained; as For the limiting of servants wages; For punishment of vagrant persons; For the inhibiting of certain persons to wear weapons; For the debarring of unlawful games; For maintenance of shooting in the long bow; For removing of the staple of wools from Middleburgh unto Calis; For labourers not to be received, but where they are inhabiting, except with licence under seal of the hundred where they dwell. There was also an act made, that none should go forth of the realm, to purchase any benefice with cure or without cure, except by licence obtained of the king; and if they did contrary hereunto, they were to be excluded out of the king's protection. There was granted to the king in this parliament, a tenth to be levied of the clergy, and a fifteenth of the laity. Moreover, during the time of this parliament, 
Sir Thomas Trivet slain with the fall of his horse.  as sir Thomas Trivet was riding towards Barnewell with the king, where the king lodged, by forcing his horse too much with the spurs, the horse fell with him so rudely to the ground, that his entrails within him were so burst and perished, that he died the next day after. Many rejoiced at this man's death, as well for that men judged him to be exceeding haughty and proud; as also for that he was suspected not to have dealt justly with the bishop of Norwich, in the journey which the bishop had made into Flanders: but specially men had an ill opinion of him, for that he stood with the king against the lords, counseling him in the year last passed to dispatch them out of the way. ¶ Sir john Holland, the king's brother on the mother's side, that was lately returned out of Spain, where he had been with the duke of Lancaster, was now made earl of Huntingdon.  
¶ In julie, whiles the king was at Shéene, year 1389 there swarmed together in his court great multitudes of flies and gnats, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knigh●on canon of Leicester abbeie.  insomuch that in manner of skirmishing they encountered each other; and making great slaughters on both sides, were in the end swept away from the place where they lay dead, 
Battle and slaughter between flies.  with brushes and béesoms by heaps. This was deemed an unlucky prognosticat of some mischief like to fall upon the neck of the land.  
Also in this twelfth year, were commissioners appointed to meet at Balingham, 
Commissioners sent to treat a truce between England, France, and Scotland.  betwixt Calis and Bullongne, to treat a truce to be had betwixt the realms of England, France and Scotland. Walter Skirlow bishop of Durham, that had been lately before removed from Bath unto Durham, from line 10 whence john Fordham had been translated unto Elie, was sent as head commissioner for the king of England, and with him were joined sir John Clanbow, and sir Nicholas Dagworsh, knights, and Richard Rowhale clerk, 
Froissard.  a doctor of law. By Froissard it appeareth that the earl of Salisbury was one, & sir Thomas Beauchampe lord deputy of Calis appointed likewise as an assistant with them. The bishop of Baieux, the lord Ualeran earl of S. Poule, sir Guillam de Melin, sir Nicholas Bracque, and sir line 20 john le Mercier came thither for the French king. And for the king of Scots there appeared the bishop of Aberdeine, sir james and sir David Lindsey, and sir Walter Sankler, knights. After long treaty, and much a do, at length a truce was concluded to begin at Midsummer next, and to last three years after.  
¶ In this year of Grace 1389, in the Lent time, there sprang a pitiful strife in Oxford, 

Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie.  
Scholars of Oxford together by the ears.   the variance in the year before being not fully allayed, but both sides always provoking each other. For the Welsh line 30 scholars being evermore quarelous, and having the southerly scholars taking their parts, rose against the scholars of the north, so that to and fro many a deadly mischief happened between them. In the end, this strife did so increase, that there was a dai● of skirmish appointed and agreed upon by both sides to be tried in the field. But by the means of Thomas of Woodstoke duke of Gloucester all this stir was appeased, and many of the Welsh scholars banished from the university. ¶ On the thursday before line 40 Easter (being mawndaie thursday) the lord Beaumond guardian of Carleill in the west marches entered Scotland forty leagues, & spoiling Fowike, made waste at his pleasure, and brought away with him many Scots prisoners & captives. ¶ About this time a truce of three years was taken between king Richard, 
Truce of 3. ye●rs between six kings.  the kings of France, Scotland, Spain, Portugal, and of Navarre. This truce began on the first day of August in the nearer parts of the realm both by sea and land; and on the fifteenth of line 50 August in the further parts, because knowledge could not be given thereof without some long time.  

The Scots in the time of treaty spoil the country of Northumberland.  Whilst the commissioners were occupied in the marches betwixt Calis and Bullongne about this truce, the Scots entering into Northumberland, did much mischief, leading away many prisoners, men and women, besides other great booties and preys which they got abroad in the country. The lord Thomas mowbray earl of Nottingham was sent with five hundred spears to revenge those attempts line 60 of the enemies: but for that his power was small in comparison to theirs, he prevailed little or nothing against them. Sir john Clanbow, and sir Richard Rovale clerk, took the French kings oath; and the earl of saint Paul that had married the lady Maud Courtnie with other noblemen, came into England, and received the king's oath here for the confirming of this last mentioned truce. 
The Scots having provided an army to invade England are hardly persuaded to accept the truce.  The Scots might not without much ado be persuaded to accept this truce, being ready the same time with an army to enter into England, but yet through the diligence of such Frenchmen as went thither for that purpose, at length they agreed.  
This year the king by counsel of some that were about him, called the nobles and great men of the realm together, and as they were set in the council chamber staying till he came: at length he entering into the same chamber, and taking his place to sit among them, demanded of them, 
The king's question to his lords and others in the council chamber.  of what age he was now? Whereto answer was made, that he was full twenty years old. Then (said he) I am of years sufficient to govern mine own house and family, and also my kingdom: for it seemeth against reason that the state of the meanest person within my kingdom should be better than mine. Every heir that is once come to the age of twenty years, is permitted, if his father be not living, to order his business himself: then that thing which is permitted to every other person of mean degree by law, why is the same denied unto me? These words uttered he with the courage of a prince, not without the instigation and setting on of such as were about him, whose drift was by discountenancing others to procure preferment to themselves, abusing the kings tender years and green wit, with ill counsel for their advantage: where as it had been more meet to have given him those precepts which Claudianus hath in his tract of the institution of a prince; and among others this: 
Non tibi quid liceat, 
Claudian.  sed quid fecisse decebit  
Occurrat, mentémque domet respectus honesti.   
When the barons had hard the words of the king, being therewith astonished, they made answer, that there should be no right abridged from him, but that he might take upon him the government as of reason was due. Well said he, ye know that I have been a long time ruled by tutors, so as it hath not been lawful to me to do any thing, were it of never so small importance, without their consents. Now therefore I will, that they meddle no further with matters pertaining to my government, 
The king taking upon him the government of all things displaceth divers officers & setteth others in their rooms.  & after the manner of an heir come to lawful age, I will call to my council such as pleaseth me, and I will deal in mine own business myself. And therefore I will first that the chancellor resign to me his seal. When the archbishop of York (who in the year last past ha● been removed from Elie unto York, and Alexander Nevil displaced) had delivered unto him the seal, the king receiving it of him, put it in his bosom, and suddenly rising, departed forth of the chamber, & after a little while returning, sat down again, and delivered the seal to the bishop of Winchester, William Wickham, 
Wickham bishop of Winchester made L. chancellor.  and so made him chancellor, although sore against the same bishops will. He made also many other new officers, removing the old, and used in all things his own discretion and authority. The duke of Gloucester, the earl of Warwick, & other honourable and worthy men, were discharged and put from the council, and others placed in their rooms, such as pleased the king to appoint. At the same time he made five new justices.  
¶ Of this assuming the regiment to himself, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  as diverse diversly report: so Henry Knighton a man living in those days, and committing to writing the occurrents of that tumultuous time, saith as followeth. In the month of May, the king held a council at Westminster, and in the feast of the Invention of the cross, coming personally to the council house he removed all the great officers (contrary to expectation and thinking) from their offices, and at his pleasure placed in their rooms whom he list. He removed the archbishop of York lord chancellor, and put in his place the bishop of Winchester: he removed the bishop of Hereford lord treasurer, and put another in his place: he removed the clerk of the privy seal, and all other: so likewise did he the justices of either bench. But least the affairs of the realm should in the mean while be hindered, he commanded the justices of law to follow and prosecute things requisite as they were wont, till such time as he was better advised touching the providing of other justices. The earl of Arundel likewise, unto whom the government of the parliament was committed, and the admeraltie of the sea, was removed; and the earl of Huntingdon put in his room. In like sort dealt the king with the residue of his officers, saying that he ought not to be inferior in degree & of less account than an other ordinary heir whatsoever within the realm of England; sith the law line 10 and custom of the realm of England averreth, that every heir being in the gardianship of any lord, when he is grown to be one and twenty years of age, ought presently to enjoy the inheritance left him by his father, and is lawfully to possess his patrimony, and freely to dispose and order his own goods and chattels to his liking. But now it is come to pass, that I thus many years have lived under your counsel and government; and now first to God, secondly to you, I give manifold thanks, that line 20 you have governed and supported me, mine inheritance, and my realm of England, as well within as without, & specially against our enemies round about us, all renown of honour and praise to us and our kingdom always safely reserved. But now God hath so dealt for us, that we are of full age, so that we are two and twenty years old at this present: and we require that we may freely and at liberty from this time forward rule and govern both ourselves and our inheritance; and we will line 30 have our kingdom in our own hands, and officers and servitors of our own appointing at our pleasure; secondly, as shall seem to us more available, by God's grace, to elect, choose, and prefer unto offices such as we do well like of, and at our pleasure to remove such as be presently resiant, and in their rooms to substitute and set others wheresoever and whomsoever we list. The king having thus spoken, there was not one that went about to break him of his will, but they all glorified God, who had provided line 40 them such a king, as was likely to prove discreet and wise.  

Anno Reg. 13. Wicklevists increase.  In this season, the followers of Wickliff's doctrine marvelously increased, specially in the diocese of Sarum, where they had many that took upon them as ministers, both to preach the word, and to dispense the sacraments. This they did in secret: but they were discovered by one that had been of their fellowship, who declared to the bishop of Salisbury at his man or of Sonning, all the whole circumstances line 50 thereof, as he knew. There were of them that preached in those days earnestly against pilgrimages, calling such images as the people had in most veneration, as that at Walsingham, and the rood of the north door at Paul's in London, rotten stocks, and worm eaten blocks, through which the unskilful people being mocked and deceived, were compelled most manifestly to commit idolatry. The bishops (saith Thomas Walsingham) hearing, beholding, and knowing these things with much more, to line 60 be true, did little or nothing to redress the same, save only the bishop of Norwich who stirred coals, swearing and staring, that if any of that sect presumed to preach any perverse doctrine within his diocese, he would cause them either to hop headless, or to fry a faggot for it: he was therefore not a little praised and extolled by the monks and other religious men (as should appear) for that his zeal.  

The duke of Lancaster returneth into England forth of Gascoigne.  In November, the duke of Lancaster came forth of Gascoigne into England, after he had remained first in Spain, and after in Gascoigne, three years together. Of his success in Spain is spoken before, & likewise of the agreement betwixt the king of Cast●le, & the said duke, which was not in all points confirmed, till a little before his return now into England. 
A council holden at Reding where the duke of Lancaster reconcileth the king and the lords.  About the same time the king had called a council of his nobility at Reading, to the which the duke of Lancaster made the more haste to come, because he knew that the king would show no good countenance to some of the noblemen; and therefore he doubted least malicious offences might arise betwixt them, which to appease he meant the best he could, and his travel came to good effect: for he did so much, that as well the king as the lords departed from the council as friends, the lords taking their leaves of him in loving manner, and he courteously bidding them farewell: and so each of them resorted unto their homes well pleased for that present. ¶ The king held his Christmas this year at Woodstoke, and the duke of Lancaster lay at his castle of Hertford.  
At the same time the lord john de Hastings earl of Penbroke, as he was practising to learn to just, year 1390 through mishap was stricken about the privy parts, 
The earl of Penbroke as he was learning to just is wounded to death.  by a knight called sir john S. john, that ran against him, so as his inner parts being perished, death presently followed. The loss of this earl was greatly bemoaned by men of all degrees, for he was liberal, gentle, humble, and courteous to each one, above all the other young lords in the land of his time. Of this earls ancestors this is reported for a thing strange and marvelous, that from the days of Aimer de Ualence earl of Penbroke, that was one amongst other that sat in judgement of Thomas earl of Lancaster, there was not any earl of Penbroke succeeding the same Aimer de Ualence, unto the days of this young earl by misfortune thus slain, that ever saw his father, nor yet any of their fathers might rejoice in the sight of any of their sons, being still called hence, before the time came for them so to do.  
¶ Now here, because this john Hastings, being the last of that surname and arms of the whole blood, 
Francis Thin, out of diverse ancient monuments belonging to the Hastings and others.  which of that line enjoyed any title of honour, I think it not unfit for this place (since other occasion will not be given therefore) to talk of the Hastings somewhat higher than this man: though not from the shell to perpetuate the memory of them, the which I have now done, lest otherwise by ingrate oblivion it might never hereafter come to light. In which I will not begin from the first honourable Hastings, whose blood by many descents continued, is thought by most ancient monuments, which I have seen and read, to have been a baron before the conquest in this land, and to have borne the same cote in the field, which this now slain earl of Penbroke did: whereof hereafter in my descriptions and lines of the earls of Penbroke I will make more ample discourse in a new book (if God give good success therein) only at this time making some small repetition from that Henry Hastings, from whom the Hastings (in respect of the marriage of Alda daughter to Davie earl of Huntingdon, brother to William king of Scots) did descend: who (amongst others) in the reign of Edward the first, made title to the kingdom of Scotland. The original of which name in this treatise I will neither flatteringlie defend, nor obstinately reject, to have grown from Hastings the Dane, who in the reign of Alured (long before the conquest, about the year of our redemption 890) came with Rollo into England, and for a certain space infested this nation, departing aside to France. And now to the purpose.  
Henry lord Hastings (who bore for his arms gold a manche gules) married Alda (or Ada) the fourth daughter of David earl of Huntingdon, she being one of the heirs to john Scot earl of Chester, & of Huntingdon (which died without issue) son of the said David, and brother to the said Ada. To this Henry and Ada did Henry the third king of England, in the two & twentieth of his reign (in place of the portion of her brother's lands, which should have descended to her as parcel of the earldom of Chester, for that the king would not have the said earldom divided amongst distaffs) give in exchange certain lands mentioned in this deed following.  

The grant of Henry the third, to Henry Hastings and Ada his wife, for the exchange of lands for her part of the line 10 earldom.  
OMnibus, ad quos, &c: salutem. Sciatis quòd concessimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, Henrico de Hastings, & Adae uxorieius, pro rationabili part sua, qùae praedictam Adam contingent, de haereditate johannis quondam comitis Cestriae fratris ipsius Adae in Cestershire, faciendo eis rationabile excambium, ad valentiam praedictae partis ipsam line 20 Adam contingentis de praedicto come. Cestershire. Et ad maiorem securitatem concessimus eidem Henrico & Adae manerium nostrum de Bremesgraue cum pertinentibus in comitatu Wigorniae, manerium nostrum de Bolisoure cum castris & pertinentibus in come. Derby, manerium nostrum de Mountesfeld cum Soka cum pertinentibus in comitatu Nottingham, manerium de Worsfeld cum pertinentibus in come. Salop. manerium line 30 de Stratton cum pertinentibus in eodem come. 
Strattondale.  manerium de Wiggutton cum pertinent. in come. Stafford, & manerium de Woluerhamton cumpert. in eodem come. in tenentiam. Tenendum eisdem Henrico & Adae & haeredibus ipsius Adae, quo usque praedicta pars ipsam Adam contingens & de praedicta haereditate extenta fuerit, & rationabile excambium in praedictis terris vel alias eis assignaverimus. In cuius, etc. Teste rege apud Ditton 11. Innij, anno line 40 regni nostri 22.   
The which manors the said Henry and Ada did hold during the life of the said Ada, in peaceable and quiet possession. After her death the said Henry goeth into Gascoigne, where he remained steward until the coming of Henry the third, at what time the said Henry surrendered his office, but the king importunate with him still to retain the same, he flatly denied it, and would no longer remain there, suddenly returning into England without licence line 50 or knowledge of the king, for which contempt the king grievously incensed, in revenge and for satisfaction of the same, made the same lands to be extended by Thomas Paslew and others, who by the king's process extended part thereof to a ●reble value, after which extent returned into the chancery, the king seized the manor of Bremesgrave, Bolesoure, Strattondale in Norton, & left in his hands the manors of Lierton, Oswardbecke, Cundoner, Wourfeld, and Wigutton, whereof the said Henry line 60 died seized. Two years before which grant of the lands before said to this Henry, to wit, in the twentieth year of Henry the third, the said Henry Hastings made his petition to serve in the pantrée (as he was bound by tenure) at the coronation of every prince, the record whereof in the ancient written book of the earls of Huntingdon, is in these words following. 

The record by which Henry Hastings executed the office of the panteller.  
VIcesimo Henr. tertij quo coronata fuit regina Elionara filia Hugonis comitis Provinciae apud Westm. factae sunt contentiones magnae de seruitijs ministralibus, & de iuribus pertinentibus ad eorum ministeria, sed respectuatur, iuribus singulis saluis, ut tumultus requiesceret usque ad quindena Paschae sequentis, etc. Et Henricus de hastings, cuius officium seruiendi de mappis à veteri vendicavit officium illud, & habuit. Nam quamuis Thurstanus vendicavit officium illud, asserens suum esse debere à veteri, tamen rex repulsat, & admisit Henricum de hastings, ea die assignans eisdem diem de contentione finienda ad praedictum terminum. Extractas verò post prandium mappas tanquam suas ad officium pertinentes recepit.   This Henry had by Ada his wife, his son & heir Henry Hastings, from whom Buchanan doth say that Henry Hastings now earl of Penbroke is descended, whereof I will not now here dispute.  
Henry Hastings knight, son of Henry, after the death of his father, finding himself grieved that the inheritance, which should have descended unto him from his mother, was so withholden from him for the offence of his father, contrary to law and justice, and without judgement, but by the king's power, pursued a bill against the king, thereby to have remedy and restitution, for the supposed false return of the extent which was made against his father; and upon the same bill, this Henry Hastings obtained a new writ to make a fresh extent directed to master Thomas of Wimundham, Robert de la Lay, Robert de Solham, Hugh Peeche, & Thomas de Braie, to understand if the remnant of the lands to him descended, beside that by the king extended, would countervail the value of such lands as he should have by descent from and of the earl and earldom of Chester, which ma●ter never being ended in his time, was afterward prosecuted of the Hastings from parliament to parliament, until the thirty fourth year of Edward the first, as more plainly shall after appear▪ Of this Henry, Hollingshed entreateth much in the reign of Henry the third: this man (being he that in the time of Edward the first, made title to the crown of Scotland) married jone one of the daughters of William Cantulpe lord of Aburgavenie, in the right of Eva, one of the daughters and heirs of William Bewsa or Brewcusa, for I find both written, of which jone this Henry had issue john Hastings his son and heir, Edmund which married Isabella, & had great possessions in Wales: Ada first married to Robert de Champaign: Lora married to sir Thomas the son of sir john de Latimer, and jone which was a nun at Nottingham.  
john Hastings knight, son of the last Henry, was borne at Asleghe, in the year of our Lord 1262, and in the six & fortieth year of the reign of Henry the third. This man after his father's death did (in the year of our Lord 1274, and the second year of the reign of Edward the first, being the king's ward) demand the execution of his office of the pantry, at the coronation of queen Elinor wife to Edward the first, but could not execute the same by reason of his nonage, and also for that he was in ward to the said king. After, when he was grown to full years, there arose in the year of our Lord 1305, and in the thirty third year of the reign of Edward the first, great contention between Antony Beak bishop of Durham, this john Hastings, john Balliol, and Robert Bruse, for the manors of Penrith, Castlesoure, Salgkill regis, Lange Worthbie, Carlaton, and of Werkine Tinehale, whereof Henry king of Scots (kinsman of the said Robert Bruse, john Balliol, and john Hastings, whose heir they were) died seized in his demesne of fee. In which suits after many delays made, and many summons against the said bishop, the plea went without day, because the bishop must go to Rome. But after his return the suit being revived and continued, it went once more without day, because the king seized the same into his hands, and held it all the time of his reign. These things thus done, and Edward the first departed, this john Hastings as yet not hasty to renew his suit of the land, but rather to execute his right of the pantry, did in the first year of Edward the second, demand the executing of that office, line 10 at the coronation of the said Edward the second and Isabella his wife at Westminster, which he obtained, and laid the clothes and napkins in the great hall by him and other his knights, one the tables whereat the king, the queen, and other great states should dine, which (according as I have seen noted) was in this sort.  

The order and number of clothes laid line 20 at the king's table, and how john Hastings had them for his fee.  
AD altam sedem ipsius regis tres mappas, & super alias mensas in eadem aula 28 mappas, unde quaelibet pecia continebat 4, & in parva aula coram regina, & alibi in illa parva aula 14, quarum quaelibet pecia continebat 3. Et dum fuerunt ad comestum, mappas per se & suos custodiebat, & line 30 post comestum illas trahebat, & defer faciebat seruientes ad seruiendum, & istas cum suis loquelis ●abebat sine voluntate vel cum voluntate, & eas de●inebat per totum festum coronationis, licèt petitae erant deliberatione, primò à senescallo regis, postea ab ipso rege, per quod idem rex praecepit domino Willielmo Martin, & alijs senescallis suis, quòd plenam & celerem justiciam ei facerent, & deliberationem de mappis praedictis si fuerit faciendum. line 40 Qui inde postea nihil facere volverunt, aut non curaverunt toto festo coronationis praedictae, nec postea in congregationibus. Per quod postea dominus johannes de Hastings f●cit petitiones suas domino regi, & concilio suo, quòd feodum suum mapparum praedictarum ei deliberaretur, pro ut ei de iure fuerit deliberandum. Et quòd fecit seru●tium suum debito modo, prout antecessor suus fecit longo tempore Henrici regis, quando habuit feodum suum, tempore quando desponsavit Elionaram line 50 filiam comitis Provinciae, tanquam pertinens ad manerium suum de Asheley in comitatu North. pro ut patet in Memorandum ipsius regis in camero suo de scaccario diversis locis in istis verbis.  
* Williame de Hastinges tient demye fee de chevalier in Asheley du roy a fair le service per seriante deestree panetre le roye, which is found in the fourth leaf of Chester beginning, Le count Roger le Bigot, in the title of ●schetes of seriantie in the county of Norfolk. line 60 Touching which it is thus further found in the same place. * Henry de Hastings tient en Asheley du roye per s●●giante de la panetre, fo. Syesme. * Henry de Hastings tient un seriante de la panetre le roy en Asheley, & vauty per an. ●. sol. fol. 9 * Williame de Hastings tient un fee de chiualer en Asheley sertante deestree despenser en le despons. le roy. fo. 4. * Henry de Hastings tient un terr en la ville de Asheley per le service deestree le dispensed.   
Which petitions and all other petitions for his part of his land in the king's hands, by the censure made in the time of Henry the 3, the said john Hastings lord of Aburgavennie did pursue from parliament to parliament, until the parliament holden at York a●ter Michaelmas, where supplication was made to the king, by him and others, that he might remain with the king in Gascoigne, as his steward or marshal: which if he would perform, all his foresaid petitions and all other petitions which were reasonable, should be granted unto him. By occasion whereof he granted unto the kings and the nobles request: so that the king would find him pledges due therefore, and that he might obtain justice in his inheritances, and those his lawful suits, which had been hitherto denied unto him, which thing the king faithfully promised in every respect to be performed towards him: whereupon he sailed into Gascoigne, in the year of Christ 1302, being the 31 of Edward the firs●, the wednesday after the feast of S. Lucy. But for this fair show, it seemeth he sped never the better: for which cause not being restored in the 34 year of Edward the first, he pursued his suit afresh, and had from the king at York this definitive sentence, delivered by the mouth of Walter Langhton, than the king's treasurer (as I find by such notes as I have seen) that he should seek the records of the chancery, and bring them to the next parliament, which the said john did. At what time he brought forth the former grant of Henry the third, of the said lands given in recompense of his part of the earldom of Chester. After which yet it was agreed by the king and his council for diverse considerations (and mostly (as I suppose) because he had refused to serve in Gascoigne, and only went as it were enforced) notwithstanding all that the said john could allege▪ that he should take nothing for his petition, but further to be in the king's mercy for his false claim: the whole process whereof I have seen in an ancient written monument of French. All which (as I gather) was done in the life of Edward the first (notwithstanding that I have a little unorderly before treated of the executing of his office of the pantry at the coronation of Edward the second, son to Edward the first) as may be confirmed by Piers Longtoft in these verses: 
Et pour peril eschever toutz apres promised  
Ke jean de Hastin chevalier e lit  
Emerie de la Bret barone ne pas petit  
Alan● in Gascoigne touse sans contredit  
Pour la term attendue del trevis avant dit.   
This john married two wives both called Isabella, whereof the first was Isabella de Ualence, one of the daughters and heirs of William Ualence earl of Penbroke & lord of Aburgavennie, but how the said Wil Ualence came to the honour of Aburgavennie, since William Cantelupe before named was once lord thereof, and much about that time, I can not yet certainly learn. But yet I following good authority have set down this Ualence to be lord of Aburgavennie, 
Registrum comitum de Huntingdon.  & that he gave the same to one john Hastings, which must needs be this man, marrying his daughter. The other wife of this john Hastings, was Isabella the daughter of Hugh Spenser earl of Winchester. By his first wife he had six children, to wit, john Hastings his heir, William Hastings that married Elinor the daughter of sir William Martin, which died without heirs; Henry Hastings that was a clerk, and Elizabeth Hastings married to Roger Greie lord of Ruthine son of sir john Greie, of whom is descended Henry earl of Kent now living. jone married to Edmund Mortimer, by whom she had no issue, being after married to William de Huntingfield, by whom she had Roger de Huntingfield: and Margaret Hastings married to William the son of William Martin lord of Keminies ' By Isabella Spenser his second wife▪ he had three children, to wit, Hugh Hastings lord of foliot, of whom shall be more entreated, when we come to the last john Hastings earl of Penbroke slain at tilt, as before. Thomas Hastings, and Pelagia de Huntingdon. His first wife Isabella Ualence died 1305, being the 31 of Edward the first, and was buried at the friar minors in Coventrie. His second wife overliving her husband, was after married to sir Ralph Monthermer, for which marriage the said Ralph was fined by Edward the second at a thousand marks, as appeareth in the rolls of the chancery line 10 of 13 of Edward the second: she died the 9 of Edward the third, & was buried in the friar minors of Salisbury. This john Hastings departed this life 1313, the sixth year of the reign of Edward the second.  
john Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgavennie, was borne in the fifteenth year of Edward the first, in the year of Christ 1287. For at the death of his father, which happened (as before) in the sixth year of Edward the second, he was found to be of the age of line 20 six & twenty years, which if it be added to the year of our Lord 1287, make up the full number of 1313, in which his father died. This man in the eight year of Edward the second at the parliament holden at London in the Carmelite friars, b●ing about the year from the birth of Christ 1314, renewing the suit to the king (after the death of Antony Beke bishop of Durham, which happened in the year of our Lord 1●10) for the lands, whereof his father had the said bishop in suit, and which were after seized into the line 30 kings hands, as before appeareth, in the life of his father. It was then found upon search, that sir john Ballioll (who was party to the said suit before) had the realm of Scotland by award: by reason of certain lands that he gave to sir Antony de Beke the bishop of Durham: for which cause it seemed king Edward the first seized the same lands into his hands as forfeit to him, in that they were after the manner of a bribe given to the said bishop, to support the suit of the said john Balliol for the obtaining of the line 40 crown of Scotland. And for that cause this john Hastings was counseled by such as willed him well, that he should surcease his suit, and so he did. This john Hastings married julian the daughter of Thomas lord Leiburne the son of William lord Leiburne, and had by her Laurence de Hastings: after which this john Hastings died in the eightéenth year of Edward the second, and in the year of our Lord 1325. His wife julian lived many years after, and surrendered her life in the forty one year of Edward line 50 the third, and in the year of our Lord 1366.  
Laurence Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgavennie, was also afterward earl of Penbroke, he was borne about the thirteenth year of Edward the second, being also about the year of our redemption 1320: which is proved by this, that the said Laurence was five years old at the death of his father, which (as before is said) happened in the year 1325, and in the eighteenth of Edward the second, at what time he was seized as the king's ward, and committed to line 60 the government of tutors, appointed him by the said Edward the second. This Laurence Hastings for the nobility of his race, the activity of himself, the largeness of his possessions, and his familiarity with the king, was created earl of Penbroke, about the one and thirtieth year of the reign of king Edward the third. He married Anne or Agnes the third daughter of sir Roger Mortimer the first earl of March, by whom he had issue john Hastings.  
john Hastings earl of Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgavennie and Weifford in Ireland, the son of Laurence Hastings the first earl of Penbroke of that name, did in the forty one year of Edward the third, being about the year of our Lord 1369, enfeoff diverse persons of the manor of Lidgate in Suffolk, of which town was john Lidgate the monk of Berie and famous poet of England surnamed. After which in the forty six year of Edward the third, and in the year of our Lord 1371, when the Frenchmen besieged Rochel, he was sent with an army of men to the rescue of the same. But being set upon by the Spanish navy in the haven of Rochel, they slew and took many of the English, burnt their navy, and carried the earl with sundry other prisoners into Spain; where this earl a long time remained prisoner. Which misfortune was justly supposed to have fallen upon him, because he was a man of evil life, given greatly to lechery, an infringer of the liberties of the church, and a persuader of the king that he should (for his wars) more grievously exact many subsidies and contributions upon the clergy than upon the laity. After that he had been long prisoner in Spain (by the space almost of three years) he was ransomed for a grreat sum of money, by Bertram Cleikine, and died (as I conjecture by some sufficient proof) between Paris and Calis, as he came into England, in the forty ninth year of Edward the third, in the year of our Lord 1374: so that he never fully paid his ransom. He had two wives, Margaret the daughter of Edward the third, & Anne the daughter of sir Walter Mannie and of Margaret Segraue made duchess of Norfolk in the time of Richard the second: but when he married these wives, I can not certainly find. And in the earl of Kent's book (which treateth of the contention of the Hastings and the Greys, for bearing of the arms of Hastings) there is no mention made (as far as my memory serveth) of the said Margaret; the reason whereof I suppose to be, for that this john Hastings had no issue by her: and that book only served to convey a lineal descent from the Hastings to entitle the Greys. This john Hastings had by his second wife (Anne) a son called john Hastings, which after succeeded his father in all his inheritances.  
But before I say any more of the Hastings, I think it not amiss to give some warning of an error in Polydore of Urbin, writing that Anne the countess of Penbroke (wife to this man, for none of the earls of Penbrokes had any wife so named within the compass of years wherein Polydore appointeth this time) descended of a noble house of S. Paul in France, a woman of great virtue, and a lover of learning and of learned men, founded a house in Cambridge, to this day called Penbroke hall: which in truth was not builded by her, but by Marie the wife of Odomare or Aimer de Ualence earl of Penbroke, who was slain at tilt in the one & twenty year of Edward the third, in the year of our Lord 1374: which was thirty seven years before the death of this john Hastings earl of Penbroke: which Marie was in very deed the daughter of Guy earl of S. Paul, the kinswoman of Edward the third, and a French woman. This woman being in one day (& that the day of her marriage) a maid, a wife, & a widow (her husband being that day slain at tilt) did in her widowhood (in the one & twentieth year of Edward the 3, in the year of our Lord 1374) erect that house in Cambridge upon her own ground, and appointed the same to be called the hall of Marie Ualence, or Penbroke hall; by means whereof it was long after called Aula Valentiae Mariae.  
Now to return (where I left) to the last wife of this john Hastings called Anne, she (after the death of her husband) did at ●he coronation of Richard the second, in the year of Christ 1382, being about the fift year of the reign of the said Richard, sue by petition to execute by her deputy the office of the panteler by reason of the manor of Ashley, which she had for her jointure, whereunto she was admitted, & by her deputy sir Thomas Blunt knight did perform the same: as this record doth testify, in which is set both her petitions, and the judgement thereof in this form. 

The record whereby dame Anne Hastings clameth the office of the pantry. line 10  
ITem Anna quae fuituxor johannis Hastings nuper comes Penbrochiae porrexit in curia quandam petitionem suam in haec verba. A treshonore seigneur le duke de Lancast. & senescall d' Angliter supply Anne que fuit le femme Iohn de hastings nadgares county de Penbroke, qui come le mannor de Asheley in le come. de Northfolke soit tenens de nostre seigneur le roy par le service de fair le office line 20 de napperie all coronement le roy, quel mannor soel tient en dower del dowement son dit baron. o'er plest luy accepter deal fair son office person deputy, a cestie coronement nostre seigneur le roye, pernant les fees du dit office ceastascavoir les nappes quant il sont sustreytz. Et quia post ostensionem verisimilium evidentiarum & rationum ipsius Annae, ac proclamationem in curia praedicta debitè factam, in hac part nullus huiusmodi clamor ipsius line 30 Annae contradixit: consideratum fuit quòd ipsa ad officium praedictum per sufficientem deputatum suum faciendum admitteretur, & sic officium illud per Thomam Blunt militem, quem ad hoc deputavit, dicto die coronationis in omnibus perfecit, & peracto prandio mappas de mensis subtractis pro feodo suo recepit.   Thus this much touching this john Hastings earl of Penbroke and dame Anne Mannie his wife. line 40  
john hastings (the son of john Hastings last recited) was earl of Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgavennie & Weisford, who being very young at the time of his father's death, was ward first to Edward the third, and then to Richard the second, but never saw his full age of one and twenty years, nor ever possessed the lands whereunto he was borne: for not long after that he had married Philip the second daughter of Edmund Mortimer (earl of March Ulster and lord of Wigmore) he was [about the ninetenth line 50 year of his age, the fifteenth year of king Richard the second, and the year of our redemption 1391, being a youthful and lusty young gentleman (but tender and slender) in the Christmas time, when the K. held that feast at Woodstoke in Oxfordshire] willing to learn to just, whereupon in the park then encountering with a knight called john saint john (a valiant and stout person) he was slain when they ran together, as the said knight did cast his spear line 60 from him, and so the said earl receiving this manner of death, no man knew whether it happened by mishap or of purpose. To which john Hastings now slain, Margaret Segraue duchess of Norfolk his grandmother (by his mother the daughter of sir Walter Mannie) was executrix and disposer of all his substance. After his death, his widow the lady Philip was married to Richard earl of Arundel, & after that to john lord saint john, being the same man (as I suppose) which slew her first husband this john Hastings. But here before the death of this john I must not forget, that though he were within age at the coronation of Richard the second, as not being past nine or ten years old; he sued to execute at the said coronation, the offices which his ancestors had afore performed. But because his mother had the manor of Ashley in dower (as is before expressed) he did not sue to serve in the pantry, but leaving that, demandeth the carrying of the second sword and the golden spurs before the king. The records of both which I have here set down.  

The petition for the second sword which the earl of Arundel also claimed to bear, was in this sort.  
johannes de Hastings nuper comes Penbrochiae protulit quandam petitionem in haec verba. A treshonoree signior le duke de Lancastre & seneschal d' Angleterre, john fitz & heir john de hastings count de Penbroke, que come il tient le castle de la ville de Tynbye, le grange de Kingswood, le commote de Craytrath, le mannor de castle Martin, & le mannor de Traygaire per service de porter le second espee devant le roy a son coronement: qui pleast a luy, accepter a son dit office a fair o'er a ceste coronement. Et super hoc Richardus comes Arundel & Surrey exhibuit in curia quandam aliam petitionem in haec verba. A roy de castle & de Lion duke de Lancastre & senescall d'Angleterre, supply Richard count de Arundel & Surrey, de luy recever afaire son office, a porter le s●condespee devant le roy o'er a son coronement, que luy apper●ient de droit pur le county de Surrey. Quibus petitionibus intellectis & auditis, & hinc inde dictorum ●omitum rationibus, pro eo quod dictus johannes comes Penbrochiae (qui infra aeta●ē in custodia regis existit) ostendit curiae meliores & verisimiliores rationes pro se, quàm praedictus comes Arundell pro ipso monstravit. Dominus rex declarata coram eo materia praedicta, praecepit Edmundo comiti mariscallo, quòd ipse gladium praedictum ista vice in nomine iure praedicti comitis Penbrochiae deferret, saluo iure alterius cuiuscunque. Qui quidem mariscallus gladium illum ex hac causa die coronationis gestabat calcaribus deauratis.   

The other bill exhibited for the golden spurs, is registered in this order.  
johannes filius & haeres johannis de Hastings nuper comitis Pembrochiae exhibuit in curia quandam petitionem in haec verba. A treshonore seigneur le roy de castle, etc. Et seneschall d'Ang●terre, supply Iohne fitz & heir John Hastings nadgares count de Penbroke, de estre receive a son office de porter les grandes esperon, d'oores devant le roy nostre seigneur o'er a son coronement, en mannor come William le marischall son ancestor les porta il coronoment de roy. Edw. audita & intellecta bill● praedicta, pro eo quòd johannes est infra aetatem & in custodia domini regis, quanquam sufficientes ostendit curiae recorda & evidentias, quòd ipse seruitium praedictum de iure facere deberet; consideratum extitit, quòd esset ad voluntatem regis, quis dictum seruitium ista vice in iure ipsius johannis faceret. Et super hoc rex assignabat Edmundum comitem mariscallum, ad deferendum dicto die coronationis praedicta calcaria in iure ipsius haeredis▪ Saluo iure alterius cuiuscunque, & sic idem comes mariscallus illa calcaria praedicta in dicto die coronationis coram ipso domino rege deferebat.   
In this john Hastings ended all the honourable titles of the Hastings, because this man dying without issue, his inheritances were dispersed to diverse persons; for the honour of Penbroke came to Francis at court by the king's gift, the baronies of Hastings and Weisford came to Reinold Greie of Ruthine, the barony of Aburgavennie was granted to William Beauchampe of Bedford: for all which lands, and for the bearing of the arms of this same john Hastings without difference, great contention line 10 grew between sir Edward Hastings knight (descended of Isabella Spenser) and Reinold Greie lord Greie of Ruthine, son of Reinold Greie, son of Roger Greie, that married Elizabeth daughter of Isabella Ualence, for both the said lord Greie and sir Edward Hastings were descended by two ventures (as partly before and partly hereafter shallbe showed) from one man john Hastings, husband to both said Isabella's. For the explanation whereof, and lineal descent to convey the said sir Edward Hastings line 20 from the said john Hastings, first lord of Aburgavennie of that surname; I must here repeat a little of that which I have already written: which is, that the said john Hastings first lord of Aburgavennie, having two wives, both Isabella's, by his first wife Isabella Ualence had Elizabeth married to Roger Greie, and by his second wife Isabella Spenser, he had issue sir Hugh Hastings knight, from whom we are to deduce the said sir Edward Hastings in this sort. Hugh Hastings knight lord of foliot (in the right line 30 of his wife) being son of the second womb of Isabella Spenser, and john Hastings son of Henry Hastings married Margery the daughter and heir of sir Richard foliot, by whom he came to be lord of foliot, and always bare the arms of Hastings with a difference of a second brother of a second venture. This marriage was procured and made by Isabella his mother, who purchased the said ward for him. This Hugh died in the year of Christ 1347, in the one and twentieth year of Edward the third, and line 40 was buried in the church of Elsing, in Elsrug in Norfolk which he builded; his wife Margery died in the year 1349, being the three and twentieth year of Edward the third, and was buried in the chapel of Fornewell. This Hugh had issue by his wife Hugh Hastings his heir, and a daughter married to sir Robert de la Mare.  
Hugh Hastings knight, the son of Hugh and Margery foliot did marry the daughter of Adam de Eueringham, by whom he had Hugh Hastings line 50 his son and heir, and two daughters, the one married to Winkfield, and the other to a knight called Elmham. This Hugh died at Calkewelhell or Gwines, and was buried in the friars of Doncaster, in the year of our Lord 1369, about the four & fortieth year of Edward the third. This man for him and his heirs in difference from the other Hastings, earls of Penkroke his kinsmen by the half blood, did bear the Hastings arms with the label, quartered with the arms of foliot. Hugh Hastings line 60 knight the son of Hugh and Margaret Eueringham married Anne the daughter of Edward Spenser earl of Gloucester, by whom he had issue Hugh Hastings and Edward Hastings, which contended with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine. This Hugh took his pilgrimage to jerusalem & died in Spain, after whose death dame Anne Spenser his wife was married to Thomas lord Morleie. Hugh Hastings eldest son of Hugh Hastings and dame Anne Spenser, married the daughter of sir Wil Blunt knight; this Hugh died at Calis at the marriage of Richard the second, to Isabella the daughter of the king of France, about the 19 year of the reign of the said Richard, being the year of our redemption 1395, who dying without issue, all his right and title came to his brother Edward.  
Edward Hastings knight brother of the last Hugh began the contention with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine, for the right of the lands, honours, and arms without difference of the last john Hastings earl of Penbroke. This suit began about the eight year of Henry the fourth, and continued at least until the fift year of Henry the fift, if not longer; but in the end (notwithstanding many false pedigrees counterfeited by this Hastings, and his uncle Henry bishop of Norwich, one of the house of the Spensers) yet it was adjudged against the said sir Edward Hastings in the marshal's court, that the lands, honours, and arms without difference, as the last john Hastings earl of Penbroke did bear them, with the arms of William Ualence earl of Penbroke, should be only borne by the said lord Greie of Ruthine and his heirs, as being of the whole blood, and next heir to the said last john Hastings earl of Penbroke: and that the said Edward Hastings should utterly be barred to bear the arms of Hastings, but quartered with the arms of foliot, as only descending of the half blood to the said last earl of Penbroke of that name. And that all other pedigrees what so ever (except this) are false, and of purpose contrived, as appeareth by a notable book and monument thereof remaining in the hands of Henry Greie now earl of Kent (descended of the said Reinold Greie of Ruthine) containing all the process, examinations, witnesses, pedigrees & judgements thereof, more plainly may appear. In which contention there was showed a matter by the deposition of sir William Hoo knight not unworthy to be remembered (though it touch not the Hastings) concerning armory and bearing of differences in arms, which was, that the said sir William said on his oath in the tenth year of Henry the fourth, that before the times of Edward the third, the label of three points was the different appropriate and appurtenant for the cognizance of the next heir; but the same king made his sons to bear the entire arms with labels of three points, with certain differences in the said labels, to be known the one from the other, except his son the duke of Gloucester, who bore a border about the arms of France and England. And thus, this much Francis Thin touching the name of Hastings.  
In this year Thomas earl of Lancaster, for the opinion which had been conceived of him, by reason of miracles and other respects, 
The earl of Lancaster canonised for ● saint.  was canonised for a saint. The monday next after the feast of saint Hilary, a parliament was begun at Westminster, in which there was a bill exhibited by the commons, that the lords and great men of the realm should not give to their men badges to wear as their cognisances; by reason that through the abuse thereof, 
A bill against wearing of badges.  many great oppressions, imbraseries, unlawful maintenances, and wrongs were practised, to the hindrance of all good orders, laws, and justice. The lords would not consent altogether to lay down their badges; 
No reteine●● to wear badges.  but yet they agreed that none should wear any such cognizance except their servants of household, and such as were in ordinary wages by the year. ¶ In the same parliament, certain persons that had gone about some new rebellion in Kent, being apprehended, were condemned, and so were drawn and hanged. ¶ There was also an act made against such as should pass the seas, to purchase provisions (as they termed them) in any church or churches. And if any from thenceforth attempted so to do, he should be reputed and taken as a rebel. 
An act aga●●● mediators is wilful murderers.  Also there was an act provided against those that committed any wilful murder, that none should presume to sue for their pardon. A duke or an archbishop that so sued, should forfeit to the king an hundred pounds. Likewise an earl or a bishop, an hundred marks, etc.  
Moreover, in this parliament it was granted, that the king should have of every sack of wool forty shillings, of the which ten shillings should be applied presently to the king's uses, and thirty shillings residue of the forty shillings should remain in the hands of the treasurors, towards the bearing forth of the charges of wars when any chanced. ¶ Also there line 10 was a subsidy granted of six pence in the pound, four pence to the use last mentioned, and two pence to be employed at the king's pleasure. In the same parliament, john duke of Lancaster was created duke of Aquitaine, 
The duke of Lancaster made duke of Aquitaine.  receiving at the king's hand the rod and cap, as investures of that dignity. Also the duke of York his son and heir was created earl of Rutland. 
Great tempest.  In the fift of March a sore and terrible wind rose, with the violence whereof, much hurt was done, houses overthrown, cattle destroyed, and trees line 20 overturned. After this ensued great mortality by pestilence, 
Great plague.  so that much youth died every where, in cities and towns, in passing great numbers. Herewith followed a great dearth of corn, so that a bushel of wheat in some places was sold at thirteen pence, 
Great dearth.  which was thought to be at a great price. 

Ab. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  
A royal hunting.   ¶ About the feast of S. Peter ad Vincula, john duke of Lancaster caused a great meeting of the nobles and peers of the realm to hunt at Leicester in the forest and all the parks there to him appertaining. On line 30 the saturday the king and queen were present, the archbishop of York, the duke of York, Thomas Woodstoke duke of Gloucester, the earl of Arundel john of Holland, the earl of Huntingdon, with other bishops, lords and ladies a great many, and on thursday next following the king departing from thence towards Nottingham sojourned with the lord of Beaumond besides Loughborrow.  
In this thirteenth year of king Richard's reign, the christians took in hand a journey against the Saracens line 40 of Barbary, 
A journey against the Saracens.  through suit of the Genowais, so that there went a great number of lords, knights, and gentlemen of France and England, the duke of Bourbon being their general. Out of England there went one john de Beaufort bastard son to the duke of Lancaster (as Froissard hath noted) also sir john russel, sir john Butler and others. They set forward in the latter end of this thirteenth year, and came to Genoa, where they remained not long, but that the galleys and other vessels of the Genowais were ready line 50 to pass them over into Barbary. And so about Midsummer in the beginning of the fourteenth year of this king's reign, 
Anno Reg. 14.  the whole army being embarked, 
The English archers good service.  sailed forth to the coasts of Barbary, where near to the city of Africa they landed, at which instant the English archers (as some writ) stood all the company in good stead, with their long bows, beating back the enemies from the shore, which came down to resist their landing.  
After they had got to land, they environed the city line 60 of Africa (called by the moors Mahemedia) with a strong siege: but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding air in that hot country, breeding in the army sundry diseases, they fell to a composition upon certain articles to be performed in the behalf of the Saracens, and so 61 days after their first arrival there, they took the seas again, & returned home, as in the histories of France and Italy is likewise expressed. Where, by Polydore Virgil it may seem, that the lord Henry of Lancaster earl of Derbie, should be captain of the English men, that (as before ye have heard) went into Barbary with the Frenchmen, and Genowais. It should otherwise appear by other writers, who affirm that the said earl made a journey in deed the same time against the miscreants, 
Thom. Wals. The earl of Derbie his exploits in his journey against the infidels of Prutzenland.  not into Barbary, but into Prutzenland, where he showed good proof of his noble and valiant courage: for joining with the masters and knights of the Dutch order there, the army of the Lithuanians that came against the said order was vanquished, and four chief leaders of the Lithuanians were taken prisoners, three other being slain, with three hundred of their chiefest and best approved soldiers. Through the policy also and worthy manhood of the earl of Derbie, there was a certain city taken, where the said earl and his men first entering upon the walls, did set up his banner: other being slothful, or at the least unskilful how to deal in such exploits. There were taken and slain four thousand of the common people, and amongst them that were found dead, the king of Polognies brother was one. The castle of the same city was besieged five weeks space: but by reason of sickness and such infirmities as chanced in the army, the masters of Prutzen, and Lifeland would not tarry any longer, but broke up their siege and returned. The master of Lifeland led with him into his country three thousand prisoners.  
In the mean time, whilst the christians were thus occupied, as well against the infidels in Barbary, as in the east parts towards Littawe, a royal justs and martial tournament was proclaimed to be holden within Smithfield in London, 
A royal justs holden in Smithfield at London.  to begin on sunday next after the feast of saint Michael. And because this triumphant pastime was published, not only in England, but also in Scotland, in Almain, in Flanders, in Brabant, in Heinault, & in France, many strangers came hither forth of diverse countries, namely Ualeran earl of saint Paul, that had married king Richard's sister the lady Mauld de Courtnie, and William the young earl of Osteruant, son to Albert de Baviere earl of Holland and Heinault. At the day appointed, when all things were prepared, there issued forth of the tower about three of the clock in the after noon sixty coursers appareled for the jousts, and upon every one an esquire of honour, riding a soft pace. Then came forth four and twenty ladies of honour (three score saith Froissard) mounted on palfreys, 
The manner of the justs in Smithfield.  riding on the one side richly appareled, and every lady led a knight with a chain of gold. Those knights being on the king's part, had their armour and apparel garnished with white hearts and crowns of gold about their necks, and so they came riding through the streets of London unto Smithfield, 
Silver saith Froissard.  with a great number of trumpets and other instruments before them.  
The king and the queen, with many other great states were ready placed in chambers richly adorned to see the justs: and when the ladies that led the knights, were come to the place, they were taken down from their palfreys, and went up into chambers ready prepared for them. Then alighted the esquires of honour from their coursers, & the knights in good order mounted upon them. And so when their helmets were set on their heads, and that they were ready in all points, after proclamations made by the heralds, the justs began, and many commendable courses were run, to the great pleasure, comfort, and recreation of the king, the queen, and all other the beholders. The prize that day on the answerer's part was given to the earl of saint Paul; and on the challengers side, to the earl of Huntingdon. On the monday, ●he king himself, with dukes, earls, lords, and knights, came to the justs, he being chief of the inner part. That day the prize was given to the earl of Osteruant, for the best doer of the utter part: and of the inner part, to a knight of England called sir Hugh Spenser. On the tuesday, all manner of esquires jousted, and likewise on the wednesday all manner of knights and esquires that would, on which day was a sore and rude justs, enduring till night. And so many a noble course and other martial feats were achieved in those four days, to the great contentation and pleasure of many a young bachelor desirous to win fame, & also highly to the king's honour, who by all that season held his court in the bishop's palace by Paul's church, 
The king kept open household in the bishop of London his palace by Paul's church.  keeping open household for all honest persons that thither resorted, especially every night after the justs were ended, a line 10 right sumptuous and princely supper was prepared for the strangers and other, and after supper, the time was spent in dancing and reveling after the most courtlike manner. 
The K. festeth the strangers.  On the thursday, the king made a supper to all the lords, knights, and gentlemen strangers, and the queen to all the ladies and gentlewomen. 
The duke of Lancaster feasteth the strangers.  On the friday the duke of Lancaster feasted at dinner all the said lords, knights, and gentlemen strangers, in most sumptuous and plentiful manner. On the saturday, the king and all the whole company line 20 departed from London unto Windsor, where new feasting began, and specially the king did all the honour that might be devised unto the earls of saint Paul and Osteruant. The earl of Osteruant, at the earnest request of the king, received of him the order of the Garter, for the which he was evil thought of afterwards by his friends, namely the French king and others. Finally, after the king had thus feasted the strangers and others at Windsor, line 30 each man took leave of the king, the queen, and the king's uncles, and other lords and ladies, and so departed, the strangers into their own countries, and other home to their houses, or whither they thought b●st.  

Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael. sub Rich. 2.  ¶ This solemn justs or tornement being touched, or rather in ample manner described by Ch. Okland. is reported of him to have been kept for activity sake, and to set the youth & lusty bloods of the court on work, who otherwise (because the king was young line 40 and loved to live in peace and ease, feats of arms and warlike prowess both abroad and at home languished and lay as it were a fainting) through idleness and want of exercise, degenerating and growing out of kind from their wonted warlike valiantness, should give themselves to filthy lechery, riot, sleep, loitering pastimes, and slothfulness, all which do greatly impair prowesie. Whereupon (saith he) 
Rege priùs de re consulto, ludicra diri  
Martis opus simulatum inter se bella movebant, line 50  
Atque dies totos viginti quattuor hastis  
Assumptis, study statuunt decurrere fixo.  
Deinde idem numerus procerum par● primalacessens  
Mittit ad externas gentes qui talia pandant.  
judus ab Angligenis mense exercebitur uno  
Hasticus Vrbi haerens 
* Smithfield.  fabrorum dictus 
* Smithfield.  agellus  
Extra Londini muros, spatiosus & amplus  
Est locus: hìc stadium cursuris, certáque meta  
Ponitur, huc veniant quacunque ex gente creati  
Sanguine magnorum heroum. Certamine victor line 60  
Qui fuerit, terris prosternens corpora p●●ra▪  
Aut plures hasta● frangens, donabitur 〈◊〉  
Multa vi, capiet quàm plurima ditia dona  
Praemia virtutis, Richardo haec dantel cobaea, etc.   
Having thus described the place where the justs should be kept, with the rewards, and other circumstances; he toucheth the countries from whence the foreign nobility came, that should undertake trial of chivalry with these four▪ and twenty challengers: who at the day appointed (saith he) came prancing out of the Tower upon their great barded horses through the broad streets, and their ladies of honour with them gorgeously decked with bracelets, ouches, chains, jewels, spangles, and very sumptuous attire: a goodly sight for the people to behold. At last, when they were come to Smithfield, and allthings ready, the trumpets sounded to the exercise; and both parties, as well the English as the outlandish chevaliers ran together, and tried their strengths till they did sweat and were tired, their horses panting and braieng with the violence of their bodily motion; their staves being crasht in sunder, slew up into the air, and the broken stock or stump hitting the adversary overthrew him to the ground: the beholders with joy of heart gave a shout thereat, as greatly delighted with the sight. Then came the night and broke off the first days tornement. On the next day when they should renew and fall afresh unto it again, they showed themselves in courage equal to their ancestors, and handled their matters so well, that they got them great renown. The third day came, and the multitude of people still gathered together wondered at the right valiant deeds of the valorous horsemen, how they did toss, hoisse up, and wind their spears, and with what force they used their arms, what courage appeared in their stately horses, and how the very heavens rang with the rattling of their armour, and the strokes given to and fro. Every day brought with it his portion of pleasure, both to the contenders, and to the beholders. When the time was expired of this tried chivalry, necessary occasion moved the king of England to set his mind on other matters, so that commending the prowess of the outlandish lords, he bestowed upon them massy chains of gold, & loading them with other gifts of great valour, dismissed them into their countries. But the English challengers required nothing but renown for their reward, being alured only with the love of praise; and thus when these pastimes of chivalry were quite ended, every man got him home to his own house. Thus far Christopher Okland, touching the description of this Hippomachia ludicra inter concertatores Anglos & externos.  
Ambassadors were sent from the French king, unto the king of England, year 1391 to make an overture of peace to be had, 
Thom. Wals. Ambassadors from the French king for a perpetual peace. Froissard.  and to endure for ever betwixt the two realms of England and France, sith that by war it was apparent enough, that neither realm, could greatly benefit itself, but rather sore endamage either other, as afore time it had come apparently to pass. Therefore the matter being well considered, both parts seemed well affected towards some good conclusion by treaty to be had of a full and perfect peace. About the same time, by the king with the advise of his council, proclamation was made and published at London, that all beneficed men abiding in the court of Rome, 
A proclamati● that all English benefited men in Rome should return into Engla●●  being Englishmen borne, should return home into England before the feast of S. Nicholas, under pain to forfeit all their benefices; and such as were not beneficed, under a pain likewise limited. The Englishmen hearing such a thunder clap a far off, fearing the blow, left the pope's court, and returned into their native soil.  
The pope troubled with such a rumbling noise, 
The pope suddeth his nu●cio to king Richard.  sent in all haste▪ as abbot as his nuncio unto the king of England, as well to understand the causes of this proclamation, as of statutes devised and made lately in parliament against those that provided themselves of benefices in the court of Rome by the pope's bulls, which seemed not a little prejudicial to the church of Rome: in consideration whereof the said nuncio required that the same statutes might be repealed and abolished, so far as they tended to the derogation of the church liberties: but if the same statutes were not abolished, the pope might not (said his nuncio) with a safe conscience otherwise do than proceed against them that made those statutes, in such order as the canons did appoint. Moreover the said nuncio declared to the king certain dangerous practices betwixt the antipape and the French king, as to make the duke of Touraine the French kings brother king of Tuscan and Lombardie, and to establish the duke of Anjou in the kingdom of Sicily.  
Moreover, he gave the king to understand, that if the French king might compass by the antipapes means to be chosen emperor, 
The pope's nuncio openeth to the king the French kings privy practices.  he would seek to usurp upon each man's right, and therefore it stood the line 10 king of England chiefly in hand to provide against such practices in time. And as for the treaty of peace which the Frenchmen seemed so much to favour, it was to none other end, but that upon agreement once had, they might more conveniently compass their purpose in the premises. Furthermore the nuncio earnestly besought the king of aid in the pope's behalf against the French king, 
Nuncio  if (as he threatened to do) he should invade him in Italy with open force. The king seemed to give favourable ear unto line 20 the nuncio, and after advise taken, appointed to stay till after Michaelmas, at what time a parliament was appointed to be assembled, wherein such things as he had proponed should be weighed and considered, and some conclusion taken therein.  
About this time or in the year 1391, according to Henry Knightons account, 

Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  
A sore bridle for the clergy.   there was a profane statute made against the church & churchmen; namely▪ that no ecclesiastical person or persons should possess manors, glebeland, houses, possessions, lands, line 30 revenues or rents whatsoever, at the hands of the feoffer, without the king's licence & the chief lords. And this statute extended itself, as well to parish-churches, chapels, chanteries, as abbeys, priories, & other monasteries whatsoever: likewise to citizens of cities, to farmers, & burgesses, having such rents or possessions for the common profit. For men in those days, that would bestow land or livelihood upon church, fraternity, or convent, and were notable for cost and charges to procure a mortmane, under the line 40 kings licence and chief lords; were wont to feoff some special men, in whom they had confidence and trust; under whose name and title, churchmen, or any other fraternity or convent might enjoy the profit of the gift, and might have the commodity thereof in possession. And it was provided by that statute, that all and every as well persons ecclesiastical as parishioners, both citizens, burgesses, and farmers, or any other whatsoever, having such rents, possessions, manors, or any revenues whatsoever, in the hands line 50 of such feoffers, without the licence of the king and chief lords; that either they should obtain and get a licence of the king and the chief lords to make it a mortmain; or else set such things to sale, & raise profit of them, on this side or before the feast of Michaelmas next ensuing: or the said feast being past and expired, that then the king and the chief lords, in things not ordered and disposed accordingly, may enter and seize upon the same, and them have and hold at his and their pleasure. line 60  


The duke of Gloucester his journey into Prutzen land.  
The duke of Gloucester in great favour with the commons.   About the same time, the duke of Gloucester went into Prutzen land, to the great grief of the people, that made account of his departure, as if the sun had been taken from the earth, doubting some mishap to follow to the common wealth by his absence, whose presence they thought sufficient to stay all detriments that might chance, for in him the hope of the commons only rested. In his return home, he was sore tormented with rough weather and tempestuous seas. At length he arrived in Northumberland, and came to the castle of Tinmouth, as to a sanctuary known to him of old, where after he had refreshed him certain days, he took his journey homewards to Plaschie in Essex, bringing no small joy for his safe return to all the kingdom. 
Anno Reg. 15.  ¶ On the ninth of julie the sun seemed darkened with certain gross and evil favoured clouds coming betwixt it and the earth, so as it appeared ruddy, but gave no light from noon till the setting thereof. And afterwards continually for the space of six weeks, about the midst of the day, clouds customably rose, and sometimes they continued both day and night, not vanishing away at all. ¶ At the same time, such a mortality and death of people increased in Norfolk, and in many other countries of England, that it seemed not unlike the season of the great pestilence. In the city of York there died eleven thousand within a short space. 
A great death in York and sundry other places.  ¶ Henry Persie earl of Northumberland lieutenant of Calis, was called home from that charge, and created warden of the marches against Scotland, and Robert Mowbraie was sent to Calis to be the king's lieutenant there.  
On friday next after All soul's day, 
A parliament at London.  the parliament began at London, in which the knights would in no wise agree, that the statute made against spiritual men, for the providing themselves of benefices in the court of Rome should be repealed: but yet they agreed thus much, that it should be tolerated, so as with the king's licence such spiritual men might purchase to themselves such benefices till the next parliament. ¶ In this parliament aforesaid, 

Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  
The duke of Lancaster ambassador for the king, right honourably received into France.   there was granted unto our lord the king one tenth of the clergy, and one fifteenth of the people towards the expenses of john duke of Lancaster, who in Lent next following went over into France to the city of Amiens for a final peace between the kingdoms of England and France: where the king of France met him with a show of great pomp and honour, sending before him first of all to welcome him thither the citizens of the same city on horseback in a very great number. Then afterwards, he sent earls and barons a great many to the same end, than his two uncles, last of all went the king himself to meet him, and saluting him called him by the name of The most worthy warrior of all christendom, the invincible worthiness of the king only excepted. And the duke had seventeen days (by covenant) to compass this treaty of peace: at last he returned, having attendant upon him in his train the bishop of Durham, and the son of the duke of York the earl of Rutland, with a thousand horsemen, set forth in a wonderful sumptuous sort with goodly furniture. ¶ Also conditionally a whole tenth and a whole fifteenth were granted to him, if it chanced that he made any journey that year against the Scots. ¶ In this year, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  the duke of Gelderland sent to the king of England letters of commendation & praise, wherein also were provocations and stirrings up to war and warlike activity, and to the exercise of kingly nobleness, the tenor whereof followeth:  
The tenor of the said duke's letter to king Richard.  
MAgnifice princeps, innata vobis probitas, & prudentum consilia (ut opinamur) simul agerent in officium, quòd singula haereditaria iura, quae ex natalitio vestram magnificant regiam maiestatem, temporibus vestrae discretionis altissima providentia munirentur illaesa; etsi quaevis oppugnaret violentia, clypeo militari studeat regalis industria fortiter defendere sua iura. Et quòd vestram regiam personam contingamus in affinitate, ni vetet Deus ipse, quin semper parati erimus vobis in vestris iuribus defendendis assistere cum duobus milibus lancearum, quando & quotiens disponemini ad bellica convolare. Nec perire debeant iura propter verba aut pr●missa, quomodolibet ad hoc laborat versutia Gallicorum. Sanè serenissime princeps in orbem volat fama, nec ambigitur quòd propter lanam & innumerabilia vestra singularia commoda, sine quibus non vivit oriens neque auster, regna singula in pecunijs vos salutant. In comparatione igitur ad alios reges vobis confert Deus ipse divitias centuplatas. Probitas etiam militaris, & arcuum asperitas, line 10 sine pari, taliter huc usque extulere gentem magnanimam occidentis, quòd timor non parvus vestros invadit adversarios; & ad hunc diem impariter victoriosè dimicavit cum Gallicis Angliae gens austera. In pusillanimitate igitur (poten●issime princeps) contra naturam non obdormiat cor leonis; sed & quales vobis contulit vires natura, ipsas applicare dignemini actibus bellicosis, in defensionem reipublicae, juris haereditarij sustentationem, line 20 augmentúmque meriti, & incomparabiliter chronicabilem probitatem cordis magnanimi tanti regis.  
The same letter in plain phrase verbatim Englished by A. F.  
MOst mighty prince, your royal prowess and the counsels of the line 30 sage, should altogether (as we think) move you in duty, by the most profound & deep foresight of your discretion in time to maintain and defend all and singular your rights & inheritance unharmed, which by birth do magnify and make great your royal majesty, and if any violence whatsoever gainstand & assault the same, your kingly diligence should endeavour with the shield of a warrior valiantly to defend your title line 40 and right. And because we are near you, & do as it were touch your royal person in alliance, unless God himself do forbid and hinder us, we will always be ready in all your rights to assist and aid you with two thousand pikes, when and how often soever you shall be disposed to rush out to battle. Your right ought not to be lost for words and promises, howsoever the craftiness of the French labour to this purpose. line 50 Truly most excellent prince, your renown doth fly into the world, neither is it doubted but for your wool sake, and other your singular commodities being innumerable (without the which the east and the south can not live) all realms with their coins do greet you. In comparison therefore of other kings God himself hath bestowed upon you riches a hundred fold. Your warlike prowess also, & the roughness line 60 of your bows, being peerless, have hitherto so extolled the courageous nation of the west, that no small fear doth invade your adversaries; and to this day the stern people of England have (none like them) victoriously encountered with the French. Therefore o most puissant prince, let not the hart of a lion sleep in cowardliness against nature: but what force and valiantness nature hath given you, the same vouchsafe to put in practice with feats of arms in defence of your common wealth, the maintenance of your right by inheritance, the increase of your desert, and the peerless prowess of so great a kings courageous hart right worthy to be chronicled.  
The price of corn that had continued at an high rate, almost for the space of two years, 
The flux g●●ten by excessive feeding on fruits.  began to fall immediately after harvest was got in, to the great relief of the poor, which before through immoderate eating of nuts and apples, fell into the disease called the flux, whereof many died, and surly (as was thought) the death and dearth had been greater, if the commendable diligence of the lord mayor of London had not been, 
The lord ●●ior of Lond●● commended for his careful provision of corn from beyond the seas in the time of dearth.  in relieving the commons by such provision as he made for corn to be brought to London, from the parties of beyond the seas, where otherwise neither had the country been able in any thing to have sufficed the city, nor the city the country. H. Knighton referreth this scarcity to the year 1390, and maketh a large discourse both of the miseries which it brought with it, as also of the cause whereby it was procured, and of the notable means whereby the same in most places was remedied.  
In this year (saith he) was a great dearth in all parts of England, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie.  and this dearth or scarcity of corn began under the sickle, and lasted till the feast of saint Peter ad vincula, to wit, till the time of new corn. This scarcity did greatly oppress the people, and chiefly the commoners of the poorer sort. For a man might see infants and children in streets and houses, through hunger, howling, crying, and craving bread: whose mothers had it not (God wots) to break unto them. But yet there was such plenty and abundance of many years before, that it was thought and spoken of many housekeepers and husbandmen, that if the seed were not sown in the ground, which was hoarded up and stored in barns, lofts, and garners, there would be enough to find and sustain all the people by the space of five years following. But the cause of this penury, 
The cause of the scarcity was not want of breader corn.  was thought to be the want of money in a great many. For money in these days was very scant, and the principal cause hereof was, for that the wool of the land lay a sleep and hung heavy in some men's hands by the space of two years; and in others three years, without a chapman. For it was enacted in a certain parliament, that the merchants of England should not pass out of the land with wool and other merchandise, but should bring the same unto twelve places within the realm appointed for the same purpose, that the merchant's strangers might have recourse thither with their commodities and so by exchange should transport our merchandise for theirs. By means whereof the merchants of England did forbear to buy wool and other wares until the next parliament ensuing, wherein it was granted them to traffic whither they would with their commodities. In these days wool was dogcheape: 
Wool sold dogcheape 〈◊〉 the stone.  for one stone of good wool of the chosen and piked sort, was sold for three shillings, and in Leicester and Kent at some times for two shillings or two and twenty pence. This scarcity of victuals was of greatest force in Leicester shire, & in the middle parts of the realm. And although it was a great want, yet was not the price of corn out of reason. For a quarter of wheat, when it was at the highest, was sold at Leiceister for 16 shillings 8 pence at one time, and at other times for a mark or fourteen shillings: at London and other places of the land a quarter of wheat was sold for ten shillings, or for little more or less. For there arrived eleven ships laden with great plenty of victuals at diverse places of the land, for the relief of the people. Besides this, 
Provision against scar●●tie to relie●● the poor.  the citizens of London laid out two thousand marks to buy food out of the common chest of orphans: and the four and twenty aldermen, every of them put in his twenty pound a piece for necessary provision, for fear of famine, likely to fall upon the city. And they laid up their store in sundry of the fittest and most convenient places they could choose, that the needy, and such as were wrong with want, might come & buy at a certain price so much as might suffice them and their family: and they which had not ready money to pay down presently in hand, their word and credit was taken for a years space next following, 
O charity of London!  and their turn served. Thus was provision made that people should be relieved, and that none might perish for line 10 hunger.  
On Christmas day, a dolphin that came forth of the sea up the Thames unto London-bridge, was espied of the citizens as he played in the water, and being followed & pursued, with much ado was taken. He was ten foot long, 
A dolphin taken at London bridge.  and a monstrous grown fish, so as the sight of him was strange to many that beheld him. He was thought by his coming so far into the landward, to foreshow such storms and tempests line 20 as within a week after did raginglie follow. Ye have heard how the matter for a treaty of peace had been first broached by the French king, year 1392 by sending ambassadors to the king of England, to move the same. Which motion being throughly considered of the estates assembled in this last parliament, it was decreed, that it should go forward (as before ye have heard) and so about Candelmasse, the lord Thomas Persie, 
Ambassadors sent to the French king to treat of peace.  sir jews Clifford, and sir Robert Briquet, with diverse other in their company, were sent over to the French king, and coming to line 30 Paris, found him lodged in his house of Louvre, where they declared to him the good affection of the king their master toward peace. And the better to bring it to pass, they showed that king Richard's desire was to have some place and time appointed for commissioners to meet, with authority to treat and conclude upon articles, as should be thought expedient. The French king greatly honoured these ambassadors, in feasting and banqueting them for the space of six days together, and for answer, concluded with line 40 them, that he himself, with his uncles and other of his council, would be at Amiens by the midst of March next ensuing, there to abide the king of England's coming, and his uncles, if it should please them thither to come.  
The English ambassadors said there was no doubt, but that either the king himself, or his uncles should be there at the day assigned, with full authority to conclude any agreement that should seem reasonable, line 50 and so those ambassadors returned with great gifts presented on the king's behalf to each of them, sir Robert Briquet excepted, 
Sir Robert Briquet a Frenchman of king Richard his privy chamber.  unto whom it seemed the French king bore no great good will, for that being a Frenchman borne, he had ever served the Navarrois or Englishmen, and was now one of king Richard's privy chamber. The king of England (as some writ) was once minded to have passed the seas himself, 

The dukes of Lancaster & York, the earls of Derb●e and Huntingdon, the lord Thomas Persie, the bishops of Durham and London were sent o●er, as Fro●ssard saith.  
A royal embassage.  
The duke of Lancaster, a prince of great renown.   to have met the French king at Amiens, at the time appointed, but finally the duke of Lancaster, line 60 the bishop of Durham, and others, were sent thither with a train near hand of a thousand horses. At their coming into France, they were royally received: for the French king had made no less preparation for the duke of Lancaster's coming, than if he had been emperor. The duke of Lancaster verily was esteemed to be a very mighty prince, and one of the wisest and sagest princes in all christendom, in those days; so that it seemed the French king rejoiced greatly, that he might come to have conference with him. There were with the French king here at Amiens, his brother the duke of Thoureigne; his uncles, the dukes of Berrie, Bourbon, and Burgognie, & a great number of earls, lords, and other nobles of the realm of France. Before the Englishmen'S coming, for avoiding of strife and debate that might arise betwixt the English and French, a proclamation was set forth containing certain articles, for the demeanour which the French men should observe towards the Englishmen.  
Whilst they there remained, all the Englishmen'S charges were borne by the French king, from their setting forth from Calis, till they came back thither again. As touching their treaty, many things were proponed, diverse demands made, and some offers, though to small purpose, for they took not effect, insomuch as they departed without concluding any thing, further than that the ●ruce which was to end at Midsummer next, 

The truce prolonged for a year.  
Thom. Wals.   was prolonged to continue one year more, that in the mean time, the lords and estates of the realm of England might assemble, and with good advise deliberate, whether it were more expedient to agree unto a determinate peace, or to pursue the doubtful chances of war. And such was the end of that royal embassage, to the furnishing forth whereof, the king demanded an aid as well of the abbots and prior's, as of the cities and good towns through the whole realm.  
Anon after the return of the duke of Lancaster, and other the ambassadors that had been at Amiens, a council of the lords and chief states of the realm was called at Stamford, 
A council at Stamford.  the which (as if it had been unto a parliament) there came forth of every good town certain persons appointed to deliberate and take advise in so weighty a matter, as either to conclude upon peace, or else upon war. But in the end they brought little or nothing to pass, saving that they agreed to have the truce to endure for twelve months longer: both kings swore to observe the same, afore such as were appointed to see their oaths received. 
The duke of Gelderland cometh into England.  About the same time came the duke of Gelderland into this realm, being the king's cousin, a right valiant and hardy gentleman: he was honourably received and welcomed of the king, and of his uncles, the dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester. This duke of Gelderland counseled the king not to conclude peace, either with the Frenchmen or Scots, 
The duke of Gelderland dissuadeth the king from peace with the French and Scots.  except upon such conditions as might be known to be both profitable and honourable to him and his realm, promising that if he had occasion to make war against either of those two nations, he would be ready to serve him with a convenient power of men at arms of his country. After he had been here a time, and highly feasted and banketted, aswell by the king as other great estates of the realm, he returned home, not without diverse rich gifts.  
The king about this season sent to the Londoners, 
The Londoners refuse to lend the king a thousand pounds.  requesting to borrow of them the sum of one thousand pounds, which they uncourteously refused to lend: and moreover they fell upon an Italian or Lombard (as they termed him) whom they beat and near hand slew: because he offered to lend the king that money. Whereof when the king was advertised, he was sore moved against them, and calling together the most part of the peers and noble men of his realm, declared unto them the froward dealings of the Londoners, complaining sore of such their presumption. The lords and great men, seeming not greatly to favour the Londoners, gave counsel that the insolent pride of those presumptuous persons might with speed be repressed. The citizens of London in those days (as should appear) using their authority to the uttermost, had devised and set forth diverse orders and constitutions to abridge the liberty of foreigners that came to the city to utter their commodities. Religious men that wrote the doings of that age, seemed also to find fault with them, for that they favoured Wicliffes' opinions, & therefore did charge them with infidelity, and maintaining (I know not how) of Lollards & heretics: but howsoever the matter, went they fell at this present into the king's heavy displeasure.  
Some there be that writ, how the king piked the first quarrel against the mayor and sheriffs, for a riot committed by the unruly citizens, 
A great fire kindled about a little spark.  against the servants of the bishop of Salisbury: for that where one of the same bishop's servants had taken a horsse-lofe from a bakers man, as he passed by in Fléetstréet with line 10 his basket to serve his master's customers, and would not deliver it again, but broke the bakers man's head, when he was earnest to have recovered the loaf, the inhabitants of the street rose, and would have had the bishop's man to prison for breaking the king's peace: but he was rescued by his fellows, and escaped into Salisbury house, that stood there within the ally, and as then belonged to his master the bishop of Salisbury, being at that time high treasurer of England. 
A riot by the Londoners upon the bishop of Salisburies' men.  The people being set in a rage for the rescue line 20 so made, gathered together in great multitudes about the bishop's palace gate, and would have fetched out the offendor by force.  
To conclude, such a hurling was in the street, that the mayor, with the sheriffs, & divers aldermen came thither with all speed, to take order in the matter, and to see the peace kept; but after the coming thither of the mayor, the commons of the city resorted to the place in far greater numbers than before; and the more they were, the worse they were to rule, and line 30 would not be persuaded to quiet themselves, except the bishop's servant, 
Walter Roman.  whose name was Walter Roman, might be had out of the house, and committed to prison: but at length, after many assaults, lifts, & other endeavours made to have broken up the gates of the house, the mayor & aldermen, with other discreet commoners appeased the people so, as they brought them to quiet, and sent every man to his house.  
The bishop was then at Windesor where the court lay, who being informed of this matter, by a grievous line 40 report, and happily in worse manner than the thing had happened indeed, took such indignation therewith, that taking with him Thomas Arundel archbishop of York, than lord chancellor of England, 
The bishop of Salisbury maketh a greéuous complaint of the Londoners to the king.  he went to the king and made an heinous complaint against the citizens for their misdemeanour, so that his displeasure was the more kindled against the citizens, in so much that, whether in respect of this last remembered complaint, or rather for their uncourteous denial to lend him the thousand pounds, and misusing line 50 the Lombard that offered to lend the same, 
The mayor & sheriffs of London sent for to Windsor to the king, & there imprisoned.  I cannot say; but sure it is, that the mayor and sheriff, and a great sort more of the citizens, were sent for to come to the court, where diverse misdemeanours were objected and laid to their charge: and notwithstanding, what excuse they pretended, the mayor and sheriffs with diverse other of the most substantial citizens, were arrested. The mayor was committed to the castle of Windesor, and the other, unto other castles and holds, to be safely kept, till the king, by the advise of his council, should determine further what line 60 should be done with them.  

The liberties of London seized.  The liberties of the city were seized into the king's hands, and the authority of the mayor utterly ceased, the king appointing a warden to govern the city, named sir Edward Darlingrug knight, 
A guardian appointed to govern the city of London.  that should both rule the city, and see that every man had justice ministered, as the case required. This sir Edward Darlingrug began to govern the city of London by the name of lord warden, 
Anno Reg. 16. Sir Edward Darlingrug lord warden of London.  the one and twentieth of june, on which day the king entered into the 16 year of his reign: by reason it was thought that the said sir Edward Darlingrug was overfavourable to the citizens, he continued in his office but till the first of julie, and being then discharged, 
Darlingru● removed, 〈◊〉 Baldwine Radington made lord warden o● London.  one sir Baldwine Radington, a right circumspect and discreet knight, was put in that room, who knew how both to content the king's mind, and to comfort the citizens, and put them in hope of the king's favour in time to be obtained, to the relief of their sorrow and heaviness.  
At length, the king, through suit and instant labour made by certain noble men, specially the duke of Gloucester, began somewhat to relent and pacify himself, as touching his rigorous displeasure against the Londoners, calling to mind the great honour he had diverse ways received at their hands, with the great gifts which they had likewise bestowed upon him, whereupon he purposed to deal the more mildly with them, and so sent for diverse of the chief citizens to come unto Windesor, where he than kept his court, there to show forth the privileges, liberties, and laws of their city, as well the new as old, that with the advise of his council, he might determine which should remain in force, and which should be abolished. Hereupon, 
The liberties of London 〈◊〉 part confirmed in part condemned.  when the said privileges, and liberties were laid forth, to the view of such persons as had to consider of them, some were ratified, some permitted by toleration, and some viterlie condemned and abrogated.  
Neither might they recover at that present, ei●her the person or dignity of their mayor, nor obtain the kings entire favour, till they had satisfied the king of the damages and injuries by them done, either to him or his people. And where he had been at great charges, in preparing forces to chastise them, as he was determined, if they had not submitted themselves unto him, they were sure that their purses must answer all that he had laid forth about that matter. They therefore with humble submission, in recompense & satisfaction of their trespasses, offered to give him ten thousand pounds, but they were for this time sent home, and appointed to return again at a certain day, not understanding what they must pay, till the king with the advise of his council had taken further order for them. At length, through such daily suit as was made for the quieting of the kings hot displeasure towards the Londoners, he was contented to pardon all offences past. But first, the citizens were told, that the king meant to come from his manor of Shene, to the city of London, and then undoubtedly, upon knowledge had of their good meanings, hereafter to bear themselves like loving subjects, they should obtain his favour.  
The citizens advertised hereof, did not only prepare themselves to meet him, 
A sweét sacrifice.  and to present him with gifts in most liberal manner; but also to adorn, deck, and trim their city with sumptuous pageants, rich hangings, and other gorgeous furniture, in all points like as is used at any coronation. At the day appointed, there met him (beside other) four hundred of the citizens on horseback, clad in one livery, presenting themselves in that order, 
He was 〈◊〉 with procession of the bishop & clergy at S. George's churches Southw●●●.  upon the heath on this side Shene, and in most humble wise, craving pardon for their offences past, besought him to take his way to his palace of Westminster, through the city of London. this suit made by the recorder, in name of all the citizens, he graciously granted, and so held on his journey, till he came to London bridge, 

Gifts pre●●●●ed to the K. by the Londoners to pacify displeasure conceived against them.  
K. Richard royally 〈◊〉 into L●●●don.   where unto him was presented a passing fair steed, white, saddled, bridled, and trapped in rich cloth of gold, parted with red and white. And likewise to the queen was given a milk white palfrey, saddled, bridled, and trapped in the same sort, as the other was. These presents were thankfully accepted, and so both the king and the queen passing forward, entered the city, prepared and hanged with rich clothes (as before you have heard) the citizens standing on each side the streets in their liveries, crying; King Richard, king Richard.  
At the standard in Cheap, was a right sumptuous stage ordained, on which were set diverse personages, and an angel that put a rich crown of gold, garnished with stone and pearl upon the king's head, as he passed by, and likewise an other on the queen's head. This done, the king road to Paul's, and there offered, and so took his horse again, and road to Westminster, where the mayor and his company taking their leave, returned to London. On the morrow, 
More gifts by the Londoners to the king.  line 10 the mayor and his brethren went again to Westminster, and there presented the king with two basins gilded, & in them two thousand nobles of gold, beseeching him to be good and gracious lord to the city; he received their present in courteous manner, and gave them many comfortable words. The third day after, 
Tho. Walsin. The liberties of London ratified by king Richard.  they received a new confirmation of all their old liberties (at the least such as might be an aid to the city, and no detriment to foreigners) wherefore, by counsel of their friends, they ordained a table for line 20 an altar of silver and gilt, engraven with imagery, and enameled in most curious wise, containing the story of saint Edward, it was valued to be worth a thousand marks. This was presented to the king, the which he shortly after offered to the shrine of saint Edward within the abbeie. The Londoners believed, that by these gifts they had been quite rid of all danger; but yet they were compelled to give the king after this, ten thousand pounds, which was collected of the commons in the city, not without great offence line 30 and grudging in their minds.  
¶ You have heard hitherto, what means was made by the mayor, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie.  aldermen, and whole body of the commonalty of London to procure the king's majesties (in whose disfavour they were deeply drowned) gracious reconciliation. Wherein though there hath been large matter delivered; yet to set forth the dignity thereof the fuller, take here by the way the report of Henry Knighton. In the year (saith he) 1392, the king called a great council on the morrow after line 40 Trinity sunday at Stamford, about certain affairs concerning the Frenchmen, in which council he assembled together all the old soldiers of his realm, that by the advise of the elder sort he might see what were best for him to do in the premises. The king also held a great council at Nottingham, on the feast of S. john the Baptist, whereat he caused the mayor of London with the four and twenty aldermen, the two sheriffs, and four and twenty of the best commoners of the city in the second degree to be convented line 50 before him. Here he charged them that they had forfeited a certain bond of 9000 pounds to the king, besides the loss of their liberties and privileges. Which obligation or bond they had made in former time to the king, their deserts requiring the same. Now the king, after rehearsal made of their new offences & faults, discharged the mayor, the two sheriffs, and the rest of his officers of their offices, and sent the mayor and the two sheriffs to certain places of custody as his prisoners, defeating the city line 60 of London of the honour of all their privileges; in so much that a citizen or freeman should have no more prerogative than a foreigner or stranger. He appointed also the lord Edward Balerige to be governor thereof, to keep and see kept the king's laws and his liege people within London in due order, until such time as the king had otherwise provided for them. And he set them a day to answer the king and his council to certain interrogatories on the feast of S. Marie Magdalen than next ensuing, at Windsor. In the mean while, at the mediation of certain friends and well-willers, the king's indignation was somewhat mitigated and assuaged towards them; in so much that at length he released the mayor and the sheriffs, and sent them home to their houses; setting over them notwithstanding a new keeper or governor of the city, and reserving in his hand all the privileges of the city. In the mean time, on the sunday next after the feast of the Assumption of the blessed virgin Marie; all the wealthiest and worthiest commoners of the city came to the king, and submitted themselves and all their goods to his grace, and then did he first receive and take them into his favour. On the wednesday ensuing, the king was purposed to come into London, and the citizens in multitudes innumerable met him on horseback; & they ●hat had no horses went out on foot to welcome him thither; women also and infants showed themselves unto him; likewise the bishop of London, with all the clergy, no order, degree, condition, estate, or sex of ecclesiastical dignity being excused, went out in procession to meet the king and the queen with great rejoicing. It was reported how in that procession there were above five hundred boys in surplices. Moreover, the citizens of London trimmed the outsides of their houses and chambers in every street through which the king and the queen were to pass, from S. George's to Westminster. As for the houses of the wealthier sort, they were bravely garnished with ●loth of gold, silver, tissue, velvet, & other sumptuous stuff whatsoever by any possible means could be gotten. In Cheapside there was a conduit, out of the which two spouts ran with read wine & white, and upon the conduit stood a little boy appareled in white like an angel, having a golden cup in his hand, who presented wine to the king and queen to drink as they passed by. In the mean time they offered to the king a golden crown of great value, and another golden crown to the queen; and a while after passing forwards, they presented to the king a golden tablet of the Trinity, to the value of eight hundred pounds; and to the queen another golden tablet of S. Anne, whom she had in special devotion and reverence, because her own name was Anne. Such, and so great, and so wonderful honours did they to the king, as the like in former times was never done to any king of this realm: and so going forward, they brought the king and the queen to Westminster hall. The king sitting in his seat royal, & all the people standing before him; one in the king's behalf as his speaker, gave the people thanks for the great honour and princely presents which they had bestowed upon the king; and being bidden to fall every man to his business and affairs, it was told them that in the next parliament they should have their final answer.  
At the same time, the duke of Gloucester, having received money to levy an army, 
The duke of Gloucester made duke of Ireland.  which he should have conveyed over into Ireland, of which country, a good while before that present, the king had made him duke, was now ready to set forward, when suddenly through the malice of some privy detractors about the king, he was contermanded, 
His journey into Ireland unluckily stayed.  and so his journey was stayed, to the great hindrance and prejudice of both the countries of England and Ireland: for even upon the fame that was bruited of his coming into Ireland, in manner all the Irish lords determined to submit themselves unto him, so greatly was his name bo●h loved, reverenced, and feared, 
Uéere, late duke of Ireland, dieth at Louvain.  even among those wild and savage people. This year Robert Uéere, late earl of Oxenford, and duke of Ireland, departed this life at Louvain in Brabant, in great anguish of mind, & miserable necessity: which young gentleman (doubtless) was apt to all commendable exercises and parts fit for a noble man, if in his youth he had been well trained and brought up in necessary discipline.  
year 1393 This year after Christmas, a parliament was called at Winchester, 
Tho. Wal●●. A parliament at Winchester  in which only a grant was made by the clergy, of half a tenth, for the expenses of the duke of Lancaster & Gloucester, that were appointed to go over into France, to treat of peace, betwixt the two kingdoms. The courts of the king's bench and chancery, which had been removed from Westminster to York, 
The chancery and kings bench kept at York and from thence removed to London.  either in disfavour only of the Londoners, or in favour of the citizens of York, for that the archbishop of that city, being lord chancellor, line 10 wished to advance (so far as in him lay) the commodity and wealth thereof, were nevertheless about this season brought back again to Westminster, after they had remained a small time at York, to the displeasure of many. ¶ This year, the lord Auberie de Ueere, uncle to the late duke of Ireland, was made earl of Oxenford. ¶ The two and twentish of February, 
Eures.  john Eures, constable of Dover castle, & lord steward of the king's house departed this life, in whose room the lord Thomas line 20 Persie that before was vicechamberlaine was created lord steward; and the lord Thomas Beaumond was made constable of Dover, 
The I'll of man..  and lord warden of the cinque ports: and the lord William Scroop was made vicechamberlaine, who about the same time, bought of the lord William Montacute the Isle of Man, with the regality thereof, for it is a kingdom; as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth.  

The dukes of Lancaster & Gloucester sent ●o France to treat of a peace.  The dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester went over unto Calis, and down to Bullongne came the line 30 dukes of Berrie and Burgognie. These noblemen were sufficiently furnished with authority, to conclude a perfect peace, both by sea and land, between the two realms of France and England, and all their allies. The place appointed for them to treat in, was at Balingham, where tents and pavilions were pight up, for the ease of both parties. They met there twice or thrice a week, in a fair tent prepared for the purpose, about nine of the clock in the forenoon. This was about the beginning of May. When they line 40 entered first into communication, 
The French commissioners would have Calis razed to the ground.  and had seen each others authority, one of the first demands that the Frenchmen made, was to have Calis razed, in such wise, as there should never be any habitation there after that time. The dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester answered hereunto, how they had no authority to conclude so far, but that England should hold Calis still, as in demesne, and true inheritance; and therefore, if they purposed to enter any further in the treaty of peace, they should cease from that demand and speak no more thereof. When the dukes of Berrie line 50 and Burgognie heard their two cousins of England answer so roundly, they spoke no more of that matter.  

The demand of the English commissioners.  Then the dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester demanded to have restitution of all such lands as had been delivered, either to king Richard, or to king Edward the third, or to any their deputies or commissioners, and also to have fully paid the sum of florins that was left unpaid, at the time when the line 60 war revived betwixt England and France: and this the English lawyers proved to stand with equity and reason. But nevertheless, the lords and chancellor of France argued to the contrary, and so agree they could not, insomuch as the Frenchmen required, that if the Englishmen meant to have any conclusion of peace, they should draw to some nearer points. 
Orders taken, that the demands on either side should be set down in writing, the better to be considered of.  At length, the four dukes took order, that all their demands on either side should be set down in writing, and delivered to either party interchangeably, that they might be regarded at length, and such as should be found unreasonable, to be razed or reform. After they had communed together diverse times, and remained there fifteen days, they appointed to advertise the two kings of their whole doings, and after nine days space to meet again. The French dukes road to Abbevile, where the French king then lay: and the English dukes returning to Calis, wrote to the king of England, of all the whole matter. The duke of Gloucester was harder to deal with in each behalf, concerning the conclusion of peace, than was the duke of Lancaster, for he rather desired to have had war than any peace, except such a one as should be greatly to the advantage and honour of the realm of England: and therefore the commons of England understanding his disposition, agreed that he should be sent, rather than any other. 
The English gentlemen maintained by the French wars.  For where in times past the Englishmen had greatly gamed by the wars of France, as well the commons, as the knights and esquires, who had by the same maintained their estate, they could not give their willing consents, to have any peace at all with the Frenchmen, in hope by reason of the wars, to profit themselves, as in times past they had done. The French king & nobles of France were greatly inclined to peace, and so likewise was the king of England, & the duke of Lancaster. 
The 〈◊〉 of the Frenchmen.  But the Frenchmen were so subtle, and used so many dark and coloured words, that the Englishmen had much a do to understand them: which offended much the duke of Gloucester. But nevertheless, at the day prefixed, these four dukes met again at Balingham, 
The commissioners meet again.  and with the French lords came the king of Armenia, newly returned into France forth of Grecia, for into his own country he durst not come, the Turks having conquered it, the strong town of Conich, which the Genoese held, excepted.  
The king of Armenia would gladly that peace might have been established betwixt France and England, 
The king o● Armenia.  in hope to procure the sooner some aid of the kings to recover his kingdom. But to conclude after that the dukes, and other with them associate as assistants, had diligently perused and examined the articles of their treaty, 
Obscure and doubtful words to be opened.  they would not pass nor seal to any, till all dark and obscure words were clearly declared, opened, and made perfect, so that no general peace might be concluded. Notwithstanding, as Froissard saith, 
A truce for four years between England and France.  a truce for four years space, upon certain articles was agreed to be kept as well by sea as by land. It was thought, that when they were at point to have grown to agreement concerning many articles, if the French king had not newly fallen into his former disease of frenzy, there had better effect followed of this treaty; but by occasion of his sickness, each man departed, before that any principal articles could be fully ordered and made perfect. The same time, sir Thomas Persie the younger was made lord warden of Bordeaux and Aquitaine.  
In Sepermber, much hurt was done, 
Anno Reg. 1●. Great tempests.  through exceeding great thunder, lightning, and tempests, which chanced in many parts of England, but specially in Cambridgeshire, where many houses were burned, with no small quantity of corn. Great inundations and floods of water followed shortly after in October, which did much hurt at Bury, 
Much hurt done by gre●● floods in Suffolk.  and Newmarket in Suffolk, where it overthrew walls of houses, and put men and women in great danger of drowning. In Essex also in September, 
A great 〈◊〉 in Essex.  great mortality fell by pestilence amongst the people, whereof many died. ¶ The town of Chierburg was restored again to the king of Navarre, who had engaged it to the king of England, for two thousand marks. year 1394 ¶ A parliament was holden at Westminster, which began in the octaves of saint Hilary. ¶ The king purposing to go over into Ireland, required a subsidy, the clergy granted to him a whole tenth, toward the furnishing forth of that journey, if he went himself; if he went not, yet they agreed to give to him the moiety of a tenth. In time of this parliament, there appeared great evil will to remain betwixt the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Arundel, 
Uariance between the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Arundel.  for the duke imposed to the earl, that about the Exaltation of the cross, he lay with a company of armed men in the castle of Holt by Chester, the same time that the country there rose against the duke, with their captain Nicholas Cliffon, and his complices, whom he meant (as the duke alleged) to line 10 have aided against him: but this the earl flatly denied, and with probable reasons so excused himself, as the quarrel at length was taken up, and the parties for the time well quieted.  

The death of queen Anne.  This year on whitsunday being the seventh of june, queen Anne departed this life, to the great grief of her husband king Richard, who loved her entirely. She deceased at Shene, and was buried at Westminster, upon the south side of saint Edward's shrine. 
The K. defaceth the house of Shene because the queen died there.  The king took such a conceit with the house of line 20 Shene, where she departed this life, that he caused the buildings to be thrown down and defaced, whereas the former kings of this land, being weary of the city, used customably thither to resort, as to a place of pleasure, and serving highly to their recreation. Thus the king, the duke of Lancaster, and his son the earl of Derbie, were widowers, all in one season: for the lady Constance duchess of Lancaster daughter to Peter king of Spain, deceased the last year, whilst her husband the duke of Lancaster line 30 was at the treaty in France: at the same time also deceased the countess of Derbie, wife to the lord Henry earl of Derbie. ¶ Moreover, in this year 1394, Isabella duchess of York departed this life, that was half sister to the duchess of Lancaster, being borne of one mother. She was buried at Langleie.  

Anno Reg. 18. A proclamation that all Irishmen should return into their country  This year in August, was a proclamation set forth, that all Irishmen should avoid this land, and return home into their own country, before the line 40 feast of the Nativity of our lady, on pain of death. The occasion of which proclamation was, for that such multitudes of Irishmen were come over into this region, in hope of gain, that the countries in Ireland, 
The English pale in Ireland almost left desolate.  subject to England, were in manner left void of people, so that the enemies spoiled and wasted those countries at their pleasure, finding few or none to withstand them. And where king Edward the third had placed in Ireland his bench and judges, with his excheker, for the good administration of justice line 50 and politic government to be used there, he received from thence yearly in revenues and profits, coming to his own coffers, the sum of thirty thousand pounds: 
The yearly revenues of Ireland in K. Edward the third his days.  the king now laid forth no less a sum to repel the enemies, which by absence of those that were come over hither, could not otherwise be resisted, sith the power of the rebels was so increased, and the force of the country's subject, through lack of the former inhabitants, so diminished. ¶ About the feast of the Nativity of our lady, line 60 the king set forward to pass into Ireland, having made such preparation for that journey, as the like for Ireland had not been heard of at any time before. There went out with him the duke of Gloucester, the earls of March, Nottingham, and Rutland, the lord Thomas Persie lord steward, and diverse other of the English nobility.  
The duke of Lancaster, that in the thirteenth year of king Richard's reign had been created by authority of parliament, duke of Aquitaine, was about this present time sent thither, 
The duke of Lancaster saileth into Aquitaine with an army.  with five hundred men of arms, & a thousand archers, to take possession of that duchy, according to the kings grant, by his letters patents thereof had, made, and confirmed with his seal, in presence of the most part of all the nobles and great lords of England, to hold all that country to the said duke and his heirs for ever in as large manner and form, as his father king Edward the third, or any other kings of England, or dukes of Aquitaine before time had holden, and as king Richard at that season had & held the same, the homage always yet reserved to the kings of England for ever. But all this notwithstanding, at his coming thither, so far were the Gascoignes, 
The Gascoignes flatly refuse to accept the duke of Lancaster for their sovereign.  and other people of those marches from receiving him with joy and triumph, that they plainly told him, they would not atturne to him, nor be under his jurisdiction at any hand, although he had brought over with him commissioners sufficiently authorised, both to discharge them of their former allegiance to the king, and to invest him in possession of that duchy, in manner and form as before is said.  
But now to return to king Richard, ye shall understand, that when all his provision and royal army was ready, about Michaelmas, he took the sea, and landed at Waterford the second of October, 
K. Richard passeth over into Ireland with a mighty army.  and so remained in Ireland all that winter: his people were lodged abroad in the country, and lay so warily as they might. For although the Irishmen durst not attempt any exploit openly against the Englishmen, after the king's arrival with so puissant an army, yet they would steal sometimes upon them, where they espied any advantage, and disquiet them in their lodgings. But when the English still prevailed, diverse of the greatest princes among them came in, and submitted themselves. Amongst other, 
Froissard. Four Irish kings submit themselves to K. Richard.  four kings are mentioned, as the great Onell king of Meth, Brine of Thomond king of Thomond, Arthur Macmur king of Lineister, and Conhur king of Cheveno and Darpe: these kings were courteously entertained and much made of by king Richard, who kept his Christmas this year at Dubline. year 1395 And after that feast was ended, he held a parliament there, 
A parliament holden in Ireland.  to the which all his subjects of Ireland, unto whom it appertained, resorted, as well those that had continued under the English government aforetime, as those that were lately yielded.  
Also at the same time, after the octaves of the epiphany, the duke of York, 
A parliament at Westminster, king Richard being in Ireland.  lord warden of England, now in the king's absence, caused a parliament to be called at Westminster, to the which was sent forth of Ireland the duke of Gloucester, that he might declare to the commons the king's necessity, to have some grant of money to supply his want, having spent no small quantity of treasure in that journey made into Ireland. The duke's words were so well heard and believed, that a whole tenth was granted by the clergy, and a fifteenth by the laity; but not without protestation, that those paiements were granted of a mere good will, for the love they bore to the king, and to have his business go forwards, which because it required great expenses, both for that his own royal person was abiding in Ireland about the subduing of the rebels, as also because his retinue and power could not be maintained without excessive charges; they seemed to be no less desirous to have the same ended, than they which were daily agents in the same, not without fear of misfortune likely to befall them, having to deal with a people of such barbarous and rebellious behaviour.  
At the same time, those that followed Wickliff's opinions, 
The Wicklevists wrote against the clergy.  set up publicly on the church door of Paul's in London, and the church doors of Westminster, certain writings, containing accusations of the clergy, and conclusions, such as had not commonly been heard, against ecclesiastical persons, and the use of the sacraments, as the church then maintained. They were encouraged thus to do, as it was said, by some noble men, and knights of great worship, as sir Richard Sturrie, sir jews Clifford, sir Thomas Latimer, sir john Montacute, & others, who comforted & pricked forward those kind of men, then called heretics & Lollards, to the confounding of monks, friars, and other religious persons, by all ways they might. Hereupon, the archbishop of York, the bishop of London, and certain other as messengers from the whole state of the clergy, 
The clergy complain to the king of the Wicklevists, and their favourers.  passed over into Ireland, where, to the king they made a line 10 grievous complaint, as well against those that had framed and set forth such writings, as against them that maintained them in their doings, and therefore besought him with speed to return home into England, there to take such order, for the restraining of those misordered persons, as unto the relief of the church might be thought expedient, being then in great danger of sustaining irrecoverable loss and damage, if good reformation were not the sooner had. King Richard hearing these things, upon good deliberation line 20 had in the matter, determined to return home, but first on the day of the Annunciation of our lady, 

K. Richard knighteth the four Irish kings, and others.  
Froissard.   he made the four above remembered kings, to wit, Onell, Brine of Thomond, Arthur of Mackmur, and Conhur, knights, in the cathedral church of Dublin, and one likewise sir Thomas Orphen, sir joatas Pado, and his coosine sir john Pado.  
This done, and now after that they were set in quiet in that country (the rebels not being so hardy as to stir, whilst such a mighty army was there line 30 ready at hand to assail them) the king about Easter came back into England without any more ado, 
K. Richard returneth out of Ireland.  so that the gain was thought nothing to countervail the charges, which were very great: for the king had over with him in that journey, four thousand men of arms, and thirty thousand archers, as Froissard saith he was informed by an English esquire that had been in that journey. The king at his coming over, did not forget what complaint the archbishop of York, and the bishop of London had line 40 exhibited to him, against those that were called Lollards, and heretics, whereupon immediately, he called before him certain of the noble men, 
K. Richard's dealings against the favourers of the Wicklevists.  that were thought and known to favour such kind of men, threatening terribly, if from thence forth they should in any wise comfort and relieve them. He caused sir Richard Sturrie to receive an oath, that he should not maintain from that day forward any such erroneous opinions, menacing him, and as it were, covenanting with him by an interchangeable oath, that line 50 if ever he might understand, that he did violate and break that oath, he should die for it a most shameful death.  
¶ By the report of H. Knighton it should seem, that this sect (as he calleth them) mightily increased, to the no small offence of the lords temporal and spiritual, whereupon after sundry complaints, and serious solicitations for the supplanting of them, commissions were granted, and the tenure of them (as it should seem) though not absolutely, yet in part executed. line 60 Now therefore listen what mine author saith, whose addition, though by his own supputation of years it require to be placed elsewhere; yet for the consonancy of the matter, and because writers vary greatly in their accounts of time, I have here inserted the same, as in a very convenient place of the history. The noblemen and the commons (saith Henry Knighton) seeing the ship of the church, 
Abr. Fl. out of Henry Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.  with these & other innumerable errors, & very lewd opinions as it were on all sides from day to day with ceasselesse violence and force to be shaken; besought the king in the parliament, that redress might be had hereof; lest the ark of the faith of all the church by such violences and enforcements given in those days, should through want of government be battered without remedy, and the glorious realm of England by corrupting of faith should by little and little be drawn into a distress of grace and loss of honour. Wherefore the king using the sound counsel of the whole parliament, commanded the archbishop of Canturburie, & the rest of the bishops of the realm, to execute their charge and office, all and every of them in his and their diocese, according to the canon laws, more severely and zealously; to correct the offenders, to examine their English books more fully and substantially, to root out errors with all their endeavours, to bring the people into an unity of the right faith, to weed up out of the church all nettles, thistles, and brambles wherewith she is disgraced; and to beautify her with lilies and roses; and should cause an establishment of his royal power more boldly and stoutly. And the king forthwith commanded, without delay, that his letters patents should be sent abroad into all and every shire of his kingdom; and appointed in every shire certain searchers for such books and their favourers; charging them to apply a speedy remedy unto these disorders, and to lay up the rebels in the very next gaols, till the king sent unto them. But very slow execution or none at all followed, because the hour of correction was not yet come. [Howbeit, to prepare and make an entrance to the purposed reformation and correction of those enormities, he gave out a commission against the Wicklevists, a copy whereof followeth both in Latin and English. Whereby the world may see how the springing church of Christ was hated and abhorred of the antichristian rout.]  

Copia regiae commissionis adversus Lollardoes & Lollardorum sequaces.  
RIchardus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae, dilectis sibi magistro Thomae Brightwell in theologia doctori, decano collegij novi operis Leicestriae, & Gulielmo Chesulden praebendario praebendae eiusdem collegij, ac dilectis & fidelibus nostris Richardo de Barow Chinall, & Roberto Langham, salutem. Quia ex insinuatione credibili certitudinaliter informatur, quòd ex insana doctrina magistrorum johannis Wickliff dum vixit, Nicholai Herford, johannis Liston, & suorum sequacium, quàm plures libri, libelli, schedulae, & quaterni, haeresibus & erroribus manifestis in fidei catholicae laesionem, & sanae doctrinae derogationem, express, & palàm, & notoriè redundantes, frequentiùs compilantur, publicantur, & conscribuntur, tam in Anglico quàm in Latino, ac exinde opiniones nefariae sanae doctrinae contrariantes, oriuntur, crescunt, & manutenentur, ac praedicantur, in fidei orthodoxae eneruationem, ecclesiae sanctae subversionem, & ex consequenti (quod absit) quàm plurium incredulitatem, eorúmque animarum periculum manifestum. Nos zelo fidei catholicae, cuius sumus & esse volumus defensores in omnibus (ut tenemur) moti salubriter & inducti, nolentes huiusmodi haereses aut errores infra terminos nostrae potestatis, quatenùs poterimus, oriri, seu quomodolibet pullulare: assignamus vos coniunctim & divisim, ad omnes & singulos libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos huiusmodi doctrinam dictorum johannis, Nicholai, johannis, & sociorum sequacium, seu opinionum aliquam minùs sanam continentes, ubicúnque, & in quorumcúnque manibus, possessione, seu custodia inveniri poterunt, infra libertates vel extra, investigandum, capiendum, & arrestandum, & penes concilium nostrum cum omni celeritate possibili deferri faciendum, ut tunc ibidem de ijsdem ordinare vale amus, prout de avisamento concilij nostri praedictifore viderimus faciendum: ac etiam ad proclamandum, & ex part nostra firmiter inhibendum, ne quis cuiuscúnque status, gradus, seu conditionis fuerit, sub poena imprisionamenti & forisfacturationum, quae nobis line 10 forisfacere poterit, aliquas huiusmodi pravas & nefarias opiniones manutenere, docere, pertinaciterque defendere, clàm vel palam, seu huiusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos detinere, scribere, vel scribi facere, aut emere vel vendere praesumat quovis modo; sed omnes & singulos huiusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos secum habitos & inventos, ad mandatum nostrum vobis reddat, seu reddifaciat indilatè. Et ad omnes line 20 illos, quos post proclamationem & inhibitionem praedictis contrarium inveneritis facientes, & huiusmodi nefarias opiniones manutentes, coràm vobis praefato Thoma decano & Gulielmo evocandum, & diligenter examinandum: & cùm inde legitimè evicti fuerint, ministris proximísque prisonis committendum, in ijsdem detinendum, quoúsque à suis erroribus, haeresibus, & pravis opinionibus resipiscant, seu nos pro deliberatione eorundem line 30 aliter duxerimus ordinandum. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quòd dicta praemissa cum omni diligentia & efficacia intendatis, & ea faciatis & exequamini in forma praedicta. Damus autem tàm universis & singulis viris ecclesiasticis, quàm vicecomitibus, maioribus, ballivis, ministris, & alijs fidelibus & subditis nostris, tàm infra libertates quàm extra tenore praesentium firmiter in mandatis, quòd vobis, & cuilibet vestrum, in praemissis faciendis assistentes sint, consulentes, & auxiliantes, line 40 prout decet. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vice simo tertio die Maij, anno regni nostri undecimo.   

A copy of the king's commission against the Lollards or Wicklevists and their followers: Englished by A.F.  
RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to his beloved, master Thomas Brightwell doctor in divinity, dean of the college of the new work of Leicester, and to William Chesulden prebendary of the prebend of the same college; and to our beloved and trusty subjects, Richard of Barow Chinall, and Robert Langham; greeting. For so line 60 much as we are certainly informed by credible report, that by the unsound doctrine of master john Wickliff, whiles he lived, of Nicholas Herford, john Liston, and their followers, many books, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets expressly, evidently, and notoriously swarming with manifest heresies and errors to the hurt of the catholic faith, & the abolishment of sound doctrine, are commonly compiled, published, and written, as well in English as in Latin, and thereupon wicked opinions contrary to sound doctrine, do spring, grow, and are maintained and preached to the weakening of the right faith, the overthrow of holy church, and consequently (which God forbidden) the misbelief of a great many, & the manifest danger of their souls. We being moved with zeal to the catholic faith, whereof we are, and will be defenders in all things, as we are bound, unwilling that such heresies or errors within the limits of our jurisdiction, so far as we are able, should grow, or by any means spring up: do assign you jointly and severally, all and singular the books, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets containing such doctrine of the said john, Nicholas, john, and their fellow-followers, or any of their corrupt opinions, wheresoever, & in whose hands, possession, or keeping soever they shallbe found within the liberties or without; them to search, take, arrest, and cause to be brought before our council with all possible speed, that then and there we may take order for the same accordingly, as by the advise of our foresaid council we shall see requisite to be done. And also to proclaim, and on our behalf firmly to forbid all and every one, of whatsoever state, degree, or condition he be, under pain of imprisonment and forfeitures, which to us he shall forfeit, any of these wicked and lewd opinions to maintain, teach, obstinately to defend, privily or openly, or any of these books, libels, scheduls & pamphlets to keep, writ, or cause to be written; but all and every such book and books, libels, scheduls, and pamphlets with them had & found, at our commandment unto you to deliver, or cause to be delivered without delay. And all them, whom after proclamation and inhibition you shall find doing contrary to the premises, and such lewd opinions maintaining, to call forth before you the said Thomas the dean, & William, and them to examine: & when they shallbe lawfully convinced therein, to commit them to the next officers & prisons, there to be kept, till they have recanted their errors, heresies, and wicked opinions; or till we for their deliverance shall otherwise think order to be taken. And therefore we command, that you intent the said premises, with all diligence and effect, and the same do and execute in form aforesaid. We do also give in streict commandment and charge, to all and every as well churchman & churchmen, as sheriffs, majors, bailiffs, officers, and other our trusty subjects, as well within the liberties as without, by the tenor of these presents, to assist, counsel, and help you and every of you in doing the premises, as it is convenient. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters patents to be made. Witness ourselves at Westminster the twenty third day of May, and the eleventh year of our reign.   
¶ About this time, or (as Henry Knighton saith) in the year 1392, master William Courtenie archbishop of Canturburie, brother to the earl of Denshire visited the diocese of Lincoln, and on the feast of saint Faith the virgin he visited master john Bokingham bishop of Lincoln in the cathedral church of Lincoln●, with the chapter, 
Archbishop of Canturburies' visitation.  and an hundred of the canons, and he came to Leicester abbey in visitation, the sunday before the feast of All saints, where he 〈◊〉 all the tuesday, and on the eve also of All saints being monday, calling together all the canons of the said monastery, with the chaplains of his own chapel, every of them having in their hands burning candles. 
Wicklevists excommunicated.  The same archbishop confirmed sentence of excommunication against the Lollards or Wicklevists, with their favourers, which either now maintained or caused to be maintained, or hereafter did maintain or should maintain the errors and opinions of master john Wickliff, in the diocese of Lincoln. On the morrow next after All saints, the same bishop flashed out his sentence of line 10 excommunication like lightning in open sight, with a cross set upright, with candles burning bright, and with bells rung aloud, and namely against those of Leicester town that had too too much defiled and infected the said town and country. The archbishop departing from thence, went to saint Peter's church, to a certain anchoress named Matildis there kept as in a closet, whom he reproving about the foresaid errors and opinions of the Lollards, and finding her line 20 answers scarce advisedly made, cited her that she should appear before him, on the sunday next ensuing, in saint james his abbeie at Northampton, to answer unto the foresaid erroneous and profane points. Now she appeared at the day appointed, and renouncing her errors, and having penance enjoined her, she went away reform. But till the second day before the feast of saint Lucy, she kept herself out of her closet, and then entered into the same again. Other Lollards also were cited, and appeared line 30 at Oxford, and in other places, as the archbishop had commanded them: who renouncing their superstitious errors, and for swearing their profane opinions, did open penance. Also one William Smith was made to go about the market place at Leicester, 
A ridiculous penance.  clothed in linen [or in a white sheet] holding in his right arm the image of the Crucifix, and in his left the image of saint Katherine, because the said Smith had sometimes cut in pieces and burned an image of saint Katherine, whereof he made a fire to line 40 boil him herbs in his hunger.  
In those days there was a certain matron in London, which had one only daughter, whom many days she instructed and trained up to celebrat the mass, and she set up an altar in her privy or secret chamber with all the ornaments thereunto belonging, and so she made her daughter many days to attire herself like a priest, and to come to the altar, and after her manner to celebrate the mass. Now when she came to the words of the sacrament, she line 50 cast herself flat on her face before the altar, & 
* For the papists say that the sacrificing priest is the maker of his maker, namely God.  made not the sacrament; but rising up, dispatched the rest of the mass even to the very end, her mother helping her therein, and doing her devotion. This error a long time lasted, till at last by a certain neighbour that was secretly called to such a mass, it was told abroad, and came to the bishop's ears, who causing them to appear before him, talked with them about that error, and compelled the young woman openly to show the priestly shaving of her hair, whose head line 60 was found to be all bare and bald. The bishop sighing and sorrieng that such an error should happen in the church in his time, made many lamentations, and having enjoined them penance, dispatched and sent them away. Thus far Henry Knighton. [It is not to be doubted, but that in these days many of the female sex be meddling in matters impertinent to their degree, 
Boldness of women in ecclesiastical matters ta●ed.  and inconvenient for their knowledge; debating & scanning in their private conventicles of such things as whereabout if they kept silence, it were for their greater commendation; presuming, though not to celebrat a mass, or to make a sacrament; yet to undertake some public piece of service incident to the ministery: whose over-saucy rashness being bolstered and borne up with abettors not a few, whether it be by ecclesiastical discipline corrected, I wots not; but of the uniformed presbytery I am sure it is lamented.]  
A certain thing appeared in the likeness of fire in many parts of the realm of England, 
A fiery apparition of diverse likenesses.  now of one fashion, now of another, as it were every night, but yet in diverse places all November and December. This fiery apparition, oftentimes when any body went alone, it would go with him, and would stand still when he stood still. To some it appeared in the likeness of a turning wheel burning; to othersome round in the likeness of a barrel, flashing out flames of fire at the head; to othersome in the likeness of a long burning lance; and so to diverse folks at diverse times and seasons it showed itself in diverse forms and fashions a great part of winter, specially in Leicestershire and Northamptonshire: and when many went together, it approached not near them, but appeared to them as it were a far off. In a parliament time there was a certain head of war made by the art of necromancy (as it was reported) which head at an hour appointed to speak, 
A head of wa● wrought by necromancy speaketh.  uttered these words following at three times, and then ceased to speak any more. These be the words; first, The head shall be cut off; secondly, The head shall be lift up aloft; thirdly, The feet shall be lift up aloft above the head. This happened in the time of that parliament which was called the merciless parliament, not long before the parliament that was named the parliament which wrought wonders. 
A fiery dragon seen in divers places.  In April there was seen a fiery dragon in many places of England; which dreadful sight as it made many a one amazed, so it ministered occasion of mistrust to the minds of the maruellors, that some great mischief was imminent, whereof that burning apparition was a prognostication. 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wal●●●. in Rich. 2. pag. 341.  In this king's days (as saith Thomas Walsingham) whose report, because I am here dealing with certain prodigious accidents importing some strange events, I am the more bold to interlace) about the troublesome time when discord sprang between the king and his youthlie companions with the duke of Lancaster, 
A conjunction of jupiter & Saturn.  in the month of May, there happened a conjunction of the two greatest planets, namely jupiter and Saturn, after the which did follow a very great commotion of kingdoms, as in the process of this history may appear.  
The French king about this time summoned a convocation of the French clergy, 
A schism between two pope's for the dignity of ● Peter's cha●re.  to decide and search out the power of the two pope's, which of them had fuller right and authority in S. Peter's chair, for the schism and division between the two pope's was not yet ended. The French clergy wrote in the behalf of Clement their pope, & confirmed their script or writing with the university seal of Paris. Which writing Charles the French king sent over to Richard king of England, that touching these doubts and difficulties he with (the council of his clergy might deliberat. Wherefore king Richard summoned a convocation at Oxford of the lerneder divines as well regents as not regents of the whole realm; who wrote for and in the behalf of Urbane their pope of Rome, and confirmed their writing with the university seal of Oxford, & sent it over sea to Paris unto the French king. But nothing was done further in the premises, both pope's, under the shroud or shelter of schism prevailing between them, justifying these title & interest. [This is the last record found in Henry Knighton, who for that which he hath done touching chronography, hath written (the blindness of the time wherein he lived, and his order considered) though not so well as the best, yet not so ill as the worst: and whose collections, if they were laid together, would afford a large augmentation to matters of chronicle: but O spite that so abruptly he breaketh off, and continueth his an ●ales no further than this year, 1395.]  
This year, the Danes that lay roving on the seas did much hurt to the English merchants, taking and robbing many English ships, and ●hen the haven towns alongst ●he coasts of Norfolk, 
The Danes 〈◊〉 the English merchants on the seas.  made forth a number of ships, and ventured to fight with those pirates, they were vanquished by the Danes, so that line 10 many were slain, and many taken prisoners, which were constrained to pay great ransoms. The enemies also found in ransacking the English ships, 
Great prizes won by the Danish pirets of the Englishmen.  twenty thousand pounds, which the English merchants had aboard with them to buy wares with, in place whither they were bound to go. ¶ In the same year, William courtney archbishop of Canturburie, having more regard to his own private commodity, than to the discommodity of others, purchased a bull of the pope, whereby he was authorised to levy through his whole province four pence of the line 20 pound of ecclesiastical promotions, as well in places exempt, as not exempt, no true nor lawful cause being showed or pretended, why he ought so to do; and to see the execution of this bull put in practice, the archbishop of York, and the bishop of London, were named and appointed.  
Many that feared the censures of such high executioners, chose rather to pay the money forthwith, than to go to the law, and be compelled happily, manger their good wills. Some there were that appealed line 30 to the see of Rome, meaning to defend their cause and to procure that so unlawful an exaction might be revoked. Specially, the prebendaries of Lincoln stood most stiffly against those bishops, but the death of the archbishop that chanced shortly after, made an end of those so passing great troubles. This year, john Waltham bishop of Salisbury, 
Waltham bishop of Salisbury buried at Westminster amongst the kings.  and lord treasurer of England departed this life, and by king Richard his appointment had the honour to have his body interred at Westminster amongst the kings. After line 40 this decease, Roger Walden that before was secretary to the king, and treasurer of Calis, was now made lord treasurer.  
ye have heard, that in the year 1392, Robert Uéer duke of Ireland departed this life in Louvain in Brabant. 
Anno Reg. 19  King Richard therefore this year in November, caused his corpse being embalm, to be conveyed into England, and so to the priory of Colnie in Essex, 
The duke of Ireland's corpse conveyed from Louvain into England, and there royally interred.  appointing him to be laid in a coffin of cypress, and to be adorned with princely garments, line 50 having a chain of gold about his neck, and rich rings on his fingers. And to show what love and affection he bore unto him in his life time, the king caused the coffin to be opened, that he might behold his face bared, and touch him with his hands: he honoured his funeral exequys with his presence, accompanied with the countess of Oxenford, mother to the said duke, the archbishop of Canturburie, and many other bishops, abbots, and prior's: but of noble line 60 men there were very few, for they had not yet digested the envy and hatred which they had conceived against him.  

Froissard.  In this mean while, the duke of Lancaster was in Gascoigne, treating with the lords of the country, and the inhabitants of the good towns, which utterly refused to receive him otherwise than as a lieutenant or substitute to the king of England, 
The Gascoignes send unto K. Rich. signifying unto him, that they ought not to be diui●ed from the crown.  and in the end addressed messengers into England, to signify to the king, that they had been accustomed to be governed by kings, and meant not now to become subjects to any other, contrary to all reason, sith the king could not (saving his oath) alien them from the crown. The duke of Lancaster used all ways he might devise, how to win their good wills, and had sent also certain of his trusty councillors over hither into England, as sir William Perreer, sir Peter Clifton, and two clerk learned in the law, the one called master john Huech, and the other master john Richards a canon of Leicester, to plead and solicit his cause.  
But to be brief, such reasons were showed, and such matter unfolded by the Gascoignes, why they ought not be separated from the crown of England, that finally (notwithstanding the duke of Gloucester, and certain other were against them) it was decreed, that the country and duchy of Aquitaine should remain still in demesne of the crown of England, lest that by this transporting thereof, 
The grant of the duchy of Aquitaine to the duke of Lancaster revoked.  it might fortune in time, that the heritage thereof should fall into the hands of some stranger, and enemy to the English nation, so that then the homage and sovereignty might perhaps be lost for ever. Indeed, the duke of Gloucester, being a prince of an high mind, & loath to have the duke of Lancaster at home, being so highly in the king's favour, could have been well pleased, that he should have enjoyed his gift, for that he thought thereby to have borne all the rule about the king, for the duke of York was a man rather coveting to live in pleasure, than to deal with much business, and the weighty affairs of the realm.  
About the same time, or somewhat before, the king sent an embassage to the French king, the archbishop of Dublin, the earl of Rutland, 
Ambassadors sent into France to treat a marriage between king Richard & the French K. daughter.  the earl Martial, the lord Beaumond, the lord Spenser, the lord Clifford named jews, and twenty knights with forty esquires. The cause of their going over, was to entreat of a marriage to be had betwixt him, and the lady Isabella, daughter to the French king, she being as than not past eight years of age, which before had been promised unto the duke of Britain's son: but in consideration of the great benefit that was likely to ensue by this communication and alliance with England, there was a mean found to undo that knot, though not presently. These English lords, at their coming to Paris, were joyfully received, and so courteously entertained, banketted, feasted, and cherished, and that in most honourable sort, as nothing could be more: all their charges and expenses were borne by the French king, and when they should departed, they received for answer of their message, very comfortable words, and so with hope to have their matter sped, they returned.  
But now when the duke of Lancaster had, 
Thom. Wals.  by laying forth an inestimable mass of treasure purchased in a manner the good wills of them of Aquitaine, and compassed his whole desire, he was suddenly countermanded home by the king, and so to satisfy the king's pleasure, he returned into England, and coming to the king at Langleie, where he held his Christmas, was received with more honour than love, as was thought; whereupon he road in all haste that might be to Lincoln, where Katherine Swinford as then lay, whom shortly after the epiphany, year 1396 he took to wife. This woman was borne in Heinault, daughter to a knight of that country, called sir Paou de Ruet: she was brought up in her youth, in the duke of Lancaster's house, 
The duke of Lancaster marrieth a lady of a mean estate▪ whom he had kept as his concubine  and attended on his first wife the duchess Blanch of Lancaster, and in the days of his second wife the duchess Constance, he kept the foresaid Katherine as his concubine, who afterwards was married to a knight of England, named Swinford, that was now deceased. Before she was married, the duke had by her three children, two sons and a daughter; one of the sons was named Thomas de Beaufort, & the other Henry, who was brought up at Aken in Almain, proved a good lawyer, and was after bishop of Winchester.  
For the love that the duke had to these his children, he married their mother the said Katherine Swinford, being now a widow, whereof men marveled much, considering her mean estate was far unmeet to match with his highness, and nothing comparable in honour to his other two former wives. And indeed, the great ladies of England, as the duchess of Gloucester, the countesses of Derbie, Arundel and others, descended of the blood royal, greatly disdained, line 10 that she should be matched with the duke of of Lancaster, and by that means be accounted second person in the realm, and preferred in room before them, and therefore they said, that they would not come in any place where she should be present, for it should be a shame to them that a woman of so base birth, and concubine to the duke in his other wives days, should go and have place before them. The duke of Gloucester also, being a man of an high mind and stout stomach, misliked his brother's line 20 matching so meanly, but the duke of York bore it well enough, and verily, the lady herself was a woman of such bringing up, and honourable demeanour, that envy could not in the end but give place to well deserving. 
Wicklevists increase.  About this season, the doctrine of of john Wickliff still mightily spread abroad here in England. ¶ The schism also still continued in the church, betwixt the two factions of cardinals French and Roman▪ for one of their pope's could no sooner be dead, but that they ordained an other in his line 30 place.  
In this eighteenth year also was a wonderful tempest of wind in the months of julie and August, and also most specially in September, by violence whereof, in sundry places of this realm, great and wonderful hurt was done, both in churches and houses. ¶ The ambassadors that had been lately in France, about the treaty of the marriage (as before ye have heard) went thither again, and so after that the two kings by sending to and fro were grown line 40 to certain points and covenants of agreement, 

The earl marshal affieth the French kings daughter, in the name of king Richard.  
Anno Reg. 20. A truce for 30 years between England and France.  
Tho. Walsin.   the earl marshal, by letters of procuration, married the lady Isabella, in name of king Richard, so that from thenceforth she was called queen of England. Amongst other covenants and articles of this marriage, there was a truce accorded, to endure betwixt the two realms of England and France, for term of thirty years. The pope wrote to king Richard, beseeching him to assist the prelates against the Lollards (as they termed them) whom he pronounced to line 50 be traitors, both to the church and kingdom, and therefore he besought him to take order for the punishment of them, whom the prelates should denounce to be heretics.  

The pope's letters to K. Rich. against the Wicklevists  At the same time, he sent a bull revocatory concerning religious men, that had either at his hands or at the hands of his legates or nuncios purchased to be his chapleins, and accounting themselves thereby exempt from their order; so that now they were by this revocatory bull, appointed to return to their line 60 order, and to observe all rules thereto belonging. This liked the friars well, namely the minors, that sought by all means they might devise, how to bring their brethren home again, which by such exemptions in being the pope's chapleins, were segregated & divided from the residue of their fraternity or brotherhood. The king in this twentieth year of his reign, went over to Calis with his uncles the dukes of York and Gloucester, 
K. Richard goeth over to Calis.  and a great many of other lords and ladies of honour, and thither came to him the duke of Burgognie, and so they communed of ●he peace. There was no enemy to the conclusion thereof but the duke of Gloucester, who showed well by his words that he wished rather war than peace, in somuch as the king stood in doubt of him, lest he would procure some rebellion against him by his subjects, whom he knew not to favour greatly this new alliance with France.  
The king after the duke of Burgognie had talked with him throughly of all things, and was departed from him, returned into England (leaving the ladies still at Calis) to open the covenants of the marriage and peace unto his subjects, and after he had finished with that business, and understood their minds, he went again to Calis, and with him his two uncles, of Lancaster and Gloucester, and diverse prelates and lords of the realm; and shortly after came the French king to the bastide of Arde, accompanied with the dukes of Burg●gnie, Berrie, Britain and Bourbon. There was set up for the king of England a right fair and rich pavilion a little beyond Guisnes within the English pale; 
The manner of the interview between king Richard and the French king.  and another the like pavilion was pight up also for the French king on this side Arde, within the French dominion; so that between the said pavilions was the distance of threescore & ten paces, and in the midway betwixt them both, 
Fabian.  was ordained the third pavilion, at the which both kings coming from either of their tents sundry times should meet and have communication together.  
The distance betwixt the two tents was beset on either side in time of the interview with knights armed with their swords in their hands; that is to say, on the one side stood four hundred French knights in armour with swords in their hands, 
Froissard.  and on the other side four hundred English knights armed with swords in their hands, making as it were a lane betwixt them through the which the two kings came and met, with such noble men as were appointed to attend them. 
Fabian.  And a certain distance from the two first pavilions, were appointed to stand such companies of men as either of them by appointment had covenanted to bring with them. The two kings before their meeting, 
The oath of the two kings.  received a solemn oath for assurance of their faithful and true meaning, to observe the sacred laws of amity one toward an other in that their interview, so as no damage, violence, molestation, arrest, disturbance, or other inconvenience should be practised by them, or their friends and subjects: and that if any disorder rose through any mishap, arrogancy, or strife moved by any person, the same should be reform, promising in the words of princes to assist one an other in suppressing, the malice of such as should presume to do or attempt any thing that might sound to the breach of friendly amity, during the time of that assembly eight days before, and seven days after.  
On the six and twentieth of October, the king of England removed from Calis toward the castle of Guisnes, and wi●h him the duke of Berrie, who was sent to take his oath. The morrow after, being the even of Simon and Jude, the kings met, and the lords of France, to wit, the duke of Berrie, Burgogne, Orleans, and Bourbon, the earl of savoy, the viscount of Meaux, and others conveyed the king of England; and from him were sent to conduct the French king diverse of the English lords, as the two dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester, four earls; to wit, of Derbie, Rutland, Nottingham, and Northumberland. After the two kings were come together into the tent for that purpose prepared, it was first accorded betwixt them, that in the same place where they thus met, should be builded of both their costs a chapel for a perpetual memory, 
The chapel of our lady of peace.  which should be called The chapel of our lady of peace. On saturday being the feast day of the apostles Simon and Jude, the kings talked together of certain articles touching the treaty of peace, and having concluded upon the same, they received either of them an oath upon the holy Evangelists, to observe and keep all the covenants accorded upon.  
On the monday the French king came to the king of England his pavilion, and the same time was brought thither the young queen Isabella daughter to the French king, 
The French K. giveth his daughter to king Richard in marriage.  who there delivered her unto king Richard, who taking her by the hand kissed her, & gave to her father great thanks for that so honourable line 10 and gracious a gift, openly protesting, that upon the conditions concluded betwixt them, he did receive her, that by such affinity both the realms might continue in quietness, and come to a good end and perfect conclusion of a perpetual peace. The queen was committed to the duchesses' of Lancaster & Gloucester, to the countesses of Huntingdon and Stafford, to the march●onesse of Dublin daughter to the lord Concie, to the ladies of Namure, Poinings, and others; which with a noble train of men and horses, conveyed line 20 her to Calis: for there were twelve charet full of ladies & gentlewomen. This d●one, the kings came together into the king of England's pavilion to dinner. The French king sat on the right side of the hall, and was royally served after the manner of his country, 
The order of the French kings service at table.  that is to say, of all manner of meats appointed to be served at the first course in one mighty large dish or platter, and likewise after the same sort at the second course. But the king of England was served after the English manner. When the line 30 tables were taken up, and that they had made an end of dinner, the kings kissed each other, and took their horses. The K. of England brought the French king on his way, and at length they took leave either of other, in shaking hands and embracing on horseback. The French king road to Arde, and the king of England returned to Calis.  
¶ We have omitted (as things superfluous to speak of) all the honourable demenor and courteous entertainment used and showed betwixt these prince's line 40 and noble men on both parts, their sundry feastings and banketing, what rich apparel, plate, and other furniture of cupboards and tables, the princely gifts and rich jewels which were presented from one to an other, striving (as it might seem) who should show himself most bounteous and liberal: 
The expenses of king Richard at this interview.  beside the gifts which the king of England gave unto the French king, and to the nobles of his realm (which amounted above the sum of ten thousand marks) the K. of England spending at this time (as the fame line 50 went) above three hundred thousand marks. After the kings return to Calis on wednesday next ensuing, 
The marriage solemnised at Calis.  being All hallows day, in solemn wise he married the said lady Isabella in the church of saint Nicholas, the archbishop of Canturburie doing the office of the minister.  
The thursday after, the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon came to Calis to see the king & the queen: and on the friday they took their leave and departed, and road to saint Omers to the French king. line 60 On the same day in the morning the king and the queen took their ship, and had fair passage: for within three hours they arrived at Dover, from whence they sped them towards London, whereof the citizens being warned, made out certain horsemen well appointed in one livery of colour, with a devise embroidered on their sleeves, that every company might be known from other, the which with the mayor and his brethren, 
The mayor of London and the citizens meet the K. & the queen on Blackeheath.  clothed in scarlet, met the king and queen on Blackeheath, and there doing their duties with humble reverence attended upon their majesties till they came to Newington: where the king commanded the mayor with his company to return, for that he was appointed to lodge that night at Kennington.  
Shortly after, to wit, the thirteenth of November, the young queen was conveyed from thence with great pomp unto the Tower, at which time there was such press on London bridge, 

Certain thrust to death in the press on London bridge.  
john Stow. The queens coronation.   that by reason thereof, certain persons were thrust to death: among the which the prior of Tiptrie, a place in Essex was one, and a worshipful matron in Cornhill an other. The morrow after she was conveyed to Westminster with all the honour that might be devised, and finally there crowned queen upon sunday being then the seventh of januarie. year 1397 On the two and twentieth of januarie was a parliament begun at Westminster, 
The duke of Lancaster his bastard's mad● legitimate by parliament.  in which the duke of Lancaster caused to be legitimated the issue which he had begot of Katherine Swinfort, before she was his wife. ¶ At the same time Thomas Beaufort son to the said duke, by the said Katherine, was created earl of Summerset. ¶ There was an ordinance made in the same parliament, that justices should not have any to sit with them as assistants. ¶ Moreover, there was a tenth granted by the clergy to be paid to the kings use at two several terms in that present year. 
The justices revoked out of exile.  In this year the king contrary to his oath revoked the justices forth of Ireland, whom by constraint (as before ye have heard) he was enforced to banish, thereby to satisfy the noble men that would have it so.  
In this twentieth year of his reign king Richard receiving the sums of money (for the which the strong town of Breast was engaged to him) by evil counsel (as many thought) delivered it unto the duke of Britain, 
Breast yielded up to the duke of Britain.  by reason whereof no small spark of displeasure arose betwixt the king and the duke of Gloucester, which kindled up such a flame (as it was easy to do) finding matter enough to feed upon in both their breasts, that finally it could no longer be kept down, nor by any means quenched. In the month of February, the king holding a sumptuous feast at Westminster, many of the soldiers that were newly come from Breast pressed into the hall, and kept a room together. 
Privy grudge betwixt the king and the duke of Gloucester.  Whom as the duke of Gloucester beheld, and understood what they were, to remember how that town was given up contrary to his mind and pleasure, it grieved him not a little: and therefore as the king was entered into his chamber, and few about him, he could not forbear, but broke forth, and said to the king: Sir, 
The talk betwixt the king and the duke of Gloucester.  saw ye not those fellows that sat in such number this day in the hall, at such a table? The king answered that he saw them, and asked the duke what they were? To whom the duke made this answer: Sir, these be the soldiers that came from Breast, and have nothing now to take to, nor yet know how to shift for their livings, and the worse, for that (as I am informed) they have been evil paid. Then said the king; That is against my will, for I would that they should have their due wages; and if any have cause to complain, let them show the matter to the treasurer, and they shall be reasonably answered: and herewith he commanded that they should be appointed to four certain villages about London, there to remain, 
Out of a French pamphlet.  and to have meat, drink, and lodging upon his charges till they were paid.  
Thus as they fell into reasoning of this matter, the duke said to the king: Sir, your grace ought to put your body in pain to win a strong hold or town by feats of war, yet you take upon you to sell or deliver any town or strong hold gotten with great adventure by the manhood and policy of your noble progenitors. To this the king with changed countenance answered and said: Uncle, how say you that? And the duke boldly without fear recited the same again, not changing one word in any better sort. Whereupon the king being more chafed, replied; Sir, think you that I am a merchant, or a very fool, to sell my land? By saint john Baptist no: but truth it is, that our coosine the duke of Britain hath satisfied us in all such sums of money as our progenitors len● unto him, and to his ancestors, upon gage of the said town of Breast, for the which reason and conscience will no less but that the town should thereupon be to him restored. Upon this multiplying of words in such presumptuous manner by the duke against the king, there kindled such displeasure betwixt line 10 them, that it never ceased to increase into flames, till the duke was brought to his end.  

The earl of saint Paul his counsel to K. Richard.  The earl of saint Paul at his last coming into England to receive king Richard's oath for observing the truce, had conference with the king of diverse matters. The king by way of complaint, showed unto him how stiff the duke of Gloucester was in hindering all such matters as he would have go forward, not only seeking to have the peace broken betwixt the realms of England & France, but also line 20 procuring trouble at home, by stirring the people to rebellion. The earl of saint Paul hearing of this stout demeanour of the duke, told the king that it should be best to provide in time against such mischiefs as might ensue thereof, and that it was not to be suffered, that a subject should behave himself in such sort toward his prince. The king marking his words, 
Polydor.  thought that he gave him good and faithful counsel, and thereupon determined to suppress both the duke and other of his complices, and took more line 30 diligent regard to the saiengs & doings of the duke than before he had done. And as it cometh to pass that those which suspect any evil, do ever deem the worst; so he took every thing in evil part, insomuch that he complained of the duke unto his brethren the dukes of Lancaster and York, in that he should stand against him in all things and seek his destruction, the death of his counsellors, and overthrow of his realm.  

The dukes of Lancaster & York excuse the duke of Gloucester to the king.  The two dukes of Lancaster and York to deliver line 40 the kings mind of suspicion, made answer, that they were not ignorant, how their brother of Gloucester, as a man sometime rash in words, would speak oftentimes more than he could or would bring to effect, and the same proceeded of a faithful hart, which he bore towards the king, for that it grieved him to understand, that the confines of the English dominions should in any wise be diminished: therefore his grace ought not to regard his words, sith he should take no hurt thereby. These persuasions quieted line 50 the king for a time, till he was informed of the practice which the duke of Gloucester had contrived (as the fame went amongst diverse persons) to imprison the king. For then the duke of Lancaster and York, first reproving the duke of Gloucester for his too liberal talking, uttering unadvisedly words that became not his person, and which to have concealed had tended more to the opinion of virtue, than to lash out whatsoever his unstaid mind afforded, which is a great fault (as in effect the poet noteth: line 60 
Eximia est virtus praestare silentia rebu●,  
At contra gravis est culpa tacenda loqus)  and perceiving that he set nothing by their words, were in doubt lest if they should remain in the court still, he would upon a presumptuous mind, in trust to be borne out by them, attempt some outrageous enterprise. Wherefore they thought best to departed for a time into their countries, that by their absence he might the sooner learn to stay himself for doubt of further displeasure. But it came to pass, that their departing from the court was the casting away of the duke of Gloucester. For after that they were gone, there ceased not such as bare him evil will, to procure the K. to dispatch him out of the way.  
The duke in deed sore stomached the matter, that his counsel might not be followed in all things, and specially for that he saw (as he took it) that the king was misled by some persons that were about him, otherwise than stood with his honour: for reformation whereof, he conferred with the abbot of saint Albon, and the prior of Westminster. The abbot was both his c●o●ine and godfather: 
A conspirator between the duke of Gloucester and the abbot of 〈◊〉 Albon.  and having on a day both the duke and the prior at his house in saint Albon, after dinner he ●ell in talk with the duke and prior, and amongst other communication required of the prior to tell truth, whether he had any vision the night before or not▪ The prior seemed with to make a direct answer; 
Out of an 〈◊〉 French pamphlet belonging to john Stow.  but at length being earnestly requested as well by the abb●t as the duke, he declared that he had a vision in deed, which was, that the realm of England should be destroyed through the misgovernment of king Richard. By the virgin Marie, said the abbot, I had the very same vision. The duke hereupon disclosed unto them all the secrets of his mind, and by their devices presently contrived an assembly of diverse great lords of the realm at Arundel castle that day for might, at what time he himself appointed to be there, with the earls of Derbie, Arundel, Martial, and Warwick: also the archbishop of Canturburie, the abbot of saint Albens, the prior of Westminster, with diverse others.  
These estates being come to Arundel castle at the day appointed, 
Anno Reg. 1●.  about the very beginning of the one and twentieth year of king Richard's reign, they swore ●ch to other to be assistant in all such matters as they should determine, and therewith received the sacrament at the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, who celebrated mass before them the morrow after. Which done, they withdrew into a chamber, and fell in counsel together, where in the end they light upon this point; to take king Richard, 
The purp●●s of the conspirators.  the dukes of Lancaster & York, and commit them to prison, and all the other lords of the king's council they determined should be drawn and hanged. Such was their purpose which they meant to have accomplished in August following. But the earl marshal that was lord deputy of Calis, and had married the earl of arundel's daughter, discovered all their counsel to the king, and the very day in which they should begin their enterprise. 
The earl marshal discloseth the conspira●ie.  The king bade the earl marshal take heed what he had said, for if it proved not true, he should repent it: but the earl constantly hereunto answered, that if the matter might be proved otherwise, he was contented to be drawn and quartered.  
The king hereupon went to London, where he dined at the house of his brother the earl of Huntingdon in the street behind All hallows church upon the bank of the river of Thames, which was a right fair and stately house. After dinner, he gave his council to understand all the matter; by whose advise it was agreed, that the king should assemble forthwith what power he might convenientite make of men of arms & archers, and streightwaies take horse, accompanied with his brother the earl of Huntingdon, & the earl marshal. Hereupon at six of the clock in the afternoon, the just hour when they used to go to supper, the king mounted on horseback, and road his way; whereof the Londoners had great marvel. After that the king began to approach the duke's house at Plashie in Essex, where he than lay, he commanded his brother the earl of Huntingdon to ride afore, 
The earl of Rutland saith R. Gra●●o●.  to know if the duke were at home, and if he were, then to tell him that the king was coming at hand to speak with him.  
The earl with ten persons in his company amending his pace (for the king had made no great has● all the night before, as should appear by his journey) came to the house, and entering into the court, asked if the duke were at home, and understanding by a gentlewoman that made him answer, that both the duke and duchess were yet in bed, he besought her to go to the duke, and to show him that the king was coming at hand to speak with him, and forthwith came the king with a competent number of men of arms, and a great company of archers, riding into the base court, his trumpets sounding before him. line 10 The duke herewith came down into the base court, where the king was, having none other apparel upon him, but his shirt, and a cloak or a mantel cast about his shoulders, and with humble reverence said that his grace was welcome, ask of the lords how it chanced they came so early, and sent him no word of their coming? The king herewith courteously requested him to go and make him ready, and appoint his horse to be saddled, for that he must needs ride with him a little way, and confer with him of business. line 20 The duke went up again into his chamber to put upon him his clothes, and the king alighting from his horse, fell in talk with the duchess and her ladies. The earl of Huntingdon and diverse other followed the duke into the hall, and there stayed for him, till he had put on his raiment. And within a while they came forth again all together into the base court, where the king was delighting with the duchess in pleasant talk, whom he willed now to return to her lodging again, for he might stay no line 30 longer, and so took his horse again, and the duke likewise. But shortly after that the king and all his company were gone forth of the gate of the base court, he commanded the earl marshal to apprehend the duke, 
The duke of Gloucester arrested.  which incontinently was done according to the king's appointment.  
¶ Here we find some variance in writers. For as by an old French pamphlet (which I have seen) it should appear, the king commanded first, that this duke should be conveyed unto the tower, where he line 40 meant to comen with him, & not in any other place: but nevertheless, the king shortly after appointed, that he should be sent to Calis, as in the same pamphlet is also contained. Other writ, that immediately upon his apprehension, the earl marshal conveyed him unto the Thames, and there being set aboard in a ship prepared of purpose, he was brought to Calis, where he was at length dispatched out of life, either strangled or smothered with pillows (as some do write. 
Out of an old French pamphlet. ) For the king thinking it not good, that the line 50 duke of Gloucester should stand to his answer openly, because the people bore him so much good will, sent one of his justices called Willam Kikill, an Irishman borne, over unto Calis, there to inquire of the duke of Gloucester, whether he had committed any such treasons as were alleged against him, and the earls of Arundel and Warwick, as after shall be specified. justice Kikill hearing what he confessed upon his examination, wrote the same as he was commanded to do, and therewith speedily returned line 60 to the king, and as it hath been reported, he informed the king (whether truly or not, I have not to say) that the duke frankly confessed every thing, wherewith he was charged. Whereupon the king sent unto Thomas mowbray earl marshal and of Nottingham, to make the duke secretly away.  
The earl prolonged time for the executing of the king's commandment, though the king would have had it done with all expedition, whereby the king conceived no small displeasure, and swore that it should cost the earl his life if he quickly obeyed not his commandment. The earl thus as it seemed in manner enforced, called out the duke at midnight, as if he should have taken ship to pass over into England, and there in the lodging called the princes In, he caused his servants to cast featherbeds upon him, and so smother him to death, or otherwise to strangle him with towels (as some writ.) This was the end of that 
* For he was son to a king, and uncle to a king.  noble man, fierce of nature, hasty, wilful, and given more to war than to peace: and in this greatly to be discommended, that he was ever repining against the king in all things, whatsoever he wished to have forward. He was thus made away not so soon as the brute ran of his death. But (as it should appear by some authors) he remained alive till the parliament that next ensued, and then about the same time that the earl of Arundel suffered, he was dispatched (as before ye have heard.) His body was afterwards with all funeral pomp conveyed into England, and buried at his own manor of Plashie within the church there, in a sepulchre which he in his life time had caused to be made, and there erected.  
The same evening that the king departed from London towards Plashie, to apprehend the duke of Gloucester, 
The earl of Arundel apprehended.  the earl of Rutland and the earl of Kent were sent with a great number of men of arms and archers to arrest the earl of Arundel; which was done easily enough, by reason that the said earl was trained with fair words at the king's hands, till he was within his danger: where otherwise he might have been able to have saved himself, and delivered his friends. The earl of Warwick was taken, and committed to the tower the same day that the king had willed him to dinner, and showed him very good countenance. There were also apprehended and committed to the tower the same time, the lord john Cobham, and sir john Cheinie knights. The earl of Arundel was sent to the isle of Wight, there to remain as prisoner, till the next parliament, in the which he determined so to provide, that they should be all condemned, and put to death. And for doubt of some commotion that might arise amongst the commons, he caused it by open proclamation to be signified, that these noblemen were not apprehended for any offence committed long agone, but for new trespasses against the king, as in the next parliament should be manifestly declared and proved.  
Shortly after, he procured them to be indicted at Nottingham, 
The names of the appellants.  suborning such as should appeal them in parliament, to wit, Edward earl of Rutland, Thomas mowbray earl marshal, Thomas Holland earl of Kent, john Holland earl of Huntingdon, Thomas Beaufort earl of Summerset, john Montacute earl of Salisbury, Thomas lord Spenser, and the lord William Scroop lord chamberlain. In the mean time, the king fearing what might be attempted against him by those that favoured these noblemen that were in durance, 
A guard of Cheshire men about the king.  sent for a power of Cheshire men, that might day and night keep watch and ward about his person. They were about two thousand archers, paid wéekelie, as by the annals of Britain it appeareth. The king had little trust in any of the nobility, except in his brother the earl of Huntingdon, and the earl of Rutland son to the duke of York, and in the earl of Salisbury: in these only he reposed a confidence, and not in any other, except in certain knights and gentlemen of his privy chamber.  
In the mean time, whiles things were thus in broil, before the beginning of the parliament, divers other, beside them of whom we have spoken, were apprehended and put in sundry prisons. 
The lords appointed to come in warlike manner to the parliament.  The parliament was summoned to begin at Westminster the 17 of September, and writs thereupon directed to every of the lords to appear, and to bring with them a sufficient number of armed men and archers in their best arrai●: for it was not known how the dukes of Lancaster and York would take the death of their brother, nor how other peers of the realm would take the apprehension and imprisonment of their kinsmen, the earls of Arundel and Warwick, and of the other prisoners. Surly the two dukes when they heard that their brother was so suddenly made away, 
Polydor.  they witted not what to say to the matter, and began both to be sorrowful for his death, and doubtful of their own states: for sith they saw how the king (abused by the counsel of evil men) abstained not from such an heinous act, they thought he line 10 would afterwards attempt greater misorders from time to time. Therefore they assembled in all haste, great numbers of their servants, 
The dukes of Lancaster & York assemble their powers to resist the kings dealings.  friends, and tenants, and coming to London, were received into the city. For the Londoners were right sorry for the death of the duke of Gloucester, who had ever sought their favour, in somuch that now they would have been contented to have joined with the dukes in seeking revenge of so noble a man's death, procured and brought to pass without law or reason, as the common line 20 brute then walked; although peradventure he was not as yet made away.  
Here the dukes and other fell in counsel, and many things were proponed. Some would that they should by force revenge the duke of Glocesters' death, other thought it meet that the earls Marshal and Huntingdon▪ and certain others, as chief authors of all the mischief should be pursued and punished for their demerits, having trained up the king in vice and evil customs, even from his youth. But the line 30 dukes (after their displeasure was somewhat assuaged) determined to cover the stings of their griefs for a time, and if the king would amend his manners, to forget also the injuries past. 
Caxton. Fabian. Polydor.  In the mean time the king lay at Eltham, and had got about him a great power (namely of those archers, which he had sent for out of Cheshire, in whom he put a singular trust more than in any other.)  
There went messengers betwixt him and the dukes, which being men of honour did their endeavour line 40 to appease both parties. The king discharged himself of blame for the duke of Glocesters' death, considering that he had gone about to break the truce, which he had taken with France, and also stirred the people of the realm to rebellion, and further had sought the destruction and loss of his life, that was his sovereign lord and lawful king. contrarily, the dukes affirmed, 
The king and the dukes reconciled.  that their brother was wrongfully put to death, having done nothing worthy of death. At length, by the intercession and means of those noble line 50 men that went to and fro betwixt them, they were accorded, & the king promised from thenceforth to do nothing but by the assent of the dukes: but he kept small promise in this behalf, as after well appeared.  

Caxton.  When the time came, that the parliament should be holden at Westminster, according to the tenor of the summons, the lords repaired thither, furnished with great retinues both of armed men and archers, as the earl of Derbie, the earl Martial, the earl of Rutland, the lord Spenser, the earl of Northumberland, line 60 with his son the lord Henry Persie, and the lord Thomas Persie the said earls brother, also the lord Scroop treasurer of England, & diverse other. All the which earls and lords brought with them a great & strong power, every of them in their best array, as it were to strengthen the king against his enemies. The dukes of Lancaster and York were likewise there, giving their attendance on the king with like furniture of men of arms & archers. There was not half lodging sufficient within the city & suburbs of London for such companies of men as the lords brought with them to this parliament, 
The great parliament.  called the great parliament: in somu●h that they were constrained to lie in villages abroad ten or twelve miles on each side the city.  
In the beginning of this parliament, 
The king's greeuan●●● opened in 〈◊〉 parliament.  the king greatly complained of the misdemeanour of the peers and lords of his realm, as well for the things done against his will and pleasure, whiles he was young, as for the straight dealing, which they had showed towards the queen, who was three hours at one time on her knees before the earl of Arundel, for one of her esquires, named john Caluerlie, who nevertheless had his head smit from his shoulders, & all the answer that she could get, was this: Madam, pray for yourself, and your husband, for that is best, and let this suit alone. 
Tho. Wal●●● john Bus●●● William Bagot, Thomas Greene.  Those that set forth the king's grievances, as prolocutors in this parliament were these: john Bushie, William Bagot, and Thomas Green. The king had caused a large house of timber to be made within the palace at Westminster, which he was called an hall, 
A new 〈◊〉 made within the palace of Westminster for the areign●ment of the lords indicted.  covered above head with tiles, and was open at the ends, that all men might see through it. This house was of so great a compass, that scarce it might stand within the room of the palace. In this house was made an high throne for the king, and a large place for all estates beside to sit in. There were places also made for the appellants to stand on the one side, and the defendants on the other, and a like room was made behind for the knights and burgesses of the parliament. 
Additions to Polychron.  There was a place devised for the speaker, named sir john Bushie, a knight of Lincolnshire, 
Sir john Bushie speaker.  accounted to be an exceeding cruel man, ambitious, and covetous beyond measure.  
Immediately after, each man being placed in his room, the cause of assembling that parliament was showed, as that the king had called it for reformation of diverse transgressions and oppressions committed against the peace of his land by the duke of Gloucester, the earls of Arundel, Warwick, and others. Then sir john Bushie stepped forth, and made request on the behalf of the commonalty, that it might please the king's highness for their heinous acts attempted against his laws and royal majesty, to appoint them punishment according to their deservings, 
The archbishop of Canturburie sitting in parliament is accused of treason by the speaker  and specially to the archbishop of Canturburie (who then sat next the king) whom he accused of high treason, for that he had evil counseled his majesty, inducing him to grant his letters of pardon to his brother the earl of Arundel, being a rank traitor.  
When the archbishop began to answer in his own defence, the king willed him to sit down again and to hold his peace, for all should be well. Herewith sir john Bushie besought the king, that the archbishop should not be admitted to make his answer, which if he did, by reason of his great wit and good utterance, he feared lest he should lead men away to believe him: so the archbishop might be heard no further. Sir john Bushie in all his talk, when he proponed any matter unto the king, did not attribute to him titles of honour, due and accustomed, but invented unused terms and such strange names, as were rather agreeable to the divine majesty of God, 
Impudent flattery.  than to any earthly potentate. The prince being desirous enough of all honour, and more ambitions than was requisite, seemed to like well of his speech, and gave good ear to his talk.  
Thus when the archbishop was constrained to keep silence, sir john Bushie proceeded in his purpose, requiring on the behalf of the commons, that the charters of pardons granted unto the traitors, to wit, the duke of Gloucester, and the earls of Arundel and Warwick, should be revoked by consent of all the estates now in parliament assembled. The king also for his part protested, that those pardons were not voluntarily granted by him, but rather extorted by compulsion, and therefore he besought them that every man would show forth their opinions what they thought thereof. There were two other persons of great credit with the king, besides sir john Bushie, 
〈◊〉 Walsi.  that were, as before ye have heard, very earnest to have those charters of pardon revoked and made void, to wit, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas Green.  
But because this matter seemed to require good deliberation, it was first put to the bishops, who with small ado gave sentence, that the said charters were line 10 revocable, and might well enough be called in: yet the archbishop of Canturburie in his answer hereunto said, that the king from whom those pardons came, was so high an estate, that he durst not say, that any such charters by him granted, might be revoked: notwithstanding, his brethren the bishops thought otherwise: not considering (saith Thomas Walsingham) that such revoking of the king's charters of pardon should sound highly to the king's dishonour: line 20 forsomuch as mercy and pardoning transgressions is accounted to be the confirmation and establishing of the king's seat and royal estate.  
The temporal lords perceiving what the bishops had done, did likewise give their consents, to revoke the same pardons: but the judges with those that were toward the law, were not of this opinion, but finally the bishops pretending a scrupulosity, as if they might not with safe consciences be present where judgement of blood should pass, they appointed line 30 a lay man to be their prolocutor to serve that turn. To conclude, at length all manner of charters of pardon were made void, 
The charters of pardon granted to the lords made void by parliament.  for that the same seemed to impeach the surety of the king's person. When sir john Bushie and his associates had obtained that revocation, it was further by them declared, that the earl of Arundel had yet an other special charter of pardon for his own person, which he had obtained after the first. And therefore sir john Bushie earnestly requested in name of the commonalty that line 40 the same might likewise be revoked.  
The question than was asked of the bishops, who declared themselves to be of the like opinion, touching that charter, as they were of the other. At that self time the archbishop of Canturburie absented himself from the parliament, 
Thom. Wals.  in hope that the king would he his friend, and stand his very good lord, for that he had promised nothing should be done against him in the parliament whilst he was absent. But nevertheless, 

The archb. of Canturburie condemned to perpetual banishment.  
Six days saith Grafton.   at the importunate suit of the said line 50 sir john Bushie and others, the archbishop was condemned unto perpetual exile, and appointed to avoid the realm within six weeks. And therewith the king sent secretly to the pope for order that the archbishop might be removed from his see to some other, which suit was obtained, and Roger Walden lord treasurer was ordained archbishop in his place, as after shall appear.  

The earl of Arundel areigned.  On the feast day of saint Matthew, Richard fitz Aleine, earl of Arundel, was brought forth to line 60 swear before the king and whole parliament to such articles as he was to be charged with. And as he stood at the bar, the lord Nevil was commanded by the duke of Lancaster, 
The duke of Lancaster high Steward of England at 〈◊〉 areignement.  which sat that day as high steward of England, to take the hood from his neck, and the girdle from his waste. Then the duke of Lancaster declared unto him, that for his manifold rebellions and treasons against the king's majesty he had been arrested, and hitherto kept in ward, and now at the petition of the lords and commons, he was called to answer such crimes as were there to be objected against him, and so to purge himself, or else to suffer for his offences, such punishment as law appointed.  
First, he charged him, for that he had traitorously rid in armour against the king in company of the duke of Gloucester, and of the earl of Warwick, to the breach of peace, and disquieting of the realm. His answer hereunto was, 
The earl of Arundel his answers to the points of his indictment.  that he did not this upon any evil meaning towards the king's person, but rather for the benefit of the king and realm, if it were interpreted aright, and taken as it ought to be. It was further demanded of him, why he procured letters of pardon from the K. if he knew himself guiltless? He answered, that he did not purchase them for any fear he had of faults committed by him, but to stay the malicious speech of them that neither loved the king nor him. He was again asked, whether he would deny that he had made any such road with the persons before named, and that in company of them he entered not armed unto the king's presence against the kings will and pleasure? To this he answered, that he could not deny it, but that he so did.  
Then the speaker sir john Bushie, with open mouth, besought that judgement might be had against such a traitor: and your faithful commons (said he to the king) ask and require that so it may be done. The earl turning his head aside, quietly said to him; Not the king's faithful commons require this, but thou, and what thou art I know. Then the eight appellants standing on the other side, cast their gloves to him, and in prosecuting their appeal (which already had been read) offered to fight with him man to man to justify the same. Then said the earl, If I were at liberty, and that it might so stand with the pleasure of my sovereign, I would not refuse to prove you all liars in this behalf. Then spoke the duke of Lancaster, saying to him; What have you further to say to the points before laid against you? He answered, that of the king's grace he had his letters of general pardon, which he required to have allowed. Then the duke told him, that the pardon was revoked by the prelate's and noble men in the parliament, and therefore willed him to make some other answer. The earl told him again that he had an other pardon under the king's great seal, granted him long after of the kings own motion, which also he required to have allowed. The duke told him, that the same was likewise revoked. After this, when the earl had nothing more to say for himself, 
The earl of Arundel condemned.  the duke pronounced judgement against him, as in cases of treason is used.  
But after he had made an end, and paused a little, he said: The king our sovereign lord of his mercy and grace, because thou art of his blood, and one of the peers of the realm, hath remitted all the other pains, saving the last, that is to say, the beheading, and so thou shalt only lose thy head; and forthwith he was had away, & led through London unto the Tower hill. There went with him to see the execution done six great lords, of whom there were three earls, Nottingham (that had married his daughter) Kent (that was his daughter's son) and Huntingdon, being mounted on great horses, with a great company of armed men, and the fierce bands of the Cheshire-men, furnished with axes, swords, bows and arrows, marching before and behind him, who only in this parliament had licence to bear weapon, as some have written. When he should departed the palace, he desired that his hands might be loosed to dispose such money as he had in his purse, betwixt that place and Charing-cross. This was permitted, and so he gave such money as he had in alms with his own hands, but his arms were still bound behind him.  
When he came to the Tower hill, the noble men that were about him, moved him right earnestly to acknowledge his treason against the king. But he in no wise would so do, but maintained that he was never traitor in word or deed: and herewith perceiving the earls of Nottingham and Kent, that stood by with other noble men busy to further the execution (being as ye have heard) of kin and allied to him, he spoke to them, and said: Truly it would have beséemed you rather to have been absent than here at this business. But the time will come yer it be long, when as many shall marvel at your misfortune as line 10 do now at mine. After this, forgiving the executioner, he besought him not to torment him long, but to strike off his head at one blow, and feeling the edge of the sword, whether it was sharp enough or not, he said; It is very well, do that thou hast to do quickly, and so kneeling down, the executioner with one stroke, strake off his head: his body was buried together with his head in the church of the Augustine friars in Breadstréet within the city of London. 
The execution of the earl of Arundel.   
The death of this earl was much lamented among line 20 the people, considering his sudden fall and miserable end, where as not long before among all the noblemen of this land (within the which was such a number, as no country in the world had greater store at that present) there was none more esteemed: so noble and valiant he was, that all men spoke honour of him. After his death, as the fame went, the king was sore vexed in his sleep with horrible dreams, imagining that he saw this earl appear unto him threatening him, & putting him in horrible line 30 fear, as if he had said with the poet to king Richard; 

ovid.  Nunc quóque factorum venio memor umbra tuorum,  
Insequor & vultus ossea forma tuos.   
With which visions being sore troubled in sleep, he cursed the day that ever he knew the earl. And he was the more unquiet, because he heard it reported, that the common people took the earl for a martyr, insomuch that some came to visit the place of his sepulture, for the opinion they had conceived of his holiness. And where it was bruited abroad as for a line 40 miracle, that his head should be grown to his body again, the tenth day after his burial, the king sent about ten of the clock in the night, certain of the nobility to see his body taken up, that he might be certified of the truth. Which done, and perceiving it was a fable, he commanded the friars to take down his arms that were set up about the place of his burial, and to cover the grave, so as it should not be perceived where he was buried.  
But now to return to the parliament. After the death of this earl, 
The earl of Warwick arraigned of treason.  the lord Thomas Beauchampe line 50 earl of Warwick was brought forth to abide his trial by parliament, and when his accusers charged him in like points of treason, such as before were imposed to the earl of Arundel; he answered that he never meant evil to the king's person, nor thought that those roads and assemblies that were made in company of the duke of Gloucester, the earl of Arundel, and others, might not be accounted treason. But when the judges had showed him, that they could line 60 not be otherwise taken than for treason, he humbly besought the king of mercy and grace. The king than asked of him whether he had rid with the duke of Gloucester, and the earl of Arundel, as had been alleged? He answered that he could not deny it, and wished that he had never seen them. Then said the king, Do ye not know that you are guilty of treason? He answered again, I acknowledge it; and with sobbing tears besought all them that were present, to make intercession to the king's majesty for him.  
Then the king and the duke of Lancaster communed, and after the king had a while with silence considered of the matter, he said to the earl; By saint john Baptist, Thomas of Warwick, this confession that thou hast made, is unto me more available than all the duke of Glocesters and the earl of Warwikes lands. Herewith the earl making still intercession for pardon, the lords humbly besought the king to grant it. Finally the king pardoned him of life, but banished him into the isle of Man, which then was the lord Scroope's, promising that both he, and his wife, and children, should have good entertainment. Which promise notwithstanding was but slenderly kept, for both the earl and the countess lived in great penury (as some writ) and yet the lord Scroop, that was lord chamberlain, had allowed for the earls diet four thousand nobles yéerelie paid out of the king's coffers.  
On the monday next after the arraignment of the earl of Warwick, to wit, the four and twenty of September, was the lord john Cobham, and sir john Cheinie arraigned, and found guilty of like treasons for which the other had been condemned before: but at the earnest instance and suit of the nobles, they were pardoned of life, and banished, or (as Fabian saith) condemned to perpetual prison. ¶ The king desirous to see the force of the Londoners, caused them (during the time of this parliament) to muster before him on Black heath, where a man might have seen a great number of able personages. And now after that the parliament had continued almost till Christmas, 
The parliament adjourned to Shrewsburie  it was adjourned until the quinden of S. Hilary, then to begin again at Shrewesburie.  
The king than came down to Lichfield, and there held a royal Christmas, which being ended, 
The king keepeth his Christmas at Lichfield.  he took his journey towards Shrewesburie, where the parliament was appointed to begin in the quinden of saint Hilary, as before ye have heard. year 1398 In which parliament there holden upon prorogation, for the love that the king bore to the gentlemen and commons of the shire of Chester, he caused it to be ordained▪ that from thenceforth it should be called and known by the name of the principality of Chester: and herewith he entitled himself prince of Chester. 
Cheshire made a pri●●cipalitie.  He held also a royal feast, keeping open household for all honest comers, during the which feast, he created five dukes and a duchess, a marquess, and four earls. 
K. Richard prince of Chester.  The earl of Derbie was created duke of Hereford, the earl of Nottingham that was also earl marshal duke of Norfolk, 
Creation of dukes and earls.  the earl of Rutland duke of Aubemarle, the earl of Kent duke of Surrie, and the earl of Huntingdon duke of Excester; the lady Margaret marshal countess of Norfolk, was created duchess of Norfolk; the earl of Summerset marquess Dorset, the lord Spenser earl of Gloucester, the lord Nevil surnamed Daurabie earl of Westmoreland, the lord William Scroop lord chamberlain earl of Wiltshire, and the lord Thomas Persie lord steward of the king's house earl of Worcester.  
And for the better maintenance of the estate of these noble men, whom he had thus advanced to higher degrees of honour, he gave unto them a great part of those lands that belonged to the duke of Gloucester, the earls of Warwick, and Arundel. And now he was in good hope, that he had rooted up all plants of treason, and therefore cared less who might be his friend or his foe, than before he had done, esteeming himself higher in degree than any prince living, and so presumed further than ever his grandfather did, 
K. Richard beareth saint Edward his arms.  and took upon him to bear the arms of saint Edward, joining them unto his own arms. To conclude, what soever he then did, none durst speak a word contrary thereunto. And yet such as were chief of his council, were esteemed of the commons to be the worst creatures that might be, as the dukes of Aumarle, Norfolk and Excester, the earl of Wiltshire, sir john Bushie, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas Green: which three last remembered were knights of the Bath, against whom the commons undoubtedly bare great and privy hatred.  

The L. Reginald Cobham condemned.  But now to proceed. In this parliament holden at Shrewsburie, the lord Reginald Cobham, being a very aged man, simple and upright in all his dealings, was condemned for none other cause, but for that in the eleventh year of the king's reign he was line 10 appointed with other to be attendant about the king as one of his governors. The acts and ordinances also devised and established in the parliament holden in the eleventh year were likewise repealed. Moreover, in this parliament at Shrewesburie, it was decreed, that the lord john Cobham should be sent into the isle of Gernesie, there to remain in exile, having a small portion assigned him to live upon. The king so wrought & brought things about, 
The authority of both houses in parliament granted to certain persons.  that he obtained the whole power of both houses to be granted to certain line 20 persons, as to john duke of Lancaster, Edmund duke of York, Edmund duke of Aumarle, Thomas duke of Surrie, john duke of Excester, john marquess Dorset, Roger earl of March, john earl of Salisbury, and Henry earl of Northumberland, 
Thom. Wals.  Thomas earl of Gloucester, and William earl of Wiltshire, john Hussie, Henry Cheimeswike, Robert Teie, and john Goulofer knights, or to seven or eight of them. These were appointed to hear and determine certain petitions and matters line 30 yet depending and not ended: but by virtue of this grant, they proceeded to conclude upon other things, which generally touched the knowledge of the whole parliament, in derogation of the states thereof, to the disadvantage of the king, and perilous example in time to come.  
When the king had spent much money in time of this parliament, he demanded a disme and a half of the clergy, and a fifteenth of the temporalty. Finally, line 40 a general pardon was granted for all offences to all the king's subjects (fifty only excepted) whose names he would not by any means express, but reserved them to his own knowledge, that when any of the nobility offended him, he might at his pleasure name him to be one of the number excepted, and so keep them still within his danger. To the end that the ordinances, judgements, and acts made, pronounced and established in this parliament, might be and abide in perpetual strength and force, 
The K. procureth the pope's bulls against the breakers of his statutes.  the king line 50 purchased the pope's bulls, in which were contained grievous censures and curses, pronounced against all such as did by any means go about to break and violate the statutes in the same parliament ordained. These bulls were openly published & read at Paul's cross in London, and in other the most public places of the realm.  
Many other things were done in this parliament, to the displeasure of no small number of people; namely, for that diverse rightful heirs were disherited line 60 of their lands and livings, 
Rightful heirs disherited.  by authority of the same parliament: with which wrongful doings the people were much offended, so that the king and those that were about him, and chief in council, came into great infamy and slander. In deed the king after he had dispatched the duke of Gloucester, and the other noblemen, was not a little glad, for that he knew them still ready to disappoint him in all his purposes; and therefore being now as it were careless, did not behave himself (as some have written) in such discreet order, 
Polydor. K. Richard his evil government.  as many wished: but rather (as in time of prosperity it often happeneth) he forgot himself, and began to rule by will more than by reason, threatening death to each one that obeyed not his inordinate desires. By means whereof, the lords of the realm began to fear their own estates, being in danger of his furious outrage, whom they took for a man destitute of sobriety and wisdom, and therefore could not like of him; that so abused his authority.  
Hereupon there were sundry of the nobles, that lamented these mischéefes, and specially showed their griefs unto such, by whose naughty counsel they understood the king to be mi●●ed; and this they did, to the end that they being about him, might either turn their copies, and give him better counsel; or else he having knowledge what evil report went of him, might mend his manners misliked of his nobles. But all was in vain, for so it fell out, that in this parliament holden at Shrewsburie, 
The duke of Hereford appealeth the duke of Norfolk of treason.  Henry duke of Hereford accused Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolk, of certain words which he should utter in talk had betwixt them, as they road together lately before betwixt London and Brainford, sounding highly to the king's dishonour. And for further proof thereof, he presented a supplication to the king, 
Thom. Wals.  wherein he appealed the duke of Norfolk in field of battle, for a traitor, false and disloyal to the king, and enemy unto the realm. This supplication was red before both the dukes, in presence of the king: which done, the duke of Norfolk took upon him to answer it, declaring that whatsoever the duke of Hereford had said against him other than well▪ he lied falsely like an untrue knight as he was. And when the king asked of the duke of Hereford what he said to it: he taking his hood off his head, said; My sovereign lord, even as the supplication which I took you importeth, right so I say for truth, that Thomas mowbray duke of Norfolk is a traitor, false and disloyal to your royal majesty, your crown, and to all the states of your realm.  
Then the duke of Norfolk being asked what he said to this, he answered: Right dear lord, with your favour that I make answer unto your coosine here, I say (your reverence saved) that Henry of Lancaster duke of Hereford, like a false and disloyal traitor as he is, doth lie, in that he hath or shall say of me otherwise than well. No more said the king, we have heard enough: and herewith commanded the duke of Surrie for that turn marshal of England, 
The duke of Surrie marshal and the duke of Aumarle constable of England.  to arrest in his name the two dukes: the duke of Lancaster father to the duke of Hereford, the duke of York the duke of Aumarle constable of England: and the duke of Surrie marshal of the realm undertook as pledges body for body for the duke of Hereford: but the duke of Norfolk was not suffered to put in pledges, and so under arrest was led unto Windsor castle, and there guarded with keepers that were appointed to see him safely kept.  
Now after the dissolving of the parliament at Shrewsburie, there was a day appointed about six weeks after, for the king to come unto Windsor, to hear and to take some order betwixt the two dukes, which had thus appealed each other. 
The order of the proceeding in this appeal.  There was a great scaffold erected within the castle of Windsor for the king to sit with the lords and prelates of his realm: and so at the day appointed, he with the said lords & prelates being come thither and set in their places, the duke of Hereford appellant, and the duke of Norfolk defendant, were sent for to come & appear before the king, sitting there in his seat of justice. And then began sir john Bushie to speak for the king, declaring to the lords how they should understand, that where the duke of Hereford had presented a supplication to the king, who was there set to minister justice to all men that would demand the same, as appertained to his royal majesty, he therefore would now hear what the parties could say one against an other, and withal the king commanded the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the one being constable, and the other marshal, to go unto the two dukes, appellant and defendant, requiring them on his behalf, to grow to some agreement: and for his part, he would be ready to pardon all that had been said or done amiss betwixt them, touching any harm or dishonour to him or his realm: but they answered both assuredly, that it was not possible to have any peace or agreement made betwixt them.  
When he heard what they had answered, he commanded line 10 that they should be brought forthwith before his presence, to hear what they would say. Herewith an herald in the king's name with loud voice commanded the dukes to come before the king, either of them to show his reason, or else to make peace together without more delay. When they were come before the king and lords, the king spoke himself to them, willing them to agree, and make peace together: for it is (said he) the best way ye can take. The line 20 duke of Norfolk with due reverence hereunto answered it could not be so brought to pass, his honour saved. Then the king asked of the duke of Hereford, what it was that he demanded of the duke of Norfolk, and what is the matter that ye can not make peace together, and become friends?  
Then stood forth a knight; who ask and obtaining licence to speak for the duke of Hereford, said; Right dear and sovereign lord, 
The objection against the duke of Norfolk.  here is Henry of Lancaster duke of Hereford and earl of Derbie, line 30 who saith, and I for him likewise say, that Thomas Mobwraie duke of Norfolk is a false and disloyal traitor to you and your royal majesty, and to your whole realm: and likewise the duke of Hereford saith and I for him, that Thomas mowbray duke of Norfolk hath received eight thousand nobles to pay the soldiers that keep your town of Calis, which he hath not done as he ought: and furthermore the said duke of Norfolk hath been the occasion of all the treason that hath been contrived in your realm line 40 for the space of these eighteen years, & by his false suggestions and malicious counsel, he hath caused to die and to be murdered your right dear uncle, the duke of Gloucester, son to king Edward. Moreover, the duke of Hereford saith, and I for him, that he will prove this with his body against the body of the said duke of Norfolk within lists. The king herewith waxed angry, and asked the duke of Hereford, if these were his words, who answered: Right dear lord, they are my words; and hereof I require line 50 right, and the battle against him.  
There was a knight also that asked licence to speak for the duke of Norfolk, and obtaining, it began to answer thus: Right dear sovereign lord, here is Thomas mowbray duke of Norfolk, who answereth and saith, and I for him, that all which Henry of Lancaster hath said and declared (saving the reverence due to the king and his council) is a lie; and the said Henry of Lancaster hath falsely and wickedly lied as a false and disloyal knight, and line 60 both hath been, and is a traitor against you, your crown, royal majesty, & realm. This will I prove and defend as becometh a loyal knight to do with my body against his: right dear lord, I beseech you therefore, and your council, that it may please you in your royal discretion, to consider and mark, what Henry of Lancaster duke of Hereford, such a one as he is, hath said.  
The king then demanded of the duke of Norfolk, if these were his words, and whether he had any more to say. The duke of Norfolk then answered for himself: 
The duke of Norfolk his answer for himself.  Right dear sir, true it is, that I have received so much gold to pay your people of the town of Calis; which I have done, and I do avouch that your town of Calis is as well kept at your commandment as ever it was at any time before, and that there never hath been by any of Calis any complaint made unto you of me. Right dear and my sovereign lord, for the voyage that I made into France, about your marriage, I never received either gold or silver of you, nor yet for the voyage that the duke of Aumarle & I made into Almane, where we spent great treasure: Marry true it is, that once I laid an ambush to have slain the duke of Lancaster, that there sitteth: but nevertheless he hath pardoned me thereof, and there was good peac● made betwixt us, for the which I yield him hearty thanks. This is that which I have to answer, and I am ready to defend myself against mine adversary; I beseech you therefore of right, and to have the battle against him in upright judgement.  
After this, when the king had communed with his council a little, he commanded the two dukes to stand forth, that their answers might be heard. The K. then caused them once again to be asked, if they would agree and make peace together, but they both flatly answered that they would not: and withal the duke of Hereford cast down his gage, and the duke of Norfolk took it up. The king perceiving this demeanour betwixt them, swore by saint john Baptist, that he would never seek to make peace betwixt them again. And therefore sir john Bushie in name of the king & his council declared, that the king and his council had commanded and ordained, that they should have a day of battle appointed them at Coventrie. 
The combat appointed to be done at Coventrie. The French pamphlet. john Stow. Fabian.  ¶ Here writers disagree about the day that was appointed: for some say, it was upon a monday in August; other upon saint Lambert's day, being the seventeenth of September, other on the eleventh of September: but true it is, that the king assigned them not only the day, but also appointed them lists and place for the combat, and thereupon great preparation was made, as to such a matter appertained.  
At the time appointed the king came to Coventrie, 
Anno Reg. ●●.  where the two dukes were ready, according to the order prescribed therein, coming thither in great array, accompanied with the lords and gentlemen of their lineages. The king caused a sumptuous scaffold or theatre, and royal lists there to be erected and prepared. The sunday before they should fight, after dinner the duke of Hereford came to the king (being lodged about a quarter of a mile without the town in a tower that belonged to sir William Bagot) to take his leave of him. The morrow after, being the day appointed for the combat, about the spring of the day, came the duke of Norfolk to the court to take leave likewise of the king. The duke of Hereford armed him in his tent, that was set up near to the lists, and the duke of Norfolk put on his armour, betwixt the gate & the barrier of the town, in a beautiful house, having a fair perclois of wood towards the gate, that none might see what was done within the house.  
The duke of Aumarle that day, 
The order of the combat.  being high constable of England, and the duke of Surrie marshal, placed themselves betwixt them, well armed and appointed; and when they saw their time, they first entered into the lists with a great company of men appareled in silk sendal, embroidered with silver, both richly and curiously, every man having a tipped staff to keep the field in order. About the hour of prime came to the barriers of the lists, the duke of Hereford, mounted on a white courser, barded with green & blue velvet embroidered sumptuously with swans and antelops of goldsmith's work, armed at all points. The constable and marshal came to the barriers, demanding of him what he was, he answered; I am Henry of Lancaster duke of Hereford, which am come hither to do mine endeavour against Thomas mowbray duke of Norfolk, as a traitor untrue to God, the king, his realm, and me. The● incontinently he swore upon the h●lie evangelists, that his quarrel was true and just and upon that point he required to enter the lists▪ Then he put up his sword, which before he held naked in his hand, and putting down his visor, made a cross on his horse, and with spear in hand, entered into the lists, line 10 and descended from his horse, and set him down in a chair of green velvet, at the one end of the lists, and there reposed himself, abiding the coming of his adversary.  
Soon after him▪ entered into the field with great triumph, king Richard accompanied with all the peers of the realm, and in his company was the earl of saint Paul, which was come out of France in post to see this challenge performed. The king had there above ten thousand men in armour, lest some line 20 fray or tumult might rise amongst his nobles, by quarreling or partaking. When the king was set in his seat, which was richly hanged and adorned; a king at arms made open proclamation, prohibiting all men in the name of the king, and of the high constable and marshal, to enterprise or attempt to approach or touch any part of the lists upon pain of death, except such as were appointed to order or marshal the field. The proclamation ended, an other herald cried; Behold here Henry of Lancaster duke line 30 of Hereford appellant, which is entered into the lists royal to do his devoir against Thomas mowbray duke of Norfolk defendant, upon pain to be found false and recreant.  
The duke of Norfolk hovered on horseback at the entry of the lists, his horse being barded with crimosen velvet, embroidered richly with lions of silver and mulberry trees; and when he had made his oath before the constable and marshal that his quarrel was just and true, he entered the field manfully, line 40 saying aloud: God aid him that hath the right, and then he departed from his horse, & sat him down in his chair which was of crimosen velvet, courtined about with white and red damask. The lord marshal viewed their spears, to see that they were of equal length, and delivered the one spear himself to the duke of Hereford, and sent the other unto the duke of Norfolk by a knight. Then the herald proclaimed that the traverses & chairs of the champions should be removed, commanding them on the king's behalf line 50 to mount on horseback, & address themselves to the battle and combat.  
The duke of Hereford was quickly horsed, and closed his bavier, and cast his spear into the rest, and when the trumpet sounded set forward courageously towards his enemy six or seven paces. The duke of Norfolk was not fully set forward, when the king cast down his warder, and the heralds cried, Ho, ho. Then the king caused their spears to be taken from them, 
The combat stayed by the king.  and commanded them to repair again to line 60 their chairs, where they remained two long hours, while the king and his council deliberatlie consulted what order was best to be had in so weighty a cause. Finally, after they had devised, and fully determined what should be done therein, the heralds cried silence; and sir john Bushie the king's secretary read the sentence and determination of the king and his council, 
The king his doom betwixt the two dukes.  in a long roll, the effect whereof was, that Henry duke of Hereford should within fifteen days depart out of the realm, and not to return before the term of ten years were expired, except by the king he should be repealed again, and this upon pain of death; and that Thomas mowbray duke of Norfolk, because he had sown sedition in the realm by his words, should likewise avoid the realm, and never to return again into England, nor approach the borders or confines thereof upon pain of death; ●nd that the king would stay the profits of his lands, till he had levied thereof such sums of money as the duke had taken up of the king's treasurer for the wages of the garrison of Calis, which were still unpaid.  
When these judgements were once read, the king called before him▪ both the parties, and made them to swear that the one should never come in place where the other was, willingly; nor keep any company to ●ither in any foreign region; which oath they both received humbly, and so went their ways. The duke of Norfolk departed sorrowfully out of the realm into Almanie, and at the last came to Venice, where he for thought and melancholy deceased: for he was in hope (as writers record) that he should have been borne out in the matter by the king, which when it fell out otherwise, it grieved him not a little. The duke of Hereford took his leave of the king at Eltham, who there released four years of his banishment: so he took his iornie over into Calis, and from thence went into France, where he remained. ¶ A wonder it was to see what number of people ran after him in every town and street where he came, before he took the sea, 
The duke of Hereford beloved of the people.  lamenting and bewailing his departure, as who would say, that when he departed, the only shield, defence and comfort of the commonwealth was vaded and gone.  
At his coming into France, king Charles hearing the cause of his banishment (which he esteemed to be very light) received him gently, 
The duke of Hereford is honourably entertained with the French king.  and him honourably entertained, in so much that he had by favour obtained in marriage the only daughter of the duke of Berrie, uncle to the French king, if king Richard had not been a let in that matter, who being thereof certified, sent the earl of Salisbury with all speed into France, both to surmise by untrue suggestion, 
Froissard.  heinous offences against him, and also to require the French king that in no wise he would suffer his cousin to be matched in marriage with him that was so manifest an offendor. This was a pestilent kind of proceeding against that nobleman then being in a foreign country, having béne so honourably received as he was at his entrance into France, and upon view and good liking of his behaviour there, so forward in marriage with a lady of noble lineage. So sharp, so severe, & so heinous an accusation, brought to a strange king from a natural prince, against his subject, after punishment inflicted (for he was banished) was enough to have made the French king his fatal ●o, & upon suspicion of assaieng the like treachery against him, to have thrown him out of the limits of his land. But what will envy leave unattempted, where it is once settled? And how are the malicious tormented with egernes of revenge against them whom they malign, wring themselves in the mean ti●e with inward pangs gnawing them at the hart? whereunto serveth the poet's allusion, 
invidia Siculi non invenêre tyranni  
Maius tormentum. 
Hor. lib. ●pist. 1.    
On Newyeares' day this year, the river that passeth betwixt Suelleston or Snelston, and Harewood, year 1399 two villages not far from Bedford, sudenlie ceased his course, so as the channel remained dry by the space of three miles, that any man might enter into, and pass the same dry foot at his pleasure. This division, which the water made in that place, the one part seeming as it were not to come near to the other, was judged to signify the revolting of the subjects of this land from their natural prince. It may be, that the water of that river sank into the ground, and by some secret passage or channel took course till it came to the place where it might rise again as in other places is likewise 〈◊〉.  
Ye have heard before, how the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arundel, was banish the 〈◊〉, and Roger Walden was made archbishop o● that ●ee, 
Fabian.  who was a great favourer of the city of London, the which was eftsoons about this season fall 〈◊〉 the king's displeasure: but by the diligent labour of this archbishop, and of Robert Braibrooke then bishop of London, upon the humble supplication of the line 10 citizens, 
Blank charters.  the king's wrath was pacified. But yet to content the king's mind, many blank charters were devised, and brought into the city, which many of the substantial and wealthy citizens were s●me to seal, to their great charge, as in the end appeared. And the like charters were sent abroad into all shires within the realm, whereby great grudge and murmuring arose among the people: for when they were so sealed, the king's officers wrote in the same what liked them, as well for charging the parties with payment line 20 of money, as otherwise.  

The death of the duke of Lancaster.  In this mean time, the duke of Lancaster departed out of this life at the bishop of Elies' place in Holborn, and lieth buried in the cathedral church of saint Paul in London, on the northside of the high altar, by the lady Blanch his first wife. The death of this duke gave occasion of increasing more hatred in the people of this realm toward the king, for he seized into his hands all the goods that belonged to him, and also received all the rents and revenues of line 30 his lands which ought to have descended unto the duke of Hereford by lawful inheritance, in revoking his letters patents, 
Tho. Walsi.  which he had granted to him before, by virtue whereof he might make his attorneys general to sue livery for him, of any manner of inheritances or possessions that might from thenceforth fall unto him, and that his homage might be respited, with making reasonable fine: whereby it was evident, that the king meant his utter undoing.  
This hard dealing was much misliked of all the nobility, line 40 and cried out against of the meaner sort: but namely the duke of York was therewith sore moved, who before this time, had borne things with so patiented a mind as he could, though the same touched him very near, as the death of his brother the duke of Gloucester, the banishment of his nephew the said duke of Hereford, and other more injuries in great number, which for the slippery youth of the king, he passed over for the time, and did forget aswell as he might. But now perceiving that neither law, justice line 50 nor equity could take place, where the kings wilful will was bend upon any wrongful purpose, he considered that the glory of the public wealth of his country must needs decay, by reason of the king his lack of wit, and want of such as would (without flattery) admonish him of his duty: and therefore he thought it the part of a wise man to get him in time to a resting place, and to leave the following of such an unadvised captain, as with a leden sword would cut his own throat.  

The duke of York misliketh the court & goeth home.  Hereupon he with the duke of Aumarle his son line 60 went to his house at Langlie, rejoicing that nothing had mishappened in the commonwealth through his devise or consent. The common brute ran, that the king had set to farm the realm of England, 
The realm let to farm by the king.  unto sir William Scroop earl of Wiltshire, and then treasurer of England, to sir john Bushie, sir john Bagot, and sir Henry Green knights. ¶ About the same time, the earl of arundel's son, named Thomas, which was kept in the duke of Exeters' house, escaped out of the realm, by means of one William Scot mercer, and went to his uncle Thomas Arundel late archbishop of Canturburie, as then sojourning at Cullen. 
Tho. Walsi.  King Richard being destitute 〈…〉.  
〈…〉, 
New exactions.  when they rose in armour against him. The nobles, gentlemen, and commons of those shires were enforced also to receive a new oath to assure the king of their fidelity in time to come; 
The payment of these 〈◊〉 Was called ● plesance as 〈◊〉 were to plased the K. withal, but y● 〈◊〉 displeased many that were thus constrained to pay against thei● wills.  and withal certain prelates and other honourable personages, were sent into the same shires to persuade men to this pain●ent, and to see things ordered at the pleasure of the prince: and surly the fines which the nobles, and other the meaner estates of those shires were constrained to pay, were not small, but exceeding great, to the offence of many. Moreover, the king's letters patents were sent into every shire within this land, by virtue whereof, an oath was demanded of all the king's liege people for a further assurance of their due obedience, 
The people confirm the oath of allegiance by writing sealed.  and they were constrained to ratify the same in writing under their hands and seals.  
Moreover they were compelled to put their hands and seals to certain blanks, whereof ye have heard before, in the which, when it pleased him he might write what he thought good. There was also a new oath devised for the sheriffs of every county through the realm to receive: finally, many of the king's liege people were through spite, envy, and malice, accused, apprehended, & put in prison, 
Indirect dealings.  and after brought before the constable and marshal of England, in the court of chivalry, and might not otherwise be delivered, except they could justify themselves by combat and fight in lists against their accuser's hand to hand, although the accusers for the most part were lusty, young and valiant, where the parties accused were perchance old, impotent, maimed and sickly. Whereupon not only the great destruction of the realm in general, but also of every singular person in particular, was to be feared and looked for.  
¶ About this time the bishop of Chalcedon came into England, with letters apostolical of admonition, 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wa●●. pag. 395.  that the faithful and loyal of the land should of their goods disburse somewhat to the emperor of Constantinople, who was extremely vexed and troubled by the Tartars, and their captain called Morect. And to the intent that the peers of the land might be made the more willing and toward to bestow their contribution in this behalf, the pope granted unto all benefactors (truly contrite and confessed) full remission, and wrapped in his bitter censures all such as hindered those that were willing to bestow their benevolence in this case; considering, that although the emperor was a schismatic, yet was he a christian, and if by the infidels he should be oppressed, all christendom was in danger of ruin; having in his mind that saying of the poet full fit for his purpose, Tunc tuares agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.  
¶ In this year in a manner throughout all the realm of England, old bay trees withered, 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wa●●. pag. 395.  and afterwards, contrary to all men's thinking, grew green again, a strange sight, and supposed to import some unknown event. 
Polydor.  ¶ In this mean time the king being advertised that the wild Irish daily wasted and destroyed the towns and villages within the English pale, and had slain many of the soldiers which lay there in garrison for defence of that country, determined to make eftsoons a voyage thither, & prepared all things necessary for his passage now against the spring. A little before his setting forth, he caused a justs to be holden at Windesor of forty knights and forty esquires, 
A justs at Windesor.  against all comers, & they to be appareled in green, with a white falcon, and the queen to be there well accompanied with ladies and damsels. 

The king saileth over into Ireland with a great army.  
Fabian. Caxton.  
The duke of York lieutenant general of England, the king being in Ireland.  
H●n. Marl.   When these justs were finished, the king departed toward Bristol, from thence to pass into Ireland, leaving the queen with line 10 her train still at Windesor: he appointed for his lieutenant general in his absence his uncle the duke of York: and so in the month of April, as diverse authors write, he set forward from Windesor, and finally took shipping at Milford, and from thence with two hundred ships, and a puissant power of men of arms and archers he sailed into Ireland. The friday next after his arrival, there were slain two hundred Irishmen at Fourd in Kenlis within the county of Kildare, by that valiant gentleman line 20 jenico Dartois, and such Englishmen as he had there with him: and on the morrow next ensuing the citizens of Dublin invaded the country of Obrin, and slew thirty and three Irishmen.  
The king also after he had remained about seven days at Waterford, 
Out of a French pamphlet that belongeth to master john Dec.  marched from thence towards Kilkennie, and coming thither, stayed thereabout fourteen days, looking for the duke of Aumarle that was appointed to have met him, but he failed and came not, whereupon the king on Midsummer even line 30 set forward again, marching straight towards the country of Macmur the principal rebel in that season within Ireland, 
Macmur.  who keeping himself among woods with three thousand right hardy men, seémed to pass little for any power that might be brought against him. Yet the king approaching to the skirts of the woods, commanded his soldiers to fire the houses and villages: which was executed with great forwardness of the men of war. And here for some valiant act that he did, or some other favourable respect, line 40 which the king bore to the lord Henry son to the duke of Hereford, he made him knight. ¶ This Henry was after king of England, succeeding his father, and called by the name of Henry the fift. There were nine or ten others made knights also at the same time.  

pioneers set a work to cut down woods.  Moreover, there were two thousand & five hundred pioneers set a work to cut down the woods, and to make passages through, and so then the Englishmen entered, and by force got through: for the Irishmen sore feared the English bows, but yet now and then line 50 they espying their advantage, assailed oftentimes Englishmen with their darts, and slew diverse that went abroad to fetch in forage. The uncle of Macmur having a withie or with about his neck, came in and submitted himself, and likewise many other naked and bare legged, so that the king seeming to pity their miserable state, pardoned them, and afterward he also sent unto Macmur, promising that if he would come in and require pardon as his uncle had line 60 done, he would receive him to mercy: but Macmur understanding that for want of victuals, the king must needs retire within a short time, he refused the king's offer. The king with his army remaining in those parts 11 days, was in the end constrained to come back, when all their victuals were spent: for more than they brought with them they could not get. They lost many horses in this journey for want of provision and forage.  
As the king was withdrawn towards Dublin, marching through the country, 
Macmur sendeth to the K. offering a parley.  in despite of his enemies, that hovered still about his army, Macmur sent to the king, offering to talk of an agreement, if it should please him to send any noble man to meet him at a place appointed. The king hereupon commanded the earl of Gloucester to take with him two hundred lances, and a thousand archers, and to go to try if he might by persuasion cause him to come in and submit himself. The earl went, and coming to talk with him, found him so obstinate, 
The earl of Gloucester.  that their parlée streightwaies broke off: so taking leave each of other, they departed, and the earl returned to the king, to advertise him what he had done and perceived by the communication which he had had with Macmur.  
The king was sore offended with the obstinatnes of the rebel, that would not agree otherwise: but so as he might remain still at liberty, without danger to suffer any manner of punishment for his passed offences. Whereupon the king after his coming to Dublin, and that the army had rested there, 
Anno Reg. 23. He came to Dublin the 28 of june as Henry Marl. saith.  and in the country near to the city, for the space of fifteen days, he divided his people into three parts, and sent them abroad into the country to pursue the enemies and withal made proclamation, that who so ever could bring Macmur unto his presence, should have for his recompense a great reward: for he determined not to departed the country, till he had him either dead or alive. But he knew full little than what incidents to hinder his purposed intention would after follow.  
The same day that he sent abroad his army thus into three several parts, 
The duke of Aumarle.  the duke of Aumarle with an hundred sail arrived, of whose coming the king was right joyful; and although he had used no small negligence in that he came no sooner according to order before appointed, yet the king (as he was of a gentle nature) courteously accepted his excuse: whether he was in fault or not, I have not to say; but verily he was greatly suspected, that he dealt not well in tarrying so long after his time assigned. But now whilst the king rested at Dublin, his people so demeaned themselves, that the most part of the rebels, what by manhood and policy were subdued, and brought under subjection, and (as is to be thought) if no trouble had risen in England to have called him back, he meant to have rid up the woods, and made some notable conquest at that time upon the rebels that yet held out. Nevertheless, during the time of his abode there, such was the prowess of him and his, that the Irish were well tamed, and forced to submit themselves: and yet the king's power made no great slaughter of them, if it be true that Christ. Okl. saith, speaking hereof in few words as after followeth: 
Pergit ad indomitos princeps Richardus Hibernos, 
In Angl. praelijs sub Rich. 2.   
Inque potestatem multo sine sanguine, saevo  
mart reluctantes.   
Now whilst he was thus occupied in devising how to reduce them into subjection, and taking orders for the good stay and quiet government of the country, diverse of the nobility, aswell prelates as other, and likewise many of the magistrates and rulers of the cities, towns, and commonalty, here in England, perceiving daily how the realm drew to utter ruin, not like to be recovered to the former state of wealth, whilst king Richard lived and reigned (as they took it) devised with great deliberation, 
The duke of Lancaster solicited to expel king Richard, and to take upon him the regiment.  and considerate advise, to send and signify by letters unto duke Henry, whom they now called (as he was in deed) duke of Lancaster and Hereford, requiring him with all convenient speed to convey himself into England, promising him all their aid, power and assistance, if he expelling K. Richard, as a man not meet for the office he bore, would take upon him the sceptre, rule, and diadem of his native land and region.  
He therefore being thus called upon by messengers and letters from his friends, and chiefly through the earnest persuasion of Thomas Arundel, late archbishop of Canturburie, who (as before ye have heard) had been removed from his see, and banished the realm by king Richard's means, got him down to Britain, 
The duke of Britain a great friend ●o the duke of Lancaster.  together with the said archbishop, where he was joyfully received of the duke and duchess, and found such friendship at the duke's hands, that there were certain ships rigged, and made ready for him, at a place in base Britain, called La port blanc, 
The duke of Lancaster & 〈◊〉 adherents 〈◊〉 into England.  as we find in the chronicles of Britain: and line 10 when all his provision was made ready, he took the sea, together with the said archbishop of Canturburie, and his nephew Thomas Arundel, son and heir to the late earl of Arundel, beheaded at the Tower hill, as you have heard. There were also with him, Reginald lord Cobham, 
Additions to Polychron.  sir Thomas Erpingham, and sir Thomas Ramston knights, john Norburie, Robert Warerton, & Francis Coint esquires: few else were there, for (as some writ) he had not passed fifteen lances, as they termed them in those line 20 days, 
Thom. Wals.  that is to say, men of arms, furnished and appointed as the use than was. ¶ Yet other writ, that the duke of Britain delivered unto him three thousand men of war, 
thron. Brit.  to attend him, and that he had eight ships well furnished for the war, where Froissard yet speaketh but of three. Moreover, where Froissard and also the chronicles of Britain avouch, 
Froissard.  that he should land at Plymouth, by our English writers it seemeth otherwise: for it appeareth by their assured report, that he approaching to the shore, did not line 30 straight take land, 
●ho. ●a●sing.  but lay hovering aloof, and showed himself now in this place, and now in that, to see what countenance was made by the people, whether they meant enviously to resist him, or friendly to receive him.  
When the lord governor Edmund duke of York was advertised, that the duke of Lancaster kept still the sea, and was ready to arrive (but where he meant first to set foot on land, there was not any that understood the certainty) he sent for the lord chancellor Edmund line 40 Stafford bishop of Excester, and for the lord treasurer William Scroop earl of Wiltshire, and other of the kings privy council, as john Bushie, William Bagot, Henry green, and john russel knights: of these he required to know what they thought good to be done in this matter, concerning the duke of Lancaster, being on the seas. Their advise was, to departed from London, unto S. Albon, and there to gather an army to resist the duke in his landing, but to how small purpose their counsel served, line 50 ●he conclusion thereof plainly declared, for the most part that were called, 
The commons ●enie ●o resist ●he duke of lancaster.  when they came thither▪ boldly protested, that they would not fight against the duke of Lancaster, whom they knew to be evil dealt withal.  
The lord treasurer, Bushie, Bagot, and Green, perceiving that the commons would cleave unto, and take part with the duke, slipped away, leaving the lord governor of the realm, and the lord chancellor to make what shift they could for themselves: line 60 Bagot got him to Chester, and so escaped into Ireland; the other fled to the castle of Bristol, in hope there to be in safety. The duke of Lancaster, after that he had coasted alongst the shore a certain time, & had got some intelligence how the people's minds were affected towards him, 
The duke of Lancaster landeth in Yorkshire.  landed about the beginning of julie in Yorkshire, at a place sometime called ●auenspur, betwixt Hull and Bridlington, and with him not past threescore persons, 
Additions to Polychron.  as some writ: but he was so joyfully received of the lords, knights, and gentlemen of those parts, that he found means by their help) forthwith to assemble a great number of people, that were willing to take his part. The first that came to him, were the lords of Lincoln●shire, and other countries adjoining, as the lords Willoughby, Ros, Darcie, and Beaumond.  
At his coming unto Doncaster, the earl of Northumberland, and his son sir Henry Persie, wardens of the marches against Scotland, with the earl of Westmoreland, came unto him, 
The duke of 〈…〉 to the lords ●hat 〈◊〉 him.  where he swore unto those lords, that he would demand no more, but the lands that were to him descended by inheritance from his father, and in right of his wife. Moreover, he undertook to cause the payment of taxes and tallages to be laid down, & to bring the king to good government, & to remove from him the Cheshiremen, which were envied of many; for that the king esteemed of them more than of any other; happily, because they were more faithful to him than other, ready in all respects to obey his commandments and pleasure. From Doncaster having now got a mighty army about him, he marched forth with all speed through the countries, coming by Euesham unto Berkelie: within the space of three days, all the king's castles in those parts were surrendered unto him.  
The duke of York, whom king Richard had left as governor of the realm in his absence, hearing that his nephew the duke of Lancaster was thus arrived, and had gathered an army, he also assembled a puissant power of men of arms and archers (as before ye have heard) but all was in vain, 
The hearts of the commo●● wholly bend ●o the duke of Lancaster.  for there was not a man that willingly would thrust out one arrow against the duke of Lancaster, or his partakers, or in any wise offend him or his friends. The duke of York therefore passing forth towards Wales to meet the king, at his coming forth of Ireland, was received into the castle of Berkelie, and there remained, till the coming thither of the duke of Lancaster (whom when he perceived that he was not able to resist) on the sunday, after the feast of saint james, which as that year came about, fell upon the friday, he came forth into the church that stood without the castle, and there communed with the duke of Lancaster. With the duke of York were the bishops of Norwich, the lord Berkelie, the lord Seimour, and other: with the duke of Lancaster were these, Thomas Arundel archbishop of Canturburie that had been banished, the abbot of Leicester, the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, Thomas Arundel son to Richard late earl of Arundel, the baron of Greistoke, the lords Willoughby and Ros, with diverse other lords, knights, and other people, which daily came to him from every part of the realm: those that came not, were spoiled of all they had, so as they were never able to recover themselves again, for their goods being then taken away, were never restored. And thus what for love, and what for fear of loss, they came flocking unto him from every part.  
At the same present there was arrested, and committed to safe custody, the bishop of Norwich, sir William Elmam, and sir Walter Burlie, knights, Laurence Drew, and john Golofer esquires. On the morowafter, the foresaid dukes with their power, 
The duke of Lancaster marcheth to Bristol.  went towards Bristol, where (at their coming) they showed themselves before the town & castle, being an huge multitude of people. There were enclosed within the castle, the lord William Scroop earl of Wiltshire and treasurer of England, sir Henry green, and sir john Bushie knights, who prepared to make resistance: but when it would not prevail, they were taken and brought forth bound as prisoners into the camp, before the duke of Lancaster. On the morrow next ensuing, 
Scroop 〈◊〉 treasurer, Bushie and green executed.  they were arraigned before the constable and marshal, and found guilty of treason, for misgoverning the king and realm, and forthwith had their heads smit off. Sir john russel was also taken there, 
A politic ●●dnesse.  who feigning himself to be out of his wits, escaped their hands for a time.  
In this mean time, king Richard advertised, how the duke of Lancaster was landed in England, and that the lords, gentlemen, and commons assembled themselves to take his part, he forthwith caused the lord Henry, son to the said duke of Lancaster, and the lord Humphrey, son to the duke of Gloucester, to be shut up fast in the castle of Trim, and line 10 with all speed made haste to return into England, in hope with an army to encounter the duke, before he should have time to assemble his friends together. But here you shall note, that it fortuned at the same time, in which the duke of Hereford or Lancaster, whether ye list to call him, arrived thus in England, the seas were so troubled by tempests, 
Out of master Dee● French book.  and the winds blew so contrary for any passage, to come over forth of England to the king, remaining still in Ireland, that for the space of six weeks, he received no advertisements line 20 from thence: yet at length, when the seas became calm, and the wind once turned any thing favourable, there came over a ship, whereby the king understood the manner of the duke's arrival, and all his proceedings till that day, in which the ship departed from the coast of England, whereupon he meant forthwith to have returned over into England, to make resistance against the duke: but through persuasion of the duke of Aumarle (as was thought) he stayed, till he might have all his ships, and other provision, line 30 fully ready for his passage.  
In the mean time, he sent the earl of Salisbury over into England, to gather a power together, by help of the king's friends in Wales, and Cheshire, with all speed possible, that they might be ready to assist him against the duke, upon his arrival, for he meant himself to follow the earl, within six days after. The earl passing over into Wales, landed at conway, and sent forth letters to the king's friends, both in Wales and Cheshire, to levy their people, line 40 & to come with all speed to assist the K. whose request, with great desire, & very willing minds they fulfilled, ●●●ing to have found the king himself at conway, insomuch that within four days space, there were to the number of forty thousand men assembled, ready to march with the king against his enemies, if he had been there himself in person.  
But when they miss the king, there was a brute spread amongst them, that the king was surly dead, which wrought such an impression, and evil disposition line 50 in the minds of the Welshmen and others, that for any persuasion which the earl of Salisbury might use, they would not go forth with him, till they saw the king: only they were contented to stay fourteen days to see if he should come or not; but when he came not within that term, they would no longer abide, but scaled & departed away; whereas if the king had come before their breaking up, no doubt, but they would have put the duke of Hereford in adventure of a field: so that the king's linger line 60 of time before his coming over, gave opportunity to the duke to bring things to pass as he could have wished, and took from the king all occasion to recover afterwards any forces sufficient to resist him.  
At length, about eighteen days after that the king had sent from him the earl of Salisbury, he took the sea, together with the dukes of Aumarle, Excester, Surrie, and diverse others of the nobility, with the bishops of London, Lincoln, and Carleill. They landed near the castle of Barclowlie in Wales, 
K. Richard returneth out of Ireland, and landeth in Wales.  about the feast of saint james the apostle, and stayed a while in the same castle, being advertised of the great forces which the duke of Lancaster had got together against him, 
Thom. Wals.  wherewith he was marvelously amazed, knowing certainly that those which were thus in arms with the duke of Lancaster against him, would rather die than give place, as well for the hatred as fear which they had conceived at him. Nevertheless he departing from Barclowlie, hasted with all speed towards conway, where he understood the earl of Salisbury to be still remaining.  
He therefore taking with him such Cheshire men as he had with him at that present (in whom all his trust was reposed) he doubted not to revenge himself of his adversaries, 
Additions to Polychron.  & so at the first he passed with a good courage: but when he understood as he went thus forward, that all the castles, even from the borders of Scotland unto Bristol were delivered unto the duke of Lancaster, and that likewise the nobles and commons, as well of the south parts, as the north, were fully bend to take part with the same duke against him; and further, hearing how his trusty councillors had lost their heads at Bristol, he became so greatly discomforted, 
K. Richard in utter despair.  that sorrowfully lamenting his miserable state, he utterly despaired of his own safety, and calling his army together, which was not small, licensed every man to departed to his home.  
The soldiers being well bend to fight in his defence, besought him to be of good cheer, promising with an oath to stand with him against the duke, and all his partakers unto death: but his could not encourage him at all, so that in the night next ensuing, he stole from his army, 
K. Richard stealeth away from his army, and taketh the castle of Flint.  and with the dukes of Excester and Surrie, the bishop of Carleill, and sir Stephan Scroop, and about half a score others, he got him to the castle of conway, where he found the earl of Salisbury, determining there to hold himself, till he might see the world at some better stay; for what counsel to take to remedy the mischief thus pressing upon him he witted not. On the one part he knew his title just, true, and infallible; and his conscience clean, pure, and without spot of envy or malice: he had also no small affiance in the Welshmen, and Cheshire men. On the other side, he saw the puissance of his adversaries, the sudden departing of them whom he most trusted, and all things turned upside down: he evidently saw, and manifestly perceived, that he was forsaken of them, by whom in time he might have been aided and relieved, where now it was too late, and too far overpassed.  
¶ This surly is a very notable example, 
A special note worthy to be well weighed.  and not unworthy of all princes to be well weighed, and diligently marked, that this Henry duke of Lancaster should be thus called to the kingdom, and have the help and assistance (almost) of all the whole realm, which perchance never thereof thought or yet dreamt; and that king Richard should thus be left desolate, void, and in despair of all hope and comfort, in whom if there were any offence, it ought rather to be imputed to the frailty of wanton youth, than to the malice of his hart: but such is the deceivable judgement of man, which not regarding things present with due consideration, thinketh ever that things to come shall have good success, with a pleasant & delightful end. But in this dejecting of the one, & advancing of the other, the providence of God is to be respected, & his secret will to be wondered at. For as in his hands standeth the donation of kingdoms, so likewise the disposing of them consisteth in his pleasure, which the very pagans understood right well; otherwise, one of them would never have said, 
Regum timendorum in proprios greges, 
Hor. lib. car. 3. ode. 1.   
Reges in ipsos imperium est iovis  
Cuncta supercilio moventis.   
Sir Thomas Persie earl of Worcester, lord steward of the king's house, 
The earl of Worcester leaveth the K. and fleeth to the duke.  either being so commanded by the king, or else upon displeasure (as some writ) for that the king had proclaimed his brother the earl of Northumberland traitor, broke his white staff, which is the representing sign and token of his office, and without delay went to duke Henry. When the king's servants of household saw this (for it was done before them all) they dispersed themselves, some into one country, and some into an other. When the duke of Lancaster understood that king line 10 Richard was returned forth of Ireland, he left the duke of York still at Bristol, and came back with his power unto Berkleie; the second day he came to Gloucester, and so to Roos, after to Hereford, where came to him the bishop of Hereford, and sir Edmund Mortimer knight. On the sunday following, he went to Limster, and there the lord Charleton came to him. From thence he went to Ludlow, and the next day to Shrewsburie, where he rested one day, and thither came to him sir Robert Leigh, 
Where fortune favoureth, thither the people's favour fleeth.  and sir line 20 john Leigh, and many other being sent from Chester, to treat with the duke of Lancaster, for the city and county of Chester, that were now ready to submit themselves unto him in all things.  
There came hither unto him the lord Scales, and the lord Berdolfe, forth of Ireland, having been spoiled of all they had about them in Wales, as they came through the country. From Shrewsburie, he kept on his journey towards Chester, and lodging one night by the way, in a town there in the borders line 30 of Wales, 
The duke of Lancaster coming to Chester.  he came the second night to Chester, and stayed there certain days together, making a jolly muster of his army there in sight of the city. The clergy met, & received him with procession: he sent forthwith for his son & heir, & likewise for the duke of Glocesters soon & heir, that were as yet remaining in Ireland, commanding them with all speed to return home into England. But the duke of Glocesters' son, through mischance perished, as he was on the seas to come over, for whose loss his line 40 mother took such grief, that shortly after through immoderate sorrow she likewise passed out of this transitory life.  
In this mean time, king Richard being in the castle of conway sore discomfited, and fearing lest he could not remain there long in safety, upon knowledge had by his trusty friends john Paulet, and Richard Seimour, of the dealings and approach of his adversaries, sent the duke of Excester to talk with the duke of Lancaster, who in this mean while line 50 had caused one of king Richard's faithful and trusty friends, 
Perkin a Lee.  sir Piers a Leigh, commonly called Perkin a Lée, to lose his head, & commanded the same to be set up, upon one of the highest turrets about all the city; and so that true and faithful gentleman, for his steadfast faith, and assured loyalty to his loving sovereign, thus lost his life. There came to him about the same time, or somewhat before, the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the lord Lovel, and sir john Stanleie, beseeching him to receive him into his favour. line 60  
¶ By some writers it should seem, not only the duke of Excester, 
Out of master Dees book.  but also the duke of Surrie were sent unto duke Henry from king Richard, and that duke Henry stayed them both, and would not suffer them to return to the king again, keeping the duke of Excester still about him, and committing the duke of Surrie to prison, within the castle of Chester. The king herewith went to Beaumaris, & after to Carnarvan: but finding no provision either of victuals or other things in those castles, no not so much as a bed to lie in, he came back again to conway, and in the mean time was the castle of Holt delivered to the duke of Hereford, 
Holt castle delivered to the duke.  by those that had it in keeping wherein was great store of jewels, to the value of two hundred thousand marks, besides an hundred thousand marks in ready coin. After this, the duke, with advise of his council, 
Some 〈◊〉, that the archbishop of C●●●turburie and the earl of Westmoreland went also 〈◊〉 the earl of Northumberland to conway.  sent the earl of Northumberland unto the king, accompanied with four hundred lances, & a thousand archers, who coming to the castle of Flint, had it delivered unto him; and from thence he hasted forth towards conway. But before he approached near the place, he left his power behind him, hid closely in two ambushes, behind a craggy mounteine, beside the high way that leadeth from Flint to conway.  
This done, taking not past four or five with him, he passed forth, till he came before the town, and then sending an herald to the king, requested a safe conduct from the king, that he might come and talk with him, which the king granted, and so the earl of Northumberland passing the water, entered the castle, and coming to the king, declared to him, 
The earl of Northumberlands message to the king.  that if it might please his grace to undertake, that there should be a parliament assembled, in the which justice might be had, against such as were enemies to the commonwealth, and had procured the destruction of the duke of Gloucester, and other noblemen, and herewith pardon the duke of Hereford of all things wherein he had offended him, the duke would be ready to come to him on his knees, to crave of him forgiveness, and as an humble subject, to obey him in all dutiful services. The king taking advise upon these offers, 
The king leaveth conway castle, and betaketh himself to his enemies.  and other made by the earl of Northumberland on the behalf of the duke of Hereford; upon the earls oath, for assurance that the same should be performed in each condition, agreed to go with the earl to meet the duke, and hereupon taking their horses, they road forth, but the earl road before, as it were, to prepare dinner for the king at Rutland, but coming to the place where he had left his people, he stayed there with them.  
The king keeping on his way, had not ridden past four miles, when he came to the place where the ambushes were lodged, and being entered within danger of them, before he was aware, showed himself to be sore abashed. But now there was no remi●●●: for the earl being there with his men, would not suffer him to return, as he gladly would have done if he might; but being enclosed with the sea on the one side, and the rocks on the other, having his adversaries so near at hand before him, he could not shift away by any means, for if he should have fled back, they might easily have overtaken him, yet he could have got out of their danger. And thus of force he was then constrained to go with the earl, who brought him to Rutland, where they dined, and from thence they road unto Flint to bed. The king had very few about him of his friends, except only the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of Carleill, the lord Stephan Scroop, sir Nicholas Ferebie, a son also of the countess of Salisbury, and jenico Dartois a Gascoigne that still ware the cognisance or devise of his master king Richard, that is to say, 
A constant servant.  a white hart, and would not put it from him, neither for persuasions nor threats; by reason whereof, when the duke of Hereford understood it, he caused him to be committed to prison within the castle of Chester. This man was the last (as saith mine author) which ware that devise, and showed well thereby his constant hart toward his master, for the which it was thought he should have lost his life, but yet he was pardoned, and at length reconciled to the duke's favour, after he was king.  
But now to our purpose. King Richard being thus come unto the castle of Flint, on the monday, the eighteenth of August, and the duke of Hereford being still advertised from hour to hour by posts, how the earl of Northumberland sped, the morrow following being tuesday, and the ninetéenth of August, he came thither, & mustered his army before the king's presence, which undoubtedly made a passing fair show, being very well ordered by the lord Henry Persie, that was appointed general, or rather (as we may call him) master of the camp, under the duke, of the whole army. There were come already to the castle, before the approaching of the main army, the archbishop of Canturburie, the duke of Aumarle, the earl of Worcester, and diverse other. The line 10 archbishop entered first, and then followed the other, coming into the first ward.  
The king that was walking aloft on the braies of the walls, to behold the coming of the duke a far off, might see, that the archbishop and the other were come, and (as he took it) to talk with him: whereupon he forthwith came down unto them, and beholding that they did their due reverence to him on their knees, he took them up, and drawing the archbishop aside from the residue, talked with him a good line 20 while, and as it was reported, the archbishop willed him to be of good comfort, for he should be assured, not to have any hurt, as touching his person; but he prophesied not as a prelate, but as a Pilate. For, was it no hurt (think you) to his person, to be spoiled of his royalty, to be deposed from his crown, to be translated from principality to prison, & to fall from honour into horror. All which befell him to his extreme hart grief (no doubt:) which to increase, means alas line 30 there were many; but to diminish, helps (God wots) but a few. So that he might have said with the forlorn man in the merciless seas of his miseries, 
Vt fera nimboso tumüerunt aequora vento,  
In medijs lacera nave relinquor aquis.   
¶ Some writ (as before in a marginal note I have quoted) that the archbishop of Canturburie went with the earl of Northumberland unto Conwaie, and there talked with him: and further, that even then the king offered, in consideration of his insufficiency line 40 to govern, freely to resign the crown, and his kingly title to the same, unto the duke of Hereford. But forsomuch as those that were continually attendant about the king, during the whole time of his abode at conway, and till his coming to Flint, do plainly affirm, that the archbishop came not to him, till this tuesday before his removing from Flint unto Chester, it may be thought (the circumstances well considered) that he rather made that promise here at Flint, than at conway, line 50 although by the tenor of an instrument, containing the declaration of the archbishop of York, and other commissioners sent from the estates assembled in the next parliament, unto the said king, it is recorded to be at conway, as after ye may read. But there may be some default in the copy, as taking the one place for the other.  
But wheresoever this offer was made, after that the archbishop had now here at Flint communed with the king, he departed, and taking his horse again, line 60 road back to meet the duke, who began at that present to approach the castle, and compassed it round about, even down to the sea, with his people ranged in good and seemly order, at the foot of the mounteins: and then the earl of Northumberland passing forth of the castle to the duke, talked with him a while in sight of the king, being again got up to the walls, to take better view of the army, being now advanced within two bow shoots of the castle, to the small rejoicing (ye may be sure) of the sorrowful king. The earl of Northumberland returning to the castle, appointed the king to be set to dinner (for he was fasting till then) and after he had dined, the duke came down to the castle himself, and entered the same all armed, his bassenet only excepted, and being within the first gate, he stayed there, till the king came forth of the inner part of the castle unto him.  
The king accompanied with the bishop of Carleill, the earl of Salisbury, and sir Stephan Scroop knight, who bore the sword before him, and a few other, came forth into the utter ward, and sat down in a place prepared for him. Forthwith as the duke got sight of the king, 
The duke's behaviour to the king at their meéting.  he showed a reverend duty as became him, in bowing his knee, and coming forward, did so likewise the second and third time, till the king took him by the hand, and lift him up, saying; Dear cousin, ye are welcome. The duke humbly thanking him said; My sovereign lord and king, 
The duke's demand.  the cause of my coming at this present, is (your honour saved) to have again restitution of my person, my lands and heritage, through your favourable licence. The king hereunto answered; Dear cousin, I am ready to accomplish your will, so that ye may enjoy all that is yours, without exception.  
Meeting thus together, they came forth of the castle, and the king there called for wine, 
The king and the duke journey together towards London.  and after they had drunk, they mounted on horseback, and road that night to Flint, and the next day unto Chester, the third unto Nantwich, the fourth to Newcastle. Here, with glad countenance, the lord Thomas Beauchampe earl of Warwick met them, that had been confined into the isle of Man, as before ye have heard; but now was revoked home by the duke of Lancaster. From Newcastle they road to Stafford, and the sixth day unto Lichfield, and there rested sunday all day. After this, they road forth, and lodged at these places ensuing, Coventrie, Dantrée, Northhampton, Dunstable, S. Albon, & so came to London: neither was the king permitted all this while to change his apparel, but road still through all these towns simply clothed in one suit of raiment, and yet he was in his time exceeding sumptuous in apparel, in so much as he had one cote, which he caused to be made for him of gold and stone, 
K. Richard sumptuous in apparel.  valued at 30000 marks: & so he was brought the next way to Westminster.  
As for the duke, he was received with all the joy and pomp that might be of the Londoners, and was lodged in the bishop's palace, by Paul's church. It was a wonder to see what great concursse of people, 
The dukes receiving into London.  & what number of horses came to him on the way as he thus passed the countries, till his coming to London, where (upon his approach to the city) the mayor road forth to receive him, and a great number of other citizens. Also the clergy met him with procession, and such joy appeared in the countenances of the people, uttering the same also with words, as the like not lightly been seen. For in every town and village where he passed, children rejoiced, women clapped their hands▪ and men cried out for joy. But to speak of the great numbers of people that flocked together in the fields and streets of London at his coming, I here omit; neither will I speak of the presents, welcomings, lauds, and gratifications made to him by the citizens and commonalty.  
But now to the purpose. The next day after his coming to London, 
The king committed to the tower.  the king from Westminster was had to the Tower, and there committed to safe custody. Many evil disposed persons, assembling themselves together in great numbers, intended to have met with him, and to have taken him from such as had the conveying of him, that they might have slain him. But the mayor and aldermen gathered to them the worshipful commoners and grave citizens, by whose policy, and not without much ado, the other were revoked from their evil purpose: albeit, before they might be pacified, they coming to Westminster, took master john Sclake dean of the king's chapel, and from thence brought him to Newgate, and there laid him fast in irons.  

A parliament in the king's name.  After this was a parliament called by the duke of Lancaster, using the name of king Richard in the writs directed forth to the lords, and other states for their summons. This parliament began the thirteenth day of September, in the which many heinous points of misgovernance and injurious dealings in the administration of his kingly office, line 10 were laid to the charge of this noble prince king Richard, the which (to the end the commons might be persuaded, that he was an unprofitable prince to the commonwealth, and worthy to be deposed) were engrossed up in 33 solemn articles, heinous to the ears of all men, and to some almost incredible, the very effect of which articles here ensue, according to the copy which I have seen, and is abridged by master Hall as followeth. line 20  

The articles objected to king Richard, whereby he was counted worthy to be deposed from his principality.  
FIrst, that king Richard wastefully spent line 1 the treasure of the realm, and had given the possessions of the crown to men unworthy, by reason whereof, new charges line 30 more and more were laid on the poor commonalty. And where diverse lords, as well spiritual as temporal, were appointed by the high court of parliament, to commune and treat of diverse matters concerning the commonwealth of the realm, which being busy about the same commission, he with other of his affinity went about to impeach, and by force and menacing compelled the justices of the realm at Shrewesburie to condescend to his opinion, for the destruction of the said lords, in so much that he began line 40 to raise war against john duke of Lancaster, Richard earl of Arundel, Thomas earl of Warwick, and other lords, contrary to his honour and promise.  
2 Item, that he caused his uncle the duke of Gloucester to be arrested without law, and sent him to Calis, and there without judgement murdered him, and although the earl of Arundel upon his arreignment pleaded his charter of pardon, he could not be heard, but was in most vile and shameful manner line 50 suddenly put to death.  
3 Item, he assembled certain Lancashire and Cheshire men, to the intent to make war on the same lords, and suffered them to rob and pill, without correction or repréeve.  
4 Item, although the king flateringlie, and with great dissimulation, made proclamation through out the realm, that the lords before named were not attached of any crime of treason, but only for extortions and oppressions done in this realm; yet he laid line 60 to them in the parliament, rebellion and manifest treason.  
5 Item, he hath compelled divers of the said lords servants and friends, by menaces & extreme pains, to make great ●●nes to their utter undoing; and notwithstanding his pardon, yet he made them fine anew.  
6 Item, were diverse were appointed to commune of the state of the realm, and the commonwealth thereof, the same king caused all the rolls and records to be kept from them, contrary to promise made in the parliament, to his open dishonour.  
7 Item, he uncharitably commanded, that no man upon pain of loss of life, and goods; should once entreat him for the return of Henry now duke of Lancaster.  
8 Item, where this realm is holden of God, and not of the pope or other prince, the said king Richard, after he had obtained diverse acts of parliament, for his own peculiar profit and pleasure, than he obtained bulls and extreme censures from Rome, to compel all men straightly to keep the same, contrary to the honour and ancient privileges of this realm.  
9 Item, although the duke of Lancaster had done his devoir against Thomas duke of Norfolk in proof of his quarrel; yet the said king, without reason or ground, banished him the realm for ten years, contrary to all equity.  
10 Item, before the duke's departure, he under his broad seal licensed him to make attorneys to prosecute and defend his causes: the said king after his departure, would suffer none attorney to appear for him, but did with his at his pleasure.  
11 Item, the same king put out diverse sheriffs lawfully elected, and put in their rooms diverse other of his own, subverting the law, contrary to his oath and honour.  
12 Item, he borrowed great sums of money, and bound him under his letters patents, for the repayment of the same, and yet not one penny paid.  
13 Item, he taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy council, and the same treasure spent in folly, not paying poor men for their victuals and viands.  
14 Item, he said, that the laws of the realm were in his head, and sometimes in his breast, by reason of which fantastical opinion, he destroyed noble men, and impoverished the poor commons.  
15 Item, the parliament setting and enacting diverse notable statutes, for the profit and advancement of the commonwealth, he by his privy friends and solicitors caused to be enacted, that no act then enacted, should be more prejudicial to him, than it was to any of his predecessors: through which proviso he did often as he listed, and not as the law did mean.  
16 Item, for to serve his purpose, he would suffer the sheriffs of the shire to remain above one year or two.  
17 Item, at the summons of the parliament, when knights and burgesses should be elected, that the election had been full proceeded, he put out diverse persons elect, and put other in their places, to serve his will and appetite.  
18 Item, he had privy espials in every shire, to hear who had of him any communication; and if he communed of his lascivious living, or outrageous doings, he straightways was apprehended, and put to a grievous fine.  
19 Item, the spirituality alleged against him, that he at his going into Ireland, exacted many notable sums of money, beside plate and jewels, without law or custom, contrary to his oath taken at his coronation.  
20 Item, where diverse lords and justices were sworn to say the truth of diverse things to them committed in charge, both for the honour of the realm, and profit of the king, the said king so menaced them with sore threatenings, that no man would or durst say the right.  
21 Item, that without the assent of the nobility, he ca●●ed the jewels, plate, and treasure, over into Ireland, to the great impoverishment of the realm: and all the good records for the commonwealth, and against his extortions, he caused privily to be imbesiled, and conue●ed away.  
22 Item, in all leagues and letters to be concluded or sent to the see of Rome, or other regions, his writing was so subtle and dark, that none other prince once believed him, nor yet his own subjects.  
23 Item, he most tyrannously and unprincelie said, that the lives and goods of all his subjects were in his hands, and at his disposition.  
24 Item, that contrary to the great charter of England, he caused diverse lusty men to appeal diverse old men, upon matters determinable at the common law in the court martial, because that line 10 there is no trial, but only by battle: whereupon, the said aged persons, fearing the sequel of the matter, submitted themselves to his mercy, whom he fined and ransomed unreasonably at his will and pleasure.  
25 Item, he craftily devised certain privy oaths, contrary to the law, and caused diverse of his subjects first to be sworn to observe the same, and after bound them in bonds for keeping of the same, to the great undoing of many honest men. line 20  
26 Item, where the chancellor, according to the law, would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certain person, the king granted it unto the same, under his privy seal, with great threatenings, if it should be disobeyed.  
27 Item, he banished the bishop of Canturburie without cause or judgement, and kept him in the parliament chamber with men of arms.  
28 Item, the bishop's goods he granted to his successor, upon condition, that he should maintain all line 30 his statutes made at Shrewesburie anno 21, and the statutes made anno 22 at Coventrie.  
29 Item, upon the accusation of the said bishop, the king craftily persuaded him to make no answer for he would be his warrant, and advised him not to come to the parliament, and so without answer he was condemned and exiled, and his goods seized.   
These be all the articles of any effect, which were laid against him, saving four other, which touched only the archbishop's matter, whose working line 40 wrong king Richard at length from his crown. Then for so much as these articles, and other heinous and detestable accusations were laid against him in open parliament, it was thought by the most part, that he was worthy to be deposed from all kingly honour, and princely government: and to bring the matter without slander the better to pass, diverse of the king's servants, which by licence had access to his person, comforted him (being with sorrow almost consumed, and in manner half dead) in the best wise line 50 they could, exhorting him to regard his health, and save his life.  

The king is persuaded to resign the crown to the duke.  And first, they advised him willingly to suffer himself to be deposed, and to resign his right of his own accord, so that the duke of Lancaster might without murder or battle obtain the sceptre and diadem, after which (they well perceived) he gaped: by mean whereof they thought he might be in perfect assurance of his life long to continue. Whether this their persuasion proceeded by the suborning of line 60 the duke of Lancaster and his favourers, or of a sincere affection which they bore to the king, as supposing it most sure in such an extremity, it is uncertain; but yet the effect followed not▪ howsoever their meaning was: notwithstanding, the king being now in the hands of his enemies, and utterly despairing of all comfort, was easily persuaded to renounce his crown and princely pre-eminence, so that in hope of life only, he agreed to all things that were of him demanded. And so (as it should seem by the copy of an instrument hereafter following) he renounced and voluntarily was deposed from his royal crown and kingly dignity, 
Fabian.  the monday being the nine and twentieth day of September, and feast of S. Michael the archangel, in the year of our Lord 1399, and in the three and twentieth year of his reign. The copy of which instrument here ensueth.  

A copy of the instrument touching the declaration of the commissioners sent from the states in parliament, unto king Richard.  
THis present indenture made the nine and twentieth day of September, and feast of saint Michael, in the year of our Lord 1399, and the three and twentieth year of king Richard the second. Witnesseth, that where by the authority of the lords spiritual and temporal of this present parliament, and commons of the same, the right honourable and discreet persons here under named, were by the said authority assigned to go to the Tower of London, there to hear and testify such questions and answers as then and there should be by the said honourable and discreet persons hard. Know all men, to whom these present letters shall come, that we, sir Richard Scroop archbishop of York, john bishop of Hereford, Henry earl of Northumberland, Ralph earl of Westmoreland, Thomas lord Berkeleie, William abbot of Westminster, john prior of Canturburie, William Thirning and Hugh Burnell knights, john Markham justice, Thomas Stow and john Burbadge doctors of the civil law, Thomas Erpingham and Thomas Grey knights, Thomas Ferebie and Denis Lopeham notaries public, the day and year above said, between the hours of eight and nine of the clock before noon, were present in the chief chamber of the king's lodging, within the said place of the Tower, where was rehearsed unto the king by the mouth of the foresaid earl of Northumberland, that before time at conway in North-wales, the king being there at his pleasure and liberty, promised unto the archbishop of Canturburie then Thomas Arundel, 
This promise he made at Flint rather than at conway, as by that which goeth before it may be partly conjectured.  and unto the said earl of Northumberland, that he for insufficiency which he knew himself to be of, to occupy so great a charge, as to govern the realm of England, he would gladly leave of and renounce his right and title, as well of that as of his title to the crown of France, and his majesty royal, unto Henry duke of Hereford, and that to do in such convenient wise, as by the learned men of this land it should most sufficiently be devised & ordained. To the which rehearsal, the king in our said presences answered benignlie and said, that such promise he made, and so to do the same he was at that hour in full purpose to perform and fulfil; saving that he desired first to have personal speech with the said duke, and with the archbishop of Canturburie his cousins. And further, he desired to have a bill drawn of the said resignation, that he might be perfect in the rehearsal thereof.  
After which bill drawn, and a copy thereof to him by me the said earl delivered, we the said lords and other departed: and upon the same afternoon the king looking for the coming of the duke of Lancaster, at the last the said duke, with the archbishop of Canturburie and the persons afore recited, entered the foresaid line 10 chamber, bringing with them the lords Roos, Aburgenny, and Willoughby, with diverse other. Where after due obeisance done by them unto the king, he familiarly and with a glad countenance (as to them and us appeared) talked with the said archbishop and duke a good season; and that communication finished, the king with glad countenance in presence of us and the line 20 other above rehearsed, said openly that he was ready to renounce and resign all his kingly majesty in manner and form as he before had promised. And although he had and might sufficiently have declared his renouncement by the reading of an other mean person; yet for the more surety of the matter, and for that the said resignation should have his full force and strength, line 30 himself therefore read the scroll of resignation, in manner and form as followeth.   

The tenor of the instrument whereby king Richard resigneth the crown to the duke of Lancaster.  
IN the name of God Amen: I Richard by the grace of God, king of England and of France, &c: lord of line 40 Ireland, acquit and assoil all archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, secular or religious, of what dignity, degree, state, or condition so ever they be; and also all dukes, marquess', earls, barons, lords, and all my liege men, both spiritual and secular, of what manner or degree they be, from their oath of fealty and homage, and all other deeds and privileges made unto me, and from all manner bonds of line 50 allegiance, regality and lordship, in which they were or be bounden to me, or any otherwise constrained; and them, their heirs, and successors for evermore, from the same bonds and oaths I release, deliver, and acquit, and set them for free, dissolved and acquit, and to be harmless, for as much as longeth to my person by any manner way or title of right, that to me might follow of the foresaid things, or any of line 60 them. And also I resign all my kingly dignity, majesty and crown, with all the lordships, power, and privileges to the foresaid kingly dignity and crown belonging, and all other lordships and possessions to me in any manner of wise pertaining, of what name, title, quality, or condition soever they be, except th● lands and possessions for me and mine obits purchased and bought. And I renounce all right, and all manner of title of possession, which I ever had or have in the same lordships and possessions, or any of them, with any manner of rights belonging or appertaining unto any part of them. And also the rule and governance of the same kingdom and lordships, with all ministrations of the same, and all things and every each of them, that to the whole empire and jurisdictions of the same belongeth of right, or in any wise may belong.  
And also I renounce the name, worship, and regalty and kingly highness, clearly, freely, singularly and wholly, in the most best manner and form that I may, and with deed and word I leave off and resign them, and go from them for evermore; saving always to my successors kings of England, all the rights, privileges and appurtenances to the said kingdom and lordship's abovesaid belonging and appertaining. For well I wot and knowledge, and deem myself to be, and have been insufficient and unable, and also unprofitable, and for my open deserts not unworthy to be put down. And I swear upon the holy evangelists here presently with my hands touched, that I shall never repugn to this resignation, demission or yielding up, nor never impugn them in any manner by word or deed, by myself nor none other: nor I shall not suffer it to be impugned, in as much as in me is, privily or apertly. But I shall have, hold, and keep this renouncing, demission, and giving up for firm and stable for evermore in all and every part thereof, so God me help and all saints, and by this holy evangelist, by me bodily touched and kissed. And for more record of the same, here openly I subscribe and sign this present resignation with mine own hand.  
Now forthwith in our presences and others, he subscribed the same, and after delivered it unto the archbishop of Canturburie, saying that if it were in his power, or at his assignment, he would that the duke of Lancaster there present should be his successor, and king after him. And in token hereof, he took a ring of gold from his finger being his signet, and put it upon the said dukes finger, desiring and requiring the archbishop of York, & the bishop of Hereford, to show and make report unto the lords of the parliament of his voluntary resignation, and also of his intent and good mind that he bore towards his cousin the duke of Lancaster, to have him his successor and their king after him. ¶ All this done, every man took their leave and returned to their own.   
Upon the morrow after being tuesday, and the last day of September, all the lords spiritual and temporal, with the commons of the said parliament, assembled at Westminster, where, in the presence of them, the archbishop of York, and the bishop of Hereford, according to the king's request, showed unto them the voluntary renouncing of the king, with the favour also which he bore to his cousin of Lancaster to have him his successor. And moreover showed them the schedule or bill of renouncement, signed with king Richard's own hand, which they caused to be read first in Latin, as it was written, and after in English. This done, the question was first asked of the lords, if they would admit and allow that renouncement: the which when it was of them granted and confirmed, 
●. Richard's resignation confirmed by 〈◊〉.  the like question was asked of the commons, and of them in like manner confirmed. After this, it was then declared, that notwithstanding the foresaid renouncing, so by the lords and commons admitted and confirmed, it were necessary in avoiding of all suspicions and surmises of evil disposed persons, to have in writing and registered the manifold crimes and defaults before done by king Richard, to the end that they might first be openly declared to the people, and after to remain of record line 10 amongst other of the king's records for ever.  
All this was done accordingly, for the articles which before ye have heard, were drawn and engrossed up, and there showed ready to be read; but for other causes more needful as then to be preferred, the reading of those articles at that season was deferred. Then forsomuch as the lords of the parliament had well considered the voluntary resignation (of king Richard, and that it was behoveful and as they thought) necessary for the weal of the realm, line 20 to proceed unto the sentence of his deposing, there were appointed by the authority of all the estates there in parliament assembled, the bishop of saint Asaph, the abbot of Glastenburie, the earl of Gloucester, the lord Berkleie, William Thirning justice, and Thomas Erpingham, with Thomas Gray, knights, that they should give and pronounce the open sentence of the deposing of king Richard. Whereupon the said commissioners taking counsel together, by good and deliberate advise therein had, with line 30 one assent agreed, that the bishop of S. Asaph should publish the sentence for them and in their names, as followeth.  

The publication of king Richard's deposing.  
IN the name of God Amen. We john bishop of S. Asaph, john line 40 abbot of Glastenburie, Thomas earl of Gloucester, Thomas lord Berkeleie, William Thirning justice, Thomas Erpingham & Thomas Gray knights, chosen and deputed special commissaries by the three states of this present parliament, representing the whole body of the realm, for all such ma●●ers by the said estates to us committed: we understanding and considering the manifold crimes, line 50 hurts, and harms done by Richard king of England, and misgovernance of the same by a long time, to the great decay of the said land, and utter ruin of the same shortly to have been, had not the special grace of our God thereunto put the sooner remedy: and also furthermore adverting, that the said king Richard by acknowledging his own insufficiency, hath of his line 60 own mere voluntee and free will, renounced and given over the rule & governance of this land, with all rights and honours unto the same belonging, and utterly for his merits hath judged himself not unworthily to be deposed of all kingly majesty and estate royal. We the premises well considering by good and diligent deliberation, by the power, name, and authority to us (as above is said) committed, pronounce, decern, and declare the same king Richard, before this to have been, and to be unprofitable, unable, unsufficient, and unworthy of the rule and governance of the foresaid realms and lordships, and of all rights and other the appurtenances to the same belonging. And for the same causes we deprive him of all kingly dignity and worship, and of any kingly worship in himself. And we depose him by our sentence definitive, forbidding expressly to all archbishops, and bishops, and all other prelates, dukes, marquess', earls, barons and knights, and all other men of the foresaid kingdom and lordships, subjects, and lieges whatsoever they be, that none of them from this day forward, to the foresaid Richard as king and lord of the foresaid realms and lordships, be neither obedient nor attendant.   
After which sentence thus openly declared, the said estates admitted forthwith the forenamed commissioners for their procurators, to resign and yield up unto king Richard, all their homage and fealty, which in times past they had made and ought unto him, and also for to declare unto him (if need were) all things before done that concerned the purpose and cause of his deposing: the which resignation was respited till the morrow following. Immediately as the sentence was in this wise passed, and that by reason thereof the realm stood void without head or governor for the time, the duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before he sat, and standing where all those in the house might behold him, in reverend manner made a sign of the cross on his forehead, and likewise on his breast, and after silence by an officer commanded, said unto the people there being present, these words following.  

The duke of Lancaster layeth challenge or claim to the crown.  
IN the name of the Father, and of the Son, & of the holy-ghost. I Henry of Lancaster claim the realm of England and the crown, with all the appurtenances▪ as I that am descended by right line of the blood coming from that good lord king Henry the third, and through the right that God of his grace hath sent me, with the help of my kin, and of my friends, to recover the same, which was in point to be undone for default of good governance and due justice.   
After these words thus by him uttered, he returned and sat him down in the place where before he had sitten. Then the lords having heard and well perceived this claim thus made by this noble man, each of them asked of other what they thought therein. At length, after a little pausing or stay made, the archbishop of Canturburie having notice of the minds of the lords, 
The demand of the archbishop of Canturburie to the commons.  stood up & asked the commons if they would assent to the lords, which in their minds thought the claim of the duke made, to be rightful and necessary for the wealth of the realm and them all: whereto the commons with one voice cried, Yea, yea, yea. After which answer, the said archbishop going to the duke, and kneeling down before him on his knee, addressed to him all his purpose in few words. 
Thom. Wals. The duke of Hereford placed in the regal throne.  The which when he had ended, he rose, & taking the duke by the right hand, led him unto the king's seat, the archbishop of York assisting him, and with great reverence set him therein, after that the duke had first upon his knees made his prayer in devout manner unto almighty God. When he was thus placed in his throne to the great rejoicing of the people, the archbishop of Canturburie began a brief collation, 
The archbishop preached.  taking for his theme these words, written in the first book of kings the ninth chapter; Vir dominabitur in populo, &c: handling the same, & the whole tenor of his tale to the praise of the king, whose settled judgement, grounded wisdom, perfect reason, and ripe discretion line 10 was such (said he) as declared him to be no child, neither in years, nor in light conditions, but a man able and meet for the government of a realm: so that there was no small cause of comfort ministered to them through the favourable goodness of almighty God, which had provided them of such a governor, as like a discreet judge shall deem in causes by skilful dooms, and rule his subjects in upright equity, setting apart all wilful pleasures, and childish inconstancy. This is a summary of his oration. But because the quality of this volume is such, as that it line 20 hath set forth matters at large: I will lay down the archbishop's words, as they are recorded by Fabian in ample manner as followeth.  

The archbishop of Canturburie his oration, framed upon this text, Vir dominabitur in populo, &c: written in the first book of kings and ninth chapter.  

Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 351.  THese be the words of the high, and most mighty king, speaking to Samuel his prophet, teaching him how he should choose and ordain a governor of his people of Israel, when the said people asked of him a king, to rule them. And not without cause may these words be said here of our lord the king that is. For, if they be inwardly conceived, they shall give unto us matter of line 40 consolation and comfort, when it is said that a man shall have lordship and rule of the people, and not a child. For God threateneth not us as he sometime threatened the people by isaiah, saying: Esa. 3. Et dabo pueros principes eorum, & effeminati dominabuntur eyes, I shall (saith our Lord) give children to be their rulers & princes, and weak or fearful shall have dominion over them. But of line 50 his great mercy he hath visited us, I trust his peculiar people, and sent us a man to have the rule of us, & put by children that before time ruled this land, after childish conditions, as by the works of them it hath rightly appeared, to the disturbance of all this realm; and for want and lack of a man. For, as saith the apostle Paul ad Corinthos, 1. capite 14. Cùm essem paruulus, line 60 loquebar ut paruulus, &c: quando autem factus sum vir, evacuavi quae erant paruuli, that is to say, When I was a child, I savoured and spoke as a child, but at the time when I came unto the estate of a man, than I put by all my childish conditions.  
The apostle saith, he savoured and spoke as a child, in whom is no steadfastness, or constancy. For a child will lightly promise, and lightly he will break his promise, and do all things that his appetite giveth him unto, and forgetteth lightly what he hath done. By which reason it followeth, that needilie great inconvenience must fall to that people, that a child is ruler and governor of: nor it is not possible for that kingdom to stand in felicity, where such conditions reign in the head and ruler of the same. But now we ought all to rejoice, that all such defaults be expelled, and that a man, and not a child, shall have lordship over us. To whom it belongeth to have a sure rane upon his tongue, that he may be known from a child, or a man using childish conditions: of whom I trust I may say, as the wise man saith in his proverbs, Proverb. 3. cap. Beatus homo qui invenit sapientiam, & qui affluit prudentia, that is to say; Blessed be the man that hath sapience or wisdom, and that aboundeth in prudence. For that man that is ruled by sapience, must needs love & dread our Lord God, and who so loveth & dreadeth him, it must consequently follow that he must keep his commandments. By force whereof he shall minister true justice unto his subjects, and do no wrong nor injury to any man.  
So that then shall follow the words of the wise man the which be rehearsed, Proverb. 10. Benedictio Domini super caput justi, os autem impiorum operit iniquitatem, that is to say, The blessing of our Lord God shall light upon the head of our king, being a just and righteous man, for the tongue of him worketh equity and justice; but the tongue of the wicked & of sinners covereth iniquity. And who so worketh or ministereth justice in due order, he not only safegardeth himself, but also holdeth people in a surety of restfulnes, of the which ensueth peace and plenty. And therefore it is said of the wise king Solomon, Eccles. 10. Beata terra cuius rex nobilis est, vel cuius principes vescuntur in tempore suo, which is to be understanded, that blessed & happy is that land, of the which the king or ruler is noble and wise, and the princes be blessed that live in his time. As who would say, they may take example of him to rule and guide their subjects. For by the discretion of a noble and wise man being in authority, many evils be sequestered and set apart, all dissemblers put to silence. For the wise man considereth and noteth well the great inconveniences which daily now grow of it, where the child or incipient drinketh the sweet and delicious words unadvisedly, and perceiveth not intoxication which they be mingled or mixed with, till he be environed and wrapped in all danger, as lately the experience thereof hath been apparent to all our sights and knowledges, & not without the great danger of all this realm. And all was for lack of wisdom in the ruler, which deemed & taught as a child, giving sentence of wilfulness and not of reason. So that while a child reigned, self-will & lust reigned, and reason with good conscience were outlawed, with justice, steadfastness, and many other virtues.  
But of this peril and danger we be delivered by the especial help and grace of God, Quia vir dominabitur inpopulo, that is to say, He that is not a child but perfect in reason. For he cometh not to execute his own will, but his will that sent him, that is to wit, Gods will, as a man unto whom God of his abundant grace hath given perfect reason and discretion, to discern & deem as a perfect man. Wherefore not all only of this man we shall say that he shall dwell in wisdom, but as a perfect line 10 man and not a child, he shall think, and deem, & have such a circumspection with him, that he shall diligently forelook and see that Gods will be done, & not his. And therefore now I trust the words of the wise man, Ecclesiast. 10. shall be verified in our king: saying, judex sapiens judicabit populum suum, & principa●us sensati stabilis erit; that is (as saith the wiseman) A wise and discreet line 20 judge shall now deem his people, and the dominion or lordship of a discreet wiseman shall stand steadfast. Whereupon shall then follow the second verse of the same chapter, saying, Secundum iudicempopuli, sic & ministri eius, that is, Like as the head & sovereign is replenished with all sapience and virtue, in guiding of his people, administering to them law, with due and convenient justice, so shall the subjects againward be line 30 garnished with awe and loving dread, and bear unto him next God all honour, truth and allegiance.  
So that then it may be concluded with the residue of the foresaid verses; Qualis rector est civitatis, tales & inhabitantes in ea, which is to say, Such as the ruler of the city is, such than be the inhabitants of the same. So that consequently it followeth, a good line 40 master maketh a good disciple. And likewise an evil king or ruler shall lose his people, & the cities of his kingdom shall be left desolate and unhabited. Wherefore thus I make an end. In stead of a child wilfully doing his lust and pleasure without reason, now shall a man be lord and ruler, that is replenished with sapience and reason, and shall govern the people by skilful doom, line 50 setting apart all wilfulness and pleasure of himself. So that the word that I began with may be verified of him, Ecce quia vir dominabitur in populo. The which our lord grant, & that he may prosperously reign unto the pleasure of God and wealth of his realm, Amen.   
After the archbishop had ended, wishing that it might so come to pass, and the people answered, Amen; 
The words of the elected king.  line 60 the king standing on his feet, said unto the lords and commons there present: I thank you my lords both spiritual and temporal, and all the states of this land, and do you to wit, that it is not my will that any man think, that I by the way of conquest would disherit any man of his heritage, franches, or other rights, that him ought to have of right, nor to put him out of that which he now enjoyeth, and hath had before time by custom or good law of this realm, except such private persons as have been against the good purpose, and the common profit of the realm. When he had thus ended, all the sheriffs and other officers were put in their authorities again, to exercise the same as before, which they could not do whilst the kings royal throne was void.  
Moreover, a proclamation was made, 
Thom. Wals.  that the states should assemble again in parliament on monday than next ensuing, being the feast day of saint Faith, which is the sixth of October; and that the monday than next following, being the 13 of the same month, and the feast day of saint Edward the king and confessor, the coronation should be solemnised, 
The coronation proclaimed.  and that all such as had to claim any service to be done by them at the same by any tenure, they should come to the Whitehall in the king's palace, before the steward and constable of England, on saturday next before the same day of the parliament, and presenting their petitions that were due & rightful, 
The parliament  they should obtain that to them appertained. Excuse was also made on the king's behalf, for calling of a parliament upon so short a warning, so as the knights and burgesses were not changed, but only appointed to assemble again, as if the other parliament had rather been continued than dissolved. The cause was alleged to be for easing of the charges that would have risen, if each man had been sent home, and new knights and burgesses called.  
These things done, the king rose from his place, and with a cheerful and right courteous countenance regarding the people, went to Whitehall, where the same day he held a great feast. 
King Henry the fourth proclaimed.  In the after n●one were proclamations made in the accustomed places of the city, in the name of king Henry the fourth. On the morrow following, being wednesday and first of October, the procurators above named repaired to the tower of London, and there signified unto king Richard the admission of king Henry. And the aforesaid justice William Thirning, in name of the other, and for all the states of the land, renounced unto the said Richard late king, all homage and fealty unto him before time due, in manner and form as appertained. Which renuntiation to the deposed king, was a redoubling of his grief▪ in so much as thereby it came to his mind, how in former times he was acknowledged & taken for their liege lord and sovereign, who now (whether in contempt or in malice, God knoweth) to his face forswore him to be their king. So that in his heuin●s he might very well have said with a grieved plaintiff, 
Heu quantae sortes miseris mortalibus instant!  
Ah chari quoties oblivia nominis opto! 
T. Wats. Amin● ta● querela 5.   
O qui me fluctus, quis me telluris hiatu●  
Pertaesum tetricae vitae deglutiat ore  
Chasmatico?   
Thus was king Richard deprived of all kingly honour and princely dignity, 
K. Richard deprived.  by reason he was so given to follow evil counsel, and used such inconvenient ways and means, through insolent misgovernance, and youthful outrage, though otherwise a right noble and worthy prince. He reigned two and twenty years, three months and eight days. He delivered to king Henry now that he was thus deposed, all the goods that he had, 
Hall.  to the sum of three hundred thousand pounds in coin, besides plate and jewels, as a pledge and satisfaction of the injuries by him committed and done, in hope to be in more surety of life for the delivery thereof: but whatsoever was promised, he was deceived therein. For shortly after his resignation, he was conveyed to the castle of Leeds in Kent, & from thence to Pomfret, where he departed out of this miserable life (as after you shall hear.) He was seemly of shape and favour, 
His parsonage.  & of nature good enough, if the wickedness & naughty demeanour of such as were about him had not altered it.  
His chance verily was greatly infortunate, which fell into such calamity, that he took it for the best way he could devise to renounce his kingdom, for the which mortal men are accustomed to hazard all they have to attain thereunto. But such misfortune (or the like) oftentimes falleth unto those princes, which when they are aloft, cast no doubt for perils that may follow. He was prodigal, ambitious, and much given to the pleasure of the body. He kept the greatest port, 
Harding.  and maintained the most plentiful house that ever any king in England did either before his time or since. 
The noble housekeeping of king Richard.  For there resorted daily to his court above ten thousand persons that had meat and drink there allowed them. In his kitchen there line 10 were three hundred servitors, and every other office was furnished after the like rate. Of ladies, chamberers, and launderers, there were above three hundred at the least. 
Excess in apparel.  And in gorgeous and costly apparel they exceeded all measure, not one of them that kept within the bounds of his degree. Yeomen and grooms were clothed in silks, with cloth of grain and scarlet, over sumptuous ye may be sure for their estates. And this vanity was not only used in the court in those days, but also other people abroad in the towns line 20 and countries, had their garments cut far otherwise than had been accustomed before his days, with embroideries, rich furs, and goldsmith's work, and every day there was devising of new fashions, to the great hindrance and decay of the commonwealth.  
Moreover, such were preferred to bishoprics, and other ecclesiastical livings, 
Ignorant prelates.  as neither could teach nor preach, nor knew any thing of the scripture of God, but only to call for their tithes and duties; so that they were most unworthy the name of bishops, line 30 being lewd and most vain persons disguised in bishop's apparel. Furthermore, there reigned abundantly the filthy sin of lechery and fornication, with abominable adultery, specially in the king, but most chiefly in the pre●acie, whereby the whole realm by such their evil example, was so infected, that the wrath of God was daily provoked to vengeance for the sins of the prince and his people. How then could it continue prosperously with this king? against whom for the ●owle enormities wherewith line 40 his life was defamed, the wrath of God was whetted and took so sharp an edge, that the same did shred him off from the sceptre of his kingdom, and gave him a full cup of affliction to drink; as he had done to other kings his predecessors, by whose example he might have taken warning. For it is an heavy case when God thundereth out his real arguments either upon prince or people.  
Thus have ye heard what writers do report touching the state of the time and doings of this king. But line 50 if I may boldly say what I think: he was a prince the most unthankfully used of his subjects, of any one of whom ye shall lightly read. For although (through the frailty of youth) he demeaned himself more dissolutely than seemed convenient for his royal estate, & made choice of such councillors as were not favoured of the people, whereby he was the less favoured himself: yet in n● kings days were the commons in greater wealth, if they could have perceived their happy state: neither in any other time line 60 were the nobles and gentlemen more cherished, nor churchmen less wronged. But such was their ingratitude towards their bountiful & loving sovereign, that those whom he had chiefly advanced, were readiest to control him; for that they might not rule all things at their will, and remove from him such as they misliked, and place in their rooms whom they thought good, and that rather by strong hand, than by gentle and courteous means, which stirred such malice betwixt him and them, till at length it could not be assuaged without peril of destruction to them both.  
The duke of Gloucester chief instrument of this mischief, to what end he came ye have heard. And although his nephew the duke of Hereford took upon him to revenge his death, yet wanted he moderation and loyalty in his doings, for the which both he himself and his lineal race were scourged afterwards, as a due punishment unto rebellious subjects; so as deserved vengeance seemed not to stay long for his ambitious cruelty, that thought it not enough to drive king Richard to resign his crown and regal dignity over unto him, except he also should take from him his guiltless life. What unnaturalness, or rather what tigerlike cruelty was this, not to be content with his principality? not to be content with his treasure? not to be content with his deprivation? not to be content with his imprisonment? but being so nearly knit in consanguinity, which ought to have moved them like lambs to have loved each other, wooluishlie to lie in wait for the distressed creatures life, and ravenously to thirst after his blood, the spilling whereof should have touched his conscience so, as that death ought rather to have been adventured for his safety, than so savagelie to have sought his life after the loss of his royalty▪  
But to let this pass to the consideration of the learned: according to our order, I will show what writers of our English nation lived in his days, as we find them in john Bales centuries. First Henry Bederie, otherwise surnamed of Bury, after the name of the town where he is thought to have been borne, an Augustine friar; Simon Alcocke, Uthred Bolton a monk of Durham, borne in the borders of Walls beyond Severne; William jordan a black friar, john Hilton a friar Minor, john Clipton a Carmelite ●●ier in Nottingham, Henry Daniel a black friar and a good physician, Ralph Marham, john Marchele●● a grate friar or cordelier as some call them, Thomas Broome a Carmelite friar of London, john Bridlington borne in Yorkshire, William Tho●ne an Augustine friar of Canturburie, an historiographer, Adam Meremouth a canon of saint Paul's church in London, that wrote two tretises of historical matters, the one entitled Chronicon 40 annorum, and the other Chronicon 60 annorum; Simon Bredon borne in Winchcomb a doctor of physic and a skilful astronomer, john Thompson borne in Norfolk in a village of that name, and a Carmelite friar in Blacknie.  
More, Thomas Winterton borne in Lincolnshire, an Augustine friar in Stamford; William Packington secretary sometime to the Black prince an excellent historiographer, betray Hingham a civilian, john Botlesham borne in Cambridgeshire a black friar, William Badbie a Carmelite friar, bishop of Worcester, and confessor to the duke of Lancaster; William Follevill a friar Minor borne in Lincolnshire, john Bourgh parson of Collingham in Notinghamshire a doctor of divinity, and chancellor of the University of Cambridge; William Sclade a monk of Buckfast abbey in Devonshire, john Thoresbie archbishop of York and lord chancellor of England, was admitted by pope Urbane the fift into the college of cardinals, but he died before K. Richard came to the crown, about the eight and fourtith year of king Edward the third, in the year of our Lord 1374. Thomas Ashborne an Augustine friar, john Astone an earnest follower of Wickliff's doctrine, and therefore condemned to perpetual prison; Casterton a monk of Norwich and an excellent divine, Nicholas Radelife a monk of saint Albon, john Ashwarbie a divine and a favourer of Wickliff's doctrine, Richard Maidstone so called of the town in Kent where he was borne, a Carmelite friar of A●lesford.  
Add to these john Wardbie an Augustine friar, and a great divine; Robert Waldbie excellently learned as well in divinity as other arts, for the which he was first advanced to a bishopric in Gascoigne, 
●●nen●is ●●iscopus.  and after he was admitted archbishop of Dubline; William Berton a doctor of divinity, & chancellor of the University of Oxford, and adversary to Wickliff; Philip Repington abbot of Leicester a notable divine and defender of Wickliff, Thomas Lombe a Carmelite friar of Lin, Nicholas Hereford a secular priest, a doctor of divinity, and scholar to Wickliff; Walter Brit also another of Wickliff's line 10 scholars wrote both of divinity & other arguments, Henry Herklie chancellor of the University of Oxford, an enemy to Wickliff, and a great sophister; Robert ivory a Carmelite friar of London, and the twentieth provincial of his order here in England; Lankine a Londoner, an Augustine friar, professed in the same city, a doctor of divinity, an adversary to Wickliff.  
More, William Gillingham a monk of saint saviours in Canturburie; john Chilmarke a fellow line 20 of Marton college in Oxford, a great philosopher and mathematician; john Sharp a philosopher, and a divine, wrote many treatises, a great adversary to Wickliff; Richard Lavingham borne in Suffolk, and a friar of Gipswich, an excellent logician, but a sore enemy to them that favoured Wickliff's doctrine; Peter Pateshull, of whom ye have heard before: it is said that he was in the end constrained for doubt of persecution to fly into Boheme; William Woodford a Franciscane friar, a line 30 chosen champion against Wickliff being now dead, procured thereto by the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arundel; john Bromyard a Dominicke friar, both a notable lawyer & a divine, a sore enemy also to Wicklivists; Marcill Ingelne an excellent philosopher and a divine, one of the first teachers in the University of Heidelberge, which Robert duke of Bavier and countée palantine of the Rhine had instituted about that season; Richard Northall son to a mayor of London (as is said) of that name, he became a Carmelite friar in the same city; Thomas Edwardson prior of the friars Augustine's at Clare in Suffolk, john Summer a Franciscane friar at Bridgewater, an enemy to the Wicklivists; Richard Withée a learned priest & an earnest follower of Wickliff, john Swafham a Carmelite friar of Lin, a student in Cambridge, who became bishop of Bangor, a great adversary to the Wicklivists.  
Finally, and to conclude, William Egumond a friar heremit of the sect of the Augustins in Stamford; john Tissington a Franciscane friar, a maintainer of the pope's doctrine; William Rimston or Rimington a monk of Salleie, an enemy also to the Wicklivists; Adam Eston well seen in the tongues, was made a cardinal by pope Gregory the eleventh, but by pope Urban the sixth he was committed to prison in Genoa, and at the contemplation of king Richard he was taken out of prison, but not fully delivered till the days of Boniface the ninth, who restored him to his former dignity; john Beaufu a Carmelite of Northampton, proceeded doctor of divinity in Oxenford, and was made prior of his house; Roger Twiford alias Goodluck, an Augustine friar; john Trevise a Cornishman borne, and a secular priest and vicar of Berklie, he translated the bible; Bartholomew De proprietatibus rerum; Polychronicon of Ranulph Higden, and diverse other treatises, Ralph Spalding a Carmelite friar of Stamford; john moon an Englishman borne, but a student in Paris, who compiled in the French tongue the Romant of the Rose, translated into English by Geffrie Chaucer, William Shirborne; Richard Wichingham borne in Norfolk, and diverse other.  
Thus far Richard of Bordeaux, whose deprivation you have heard; of his lamentable death hereafter, to wit, pag. 516, 517.   

Henry the fourth, cousin german to Richard the second, lately deprived.  
WHen king Richard had resigned (as before is specified) line 40 the sceptre and crown; Henry Plantagenet borne at Bullingbroke in the county of Lincoln, duke of Lancaster and Hereford, earl of Derbie, Leicester, and Lincoln, son to john of Gant duke of Lancaster, with general consent both of the lords & commons, was published, proclaimed, and declared king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, the last line 50 day of September, in the year of the world 5366, of our Lord 1399, of the reign of the emperor Wenceslaus the two and twentieth, of Charles the sixth king of France the twentieth, and the tenth of Robert the third king of Scots. After that king Richard had surrendered his title, and dispossessed himself (which Chr. Okl. noteth in few words, saying: 
— post breve tempus 
In Angl. praelijs.   
Exüit insigni seize diademate, sceptrum  
Henrico Lancastrensi regal relinquens)  King Henry made certain new officers. 
New officers made.  And first in right of his earldom of Leicester he gave the office of high steward of England (belonging to the same earldom) unto his second son the lord Thomas, who by his father's commandment exercised that office, being assisted (by reason of his tender age) by Thomas Persie earl of Worcester. The earl of Northumberland was made constable of England: sir john Scirlie lord chancellor, john Norburie esquire lord treasurer, sir Richard Clifford lord privy seal. 
The parliament new summoned.  Forsomuch as by king Richard's resignation and the admitting of a new king, all plées in every court and place were ceased, and without day discontinued, new writs were made for summoning of the parliament under the name of king Henry the fourth, the same to be holden, as before was appointed, 
Record Tu●●is.  on monday next ensuing. Upon the fourth day of October, the lord Thomas second son to the king sat as lord high steward of England by the king's commandment in the Whitehall of the line 10 kings palace at Westminster, and as belonged to his office, he caused inquiry to be made what offices were to be exercised by any manner of persons the day of the king's coronation, and what fees were belonging to the same, causing proclamation to be made, that what noble man or other that could claim any office that day of the solemnising the king's coronation, they should come and put in their bills comprehending their demands. Whereupon divers offices & fees were claimed, 
Claiming of offices at the coronation.  as well by bills as otherwise line 20 by speech of mouth, in form as here ensueth.  
First, the lord Henry the king's eldest son, to whom he as in right of his duchy of Lancaster had appointed that office, claimed to bear before the king the principal sword called Curtana, 
Curtana.  and had his suit granted. 
The earl of Summerset.  john earl of Summerset, to whom the king as in right of his earldom of Lincoln, had granted to be carver the day of his coronation, and had it confirmed. Henry Persie earl of Northumberland, 
The earl of Northumberland.  and high constable of England, by the line 30 kings grant claimed that office, and obtained it to enjoy at pleasure. 
The I'll of man..  The same earl in right of the isle of Man, which at that present was granted to him, and to his heirs by the king, claimed to bear on the king's left side a naked sword, with which the king was girded, when before his coronation he entered as duke of Lancaster into the parts of holderness, 
Lancaster sword.  which sword was called Lancaster's sword. Ralph earl of Westmoreland, and earl marshal of England, by the kings grant claimed the same office, 
The earl of Westmoreland.  and obtained line 40 it, notwithstanding that the attorneys of the duke of Norfolk, presented to the lord steward their petition on the duke's behalf, 
The duke of Norfolk.  as earl marshal, to exercise the same. Sir Thomas Erpingham knight exercised the office of lord great Chamberlain, 
Sir Thomas Erpingham.  and gave water to the king when he washed, both before and after dinner, having for his fees, the basin, ewer, and towels, with other things whatsoever belonging to his office: notwithstanding Auberie de Ueer earl of Oxenford put in his petitions to have that line 50 office as due unto him from his ancestors. 
The earl of Warwick.  Thomas Beauchampe earl of Warwick by right of inheritance, bore the third sword before the king, and by like right was pantler at the coronation. Sir William Argentine knight, 
Sir William Argentine.  by reason of the tenure of his manor of Wilmundale in the county of Hertford, served the king of the first cup of drink which he tasted of at his dinner the day of his coronation: the cup was of silver ungilt, which the same knight had for his fees: notwithstanding the petition which line 60 juon Fitzwarren presented to the lord steward, 
juon Fitzwarren.  requiring that office in right of his wife the lady Maud, daughter and heir to sir john Argentine knight. 
The lord Furnival.  Sir Thomas Nevil lord Furnival, by reason of his manor of Ferneham, with the hamlet of Cere, which he held by the courtesy of England after the decease of his wife, the lady jone decessed, gave to the king a glove for his right hand, and sustained the king's right arm so long as he bore the sceptre.  

The lord Gray.  The lord Reginald Gray of Ruthen, by reason of his manor of Ashleie in Norfolk covered the tables, and had for his fees all the tableclothes, as well those in the hall, as elsewhere, when they were taken up; notwithstanding a petition exhibited by sir john Draiton to have had that office. 
Great sp●●s.  The same lord Gray of Ruthen, bore the kings great spurs before him in the time of his coronation by right of inheritance, as heir to john Hastings earl of Penbroke. john earl of Summerset, 
The second sword.  by the king's assignment bore the second sword before him at his coronation, albeit that the said lord Gray of Ruthen by petition exhibited before the lord steward demanded the same office, by reason of his castle & tower of Penbroke, and of his town of Denbigh. Thomas earl of Arundel chief butler of England, 
The earl of Arundel.  obtained to exercise that office the day of the coronation, and had the fees thereto belonging granted to him, to wit, the goblet with which the king was served, and other things to that his office appertaining (the vessels of wine excepted) that lay under the bar, which were adjudged unto the said lord steward, the said earl of Arundels claim notwithstanding.  
The citizens of London chosen forth by the city, 
The citizens of London.  served in the hall, as assistants to the lord chief butler, whilst the king sat at dinner, the day of his coronation: and when the king entered into his chamber after dinner, and called for wine, the lord mayor of London brought to him a cup of gold with wine, and had the same cup given to him, together with the cup that contained water to allay the wine. After the king had drunk, the said lord mayor and the aldermen of London had their table to dine at, on the left hand of the king in the hall. Thomas Dimocke, 
Thomas D●mocke.  in right of his mother Margaret Dimocke, by reason of the tenure of his manor of Scrivelbie, claimed to be the king's champion at his coronation, and had his suit granted; notwithstanding a claim exhibited by Baldwin Frevill, demanding that office by reason of his castle of Tamworth in Warwikeshire. 
Baldwin Frevill.  The said Dimocke had for his fees one of the best coursers in the king's stable, with the king's saddle and all the trappers & harness appertaining to the same horse or courser: he had likewise one of the best armours that was in the king's armory for his own body, with all that belonged wholly thereunto.  
john lord Latimer, although he was under age, 
The lord Latimer.  for himself and the duke of Norfolk, notwithstanding that his possessions were in the king's hands, by his attorney sir Thomas Gray knight, claimed and had the office of almoner for that day, by reason of certain lands which sometime belonged to the lord William Beuchampe of Bedford. They had a towel of fine linen cloth prepared, to put in the silver that was appointed to be given in alms; and likewise they had the distribution of the cloth that covered the pavement and floors from the king's chamber door, unto the place in the church of Westminster where the pulpit stood. The residue that was spread in the church, the sexton had. William le Uenour, 
William l● Uenour.  by reason he was tenant of the manor of Liston, claimed and obtained to exercise the office of making wafers for the king the day of his coronation. The barons of the five ports claimed, 
The barons of the cinqu● ports.  and it was granted them, to bear a canopy of cloth of gold over the K. with four staves, & four bells at the four corners, every staff having four of those barons to bear it: also to dine and sit at the table next to the king on his right hand in the hall the day of his coronation, and for their fees to have the foresaid canopy of gold, with the bells and staves, notwithstanding the abbot of Westminster claimed the same. Edmund chambers claimed and obtained the office of principal larderer for him and his deputies, by reason of his manor of Skulton, otherwise called Burdellebin Skulton, in the county of Norfolk. Thus was every man appointed to exercise such office as to him of right appertained, or at the least was thought requisite for the time present. On monday than next ensuing, when the states were assembled in parliament, order was taken, that by reason of such preparation as was to be made for the coronation, they should sit no more till the morrow after saint Edward's day. On the sunday following, being the even of saint Edward, the new king lodged in the Tower, and there made forty & six knights of the Bath, to wit: three of his sons, 
Knights of the Bath.  the earl of Arundel, the earl of Warwick his son, the earl of Stafford, two of the earl of Devonshire's sons, the lord Beaumond, the lord line 10 Willoughbies brother, the earl of Staffords brother, the lord Camois his son, the lord of Maule, Thomas Beauchampe, Thomas Pelham, john Luttrell, john Lisleie, William Haukeford justice, William Brinchleie justice, Bartholomew Rachford, Giles Daubenie, William Butler, john Ashton, Richard Sanape, john Tiptost, Richard Francis, Henry Persie, john Arundel, William Strall, john Turpington, Ailmer Saint, Edward Hastings, john Greislcie, Gerald Satill, john Arden, line 20 Robert Chalons, Thomas Dimocke, Hungerford, Gibethorpe, Newport, and diverse other, to the number of forty and six.  
On the morrow being saint Edward's day, and the thirteenth of October, 
The lord mayor of London.  the lord mayor of London road towards the Tower to attend the king, with diverse worshipful citizens clothed all in red, and from the Tower the king road through the city to Westminster, where he was consecrated, anointed, and crowned king by the archbishop of Canturburie line 30 with all ceremonies and royal solemnity as was due and requisite. Though all other rejoiced at his advancement, 
The earl of March envied the K. preferment.  yet surly Edmund Mortimer earl of March, which was coosine and heir to Lionel duke of Clarence, the third begotten son of king Edward the third, & Richard earl of Cambridge, son to Edmund duke of York, which had married Anne sister to the same Edmund, were with these doings neither pleased nor contented: insomuch that now the division once begun, the one lineage ceased not to line 40 persecute the other, till the heirs males of both the lines were clearly destroyed and extinguished.  
At the day of the coronation, to the end he should not seem to take upon him the crown and sceptre royal by plain extorted power, and injurious intrusion: he was advised to make his title as heir to Edmund (surnamed or untruely feigned) Crookebacke, 
Edmund earl of Lancaster untruely fasned to be surnamed Crookebacke.  son to king Henry the third, and to say that the said Edmund was elder brother to king Edward the first, and for his deformity put by from the crown, line 50 to whom by his mother Blanch, daughter and sole heir to Henry duke of Lancaster, he was next of blood, and undoubted heir. But because not only his friends, but also his privy enemies, knew that this was but a forged title, considering they were surly informed, not only that the said Edmund was younger son to king Henry the third, but also had true knowledge, that Edmund was neither c●ooke ba●ked, nor a deformed person, but a goodly gentleman, and a valiant captain, and so much favoured line 60 of his loving father, that he to prefer him in marriage to the queen Dowager of Navarre, having a great livelihood, gave to him the county palantine of Lancaster, with many notable honours, high segniories, and large privileges. Therefore they advised him to publish it▪ that he challenged the realm not only by conquest, but also because he by king Richard was adopted as heir, and declared by resignation as his lawful successor, being next heir male to him of the blood royal.  
But to proceed to other doings. The solemnity of the coronation being ended, the morrow after being tuesday, the parliament began again, and the next day sir john Cheinie that was speaker, 

Sir john Chenie speaker of the parliament dismissed, and William Durward admitted.  
Acts repealed.   excusing himself, by reason of his infirmity and sickness, not to be able to exercise that room, was dismissed, and one William Durward esquire was admitted. Herewith were the acts established in the parliament of the one & twentieth year of king Richard's reign repealed and made void, and the ordinances devised in the parliament holden the eleventh year of the same king, confirmed, 
Acts confirmed.  and again established for good and profitable. ¶ On the same day, the king's eldest son lord Henry, by assent of all the states in the parliament, was created prince of Wales▪ duke of Cornwall, and earl of Chester, then being of the age of twelve years.  
Upon the thursday, the commons came and rehearsed all the errors of the last parliament holden in the one and twentieth year of king Richard, & namely in certain five of them.  
First, that where the king that now is, was ready line 1 to arraign an appeal against the duke of Norfolk, he doing what pertained to his duty in that behalf, was yet banished afterwards without any reasonable cause.  
secondly, the archbishop of Canturburie, metropolitan line 2 of the realm, was foreiudged without answer.  
thirdly, the duke of Gloucester was murdered, and after vvn. line 3  
fourthly, where the earl of Arundel alleged his charters of pardon, the same might not be allowed. line 4  
fiftly, that all the power of that evil parliament was granted and assigned over to certain persons, line 5 and sith that such heinous errors could not be committed (as was thought) without the assent and advise of them that were of the late king's council, they made suit that they might be put under arrest, and committed to safe keeping, till order might be further taken for them.  
Thus much ado there was in this parliament, specially about them that were thought to be guilty of the duke of Glocesters' death, and of the condemning of the other lords that were adjudged traitors in the foresaid late parliament holden in the said one and twentieth year of king Richard's reign. Sir john Bagot knight then prisoner in the Tower, 
Fabian. Sir john Bagot discloseth secrets.  disclosed many secrets, unto the which he was privy; and being brought on a day to the bar, a bill was read in English which he had made, containing certain evil practices of king Richard; and further what great affection the same king bare to the duke of Aumarle, insomuch that he heard him say, that if he should renounce the government of the kingdom, he wished to leave it to the said duke, as to the most able man (for wisdom and manhood) of all other: for though he could like better of the duke of Hereford, 
Henry the fourth suspected not to be well affected towards the church before his coming to the crown.  yet he said that he knew if he were once king, he would prove an extreme enemy and cruel tyrant to the church.  
It was further contained in that bill, that as the same Bagot road on a day behind the duke of Norfolk in the Savoy street toward Westminster, the ruke asked him what he knew of the manner of the duke of Gloucester his death, and he answered that he knew nothing at all: but the people (quoth he) do say that you have murdered him. Whereunto the duke swore great oaths that it was untrue, and tha● he had saved his life contrary to the will of the king▪ and certain other lords, by the space of three weeks, and more; affirming withal, that he was never in all his life time more afraid of death, than he was at his coming home again from Calis at that time, to the king's presence, by reason he had not put the duke to death. And then (said he) the king appointed one of his own servants, and certain other that were servants to other lords to go with him to see the said duke of Gloucester put to death, swearing that as he should answer afore God, it was never his mind that he should have died in the fort, but only for fear of the king, and saving of his own life. Nevertheless, there was no man in the realm to whom king Richard was so much beholden, 
The duke of Aumarle accused.  as to the duke of Aumarle: for he was the man that to fulfil his mind, had set him in hand with all that was done against the said duke, and the other lords. There was line 10 also contained in that bill, what secret malice king Richard had conceived against the duke of Hereford being in exile, whereof the same Bagot had sent intelligence unto the duke into France, by one Roger Smart, who certified it to him by Piers Buckton, and others, to the intent he should the better have regard to himself. There was also contained in the said bill, that Bagot had heard the duke of Aumarle say, that he had rather than twenty thousand pounds that the duke of Hereford were dead, not line 20 for any fear he had of him, but for the trouble and mischief that he was like to procure within the realm.  

The duke of Aumarle his answer unto Bagot's bill.  After that the bill had been read and heard, the duke of Aumarle rose up and said, that as touching the points contained in the bill concerning him, they were utterly false and untrue, which he would prove with his body, in what manner soever it should be thought requisite. There with also the duke of Excester rose up, and willed Bagot that if he could say any line 30 thing against him to speak it openly. Bagot answered, that for his part he could say nothing against him: But there is (said he) a yeoman in Newgat one john hall that can say somewhat. 
john Hall a yeoman.  Well then (said the duke of Excester) this that I do and shall say is true, that the late king, the duke of Norfolk, and thou being at Woodstoke, made me to go with you into the chapel, and there the door being shut, ye made me to swear upon the altar, to keep counsel in that ye had to say to me, and then ye rehearsed line 40 that we should never have our purpose, so long as the duke of Lancaster lived, & therefore ye purposed to have council at Lichfield, & there you would arrest the duke of Lancaster, in such sort as by colour of his disobeieng the arrest, he should be dispatched out of life. And in this manner ye imagined his death. To the which I answered, that it were convenient the king should send for his council, and if they agreed hereunto. I would not be against it, and so I departed. To this Bagot made no answer. line 50  
After this, the king commanded that the lords, Berkleie, and Lovel, and sir knights of the lower house, should go after dinner to examine the said Hall. This was on a thursday being the fifteenth of October. On the saturday next ensuing, sir William Bagot and the said john Hall were brought both to the bar, 
Bagot and Hall brought to the bar.  and Bagot was examined of certain points, and sent again to prison. The lord Fitzwater herewith rose up, and said to the king, that where the duke of Aumarle excuseth himself of the duke line 60 of Glocesters' death, I say (quoth he) that he was the very cause of his death, 
The lord Fitzwater appealeth the duke of Aumarle of treason.  and so he appealed him of treason, offering by throwing down his hood as a gage to prove it with his body. There were twenty other lords also that threw down their hoods, as pledges to prove the like matter against the duke of Aumarle. The duke of Aumarle threw down his hood to try it against the lord Fitzwater, as against him that lied falsely, in that he had charged him with, by that his appeal. These gauges were delivered to the constable and marshal of England, and the parties put under arrest.  
The duke of Surrie stood up also against the lord Fitzwater, avouching that where he had said that the appellants were causers of the duke of Glocesters' death, it was false, for they were constrained to sue the same appeal, in like manner as the said lord Fitzwater was compelled to give judgement against the duke of Gloucester, and the earl of Arundel; so that the suing of the appeal was done by constraint, and if he said contrary he lied: and therewith he threw down his hood. The lord Fitzwater answered hereunto, that he was not present in the parliament house, when judgement was given against them, and all the lords bare witness thereof. Moreover, where it was alleged that the duke of Aumarle should send two of his servants to Calis, to murder the duke of Gloucester, the said duke of Aumarle said, that if the duke of Norfolk affirm it, he lied falsely, and that he would prove with his body, throwing down an other hood which he had borrowed. The same was likewise delivered to the constable and marshal of England, and the king licensed the duke of Norfolk to return, that he might arraign his appeal. After this was john Hall condemned of treason by authority of the parliament, 
Fabian.  for that he had confessed himself to be one of them that put the duke of Gloucester to death at Calis, and so on the monday following, 
john Hall executed.  he was drawn from the Tower to Tyburn, and there hanged, bowelled, headed, and quartered: his head being sent to Calis there to be set up, where the duke was murdered.  
On wednesday following, 
john Stow. The request of the commons.  request was made by the commons, that sith king Richard had resigned, and was lawfully deposed from his royal dignity, he might have judgement decreed against him, so as the realm were not troubled by him, and that the causes of his deposing might be published through the realm for satisfying of the people: which demand was granted. Whereupon the bishop of Carleill, 
Hall. A bold bishop and a faithful.  a man both learned, wise, and stout of stomach, boldly showed forth his opinion concerning that demand; affirming that there was none amongst them worthy or meet to give judgement upon so noble a prince as king Richard was, whom they had taken for their sovereign and liege lord, by the space of two & twenty years and more; And I assure you (said he) there is not so rank a traitor, nor so errant a thief, nor yet so cruel a murderer apprehended or detained in prison for his offence, but he shall be brought before the justice to hear his judgement; and will ye proceed to the judgement of an anointed king, hearing neither his answer nor excuse? I say, that the duke of Lancaster whom ye call king, hath more trespassed to K. Richard & his realm, than king Richard hath done either to him, or us: for it is manifest & well known, that the duke was banished the realm by K. Richard and his council, and by the judgement of his own father, for the space of ten years, for what cause ye know, and yet without licence of king Richard, he is returned again into the realine, and (that is worse) hath taken upon him the name, title, & pre-eminence of king. And therefore I say, that you have done manifest wrong, to proceed in any thing against king Richard, without calling, him openly to his answer and defence. ¶ As soon as the bishop had ended this tale, he was attached by the earl marshal, and committed to ward in the abbeie of faint Albon.  
Moreover, where the king had granted to the earl of Westmoreland the county of Richmond, 
The duke of Britain.  the duke of Britain pretending a right thereto by an old title, had sent his letters over unto the estates assembled in this parliament, offering to abide such order as the law would appoint in the like case to any of the king's subjects. Whereupon the commons for the more surety of the intercourse of merchants, besought the king that the matter might be committed to the ordering of the council of either of the parties, and of his counsel, so as an end might be had therein, which request was likewise granted. After this, the records of the last parliament were showed, with the appeals, & the commission made to twelve persons, to determine things that were motioned in the same last parliament. Hereupon the commons prayed that they might have justice Markham, and master Gascoigne a sergeant at the law joined with them for counsel, touching the perusing of the records, which was granted them, and day given over line 10 till the next morrow in the Whitehall, where they sat about these matters three days together.  
On the morrow following, being the éeuen of Simon and Jude the apostles, the commons required to hear the judgement of king Richard. Whereupon the archbishop of Canturburie appointed to speak, 
K. Richard appointed to be kept in perpetual prison. Hall.  declared how that the king that now is, had granted king Richard his life; but in such wise as he should remain in perpetual prison, so safely kept, that neither the king nor realm should be troubled with line 20 him. It was also concluded, that if any man went about to deliver him, that then he should be the first that should die for it. After this, the commons prayed that the lords and other that were of king Richard's counsel, might be put to their answers for their sundry misdemeanours, which was granted. On Wednesday following, being the morrow after the feast of Simon and Jude, all the process of the parliament holden the 21 year of king Richard's reign was read openly, in which it was found, how the earl of Warwick had confessed himself guilty of treason, 
The earl of Warwick.  line 30 and asked pardon and mercy for his offence: but the earl denied that ever he acknowledged any such thing by word of mouth, and that he would prove in what manner soever should be to him appointed. Therein was also the appeal found of the dukes of Aumarle, Surrie, and Excester, the marquess Dorset, the earls of Salisbury; and Gloucester, unto the which each of them answered by himself, that they never assented to that appeal of their own free wills, line 40 but were compelled thereto by the king: and this they affirmed by their oaths, and offered to prove it by what manner they should be appointed.  
Sir Walter Clopton said then to the commons; If ye will take advantage of the process of the last parliament, 
Sir Water Clopton.  take it, and ye shall be received thereunto. Then rose up the lord Morlie, and said to the earl of Salisbury, that he was chief of counsel with the duke of Gloucester, and likewise with king Richard, & so discovered the duke's counsel to the king, line 50 as a traitor to his master, and that he said he would with his body prove against him, throwing down his hood as a pledge. 
The lord Morlie appealeth the earl of Salisbury.  The earl of Salisbury sore moved héerewith, told the lord Morlie, that he falsely béelied him, for he was never traitor, nor false to his master all his life time, and therewith threw down his glove to wage battle against the lord Morlie. Their gauges were taken up, and delivered to the constable and marshal of England, and the parties were arrested, and day to them given till another time. line 60  
On monday following, being the morrow after All soul's day, the commons made request, that they might not be entered in the parliament rolls, as parties to the judgement given in this parliament, but there as in very truth they were privy to the same: for the judgement otherwise belonged to the king, except where any judgement is given by statute enacted for the profit of the commonwealth, which request was granted. divers other petitions were presented on the behalf of the commons, part whereof were granted, and to some there was none answer made at that time. Finally, to avoid further inconvenience, and to qualify the minds of the envious, it was finally enacted, that such as were, appellants in the last parliament against the duke of Gloucester and other, should in this wise following be ordered. 
Dukes and others depr●ued of their titles.  The dukes of Aumarle, Surrie, and Excester there present, were judged to lose their names of dukes, together with the honours, titles and dignities thereunto belonging. The marquess Dorset being likewise there present, was adjudged to lose his title and dignity of marquess; and the earl of Gloucester being also present, was in semblable manner judged to lose his name, title and dignity of earl.  
Moreover, it was further decreed against them, 
Tho. Walsi.  that they and every of them should lose and forfeit all those castles, lordships, manors, lands, possessions, rents, services, liberties and revenues, whatsoever had been given to them, at or since the last parliament, belonging aforetime to any of those persons whom they had appealed, and all other their castles, manors, lordships, lands, possessions, rents, services, liberties, and revenues whatsoever, which they held of the late king's gift, the day of the arrest of the said duke of Gloucester, or at any time after, should also remain in the king's disposition from thenceforth, and all letters patents and charters, which they or any of them had of the same names, castles, manors, lordships, lands, possessions, and liberties, should be surrendered up into the chancery, there to be canceled. diverse other things were enacted in this parliament, to the prejudice of those high estates, to satisfy men's minds that were sore displeased with their doings in the late kings days, as now it manifestly appeared. For after it was understood that they should be no further punished than as before is mentioned, 
The hatred which the commons had committed against the appellants.  great murmuring rose among the people against the king, the archbishop of Canturburie, the earl of Northumberland, and other of the council, for saving the lives of men whom the commons reputed most wicked, and not worthy in any wise to live. But the king thought it best, rather with courtesy to reconcile them, than by cutting them off by death, to procure the hatred of their friends and allies, which were many, and of no small power.  
After that the foresaid judgement was declared with protestation by sir William Thirning justice, 
The earl of Salisbury his request.  the earl of Salisbury came and made request, that he might have his protestation entered against the lord Morlie, which lord Morlie rising up from his seat, said, that so he might not have; because in his first answer he made no protestation, and therefore he was passed it now. The earl prayed day of advisement, but the lord Morlie prayed that he might lose his advantage, sith he had not entered sufficient plea against him. Then sir Matthew Gournie sitting underneath the king said to the earl of Salisbury, 
Sir Matthew Gournie.  that Forsomuch as at the first day in your answers, ye made no protestation at all, none is entered of record, and so you are passed that advantage: and therefore asked him if he would say any other thing. Then the earl desired that he might put in mainprize, 
The earl of Salisbury mainprised.  which was granted: and so the earl of Kent, sir Ralph Ferrer, sir john Roch, & sir john Draiton knights, mainprised the said earl body for body. For the lord Morlie all the lords and barons offered to undertake, and to be sureties for him; but yet four of them had their names entered, that is to say, 
The lord Morlie mainprised.  the lords Willoughby, Beauchampe, Scales, and Berkelie: they had day till the friday after to make their libel.  
After this came the lord Fitzwater, and prayed to have day and place to arreigne his appeal against the earl of Rutland. 
The lord Fitzwalter.  The king said he would send for the duke of Norfolk to return home, and then upon his return he said he would proceed in that matter. Many statutes were established in this parliament, as well concerning the whole body of the commonwealth (as by the book thereof imprinted may appear) as also concerning diverse private persons then presently living, which partly we have touched, and partly for doubt to be over-tedious, we do omit. But this among other is not to be forgotten that the archbishop of Canturburie was not only restored to his former dignity, 
The archb. of Canturburie restored to his see.  being removed from it by king Richard, who had procured one Roger Walden to be placed therein (as before ye have heard) but also the said Walden was established bishop line 10 of London, wherewith he seemed well content.  

Thom. Wals. Hall.  Moreover, the king's eldest son Henry already created (as heir to his father, and to the crown) prince of Wales, duke of Cornwall, and earl of Chester, was also entitled duke of Aquitaine: and to avoid all titles, claims, and ambiguities, there was an act made for the uniting of the crown unto king Henry the fourth, 
The crown entailed.  and to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, his four sons, Henry, Thomas, john, and Humphrey, being named, as to whom line 20 the right should descend successively by way of entail, in case where heirs failed to any of them. By force of this act king Henry thought himself firmly set on a sure foundation, not néeding to fear any storm of adverse fortune. But yet shortly after he was put in danger to have been set besides the seat, by a conspiracy begun in the abbot of Westminster's house, which, had it not been hindered, it is doubtful whether the new king should have enjoyed his royalty, or the old king (now a prisoner) restored to his line 30 principality. But God (of whom the poet saith, 
— humana rotat  
Instar volucris pulueris acti  
Turbine celeri mobilis aurae)  had purposed a disappointment of their conjuration, and therefore no marvel though the issue of their labours were infortunate by their flattering hope.  
But now to make an end with this parliament. After that things were concluded and granted, so as was thought to stand with the surety of the king, and line 40 good quiet of the realm, the king granted a free pardon to all his subjects, those excepted that were at the murder of the duke of Gloucester, and such as had committed wilful murder, or rape, or were known to be notorious thieves. And those that were to take benefit by this pardon, were appointed to sue forth the charters thereof, betwixt that present and the feast of All saints next ensuing, and so was this parliament dissolved. Immediately after, the king (according to an order taken in the same parliament, 
Tho. Walsi.  to give to understand line 50 unto all princes and countries about him, by what title and occasion he had taken to him the kingdom) sent ambassadors unto them to signify the same. 
Ambassadors sent to foreign princes.  Into Rome were sent, john Trenevant bishop of Hereford, sir john Cheinie knight, & john Cheinie esquire. Into France, master Walter Skirlow bishop of Durham, and Thomas Persie earl of Worcester. Into Spain, john Trenour bishop of saint Asaph, and sir William Parr knight. Into Almanie the bishop of Bangor, and two others. line 60  
The Scots in time of the late parliament, taking occasion of the absence of the northern lords, and also by reason of great mortality that afflicted the northern people that year, invaded the borders, took the castle of Work, 
The castle of Work taken by the Scots. Sir Thom. Greie.  that was assigned to the safe keeping of sir Thomas Greie knight, who then was at the parliament, as one of the knights of the shire, by means of whose absence, the enemies the sooner (as is to be thought) obtained their desire, and so kept that castle a certain time, and finally spoiled it, and overthrew it to the ground. Besides all this, they did many other mischiefs in the country, to the undoing of many of the king's subjects. 
The death of the duke of Norfolk.  This year Thomas mowbray duke of N●●ffolke died in exile at Venice, whose death might have been worthily bewailed of all the realm, if he had not been consenting to the death of the duke of Gloucester. The same year deceased the duchess of Gloucester, through sorrow (as was thought) which she conceived for the loss of her son and heir the lord Humphrey, 
The duchess of Gloucester deceass●●.  who being sent for forth of Ireland (as before ye have heard) was taken with the pestilence, and died by the way.  
But now to speak of the conspiracy, which was contrived by the abbot of Westminster as chief instrument thereof. Ye shall understand, that this abbot (as it is reported) upon a time heard king Henry say, when he was but earl of Derbie, 
Hall.  and young of years, that princes had too little, and religious men too much. He therefore doubting now, 
What mooue● the abbot of Westminster to conspire against the king.  lest if the king continued long in the estate, he would remove the great beam that then grieved his eyes, and pricked his conscience, became an instrument to search out the minds of the nobility, and to bring them to an assembly and council, where they might consult and comen together, how to bring that to effect, which they earnestly wished and desired; that was, the destruction of king Henry, and the restoring of king Richard. For there were diverse lords that showed themselves outwardly to favour king Henry, where they secretly wished & sought his confusion. The abbot after he had felt the minds of sundry of them, called to his house on a day in the term time, all such lords & other persons which he either knew or thought to be as affectioned to king Richard, so envious to the prosperity of king Henry, whose names were, john Holland earl of Huntingdon late duke of Excester, 
The lords that conspired against the duke.  Thomas Holland earl of Kent late duke of Surrie, Edward earl of Rutland late duke of Aumarle son to the duke of York, john Montacute earl of Salisbury, Hugh lord Spenser late earl of Gloucester, john the bishop of Carleill, sir Thomas Blunt, and Maudelen a priest one of king Richard's chapel, a man as like him in stature and proportion in all lineaments of body, as unlike in birth, dignity, and conditions.  
The abbot highly feasted these lords, his special friends, and when they had well dined, they withdrew into a secret chamber, where they sat down in council, and after much talk & conference had about the bringing of their purpose to pass concerning the destruction of king Henry, at length by the advise of the earl of Huntingdon it was devised, that they should take upon them a solemn justs to be enterprised between him and 20 on his part, & the earl of Salisbury and 20 with him at Oxford, 
A justs devised to be holden at Oxford.  to the which triumph K. Henry should be desired, & when he should be most busily marking the martial pastime, he suddenly should be slain and destroyed, and so by that means king Richard, who as yet lived, might be restored to liberty, and have his former estate & dignity. It was further appointed, who should assemble the people, the number and persons which should accomplish and put in execution their devised enterprise. hereupon was an indenture sextipartite made, sealed with their seals, and signed with their hands, 
In inde●io●● sextipartite.  in the which each stood bound to other, to do their whole endeavour for the accomplishing of their purposed exploit. Moreover, they swore on the holy evangelists to be true and secret each to other, even to the hour and point of death.  
When all things were thus appointed, the earl of Huntingdon came to the king unto Windsor, 
He is 〈◊〉 to come and see the justs.  earnestly requiring him, that he would vouchsafe to be at Oxenford on the day appointed of their jousts, both to behold the same, and to be the discoverer and indifferent judge (if any ambiguity should rise) of their courageous acts and doings. The king being thus instantly required of his brother in law, and nothing less imagining than that which was pretended, gently granted to fulfil his request. Which thing obtained, all the lords of the conspiracy departed home to their houses, as they noised it, to set armourers on work about the trimming of their armour against the justs, and to prepare all other furniture and things ready, as to such an high & solemn triumph appertained. The earl of Huntingdon came to his house and raised men on every side, and prepared horse and harness for his compassed purpose, line 10 and when he had all things ready, he departed towards Oxenford, and at his coming thither, he found all his mates and confederates there, well appointed for their purpose, except the earl of Rutland, by whose folly their practised conspiracy was brought to light and disclosed to king Henry. For this earl of Rutland departing before from Westminster to see his father the duke of York, as he sat at dinner, had his counterpane of the indenture of line 20 the confederacy in his bosom.  

The duke of York taketh the indenture from his son.  The father espying it, would needs see what it was: and though the son humbly denied to show it, the father being more earnest to see it, by force took it out of his bosom; and perceiving the contents thereof, in a great rage caused his horses to be saddled out of hand, and spitefully reproving his son of treason, for whom he was become surety and mainpernour for his good abearing in open parliament, he incontinently mounted on horseback to ride towards line 30 Windsor to the king, to declare unto him the malicious intent of his complices. The earl of Rutland seeing in what danger he stood, took his horse, and road another way to Windsor in post, so that he got thither before his father, and when he was alighted at the castle gate, he caused the gates to be shut, saying that he must needs deliver the keys to the king. When he came before the king's presence, he kneeled down on his knees, 
The earl of Rutland uttreth the whole conspiracy to the king.  beseeching him of mercy and forgiveness, and declaring the whole line 40 matter unto him in order as every thing had passed, obtained pardon. Therewith came his father, and being let in, delivered the indenture which he had taken from his son, unto the king, who thereby perceiving his sons words to be true, changed his purpose for his going to Oxenford, and dispatched messengers forth to signify unto the earl of Northumberland hi● high constable, and to the earl of Westmoreland his high marshal, and to other his assured friends, of all the doubtful danger and perilous line 50 jeopardy.  
The conspirators being at Oxenford, at length perceived by the lack of the earl of Rutland, that their enterprise was revealed to the king, and thereupon determined now openly with spear and shield to bring that to pass which before they covertly attempted, and so they adorned Maudelen, a man most resembling king Richard, 
Magdalen counterfeited to be king Richard.  in royal and princely vesture, and named him to be king Richard, affirming that by favour of his keepers he was escaped out of line 60 prison, and so they came forwards in order of war, to the intent to destroy king Henry. Whilst the confederators with their new published idol, accompanied with a strong army of men, took the direct way towards Windsor, king Henry admonished thereof, 
The K. cometh to the tower of London.  with a few horsemen in the night came to the Tower of London about twelve of the clock, where in the morning he caused the mayor of the city to apparel in armour the best and most courageous persons of the city, which brought to him three thousand archers, and three thousand billmen, besides them that were appointed to keep and defend the city. 
The lords come to Windesore.   
The conspirators coming to Windsor, entered the castle, and understanding that the king was gone from thence to London, determined with all speed to make towards the city: but changing that determination as they were on their way, they turned to Colbroke, and there stayed. 
The king goeth forth against them.  King Henry issuing out of London with twenty thousand men, came straight to Hunslo heath, and there pitched his camp to abide the coming of his enemies: 
They retire.  but when they were advertised of the king's puissance, amazed with fear, and forthinking their begun enterprise, 
They come to Circester.  as men mistrusting their own company, departed from thence to Berkhamstéed, and so to Circester, & there the lords took their lodging. The earl of Kent, and the earl of Salisbury in one Inn, and the earl of Huntingdon and lord Spenser in an other, 
The bailiff of Circester setteth upon them on their lodgings.  and all the host lay in the fields, whereupon in the night season, the bailiff of the town with fourscore archers set on the house, where the earl of Kent and the other lay, which house was manfully assaulted and strongly defended a great space. 
The lords set fire on their lodgings.  The earl of Huntingdon being in an other Inn with the lord Spenser, set fire on diverse houses in the town, thinking that the assailants would leave the assault and rescue their goods, which thing they nothing regarded. 
Hall. Froissard.  The host lying without, hearing noise, and seeing this fire in the town, thought verily that king Henry had been come thither with his puissance, and thereupon fled without measure, every man making shift to save himself, and so that which the lords devised for their help, wrought their destruction: for if the army that lay without the town had not mistaken the matter, when they saw the houses on fire, they might easily have succoured their chéefeteins in the town, that were assailed but with a few of the townsmen, in comparison of the great multitude that lay abroad in the fields. But such was the ordinance of the mighty Lord of hosts, who disposeth allthings at his pleasure.  
The earl of Huntingdon and his company seeing the force of the townsmen to increase, fled out on the backside, intending to repair to the army which they found dispersed and gone. Then the earl seeing no hope of comfort, fled into Essex. The other lords which were left fight in the town of Circester, were wounded to death and taken, and their heads stricken off and sent to London. Thus writeth Hall of this conspiracy, in following what author I know not. 
Thom. Wals.  But Thomas Walsingham and diverse other seem somewhat to dissent from him in relation of this matter: for they writ that the conspirators meant upon the sudden to have set upon the king in the castle of Windsor, 
A mask.  under colour of a mask or mummery, and so to have dispatched him; and restoring king Richard unto the kingdom, to have recovered their former titles of honour, with the possessions which they had lost by judgement of the last parliament. But the king getting knowledge of their pretenced treasons, got him with all speed unto London.  
The conspirators, to wit, the earls of Kent and Salisbury, sir Ralph Lumlie, and others, year 1400 supposing that the king had not understood their malicious purpose, the first sunday of the new year, 
Harding.  which fell in the octaves of the Innocents, came in the twilight of the evening unto Windsor with four hundred armed men, where understanding that the king was withdrawn upon warning had of their purposed intention, they forthwith returned back, and came first unto Sunnings, a manor place not far from Reading, where the queen wife to king Richard then lay. Here setting a good countenance of the matter, the earl of Kent declared in presence of the queen's servants that the lord Henry of Lancaster was fled from his presence with his children and friends, 
The words of the earl of Kent.  and had shut up himself & them in the Tower of London, as one afraid to come abroad, for all the brags made heretofore of his manhood: and therefore (saith he) my intention is (my lords) to go to Richard that was, is, and shall be our king, who being already escaped forth of prison, lieth now at Pomfret, with an hundred thousand men. And to cause his speech the better to be believed, he took away the king's cognisances from them that ware the same, as the collars from their necks, and the badges of cressants from line 10 the sleeves of the servants of household, and throwing them away, said that such cognisances were no longer to be borne.  
Thus having put the queen in a vain hope of that which was nothing so, they departed from thence unto Wallingford, and after to Abington, enticing the people by all means possible unto rebellion, all the way as they went, and sending their agents abroad for the same purpose: at length they came to Circester in the dark of the night, and took up their line 20 lodgings. The inhabitants of that town suspecting the matter, and judging (as the truth was) these rumours which the lords spread abroad to be but dreams, they took thereupon counsel together, got them to armour, and stopped all the entries and outgates of the Inns where these new guests were lodged, insomuch that when they about midnight secretly attempted to have come forth, and gone their ways, the townsmen with bow and arrows were ready to stay them, and keep them in. The lords perceiving line 30 the danger, got them to their armour and weapons, and did their best by force to break through and repel the townsmen. But after they had fought from midnight till three of the clock in the afternoon of the next day, and perceived they could not prevail, 
The lords yield themselves.  they yielded themselves to the townsmen, beseeching them to have their lives saved, till they might come to the king's presence.  
This request they had obtained, if a priest that was chaplain to one of them, 
A priest set fire on the houses of Circester.  had not in the mean time line 40 set fire upon certain houses in the town, to the end that whiles the townsmen should busy themselves to quench the fire, the lords might find means to escape. But it came nothing to pass as he imagined, for the townsmen leaving all care to save their houses from the rage of the fire, were kindled more in fury towards the lords, and so to revenge themselves of them they brought them forth of the abbeie where they had them in their hands, and in the twilight of the evening, 
Abr. Fl. out of Tho. Wal●in. pag. 404.  struck off their heads. ¶ The earl of Salisbury (saith Thomas Walsingham) who line 50 in all his life time had been a favourer of the Lollards or Wicklevists, a despiser of images, a contemner of canons, and a scorner of the sacraments, ended his days (as it was reported) without the 
* He died unconfessed.  sacrament of confession. These be the words of Thom. Wals. which are set down, to signify that the earl of Salisbury was a bidden gh●st to blockham feast with the rest: and (as it should seem by his relation) the more maligned, because he was somewhat estranged line 60 from the corruption of the religion then received, and leaved to a sect pursued with spitefulness and revenge.  
john Holland earl of Huntingdon (as Thomas Walsingham writeth) was not with the lords at the castle of Windsor, 
The lords beheaded.  but stayed about London to behold the end of his business: and hearing bow the ma●ter went far contrary to that he wished, be sought to fly by sea; but not able to get away, by reason the wind being contrary would not permit him, he took his horse, and having a knight with him called sir john S●ellie, 
Chr. S. Alb.  he road into Essex, attempting to have fled from thence by sea: but still the wind was so against him, that he was continually driven back when he was about to make sail, and so coming again to land, 
The earl at Huntingdon taken.  he was taken one evening at Pitwell in Essex, in a mill (that belonged to one of his trusty friends) as he sat there at supper, together with the said sir john Shellie. The commons of the country that took him, brought him first to Chelmesford, and after to Plashie, where on the day of S. Maure, that is the fifteenth of januarie, 
He is beheaded.  about sun setting he was beheaded, in the very place in which the duke of Gloucester was arrested by king Richard. He confessed with lamentable repentance (as writers do record) that divers & many ways he had offended God and his prince, because that understanding the purpose of the other lords, he had not revealed the same.  
The lord 
* Thomas Spenser, saith Wal. & others.  Hugh Spenser, otherwise called earl of Gloucester, as he would have fled into Wales, was taken and carried to Bristol, where (according to the earnest desires of the commons) he was beheaded. Maudelen fleeing into Scotland, 
Hall.  was taken by the way, and brought to the Tower. Many other that were privy to this conspiracy, were taken, and put to death, some at Oxford, as sir Thomas Blunt, sir Benet Cilie knight, 
Execution.  and Thomas Wintercell esquire; but sir Leonard Brokas, and sir john Shellie knights, john Maudelen, and William Ferbie chapleins, were drawn, hanged, 
Tho. Walsin●▪ Hall▪  and beheaded at London. There were nineteen in all executed in one place and other, and the heads of the chief conspirators were set on poles over London bridge, to the terror of others. Shortly after, the abbot of Westminster, in whose house the conspiracy was begun (as is said) going between his monastery & mansion, for thought fell into a sudden palsy, 
The abbot of Westminster dieth suddenly. Thom. Wal●.  and shortly after, without speech, ended his life. The bishop of Carleill was impeached, and condemned of the same conspiracy; but the king of his merciful clemency, 

The bishop of Carleill dieth through fear, or rather through gr●●fe of mind, to 〈◊〉 the wicked prosper as he took it.  
Hall.   pardoned him of that offence, although he died shortly after, more through fear than force of sickness, as some have written. Thus all the associates of this unhappy conspiracy tasted the painful penance of their pleasant pastime.  
Thus have ye heard what writers have recorded of this matter, with some difference betwixt them that writ, how the king should have been made away at a justs; and other that testify, how it should have been at a mask or mummery: but whether they meant to have dispatched hi●●t a mumming, or at a justs, their purpose being revealed by the earl of Rutland, they were brought to confusion (as before ye have heard.) And immediately after, king Henry, to rid himself of any such like danger to be attempted against him thereafter, caused king Richard to die of a violent death, that no man should afterward feign himself to represent his person, though some have said, he was not privy to that wicked offence. The common fame is, that he was every day served at the table with costly meat, 
The sundry reports of K. Richar. death.  like a king, to the intent that no creature should suspect any thing done contrary to the order taken in the parliament; and when the meat was set before him, he was forbidden once to touch it; yea, he was not permitted so much as to smell to it, and so he died of forced famine.  
¶ But Thomas Walsingham is so far from imputing his death to compulsory famine, 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wal●. pag. 4●●, 4●5.  that he referreth it altogether to voluntary pining of himself. For when he heard that the complots and attempts of such his favourers, as sought his restitution, and their own advancement, annihilated; and the chief agents shamefully executed; ●e took such a conceit at these misfortunes (for so Thomas Walsingham termeth them) and was so beaten out of bart, that wilfully he starved himself, and so died in Pomfret castle on S. Valentine's day: a happy day to him, for it was the beginning of his ease, and the ending of his pain: so that death was to him dainty and sweet, as the poet saith, and that very well in brief, 
Dulce mori miseris,  

C●●n. Gall.  Neque est melius morte in malis rebus.   
One writer, which seemeth to have great knowledge of king Richard's doings, 
Thom Walsin. Sir Piers de Exton a murderer of king Richard.  saith, that king Henry, sitting on a day at his table, sore sighing, said; Have I no faithful friend which will deliver me line 10 of him, whose life will be my death, and whose death will be the preservation of my life? This saying was much noted of them which were present, and especially of one called sir Piers of Exton. This knight incontinently departed from the court, with eight strong persons in his company, and came to Pomfret, commanding the esquire that was accustomed to sew and take the assay before king Richard, to do so no more, saying; Let him eat now, for he shall not long eat. King Richard sat down to dinner, and line 20 was served without courtesy or assay, whereupon much marveling at the sudden change, he demanded of the esquire why he did not his duty; Sir (said he) I am otherwise commanded by sir Piers of Exton, which is newly come from K. Henry. When king Richard heard that word, he took the keruing knife in his hand, and strake the esquire on the head, saying The devil take Henry of Lancaster and thee together. And with that word, sir Piers entered the chamber, well armed, with eight tall men likewise armed, line 30 every of them having a bill in his hand.  
King Richard perceiving this, put the table from him, & steping to the foremost man, wrung the bill out of his hands, & so valiantly defended himself, that he slew four of those that thus came to assail him. Sir Piers being half dismayed herewith, 
The desperate manhood of king Richard  leapt into the chair where king Richard was wont to sit, while the other four persons fought with him, and chased him about the chamber. And in conclusion, as king Richard traversed his ground, from one side of the line 40 chamber to an other, & coming by the chair, where sir Piers stood, he was felled with a stroke of a polar which sir Piers gave him upon the head, 
K. Richard murdered.  and therewith rid him out of life, without giving him respite once to call to God for mercy of his passed offences. It is said, that sir Piers of Exton, after he had thus slain him, wept right bitterly, as one stricken with the prick of a guilty conscience, for murdering him, whom he had so long time obeyed as king. After he was thus dead, his body was embalm, and line 50 séered, and covered with lead, all save the face, to the intent that all men might see him, and perceive that he was departed this life: for as the corpse was conveyed from Pomfret to London, in all the towns and places where those that had the conveyance of it did stay with it all night, they caused dirige to be song in the evening, and mass of Requiem in the morning; and as well after the one service as the other, his face discovered, was showed to all that coveted to behold it. line 60  

The dead body of K. Richard brought to the Tower.  Thus was the corpse first brought to the Tower, and after through the city, to the cathedral church of saint Paul bore faced, where it lay three days together, that all men might behold it. There was a solemn obsequy done for him, both at Paul's, and after at Westminster, at which time, both at dirige overnight, and in the morning at the mass of Requiem, the king and the citizens of London were present. When the same was ended, the corpse was commanded to be had unto Langlie, there to be buried in the church of the friars preachers. 
He is buried at Langlie.  The bishop of Chester, the abbots of saint Albon and Waltham, celebrated the exequys for the burial, none of the nobles nor any of the commons (to account of) being present: neither was there any to bid them to dinner after they had laid him in the ground, and finished the funeral service. He was after by king Henry the fi●● removed to Westminster, and there honourably intoomed with queen Anne his wife, although the Scots untruely write, that he escaped out of prison, and led a virtuous and a solitary life in Scotland, and there died, & is buried (as they hold) in the black friars at Sterling. 
Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 378.  ¶ But Fabian and others do as it were point out the place of his interrement, saying that he lieth intoomed on the south side of saint Edward's shrine, with an epitaph expressing partly his proportion of body and partly his properties of mind, as after followeth in a rimed hexastichon: 
Prudens & mundus, Richardus iure secundus,  
Per fatum victus, jacet hîc sub marmore pictus,  
Verax sermone, fuit & plenus ratione,  
Corpore procerus, animo prudens ut Homerus,  
Ecclesiae favit, elatos suppeditavit,  
Quemuis prostravit, regalia qui violavit.   
When the news of king Richard's deposing was reported in France, 
Foreign princes not without cause abhor to hear of the shameful murder of king Richard.  king Charles and all his court wondering, detested and abhorred such an injury done to an anointed king, to a crowned prince, and to the head of a realm: but in especial, Walerane earl of saint Paul, which had married king Richard's half sister, moved with great disdain towards king Henry, ceased not to stir king Charles & his council to make wars against the Englishmen, and he himself sent letters of defiance into England. The earls suit was easily agreed unto, and an army royal appointed with all speed, to invade England. The army was come down into Picardy, ready to be transported into England: but when it was certainly known, that king Richard was dead, and that the enterprise of his deliverance (which was chiefly meant) was frustrate and void, the army was dissolved. But when the certainty of K. Richard's death was intimate to the Gascoignes, the most part of the wisest men of the country were right pensive: for they judged verily, 
How the Gascoignes took the death of K. Richard.  that hereby the English nation should be brought to dishonour, and loss of their ancient fame and glory, for committing so heinous an offence against their king and sovereign lord, the memory whereof (as they thought) would never die: and chiefly, the citizens of Bordeaux took the matter very sore at the stomach: for they bare exceeding favour to king Richard, because he was borne and brought up in their city, and therefore more than all the residue they showed themselves to abhor so heinous a deed.  
The Frenchmen having understanding hereof, thought with themselves that now was the time for them to practise with the Gascoignes to reduce them from the English obeisance, under their subjection. Hereupon came jews duke of Bourbon unto Again, and wrote to diverse cities and towns, 
The duke of Bourbon.  on the confines of Given, exhorting them with large promises, and fair sugared words, to revolt from the Englishmen, and to become subjects to the crown of France; but his travel prevailed not: for the people understanding that the English yoke was but easy in comparison to the French bondage, determined to abide rather in their old subjection, than for a displeasure irrecoverable to adventure themselves on a new doubtful peril; yet it was doubted, 
Froissard.  lest the cities of Bordeaux, Dar, and Baion, would have revolted, if the lords of the marches about those places had leaned to them in that purpose, for they sent their commissioners to Again, to treat with the duke of Bourbon. But forsomuch as the lords, Pomiers, Mucident, Duras, Landuras, Copane, Rosem, & Langurant, were minded to continue still English, those cities durst not without them turn to the French obeisance, for they could not have stirred out of their gates, but those lords would have been ready at their elbows, to have caught them by the sleeves.  
King Henry being advertised of the Frenchman's covert meanings, and also of the wavering minds of the Gascoignes, sent Thomas Persie earl of Worcester with two hundred men of arms, and four hundred archers into Guien, to aid and assist sir Robert Knols, his lieutenant there. The chiefest captains that accompanied the earl in this journey were these: first, his nephew sir Hugh Hastings, sir line 10 Thomas Collevill, 
Polydor. Froissard.  sir William Lisle, john de Graillie base son to the capital de Boeuf, sir William Draiton, sir john Daubreticourt: also there went with him the bishop of London, and master Richard Doall or Dolleie. 
The earl of Worcester sent into Gascoigne.  The earl at his arrival so wisely entreated the noble men, so gravely persuaded the magistrates of the cities and towns, and so gently and familiarly used and treated the commons, that he not only appeased their fury and malice, but brought them to loving and uniform obeisance, line 20 receiving of them oaths of obedience, & loyal fealty, which done, he returned again into England with great thanks.  
The French king perceiving he could not bring his purpose about, neither by invading England, nor by practising with the Gascoignes, 
Ambassadors from the French king.  sent a solemn embassage into England, requiring to have his daughter the lady Isabella, sometime espoused to king Richard, restored to him again. King Henry gently received those that were sent to him about this line 30 message, and for answer, promised to send his commissioners unto Calis, which should further commune and conclude with them. 
Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 304.  ¶ This seemeth dissonant from the report of Fabian derived out of Gagwine. For he saith that Charles hearing of the suppression of K. Richard, sent 2 of his household knights into England, requiring king Henry the fourth, then newly made king, to send home his daughter Isabella, lately married unto king Richard, with such dowry as with her was promised. In doing of which line 40 message king Henry took such displeasure, that he threw the said two knights in prison; where through one of them (named Blanchet) died in England, and the other called Henry, after great sickness returned into France: wherefore if Fabian play not the fabler, those that were sent on the said message were not gently received of king Henry; unless to be cast in prison and discourteouslie dealt withal stand countable for benevolence & gentle entertainment. line 50 But to remit this and the like variances among writers to such as can reconcile them, let us return to the story.  
It was not enough that K. Henry was thus troubled now in the first year of his reign, with civil sedition, and the covert practices of Frenchmen; but that the Scots also took upon them to make open war against him: 
George earl of March fleeth into England.  it chanced (as in the Scotish chronicles more at large appeareth) that George of Dunbar, earl of the marches of Scotland, being line 60 in displeasure with Robert king of Scots, fled into England, to Henry earl of Northumberland, whereupon the Scotish king deprived him of all his dignities and possessions, and caused his goods to be confiscate, and after wrote to the king of England, requiring him if he would have the truce any longer to continue, either to deliver into his possession the earl of March and other traitors to his person, or else to banish them out of his realms and dominions. King Henry discreetly answered the herald of Scotland, that the words of a prince ought to be kept: 
The answer of king Henry to the Scotish ambassadors.  and his writings and seal to be inviolate: and considering that he had granted a safe conduct to the earl and his company, he should neither without cause reasonable break his promise, nor yet deface his honour. Which answer declared to the king of Scots, 

Open war proclaimed by the king of Scots against England.  
Thom. Wal●.   he incontinently proclaimed open war against the king of England, with fire and sword. Hereupon, one sir Robert Logon, a Scotish knight, with certain ships well appointed for the war, meant to have destroyed the English fleet that was come on the coasts of Scotland, about Aberd●n, to fish there: but (as it chanced) he met with certain ships of Lin, that fought with him, and took him prisoner, with the residue of his company, 
Robert L●gon taken prisoner.  so that he quite failed of his purpose, and came to the loss himself.  
At the same time, 
The Isles of Orkenie spoiled by Englishmen. Mortality of people.  the Englishmen spoiled also certain of the Isles of Orkeneie. This summer, great death chanced in this land, many dying of the pestilence, wherewith sundry places were infected. King Henry perceiving that policy oftentimes preventeth peril, and understanding the naughty purposes of the Scots, gathered a great army, 
King Henry invadeth Scotland.  and entered into Scotland, burning towns, villages, and castles, with a great part of the towns of Edinburgh and Léeth, and besieged the castle of Edinburgh in the end of September, whereof was captain David duke of Rothsaie, 
The duke of Rothsaie.  and a prince of the realm, with Archembald earl of Dowglas, having with them many hardy men of war. Robert duke of Albany, 
The duke of Albany.  that was appointed governor of the realm, because the king was sick and not meet to rule, sent an herald unto king Henry, promising him battle within six days at the furthest, 
Anno Reg. ●,  if he would so long tarry, which king Henry promised to do right gladly, and gave to the herald for bringing him so acceptable news, a gown of silk, and a chain of gold. But king Henry stayed six days, and sixteen too, without hearing any word of the governors coming. Then the winter beginning to wax cold, and foul weather still increasing, caused the king to break up his siege, and so returned without battle or skirmish offered.  
In the mean time that the king was thus in Scotland, 

King Henry returneth home.  
The Scots burn in Northumberland. justs at York.   the Scots made a road into Northumberland, and burned diverse towns in Bamburrough shire. At the kings coming back to York, there were two strangers, the one a Frenchman, and the other an Italian, requiring to accomplish certain feats of arms, against sir john Cornwall, and janico de Artois. Their request was granted, and the strangers were put to the worst, whereby sir john Cornwall obtained the king's favour so far forth, 
Sir john Cornwall marrieth the king's sister.  that he married the king's sister, the widow of john Holland, earl of Huntingdon. Yet some said, that the knight and the countess were agreed aforehand, without the king's consent. In the king's absence, whilst he was forth of the realm in Scotland against his enemies, 
The Welshmen rebel by the setting 〈◊〉 of Owen Glendover.  the Welshmen took occasion to rebel under the conduct of their captain Owen Glendouer, doing what mischief they could devise, unto their English neighbours. This Owen Glendouer was son to an esquire of Wales, 
john Stow. Owen Glendouer what he was.  named Griffith Uichan: he dwelled in the parish of conway, within the county of Merioneth in North-wales, in a place called Glindourwie, which is as much to say in English, as The valley by the side of the water of Dée, by occasion whereof he was surnamed Glindour Dew.  
He was first set to study the laws of the realm, and became an utter barrister, or an apprentice of the law (as they term him) and served king Richard at Flint castle, when he was taken by Henry duke of Lancaster, though other have written that he served this king Henry the fourth, 
Tho. Wal●.  before he came to attain the crown, in room of an esquire, and after, by reason of variance that rose betwixt him and the lord Reginald Greie of Ruthin, about the lands which he claimed to be his by right of inheritance: when he saw that he might not prevail, finding no such favour in his suit as he looked for, he first made war against the said lord Greie, 
The occasion that moved him to rebel.  wasting his lands and possessions with fire and sword, cruelly killing his servants and tenants. The king advertised of such rebellious exploits, 
The king entereth into wales, meaning to chastise the rebels.  enterprised by the said Owen, and his unruly complices, determined to chastise them, as disturbers of his peace, and so with an army entered into Wales; but the Welshmen with their line 10 captain withdrew into the mountains of Snowdon, so to escape the revenge, which the king meant towards them. The king therefore did much hurt in the countries with fire and sword, slaying diverse that with weapon in hand came forth to resist him, and so with a great booty of beasts and cattle he returned.  
The emperor of Constantinople coming into England to sue for aid against the Turks, 
The emperor of Constantinople cometh into England.  was met by the king on Blackeheath, upon the feast day of saint Thomas the apostle, and brought unto London with great honour. The king bore all his charges, presenting line 20 him with gifts at his departure, meet for such an estate. year 1401 After the feast of the epiphany, a parliament was holden, 
A parliament.  in which an act was made, against those that held opinions in religion, contrary to the received doctrine of the church of Rome; ordaining, that wheresoever any of them were found and proved to set forth such doctrine, they should be apprehended, and delivered to the bishop their diocesane; and if they stood stiffly in their opinions, and would not be reform, they should be delivered to line 30 the secular power, to be burnt to ashes. The first that tasted the smart of this statute, was one William Hawtrée or Sawtrée a priest, that being apprehended was burnt in Smithfield, 
One burned in Smithfield.  in time of this parliament.  

Additions of the chronicles of Flanders.  About the same time, king Henry (according to promise made (as ye have heard) unto the French ambassadors, sent over into the country of Guisnes, Edward earl of Rutland, otherwise in king Richard's line 40 days entitled duke of Aumarle, 

There was also the earl of Devonshire, as Froissard saith.  
The hath Froissard. Commissioners met to treat of peace.   son to Edmund duke of York, Henry earl of Northumberland, and his son the lord Henry Persie, the lord Yuan Fitzwarren, the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln: where the duke of Bourbon, the lords Charles d'Albert, Charles de Hangest, john de Chastelmorant, the Patriarch of jerusalem, and the bishops of Paris and Beawois, were ready there to commune with them, and so they assembling together at sundry times and places, the Frenchmen required line 50 to have queen Isabella to them restored, but the Englishmen seemed loath to departed with her, requiring to have her married to Henry prince of Wales, one in blood and age in all things to her equal; 
The French king troubled with a frenzy.  but the Frenchmen would in no wise condescend thereto, without their king's consent, who at that present was not in case to utter his mind, being troubled with his wonted disease. The commissioners than began to treat of peace, and at length renewed the truce to endure for six and twenty years yet to come; 
Truce for 26 years.  whereunto the four years passed being line 60 added, made up the number of thirty years, according to the conclusion agreed upon, in the life time of king Richard.  
Some authors affirm, that there was a new league concluded to continue, 
Hall.  during the lives of both the princes. The Frenchmen diverse times required to have some dower assigned forth for queen Isabella, 
The Frenchmen demand a dower for queen Isabella.  but that was at all times utterly denied, for that the marriage betwixt her and king Richard was never consummate, by reason whereof she was not dowable. Nevertheless, she was shortly after sent home, under the conduct of the earl of Worcester, associate with diverse other noble and honourable personages, both men and women, having with her all the jewels, ornaments, and plate which she brought into England, with a great surplusage beside given to her by the king. 
Additions of the chron. of Flanders. She is delivered home.  She was delivered betwixt Bullongne and Calis, to Ualeran earl of saint Paul, the French kings lieutenant in Picardy, who being accompanied with the bishop of Chartres, the lord de Huguevile, the lady of Monpensier sister to the earl of March, the lady of Lucenburgh sister to the said earl of saint Paul, & diverse other ladies and gentlewomen, which received her with great joy and gladness, and taking leave of the English lords and ladies, they conveyed her to the dukes of Burgognie and Bourbon, that attended for her, not far off, upon a hill, with a great number of people. 
She is conveyed to Paris.  They first conveyed her to Bullogne, & after to Abuile, from whence the duke of Orleans conveyed her to Paris, unto the presence of the king her father, and the queen her mother: 
Her second marriage.  she was after given in marriage unto Charles, son to jews duke of Orleans.  
About the same time, 

Anno Reg. 3. Owen Glendouer.  
The danger of the king to have been destroyed.   Owen Glendouer and his Welshmen did much hurt to the king's subjects. One night as the king was going to bed, he was in danger to have been destroyed; for some naughty traitorous persons had conveyed into his bed a certain iron made with smith's craft, like a caltrop, with three long pricks, sharp and small, standing upright, in such sort, that when he had laid him down, & that the weight of his body should come upon the bed, he should have been thrust in with those pricks, and peradventure slain: but as God would, the king not thinking of any such thing, chanced yet to feel and perceive the instrument before he laid him down, and so escaped the danger. ¶ Howbeit he was not so soon delivered from fear; for he might well have his life in suspicion, & provide for the preservation of the same; sith perils of death crept into his secret chamber, and lay lurking in the bed of down where his body was to be reposed and to take rest. Oh what a suspected state therefore is that of a king holding his regiment with the hatred of his people, the hartgrudging of his courtiers, and the peremptory practices of both together? Can he confidently compose or settle himself to sleep for fear of strangling? Durst he boldly eat and drink without dread of poisoning? Might he adventure to show himself in great meetings or solemn assemblies without mistrust of mischief against his person intended? What pleasure or what felicity could he take in his princely pomp, which he knew by manifest and fearful experience, to be envied and maligned to the very death? The state of such a king is noted by the poet in Dionysius, as in a mirror, concerning whom it is said, 
Districtus ensis cui super impia  
cervise pendet, 
Hor. lib. ca 3. Ode. 1.  non Siculae dapes  
Dulcem elaborabunt saporem,  
Non avium cytharaeque cantus,   
This year, the eight day of April deceased the lord Thomas Beauchampe earl of Warwick. year 1402 In the month of March appeared a blazing star, 

The earl of Warwick departeth this life.  
A blazing star.   first between the east part of the firmament and the north, flashing forth fire and flames round about it, and lastly, shooting forth fiery beams towards the north, foreshowing (as was thought) the great effusion of blood that followed, about the parts of Wales and Northumberland. For much about the same time, Owen Glendouer (with his Welshmen) fought with the lord Greie of Ruthen, coming forth to defend his possessions, which the same Owen wasted and destroyed: and as the fortune of that days work fell out, the lord Greie was taken prisoner, 
The lord Greie of Ruthen taken in fight by Owen Glendouer.  and many of his men were slain. This hap lifted the Welshmen into high pride, and increased marvelously their wicked and presumptuous attempts.  
About Whitsuntide a conspiracy was devised by certain persons, that wished the king's death, maintaining and bruting abroad, 

A brute was spread abroad that king Richard was living.  
A priest taken.   that king Richard was alive, and therefore exhorted men to stand with him, for shortly he would come to light, and reward such as took his part with just recompense. Herewith, there was a priest taken at Ware, or (as some books have) at Warwick, who had a calendar or roll, in which a great number of names were written, more than were in any wise guilty of the fact, as afterwards appeared by the same priest's confession. For line 10 being examined, whether he knew such persons as he had so enrolled, & were there present before him, he said he never knew them at all; and being demanded wherefore he had then so recorded their names, he answered, because he thought they would gladly do what mischief they could against king Henry, upon any occasion offered in revenge of the injuries done to king Richard, by whom they had been advanced, and princely preferred. When therefore there line 20 appeared no more credit in the man, he was condemned, 
He is executed.  drawn, hanged, and quartered, and diverse that had been apprehended about that matter, were released, 
The prior of Land apprehended.  and set at liberty. Shortly after, the prior of Land (who for his evil government had been deprived of his state and dignity) was likewise executed, not for attempting any thing of himself, but only for that he confessed, that he knew evil counsel and concealed it. His name was Walter Baldock, a canon sometime in Dunstable, and by king Richard line 30 promoted to the priorship of Land.  
Also the same time, certain greie friars were apprehended for treason which they had devised to bring to pass, 
Greie friars apprehended.  and one of them, whose name was Richard Frisebie, being asked what he would do if king Richard had been alive, and present with them, answered stoutly, that he would fight against any man in his quarrel, even to death. Hereupon, he was condemned, 
A greie friar hanged in his habit.  drawn, and hanged in his friars weed, to the great confusion of his brethren; but they made line 40 earnest instance to have his body taken down, and buried with diriges and exequys, and had their suit granted. 
Sir Roger Claringdon.  Sir Roger of Claringdon knight was also put to death about this conspiracy, with two of his servants, the one an esquire, the other a yeoman. He was base son (as was reported) unto Edward, eldest son to king Edward the third, surnamed the black prince. 
The devil appeareth in likeness of a greie friar.  On Corpus Christi day at evensong time, the devil (as was thought) appeared in a town of Essex called Danburie, entering into the church in line 50 likeness of a greie friar, behaving himself very outrageously, playing his parts like a devil indeed, so that the parishioners were put in a marvelous great fright.  
At the same instant, there chanced such a tempest of wind, thunder, and lightning, that the highest part of the roof of that church was blown down, and the chancel was all to shaken, rend, and torn in pieces. Within a small while after, eight of those greie friars that had practised treason against the king, 
E●ght friars executed.  line 60 were brought to open judgement, and convicted were drawn and headed at London; and two other suffered at Leicester, all which persons had published king Richard to be alive. Owen Glendouer, according to his accustomed manner, robbing and spoiling within the English borders, caused all the forces of the shire of Hereford to assemble together against them, under the conduct of Edmund Mortimer earl of March. 
The earl of March taken prisoner in battle by Owen Glendouer.  But coming to try the matter by battle, whether by treason or otherwise, so it fortuned, that the English power was discomfited, the earl taken prisoner, and above a thousand of his people slain in the place. The shameful villainy used by the Welshwomen towards the dead carcases, was such, as honest ears would be ashamed to hear, and continent tongues to speak thereof. The dead bodies might not be buried, without great sums of money given for liberty to convey them away.  
The king was not hasty to purchase the deliverance of the earl March, 
The suspicion of K. Henry grounded upon a guilty conscience.  because his title to the crown was well enough known, and therefore suffered him to remain in miserable prison, wishing both the said earl, and all other of his lineage out of this life, with God and his saints in heaven, so they had been out of the way, for then all had been well enough as he thought. But to let these things pass, the king this year sent his eldest daughter Blanch, 
The king's daughter married into Germany.  accompanied with the earl of Summerset, the bishop of Worcester, the lord Clifford, and others, into Almanie, which brought her to Colin, and there with great triumph she was married to William duke of Bavier, son and heir to jews the emperor. About mid of August, the king to chastise the presumptuous attempts of the Welshmen, went with a great power of men into Wales, to pursue the captain of the Welsh rebel Owen Glendouer, but in effect he lost his labour; for Owen conveyed himself out of the way, into his known lurking places, and (as was thought) through art magic, he caused such foul weather of winds, tempest, rain, snow, 
Intemperate weather.  and hail to be raised, for the annoyance of the king's army, that the like had not been heard of; in such sort, that the king was constrained to return home, having caused his people yet to spoil and burn first a great part of the country. The same time, the lord Edmund of Langlie duke of York departed this life, and was buried at Langlie with his brethren. 
The decease of the duke of York.  The Scots under the leading of Patrick Hepborne, of the Hales the younger, entering into England, 
Scots overthrown.  were overthrown at Nesbit, in the marches, as in the Scotish chronicle ye may find more at large. This battle was fought the two and twentieth of june, in this year of our Lord 1402.  
Archembald earl Dowglas sore displeased in his mind for this overthrow, procured a commission to invade England, and that to his cost, as ye may likewise read in the Scotish histories. For at a place called Homildon, 
Scots vanquished at Homildon.  they were so fiercely assailed by the Englishmen, under the leading of the lord Persie, surnamed Henry Hotspur, and George earl of March, that with violence of the English shot they were quite vanquished and put to flight, on the Rood day in harvest, with a great slaughter made by the Englishmen. We know that the Scotish writers note this battle to have chanced in the year 1403. But we following Tho. Walsingham in this place, and other English writers, for the account of times, have thought good to place it in this year 1402, as in the same writers we find it. There were slain of men of estimation, sir john Swinton, 
The number slain.  sir Adam Gordon, sir john Leviston, sir Alexander Ramsey of Dalehousie, and three and twenty knights, besides ten thousand of the commons: and of prisoners among other were these, Mordacke earl of Fife, 
Prisoners taken.  son to the governor Archembald earl Dowglas, which in the fight lost one of his eyes, Thomas earl of Murrey, Robert earl of Angus, and (as some writers have) the earls of Athol & Menteith, with five hundred other of meaner degrees. After this, the lord Persie, having bestowed the prisoners in sure keeping, entered Tividale, wasting and destroying the whole country, 
The castle of Cocklawes besieged by the lord Persie.  and then besieged the castle of Cocklawes, whereof was captain one sir john Grenlow, who compounded with the Englishmen, that if the castle were not succoured within three months, than he would deliver it into their hands.  
The first two months passed, and no likelihood of rescue appeared; but yer the third month was expired, the Englishmen being sent for to go with the king into Wales, raised their siege and departed, leaving the noble men prisoners with the earl of Northumberland, and with his son the lord Persie, to keep them to the king's use. In this mean while, such as misliked with the doctrine and ceremonies then used in the church, 
The professors of Wic●lifs doctrine.  ceased not to utter their consciences, though in secret, to those in whom they had affiance. But as in the like cases it commonly happeneth, they were bewrayed by some that were thought chiefly to favour their cause, as by sir jews Clifford line 10 knight, who having leaned to the doctrine a long time, did now (as Thomas Walsingham writeth) disclose all that he knew unto the archbishop of Canturburie, to show himself as it were to have erred rather of simpleness and ignorance, than of frowardness or stubborn malice. The names of such as taught the articles and conclusions maintained by those which then they called Lollards or heretics, the said sir jews Clifford gave in writing to the said archbishop. 
Sir jews Clifford bewrayeth his fellows.  Edmund Mortimer earl of March, prisoner line 20 with Owen Glendouer, whether for irksomeness of cruel captivity, or fear of death, or for what other cause, it is uncertain, agreed to take part with Owen, 
The earl of March marrieth the daughter of Owen Glendover.  against the king of England, and took to wife the daughter of the said Owen.  
Strange wonders happened (as men reported) at the nativity of this man, for the same night he was borne, all his father's horses in the stable were found to stand in blood up to the bellies. The morrow after line 30 the feast of saint Michael, a parliament began at Westminster, 
Anno Reg. 4. A parliament.  which continued the space of seven weeks, in the same was a tenth and a half granted by the clergy, and a fifteenth by the commonalty. Moreover, the commons in this parliament besought the king to have the person of George earl of March a Scotishman, 
George earl of March recommended to the king by parliament.  recommended to his majesty, for that the same earl showed himself faithful to the king & his realm. ¶ There was also a statute made, that the friars beggars should not receive any into line 40 their order, year 1403 under the age of fourteen years. In this fourth year of king Henry's reign, ambassadors were sent over into Britain, 
Ambassadors.  to bring from thence the duchess of Britain, the lady jane de Navarre, the widow of john de Montford, late duke of Britain, surnamed the conqueror, with whom by procurators the king had contracted matrimony. In the beginning of February, those that were sent returned with her in safety, but not without tasting the bitter storms of the wind and weather, that tossed line 50 them sore to and fro, before they could get to land. The king met her at Winchester, where the seventh of February, the marriage was solemnised betwixt them.  
Whilst these things were thus in doing in England, Ualeran earl of saint Paul, bearing still a deadly and malicious hatred toward king Henry, having assembled sixteen or seventeen hundred men of war, 
The earl of saint Paul to the isle of Wight.  embarked them at Harflew, and taking the sea, landed in the isle of Wight, in the which line 60 he burned two villages, and four simple cottages, and for a triumph of so noble an act, made four knights. But when he heard that the people of the isle were assembled and approached to fight with him, he hasted to his ships, and returned home: wherewith the noble men of his company were displeased, considering his provision to be great and his gain small. In the same very season, 
The earl of Clerimont in Gascoigne.  john earl of Clerimont son to the duke of Bourbon, wan in Gascoigne out of the Englishmen'S possession, the castles of saint Peter, saint Marie, and the New castle; and the lord de la Bret won the castle of Carlassin, which was no small loss to the English nation.  
Henry earl of Northumberland, with his brother Thomas earl of Worcester, and his son the lord Henry Persie, surnamed Hotspur, which were to king Henry in the beginning of his reign, both faithful friends, and earnest aiders, began now to envy his wealth and felicity; and especially they were grieved, because the king demanded of the earl and his son such Scotish prisoners as were taken at Homeldon and Nesbit: for of all the captives which were taken in the conflicts fought in those two places, the●e was delivered to the king's possession only Mordake earl of Fife, the duke of Albanies son, though the king did divers and sundry times require deliverance of the residue, and that with great threatenings: wherewith the Perseus' being sore offended, for that they claimed them as their own proper prisoners, and their peculiar preys, by the counsel of the lord Thomas Persie earl of Worcester, whose study was ever (as some writ) to procure malice, and set things in a broil, came to the king unto Windsor (upon a purpose to prove him) and there required of him, that either by ransom or otherwise, 
The request of the Perseus'  he would cause to be delivered out of prison Edmund Mortimer earl of March, their cousin german, whom (as they reported) Owen Glendouer kept in filthy prison, shackled with irons, only for that he took his part, and was to him faithful and true.  
The king began not a little to muse at this request, and not without cause: for in deed it touched him somewhat near, sith this Edmund was son to Roger earl of March, son to the lady Philip, daughter of Lionel duke of Clarence, the third son of king Edward the third; which Edmund at king Richard's going into Ireland, was proclaimed heir apparent to the crown and realm, whose aunt called Elinor, the lord Henry Persie had married; and therefore king Henry could not well hear, that any man should be earnest about the advancement of that lineage. The king when he had studied on the matter, made answer, that the earl of March was not taken prisoner for his cause, nor in his service, but willingly suffered himself to be taken, because he would not withstand the attempts of Owen Glendouer, and his complices, & therefore he would neither ransom him, nor relieve him.  
The Perseus' with this answer and fraudulent excuse were not a little fumed, insomuch that Henry Hotspur said openly: Behold, 
The saying of the L. Persie.  the heir of the realm is rob of his right, and yet the robber with his own will not redeem him. So in this fury the Perseus' departed, minding nothing more than to depose king Henry from the high type of his royalty, and to place in his seat their cousin Edmund earl of Mar●h, whom they did not only deliver out of captivity, 

The conspiracies of the Perseus' with Owen Glendouer.  
An indenture tripartite.   but also (to the high displeasure of king Henry) entered in league with the foresaid Owen Glendouer. Héerewith, they by their deputies in the house of the archdeacon of Bangor, divided the realm amongst them, causing a tripartite indenture to be made and sealed with their seals, by the covenants whereof, all England from Severne and Trent, south and eastward, 
A division of that which they had not.  was assigned to the earl of March: all Wales, & the lands beyond Severne westward, were appointed to Owen Glendouer: and all the remnant from Trent northward, to the lord Persie.  
This was done (as some have said) through a foolish credit given to a vain prophesy, 
A vain prophesy.  as though king Henry was the moldwarpe, cursed of Gods own mouth, and they three were the dragon, the lion, and the wolf, which should divide this realm between them. Su●h is the deviation (saith Hall) and not divination of those blind and fantastical dreams of the Welsh propheiers. King Henry not knowing of this new confederacy, and nothing less minding than that which after happened, gathered a great army to go again into Wales, whereof the earl of Northumberland and his son were advertised by the earl of Worcester, 
The Perseus' raise their powers.  and with all diligence raised all the power they could make, and sent to the Scots which before were taken prisoners at Homeldon, for aid of men, promising to the earl of Dowglas the town of Berwick, 
They crave aid of Scots.  and a part of Northumberland, and to other Scotish lords, great lordships and signiories, line 10 if they obtained the upper hand. The Scots in hope of gain, and desirous to be revenged of their old griefs, came to the earl with a great company well appointed.  
The Perseus' to make their part seem good, devised certain articles, 
The archbish. o● York of counsel with the Perseus' in conspiracy.  by the advise of Richard Scroop, archbishop of York, brother to the lord Scroop, whom king Henry had caused to be beheaded at Bristol. These articles being showed to diverse noblemen, and other states of the realm, moved line 20 them to favour their purpose, 
Thom. Wals.  in so much that many of them did not only promise to the Perseus' aid and secure by words, but also by their writings and seals confirmed the same. Howbeit when the matter came to trial; the most part of the confederates abandoned them▪ and at the day of the conflict left them alone. Thus after that the conspirators had discovered themselves, the lord Henry Persie desirous to proceed in the enterprise, upon trust to be assisted by Owen Glendouer, the earl of March, & other, line 30 assembled an army of men of arms and archers forth of Cheshire and Wales. 

The earl of Worcester governor to the prince slippeth from him.  
H●ll.   incontinently his uncle Thomas Persie earl of Worcester, that had the government of the prince of Wales, who as then lay at London in secret manner, conveyed himself out of the prince's house, and coming to Stafford (where he met his nephew) they increased their power by all ways and means they could devise. The earl of Northumberland himself was not with them, but being sick, had promised upon line 40 his amendment to repair unto them (as some writ) with all convenient speed.  
These noble men, to make their conspiracy to seem excusable, 
The pretence of the Perseus', as they published it abroad.  besides the articles above mentioned, sent letters abroad, wherein was contained, that their gathering of an army tended to none other end, but only for the safeguard of their own persons, and to put some better government in the commonwealth. For whereas taxes and tallages were daily levied, under pretence to be employed in defence of the realm, the same were vainly wasted, and unprofitably line 50 consumed: and where through the slanderous reports of their enemies, the king had taken a grievous displeasure with them, they d●●st not appear personally in the king's presence, until the prelates and barons of the realm had obtained of the king licence for them to come and purge themselves before him, by lawful trial of their peers, whose judgement (as they pretended) they would in no wise refuse. Many that saw and heard these letters, did commend line 60 their diligence, and highly praised their assured fidelity and trustiness towards the commonwealth.  
But the king understanding their cloaked drift, devised (by what means he might) to quiet and appease the commons, and deface their contrived forgeries, and therefore he wrote an answer to their libels, 
The king's answer to the Perseus' libel.  that he marveled much, sith the earl of Northumberland, and the lord Henry Persie his son, had received the most part of the sums of money granted to him by the clergy and commonalty, for defence of the marches, as he could evidently prove what should move them to complain and raise such manifest slanders. And whereas he understood, that the earls of Northumberland and Worcester, and the lord Persie had by their letters signified to their friends abroad, that by reason of the slanderous reports of their enemies, they durst not appear in his presence, without the mediation of the prelates and nobles of the realm, so as they required pledges, whereby they might safely come afore him, to declare and allege what they had to say in proof of their innocency, he protested by letters sent forth under his seal, that they might safely come and go, without all danger, or any manner of indamagement to be offered to their persons.  
But this could not satisfy those men, but that resolved to go forwards with their enterprise, they marched towards Shrewesburie, upon hope to be aided (as men thought) by Owen Glendouer, and his Welshmen, publishing abroad throughout the countries on each side, that king Richard was alive, 
Poor K. Richard is still alive with them that with K. Henry's overthrow.  whom if they wished to see, they willed them to repair in armour unto the castle of Chester, where (without all doubt) he was at that present, and ready to come forward. This tale being raised, though it were most untrue, yet it bred variable motions in men's minds, causing them to waver, so as they knew not to which part they should stick; and verily, divers were well affected towards king Richard, specially such as had tasted of his princely bountifulness, of which there was no small number. And to speak a truth, no marvel it was, if many envied the prosperous state of king Henry, sith it was evident enough to the world, that he had with wrong usurped the crown, and not only violently deposed king Richard, but also cruelly procured his death, for the which undoubtedly, both he and his posterity tasted such troubles, as put them still in danger of their states, till their direct succeeding line was quite rooted out by the contrary faction, as in Henry the sixth and Edward the fourth it may appear.  
But now to return where we left. King Henry advertised of the proceed of the Perseus', forthwith gathered about him such power as he might make, and being earnestly called upon by the Scot, the earl of March, to make haste and give battle to his enemies, before their power by delaying of time should still too much increase, he passed forward with such speed, that he was in sight of his enemies, lying in camp near to Shrewesburie, 
The kings speedy diligence.  before they were i● doubt of any such thing, for the Perseus' thought that he would have stayed at Burton upon Trent, till his council had come thither to him to give their advise what he were best to do. But herein the enemy was deceived of his expectation, sith the king had great regard of expedition and making speed for the safety of his own person, whereunto the earl of March incited him, considering that in delay is danger, & loss in linger, as the poet in the like case saith: 
Tolle moras, nocuit semper differre paratis,  
Dum trepidant nullo firmatae robore parts.   
By reason of the kings sudden coming in this sort, 

The Perseus' troubled with the kings sudden coming.  
The lord Persie exhorteth his complices to stick to their tackle.   they stayed from assaulting the town of Shrewesburie, which enterprise they were ready at that instant to have taken in hand, and forthwith the lord Persie (as a captain of high courage) began to exhort the captains and soldiers to prepare themselves to battle, sith the matter was grown to that point, that by no means it could be avoided, so that (said he) this day shall either bring us all to advancement & honour, or else if it shall chance us to be overcome, shall deliver us from the kings spiteful malice and cruel disdain: for playing the men (as we ought to do) better it is to die in battle for the commonwealths cause, than through cowardlike fear to prolong life, which after shall be taken from us, by sentence of the enemy.  

The number of the Perseus' a●mie.  Hereupon, the whole army being in number about fourteen thousand chosen men, promised to stand with him so long as life lasted. There were with the Perseus' as chiefteines of this army, the earl of Dowglas a Scotish man, the baron of Kinderton, sir Hugh Browne, and sir Richard Uernon knights, with diverse other stout and right valiant captains. Now when the two armies were encamped, the one against the other, 
The Perseus' scent their articles to the king.  the earl of Worcester and the lord Persie with their complices sent the articles (whereof line 10 I spoke before) by Thomas Caiton, and Thomas Saluain esquires to king Henry, under their hands and seals, 
King Henry charged with perjury.  which articles in effect charged him with manifest perjury, in that (contrary to his oath received upon the evangelists at Doncaster, when he first entered the realm after his exile) he had taken upon him the crown and royal dignity, imprisoned king Richard, caused him to resign his title, and finally to be murdered. diverse other matters they laid to his charge, as levying of taxes and tallages, contrary line 20 to his promise, infringing of laws & customs of the realm, and suffering the earl of March to remain in prison, without traveling to have him delivered▪ All which things they as procurors & protectors of the commonwealth, 
Procurors & protectors of the commonwealth.  took upon them to prove against him, as they protested unto the whole world.  
King Henry after he had read their articles, with the defiance which they annexed to the same, answered the esquires, 
The king's answer to the messengers that brought the articles.  that he was ready with dint of line 30 sword and fierce battle to prove their quarrel false, and nothing else than a forged matter, not doubting, but that God would aid and assist him in his righteous cause, against the disloyal and false forsworn traitors. The next day in the morning early, being the even of Marie Magdalene, they set their battles in order on both sides, and now whilst the warriors looked when the token of battle should be given, the abbot of Shrewesburie, 
The king offereth to pardon his adversaries.  and one of the clerks of the privy seal, were sent from the king unto the Perseus', line 40 to offer them pardon, if they would come to any reasonable agreement. By their persuasions, the lord Henry Persie began t● give ear unto the king's offers, & so sent with them his uncle the earl of Worcester, to declare unto the king the causes of those troubles, and to require some effectual reformation in the same.  
It was reported for a truth, that now when the king had condescended unto all that was reasonable at his hands to be required, and seemed to humble line 50 himself more than was meet for his estate, the earl of Worcester (upon his return to his nephew) made relation clean contrary to that the king had said, 
The earl of Worcester's double dealing in wrong reporting the king's words.  in such sort that he set his nephews hart more in displeasure towards the king, than ever it was before, driving him by that means to fight whether he would or not: then suddenly blew the trumpets, the king's part crying S. George upon them, the adversaries cried Esperance Persie, and so the two armies furiously joined. The archers on both sides shot for the best game, laying on such load with arrows, that many line 60 died, and were driven down that never rose again.  
The Scots (as some writ) which had the fore ward on the Perseus' side, 
Hall. The Scots.  intending to be revenged of their old displeasures done to them by the English nation, set so fiercely on the kings fore ward, led by the earl of Stafford, that they made the same draw back, and had almost broken their adversaries array. The Welshmen also which before had ●aine lurking in the woods, mountains, and marshes, hearing of this battle toward, came to the aid of the Perseus', 
The Welshmen come to aid the Perseus'.  and refreshed the wearied people with new succours. The king perceiving that his men were thus put to distress, what with the violent impression of the Scots, and the tempestuous storms of arrows, that his adversaries discharged freely against him and his people, it was no need to will him to stir: for suddenly with his fresh battle, he approached and relieved his men; so that the battle began more fierce than before. Here the lord Henry Persie, and the earl Dowglas, a right stout and hardy captain, not regarding the shot of the king's battle, nor the close order of the ranks, pressing forward together bend their whole forces towards the king's person, coming upon him with spears and swords so fiercely, that the earl of March the Scot, 

The earl of March.  
Tho. Walsi.   perceiving their purpose, withdrew the king from that side of the field (as some writ) for his great benefit and safeguard (as it appeared) for they gave such a violent onset upon them that stood about the king's standard, that slaying his standard-bearer sir Walter Blunt, and overthrowing the standard, they made slaughter of all those that stood about it, as the earl of Stafford, that day made by the king constable of the realm, and diverse other.  
The prince that day holp his father like a lusty young gentleman: 
Hall. The valiance of the young prince.  for although he was hurt in the face with an arrow, so that diverse noble men that were about him, would have conveyed him forth of the field, yet he would not suffer them so to do, lest his departure from amongst his men might happily have stricken some fear into their hearts: and so without regard of his hurt, he continued with his men, & never ceased, either to fight where the battle was most hot, or to encourage his men where it seemed most need. This battle lasted three long hours, 
A sore battle & well maintained.  with indifferent fortune on both parts, till at length, the king crying saint George victory, broke the array of his enemies, and adventured so far, that (as some writ) the earl Dowglas strake him down, 
The valiant doings of the earl Dowglas.  & at that instant slew sir Walter Blunt, and three other, appareled in the king's suit and clothing, saying: I marvel to see so many kings thus suddenly arise one in the neck of an other. The king in deed was raised, & did that day many a noble feat of arms, for as it is written, he slew that day with his own hands six and thirty persons of his enemies. 

The high manhood of the king.  
The lord Persie slain.   The other on his part encouraged by his doings, fought valiantly, and slew the lord Persie, called sir Henry Hotspurre. To conclude, the king's enemies were vanquished, and put to flight, in which flight, the earl of Dowglas, for haste, falling from the crag of an high mounteine, broke one of his cullions, 
The earl Dowglas taken prisoner.  and was taken, and for his valiantness, of the king frankly and freely delivered.  
There was also taken the earl of Worcester, 
The earl of Worcester taken.  the procuror and setter forth of all this mischief, sir Richard Uernon, and the baron of Kinderton, with diverse other. There were slain upon the king's part, beside the earl of Stafford, 
Knights slain on the king's part.  to the number of ten knights, sir Hugh Shorlie, sir john Clifton, sir john Cokaine, sir Nicholas Gausell, sir Walter Blunt, sir john Caluerleie, sir john massy of Podington, sir Hugh Mortimer, and sir Robert Gausell, all the which received the same morning the order of knighthood: sir Thomas Wendesleie was wounded to death, and so passed out of this life shortly after. There died in all upon the king's side sixteen hundred, and four thousand were grievously wounded. On the contrary side were slain, besides the lord Persie, the most part of the knights and esquires of the county of Chester, to the number of two hundred, 
The slaughter of Cheshire men at this battle.  besides yeomen and footmen, in all there died of those that fought on the Perseus' side, about five thousand. This battle was fought on Marie Magdalene even, being saturday. Upon the monday following, 
The earl of Worcester and others beheaded.  the earl of Worcester, the baron of Kinderton, and sir Richard Uernon knights, were condemned and beheaded. The earls head was sent to London, there to be set on the bridge.  
The earl of Northumberland was now marching forward with great power, which he had got thither, either to aid his son and brother (as was thought) or at the least towards the king, to procure a peace: but the earl of Westmoreland, and sir Robert Warerton knight, 
The earl of Westmoreland raiseth a power against the earl of Northumberland.  had got an army on foot, and meant to meet him. The earl of Northumberland, taking neither of them to be his friend, turned suddenly line 10 back, and withdrew himself into Warkewoorth castle. The king having set a stay in things about Shrewesburie, went strait to York, from whence he wrote to the earl of Northumberland, 
The king goeth to York.  willing him to dismiss his companies that he had with him, and to come unto him in peaceable wise. The earl upon receipt of the king's letters came unto him the morrow after saint Laurence day, 
The earl of Northumberland cometh to the king.  having but a few of his servants to attend him, and so excused himself, that the king (because the earl had Berwick line 20 in his possession, and further, had his castles of Alnewike, Warkewoorth, and other, fortified with Scots) dissembled the matter, gave him fair words, and suffered him (as saith Hall) to departed home, although by other it should seem, that he was committed for a time to safe custody.  
The king returning forth of Yorkshire, determined to go into North-wales, to chastise the presumptuous doings of the unruly Welshmen, who (after his coming from Shrewesburie, 
The Welshmen molest the English subjects.  and the marches line 30 there) had done much harm to the English subjects. But now where the king wanted money to furnish that enterprise, and to wage his soldiers, there were some that counseled him to be bold with the bishops, and supply his want with their surplusage. But as it fortuned, the archbishop of Canturburie was there present, who in the name of all the rest boldly made answer, that none of his province should be spoiled by any of those naughty disposed persons; 
It was spoken like a prelate.  but that first with hard stripes they should understand the line 40 price of their rash enterprise. But the king nevertheless so used the matter with the bishops for their good wills, that the archbishop at length to pleasure him, calling the clergy together, 
A tenth levied of the clergy.  got a grant of a tenth, towards the king's necessary charges.  
The Britaines under the conduct of the lord of Cassils', spoiled and burnt the town of Plymouth, and returned without receiving any damage, but immediately thereupon, the western men manning forth a fleet, under the government of one line 50 William Wilford esquire, 

William Wilford.  
Ships taken.   made sail over to the coasts of Britain, where they took above forty ships laden with oil, soap, and Rochel wine, to the quantity of a thousand tun, or much thereabouts. In returning homewards, they burned forty other vessels, and landing at Pennarch, they burned towns and villages six leagues within the country, together with the town of saint Matthew, and all the buildings there, three leagues round about the same town. About the feast of All saints, a parliament began line 60 at Coventrie, 
Anno Reg. 5. A parliament at Coventrie.  and continued there till saint Andrew's tide: but at length, because victuals waxed dear, and lodging was streict, it was adjourned from thence unto London, 
Adiorned to London. A pardon.  there to begin again in the octaves of the epiphany. The same time, a pardon was granted and proclaimed, for all such as had taken part with the Perseus' against the king, and likewise for other offenders, those excepted that had consented to betray Calis, whom the king sent thither to suffer for their offences. A little before Christmas the Frenchmen meant to have rob and spoiled the isle of Wight, 
Frenchmen invade the isle of Wight.  but when a thousand of them were set on land, and had got together a great booty of cattle, suddenly there came upon them such number of people that they were constrained to withdraw to their ships, leaving their prey behind them, and no small number of their men to pay for their shot, so that they won little by that journey, 
They are repelled.  returning home with shame and dishonour.  
This year in the parliament holden at London (beginning the morrow after the feast of saint Hilary, year 1404 and continuing twelve weeks) the earl of Northumberland was restored unto his former dignities, lands and goods, 
The parliament beginneth again. The earl of Northumberland restored▪ The Isle of man..  the isle of Man only excepted, which by reason of the forfeiture made by the earl of Salisbury, the king had first given unto him, and now deprived him thereof, where all his other lands, possessions, and livings were wholly to him and his heirs restored. By authority of the same parliament a subsidy was also granted to the king, 
A subsidy.  of every knight's fee twenty shillings, whether the same were holden of him by menaltie, or otherwise. Moreover, every man and woman that might dispend in lands the value of twenty shillings & so upward, above the reprises, whether the same lands belonged to the lay fee, or to the church, paid for every pound twelve pence: and those that were valued to be worth in goods twenty pounds and upwards, paid also after the rate of lands, that is, twelve pence for every pound. 
Abr. Fl. out of Tho. Walsin. Hypod. pag. 164.  ¶ This seemeth to be that subsidy which Thomas Walsingham calleth a sore surcharging subsidy, or an unaccustomed tax: the form and manner whereof (saith he) I had here interlaced, but that the very granters and authors thereof had rather that the posterity should be utterly ignorant thereof, and never hear of it; sithence it was granted upon this condition, that hereafter it should not be drawn into example; neither might the evidences thereof be kept in the king's treasury, nor in the excheker; but the records thereof presently (after the just accounts given up) burned; neither should writs or commissions be sent abroad against the collectors or inquirers hereof for their better inquest.  
The Frenchmen about the same time came before the isle of Wight with a great navy, 
The Frenchmens demand of the isle of Wight.  and sent certain of their men to the shore, to demand in name of king Richard, and of his wife queen Isabella, a tribute or special subsidy in money, of the inhabitants of that I'll; who answered, 
The answer of the Ilandmen.  that king Richard was dead, and queen Isabella sometime his wife had been sent home to her parents and country, without condition of any dowry or tribute: wherefore, they answered reasonably, that none they would give: but if the Frenchmen had desire to fight, they willed them to come on land, and there should be none to resist them; and after they were on land, they promised to give them respite for six hours space to refresh themselves, and that time being once expired, they should not fail to have battle. When the Frenchmen heard of this stout answer made by the Ilandmen, they had no lust to approach near to the land, but returned without further attempt.  
About this season, the duke of Orleans, 
The duke of Orleans his challenge.  brother to the French king, a man of no less pride than haughtiness of courage, wrote letters to king Henry, advertising him, that for the love he bore to the noble feats of chivalry, he could imagine nothing either more honourable or commendable to them both, than to meet in the field each part with an hundred knights and esquires, all being gentlemen, both of name and arms, armed at all points, and furnished with spears, axes, swords, and daggers, and there to fight and combat to the yielding; and every pers●n, to whom God should send victory, to have his ●●isoner, & him to ransom at hi● pleasure, offering ●●●selfe with his company to come to his city of Angulesine, so that the king would come to the lands of Bordeaux, and there defend this challenge.  

The answer of king Henry.  The king of England gravely answered hereunto, that he marveled why the duke under colour of doing deeds of arms for a vainglory, would now seek to break the peace betwixt the realms of England and France, he being sworn to maintain the same peace, sith he might further understand, that no king anointed, of very duty, was bound to answer any challenge, but to his peer of equal state and dignity: and further declared, that when opportunity served, he would pass the sea, and come into his country of Gascoigne, with such company line 10 as he thought convenient, and then might the duke set forward with his band, for the accomplishing of his courageous desire, promising him in the word of a prince, not thence to departed, till the duke either by fulfilling his own desire in manner aforesaid, or by singular combat between them two only, for avoiding of more effusion of Christian blood, should think himself fully satisfied. To this and much more contained in the king's answer, the duke replied, and the king again rejoined, not without line 20 tawnts and checks unfitting for their estates. The duke of Orleans offended highly (as he might seem) furnished against the king of England with an army of six thousand men, 
The duke of Orleans besiegeth Uergi in Guien.  entered into Guien, and besieged the town of Uergi, whereof was captain sir Robert Antlfield, a right hardy and valiant knight, having with him only three hundred Englishmen, which defended the fortress so manfully, that the duke (after he had lain three months) and lost many of his men, without honour or spoil returned line 30 into France.  
After this, the admiral of Britain highly encouraged, for that the last year he had taken certain English ships laden with wines, accompanied with the lord du castle, a valiant baron of Britain, and twelve hundred men of arms, sailed forth with thirty ships from S. Malos, and came before the town of Dartmouth, and would have landed; but by the puissance of the townsmen and aid of the country, they were repelled, in the which conflict, the lord du line 40 castle, 
The lord du castle slain.  and two of his brethren, with four hundred other were slain, and above two hundred taken prisoners and put to their ransoms, amongst whom the lord of Baqueville the marshal of Britain was one. 
Owen Glendouer wasted the English marches.  All this summer, Owen Glendouer and his adherents, rob, burned, and destroyed the country's adjoining near to the places where he haunted, and one while by sleight & guileful policy, an other while by open force, he took and slew many Englishmen, line 50 brake down certain castles which he won, and some he fortified and kept for his own defence. john Trenor bishop of Assaph, considering with himself how things prospered under the hands of this Owen, fled to him, and took his part against the king. About the same time, the Britain's and the Flemings took certain ships of ours laden with merchandise, 
Cruelty of the Britain's & Flemings.  and slew all the mariners or else hanged them.  
Also, the old countess of Oxford, mother to Robert line 60 Ueere late duke of Ireland, 
The ●●untes of Oxford.  that died at Louvain, caused certain of her servants, and other such as she durst trust, to publish and brute abroad, through all the parts of Essex, 
K. Richard once again alive.  that king Richard was alive, and that he would shortly come to light, and claim his former estate, honour, and dignity. She procured a great number of hearts to be made of silver and gold, such as king Richard was wont to give unto his knights, esquires, & friends, to wear as cognisances, to the end that in bestowing them in king Richard's name, she might the sooner allure men to further her lewd practices: and where the fame went abroad, that king Richard was in Scotland with a great power of Frenchmen and Scots, ready to come to recover his realm, many gave the more light credit unto this brute thus set forth by the said countess.  
The persuasions also of one Serlo, 
Serlo one of K. Richard's chamber.  that in times past was one of king Richard's chamber, greatly increased this error; for the same Serlo, hearing in France (whither he was fled) that his master king Richard was in Scotland alive, conveyed himself thither, to understand the truth of that matter, and finding there one indeed that greatly resembled him in all lineaments of body, but yet was not the man himself (as he well perceived) upon malice that he bore to king Henry, advertised by letters sent unto diverse of king Richard's friends, that he was alive indeed, and shortly would come to show himself openly to the world, when he had once made his way ready to recover his kingdom, to the confusion of his enemies, and comfort of his friends. These forged inventions caused many to believe the brute raised by the countess of Oxford, for the which they came in trouble, were apprehended and committed to prison. 
The countess of Oxford committed to prison.  The countess herself was shut up in close prison, and all her goods were confiscate, and her secretary drawn and hanged, that had spread abroad this feigned report, in going up and down the country, blowing into men's ears that king Richard was alive, & affirming that he had spoken with him in such a place and in such a place, 
Her secretary executed.  appareled in this raiment and that raiment, with such like circumstances.  
About the feast of saint john Baptist, at the king's commandment, 
The earl of Northumberland cometh to the king.  the earl of Northumberland came to Pomfret, and brought with him his nephews, and his nephews sons, whereby he cleared himself of a great deal of suspicion, many doubting before his coming that he had given evil counsel to the young men, whereby to move them to rebellion, and to withstand the king. Sir William Clifford also came with the earl, 
Sir William Clifford bringeth Serlo to the king.  and brought the foresaid Serlo with him, whom he had apprehended upon his coming to him at Berwick, in hope to have found succour at his hands: in consideration whereof the king pardoned the said sir William Clifford of his disobedience showed, in keeping the castle of Berwick against him, in which doing he had committed manifest treason.  
This Serlo being known to be the man that had been the chief murderer of the duke of Gloucester, 
Serlo examined for the duke of Glocesters' death.  when he was made away at Calis, was diligently examined, who were helpers with him in the execution thereof, and after what sort they made him away: Serlo knowing there was no way with him but death, would not utter any other, but confessed for his own part, he was worthy for that wicked deed to die ten thousand deaths, and showed such outward appearance of repentance, that many sore lamented his case, and promised to hire priests to sing masses, (as the manner was) for his soul, of their own costs and charges. He was condemned to die at Pomfret, and was drawn from thence through every good town, 
He is drawn through every good town. He is executed at London.  through which those that had the conveyance of him passed with him till they came to London, where he was executed, confessing every thing to be true concerning his wicked pretence, as before is recited: and further, that when he perceived how their counterfeit practice would come to light and he openly revealed, he meant to have returned into France, but wanting money, he thought to have been relieved with some portion at the hand of the said sir William Clifford, and this caused him to come unto Berwick, to show him his necessity, who to make his own peace, did apprehend him, and present him to the king, as before ye have heard.  
King Henry wanting money in the feast of saint Faith the virgin, 
Anno Reg. 6.  assembled at Coventrie his high court of parliament, in the which, the lord Stephan Scroop of Masham, and the lord Henry Fitz Hugh obtained first to have places of barons. Moreover, it is to be noted, 
The l●ymens parliament.  that this was called The lay man's parliament, because the sheriffs were appointed to have a special regard, that none should be chosen knights for the counties, nor burgesses for the cities and towns, that had any skill in the laws of the land. This was done, and when they came together to talk of the weighty affairs of the realm, specially line 10 how the king might be relieved with money, to bear such charges as he was known to be at, as well in defending the realm from the Scots and Welshmen at home, as from the Britain's, Flemings, and Frenchmen abroad, it was thought most expedient, 
Strife betwixt the laity and spirituality.  that the spirituality should be deprived of their temporal possessions, to the relief of the king's necessity. Hereupon rose great altercation betwixt the clergy and the laity; the knights affirming, that they had oftentimes served the king, not only line 20 with their goods, but also with their persons in great dangers and jeopardies, whilst the spirituality sat at home, 
The archbishop of Canturburie answereth for his brethren.  and holp the king nothing at all. Thomas Arundel archbishop of Canturburie stoutly answered hereunto, that the clergy had alway given to the king as much as the laity had done, considering they had oftener given their tenths to him than the laity their fiftéens: also, that more of their tenants went forth into the king's wars, than the tenants of them of the lay fee: beside this, they prayed line 30 day and night for the kings good success against his enemies.  
When the speaker named sir john Cheinie, in replying by plain speech, 
Sir john Cheinie speaker of the parliament.  seemed little to esteem such prayers of the church, the archbishop was set in a great chafe, and with sharp words declaring what he thought must needs follow, both of the king and kingdom, when prayers and suffrages of churchmen came to be so little set by, he grew to such impatiency, that he flatly told the speaker, that although he line 40 seemed little to esteem of the religion of the clergy, he would not have him to think, 
The archb. chafeth.  that he should take away the possessions of the church, without finding such as would seek to withstand him, 
He spoke like a ●ord  for if (said he) the archbishop of Canturburie may live, thou shalt have hot taking away any manner of thing that is his. After this, when the archbishop perceived that the king winked at these matters, he rose from his place and coming before the king, kneeled down, and besought him to consider, how through the favour line 50 and grace of the almighty God, he had attained to the kingdom, and therefore he ought to remember his first purpose and intent, which was, to save unto every man his right, so far as in him say.  
He willed him likewise to have in consideration the oath which he willingly had received, that is, that he should advance the honour of the church, and the ministers thereof cherish and maintain. Also, to have in mind the danger and dishonour that redounded to such as broke their oaths: so that he besought him to line 60 permit and suffer the church to enjoy the privileges and liberties, which in time of his predecessors it had enjoyed, requesting him to stand in awe of that king, by whom all kings did reign; and to fear the censures and condemnation that those incurred, which took and bereft from the church any good or right belonging to it, who most certainly (said he) are accursed. When the archbishop had used this, or the like speech, 
The king's answer to the archbishop.  the king commanded him to go to his seat again, assuring him, that his intent and purpose was to leave the church in as good state, or better, than he found it.  
The archbishop herewith turning to the knights and burgesses of the parliament, said unto them; You, and such other as you be, have given counsel unto the king and his predecessors, to confiscate and take into their hands the goods and possessions of the celles, which the Frenchmen and Normans possessed here in England, and affirmed that by the same he and they should heap up great riches, and indeed those goods and possessions (as is to be proved) were worth many thousands of gold: and yet it is most true, that the king at this day is not half one mark of silver the richer thereby, for you have begged and gotten them out of his hands, and have appropriated the same unto yourselves, so that we may conjecture very well, that you request to have our temporalties, not to advance the king's profit, but to satisfy your own greedy covetousness, for undoubtedly if the king (as God forbidden he should) did accomplish your wicked purposes and minds, he should not be one farthing the richer the year next after: and truly, sooner will I suffer this head of mine to be cut off from my shoulders, than that the church should lose the least right that appertaineth to it.  
The knights said little, but yet they proceeded in their suit to have their purpose forward, which the archbishop perceiving (as an other Argus, having his eye on each side, to mark what was done) laboured so to disappoint their doings, that he won the favour of certain of the temporal lords to assist him, who constantly avouched by their consents, that the church should never be spoiled of the temporalties, and herein they acquitted the archbishop and prelates, one pleasure for an other, which they had done for them before, when the commons in this parliament required, that all such lands and revenues as sometime belonged to the crown, and had been given away, either by the king, or by his predecessors king Edward, and king Richard, should be again restored to the kings use; unto which request, the archbishop and other the prelates would in no wise consent: thus by the stout diligence of the archbishop Arunde●● that petition of the commons, touching the spiritual temporalties, came to none effect. [Yea the knights themselves, 
Abr. Fl. o●t of Thom. Walfi. Hypod. pag. 167.  who very instantly had stood in this error, acknowledging their maliciousness & guiltiness herein, besought the archbishop of Canturburie to pardon them; and gave thanks that by his courageousness the church in this so troublesome a time revived, calling to mind the saying of an ethnic, by way of application, to the said archbishops high praise: 
— sub principe duro  
Temporibúsque malis a●sus es esse bonus.]   
Two fiftéenes were granted by the commons, with condition, 
Two fiftéens granted.  that the same should be paid unto the hands of the lord Furnival, who should see that money employed for maintenance of the king's wars. Moreover, at the importunate suit of the commons, 
Letters patents revoked  the letters patents that had been made to diverse persons of annuities to them granted by king Edward and king Richard, were called in, and made void, not without some note of dishonour to the king. The clergy granted to the king a tenth and a half, 
A tenth and ● half granted by the clergy.  notwithstanding that the half of one tenth lately granted was yet behind, and appointed to be paid upon saint Martin's day now next coming. About this season, great loss happened in Kent, 
Over 〈◊〉 of the sea.  by breaking in of waters, that overflowed the sea banks, as well in the archbishop of Canturburies' grounds, as other men's, whereby much castle was drowned. Neither did England alone bewail her losses by such breakings in of the sea, but also Zealand, Flanders, & Holland tasted of the like damage.  
William Wickham bishop of Winchester, being a man of great age, deceased this year, 
The death of William Wickham.  leaving behind him a perpetual memory of his name, for the notable monuments which he erected, in building two colleges, one at Winchester for grammarians, and the other at Oxenford called the new college, purchasing lands and revenues for the maintenance of students there to the great commodity of the commonwealth: for from thence, as out of a good nursserie, have come forth diverse men in all ages excellently learned in all sciences. ¶ And here I have not thought it impertinent to speak somewhat of this worthy prelate (considering that by him so great a benefit hath returned to the commonwealth) line 10 according to such notes as I have seen collected by that painful traveler in search of antiquities john Leland, who saith, that as some have supposed, the said Wickham, otherwise called Perot, was base son to one Perot, the town-clerk of Wickham in Hampshire, of which place he took his surname, and that one master Wodall a gentleman, dwelling in the said town, brought him up at school, where he learned his grammar, and to write very fair, in so much that the constable of Winchester line 20 castle, a great ruler in those days in Hampshire, got him of master Wodall, and retained him to be his secretary, with whom he continued, till king Edward the third, coming to Winchester, conceived some good liking of the young man, and took him to his service, and withal understanding that he was minded to be a churchman, he first made him parson and dean of saint martin's in London, than archdeacon of Buckingham.  
But for so much as his service was right acceptable line 30 to the king, as he that with great dexterity could handle such affairs of the state, or other matters of charge as were committed to his hands, the king still kept him about his person, as one of his chief chapleins of household, and employed him in sundry offices, as occasions served: and first he made him surueior of his works and buildings, namely at Windsor, in repairing of that castle, and also at Quinburrough, where, by the king's appointment, a strong fortress was raised, for defence of the realm line 40 on that side. 
He was also at one time treasurer of England (as Leland gathereth.)  After this, he was advanced to the keeping of the privy seal, made overséeer of the wards and forests, also treasurer of the king's revenues in France, and at length was made bishop of Winchester. Yet the Black prince did not greatly favour him, whereupon Wickham procured to keep him occupied in wars beyond the seas. But at length john duke of Lancaster, and Alice Perers king Edward's concubine, conceiving some great displeasure against him, found mean to procure the king to line 50 banish him the realm, and then he remained in Normandy and Picardy for the space of seven years, or thereabout, and might not be restored so long as king Edward lived. But after his decease, about the second year of king Richard the seconds reign, he was restored home, and purchased a general pardon for all matters past that might be surmised against him, or laid to his charge.  
Afterwards he bore himself so uprightly in that dangerous time, when such misliking and privy envy line 60 reigned betwixt the king and his nobles, that both parts seemed to like of him, insomuch that when the king made him lord chancellor, there was not any that greatly repined thereat; and verily in that the king made choice of him before others to occupy that place, it argueth there was not so evil a disposition in the king, nor lack of discretion in order of government, as writers seem to charge him with. But where other could not so well bear injuries at others hands as happily Wickham could, the fire of dissension chiefly kindled thereof. For if the duke of Irel●nd, and the earl of Suffolk, with those of that faction could have refrained to show their displeasures, when the duke of Gloucester and other his complices pinched at them (for that they saw the king have them in more estimation than they wished) matters might have been qualified peradventure with less ado, and without danger to have ensued to either part. But howsoever it went with them, it may doubtless be easily conjectured, that Wickham was a man of singular wisdom, and politic forecast, that could from mean degree in such wise clime aloft, and afterwards pass through the chances and changes of variable fortune, keeping himself ever so in state, that he grew at length to be able to furnish the chargeable expenses of two such notable foundations which he left behind him, to make his name immortal. But leaving the consideration hereof to others, I will return to the purpose from whence I have thus far stepped.  
In this sixth year, the friday after saint Valentine's day, year 1405 the earl of March his sons early in the morning were taken forth of Windsor castle, 

The earl of Marches sons.  
Thom. Walsin.   and conveyed away, it was not known whither at the first, but such search and inquiry was made for them that shortly after they were heard of, and brought back again. The smith that counterfeited the keys, by the which they that conveyed them thence got into the chamber where they were lodged, had first his hands cut off, and after his head stricken from his shoulders. The lady Spenser, 
The lady Spenser committed to ward.  sister to the duke of York and widow of the lord Thomas Spenser, executed at Bristol (as before ye have heard) being apprehended and committed to close prison, accused her brother the duke of York, 
She accuseth her brother the duke of York,  as chief author in stealing away the said earl of March his sons. And further, that the said duke meant to have broken into the manor of Eltham the last Christmas, by scaling the walls in the night season, the king being there the same time, to the intent to have murdered him. For to prove her accusation true, she offered that if there were any knight, or esquire, that would take upon him to fight in her quarrel, if he were overcome, she would be content to be burnt for it.  
One of her esquires named William Maidstone, 
William Maidstone esquire offered to fight in his lady's quarrel.  hearing what answer his lady and mistress propounded, cast down his hood, and proffered in her cause the combat. The duke likewise cast down his hood, ready by battle to clear his innocency. But yet the king's son lord Thomas of Lancaster arrested him, and put him under safe keeping in the Tower, till it were further known what order should be taken with him, and in the mean time were all his goods confiscate. The same time was Thomas Mowbraie earl marshal accused, 
The earl marshal accused.  as privy to the purpose of the duke of York, touching the withdrawing of the earl of March his children, who confessed indeed that he knew of the duke's purpose: but yet in no wise gave his consent thereunto, and therefore besought the king to be good and gracious lord unto him for concealing the matter, and so he obtained pardon of that offence.  
The king had assembled at the same time the most part of the nobility at London, to consult with them for diverse weighty matters, concerning the state of the commonwealth, and about some aid of money which he required: but the lords showed themselves not willing to satisfy his request. 
The K. wanteth money & can get none of the lords.  He therefore caused the spiritual lords as well as the temporal, to meet at S. Albon in the Lent season, about the same matter; but yet obtained not his purpose, by reason the barons were sore against him, and so at length on Palm sunday they went their way, each man to his home, having gratified the king in nothing concerning his demand. In the mean time, to wit the fifteenth of March at a place in Wales called husk, in a conflict fought betwixt the Welshmen and certain of the prince's company, the son of Owen Glendover was taken, and fifteen hundred Welshmen taken and slain. Also in May about the feast day of S. Dunstane, was the chancellor of the said Owen taken prisoner, and a great number of other taken and slain. The prisoners were brought up to London, where the chancellor was committed to safe keeping in the Tower.  

Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. Hypod. pag. 159.  ¶ This was a shrewd discomfiture to the Welsh by the English, on whom sinister lot lowered, at such time as more than a thousand of them were slain in line 10 a hot skirmish; and such shameful villainy executed upon the carcases of the dead men by the Welshwomen; as the like (I do believe) hath never or seldom been practised. For though it was a cruel deed of Tomyris queen of the Massagets in Scythia, 
Iust. lib. 1. Herod. lib. 1. Val. Max. lib. 8. cap. 7,  against whom when Cyrus the great king of Persia came, and had slain her son, she by her policy trained him into such streicts, that she slew him and all his host; and causing a great vessel to be filled line 20 with the blood of Cyrus and other Persians, did cast his head thereinto, saying; Blood thou hast thirsted and now drink thereof thy fill: again, though it was a cruel deed of Fulvia the wife of Marcus Antonius (at whose commandment Popilius cut off the head and h●nds of that golden mouthed orator Tully, which afterwards were nailed up over the place of common plées at Rome) to hold in her hands the tongue of that father of eloquence cut out of his head after the same was parted from his shoulders, line 30 and to prick it all over with pins and néedels': yet neither the cruelty of Tomyris nor yet of Fulvia is comparable to this of the Welshwomen; which is worthy to be recorded to the shame of a sex pretending the title of weak vessels, and yet raging with such force of fierceness and barbarism. For the dead bodies of the Englishmen, being above a thousand lying upon the ground imbrued ●n their own blood, was a sight (a man would think) grievous to look upon, and so far from exciting and stirring up affections line 40 of cruelty; that it should rather have moved the beholders to commiseration and mercy: yet did the women of Wales cut off their privities, and put one part thereof into the mouths of every dead man, in such sort that the cullions hung down to their chins; and not so contented, they did cut off their noses and thrust them into their tails as they lay on the ground mangled and defaced. This was a very ignominious deed, and a worse not committed among the barbarous: which though it make the line 50 reader to read it, and the hearer to hear it, ashamed: yet because it was a thing done in open sight, and left testified in history; I see little reason ●hie it should not be imparted in our mother tongue to the knowledge of our own countrymen, as well as unto strangers in a language unknown. And thus much by way of notifieng the inhumanity and detestable demeanour of those Welshwomen, after the conflict between the English and the Welsh, whereof desultorie mention is made before pag. 520, line 60 where Edmund Mortimer earl of March was taken prisoner.  
Ualeran earl of S. Paul, by the assent of the French king, assembled five hundred men of arms, five hundred Genoese with crossbows, and a thousand Flemings on foot, 
The castle of Mark besieged about the midst of Ma●e as jac. Meir. saith. Sir Philip Hall.  with the which he laid siege to the castle of Mark, three leagues from Calis, upon the fifteenth day of julie. captain of the castle as then for the king of England was one sir Philip Hall, having with him four score archers, and four and twenty other soldiers, which defended the place so manfully, that the earl retired into the town, and there lodged, fortifying it for fear of rescue that might come from Calis. The next day he gave an other assault to the castle, and took the utter court, wherein was found a great number of horses, kine, and other cattle. The next day there issued forth of Calis two hundred men of arms, two hundred archers, and three hundred footmen, with ten or twelve wagons laden with victuals and artillery, conducted by sir Richard Aston knight, lieutenant of the English pale for the earl of Summerset, captain general of those marches.  
The Frenchmen advertised that the Englishmen were coming to remove the siege, issued not forth of their lodgings, but kept them within their closure. Nevertheless, the Englishmen shot so sharply and closely together, that the Flemings and footmen began to fly: the men of arms fearing the slaughter of their horses, ran away with a light gallop. The Genoese which had spent the most part of their shot at the assaults made to the castle, showed small resistance, and so all the number of the French part were slain and put to flight. 

The earl of S. Paul put to flight.  
ja. Meir.   The earl of S. Paul and diverse other escaped away, and by S. Omers got to Therovenne, or (as others say) to saint Omers. But there were taken to the number of three or four score, and amongst other the lord de Dampier seneschal of Ponthien, monsieur de Weriners, monsieur de Uineles, monsieur de Noielles, monsieur Iohn de Hangests captain of Bullongne, the lord de Rambures, monsieur Lionel Darreis captain of graveling, monsieur Peter Rasser captain of Arde, also Combernard captain of Tironan, Boid canon captain of Montoire, john canon captain of Lisle, Stenebecke captain of Ralingham, the bastard of Burnevill captain of Burburgh. There were slain about 60, and among them as chief sir Robert Berenguevill, the lord of Quercus, morel de Saucuses, the lord Courbet de Rempeupret, and others.  
The Englishmen had the spoil of the earls camp, and being returned to Calis, within five days after there issued forth about five hundred men, 
Arde assaulted by Englishmen.  meaning to have won the town of Arde with a sudden assault, which they gave to it in the night time. But sir Manfrid de Bois, and the lord Kigine, did so valiantly defend it, that the Englishmen with loss of forty of their men were constrained to return unto Ca●lis, after they had burnt the dead bodies in an old house, for that the enemies should not perceive what loss the Englishmen had sustained. After this, the French king, to avoid perils, laid in garrison at Bullongne, and in other places, the marquess of Pount, 
The marquess du Pount.  son to the duke of Bar, the earl of Dampnie, and sir john Harp●dan a knight of great renown and estimation. The duke of Burg●gnie likewise sent a a number of soldiers unto graveling, under the leading of one john Uandenwall, and to other fortresses alongst the coast he sent new supplies, for doubt of the Englishmen'S invasions.  
The king of England in deed hearing of the preparation made ●or war by the Frenchmen, 
An army sent to Calis and to the sea.  levied four thousand 〈◊〉 which he sent unto Calis, and to the sea, of the which 3000 were under the conduit of the king's son. The lord Thomas of Lancaster, and the earl of Kent, 
Chr. Fland. ja. Meir.  the two and twentieth daisof May (as some writ) came upon the coast of Flanders, and entering the haven of Sluis, 
The English men besieged the castle of Sluis.  burned four great ships which they found there lying at anchor. On the fift day after their coming into that haven they went on land, thinking to have fought with the duke of Burgognie. But as other writ, after they had besieged the castle that stood in the mouth of the haven, and losing three score of their men, amongst which they name one to bear the title of earl of Penbroke (whom they buried for the time in the church of Mude) five days after their coming thither they determined to departed from thence, perceiving the castle would not easily be won, but first they spoilt the country about them, and burnt Heis fleet, otherwise called Condekirke, and diverse other places thereabout.  
This done, they took up the body of him whom the Flemish writers call the earl of Penbroke, and got them again to the sea, for that they were advertised how the duke of Burgognie meant to besiege Calis. Whereupon raising their siege thus from line 10 Sluis castle, they returned unto the defence of the town of Calis, so much desired of the French nation. As they returned homewards, they met with three caricks of Genoa, of the which one having the wind with her, meant to have overthrown the ship wherein the lord Thomas of Lancaster was aboard: but by the good foresight of the master of the ship that ruled the stern, suddenly turning the same, the violent sway of that huge vessel coming so upon them, was avoided; but yet the caricke struck off the line 20 nose of the English ship, and bruised her on the side. Then began the fight very cruel, till the earl of Kent came to the rescue: and so finally after a great conflict and bloody battle betwixt the caricks and English ships, 

A great fight by sea.  
Threé caricks are taken.  
Towns in Normandy burnt.   the victory remained with the Englishmen, who taking the caricks, turned their sails towards Normandy, where they arrived and burnt the town● of Hoggue, Mountburge, Berflie, saint Petronils 〈◊〉 other, to the number of thirty six, passing forth in●● the country without resistance, the line 30 space of thirty ●iles, spoiling all that came in their way. This done, ●hey returned, and brought the caricks into the cham●er at Rye, where one of them by misfortune of fire p●●ished, to the loss & no gain of either of the parties.  
john duke of Burgogn●●●auing obtained licence to besiege Calis, 
The duke of Burgognie prepareth to besiege Calis.  prepared a●●rmie of six thousand men of arms, fifteen hundred crossbows, & twelve thousand footmen, the which being ●●sembled, and all necessary provision ready at saint ●mers, he was line 40 by the French king countermanded, 〈◊〉 not suffered to proceed any further in that weighty enterprise. And this was thought to be partly the ca●se of the malice that he conceived against the duke o● Orleans, 
The chief 〈◊〉 of the malice betwixt the dukes of Burgognie & Orleans.  supposing that through him (envying his g●●rie) he was thus disappointed of his purpose. Whi●●t such doings were in hand betwixt the English and French, as the besieging of Mark castle by the earl of saint Paul, and the sending forth of the English fleet, under the governance of the lord Thomas line 50 of Lancaster, and the earl of Kent, the king was minded to have gone into Wales against the Welsh rebels, that under their chéefteine Owen Glendouer, ceased not to do much mischief still against the English subjects.  
But at the same time, to his further disquieting, there was a conspiracy put in practice against him at home by the earl of Northumberland, 
A new conspiracy against king Henry by the earl of Northumberland & others.  who had conspired with Richard Scroop archbishop of York Thomas mowbray earl marshal son to Thomas line 60 duke of Norfolk, who for the quarrel betwixt him and king Henry had been banished (as ye have heard) the lords Hastings, Fauconbridge, Berdolfe, and diverse others. It was appointed that they should meet altogether with their whole power, upon York swold, at a day assigned, and that the earl of Northumberland should be cheefteine, promising to bring with him a great number of Scots. The archbishop accompanied with the earl marshal, devised certain articles of such matters, as it was supposed that not only the commonalty of the Realm, but also the nobility found themselves grieved with: which articles they showed first unto such of their adherents as were near about them, & after sent them abroad to their friends further off, assuring them that for redress of such oppressions, they would shed the last drop of blood in their bodies, if need were.  
The archbishop not meaning to stay after he saw himself accompanied with a great number of men, 
The archbishop of York one of the cheéfe conspirators.  that came flocking to York to take his part in this quarrel, forthwith discovered his enterprise, causing the articles aforesaid to be set up in the public streets of the city of York, and upon the gates of the monasteries, that each man might understand the cause that moved him to rise in arms against the king, the reforming whereof did not yet appertain unto him. Hereupon knights, esquires, gentlemen, yeomen, and other of the commons, as well of the city, towns and countries about, being alured either for desire of change, or else for desire to see a reformation in such things as were mentioned in the articles, assembled together in great numbers; and the archbishop coming forth amongst them clad in armour, encouraged, exhorted, 
The archbishop in armour.  and (by all means he could) pricked them forth to take the enterprise in hand, and manfully to continue in their begun purpose, promising forgiveness of sins to all them, whose hap it was to die in the quarrel: and thus not only all the citizens of York, but all other in the countries about, that were able to bear weapon, came to the archbishop, and the earl marshal. In deed the respect that men had to the archbishop, 
The estimation which men had of the archbishop of York.  caused them to like the better of the cause, since the gravity of his age, his integrity of life, and incomparable learning, with the reverend aspect of his amiable parsonage, moved all men to have him in no small estimation.  
The king advertised of these matters, meaning to prevent them, left his journey into Wales, and marched with all speed towards the north parts. Also Ralph Nevil earl of Westmoreland, 
The earl of Westmoreland and the lord john of Lancaster the king's son prepare themselves to resist the king's enemies.  that was not far off, together with the lord john of Lancaster the king's son, being informed of this rebellious attempt, assembled together such power as they might make, and together with those which were appointed to attend on the said lord john to defend the borders against the Scots, as the lord Henry Fitzhugh, the lord Ralph Eevers, the lord Robert Umfrevill, & others, made forward against the rebels, and coming into a plain within the forest of Galtree, 
The forest of Galtrée.  caused their standards to be pitched down in like sort as the archbishop had pitched his, over against ●hem, being far stronger in number of people than th● other, for (as some writ) there were of the rebels at the ●east twenty thousand men.  
Wh●● the earl of Westmoreland perceived the force of th● adversaries, 
The subtle policy of the earl of Westmoreland.  and that they lay still and attempted no●●o come forward upon him, he subtly devised how to ●uaile their purpose, and forthwith dispatched messeng●●s unto the archbishop to understand the cause as it we●● of that great assembly, and for what cause (contrary to the king's peace) they came so in amour. The archbishop answered, 
The archbishop's protestation why he had on him arms.  that he took nothing in hand against the king's peace, but that whatsoever he did, tended rather to advance the peace and quiet of the commonwealth, than otherwise; and where he and his company were in arms, it was for fear of the king, to whom he could have no free access, by reason of such a multitude of flatterers as were about him; and therefore he maintained that his purpose to be good & profitable, as well for the king himself, as for the realm, if men were willing to understand a truth: & herewith he showed forth a scroll, in which the articles were written whereof before ye have heard.  
The messengers returning to the earl of Westmoreland, showed him what they had heard & brought from the archbishop. When he had read the articles, he showed in word and countenance outwardly that he liked of the archbishop's holy and virtuous intent and purpose, promising that he and his would prosecute the same in assisting the archbishop, who rejoicing hereat, gave credit to the earl, and persuaded the earl marshal (against his will as it were) to go with him to a place appointed for them to commune together. Here when they were met with like number on either part, the articles were read over, and without any more ado, the earl of Westmoreland line 10 and those that were with him agreed to do their best, to see that a reformation might be had, according to the same.  
The earl of Westmoreland using more policy than the rest: 
The earl of Westmerlands politic dealing.  Well (said he) than our travel is come to the wished end: and where our people have been long in armour, let them departed home to their wonted trades and occupations: in the mean time let us drink together in sign of agreement, that the people on both sides may see it, and know that it is true, line 20 that we be light at a point. They had no sooner shaken hands together, but that a knight was sent straight ways from the archbishop, to bring word to the people that there was peace concluded, commanding each man to lay aside his arms, and to resort home to their houses. The people beholding such tokens of peace, as shaking of hands, and drinking together of the lords in loving manner, they being already wearied with the unaccustomed travel of war, broke up their field and returned homewards: line 30 but in the mean time, whilst the people of the archbishop's side withdrew away, the number of the contrary part increased, according to order given by the earl of Westmoreland; and yet the archbishop perceived not that he was deceived, until the earl of Westmoreland arrested both him and the earl marshal, 

The archbishop of York and the earl marshal arrested.  
Eiton.   with diverse other. Thus saith Walsingham.  
But others writ somewhat otherwise of this matter, affirming that the earl of Westmoreland in deed, and the lord Ralph Eevers, procured the archbishop & line 40 the earl marshal, to come to a communication with them, upon a ground just in the midway betwixt both the armies, where the earl of Westmoreland in talk declared to them how perilous an enterprise they had taken in hand, so to raise the people, and to move war against the king, advising them therefore to submit themselves without further delay unto the king's mercy, and his son the lord john, who was present there in the field with ba●ners spread, ready to try the matter by dint of s●●rd, line 50 if they refused this counsel: and therefore he willed them to remember themselves well; & if t●●y would not yield and crave the king's pardon, ●e bad them do their best to defend themselves.  
Hereupon as well the archbishop as the earl marshal submitted themselves unto the king, and to his son the lord john that was there present, and returned not to their army. Whereupon their troops scaled and fled their ways: but being pursued, many were taken, many slain, and many spoiled line 60 of that that they had about them, & so permitted to go their ways. Howsoever the matter was handled, true it is that the archbishop, and the earl marshal were brought to Pomfret to the king, who in this mean while was advanced thither with his power, and from thence he went to York, whither the prisoners were also brought, and there beheaded the morrow after Whitsundaie in a place without the city, 
The archbishop of York, the earl marshal, & others put to death.  that is to understand, the archbishop himself, the earl marshal, sir john Lampleie, and sir Robert Plumpton. ¶ Unto all which persons though indemnity were promised, 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Walsin. Hypod. pag. 168.  yet was the same to none of them at any hand performed. By the issue hereof, I mean the death of the foresaid, but specially of the archbishop, the prophesy of a sickelie canon of Bridlington in Yorkshire fell out to be true, who darkly enough foretold this matter, & the infortunate event thereof in these words hereafter following, saying: 
Pacem tractabunt, sed fraudem subter arabunt,  
Pro nulla marca, saluabitur ille 
* Archiepis●●●●.  hierarcha.   
The archbishop suffered death very constantly, insomuch as the common people took it, he died a martyr, 
The archbishop reputed a martyr.  affirming that certain miracles were wrought as well in the field where he was executed, as also in the place where he was buried: and immediately upon such bruits, both men and women began to worship his dead carcase, whom they loved so much when he was alive, till they were forbidden by the king's friends, and for fear gave over to visit the place of his sepulture. The earl marshal's body by the king's leave was buried in the cathedral church, many lamenting his destiny; but his head was set on a pole aloft on the walls for a certain space, till by the king's permission [after the same had suffered many a hot sunny day, and many a wet shower of rain] it was taken down and buried together with the body.  
After the king, accordingly as seemed to him goo●, had ransomed and punished by grievous fines th● citizens of York (which had borne armour o● their archbishop's side against him) he departed 〈◊〉 York with an army of thirty and seven thousa●● fight men, furnished withal provision nec●sarie, marching northwards against the earl of Northumberland. At his coming to Durham, ●e lord Hastings, the lord Fauconbridge, 
The lords executed.  sir Io●n Collevill of the Dale, and sir john Griffith▪ ●eing convicted of the conspiracy, were there beheaded. The earl of Northumberland, hearing ●at his counsel was bewrayed, and his confederates brought to confusion, through too much 〈◊〉 of the archbishop of York, with three hundred norsse got him to Berwick. The king coming ●orward quickly, won the castle of Warkewoor●. 
The earl of Northumberland.  Whereupon the earl of Northumberland, 〈◊〉 thinking himself in surety at Berwick, 〈◊〉 with the lord Berdoise into Scotland, where t●ey were received of David lord Fleming.  
〈◊〉 king coming to Berwick, commanded 〈◊〉 that kept the castle against him to render it ●●to his hands, and when they flatly denied so to do, he caused a piece of artillery to be planted against one of the towers, 
Berwick castle yielded to the king.  and at the first shot overthrowing part thereof, they within were put in such fear, that they simply yielded themselves without any manner of condition, wholly to remain at the king's pleasure. Hereupon the chiefest of them, to wit, sir William Greistoke, son to Ralph baron of Greistoke, 

The son 〈◊〉 the lord Greistoke and others put to death.  
Exton.   sir Henry Beinton, and john Blenkinsop, with four or five other were put to death, and diverse other were kept in prison. Some writ that the earl of Northumberland at his entering into Scotland, delivered the town of Berwick unto the Scots, who hearing of king Henry's approach, and despairing to defend the town against him, set fire on it and departed. There was not one house that was left unburnt, except the friars and the church.  
After that the king had disposed things in such convenient order as stood with his pleasure at Berwick, 
The castle 〈◊〉 Alnewike yielded to the king.  he came back, and had the castle of Alnewike delivered unto him, with all other the castles that belonged to the earl of Northumberland in the north parts, as Prodhow, Langlie, Cockermouth, Aluham, and Newstéed. Thus having quieted the north parts, 
The K. passes into Wales.  he took his journey directly into Wales, where he found fortune nothing favourable unto him, for all his attempts had evil success, in somuch that lo●●ng fifty of his carriages through abundance of rain and waters, he returned; 
He looseth his carriages. He retur●●●●.  and coming to Worcester, he sent for the archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops, declaring to them the misfortune that had chanced to him, in consideration whereof he requested them to help him with some portion of money, towards the maintenance of his wars, for the taming of the presumptuous and unquiet Welshmen.  
In the mean time, the French king had appointed one of the marshals of France called Montmerancie, 
H●ll. The marshal Montmerancie sent to aid Owen Glendouer.  and the master of his crossbows, with twelve line 10 thousand men to sail into Wales to aid Owen Glendouer. They took shipping at Breast, and having the wind prosperous, landed at Milford haven, with an hundred and forty ships, as Thomas Walsingham saith; though Enguerant de monstrelet maketh mention but of an hundred and twenty. The most part of their horses were lost by the way for lack of fresh water. The lord Berkleie, and Henry Pay, espying their advantage, burned fifteen of those French ships, as they lay at road there in the haven line 20 of Milford: and shortly after the same lord Berkleie, and sir Thomas Swinborne, with the said Henry Pay, took other fourteen ships, as they came that way with provision of victuals and munition forth of France to the aid of the other.  
In the mean while the marshal Montmerancie, with his army, besieged the town of Carmarden, and won it by composition, 
Carmarden won by the French.  granting to the men of war that kept it against him, licence to departed whither they would, & to take with them all their movable line 30 goods: the castle of Penbroke they assaulted not, esteeming it to be so well manned, that they should but lose their labour in attempting it. Notwithstanding they besieged the town of Hereford west, 

Hereford west manfully defended.  
Enguerant de Monstrelle● saith they burnt the towns but could not win the castle.   which nevertheless was so well defended by the earl of Arundel and his power, that they lost more than they won, and so they departed towards the town of Denbigh, where they found Owen Glendouer abiding for their coming, with ten thousand of his Welshmen. Here were the Frenchmen joyfully received line 40 of the Welsh rebels, and so when all things were prepared, they passed by Glamorganshire towards Worcester, 
The suburbs of Worcester burnt.  and there burned the suburbs: but hearing of the king's approach, they suddenly returned towards Wales.  
The king with a great puissance followed, and found them imbattelled on a high mounteine, where there was a great valley betwixt both the armies, so that either army might plainly perceive the other, and either host looked to be assailed of his adversary, line 50 & therefore sought to take the advantage of ground. Thus they continued for the space of eight days from morning till night, ready to abide, but not to give battle. There were many skirmishes, and diverse proper feats of arms wrought in that mean while, 
French lords slain.  in the which the French lost many of their nobles and gentlemen, as the lord Pa●rou●tars de Tries, brother to the marshal of France, the lord Matelonne or Martelonne, the lord de la Ualle, and the bastard of Bourbon, with other, to the number line 60 (as some have written) of five hundred. But Enguerant de monstrelet affirmeth, that upon their return into France, there wanted not above threescore persons of all their companies.  
After they had lain thus one against an other the space of eight days (as before is said) victuals began to fail, so that they were enforced to dislodge. The French and Welshmen withdrew into Wales, and though the Englishmen followed, yet impeached with the desert grounds and barren country, through which they must pass, as our fells and craggy mounteins, from hill to dale, from marish to wood, from nought to worse (as Hall saith) without victuals or succour, the king was of force constrained to retire with his army, and return again to Worcester, in which return the enemies took certain carriages of his laden with victuals. The Frenchmen after the armies were thus withdrawn, returned into Britain, 

The Frenchmen return home.  
Anno Reg. 7.   making small brags of their painful journey.  
This year at London, the earl of Arundel married the bastard daughter of the king of Portugal, the king of England and the queen with their presen●● honouring the solemnity of that feast, which was kept with all sumptuous royalty, the morrow after saint Katharins' day. ¶ And on the day of the Conception of our lady, the lady Philip king Henry's daughter was proclaimed queen of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, in presence of such ambassadors, as the last summer came hither from the king of those countries, to demand her in marriage for him, and had so traveled in the matter, that finally they obtained it. 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Walsin. Roiston burned.  ¶ On the day of the translation of saint Martin, the town of Roiston was on fire. This year the first of March a parliament began, which continued almost all this year: year 1406 for after that in the lower house they had denied a long time to grant to any subsidy: 
A parliament.  yet at length, a little before Christmas, in the eight year of his reign they granted a fifteenth to the loss and great damage of the commonalty, for through lingering of time, 
A fifteenth granted by ●he temporalty.  the expenses of knights and burgesses grew almost in value to the sum that was demanded.  
Moreover, 
A new kind of subsidy granted by the clergy.  by the clergy a new kind of subsidy was granted, to the king, to be levied of stipendary priests and friars mendicants, and other such religious men as song for the dead, celebrating (as they termed it) anniversaries: every of them gave half a mark, in relief of other of the clergy that had still borne the burden for them before. Whereupon now they murmured and grudged sore, for that they were thus charged at that present. The same time the earl of Northumberland, and the lord Bardolfe, warned by the lord David Fleming, that there was a conspiracy practised to deliver them into the king of England's hands, fled into Wales to Owen Glendouer. This cost the lord Fleming his life: 
The lord Fleming lost his life for giving knowledge to the earl of Northumberland of that which was meant against him.  for after it was known that he had disclosed to the earl of Northumberland what was meant against him, and that the earl thereupon was shifted away, certain of the Scots slew the said lord Fleming.  
Whereupon no small grudge rose betwixt those that so slew him, and the said lord Flemings friends. For this and other matters, such dissension sprung up amongst the Scotish nobility, that one durst not trust another, 
Dissension among the Scotish nobility.  so that they were glad to sue for a truce betwixt England and them, which was granted to endure for one year, as in some books we find recorded. This truce being obtained, Robert king of Scotland (upon considerations, as in the Scotish history ye may read more at large) sent his eldest son james entitled prince of Scotland (a child not past nine years of age) to be conveyed into France, 

Eleven years saith Harding.  
The prince of Scotland stayed here in England.   under the conduct of the earl of Orkenie, and a bishop, in hope that he might there both remain in safety, and also learn the French tongue.  
But it fortuned, that as they sailed near to the English coast about Flambrough head in holderness, their ship was taken and stayed by certain mariners of Clay (a town in Norfolk) that were abroad the same time; and so he and all his company being apprehended the thirtieth of March, was conveyed to Windsor, where though he had letters from his father, which he presented to the king, containing a request in his sons behalf for favour to be showed towards him, if by chance he landed within any of his dominions: yet was he detained, and as well he himself as the earl of Orkenie was committed to safe keeping in the Tower of London, but the bishop got away and escaped (as some writ) by what means I know not. By the Scotish writers we find that this chanced in the year 1404, that is, two years before the time noted in diverse English writers, as Thomas Walsingham and other. But Harding saith it was in the ninth year of king Henry's reign, to wit, in the year 1408.  
But whensoever it chanced, it is to be thought, that there was no truce at that present between the line 10 two realms, but that the war was rather open, sith diverse English rebels still remained in Scotland, 
Hall.  and were there succoured to the high displeasure of king Henry. ¶ By authority of the parliament that all this time continued, the Britons that served the queen, with two of her daughters were banished the realm. Robert Halome chancellor of Oxford, as then being in the pope's court at Rome, 
Robert Halome archb. of York.  was created archbishop of York. ¶ Moreover the same time, the pope gave unto Thomas Langlie the bishopric line 20 of Durham, which by the death of Walter Skirlow was then void. In the summer of this year, the lady Philip the king's younger daughter was sent over to her affianced husband, Erike king of Denmark, Norway, 

The king and the queen brought her to Lin where she took shipping.  
Tho. Walsi.   and Sweden, being conveyed thither with great pomp, and there married to the said king, where she tasted (according to the common speech used in praying for the success of such as match together in marriage) both joy and some sorrow among. There attended her thither Henry Bowet bishop of line 30 Bath, and the lord Richard brother to the duke of York.  
There was a justs held at London, betwixt the earl of Kent, and the earl of Marre a Scotishman; also sir john Cornwall, and the lord Beaumond, against other two Scotish knights, whereof the honour remained with the Englishmen. 
Anno Reg. 8. The duke of York restored to liberty.  In the parliament which yet continued, the duke of York was restored to his former liberty, estate and dignity, where many supposed that he had been dead long before that line 40 time in prison. Edmund Holland earl of Kent was in such favour with king Henry, that he not only advanced him to high offices and great honours, 
The earl of Kent in favour with the king.  but also to his great costs and charges obtained for him the lady Lucy, eldest daughter, and one of the heirs of the lord Barnabo of Milan, which Barnabo paid to him 100000 ducats, 
He marrieth a daughter of Barnabo lord of Milan.  in the church of S. Marry Oueries in Southwark, by the hands of Don Alfonso de Cainuola, upon the day of the solemnisation of the marriage, which was the four and twentieth line 50 of januarie.  
¶ In this year Roger of Walden departed this life; 
Abr. Fl. out o● Thom. Walsi▪ Hypod. pag. 161.  who having been tossed up and down with sundry changes of fortune, tried in a short time how inconstant, uncertain, variable, wandering, unstable, and flitting she is; which when she is thought firmly to stand, she slipperinglie falleth; and with a dissembling look counterfaiteth false joys. For by the means of her changeableness, the said Roger of a poor fellow, 
Roger of Waldens variable fortune.  grew up to be high lord treasurer of the line 60 realm, and shortly after archbishop of Canturburie; but by what right, the world knoweth; considering that the lord Thomas Arundel was then living. Anon after he was deposed from his dignity, and lead the life of an ordinary private man a long time; within a while after again he was promoted and made bishop of London, which see he had not possessed a full year, but was deprived, and Nicholas Hobwith succeeded in his room. So that hereby men are taught not to be proud of their preferment, nor to reck●● of them as of perpetuities, sithence they may be as soon dispossessed as possessed of them; and for that all estates & degrees depend upon God's power and providence, whereof the poet divinely saith, 
Ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus,  
Et certam praesens vix habet hora fidem. 
ovid. lib. ●● Pont. 4.    
In this year the seventh of May was Thomas Langlie consecrated bishop of Durham after the decease of Walter Skirlow. 
An additi●● of Fran●● Thin  In which place he continued one and thirty years. He among other his beneficial deeds beautified the church of Durham for ever with a chanterie of two chapleines. Besides which for the increase of learning (wherewith himself was greatly furnished) be built two schools, the one for grammar to instruct youth, whereby in following time they might be made more able to benefit themselves and serve their country: and the other of music, wherein children might be made apt to serve God and the church, both which schools he erected in a parcel of ground commonly called The play green. To which buildings (for he was one that delighted much therein, and like unto the philosopher Anaxagoras supposed that there was not any more earthly felicity, than to erect sumptuous palaces, whereby after their death the memory of the founders might have continuance) he added many sumptuous parts of the palace of Durham. In the town whereof he did also from the ground (of most stately stone) erect a new jail with the gatehouse to the same, in that place where of old it remained, and then by injury of time fallen down and consumed. This man enjoyed the see of Durham almost the whole time of three kings, that is; about six years and six months in the time of Henry the fourth, nine years and five months in the time of Henry the fift, and fifteen years in the time of Henry the sixth; during the government of all which princes, he was all his life time highly esteemed and reverenced for his singular wisdom, and for the great authority he bore in public, between whom and the mayor of Newcastle arose great contention, about a bridge called Tinebridge in the town of Gateshed or Goteshed, in Latin called Caput caprae. But in the year of our redemption 1416, and of Henry the fift, the fourth, and of his bishopric the eleventh, this bishop had the recovery thereof, as appeareth by the letter of attorney of the said bishop, made to diverse to take possession of the same.  
The letter of attorney whereby the bishop authorised diverse to take possession of Tinebridge.  
THomas Dei gratia episcopus Dunelmensis omnibus ad quos praesentes litterae pervenerint salutem. Sciatis quòd assignavimus & deputavimus dilectos & fideles nostros Radulphum de Ewrie chevalier senescallum nostrum Dunelmiae, Williamum chancellor cancellarium, infra comitatum & libertatem Dunelmiae, ac Williamum Claxton vicecomitem nostrum Dunelmiae coniunctim & divisim, ad plenam & pacificam seisinam, de duabus partibus medie●atis cuiusdam pontis vocati Tinebridge, in villa nostra de Gatesheved, infra comitatum & libertatem Dunelmiae existentis. Quae quidem duae partes medietatis praedictae, continent & faciunt tertiam partem eiusdem pontis usque austrum, in praedicta villa de Gatesheved. Super quas duas partes nuper maior & communitas villae Novi castri super Tinam, quandam turrim de novo aedificare caeperunt, & quas quidem duas partes cum franchesijs, iurisdictionibus, & iuribus regalibus super easdem duas partes medietatis praedictae, nuper in curia domini regis versus maiorem & communitatem dictae villae Novi castrire cuperavimus nobis & successoribus nostris episcopis Dunelmiae, & in iure ecclesiae nostrae sancti Cuthberti Dunelmiae possidendas de vicecomite Westmerlandiae, praetextu eiusdem brevis dicti domini regis sibi directi nomine nostro recipiendas; & turrim praedictam ad opus nostrum saluò & securè custodiendam. Ratum & gratum habiturus quicquid idem Radulphus, Williamus & Willielmus nomine nostro fecerint in praemissis. In cuius rei testimonium has litteras nostras fierifecimus patentes. Datum Dunelmiae line 10 per manus Williami Cancellarij nostri 26 Octobris, anno pontificatus nostri undecimo.  
According whereunto in the said year, possession was delivered in the presence of these persons, whose names I think not unmeet for their posterities cause to be remembered, being persons of good credit and of antiquity, that is to say, john Lomelie, Ralph Ewraie, Robert Hilton, William Fulthrop, William Tempest, Thomas Sureties, Robert 
* Coniers.  Cogniers, line 20 William Claxton sheriff of Durham, Robert de 
* Ogle.  Egle, john Bertram, john Widerington, and john Middleton knights of Northumberland, Christopher Morslie, Will. Osmunderlaw knights of Westmoreland; and also in the presence of these esquires, Robert Hilton, Robert Ewrie, William Bowes, john Coniers, William Lampton the elder, john de Morden, William Lampton the younger, Hugh Burunghell, john Britlie, William Bellingham, line 30 Robert Belthis, Henry Talboys; Thomas Garbois, john de Hutton, William Hutton, Thomas Cook of Fisburne, and five others. This bishop also procured certain liberties from the pope in the church of Durham, by virtue of which grant they which were excommunicate (and might not enjoy the privilege of any sacraments, in other places throughout the bishopric) should yet baptise their children in a font of that church, in an especial place appointed therefore, and also receive the other sacraments line 40 there to be administered unto them. He died the eight and twentieth of November in the year of our redemption 1437, and was buried in the church of Durham in the chanterie which he had before erected. Before whose death at his manor of Holdon he builded all the west gates there of goodly stone and lime, with the chambers thereto belonging on which he placed his arms.]  
The duke of Orleans having levied a mighty army, year 1407 
The duke of Orleans besiegeth towns in Gascoigne.  had besieged the towns of Burge and Blaie in line 50 Gascoigne, meaning with force to win the same; but so it fortuned, that for the space of eight weeks together, there passed not one day without tempest of rain, snow, and hail, mixed with winds and lightnings, which killed aswell men as cattle, by reason whereof he lost (as was reported) six thousand men, so that he was constrained to break up his camps from before both those towns, and to get him away with dishonour, for all his brags and boasts made at his first coming thither. 
Henry Pay ● valiant sea man.  The sametime, Henry line 60 Pay and certain other persons of the five ports, with fifteen ships, took an hundred and twenty poises, which lay at anchor in and about the coast of Britain, laden with iron, salt, oil, & Ro●hell wines.  
In this season also bills were set up in diverse places of London; and on the door of Paul's church, in which was contained, 
k. Richard still alive as was ●eigned.  that king Richard being aline and in health, would come shortly with great magnificence & power to recover again his kingdom▪ but the contriver of this devise was quickly found out, apprehended, and punished according to his demerits. ¶ The city of London this year in the summer was so infected with pestilent mortality, that the king durst not repair thither, nor come near to it. Whereupon he being at the castle of Leeds in Kent, and departing from thence, took ship at Quinburgh in the isle of Shepie▪ to sail over unto Lée in Essex, and so to go to P●aschie, there to pass the time till the mortality was ceased.  
As he was upon the sea, certain French pirates which lay lurking at the Thames mouth to watch for some prey, 
The king in danger to be taken by French pirates.  got knowledge by some means (as was supposed) of the king's passage, and thereupon as he was in the midst of his course, they entered among his fleet, and took four vessels next to the king's ship, and in one of the same vessels sir Thomas Rampston the king's vicechamberlaine, 
Sir Thomas Rampston taken.  with all his chamber stuff and apparel. They followed the king so near, that if his ship had not been swift, he had landed sooner in France than in Essex: but such was his good hap, 

The king escaped through swiftness of his ship.  
The lord Camois put in blame.   that he escaped and arrived at his appointed port. The lord Camois, that was commanded with certain ships of war to waft the king over (whether the wind turned so that he could not keep his direct course, or that his ship was but a slug) ran so far in the king's displeasure, that he was attached & indicted, for that (as was surmised against him) he had practised with the Frenchmen, that the king might by them have been taken in his passage.  
Ye have heard that the pope by virtue of his provision had given the archbishopric of York unto master Robert Halom; but the king was so offended therewith, that the said Robert might in no wise enjoy that benefice, and so at length, to satisfy the king's pleasure, 
Henry Bowet archbishop of York.  master Henry Bowet was translated from Bath unto York, and master Robert Halom was made bishop of Salisbury then void by removing of Henry Chichellie to S. David's. The lord Henry prince of Wales this year in the summer season besieged the castle of Abiruscwith, and constrained them within to compound with him under certain conditions for truce; 
Abiruscwith.  but the prince was no sooner from thence departed, 
Owen Glendouer.  but that Owen Glendouer by subtle craft entered the castle, put out the keepers, and charging them with treason for concluding an agreement without his consent, placed other in that fortress to defend it to his use.  
About the feast of the Assumption of our lady, that ancient warrior and worthy knight sir Robert Knols departed this life: 
Sir Robert Knols departeth this life. Bermondsey.  he was (as before ye have heard) borne of mean parentage, but grown into such estimation for his valiant prowess, as he was thought meet to have the leading of whole armies, and the rule and government of large provinces. For not long before his decease, he being governor of Aquitaine, encumbered with age, 
S. Albon.  resigned his office unto sir Thomas Belfort, a right valiant captain, and therewith returned into England, where he died at a manor place of his in Norfolk, & from thence brought to London in a litter, with great pomp and much torch light, 
He was buried in the White friars.  was buried in the church of White friars in Fleetstreet by the lady Constance his wife, where was done for him a solemn obsequy, with a great feast, and liberal dole to the poor.  
Besides the diverse noble exploits, and famous warlike enterprises achieved by this valiant son of Mars, he (to continue the perpetual memory of his name) builded the bridge of Rochester, over the river of medway with a chapel at the end thereof; he repaired also the body of the church of the White friars where he was buried, 
He built Rochester bridge commonly called Knols bridge.  which church was first founded by the ancestor of the lord Greie of Codner. He also founded a college of secular priests at Pomfret, and did many other things in his life right commendable. 
Thom. Wals.  Sir Thomas Rampston constable of the tower was drowned, in coming from the court as he would have shut the bridge, the stream being so big, that it overturned his barge. 
Anno Reg. 9  This year the twentieth of October began a parliament holden at Gloucester, but removed to London as should appear in November; for (as we find) in that month this year 1407, 
Thom. Wals. A subsidy.  and ninth of this king's reign, a subsidy was granted by authority of a parliament then assembled at London, to be levied through the whole realm.  

The lord Camois arraigned & acquitted  The lord Camois was arraigned the last of October, before Edmund earl of Kent that day high steward of England, and by his peers acquit of the offence, whereof he had been indicted (as before ye line 10 have heard) and so dismissed at the bar, was restored again both to his goods, lands, and offices. ¶ This year the winter was exceeding sharp through frost and snow that continued & covered the ground by all the months of December, januarie, February, and March, insomuch that thrushes, blackbirds, and many thousand birds of the like smaller size, perished with very cold and hunger.  
The earl of Northumberland, and the lord Bardolfe, year 1408 after they had been in Wales, in France and line 20 Flanders, to purchase aid against king Henry, were returned back into Scotland, and had remained there now for the space of a whole year: and as their evil fortune would, whilst the king held a council of the nobility at London, 
The earl of Northumb. & the lord Bardolfe return into England.  the said earl of Northumberland and lord Bardolfe, in a dismal hour, with a great power of Scots returned into England, recovering diverse of the earls castles and signiories, for the people in great numbers resorted unto them. Hereupon encouraged with hope of good line 30 success, they entered into Yorkshire, & there began to destroy the country. At their coming to Threske, they published a proclamation, signifying that they were come in comfort of the English nation, as to relieve the commonwealth, willing all such as loved the liberty of their country, to repair unto them, with their armour on their backs, and in defensible wise to assist them.  
The king advertised hereof, caused a great army to be assembled, and came forward with the same towards line 40 his enemies: but yer the king came to Nottingham, 
The sheriff of Yorkshire.  sir Thomas, or (as other copies have) Ralph Rokesbie sheriff of Yorkshire, assembled the forces of the country to resist the earl and his power, coming to Grimbaut brigs, beside Knaresbourgh, there to stop them the passage; but they returning aside, got to Weatherbie, and so to Tadcaster, and finally came forward unto Bramham more, near to Haizelwood, where they chose their ground meet to line 50 fight upon. 
His hardy courage to fight.  The sheriff was as ready to give battle as the earl to receive it, and so with a standard of S. George spread, set fiercely upon the earl, who under a standard of his own arms encountered his adversaries with great manhood. There was a sore encounter and cruel conflict betwixt the parties but in the end the victory fell to the sheriff. The lord Bardolfe was taken, but sore wounded, so that he shortly after died of the hurts. 
The earl of Northumberland slain.  ¶ As for the earl of Northumberland, he was slain outright: so that line 60 now the prophesy was fulfilled, which gave an inkling of this his heavy hap long before; 
Abr. Fl. out of Tho. Walsin. Hypod. pag. 172.  namely, Stirps Persitina periet confusa ruina. For this earl was the stock and main root of all that were left alive called by the name of Persie; and of many more by diverse slaughters dispatched. For whose misfortune the people were not a little sorry, making report of the gentleman's valiantness, renown, and honour, and applying unto him certain lamentable verses out of Lucan, saying: 
Sed nos nec sanguis, nec tantùm vulnera nostri  
Affecere senis; quantum gestata per urbem  
Ora ducis, quae transfixo deformia pil●  
Vidimus.  For his head, full of silver hoary hears, being put upon a stake, was openly carried through London, and set upon the bridge of the same city: in like manner was the lord Bardolfes. The bishop of Bangor was taken and pardoned by the king, for that when he was apprehended, he had no armour on his back. This battle was fought the nineteenth day of February. ¶ The king to purge the North parts of all rebellion, and to take order for the punishment of those that were accused to have succoured and assisted the earl of Northumberland, went to York, where when many were condemned, and diverse put to great fines, and the country brought to quietness, he caused the abbot of hails to be hanged, who had been in armour against him with the foresaid earl. 
The abbot of Hails hanged.   
In the beginning of March, 
The earl of Kent sent to the sea.  the king sent Edmund Holland earl of Kent with an army of men embarked in certain ships of war unto the sea, because he had knowledge that diverse rovers were wafting about the coasts of this land, and did much hurt. When the earl had searched the coasts, and could meet with no enemy abroad, he was advertised byespials, that the pirates hearing of his coming to sea, were withdrawn into Britain: wherefore the said earl intending to be revenged on them, whom he sought, directed his course thither, and finding that they had laid up their ships in the havens, so as he could not fight with them by sea, 
Briake in Britain assaulted by the Englishmen.  he launched out his boats, and with his fierce soldiers took land, and manfully assaulted the town of Briake standing by the sea side. They within stoutly defended themselves, doing their best to repel the Englishmen, with throwing darts, casting stones, 
The earl of Kent wounde● to death.  and shooting quarrels; in which conflict the earl received a wound in his head, so that he died thereof within five days after.  
The Englishmen not dismayed with his death, 
Briake taken by force.  but the more desirous to obtain their purpose, continued their assaults, till by fine force they entered the town, set it on fire, and slew all that made resistance; and after for want of a general to command what should be done, they being pestered with preys and prisoners, returned into England. ¶ The countess of Kent that was daughter (as ye have heard) to Bernabo viscont lord of Milan, having no issue by her husband, was now moved by the king after her husband's death, to marry with his bastard brother the earl of Dorset, a man very aged and evil visaged; whereupon she misliking him, 
The counts of Kent maketh her own choice of her second husband.  meant rather to satisfy her own fancy, and therefore chose for her husband Henry Mortimer, a goodly young bacheller, by whom she had issue a daughter named Anne, married to sir john Awbemond.  
This year, the next day after the feast day of Marie Magdalen, in a council holden at London by the clergy, 
A disputation betwixt divines of Oxford & Cambridge for their obedience to the pope.  the doctors of the universities of Cambridge and Oxenford being there, with the rest assembled, debated the matter, whether they ought to withdraw from the pope, payments of money, and their accustomed obedience, considering that contrary to his word and promise so solemnly made, and with an oath confirmed, he withdrew himself from the place where he (according to covenants) should have been present, to advance an agreement and concord in the church. ¶ Upon the even of the Nativity of our lady, there chanced such floods through abundance of rain, as the like had not been seen afore by any man then living. Also about the feast of All saints, 
Anno Reg. 10. The cardinal of Burges cometh into England in disfavor of pope Gregrie  the cardinal of Burges came into England, to inform the king and the clergy of the inconstant dealing of pope Gregory, in like manner as he had informed the French king and the Frenchmen, to the end that he might persuade both these kings which were accounted the chief in christendom, to put unto their helping hands, that the same pope Gregory might be induced to observe and perform that oath, which he had received, so as by the royal authority of those two kings, concord might be had in the church. The French king (as this cardinal alleged) following the advise of the learned men of the universities of Paris, Bologna, Orleans, Tholouse, and Montpellier, to avoid the danger of favouring schism, 
The resolution of the French king concerning the two pipes.  determined to obey neither the one nor line 10 the other that contended for the papacy, until peace and concord might be restored in Christ's church. The king understanding the purpose of the cardinal, showed him what courtesy might be devised, offering to bear his charges, so long as it pleased him to remain in England, and promising him to consider advisedly of the matter.  
This year after the epiphany, the archbishop of Canturburie called the clergy of the province of Canturburie to a convocation in Paul's church at line 20 London, year 1409 
A convocation at S. Paul's in London.  to choose sufficient persons that might go unto the general council, appointed to be kept at Pisa: hereupon were chosen Robert Halom bishop of Salisbury, 
Ambassadors appointed to go to the council at Pisa.  Henry Chichleie bishop of saint David, & Thomas Chillingden prior of Christ's church in Canturburie. The king before this had sent ambassadors unto pope Gregory, and also to the cardinals; to wit, sir john Coluill knight, and master Nicholas Rixton clerk, with letters, signifying the grief he had conceived for the inconvenience that line 30 fell in the christian commonwealth through the schism; 
The contents of the king's letters to the pope.  and withal putting the pope in remembrance what mischief and destruction of people had chanced by the same schism. These and the like matters, to utter what desire he had to have an unity in the church, he declared frankly in his letters directed to the pope, so as it might appear to the world, how soberly and modestly he sought to induce the pope to procure peace & concord in the church. ¶ Certain collections of which letters (as I find them in line 40 Thomas Walsingham) I have here set down in commendation of this king so excellently minded. 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. Hypod. pag. 159.   
An extract of the king's letter to pope Gregory.  
MOst holy father, if the seat apostolical would vouchsafe by providence to consider, how great dangers have invaded line 50 the whole world under the pretext of schism, and specially the slaughter of christian people, which is of above two hundred thousand (as it is avouched) by the outrage of wars and battle sprung up in sundry parts of the world; & now lately to the number of thirty thousand (by means of the dissension about the bishopric of Leods between two, one contending line 60 under the authority of true pope, and the other under the title of antipape) slain in a fought field, whereof we make report with grief; truly the said seat would be pensive in spirit, & with due sorrow troubled in mind; yea at the motion of a good conscience, it would rather give over the honour of that apostolical seat, than suffer such detestable deeds further to be committed, under the cloak of dissimulation, taking example of the true and natural mother, which pleading before king Solomon, chose rather to part with her own child, than to see him cut in sunder. And although by that new creation of nine cardinals, against your oath (that we may use the words of others) made by you, whereof a vehement cause of wondering is risen, it may in some sort be supposed (as it is likely) that your intent respecteth not any end of schism; yet far be it always from the world, that your circumspect seat should be charged by any person with so great inconstancy of mind, whereby the last error might be counted woorsse than the first, etc.  
An extract of the said king's letter to the cardinals.  
WE being desirous to show how great zeal we had, & have, that peace might be granted & given to the church by the consent of the states of our realm, have sent over our letters to our lord the pope, according to the tenure of a copy enclosed within these presents effectually to be executed. Wherefore we do earnestly beseech the reverend college of you; that if happily the said Gregory be present at the general council holden at Pisa, about the yielding up of the papacy, according to the promise and oath by him many a time made, to fulfil your and our desires, as we wish and bear ourselves in hand he will do; that you will so order things concerning his estate, that thereby God may chiefly be pleased, and as well Gregory himself, as we, who deservedly do tender his honour and commodity with all our hearts, may be beholden to give you and every of you manifold thanks.  
This year certain learned men in Oxford and other places, 
Wicklifs doctrine maintained by the learned.  publicly in their sermons maintained and set forth the opinions and conclusions of Wickliff. This troubled the bishops and other of the clergy sore, insomuch that in their convocation house, the six and twentieth of june, by a special mandat of the lord chancellor in presence of the procurators, regents, and others, as Richard courtney, Richard Talbot, Nicholas Zouch, Walter Midford, & such like in great multitude: sentence was pronounced by john Wells, doctor of the canon law against the books of john Wickliff doctor of divinity, 
Sentemce pronounced against Wicklifs books.  entitled De sermone in monte, Triologorum de simonia, De perfectione statuum, De ordine christiano, De gradibus cleri ecclesiae: and to these was added the third treatise, which he compiled of logic or sophistry. These books and the conclusions in the same contained, the chancellor of the university of Oxford by common consent and assent of the regents and non regents of the same university, reproved, disannulled and condemned, inhibiting on pain of the great curse and deprivation of all degrees scholastical, that none from thenceforth should affirm, teach, or preach by any manner of means or ways, the same heretical books (as they termed them) containing any the like opinions as he taught and set forth in the same books.  
This year about Midsummer, 
Fabian. justs in Smithfield.  were royal justs holden at London in Smithfield betwixt the seneschal of Heinault, and certain Henewers' challengers, and the earl of Summerset, and certain Englishmen defendants. 
Owen Glendover endeth his life in great misery.  The Welsh rebel Owen Glendouer made an end of his wretched life in this tenth year of king Henry his reign, being driven now in his latter time (as we find recorded) to such misery, that in manner despairing of all comfort, he fled into desert places and solitary caves, where being destitute of all relief and succour, dreading to show his face to any creature, and finally lacking meat to sustain nature, for mere hunger and lack of food, miserably pined away and died. This year line 10 Thomas Beaufort earl of Surrie was made chancellor, 
Anno Reg. 11. Officers made.  and Henry Scroop lord treasurer. A parliament began this year in the quindene of saint Hilary, year 1410 in which the commons of the lower house exhibited a bill to the king and lords of the upper house, 
A parliament.  containing effect as followeth.  

A supplication to the king.  

Tho. Walsi. Fabian.  TO the most excellent lord our K. and to all the nobles in this present parliament assembled, your faithful commons do humbly signify, that our sovereign lord the king might have of the temporal possessions, lands & revenues which are lewdly spent, consumed and wasted by the bishops, abbots, and prior's, within this realm, so much in value as would suffice to find and line 30 sustain one hundred and fifty earls, one thousand & five hundred knights, six thousand and two hundred esquires, and one hundred hospitals more than now be.   
The king (as some writ) upon advised consideration hereof had, 
Thom. Wals.  misliked of the motion, & thereupon commanded that from thenceforth they should not presume to study about any such matters. another thing the commons sued to have granted unto them, line 40 but could not obtain: which was, that clerks convicted should not from thence forth be delivered to the bishop's prison. Moreover they demanded to have the statute either revoked, or qualified, which had been established by authority of parliament, in the second year of this king's reign, against such as were reputed to be heretics, or Lollards. By force whereof it was provided, that wheresoever such manner of persons should be found and known to preach line 50 or teach their erroneous doctrine, they should be attached with the kings writ, and brought to the next goal: but the king seemed so highly to favour the clergy, that the commons were answered plainly, 
King Henry a favourer of the clergy.  they should not come by their purpose, but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharp for the punishment of such persons.  


john Badbie burnt.  
Tho. Walsi.   During this parliament one john Badbie a tailor, or (as some writ) a smith, being convict of heresy, was brought into Smithfield, and there in a tun or line 60 pipe burnt to death, in pitiful manner. The king's eldest son the lord Henry prince of Wales being present, 
The prince being present at the execution offereth him pardon.  offered him his pardon, first before the fire was kindled, if he would have recanted his opinions; and after when the fire was kindled, hearing him make a roaring noise very pitifully, the prince caused the fire to be plucked back, and exhorting him being with pitiful pain almost dead, to remember himself, and renounce his opinions, promising him not only life, but also three pence a day so long as he lived to be paid out of the king's coffers: but he having recovered his spirits again, 
Notable constancy of Badbie.  refused the princes offer, choosing eftsoons to taste the fire, and so to die, than to forsake his opinions. Whereupon the prince commanded, that he should be put into the tun again, from thenceforth not to have any favour or pardon at all, and so it was done, and the fire put to him again, and he consumed to ashes.  
The king demanded in this parliament, that it might be granted to him, 
The kings demand in the parliament.  to have every year in which he held no parliament a tenth of the clergy, and a fifteenth of the laity; but the estates would not agree thereunto, by reason whereof, the parliament continued till almost the middle of May. 

A long parliament.  
A fifteenth granted.   At length they granted to give him a fifteenth, not without great murmuring and grudging of the commonalty. About this season died the lord Thomas Beauford earl of Surrie. 
Earl of Surrie deceasseth.  The eleventh of April or thereabouts, the town of saint Omers was burnt by casual fire together with the abbeie, in which town was such strange and marvelous provision of engines, 

Preparation made to win Calis.  
Thom. Walsi.   and all manner of furniture and preparation for the winning of Calis, as the like had never been seen nor heard of. Some writ, that they of Calis standing in doubt of such purveyance, & great preparation devised to annoy them, procured a young man to kindle a fire, whereby all that dreadful provision was consumed to ashes, and so they within Calis delivered of a great deal of care and fear which they had thereof.  
¶ But Tho. Walsingham maketh a full & complete declaration, both concerning the duke's devise, & also of the Calesians' deliverance from the danger of the same; which because it perfecteth the report of this present matter, I have thought good to set down word for word as I find it in his Hypodigme. About the ninth of April (saith he) the town of saint Audomare was burned with the abbeie, 
Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. Hypod. pag. 175.  wherein was hidden and laid up the execrable provision of the duke of Burgognie, who had vowed either to destroy the town of Calis, or else to subdue it to the will and pleasure of the French. 
The engines of the duke of Burgognie against Cali● that shot out barrels of p●●●son.  There a great many engines to this day no where seen, there an exceeding sort of vessels containing poison in them were kept in store, which he had aforehand provided to cast out to the destruction of the said town. For he had gathered together serpents, scorpions, toads, and other kinds of venomous things, which he had closed and shut up in little barrels, that when the flesh or substance of those noisome creatures was rotten, and dissolved into filthy matter, he might lay siege to Calis, and cast the said barrels let out of engines into the town; which with the violence of the throw being dashed in pieces; might choke them that were within, poison the harnessed men touched therewith, & with their scattered venem infect all the streets, lanes, & passages of the town. In the mean time, a certain young man alured with covetousness of gold, or lead with affection and love towards the king's town, asked of the governors what reward he should deserve, that would discharge and set free the town from so great a fear, and would burn all the provision which they suspected. Hereupon they levied a sum of that yellow metal (namely gold) where with the yoongman contented, went his way, and with fire ready made for the purpose, did not only burn the said venomous matter and infected stuff, but also together with the monastery almost the whole town.]  
Moreover this year sir Robert Umfrevill viceadmerall of England, 
Sir Robert Umfrevill viceadmerall Harding.  annoyed the countries on the sea coasts of Scotland: for coming into the Forth with ten ships of war, and lying there fourteen days together▪ he landed every day on ●he oneside of the river or the other, taking preles, 
His 〈◊〉 Scotland.  spoils & prisoners; notwithstanding the duke of Albany, and the earl Dowglas were ready there, with a great power to resist him: he burned the galliot of Scotland (being a ship of great account) with many other vessels lying the same time at the Blackenesh over against Lieth. At his return from thence, he brought with him fourteen good ships, and many other great prizes of clothes, both woollen, and linen, pitch, tar, woad, flower, meal, wheat and rye, which being sold abroad, the markets were well helped thereby, 
His surname Robert Mendmarket.  so that his surname of Robert Mendmarket seemed very well to agree with his qualities, which name he got by this occasion.  
About four years before this, he burned the town of peoples on the market day, causing his men to line 10 meat the clothes which they got there with their bows, & so to sell them away, whereupon the Scots named him Robert Mendmarket. 
By what occasion he came by that surname.  Shortly after his return from the sea now in this eleventh year of king Henry's reign, he made a road into Scotland by land, having with him his nephew young Gilbert Umfrevill earl of Angus (commonly called earl of Kime) being then but fourteen years of age, 
The earl of Angus Umfrevill commonly called earl of Kime.  and this was the first time that the said earl spread his banner. They burned at that time jedwoorth, and the line 20 most part of Tividale. This year there died of the bloody flix in the city of Bordeaux fourteen thousand persons, 
1411 Anno Reg. 12.  
A great death by the flux.  and so sore raged that disease in Gascoigne and Guien, that there wanted people to dress their vines, and press their grapes.  
john Prendergest knight, & William Long scoured the seas, 
john Prendergest and William Long.  so as no pirate durst appear, but that merchants & passengers might pass to & fro in safety. But yet through disdain of some that envied line 30 their good success, the same Prendergest and Long were accused of robberies which they should practise, in spoling such ships as they met with, of diverse things against the owner's wills. Prendergest was driven to take sanctuary at Westminster, and could not be suffered to lodge in any man's house for fear of the king's displeasure, commanding that none should receive him, and so was constrained to set up a tent within the porch of saint Peter's church there, and to have his servants to watch nightly about line 40 him for doubt to be murdered of his adversaries: but his associate William Long lay still at the sea, till the lord admiral having prepared certain vessels went to the sea himself in person to fetch him: but yet he could not catch him until he had promised him pardon, and undertaken upon his fidelity that he should have no harm: but notwithstanding all promises, 

Long committed to the Tower.  
The archbishop of Canturburie not suffered to visit the university of Oxenford   upon his coming in he was shut up fast in the Tower, and so for a time remained in durance. The archbishop of Canturburie minding in line 50 this season to visit the university of Oxenford, could not be suffered, in consideration of pruileges which they pretended to have.  
The realm of France in this mean while was disquieted, year 1412 with the two factions of Burgognie and Orleans, 
France disquieted with two factions.  in most miserable wise, as in the French histories it may further appear. Neither could the king, being a lunatic person, and feeble of brain, take any full order for reforming of such mischiefs, so that the whole state of the kingdom was marvelously line 60 brought in decay: neither took those trouble's end by the death of the duke of Orleans (murdered at length through the practice of the duke of Burgognie) but rather more perilouslie increased. 
The duke of Orleans murdered.  For the young duke of Orleans Charles, son to duke jews thus murdered, allied himself with the dukes of Berrie and Bourbon, and with the earls of Alencon & Arminacke, whereby he was so strongly banded against the duke of Burgognie, whom he defied as his mortal foe and enemy, that the duke of Burgognie fearing the sequel of the matter, thought good (because there was a motion of marriage betwixt the prince of Wales & his daughter) to require aid of king Henry, who foreseeing that this civil discord in France (as it after happened) might turn his realm to honour and profit, sent to the duke of Burgognie, Thomas earl of Arundel, 
The earls of Arundel and Angus with others sent to aid the duke of Burgognie.  Gilbert Umfrevill earl of Angus (commonly called the earl of Kime) sir Robert Umfrevill, uncle to the same Gilbert, sir john Didcastell lord Cobham, sir john Greie, and William Porter, with twelve hundred archers.  
They took shipping at Dover, & landed at Sluis, from whence with speedy journeys in the latter end of this twelfth year of king Henry's reign they came to Arras, where they found the duke of Burgognie, of whom they were joyfully received, & from thence he appointed them to go unto Peron, where he assembled a power also of his own subjects, and removing from thence, he marched through the country, by roy, Bretueill, Beavois, and guysor's, till he came with his army unto Pontois, where he remained about the space of three weeks. 
Anno Reg. 13.  From Pontois the two and twentieth of October, the duke of Burgognie marched towards Paris, and passing the river of Saine at Pont Meulene, he stayed not till he came to Paris, into the which he entered the 23 of October, late in the evening. The duke of Orleans lay at the same time at saint Denis, with the more part of his army, & the residue kept the town of S. Clou, where a bridge lay over the river of Saine. 
Saint Clou taken by the help of the Englishmen.  On the 9 of November, with hard & sharp fight the Englishmen got the town of saint Clou, with the bridge, slew & drowned nine hundred soldiers that were set there to defend that passage, besides 400 that were taken prisoners. They took also above 12 hundred horses, which they found in the town, with great riches, whereof the men of war made their profit.  
Among other prisoners, sir Manserd de Bos a valiant captain was taken, 
Sir Manserd de Bos put to death.  and shortly after put to death, as diverse other were, which the Burgognians bought of the Englishmen that had taken them prisoners. The tower that stood at the end of the bridge could not be won. At an other bickering also, it chanced that the Englishmen, 
Harding.  under the leading of the earl of Angus or Kime, had the upper hand, and took many prisoners, whom the duke of Burgognie would that they should have been likewise put to death as traitors to their country, but the said earl of Angus answered for himself, and the residue of the Englishmen, that they would rather die all in the place, than suffer their prisoners to be used otherwise than as men of war ought to be, that is, to have their lives saved, and to be ransomed according as the law of arms required, and by that means they were preserved. The duke of Burgognie having the world at will (for the duke of Orleans immediately after the loss of saint Clou, departing from saint Denis, got him into the high countries) sent home the Englishmen with hearty thanks, and great rewards.  
This year, 
Recor. Turris. Creations of noblemen.  the king created his brother Thomas Beauford earl of Dorset, and his son the lord Thomas of Lancaster, that was lord steward of England, and earl of Aubemarle, he created duke of Clarence. john duke of Burgognie, having now the governance both of the French king and his realm, 
Hall.  so persecuted the duke of Orleans and his complices, 
The Orleantiall faction sueth to the K. of England for aid.  that finally they for their last refuge required aid of king Henry, sending over unto him certain persons as their lawful procurators (of the which one was called Albert Aubemont, a man of great wit, learning, & audacity) to offer in name of the confederates unto the said king Henry and to his sons, certain conditions, which were made and concluded the year of our Lord 1412, the eight of May. The names of the chief confederates were these, 
The confederates of the Orleantiall faction.  john duke of Berrie and earl of Poictou, Charles duke of Orleans, and Ualois earl of Blois, and Beaumond lord of Coucie and Ache, john duke of Bourbon, and Awergne earl of Clearmont forest, and Lisle lord of Beau●eu, and Casteau Chinon, john duke of Alencon, Barnard earl of Arminacke, and others. The effect of the articles which these confederates were agreed, upon touching their offer to the king of England, were as followeth.  

The articles of covenants which they offered to the king of England. line 10  
line 1 FIrst, they offered their bodies, finances, and lands, to serve the king of England, his heirs, and successors, in all just causes and actions, saving always their allegiance, knowing that he would not further inquire of them.  
2 secondly, they offered their sons and daughters, néeces and nephews, and all other their kinsfolks to be bestowed in marriages according to the line 20 pleasure of the king of England.  
3 thirdly, they offered their castles, towns, treasures, & all their other goods, to serve the foresaid king.  
4 fourthly, they offered their friends, allies, and well-willers to serve him, being the most part of all the nobles of France, churchmen, clerk, and honest citizens, as it should well appear.  
5 fiftly, they offered to put him in possession of the duchy of Guien, which they were ready to protest to belong unto the king of England, in like and line 30 semblable wise, in liberty and franchises, as any other king of England his predecessor had held and enjoyed the same.  
6 sixtly, that they would be ready to recognise the lands which they possessed within that duchy, to hold the same of the king of England, as of the very true duke of Guien, promising all services and homages after the best manner that might be.  
7 seventhly, they promised to deliver unto the king, as much as lay in them, all towns and castles line 40 appertaining to the royalty and signiory of the king of England, which are in number twenty towns and castles: and as to the regard of other towns & fortresses which were not in their hands, they would to the uttermost of their powers, help the king of England and his heirs to win them out of his adversaries hands.  
8 eightly, that the duke of Berrie, as vassal to the king of England, and likewise the duke of Orleans his subject and vassal, should hold of him by homage line 50 and fealty, the lands and signiories hereafter following, that is to say; the duke of Berrie to hold only the county of Ponthieu during his life, and the duke of Orleans to hold the county of Angulesme during his life, and the county of Perigourt for ever, and the earl of Arminacke to hold four castles upon certain sureties and conditions, as by indenture should be appointed. For the which offers, covenants and agreements, they requested of the king of England to condescend unto these conditions ensuing. line 60   

The conditions which they requested of the king of England.  
FIrst, that the king of England, as duke of line 1 Given should defend and succour them as he ought to do, against all men, as their very lord and sovereign, and specially until they had executed justice fully upon the duke of Burgognie, for the crime which he committed upon the person of the duke of Orleans.  
2 secondly, that he should assist them against the said duke of Burgognie and his fautors, to recover again their goods, which by occasion of the said duke and his friends they had lost and been deprived of.  
3 thirdly, that he should likewise aid them in all just quarrels, for recovering of damages done to their friends, vassals and subjects.  
4 fourthly, to help and assist them for the concluding and establishing of a firm peace betwixt both the realms, so far as was possible. ¶ And further they besought the king of England to send unto them eight thousand men, to aid them against the duke of Burgognie and his complices, which daily procured the French king to make war upon them, seeking by all ways & means how to destroy them.   
The king of England lovingly entertained the messengers, and upon consideration had of their offers, as well for that he detested the shameful murder of the duke of Orleans (which remained unpunished by support of such as maintained the duke of Burgognie, who (as it appeared) would keep promise no longer than served his own turn) as also for that the same offers seemed to make greatly both for his honour and profit, thought that by the office of a king he was bound in duty to secure them that cried for justice, and could not have it; and namely sith in right they were his subjects and vassals, he ought to defend them in maintenance of his superiority and signiory. Hereupon as duke of Guien, he took upon him to succour and defend them against all men, 
The king of England taketh upon him to defend the Orleantiall faction.  as their very lord and sovereign, and so sending away the messengers, promised to send them aid very shortly.  
This feat was not so secretly wrought, but that it was known streightwaies in France. Wherefore the French kings council sent the earl of saint Paul down into Picardy, with fifteen hundred horsemen, and a great number of footmen, 
The earl of saint Paul assaul●eth the castle of Guisnes.  who approaching to Guisnes, attempted to assault the castle, but was repelled and beaten back, so that he retired to the town of saint Quintines, as one that never won gain at the Englishmen'S hands, but ever departed from them with loss and dishonour. 
His fortune against Englishmen.  In this mean season the French king being led by the duke of Burgognie, pursued them that took part with the duke of Orleans, commonly called Arminacks, and after the winning of diverse towns he besieged the city of Burges in Berrie, coming before it upon saturday the eleventh of june, with a right huge army. Within this city were the dukes of Berrie and Bourbon, the earl of Auxerre, the lord Dalbret, the archbishops of Sens and Burges, the bishops of Paris and Chartres, having with them fifteen hundred armed men, and four hundred archers and arcubalisters.  
There were with the king at this siege, his son the duke of Aquitane, otherwise called the Dolphin, the dukes of Burgognie and Bar, and a great number of other earls, lords, knights, and gentlemen; so that the city was besieged even till within the Faux burges of that side towards Dun le roy. The siege continued, till at length through mediation of Philibert de Lignac, lord great master of the Rhodes, and the marshal of savoy, that were both in the king's camp, traveling betwixt the parties, there were appointed commissioners on both sides to treat for peace, to wit the master of the crossbows, and the seneschal of Heinalt, and certain other for the king; and the archbishop of Burges, with the lord of Gaucourt & others for the Orlientiall side. 
A peace ●●●cluded betwixt the 〈◊〉 factions o● Burgognie ● Orleans.  These coming together on a friday, the fifteenth of julie in the Dolphin's tent, used the matter with such discretion, that they concluded a peace, & so on the wednesday next following, the camp broke up, & the king returned.  
Whilst these things were a doing in France, the lord Henry prince of Wales, 
The prince of Wales accused to his father.  eldest son to king Henry, got knowledge that certain of his father's servants were busy to give informations against him, whereby discord might arise betwixt him and his father: 
john Stow.  for they put into the king's head, not only what evil rule (according to the course of youth) the prince kept to the offence of many: but also what great resort of people came to his house, so that the court was nothing furnished with such a train as daily followed the prince. 
The suspicious controversy of the king toward his son.  These tales brought no line 10 small suspicion into the king's head, lest his son would presume to usurp the crown, he being yet alive, through which suspicious controversy, it was perceived that he favoured not his son, as in times past he had done.  
The Prince sore offended with such persons, as by slanderous reports, sought not only to spot his good name abroad in the realm, but to sow discord also betwixt him and his father, wrote his letters into every part of the realm, to reprove all such slanderous line 20 devices of those that sought his discredit. And to clear himself the better, that the world might understand what wrong he had to be slandered in such wise: about the feast of Peter and Paul, to wit, 
The prince goeth to the court with a great train.  the nine and twentieth day of june, he came to the court with such a number of noble men and other his friends that wished him well, as the like train had been seldom seen repairing to the court at any one time in those days. He was appareled in a gown of blue satin, 
His strange apparel.  full of small oilet holes, at every line 30 hole the needle hanging by a silk thread with which it was sewed. About his arm he ware an hounds collar set full of SS of gold, and the tirets likewise being of the same metal.  
The court was then at Westminster, where he being entered into the hall, not one of his company durst once advance himself further than the fire in the same hall, notwithstanding they were earnestly requested by the lords to come higher: but they regarding what they had in commandment of the line 40 prince, would not presume to do in any thing contrary thereunto. He himself only accompanied with those of the king's house, was straight admitted to the presence of the king his father, who being at that time grievously diseased, yet caused himself in his chair to be borne into his privy chamber, where in the presence of three or four persons, in whom he had most confidence, 
The prince cometh to the king's presence.  he commanded the prince to show what he had to say concerning the cause of his coming. line 50  

His words to his father.  The prince kneeling down before his father said: Most redoubted and sovereign lord and father, I am at this time come to your presence as your liege man, and as your natural son, in all things to be at your commandment. And where I understand you have in suspicion my demeanour against your grace, you know very well, that if I knew any man within this realm, of whom you should stand in fear, my duty were to punish that person, thereby to remove that grief from your heart. Then how much more ought I to suffer death, to ease your grace line 60 of that grief which you have of me, being your natural son and liege man: and to that end I have this day made myself ready by confession and receiving of the sacrament. And therefore I beseech you most redoubted lord and dear father, for the honour of God, to ease your heart of all such suspicion as you have of me, and to dispatch me here before your knees, with this same dagger [and withal he delivered unto the king his dagger, in all humble reverence; adding further, that his life was not so dear to him, that he wished to live one day with his displeasure] and therefore in thus ridding me out of life, and yourself from all suspicion, here in presence of these lords, and before God at the day of the general judgement, I faithfully protest clearly to forgive you.  
The king moved herewith, 
The king's words to the prince his son  cast from him the dagger, and embracing the prince kissed him, and with shedding tears confessed, that in deed he had him partly in suspicion, though now (as he perceived) not with just cause, and therefore from thenceforth no misreport should cause him to have him in mistrust, and this he promised of his honour. So by his great wisdom was the wrongful suspicion which his father had conceived against him removed, and he restored to his favour. And further, 
E●ton.  where he could not but grievously complain of them that had slandered him so greatly, to the defacing not only of his honour, but also putting him in danger of his life, 
The prince's request to have his accusors to answer their wrongful slanders.  he humbly besought the king that they might answer their unjust accusation; and in case they were found to have forged such matters upon a malicious purpose, that then they might suffer some punishment for their faults, though not to the full of that they had deserved. The king seeming to grant his rosonable desire, yet told him that he must tarry a parliament, that such offenders might be punished by judgement of their peers: and so for that time he was dismissed, with great love and signs of fatherly affection.  
¶ Thus were the father and the son reconciled, betwixt whom the said pickthanks had sown division, 
Abr. Fl. out of Angl. praelijs.  insomuch that the son upon a vehement conceit of unkindness sprung in the father, was in the way to be worn out of favour. Which was the more likely to come to pass, by their informations that privily charged him with riot and other uncivil demeanour unseemly for a prince. Indeed he was youthfullie given, grown to audacity, and had chosen him companions agreeable to his age; with whom he spent the time in such recreations, exercises, and delights as he fancied. But yet (it should seem by the report of some writers) that his behaviour was not offensive or at least tending to the damage of any body; sith he had a care to avoid doing of wrong, and to tedder his affections within the tract of virtue, whereby he opened unto himself a ready passage of good liking among the prudent sort, and was beloved of such as could discern his disposition, which was in no degree so excessive, as that he deserved in such vehement manner to be suspected. In whose dispraise I find little, but to his praise very much, parcel whereof I will deliver by the way as a metyard whereby the residue may be measured. The late poet that versified the wars of the valorous Englishmen, speaking of the issue of Henry the fourth, saith of this prince (among other things) as followeth: 
— procero qui natu maximus haeres 
In Angl. praelijs. sub Hen. 4.   
Corpore, progressus cùm pubertatis ad annos  
Esset, res gessit multas iweniliter audax,  
Asciscens comites quos par sibi iunxerat aetas,  
Nil tamen iniustè commisit, nil tamen unquam  
Extra virtutis normam, sapientibus aequè  
Ac alijs charus.   
About the same time, john Prendergest knight, 
Sir john Prendergest restored to the king's favour is sent to sea.  being restored to the king's favour, with thirty ships scoured the seas, took good prizes of wine and victuals, which relieved the commons greatly. Amongst other enterprises, he landed upon the sudden at Craal on the fair day, took the town, and rob the fair, so as they that were come thither to sell their wares, had quick utterance and slow payment. King Henry understanding that the French king by setting on of the duke of Burgognie in pursuing the contrary faction, 
The duke of Clarence sent to aid the duke of Orleans.  had besieged the city of Burges (as before ye have heard) determined with all speed to aid the duke of Orleans, & so about the feast of the Assumption of our lady, he sent over an army of eight hundred men of arms, and nine thousand archers, under the leading of his second son the duke of Clarence accompanied with Edward duke of York, Thomas earl of Dorset, and diverse other noble men and worthy captains. They landed in the Bay de la Hogue saint Waste, in the country of Constantine. The Englishmen swarmed like bees round about the country, robbing and spoiling the same.  
Shortly after their departure from the place where line 10 they landed, 
Enguerant.  there came to them six hundred armed men of Gascoignes that were enrolled at Bordeaux. When news thereof came to the French court, being then at Auxerre, incontinently the earls of Alencon and Richmond were dispatched to go unto the English camp, 
The earl of Alencon and Richmond sent to the duke of Clarence.  because they had ever been partakers with the duke of Orleans, to give them thanks for their pains, and to advertise them of the peace that had been lately concluded betwixt the parties, and therefore to take order with them, that line 20 they might be satisfied, so as they should not spoil & waste the country, as they had begun. But whereas the Englishmen were greedy to have, and the duke of Orleans was not rich to pay, they marched on towards Given in good order, 
The duke of Clarence marcheth toward Guien.  and what by sacking of towns, and ransoming of rich prisoners, they got great treasure, and many good preys and booties.  
Being passed the river of Loire they spoilt the town of Beaulieu, 
Enguerant.  and with fire and sword wasted line 30 the countries of Touraine and main. The lord de Rambures appointed to resist such violence, 
The lord of Rambures.  was easily vanquished. Moreover, to the aid of the duke of Orleans, 
The earls of Kent & Warwick sent over to Calis.  the king of England sent over to Calis the earls of Kent and Warwick, with two thousand fight men, which spoiled and wasted the country of Bullennois, burned the town of Samer de Bois, and took with assault the fortress of Russalt, and diverse other. 
Fabian. Coin changed.  This year, the king abased the coins of his gold and silver, causing the same to be currant in line 40 this realm, at such value as the other was valued before, where indeed the noble was woorsse by four pence than the former, and so likewise of the silver, the coins whereof he appointed to be currant after the same rate. 

Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 388.  
Three floods without ebbing between.   ¶ In this year, and upon the twelfth day of October, were three floods in the Thames, the one following upon the other, & no ebbing between: which thing no man then living could remember the like to be seen.  
¶ In this king's time, and in the eighth year of his line 50 reign (as Richard Grafton hath recorded) a worthy citizen of London named Richard Whitington, 
Abr. Fl. out of R. Grafton. pag. 433, 434. in folio.  mercer and alderman, was elected mayor of the said city, and bore that office three times. This man so bestowed his goods and substance, that he hath well deserved to be registered in chronicles. First he erected one house or church in London to be a house of prayer, 
Whitington college erected.  and named the same after his own name, Whitington college, remaining at this day. In the said church, besides certain priests and clerks, he placed line 60 a number of poor aged men and women, builded for them houses and lodgings, and allowed them wood, coals, cloth, and wéekelie money to their great relief and comfort. 
Charity.  This man also at his own cost builded the gate of London called Newgate in the year of our Lord 1422, 
Newgate builded.  which before was a most ugly and loathsome prison. He also builded more than the half of S. Bartholomews' hospital in west Smithfield. 
S. bartholomew's hospital  He builded likewise the beautiful library in the grey friars in London now called Christ's hospital, standing in the north part of the cloister thereof, where in the wall his arms be graven in stone. He also builded for the ease of the mayor of London, his brethren, and the worshipful citizens, on the solemn days of their assembly, 
Guildhall chapel.  a chapel adjoining to the Guildhall; to the intent that before they entered into any of their worldly affairs, they should begin with prayer and invocation to God for his assistance: at the end joining to the south part of the said chapel, he builded for the city a library of stone, for the custody of their records and other books. He also builded a great part of the east end of Giuldhall; 
Guildhall enlarged.  and did many other good deeds worthy of imitation. By a writing of this man's own hand, which he willed to be fixed as a schedule to his last will and testament, it appeareth what a pitiful and relenting heart he had at other men's miseries, and did not only wish but also did what he could procure for their relief. In so much that he charged and commanded his executors, as they would answer before God at the day of the resurrection of all flesh, that if they found any debtor of his, whom if in conscience they thought not to be well worth three times as much as they ought him, and also out of other men's debt, and well able to pay, that then they should never demand it; for he clearly forgave it: and that they should put no man in suit for any debt due to him. A worthy memorial of a notable minded gentleman.  
ye have heard how the duke of Clarence and his army did much hurt in the realm of France, 
Anno Reg. 14.  in places as he passed: whereupon at length, 
The duke of Orleans cometh to the English army.  the duke of Orleans being earnestly called upon to dispatch the Englishmen out of France, according to an article comprised in the conclusion of the peace, he came to the duke of Clarence, rendering to him and his army a thousand gramersies, and disbursed to them as much money as he or his friends might easily spare; and for the rest being two hundred and nine thousand franks remaining unpaid, he delivered in gage his second brother, john duke of Angolesme, which was grandfather to king Francis the first, that reigned in our days, sir marcel de Burges, and sir john de Samoures, sir Archembald Uiliers, and diverse other, which earl continued long in England, as after shall appear. When this agreement was thus made betwixt the dukes of Orleans and Clarence, the English army with rich preys, booties and prisoners came to Bordeaux, making war on the frontiers of France, to their great gain. 
The lord of Helie marshal of France.  In this mean while, the lord of Helie, one of the marshals of France, with an army of four thousand men, besieged a certain fortress in Guien, which an English knight, one sir john Blunt kept, who with three hundred men that came to his aid, discomfited, chased, 
Sir john Blunt.  and overthrew the French power, took prisoners twelve men of name, and other gentlemen to the number of six score, and amongst other, the said marshal, who was sent over into England, and put in the castle of Wissebet, from whence he escaped, and got over into France, where serving the duke of Orleans at the battle of Agincort, he was slain among other.  
In this fourteenth and last year of king Henry's reign, 
Fabian. The k. mea●● to have made a journey against the Infidels.  a council was holden in the white friars in London, at the which, among other things, order was taken for ships and galleys to be builded and made ready, and all other things necessary to be provided for a voyage which he meant to make into the holy land, there to recover the city of jerusalem from the Infidels. For it grieved him to consider the great malice of christian princes, that were bend upon a mischéefous purpose to destroy one another, to the peril of their own souls, rather than to make war against the enemies of the christian faith, as in conscience (it seemed to him) they were bound. He held his Christmas this year at Eltham, 
The king is vexed with sickness.  being sore vexed with sickness, so that it was thought sometime, that he had been dead: notwithstanding it pleased God that he somewhat recovered his strength again, and so passed that Christmas with as much joy as he might.  
The morrow after Candlemas day began a parliament, 
141●  which he had called at London, but he departed this life before the same parliament was ended: 
A parliament.  for now that his provisions were ready, and that he was furnished with sufficient treasure, soldiers, captains, victuals, munitions, tall ships, strong galleys, line 10 and all things necessary for such a royal journey as he pretended to take into the holy land, he was eftsoons taken with a sore sickness, which was not a leprosy, 
The K. sick of an apoplexy. 〈◊〉.  stricken by the hand of God (saith master Hall) as foolish friars imagined; but a very apoplexy, of the which he languished till his appointed hour, and had none other grief nor malady; so that what man ordaineth, God altereth at his good will and pleasure, not giving place more to the prince, than to the poorest creature living, when he seeth his time to dispose line 20 of him this way or that, as to his omnipotent power and divine providence seemeth expedient. During this his last sickness, 
H●ll.  he caused his crown (as some writ) to be set on a pillow at his bed's head, and suddenly his pangs so sore troubled him, that he lay as though all his vital spirits had been from him departed. Such as were about him, thinking verily that he had been departed, covered his face with a linen cloth.  
The prince his son being hereof advertised, entered line 30 into the chamber, 
The prince ta●et● away the crown before his father was dead  took away the crown, and departed. The father being suddenly revived out of that trance, quickly perceived the lack of his crown; and having knowledge that the prince his son had taken it away, caused him to come before his presence, requiring of him what he meant so to misuse himself. 
〈◊〉 is blamed of the king. His answer.  The prince with a good audacity answered; Sir, to mine and all men's judgements you seemed dead in this world, wherefore I as your next heir apparent took that as mine own, and not as line 40 yours. Well fair son (said the king with a great sigh) what right I had to it, 
A guilty conscience in extremity of sickness pin●heth sore.  God knoweth. Well (said the prince) if you die king, I will have the garland, and trust to keep it with the sword against all mine enemies, as you have done. Then said the king, I commit all to God, and remember you to do well. With that he turned himself in his bed, 
The death of Henry the fourth.  and shortly after departed to God in a chamber of the abbots of Westminster called jerusalem, the twentieth day of March, in the year 1413, and in the year of his age line 50 46, when he had reigned thirteen years, five months and odd days, in great perplexity and little pleasure [or fourteen years, as some have noted, who name not the disease whereof he died, but refer it to sickness absolutely, whereby his time of departure did approach and fetch him out of the world: as Ch. Okl. saith, whose words may serve as a funeral epigram in memorial of the said king Henry: 

Ab●. F●. out of 〈…〉.  Henricus quartus bis septem rexerat annos  
Anglorum gentem summa cum laud & amore, line 60  
I àmque senescenti fatalis terminus aevi  
Ingruerat, morbus fatalem accerserat horam.]   
We find, that he was taken with his last sickness, 
Fabian.  while he was making his prayers at saint Edward's shrine, there as it were to take his leave, and so to proceed forth on his journey: he was so suddenly and grievously taken, that such as were about him, feared lest he would have died presently, wherefore to relieve him (if it were possible) they bore him into a chamber that was next at hand, belonging to the abbot of Westminster, where they laid him on a pallet before the fire, and used all remedies to revive him. At length, he recovered his speech, and understanding and perceiving himself in a strange place which he knew not, he willed to know if the chamber had any particular name, whereunto answer was made, that it was called jerusalem. Then said the king; laud's be given to the father of heaven, for now I know that I shall die here in this chamber, according to the prophesy of me declared, that I should departed this life in jerusalem.  
Whether this was true that so he spoke, as one that gave too much credit to foolish prophecies & vain tales, or whether it was feigned, as in such cases it commonly happeneth, we leave it to the advised reader to judge. 

He is buried at Canturburie.  
His issue.   His body with all funeral pomp was conveyed unto Canturburie, and there solemnly buried, leaving behind him by the lady Marie daughter to the lord Humphrey Bohun earl of Hereford and Northhampton, Henry prince of Wales, Thomas duke of Clarence, john duke of Bedford, Humphrey duke of Gloucester, Blanch duchess of Bavier, and Philip queen of Denmark: by his last wife jane, he had no children. This king was of a mean stature, well proportioned, and formally compact, 
His stature.  quick and lively, and of a stout courage. In his latter days he showed himself so gentle, that he got more love amongst the nobles and people of this realm, than he had purchased malice and evil will in the beginning.  
But yet to speak a truth, by his proceed, after he had attained to the crown, what with such taxes, tallages, subsidies, and exactions as he was constrained to charge the people with; and what by punishing such as moved with disdain to see him usurp the crown (contrary to the oath taken at his entering into this land, upon his return from exile) did at sundry times rebel against him, he won himself more hatred, than in all his life time (if it had been longer by many years than it was) had been possible for him to have weeded out & removed. And yet doubtless, worthy were his subjects to taste of that bitter cup, sithence they were so ready to join and clap hands with him, for the deposing of their rightful and natural prince king Richard, whose chief fault rested only in that, that he was too bountiful to his friends, and too merciful to his foes; specially if he had not been drawn by others, to seek revenge of those that abused his good and courteous nature. ¶ But now to return to the matter present. The duke of Clarence immediately upon knowledge had of his father king Henry the fourth his death, returned out of Given into England, with the earl of Angolesme, and other prisoners.  
Now will were hearse what writers of our English nation lived in the days of this king. That renowned poet Geffrie Chaucer is worthily named as principal, a man so exquisitlie learned in all sciences, that his match was not lightly found any where in those days; and for reducing our English tongue to a perfect conformity, he hath excelled therein all other; he departed this life about the year of our Lord 1402, as Bale gathereth: but by other it appeareth, 
john Stow.  that he deceased the five and twentieth of October in the year 1400, and lieth buried at Westminster, in the south part of the great church there, as by a monument erected by Nicholas Brigham it doth appear. john Gower descended of that worthy family of the gower's of Stitenham in Yorkshire (as Leland noteth) studied not only the common laws of this realm, but also other kinds of literature, and great knowledge in the same, namely in poetical inventions, applying his endeavour with Chaucer, to garnish the English tongue, in bringing it from a rude unperfectness, unto a more apt elegancy: for whereas before those days, the learned used to write only in Latin or French, and not in English, our tongue remained very barren, rude, and unperfect; but now by the diligent industry of Chaucer and Gower, it was within a while greatly amended, so as it grew not only very rich and plentiful in words, but also so proper and apt to express that which the mind conceived, as any other usual language. Gower departed this life shortly after the decease of his dear and loving friend Chaucer; to wit, in the year 1402, being then come to great age, and blind for a certain time before his death. He was buried in the church of saint Marie Oueries in Southwark. line 10  
Moreover, Hugh Legat borne in Hertfordshire, and a monk of saint Albon, wrote scholies upon Architrenius of john Hanuill, and also upon Boetius De consolation; Roger Alington, chancellor of the university of Oxford, a great sophister, & an enemy to the doctrine of Wickliff; john Botrell, a logician; Nicholas Gorham, borne in a village of the same name in Hertfordshire, a Dominike friar, first proceeded master of art in Oxenford, and after going to Paris, became the French kings confessor, and line 20 therefore hath been of some taken to be a Frenchman; john Lilleshull, so called of a monastery in the west parties of this realm whereof he was governor; Walter Disse, so called of a town in Norfolk where he was borne, first a Carmelite friar professed in Norwich, and after going to Cambridge, he there proceeded doctor, he was also confessor to the duke of Lancaster, and to his wife the duchess Constance, & a great setter forth of pope Urbans cause against the other pope's that were by him line 30 and those of his faction named the antipapes; Thomas Maldon, so called of the town of that name in Essex where he was borne: john Edo, descended out of Wales by lineage, and borne in Herefordshire, a Franciscane friar.  
Add to the forenamed, Nicholas Fakingham, borne in Norfolk, a greie friar, proceeded doctor in Oxenford, a great divine, and an excellent philosopher, provincial of his order here in England; Laurence Holbecke, a monk of Ramsey, well seen in line 40 the Hebrew tongue, and wrote thereof a dictionary; john Colton, archbishop of Ardmach; john Marry, so called of a village in Yorkshire where he was borne, a Carmelite of Doncaster; Richard Chefer borne in Norfolk, a divine, and an Augustine friar in Norwich; john Lathburie, a Franciscane friar of Reading; Nicholas Poutz; Richard Scroop brother to William Scroop, lord treasurer of England, studied in Cambridge, and proceeded there doctor of both the laws, became an advocate in the court line 50 of Rome, and afterwards was advanced to the government of the see of Coventrie and Lichfield, and at length was removed from thence, and made archbishop of York, he wrote an invective against king Henry, and at length lost his head, as before ye have heard; john Wrotham, a Carmelite friar of London, and after made warden of an house of his order in Calis.  
Furthermore, john Colbie, a Carmelite friar of Norwich; William Thorpe a northern man borne, line 60 and student in Oxenford, an excellent divine, and an earnest follower of that famous clerk john Wickliff, a notable preacher of the word, and expressing his doctrine no less in trade of life, 
Acts and moments of john Fox.  than in speech, he was at length apprehended by commandment of the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arundel, and committed to prison in Saltwood castle, where at length he died; Stephan Patrington, borne in Yorkshire, a friar Carmelite, provincial of his order through England, of which brood there were at that season 1500 within this land, he was bishop of saint David's, and confessor to king Henry the fift, about the fift year of whose reign he deceased; Robert Mascall, a Carmelite friar of Ludlow, confessor also to the said K. who made him bishop of Hereford; Reginald Langham, a friar minor of Norwich: Actonus Dominicanus; Thomas Palmer, warden of the Black friars within the city of London; Boston of Bury, a monk of the abbeie of Bury in Suffolk, wrote a catalogue of all the writers of the church, and other treatises.  
Moreover, Thomas Peverell, a friar Carmelite, borne in Suffolk, he was advanced to the see of Ossorie in Ireland by Richard the second, and after by pope Boniface the ninth removed to Landaffe in Wales, and from thence called by Henry the fourth, with consent of pope Gregory the twelve, to govern the see of Worcester, and so continued bishop of that city, until he ended his life in the year of our Lord 1418, which was about the sixth year of the reign of king Henry the fift; john Purue●e, an excellent divine, proceeded master of art in Oxenford, 
See master Fox, in hi● book of Act● and monuments.  he was apprehended for such doctrine as he taught, contrary to the ordinances of the church of Rome, and was at length compelled by Thomas Arundel, archbishop of Canturburie, to recant at Paul's cross seven special articles, he wrote diverse treatises, & was the second time committed to prison in king Henry the fift his days, by Henry Chichleie, that succeeded Arundel in government of the church of Canturburie; William Holme, a greie friar (and a good physician for curing diseases of the body, whatsoever his physic was for the soul) he lived until Henry the fift his days, and deceased about the fourth year of his reign; Nicholas Baiard, a black friar, a doctor of divinity professed at Oxenford; Thomas Rudburne, archdeacon of Sudburie, and bishop of saint David's in Wales, succeeding after Stephan Patrington, he wrote a chronicle, and certain epistles (as john Bale noteth.)  
Finally and to conclude, Nicholas Riston, who being sore grieved in mind, as diverse other in those days, to consider what inconvenience redounded to the church, by reason of the strife and brawling among the prelates for the acknowledging of a lawful pope, two or three still contending for that dignity, wrote a book, entitled De tollendo schismate; john Walter, an excellent mathematician, being first brought up of a scholar in the college of Winchester, and after studied at Oxenford; Thomas of Newmarket, taking that surname of the town in Cambridgeshire where he was borne, he for his worthiness (as was thought) was made bishop of Careleill, well seen both in other sciences, and also in divinity; William Auger a Franciscane friar, of an house of that order in Bridgewater; Peter russel a grey friar, and of his order the provincial here in England; john Langton, a Carmelite; Robert Wan●ham a monk of Cernelie in Dorsetshire, wrote a book in verse, of the original and signification of words; William Norton, a Franciscane friar of Coventrie; Hugh Sueth, a black friar, and a great preacher; Richard Folsham a monk of Norwich; Robert Wimbeldon, a singular divine, and an excellent preacher, 
Acts and monuments.  as appeareth by the sermon which he made upon this text, Red rationem villicationis tuae.  
Thus far Henry Plantagenet son to john of Gaunt duke of Lancaster.   

Henry the fift, prince of Wales, son and heir to Henry the fourth.  
HEnrie prince of Wales, son and heir to K. Henry the fourth, 
Anno Reg. 1.  borne in Wales at Monmouth on the river of Wie, after his father was departed took upon him the regiment of this realm of England, the twentieth of March, the morrow after proclaimed king, by the name of Henry the fift, in line 10 the year of the world 5375, after the birth of our saviour, by our account 1413, the third of the emperor Sigismond: the three and thirtieth of Charles the sixth French king, and in the seventh year of governance in Scotland under Robert brother to him that (before entrance into his kingdom 1390) had john to name, 
Wil Pa●ten. Buchanan. 〈◊〉 Scoticar. ●ib. 10  which by devise and order of the states was changed into Robert the third, who at Rotsaie (a town in the Island of God, 1406) deceased by occasion thus. As upon hope in this governor to himself line 20 conceived how to come to the crown, he at the castle of Falkland, lately had famished his coosine David the king's elder son and heir (a dissolute young prince) yet to his father's exceeding sorrow, at whose decease the father very careful, and casting for the safeguard of james his younger son and heir, from Basse the rock in a well appointed ship, under charge of Henry Saintcleere earl of Orkeneie, into France to his old friend king Charles for good education and safety this young prince he sent: who in the line 30 course, whether for tempest or tenderness of stomach, took land in Yorkshire at Flamborrow, that after by wisdom and good consideration of the king and his council was thought very necessary here to be retained. But by the sudden news of this stay, the father (at supper as he sat) so strooken at hart that well nigh straight had he fallen down dead, yet borne into his chamber, where for grief and pine within three days next he deceased. The young king james his son after an eighteen years stay, in which time line 40 he had been well trained in princehood, at last with right honourable marriage at saint Marie Oueries unto I●ne daughter to the earl of Summerset, coosine unto Henry the sixth then king, and with many other high gratuities here beside was sent and set in his rule and kingdom at home.  
Such great hope, and good expectation was had of this man's fortunate success to follow, that within three days after his father's decease, diverse noble men and honourable personages did to him homage, 
●omage done 〈◊〉 K. Henry before his co●●●cation.  line 50 and swore to him due obedience, which had not been seen done to any of his predecessors kings of this realm, till they had been possessed of the crown. He was crowned the ninth of April being Passion sunday, 
The day of king Henry's 〈…〉 tempestuous day.  which was a sore, ruggie, and tempestuous day, with wind, snow and sléet, that men greatly marveled thereat, making diverse interpretations what the same might signify. But this king even at first appointing with himself, to show that in his person princely honours should change public manners, he determined to put on him the shape of a new man. For whereas aforetime he had made himself a companion unto misrulie mates of dissolute order and life, 
A notable example of a worthy prince.  he now banished them all from his presence (but not unrewarded, or else unpreferred) inhibiting them upon a great pain, not once to approach, lodge, or sojourn within ten miles of his court or presence: and in their places he chose men of gravity, wit, and high policy, by whose wise counsel he might at all times rule to his honour and dignity; calling to mind how once to high offence of the king his father, he had with his fist stricken the chief justice for sending one of his minions (upon desert) to prison, when the justice stoutly commanded himself also streict to ward, & he (than prince) obeyed. The king after expelled him out of his privy council, banished him the court, and made the duke of Clarence (his younger brother) precedent of council in his steed. This reformation in the new king Christ. Okl. hath reported, fully consenting with this. For saith he, 
Ille inter iwenes paulo lascivior antè,  
Defuncto genitore gravis constánsque repentè, 
In Angl. proael. sub Hen. 5.   
Moribus ablegat corruptis regis ab aula  
Assuetos soc●os, & nugatoribus acrem  
Poenam (si quisquam sua tecta reviserit) addit,  
Atque ita mutatus facit omnia principe digna,  
Ingenio magno post consultoribus usus, etc.   
But now that the king was once placed in the royal seat of the realm, he virtuously considering in his mind, that all goodness cometh of God, determined to begin with some thing acceptable to his divine majesty, and therefore commanded the clergy sincerely and truly to preach the word of God, and to live accordingly, that they might be the lanterns of light to the temporalty, as their profession required. The lay men he willed to serve God, and obey their prince, prohibiting them above all things breach of matrimony, custom in swearing; and namely, wilful perjury. Beside this, he elected the best learned men in the laws of the realm, to the offices of justice; and men of good living, he preferred to high degrees and authority. 
A parliament.  Immediately after Easter he called a parliament, in which diverse good statutes, and wholesome ordinances, for the preservation and advancement of the commonwealth were devised and established. 
Thom. Walsin. The funerals of king Henry the fourth kept at Canturburie.  On Trinity sunday were the solemn exequys done at Canturburie for his father, the king himself being present thereat.  
About the same time, at the special instance of the king, in a convocation of the clergy holden at Paul's in London, it was ordained, that saint George his day should be celebrated and kept as a double feast. 
S. George's day made a double feast.  The archbishop of Canturburie meant to have honoured saint Dunstanes day with like reverence, but it took not effect. When the king had settled things much to his purpose, he caused the body of king Richard to be removed with all funeral dignity convenient for his estate, from Langlie to Westminster, where he was honourably interred with queen Anne his first wife, in a solemn tomb erected and set up at the charges of this king. 
Abr. ●l. out Polychron.  ¶ Polychronicon saith, that after the body of the dead king was taken up out of the earth, this new king (happily tendering the magnificence of a prince, and abhorring obscure burial) caused the same to be conveyed to Westminster in a royal seat (or chair of estate) line 10 covered all over with black velvet, & adorned with banners of divers arms round about. All the horses likewise (saith this author) were appareled with black, and bare sundry suits of arms. Many other solemnities were had at his interrement, according to the quality of the age wherein he lived and died.  
Also in this first year of this king's reign, sir john Oldcastell, which by his wife was called lord Cobham, a valiant captain and a hardy gentleman, was accused to the archbishop of Canturburie of line 20 certain points of heresy, who knowing him to be highly in the king's favour, declared to his highness the whole accusation. The king first having compassion of the noble man, required the prelates, that if he were a strayed sheep, rather by gentleness than by rigour to reduce him to the fold. And after this, he himself sent for him, and right earnestly exhorted him, and lovingly admonished him to reconcile himself to God and to his laws. The lord Cobham not only thanked him for his most favourable clemency, line 30 but also declared first to him by mouth, and afterwards by writing, the foundation of his faith, and the ground of his belief, affirming his grace to be his supreme head and competent judge, and none other person, offering an hundred knights and esquires to come to his purgation, or else to fight in open lists in defence of his just cause.  
The king understanding and persuaded by his council, that by order of the laws of his realm, such accusations touching matters of faith ought line 40 to be tried by his spiritual prelates, sent him to the Tower of London, there to abide the determination of the clergy, according to the statutes in that case provided, after which time a solemn session was appointed in the cathedral church of saint Paul, upon the three and twentieth day of September, and an other the five and twentieth day of the same month, in the hall of the Black friars at London, in which places the said lord was examined, opposed, and fully heard, and in conclusion by the archbishop of Canturburie denounced an heretic, & remitted again line 50 to the Tower of London, 
Sir john Oldcastell escaped out of the Tower.  from which place, either by help of friends, or favour of keepers, he privily escaped and came into Wales, where he remained for a season.  
After this, the king keeping his Christmas at his manor of Eltham, 
Titus Livius.  was advertised, that sir Roger Ac●on knight, year 1414 a man of great wit and possessions, john Browne esquire, john Beverlie priest, and a great number of other were assembled in armour against the king, 
Hall. A commotion raised by sir Roger Acton and others. Titus Livius.  his brethren, the clergy and realm. line 60 These news came to the king, on the twelfth day in Christmas, whereupon understanding that they were in a place called Fi●ket field beside London, on the back side of saint Giles, he straight got him to his palace at Westminster, in as secret wise as he might, and there calling to him certain bands of armed men, he repaired into saint Giles fields, near to the said place (where he understood they should fully meet about midnight) and so handled the matter, 
The rebels surprised.  that he took some, and siue some, even as stood with his pleasure. The captains of them afore mentioned, being apprehended, were brought to the king's presence, and to him declared the causes of their commotion & rising, 
Thom. Walsin.  accusing a great number of their complices.  
The king used one policy, which much served to the discomfiting of the adversaries (as Thom. Walsingham saith) which was this: he gave order, that all the gates of London should be straightly kept and guarded, so as none should come in or out, but such as were known to go to the king. Hereby came it to pass, that the chiefest succour appointed to come to the captains of the rebels, was by that means cut off, where otherwise surly (had it not been thus prevented and stayed) there had issued forth of London to have joined with them, 
By this excessive number it may a●●peare, that Walsingham reporteth th●● matter according to the ●●●mon ●ame, 〈◊〉 not as one that search●● out an exquisite truth.  to the number (as it was thought) of fifty thousand persons, one and other, servants, prentices, and citizens, confederate with them that were thus assembled in Ficket field. diverse also that came from sundry parts of the realm, hasting towards the place, to be there at their appointed time, chanced to light among the king's men, who being taken and demanded whither they went with such speed, answered, they came to meet with their captain the lord Cobham.  
But whether he came thither at all, or made shift for himself to get away, it doth not appear; for he could not be heard of at that time (as Thomas Walsingham confesseth) although the king by proclamation promised a thousand marks to him that could bring him forth; with great liberties to the cities or towns that would discover where he was. By this it may appear, how greatly he was beloved, that there could not one be found, that for so great a reward would bring him to light. Among other that were taken was one William Murlie, 
William Murlie.  who dwelled in Dunstable, a man of great wealth, and by his occupation a brewer, an earnest maintainer of the lord Cobham's opinions, and (as the brute ran) in hope to be highly advanced by him if their purposed devise had taken place, apparent by this; that he had two horses trapped with guilt harness led after him, and in his bosom a pair of gilt spurs (as it was deemed) prepared for himself to wear, looking to be made knight by the lord Cobham's hands at that present time. But when he saw how their purpose quailed, he withdrew into the city with great fear to hide himself; howbeit he was perceived, taken, and finally executed among others.  
To conclude, so many persons hereupon were apprehended, that all the prisons in and about London were full, 
Sir Roge● Acton & his complices condemned of treason and heresy.  the chief of them were condemned by the clergy of heresy, and atteinted of high treason in the Guildhall of London, and adjudged for that offence to be drawn and hanged, and for heresy to be consumed with fire, gallows and all, which judgement wis executed the same month, on the said sir Roger Acton, and eight and twenty others. ¶ Some say, that the occasion of their death was only for the conveying of the lord Cobham out of prison. Others writ, that it was both for treason and heresy, and so it appeareth by the record. Certain affirm, that it was for feigned causes surmised by the spirituality, more upon displeasure than truth, and that they were assembled to hear their preacher (the foresaid Beverlie) in that place there, out of the way from resort of people, sith they might not come together openly about any such matter, without danger to be apprehended; as the manner is, and hath been▪ ever of the persecuted flock, when they are prohibited publicly the exercise of their religion. But howsoever the matter went with these men, apprehended they were, and diverse of them executed (as before ye have heard) whether for rebellion or heresy, or for both (as the form of the indictment importeth) I need not to spend many words, sith others have so largely treated thereof; and therefore I refer those that wish to be more fully satisfied herein unto their reports.  
Whilst in the Lent season the king lay at Killingworth, there came to him from Charles Dolphin of France certain ambassadors, 
Eiton. A disdainful ●mbassage.  that brought with them a barrel of Paris balls, which from their master they presented to him for a token that was taken in very ill part, as sent in scorn, to signify, that it was more meet for the king to pass the time with such childish exercise, than to attempt any worthy exploit. Wherefore the K. wrote to him, that yer ought long, he would toss him some London balls line 10 that perchance should shake the walls of the best court in France. ¶ This year, Thom. Arundel archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, a stout prelate, and an earnest maintainer of the Romish religion: 
Tho. Walsi.  Henry Chichelie bishop of saint David succeeded the same Arundel in the see of Canturburie, and the king's confessor Stephan Patrington a Carmelite friar was made bishop of S. David. Henry Persie then but a child, son to the lord Henry Persie surnamed Hotspur, after his father's decease, line 20 that was slain at Shrewesburie field, was conveyed into Scotland, and there left by his grandfather, where ever since he had remained: the king therefore pitied his case, 
Persie restored to the earldom of Northumberland.  and so procured for him, that he came home, and was restored to all his lands and earldom of Northumberland, which lands before had been given to the lord john, the king's brother.  
A case very strange, and for many causes always right worthy of remembrance, 
W. P.  in this year 1414, the second of this king's reign did befall, 
Le Rosier la second party.  which containing line 30 in it so many matters for knowledge of God's great power and justice, of wilful breaking his divine laws, of the easy slip into ruin where his mercy doth not s●aie us, the busy bogging of the devil always, our weakness in combat with him, into what outrage and confusion he haileth where he is not withstood, with what tyranny he tormenteth where he vanquisheth, what the will and power of a sovereign over a subject may force in cases of iniquity, where by virtue and grace he be not restrained: line 40 the zeal of a parent, the pangs of a child, but chiefly the very plague of God's wrath and indignation upon wilful and obstinate offenders, all which at those days though touched in Naples, yet at all times and every where so well serving for example and warning, it hath been thought very convenient the same in our stories also here to be noted, which was thus. At this time news were brought into France, how king Lancelot (the adversary to Lewes' king of Sicill) was departed, and in manner line 50 thus. It happened that he fell in love with a young damosel his own physicians daughter (a Puzel very beautiful) and he in hope to enjoy her the easilier, caused her father for his consent to be talked withal in the matter, which he utterly refused to grant, and showed forth many reasons for him; but at last all causes & excuses rejected, sith (though constrained) he must needs assent, feigned himself willing and content. And forcing talk with his daughter upon his mind in the matter, chiefly how meet it were line 60 she used his counsel how best with the king to keep her still in grace, he gave her a little box of ointment, and instruction withal, that when the king should come to have his will, she should afore with that balm anoint all her womb; the damosel on good observation did after (at opportunity) as her father taught her. Hereupon so pitifully came it to pass, that the very same night the king lay with her, his belly and hers were by and by set as it were all on a singeing fire, with torments of such unquenchable scorching and burning even into the very entrails, that he of his kingdom, his life, his love; and she of her princely promotion, thus soon both together made a sorrowful end. After the play of this lamentable tragedy, the physician fled for his safety, and strait upon the news king jews gathered a great assembly, wherewith to pass towards Naples, and sent before a good company under the lord Longnie marshal of France.  
In the second year of his reign, king Henry called his high court of parliament, 
Anno Reg. 2. 1414  the last day of April in the town of Leicester, in which parliament many profitable laws were concluded, and many petitions moved, were for that time deferred. Amongst which, one was, that a bill exhibited in the parliament holden at Westminster in the eleventh year of king Henry the fourth (which by reason the king was then troubled with civil discord, came to none effect) might now with good deliberation be pondered, and brought to some good conclusion. The effect of which supplication was, 
A bill exhibited to the parliament against the clergy.  that the temporal lands devoutly given, and disordinatlie spent by religious, and other spiritual persons, should be seized into the king's hands, sith the same might suffice to maintain, to the honour of the king, and defence of the realm, fifteen earls, fifteen hundred knights, six thousand and two hundred esquires, and a hundred almesse-houses, for relief only of the poor, impotent, and needy persons, and the king to have clearly to his coffers twenty thousand pounds, with many other provisions and values of religious houses, which I pass over.  
This bill was much noted, and more feared among the religious sort, whom surly it touched very near, and therefore to find remedy against it, they determined to assay all ways to put by and overthrow this bill: wherein they thought best to try if they might move the king's mood with some sharp invention, that he should not regard the importunate petitions of the commons. Whereupon, on a day in the parliament, Henry Chichelie archbishop of Canturburie made a pithy oration, wherein he declared, 
The archbishop of Canturburies' oration in the parliament house.  how not only the duchies of Normandy and Aquitaine, with the counties of Anjou and main, and the country of Gascoigne, were by undoubted title appertaining to the king, as to the lawful and only heir of the same; but also the whole realm of France, as heir to his great grandfather king Edward the third.  
Herein did he much inveie against the surmised and false feigned law Salic, 
The Salic law.  which the Frenchmen allege ever against the kings of England in bar of their just title to the crown of France. The very words of that supposed law are these, In terram Salicam mulieres ne succedant, that is to say, Into the Salic land let not women succeed. Which the French glossers expound to be the realm of France, and that this law was made by king Pharamont; whereas yet their own authors affirm, that the land Salic is in Germany, between the rivers of Elbe and Sala; and that when Charles the great had overcome the Saxons, he placed there certain Frenchmen, which having in disdain the dishonest manners of the German women, made a law, that the females should not succeed to any inheritance within that land, which at this day is called Meisen, 
Mesina.  so that if this be true, this law was not made for the realm of France, nor the Frenchmen possessed the land Salic, till four hundred and one and twenty years after the death of Pharamont, the supposed maker of this Salic law, for this Pharamont deceased in the year 426, and Charles the great subdued the Saxons, and placed the Frenchmen in those parts beyond the river of Sala, in the year 805.  
Moreover, it appeareth by their own writers, that king Pepine, which deposed Childerike, claimed the crown of France, as heir general, for that he was descended of Blithild daughter to king Clothair the first: Hugh Capet also, who usurped the crown upon Charles duke of Lorraine, the sole heir male of the line and stock of Charles the great, to make his title seem true, and appear good, though in deed it was stark nought, conveyed himself as heir to the lady Lingard, daughter to king Charlemagne, son to jews the emperor, that was son to Charles the great. King jews also the tenth otherwise called saint jews, being very heir to the said usurper Hugh Capet, could never be satisfied in line 10 his conscience how he might justly keep and possess the crown of France, till he was persuaded and fully instructed, that queen Isabella his grandmother was lineally descended of the lady Ermengard daughter and heir to the above named Charles duke of Lorraine, by the which marriage, the blood and line of Charles the great was again united and restored to the crown & sceptre of France, so that more clear than the sun it openly appeareth, that the title of king Pepin, the claim of Hugh line 20 Capet, the possession of jews, yea and the French kings to this day, are derived and conveyed from the heir female, though they would under the colour of such a feigned law, bar the kings and princes of this realm of England of their right and lawful inheritance.  
The archbishop further alleged out of the book of Numbers this saying: When a man dieth without a son, let the inheritance descend to his daughter. At length, having said sufficiently for the proof of the kings just and lawful title to the crown of France, line 30 he exhorted him to advance forth his banner to fight for his right, to conquer his inheritance, to spare neither blood, sword, nor fire, sith his war was just, his cause good, and his claim true. And to the intent his loving chapleins and obedient subjects of the spirituality might show themselves willing and desirous to aid his majesty, for the recovery of his ancient right and true inheritance, the archbishop declared that in their spiritual convocation, they had granted to his line 40 highness such a sum of money, as never by no spiritual persons was to any prince before those days given or advanced.  

The earl of Westmoreland persuadeth the king to the conquest of Scotland.  When the archbishop had ended his prepared tale, Ralph Nevil earl of Westmoreland, and as then lord Warden of the marches against Scotland, understanding that the king upon a courageous desire to recover his right in France, would surly take the wars in hand, thought good to move the king to begin first with Scotland, and thereupon declared line 50 how easy a matter it should be to make a conquest there, and how greatly the same should further his wished purpose for the subduing of the Frenchmen, concluding the sum of his tale with this old saying: that Who so will France win, must with Scotland first begin. Many matters he touched, as well to show how necessary the conquest of Scotland should be, as also to prove how just a cause the king had to attempt it, trusting to persuade the king and all other to be of his opinion.  
But after he had made an end, the duke of Excester, line 60 uncle to the king, a man well learned and wise, who had been sent into Italy by his father, intending that he should have been a priest) replied against the earl of westmerland's oration, 
The duke of Excester his wise and pithy answer to the earl of Westmerlands saying.  affirming rather that he which would Scotland win, he with France must first begin. For if the king might once compass the conquest of France, Scotland could not long resist; so that conquer France, and Scotland would soon obey. 
A true saying.  For where should the Scots learn policy and skill to defend themselves, if they had not their bringing up and training in France? If the French pensions maintained not the Scotish nobility, in what case should they be? Then take away France, and the Scots will soon be tamed; France being to Scotland the same that the sap is to the tree, which being taken away, the tree must needs die and whither.  
To be brief, the duke of Excester used such earnest and pithy persuasions, to induce the king and the whole assembly of the parliament to credit his words, that immediately after he had made an end, all the company began to cry; War, war; France, France. Hereby the bill for dissolving of religious houses was clearly set aside, and nothing thought on but only the recovering of France, according as the archbishop had moved. And upon this point, after a few acts beside for the wealth of the realm established, the parliament was prorogued unto Westminster. ¶ Some write, that in this parliament it was enacted, that Lollards and heretics with their maintainers and favourers should be Ipso facto adjudged guilty of high treason: but in the statute made in the same parliament against Lollards, we find no such words: albeit by force of that statute it was ordained, that persons so convicted & executed, should lose their lands holden in fee simple, and all other their goods and cattles, as in cases of felony.  
During this parliament, 
Ambassadors from the French king and from the duke of Burgognie.  there came to the king ambassadors, as well from the French king that was then in the hands of the Orlientiall faction, as also from the duke of Burgognie, for aid against that faction; promising more (as was said) than lay well in his power to perform. The king shortly after sent ambassadors to them both, as the bishop of Durham, and Norwich, with others. 
Creation of dukes.  Moreover at this parliament, john the king's brother was created duke of Bedford, and his brother Humphrey duke of Gloucester. Also, Thomas Beaufort, 
Harding.  marquess Dorset, was created duke of Excester. Immediately after, 
Ambassadors sent to France.  the king sent over into France his uncle the duke of Excester, the lord Greie admiral of England, the archbishop of Dubline, and the bishop of Norwich, ambassadors unto the French king, with five hundred horse, which were lodged in the temple house in Paris, keeping such triumphant cheer in their lodging, and such a solemn estate in their riding through the city, that the parisians and all the Frenchmen had no small marvel at their honourable port.  
The French king received them very honourably, and banketted them right sumptuously, showing to them justs and Martial pastimes, by the space of three days together, in the which justs the king himself, to show his courage and activity to the Englishmen, manfully broke spears and lustily tournied. When the triumph was ended, the English ambassadors, having a time appointed them to declare their message▪ admitted to the French kings presence, required of him to deliver unto the king of England the realm and crown of France, with the entire duchies of Aquiteine, Normandy and Anjou, with the countries of Poictiou and main. Many other requests they made: and this offered withal, that if the French king would without war and effusion of christian blood, render to the king their master his very right & lawful inheritance, that he would be content to take in marriage the lady Katherine, daughter to the French king, and to endow her with all the duchies and countries before rehearsed: and if he would not so do, than the king of England did express and signify to him, that with the aid of God, and help of his people, he would recover his right and inheritance wrongfully withholden from him, with mortal war, and di●t of sword. 
Abr. Fl. out of In Ang●. c●p. sub He●. ●.  ¶ This in effect doth our English poet comprise in his report of the occasion, which Henry the fift took to arrere battle against the French king: putting into the mouths of the said king of England's ambassadors an imagined speech, the conclusion whereof he maketh to be either restitution of that which the French had taken and detained from the English, or else fire and sword. His words are these, 
— raptum nobis aut redde Britannis,  
Aut ferrum expectes, ultrices insuper ignes.   
The Frenchmen being not a little abashed at these demands, thought not to make any absolute answer in so weighty a cause, till they had further line 10 breathed; and therefore prayed the English ambassadors to say to the king their master, that they now having no opportunity to conclude in so high a matter, would shortly send ambassadors into England, which should certify & declare to the king their whole mind, purpose, and intent. The English ambassadors returned with this answer, making relation of every thing that was said or done. King Henry after the return of his ambassadors, determined fully to line 20 make war in France, conceiving a good and perfect hope to have fortunate success, sith victory for the most part followeth where right leadeth, being advanced forward by justice, and set forth by equity.  
And because many Frenchmen were promoted to ecclesiastical dignities, as some to benefices, and some to abbeys and priories within the realm, and sent daily innumerable sums of money into France, for the relief of their natural countrymen line 30 and kinsfolk, he therefore in favour of the public wealth of his realm and subjects, 
Thom. Wall. It is not like that in this council writers mean the parliament that was adjourned from Leicester to Westminster, where it began in the octaves of saint Martin, in this second year 1415.  in a council called at London, about Michaelmas, caused to be ordained, that no stranger hereafter should be promoted to any spiritual dignity or degree within this realm, without his especial licence, and royal consent; and all they that should be admitted, should find sufficient sureties, not to disclose the secrets of this realm to any foreign person, nor to minister aid or secure to any of them with money, or by any other line 40 means. This was confirmed in a convocation called at the same time by the new archbishop of Canturburie.  
Moreover, such as were to go unto the general council holden at Constance, 
The council of Constance.  were named and appointed to make them ready: for the king having knowledge from the emperor Sigismond, of the assembling of that council, thought it not convenient to sit still as an hearer, and no partaker in so high a cause, which touched the whole state of the christian line 50 commonwealth, as then troubled by reason of the schism that yet continued. Wherefore he sent thither Richard earl of Warwick, the bishops of Salisbury, 
The earl of Warwick and others sent to the general council.  Bath, and Hereford, the abbot of Westminster, and the prior of Worcester, with diverse other doctors and learned men of the spirituality; besides knights and esquires. They were in number eight hundred horses, so well appointed and furnished, as well the men as horses, that all nations marveled to see such an honourable company come from a country line 60 so far distant.  
diverse other things were concluded at that present: for the king had caused not only the lords o● the spirituality, but also of the temporalty to assemble here at London the same time, 
Enguerant.  to treat specially of his journey that he purposed to make shortly into France: and hereupon means was made for the gathering of money; 
Great preparation for the French wars  which was granted with so good a will both of the spirituality and temporalty, that there was levied the sum of thrèe hundred thousand marks English: and herewith order was given to gather a great host of men, through all his dominions. And for the more increasing of his navy, he sent into Holland, Zealand, and Frizeland, to conduct and hire ships for the transporting and conveying over of his men and munitions of war, and finally provided for armour, victuals, money, artillery, carriage, boats to pass over rivers covered with leather, tents, and all other things requisite for so high an enterprise.  
The Frenchmen having knowledge hereof, the Dolphin, who had the governance of the realm, because his father was fallen into his old disease of frenzy, sent for the dukes of Berrie and Alencon, and all the other lords of the council of France: by whose advise it was determined, that they should not only prepare a sufficient army to resist the king of England, when so ever he arrived to invade France, but also to stuff and furnish the towns on the frontiers and sea coasts with convenient garrisons of men: and further to send to the king of England a solemn embassage, to make to him some offers according to the demands before rehearsed. The charge of this embassage was committed to the earl of Uandosme, to master William Bouratier archbishop of Burges, and to master Peter Fremell bishop of Liseux, to the lords of Yvry and Braquemont, and to master Gaultier Cole the king's secretary, and diverse others.  
These ambassadors accompanied with 350 horses, passed the sea at Calis, and landed at Dover, 
Anno Reg. 3. Ambassadors out of France  before whose arrival the king was departed from Windsor to Winchester, intending to have gone to Hampton, there to have surveyed his navy: but hearing of the ambassadors approaching, he tarried still at Winchester, where the said French lords showed themselves very honourably before the king and his nobility. At time prefixed, before the king's presence, sitting in his throne imperial, the archbishop of Burges made an eloquent and a long oration, dissuading war, and praising peace; offering to the king of England a great sum of money, with diverse countries, being in very deed but base and poor, as a dowry with the lady Catharine in marriage, so that he would dissolve his army, and dismiss his soldiers, which he had gathered and put in a readiness.  
When his oration was ended, the king caused the ambassadors to be highly feasted, and set them at his own table. And after a day assigned in the foresaid hall, the archbishop of Canturburie to their oration made a notable answer, the effect whereof was, that if the French king would not give with his daughter in marriage the duchess of Aquiteine, Anjou, and all other signiories and dominions sometimes appertaining to the noble progenitors of the king of England, he would in no wise retire his army, nor break his journey; but would with all diligence enter into France, and destroy the people, waste the country, and subvert the towns with blood, sword, and fire, and never cease till he had recovered his ancient right and lawful patrimony. The king avowed the archbishops saying, and in the word of a prince promised to perform it to the uttermost.  
The archbishop of Burges much grieved, 
A proud presumptuous prelate.  that his embassage was no more regarded, after certain brags blustered out with impatience, as more presuming upon his prelasie, than respecting his duty of considerance to whom he spoke and what became him to say, he prayed safe conduct to departed. Which the king gently granted, and added withal to this effect: I little esteem your French brags, & less set by your power and strength; 
The wise answer of the K. to the bishop.  I know perfectly my right to my region, which you usurp; & except you deny the apparent truth, so do yourselves also: if you neither do nor will know it, yet God and the world knoweth it. The power of your master you see, but my puissance ye have not yet tasted▪ If he have loving subjects, I am (I thank God) not unstored of the same: and I say this unto you, that before one year pass, I trust to make the highest crown of your country to stoop, and the proudest mitre to learn his humiliatedo. In the mean time tell this to the usurper your master, that within three months, I will enter into France, as into mine own true and lawful patrimony, appointing to acquire the same, not with brag of words, but with deeds of men, and dint of line 10 sword, by the aid of God, in whom is my whole trust and confidence. Further matter at this present I impart not unto you, saving that with warrant you may departed surly and safely into your country, where I trust sooner to visit you, than you shall have cause to bid me welcome. With this answer the ambassadors sore displeased in their minds (although they were highly entertained and liberally rewarded) departed into their country, reporting to the Dolphin how they had sped. line 20  
After the French ambassadors were departed, the king like a provident prince, thought good to take order for the resisting of the Scots, if (according to their manner) they should attempt any thing against his subjects in his absence. For that point appointed he the earl of Westmoreland, the lord Scroop, the baron of Greistocke, sir Robert Umfrevill, & diverse other valiant captains to keep the frontiers & marches of Scotland, which sir Robert Umfrevill on the day of Marie Madgdalen fought with the Scots line 30 at the town of Gedering, having in his company only three hundred archers, 
Harding. An overthrow to the Scots by sir Robert Umfrevill.  and seven score spears, where he (after long conflict) slew of his enemies sixty and odd, took three hundred and sixty prisoners, discomfited and put to flight one thousand and more, whom he followed in chase above twelve miles, but their hands full of preys and prisoners, retired homeward (not unhurt) to the castle of Rockesborough, of the which he was captain.  
When the king had all provisions ready, and ordered line 40 all things for the defence of his realm, he leaving behind him for governor of the realm, 
The queen mother governor of the realm.  the queen his mother in law, departed to Southampton, to take ship into France. And first princely appointing to advertise the French king of his coming, therefore dispatched Antelope his pursuivant at arms with letters to him for restitution of that which he wrongfully withheld, contrary to the laws of God and man▪ the king further declaring how sorry he was that he should be thus compelled for repeating line 50 of his right and just title of inheritance, to make war to the destruction of christian people, but sithence he had offered peace which could not be received, now for fault of justice, he was forced to take arms. Nevertheless erhorted the French king in the bowels of jesus Christ, to render him that which was his own, whereby effusion of Christian blo●d might be avoided. These letters chiefly to this effect and purpose▪ were written and dated from Hampton the fift of August. When the same were presented to line 60 the French king, and by his council well perused, answer was made, that he would take advise, and provide therein as time and place should be convenient, so the messenger licensed to departed at his pleasure.  
When king Henry had fully furnished his naui● with men, munition, & other provisions, perceiving that his captains misliked nothing so much as delay, determined his soldiers to go a shipboard and away. But see the hap, the night before the day appointed for their departure, he was credibly informed, that Richard earl of Cambridge brother to Edward duke of York, and Henry lord Scroop of Masham lord treasurer, with Thomas Gray a knight of Northumberland, 
The earl of Cambridge● other lor●s apprehended for treason. Thom. 〈◊〉.  being confederate together, had conspired his death: wherefore he caused them to be apprehended. The said lord Scroop was in such favour with the king, that he admitted him sometime to be his bedfellow, in whose fidelity the king reposed such trust, that when any private or public council was in hand, this lord had much in the determination of it. For he represented so great gravity in his countenance, such modesty in behaviour, and so virtuous zeal to all godliness in his talk, that whatsoever he said was thought for the most part necessary to be done and followed. Also the said sir Thomas Gray (as some writ) was of the kings privy council.  
These prisoners upon their examination, confessed, that for a great sum of money which they had received of the French king, they intended verily either to have delivered the king alive into the hands of his enemies, or else to have murdered him before he should arrive in the duchy of Normandy. When king Henry had heard all things opened, which he desired to know, 
Hall.  he caused all his nobility to come before his presence, before whom he caused to be brought the offenders also, and to them said. Having thus conspired the death and destruction of me, which am the head of the realm and governor of the people, 
King Henry's words to the traitors.  it may be (no doubt) but that you likewise have sworn the confusion of all that are here with me, and also the desolation of your own country. To what horror (O lord) for any true English hart to consider, that such an execrable iniquity should ever so bewrap you, as for pleasing of a foreign enemy to imbrue your hands in your blood, and to ruin your own native soil. Revenge herein touching my person, though I seek not; yet for the safeguard of you my dear friends, & for due preservation of all sorts, I am by office to cause example to be showed. Get ye hence therefore ye poor miserable wretches to the receiving of your just reward, wherein God's majesty give you grace of his mercy and repentance of your heinous offences. And so immediately they were had to execution.  
This done, 
The earl of Cambridge and the other traitors executed.  the king calling his lords again afore him, said in words few and with good grace. Of his enterprises he recounted the honour and glory, whereof they with him were to be partakers, the great confidence he had in their noble minds, which could not but remember them of the famous feats that their ancestors aforetime in France had achieved, whereof the due report for ever recorded remained yet in register. The great mercy of God that had so graciously revealed unto him the treason at hand, whereby the true hearts of those afore him made so eminent & apparent in his eye, as they might be right sure he would never forget it. The doubt of danger to be nothing in respect of the certainty of honour that they should acquire, wherein himself (as they saw) in person would be lord and leader through God's grace. To whose majesty as chiefly was known the equity of his demand: even so to his mercy did he only recommend the success of his travels. When the king had said, all the noble men kneeled down, & promised faithfully to serve him, duly to obey him, and rather to die than to suffer him to fall into the hands of his enemies.  
This done, the king thought that surly all treason and conspiracy had been utterly extinct: not suspecting the fire which was newly kindled, and ceased not to increase, till at length it burst out into such a flame, that catching the beams of his house and family, his line and stock was clean consumed to ashes. ¶ diverse writ that Richard earl of Cambridge did not conspire with the lord Scroop & Thomas Gray for the murdering of king Henry to please the French king withal, but only to the intent to exalt to the crown his brother in law Edmund earl of March as heir to Lionel duke of Clarence: after the death of which earl of March, for diverse secret impediments, not able to have issue, the earl of Cambridge was sure that the crown should come to him by his wife, and to his children, of her begotten. And therefore (as was thought) he rather confessed himself for need of money to be corrupted by the French king, than he would declare his line 10 inward mind, and open his very intent and secret purpose, which if it were espied, he saw plainly that the earl of March should have tasted of the same cup that he had drunken, and what should have come to his own children he much doubted. Therefore destitute of comfort & in despair of life to save his children, he feigned that tale, desiring rather to save his succession than himself, which he did in deed: for his son Richard duke of York not privily but openly claimed the crown, and Edward his son both claimed it, & gained it, as after it shall appear. line 20 Which thing if king Henry had at this time either doubted, or foreseen, had never been like to have come to pass, as Hall saith.  
But whatsoever hath been reported of the confession of the earl of Cambridge, certain it is, that indicted he was by the name of Richard earl of Cambridge of Connesburgh in the county of York knight, 
The effect of the earl of Cambridges indictement.  and with him Thomas Gray of Heton in the county of Northumberland and knight; for that they the twentieth day of julie, in the third year of king line 30 Henry the fifts reign, at Southampton, and in diverse other places within this realm, had conspired together with a power of men to them associate, without the king's licence, to have led away the lord Edmund earl of March into Wales, and then to have procured him to take upon him the supreme government of the realm, in case that king Richard the second were dead: and herwith had purposed to set forth a proclamation there in Wales, in name of line 40 the said earl of March, as heir of the crown against king Henry, by the name of Henry of Lancaster the usurper, to the end that by such means they might draw the more number of the king's liege people unto the said earl; and further to have conveyed a banner of the arms of England, and a certain crown of Spain set upon a pallet, and laid in gage to the said earl of Cambridge, 
A jewel.  by the king, together with the said earl of March into the parties of Wales aforesaid.  
Further, that the said earl of Cambridge, and sir line 50 Thomas Gray had appointed certain of the king's liege people to repair into Scotland, and to bring from thence one Thomas Trumpington; also an other resembling in shape, favour, and countenance king Richard, and Henry Persie, together with a great multitude of people to fight with the king, and him to destroy in open field. Beside this, that they had meant to win certain castles in Wales, and to keep them against the king: and many other treasons line 60 they had contrived, as by the indictement was specified, to the intent they might destroy the king and his brethren, the dukes of Bedford and Gloucester, and other the great lords & peers of the realm. And Henry Scroop of Masham, of Flaxflet, in the county of York wasli kewise indicted, as consenting to the premises. So that it appeareth their purpose was well enough then perceived, although happily not much bruited abroad, for considerations thought necessary to have it rather hushed and kept secret.  
About the self same time the lord Cobham with his friends, whether as one of counsel in the conspiracy with the earl of Cambridge or not, was determined to have made some attempt against the lord of Aburgavennie, who being advertised thereof, got for his defence from Worcester, Persore, Teukesburie, and other places thereabout, to the number of five thousand archers, and other armed men, which came to him unto his castle of Haneleie: whereof when the lord Cobham was advertised, he withdrew again to such secret places about Maluerne, as he had provided for his surety, to resort unto: but a priest that belonged unto him, was taken, and diverse other, who disclosed to the lord Aburgavennie, one of the places where the said lord Cobham with his men used to keep themselves close. Unto that place the lord Aburgavennie went, where he found in deed money and armour piled up betwixt two walls, handsomely conveyed and framed for the purpose; but the lord Cobham with his folks were withdrawn into some other place, after they once heard, that the earl of Cambridge and the lord Scroop were executed.  
But now to proceed with king Henry's doings. After this, when the wind came about prosperous to his purpose, 
Titus Livius.  he caused the mariners to weigh up anchors, and hoist up sails, 
The king saileth over into France with his host.  and to set forward with a thousand ships, on the vigil of our lady day the Assumption, and took land at Caux, commonly called Kidcaux, where the river of Saine runneth into the sea, without resistance. At his first coming on land, he caused proclamation to be made, 
Titus Livius. A charitable proclamation.  that no person should be so hardy on pain of death, either to take any thing out of any church that belonged to the same, or to hurt or do any violence either to priests, women, or any such as should be found without weapon or armour, and not ready to make resistance: also that no man should renew any quarrel or strife, 
Princely and wisely.  whereby any fray might arise to the disquieting of the army.  
The next day after his landing, he marched toward the town of Harflue, standing on the river of Saine between two hills; he besieged it on every side, 
Harding.  raising bulwarks and a bastell, in which the two earls of Kent & Huntingdon were placed, with Cornwall, Gray, Steward, and Porter. On that side towards the sea, the king lodged with his field, and the duke of Clarence on the further side towards Rone. There were within the town the lords de Toutevill and Gaucourt, with diverse other that valiantly defended the siege, doing what damage they could to their adversaries; and damning up the river that hath his course through the town, the water rose so high betwixt the king's camp, and the duke o● Clarence camp (divided by the same river) that the Englishmen were constrained to withdraw their artillery from one side, where they had planted the same.  
The French king being advertised, that king Henry was arrived on that coast, sent in all hast the lord de la Breath constable of France, the seneschal of France, the lord Bouciqualt marshal of France, the seneschal of Henault, the lord Lignie with other, which fortified towns with men, victuals, and artillery on all those frontiers towards the sea. And hearing that Harflue was besieged, 
The king besieged Harflue.  they came to the castle of Caudebecke, being not far from Harflue, to the intent they might succour their friends which were besieged, by some policy or means: but the Englishmen, notwithstanding all the damage that the Frenchmen could work against them, forraied the country, spoiled the villages, bringing many a rich prey to the camp before Harflue. And daily was the town assaulted: for the duke of Glocecester, to whom the order of the siege was committed, made three mines under the ground, and approaching to the walls with his engines and ordinance, would not suffer them within to take any rest.  
For although they with their countermining somewhat disappointed the Englishmen, & came to fight with them hand to hand within the mines, so that they went no further forward with that work; yet they were so enclosed on each side, 
Titus Livius.  as well by water as land, that succour they saw could none come to them: for the king lying with his battle on the hill side on the one party, and the duke of Clarence beyond the river that passeth by the town, and runneth into Saine on the other party, beside other lords and captains line 10 that were lodged with their retinues for their most advantage: none could be suffered to go in, or come forth, without their licence; insomuch that such powder as was sent to have been conveyed into the town by water, was taken by the English ships that watched the river.  
The captains within the town, perceiving that they were not able long to resist the continual assaults of the Englishmen, knowing that their walls were undermined, and like to be overthrown (as line 20 one of their bulwarks was already, 
Harding. Thom. Walsi.  where the earls of Huntingdon and Kent had set up their banners) sent an officer at arms forth about midnight after the feast day of saint Lambert, 
The seventeenth of September they within Harflue pray parlée.  which fell that year upon the tuesday, to beseech the king of England to appoint some certain persons as commissioners from him, with whom they within might treat about some agreement. The duke of Clarence, to whom this messenger first declared his errand, advertised the king of their request, who granting thereto, line 30 appointed the duke of Excester, with the lord Fitz Hugh, and sir Thomas Erpingham, to understand their minds, who at the first requested a truce until sunday next following the feast of saint Michael, in which mean time if no succour came to remove the siege, they would undertake to deliver the town into the king's hands, their lives and goods saved.  
The king advertised hereof, sent them word, that except they would surrender the town to him the morrow next ensuing, without any condition, they line 40 should spend no more time in talk about the matter. But yet at length through the earnest suit of the French lords, the king was contented to grant them truce until nine of the clock the next sunday, being the two and twentieth of September; 
A five days respite.  with condition, that if in the mean time no rescue came, they should yield the town at that hour, with their bodies and goods to stand at the king's pleasure. And for assurance thereof, they delivered into the king's hands thirty of their best captains and merchants line 50 within that town as pledges. But other writ, that it was covenanted, that they should deliver but only twelve pledges, and that if the siege were not raised by the French kings power within six days next following, then should they deliver the town into the king of England hands, and thirty of the chiefest personages within the same, to stand for life or death at his will and pleasure: and as for the residue of the men of war and townsmen, they should departed whether they would, without carrying forth either armour, weapon, or goods. line 60  
The king nevertheless was after content to grant a respite upon certain conditions, that the captains within might have time to send to the French king for succour (as before ye have heard) lest he intending greater exploits, might lose time in such small matters. When this composition was agreed upon, the lord Bacquevill was sent unto the French king, to declare in what point the town stood. To whom the Dolphin answered, that the king's power was not yet assembled, in such number as was convenient to raise so great a siege. This answer being brought unto the captains within the town, they rendered it up to the king of England, after that the third day was expired, which was on the day of saint Maurice being the seven and thirtieth day after the siege was first laid. 
Harflue yielded and sacked.  The soldiers were ransomed, and the town sacked, to the great gain of the Englishmen. ¶ Some writing of this yielding up of Harflue, 
Abr. Fl. out of Angl. pr●●. sub Hen. 5. and Polychron.  do in like sort make mention of the distress whereto the people, than expelled out of their habitations, were driven: insomuch as parents with their children, young maids and old folk went out of the town gates with heavy hearts (God wots) as put to their present shifts to seek them a new abode. Besides that, king Henry caused proclamation to be made within his own dominions of England, that whosoever (either handicraftesman, merchantmen, gentleman, or ploughman) would inhabit in Harflue, should have his dwelling given him gratis, and his heir after him also enjoy the like grace and favour: insomuch that great multitudes flocked to the sea coasts, waiting wind and wether for their transportage into Harflue, where being arrived, wonderful it is to tell, within how short a time the town was peopled. This doth Anglorum praelia report, saying (not without good ground, I believe) as followeth: 
— tum flentes tenera cum prole parents  
Virgineúsque chorus veteres liquêre penates:  
Tum populus cunctus de portis Gallicus exit  
Moestus, inarmatus, vacuus, miser, aeger, inópsque  
Vtque novas sodes quaerat migrare coactus:  
Oppidulo belli potiuntur iure Britanni, etc.   
All this done, the king ordained captain to the town his uncle the duke of Excester, who established his lieutenant there, one sir john Fastolfe, with fifteen hundred men, or (as some have) two thousand and thirty six knights, whereof the baron of Carew, and sir Hugh Lutterell, were two councillors. And because many of his nobles whilst this siege lay before Harflue, fell sick of the flux and other diseases, diverse also dead, amongst whom the earl of Stafford, the bishop of Norwich, the lords Molins and Burnell were four (beside others) the king licensed his brother the duke of Clarence, john earl marshal, and john earl of Arundel, being infected with that disease, to return into England.  
King Henry, after the winning of Harflue, determined to have proceeded further in the winning of other towns and fortresses: but because the dead time of the winter approached, it was determined by advise of his council, that he should in all convenient speed set forward, and march through the country towards Calis by land, lest his return as then homewards should of slanderous tongues be named a running away: and yet that journey was adjudged perilous, 
Great death in the host by the flux.  by reason that the number of his people was much minished by the flux and other fevers, which sore vexed and brought to death above fifteen hundred persons of the army: and this was the cause that his return was the sooner appointed and concluded.  
But before his departing thence, he entered into the town of Harflue, & went to the church of saint Martin's, and there offered. All the men of war which had not paid their ransoms, 
The kings merciful dealing with the French prisoners.  he swore them on the holy evangelists, to yield themselves prisoners at Calis by the feast of saint Martin in November next. There were two strong towers standing on the haven side at Harflue, which looking for aid, did not yield, till ten days after the town was rendered. When the king had repaired the walls, bulwarks and rampires about the town, and furnished it with victuals and artillery, he removed from Harflue toward Ponthoise, intending to pass the river of Some with his army, before the bridges were either withdrawn or broken. Such victuals and other necessaries as were to be carried which the army, he appointed to be laid on horses, leaving the carts and wagons behind for less incombre.  
The French king hearing that the town of Harflue was gotten, and that the king of England was marching forward into the bowels of the realm of France, sent out proclamations, and assembled people on every side, committing the whole charge of his army to his son the Dolphin and duke of Aquitaine, who incontinently caused the bridges to be broken, and the passages to be kept. Also they caused all the corn and victuals to be conveyed away, 
Corn & victuals destroyed where the Englishmen should pass.  or line 10 destroyed in all places, where it was conjectured that the Englishmen would pass. The king of England nothing dismayed herewith, kept his journey in spite of his enemies, constreining them within diverse towns and holds to furnish him with victuals: but yet as he passed by the town of Ewe, 
A skirmish with the garrison of Ewe.  the garrison of the town issued forth, and gave the Englishmen a skirmish, who beat them into the town with loss, namely of a right valiant man of arms, 
Enguerant.  named Lancelot Piers. There were many Englishmen line 20 hurt with quarrels shot off from the loops and walls, as they pursued the enemies unto the gates.  
At length the king approached the river of Some, & finding all the bridges broken, he came to the passage of Blanchetake, 
Blanchetake.  where his great grandfather king Edward the third a little before had stricken the battle of Cressie: but the passage was now so impeached with stakes in the bottom of the ford, that he could not pass, his enemies beside there away so swarming line 30 on all sides. He therefore marched forwards to Arames, marching with his army, and passing with his carriage in so martial a manner, that he appeared so terrible to his enemies, as they durst not offer him battle. And yet the lord Dalbreth constable of France, the marshal Boncequault, the earl of Uendosme great master of France, the duke of Alencon, and the earl of Richmont, with all the puissance of the Dolphin lay at Abuile, but ever kept the passages, and coasted aloof, like a hawk though eager line 40 yet not hardy on her prey. The king of England kept on his journey till he came to the bridge of saint Marence, where he found above thirty thousand Frenchmen, and there pitched his field, looking surly to be fought withal.  
Wherefore to encourage his captains the more, he dubbed certain of his hardy and valiant gentlemen knights, 
diverse captains knights  as john lord Ferrer of Grobie, Reginald of Greistocke, Piers Tempest, Christopher Morisbie, Thomas Pikering, William Huddleston, line 50 john Hosbalton, Henry Mortimer, Philip Hall, and William his brother, jaques de Ormond, and diverse other: but the French making no semblance to fight, he departed in good order of battle by the town of Amiens, to another town near to a castle called Bows, and there lay two days looking for their bidding of battle every hour. 
W.P.  From thence he came near to Corbie, where he was stayed that night, for that the common people and peasants mightily there assembled, having gotten them some line 60 head and heartening by means of their number that was great, and by trust of a strength (then joined unto them) made of men at arms (many too tall and well appointed for fight) all of the garrison of Corbie: 
Standing in Picardy between Amiens & Peron all upon the river of Some.  a strong town well walled and warded. Hereupon at a streict (which they had preoccupied) they stoutly from our army not only kept the passage, but also upon us gave a proud onset: wherein sir Hugh Stafford knight lord Bourghchier, chéefteine of a wing to the king under his standard of Guien, 
Sir Hugh Stafford lord Bourghchier.  and as then nearest to the enemy, though far inferior in number, yet with ready and valiant encounter received them. The force and slaughter grew great both on the one side and the other, by the French in especial at first right fiercely pursued, in so much as with an hardy charge upon our men, they had both beat down the standard, and also from us quite won it away, to their high encouragement, and our incredible despite and dismay. 

john Bromley.  
He came of a younger brother in the lineage of the right honourable the lord chancellor that now is 1585.   Whereat one john Bromley of Bromley in Staffordshire esquire, a near kinsman unto the lord Bourghchier, was even straight so pierced at hart, as he could not contain him, but by and by ran eagerly upon the French; and with his soldiers (in whom wrath and teen had already inflamed fury and desire of revenge) did so fiercely set upon them, that they were not only beaten back, but also forced to abandon the place. At this push the captain cutting through the thickest, strake down the champion that bore the standard, 
The king's standard recovered.  and so gloriously recovered it again, and after during the fight (where as many of the French lost their lives) courageously over his soldiers auanced it himself. The rest that fled away our people pursued in chase & slaughter unto Corbie very gates. So in victory, honour, and great joy, with our small loss (in comparison) thanks unto God's majesty, the cheefteine brought his host into his camp and order again. The singular prows of this worthy captain the noble man highly regarding, in an ample testimony thereof and upon his own honourable consideration, year 1585. by a fair ancient deed yet extant at these days did give him reward of forty pounds' annuity for his life. The monument so plainly declaring the truth of the matter, with the manner and dignity of the feat, as it was done, hath been thought very meet for the story in hand here now to place it as followeth.  

A copy of the said deed.  
HOc praesens scriptum testatur, quòd nos Hugo de Stafford dominus le Bourghchier concessimus & per praesentes confirmavimus praedilecto consanguineo nostro johanni Bromley de Bromley armigero, pro suo magno auxilio nobis impenso in oppugnatione contra Francos prope le Corbie; & praecipuè pro suo laudabili seruitio in recuperatione & supportatione vexilli domini regis de Guien sub nostra conductione, unam annuitatem sive annualem redditum quadraginta librarum legalis monetae annuatim percipiendum, durant tota vita naturali praedicti johannis de Bromley, de & in omnibus manerijs, terris, & tenementis nostris cum pertinentibus in comitatu Stafford & Warwik, ad festa Penthecostes & sancti Martini in hyeme aequis portionibus. Et si contingat praedictam annuitatem sive annualem redditum quadraginta librarum, à retro fore in part velin toto, ad aliquod festum quo solui debeat, tunc bene licebit praedicto johani & assignatis suis in praedictis manerijs, ac in omnibus alijs terris & tenementis cum suis pertinentibus praescriptis, distringere & districtiones effugare & retinere, quousque de praedicta annuitate simul cum arreragijs, si quae fuerint, plenariè sibifuerit satisfactum & persolutum. Et ut haec nostra concessio, & scripti huius confirmatio (durant tota vita praedicti johannis de Bromley ut praefertur) rata & stabilis permaneat, hoc scriptum impressione sigilli armorum meorum roboravi. Hijs testibus, johann de Holland, Richardo le Greuyll, Richardo de Horwood, Thoma le Forestar, & alijs. Datum apud Madeley decimo die mensis Martij, anno regni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum quarto.   

W. P.  For that by the arms in the seal it may the better be known of what stem this noble man sprung (a matter which this story seems justly to require) understand ye thus were the same. In his shield, a chevorne charged with a mullet; his crest, a swans head couped between two wings displayed all out of a crown supported by two greihounds; about the shéeld engraven, Signa Hugonis de Stafford militis. Hereby is gathered that he was a third brother of the duke of Buckingham's house.] This feat thus line 10 well done, 
King Henry passeth the river of Some with his host.  the king the same day found a shallow, between Corbie and Peron, which never was espied before, at which he with his army and carriages the night ensuing, passed the water of Some without let or danger, and therewith determined to make haste towards Calis, and not to seek for battle, except he were thereto constrained, because that his army by sickness was sore diminished, 
The king's army but of 15000.  in so much that he had but only two thousand horsemen and thirteen thousand archers, billmen, and of all line 20 sorts of other footmen.  

The English army sore afflicted.  The Englishmen were brought into some distress in this journey, by reason of their victuals in manner spent, and no hope to get more: for the enemies had destroyed all the corn before they came. Rest could they none take, for their enemies with alarms did ever so infest them: daily it reigned, and nightly it fréesed: of fuel there was great scarcity, of fluxes plenty: money enough, but wares for their relief to bestow it on, had they none. Yet in this great necessity, line 30 the poor people of the country were not spoiled, nor any thing taken of them without payment, nor any outrage or offence done by the Englishmen, except one, which was, that a soldier took a pix out of a church, for which he was apprehended, & the king not once removed till the box was restored, 
justice in war.  and the offendor strangled. The people of the countries thereabout, 
Note the force of justice.  hearing of such zeal in him, to the maintenance of justice, ministered to his army victuals, and other necessaries, although by open proclamation line 40 so to do they were prohibited. 
Hall.   
The French king being at Rone, and hearing that king Henry was passed the river of Some, 
The French king consulteth how to deal with the Englishmen.  was much displeased therewith, and assembling his council to the number of five and thirty, asked their advise what was to be done. There was amongst these five and thirty, his son the Dolphin, calling himself king of Sicill; 
Dolphin king of Sicill.  the dukes of Berrie and Britain, the earl of Pontieu the king's youngest son, and other high estates. At length thirty of them agreed, that the Englishmen should not departed unfought line 50 withal, and five were of a contrary opinion, but the greater number ruled the matter: 
The French K. sendeth defiance to king Henry.  and so Montioy king at arms was sent to the king of England to defy him as the enemy of France, and to tell him that he should shortly have battle. King Henry advisedly answered: 
K. Henry's answer to the defiance.  Mine intent is to do as it pleaseth God, I will not seek your master at this time; but if he or his seek me, I will meet with them God willing. If any of your nation attempt once to stop me in my journey now towards Calis, line 60 at their jeopardy be it; and yet with I not any of you so unadvised, as to be the occasion that I die your tawny ground with your red blood.  
When he had thus answered the herald, he gave him a princely reward, and licence to departed. Upon whose return, with this answer, it was incontinently on the French side proclaimed, that all men of war should resort to the constable to fight with the king of England. Whereupon, all men apt for armour and desirous of honour, drew them toward the field. The Dolphin sore desired to have been at the battle, but he was prohibited by his father: likewise Philip earl of Charolois would gladly have been there, if his father the duke of Burgognie would have suffered him: many of his men stolen away, and went to the Frenchmen. The king of England hearing that the Frenchmen approached, and that there was an other river for him to pass with his army by a bridge, and doubting lest if the same bridge should be broken, it would be greatly to his hindrance, appointed certain captains with their hands, to go thither with all speed before him, and to take possession thereof, and so to keep it, till his coming thither.  
Those that were sent, finding the Frenchmen busy to break down their bridge, assailed them so vigorously, that they discomfited them, and took and slew them; and so the bridge was preserved till the king came, and passed the river by the same with his whole army. This was on the two and twentieth day of October. The duke of York that led the vanguard (after the army was passed the river) mounted up to the height of an hill with his people, and sent out scowts to discover the country, the which upon their return advertised him, that a great army of Frenchmen was at hand, approaching towards them. The duke declared to the king what he had heard, 
King Henry rideth forth to take view of the French army.  and the king thereupon, without all fear or trouble of mind, caused the battle which he led himself to stay, and incontinently road forth to view his adversaries, and that done, returned to his people, and with cheerful countenance caused them to be put in order of battle, assigning to every captain such room and place, as he thought convenient, and so kept them still in that order till night was come, and then determined to seek a place to encamp & lodge his army in for that night.  
There was not one amongst them that knew any certain place whither to go, in that unknown country: but by chance they happened upon a beaten way, white in sight; by the which they were brought unto a little village, where they were refreshed with meat and drink somewhat more plenteously than they had been diverse days before. Order was taken by commandment from the king after the army was first set in battle array, that no noise or clamour should be made in the host; so that in marching forth to this village, every man kept himself quiet: but at their coming into the village, fires were made to give light on every side, as there likewise were in the French host, which was encamped not past two hundred and fifty paces distant from the English. The chief leaders of the French host were these: the constable of France, the marshal, the admiral, the lord Rambures master of the crossbows, and other of the French nobility, which came and pitched down their standards and banners in the county of saint Paul, 
The number of the French men threé 〈◊〉 thousand. Engueran●.  within the territory of Agincourt, having in their army (as some writ) to the number of threescore thousand horsemen, besides footmen, wagoners and other.  
They were lodged even in the way by the which the Englishmen must needs pass towards Calis, and all that night after their coming thither, made great cheer and were very merry, pleasant, and full of game. The Englishmen also for their parts were of good comfort, and nothing abashed of the matter, and yet they were both hungry, weary, sore traveled, and vexed with many cold diseases. Howbeit reconciling themselves with God by hoossell and shriff, requiring assistance at his hands that is the only giver of victory, they determined rather to die, than to yield, or flee. The day following was the five and twentieth of October in the year 1415, 
The battle of Agincourt, the 25 of October 1415.  being then friday, and the feast of Crispin and Crispinian, a day fair and fortunate to the English, but most sorrowful and unlucky to the French.  
In the morning, the French captains made three battles, 
The order of the French army.  in the vaward were eight thousand healmes of knights and esquires, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred crossbows which were guided by the lord de la Breath, constable of France, having with him the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, the earls of Ewe and Richmond, the marshal Bouciqualt, and the master of the crossbows, the lord Dampier admiral of France, and other captains. The earl of Uandosme with sixteen hundred men of arms were ordered for a wing to that battle. line 10 And the other wing was guided by sir Guichard Dolphin, sir Clugnet of Brabant, and sir jews Bourdon, with eight hundred men of arms, of elect chosen persons. And to break the shot of the Englishmen, were appointed sir Guilliam de Saveuses, with Hector and Philip his brethren, Ferry de Maillie, and allen de Gaspanes, with other eight hundred of arms.  

As many in the battle.  In the middle ward, were assigned as many persons, line 20 or more, as were in the foremost battle, and the charge thereof was committed to the dukes of Bar and Alencon, the earls of Nevers, Uaudemont, Blamont, Salinge, Grant Pray, & of Russie. And in the rearward were all the other men of arms guided by the earls of Marle, Dampmartine, Fauconberg, and the lord of Lourreie captain of Arde, who had with him the men of the frontiers of Bolonois. Thus the Frenchmen being ordered under their standards and banners, 
The French esteemed six to 〈◊〉 English.  made a great show: for line 30 surly they were esteemed in number six times as many or more, than was the whole company of the Englishmen, with wagoners, pages and all. They rested themselves, waiting for the bloody blast of the terrible trumpet, till the hour between nine and ten of the clock of the same day, during which season, the constable made unto the captains and other men of war a pithy oration, exhorting and encouraging them to do valiantly, with many comfortable words and sensible reasons. King Henry also line 40 like a leader, and not as one led; like a sovereign, and not an inferior, perceiving a plot of ground very strong & meet for his purpose, which on the back half was sensed with the village, wherein he had lodged the night before, and on both sides defended with hedges and bushes, thought good there to embattle his host, and so ordered his men in the same place, as he saw occasion, and as stood for his most advantage.  

The order of the English army and archers.  First, he sent privily two hundred archers into a line 50 low meadow, which was near to the vanguard of his enemies; but separated with a great ditch, commanding them there to keep themselves close till they had a token to them given, to let drive at their adversaries: beside this, he appointed a vaward, of the which he made captain Edward duke of York, 〈◊〉 of an haughty courage had desired that office, and with him were the lords Beaumond, Willoughby, and Fanhope, 
The vaward all of archers.  and this battle was all of archers. The middle ward was governed by the king himself, line 60 with his brother the duke of Gloucester, and the earls of Marshal, Oxenford, and Suffolk, in the which were all the strong bilmen. The duke of Excester uncle to the king led the rearward, which was mi●ed both with billmen and archers. The horsemen like wings went on every side of the battle.  

Archers the greatest force of the English army.  Thus the king having ordered his battles, feared not the puissance of his enemies, but yet to provide that they should not with the multitude of horsemen break the order of his archers, in whom the force of his army consisted [¶ For in those days the yeomen had their limbs at liberty, 
Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 392▪ and Polychron.  sith their hosen were then fastened with one point, and their jacks long and easy to shoot in; so that they might draw bows of great strength, and shoot arrows of a yard long; beside the head] he caused stakes bound with iron sharp at both ends, 
A politic invention.  of the length of five or six foot to be pitched before the archers, and of each side the footmen like an hedge, to the intent that if the barded horses ran rashly upon them, they might shortly be gored and destroyed. Certain persons also were appointed to remove the stakes, as by the mooveing of the archers occasion and time should require, so that the footmen were hedged about with stakes, and the horsemen stood like a bulwark between them and their enemies, without the stakes. 
Hall.  This devise of fortifying an army, was at this time first invented: but since that time they have devised caltraps, harrows, and other new engines against the force of horsemen; so that if the enemies run hastily upon the same, either are their horses wounded with the stakes, or their feet hurt with the other engines, so as thereby the beasts are gored, or else made unable to maintain their course.  
King Henry, by reason of his small number of people to fill up his battles, placed his vanguard so on the right hand of the main battle, which himself led, that the distance betwixt them might scarce be perceived, and so in like case was the rearward joined on the left hand, that the one might the more readily secure an other in time of need. When he had thus ordered his battles, he left a small company to keep his camp and carriage, which remained still in the village, and then calling his captains and soldiers about him, he made to them a right grave oration, moving them to play the men, 
K. Henry's oration to his men.  whereby to obtain a glorious victory, as there was hope certain they should, the rather if they would but remember the just cause for which they fought, and whom they should encounter, such faint-hearted people as their ancestors had so often overcome. To conclude, many words of courage he uttered, to stir them to do manfully, assuring them that England should never be charged with his ransom, nor any Frenchmen triumph over him as a captive; for either by famous death or glorious victory would he (by God's grace) win honour and fame.  
It is said, that as he heard one of the host utter his wish to another thus: I would to God there were with us now so many good soldiers as are at this hour within England! the king answered: I would not wish a man more here than I have, 
A wish. A noble courage of a valiant prince.  we are indeed in comparison to the enemies but a few, but if God of his clemency do favour us, and our just cause (as I trust he will) we shall speed well enough. But let no man ascribe victory to our own strength and might, but only to God's assistance, to whom I have no doubt we shall worthily have cause to give thanks therefore. And if so be that for our offences sakes we shall be delivered into the hands of our enemies, the less number we be, the less damage shall the realm of England sustain: but if we should fight in trust of multitude of men, and so get the victory (our minds being prone to pride) we should thereupon peradventure ascribe the victory not so much to the gift of God, as to our own puissance, and thereby provoke his high indignation and displeasure against us: and if the enemy get the upper hand, then should our realm and country suffer more damage and stand in further danger. But be you of good comfort, and show yourselves valiant, God and our just quarrel shall defend us, and deliver these our proud adversaries with all the multitude of them which you see (or at the least the most of them) into our hands. Whilst the king was yet thus in speech, either army so maligned the other, being as then in open sight, that every man cried; Forward, forward. The dukes of Clarence, Gloucester, and York, were of the same opinion, yet the king stayed a while, lest any jeopardy were not foreseen, or any hazard not prevented. The Frenchmen in the mean while, as though they had been sure of victory, made great triumph, for the captains had determined before, how to divide the spoil, and the soldiers the night before had played the Englishmen at dice. The noble men had denised a chariot, wherein they might triumphantly convey the king captive to the city of Paris, crying to their soldiers; Haste you to the spoil, line 10 glory and honour; little weening (God wots) how soon their brags should be blown away.  
Here we may not forget how the French thus in their jollity, 
Hall.  sent an herald to king Henry, to inquire what ransom he would offer. Whereunto he answered, that within two or three hours he hoped it would so happen, that the Frenchmen should be glad to common rather with the Englishmen for their ransoms, than the English to take thought for their deliverance, promising for his own part, that line 20 his dead carcase should rather be a prize to the Frenchmen, than that his living body should pay any ransom. When the messenger was come back to the French host, the men of war put on their helmets, and caused their trumpets to blow to the battle. They thought themselves so sure of victory, that diverse of the noble men made such haste towards the battle, that they left many of their servants and men of war behind them, and some of them would not once stay for their standards: as amongst other the duke of Brabant▪ when his standard was not line 30 come, caused a banner to be taken from a trumpet and fastened to a spear, the which he commanded to be borne before him in steed of his standard.  
But when both these armies coming within danger either of other, set in full order of battle on both sides, they stood still at the first, beholding either others demeanour, being not distant in sunder past three bow shoots. And when they had on both parts thus stayed a good while without doing any thing, line 40 (except that certain of the French horsemen advancing forwards, betwixt both the hosts, were by the English archers constrained to return back) advise was taken amongst the Englishmen, what was best for them to do. Thereupon all things considered, it was determined, that sith the Frenchmen would not come forward, the king with his army imbattelled (as ye have hard) should march towards them, and so leaving their truss and baggage in the village where they lodged the night before, only with their line 50 weapons, armour, and stakes prepared for the purpose, as ye have heard.  
These made somewhat forward, before whom there went an old knight sir Thomas Erpingham (a man of great experience in the war) with a warder in his hand; 
The English gave the onset.  and when he cast up his warder, all the army shouted, but that was a sign to the archers in the meadow, which therewith shot wholly altogether at the vauward of the Frenchmen, who when they perceived the archers in the meadow, 
The two armies join battle.  and saw they could not come at them for a ditch that was betwixt line 60 them, with all hast set upon the fore ward of king Henry, but yer they could join, the archers in the forefront, and the archers on that side which stood in the meadow, so wounded the footmen, galled the horses, and cumbered the men of arms, that the footmen durst not go forward, the horsemen ran together upon plumps without order, some overthrew such as were next them, and the horses overthrew their masters, and so at the first joining, the Frenchmen were foully discomforted, and the Englishmen highly encouraged.  
When the French vauward was thus brought to confusion, the English archers cast away their bows, & took into their hands, axes, mals, swords, 
The 〈◊〉 of the Fren●● discomfited.  bills, and other hand-weapons, and with the same slew the Frenchmen, until they came to the middle ward. Then approached the king, and so encouraged his people, that shortly the second battle of the Frenchmen was overthrown, and dispersed, 
Their 〈◊〉 beaten.  not without great slaughter of men: howbeit, diverse were relieved by their varlets, and conveyed out of the field. The Englishmen were so busied in fight, and taking of the prisoners at hand, that they followed not in chase of their enemies, nor would once break out of their array of battle. Yet sundry of the Frenchmen strongly withstood the fierceness of the English, when they came to handy strokes, so that the fight sometime was doubtful and perilous. Yet as part of the French horsemen set their course to have entered upon the king's battle, with the stakes overthrown, they were either taken or slain. Thus this battle continued three long hours.  
The king that day showed himself a valiant knight, albeit almost felled by the duke of Alencon; 
A valiant king.  yet with plain strength he slew two of the duke's company, and felled the duke himself; whom when he would have yielded, the king's guard (contrary to his mind) slew out of hand. In conclusion, the king minding to make an end of that days journey, caused his horsemen to fetch a compass about, and to join with him against the rearward of the Frenchmen, in the which was the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen perceived his intent, 
The French rearward discomfited.  they were suddenly amazed and ran away like sheep, without order or array. Which when the king perceived, he encouraged his men, and followed so quickly upon the enemies, that they ran hither and thither, casting away their armour: many on their knees desired to have their lives saved.  
In the mean season, while the battle thus continued, and that the Englishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certain Frenchmen on horseback, whereof were captains Robinet of Bornevill, Rifflart of Clamas, Isambert of Agincourt, and other men of arms, to the number of six hundred horsemen, which were the first that fled, hearing that the English tents & pavilions were a good way distant from the army, without any sufficient guard to defend the same, either upon a covetous meaning to gain by the spoil, or upon a desire to b● revenged, entered upon the king's camp, 
The king's camp rob.  and there spoiled the hails, rob the tents, broke up chests, and carried away ●askets, and slew such servants as they found to make any resistance. For which treason and haskardie in thus leaving their camp at the very point of fight, for winning of spoil where none to defend it, very many were after committed to prison, and had lost their lives, if the Dolphin had longer lived.  
But when the outcry of the lackeys and boys, which ran away for fear of the Frenchmen thus spoiling the camp, came to the king's ears, he doubting lest his enemies should gather together again▪ and begin a new field; and mistrusting further that the prisoners would be an aid to his enemies, or the very enemies to their takers in deed if they were suffered to live, contrary to his accustomed gentleness, commanded by sound of trumpet, that every man (upon pain of death) should incontinently slay his prisoner. When this dolorous decree, 
All the pris●●ners slain.  and pitiful proclamation was pronounced, pity it was to see how some Frenchmen were suddenly sticked with daggers, some were brained with pollaxes, some slain with mals, other had their throats cut, and some their bellies panched, so that in effect, having respect to the great number, few prisoners were saved.  
When this lamentable slaughter was ended, the Englishmen disposed themselves in order of battle, ready to abide a new field, and also to invade, and newly set on their enemies, with great force they assailed the earls of Marle and Fauconbridge, and the lords of Louraie, 
A fresh onset.  and of Thine, with six hundred men of arms, who had all that day kept together, but now slain and beaten down out of hand. ¶ Some write, that the king perceiving his enemies in one part to assemble together, as though they meant to give a new battle for preservation of the prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to line 10 depart out of his sight, or else to come forward at once, and give battle: promising herewith, that if they did offer to fight again, 
A right wise and valiant challenge of the king.  not only those prisoners which his people already had taken; but also so many of them as in this new conflict, which they thus attempted should fall into his hands, should die the death without redemption.  
The Frenchmen fearing the sentence of so terrible a decree, without further delay parted out of the field. And so about four of the clock in the after noon, the line 20 king when he saw no appearance of enemies, caused the retreat to be blown; and gathering his army together, gave thanks to almighty God for so happy a victory, 
Thanks given to God for the victory.  causing his prelates and chapleins to sing this psalm: In exitu Israel de Aegypto, and commanded every man to kneel down on the ground at this verse: Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam. 
A worthy example of a godly prince.  Which done, he caused Te Deum, with certain anthems to be song, giving land and praise line 30 to God, without boasting of his own force or any human power. That night he and his people took rest, 
Titus Livius.  and refreshed themselves with such victuals as they found in the French camp, but lodged in the same village where he lay the night before.  
In the morning, Montioie king at arms and four other French heralds came to the K. to know the number of prisoners, and to desire burial for the dead. Before he made them answer (to understand what they would say) he demanded of them why they line 40 made to him that request, considering that he knew not whether the victory was his or theirs? When Montioie by true and just confession had cleared that doubt to the high praise of the king, he desired of Montioie to understand the name of the castle near adjoining: when they had told him that it was called Agincourt, he said, Then shall this conflict be called the battle of Agincourt. 
The battle of Agincourt.  He feasted the French officers of arms that day, and granted them their request, which busily sought through the field for such line 50 as were slain. But the Englishmen suffered them not to go alone, for they searched with them, & found many hurt, but not in jeopardy of their lives, whom they took prisoners, and brought them to their tents. When the king of England had well refreshed himself, and his soldiers, that had taken the spoil of such as were slain, he with his prisoners in good order returned to his town of Calis.  
When tidings of this great victory, was blown into England, solemn processions and other praisings line 60 to almighty God with boune-fires and joyful triumphs, were ordained in every town, city, and burrow, 
The same day that the new mayor went to Westminster to receive his ●th, the advertisement of this noble victory came to the city in the morning betimes y●● men were up from their beds. Register of ●a●ors.  and the mayor & citizens of London went the morrow after the day of saint Simon and Jude from the church of saint Paul to the church of saint Peter at Westminster in devout manner, rendering to God hearty thanks for such fortunate luck sent to the king and his army. The same sunday that the king removed from the camp at Agincourt towards Calis, diverse Frenchmen came to the field to view again the dead bodies; and the peasants of the country spoilt the carcases of all such apparel and other things as the Englishmen had left: who took nothing but gold and silver, jewels, rich apparel and costly armour. But the plowmen and peasants left nothing behind, neither shirt nor clout: so that the bodies lay stark naked until wednesday. On the which day diverse of the noble men were conveyed into their countries, and the remnant were by Philip earl Charolois (sore lamenting the chance, and moved with pity) at his costs & charges buried in a square plot of ground of fifteen hundred yards; in the which he caused to be made three pits, 
Three graves that held fi●e thousand and eight hundred corpses.  wherein were buried by account five thousand and eight hundred persons, beside them that were carried away by their friends and servants, and others, which being wounded died in hospitals and other places.  
After this their dolorous journey & pitiful slaughter, diverse clerks of Paris made many a lamentable verse, complaining that the king reigned by will, and that councillors were partial, affirming that the noble men fled against nature, and that the commons were destroyed by their prodigality, declaring also that the clergy were dumb, and durst not say the truth, and that the humble commons duly obeyed, & yet ever suffered punishment, for which cause by divine persecution the less number vanquished the greater: wherefore they concluded, that all things went out of order, and yet was there no man that studied to bring the unruly to frame. It was no marvel though this battle was lamentable to the French nation, for in it were taken and slain the flower of all the nobility of France.  
There were taken prisoners, 
Noble men prisoners.  Charles duke of Orleans nephew to the French king, john duke of Bourbon, the lord Bouciqualt one of the marshals of France (he after died in England) with a number of other lords, knights, and esquires, at the least fifteen hundred, besides the common people. 
The number slain on the French part. Englishmen slain.  There were slain in all of the French part to the number of ten thousand men, whereof were princes and noble men bearing banners one hundred twenty and six; to these, of knights, esquires, and gentlemen, so many as made up the number of eight thousand and four hundred (of the which five hundred were d●bbed knights the night before the battle) so as of the meaner sort, not past sixteen hundred. Amongst those of the nobility that were slain, these were the chiefest, Charles lord de la Breath high constable of France, jaques of Chatilon lord of Dampier admiral of France, the lord Rambures master of the crossbows, sir Guischard Dolphin great master of France, john duke of Alencon, Anthony duke of Brabant brother to the duke of Burgognie, Edward duke of Bar, the earl of Nevers an other brother to the duke of Burgognie, with the earls of Marle, Uaudemont, Beaumond, Grandprée, Roussie, Fauconberge, Fois and Lestrake, beside a great number of lords and barons of name.  
Of Englishmen, there died at this battle, 
Englishmen slain.  Edward duke York, the earl of Suffolk, sir Richard Kikelie, and Davie Gamme esquire, and of all other not above five and twenty persons, as some do report; but other writers of greater credit affirm, that there were slain above five or six hundred persons. 
Rich. Grafton. Titus Livius.  Titus Livius saith, that there were slain of Englishmen, beside the duke of York, and the earl of Suffolk, an hundred persons at the first encounter. The duke of Gloucester the king's brother was sore wounded about the hips, and borne down to the ground, so that he fell backwards, with his feet towards his enemies, whom the king bestrid, and like a brother valiantly rescued from his enemies, & so saving his life, caused him to be conveyed out of the fight, into a place of more safety. 
Abr. Fl. out of Anglorum praelijs sub Henr. 5.  ¶ The whole order of this conflict which cost many a man's life, and procured great bloodshed before it was ended, is lively described in Anglorum praelijs; where also, besides the manner of disposing the armies, with the exploits on both sides, the number also of the slain, not much differing (though somewhat) from the account here named, is there touched, which remembrance very fit for this place, it were an error (I think) to omit; and therefore here inserted (with the shortest) as followeth. 
— equitatus ordine primo,  
Magnanimi satrapae, post hos cecidere secundo  
Navarrae comes, & tuus archiepiscopus (o Sans)  
Praeterea comites octo periere cruentis line 10  
Vulneribus, trita appellant quos voce barones  
Plus centum, clari generis plus mill cadebant  
Sexcenti, notíque decem plus millia vulgi  
Ex Francorum, ter centum perdidit Anglus:  
Et penes Henricum belli victoria mansit.   

Hall.  After that the king of England had refreshed himself, and his people at Calis, and that such prisoners as he had left at Harflue (as ye have heard) were come to Calis unto him, the sixth day of November, he with all his prisoners took shipping, and the same line 20 day landed at Dover, having with him the dead bodies of the duke of York, and the earl of Suffolk, and caused the duke to be buried at his college ●f Fodringhey, and the earl at new Elm. In this passage, the seas were so rough and troublous, that two ships belonging to sir john Cornwall, lord Fanhope, were driven into Zealand; howbeit, nothing was lost, nor any person perished. ¶ The mayor of London, and the aldermen, appareled in orient grained scarlet, and four hundred commoners clad in beautiful line 30 murrie, well mounted, and trimly horsed, with rich collars, & great chains, met the king on Black-heath, rejoicing at his return: and the clergy of London, with rich crosses, sumptuous copes, and massy censers, received him at saint Thomas of Waterings with solemn procession.  
The king like a grave and sober parsonage, and as one remembering from whom all victories are sent, 
Titus Livius.  seemed little to regard such vain pomp and shows as were in triumphant sort devised for his welcoming line 40 home from so prosperous a journey, in so much that he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him, 
The great modesty of the king.  whereby might have appeared to the people the blows and dints that were to be seen in the same; neither would he suffer any ditties to be made and song by minstrels of his glorious victory, for that he would wholly have the praise and thanks altogether given to God. The news of this bloody battle being reported to the French king as then sojourning at Rone, filled the court full of sorrow. But to remedy such danger as was like to ensue, it was decreed line 50 by council, to ordain new officers in places of them that were slain: and first, he elected his chief officer for the wars, called the constable, the earl of Arminacke, a wise and politic captain, and an ancient enemy to the Englishmen, Sir john de Corsie was made master of the crossbows. Shortly after, ●ither for melancholy that he had for the loss at Agincourt, or by some sudden disease jews Dolphin of Uiennois, 
The death of the Dolphin of France. Part of those that spoilt the English camp.  heir apparent line 60 to the French king, departed this life without issue, which happened well for Robinet of Bournevill, and his fellows, as ye have heard before, for his death was their life, & his life would have been their death.  
After the French king had created new officers, in hope to relieve the state of his realm and country, year 1416 sore shaken by the late great overthrow, it chanced, that Thomas duke of Excester captain of Harflue, accompanied with three thousand Englishmen, made a great road into Normandy, almost to the city of Rone, in which journey he got great abundance both of riches and prisoners: but in his return, the earl of Arminacke newly made constable of France, intending in his first enterprise to win the spurs, having with him above five thousand horsemen, encountered with the duke. 
A sore conflict.  The fight was handled on both parts very hotly, but because the Englishmen were not able to resist the force of the Frenchmen, the duke was constrained to retire with loss at the least of three hundred of his footmen.  
Howbeit being withdrawn into an orchard, which was strongly fenced and hedged about with thorns, the Frenchmen were not able to enter upon the Englishmen; but yet they took from them all their horses and spoil, & assaulted them till it was night, and then retired back to the town, not far distant from the place where they fought, called Uallemont: this was upon the 14 day of March. In the morning upon the break of the day, the Englishmen issued forth of the orchard, where they had kept themselves all the night, & drew towards Harflue, whereof the Frenchmen being advertised, followed them, & overtook them upon the sands near to Chief de Caux, & there set on them: but in the end, the Frenchmen were discomfited, and a great number of them slain by the Englishmen, which afterwards returned without more ado unto Harflue. The French writers blame the constable for this loss, because he kept on the high ground with a number of men of war, and would not come down to aid his fellows.  
In this fourth year of king Henry's reign, the emperor Sigismond, 
Anno Reg. 4. The emperor Sigismond cometh 〈◊〉 England.  coosine german to king Henry, came into England, to the intent that he might make an atonement between king Henry and the French king: with whom he had been before, bringing with him the archbishop of Rheims, as ambassador for the French king. 
Titus Livius.  At Calis he was honourably received by the earl of Warwick lord deputy there, and diverse other lords sent thither of purpose to attend him. Moreover, the king sent thither thirty great ships to bring him and his train over. At Dover the duke of Gloucester, 
The stran●● manner of receiving the emperor 〈◊〉 Dover.  and diverse other lords were ready to receive him, who at his approaching to land, entered the water with their swords in their hands drawn; and by the mouth of the said duke declared to him, that if he intended to enter the land as the king's friend, and as a mediator to entreat for peace, he should be suffered to arrive: but if he would enter as an emperor into a land claimed to be under his empire, than were they ready to resist him. This was thought necessary to be done for saving of the king's prerogative, who hath full pre-eminence within his own realm, as an absolute emperor.  
When the emperor hereupon answered that he was come as the king's friend, and as a mediator for peace, and not with any imperial authority, he was of the duke and other his associates received with all such honour as might be devised. The king with all his nobility received him on Blackheath, the seventh day of May, and brought him through London to Westminster with great triumph. Shortly after there came also into England Albert duke of Holland, who was likewise friendly entertained. 
Albert duke of Holland cometh 〈◊〉 England.  Both these princes, the emperor and the duke of Holland were conveyed to Windsor to saint George's feast, and elected companions of the noble order of the garter, and had the collar and habit of the same to them delivered, and sat in their seals all the solemnity of the feast. Shortly after that the feast was finished, the duke of Holland returned into his country; but the emperor tarried still, and assayed all manner of means to persuade the king to a peace with the Frenchmen.  
But their evil hap, as they that were appointed by God's providence to suffer more damage at the Englishmen'S hands, would not permit his persuasions to take place: for whereas peace was even almost entering in at the gates, the king was suddenly stirred to displeasure upon a new occasion, for he being advertised of the loss of his men at the late conflict in the territory of Rone (as ye have heard) refused to hear this word peace once named. The emperor like a wise prince p●ssed over that time till another season, 
The emperor ●n earnest mediator for peace.  that some favourable aspect of the planets should seem to f●rther his purpose. And when he thought the same was come, he br●●●ed again the vessel of concord and amity, which he put in so fair a cup, and presented it with such effectuous words, line 10 that surly the king had tasted it, if word had not been brought about the same time, that Harflue was besieged of the French both by water and land, 
Harflue besieged by the French.  as it was indeed; for the constable of France encouraged by his last conflict (though the same was not much to his praise) assembled an army, and upon a sudden laid siege to the town. At the same instant john viscount of Narbon the viceadmerall of France, brought the whole navy to the rivage and shore adjoining to the town, in purpose to have entered by line 20 the waterside; but the duke of Excester defeated his intent, and defended the town very manfully.  
King Henry advertised hereof, meant at the first to have gone with his navy in person to the succours of his men; but the emperor dissuaded him from that purpose, advising him rather to send some one of his captains. The king following his loving and reasonable advertisement, appointed his brother the duke of Bedford accompanied with the earls of March, Martial, Oxford, Huntingdon, Warwick, Arundel, line 30 Salisbury, Devonshire, and diverse barons, with two hundred sail to pass into Normandy, for rescue of the town of Harflue; 
Titu● Livius.  which using great diligence shipped at Rye, and after some hindrance by contrary winds, at length came to the mouth of the river of Seine on the day of the Assumption of our lady. When the viscount of Narbon perceived the English navy to approach, he courageously set forward, and got the possession of the mouth of the haven. The duke of Bedford seeing his enemies thus line 40 fiercely to come forward, 
A great overthrow by sea given to the French by the duke of Bedford.  set before certain strong ships, which at the first encounter vanquished and took two French ships, the captains whereof were too rash and forward.  
The duke followed with all his puissance, and set on his enemies. The fight was long, but not so long as perilous, nor so perilous as terrible (for battles on the sea are desperate) till at length the victory fell to the Englishmen, so that almost all the whole navy of France, in the which were many ships, hulks, line 50 carikes, 

The French name of five hundred vessels vanquished.  
Titus Livius.   and other small vessels, to the number of five was sunk & taken. Amongst other vessels that were taken, three great carikes of Genoa▪ a city in Italy, were sent into England. In the same conflict were slain of the Frenchmen no small number, as appeared by the dead bodies, which were seen every day swimming about the English ships. 
Titus Livius. Harflue rescued by the Englishmen.  After this, the duke of Bedford sailed up to Harflue, & refreshed the town both with victuals and money; notwithstanding certain other French galleys did what they could line 60 to have letted that enterprise. When the earl of Arminacke heard that the puissant name of France was vanquished, he raised his siege & returned to Paris.  
After this discomfiture and loss, the puissance of the Frenchmen began to decay, for now the princes and nobles of the realm fell into division and discord among themselves▪ studying how to revenge their old private injuries, & refused to take pain for succour of the public weal and safeguard of their country: 
Civil discord amongst the ●●bles of France.  whereupon their power began to wax slender, their state brought into imminent danger of perpetual bondage; which thing no doubt had fallen upon them if king Henry had longer lived. For as upon one inconvenience suffered, many do follow, so was it in France at that time: 
Charles the French king not of sound memory.  for the king was not of sound memory, the war that was toward both doubtful and perilous: the princes untrusty and at discord: with a hundred things more (which might bring a realm to ruin) out of frame and order in France in those days. After that the duke of Bedford was returned back again into England with great triumph and glory, he was not so much thanked of the king his brother, as praised of the emperor Sigismond, being to him a stranger, which said openly, that happy are those subjects which have such a king, but more happy is the king that hath such subjects.  
When the emperor perceived that it was in vain to move further for peace, he left off that treaty, and entered himself into a league with king Henry, the contents of which league consisted chiefly in these articles, that both the said emperor and king, 
Titus Livius. The emperor entereth into league with king Henry.  their heirs, and successors, should be friends each to other, as allies and confederates against all manner of persons, of what estate or degree so ever they were (the church of Rome, and the pope for that time being only excepted) and that neither they, nor their heirs, 
The contents of the league.  nor successors should be present in council or other place, where either of them, or his heirs or successors might sustain damage, in lands, goods, honours, states, or persons: and that if any of them should understand of loss or hindrance to be like to fall or happen to the others, they should impeach the same, or if that lay not in their powers, they should advertise the others thereof with all convenient speed: and that either of them, and their heirs and successors should advance the others honour and commodity without fraud or deceit. Moreover, that neither of them, nor their heirs and successors should permit their subjects to levy wars against the others; and that it should be lawful and free for each of their subjects, to pass into the others country, and there to remain and make merchandise, either by sea or land, paying the customs, gables, and duties due and accustomed, according to the laws and ordinances of the places and countries where they chanced to traffic.  
Furthermore, that neither of the said princes, nor their heirs nor successors should receive any rebel, banished man, or traitor of the others wittingly; but should cause every such person to avoid out of their countries, realms, dominions, and jurisdictions. Again, that neither of the said princes, their heirs, nor successors should begin any wars against any other person, other than such as they had wars with at that present, without consent of the other his confederate, except in defence of themselves, their countries and subjects, in case of invasion made upon them. Also, that it should be lawful for the king of England, to prosecute his wars against the Frenchmen for recovery of his right, as should seem to him expedient; and likewise to the emperor, for recovery of any part of his right in Fance, so that neither of them did prejudice the others right in that behalf. lastly, that either of them should assist other, in recovery & conquest of their rights, lands, and dominions, occupied, withholden, and kept from them, by him that called himself king of France, and other the princes and barons of France. This alliance, with other conditions, agréements, and articles, was concluded & established on the ninetéenth day of October, in the year of our Lord 2416. This done, the emperor returned homewards, 
Titus Livius.  to pass into Germany; and the king partly to show him honour, and partly because of his own affairs, associated him to his town of Calis.  
During the time of their abode there, the duke of Burgognie offered to come to Calis, to speak with the emperor and the king, because he had knowledge wind and weather to his desire, the first day of August he landed in Normandy, near to a castle called Touque, where he consulted with his captains, what way was best for him to take concerning his high enterprise.  

The number of the army 16●00, of his own pur●ciance.  His army contained the number of sixteen thousand and four hundred soldiers and men of war of his own purveyance, beside others. The duke of Clarence had in his retinue a hundred lances, and three hundred archers: and beside him, there were line 10 three earls, 
Tit. Livius.  which had two hundred and forty lances, and seventeen hundred and twenty archers. The duke of Gloucester four hundred and seventy lances, and fourteen hundred and ten archers. The earls of March, Martial, Warwick, and Salisbury, each of them one hundred lances, and three hundred archers a piece. The earl of Huntingdon forty lances, and six score archers. The earl of Suffolk thirty lances, and fourscore and ten archers. Beside these, there were thirteen lords, as Aburgavennie, Matrevers, Fitz Hugh, Clifford, Gray, Willoughby, line 20 Talbot, Courtnie, Burchier, Roos, Lovel, Ferrer of Chartleie, and Harington, the which had in their retinue the number of five hundred and six lances, and fifteen hundred and fourscore archers. Also, there were in this army threescore and seventeen knights, which had under them nine hundred and forty five lances, and two thousand eight hundred and fifty two archers; so that in all, there were five and twenty thousand, five hundred, and eight and twenty fight men: of which number every fourth line 30 man was a lance. Beside the soldiers and men of war, there were a thousand masons, carpenters, and other labourers.  

The Normans 〈◊〉 to the wal●●d towns.  The Normans hearing of the king's arrival, were suddenly stricken with such fear, that they fled out of their houses, leaving the towns and villages, and with their wives and children, bag and baggage, got them into the walled towns, preparing there to defend themselves, & with all speed sent to the French line 40 king, requiring him to provide for the defence and preservation of his loving subjects. Hereupon, the men of war were appointed to resort into the strong towns, to lie within the same in garrisons, to resist the power of the Englishmen, so that all the walled towns and castles in Normandy were furnished with men, munition, and victuals. The king of England, 
Touque 〈◊〉 besieged 〈◊〉 y● English●●n & taken.  when he had resolved with his counsel for his proceeding in his enterprises, laid siege unto the castle of Touque. The duke of Gloucester that led the fore ward, had the charge of that siege, the which by line 50 force of assaults, and other warlike means, brought to that point, that they within yielded the place into his hands, the ninth day of August. The earl of Salisbury, 
Amberuilliers castle taken.  who led the battle, took the castle of Amberuilliers, the which was given to him by the king, and so this earl was the first that had any territory given him of the king in this new conquest. The king made at the winning of Touque eight and twenty knights, and left sir Robert Kirkelie captain line 60 there.  
After this, on deliberate advise taken how to proceed; the K. set forward toward the town of Caen in most warlike order, wasting the country on every side as he passed. Which town standeth in a plain fertile country, no stronger walled, than deep ditched, and as then well vittelled and replenished with people: for the citizens fearing the kings coming, had there provided all things necessary and defensible. But his majesty doubting least the Frenchmen, upon their understanding of his approach to the town, would have burned the suburbs and buildings without the walls, sent the duke of Clarence with a thousand men before him, to prevent that mischief. The duke coming thither, found the suburbs already set on fire, but used such diligence to quench the same, that the most part was saved. He also won the abbeie church of saint Stephan, which the Frenchmen were in hand to have overthrown, by undermining the pillars; but the duke obtaining the place, filled up the mines, and so preserved the church. He also won a cell of nuns, very strongly fenced, after the manner of war.  
Then came the king before the town, 
Caen besieged  who caused forthwith to be cast a deep trench, with an high mount, to keep them within from issuing forth, and that done, began fiercely to assault the town: but they within stood manfully to their defence, so that there was sore and cruel fight betwixt them, and their enemies. But when king Henry perceived that he lost more than he won by his daily assaults, he left off any more to assault it, and determined to overthrow the walls, with undermining. Wherefore with all diligence, the pioneers cast trenches, made mines, & brought timber; so that within a few days, the walls stood only upon posts, ready to fall, when fire should be put to them. 
Tit. Livius.  The king meaning now to give a general assault, caused all the captains to assemble before him in council, unto whom he declared his purpose, commanding them not before the next day to utter it; till by sound of trumpet they should have warning to set forward towards the walls, lest his determination being disclosed to the enemies, might cause them to provide the better for their own defence. He also prescribed unto them, 
The order of the assault.  what order he would have them to keep, in giving the assault, and that was this; that every captain dividing his band into three several portions, they might be ready one to succeed in an others place, as those which fought should happily be driven back and repelled.  
In the morning next following, being the fourth of September, somewhat before the break of the day, he caused his people to approach the walls, and to show countenance, as though they would give a general assault; and whilst they were busied in assailing and defending on both sides, the Englishmen pierced and broke through the walls by diverse holes and overtures made by the pioneers, under the foundation: yet the king upon diverse respects, offered them within pardon of life, if they would yield themselves and the town to his mercy; but they refusing that to do, the assault was newly begun, and after sore fight continued for the space of an hour, the Englishmen prevailed, and slew so many as they found with weapon in hand, ready to resist them.  
The duke of Clarence was the first that entered with his people, 
Titus Livius.  and having got the one part of the town, assailed them that kept the bridge, & by force beating them back, passed the same, and so came to the walls on the other side of the town, where the fight was sharp and fierce betwixt the assailants and defendants; but the duke with his people setting on the Frenchmen behind, as they stood at defence on the walls, easily vanquished them, so that the Englishmen entered at their pleasure. Thus when the king was possessed of the town, 
Caen taken by the Englishmen.  he incontinently commanded all armours & weapons of the vanquished, to be brought into one place, which was immediately done.  
Then the miserable people came before the king's presence, and kneeling on their knees, held up their hands, and cried; Mercy, mercy: to whom the king gave certain comfortable words, & bade them stand up. All the night following, he caused his army to keep themselves in order of battle within the town, and on the next morning called all the magistrates & governors of the town to the senate house, where some for their wilful stubborness were adjudged to die, other were sore fined and ransomed. Then he calling together his soldiers and men of war, 
Division of spoil.  not only gave them great praises and high commendations for their manly doings, but also distributed to every man, according to his desert, the spoil and gain gotten in the town, chiefly because at the assault they had showed good proof of their manhood and valiant courages.  
After that the town was thus won, the lord Montainie, captain of the castle, would not yield, line 10 but made semblance, 
The captain of the castle held out.  as though he meant to defend the place, to the utterance: but after that he was sharply called upon by king Henry, either to yield it, or else that he should be assured to have all mercy and favour sequestered from him, he took better advise, and thereupon being in despair of relief, made this composition, that if he were not rescued of the French power by a certain day, he should render the fortress into the king's hands, with condition, line 20 that he and his soldiers should be suffered to departed with all their goods, the habiliments of war only excepted. Hereupon twelve hostages were delivered to the king, and when the day came, being the twentieth of September, 
Titus Livius. Caen castle yielded.  they within rendered the castle into the king's hands; and thus, both the town and castle of Caen became English.  
Whilst the king was thus occupied about his wars in Normandy, the Scots in great number, entering England, 
Titus Livius. The Scots invade the English borders.  wasted the country with fire and line 30 sword wheresoever they came. The English lords that were left in trust with the keeping of those parties of the realm, raised the whole power of the countries, so that there came together the number of an hundred thousand men upon Baw moor, where the general assembly was made, 
Titus Livius. A great army to resist the Scots.  and as it chanced, the duke of Excester, uncle to the king, who had lately before mustered a certain number of men to convey them over to the king as a new supply to his army there, was the same time in the north parts on pilgrimage at Bridlington; and hearing of this invasion made line 40 by the Scots, 
Thom. Walsin.  took upon him to be general of the army prepared against them, and to give them battle. Also, the archbishop of York, although he was not able to sit on horseback by reason of his great age, caused himself to be carried forth in a chariot in that journey, the better to encourage other. But the Scots hearing that the Englishmen approached toward them with such a puissance, withdrew back into their country, 
The Scots recoil home.  and durst not abide the bickering; line 50 either because they mistrusted an infortunate event on their side, by reason of the English prowess; or else for that they had learned by others overthrows to avoid the like, wherein standeth a profitable point of wisdom, as the poet very sententiouslie saith, 
Plautus.  Feliciter sapit qui in alieno periculo sapit.  

Sir john Oldcastell. The servants of the abbot of S. Albon go about to catch the lord Cobham.  The same time, the lord Cobham, sir john Oldcastell, whilst he shifted from place to place to escape the hands of them, who he knew would be glad to lay hold on him, had conveyed himself in secret line 60 wise into an husbandman's house, not far from S. Albon, within the precinct of a lordship belonging to the abbot of that town. The abbots servants getting knowledge hereof, came thither by night, but they miss their purpose, for he was gone; but they caught diverse of his men, whom they carried streict to prison. The lord Cobham herewith was sore dismayed, for that some of them that were taken were such as he trusted most, being of counsel in all his devices. In the same place, were found books written in English, and some of those books in times past had been trimly gilded, livined, and beautified with images, the heads whereof had been scraped off, and in the Litany they had blotted forth the name of our lady, and of other saints, till they came to the verse Parce nobis Domine. diverse writings were found there also, in derogation of such honour as then was thought due to our lady. The abbot of saint Albon sent the book so difigured with scrapings & blottings out, with other such writings as there were found, unto the king; who sent the book again to the archbishop, to show the same in his sermons at Paul's cross in London, to the end that the citizens and other people of the realm might understand the purposes of those that then were called Lollards, to bring them further in discredit with the people.  
In this mean time that the king of England was occupied about Caen, the Frenchmen had neither any sufficient power to resist him, nor were able to assemble an host together in their necessity, by reason of the dissension among themselves: for their king was so simple, that he was spoiled both of treasure and kingdom, so that every man spent and wasted he cared not what. Charles the Dolphin being of the age of sixteen or seventeen years, 
Commendation of the Dolphin of France.  bewailed the ruin and decay of his country, he only studied the relief of the commonwealth, and devised how to resist his enemies; but having neither men nor money, was greatly troubled and disquieted in mind. In conclusion, by the advise and counsel of the earl of Arminacke the constable of France, he found a mean to get all the treasure & riches which his mother queen Isabella had gotten and hoardward in diverse secret places: and for the common defence and profit of his country he wisely bestowed it in waging soldiers, and preparing of things necessary for the war.  
The queen forgetting the great peril that the realm than stood in, 
The young Dolphin 〈◊〉 his old mother of 〈◊〉 treasure, what mischief ●ose upon it.  remembering only the displeasure to her by this act done, upon a womanish malice, set her husband john duke of Burgognie in the highest authority about the king, giving him the regiment and direction of the king and his realm, with all pre-eminence & sovereignty. 
The duke of Burgognie chief doer 〈◊〉 France.  The duke of Burgognie having the sword in his hand, in revenge of old injuries, began to make war on the Dolphin, determining, that when he had tamed this young unbridled gentleman, then would he go about to withstand, and beat back the common enemies of the realm. The like reason moved the Dolphin, for he minded first to repress the authors of civil discord, before he would set upon foreign enemies, and therefore prepared to subdue and destroy the duke of Burgognie, as the chief head of that mischief, whereby the realm was unquieted, decayed, and in manner brought to utter ruin. Thus was France afflicted, and in every part troubled with war and division, and no man to provide remedy, nor once put forth his finger for help or secure.  
King Henry in the mean time following victory and his good success, sent the duke of Clarence to the sea coast, where (with great difficulty) he got the town of Baieux, whereof the lord Matrevers was appointed captain. 
Baieux taken.  The duke of Gloucester also finding small resistance, took the city of Liseaux, 
Liseaux taken.  of which city sir john Kirkleie was ordained captain. King Henry himself tarried still at Caen, fortifying the town and castle, and put out fifteen hundred women and impotent persons, replenishing the town with English people. 
Caen people● with Engl●●● inhabitants. A worthier rare example of equity in king Henri●.  Where while the king sojourned, he kept a solemn feast, and made many knights; beside that, he showed there an example of great pity and clemency: for in searching the castle, he found innumerable substance of plate and money belonging to the citizens, whereof he would not suffer one penny to be touched, but restored the same to the owners, delivering to every man that which was his own.  
When the fame of his merciful dealing herein, of his bounty to captives, and of his favourable using of those that submitted themselves to his grace, was spread abroad, all the captains of the towns adjoining, came willingly to his presence, offering to him themselves, their towns, and their goods, whereupon he made proclamation, that all men, which had, or would become his subjects, and swear to him allegiance, should enjoy their goods, and liberties, in as large or more ample manner, 
The Normans willingly sworn English.  than they did before: line 10 which gentle entertaining of the stubborn Normans, was the very cause, why they were not only content, but also glad to remove and turn from the French part, and become subjects to the crown of England.  
When the king had set Caen in good order, he left there for captains, the one of the town, the other of the castle, sir Gilbert Umfrevill earl of Kime or Angus, & sir Gilbert Talbot, and made bailiff there sir john Popham, and so departed from Caen the line 20 first of October, 
The castle of Courfie rendered.  and coming to the castle of Courfie, within three days had it rendered to him. From whence, the fourth of October, he came unto Argenion; they within that town and castle offered, that if no rescue came by a day limited, they would deliver both the town and castle into the king's hands, so that such as would abide and become the kings faithful subjects should be received, the other to departed with their goods and lives saved whither they would: the king accepted their offer. When the day line 30 limited came, and no succours appeared, they yielded according to the covenants, 
Argenton builded.  and the king performed all that on his behalf was promised. The lord Gray of Codnor was appointed captain there. 
The voluntary subjection of the French.  After this, resorted daily to the king, of the Normans, people of all sorts and degrees, to swear to him fealty and homage. 
Sees yielded  The city of Sees which was well inhabited, and wherein were two abbeys of great strength, one of them yielded to the king, and so likewise did diverse other towns in those parties, without stroke line 40 stricken.  
The town of Alencon abode a siege for the space of eight days, 
Alanson besieged and yielded up.  they within defending it right valiantly at the first; but in the end, considering with themselves, what small hope there was for any succours to come to remove the siege, they grew to a composition, that if within a certain day they were not relieved, they should yield both the town and castle into the king's hands, which was done: for no succours could be heard of. The king appointed captain line 50 of this town, the duke of Gloucester, and his lieutenant sir Ralph Lentall. The duke of Britain under safe conduct came to the king, 
Titus Livius.  as he was thus busy in the conquest of Normandy, and after sundry points treated of betwixt them, a truce was taken, 
A truce taken between king Henry and the duke of Brit●ine.  to endure from the seventh day of November, unto the last of September, in the year next following, betwixt them, their soldiers, men of war, and subjects. The like truce was granted unto the queen of jerusalem and Sicill, & to her son line 60 jews, for the duchy of Anjou, and the county of main, the duke of Britain being their deputy for concluding of the same truce.  
About the same time also, at the suit of Charles the Dolphin, a treaty was in hand at Tonque, for a final peace, but it came to none effect. From Alencon the king set forward towards the town and castle of Faleis, meaning to besiege the same, where the Frenchmen appointed to the keeping of it, had fortified the town by all means possible, and prepared themselves to defend it to the uttermost. The earl of Salisbury was first sent thither before with certain bands of soldiers to enclose the enemies within the town, & to view the strength thereof. After him came the king with his whole army, 
Faleis besieged.  about the first of December, and then was the town besieged on each side. The king lodged before the gate that leadeth to Caen, the duke of Clarence before the castle that standeth on a rock, and the duke of Gloucester lay on the king's right hand, and other lords & noble men were assigned to their places as was thought expedient. And to be sure from taking damage by any sudden invasion of the enemies, there were great trenches and rampires cast and made about their several camps, for defence of the same.  
The Frenchmen notwithstanding this siege, valiantly defended their walls, and sometimes made issues forth, but small to their gain: and still the Englishmen with their guns and great ordinance made battery to the walls and bulwarks. The winter season was very cold, with sharp frosts, & hard weather; but the Englishmen made such shift for provision of all things necessary to serve their turns, that they were sufficiently provided, both against hunger and cold: so that in the end, 
Thom. Wals. Sir john Oldcastell taken.  the Frenchmen perceiving they could not long endure against them, offered to talk, and agreed to give over the town, if no rescue came by a certain day appointed. About the same season was sir john Oldcastell, lord Cobham taken, in the country of Powes land, in the borders of Wales, within a lordship belonging to the lord Powes, not without danger and hurts of some that were at the taking of him: for they could not take him, till he was wounded himself.  
At the same time, the states of the realm were assembled at London, for the levying of money, to furnish the kings great charges, which he was at about the maintenance of his wars in France: it was therefore determined, that the said sir john Oldcastell should be brought, and put to his trial, yer the assembly broke up. The lord Powes therefore was sent to fetch him, who brought him to London in a litter, wounded as he was: herewith, being first laid fast in the Tower, shortly after he was brought before the duke of Bedford, regent of the realm, and the other estates, where in the end he was condemned; and finally was drawn from the Tower unto saint Giles field, 
Sir john Oldcastell executed.  and there hanged in a chain by the middle, and after consumed with fire, the gallows and all.  
When the day was come, on the which it was covenanted that the town of Faleis should be delivered, to wit, the second of januarie, year 1418 
Faleis rendered up to king Henry.  because no succours appeared, the town was yielded to the king: but the castle held out still, into the which the captain and governor both of the town and castle had withdrawn themselves, with all the soldiers; and being straightly besieged, the captain defended himself and the place right stoutly, although he was sore laid to, until at length, perceiving his people wearied with continual assaults, and such approaches as were made to and within the very walls, he was driven to compound with the king, that if he were not succoured by the sixth of February, then should he yield himself prisoner, and deliver the castle; so that the soldiers should have licence to departed, with their lives only saved. When the day came, the covenants were performed, and the castle rendered to the king's hands, for no aid came to the rescue of them within. The captain named Oliver de Mannie was kept as prisoner, till the castle was repaired at his costs and charges, because the same, through his obstinate wilfulness, was sore beaten and defaced, with underminings and battery. captain there, by the king, was appointed sir Henry Fitz Hugh.  
After this, king Henry returned to Caen, and by reason of a proclamation which he had caused to be made for the people of Normandy, 
Histoir des ducs de Normandy.  that had withdrawn themselves forth of the baliwi●ks of Caen and Faleis, he granted away to his own people the lands of those that came not in upon that proclamation, and in special, he gave to the duke of Clarence, during his life, the vicounties of Ange, Orbed, and Ponteau de Mer, with all the lands of those that were withdrawn forth of the same vicounties. This gift was made the sixteenth of February, in this fift year of this king's reign. All the Lent season, 
Tho. Walsin. Titus Livius.  the king lay at Baieux with part of his army, line 10 but the residue were sent abroad, for the achieving of certain enterprises, because they should not lie idle.  
¶ In this year 1418, and in the first year of the reign of this victorious king, 
Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 397. and john Stow pag. 598.  Henry the fift, on Easter day in the after noon (a time which required devotion) at a sermon in saint Dunstan's in the east of London, a great fray happened in the said church, where through many people were sore wounded, and one Thomas Petwarden fishmonger that dwelled at line 20 Sprats key was slain outright; 
Slaughter and bloodshed in S. Dunstan's church on Easter day.  as they (upon a good intent) did what they could (to their own peril as unfortunately it befell) to appease the turmoil, and to procure the keeping of the king's peace. Hereupon the church was suspended, and the beginners of the broil, namely the lord Strange and sir john Trussell knight (between whom such coals of unkindness were kindled (at the instigation of their wives, 
Women full of mischief.  gentlewomen of evil disposition and at cursed hatred one with another) that their husbands meant at their meeting in the said church to have line 30 slain one another) were committed to the counter in the Pultrie. Two wise gentlemen (I wisse) and well advised (no doubt) who without regard of day, place, people, preacher, or peril that might ensue; were so forward to become the instruments of their mischievous wives malice; the fulfilling whereof they would have forborn, if with discretion they had pondered the verdict of the poet concerning the said sex: Foemina laetalis, foemina plena malis. line 40  

Record. Cant.  The archbishop of Canturburie, when he had intelligence given of this outrageous profanation of the church, caused the offenders to be excommunicate, as well at Paul's, as in all other parish churches of London. Shortly after, to wit on the one and twentieth of April, the said archbishop sat at saint Magnus, upon inquisition for the authors of the said disorder, and found the fault to consist specially in the lord Strange and his wife. So that upon the first day of May next following in Paul's church, before the said archbishop, 
The principal offenders punishment.  the mayor of London, and others, the line 50 said offenders submitted themselves to do penance, and swore to do it in such sort as to them it was enjoined; namely, as followeth. That immediately all their servants should (in their shirts) go before the parson of saint Dunstan's, from Paul's to the said saint Dunstan's church; and the lord Strange bareheaded, with his lady barefooted; Reignold Kenwood archdeacon of London following them. Also it was appointed them, that at the consecrating or hallowing of the said church (which they had profaned) the lady line 60 should fill all the vessels with 
* Not tears of her complaint (I trust) for sorrow of her sin.  water▪ and offer likewise to the altar an ornament of ten pounds; and the lord her husband a pix of silver of five pounds. Which done by way of a satisfactory expiation, it is likely they were absolved: but the lord Strange had first made the wife of the said Petwarden slain in the fray, large amends: as Fabian saith, though in what sort he maketh no mention.]  
Whilst the king of England won thus in Normandy, his navy lost nothing on the sea, but so scoured the streams, that neither Frenchmen nor Britons durst once appear; howbeit, on a day there arose such a storm and hideous tempest, that if the earls of March and Huntingdon had not taken the haven of Southampton, the whole navy had perished; & yet the safeguard was strange, 
A sore 〈◊〉.  for in the same haven, two balingers, and two great carickes, laden with merchandise were drowned, and the broken mast of another caricke was blown over the wall of the town. 
A violent tempest of wind.  When the fury of this outrageous wind and weather was assuaged, and the sea waxed calm, the earls of March and Huntingdon passed over with all their company, and landing in Normandy, they marched through the country, destroying the French villages, and taking preys on each hand, till they came to the king where he than was.  
In the sixth year of king Henry's reign, 
Anno Reg. ●.  he sent the earl of Warwick, and the lord Talbot, to besiege the strong castle of Dampfront. The duke of Clarence was also sent to besiege and subdue other towns, unto whom, at one time and other, we find, that these towns underwritten were yielded, wherein he put captains as followeth. 
Towns in Normandy yielded to K. Henry.  In Courton john Aubin, in Barney William Houghton, in Chambis james Nevil, in Bechelovin the earl Martial, in Harecourt Richard Wooduill esquire, in Fangernon john S. Albon, in Crevener sir john Kirbie to whom it was given, in Anuilliers Robert Hornebie, in Bagles' sir john Arthur, in Fresnie le vicont sir Robert Brent.  
The duke of Gloucester the same time, accompanied with the earl of March, the lord Greie of Codner, and other, was sent to subdue the towns in the isle of Constantine, unto whom these towns hereafter mentioned were yielded, where he appointed captains as followeth. At Carentine the lord Botreux, at Saint Lo Reginald West, at Ualoignes Thomas Burgh, at Pont Done Danie howel, at the Hay de Pais sir john Aston, at saint Savieur le vicont sir john Robsert, at Pontorson sir Robert Gargrave, at Hamberie the earl of Suffolk lord of that place by gift, at Briquevill the said earl also by gift, at Auranches sir Philip Hall bailiff of Alencon, at Uire the lord Matrevers, at S. james de Beumeron the same lord.  
After that the duke had subdued to the king's dominion, the most part of all the towns in that I'll of Constantine, Chierburgh excepted, he returned to the king, 
Chierburgh besieged by the English.  and forthwith was sent thither again to besiege that strong fortress, which was fenced with men, munition, victuals, and strong walls, towers, and turrets, in most defensible wise, by reason whereof it was holden against him the space of five months, although he used all ways and means possible to annoy them within, so that many fierce assaults, skirmishes, issues, and other exploits of war were achieved, betwixt the Frenchmen within, and the Englishmen without: yet at length, the Frenchmen were so constreind by power of baterie, mines, and other forcible ways of approching, that they were glad to compound to deliver the place, if no rescue came to raise the siege, either from the Dolphin, that their was retired into Aquitaine, or from the duke of Burgognie that then lay at Paris, within the term of three score and two days (for so long respite the duke granted) but they trusting further upon his lenity and gentleness hoped to get a far longer term.  
Now were the Dolphin and the duke of Burgognie grown to a certain agreement, by mediation of cardinals sent from the pope, so that the Englishmen surly thought, that they would levy a power, and come down to rescue Chierburgh. The duke of Gloucester therefore 〈◊〉 his camps to be strongly entrenched, and many defensible blockehouses of timber to be raised, like to small turrets, that the same might be a safeguard to his people, and to conclude, left nothing unforeséene nor undone, that was available for the defence of his army. The king doubting least some power should be sent down, to the danger of his brother, and those that were with him at this siege, caused two thousand men to be embarked in thirty ships of the west country, by order sent unto certain lords there.  
The Frenchmen within the town, perceiving those succours to approach near to the town, 
Chierburgh yielded to the Englishmen.  thought verily that there had been a power of Frenchmen coming to their aid: but when they saw them received line 10 as friends into the English camp, their comfort was soon quailed: and so when the day appointed came, being the ninetéenth of October, or rather about the later end of November (as the history of the dukes of Normandy hath) they rendered up both the town and castle, according to the covenants. The lord Greie of Codnore was made the king's lieutenant there, and after his decease, sir Water Hungerford. About the same time, or rather before, as Titus Livius writeth, to wit, the two and twentieth of line 20 june, 
The castle of Dampfront yielded.  the strong castle of Dampfront was yielded into the hands of the earl of Warwick, to the king's use. But the history written of the dukes of Normandy affirmeth, that it was surrendered the two and twentieth of September, after the siege had continued about it from April last. The king by honourable report of other, 
W.P.  and of his own special knowledge, so rightly ascertained of the great valour that (for feats at arms and policy in war) was always found in the person of that john Bromley esquire (spoken line 30 of a little here before) for which his majesty so sundry ways royally rewarded him again; some specialty yet of the gentleman's merits together with the sovereigns' bounty to him among other, seems here (at mention of this Dampfront, whereof shortly after he was captain) very well to deserve a place: and to that purpose as the king in julie went over again, and this john Bromley in june the same year, with conduct of charge was sent afore, imploieng himself still in venturous activity with line 40 great annoy to the enemy: his highness for good liking of the same, and for heartening and example to other (in April next following) gave forty pounds land to him and his heirs males by letters patents in words as followeth, and remaining yet of record in the Tower of London.  

A copy of the said letters patents. line 50  
HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae & dominus Hiberniae, omnibus ad quos praesentes litterae pervenerint salutem. Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali & pro bono seruitio quod dilectus serui●ns noster johannes Bromley nobis impendit & impendet in futurum: dedimus & concessimus ei hospitium de Molay Bacon, infra comitatum nostrum line 60 de Baieux, ac omnes terras, tenementa, redditus, haereditates, & possessiones infra ducatum nostrum Normandiae, quae fuerunt Alani de Beaumond nobis rebellis, ut dicitur. Habendum & tenendum praefato johanni & haeredibus fuis masculis de corpore suo procreatis, hospitium, terras, & tenementa, redditus, haereditates, & possessiones supradictas, una cum omnimodis franchesijs, privilegijs, iurisdictionibus, wardis maritagijs, rele●ijs, eschetis, forisfacturis▪ feodis militum, advocationibus ecclesiarum, & aliorum beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum quorumcúnque terris, pratis, pasturis, boscis, warennis▪ chaseis, aquis, vijs, stagnis, molendinis, vivarijs, moris, mariscis, ac alijs commoditatibus quibuscúnque dictis hospitio, terris, tenementis, redditibus, haereditatibus, & possessionibus pertinentibus sive spectantibus, ad valorem quadraginta librarum sterlingorum per annum, tenendis de nobis & haeredibus nostris per homagium, &c: ac reddendo nobis & eisdem haeredibus nostris apud castrum nostrum de Baieux unam zonam pro lorica, ad festum Natuitatis sancti johannis Baptistae singulis annis: nec non faciendo alia seruitia, etc. Reseruato, etc. proviso semper, etc. Castro seu civitati nostro de Baieux, etc. Quódque praedictum hospitium, etc. In cuius rei, etc. Teste me ipso apud dictam civitatem nostram de Baieux, 18 die Aprilis, anno regni nostri sexto, per ipsum regem.   
Yet here at the noble prince not staying his bounty, but rather regarding ever how justly new merits do deserve new dignities, and peradventure the more moved somewhat to rear up the degree of this esquire, toward the state of his stock, who a long time before had been endued with knighthood, and also because that unto the duke of Buckingham he was of blood, which his behaviour always had from stain so far preserved, as rather brought to it some increase of glory, did (in the most worthy wise which to that order belongeth) dub him knight of warfare in field, made him also captain general of this strong castle of Dampfront, 
Sir john Bromley made captain of Dampfront.  seneschal and great constable of Bossevile le Rosse, with other offices and titles of worship, as partly may appear by a deed, in which this knight taking pattern at his prince's benignity had given an annuity of twenty pounds to his kinsman Walter Audeley.  

A copy of that writing sundry ways so well serving to the truth of the story was thought right necessary here to be added, thus.  
OMnibus ad quos hoc praesens scriptum pervenerit, johannes de Bromley miles, capitaneus generalis de Dampfront, senescallus & magnus constabularius de Bossevile le Rosse & March ibidem, salutem. Sciatis quòd pro bono & fideli seruitio quod dilectus consanguineus meus Gualterus de Audeley mihi fecerit, tam infra regnum Angliae quàm extra, & praecipuè contra Francos: dedisse & concessisse, & hac praesenti chartamea confirmasse eidem Gualtero unum annualem redditum viginti librarum, exeuntem de manerio meo de Bromley, & omnibus alijs terris & tenementis meis infra regnum Angliae, una cum herbagio pro quatuor equis habendo infra boscos meos de Bromley & Willoughbridge, & octo carucatis foeni capiendis infra prat a mea de Shurlebrooke & Foordsmedo annuatim, durant tota vita praedicti Gualteri, infesto sancti jacobi apostoli. Et si contingat praedictum annualem redditum, a retrò fore in aliquo festo, durant termino praedicto; tunc bene licebit eidem Gualtero, in manerio meo, & omnibus alijs terris meis praedictis distringere, & districtiones inde captas penes se retinere, quousque de redditu praedicto, una cum arreragijs (si quae fuerint) plenary fuerit persolutum & satisfactum. Et ulterius volo, quòd praedictus Gualterus habebit liberumegressum & regressum cum equis suis praedictis, & ad asportandum foenum praedictum, quandocúnque volverit, per omnes semitas & vias, sine aliqua contradictione mei praedicti johannis, aut haeredum meorum aliquali. Reddendo inde mihi ipsi Gualtero annuatim in festo sancti Georgij martyris, si tunc fuerim infra regnum Angliae, unum par calcarium deauratorum, pro omnibus. Et etiam volo & concedo quòd praedictus Gualterus liber sit, durant tota vita sua, ad volandum, venandum, piscandum, & alias commoditates percipiendum, tam infra manerium meum de Bromley quàm in omnibus alijs manerijs, terris, & tenementis line 10 meis infra regnum Angliae, sine aliqua contradictione vel impedimento mei praefati johannis de Bromley militis, haeredum, aut assignatorum meorum aliquali. Et ut fidele testimonium praesentibus habeatur, sigillum meum apposui: hijs testibus, Roberto de Bruyn milite, johann de Holland, Gulihelmo de Brereton, Richardo le Grevill, johann de Egerton, Richardo le Beston, Thomale Creu, & alijs. Datum apud Dampfront line 20 praedicto, 12 die mensis Augusti, anno regni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum sexto.   
The old arms of the house of Bromley being quarterly gules and ore per fesse indented, had in the seal to this deed, an inscutchen charged with a griffin surgiant; his crest, out of a crown, a demilion supporting a standard charged with a lion passant gardant: about the shield was engraven, Sigillum line 30 johannis de Bromley militis. That inscutchen and crest (as like is) given him in laudable remembrance for his valiant recovery of the standard at the sharp and bloody skirmish by Corbie.] The earl of Warwick, and the lord Talbot, after the winning of this fortress, made speed to come unto the siege of Rone, where they were employed, as after shall appear. And in like manner, the duke of Gloucester, having once got the possession of Chierburgh, hasted towards the same siege: for the better furnishing of line 40 which enterprise, he had first caused an army of fifteen thousand men to be brought over to him, under the leading of his uncle the duke of Excester, who embarking with the same, about the feast of the holy Trinity, was appointed by the king to besiege the city of Eureux, as the earl of Angus, otherwise called earl of Kime, was sent to win the castle of Millie Levesche. These towns being delivered to the king's use, the duke ordained captain of Eureux sir Gilbert Halsall knight. line 50  
The king now determining with all speed to besiege Rone, prepared all things necessary for his purpose. Into this city the Normans had conveyed out of every part their money, jewels, and household stuff, as into the most sure and strongest place of the whole duchy. For since his arrival, they had not only walled that city, and fortified it with rampires and strong bulwarks, but also furnished it with valiant captains, and hardy soldiers, to the number of four thousand, beside such of the citizens as were appointed line 60 for the war, according to their estates, of the which there were at the least fifteen thousand ready to serve in defence of the city, as soldiers, and men of war in all places where they should be assigned. King Henry, to have the country free, before he would besiege this city, thought good first to win such towns as lay in his way, and therefore departing from Caen (where he had kept the feast of saint George) the ninth day of june, 
Titus Livius. Loviers besieged.  he marched straight unto the town of Loviers, and laid his siege about the same.  
They within the town, being well furnished of all things necessary for the defending of a siege, manfully resisted the Englishmen'S enforcements, which spared not to devise all ways and means how to approach the walls, and to batter the same with their great artillery, till at length they brought the Frenchmen to that extremity, that they were contented to yield the town on these conditions; that if by the three and twentieth of june there came no succour from the French king to raise the siege, the town should be delivered into the king's hands, the soldiers of the garrison should serve under the king for a time, and the townsmen should remain in their dwellings as they did before, as subjects to the king: 
Loviers yel●ded up.  but the gunner's that had discharged any piece against the Englishmen should suffer death. When the day came, and no aid appeared, the covenants were performed accordingly. From thence went the king with all speed unto Pont de Larch, standing upon the river of Seine, eight miles above Rone towards Paris: he came thither about the seven and twentieth of june.  
When the Frenchmen which kept the passage there heard of the king's approach, they gathered together a great number of men of war, minding to defend the passage against him, appointing an other band of men (if they failed) to keep the further side of the bridge; and to watch, that neither by boat nor vessel he should come over the river by any manner of means. At his coming near to the town, he perceived that it was not possible to pass by the bridge without great loss of his people, and therefore he retired almost a mile backward, where, in a pleasant and commodious place by the river side he pitched his camp, and in the night season, what with boats and barges, and what with hogsheads and pipes, 
The English army passeth the river of Seine.  he conveyed over the broad river of Seine a great company of his soldiers, without any resistance made by his enemies. For they which were on the hither side of Seine, thinking that the Englishmen had gone to win some other place, followed them not, but studied how to defend their town, which was enough for them to do.  
And to put the French men in doubt, lest the Englishmen should seek passage somewhere else, the king appointed certain of the soldiers which had skill in swimming, 
A good 〈◊〉  to go to a place three miles from the siege by the river side, and there to enter into the water, making great clamour and noise, as though they had meant to have passed; but they had in commandment not to traverse past half the river, so to procure the Frenchmen to make thitherwards, whilst the king in one place, and his brother the duke of Clarence in another, got over their men, and that in such number, before the Frenchmen had any understanding thereof, that when they made towards them, and perceived that they were not able to encounter them, they fled back, and durst not abide the English footmen, which would feign have been doing with them.  
When the king saw that his men were on the other side of the water, he (the next day early) returned to the town, & assaulted it on both sides. When the inhabitants therefore saw themselves compassed on both sides, contrary to their expectation, with humble heart and small joy they rendered up the town unto the king's hands. 
Pont de 〈◊〉 rendered up 〈◊〉 the English●●.  After this, the king having no let nor impediment, determined forthwith to besiege the city of Rone, and first sent before him his uncle the duke of Excester, with a great company of horsemen & archers to view the place, & thereupon with banner displayed came before the city, and sent Windsor an herald at arms to the captains within, willing them to deliver the city unto the king his master, or else he would pursue them with fire and sword. To whom they proudly answered, that none they received of him, nor any they would deliver him, except by fine force they were thereunto compelled: and herewith there issued out of the town a great band of men of arms, and encountered fiercely with the Englishmen, the which receiving them with like manhood, and great force, drove the Frenchmen into the town again to their loss, for they left thirty of their fellows behind prisoners and dead in the field.  
The duke returned with this good speed and proud answer of the Frenchmen unto the king, who remained line 10 yet at Pont de Larch, and had given the town of Loviers to his brother the duke of Clarence, which made there his deputy sir john Goddard knight. After that the duke of Excester was returned to Pont Larch, the French captains within Rone set fire on the suburbs, beat down churches, cut down trees, shred the bushes, destroyed the vines round about the city, to the intent that the Englishmen should have no relief nor comfort either of lodging or ●ewell. 
Rone besieged by K. Henry.  When the king heard of these despiteful doings, he with his whole army removed from Pont Larch, and the last day of julie came before the city of Rone, and compassed it round about with a strong siege. This city was very rich in gold, silver, and other precious things, in so much that when the same was taken and seized upon by the English, the spoil was very great and exceeding advantagable: which the compiler of Anglorum praelia hath very well noted, in a few lines, but pithy; saying: 
Vltima Rothomagus restat, quae mercibus, auro, line 30  

Angl. prael. 〈◊〉 Hen. 5.  Argento, vasis pretiosis dives abundat:  
Rothomagus capitur, iámque Anglus adeptus opimas  
Praedas, in patriam perpulchra trophaea remittit.   
The king lay with a great puissance at the Chartreux house, on the east side of the city, and the duke of Clarence lodged at S. Geruais before the port of Ca●● on the west part. 
Before Pont S. Hilary. Titus Livius.  The duke of Excester took his place on the north side: at port S. Denis, between the dukes of Excester and Clarence, was appointed the earl marshal, 
The order of the siege.  even before the gate of line 40 the castle; to whom were joined the earl of Ormond, 
Before the gate called Markevile. Titus Livius.  and the lords Harington and Talbot, upon his coming from Dampfront: and from the duke of Excester toward the king, were encamped the lords Ros, Willoughby, Fitz Hugh, and sir William Porter, with a great band of northern men, even before the port of saint Hilary. The earls of Mortaigne and Salisbury were assigned to lodge about the abbey of saint Katherine. 
Salisbury & Huntingdon on the other side of the river of Seine.  Sir john Greie was lodged directly against the chapel called line 50 mount S. Michael: sir Philip Léech treasurer of the wars kept the hill next the abbeie, and the baron of Carew kept the passage on the river of Seine, and to him was joined that valiant esquire jenico Dartois.  
On the further side of the river were lodged the earls of Warren and Huntingdon, the lords Nevil and Ferrer, sir 
* Umfrevile.  Gilbert Umfrevile with a well furnished company of warlike soldiers directly before the gate called Port de Pont. And to the intent line 60 that no aid should pass by the river toward the city, there was a great chain of iron devised at Pont Larch, set on piles from the one side of the water to the other: and beside that chain, there was set up a new forced bridge▪ sufficient both for carriage and passage, to pass the river from one camp to another. The earl of Warwick that had lately won Dampfront, 
The lord Talbot.  was sent to besiege Cawdebecke, a town standing on the river side, between the sea and the city of Rone▪ [A memorable fea● in service near to that place was done at that time by a well minded man then noted soon after in writing: 
W. P.  which matter unable to be better reported than by him that had so well marked it, nor like to be more truly expressed than by the ancient simplicity (and yet effectual) of the self same words wherein they were written, therefore thought meetest to have them rehearsed as they were in order, thus.  

The truth of the said memorable feat as it was reported in writing.  
MEmorandum, that my lord the earl of Warwick did send out my cousin sir john Bromley and my cousin George Umfrevile with an hundred archers, and about two hundred soldiers a strett, 
A conflict near to Cawdebecke.  to keep at a little castle called the Stroo near to Cawdebeke where they wearen met with above eight hundred Frenchmen & the fray between them long yfought, and the Englishmen in great dread and peril: till at length by the might of God and saint George, the field did fall to our Englishmen, & the Frenchmen wearen put to flizt, and there wearen yslaine above two hundred Frenchmen, and as many ytaken prisoners, and their captain who was called the lord of Estrisles was there also yslaine, 
The L. of Estrisles slain.  and there wearen yslaine of our Englishmen my said cousin George Umfrevile and about twenty more: on whose souls jesus have mercy, 
George Umfrevile slain.  and there wearen hurt in the face my said cousin sir john Bromley & my cousin Walter Audeley sore wounded and maimed in the right arm of his body, 
Walter Audeley sore wounded.  he then being but of the age of eighteen years. But thanks be given to the blessed trinity, there wearen many noble victories ywoon by the said noble earl of Warwick and his folk, as in his official book (written by Master john le Tuck then present with the said noble earl) is amply recorded. My said cousin Walter Audeley died at Warwick the seventeenth day of julie 
* And this sir john Bromley departed from this life the fourth day of Sept. 1419. which w●s in anno reg. 7. as by the office taken after his death remaining of record in the castle of Chester doth manifestly appear.  anno Domini one thousand four hundred and twenty, and was buried at Acton in Cheshire, near the body of my said cousin sir john Bromley: on whose souls jesus have mercy. By me sir Richard Braie, chaplain to my lady the old countess of Warwick; jesus Maria, Amen, Pater noster, ave Maria.   
After this conflict, this town was so hardly handled with fierce and continual assaults, that the captains within offered to suffer the English navy to pass by their town without impeachment, up to the city of Rone. And also if Rone yielded, they promised to render the town without delay. Hereupon the English navy, to the number of an hundred sails, passed by Cawdebecke, and came to Rone, and so besieged it on the water side. There came also to this siege the duke of Gloucester, with the earl of Suffolk, and the lord Aburgavennie, which had taken (as before ye have heard) the town of Chierburgh, & lodged before the port of S. Hilary, nearer to their enemies by forty roads than any other person of the army.  
During this siege also, there arrived at Har●lue the lord of Kilmaine in Ireland, 
The lord of Kilmaine captain of the Irishmen.  with a band of sixteen hundred Irishmen, in mail, with darts and skains after the manner of their country, all of them being tall, quick, and nimble persons, which came and presented themselves before the king lying still at the siege, of whom they were not only gently received & welcomed; but also because it was thought that the French king and the duke of Burgognie would shortly come, and either attempt to raise the siege, or victual and man the town by the north gate, they were appointed to keep the north side of the army, and specially the way that cometh from the forest of Lions. Which charge the lord of Kilmaine and his company joyfully accepted, and did so their line 10 devoir therein, that no men were more praised, nor did more damage to their enemies than they did: 
The good service of the Irishmen at this siege.  for surly their quickness & swiftness of foot did more prejudice to their enemies, than their barded horses did hurt or damage to the nimble Irishmen. Also the king's coosine german and alley (the king of Portugal) sent a great nanie of well appointed ships unto the mouth of the river of Seine, 
Titus Livius. The king of Portugal sendeth aid to king Henry.  to stop that no French vessels should enter the river, and pass up the same, to the aid of them within Rone. line 20  
Thus was the fair city of Rone compassed about with enemies, both by water and land, having neither comfort nor aid of King, Dolphin, or Duke. And yet although the army was strong without, there lacked not within both hardy captains and manful soldiers. And as for people, they had more than enough: for as it is written by some that had good cause to know the truth, and no occasion to err from the same, there were in the city at the time of the siege, 
The number within Rone.  two hundred and ten thousand persons. Daily line 30 were issues made out of the city at diverse gates, sometime to the loss of the one party, and sometime of the other, as chances of war in such adventures happen. The Frenchmen in deed preferring fame before worldly riches, and despising pleasure (the enemy to warlike prowess) swore each to other never to render or deliver the city, while they might either hold sword in hand or spear in rest.  
The king of England advertised of their haughty courages, determined to conquer them by famine, line 40 which would not be tamed with weapon. Wherefore he stopped all the passages, both by water and land, that no victuals could be conveyed to the city: he cast trenches round about the walls, and set them full of stakes, and defended them with archers, so that there was left neither way for them within to issue out, nor for any that were abroad to enter in without his licence. To rehearse the great pains, travel and diligence, which the king took upon him in his own person at this siege, 
Titus Livius.  a man might wonder. And because line 50 diverse of the soldiers had lodged themselves for their more ease, in places so far distant one from an other, that they might easily have been surprised by their enemies, yer any of their fellows could have come to their succours; he caused proclamation to be made, that no man upon pain of death should lodge without the precinct appointed them, nor go further abroad from the camp than such bounds as were assigned.  
Now as it chanced, the king in going about the camp, to survey and view the warders, he espied line 60 two soldiers that were walking abroad without the limits assigned, whom he caused straightways to be apprehended and hanged upon a tree of great height, for a terror to others, 
King Henry his justice.  that none should be so hardy to break such orders as he commanded them to observe. 
Thom. Wals.  Whilst the king lay thus with his power about the mighty city of Rone, the Frenchmen sought to endamage as well those that were at that siege, as other of the Englishmen that lay in garrisons within the towns that were already in the king of England's possession, insomuch that (as some have written) within the octaves of the Assumption, three notable victories chanced to the Englishmen in three several places. 
Three 〈◊〉 victories 〈◊〉 the Engl●●● side 〈◊〉 short time ●●●gither.  First an hundred Englishmen at Kilbuef took three great lords of the Frenchmen, besides fourscore other persons, and put three hundred to flight.  
Also upon the thursday within the same octaves, four hundred Frenchmen that were entered within the suburbs of Eureux were repelled by eleven Englishmen, that took four of those Frenchmen prisoners, siue twelve of them, and took forty horses. On the saturday following, the Frenchmen took in hand to steal upon them that lay in garrison within Loviers, in hope to surprise the town early in the morning: but the captain perceiving their purpose, sallied forth with a hundred of his men, and putting the Frenchmen to flight, being a thousand, took an hundred and fourscore of them being all gentlemen. But to return to them before Rone. The siege thus continuing from Lammas, almost to Christmas, diverse enterprises were attempted, and diverse policies practised, how every part might endamage his adversaries: no part greatly rejoiced of their gain. But in the mean time victuals began sore to fail them within, that only vinegar and water served for drink.  
If I should rehearse (according to the report of diverse writers) how dearly dogs, rats, mice, 
Extreme famine within Rone.  and cats were sold within the town, and how greedily they were by the poor people eaten and devoured, and how the people daily died for fault of food, and young infants lay sucking in the streets on their moothers breasts, lying dead, starved for hunger; the reader might lament their extreme miseries. A great number of poor silly creatures were put out at the gates, which were by the Englishmen that kept the trenches beaten and driven back again to the same gates, which they found closed and shut against them. And so they lay between the walls of the city and the trenches of the enemies, still crying for help and relief, for lack whereof great numbers of them daily died.  
Howbeit, king Henry moved with pity, upon Christmas day, in the honour of Christ's Nativity, 
A virtuous and charitable prince.  refreshed all the poor people with victuals, to their great comfort and his high praise: yet if the duke of Burgognies letters had not been conveyed into the city, it was thought they within would never have made resistance so long time as they did; for by those letters they were assured of rescue to come. diverse lords of France having written to them to the like effect, they were put in such comfort herewith, that immediately, to express their great rejoicing, all the bells in the city were rung forth cheerfully, which during all the time of the siege till that present had kept silence. In deed by reason of a faint kind of agreement procured betwixt the Dolphin and the duke of Burgognie, it was thought verily that a power should have been raised for preservation of that noble city, the losing or saving thereof being a matter of such importance.  
The king of England, to prevent the enemies purpose, 
Chron. S. 〈◊〉▪ A large 〈◊〉 without the camp.  caused a large trench to be cast without his camp, which was pight full of sharp stakes, with a great rampire fenced with bulwarks, and turnepikes, in as defensible wise as might be devised, Sir Robert Bapthorpe, knight, was appointed controller, to see this work performed, which he did with all diligence accomplish; in like case as he had done, when the other trench and rampire strongly staked and hedged was made at the first betwixt the camp and the city, to restrain such as in the beginning of the siege rested not to prick forth of the gates on horse back. And so by this means was the army defended both behind and before.  
Finally, year 1419 the whole number of the Frenchmen within the city were brought to such a● extremity for want of victuals, that they were in danger all to have starved. Whereupon being now pas● hope of relief, they determined to treat with the king of England, and so upon Nowyeares' even there came to the walls such as they had chosen amongst them for commissioners, which made a sign● to the Englishmen lying without the gate of the bridge, to speak with some gentleman, or other person of authority. The earl of Huntingdon, which kept that part, sent to them sir Gilbert Umfrovile; unto whom line 10 they declared, that if they might have a safe conduct, they would gladly come forth to speak with the king. Sir Gilbert repairing to the duke of Clarence, and other of the king's council, advertised them of this request.  
Hereupon the duke of Clarence with the other councillors resorted to the king's lodging, to inform him of the matter, and to know his pleasure therein; who after good advisement and deliberation taken, willed sir Gilbert to advertise them, that he was line 20 content to hear twelve of them, which should be safely conveyed into his presence. This answer being brought to the Frenchmen by the said sir Gilbert, 
They within ●●one demand parlee.  on the next day in the morning, four knights, four learned men, and four sage burgesses, all clothed in black, came forth of the city, and were received at the port saint Hilary by sir Gilbert Umfrevile, accompanied with diverse gentlemen and yeomen of the king's household, commonly called yeomen of the crown, by whom they were conveyed line 30 to the king's lodging, whom they found at mass, which being ended, the king came out of his traverse, sternelie, and princely beholding the French messengers, and passed by them into his chamber. And incontinently after he commanded that they should be brought in before his presence, to hear what they had to say.  
One of them seen in the civil laws, was appointed to declare the message in all their names, who showing himself more rash than wise, more arrogant line 40 than learned, 
A presumptuous orator.  first took upon him to show wherein the glory of victory consisted, advising the king not to show his manhood in famishing a multitude of poor, simple, and innocent people, but rather suffer such miserable wretches as lay betwixt the walls of the city, and the trenches of his siege, to pass through the camp, that they might get their living in other places, and then if he durst manfully assault the city, and by force subdue it, he should win both line 50 worldly fame, and merit great méed at the hands of almighty God, for having compassion of the poor, needy, and indigent people.  
When this orator had said, the king who no request less suspected, than that which was thus desired, began a while to muse; and after he had well considered the crafty cautel of his enemies, with a fierce countenance, 
The king's answer to this proud message.  and bold spirit he reproved them, both for their subtle dealing with him, and their malapert presumption, in that they should seem to go about line 60 to teach him what belonged to the duty of a conqueror.  
And therefore since it appeared that the same was unknown unto them, he declared that the goddess of battle called Bellona, had three handmaidens, ever of necessity attending upon her, as blood, fire, and famine. And whereas it lay in his choice to use them all three; yea, two, or one of them at his pleasure, he had appointed only the meekest maid of those three damsels to punish them of that city, till they were brought to reason.  
And whereas the gain of a captain attained by any of the said three handmaidens, was both glorious, honourable, and worthy of triumph: yet of all the three, the youngest maid, which he meant to use at that time was most profitable and commodious. And as for the poor people lying in the ditches, if they died through famine, the fault was theirs, that like cruel tyrants had put them out of the town, to the intent he should slay them; and yet had he saved their lives, so that if any lack of charity was, it rested in them, and not in him. But to their cloaked request, he meant not to gratify the them within so much, but they should keep them still to help to spend their victuals. And as to assault the town, he told them that he would they should know, he was both able and willing thereto, as he should see occasion: but the choice was in his hand, to ●am● them either with blood, fire, or famine, or with them all, whereof he would take the choice at his pleasure, and not at theirs.  
This answer put the French ambassadors in a great study, musing much at his excellent wit and haughtiness of courage. Now after they had dined (as his commandment was they should) with his officers, they upon consultation had together, required once again to have access to his royal presence, which being granted, they humbling themselves on their knees, 
A truce for eight days.  besought him to take a truce for eight days, during the which they might by their commissioners take some end and good conclusion with him and his council. The king like a merciful prince granted to them their ask, with which answer they joyfully returned. After their departure were appointed and set up three tents, the one for the lords of England, the second for the commissioners of the city, and the third for both parties to assemble in, and to treat of the matter.  
The commissioners for the English part were the earls of Warwick and Salisbury, the lord Fitz Hugh, sir Walter Hungerford, sir Gilbert Umfrevile, sir john Robsert, and john de Uasques de Almada. And for the French part were appointed, sir Guy de Butteler, and six others. 
Commissioners appointed.  These commissioners met every day, arguing and reasoning about a conclusion, but nothing was done the space of eight days, nor so much as one article concluded: wherefore the Englishmen took down the tents, & the Frenchmen took their leave: but at their departing they remembering themselves, required the English lords (for the love of God) that the truce might endure till the sun rising the next day, to the which the lords assented.  
When the French commissioners were returned into the city without any conclusion of agreement, the poor people ran about the streets, crying, and calling the captains and governors murderers and manquellers, saying that for their pride and stiff stomaches all this misery was happened, threatening to slay them if they would not agree unto the king of England's demand. The magistrates herewith amazed, called all the townesmen-togither to know their minds and opinions. The whole voice of the commons was, to yield rather than to stern. Then the Frenchmen in the evening came to the tent of sir john Robsert, requiring him of gentleness to move the king, that the truce might be prolonged for four days. The king thereunto agreed, and appointed the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other seven before named for his part, and the citizens appointed a like number for them.  
The tents were again set up, 
The articles concerning the yielding up of Rone.  and daily they met together, and on the fourth day they accorded on this wise, that the city and castle of Rone should be delivered unto the king of England, at what time after the midst of the ninetéenth day of that present month of januarie, the said king willed the same; and that all the captains and other men whatsoever, dwelling or being within the said city and castle, should submit them in all things to the grace of the said king: and further, that they should pay to the said king three hundred thousand scutes of gold, whereof always two should be worth an English noble, or in stead of every s●ute thirty great blanks white, or fifteen groats.  
Moreover it was accorded, that every soldier and stranger, being in the said city and castle, should swear on the evangelists before their departure, not to bear armour against the king of England, before the first day of januarie next to come. Also they line 10 within the town should suffer all the poor people lying in ditches, or about the ditches of the city, which for penury were chased out, to enter the city again▪ and to find them sufficient food till the said ninetéenth day of januarie. There were diverse other articles, in all to the number of two and twenty agreed aswell on the behalf of the citizens, as of king Henry, who granted, that all the soldiers, strangers, and other within the said city and castle at that time, being not willing to become his lieges, should departed, line 20 after that the city and castle was once yielded, freely without let, leaving to the said king all their armours, horses, harness, & goods, except the Normans, which if they should refuse to become lieges to him, were appointed to remain as his prisoners, together with one Luca Italico, 
Luca Italico. The vicar general of the archbishopric of Rone for denouncing the king accursed was delivered to him and detained in prison till he died. Titus Livius. One Alane Blanchart was likewise delivered to him, & by his commandment ●ut to death. Translator of Titus Livius. King Henry's entry into Rone.  and certain others.  
When the day of appointment came, which was the day of saint Wolstane, sir Guy de Buttler, and the burgesses, delivered the keys of the city and castle unto the king of England, beseeching him of favour line 30 and compassion. The king incontinently appointed the duke of Excester, with a great company to take possession of the city, who like a valiant captain mounted on a goodly courser first entered into the city, and after into the castle. The next day being friday, the king in great triumph like a conqueror, accompanied with four dukes, ten earls, eight bishops, sixteen barons, and a great multitude of knights, esquires, and men of war entered into Rone, where he was received by the clergy, with line 40 two and forty crosses; and then met him the senate, and the burgesses of the town, offering to him diverse fair and costly presents.  
In this manner he passed through the city to our lady church, and there having said his orisons, he caused his chapleins to sing this anthem: Quis est tam magnus dominus: Who is so great a lord as our God. This done, he came to the castle, where he continued a good space after, receiving homages and fealties of the burgesses and townsmen, and setting orders amongst them. He also re-edified diverse fortresses, line 50 and towns, during which time he made proclamation, that all men which would become his subjects, should enjoy their goods, lands & offices, which proclamation made many towns to yield, and many men to become English the same season.  
The duke of Britain, understanding that if the king of England should continue in possession of Normandy, 
Titus Livius.  his country could not but be in great danger, if he provided not to have him his friend, upon line 60 safe conduct obtained for him & his retinue, came to Rone with five hundred horses, and being honourably received of the king, after conference had betwixt them of diverse things, at length they agreed upon a league on this wise, 
A league concluded between king Henry and the duke of Britain.  that neither of them should make war unto the other, nor to any of the others people or subjects, except he that meant to make war denounced the same six months before. Thus this league being concluded, the duke took leave of the king, and so returned into Britain.  
About the same time, at the suit of certain bishops and abbots of Normandy, the king confirmed unto them their ancient privileges, granted by the former dukes of Normandy and kings of France, except such as were granted by those whom he reputed for usurpers, and no lawful kings or dukes. He also established at Caen the chamber of accounts of the revenues of his dukedom of Normandy. In Rone he began the foundation of a strong tower behind the castle, that from the castle to the tower, and from the tower to his palace, the men of war appointed there in garrison, might pass in surety without danger of the city, if herhaps the citizens should attempt any rebellion.  
In this sixth year, whilst these things were adooing in Normandy, 
She was committed to the safe keeping of Pelham, who appointed her nine servants to attend her ● conveyed h●r to the castle of Pompsey Tho. Walsin. Friar Randoll.  queen Io●e late wife of king Henry the fourth, and mother in law to this king, was arrested by the duke of Bedford the king's lieutenant in his absence, and by him committed to safe keeping in the castle of Leeds in Kent, there to abide the king's pleasure▪ About the same time, one friar Randoll of the order of franciscans that professed divinity, and had been confessor to the same queen, was taken in the isle of Gernesey; and being first brought over into Normandy, was by the king's commandment sent hither into England, and committed to the Tower, where he remained till the parson of the Tower quarreling with him, by chance slew him there within the Tower ward. It was reported that he had conspired with the queen by sorcery and necromancy to destroy the king.  
Whilst the king remained in Rone, to set things in order for the establishment of good policy in that city, he sent abroad diverse of his captains, with convenient forces to subdue certain towns & castles in those parties, as his brother the duke of Clarence, 
Uernon and Mante taken by the English.  who won the strong town of Uernon and Mante. In Uernon was sir William Porter made captain, and in Mant the earl of March. The earl of Salisbury wan Hunflue, 
Titus Livius. Hunflue taken.  after he had besieged it from the fourth of February until the twelfth of March. This town was given afterwards unto the duke of Clarence. Also the said earl of Salisbury won the towns of Monster de Uilliers, Ewe, Newcastle, and finally all the places in that quarter, which till that present were not under the English obeisance. At Newcastle sir Philip Léech was made captain.  
After Candlemas, the king departed from Rone to go to Eureux, whither he promised to come in like case, as the Dolphin promised to be at Dreux, to the end that they might advise upon a convenient place where to meet, to entreat of peace to be concluded betwixt the two realms. But the Dolphin by sinister persuasion of some enemies to concord, broke promise, and came not. When the king saw that thorough default of his adversary, no treaty would be had, he removed to Uernon, and there a while remained. 
Anno Reg. 7.  Now from Eureux the king had dispatched the earl of Warwick unto the siege of la Roch Guion, which fortress he so constrained, 
Roch Guio● rendered up.  that it was yielded into his hands, the sixth of April, in the beginning of this seventh year of king Henry's reign, and given to sir Guy Buttler late captain of Rone, of the kings free and liberal grant.  
About the same time, the duke of Excester laid siege unto Chateau Galliard, 
Chateau G●liard besieged.  which siege continued from the last of March, unto the latter end of September, or (as some writ) unto the twentieth of December, as after shall appear. 
Yuri taken by assault.  The duke of Gloucester being sent to win the town and castle of Yuri, took the town by assault, and the castle was delivered by composition after forty days siege. After this the Englishmen overran the country about Chartres, and did much hurt to their enemies in all places where they came. The hearts of the Frenchmen were sore discouraged with the loss of Rone, and the other towns which yielded one after another thus to the Englishmen, so that such as loved the wealth of their country sore lamented the imminent mischéefes, which they saw by the division of the nobility, like shortly to fall on their heads, namely because they saw no remedy prepared.  
But who ever else was disquieted with this matter, john duke of Burgognie raged and swelled, yea and so much fretted therewith, that he witted not what to say, and less to do: for he knew well that he was neither free from disdain, nor yet delivered from the line 10 scope of malice, because that he only ruled the king, and had the whole doings in all matters about him. And therefore he considered, that all such mishaps as chanced to the state of the commonwealth would be imputed to his negligence and disordered government. To find some remedy against such dangers at hand, he thought first to assay, if he might by any reasonable means conclude a peace betwixt the two mighty kings of England and France, which if he might bring to pass, he doubted not to revenge his line 20 quarrel easily enough against the Dolphin Charles, and to repress all causes of grudge and disdain.  
Herewith intending to build upon this frail foundation, he sent letters and ambassadors to the king of England, 
Ambassadors sent on either side.  advertising him, that if he would personally come to a communication to be had between him and Charles the French king, he doubted not but by his only means, peace should be brought in place, and bloody battle clearly exiled. King Henry giving courteous ear to these ambassadors, line 30 sent with them the earl of Warwick as his ambassador, 
Titus Livius.  accompanied with two hundred gentlemen to talk with the duke, as then remaining in the French court at the town of Province. The earl was assailed by the way as he journeyed, by a great number of rebellious persons, gotten into armour of purpose to have spoiled him of such money and things as he and his company had about them. But by the high valiancy of the English people, with the aid of their bows, the Frenchmen were discomfited line 40 and chased.  
The earl at his coming to Province was honourably received, and having done the effect of his message, returned; and with him the earl of saint Paul, and the son and heir of the duke of Bourbon were also sent as ambassadors from the French king, to conclude upon the time and place of the meeting, with all the circumstances. Whereupon the king of England agreed to come to the town of Mante, with condition that the duke of Burgognie, and other line 50 for the French king should come to Pontoise, that either part might meet other in a convenient place betwixt those two towns near to Meulan. According to this appointment, K. Henry came to Mante, where in the feast of Pentecost he kept a liberal house to all comers, and sat himself in great estate. Upon the which day, either for good service already by them done, or for the good expectation of things to come, 
Creation of earls.  he created Gascoigne de Fois, otherwise called the captau or captall de Buef a valiant line 60 Gascoigne, earl of Longuevile; and sir john Greie earl of tankerville, and the lord Bourchier earl of Ewe.  
After this solemn feast ended, the place of interview and meeting was appointed to be beside Meulan on the river of Seine, where in a fair place every part was by commissioners appointed to their ground. 
Either part was appointed to bring with them not passed two thousand and five hundred men of war as T●t. Liu. saith.  When the day of appointment approached, which was the last day of May, the king of England accompanied with the dukes of Clarence, and Gloucester, his brethren, the duke of Excester his uncle, and Henry Beauford clerk his other uncle, which after was bishop of Winchester and cardinal, with the earls of March, Salisbury, and others, to the number of a thousand men of war, entered into his ground, which was barred about and ported, wherein his tents were pight in a princely manner.  
Likewise for the French part came Isabella the French queen, 
A treaty of peace.  because her husband was fallen into his old frantic disease, having in her company the duke of Burgognie, and the earl of saint Paul, and she had attending upon her the fair lady Katherine her daughter, with six and twenty ladies and damosels; and had also for her furniture a thousand men of war. The said lady Katherine was brought by her mother, only to the intent that the king of England beholding her excellent beauty, should be so inflamed and rapt in her love, that he to obtain her to his wife, should the sooner agree to a gentle peace and loving concord. 

Seven times the last being on the last day of june.  
Titus Livius.   But though many words were spent in this treaty, and that they met at eight several times, yet no effect ensued, nor any conclusion was taken by this friendly consultation, so that both parties after a princely fashion took leave each of other, and departed; the Englishmen to Mante, and the Frenchmen to Pontoise.  
Some authors writ that the Dolphin to stay that no agreement should pass, 
Chro. of Flanders.  sent sir Taneguie de castle to the duke of Burgognie, declaring that if he would break off the treaty with the Englishmen, he would then common with him; and take such order, that not only they but the whole realm of France should thereof be glad and rejoice. Howsoever it came to pass, truth it is, 
Titus Livius.  that where it was agreed, that they should eftsoons have met in the same place on the third of julie; the king according to that appointment came: but there was none for the French part, neither queen nor duke that once appeared; so that it was manifest enough how the fault rested not in the Englishmen, but in the Frenchmen. By reason whereof no conclusion sorted to effect of all this communication, save only that a certain spark of burning love was kindled in the king's heart by the sight of the lady Katherine.  
The king without doubt was highly displeased in his mind, that this communication came to no better pass. Wherefore he mistrusting that the duke of Burgognie was the very let and stop of his desires, said unto him before his departure: Coosine, we will have your king's daughter, and all things that we demand with her, or we will drive your king and you out of his realm. Well (said the duke of Burgognie) before you drive the king and me out of his realm, you shall be well wearied, and thereof we doubt little. Shortly after, the duke of Burgognie and the Dolphin met in the plain fields besides Melun, and there coming together, concluded apparently an open peace and amity, which was proclaimed in Paris, Amiens, and Pontoise.  
This agreement was made the sixth of julie in the year 1419. It was engrossed by notaries, 
An agreement between the duke of Burgognie & the Dolphin.  signed with their hands, and sealed with their great seals of arms: but as the sequel showed, hart thought not what tongue spoke, nor mind meant not that hand wrote. Whiles these things were a doing, 
Titus Livius▪  diverse of the Frenchmen in Rone went about a conspiracy against the Englishmen, whereof the king being well advertised, sent thither certain of his nobles, which tried out these conspirators, 
A conspiracy in Rone.  caused them to be apprehended, had them in examination, and such as they found guilty were put to death; and so setting the city in quietness, returned to the king, who counted it great honour to keep the countries which he won by conquest in obedience and awe; sith such victories are not obtained without sore labour and toil, both of prince and people, as the poet rightly saith: 
Quaerere regna, labour; virtus est parta tueri  
Maxima. 
In Angl. prel. sub Hen. 5.    
The king of England, perceiving by this new alliance, that nothing was less to be looked for, than peace at the hands of the Frenchmen, devised still how to win towns and fortresses, which were kept against him: and now that the truce was expired, on the thirtieth day of julie, 

Hall. These bands belonged to the earl of Longuevile & to the lord de Lespar Gascoignes.  
Hist. dez duez de Normand. The king playeth the porters part.   he being as then within the town of Mante, appointed certain bands of soldiers in the afternoon to pass out of the gates, giving only knowledge to the captains what he would have them to do. And to the intent that no inkling of the enterprise should come to the enemies ear, he line 10 kept the gates himself as porter. These that were thus sent forth being guided by the earl of Longuevile, otherwise called the captau de Buef, were commanded in as secret manner as they could to draw toward the town of Pontoise, and to keep themselves in covert till the dark of the night, and then approach the walls of that town, and upon espying their advantage to enter it by scaling, having ladders and all things necessary with them for the purpose. line 20  

This captau was brother to the earl of Fois.  Moreover, about the closing of the day and night in the evening, he sent forth the earl of Huntingdon with other bands of soldiers, to succour and assist the other, if they chanced to enter the town according to the order taken. Those that were first sent forth (according to their instructions) conveyed themselves so closely to their appointed places, that the enemies heard nothing of their doings. Whereupon when the night was come, 
Hall.  they came in secret wise under the line 30 walls, and there watched their time till the morning began to draw on. In the mean time, whilst the watch was departed, and before other were come into their places to relieve it, 
Pontoise surprised by the Englishmen.  the Englishmen setting up their ladders, entered and broke open one of the gates to receive the other that followed.  
The Frenchmen perceiving that the walls were taken, and their enemies entered into the town, at the first were sore amazed: but after perceiving the small number of the Englishmen, they assembled line 40 together and fiercely assailed them, so that they were constrained to retire to the walls and turrets which they had taken, and with much ado defended the same; some leaping down into the diches, and hiding them in the vines, till at length the earl of Huntingdon, 
Hall.  with his companies came to their succours, and entering by the gate which was open, easily did beat back the enemies, & got the market place. Which when the lord Lisle Adam captain of the town perceived, he opened the gate towards Paris, 
Hall.  line 50 by the which he with all his retinue, and diverse of the townsmen to the number of ten thousand in all, (as Enguerant de Monstr. recounteth) fled towards Paris, taking away with them their coin, jewels, and plate. Some of them fleeing towards Beawois were met with, and stripped of that they had, by jehan de Guigni, and jehan de Claw, two captains that served the Orlientiall faction.  
There were within the town of Pontoise at that time when it was thus taken by the Englishmen, a line 60 thousand lances, and two thousand arc●balisters, as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, and of Englishmen and Gascoignes that went first forth of Mante with the captau de Buef, not past fifteen hundred, as Hall reporteth; although Enguerant de monstrelet saith, they were about three thousand. But how many soever they were, they durst not at the first, by reason of their small number (as may be thought) once divide themselves, or deal with booties, till about the hour of prime, that the duke of Clarence came to their aid with five thousand men, who much praising the valiantness of the earl and his retinue that had thus won the town, gave to them the chief spoil of the which there was great plenty.  
Then went the duke forth towards Paris, 
The duke o● Clarence seemeth before Paris 〈◊〉 his army.  and coming thither, lodged before it two days and two nights, without perceiving any proffer of issue to be made forth against him by his enemies, and therefore seeing they durst not once look upon him, he returned to Pontoise, for the taking of which town the whole country of France, and specially the Parisians were sore dismayed: sith now there was no fortress able to withstand the English puissance; 
The 〈…〉 spoil the 〈◊〉 of France.  for that the Irishmen overran all the Isle of France, did to the Frenchmen damages innumerable (as their writers affirm) brought daily prcies to the English army, burst up houses, laid beds on the backs of the kine, rid upon them, carried young children before them, and sold them to the Englishmen for slaves. These strange doings so feared the Frenchmen within the territory of Paris, and the country about, that the sorry people fled out of the villages with all their stuff into the city.  
The French king, and the duke of Burgognie lying at saint Denis, in this season, departed from thence with the queen and her daughter, and went to Trois in champaign, there to consult of their business, having left at Paris the earl of S. Paul, and the lord Lisle Adam, with a great puissance to defend the city. The king of England immediately after that Pontoise was won (as before ye have heard) came thither in person, as well to give order for the placing of a sufficient garrison there for defence thereof; as to proceed further into the country for the getting of other towns and places: and so after he had well provided for the good government, & safe keeping thereof, the eighteenth day of August he departed out of the same with his main army.  
And because they of the garrison that lay in the castle of Uancon Uillers had done, 
Titus Livius.  & daily did diverse and sundry displeasures to the Englishmen, he pight down his field near to the same, the better to restrain them from their hostile attempts, and withal sent part of his army to besiege the castle, 
The castle of Uancon ●●lers besieged and taken.  which put them in such fear, that they despairing of all relief or succour, and perceiving they should not be able long to defend the place against the king's puissance, yielded the place, with all their coin and other goods into the king's hands. 
Titus Livius.  The soldiers of that garrison, and the inhabitants, at the contemplation of a certain lady there amongst them, were licensed by the king to departed without armour or weapon, only with their lives saved. john of Burgh that was after basliffe of Gisours, was appointed captain of this castle.  
After this, 
Gisours besieged & yielded to the Englishm●n.  all the towns and castles within a great circuit offered to yield themselves unto the English obeisance; the strong town and castle of Gisours only excepted, which still held out, & would show no token of will to yield. Hereupon the king the last of August began to approach the same, but at the first he could not come near, by reason of the marshes and fens: but yet such was the diligence of the Englishmen, advanced by the presence of the king, ready in all places to commend them that were forward in their business, and to chastise such as slacked their duty, that daily they came nearer and nearer, although the Frenchmen issued forth daily to encounter them, giving them many sharp skirmishes. For the town being double walled and ●ensed with those broad marshes, so encouraged them within, that they thought no force had been able to have subdued them.  
But at length calling to remembrance, that the king of England came before no town nor fortress, from which he would departed before he had brought it under his subjection, they offered to come to a parlée, and in the end compounded to render the town into the king's hands the eight day of September next ensuing, and the castle (because it was the stronger piece) they covenanted to deliver the four and twentieth of the same, if in the mean time no rescue came to raise the siege. 
Thom. Wals.  Hereupon when no such relief could be heard of, at the days limited, the soldiers of the garrison, & the more part of the townsmen also submitted themselves, and received an oath to be true subjects to the king, 
Duke of Clarence saith Rich. Grafton.  and so remained still in their rooms. The earl of Worcester was made captain line 10 there.  

Titus Livius.  About the same time, to wit, the three and twentieth of September (as some writ) was castle Galliard surrendered to the hands of the duke of Excester, which had been besieged ever since the last day of March (as before ye have heard.) But others writ that it held out seven months, and was not delivered up till the twentieth of December. This castle was not only strong by situation, standing upon the top of a steep hill, but also closed with mighty thick walls, line 20 and furnished with men, and all manner of munition and things necessary. The king appointed the lord Ros captain of it. After that Gisours and castle Galliard were thus yielded to the English obeisance, all the other towns and castles thereabout, and in the country of Ueulquessin, shortly after yielded to the king, as Gourneie, Chaumount, Neaufle, Dangu, and other small fortresses. Of Gourneie, was sir Gilbert Umfrevile made captain; at Neaufle, the earl of Worcester; and at Dangu, Richard Wooduile. line 30 Shortly after was the castle Daumall yielded to the earl of Warwick, 
Normandy brought into the kings subjection, that had been lost & detained a long time from the English.  to whom it was given. And thus was the whole duchy of Normandy (Mont saint Michael only excepted) reduced to the possession of the right heir, which had been wrongfully detained from the kings of England ever since the days of king john, who lost it about the year one thousand two hundred and seven.  
To satisfy those that be desirous to know what captains were appointed by the king in diverse towns that were yielded to him (of which we have line 40 made no mention heretofore but in general) here their names do follow, and of the towns, as we find them in the chronicles of master Hall. At Crewleie, sir Henry Tanclux an Almain; at Torignie, sir john Popham, to whom it was given; at Chamboie, the lord Fitz Hugh; at Uernueil in Perch, sir john Nevil; at essay, sir William Huddleston bailiff of Alencon; at Crulie sir Lois Robsert; at Conde Norean sir john Fastolfe; at Cawdebecke, line 50 sir Lois Robsert; at Deep, William lord Bourchier earl of Eu; at Aubemarle, the earl of Warwick, and his deputy thereof William Montfort; at Bellincombre, sir Thomas Ramston lord thereof by gift; at Longueville, the capital de Beuf or Buz, earl thereof by gift; at danvil, sir Christopher Burden; at Couches, sir Robert Marburie; at Chierburg, sir john Gedding; at Bacqueville, the lord Ros; at Arques sir james Fines, bailiff of Caux; at Monceaux, sir Philip Leech; at Estrie Pagnie, line 60 Richard Abraham; at Sentler Surget, William Basset; at Bretueill, sir Henry Mortimer bailiff of Hunflew.  

The duke of Burgognie murdered.  But now to return where we left. The wise and grave personages of the realm of France, sore lamenting & bewailing the misery of their country, saw they had puissance enough to defend their enemies, if they were of perfect concord amongst themselves. And therefore to remove all rancour and displeasure betwixt the Dolphin, and the duke of Burgognie, they procured a new meeting, which was appointed to be at Monstreau on fault Yonne, where the two princes at the day assigned met. But such was the fortune of France, that the duke of Burgognie was there murdered, as he kneeled before the Dolphin: whereupon ensued greater debate than before. For Philip earl of Charolois, the son and heir of the said duke, took the matter very grievously, as he had no less cause, and determined to be revenged on the Dolphin, and other that were guilty of the murder: so that now there was great expectation of slaughter and bloodshed, but no hope for the most part of tranquility & peace. France therefore, what with overthrows given by the English, & division among themselves, was very sore afflicted; insomuch that one misery riding on another's neck, the whole land was in danger of desolation by civil dissension & mutual mutinies; as the poet noteth: 
— accessit ad ista  
Tunc mala Celtarum Burgundio fraud peremptus 
Anglorum praelia sub Henr. 5.   
Sparsaque civilis tota dissensio terra.   
When he had well considered of the matter, 

Ambassadors sent to king Henry.  
Titus Liu●us.   and taken advise with his council, he first sent ambassadors to the king of England, then lying at Gisours to treat and conclude a truce between them both for a certain space, that they might talk of some conclusion of agreement. King Henry received the ambassadors very courteously, and granted that communication might be had of peace, but utterly denied any abstinence from war, 
A wise and princely caution.  because he would not lose time, if the treaty sorted not to good effect. Hereupon having his army assembled at Maunt, he divided the same into three parts, 
The castle of S. German in Lay and Montioie yielded to the Englishmen.  appointing the duke of Gloucester with one part to go unto the castle of S. German in Lay, and to lay siege thereunto. The duke according to his commission, coming before that castle, within a while constrained them within by continual skirmishes and assaults to deliver up the place into his hands. another part of the army was sent unto the castle of Montioie, which likewise by such fierce assaults and manful approaches, as the Englishmen made thereto, was shortly given over and yielded. The third part of the host went to Meulanc, a very strong town compassed about with the river of Seine.  
But the king devised to fasten boats and barges together, 
A policy for ready bridges.  and to rear up certain frames of timber aloft on the same for defence of his soldiers, that should by that means approach the walls, wherewith those that had the town in keeping were so put in fear, that their captain was glad to come to a communication, & agreed to deliver the town into the king's hands, if no rescue came before the thirtieth day of October next ensuing. On which day, for that no succours appeared, the town (according to the covenants) was given up into the king's hands. Sir Thomas Ramston was made captain there, and after him sir john Fastolfe. The king, whilst these places were besieged, 
The strong town of Meulanc yielded to the English.  and thus brought under his subjection, continued for the most part at Maunt; but yet oftentimes he went forth to visit his camps, and to see that nothing should be wanting, that might further the speedy dispatch of his enterprises.  
About the same time, there came again ambassadors to him from Charles the French king, & from the young duke of Burgognie to treat with him of some good conclusion of peace to be had; who had no such trust in their suit, but that he doubted their meaning, and therefore ceased not to proceed in the winning of towns and castles, as he was in hand. Now when Christmas approached, the king withdrew to Rone, and there kept the solemnisation of that feast, appointing in the mean time his men of war to be occupied as occasion served. year 1420 The earl of Salisbury was sent to besiege the town of Fresneie, the which after stout resistance made at the first, shortly after was delivered to him to the king's use. 
Anno Reg. 8.  The earls Martial and Huntingdon, sir john Green Cornwall, sir Philip Léech, and diverse other, were sent into the country of main, where, not far from the city of men's they were encountered by a power of Frenchmen, which the Dolphin had sent against them. 
A great victory on the English side.  There was at the first a sharp bickering betwixt them, but in the end the victory remained with the Englishmen; so that many of the Frenchmen were slain, and taken, and the residue chased out of the field. There were slain (as Thomas Walsingham saith) at the point of five thousand, and two hundred taken prisoners, among whom was the marshal line 10 de Rous, and diverse other of good account. The two English earls remained there as victors, in the country which was by the king to them assigned.  
Whilst these victorious exploits were thus happily achieved by the Englishmen, and that the king lay still at Rone, in giving thanks to almighty God for the same, there came to him eftsoons ambassadors from the French king and the duke of Burgognie to move him to peace. The king minding line 20 not to be reputed for a destroyer of the country, which he coveted to preserve, or for a causer of christian blood still to be spilled in his quarrel, 
King Henry condescendeth to a treaty of peace.  began so to incline and give ear unto their suit and humble request, that at length (after often sending to and fro) and that the bishop of Arras, and other men of honour had been with him, and likewise the earl of Warwick, and the bishop of Rochester had been with the duke of Burgognie, they both finally agreed upon certain articles, so that the French king and his line 30 commons would thereto assent.  
Now was the French king and the queen with their daughter Katherine at Trois in champaign governed and ordered by them, which so much favoured the duke of Burgognie, that they would not for any earthly good, once hinder or pull back one jot of such articles as the same duke should seek to prefer. And therefore what needeth many words, a truce tripartite was accorded between the two kings and the duke, 
A truce tripartite.  and their countries, and order taken line 40 that the king of England should send in the company of the duke of Burgognie his ambassadors unto Trois in champaign sufficiently authorised to treat and conclude of so great matter. The king of England, being in good hope that all his affairs should take good success as he could wish or desire, sent to the duke of Burgognie his uncle, 
Ambassadors from K. Henry to the French king.  the duke of Excester, the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of Elie, the lord Fanhope, the lord Fitz Hugh, sir john Robsert, and sir Philip Hall, with diverse doctors, to the line 50 number of five hundred horse, which in the company of the duke of Burgognie came to the city of Trois the eleventh of March. The king, the queen, and the lady Katherine them received, and heartily welcomed, showing great signs and tokens of love and amity.  
After a few days they fell to council, in which at length it was concluded, 
The articles of the peace concluded between king Henry and the French king.  that king Henry of England should come to Trois, and marry the lady Katherine; and the king her father after his death should line 60 make him heir of his realm, crown and dignity. It was also agreed, that king Henry, during his father in laws life, should in his steed have the whole government of the realm of France, as regent thereof, with many other covenants and articles, as after shall appear. To the performance whereof, it was accorded, that all the nobles and estates of the realm of France, as well spiritual as temporal, and also the cities and commonalties, citizens and burgesses of towns, that were obeisant at that time to the French king, should take a corporal oath. These articles were not at the first in all points brought to a perfect conclusion. But after the effect and meaning of them was agreed upon by the commissioners, the Englishmen departed towards the king their master, and left sir john Robsert behind, to give his attendance on the lady Katherine.  
King Henry being informed by them of that which they had done, was well content with the agreement and with all diligence prepared to go unto Trois, and thereupon having all things in a readiness, he being accompanied with his brethren the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the earls of Warwick, Salisbury, Huntingdon, Eu, tankerville, and Longuile, & fifteen thousand men of war, went from Rone to Pontoise; & departing from thence the eight day of May, came to saint Denis two leagues from Paris, and after to Pontcharenton, where he left a strong garrison of men, 
Thom. W●●▪  with sir William Gascoigne, to keep the passage; and so then entering into Brie, he took by the way a castle which was kept against him, causing them that so kept it, 
Titus 〈◊〉.  some to be hanged, and the residue to be led forth with him as prisoners. And after this keeping on his journey by Provins, and Nogent, at length he came to Trois.  
The duke of Burgognie accompanied with many noble men, received him two leagues without the town, and conveyed him to his lodging. All his army was lodged in small villages thereabout. And after that he had reposed himself a little, 
King Henry cometh to Trois to the French king.  he went to visit the French king, the queen, and the lady Katherine, whom he found in saint Peter's church, where was a very joyous meeting betwixt them (and this was on the twentieth day of May) and there the king of England, 
King Henry affieth the French king's daughter.  and the lady Katherine were affianced. After this, the two kings and their council assembled together diverse days, wherein the first concluded agreement was in diverse points altered and brought to a certainty, according to the effect above mentioned. When this great matter was finished, the kings swore for their parts to observe all the covenants of this league and agreement. Likewise the duke of Burgognie and a great number of other princes and nobles which were present, received an oath, the tenor whereof (as the duke of Burgognie uttered it in solemn words) thus ensueth, 
Titus Livius▪  accordingly as the same is exemplified by Titus Livius De Foro Lwisiis in Latin.  

The oath of the duke of Burgognie.  
EGo Philippus Burgundiae dux, per me meósque haeredes, ad sacra Dei evangelia domino regi Henrico Angliae, Franciaeque, pro Carolo rege regenti iuro, quòd humiliter ipsi Henrico fidelit érque cunctis in rebus, quae rempublicam spectant & Franciae coronam, obediemus, & statim post mortem Caroli domini nostri, domino Henrico regi suísque successoribus in perpetuum ligei fideles erimus; nec alium quempiam pro domino nostro supremo Franciae rege, quàm Henricum & suos haeredes habebimus, néque patiemur. Non erimus praeterea in consilio vel consensu cuiusquam damni regis Henrici, suorúmue successorum, ubi quicquam detrimenti patiantur capitis sive membri, vel vitam perdant; sed praedicta (quantum in nobis fuerit) quàm citissimis literis vel nuntijs, ut sibi meliùs providore valeant, eye significabimus.   

The same in English.  
I Philip duke of Burgognie, for myself, and for mine heirs, do here swear upon the holy evangelists of God, to Henry king of England, and regent of France for king Charles, that we shall humbly and faithfully obey the said Henry in all things which concern the commonwealth and crown of France. And immediately after the decease of our sovereign lord king Charles, we shall be faithful liegemen unto the said king Henry, and to his successors for ever. Neither shall we take or suffer any other sovereign lord and supreme line 10 king of France, but the same Henry and his heirs: neither shall we be of counsel or consent of any hurt towards the said king Henry or his successors, whereby they may suffer loss & detriment of life or limb, but that the same so far as in us may lie, we shall signify to them with all speed, by letters or messengers, that they may the better provide for themselves in such cases. line 20   
The like oath a great number of the princes and nobles both spiritual and temporal, which were present, received at the same time. This done, the morrow after Trinity sunday, being the third of june, the marriage was solemnised and fully consummate betwixt the king of England, and the said lady Katherine. Herewith was the king of England named and proclaimed heir and regent of France. And as the French king sent the copy of this treaty to every line 30 town in France: so the king of England sent the same in English unto every city and market town within his realm, to be proclaimed and published. The true copy whereof, as we find it in the chronicles of master Hall, we have thought good here to set down, for the more full satisfying of those that shall desire to peruse every clause and article thereof, as followeth.  

The articles & appointments of peace line 40 between the realms of England and France.  
HEnrie by the grace of God king of England, heir and regent of France, lord of Ireland, to perpetual mind of christian people, and all those that be under our obeisance, we notify and declare, that though there hath been here before diverse treaties between the most excellent prince Charles our father of France line 50 and his progenitors, for the peace to be had between the two realms of France and England, the which heretofore have borne no fruit: we considering the great harms, the which have not only fallen between those two realms, for the great division of that hath been between them, but to all holy church; we have taken a treaty with our said father, in which treaty betwixt our said father and us, it is concluded & accorded in the form after the manner that followeth.  
1 First, it is accorded between our father and line 60 us, that forsomuch as by the bond of matrimony made for the good of the peace between us and our most dear beloved Katherine, daughter of our said father, & of our most dear mother Isabella his wife; the same Charles and Isabella been made our father and mother: therefore them as our father and mother we shall have and worship, as if fitteth and seemeth so worthy a prince and princess to be worshipped, principally before all other temporal persons of the world.  
2 Also we shall not distrouble, diseason or let our father aforesaid, but that he hold and possede as long as he liveth, as he holdeth and possedeth at this time, the crown and dignity royal of France, with rents and profits for the same, of the sustenance of his estate and charges of the realm. And our foresaid mother also hold as long as she liveth, the state and dignity of queen, after the manner of the same realm, with convenable convenient part of the said rents and profits.  
3 Also that the foresaid lady Katherine shall take and have dower in our realm of England as queens of England here tofore were wont for to take and have, that is to say, to the sum of forty thousand scutes, of the which two algate shall be a noble English.  
4 And that by the ways, manners, and means that we without transgression or offence of other made by us, for to speak the laws, customs, usages and rights of our said realm of England, shall done our labour and pursuit, that the said Katherine, all so soon as it may be done, be made sure to take, and for to have in our said realm of England, from the time of our death, the said dower of forty thousand scutes yearly, of the which twain algate be worth a noble English.  
5 Also if it hap the said Katherine to overlive us, we shall take and have the realm of France immediately, from the time of our death, dower to the sum of twenty thousand franks yearly, of and upon the lands, places and lordships that held and had Blanch sometime wife of Philip Beasaill to our said father.  
6 Also that after the death of our said father aforesaid, and from thence forward, the crown and the realm of France, with all the rights and appurtenances, shall remain and abide to us, and been of us and of our heirs for evermore.  
7 And forsomuch as our said father is withholden with diverse sickness, in such manner as he may not intend in his own person for to dispose for the needs of the foresaid realm of France: therefore during the life of our foresaid father, the faculties and exercise of the governance and disposition of the public & common profit of the said realm of France, with council, and nobles, and wisemen of the same realm of France, shall be and abide to us: so that from thenceforth we may govern the same realm by us. And also to admit to our counsel and assistance of the said nobles, such as we shall think meet. The which faculties and exercise of governance thus being toward us, we shall labour and purpose us spéedfullie, diligently, and truly, to that that may be and aught for to be unto the worship of God, and our said father and mother, and also to the common good of the said realm, and that realm with the counsel & help of the worthy and great nobles of the same realm for to be defended, peased and governed after right and equity.  
8 Also that we of our own power shall do the court of parliament in France to be kept and observed in his authority and sovereignty, and in all that is done to it in all manner of places that now or in time coming is or shall be subject to our said father.  
9 Also we to our power shall defend and help all and every of the peers, nobles, cities, towns, commonalties, and singular persons, now or in time coming, subjects to our father in their rights, customs, privileges, freedoms, and franchises, longing or due to them in all manner of places now or in time coming subject to our father.  
10 Also we diligently and truly shall travel to our power, and do that justice be administered and done in the same realm of France after the laws, customs, and rights of the same realm, without personal exception. And that we shall keep and hold the subjects of the same realm in tranquility and peace, and to our power we shall defend them against all manner of violence and oppression.  
11 Also we to our power shall provide, and do to our power, that able persons and profitable been taken to the offices as well of justices and other offices belonging to the governance of the domains, and of other offices of the said realm of France, for the good right and peaceable justice of the same, and for the administration that shall be committed unto line 10 them; and that they be such persons, that after the laws and rights of the same realm, and for the utility and profit of our said father, shall minister, and that the foresaid realm shall be taken and departed to the same offices.  
12 Also that we of our power, so soon as it may commodiously be done, shall travel to put into the obedience of our said father, all manner of cities, towns, and castles, places, countries, and persons within the realm of France, disobedient, and rebels line 20 to our said father, holding with them which been called the Dolphin or Arminacke.  
13 Also that we might the more commodiously, surly and freely done, exercise, & fulfil these things aforesaid, it is accorded that all worthy nobles and estates of the same realm of France, as well spirituals as temporals, and also cities notable and commonalties, and citizens, burgesses of towns of the realm of France, that been obeisant at this time to our said father, shall make these oaths that followen. line 30  
14 First to us having the faculty, exercise, disposition, and governance of the foresaid common profit to our hests and commandments, these shall meekly & obediently obey and intend in all manner of things concerning the exercise of governance of the same realm.  
15 Also that the worthy, great, and noble estates of the said realm, as well spirituals as temporals, and also cities and notable commonalties, and citizens and burgesses of the same realm, in all manner line 40 of things well and truly shall keep and to their power shall do to be kept of so much as to them belongeth, or to any of them, all those things that been appointed and accorded between our foresaid father and mother and us, with the counsel of them whom us list to call to us.  
16 And that continually from the death, and after the death of our said father Charles, they shall be our true liegemen, and our heirs; and they shall receive and admit us for their liege and sovereign and line 50 very king of France, and for such to obey us without opposition, contradiction, or difficulty, as they been to our foresaid father during his life, never after this realm of France shall obey to man as king or regent of France, but to us and our heirs. Also they shall not be in counsel, help, or assent that we lose life or limb, or be take with evil taking, or that we suffer harm, or diminution in person, estate worship, or goods; but if they know any such thing for to be cast or imagined against us, they shall let it line 60 to their power, & they shall done us to weeten thereof, as hastily as they may by themself, by message, or by letters.  
17 Also that all manner of conquests that should be made by us in France upon the said inobedients, out of the duchy of Normandy, shall be done to the profit of our said father; and that to our power we shall do, that all manner of lands and lordships that been in the places so for to be conquered, longing to persons obeying to our foresaid father, which shall swear for to keep this present accord, shall be restored to the same persons to whom they long to.  
18 Also that all manner of persons of the holy church, beneficed in the duchy of Normandy, or any other places in the realm of France, subject to our father, and favouring the party of the dukes of Burgognie, which shall swear to keep this present accord, shall enjoy peaceably their benefices of holy church in the duchy of Normandy, or in other places next aforesaid.  
19 Also likewise, all manner of persons of holy church, obedient to us, and beneficed in the realm of France, and places subject to our father, that shall swear to keep this present accord, shall enjoy peaceably their benefices of holy church in places next abovesaid.  
20 Also that all manner of churches, universities, and studies general, and all colleges of studies, and other colleges of holy church, being in places now or in time coming subject to our father, or in the duchy of Normandy, or other places in the realm of France subject to us, shall enjoy their rights and possessions, rents, prerogatives, liberties, & franchises, longing or due to them in any manner of wise in the said realm of France, saving the right of the crown of France, and every other person.  
21 Also by God's help, when it happeneth us to come to the crown of France, the duchy of Normandy, and all other places conquered by us in the realm of France, shall bow under the commandment, obeisance, and monarchy of the crown of France.  
22 Also that we shall force us, & do to our power, that recompense be made by our said father without diminution of the crown of France to persons obeying to him, and favouring to that party that is said Burgognie, to whom longeth lands, lordships, rents, or possessions in the said duchy of Normandy, or other places in the realm of France, conquered by us hither toward, given by us in places and lands gotten or to be gotten, and overcome, in the name of our said father upon rebels and inobedients to him. And if so be that such manner of recompense be not made to the said persons, by the life of our said father, we shall make that recompense in such manner and places, of goods, when it happeneth by Godsgrace to the crown of France. And if so be that the lands, lordships, rents, or possessions, the which longeth to such manner of persons in the said duchy and places be not given by us, the same persons shall be restored to them without any delay.  
23 And during the life of our father, in all places now or in time coming subject to him, letters of common justice, and also grants of offices and gifts, pardons or remissions, and privileges shall be written and proceed under the name and seal of our said father. And for somuch as some singular case may fall, that may not be foreseen by man's wit▪ in the which it might be necessary and behoveful, that we do write our letters; in such manner case, if any hap for the good and surety of our father, and for the governance that longeth to us, as is beforesaid; and for to eschewen perils that otherwise might fall, to the prejudice of our said father, to write our letters, by the which we shall command, charge, and defend after the nature and quality of the need, in our father's behalf and ours as regent of France.  
24 Also, that during our father's life, we shall not call nor write us king of France; but verily we shall abstain us from that name, as long as our father liveth.  
25 Also that our said father, during his life, shall name, call, and write us in French in this manner: Nostre treschier filz Henry roy d' Engleterre heretere de France. And in Latin in this manner: Praeclarissimus filius noster Henricus rex Angliae & haeres Franciae.  
26 Also that we shall put none impositions or exactions, or do charge the subjects of our said father without cause reasonable and necessary, ne otherwise than for common good of the realm of France, and after the saying and ask of the laws and customs reasonable approved of the same realm.  
27 Also that we shall travel to our power to the effect and intent, that by the assent of the three estates of either of the realms of France and England, that all manner of obstacles may be done away, and in this party, that it be ordained and provided; that from the time that we or any of our heirs come to line 10 the crown of France, both the crowns, that is to say, of France and England perpetually be together in one & in the same person, that is to say, from our father's life to us, and from the term of our life thenceforward in the persons of our heirs, that shall be one after an other, and that both realms shall be governed from that we or any of our heirs come to the same, not severally under diverse kings in one time, but under the same person which for the time shall be king of both realms, and our sovereign line 20 lord (as it is before said) keeping nevertheless in all manner of other things to either of the same realms, their rights, liberties, customs, usages, and laws, not making subject in any manner of wise one of the same realms, to the rights, laws, or usages of that other.  
28 Also that thenceforward, perpetually, shall be still rest, and that in all manner of wise, dissensions, hates, rancours, envies and wars, between the same realms of France and England, and the people of line 30 the same realms, drawing to accord of the same peace, may cease and be broken.  
29 Also that there shall be from henceforward for evermore, peace and tranquility, & good accord, and common affection, and stable friendship between the said realms, and their subjects before said. The same realms shall keep themselves with their council, helps, and common assistance against all manner of men that enforce them for to dooen or to imagine wrongs, harms, displeasures, or grievances to line 40 them or either of them. And they shall be conversant and merchandizen freely and surly together, paying the custom due and accustomed. And they shall be conversant also, that all the confederates and allies of our said father and the realm of France aforesaid, and also our confederates of the realm of England aforesaid, shall in eight months from the time of this accord of peace, as it is notified to them, declare by their letters, that they will draw to this accord, and will be comprehended under the treaties and accord line 50 of this peace, saving nevertheless either of the same crowns, and also all manner actions, rights and revenues, that longen to our said father and his subjects, and to us and our subjects, against all manner of such allies and confederates.  
30 Also neither our father, neither our brother the duke of Burgognie shall begin, ne make with Charles, cleping himself the Dolphin of Uiennes, any treaty, or peace, or accord, but by council and assent of all and each of us sorée, or of other the three line 60 estates of either of the said realms above named.  
31 Also that we with assent of our said brother of Burgognie, and other of the nobles of the realm of France, the which thereto owen to be called, shall ordain for the governance of our said father s●kerlie, lovingly, & honestly, after the ask of his royal estate and dignity, by the manner that shall be to the worship of God, and of our father, and of the realm of France.  
32 Also all mane● of persons, that shall be about our father to do him personal service, not only in office, but in all other services, aswell the nobles and gentleness as other, shall be such as hath been borne in the realm of France, or in places longing to France, good, wise, true, and able to that foresaid service. And our said father shall dwell in places notable of his obedience, and no where else. Wherefore we charge and command our said liege subjects, and other being under our obedience, that they keep and do to be kept in all that longeth to them, this accord and peace, after the form and manner as it is accorded; and that they attempt in no manner wise, any thing that may be prejudicial or contrary to the same accord and peace, upon pain of life and limb, and all that they may forfeit against us. yeven at Troes, the thirtieth day of May, 1420, & proclaimed in London the twentieth day of june.  
33 Also that we for the things aforesaid, and every one of them, shall give our assent by our letters patents, sealed with our seal unto our said father, with all approbation and confirmation of us, and all other of our blood royal, and all other of the cities and towns to us obedient. Sealed with our seals accustomed. And further our said father, besides his letters patents sealed with our great seal, shall make or cause to be made letters approbatorie, and confirmations of the peers of his realm, and of the lords, citizens, and burgesses of the same, under his obedience. All which articles we have sworn to keep upon the holy evangelists.   
On the fourteenth of june being friday, 
Tho. Walsi.  there was a solemn procession at London, and a sermon at Paul's cross, in which the preacher openly declared the effect of the king's marriage, and the articles concluded upon the same, by reason whereof (he said) there must be a new great seal devised, and the old broken, and in the new the king's name with a new addition of his title as regent of France, and heir apparent of that kingdom was to be engraven. Beside the league thus concluded by king Henry with the French king, 
A league between king Henry & the duke of Burgognie.  and the whole body of the realm of France, there was a private league accorded betwixt him and the duke of Burgognie, the effect whereof was comprehended in articles as followeth.  
First, that the duke of Burgognie should procure this peace lately before concluded, to be observed line 1 firm and stable in all covenants and points thereof, so far as he by any means might further the same: in consideration whereof, one of the brethren of king Henry should take to wife one of the said duke of Burgognies sisters. That king Henry should ever line 2 have in singular favour the said duke of Burgognie, as his most dear brother, and support him in all his rights. That the said duke, after the decease of king line 3 Charles, should take an oath of fealty to be true to K. Henry & his heirs, according to the form & tenor thereof before expressed, & should in all things be friend to king Henry and his heirs for ever. That line 4 king Henry should do his uttermost endeavour, that due punishment might be had for the murder of duke john, father to the said duke of Burgognie, aswell upon Charles that named himself Dolphin, as upon others that were guilty and privy to that murder.  
If the said Dolphin chanced to be taken, either in battle or town besieged, or if any other chanced line 5 so to be taken, that should be proved guilty or privy to the murder of the said duke john, he should not be delivered without just punishment for his deeds, nor without the consent of the two kings Charles and Henry, & of the three estates of both the realms. In consideration of the great diligence, and painful travel sustained by the duke of Burgognie, it line 6 was also agreed, that he should have by patent granted of king Charles and queen Isabella a fee of twenty thousand pounds Parisien, of yéerelie revenues, assigned forth near to the confines of his country, to enjoy the same to him and to his wife the duchess Michael, and to the heirs males betwixt them two, lawfully begotten, to the obtaining whereof, king Henry should show all his furtherance; & if it might not be brought to pass till king Henry had obtained the crown of France, then should he see the same performed, upon the receiving of his homage.  
The king of England, after all the articles of the said treaties and agréements were concluded, 
The effect of king Henry's oration to the French king.  passed line 10 and sworn unto, made to the French king, the duke of Burgognie, and other the French lords, a sumptuous banquet; and before they departed from the same, he sadly and with great gravity made to them a right pithy and sententious oration, declaring to them both how profitable the joining of the two kingdoms should be to the subjects of the same, and also the right that he had thereto, being by lineal descent of the woman's side (which is the furest) rather a Frenchman than an Englishman. And though he line 20 was an Englishman borne, yet he assured them to tender the wealth of the realm of France, as much as he would the advancement of his own native country of England.  
Herewith, he inveighed against Charles the Dolphin, being the head and only maintainer of all the civil discord, whose wicked nature, and cruel disposition, did well appear in the murder of the late duke of Burgognie. He therefore willed them, according to their duty, oath, and agreement, to stand with him, line 30 and help to reduce such a stubborn and disloyal son unto the obeisance of his father king Charles, that he might show himself conformable unto such orders and decrees, as they had taken, appointed, and agreed upon: and for his part, he promised to worship, love, and honour his father in law the said K. Charles, in place of his own father, according to the true meaning of this concord and agreement, trusting the same to be a peace final.  
And to conclude, he promised, that if they showed line 40 themselves true and loyal to him, according to the same agreement; the Ocean sea should sooner cease to slow, and the bright sun lose his light, than he would desist from doing that which became a prince to do to his subject, or a father to his natural child. When he had thus persuaded the nobility, and dispatched his business at Troy's, he with all his army, having with him the French king, and the duke of Burgognie, departed from thence the fourth of june; 
It was rendered up the tenth of june Titus Livius. Sens & Monstreau besieged and taken. The siege was laid the 16. of june.  and upon the seventh day of the same month came before the town of Sens in Burgognie, line 50 which held on the Dolphin's part: but after four days siege, it was yielded unto the king, and there he made captain, the lord Genuille. From thence, he removed to Monstreau on fault Yonne, which town was taken on the three and twentieth day of june, by assault, so that many of the Dolphin's part were apprehended, before they could get to the castle.  
Whilst the siege lay there, and before the town line 60 was entered, the duke of Bedford came thither unto the king, bringing with him a fair retinue of soldiers out of England. After the getting of the town, the castle being well vittelled and manned, denied to render, and therefore was it environed with a strong siege. During the which, the duke of Burgognie was informed, in what place of the town the duke his father was buried, who was slain there (as before you have heard) and now his corpse was taken up again by his sons appointment, and ●eared, and so conveyed unto Digeon in high Burgognie, and there buried by his father Philip; to the end that the remembrance of him should remain to posterities, by the reservation of some monument abiding in the place of his interment, after that his body was consumed, and his natural countenance forgotten. Which is the last point of reverend duty (as we may well think) which piety of children towards their parents doth require; namely, that they be decently buried when they be departed, and that their graves or tomb stones may put us that are alive in mind of going the same way, and to set no more by this flitting life, than standeth with the uncertainty and shortness of the same; as one right well saith: 
Cùm tumulum cernis, cur non mortalia spornis?  
Esto memor mortis, quo vivis tempore fortis.   
Because they within the castle of Monstreau, gave opprobrious words unto the king's herald that was sent to them, the king caused a gibbet to be set up before the castle, on the which were hanged twelve of those spiteful offenders, all gentlemen & friends to the captain named monsieur de Guitrie, who at length, perceiving that by no means he could be succoured; and fearing to be taken by force▪ began to treat with the king of England, 
It held not out so long as should appear by Tit. Livius, who saith, that it was rendered the fourth of julie.  who for the space of eight days would hearken to none of his offers; but in conclusion, he and his rendered themselves simply, their lives only saved, six weeks after they had been besieged. The earl of Warwick was made captain, both of the town and castle, who fortified it with men, munition, and victuals.  
[About this time Robert the governor of Scotland, 
W.P. Buchan. lib. ●.  the fifteenth year after his brother's reign, and in the thirtieth year of his own regiment deceased, in whose steed and office his son Mordac duke of Albany was by and by chosen, who had sons three, Walter, Alexander, and james, whereof the two eldest beginning betimes to be obstinate, grew soon after very graceless and wicked: that in one flagitious feat among the rest by this Walter very impiously against his parents was uttered. The governor had a fair, a gentle, and well flying falcon, whereby he set great store. The son very desirous of the same, made many means and motions to have her, not without note of malapert importunity and lack of reverence toward his parent's pleasure, which the father dissembling to see, would not yet in any wise forego his hawk. Whereat this child rejecting regard of duty, and receiving an unnatural hate and heat by broth of iniquity set a boiling in his breast, came in on a time, where standing a while at a sudden braid, plucked away the bird from his father's fist, and strait before his face wrong of her neck. The governor hereat sore astonished, for very grief gave a great groan; Well son (quoth he) since ye cannot bridle your brunts for duty and reverence toward me your parent and sovereign, I will bring in one that shall bridle us both. Hereupon soon after, he with one Calen Campbell, a noble man & of much authority (unto whom this Walter had done a great despite) and with other of the nobility fell strait in consultation about the calling home of their king. Which all with one assent they did right well allow, whereby soon after (as is touched afore, and followeth more at large) he was by them in his kingdom right royally placed. But this came of it. These mischéefous children Walter and Alexander, the very cause of their father's confusion and their own, within few years after condemned by law, upon a hill by Sterling castle, had their heads chopped off at once. Welter's wife with her two sons, Andrew and Alexander, ran for refuge away into Ireland; thus for their long iniquities their hires justly paid all in a day.]  
Now to proceed in our process of France. After the thus winning of the town and castle of Monstreau; the king departing from thence, 
Melun besieged by king Henry.  came to Melun upon Seine, the thirteenth day of julie, and besieged it round about, having then in company with him the French king, and the young king of Scots, the dukes of Burgognie, Clarence, Bedford, Gloucester, 
The king of Scots in K. 〈◊〉 army  and Bar, the prince of Orainge, and one and twenty earls, besides lords, barons, & knights, equal to lords in degree, to the number of seven and fifty, what of England and France; and beside also fifteen master soldiers. This siege continued the space almost of seven months, 
Eighteen w●●kes have the chronicles of Flanders. 〈◊〉 Livius.  or (as Thomas Walsingham saith) fourteen weeks, and four days, with skirmishing, scaling, assaulting, and defending, line 10 to the loss (no doubt) of both parts. captain of this town was one monsieur de Barbason, a Gascoine of such experience and approved valiancy in wars, 
Monsieur de Barbason a valiant captain.  that his renown and fame was spread through the world.  
At the first laying of the siege, he called all the soldiers there in garrison, and likewise the townsmen afore him, and warned them all on pain of death, that none of them should be so hardy, as to treat, or once to motion any word of surrendering the town, line 20 or of coming to any composition or agreement with the two kings; except they made him being their captain privy thereto, before they attempted any such thing. ¶ In the mean season, the French queen, the queen of England, and the duchess of Burgognie, lying at Corbeill, came diverse times to visit their husbands, and to see their friends; whom the king of England highly feasted, and lovingly entertained, that every creature reported great honour of him. 
Titus Livius.  This town of Melun seemed very line 30 strong, both by reason of the river of Seine, which compassed part thereof, and also by strong walls, turrets, ditches, and bulwarks made about it.  
The king therefore, to take away all the issues and entries from them within, made a bridge over the river, able to bear horses and carriage: and again, appointed diverse boats furnished with men of war, to keep the stream; so that they within should have no way to come abroad, either by water or land: yet on a day, the Frenchmen sailed forth, line 40 and assailed the English lodgings, where the earl of Warwick was encamped on the east side of the town, not far from the duke of Burgognie; but by the valiant prowess and manly courage of the Englishmen, the enemies were easily beaten back and constrained to retire into the town again, with their loss. Here is to be remembered, that during this siege before Melun, there came to the king the duke of Baviere, 
The d●ke of Baviere cometh to king Henry with a ●●●ber of horsemen.  the king's brother in law (but the king's sister that had been married to him, was line 50 not then living) and brought with him seven hundred well appointed horsemen, which were retained to serve the king, and right worthily they bore themselves, and therefore most liberally recompensed at the king's hand, for the time they continued in his service.  
The king enforced this siege by all ways and means possible, to bring the town into subjection, as well by mines as otherwise, but they within the line 60 town so valiantly behaved themselves, as well by countermines (whereby at length they entered into the king's mines) as by other ways of resistance, that by force of assaults it was not thought any easy matter to win the same. It fortuned on a day, that whilst there rose a contention betwixt two lords of the king's host, 
The translator of Ti●. Livius.  who should have the honour to go first into the mine, to encounter with the Frenchmen, that now had brought their mine through into the English mines, and made barriers betwixt, that they might safely come and fight with the Englishmen: 
K. Henry and monsieur Barbason fight hand to hand.  the king (to avoid the strife) entered the mine himself first of all other, and by chance came to fight hand to hand with the lord Barbason, who was likewise entered the mine before all other of them within the town.  
After they had fought a good season together, at length they agreed to discover either to other their names; so as the lord Barbason; first declaring what he was; the king likewise told him, that he was the king of England. Whereupon, Barbason perceiving with whom he had fought, caused the barriers forthwith to be closed, and withdrew into the city, and the king returned back to his camp. At length, victuals within the town began to fail, and the pestilence began to wax hot, so that the lord Barbason began to treat; and in conclusion, about the midst of November (as Fabian saith) the town was yielded upon certain conditions, where of one was, 
It was surrendered about Alhalontide, as▪ Thom. Wal. noteth.  that all that were consenting to the death of the duke of Burgognie, should be delivered to the king of England, of whom the lord Barbason was suspected to be one. 
Melun yielded up to king Henry.  The king sent them under the conduct of his brother the duke of Clarence, to the city of Paris, whereof the French king made him captain, and so at his coming thither, he took possession of the Bastill of S. Anthony, the Louvre, the house of Néelle, and the place of Bois de Uincennes.  
Monsieur de Barbason was accused by the duke of Burgognie, 
Titus Livius▪  and his sisters as guilty to their father's death; but he in open court defended himself as not guilty of that crime, granting indeed and confessing, that he was one of the familiar servants to the Dolphin, but that he was privy or consenting to the death of the duke of Burgognie, he utterly denied. Whereupon he was not condemned, neither yet acquitted, by reason of such presumptions and conjectures as were alleged and brought against him, so that he remained in prison at Paris and elsewhere, the space of nine years, till at length, being brought unto castle Galliard, it chanced that the same castle was won by those of the Dolphin's part, and he being as then prisoner there, escaped out of danger, and so by that means was set at liberty, as after shall appear.  
Some writ, that he had been put to death, 
Note this ap●peale.  if he had not appealed from king Henry's sentence, unto the judgement of the officers at arms; alleging, that by the law of arms, 
A note in law of arms.  no man having his brother in arms within his danger, afterwards aught to put him to death for any cause or quarrel. And that he was the king's brother in arms he proved it, for that he had fought with him hand to hand within the mines (as before ye have heard) which combat was thought of equal force by the heralds, as if he had fought with the king body to body, within solemn lists. The credit of this matter we leave to the consideration of the readers. The earl of Huntingdon was made captain of Melum. In defence of this town and castle, 
W. P.  the French had gotten unto them many Scots. At the siege here the king kept with him young james of Scotland, who sent to those Scots, that they should come out and yield them unto him, and not to stand in arms against their liege lord and king; but they gave word back again, they could not take him for king, that was in the power of another, and so kept them in hold and in their armour still. King Henry upon winning of these forts, for their rebellion against their prince, which they would have to be counted constancy, and for their contemptuous answer unto him, twenty of the proudest, in example of the rest, caused he there to be hanged at once.  
From thence the king departed with his army unto Corbeill, where the French king and the two queens than sojourned; and after, both the kings, accompanied with the dukes of Bedford, Burgognie, Gloucester, and Excester, and the earls of Warwick and Salisbury, with a great number of noble men and knights, set forth towards Paris, whom the citizens in good order met without the gates, and the clergy also with solemn procession. All the streets were hanged with rich clothes, 
King Henry is received in at Paris.  the two kings road together (the king of England giving the upper hand to his father in law) through the great city of Paris, to our lady church, where after they had said their devotions, they departed unto their lodgings; the French king to the house of S. Paul, and the king line 10 of England to the castle of Lover.  
The next day, the two queens made their entry and were received with like solemnities, as their husbands were the day before. During all the season that these two kings lay in Paris, there was a great assembly called, as well of the spirituality, as of the nobles of the temporalty, in the which, the kings sat as judges, 
The duchess of Burgognie her appeal.  before whom the duchess of Burgognie by her proctor, appealed the Dolphin, and seven other, for the murder of duke john her husband. line 20 To the which appeal, the counsel of the other part made diverse offers of amends, as well of foundations of chantries for priests, to pray for the soul, as recompense of money to the widow and children: for the final determination whereof, the kings, to take further advise and counsel therein, appointed another day.  
At this same time, the three estates of the realm of France assembled at Paris, and there every person severally swore upon the holy evangelists, 
The oath of the threé estates of France.  to keep, support, maintain and defend the treaty and line 30 final accord, which was concluded between the two kings, and thereto every noble man, spiritual governor and temporal ruler, set to their seals, which instruments were sent to the king's treasury of his exchequer at Westminster safely to be kept, where they yet remain. The French king at the same time being in good and perfect state of health, openly there in parliament declared, that peace was concluded, accorded, and made by his free assent, and with the advise line 40 of all the council of France, and that he would for his own part, and that his successors ought for their parts, observe and keep the same, with all the articles therein contained. And likewise, that all his subjects were bound for ever, to observe and keep the same, without breaking or doing any thing prejudicial thereunto.  
During the time that the two kings thus sojourned in Paris, the French king kept a small port, very few, and those of the meaner sort resorting unto line 50 his court: but the king of England kept such a solemn state, with so plentiful an house, and showed himself so bountiful in gifts, and setting forth of warlike shows and princely pastimes, that all the noble men and other resorted to his palace, 
King Henry taketh upon him the office of regent of France.  to see his estate, and to do him honour. He took upon him as regent of France, to redress causes, remove officers, reform things that were amiss, and caused a new coin to be made, called a salute, wherein were the arms of France, 
The coin salute.  and the arms of England and line 60 France quarterly stamped. Also, to set all things in quiet, he constituted sir Gilbert Umfrevile captain of Melun, with a good number of valiant soldiers, to remain there in garrison, and the earl of Huntingdon (coosine german to the king) was deputed captain at Blois de Uincenes; and the duke of Excester, with five hundred men of war, was assigned to keep Paris. Thus had king Henry (when he was constituted governor of the land) the disposing of provinces, towns, and castles at his pleasure; and the making of laws and ordinances, standing with the drift of his policy to keep both people in due obedience; as Anglorum praelia briefly noteth; saying: 
Rectorem patria postquam rex Gallus & omnes  
Vnanimes proceres Henricum constituerunt;  
Plantageneta dabat princeps iam iura duabus  
Gentibus, effraenes ductis cohibebat habenis.   
The duke of Bavier about the same time, 
The duke of Bavier & 〈◊〉 troup with the king's ●●uor departed.  with the king's licence, departed into his country, both he and his retinue, receiving large gifts of the kings great liberality, and amongst other things, the king gave him a cup of gold, garnished and set with precious stones of great price and value. Moreover, he had a pension given him of a thousand marks by year, under the king's letters patents, to be had and received of the kings free and liberal grant, during the life of the said duke. A right royal reward & worthy the majesty of a king, bestowed upon the said duke; and his retinue, partly in respect of the alliance betwixt the king and him (for he had married the king's sister) but specially for the notable service which they did him at the siege before Melun. So that hereby is commended unto us an example of gratitude and beneficence; teaching us, that to such as have been good and gracious unto us, we should be always forward with a right hand and ready mind to make amends in some proportion and measure.  
When the king had thus ordered his business, he with the queen his wife, the princes, year 1421 & nobles of the realm departed from Paris, the sixth of januarie, and came to Rone, but first before his departing, he caused process to be made and awarded forth against Charles the Dolphin, commanding him to appear at the marble table at Paris; where for lack of appearance, 
Sentence against the Dolphin.  he was with all solemnity in such case requisite, denounced guilty of the murder and homicide of john duke of Burgognie, and by the sentence of parliament banished the realm: but the Dolphin withdrew into Languedoc, and after to Poitiers, getting to him such friends as he could; and namely, he found the earl of Arminacke very faithful to him, not only aiding him with men, but also with his own person he continually served him against all his adversaries.  
The king of England coming to Rone, 
These counties they enjoyed of the king's gift.  sojourned there a certain time, and received the homage of all the nobles of Normandy, amongst whom, the earl of Stafford did homage for the county of Perch, and Arthur of Britain likewise for the county of Yurie. He also ordained his lieutenant general, both of France and Normandy, his brother Thomas duke of Clarence; and his deputy in Normandy was the earl of Salisbury. When the feast of Christmas was passed, he departed from Rone, with the queen his wife, and by Ami●ns came to Calis, where he took ship the morrow after Candlemas day, and landed at Dover, 
He landed at Dover upon Candlemas eéue saith Tho. Walsingham.  and came to Canturburie, and from thence to Eltham, and so through London to Westminster. I pass over to write what joy and triumph was showed by the citizens of London, and of all other his subjects in every place where he came.  
The king himself, to render unto God his most humble & hearty thanks, 

King Henry returneth into England with his 〈◊〉 wife.  
Thomas Walsingham saith she was c●●●ned the first in Lent. which that year fell upon the ninth of February. The coronation of 〈◊〉 Katherine.   caused solemn processions to be observed and kept five days together in every city and town. After that done, he made great purveyance for the coronation of his queen & spouse, the fair lady Katherine: which was done the day of S. Matthew, being the twenty fourth of February, with all such ceremonies and princely solemnity as appertained. Which because it was full of royalty and honour (the quality of the principal personages requiring no less) and recorded by writers of former ages, it seemeth necessary and convenient in this place to report it, in such sort as it is found at large in some, though others glansinglie pass by it, as a matter of no great observation. But it is worth the noting, to consider and take a view of the goodly order and reverend dutifulness exhibited on all sides to the new queen; of whom Anglorum praelia saith, 
More coronatur maiorum regia coniux,  
Ingeminans rex ô vivat, regináque vulgus,  
Al●isonis suprema ferit clamoribus astra.   
¶ After the great solemnisation at the foresaid coronation in the church of saint peter's at Westminster was ended, 
Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 4●2, 403.  the queen was conveyed into the great hall of Westminster, and there set to dinner. Upon whose right hand sat at the end of the line 10 table the archbishop of Canturburie, 
A royal banquet.  & Henry surnamed the Rich cardinal of Winchester. Upon the left hand of the queen sat the king of Scots in his estate, who was served with covered mess, as were the forenamed bishops; but yet after them. Upon the same hand and side, near the boards end, sat the duchess of York and the countess of Huntingdon. The earl of March, holding a sceptre in his hand, kneeled upon the right side: the earl marshal in like manner on the left of the queen. The countess of Kent sat under the table at the right foot, and the line 20 countess marshal at the left. The duke of Gloucester sir Humphrey was that day overseer, and stood before the queen bareheaded. Sir Richard Nevil was that day carver to the queen, the earls brother of Suffolk cupbearer, sir john Steward sewar, the lord Clifford pantler in the earl of Warwikes steed, the lord Willoughby butler in steed of the earl of Arundel, the lord Gray Ruthin or Riffin naperer, the lord Audleie almoner in steed of the earl of Cambridge, the earl of Worcester was that day line 30 earl marshal in the earl marshal's absence; who road about the hall upon a great courser with a multitude of tipped staves about him, to make and keep room in the said hall. Of the which hall the barons of the cinque ports began the table upon the right hand, toward saint stephan's chapel; and beneath them at the table sat the vouchers of the chancery. Upon the left hand next to the cupboard sat the mayor and his brethren the aldermen of London. The line 40 bishops began the table against the barons of the cinque ports; and the ladies against the mayor. Of which two tables, for the bishops, began the bishop of London and the bishop of Durham; and for the ladies, the countess of Stafford, and the countess of March.  
The feast was all of fish: for the ordering of the service whereof were diverse lords appointed head officers, as steward, controller, surueior, and other honourable officers. For the which were appointed the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, the line 50 lord Fitz Hugh, the lord Furnevall, the lord Gray of Wilton, the lord Ferres of Grobie, the lord Poinings, the lord Harrington, the lord Darcie, the lord Dacres, and the lord de la Ware. These with others ordered the service of the feast as followeth; and thus for the first course. 
The first course.  Brawn and mustard, eels in burneux, frument with balien, pike in herbarge, lamprey powdered, trout, coddling, plaice fried, martin fried, crabs, leech lombard flourished, tarts; line 60 and a devise called a pelican, sitting on her nest with her birds, and an image of saint Katherine holding a book, and disputing with doctors, holding this poesy in her right hand, written in fair and legible letters, Madame le Royne; and the pelican answering, 
Creest lafoy sign & du roy, pour tenir joy,  
Et a tout sa gent, elle met sa intent.   

The second course.  The second course was: jelly coloured with columbine flowers, white pottage or cream of almonds, breame of the sea, coonger, soles, cheven, barbil and roch, fresh salmon, halibut, gurnard, rochet broiled, smelts fried, crevice or lobster; léech damask, with the king's po●sie flourished thereupon, une sans plus; lamprey fresh baked, flampeine flourished with a scutcheon royal, and therein three crowns of gold planted with flourdeluces and flower of camomile wrought of confections: with a devise of a panther, and an image of saint Katherine with a wheel in one hand, & a scroll with a poesy in the other, to wit, 
La royne mafile, in cestaile,  
Per bon resoun, aves renown.   
The third course was, dates in compost, 
The third course.  cream motle, carp deore, turbut, tench, perch with goion, fresh sturgeon with welks, porperous roasted, men's fried, crevisse de cau dour, pranis, éeles roasted with lamprey, a léech called the white leech flourished with hawthorn leaves & red haws; a marchpane garnished with diverse figures of angels, among which was set an image of S. Katherine, holding this pos●e, 
Il est escrit, pur voir & eit,  
Per marriage pure, cest guerre ne dure.   
And lastly a devise of a tiger looking in a mirror, and a man sitting on horseback all armed, holding in his arms a tigers whelp with this poesy▪ Per force sans resounie ay prise ceste best: and with his own hand making a countenance of throwing of mirrors at the great tiger, which held this poesy; Gile che mirror ma feast distour. Thus with all honour was finished the solemn coronation, after which the queen sojourned in the palace of Westminster till Palmesundaie following; and on the morrow she took her journey towards Windsor; where the king and she held their Easter.]  
After the solemn feast of the coronation was ended, the king as well to visit certain places for devotion by way of pilgrimage, as also to see in what state and order diverse parts of his realm stood, departed from the queen, appointing day and place where she should meet him, and so journeyed forth from place to place, through sundry countries, as well of Wales as England, and in every quarter where he came, 
justice ministered by king Henry in progress.  he heard with diligent ear the complaints of suitors, and took order for the administration of justice both to high and low, causing many misdemeanours to be reform. At length he came to the town of Leicester, where he found the queen according to the appointment before taken. Here at Leicester, he held the feast of Easter. ¶ How then standeth this with the report of Fabian, who saith, 
Abr. Fl.  that the king and queen kept their Easter at Windsor; and that when the said festival time was expired, the king made provision for his wars in France, during the term of Richard Whitinghams' meral●ie of London, which was in the eight year of this king Henry's reign? Surly there must needs be an error, either in mistaking the year or the place: unless we will grant the king and queen (with their court of attendants) to have been Hîc ibi simul, which privilege is granted to none but Ubiquitaries.  
But while these things were thus adooing in England, the duke of Clarence, 
Anno Reg. 9  the king's lieutenant in France and Normandy, assembled together all the garrisons of Normandy, at the town of Bernaie, and from thence departed to the country of main, and at Pont le Gene he passed the river of Yonne, and road through all the country to Lucy, where he passed the river of Loire, and entered into Anjou, 
The duke of Clarence made a road into Anjou.  and came before the city of Angiers, where he made many knights, that is ●o say, sir William Ros, sir Henry Goddard, sir Rowland Rider, sir Thomas Beaufort, called the bastard of Clarence, and diverse other; and after that he had ●or●aied, burnt, and spoiled the country, he returned with prey and pillage to the town of Beaufort in the valley, where he was advertised, that a great number of his enemies, Frenchmen, Scots, Spaniards, and other were assembled together, at a place called Uiell Bauge, that is, Old Baugie, with the duke of Alencon, 
Uiell Bauge or Baugie.  calling himself lieutenant general for the Dolphin.  
The duke of Clarence had a Lombard resorting unto him, retained with the part adverse (his name was Andrew Forgusa) of whom the duke inquired the number of his enemies, 
Forgusa, a Lombard betrayeth the duke of Clarence.  to whom he reported, that their number was but small, & not of puissance to match with half the power of his strong army, enticing him with assurance of victory, to set on the Frenchmen. The duke like a courageous prince, assembled together all the horsemen of the army, and line 10 left the archers under the guiding of the bastard of Clarence, and two Portugese's, captains of Fresnie le viscount, saying, that he only and the nobles would have the honour of that journey. When the duke was passed a certain streict and narrow passage, he espied his enemies ranged in good order of battle, by the monition of the Lombard, which had sold him to his enemies, & his adversaries had laid such ambushments at the streicts, that the duke by no way without battle could either retire or flee. line 20  
The Englishmen seeing this, valiantly set on their enemies, 
The English men discomfited.  who were four to one, by reason whereof at length the Englishmen were oppressed with multitude, and brought to confusion. There were slain, the duke of Clarence, the earl of tankerville, the lord Ros, 
The duke of Clarence and diverse nobles of England slain.  sir Gilbert Umfrevile earl of Angus, and sir john Lomlie, sir Robert Uerend, and almost two thousand Englishmen: & the earls of Summerset, Suffolk, and Perch, the lord Fitz Water, sir john Berkelie, sir Ralph Nevile, sir Henry Inglis, sir line 30 william Bows, sir william Longton, sir Thomas Borough, and diverse other taken prisoners. And of the Frenchmen were slain above twelve hundred of the best men of war they had, so that they gained not much.  
The bastard of Clarence which tarried at Beaufort, being informed of the great number of the Frenchmen, made forward with all the archers, to come to the succour of the duke, but they came too late. For the Frenchmen hearing of the approaching of the line 40 archers, fled with their prisoners, and left the body of the duke, and other the dead carcases behind them. The archers buried them all saving the duke's corpse, which with great solemnity was sent to England, and buried at Canturburie beside his father. After this the Englishmen burnt and spoiled the country of main, and so returned to Alencon, and after departed every man to his garrison. This battle was fought on Easter even, in the year 1421. But now to return to the king. line 50  
After he had kept his Easter at Leicester, he with the queen removed and went northward, till they came to York, where they were received with great joy of the citizens, and other the nobles and gentlemen of the country. The king went unto Beverlie, to visit the shrine of saint john, and immediately upon his departure from thence, the sorrowful news of his brother the duke of Clarence's death, came to him, for which he was right pensive. But sith mourning would not avail, he called to remembrance line 60 what he had to do, and thereupon without delay, sent Edmund earl of Mortaigne, 
The earl of Mortaigne ●ade lieutenant of Normandy.  brother to the earl of Summerset into Normandy, giving to him like authority and pre-eminence, as his brother the late deceased duke of Clarence had before enjoyed.  
After this, he called his high court of parliament, in the which he declared with such great wisdom & gravity, 
A parliament.  the acts which had been done in France, the state of the time present, and what was necessary to be provided for the time to come (if they would look to have that jewel and high kingdom, for the which they had so long laboured and sought) that the commonalty gladly granted a fifteenth, & the clergy benevolentlie offered a double disme. And because no delay should be in the king's affairs for lack of payment, 
The 〈…〉 Winchester lent the 〈◊〉 20000.  the bishop of Winchester the king's uncle lent unto him twenty thousand pounds, to be paid him again of the same dimes. When all things necessary for this journey were ready and prepared, he sent his brother the duke of Bedford before him to Calis with all his army, being (as some writ) four thousand men of arms, and twenty thousand archers and others; though some have written, 
King 〈◊〉 saileth into France again.  that the whole army passed not twelve thousand of one and other.  
The king himself shortly after, about the middle of May, passed the seas to Calis, 
He took sea at Dover 〈◊〉 fourth of june, as Tiu● Livius saith, and so say the chronicles 〈◊〉 Flanders.  and so from thence he marched through the country unto boys de Uincennes, where the French king and the queen a● than sojourned. The duke of Burgognie also that had received him at Monstruell, attended him to Dowast in Ponthieu, and there having taken leave of him for six days, returned now again to him, according to his promise. Then did they consult together about their affairs, and appointed in all haste to fight with the Dolphin, and to raise the siege of Charters which he had there planted. Hereupon, the king of England with all his puissance, came to the town of Mante, and thither repaired the duke of Burgognie; but yer they departed from thence, they had knowledge, that the Dolphin hearing of the puissant army of the king of England approaching towards him, was recoiled with his people towards Towers in Touraine.  
Hereupon the king of England incontinently, did not only send back the duke of Burgognie into Picardy, 
The king o● Scots serveth king Henry. Dreux besieged & rendered to the Englishmen.  to resist the attempts of sir jaques de Harecourt, which made war in that country for the Dolphin; but also appointed the king of Scots, with the duke of Gloucester, to besiege the town of Dreux. They coming thither about the eighteenth of julie, planted siege on every side, both of the town and castle; and what with power of batrie, and other forcible means, so constrained them within, that on the eight day of August they compounded, that if no sufficient rescue came to raise the siege, before the end of twelve days next ensuing, both the town and castle should be delivered to the king of England's use, so as the soldiers might departed with their goods whither they would, except one Englishman, which was known to be amongst them, being fled for treason out of the king's dominions.  
On the twentieth day of August, which was the day of the appointment, the king of Scots received the town and castle to the behoof of his sovereign lord the king of England, who (during all the time of the siege) lay at Moraumall. The townsmen that would remain still in their houses, were sworn to be true subjects to the king; and the other which refused, departed with the soldiers. The Englishman that was excepted, was delivered according to the covenants; and after executed, as he had deserved. The earl of Worcester was made captain of Dreux, and sir Henry Mortimer bailiff there. This done, the king hearing that the Dolphin should be at Baugencie, assembling his power, hasted thitherwards: but at his coming into those parties, he found no appearance of enemies in the field, and so he remained there fifteen days.  
In which mean while, the earl of Suffolk was sent forth to discover the country, and the king won by assault the town of Baugencie, and after when victuals began to fail, he marched forward, meaning to pursue the Dolphin. 
King 〈◊〉 pursueth the Dolphin.  But the Dolphin doubting the English puissance, conveyed all the victuals forth of those quarters, and retired himself to Burges in Berrie, choosing that place as his first refuge, & therefore determined there to remain, till fortune turning her wheel, should look on them with a more favourable countenance, 
The Dolphin, why called king of Berrie.  hereof in scorn was he commonly called king of Berrie. The king of England followed, till victuals and forage began ●ore to fail on all sides, and then returning, passed towards Orleans, taking the castle of Rogue Mont by assault.  
He stayed three days before Orleans, and from thence, for want of victuals, marched through Gastinois, till he came to Uignie sur Yonne, where he remained line 10 for a season, to refresh his people that were sore traveled, 
Titus Livius.  in that painful passed journey: in which the king lost not only many of his men for lack of victuals, but also a great number of horses and carriages. Some have written, that about the same time, he should win the city of Sens, otherwise called the king's new town by surrender; but after he had remained for a time at Uignie, 
Les histories des ducz de Normandy.  we find that he removed to Paris, where he was honourably received. 
Abr. Fl.  ¶ For he came among them as one having line 20 empire and dominion in his hand, so that to him they were no less forward in submission for fear of his indignation, than ready to give him all the entertainment that they could devise for the keeping of his favour: the lack whereof they knew stood with the hazard of their safety, as the contrary tended to their welfare.  
Shortly after, considering with himself that the town of Meaux in Brie, being replenished with enemies, was not to be suffered to remain in that line 30 state, in the mids of his new gotten subjects; he determined to take away the open scruple that might poison and infect the members, dwelling hard by: wherefore with a great number of earls and barons in his company, he came to besiege it. This town was no less well vittelled than manned, and no better manned than fortified; so that the king could neither have it to him delivered at his pleasure, nor gain it by assault, without the great loss of his people: yet nevertheless, he determined not to departed, line 40 till he had got it by one mean or other. The river of Marne divided this town into two parts, so that there was no entry from the one into the other, but by a bridge, raised up, and made over the river, sustained with many arches. The one part is called the city, and the other la March, being the strongest and best fortified. 
The strong town of Meaux besieged by the Englishmen.  The king first lodged a mile off in a castle, and sent the duke of Excester to begin the siege, which he did, according to his instructions, upon the sixth of October. line 50  
Shortly after, the king himself came, and lodged in the abbeie of Pharon, the duke of Excester in the abbeie de Chage, the earl of March at the greie friars, and the earl of Warwick directly against that part that is called la March. They within defended themselves right valiantly, so that the Englishmen were not all at their ease, but specially through lack of victuals many died, and many fell sick, by reason whereof, no small number returned home into England; where in the mean time, on the first of December, line 60 a parliament was called and holden at Westminster, 
A parliament called by the duke of Bedford, the king being in France.  by the duke of Bedford, governor of the realm in the king's absence. ¶ In this parliament, a fifteenth was granted to the king towards the maintenance of the wars, the one moiety to be paid at Candlemas, and the other at Martinmasse, of such money as at the time of the grant was currant.  

Windsor. The birth of king Henry the sixth.  This year at Windsor on the day of saint Nicholas in December, the queen was delivered of a son named Henry, whose godfathers were john duke of Bedford, and Henry bishop of Winchester, and jaquet, or (as the Frenchmen called her) jaqueline of Bauie●, countess of Holland was his godmother. The king being certified hereof, as he lay at siege before Meaux, gave God thanks, in that it had pleased his divine providence to send him a son, which might succeed in his crown and sceptre. But when he heard reported the place of his nativity; were it that he warned by some prophesy, 
King Henry prophesieth of his son.  or had some foreknowledge, or else judged himself of his sons fortune, he said unto the lord Fitz Hugh his trusty chamberlain these words; My lord, I Henry borne at Monmouth, shall small time reign, & much get; and Henry borne at Windsor, shall long reign, and all lose: but as God will, so be it.  
The king held his Christmas at the siege before Meaux, for he would not give over that siege, although his army was greatly diminished, by reason of lack of victuals, extreme cold, foul weather, and other discommodities that bred great store of diseases and sickness among his people; 
Titus Livius.  notwithstanding, all the helps and means that might be, he devised to remedy the same: so that beside such as died, as well of sickness as by the enemies hand, many returned home into their countries. year 1422 But yet he ceased not to continue the siege, beating the walls with his ordinance, and casting down bulwark and rampires on each side the town, made approaches as well by water as land, with mighty engines devised of boards to defend the Englishmen, as they approached the walls, and gave assaults. The walls also were in diverse places undermined.  
After this, the Englishmen found means, by bridges made of boats, to pass the river; but yet the soldiers and other within defended their rampires and breaches most stoutly, and with guns and quarrels still shot at the Englishmen, of whom they slew many, and among other the earl of Worcester was slain, with a bullet of the great artillery, & the lord Clifford with a quarrel of a crossbow; yet the Englishmen still wan ground, and got nearer and nearer to the walls. They also won the chiefest part of a bridge from the enemies, and kept watch and ward upon and about the same. The earl of Warwick had also taken a Uaumure from them of the market place, built on the southside thereof, able to receive and lodge a good number of men, which serving to good purpose, for the better bridling of them within, he caused to be kept, and thus were they within Meaux sore oppressed on every side.  
Hereupon in February, the captains doubting lest the city could not be defended long, caused all the victuals and goods to be conveyed into the market place, and retired all the men of war into the same, leaving none in the other part of the city, but the commons, and such as were not able to do any available service in the war. The king advertised hereof, commanded in all haste to assault the city, which was quickly done; 
Meaux taken by assault.  so that the city by fine force was within three hours taken and spoiled; and the same day the market place besieged round about, and a mill won adjoining unto the same. In April, the queen passed over into France, 
Anno Reg. 10. Queen Katherine saileth into France.  with a fair retinue of men, under the conduct of the duke of Bedford, the duke of Gloucester remaining lord governor of the realm in his place. At her coming thither, she was so welcomed and honourably received, first of her husband, and after of her father and mother, that she appeared to be no less loved of her noble husband, than of her dear and natural parents.  
Whilst the siege still continued before Meaux, 
Oliver Mannie.  Oliver Mannie a valiant man of war of the Dolphin's part (which before was captain of Faleise, and yielding it, swore never to bear armour against the king of England) assembled a great number of men of war, as well Britain's as Frenchmen, that is to say, the lord Montborchier, the lord of Coinon, the lord of Chatelgiron, the lord Tintignace, the lord de la Howssaie, and diverse other, which entered into the country of Constantine in Normandy, and rob and killed the Englishmen, where they might either espy or take them at their due advantage. But the earl of Suffolk keeper of the marches, hearing of their doings, sent for the lord Scales, sir john Aston bailiff of Constantine, sir William Hall, sir john Banaster, and many other, out of the garrisons within that territory, the which encountered with line 10 their enemies at a place called Le park levesque, in English, The bishop's park.  

A sore conflict.  There was a sore fight and a long betwixt them, but finally, the Frenchmen were put to flight, so that in the conflict and chase were slain, the lord of Coinon, the lord of Chatellgiron, and three hundred other: and there were taken prisoners, the lord de la Howssaie, and sir Oliver Mannie, with threescore others. The king pardoned sir Oliver Mannie his life, though he ill deserved so great a benefit, for that he line 20 had broken his oath and promise, but he was sent into England, there to learn to speak English, and so being brought to London, shortly after died, being as then a very aged man, & was buried in the white friars. 
Abr. Fl.  ¶ But here note (by the way) the royal hart of this king, who as he tempered all his actions with singular circumspection; so with a pitiful mind he pondered the misery of his enemies; so that when he might (jure belli, by the law of arms) have spoiled them of goods and life, he diverse times spared both; line 30 with clemency commonly making conquest of them, who seemed by open hostility scarce conquerable.  
The king lying still before the market place at Meaux in Brie (as ye have heard) sore beat the walls with his ordinance, and cast down bulwark and rampires on every side the town, so that he had made an open breach for his people to enter. Whereof the lord of Offemont being advertised, with a company of chosen persons sent by the Dolphin, assayed in the night season to enter the town, to the succours of them within. But though diverse of his people line 40 got over the walls, by help of ladders which they had set up; yet such was his chance, that as he passed a plank, to have come to the walls, he fell into a deep ditch; and in the mean time, the Englishmen perceiving by the noise what the matter meant, came running to the ditch, took the lord of Offemont, and slew diverse of his company that stood in defence.  

Continuation de la chronicles de Flanders.  The captains within, perceiving in what case they stood, by reason their succours were thus intercepted, and doubting to be taken by assault, for that they line 50 wanted munition and weapon, began to treat with the king of England, who appointed the earl of Warwick, and the lord Hungerford, to commune with them; and in conclusion an accord was taken, and so the town and market place with all the goods were delivered into the king of England's hands, the tenth day of May, in the year 1422. The appointment taken with them of this town was this, that they should yield themselves simply unto the king's pleasure, 
Titus Livius. The conditions of the surrender of Meaux into the king's hands.  their lives only saved: and hereupon line 60 many of them were sent over into England, amongst whom was the bishop of that town, which shortly after his arrival here fell sick and died.  
There were also four persons excepted, against whom the king might by order of law and justice proceed as he saw cause, for their faults and trespasses committed. As first, the captain of the town, named the bastard of Uauren, the which had done many grievous oppressions to the people of the country thereabouts, in spoiling them of their goods and ransoming them at his pleasure. He had also put diverse to death most cruelly, when they were not able to pay such finance and ransoms as he demanded. Whereupon, being now put to death himself, his body was hanged upon a tree that stood on an hill without the town, on the which he had caused both husbandmen and townsmen, with other prisoners, to be hanged before time. His standard also, which was wont to be borne before him in battle, was set up in the same tree. The bailiff also of the town, and two of the chiefest burgesses that had been of counsel with him in his unlawful doings, were likewise executed. Also beside these, there were found in this town diverse that were accused to be guilty of the duke of Burgognies death, wherefore they were put to their trial, in the parliament at Paris, and some of them being found guilty, were executed.  
When the delivery of the strong town of Meaux was published through out the country, all the towns and fortresses in the isle of France, in Lannois, in Brie, & in champaign, yielded themselves to the king of England, which appointed in the same valiant captains, and hardy soldiers. After that he had thus got possession of Meaux, and the other fortresses, he returned again to Bois de Uincennes, and being there received of the king and queen of France, and of the queen his wife the thirtieth day of May, being Whitsun éeuen, they removed all together unto Paris, where the king of England lodged in the castle of Louvre, and the French king in the house of saint Paul. These two kings kept great estate with their queens, 
The royal port of the K. of England.  at this high feast of Pentecost, but the king of England's court greatly exceeded, so that all the resort was thither. The parisians that beheld his princely port & high magnificence, judged him rather an emperor than a king, and their own king to be in respect of him like a duke or marquess.  
The Dolphin having knowledge by espials where the king of England and his power lay, came with all his puissance over the river of Loire, and besieged Cosneie, a town situate upon that river, 
Cosneie besieged by the Dolphin.  a six score miles distant from Paris, and appointed part of his army to waste and destroy the confines of the duchy of Burgognie, to the intent to divide the power of the king of England, from the strength of the duke of Burgognie, supposing (as it came to pass indeed) that the duke would make haste towards Burgognie, to defend his own lands. In the mean time, they within Cosneie were so hard handled, that they promised to render their town to the Dolphin, if they were not rescued by the king of England within ten days. King Henry hearing these news would not send any one creature, but determined to go himself to the raising of that siege, and so with all diligence came to the town of Corbeill, and so to Senlis, where (whether it were with heat of the air, or that he with his daily labour were feebled or weakened) he began to wax sick, yea and so sick, 
The king ●●●leth sick.  that he was constrained to tarry, and send his brother the duke of Bedford to rescue them of Cosneie, 
Cosneie rescued by the duke of Bedford.  which he did to his high honour. For the Dolphin hearing that the duke of Bedford was coming to raise his siege departed thence into Berrie, to his great dishonour, and less gain.  
About the same time, 
Titus Livius. The duke 〈◊〉 Britain suddeth ambassadors to the ● of England.  the duke of Britain sent his chancellor the bishop of Maunts, with the bishop of Uannes', and others of his council, as ambassadors from him unto king Henry, with full commission, to ratify and allow for him and his people the peace concluded at Troy's: but by reason of the kings grievous sickness, nothing was then done in that matter. Nevertheless, the duke himself in person came afterwards to Amiens, and there performed that which he had appointed his ambassadors at this time, in his name, to have done and accomplished. In the mean season, 
The king of England is ●rought sick to Bois de Uincennes.  king Henry waxed sicker and sicker, and so in an horsselitter was coveied to Bois de Uincennes, to whom shortly after repaired the dukes of Bedford and Gloucester, & the earls of Salisbury and Warwick, whom the king lovingly welcomed, and seemed glad of their presence.  
Now, when he saw them pensive for his sickness, and great danger of life wherein he presently lay, he with many grave, 
His advise upon his death bed.  courteous, and pithy words, recomforted them the best he could, and therewith exhorted them to be trusty and faithful unto his son, line 10 and to see that he might be well and virtuously brought up. And as concerning the rule and governance of his realms, during the minority and young years of his said son, he willed them to join together in friendly love and concord, keeping continual peace and amity with the duke of Burgognie, and never to make treaty with Charles that called himself Dolphin of Uienne, by the which any part either of the crown of France, or of the duchess of line 20 Normandy and Guien may be lessened or diminished; and further, that the duke of Orleans, and the other princes should still remain prisoners, till his son came to lawful age, least returning home again, they might kindle more fire in one day than might be quenched in three.  
He further advised them, that if they thought it necessary, that it should be good to have his brother Humfreie duke of Gloucester to be protector of England, during the nonage of his son, and his brother line 30 the duke of Bedford, with the help of the duke of Burgognie to rule and to be regent of France, commanding him with fire and sword to persecute the Dolphin, till he had either brought him to reason and obeisance, or else to drive and expel him out of the realm of France. 
Titus Livius.  And herewith he protested unto them, that neither the ambitious desire to enlarge his dominions, neither to purchase vain renown and worldly fame, nor any other consideration had moved him to take the wars in hand; but only that in prosecuting his just title, he might in the end line 40 attain to a perfect peace, and come to enjoy those pieces of his inheritance, which to him of right belonged: 
chiefly Chi●helie archb. of Cantur. for dashing the bill against the clergy, as appears before, pag. 545, 546.  and that before the beginning of the same wars, he was fully persuaded by men both wise and of great holiness of life, that upon such intent he might and ought both begin the same wars, and follow them, till he had brought them to an end justly and rightly, and that without all danger of God's displeasure or peril of soul.  
The noble men present, promised to observe his line 50 precepts, and to perform his desires; but their hearts were so pensive, and replenished with sorrow, that one could not for weeping behold an other. Then he said the seven psalms, and received the sacrament, and in saying the psalms of the passion ended his days here in this world, at Bois saint Uincent, the last of August, 

He departed this life the last of August 1422.  
The commendation of king Henry the fi●● as is expressed by mayst. Hall.   in the year a thousand four hundred twenty and two. This Henry was a king, of life without spot, a prince whom all men loved, and of line 60 none disdained, a captain against whom fortune never frowned, nor mischance once spurned, whose people him so severe a justicer both loved and obeyed (and so human withal) that he left no offence unpunished, nor friendship unrewarded; a terror to rebels, and suppressour of sedition, his virtues notable his qualities most praiseworthy.  
In strength and nimbleness of body from his youth few to him comparable, for in wrestling, leaping, and running, no man well able to compare. In casting of great iron bars and heavy stones he excelled commonly all men, never shrinking at cold, nor slothful for heat; and when he most laboured, his head commonly uncovered; no more weary of harness than a light cloak, very valiantly abiding at needs both hunger and thirst; so manful of mind as never seen to quinch at a wound, or to smart at the pain; not to turn his nose from evil savour, nor close his eyes from smoke or dust; no man more moderate in eating and drinking, with diet not delicate, but rather more meet for men of war, than for princes or tender stomaches. Every honest person was permitted to come to him, sitting at meal, where either secretly or openly to declare his mind. High and weighty causes as well between men of war and other he would gladly hear, and either determined them himself, or else for end committed them to others. He slept very little, but that very soundly, in so much that when his soldiers song at nights, or minstrels played, he then slept fastest; of courage invincible, of purpose unmutable, so wise-hardie always, as fear was banished from him; at every alarm he first in armour, and foremost in ordering. In time of war such was his providence, bounty and hap, as he had true intelligence, not only what his enemies did, but what they said and intended: of his devices and purposes few, before the thing was at the point to be done, should be made privy.  
He had such knowledge in ordering and guiding an army, with such a gift to encourage his people, that the Frenchmen had constant opinion he could never be vanquished in battle. Such wit, such prudence, and such policy withal, that he never enterprised any thing, before he had fully debated and forecast all the main chances that might happen, which done with all diligence and courage he set his purpose forward. What policy he had in finding present remedies for sudden mischiefs, and what engines in saving himself and his people in sharp distresses: were it not that by his acts they did plainly appear, hard were it by words to make them credible. Wantonness of life and thirst in avarice had he quite quenched in him; virtues in deed in such an estate of sovereignty, youth, and power, as very rare, so right commendable in the highest degree. So stayed of mind and countenance beside, that never iolie or triumphant for victory, nor sad or damped for loss or misfortune. For bountifulness and liberality, no man more free, gentle, and frank, in bestowing rewards to all persons, according to their deserts: for his saying was, that he never desired money to keep, but to give and spend.  
Although that story properly serves not for theme of praise or dispraise, yet what in brevity may well be remembered, in truth would not be forgotten by sloth, were it but only to remain as a spectacle for magnanimity to have always in eye, and for encouragement to nobles in honourable enterprises. Known be it therefore, of person and form was this prince rightly representing his heroical affects, of stature and proportion tall and manly, rather lean than gross, somewhat long necked and black haired, of countenance amiable, eloquent and grave was his speech, and of great grace and power to persuade: for conclusion, a majesty was he that both lived & died a pattern in princehood, a lodestar in honour, and mirror of magnificence: the more highly exalted in his life, the more deeply lamented at his death, and famous to the world alway. Peter Basset (a chief man in his chamber) affirmed that he deceased of a pleurisy, though the Scots and French set it down to be of saint Feacres disease, that they say was a palsy with a cramp, which Enguerant reports to be saint Anthony's fire, but neither of them truly. ¶ Anglorum praelia saith, that it was a sharp fever, 
Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael. sub Hen. ●.  which happening unto him (wearied with the broils of war) in a very unseasonable time of the year, namely the dog days, tormented him the sorer, and grew to be not only dangerous, but also desperate; for it left him not till life was extinguished: the poet's report is, as followeth: 
Interea fractúmque aestu nimióque labore  
Corripit Henricum languentem febris acuta,  
Coeli intemperies, sextili Sirius arden's  
Virus 
* A pestilent fever.  pestiferi fecit ingrandescere 
* A pestilent fever.  morbi.   
His body embalm and closed in lead, was laid in a chariot royal, richly appareled with cloth of gold. Upon his coffin was laid a representation of his person, adorned with robes, diadem, sceptre, & ball, line 10 like a king; the which chariot, six horses drew richly trapped, with several appointments; the first with the arms of S. George, the second with the arms of Normandy, the third of king Arthur, the fourth of saint Edward, the fift of France, and the sixth with the arms of England and France. On this same chariot gave attendance james K. of Scots, the principal mourner, king Henry's uncle Thomas duke of Excester, Richard earl of Warwick, the earl of March Edmund, the earl of Stafford line 20 Humphrey, the earl of Mortaigne Edmund Beaufort, the lord Fitz Hugh Henry, the lord Hungerford Walter, sir Robert Robsert lord Bourchier, sir john Cornwall lord Fanhope, and the lord Crumwell were the other mourners. 
Lord Crumwell.  The lord Lovel, the lord Audeleie, the lord Morleie, the lord Sowch bare the banners of saints and avoouries, as than they were called; the baron of Dudleie bore the standard, and the earl of Longuile the banner. The hachments were carried only by captains to the number of line 30 twelve; and round about the chariot road five hundred men of arms all in black armour, their horses barbed black, and they with the but ends of the●● spears upwards.  
The conduct of this dolorous funeral was committed to sir William Philip, treasurer of the king's household, and to sir William Porter, his chief carver, and others. Beside this, on every side of the chariot went three hundred persons, holding long torches, & lords bearing banners, ba●er●ls, and pennons. line 40 With this funeral appointment was he conue●ed from Bois de Uincennes, to Paris, and so to Rone, to Abuile, to Calis, to Dover, from thence through London to Westminster, where he was interted with such solemn ceremonies▪ mourning of lords, prayer of priests, and such lamenting of commons, as never before then the like was se●ne ●n England. Shortly after this solemn burial, his sorrowful queen returned into England, and kept her estate line 50 with the young king her son.  
Thus ended this puissant prince his most noble and fortunate reign, whose life (saith Hall) though cruel Atropos abbreviated; yet neither fi●e, malice, nor fretting time shall appall his honour, or blot out the glory of him that in so small time had done so many and royal acts. 
W. P.  [In this year, the one and twentieth of October deceased the gentle and well-beloved Charles French king the sixth of 〈◊〉 name, who was buried at S. Denis. 
Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael. ] ¶ So that between the death line 60 of these two kings, namely the one of England, the other of France, there was no great space of time; sith Charles departed in October, and Henry in August: by the privation of whose lives, which of the two realms sustained the greater loss, it is a question not to be discussed. Certain it is that they were both sovereigns tenderly loved of their subjects, as they were princes greatly favouring their people. Finally, in memory of this Henry the fift, a king of a royal hart, and every way endued with imperial virtues, I find so fit a report conspiring in truth with his properties and disposition, that I think it very convenient here to be inserted in place of an epitaph: 
Henrici illustris properans mors occupat artus,  
Ille suae patriae decus immortale per aeuum  
Venturum, virtutis & indelebile lumen,  
Celso anim● prorsus, leni quoque pectore cives  
N●n solum, at justos hosts fideíqu● probatae  
Dilexit, niveo raro ira●undior ore.   
Of learned men and writers, these I find remembered by Bale and others, to have lived in the days of this noble and valiant king Henry the fift. First, Alaine de Lin, borne in Lin, and professed a Carmelite friar in that town, he at length became prior of that convent, proceeded doctor of divinity in Cambridge, and wrote many treatises; Thomas Otterborne that wrote an history of England, is thought to live about this season, he was a Franciscan or grey friar, as they called them, a great student both in divinity and philosophy; john Seguard an excellent poet, and a rhetorician, kept a school, and read to his scholars in Norwich, as is supposed, writing sundry treatises, reproving as well the profaning of the christian religion in monks and priests, as the abuse of poetry in those that took upon them to write filthy verses and rhymes; Robert Rose a friar of the Carmelites order in Norwich commonly called the white friars, both an excellent philosopher, and divine, proceeded doctor at Oxenford, promoted to be prior of his house, and writing diverse treatises: amongst all the sophists of his time (as saith Bale) he offended none of the Wicklevists, who in that season set forth purely the word of God, as may appear by his works.  
Moreover, john luck, a doctor of divinity in Oxenford, a sore enemy to the Wieklevists; Richard Caister borne in Norfolk, vicar of saint stephan's in Norwich, a man of great holiness and purity in life, favouring (though secretly) the doctrine of the Wicklevists, and reproving in his sermons, the unchaste manners and filthy example that appeared in the clergy. Of sir john Oldcastell lord Cobham ye have heard before; William waleis a black friar in Lin, and provincial of his order here in England, 
W. P.  made a book of moralizations upon Ovid's Metamorphôseiss, comparable to postils upon Aesop's Fables; Richard Snetisham, a student in Oxenford, where he profited so greatly in learning and wisdom, that he was accounted the chiefest in all that university, in respect whereof he was made chancellor of the same, chosen also to be one of the twelve to examine and judge upon Wickliff's doctrine by the archbishop of Canturburie; john Langdene a monk of Christ's church in Canturburie, an other of those twelve; William Tailor a priest, and a master of art in Oxenford, a steadfast follower of Wickliff's doctrine, & burnt for the same in Smithfield at London, the second day of March, in the year of our Lord 1422, & last of king Henry the fift his reign.  
Furthermore, Richard Grasdale student in Oxenford, one of those twelve also; William Lindwood a lawyer excellently learned, as well in the civil as canon laws, advanced to the service of this king, and made by him keeper of the privy seal, sent in embassage both to the kings of Spain and Portugal, about business of most weighty importance. It is said that he was promoted to the bishopric of saint David; Bartholomew Florarius, supposed (as Bale saith) by Nicholas Brigham, to be an Englishman, wrote a treatise called Florarium, whereof he took his surname▪ and also an other treatise of abstinence, in which he reproveth certain corrupt manners in the clergy, and the profession of friars mendicants; Adam Hemmelington, a Carmelite friar, studied both in Oxenford and Paris; William Batecombe is placed by Bale about the time of other learned men that lived in this king's time, he was an excellent mathematician, as by the the title of his works which he wrote it should appear.  
Titus Livius de Foro Lwisiis lived also in these days, an Italian borne: but sith he was both resiant here, and wrote the life of this king, I have thought good to place him among other of our English writers. One there was that translated the said history into English, adding (as it were by way of notes in many places of that book) sundry things for the more large understanding of the history: a copy line 10 whereof I have seen belonging to john Stow citizen of London. There was also about the same time an other writer, who (as I remember) hath followed the said Livius in the order of his book, as it were chapter for chapter, only changing a good, familiar and easy style, which the said Livius used, into a certain poetical kind of writing: a copy whereof I have seen (& in the life of this king partly followed) belonging to master john Twine of Kent, who (as I was informed) meant to leave to posterity some fruits of his labours for the due understanding thereof.  
Thus far Henry the fift son and successor to Henry the fourth.   

Henry the sixth, son and heir to Henry the fift.  
AFter that death had bereft the world of that noble prince king Henry the fift, 
1422 Anno Reg. 1.  his only son prince Henry, being of the age of nine months, or thereabouts, with the sound of trumpets was openly proclaimed king of England and France line 20 the thirtieth day of August, by the name of Henry the sixth; in the year of the world five thousand, three hundred, eighty and nine, after the birth of our Saviour 1422, about the twelve year of the emperor Fredrick the third, the fortieth and two and last of Charles the sixth, 
Buchan. lib. 10.  and the third year of Mordaks regiment (after his father Robert) governor of Scotland. The custody of this young prince was appointed to Thomas duke of Excester, & to Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester. The duke of Bedford was line 30 deputed regent of France, and the duke of Gloucester was ordained protector of England; who taking upon him that office, called to him wise and grave councillors, by whose advise he provided and took order as well for the good government of the realm & subjects of the same at home, as also for the maintenance of the wars abroad, and further conquest to be made in France, appointing valiant and expert captains, which should be ready, when need required. Besides this, he gathered great sums of line 40 money to maintain men of war, and left nothing forgotten that might advance the good estate of the realm.  
While these things were a doing in England▪ the duke of Bedford regent of France studied most earnestly, not only to keep and well order the countries by king Henry late conquered; but also determined not to leave off war & travel, till Charles the Dolphin (which was now ass●te, because king Charles his father in the month of October in this present year was departed to God) should either be subdued, or brought to obeisance. And surly the death of this king Charles caused alterations in France. For a great many of the nobility, which before, either for fear of the English puissance, or for the love of this king Charles (whose authority they followed) held on the English part, did now revolt to the Dolphin, with all endeavour to drive the English nation out of the French territories. Whereto they were the more earnestly bend, and thought it a thing of greater facility, because of king Henry's young years; whom (because he was a child) they esteemed not, but with one consent revolted from their sworn fealty: as the recorder of the Englishmen'S battles with foreign nations very aptly doth note, saying: 
Hîc Franci puerum regem neglectui habentes  
Desciscunt, violátque fidem gens perfida sacro  
Consilio ante datam.   
The duke of Bedford being greatly moved with these sudden changes, fortified his towns both with garrisons of men, munition, and victuals, assembled also a great army of Englishmen and Normans, and so effectuously exhorted them to continue faithful to their liege and lawful lord young king Henry▪ that many of the French captains willingly swore to king Henry fealty and obedience, by whose example the commonalty did the same. Thus the people quieted, and the country established in order, nothing was minded but war, and nothing spoken of but conquest.  
The Dolphin which lay the same time in the city of Poit●ers, after his father's decease, caused himself to be proclaimed king of France, by the name of Charles the seventh: and in good hope to recover his patrimony, with an haughty courage preparing war, assembled a great army: and first the war began by light skirmishes, but after it grew into main battles. The Dolphin thinking not to lose any occasions of well doing, 
Pont Meulan surprised by the French.  sent the lord Gravile to the town of Pont Meulan, standing on the river of Seine, who coming to the same upon the sudden, the fourteenth of januarie, year 1423 took it, and slew a great number of English soldiers, 
Enguerant.  which he found within it.  
When the duke of Bedford the regent, advertised of this sudden surprise, appointed the lord Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury (a man both for policy and courage, liker to the old Romans than to line 10 men of his days) accompanied with the earl of Suffolk, the lord Scales, the young lord Poinings, sir john Fastolfe master of the household, with himself, and diverse others, to besiege the said town of Pont Meulan, which after two months siege was rendered to the said earl, 
Lord Gravile falsified his oath.  and the lord Gravile swore ●o be true to the king of England ever after that day: but shortly after, forgetting his oath, he turned French again.  
The earl of Salisbury appointed sir Henry line 20 Mortimer, and sir Richard Uernon, captains of the town, and from thence went into champaign, and there besieged the town of Sens, took it, and sir William Marin the captain within it, and slew all the soldiers that kept it, made captains there sir Hugh Godding, & sir Richard Aubemond. ¶ In this season, Humphrey duke of Gloucester, either stricken in love, or upon some other occasion, married the lady jaquet or jaquelin, daughter and sole heir to William of Bavier duke of Holland, which was lawful line 30 wife to john duke of Brabant then living, who afterwards (as after ye shall hear) recovered her out of the duke's hands.  
The chances thus happening (as you before have heard) john duke of Bedford, Philip duke of Burgognie, and john duke of Britain made a friendly meeting in the city of Amiens, where they renewed the old league and ancient amity made between the noble prince king Henry the fift and them, adding thereto these conditions and agréements, each of them line 40 to be to the other friend and aider; and the enemy of the one to be enemy to the other; and all they to be friends and aiders to the king of England, well-willer to his well-willers, and adversary to his adversaries. And (because that affinity is commonly the bond of amity) there was concluded a marriage between the duke of Bedford, 
Affinity an interteiner of friendship.  and the lady Anne sister to the duke of Burgognie, which was after solemnised at Trois in champaign, in the presence of the duke of Burgognie brother to the bride, and of her line 50 uncle the duke of Brabant, the earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, and of nine hundred lords, knights, and esquires, with such feast and triumph, as before that time had not been seen of the Burgognions'.  
Whilst these matters were in hand, the Parisiens, thinking to blind the eyes of the duke of Bedford, wrote to him how diverse castles and fortresses lying about their territories, were replenished with their enemies, daily stopping their passages, and robbing their merchants, to their utter undoing, if they line 60 by his help were not relieved. But this was but a gloze of the parisians, meaning to cause him to go about the winning of some strong hold, whilst they in his absence might bring into the city Charles the Dolphin, 
The parisians prevented of their practices.  that then called himself French king; for so had they appointed, assigning to him the day of his coming, and the post of his entry. But their practice being discovered to the duke of Bedford, he with a great power entered into Paris, one day before the fair was appointed, & two nights before he was looked for of his enemies being unprovided, and suddenly caused the conspirators within the city to be apprehended, and openly to be put to execution.  
This done, putting a mistrust in the Parisiens, he caused the castles and fortresses near and adjoining to the city, to be furnished with Englishmen. And to avoid all night-watchers about Paris, and the confines thereof, he first took into his possession either by assault or composition, the town of Trainelle and Braie upon Seine. And because two castles, the one called Pacie, and the other Coursaie were also evil neighbours to the parisians, he sent sir john Fastolfe great master of his household with a notable army to win the same castles; which he did, and with prey and prisoners returned back again to his master the regent.  
In this very season, the Dolphin sent the lord William Steward earl of Buchquhane that was constable of France, and the earl of Uentadour in Awergne, and many other noble men of his part, to lay siege to the town of Cravant in the county of Auxerre, within the parts of Burgognie. Whereof hearing the lord regent, and the duke of Burgognie they assembled a great army, and appointed the earl of Salisbury to have the guiding thereof; who with his captains and men of war, English and Burgognions', came in good array to give battle to the besiegers. And because the river of Yonne, which runneth by the said town, was between the English army, and their adversaries, they could not well assail their enemies, which defended the banks and passages very strongly: yet notwithstanding, both horsemen and footmen of the English part courageously put themselves into the river, 
The English army entereth the river and winneth the bank.  and with fine force recovered the bank, whom the Burgognions' incontinently followed.  
When they were all gotten into the plain, the archers shot, the bill men strake, and long was the fight in doubtful balance. But in conclusion the Frenchmen not able to resist the force of the English nation, were discomfited, slain, and chased, leaving a glorious victory to the Englishmen and Burgognions'. There were slain of the Frenchmen an eighteen hundred knights and esquires, beside commons: of Scots near hand three thousand. Amongst the Frenchmen these were chiefest that were slain: the earl of Lestrake, the earl of Comigens, the earl of Tonno●re, the lord Coquart de Comeron, the bastard of Arminake, the viscount of Touraine, the bastard of Forests, the lord de Port, and the lord Memorancie.  
Of Scots the lord of saint john's town, sir john of Balgarie, sir john Turnbull, sir john Holiburton, sir Robert Lislie, sir William Coningham, sir William Dowglas, sir Alexander Hume, sir William Lislie, sir john Rotherford, sir William Craiford, sir Thomas Seton, sir William Hamilton, and his son, john Pillot. There were taken the earl of Buchquhane constable of France, which lost his eye, the earl of Uentadour, sir Alexander Meldrine, sir jews Ferignie, and two and twenty hundred gentlemen of the French part. Of Englishmen there were slain sir john Greie, sir William Hall, sir Gilbert Halsall one of the marshals of the field, Richard ap Madocke, and one and twenty hundred soldiers and men of war.  
After this fortunate victory was the earl of Salisbury made (by the lord regent) lieutenant and vicegerent for the king and the said lord regent in the countries of France, Brie, and champaign; 
Anno Reg. ●.  and sir john Fastolf was substituted deputy under the lord regent within the duchy of Normandy on this side the river of Seine; and withal he was also made governor of the countries of Anjou and main. The earl of Salisbury after five months siege, wan by surrender the town and castle of Montaguillon in Brie; the captains whereof, the one named Pregent of Cotinie, and Guille Bourgois Britons, swore never to bear armour against the Englishmen on this side the river of Loire. In the mean time of that siege, the earl of Suffolk took by force the castle of Coucie, and the strong castle of la Roch in Masconnois he got by appointment.  
In this second year of king Henry the sixth, james (the first of that name & the hundred & second K. of Scotland, year 1424 took to wife the lady jane, daughter to john earl of Summerset deceased, 
Ann. 1423, per Buchanan.  and sister to john then duke of Summerset, and also coosine german removed to king Henry, and niece to the line 10 duke of Winchester, and to the duke of Excester) was set at liberty, covenanting to pay a small portion of money more than was allowed to him for his wives marriage money, and left hostages for the same. 
Homage done by the king of Scotland to king Henry the sixth.  But before his departure out of the realm, he did his homage unto the young king of England Henry the sixth at the castle of Windsor, before three dukes, two archbishops, twelve earls, ten bishops, twenty barons, and two hundred knights and esquires, beside others, in order of words according line 20 to the tenor hereafter following.  

The formal recognizance or acknowledgement of the said homage.  
I james Steward, K. of Scots, shall be true and faithful unto you lord Henry by the grace of line 30 God king of England & France, the noble and superior lord of the kingdom of Scotland; and to you I make my fidelity for the same kingdom of Scotland, which I hold and claim of you; and I shall bear you my faith and fidelity of life and limb, and worldly honour against all men; and faithfully I shall knowledge and shall do you service due for the kingdom line 40 of Scotland aforesaid. So God help me, and these holy evangelists.   
But notwithstanding this his oath, and the great bounteous liberality of the mother & uncles of his wife, in bestowing on him abundance of plate & treasure, with rich clothes of arras; he had not been long at home, 
Buchan. lib. 10. An. 1425. W. P.  but that soon out of France into Scotland over came there james Steward, who (after many of the Scotish nobility by diverse occasions in line 50 France consumed) grew to be captain of the horsemen there. With him came the archbishop of Rheims with power and commission for concluding a league between France and Scotland, and also of a marriage between jews the Dolphin's son and Margaret James'S daughter, though both very young. Which matters acordinglie accomplished, to France again they got them. So james became as firm French as any of his predecessors.]  
But now to leave the Scotish king amongst his line 60 countrymen in Scotland, and return to the doings of England. I find that the duke of Gloucester, being protector and governor of the realm, prepared an army of ten thousand men, and sent them over to his brother the regent into France; who coming into the territory of Paris, were joyfully of him received. About the same time the Frenchmen got by stealth diverse towns out of the Englishmen'S hands, 
Compiegne surrendered to the English by a policy.  and amongst other the fair town of Compiegne was one, and the pretty town of Crotoie an other. When the duke of Bedford was advertised hereof, he determined not to let the matter pass in such sort, but with all convenient speed sent forth a force to recover those towns again. And first the earl of Suffolk with the earl of Lignie, and diverse other captains of the Englishmen went to besiege Compiegne, and lodged on the one side of the river of Socome, as the lord Lisle Adham, sir Thomas Rampston, and the provost of Paris lay on the other side. The Frenchmen within the town well furnished with good soldiers, munition, and victuals, courageously defended themselves.  
The Englishmen remembering that Guilliam Remond, otherwise called Mariolaine had been the leader of the soldiers within the town (which Mariolaine before at Pacie was taken prisoner by sir john Fastolfe) caused him to be brought from Paris unto the camp, and set him in a chariot with an halter about his neck, and conveyed him to the gibbet without the town, sending word to them within, that if they would not without delay render the town, their captain should incontinently be strangled afore their faces. Which moved the soldiers so much, by reason of the love they bore to their old captain and governor, that for the deliverance of him and partly of themselves they yielded the town, so that both he and they might departed with horse and harness only in sure conduct and safety. Yet yer this town of Compiegne was delivered, sir Philip Hall, 
Compeigne & Crotoie recovered from the French.  which was sent to Crotoie by the lord regent with eight hundred men to besiege it, got it suddenly by assault, y●r the Frenchmen had either disposed their garrison, or appointed their lodgings▪  
About the same time sir john de la Poole brother to the duke of Suffolk, being captain of Auranches in Normandy, assembled all the garrisons of the base marches of the country of Anjou, and came before the city of Angiers, burned the suburbs, spoiled and destroyed the whole country; and having as many prisoners as his men might go away with, he was encountered by the earl of Aumarle, the viscount of Narbonne, and six thousand Frenchmen; which finding the Englishmen out of array, encumbered with carriage of their great spoil, suddenly set on them, gave them the overthrow, slew three hundred and took many prisoners; as the said sir john de la Poole, sir john Basset, john A●fort lieutenant of Faleise, john Clitton, Henry Mortimer, and other to the number of six hundred.  
But though the Frenchmen got here in this place, they went not away with like gain in an other: for the bastard de la Balm, and the lord Craignar captains of Courallon, with a great band made road into Masconnois, whom by chance Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough and other Englishmen, which were also abroad in the country, met and encountered. There was a sore fight between the parties, being of courage and number in manner equal. But after long conflict, the Frenchmen almost all were slain and taken, and the bastard being well horsed, fled; after whom followed upon the spurs, Matthew 
* Goche.  Gough chase him even to his castle gate, and there took him: for the which act he was much praised of the earl of Salisbury (to whom he presented the said bastard) and had not only the rights given him that belonged to the prisoner, but also was rewarded with a goodly courser at the earls hands.  
About this season, Arthur brother to john duke of Britain, commonly called the earl of Richmond, having neither profit of the name, nor of the country, notwithstanding that king Henry the fift had created him earl of Yurie in Normandy, and gave him not only a great pension, but also the whole profits of the same town of Yurie; yet now, because that the duke his brother was returned to the part of the Dolphin, he likewise revolting from the English obeisance, came to the Dolphin to Poitiers, and there offered himself to serve him, whom the Dolphin gladly accepted, rejoicing more thereof, than if he had gained an hundred thousand crowns: for the Britons within the town of Yurie, hearing that their master was joined with the Dolphin, kept both the town and castle against the duke of Bedford, furnishing it daily with new men and munition.  
The lord regent advertised hereof, raised an army of Englishmen and Normans, to the number of eighteen hundred men of arms, and eight thousand line 10 archers and other. He had in his company the earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, the lords Scales, Willoughby, and Poinings, sir Reginald Gray, sir john Fastolfe, sir john Saluaine, sir Lancelot Lisle, sir Philip Hall, sir john Pashleie, sir john Greie, sir Thomas Blunt, sir Robert Harling, sir William Oldhall, and many other, both knights and esquires, with whom he came before the town of Yurie, which was well defended, till they within perceived themselves in danger, by reason of a mine which the Englishmen line 20 made, whereupon they yielded the town. But the captains of the castle would not presently render the place, howbeit they promised to deliver it, if the same were not rescued at a day assigned by the Dolphin or his power.  
Upon this promise, hostages were delivered into the possession of the lord regent, by whose licence an herald was sent to the Dolphin, to advertise him of the time determined; who understanding the distress of his friends, incontinently sent john duke of Alencon, line 30 as his lieutenant general, the earl Douglas, whom at their setting forth he made duke of Touraine, and the earl Buchquhane as then constable of France, the earls of Aumarle, Uentadoure, Tonnere, Maulieurier, and Forests, the viscounts of Narbonne, and Tovars, the lords of Gravile, Gauls, Malicorne, Mannie, Ballaie, Fountains, Montfort, and many other noble knights and esquires, to the number of fifteen thousand Frenchmen & Britons, besides five thousand Scots, whom the earl line 40 Dowglas had but lately transported out of Scotland.  
This royal army approached within two miles of Yurie. But when the duke of Alencon understood by such as he had sent to view the conduct of the Englishmen, that he could not get any advantage by assailing them (although the Dolphin had given him streict commandment to fight with the regent) he retired back with his whole army to the town of Uernueill in Perch, that belonged to the king of line 50 England; sending word to the garrison, that he had discomfited the English army, and that the regent with a small number with him by swiftness of horse had saved himself. 
Uernevil gotten from the Englishmen by crediting a lie.  The inhabitants of Uernueill, giving too light credit hereunto received the duke of Alencon with all his army into the town.  
In the mean time came the day of the rescues of Yurie, which for want thereof was delivered to the duke of Bedford by the captain called Gerard de la Pallier, who presenting unto the duke of Bedford line 60 the keys of the castle▪ showed him a letter also signed and sealed with the hands and seals of eighteen great lords, who the day before promised by the tenor of the same letter to give the duke battle, and to raise the siege. Well (said the duke)▪ if their hearts would have served, their puissance was sufficient once to have proffered, or to have performed this faithful promise: but sith they disdain to seek me, God and saint George willing, I shall not desist to follow the tract of their horses till one part of us be by battle overthrown. And herewith he sent forth the earl of Suffolk▪ with six hundred horsemen, to espy the doings of the Frenchmen, and where they were lodged. The earl riding forth, passed by Dampuile, and came to Bretueill, where he heard certain news where the Frenchmen had gotten Uerneveill, and remained there still.  
These news he sent by post unto the duke of Bedford, the which incontinently upon that advertisement set forward in great haste towards his enemies. The Frenchmen hearing of his coming, set their people in array, and made all one main battle without fore ward or rear ward; and appointed four hundred horsemen, Lombard's and others to break the array of the Englishmen, either behind, 
The ordering of their battles.  or at the sides, of the which was captain sir Stephan de Uinoiles, called the Hire. The duke of Bedford likewise made one entire battle, and suffered no man to be on horseback, and set the archers (every one having a sharp stake) both on the front of the battle, and also on the sides, like wings. And behind were all their horses tied together, either by the reins or by the tails, with the carts and carriages, to the defence whereof were two thousand archers appointed.  
Héerewith either part being come almost to the joining, the duke of Alencon, on the one side, exhorted his people to play the men, declaring unto them, that the conclusion of this battle should either deliver them out of vile servitude, or place them in the vale of bondage. On the other side, the duke of Bedford, to encourage his men, willed them to remember how oft they had subdued those their adversaries in battle (with whom they should now cope) for the most part, ever being the less number against the greater. Again, he declared how necessary it was to tame the ●old attempts of the presumptuous Dolphin now in the beginning, lest if the fire were suffered further to burn, it must have need of the more water to quench it.  
Many words he uttered, to put them in hope of good success and victory. But scarce had he ended his exhortation, when the Englishmen rushed forth, and boldly set on their enemies, crying; Saint George, a Bedford, a Bedford: and the Frenchmen likewise cried Montioy saint Denis. 
The battle of Uerno●●e, the 28 of August, 1424.  Then began the battle right fierce on both sides, continuing for the space of three hours in doubtful balance, fortune showing herself so equal, that no eye could judge to whether part she was more favourable. But at length, after that those four hundred horsemen, which were appointed, as ye have hard, to break the array of the Englishmen, had passed through on the one side unto the place where the carriages and horses stood, and could not pass further, by reason of the fierce shot of the English bows, they falling to the spoil made a hand, and therewith departed. Those archers then that were appointed to keep the carriages, being now at liberty, came forward, and so fiercely shot at the thickest press of their enemies fight on foot, that in the end they were not able longer to endure, but were borne down by fine force, and so vanquished.  
This battle was fought the eight and twentieth of August, in the year of our Lord a thousand four hundred twenty and four, in the which battle were slain of the Frenchmen the earls of Aumarle, Uentadour, Forest, Marie, the lords Gravile, Gauls, Fountains, Ambois, Tovars, Montenie, Combreste, Brunell, Tumble, and Poisie, beside three hundred knights. The viscount Narbonne was hanged on a gibbet, because he was one of the murderers of the duke of Burgognie. Of Scots also were slain, Archembald earl Dowglas, that was made (as before is mentioned) duke of Touraine, james Dowglas son to the said Archembald earl of Wicto●, john earl of Bouqhen newly made constable of France, sir Alexander Meldrin, sir Henry Balglavie, sir john Sterling, William of Homelsdon, sir james Gray, sir Robert Randen, sir Alexander Linsaie, sir Robert Steward, sir Robert Swinton, and seven and twenty hundred Scots of name and arms, beside others.  
So that in this battle were slain by report of Montioy king at arms in France, and the English heralds there present, of Frenchmen & Scots nine thousand and seven hundred: 
Five thousand saith A●milius, but Nicholas Giles saith there died but four thousand on both parts.  and of Englishmen one and twenty hundred, but no man of name, saving five young esquires. And there were taken prisoners, john duke of Alencon, the bastard of Alencon, line 10 the lord of Faiect, the lord of Hormit, sir Piers Harison, sir Lois de Gaucourt, sir Robert Brusset, sir john Turnbull a Scot, 
D●dley and Charleton two of the English nobility were slain at the battle, as ja. Meir. saith.  and two hundred gentlemen, beside common soldiers. The Frenchmen within Uernoill, seeing the Dolphin's army thus overthrown, delivered the town to the regent, their lives saved. Then was sir Philip Hall appointed captain there, and the lord regent returned, and came to Rone, and after to Paris. line 20  
The Dolphin that called himself king of France, was sore appalled with the overthrow of his army: for he was driven out of all the countries in manner, that appertained to the crown of France, & might resort to none except to Bourbonois, Aluergne, Berrie, Poictow, Touraine, a part of Anjou, and Languedoc: yet to show himself as king, he erected his court of parliament, his chancery, & all other courts in the city of Poitiers, and there established his great seal, with all due circumstances thereto appertaining: line 30 where he continued fourteen years together, and then was removed to Paris, after he had got that city, and expelled the Englishmen, as after shall appear.  
The duke of Bedford lying at Paris, sent the lord Scales, sir john Montgomerie, sir john Fastolfe, with two thousand men to win the countries of Anjou, 
The lord Scales sent to conquer Anjou and main.  and main, unto whom were rendered without assault, the strong castles of Beaumond le Uicount, Teune, silly, Osce, Courceriers, Roussie, line 40 Uasse, Covetemenant, and twenty other, which I do here pass over. Such was then the opinion conceived of the English puissance, so oft tried, proved, and prevailing, that the Frenchmen thought the Englishmen would have all which they wished for or wrought for.  
The earl of Salisbury, with the said lord Scales, and the other captains before named, were appointed with an army of ten thousand men, to besiege the rich and strong city of Man's, the chief city of all line 50 the country of main, whither when they came, they made their approaches, and planted their battery to the walls, so that with the shot of their great pieces (which kind of engines before that time had not been much seen nor heard of in France) the city was within a few days despoiled of all her towers and outward defences. 
Mans delivered to the Englishmen.  The citizens and soldiers, perceiving in what danger they stood, & knowing not how to remedy the matter, offered the town upon this condition, that all persons which would tarry within line 60 the town, might abide; and all that would departed with horse and harness only, should be permitted: which offers were accepted, and the town rendered, whereof the earl made captain the earl of Suffolk, and his lieutenant sir john Fastolfe.  
After this, the earl of Salisbury besieged the fair town of saint S●san, whereof was captain one Ambrose de Lore, a right valiant cheefteine. The earle-caused the town to be assaulted at his first coming to it; but he lost more than he gained, and therefore left off his assaults, and caused a trench to be cast about the town, and so planted his battery, by force whereof he overthrew the walls, in such sort that the captain offered for himself and his soldiers 200000 crowns, so that they might departed in their doublets only, which sum (because winter approached) was accepted, and the town yielded. Of this town sir john Popham was made captain. Then the earl went to main la juhez, which town after five weeks siege was yielded, and appointed to the keeping of sir john Montgomerie, knight.  
After the feast of the Purification of our lady, the earl of Salisbury besieged the castle de la Fer● Barnard; during which siege a sale was made of the town of Alencon being in the Englishmen'S possession, by a Gascoigne that was one of the garrison there. But this sale being opened to the earl of Salisbury by the same Gascoigne at the day appointed, the lord Willoughby and sir john Fastolfe, with two thousand men were sent to encounter with the buyers of that town; so that when Charles de Uilliers chief merchant of this ware, came early in a morning with two hundred horsemen, and three hundred footmen, and approached the town, abiding for the Gascoigne, yer he was aware, the Englishmen had compassed him and his company round about, and setting upon the Frenchmen, slew and took all the whole number of them, save Peter Danthenazie and five and twenty other, which by the swiftness of their horses saved themselves.  
After this conflict, the lord Willoughby returned to the earl of Salisbury, lying still at siege before the town de la Fert Barnard, which shortly after was rendered up into the earl of Salisburies' hands, to whom the lord regent gave it, to enjoy to him and his heirs for ever. Beside this, the said earl partly by assault, & partly by composition took divers other, as saint Kales; where he made captain Richard Gethin esquire; Thanceaux Lermitage, where he made governor Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough; Guerland, of the which he assigned ruler john Banaster; Malicorne, whereof he made captain William Glasdale esquire; Lisle Soubz Boulton, whereof was made captain sir Lancelot Lisle knight; Loupelland, whereof was made captain Henry Branch; Montseur, of the which was made captain sir William Oldhall knight; lafoy Suze was assigned to the keeping of john Suffolk, esquire. And besides this, above forty castles and piles were overthrown and destroyed. The news hereof reported in England, caused great rejoicing among the people, not only for the conquest of so many towns & fortresses, but also for that it had pleased God to give them victory in a pitched field: whereof general processions were appointed, 
General processions after victory.  to render unto God humble thanks for his favour so bestowed upon them.  
This year after Easter, the king called a parliament at Westminster, by advise of the peers; 
Anno Reg. 3.  and coming to the parliament house himself, he was conveyed through the city upon a great courser, with great triumph, the people flocking into the streets to behold the child, whom they judged to have the lively image and countenance of his father, and like to succeed him, and be his heir in all princely qualities, martial policies, and moral virtues, aswell as in his realms, signiories and dominions. 
A subsidy of tonnage and poundage.  In this parliament was granted to the king a subsidy of twelve pence the pound, towards the maintenance of his wars, of all merchandise, coming in or going out of the realm, as well of Englishmen as strangers.  
During which parliament, 
The prince of Portugal cometh to London.  came to London Peter duke of Quimbre, son to the king of Portugal, cousin german removed to the king; which of the duke of Excester and the bishop of Winchester his uncles was highly feasted, he was also elected into the order of the garter. During the same season, Edmund Mortimer, the last earl of March, of that name (which long time had been restrained from his liberty, and finally waxed lame) deceased without issue, whose inheritance descended to the lord Richard Plantagenet, son and heir to Richard earl of Cambridge, beheaded (as before ye have heard) at the town of Southampton. ¶ In the time of this parliament also was sir john Mortimer cousin to the same earl, either for desert or malice, atteinted of treason, and put to execution, of whose death no small slander arose amongst the common line 10 people.  
After all these things done in England and in France, Humfreie duke of Gloucester, who had married the lady jaquet, or jaqueline of Bavier, countess of Heinault, Holland, and Zealand (notwithstanding she was coupled in marriage afore to john duke of Brabant, as yet living, and had continued with him a long space) passed now the sea with the said lady, and went to Mons or Bergen in Heinault, where the more part of the people of that country line 20 came and submitted themselves unto him, as to their sovereign lord, in right of his said wife, the lady jaquet or jaqueline: with which doing her former husband was greatly moved. And likewise the duke of Burgognie, being great friend to the same duke of Brabant, was much offended: who of old familiarity wrote lovingly to the duke of Gloucester, requiring him to reform himself according to reason, and to forsake his ungodly life, both in keeping of an other man's wife, and also in seeking to usurp line 30 other men's rights and titles.  
Hereupon went letters betwixt them for a time, but at length when the duke of Burgognie perceived that the duke of Gloucester meant to maintain his interest, & to make war against the duke of Brabant; he took part with the duke of Brabant so earnestly, that he consented to fight with the duke of Gloucester body to body within lists in defence of the duke of Brabant's quarrel, and further aided the duke of Brabant in his wars against the duke of Gloucester, line 40 with all his puissance, insomuch that in the end (after the duke of Glocesters' return into England) the duke of Brabant recovered all the towns in Heinault, which the lady jaquet or jaqueline held against him. And further the same lady was by composition delivered by them of the town of Mons unto the duke of Burgognie; who caused her to be conveyed unto Gant, from whence she made shift to escape into Holland, where she was obeyed as countess of the country. line 50  
Then made she war in her own defence against the dukes of Burgognie and Brabant, who sought to spoil her of all her towns and lands: but they procured pope Martin the fift (before whom the matter was) to give sentence that the first matrimony with the duke of Brabant was good, and the second with the duke of Gloucester to be unlawful. But in the mean time, the lord Fitz Walter was sent over to the aid of the lady jaquet or jaquelin, with a power of Englishmen, landed in Zealand, near unto the line 60 town of Zerixe, against whom came the duke of Burgognie, and incountering with them and other such Hollanders and Zelanders, as were joined with them, near to a place called Brewer's haven, there discomfited them; so that of English, Hollanders, and Zelanders, with the said lord Fitz Walter, were slain seven or eight hundred, and the residue chased to the water. At length, when the duke of Gloucester understood the sentence pronounced against him by the pope, he began to wax weary of his wife the said lady jaquet, by whom he never had profit, but loss, and took in a second marriage Eleanor Cobham, daughter to the lord Cobham of Sterberow, which before (as the fame went) was his sovereign paramour, to his slander and dishonour.  
A little before this time, sir Thomas Rampston, sir Philip Branch, sir Nicholas Burdet, and other Englishmen, to the number of five hundred men of war, repaired and fortified the town of S. james de Bewron, 
Alias B●●●ron.  situate on the frontiers of Normandy towards Britain, within half a league of the duke of Britain's ground, with whom as then they had open war; and so began to do many displeasures to his people. Whereupon Arthur earl of Richmont and Yurie, brother to the said duke, and lately before created constable of France, assembled an huge power of men to the number of forty thousand (as some have written) and with the same came before the said town of S james de Bewron, 

Twenty thousand 〈◊〉 Nicholas Giles.  
S. james de Bewron besieged.   and planted his siege very strongly about it, enforcing with his great ordinance to overthrow the walls. And one day amongst other, he determined to give the assault, and so did, the which continued a long space very hot and earnest.  
The Britons Britonants were come down into a low bottom, where there was a little pond or fishpoole, and they must needs pass by a streict way to come to the walls in great danger. On that side of the town was a little bulwark, 
Sir Nicholas Burdet.  which sir Nicholas Burdet kept, having with him a forty or eighty fight men: and over against the same bulwark there was a gate well furnished also with English soldiers; so that the Britons which came down into the ditches in great number to give the assault, heard on either side them the Englishmen (within the said bulwark and gate) make a great noise, in crying Salisbury and Suffolk; with the which cry the Britons being marvelously astonished, began to recoil in great disorder. And therewith the said sir Nicholas Burdet issued forth upon them, 
Enguerant de monstrelet.  and pursuing them right valiantly, s●ue them down, so that there died of them what by the sword, and what by drowning in the said pool, about seven thousand or eight hundred, and to the number of fifty were taken prisoners. And beside this, those Englishmen gained eighteen standards and one banner.  
incontinently the news hereof were reported to the constable of France, who was busy at the assault on the other side of the town, whereof he was sore displeased, and no less amazed; so that he caused the retreat to be sounded, for all the siege on that side toward the pool was already raised. After this, upon counsel taken amongst the Frenchmen, it was determined that they should dislodge: and so about the midst of the next night, the constable and all the residue of his people departed toward Fougiers, leaving behind them great plenty of artillery both great and small, with victuals, and all their other provisions: as fourteen great guns and forty barrels of powder, three hundred pipes of wine, two hundred pipes of biscuit and flower, two hundred frails of figs and reisins, and five hundred barrels of herrings.  
Somewhat before this season fell a great division in the realm of England, which of a sparkle was like to have grown to a great flame. For whether the bishop of Winchester called Henry Beaufort, 
Dissenti●● betwixt the duke of Gloucester and the bishop of W●●chester.  son to john duke of Lancaster by his third wife, envied the authority of Humfreie duke of Gloucester, protector of the realm; or whether the duke disdained at the riches and pompous estate of the bishop: sure it is that the whole realm was troubled with them and their partakers: so that the citizens of London were feign to keep daily and nightly watches, and to shut up their shops for fear of that which was doubted to have ensued of their assembling of people about them. The archbishop of Canturburie and the duke of Quimbre, called the prince of Portugal, road eight times in one day between the two parties, and so the matter was stayed for a time. But the bishop of Winchester, to clear himself of blame so far as he might, and to charge his nephew the lord protector with all the fault, wrote a letter to the regent of France, the tenor whereof ensueth.  
The bishop of Winchester's letter excusatorie.  line 10 
RIght high and mighty prince, and my right noble, and after one, lieuest lord, I recommend me unto you with all my hart. And as you desire the welfare of the king our sovereign lord, and of his realms of England and France, your own health, and ours also: so hast you hither. For by my truth, if you tarry, we shall put this land in line 20 adventure with a field; such a brother you have here, God make him a good man. For your wisdom knoweth, that the profit of France standeth in the welfare of England, etc. Written in great haste on Allhallowen even. By your true servant to my lives end, Henry Winchester.  
The duke of Bedford being sore grieved and disquieted with these news, constituted the earl of line 30 Warwick, which was lately come into France with six thousand men, his lieutenant in the French dominions, and in the duchy of Normandy; and so with a small company, he with the duchess his wife returned again over the seas into England, and the tenth day of januarie he was with all solemnity received into London, to whom the citizens gave a pair of basins of silver and gilt, and a thousand marks in money. Then from London he road to Westminster, and was lodged in the king's palace. line 40 The five and twentieth day of March after his coming to London, 
A parliament holden at Leicester.  a parliament began at the town of Leicester; where the duke of Bedford openly rebuked the lords in general, because that they in the time of war, through their privy malice and inward grudge, had almost moved the people to war and commotion, in which time all men ought or should be of one mind, hart, and consent: requiring them to defend, serve, & dread their sovereign lord king Henry, in performing his conquest in line 50 France, which was in manner brought to conclusion. In this parliament the duke of Gloucester laid certain articles to the bishop of Winchester his charge, the which with the answers hereafter do ensue; as followeth.  

The articles of accusation and accord between the lord of Gloucester, and the lord of Winchester. line 60  

Articles set forth by the duke of Gloucester, against Henry bishop of Winchester.  HEre ensueth the articles, as the king's council hath conceived, the which the high and mighty prince my lord of Gloucester hath surmised upon my lord of Winchester chancellor of England, with the answer to the same.  
1 First, whereas he being protector, and defender of this land, desired the Tower to be opened to him, and to lodge him therein; Richard Wooduile esquire (having at that time the charge of the keeping of the Tower) refused his desire, and kept the same Tower against him undulie and against reason, by ●he commandment of my said lord of Winchester; and afterward in approving of the said refusal, he received the said Wooduile, and cherished him against the state and worship of the king, and of my said lord of Gloucester.  
2 Item, my said lord of Winchester, without the advise and assent of my said lord of Gloucester, or of the king's council, purposed and disposed him to set hand on the king's person, and to have removed him from Eltham, the place that he was in, to Windsor, to the intent to put him in governance as him list.  
3 Item, that where my said lord of Gloucester (to whom of all persons that should be in the land, by the way of nature and birth, it belongeth to see the governance of the king's person) informed of the said undue purpose of my said lord of Winchester, declared in the article next abovesaid, and in letting thereof, determining to have gone to Eltham unto the king to have provided as the cause required: my said lord of Winchester untruely, and against the king's peace, to the intent to trouble my said lord of Gloucester going to the king, purposing his death, in case that he had gone that way, set men of arms and archers at the end of London bridge next Suthworke: and in forebarring of the kings high way, let draw the chain of the stoops there, and set up pipes and hurdles in manner and form of bulwarks: and set men in chambers, cellars, & windows, with bows and arrows and other weapons, to the intent to bring final destruction to my said lord of Glocesters' person, as well as of those that then should come with him.  
4 Item, my said lord of Gloucester saith and affirmeth, that our sovereign lord his brother that was king Henry the fift, told him on a time, when our sovereign lord being prince was lodged in the palace of Westminster in the great chamber, by the noise of a spaniel, there was on a night a man spied and taken behind a 
* Or hanging.  tapet of the said chamber, the which man was delivered to the earl of Arundel to be examined upon the cause of his being there at that time; the which so examined, at that time confessed that he was there by the stirring and procuring of my said lord of Winchester, ordained to have slain the said prince there in his bed: wherefore the said earl of Arundel let sack him forthwith, and drowned him in the Thames.  
5 Item, our sovereign lord that was, king Henry the fift, said unto my said lord of Gloucester, that his father king Henry the fourth living, and visited then greatly with sickness by the hand of God, my said lord of Winchester said unto the king (Henry the fift then being prince) that the king his father so visited with sickness was not personable, & therefore not disposed to come in conversation and governance of the people; and for so much, counseled him to take the governance and crown of this land upon him.   

The answer of the bishop.  
HEre ensue the answers to the accusations made by my lord of Winchester chancellor of England, unto the causes and matters of heaviness, declared in the articles against him by my lord of Gloucester.  
1 First, as of the refusal made unto my lord of Gloucester, of opening the Tower to him, of his lodging therein, by the commandment of my said lord of Winchester; he answereth, that in the presence of my said lord of Gloucester before his coming out of his country of Heinault, for causes such as were thought reasonable, it seemeth lawful that the Tower should have been notably stored and kept with victuals: howbeit it was not forthwith executed, and that in likewise after that my said lord of Gloucester, was gone into his said country of Heinault, for seditious and odious bills and languages, cast and used in the city of London, sounding of insurrection and rebellion against the king's peace, and destruction aswell of diverse estates of this land, as strangers being under the defence, in so much that in doubt thereof, strangers in great number fled the land. And for the more sure keeping of the said Tower, Richard line 10 Wooduile esquire so trusted with our sovereign lord the king that dead is (as well ye know) & also chamberlain and councillor unto my lord of Bedford, with a certain number of defensible persons assigned unto him, was made deputy there by the assent of the king's council, being that time at London, for to abide therein, for the safeguard thereof; and straightly charged by the said council, that during that time of his said charge, he should not suffer any man to be in the Tower stronger than himself, without special line 20 charge or commandment of the king by the advise of his council.  
2 Item, that soon after (upon the coming of my said lord of Gloucester into this land from his country of Heinault) the said lords of the king's council were informed, that my said lord of Gloucester grudged with the said manner of enforcing the Tower, and let say to them of London, that he had well understand that they had been heavily threatened for the time of his absence, and otherwise than they should have been, if he had been in this land. Wherefore he line 30 was right evil contented, and especially of the said forcing of the Tower, set upon them in manner of a chased villain, considering the good equity and truth that they had always kept unto the king, offering them thereupon remedy if they would.  
3 Item, that after this, Richard Scot lieutenant of the Tower, by the commandment of my said lord of Gloucester, brought unto him friar Randolph, the which had long before confessed treason done by him line 40 against the king's person that dead is, for the which knowledge he was put to be kept in the said Tower, & straightly commanded under great pain given unto the said Scot, to keep him straightly & surly, & not to let him out of the said Tower without commandment of the king by advise of his council. The which friar Randolph, my said lord of Gloucester kept then with himself (not witting to the said Scot) as he declared to my said lord of Winchester, soon after that he had brought the said friar Randolph to my lord of Gloucester; line 50 saying to my lord of Winchester, that he was undone but he helped him, & expressed, as for cause of the withholding of friar Randolph: and saying moreover, that when he desired of my said lord of Gloucester, 
Friar Randolph.  the deliverance of the said friar Randolph, to lead him again unto the Tower, or sufficient warrant for his discharge: my said lord of Gloucester answered him, that his commandment was sufficient warrant and discharge for him. In the which thing abovesaid, it was thought to my lord of Winchester, line 60 that my said lord of Gloucester took upon him further than his authority stretched unto, and caused him to doubt and dread, lest that he would have proceeded further. And at such time as the said Wooduile came unto him, to ask his advise and counsel, of lodging my said lord of Gloucester in the Tower; he advised and charged him, that before he suffered my said lord of Gloucester, or any person to lodge therein stronger than himself, he should purueie him a sufficient warrant thereof, of the king, by the advise of his council.  
4 Item, as to the said article of the foresaid causes of heaviness, my said lord chancellor answereth, that he never purposed to set hand on the king's person, nor to remove him, or that he should be removed, or put in any manner of governance, but by the advise of the king's council. For he could not perceive any manner of goodness or of advantage that might have grown to him thereof, but rather great peril and charge; and hereof my said lord of Winchester is ready to make proof, in time and place convenient.  
5 Item, as to the third article of the foresaid causes and heaviness, my said lord chancellor answereth, that he was oft and diverse times warned, by diverse credible persons, aswell at the time of the kings last parliament, holden at Westminster, as before and since, that my said lord of Gloucester purposed him bodily harm, & was warned thereof, and counseled by the said persons, and that diverse times, to abstain him from coming to Westminster, as my said lord of Winchester declared unto my said lord of Gloucester.  
6 Item, that in the time of the said parliament, diverse persons of low estate of the city of London, in great number assembled on a day upon the wharf, at the crane of the vinetrée, and wished and desired that they had there the person of my lord of Winchester, saying, that they would have thrown him into the Thames, to have taught him to swim with wings. Whereof bills and language of slander and threatenings were cast and spoken in the said city by my said lord the chancellor, which caused him to suppose that they that so said and did, willed and desired his destruction, although they had no cause.  
7 Item, that after the coming to London of sir Ralph Botiller, and master jews, sent from my lord of Bedford, to the rest of the lords of the council, they being informed, that my said lord of Gloucester did bear displeasure to my said lord of Winchester, they came to the said lord of Gloucester to his In, the second sunday next before All hallondaie, and there opened unto him, that they had knowledge and understanding of the said displeasure, praying him to let them know if he bore such displeasure against my said lord of Winchester, and also the causes thereof. At the which time (as my said lord of Winchester was afterwards informed) my said lord of Gloucester affirmed that he was heavy toward him, and not without causes that peradventure he would put in writing.  
8 Item, that after the monday next before Allhallondaie last passed in the night, the people of the said city of London, by the commandment of my said lord of Gloucester, as it was said (for what cause my lord the chancellor witted not) assembled in the city, armed and arrayed, and so continued all the night. Amongst diverse of the which (the same night by what excitation, my said lord the chancellor witted not) seditious and heavy language was used, and in especial against the person of my lord the chancellor. And so the same monday at night, my said lord of Gloucester sent unto the Ins of court at London, charging them of the court dwelling in the same, to be with him upon the morrow at eight of the clock in their best array.  
9 Item, that on the morrow being tuesday next following, my said lord of Gloucester sent early unto the mayor and aldermen of the said city of London, to ordain him to the number of three hundred persons on horse back, to accompany him unto such a place as he disposed him to ride, which (as it was said) was unto the king, to the intent to have his person, and to remove him from the place that he was in, without assent or advise of the king's council. The which thing was thought unto my said lord the chancellor, that he ought in no wise to have done, nor had not been seen so before.  
10 Item, that my said lord the chancellor, considering the things above said, and doubting therefore of perils that might have ensued thereof, intending to purueie there against, and namely for his own surety and defence, according to the law of nature, ordained to let, that no force of people should come on the bridge of London towards him, by the which he or his might have been endangered or noied, not intending in any wise bodily harm unto my said lord of Gloucester, nor to any other person, but only his line 10 own defence, in eschewing the peril abovesaid.  
11 Item, as toward the fourth and fift of the said articles, my lord the chancellor answereth, that he was ever true to all those that were his sovereign lords and reigned upon him, and that he never purposed treason or untruth against any of their persons, and in especial against the person of our said sovereign lord Henry the fift. The which considering the great wisdom, truth, and manhood that all men knew in him, he would not for the time that line 20 he was king, have set on my said lord the chancellor so great trust as he did, if he had found or thought in him such untruth. The which thing my said lord the chancellor offered to declare and show, as it belongeth to a man of his estate to do, requiring thereupon my lord of Bedford and all the lords spiritual and temporal in this parliament, that it might be seen that there were judges convenient in this case, that they would do him right, or else that he might have leave of the king by their advise to go sue his right, line 30 before him that ought to be his judge.  
12 And as toward the letter sent by my lord of Winchester unto my lord of Bedford, of the which the tenor is before rehearsed, of the which my lord of Gloucester complained him of the malicious and untrue purpose of my said lord of Winchester, as toward the assembling of the people, and gathering of a field in the king's land, in troubling thereof, and against the king's peace: my said lord of Winchester answereth, that if his said letters duly understand, line 40 and in such wise as he understood and meant in the writing of them, it may not reasonably be gathered and taken, that my said lord of Winchester intended to gather any field, or assemble people in troubling of the king's land, and against the king's peace, but rather purposed to acquit him to the king in his truth, and to keep the rest and peace in the king's land, and to eschew rebellion, disobedience and all trouble. For by that that in the beginning of the said letter, he calleth my said lord of Bedford his lieuest lord after one, line 50 that is the king, whom he ought to accept of duty of his truth, the which he hath ever kept, and will keep.  
13 Moreover, in the said letter he desireth the coming home of my lord of Bedford, for the welfare of the king and of his realms of England and of France, which stand principally in keeping of his rest and peace, and prayeth my said lord of Bedford to speed his coming into England, in eschewing of jeopardy of the land, and of a field, which he dread him might have followed if he had long tarried. As toward those words; If ye tarry, we shall put this land line 60 in adventure with a field, such a brother ye have here, etc. My said lord of Winchester saith, the sooth is: before or he wrote the said letter, by the occasion of certain ordinances made by the mayor and aldermen of London against the excessive taking of masons, carpentars, tilers, plasterers, and other labourers for their daily journeys, and approved by the king's devise and council, there were cast many heavinesses and seditious bills under the names of such labourers, threatening rising with many thousands, and menacing of estates of the land, and likewise seditious and evil language sown and so continued and likely to have ensued, of purpose and intent of disobedience and rebellion. To the redressing of which, it seemed to my lord the chancellor, that my said lord of Gloucester did not his endeavour nor diligence that he might have showed. For lack of which diligence, they that were disposed to do disobeisance were encouraged & emboldened, so that it was like, that they should have made a gathering, and that the king and his true subjects should have been compelled to have made a field to have withstand them; the which field making, had been adventuring of this land, and in tokening that it was never my said lord chancellor's intent, to gather no field, but as truth most stirred him against such as riotously would make such assembly against our sovereign lord, and the weal of this land, he desired so hastily the coming of my said lord of Bedford: the which he would in no wise have so greatly desired, if he would have purposed him unto any unlawful making of a field; for he witted well, that my said lord of Bedford would most sharply have chastised and punished all those, that so would make any riotous assembly.   

When this answer was made, the duke caused this writing following openly to be proclaimed.  
BE it known to all folks, that it is the intent of my lord of Bedford, and all the lords spiritual & temporal, assembled in this present parliament, to acquit him and them, and to proceed truly, justly, and indifferently, without any partiality in any manner of matter or quarrels, moved or to be moved between my lord of Gloucester on that one party, & my lord of Winchester chancellor of England on that other party. And for sure keeping of the king's peace it is accorded by my said lord of Bedford, & by my said lords spiritual and temporal, an oath to be made in form as followeth, that is to say.   

The oath of the lords.  
THat my said lord of Bedford, and my said lords, spiritual and temporal, and each of them shall (as far forth as their cunnings and discretions suffice) truly, justly, and indifferently counsel and advise the king, and also proceed and acquit themselves in all the said matters, and quarrels, without that they or any of them shall privily and apertly make or show himself to be party or partial therein, not leaving or eschewing so to do for affection, love, méed, doubt, or dread of any person or persons. And that they shall in all wise keep secret all that shall be commoned by way of council, in the matters and quarrels abovesaid, in the said parliament, without that they or any of them shall by word, writing of the king, or in any wise open or discover it to any of the said parties, or to any other person that is not of the said council: but if he have a special commandment or leave thereunto of the king or my said lord of Bedford. And that each of them shall with all his might and power, assist by way of counsel, or else show it unto the king, my lord of Bedford, and to the rest of my said lords to put the said parties to reason; and not to suffer that any of the said parties by them, or by their assistance, proceed or attempt by way of fight against the king's peace; nor help, assist, or comfort any of them thereto: but let them with all their might and power withstand them, and assist unto the king, and my said lord of Bedford, in keeping of the king's peace, and redressing all such manner of proceeding by way of fight or force.  
Duke's: the duke of Bedford, the duke of Norfolk, the duke of Excester. Bishop's: the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishop of Carleill, the bishop of Bath, the bishop of Landaffe, the bishop of Rochester, the bishop of Chicester, the bishop of Worcester, the bishop of saint David's, the bishop of London, the bishop of Duresme. Earls: the earl of Northumberland, the earl of Stafford, the earl of Oxford. Lords: the lord Hungerford, the lord Tiptost, line 10 the lord Poinings, the lord Cromwell, the lord Borough, the lord Lovel, the lord Botreux, the lord Clinton, the lord Zouch, the lord Audeleie, the lord Ferreis of Groubie, the lord Talbot, the lord Roos, the lord Greie, the lord Greie of Ruthen, the lord Fitz Walter, the lord Barkeleie. abbots: the abbot of Waltham, the abbot of Glastenburie, the abbot of S. Augustine's in Canturburie, the abbot of Westminster, the abbot of S. Mary's in York, the abbot of S. Albon not sworn because he was not present. line 20 ¶ Which oath in manner and form above rehearsed, all the lords aswell spiritual as temporal, being in this parliament at Leicester assembled, the fourth day of March, promised upon their faith, duty, and allegiance, which they own to the king their sovereign lord, truly to observe and keep, according to the true meaning and purport of the same.   

The arbitrement. line 30  
IN the name of God Amen. We Henry archbishop of Canturburie, Thomas duke of Excester, john duke of Norfolk, Thomas bishop of Duresme, Philip bishop of Worcester, john bishop of Bath, Humphrey earl of Stafford, William Alnwicke keeper of the kings privy seal, Ralph lord Cromwell, arbitrators in all manner of causes, matters and quarrels of heavinesses & grievances, with all incidents, line 40 circumstances, dependants, or connexes being and hanging between the high & worthy prince Humphrey duke of Gloucester on the one party, and the worshipful father in God Henry bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England on the other party, by either of them, for the peasing of the said quarrels and debates taken and chosen in manner and form as it is contained more plainly in a compromise made thereupon, of the which the tenor ensueth in this form. line 50  
Memorandum, the seventh day of March in the fourth year of our sovereign lord the king, 
1424 Anno Reg. 4.  Henry the sixth, the high and mighty prince Humphrey duke of Gloucester at the reverence of God, and for the good of the king our sovereign lord in this land, & namely at the reverence, and especially at the request and prayer of the mighty and high prince my lord of Bedford his brother, agreed him to put, and putteth all manner matters and quarrels indeed, with all their incidents, circumstances, dependants and connexes line 60 that touchen him and his person, that he hath in any wise do, or feeleth himself grieved or heavy against my lord his uncle, my lord of Winchester: or else that my lord of Winchester findeth him aggrieved against him, in as much as they touch him or his person from the beginning of the world unto this day, in the advise, ordinance and arbitrement of the worthy father in God, Henry archbishop of Canturburie, the high and noble prince Thomas duke of Excester, and john duke of Norfolk, the worshipful father in God Thomas bishop of Duresme, Philip bishop of Worcester, john bishop of Bath, the noble lord Humphrey earl of Stafford, the worshipful persons master William Alnewicke keeper of the kings privy seal, and Ralph lord Cromwell, promising and behighting by the faith of his body, & word of his princehood and king's son, to do, keep, observe, and fulfil for him and his behalf, all that shall be declared, ordained, and arbitrated, by the foresaid archbishop, dukes, bishops, earl, keeper of the privy seal, and lord Cromwell in all matters and quarrels abovesaid.  
Granting also and promising over that, to be comprehended in the foresaid arbitrement, as toward putting away all heavinesses and displeasures, in any wise contained, by my lord of Gloucester against all those that have in any wise assisted, counseled, or favoured unto his said uncle of Winchester, and as toward any matters that be touching my lord of Gloucester, remitteth it, and the governance thereof unto the king & his council, they to deem it by the advise of his council, as him thinketh it to be done In witness of the which thing to this present compromise my said lord of Gloucester hath subscribed his name with his own hand: Humfreie Gloucester. And in like form my lord of Winchester in an other compromise hath subscribed with his own hand under the word of his priesthood, to stand at the advise, ordinance, & arbitrement of the persons abovesaid, Mutatis mutandis.   

A decree or order taken by the king's council for the pacifying of the quarrels & variances that were between the duke of Gloucester, and the bishop of Winchester.  
THe causes aforesaid and quarrels by us seen, heard, and diligently examined and decreed, by the assent of the said parties, ordain and award, that my lords of Gloucester, and of Winchester, for any thing done or spoken, by that one party against that other, or by any of theirs, or any other person or persons, afore the seventh day of this present month of March, never hereafter take causes, quarrels, displeasures, or heavinesses, that one against the other, ne neither against the counsellors, adherents, or favourers of that other for any thing or things that are past. And that my said lord of Gloucester be good lord to my said lord of Winchester, & have him in love and affection as his kinsman & uncle. And that my said lord of Winchester have to my said lord of Gloucester true and sad love and affection, do and be ready to do him such service as appertaineth of honesty to my said lord of Winchester and his estate to do. And that each of them be good lord unto all those adherents, counsellors, and favourers of that other, and show them at all times favourable love and affection, as for any thing by them done or said, before the seventh day of March.  
And we decree, ordain, and award, that my said lord of Winchester, in the presence of the king our sovereign lord, my lord of Bedford, and my lord of Gloucester, and the residue of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons being in this present parliament, say and declare in manner and form that followeth: My sovereign lord, I have well understand, that I am noised among the states of your land, how that the king our sovereign lord that was, at that time being prince, and lodged in the great chamber at Westminster, by the baieng of a spaniel, there was on a night taken behind a 
* Or hanging.  tapet in the same chamber, a man, that should have confessed, that he was there by mine excitation and procuring, to have slain the foresaid prince there in his bed; whereupon he was sacked, and forthwith also drowned in the Thames.  
Furthermore, I am accused, how that I should have stirred the king that last died, the time also that he was prince, to have taken the governance of this realm, and the crown upon him, his father living the same time, being king. Through which language and noising, I feel my name and fame greatly enblemished in diverse men's opinions. Whereupon, I take first God to my witness, and after all the world, that I have been at all times, and am true lover, and true man, to you my sovereign lord, and shall line 10 be all my life. And also, I have been to my sovereign lord that was your father, all the time of his reign, true man, and for such he took me, trusted me and cherished me to his lives end; and as I trust, no man will affirm the contrary, nor never in my life procuring nor imagining death nor destruction of his person, ne assenting to any such thing, or like thereto, the time that he was king or prince, or else in other state.  
I was likewise true man to king Henry the line 20 fourth, all the time that he was my sovereign lord, and reigned upon me. In which matters, in all manner of wise that it liketh to you my sovereign lord for to command me, I am ready for to declare me: and furthermore, where, how, and when it shall like you, by the advise of your council, to assign me. Wherefore I beseech you my sovereign lord, as humbly as I can, considering that there is no grounded process, by the which I might lawfully in these matters abovesaid, be convict (blessed be God) to hold me, line 30 and declare me, by the advise of all the lords, spiritual and temporal, being in this present parliament, true man to you my sovereign lord, and so to have been unto my sovereign lords that were your father and grandfather, and true man also to have been at all times to your said father whilst he was prince, or else in any other estate, the said slander and noise notwithstanding, and this same declaration to be enacted in this your said present parliament.  
The which words declared in manner as it is abovesaid, line 40 it seemeth to my said lords the arbitrators, that it is meet, that my said lord of Winchester draw him apart, and in the mean time, the lords being present, be singularly examined thereupon, and say their advise. And if it be assented by them, in manner as my said lord of Winchester desireth, let him be called again, and that than my lord of Bedford have these words in effect that follow: Fair uncle, the king my lord by the advise of his council, hath commanded me to say to you, that he hath well understand line 50 and considered all the matters which ye have here openly declared in his presence, and thereupon ye desire a petition, that he will declare you, and by the advise and assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, being in this present parliament, he declareth you a true man to him, and that ye have so been to my lord his father, and grandfather, also true man to my lord his father while he was prince, or else in any other estate, the said dislander and noising notwithstanding, and will that the said declaration be so line 60 enacted in this present parliament.  
After the which words thus said (as before is declared) it was decreed also by the said lords arbitrators, that the said lord of Winchester should have these words that follow unto my said lord of Gloucester: My lord of Gloucester, I have conceived to my great heaviness, that ye should have received by diverse reports, that I should have purposed and imagined against your person, honour, and estate, in divers manners, for the which, ye have taken against me great displeasure: Sir, I take God to my witness, that what reports so ever have been to you of me, peradventure of such as have had no great affection to me, God forgive it them, I never imagined, ne purposed any thing that might be hindering or prejudice to your person, honour, or estate: and therefore I pray you, that ye be unto me good lord from this time forth; for by my will, I gave never other occasion, nor purpose not to do hereafter by the grace of God. The which words so by him said, it was decreed by the same arbitrators, that my lord of Gloucester, should answer and say: Fair uncle, sith ye declare you such a man, as ye say, I am right glad that it is so, and for such a man I take you. And when this was done, it was decreed by the same arbitrators, that every each of my lord of Gloucester, and Winchester, should take either other by the hand, in the presence of the king and all the parliament, in sign and token of good love & accord, the which was done, and the parliament adiorned till after Easter.   
At this reconciliation, such as loved peace rejoiced (sith it is a fowl & pernicious thing for private men, much more for noblemen to be at variance, sith upon them depend many in affections diverse, whereby factions might grow to the shedding of blood) though others, to whom contention & hartgrudge is delight, wished to see the uttermost mischief that might thereof ensue, which is the utter overthrow and desolation of populous tribes, even as with a little sparkle whole houses are many times consumed to ashes; as the old proverb saith, and that very 〈◊〉 and aptly; Sola scintilla perit haec domus aut 〈◊〉 illa. But when the great fire of this 〈◊〉 between these two noble personages, was thus by the arbitrators (to their knowledge and judgement) utterly quenched out, and said under board; all other controversies between other lords, taking part with the one party or the other, were appeased, and brought to concord, so that for joy the king caused a solemn fest to be kept on Whitsundaie; on which day he created Richard Plantagenet, son and heir to the earl of Cambridge (whom his father at Southampton had put to death, as before ye have heard) duke of York, not foreseeing that this preferment should be his destruction, nor that his seed should of his generation be the extreme end and final conclusion. He the same day also promoted john lord mowbray, and earl marshal, son and heir to Thomas duke of Norfolk (by king Richard the second exiled this realm) to the title, name, and style of duke of Norfolk.  
During this feast, the duke of Bedford adorned the king with the high order of knighthood, who on the same day dubbed with the sword these knights, whose names ensue: Richard duke of York, john duke of Norfolk; the earl of Westmoreland, Henry lord Persie, john lord Butler, son to the earl of Ormond, the lord Rosse, the lord Matravers, the lord Welles, the lord Barkelie; sir james Butler, sir Henry Greie of Tankaruile, sir john Talbot, sir Ralph Greie of Work, sir Robert Uéere, sir Richard Greie, sir Edmund Hungerford, sir Water Wingfield, sir john Butler, sir Reginald Cobham, sir john Passheleu, sir Thomas Tunstall, sir john Chedocke, sir Ralph Langstre, sir William Drury, sir William ap Thomas, sir Richard Carnonell, sir Richard Wooduile, sir john Shirdlow, sir Nicholas Blunket, sir William Cheinie justice, sir William Babington, sir Ralph Butler, sir Robert Beauchampe, sir Edmund Trafford, sir john june chief baron, and diverse others.  
After this solemn feast ended, a great aid and subsidy was granted for the continuance of the conquest in France, and so thereupon money was gathered, and men were prepared in every city, town, and country. During which business, 
The duke of Excester dieth.  Thomas duke of Excester, great uncle to the king, a right sage and discreet councillor, departed out of this mortal life, at his manor of Gréenewich, and with all funeral pomp was conveyed through London to Berrie, and there buried. ¶ In the same year also died the lady Elizabeth, half sister to the same duke, and of the whole blood with king Henry the fourth, married first to the lord john Holland, duke of Excester, and after to the lord Fanhope, buried at the black friars of London.  

Fr. Thin.  [Philip Morgan after the death of john Fortham line 10 (sometime treasurer of England, year 1425 bishop of Elie and Durham, both which bishoprics, for any thing that I can yet see, he enjoyed both at one time) was made bishop of Elie in the year of our redemption 1425, in this sort. Henry the sixth and many of the nobility had written to the convent of the church of Elie, to choose William Alnewicke (doctor of both laws confessor to the king and keeper of the privy seal) to be their bishop. Notwithstanding which (they having more regard to their own privileges and benefit) line 20 choose Peter the prior of Elie to succeed in the place of john Fortham. But none of both these enjoyed that room; for Martin bishop of Rome (stepping into the matter to make the third part, neither favouring the king's motion, nor approving the monks election) removed this William Morgan from the see of Worcester unto Elie, sometime called Helix: as I have seen it set down in Saxon characters in an ancient book of the lives of saints written in the Saxon tongue, about the year of Christ 1010, before the time of Edward the confessor, and much about the time of line 30 Albo Floriacensis. This Morgan sat at Elie nine years, twenty and six weeks, and four days, departing this life in his manor of Hatfield, in the year 1434, and was buried at the Charterhouse of London; being the twenty and fourth bishop that was installed in that place.]  
While these things were thus a doing in England, year 1426 the earl of Warwick, lieutenant for the regent in France, entered into the country of main, line 40 & besieged the town of Chateau de Loire, the which shortly to him was rendered, whereof he made captain Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough, esquire. After this, he took by assault the castle of Maiet, and gave it for his valiantness to john Winter esquire, and after that he conquered the castle of Lude, 
john Winter.  and made there captain William Gladesdale gentleman. Here he was informed, that the Frenchmen were assembled in the country of Beausse, whereupon he hasted thitherwards to have given them battle, but they having line 50 knowledge of his approach, durst not abide to try the matter with him by a pight field, but fled before he came near them.  
The earl in his return won the castle of Montdublean by surrender; 
The earl of Warwick made governor of the young king.  where he left the valiant lord Willoughby, and then returned to Paris. During which season, he was ordained by the three estates of the realm of England, to be governor of the young king in the place of the duke of Excester deceased: howbeit, he did not as yet return into England, line 60 but remained in France for a season, and achieved many worthy enterprises. Whilst the lord regent of France was thus in England, 
Anno Reg. 5.  means was made by the duke of Burgognie, for the delivery of the duke of Alencon, taken at the battle of Uernoile, and now for the sum of two hundred thousand crowns he was set at liberty; but he would not by any means acknowledge the king of England to be his liege and sovereign lord.  
After that the duke of Bedford had set all things in good order in England, year 1427 he took leave of the king, and together with his wife returned into France, first landing at Calis, where the bishop of Winchester (that also passed the seas with him) received the habit, hat, and dignity of a cardinal, 

The 〈…〉 Winchester made a 〈◊〉.  
W. P.   with all ceremonies to it appertaining: which promotion, the late K. right déeplie piercing into the unrestrainable ambitious mind of the man, that even from his youth was ever to check at the highest: and also right well ascertained with what intolerable pride his head should soon be swollen under such a hat: did therefore all his life long keep this prelate back from that presumptuous estate. But now the king being young and the regent his friend, he obtained his purpose, to his great profit, and the impoverishing of the spirituality of this realm. For by a bull legantine, which he purchased from Rome, he gathered so much treasure, that no man in manner had money but he: so that he was called the rich cardinal of Winchester.  
After that the lord regent was arrived in France, the lord of Rustinian, marshal of Britain, assembled a great company of the British nation, which fortified and repaired the town of Pontorson: and after, the said marshal, with a thousand men, entered into the country of Constantine, and coming before the town of Auranches, was encountered by the Englishmen of that garrison; & after long fight, his people were put to the worse, chased, 
The lord of Rustinian taken and his people slain● and discomfited.  and discomfited, and he himself taken prisoner in the field. The duke of Bedford, hearing that the town of Pontorson, situate within two leagues of Mont Saint Michael, was newly fortified, and strongly defended, sent thither the earl of Warwick, accompanied with the lord Scales, and other valiant captains and soldiers, to the number of seven thousand men, to besiege the town; who so environed it on every side, that no man could steal neither in nor out.  
The siege thus long continuing, victuals began to wax scant in the English army: wherefore the lord Scales, having in his company sir john Harpeleie bailiff of Constantine, sir William Brearton bailiff of Caen, sir Ralph Tesson, sir john Carbonell, and three thousand good men of war, departed from the siege to get victuals, powder, and other things necessary for their purpose. And as they were returning with their carriages by the sea coast, near to Saint Michael's Mount, they suddenly were encountered by their enemies, whereof were chief, the baron of Coloses, the lord Dausebost, captain of the said Mount, the lord Mountabon, the lord Montburchier, the lord of Chateaugiron, the lord of Tintignat, the lord of Chateaubrian, with six thousand men of war.  
The lord Scales and his company, perceiving themselves beset on the one side with the sea, & on the other with their enemies, alighted from their horses, and like courageous persons, there in an unspeakable fury, set on their enemies. 
A hot skirmish.  The fight was fierce & cruel. The Englishmen kept themselves close together; so that their enemies could get no advantage of them. At the last, the lord Scales cried S. George they flee. Whereupon, the Englishmen took such courage, and the Frenchmen that fought before, were so dismayed, that they began to flee in deed. The Englishmen leapt on horseback, 
On the 〈◊〉 thursday.  and followed them so, that they slew and took above eleven hundred persons, among the which were taken the baron of Coloses, the viscount of Rone, and others. 
Enguera●●.  The lord of Chateaugiron, with a Scotish captain, & diverse other men of name were slain. After this victory, the lord Scales with his victuals, provision, and prisoners, returned to the siege, where he was of the earl and other noble men ioiouslie received.  
Whilst the siege continued thus before Pontorson, Christopher Hanson, and other soldiers of the garrison of Saint Susan, made a road into the country of Anjou, and came to a castle called Ramfort, which castle was so privily scaled, that the captain within, and his company, were taken or slain, before they knew of their enemies approaching. When knowledge hereof was given unto the Frenchmen which were assembled, to the number of twenty thousand, to raise the siege that lay before Pontorson, they left that enterprise, and went to recover the said castle of Ramfort, and so coming before it, planted their siege so on each side of it, that at length by composition the Englishmen within, doubting to be taken by force, rendered up the castle, having liberty to departed line 10 with bag and baggage.  
Shortly after, the lord of Raix, calling himself lieutenant general for the Dolphin, entered into main with an army of three thousand men, and by force took the castle of Malicorne, whereof was captain an Englishman, one Oliver Osbatersbie. In like manner, they took the little castle of Lude, and therein William Blackborne, lieutenant for William Glasdale esquire. After this, the Frenchmen returned back to the Dolphin, and kept not on their line 20 journey to Pontorson, for that they understood by espials, that the earl of Warwick, and the Englishmen there, determined to give them battle, if they once attempted to raise the siege. They within the town, being straightly besieged▪ perceiving no likelihood of succours, and seeing the English army daily increase, fell to treaty for doubt to be taken by force, 
Pontorson rendered to the Englishmen.  and so rendered the town upon condition, that they might departed with horse and harness only. Which being granted to them, the earl like a valiant line 30 captain entered into the town, and there appointed for governors, the lord Ros, and the lord Talbot, and leaving there a convenient garrison, returned to the lord regent.  
After the taking of this town of Pontorson, there was a league, and treaty concluded between the regent and the duke of Britain; by the articles of which agreement, the towns of Pontorson and saint james de Bewron were beaten down to the ground and razed. When the lord of Raix was line 40 departed out of main (as ye have heard) Christopher Hanson, Philip 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough, Martin Godfrey, called the Scaler, took by stealth the castle of saint Laurence de Mortiers. At the same time, when the captain and the most part of his company were gone forth to hear mass, in a church over against the same castle, and keeping themselves close, till the captain returned, they took him as he was entered within the first gate, & so was this castle stuffed with Englishmen, line 50 and captain thereof was appointed sir William Oldhall.  
The same season, sir john Fastolfe, governor of the countries of Anjou and main, assembled a great puissance of men war, and laid siege before the castle of saint Owen Distais, beside the town of laval; and after he had lain there ten days, the castle was delivered, they within departing with their lives and armour only to them granted, by the tenor of the composition, which they took with line 60 the same sir john Fastolfe. After the winning of this castle, the Englishmen removed to the strong castle of Gravile, and after twelve days, they within offered to yield the castle by a day, if they were not succoured by the Dolphin or his power: the offer was taken and pledges delivered.  
Then sir john Fastolfe returned in post to the regent, advertising him of this composition and agreement; wherefore, the said regent raised a great power to fight with the Frenchmen at the day appointed, and in his company were the earls of Mortaigne and Warwick, the lord Ros and Talbot, sir john Fastolfe, sir john Aubemond, sir john Ratcliff, and diverse other, to the number of twenty thousand men; and so marched forwards, in hope to meet and join battle with their adversaries. But the French power, being not far off from the place, durst not approach. Wherefore, the regent sent to sir john Fastolfe incontinently, to receive the castle: but they within (contrary to promise and appointment) had newly vitteled & manned the place, and so forsaking the pledges, and their fellows in arms, refused to render the fortress; wherefore, 
Hostages executed for promise broken.  the pledges were brought before their sight, and there before the castle openly put to death.  
After this the lord Talbot was made governor of Anjou and main, and sir john Fastolfe was assigned to an other place, which lord Talbot, 
The lord Talbot, a valiant captain.  being both of noble birth, and of haughty courage, after his coming into France, obtained so many glorious victories of his enemies, that his only name was & yet is dreadful to the French nation, and much renowned amongst all other people. This lusty and most valiant captain entered into main, where he slew men, destroyed castles, burnt towns, and in conclusion suddenly took the town of laval. The lord Loehac, and diverse other, withdrew into the castle, in the which they were so straightly besieged, that in the end they agreed to pay the lord Talbot an hundred thousand crowns, for licence to departed, with all their bag and baggage.  
Then was this castle delivered to the keeping of Gilbert Halsall, which after was slain at the siege of Orleans, in whose place Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough was made captain there: who being at the journey of Senlis, by treason of a miller that kept a mill adjoining to the wall, the Frenchmen entered into the town, and brought it again into their subjection. Now the duke of Bedford hearing that the town of Montargis, in the territory of Orleans, was but slenderly kept, and not thoroughly furnished, sent the earl of Suffolk, with his brother sir john Poole, and sir Henry Bisset, having in their company a six thousand men, to assault that town; but when they came thither and found the town both well manned and strongly fortified, contrary to their expectation, they surceased from giving the assault, and only laid their siege round about it.  
The earl of Warwick was appointed to lie with a great number of men of war, at S. Marthelines de Archempe, to encounter the Frenchmen, if they would attempt to aid or victual those within the town. The situation of this town was such, that by reason of waters and marshes, the English army must needs sever itself into three parts, so that the one could not easily help the other, but either by boats or bridges. This siege continued above two months, so that in the mean time the Frenchmen had leisure to provide for the succour thereof; and so it came to pass, that the constable of France Arthur of Britain, the lord Boisac one of the marshals, Stephan lafoy Hire, Pothon de Saintreiles, the lord Gravile, and diverse others, to the number of three thousand horsemen, were sent forth by the Dolphin.  
These privily in the night season came on that side, where sir john de la Poole and sir Henry Bisset lay, whom they found so out of order, 
A great slaughter by negligence of the watch at Montargis.  and without good watch, that the Frenchmen entered into their lodgings, slew many in their beds, and spared none, for their resistance was but small. Sir john de la Poole with his horse saved himself, and sir Henry Bisset escaped by a boat, and eight other with him. The residue fleeing in plumpes, and striving to pass by a bridge of timber, the which was pestered with press of the multitude, brake, and so there were a great number drowned: insomuch that there were slain by the enemies sword, and drowned in the water, fifteen hundred men.  
The earl of Warwick hearing of this misfortune, departed from saint Mathelines with all speed, and coming before Montargis, offered battle to the French captains, which answered, that they had manned and vittelled the town, and intended to do no more at that time. The Englishmen hereupon came softly back again with all their ordinance to the duke of Bedford. Yet had not the French so great cause to vaunt of their success: for at this very time, line 10 sir Nicholas Burdet, appointed by the duke of Summerset to endamage his enemies in the coasts of Britain, 
Sir Nicholas Burdet. Polydor.  sent horsemen into every part, working all the displeasure to the people that might be devised. The country, through which he passed, was wasted, the towns were burnt, the houses spoiled, and great number of prisoners taken, the small villages were destroyed, and the walled towns ransomed, and so without hurt or damage the said sir Nicholas Burdet returned into Normandy. line 20  
These news being signified to the constable, and other the French captains, assuaged their great mirth and triumphant joy, conceived for the victory of Montargis, that loath they were to attempt any further enterprises against the English nation. But the duke of Alencon, who (as ye have heard) was lately delivered out of captivity, revived again the dulled spirits of the Dolphin, and somewhat advanced, in hope of good speed, the fainting hearts of his captains; so that (some occasion offered) they determined line 30 to achieve a notable feat (as they took it) against the Englishmen, which was the recovery of the city of Man's out of their hands: for so it happened, that divers of the chief rulers in that city, and namely diverse spiritual persons, meaning to revolt to the Dolphin's side, advertised him by letters of their whole minds, which letters were conveyed unto him by certain friars.  
The Dolphin glad of those news, appointed the lords de la Breath and Faiet, marshals of France, line 40 accompanied with the lords of Mount jehan, of Bu●ll, Doruall, Torsie, Beaumanor, the Hire, and his brother Guilliam, with five hundred other valiant captains and soldiers, to the accomplishing of this enterprise; who coming thither at the day assigned, in the night season approached towards the walls, making a little fire on an hill, in sight of the town, to signify their coming, which perceived by the citizens that near to the great church were watching for the same, a burning cresset was showed line 50 out of the steeple, which suddenly was put out and quenched. What needeth many words?  
The captains on horseback came to the gate, the traitors within slew the porters and watchmen, and let in their friends, whereby the footmen entered first, 
Mans lost by treason of the citizens.  and the men of arms waited at the barriers, to the intent that if need required, they might fight it out in open field. Hereby many Englishmen were slain, & a great cry and garboil raised through the town, as in such surprises is wont. The cause of this line 60 mischief was not known to any, but only to the conspirators; for the remnant of the citizens being no partakers, imagined, that the Englishmen had made havoc in the town, and put all to the sword. The Englishmen on the other side judged, that the citizens had begun some new rebellion against them, or else had striven amongst themselves.  
The earl of Suffolk, which was governor of the town, having perfect knowledge by such as scaped from the walls, how the matter went, withdrew without any tarriance into the castle, which standeth at the gate of saint Uincent, whereof was constable Thomas Gower esquire, whither also fled many Englishmen; so as for urging of the enemy, press of the number, and lack of victuals, they could not have endured long: wherefore they privily sent a messenger to the lord Talbot, which then lay at Alencon, certifying him in how hard a case they were. The lord Talbot hearing these news, like a careful captain in all hast assembled together about seven hundred men, & in the evening departed from Alencon, so as in the morning he came to a castle called Guierch, two miles from Man's, and there stayed a while till he had sent out Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough, as an espial, to understand how the Frenchmen demeaned themselves.  
Matthew 
* Goche.  Gough so well sped his business, that privily in the night he came into the castle, where he learned that the Frenchmen very negligently used themselves, without taking heed to their watch, as though they had been out of all danger: which well understood, he returned again, and within a mile of the city met the lord Talbot, and the lord Scales, and opened unto them all things, according to his credence. The lords then, to make haste in the matter, because the day approached, with all speed possible came to the postern gate, and alighting from their horses, about six of the clock in the morning, they issued out of the castle, crying saint George, Talbot.  
The Frenchmen being thus suddenly taken, were sore amazed, in so much that some of them, being not out of their beds, got up in their shirts, and leapt over the walls. 
Mans recovered.  Other ran naked out of the gates to save their lives, leaving all their apparel, horses, armour, and riches behind them, none was hurt but such as resisted. 
Abr. Fl.  ¶ Hard shift was made on all hands for safety of life, & happy was he that could find a place of refuge where to lurk unspied and unhurt of the enemy; who in the execution of their vengeance were so peremptory, that it was a matter of great difficulty or rather impossibility to escape their force. To be short, there were slain and taken, to the number of four hundred gentlemen, the private soldiers were frankly let go. After this, inquisition was made of the authors of the treason, 
Traitors executed.  and there were found & condemned thirty citizens, twenty priests, and fifteen friars, who according to their demerits were all hanged.  
The city of Man's being thus recovered, 
Anno Reg. 6.  the lord Talbot returned to Alencon, and shortly after the earl of Warwick departed into England, to be governor of the young king, 
Duke of Excester deceased.  in steed of Thomas duke of Excester, lately departed to God, and then was the lord Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury sent into France, year 1428 to supply the room of the said earl of Warwick, who landed at Calis with five thousand men, and so came to the duke of Bedford as then lying in Paris, where they fell in council together concerning the affairs of France, and namely the earl of Salisbury began marvelously to fantasy the gaining of the city & country of Orleans.  
This earl was the man at that time, by whose wit, strength, and policy, the English name was much fearful and terrible to the French nation, which of himself might both appoint, command, and do all things in manner at his pleasure, 
Montacute earl of Salisbury a politic and valiant man.  in whose power (as it appeared after his death) a great part of the conquest consisted: for surly, he was a man both painful, diligent, and ready to withstand all dangerous chances that were at hand, prompt in counsel, and of courage invincible, so that in no one man, men put more trust; nor any singular person won the hearts so much of all men.  
Hereupon, after this great enterprise had long been debated in the privy council, the earl of Salisburies' devise therein was of them all granted and allowed, so that he being replenished with good hope of victory, and furnished with artillery & munition appertaining to so great an enterprise, accompanied with the earl of Suffolk, and the lord Talbot, and with a valiant army, to the number of ten thousand men, departed from Paris, and passed through the country of Beausse. There he took by assault, the town of Genuille, and within five days after had the castle delivered unto him, by them that were fled into it for their safeguard. 〈◊〉 also took the town of Baugencie, suffering 〈◊〉 man which would become subject to the king of England, to enjoy their line 10 lands and goods. The towns of Meun upon Loire, and jargeaulx, hearing of these doings, presented to them the keys of their towns upon like agreement. [About May in this 1428, 
W. P. Les grandes chroniques de Britain.  the town of Aunts and territories there with a fearful earthquake were shaken, houses castles and strong buildings, in such terror, as it was thought the end of the world had been come.]  


Anno Reg. 7. Orleans besieged.  
Bastard of Orleans.   After this, in the month of September the earl came before the city of Orleans, and planted his line 20 siege on the one side of the river of Loire; but before his coming, the bastard of Orleans, the bishop of the city, and a great number of Scots, hearing of the earls intent, made diverse fortifications about the town, and destroyed the suburbs, in which were twelve parish churches, and four orders of friars. They cut also down all the vines, trees, and bushes, within five leagues of the city, so that the Englishmen should have neither refuge nor succour.  
After the siege had continued full three weeks, the line 30 bastard of Orleans issued out of the gate of the bridge; and fought with the Englishmen; but they received him with so fierce and terrible strokes, that he was with all his company compelled to retire and flee back into the city. But the Englishmen followed so fast, in killing and taking of their enemies, that they entered with them. 
A bulwark at Orleans taken.  ¶ The bulwark of the bridge, with a great tower standing at the end of the same, was taken incontinently by the Englishmen, who behaved themselves right valiantly under the line 40 conduct of their courageous captain, 
Abr. Fl.  as at this assault, so in diverse skirmishes against the French; partly to keep possession of that which Henry the fift had by his magnanimity & puissance achieved, as also to enlarge the same. But all helped not. For who can hold that which will away? In so much that some cities by fraudulent practices, othersome by martial prowess were recovered by the French, to the great discouragement of the English and the appalling of their spirits; whose hope was now dashed line 50 partly by their great losses and discomfitures (as after you shall hear) but chiefly by the death of the late deceased Henry their victorious king; as Chr. Okland very truly and agreeable to the story noteth: 
Dolphinus, comitésque eius fera praelia tentant,  
Fraud domi capi●nt alias, virtute receptae  
Sunt urbes aliae qu●dam, sublapsa refertur  
Anglûm spes retrò, languescere pectora dicas,  
Quip erat Henricus quintus, dux strenuous olim,  
Mortuus: hinc damni gravior causa atque doloris. line 60   
In this conflict, many Frenchmen were taken, but more were slain, and the keeping of the tower and bulwark was committed to William Glasdale esquire. By the taking of this bridge the passage was stopped that neither men nor victuals could go or come by that way. After this, the earl caused certain bulwark to be made round about the town, casting trenches between the one and the other, laying ordinance in every place where he saw that any battery might be devised. When they within saw that they were environed with fortresses and ordinance, they laid gun against gun, and fortified towers against bulwark, and within cast new rampires, and fortified themselves as strongly as might be devised.  
The bastard of Orleans and the Hire were appointed to see the walls and watches kept, and the bishop saw that the inhabitants within the city were put in good order, and that victuals were not vainly spent. In the tower that was taken at the bridge end (as before you have heard) there was an high chamber, having a grate full of bars of iron, by the which a man might look all the length of the bridge into the city; at which gra●e many of the chief captains stood many times, viewing the city, and devising in what place it was best to give the assault. They within the city well perceived this tooting hole, and laid a piece of ordinance directly against the window.  
It so chanced, that the nine and fiftieth day after the siege was laid, the earl of Salisbury, sir Thomas Gargrave, and William Glasdale, with diverse other went into the said tower, and so into the high chamber, and looked out at the grate, and within a short space, the son of the maister-gunner, perceiving men looking out at the window, took his match (as his father had taught him) who was gone down to dinner, and fired the gun; the shot whereof brake, and shivered the iron bars of the grate, so that one of the same bars strake the earl so violently on the head, that it struck away one of his eyes, 
The earl of Salisbury slain.  and the side of his cheek. Sir Thomas Gargrave was likewise stricken, and died within two days.  
The earl was conveyed to Meun on Loire, where after eight days he likewise departed this world, whose body was conveyed into England with all funeral appointment, and buried at Bissam by his progenitors, leaving behind him an only daughter named Alice, married to Richard Nevil, son to Ralph earl of Westmoreland, of whom more shall be said hereafter. The damage that the realm of England received by the loss of this noble man, manifestly appeared; in that immediately after his death, the prosperous good luck, which had followed the English nation, began to decline, and the glory of their victories gotten in the parties beyond the sea fell in decay.  
Though all men were sorrowful for his death, yet the duke of Bedford was most stricken with heaviness, as he that had lost his only right hand, and chief aid in time of necessity. But sith that dead men cannot help the chances of men that be living, he like a prudent governor appointed the earl of Suffolk to be his lieutenant and captain of the siege, and joined with him the lord Scales, the lord Talbot, sir john Fastolfe, and diverse other right valiant captains. These persons caused bastilles to be made round about the city, and left nothing unattempted, that might advance their purpose, which to bring to wished effect there was not any want, as of no cautelous policy, so of no valiant enterprise, tending to the enemies overthrow.  
In the Lent season, victuals and artillery began to wax scant in the English camp, year 1429 wherefore the earl of Suffolk appointed sir john Fastolfe, sir Thomas Rampston, and sir Philip Hall, with their retinues, to ride to Paris, to the lord regent, to inform him of their lack, who incontinently upon that information provided victuals, artillery, and munitions necessary, and loaded therewith many chariots, carts, and horses: and for the sure conveying of the same, he appointed sir Simon Morhier, provost of Paris, with the guard of the city, and diverse of his own household-servants to accompany sir john Fastolfe and his complices, to the army lying at the siege of Orleans. They were in all to the number of fifteen hundred men, 
Engueran●.  of the which there were not passed five or six hundred Englishmen.  
These departing in good order of battle out of Paris, came to Genuille in Beausse, and in a morning early, in a great frost, they departed from thence toward the siege; and when they came to a town called Rowraie, in the lands of Beausse, they perceived their enemies coming towards them, being to the number of nine or ten thousand of Frenchmen and Scots, of whom were captains Charles of Clerimont, son to the duke of Bourbon then being prisoner in England; sir William Steward constable of Scotland, a little before delivered out of captivity, line 10 the earl of Perdriake, the lord john Uandosine, the Uidame of Chartres, the lord of Toures, the lord of Lohar, the lord of Eglere, the lord of Beaview, the bastard Tremoile, and many other valiant captains.  
Wherefore sir john Fastolfe set all his company in good order of battle, and pitched stakes before every archer, to break the force of the horsemen. At their backs they set all the wagons and carriages, and within them they tied all their horses. In this line 20 manner stood they still, abiding the assault of their enemies. The Frenchmen by reason of their great number, thinking themselves sure of the victory, eagerly set on the Englishmen, which with great force them received, and themselves manfully defended. At length, 
1500 English did slay and vanquish 10000 French.  after long and cruel fight, the Englishmen drove back and vanquished the proud Frenchmen, & compelled them to flee. In this conflict were slain the lord William Steward constable of Scotland, and his brother the lord Dorualle, the lord Chateaubriam, line 30 sir john Basgot, and other Frenchmen and Scots, to the number of five and twenty hundred, and above eleven hundred taken prisoners, although the French writers affirm the number less.  
After this fortunate victory, sir john Fastolfe and his company (having lost no one man of any reputation) with all their carriages, victuals, and prisoners, marched forth and came to the English camp before Orleans, where they were joyfully received, and highly commended for their valiancy and worthy line 40 prowess showed in the battle; the which because most part of the carriage was herring and lenten stuff, the Frenchmen called it the battle of herrings. The earl of Suffolk being thus vittelled, 
The battle of herrings.  continued the siege, and every day almost skirmished with the Frenchmen within, who (at length being in despair of all succours) offered to treat, and in conclusion, to save themselves and the city from captivity of their enemies, they devised to submit the city, themselves, and all theirs under the obeisance of Philip duke of Burgognie, because he was extract out of the stock line 50 and blood royal of the ancient kings of France, thinking by this means (as they did in deed) to break or diminish the great amity between the Englishmen and him.  
This offer was signified by them unto the duke of Burgognie, who with thanks certified them again, that he would gladly receive them, if the lord regent would therewith be contented. Hereupon he dispatched messengers to the duke of Bedford, who though line 60 some counseled that it should be very good and necessary for him to agree to that manner of yielding; yet he and other thought it neither convenient nor honourable, that a city so long besieged by the king of England, should be delivered unto any other prince, than to him, or to his regent, for that might be a very bad precedent to other towns in any like case. Hereupon the regent answered the Burgognian ambassadors: 
W. P.  that after so long a siege on his part, and obstinate a resistance of theirs, he might not receive rendering and conditions at their appointment. At this answer the duke hung the groin, as conceiving that our side should envy his glory, or not to be so forward in advancing his honour as he would have it.  
In time of this siege at Orleans (French stories say) the first week of March 1428, 
W.P. jehan de Till●●.  unto Charles the Dolphin, 
Les chroni●. de Bretaigne.  at Chinon as he was in very great care and study how to wrestle against the English nation, by one Peter Badricourt captain of Uacouleur, 
Le Rosier c●●leth him Robert.  (made after marshal of France by the Dolphin's creation) was carried a 〈◊〉 wench of an eighteen years old, 
jone de Are Pusell de di●●.  called jone 〈◊〉▪ ●y name of her father (a sorry shepherd) james of Are, and Isabella her mother, brought up poorly in their trade of keeping cattle, borne at Domprin (therefore reported by Bale, 
In vita Bundvicae.  jone Domprin) upon Meuse in Lorraine within the diocese of Thoule. Of favour was she counted likesome, of person strongly made and manly, of courage great, hardy, and stout withal, an understander of counsels though she were not at them, great semblance of chastity both of body and behaviour, the name of jesus in her mouth about all her businesses, humble, obedient, and fasting diverse days in the week. A person (as their books make her) raised up by power divine, only for secure to the French estate then deeply in distress, in whom, for planting a credit the rather, first the company that toward the Dolphin did conduct her, through places all dangerous, as holden by the English, where she never was afore, all the way and by nightertale safely did she lead: then at the Dolphins sending by her assignment, from saint Katharins' church of Fierbois in Touraine (where she never had been and knew not) in a secret place there among old iron, appointed she her sword to be sought out and brought her, 
Grand chro. 4.  that with five flower delices was graven on both sides, wherewith she fought & did many slaughters by her own hands. On warfare road she in armour 
* From head to foot.  cap a pie & mustered as a man, before her an ensign all white, wherein was jesus Christ painted with a flower delice in his hand.  
Unto the Dolphin into his gallery when first she was brought, and he shadowing himself behind, setting other gay lords before him to try her cunning from all the company, with a salutation (that indeed marz all the matter) she picked him out alone, who thereupon had her to the end of the gallery, 
This salutation appeareth after here.  where she held him an hour in secret and private talk, that of his privy chamber was thought very long, and therefore would have broken it off; but he made them a sign to let her say on. In which (among other) as likely it was, she setout unto him the singular feats (forsooth) given her to understand by revelation divine, 
Les grand chronic.  that in virtue of that sword she should achieve, which were, how with honour and victory she would raise the siege at Orleans, set him in state of the crown of France, and drive the English out of the country, thereby he to enjoy the kingdom alone. Hereupon he heartened at full, appointed her a sufficient army with absolute power to lead them, and they obediently to do as she bade them. Then fell she to work, and first defeated indeed the siege at Orleans, by and by encouraged him to crown himself king of France at Reims, that a little before from the English she had won. Thus after pursued she many bold enterprises to our great displeasure a two year together, for the time she kept in state until she were taken and for heresy and witchery burned: as in particularities hereafter followeth. But in her prime time she armed at all points (like a jolly captain) road from Poitiers to Blois, and there found men of war, victuals, and munition, ready to be conveyed to Orleans.  
Here was it known that the Englishmen kept not so diligent watch as they had been accustomed to do, and therefore this maid (with other French captains) coming forward in the dead time of the night, and in a great rain and thunder entered into the city with all their victuals, artillery, and other necessary provisions. The next day the Englishmen boldly assaulted the town, but the Frenchmen defended the walls so, as no great feat worthy of memory chanced that day betwixt them, though the Frenchmen were amazed at the valiant attempt of the Englishmen, whereupon the bastard of Orleans gave knowledge to the duke of Alencon, in what danger the town stood without his present help, who coming within two leagues of the city, gave line 10 knowledge to them within, that they should be ready the next day to receive him.  
This accordingly was accomplished: for the Englishmen willingly suffered him and his army also to enter, supposing that it should be for their advantage to have so great a multitude to enter the city, whereby their victuals (whereof they within had great scarcity) might the sooner be consumed. On the next day in the morning, the Frenchmen altogether line 20 issued out of the town, won by assault the bastile of saint Lou, and set it on fire. And after they likewise assaulted the tower at the bridge foot, which was manfully defended. But the Frenchmen (more in number) at length took it, yet the lord Talbot could come to the succours, in the which William Gladesdale the captain was slain, with the lord Moollins, and lord Poinings also.  
The Frenchmen puffed up with this good luck, fetched a compass about, and in good order of battle line 30 marched toward the bastile, which was in the keeping of the lord Talbot: the which upon the enemies approach, like a captain without all fear or dread of that great multitude, issued forth against them, and gave them so sharp an encounter, that they not able to withstand his puissance, fled (like sheep before the wolf) again into the city, with great loss of men and small artillery. Of Englishmen were lost in the two bastiles, to the number of six hundred persons, or thereabout, though the French writers multiply this number of hundreds to thousands, as their manner line 40 is.  
The earl of Suffolk, the lord Talbot, the lord Scales, and other captains assembled together in council, and after causes showed to and fro, it was amongst them determined to leave their fortresses and bastiles, and to assemble in the plain field, and there to abide all the day, to see if the Frenchmen would issue forth to fight with them. This conclusion taken was accordingly executed: but when the Frenchmen durst not once come forth to show their line 50 heads, the Englishmen set fire of their lodgings, and departed in good order of battle from Orleans. 
The siege of Orleans broken up.  The next day, which was the eight day of May, the earl of Suffolk road to jargeaux with four hundred Englishmen, and the lord Talbot with an other company returned to Mehun. And after he had fortified that town, he went to the town of laval, & won it, together with the castle, sore punishing the townsmen for their cankered obstinacy against them. line 60  
Thus when the Englishmen had severed themselves into garrisons, the duke of Alencon, the bastard of Orleans, jone le Pusell, the lord Gawcourt, and diverse other captains of the Frenchmen, came the twelve day of june, before the town of jargeaux, where the earl of Suffolk and his two brethren sojourned, & gave to the town so fierce an assault on three parts, that Poiton de Sentrailes, perceiving an other part void of defendants, scaled the walls on that side, and without difficulty took the town, and slew sir Alexander Poole, brother to the earl, and many other, to the number of two hundred. But the Frenchmen gained not much thereby, for they lost three hundred good men and more. Of the Englishmen forty were taken, with the earl and his other brother named john.  
The Frenchmen, as they returned to Orleans, 
Prisoners slain by the French as they were taken.  fell at variance for their prisoners, and slew them all, saving the earl and his brother. Shortly after, the same French army came to Mehun, where they took the tower at the bridge foot, and put therein a garrison. From thence they removed to Baugencie, and constrained them that were within the town to yield, upon condition they might departed with bag and baggage. At the same place there came to the duke of Alencon, the new constable Arthur of Britain, and with him the lord Dalbret, and other. Also after this the earl of Uandosme came to them, so that by the daily repair of such as assembled together to strengthen the French part, they were in all to the number between twenty and three and twenty thousand men.  
All which being once joined in one army, 
Nichol. Giles. Five thousand saith Hall.  shortly after fought with the lord Talbot (who had with him not past six thousand men) near unto a village in Beausse called Pataie: at which battle the charge was given by the French so upon a sudden, that the Englishmen had not leisure to put themselves in array, after they had put up their stakes before their archers, so that there was no remedy but to fight at adventure. This battle continued by the space of three long hours: for the Englishmen, though they were overpressed with multitude of their enemies, yet they never fled back one foot, till their captain the lord Talbot was sore wounded at the back, and so taken.  
Then their hearts began to faint, and they fled, 
Great loss on the English side The lords Talbot, Scales, and Hungerford taken.  in which flight were slain above twelve hundred, and forty taken, of whom the lord Talbot, the lord Scales, the lord Hungerford, & sir Thomas Rampston were chief. diverse archers, after they had shot all their arrows, having only their swords, defended themselves, and with help of some of their horsemen came safe to Mehun. This overthrow, and specially the taking of the lord Talbot, did not so much rejoice the Frenchmen; but it did as much abash the Englishmen: so that immediately thereupon, the towns of jenuile, Mehun, Fort, and diverse other, returned from the English part, and became French. From this battle departed without any stroke stricken sir john Fastolfe, the same year for his valiantness elected into the order of the garter. But for doubt of misdealing at this brunt, the duke of Bedford took from him the image of saint George, and his garter; though afterward by means of friends, and apparent causes of good excuse, the same were to him again delivered against the mind of the lord Talbot.  
Charles the Dolphin that called himself French K. perceiving fortune to smile thus upon him, assembled a great power, and determined to conquer the city of Rheims▪ that he might be there sacred, crowned, and anointed, according to the custom of his progenitors, that all men might judge that he was by all laws and decrees a just and lawful king. In his way thitherwards he besieged the city of Auxerre, the citizens whereof compounded with him to yield, if they were not rescued within certain days. From thence he came before Trois, and after twelve days siege had that city delivered unto him, by composition, that the captain sir Philip Hall (with his people and movables) might departed in safety. After that Trois was yielded, the commonalty of Chaalons rebelled against sir john Aubemond their captain, and constrained him to deliver the town upon like composition. In semblable manner did they of Rheims, desiring him to give safe conduct to all the Englishmen safely to departed. When Rheims was thus become French, the foresaid Charles the Dolphin in the presence of the dukes of Lorraine and bar, and of all the noble men of his faction, was sacred there king of France by the name of Charles the seventh, 
The French king crowned.  with all rites and ceremonies thereto belonging. They of Auxerre, when the term of their appointment was expired, submitted themselves to him; and so likewise did all the cities and towns adjoining.  
The duke of Bedford advertised of all these doings, line 10 assembled his power about him, and having together ten thousand good Englishmen (beside Normans) departed out of Paris in warlike fashion, & passing through Brie to Monstreau fault Yonne, sent by his herald Bedford, letters to the French king, signifying to him; that where he had (contrary to the final conclusion accorded between his noble brother K. Henry the fift, & king Charles the sixth, father to him that was the usurper) by allurement of a devilish witch, 
jone taken to be a witch.  taken upon him the name, title, & dignity line 20 of the king of France; and further had by murder, stealing, craft, and deceitful means, violently gotten, and wrongfully kept diverse cities and towns belonging to the king of England his nephew; for proof thereof he was come down from Paris with his army, into the country of Brie, by dint of sword and stroke of battle to prove his writing and cause true, willing his enemy to choose the place, and in the same he would give him battle.  
The new French king being come from Rheims to Dampmartine, studying how to compass them line 30 of Paris, was half abashed at this message. But yet to set a good countenance on the matter, he answered the herald, that he would sooner seek his master, than his master should need to pursue him. The duke of Bedford hearing this answer, marched toward the king, and pitched his field in a strong place. The French king though at the first he meant to have abidden battle; yet when he understood that the duke was equal to him in number of people, he changed line 40 his purpose, and turned with his army a little out of the way. The duke of Bedford, perceiving his faint courage, followed him by the hills and dales, till he came to a town not far from Senlis, where he found the French king and his army lodged; wherefore he ordered his battles like an expert cheefteine in martial science, setting the archers before, and himself with the noblemen in the main battle, and put the Normans on both sides for wings. The French king also ordered his battles with the advise of his line 50 captains.  
Thus these two armies lay two days and two nights either in sight of other, without any great doing, except a few skirmishes, wherein the dukes light horsemen did very valiantly. At length in the dead of the night (as privily as might be) the French king broke up his camp, 
The French army fled in the night. Boheme.  and fled to Braie. The duke of Bedford had much ado to stay his people in the morning from pursuit of the French army: but for that he mistrusted the parisians, he would not departed line 60 far from that city, and so returned thither again. ¶ In this season pope Martin the fift of that name, meaning to subdue the Bohemers that dissented from the church of Rome in matters of religion, appointed Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester & cardinal of saint Eusebie, to be his legate in an army that should invade the kingdom of Boheme, and to bring a power of men with him out of England. And because the war touched religion, he licensed the cardinal to take the tenth part of every spiritual dignity, benefice, and promotion.  
This matter was opened in the parliament house, and assented to: whereupon the bishop gathered the money, and assembled four thousand men & above, not without great grudge of the people, which daily were with tallages and aids wearied and sore burdened. As this bishop was come to Dover ready to pass the seas over into Flanders, the duke of Gloucester having received letters from the duke of Bedford, containing an earnest request to relieve him with some speedy aid of men of war, was constrained to write unto the bishop of Winchester, willing him in time of such need, when all stood upon loss or gain, to pass with all his army toward the duke of Bedford, to assist him against his adversaries; which thing done, and to his honour achieved, he might perform his journey against the ungracious Bohemers. The cardinal (though not well contented with this countermand) yet lest he should run into the note of infamy, if he refused to aid the regent of France in so great a cause, passed over with his power, and brought the same unto his coosine to the city of Paris.  
About the same season, the French king, in hope to be received into the towns of campaign and Beawois (by reason of the favour and good will which the inhabitants bare towards him) was come with an army towards campaign. Whereof the duke of Bedford being advertised, and having now his host augmented with the new supply, which the cardinal had of late brought unto him, marched forward with great speed toward the place where he understood the French king was lodged: and coming to Senlis, he perceived how his enemies were encamped upon the mount Pilioll, between Senlis and campaign.  
Here might either army behold the other: whereupon for the avoiding of dangers that might ensue, the camps were trenched, and the battles pitched, and the fields ordered as though they should have tried the matter by battle: but nothing was done except with skirmishes, in the which the Normans sore vexed the Frenchmen; and therefore received great commendations & praises of the lord regent: who undoubtedly determined to have given battle to his enemies if they would have abidden it. But after the armies had thus lain either in sight of other, for the space of two days together, the French king not determining to adventure in an open battle the whole chance of the game, lest he might thereby receive a perpetual checkmate, in the night season removed his camp, and fled to Crespie, though his number was double to the English army. The duke of Bedford, 
Anno Reg. ●  seeing that the French king was thus cowardly recoiled with all his power and army, returned again to Paris, ever suspecting the deceitful faith of the parisians.  
The bishop of Winchester, after that the French king was retreated back, went into Boheme, 
Boheme.  and there did somewhat, though shortly after without any great praise or gain he returned into England, more glad of his coming back than of his advancing forward. Anon after the pope unlegated him, 
The pope 〈◊〉 unlegat the cardinal of Winchester. K. Henrie● coronation at Westminster.  and set an other in his place, wherewith he was nothing contented. On the sixth day of November, being the day of saint Leonard, king Henry in the eight year of his reign was at Westminster with all pomp and honour crowned king of this realm of England. In the same year the French king was received into the town of campaign, and shortly after were the towns of Senlis and Beawois rendered to him. And the lord Longuevall took by stealth the castle of Aumarle, and slew all the Englishmen within it.  
Also about the same time, 
Thom. Wi●●.  the Frenchmen recovered castle Galliard forth of the Englishmen'S hands, where the lord Barbason was found in a dungeon, enclosed within a great grate of iron like to a little chamber, and forthwith they broke open the grate: but Barbason would not come forth; because he had given his faith and promise to one Kingston that was captain of that fortress for the king of England, to be true prisoner, until the Frenchmen had sent to the same Kingston (that was departed upon such covenants as they were agreed upon at the delivery of that fortress) willing him to come back again upon safe conduct. Which at their earnest request line 10 he did, and withal discharged the lord Barbason of his oath; and so then he came forth, and remained at his liberty, to the great rejoicing of the Frenchmen, which judged that he had been rather dead than alive all that time of his imprisonment.  
About the same time also the French king sought by all means possible to break the amity betwixt the realm of England, and the house of Burgognie. Whereof the duke of Bedford having intelligence, thought it stood him upon the more earnestly to look line 20 to his charge; and namely as it were an anchorhold, he determined to provide that he might defend and safely keep the duchy of Normandy, and therefore appointing the bishop of Terrowen and Elie, named jews of Lutzenburgh, chancellor for king Henry of the realm of France, to remain at Paris upon the defence of that city, with a convenient number of Englishmen, he departed into Normandy, and coming to Rone, called a parliament there of the three estates of the duchy, 
A parliament at Rone called by the duke of Bedford.  in the which he declared line 30 many things unto them, touching the happy life, and great freedom which they might be assured to enjoy, so long as they continued under the English obeisance: and therefore he exhorted them to abide constant in their allegiance, faith, and promise made and sworn to his noble brother king Henry the fift.  
Whilst the duke of Bedford was busy to retain the Normans in their due obedience, the French king departed from Senlis; and coming to the line 40 town of saint Denis, 
The French got saint Denis.  found it in manner desolate, so that he entered there without resistance, and lodged his army at Mount Martyr and Amberuilliers, near unto the city of Paris; and from thence sent john duke of Alencon, and his sorceress jone la Pusell, with three thousand light horsemen to assault the city, and followed himself, in hope to get it, either by force or treaty. But the English captains every one keeping his ward and place assigned, so manfully defended themselves, their walls and line 50 towers, with the assistance of the parisians, that they repelled the Frenchmen, and threw down jone their great goddess into the bottom of the town ditch, 
jone had a hurt in the leg and a fall, drawn all d●rtie out of the mire.  where she lay behind the back of an ass sore hurt in the leg, till the time that she (all filthy with mire and dirt) was drawn out by Guischard of Thienbrone, servant to the duke of Alencon.  
The French king, perceiving that he could not prevail in this enterprise, left the dead bodies behind him, and taking with him the wounded captains, returned line 60 into Berrie. But in the mean way, the inhabitants of Laignie submitted themselves unto him. The duke of Bedford being in Normandy, hearing of this sudden attempt, with all hast possible came to Paris, where he gave many great thanks, with high commendations unto the captains, soldiers and citizens for their assured fidelity, great hardiness & manly doing. Which his gentle words so encouraged the hearts of the parisians, that they swore, promised and concluded, to be friends for ever to the king of England and his friends, and enemies always to his foes and adversaries, making proclamation by this style: Friends to K. Henry, friends to the parisians; Enemies to England, enemies to Paris. Marry whether this was uttered from their hearts, it is hard so to say, for the sequeale of their acts seemed to prove the contrary.  
Soon after these doings, came to Paris with a great company Philip duke of Burgognie, and then upon long consultation had for the recovery of their losses, it was agreed that the duke of Bedford should raise an army, & that the duke of Burgognie should be his deputy, and tarry at Paris for the defence of the city. 
Saint Denis by us recou●red again.  The duke of Bedford then without any great resistance recovered again the town of saint Denis, with diverse other fortresses. And after this he sent the bastard of Clarence to lay siege to the castle of Torsie, the which (notwithstanding the great strength thereof) after six months siege, was rendered up into his hands. During the siege of this castle, sir Thomas Kiriell knight, with four hundred Englishmen departed from Gourneie in Normandy, and road by Beawois, spoiling and wasting the country to the suburbs of Clerimont. Whereof the earl of that town having advertisement, assembled all the men of war of the garrisons adjoining, and with the same set forward to fight with the Englishmen, whom he found in a streict place near to Beawois.  
The earl of Clerimont, perceiving that he could not hurt them with his men of arms, by reason of the strength, came down on foot with all his company, and fiercely set on the Englishmen: but by the terrible shot of the English archers, the Frenchmen in the end were constrained to flee; and the Englishmen perceiving the matter, straight leapt on horseback and followed the chase. In the which were taken two hundred prisoners, and thrice as many slain. The earl escaped by the swiftness of his horse. At the same season the earl of Suffolk besieging the town of Aumarle (whereof was captain the lord of Rambures) after four and twenty great assaults, had the town and castle simply to him rendered. Thus by little and little the Englishmen recovered many towns which before they had lost. Howbeit about the very same time, the Frenchmen stolen the town of laval, by treason wrought by a miller, which keeping a mill that joined to the wall, suffered the French to pass through his mill into the town. Shortly after also sir Steven de Uignoilles, surnamed lafoy Hire, 
La Hire.  took by scaling the town of Loviers in Normandy. The Englishmen in the cold month of December besieged the town of Laignie in the which was the Pusell, 
Laignie besieged by the Englishmen.  and diverse other good captains.  
[In the month of May 1430, 
W. P.  with a valiant man in feats of arms on the duke of Burgognions' side, year 1430 
Le Rosier.  one Franquet and his band of three hundred soldiers, making all towards the maintenance of the siege, the Pusell jone and a four hundred with her did meet. In great courage and force did she and her people sundry times assail him, but he with his (though much under in number) by means of his archers in good order set, did so hardily withstand them, that for the first and second push she rather lost than wan? Whereat this captinesse stricken into a fretting chafe, called out in all hast the garrison of Laignie, and from other the forts thereabout, who thick and threefold came down with might and main, in armour and number so far exceeding Franquets, that though they had done her much hurt in her horsemen; yet by the very multitude were they oppressed, most in her fury put to the sword; & as for to Franquet that worthy captain himself, her rage not appeased, till out of hand she had his head strooken off: contrary to all manhood (but she was a woman, if she were that) & contrary to common right & law of arms. The man for his merits was very much lamented, and she by her malice then found of what spirit she was.]  
After this the duke of Burgognie accompanied with the earls of Arundel, and Suffolk, and the lord john of Lutzenburgh besieged the town of Campiegne with a great puissance. 
Campiegne besieged.  This town was well walled, manned, and vittelled, so that the besiegers were constrained to cast trenches, and make mines, for otherwise they saw not how to compass their purpose. In the mean time it happened in the night of the Ascension of our Lord, that Poiton de Saintreiles, jone la Pusell, and five or six hundred line 10 men of arms issued out by the bridge toward Mondedier, intending to set fire in the tents and lodgings of the lord Bawdo de Noielle.  

Abr. Fl. ex Gesnero.  ¶ In this year of our Lord, among diverse notable men of learning and knowledge, one Richard Fleming, English borne, a doctor of divinity professed in Oxford, did flourish: who by the providence of God grew in such favour with this king Henry the sixth, & the nobles near & about him, that he was preferred line 20 to the bishops see of Lincoln. 
Richard Fleming bishop of Lincoln.  This man founded Lincoln college in Oxford, in which university he had been a profitable student. diverse books he wrote (as the university library doth bear witness) whereof these following have been seen under their names and titles; to wit: A protestation against the Spaniards, 
The books that he wrote.  the Frenchmen, and the Scots, made in the general council holden at Sens: one book of the Etymology of England; besides diverse other treatises, as Gesner reporteth Ex bibliotheca Oxonij, aforesaid.] line 30  
At the very same time that Campeigne was besieged (as before is said) sir john of Lutzenburgh, with eight other gentlemen, chanced to be near unto the lodging of the said lord Bawdo, where they espied the Frenchmen, which began to cut down tents, overthrow pavilions, & kill men in their beds: whereupon they with all speed assembled a great number of men, as well English as Burgognions', and courageously set on the Frenchmen, and in the end beat line 40 them back into the town, so that they fled so fast that one letted another, as they would have entered. In the chase and pursuit was the Pusell taken, 
jone the Pusell taken.  with diverse other, besides those that were slain, which were no small number. diverse were hurt also on both parts. Among the Englishmen, sir john Montgomerie had his arm broken, and sir john Steward was shot into the thigh with a quarrel.  

W. P.  [As before ye have heard somewhat of this damsels strange beginning and proceed, so sith the line 50 ending of all such miraclemongers doth (for the most part) plainly decipher the virtue and power that they work, by her shall ye be advertised what at last became of her; cast your opinions as ye have cause. Of her lovers (the Frenchmen) reporteth one, how in Campeigne thus besieged, 
Chroniques' de Britain.  Guillaume de Flavie the captain having sold her aforehand to the lord of Lutzenburgh, under colour of hasting her with a band out of the town towards their king, for him with speed to come and levy the siege there, so gotten her line 60 forth he shut the gates after her, when anon by the Burgognians set upon and overmatched in the conflict she was taken: marry yet (all things accounted) to no small marvel how it could come so to pass, had she been of any devotion or of true belief, and no false miscreant, but all holy as she made it. For early that morning she got her to saint James'S church, confessed her, and received her maker (as the book terms it) and after setting herself to a pillar, many of the townsmen that with a five or six score of their children stood about there to see her, unto them (quoth she) Good children and my dear friends, I tell you plain one hath sold me. I am betrayed and shortly shall be delivered to death; I beseech you pray to God for me, for I shall never have more power to do service either to the king or to the realm of France again.  
Saith another book, she was entrapped by a Picard captain of Soissons, 
Le Rosier.  who sold that city to the duke of Burgognie, and he then put it over into the hands of the lord of Lutzenburgh, so by that means the Burgognians approached and besieged Campeigne, for secure whereof as damsel jone with her captains from Laignie was thither come, and daily to the English gave many a hot skirmish, so happened it one a day in an outsallie that she made by a Picard of the lord of Lutzenburghs band, in the fiercest of her fight she was taken, and by him by and by to his lord presented, who sold her over again to the English, who for witchcraft and sorcery burned her at Rone. Tillet telleth it thus, that she was caught at Campeigne by one of the earl of Ligneis soldiers, 

In lavie 〈◊〉 Charles septiesme.  
Five thousand pound● french crowns in money.  
An hundredth and fifty crowns ren●.   from him had to Beaurevoir castle, where kept a three months, she was after for ten thousand pounds in money and three hundred pounds rend (all Turnois) sold into the English hands.  
In which for her pranks so uncoush and suspicious, the lord regent by Peter Chauchon bishop of Beawois (in whose diocese she was taken) caused her life and belief, after order of law to be inquired upon and examined. Wherein found though a virgin, yet first shamefully rejecting her sex abominably in acts and apparel to have counterfeit mankind, and then all damnably faithless, to be a pernicious instrument to hostility and bloodshed in devilish witchcraft and sorcery, sentence accordingly was pronounced against her. Howbeit upon humble confession of her iniquities with a counterfeit contrition pretending a careful sorrow for the same, execution spared and all mollified into this, that from thenceforth she should cast off her unnatural wearing of man's abiliments, and keep her to garments of her own kind, abjure her pernicious practices of sorcery and witchery, and have life and leisure in perpetual prison to bewail her misdeeds. Which to perform (according to the manner of abjuration) a solemn oath very gladly she took.  
But herein (God help us) she fully afore possessed of the fiend, not able to hold her in any towardness of grace, 
Polydo. 23. in H. 6.  falling straight way into her former abominations (and yet seeking to eetch out life as long as she might) stake not (though the shift were shameful) to confess herself a strumpet, and (unmarried as she was) to be with child. For trial, the lord regent's lenity gave her nine months stay, at the end whereof she found herein as false as wicked in the rest, an eight days after, upon a further definitive sentence declared against her to be relapse and a renouncer of her oath and repentance, was she thereupon delivered over to secular power, and so executed by consumption of fire in the old market place at Rone, in the self same steed where now saint Michael's church stands, 
Les grand chron.  her ashes afterward without the town walls shaken into the wind. Now recounting altogether, her pastoral bringing up, rude without any virtuous instruction, her campestrall conversation with wicked spirits, 
Les grandes chronicle 4 liure.  whom in her first salutation to Charles the Dolphin, she uttered to be our Lady, saint Katherine, and saint Annes, that in this behalf came and gave her commandments from God her maker, as she kept her father's lambs in the fields (where saints in wars among christian men were (be we sure) never so partial patrons or partners to maintenance of horrible slaughters, rapines and bloodshed) hereto her murderous mind in killing of Franquet her own prisoner, her two years continuance in her abominations and deadly mischief without any her travel or motion between the princes for peace, her relapse at last & falling again into her abjured iniquities, by her virginity (if it were any) by her holy words, her fasting and prayers what they might be, sith satan (after S. Paul) can change himself into an angel of light, the déeplier to deceive.  
These matters may very rightfully denounce unto all the world her execrable abominations, and well justify the judgement she had, and the execution she was put to for the same. A thing yet (God wots) very smallly shadowed, and less helped by the very line 10 travel of the Dolphin, whose dignity abroad foully spotted in this point, that contrary to the holy degree of a right christian prince (as he called himself) for maintenance of his quarrels in war would not reverence to profane his sacred estate, 
Christianissimus rex.  as dealing in devilish practices with misbeléevers and witches. Which malady he full sorilie salved (like one that to kill the strong sent of onions would cheaw a clove of garlic) so a six and twenty years after, 
Tillet. This prelate at his death left a hundred and fifteen crowns in gold, that under colour of wars with the infidels he had fléesed from christian princes. Platina.  he pact with pope Calixt the third, by whose mandat directed line 20 to his three delegates, the bishops of Paris, Rheims, and Constance, at the cathedral church of Paris, in presence of jone (the pusels mother) john and Peter her brethren, the seven and twentieth day of November 1455, the validity and goodness of the process and sentence upon her was called in question, and in great solemnity sit upon.  
Wherein the cause was so sincerely canvased among them, that afterward, on the eight of julie 1456, a quite contrary sentence was there declared: line 30 of effect, that this jone (forsooth) was a damsel divine, no fault in the Dolphin for his counsel and witchery practices with her; the process, judgement, and condemnation against her all wrong and injurious. And for justification and remembrance aswell of her innocency in life and death, as also of the sincerity of their later sentence, a new cross in that old market to be reared. In this tale of Tillets is she further likened to Deborah, jahel, and judith, and unto Roman Clelia compared by Polydore, that shames not line 40 somewhat also to carp at her judgement, 
Li. 23. in vita H. 6.  and much pitieth her pain. But what purity or regard of devotion or conscience is in these writers trow ye, who make no consideration of her heinous enormities, or else any difference between one stirred up by mercy divine, or natural love, and a damnable sorcerer suborned by satan? And thus much of this gentle jone, and of her good orators that have said so well for her: now judge as ye list.]  
After the bestowing of this Pusell in sort as ye have heard, the siege still continued before Campiegne, line 50 and the duke of Bedford sent to the duke of Burgognie lying at the siege, the earl of Huntingdon, and sir john Robsert (two jolly gentlemen, of no less prudence to parley with the enemy, than puissance to encounter them) with a thousand archers (whose activity, I warrant you, stood not then upon the first trial) which daily skirmished with them within, and made such bastiles & fortresses, that the town had been rendered into their hands, but that the duke of Burgognie departed from the siege to go into line 60 Brabant, to receive the possession of that duchy, by the death of his cousin Philip the duke of that country, as then departed this world.  

Anno Reg. 9  Sir john de Lutzenburgh was left by the duke of Burgognie as general of the siege before Campiegne, the which he raised within a shorrt space after, contrary to the minds of the Englishmen, which were very desirous to have lain there till the town had been rendered, which if the siege had been continued but eight days longer, must needs have come to pass; by reason that pestilence and famine had almost consumed all the soldiers within the town, so that it remained in manner without defence. After the breaking up of this siege, year 1431 john duke of Norfolk took again the towns of Dampmartine, and the Chasse Mongaie, with diverse other towns. Also the earl of Stafford took the town of Brin county Robert, and from thence foraged all the country to Sens, and after took Quesnoie in Brie, Grand Puis, and Rampellon.  
During this time, the Frenchmen on the otherside took Loviers, and Uilleneuf. Then also did the town of Melun rebel, and had such aid of other towns adjoining, that the English soldiers were feign to leave Melun, Morret, and corbel. Thus did things waver in doubtful balance betwixt the two nations English and French. But because the English sore mistrusted further danger, it was concluded, that king Henry in his royal person with a new army should come into France, partly to visit and comfort his own subjects ther●, and partly either by fear or favour (because a child of his age and beauty doth commonly procure them love of elder persons) to move the Frenchmen to continue their due obeisance towards him.  
Wherefore after a great host convenient for that purpose assembled, and money for maintenance of the war ready gathered, and the realm set in an order under the government of the duke of Gloucester protector (which during the king's absence appeased diverse riots, 
King Henry the sixth in person goeth with an army into France.  and punished the offenders) the king with a great power took shipping at Dover on saint George's even within night, and landed at Calis on the morrow being saint George's day, and sunday, 
S. Albon.  by seven of the clock in the morning. He remained in Calis a good space, 
Ed. Hall.  and from thence he removed to Rone, being there received with all triumph. He tarried in that city a long time, his nobles daily consulting on their great business & weighty affairs.  
¶ In this king's time, & somewhat about this year, 

Abr. Fl. ex Polychron.  
A widow without Algate murdered in her bed by a Breton whom she charitably relieved.   a certain Breton, whom a good honest widow had received into her house, and conceived well of him in opinion, was by her maintained of her own purse, & (as Polychronicon saith) she found him of alms and for God's sake. This charitable deed of hers deserved a devout mind to God ward, and a thankful hart to her. But (good soul) how was she recompensed? 
* O fowl ingratitude.  Even murdered in her bed by the hands of that villain whom so bountifully she succoured, and motherlike tendered. Unto which bloody fact (which was a preparative to a further mischief bred in his unnatural hart) he added another offence: for when he had dispatched the woman, using the riddance of her to his advantage, and as he had obtained opportunity (to his thinking) he conveyed all that she had away with him for his own relief. Then being persecuted with guiltiness of conscience, which troubleth offenders with ceaseless vexations, and forceth them from place to place to seek corners of evasion and shift, he took privilege of holy church at saint Georges in Southwark, where laying hands on the cross, as a shield of sufficient safeguard, he abjured this land, and by that means thought himself free from afterclaps.  
Nevertheless, God (whose merciful nature abhorreth the effusion of man's blood) prepared a punishment for the malefactor, who passing through the suburbs of London, without Algate (the place where he had committed the murder) the women of the same parish and street (as it were enraged) came out with stones, staves, kennel dung, and other things, wherewith they so bethwackt him on all parts of his body, that they laid him a stretching, 
The murder revenged by women at the appointment of God's justice.  and rid him quite of life. In the wreking of this their teen they were so fell and fierce, that the constables with their assistants (which were no small number) doing what they could by their authority and main strength, were not able to rescue him out of the women's hands; who had sworn in their hearts (as it seemed by the manner of their revenge which was void of all mercy) to see the end of such a villain as most unnaturally had slain a woman, a neighbour, a widow, a pitiful woman, a good neighbour, an honest widow; the wretch himself being a fugitive, a stranger borne, a beggar, and he to whom she showed herself the staff of his support. O singular ingratitude which nature abhorreth, law dissalloweth, heaven disclaimeth, line 10 God detesteth, humanity condemneth, and every good body to the very death defieth; as the old distichon excellently and with good sense noteth; 
Lex & natura, coelum, Deus, omnia iura  
Damnant ingratum, moerent illum quoque natum.   
But to return to the affairs of king Henry, who in the month of November removed from Rone to Pontoise, and so to saint Denis, to the intent to make his entry into Paris, and there to be sacred king of France. There were in his company of his line 20 own nation, his uncle the cardinal of Winchester, the cardinal and archbishop of York, the dukes of Bedford, York, and Norfolk, the earls of Warwick, Salisbury, Oxenford, Huntingdon, Ormond, Mortaigne, and Suffolk. Of Gascoigns, there were the earls of Longuille and March, besides many other noble men of England, Guien, and Normandy. And the chief of the French nation were the dukes of Burgognie, and jews of Lutzenburgh, cardinal and chancellor of France for king Henry: line 30 the bishops of Beawois and Noion, both peers of France, beside the bishop of Paris, and diverse other bishops; the earl of Uaudemount, and other noble men, whose names were superfluous to rehearse. And he had in a guard about his person three thousand price archers, some on horseback, and part on foot.  
To speak with what honour he was received into the city of Paris, what pageants were prepared, and how richly the gates, streets, and bridges on every line 40 side were hanged with costly clothes of arras & tapestry, it would be too long a process, and therefore I do here pass it over with silence. On the seventeenth day of December, 
King Henry the sixth crowned in Paris.  he was crowned king of France, in our lady church of Paris, by the cardinal of Winchester, the bishop of Paris not being contented that the cardinal should do such an high ceremony in his church and jurisdiction. After all the ceremonies were finished, the king returned toward the palace, having one crown on his head, and another line 50 borne before him; and one sceptre in his hand, and the second borne before him. As touching other the royal services and princely appointments, 
Le Rosier historical.  they are very diligently & at large set out in the French chronicle of that time. This coronation of the king, Anglorum praelia as many other good and memorable matters, so this also he hath noted, saying thereof in comely brevity and truth, as after followeth: 
Aeternae famae paulo post rege sepulto,  
Parisijs, diadema vias & compita circum line 60  
junior Henricus portat lepidissimus infans.   
This high and joyous feast passed not without some spot of displeasure among the English nobility: for the cardinal of Winchester, which at this time would have no man be equal with him, commanded the duke of Bedford to leave off the name of regent, during the time that the king was in France, affirming the chief ruler being in presence, the authority of the substitute to be clearly derogate, according to the common saying; In the presence of the higher power, the smaller giveth place. The duke of Bedford took such a secret displeasure with this doing, that he never after favoured the cardinal, but stood against him in all things that he would have forward. This was the root (as some have thought) of that division amongst the English nobility, where through their glory within the realm of France began first to decline.  
The next day after the solemn feast of the king's coronation, were kept triumphant justs and torneiss, in the which the earl of Arundel, and the bastard of S. Paul, by the judgement of the ladies won the price. The king kept open hall the space of five days to all comers, and after (because the air of Paris seemed contrary to his pure complexion) by the advise of his council, he removed to Rone, where he kept his Christmas. But before his departure from Paris, the noble men as well of France and Normandy did to him homage, and the common people swore to him fealty. In this mean time, sir Francis called the Aragoignois, a noble captain of the English part in Normandy, took by force and policy the town of Montargis, 
Montargiss recovered by the English.  with a great prey of treasure and prisoners, and put therein a garrison, leaving it well furnished with victuals and munition.  
About the same time, the earl of Arundel, being truly informed that the lord Bousac marshal of France was come to Beawois, intending to do some feat in Normandy, assembled the number of three and twenty hundred men, and coming near to the said town of Beawois, sent a great number of light horsemen to run before the town, to train out the Frenchmen within; the which issuing out and following the English horsemen unto their stale, were so enclosed and fought with, that in manner all the number of them, save a few which fled back into the town with the marshal, were slain or taken. Amongst other of the chiefest prisoners, 
The lord Talbot ransomed by exchange.  that valiant captain Pouton de Santrails was one, who without delay was exchanged for the lord Talbot, before taken prisoner at the battle of Pataie. There was also taken one called the shepherd, a simple man, 
The holy shepherd.  and a silly soul; but yet of such reputation for his supposed holiness amongst the Frenchmen, that if he touched the wall of any of their adversaries towns, they believed verily it would incontinently fall down.  
This chance succeeded not fortunately alone unto the English nation, for Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick had a great skirmish before the town of Gournie, where he discomfited and repelled his enemies: and beside those that were slain, he took forty horsemen, all being gentlemen of name and arms. Like chance happened to the friends of king Charles, towards the marches of Lorraine, where Reigner duke of Bar besieged the town of Uaudemont pertaining to the earl thereof named Anthony, cousin to the same duke Reigner. This earl, 
Uaudemont besieged.  before the dukes approaching, left a convenient crew within the town to defend it, and with all speed road to the dukes of Bedford and Burgognie, being then at the foresaid great triumph at Paris, where he purchased such favour at their hands, because he had ever taken their parts, that not only sir john Fastolfe was appointed to go with him, having in his company six hundred archers, but also the duke of Burgognies marshal named sir Anthony Toulongon, accompanied with fifteen hundred other men of war.  
When the duke of Bar heard that his enemies were thus coming towards him, like a hardy captain he raised his siege, and met face to face with the earl and his company, between whom was a cruel and mortal battle. The horsemen of the French side endured long, but in conclusion the English archers so galled their horses, and so wounded the men, that the Barrois, Almains, and other of duke Reigners side were compelled to flee. In the chase was taken the duke of Bar, the bishop of Metz, the lord of of Roquedemaque, sir Euerard of Salseburgh, the Uicont Darcie, and two hundred other, beside three thousand which were slain.  
In this lucky time also, no less occasion of victory was offered to the Englishmen in an other part, if they could have used it with such circumspect wariness as had been expedient. For Robert lord Willoughby, and Matthew 
* Or rather Goche. Saint Severine besieged.  Gough, a valiant Welshman, with fifteen hundred Englishmen, laid siege to a town in Anjou called saint Severine. Whereof line 10 Charles the French king being advertised, sent with all speed the lord Ambrose de Lore, with many noble men to the succours of them within the town, whereof the same lord Ambrose was captain: and therefore made the more haste to relieve his deputy, and the other being straightly besieged, but yet stayed at the town of Beaumond, till his whole power might come to him.  
The Englishmen advertised of this intent of the captain, came upon him in the night, and found the line 20 Frenchmens watch so out of order, that a thousand men were entered into the camp before they were espied; by reason whereof the Englishmen found small resistance. But when the day began to appear, and that the sun had set forth his bright beams abroad, that all things might be seen, the Englishmen given wholly to spoil, followed not their enemies in chase, but being contented with their prey and gain, began to retreat toward the siege again, line 30 which the lord Willoughby still maintained with a part of the army.  
But see the chance. The Frenchmen which were coming after, hearing by the noise of the people that some fray was at hand, put spurs to their horses, and set on the Englishmen pestered with bag and baggage of the spoil and prey which they had gotten in the French camp. The other of the Frenchmen which before had fled, returned again, and aided their fellows; so that the Englishmen being taken out of order, were compelled to flee, of whom line 40 Matthew 
* Goche.  Gough and diverse other were taken prisoners. And yet of the other part many were slain, and a great number taken: amongst whom was the lord de Lore, who (for all that the Frenchmen could do) was kept, and not delivered. The lord Willoughby hearing of this mishap, raised his siege, and departed very sore displeased in his mind, but could not remedy it.  
About this season, Nicholas the cardinal of the holy cross was sent into France, 
A legate from Rome sent to treat a peace betwixt the English and French.  as a legate from line 50 Eugenie the fourth as then bishop of Rome, to treat a peace between the Englishmen and Frenchmen. But when after great instance and labour made between the parties, he saw their obstinate and froward minds, nothing inclined to any agreement, he won so much at their hands by earnest suit, that a truce was granted to endure for six years to come: but as the same was hardly granted, 
A truce for six years.  so was it of the Frenchmen soon and lightly broken. For the bastard line 60 of Orleans newly made earl of Dunois, took by treason the town of Chartres from the Englishmen, 
Chartres taken by treason notwithstanding the truce.  affirming by the law of arms, that stealing or buying a town, without invasion or assault, was no breach of league, amity, or truce. In which town he slew the bishop, because he was a Burgognian. Hereby did new malice increase, and mortal war began eftsoons to be put in ure.  
Whilst these things were doing in France, the cardinal of Winchester was come back again into England, to appease certain commotions and stirs attempted by sundry persons under colour of religion: but after that William Mandevile, and john Sharp the chief authors thereof were apprehended and executed by the governor and the king's justices, 
The two errors.  the residue yielded and confessed their offences, whereof two articles were these (as some writ) that priests should have no possessions, and that all things by the order of charity among christian people should be in common. Other thought their opinions were not such errors, but that their enemies spread abroad such rumours of them, to make them more odious to the people.  
After that, 

A parliament called by the duke of Gloucester the king being in France.  
A peace concluded with the Scots.   a parliament was called by the duke of Gloucester, in the which money was assigned to be levied, and men appointed, which should pass over into France to the aid of the duke of Bedford, for the maintenance of the wars: because it was suspected the truce would not long continue. During this parliament, james the king of Scots sent ambassadors to conclude a peace with the duke of Gloucester, who (because the king was absent) referred the matter to the three estates. After long consultation, not without great arguments, a peace was concluded. When the parliament was ended, the cardinal well furnished with men & money, departed out of England, and came to Rone to the king, to whom also resorted the duke of Bedford from Paris, to consult of things not unlikely to follow.  
Hereupon a great council was kept in the castle of Rone, and many doubts moved, and few weighty things out of hand concluded. At length, after great disputation, with many arguments ended, the dukes of Bedford and York, and Edmund late earl of Mortaigne, and now (by the death of john duke of Summerset, leaving behind him a sole daughter and heir, married to the earl, and called Margaret after the countess of Richmond) attained to the name and title of duke of Summerset, approved the reason of those, that held it expedient to have an army in a readiness for defence, lest the Frenchmen suddenly should attempt any enterprise to the danger of the Englishmen, and loss of those towns and countries that were under them.  
When all things were agreed, year 1432 king Henry came to Calis, from thence to Dover; 
King Henry returneth out of France into England.  and so by easy journeys the one and twentieth day of February to London, where he was triumphantly received, and richly presented, as in the chronicles of Robert Fabian it may at large appear. After that the king was departed into England, the duke of Bedford regent of France, and captain of Calis, tarried behind in the marches of Picardy, where he was informed certain soldiers of Calis grudging at the restraint of wools, began to murmur against the king and his council, to some danger of the town. The duke upon due examination had, caused diverse to be put to death, and many banished that town and marches for ever.  
In the mean time, 
The duchess of Bedford sister to the duke of Burgognie deceased.  the lady Anne duchess of Bedford departed this life at Paris, by whose death the fast knot of faithful friendship betwixt the duke of Bedford and his brother in law the duke of Burgognie began somewhat to slacken. Shortly after, to wit, about the beginning of the next year 1433, the said duke of Bedford being thus a widower, through the persuasion of the lord jews of Lutzenburgh bishop of Terwine and Elie, and chancellor of France for king Henry, agreed to marry the lady jaquet, 
The duke of Bedford marrieth with the earl of saint Paul's daughter.  daughter to Peter earl of saint Paul, and niece to the said bishop, and to the lord john of Lutzenburgh.  
The marriage was solemnised at Terwine with great triumph. Which ended, the duke with his new spouse (being about the age of seventeen years) came unto Calis, and so into England, from whence in the month of August next he returned to Paris. The duke of Burgognie, though nothing pleased with this new alliance contracted by the duke of Bedford, with the house of Lutzenburgh, but yet not able to do any thing to let it; because of the marriage consummate yer he could find any power or knowledge to hinder it. Whilst these things were a doing, in some places the French soldiers of the Dolphins, lacking wages (as the time served) took both Englishmen and Burgognians, ransoming and spoiling them at their pleasure. Herewith the regent much moved, prepared for war after six months line 10 the truce had been taken: and so the war again was renewed.  
The Frenchmen anon as open truce-breakers, raised a crew, 
The Frenchmen break the peace and take the town of Saint Ualerie.  and suddenly took the town of saint Ualerie in Normandy, near to the mouth of the river of Some. another army, under the leading of sir Ambrose de Lore, wasted and destroyed all the country about Caen. The duke of Bedford on his part sent the earl of Arundel, the earl of Warwikes son, the lord Lisle Adam marshal of line 20 France for king Henry, and twelve hundred men of war with ordinance and munition to besiege the town of Laignie upon the river of Marne. The earl with shot of canon broke the arch of the bridge, 
Laignie besieged.  and got from the Frenchmen their bulwark, and set it on fire. diverse assaults were attempted, but the town was well defended: for there were within it an eight hundred men of arms, besides other mean soldiers.  
The duke of Bedford herewith gathered an army line 30 of six thousand men, whereof were captains; Robert lord Willoughby, sir Andrew Ogard chamberlain to the duke, sir john Saluaine bailiff of Rone, sir john Montgomerie bailiff of Caux, sir Philip Hall bailiff of Uernoill, sir Richard Ratcliff deputy of Calis, sir Ralph Nevil, sir Ralph Standish, sir john Hanford, sir Richard Euthin, sir Richard Harington bailiff of Eureux, sir William Fulthorpe, sir Thomas Griffin of Ireland, David Hall, Thomas Stranguish, Leonard Ormstone esquires, and Thomas line 40 Gerard. All gentlemen of courage, and as forward to give the French the foil, as the French for their lives to give them the discomfiture. But unto which side the victory should befall, uncertain it was before the trial of both their chances had determined the doubt by the event of the conflict.  
The duke of Bedford furnished with this army and company of worthy captains came to the siege before Laignie, where he made a bridge of boats, and ●●ought his ordinance so near the town, that to all people it seemed not long able to resist. But the earl line 50 of Dunois, otherwise called the bastard of Orleans, with diverse hardy captains, as valiantly defended as the Englishmen assaulted. At length the French king, perceiving this town to be the three cornered key between the territories Burgognion, English, and French, and the loss thereof should turn him to irrevocable damage, sent the lord of Rieux, Poiton, the Hire, the lord Gawcourt, and six thousand men, with great plenty of victuals, to line 60 the intent either to raise the siege, or else to victual the town.  
The Frenchmen made a brag, as though they would have assailed the Englishmen in their camp, but when they perceived the courage of the lord regent, and the desire he had to fight, they framed themselves so in order of battle, as though they could do all things, and yet in effect did nothing: but that whilst part of them maintained a skirmish, a sort of rude & rustical persons were appointed to convey into the town thirty oxen, and other small victuals. But this sweet gain was dearly paid for, if the loss with the gain be pondered in equal balance: for having regard to their 30 lean oxen, in the skirmish were slain the lord Saintreiles brother to that valiant captain Poiton de Saintreiles, also captain john brother to the lord Gawcourt, and fifty other noble and valiant personages.  
The Frenchmen thus politiklie having done their feat, in the beginning of August, removed their army unto Fort under Yer, where, by a bridge of tuns they passed into the isle of France. The duke of Bedford (like a wise prince) not minding to leave the more in jeopardy for hope of the less, 
Anno Reg. ●●  nor the accident for the substance, raised his siege, and returned to Paris, nothing more minding than to try his quarrel with dint of sword against the enemies, if they would thereto agree. And hereupon sent Bedford his herald to the lord Gawcourt and other captains of the French army, offering them battle and a pitched field within a convenient time, and where they would appoint. The French captains answered the English herald, that there was time to gain, and time to lose: and for choice of times they would use their own discretions.  
Shortly after, Piers Audebeufe constable of the castle of Rone, corrupted with money, year 1433 suffered the marshal of France, with two hundred other, 
The castle of Rone like t● be taken by treason of the captain.  as persons disguised to enter the place by stealth: but they were soon espied, and driven to the dungeon, where they were constrained to yield themselves prisoners: of the which some were hanged, some headed, and some ransomed, at the pleasure of the regent. This pageant thus played, the lord regent sent the earl of saint Paul, and Robert lord Willoughby, with a competent number of men to besiege the town of S. Ualerie, which the Frenchmen a little before had taken. This siege continued the space of three weeks; at the end whereof the Frenchmen within yielded the town, and departed with their horse and harness only to them saved.  
The earl put there in garrison fresh and valiant soldiers, and appointed captain there, sir john Aubemond. ¶ In the same town (whether by infection of air, or by corrupt victuals, which the townsmen did eat) a great pestilence shortly after happened, which consumed within a small time two parts of the people. The earl of saint Paul, and the lord Willoughby returning back to the regent, were joyfully received, and within a while after, the earl departed from Paris to lay siege to the castle of Mouchas. 
The lord of saint Paul deceased.  But being encamped near the town of Blangie, he by a sudden malady departed this life, the last of August, leaving his signiories to jews de Lutzenburgh his son and heir. Because this dead earl was father in law to the regent, solemn obsequies were kept for him both in Paris and in London.  
In the mean season, 
Anno Reg. ●●  the Frenchmen entering into high Burgognie, burnt, took, and destroyed diverse towns; whereupon the Burgognians assembled a great army, both to revenge their quarrels, and to recover their towns taken from them. To whom as to his friends the duke of Bedford sent the lord Willoughby, and sir Thomas Kiriell, with a convenient number of soldiers, which entering into the lands of Laonnois, were encountered with a great power of their enemies. But after long fight, the Frenchmen were overthrown, and of them left dead in the field an hundred and sixty horsemen, beside prisoners, 
Prisoners killed.  which after upon urgent cause were all killed.  
Whilst these things happened thus in France, john lord Talbot gathered together a crew of chosen men of war in England, year 1434 
The lord Talbot s●●leth into France.  to the number of eight hundred, and sailed into Normandy, and passed by Rone to Paris. In his way he took the strong castle of Ioing between Beawois and Gisours, and caused all the Frenchmen within to be taken and hanged, and after razed and defaced the castle. After he had rested himself a while at Paris, and taken advise with the council there, what way it should be best for him to take, without prolonging time; he with the lord de Lisle Adam and others, departed from thence, having in their retinues sixteen hundred men of 〈◊〉. And coming to the castle of 〈…〉 upon Oise, whereof was captain sir A●adour de Uignoils brother to the Hire, they found line 10 it abandoned by them that had it in keeping, who were withdrawn to the town of Creill.  

The lord Talbot.  Thither therefore the lord Talbot followed, who slaying in a skirmish the said Amadour, he won at length the said town of Creill, and after the towns of Pont S. Maxence, Neufuile in Esmoie, la Rouge maison, Crespie in Ualois, & Clerimont in Beawois, and after with great riches and good prisoners returned to Paris. Neither had the lord Talbot such good and prosperous success alone, 
Earl of Arundel.  but the earl of Arundel line 20 also at the very same season took the castle of Bomeline, & razed it to the ground, after he got by force the castle of Dorle, & from thence came to S. Selerine, where the lord Ambrose de Lore, being captain, issued out and fought with the Englishmen so eagerly, that he drove them back an arrow shoot by fine force: but the earl so encouraged his men, that they gave a fresh onset upon the Frenchmen, and followed it so fiercely, that they slew a great number of them, and drove the residue into the town. line 30  
After this victory, he besieged Loviers, whereof was captain the Hire, 
Loviers besieged.  and his brother, who rendered the town without assault. Then the earl assembling together a great army, returned again to S. Selerine, & environed the town with a strong siege. When he had lain there almost three months, every day attempting or doing somewhat, he finally gave so fierce an assault, that by force he entered the town, and slew john Almaigne, and Guilliam saint Albine, 
Saint Selerine won by assault.  the chief captains, and eight hundred other line 40 men of war. The children of le seigneur de Lore were taken prisoners. The earl put new men of war into the town, and made captain there sir john Cornwall. After this, he before the strong town of Silly pitched his camp. The inhabitants terrified at the loss of saint Selerine, delivered him pledges, upon condition; that if they were not rescued within thirty days next, than they (their lives saved) should render the town into his possession: which offer was received. line 50  
The French king, being advertised hereof by a post, appointed (as some say) Arthur earl of Richmont (or as other writ, john duke of Alencon) with a great company of men of war to go to the rescue of this town. But whether it was the earl or duke, certain it is at his approaching to the siege, he encamped himself by a brook side, over the which a man might have striden, & perceiving how strongly the English were encamped against him, he thought it not for his profit to give battle; & so in the night season line 60 raised & went his way without further attempt. When they within the town knew that their succours failed, they rendered themselves to the mercy of the earl of Arundel, who gently received them, and leaving a garrison in the town, departed to Man's, and in his way took the castles of Mellaie and saint Laurence. About this time the lord Willoughby & sir Thomas Kiriell, returning with great victory out of Burgognie, passing by the town of Loviers, lately reduced to the English obeisance, furnished it both with men and munition.  
Among so many good chances, some evil are accustomed to happen, 
An insurrection in Normandy.  or else the gainers would not know themselves. And so at this time it happened, that a great number of the common and rustical people in Normandy dwelling by the sea coast, either provoked by the French king, or desirous of alteration and change (which thing the commons much covet and desire) made an insurrection, put on harness, and by force expelled certain English garrisons out of their holds, publishing and proclaiming openly, that their only purpose and intent was to expel and banish the whole English nation out of their countries and coasts. Wherefore it may be likely, that the black Morian will sooner became white, than the people bred in France will heartily love an English borne. For it standeth not with their envious nature to alter their malicious manners; as the old proverb saith truly of them: Celtica natura semper sequitur sua iura.  
These rebels thus frantikelie assembled, with all speed marched toward Caen, to the intent there both to increase their number, and also to consult what way they should follow in their new begun enterprise. But the dukes of York and Summerset, then lying in Normandy, having perfect knowledge hereof, immediately sent forth the earl of Arundel, and the lord Willoughby with six thousand archers, and thirteen hundred light horsemen, to stay and keep them from making any further progress. The earl of Arundel appointed the lord Willoughby, with two thousand archers, and certain horsemen to go afore him, and lie in a stolen within some covert place. Which done, the earl followed; & so keeping in the multitude at the back, drove them before him as dear into a buckestale: and when the miserable wretches came near to the stolen, the earl made a token, whereat a gun shot off for a sign. Therewith the lord Willoughby set on them before, and the earl behind, shooting so fiercely, that the poor caitiffs', wounded and galled with the shot of arrows, threw away their harness, and cried out instantly for mercy.  
The earl of Arundel moved with compassion, caused his soldiers to stay from further slaughter, and apprehending those that were known to be stirrers and leaders of the rest, let the other return home without further damage: but yet, yer the soldiers could be brought back under their standards, there were above a thousand of the rebels slain. And this commotion thus appeased, upon inquiry of the principal offenders, such as were found guilty were put to terrible executions; as they had well deserved. During which rebellion, Peter Rokeford and his company got by treason the town of deep, and diverse other holds thereto adjoining. After the earl of Arundel had obtained so good success in his enterprises (as partly ye have heard) he attempted another, which was the last work and final labour of his living days. For the duke of Bedford, being informed that his adversaries had gotten the town of Rue, and therein put a garrison, which sore vexed the countries of Ponthieu, Arthois, and Bolennois, sent word to the earl that he without delay should besiege the said town.  
The earl obeying his commandment assembled his people, and came to Gourneie, where he heard tell how there was a castle near to Beawois called Gerberoie, the which being fallen in decay, Charles the French king had appointed sir Stephan de Uignoils, commonly called the Hire, to repair and newly to fortify, because it stood commodiously to serve as a countergarrison against the English towns and fortresses on those frontiers. The earl advertised hereof, and perceiving that this new building would be greatly prejudicial to the Englishmen, determined first to dispossess his enemies of that place, supposing to find small resistance: but he was deceived. For there was the said Hire, and three thousand men of war with him. The earl coming thither, encamped himself with five hundred horsemen in a little close not far from the castle.  
The Frenchmen, perceiving that the earl and his horses were weary, and that his archers were not yet come, determined to set upon him before the coming of his footmen, the which they knew to be little more than a mile behind. Wherefore for a policy, they set forth fifty horsemen, as though there had been line 10 no more within the castle. The earl perceiving this, sent forth sir Randolfe Standish to encounter them, having with him an hundred horses. The Frenchmen fought courageously awhile, and suddenly came out all the remnant, and slew sir Randolfe Standish and all his company, and boldly set on the earl and his band, which manfully resisted the Frenchmen, till at length the Hire caused three culverins to be shot off amongst the Englishmen, whereof one strake the earl on the ankle, and so broke his leg, that for line 20 pain he fell from his horse.  
Then the Frenchmen entered amongst the Englishmen, took the earl lying on the ground, with sir Richard Wooduile, and six score more, and there were slain almost two hundred. The residue saved themselves as well as they might. 
The earl of Arundel deceased.  The earl was carried to Beawois, where of his hurt he shortly died, & was buried in the friar Minors. He was a man of singular virtue, constancy, and gravity, whose death in so troublous a season did sore appall the hearts of the English people. Thus oftentimes varied the chance of line 30 doubtful war, so that one time the Englishmen got by assault, and yielded diverse strong towns, castles, and piles: and at another season the French people, sometime by bargain, sometime by assault obtained the same again, or other in their steed.  
About the month of june in this twelfth year, john duke of Bourbon and Awergne, taken prisoner at the battle of Agincourt eighteen years passed (as before ye have heard) now paying his ransom, line 40 which was eighteen thousand pounds sterling, was taken with a most sore and grievous fever, the which made an end of his life in the city of London, 
The duke of Bourbon dieth at London.  on the same day that was appointed for his departure towards France, whose corpse was interred in the grey friars of the same city. ¶ This year also about the latter end of May, was a meeting appointed to be had at saint Omers betwixt the dukes of Bedford and Burgognie, for the qualifying of certain displeasures and grudges betwixt them kindled and maintained by some flattering taletellers, who raising line 50 matters of reproach touching their honours, bred such grudges, that all love betwixt them ceased, all affinity rejected and all old friendship forgotten; 
W. P.  such envy ensueth where enmity once hath princes hearts possessed.  
These two dukes come into the town of saint Omers, the duke of Bedford being then regent of France, son, brother, and uncle to kings, thought that the duke of Burgognie should have come and line 60 visited him in his lodging. The duke of Burgognie on the other part, being lord and sovereign of the town, judged it as much unmeet for him to go to the regent where he was lodged. Howbeit by entreaty of friends, to meet in a place indifferent between both their lodgings was appointed; which offer not accepted, both parties departed discontent, and never after saw nor communed together. Thus by the proud disdain & envious discord of these two high stomached princes, Bedford not minding to have any peer, and Burgognie not willing to abide any superior, shortly after England much lost, and Burgognie greatly gained not, as by the sequeale may appear.  
The bastard of Orleans, 
Anno Reg  called the earl of Dunois, the lord Rochfort marshal of France, with other, in the beginning of this thirteenth year, took the town of S. Denis by treason, skirmished with them of Paris, and leaving behind them a great garrison, took the town of Howdone, and Pont saint Maxence by composition. And at the same time was the town of Pont Meulan taken by the sudden scaling of two fishermen, 
A turn surprised by entrance of a common privy.  who entered up at a common privy standing in the wall. Thus war continually lasted betwixt these two mighty nations, English and French, within the realm of France (than which therefore no country thought more miserable.) And though the poor people and inhabitants of the good towns and villages, 
The 〈…〉 war.  sustained most loss in their substance, yet the men of war oftentimes paid dearest for the bargain, being daily slain, wounded, and taken prisoners: for war seldom beareth any other fruit.  
[It may serve very well here to recount, 
W. P.  how somewhat before these days, Martin the fift, 
14●4  in the fifteenth year of his popedom, An. 1431, 
Onuphrius Pan●●n●●●.  agreeing upon a general council to be holden at basil the same year, did anon after decease: whom Eugenie the fourth succeeding, and liking right well of the time and place, by his authority signified and sent with julian Cesarine his legate, did confirm the choice. Whereupon as the council the ninetéenth of julie the same 1431 was there begun, and his holiness soon after advertised how malapertly his ghostly children had embusied themselves in checking at their holy father's faults, and about reformation of his church at Rome; his sublimity thereat highly offended (for great cause it had) commanded his legate by and by to dissolve that synod, and in his name to appoint a new at Ferrar, and so come his way: under colour forsooth how that place was meetest for the prelates of the Greek church, who had to confer with the Latin council about points of religion, wherein they long had remained at square.  
But these Basilien clerks, there still fastly containing themselves, so smallly regarded this summons of Eugenie (who then with his prelates, as the time was run on, upon prorogation from Ferrar kept an other council at Florence 1439) as by a confident countermand cited Eugenie & all his cardinals to come to them at their solemn set council at basil. Which his supremacy (for so best became it, notwithstanding sundry citations) utterly contemning to do, they soon after like very impious imps, first for contumacy accursed his holy fatherhood, than deprived him of his papacy, and out of hand chose another in his office, one Amedeus late duke of savoy, who afore that time having given up his possessions & dignity unto his children, became an eremite in a monastery of his own building by mount Gevenna in Savoie nigh the lake Leman, where he by title of Decanus militum jesu Christi, and ten more of nobility with him, had settled themselves to live.  
The virtuous minded man thus chosen pope by spiritual counsel inveigled, lest the holy life (such as it was) that he had professed, took the papacy upon him the same 1439, and called Felix the fift, which promotion yet he not long enjoyed. For after, by his successor Nicholas the fifts ambition, that had suborned emperor Fredrick to be a worker in the matter, this silly Amedeus was coosined of his pope's golden crown for a cardinals felt hat. 
An. 3. Nichol.  Then (good man) at last could he find, whether were nearer to christian profession, the life of a virtuous prince ruling in justice, of a solitary eremite virtuously occupied, of an imperious pope that may know no peer, or of a licentious cardinal to live as he li●t. This poor prince had experience of all, & then knew the best: when well might he lament him, but too late repent him.  
And in the fift year of this Basilien council that had a continuance of eleven year (whereof an eight were run yer Felix was chosen, 
143●  in which Eugenie remaining pope still, though of cursed hart he never came at them) motion was made among Sigismond the emperor and other christian kings (who for appeasing this schism between the pope and his prelates, were all present by person or proxy) that sith such horror of bloodshed between the two nations line 10 continually so lamentably raged in France, some mediation might be made for accord: whereof one thing seemed to minister occasion of the more hope, because the duke of Burgognie was willing (so that it were not of his own suit) to return and reconcile himself with the French king his mortal enemy and ancient adversary.]  
Hereupon by authority of this general council, 
A solemn treaty of peace at Arras.  two grave prelates, the one Nicholas Albergat a Carthusian friar, entitled a priest cardinal of the line 20 holy cross; the other Hugh Lusignan a Cyprian, Greek, bishop cardinal of Prenest in Italy, came to the town of Arras in Arthois, whither were sent from the king of England, Henry Beauford cardinal of Winchester, Henry archbishop of York, William de la Poole earl of Suffolk, and john Holland earl of Huntingdon, with diverse other knights and esquires. And for the French king were there present Charles duke of Bourbon, jews earl of Uandosme, Arthur of Britain constable of line 30 France, the archbishop of Rheims, and sir Philip Harecourt. The duke of Burgognie was there in proper person, accompanied with the duke of gelders, and the earls of Estampes, Lignie, S. Paul, Uaudemont, Neures, and Daniel son to the prince of Orange, with a great guard and a gallant company.  
Upon the day of the first session, the cardinal of S. Cross declared to the three parties the innumerable mischiefs, that had followed to the whole state of line 40 the christian commonwealth by their continual dissension and daily discord, exhorting them for the honour of God, & for the love which they ought to bear towards the advancement of his faith and true religion, to conform themselves to reason, and to lay aside all rancour, malice and displeasure; so that in concluding a godly peace, they might receive profit and quietness here in this world, and of God an everlasting reward in heaven. After this admonition, and line 50 diverse days of communication, every party brought in their demands, which were most contrary, and far from any likelihood of coming to a good conclusion.  
The Englishmen would that king Charles should have nothing but what it pleased the king of England, and that not as duty, but as a benefit by him of his mere liberality given and distributed. The Frenchmen on the other part would that K. Charles should have the kingdom frankly and freely, and line 60 that the king of England should leave the name, arms, and title of the king of France, and to be content with the dukedoms of Aquitaine and Normandy, and to forsake Paris, and all the towns which they possessed in France, between the rivers of Some and Loire, being no parcel of the duchy of Normandy. To be brief, the demands of all parts were between them so far out of square, as hope of concord there was none at all.  
The cardinals seeing them so far in sunder, minded not to dispute their titles, but offered them reasonable conditions of truce and peace for a season, which notwithstanding, either of frowardness, or of disdain on both parts, were openly refused. Insomuch that the Englishmen in great displeasure, departed to Calis, and so into England. ¶ One writer affirmeth, that they being warned of a secret conspiracy moved against them, suddenly departed from Arras, and so returned into their country. But what cause so ever hindered their accord and unity (sith this and that may be surmised) certain it is, 
Abr. Fl.  that the only and principal cause was, for that the God of peace and love was not among them, without whom no discord is quenched, no knot of concord fastened, no bond of peace confirmed, no distracted minds reconciled, no true friendship maintained: for had he been among them, their dissenting and wayward wills had sounded the sweet harmony of amiable peace, which of all things that God hath bestowed upon man is the very best, and more to be set by than many triumphs, as the poet excellently well saith: 
— pax optima rerum 
Sil. Ital. lib. 11.   
Quas homini novisse datum: pax una triumphis  
Innumeris potior, pax custodire salutem  
Et cives aequare potens.   
Now whiles this treaty of peace was in hand, the lord Talbot, the lord Willoughby, the lord Scales, with the lord Lisle Adam, and five thousand men of war, besieged the town of saint Denis with a strong band. The earl of Dunois hearing hereof, accompanied with the lord Lohac, and the lord Bueill, with a great company of horsemen hasted thitherwards to raise the siege, and by the way encountered with sir Thomas Kiriell, and Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough, riding also toward saint Denis, between whom was a great conflict. But suddenly came to the aid of the Frenchmen the garrison of Pont Meulan, which caused the Englishmen to return without any great harm or damage: saving that Matthew 
* Or Goche.  Gough by foundering of his horse was taken, and carried to Pont Meulan.  
In the mean time was the town of saint Denis rendered to the Englishmen, 
S. Denis t aken by the Englishmen.  the which razed the walls and fortifications, saving the walls of the abbeie, and of the tower called Uenin. Shortly after the town of Pontois, where sir john Ruppelleie was captain, rebelled; and by force the Englishmen were expelled, the inhabitants yielding themselves to the French king. This town was small, but the loss was great, because it was the key that opened the passage betwixt the cities of Paris and Rone. But now to return to the communication at Arras, which after the departure of the English commissioners held betwixt the Frenchmen & Burgognians, till at length a peace was concluded, accorded, 
A peace between Charles of France and the duke of Burgognie.  and sworn betwixt king Charles and duke Philip of Burgognie, upon certain conditions, as in the French histories more plainly appeareth.  
And after, the duke of Burgognie, to set a veil before the king of England's eyes, sent Thoison Dore his chief herald to king Henry with letters, excusing the matter by way of information, that he was constrained to enter in this league ●ith K. Charles, by the daily outcries, complaints, and lamentations of his people; alleging against him, that he was the only cause of the long continuance of the wars, to the utter impoverishing of his own people, and the whole nation of France. Therefore sith he could not otherwise do, but partly to content his own people, and chiefly to satisfy the request of the whole general council, was in manner compelled for his part to grow unto a peace and amity with king Charles.  
He likewise wished that king Henry, upon reasonable and honourable conditions of agreement offered, should in no wise refuse the same: whereby the long continued war at length might cease and take end, to the pleasure of almighty God, which is the author of peace and unity: & hereto he promised him his aid and furtherance, with many gay words, which I pass over. The superscription of this letter was thus. [To the high and mighty prince, Henry by the grace of God king of England, his well-beloved cousin.] Neither naming him king of France, nor his sovereign lord, according as (ever before that time) he was accustomed to do. This letter was much marveled at of the council, after they had throughly considered all the contents thereof, & they line 10 could not but be much disquieted, so far forth that diverse of them offended so much with the untruth of the duke, that they could not temper their passions, but openly called him traitor.  
But when the rumour of the duke's revolting was published amongst the people, they left words, and fell to bestowing of stripes: for being pricked with these evil tidings, they ran in great outrage upon all the Flemings, Hollanders, and Burgognions', which then inhabited within the city of London, 
Spoil upon the Burgognian people in London.  and the line 20 suburbs of the same, and slew and hurt a great number of them before they, by the king's proclamation, could be stayed from such injurious doing: for the king nothing more minded than to save innocent blood, and to defend them that had not offended. The officer at arms was willed to tell his master, that it stood not with his honour to be enemy to the English nation; and that his duty had been to keep his ancient truth and allegiance, rather than to be occasion of new war. And what a new reconciled enemy line 30 was in respect of an old tried friend, he might shortly find. [When the messenger with this answer was dispatched, 
W. P.  and upon consultation found, a matter standing both with good policy in forcing the proud subject to know his obedience, and also with great equity to twitch a quarreler with such pinsars as wherewith afore he had nipped an other, so was it anon brought about, that sundry of his good towns and cities rebelled against him, whereby (less to his liking than to his deserving) he was very well made line 40 to bite of a chokepeare of his own grafting.]  

Anno Reg. 14. The death of the duke of Bedford regent of France  This year the fourteenth day of September died john duke of Bedford, regent of France, a man both politic in peace, and hardy in war, and yet no more hardy than merciful when he had the victory, whose body was with all funeral solemnity buried in the cathedral church of our lady in Rone, on the north side of the high altar, under a sumptuous and costly monument. Which tomb when king jews the eleventh, by certain undiscreet persons was line 50 counseled to deface, affirming that it was a great dishonour both to the king and to the realm, to see the enemy of his father and theirs to have so solemn and rich a memorial: 
A worthy saying of a wise prince.  he answered saying, What honour shall it be to us, or to you, to break this monument, and to pull out of the ground the dead bones of him, whom in his life neither my father nor your progenitors, with all their power, puissance, and friends were once able to make flee one foot backward; but by his strength, wit, and policy, kept them line 60 all out of the principal dominions of the realm of France, and out of this noble and famous duchy of Normandy? Wherefore I say, first, God have his soul, and let his body now lie in rest, which when he was alive, would have disquieted the proudest of us all. And as for the tomb, I assure you, it is not so decent nor convenient, as his honour and acts deserved, although it were much richer, and more beautiful.  

 The frost was so extreme this year, beginning about the five and twentieth day of November, and continuing till the tenth of February, that the ships with merchandise arriving at the Thames mouth, could not come up the river: so their lading there feign to be discharged, was brought to the cit●e by land. After the death of that noble prince the duke of Bedford, the bright sun in France toward Englishmen, began to be cloudy, and daily to darken, the Frenchmen began not only to withdraw their obedience by oath to the king of England, but also took sword in hand & openly rebelled. Howbeit all these mishaps could not any thing abash the valiant courages of the English people: for they having no mistrust in God and good fortune, 
The duke of York made regent of France.  set up a new sail, began the war afresh, and appointed for regent in France, Richard duke of York, son to Richard earl of Cambridge.  
Although the duke of York was worthy (both for birth and courage) of this honour and preferment, yet so disdained of Edmund duke of Summerset being cousin to the king, that by all means possible he sought his hindrance, as one glad of his loss, and sorry of his well doing: by reason whereof, yet the duke of York could get his dispatch, Paris and diverse other of the chiefest places in France were gotten by the French king. The duke of York perceiving his evil will, openly dissembled that which he inwardly minded, either of them working things to the others displeasure, till through malice & division between them, at length by mortal war they were both consumed, with almost all their whole lines and offspring.  
The Normans of the country of Caux, being heartened by the death of the duke of Bedford, began a new rebellion, slew diverse Englishmen, rob many towns that were under the English obeisance, and took the town of Harflue by assault, and diverse other towns. But the lord regent being advertised, sent forth the lord Scales, sir Thomas Kiriell, and the lord Hoo, which so afflicted those rebels of Caux, that they slew above five thousand persons, and burned all the towns and villages in the country, not being walled: so that in that part was neither habitation nor tillage, for all the people fled into Britain, and all the beasts of the country were brought to Caudebecke, where a good sheep was sold for an English penny, and a Cow for twelve pence. Daily was skirmishing and fight in every part, in so much that the lord Scales at the Rye beside Rone, discomfited the Hire, and fifteen hundred valiant Frenchmen; of the which, above three hundred were taken prisoners, beside the gain of seven fair coursers.  
Amongst other of the prisoners, were sir Richard Reginald de Fountains, sir Alain Gerond, Alain Monsaie, and Geffrie Grame, captain of the Scots. But yet this victory and others the like, stayed not the Frenchmen from working treason daily, insomuch that divers towns turned to the part of K. Charles, and some were taken by practice, as deep, Bois, Uincennes, and others. 
Abr. Fl. See before pag. 581.  ¶ So that here partly was accomplished the prophesy of Henry the fift, given out in the ninth year of his reign when he lay at siege before Meaux, that Henry of Windsor should lose all that Henry of Monmouth had gotten (for so they are named according to the place of their nativity) and this prediction was complete and full by that time the years of his regiment were expired.  
But here is one chief point to be noted, that either the disdain amongst the chief peers of the realm of England (as ye have heard) or the negligence of the king's council (which did not foresee dangers to come) was the loss of the whole dominion of France, between the rivers of Sun and Marne, and in especial, of the noble city of Paris. For where before, there were sent over thousands fo● defence of the holds and fortresses, now were sent hundreds, yea and scores, some rascals, and some not able to draw a bow, or carry a bill: for the lord Willoughby, and the bishop of Terwine, which had the governance of the great city of Paris, year 1436 had in their company not two thousand Englishmen.  
Which weakness king Charles well perceived, and therefore by authority appointed the constable, Arthur of Britain, the earl of Dunois, the lords de la Roch, and Lisle Adam, with other valiant captains and men of war, as well Burgognions' as French, to go before Paris, trusting by favour of line 10 certain citizens, with whom he had intelligence, shortly to be lord of the city, without great loss or battle. So these captains came before the city of Paris. But perceiving that all things succeeded not according to their expectation, they returned to Mont Martyr, and the next day suddenly set on the town of saint Denis, and constrained the Englishmen that kept it, to flee into the abbeie, and into the tower Uenin. In this conflict two hundred Englishmen were slain, the residue upon reasonable composition line 20 rendered up the place, and departed to Paris.  
Thomas lord Beaumond, who of late was come to Paris with eight hundred men, issued forth with six hundred soldiers, intending to view the doings and number of the French army; but suddenly compassed about, within a small space was discomfited and taken, with him fourscore prisoners, beside two hundred slain in the field, the remnant chased to the very gates of the city. The parisians, and especially line 30 the master of the halls, and some of the university, and Michael Lallier, and many notable burgesses of the city (who ever with an English countenance covered a French hart) perceiving the weakness of the Englishmen, and force of the French; signified to the French captains their toward minds willing them with all diligence to come & receive so rich a prey without any difficulty, ready to be given and delivered into their hands.  
The constable delaying no time, came with his line 40 power, lodged by the charter house: and the lord Lisle Adam, approaching to the walls, showed to the citizens a charter, sealed with the great seal of king Charles, 
The treason of the parisians.  by the which he had pardoned them their offences, and granted to them all their old liberties, and ancient privileges, so that they would hereafter be to him true and obedient: which thing to them declared, they ran about the town, crying; S. Denis, live king Charles. The Englishmen perceiving this, determined to keep the gate S. Denis, but they line 50 were deceived: for the chains were drawn in every street, and women and children cast down stones and scalding water on the Englishmen'S heads, and the citizens in armour fought with them and chased them from street to street, and from lane to lane, and slew and hurt diverse and many of them.  
The bishop of Terwine, chancellor there for king Henry, the lord Willoughby, and sir Simon Moruiher, took great pain to appease the people: but when they saw that all availed not, they withdrew into line 60 the bastile of saint Anthony, which fortress they had well vittelled, and furnished with men and munitions. Whilst this rumour was in the town, the earl of Dunois and others scaled the walls, and some passed the river by boats, and opened the gate of saint james, 
Paris yielded to the French king.  by the which the constable with his banner displayed, entered, at whose entry the parisians made great joy. The bishop and the lord Willoughby, with their small company, defended their fortress ten days, looking for aid: but when they saw that no comfort appeared, they yielded their fortress, so that they and theirs, with certain baggage, might peaceably return to Rone. Thus was the city of Paris brought into the possession of Charles the French king, through the untrue demeanour of the citizens, who contrary to their oaths, and promised allegiance, like false and inconstant people, so revolted from the English.  
After this glorious gain, the Frenchmen besieged the town of crail upon Oise, whereof sir William Chamberlain was captain, the which with five hundred Englishmen issued out of the town, and after long fight, discomfited his enemies, & slew two hundred, and took a great number prisoners: the remnant not liking the market, departed to campaign, and other towns adjoining. During which season, twelve burgesses of the town of Gisours sold it for money unto Poiton de Xantrailes. But he had not the castle delivered, & therefore with all his power he besieged the same; whereof the lord Talbot being advertised, sent for the lord Scales, and they both with eighteen hundred men rescued the castle, took the town, and discomfited their enemies, and slew of them above four hundred persons.  
Now according to the old saying (when the steed is stolen shut the stable door) the duke of York appointed at the last parliament to be regent of France (after that Paris, Saint Denis, Saint Germans in Lay, and diverse other towns in France were taken and betrayed for lack of convenient succours) was sent over into Normandy with eight thousand men, and in his company, the earls of Salisbury, 
The duke sent into France too late.  and Suffolk, and the lord Fawconbridge, and diverse other valiant captains. When he was landed, the earl of Salisbury besieged the castle of Chambois, which shortly was to him rendered. Then the duke removed to Rone, where he set good orders, and did great justice to the country; wherefore the Normans in their chronicles highly extol him for that point. Howbeit they say, that he got by long siege the town and abbey of Fecampe, and did none other notable act, during the time of his rule and government.  
In this fourteenth year, the duke of Burgognie determined by the advise of his council, to attempt the winning of Calis. The provision was wondrous great which was made for the achieving of this enterprise: whereof sir john Ratcliff, 
The duke of Burgonie prepareth an army against Calis.  deputy of the town of Calis, having perfect intelligence, advertised king Henry, and his council, who incontinently sent thither the earl of Mortaigne, son to the duke of Summerset, and the lord Camois, with fifteen hundred men, and great foison of victuals, that issued out of Calis, and came before Gravelin, where they were encountered with a great number of Flemings, who were shortly discomfited, four hundred of them slain, and six score taken prisoners. Within two days after, the Englishmen drove by fine force the lords of Warren and Bado to the barriers of Ard, and discomfited their whole company, to the number of fifteen hundred, slew seven valiant captains, and took many gentlemen prisoners.  
The duke of Burgognie, remaining still in his former purpose, assembled together, of Flemings, Picards, Hollanders, and Heneweirs, a great army, to the number of forty thousand, so well armed, 
The duke of Burgognie with forty thousand men.  so well vitteled, so well furnished with ordinance, and garnished in all things, that they thought and blazed amongst themselves, that the Calisians would leave their town desolate, and flee for their safeguard, hearing only of the duke's approach: but they reckoned without their host; and so paid a dearer shot than they looked for. Now when this mighty army was past the water of Gravelin, the duke intending to begin his feats, assaulted the little poor castle of Oie, which having in it but fifty soldiers, whereof twelve sold their lives dearly; the remnant (compelled by necessity) yielded themselves to the duke's mercy. Which to please the Gantois (being of number most puissant in all the army) liberally gave to them, both the castle and prisoners, who (rude & cruel people) not only razed the castle, but also hanged nine and twenty of the captives, and had so done with the residue, if the duke, offended at their cruelty, had not willed a stay.  
After this feat done, the Picards besieged the castle of Mark, & gave three assaults to it. The Englishmen within, being in number two hundred and line 10 six, under the government of their captain sir john Gedding, valiantly defended the place; until at length, despairing of succours, they yielded themselves (their lives & limbs saved.) The castle of Mark being thus delivered, was razed to the ground. Then the duke, accompanied with the duke of Cleves, the earl of Estampes, the lords of Dantoing, Croie, Crisquie, 
Calis besieged by the duke of Burgognie.  Humiers, and many other barons and knights, with his great army, came before Calis, & placed his siege about the same, most to his advantage: he gave three assaults, and gained nothing by line 20 them, but constrained to keep them further off. At the first assault, the Hire which was come to see the duke of Burgognie, was sore wounded and hurt. A cooling card it was also unto them, still to see ships arrived in the haven out of England, openly before their faces, laden with victuals, munition and men.  
The duke on a day riding about to view the situation of the town, to the intent to take his most advantage (either by assault or otherwise) was quickly espied, and with the shot of a canon, a trumpeter, line 30 which road next before him, and three horses in his company were slain out of hand. The lord of Croie, and a convenient number with him, was appointed to besiege the castle of Guisnes, where he got little profit, and did less harm. Moreover, for the better advancing of his enterprise, the duke minded to stop up the haven; so that no succours should enter there. 
The duke's enterprise to bar the haven.  Hereupon, he caused four great hulks to be fraught with great square stones, cemented and joined line 40 together with lead, to the intent they should lie still like a mount, and not sever in sunder.  
These ships, with the residue of the duke's navy, were conveyed into the mouth of Calis haven, and at a full sea, by craft and policy, were sunk down to the ground. But whether God would not that the haven should be destroyed, either the conveiers of the hulks knew not the very channel; these four great ships, at the low water, lay openly upon the sands, without hurting the road or channel. Which when the soldiers perceived, they issued out of the town, line 50 brake the ships, and carried both the stones and timber into the town. another devise the duke had, which was the building of a strong bastile upon a little mountain, which he furnished with four hundred men, and much artillery, that did impeach the Englishmen from issuing forth of the town, to their great displeasure.  
Whilst these things were adooing, there came to the duke an herald called Penbroke, belonging to line 60 the duke of Gloucester, who declared to the duke of Burgognie, that the protector of England his master (if God would send him wind & weather) would give him battle, either there, or in any other place within his own country, where he would appoint, and that with speed, if God vouchsafed him wind and weather. The duke answered the herald; Sir, say to your master, that his challenge is both honourable and reasonable: howbeit, he shall not need to take the pains to seek me in mine own country, for (God willing) he shall find me here, till I have my will of the town, ready to abide him and all the power he can bring. After the herald had received this answer, he was highly cheered, and had a cup and an hundred guildens to him given in reward, and so he returned to Calis.  
After whose departure, the duke called a council in the chief pavilion of the Gantois, about this message of the English herald, where it was determined with great courage, that they would abide the battle, if the duke of Gloucester came to offer it. Whilst this great matter was in consultation, the Calisians, not well content with the bastile which the duke had newly builded, issued out of the town in great number, part on horseback and part on foot. The footmen ran to assault the bastile, and the horsemen went between the army & the assailants, to stop the aid and succours that might come. Upon the sounding of the alarm, the duke himself in person was coming on foot, to relieve his men: but being kept back a space by the English horsemen, 
The dukes bastile won.  in that delay of time, the bastile was won by fine force, and eight score persons of those that kept it slain, beside the residue which were taken prisoners, and led to Calis, with all the ordinance and artillery, to the high displeasure of the duke and his prudent council. The next day after, there sprang a rumour in the army (no man could tell how) that the duke of Gloucester with a great puissance was already embarked, and would arrive at the next tide. The same night the duke fled away, 
The duke of Burgognie breaketh by the siege before Calis, and fléeth, the 26 of julie.  and sent in all haste to the lord of Croie, to raise his siege before Guisnes, which tidings were to him very joyous, for he neither got nor saved. So these two captains departed, leaving behind them, both ordinance, victuals, & great riches. ¶ The French writers (to save the honour of the duke of Burgognie) say, that there was a certain discord and commotion amongst the Flemings and Dutch nation, affirming, that the great lords and the Picards (whom the Frenchmen greatly extol) would betray and sell the Flemings and their friends, and that for the same cause in a great fury they cried; Home, home: and would not tarry for any request that the duke could make, and so by their misgovernance, the duke was enforced to raise his siege, and to departed. The Flemish authors affirm the contrary, saying that they were ready to abide the coming of the duke of Gloucester: but the duke of Burgognie fearing to be entrapped between the English army without, and the garrison within the town of Calis, fled away in the night, giving to them no warning thereof before, so that for lack of time, and convenient space to lad and carry their stuff, and being commanded upon the sudden to dislodge with all speed, they left behind them their victuals, tents, and other things, to their great loss and detriment.  
Howsoever the matter was, the truth is, that he fled the six and twentieth day of julie, in the night. And the next day in the morning, the duke of Gloucester landed in Calis haven, & straight went into the camp, where his enemies the night before were lodged, and there he found many fair pieces of ordinance, and specially one called Digeon: so named, 
A gun call●● Digeon.  after the chief town of Burgognie; beside pavilions, wine, beer, meal, and innumerable victuals. The duke of Gloucester, seeing his enemies recoiled, having in his company five and twenty thousand men, entered into Flanders, burning houses, 
The duke of Gloucester spoileth Flanders.  killing such as made resistance, destroying the country on every part, setting fire in the towns of Poperinch, Bailleull, and others. Also, they wasted the suburbs of diverse closed towns, and after passed by Newcastle, Rimesture, and Ualon chapel: and then entering into Artois, they came to Arques and Blandesques, setting fire in every part where they came. Thus they passed by saint Omers, and finally by Arde returned to Guisnes: and so to Calis at the six weeks end, with great booties of cattle and riches.  
In all this their journey, they had but small store of bread, which caused much faintness and diverse diseases in the army, whereof a greater number died than did of the enemies sword: and yet the Flemings writ, that they of Bruges distressed to the number of two thousand Englishmen in this journey. 
●●●land.  Howbeit, the French writers affirm, that the Englishmen lost more of their company in the marches about Ard, 
Enguerant.  than they did in all other places where they had been before, having passed through the party's line 10 of Flanders, without encounter, or any damage done to them by the enemies. After that, the duke of Gloucester returned into England, where he was advertised, that james king of Scots had besieged the castle of Rockesburgh with thirty thousand men: but the captain thereof, sir Ralph Greie defended it so manfully, 
The king of Scots fled from his siege 〈◊〉 Rockes●urgh.  for the space of twenty days, that king james being then advertised, that the earl of Northumberland was coming to fight with him, fled with no less loss than dishonour, and enough of both. line 20  

Anno Reg. 15.  Shortly after that the duke of Burgognie had been before Calis, at the desire of princes, a truce for a time was moved to be had between the king of England & the said duke. For which cause were sent to Gravelin for the king of England, Henry Beauford cardinal of Winchester, john lord mowbray duke of Norfolk, Humphrey earl of Stafford, and diverse other well learned & honourable personages. And for the duke of Burgognie, there appeared the duchess his wife, the bishop of Arras, the lord of line 30 Croie, and diverse other. At this treaty, a truce was taken for a small time, 
A truce taken between the king of England and the duchess of Burgognie.  and for a less observed, which was concluded between the king of England, and the duchess of Burgognie (interlacing the duke and his name.)  

Hall.  Some think, that the king of England would never enter in league with him, because he had broken his promise, oath, and writing sealed to him, and to his father. Other imagined this to be done of a cautel, to cast a mist before the French kings eyes, to the line 40 intent he should believe that this feat was wrought by the duchess, without assent or knowledge of the duke or his council; and so he was not bound to accomplish any act or thing done in his wives treaty. Thus may you see, that princes sometime with such vain glosses and scornful expositions will hide their doings, and cloak their purposes; to the intent they would not either be espied, or else that they may pluck their heads out of the collar at their pleasure. But (as the common opinion goeth) he which is line 50 a promise-breaker escapeth not always with impunity. For it is well seen by daily and usual events both in princes and private persons, that for violating their faith, and breaking of promise, many discommodities arise, and inconveniences not a few do follow. To the due keeping whereof the heathen bare such a religious conscience, that a profane man in respect of others, preferreth it before sacrifice, the sentence is of great excellency out of a pagans mouth: 
Non boue mactato coelestia numina gaudent, line 60  
Sed quae praestanda est & sine teste fide.   
About this season, queen Katherine mother to the king of England departed out of this life, 
14●7  and was buried by her husband in the abbeie of Westminster. This woman, after the death of king Henry the fift her husband, 
Katherine mother to king Henry married Owen Teuther.  being young and lusty, following more her own wanton appetite than friendly counsel, and regarding more private affection than princelike honour, took to husband privily a gallant gentleman and a right beautiful person, endued with many goodly gifts both of body & mind, called Owen Teuther, a man descended of the noble lineage and ancient line of Cadwallader last king of the Britain's. By this Owen she brought forth three goodly sons, Edmund, jasper, and another that was a monk in Westminster, and lived a small time: also a daughter which in her youth departed out of this transitory life.  
King Henry, after the death of his mother, because, they were his brethren of one womb, created Edmund earl of Richmund, and jasper earl of Penbroke: which Edmund of Margaret daughter and sole heir to john duke of Summerset begat Henry, who after was king of this realm, called Henry the seventh, of whom ye shall hear more in place convenient. This Owen, after the death of the queen his wife, was apprehended and committed toward, because that (contrary to the statute made in the sixth year of this king) he presumptuously had married the queen, without the kings especial assent, out of which prison he escaped, and let out other with him, but was again apprehended, and after escaped again. 
Abr. Fl.  ¶ Polychronicon saith that he was a squire of low birth and like degree, the same author also reporteth that he was commanded to Newgate by the duke of Gloucester then lord protector of the realm: out of which prison he broke by the help of a priest that was his chaplain. Nevertheless he was apprehended afterwards by the lord Beaumond, & brought again to Newgate, whence (when he had remained there a while) he was delivered and set at liberty.]  
The duchess of Bedford also, sister to Lewes' earl of S. Paul, more for affection than increase of honour, without counsel of her friends, married a lusty young knight, called sir Richard Wooduile, to the great displeasure of her uncle the bishop of Terwine, and the earl her brother. This sir Richard was made baron of Rivers, and after earl, and had by this lady many noble sons, and fair daughters, of the which one was the lady Elizabeth, 
Queen Elizabeth.  after queen of England, by reason she was married unto Edward the fourth. ¶ Whilst this marriage was a celebrating, jane late queen of England, and before duchess of Britain, daughter to the king of Navarre, and wife to king Henry the fourth, died at the manor of Havering, and was buried by her husband at Canturburie. ¶ About the same time, deceased also the countess of Warwick, and Henry archbishop of York.  
In this year also, the duke of Summerset, accompanied with the lords of Fauconbridge, Talbot, sir Francis Surien, the Arrogonnois, Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough, Thomas Paulet, Thomas Harington, Walter Limbrike, john Gedding, William Watton esquires, and Thomas Hilton bailiff of Rone, with a great company of the English party, besieged the town of Harflue (lately before gotten by the Frenchmen) both by water and land: 
Harflue besieged and won by the Englishmen.  the captain within the town was one sir john d'Estouteuille, having his brother Robert with him, and a six hundred good fight men. The assailants cast trenches, and so fortified themselves in their camp and lodgings, that when the earls of Ewe and Dunois, the valiant bastard of Bourbon, the lord Gawcourt, and other famous captains, with a four thousand men, sent to the rescue of them within, came b●fore the town, they could not secure their friends, nor annoy their enemies by any means they could devise; & so for fear to lose honour, they returned back again, with much travel and little profit.  
The captains within the town perceiving they could not be aided, did shortly after render the town to the duke of Summerset; who after committed it to the keeping of Thomas Paulet, William Limbrike, Christopher Barber, and George saint George, which many years (till the division began in England) manfully and valiantly defended both the town and the haven. But afterward, 
The duke of Summersets infortunat●●s  when this duke of Summerset was regent and governor of Normandy, he not only lost this town of Harflue, but also the city of Rone, and the whole duchy of Normandy, 
james king of Scots murdered. Abr. Fl. ex Polychr.  whereas now (being but a deputy) he got it to his high praise and glory. In this year was james king of Scots murdered by certain traitors of his own subjects [even in his bedchamber by night, which king (saith Polychr.) had been prisoner in England fifteen years, the murderers of whom being afterwards taken, were terribly executed.]  
The lord Talbot besieged tankerville, and after line 10 four months had it simply to him rendered. This town was no great gain to the Englishmen, for in the mean season, the French king in his own person besieged the strong town of Monstreau fault Yonne; whereof Thomas Gerard being captain, more for desire of reward, than for fear of enemies, sold the town to the French king, and had of him great gifts and entertainment, as afterwards was openly known. This town had been rescued of the French king fought withal, if one chance line 20 had not happened. For the duke of York about that time was discharged of his office, and the earl of Warwick preferred to the same, 
The earl of Warwick made regent of France.  so that the duke of York, lying as then at Rone, would have gladly rescued the town, if his authority had not surceased; and the earl of Warwick could not come in time, for the wind was contrary to him.  
This present year was a parliament holden at Westminster, in the which many good and profitable acts for the preservation of concord at home, and defence line 30 against the enemies abroad, were ordained and devised. ¶ Arthur of Britain constable of France, and john duke of Alencon, were sent by the French king into Normandy, with a great army, to besiege the town of Auranches, standing upon the knop of an hill: where after they had lain a certain space without gain, the lord Talbot with a valiant company of men came thither, and offered the enemies battle. Which when they at all hands refused, the lord Talbot perceiving their faint hearts, raised his field, line 40 and in the open sight of them all, entered into the town, and the next day issued out; and finding the Frenchmen riding abroad to destroy the plain country, he compassed them about, and slew many of them, and took diverse prisoners. Although the Frenchmen got neither honour nor profit by this journey, yet they enterprised a greater matter, as the winning of Rone; in so much that Pouton de Santreils, and the Hire, with many other notable captains, having promise of certain burgesses of that line 50 city to have entry made them, secretly in the night came forward to a town called Rise or Ris, not past four leagues from Rone, and there lodged.  
The lord Talbot, the lord Scales, and sir Thomas Kiriell hearing of their approach, set out of Rone at midnight, & with great pain came to Rise so covertly in the morning, that the French suddenly surprised and set upon, like men all amazed ran away and fled. In the chase were taken the lord of Fontains, sir Aleine Geron, sir jews de ball, and threescore line 60 knights, and esquires, beside others; and there were slain two hundred and more. The Hire escaped very narrowly, by swiftness of his horse, though not unwounded. The Englishmen returned to the town of Rise, and found there great number of horses & other baggages, which they ioiouslie brought with them to Rone.  
On the sixth day of November this present year, the earl of Warwick, 
Anno Reg. 16. The earl of Warwick regent came into France.  as regent of France, passed the sea, after he had been seven times shipped and unshipped, and landed at Homflue with a thousand fresh soldiers, and came to Rone, and then the duke of York returned into England. Between the change of these two captains, the duke of Burgognie (which sore envied the glory of the Englishmen) besieged the town of Crotoy, 
Croitoy besieged by the duke of Burgog●e.  with ten thousand men and more, having with him great plenty of guns and goodly ordinance. The earl of Warwick advertised hereof, sent the lord Fauconbridge, sir Thomas Kiriell, sir john Montgomerie, Thomas Limbrike, Thomas Chandois, David Hall, and diverse other knights and esquires, and an host of five thousand men, which passed the river of Some, beside the town of saint Ualerie, wading in the water up to the chin, so glad were they to rescue their fellows.  
When the duke of Burgognie was informed of the approaching of the lord Talbot, 
Croitoy rescued.  he with all his power (saving four hundred, which were left in a bastile by him there newly builded) fled to Abuile, the bastile was soon gained by the Englishmen, and those within either slain or taken. After this, the lord Talbot sent to the duke of Burgognie, signifying that except he would come forth, and bide by a battle, he would utterly waste his country of Picardy. According whereunto (the duke of Burgognie shrinking) he burned towns, spoiled and slew many people in Picardy. But for all those his doings, the duke of Burgognie appeared not, but got him from Abuile to Amiens, so that the lord Talbot abode twenty days full in Picardy and Arthois, destroying all afore him, and after returned untouched. In the mean season, sir Thomas Kiriell had gotten all the duke's carriages and ordinance, and left as much victual in the town of Croitoy, as would serve six hundred men a whole year, and conveyed the residue to the earl of Warwick, who highly praised them for their hardy doings.  
After this, Henry earl of Mortaigne, son to Edmund duke of Summerset, 
14●8  arrived at Chierburgh with four hundred archers, & three hundred spears, and passed through Normandy, till he came into the county of main, where he besieged a castle called saint Anian, in the which were three hundred Scots, besides Frenchmen. This castle he took by assault, slew the Scots, and hanged the Frenchmen, because they were once sworn English. After this he got also another castle, two miles from saint julian's, called Alegerche, which was shortly after recovered; and the lord of Camewis, which came to the rescue of the same, in the mean way was entrapped and taken. Thus flowed the victory, sometime on the one party, and sometime on the other. For about the same time the towns of Meaux in Brie, and saint Susan were sold and delivered to the French part, by the untruth of the burgesses and inhabitants of the same towns, about the latter end of this sixteenth year.  
This year (by reason of great tempests) raging winds, and rain, there rose such scarcity, 
Anno Reg. 17. Dearth of victuals.  that wheat was sold at three shillings four pennies the bushel, wine at twelve pennies the gallon, year 1439 baisalt at fourteen pennies the bushel, and malt at thirteen shillings four pennies the quarter, and all other grains at excessive prices above the old rate. ¶ Whereupon Steven Browne (saith Polychronicon) at the same season mayor of London, 
Abr. Fl. ex Polychr.  tendering the state of the city in this want of breadcorne, sent into Pruse certain ships, which returned laden with plenty of rye: wherewith he did much good to the people in that hard time, specially to them of the city, where the want of corn was not so extreme as in some other places of the land, 
Bread made of fern roots.  where the poor distressed people that were hungerbitten, made them bred of fern roots, and used other hard shifts, till God provided remedy for their penury by good success of husbandry.]  
In the month of june, the earl of Huntingdon (as Steward of Guien) with two thousand archers, and four hundred spears was sent into Gascoigne, as a supply to the country and commons of the same: for the king of England and his council were informed, that the earl of Dunois lay in the frontiers of Tholouse secretly, by rewards and fair promises practising to procure diverse towns in Given to become French. Wherefore this earl (like a politic warrior) altered not only the captains in every town and city, 
A seat of a politic captain & wise councillor.  but also removed the magistrates, and changed the officers from town to town, and room to room; so that by this means, the earl of Dunois at that time lost both travel and ●ost.  
In the same month also, sir Richard Wooduile, sir line 10 William Chamberlain, sir William Peito, and sir William Story, with a thousand men, were sent to stuff the towns in Normandy, which at that time had thereof great need: for the English captains had small confidence in the Normans, and not too much in some of their own nation. For that harlot bribery, with her fellow covetousness, 
Two shrewd persuaders.  ran so fast abroad with French crowns, that hard was it to remain uncorrupted. In this year, the Dolphin of France allied with john duke of Alencon, and john duke of Burgognie, line 20 rebelled against his father king Charles: but in the end, by wise persuasions, and witty handling of the matter, the knot of that seditious faction was dissolved, and the king with his son, and the other confederates openly and apparently pacified. The Englishmen taking advantage of this domestical division in France, raised an army, and recovered again diverse towns, which had been surprised from them before, and prepared also to have recovered the city of Paris, till they hard of the agreement line 30 betwixt the father and the son, and then they left off that enterprise.  
In November of this year, there was such a great frost, 
Anno Reg. 18.  and after that so deep a snow, that all the ground was covered therewith, and all the diches frozen. Which wether put the Englishmen in hope to recover again the town of Ponthoise, by the French king gotten before, 
Ponthoise recovered by the English.  by corrupting with money diverse burgesses of the town. hereupon the Englishmen clothed all in white, with john lord Clifford line 40 their captain, came in the night to the diches, passed them without danger by reason of the frost, scaled the walls, slew the watch, and took the town, with many profitable prisoners. ¶ After the regaining of this town, the lord Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick died in the castle of Rone, from whence conveyed into England, he was with solemn ceremonies buried at his college of Warwick, in a very fair and sumptuous sepulchre. line 50  

Anno Reg. 19  About the beginning of Lent, the duke of Summerset, and the lord Talbot, with other captains and men of war to the number of two thousand, which they had assembled in the marches of Normandy towards Rone, marching forward towards Picardy, passed over the river of Some; and through the town of Monteruell, came before the fortress of Follevile, which the duke besieged, whilst the lord Talbot entered further into the country. After that the duke had mounted his great artillery, 
E●guerant.  and began line 60 to batter the hold, the captain within chanced to be slain with a shot of the same artillery, & shortly after, the battery being still continued, the rest of the men of war that served under him yielded the place, in which the duke left a competent garrison of soldiers, which afterwards sore endamaged the country.  
This done, the duke followed the lord Talbot, who was already entered a good way within the country of Santhois, and now joining their powers together, they came to a fortress called Lihons in Santhois, which was also rendered unto them, after they had burnt the church; which the country people kept against them, and would not yield it, till they were fired out, burnt, and slain; to the number of three hundred. After the fortress was delivered into their hands by composition, the duke with his power lay there about ten days, sending diverse troops of his men of war abroad into the country, which spoilt the same, took the fortress of Herbonneres, and the lord thereof within it, who for his ransom, and to have his subjects and house saved from spoil and fire, compounded with his takers for a thousand saluz of gold, which he paid to them. Finally, after the duke of Summerset, and the lord Talbot with their power, had lain in Lihons about ten days, they departed from thence, and returned into Normandy, without any impeachment.  
After the death of the earl of Warwick, year 1441 the duke of York was again made regent of France, 
The duke of York again made regent of France.  which accompanied with the earl of Oxenford, the lord Bourchier called earl of Ewe, sir james of Ormond, the lord Clinton, sir Richard Wooduile, & diverse other noble men, sailed into Normandy. Before whose arrival, the French king sore grieved with the taking of the town of Ponthoise, assembled a great army, 
Ponthoise besieged by the French king, but valiantly defended.  and besieged the said town himself in person, environing it with bastiles, trenches, and ditches, beating the walls and bulwarks with shot of great ordinance, and giving thereunto diverse great and fierce assaults. But john lord Clifford, like a valiant captain, defended the town so manfully, that the Frenchmen rather lost than won.  
The duke of York at his landing received true advertisement of this siege, whereupon he sent for the lord Talbot, and a great number of soldiers, and so came near to the town of Ponthoise, and there encamped himself; who therewith sent word to the French king, that thither he was come to give him battle, if he would come out of his strength and bastiles. But the French king by advise of his council, determined not to venture his person with men of so base degree, but meant to keep his ground, bidding the lord regent to enter at his peril, and in the mean season did what he could to stop the passage of the river of Oise, so that no victuals should be brought to the English army by that way, in hope so to cause them to recoil back.  
The duke of York, perceiving that the French king minded not to fight, purposed to pass over the river of Oise, and so to fight with him in his lodging. Whereupon he removed his camp, and appointed the lord Talbot and other, to make a countenance, as they would pass the river by force at the port of Beaumond: and appointed an other company in boats of timber and leather, and bridges made of cords and ropes (whereof he had great plenty carried with him in chariots) to pass over beneath the abbey. Whilst the lord Talbot made a cry, as though he would assault the gate, certain Englishmen passed the water in boats, and drew a bridge of cords over, so that a great number of them were got to the other side, 
A policy for a bridge.  yet the Frenchmen were advised what had happened. When they saw the chance, they ran like mad men, to have stopped the passage, but it was too late: for the most part of the Englishmen were got over, in so much that they chased their enemies back, and slew sir Guilliam de castle, nephew to the lord Taneguie du castle, and diverse others.  
The Frenchmen seeing their evil hap irrecoverable, returned to the French king, 
Enguerant de Monstrelle●.  and told him what had chanced: whereupon he doubting to be assailed to his disadvantage, thought not good longer to tarry, but with all speed removing his ordinance into the bastile of saint Martin, which he had newly made, dislodged in the night from Maubuisson, and went to Poissie, leaving the lord de Cotignie admiral of France, with three thousand men to keep the bastile. If he had tarried still at Manbuisson, the lord Talbot which had passed the river of Oise in two small leather boats, had either taken or slain him the same night. 
Edw. Hall.  The Englishmen the next day in good order of battle came before the town of Ponthoise, thinking there to have found the French king, but he was gone: and in his lodging they found great riches, and much stuff which he could not have space for to carry away for fear of the sudden invasion. line 10  
Then the duke with his power entered into the town, and sent for new victuals, and repaired the towers and bulwarks about the town, & diverse times assaulted the bastile of the Frenchmen, of the which he made no great account, because they were not of power either to assault or stop the victuals or succours from the town. After this, the duke intending once again to offer the French king battle, left behind him at Ponthoise for captain there, sir Geruais Clifton, sir Nicholas Burdet, Henry Chandos, and line 20 a thousand soldiers, and therewith removing with his whole army, came before Poissie, where he set himself and his men in good order of battle ready to fight. There issued out some of the French gentlemen to skirmish with the Englishmen, but to their loss: for diverse of them were slain, and four valiant horsemen taken prisoners. The duke perceiving the faint hearts of the Frenchmen, and that they durst not encounter in field with the English power, dislodged from Poissie, and came to Maunt, and soon after to Rone. line 30  

Anno Reg. 20.  When the regent and the lord Talbot were returned again into Normandy, the French king considering how much it should redound to his dishonour to let rest the town of Ponthoise in his enemies hands, 
Ponthoise gotten by the French.  sith he had been at such charges and travel about the winning thereof, he eftsoons assembled all his puissance. And returning suddenly unto Ponthoise, he first by assault got the church, and after the whole town, took the captain, and diverse other Englishmen, and slew to the number of four line 40 hundred, which sold their lives dearly: for one French writer affirmeth, that the French king lost there three thousand men; and the whole garrison of the Englishmen was but only a thousand. Among other that were slain here of the defendants, 
Enguerant. Sir Nicholas Burdet slain.  was sir Nicholas Burdet knight, chief butler of Normandy. After this hot tempest, the weather began somewhat to war more calm: for king Henry and king Charles agreed to send ambassadors to comen of some good conclusion of peace: so that king line 50 Henry sent the cardinal of Winchester, with diverse other noble personages of his council to Calis, with whom was also sent Charles duke of Orleans yet prisoner in England, to the intent that he might be both author of the peace, and also procurer of his own deliverance.  
The French king sent the archbishop of Rheims, and the earl of Dunois: and the duke of Burgognie sent the lord de Crevecueur, and diverse other. All these met at Calis, where the duke of Orleans courteously line 60 received the earl of Dunois (his bastard brother) thanking him greatly for his pains taken in governing his lands & country, during the time of his captivity and absence. diverse communications were had, as well for the deliverance of the duke as for a final peace; but nothing was concluded, saving that an other meeting was appointed, so that in the mean season the demands of either party might be declared to their sovereign lords and masters: and hereupon the commissioners broke up their assembly, and returned into their countries. The Englishmen (as the French writers record) required not only to possess peaceably the two duchess of Aquitaine and Normandy, discharged of all resort, superiority, & sovereignty against the realm of France, the kings and governors of the same; but also to be restored to all the towns, cities, and places, which they within thirty years next before gone and past, had conquered in the realm of France. Which request the Frenchmen thought very unreasonable, and so both parties, minding rather to gain or save than to lose, departed for that time, as ye have heard.  
After this meeting thus prorogued, Philip duke of Burgognie, partly moved in conscience to make amends to Charles duke of Orleans (as yet prisoner in England) for the death of duke jews his father, whom duke john, father to this duke Philip, cruelly murdered in the city of Paris; and partly intending the advancement of his niece, the lady Marie, daughter to Adolfe duke of Cleve (by the which alliance, he trusted, that all old rancour should cease) contrived ways to have the said duke of Orleans set at liberty, upon promise by him made to take the said lady Marie unto wife. This duke had been prisoner in England ever since the battle was fought at Agincourt, upon the day of Crispin and Crispinian, in the year 1415, and was set now at liberty in the month of November, in the year 1440, paying for his ransom four hundred thousand crowns, though other say but three hundred thousand.  
The cause why he was detained so long in captivity, was to pleasure thereby the duke of Burgognie: for so long as the duke of Burgognie continued faithful to the king of England, it was not thought necessary to suffer the duke of Orleans to be ransomed, lest upon his deliverance he would not cease to seek means to be revenged upon the duke of Burgognie, for the old grudge and displeasure betwixt their two families, and therefore such ransom was demanded for him as he was never able to pay. But after the duke of Burgognie had broken his promise, and was turned to the French part, the council of the king of England devised how to deliver the duke of Orleans, that thereby they might displeasure the duke of Burgognie. Which thing the duke of Burgognie perceiving, doubted what might follow if he were delivered without his knowledge, and therefore to his great cost practised his deliverance, paid his ransom, and joined with him amity and alliance by marriage of his niece.  
This duke being now delivered, and speaking better English than French, 
The duke of Orleans delivered.  after his arrival in France, repaired to the duke of Burgognie, and according to his promise and convention, married the lady Marie of Cleve, in the town of saint Omers, on whom he begat a son, which after was French king, and called jews the twelve. 
jews the twelve. W. P.  [Festered sores that rankle inward, as they may perchance be palliate by sleight of surgery; so seldom come they to sound cure, but often do burst out again to greater pain and peril of patiented than ever afore: and so befell it between these two noble houses of Orleans and Burgognie, who for all this marriage and plausible peace (that continued a twenty years) fell out yet after at square unattonablie:] their children and cousins, to the great unquieting of much part of christendom, specially in the times of king Francis the first, and his son Henry the second, heirs of the house of Orleans. For john earl of Angolesme, uncle to this duke Charles, begat Charles, father to the said king Francis: which earl john had been as pledge in England for the debt of jews duke of Orleans, from the last year of king Henry the fourth; till that now his nephew being delivered, made shift for money, and ransomed him also, and at length restored him to his country.  
In the beginning of this twentieth year, Richard duke of York, regent of France, and governor of Normandy, determined to invade the territories of his enemies both by sundry armies, and in several places, and thereupon without delay of time he sent the lord of Willoughby with a great crew of soldiers to destroy the country of Amiens, and john lord Talbot was appointed to besiege the town of deep; and the regent himself accompanied with line 10 Edmund duke of Summerset, set forward into the duchy of Anjou. The lord Willoughby, according to his commission, entered into the country of his enemies in such wise upon the sudden, that a great number of people were taken yer they could withdraw into any place of safeguard.  
The Frenchmen in the garrisons adjoining, astonished with the clamour and cry of the poor people, issued out in good order, and manfully fought with the Englishmen. But in the end, the Frenchmen seeing line 20 their fellows in the forefront slain down, and killed without mercy, turned their backs, and fled: the Englishmen followed, and slew many in the chase; and such as escaped the sword, were rob by the earl of saint Paul, 
Earl of saint Paul friend to the English.  who was coming to aid the Englishmen. In this conflict were slain above six hundred men of arms, and a great number taken. The dukes of York and Summerset likewise entered into Anjou and main, and there destroyed towns, and spoiled the people, and with great preies' line 30 and prisoners repaired again into Normandy, whither also the lord Willoughby withdrew, after his valiant enterprise achieved (as before ye have heard) with rich spoils and good prisoners.  

This should be as Enguerant noteth two years after this present year 19, to 〈◊〉, An. 1440.  The duke of Summerset upon further valiance, entered into the marches of Britain, and took by fierce assault a town named la Gerche, appertaining to the duke of Alencon, spoiling and burning the same. This done, he went to Ponzaie, where he sojourned two months, sending forth daily his men of line 40 war to destroy the countries of Anjou, Traonnois, and Chatragonnois. The French king sent the marshal Loiach with four thousand men to resist the invasions of the duke of Summerset, which marshal intended to have set on the duke in his lodgings in the dead time of the night: but that (as by a wise and hardy captain) well foreseen, he marched forward, and met the Frenchmen half the way, and after long fight, discomfited them, slew an hundred of the marshal's men, and took three score and two prisoners, line 50 whereof the chief were the lord Dausignie, sir jews de Buell, all the other (almost) were knights and esquires.  
After this encounter, the duke took the town of Beaumond le viscount, and manned all the fortresses on the frontiers of his enemies, and with rich booties and prisoners returned again to the duke of York. In this mean time the lord Talbot, besieging the town of deep, environed it with deep trenches; building also upon the mount Paulet a strong and line 60 noisome bastile. But at length perceiving the town to be strongly defended, and that he lacked such furniture of men, victuals, and ordinance as was necessary for the winning of it, he delivered the custody of the bastile, with the governance of the siege to his bastard son, a valiant young gentleman, and departed to Rone for aid, money, and munition. The French king advertised hereof, sent his son the Dolphin of Uienne with the earl of Dunois, 
Three thousand hath Nicolas Giles.  and fifteen thousand men to raise the siege from deep.  
Three days they assailed the bastile, in the which six hundred Englishmen were enclosed, and at length because powder and weapon failed them within, the Frenchmen won it, and took the bastard Talbot prisoner, with sir William Peitow, and sir john Repleie, which shortly after were redeemed. The other English soldiers, seeing the bastile won by the Frenchmen, stood all a day in good order of battle, and in the night following, politicly saved themselves and returned to Rone, without loss or damage. In the assaulting of the bastile, the Frenchmen say, they slew two hundred Englishmen; and deny not but that they lost five hundred of their own men, beside those that were hurt. Whilst these things were a doing, Philip duke of Burgognie made sharp war against the earl of saint Paul, 
The earl of saint Paul revolteth to the French.  in taking from him his towns and castles, that made him to renounce his allegiance sworn and promised to the king of England, and returned to the French part.  
The English captains in Given besieged the strong town of Tartas, year 1441 belonging to the lord Dalbreth their old and ancient enemy. 
Tartas besieged.  The town perceiving that it was not able to resist the force of the Englishmen any long time, took appointment, that the town should remain neuter. For assurance thereof, they delivered Cadet the son of the lord de la Breath in pledge, upon this condition; that if the said lord de la Breath would not assent to the agreement, than he should signify his refusal to the English captains within three months next ensuing, and he to have his pledge, and they to do their best. The French king, at the request of the lords of Given, caused the lord de la Breath to signify his disagreement unto the earl of Huntingdon, as then lieutenant to the king of England in the duchy of Aquitaine. And therewith to gratify the lords of Given, he assembled an army of threescore thousand men, & came to Tholouse, and so to Tartas, to whom the chéefteins of the town, seeing no succours coming from the king of England, rendered the town: and Cadet de la Breath, which was left there as a pledge, was also delivered.  
The French king, after the yielding of Tartas, removed to saint Severine, which town he took by force, slew three hundred persons, and took sir Thomas Rampston prisoner. After this, he came to the city of Arques, took a bulwark by force, and had the town yielded to him by composition. The captain, which was the lord of Montferrant, departed with all the English crew to Bordeaux, where he found the earl of Longuile, the Capdau de Beufe, and sir Thomas Rampston, which was a little before delivered. After this, the fortresses of the Riol and Mermandie were also yielded to the French king: who notwithstanding at length was constrained for lack of victuals (which were cut off by the Englishmen, that lay abroad in diverse fortresses for the purpose) to break up his army, & to retire into France. And then after his departure, 
The change in war.  the Englishmen recovered again the city of Arques, & the other towns by the French king gained, and took prisoner his lieutenant called Reginald Guilliam the Burgognion, and many other gentlemen, and all the mean soldiers were either slain or hanged.  
While the French king was in Given, 
The lord Talbot.  the lord Talbot took the town of Couchet, and after marched toward Galliardon, which was besieged by the bastard of Orleans, otherwise called the earl of Dunois: which earl hearing of the lord Talbots approach, raised his siege, and saved himself. The Frenchmen a little before this season, 
The earl of Dunois. An excellent finesse in war.  had taken the town of Eureux by treason of a fisher. Sir Francis the Arragonois hearing of that chance, appareled six strong fellows, like men of the country, with sacks and baskets, as carriers of corn and victuals, and sent them to the castle of Cornill, in the which diverse Englishmen were kept as prisoners, and he with an ambush of Englishmen lay in a valley nigh to the fortress.  
The six counterfeit husbandmen entered the castle unsuspected, and straight came to the chamber of the captain, & laying hands on him, gave knowledge to them that lay in ambush to come to their aid. The which suddenly made forth, and entered the castle, slew and took all the Frenchmen, and set the Englishmen at liberty: which thing done, they set fire in the castle, and departed to Rone with their booty and prisoners. This exploit they had not achieved peradventure line 10 by force (as happily they mistrusted) and therefore by subtlety and deceit sought to accomplish it, which means to use in war is tolerable, so the same war be lawful; though both fraud & bloodshed otherwise be forbidden even by the instinct of nature to be put in practice and use; and that doth the poet insinuat in a proper sententious verse, saying: Fraus absit, vacuas caedis habete manus.  

Quid. 1. de art.  But now to speak somewhat of the doings in line 20 England in the mean time. Whilst the men of war were thus occupied in martial feats, and daily skirmishes, within the realm of France: ye shall understand, that after the cardinal of Winchester, and the duke of Gloucester, were (as it seemed) reconciled either to other, yet the cardinal, and the archbishop of York ceased not to do many things without the consent of the king or of the duke, 
A new breach between the duke of Gloucester, and the bishop of Winchester.  being (during the minority of the king) governor and protector of the realm, whereas the duke (as good cause line 30 he had) greatly offended, thereupon in writing declared to the king, wherein the cardinal and the archbishop had offended both his majesty, and the laws of the realm. This complaint of the duke of Gloucester was contained in four and twenty articles, which chiefly rested, in that the cardinal had from time to time, through his ambitious desire to surmount all others in high degrees of honour and dignity, sought to enrich himself, to the great and notorious hindrance of the king, as in defrauding him line 40 not only of his treasure, but also in doing and practising things greatly prejudicial to his affairs in France, and namely by setting at liberty the king of Scots, upon so easy conditions, as the king's majesty greatly lost thereby, as in particularities thus followeth.  

A complaint made to king Henry the sixth, by the duke of Gloucester, upon the cardinal of Winchester. line 50  
line 1 THese be in part, the points and articles, which I Humphrey duke of Gloucester, 
Ex Ed. Hall. 143, 144, 145, 146.  for my truth & acquittal, said late, I would give in writing (my right redoubted lord) unto your highness, advertising your excellency, of such things in part, as have been done in your tender age, in derogation of your noble estate, and hurt of both your realms, and yet be done and used line 60 daily.  
2 First, the cardinal then being bishop of Winchester, took upon him the state of cardinal, which was naied and denaied him, by the king of most noble memory, my lord your father (whom God assoil) saying that he had as lief set his crown beside him, as see him wear a cardinals hat, he being a cardinal. For he knew full well, the pride and ambition that was in his person, then being but a bishop, should have so greatly extolled him into more intolerable pride, when that he were a cardinal: and also he thought it against his freedom, of the chief church of this realm, which, that he worshipped, as duly as ever did prince, that blessed be his soul. And howbeit, that my said lord your father (whom God assoil) would have agreed him to have had certain clerks of this land cardinals, and to have no bishoprics in England; yet his intent was never to ●oo so great derogation to the church of Canturburie, to make them that were his suffragans, to sit above their ordinary and metropolitan. But the cause was that in general, and in all matters which might concern the weal of him, and of his realm, he should have proctor's of his nation, as other kings christian had, in the court of Rome, and not to abide in this land, nor to be in any part of his counsels, as been all the spiritual and temporal, at parlements and other great counsels, when you list to call them. And therefore, though it please you to do him that worshop, to set him in your privy council after your pleasure: yet in your parliament, where every lord both spiritual and temporal, hath his place, he ought to occupy but his place as a bishop.  
3 Item, the said bishop, now being cardinal, was assoiled of his bishopric of Winchester, whereupon he sued unto our holy father, to have a bull declaratory, notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of cardinal, that the see was not void, where in deed it stood void by a certain time, yer the said bull were granted; and so he was exempt from his ordinary, by the taking on him the state of cardinal, and the church bishopric of Winchester, so standing void, he took again of the pope (you not learned thereof ne knowing whereby he was fallen into the case of provision) so that all his good was lawfully & clearly forfeited to you my right doubted lord, with more; as the statute declareth plainly for your advantage.  
4 Item, it is not unknown to you (doubted lord) how through your lands it is noised, that the said cardinal and the archbishop of York had and have the governance of you, and all your land, the which none of your true liege men ought to usurp nor take upon them. And have also estranged me your sole uncle, my coosine of York, my coosine of Huntingdon, and many other lords of your kin, to have any knowledge of any great matter, that might touch your high estate, or either of your realms. And of lords spiritual, of right, the archbishop of Canturburie should be your chief councillor, the which is also estranged and set aside. And so be many other right sad lords, and well advised, as well spiritual as temporal, to the great hurt of you my right doubted lord, and of your realms, like as the experience and works shown clearly and evidently, more harm it is.  
5 Item, in the tender age of you, my right doubted lord, for the necessity of an army, the said cardinal lent you four thousand pounds upon certain jewels, prised at two and twenty thousand marks, with a letter of sale, that and they were not quited at a certain day, you should lose them. The said cardinal seeing your money ready to have quited your jewels, caused your treasurer of England, at that day being, to pay the same money, in part of an other army, in defrauding you my right doubted lord of your said jewels, keeping them yet alway to his own use, to your right great loss, and his singular profit and avail.  
6 Item, the said cardinal, then being bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of England, delivered the king of Scots, upon certain appointments (as may be showed) presumptuously, and of his own authority, contrary to the act of parliament. I have heard notable men of law say, that they never heard the like thing done among them: which was too great a defamation to your highness, and also to wed his niece to the said king, whom that my lord of notable memory, your father, whom God assoil, would never have so delivered. And there as he should have paid for his costs forty thousand pounds, the said cardinal, chancellor of England, caused you to pardon him thereof ten thousand marks, whereof the greater sum he paid you, right a little, what, I report me to your highness.  
7 Item, where the said cardinal lent you, my redoubted lord, great and notable sums, he hath had and his assigns, the rule and profit of the port of line 10 Hampton, where the customers been his servants, where (by likelihood and as it is to be supposed) standing the chief merchant of the wools of your land, that you be greatly defrauded, and under that rule, what wools and other merchandizes have been shipped, and may be from time to time, hard is to esteem, to the great hurt and prejudice of you my right doubted lord, and of all your people.  
8 Item, howbeit that the said cardinal hath diverse times lent you great sums of money, since the time of your reign, yet his loan hath been so line 20 deferred and delayed, that for the most part, the convenable season of the imploieng of the good lent was passed. So that little fruit or none came thereof, as by experience both your realms have sufficiently in knowledge.  
9 Item, where there was jewels and plate prised at eleven thousand pounds in weight, of the said cardinal, forfeited to you my right redoubted lord, he got him a restorement thereof for a loan of a little parcel of the same: and so defrauded you wholly line 30 of them, to your great hurt, and his avail, the which good might greatly have eased your highness, in sparing as much of the poor commons.  
10 Item, the cardinal being feoff of my said lord your father (whom God assoil) against his intent, gave Elizabeth Beauchampe, three hundred marks livelihood, where that his will was, that and she were wedded within a year, then to have it, or else not, where in deed it was two or three years' line 40 after, to your great hurt, and diminishing of your inheritance.  
11 Item, notwithstanding that the said cardinal hath no manner of authority nor interest in the crown, nor none may have by any possibility; yet he presumeth and taketh upon him in party, your estate royal, in calling before him, into great abusion of all your land, and derogation of your highness, which hath not been seen nor used in no days heretofore, in greater estate than he is, without line 50 your express ordinance and commandment.  
12 Item, the said cardinal, nothing considering the necessity of you my right doubted lord, hath sued a pardon of dimes, that he should pay for the church of Winchester, for term of his life, giving thereby occasion to all other lords spiritual, to draw their good will for any necessity, to grant any disme: and so to lay all the charge upon the temporalty, and the poor people.  
13 Item, by the governance and labour of the line 60 said cardinal, and archbishop of York, there hath been lost and dispended much notable and great good, by diverse ambassadors sent out of this realm. First to Arras, for a feigned colourable peace, whereas by likeliness it was thought and supposed, that it should never turn to the effectual avail of you my right doubted lord, nor to your said realms: but under colour thereof, was made the peace of your adversary, and the duke of Burgognie. For else your party adverse, & the said duke, might not well have found means nor ways to have communed together, nor to have concluded with other their confederations and conspirations made and wrought there, then, at that time, against your highness, whereby you might have (right doubted lord) the greater party of your obeisance, as well in your realm of France, as in your duchy of Normandy, and much other thing gone greatly, as through the said colourable treaty, & otherwise, since the death of my brother of Bedford (whom God assoil.)  
14 Item, now of late was sent an other ambassador to Calis, by the labour and counsel of the said cardinal, and archbishop of York, the cause why of the beginning, is to me your sole uncle, and other lords of your kin and council unknown, to your great charge, and against the public good of your realm●; as it openly appeareth. The which good if it be employed for the defence of your lands, the merchandizes of the same might have had other course, and your said lands not to have stand in so great mischief as they do.  
15 Item, after that, to your great charge, and hurt of both your realms, the said cardinal & archbishop of York went to your said town of Calis, and diverse lords of your kin, and of your council in their fellowship, and there, as there was natural war between the duke of Orleans, and the duke of Burgognie, for murder of their fathers, a capital enmity like to have endured for ever: the said cardinal and archbishop of York licensed and suffered the said duke of Orleans, to entreat and common apart with the council of your said adversaries, as well as with the duchies of Burgognie: by which mean the peace and alliance was made between the two dukes, to the greatest fortifying of your said capital adversaries that could be thought, and consequently (my dear redoubted lord) to your greatest charge, and hurt to both your realms. Under colour of which treaty, your said adversaries in mean time won your city of Meaux, and the country thereabout, and many diverse roads made into your duchy of Normandy, to the great noisance and destruction of your people, as it showeth openly.  
16 Item, the said archbishop of York, sent with other into this your realm from the said cardinal, after commmunication had with your adverse party, at your said town of Calis, made at his coming into your notable presence at Windesor, all the suasions and colour, all motions in the most apparent wise that he could, to induce your highness to your agreement, to the desires of your capital adversaries, as I saw there in your noble presence of his writing, at which time (as I understood) it was his singular opinion, that is to say: that you should leave your right, your title, and your honour of your crown, and nomination of you king of France, during certain years, & that you should utterly abstain you and be content only in writing, with Rex Angliae, etc.: to the great note of infamy that ever fell to you or any of your noble progenitors, since the taking of them first, the said title and right of your realm and crown of France. To which matter in your presence there, after that it had liked your said highness, to ask mine advise thereupon, with other of your blood and council; I answered and said, that I would never agree me thereto to die therefore, and of the same disposition I am yet, and will be while I live in conservation of your honour, and of your oath made unto your said crown, in time of your coronation there.  
17 Item, the said cardinal and archbishop of York, have so laboured unto your highness, that you should intend to a new day of convention, in March or April next coming, where it is noised to be more against your worship than with it. And where it was evident to all the world, that the rapture and breaking of the said peace, should have fallen heretofore, of your adverse party; because of the great untruths. Now by that means it is like peradventure to be laid unto the very great slander of you my doubted lord, like to come to none other purpose no● effect, than other conventions have done afore time: and so by subtleties and counsel of your said enemies, your land (they in hope and trust of the said treaty, 〈◊〉 mightily nor puissantlie purveyed for) shall be like under the colour of the same treaty to be burnt up and destroyed, lost, and utterly turned from your ob●●sance.  
18 Item it is said, that the deliverance of the said line 10 duke of Orleans, is utterly appointed by the mediation, counsel, and stirring of the said cardinal and archbishop of York; and for that cause diverse persons been come from your adversaries, into this your realm, and the said duke also brought to your city of London, where as my lord your father (whom God assoil) peising so greatly the inconveniences, and harm that might fall, only by his deliverance, concluded, ordained, and determined in his last will, utterly in his wise●●me, his conquest in his realm line 20 of France. And yet then it is to be done, by as great deliberation, solemnity and surety, as may be devised or thought. And seeing now the disposition of your realm of France, the puissance and might of your enemies, and what aid they have gotten against you there, aswell under the colour of the said treaty, as otherwise; what may or aught to be thought or said, for that labouring the said duke (all things considered) by such particular persons, the lords of your blood line 30 not called thereunto, I report me unto your noble grace and excellency, and unto the said wise true men of this your realm.  
19 Item, where that every true councillor, specially unto any king or prince, aught of truth and of duty, to counsel, promote, increase, prefer, and advance the weal and prosperity of his lord: the said cardinal, being of your council (my right doubted lord) hath late purchased of your highness, certain great lands and livelihood: as the castle and lordship line 40 of Chirke in Wales, and other lands in this your realm; unto which I was called suddenly, and so in eschewing the breaking and loss of your armies then again, seeing none other remedy, gave thereunto mine assent, thinking that who that ever laboured moved or stirred the matter first unto your lordship, counseled you neither for your worship nor profit.  
20 More, the said cardinal hath you bound apart, to make him a sure estate of all the said lands, line 50 by Easter-next coming, as could be devised by any learned counsel; or else that surety not made, the said cardinal to have and reioy to him, and his heirs for evermore, the lands of the duchy of Lancaster, in Norfolk, to the value of seven or eight hundred marks by year. Which thing seemeth right strange and unseen, and unhard ways of any liege man, to seek upon his sovereign lord, both in his inheritance and in his jewels and goods. For it is thought, but if right and extreme necessity caused it, there line 60 should, nor ought no such things to be done: from which necessity God (for his mercy) ever preserve your noble person. Wherefore my redoubted lord, seeing that ye should be so counseled, or stirred to leave your crown and inheritance in England; and also by fraud and subtle means, as is afore rehearsed, so to lose your jewels: in my truth and in mine acquit ●ll (as me seemeth) I may not nor ought not counsel so great an hurt to you and to all your land.  
21 Item, it is not unknown to you my right doubted lord how oftentimes I have offered my service, to and for the defen●e of your realm of France, and duchy of Normandy, where I have been put therefrom by the labour of the said cardinal, in preferring other after his singular affection. Which hath caused a great part of the said d●ch●e of Normandy, aswell as of your realm of France to be lost, as i● is well known. And what good (my right doubted lord) was lost on that army that ●as last sent thither, which the earl of Mortaigne, your council of France, hath well & clearly declared to your highness here before?  
22 Item, my right doubted lord, it is not unknown, that it had not been possible to the said cardinal, to have come to his great riches, but by such means, for of his church it might not rise, and inheritance he had none. Wherefore my right doubted lord, sith there is great good behoveful at this time, for the weal and safeguard of your realms, the poverty, necessity, & indigence of your liege people; in highness understand, like it unto your noble grace, to consider the said lucre of the said cardinal, and the great deceits that you be received in by the labour of him & of the archbishop, aswell in this your realm as in your realm of France and duchy of Normandy, where neither office, livelihood, nor captain may be had, without too great good given unto him, whereby a great part of all the loss that is lost, they have been the causers of; for who that would give most, his was the price, not considering the merits, service, nor sufficiance of persons. Furthermore, it is greatly to be considered, how, when the said cardinal had forfeited all his goods, because of provision, as the statute thereupon more plainly declareth; by having the rule of you my right doubted lord, purchased himself in great defraudation of your highness, a charter of pardon, the which good and it had be well governed, might many years have sustained your wars, without any tallage of your poor people.  
23 Item, my redoubted lord, whereas I writ much thing for the weal of you and of your realms, peradventure some will say and understand, that I would or have written by way of accusement of all your council, which God knoweth, I do not: for your highness may well see, that I name them that be causers of the said inordinate rule. Wherefore, considering that the said cardinal and archbishop of York been they, that pretend the governance of you, and of your realms and lordships: please it unto your highness, of your rightwiseness to estrange them of your council, to that intent, that men may be at their freedom, to say what they think of truth.  
24 For truth, I dare speak of my truth, the poor dare not do so. And if the cardinal and the archbishop of York, may afterward declare themselves, of that is, and shallbe said of them; you my right doubted lord may then restore them again to your council, at your noble pleasure.   
When the king had heard the accusations thus laid by the duke of Gloucester against the cardinal, he committed the examination thereof to his council, whereof the more part were spiritual persons; so that what for fear, and what for favour, the matter was winked at, and nothing said to it: only fair countenance was made to the duke, as though no malice had been conceived against him. But venem will break out, & inward grudge will soon appear, which was this year to all men apparent: for divers secret attempts were advanced forward this season against this noble man Humfrei● duke of Gloucester a far off, which in conclusion came so near, that they beereft him both of life and land; as shall hereafter more plainly appear.  
For first this year, dame Eleanor Cobham, wife to the said duke, was accused of treason; for that she by sorcery and enchantment intended to destroy the king, to the intent to advance her husband unto the crown. Upon this▪ 〈…〉 examined in saint stephan's chapel before the bishop of Canturburie, and there b● examination 〈…〉 open penance in three open plac●● within the city of London. [Polychronico● saith she was i●io●ied to go through ●●eapside 〈◊〉 taper in her hand] and after that adjudged to perpetual imprisonment in the isle of Man▪ 
.  under the k●●ping of sir john Stanley knight. At the same season ●ere arrested, ●●●eigned, and adjudged guilty, as aiders to th● duchess, Thomas line 10 Southwell priest, 〈◊〉 canon of S. stephan's at Westminster, john Hun priest, Roger Bolingbrooke a cunning necromancer (as it was said) and Margery jordeine, 
Alias john 〈◊〉.  surnamed the witch of Eye.  
The matter laid against them, was ●or that they (at the request of the said duchess) had devised an image of war, representing the king, which by their sorcery by little and little consumed, intending thereby in conclusion to waste and destroy the k●ngs person. Margery jordeine was burnt in Smit●field, and line 20 Roger Bolingbrooke was drawn to Taborne, and hanged and quartered▪ taking upon his death that there was never any such thing by them imagined. john Hun had his pardon, and Southwest died in the Tower the night before his execution: [for (saith Polychr.) he did prophesy of himself, 
〈◊〉. Fl.  that he should die in his bed, and not by justice.] The duke of Gloucester bore all these things patiently, 
King Edward the fourth borne.  〈◊〉 said little. Edward son to the duke of York was borne this year the nine and twentieth of April at Rone, his father line 30 being the king's lieutenant in Normandy. ¶ In this year was a great fray in Fléetstréet in the night time, 
A●r. Fl. A great fray by night.  between gentlemen of courts and inhabitants of London; insomuch that much blood was spilled, diverse slain outright, and some mortally wounded; besides great harm otherwise done and suffered.]  

Abr. Fl. ex ●a●ian. 438.  ¶ Upon the day of the translation of saint Edward, or the twelfth of October, upon which day the mayor and his brethren for the year following, and line 40 day when the commoners of the city, 
Tailor's malapertness at the election of an alderman.  after their ancient custom had chosen two aldermen, such as before had been sheriffs of London and of Middlesex, namely Robert Clopton draper, and Ralph Holland tailor and them presented by name unto the mayor and his brethren, then sitting in the utter chamber where the majors courts be kept, to the intent that the said mayor and his brethren might choose one of the said two, such as they thought most necessary and worshipful for the room; the said mayor and his brethren choosing Robert Clopton, brought him after line 50 down upon his right hand towards the hall. Whereof when certain tailors there present were aware, and saw that Ralph Holland was not chosen, anon they cried; Nay, nay: not this, but Ralph Holland. Wherewith the old mayor being astonished, stood still upon the stair, and commanded them to keep silence, and so held on his way to the east end of the hall, where he sat him down, and his brethren about him. In the mean time, the said tailors continued line 60 their cry, and incensed others of base tra●es of the city (as simple persons) to take their part, and to cry as fast as they, not proffering to cease their misrule for all that the mayor could say, no nor yet when the majors sergeant at arms had cried O●yes. Hereupon the mayor, to appease the rumour, sent down the sheriffs, and commanded them to take the offenders, and send them to the goal; which precept was fulfilled, & about twelve or sixteen of the principal committed to Newgate, where some of them abode a long time imprisoned; and others that were fined set at liberty. This is reported by Polychronicon, but in somewhat a differing manner. 
1442 ●nno Reg. 21. ]  
The council of England forgot not the late enterprise of the 〈◊〉 king, achieved in the duchy of of Given, and the refore doubting some other the like attempt, they se●t thither sir William Wood●●●● with eight hundred men, to strengthen the frontiers, and further, set forth a proclamation, that all men which would transport any corn, cheese, or other victuals thither, should pay no manner of custom or tallage: which 〈◊〉 caused the country of Aquitaine to be well furnished of all things necessary. About this season john the valiant lord Talbot for his approved prowess and wisdom, 
john lord Talbot created earl of Shrewesburie.  aswell in England as in France, both in peace & war so well tried, was ●reated earl of Sh●ewesburie, and with a company of three thousand men sent aga●ne into Normandy, for the better defence of the same.  
* This year died Lodow●ke 〈◊〉 ●ewes Lischburne, bishop of Elie, 
Fr. Thin.  being the five an● twentieth that intoied that place, year 1443 who came to the sam● after this manner. After the death of Philip Morgan bishop of that see, the monks of Elie chose for their pastor Robert ●●tz Hugh bishop of London▪ but he dying at saint O●ees before his confirmation, never possessed the honour thereof. Whereupon the king directed his letters to the covent of Elie, to make election of Thomas Rudburne (bishop of S. David's in Wales) for their bishop. But they contrary thereunto (taking it now for a custom, having so often used it before, as did well appear) made choice of Thomas Bourchier (borne of a noble house, son to the countess of Stafford, chancellor of Oxenford, and bishop of Worcester) to succeed Philip Morgan. Which Bourchier, the king (offended with the moonkes for the little regard had to his request) utterly refused, and would not admit him unto that place. Whereupon there were bulls procured from Eugenius the fourth (than bishop of Rome) which were sent into England to confirm the election of the said Bourchier.  
But he wisely fearing to fall into the dangerous statute of Premumre, durst not receive or execute the tenor of the pope's commandment. By reason whereof, lest the see might otherwise remain void, (if speedy remedy were not provided) the king did in commendam bestow the bishopric of Elie upon this Lodowick Lischburne archbishop of Rone, by office, Card. 4. Coronat. Cancellar. Franciae & Normanniae, and kinsman to the said king. Which done, Eugenius (when he saw no other remedy) did revoke his bulls made before to Thomas Bourchier, in the year of Christ 1437. This Lodowick remaining bishop six years and so many months, died in the year as before, the eighteenth of September, at his manor of Hatfield, whose bowels were buried in the said church: his hart was carried to Rone, and there honourably intoomed, and his body was committed to the earth, in the church of Elie, between two marble pillars next to the altar of the relics.]  
In this year died in Given the countess of Comings, to whom the French king and also the earl of Arminacke pretended to be heir, in so much that the earl entered into all the lands of the said lady. And because he knew the French king would not take the matte● well, to have a Roland for an O●●uer; he sent solemn ambassadors to the king of England, offering him his daughter in marriage, with promise to be bound (beside great sums of money, which he would give with her) to deliver into the king of England's hands, all such castles and towns, as he or his ancestors detained from him within any part of the duchy of Aquitaine, either by conquest of his progenitors, or by gift and delivery of any French king; and further to aid the same king with money for the recovery of other cities within the same duchy, from the French king; or from any other person that against king Henry unjustly kept, and wrongfully withholden them.  
This offer seemed so profitable and also honourable to king Henry and the realm, that the ambassadors were well heard, honourable received, and with rewards sent home into their country. 
The earl of Arminacks daughter affied unto king Henry.  After whom were sent for the conclusion of the marriage into Guien, sir Edward Hull, sir Robert Ros, and john Gralton dean of S. Severines', the which (as all the chronographers agree) both concluded the marriage, and by proxy affied the young lady. The French line 10 king not a little offended herewith, sent his ●ldest son jews the Dolphin of Uienne into Rovergue with a puissant army, 
The earl with his lady, his son and two daughters taken.  which took the earl and his youngest son, with both his daughters, and by force obtained the countries of Arminacke, Lowergne, Rovergue, and Moulessonois, beside the cities Severac & Cad●ac, chase the bastard of Arminacke out of his countries, and so by reason hereof, the concluded marriage was deferred, and that so long that it never took effect; as hereafter it may appear. line 20  
¶ In this year was an act made by authority of the common council of London, 
Abr. Fl. ex Fabian. 441.  that upon the sunday no manner of thing within the franchises and liberties of the said city should be bought or sold; neither victuals nor other thing. 
A law against bu●eng and selling on the sunday.  It was also enacted by the same common council with full consent, and ratified by the authority of the lawmakers, that no artificer or handicrafts man should bring his wares, commodities, or work, unto any person or persons to be worn or occupied on that day: because it was line 30 judged a foul profanation thereof. And people's minds given to covetousness, make no exception of times or places in a case of advantage and gain. In consideration whereof, and for the suppressing of this abuse, this law was ordained and made: the force whereof did principally extend to tailors and shoemakers (who as on that day bring home their garments and shoes to the parties for whom they are made) and likewise to all other occupations and trades. But this ordinance (saith mine author) was line 40 too good for so bad an age, and therefore died within a short time after the magistrate had given it life.  
¶ On Candlemas eve this year by lightning in a tempest that fell with claps of thunder at afternoon, 
Abr. Fl. ex Fabian. 441. & Polychr.  Paul's steeple was set on fire in the midst of the spear or shaft in the very timber work; which was quenched by the painfulness of diverse persons, 
Paul's steeple burnt.  and specially by the diligent labour of a priest of Bow in Cheap. Howbeit the same was thought unpossible to be quenched, but that the grace of God was line 50 chief worker in the same. This steeple hath diverse times been overthrown and defaced, partly by winds, and partly by lightning, as may be observed in the reading of this volume: yea when the same hath been repaired by the choicest workmen, and of the substantiallest stuff, and all means (that stood with the deep devise of man) used to make it so sure that it might continue, as a monument of perpetuity for posterity to wonder at and admire. But to return to the history. line 60  

Anno Reg. 22.  Whilst England was unquieted (as you have heard) and France by spoil, slaughter, and burning sore defaced (a mischief in all places much lamented) therefore to agree the two puissant kings, all the princes of christendom traveled so effectuously by their orators and ambassadors, 
The diet at Tours for a peace to be had between England and France.  that a diet was appointed to be kept at the city of Tours in Touraine; where for the king of England appeared William de la Poole earl of Suffolk, doctor Adam Molins' keeper of the kings privy seal, also sir Robert Ros, and divers other. And for the French king were appointed Charles duke of Orleans, jews de Bourbon earl of Uandosme, great master of the French kings household, Piers de Bresse steward of Poictou, and Bertram Beautian lord of Pr●signie.  
There were also sent thither ambassadors from the empire, from Spain, from Denmark, & from Hungary▪ to be mediators betwixt the two princes. The assembly was great, but the cost was much greater, insomuch that every part for the honour of their prince and praise of their country, set forth themselves, as well in fa●e as apparel, to the uttermost. Many meetings were had, and many things moved for a final pe●ce▪ but in conclusion, by reason of many doubts which rose on both parties, no full concord could be agreed upon; but in hope to come to a peace, a certain truce, as well by sea as by land, was concluded by the commissioners for eighteen months, 
A truce 〈◊〉 ● months.  which afterward again was prolonged to the year of our Lord 1449.  
In treating of this truce, the earl of Suffolk adventuring somewhat upon his commission, year 1444 without the assent of his associates, imagined, that the next way to come to a perfect peace, was to contrive a marriage between the French kings kinswoman, the lady Margaret daughter to Reiner duke of Anjou, and his sovereign lord king Henry. This Reiner duke of Anjou named himself king of Sicill, Naples, and jerusalem, having only the name and style of those realms; without any penny, profit, or foot of possession. This marriage was made strange to the earl at the first, and one thing seemed to be a great hindrance to it; which was, because the king of England occupied a great part of the duchy of Anjou, and the whole county of main, appertaining (as was alleged) to king Reiner.  
The earl of Suffolk (I cannot say) either corrupted with bribes, or too much affectioned to this unprofitable marriage, condescended, that the duchy of Anjou and the county of main should be delivered to the king the bride's father, demanding for her marriage neither penny nor farthing: as who would say, that this new affinity passed all riches, and excelled both gold and precious stones. And to the intent that of this truce might ensue a final concord, a day of interview was appointed between the two kings in a place convenient between Chartres and Rone. When these things were concluded, the earl of Suffolk with his company returned into England, where he forgot not to declare what an honourable truce he had taken, out of the which there was a great hope that a final peace might grow the sooner for that honourable marriage, which he had concluded, omitting nothing that might extol and set forth the parsonage of the lady, or the nobility of her kindred.  
But although this marriage pleased the king and diverse of his council, 
The 〈◊〉 misliked 〈◊〉 second 〈◊〉 of the king's marriage.  yet Humphrey duke of Gloucester protector of the realm was much against it, alleging that it should be both contrary to the laws of God, and dishonourable to the prince, if he should break that promise and contract of marriage, made by ambassadors sufficiently thereto instructed, with the daughter of the earl of Arminacke, upon conditions both to him and his realm, as much profitable as honourable. But the duke's words could not be heard, for the earls doings were only liked and allowed. So that for performance of the conclusions, the French king sent the earl of Uandosme, great master of his house, and the archbishop of Rheims first peer of France, and diverse other into England, where they were honourably received; and after that the instruments were once sealed and delivered on both parts, the said ambassadors returned again into their countries with great gifts and rewards.  
When these things were done, the king both for honour of his realm, and to assure to himself more friends, 
Creations of estates.  created john Holland earl of Huntingdon duke of Excester as his father was: Humphrey earl of Stafford was made duke of Buckingham: and Henry earl of Warwick was elected to the title of duke of Warwick, to whom the king also gave the castle of Bristol, with the isle of jerneseie, and Garneseie. Also the earl of Suffolk was made marquess of Suffolk, which marquess with his wife and many honourable personages of men and line 10 women richly adorned both with apparel & jewels, having with them many costly chariots and gorgeous horslitters, sailed into France for the conveyance of the nominated queen into the realm of England. For king Reiner her father, for all his long style had too short a purse to send his daughter honourably to the king her spouse.  
This noble company came to the city of Tours in Touraine, 
Anno Reg. 23. 1445  where they were honourably received both of the French king and of the king of Sicill. line 20 The marquess of Suffolk as procurator to king Henry, espoused the said lady in the church of saint martin's. At the which marriage were present the father and mother of the bride; the French king himself, which was uncle to the husband; and the French queen also, which was aunt to the wife. There were also the dukes of Orleans, of Calabre, of Alencon, and of Britain, seven earls, twelve barons, twenty bishops, beside knights and gentlemen. When the feast, triumph, banquets and justs were ended, the lady line 30 was delivered to the marquess, who in great estate conveyed her through Normandy unto deep, and so transported her into England, where she landed at Portesmouth in the month of April. This lady excelled all other, as well in beauty and favour, as in wit and policy, and was of stomach and courage more like to a man than a woman.  
Shortly after her arrival, she was conveyed to the town of Southwike in Hamshire, 

Margaret daughter to Reiner K. of Sicill & jerusalem married to Henry the sixth.  
Abr. Fl. ex Polychron.   where she with all nuptial ceremonies was coupled in matrimony line 40 to king Henry the sixth of that name. ¶ On the eighteenth of May she came to London, all the lords of England in most sumptuous sort meeting and receiving her upon the way, and specially the duke of Gloucester with such honour as stood with the dignity of his person. Now when she came to Blackheath, the mayor, aldermen, and men of occupations, in blue gowns embroidered with some devise▪ expressing their art and trades whereby to be known, did all show themselves, with congratulation line 50 of her coming; from whence they attended her to London, where with goodly pageants and sundry gallant historical shows in divers places erected, she was very magnifically welcomed. The manner and order of which pomp in sundry places exhibited to the high honour of the king, queen, & states, is very amply set forth by Fabian, pag. 423, 424, 425, 426, 427. Upon the thirtieth of May next following, she was crowned queen of this realm of England at Westminster, with all the solemnity line 60 thereto appertaining.]  
This marriage seemed to many both infortunate and unprofitable to the realm of England, and that for many causes. First, the king had not one penny with her; 
An ominous marriage.  and for the fetching of her, the marquess of Suffolk demanded a whole fifteenth in open parliament. And also there was delivered for her the duchy of Anjou, the city of Man's, and the whole county of main, which countries were the very stays and backestands to the duchy of Normandy. And furthermore, the earl of Arminacke took such displeasure with the king of England for this marriage, that he became utter enemy to the crown of England, and was the chief cause that the Englishmen were expelled out of the whole duchy of Aquitaine.  
But most of all it should seem, that God was displeased with this marriage: for after the confirmation thereof, the king's friends fell from him, both in England and in France, the lords of his realm fell at division, and the commons rebelled in such sort, that finally after many fields fought, and many thousands of men slain, the king at length was deposed, and his son killed, and this queen sent home again, with as much misery and sorrow as she was received with pomp and triumph: such is the instability of worldly felicity, and so wavering is false flattering fortune. Which mutation and change of the better for the worse could not but nettle and sting her with pensiveness, yea and any other person whatsoever, that having been in good estate, falleth into the contrary: whereto the saying of the poet giveth credit, in these few words following; 
Quem res plus nimio delectauère secundae, 
ovid. 2. de ar●.   
Mutatae quatiunt.   
This year, after the decease of Henry Chicheleie archbishop of Canturburie, succeeded john Stafford in that see, being translated from Bath and Wels. He was the threescore and one archbishop, as Polydore noteth. During the time of the truce, Richard duke of York and diverse other captains repaired into England, both to visit their wives, children, and friends, and also to consult what should be done, if the truce ended. 
Anno Reg. 24.  For the which cause a parliament was called, in the which it was especially concluded, that by good foresight Normandy might be so furnished for defence before the end of the truce, year 1446 that the French king should take no advantage through want of timely provision: for it was known, that if a peace were not concluded, 
The duke of Summerset made regent of Normandy, and the duke of York discharged.  the French king did prepare to employ his whole puissance to make open war. Hereupon money was granted, an army levied, and the duke of Summerset appointed to be regent of Normandy, and the duke of York thereof discharged.  
I have seen in a register book belonging sometime to the abbeie of saint Albon, that the duke of of York was established regent of France, after the decease of the duke of Bedford, to continue in that office for the term of five years; which being expired, he returned home, and was joyfully received of the king with thanks for his good service, as he had full well deserved in time of that his government: and further, that now when a new regent was to be chosen and sent over, to abide upon safeguard of the countries beyond the seas as yet subject to the English dominion, 
The duke of York appointed to the charge again.  the said duke of York was eftsoons (as a man most meet to supply that room) appointed to go over again, as regent of France with all his former allowances.  
But the duke of Summerset still maligning the duke of York's advancement, as he had sought to hinder his dispatch at the first when he was sent over to be regent, as before ye have heard: he likewise now wrought so, that the king revoked his grant made to the duke of York for enjoying of that office the term of other five years, and with help of William marquess of Suffolk obtained that grant for himself. 
The appointment disappointed, and pointed to the marquess of Suffolk.  Which malicious dealing the duke of York might so evil bear, that in the end the heat of displeasure burst out into such a flame, as consumed at length not only both those two noble personages, but also many thousands of others, though in divers times and seasons, as in places hereafter (as occasion serveth) it shall more evidently appear. But now to return to the parliament.  
The marquess of Suffolk, 
The marquess of Suffolk's request.  supposing all men had as well liked his doings (during the time of his legation in France) as himself, the second day of june in the first session of this parliament, in the higher house openly, eloquently, and boldly declared his pain, travel, and diligence sustained in his said legation, as well for the taking and concluding an abstinence of war, as in the making of the marriage; remembering them also that the said truce expired the first of April next, except a final peace, or a further truce were concluded in the mean season: and therefore he advised them to provide and foresee things necessary for the war (as though no concord should succeed) least happily the Frenchmen perceiving line 10 them unprovided, would take their advantage, and agree neither to peace nor amity; saying unto them further, that sith he had admonished the king and them according to his duty, if any thing happened otherwise than well, he was thereof innocent and guiltless, and had acquitted himself like a true and loving subject, and a faithful councillor, praying the lords to have it in remembrance.  
Likewise on the morrow after, he descended into the common house, accompanied with certain lords, line 20 and there declared the same matter to the knights, citizens, and burgesses, praying the commons for his discharge, that as well all his doings and proceedings in the king's affairs beyond the sea, as also his advertisement and counsel opened to the lords and commons now together assembled, might be by the king and them enacted and enrolled in the records of the parliament. Whereupon the next day after, the speaker William Burghleie, and the company of line 30 the lower house, repaired unto the king's presence, sitting amongst the lords of the upper house, & there humbly required that the request of the marquess might be granted. And so likewise the lords made the like petition kneeling on their knees, insomuch that the king condescended to their desires: and so the labours, demeanours, diligences, and declarations of the said marquess, together with the desires not only of the lords, but also of the commons, as well for the honour of him and his posterity, as for line 40 his acquittal and discharge, were enacted and enrolled in the records of the parliament.  

Th● marquess of Suffolk, chiefest in favour and authority with the king and queen.  By the queens means shortly after also was the said marquess advanced so in authority, that he ruled the king at his pleasure, and to his high preferment obtained the wardships both of the body and lands of the countess of Warwick, and of the lady Margaret sole heir to john duke of Summerset, which lady was afterward mother to king Henry the seventh: and besides that, caused the king to line 50 create john de Fois, son unto Gaston de Fois, earl of Longuile, and the Capdau de Beufe earl of Kendal, which john had married his niece, and by his procurement the king elected to the order of the garter the said Gaston, and john his son, giving to the son towards the maintenance of his degree, lands and castles, amounting to the sums of one thousand pounds, which lands, name, and style the issue and line of the said earl of Kendal at this day have and enjoy. line 60  
These things being thus in doing, the French king, seeing that the town of Man's was not delivered according to the appointment taken by force of the marriage, raised an army for to recover the same. Whereof the king of England being advertised (lest the breach of the truce should come by him) caused the town to be delivered without any force. This year was a great commotion in Norwich against the prior of the place. 
A commotion in Norwich.  At length the citizens opened the gates to the duke of Norfolk, who came thither to appease the matter, though at the first they would not suffer him to enter. The chief offenders were (according to their demerits) grievously punished and executed, and the mayor was discharged of his office, 
The libe●t●●s of Norwich seized into 〈◊〉 kings hands. Indirect means to reform wrongs.  and sir john Clifton was made governor there, until the king had restored the citizens to their ancient liberties. This commotion was begun for certain new exactions which the prior claimed and took of the citizens, contrary to their ancient freedom. But herein a wrong taken for getting of right was worthily corrected.  
¶ In the four and twentieth year of this king's reign, 
Abr. Fl. ex Fabian. 343. Polychron▪ Combats in cases of appeals touching treason.  the prior of Kilmaine appeached the earl of Ormond of treason. For trial whereof the place of combat was assigned in Smithfield, & the barriers for the same there ready pitched. Howbeit, in the mean time a doctor of divinity, named master Gilbert Worthington, parson of saint Andrews in Holborn, and other honest men, made such suit with diligent labour and pains-taking to the king's council, that when the day of combat approached, the quarrel was taken into the king's hands, and there ended. ¶ In the same year also, a certain armourer was appeached of treason by a servant of his own. 
Drunkenness the overthrow of right and manhood.  For proof whereof a day was given them to fight in Smithfield, insomuch that in conflict the said armourer was overcome and slain; but yet by misgoverning of himself. For on the morrow, when he should come to the field fresh and fasting, his neighbours came to him, and gave him wine and strong drink in such excessive sort, that he was therewith distempered, and réeled as he went, and so was slain without guilt. As for the false servant, he lived not long unpunished; for being convict of felony in court of assize, he was judged to be hanged, and so was, at Tyburn.  
Whilst the wars between the two nations of England & France ceased (by occasion of the truce) the minds of men were not so quiet, 
Anno Reg. 25.  but that such as were bend to malicious revenge, sought to compass their prepensed purpose, not against foreign foes and enemies of their country, but against their own country men, and those that had deserved very well of the commonwealth: and this specially for overmuch mildness in the king, who by his authority might have ruled both parts, and ordered all differences betwixt them, but that in deed he was thought too soft for governor of a kingdom. 
The description of the queen.  The queen contrariwise, a lady of great wit, and no less courage, desirous of honour, and furnished with the gifts of reason, policy, and wisdom; but yet sometime (according to her kind) when she had been fully bend on a matter, suddenly like a weather cock, mutable and turning.  
This lady disdaining that her husband should be ruled rather than rule, could not abide that the duke of Gloucester should do all things concerning the order of weighty affairs, lest it might be said, that she had neither wit nor stomach, which would permit and suffer her husband being of most perfect age, like a young pupil to be governed by the direction of an other man. Although this toy entered first into her brain through her own imagination, yet was she pricked forward to the matter both by such of her husband's counsel, as of long time had borne malice to the duke for his plainness used in declaring their untruth (as partly ye have heard) and also by counsel from king Reiner her father, advising that she and the king should take upon them the rule of the realm, and not to be kept under, as wards and mastered orphans.  
What needeth many words? 
The qué●●● taketh 〈◊〉 her the government▪ and dischargeth the 〈◊〉 of Gloceste●.  The queen persuaded by these means, first of all excluded the duke of Gloucester from all rule and governance, not prohibiting such as she knew to be his mortal foes to invent and imagine causes and gréefs against him and his, insomuch that by her procurement, diverse noble men conspired against him. Of the which diverse writers affirm the marquess of Suffolk, and the duke of Buckingham to be the chief, not unprocured by the cardinal of Winchester, and the archbishop of York. diverse articles were laid against him in open council, and in especially one; That he had caused men adjudged to die, 
The faint quarrel piked to the duke of Gloucester.  to be put to other execution, than the law of the land assigned. Surly the duke very well learned in the law civil, detesting malefactors, and punishing offences in severity of justice, got him hatred of such as feared condign reward line 10 for their wicked doings. And although the duke sufficiently answered to all things against him objected: yet because his death was determined, his wisdom and innocency nothing availed.  
But to avoid danger of tumult that might be raised, if a prince so well beloved of the people should be openly executed; his enemies determined to work their feats in his destruction, yer he should have any warning. For effecting whereof, a parliament was summoned to be kept at Berrie, year 1447 
A parliament at saint Edm●ndesburie.  whither resorted all line 20 the peers of the realm, and amongst them the duke of Gloucester; which on the second day of the session was by the lord Beaumond, then high constable of England, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, and others, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and all his servants sequestered from him, and thirty two of the chief of his retinue were sent to diverse prisons, to the great admiration of the people. The duke the night after he was thus committed to prison, 
The duke of Gloucester suddenly murdered.  being the four and twentieth of February, line 30 was found dead in his bed, and his body showed to the lords and commons, as though he had died of a palsy, or of an impostume.  

Ed●. Hall.  But all indifferent persons (as saith Hall) might well understand that he died of some violent death. Some judged him to be strangled, some affirm that an hot spit was put in at his fundament, other writ that he was smouldered between two featherbeds, and some have affirmed that he died of very grief, for that he might not come openly to his answer. line 40 His dead corpse was conveyed to saint Albon, and there buried. After his death, none of his servants suffered: although five of them, to wit, sir Roger Chamberline knight, Middleton, Herbert, Arteise esquires, and Richard Nedham gentleman, were arraigned, condemned, and drawn to Tyburn, where they were hanged, let down quick, and stripped to have been bowelled and quartered▪ but the marquess of Suffolk coming at that instant brought their pardons, 
A pardon at a pinch.  showed the same openly, and so their lives line 50 were saved.  

Dukes of Gloucester ●●fortunate.  Some think that the name and title of Gloucester hath been unlucky to diverse, which for their honours have been erected by creation of princes to that style and dignity, as Hugh Spenser, Thomas of Woodstoke, son to king Edward the third, and this duke Humfreie: which three persons by miserable death finished their days; and after them king Richard the third also, duke of Gloucester in civil war slain. So that this name duke of Gloucester is taken line 60 for an unhappy style, as the proverb speaketh of Seians horse, whose rider was ever unhorssed, & whose possessor was ever brought to misery. But surly, by the pitiful death of this noble duke and politic governor, the public wealth of the realm came to great decay, as by sequel here may more at large appear.  

W. P.  [Oft times it happeneth that a man in quenching of smoke, burneth his fingers in the fire:] so the queen in casting how to keep her husband in honour, and herself in authority, in making away of this noble man, brought that to pass, which she had most cause to have feared, which was the deposing of her husband, & the decay of the house of Lancaster, which of likelihood had not chanced if this duke had lived: for than durst not the duke of York have attempted to set forth his title to the crown, as he afterwards did, to the great trouble of the realm, and destruction of king Henry, and of many other noble men beside. This is the opinion of men, but God's judgements are unsearchable, against whose decree and ordinance prevaileth no human counsel.  
But to conclude of this noble duke: he was an upright and politic governor, bending all his endeavours to the advancement of the commonwealth, very loving to the poor commons, and so beloved of them again; learned, wise, full of courtesy, void of pride and ambition (a virtue rare in personages of such high estate) but where it is most commendable. But sith the praise of this noble man deserveth a large discourse, and meet for such as have cunning how to handle the same (sith the ornaments of his mind were both rare & admirable, the feats of chivalry by him commenced and achieved valiant and fortunate, his gravity in counsel, and soundness of policy profound and singular, all which with a train of other excellent properties linked together, require a man of manifold gifts to advance them according to their dignity) I refer the readers unto master Fox's book of Acts and Monuments. Only this I add, that in respect of his noble endowments, and his demeanour full of decency, which he daily used, it seemeth he might well have given this pretty poesy, Virtute duce non sanguine nitor.  
In this six and twentieth year of the reign of this king, but in the first of the rule of the queen, 
Anno Reg. ●6.  I find nothing done worthy of rehearsal within the realm of England; but that the marquess of Suffolk, by great favour of the king, & more desire of the queen, was erected to the title and dignity of duke of Suffolk, which he a short time enjoyed. 
marquess of Suffolk made duke.  For Richard duke of York being greatly allied by his wife to the chief peers and potentates of the realm, beside his own progeny, perceiving the king to be no ruler, but the whole burden of the realm to rest in direction of the queen, & the duke of Suffolk, began secretly to allure his friends of the nobility; 
The duke of York tempering about his title to the crown.  and privily declared unto them his title and right to the crown, and likewise did he to certain wise governors of diverse cities and towns. Which attempt was so politicly handled, and so secretly kept, that provision to his purpose was ready, before his purpose was openly published; and his friends opened themselves, yer the contrary part could them espy: for in conclusion all shortly in mischief burst out as ye may hereafter hear.  
During these doings, Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester, and called the rich cardinal, year 1448 departed out of this world, & buried at Westminster. He was son to john Duke of Lancaster, 
The death of the bishop of Winchester & his description.  descended of an honourable lineage, but borne in haste, more noble in blood than notable in learning, haughty in stomach, and high of countenance, rich above measure, but not very liberal, disdainful to his kin, and dreadful to his lovers, preferring money before friendship, many things beginning and few performing, saving in malice and mischief; his insatiable covetousness and hope of long life made him both to forget God, his prince, and himself. Of the getting of his goods both by power legantine, and spiritual bribery, I will not speak; but the keeping of them, which he chiefly gathered for ambitious purpose, was both great loss to his natural prince and native country: for his hidden riches might have well helped the king, and his secret treasure might have relieved the commonalty, when money was scant and charges great.  
[Of this catholic clerk such were the deeds, 
W. P.  that with king and each estate else (saith Polydor) the lighter was the loss, 
Lib. 23.  because as for his hat he was a prelate proud enough, so for a bishop was there a better soon set in his room. One William Patin, son and heir to Richard his father, and eldest brother to john that deceased dean of Chichester, and to Richard that lived and died at Baslo in Derbishire. This William was a person by parentage borne a gentleman, for virtue and learning first consecrate bishop of Winchester, then anon after for wisdom line 10 and integrity chosen lord chancellor of England: wherein his prudence made eminent, in warily wielding the weight of that office at those days, which were so dangerous for all estates to live in.  
His virtuous disposition was right apparent, and it were but by this the godly erection of that worthy work, Magdalene college in Oxford, a plot right aptly chosen out for study at first, with strength and workmanship soon after builded according, in proportion beautiful outward, and for use very commodious line 20 within, sorted into a fair mansion for the precedent, several and meet for a man to that office of worship and gravity, and also into other rooms for the fellows, officers, and younger students. Not without a virtuous remembrance of the very tenderlings, who might appear to be toward and teachable; whereof part to be trained up in the divine science of music justly reported in a distichon, that 
Gaudia si superûm res sit mortalibus ulla,  
Integra quae referat; musica sola refert: line 30  the use of it commendably serving by sweet harmony to praise God in church, and for delectable recreation to a gentlemanly mind any where else: and part of these young ones to be taught the grammar in a fair school well appointed therefore, out of which as out of a nursserie of it own, for supplement certain to keep full the number, these budlings at need from time to time to be duly derived and drawn.  
Now somewhat in casting upon this devout man's devise and compass; to consider the company of line 40 students there, that in several sciences and sundry professions are not a few; then their assigned studies and exercises in them, their steps in rising & reward for diligence, from the lowest logician to the highest degrees of doctrine in schools, their officers in house, their orders for governance in manners, in safeguard of health and help in sickness: and that chiefest is, the revenues certain for provision & maintenance of all, it may be a question not easy to answer: whether at first in this founder's meditation upon such a line 50 work were a mind more magnifike, or a more amplitude of ability after in so absolute a form to perform it, or else a profounder wisdom for perpetuity into so perfect an order in all points to have fixed it.  
It was a fashion at those days, long also afore, & since, from a learned spiritual man to take away the father's surname (were it never so worshipful or ancient) and give him for it the name of the town he was borne in: 
Bale.  and so was Richard Nottingham a learned friar minorite in king Edward the seconds line 60 days called of Nottingham where he was borne; john Olneie a learned monk in those days also, named of an Island wherein he was borne nigh Gloucester; of Barton in Lincolnshire one William Barton in Richard the seconds reign, for that time a famous doctor and chancellor of Oxford; Water Disse, of Disse in Suffolk a learned Carmelite friar, confessor to the duke and duchess of Lancaster in king Henry the fourth's reign; Richard Hampoole of a town in Yorkshire, a zealous doctor, and after a virtuous heremit in king Henry the sixts days.  
And after this sort many hundreds more that had their names so altered; as even in like manner unto this reverend prelate in the prime of his towardness was changed his father's surname Paten to Wainfléet of the town where he was borne in Lincolnshire: 
William W●●●fleet bishop 〈◊〉 Winchester, lord chancellor of England, founder of Magdel●● college in Oxford.  a matter right provable aswell by the records of the house there extant, as by a fair deed remaining among other his proper evidences, in the hands of the worshipful master Thomas Fanshaw esquire, the queens majesties remembrancer in the escheker at Westminster. And as the names of Germin, German, Germi, are but for one name though diversly wrested, and all to remember Germany, the country their ancestors came from; and also as jute, jud, and Chute, are all but for the race of jutes, 
An. Dom 44● Malmsbury.  one of the three first German nations that came in with Horsus and Hengist; and Caltrap, Caltrop and Calthorp was all but for Caldthorp (that signifieth a cold town) how ever it be otherwise wried: even so Paten, Patin, Patten, or Patent, is but a mention of the old Saxon name, that truly at first was Patan; of Pate, the sole of the foot, and thereof Patan to signify flat footed, as among the Latins they were called Plautus or Plancus: so Cicero of a chiche or tore; Nasones, Labiones and Labieni, well nosed and lipped; & many more after that sort in many tongues else so derived.  
That right many students skilful in the profoundest sciences and learned tongues, many venerable clerks, who in most weighty causes with singular wisdom, success and faith, have served their prince and country this college hath brought forth: hereto that many toward wits it still to have, hath had the good hap (which happily yet too it doth retain) may here with modesty a little be touched, neither to comparison that were contentious folly, nor yet to seek glory that cannot be but vain, but only in story to mind, how unto purposes virtuously devised and wisely pursued, God's goodness always giveth chéeving and thrift according.]  
¶ In this seven and twentieth year of king Henry's reign, as witness the English chronicles, 
Abr. Fl. et Fabian. 447.  a knight of France called sir jews de Bueill challenged an esquire of England, 
A combat upon trial of manhood between a French and an Englishman.  named Ralph Challons, to trial of certain feats of war. Hereupon (as was thought convenient) a day was appointed them to make proof thereof; the place also was assigned of their meeting, to wit, at a town in France called Maunt or mance, where the French king at the same time was personally present. But fortune (saith mine author) was to Challons so favourable, and leaned so much to his side, that he ran the French knight through with the point of his fatal spear: Huncilli finem lingua superba dedit.  
The English esquire seeing the infortunate event of this trial to fall to the shame of the challenger, was so far from reiossing at his overthrow, 
The compassion of the Englishman to his eni●●●.  that he was touched with christian compassion, & mourned for his enemy, for whom also he kept an obsequy as if he had been his own natural brother, and descended of the same parents. For which merciful motions of mind inwardly working, and outwardly appearing, he was of the king greatly commended. But doubtful it is, whether the other, if he had survived, and got the upper hand, would have had the like reverend care of the englishman's dead body, as to have vouchsafed it a solemn interrement.]  
As the affairs in France now were neither well looked to, nor the governors there well advised, 
Anno Reg. ●●.  an English captain called sir Francis Suriennes, 
Sir Francis Suriennes.  surnamed the Aragonois, of the country where he was borne, a man for his wit and activity admitted into the order of the garter, took by scaling suddenly in the night of the even of our lady day in Lent, a town on the frontiers of Normandy, belonging to the duke of Britain called Fougiers, 
Fougiers.  spoiling the same, and killing the inhabitants. The duke of Britain, being hereof advertised, sent word by the bishop of Rheims to the French king, beseeching him of his aid and counsel in the matter.  
The French king forthwith sent his carver john Havart, and john Cosinet one of the masters of his requests to the king of England: and to the duke of Summerset he dispatched Peter de Fonteins the master of his horse. To which messengers answer was made aswell by the king as the duke, that the fact was done without their knowledge. And for the line 10 truce to be kept, and not only restitution, but also amends to be made to the duke of Britain, a day of diet was appointed to be kept at Lowiers, where the commissioners on both parts being assembled, the Frenchmen demanded amends, with no small recompense. The Englishmen answered, that without offence, nothing by justice ought to be satisfied; affirming the doing of sir Francis Sureinnes to be only his act, without consent either of the king of England, or of the duke of Summerset his lieutenant line 20 and regent.  
But whiles with long delay they talked of this matter at Lowiers, certain Frenchmen by advertisement of a waggoner of Lowiers, 
Pont de Larch taken by the Frenchmen by a subtle sleight.  understanding that the town of Pont de Larch was but slenderly manned; the waggoner laded his waggon and passed forward, having in his company two strong varlets clad like carpentars, with great axes on their shoulders. And hereto le seigneur de Bresse with a chosen company of men of arms, lodged himself in ambushment line 30 near to the gate of S. Andrew, and captain Floquet, accompanied with sir james de Clerimont, and another great company privily lurked under a wood toward Lowiers. When all things were appointed for the purpose, early in a morning about the beginning of October, the waggoner came to the gate, and called the porter by name, praeing him to open the gate, that he might pass to Rone, and return again the same night.  
The porter (which well knew the voice of his customer) line 40 took little heed to the other two companions, and so opened the one gate, and sent another fellow of his to open the foremost gate. When the chariot was on the drawbridge between both the gates, the chariotmaister gave the porter money, and for the nonce let one piece fall on the ground: and while the porter stooped to take it up, the waggoner with his dagger struck him in at his throat, so that he cried for no help, and the two great lubbers slew the other porters, and with their axes cut the axeltrée of the waggon, so that the drawbridge could not be shortly line 50 drawn up. This done they made a sign to captain Floquet, which with all speed entered the town, slew and took all the Englishmen: and amongst other, the lord Fauconbridge captain of the said town was taken prisoner. The loss of this place was of no small importance, being the very key and passage over the river of Seine, from France into Normandy, being distant from Rone only four leagues. line 60  
When request was made to have it restored again to the Englishmen, answer was made, that if they restored, to the duke of Britain, the town of Fougieres with condign amends for the damages done there, the town of Pont Larch should then be again delivered, or else not. And shortly after, in hope of like success the French king assembled an army, and dividing the same in three parts, got by surrender (after sundry assaults, and loss of diverse of his men) the towns of Lowiers, & Gerborie, whereof William Harper was captain. Also the town, castle, and great tower of Uerneveill in Perch were rendered into the French kings hands, after twenty days of respite granted, to see if rescues would have come. The French writers affirm the town to be taken by assault.  
Thus was the war renewed before the term of truce fully expired, 
The wars renewed before the end of the truce.  & the English captains brought to their wit's end, what with appeasing daily rumours within the towns; and what with study how to recover castles lost and taken: for while they studied how to keep and defend one place, four or five other turned to the French part. The chief cause of which revolting was, for that it was blown abroad through France, how the realm of England, after the death of the duke of Gloucester by the several factions of princes was divided in two parts; and that William de la Poole lately created duke of Suffolk, and diverse other, which were the occasion of the said duke of Glocesters' death, vexed and oppressed the poor people, so that men's minds were not intentive to outward affairs: but all their study given to keep off wrongs offered at home.  
The king little regarding the matter, & the queen led by evil counsel, rather furthered such mischiefs as daily began to grow by civil discord, than sought to reform them: so that the Normans and Gascoignes understanding in what state things stood here, turned to the French part, as hereafter it may appear. About the same time also, 
A rebellion in Ireland.  began a new rebellion in Ireland; but Richard duke of York being sent thither to appease the same, so assuaged the fury of the wild and savage people there, that he won him such favour amongst them, as could never be separated from him and his lineage, which in the sequel of this history may more plainly appear.  
The Frenchmen, 
The English lose all in France.  having perfect understanding of the unreadiness of the realm of England, displayed their banners, and set forth their armies, and in short space got (by yielding) Constance, guysor's, castle Galliard, Ponteau de Mere, saint Lo, Festampe, Newcastle, Tonque, Mauleon, Argenton, Lisieux, and diverse other towns and places within the country of Normandy. Likewise in Guien was the town of Maulisson rendered to the earl of Fois. These towns were not yielded voluntarily by the English soldiers: but they were compelled thereto by the inhabitants of the towns, which having intelligence of the feeble estate of the realm of England, rose against the captains, opened the gates to the enemies, or constrained them to render upon composition. By which enforcement was the rich city of Rone delivered: 
Rone yielded to the French men.  for surly the duke of Summerset and the earl of Shrewesburie had well kept that city, if they had been no more vexed with the citizens, than they were with their enemies.  
For after that the French king had given summons to the city, the inhabitants streightwaies did not only devise which way they might betray the city, but also put on armour, and rebelled openly against their captains: who perceiving the untruth of them, and their own danger, retired into the castle or palace, where (for a certain space) with arrows & handguns they sore molested the untrue citizens. But at length, 

Harflue besieged.  
Sir Thomas Curson.   understanding the great puissance of the French king at hand, and despairing of all aid and succour, they yielded upon condition; that with all their goods and armour they should safely departed to Caen, and that certain towns should be delivered by a day. And till the same towns were rendered, the earl of Shrewsburie and the lord Butler, son to the earl of Ormond, were left behind as pledges, which were sent to the castle of Eureux, because they sore feared the malice of the citizens of Rone.  
The Frenchmen, following the success in hand, came to Harflue, and fiercely assaulted the walls: but by the high prowess and undaunted valiancy of the captain, sir Thomas Curson, they were to their great loss manfully by him repelled, and beaten. The Frenchmen learning wit by this great peril, left their scaling, and devised daily how to batter the walls, & make the breaches reasonable for them to enter. This siege long continued to the great loss of both parties. 
Harflue yielded to the French.  When sir Thomas Curson saw no likelihood of gain, but great appearance of present loss, he fell at composition with the enemies, and so departed with all his goods. After which town rendered, 
Anno Reg. 28.  the fortress of Hunflue was upon like composition yielded. And beside these towns surrendered line 10 in Normandy, the duke of Britain recovered again Fougiers, saint james de Bewron, and diverse other.  
year 1450 In the mean season the king of England sent into Normandy (with a new supply of a thousand five hundred men) a right valiant captain called sir Thomas Kiriell, 
Sir Thomas Kiriell with a new band into France.  who joining himself with other English captains recovered the towns of Lisieux and Ualongnes, and having with him power sufficient (as he took it) to keep the fields, he departed the line 20 twelve of April from Ualongnes, meaning to pass towards Baieux, and after to Caen. But the eightéenth day of the same month, he was encountered at a place called Formignie betwixt Carenten and Baieux, by the earl of Clerimont, & other Frenchmen with Scots. At the first onset, the Englishmen received their enemies with such manhood, that the Frenchmen were driven back, and the Englishmen took from them two culverins. line 30  
But yet in the end, by the coming of the constable of France, Arthur de Britain earl of Richmond, who brought with him two hundred or twelve score men of arms, and an eight hundred archers or demilances, the Englishmen were discomfited, put to flight, 
The English men overthrown at Formignie.  and slain, to the number of three thousand, seven hundred, three score and thirteen, as Enguerant noteth, beside prisoners, of whom there were diverse personages of account, as the said sir Thomas Kiriell himself, sir Henry Norberie, sir Thomas line 40 Drew, sir Thomas Kirklie, Christopher Auberton, Arpell, Helice, Alengour, jennequin, Uacquier, Gobart, Caleville, and sundry other. Sir Robert Ueer, and sir Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough that valiant Welshman, and many other escaped so well as they might, some to Baieux, some to Caen, and other to other places as best they could.  
After this overthrow obtained, the French king assembled an army royal, and coming before Caen, 
Caen besieged and yielded to the French.  besieged it on all sides: and after making his approaches, line 50 fiercely assaulted the walls. But the duke of Summerset, and the other captains within the town, manfully withstood their enemies, showing both force and great policy in defending and beating back the assailants. The French king, perceiving he could not prevail that way, sent for all his great ordinance to Paris, which being brought, he daily shot at the walls, and did some hurt: but to the castle which stood on a rock, and in it a dungeon unable to be beaten down, he did no harm at all. line 60  
Though the duke of Summerset was the king's lieutenant, yet sir David Hall, as captain of this town for his master the duke of York owner thereof, took upon him the chief charge. Sir Robert Uéer was captain of the castle, and sir Henry Radford captain of the dungeon. Daily the shot was great, but more terrible than hurtful: saving on a day a stone shot into the town, fell between the duchess of Summerset, and her children, which being amazed with this chance, besought her husband kneeling on her knees, to have mercy and compassion of his small infants, and that they might be delivered out of the town in safeguard. Which entreaty made with tears and submission, what ear could but listen to, what heart but yearn at; unless both ear and heart were made of flint or marble, or hewn out of a hard rock, and so void of all passions, of all remorse, of all affections belonging to humanity?  
The duke pitiful, moved with the sorrow of his wife, and love of his children, rendered the town against the mind of sir David Hall, whose counsel and faithful diligence (in acquitting himself to answer the trust committed to him by his master) if others had followed; the French had sustained more travel and loss, yer they should have so easily attained their purpose. The conditions of the surrender were, that the duke of Summerset and his might departed in safeguard with all their goods and substance. Sir David Hall with diverse of his trusty friends departed to Chierburgh, and from thence sailed into Ireland to the duke of York, 
The irreconcilable hate between the two dukes.  making relation to him of all these doings, which thing kindled so great a rancour in the duke's heart and stomach, that he never left persecuting the duke of Summerset, until he had brought him to his fatal end & confusion. Such is the nature of rancour and malice, of wrath and anger, which furthereth the hands even of weaklings, on them to wreak their teen, with whom they are offended & pricked to revengement, as the poet saith: Quaslibet infirmas adiwat ira manus.  
After the obtaining of Caen, the earl of Clerimont besieged the city of Lisieux, whereof was captain Matthew 
* Goche.  Gough with three hundred Englishmen, who in the end delivered that town, upon condition, that he and his people might departed to Chierburgh. Then was Falais besieged, whereof were captains for the earl of Shrewsburie (that was the owner) Andrew Trollop, and Thomas Cotton esquires, who being in despair of all succours, agreed to deliver it upon two conditions. The one was, that the earl their master, which remained in pledge for the performance of certain appointments, concluded at the delivery of Rone (as ye have hard) should be set at liberty. The other, that if they were not rescued within twelve days, that then they and theirs should departed with armour, and all their goods movable, whither it pleased them.  
At the day appointed, the town was rendered, and so likewise was the town of Dampfront upon the semblable agreement. Now rested only English the town of Chierburgh, whereof was captain one Thomas Gonuille, which surly as long as victuals and munition served, defended the town right manfully: but without hope of repair, consumed, and he else destitute of all comfort and aid, upon a reasonable composition, yielded the town, and went to Calis, where the duke of Summerset and many other Englishmen then sojourned. Thus was Normandy lost clearly out of the Englishmen'S hands, 
All Normandy lost.  after it had continued in their possession the space of thirty years by the conquest of Henry the fift.  
In this duchy were an hundred strong towns and fortresses, able to be kept and holden, 
The state of it.  beside them which were destroyed by the wars; and in the same is one archbishoprike, and six bishoprics. Some say that the Englishmen were not of puissance either to man the towns, as they should have been; 
The causes of the loss.  or to inhabit the country, which was the cause they could not keep it. Other say, that the duke of Summerset for his own peculiar lucre, kept not half the number of soldiers for which he was appointed and allowed, but put the wages in his purse. 
The mortal mischief of malice and division ●nd realm.  But the chief and only cause undoubtedly, was the division within the realm, every great man desiring rather to be revenged on his foe at home, than on the common enemy abroad, as by that which followeth you may plainly perceive.  
[For whilst the French thus triumphed in Normandy, 
Anno Reg 2●. W. P.  three cruel enemies among many (as by civil war and sedition ensuing appeared) sore urged the utter ruin of this ream at home. One was presumption in governance, by some that were most unmeet to rule, as the queen with her privy counsellors and minions; then the deadly malice and pride, with insatiable covetise in the states both spiritual and temporal: and lastly the general grudge of the people, for the universal smart that through misgovernment every where they suffered; who thus forweried with the poise of burdens too heavy for them line 10 any longer to bear.]  
Herewith perceiving how (through want of provident wisdom in the governor) all things went to wrack, as well within the realm as without; they began to make exclamation against the duke of Suffolk, 
The commons 〈◊〉 against the duke of Suffolk.  charging him to be the only cause of the delivery of Anjou, and main, the chief procuror of the duke of Glocesters' death, the very occasion of the loss of Normandy, the swallower up of the line 20 kings treasure, the remoover of good and virtuous councillors from about the prince, and the advancer of vicious persons, and of such as by their doings showed themselves apparent adversaries to the commonwealth.  
The queen hereat doubting not only the duke's destruction, but also her own confusion, caused the parliament before begun at the Blackfriers, 
The parliament adjourned from London to Leicester, and from thence to Westminster.  to be adjourned to Leicester, thinking there, by force and rigour of law, to suppress and subdue all the malice and line 30 evil will conceived against the duke & her. At which place few of the nobility would appear: wherefore it was again adjourned to Westminster, where was a full appearance. In the which session the commons of the neither house put up to the king and the lords many articles of treason, 
Edw. H●ll.  misprision, and evil demeanour, against the duke of Suffolk: the effect whereof with his answers here ensueth.  

Articles proponed by the commons line 40 against the duke of Suffolk.  
line 1 FIrst they alleged that he had traitorously excited, provoked, and counseled john earl of Dunois bastard of Orleans, Bertram lord Presignie, William Cosinet, enemies to the king, and friends and ambassadors to Charles, calling himself French king, to enter into this realm; and to levy war line 50 against the king and his people, to the intent to destroy the king and his friends, and to make john his son king of this realm, marrying him to Margaret, sole heir to john duke of Summerset, pretending and declaring her to be next heir inheritable to the crown, for lack of issue, of the king's body lawfully begotten.  
2 Item, the said duke, being of the kings privy and near council, alured by great rewards and line 60 fair promises, made by the said earl of Dunois, caused the king to deliver and set at liberty, Charles duke of Orleans, enemy to the king, and the kings noble father: which deliverance was prohibited by express words, in the last will of the kings most victorious father.  
3 Item, that before the departing of the said duke of Orleans, the aforenamed duke of Suffolk traitorously fast cleaving to Charles called the French king, counseled, provoked, and enticed the said duke of Orleans; to move the same king to make war against England, both in France and Normandy. According to which procurement & counsel, the said French king hath recovered the whole realm of France, and all the duchy of Normandy, and taken prisoners the earl of Shrewesburie, the lord Fauconbridge, and many other valiant captains. ¶ These three articles aforenamed he denied, either for fact or thought.]  
4 Further it was alleged, that he being ambassador for the king of England, to Charles calling himself the French king, promised to Reiner king of Sicill, and to Charles d'Angiers his brother, enemies to the king, the release of Anjou, with the deliverance of the county of main, and the city of Maunt or Man's, without the knowledge of the other ambassadors with him accompanied. Which promise, after his return, he caused to be performed, to the king's disinheritance and loss irrecoverable, and to the strength of his enemies, and feeblishment of the duchy of Normandy. ¶ To this article he answered, that his commission was to conclude, and do all things according to his discretion, for the obtaining of a peace: & because without delivery of those countries, he perceived that the truce could not be obtained, he agreed to the release and deliverance of them.]  
5 Also they had great cause to judge by the sequel, that the said duke being in France in the king's service, and one of the priviest of his council there, traitorously declared and opened to the captains and conductors of war, appertaining to the king's enemies, the king's counsel, purveyance of his armies, furniture of his towns, & all other ordinances, whereby the king's enemies (instructed aforehand by his traitorous information) have gotten towns and fortresses, and the king by that means deprived of his inheritance.  
6 Item, the said duke declared to the earl of Dunois, to the lord Presignie, and William Cos●net ambssadours for the French king lying in London, the privities of the king's council, both for the provision of further war, and also for the defence of the duchy of Normandy: by the disclosing whereof, the Frenchmen knowing the king secrets, defeated the king's appointments, and they obtained their purpose.  
7 Item, that the said duke, at such time as the king sent ambassadors to the French king, for the entreating of peace, traitorously before their coming to the French court, certified king Charles of their commission, authority, and instructions: by reason whereof, neither peace nor amity succeeded, and the king's inheritance lost, and by his enemies possessed.  
8 Item, the same duke said openly in the starchamber before the lords of the council, that he had as high a place in the council-house of the French king, as he had there: and was as well trusted there as here, and could remove from the French king the priviest man of his council, if he would.  
9 Item, when armies have been prepared, and soldiers ready waged to pass over the sea, to deal with the king's enemies: the said duke, corrupted by rewards of the French king, hath restrained & stayed the said armies to pass any further.  
10 Item, the said duke being ambassador for the king, comprised not in the league (as the king's allies) neither the king of Arragon, neither the duke of Britain: but suffered them to be comprised on the contrary part. By reason whereof, the old amity of the K. of Arragon is estranged from this realm, and the duke of Britain became enemy to the same: Giles his brother, the kings sure friend, cast in strong prison, and there like to end his days.]   
All these objections he utterly denied▪ or faintly avoided: but none fully excused. diverse other crimes were laid to his charge, as enriching himself with the king's goods and lands, gathering together and making a monopoly of offices, fees, wards, and farms, by reason whereof, the king's estate was greatly diminished and decayed, and he and his kin highly exalted & enriched: with many other points, which because they be not notable nor of great force or strength, I omit and overpass.  
The queen, which entirely loved the duke, doubting some commotion and trouble to arise, if he were line 10 let go unpunished, 
The duke of Suffolk committed to the Tower.  caused him for a colour to be committed to the Tower: where he remained not passed a month, but was again delivered and restored to the king's favour, as much as ever he was before. This doing so much displeased the people, that if politic provision had not been, great mischief had immediately ensued. For the commons in sundry places of the realm assembled together in great companies, 
Bluebeard captain of the rebels.  and chose to them a captain, whom they called Bluebeard: but yer they had attempted any enterprise, line 20 their leaders were apprehended; & so the matter pacified without any hurt committed.  
After this outrage thus assuaged, the parliament was adjourned to Leicester, whither came the king and queen in great estate, and with them the duke of Suffolk as chief councillor. The commons of the lower house, not forgetting their old grudge, besought the king, that such persons as assented to the release of Anjou, and deliverance of main, might be duly punished. And to be privy to that fact, they line 30 accused as principal, the duke of Suffolk, with john bishop of Salisbury, and sir james Fines, lord Say, and diverse others. When the king perceived that there was no remedy to appease the people's fury by any colourable ways, shortly to pacify so long an hatred, he first sequestered the lord Say being treasurer of England, and other the duke's adherents from their offices and rooms, and after banished the duke of Suffolk, as the abhorred road and common noyance of the whole realm, for term of line 40 five years, meaning by this exile to appease the malice of the people for the time, and after (when the matter should be forgotten) to revoke him home again.  
But God's justice would not that so ungracious a person should so escape: for when he shipped in Suffolk, intending to transport himself over into France, he was encountered with a ship of war, appertaining to the duke of Excester, constable of the Tower of London, called the Nicholas of the Tower. The captain of that bark with small fight line 50 entered into the duke's ship, and perceiving his person present, 
The wretched death of the duke of Suffolk.  brought him to Dover road, and there on the one side of a cock boat caused his head to be stricken off, and left his body with the head lying there on the sands. Which corpse being there found by a chaplain of his, was conveyed to Wingfield college in Suffolk, and there buried. This end had William de la Poole duke of Suffolk, as men judge by God's providence; for that he had procured the death of that good duke of Gloucester, as before is line 60 partly touched.  
Soon after an other disquiet befell here. Those that favoured the duke of York, and wished the crown upon his head, for that (as they judged) he had more right thereto than he that ware it, procured a commotion in Kent on this manner. A certain young man of a goodly stature and right pregnant of wit, 
jacke Cades rebellion in Kent.  was enticed to take upon him the name of john Mortimer confine to the duke of York (although his name was john Cade, or (of some) john Mend-all) [an Irishmen as Polychronicon saith] and not for a small policy, thinking by that surname, that those which favoured the house of the earl of March would be assistant to him. And so in deed it came to pass (as in such cases there is no breeder of a broil but he shall find adherents enough, no less forward to further his pernicious enterprise by their foolhardiness, than himself was in the plot of his devise) though in fine (as it is the unlucky lot of such tumults) their attempts were withstood, and their offence duly rewarded, as in process of the story shall more at large appear; according to the wiseman's sentence: Saepe in magistrum scelera redeunt sua.  
This captain assembling a great company of tall personages, assured them, that the enterprise which he took in hand, was both honourable to God and the king, and profitable to the whole realm. For if either by force or policy they might get the king and queen into their hands, he would cause them to be honourably used, and take such order for the punishing and reforming of the misdemeanours of their bad councillors, that neither fiftéens should hereafter be demanded, nor once any impositions or taxes be spoken of. The Kentish people moved at these persuasions & other fair promises of reformation, in good order of battle (though not in great number) came with their captain unto the plain of Blackeheath, between Eltham and Gréenewich, and there kept the field more than a month, pilling the country about; to whom the city of London at that time was very favourable. 
Abr. Fl. e● I. S. 653.  ¶ And the said captain (as I find recorded saith john Stow) sent for such citizens of London as it pleased him to command to repair unto him, under letters of safe conduct, as followeth.  

The safeguard and sign manuel of the captain of Kent, sent to Thomas Cock draper of London, by the captain of the great assembly in Kent.  
BY this our writing insealed, we grant & will permit truly, that Thomas Cock of London draper, shall come in good surety and in safeguard to our presence, without any hurt of his person▪ and so avoid from us again at his pleasure, with all other persons assigned at his denomination with him coming in likewise.   

The commandment by the captain of Kent, sent unto Thomas Cock above said.  
FOr your instruction, first ye shall charge all Lumbards' and stranger's, being merchants, Genowais, Uenetians, Florentines, and others, this day to draw them together, and to ordain for us the captain, twelve harnesses complete of the best fashion, four & twenty brigandins, twelve battle axes, twelve glaives, six horses with saddle and bridle completlie harnessed, and a thousand marks of ready money. And if this our demand be not observed & done, we shall have the heads of as many as we can get of them.   
And to the intent the cause of this glorious captains coming thither, might be shadowed under a cloak of good meaning (though his intent nothing so) he sent unto the king an humble supplication, affirming that his coming was not against his grace, but against such of his councillors, as were lovers of themselves, and oppressors of the poor commonalty; flatterers of the king, and enemies to his honour; suckers of his purse, and robbers of his subjects; partial to their friends, and extreme to their enemies: through bribes corrupted, and for indifferency doing nothing. ¶ Here, because a full report of this insurrection may pass to the knowledge of the readers; 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉 654, 655, 6●6, 657, etc.  it is necessary to set down the articles of the commons complaints touching the premises, line 10 whereof a copy was sent to the parliament then holden at Westminster, with their bill of requests concerning abuses to be reform.  

The complaint of the commons of Kent, and causes of their assembly on the Blackheath.  
line 1 INprimis, it is openly noised that Kent line 20 should be destroyed with a royal power, & made a wild forest, for the death of the ●uke of Suffolk, of which the commons of ●ent thereof were never guilty.  
2 Item, the king is stirred to live only on his commons, and other men to have the revenues of the crown, the which hath caused poverty in his excellency, and great payments of the people, now late to the king granted in his parliament.  
3 Item, that the lords of his royal blood been line 30 put from his daily presence, and other mean persons of lower nature exalted and made chief of his privy council, the which stoppeth matters of wrongs done in the realm from his excellent audience, and may not be redressed as law will; but if bribes and gifts be messengers to the hands of the said council.  
4 Item, the people of this realm be not paid of debts owing for stuff and purveyance taken to the use of the king's household, in undoing of the said people, line 40 and the poor commons of the realm.  
5 Item, the kings menial servants of household, and other persons, asken daily goods and lands, of impeached or indicted of treason, the which the king granteth anon, yer they so endangered be convicted. The which causeth the receivers thereof to inforge labours and means applied to the death of such people, so appeached or indicted, by subtle means, for covetise of the said grants: and the people so impeached or indicted, though it be untrue, may not be committed line 50 to the law for their deliverance, but held still in prison▪ to their uttermost undoing & destruction, for covetise of goods.  
6 Item, though diverse of the poor people and commons of the realm, have never so great right, truth, and perfect title to their land: yet by untrue claim of infeoffement made unto diverse states, gentles, and the kings menial servants in maintenances against the right, the true owners dare not hold, claim, nor pursue their right. line 60  
7 Item, it is noised by common voices, that the king's lands in France been aliened and put away from the crown, and his lords and people there destroyed with untrue means of treason; of which it is desired, inquiries through all the realm to be made how and by whom; & if such traitors may be found guilty, them to have execution of law without any pardon, in example of others.  
8 Item, collectors of the fifteenth penny in Kent be greatly vexed and hurt, in paying great sums of money in the excheker, to sue out a writ called Quorum nomina, for the allowance of the barons of the ports, which now is desired, that hereafter in the am of the collectors, the barons aforesaid may sue it out for their ease at their own costs.  
9 Item, the sheriffs and undershiriffes let to farm their offices and bailiwickes, taking great surety therefore, the which causeth extortions done by them and by their bailiffs to the people.  
10 Item, simple and poor people that use not hunting, be greatly oppressed by indictements feigned & done by the said sheriffs, undershiriffes, bailiffs, and other of their assent, to cause their increase for paying of their said farm.  
11 Item, they return in names of inquests in writing into diverse courts of the king not summoned nor warned, where through the people daily lose great sums of money, well nigh to the uttermost of their undoing: and make levy of amercements called the green wax, more in sums of money than can be found due of record in the king's books.  
12 Item, the ministers of the court of Dover in Kent vex and arrest diverse people through all the shire out of Castle ward, passing their bounds and liberty used of old time, by diverse subtle and untrue means and actions falsely feigned, taking great fees at their lust in great hurt of the people on all the shire of Kent.  
13 Item, the people of the said shire of Kent, may not have their free election in the choosing of knights of the shire: but letters been sent from diverse estates to the great rulers of all the country, the which embraceth their tenants and other people by force to choose other persons than the commons will is.  
14 Item, whereas knights of the shire should choose the king's collectors indifferently without any bribe taking, they have sent now late to diverse persons, notifieng them to be collectors: whereupon gifts and bribes be taken, & so the collectors office is bought and sold extortionouslie at the knight's lust.  
15 Item, the people be sore vexed in costs and labour, called to the sessions of peace in the said shire, appearing from the furthest and uttermost part of the west unto the east; the which causeth to some men five days journey: whereupon they desire the said appearance to be divided into two parts; the which one part, to appear in one place; an other part, in an other place; in relieving of the grievances and intolerable labours & vexations of the said people.   

The requests by the captain of the great assembly in Kent.  
INprimis, desireth the captain of the ●ommons, the welfare of our sovereign ●ord the king, and all his true lords spiritual and temporal, desiring of our said sovereign lord, and of all the true lords of his council, he to take in all his domains, that he may reign like a king royal, according as he is borne our true and christian king anointed: and who so will say the contrary, we all will live and die in the quarrel as his true liege men.  
Item, desireth the said captain, that he will avoid all the false progeny and affinity of the duke of Suffolk, the which been openly known, and they to be punished after the custom and law of this land, and to take about his noble person the true lords of his royal blood of this his realm, that is to say, the high and mighty prince the duke of York, late exiled from our said sovereign lords presence (by the motion and stirring of the traitorous and false disposed the duke of Suffolk and his affinity) and the mighty princes & dukes of Excester, Buckingham, and Norfolk, and all the earls and barons of this land: and then shall he be the richest king christian.  
Item, desireth the said captain and commons punishment unto the false traitors, the which contrived and imagined the death of the high, mightful and excellent prince the duke of Gloucester, the which is too much to rehearse; the which duke was proclaimed as traitor. Upon the which quarrel, we purpose all to live and die upon that that it is false.  
Item, the duke of Excester, our holy father the cardinal, the noble prince the duke of Warwick, and also the realm of France, the duchy of Normandy, Gascoigne, and Guion, Anjou, and main, were delivered and lost by the means of the said traitors; line 10 and our true lords, knights, and esquires, and many a good yeoman lost and sold yer they went, the which is great pity to hear, of the great and grievous loss to our sovereign lord and his realm.  
Item, desireth the said captain and commons, that all extortions used daily among the common people, might be laid down, that is to say, the green war; the which is falsely used, to the perpetual destruction of the kings true commons of Kent. Also the king's Bench, the which is too gréefefull to the shire line 20 of Kent, without provision of our sovereign lord and his true council. And also in taking of wheat and other grains, beef, mutton, & all other victuals, the which is importable to the said commons, without the brief provision of our said sovereign lord and his true council, they may no longer bear it. And also unto the statute of labourers, and the great extortioners, the which is to say the false traitors, Sleg, Cromer, Isle, and Robert Est.   
These bills when the council had well perused, they did not only disallow and condemn them and the authors, as proud and presumptuous; but also persuaded the king rather to suppress those rebels by force, than by fair promises. Whereupon the king removed from Westminster unto G●eenewich, from whence he would have sent certain lords with a power to have distressed the Kentishmen, but the men said to their lords they would not fight against them that laboured to amend the commonweal: line 40 wherefore the lords were driven to leave their purpose. And because the Kentishmen cried out against the lord Say the kings chamberline, he was by the king committed to the Tower of London. Then went the king again to London, 
King Henry went against the Kentishmen with a great power.  & within two days after went against the Kentishmen with fifteen thousand men well prepared for the war: but the said Kentishmen fled the night before his coming into the wood country near unto Senocke. Whereupon the king returned again to London. line 50  
The queen (that bare rule) being of his retreat advertised, sent sir Humfreie Stafford knight, and William his brother, with many other gentlemen, to follow the Kentishmen, thinking that they had fled: but they were deceived, for at the first skirmish both the Staffords were slain, 
The stafford's slain at Senocke by jacke Cade.  & all their company discomfited. The king's army by this time comen to Blackheath, hearing of this discomfiture, began to murmur amongst themselves: some wishing the duke of York at home to aid the captain his cousin: line 60 s●me undutifully coveting the overthrow of the king and his council: other openly crying out on the queen and her complices.  
This rumour published abroad, caused the king and certain of his council (for the appeasing thereof) to commit the lord Say treasurer of England to the Tower of London; and if other (against whom like displeasure was borne) had been present, they had been likewise committed. jacke Cade upon victory against the Staffords, appareled himself in sir Humfries brigan●ine set full of guilt nails, and so in some glory returned again toward London; diverse idle and vagrant persons out of Sussex, Surreie and other places, still increasing his number. Thus this glorious captain, guarded with a multitude of rustical people, came again to the plain of Blackheath, & there strongly encamped himself: to whom were sent from the king, the archbishop of Canturburie, and Humphrey duke of Buckingham, to common with him of his griefs and requests.  
These lords found him sober in talk, wise in reasoning, arrogant in hart, and stiff in opinion; as who that by no means would grant to dissolve his army, except the king in person would come to him, and assent to the things he would require. The K. upon the presumptuous answers & requests of this villainous rebel, beginning as much to doubt his own menial servants, as his unknown subjects (which spared not to speak, that the captains cause was profitable for the commonwealth) departed in all haste to the castle of Killingworth in Warwikeshire, leaving only behind him the lord Scales to keep the Tower of London. The Kentish captain being advertised of the king's absence, came first into Southwark, and there lodged at the white hart, prohibiting to all his retinue, murder, rape, and robbery; by which colour of well meaning, he the more alured to him the hearts of the common people.  
After that, he entered into London, cut the ropes of the draw bridge, & struck his sword on London stone; saying, Now is Mortimer lord of this city. And after a glozing declaration made to the mayor touching the cause of his thither coming, he departed again into Southwark, and upon the third day of julie he caused sir james Fines, lord Say, and treasurer of England, to be brought to the Guildhall, and there to be arraigned: who being before the king's justices put to answer, desired to be tried by his peers, for the longer delay of his life. The captain perceiving his dilatory plea, 
The lord Say beheaded at the standard in Che●●  by force took him from the officers, and brought him to the standard in Cheap, and there (before his confession ended) caused his head to be stricken off, and pitched it upon an high pole, which was openly borne before him through the streets.  
And not content herewith, he went to Mile end, and there apprehended sir james Cromer then sheriff of Kent, and son in law to the said lord Say, causing him likewise (without confession or excuse heard) to be beheaded, and his head to be fixed on a pole: and with these two heads this bloody wretch entered into the city again, and as it were in a spite caused them in every street to kiss together, to the great detestation of all the beholders. After this succeeded open rapine, and manifest robbery in diverse houses within the city, and specially in the house of Philip Malpas alderman of London, and diverse other; over and beside ransoming and fining of divers notable merchants, for the surety of their lives and goods; as Robert Horn alderman, which paid five hundred marks. He also put to execution in Southwark diverse persons, some for breaking his ordinance, and other being of his old acquaintance, lest they should bewray his base lineage, disparaging him for his usurped surname of Mortimer.  
The mayor and other the magistrates of London, perceiving themselves neither to be sure of goods, nor of life well warranted, determined to repel and keep out of their city such a mischievous ca●tife and his wicked company. And to be the better able so to do, they made the lord Scales, and that renowned captain Matthew 
* Or rather Goche.  Gough privy both of their intent and enterprise, beseeching them of their help and furtherance therein. The lord Scales promised them his aid, with shooting off the artillery in the Tower; and Matthew Gough was by him appointed to assist the mayor and Londoners in all that he might, and so he and other captains, appointed for defence of the city, took upon them in the night to keep the bridge, and would not suffer the Kentishmen once to approach. The rebels, who never soundly slept for fear of sudden assaults, hearing that the bridge was thus kept, ran with great haste to open that passage, where between both parties was a fierce and cruel fight.  
Matthew 
* 
Or rather Goche.  
The skirmish between the citizens and the rebels upon London bridge.   Gough, perceiving the rebels to stand to their tackling more manfully than he thought they would have done, advised his company not to advance any further toward Southwark, till the line 10 day appeared; that they might see where the place of jeopardy rested, and so to provide for the same: but this little availed. For the rebels with their multitude drove back the citizens from the stoops at the bridge foot to the draw bridge, & began to set fire in diverse houses. Great ruth it was to behold the miserable state, wherein some desiring to eschew the fire died upon their enemies weapon; women with children in their arms leapt for fear into the river, other line 20 in a deadly care how to save themselves, between fire water, and sword, were in their houses choked and smothered. Yet the captains not sparing, fought on the bridge all the night valiantly: but in conclusion, the rebels got the draw bridge, and drowned many, and slew john Sutton alderman, and Robert Heisand, a hardy citizen, with many other, beside Matthew 
Matthew Goche famous for his acts abroad now slain on London bridge.  Gough, a man of great wit and much experience in feats of chivalry, the which in continual wars had spent his time in service of the king and his father. line 30  
This sore conflict endured in doubtful wise on the bridge, till nine of the clock in the morning: for sometime, the Londoners were beaten back to saint Magnus' corner: and suddenly again, the rebels were repelled to the stoops in Southwark, so that both parts being faint and weary, agreed to leave off from fight till the next day; upon condition, that neither Londoners should pass into Southwark, 
A stay by assent.  nor Kentishmen into London. Upon this abstinence, line 40 this rakehell captain for making him more friends, broke up the gailes of the king's Bench and Marshalsea, and so were many mates set at liberty very meet for his matters in hand.  
The archbishop of Canturburie being chancellor of England, and as then for his surety lying within the Tower, called to him the bishop of Winchester, who for some safeguard lay then at Haliwell. These two prelates, seeing the fury of the Kentish people, by their late repulse, to be somewhat assuaged, passed line 50 by the river of Thames from the Tower into Southwark, bringing with them under the king's great seal, a general pardon unto all the offenders, and caused the same to be openly published. The poor people were so glad of this pardon, and so ready to receive it, 
Proclamation of pardon dispersed the rebels.  that without bidding farewell to their captain, they withdrew themselves the same night every man towards his home.  
¶ But jacke Cade despairing of succours, and fearing the reward of his lewd dealings, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 661, 662. in Quart.  put all his pillage line 60 and goods that he had rob, into a barge, and sent it to Rochester by water, and himself went by land, and would have entered into the castle of Quinborow with a few men that were left about him; but he was there let of his purpose: wherefore he disguised in strange attire, privily fled into the wood country beside jews in Sussex, hoping so to scape. The captain & his people being thus departed, not long after proclamations were made in diverse places of Kent, Sussex, and Southerie, that whosoever could take the foresaid captain alive or dead, should have a thousand marks for his travel. A copy of which proclamation, touching the apprehension of the said Cade and his complices, hereafter followeth.  

A copy of the said writ and proclamation by the king, for the taking of the said Cade and his fellowship.  
HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae, universis & singulis custodibus, etc. For so much as one john Cade borne in Ireland, which calleth himself john Mortimer & in some writing calleth himself captain of Kent, the which john Cade the last year tofore his dwelling in Sussex with a knight, called sir Thomas Dagre, slew there a woman with child, and for that cause took the gréeth of the church, and after for that cause forswore the king's land: the which john Cade also after this, was sworn to the French part, and dwelled with them; which hath now of late time (to the intent to enrich himself by robbing and despoiling of the king's liegemen, as it is now openly known, to bring himself to great and high estate) falsely and untruely deceived many of the king's people, and under colour of holy and good intents made them to assemble with him against the king's regality & his laws, & nought setting by the king's grace and pardons, granted not only to him but to all the king's subjects, the which by his deceit have assembled with him, the which he with great reverence received on monday last passed, and so did all that were assembled with him. Notwithstanding all this, he laboureth now of new to assemble the king's people again, and to that intent beareth them on hand, that the king's letters of pardon granted to him and them, be not available, nor of none effect, without authority of parliament: whereas the contrary is true, as it is openly known by that, that the king granteth from time to time his charters of pardon to such as him list, of all manner of crimes and offences both general and special.  
The king therefore willeth and commandeth, that none of his subjects give faith nor credence to the said false informations of the said false traitor, nor accompany with him in any wise, nor comfort nor sustain him nor his with victuals, nor with any other things: but will, whosoever of the king's subjects may take him, shall take him; and that who so ever taketh him, and bringeth him quick or dead to the king or to his council, shall have a thousand marks for his labour truly paid him, without fail or delay by the provision of the king's council. And who so ever taketh any of those that from this day forth accompany with him, shall have five marks for his reward, truly to be paid in manner and form above said. And over this, commanding all constables, ministers, and officers of the said shire, that none of them (on pain of death) take upon them to execute any commandment by word or writing sent or made unto them by the said Cade, calling himself Mortimer and captain, be it to rear any people, or to any other inten: tbut to arrest and make so be arrested such, as take upon them to bring any such commandment by writing or by word. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste me ipso apud Westm. 10 die julij, anno regni 28.]   
After which proclamation thus published, a gentleman of Kent named Alexander Eden awaited so his time, 
captain of Kent taken & beheaded.  that he took the said Cade in a garden in Sussex: so that there he was slain at Hothfield, and brought to London in a cart, where he was quartered; his head set on London bridge, and his quarters sent to divers places to be set up in the shire of Kent. After this, the king himself came into Kent, and there sat in judgement upon the offenders: and if he had not mingled his justice with mercy; more than five hundred by rigour of law had been justly put to execution. Yet he punishing only the stubborn heads, & disordered ringleaders, pardoned the ignorant and simple persons, to the great rejoicing of all his subjects. 
Abr. Fl. ex I. St. 663, 664.  ¶ But saith another, the king sent his commissioners into Kent, and caused inquiry to be made of this riot in Canturburie, where for the same eight men were judged and executed, and in other towns of Kent and Sussex was done the like execution.  
This year the commons also in diverse parts line 10 of England, as in Sussex, Salisbury, Wiltshire, and other places, did much harm to many persons, among the which, on the nine and twentieth of june, William Ascoth bishop of Salisbury (after he had said mass at Edington) was by his own tenants drawn from the altar, in his albe with his stole about his neck to the top of an hill, 
The bishop of Salisbury murdered.  and there by them shamefully murdered, and after spoiled to the naked skin: they renting his bloody shirt, took every man a piece, and made boast of their wickedness. line 20 The day before, his chariot was rob, to the value of ten thousand marks. Soldiers made a fray against the mayor of London the same day he took his charge at Westminster, 
A fray in London against the mayor.  at night coming from saint Thomas of Acres, after he had been at Paul's.]  
The French king understanding all the civil discord and rebellious stirs in England, made thereof his foundation, hoping to get into his hands and possession the duchy of Aquitaine: and thereupon sent the earls of Ponthienure and Perigort to lay line 30 siege to the town of Bergerat, situate upon the river of Dourdon, of which town was captain john Gedding, who upon reasonable conditions rendered the town. But yet the lord Camois, sir George Seimor, and sir john Arundel, with divers other valiant captains, having governance of the country, manned towns, gathered people, and recomforted the fainting hearts of the Gascoignes in all that they could, and withal sent letters over into line 40 England, certifying to the king's majesty, that without speedy aid, and ready succours, the whole country was like to be conquered and won out of the Englishmen'S possession.  
Many letters were sent, and many fair answers were brought; but relief neither appeared, nor one man of war was thither shipped: by reason whereof, the Frenchmen pursuing the victory, got the fortresses of jansacke, and S. Foie, with diverse other pieces of importance thereabouts. Also, about line 50 the same time, the lord Doruall, third son to the lord de la Breath, with a great number of men, as well on horseback as on foot, departed from Basas, to conquer and destroy the isle of Medoc. Whereupon the mayor of Bordeaux issuing out, and encountering with his enemies, was vanquished, losing six hundred Englishmen and Gascoignes: albeit the Frenchmen gained not this victory with clear hands, for there were slain of them to the number of eight hundred persons. line 60  
After this, the bastard of Orleans, with his brother john earl of Angolesme, year 1451 which had been long prisoner in England, and many other valiant captains, besieged the castle of Montguion, which to them was rendered. Afterwards, they besieged the town of Blaie, standing on the river of Garonne, the which in conclusion by very force was conquered and won. The bastard of Kendal, captain of the castle, seeing the town lost, upon certain reasonable conditions delivered his fortress to the bastard of Orleans, the French kings lieutenant. After this, the towns of Burgh and Liborne, after five weeks siege, were likewise yielded to the Frenchmen. Then was the city of Acques besieged by the earl of Fois, and the viscount de Lawtrec his brother, and other noble men. 
The 〈…〉 Arminack a open 〈◊〉  So likewise was the strong town of Rion by the earl of Arminacke, extreme enemy to the realm of England, for breach of the marriage concluded between king Henry and his daughter. The earl of Ponthienure laid siege to Chatillon in Perigort, and the earl of Dunois environed with great puissance the town of Fronsacke.  
The Englishmen perceiving in what state they stood within the town, covenanted with the said earl, that if the town were not succoured, and the Frenchmen fought with before the feast of the nativity of saint john Baptist next ensuing; that then the town of Fronsacke should be yielded to them, which was the strongest fortress in all that country, and the very key of Guien. Hereof were pledges delivered, and writings made & sealed. Which agreement once blown through the country, the city of Bordeaux, and all other towns (except Baion) made the like agreement. So did all the noble men and gentlemen which were subjects and vassals to the crown of England. Every day was looking for aid, but none came.  
And why? 
Through dissension at home, all last abroad.  Even because the devilish division that reigned in England, so encumbered the heads of the noble men there, that the honour of the realm was clearly forgotten, so that (to conclude) the day appointed came, but secure looked for came not. By reason whereof, all the towns of Aquitaine (except Baion) delivered their keys, and became vassals to the French nation; yet the citizens of Bordeaux, in hope of rescue, required a longer day of battle, which was granted. But at the day appointed, when no relief came, they rendered themselves and the city to their adversaries, their lives and goods saved, with licence and safe conduct to all persons which would departed and sail into England. Then finally was the city of Baion besieged, and with mines and battery constrained to yield itself into the Frenchmens hands.  
Beside the agreements taken and made with the towns, diverse noble men made several compositions, as Gaston de Fois, & Capdaw de Bue●, whom king Henry the fift made earl of Longevile, and knight of the garter; whose ancestors were ever true to England. Which agreed, that he and his son john de Fois, whom king Henry the sixth made earl of Kendale, and also knight of the garter, should enjoy all their lands in Aquitaine, given to them by the kings of England, or by the dukes of Aquitaine. And sith their intent was still to serve the king of England, they agreed to deliver into the custody of the earl of Fois, the son and heir of the said earl of Kendale, being of the age of three years; to the intent that if he at his full age denied to become subject to the French king, or before that time deceased; that then (after the death of his father and grandfather) all the said lands should wholly remain to the next heir of their blood, either male or female, being under the obeisance of the French king or his heirs.  
Many other noble men, whose hearts were good English, made like compositions, and some came into England, and others went to Calis, and bare great offices there: as the lord Duras, which was marshal of that town; and monsieur Uauclere, which was deputy there under the earl of Warwick. Thus were the Englishmen clearly displaced and lost the possession of all the countries, towns, 
All lost in France.  castles, and places within the realm of France; so that only Calis, Hams and Guines, with the marches thereof remained in their hands, of all those their dominions and signiories which they sometime held in the parties beyond the seas. Whereby England suffered a partile but not a total eclipse of her glory, in continual losing & nothing gaining of the enemy. ¶ Which recovery was of great facility to the French, 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈…〉 sub He●. 6.  for that where they came, they found little or no resistance, but rather a voluntary submission & yielding as it were with holding up of hands, yet they came to handstroks. So that in such victories and conquests consisted small renown, sith without slaughter & bloodshed hardy enterprises are not achieved. Notably therefore speaketh Anglorum praelia line 10 of these bloodless and sweatlesse victories, saying: 
Delphinus totos (nullo prohibente) per agros  
Francorum transit, priùs expugnata receptans  
Oppida: perfacile est populum domuisse volentem,  
Tendentemque manus ultrò; nec clarior ornat  
Gloria vincentem fuso sine sanguine regna.   

Anno Reg. 30. john Hooker, alias Vowel. The king received into Excester.  [This year the king made a general progress and came to the city of Excester, on monday the sixteenth of julie at after noon, being the feast day of saint Kenelm; and was received from place to line 20 place very honourably through the whole country. Before he came to this city, he was met by all the clergy in their degrees, some three miles, some two miles, and some at the city, all in their copes, censing all the ways as they went. As soon as he came to this city, he was first conducted to the cathedral church in all most honourable order. When he had done his oblations, he was conveyed and lodged in the bishop's house. During his abode here, there was a sessions kept before the duke of Summerset, and line 30 certain men condemned to die for treason, and had judgement to be executed to death.  
The bishop and his clergy understanding hereof, with open mouth complained unto the king, that he caused a sessions to be kept within his sanctuary, contrary to the privilege of his church: and that all their doings (being done against law) were of no effect. And notwithstanding the king and his council had discoursed unto them the just and orderly proceeding, 
The bishop & his clergy against the K. and the duke of Summerset, etc. in defence of their ecclesiastical privilege.  the heinousness of the offenders, and the line 40 necessity of their punishment: yet all could not avail, for holy church nor the sanctuary might be profaned (as they said) with the deciding of temporal matters. Whereupon the king in the end yielding to their exclaims, released a couple of arrant traitors, and reversed all his former lawful proceedings, and so upon the wednesday he departed and returned towards London.]  

The duke of York maketh claim to the crown.  The duke of York pretending (as ye have heard) line 50 a right to the crown, as heir to Lionel duke of Clarence, came this year out of Ireland unto London, in the parliament time, there to consult with his special friends: as john duke of Norfolk, Richard earl of Salisbury, and the lord Richard his son, which after was earl of Warwick; Thomas courtney earl of Devonshire, & Edward Brooke lord Cobham. After long deliberation and advise taken, it was thought expedient, to keep their chief purpose secret; and that the duke should raise an army line 60 of men, under a pretext to remove diverse councillors about the king, and to revenge the manifest injuries done to the commonwealth by the same rulers. Of the which as principal, the duke of Summerset was namely accused, both for that he was greatly hated of the commons for the loss of Normandy: and for that it was well known, that he would be altogether against the duke of York in his challenge to be made (when time served) to the crown; insomuch that his goods by the commons were foully despoiled and borne away from the Black friars. 
〈◊〉 Stow.  After which riot, on the next morrow, proclamation was made through the city, that no man should spoil or rob, on pain of death. But on the same day at the standard in Cheap was a man beheaded for doing contrary to the proclamation.  
Therefore, when the duke of York had thus, 
Whethansted. The duke of york raiseth a power, for recovery of his right to the crown.  by advise of his special friends, framed the foundation of his long intended enterprise, he assembled a great host, to the number of ten thousand able men, in the marches of Wales; publishing openly, that the cause of this his gathering of people, was for the public wealth of the realm. The king much astonished at the matter, by advise of his council raised a great power, and marched forward toward the duke. But he being thereof advertised, turned out of that way, which by espials he understood that the king held, and made straight toward London: and having knowledge that he might not be suffered to pass through the city, he crossed over the Thames at Kingston bridge, and so kept on towards Kent, where he knew that he had both friends & well-willers, and there on Burnt heath, a mile from Dertford, and twelve miles from London, he imbatelled, and encamped himself very strongly, environing his field with artillery and trenches. The king hereof advertised, brought his army with all diligence unto Blackeheath, and there pight his tents.  
Whilst both these armies lay thus imbattelled, 
Whethamsted  the king sent the bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Bourchier, bishop of Elie, Richard Wooduile, lord Rivers, & Richard Andrew, the keeper of his privy seal, to the duke: both to know the cause of so great a commotion, and also to make a concord; if the requests of the duke and his company seemed consonant to reason. 
The duke's answer to the king's message  The duke hearing the message of the bishops, answered; that his coming was neither to damnify the king in honour, nor in person, neither yet any good man: but his intent was, to remove from him certain evil disposed persons of his council, bloud-succours of the nobility, pollers of the clergy, and oppressors of the poor people.  
Amongst these, he chiefly named Edmund duke of Summerset, whom if the king would commit to ward, to answer such articles as against him in open parliament should be both proponed and proved, he promised not only to dissolve his army; but also offered himself (like an obedient subject) to come to the king's presence, and to do him true and faithful service, according to his loyal and bounden duty. 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 666, 667. in Quart.  ¶ But a further understanding of the duke's meaning by this his forcible entering of the realm (as himself pretended) may appear by certain letters by him written to the king, and also the king's answers unto the same: both which I think good here to set down, as I find them recorded.  
Richard duke of York his letter to king Henry.  
PLease it your highness to conceive, that since my departing out of this your realm, by your commandment, and being in your service in your land of Ireland, I have been informed, that diverse language hath been said of me to your most excellent estate, which should sound to my dishonour and reproach, and charge of my person: howbeit, that I have been, and ever will be, your true liegeman and servant. And if there be any man that will or dare say the contrary, or charge me otherwise; I beseech your rightwiseness to call him before your high presence, and I will declare me for my discharge as a true knight ought to do. And if I do not, as I doubt not but I shall, I beseech you to punish me as the poorest man of your land. And if he be found untrue in his suggestion and information, I beseech you of your highness that he be punished after his desert, in example of all other.  
Please it your excellency to know, that as well before my departing out of this your realm, for to go into your land of Ireland, in your full noble service, as since, certain persons have lain in wait for to hearken upon me, as sir john Talbot knight at the castle of Holt; sir Thomas Standleie knight in Cheshire; Pulford at Chester; Elton at Worcester; Brooke at Gloucester; and Richard, groom of your line 10 chamber at Beaumaris: which had in charge (as I am informed) to take me and put me into your castle of conway, and to strike off the head of sir William Oldhall knight, and to have put in prison sir William Devereur knight, & sir Edmund Malso knight, withouten enlarging, until the time that your highness had appointed their deliverance.  
Item, at such time as I was purposed for to have arrived at your haven of Beaumaris, for to have come to your noble presence to declare me your true line 20 man and subject, as my duty is, my landing was stopped and forebarred by Henry Norice, Thomas Norice, William Buckleie, William Grust, and Bartholomew bold, your officers in North-wales, that I should not land there, nor have victuals nor refreshing for me & my fellowship, as I have written to your excellency here before. So far forth that Henry Norice, deputy to the chamberlain of North-wales, said unto me, that he had in commandment that I should in no wise have landing, refreshing, line 30 nor lodging, for men nor horse, nor other thing that might turn to my worship or ease: putting the blame upon William Say usher of your chamber, saying and affirming that I am against your intent, and as a traitor, as I am informed. And moreover, certain letters were made and delivered unto Chester, Shrewesburie, and to other places for to let mine entry into the same.  
Item, above all wrongs and injuries above said done unto me of malice, without any cause, I being line 40 in your land of Ireland, in your honourable service, certain commissions were made and directed unto diverse persons; which for the execution of the same, sat in certain places, and the juries impanelled and charged. Unto the which juries certain persons laboured instantly to have me indicted of treason, to the intent for to have undone me and mine issue, and corrupted my blood, as it is openly published. Beseeching your majesty royal, of your righteousness, to do examine these matters, and thereupon to do such line 50 justice in his behalf as the cause requireth: for mine intent is fully to pursue to your highness for the conclusion of these matters.  
The answer of king Henry to the duke of York.  
COosine, we have seen the bill that ye took us late, and also understand the good humble obedience that ye in yourself line 60 show unto us, as well in word as in deed: wherefore our intent is, the more hastily to ease you of such things as were in your said bill. Howbeit, that at our more leisure we might answer you to your said bill, yet we let you wit, that for the causes aforesaid, we will declare you now our intent in these matters: sith it is that a long time among the people hath been upon you many strange language, and in especial anon after your disordinate and unlawful slaying of the bishop of Chester, diverse and many of the untrue shipmen and other said (in their manner) words against our estate, making menace to our own person by your saiengs, that ye should be fetched with many thousands, and ye should take upon you that, which ye neither aught, nor as we doubt not, ye will not attempt: so far forth that it was said to our person by diverse, & especially we remember of one Wasnes, which had like words to us.  
And also there were diverse of such false people, that went on and had like language in diverse of our towns of our land, which by our subjects were taken and duly executed. Wherefore we sent to diverse of our courts and places, to hearken and to take heed if any such manner coming were; and if there had been, for to resist it: but coming into our land our true subject as ye did, our intent was not that ye, nor less of estate of our subjects, nor none of your servants should not have been letted nor warned, but in goodly wise received: howbeit that peradventure your sudden coming, without certain warning, caused our servants to do as they did, considering the causes above said. And as to the indictement that ye spoke of, we think verily, and hold for certain warning, caused our servants to do as they did, considering the causes above said. And as to the indictement that ye spoke of, we think verily and hold for certain, that there was none such. And if ye may truly prove that any person was thereabouts, the matter shall be demeaned as the case shall require: so that he shall know it is to our great displeasure. Upon this, for the easing of your heart in all such matters, we declare, repute, and admit you as our true and faithful subject, and as our faithful coosine.  
Richard duke of York to king Henry again.  
PLease it your highness tenderly to consider, that great murmur and grudging is universally in this your realm, in that justice is not duly ministered to such as trespass and offend against you laws, and in especial of them that be indicted of treason, and other being openly noised of the same; whereby great inconveniences have fallen, and great is like to fall hereafter in your said realm, which God defend: but if by your highness provision convenable be made for due reformation and punishment in this behalf. Wherefore I your humble subject and true liegeman, Richard duke of York, willing as effectually as I can, and desiring the surety and prosperity of your most royal person, and the welfare of this your noble realm, counsel and advertise your excellency, for the conservation of good tranquility and peaceable rule among all other subjects, for to ordain and provide, that true justice be had, against all such that so be indicted, or openly named: wherein I offer myself, and will put my endeavour for to execute your commandment in the premises, for the punishing of such offenders, and redress of the said misrules, to my might and power. And for the hasty execution hereof, like it your highness, to address these letters of privy seal and writs to your officers and ministers, to do, take, and arrest, all such persons so noised and indicted, of what estate, degree, or condition soever they be, and them to commit to the Tower of London, and to other of your prisons, there to abide without bail or maineprise, until the time they be utterly tried, and determined after the course of your laws.  
The answer of king Henry to the duke of York.  
COosine, as touching your bill last put up to us, we understand well that ye (of good heart) counsel and advertise us to the setting up of justice, and to the speedy punishing of some persons indicted or noised, offering your service to be ready at commandment in the same, sith it is that for many causes moving us to have determined in our soul, to 'stablish a sad, and a substantial council, giving them more ample authority and power than ever we did before this, in the which we have appointed you to be one. But sith it is not accustomed, sure, nor expedient, to take a conclusion & conduct by advise or counsel of one person by himself for the conservation, line 10 it is observed that the greatest and the best, the rich and the poor, in liberty, virtue, and effect of your voices be equal. We have therefore determined within ourself to send for our chancellor of England, and for other lords of our council, yea and all other, together within short time ripelie to common of these and other our great matters. In which communication, such conclusion (by the grace of God) shall be taken, as shall sound to his pleasure, the weal of us and our land, as well in these matters as line 20 in any other.  
After all this ado, it was so agreed upon by advise, for the avoiding of bloodshed, and pacifying of the duke and his people, that the duke of Summerset was committed to ward, as some say; or else commanded to keep himself privy in his own house for a time. 
Whethamsted  But it should seem by that which some have written, that the duke of York was deceived of the hope which he had, to be aided of the Kentishmen; line 30 insomuch that when he saw himself overmatched by the king in number of people, who had got together thrice as many men as the duke had there with him, the duke was the more easy to be dealt with. And so coming to the king, and submitting himself by mediation of certain of the nobility, he obtained pardon of that his former presumptuous enterprise. And within a few days after his coming to London with the king, he openly in the church of S. Paul (the king being present) received a line 40 solemn oath, 
The duke of Yorks reconciliation to the king.  that from thenceforth, he should no more commit any such offence, nor attempt any thing, either against the king, or any other of his liege people, contrary to the order of law and justice.  
Howsoever the matter went, truth it is, that the duke of York, the first of March, dissolved his army, broke up his camp, & came to the king's tent, where contrary to his expectation, & against promise made by the king (as other writ) he found the duke of Summerset going at large and set at liberty, 
The duke of York accuseth the duke of Summerset.  line 50 whom the duke of York boldly accused of treason, bribery, oppression, and many other crimes. The duke of Summerset not only made answer to the duke's objections, 
A mutual charge between the two dukes, York & Summerset of hi● treason.  but also accused him of high treason, affirming, that he with his fautors and complices had consulted together, how to come by the sceptre and regal crown of this realm. By means of which words the king removed straight to London, and the duke of York (as prisoner) road before him, and so was kept a while. line 60  
The king assembled together a great council at Weminster, to hear the accusations of the two dukes, the one objecting to the other many heinous and grievous crimes. But the duke of Summerset, which now conceived in his mind the thing that shortly followed, incessantly exhorted the council, that the duke of York, by compulsion or otherwise, might be driven to confess his offence, that so being attainted of treason, he might suffer execution, and his children to be taken as adversaries to their native country; to the intent that by the extinction of him and his sequeale, all civil war and inward division might cease and be repressed: beseeching almighty God, that so great an enemy to the king and his blood, might never escape punishment, nor continue long in life.  
The duke of Summerset set forth this matter the more vehemently, because he knew perfectly, that the duke of York daily imagined with himself, how to get the crown, and to depose and destroy both the king and him. 
Destiny cannot be avoided  But destiny cannot by any man's devise be letted, and many things (to appearance) declared the duke of York's innocency in this case. First, his free and voluntary coming to the king, without constraint, when he was partly of puissance able to have encountered with the kings whole power. secondly, his humble submission, and reasonable requests, as well on his own behalf, as for the poor commons: which might argue that he sought for no sovereignty.  
Whilst the council treated of saving or dispatching of this duke of York, year 1452 a rumour sprang through London, that Edward earl of March, son and heir apparent to the said duke, with a great army of Marchmen, was coming toward London: which tidings sore appalled the queen and the whole council. Beside this, the very same day came ambassadors from the chief citizens and magistrates of the city of Bordeaux; whereof the chief were, the earl of Kendale, and the lord de Lesparre; which signified to the council, that if they would send an army into Gascoigne, the people of the country would revolt from the French part, and eftsoons become English. These two things sore troubled the heads of the council, which, least inward sedition might hinder outward conquests, 
Occasion that set the duke of York free.  set the duke of York at liberty, and permitted him to go to his castle of Wigmore, in the marches of Wales, by whose absence the duke of Summerset rose in such high favour, both with the king and queen, that his word only ruled, and his voice alone was heard.  
¶ Nevertheless the said duke of York had first made his submission, and took his oath to be true, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 671, 672. in Quart.  faithful, and obedient subject to king Henry the sixth king of England, in saint Paul's church at London, there being present the king, and most of his nobility, that is to say, the dukes of Buckingham, Northampton, and Summerset: the earls of Warwick, Arundel, Salisbury, Shropshire, Devonshire, Wiltshire, Northumberland, Stafford and Dorset, viscounts of Beaumount and Welles: barons, Fitz Warren, Sainmound, Cobham, Dowglas, and others: bishops, the cardinal, archbishop of York and Canturburie, Winchester, Elie, and London, in these words following.  

The tenor of the duke of Yorks submission to king Henry, under his oath.  
I Richard duke of York confess and beknow, that I am & aught to be humble subject and liegeman to you my sovereign lord king Henry the sixth, and own therefore to bear you faith and truth, as to my sovereign liege lord, and shall do all days unto my lives end; and shall not at any time will or assent, that any thing attempted or done against your most noble person: but where so ever I shall have knowledge of any such thing imagined or purposed, I shall with all speed and diligence possible to me, make that your highness shall have knowledge thereof: and over that, do all that shall be possible to me, to the withstanding and let thereof, to the uttermost of my life. I shall not any thing take upon me against your royal estate or obeisance that is due thereto, nor suffer any other man to do, as far forth as it shall be in my power to let it: and also shall come at your commandment when so ever I shall be called by the same, in humble and obeisant wise: but if I be letted by any sickness or impotence of my person, or by such other cause as shall be thought by you my line 10 sovereign lord reasonable. I shall never hereafter take upon me to gather any rout, nor to make any assembly of your people, without your commandment or licence, or in my lawful defence. In interpretation or declaration of the which my lawful defence, I shall report me at all times to your highness, and if the case require, to my peers; nor any thing attempt line 20 against any of your subjects, of what estate, degree, or condition that they be. But when so ever I find myself wronged and aggrieved, I shall sue humbly for remedy to your highness: and proceed after the course of your laws, and in none otherwise: saving in mine own lawful defence in manner above said, and otherwise have to your highness as an humble and true subject line 30 ought to have him to his sovereign lord.  
All these things above said I promise you truly to observe and keep, by the holy evangelists contained in the book that I lay my hand hereupon, and by the holy cross I here touch, and by the blessed sacrament of our Lord's body, that I shall now with his mercy receive. And over I agree me and will, that if I any time hereafter, line 40 as by the grace of our Lord God I never shall, any thing attempt by way of feat or otherwise against your royal majesty, and obeisance that I own thereto, or any thing take upon me otherwise than is above expressed, I from that time forth be unabled, held, and taken as an untrue and openly forsworn man, and unable to all manner of worship, estate, and degree, be it line 50 such as I now occupy, or any other that might in any wise grow unto me hereafter. And this I have here promised and sworn, proceedeth of mine own desire and free voluntee, and by no constraining or coaction. In witness of all the which things above written, I Richard duke of York (above named) subscribe with mine own hand and seal.   

Anno Reg. 31. 1453  The council not forgetting the offer of the Gascoignes, and that they might now have the city of Bordeaux, with the country round about, by request of the inhabitants, appointed the valiant captain john lord Talbot earl of Shrewesburie, to go thither with an army, who arriving in the isle of Madre, passed forth with his power, being scant three thousand men, and took the strong town of Fronsacke, and diverse other towns & fortresses. The inhabitants of Bordeaux, hearing of the earls arrival, sent to him messengers in the dark night, requiring him with all speed to come and receive the city. The earl lost not one hour, but hasted forth, & came before that city, yer the Frenchmen within understood any thing of the citizens purpose. When they were advertised that there was a gate set open for the Englishmen to enter, they thought to have escaped secretly by a postern: but they were pursued, slain, and taken by the lord de Lespar, and other of the English army.  
After the regaining of Bordeaux, there arrived at Blaie the bastard of Summerset, sir john Talbot, lord Lisle by his wife, son to the said earl of Shrewesburie, the lord Molins, the lord Harington, the lord Camois, sir john Howard, sir john Montgomerie, sir john Uernon, with two & twenty hundred men, with victuals and munitions. When the earl was thus (according to his intent) of all things furnished, first he fortified Bordeaux with Englishmen, and store of victuals; and after that he road into the country abroad, where he obtained cities, and got towns without stroke or dint of sword, 
The French people soon weary of the French government.  for the people already wearied of the French servitude, and longing sore to return to the English liberty, seemed to desire nothing more than to have the earl to receive them into the English obeisance. Amongst other towns, the town and castle of Chastillon in Perigort was to him delivered, the which he fortified with men and ordinance very strongly.  
In the mean time, the French king, being advertised of all these doings, raised an army to resist this invasion made by the earl of Shrewesburie. And first he appointed his captains to besiege the town of Chastillon, to the rescue whereof the earl hasted forward, having in his company eight hundred horsemen, under the leading of his son the lord Lisle, the lord Molins, the lord Camois, sir Edward Hull, sir john Howard, and sir john Uernon. He appointed also five thousand footmen, under the conduct of the earl of Kendal, and the lord de Lespar, to follow him with all speed. In his way, he took by fine force a tower which the Frenchmen had taken, and slew all that he found within it. And after by the way, he met five hundred Frenchmen going a foraging, of whom he slew the more part, and chased the other to the camp.  
The Frenchmen that lay at the siege, perceiving by those good runners away that the earl approached, left the siege, and retired in good order into the place which they had trenched, diched, and fortified with ordinance. The earl advertised how the siege was removed, hasted forward towards his enemies, doubting most, least they would have been quite fled and gone before his coming. But they fearing the displeasure of the French king (who was not far off) if they should have fled, abode the earls coming, 
The valiant earl of Shrewesburie and his son 〈◊〉 fully slain.  and so received him: who though he first with manful courage, and sore fight wan the entry of their camp; yet at length they compassed him about, and shooting him through the thigh with an handgun, slew his horse, and finally killed him lying on the ground, whom they durst never look in the face, while he stood on his feet.  
It was said, that after he perceived there was no remedy, but present loss of the battle, he counseled his son the lord Lisle, to save himself by flight, sith the same could not redound to any great reproach in him, this being the first journey in which he had been present. Many words he used to persuade him to have saved his life: but nature so wrought in the son, that neither desire of life, nor fear of death, could either cause him to shrink, or convey himself out of the danger, and so there manfully ended his life with his said father. There died also the earls bastard son Henry Talbot, and sir Edward Hull elect to the order of the garter, and thirty other men of name and right valiant personages of the English nation. The lord Molins was taken prisoner with threescore others. The residue of the English people fled to Bordeaux and other places, of whom in the flight were slain above a thousand persons.  
Thus at this battle of Chatillon, fought the thirteenth day of julie in this year, ended his life john lord Talbot, and of his progeny the first earl of Shrewesburie: after that he with much fame and most victory, had valiantly made war, and served his prince and country by the space of four and twenty years, in the parties of beyond the seas, line 10 whose corpse was left on ground, and after was found by his friends, and conveyed to Whitchurch in Shropshire where it was interred. After this discomfiture diverse lords fled to Bordeaux, but the earl of candal, the lords of Montferrant, of Rosaine, & of Dangladas entered into the castle of Chatillon, which by the space of ten days they defended: but in the end despairing of all succours, they rendered the fortress, and came safe to Bordeaux.  
After this, the towns of saint Million, Liborne, line 20 and all other, which the earl of Shrewesburie had conquered, rendered themselves to the Frenchmen, Bordeaux only excepted. Which city, being the last refuge of the English people, the French king in person besieged with all his puissance; and in conclusion constrained both the garrisons and inhabitants to yield, so that the Englishmen & Gascoignes might safely departed into England or into Calis, with all their substance; 
Bordeaux yielded again to the French.  and that the lords de Lesparre, Duras, and thirty others, should never (upon pain of line 30 death) be found within any of the French kings dominions, which lord de Lesparre being after taken in Gascoigne disguised, was made shorter by the head. When this composition was agreed and sealed, the Englishmen were shortly transported over into England, in the month of October this present year.  
Thus was the duchy of Aquitaine, which had continued in the English possession, 
Aquitaine l●●t.  from the year of our Lord 1155, unto this present year, which is near line 40 hand three hundred years, by the marriage of Elinor daughter and heir to William duke of Aquitaine, wife to king Henry the second, finally reduced and brought again to the French obedience and servitude. Within that only duchy be four archbishops, four and twenty bishops, 
The dignity and state of that dukedom.  fifteen earldoms, two hundred and two baronies, and above a thousand capteinships and baliffewikes: whereby ye may consider, what a loss this was to the realm of England. On the thirteenth day of October this year, was the line 50 queen delivered at Westminster of a fair son, 
The queen delivered of her son prince Edward.  who was christened, and named Edward.  
His mother sustained not a little slander and obloquy of the common people, who had an opinion that the king was not able to get a child; and therefore sticked not to say, that this was not his son, with many slanderous words, greatly sounding to the queen's dishonour; much part perchance untruely. After the birth of this child, he highly advanced his line 60 brethren on his mother's side: for Edmund he made earl of Richmond, which was father to king Henry the seventh, and jasper he created earl of Penbroke, which died without issue. ¶ This year, john Stafford archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, and john Kempe archbishop of York was removed from that see, to succeed in place of the said Stafford, being the three score and second archbishop there, & john Booth bishop of Coventrie and Lichfield was translated to York, being the one and fiftieth archbishop of that church.  

Abr. Fl. ex I. S● pag. 673.  ¶ On Bartholomew day at the wrestling near unto Clerkenwell, a gentleman belonging to the prior of saint john's, made a rumour or tumult, for the which (by the commandment of the mayor) he was arrested by Richard Ally one of the sheriffs, 
The mayor, sheriffs and aldermen, resisted and abused in a ●ra●e neére Clerkenwell.  and delivered to Paris a sergeant. But such resistance was made by parts taking, that the sheriff was feign to crave help of the mayor, who with his brethren the aldermen arose from the game, and strengthened the sheriffs. And for the rescue of the said gentleman, one named Ca●is, came out of saint john's with a great strength of archers, to resist the mayor, in the which fray a yeoman of saint john's was slain, and many other sore hurt. The mayor himself escaped hardly, for his cap was smitten from his head with an arrow: but the mayor with his citizens put the other to flight, sent the principal of them to Newgate, and then took his place again till the games were ended: by which time the citizens had gathered themselves in great number, and fetched him home, never mayor so strongly nor so honourably.]  
* This year was Thomas Bourchier bishop of Elie (son to the countess of Stafford, 
Fr. Thin.  
Anno Reg. 32. 1454  and brother to Henry Bourchier earl of Essex) removed to the see of Canturburie; who in the year after the word became flesh and appeared in human shape 1443, first obtained the see of Elie (although once before he was by the king put back from thence after his election of the covent thereunto, and confirmation of the pope) being translated from Worcester to the said see of Elie, the twelfth day of March in the said year 1443. This man (after that he had remained at Elie ten years, three and twenty weeks, and five days) was (as is before said) in this year 1454 removed to Canturburie by Nicholas the fift then bishop of Rome. After this he was made chancellor, which office he obtained the seventh of March, in the year 1455, being the three and thirtieth year of king Henry the sixts reign. lastly he was advanced to the dignity of cardinal by pope Paul the second, in the year of our Lord 1465, of whom is made a more liberal discourse in a 
* In a treatise hereafter following.  treatise of the lives of the chancellor's of England: a place of no small authority and reputation.]  
After the wars foully ended in foreign parties, civil dissension began again at home, divided specially into two factions. As K. Henry descended of the house of Lancaster possessed the crown from his grandfather king Henry the fourth (first author of that title) so Richard duke of York, as heir to Lionel duke of Clarence, third son to king Edward the third, enforced. By reason whereof, the nobles as well as the common people were into parts divided, to the utter destruction of many a man, and to the great ruin and decay of this region: for while the one party sought to destroy the other, all care of the commonwealth was set aside, and justice and equity clearly exiled.  
The duke of York (above all things) first sought means how to stir up the malice of the people against the duke of Summerset, 
The duke of York seeks the destruction of the duke of Summerset.  imagining that he being made away, his purpose should the sooner take effect. He also practised to bring the king into the hatred of the people, as that he should not be a man apt to the government of a realm, wanting both wit and stomach sufficient to supply such a room. Many of the high estates, not liking the world, and disallowing the doings both of the king and his council, were feign enough of some alteration. Which thing the duke well understanding, 
He banded himself with the Nevil's.  chiefly sought the favour of the two Nevil's, both named Richard, one earl of Salisbury, the other earl of Warwick, the first being the father, and the second the son.  
This earl of Salisbury was second son to Ralph Nevil earl of Westmoreland, whose daughter the duke of York had married, 
The issue of Richard earl of Salisbury.  and the said Richard was espoused to lady Alice, the only child and sole heir of Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury, slain at the siege of Orleans (as before is declared) of which woman he begat Richard, john, and George: Richard the eldest son espoused Anne, the sister and heir of the entire blood to lord Henry Beauchamp earl and after duke of Warwick, in whose right and title he was created and named earl of Warwick. 
W. P.  [Full fraught was this noble man with good qualities right excellent and many, all which a certain natural grace did unto all estates so farfoorth line 10 recommend, that with high and low he was in singular favour and good liking, so as (unsought for) it seemed, in authority among them, he grew able to command all alone.]  

Anno Reg. 33.  When the duke of York had fastened his chain between these two strong pillars, he with his friends wrought so effectuously, and handled his business so politicly, 
The duke of Summerset arrested.  that the duke of Summerset was arrested in the queens great chamber, and sent to the Tower of London, where he kept his Christmas without line 20 great solemnity. Against whom, soon after in open parliament were laid diverse 〈◊〉 heinous articles of high treason, year 1455 as well for the loss of Normandy, as for the late mischance which happened in Guien. The king at that time was sick at Clarendon, and conveyed to London, 
The king sick.  by reason whereof no final determination proceeded in this weighty cause; but all was put in suspense, till the next assembly of the high court of parliament. Some do write, that whilst the king was sick, 
Whethamsted.  the duke of York bore all the rule, and governed as regent or viceroie, by authority line 30 committed to him by the lords of the realm, then assembled in council; he to see to the preservation and good government of the commonwealth, during the king's sickness, which was so grievous (as it was said) that he lay senseless, and was not able for a time either to go or stand.  
The duke of York having aforehand obtained an absolution of the pope, in discharge of his oath before taken, did now discover his stomach against the duke of Summerset. But when the king was amended line 40 again, and resumed to him his former government, either of his own mind, or by the queen's procurement, 
The duke of Summers●t set at liberty.  the duke of Summerset was set at liberty; by which doing▪ great envy and displeasure grew. That notwithstanding, the queen (which then bore the chief rule) caused the duke of Summerset to be preferred to the capteineship of Calis, 
Made deputy of Calis.  wherewith not only the commons, but also many of the nobility were greatly grieved and offended, saying, that he had lost Normandy, and so would he do Calis. line 50  
The duke of York and his adherents, perceiving that neither exhortation nor charging him with his crimes prevailed against the duke of Summerset, 
The duke of York assembled an army.  they meant to mend the matter by open war: & soon after he being in the marches of Wales, accompanied with his special friends, the earls of Salisbury, and Warwick, the lord Cobham, and others, assembled a power, and in warlike manner marched toward London. The king informed hereof, assembled likewise a great host, and meaning to meet with the line 60 duke, rather in the north parts than about London, where it was thought he had too many friends, he accompanied with the dukes of Summerset and Buckingham, the earls of Penbroke, Stafford, Northumberland, 
Whethamsted.  Devonshire, Dorset, and Wiltshire, the lords Clifford, Sudlie, Berneis, Roos, and others, being in all above two thousand men of war, 
The king with two thousand.  departed from Westminster the twentieth, or (as some have) the one and twentieth of May, and lay the first night at Wadford.  
Of whose doings the duke of York by espials having still advertisement, with all his power being not past three thousand men (as some writ) coasted the country, 
The duke with three thousand.  and came to saint Albon the third day next ensuing. The king there had pight his standard in a place called Goselow, otherwise Sandiford, in saint Peter's street: the lord Clifford kept the barriers of the town, to stop, that the duke being assembled in Key field, should not enter the town. 
Abr. Fl. 〈…〉 pag. 〈…〉 677. in 〈◊〉▪  ¶ The duke of York (saith one modern chronographer) knowing the strength made against him, abiding in the field aforesaid, from seven of the clock in the morning until it was almost ten of the clock without any stroke smitten on either part, by the advise of his council sent unto the king under these words following.  
Words in writing by the duke of York to the king.  
PLease it unto your excellent grace, Richard duke of York, to take him as your true liege man and humble subject; and to consider and tender at the reverence of God, and in the way of charity, the true intent of my coming, and to be good and gracious sovereign unto me, & all other your true liege men, which, that with all their power and might will be ready to live and die with you in your right, and to do all things as shall like your majesty royal to command us, if it be to the worship of the crown of England, and the welfare of this your noble realm. Moreover, gracious lord, please it unto your majesty royal, of your great goodness and rightwiseness, to incline your will to hear & feel the rightwise part of us your true subjects and liege men. First, praying and beseeching to our sovereign, Christ jesus, of his high and mighty power, to give you virtue of prudence, and that through the prayer of the glorious martyr S. Albon give you very knowledge of our truths, and to know the intent of our assembling at this time: for God that is in heaven knoweth, our intent is rightful and true. And therefore we pray unto that mighty Lord in these words: Domine sis clypeus defensionis nostrae. Wherefore gracious lord, please it your majesty royal, to deliver such as we will accuse, and they to have like as they have deserved: and this done, you to be honourably worshipped as most rightful king and our true governor. And if we should now at this time be promised, as afore this time (is not unknown) have been promises broken which have been full faithfully promised, and thereupon great oaths sworn, we will not now cease for no such promises, nor oath, till we have them which have deserved death, or else we to die therefore.  
The answer by the king to the duke of York.  
I King Henry charge and command, that no manner person, of what degree, estate or what condition soever he be, abide not; but that they avoid the field, and not be so hardy to make resistance against me in my own realm. For I shall know what traitor dare be so bold to raise any people in mine own land, wherethrough I am in great disease and heaviness. By the faith I own unto S. Edward, and unto the crown of England, I shall destroy them every mother's son, and eke they to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, that may be taken afterward of them, in example to make all such traitors to beware for to make any rising of people within mine own land, and so traitorously to abide their king and governor. And for a conclusion, rather than they shall have any lord, that here is with me at this time, I shall this day for their sake in this quarrel myself live and die.  

The words of the duke of York to all gentlemen and other assembled with him.  
SIrs, the king our sovereign lord will not be reform at our beseeching ne prayer, nor will not in no wise understand the intent wherefore we be here assembled and gathered at this time, but only is in full purpose to destroy us all. And thereupon a great oath hath made, line 10 that there is none other way, but that he with all his power will pursue us; and if we be taken, to give us a shameful death, loosing our livelihood and goods, and also our heirs shamed for ever. Therefore sirs, now sith it will none otherwise be, but that we shall utterly die; better it is for us to die in the field, than cowardly to be put to an utter rebuke and shameful death, for the right of England standeth in us. Considering also in what peril it standeth at this time, and for to redress the mischief thereof, let every line 20 man help to his power this day, and in that quarrel to quite us like men, to the crown of England; praying and beseeching unto that Lord, the which is eternal, th●t reigneth in the glorious kingdom celestial, to keep and save us this day in our right, and through the gifts of his holy grace we may be made strong to withstand the great, abominable, and horrible malice of them that purpose to destroy us and the realm of England, and put us to a shameful death. Pray we therefore to the Lord to be our comfort line 30 and our defender, saying these words, Domine sis clypeus defensionis nostrae.]   
But another historie-writer saith, that the king, when first he heard of the duke of Yorks approach, 
Whethamsted The duke of Buckingham sent to the duke of York.  sent to him messengers, the duke of Buckingham, and others, to understand what he meant by his coming thus in manner of war. The duke of Buckingham to his message was answered by the duke of York and his complices, that they were all of line 40 them the kings faithful liege subjects, and intended no harm to him at all: but the cause of our coming (say they) is not in meaning any hurt to his person. But let that wicked and naughty man the duke of Summerset be delivered unto us, who hath lost Normandy, 
The duke of Summerset burdened with all things that had happened a●isse.  and taken no regard to the preservation of Gascoigne; and furthermore, hath brought the realm unto this miserable estate; that where it was the flower of nations, and the princess of provinces [now is it haled into desolation & spoil, 
w. P.  not line 50 so dreadful by malice of foreign enemy, that indeed utterly (as ye know) seeketh our ruin, as by the intolerable outrages of him that so long ago & even still appears to have sworn the confusion of our king and realm.] If it therefore please the king to deliver that bad man into our hands, we are ready without trouble or breach of peace, to return into our country. But if the king be not minded so to do, because he cannot miss him; let him understand, that we will rather die in the field, than suffer such a mischief line 60 unredressed.  
The king advertised of this answer, more wilful than tolerable, appointed him rather to try battle, than deliver the duke of Summerset to his enemies. Whereof they ascertained made no longer stay, but straightway sounded the trumpet to battle: or rather (as Hall saith) while king Henry sent forth his ambassadors to treat of peace at the one end of the town, the earl of Warwick with his Marchmen entered at the other end, 
The first batt●ll of saint ●●bons. Wh●thamsted  and fiercely setting on the king's forward, within a small time discomfited the same. The place where they first broke into the town, was about the middle of saint Peter's street. The fight for a time was right sharp and cruel, for the duke of Summerset, with the other lords, coming to the succours of their companions that were put to the worse, did what they could to beat back the enemies: but the duke of York sent ever fresh men to secure the weary, and to supply the places of them that were hurt, 
Edw. Hall.  whereby the king's army was finally brought low, and all the cheefteins of the field slain and beaten down.  
For there died under the sign of the castle, Edmund duke of Summerset, 
The duke of Summerset slain.  who (as hath been reported) was warned long before to avoid all castles: and beside him lay Henry the second of that name earl of Northumberland, Humphrey earl of Stafford son to the duke of Buckingham, john lord Clifford, sir Barthram Antwisell knight, 
Thomas lord Clifford, saith Whethamsted.  a Norman borne (who forsaking his native country to continue in his loyal obedience to king Henry, came over to dwell here in England when Normandy was lost) William Zouch, john Boutreux, Ralph Bapthorp, with his son William Corwin, William Cotton, Gilbert Faldinger, Reginald Griffon, john Dawes, Elice Wood, john Eith, Ralph Woodward, Gilbert Skarlock, and Ralph Willoughby esquires, with many other, in all to the number of eight thousand, as Edward Hall saith in his chronicle: if there escaped not a fault in the impression, as 8000 for 800, sith hundreds in very deed would better agree with the number of the kings whole power, which he brought with him to that battle, being not many above two thousand, as by writers appeareth.  
Humfreie duke of Buckingham, being wounded, and james Butler earl of Ormond and Wiltshire, and Thomas Thorp lord chief baron of the escheker, seeing fortune thus against them, left the king alone, and with a number fled away. Those that thus fled, made the best shift they could to get away through gardens and backesides, through shrubs, hedges and woods, seeking places where to hide themselves, until that dangerous tempest of the battle were overblown. 
The kings part vanquished.  diverse of the king's house also that could better skill to play the courtiers than warriors, fled with the first; and those of the east parts of the realm were likewise noted of too much lack of courage, for their speedy withdrawing themselves, and leaving the king in danger of his adversaries: who perceiving his men thus fled from him, withdrew into a poor man's house to save himself from the shot of arrows, that five about him as thick as snow.  
¶ This done, saith one historien, the duke of York, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 678, 679. in Quart.  the earls of Warwick, and Salisbury, came unto the king where he was, and be sought him on their knees of grace and forgiveness for that they had done in his presence, and besought him of his highness to take them to grace, and as his true liege men. The king desiring them to cease their people, that there should be no more hurt done, and to obey his commandment, did cause to be proclaimed in the king's name, that all manner of people should cease off their malice, and not to smite one stroke more, and so ceased the battle. And upon the day next after, the king and the duke of York, the earls of Warwick & Salisbury, came all to London; and were lodged in the bishop's palace of London, where they kept their Whitsuntide with great joy and solemnity, concluding there to hold a parliament, the same to begin on the ninth day of julie next following.]  
Another historien saith, that the duke of York, advertised of the place into the which the king was withdrawn for the safety of himself, and taking him into his power, comforted him in the best wise he could; assuring him, that now that the common enemy of the realm was dispatched, to wit, the duke of Summerset, he had cause rather to rejoice, than to be sorry, sith his destruction was the king's preservation. And for himself and all his adherents he undertook, that they were and would remain, during life, his most faithful liege people, ready in all points to serve him, as his trusty and obedient subjects. After he had used such words, as wherewith best to comfort him, he brought the king forth of that simple house with all due reverence showed toward him first to the shrine, and after to his chamber.  
Whilst the duke of York was about thus to comfort line 10 the king, the soldiers that had the victory now in their hands, applied the spoil, namely, the Northern men, stripping not only those that had borne armour against them, but also the townsmen and other, with whom they might meet. So that it was thought, if the king had taken up his lodging at his first coming thither, within the abbeie, as he did not (but in the midst of the town, to provide the better to resist his enemies) the abbeie had been spoiled also. This line 20 was the end of the first battle at saint Albon, 
Battle of S. Albon on thursday the 23 of May. Anno Reg. 33.  which was fought upon the thursday next before the feast of Penthecost, being the three and twentieth day of May, in this three and thirtieth year of the king's reign. The bodies of the noble men were buried in the monastery in our lady's chapel, 
Four of them to wit, the duke of Summerset, the earl of Northumberland, and the lord Clifford, were buried in our lady chapel. Whethamsted  and the mean people in other places. This Edmund duke of Summerset left behind him three sons, Henry, Edmund and john, which to the extremity of death took part with the line of king Henry. line 30  
[There was this year a great fight & fray upon Clift heath, distant about two miles from Excester, between Thomas courtney earl of Devonshire, against William lord Bonuile of Shut, and sundry men of both parts were slain. 
john Hooker, alias Vowel.  But yet the lord Bonuile prevailed & had the victory, who forthwith came to this city, and the gates before being shut, were opened and he received; which thing so grieved the earl, that he continually sought thenceforth to be revenged. But not long after in the quarrel between king Henry the sixth, and king Edward the fourth, line 40 he ended his days, and was beheaded at York, and was the last of that line.]  
The duke of York, having gotten the victory, remembered well, that he had published abroad how the only cause of this war was, for the advancement of the commonwealth, and therefore using all courtesy, would not touch the king's person after any violent sort; but with all honour and due reverence conveyed him to London, and so to Westminster. To which place was summoned a parliament, line 50 which began the ninth day of julie, 
A parliament.  in the which session, the late duke of Gloucester was openly declared a true subject, both to the king and to the realm. Beside this, it was enacted, that no person should either judge or report any point of untruth of the duke of York, the earls of Salisbury and Warwick, or of any knight, esquire, archer, or other, for coming in warlike array against the king, at saint Albon; considering their enterprise was only to see the king's line 60 person in safeguard.  
But all the blame was put upon the duke of Summerset, 
Whethamsted Collateral. A letter kept from the king of purpose.  Thomas Thorp, baron of the escheker, and William josep esquire, the kings collateral companion; because that they, upon malicious purpose, kept a certain letter from the king's knowledge, and would in no wise suffer it to be delivered unto him, notwithstanding the same made to the advancement of some good peace, had it been throughly and advisedly read, weighed & considered. In which letter they declared, that as faithful and humble subjects, they required only, that it would please the king (whose honour, health, surety, and preservation, they chiefly wished) not to give credence to their adversaries malicious suggestions, till their coming to his presence, unto the which they humbly be sought him that they might be admitted as his faithful liege people, to show the intent and purpose of their comings; which was to none other end, than to declare their fidelity and allegiance towards his most royal person, intending to put themselves with as much diligence and travel in all things that might advance his honour, health, and safeguard, as any subject he had living.  
The keeping back of this letter from the king's sight and knowledge, did minister matter sufficient unto the parliament, to colour and justify for well done all transgressions committed in the late battle and chase at saint Albon. In this parliament also, the duke of York was made protector of the realm, 

The duke of York's coming against the king justified.  
The duke of York made protector of the realm.   and the earl of Salisbury was appointed to be lord chancellor, and had the great seal to him delivered, and the earl of Warwick was elected to the office of the capteineship of Calis, and the territories of the same; and thus the rule of the realm rested in the orders of the duke and chancellor, and all warlike affairs remained principally in the earl of Warwick. And so amongst them it was agreed, 
The king to reign in name but no● in authority.  that king Henry should reign still in name and dignity, but neither in deed nor in authority; not minding to destroy him, lest they might suddenly provoke the fury of the common people against them, because that of the simple sort of people he was for his holiness of life, and abundant clemency, much favoured and highly esteemed.  
In this parliament also it was enacted, 
Whethansted. An act for the K. to revoke certain grants.  that the king should resume, take into his hands again, have and retain into his possession, all honours, castles, lordships, towns, villages, manors, lands, tenements, wastes, forests, chaces, rents, reversions, fees, farms, services, issues, profits, counties, advowsons of priories, churches, hospitals, and free chapels, and all other revenues with their appurtenances, the which had passed from him since the first day of his reign unto that present; either by his letters patents, or authority of parliament, and many other means, whether by grant, confirmation, or release from him made in fee simple, or fee tail, for term of life or years, to any manner of person and persons in England, Wales, Scotland, or the marches; in Ireland, or in the towns of Calis, & Guisnes, & the marches there. And likewise all grants made of such things as are above mentioned, being parcel of the duchy of Lancaster; and further all grants of offices, rooms, fees, wages, or commodities, not accustomed to belong to any office or charge before the said first day of the king's reign, were likewise revoked.  
diverse other things were also contained within this revocation and general resumption; with certain exceptions yet and provisoes had, as were thought convenient, and as by the same act it doth appear. Moreover, now that the duke of York and his adherents had wrested the whole rule & government into their hands; all such persons as the king either loved, or the queen favoured, were put beside the privy council; and such put in their places, as were known to favour the house of York. Also the officers were changed throughout the realm, 
Shifting of officers.  at the will and disposition of the protector, chancellor, and captain of Calis; so that they constituted as it were a triumuirat, ruling all things at discretion of these three. And yet in all their rule I find not that any mention is made of their deferring of justice, or of any polling or bribery: as was openly proved by such as governed before their time. Only they were noted of diverse spiritual persons, and namely of the abbot of Westminster and his monks, for a great offence: because they took out of the sanctuary at Westminster, john Holland duke of Excester, all against the order taken in the last parliament, and sent him to the castle of Pomfret.  
But now the lord Henry Beauford, newly duke of Summerset by the death of duke Edmund his father, 
Henry duke of Summerset.  slain at the battle of saint Albon (as above is rehearsed) and Humphrey duke of Buckingham (who then & there lost his son and heir) and other of estate taking the part of king Henry, whose case line 10 they did much bewail & doubt, as perceiving whereto the courtesy of the duke of York did draw: they therefore thinking it necessary to purueie for a remedy yet the mischief happened, consulted with the queen. By whose advise was a great council called at Gréenewich, where the duke of York was discharged of his protectorship, 
The duke of York discharged of his office.  & the earl of Salisbury deprived also of his office. ¶ This sudden change amongst the nobility caused alterations, and seditious attempts in the commonalty, and in especial line 20 within London: whereof this was one. A young merchant, year 1456 which before time had been in diverse cities of Italy, and there forbidden by the magistrates (as the law and manner is) to wear any weapon, now challenged an Italian in Cheapside for wearing a dagger, telling him it was against his own country laws: whereto because the Italian answered somewhat disdainfully, the merchant not only took by force from him his dagger, but also with the same broke his pate. line 30  
This Italian in great haste complained to the mayor, so that at the next court holden at the Guildhall, the merchant was sent for, and upon charge of his offence, he was commanded to ward. Whereupon diverse other light persons within the city, assembled together in great plumps, 
In uproar in the city of London.  by force constrained the mayor to deliver the prisoner out of Newgate: and not so satisfied, like mad men ran to the several houses of diverse venetians, Lucases, and florentines, and them spoiled, 
A foul disorder.  rob, and rifled without reason line 40 or measure. The mayor, perceiving this enormous doing, assembled a number of substantial and grave citizens; who (not without bloodshed and maiming of sundry) appeased the rage, and caused the misruled people to departed to their houses. The beginner of this uproar got him to Westminster, and there registered himself for a sanctuary man.  
The queen, which now again ruled all, being advertised of this unlawful misdemeanour, sent the dukes of Excester and Buckingham, with other line 50 noble men to London, with a commission oier and terminer, for the inquiry and punishment of so seditious an offence. But when the mayor, the two dukes, and the two chief justices were set in the Guildhall upon their commission, intelligence was given, that a number of light persons were approaching in armour to rescue the prisoners apprehended for the late robbery and riot, as they were carried to their arraignment. The two dukes and the other commissioners quickly thence departed, and left their inquiry for line 60 that day, though in deed in no such danger as they doubted: for certain discreet and sage citizens so handled the matter, that no misorder followed of that fury.  

A common council called.  The mayor on the next day called a common council, whereof the number was an hundred fourscore and odd, who ordained that all wardens of mysteries should assemble their companies in their halls, where exhortation should be to the observation of peace; and if they spied any man either ready to stir a rumour, or make to the deliverance of such as were in prison, their names should be secretly written, and so delivered to the mayor: which policy well appeased this outrage. Where upon after the commissioners sat in Guildhall, where many of the robbers were attainted & put to execution, beside divers great fines set on the heads of diverse merchants, & paid, for winking at the matter. ¶ This year john Kempe archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, & Thomas Burstlier bishop of Elie removed to his place, being the threescore and third archbishop of that see.  
¶ In the month of November, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 681.  in the isle of Portland not far from the town of Weimouth, was seen a cock coming out of the sea, having a great crest upon his head, and a great red beard, and legs of half a yard long: year 1457 he stood on the water & crowed four times, and every time turned him about, 
Fabian.  and beckoned with his head, toward the north, the south, and the west, and was of colour like a pheasant, & when he had crowed three times, he vanished away. And shortly after were taken at Erith within twelve miles of London, four great and wonderful fishes whereof one was called Mors marina, the second a sword fish, the other two were whales.]  
The French nation, 
Anno Reg. 35.  hearing of the civall dissension within the realm here, and for an old grudge seeking our annoy, two navies appointed they to invade the towns standing upon the rivage of the sea. The captains of the one fleet was William lord Pomiers, and of the other sir Peter Bressie, a great ruler in Normandy. These two captains, taking their course out of the mouth of Saine, severed themselves, the one westward; and the other eastward, which was sir Peter Bressie, who sailing alongst the coasts of Sussex and Kent, durst not yet take land, but stayed in the Downs: and there having by espial perfect notice that Sandwich was neither peopled nor fortified (because that a little before, 
Sandwich spoiled by the French.  the rulers of the town were from thence departed, for to avoid the plague, which sore there afflicted and siue the people) he entered the haven, spoiled the town, and after such poor stuff as he there found rifled and taken, he fearing an assembly of the country, shortly got him away.  
The lord Pomiers likewise took his course westward, 
Fulnaie.  & by night burning certain houses in Fulnaie with a little pillage retired into Britain. The Scots also (busy like flies where no flap to fray them) entered into Northumberland (king james the second being there in person) & burned certain poor houses, 
The Scots invade England.  and little cottages: but in the very midst of their great enterprise, they hearing of the duke of York's marching toward them with a great host, with much pain and no gain in all hast returned to their country. But now to pass over outward invasions, & to entreat of the daily disorder amongst the nobles at home. So was it, that a great conflict fell between the lord Egremond, & the sons of the earl of Salisbury; in which many persons were slain, & a great number hurt. The lord Egremond, seeking to get away but could not, 
The lord Egremond committed to Newgate.  by force was taken & brought before the council: where the king and the queen, to show themselves indifferent, adjudged him to pay to the earl of Salisbury a great sum of money; and for his heinous offence against the laws, was committed to Newgate in London, out of which he escaped, to the great trouble of the sheriffs. 
He made an escape.   
The queen nothing more seeking than the overthrow of the duke of York and his friends, and perceiving she could attempt nothing against him near to London, because the duke was in more estimation there, than either the king her husband, or herself: therefore she caused the king to make a progress into Warwikeshire for his health and recreation. And so in semblance of hawking and hunting, came to coventry, where diverse ways were studied to fulfil the queen's desire: for the accomplishing whereof, the duke of York, the earls of Salisbury, and Warwick (whose destructions was chiefly sought) were sent for to Coventrée by the king's letters, 
A practice to have entrapped the duke of York.  under his privy seal, to which place the said lords without suspicion of danger obediently resorted.  
But being admonished by secret friends, what was intended against them, they by flight avoided that danger, where otherwise their lives had been lost without all remedy. And so without bidding any farewell, they departed from the court; the duke unto Wigmoore in the marches of Wales, the earl line 10 of Salisbury to his castle of Middleham in the north, and the earl of Warwick sailed to Calis. The bodies of which three noble personages though thus separated, yet their hearts knit in one, and still went messengers & letters betwixt them, to communicate their devices, and give signification of their minds and purposes.  
In this year Reginald Peacoke bishop of Chichester, abjured at Paul's cross, all his books burnt, and he himself commanded to keep his own house line 20 during his natural life: 
Anno Reg 36. 1458  
The bishop abjured for moving against the pope's extortion.  because that he (very well learned, and better stomached) began to move questions, not privily but openly, in the universities, concerning the annates, Peter pence, and other jurisdictions & authorities, which the pope usurped; and not only put forth such questions, but declared his mind and opinion in the same. Some say he held that spiritual persons by God's law ought to have no temporal possessions, nor that personal tithes by line 30 Gods law were due [nor that christian men were to believe in the catholic church, 
W. P.  nor in the communion of saints, but to believe that a catholic church and a communion of saints there is] and that he held how the universal church might err in matters of faith; and that it is not of necessity to believe all that which is ordained by general counsels, nor all that which they call the universal church ought to be allowed and holden of all christian people.  
Moreover, that it was meet to every man to understand line 40 the scriptures in the true and plain sense, & none bound to glosses of any other sense, upon any necessity of salvation. 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 682, 68●, 684, 685, 686. in Quart.  ¶ But because I find a larger report hereof elsewhere, and as more methodical, so also (as it seemeth) in such form as it was Res gesta, a deed done, it shall not be amiss to insert the same. This bishop was a secular doctor of divinity, that had laboured many years to translate the holy scripture into English, & was accused to have passed the bounds of divinity and christian belief in certain line 50 articles, of the which he was convict before the archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops and clerks, and after utterly abjured, revoked, and renounced those articles openly at Paul's cross in his mother tongue on the fourth day of December, as followeth.  

The form of his abjuration.  
IN the name of the trinity, father, son, and holy-ghost, I Reinold Peacock bishop of Chichester unworthy, of mine line 60 own power and will without any manner coaction or dread, confess and knowledge that I here, before this time, presuming of my natural wit, and preferring my judgement and natural reason before the new and the old testament, and the authority & determination of our mother holy church, have held, written and taught otherwise than the holy Roman and universal church teacheth, preacheth, or observeth. And one is against the true catholic and apostles faith, I have written, taught, and published many & diverse perilous doctrines, books, works, and writings, containing heresies and errors, contrary to the faith catholic, and determination of holy church: and specially these heresies and errors following, that is to say in particular.  
In primis, quòd non est de necessitate fidei credere, quòd dominus noster jesus Christus post mortem descendit ad infers.  
Item, quòd non est de necessitate salutis credere in sanctorum communionem.  
Item, quòd ecclesi● universalis potest errare in hijs qu● sunt fidei.  
Item, quòd non est de necessitate salutis credere & tenere illud, quod consilium generale & universalis ecclesia statuit, approbat, seu determinat, in favorem fidei, & ad salutem animarum, est ab universis Christi fidelibus approbandum & tenendum.  
Wherefore I miserable sinner, which here before long time have walked in darkness, and now by the mercy and infinite goodness of God reduced into the right way, and light of truth, and considering myself grievously have sinned and wickedly have informed and infected the people of God, return and come again to the unity of our mother holy church, and all heresies and errors written and contained in my said books, works and writings, here solemnly and openly revoke & renounce. Which heresies and errors, and all other spices of heresies I have before this time before the most reverend father in God, and my good lord of Canturburie, in diverse and lawful form judicially abjured, submitting myself, being then and also now at this time very contrite and penitent sinner, to the correction of the church and of my said lord of Canturburie.  
And over this, exhorting & requiring in the name & virtue of almighty God, in the salvation of your souls and mind, that no man hereafter give faith and credence to my said pernicious doctrines, heresies and errors; neither my said books keep, hold, or read in any wise; but that they all such books, works, and writings suspect of heresies, deliver in all goodly haste unto my said lord of Canturburie, or to his commissioners and deputies, in eschewing of many inconveniences and great perils of souls, the which else might be cause of the contrary. And over this declaration of my conversion and repentance, I here openly assent, that my said books, works, and writings, for declaration and cause above rehearsed, be deputed unto the fire, and openly burnt in example and terror of all other, etc.   
After this, he was deprived of his bishopric, having a certain pension assigned unto him for to live on in an abbeie, and soon after died. His books were entitled: 1 Of christian religion, and a book pertaining thereunto. 2 Of matrimony. 3 Just expressing of holy scripture, divided into three parts. 4 The donet of christian religion. 5 The follower of the donet. 6 The book of faith. 7 The book filling the four tables. 8 The book of worshipping. 9 The provoker of christian men. 10 The book of counsel.  
In the month of januarie died the earl of Devonshire in the abbeie of Abindon, poisoned (as men said) being there at that time with queen Margaret, to appease the malice between the young lords, whose fathers were slain at saint Albon, and they that held with the duke of York. 
The queen attorney 〈◊〉.  The thirteenth of April there was a great fray in Fléetstreet, between men of court and the inhabitants of the same street, in which fray the queens attorney was slain. For this fact the king committed the principal governors of Furnivals', Cliffords, and Barnard's In to prison in the castle of Hertford; and William Tailor alderman of that ward, with many other were sent to Windsor castle the seventh of May. On thursday in Whitsunweeke, 
〈…〉 the Tower of London.  the duke of Summerset with Anthony Rivers and other four kept jousts before the queen in the Tower of London, against three esquires of the queens. And in like manner at Gréenewich the sunday following.]  
King Henry and his council, perceiving the duke of York lay still and stirred not, returned to London, and there called a great council, openly declaring how the French and Scots (emboldened by the civil discord within this realm) attempted to annoy the same, as of late they had showed apparent tokens, and likely not cease upon occasions to do further displeasures, till a perfect concord were concluded between him and his friends, and those of the contrary part and confederacy. And to the intent line 10 that he would be the chief author of peace, he promised of his dignity so to entertain the duke of York and his friends, that all old grudges should be not only inwardly forgotten, but also outwardly forgiven, which should be cause of perpetual love and assured amity.  
This devise was of all men judged for the best. Whereupon diverse grave persons were sent to the duke of York, and all other the great estates of the realm, who since the battle of saint Albon never line 20 met nor communed together, commanding them for great causes to repair to the king's court without delay. At his commandment came to London Richard duke of York, 
The peers of the realm called to a 〈◊〉.  with four hundred men, and was lodged at Bainard's castle being his own house; and after him came the earl of Salisbury with five hundred men, and was likewise lodged at his own house called the Herbour. Then came the dukes of Excester and Summerset with eight hundred men, and were lodged without Temple bar; line 30 and the earl of Northumberland, the lord Egremond, and the lord Clifford came with fifteen hundred men, and lodged without the city. The earl of Warwick also came from Calis with six hundred men in red jackets, embroidered with white ragged slaves behind and before, and was lodged at the grey friars.  
Thus were all those of the one part lodged within the city, and those of the other without, in Holborn towards Westminster, and in other places of the line 40 suburbs, all upon wise consideration: for that the York faction and the Lancastrians could not well have been mingled without danger of discord. After that these lords were thus come unto London, the king and the queen shortly followed, coming thither the seventeenth day of March, and lodged in the bishop's palace. Because no riotous attempt or bickering should be begun between any of the parties or their retinues, 
The providence of the city for safeguard of peace.  the mayor and aldermen of the city line 50 kept great watch, as well by day as by night, riding about the city by Holborn, and Fléetstréet, with five thousand men well armed and arrayed, to see good order and peace on all sides kept.  
The lords which lodged within the city held a daily council at black friars: the other part sojourning without the walls, assembled likewise in the chapter house at Westminster. At length by the diligent travel and good exhortation of the archbishop of Canturburie, and other prelates; both parties were line 60 persuaded to come to communication, and so did. Where, 
The lords are brought to agree.  after long debating of grievances on both sides, they promising to forget all old rancours, and to be friends each to other, & both obedient to the king, were accorded by award, whereof writings were sealed, signed, and delivered to effect as followeth.  

The award made at Westminster on the three and twentieth of March, Anno regni regis 36.  
FIrst, that at the costs, charges, and expenses of the duke of York, 
The clergy were sure in those days to lose nothing by these contentions how soever the world went.  the earls of Warwick, and Salisbury, forty & five pounds of yearly rent should be assured by way of a mortisement for ever, unto the monastery of S. Albon, for suffrages and obits to be kept, and alms to be employed for the souls of Edmund late duke of Summerset, Henry late earl of Northumberland, and Thomas late lord Clifford late slain in the battle of saint Albon, and buried in the abbeie church, and also for the souls of all other slain in the same battle. The said duke of Summerset, the earl of Northumberland, and lord Clifford, by virtue of the same award, were declared for true and faithful liegemen to the king, and so to be holden and reputed in the day of their deaths, aswell as the said duke of York, the earls of Warwick and Salisbury.  
Moreover it was decreed, that the duke of York should give to Elinor duchess of Summerset, and to Henry duke of Summerset her son, the sum of five thousand marks of good assignments of debts, which the king ought him for his wages, due during the time of his service in Ireland, to be divided as the king should think convenient, betwixt the brethren & sisters of the said duke of Summerset. Also that the earl of Warwick should give unto the lord Clifford, the sum of a thousand marks, in good and sufficient assignments of debts, which the king ought him, to be distributed betwixt the said lord Clifford his brethren and sisters.  
Also where Thomas Persie knight, lord Egremond, and Richard Persie his brother, 
The lord Egremon●.  sons of the lady Elinor countess of Northumberland, had been in a sessions holden within the county of York before Richard Bingham, and Ralph Pole the king's justices and other commissioners, condemned unto the earl of Salisbury in the sum of eight thousand marks; and to the same earl, and to his wife Alice in the sum of five thousand marks; and to Thomas Nevil knight, son to the said earl of Salisbury, in the sum of a thousand marks; and to the said Thomas and Maud his wife, in the sum of two thousand marks; and to john Nevil knight, son to the said earl of Salisbury, in the sum of eight hundred marks: for transgressions and trespasses there found to be done by the said lord Egremond, and Richard his brother, unto the said earl of Salisbury, Alice, Thomas Nevil, Maud and john Nevil, as by the record appeared.  
It was ordained, that the said earl and his sons should release all the said sums of money, and the executions thereof, and likewise release unto Ralph Uerneie, 
They were sheriffs, an, 1456.  and john Steward late sheriffs of London, unto whose custody the said lord Egremond had been for the same condemnations committed, and from them escaped, all actions which they or any of them might have against the said Uerneie and Steward for the same escape. Yet it was decreed by this award, that the said lord Egremond should be bound by recognizance in the Chancery, to keep the peace toward the said earl and his wife, children, servants, and tenants.  
Also where diverse knights, esquires, and other servants and tenants to the said earl of Northumberland, and to the said lord Egremond, were by their several obligations bound, by occasion of the said debates, unto the said duke of York, earl of Salisbury, or any of their children, to stand to their order and government; it was ordained that the same obligations should be delivered to them that so stood bound, before the feast of saint Peter ad vincula next ensuing at the city of York; or else that the parties so bound, should have sufficient acquitances in discharge of the same obligations.  
It was further awarded, that all variances, discords, debates, controversies, appeals, and actions personals, that were or had been betwixt any of the said persons, or any of their servants, or tenants, should be for ever determined & ended, saving to every one his title, action and right, which he had by any evidence of arrearages of rents or services, accounts, detinues, or debts due by reason of any lawful contract or deed, had and made for any reasonable considerations, other than the variance before said.  
And for the more assurance of both parties, it was ordained that either should release to other all manner of actions, that were mere personals and appeals, line 10 which any of them might have against the other, by reason of the variances and discords before mentioned.  
Also it was decreed, that if any action, suit or quarrel chanced betwixt any of the servants or tenants of any of the parties, for matter or title supposed to be had, occasioned or moved before this time; that from thenceforth, none of the said parties should maintain, support, or aid any of them that will so sue and move strife and debate: but should rather so line 20 deal, as the matter may be brought to peace and quietness.  
It was further awarded, that if any man complained, pretended, or surmised, that this award was not kept, but in some point broken by any of the parties, for the which breach he would have a Scire facias, or some other action prosecuted in the king's name upon any recognizance made to the king for the performance of this award: yet should not the same Scire facias or action be prosecuted, till the king's line 30 council might be throughly certified of the matter by the complainant, and upon consideration see just cause why the same Scire facias, or action ought to be had and prosecuted in the king's name.  
And if any variance rose betwixt the council of both the parties in making of the recognizances, releases, acquittances, or other writings; the same variance should be determined by the two lords chief justices, that should be fully instructed of the king's intention in this behalf. line 40  
And besides this, it was notified and declared by the same award, that the parties being severally bound in the Chancery in great sums to obey and perform this award, ordinance & judgement made by the king; it was the kings will and pleasure, that the same recognizances should stand in force, and no parcels of the sums therein contained to be pardoned in any wise, without the agreement and consent of the party, for whose assurance the same recognizance was taken. line 50  
And if any of the said sums, or any parcel thereof should be recovered by action or execution taken and prosecuted in the king's name, upon any of the said recognizances; the party to whose hindrance the award was broken, should have the one half of the money so recovered; and the other moiety should be assigned to the treasurer of the king's house. ¶ This ordinance, award and agreement, was given up under the king's great scale, at the king's palace of Westminster, the four and twentieth day of March line 60 in the six and thirtieth year of his reign.   

A solemn procession at Paul's.  For the open publishing of this joyful agreement, there was (upon our lady day in March) a solemn procession celebrated within the cathedral church of saint Paul in London, year 1459 at the which the king was present in habit royal, with his crown on his head. Before him went hand in hand the duke of Summerset, the earl of Salisbury, the duke of Excester, and the earl of Warwick; and so one of the one faction, and another of the other: and behind the king the duke of York, and the queen with great familiarity in appearance leading hand in hand. 
Anno Reg. 37. W. P.  [But what shall be said? As goodly apples corrupted at core, (how fair coated so ever they seem) can never be made to become sound again: nor rotten walls new plastered without, can ever the more stay their mooldering inward, till the putrefied matter fret through the crust lay all in the mire: so fared it on all parts in this dissembled and counterfeit concord.] For after this apparent peace (but inward discord) diverse of the nobles smallly regarding their honours, forgot their oath, and broke their promise boldly.  
Not long after this, of pretenced purpose (as it was thought) a fray was made upon a yeoman of the earl of Warwiks, by one of the king's servants, in the which the assailant was sore hurt, but the earls man fled. Hereupon the kings menial servants, seeing their fellow hurt, and the offendor escaped, assembled together and watched the earl, when he returned from the council chamber toward his barge, 
The earl of Warwik● assaulted.  and suddenly set on him, the yeomen with swords, the black guard with spits and fier-forks. After long fight, and many of the earls men maimed and hurt, by help of his friends he got a wherrie, and so escaped to London. The queen advertised héerof, 
The queens' purpose.  incontinently commanded that he should be apprehended and committed to the tower, where (if he had been taken) he had shortly ended his days.  
By this unhappy fray, there arose anon after such trouble and terrible war, that the whole realm was thereby disquieted. For after this displeasure done to the earl, and the queens good mind towards him by his secret friends revealed; he wish all diligence took his journey to Warwick, and after into Yorkshire, where he found the duke of York, and the earl of Salisbury, declaring unto them the assault made upon him by the king's servants, and the pretenced evil purpose of the queen. After which complaint made, he fearing to be dispossessed of his room at Calis, with great speed embarked himself and sailed thither. He was not only deputy or lieutenant of Calis, but also high admiral of the seas, 
Whethamsted The earl of Warwick lord admiral.  which office was to him confirmed for the space of five years. Whereupon, whether before his arrival now at Calis, or shortly after, I cannot say; but this year about the midst of summer, the said earl, having with him a fourteen well appointed ships, sailed abroad to scour the seas, and by chance met with five great ships, whereof three were caraks of Genoa, and the other two were of Spain, bigger in height and length than the caraks.  
The earl, though he was scarce able to deal against them, yet he valiantly encountered them. There was a very sore and long continued battle fought betwixt them, for it lasted almost the space of two days. Yet in the end the victory fell to the English, so that two of those ships being forced to save themseluesby flight, the other three were taken, which the earl brought unto Calis, with all the merchandise aboard the same; the value whereof in wine, oil, 
A rich prize.  wax, iron, cloth of gold, and other riches, was esteemed to the sum of ten thousand pounds & above. By reason whereof, that was sold now for twelve pennies, which would not have been bought before for two shillings. There were taken a great number of prisoners, beside a thousand of the enemies slain in fight. Of the earls part there were fifty slain. The earls fame hereby increased not a little, and many a blessing he had for this piece of service.  
¶ The noble science of Printing was about this time found in Germany at Magunce by one john Cuthembergus a knight: 
Abr. Fl. ex ●● pag. 686, 687. Printing 〈◊〉 invented.  one Conradus an Almain brought it into Rome: William Caxton of London mercer brought it into England about the year 1471: and first practised the same in the abbey of saint Peter at Westminster; after which time it was likewise practised in the abbeys of S. Augustine at Canturburie, saint Albon, and other monasteries of England. 
It reigned blood.  In a little town in Bedfordshire there fell a bloody rain, whereof the red drops appeared in shéets, the which a woman had hanged out for to dry.]  
But now to the former purpose. After that the earl was gone over to Calis, 
Anno Reg. 38.  the duke of York and the earl of Salisbury, falling in consultation together, it was at length agreed betwixt them, with advise of their friends, that the said earl of Salisbury line 10 with a warlike company should march toward the king; and signify to him by way of complaint, both the manifest injury done to his son, and also the uncourteous breach of the sworn amity and late agreement. In which suit if he prevailed, he should not then let pass the occasion given for revenge of displeasures to him done, 
The earl of Salisbury gathereth a power.  both by the queen and her sinister councillors. After conclusion of this devise, the earl of Salisbury removed from Middleham castle, accompanied with four or five thousand men, line 20 and took his way through Lancashire, 
Three thousand ●aith Whethamsted  to pass that way towards London.  
In the mean season, the queen, assisted and ruled by the dukes of Summerset and Buckingham, having a vigilant eye to all her business, imagined that the earl of Warwick had kindled this fire, to the intent to set the crown on the duke of Yorks head. Wherefore she appointed james Twichet lord audley (because his power lay in those parties by the which the earl of Salisbury must pass) to raise line 30 an host of men with all speed, 
The lord audley.  and to give battle to the same earl, if he saw cause and place convenient. She had devised a cognisance of the white swan, 
 which she willed all such (as she knew to bear favour unto her son) to wear, for a signification of their good minds and hearty love towards him: which cognisance she had given to many gentlemen of cheshire, and other countries thereabout.  
The queen herself lay the same time at Ecclesale in Staffordshire, but the K. remained at Colleshill line 40 in Warwikeshire, whither the earl of Salisbury meant to come, in pretence to have communed with him for a reformation of matters depending in controversy betwixt himself, the duke of York, and others. But the queen construing that they meant no good, neither to her nor her husband, requested the lord audley to apprehend him, if by any means he might. 
Whethamsted  The lord audley (according to his commission) assembled above ten thousand men of cheshire and Salopshire, and knowing by his espials which way the earl kept, approached near to line 50 him upon a fair plain called Bloreheath, 
Bloreheath.  within a mile of a town called Draiton in Shropshire. The earl, perceiving in what jeopardy he stood, determined to abide the adventure with fame and honour, rather than to fly with shame and reproach; and so encamped himself all the night on the side of a little brook, not very broad, but somewhat deep.  
In the morning early, being the day of saint Tecle, 
The 23 of September.  he caused his soldiers to shoot their flights towards line 60 the lord Audelies company, which lay on the other side of the said water, and then he and all his people made a sign of retreat. The lord audley, supposing his adversaries had fled in deed, caused his trumpets quickly to blow up, and setting forth his vanguard, speedily passed the water. The earl of Salisbury, 
Policy oft times passeth 〈◊〉.  which knew the sleights of warlike policy, suddenly returned, and set upon the lord audley and his chief captains, yer the residue of his army could pass the water. The fight was sore and dreadful. The earl desiring the saving of his life, and his adversaries coveting his destruction, fought sore for the obtaining of their purpose: but in conclusion, the earls army, as men not looking for other succours nor mean to escape, but by their own manhood, so eagerly assaulted their foes, 
The lord audley slain.  that they slew the lord audley and all his captains, and discomfited all the remnant of his people.  
In this battle were slain four and twenty hundred persons, 
The number slain in the battle of Bloreheath.  but the greatest loss fell upon the cheshire men, because one half of the shire was on the one part, and the other half on the other: of which number were sir Thomas Dutton, sir john Down and sir Hugh Uenables, sir Richard Molineur, sir William Trowtbecke, sir john Legh of the Both, and sir john Egerton, knights; john Done, 
The earl of Salisburies' son apprehended.  and john Dutton esquires. But the earls two sons, the one called sir john Nevil, and the other sir Thomas Nevil, were sore wounded, the which soberly iornieng into the north country, were apprehended by the queens friends, and together with sir Thomas Harington that was likewise taken, were conveyed to Chester; but their keepers delivered them shortly after, or else had the Marchmen destroyed the goals. Such favour bore the commons of Wales to the duke of Yorks band, that they could not suffer any wrong to be offered, or evil word to be spoken against him or his friends.  
After this battle at Bloreheath, the said duke of York, perceiving the destruction of him and his friends was intended, and that his devices were already disclosed to the king and the queen, he thought now no longer to linger his business, but with all diligence to set forward the same. And therefore sending for his chief friend the earl of Salisbury, after long conference of their weighty affairs, 
The duke of York assembleth an army  they determined to raise an army, and by fine force either to win their purpose, or end their lives in the same. Hereupon were men forthwith assembled, friends sent for, and a puissant army gathered, both of Northern and Welshmen, who in good order came into the marches of Wales adjoining to Shropshire, determining there to abide their enemies, or to meet them; if occasion served.  
There came to him from Calis the earl of Warwick, bringing with him from that town a great number of expert men in martial feats, whereof two were captains known for men of great experience and approved policy, as they had well declared the same in the wars of Normandy and Guien, the one called Andrew Trollop, 
Andrew Trollop, john Blunt.  and the other john Blunt. The king, having advertisement of the dukes doings, sent forth commissioners to levy a power in all parts of the realm, where he thought to have any faithful friends of favourers: 
The king raiseth an army.  by reason whereof a great number of men of war was assembled. Many for the love they bore to the king resorted to his side, but more for fear of the queens displeasure, whose frowning countenance was their undoing, and her indignation their death.  
To be brief, the king accompanied with the dukes of Summerset and Excester, and other of the line of Lancaster, determined either by force or by policy to bring the duke of York to confusion; and thereupon marching forward they came unto Worcester, where as well to refresh his people, as to take further advise what was best to be done, he stayed for a time. And at length it was determined, that the K. should first send unto the adversaries, a messenger of good account, as the bishop of Salisbury Richard Beauchampe, 
Whethamsted The bishop of Salisbury sent to the duke of York and others.  to offer unto them a clear and free general pardon of all trespasses, offences, and transgressions whatsoever; if they would give over their enterprise, and become true and obedient subjects.  
When the bishop was come unto them, and had declared his message, they first withdrew themselves apart, and fell together in council: and after they gave answer by the mouth of the earl of Warwick, which consisted in three points. 
Their answer touching the pardon offered.  First, that as concerning the pardon, they durst not trust unto it, considering they had diverse pardons before, and the same confirmed by parliament, and yet nothing available to their assurance. secondly, that notwithstanding such pardons, those that were about the king, were presumptuous and unruly, that they cared not at all to break the king's commandments, nor were any thing abashed to be noted for the breach thereof.  
thirdly, although by law of the land, and right of the statute, every lord by virtue of the kings writ, line 10 being called to the parliament, ought safely to come, safely there to remain, and safely to departed and return home: this notwithstanding, the said earl of Warwick himself, at a certain council holden at Westminster, by virtue of the kings writ of privy seal, being there in person, & labouring to his knowledge to give good advise and counsel for the profit of the commonwealth, was yet in danger of death, if the Lord above had not the better provided for his escape, line 20 more than any human power or force of the king's pardon. For the which cause (quoth he) sith the king's pardon may be likened in these days to a buckler of glass, or to a staff of reed, in which is no trust, we dare not commit ourselves unto the defence of any such pardons. But if any other way might be devised for their sureties, where unto they might safely trust (he said) they were ready to come to his grace, and to sue for his favour.  
The king receiving such answer in these words, line 30 or other to the like effect, was nothing contented therewith, and so commanded his standards eftsoons to advance. But yet before he came near to the place where they were encamped, the said lords wrote to him a letter in their own excuse, 
A letter from the lords to the king.  protesting they meant no harm in the world against his person, as by their demeanours and proceed it might well appear, who had ever fled & withdrawn themselves from place to place, from town to town, from village to village, and from county to county. Which line 40 might serve for an evident token, that they sought for nothing but only their own safegards & quietness of the realm, with so much favour, as in good and safe surety they might come to his presence, to declare certain things which in their opinions might turn to the wealth of the realm: and further to make answer to all things that had been objected against them. And now (said they) we are here remaining in the uttermost parts of the land (that is) in the marches towards Wales, not far from Ludlow, line 50 not upon any presumptuous meaning, but rather in all humble lowliness of mind and body to abide his graces coming: which they besought of God might be in some peaceable manner and favourable in their behalfs.  
The king having received this letter, and conjecturing that some bitter meaning lay under so sweet a speech, commanded his army again to march forth; and coming within half a mile of the adversaries camp, pitched down his field, and forthwith caused line 60 proclamation to be made, that who so ever of his adversaries would give over his lewd begun enterprise, 
A proclamation.  and repair to his presence to sue for mercy, he would pardon him of all offences. This proclamation, coming to the understanding of them in the duke of Yorks host, caused a great number that were there with him against the king, to get away & come to the king's side. Moreover, there rose among the residue great murmuring: so as they seemed very like to grow to a grievous mutiny.  
Amongst other of those that came to the king's camp, 
Andrew Trollop forsaketh the lords.  Andrew Trollop was chief, who with the other Calisians, which had long served the king, and lived a long time by his wages, perceiving now that they should fight against their sovereign lord himself (whose true subject they esteemed before that time the earl of Warwick ever to have been, and in no wise his enemy) in the dead of the night before the day of the battle secretly departed from the duke's camp, and submitted themselves to the king, admonishing him of all things devised against him. Whereof part was, 
Whethamsted  that the duke of York by his expert captains appointed upon a way how to set upon his enemies, & easily to discomfit them; so as on the next morning he meant to have assailed the king and his people, yer they could have been ready or wary of his coming.  
But now by the going away thus of his captains and people, that purpose was disappointed. And Andrew Trollop thus departed, he was now as much discomforted, as before by trust in him he was encouraged: for all his counsel and purpose by Andrew disclosed, 

The estimation of Andrew Trollop.  
The duke of York and his complices 〈◊〉.   he thought it better for him & his to departed in surety, than to abide the imminent danger. Whereupon he with his younger son Edmund earl of Rutland, secretly fled into Wales, and so passed into Ireland, where he was with all joy and honour gladly received, all the Irish offering to live and die with him; as if they had been his liege subjects, and he their lord and prince naturally borne.  
The earl of March son and heir apparent to the said duke, accompanied with the earls of Salisbury and Warwick, and sir john Wenlocke, got away the same night, and came into Devonshire: where, by the means of john Dinham esquire (which after was high treasurer of England, in the days of king Henry the seventh) they bought a ship which cost a hundred and ten marks at Exmouth, and sailed into Gerneseie, after came to Calis, where being let in at the postern, they were joyfully welcomed of their friends, namely of sir William Nevil lord Fauconbridge, that was the earl of Warwikes uncle, and brother to the earl of Salisbury, who had the town and castle in keeping. All these being assembled cast their heads together, and every one severally had his devise for the perfecting of their purpose, whereto there wanted in them neither will nor hardiness.  
But now to return to the king. When in the morning he was advertised that the duke of York and his partakers were fled and gone, he caused all his horsemen to follow them; although in vain: for they were got far enough out of danger (as before ye have heard.) The king pardoned all the poor soldiers, saving certain ringleaders; of the which some he punished and fined, and some he hanged and quartered. After this he removed to Ludlow, and there broke up his host, and spoiling the town and castle, he sent the duchess of York with her two young sons to be kept in ward with the duchess of Buckingham her sister. This done, 
The lords proclaimed traitors.  he proclaimed these lords, traitors to him, enemies to their country, and rebels to the crown, confiscating their lands, goods, and offices: and committed the governance of the north parts to the earl of Northumberland, and to the lord Clifford, as to his trusty and most faithful friends, 
The duke of Summerset made captain of Calis.  & of his town of Calis he made captain Henry the new duke of Summerset.  
This duke rejoicing much in his new office, those forth diverse valiant and hardy soldiers, and with great pomp shortly after took the seas, and sailed towards Calis. But when he thought to have entered the haven, the artillery shot so hotly, both out of the town, and from Risebanke, that he suffering there a sore repulse, was feign to land at Whitsandbaie; and sent word to the captains of the town to receive him as the king's lieutenant, showing to them his letters patents. But neither he nor his writing was once regarded: and so of necessity he resorted to the castle of Guisnes, daily skirmishing with the garrison of Calis, more to his loss than gain. diverse of the mariners of those ships that went over with him, after his arrival, owing more good will to the earl of Warwick than to this young duke, conveyed their ships into the haven of Calis, and in them diverse of the earl of Warwikes enemies, as jamin Findill, john Fellow, and diverse others, the which being presented unto the earl of line 10 Warwick, he caused their heads forthwith to be stricken off. 
●●stie heading.   
Shortly after, Richard lord Rivers, and sir Anthony Wooduile his valiant son that was after lord Scales, accompanied with four hundred warlike persons, were appointed to pass over to Guisnes, to aid the duke of Summerset against his adversaries, which lay in Calis. But as they sojourned at Sandwich abiding for wind and weather to transport them over, the earls of March and Warwick line 20 had knowledge thereof, and sent john Dinham with a small number of men (but a multitude of valiant hearts) unto the town of Sandwich, 
john Dinham.  which suddenly entered the same, 
The lord Rivers taken.  and took the lord Rivers and his son also in their beds, robbing houses, and spoiling ships. And beside this, they took the principal ships of the king's navy, 
john Stow.  and had them away with them to Calis [one excepted called Grace de Dieu which might not be had away because she was broken in the bottom] and there presented them to the line 30 earl of March, of whom he was joyfully received. For though in the fight he was sore hurt & maimed in the leg, so as he halted ever after, yet he bore himself so worthily in that enterprise, that his praise was great amongst all men.  
¶ Sir Baldwine Fulford undertook on pain of losing his head, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 692.  that he would destroy the earl of Warwick: but when he had spent the king a thousand marks in money, year 1460 
Sir Baldwine Fulford his enterprise.  he returned again.] After this good fortune thus chanced to the lords, diverse of the line 40 best ships taken in the haven of Sandwich, were well vittelled and manned, and with them the earl of Warwick sailed into Ireland, to common with the duke of York of their great affairs and business. The weather and wind were so favourable to the earls purpose, that within less than thirty days he passed and repassed from Calis to Dublin, and back again.  
The duke of Excester, being chief admiral of the sea, lay in the west country, and durst not once line 50 meddle with the earl of Warwikes navy, as he came by; by reason of the mistrust which he had in the captains and mariners of his own navy: who by their murmuring well showed that they wished the earl of Warwikes good success. 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 688, 689, ●●●, 691.  ¶ But here is to be remembered, that after the great discomfiture of the lords (as before you have heard) and proclamation made against them as traitors, the duke of York and the earls of Salisbury and Warwick had conference; and thereupon concluded with one assent, line 60 to write a letter excusatorie (supposing thereby to salve up the sore) in all their names to the king: and so did, as followeth.  
A copy of the said letter excusatorie written by the said duke and earls.  
MOst christian king, right high and mighty prince, and our most dread sovereign lord, after as humble recommendations to your high excellency as will suffice. Our true intent to the prosperity and augmentation of your high estate, and to the commonweal of this realm, hath been showed unto your highness in such writing as we make thereof. And over that, an indenture signed by our hands in the church cathedral of Worcester, comprehending the proof of the truth and duty that (God knoweth) we bear to your said estate, and to the pre-eminence and prerogative thereof, we sent unto your good grace by the prior of the said church, and diverse other doctors, and among other, by master William Linwood doctor of divinity, which ministered unto us severally the blessed sacrament of the body of jesus, whereupon we and every of us deposed for our said truth and duty, according to the tenor of the said indenture.  
And since that time we have certified at large in writing and by mouth, by Garter king of arms, not only to your said highness, but also to the good and worthy lords being about your most noble presence, the largeness of our said truth and duty, and our intent and disposition, to search all the motions that might serve conveniently to the affirmation thereof, and to our perfect sureties from such inconvenient and unreverent jeopardies as we have been put in diverse times here before. Whereof we have cause to make, and aught to make such exclamation and complaint, not without reason, as is not unknown to all the said worthy lords, and to all this land; and will offer us to your high presence, to the same intent, if we might so do, with our said surety, which only causeth us to keep such fellowship as we do in our leeful manner.  
And hereto we have forborn, and avoided all things that might serve to the effusion of christian blood, of the dread that we have of God, and of your royal majesty: and have also eschewed to approach your said most noble presence, for the humble obeisance and reverence wherein we have, and (during our life) will have the same. And yet nevertheless we hear, that we be proclaimed and defamed in our name unfightly, unlawfully, and (saving your high reverence) untruely, and otherwise (as God knoweth) than we have given cause; knowing certainly, that the blessed and noble intent of your said good grace, and the righteousness thereof is, to take, repute, and accept your true and lawful subjects; and that it accordeth neither with your said intent, nor with your will or pleasure, that we should be otherwise taken or reputed. And over that, our lordships and tenants been of high violence rob and spoiled, against your peace and laws, and all righteousness.  
We therefore, as we suffice, beseech your said good grace, to take, repute, and receive there unto our said truth and intent, which to God is known, as we show it by the said tenor of the same indenture. And not apply your said blessedness, ne the great righteousness and equity wherewith God hath ever endued your high nobility, to the importune impatience and violence of such persons, as intend of extreme malice to proceed (under the shadow of your high might and presence) to our destruction, for such inordinate covetise (whereof God is not pleased) as they have to our lands, offices, and goods, not letting or sparing therefore, to put such things in all lamentable and too sorrowful jeopardy, as might in all wise take effect, by the mystery of Gods will and power.  
Not having regard to the effusion of christian blood, ne any tenderness to the noble blood of this land such as serve to the tuition and defence thereof, ne not weighing the loss of your true liege men of your said realm, that God defend, which knoweth our intent, and that we have avoided there from as far as we may with our sureties; not of any dread that we have of the said persons, but only of the dread of God and of your said highness, and will not use our said defence until the time that we be provoked of necessit●e, whereof we call heaven and earth unto witness and record, and there in beseech God to be our judge, and to deliver us according to our said intent, and our said truth & duty to your said highness, and to the said commonweal.  
Most christian king, right high and mighty prince, and most dread sovereign lord, we beseech our blessed Lord to preserve your honour and estate in joy and felicity. Written at Ludlow the tenth day of October: R. York, R. Warwick, R. Salisbury.  

A parliament at Coventrie.  During this time the king called a parliament in the city of Coventrie, which began the twentieth of September, in the which were attainted of high treason, Richard duke of York, Edward earl of March his son and heir, 
Duke of York and others attainted.  Richard earl of Warwick, Edmund earl of Rutland, Richard earl of Salisbury, john lord Clifford, lord Clinton, sir Thomas Harington, sir john Wenlock, Thomas Nevil & john Nevil sons of the earl of Salisbury, james Pickering, john Coniers, Thomas Par, William Oldhall, line 20 and Henry Ratford knights; john Bowser, Thomas Cook, john clay, Richard Giton, Robert Browne, Edward Bowser, Thomas Uaughan, john Roger, Richard Greie, Walter Devoreux, Walter Hopton, Roger Kinderton, Will. Bowes, Foulke Stafford, the lord Powis, and Alice countess of Salisbury, their goods and possessions escheated, and their heirs disherited unto the ninth degree, their tenants spoiled of their goods, maimed and slain; 
Ludlow spoiled.  the town of Ludlow, belonging to the duke line 30 of York, was rob to the bare walls, & the duchess of York spoiled of her goods.]  
But (saith another) when the king should come to give his consent unto the acts passed in the same parliament, 
Whethamsted.  and that the clerk of the parliament had read that statute of the attaindor of those lords; such was the king's modesty and great zeal unto mercy, that he caused a proviso to be put in, 
The king's inclination to mercy.  and added unto the same statute, that it might be lawful unto him at all times f●llie without authority of any other parliament, line 40 to pardon the same noble men, and restore them again to their former estates, degrees, and dignities in all things, so they would come in unto him, and in the spirit of humbleness beseech him of grace and favour. 
Abr. Fl.  ¶ Wherein the king gave evident testimony, that he was endued with those qualities of mind which the poet ascribed unto Cesar (namely slow to punish, & sad when he was constrained to be severe: sith the one commended his lenity, the other savoured line 50 of tyranny) in this distichon of like termination: 

ovid. de Ponto. ●●b. 1.  Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox,  
Cuíque dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox.]   
Herewith also order was taken for the defence of the havens & landing places alongst the sea coasts. Sir Simon Montford, 
Osbert Montford esquire saith Whethamsted, who should also have gone over to Guines with five hundred soldiers to the aid of the duke of Summerset.  with a great crew of men, was appointed to keep the downs, and the five ports; and all men passing into Flanders were upon pain of death prohibited to pass by Calis, lest the lords there should borrow of them any priest money, line 60 as they did lately before of the merchants of the staple the sum of eighteen thousand pounds. The lords were not ignorant of all the king's provisions made against them, but were ascertained daily what was done even in the king's privy chamber: wherefore first they sent a company to Sandwich under the governance of the lord Fauconbridge, 
The lord Faulconbridge was chief of this enterprise saith Whethamsted.  who took the town, & sir Simon or Osbert Montford within it, and sent him with all his mates to Calis, where incontinently he with twelve of his chief fellows lost their heads on the sand before Risebanke. 
thirteen beheaded at once.   
¶ The earls at Calis sent to the archbishop of Canturburie, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 692, 693, 694, 695, ●●●▪ 697, in 〈◊〉  and to the commons of England at large certain articles in writing, beginning thus: Worshipful sirs, we the duke of York, the earls of March, Warwick, and Salisbury, sued and offered to have come to the king our sovereign lords most noble presence, to have declared there afore him for our duty to God and to his highness, and to the prosperity and welfare of his noble estate, and to the commonweal of all his land as true liege men, the matters following.  

Articles sent from the duke of York, and the earls, to the archbishop of Canturburie and the commons.  
IN primis, the great oppression, extortion, robbery, murder, and other violences done to God's church, and to his ministers thereof, against Gods and man's law.  
2 Item, the poverty and misery that to our great heaviness our sovereign lord standeth in, not having any livelihood of the crown of England whereof he may keep his honourable household, which causeth the spoiling of his said liege men by the takers of his said household, which livelihood is in their hands that have been destroyers of his said estate, and of the said commonweal.  
3 Item, how his laws be parciallie and unrightfullie guided, and that by them that should most love and tender his said laws, the said oppression and extortion is most favoured and supported; and generally, that all righteousness and justice is exiled out of the said land, and that no man dreadeth to offend against the said laws.  
4 Item, that it will please his said good grace to live upon his own livelihood, whereupon his noble progenitors have in days heretofore lived as honourably and as worthily as any christian princes, and not to suffer the destroyers of the said land, and of his true subjects, to live thereupon, and therefore to lack the sustenances that should be belonging to his said estate, and find his said household upon his poor commons, without payment, which neither accordeth with God's nor man's law.  
5 Item, how oft the said commons have been greatly and marvelously charged with taxes and tallages to their great impoverishing, whereof little good hath either grown to the king or to the said land, and of the most substance thereof the king hath left to his part not half so much; and other lords and persons, enemies to the said commonweal, have to their own use, suffering all the old possessions that the king had in France and Normandy, Anjou and main, Gascoine and Given, won and gotten by his father of most noble memory, and other his noble progenitors, to be shamefully lost or sold.  
6 Item, how they can not cease therewith, but now begin a new charge of imposition and tallages upon the said people, which never afore was seen; that is to say, every towneship to find men for the king's guard, taking example therein of our enemies and adversaries of France. Which imposition & tallage, if it be continued to heir, heirs, and successors, will be the heaviest charge and worst example that ever grew in England; and the foresaid subjects, and the said heirs and successors in such bondage, as their ancestors were never charged with.  
7 Item, where the king hath now no more livelihood out of his realm of England, but only the land of Ireland, and the town of Calis, and that no king christened hath such a land and a town without his realm; diverse lords have caused his highness to write letters under his privy seal, unto his Irish enemies, which never king of England did heretofore, whereby they may have comfort to enter into the conquest of the said land, which letters the same Irish enemies sent unto me the said duke of York, and marveled greatly that any such letters should be to them sent, speaking therein great shame and villainy of the said realm.  
8 Item, in like wise the king by excitation and labour of the same lords, wrote other letters to his enemies and adversaries in other lands, that in no wise they should show any favour or good will to the line 10 town of Calis, whereby they had comfort enough to proceed to the winning thereof. Considered also, that it is ordained by the labour of the said lords, that no where victuals nor other thing of refreshing or defence should come out of England, to the succour or relief of the said town, to the intent that they would have it lost, as it may openly appear.  
9 Item, it is deemed and ought greatly to be deemed, that after the same lords would put the same rule of England, if they might have their purpose line 20 and intent, into the hands and governance of the said enemies.  
10 Item, how continually since the piteous, shameful, and sorrowful murder to all England, of that noble, worthy, and christian prince Humfreie duke of Gloucester the king's true uncle, at Bury, it hath been laboured, studied, and conspired, to have destroyed and murdered the said duke of York, and the issue that it pleased God to send me of the royal blood, and also of us the said earls of Warwick and line 30 Salisbury, for none other cause but for the true hart that (God knoweth) we ever have borne, and bear to the profit of the king's estate, to the commonweal of the same realm, and defence thereof.  
11 Item, how the earls of Shrewesburie and Wiltshire, and the lord Beaumond, our mortal and extreme enemies now, and of long time past, having the guiding about the most noble person of our said sovereign lord, whose highness they have restrained & kept from the liberty & freedom that belongeth to line 40 his said estate, & the supporters & favourers of all the pr●misses, would not suffer the kings said good grace to receive and accept us, as he would have done, if he might have had his own will, into his said presence, dreading the charge that would have been laid upon them, of the misery, destruction, and wretchedness of the said realm, whereof they be causes, and not the king, which is himself as noble, as virtuous, as righteous and blessed of disposition, as any prince earthly. line 50  
12 Item, the earls of Wiltshire and Shrewesburie, and the lord Beaumond, not satisfied nor content with the king's possessions and his goods, stirred and excited his said highness to hold his parliament at Coventrie, where an act is made by their provocation and labour, against us the said duke of York, my sons March and Rutland, and the earls of Warwick and Salisbury, and the sons of the said earl of Salisbury, & many other knights and esquires of diverse matters falsely and untruely imagined, line 60 as they will answer afore almighty God in the day of doom; the which the said earls of Shrewesburie & Wiltshire, and the lord Beaumond provoked to be made, to the intent of our destruction and of our issue; and that they might have our livelihood and goods, as they have openly rob and despoiled all our places and our tenements, and many other true men, and now proceed to hanging and drawing of men by tyranny, and will therein show the largeness of their violence and malice as vengeablie as they can, if no remedy be provided at the king's highness, whose blessedness is neither assenting nor knowing thereof.  
We therefore, seeing all the said mischief's, hearing also that the French king maketh in his land great assembly of his people, which is greatly to be dread for many causes, purpose yet again with God's grace to offer us to come again to the said presence of our said sovereign lord, to open and declare unto him there, the mischiefs above declared; and in the name of the land to sue, in as reverent and lowly wise as we can, to his said good grace, to have pity and compassion upon his said true subjects, and not to suffer the same mischiefs to reign upon them. Requiring you in God's behalf, and praying you in our own, therein to assist us, doing alway the duty of liege men in our persons to our sovereign lord, to his estate, prerogative, and pre-eminence, and to the surety of his most noble person, whereunto we have ever been and will be as true as any of his subjects alive, whereof we call God, our lady saint Marie, and all the saints in heaven to witness.   
In the mean time, 
The earl of Wiltshire and other spoiled Newberie.  the earl of Wiltshire treasurer of England, the lord Scales & the lord Hungerford went to Newberie, which belonged to the duke of York, and there made inquisition of all them that in any wise had favoured the said duke; whereof some were found guilty, and were drawn, hanged, and quartered, and all the inhabitants of the town were spoiled of their goods. From thence the e●rle of Wiltshire went to Southampton; where, 
The earl of Wiltshire state over the seas.  under colour to take the earl of Warwick, he armed five great caracks of jene with soldiers, taking victuals of the king's price without payment, and put a great part of his treasure into the said caracks, and after sailed about in the sea, and at last stale into Dutchland, sending back again his soldiers into England. 
Privy seals for money.  Then were the kings privy seals directed to all bishops, abbots, prior's, and other states, to lend the king money, therewith to wage soldiers to keep the seacoasts.]  
After the king's navy was gained, and his captains (as before ye have heard) on the sea taken; the lords lying at Calis, being advertised from the lord Fauconbridge (who after the taking of Montford lay still in Kent) that the people of that country and other parts were altogether bend in their favour [and no less addicted to do them service both with body and goods, 
Abr. Flem.  than the Irishmen seemed to be at their receiving of the said duke of York, and his younger son Edmund earl of Rutland, whom they so highly honoured, that they offered to live and die in their quarrel] they conceived thereupon so great hope in their friends within the realm, that they determined to pass the sea, and therewith entering their ships with fifteen hundred men landed all at Sandwich.  
[But it is to be read in a late writer, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 697.  that the commons of Kent dreading the like vengeance towards them, as fell upon them of Newberie, sent privily messengers to Calis to the foresaid earls, 
The men of Kent sent to Calis for the earls.  beseeching them in all hast possible to come to their succour. Whereupon the said earls sent over into Kent the lord Fauconbridge, to know if their deeds would accord with their woods: so that anon the people of Kent and the other shires adjoining, resorted to the said lord Fauconbridge in great number. Wherefore when the earls knew the willing hearts of those people, they prepared to come into this land. Against whose coming, a long ballet was fixed upon the gates of Canturburie, made in favour of the duke of York and the said earls, beginning thus: In the day of fast and spiritual affliction, the celestial influence of bodies transitory, etc.]  
Now as they passed through Kent, 
Whethamsted  there came to them the lord Cobham, john Gilford, year 1460 William Pech, Robert Horn, and many other gentlemen; so that before they approached to London, their number was esteemed above forty thousand fight men, for the fame of their landing being once known, gentlemen and yeomen resorted to them out of all the south parts of the realm. Upon which rumour, Thomas lord Scales, a man in great favour with the king & queen, accompanied with the earl of Kendal a Gascoigne, and the lord Lovel, resorted to London with a great company of armed men, declaring to the mayor, that their repair only was to defend and keep the city from spoil of such traitor's line 10 as the king was credibly informed were thither coming. To whom the mayor answered, that he needed no fellow helper, either to defend or govern the city to him committed in charge. With which answer the lord Scales and his associates nothing contented, entered into the Tower, daily devising ways how to grieve the citizens, whom he perceived to favour rather the duke of Yorks part, than the kings.  
But shortly after the earls of March and Warwick, and other of their affinity, came to London, line 20 and were of the mayor and citizens ioiouslie received, to whom resorted Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, the bishops of London, Lincoln, Salisbury, Elie, and Excester, with many other prelates and religious persons: amongst whom also was the pope's legate to treat of peace, if need so required. Upon good deliberation and advise had and taken amongst these lords how to go forward with their weighty enterprise, the earls of March and Warwick, William lord Fauconbridge, Henry lord Bourchier, called line 30 earl of Eu, with a great number of men which came out of Kent, Essex, Surrie, and Sussex, to the number (as some writers affirm) of five and twenty thousand persons, departed from London toward the king lying at Coventrie, 
Coventrie the queens secret harbour.  then called the queens secret harbour, leaving behind them to keep the Londoners in their promised friendship, the earl of Salisbury, the lord Cobham, and sir john Wenlocke, which took such order, and watched the gates and entries on each side so diligently, that no succours line 40 might come to the lord Scales lodging in the tower; who took therewith such displeasure, that he shot out his great ordinance against them within the city, and they likewise shot at him again, to the hurt and no pleasure of both parts.  
The king having knowledge of all these doings, assembled a great army, and accompanied with the duke of Summerset (lately come from Guisnes) and the duke of Buckingham, and diverse other great lords that took his part, came to Northampton; 
The queen the better captain.  where the queen perceiving her puissance to be line 50 able to match in fight with the adversaries, took upon her to encourage her friends and well-willers: for the king studied of nothing but of peace, quietness, and solitary life. When the whole host of the king's part was assembled, the same issued forth of the town, and passing over the river of Tine, lodged in the new field between Harsington and Sandifford, strongly fensing themselves about with high banks, and deep trenches. 
Whethamsted  On the other part, the lords being line 60 herewith advanced very near the place where the king's people lay without Northampton; the bishops that were there with them, by the advise and consent of the said lords, sent unto the king the bishop of Salisbury, to understand his mind, and to move him unto some treaty of peace, and to admit the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other bishops there present, to be mediators in the matter, that some good accord might be concluded betwixt the parties, so as an universal peace might be restored in all parts through the whole realm.  
The bishop of Salisbury doing this message not so circumspectly as had been convenient, returned without bringing any towardly answer; but rather words of high despite and utter defiance. For the lords that were about the king, trusting in their warlike engines and strength of place, in which they were encamped, though otherwise inferior in number of men, purposed to abide the brunt of battle; and so led with the spirit of rashness, sent none other answer back again by the bishop, but contumelious words sounding greatly to the reproach of their adversaries; who being sore offended therewith, determined to seek revenge with dint of sword. The earl of March as then being in the flower of his lusty and most courageous youth, lying between Toucetor and Northampton, determined to set on the king's army without longer delay: and thereupon in the night season removed his camp toward Northampton, and in marching forward set his men in order of battle: whereof the vant-ward was led by the earl of Warwick, which either by strength or stealth won a streict which the lord Beaumond kept, going toward the king's camp; 
The battle of Northampton.  and herewith entering freshly with his people, began the battle about seven of the clock the ninth day of julie. After him followed the earl of March with the banner of his father. ¶ Others writ, 
Whethamsted.  that the earl of March led the forward, the earl of Warwick the middleward, and the lord Fauconbridge the rearward.  
Moreover, that Edmund lord Greie of Ruthen, 
The L. 〈◊〉 of Ruthen.  who was on the king's side, failed in the trust committed to him: for where the enemies could not (without great danger) enter upon the king's camp, by reason of a mighty trench and rampire pight full of piles and sharp stakes, wherewith the camp was compassed about: the said lord Gray came with his men, and with helping hands pulled the enemies up, and received them into the field, where the battle was begun with great force & violence. For being now entered the field, they set upon the king's people so fiercely, that it seemed they meant either to obtain the victory, or to die for it, even all the whole number of them. The fight continued right fierce and cruel, 
Edw. Hall. The kings part discomfited.  with uncertain victory, till the hour of nine: at which time the king's army was discomfited, and of the same slain and drowned in the river, few less than ten thousand; 
The K. tak●●  and the king himself left comfortless alone was taken by the adversaries, as a man in great misery.  
At this battle fought at Northampton, were slain Humfreie duke of Buckingham, john Talbot earl of Shrewesburie, a valiant person, and not degenerating from his noble parents, Thomas lord Egremond, john viscont Beaumond, and sir William Lucy, which made great haste to come to part of the fight, and at his first approach was stricken in the head with an axe. Besides these that were slain, many were taken prisoners, because they left their horses, alighting to fight on foot. The duke of Summerset, and other, which narrowly escaped, fled with the queen and prince into the bishopric of Durham. The earls, having got the victory in this bloody battle, conveyed the king to London, and lodged him in the bishop's palace. 
The Tower delivered 〈◊〉 the earl of March.  After whose coming to the city, the Tower was delivered to the earl of March, upon a certain composition; but the lord Scales suspecting the sequel of the delivery thereof, took a wherrie privily, intending to have fled to the queen; but he was espied by diverse watermen belonging to the earl of Warwick (which waited for his forth coming on the Thames) and suddenly taken, was shortly slain with many darts & daggers, 
The lord Scales 〈◊〉  and his body left naked and all bloody at the gate of the clink, and after was buried in the church adjoining.  
Then were diverse persons apprehended, and indicted of treason, whereof some were pardoned, and some executed. 
Thomas Thorpe.  Thomas Thorpe second baron of the escheker, was committed to the Tower, where he remained long after, for that he was known to be great friend to the house of Lancaster. 
〈◊〉. ●l. ex I. S. pag. 7●0.  ¶ When queen Margaret heard that the K. was taken, she with her son, and eight persons fled to the castle of Hardlagh in Wales, and was rob by the way in Lancashire of all her goods, to the value of ten thousand marks: from thence she went into Scotland. Thus you see what fruits the tree of civil discord doth bring forth; that evil tree, which whilst some have taken line 10 pain to plant, and some to proine and nourish, for others confusion (to whom they have given a taste of those apples which it bore, far more bitter than coloquintida) themselves have been forced to take such share as befell them by lot. For as it is not possible that a common fire, whose heat & flame is universally spread, should spare any particular place (for so should it not be general) no more is it likely that in civil commotions, rebellions, insurrections, and partakings in conflicts and pitched fields (specially under line 20 ringleaders of great countenance and parsonage, such as be the peers and states of kingdoms) any one should, though perhaps his life, yet (a thousand to one) not save his blood unspilled, nor his goods unspoiled. 
Anno Reg. 39 ] During this trouble, a parliament was summoned to begin at Westminster, in the month of October next following.  
In the mean time the duke of York, advertised of all these things, 
Whethamsted The duke of York cometh forth of Ireland.  sailed from Dubline towards England, and landed at the red bank near to the city line 30 of Chester, with no small company: and from Chester by long journeys he came to the city of London, which he entered the friday before the feast of S. Edward the Confessor, with a sword borne naked before him, with trumpets also sounding, and accompanied with a great train of men of arms, 
Whethamsted  and other of his friends and servants. At his coming to Westminster he entered the palace, and passing forth directly through the great hall, stayed not till he came to the chamber, where the king and lords used to sit in line 40 the parliament time, 
A strange de●●nor of the duke of York.  commonly called the upper house, or chamber of the peers, and being there entered, stepped up unto the throne royal, and there laying his hand upon the cloth of estate, seemed as if he meant to take possession of that which was his right (for he held his hand so upon that cloth a good pretty while) and after withdrawing his hand, turned his face towards the people, beholding their pressing together, and marking what countenance they made.  
Whilst he thus stood and beheld the people▪ supposing they rejoiced to see his presence, the archbishop line 50 of Canturburie (Thomas Bourcher) came to him, & after due salutations, asked him if he would come and see the king. With which demand he seeming to take disdain, answered briefly, and in few words thus: I remember not that I know any within this realm, 
H●s bold spe●ch.  but that it beseemeth him rather to come and see my person, than I to go and see his. The archbishop hearing his answer, went back to the king, and declared what answer he had received of the dukes own mouth. After the archbishop was departed line 60 to the king that lay in the queens lodging, the duke also departed, and went to the most principal lodging that the king had within all his palace, breaking up the locks and doors, and so lodged himself therein, more like to a king than a duke, continuing in the same lodging for a time to the great indignation of many, that could not in any wise like of such presumptuous attempts made by the duke, to thrust himself in possession of the crown, and to depose king Henry, who had reigned over them so long a time.  
Master Edward Hall in his chronicle maketh mention of an oration, which the duke of York uttered, sitting in the regal seat there in the chamber of the peers, either at this his first coming in amongst them, or else at some one time after, the which we have thought good also to set down: though john Whethamsted the abbot of saint Albon, who lived in those days, and by all likelihood was there present at the parliament, maketh no further recital of any words, which the duke should utter at that time in that his book of records, where he entreateth of this matter. But for the oration (as master Hall hath written thereof) we find as followeth. ¶ During the time (saith he) of this parliament, the duke of York with a bold countenance entered into the chamber of the peers, 
Edw. Hall. in Hen. 6. fol. clxxvij, etc.  and sat down in the throne royal, under the cloth of estate (which is the kings peculiar seat) and in the presence of the nobility, as well spiritual as temporal (after a pause made) he began to declare his title to the crown, in this form and order as ensueth.  

The duke of Yorks oration made to the lords of the parliament.  
MY singular good lords, marvel not that I approach unto this throne: for I sit here as in the place to me by very justice lawfully belonging; & here I rest, as to whom this chair of right appertaineth, not as he which requireth of you favour, partiality, or bearing, but equal right, friendly indifferency, and true administration of justice. For I being the party grieved, and complainant, can not minister to myself the medicine that should help me (as expert leeches & cunning surgians may) except you be to me both faithful aiders & also true councillors. Nor yet this noble realm and our natural country shall never be unbuckled from her daily fever, except I (as the principal physician, and you as the true and trusty apothecary's) consult together in making of the potion, and try out the clean and pure stuff from the corrupt and putrefied drugs.  
For undoubtedly, the root and bottom of this long festered canker is not yet extirpate, nor the feeble foundation of this fallible building is not yet espied, which hath been and is the daily destruction of the nobility, and the continual confusion of the poor commonalty of this realm and kingdom. For all you know (or should know) that the high and mighty prince king Richard the second, was the true and undoubted heir to the valiant conqueror and renowned prince king Edward the third, as son & heir to the hardy knight and courageous captain Edward prince of Wales, duke of Aquitaine and Cornwall, eldest son to the said king Edward the third: which king was not only in deed, but also of all men reputed and taken for the true and infallible heir to the wise and politic prince king Henry the third, as son and heir to king Edward the second, son and heir to king Edward the first, the very heir and first begotten son of the said noble and virtuous prince king Henry the third.  
Which king Richard of that name the second, was lawfully & justly possessed of the crown and diadem of this realm and region, till Henry of Derbie duke of Lancaster and Hereford, son to john of Gant duke of Lancaster, the fourth begotten son to the said king Edward the third, and younger brother to my noble ancestor Lionel duke of Clarence, the third begotten son of the said king Edward, by force line 10 and violence, contrary both to the duty of his allegiance, and also to his homage to him both done and sworn, raised war and battle at the castle of Flint in North-wales, against the said king Richard, and him apprehended, and imprisoned within the Tower of London: during whose life and captivity, he wrongfully usurped and intruded upon the royal power, and high line 20 estate of this realm and region, taking upon him the name, style, and authority of king and governor of the same.  
And not therewith satisfied, and contented, compassed and accomplished the death and destruction of his natural prince, and most worthy sovereign lord, not as a common homicide and butcherly murderer, but as a regicide, and destroyer of his king. After whose piteous death, and execrable line 30 murder, the right and title of the crown, and superiority of this realm was lawfully reverted & returned to Roger Mortimer earl of March, son and heir to lady Philip the only child of the above rehearsed Lionel duke of Clarence, unto which Rogers daughter called Anne, my most dearest and well-beloved mother, I am the very true and lineal heir, which descent line 40 all you can not justly gainsay, nor yet truly deny. Then remember this, if the title be mine, why am I put from it? If I be true heir to the crown (as I am in deed) why is my right withholden? If my claim be good, why have I not justice? For surly, learned men of great science and knowledge say and affirm, that lineal descent, nor usurped possession can nothing line 50 prevail, if continual claim be lawfully made, or openly published.  
For the avoiding of which scruple and ambiguity: Edmund earl of March my most well-beloved uncle, in the time of the first usurper, in deed but not by right called king Henry the fourth, by his coosines the earl of Northumberland, & the lord Persie, he being then in captivity with Owen line 60 Glendouer the rebel in Wales, made his title & righteous claim to the destruction of both the noble persons. Likewise my most dearest lord my father, so far set forth that right and title, that he lost his life & worldly joy at the town of southhampton, more by power than indifferent justice. Since whose death, I coming to my full age, have never desisted to pursue my title, and require my right, which by means of sinister counsel and unjust detention, I can neither obtain nor recover. So that of fine force I am compelled to use power in steed of prayer, and force in steed of request; not (as I said before) for my private emolument and peculiar profit: but to restore peace, love, and quietness to this our natural region, which ever since the first ungodly usurpation of the aforenamed Henry, untruely called king Henry the fourth, hath been clearly banished, and out of the same unjustly exiled.  
What murders and manslaughters have been perpetrated and committed within this country, since the beginning of that ungracious usurpation? What number of noble men have been slain, destroyed, & executed since that infortunate day? It is too lamentable and manifest. For although Henry of Lancaster earl of Derbie took upon him the sceptre and the crown, and wrongfully bore the name and style of a king; and was not much tickled with mine uncle the earl of March, at that time being within age: yet was he never in surety of himself, nor had or enjoyed any profit & quietness either in mind or in body. For surly, a corrupt conscience never feeleth rest, but looketh when the sword of vengeance will descend and strike. His son also called king Henry the fift, obtained notable victories, and immortal praises for his noble acts done in the realm of France: yet God (for the offence of his untrue parent) suddenly touched him, unbodieng his soul in the flower of his youth, and in the glory of his conquest.  
And although he had a fair son and a young heir apparent: yet was this orphan such a one (as preachers say) that God threatened to send for a punishment to his unruly and ungracious people, saying by his prophet isaiah; I shall give you children to be your princes, and infants without wisdom shall have the governance of you. The prophet lied not, if you note all things in an order: for after this Henry the fift (whose fame no man can justly reprove or deface) succeeded his son, whom all we have called our natural prince, and obeyed as his heir. In whose time and wrongful reign, I require you diligently to consider, with what great torments and afflictions God hath whipped & scourged this miserable I'll: yea with such and so many scourges and plagues, as no nation (the Egyptians only excepted) were ever tormented or afflicted withal. I will not speak of rebellious murders and oppressions, which of late have been done and exercised here among us. But I will declare & manifest to you, how the crown and glory of this realm is by the negligence of this silly man, and his unwise council minished, defaced, and also dishonoured.  
Is not Normandy, which his father got, regained & conquered again, by the insolency of him & his covetous council? Is not the whole duchy of Aquitaine, by two hundred and odyeares peaceably possessed by the kings of this realm, in one year and a little more, gotten out of our hands & signiory? What should I speak of Anjou & main, or the loss of the isle of France, with the rich city of Paris. Alas it is too apparent. Neither will I molest you with the recital of all the particulars thereof. But now in the midst of this affliction, and to make an end of the same: God of his ineffable goodness, looking on line 10 this country with his eyes of pity & mercy, hath sent me in the truth, to restore again his decayed kingdom to his ancient fame and old renown whereof here in open parliament, according to my just & true title, I have and do take possession of this royal throne: not putting diffidence, but firm hope in God's grace, that by his divine aid, and assistance of you the peers of this realm, I shall beautify & maintain line 20 the same to the glory of him, honour of my blood, and to the public wealth as well of you all here present, as of all the poor commons and subjects of this kingdom and regiment.   
When the duke had made an end of his oration, the lords sat still as men stricken into a certain amazedness, neither whispering nor speaking forth a word, as though their mouths had been sowed up. line 30 The duke not very well content with their silence, advised them to consider throughly, and ponder the whole effect of his words and saiengs: and so neither fully displeased, nor yet altogether content, departed to his lodging in the king's palace. While he was declaring thus his title in the higher house among the peers, there happened a strange chance in the very same, instant amongst the commons in the neither house. 
Prodigious tokens.  A crown which did hang in the middle of the same to garnish a branch to set lights upon, without line 40 touch of man, or blast of wind, suddenly fell down. About the same time also fell down the crown which stood on the top of Dover castle. Which chances were construed to be signs, that the crown of the realm should some way have a fall.  
The lords forgot not the duke's demand, and to take some direction therein, diverse of them, as spiritual and temporal, with many grave and sage persons of the commonalty daily assembled at the Blackfriar's, and other places, to treat of this matter, being line 50 of so great importance. During which time the duke of York, although he and the king were both lodged in the palace of Westminster; yet would he not for any prayers or requests once visit the king, till some conclusion were taken in this matter: saying, that he was subject to no man, but only to God, under whose mercy none here superior but he. ¶ The king of Scots, partly encouraged through the civil discord here in England, and partly for the displeasure which he had conceived for the death of line 60 Edmund duke of Summerset his moothers brother, this year besieged the castle of Roxburgh: 

The castle of Roxburgh besieged.  
The king of Scots through misfortune slain.   and by the breaking of a bombard, as the same was shot off against the castle, he chanced to be slain. Yet the Scots left not off their enterprise, assaulting the castle till they got it, and then defended it a long time after, till Richard duke of Gloucester won it again, and razed it.  
After long debating of the matter, and deliberate consultation amongst the peers, prelates, and commons, 
The determination of the parliament concerning the entailing of crown●.  upon the vigil of All saints, it was condescended: for so much as king Henry had been taken as king by the space of thirty and eight years and more, that he should enjoy the name and title of king, and have possession of the realm during his natural life. And if he either died, or resigned, or forfeited the same, by breaking or going against any point of this concord, than the said crown & authority royal should immediately be devoluted and come to the duke of York, if he then lived; or else to the next heir of his lineage. And that the duke of York from thence forth should be protector and regent of the land. 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 700, 701, etc. in Quart.  ¶ This was the determination of the parliament to & fro, tending to peace between the king & the duke (which was ratified accordingly) as by the articles ensuing doth appear.  

The articles betwixt king Henry and the duke of York.  
BLessed be jesus, in whose hands and bounty resteth and is the peace and unity betwixt princes, and the weal of every realm: by whose direction (I know) agreed it is, appointed, and accorded as followeth, betwixt the most high and most mighty prince king Henry the sixth king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, on the one party, and the right high & mighty prince Richard Plantagenet duke of York on the other party: upon certain matters of variance moved betwixt them, and especially upon the claim and title unto the crowns of England and of France, and royal power, estate, and dignity appertaining to the same, and lordship of Ireland, opened, showed, and declared by the said duke, before all the lords spiritual and temporal, being in this present parliament.  
First, where the said Richard duke of York hath declared and opened (as is above said) title & claim in manner as followeth.  
That the right noble and worthy prince, Henry king of England the third had issue, and lawfully got Edward the first begotten son, borne at Westminster, the fifteenth kalends of julie, in the year of our Lord 1239, & Edmund his second son which was borne on S. Marcels day, the year 1200, the which Edward, after the death of king Henry his father, entitled & called king Edward the first, had issue, Edward his first begotten son, called (after the decease of his father) king Edward the second, the which had issue, Edward the third; which Edward the third had issue, Edward prince of Wales; William of Hatfield his second son; Lionel the third, duke of Clarence; john of Gant fourth, duke of Lancaster; Edmund of Langleie fift, duke of York; Thomas of Woodstoke sixth, duke of Gloucester; and William of Windsor seventh.  
The said Edward prince of Wales, which died in the life time of his father, had issue Richard, which succeeded Edward the third his grandsire; Richard died without issue; William of Hatfield the second son of Edward the third, died without issue; Lionel the third son of Edward the third, duke of Clarence, had issue Philip his daughter and heir, which was coupled in matrimony unto Edmund Mortimer earl of March, and had issue Roger Mortimer earl of March her son and heir; which Roger had issue of Edmund earl of March, Roger Mortimer, Anne, Elinor; which Edmund, Roger, and Elinor died without issue.  
And the said Anne coupled in matrimony to Richard earl of Cambridge, the son of Edmund of Langleie, the fift son of Henry the third, and had issue Richard Plantagenet, commonly called duke of York; john of Gant, the fourth son of Edward, and the younger brother of the said Lionel, had issue Henry earl of Derbie, whu incontinently after that king Richard resigned the crowns of the realms and lordship of Ireland, unrighteously entered upon the same, then being alive Edmund Mortimer earl of March, son to Roger Mortimer earl of March, son and heir of the said Philip, daughter and heir of the said Lionel, the third son of the said king Edward the third, to the which Edmund the right and title of the said crowns and lordship by law and custom belonged. To the which Richard duke of York, as son to Anne daughter to Roger Mortimer earl of March, son and heir of the said Philip, daughter and heir of the said Lionel, line 10 the third son of king Edward the third, the right, title, dignity royal, and estate of the crowns of the realms of England and France, and the lordship of Ireland pertaineth and belongeth afore any issue of the said john of Gant, the fourth son of the same king Edward.  
The said title notwithstanding, and without prejudice of the said Richard duke of York, tenderly desiring the wealth, rest, and prosperity of this land, and to set apart all that might be trouble to the same, line 20 and considering the possession of the said king Henry the sixth, and that he hath for his time been named, taken, and reputed for king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, is contented, agreed, and consenteth, that he be had, reputed, and taken for king of England and France, with the royal estate, dignity, and pre-eminence belonging thereunto, and lord of Ireland during his natural life. And for that time, the said duke, without hurt or prejudice of his said right, and title, shall take, worship, line 30 and honour him for his sovereign lord.  
Item, the said Richard duke of York, shall promit and bind him by his solemn oath, in manner and form as followeth.  

The oath of Richard duke of York.  In the name of God Amen: I Richard duke of York, promise and swear by the faith and truth that I own to almighty God, that I shall never consent, procure, or stir, directly or indirectly, in privy or apert, neither (as much as in me is) shall suffer to be line 40 done, consented, procured, or stirred, any thing that may sound to the abridgement of the natural life of king Henry the sixth, or to the hurt or diminishing of his reign or dignity royal, by violence, or any other way, against his freedom or liberty: but if any person or persons would do or presume any thing to the contrary, I shall with all my might and power withstand it, and make it to be withstood, as far as my power will stretch thereunto, so help me God and his holy evangelists. line 50  
Item, Edward earl of March, and Edmund earl of Rutland, sons of the said duke of York, shall make like oath.  
Item, it is accorded, appointed, and agreed, that the said Richard duke of York, shall be called and reputed from henceforth, very and rightful heir to the crowns, royal estate, dignity and lordship above said; and after the decease of the said king Henry, or when he will lay from him the said crowns, estate, dignity, and lordship, the said duke and his heirs line 60 shall immediately succeed to the said crowns, royal estate, dignity and lordship.  
Item, the said Richard duke of York, shall have by authority of this present parliament, castles, manors, lands, and tenements, with the wards, marriages, reliefs, services, fines, amercements, offices, advowsons, fees, and other appurtenances to them belonging, what soever they be, to the yearly value of ten thousand marks, over all charges and reprises▪ whereof five thousand marks shall be to his own state, three thousand five hundred marks to Edward his first begotten son earl of March for his estate, and one thousand pounds to Edmund earl of Rutland his second son for his yearly sustentation, in such consideration and such intent as shall be declared by the lords of the king's council.  
Item, if any person or persons imagine or compass the death of the said duke, and thereof probably be attainted of open deed done by folks of other condition, that it be deemed & adjudged high treason.  
Item, for the more establishing of the said accord, it is appointed and consented, that the lords spiritual and temporal, being in this present parliament, shall make oaths, to accept, take, worship, and repute the said Richard duke of York and his heirs, as above is rehearsed, and keep, observe, and strengthen (in as much as appertaineth unto them) all the things abovesaid, and resist to their power, all them that would presume the contrary, according to their estates and degrees.  
Item, the said Richard duke of York, earls of March, and Rutland, shall permit and make other to help, aid, and defend the said lords, and every of them, against all those that will quarrel, or any thing attempt against the said lords, or any of them, by occasion of agreement or consenting to the said accord, or assistance giving to the duke and earls, or any of them.  
Item, it is agreed and appointed, that this accord, and every article thereof, be opened and notified by the king's letters patents, or otherwise, at such times and places, and in manner as it shall be thought expedient to the said Richard duke of York, with the advise of the lords of the king's council. The king understandeth certainly the said title of the said Richard duke of York, just, lawful, and sufficient, by the advise and assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this parliament assembled; and by authority of the same parliament declareth, approveth, ratifieth, confirmeth, and accepteth the said title, just, good, lawful, and true, and thereunto giveth his assent and agreement of his free will and liberty.  
And over that, by the said advise and authority declareth, entituleth, calleth, establisheth, affirmeth, & reputeth the said Richard duke of York, very true and rightful heir to the crowns, royal estate, and dignity of the realms of England and of France, and of the lordship of Ireland aforesaid; and that according to the worship and reverence that thereto belongeth, he be taken, accepted and reputed, in worship & reverence, by all the states of the said realm of England, and of all his subjects thereof; saving and ordaining by the same authority, the king to have the said crowns, realm, royal estate, dignity, and pre-eminence of the same, and the said lordship of Ireland during his life natural.  
And furthermore, by the same advise and authority willeth, consenteth and agreeth, that after his decease, or when it shall please his highness to lay from him the said crowns, estate, dignity, and lordship, the said Richard duke of York and his heirs shall immediately succeed him in the said crowns, royal estate, dignity, and worship, and them then have and enjoy: any act of parliament, statute, or ordinance, or other thing to the contrary made, or interruption, or discontinuance of possession notwithstanding.  
And moreover, by the said advise and authority, establisheth, granteth, confirmeth, approveth, ratifieth, and accepteth the said accord, and all things therein contained, and thereunto freely and absolutely assenteth, agreeth; and by the same advise and authority ordaineth and establisheth, that if any person or persons imagine or compass the death of the said duke, & probably be attainted of open deed done by folks of that condition, that it be deemed and adjudged high treason.  
And furthermore ordaineth and establisheth by the said advise and authority, that all statutes, ordinances, and acts of parliament, made in the time of the said king Henry the fourth, by the which he and the heirs of his body, coming of Henry late king of England the fift, the son and heir of the said king Henry the fourth, and the heirs of king Henry the fift, were or be inheritable to the said crowns and realms, or to the heritage of the same, be annulled, repealed, damned, canceled, void, and of none effect. line 10  
And over this, the king by the said advise, assent and authority, ordaineth and establisheth, that all other acts and statutes made afore this time by act of parliament, not repealed or annulled by like authority, or otherwise void, be in such force, effect, and virtue, as they were afore the making of these ordinances; and that no letters patents, roialx of record, nor acts judicial, made or done afore this time not repealed, reversed, ne otherwise void by law, be prejudiced or hurt by this present act.] line 20   
This agreement put in articles, was engrossed, sealed, and sworn unto by the two parties, and also enacted in the parliament. For joy whereof the king, having in his company the duke of York, road to the cathedral church of saint Paul in London, and there on the day of All saints with the crown on his head went solemnly in procession, and was lodged a good space after in the bishop's palace, near to the said church. 

The duke of York proclaimed heir apparent & protector of the realm.  
The parliament 〈◊〉 Coventrie 〈…〉.   And upon the saturday next ensuing, line 30 Richard duke of York was by sound of trumpet solemnly proclaimed heir apparent to the crown of England, and protector of the realm. After this, the parliament kept at Coventrie the last year, was declared to be a devilish council, and only had for destruction of the nobility, and was indeed no lawful parliament: because they which were returned, were never elected according to the due order of the law, but secretly named by them which desired rather the destruction than the advancement of the line 40 commonwealth. When these agréements were enacted, the king dissolved his parliament, which was the last parliament that ever he ended.  
The duke of York, well knowing that the queen would spurn against all this, caused both her and her son to be sent for by the king. But she as wont rather to rule, than to be ruled, and thereto counseled by the dukes of Excester and Summerset, not only denied to come, but also assembled a great army, intending to take the king by fine force out of the lords hands. The protector in London, having knowledge line 50 of all these doings, assigned the duke of Norfolk, and earl of Warwick his trusty friends to be about the king, while he with the earls of Salisbury and Rutland, and a convenient number departed out of London the second day of December northward, and appointed the earl of March his eldest son to follow him with all his power. The duke came to his castle of Sandal beside Wakefield on Christmas éeuen, & there began to make muster of his tenants and friends. The queen there of ascertained, determined line 60 to cope with him ye● his succour were come.  
Now she, having in her company the prince her son▪ the dukes of Excester and Summerset, the earl of Devonshire, the lord Clifford, the lord Ros, and in effect all the lords of the north parts, with eighteen thousand men, or (as some writ) two and twenty thousand, marched from York to Wakefield, and bad base to the duke, even before his castle gates. He having with him not fully five thousand persons, contrary to the minds of his faithful councillors▪ would needs issue forth to fight with his enemies. The duke of Summerset and the queens part, casting upon their most advantage, appointed the lord Clifford to lie in one stolen, and the earl of Wiltshire in another, and the duke with other to keep the main battle. The duke of York with his people descended down the hill in good order and array, and was suffered to pass on towards the main battle.  
But when he was in the plain field between his castle and the town of Wakefield, 
The battle at Wakefield.  he was environed on every side, like fish in a net, so that though he fought manfully, 
The duke of York slain.  yet was he within half an hour slain and dead, and his whole army discomfited: with him died of his trusty friends, his two bastard uncles, sir john and sir Hugh Mortimers, sir Davie Hall, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Thomas Nevil, William and Thomas Aparre, both brethren; 
Only seven hundred southern men saith Whe●hamsted.  and two thousand and eight hundred others, whereof many were young gentlemen, and heirs of great parentage in the south parts, whose kin revenged their deaths within four months next, as after shall appear.  
In this conflict was wounded and taken prisoner, Richard earl of Salisbury, sir Richard Limbricke, Ralph Stanleie, john Harow, captain Hanson, and diverse others. The lord Clifford, perceiving where the earl of Rutland was conveyed out of the field (by one of his father's chapleins, and schoolmaster to the same earl) and overtaking him, 
The cruel murder of the young earl of Rutland.  stabbed him to the heart with a dagger as he kneeled afore him. This earl was but a child at that time of twelve years of age, whom neither his tender years, nor dolorous countenance, with holding up both his hands for mercy (for his speech was gone for fear) could move the cruel heart of the lord Clifford to take pity upon him, so that he was noted of great infamy for that his unmerciful murder upon that young gentleman.  
But the same lord Clifford not satisfied herewith, came to the place where the dead corpse of the duke of York lay, caused his head to be stricken off, and set on it a crown of paper, fixed it on a pole, and presented it to the queen, not lying far from the field, in great despite, at which great rejoicing was showed: but they laughed then that shortly after lamented, and were glad then of other men's deaths that knew not their own to be so near at hand. ¶ Some write that the duke was taken alive, 
Whethamsted▪  and in derision caused to stand upon a molehill, on whose head they put a garland in steed of a crown, which they had fashioned and made of sedges or bulrushes; and having so crowned him with that garland, they kneeled down afore him (as the jews did unto Christ) in scorn, saying to him; Hail king without rule, hail king without heritage, hail duke and prince without people or possessions. And at length having thus scorned him with these and diverse other the like despiteful words, they struck off his head, which (as ye have heard) they presented to the queen.  
Many deemed that this miserable end chanced to the duke of York, as a due punishment for breaking his oath of allegiance unto his sovereign lord king Henry: but others held him discharged thereof, because he obtained a dispensation from the pope▪ 
A purchase of God's curse with the pope's blessing.  by such suggestion as his procurators made unto him, whereby the same oath was adjudged void, as that which was received unadvisedly, to the prejudice of himself, and disheriting of all his posterity. After this victory by the queen, 
The prisoners beheaded  the earl of Salisbury and all the prisoners were sent to Pomfret, year 1461 and there beheaded, whose heads (together with the duke of York's head) were conveyed to York, and there set on poles over the gate of the city, in despite of them and their lineage. The earl of March, 
The earl of March now duke of York.  now after the death of his father, very duke of York, lying at Gloucester, was wonderfully amazed, when the sorrowful news of these mishaps came unto him: but after comfort given to him by his faithful lovers and assured allies, he removed to Shrewesburie, declaring to the inhabitants of that town, and to them of the other towns in those parties the murder of his father, the jeopardy of himself, and the present ruin of the commonwealth.  
The people on the marches of Wales, for the favour which they bore to the Mortimers lineage, more gladly offered him their aid and assistance than he could desire the same; so that he had incontinently a line 10 puissant army, to the number of three and twenty thousand, ready to go against the queen, and the murderers of his father. But when he was setting forward, 
The earl of Penbroke.  news was brought to him, that jasper earl of Penbroke half brother to king Henry, and james Butler earl of Ormund and Wiltshire, had assembled a great number of Welsh and Irish people to take him: he herewith quickened, retired back and met with his enemies in a fair plain, near to Mortimer's cross, 
The battle of Mortimer's cross.  not far from Hereford east, on line 20 Candlemas day in the morning. At which time the sun (as some writ) appeared to the earl of March like three suns, and suddenly joined altogether in one. Upon which sight he took such courage, that he fiercely setting on his enemies, put them to flight: and for this cause men imagined, that he gave the sun in his full brightness for his badge or cognisance. 
The cognisance of bright sun.  Of his enemies were left dead on the ground three thousand and eight hundred.  
The earls of Penbroke and Wiltshire fled, but sir Owen Teuther father to the said earl of Penbroke line 30 (which Owen had married king Henry's mother, 
Owen Teuther and other taken and beheaded.  as ye have heard before) with David Floid, Morgan ap Reuther, and diverse other were taken, and beheaded at Hereford. The queen nevertheless encouraged by her late victory, with a multitude of northern people, marched toward London, intending to undo all that had been ordained in the last parliament. These northern people, after they were once passed over the river of Trent, 
Whethamsted.  spoiled and wasted the country afore them, in manner as if they had line 40 been in the land of foreign enemies. At length, they approached to saint Albon, hearing that the duke of Norfolk, and the earl of Warwick, with other whom the duke of York had left to govern the king in his absence, had (by the king's assent) assembled a great host, and were encamped near to that town.  
Those northern lords and other that were with the queen, 
The northern men enter into S. Albon.  made forward, and entering into S. Albon, meant to pass through the town, and so to cope line 50 with their enemies; but finding a sort of archers ranged near to the great cross in the market place, to defend their passage, they were received with such a storm of arrows, which came flying about their ears as thick as hail, that they were quickly repelled back, and with loss driven to retire in haste unto the west end of the town; where, by a lane that leadeth northwards up to saint Peter's street, they made their entry, and had there also a sharp encounter against certain bands of the king's people. line 60 But after great slaughter on both parts, they got through▪ 
They pass through it.  and upon the heath that lieth at the north end of the town, called Barnard heath, they had a far greater conflict with four or five thousand of the king's army, that seemed as they had been avant courrers.  
These gave the onset so fiercely at the beginning, that the victory rested doubtful a certain time, 
The second battle at S. Albon.  so that if the eastern and southern men had continued as they began, the field had been theirs; but after they had stood to it a pretty while, and perceived none of their fellows from the great army to come and assist them, they began to faint, and turning their backs, fled amain over hedge and ditch, 
The 〈◊〉 part 〈◊〉  through thick and thin, woods and bushes, seeking so to escape the hands of their cruel enemies that followed them with eager minds, to make slaughter upon them, namely, the northern prickers, now in the chase pursued most hotly, and bore down many, and more had done, if the night coming upon, had not stayed them.  
When the day was closed, those that were about the king (in number a twenty thousand) hearing how evil their fellows had sped, began utterly to despair of the victory, and so fell without any long tarriance to running away. By reason whereof, the nobles that were about the king, perceiving how the game went, and withal saw no comfort in the king, but rather a good will and affection towards the contrary part, they withdrew also, leaving the king accompanied with the lord Bonneville, & sir Thomas Kiriell of Kent; which upon assurance of the king's promise, tarried still with him, and fled not. But their trust deceived them, for at the queen's departing from saint Albon, they were both beheaded; though contrary to the mind and promise of her husband. Sir Thomas Thorp, baron of the escheker, was also beheaded the same day, at Highgate, by the commons of Kent.  
Such was the success of this second battle fought at S. Albon, upon Shrovetuesdaie, the seventeenth of February, in which were slain three and twenty hundred men, of whom no noble man is remembered, 
1916, as john Stow noteth▪ Sir john Gray slain●.  save sir john Gray, which the same day was made knight, with twelve other, at the village of Colneie. Now after that the noble men and other were fled, and the king left in manner alone without any power of men to guard his person, he was counseled by an esquire called Thomas Hoo, a man well languaged, and well seen in the laws, to send some convenient messenger to the northern lords, advertising them, that he would now gladly come unto them (whom he knew to be his very friends, and had assembled themselves together for his service) to the end he might remain with them, as before he had remained under the government of the southern lords.  
According to the advise and counsel of this esquire, the king thought it good to send unto them, and withal appointed the same esquire to bear the message, 
Thomas 〈◊〉 esquire sent to the northern lord●.  who first went and declared the same unto the earl of Northumberland, and returning back to the king, brought certain lords with him, who conveyed the king first unto the lord Clifford's tent, that stood next to the place where the king's people had encamped. This done, they went and brought the queen and her son prince Edward unto his presence, whom he joyfully received, embracing and kissing them in most loving wife, and yielding hearty thanks to almighty God, whom it had pleased thus to strengthen the forces of the northern men▪ to restore his dearly beloved and only son again into his possession. 
Edw. Hall▪  Thus was the queen fortunate in her two battles, but unfortunate was the king in all his enterprises: for where his person was present, the victory still fled from him to the contrary part. The queen caused the king to dub her son prince Edward knight, with thirty other persons, 
Prince Edward 〈◊〉 knight.  which the day before fought on her side against his part.  
This done, they went to the abbeie, where of the abbot and monks they were received with hymns and songs, and so brought to the high altar, and after to the shrine, and so to the chamber in which the king was wont to lodge. The abbot made suit that order might be taken to restrain the northern men from spoiling the town: and proclamation indeed was made to that effect, but it availed not: for they maintained, that the spoil of things was granted them by covenant, after they were once passed over the river of Trent: and so not regarding any proclamation or other commandment, they spared nothing that they could lay hands upon, 

The northern ●en spoil the town of saint 〈◊〉.  
The queen sends to the mayor of Londo● for victuals.   if the same were meet for them to carry away. The queen, having thus got the victory, sent to the mayor of London, commanding him without delay to send certain carts, laden with Lenton victuals, for the refreshing of her and her army. The mayor incontinently line 10 caused carts to be laden, and would have sent them forward; but the commons of the city would not suffer them to pass, 
Uittels sent by the mayor, and stayed by the commons.  but stayed them at Cripplegate, notwithstanding the mayor did what he could by gentle persuasions to quiet them.  
During which controversy, diverse of the northern horsemen, came and rob in the suburbs of the city, and would have entered at Cripplegate; but they were repelled by the commoners, and three of them slain. Whereupon, the mayor sent the recorder line 20 to Barnet to the king's council there, to excuse the matter; and the duchess of Bedford, the lady Scales, with diverse fathers of the spirituality, went to the queen, to assuage her displeasure conceived against the city. The queen at this humble request, by advise of her council, appointed certain lords and knights, with four hundred tall persons, to ride to the city, and there to view and see the demeanour and disposition of the people: and diverse aldermen were appointed to meet them at Barnet, and to convey line 30 them to London. But what man purposeth, God disposeth. All these devices were shortly altered to another form, because true report came not only to the queen, but also to the city; that the earl of March, having vanquished the earls of Penbroke and Wiltshire, had met with the earl of Warwick (after this last battle at saint Albon) at Chipping Norton by Cotsold; and that they with both their powers were coming toward London. The queen having little trust in Essex, 
The queen returneth northward.  and less in Kent, but line 40 lest of all in London, with her husband and son, departed from saint Albon, into the north country, where the foundation of her aid and refuge only rested.  
The duchess of York, seeing her husband and son slain, and not knowing what should succeed of her eldest sons chance, sent her two younger sons, George and Richard, over the sea, to the city of Utrecht in Almain, where they were of Philip duke of Burgognie well received; and so remained there, till line 50 their brother Edward had got the crown and government of the realm. The earls of March and Warwick, having perfect knowledge that the king & queen, with their adherents, were departed from S. Albon, road strait to London, entering there with a great number of men of war, the first week of Lent. Whose coming thither was no sooner known, but that the people resorted out of Kent, 
The great hop● of the people conceived of the earl o● March.  Essex, and other the counties adjoining, in great numbers, to see, aid, and comfort this lusty prince and flower of line 60 chivalry, in whom the hope of their joy and trust of their quietness only consisted.  
This prudent young prince, minding to take time when time served, called a great council, both of the lords spiritual and temporal, and to them repeated the title and right that he had to the crown, rehearsing also the articles concluded between king Henry and his father, by their writings signed and sealed, and also confirmed by act of parliament; the breaches whereof he neither forgot, nor left undeclared. After the lords had considered of this matter, they determined by authority of the said council, that because king Henry had done contrary to the ordinances in the last parliament concluded, and was insufficient of himself to rule the realm, he was therefore to be deprived of all kingly estate: and incontinently was Edward earl of March, son and heir to Richard duke of York, by the lords in the said council assembled, named, elected, 
The earl of March elected king.  and admitted for king and governor of the realm.  
On which day, the people of the earls part, being in their muster in S. john's field, and a great number of the substantial citizens there assembled, to behold their order; the lord Fauconbridge, who took the musters, 
The lord Fauconbridge.  wisely anon declared to the people the offences and breaches of the late agreement, committed by king Henry the sixth; and demanded of the people, whether they would have him to rule and reign any longer over them? To whom they with whole voice answered; Nay, nay. Then he asked them, if they would serve, love, honour, and obey the earl of March, as their only king and sovereign lord? To which question they answered; Yea, yea: crying (King Edward) with many great shouts & clapping of hands in assent and gladness of the same.  
The lords were shortly advertised of the loving consent which the commons frankly and freely had given. Whereupon incontinently, they all with a convenient number of the most substantial commons repaired to the earl at Bainard's castle, making just and true report of their election and admission, and the loving assent of the commons. The earl, after long pausing, first thanked God of his great grace and benefit towards him showed; then the lords and commons for their favour and fidelity: notwithstanding, like a wise prince, he alleged his insufficiency for so great a room and weighty burden, as lack of knowledge, want of experience, and diverse other qualities to a governor appertaining. But yet in conclusion, being persuaded by the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishop of Excester, 
The earl of March taketh upon him as king.  and other lords then present, he agreed to their petition, and took upon him the charge of the kingdom, as forfeited to him by breach of the covenants established in parliament.  
¶ Thus far touching the tragical state of this land under the rend regiment of king Henry, 
Abr. Flem.  who (besides the bare title of royalty and naked name of king) had little appertaining to the port of a prince. For whereas the dignity of princedom standeth in sovereignty; there were of his nobles that imbecilled his prerogative by sundry practices, specially by main force; as seeking either to suppress, or to exile, or to obscure, or to make him away: otherwise what should be the meaning of all those fought fields from time to time, most miserably falling out both to prince, peer, and people? As at saint Albon, at Bloreheath, at Northampton, at Banberie, at Barnet, & at Wakefield; to the effusion of much blood, and pulling on of many a plague, which otherwise might have been aucided. All which battles, together with those that were tried between Edward the fourth, after his inthronization; and Henry the sixth after his extermination (as at Exham, Doncaster, and Teukesburie) are remembered by Anglorum praelia in good order of pithy poetry, as followeth: 
Nobilitata inter plures haec sunt loca caede,  
Albani fanum, Blorum, borealis & Ampton,  
Banbrecum campis, Barnettum collibus haerens,  

* Wakefield.  Experrectorum pagus, fanúmque se●undò  
Albani, propior Scoticis confinibus Exam,  
Contiguóque istis habitantes rure coloni,  
Moerentes hody, quoties proscindit arator  
Arua propinqua locis dentale revellere terra  
Semisepulta virûm sulcis Cerealibus ossa:  
Moesta execrantur planctu civil duellum,  
Quo periere ●ominum plus centum millia caesa,  
Nobile Todcastrum clades accepta coegit  
Millibus enectis ter denis nomen habere.  
Vltima postremae locus est Teuxburia pugnae,  
Oppidulis his accedens certissima testis,  
Bello intestino slwios fluxisse cruoris.]   
But now before we proceed any further, sith the reign of king Henry may seem here to take end, we will specify some such learned men as lived in his time. john Leland, surnamed the elder (in respect of the other john Leland, that painful antiquary of our time) wrote diverse treatises, for the instruction of grammarians; john Hainton, a line 10 Carmelit or white friar (as they called them) of Lincoln; Robert Colman, a Franciscane friar of Norwich, and chancellor of the university of Oxenford; William White a priest of Kent, professing the doctrine of Wickliff, and forsaking the order of the Roman church, married a wife, but continued his office of preaching, till at length, in the year 1428, he was apprehended, and by William bishop of Norwich, and the doctors of the friars mendicants, charged with thirty articles, which he maintained, contrary line 20 to the doctrine of the Roman church, and in September the same year suffered death by fire.  
Alexander Carpentar, a learned man, set forth a book called Destructorium vitiorum, wherein he inveigheth against the prelates of the church of that time, for their cruelty used, in persecuting the poor and godly christians; Richard Kendal, an excellent grammarian; john Bate, warden of the white friars in York, but borne in the borders of Wales, an excellent philosopher, and a divine, he was also seen in the line 30 Greek tongue, 
Peter Basset wrote king Henry the fift his life.  a thing rare in those days; Peter Basset, esquire of the privy chamber to king Henry the fift, whose life he wrote; john Pole a priest, that wrote the life of saint Walburgh, daughter to one Richard, a noble man of this realm of England, which Walburgh (as he affirmeth) builded our lady church in Antwerp; Thomas Ismaelit, a monk of Zion; Walter Hilton, a Chartreaux monk also of Shiene, either of those wrote certain treatises full of superstition, as john Bale noteth. line 40  
Thomas Walden so called of the town where he was borne, but his father's surname was Netter, a white friar of London, and the three and twentieth provincial governor of his order, a man undoubtedly learned, and thoroughly furnished with cunning of the schools, but a sore enemy to them that professed the doctrine of Wickliff, writing sundry great volumes and treatises against them, he died at Rone in Normandy, the second of November, in line 50 the year one thousand four hundred and thirty; Richard Ullerston, borne in Lancashire, wrote diverse treatises of divinity; Peter Clerk, a student in Oxenford, and a defender of Wickliff's doctrine, whereupon when he feared persecution here in England, he fled into Boheme, but yet at length he was apprehended by the imperialists, and died for it, as some writ, 
Fabian and Caxton.  but in what order, is not expressed.  
Robert Hounslow, a religious man of an house in Hounslow beside London, whereof he took his line 60 surname; Thomas Walsingham, borne in Norfolk, in a town there of the same name, but professed a monk in the abbeie of saint Albon, a diligent historiographer; john Tilneie, a white friar of Yermouth, but a student in Cambridge, and proved an excellent divine; Richard Fleming, a doctor of divinity in Oxenford, of whom more at large before, pag. 604. john Low borne in Worcestershire, an Augustine friar, a doctor of divinity, and provincial in England of his order, and by king Henry the sixth, made first bishop of saint Asaph, and after removed from thence to Rochester; Thomas Ringsted the younger, not the same that was bishop, but a doctor of the law, and vicar of Mildenhall in Suffolk, a notable preacher, and wrote diverse treatises.  
john Felton, a doctor of divinity of Madgdalen college in Oxenford; Nicholas Botlesham, a Carmelit friar borne in Cambridgeshire, and student first in the university of Cambridge, and after in Paris, where he proceeded doctor of divinity; Thomas Rudburne, a monk of Winchester, and an historiographer; john Holbrooke, borne in Surrie, a great philosopher, and well seen in the mathematics; Peter Pain, an earnest professor of Wickliff's doctrine, and fearing persecution here in England, fled into Boheme, where he remained in great estimation for his great learning & no less wisdom; Nicholas Upton, a civilian, wrote of heraldry, of colours in armory, and of the duty of chivalry; William Beckeleie, a Carmelit friar of Sandwich, & warden of the house there, a divine, and professed degree of school in Cambridge; john Torpe, a Carmelit friar of Norwich.  
john Capgrave borne in Kent, and Augustine friar, proceeded doctor of divinity in Oxenford, was admitted provincial of his order, and proved (without controversy) the best learned of any of that order of friars here in England, as john Bale affirmeth, he wrote many notable volumes, and finally departed this life at Lin in Norfolk, the twelfth of August, in the year 1464, which was in the fourth year of king Edward the fourth; Humphrey duke of Gloucester, earl of Penbroke, and lord chamberlain of England, also protector of the realm, during the minority of his nephew king Henry the sixth, was both a great favourer of learned men, and also very well learned himself, namely in astrology, whereof (beside other things) he wrote a special treatise entitled, Tabula directionum.  
john Whethamsted, otherwise called Frumentarius, was abbot of saint Albon, and highly in favour with the good duke of Gloucester last remembered, he wrote diverse treatises, and among others, a book as it were of the records of things, chancing whilst he was abbot, which book I have seen, and partly in some parcel of this king's time have also followed; Roger Onleie, borne in the west country (as Bale thinketh) was accused of treason, for practising with the lady Eleanor Cobham, by sorcery to make the king away, and was thereof condemned, and died for it, though he were innocent thereof, as some have thought, he wrote a treatise entitled, Contra vulgi superstitiones, also another De sua innocentia; Nicholas Cantlow, a Welshman borne, descended of an ancient family in Southwales, as by Bale it should appear, he became a friar Carmelit in Bristol; Henry Wichingham, a Carmelit friar of Norwich, a notable divine, a great preacher, and wrote also sundry treatises of divinity.  
john Lidgate, a monk of Bury, an excellent poet, and chief in his time in that faculty, of all other that practised the same within this land, he traveled through France and Italy to learn the languages and sciences, how greatly he profited in attaining to knowledge, the works which he wrote do sufficiently testify; Nicholas Hostresham, an excellent physician; john Blackeneie, a religious man, of the order of the Trinity entitled, De redemptione captivorum, and prior of an house of the same order, at Ingham in Norfolk, he was surnamed Blackeneie, of the town where he was borne; Thomas Beckington, bishop of Bath, wrote against the law Salic, by which law the Frenchmen would seclude the princes of this realm from their title unto the crown of France; john Baringham a Carmelite friar of Gippeswich in Suffolk; David Bois, borne in Wales, and a friar Carmelit, professed in Gloucester, a doctor of divinity.  
john Brome, an Augustine friar; Michael Trigurie, a Cornishman borne, whom for his excellency and learning, king Henry the fift appointed to be governor of that school or university, which he instituted in the city of Caen in Normandy, after he had brought it under his subjection; john Amundisham, a monk of saint Albon; Oswald Anglicus, a monk of the Chartreux order; john Keningale, a Carmelit friar of Norwich; Peter De sancta line 10 fide, a Carmelit also of Norwich; Reginald Peacock, bishop of Chichester, of whom ye have heard before, he was borne in Wales, and student in Oriall college in Oxenford, where he proceeded doctor of divinity, he wrote many treatises touching the christian religion; john surnamed Bury of the town where he was borne, an Augustine friar in the town of Clare in Suffolk.  
Robert Fleming, a man perfect in the Greek and Latin tongue [among whose works some have line 20 been seen under these titles: namely, Lucubrationum Tiburtinarm lib. 1. a dictionary in Greek and Latin, and a work in verse of sundry kinds, this man was of most fame in the year of our Lord 1470, which was in the tenth year of Edward the fourth, though he were not obscure also in the days of this Henry the sixth;] Thomas Gascoigne, borne at Hunfléete in Yorkshire, of that worshipful family of the Gascoignes there, a doctor of divinity, and chancellor of the university of Oxenford; William Stapilhart, borne in Kent, but by profession a white friar line 30 in London; Robert Fimingham borne in Norfolk a Franciscan friar in Norwich; Nicholas Montacute, an historiographer; john Chandler, chancellor of Welles; William Botoner, descended of a good house, a knight by degree, and borne in Bristol, very studious in antiquities, and other sciences.  
john Stow, a monk of Norwich, but student in Oxenford, where he proceeded doctor of divinity; Thomas Langleie, a monk of Hulme; Nicholas Bungeie, borne in a town of Norfolk of that line 40 name, wrote an history, called Adunationes chronicorum; Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester, base son to john duke of Lancaster, of whom before we have made sufficient mention, made cardinal by pope Martin the fourth, in the year 1426; Adam Homlington, a Carmelit friar; William Coppinger, master of the university of Oxenford; Thomas Stacie, an expert mathematician, and no less skilful in astronomy; john Talaugerne, a monk of Worcester; William Sutton, an astrologian; Robert Balsacke, wrote a book entitled De re militari, that is to say, of war or chivalry, so that (as is thought) he was both a good soldier, and a painful student of good letters.  
Thomas Dando, a Carmelit friar of Marleburgh, he wrote the life of Alphred king of west Saxons; William Gray, borne of the noble house of the Graies of Codnor, he went to attain to some excellency of learning in Italy, where he heard that noble clerk Guarinus Ueronensis read in Ferrara, he was preferred to the bishopric of Elie, in the year 1454, by pope Nicholas the fift, when Thomas Bourchier was translated from thence to Canturburie; john Kempe, archbishop of York, and after removed from thence to Canturburie (as before ye have heard) he was made cardinal of S. Albin, by pope Eugenie the fourth; Adam Molins (as Bale calleth him) keeper of the kings privy seal, excellently learned, in time of the civil war betwixt king Henry, and the duke of York, in which he lost his head.  
Thomas Chillenden, a doctor both of the law civil and canon, became at length a monk in Canturburie; Robert Bale, surnamed the elder, excellently learned in the laws of the realm, recorder of London, gathered as it were a chronicle of the customs, laws, foundations, changes, restoring magistrates, offices, orders, and public assemblies of the city of London, with other matters, touching the perfect description of the same city; he wrote other works also touching the state of the same city, and the acts of king Edward the third; he departed this life in the year of our Lord 1461, even about the beginning of the reign of king Edward the fourth, unto whom we will now again return.  
Thus far the tragical history of Henry the sixth deprived of his royalty.   

Edward the fourth earl of March, son and heir to Richard duke of York.  
AFter that this prince 
Anno Reg. 1.  Edward earl of March had taken upon him the government of this realm of England (as before ye have heard) the morrow next ensuing, being the fourth of March, he road to the church of saint Paul, 
The earl of March taketh upon him as king.  and there offered: and after Te Deum song, with great solemnity he was conveyed to Westminster, and there set in the hall with the sceptre royal in his hand, whereto people in great numbers assembled. 
His title declared.  His claim to the crown was declared to be by two manner of ways, the first, as son and heir to duke Richard his father, right inheritor to the same; the second, by authority of parliament, and forfeiture committed by king Henry. Whereupon it was again demanded of the commons, if they would admit and take the said earl as their prince and sovereign lord, which all with one voice cried; Yea, yea.  
This part thus played, he entered into Westminster church under a canopy with solemn procession, and there as king offered; and herewith taking the homages of all the nobles there present, he returned by water to London, and was lodged in the bishop's palace; 
He is proclaimed king.  and on the morrow after, he was proclaimed king by the name of Edward the fourth, throughout the city. This was in the year of the world 5427, and after the birth of our Saviour 1461 after our account, beginning the year at Christmas; but after line 10 the usual account of the church of England 1460, the twentieth of emperor Fredrick the third; the nine and thirtieth and last of Charles the seventh French king; and first year of the reign of james the third king of Scots.  
Whilst these things were adooing in the south-parts, king Henry being in the north country, assembled a great army, trusting (for all this) to subdue his enemies; namely, sith their chief ringleader the duke of York was dispatched out of the way. line 20 But he was deceived: for out of the ded stock sprang a branch more mighty than the stem; this Edward the fourth, a prince so highly favoured of the people, for his great liberality, clemency, upright dealing, and courage, that above all other, he with them stood in grace alone: by reason whereof, men of all ages and degrees to him daily repaired, some offering themselves and their men to jeopard their lives with him, and other plenteously gave money to support his charges, and to maintain his right. line 30  
By which means, he gathered together a puissant army, to the intent by battle (sithence none other ways would serve) at once to make an end of all. So, his army and all things prepared, he departed out of London the twelve day of March, and by easy journeys came to the castle of Pomfret, where he rested, appointing the lord Fitz Walter to keep the passage at Ferribridge with a good number of tall m●n. King Henry on the other part, having his army in readiness, committed the governance thereof line 40 to the duke of Summerset, the earl of Northumberland, and the lord Clifford, as men desiring to revenge the death of their parents, slain at the first battle at saint Albon. These captains leaving king Henry, his wife, and son, for the most safeguard within the city of York, passed the river of Wharfe with all their power, intending to stop king Edward of his passage over the river of Air.  
And the better to bring that to pass, the lord Clifford determined to make a charge upon them that line 50 kept the passage of Ferribridge; and so he departed with his light horsemen from the great army on the saturday before palmsunday; and early yer his enemies were aware, slew the keepers and wan the bridge. The lord Fitz Walter hearing the noise, suddenly rose out of his bed, 
The lord Fitz Water slain.  and unarmed with a polar in his hand, thinking that it had been but a fray amongst his men, came down to appease the same; but yer he knew what the matter meant was slain, and with him the bastard of Salisbury brother to the earl of Warwick, a valiant young gentleman, and line 60 of great audacity.  
When the earl of Warwick was informed hereof, like a man desperate, he mounted on his hackney, and hasted puffing and blowing to king Edward, saying; Sir, I pray God have mercy of their souls, which in the beginning of your enterprise have lost their lives. And because I see no succours of the world but in God, I remit the vengeance to him our creator and redeemer. With that he alighted down, and slew his horse with his sword, saying; Let him flee that will, for surly I will tarry with him that will tarry with me: 
The earl of Warwick.  and kissed the cross of his sword as it were for a vow to the promise. King Edward, perceiving the courage of his trusty friend the earl of Warwick, made proclamation, that all men which were afraid to fight, should departed: and to all those that tarried the battle, he promised great rewards, 
A proclama●tion.  with addition, that any soldier which voluntarily would abide, and afterwards▪ either in or before the fight should seem to flee or turn his back, than he that could kill him, should have a great reward and double wages.  
After this proclamation ended, the lord Fauconbridge, sir Walter Blunt, Robert Horn with the forward, passed the river at Castelford, three miles from Ferribridge, intending to have environed the lord Clifford and his company. But they being thereof advertised, departed in great haste toward king Henry's army; yet they met with some that they looked not for, & were so trapped yer they were aware. For the lord Clifford, either for heat or pain, putting off his gorget, suddenly with an arrow (as some say) without an head, was stricken into the throat, 
The lord Clifford 〈◊〉.  and immediately rendered his spirit; and the earl of westmerland's brother, and all his company almost were there slain, at a place called Dintingdale, 
Dintingdale.  not far from Towton. This end had the lord Clifford, which slew the earl of Rutland kneeling on his knees, 
Cruelty paid with sudden mischief.  whose young son Thomas Clifford was brought up with a shepherd in poor habit, ever in fear to be known, till king Henry the seventh obtained the crown, by whom he was restored to his name and possessions.  
When this conflict was ended at Ferribridge, the lord Fauconbridge, having the forward, 
The lord Fauconbridge.  because the duke of Norfolk was fallen sick, valiantly upon palmsunday in the twilight set forth his army and came to Saxton, 
Saxton. Whethamsted saith, that K. Henry's powe● exceeded in number king Edward's 〈◊〉 twenty thousand men.  where he might apparently behold the host of his adversaries, which were accounted threescore thousand men, and thereof advertised king Edward, whose whole army amounted to eight and forty thousand six hundred and threescore persons: which incontinently with the earl of Warwick set forward, leaving the rearward under the governance of sir john Wenlocke, sir john Dinham, and other. And first of all, 
An heavy proclamation.  he made proclamation, that no prisoner should be taken. So the same day about nine of the clock, which was the nine and twentieth day of March, being palmsunday, 
Palmesundaie field.  both the hosts approached in a fair plain field, between Towton and Saxton.  
When each part perceived other, they made a great shout; and at the same instant there fell a small sléete or snow, which by violenee of the wind that blew against them, was driven into the faces of king Henry's armies, so that their sight was somewhat dimmed. The lord Fauconbridge, leading K. Edward's forward, caused every archer under his standard to shoot one flight (which before he caused them to provide) and then made them to stand still. The northern men feeling the shot, but by reason of the sléet, not well viewing the distance between them and their enemies, like forward men shot their theafe arrows as fast as they might: but all to loss, for they came short of the southern men by threescore yards.  
So their shot almost spent, the lord Fauconbridge marched forward with his archers, which not only shot their whole sheaves, but also gathered the arrows of their enemies, and let a great part fly against their first owners, and suffered a great sort of them to stand, which sore troubled the legs of the northern men, when the battle joined. The earl of Northumberland and Andrew Trollop, 
The earl 〈◊〉 Northu●berland.  chief captains of king Henry's vawward, seeing their shot not to prevail, hasted to join with their enemies, and the other part slacked not their pace. This battle was sore fought, for hope of life was set aside on either part, & taking of prisoners proclaimed a great offence, 
The obstinate minds of b●th parts.  so every man determined to vanquish or die in the field.  
This deadly conflict continued ten hours in doubtful state of victory, uncertanly heaving and setting on both sides; but in the end, king Edward so courageously comforted his men, that the other part was discomfited and overcome, 
King Henry's part discomfited.  who like men amazed, fled toward Tadcaster bridge to save themselves, where in the mid way is a little brook called line 10 Cock, not very broad, but of a great deepness, in which, 
Cock or river.  what for hast to escape, and what for fear of their followers, a great number was drowned there. It was reported, that men alive passed the river upon dead carcases, and that the great river of Wharfe whereinto that brook doth run, and of all the water coming from Towton, was coloured with blood.  
The chase continued all night, and the most part of the next day, and ever the northern men (as they line 20 saw any advantage) returned again, and fought with their enemies, to the great loss of both parts. For in these two days were slain (as they that knew it wrote) on both parts six and thirty thousand seven hundred threescore & sixteen persons, 
The number slain in battle of Saxton, otherwise called Palmesun●aie field.  all Englishmen and of one nation, whereof the chief were the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, the lord Dacres, and the lord Welles, sir john Nevil, Andrew Trollop, Robert Horn, and many other knights and esquires, and the earl of Devonshire line 30 was taken prisoner, but the dukes of Summerset and Excester fled from the field and saved themselves.  
After this great victory, king Edward road to York, where he was with all solemnity received; and first he caused the heads of his father, the earl of Salisbury, and other his friends, to be taken from the gates, and to be buried with their bodies: and there he caused the earl of Devonshire, and three other to be beheaded, and set their heads in the same line 40 place. 
King Henry withdraweth to Berwick, & from thence into Scotland.  King Henry, after he heard of the irrecoverable loss of his army, departed incontinently with his wife and son to the town of Berwick, and leaving the duke of Summerset there, went into Scotland, and coming to the king of Scots, required of him and his council, aid, and comfort.  
The young king of Scots, lamenting the miserable state of king Henry, comforted him with fair words and friendly promises, and assigned to him a competent pension to live on, during his abode in line 50 Scotland. King Henry, in recompense of this courtesy and friendship, delivered to the king of Scots the town of Berwick, whereof he had got possession. He faithfully supported the part of king Henry, and concluded a marriage betwixt his sister, and the young prince of Wales, but the same was never consummate, as after ye shall hear. When king Henry was somewhat settled in the realm of Scotland, 
Queen Margaret with her son goeth into France.  he sent his wife and his son into France to king Reiner her father, trusting by his aid and secure to assemble line 60 an army, and once again to recover his right and dignity: but he in the mean time made his abode in Scotland, to see what way his friends in England would study for his restitution.  
The queen being in France, did obtain of the young French king than jews the eleventh, that all her husband's friends, and those of the Lancastriall band, might safely and surly have resort into any part of the realm of France, prohibiting all other of the contrary faction any access, or repair into that country. ¶ Thus ye have heard, how king Henry the sixth, after he had reigned eight and thirty years & odd months, was driven out of this realm. But now leaving him with the princes of his part, consulting together in Scotland, and queen Margaret his wife gathering of men in France, I will return where I left, to proceed with the doings of king Edward.  
This young prince, having with prosperous success obtained so glorious a victory in the mortal battle at Towton, and chased all his adversaries out of the realm, or at the least ways put them to silence, returned after the manner and fashion of a triumphant conqueror, with great pomp unto London; where according to the old custom of the realm, he called a great assembly of persons of all degrees, and the nine & twentieth day of june was at Westminster with solemnity crowned and anointed king. ¶ In which year, this king Edward called his high court of parliament at Westminster, in the which, the state of the realm was greatly reform, and all the statutes made in Henry the sixth his time (which touched either his title or profit) were revoked.  
In the same parliament, the earl of Oxford far stricken in age, and his son and heir the lord Awbreie Uéer, either through malice of their enemies, or for that they had offended the king, were both, with diverse of their councillors, attainted, and put to execution; which caused john earl of Oxford ever after to rebel. There were also beheaded the same time, sir Thomas Tudenham knight, William Tirell, and john Montgomerie esquires, and after them diverse others. Also after this, he created his two younger brethren dukes, that is to say, lord George duke of Clarence, lord Richard duke of Gloucester; and the lord john Nevil, brother to Richard earl of Warwick, he first made lord Montacute, and afterwards created him marquess Montacute.  
Beside this, Henry Bourchier brother to Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, was created earl of Essex; and William lord Fauconbridge was made earl of Kent. To this Henry lord Bourchier, a man highly renowned in martial feats, Richard duke of York long before this time, had given his sister Elizabeth in marriage, of whom he begat four sons, William, Thomas, john, and Henry: the which William being a man of great industry, wit, and providence in grave and weighty matters, married the lady Anne Wooduile, descended of high parentage, whose mother jaquet was daughter to Peter of Lutzenburgh earl of saint Paul, by the which Anne he had lord Henry earl of Essex, one daughter named Cicile, married to Water lord Ferrer of Chartleie and an other called Isabella, which died unmarried.  
The earl of Kent was appointed about this time to keep the seas, year 1462 being accompanied with the lord Audeleie, the lord Clinton, sir john Howard, 
john Stow.  sir Richard Walgrave, and others, to the number of ten thousand, who landing in Britain, won the town of Conquer, and the Isle of Reth, and after returned. When all things were brought in order, 
Anno Reg. 2. The duke of Summerset & other, submit them to king Edward.  and framed as king Edward in manner could wish, Henry duke of Summerset, sir Ralph Persie, and diverse other, being in despair of all good chance to happen unto king Henry, came humbly, & submitted themselves unto king Edward, whom he gently received. Which clemency notwithstanding both the one and the other (when time served) revolted from king Edward, and betook themselves to take part with Henry, unto whom they had been adherents before: because they grew in hope that in the end the confederates, to whom they so closely did cleave both in affection and seriousness of labour (though they pretended a temporal renunciation of all duty and service for their security sake) should have the honour of victory against their gainstanders. But as commonly the events of enterprises fall out flat contrary to men's expectation and hope; so came it to pass with these, whose hope though it were green and flourie in the prosecuting of their affairs, yet in the knitting up of the matter and unlucky success thereof, it fell out in trial to be a flattering, a false, and a fruitless hope: and therefore that is a true and a wise sentence of the comiall poet well serving the purpose: 
Plant. in Mostel.  Insperata accidunt magis saepè quàm quae spears.  
All this season was king Henry in Scotland, and queen Margaret (being in France) found such line 10 friendship at the French kings hands, 
1463 Anno Reg. 3.  that she obtained a crew of five hundred Frenchmen, with the which she arrived in Scotland. 
The queen returneth forth of France.  And after that she had reposed herself a time, she sailed with her gallant band of those ruffling Frenchmen toward Newcastle, and landed at Tinmouth. But whether she were afraid of her own shadow, or that the Frenchmen cast too many doubts; the truth is, that the whole army returned to their ships, and a tempest rose so suddenly, that if she had not taken a small caravel, and that with good speed arrived at Berwick, she had line 20 been taken at that present time by her adversaries.  
And although fortune was so favourable to her, yet her company with stormy blasts was driven on the shore before Banburgh castle, where they set their ships on fire, and fled to an Island called holy Island, where they were so assailed by the bastard Ogle, and an esquire called john Manners, with other of king Edward friends, that many of them were slain, and almost four hundred taken prisoners: but their colonel Peter Bressie, otherwise called monsieur line 30 de Uarenne, happened upon a fisherman, and so came to Berwick unto queen Margaret, who made him captain of the castle of Alnewike, which he with his Frenchmen kept, till they were rescued.  
Shortly after, queen Margaret obtained a great company of Scots, and other of her friends, and so bringing her husband with her, and leaving her son called prince Edward in the town of Berwick, entered Northumberland, took the castle of Banburgh, 
Banburgh castle.  line 40 and stuffed it with Scotishmen, and made thereof captain sir Ralph Greie, and came forward toward the bishopric of Durham. When the duke of Summerset heard these news, he without delay revolted from king Edward, 
The duke of Summerset revolteth.  and fled to king Henry. So likewise did sir Ralph Persie, and many other of the king's friends. But many more followed king Henry, in hope to get by the spoil: for his army spoiled and burned towns, and destroyed fields wheresoever he came. King Edward advertised of all these things, prepared an army both by sea and land. line 50  
Some of his ships were rigged and vittelled at Lin, and some at Hull, and well furnished with soldiers were herewith set forth to the sea. Also the lord Montacute was sent into Northumberland, there to raise the people to withstand his enemies. And after this, the king in his proper person, accompanied with his brethren, and a great part of the nobility of his realm, came to the city of York, furnished with a mighty army, sending a great part thereof line 60 to the aid of the lord Montacute, lest peradventure he giving too much confidence to the men of the bishopric and Northumberland, might through them be deceived.  
The Lord Montacute then having such with him as he might trust, 
The lord Montacute.  marched forth towards his enemies, and by the way was encountered with the lord Hungerford, the lord Roos, sir Ralph Persie, and diverse other, at a place called Hegelie more, where suddenly the said lords, 
Hegelie moor.  in manner without stroke striking, fled; and only sir Ralph Persie abode, and was there manfully slain, 
Sir Ralph Persie.  with diverse other, saying when he was dying; I have saved the bird in my bosom: meaning that he had kept his promise and oath made to king Henry: forgetting (belike) that he in king Henry's most necessity abandoned him, and submitted him to king Edward, as before you have heard.  
The lord Montacute, seeing fortune thus prosperously leading his sail, advanced forward; & learning by espials, that king Henry with his host was encamped in a fair plain called Livels, on the water of Dowill in Examshire, hasted thither, and manfully set on his enemies in their own camp, which like desperate persons with no small courage received him. There was a sore fought field, 
Exham field.  and long yer either part could have any advantage of the other: but at length the victory fell to the lord Montacute, who by fine force entered the battle of his enemies, and constrained them to fly, as despairing of all succours. 
The duke of Summerset taken.  In which flight and chase were taken Henry duke of Summerset, which before was reconciled to king Edward, the lord Roos, the lord Molins, the lord Hungerford, sir Thomas Wentworth, sir Thomas Husseie, sir john Finderne, and many other.  
King Henry was a good horsseman that day, for he road so fast away that no man might overtake him; 
King Henry fled.  and yet he was so near pursued, that certain of his henchmen were taken, their horses trapped in blue velvet, and one of them had on his head the said king Henry's helmet, or rather (as may be thought, & as some say) his high cap of estate, called Abacot, garnished with two rich crowns, which was presented to king Edward at York the fourth day of May. The duke of Summerset was incontinently beheaded at Exham; 
The duke of Summerset beheaded.  the other lords and knights were had to Newcastle, and there (after a little respite) were likewse put to death. Beside these, diverse other, to the number of five and twenty, were executed at York, and in other places.  
Sir Humphrey Nevil, and William Tailbois, calling himself earl of Kime, sir Ralph Greie, and Richard Tunstall, with diverse other, which escaped from this battle, hide themselves in secret places: but yet they kept not themselves so close, but that they were espied and taken. 
The earl of Kime, otherwise Angus, beheaded.  The earl of Kime was apprehended in Riddesdale, and brought to Newcastle, and there beheaded. Sir humphrey Nevil was taken in holderness, and at York lost his head. After this battle called Exham field, king Edward came to the city of Durham, and sent from thence into Northumberland the earl of Warwick, the lord Montacute, the lords Fauconbridge & Scroop, to recover such castles as his enemies there held, and with force defended.  
They first besieged the castle of Alnewike, which sir Peter Bressie and the Frenchmen kept, 
Alnewike castle besieged.  and in no wise would yield, sending for aid to the Scots. Whereupon sir George Dowglas earl of Angus, with thirteen thousand chosen men, in the day time came and rescued the Frenchmen out of the castle; the Englishmen looking on, which thought it much better to have the castle without loss of their men, than to lose both the castle and their men, considering the great power of the Scots, & their own small number; and so they entered the castle and manned it. After this, they won the castle of Dunstanburgh by force, and likewise the castle of Banburgh. john Gois, servant to the duke of Summerset, being taken within Dunstanburgh, was brought to York, and there beheaded.  
Sir Ralph Greie being taken in Banburgh, for that he had sworn to be true to king Edward, was disgraded of the high order of knighthood at Do●caster, by cutting off his gilt spurs, renting his cote of arms, and breaking his sword over his head: and finally, he was there beheaded for his manifest perjury. After this, king Edward returned to York, where (in despite of the earl of Northumberland, who then kept himself in the realm of Scotland) he created sir john Nevil, lord Montacute earl of Northumberland; and in reproof of jasper earl of Pembroke, he created William lord Herbert earl of the same place. But after, when by mediation of friends, the earl of Northumberland was reconciled to his favour, he restored him to his possessions, name, and dignity; and preferred the lord Montacute to the title of marquess Montacute: so that in degree, line 10 he was above his elder brother the earl of Warwick; but in power, policy, & possessions, far mener.  
King Edward, though all things might seem now to rest in good case, 
1464 Anno Reg. 4.  yet he was not negligent, in making necessary provision against all attempts of his adversary king Henry, and his partakers; and therefore raised bulwarks, and builded fortresses on each side of his realm, where any danger was suspected for the landing of any army. He caused also espials to be laid upon the marches, fore against Scotland, that no person should go out of the realm line 20 to king Henry and his company, which then sojourned in Scotland. But all the doubts of trouble that might ensue by the means of king Henry's being at liberty, were shortly taken away and ended: for he himself, whether he was past all fear; or that he was not well established in his wits and perfect mind; or for that he could not long keep himself secret, in disguised attire boldly entered into England.  
He was no sooner entered, but he was known line 30 and taken of one Cantlow, 
King Henry taken.  and brought toward the king, whom the earl of Warwick met on the way by the king's commandment, and brought him through London to the Tower, & there he was laid in sure hold. ¶ But it is worthy the noting, which I have observed in a late chronographers report touching this matter; 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 717.  namely, that king Henry was taken in Cletherwood, beside Bungerleie Hippingstons in Lancashire, by Thomas Talbot son and heir to sir Edward Talbot of Basshall, and john line 40 Talbot his cousin of Colebrie, which deceived him being at his dinner at Wadington hall, and brought him toward London, with his legs bound to the stirrups, where he was met by the earl of Warwick, and arrested at Esildon; doctor Manning dean of Windsor, doctor Bedle, and young Ellerton being in his company, with their feet bound under the horse bellies were brought also to the Tower of London.]  
Queen Margaret, hearing of the captivity of her husband, mistrusting the chance of her son, all line 50 desolate and comfortless departed out of Scotland, and passed into France, where the remained with her father duke Reiner, till she returned into England to her harm, as after ye shall hear. The new duke of Summerset, and his brother john, sailed into France, where they also lived in great misery; till duke Charles, because he was of their kin, as descended of the house of Lancaster by his mother, succoured them with a small pension, which was to them a great comfort. The earl of Penbroke went from line 60 country to country, 
The earl of Penbroke.  not always at his heart's ease, nor in safety of life. [As for his dignity and reputation, it was the more obscured, for that he had lost the title of his honour, 
Ab. Flem.  and left at his wit's end, doubtful and uncertain in contrary factions (as many more) what to say or do for his best security. Nevertheless he concealed his inward discontentment, and as opportunity of time ministered matter, so he grew in courage, and fell to practices of force (with other complices) thereby to accomplish the cloudy conceits of his troubled mind, being persuaded, that temporal misfortunes are, if not utterly avoidable, yet manfully to be withstood, or at least with audacity & courage to be suffered, as the poet properly saith: Tu ne cede malis, ●ed contra audentior ito. 
Vir. Ac●. 6. ]  
King Edward being thus in more surety of his life than before, distributed the possessions of such as took part with king Henry the sixth, to his soldiers and captains, which he thought had well deserved: and besides this, he left no other point of liberality unshewed, whereby he might allure to him the benevolent minds and loving hearts of his people. And moreover, to have the love of all men, he showed himself more familiar both with the nobility and commonalty, than (as some men thought) was convenient, either for his estate, or for his honour: notwithstanding the same liberality he ever after used. The laws of the realm, in part he reform, and in part he newly augmented. 
New coin● stamped.  The coin both of gold and silver (which yet at this day is) he newly devised, and divided; for the gold he named royals and nobles, and the silver he called groats and half groats.  
¶ In Michaelmas term were made sergeants at law, Thomas Young, Nicholas Geneie, 

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 716.  
Sergeant's feast.  
Register of majors.   Richard Neale, Thomas Brian, Richard Pigot, john Greenfield, john Catesby, and Gwie Fairfax, which held their feast in the bishop of Elies' place in Holborn. To the which feast the mayor of London, with the aldermen, sheriffs, and commons of diverse crafts being bidden, repaired. But when the mayor looked to be set to keep the state in the hall, as it had been used in all places of the city and liberties, out of the king's presence (unknown to the sergeants and against their wills, as they said) the lord Gray of Ruthen then treasurer of England was there placed. Whereupon the mayor, aldermen, and commons departed home, 
The mayor of London departeth from the sergeant● feast.  and the mayor made all the aldermen to dine with him. Howbeit he and all the citizens were greatly displeased that he was so dealt with, and the new sergeants and others were right sorry therefore, and had rather than much good it had not so happened. This was then (as my record reporteth more at large) registered to be a precedent in time to come.]  
After that king Edward had reduced the state of the public affairs unto his liking; to purchase himself a good opinion and favourable judgement among the commons, he made proclamations, that all persons, which were adherents to his adversaries part, & would leave their armour, and submit themselves wholly to his grace and mercy, should be clearly pardoned and forgiven. By this kind of courteous dealing he won him such favour of the people, that ever after, in all his wars, he was (through their aid and support) a victor and conqueror. When his realm was thus brought into a good & quiet estate, it was thought meet by him and those of his council, that a marriage were provided for him in some convenient place; and therefore was the earl of Warwick sent over into France, to demand the lady Bona, daughter to Lewes' duke of savoy, and sister to the lady Carlot, than queen of France; which Bona was at that time in the French court.  
The earl of Warwick, coming to the French king, then lying at Tours, 
The earl of Warwick sent into France about a marriage.  was of him honourably received, and right courteously entertained. His message was so well liked, and his request thought so honourable for the advancement of the lady Bona, that her sister queen Carlot obtained both the good will of the king her husband, and also of her sister the foresaid lady: so that the matrimony on that side was clearly assented to, and the earl of Dampmartine appointed (with others) to sail into England, for the full finishing of the same. But here consider the old proverb to be true, which saith, that marriage goeth by destiny. For, during the time that the earl of Warwick was thus in France, and (according to his instructions) brought the effect of his commission to pass, the king being on hunting in the forest of Wichwood besides Stonistratford, came for his recreation to the manor of Grafton, where the duchess of Bedford then sojourned; wife to sir Richard Wooduile lord Rivers, on whom was then attendant a daughter of hers, called the lady Elizabeth Gray, 
The lady Elizabeth Gray.  widow of sir john Gray knight, slain at the last battle of saint Albon, as before ye have heard.  
This widow, having a suit to the king for such lands as her husband had given her in jointure, so line 10 kindled the king's affection towards her, that he not only favoured her suit, but more her person; for she was a woman of a more formal countenance than of excellent beauty; and yet both of such beauty and favour, that with her sober demeanour, sweet looks, and comely smiling (neither too wanton, nor too bashful) besides her pleasant tongue and trim wit, she so alured and made subject unto her the heart of that great prince, that after she had denied him to be his paramour, with so good manner, and words so well set line 20 as better could not be devised; he finally resolved with himself to marry her, not ask counsel of any man, till they might perceive it was no booty to advise him to the contrary of that his concluded purpose; sith he was so far gone that he was not revocable, and therefore had fixed his heart upon the last resolution: namely, to apply an wholesome, honest, and honourable remedy to his affections fired with the flames of love, and not to permit his heart line 30 to the thraldom of unlawful lust: which purpose was both princely and profitable; as the poet saith: 

ovid. de rem▪ am lib. 1.  utile propositum est saevas extinguere flammas,  
Nec servum vitijs pectus habere suum.   
But yet the duchess of York his mother letted this match as much as in her lay: & when all would not serve, she caused a precontract to be alleged, made by him with the lady Elizabeth Lucy. But all doubts resolved, all things made clear, and all cavillations avoided, privily in a morning he married line 40 the said lady Elizabeth Gray at Grafton beforesaid, where he first began to fancy her. And in the next year after she was with great solemnity crowned queen at Westminster. 
1465 Anno Reg. 5.  Her father also was created earl Rivers, and made high constable of England: her brother lord Anthony was married to the sole heir of Thomas lord Scales: sir Thomas Gray son to sir john Gray the queens first husband, was created marquess Dorset, and married to Cicelie heir to the lord Bonuille. The French king line 50 was not well pleased to be thus dallied with; but he shortly (to appease the grief of his wife and her sister the lady Bona) married the said lady Bona to the duke of Milan.  
Now when the earl of Warwick had knowledge by letters sent to him out of England from his trusty friends, that king Edward had gotten him a new wife, 
The earl of Warwick offended with the king's marriage.  he was not a little troubled in his mind, for that he took it his credence thereby was greatly minished, and his honour much stained, namely line 60 in the court of France: for that it might be judged he came rather like an espial, to move a thing never minded, and to treat a marriage determined before not to take effect. Surly he thought himself evil used, that when he had brought the matter to his purposed intent and wished conclusion, then to have it quail on his part; so as all men might think at the least wise, that his prince made small account of him, to send him on such a sleeveless errand.  
All men for the most part agree, that this marriage was the only cause, why the earl of Warwick conceived an hatred against king Edward, whom he so much before favoured. Other affirm other causes; and one specially, for that king Edward did attempt a thing once in the earls house, which was much against the earls honest is (whether he would have deflowered his daughter or his niece, the certainty was not for both their honours openly revealed) for surly, such a thing was attempted by king Edward; which loved well both to behold and also to feel fair damsels. But whether the injury that the earl thought he received at the king's hands, or the disdain of authority that the earl had under the king, was the cause of the breach of amity betwixt them: truth it is, that the privy intentions of their hearts broke into so many small pieces, that England, France, and Flanders, could never join them again, during their natural lives.  
But though the earl of Warwick was earnestly inflamed against the king, for that he had thus married himself without his knowledge, having regard only to the satisfying of his wanton appetite, 
The earl of Warwick keepeth h●s grief secret.  more than to his honour or surety of his estate; yet did he so much dissemble the matter at his return into England, as though he had not understood any thing thereof: but only declared what he had done, with such reverence, and show of friendly countenance, as he had been accustomed. And when he had tarried in the court a certain space, he obtained licence of the king to departed to his castle of Warwick, meaning (when time served) to utter to the world, that which he then kept secret, that is to say, his inward grudge, which he bore towards the king, with desire of revenge, to the uttermost of his power. Nevertheless, at that time he departed (to the outward show) so far in the king's favour, that many gentlemen of the court for honour's sake gladly accompanied him into his country.  
¶ This year it was proclaimed in England, 

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 717.  
Long piked shoes forbidden.   that the beaks or pikes of shoes and boots should not pass two inches, upon pain of cursing by the clergy, and forfeiting twenty shillings, to be paid one noble to the king, an other to the cordwainers of London, and the third to the chamber of London; and for other cities and towns the like order was taken. Before this time, and since the year of our Lord 1382, the pikes of shoes and boots were of such length, that they were feign to be tied up unto the knees with chains of silver and gilt, or at the least with silken laces.]  
In this year also, the king's daughter, the lady Elizabeth, after wife to king Henry the seventh, 
1466. Anno Reg 6.  was borne; king Edward concluded an amity and league with Henry king of Castille, 
Cotteshold sheep transported into Spain.  and john king of Arragon; at the concluding whereof, he granted licence for certain Cotteshold sheep, to be transported into the country of Spain (as people report) which have there so multiplied and increased, that it hath turned the commodity of England much to the Spanish profit. Beside this, to have an amity with his next neighbour the king of Scots, 
Truce with Scots.  he winked at the loss of Berwick, and was contented to take a truce for fifteen years. Thus king Edward, though for refusal of the French kings sister in law he won him enemies in France; yet in other places he procured him friends: but those friends had stood him in small steed, if fortune had not holp him to an other, even at his elbow.  
This was Charles earl of Charolois, the son and heir apparent unto Philip duke of Burgognie, which Charles being then a widower, was counseled to be suitor unto king Edward, for to have in marriage the lady Margaret, sister to the said king, a lady of excellent beauty, and endued with so many worthy gifts of nature, grace, and fortune, that she was thought not unworthy to match with the greatest prince of the world. 
1467 Anno Reg. ●  The lord Anthony bastard brother to the said earl Charolois, commonly called the bastard of Burgognie, 
The bastard of Burgognie ambassador into England.  a man of great wit, courage, and valiantness, was appointed by his father duke Philip, to go into England in embassage, about this suit; who being furnished of plate and apparel, necessary for his estate, having in his company gentlemen, and other expert in all feats of chivalry and martial prowess, to the number of four hundred horses, took his ship, and arrived in England, where he was of the king & nobles honourably received. line 10  
This message being declared, ye may be sure the same was joyfully heard of the king and his council; the which by that affinity, saw how they might be assured of a buckler against France. But yet the earl of Warwick, bearing his hearty favour unto the French king, did as much as in him lay by evil reports to hinder this marriage: but this notwithstanding, at length, the king granted to the bastard's request; and the said bastard openly in the king's great chamber contracted the said lady Margaret, line 20 for, and in the name of his brother the said earl of Charolois. 
justs betwixt the bastard of Burgognie & the lord Scales.  After this marriage thus concluded, the bastard challenged the lord Scales, brother to the queen, a man both equal in hart and valiantness with the bastard, to fight with him both on horseback, and on foot: which demand the lord Scales gladly accepted.  
The king causing lists to be prepared in West-smithfield for these champions, and very fair and costly galleries for the ladies, was present at this line 30 martial enterprise himself. The first day they ran together diverse courses with sharp spears, and departed with equal honour. The next day they turneied on horseback. The lord Scales horse had on his chafron a long sharp pike of steel, and as the two champions coped together, the same horse (whether through custom or by chance) thrust his pike into the nostrils of the bastard's horse; so that for very pain he mounted so high, that he fell on the one side with his master, and the lord Scales road round about line 40 him with his sword in his hand, until the king commanded the marshal to help up the bastard, which openly said; I can not hold me by the clouds, for though my horse faileth me, surly I will not fail my contercompanion. The king would not suffer them to do any more that day.  
The morrow after, the two noblemen came into the field on foot, with two pole-axes, and fought valiantly: but at the last, the point of the pole-axe of the lord Scales happened to enter into the sight of the line 50 bastards helm, and by fine force might have plucked him on his knees: the king suddenly cast down his warder, and then the marshals them severed. The bastard not content with this chance, and trusting on the cunning which he had at the pole-axe, required the king of justice, that he might perform his enterprise. The lord Scales refused it not, but the king said, he would ask counsel: and so calling to him the constable, and the marshal, with the officers of arms, after consultation had, and the laws of line 60 arms rehearsed, it was declared for a sentence definitive, 
The law of arms.  by the duke of Clarence, than constable of England, and the duke of Norfolk, then marshal; that if he would go forward with his attempted challenge, he must by the law of arms be delivered to his adversary, in the same state and like condition as he stood when he was taken from him.  
The bastard hearing this judgement, doubted the sequel of the matter; and so relinquished his challenge. Other challenges were done, and valiantly achieved by the Englishmen, which I pass over. 
The death of the duke of Burgognie.  Shortly after came sorrowful tidings to the bastard, that his father duke Philip was dead, who thereupon taking his leave of king Edward, and of his sister the new duchess of Burgognie, liberally rewarded with plate and jewels, with all speed returned to his brother the new duke, who was not a little glad of the contract made for him with the said lady, as after well appeared. In this same year, king Edward, more for the love of the marquess Montacute, 
George Nevil archbishop of York.  than for any favour he bore to the earl of Warwick, promoted George Nevil their brother to the archbishopric of York.  
Charles duke of Burgognie, 
1468. Anno Reg. 8.  rejoicing that he had so well sped, for conclusion of marriage with king Edward's sister, was very desirous to see her, of whom he had heard so great praise, & wrote to king Edward, requiring him to send his sister over unto him, according to the covenants passed betwixt them. King Edward being not slack in this matter, appointed the dukes of Excester and Suffolk, with their wives, being both sisters to the lady Margaret, to attend her, till she came to her husband. And so after that ships, and all other necessary provisions were ready, they being accompanied with a great sort of lords and ladies, and others, to the number of five hundred horse, 
The lady Margaret sister to king Edward, sent over to the duke of Burgognie.  in the beginning of june departed out of London to Dover, and so sailed to Sluis, and from thence was conveyed to Bruges, where the marriage was solemnised betwixt the duke and her, with great triumphs, & princely feastings. Touching the pomp had and used at the setting forward of this lady on her voyage it is a note worth the reading; and therefore necessarily here interlaced for honour's sake.  
¶ On the eighteenth of june, Margaret sister to K. Edward the fourth began her journey from the Wardrobe in London, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 719, 720. in Quart.  toward her marriage with Charles duke of Burgognie: first the offered in the church of saint Paul, and then road through the city, the earl of Warwick riding before her, with earls and barons a great number; the duchess of Norfolk, with other ladies and gentlewomen in great number. And at her entry into Cheap, the mayor of London and his brethren the aldermen presented her with a pair of rich basons, & in them an hundred pounds of gold, and that night she lodged at the abbeie of Stratford, where the king then lay: from thence she took her journey to Canturburie.  
The king riding after to see her shipping, on the first of julie, she took the sea at Margate, and there took leave of the king her brother, and departed. There returned back again with the king, the duke of Clarence, the duke of Gloucester, the earls of Warwick, Shrewesburie, and Northumberland. And there abode with her in the ship, the lord Scales, the lord Dacres her chamberlain, sir john Wooduile, sir john Howard, and many other famous knights and esquires. She was shipped in the new Ellen of London, and in her navy the john of Newcastle, the Marie of Salisbury, and many other royal ships, and on the morrow landed at Sluis in Flanders. Now as soon as her ship & company of ships were entered into the haven, there received her sir Simon de Lelein and the water bailiff, in diverse boats and barks appareled ready for her landing.  
The first estate that received her was the bishop of Utright well accompanied, and the countess of shorn bastard daughter to duke Philip of Burgognie, and with her many ladies and gentlewomen; and so proceeding in at the gate of the town, the same town was presented to her, she to be sovereign lady thereof: also they gave to her twelve marks of gold troy weight, the which was two hundred pounds of English money: and so proceeded through the town to her lodging, every householder standing in the street with a torch in his hand burning. On the morrow the old duchess of Burgognie came to her, accompanied with many great estates. On the third of julie came the duke of Burgognie to Sluis, with twenty persons secretly, and was there openly affianced to the lady Margaret, by the bishop of Salisbury and the lord Scales, in presence of the lord Dacres, the duchess of Norfolk, the lady Scales, and all the knights & esquires; gentlewomen environing the chamber. line 10  
On the 8 of julie (being saturday) by the duke of Burgognies appointment, the lady Margaret removed by water to the Dame. And on the sunday in the morning betwixt five and six of the clock, the marriage was solemnised betwixt them, by the bishops of Salisbury and of Turneie; there being present the old duchess of Burgognie, the lord Scales, the lord Dacres, with the knights, esquires, ladies & gentlewomen that came out of England. The great triumphs, feastings, shows of pageants, with other line 20 strange devices, and iusting, were such as I have not read the like, and would be over long in this place to set down.  

Abr. Fl.  ¶ Of this alliance with other more mention is honourably made in the 
* Given at Richmont on the first of October, An. Dom. 1585. & Anno Reg. 27.  declaration of the causes that moved the Queen of England to give aid to the defence of the people afflicted & oppressed in the low countries, by the Spaniards, namely for the maintenance of perpetual amity. Which declaration is so set forth in this book, as the same in the seven and twentieth line 30 year of her majesties reign was published: unto which year I remit the reader (for the further search thereof) for that it containeth much memorable matter, touching the manifest causes of concord to be continued between them of the low countries and us English.]  
Sir Thomas Cook late mayor of London, was by one named Hawkins appeached of treason, 
Fabian. 497. Sir Thomas Cook.  for the which he was sent to the Tower, and his place within London seized by the lord Rivers, and his wife and line 40 servants clearly put out thereof. The cause was this. The forenamed Hawkins came upon a season unto the said sir Thomas, requesting him to lend a thousand marks upon good surety, whereunto he answered, that first he would know for whom it should be and for what intent.  
At length, understanding it should be for the use of queen Margaret, he answered he had no currant wares whereof any shifts might be made without too much loss: and therefore required Hawkins to line 50 move him no further in that matter, for he intended not to deal withal: yet the said Hawkins exhorted him to remember, what benefits he had received by her when she was in prosperity, as by making him her wardrober, and customer of Hampton, etc.  
But by no means the said Cook would grant goods nor money, although at last the said Hawkins required but an hundred pounds, he was feign to departed without the value of a penny, and never came again to move him, which so rested two or three years' line 60 after, till the said Hawkins was cast in the Tower, and at length brought to the brake, called the duke of Excesters' daughter, by means of which pain he showed many things, amongst the which the motion was one that he had made to sir Thomas Cook, and accused himself so far, that he was put to death.  
By mean of which confession, the said sir Thomas was troubled (as before is showed) when the said sir Thomas had lain in the Tower from Whitsuntide till about Michaelmas, in the which season many inquiries were made to find him guilty, and ever quit, till one jury (by means of sir john Fog) indicted him of treason, after which an oier and terminer was kept at the Guildhall, in which sat with the mayor the duke of Clarence, the earl of Warwick, the lord Rivers, sir john Fog, with other of the king's council.  
To the which place the said Thomas was brought, and there arraigned upon life and death, where he was acquitted of the said indictement, and had to the counter in Breadstreet, and from thence to the king's bench. After a certain time that he was thus acquitted, his wife got again the possession of her house, the which she found in an evil plight; for such servants of the lord Rivers and sir john Fog, as were assigned to keep it, made havoc of what they listed.  
Also at his place in Essex named Giddihall, were set an other sort to keep that place, the which destroyed his deer in his park, his coneys, and his fish, without reason, and spared not brass, pewter, bedding, & all that they might carry, for the which might never one penny be gotten in recompense, yet could not sir Thomas Cook be delivered, till he had paid eight thousand pounds to the king, and eight hundred pounds to the queen.]  
In this mean time, the earl of Warwick bearing a continual grudge in his hart toward king Edward, since his last return out of France, persuaded so with his two brethren, the archbishop, and the marquess, that they agreed to join with him in any attempt which he should take in hand against the said king. The archbishop was easily alured to the earls purpose, but the marquess could by no means be reduced to take any part against king Edward of a long time, till the earl had both promised him great rewards and promotions, and also assured him of the aid and power of the greatest princes of the realm. And even as the marquess was loath to consent to his unhappy conspiracy, so with a faint hart he showed himself an enemy unto king Edward, which double dissimulation was both the destruction of him and his brethren. 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. it Edw. 4. fol. cxcviij, etc.  ¶ And that they were persuasions of no small force, which the earl of Warwick used to the archbishop and marquess, I have thought good here to interlace, as I find remembered by Edward Hall in form following.  

The persuasions of the earl ofWarwike unto his two brethren against king Edward the fourth.  
MY dear and well-beloved brethren, the incredible faithfulness, the secret soberness, and the politic prudence that I have ever by long continuance of time experimented in you both, doth not only encourage my heart, yea and setteth me in great hope of obtaining my purpose, but also putteth me out of all dread and mistrust, firmly believing, and surly judging, that you both will with tooth and nail endeavour yourselves, to the uttermost of your power, to bring to effect and purpose the thing that I now shall declare unto you. Surly, I would in no wise that you should think, that that which I shall speak to you of king Edward and king Henry, should rise of any lightness or fantasy of my mind, or any trifling toy lately fallen into my imagination; but the true experience and just judgement that I have of them both, their qualities and conditions▪ in manner compel and constrain me to say as I say, and to do as I do.  
For surly, king Henry is a godly, good, and a virtuous person, neither forgetting his friends, nor putting in oblivion any benefit by him of a mean person received, nor yet any pain for his causes sustained hath he left unrewarded: to whom God hath sent a son, called prince Edward, borne to be of great worthiness & praise, of much bountifulness and liberality, of whom men may many laudable things line 10 conjecture, considering the pain, labour, and travel, that he taketh to help his father out of captivity and thraldom. King Edward on the contrary side, is a man contumelious, opprobrious, and an injurious person; to them that deserve kindness he showeth unkindness, and them that love him he deadly hateth, now detesting to take any pain for the preferment or line 20 maintenance of the public wealth of this realm, but all given to pastime, pleasure, and dalliance; sooner preferring to high estate men descended of low blood and base degree, than men of old and undefiled houses, which have both supported him and the commonwealth of his realm.  
So that I now perceive, that it is even come to this point, that he will destroy all line 30 the nobility; or else the nobility must shortly of very necessity destroy and confound him. But reason would, that we that were first hurt, should first revenge our cause: for it is not unknown to you both, how that he, immediately after he had obtained the crown, began first secretly, & then openly to envy, disdain, and impugn the fame, glory, and renown of our house and family; as who said, that all the honour, preferment, line 40 and authority that we have, we had only received at his hands, and that we had neither obtained dignity nor rule by our great labour, aid and travel. Which to all men may seem untrue, that consider that our name, chief title, and principal authority, was to us given by king Henry the sixth, and not by him. But if every man will remember, who first took part line 50 with his father, when he claimed the crown (who at that time, for that cause was in great jeopardy, and almost slain by the king's menial servants, and who never left this man in prosperity nor adversity, till he had the garland, and the realm in quietness) shall manifestly perceive, that we and our blood have showed ourselves more like fathers to him, than line 60 he like a friend to us.  
If we have received any benefits of him, surly they be not so much as we have deserved, nor so much as we looked for; and yet they be much more than he would we should enjoy, as ye both well perceive and know. Let these things overpass, and speak of the ungentle, untrue, and unprincelie handling of me in the last embassage, being sent to the French king for to treat a marriage for him, having full authority to bind and to lose, to contract and conclude. Which thing when I had finished & accomplished: how lightly his mind changed, how privily he vowed, and how secretly he married, both you know better than I. So that by this means, I was almost out of all credence in the court of France, both with the king and queen, as though I had come thither like an espial, to move a thing never minded; or to treat of a marriage determined before never to take effect. Whereby the fame of all our estimation, which all kings and princes have conceived in us (partly obtained by the virtue & prowess of our noble ancestors, and partly achieved by our own pains & forward acts) shall now be obfuscate, utterly extinguished, and nothing set by.  
What worm is touched, and will not once turn again? What beast is stricken, that will not roar or sound? What innocent child is hurt that will not cry? If the poor and unreasonable beasts, if the silly babes that do lack discretion, groan against harm to them proffered; how ought an honest man to be angry, when things that touch his honesty be daily against him attempted? But if a mean person in that case be angry: how much more ought a noble man to fume & stir coals, when the high type of his honour is touched, his fame in manner brought to infamy, and his honour almost blemished & appalled, without his offence or desert? All this brethren you know to be true, the dishonour of one is the dishonour of us all, and the hurt of one is the hurt of all: wherefore, rather than I will live unrevenged; or suffer him to reign, which hath sought my decay and dishonour, I will surly spend my life, lands, and goods, in setting up that just and good man king Henry the sixth: and in deposing this untrue, unfaithful, and unkind prince (by our only means) called king Edward the fourth.   
Beside all this, the earl of Warwick, being a far casting prince, perceived somewhat in the duke of Clarence, whereby he judged that he bore no great good will towards the king his brother; and thereupon, feeling his mind by such talk as he of purpose ministered, understood how he was bend, and so won him to his purpose: and for better assurance of his faithful friendship, he offered him his eldest daughter in marriage, with the whole half deal of his wives inheritance. And hereupon, after consultation had of their weighty business and dangerous affairs, they failed over to Calis, of the which town the earl was captain, where his wife & two daughters than sojourned, whom the duke (being in love with her person) had great desire to visit.  
But the earl, having in continual remembrance his purposed enterprise, appointed his brethren, the archbishop and the marquess, that they should by some means in his absence stir up some new rebellion in the county of York, and other places adjoining, so that this civil war should seem to all men to have been begun without his assent or knowledge, being on the further side of the seas. The duke of Clarence being come to Calis with the earl of Warwick, 
1469 Anno Reg. 9  after he had sworn on the sacrament to keep his promise and pact made with the said earl whole and inviolate, he married the lady Isabella, eldest daughter to the earl, in our lady's church there. Shortly after, 
A commotion in Yorkshire.  according as had been aforehand devised, a commotion was begun in Yorkshire, to the great disquieting of that country. The same chanced by this means.  
There was in the city of York an old and rich hospital, 
Saint leonard's hospital in York.  dedicated to saint Leonard, for the harbourough and relieving of poor people. Certain evil disposed persons of the earl of Warwikes faction, intending to set a broil in the country, persuaded line 10 the husbandmen to refuse to give any thing to the said hospital, affirming that the corn given to that good intent, came not to the use of the poor; but was converted to the behoof of the master of the hospital, and the priests, whereby they grew to be rich, and the poor people wanted their due succour and relief. And not content with these saiengs, they fell to doings: for when the proctor's of the hospital, according to their usage, went about the country to gather the accustomed corn, they were sore beaten, wounded, line 20 and evil entreated.  
Shortly after, the conspiracy of the evil disposed people grew to an open rebellion, 
A rebellion.  so that there assembled to the number of fifteen thousand men, even ready bend to set on the city of York. But the lord marquess Montacute, governor and precedent of that country for the king, taking speedy counsel in the matter, with a small number of men, but well chosen, encountered the rebels before the gates of York: where (after a long conflict) he took Robert line 30 Huldorne their captain, 
Robert Huldorne captain of the reb●ls taken and beheaded.  and before them commanded his head to be stricken off, and then (because it was a dark evening) he caused his soldiers to enter into York, and there to refresh them. Here many men have marveled, why the marquess thus put to death the captain of those people, which had procured this their rebellious enterprise.  
Some say he did it, to the intent to seem innocent and faultless of his brothers doings. But other judge, that he did it, for that contrary to his promise line 40 made to his brother, he was determined to take part with king Edward, with whom (as it shall after appear) he in small space entered into grace and favour. The rebels being nothing dismayed with the death of their captain, but rather the more bend on mischief, by fair means and crafty persuasions got to them Henry, son to the lord Fitz Hugh, and sir Henry Nevil son and heir to the lord Latimer, the one being nephew and the other cousin german to the earl of Warwick. Although these young line 50 gentlemen bore the names of captains, yet they had a governor that was sir john Coniers, 
Sir john Coniers.  a man of such courage & valiantness, as few were to be found in his days within the north parts.  
After they saw that they could not get York, because they wanted ordinance, they determined with all speed to march toward London, intending to raise such a toy in the people's minds, that they should think king Edward neither to be a lawful prince, nor yet profitable to the commonwealth. King Edward line 60 having perfect knowledge of all the doings of the earl of Warwick, and of his brother the duke of Clarence, was by diverse letters certified of the great army of the northern men, with all speed coming toward London; and therefore in great hast he sent to William lord Herbert, 
The earl of Penbroke.  whom (as ye have heard) he had created earl of Penbroke; requiring him without delay to raise his power, and encounter with the northern men.  
The earl of Penbroke, commnolie called the lord Herbert, both ready to obey the king's commandment, according to his duty, and also desirous to revenge the malice which he bore to the earl of Warwick, for that he knew how he had been the only let why he obtained not the wardship of the lord Bonnevilles' daughter and heir for his eldest son, accompanied with his brother sir Richard Herbert, a valiant knight, and above six or seven thousand Welshmen, well furnished, marched forward to encounter with the northern men. And to assist him with archers, was appointed Humphrey lord Stafford of Southwike, 
The lord Stafford.  named but not created earl of Devonshire by the king, in hope that he would serve valiantly in that journey: he had with him eight hundred archers.  
When these two lords were met at Cotteshold, they heard how the northern men were going toward Northampton: whereupon the lord Stafford, and sir Richard Herbert, with two thousand well horsed Welshmen, road forth afore the main army, to see the demeanour of the northern men: and at length, under a woods side, they covertly espied them passing forward, and suddenly set on the rearward: but the northern men with such nimbleness turned about, 
The Welshmen discomfited.  that in a moment the Welshmen were discomfited, and many taken, the remnant returned to the army with small gain. The northern men well cooled with this small victory, went no further southwards, but took their way toward Warwick, looking for aid of the earl, which was lately come from Calis, with his son in law the duke of Clarence, and was raising men to aid his friends and kinsfolk.  
The king likewise assembled people to aid the earl of Penbroke, but before either part received succour from his friend or partaker, both the armies met by chance in a fair plain, near to a town called Hedgecote, four miles distant from Banberie, 
Hedgecote. Bamberie field.  where there are three hills, not in equal quantity, but lying in manner (although not fully) triangle. The Welshmen got first the west hill, hoping to have recovered the east hill also, which if they might have obtained, the victory had been theirs, as their foolish prophesiers told them before. These northern men encamped on the south hill; the earl of Penbroke and the lord Stafford of Southwike were lodged in Banberie, the day before the field, which was saint james day, and there the earl of Penbroke put the lord Stafford out of an Inn, 
Discord what it breedeth.  wherein he delighted much to be, for the love of a damosel that dwelled in the house: and yet it was agreed betwixt them, that which of them soever obtained first a lodging, should not be displaced.  
The lord Stafford in great despite departed with his whole band of archers, leaving the earl of Penbroke almost desolate in the town, who with all diligence returned to his host, lying in the field unpurveyed of archers. Sir Henry Nevil, son to the lord Latimer, took with him certain light horsemen, and skirmished with the Welshmen in the evening, just before their camp, where doing right valiantly, but a little too hardily adventuring himself, was taken and yielded, and yet cruelly slain. Which unmerciful act the Welshmen sore rued the next day yer night: for the northern men sore displeased for the death of this noble man, in the next morning valiantly set on the Welshmen, and by force of archers caused them quickly to descend the hill, into the valley, where both the hosts fought.  
The earl of Penbroke did right valiantly, 
The valiant manhood of sir Richard Herbert.  and so likewise did his brother sir Richard Herbert, in so much that with his pole-axe in his hand, he twice by fine force passed through the battle of his adversaries, and without any hurt or mortal wound returned. But see the hap, even as the Welshmen were at point to have obtained the victory, john Clappam esquire, servant to the earl of Warwick, 
john Clappam.  mounted up the side of the east hill, accompanied only with five hundred men, gathered of the rascals of the town of Northampton, and other villages about, having borne before them the standard of the earl of Warwick, with the white bear, crying; A Warwick, a Warwick.  
The Welshmen, thinking that the earl of Warwick had come on them with all his puissance, suddenly as men amazed, fled: the northern men them pursued, and slew without mercy, so that there died of the Welshmen that day, 
The Welshmen slain.  above five thousand, besides line 10 them that fled and were taken. The earl of Penbroke, and his brother sir Richard Herbert, with diverse gentlemen, were taken and brought to Banberie, where the earl with his brother, and other gentlemen, to the number of ten, that were likewise taken, lost their heads. But great moan was made for that noble and hardy gentleman, sir Richard Herbert, being able for his goodly parsonage and high valiancy, to have served the greatest prince in christendom. 
Abr. Flem.  [But what policy or puissance can either line 20 prevent or impugn the force of fate, whose law as it standeth upon an inevitable necessity; so was it not to be dispensed withal; and therefore destiny having preordained the manner of his death, it was patiently to be suffered, sith puissantlie it could not be avoided, nor politicly prevented, nor violently resisted: for — sua quenque dies ad funera raptat.]  
The Northamptonshire men, with diverse of the northern men by them procured, in this fury made them a captain, called Robert Hilliard, but they named line 30 him Robin of Reddesdale, 
Robin of Reddesdale. The earl Rivers and his son beheaded.  and suddenly came to Grafton, where they took the earl Rivers, father to the queen, and his son sir john Wooduile, whom they brought to Northampton, and there beheaded them both without judgement. The king advertised of these mischances, wrote to the sheriffs of Summersetshire, and Devonshire, that if they might by any means take the lord Stafford of Southwike, 
The lord Stafford of Southwike beheaded.  they should without delay put him to death. Hereupon search was made for him, till at length he was line 40 found in a village within Brentmarch, and after brought to Bridgewater where he was beheaded.  
After the battle was thus fought at Hedgecote commonly called Banberie field, the northern men resorted toward Warwick, where the earl had gathered a great multitude of people, which earl received the northern men with great gladness, thanking sir john Coniers, and other their captains for their pains taken in his cause. The king in this mean time had assembled his power, and was coming line 50 toward the earl, who being advertised thereof, sent to the duke of Clarence, requiring him to come and join with him. The duke being not far off, with all speed repaired to the earl, and so they joined their powers together, and upon secret knowledge had, that the king (because they were entered into terms by way of communication to have a peace) took small heed to himself, nothing doubting any outward attempt of his enemies.  
The earl of Warwick, intending not to lose such line 60 opportunity of advantage, in the dead of the night, with an elect company of men of war (as secretly as was possible) set on the king's field, killing them that kept the watch, and yer the king was aware (for he thought of nothing less than of that which then happened) at a place called Wolnie, 
King Edward taken prisoner.  four miles from Warwick, he was taken prisoner and brought to the castle of Warwick. And to the intent his friends should not know what was become of him, the earl caused him by secert journeys in the night to be conveyed to Middleham castle in Yorkshire, 
Middleham ca●tell.  and there to be kept under the custody of the archbishop of York, and other his friends in those parties. King Edward being thus in captivity, spoke ever fair to the archbishop, and to his other keepers, so that he had leave diverse days to go hunt. 
Abr. Flem.  [Which exercise he used, as it should seem, not so much for regard of his recreation, as for the recovery of his liberty: which men esteem better than gold, and being counted a divine thing, doth pass all the wealth, pleasure, and treasure of the world; according to the old saying: 
Non bene profuluo libertas venditur auro,  
Hoc coeleste bonum praeterit orbis opes.]   
Now on a day upon a plain when he was thus abroad, there met with him sir William Stanleie, 
Sir William Stanleie. K. Edward is delivered out of captivity.  sir Thomas a Borough, and divers other of his friends, with such a great band of men, that neither his keepers would, nor once durst move him to return unto prison again. Some have thought that his keepers were corrupted with money, or fair promises, and therefore suffered him thus to scape out of danger. After that he was once at liberty, he came to York, where he was joyfully received, and tarried there two days: but when he perceived he could get no army together in that country to attend him to London, he turned from York to Lancaster, where he found his chamberlain the lord Hastings well accompanied, by whose aid and such others as drew to him, 
He cometh to London.  being well furnished, he came safely to the city of London.  
When the earl of Warwick, and the duke of Clarence had knowledge how king Edward by the treason or negligence of them (whom they had put in trust) was escaped their hands, they were in a wonderful chafe: but sith the chance was past, they began eftsoons to provide for the war, which they saw was like to ensue; and found much comfort, in that a great number of men, delighting more in discord than in concord, offered themselves to aid their side. But other good men desirous of common quiet, and lamenting the miserable state of the realm, to redress such mischief as appeared to be at hand by these tumults, took pain, and road between the king, the earl, and the duke, to reconcile them each to other.  
Their charitable motion and causes alleged, because they were of the chiefest of the nobility, and therefore carried both credit and authority with them, so assuaged the moods both of the king, the duke, and the earl▪ that each gave faith to other to came and go safely without jeopardy. In which promise both the duke and earl putting perfect confidence, came both to London. At Westminster, the king, the duke, and the earl, had long communication together for to have come to an agreement: but they fell at such great words upon rehearsal of old matters, that in great fury without any conclusion they departed; the king to Canturburie, and the duke and the earl to Warwick, where the earl procured a new army to be raised in Lincolnshire, and made captain thereof sir Robert Welles, son to Richard lord Welles, a man of great experience in war.  
The king advertised hereof, without delay prepared an army, year 1470 and out of hand he sent to Richard lord Welles, willing him upon the sight of his letters, to repair unto him: which to do he had oftentimes refused, excusing himself by sickness and feebleness of body. But when that excuse served not, he thinking to purge himself sufficiently of all offence and blame before the king's presence, took with him sir Thomas Dimmocke, who had married his sister, 
Sir Thomas Dimmocke.  and so came to London. And when he was come up, being admonished by his friends that the king was greatly with him displeased, he ●ith his brothe● in law took the sanctuary at Wes●minster.  
But king Edward, trusting to pacify all this busy tumult without any further bloodshed, promised both those persons their pardons, causing them upon his promise to come out of sanctuary to his presence, and calling to him the lord Welles, willed him to write to his son to leave off the war, and in the mean season he with his army went forward, having with him the lord Welles, and sir Thomas Dimmocke. 
Anno Reg. 10.  And being not past two days journey from Stamford, where his enemies had ptiched their field, and hearing that sir Robert Welles, not regarding his father's letters, 
The lord Welles and Thomas Dimmocke beheaded.  kept his camp still, he caused the lord Welles, father to the said sir Robert, and sir Thomas Dimmocke to be beheaded, contrary to line 10 his promise.  
Sir Robert Welles, hearing that the king approached, and that his father and sir Thomas Dimmocke were beheaded, though he was somewhat doubtful to fight, before the earl of Warwick were with his power assembled, yet having a young and lusty courage, manfully set on his enemies. The battle was sore fought on both sides, and many a man slain; till sir Robert, perceiving his people at point to sly, was busily in hand to exhort them to tarry, and in the mean time compassed about with enemies was line 20 there taken, & with him sir Thomas de Land knight, and many more. After the taking of their captain, the Lincolnshire men amazed, threw away their coats the lighter to run away, and fled amain, and therefore this battle is called there yet unto this day, 
Losecote field  Losecote field.  
The king rejoicing at this victory, caused sir Robert Welles, and diverse other to be put to execution in the same place. The fame went that at this battle line 30 were slain ten thousand men at the least. The earl of Warwick lay at the same time at his castle of Warwick, and meant to have set forward the next day toward his army in Lincolnshire. But when he heard that the same was overthrown, he took new counsel, and with all diligence imagined how to compass Thomas lord Stanleie, which had married his sister, that he might be one of the conspiracy. Which thing when he could not bring to pass (for the lord Stanleie had answered him, 
The faithfulness of the lord Stanley.  that he would never line 40 make war against king Edward) he thought no longer to spend time in waist; and mistrusting he was not able to meet with his enemies, he with his son in law the duke of Clarence departed to Excester, and there tarrying a few days, 
The duke of Clarence and the earl of Warwick take the sea.  determined to sail into France, to purchase aid of king jews.  
Now resting upon this point, he hired ships at Dartmouth: and when the same were ready trimmed and decked, the duke and the earl with their wives, and a great number of servants embarked line 50 themselves, and first took their course towards Calis, whereof the earl was captain, thinking there to have left his wife and daughters, till he had returned out of France. But when they were come before the town of Calis, they could not be suffered to enter: for the lord Uauclere a Gascoigne, 
The earl of Warwick kept out of Calis.  being the earls deputy in that town, whether he did it by dissimulation, or bearing good will to king Edward (as by the sequel it may be doubted whether he did or no) instead of receiving his master with triumph, he bent and discharged against him diverse pieces of ordinance, line 60 sending him word he should not there take land.  
This navy lying thus before Calis at anchor, the duchess of Clarence was there delivered of a fair son, which child the earls deputy would scarce suffer to be christened within the town▪ nor without great entreaty would permit two flagons of wine to be conveyed aboard to the ladies lying in the haven. The king of England advertised of the refusal made by monsieur de Uauclere to the earl of Warwick, 
Monsieur de Uauclere made deputy of Calis.  was so much pleased therewith, that incontinently he made him chief captain of the town of Calis by his letters patents, which he sent to him out of hand, and thereof discharged the earl as a traitor and rebel. Thus was the one in respect of his accepted service honourably advanced; and the other, in regard of his disloyalty shamefully disgraced: whereof as the one took occasion of inward delight; so the other could not be void of grudging conceits,  
The duke of Burgognie (unto whom king Edward had written, that in no wise he should receive the earl of Warwick, nor any of his friends within his countries) was so well pleased with the doings of monsieur de Uauclere, that he sent to him his servant Philip de Cumins, and gave him yéerelie a thousand crowns in pension, praying and requiring him to continue in truth and fidelity toward king Edward, as he had showed and begun. But although monsieur de Uauclere swore in the said Philip's presence, truly to take king Edward's part; yet he sent privily to the earl of Warwick lying at Whitsanbaie, that if he landed, 
The double dealing of monsieur de Uauclere. The lord Duras was ● Gascoigne also.  he should be taken and lost: for all England (as he said) took part against him; the duke of Burgognie, and all the inhabitants of the town, with the lord Duras the king's marshal, and all the retinue of the garrison were his enemies.  
The earl, having this advertisement from his feigned enemy, with his navy sailed toward Normandy, and by the way spoiled and took many ships of the duke of Burgognies subjects, and at the last (with all his navy and spoils) he took land at deep in Normandy, 
The earl of Warwick la●ded at deep.  where the governor of the country friendly welcomed him, and advertised king jews of his arrival. The French king, desirous of nothing more than to have occasion to pleasure the earl of Warwick, of whom the high renown caused all men to have him in admiration, sent unto him, requiring both him and his son in law the duke of Clarence, to come unto his castle of Ambois, where he men sojourned. 
Ambois.  The duke of Burgognie, hearing that the duke and earl were thus received in France, sent a post with letters unto king jews, partly by way of request, and partly by way of menacing, to dissuade him from aiding of his adversaries, the said duke and earl.  
But the French king little regarded this suit of the duke of Burgognie, and therefore answered, that he might and would secure his friends, and yet break no league with him at all. In the mean time, K. Edward made inquiry for such as were known to be aiders of the earl of Warwick within his realm, of whom some he apprehended as guilty, and some (doubting themselves) fled to sanctuary, and other trusting to the king's pardon, submitted themselves, as john marquess Montacute, 
john marquess Montacute.  whom he courteously received. When queen Margaret that sojourned with duke Reiner her father, heard tell that the earl of Warwick was come to the French court, withal diligence she came to Ambois to see him, with her only son prince Edward.  
With her also came jasper earl of Penbroke, and john earl of Oxford, 
The earls 〈◊〉 Penbroke ● Oxford.  which after diverse imprisonments lately escaped, fled out of England into France, and came by fortune to this assembly. These persons, after entreaty had of their affairs, determined by means of the French king to conclude a league and amity between them. 
A league.  And first to begin withal, for the sure foundation of their new entreaty, 
Edward prince of Wales married.  Edward prince of Wales wedded Anne second daughter to the earl of Warwick, which lady came with her mother into France. After which marriage, the duke and the earls took a solemn oath, that they should never leave the war, till either king Henry the sixth, or his son prince Edward, were restored to the crown: and that the queen and the prince should depute and appoint the duke and the earl to be governors & conservators of the common wealth, till time the prince were come to estate. Many other conditions were agreed, as both reason & the weightiness of so great business required.  
Whilst these things were thus in doing in the French court, there landed a damsel, belonging to the duchess of Clarence; as she said: which made monsieur de Uaucléere believe, that she was sent from king Edward to the duke of Clarence and the line 10 earl of Warwick with a plain overture and declaration of peace. Of the which tidings Uaucléere was very glad for the earls sake. But this damsel coming to the duke, persuaded him so much to leave off the pursuit of his conceived displeasure towards his brother king Edward, that he promised at his return into England, 
The promise of the duke of Clarence.  not to be so extreme enemy against his brother as he was taken to be: and this promise afterward he did keep. With this answer the damsel returned into England, the earl line 20 of Warwick being thereof clearly ignorant.  
The French king lent both ships, men, and money unto queen Margaret, and to her partakers, and appointed the bastard of Bourbon, admiral of France, with a great navy to defend them against the navy of the duke of Burgognie, which he laid at the mouth of the river Saine, ready to encounter them, being of greater force than both the French navy and the English fleet. And yet king Reiner did also help his daughter with men and munition line 30 of war. When their ships and men were come together to Harflue, the earl of Warwick thought not to linger time: because he was certified by letters from his friends out of England, that assoon as he had taken land, there would be ready many thousands to do him what service and pleasure they could or might. And beside this, diverse noble men wrote that they would help him with men, armour, money, and all things necessary for the war, and further to adventure their own bodies in his quarrel. line 40  
Surly his presence was so much desired of all the people, 
The love which the people bore to the earl of Warwick.  that almost all men were ready in armour, looking for his arrival: for they judged that the very sun was taken from the world when he was absent. When he had received such letters of comfort, he determined with the duke, and the earls of Oxford and Penbroke (because queen Margaret and her son were not yet fully furnished for the journey) to go before with part of the navy, and part of the army. And even as fortune would, the navy of the duke of Burgognie at the same time by a tempest line 50 was scattered, & driven beside the coast of Normandy: so that the earl of Warwick in hope of a boon voyage, caused sails to be halsed up, and with good speed landed at Darmouth in Devonshire, from whence almost six months passed he took his journey toward France (as before ye have heard.) When the earl had taken land, 
A proclamation.  he made proclamation in the name of king Henry the sixth, upon high pains commanding and charging all men able to bear armour, line 60 to prepare themselves to fight against Edward duke of York, which contrary to right had usurped the crown. It is almost not to be believed, how many thousands men of war at the first tidings of the earls landing resorted unto him.  
King Edward wakened with the news of the earls landing, and the great repair of people that came flocking in unto him, sent forth letters into all parts of his realm to raise an army: but of them that were sent for, few came, and yet of those few the more part came with no great good wills. Which when he perceived, he began to doubt the matter, and therefore being accompanied with the duke of Gloucester his brother, the lord Hastings his chamberlain, which had married the earls sister, and yet was ever true to the king his master, and the lord Scales brother to the queen, he departed into Lincolnshire. And because he understood that all the realm was up against him, and some part of the earl of Warwick power was within half a days journey of him, following the advise of his counsel, with all hast possible he passed the Washes in great jeopardy, 
King Edward cometh to Lin and taketh ship to pass over seas.  & coming to Lin found there an English ship, and two hulks of Holland ready (as fortune would) to make sail.  
Whereupon he with his brother the duke of Gloucester, the lord Scales, and diverse other his trusty friends, entered into the ship. 
The lord Hastings.  The lord Hastings tarried a while after, exhorting all his acquaintance, that of necessity should tarry behind, to show themselves openly as friends to king Henry for their own safeguard, but heartily required them in secret to continued faithful to king Edward. This persuasion declared, he entered the ship with the other, and so they departed, 
The number that passed over with king Edward.  being in number in that one ship and two hulks, about seven or eight hundred persons, having no furniture of apparel or other necessary things with them, saving apparel for war. 
Abr. Fl.  [For it was no taking of leisure to provide their corporal necessaries (though the want of them could hardly be borne) in a case of present danger; considering that they were made against by the contrary faction with such swift pursuit. And it had been a point of extreme folly, to be careful for the accidents, permitmitting in the mean time the substance unto the spoil.]  
As king Edward with sail and over was thus making course towards the duke of Burgognies country (whither he determined at the first to go) it chanced that seven or eight gallant ships of Easterlings, open enemies both to England and France, were abroad on those seas, and espying the king's vessels, began to chase him. The king's ship was good of sail, and so much got of the Easterlings, 
King Edward arrived at Alquemar●  that he came on the coast of Holland, and so descended lower before a town in the country called Alquemare, and there cast anchor as near the town as was possible, because they could not enter the haven at an ebbing water. The Easterlings also approached the English ship, as near as their great ships should come at the low water, intending at the flood to have their prey: as they were very like to have attained it in deed, if the lord Gronture, 
The lord Gronture.  governor of that country for the duke of Burgognie, had not by chance been at the same time in that town.  
This lord (upon knowledge had of king Edward's arrival there in the haven, and in what danger he stood by reason of the Easterlings) commanded them not to be so hardy as once to meddle with any Englishmen, being both the duke's friends and allies. Then did king Edward & all his company come on land. Who after they had been well refreshed & gently comforted by the lord Gronture, they were by him brought to the Hagh, a rich town in Holland, where they remained a while, having all things necessary ministered to them by order of the duke of Burgognie, sent unto the lord Gronture, immediately upon certificate from the said lord Gronture of king Edward's arrival. [Here we see in what perplexities king Edward and his retinue were, partly by enemies at home in his own country, whose hands he was constrained to flee from by the help of the sea; partly also by adversaries abroad, seeking opportunity to offer him not the encounter only, but the overthrow. And surely, had not good fortune favoured him, in preparing ready means for him to avoid those imminent dangers; he had doubtless fallen among the weapons of his own countrymen, and so never have feared foreign force: but in escaping both the one and the other, even with shift of so speedy expedition, it is a note (if it be well looked into) of happiness, if any happiness may be in preservation from ruin and reproach.]  

Edw. Hall. fol. ccix.  Now let all Englishmen (saith Edward Hall) consider (as before is rehearsed) what profit, what commodity, and what help in distress, the marriage of the lady Margaret, king Edward's sister to the duke Charles, did to him in his extreme necessity; and but by that mean uncurable extremity: for his allies line 10 and confederates in Castille and Arragon were too far from him, either speedily to fly to, or shortly to come fro with any aid or army. The French king was his extreme enemy, and friend to king Henry, for whose cause in the king of Scots (for all the league between them) he did put little confidence and less trust. The states and all Eastland were with him at open war, and yet by this marriage, God provided him a place to fly to, both for refuge and relief.  
[But for the further and clearer explanation of line 20 these stratagems, 
Abr. Flem.  or rather civil tumults, it shall not be amiss to insert in this place (si●h I cannot hit upon one more convenient) a very good note or addition received from the hands of master john Hooker chamberlain of Excester; the contents whereof are of such quality, that they cannot stand in concurrence with any matter introduced within the compass of the ninth year of this king's reign (as he had quoted it) and therefore I thought it meet to transfer the same to this tenth year; considering that line 30 some part of the matter by him largely touched, is briefly in the premises already remembered.]  
¶ This year (saith he) was very troublesome, and full of civil wars and great discords. For after that king Edward the fourth was escaped out of prison, 
john Hooker, alias Vowel.  at Wolneie besides Warwick, he mustered and prepared a new army. Whereupon the earl of Warwick and the duke of Clarence, mistrusting themselves, prepared to pass the seas over to Calis, and fi●st of all sent away the duchess of Clarence daughter line 40 to the said earl, who was then great with child, and she being accompanied with the lord Fitz Warren, 
Lord Dinhan, and baron Carew, with their power come to Excester.  the lord Dinham, and the baron of Carew, and a thousand fight men came to this city of Excester the eightéenth day of March, and was lodged in the bishop's palace. Sir Hugh, or (as some say) sir William courtney, who then favoured the party of king Edward the fourth, assembled a great troup and army of all the friends he could make, and environing line 50 the city, besieged the same; he pulled down all the bridges, rampered up all the ways, and stopped all the passages, so that no victuals at all could be brought to this city for twelve days together, which being done upon a sudden and unlooked for, victuals waxed short and scant within the city, and by reason of so great a multitude within the same, the people for want of food began to murmur and mutter.  
The duchess and the lords of her company, mistrusting what might and would be the sequel hereof, began line 60 to deal with the mayor, and required to have the keys of the gates to be delivered into their hands and that they would undertake the safe custody of the city. Likewise sir William courtney did send his messenger to the mayor, and required the gates to be opened and to give him entrance: or else he would with sword and fire destroy the same. The mayor and his brethren being in great perplexities, and having to answer not only the lords within and the knight without, but most of all doubting the common people within, who being impatient of penury, were deaf to all persuasions and listen to any counsels: did so order and handle the matter, as that by good speeches and courteous usages, every party was stopped and stayed, until by means and mediations of certain good and godly men, an entreaty was made, the matter was compounded and the siege raised, and every man set at liberty.  
The next day after which conclusion, 
The duke of Clarence 〈◊〉 the earl of Warwick ●●iorne at E●cester, and in pursue of the king.  the gates being opened, to wit, the third of April 1470, the earl of Warwick and the duke of Clarence came to this city, and here rested, and sojourned themselves until sufficient shipping was provided for their passage over the seas, and then they all embarked themselves, and passed over to Calis. The king in this mean time mustered his army, and prepared with all speed all things necessary to follow and pursue his said adversaries, and came to this city, thinking to find them here the fourteenth of April being saturday 1470, with forty thousand fight men: but the birds were fled away before his coming. Nevertheless the king came and entered into the city, being accompanied with sundry noble men; namely, the bishop of Elie then lord treasurer, the duke of Norfolk earl marshal, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Wiltshire son to the duke of Buckingham, the earl of Worcester constable of England, the earl of Shrewesburie, the earl Rivers, the lord Hastings, the lord Gray of Codnor, the lord Andelie, the lord Say, the lord Sturton, the lord Dacres, the lord Montioie, the lord Stanleie, the lord Ferris, and the baron of Dudleie.  
Before whose coming, the mayor being advertised thereof, took order, 
The king is received 〈◊〉 honourably 〈◊〉 to the city of Excester.  and gave commandment to every citizen and inhabitant, being of ability, to provide and prepare for himself a gown of the city's livery, which was then red colour, and to be in a readiness for receiving of the king, which was accordingly done. And when the king was come near to the city, the mayor being very well attended with four hundred persons well and seemly appareled in the city's livery, went to the south gate, and without the same attended the kings coming. Who when he was come, the mayor did his most humble obeisance, and therewith Thomas Dowrish then recorder of the city made unto his grace an humble oration, congratulating his coming to the city: which ended, the mayor delivered unto the king the keys of the gates and the maces of his office, and therewith a purse of one hundred nobles in gold, 
The citizens' be neuole●●● to the king.  which his grace took very thankfully. The money he kept, but the keys and the maces he delivered back to the mayor; and then the mayor took the mace and did bear it through the city bareheaded before the king, until he came to his lodging.  
The next day following, being palmsunday, the king in most princely and royal manner came to the cathedral church of saint peter's, to hear the divine service, where he followed and went in procession after the manner as was then used, round about the churchyard, to the great joy and comfort of all the people: 
How long the king continued in the city.  he continued in the city three days until the tuesday then following; who when he had dined took his horse and departed back towards London, and gave to the mayor great good thanks for his entertainment. About four months after this, in August, 
The duke of Clarence 〈◊〉 the earl of Warwick 〈◊〉 on the English coasts.  the duke of Clarence and the earl of Warwick returned again from Calis, with all their retinue, & landed some at Plymouth, some at Dartmouth, and some at Exmouth: but all met in this city, and from hence they all passed towards London, and at every place they proclaimed king Henry the sixth, Which when king Edward heard, he was very much troubled therewith: and not able then to withstand their force, he passed the seas to his brother in law the duke of Burgognie.  
This year also, being very troublesome, and the government uncertain, 
The practice 〈◊〉 knight 〈◊〉 chief 〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉 to rid 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  men were in great perplexities, & witted not what to do. And among many there was one specially to be remembered, who to rid himself out of these troubles, did devise this practice: his name was sir William Haukesford knight, a man very well learned in the laws of the realm, and one of the chief justices at the law: he dwelled at Annorie in Devonshire, a gentleman of great possessions, and having never a son, the lord Fitz Warren, sir john Sentleger, & sir William Bulloyne, line 10 who married his daughters, were his heirs. This man being one of the chiefest lawyers in the land, was daily sought to and his counsel asked: and he considering that when the sword ruled, law had a small course, and finding by experience what fruits ensue such counsel as doth not best like the parties, was very heavy, sorrowful, and in great agonies.  
Hereupon suddenly he called unto him the keeper of his park, 
In unjust or surmised charge of the ●night against the keeper of his park●.  with whom he fell out and quareled, because (as he said) he was slothful and careless, and line 20 did not walk in the nights about the park, but suffered his game to be spoiled and his dear to be stolen, wherefore he willed him to be more vigilant and careful of his charge: and also commanded him that if he met any man in his circuit and walk in the night time, and would not stand nor speak unto him, he should not spare to kill him what so ever he were. This knight, having laid this foundation, and minding to perform what he had purposed for the ending of his doleful days, did in a certain dark line 30 night secretly convey himself out of his house, and walked alone in his park. Then the keeper in his night walk hearing one stirring and coming towards him, asked who was there? but no answer was made at all.  

The keeper killeth his master the knight with an arrow.  Then the keeper willed him to stand, which when he would not do, the keeper nocked his arrow and shot unto him, and killed him; who when he perceived that it was his master, than he called to remembrance his masters former commandment. And so this line 40 knight, otherwise learned and wise, being afraid to displease man, did displease God, and very disorderly ended his life. It is enrolled amongst the records of this city, of a commission directed to john earl of Devonshire, & from him sent to the mayor of the city of Excester to be proclaimed. The words be these: Decim●quarto die Aprilus, uz. in vigilia Paschae, An, 49. Hen. 6. commissio domini regis directa johanni comiti Devon, missa est maiori ut proclamaretur. And likewise in an other place: Quatuor marcae sunt solutae johanni comiti Devon. line 50 ex assensa maioris. Howbeit, certain it is there was no such earl of that name, only there was john Holland then living duke of Excester, wherefore something is mistaken herein.  
But was this a practice (think you) beseeming a man of worship, 
Abr. Flem.  learning, and judgement, to make away himself, because he saw a temporal interruption of his prosperity? Surly how much learning so ever he had in the laws of the land, little at all or none (as appeareth) had he in suffering the forces of adversity, whom the fear of it did so terrify, that it line 60 drove him to his end. Wise therefore is the counsel of the comedie-writer, and worthy of imitation, that a man, when he is in best case and highest degree of welfare, should even then meditate with himself how to away with hardness, with penury, perils, loss, banishment, and other afflictions: for so shall he prepare himself to bear them with patience when they happen: as soldiers trained up in military exercises at home, are so much the forwarder for the field, & fit to encounter their foes (with less dread of danger) when they come abroad to be tried: and therefore it is wisely (& to the purpose) said of Virgil: — superando omnis fortuna ferendo est. 
〈◊〉. 5. ]  
But to return to the prince's affairs. When the fame was once spread abroad that K. Edward was fled the realm, an innumerable number of people resorted to the earl of Warwick to take his part, but all K. Edward's trusty friends went to diverse sanctuaries, 
K. Edward's friends take sanctuary.  and amongst other his wife queen Elizabeth took sanctuary at Westminster, and there in great penury forsaken of all her friends, was delivered of a fair son called Edward, 
Queen Elizabeth delivered of a prince  which was with small pomp like a poor man's child christened, the godfathers being the abbot and prior of Westminster, and the godmother the lady Scroop. 
Ab. Flem.  [But what might be the heaviness of this lady's hart (think we) upon consideration of so many counterblasts of unhappiness inwardly conceived? Her husband had taken flight, his adherents and her friends sought to shroud themselves under the covert of a new protector, she driven in distress forsook not that simple refuge which her hard hap forced upon her; and (a king's wife) wanted in her necessity such things as mean men's wines had in superfluity, & (a corrosive to a noble mind) a prince of renowned parentage was (by constraint of unkind fortune) not vouchsafed the solemnity of christendom due and decent for so honourable a parsonage.]  
The Kentishmen in this season (whose minds be ever movable at the change of princes) came to the suburbs of London, spoiled mansions, 
The Kentishmen make an hurlie burlie.  rob béerehouses, and by the counsel of sir Geffrie Gates and other sanctuary men, they broke up the king's Bench and delivered prisoners, and fell at Ratcliff, Limehouse, & S. Katharins', to burning of houses, slaughter of people, and ravishing of women. Which small sparkle had grown to a greater flame, if the earl of Warwick with a great power had not suddenly quenched it, and punished the offenders: which benefit by him done, caused him much more to be esteemed and liked amongst the commons than he was before. When he had settled all things at his pleasure, 
King Henry fetched out of the Tower & restored to his kingly government.  upon the twelve day of October he road to the Tower of London, and there delivered king Henry out of the ward, where he before was kept, and brought him to the king's lodging, where he was served according to his degree.  
On the five and twentieth day of the said month, the duke of Clarence accompanied with the earls of Warwick and Shrewesburie, the lord Strange, and other lords and gentlemen, some for fear, and some for love, and some only to gaze at the wavering world, went to the Tower, and from thence brought king Henry appareled in a long gown of blue velvet, through London to the church of saint Paul, the people on every side the streets rejoicing and crying; God save the king: as though each thing had succeeded as they would have had it: and when he had offered (as kings use to do) he was conveyed to the bishop's palace, where he kept his household like a king. [Thus was the principality posted over sometimes to Henry, sometimes to Edward; according to the sway of the party prevailing: ambition and disdain still casting faggots on the fire, whereby the heat of hatred gathered the greater force to the consumption of the peers and the destruction of the people. In the mean time, neither part could securely possess the regality, when they obtained it, which highmindedness was in the end the overthrow of both principals and accessaries, according to the nature thereof noted in this distichon by the poet: 
Fastus habet lights, offensis fastus abundat,  
Fastus ad interitum praecipitare solet.]   
When king Henry had thus readepted and eftsoons gotten his regal power and authority, he called his high court of parliament to begin the six and twentieth day of November, at Westminster; 
A parliament.  in the which king Edward was adjudged a traitor to the country, 
K. Edward adjudged an usurper.  and an usurper of the realm. His goods were confiscate and forfeited. The like sentence was given against all his partakers and friends. And besides this it was enacted, that such as for his sake were apprehended, and were either in captivity or at large upon sureties, should be extremely punished according to their demerits, amongst whom was the lord Tiptoft earl of Worcester lieutenant for king Edward in Ireland, exercising there more extreme cruelty than princely piety, and namely on line 10 two infants being sons to the earl of Desmond.  


Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 725.  
The earl Tipto●t beheaded.   [This earl of Worcester, being found in the top of an high three, in the forest of Waibridge, in the county of Huntingdon, was brought to London, and either for treason to him laid, or malice against him conceived, was atteinted, and beheaded at the Tower hill, and after buried at the Black friars.] Moreover, all statutes made by king Edward were clearly revoked, and the crowns of the realms of line 20 England and France were by authority of the same parliament entailed to king Henry the sixth, 
The crown entailed.  and to his heirs male; and for default of such heirs, to remain to George duke of Clarence, & to his heirs male: and further, the said duke was enabled to be next heir to his father Richard duke of York, and to take from him all his lands and dignities, as though he had been his eldest son at the time of his death. jasper earl of Penbroke, and john earl of Oxford, with diverse other by king Edward atteinted, line 30 were restored to their old names, possessions, and ancient dignities.  

Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 722, 723. The earl of Warwick his housekeeping. Fabian.  Beside this, the earl of Warwick, as one to whom the commonwealth was much bounden [and ever had in great favour of the commons of this land, by reason of the exceeding household which he daily kept in all countries where ever he sojourned or lay: and when he came to London, he held such an house, that six oxen were eaten at a breakfast, and every tavern was full of his meat, for who that had line 40 any acquaintance in that house, he should have had as much sod and roast as he might carry upon a long dagger] he (I say) was made governor of the realm, 
The earl of Warwick instituted governor of the realm.  with whom as fellow was associate George duke of Clarence. And thus was the state of the realm quite altered. To this parliament came the marquess Montacute, excusing himself, that for fear of death he declined to take king Edward's part, which excuse was accepted. When queen Margaret understood by her husband's letters, that the victory line 50 was gotten by their friends, she with her son prince Edward and her train entered their ships, to take their voyage into England: but the winter was so sharp, the weather so stormy, and the wind so contrary, that she was ●aine to take land again, and to defer her journey till another season.  
About the same season, jasper earl of Penbroke went into Wales, 
jasper earl of Penbroke.  to visit his lands in Penbrokeshire, where he found lord Henry son to his brother Edmund earl of Richmond, having not full line 60 ten years of age; he being kept in manner like a captive, but honourably brought up by the lady Herbert, late wife to William earl of Penbroke, beheaded at Banburie (as ye before have heard. 
Margaret countess of Richmond and Derbi●. ) This Henry was borne of Margaret the only daughter and heir of john the first duke of Summerset, than not being full ten years of age, the which lady though she were after joined in marriage with lord Henry son to Humfreie duke of Buckingham, and after to Thomas Stanleie earl of Derbie, both being young and apt for generation, yet she had never any more children, as though she had done her part to bring forth a man child, and the same to be a king (as he after was indeed) entitled by the name of Henry the seventh (as after ye shall hear.)  
The earl of Penbroke took this child, being his nephew, out of the custody of the lady Herbert, and at his return brought the child with him to London to king Henry the sixth, 
The saying of king Henry the sixth, of Henry of Richmond after king Henry the seventh.  whom when the king had a good while beheld, he said to such princes as were with him: Lo, surly this is he, to whom both we and our adversaries leaving the possession of all things shall hereafter give room and place. So this holy man showed before the chance that should happen, that this earl Henry so ordained by God, should in time to come (as he did indeed) have and enjoy the kingdom and whole rule of this realm of England. ¶ So that it might seem probable by the coherence of holy Henry's predictions with the issue falling out in truth with the same; 
Ab. Flem▪  that for the time he was endued with a prophetical spirit. And surly the epithet or title of holy is not for nought attributed unto him, for it is to be read in writers, that he was by nature given to peaceableness, abhorring blood and slaughter, detesting civil tumults, addicted to devotion, very frequent in prayer, and not esteeming so highly of courtly gallantness as stood with the dignity of a prince. In consideration whereof, he procured against himself an apostasy of his people both native and foreign; who revolted and fell from fealty. And why? The reason is rendered by the same writer, namely: 
Quòd tales homines populus sceleratior odit,  
Fastidit, detestatur: non convenit inter  
Virtutem & vitium, lucem fugêre tenebrae.]   
The earl of Warwick, understanding that his enemy the duke of Burgognie had received king Edward, and meant to aid him for recovery of the kingdom, he first sent over to Calis four hundred archers on horse back to make war on the duke's countries; and further, prepared four thousand valiant men to go over shortly, that the duke might have his hands even full of trouble at home. And where ye have heard that the earl of Warwick was kept out of Calis at his fleeing out of England into France, ye shall note that within a quarter of an hour after it was known that he was returned into England; and had chased king Edward out of the realm; not only monsieur de Uaucléere, but also all other of the garrison & town showed themselves to be his friends; 
The ragged staff.  so that the ragged staff was taken up and worn in every man's cap, some ware if of gold enamelled, some of silver; and he that could have it neither of gold nor silver, had it of whitish silk or cloth: such wavering minds have the common people, bending like a reed with every wind that bloweth.  
The duke of Burgognie, having an army ready at the same time to invade the frontiers of France, to recover the towns of saint Quinti●es and Amiens, lately by the French king taken from him, doubted to be hindered greatly by the Englishmen, if he should be constrained to have war with them: for the duke of Burgognie held not only at that season Flanders, but also Bulloyne, and Bullennois, and all Artois, so that he was thereby in danger to receive harm out of Calis on each side. 
The duke of Burgognie sendeth ambassadors to Calis.  Therefore he sent ambassadors thither, which did so much with the council there, that the league was newly confirmed betwixt the realm of England and the duke's countries; only the name of Henry put in the writing in steed of Edward. This matter hindered sore the suit of king Edward, daily suing to the duke for aid at his hands, the more earnestly indeed, because of such promises as by letters were made unto him out of England, from his assured friends there.  
But duke Charles would not consent openly to aid king Edward; 
14●1  
He asketh K Edward under hand.  but yet secretly under hand by others he lent unto him fifty thousand florins of the cross of S. Andrew, and further caused four great ships to be appointed for him in the haven of de Uéere, otherwise called Camphire in Zealand, which in those days was free for all men to come unto, and the duke hired for him fourteen ships of the Easterlings well appointed, & for the more surety took a bond of them to serve him truly, till he were landed in England, and fifteen days after. The Easterlings were glad of this journey, trusting if he got again the possession of England, they should the sooner line 10 come to a peace, and obtain restitution of their liberties and franchises, which they claimed of former time to have within this realm. The duke of Burgognie cared not much, on whose side the victory fell, saving for payment of his money: for he would oft say, that he was friend to both parties, and either part was friendly to him.  
In deed, as he was brother in law to the one, so was he of kin to the other, as by his grandmother being daughter to john of Gant duke of Lancaster. 
W. Fleetwood.  When line 20 therefore all king Edward's furniture and provision for his journey were once ready, having now with him about two thousand able men of war, beside mariners, he entered into the ships with them, in the haven before Flishing in Zealand, upon the second day of March: and because the wind fell not good for his purpose, he tarried still aboard for the space of nine days, before it turned meet for his journey. But after that the wind once came about (as he wished) the sails were hoissed up on the 11 of March being monday, line 30 & forward they sailed, 
He arriveth on the coast of Norfolk.  directing their course straight over towards the coast of Norfolk. On the next day being tuesday, & the twelve of March, toward the evening, they road before Cromer, where the king sent to land sir Robert Chamberlain, with sir Gilbert Debenham knights, and diverse other, to the end they might discover the country, and understand how the people within the land were bend towards him, especially those countries there next adjoining. line 40  

Anno Reg. 11. The earl of Oxford.  Upon their return, he understood that there was no surety for him to land in those parties, by reason of the good order which the earl of Warwick, and the earl of Oxford especially had taken in that country to resist him: for not only the duke of Norfolk, but all other the gentlemen (whom the earl of Warwick had in any suspicion) were by letters of privy seal sent for, and either committed to safe keeping about London, or else enforced to find surety for their loyal demeanour towards king Henry: line 50 yet those knights and other that were thus sent forth to make inquiry, were well received of their friends, and had good cheer. But after the king perceived by their report, how things stood thereabouts, he caused his ships to make course towards the north parts.  
The same night following, a great storm of winds and weather rose, sore troubling the seas, and continued till the fourteenth day of that month being thursday, 
He arriveth at the head of Humber.  on the which day with great danger, by reason of the tempestuous rage and torment of the troubled line 60 seas, he arrived at the head of Humber, where the other ships were scattered from him, each one severed from other; so that of necessity they were driven to land in sunder where they best might, for doubt to be cast away in that perilous tempest. The king with the lord Hastings his chamberlain, and other to the number of five hundred men being in one ship, 
He landeth at Ravenspurgh  landed within Humber on holderness side, at a place called Ravenspurgh, even in the same place where Henry earl of Derbie, after called king Henry the fourth landed, when he came to deprive king Richard the second of the crown, and to usurp it to himself.  
Richard duke of Gloucester, and three hundred men in his company, took land in another place four miles distant from thence, where his brother king Edward did land. The earl Rivers, and with him two hundred men, landed at a place called Pole, fourteen miles from the haven where the king came on land. The residue of his people landed some here some there, in place where for their sureties they thought best. On the morrow, being the fifteenth of March, now that the tempest ceased, and every man being got to land, they drew from every of their landing places towards the king, who for the first night was lodged in a poor village, two miles from the place where he first set foot on land. [As for his train, though the season of the year was naturally cold, & therefore required competent refection by warmth, it is to be supposed, that all their lodgings were hard enough, sith the principals provision was sorry enough. But what of that? Better (in cases of extremity) an hard shift than none at all.]  
Touching the folks of the country, there came few or none to him. For by the incensing of such as had been sent into those parts from the earl of Warwick, and other his adversaries, the people were shrewdly induced to stand against him. But yet, in respect of the good will that many of them had borne to his father, they could have been content, that he should have enjoyed his right to his due inheritance of the duchy of York, but in no wise to the title of the crown. And hereupon they suffered him to pass, not seeking to annoy him, till they might understand more of his purposed meaning. The king, perceiving how the people were bend, noised abroad that he came to make none other challenge but to his inheritance of the duchy of York: and withal meant to pass first into the city of York, and so forward towards London, to encounter with his adversaries that were in the south parts.  
For although his nearest way had been through Lincolnshire: yet because in taking that way he must have gone again to the water, in passing over Humber; he doubted lest it would have been thought that he had withdrawn himself to the sea for fear. And to avoid the rumours that might have been spread thereof, to the hindrance of his whole cause, he refused that way, and took this other, still bruting it (as before we said) that his coming was not to challenge the crown, but only to be restored unto his father's right and inheritance of the duchy of York, which was descended to him from his father. And here it seemed that the colour of justice hath ever such a force in itself amongst all men, that where before few or none of the commons could be found that would offer themselves to take his part: yet now that he did (as they thought) claim nothing but that which was his right, they began straight to have a liking of his cause.  
And where there were gathered to the number of six or seven thousand men in diverse places, under the leading chiefly of a priest and of a gentleman called Martin de la Mare, in purpose to have stopped his passage: 
Martin de la Mare or Martin of the sea.  now the same persons took occasion to assist him. And when he perceived men's minds to be well qualified with this feigned devise, he marched forth till he came to Beverleie, which stood in his direct way as he passed toward York. 
He passeth toward York.  He sent also to Kingston upon Hull, distant from thence six miles, willing that he might be there received: but the inhabitants, who had been laboured by his adversaries, refused in any wise to grant thereunto.  
The earl of Warwick advertised by messengers of king Edward's arrival, and of his turning toward York, with all haste wrote to his brother the marquess Montacute, who had lain at the castle of Pomfret all the last winter with a great number of soldiers, willing him to consider in what case their affairs stood, and thereupon with all speed to set upon king Edward, or else to keep the passages, and to stay him from coming any further forward, till he himself as then being in Warwikeshire busy to assemble an army, might come to his aid with the same. [Thus laboured the earl of Warwick by policy and puissance, as well of his own as others power, to further his own purpose, having sworn in heart a due performance of that, line 10 which he had solemnly vowed and promised before. 
See before page 664. ]  
But this notwithstanding, although there were great companies of people of the countries there abouts assembled, yet they came not in sight of the king, but suffered him quietly to pass; either because they were persuaded that he meant (as he in outward words pretended) not to claim any title to the crown, but only his right to the duchy of York; or else for that they doubted to set upon him, although his number were far unequal to theirs; knowing line 20 that not only he himself, but also his company were minded to sell their lives dearly, before they would shrink an inch from any that was to encounter them. It may be that diverse of the captains also were corrupted: and although outwardly they showed to be against him, yet in heart they bore him right good will, and in no wise minded to hinder him. So forward he marched, 
K. Edward without interruption passeth forward to York.  till he came to York, on a monday being the eightéenth day of March.  
Before he came to the city by the space of three line 30 miles, the recorder of York, whose name was Thomas Coniers (one known in deed not to bear him any faithful good will) came unto him; 
Thomas Coniers recorder of York.  & gave him to understand, that it stood in no wise with his surety, to presume to approach the city: for either he should be kept out by force, or if he did enter, he should be in danger to be cast away by his adversaries that were within. King Edward nevertheless, sith he was come thus far forward, knew well enough there was no going back for him, but manfully to line 40 proceed forward with his begun journey, and therefore kept on his way. And shortly after there came to him out of the city, Robert Clifford, and Richard Burgh, who assured him that in the quarrel which he pretended to pursue, to wit, for the obtaining of his right to the duchy of York, he should not fail but be received into the city.  
But immediately after came the said Coniers again, with the like tale and information as he had brought before. And thus king Edward one while line 50 put in comfort, and another while discouraged, marched forth till he came to the gates of the city, where his people stayed; 
K. Edward cometh to York.  whilst he and about sixteen or seventeen other such as he thought meetest, went forth and entered the city with the said Clifford & Burgh. And (as some writ) there was a priest ready to say mass, in which mass time the king received the sacrament of the communion, 
He receiveth an oath.  & there solemnly swore to keep and observe two special articles: although it was far unlike that he minded to observe either line 60 of them: the one was that he should use the citizens after a gentle and courteous manner: and the other, that he should be faithful and obedient unto king Henry's commandments.  
For this wilful perjury (as hath been thought) the issue of this king suffered (for the father's offence) the deprivation not only of lands and worldly possessions, but also of their natural lives, by their cruel uncle K. Richard the third. [And it may well be. For it is not likely that God, in whose hands is the bestowing of all sovereignty, will suffer such an indignity to be done to his sacred majesty, and will suffer the same to pass with impunity, And surly, if an osh among private men is religiously to be kept, sith in the same is an exact trial of faith and honesty; doubtless of princes it is very nicely and precisely to be observed: yea they should rather sustain a blemish and disgrace in their royalty, than presume to go against their oath and promise, specially if the same stand upon conditions of equity: otherwise they prove themselves to be impugners of fidelity, which is a jewel surpassing gold in price and estimation, as the poet prudently saith: Charior est auro non simulata fides.  
When king Edward had thus gotten into the city of York, he made such means among the citizens, that he got of them a certain sum of money; and leaving a garrison within the city contrary to his oath, for fear lest the citizens after his departure, might happily move some rebellion against him, he set forward the next day toward Todcaster, a town ten miles from thence, belonging to the earl of Northumberland. The next day he took his way toward Wakefield and Sendal, a castle and lordship belonging to the inheritance of the dukes of York, 
The marquess Montacute suffereth king Edward to pass by him.  leaving the castle of Pomfret upon his left hand, where the marquess Montacute with his army lay, and did not once offer to stop him.  
Whether the marquess suffered him to pass by so, with his good will or no, diverse have diversly conjectured. Some think that it lay not in the power of the marquess greatly to annoy him, both for that the king was well beloved in those parties; & again, all the lords & commons there for the most part were towards the earl of Northumberland, and without him or his commandment they were not willing to stir. And therefore the earl in sitting still and not moving to and fro, was thought to do king Edward as good service as if he had come to him, and raised people to assist him; for diverse happily that should have come with him, remembering displeasures past, would not have been so faithful as the earl himself, if it had come to the jump of any hazard of battle.  
About Wakefield and the parts there adjoining, some company of his friends came to him, whereby his power was increased; but nothing in such numbers as he looked for. From Wakefield he crossed on the left hand, so to come again into the high way, and came to Doncaster, 
K. Edward cometh to Northampton.  and from thence unto Nottingham. Here came to him sir William Parr, and sir james Harrington, with six hundred men well armed and appointed: also there came to him sir Thomas Burgh, 
Edw. Hall.  & sir Thomas Montgomerie with their aids, which caused him at their first coming to make proclamation in his own name, to wit, of K. Edward the fourth, boldly affirming to him, that they would serve no man but a king.  
Whilst he remained at Nottingham, and also before he came there, he sent abroad diverse of his avaunt courrers to discover the country, and to understand if there were any power gathered against him. Some of them that were thus sent, approached to Newarke, and understood that within the town there, the duke of Excester, the earl of Oxenford, the lord Bardolfe, 
The duke of Excester and a power a● Newarke.  and other were lodged with a great power to the number of four thousand men, which they had assembled in Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, and in the shires of Cambridge, Huntingdon, and Lincoln. The duke of Excester, and the earl of Oxenford, with other the chief captains, advertised that king Edward's foreriders had been afore the town in the evening, supposed verify that he and his whole army were coming towards them.  
Hereupon, they not thinking it good to abide longer there, determined with all speed to dislodge, and so about two of the clock after midnight they departed from Newarke, leaving some of their people behind, which either stolen away from them, and tarried of purpose, or could not get away so soon as their fellows. In deed the foreriders that so discovered them within the town of Newarke, advertised the king thereof in all post hast, who incontinently assembled his people, and forthwith marched towards them: but before he came within three miles of the town, he had knowledge that they were fled and gone from Newarke. Whereupon he returned again to Nottingham, intending to keep on his nearest line 10 way towards the earl of Warwick, whom he understood to be departed from London, and to be come into Warwikeshire, where & in the country's adjoining he was busied in levying an army, with the which he purposed to distress him.  
The king then from Nottingham came to Leicester, 
K. Edward cometh to Leicester.  where three thousand able men, and well furnished for the war came unto him. These were such as he knew would live and die in his quarrel, the most part of them belonging unto the lord Hastings line 20 the kings chamberlain. And thus he, being more strongly accompanied than before, departed from Leicester, and came before the walls of the city of Coventrie, 
The earl of Warwick in Coventrie.  the nine and twentieth day of March. The earl of Warwick was withdrawn into this city, keeping himself enclosed therein with his people, being in number six or seven thousand men. The king sent to him, and willed him to come forth into the field, and there to make an end of the quarrel in plain battle: but the earl at that present refused line 30 so to do.  
For although, under pretence of king Henry's authority, 
K. Edward provoketh the earl of Warwick to fight.  he was reputed the kings general lieutenant of the whole realm, whereby he had got such power together, as was thought able enough to match with the king for number; yet because he doubted how they were bend in his favour, he durst not commit the matter unto the doubtful chance of battle, till he had more of his trusty friends about him. The king therefore three days together provoked line 40 him to come forth, but when he saw it would not be, he removed to Warwick an eight miles from Coventrie, 
He cometh to Warwick.  where he was received as king, and so made his proclamations from that time forth in all places where he came, under his accustomed name and title of king.  
He lodged here at Warwick, the rather (as was thought) to provoke the earl to issue forth of Coventrie to give him battle, howbeit that devise nothing availed. But yet there came daily diverse persons on the earls behalf to treat with the king about a line 50 peace, 
A treaty for peace.  that some good composition might have been concluded; & the king for the advancement of peace and tranquility within the realm, offered large conditions; as a free pardon of life to the earl, and all his people, with many other beneficial articles on their behalfs, which to many seemed very reasonable, considering their heinous offences. But the earl would not accept any offers, except he might have compounded so as it pleased himself, & as was thought in no wise to stand with the king's honour, line 60 and surety of his estate.  

The duke of Clarence.  In this mean while, the earl of Warwick still looked for the duke of Clarence, who by the said earls appointment had assembled a power of men of war about London: but when the earl perceived that the duke lingered forth the time, and did not use such diligence as was requisite, as one that had been in doubt of war or peace, he began to inspect that the duke was of his brother corrupted, and therein he was nothing deceived. For true it is, that whilst the king was as yet beyond the seas, in the dominion of the duke of Burgognie, the duke of Clarence began to weigh with himself the great inconvenience into the which as well his brother king Edward, as himself and his younger brother the duke of Gloucester were fallen, through the dissension betwixt them: (which had been compassed and brought to pass by the politic working of the earl of Warwick and his complices.)  
As first the disheriting of them all from their rightful title to the crown; secondly the mortal and detestable war that could not but ensue betwixt them, to such mischief, that to whether part the victory inclined, the victor should remain in no more surety of his own person or estate after the upper hand got, than before; and thirdly he well perceived already, that he was had in great suspicion, and not heartily beloved of any the lords and rulers that were assured partakers with king Henry and the Lancastrian faction: insomuch they sticked not daily to go about to break and make void the appointments, articles, and covenants, made and promised to him, and of likelihood would daily more and more intend thereto: for in truth he saw, that they purposed nothing so much as the destruction both of him and all his blood.  
All which things throughly considered, with many other as they were laid afore him by right wise and circumspect persons, which in this behalf had conference with him, he consented that by some secret ways and means a reconciliation might be had betwixt him and his brethren, the king and the duke of Gloucester. The which to bring to some good and full effect, these honourable personages following became dealers therein. First of all the duchess of York their mother, the duchess of Excester, and the duchess of Suffolk their sisters; the lord cardinal of Canturburie, the bishop of Bath, the earl of Essex; but most specially the duchess of Burgognie their sister also, and diverse other right wise and prudent personages, who wrought by mediation of certain priests, and others, 
Priests used for privy messengers.  such as they used for messengers betwixt them.  
Finally, by the earnest travel and diligence showed by the said duchess of Burgognie (who incessantly sent to and fro such her trusty messengers now to the king being on that side the seas, and then to the duke remaining here in England) at length they were made friends, 
K. Edward and his brother of Clarence reconciled unwitting to the earl of Warwick.  and a perfect agreement concluded and ratified, with assurance betwixt them so strongly as might be. To the furthering whereof the king's chamberlain the lord Hastings failed not to do his best, so as by his good diligence, it was thought the king was the sooner induced to with to join eftsoons in true friendship with his said brother of Clarence. And as it well appeared, the duke of Clarence acquitted himself faithfully therein.  
For hearing now that his brother king Edward was landed and coming forward towards London, he gathered his people, outwardly pretending to pass with them to the aid of the earl of Warwick against his brother: 
The dissimulation of the duke of Clarence.  although inwardly he meant the contrary, and so accompanied with above four thousand men, he marched forth towards the place where he thought to find his brother. King Edward being then at Warwick, and understanding that his brother of Clarence approached, in an afternoon issued forth of that town with all his forces, and passed on till he came into a fair large field three miles distant from Warwick towards Banburie, where he might behold his brother of Clarence in good array of battle, coming towards him.  
When they were now within half a mile approached together, the king placed his people in order of battle under their banners, and so left them standing still, and appointed them to keep their ground, whilst he taking with him his brother of Gloucester, the lord Rivers, the lord Hastings, & a few other, went forth to meet his brother of Clarence: and in like sort the duke of Clarence took with him a few of the nobility that were about him, and leaving his army in good order, departed from them to meet the king, and so they met betwixt both the hosts, with so sweet salutations, loving demeanour, and good countenances, as better might not be devised betwixt brethren of so high and noble estate. 
The brethren meet lovingly together.  O what a heart's joy was this to the people, to see such an accord and mutual atonement line 10 between these peers! It was the only pleasure in the world, to the which all other compared are but counterfeit, and that doth the psalmist testify, 

Buchan. in psal. 133.  Nil charitate mutua fratrum, nihil  
jucundius concordia.   
Besides this, the like friendly entertainment, and courteous demeanour appeared in the salutings of other noble men that were on them attendant; whereof all such as saw it, and loved them, greatly rejoiced; giving God thanks for that joyful meeting, unity, line 20 and concord, appearing thus manifestly betwixt them: and herewith the trumpets and other instruments sounded, & the king withal brought the duke unto his army, whom he saluting in most courteous wise, welcomed them into the land; and they humbly thanking him, did to him such reverence as appertained to the honour of such a worthy parsonage. This was a goodly and a gracious reconcilement, beneficial to the princes, profitable to the peers, and pleasurable to the people, whose part had been deepest in line 30 dangers and loss, if discord had not been discontinued.  
This done, the king leaving his host again, keeping their ground with the same few persons which he took with him before, went with his brother of Clarence unto his army, and saluting them with sweet and courteous words, was joyfully of them welcomed: and so after this, they all came together joining in one. And either part showing themselves glad thus to meet as friends with the other, they line 40 went lovingly together unto Warwick with the king, where and in the country thereabouts they lodged, as they thought stood most with their ease and safeties. Herewith the duke of Clarence desired above all things to procure some good and perfect accord betwixt his brother the king, and the earl of Warwick.  
In this was he the more studious, because he saw that such an accord should bring great quietness to the land, and deliver the commonwealth of many line 50 dangers that might ensue by reason of such numbers of partakers, as well lords as other that were confederate with the earl. The said duke treated with the king present, 
The duke of Clarence seéketh to make peace betwixt the king and the earl of Warwick.  and sent messengers unto Coventrie to the earl, moving as well the one as the other most instantly to frame their minds unto a pacification. The king at the instance of his brother was contented to offer large conditions, and very beneficial for the earl and his partakers if they would have accepted them. line 60  
But the earl, whether utterly despairing of his own safety, if he should agree to any peace; or else happily for that he thought it stood with his honour to stand unto such promises and covenants as he had made with the French king, and with the queen Margaret, and her son prince Edward (to whom he was bound by oath not to shrink 〈◊〉 serve from the same) he refused all manner of such conditions as were offered. Insomuch that when the duke had sent to him, both to excuse himself of the 〈◊〉 which he had done, and also to require him to take some good way with king Edward, now while he might, the earl (after he had patiently heard the duke's message) he seemed greatly to abhor his unfaithful dealing, in turning thus from his confederates and allies, contrary to his oath and fidelity.  
To the messengers (as some writ) he gave none other answer but this, 
The earl 〈◊〉 Warwick answer to the duke of C●●rence 〈◊〉.  that he had rather be like himself, than like a false and perjured duke; and that he was fully determined never to leave war, till he had either lost his own life, or utterly subdued his enemies. As it was thought, the earl of Oxenfords persuasion wanted not, to make him the more stiffly to hold out; and rather to try the uttermost hazard of war, than to agree to acknowledge king Edward for his lawful sovereign lord and king. Whereupon no appointment nor any agreement at all could be brought to pass; and so all that treaty, which the duke of Clarence had procured, broke off & took none effect. There came to the earl of Warwick, whilst he lay thus at Coventrie (besides the earl of Oxenford) the duke of Excester, and the lord marquess Montacute, by whose coming that side was greatly strengthened, and the number much increased.  
The king, upon consideration hereof, and perceiving he could not get the earl to come forth of Coventrie, departed from Warwick, and eftsoons showing himself with his people before the city of Coventrie, desired the earl and his power to come forth into the fields, that they might end their quarrel by battle: which the earl and the other lords with him utterly refused as then to do. This was the fift of April being friday. The king hereupon was resolved to march towards London, 
K. Edward passeth London.  where his principal adversary king Henry remained, using his kingly authority by diverse such of the nobility as were about him, whereby king Edward was barred and disappointed of many aids and assistants, which he was sure to have, if he could once break that force of the royal authority, that was still thus exercised against him in king Henry's name.  
Wherefore (by the advise of his brethren and others of his council) accordingly as it had been ordained before this his last setting forth from Warwick, he kept on his way towards London, coming to Dantrie on the saturday at night: & on the morrow being palmsunday, he heard service in the church there, & after road to Northhampton, where he was joyfully received. From thence he took the next way towards London, leaving continually behind him (as he passed forth) a competent band of spears and archers, to beat back such of the earl of Warwiks' people, as peradventure he might send abroad to trouble him and his army by the way. Which providence and foresight he thought it not unnecessary to use; for that he knew well enough, that the heart of an enemy, frieng in the fire of hateful hostility, will pretermit no opportunity either of time or place to lay in wait for his destruction, against whom he beareth an inward grudge, with a desire of vengeance to the death.  
In this mean while, that things passed in manner (as before ye have hard) Edmund duke of Summerset, & his brother john marquess Dorset, Thomas courtney earl of Devonshire, and others being at London, had knowledge by advertisements out of France, that queen Margaret with her son prince Edward, the countess of Warwick, the prior of S. john's, the lord Wenlocke, and diverse others their adherents and partakers, with all that they might make, were ready at the sea side, purposing with all speed to sail over into England, and to arrive in the west country. Whereupon they departed forth of London, and with all hast possible drew westward, there to raise what forces they could, to join with those their friends, immediately after they should once come on land, and so to assist them against king Edward and his partakers.  
True it is, that the queen with her son, and the other persons before mentioned, took their ships, the four and twentieth day of March, continuing on the seas before they could land (through tempests and contrary winds) by the space of twenty days, that is, till the thirteenth of April: on which day, or rather on the fourteenth, they landed at Weimouth, as after shall appear. But now touching king Edward's proceeding forward on his journey toward London, ye line 10 have to understand, that upon the tuesday the ninth of April he came to saint Albon, from whence he sent comfortable advertisements to the queen his wife remaining within the sanctuary at Westminster, and to others his faithful friends in and about London, to understand by covert means how to deal to obtain the favour of the citizens, so as he might be of them received.  
The earl of Warwick, understanding all his doings and purposes, wrote to the Londoners, willing line 20 & charging them in any wise to keep king Edward out of their city, and in no condition to permit him to enter: and withal he sent to his brother the archbishop of York, willing him by all means possible to persuade the Londoners not to receive him; 
The archbishop of York.  but to defend the city against him for the space of two or three days at the least: promising not to fail but to come after him, and to be ready to assail him on the back, not doubting but wholly to distress his power and to bring him to utter confusion. The archbishop line 30 hereupon, on the ninth of April, called unto him at Paul's, all such lords, knights, and gentlemen, with others that were partakers on that side, to the number in all of six or seven thousand men in armour.  

King Henry showeth himself to the Londoners.  Herewith also he caused king Henry to mount on horseback, and to ride from Paul's thorough Cheap down to Walbroke, & so to fetch a compass (as the custom was when they made their general processions) returning back again to Paul's unto the bishop's palace, where at that time he was lodged. line 40 The archbishop supposed, that showing the king thus riding through the streets, he should have alured the citizens to assist his part. True it is, the mayor & aldermen had caused the gates to be kept with watch and ward: but now they well perceived that king Henry's power was too weak, as by that show it had well appeared, to make full resistance against king Edward, and so not for them in trust unto, if king Edward came forward, and should attempt to enter the city by force: for it was not unknown line 50 unto them, that many of the worshipful citizens, and others of the commons in great numbers, were fully bend to aid king Edward, in all that they might, as occasion served.  
Thus, what through love that many bare to king Edward, and what through fear that diverse stood in, lest the city being taken by force might happily have been put to the sack, with the loss of many an innocent man's life; 

The Londoners resolve to receive king Edward.  
The archbishop of York.   the mayor, aldermen, and others the worshipful of the city fell at a point among line 60 themselves, to keep the city to K. Edward's use, so as he might have free passage and entry into the same at his pleasure. The archbishop of York, perceiving the affections of the people, and how the most part of them were now bend in favour of king Edward upon the said kings approach towards the city, he sent forth secretly a messenger to him, beseeching him to receive him again into his favour, promising to be faithful to him in time to come, and to acquit this good turn hereafter with some singular benefit and pleasure.  
The king▪ upon good causes and considerations thereunto him moving, was contented to receive him again into his favour. The archbishop hereof assured, rejoiced greatly, well & truly acquitting him concerning his promise made to the king in that behalf. 
The Tower recovered to king Edward's use. K. Edward entereth into London.  The same night following was the Tower of London recovered to king Edward's use. And on the morrow being thursday, and the eleventh of April, king Edward quietly made his entry into the city with his power, having five hundred smoky gunner's marching foremost, being strangers, of such as he had brought over with him. He first road unto Paul's church, & from thence he went to the bishop's palace, where the archbishop of York presented himself unto him, and having king Henry by the hand, 
King Henry is delivered to him.  delivered him unto king Edward, who being seized of his person, and diverse other his adversaries, he went from Paul's to Westminster, where he made his devout prayers, giving God most hearty thanks for his safe return thither again.  
This done, he went to the queen to comfort her, who with great patience had abidden there a long time, as a sanctuary woman, for doubt of her enemies; and in the mean season was delivered of a young prince, whom she now presented unto him, to his great hearts rejoicing & comfort. From Westminster the king returned that night unto London again, having the queen with him, and lodged in the house of the duchess his mother. On the morrow being good friday, he took advise with the lords of his blood, and other of his council, for such business as he had in hand; namely, how to subdue his enemies as sought his destruction. Thus with consultation preventing his actions, he obtained fortunate success, wherewith his hart was the moreaduanced to join issue with his adversaries, whom (rather than they should triumph over him) he was resolutely minded to vanquish, if his proceedings might prove prosperous as his present good luck.  
The earl of Warwick, calling himself lieutenant of England, under the pretenced authority of king Henry, hoping that king Edward should have much a do to enter into London, marched forth from Coventrie with all his puissance, 
The earl of Warwick followeth the king.  following the king by Northhampton, in hope to have some great advantage to assail him, specially if the Londoners kept him out of their city, as he trusted they would; for than he accounted himself sure of the upper hand: or if he were of them received, yet he hoped to find him unprovided in celebrating the feast of Easter; and so by setting upon him on the sudden, he doubted not by that means to distress him. But king Edward, having intelligence of the earls intention, provided all things necessary for battle; & hearing that the earl of Warwick was now come unto S. Albon with his army, he determined to march forth to encounter him before he should approach near the city.  
The earl of Warwick, 
Edw. Hall.  accompanied with john duke of Excester, Edmund duke of Summerset, john earl of Oxford, and john Nevil marquess Montacute his brother, understanding that king Edward was not only received into London, but also had got king Henry into his hands, perceived that the trial of the matter must needs be committed to the hazard of battle; and therefore being come to the town of saint Albon, he rested there a while, partly to refresh his soldiers, and partly to take counsel how to proceed in his enterprise. At length, although he knew that his brother the marquess Montacute was not fully well persuaded with himself, to like of this quarrel which they had in hand; yet the brotherly affection betwixt them took away all suspicion from the earl, and so he utterly resolved to give battle, meaning to try whereto all this tumult would grow; and counting it a blemish to his honour, not to prosecute that with the sword, which he had solemnly vowed to do on his word.]  
hereupon removed they towards Barnet, a town standing in the midway betwixt London and saint Albon aloft on a hill; at the end whereof towards saint Albon there is a fair plain for two armies to meet upon, 
Gladmore heath.  named Gladmore heath. On the further side of which plain towards saint Albon the earl pight his camp. King Edward on the other part, being furnished with a mighty army (having joined to that power which he brought with him certain new supplies) upon Easter even the thirteenth line 10 of April in the after noon marched forth, having his said army divided into four battles. He took with him king Henry, 
The ordering of the king's army.  and came that evening unto Barnet, ten small miles distant from London; in which town his foreriders finding certain of the earl of Warwikes foreriders, beat them out, & chased them somewhat further than half a mile from the town, where, by an hedge side they found ready assembled a great number of the earl of Warwiks' people.  
The king after this coming to Barnet, would line 20 not suffer a man to remain in the town (that were of his host) but commanded them all to the field, and with them drew toward his enemies, and lodged with his army more near to them than he was aware of, 
K. Edward lodged before his enemies.  by reason it was dark, so as he could not well discern where they were encamped, fortifying the field the best he could for fear of some sudden invasion. He took his ground not so even afore them as he would have done, if he might have discovered the place where they had lain; and by reason thereof line 30 he encamped somewhat aside slips of them, causing his people to keep as much silence as was possible, [lest making any noise with the busseling of their armour and weapons or otherwise with their tongues, the enemy might have come to some knowledge of the kings privy purpose, and so by prevention have disappointed his policy by some provident devise; which because they wanted for the present time, it turned to their disadvantage; after the old proverb: Nescit prodesse qui nescit providus esse.] line 40  

Artillery.  They had great artillery on both parts, but the earl was better furnished therewith than the king, and therefore in the night time they shot off from his camp in manner continually; but doing little hurt to the king's people, still overshooting them, by reason they lay much nearer than the earl or any of his men did esteem. And such silence was kept in the king's camp▪ that no noise bewrayed them where they lay. For to the end it should not be known to the enemies, how near the king with his army was line 50 lodged unto them, the king would not suffer any of his guns in all that night to be shot off, 
A good policy.  lest thereby they might have guessed the ground, and so leveled their artillery to his annoyance.  
Early on the next morning betwixt four and five of the clock, notwithstanding there was a great mist that letted the sight of both parts to discover the fields, the king advanced his banners, and caused his trumpets to sound to the battle. On the other part, 
Edw. Hall.  the earl of Warwick, at the very break line 60 of the day, had likewise set his men in order of battle in this manner. In the right wing he placed the marquess Montacute, 
The order of the battle of both sides.  and the earl of Oxford with certain horsemen, and he with the duke of Excester took the left wing. And in the midst between both, he set archers, appointing the duke of Summerset to guide them as their chiefteine. King Edward had set the duke of Gloucester in the forward. The middle-ward he himself with the duke of Clarence, having with them king Henry, did rule & govern. The lord Hastings led the rearward, and beside these three battles, he kept a company of fresh men in store, which did him great pleasure before the end of the battle.  
Here is to be remembered, that aswell the king on his part, as the earl of Warwick on his, used many comfortable words to encourage their people, not forgetting to set forth their quarrels as just and lawful; the king naming his adversaries traitors and rebels, & the earl accounting him a tyrant, & an injurious usurper. But when the time came that they once got fight either of other, the battle began very sharp and cruel, first with shot, and after by joining at hand blows. Yet at the first they joined not front to front, as they should have done, by reason of the mist that took away the sight of either army, and suffered the one not to discern perfectly the order of the other; insomuch that the one end of the earl of Warwikes army overraught the contrary end of the king's battle which stood westward, and by reason thereof (through the valiancy of the earl of Oxford that led the earls vanguard) the king's people on that part were overmatched, 
The valiancy of the earl of Oxford.  so that many of them fled towards Barnet, and so to London, bringing news that the earl of Warwick had won the field.  
[Which report happily might have been justified and fallen out to be true, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 727.  had not preposterous fortune happened to the earl of Oxford and his men, who had a star with streams on their liveries; as king Edward's men had the sun with streams on their liveries: whereupon the earl of Warwiks' men, by reason of the missed not well discerning the badges so like, shot at the earl of Oxford's men that were on their own part, and then the earl of Oxford and his men cried treason, and fled with eight hundred men.]  
But touching the king's people which were pursued in the chase as they fled, and were put to the worst, many were wounded, and many slain outright. But the residue of those that fought in other parts could not perceive this distress of the king's people, because the thick mist would not suffer them to see any space far off, but only at hand: and so the king's battle that saw not any thing what was done beside them, was nothing discouraged. For (a few excepted that stood next to that part) there was not any one that witted of that discomfiture; and the other of the earl of Warwikes men, 
The 〈◊〉 courage of the earl of Warwick.  that fought in other places somewhat distant from them, were nothing the more encouraged by this prosperous success of their fellows, for they perceived it not. And in like case as at the west end the earls battle overreached the kings, so at the east end the kings overreached the earls, and with like success put the earls people in that place to the worse.  
At length after sore fight, and greater slaughter made on both sides, king Edward having the greater number of men (as somewrite, though other affirm the contrary) began some what to prevail: but the earl on the other side remembering his ancient fame and renown, manfully stuck to it, and encouraged his people, still supplying with new succours in places where he saw expedient, and so the fight renewed more cruel, fierce, & bloody than before, insomuch that the victory remained still doubtful, though they had fought from morning till it was now far in the day. K. Edward therefore willing to make an end of so long a conflict, caused new power of fresh men (which he had for this purpose kept in store) to set on his enemies.  
The earl of Warwick was nothing abashed herewith, but understanding that this was all the residue of king Edward's power, comforted his men to bear out this last brunt, and in so doing the victory was sure on their side, and the battle at an end: but king Edward so manfully and valiantly assailed his adversaries, in the middle and strongest part of their battle, that with great violence he bore down all that stood in his way; for he was followed and assisted by a number of most hardy and faithful men of war, that showed notable proof of tried manhood in that instant necessity. The earl of Warwick (when his soldiers all wearied with long fight, and sore weakened with wounds and hurts received in the battle) gave little heed to his words (being a man of an invincible stomach) rushed into the midst of his enemies, whereas he (adventuring so line 10 far from his company, to kill and slay his adversaries, 
The earl of Warwick 〈◊〉.  that he could not be rescued) was amongst the press of his enemies stricken down and slain.  
The marquess Montacute, thinking to secure his brother, was likewise overthrown and slain, with many other of good calling, as knights and esquires, 
The marquess Montacute slain. 〈◊〉. Flem.  beside other gentlemen. [But some say that the said marquess, having agreed privily with king Edward, did wear his livery, whom one of his brother the earl of Warwiks' men espying, fell upon line 20 him and killed him outright.] Some writ that this battle was so driven to the uttermost point, that king Edward was constrained to fight in his own person, and that the earl of Warwick, which was wont ever to ride on horsekacke from place to place, and from rank to rank, comforting his men, was now advised by the marquess his brother, to leave his horse, and to try the extremity by hand strokes, [which may be probable & likely. But by the report of some it seemeth that he was not slain in the heat of line 30 the conflict, 
〈◊〉 Fl. ex I. S. 〈…〉.  among the rout of the fight men, but afterwards in this sort. For when he saw the king's power prevail and his own sore impaired and past hope of good speed, with the slaughter of his adherents (gentlemen of name) and himself in the very mouth of the enemy in possibility to be devoured, he leapt upon a horse to fly, and coming into a wood where was no passage, one of king Edward's men came to him, killed him, and spoiled him to the naked skin. Sir William Tirrell knight was killed on the line 40 earl of Warwikes part.]  
On both parties were slain (as Ed. Hall saith) ten thousand at the least, 
The number at Barnet field.  where Fabian saith but fifteen hundred and somewhat above. Other writ that there died in all about three thousand. Upon the king's part were slain, the lord Crumwell, the lord Say, the lord Montiois son and heir, sir Humphrey Bourchier son to the lord berner's, and diverse other knights, esquires, and gentlemen. The battle endured the space of three hours very doubtful by reason line 50 of the mist, and in skirmishing and fight, now in this place, now in that, but finally the victory fell on the king's side; and yet it could not be esteemed that his whole army passed nine thousand fight men (as some writ) where his adversaries (as by the same writers appeareth) were far above that number. But because those that so write, seem altogether to favour king Edward, we may believe as we list.  
The duke of Summerset, and the earl of Oxford fled in company of certain northern men, which line 60 had been at the battle; and (as some writ) the earl of Oxford kept forth with them, 
The duke of Summerset and the earl of Oxfo●d. 〈◊〉.  and retired after into Scotland. But yet as well the duke of Summerset, as the said earl of Oxford, in fleeing toward Scotland, changed their purpose upon the way, and turned into Wales to jasper earl of Penbroke. The duke of Excester being stricken down and ●ore wounded, 
The duke of Excester.  was left for dead in the field, amongst other the dead bodies, because he was not known, and by reason thereof coming to himself, got up, and in great danger escaped unto Westminster, and there took sanctuary. [But some say, that after he had lain in the field, 
〈◊〉 Flem.  spoiled, wounded, and (to see to) void of life, from seven of the clock in the morning, till four at after noon, he was carried to a servants house of his there by (named Ruthland) where (after his wounds were searched and dressed by a surgeon) he was conveyed into Westminster sanctuary.]  
King Edward having got this victory, 
Edw. Hall.  refreshing himself and his people a while at Barnet, returned the same day unto London, like a triumphant conqueror, leading with him king Henry as a captive prisoner: & so making a solemn entry at the church of saint Paul, offered his standard. The dead bodies of the earl and marquess were brought to London in a coffin, & before they were buried, by the space of three days lay open visaged in the cathedral church of S. Paul, to the intent that all men might easily perceive, that they unfeignedly were dead. The common brute ran, that the king was not so joyous of the earls death, as sorrowful for the loss of the marquess, whom he full well knew (and no less was evident to other) to be his faithful friend and well-willer; for whose only sake, he caused both their bodies to be buried with their ancestors in the priory of Bissam.  
On the tuesday in Easter week came knowledge to king Edward, 
Queen Margaret landeth with a power out of France  that queen Margaret the wife of king Henry, with her son prince Edward was landed upon Easter day at Weimouth in Dorsetshire, accompanied with john Longstrother prior of saint john's, commonly called lord treasurer of England, who went over into France to fetch them: also the lord Wenlocke, a man made only by king Edward, beside diverse other knights and esquires, of whom part had been long forth of the realm, and part newly gone over thither to them, in company of the lord treasurer. They took their ships at Hunflue, the four and twentieth of March (as before you have heard) but through contrary winds and tempests, they were driven back, and constrained to abide for convenient wind.  
Now, although it came sometimes about sit for their purpose, yet it continued not long in that end; so as if thereupon they took the sea at any time, they were forced to return back again to land yer they could pass half the way over. And thus being diverse times under sail, in hope to pass the seas hither into England, they were still driven back again, till the thirteenth of April being Easter éeuen; on which day the wind coming favourably about, they took the seas, and sailed forward towards this land. The countess of Warwick, having a ship of advantage, arrived before the other at Portesmouth, and from thence she went to Southampton; meaning to have gone to Weimouth, where she understood that the queen was landed: but here had she knowledge of the loss of Barnet field, and that her husband was there slain. 
The countess of Warwick taketh sanctuary.  Whereupon she went no further towards the queen, but secretly got her over the water into the new forest, and took sanctuary within the abbeie of Beaulieu.  
Queen Margaret, and her son prince Edward, with the other that landed at Weimouth, went from thence to an abbeie near by called Céerne. Thither came unto them Edmund duke of Summerset, 
The duke of Summerset, and the earl of Devonshire comfort queen Margaret.  and Thomas courtney earl of Devonshire, with others, and welcomed them into England, comforting the queen in the best manner they could, and willed her not to despair of good success; for albeit they had lost one field (whereof the queen had knowledge the same day being monday in easter week, the fifteenth of April, and was therefore right sorrowful) yet they doubted not but to assemble such a puissance (and that very shortly) forth of diverse parts of the realm, as being faithful, and wholly bend to spend their lives, and shed the best blood in their bodies for her sake, & her sons, it should be hard for king Edward to resist them with all the power he had or could make.  

Edw. Hall.  The presence of these noble men greatly comforted her, and relieved her of the sorrows that in manner overwhelmed her pensive heart: for she doubted sore the end of all these proceedings; the which they concluded to follow upon the advancement of her and hers. Specially it misgave her, that some evil should chance to her son prince Edward, 
The fear which queen Margaret had for her son.  for she greatly weighed not of her own peril (as she herself confessed) and therefore she would gladly have had them either to have deferred the battle till a more line 10 convenient time: or else that her son might have been conveyed over into France again, there to have remained in safety, till the chance of the next battle were tried: but they being of a contrary mind, and namely the duke of Summerset, she at length consented unto that which they were resolved upon.  
Thus every man being bend to battle, gathered his power by himself, first in Summersetshire, Dorsetshire, and part of Wiltshire, and after in Devonshire line 20 and Cornwall. For the better encouraging of which countries to join with them in their quarrel, they repaired to Excester. Here they sent for sir john Arundel, and sir Hugh Courtenie, and many other in whom they had any confidence. To be short, they wrought so, that they raised the whole powers of Cornwall and Devonshire, and with a great army departing forth of Excester, they took the right way to Glastenburie, and from thence to Bath, raising the people in all parts where they line 30 came: for those countries had been so laboured, first by the earl of Warwick, and after by the duke of Summerset, and the earl of Devonshire (which two noble men were reckoned as old inheritors of the same countries) that the people seemed there greatly inclined to the favour of king Henry.  
King Edward, being at London, was daily advertised by faithful espials of all the doings of his adversaries, and was in no small agony, because he could not learn what way his enemies meant to line 40 take; for he purposed to encounter them in one place or other, before they should approach near to London. And upon such resolution, with such an army as he had got about London, 
K. Edward setteth forward against his enemies.  furnished with all artillery and other provisions necessary, he set forward the nintéenth of April, and came to Windsor, where he stayed a season, as well to celebrate the feast of saint George, as to abide the coming of such hands as he had appointed to repair thither unto him, making line 50 there his general assembly.  
The enemies to masker him the more, sent forth their foreriders unto sundry towns, both aswell to raise people in the countries about, as to make the king believe that their purpose was to pass those ways, where they meant not once to come. And hereupon when they departed from Excester, they sent first their foreriders straight to Shaftesburie, and after to Salisbury, and then they took the straight way to Taunton, Glastenburie, and after to Wells, line 60 where hovering about in the country, they sent another time their foreriders to a town called evil, and to Bruton, as if their meaning had been to draw towards Reading, and so through Berkshire, and Oxfordshire to have marched straight to London, or else to have set upon the king at some advantage, if it were offered.  
But king Edward, considering advisedly of the matter, perceived well that they being in an angle of the realm, if they meant to go to London, they must either hold the straight way forth by Salisbury, or else drawing up to the sea side, pass alongst through Hampshire, Sussex and Kent; or happily if they mistrusted their own strengths, as not able to match with his puissance, they would then slip on the left hand, and draw towards cheshire, and Lancashire, there to increase their forces, and peradventure by the way to join with a power of Welshmen, under the leading of jasper earl of Penbroke, who had been sent into Wales long afore, to frame and put in a readiness the people there to assist king Henry's friends at their coming thitherwards. And such was there purpose in deed, for they had great confidence in such aid, as they trusted to have of the cheshire and Lancashire men.  
King Edward, meaning to approach nearer unto them, that he might the sooner make way to stop them of their passage, on which hand soever they drew, departed from Windesore the morrow after saint George's day, being the four and twentieth day of April, keeping forth his journey, till on saturday the twenty and seventh of April he came to Abington, where he lay sunday all day. On monday he marched forward to Chichester, where he had sure advertisement, that they intended to be at Bath the next day being tuesday, and on wednesday to come forward to give him battle. Whereupon king Edward, desirous to see his people in order of battle, drew them forth of the town, and encamped in the field three miles distant from thence, still busieng himself about his necessary affairs, affording no time to idleness or loitering: for he knew that there was no way more expedite and ready to tire him in travel, than to be given to negligence and sloth, the two weariers of well doing, as the old saying is: Desidia pressus erit in study citòfessus.  
On the morrow, hearing no certainty of their coming forward, he marched to Malmesburie, still seeking to encounter them: but here he had knowledge, that they having changed their purpose, meant not to give him battle; and therefore were turned aside, and gone to Bristol, where they were received, relieved, and well refreshed by such as favoured their cause, as well with victuals, men, and money, as good store of artillery. Whereupon they were so encouraged, that the thursday after they took the field again, purposing to give king Edward battle indeed; and for the same intent had sent their foreriders to a town, distant from Bristol nine miles, called Sudburie, appointing a ground for their field, 
Sudburie hill.  a mile from the same town, toward the king's camp, called Sudburie hill.  
The king hereof advertised, the same thursday, being the first of May, with his army fair ranged in order of battle, came towards the place by them appointed for their field: but they came not there. For hearing that king Edward did thus approach, upon a new change of resolution, they left that way: albeit some of their harbingers were come as far as Sudburie town, and there surprised five or six of the king's party, which were rashly entered that town, attending only to provide lodgings for their masters. The lords thus having eftsoons changed their purpose, not meaning as yet to fight with the king, directed their way straight towards Berkelie, traveling all that night. From Berkelie they marched forward towards Gloucester.  
The king in the mean time, on the thursday in the after noon, came to the same ground called Sudburie hill, and there stayed a certain space, sending forth scowriers, to hearken what they might understand of the enemies, whom he took to be somewhere at hand. But when he could not hear any certainty of them, he advanced forward, lodging his vanguard in a valley beyond the hill, towards the town of Sudburie, and lay himself (with the residue of his people) at the same place, called Sudburie hill. About three of the clock after midnight, he was advertised, that his enemies had taken their way by Berkeleie, towards Gloucester. Hereupon, taking advise of his council what was best to do, he was counseled to send some of his servants with all speed unto Gloucester, to Richard Beauchampe, son and heir to the lord Beauchampe of Powike, to whom he had (before this present) committed the rule and custody of the town and castle of Gloucester.  
The king sent therefore with all speed unto him, commanding him to do his best to defend the town and castle against his enemies, if they came to assail line 10 the same, as it was supposed they intended: and if they so did, he promised to come with his whole army presently to the rescue. The messengers did their diligence, and so being joyfully received into Gloucester, the town and castle, by the vigilant regard of the said Richard Beauchampe, was put in safe keeping. And this message was done in good time, for true it is, there were diverse in the town, that could have been well contented that the queen, and the lords with her, should have been received there, and line 20 would have adventured to have brought it to pass, if they had not been thus prevented.  
Again, the queen and the lords with her had good intelligence, with diverse in the town, so as they were put in great hope to have entered the same: whereupon they traveled their people right sore all that night and morning, coming before the town of Gloucester upon the friday about ten of the clock. And when they perceived that they were disappointed line 30 of their purpose, and their entry flatly denied, they were highly therewith displeased; for they knew very well, that diverse within the town bore their good wills towards them: but after they had used certain menacing braveries, and made a show as if they had meant to assault the gates and walls, & so to have entered by force, they departed their ways, marching with all speed possible towards Teukesburie.  
It might be marveled at, why they attempted line 40 not the winning of Gloucester indeed, 
Gloucester, 〈◊〉 it was not assaulted.  considering the friends which they knew they had within it. But the cause which moved them chiefly to forbear, was, for that as well they without, as the other within the town, knew that king Edward approached at hand, and was ready to set upon them on the backs, if they had once begun to have assaulted the town; and so, neither they within the town that were the king's friends doubted the enemies forces, nor the enemy indeed durst attempt any such enterprise line 50 against them. About four of the clock in the afternoon, they came to Teukesburie, having traveled that night last passed, 
A long march.  and that day, six and thirty long miles, in a foul country, all in lanes and stony ways, betwixt woods, without any good refreshing, so that as well the men as the horses were right weary.  
And where the more part of their army consisted of footmen, the captains could not have gone any further, except they would have left their footmen behind line 60 them, and so of necessity they were driven to stay there, determining to abide the adventure that God would send them. For well they knew that the king followed them very near at hand, so as if they should have gone further, and left the most part of their company behind, as it could not otherwise have chanced, he would have been ready to have taken the advantage wholly, so to distress them. Hereupon they pight their field in a close, 
The place where the lords ●●camped.  even hard at the towns end, having the town and the abbey at their backs; and directly before them, and upon each side of them, they were defended with cumbersome lanes, deep ditches, and many hedges, beside hills and dales, so as the place seemed as noisome as might be to approach unto.  
The king on this friday, very erlie in the morning, advanced his standards, and in good order of battle having divided his army into three wards, marched through the plains of Cotteswold. The day was very hot, and having in his army above three thousand footmen, he traveled with them and the residue thirty miles and more. By all which way, 
The painful march of king Edward with his army.  they could find neither horssemeat, nor man's meat, no not so much as water for their horses, except one little brook, of the which they received no great relief; for what with the horses and carriages that passed through it, the water became so troubled, that it served them to no use: and still all that day king Edward with his army was within five or six miles of his enemies, he in the plain country, and they among the woods.  
King Edward had ever good espials, to advertise him still what his enemies did, and which way they took. At length he came with all his army unto a village called Chiltenham, 
Chiltenham.  like a five miles distant from Teukesburie, where he had certain knowledge that his enemies were already come to Teukesburie, and were encamped there, purposing to abide him in that place, and to deliver him battle. King Edward thereupon made no long delay, but took a little refection himself, and caused his people to do the like, with such provision of victuals as he had appointed to be conveyed forth with him for the relief of himself and his army. This done, he set forward towards his enemies, and lodged that night in a field not past three miles distant from them.  
On the morrow being saturday, and fourth of May, he drew towards his enemies, and marshaled his army, divided into three battles in this sort. 
The ordering of king Edward's battle.  He put his brother the duke of Gloucester in the forward, and himself in the midle-ward. The lord Marques, and the lord Hastings led the rearward. Heerwith he approached the enemies camp, which was right hard to be assailed, by reason of the deep ditches, hedges, trees, bushes, and cumbersome lanes, wherewith the same was fenced, both a front, and on the sides, so as the king could not well approach them to any advantage: and to be the better in a readiness to beat back the king's power, when he should come to assault them, they were imbattelled in this order.  
The duke of Summerset, and his brother the lord john of Summerset led the forward. 
The ordering of the lords host.  The midle-ward was governed by the prince, under the conduct of the lord of saint john, and the lord Wenlocke (whom king Edward had advanced to the degree of a baron.) The rearward was appointed to the rule of the earl of Devonshire. Thus may ye perceive, that king Edward was put to his shifts, how (to any advantage) to assault his enemies. Nevertheless, he being well furnished with great artillery, the same was aptly lodged to annoy the enemies, that they received great damage thereby; 
The duke of Gloucester.  and the duke of Gloucester, who lacked no policy, galled them grievously with the shot of arrows: and they rewarded their adversaries home again with like payment, both with shot of arrows, and great artillery, although they had not the like plenty of guns as the king had. 
Teukesburie field.  The passages were so cumbersome, that it was not possible to come upon any even hand, to join at handblowes.  
The duke of Gloucester, upon a politic purpose (as some have written) recoiled back with all his company, which when the duke of Summerset perceived, either moved therewith; or else because he was too sore annoyed with the shot in that place where he and his forward stood, 
The duke of Summerset.  like a knight more courageous than circumspect, came out of his strength with his whole battle, and advanced himself somewhat aside slips the king's vanguard, and by certain passages aforehand, and for that purpose provided (to the king's part, although unknown) he passed a lane, and came into a fair open close right before the king, where he was imbattelled, not doubting but the prince and the lord Wenlocke, with the midle-ward, had followed just at his back. But whether the lord Wenlocke dissembled the matter for king Edward's sake, or whether his hart served him not, still he stood, and gave the looking on. line 10  
The king, or (as other have) the duke of Gloucester, taking the advantage that he adventured for, 
Edw. Hall.  turned again face to face unto the duke of Summerset his battle, and winning the hedge and ditch of him, entered the close, and with great violence put him and his people up towards the hill from whence they were descended. Here is to be noted, that when the king was come before his enemies, yer he gave the onset, he perceived that upon the right hand of their camp there was a park, and much store of wood line 20 growing therein; and doubting lest his adversaries had laid an ambush within that wood, he chose forth of his companies two hundred spears, commanding them to keep a stolen, 
The politic foresight of the king.  like a quarter of a mile from the field, to attend upon that corner of the wood out of the which the ambush, if any were, was to issue, and to encounter with them, as occasion served: but if they perceived that there was no ambush at all, then to employ their service as they should see it expedient and behoveful for the time.  
This politic provision for danger that might line 30 have ensued (although there was none that way forth) served yet before the end of the battle, to great good purpose. For when those spears perfectly understood that there was no ambush within the wood, and withal saw convenient time to employ themselves, they came and broke with full random upon the duke of Summerset and his vanguard a flank, in so violent wise upon the sudden, that where they had before enough to do with those with whom they were line 40 first matched, 
The vantgard of the lords distressed.  now with this new charge given on them by those two hundred spears, they were not a little dismayed; and to conclude, so discouraged, that straightway they took them to flight. Some fled into the park, other into the meadow there at hand, some into the lanes, & some hid them in ditches, each one making what shift he could, by the which he hoped best to escape: but many nevertheless were beaten down, slain, and taken prisoners.  
The duke of Summerset seeing this unfortunate line 50 chance, as some writ, turned to the midle-ward, and there finding the lord Wenlocke standing still, after he had reviled him, 
A terrible stroke.  and called him traitor, with his axe he struck the brains out of his head. The duke of Gloucester pursuing after them that fled with the duke of Summerset to their camp, where the rest of their army stood, entered the trench, and after him the king, where he bore himself so knightly, that thereupon the queen's part went to wrack, and was put to flight; the king and other falling in chase line 60 after them, so that many were slain, but especially at a mill in the meadow fast by the town a great sort were drowned. Many ran towards the town, some to the church, and diverse to the abbeie, and other to other places, where they thought best to save themselves. [This was the last fought field or pight battle tried between the potentates of this land in king Edward the fourth's days (which chanced on the fourth of May, 
Abr. Flem.  being saturday, in the eleventh year of his reign, and in the year of our Lord, 1471) as Anglorum praelia affirmeth, saying: Vltima postremae locus est Teuxburia pugnae.]  

Edw. Hall. Prince Edward taken.  In the winning of the camp, such as stood to it were slain out of hand Prince Edward was taken as he fled towards the town, by sir Richard Crofts, and kept close. In the field and chase were slain, 
Nobles 〈◊〉  the lord john of Summerset, called marquess Dorset, Thomas Courtenie earl of Devonshire, sir john Delues, sir Edward Hampden, sir Robert Whitingham, and sir john Leukener, with three thousand others. After the field was ended, proclamation was made, that whosoever could bring forth prince Edward alive or dead, should have an annuity of a hundred pounds during his life, and the prince's life to be saved, if he were brought forth alive. 
Sir Richard Crofts delivereth the prince in hope that his life should have been saved.  Sir Richard Crofts, nothing mistrusting the king's promise, brought forth his prisoner prince Edward, being a fair and well proportioned young gentleman; whom when king Edward had well advised, he demanded of him, how he durst so presumptuously enter into his realm with banner displayed.  
Whereunto the prince boldly answered, saying; To recover my father's kingdom & heritage, from his father and grandfather to him, and from him after him to me lineally descended. At which words king Edward said nothing, 
Prince Edward murdered.  but with his hand thrust him from him, or (as some say) struck him with his gauntlet; whom incontinently, George duke of Clarence, Richard duke of Gloucester, Thomas Greie marquess Dorcet, and William lord Hastings that stood by, suddenly murdered: for the which cruel act, the more part of the doers in their latter days drank of the like cup, by the righteous justice and due punishment of God. His body was homely interred with the other simple corpses, in the church of the monastery of black monks in Teukesburie.  
After the victory was thus achieved, the king repaired to the abbeie church there, to give God thanks for that good success, which it had pleased him to bless him with: and there finding a great number of his enemies, that were fled thither to save themselves, he gave them all his free pardon; albeit there was no franchise there for rebels, but that he might have commanded them to have been drawn forth without breach of any liberties of that church. He granted also that the dead bodies, as well of the lords as other, slain in that battle, might be buried in the same church, or else where it pleased their friends or servants, without any quartering & heading, or setting up the heads or quarters in any public places. [O the patience and clemency of this good king, who (besides the putting up of wrongs done to him by violence of foes without vengeance) freely forgave the offenders, and did so honourably temper his affections!]  
There were found in the abbeie and other places of the town, Edmund duke of Summerset, john Lonstrother lord prior of S. john, sir Thomas Tressham, sir Gerueis Clifton, and diverse other knights and esquires, which were apprehended, and all of them being brought before the duke of Gloucester, sitting as constable of England, and the duke of Norfolk, as marshal in the midst of the town, they were arraigned, condemned, and judged to die; 
The duke of Summerset & others beheaded.  and so upon the tuesday, being the seventh of May, the said duke and the lord prior, with the two forenamed knights, and twelve other knights, were on a scaffold, set up in the middle of the town for that purpose, beheaded, and permitted to be buried, without any other dismembering, or setting up of their heads in any one place or other.  
The same tuesday; the king departed from Teukesburie towards Worcester, and by the way had knowledge that queen Margaret was found in a poor house of religion, not far from thence, 
Queen M●●●garet taken.  into the which she was withdrawn for safeguard of herself, on saturday in the morning, being the day of the battle. She was after brought to London as prisoner, and so kept, till her father ransomed her with great sums of money, which he borrowed of jews the eleventh king of France. And because he was not able to make repayment thereof, he sold unto the said jews (as the French writers affirm) the kingdoms of Naples, and both the Sicils, with the county of Provence. King Edward being at Worcester, had advertisements brought forth of the north-parts, that the people there were about to assemble in armour against him, in favour of king Henry: line 10 whereupon he left the right way to London, and road to Coventrie, meaning to increase the number of his people, and so with a puissant army to go northwards.  
Hereupon, coming to Coventrie the eleventh of May, and remaining there three days, he well refreshed such as had been with him at Teukesburie field. Hither was brought to him queen Margaret, from whence she was conveyed to London, there to remain in safe keeping (as before you have hard.) line 20 Whilst he was busy in sending abroad unto his friends to levy an army, he was advertised that the commotion in the north was pacified. For after it was known abroad, how he obtained the victory, as well at Teukesburie, as at Barnet, and in manner subdued all his enemies, the captains that had stirred the people to that rebellion, began to quail, and forsook their companies.  
diverse of them made suit to the earl of Northumberland, that it might please him to be a mediator line 30 to the king for their pardon; so that now, there was no rebellion in all the north parts, 
Rebellion in the north pacified.  but that as well the city of York, as all other places, were at the king's commandment, ready in all things to obey him as true and loyal subjects. And this was confirmed by the earl of Northumberlands own mouth, 
The earl of Northumberland.  who on the fourteenth of May came to the king, as yet remaining at Coventrie: by reason whereof it was not thought needful, that the king should travel any further northward at that time, line 40 either about the pacifying of the people, or to see execution done upon the offenders, sith all was there in good tranquility and quiet.  
But now when all things seemed to be at rest, and no rebellion after so happy victories doubted, news came to him before his coming to Coventrie, from the lords of his blood, abiding at London, that one Thomas Nevil, bastard son to that valiant captain the lord Thomas Fauconbridge (who had lately before been sent to the sea by the earl of Warwick, 
Thomas Nevil bastard 〈…〉.  line 50 and after fallen to practise piracy) had spoiled diverse merchants ships, Portugeses and others, in breach of the ancient amity that long had continued betwixt the realms of England and Portugal; and furthermore, had now got to him a great number of mariners, out of all parts of the land, and many traitors and misgoverned people from each quarter of the realm, beside diverse also forth of other countries that delighted in theft and robberies, meaning to work some exploit against the king. line 60  
And verily, his puissance increased daily, for having been at Calis, and brought from thence into Kent many evil disposed persons, he began to gather his power in that country, meaning (as was thought) to attempt some great and wicked enterprise. 
The bastard 〈◊〉 before L●ndon with 〈◊〉.  After the kings coming to Coventrie, he received advertisements, that this bastard was come before London, with many thousands of men by land, and also in ships by water, purposing to rob and spoil the city. Many Kentishmen were willing to assist him in this mischievous enterprise, and other were forced against their wills to go with him, or else to aid him with their substance and money, insomuch that within a short time, he had got together sixteen or seventeen thousand men, as they accounted themselves.  
With these he came before the city of London the twelve of May, in the quarrel (as he pretended) of king Henry, whom he also meant to have out of the Tower, & to restore him again unto his crown & royal dignity. And for that intent, he required to enter the city with his people, that receiving king Henry forth of the Tower, they might pass with him through the city, and so to march straight towards king Edward, whose destruction they vowed to pursue, with all their uttermost endeavours. But the mayor and aldermen of the city would not in any wise agree to satisfy their request herein, utterly refusing to receive him or any of his company into the city.  
King Edward from time to time by posts was informed of all these doings, & by advise of his council, the fourteenth of May, 
Succours sent to the city of London.  sent to the succours of the mayor and aldermen fifteen hundred of the choicest soldiers he had about him, that they might help to resist the enemies, till he had got such an army together as was thought necessary, meaning with all convenient speed to come therewith to the rescue of the city, and preservation of the queen, prince, and his daughters, that were within the Tower, not in very good safeguard, considering the evil dispositions of many within the city of London, that for the favour they had borne to the earl of Warwick, and desire to be partakers of the spoil, cared not if the bastard might have attained to his full purpose and wished intent.  
On the sixteenth of May, king Edward set forth of Coventrie towards London. But here ye have to understand, that when the bastard could not be received into the city, neither by gentle persuasions, nor grievous threatenings, he made semblance to pass over the Thames at Kingston bridge, ten miles from London, and thitherwards he drew with his whole power by land, 
The bastard's purpose to spoil the suburbs of London.  leaving his ships afore saint Katherine's and thereabouts. His pretence was, to spoil and destroy Westminster, and the suburbs of the city on that side, and after to assault the city itself, to try if he might enter by force, and so to be revenged of the citizens that had refused to receive him. [Notwithstanding all which stirring of coals & proud port, with haughtiness of hart & violence of hand thinking to bear down the people, as an innudation or flowing of water streams doth all before it: yet he came short of his purpose, & pulled upon his own pate final destruction: though he thought himself a man ordained to glory, & was tickled with the like flattering persuasion that one had in his hart, who said: Magnum iter ascendo, sed dat mihi gloria vires. 
Prop. lib. 4. ]  
Now as he was onwards upon his iornie, he was advertised, that king Edward was preparing to come forwards against him, 
The bastard altereth his purpose.  assisted in manner with all the great lords of the realm, and others in great number, more than he had been at any time before. By reason whereof, doubting what might follow, if passing the river he should fortune so to be enclosed, that he should be driven thereby to encounter with the king's power at such odds, he thought it best to alter his purpose; and so returning, came back again before London, & mustered his people in S. George's field, ranged and placed in one entire battle.  
And to the intent they might work their purposed feat, before the kings coming to the rescue, th●y resolved with all their forces to assault the city, and to enter it if they could by plain strength, that putting it to the sack, they might convey the riches to their ships, which lay in the river betwixt saint Katharins' and Blackewall, near to Ratcliff. Hereupon having brought certain pieces of artillery forth of their ships, they planted the same alongst the water side, right over against the city, and shot off lustily, to annoy th●m within so much as was possible.  

The bastard meaneth to enter the city by force.  But the citizens on the other side lodged their great artillery against their adversaries, and with violent shot thereof so galled them, that they durst not abide in any place alongst the water side, but were driven even from their own ordinance. Yet the bastard not meaning to leave any way unassayed that might advance his purpose, appointed a great number line 10 of his retinue to set fire on the bridge, so to open the passage, and to enter into the city that way forth; and withal, he caused above three thousand other to pass by ships over the Thames; giving order, that when they were got over, they should divide themselves into two battles, the one to assault Algate, and the other Bishop's gate, 
Algate and Bishop's gate assaulted.  which order accordingly was executed.  
For they did their best at both places to force the gates, not sparing to bend and discharge such guns as they had brought with them against the same, nor line 20 ceasing with arrows to annoy those that there stood at defence: whereby much hurt was done, as well at the one place as the other, fire being set on both the gates, in purpose to have burnt them up, and so to have entered. 
Houses burnt on the bridge.  The fire which they had kindled on the bridge little availed them, although they burned there to the number of a threescore houses. For the citizens had laid such pieces of ordinance directly in their way, that although the passage had been line 30 wholly open, they should have had hard entering that way forth. The mayor, aldermen, and other worshipful citizens were in good array, and each man appointed and bestowed where was thought needful.  
The earl of Essex, and many knights, esquires, and gentlemen, with their friends and servants, came to aid the citizens, taking great pain to place them in order, for defence of the gates and walls: and furthermore, devised how and in what sort they might make a sally forth upon the enemies to distress them: and surly, by the intermingling of line 40 such gentlemen and lords servants in every part with the citizens, they were greatly encouraged to withstand their enemies. Yet the rebels, under the leading of one Spising, bore themselves so stoutly at Algate, that they won the bulwarks there, and drove the citizens back within the portculice, & entered with them, to the number of six or eight: but some of them were slain with the fall of the portculice that was let down upon them, to keep the residue line 50 out, and those that were entered within the gate were suddenly dispatched.  
Héerewith they lashed freely the one part at the other with guns and bows, although no great hurt was done with shot; 
The valiancy of Robert Basset alderman.  till at length Robert Basset alderman (that was appointed to the keeping of this gate, with the most part of the citizens) and the recorder, named Ursewike, either of them being well armed in strong jacks, commanded the portculice to be drawn up, and maintenantlie rushed forth upon line 60 their enemies, putting them back unto saint Bothulpes church. At the same instant, the earl Rivers, having got together a four or five hundred men, well chosen and appareled for the war, issued forth at the postern by the Tower, and assailing the Kentishmen, even upon the point as they were thus put back, mightily laid upon them.  
And first he plagued them with the swift and thick flight of his arrows, and after joining with them at handstrokes, slew and took many of them prisoners; so that the rebels were fully put to flight, and followed first to Mile-end, and from thence some unto Poplar, some to Stratford, and Stepnith, and in manner each way forth about that part of the city, the chase being followed for the space of two miles in length. Many of them were of Essex, and so made their course homewards; but the more part of them fled to the water side, and getting to their ships, passed over the Thames to the rest of their company. The other likewise that were busy to assault Bishop's gate, when they understood that their fellows were discomfited and fled from Algate, they likewise flipped away, and made the best shift they could to save themselves.  
There were a seven hundred of them that fled from Algate, and other places, slain outright, beside the prisoners. And yet there were fires burning all at once at Algate, Bishop's gate, & on the bridge, and many houses consumed with the same fires. But now the bastard, under whom that company was directed that had set fire on the bridge, when he saw that he might not prevail, and understood the evil success of those which he had set over the Thames, he withdrew also, and left the bridge. Here the hardy manhood of Ralph josselin alderman is not to be passed with silence; 
Ralph josselin.  who (after he had valiantly resisted the bastard & his band that assaulted the bridge) upon their retire sallied forth upon them, and following them in chase alongst the water side, till they came beyond Ratcliff, slew and took very many of them.  
The bastard notwithstanding gathered his companies together, 
The bastard incampeth on Blackeheath.  and with such as were willing to remain with him encamped on Blackeheath, by the space of three days next ensuing, to wit, the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth of May, utterly despairing of his wished prey, sith he had been repelled from London, to his utter confusion. And now to conclude, hearing that king Edward was coming with a right puissant army, the said bastard and his people durst no longer abide; but broke up and dispersed themselves, some one way, and some an other. They of Calis got them thither again with all speed, and such as were of other countries repaired likewise to their homes, and many of the Kentishmen went also to their houses. The bastard with his mariners, and such riotous rebels, robbers, and wicked persons, as sought nothing but spoil, got them to shipboard, and with all their vessels drew down to the coast.  
King Edward, having assembled an army of thirty thousand men (as some writ) and accompanied in manner with all the great lords of England, came to London the one and twentieth of May, being tuesday, where he was honourably received by the mayor, aldermen, and other worshipful citizens: where even upon their first meeting with him he dubbed diverse of them knights; as the mayor, the recorder, & other aldermen, and worshipful commoners of the city, which had manfully and valiantly acquit themselves against the bastard Fauconbridge & his wicked company of rebels. Moreover, here is to be remembered, that poor king Henry the sixth, a little before deprived (as ye have heard) of his realm and imperial crown, was now in the Tower spoiled of his life, 
Edw. Hall. king Henry the sixth murdered in the Tower.  by Richard duke of Gloucester (as the constant fame ran) who (to the intent that his brother king Edward might reign in more surety) murdered the said king Henry with a dagger.  
Howbeit, some writers of that time, favouring altogether the house of York, have recorded, that after he understood what losses had chanced unto his friends, and how not only his son, but also all other his chief partakers were dead and dispatched, he took it so to hart, that of pure displeasure, indignation, and melancholy, he died the three and twentieth of May. The dead corpse on the Ascension even was conveyed with bills and glaives pompouslie (if you will call that a funeral pomp) from the Tower to the church of saint Paul, 
The nine and twentieth of May.  and there laid on a beire or coffin bore faced, the same in presence of the beholders did bleed; where it rested the space of one whole day. From thence he was carried to the Blackfriars, and bled there likewise: and on the next day after, it was conveyed in a boat, without priest or clerk, torch or taper, singing or saying, unto the monastery of Chertfeie, distant from London fifteen miles, and there was it first buried: but after, line 10 it was removed to Windesor, and there in a new vawt, newly intoomed. He reigned eight and thirty years, six months and odd days, and after his readeption of the crown six months. He lived two and fifty years, having by wife one only son, called Edward, prince of Wales.  
He was of a seemly stature, of body slender, to which proportion all other members were answerable; his face beautiful, wherein continually was resident the bounty of mind with the which he was line 20 inwardly endued. Of his own natural inclination he abhorred all the vices as well of the body as of the soul. His patience was such, that of all the injuries to him done (which were innumerable) he never asked vengeance, thinking that for such adversity as chanced to him, his sins should be forgotten and forgiven. What losses soever happened unto him, he never esteemed, nor made any account thereof; but if any thing were done, that might sound as an offence towards God, he sore lamented, and with line 30 great repentance sorrowed for it.  
So then very unlike it is, that he died of any wrath, indignation, and displeasure because his business about the keeping of the crown on his head took no better success: except peradventure ye will say, that it grieved him, for that such slaughters and mischiefs as had chanced within this land, came to pass only through his folly and default in government: or (that more is) for his fathers, his grandfathers, and his own unjust usurping and detaining line 40 of the crown. But howsoever it was, for these before remembered, and other the like properties of reputed holiness, which was said to rest in him, it pleased God to work miracles for him in his life time, as men have listed to report.  

Canonizing of kings, 〈◊〉.  By reason whereof, king Henry the seventh sued to Pope julio the second, to have him canonised a saint. But for that the canonizing of a king seemed to be more costly than for a bishop, the said king left off his suit in that behalf; thinking better to save his money, than to purchase a new holy day of line 50 saint Henry with so great a price, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 730, 731, etc.  remitting to God the judgement of his will and intent. ¶ But because princes princely qualified, can not be too highly praised, I will here record a collection of his commendable conditions, doings, and saiengs, as I find them set down to my hand, to his perpetual renown; and right worthy of imitation, not only of such as are singled out from among infinite thousands, to be magnified with royalty; but also of private line 60 and mean men that converse and live one with an other in the world.  
This king having enjoyed as great prosperity as favourable fortune could afford, & as great troubles on the other side as she frowning could power out; yet in both the states he was patiented and virtuous, that he may be a pattern of most perfect virtue, as he was a worthy example of fortune's inconstancy. He was plain, upright, far from fraud, wholly given to prayer, reading of scriptures, and almsdeeds; of such integrity of life, that the bishop which had been his confessor ten years, avouched that he had not all that time committed any mortal crime: so continent, as suspicion of unchaste life never touched him: and having in Christmas a show of young women with their bare breasts laid out presented before him, he immediately departed with these words: Fie, fie, for shame; forsooth you be too blame.  
Before his marriage, he liked not that women should enter his chamber, and for this respect he committed his two brethren by the moothers side, jasper and Edmund, to most honest & virtuous prelates to be brought up. So far he was from covetousness, that when the executors of his uncle the bishop of Winchester, surnamed the rich cardinal, would have given him two thousand pounds, he plainly refused it, willing them to discharge the will of the departed, and would scarcely condescend at length to accept the same sum of money toward the indowing of his colleges in Cambridge & Eton. He was religiously affected (as the time than was) that at principal holidays, he would wear sackcloth next his skin. oath he used none, but in most earnest matters these words: Forsooth and forsooth.  
He was so pitiful, that when he saw the quarter of a traitor against his crown over Cripplegate, he willed it to be taken away, with these words: I will not have any christian so cruelly handled for my sake. Many great offences he willingly pardoned, and receiving at a time a great blow by a wicked man which compassed his death, he only said; Forsooth forsooth, ye do foully to smite a king anointed so. An other also which thrust him into the side with a sword when he was prisoner in the Tower, was by him pardoned when he was restored to his state and kingdom. Not long before his death, being demanded why he had so long held the crown of England unjustly; he replied: My father was king of England, quietly enjoying the crown all his reign; and his father my grandsire was also king of England, and I even a child in my cradle was proclaimed and crowned king without any interruption; and so held it forty years well-near, all the states doing homage unto me, as to my antecessors: wherefore I may say with king David; The lot is fallen unto me in a fair ground; yea, I have a goodly heritage, my help is from the Lord which saveth the upright in heart.  
This good king, 
The king's college in Cambridge.  being of himself always naturally inclined to do good, and fearing lest he might seem unthankful to almighty God for his great benefits bestowed upon him, since the time he first took upon him the regiment of his realm, determined about the six and twentieth year of his reign, for his primer notable work (as by the words of his will I find expressed) to erect and found two famous colleges in the honour and worship of his holy name, and for the increase of virtue, the dilatation of cunning, and establishment of christian faith, whereof the one in Cambridge, to be called his college royal of our lady and saint Nicholas: and the other at Gaton beside Windsor, to be called his college of our blessed lady.  
And for the performance of this his devout purpose, he enfeoffed certain bishops, with other noble and worshipful personages, by his letters patents, with lands and possessions, parcel of his inheritance of the duchy of Lancaster, to the clear value of well near four & thirty hundred pounds by year. Which letters patents he after confirmed by his act of parliament, declaring also by his will unto his said feoffées, his intent and meaning, how the same should be employed upon the edifications of his said two colleges. Whereof (in my judgement) the devise is so excellent, and the buildings so princely and apt for that purpose, as I cannot omit to set forth unto you the very plot of the whole college in Cambridge, even as I find mentioned almost verbatim in his will, supposing that if the rest of the house had proceeded according to the chapel already finished (as his full intent and meaning was) the like college could scant have been found again in any christian land. The words of the will are thus.  
As touching the dimensions of the church of my said college of our lady and S. Nicholas of Cambridge, 
The chapel.  I have devised and appointed, that the same church shall contain in length 288 foot of assize, without line 10 any Isles, and all of the wideness of forty foot. And the length of the same church from the west end unto the altars at the choir door, 
The body of the church. The choir.  shall contain an hundred and twenty foot. And from the provosts stall, unto the gréece called Gradus chori ninety foot; for thirty six stalls on either side of the same choir, answering to threescore and ten fellows, and ten priests conducts, which must be De prima forma. And from the said stalls unto the east end of the said church, threescore & two foot of assize. Also a reredosse bearing the line 20 roodloft, 
The roodloft.  departing the choir and the body of the church, containing in length forty foot, and in breadth fourteen foot. The walls of the same church to be in height ninety foot imbattelled, 
The height of the chapel.  vaulted, and charerooffed, sufficiently butteraced, and every butterace fined with finials. And in the east end of the same church, 
The east window.  shall be a window of nine days, and betwixt every butterace a window of five days.  
And betwixt every of the same butteraces in the body of the church, 
The side chapels.  on both sides of the same church, line 30 a closet with an altar therein, containing in length twenty foot, and in breadth ten foot, vaulted and finished under the soil of the isle windows. And the pavement of the church to be enhanced four foot above the ground without. And the height of the pavement of the choir one foot and an half above the pavement of the church. And the pavement of the altar three foot above that. And on the north side of the choir a vestry containing in length fifty foot, 
The vestry.  and in breadth twenty and two foot, departed into two line 40 houses beneath, & two houses above, which shall contain in height twenty two foot in all, with an entry from the choir vaulted. And at the west end of the church a cloister square, 
The cloister.  the east pane containing in length an hundred seventy and five foot, and the west pane as much. The north pane two hundred foot, and the south pane as much, of the which the deambulatorie thirteen foot wide, and in height twenty foot to the corbill table, with clear stories and butteraces with finials, vaulted & imbattelled. And the ground line 50 thereof four foot lower than the church ground.  
And in the middle of the west pane of the cloister a strong tower square, 
The steeple,  containing four and twenty foot within the walls. And in the height one hundred and twenty foot to the corbill table. And four small turrets over that fined with pinnacles. And a door into the said cloister inward, but outward none. And as touching the dimensions of the housing of the said college, 
The base court.  I have devised and appointed in the southside of the said church a quadrant, closing to both ends line 60 of the same church; the east pane whereof shall contain two hundred and thirty foot in length, and in breadth within the walls two and twenty foot. 
The east pane.  In the same panes middle, a tower for a gatehouse, containing in length thirty foot, and in breadth two and twenty, and in height threescore foot, with three chambers over the gate, every one over the other. And on either side of the same gate four chambers, every one containing in length five & twenty foot, 
The great gate.  and in breadth two and twenty foot. And over every of these chambers, two chambers above of the same measure or more, with two towers outward, and two towers inward.  

The south pane.  The south pane shall contain in length two hundred thirty and eight foot, and in breadth two and twenty foot within, in which shallbe seven chambers, every one containing in length nine and twenty foot, and in breadth twenty and two, with a chamber parcel of the provosts lodging, containing in length thirty and five foot, and with a chamber in the east corner of the same pane, containing in length twenty and five foot, and in breadth thirty and two foot. And over every of all these chambers two chambers, and with five towers outward, and three towers inward. The west pane shall contain in length two hundred and thirty foot, 
The west pane.  and in breadth within twenty & four foot, in which at the end toward the church shall be a library, containing in length an hundred and ten foot, 
The library.  and in breadth twenty and four foot. And under it a large house for reading and disputations, containing in length eleven foot. 
The disputation's house.  And two chambers under the same library, each containing twenty and nine foot in length, and in breadth four and twenty foot.  
And over the said library a house of the same largeness, for diverse stuff of the said college. 
The wardrobe.  In the other end of the same pane a hall, containing in length an hundred foot, 
The hall.  upon a vawt of twelve foot high, ordained for the cellar and buttery: and the breadth of the hall six and thirty foot. On every side thereof a bay window. And in the neither end of the same hall toward the middle of the same pane, 
The pantry and buttery.  a pantry & buttery, every of them in length twenty foot, and in breadth seventeen foot. And over that two chambers for officers. And at the neither end of the hall toward the west, a goodly kitchen. 
The college kitchen.  And the same pane shall have inward two towers, ordained for the ways into the hall and library. And in every corner of the said quadrant, shall be two corner towers, one inward, and one outward, more than the towers above rehearsed.  
And at the upper end of the hall, the provosts lodging, that is to wit, 
The provosts lodging.  more than the chambers for him above specified, a parlour on the ground, containing six and thirty foot in length, and two and twenty foot in breadth, & two chambers above of the same quantity. And westward closing there to a kitchen for him, a larderhouse, stables, and other necessary housings and grounds. And westward beyond these houses, and the said kitchen ordained for the hall, a bakehouse, a brewhouse, and other houses of office: betwixt which there is left a ground square of fourscore foot in every pane for wood and such stuff. 

The bakhouse and brewhouse. The woodyard.  
The water conduit.   And in the middle of the said large quadrant, shall be a conduit, goodly devised for the ease of the same college. And I will, that the edification proceed in large form of my said college clean and substantial, setting apart superfluity of so great curious works of entail and busy moulding.  
And I have devised and appointed that the precinct of my said college, 
The precinct of the college  as well on both sides of the garden from the college to the water, as in all other places of the same precinct, be enclosed with a substantial wall, of the height of fourteen foot, with a large tower at the principal entry against the middle of the east pane, out of the high street. And in the same tower a large gate, 
The water gate.  and another tower in the middle of the west end at the new bridge. And the same wall to be creafted, imbattelled, and fortified with towers, as many as shall be thought convenient thereunto. And I will that my said college be edified of the most substantial & best abiding stuff, of stone, lead, glass, and iron, that may best he had and provided thereto. ¶ Thus much I have enlarged by occasion of reading this good kings will: the cunning devise whereof I leave to the considerate judgement of such as be expert in architecture, heartily desiring almighty God to put into the heart of some noble prince of this land, one day to make perfect this royal work so charitably begun.]  
But now to return to king Edward. Ye shall understand, that after his coming to London, he rested there but one day, or two at the most, taking his journey foorthright into Kent with all his army, following the bastard, and other his complices, to suppress them, if they were in any place assembled again to resist him. But after they were once dispersed, they durst not show themselves again in armour, those only excepted that were withdrawn unto line 10 Sandwich with the bastard; 
Sandwich kept by the rebels.  which for the more part were mariners, about eight or nine hundred, beside certain other evil disposed persons, that accompanied him as his soldiers, and men of war, with whose assistance the bastard kept that town by strength, having in the haven seven and forty ships, great and small, under his governance.  
But upon the kings approaching near unto those parties, they sent to him for pardon, promising that upon a reasonable appointment, 
The rebels 〈◊〉 for pardon.  for the safeguard of line 20 their lives, and other indemnities to be had for their benefit, they would become his faithful subjects, and deliver into his hands all the ships. Their offer the king upon great considerations, and by good deliberate advise of counsel, thought best to accept: and thereupon (being at that time in Canturburie) he granted to their petitions, and sent immediately unto Sandwich his brother Richard duke of Gloucester, to receive them to mercy, together with all the ships, which according to their promise they delivered into line 30 his hands.  
But notwithstanding that (as some writ) the bastard Fauconbridge, and other of his company that were got to Sandwich, had thus their pardons by composition at the king's hand; we find nevertheless, that the said bastard Fauconbridge, being afterwards at sea (a roving belike, 
The bastard of Fauconbridge beheaded.  as he had used before) came at length into the open haven at Southampton, and there taking land, was apprehended, and shortly after beheaded. This chanced (as should appear line 40 by Fabian) about the latter end of October. Moreover, Roger Uaughan that had been sent by king Edward into Wales, 
Roger Uaughan taken and beheaded.  anon after Teukesburie field (being a man of great power in that country) to entrap and surprise by some secret sleight the earl of Penbroke, the said earl being thereof advertised, took the same Roger, and without delay struck off his head.  
After this, was the earl besieged in the town of Penbroke by Morgan Thomas; but the siege was line 50 raised by David Thomas, brother to the said Morgan, 
David Thomas.  a faithful friend to the earl; and then the earl by his help was conveyed to Tinbie, where he got ships, and with his nephew the lord Henry earl of Richmond sailed into Britain, 
The earl of Penbroke with his nephew the earl of Richmond 〈◊〉 over into Britain.  where, of the duke they were courteously entertained; with assurance made, that no creature should do them any wrong or injury within his dominions. King Edward visiting diverse places in Kent, sat in judgement on such as had aided the bastard in the last commotion, line 60 of whom diverse were condemned and executed, as Spising one of the captains that assaulted Algate, whose head was set up over the same gate: and so likewise was the head of one Quintine, a butcher, that was an other captain amongst them, 
Execution.  and chief of those that assaulted Bishop's gate, as some write.  
Moreover, at Canturburie the mayor of that city was executed, and diverse other at Rochester, Maidston and Blackeheath: for the lord marshal and other judges, being appointed to hold their oier and determiner in that country of Kent, there were above an hundred indicted and condemned. diverse also of Essex men that had been partakers in this rebellion with the bastard, & holp to set fire on Bishop's gate and Algate, were hanged betwixt Stratford and London. Many also of the wealthy commons in Kent were put to grievous fines.  
Now when the king had made an end of his business in that country, he returned to London, coming thither again upon Whitsun éeuen, being the first of june. 
Fabian.  And having thus within the space of eleven weeks recovered in manner the whole possession of his realm, being relieved of the most part of all his doubtful fear, he meant to remove all stops out of the way. Wherefore he sent the archbishop of York, brother to the earl of Warwick, 
The archbishop of York.  and to the marquess Montacute over to Guisnes, there to be kept in safe custody within the castle, where he continued a long season, till at length be was by friendship delivered, and shortly after (through very anguish of mind) departed this life; whom Laurence Bath, and after him Thomas Rotheram in the see of York, did ordinarily succeed. Beside this, john earl of Oxford, which after Barnet field both manfully and valiantly kept saint Michael's mount in Cornwall, either for lack of aid, 
The earl of Oxford.  or persuaded by his friends, gave up the mount, and yielded himself to king Edward (his life only saved) which to him was granted. But to be out of all doubtful imaginations, king Edward also sent him over the sea to the castle of Hams, where, year 1472 by the space of twelve years he was in strong prison shut up and warily looked to.  
King Edward was not a little disquieted in mind, 
Anno Reg. 12.  for that the earls of Penbroke & Richmond were not only escaped out of the realm, but also well received and no woorsse entertained of the duke of Britain: 
Messengers sent to the duke of Britain.  he sent therefore in secret wise grave & close messengers to the said duke, the which should not stick to promise the duke great and rich rewards, so that he would deliver both the earls into their hands and possession. The duke, after he had heard them that were sent, made this answer, that he could not with his honour deliver them, to whom he had given his faith to see them preserved from all injury: but this (he said) he would do for the king of England, that they should be so looked unto, as he needed not to doubt of any attempt to be made against him by them, or by their means.  
The king receiving this answer, wrote lovingly to the duke of Britain, that he would consider his friendship with convenient rewards, if it should please him to be as good as his promise. The duke, perceiving gain coming by the abode of the two English earls in his country, caused them to be separated in sunder, and all their servants being Englishmen to be sequestered from them, and in their places appointed Britain's to attend them. In the thirteenth year of his reign, 
1473 Anno Reg. 13.  king Edward called his high court of parliament at his palace of Westminster, 
A parliament.  in the which all laws and ordinances made by him before that day were confirmed, and those that king Henry had abrogated, after his readeption of the crown, were again revived. Also laws were made for the confiscation of traitors goods, and for the restoring of them that were for his sake fled the realm, which of his adversaries had been atteinted of high treason, and condemned to die.  
Moreover, towards his charges of late sustained, a competent sum of money was demanded, 
A subsidy.  and freely granted. There was also a pardon granted almost for all offences; 
A pardon.  and all men then being within the realm, were released and discharged of all high treasons and crimes, although they had taken part with his adversaries against him. In this season the duke of Burgognie had sore wars with the French king; 
Ambassadors from the duke of Burgognie  and to be the more speedily revenged on his adversary, he sent ambassadors into England, to persuade king Edward to make war also on the French king, for the recovery of his ancient right to the realm of France, by the same French king against all equity withholden and detained. In which attempt of his, there was some savour of discreet policy, and a provident forecast for his greater safety, besides the likely possibility to obtain that whereto he made challenge: sith the huger hosts (if the hardy hearts) are of most force, according to that saying: Virtus unita fortior. line 10  
And therefore, by procuring the king of England's power to join with his, he supposed his purpose atchiveable with the more facility. King Edward not so much for the love he bore to the duke of Burgognie, as for desire to be revenged on the French king, whom he took to be his enemy for aiding the earl of Warwick, queen Margaret, and her son prince Edward, with their complices, gave good ear to the duke of Burgognie his messengers, and finally (after he had taken advise of his council) the said line 20 messengers were answered, that king Edward in the beginning of the next year would land at Calis with a puissant army, both to revenge such injuries as he had received at the French kings hands, and also to recover his right, which he wrongfully detained from him.  
In deed the time served very well for the Englishmen to achieve some high enterprise in France at that present. 
Opportunity not to be neglected.  For not only the duke of Burgognie as then made war against the French king, line 30 but also many great men within the realm of France, 
The earl of S. Paul.  misliking the manners of their king, began to have secret intelligence with the said duke; and namely jews of Lutzenburgh earl of saint Paul constable of France was secretly confederate with the duke of Burgognie, intending verily to bring the French king to some great hindrance, the better to have his purpose accomplished in certain weighty matters. King Edward understanding all these things, was greatly encouraged to line 40 make a journey into France, and thereupon with all diligence prepared all things ready for the same.  
But because he wanted money, and could not well charge his commons with a new subsidy, for that he had received the last year great sums of money granted to him by parliament, he devised this shift, 
A shift to recover money.  to call afore him a great number of the wealthiest sort of people in his realm; and to them declaring his need, and the requisite causes thereof, he demanded of every of them some portion of money, line 50 which they sticked not to give. And therefore the king willing to show that this their liberality was very acceptable to him, he called this grant of money, A benevolence: notwithstanding that many with grudge gave great sums toward that new found aid which of them might be called, A malevolence. But the king used such gentle fashions toward them, with friendly prayer of their assistance in his necessity, that they could not otherwise do, but frankly and freely yield and give him a reasonable and competent line 60 sum.  
¶ But here I will not let pass a pretty conceit that happened in this gathering, 
Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxuj.  in the which you shall not only note the humility of a king, but more the fantasy of a woman. King Edward had called before him a widow, much abounding in substance, and no less grown in years, of whom he merrily demanded what she gladly would give him toward his great charges? By my truth quoth she, for thy lovely countenance thou shalt have even twenty pounds. The king looking scarce for the half of that sum, thanked her, and lovingly kissed her. Whether the flavor of his breath did so comfort her stomach, or she esteemed the kiss of a king so precious a jewel, she swore incontinently, that he should have twenty pounds more, which she with the same will paid that she offered it. 
john 〈◊〉  ¶ This year the duke of Excester was found dead in the sea between Dover and Calis, but how he came there the certainty could not be known.]  
When all things convenient for such an enterprise were in a readiness, the king came to Dover, 
14●● Anno Reg. ●●  where he found five hundred ships and hoys ready to transport him and his army. And so the fourth day of julie he passed over, 
The K. 〈◊〉 an army passeth over 〈◊〉 France.  and landed at Calis with great triumph; but his army, horses, and munitions of war scarce passed over in twenty days. In this army (being one of the best appointed that had passed out of England into France in many years before) were fifteen hundred men of arms well horsed, of the which the most part were barded and richly trapped, and many of them trimmed in one suit. There were also fifteen thousand archers with bows and arrows, of the which a great number were on horseback. There were also a great company of other fight men, and of such as served to set up tents and pavilions, to attend the artillery and to enclose their camp, and otherwise to labour and be employed in service.  
In all this army was there not one page. The king of England was at his arrival highly displeased with the duke of Burgognie, who in the word of a prince had promised to meet him at his landing, with two thousand men of arms and light horsemen, besides a great number of lanceknights and halberdiers, and that he would have begun the war three months before the kings transporting; whereas contrarily the duke lay lingering at the siege of Nusse, 
The siege of Nusse.  and let pass the occasion of achieving a more profitable enterprise. King Edward incontinently dispatched the lord Scales in post unto the duke, to put him in remembrance of his promise, 
The lord Scales.  and to advise him to come and join with him before the summer were spent.  
Before king Edward departed from Dover, he sent an officer of arms unto the French king with a defiance. The French king, 
A defiance sent to the French king.  receiving the king of England's letters at the messengers hand, read the same; and after he had considered thereof at leisure, he called the English herald aside, and to him declared the little trust that was to be put in the duke of Burgognie and the constable, by whose procurement he knew that king Edward was procured to come at that season into France; and therefore it should be better for him to have peace with an old enemy, than to stay upon the promises and familiarity of a new dissembling friend, which peace did highly please God, & was the thing that he most desired. ¶ But to give the greater grace to the matter in hand, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxvij.  it is good to lay down the form of the French kings speech to the said herald, to whom he uttered these words in his wardrobe, as Edward Hall reporteth.  
Sir I know and well wots, that the king of England your master, is neither descended in these parts of his own free motion, nor yet of us required; but only enticed and provoked by the duke of Burgognie, and somewhat enforced by the commons of his realm. But now you may see that the season of the year passeth, and the duke of Burgognie is in poor estate, returning from Nusse almost discomforted. The constable also, with whom the king your sovereign lord (I am sure) hath some intelligence, for favour that your master hath married his niece, is not so sure a friend as he is taken for. And if all the world knew how I have promoted him, and what I have done for him, they would little think, that he would so untruely handle me as he doth. For I assure you, he is a deep dissembler, & in continual dissimulation intendeth to lead his life, entertaining all men for his own profit. And although the king your master be unsure of all his other promises, yet of one thing he shall be sure, that is, he shall be ever dissembled withal. And therefore I say to you, and not to your master, that he were better have a peace with an old enemy, than the promises and familiarity of a new dissembling friend, which peace most pleaseth God, and is the thing that I most do desire.]  
When he had thus said, he gave the herald three hundred crowns, promising him a thousand crowns if line 10 any good appointment came to pass. This herald was borne in Normandy, who being more covetous of the crowns than secret (according as of duty by his office he ought to have been) promised to do all things that in him lay, 
The office of 〈◊〉 herald.  and further showed ways by the which the French king might enter into the port of treaty for peace, the which he doubted not would sort to a good conclusion. The French king glad to hear these things, gave to the herald when he should departed, beside the other reward, a piece of crimson line 20 velvet of thirty yards long. The lord Scales, coming to the duke of Burgognie before Nusse, could not persuade him to raise his field, and (as it stood him upon) to come and join with king Edward, till at length constrained thereto by other means, he left Nusse unconquered, 
The duke of Burgognie cometh to king Edward  and sending the most part of his army into Lorraine, came with a small company to king Edward lying before Calis.  
King Edward at the first coming of the duke unto him, seemed much to reprove his unwise dealing, line 30 in making so slow haste to join with him at this time, sith for his sake, and at his suit, he had passed the seas with his army, to the intent to make wars in France in revenge of both their injuries; the time serving their turns so well as they could wish or desire, the opportunity whereof could never happily be recovered again. The duke after he had excused himself, with alleging the dishonour that should have redounded to him, if he had left the siege of Nusse without mean of some show of composition, line 40 encouraged king Edward to advance forward with many golden promises, aswell of his own part, as of the constable. The king agreed to the duke's persuasion, and so set forward.  
But yet when he was entered into the duke's countries, the Englishmen were not so friendly entertained as they looked to have been: for at their coming to Peronne, there were but a few suffered to enter the gates, the remnant were driven to lodge in the fields, better purveyed of their own, than of the line 50 dukes provision. And at their coming before saint Quintines (which town the constable had promised to deliver into the hands of the duke of Burgognie) the artillery shot off, 
The constable of France a deep dissembler.  and they of the town came forth both on horseback and foot to skirmish with them that approached, of the which two or three were slain. This entertainment seemed strange to king Edward, pondering the last days promise with this days doing. But the duke excused the matter, and line 60 would have persuaded him to make countenance to besiege the town, that the constable might have a colour to render it into his hands, as though he did it by constraint.  
But the king, remembering what had been told to his herald by the French K. how he should be dissembled with, perceived the French kings words to be too true, and therefore thought it more sure to hear the fair words of the constable and the duke, than to give credit to their untrue and deceitful doings. The Englishmen returned unto their camp in a great chafe towards the constable; and the next day to increase their displeasure, 
The duke o● Burgognie ●eparteth.  an other corrosive was ministered, that smarted sorer. For duke Charles of Burgognie took his leave suddenly of king Edward, alleging that he must néed● see his army in Artois, promising shortly with all his puissance to return again to the great commodity of them both. This departing much troubled the king of England, because he looked for no such thing; but thought rather that he should have had the duke his continual fellow in arms: and therefore this dissembling and unsteadfast working caused the king to think that he never thought, and to do that he never intended.  
The French king in this mean while had assembled a mighty power; over the which he had made monsieur Robert de Estoutuile captain, whom he sent to Artois, to defend the frontiers there against the king of England's entry, and he himself tarried still at Senlis: but though he showed countenance thus of war, yet inwardly desirous of peace, according to the advise given him by the English herald, he caused a varlet or yeoman (as I may call him) to be put in a coat armour of France, which for haste was made of a trumpet banner. For king jews was a man nothing precise in outward shows of honour, oftentimes having neither officer of arms, trumpet in his court, nor other royal appurtenances belonging to the port of a prince, which should be glorious and replenished with pomp, as the poet saith: Regia mirifici fulgent insignia regis.  
This counterfeit herald, being throughly instructed in his charge, was sent to the king of England, 
A messenger sent to the king of England.  and so passing forth: when he approached the English camp, he put on his coat of arms, & being espied of the outriders, was brought to a tent, where the lord Howard and the lord Stanleie were at dinner, of whom he was courteously received, and by them conveyed to the king's presence, unto whom he declared his message so wittily, that in the end he obtained a safe conduct for one hundred horses, for such persons as his master should appoint to meet, as many to be assigned by king Edward in some indifferent place between both armies, to have a like safe conduct from his said master, as he received from him. 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxix, c●xxx.  ¶ The words of which herald are worth the noting, reported in writers as followeth.  

The herald's oration to the king uttered with boldness of face and liberty of tongue.  
RIght high and mighty prince, right puissant and noble king, if your excellent wisdom did perfectly know, or your high knowledge did apparently perceive, what inward affection and fervent desire the king my master hath always had, to have a perfect peace, a sure unity, & a brotherly concord, between your noble person and your realm, and his honourable parsonage and his dominions, you would & (for truth's sake) should confess and say, that never christian prince more thirsted for an amity, nor yet no lover hath more sought to attain to the favour of his paramor, than he hath sought to have with you a perpetual friendship, amity, and alliance: to the intent that the subjects of both the relms, quietly living under two princes, confederate and combined together in an indissoluble confederacy and league, may mutually embrace each other in their hearts, may personally have resort and frequent each others princes territories and dominions, with their merchandizes and wares: and finally, the one to live with the other, as friend with friend, brother with brother, companion with companion, in continual love, rest, and tranquility. And for his part he doth affirm & say, that since he received first the crown of his kingdom, and was anointed with the holy ampull, he never attempted, nor yet once imagined any line 10 war, or thing prejudicial toward your royal person, your realm, or your people.  
If you peradventure will say, that he supported & maintained the earl of Warwick against your majesty, he surly that doth & will deny: for he aided him against the duke of Burgognie, whom he knew not only to be his extreme enemy, but also to lay in wait (both by sea and land) either line 20 to take him, or utterly to destroy him. Which duke of Burgognie, only for his own cause, hath excited and solicited your highness to come over the troublous and tempestuous seas, to the intent to cause (yea in manner to compel) the king my master, to condescend to such treaty and appointment, as should be to his only profit, and neither to your honour, nor yet to your gain. For if he & such other as daily flattered line 30 him for their peculiar profits (as he had many indeed that daily sucked at his elbow) had once obtained the thing that they breathed for, all your affairs were put in oblivion, and left at large for them, or their assistants, even as they be at this day. Hath not the duke of Burgognie caused you first to come into France; after to set forward your army; and in conclusion, line 40 for lack of his promise, to lose the fair season of the year, and to lie in the fields in winter? Which war (if it continue) shall neither be profitable to you, nor to your nobility, nor yet pleasant but painful to your commonalty: and finally to both the realms, and especially to merchant men shall bring both misery, poverty, and calamity. line 50  
Came the duke of Burgognie from Nusse to Calis, only to visit you? Road he all that post hast only to blind you? Returned he back into Lorraine again for any cause, but only to leave you desolate, & to abandon you? Did he or the constable keep any one promise with you? Why do you then believe, and yet still trust them, in whom you never found faith nor fidelity? But if line 60 God will it so ordain, that you and my master may join in league and amity, I dare both say and swear, that the fine steel never cleaved faster to the adamant stone, than he will stick & clasp with you, both in wealth and woe, in prosperity and adversity. And if it shall please you, to hearken to any reasonable treaty, I being a poor man, shall (on jeopardy of my life which is my chief treasure) undertake, that this communication shall sort and come to such an effect, that both you & your nobility shall be glad and rejoice, and your commons shall be contented and pleased; and they that have deceived you, shall be both abashed and ashamed. Most humbly beseeching your highness, if your pleasure shall incline this way, that I may have a sure safe conduct for one hundred horses, for such personages as the king my master shall send unto you with further intimation of his mind and purpose. And if your pleasure shall be to have the communication in any place indifferent between both the armies, then shall I warrant you the like safe conduct for your men, as you do send for ours.   
When he had accomplished his message and instructions, the king of England and his council highly commended his audacity, his tongue, and his soberness, giving to him in reward a fair gilt cup, with a hundred angels: delivering him a safe conduct according to his request and demand, with the which he with speed departed, having with him an English herald to bring a like safe conduct from the French king▪]  
After that the safe conducts were delivered on both parts, 
Commissioners appointed to treat of peace.  the ambassadors met at a village beside Amiens. On the king of England's side, the lord Howard; sir Thomas Saintleger; doctor Morton after bishop of Elie, & chancellor of England, were chief. For the French king, the bastard of Bourbon admiral of France; the lord Saint Pierre; & the bishop of Eureux called Heberge, were appointed as principal. The Englishmen demanded the whole realm of France, or at the least Normandy and whole Aquitaine. The allegations were proved by the Englishmen, and politicly defended by the Frenchmen, so that with arguments, without conclusion, the day passed, and the commissioners departed, and made relation to their masters. The French king and his council would not consent, that the Englishmen should have one foot of land within France; but rather determined to put himself & the whole realm in hazard and adventure.  
At the next meeting the commissioners agreed upon certain articles, which were of both the princes accepted and allowed. It was first accorded, 
Articles of agreement between king Edward and the French king.  that the French king should pay to the king of England without delay seventy & five thousand crowns of the sun; and yearly fifty thousand crowns to be paid at London during king Edward's life. And further it was agreed, that Charles the Dolphin should marry the lady Elizabeth, eldest daughter to king Edward, and they two to have for the maintenance of their estates the whole duchy of Guien, or else fifty thousand crowns yearly to be paid within the Tower of London by the space of nine years; 
Want of money procureth peace.  and at the end of that term, the Dolphin and his wife to have the whole duchy of Guien, and of the charge the French king to be clearly acquit. And it was also concluded, that the two princes should come to an interview, and there take a corporal oath for the performance of this peace, either in sight of other.  
On the king of England's part were comprised as allies (if they would there to assent) the dukes of Burgognie and Britain. It was also covenanted, that after the whole sum aforesaid of seventy and five thousand crowns were paid to king Edward, he should leave in hostage the lord Howard, and sir john Cheinie master of his horse, until he with all his army was passed the seas. This agreement was very acceptable to the French king; for he saw himself and his realm thereby delivered of great peril that was at hand: for not only he should have been assailed (if this peace had not taken place) both by the power of England and Burgognie, but also by the duke of Britain, and diverse of his own people, as the constable and others. The king of England also understanding his own state, for want of money, to maintain the wars, if they should long continue (though otherwise he desired to have attempted some high enterprise against the Frenchmen) was the more easily induced to agree by those of his council, that loved peace better than war, line 10 and their wives soft beds better than hard armour and a stony lodging.  
But the duke of Gloucester & others, whose swords thirsted for French blood, 
The duke of Gloucester an 〈◊〉 to ●eace. A●r. Fl. ex Edw. Hall ●ol. Ccxxxj.  cried out on this peace; saying that all their travel, pains, & expenses were to their shame lost and cast away, and nothing gained but a continual mock [and daily derision of the French king and all his minions. This imagination took effect without delay. For a gentleman of the French kings chamber, after the peace was concluded, line 20 did demand of an Englishman, how many battles king Edward had vanquished? He answered, nine: wherein he himself personally had been.  
A great honour said the Frenchman. But I pray you (quoth he smiling) how many hath he lost? The Englishman perceiving what he meant, said: one, which you by policy, and by no strength, have caused him to lose.  
Well said the Frenchman, you may ponder in a pair of balance, the gain of nine gotten battles, line 30 and the rebuke of this one in this manner lost: for I tell you, that we have this saying; The force of England hath and doth surmount the force of France: but the ingenious wits of the Frenchmen excel the dull brains of Englishmen. For in all battles you have been the gainers, but in leagues and treaties our wits have made you losers: so that you may content yourselves with the loss in treaties, for the spoil that you got in wars and battles.  
This communication was reported to the French king, who line 40 privily sent for the Englishman to supper, and not only made him good cheer, but also gave him a thousand crowns, to praise the peace and to help to maintain the same. Yet nevertheless, he being not a little moved with these brags, declared all the communication to the duke of Gloucester; who swore, that he would never have set foot out of England, if he had not thought to have made the Frenchmen once to assay the strength & puissance of the Englishmen: but what so ever he thought, all things were line 50 tranferred unto an other end than he could imagine.]  
When the duke of Burgognie heard that there was a peace in hand betwixt king Edward and the French king, 
The duke of Burgognie cometh in haste to the king of England.  he came in no small haste from Lutzenburgh, only accompanied with sixteen horses into the king of England's lodging, and began as one in a great chase sore to blame his doings, declaring in plain terms how dishonourable this peace should be unto him, having achieved nothing of that about the which he came. The king of England, after he had line 60 given him leave to speak his fancy, answered him somewhat roundly again, openly reproving him for his promise-breaking and uncourteous dealing with him: where for his cause chiefly he had passed the seas, and now found him not to keep touch in any one point which he had covenanted. ¶ But to add more weight to the matter in hand, 
A●r. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxxj.  sith it was so seriously debated between the two potentates, let us hear what talk historiens report to have been interchanged between them. The king of England (saith mine author) not a little abashed both at the duke's sudden coming, and his fierce countenance, like one that would rather bite than whine, demanded of him the cause of his sudden coming. The duke sharply answered, to know whether he had either entered into any communication, or only had absolutely concluded a peace between the French king and him. King Edward declared how that for sundry and diverse great and urgent causes, touching as well the universal public wealth of the whole christianity, as their own private commodity and the quietness of their realms, he and the French king had concluded a peace and amity for term of nine years, in the which were comprised, as fellows and friends, both he and the duke of Britain, requiring him to condescend and agree to the same.  
Oh Lord, oh saint George (quoth the duke of Burgognie) have you thus done in deed?  
Have you passed the seas, entered into France, and without killing of a poor fly, or burning of a silly shéepecote, and have taken a shameful truce? Did your noble ancestor, K. Edward the third, ever make army into France (as he made many) in the which he did not either gain victory in battle, or profit in conquering cities, towns, and countries? That victorious prince, as near kin to me, as you to king Henry the fift, I mean whose blood you have either rightfully or wrongfully (God knoweth) extinguished & destroyed, with a small puissance entered into France, conquered whole Normandy, and not alonely conquered it, but peaceably kept it, and never would either comen or agree to any league, until he had the whole realm of France offered him; & was thereof made regent and heir apparent. And you without any thing doing, or any honour or profit gaining, have condescended to a peace, both as honourable and as profitable to you as a peasecod, and not so wholesome as a pomegranate. Think you that I either moved you, or once enticed you to take this journey for my peculiar advantage or commodity (which of my power am able to revenge mine own causes, without help of others) but only to have you recover your old rights and possessions, which were from you both tortiouslie and wrongfully withholden? And to the intent that you shall know that I have no need of your aid, I will neither enter into your league, nor take truce with the French king, till you be passed the sea, and have been there three months.  
When duke Charles had thus said, he furiously ●hrew down his chair, and would have departed. But the king him stayed & said:  
Brother Charles, sith you have spoken at leisure what you would, you must and shall hear again what you would not. And first, as concerning our entry into France, no man living knoweth that occasion, neither so well, nor hath cause half so well to remember it as you: for if you have not fully put your greatest things (to be had in memory) in your box of oblivion, you be not yet out of mind how the French king, for all your power, took from you the fair town of Amiens, and the strong pile of saint Quintin's, with diverse other towns, which you neither durst nor yet were able either to rescue or defend. Since which time, how he hath plagued you, how he hath taken from you your friends; yea, of your privy chamber and secret council (by whom all your secrets be to him revealed and made open) you know or have better cause to remember, and not to forget them. And when you determined to besiege the town of Nusse, you thought yourself in a great doubt, whether you should lose more at home by your absence (the French king dreaming and waiting like a for for his prey) or gain more in Germany by your power and presence. And to keep the wolf from the fold, that is, the French king from your castles and dominions, was the chief and principal cause why you so fair prayed me, so sore laboured and enticed me to pass over the sea, promising mounteins of gold, which turned into snow and wasted into water, boasting and craking to send horsemen and footmen; and yet showing neither lackey nor page. If we had made our enterprise for ourself solely and in our own quarrel, think you that we would have expected your coming? If the adventure had been for to have recovered our right, imagine you that we would have passed the sea so slenderly as we did, looking for line 10 your aid? Nay, nay, you should have well known, if we had intended a conquest, that we would have so strongly invaded & set on the realm of France, that what with savour of burning of towns, and infection of the air, corrupted by the multitude of dead carcases of our slain enemies, your countries of Flanders & Brabant should have had causes enough to wonder at: trusting that that which we had gotten, we would have kept as well as any of our ancestors have done. line 20  
But because the very occasion of the war was yours, and that you wilfully (I will not say cowardly) did not prosecute the same, the French king, who never offended me nor my subjects (except in maintaining the earl of Warwick, for the displeasure that you bore him against me) offered me, being destitute of all your succour and aid, both honourable and honest overtures of peace, which offers I was in manner enforced (by very reason) to incline to and accept, and so have concluded a truce, which (God willing) I will both keep and observe. God send you line 30 joy (quoth the duke) and so abruptly ended his talk for that time.]  

He departeth 〈…〉 king in a rage.  H●erwith (being in a great rage) he bade the king of England farewell, and suddenly took his horse, and road again to Lutzenburgh, promising not to enter into any league with the French king, till king Edward was passed the seas again into England, and had been there three months: but this promise was not performed, for of necessity he took a wiser way, line 40 and agreed with the French king upon a truce immediately after the departure of the English army out of his country. 
The constable of France his offer to K. Edward.  The constable of France also, doubting that his untruth would be disclosed to his destruction, by means of this agreement between the kings of England and France, as soon as he heard they were entered into communication thereof, sent to king Edward, requiring him not to credit the French kings promises, which he would no longer observe, than until he should once understand, line 50 that he was on the other side of the sea: and rather than he should agree for want of money, he offered to lend him fifty thousand crowns. But the king of England, sith the accord was passed and agreed, would not change any thing for the promises of so slipper a merchant as he knew the constable to be.  

Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxxij, Ccxxxiij.  ¶ Then was the constable in manner on all sides in despair, but yet he wrote to the French king by his messengers, beseeching him to give no credit or belief to any tale told or feigned against him, without line 60 hearing his answer, affirming that the king had always known his truth and fidelity toward the crown of France, and so should he still find him till his dying day; promising and warranting him, if that it should stand with his pleasure, that he would so compass the duke of Burgognie, that they two should utterly destroy the king of England and his army yer they returned. The councillors of the French king made answer, that their master and the king of England were joined and confedered in a sure amity. Wherefore they would in no wise know nor condescend to any thing that might be either prejudicial, or once sound to the detriment of the Englishmen: but they said, that the king their master much trusted the constable, and that for his sake he would talk with them in his privy chamber. The French king, before their entry into his chamber, caused the lord of Contaie, servant unto the duke of Burgognie, accompanied with the lord of Argenton, one of his privy council, to stand secretly behind a seeling or hanging in his chamber, & he himself sat in a chair directly before that place, so that what soever were purposed to him, they standing behind the cloth, might plainly see and easily hear the same.  
jews de Crevell and his fellow entered into the king's chamber, of nothing thinking less than of the spirits enclosed. They declared what pain their master had taken for the French kings sake, to send, move and entice the duke of Burgognie to leave, and clearly to forsake the king of England, which duke they found in such a rage and fury against the Englishmen, that at their request he was not only utterly determined to forsake and refuse their amity, but also would send out adventurers and lanceknights, to rob and spoil them in their returning. And in speaking these words (thinking surly much to please the king) the said jews counterfeited the fashion and gesture of the duke of Burgognie, and began to stamp with his foot on the ground, and beat with his fist on the table, swearing by saint George that the king of England was not extracted of any noble house, but was a yeoman's son; 
Shameful & ●●anderous words against the K. of England.  and that when he was not worth one halfpenny, he was restored to his kingdom, and made king only by his aid, reproving and reviling him with such ill words, and so shameful terms, that all the hearers abhorred it.  
The French king, feigning that he was thick of hearing, caused him to reiterate his saying again, who so counterfeited the very gesture of the dukes angry countenance and roaring voice, that no man hath seen a better counterfeitor or actor in any comedy or tragedy. The lord of Contaie was sore displeased to see his master made a jesting stock; but he kept all these things secret, till his return to his master. When the pageant was played, the king had the messengers of the constable to have him commended to his brother their master; and to declare to him that as news rose & grew, he would thereof advertise him, & so gave them licence to departed to their master, who thought himself now to be in great surety of his estate, when in deed he was never so near his fall and perdition: esteeming the duke of Burgognie to be his assured friend, who hated him more than a Painime or Turk, accounting also the French king to have no ill suspicion in him, who neither trusted nor yet believed any word, writing or message that was either written or sent from him. Such end hath dissimulation, such fruit springeth of double dealing and crafty conveying. For if either the constable had been faithful to the king his master, as of bounden duty and allegiance he ought to be, or else had kept his promise made to the king of England and duke of Burgognie, and not dallied and dissembled with them, he had surly in his extremity been aided, succoured and comforted of one of these three at the least; where now he was of all three forsaken, and yet not forsaken, but sought for, looked for, and watched for; not for his profit or promotion, but for his undoing and destruction: whereof he was the principal procurer, as many a one besides; whereto the poet had an eye, when he made this outcry of inward grief seasoned with sorrow and repentance: Heu patior telis vulnera facta meis.]  
After the peace was concluded, the Englishmen were permitted to enter into the town of Amiens, and there to buy all such necessary things as they wanted, and had plenty of wine (for the French king had sent into their army a hundred carts of the best wine that could be gotten) and good cheer made them of his own costs. For at the entry of every gate, there were two long tables set on every side of the street where they should pass; and at every table five or six gentlemen of the best companions of all the country were appointed to entertain the Englishmen as they entered, not only to see them served without lacking [but also to drink and make good cheer, 
Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxxiij.  and keep company with them. And ever line 10 as they entered into the town, they were taken by the bridles and in manner enforced to drink, wheresoever they came they paid no money, but were sent scot free.] This cheer lasted three or four days not only to the French kings cost, but also to his unquietness at length, doubting to have been dispossessed of his town.  
For on a day there entered the number of nine thousand Englishmen well armed in sundry companies, line 20 so that no Frenchman durst once forbid them to enter. But finally, order was taken by the king of England, who meant no deceit, that no greater number should enter than was convenient, and the other were called back; so that the French king and his council were well quieted, and rid of casting further perils than need required. After this, both the kings enteruiewed together at Picquenie on the water of Some three leagues above Amiens, 
The interview betwixt king Edward the fourth, & the French king.  showing great courtesy either to other. The letters of both their agréements were opened and red, & then either prince line 30 laid his right hand on the missal, and his left hand on the holy cross (as it was termed) and took there a solemn oath to observe and keep the treaty for nine years concluded between them, with all their confederates and allies, comprised, mentioned and specified in the same, and further to accomplish the marriage of their children.  
There was with either prince twelve noble men at this meeting, which was upon a bridge cast over the water of Some, a grate being set overthwart the line 40 same in the midst, so from side to side, that the one prince could not come unto the other; but only to embrace each other, in putting their arms through the holes of the 
* Of timber like to the grate where the lions be kept in the Tower.  grate. There were four Englishmen appointed to stand with the Frenchmen on the bridge to see their demeanour; and likewise four Frenchmen were appointed to the Englishmen for the same purpose. There were with the king of England his brother the duke of Clarence, the earl of Northumberland, the bishop of Elie his chancellor, line 50 the lord Hastings his chamberlain, and eight others. They had loving and very familiar talk together a good space, both afore their company, and secretly alone, whilst their company (of courtesy) withdrew somewhat back.  
¶ But it is noteworthie which I read touching both the king's meeting, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw Hall. fol. Ccxxxiiij.  the manner of their attire, and demeanour; namely that when the token of meeting by the shot of the artillery was known, the French king with twelve noble men entered the bridge, and line 60 came to the closure, with whom was john duke of Bourbon, and the cardinal his brother, a prelate more meet for a lady's carpet, than for an ecclesiastical pulpit, and ten other, amongst whom the lord of Argenton was in like disguised attire as the French king ware, for so was his pleasure that day to have him adorned. The king of England and four other with him were appareled in ●●oth of gold frised, having on his bonnet of black velvet a flower delice of gold, set with very rich and orient stones; he was a goodly fair and beautiful prince, beginning a little to grow in flesh. Now when he approached near the grate, he took off his cap, and made a low and solemn obeisance: the French king made to him an humble reverence, but after his fashion somewhat homely. King jews embraced king Edward through the barriers, saying: Coosine you be right heartily welcome into these parties, assuring you that there is no man in the world that I have more desired to see and speak with, than with you: and now landed be almighty God, we be here met together for a good and godly purpose, whereof I doubt not but that we shall have cause to rejoice. The king of England thanked him, and answered to his words so soberly, so gravely, and so princely, that the Frenchmen thereat not a little mused. The chancellor of England made there a solemn oration in laud and praise of peace, concluding on a prophesy, which said that at Picquenie should be concluded a peace both honourable and profitable to the realms of England and France.  
When the oath was taken and sworn (as before you have heard) the French king said merrily to king Edward; Brother, if you will take pains to come to Paris, you shall be feasted and entertained with ladies; and I shall appoint you the cardinal of Bourbon for your confessor, which shall gladly absolve you of such sins, if any be committed. The king of England took these words pleasantly and thankfully, for he was informed that the cardinal was a good companion, and a chaplain meet for such a dalieng pastime. When this communication was merrily ended, the French king, intending to show himself like a master amongst his servants, made all his company to draw back from him, 
The mannerly English, and unmannerly French.  meaning to commune with the king of England secretly. The Englishmen withdrew them without any commandment? Then the two kings communed alone secretly, I think not to the profit of the constable of France. The French king demanded of king Edward, whether the duke of Burgognie would accept the truce? King Edward answered that he would once again make an offer; and then upon the refusal, he would refer and report the truth to them both. Then king jews began to speak of the duke of Britain, whom he would feign have excepted out of the league. To whom the king of England answered: Brother, I require you to move no war to the duke of Britain; for on my fidelity, in the time of my need and adversity, I never found a more friendly, sure and steadfast lover than he.  
Then king jews called his company again, and with most lowly and amiable commendations took his leave of the king of England, speaking certain friendly words to every Englishman: king Edward doing likewise to the Frenchmen. Then both at one time departed from the barriers, & mounted on horseback, and departed; the French king to Amiens, and king Edward to his army. To whom was sent out of the French kings house, all things necessary for a prince, insomuch that neither torches nor torchets lacked unsent. When the French king was departed from Picquenie, he called to him the lord of Argenton, saying: By the peace of God, the king of England is an amorous and a fair prince, he at the first beck would gladly see Paris, where he might fortune to find such pleasant and talkative dames, which with fair words & pleasant pastimes might so allure him to their fantasies, that it might breed occasion in him to come over the sea again, which I would not gladly see. For his progenitors have been too long and too often both in Paris and Normandy. On this side the sea I love neither his sight nor his company; 
French love.  but when he is at home I love him as my brother, and take him as my friend.  
The French king, after this departing, sore desired to make war on the duke of Britain: which he could not do, except he were left out of the treaty. Wherefore he sent the lord of Bouchage, and the lord of saint Pierre, to the king of England, entreating him by all ways and motions possible, to leave the duke of Britain for his alley, and not to have him comprehended in the league. The king of England hearing them so seriously and so fervently speak against the duke of Britain; with an earnest countenance answered, saying: My lords, I assure you, if I were peaceably at home in my realm, yet for the defence of the duke of Britain and his country, I would pass the seas again, against all them that line 10 either would do him injury, or make war upon him. The French lords nothing further saying, much marveled why the king of England so surly clave to the duke of Britain's party: but they knew not (or else at the least remembered not) that Henry earl of Richmond was within the power and dominion of the duke of Britain, whom king Edward's fantasy ever gave him would make once a title to the crown of England, as next heir to the house of line 20 Lancaster. For he knew well, that if the duke of Britain would transport him into England (where he had both kinsfolks and friends) with never so small an aid (yea, though it were but the shadow of an army) then were he enforced newly to begin again a conquest, as though he had never won the crown, nor obtained the possession of the realm, which was the very cause why he stuck so fore to the duke of Britain's part.  
The same night the lords returned to Amiens, and line 30 reported to their master king Edward's answer, who therewith was not the best pleased. But pleasure or displeasure, there was no remedy but to dissemble the matter. This same night also, there came the lord Howard, and two other of the king of England's council, who had been coadjutors toward the peace, to the French king to supper. The lord Howard said to the French king secretly in his ear, that if it stood with his pleasure, he could persuade the king of England to come to Amiens, yea, peradventure as far as Paris, familiarly and line 40 friendly to solace himself with him, as his trusty friend and faithful brother. The French king, to whom this motion was nothing pleasant, calling for water, washed, and rose without any answer making: but he said to one of his council, that he imagined in his own conceit, that this request would be made. The Englishmen began again to commune of that matter, the Frenchmen politicly broke their communication, saying: that the king line 50 with all celerity must march forward against the duke of Burgognie.  
Although this motion seemed only to increase love and continual amity between the princes; yet the Frenchmen, having in their perfect remembrance the innumerable damages and hurts, which they of late days had sustained by the English nation (whereby continual hatred increased against them in France) thought by policy and wisdom, with fair words and friendly countenance, to put line 60 by this request, and to motion them rather to departed homeward, than to prick them forward to Paris; where peradventure they might be so entertained at this time, that they would at another come thither, both undesired and unwelcomed. This peace was said to be made only by the holy-ghost, because that on the day of meeting, a white dove sat on the top of the king of England's tent: whether she sat there to dry her, or came thither as a ●oken given by God, I refer it to your judgement. At this treaty and meeting was not the duke of Gloucester, nor other lords which were not content with this truce; but the duke came afterwards to Amiens, with diverse other lords of England, to the French king, which both highly feasted them, and also presented them with plate and horses well garnished.  
King jews, considering what gain the Englishmen had gotten by making war in France; and what misery, what calamity, and what poverty the French nation had suffered, and many years sustained, by reason of the said wars; determined clearly rather to pacify and entertain the English nation by fair words and great rewards (although it were to his great charge) than by too much hardiness to put himself, his nobility & realm in hazard, by giving them battle, as his predecessors had unwisely done at Poitiers, and at Agincourt. Wherefore to buy peace, he granted king Edward for a yearly tribute fifty thousand crowns, to be paid at London; which, accounting a crown at four shillings, amounteth to ten thousand pounds. And to have the favour and good will of his chief councillors, he gave great pensions, amounting to the sum of sixteen thousand crowns a year, that is to say: to his chancellor, to the lord Hastings his chief chamberlain, a man of no less wit than virtue, and of great authority with his master, and that not without cause; for he had as well in time of adversity, as in the fair flattering world, well and truly served him: and to the lord Howard, to sir Thomas Montgomerie, to sir Thomas Sentleger, to sir john Cheinie master of the king's horses, to the marquess Dorsset, son to the queen, and diverse other, he gave great and liberal rewards, to the intent to keep himself in amity with England, while he won and obtained his purpose and desire in other places.  
These persons had given to them great gifts, beside yearly pensions. For Argenton his councillor affirmed of his own knowledge, that the lord Howard had in less than the term of two years, for reward in money and plate, four and twenty thousand crowns; & at the time of this meeting, he gave to the lord Hastings the king's chief chamberlain, (as the Frenchmen writ) an hundred marks of silver, made in plate, whereof every mark is eight ounces sterling. But the English writers affirm, that he gave the lord Hastings four and twenty dozen bowls, that is to say, twelve dozen gilt, & twelve dozen ungilt, every cup weighing seventeen nobles: which gift, either betokened in him a great liberal nature, or else a great and especial confidence that he had reposed in the said lord chamberlain. Beside this, he gave him yearly two thousand crowns pension, the which sum he sent to him by Piers Cleret, one of the masters of his house, giving him in charge to receive of him an acquittance for the receipt of the same pension, to the intent that it should appear in time to come, that the chancellor, chamberlain, admiral, masters of the horses to the king of England, and many other of his council, had been in fee and pensionaries of the French king, whose yearly acquittances (the lord Hastings only excepted) remain of record to be showed in the chamber of accounts in the palace of Paris.  
When Piers Cleret had paid the pension to the lord Hastings, he gently demanded of him an acquittance for his discharge. Which request when he denied, he then only asked of him a bill of three lines to be directed to the king, testifying the receipt of the pension: to the intent that the king your master should not think the pension to be imbeselled. The lord Hastings, although he knew that Piers demanded nothing but reason, answered him: Sir this gift cometh only of the liberal pleasure of the king his master, and not of my request: if it be his determinat will that I shall have it, than put you it into my sleeve; and if not, I pray you render to him his gift again: for neither he nor you shall have either letter, acquittance, or scroll signed with my hand of the receipt of any pension, to the intent to brag another day, that the king's chamberlain of England hath been pensionary with the French king, & show his acquittance in the chamber of accounts, to his dishonour. Piers left his money behind, and made relation of all things to his master: which although that he had not his will, yet he much more praised the wisdom and policy of the lord Hastings, than of the other pensionaries, commanding him yearly line 10 to be paid, without any discharge demanding.]  
When the king of England had received his money, 
●. Edward returneth into England. Edw. Hall fol. Ccxxxuj.  and his nobility their rewards, he trussed up his tents, laded his baggage, and departed towards Calis. [But yer he came there, he remembering the crafty dissimulation, and the untrue dealing of jews earl of saint Paul, high constable of France, intending to declare him to the French king in his very true likeness and portraiture, sent unto him two letters of credence, written by the said line 20 constable, with the true report of all such words and messages as had been to him sent, and declared by the said constable and his ambassadors. Which letters the French king gladly received, and thankfully accepted, as the chief instrument to bring the constable to his death: which he escaped no long season after, such is the end of dissemblers.] When king Edward was come to Calis, and had set all things in an order, he took ship, and sailed with a prosperous wind into England, and was royally received upon line 30 Blackheath by the mayor of London and the magistrates, and five hundred commoners appareled in murrie, the eight and twentieth day of September, and so conveyed through the city of Westminster, where for a while (after his long labour) he reposed himself [every day almost talking with the queen his wife of the marriage of his daughter, 
Edw. Hall fol. Ccxxxuj.  whom he caused to be called Dolphinesse: thinking nothing surer than that marriage to take effect, according to the treaty. The hope of which marriage caused him line 40 to dissemble, and do things which afterward chanced greatly to the French kings profit, & smallly to his.]  
About the same season, the French king, to compass his purpose for the getting of the constable into his hands, took truce with the duke of Burgognie for nine years, as a contractor in the league, and not comprehended as an other princes alley. The king of England advertised hereof, 
Sir Thomas Montgomerie.  sent over sir Thomas Montgomerie to the French king, offering line 50 to pass the seas again the next summer in his aid, to make wars on the duke Burgognie; so that the French king should pay to him fifty thousand crowns for the loss which he should sustain in his custom, by reason that the wools at Calis (because of the wars) could have no vent, and also pay half the charges and half the wages of his soldiers and men of war. The French king thanked the king of England for his gentle offer, but he alleged that the truce was already concluded, so that he could not line 60 then attempt any thing against the same without reproach to his honour.  
But the truth was, the French king neither loned the sight nor liked the company of the king of England on that side the sea; but when he was here at home, he both loved him as his brother, and took him as his friend. Sir Thomas Montgomerie was with plate richly rewarded, and so dispatched. There returned with him the lord Howard and sir john Cheinie, which were hostages with the French king, till the English army were returned into England. King Edward, having established all things in good order, 
1475 Anno Reg. 15.  as men might judge, both within his realm and without, was yet troubled in his mind, for that Henry the earl of Richmond (one of the blood of king Henry the sixth) was alive, 
Henry earl of Richmond.  and at liberty in Britain: therefore to attempt eftsoons the mind of Francis duke of Britain, he sent over unto the said duke, one doctor Stillington, and two other his ambassadors laden with no small sum of gold.  
These ambassadors, declaring their message, 
Ambassadors into Britain  affirmed that the king their master willed to have the earl of Richmond only for this purpose, to join with him in alliance by marriage, and so to pluck up all the leavings of discord between him and the contrary faction. The duke gently heard the orators. And though at the first he by excuses denied their request, yet at the length, believing that king Edward would give to the earl his eldest daughter, the lady Elizabeth in marriage, he consented to deliver him, and received of the English orators a great sum of money. But yer they were embarked with their prey, the duke being advertised, that the earl of Richmond was not so earnestly sought for, to be coupled in marriage with king Edward's daughter; but rather that his head might be chopped off with an hatchet, 
The earl of Richmond taketh sanctuary.  caused his treasurer Peter Landoise to convey the said earl of Richmond into a sanctuary at S. Malo, where the English ambassadors then lay, only staying for a convenient wind: who complained, that they were evil used, to be spoiled both of their money and merchandise.  
Yet because the matter was so handled, that it seemed the earl escaped into the sanctuary through their own negligence, after they had received him into their hands; they were soon answered: but yet promise was made, that the earl should be safely kept, either in the sanctuary, or else as prisoner in the duke's house, that they should not need to fear him more than his shadow. And thus the king of England purchased for his money the keeping of his enemy, the space only of three days and no more. King Edward was somewhat displeased with this chance, but yet trusting that the duke of Britain would (according to promise) see the earl of Richmond safely kept from doing any grievance to him or his subjects, put all doubts thereof out of his mind, and began to study how to keep a liberal princely house, and thereupon storing his chests with money, he employed no small portion in good housekeeping.  
¶ But having spoken thus much of the earl of Richmond, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall fol. Ccxxxvij.  whom Edward Hall compareth to a sheep betrayed into the teeth and claws of the wolf, you shall understand, that at such time as his troubles were set fresh abroach, and he knowing that he was going towards his death, for very pensiveness and inward thought, fell into a fervent and sore ague. In which very season, one john Cheulet, so esteemed among the princes of Britain as few were in all the country, and in much credit, and well accepted with the duke, was (when these things were thus concluded) for his solace in the country. Who being hereof certified, was chafed with the abomination of the fact, resorted to the court, and familiarly came to the duke's presence, where he stood so sadly and so paly, without any word speaking, that the duke was much abashed, and suddenly marveled at his sad and frowning countenance, and demanded of him what should signify that dumpishness of mind, and inward sighing, the which by his countenance manifestly appeared and was evident? He modestly answered;  
Most noble and redoubted lord, this paleness of visage and deadly look doth prognosticate the time of my death to approach and be at hand, which if it had chanced to me before this day, I assure you, it had much less hurt me. For than had I not been reserved to feel the dolorous pangs and sorrowful sighings, which a fact by you done (that I thought impossible to be obtained) hath printed in my stomach and in my heart deeply graven: so that I well perceive, that either I shall lose my life, or else live in perpetual distress and continual misery.  
For you my singular good lord, by your virtuous acts and noble feats, have gotten to you in manner an immortal fame, which in every man's mouth is extolled & advanced above the high clouds. But alas me seemeth (I pray you pardon me my rudeness) that now that you have obtained so high praise line 10 and glory, you nothing less regard than to keep and preserve the same inviolate, considering that you, forgetting your faith and faithful promise made to Henry earl of Richmond, have delivered the most innocent young gentleman to the cruel tormentors, to be afflicted, rend in pieces, and slain. Wherefore all such as love you, of the which number I am one, cannot choose but lament & be sorry, when they see openly the fame and glory of your most renowned name, by such a disloyalty and untruth against line 20 promise, to be both blotted and stained with a perpetual note of slander and infamy. Peace mine own good john (quoth the duke) I pray thee, believe me there is no such thing like to happen to the earl of Richmond: for king Edward hath sent for him, to make of him, being his suspected enemy, his good and fair son in law.  
Well well (quoth john) my redoubted lord, give credence unto me: the earl Henry is at the very brink to perish, whom if you permit once to set line 30 but one foot out of your power and dominion, there is no mortal creature able hereafter to deliver him from death.  
The duke being moved with the persuasions of john Cheulet, which either little believed, or smallly suspected king Edward, to desire the earl for any fraud or deceit, or else seduced by blind avarice and love of money, more than honesty, fidelity, or wisdom would require, did not consider what he unadvisedly did, or what he advisedly should have done. Wherefore, with all diligence he sent forth Peter line 40 Landoise his chief treasurer, commanding him to intercept and stay the earl of Richmond, in all hast possible, as before you have heard.]  

Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 752. 〈◊〉 john ●rosbie his 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉.  ¶ In this year deceased sir john Crosby knight, (not long before this, mayor of London) and was buried in the parish church of saint Helen in Bishop's gate street, unto the repairing of which parish church he gave five hundred marks, and thirty pounds to be distributed to poor householders in the ward of Bishop's gate: to the repairing of the parish church at line 50 Heneworth in Middlesex forty pounds: to the repairing of London wall one hundred pounds: toward the making of a new tower of stone at the south-end of London bridge, if the same were begun by the mayor and commonalty within ten years next after his decease, one hundred pounds: to the reparations of Rochester bridge ten pounds: to every the prisons in and about London liberally. Also he gave to the wardens and commonalty of the grocers in London two large pots of silver chased half line 60 guilt, weighing thirteen pounds and five ounces of Treie weight, to be occupied in their common hall, and elsewhere, at their discretions.  
In this year were enhanced to the honour of knighthood, 
 after the custom of England, in the time of peace the king's eldest son Edward prince of Wales, duke of Cornwall, and earl of Chester, his second son the duke of York, and with them the earl of Lincoln's son and heir, the duke of Suffolk, the lord Thomas Greie, the queens son, and Richard his brother, the earl of Shrewesburie, the earl of Wiltshire, master Edward Wooduile, the lord Nevil, the lord Barkleis' son and heir, the lord Audelies son and heir, the lord saint Amand, the lord Stanleis' son and heir, the lord Suttons son and heir, the lord Hastings son and heir, the lord Ferrer of Charleiss son and heir, master Herbert brother to the earl of Penbroke, master Uaughan Brian chief judge, Litilton one of the judges of the common plées, 
Litilton.  master Bodringham, master Brian Stapleton, Knevit, Pilkinton, Ludlow, Charleton, etc. The same day the king created the lord Thomas marquess: Dorset▪ before dinner, and so in the habit of a marquess above the habit of his knighthood he began though table of knights in saint Edward's chamber. At that time he ordained that the king's chamberlain should go with the ancient and well nurtered knight▪ to advertise and tea●● the order of knighthood to the esquires being in the bane. The king himself came in person and did honour to all the company with his noble council.]  
This year the duke of Burgognie was slain, by the Swissers, 
1476 Anno Reg. 16.  before the town of Nancie in Lorraine after whose death the French king won all the towns which the said duke held in Picardy and Artois. 
The death of the duke of Burgognie.  And because that the town of Bullen and county of Bullenois appertained by right of inheritance unto the lord Berthram de la tour, earl of A●uergne, the French king bought of him his right and title in the same, and recompensed him with other lands in the county of Forests, and in other places. And because the forenamed town and county were holden of the earldom of Artois, he changed the tenure, and avowed to hold the same town & county of our lady of Bolongne, and thereof did homage to the image in the great church of Bolongne, offering there an hart of gold▪ weighing two thousand crowns; ordaining further, that his heirs and successors at their entry into their estates, by themselves or their deputies, should offer an hart of like weight and value, as a relief and homage for the same town and county.  
¶ This year was Robert Basset mayor of London, who did sharp correction upon bakers, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 745.  for making of light bread, he caused diverse of them to be set on the pillory in Cornhill. 
Agnes Dainty on the pillory.  And also one Agnes Dainty a butterwife for selling of butter new and old mingled together, being first trapped with butter dishes, was then set on the pillory. ¶ The countess of Oxford deceased and was buried at Windsor. ¶ Also this year Richard Rawson one of the sheriffs of London, caused to be builded one house in the church yard of S. Marry hospital without Bishop's gate of London, where the mayor of that city and his brethren the aldermen use to sit and hear the sermons in the Easter holy days, as in times past appeared by an inscription on the front of the same house, now by wethering defaced, which I have read in these words: Pray for the souls of Richard Rawson late Mercer and alderman of London, and Isabella his wife, of whose goods this work was made and founded. Anno Dom. 1488.]  
By the diligence of Ralph josseline mayor of London, year 1477 
Part of London wall 〈◊〉 builded.  the wall about London was new made betwixt Algate and Creplegate: he caused the Moor field to be searched for clay, and brick to be made and burnt there: 
john Rouse.  he also caused chalk to be brought out of Kent, and in the same Moor field to be burnt into lime, for the furtherance of that work. The mayor with his company of the drapers made all that part betwixt Bishop's gate and Alhalowes church in the same wall. Bishop's gate itself was new built by the merchants Almans of the Stillyard, and from Alhalowes church toward Moor gate a great part of the same was builded of the goods, 
Bishop's 〈◊〉 new builded.  & by the executors of sir john Crosby sometimes an alderman of London, as may appear by his arms in two places fixed. The company of Skinners made that part of the wall between Algate and Buries marks towards Bishop's gate, as may appear by their arms in three places fixed: the other companies of the city made the other deal of the said wall, which was a great work to be done in one year.  
Also this year Thomas Burdet an esquire of Arrow in Warwikeshire, 
Burdet for a word spoken beheaded.  son to sir Nicholas Burdet (who was great butler of Normandy in Henry the sixth days) was beheaded for a word spoken in this sort. King Edward in his progress hunted in Thomas Burdets' park at Arrow, 
Enguerant.  and slew many line 10 of his dear, amongst the which was a white buck, whereof Thomas Burdet made great account. And therefore when he understood thereof, 
Register of the Greie friars.  he wished the bucks head in his belly that moved the king to kill it. Which tale being told to the king, Burdet was apprehended and accused of treason, for wishing the bucks head (horns and all) in the king's belly: he was condemned, drawn from the Tower of London to Tyburn, and there beheaded, and then buried in the Greie friars church at London. Wherefore it line 20 is good counsel that the wiseman giveth, saying: Keep thy tongue & keep thy life, for many times we see, that speech offendeth & procureth mischief, where silence is author neither of the one nor the other, as it is truly and in praise of silence spoken by the poet: - nulli tacuisse nocet, nocet esse locutum.]  
About this season, through great mishap, the spark of privy malice was newly kindled betwixt the king and his brother the duke of Clarence, insomuch line 30 that where one of the duke's servants was suddenly accused (I can not say whether of truth, or untruely suspected by the duke's enemies) of poisoning, sorcery or enchantment, and thereof condemned, and put to execution for the same; the duke which might not suffer the wrongful condemnation of his man (as he in his conscience judged) nor yet forbear but to murmur and reprove the doing thereof, moved the king with his daily exclamation to take such displeasure with him, that finally the duke was cast into the line 40 Tower, 
Anno Reg. 17. George duke of Clarence drowned in a butt of malmsey.  and therewith adjudged for a traitor, and privily drowned in a butt of malmsey, the eleventh of March, in the beginning of the seventeenth year of the king's reign.  
Some have reported, that the cause of this noble man's death rose of a foolish prophesy, which was, that after K. Edward one should reign, whose first letter of his name should be a G. Wherewith the king and queen were sore troubled, and began to conceive a grievous grudge against this duke, and could not line 50 be in quiet till they had brought him to his end. And as the devil is wont to encumber the minds of men which delight in such devilish fantasies, 
Prophecies devilish fantasies.  they said afterward, that that prophesy lost not his effect, when after king Edward, Gloucester usurped his kingdom. Other alleged, that the cause of his death was for that the duke, being destitute of a wife, by the means of his sister the lady Margaret, duchess of Burgognie, procured to have the lady Marie, daughter and heir to her husband duke Charles. line 60  
Which marriage king Edward (envying the prosperity of his brother) both gain said and disturbed, and thereby old malice revived betwixt them: which the queen and her blood (ever mistrusting, and privily barking at the king's Image) ceased not to increase. But sure it is, that although king Edward were consenting to his death; yet he much did both lament his infortunate chance, & repent his sudden execution: insomuch that when any person sued to him for the pardon of malefactors condemned to death, he would accustomably say, & openly speak: Oh infortunate brother, for whose life not one would make suit. Openly and apparently meaning by such words, that by the means of some of the nobility he was deceived and brought to confusion.  
This duke left behind him two young infants begot of the body of his wife, the daughter of Richard late earl of Warwick: which children by destiny as it were, or by their own merits, following the steps of their ancestors, succeeded them in like misfortune and semblable evil chance. For Edward his heir, 
Edward earl of Warwick son & heir to George duke of Clarence.  whom king Edward had created earl of Warwick was three and twenty years after, in the time of Henry the seventh, atteinted of treason, and on the Tower hill lost his head. Margaret his sole daughter married to sir Richard Pole knight, and by Henry the eight restored to the name, title, & possessions of the earldom of Salisbury, 
Margaret duchess of Salisbury.  was at length for treason committed against the said Henry the eight atteinted in open parliament; and sixty two years after her father had suffered death in the Tower, she on the green within the same place was beheaded. In whose person died the very surname of Plantagenet, which from Geffrie Plantagenet so long in the blood royal of this realm had flourished and continued.  
After the death of this duke, 
A great pestilence.  by reason of great heat and distemperance of air, happened so fierce & quick a pestilence, that fifteen years war passed consumed not the third part of the people, that only four months miserably and pitifully dispatched & brought to their graves. So that if the number had been kept by multiplying of unities, & out of them to have raised a complete number, it would have moved matter of very great admiration. But it should seem that they were infinite, if consideration be had of the comparison, inferred for the more effectual setting forth of that cruel and ceaseless contagion. And surly it soundeth to reason, that the pestilence should fetchawaie so many thousands, as in judgement by proportion of fifteen years war one may gather; and many more too. For every man knoweth that in wars, time, place, persons, and means are limited: time of war begun and ended; place circumscribed; persons imbattelled, and weapons also whereby the fight is tried: so that all these have their limitations, beyond which they have no extent. But the pestilence, being a general infection of the air, an element ordained to maintain life, though it have a limitation in respect of the total compass of the world; yet whole climates may be poisoned: and it were not absurd to say, that all and every part of the air may be pestilentlie corrupted; and so consequently not limited: wherefore full well it may be said of the pestilence (procuring so great a depopulation) as one saith of surfeiting: Ense cadunt multi, perimit sed crapula plures. 
Auson.   
The councillors of the young duchess of Burgoggnie sent to K. Edward for aid against the French king. 
1478. Anno Reg. 18.  About the same time had the queen of England sent to the lady Margaret duchess of Burgognie, for the preferrment of her brother Anthony earl Rivers to the young damsel. But the council of Flanders, considering that he was but an earl of mean estate, and she the greatest inheritrice of all christendom at that time, gave but deaf ear to so unmeet a request. To which desire, if the Flemings had but given a liking ear by outward semblance, and with gentle words delayed the suit, she had been both succoured and defended. Whether king Edward was not contented with this refusal, or that he was loath to break with the French king, he would in no wise consent to send an army into Flanders against the French king: but yet he sent ambassadors to him with loving and gentle letters, requiring him to grow to some reasonable order & agreement with the young duchess of Burgognie, or at the least to take a truce with her at his request.  
The ambassadors of England were highly received, bountifully feasted, and liberally rewarded, but answer to their desire had they none; saving that shortly after, the French king would send ambassadors, hostages, and pledges to the king of England their master, for the perfecting and concluding of all things depending between them two; so that their sovereign lord & they should have cause to be contented and pleased. These fair words were only delays to drive time, until he might have space line 10 to spoil the young damsel of her towns and countries. And beside this, to stay king Edward from taking part with her, he wrote to him, that if he would join with him in aid, he should have and enjoy to him and his heirs the whole county & country of Flanders, discharged of homage, superiority and resort, to be claimed by the French king, or his successors.  
He also wrote that he should have the whole duchy of Brabant, 
Large offers made to the king of England by the French king.  whereof the French king offered at his line 20 own cost and charge to conquer four of the chiefest and strongest towns within the said duchy, & them in quiet possession to deliver to the king of England: granting further to pay him ten thousand angels toward his charges, with munitions of war and artillery, which he promised to lend him, with men and carriage for the conveyance of the same. The king of England refused to make any wars against those countries that were thus offered to him: but if the French king would make him partner line 30 of his conquests in Picardy, rendering to him part of the towns already gotten, as Bologne, Monsterell, and Abuile, than he would surly take his part, and aid him with men at his own costs and charges.  
Thus passed fair words and golden promises between these two princes: and in the mean time the young duchess of Burgognie was spoiled of her towns, castles & territories, till at length for maintenance she condescended to marry with Maximilian line 40 son to the emperor Fredrick, that he might keep the wolf from the fold. King Edward in the ninetéenth year of his reign began (more than he was before accustomed) to search the forfeiture of penal laws and statutes, 
1479 Anno Reg. 19  as well of the chief of his nobility as of other gentlemen, being proprietaries of great possessions, or abundantly furnished with goods; likewise of merchants, and other inferior persons. By reason whereof, it was of all men judged that he would prove he reafter a sore and a rigorous line 50 prince among his subjects. But this his new invented practice and covetous meaning (by reason of foreign affairs and abridgement of his days in this transitory life, which were within two years after consumed) took some (but not great) effect.  

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 747, 748. Pestilence.  ¶ In this year was great mortality and death by the pestilence, not only in London, but in diverse parts of the realm, which began in the latter end of September in the year last before passed, and continued all this year till the beginning of November, line 60 which was about fourteen months: in the which space died innumerable of people in the said city & elsewhere. 
Unaduised & unseemly demeanour punished with a fine.  ¶ This year also the mayor of London being in Paul's, kneeling in his devotions at saint Erkenwalds' shrine, Robert Bifield one of the sheriffs unadvisedly kneeled down nigh unto the maior: whereof afterward the mayor charged him to have done more than becomed him. But the sheriff answering rudely and stubbornly, would not acknowledge to have committed any offence: for the which he was afterward by a court of aldermen fined at fifty pounds to be paid toward the reparations of the conduits in London, which was truly paid. ¶ This year Thomas Ilam one of the sheriffs of London newly builded the great conduit in Cheap, 
Co●dou a Cheap built.  of his own charges. ¶ This year also king Edward began his Christmas at Waking, and at five days end removed to Greenwich, where he kept out the other part of his Christmas with great royalty.]  
Ambassadors were sent to and fro betwixt the king of England and France, 
1480 Anno Reg. ●●.  and still the French king fed the king of England with fair words, putting him in hope to match his son and heir the Dolphin with the lady Elizabeth daughter to the king of England, according to the conclusions of agreement had and made at Picquenie betwixt them, although in very deed he meant nothing less. His ambassadors ever made excuses if any thing were amiss, and he used to send change of ambassadors; so that if those which had been here before, and were returned, had said or promised any thing (though they were authorised so to do) which might turn to their master's hindrance, the other that came after, might excuse themselves by ignorance of that matter; affirming that they wanted commission once to talk or meddle with that matter: or if he perceived that any thing was like to be concluded contrary to his mind, for a shift he would call his ambassadors home in great haste, and after send an other with new instructions nothing depending on the old.  
Thus the French king used to dally with king Edward in the case of this marriage, only to keep him still in amity. 
The French king feedeth the king of England with fair words and promises.  And certainly the king of England, being a man of no suspicious nature, thought sooner that the sun should have fallen from his circle, than that the French king would have dissembled or broken promise with him. But there is none so soon beguiled, as he that lest mistrusteth; nor any so able to deceive, as he to whom most credence is given. But as in mistrusting nothing, is great lightness; so in too much trusting, is too much folly: which well appeared in this matter. For the French king, by cloaking his inward determinate purpose with great dissimulation and large promises, kept him still in friendship with the king of England, till he had wrought a great part of his will against the young duchess of Burgognie. Which king Edward would not have suffered, if he had put any great doubt in the French kings fair promises, considering that the crown of France was in this mean time so much increased in dominions, to the great re-enforcement of that realm.  
¶ On the two and twentieth of February were five notable thieves put to death, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 748, 749. Five thieves for sacrilege severely executed.  for robbing the church called saint martin's le grand in London, and other places; three of them were drawn to the Tower hill, hanged & burnt, the other two were pressed to death. A sore and severe kind of execution no doubt, but yet thought by justice meritorious in the malefactors, for their offences of sacrilege. Heinous enough had it been to spoil a private man of his goods, and by law of nations punishable with death; but much more horrible, that profane persons with polluted hands should privily or openly so touch holy & consecrated things, as to take them out of a sacred place, whereto (for holy uses) they were dedicated, & apply them to the satisfying of the corrupt concupiscences of their own hearts, the bottomless gulf whereof because no booties nor spoils could satisfy; it stood with the high praise of justice that they and their ceaseless desires were severed by deserved death; wherefore it is wisely said by the comical poet of such greedy guts: 
Quam quis avidus poscit escam avariter, 
Pla●●. in 〈◊〉.   
Decipitur in transenna perítque avaritia.   
In this year king Edward required great sums of money to be lent him. The citizens of London granted him five thousand marks, which were seized of the five and twenty wards: which five thousand marks was truly repaid again in the next year following. ¶ Also this year on whitsunday K. Edward the fourth created the lord Berkleie, viscount Berkeleie, at Gréenewich. ¶ In this year also an house on London bridge called the common siege, 
〈◊〉 temporam.  or privy, fell down into the Thames, where through it five persons were drowned. ¶ This year the king with his queen kept a royal Christmas at Windsor.  
Also this year was one Richard Chawrie mayor of London, 
The king ●ea●te●h the mayor and aldermen.  whom king Edward so greatly line 10 favoured, that he took him (with certain of his brethren the aldermen, & commons of the city of London) into the forest of Waltham, where was ordained for them a pleasant lodge of green boughs, in which lodge they dined with great cheer; & the king would not go to dinner until he saw them served. Moreover he caused the lord chamberlain, with other lords, to cheer the said mayor and his company sundry times whilst they were at dinner. After dinner they went a hunting with the king, and slew many line 20 dear, as well red as fallow, whereof the king gave unto the mayor and his company good plenty, and sent unto the lady mairesse and her sisters the aldermen's wives, two hearts, sir bucks, and a tun of wine to make them merry with, which was eaten in the drapers hall. The cause of which bounty thus showed by the king, 
Fabian pag. ●12.  was (as most men did take) for that the mayor was a merchant of wondrous adventures into many and sundry countries. By reason whereof, the king had yearly of him notable line 30 sums of money for his customs, beside other pleasures that he had showed unto the king before times. ¶ This year the Scots began to stir, against whom the king sent the duke of Gloucester & many others, which returned again without any notable battle.]  

Ambassadors forth of Scotland.  In this very season james the third of that name king of Scots sent into England a solemn embassage for to have the lady Cicilie, king Edward's second daughter, to be married to his eldest son james, prince of Scotland, duke of Rothsaie, and line 40 earl of Caricke. King Edward and his council, perceiving that this affinity should be both honourable and profitable to the realm, did not only grant to his desire; but also before hand disbursed certain sums of money, to the only intent that the marriage hereafter should neither be hindered nor broken. With this condition, that if the said marriage by any accidental mean should in time to come take none effect; or that king Edward would notify to the king of Scots, or his council, that his pleasure line 50 was determined to have the said marriage dissolved: then the provost and merchants of the town of Edinburgh, should be bound for repayment of the said sums again. All which things were with great deliberation concluded, passed, and sealed, in hope of continual peace and indissoluble amity.  
But king james was known to be a man so wedded to his own opinion, that he could not abide them that would speak contrary to his fancy: by means whereof, he was altogether led by the counsel line 60 and advise of men of base lineage, whom for their flattery he had promoted unto great dignities and honourable offices. By which persons diverse of the nobility of his realm were greatly misused and put to trouble, both with imprisonment, exactions, & death; insomuch that some of them went into voluntary exile. Amongst whom Alexander duke of Albany, brother to king james, being exiled into France, & passing through England, tarried with K. Edward: and upon occasion moved him to make war against his brother, the said king james, for that he forgetting his oath, promise, and affinity concluded with king Edward, caused his subjects to make roads and forrays into the English borders, spoiling, burning, and killing king Edward's liege people.  
King Edward, not a little displeased with this unprincelie doing, provoked and set on also by the duke of Albany, determined to invade Scotland with an army, as well to revenge his own injuries received at the hands of king james, as to help to restore the duke of Albany unto his country and possessions again. 
Preparation for war against Scotland.  Hereupon all the Winter season he mustered his men, prepared his ordinance, rigged his ships, and left nothing unprovided for such a journey: so that in the beginning of the year, all things appertaining to the war, and necessary for his voyage, were in a readiness. 
1482 Anno Reg. 22.  To be the cheefteine of his host, and lieutenant general, Richard duke of Gloucester was appointed by his brother king Edward; 
An army sen● into Scotland.  and with him were adjoined as associates, Henry the fourth earl of Northumberland, Thomas lord Stanleie lord steward of the king's house, the lord Lovel, the lord Greiestocke, and diverse other noble men and worthy knights.  
These valiant captains came to Alnewike in Northumberland, about the beginning of julie, where they first encamped themselves, & marshaled their host. The forward was led by the earl of Northumberland, under whose standard were the lord Seroope of Bolton, sir john Middleton, sir john Dichfield, and diverse other knights, esquires, & soldiers, to the number of six thousand and seven hundred. In the midle-ward was the duke of Gloucester, and with him the duke of Albany, the lord Lovel, the lord Greiestocke, sir Edward Wooduile, and other, to the number of five thousand & eight hundred men. The lord Nevil was appointed to follow, accompanied with three thousand. The lord Stanleie led the wing on the right hand of the duke's battle with four thousand men of Lancashire & Cheshire. The lord Fitz Hugh, sir William a Parr, sir james Harrington, with the number of two thousand soldiers, guided the left wing. And beside all these, there were one thousand appointed to give their attendance on the ordinance.  
¶ In this year Edmund Shaw goldsmith and mayor of London newly builded Creplegate from the foundation, which gate in old time had been a prison, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 749. Creplegate builded.  whereunto such citizens and other as were arrested for debt (or like trespasses) were committed, as they be now to the counters, as may appear by a writ of king Edward the second, in these words: Rex vic' London salutem. 
Records.  Ex gravi querela capti & detenti in prisona nostra de Creplegate, pro x li. quas coram Radulpho Sandwico, tunc custode civitatis nostrae London, & I. de Blackewell custode recognit. debitorum, etc. King Edward held his Christmas at Eltham, and kept his estate all the whole feast in his great chamber; and the queen in her chamber, where were daily more than two thousand persons. The same year on Candlemas day, he with his queen went on procession from saint stephan's chapel into Westminster hall, accompanied with the earl of Angus, the lord Greie, & sir james liddal, ambassadors from Scotland. And at his proceeding out of his chamber he made sir john Wood under-treasuror of England, & sir William Catesby one of the justices of the oncmon plées, knights.]  
But to return to the king's affairs concerning Scotland. The royal army aforesaid, 
Anno reg. 23. 1483  not intending to lose time, came suddenly by the water side to the town of Berwick, and there (what with force, and what with fear of so great an army) took and entered the town: but the earl of Bothwell, 
Berwick won by the Englishmen.  being captain of the castle, would in no wise deliver it; wherefore the captains, upon good and deliberate advise, planted a strong siege round about it. When this siege was laid, the two dukes and all the other soldiers (except the lord Stanleie, sir john Eldrington treasurer of the king's house, sir William a Parr, and four thousand men that were left behind to keep the siege before the castle) departed from Berwick toward Edinburgh; and in marching thitherward, they burned and destroyed many towns and hastiles. King james having small confidence in his commonalty, and less trust in his nobility, kept himself within the castle of Edinburgh.  
The duke of Gloucester entered into the town, and line 10 at the especial desire of the duke of Albany saved the town, and the inhabitants from fire, blood, and spoil, taking only of the merchants, such presents as they gently offered to him and his captains, causing Gartier principal king at arms to make a public proclamation at the high cross in the market place of Edinburgh; by the which he warned and admonished king james, to keep, observe, and perform, all such promises, compacts, covenants, and agreements, as he had concluded and sealed line 20 with the king of England, and also to make sufficient recompense unto his subjects, for the tyranny, spoil, and cruelty which he and his people had committed and done, contrary to the league, within the marches of his realm of England, before the first day of August next ensuing: and further without delay to restore his brother the duke of Albany to his estate, & all his possessions, offices, and authorities, in as large manner as he occupied & enjoyed the same before. Or else the duke of Gloucester, lieutenant line 30 general for the king of England, was ready at hand to destroy him, his people, and countries, with slaughter, flame, and famine.  
King james would make no answer, neither by word nor writing, but kept himself close within the castle. But the lords of Scotland lying at Hadington with a great puissance, determined first to practise with the duke of Gloucester for a peace, and after by some means to allure the duke of Albany from the English amity. And upon this motion, the second line 40 day of August they wrote to the duke of Gloucester, requiring that the marriage between the prince of Scotland, and king Edward's daughter might be accomplished, according to the covenants: and further, that a peace from thenceforth might be lovingly concluded between both the realms. The duke of Gloucester answered again unto these demands; that for the article of the marriage, he knew not the king his brother's determinate pleasure, either for the affirmance or denial of the same; but nevertheless he desired full restitution of all the sums line 50 of money pressed out in lone upon the same marriage. And as for peace, he assured them that he would agree to none, except the castle of Berwick might be to him delivered; or at the least wise, that he should undertake that the siege lying afore the same should not be troubled by the king of Scots, nor by any of his subjects, nor by his or their procurement or means.  

The bishop elect of Murreie sent to the duke of Gloucester.  The Scotish lords, upon this answer and demands of the duke of Gloucester, sent to him the elect of Murreie, line 60 and the lord Dernleie, which excused the matter touching the repayment of the money: for that the time of the lawful contract of the said marriage was not yet come, and no day appointed for the money to be paid before the contract begun. But for further assurance either for the contract to be made, or for the payment of the money, they promised thereunto accordingly (as reason should require) to agree. secondarily, as touching the castle of Berwick, they alleged that it appertained to the realm of Scotland, as the old inheritance of the same.  
The duke, notwithstanding all that they could say, would agree to no peace, except the castle of Berwick might be delivered to the K. of England. And so the messengers departed. The same day the archbishop of S. Andrews, the bishop of Dunkeld, Colin earl of Argile, lord Campbell, and lord Andrew lord of Anandale chancellor of Scotland, wrote to the duke of Albany, a solemn and an authentical instrument, signed and sealed with their hands and seals, concerning a general pardon to him and his servants, upon certain conditions to be granted; which conditions seemed to be so reasonable, that the duke of Albany, desirous to be restored to his old estate, possessions, and native country, willingly accepted the same.  
But before he departed from the duke of Gloucester, he promised both by word and writing of his own hand, to do and perform all such things, as he before that time had sworn and promised to king Edward: notwithstanding any agreement now made, or after to be made with the lords of Scotland. And for performance of the effect hereof, he again took a corporal oath, and sealed the writing before the duke of Gloucester, in the English camp at Levington besides Hadington, 
The duke of Albany restored home.  the third day of August, in the year 1482. After he was restored, the lords of Scotland proclaimed him great lieutenant of Scotland; 
He is created great lieutenant of Scotland.  and in the king's name made proclamation, that all men within eight days should be ready at Craushaus, both to raise the siege before the castle, and for the recovering again of the town of Berwick.  
The duke of Albany wrote all this preparation to the duke of Gloucester, requiring him to have no mistrust in his dealings. The duke of Gloucester wrote to him again his mind very roundly, promising that he with his army would defend the besiegers from all enemies that should attempt to trouble them, or else die in the quarrel. To be brief, when the lords of Scotland saw that it booted them not to assay the raising of the siege, except they should make account to be fought withal, they determined to deliver the castle of Berwick to the Englishmen, so that thereupon there might be an abstinence of war taken for a season.  
And herewith they sent to the duke of Gloucester a charter indented, which was dated the four and twentieth day of August, in the said year 1482, contracted between the duke of Gloucester lieutenant general for the king of England, & Alexander duke of Albany lieutenant for james king of Scots; that an especial abstinence of war should be kept betwixt the realms of England and Scotland, as well by sea as by land, to begin the eighth day of September next coming, & to endure till the fourth day of November next following. And in the same season, the town & castle of Berwick to be occupied and remain in the real possession of such, as by the king of England's deputy should be appointed.  
Hereunto the duke of Gloucester agreed, 
The castle of Berwick delivered.  and so then was the castle of Berwick delivered to the lord Stanleie, and other thereto appointed; who therein put both Englishmen and artillery, sufficient to defend it against all Scotland, for six months. The duke of Albany and caused the provost and burgesses of Edinburgh, to make a sufficient instrument obligatory to king Edward, for the true satisfaction and contentation of the same money, which he also sent by the said provost to the duke of Gloucester to Alnewike: the very copy whereof hereafter followeth.  

The true copy of the said instrument obligatory.  
BE it known to all men by these present letters, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Cc●●●j.  us Walter Bertraham, provost of the town of Edinburgh in Scotland, and the whole fellowship, merchants, burgesses, & commonalty of the same town, to be bound and obliged by these presents, unto the most excellent, and most mighty prince Edward, by the grace of God king of England. That where it was communed and agreed between his excellency on the one part, and the right high & mighty prince our sovereign lord, james king of Scots on the other part, that marriage and matrimony line 10 should have been solemnised and had betwixt a mighty and excellent prince james the first begotten son and heir apparent to our sovereign lord aforesaid, & the right noble princess Cicilie, daughter to the said Edward K. of England; and for the said marriage to have been performed, certain and diverse great sums of money been paid and contented by the most line 20 excellent prince, unto our sovereign lord aforesaid, as by certain writings betwixt the said princes thereupon made more at large plainly appears.  
That if it be the pleasure of the said Edward king of England, to have the said marriage to be performed and completed, according to the said communication in writing, that then it shall be well and truly, line 30 without fraud, deceit, or collusion observed, kept, and accomplished on the party of our sovereign lord aforesaid, & the nobles spiritual and temporal of the realm of Scotland. And if it be not the pleasure of the said excellent prince Edward king of England, to have the said marriage performed and completed; that then we Walter, provost, burgesses, merchants, and commons of the above named town of Edinburgh, line 40 or any of us, shall pay and content to the king of England aforesaid, all the sums of money that was paid for the said marriage, at such like terms & days immediately ensuing after the refusal of the said marriage, and in such like manner & form as the said sums were afore delivered, contented and paid; that then this obligation and bond to be void, and of no line 50 strength. Provided always, that the said Edward king of England, shall give knowledge of his pleasure and election in the premises in taking or refusing of the said marriage, or of repayment of the said sums of money, to our said sovereign lord, or lords of his council, or to us the said provost, merchants, or any of us, within the realm of Scotland, being for the time, betwixt this & the feast of Alhalowes next to come. line 60  
To the which payment well and truly to be made, we bind and oblige us, & every of us, our heirs, successors, executors, and all our goods, merchandizes, & things what soever they be, where soever, or in what place, by water or by land, on this side the sea or beyond, we shall happen to be found, any league, any truce or safeguard made or to be made, notwithstanding. In witness whereof to this our present writing, and letters of bond, we, the said provost, burgesses, merchants, and community, have set our common seal of the said town of Edinburgh, the fourth day of August, the year of our Lord God, 1482. Given in the presence of the right mighty prince Richard duke of Gloucester, Alexander duke of Albany, the reverend father in God james bishop of Dunkeld, & the right noble lord Henry earl of Northumberland, Colin earl of Argile, Thomas lord Stanleie, master Alexander English, and others, etc.   
So that you see it was contained in the said instrument or writing, that king Edward should intimate his pleasure unto the said provost and burgesses of Edinburgh, before the feast of Alsaints next following, whether he would the marriage should take place, or that he would have the payment of the money. According to which article, king Edward sent Gartier his principal king of arms, 
Gartier king of arms is sent into Scotland.  and Northumberland herald, to declare his refusal of the marriage, and the election and choice of the repayment of the money. They came to Edinburgh eight days before the feast of Alsaints, where (according to their commission and instructions) Gartier declared the pleasure of the king his master unto the provost and burgesses of Edinburgh, to whom he openly said as followeth.  

The intimation of Gartier king of arms to the Edenburghers.  
I Gartier king of arms, servant, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxlvij.  proctor and messenger unto the most high and mighty prince, my most dread sovereign lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, by virtue of certain letters of procuracy here ready to be showed come, by my said sovereign lord made and given, make notice and give knowledge unto you provost, burgesses, merchants and commonalty of the town of Edinburgh in Scotland, that whereas it was sometime communed and agreed between my said sovereign lord on the one party, and the right high & mighty prince james king of Scots on the other party, that marriage and matrimony should have been solemnised, and had between james the first begotten son of the said king of Scots, and lady Cicilie, daughter to my said sovereign lord the king of England.  
And for the said marriage to have been performed, certain and divers great sums of money been paid and contented by my said sovereign lord, which sums of money, in case of refusal of the said marriage, by my said sovereign lord to be made and declared, ye the said provost, burgesses, merchants, and commonalty, and every one of you are bound and obliged by your letters, under your common seal of your town of Edinburgh, to repay unto his highness under like form, & at such terms as they were first paid. So that the king my sovereign lord would make notice and knowledge of his pleasure and election in taking or refusing of the said marriage▪ of the repayment of the said sums of money, before the feast of Alhalowes next to come; like as in your said letters, bearing date at Edinburgh the fourth day of August last passed, it was contained all at large.  
The pleasure and election of my said sovereign lord, for diverse causes and considerations him moving, is to refuse the accomplishment of the said marriage, and to have the repayment of all such sums of money, as (by occasion of the said betrusted line 10 marriage) his highness had paid. The said repayment to be had of you provost, burgesses, merchants, and commonalty, and every of you, your heirs and successors, according to your bond and obligation afore rehearsed. And therefore I give you notice & knowledge by this writing, which I deliver unto you, within the term in your said letters limited and expressed, to line 20 all intents and effects, which thereof may ensue.   
When Gartier had thus declared all things given to him in charge, the provost and other burgesses made answer, that they now knowing the king's determinat pleasure, would (according to their bond) prepare for the repayment of the said sums; and gently entertaining Gartier conveyed him to Berwick, from whence he departed to Newcastle, to line 30 the duke of Gloucester, making relation to him of all his doings: which duke with all speed returned to Shrithuton, and there abode. Shortly after Gartiers departing, the duke of Albany, thinking to obtain again the high favour of the king his brother, delivered him out of captivity and prison, wherein he had a certain space continued (not without the duke's assent, which besieged him in the castle of Edinburgh a little before) and set him at large, of whom outwardly he received great thanks, when inwardly line 40 nothing but revenging & confusion was in the king's stomach fully settled. So that shortly after in the king's presence he was in jeopardy of his life, and all unprovided for dread of death, constrained to take a small balinger, and to sail into France, where shortly after riding by the men of arms, which encountered at the tilt, by jews then duke of Orleans, after French king, he was with mischarging of a spear by fortunes perverse countenance pitifully slain and brought to death, leaving after him one line 50 only son named john, which being banished Scotland, inhabited & married in France, and there died.  
How dolorous, how sorrowful is it to write, and much more painful to remember the chances and infortunities that happened within two years in England & Scotland, between natural brethren. For king Edward, set on by such as envied the estate of the duke of Clarence, forgetting nature and brotherly amity, consented to the death of his said brother. james king of Scots, putting in oblivion that line 60 Alexander his brother was the only organ and instrument, by whom he obtained liberty & freedom, seduced and led by vile and malicious persons, which maligned at the glory and indifferent justice of the duke of Albany, imagined and compassed his death, and exiled him for ever. What a pernicious serpent, what a venomous toad, and what a pestiferous scorpion is that devilish whelp, called privy envy? Against it no fortress can defend, no cave can hide, no wood can shadow, no fowl can escape, nor no beast can avoid. Her poison is so strong, that never man in authority could escape from the biting of her teeth, scratching of her paws, blasting of her breath, & filth of her tail. Notable therefore is the Greek epigram in this behalf, touching envy of this kind, which saith, that a worse thing than envy there is not in the world, and yet hath it some goodness in it; for it consumeth the eyes and the hart of the envious. The words in their own tongue sententiouslie sound thus: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.]   
Although king Edward rejoiced that his business came to so good a conclusion with the Scots, yet he was about the same time sore disquieted in his mind towards the French king, whom he now perceived to have dallied with him, as touching the agreement of the marriage to be had betwixt the Dolphin and his daughter the lady Elizabeth. For the lord Howard, being as then returned out of France, certified the king (of his own knowledge) how that he being present, saw the lady Margaret of Ostrich daughter to duke Maximilian, son to the emperor Fredrick, received into France with great pomp and royalty, and at Ambois to the Dolphin contracted and espoused. King Edward highly displeased with such double and unjust dealing of the French king, called his nobles together, and opened to them his griefs; who promised him for redress thereof, to be ready with all their powers to make wars in France at his pleasure and appointment.  
But whilst he was busy in hand to make his purveyance for wars thus against France, whether it was with melancholy and anger, which he took with the French kings doings and uncourteous usage; or were it by any superfluous surfeit (to ●he which he was very much given) he suddenly fell sick, and was so grievously taken, that in the end he perceived his natural strength in such wise to decay, that there was little hope of recovery in the cunning of his physicians, whom he perceived only to prolong his life for a small time. Wherefore he began to make ready for his passage into another world, not forgetting (as after shall appear) to exhort the nobles of his realm (above all things) to an unity among themselves. And having (as he took it) made an atonement betwixt the parties that were known to be scant friends, he commended unto their grave wisdoms the government of his son the prince, and of his brother the duke of York, during the time of their tender years. But it shall not be amiss to add in this place the words which he is said to have spoken on his deathbed, which were in effect as followeth.  

The words of king Edward uttered by him on his deathbed.  
MY well-beloved and no less betrusted friends, councillors, and allies, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall, 〈◊〉 Ccxlviij, Ccxlix.  if we mortal men would daily and hourly with ourselves revolve, and intentivelie in our hearts engrave, or in our minds seriously ponder, the frail and fading imbecility of our human nature, and the unstableness of the same: we should apparently perceive, that we being called reasonable creatures, and in that predicament compared and joined with angels, be more worthy to be named and deemed persons unreasonable, and rather to be associate in that name with brute beasts called unreasonable (of whose life and death no creature speaketh) rather than in that point to be resembled to the angelical society and reasonable company.  
For while health in us flourisheth, or prosperity aboundeth, or the glozing world laugheth, which is he, so reasonable of us all, that can say (if he will not ●r from the truth) that he once in a week remembreth his fatal end, or the prescribed term of his enduring; or once provided by labour, study, or otherwise, to set a steadfast and sure order for the security, profit, and continuance either of his possessions & dominions, or of his sequel and posterity which after him shall naturally succeed. Such is the blindness of our frail and weak nature, ever given to carnal concupiscence and wordly delectations, daily darkened and seduced with that lithargious and deceivable serpent called hope of long life, that all we put in line 10 oblivion our duty present, and less remember the politic purveyance for things to come: for blindly we walk in this frail life, till we fall groveling with our eyes suddenly upon death.  
The vanities of this world be to us so agreeable, that when we begin to live, we esteem our life a whole world; which once overpassed, it showeth no better but dust driven away with a puff of wind. I speak this to you of myself, and for yourselves to you; sore lamenting and inwardly bewailing, that I line 20 did not perform & finally consummate such politic devices, & good and godly ordinances, in my long life and peaceable prosperity, which then I fully determined to have begun, set forward, and completlie to have finished. Which now for the extreme pains and tortures of my angry malady, and for the small term of my natural life, I can neither perform, neither yet live to see either to take effect, or to sort to any good conclusion.  
For God I call to record, my heart was fully set, line 30 and my mind deliberatlie determined, so to have adorned this realm with wholesome laws, statutes and ordinances; so to have trained and brought up mine infants and children in virtue, learning, activity, and policy, that, what with their royal puissance, & your friendly assistance, the proudest prince of Europe durst not once attempt to move any hostility, against them, you, or this realm. But oh Lord, all things that I of long time have in my mind revolved and imagined, that stealing thief death goeth line 40 about to subvert, and in the moment of an hour clearly to overtred. Wherefore (as men say) I now being driven to the very hard wall, have perfect confidence and sure hope in the approved fidelity, and constant integrity, which I have ever experimented and known to be rooted and planted in the hearts of your loving bodies, towards me and mine.  
So that I may say and avouch, that never prince bearing sceptre and crown over realms and regions, line 50 hath found or proved more faithful councillors, nor truer subjects, than I have done of you; nor never potentate nor governor put more affiance and trust in his vassals and servants, than I, since the adeption of the crown, firmly have fixed in your circumspect wisdoms and sober discretions. And now of very force compelled, lying in a doubtful hope, between living and dying, between remembrance and oblivion, I do require you, and instantly move you, that as I have found you faithful, obedient, line 60 and to all my requests and desires (while I was here in health conversant with you) diligent and intentive: so after my death, my hope is with a sure anchor grounded, & mine inward conceit undoubtedly resolved, that the especial confidence and inward fidelity, which so long hath continued between us, being together living, shall not wholly by my death be extinct and vanished like smoke.  
For what availeth friendship in life, when trust deceiveth after death? What profiteth amity in apparent presence, when confidence is fraudulently beguiled in absence? What love groweth by conjunction of matrimony, if the offspring after do not agree and accord? Or what profiteth princes to advance and promote their subjects, if after their death, the bountifulness by them showed, be of the receivers of the same and their sequel neither regarded nor yet remembered? The parents make the marriage for an indissoluble amity. Princes promote sometime for favour, sometime for desert, & sometime for pleasure: yet (if you will consider) the very scope, to the which all gifts of promotions do finally tend, is to have love, favour, faithful counsel, and diligent service, of such as be by them promoted and exalted, not only in their own lives, being but brief and transitory: but also that they and their progeny, calling to remembrance the favour, estimation, and advancement, which they of so liberal and muniffcent a prince had received and obtained, should with spear and shield, tongue and wit, hand and pen, continually study to defend, counsel and prefer, not only him during his life; but also to serve, assist, and maintain his sequel and line all succession, as the very images and carnal portratures of his stirpe, line, and stem, naturally descended.  
In this case am I, whom you know, not without unspeakable trouble & most dangerous war to have obtained the sceptre and diadems of this realm and empire. During which reign, I have had either little peace, or small tranquility: and now when I thought myself sure of a quiet life, and worldly rest, death hath blown his terrible trumpet, calling and summoning me (as I trust) to perpetual tranquility and eternal quietness. Therefore now, for the perfect and unmovable confidence that I have ever had in you, and for the unfeigned love that you have ever showed unto me, I commend and deliver into your governance, both this noble realm, and my natural children, and your kinsmen. My children by your diligent oversight and politic provision to be taught, informed, and instructed, not only in the sciences liberal, virtues moral, and good literature: but also to be practised in tricks of martial activity, and diligent exercise of prudent policy. For I have heard clerks say, although I am unlettered, that fortunate is that realm where philosopher's reign, or where kings be philosophers and lovers of wisdom.  
In this tender age, you may writh and turn them into every form and fashion. If you bring them up in virtue, you shall have virtuous princes. If you set them to learning, your governors shall be men of knowledge. If you teach them activity, you shall have valiant captains. If they practise policy, you shall have both politic and prudent rulers. On the other side, if by your negligence they fall to vice (as youth is to all evil prone and ready) not only their honour, but also your honesty shall be spotted and appalled. If they be sluggards and given to sloth, the public wealth of this realm must shortly decay. If they be unlearned, they may by flattery soon be blinded, and by adulation often deceived. If they lack activity, every creature (be he never so base of birth) shall foil and overthrow them like dumb beasts and beastly dastards. Therefore I desire you, and in God's name adjure you, rather to study to make them rich in godly knowledge, and virtuous qualities; than to take pain to glorify them with abundance of worldly treasure, and mundane superfluity.  
And certainly, when they come to ripeness of age, and shall peradventure consider, that by your omission and negligent education, they have not such graces, nor are endued with such notable qualities as they might have been, if you had performed the trust to you by me committed: they shall not only deplore and lament their ungarnished estate, and naked condition; but also it may fortune, that they shall conceive inwardly against you such a negligent untruth, that the sequel thereof may rather turn to displeasure than thanks, and sooner to an ingratitude than to a reward. My kingdom also I leave in your governance, during the minority of my children, charging you (on your honours oaths and fidelity made and sworn to me) so indifferently to order and govern the subjects of the same, both with justice and mercy, that the wills of malefactors have not too large a scope, nor the hearts of the good people by too much extremity be neither sorrowfully daunted, line 10 nor unkindly kept under. Oh I am so sleepy, that I must make an end. And now before you all I commend my soul to almighty God my saviour and redeemer, my body to the worms of the earth, my kingdom to the prince my son: and to you my loving friends my heart, my trust, and my whole confidence. [And even with that he fell on sleep.]   
Having thus spoken, and set things in good stay, line 20 as might be supposed, he shortly after departed this life at Westminster the ninth of April, in the year 1483, after he had reigned two and twenty years, one month, and eight days. His body was with funeral pomp conveyed to Windsor, and there buried. He left behind him issue by the queen his wife two sons, Edward and Richard, with five daughters; Elizabeth that was after queen, married to Henry the seventh; Cicilie married to the viscount Welles; Bridget a nun professed in Zion or Dertford, line 30 as sir Thomas More saith; Anne married to the lord Thomas Howard, after earl of Surrie, and duke of Norfolk; Katherine wedded to the lord William Courtenie son to the earl of Devonshire. Beside these he left behind him likewise a base son named Arthur, that was after viscount Lisle. For the description of his person & qualities I will refer you to that which sir Thomas More hath written of him in that history, which he wrote and left unfinished of his son Edward the fift, and of his brother king Richard the third: which we shall (God line 40 willing) hereafter make you partaker of, as we find the same recorded among his other works, word for word; when first we have (according to our begun order) rehearsed such writers of our nation as lived in his days.  
As first, Nicholas Kenton borne in Suffolk a Carmelit friar in Gippeswich, provincial of his order through England; Henry Parker a Carmelit friar of Doncaster, preached against the pride of prelates, line 50 and for such doctrine as he set forth, was imprisoned with his fellow Thomas Holden, and a certain black friar also for the like cause; Parker was forced to recant three special articles, as Bale noteth out of Leland; john Harding an esquire borne in the north parts, wrote a chronicle in English verse, and among other special points therein touched, he gathered all the submissions and homages had and made by the Scotish kings, even from the days of king Athelstan [whereby it evidently may line 60 appear, how the Scotish kingdom even in manner from the first establishing thereof here in Britain, hath been appertaining unto the kings of England, and holden of them as their chief & superior lords.]  
William Iue've doctor of divinity and prebendary of saint Paul's in London; Thomas Wilton a divine, and dean of the said church of Paul's in London; julian Beams, a gentlewoman endued with excellent gifts both of body and mind, wrote certain treatises of hawking and hunting, delighting greatly herself in those exercises and pastimes; she wrote also a book of the laws of arms, and knowledge appertaining to heralds; john Stamberie borne in the west parts of this realm, a Carmelit friar, and confessor to king Henry the sixth, he was also master of Eton college, and after was made bishop of Bangor, and removed from thence to the see of Hereford; john Slueleie an Augustine friar, provincial of his order; john Fortescue a judge and chancellor of England, wrote diverse treatises concerning the law and politic government.  
Rochus a Chaterhouse monk borne in London, of honest parents, and studied in the university of Paris, he wrote diverse epigrams; john Phreas borne also in London was fellow of Balliol college in Oxenford, and after went into Italy, where he heard Guarinus that excellent philosopher read in Ferrara, he proved an excellent physician and a skilful lawyer, there was not in Italy (whilst he remained there) that passed him in eloquence & knowledge of both the tongues, Greek and Latin; Walter Hunt a Carmelit friar, a great divine, and for his excellency in learning sent from the whole body of this realm, unto the general council holden first at Ferrara, and after at Florence by pope Eugenius the fourth, where he disputed among other with the Greeks, in defence of the order and ceremonies of the Latin church; Thomas Wighenhall a monk of the order called Premonstratensis in the abbey of Durham in Norfolk.  
john Gunthorpe went into Italy, where he heard that eloquent learned man Guarinus read in Ferrara, after his coming home into England he was dean of Welles, and keeper of the privy seal; john Hambois an excellent musician, and for his notable cunning therein made doctor of music; William Caxton wrote a chronicle called Fructus temporum, and an appendix unto Trevisa, beside diverse other books and translations; john Miluerton a Carmelit friar of Bristol, and provincial of his order through England, Ireland, and Scotland, at length (because he defended such of his order as preached against endowments of the church with temporal possessions) he was brought into trouble, committed to prison in castle S. Angelo in Rome, where he continued three years, and at length was delivered through certain of the cardinals that were appointed his judges; David Morgan a Welsh man, treasurer of the church of Landaffe, wrote of the antiquities of Wales, & a description of the country.  
john Tiptoff, a noble man borne, a great traveler, excellently learned, and wrote diverse treatises, and finally lost his head in the year 1471, in time of the civil war betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster; john Shirwood bishop of Durham; Thomas Kent an excellent philosopher; Robert Huggon borne in Norfolk in a town called Hardingham, wrote certain vain prophecies; john Maxfield a learned physician; William Green a Carmelit friar; Thomas Norton borne in Bristol an alchemist; john Meare a monk of Norwich; Richard Porland borne in Norfolk a Franciscane friar, and a doctor of divinity; Thomas Milling a monk of Westminster, a doctor of divinity and preferred to the bishopric of Hereford; Scogan a learned gentleman and student for a time in Oxford, of a pleasant wit, and bend to merry devices, in respect whereof he was called into the court, where giving himself to his natural inclination of mirth & pleasant pastime, he played many sporting parts, although not in such uncivil manner as hath been of him reported.  
Thus far the prosperous reign of Edward the fourth, son and heir to Richard duke of York.   

The history of king Edward the fift, and king Richard the third unfinished, written by master Thomas More than one of the under sheriffs of London, about the year of our Lord 1513, according to a copy of his own hand, printed among his other works.  
KIng Edward the fourth of that name, after that he had lived fifty & three years, year 1483 seven months, and six days, and thereof reigned two and twenty years, one month, & eight days, died at Westminster the ninth day of April, the year of our redemption, a thousand four hundred fourscore and three; leaving much fair issue, that is to wit, Edward the prince, a thirteen line 10 years of age; Richard duke of York two years younger; Elizabeth, whose fortune and grace was after to be queen, wife unto king Henry the seventh, and mother unto the eight; Cicilie, not so fortunate as fair; Bridget, which representing the virtue of her, whose name she bore, professed and observed a religious life in Dertford, an house of close nuns; Anne, that was after honourably married unto Thomas, than lord Howard, and after earl of Surrie; and Katherine, which long time tossed in either fortune, sometime in wealth, oft in adversity, at the line 20 last, if this be the last (for 
* She lived at such time as this story was penned.  yet she liveth) is by the benignity of her nephew king Henry the eight, in very prosperous estate, and worthy her birth and virtue.  
This noble prince deceased at his palace of Westminster, and with great funeral honour and heaviness of his people from thence conveyed, 
The love of the people.  was interred at Windsor. A king of such governance & behaviour, in time of peace (for in war each part must needs be others enemy) that there was never any prince of line 30 this land, attaining the crown by battle, so heartily beloved with the substance of the people: nor he himself so specially in any part of his life, as at the time of his death. Which favour and affection, yet after his decease, by the cruelty, mischief, and trouble of the tempestuous world that followed, highly toward him more increased. At such time as he died, the displeasure of those that bore him grudge for king Henry's sake the sixth, whom he deposed, was well assuaged, & in effect quenched, in that many of them line 40 were dead in more than twenty years of his reign, a great part of a long life: and many of them in the mean season grown into his favour, of which he was never strange.  
He was a goodly parsonage, and princely to behold, 
Description of Edward the fourth.  of heart courageous, politic in counsel, in adversity nothing abashed, in prosperity rather joyful than proud, in peace just and merciful, in war sharp and fierce, in the field bold and hardy, and natheless no further (than wisdom would) adventurous, whose wars who so well considered, he shall no less commend his wisdom where he voided, than his manhood where he vanquished. He was of visage lovely, of body mighty, strong, and clean made: howbeit, in his latter days with over liberal diet somewhat corpulent and boorelie, and nevertheless not uncomely. He was of youth greatly given to fleshly wantonness: from which health of body, in great prosperity and fortune, without a special grace hardly refraineth, the poet implieng no less and saying: 
Mens erit apta capi tunc cùm laetissima rerum,  
Vt seges in pingui luxuriabit humo.   
This fault not greatly grieved the people: for neither could any one man's pleasure stretch and extend to the displeasure of very many, and was without violence, and over that in his latter days lessed, and well left. In which time of his latter days this realm was in quiet and prosperous estate, no fear of outward enemies, no war in hand, nor none toward, but such as no man looked for. The people toward the prince, not in a constrained fear, but in a willing and loving obedience: among themselves the commons in good peace. The lords, whom he knew at variance, himself in his death bed appeased: he had left all gathering of money (which is the only thing that withdraweth the hearts of English men from the prince) nor any thing intended he to take in hand, by which he should be driven thereto: for his tribute out of France he had before obtained; and the year foregoing his death, he had obtained Berwick.  
And albeit that all the time of his reign he was with his people, so benign, courteous, and so familiar, that no part of his virtues was more esteemed: yet the condition in the end of his days (in which many princes by a long continued sovereignty decline into a proud port from debonair behaviour of their beginning) marvelously in him grew and increased: so far forth, that in summer (the last that ever he saw) his highness being at Windsor in hunting, 
See before pag. 705.  sent for the mayor & aldermen of London to him for none other errand, but to have them hunt & be merry with him, where he made them not so stately, but so friendly and familiar cheer, and sent venison from thence so freely into the city, that no one thing in many days before got him either more hearts, or more hearty favour amongst the common people; which oftentimes more esteem and take for greater kindness a little courtesy, than a great benefit.  
So deceased (as I have said) this noble king, in that time in which his life was most desired. Whose love of his people, and their entire affection towards him, had been to his noble children (having in themselves also as many gifts of nature, as many princely virtues, as much goodly towardness as their age could receive) a marvelous fortress and sure armour, if division and dissension of their friends had not unarmed them, and left them destitute, and the execrable desire of sovereignty provoked him to their destruction: which if either kind or kindness had holden place, must needs have been their chief defence. For Richard the duke of Gloucester, by nature line 10 their uncle, by office their protector, to their father beholden, to themselves by oath and allegiance bounden, all the bands broken that bind man and man together, without any respect of God or the world, unnaturally contrived to bereave them, not only their dignity, but also their lives.  
But forsomuch as this duke's demeanour ministereth in effect all the whole matter whereof this book shall entreat, it is therefore convenient somewhat to show you yer we further go, what manner of man this was, line 20 that could find in his hart such mischief to conceive. Richard duke of York, a noble man and a mighty, began not by war, 
Richard duke of York.  but by law to challenge the crown, putting his claim into the parliament, where his cause was either for right or favour so far forth advanced, that king Henry his blood (albeit he had a goodly prince) utterly rejected, the crown was by authority of parliament entailed unto the duke of York and his issue male in remainder, immediately after the death of king Henry. But the line 30 duke not enduring so long to tarry, but intending under pretext of dissension and debate arising in the realm, to prevent his time, and to take upon him the rule in king Henry his life, was with many nobles of the realm at Wakefield slain, leaving three sons, Edward, George, and Richard.  
All three as they were great states of birth, so were they great and stately of stomach, greedy and ambitious of authority, and impatient of partners. Edward revenging his father's death, 
Edward.  deprived king line 40 Henry, and attained the crown. George duke of Clarence was a goodly noble prince, 
George duke of Clarence.  and at all times fortunate, if either his own ambition had not set him against his brother, or the envy of his enemies 
* had not set  his brother against him. For were it by the queen and lords of her blood, which highly maligned the king's kindred (as women commonly not of malice, but of nature hate them whom their husband's love) or were it a proud appetite of the duke himself, intending to be king; at the least wise heinous treason line 50 was there laid to his charge: and finally, were he faulty, were he faultless, atteinted was he by parliament, and judged to the death, and thereupon hastily drowned in a butt of malmsey. Whose death king Edward (albeit he commanded it) when he witted it was done, pitiously bewailed, and sorrowfully repent.  
Richard the third son, of whom we now entreat, was in wit and courage equal with either of them, 
The description of Richard the third.  in body and prowess far under them both, line 60 little of stature, ill featured of limbs, crook backed, his left shoulder much higher than his right, hard favoured of visage, and such as is in states called warlie, in othermen otherwise; he was malicious, wrathful, envious, and from afore his birth ever froward. It is for truth reported, that the duchess his mother had so much ado in her travel, that she could not be delivered of him uncut; and that he came into the world with the feet forward, as men be borne outward, and (as the same runneth also) not untoothed, whether men of hatred report above the truth, or else that nature changed her course in his beginning, which in the course of his life many things unnaturally committed. So that the full confluence of these qualities, with the defects of favour and amiable proportion, gave proof to this rule of physiognomy: Distor tum vultum sequitur distorsio morum.  
None evil captain was he in the war, as to which his disposition was more méetly than for peace. Sundry victories had he, & sometimes overthrows; but never on default as for his own person, either of hardiness or politic order. Free was he called of dispense, and somewhat above his power liberal: with large gifts he got him unsteadfast friendship, for which he was feign to pill and spoil in other places, and got him steadfast hatred. He was close and secret, a deep dissembler, lowly of countenance, arrogant of heart, outwardly companiable where he inwardly hated, not letting to kiss whom he thought to kill: despitious and cruel, not for evil will always, but ofter for ambition, and either for the surety or increase of his estate.  
Friend and so was much what indifferent, where his advantage grew, he spared no man's death whose life withstood his purpose. 
The death of king Henry the sixth.  He slew with his own hands king Henry the sixth, being prisoner in the Tower, as men constantly said, and that without commandment or knowledge of the king, which would undoubtedly (if he had intended that thing) have appointed that butcherly office to some other, than his own born brother. Some wise men also ween, that his drift covertly conveyed, lacked not in helping forth his brother of Clarence to his death: which he resisted openly, howbeit somewhat (as men deemed) more faintly than he that were heartily minded to his wealth.  
And they that thus deem, think that he long time in king's Edward's life forethought to be king; in case that the king his brother (whose life he looked that evil diet should shorten) should happen to decease (as in deed he did) while his children were young. And they deem, that for this intent he was glad of his brother's death the duke of Clarence, whose life must needs have hindered him so intending, whether the same duke of Clarence had kept him true to his nephew the young king, or enterprised to be king himself. But of all this point is there no certainty, and who so divineth upon conjectures, may as well shoot too far as too short.  
Howbeit this have I by credible information learned, that the self night, in which king Edward died, one Mistlebrooke, long yer morning, came in great haste to the house of one Pottier dwelling in Redcrosse-stréete without Creplegate: and when he was with hasty rapping quickly let in, he showed unto Pottier, that king Edward was departed. By my truth man quoth Pottier, then will my master the duke of Gloucester be king. What cause he had so to think, hard it is to say; whether he being toward him, any thing knew that he such thing purposed, or otherwise had any inckeling thereof: for he was not likely to speak it of nought.  
But now to return to the course of this history. Were it that the duke of Gloucester had of old foreminded this conclusion, or was now at erst thereunto moved, and put in hope by the occasion of the tender age of the young princes, his nephews (as opportunity & likelihood of speed putteth a man in courage of that he never intended) certain it is that he contrived their destruction, with the usurpation of the regal dignity upon himself. And forsomuch as he well witted and holp to maintain a long continued grudge and heart-burning between the queens kindred and the king's blood, either party envying others authority, he now thought that their division should be (as it was in deed) a furtherlie beginning to the pursuit of his intent.  
Nay he was resolved, that the same was a sure ground for the foundation of all his building, if he might first (under the pretext of revenging of old displeasure) abuse the anger and ignorance of the tone party to the destruction of the t'other; and then win to his purpose as many as he could, and those that could not be won, might be lost yer they looked therefore. For of one thing was he certain, that if his intent were perceived, he should soon have made peace between both the parties with his own blood. King Edward in his life, albeit that this dissension line 10 between his friends somewhat irked him: yet in his good health he somewhat the less regarded it: because he thought whatsoever business should fall between them, himself should alway be able to rule both the parties.  
But in his last sickness, when he perceived his natural strength so sore enfeebled, that he despaired all recovery, than he, considering the youth of his children, albeit he nothing less mistrusted than that that happened; yet well foreseeing that many harms might grow by their debate, while the youth of his line 20 children should lack discretion of themselves, & good counsel of their friends, of which either party should counsel for their own commodity, & rather by pleasant advise to win themselves favour, than by profitable advertisement to do the children good, he called some of them before him that were at variance, and in especial the lord marquess Dorset the queens son by her first husband.  
So did he also William the lord Hastings a noble man, 
Hastings lord chamberlain maligned of the queen & her kin.  than lord chamberlain, against whom the line 30 queen specially grudged, for the great favour the king bore him: and also for that she thought him secretly familiar with the king in wanton company. Her kindred also bore him sore, as well for that the king had made him captain of Calis, which office the lord Rivers, brother to the queen, claimed of the kings former promise, as for diverse other great gifts which he received, that they looked for. When these lords, with diverse other of both the parties, line 40 were come in presence, the king lifting up himself, and underset with pillows, as it is reported, on this wise said unto them.  

The oration of the king on his deathbed.  
MY lords, my dear kinsmen and allies, in what plight I lie you see, and I feel. By which the line 50 less while I look to live with you, the more deeply am I moved to care in what case I leave you, for such as I leave you, such be my children like to find you. Which if they should (as God forbidden) find you at variance, might hap to fall themselves at war, yer their discretion would serve to set you at peace. Ye see their youth, of which I reckon the line 60 only surety to rest in your concord. For it sufficeth not that all you love them, if each of you hate other: if they were men, your faithfulness happily would suffice. But childhood must be maintained by men's authority, and slipper youth underpropped with elder counsel, which neither they can have but ye give it, nor ye give it if ye 'gree not.  
For where each laboureth to break that the other maketh, and for hatred of each of others person impugneth each others counsel, there must it needs be long yet any good conclusion go forward. And also while either party laboureth to be chief, flattery shall have more place than plain and faithful advise: of which must needs ensue the evil bringing up of the prince, whose mind in tender youth infect, shall readily fall to mischief and riot, and draw down with his noble realm to ruin. But if grace turn him to wisdom: which if God send, than they that by evil means before pleased him best, shall after fall furthest out of favour: so that ever at length evil drifts shall draw to nought, and good plain ways prosper.  
Great variance hath there long been between you, not alway for great causes. Sometimes a thing right well intended, our misconstruction turneth unto worse, or a small displeasure done us, either our own affection or evil tongues aggreeveth. But this wots I well, ye never had so great cause of hatred, as ye have of love. That we be all men, that we be christian men, this shall I leave for preachers to tell you; and yet I wots near whether any preachers words aught more to move you, than his that is by & by going to the place that they all preach of.  
But this shall I desire you to remember, that the one part of you is of my blood, the other of mine allies; and each of you with other either of kindred or affinity; which spiritual kindred of affinity, if the sacraments of Christ's church bear that weight with us that would God they did, should no less move us to charity, than the respect of fleshly consanguinity. Our Lord forbidden, that you love together the worse, for the self cause that you ought to love the better. And yet that happeneth, and no where find we so deadly debate, as among them, which by nature and law most ought to agree together. 
The nature of ambition.  Such a pestilent serpent is ambition and desire of vain glory and sovereignty, which among states where she once entereth, creepeth forth so far, till with division and variance she turneth all to mischief: first longing to be next unto the best, afterward equal with the best, & at last chief and above the best.  
Of which immoderate appetite of worship, and thereby of debate and dissension, what loss, what sorrow, what trouble hath within these few years grown in this realm, I pray God as well forget, as we well remember. Which things if I could as well have foreseen, as I have with my more pain than pleasure proved, by God's blessed lady (that was ever his oath) I would never have won the courtesy of men's knees, with the loss of so many heads. But sithence things passed can not be gain called, much aught we the more beware, by what occasion we have taken so great hurt afore, that we eftsoons fall not in that occasion again.  
Now be those griefs passed, and all is (God be thanked) quiet, and likely right well to prosper in wealthful peace under your coosins my children, if God send them life and you love. Of which two things, the less loss were they, by whom though God did his pleasure, yet should the realm alway find kings, and peradventure as good kings.  
But if you among yourselves in a child's reign fall at debate, many a good man shall perish, and happily he too, and ye too, yer this land find peace again. Wherefore line 10 in these last words that ever I look to speak with you, I exhort you and require you all, for the love that you have ever borne to me; for the love that I have ever borne unto you; for the love that our Lord beareth to us all; from this time forward (all griefs forgotten) each of you love other. Which I verily trust you will, if ye any thing earthly regard, either God or your line 20 king, affinity or kindred, this realm, your own country, or your own surety. And therewithal the king no longer enduring to sit up, laid him down on his right side, his face towards them: and none was there present that could refrain from weeping.   
But the lords recomforting him with as good line 30 words as they could, and answering for the time as they thought to stand with his pleasure, there in his presence, as by their words appeared, each forgave other, and joined their hands together, when (as it after appeared by their deeds) their hearts were far asunder. 
I counterfeit and pretended reconcilement.  As soon as the king was departed, the noble prince his son drew toward London, which at the time of his decease kept his household at Ludlow in Wales, which country being far off from the law and recourse to justice, was begun to be far out of line 40 good rule, and waren wild robbers and reavers, walking at liberty uncorrected. And for this occasion the prince was in the life of his father sent thither, to the end that the authority of his presence should refrain evil disposed persons from the boldness of their former outrages.  
To the governance and ordering of this young prince at his sending thither, was there appointed sir Anthony Wooduile lord Rivers, and brother unto the queen, 
Lord Rivers.  a right honourable man, as valiant of line 50 hand as politic in counsel. Adjoined were there unto him other of the same party; and in effect every one as he was nearest of kin unto the queen, so was he planted next about the prince. That drift by the queen not unwisely devised, whereby her blood might of youth be rooted into the prince's favour, the duke of Gloucester turned unto their destruction; and upon that ground set the foundation of all his unhappy building. For whom soever he perceived either at variance with them, 
The duke of Glocesters solicitations.  or bearing himself their line 60 favour, he broke unto them some by mouth, & some by writing.  
Nay, he sent secret messengers saying, that it neither was reason, nor in any wise to be suffered, that the young king their master and kinsman, should be in the hands and custody of his moothers kindred, sequestered in manner from their company and attendance, of which every one ought him as faithful service as they, and many of them far more honourable part of kin than his moothers side. Whose blood (quoth he) saving the king's pleasure, was full unméetelie to be matched with his: which now to be as who say removed from the king, and the less noble to be left about him, is (quoth he) neither honourable to his majesty nor to us, and also to his grace no surety, to have the mightiest of his friends from him; and unto us no little jeopardy, to suffer our well proved evil willers to grow in overgreat authority with the prince in youth; namely, which is light of belief and soon persuaded.  
ye remember (I trow) king Edward himself, albeit he was a man of age & discretion; yet was he in many things ruled by the bend, more than stood either with his honour, or our profit, or with the commodity of any man else, except only the immoderate advancement of themselves. Which, whether they forer thirsted after their own weal, or our woe, it were hard (I ween) to guess. And if some folk's friendship had not holden better place with the king, than any respect of kindred, they might peradventure easily have betrapped and brought to confusion some of us yer this. Why not as easily as they have done some other already, as near of his royal blood as we? But our Lord hath wrought his will, and (thanks be to his grace) that peril is past. Howbeit as great is growing, if we suffer this young king in our enemies hand, which without his witting might abuse the name of his commandment, to any of our undoing, which thing God [defend] and good provision forbid.  
Of which good provision none of us hath any thing the less need, for the late made atonement, in which the king's pleasure had more place than the parties wills. Nor none of us (I believe) is so unwise, oversoone to trust a new friend made of an old foe; or to think that an hourly kindness, suddenly contracted in one hour, continued yet scant a fortnight, should be deeper settled in their stomaches, than a long accustomed malice many years rooted. With these words and writings, and such other, the duke of Gloucester soon set on fire them that were of themselves easy to kindle, & in specially twain, Edward duke of Buckingham, and William lord Hastings then chamberlain, both men of honour & of great power; the one by long succession from his ancestry, the other by his office and the king's favour. These two, not bearing each to other so much love, 
A consent to work wickedness.  as hatred both unto the queens part: in this point accorded together with the duke of Gloucester, that they would utterly remove from the king's company all his mother's friends, under the name of their enemies.  
Upon this concluded the duke of Gloucester, understanding that the lords, which at that time were about the king, intended to bring him up to his coronation accompanied with such power of their friends, that it should be hard for him to bring his purpose to pass, without the gathering and great assembly of people and in manner of open war, whereof the end (he witted) was doubtful, and in which the king being on their side, his part should have the face and name of a rebellion: he secretly therefore by divers means caused the queen to be persuaded and brought in the mind, that it neither were need, and also should be jeopardous, the king to come up strong.  
For whereas now every lord loved other, and none other thing studied upon, but about the coronation and honour of the king: if the lords of her kindred should assemble in the king's name much people, they should give the lords, betwixt whom and them had been sometime debate, to fear and suspect, lest they should gather this people, not for the king's safeguard, whom no man impugned, but for their destruction, having more regard to their old variance, than their new atonement. For which cause they should assemble on the other party much people again for their defence, whose power she witted well far stretched: and thus should all the realm fall on a roar. And of all the hurt that thereof should ensue, which was likely not to be little, and the most harm there like to fall where she lest would, all the world would put her and her kindred in the wight, and say that they had unwisely and untruely also broken the amity & peace, that the king her husband so prudently made, between his kin and hers in his death bed, and which the other party faithfully observed.  
The queen, being in this wise persuaded, such word sent unto her son, and unto her brother being about the king, and over that the duke of Gloucester himself line 10 and other lords the chief of his bend, wrote unto the king so reverently, and to the queens friends there so lovingly, that they nothing earthly mistrusting, brought the king up in great haste, not in good speed, with a sober company. Now was the king in his way to London gone from Northampton, when these dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham came thither, where remained behind the lord Rivers the king's uncle, intending on the morrow to follow the king, and to be with him at Stony Stratford [certain] line 20 miles thence early yer he departed. So was there made that night much friendly cheer between these dukes & the lord Rivers a great while. But incontinent, after that they were openly with great courtesy departed, and the lord Rivers lodged, the dukes secretly with a few of their most privy friends set them down in council, wherein they spent a great part of the night.  
And at their rising in the dawning of the day, they sent about privily to their servants in their Ins line 30 & lodgings about, 
The practices of the duke of Buckingham & Gloucester.  giving them commandment to make themselves shortly ready, for their lords were to horse backward. Upon which messages, many of their folk were attendant, when many of the lord rivers servants were unready. Now had these dukes taken also into their custody the keys of the In, that none should pass forth without their licence. And over this, in the high way toward Stony Stratford, where the king lay, they had bestowed certain of their folk, that should send back again, line 40 and compel to return, any man that were gotten out of Northampton, toward Stony Stratford, till they should give other licence. For as much as the dukes themselves intended for the show of their diligence, to be the first that should that day attend upon the king's highness out of that town. Thus bore they folk in hand.  
But when the lord Rivers understood the gates closed, and the ways on every side beset, neither his servants nor himself suffered to gone out, perceiving line 50 well so great a thing without his knowledge not begun for nought, comparing this manner present with this last night's cheer, in so few hours so great a change, marvelously misliked. Howbeit, sith he could not get away, and keep himself close, he would not, lest he should seem to hide himself for some secret fear of his own fault, whereof he saw no such cause in himself; he determined upon the surety of his own conscience, to go boldly to them, and inquire what this matter might mean. line 60 Whom assoon as they saw, they began to quarrel with him and say, that he intended to set distance between the king and them, and to bring them to confusion, but it should not lie in his power.  
And when he began (as he was a very well spoken man) in goodly wise to excuse himself, they tarried not the end of his answer, but shortly took him, and put him in ward, 
The lord Rivers put in 〈◊〉.  and that done, forthwith went to horseback, and took the way to Stony Stratford, where they found the king with his company, ready to leap on horseback, and departed forward to leave that lodging for them, because it was too straight for both companies. And assoon as they came in his presence, they light adown with all their company about them. To whom the duke of Buckingham said; Go afore gentlemen, & yeomen keep your rooms. And thus in a goodly array, they came to the king, and on their knees in very humble wise saluted his grace, which received them in very joyous and amiable manner, nothing earthly knowing nor mistrusting as yet.  
But even by and by in his presence they piked a quarrel to the lord Richard Greie, 
The lord Greie is quarreled against.  the kings other brother by his mother, saying, that he with the lord marquess his brother, & the lord Rivers his uncle, had compassed to rule the king and the realm, and to set variance among the states, and to subdue and destroy the noble blood of the Realm. Toward the accomplishing whereof they said that the lord marquess had entered into the Tower of London, & thence taken out the king's treasure, and sent men to the sea. All which things these dukes witted well were done for good purposes and necessary, by the whole council at London, saving that somewhat they must say.  
Unto which words the king answered; What my brother marquess hath done I cannot say, but in good faith I dare well answer for mine uncle Rivers and my brother here, that they be innocent of any such matter. Yea my liege (quoth the duke of Buckingham) they have kept their dealing in these matters far fro the knowledge of your good grace. And forthwith they arrested the lord Richard and sir Thomas Uaughan knight, in the king's presence; and brought the king and all back unto Northampton, where they took again further counsel. And there they sent away from the king, whom it pleased them, and set new servants about him, such as liked better them than him. At which dealing he wept, and was nothing content; but it booted not.  
And at dinner, the duke of Gloucester sent a dish from his own table unto the lord Rivers, praying him to be of good cheer: all should be well enough. And he thanked the duke, and prayed the messenger to bear it to his nephew the lord Richard, with the same message for his comfort, who he thought had more need of comfort, as one to whom such adversity was strange. But himself had been all his days in ure therewith, & therefore could bear it the better. 
The death of the lord Rivers & other.  But for all this comfortable courtesy of the duke of Gloucester, he sent the lord Rivers, and the lord Richard, with sir Thomas Uaughan into the north country, into diverse places to prison, and afterward all to Pomfret, where they were in conclusion beheaded.  
In this wise the duke of Gloucester took upon himself the order and governance of the young king, whom with much honour and humble reverence he conveyed upward towards the city. But anon, the tidings of this matter came hastily to the queen a a little before the midnight following, and that in the sorest wise; that the king her son was taken, her brother, her son, & her other friends arrested, and sent no man witted whither, to be done with God wots what. With which tidings the queen in great flight & heaviness, bewailing her child's reign, her friends mischance, and her own infortune, damning the time that ever she dissuaded the gathering of power about the king, got herself in all the hast possible with her younger son and her daughters out of the palace of Westminster, in which she then lay, 
The queen taketh sanctuary.  into the sanctuary, lodging herself and her company there in the abbots place.  
Now came there one in likewise not long after midnight from the lord chamberlain, to doctor Rotheram the archbishop of York, than chancellor of England, to his place not far from Westminster, And for that he showed his servants that he had tidings of so great importance, that his master gave him in charge, not to forbear his rest, they letted not to wake him, nor he to admit this messenger in, to his bed side. Of whom he heard that these dukes were gone back with the king's grace from Stony Stratford unto Northampton. Notwithstanding sir (quoth he) my lord sendeth your lordship word, that there is no fear: for he assureth you that all shall be well. I assure him (quoth the archbishop) be it as well as it will, it will never be so well as we have seen it.  
And thereupon, by and by after the messenger departed, line 10 he caused in all the hast all his servants to be called up, and so with his own household about him, and every man weaponed, he took the great seal with him, and came yet before day unto the queen. About whom he found much heaviness, rumble, haste and business, carriage and conveyance of her stuff into sanctuary, chests, coffers, packs, fardels, trussed all on men's backs, no man unoccupied, some lading, some going, some discharging, some coming for more, some breaking down the walls to bring line 20 in the next way, and some yet drew to them that holp to carry a wrong way: such made their lucre of others loss, praising a booty above beauty, to whom the poet's verse may be well applied, to wit: 
T●●ul. lib. 2. eleg. 3.  Ferrea non Venerem sed praedam saecula laudant.  
The queen herself sat alone allow on the rushes all desolate and dismayed, whom the archbishop comforted in best manner he could, 
The desolate state of the queen.  showing her that he trusted the matter was nothing so sore as she took it for, and that he was put in good hope and out of fear line 30 by the message sent him from the lord chamberlain. Ah woe worth him (quoth she) for he is one of them that laboureth to destroy me and my blood. Madam (quoth he) be ye of good cheer, for I assure you, if they crown any other king than your son, whom they now have with them, we shall on the morrow crown his brother, whom you have here with you. And here is the great seal, which in likewise as that noble prince your husband delivered it unto me; so here I deliver it unto you, to the use and behoof of your line 40 son: and therewith he betook her the great seal, and departed home again, yet in the dawning of the day.  
By which time, he might in his chamber window see all the Thames full of boats of the duke of Glocesters servants, watching that no man should go to sanctuary, nor none could pass unsearched. Then was there great commotion and murmur, as well in other places about, as specially in the city, the people diversly divining upon this dealing. And line 50 some lords, knights, and gentlemen, either for favour of the queen, or for fear of themselves, assembled in sundry companies, and went flockmele in harness: and many also, for that they reckoned this demeanour attempted, not so specially against the other lords, as against the king himself in the disturbance of his coronation. But then by and by the lords assembled together at [a certain place.]  
Toward which meeting, the archbishop of York fearing that it would be ascribed (as it was indeed) to line 60 his overmuch lightness, that he so suddenly had yielded up the great seal to the queen, to whom the custody thereof nothing pertained, without especial commandment of the king, secretly sent for the seal again, 
Nevertheless he was deprived thereof shortly after.  and brought it with him after the customable manner. And at this meeting the lord Hastings (whose truth toward the king no man doubted, nor needed to doubt) persuaded the lords to believe, that the duke of Gloucester was sure and fastly faithful to his prince, and that the lord Rivers, and lord Richard with the other knights, were for matters attempted by them against the duke of Gloucester and Buckingham, put under arrest for their surety, not for the king's jeopardy: and that they were also in safeguard, and there no longer should remain, than till the matter were, not by the dukes only, but also by all the other lords of the king's council indifferently examined, & by others discretions ordered, and either judged or appeased.  
But one thing he advised them beware, that they judged not the matter too far forth, yer they knew the truth; nor turning their private grudges into the common hurt, irriting and provoking men unto anger, and disturbing the king's coronation, towards which the dukes were coming up, that they might peradventure bring the matter so far out of joint, that it should never be brought in frame again. Which strife if it should hap (as it were likely) to come to a field, though both parties were in all other things equal; yet should the authority be on that side where the king is himself. With these persuasions of the lord Hastings, whereof part himself believed, of part he witted the contrary, these commotions were somewhat appeased. But specially by that, that the dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham were so near and came so shortly on with the king, in none other manner, with none other voice or semblance than to his coronation, causing the fame to be blown about, that these lords and knights which were taken, had contrived the destruction of the dukes of Gloucester and Buckingham, and of other the noble blood of the realm, to the end that themselves would alone demean and govern the king at their pleasure.  
And for the colourable proof thereof, such of the duke's servants as road with the carts of their stuff that were taken (among which stuff, no marvel though some were harness, which at the breaking up of that household must needs either be brought away or cast away) they showed unto the people all the ways as they went; Lo here be the barrels of harness that these traitors had privily conveyed in their carriage to destroy the noble lords withal. This devise albeit that it made the matter to wise men more unlikely, well perceiving that the intendors of such a purpose would rather have had their harness on their backs, than to have ●ound them up in battles, yet much part of the common people were therewith very well satisfied, and said it were alms to hang them.  
When the king approached near to the city, Edmund Shaw goldsmith, than mayor, with William White, and john Matthew sheriffs, and all the other aldermen in scarlet, with five hundred horse of the citizens, in violet, received him reverently at Harnesie; 
The kings coming to London.  and riding from thence accompanied him into the city, which he entered the fourth day of May, the first and last year of his reign. But the duke of Gloucester bore him in open sight so reverently to the prince, with all semblance of lowliness, that from the great obloquy in which he was so late before, he was suddenly fallen in so great trust, that at the council next assembled he was made the only man, chosen and thought most meet to be protector of the king and his realm, 
The duke of Gloucester made protector.  so that (were it destiny or were it folly) the lamb was betaken to the wolf to keep.  
At which council also, the archbishop of York chancellor of England, which had delivered up the great seal to the queen, was thereof greatly reproved, and the seal taken from him, and delivered to doctor russel bishop of Lincoln, a wise man and a good, and of much experience, 
The bishop 〈◊〉 Lincoln made lord chancellor.  and one of the best learned men undoubtedly that England had in his time. diverse lords and knights were appointed unto diverse rooms. The lord chamberlain and some other kept still their offices that they had before. Now all were it so that the protector so sore thirsted for the finishing of that he had begun, that thought every day a year till it were achieved; yet durst he no further attempt, as long as he had but half his prey in his hand.  
And why? Well did he wéet, that if he deposed the one brother, all the realm would fall to the other, if he either remained in sanctuary, or should happily be shortly conveyed to his father's liberty. Wherefore incontinent at the next meeting of the lords at the council, 
〈◊〉 protector's oration.  he proposed to them, that it was a heinous deed of the queen, & proceeding of great malice toward the king's councillors, that she should keep in line 10 sanctuary the king's brother from him, whose special pleasure & comfort were to have his brother with him. And that by her done to none other intent, but to bring all the lords in obloquy and murmur of the people.  
As though they were not to be trusted with the king's brother, that by the assent of the nobles of the land, were appointed as the king's nearest friends, to the tuition of his own royal person. The prosperity whereof standeth (quoth he) not all in keeping from enemies, line 20 or ill viand, but partly also in recreation, and moderate pleasure: which he cannot (in this tender youth) take in the company of ancient persons, but in the familiar conversation of those that be neither far under, nor far above his age: and nevertheless of estate convenient to accompany his noble majesty. Wherefore, with whom rather, than with his own brother?  
And if any man think this consideration light (which I think none thinks that loves the king) let line 30 him consider, that sometime without small things, greater cannot stand. And verily, it redoundeth greatly to the dishonour both of the king's highness, and of all us that been about his grace, to have it run in every man's mouth, not in this realm only, but also in other lands (as evil words walk far) that the king's brother should be feign to keep sanctuary. For every man will ween, that no man will so do for nought. And such evil opinion once fastened in men's hearts, hard it is to wrest out, and may grow line 40 to more grief than any man can here divine.  
Wherefore me thinketh it were not worst to send unto the queen, for the redress of this matter, some honourable trusty man, such as both tendereth the king's weal and the honour of his council, and is also in favour and credence with her. 
The lord cardinal thought the fittest man ●● deal with ●he queen for 〈◊〉 surrendering of her 〈◊〉.  For all which considerations, none seemeth more meetly, than our reverend father here present, my lord cardinal, who may in this matter do most good of any man, if it please him to take the pain; which I doubt not of his line 50 goodness he will not refuse for the king's sake and ours, and wealth of the young duke himself, the kings most honourable brother, and (after my sovereign lord himself) my most dear nephew, considered that thereby shall be ceased the slanderous rumour and obloquy now going, and the hurts avoided that thereof might ensue, and much rest and quiet grow to all the realm.  
And if she be percase so obstinate, and so precisely set upon her own will, that neither his wise and faithful advertisement can not move her, nor any line 60 man's reason content her; then shall we by mine advise, by the king's authority fetch him out of that prison, and bring him to his noble presence, in whose continual company he shall be so well cherished and so honourably entreated, that all the world shall to our honour and her reproach perceive, that it was only malice, frowardness, or folly, that caused her to keep him there. This is my purpose and mind in this matter for this time, except any of your lordships any thing perceive to the contrary; for never shall I (by God's grace) so wed myself to mine own will, but that I shall be ready to change it upon your better advises.  
When the protector had said, all the council affirmed, that the motion was good and reasonable; and to the king and the duke his brother, honourable; and a thing that should cease great murmur in the realm, if the mother might be by good means induced to deliver him. Which thing the archbishop of York, whom they all agreed also to be thereto most convenient, took upon him to move her, and therein to do his uttermost devoir. Howbeit, if she could be in no wise entreated with her good will to deliver him, than thought he, and such other as were of the spirituality present, that it were not in any wise to be attempted to take him out against her will.  
For it should be a thing that would turn to the great grudge of all men, 
Reasons why it was not thought meet to fetch the queens son out of sanctuary.  and high displeasure of God, if the privilege of that holy place should now be broken, which had so many years be kept, which both kings and pope's so good had granted, so many had confirmed, and which holy ground was more than five hundred years ago (by saint Peter in his own person in spirit accompanied with great multitudes of angels by night) so specially hallowed, & dedicated to God (for the proof whereof, they have yet in the abbeie saint Peter's cope to show) that from that time hitherward, was there never so undevout a king that durst that sacred place violate, or so holy a bishop that durst it presume to consecrate.  
And therefore (quoth the archbishop of York) God forbidden that any man should for any thing carthlie, enterprise to break the immunity & liberty of the sacred sanctuary, that hath been the safeguard of so many a good man's life. And I trust (quoth he) with God's grace, we shall not need it▪ But for any manner need, I would not we should do it. I trust that ●hée shall be with reason conten●ed, and all things in good manner obtained. And if it happen that I bring it not so to pass, yet shall I toward it so far forth do my best▪ that ye shall all well perceive, that no lack of my devoir, but the mother's dread and womanish fear shall be the ●et.  
Womanish fear, nay womanish frowardness (quoth the duke of Buckingham. 
The duke of Buckinghans' words against the queen. ) For I dare take it upon my soul, she well knoweth she needeth no such thing to fear, either for her son or for herself. For as for her, here is no man that will be at war with women. Would God some of the men of her kin were women too, & then should all be soon in rest. Howbeit there is none of her kin the less loved, for that they be her kin, but for their own evil deserving. And nevertheless, if we loved neither her nor her kin, yet were there no cause to think that we should hate the king's noble brother, to whose grace we ourselves be of kin. Whose honour, if she as much desired as our dishonour, and as much regard took to his wealth as to her own will, she would be as loath to suffer him to be absent from the king, as any of us be. For if she have any wit (as would God she had as good will as she hath shrewd wit) she reckoneth herself no wiser than she thinketh some that be here; of whose faithful mind she nothing doubteth, but verily believeth and knoweth, that they would be as sorry of his harm as herself, and yet would have him from her if she bide there: and we all (I think) contented, that both be with her, if she come thence, and bide in such place where they may with their honours be. Now then, if she refuse in the deliverance of him, to follow the counsel of them, whose wisdom she knoweth, whose truth she well trusteth: it is easy to perceive, that frowardness letteth her, and not fear. But go to, suppose that she fear (as who may let her to fear her own shadow) the more she feareth to deliver him, the more ought we fear to leave him in her hands.  
For if she cast such fond doubts, that she fear his hurt: then will she fear that he shall be set thence. For she will soon think, that if men were set (which God forbidden) upon so great a mischief, the sanctuary would little let them: which good men might (as me thinketh) without sin somewhat less regard than they do. Now then, if she doubt, lest he might be fetched from her, is it not likely enough that she shall send him some where out of the realm? verily I look for none other. And I doubt not, but she now as sore mindeth it, as we the let thereof. And if she might happen to bring that to pass (as it were no great mastery, we letting her alone) all the world line 10 would say, that we were a wise sort of councillors about a king, that let his brother be cast away under our noses.  
And therefore, I insure you faithfully for my mind, I will rather (manger her mind) fetch him away, than leave him there, till her frowardness and fond fear convey him away. And yet will I break no sanctuary therefore. For verily, sith the privileges of that place, and other like, have been of long continued, I am not he that would be about to break line 20 them. And in good faith, if they were now to begin, I would not be he that should be about to make them. Yet will I not say nay, 
Of sanctuaries.  but that it is a deed of pity, that such men as the sea, or their evil debtors have brought in poverty, should have some place of liberty, to keep their bodies out of danger of their cruel creditors.  
And also, if the crown happen (as it hath done) to come in question, while either part taketh other as line 30 traitors, I will well there be some places of refuge for both. But as for thieves, of which these places be full, and which never fall from the craft, after they once fall thereto, it is pity the sanctuary should serve them. And much more, mankillers, whom God bade to take from the altar and kill them, if their murder were wilful. And where it is otherwise, there need we not the sanctuaries that God appointed in the old law. For if either necessity, his own defence, or misfortune draweth him to that deed, a pardon serveth, line 40 which either the law granteth of course, or the king of pity may. Then look me now how few sanctuary men there be, whom any favourable necessity compelled to go thither. And then see on the other side, what a sort there be commonly therein of them, whom wilful unthriftiness hath brought to nought.  
What a rabble of théues, murderers, and malicious heinous traitors, and that in two places specially; the one at the elbow of the city, the other in the very bowels. I dare well avow it, weigh the good line 50 that they do, 
Westminster and saint martin's.  with the hurt that cometh of them, and ye shall find it much better to lack both, than have both. And this I say, although they were not abused as they now be, & so long have be, that I fear me ever they will be, while men be afraid to set their hands to the mendment, as though God & S. Peter were the patrons of ungracious living. Now unthrifts riot & run in debt, 
The abuse of sanctuaries.  upon boldness of these places, yea, and rich men run thither with poor men's goods, there they build, there they spend, & bid there line 60 creditors go whistle them. men's wives run thither with their husband's plate, & say they dare not abide with their husbands for beating. thieves bring thither their stolen goods, and there live thereon.  
There devise they new robberies, nightly they steal out, they rob, and reave, and kill, and come in again, as though those places gave them not only a safeguard for the harm they have done, but a licence also to do more. Howbeit, much of this mischief (if wise men would set their hands to it) might be amended, with great thanks to God, and no breach of the privilege. The residue, sith so long ago, I wot near what pope, and what prince more piteous than politic, hath granted it, & other men since, of a certain religious fear, have not broken it, let us take a pain therewith, and let it a God's name stand in force, as far forth as reason will, which is not fully so far forth, as may serve to let us of the fetching forth of this noble man to his honour and wealth, out of that place, in which he neither is, nor can be a sanctuary man.  
A sanctuary serveth alway to defend the body of that man that standeth in danger abroad, 
The use of sanctuaries.  not of great hurt only, but also of lawful hurt: for against unlawful harms, never pope nor king intended to privilege any one place, for that privilege hath every place. Knoweth any man, any place wherein it is lawful one man to do another wrong? That no man unlawfully take hurt, that liberty, the king, the law, and very nature forbiddeth in every place, and maketh (to that regard) for every man every place a sanctuary. But where a man is by lawful means in peril, there needeth he the tuition of some special privilege, which is the only ground and cause of all sanctuaries.  
From which necessity, this noble prince is far, whose love to his king, nature and kindred proveth; whose innocency to all the world, his tender youth proveth; and so sanctuary, as for him, neither none he needeth, nor also none can have. Men come not to sanctuary, as they come to baptism, to require it by their godfathers; he must ask it himself that must have it, and reason; sith no man hath cause to have it, but whose conscience of his own fault maketh him fain, need to require it. What will then hath yonder babe, which and if he had discretion to require it, if need were, I dare say would now be right angry with them that keep him there? And I would think without any scruple of conscience, without any breach of privilege, to be somewhat more homely with them that be there sanctuary men in deed.  
For if one go to sanctuary with another man's goods, why should not the king, leaving his body at liberty, satisfy the party of his goods, even within the sanctuary? For neither king nor pope can give any place such a privilege, that it shall discharge a man of his debts, being able to pay. [And with that, diverse of the clergy that were present (whether they said it for his pleasure, or as they thought) agreed plainly, that by the law of God, and of the church, the goods of a sanctuary man should be delivered in payment of his debts, and stolen goods to the owner, and only liberty reserved him to get his living with the labour of his hands.]  
verily (quoth the duke) I think you say very truth. And what if a man's wife will take sanctuary, because she lust to run from her husband, I would ween if she could allege none other cause, he may lawfully without any displeasure to saint Peter, take her out of saint Peter's church by the arm. And if no body may be taken out of sanctuary, that saith he will bide there; then if a child will take sanctuary, because he feareth to go to school, his master must let him alone. And as simple as that sample is, yet is there less reason in our case than in that; for therein, though it be a childish fear, yet is there at the leastwise some fear, and herein is there none at all. And verily, I have often heard of sanctuary men, but I never heard erst of sanctuary children.  
And therefore, as for the conclusion of my mind, who so may have deserved to need it, if they think it for their surety, let them keep it. But he can be no sanctuary man, that neither hath wisdom to desire it, nor malice to deserve it; whose life or liberty can by no lawful process stand in jeopardy. And he that taketh one out of sanctuary to do him good. I say plainly, that he breaketh no sanctuary. When the duke had done, the temporal men whole, and a good part of the spiritual also, thinking no hurt earthly meant toward the young babe, condescended in effect, that if he were not delivered, he should be fetched. Howbeit they thought it all best, in the avoiding of all manner of rumour, that the lord cardinal should first assay to get him with her good will.  
Whereupon all the council came unto the Star chamber at Westminster; and the lord cardinal, leaving the protector with the council in the Starchamber, departed into the sanctuary to the queen, with line 10 divers other lords with him: were it for the respect of his honour, or that she should by presence of so many perceive, that this errand was not one man's mind: or were it, for that the protector intended not in this matter to trust any one man alone; or else, that if she finally were determined to keep him, some of that company had happily secret instruction, incontinent (mangre her mind) to take him, and to leave her no respite to convey him, which she was likely to mind after this matter broken to her, if her time line 20 would in any wise serve her.  
When the queen and these lords were come together in presence, the lord cardinal showed unto her, that it was thought unto the protector, and unto the whole council, that her keeping of the king's brother in that place, was the thing which highly sounded, not only to the great rumour of the people and their obloquy; but also to the importable grief and displeasure of the kings royal majesty, to whose grace it were as singular a comfort, to have his natural line 30 brother in company, as it was their both dishonour, and all theirs and hers also, to suffer him in sanctuary, as though the one brother stood in danger and peril of the other [and therefore more convenient it were they should be together, than parted asunder; that the world may well think and say both of their kindred and also of them, when they shall see and hear how they keep continual company, and live in mutual amity (as becometh brethren) which bringeth commodities with it, for number, infinite; and for line 40 use, comfortable and necessary; as it is truly said: 
Quaeligat unanimes foelix concordia fratres,  
O quales fructus utilitatis habet!]   
The cardinal showed her likewise, that the council therefore had sent him unto her, to require her the delivery of him, that he might be brought unto the king's presence at his liberty, out of that place, which they reckoned as a prison; and there should he be demeaned according to his estate: and she in this doing, should both do great good to the realm, pleasure to the council, and profit to herself, succour to her line 50 friends that were in distress, and over that (which he witted well she specially tendered) not only great comfort and honour to the king, but also to the young duke himself, whose both great wealth it were to be together, as well for many greater causes, as also for their both disport & recreation. 
Protector.  Which thing the lord esteemed no slight, though it seem light, well pondering that their youth without recreation and play cannot endure; nor any stranger, for the convenience line 60 of both their ages and estates, so meetly in that point for any of them, as either of them for other.  

The queens answer.  My lord (quoth the queen) I say not nay, but that it were very convenient, that this gentleman, whom ye require, were in company of the king his brother: and in good faith, me thinketh it were as great commodity to them both, as for yet awhile, to been in the custody of their mother, the tender age considered of the elder of them both, but specially the younger, which (besides his infancy, that also needeth good looking to) hath awhile been so sore diseased, vexed with sickness, and is so newly rather a little amended, than well recovered, that I dare put no person earthly in trust with his keeping, but myself only, 
The queen is loath to part with her son.  considering that there is (as physicians say) and as we also find, double the peril in the recidivation, than was in the first sickness, with which disease nature being sore laboured, fore wearied and weakened, waxeth the less able to bear out and sustain a new surfeit. And albeit there might be founden other that would happily do their best unto him, yet is there none that either knoweth better how to order him, than I that so long have kept him: or is more tenderly like to cherish him, than his own mother that bore him.  
No man denieth, good madame (quoth the cardinal) but that your grace were of all folk most necessary about your children: and so would all the council not only be content, but glad that ye were (if it might stand with your pleasure) to be in such place as might stand with their honour. But if you do appoint yourself to tarry here, then think they it more convenient that the duke of York were with the king honourably at his liberty, to the comfort of them both: than here as a sanctuary man, to their both dishonour and obloquy, sith there is not alway so great necessity to have the child to be with the mother: but that occasion may sometime be such, that it should be more expedient to keep him elsewhere. Which in this well appeareth, that at such time as your dearest son than prince, and now king, should for his honour, and good order of the country, keep household in Wales, far out of your company: your grace was well content therewith yourself.  
Not very well content (quoth the queen) and yet the case is not like, for the tone was then in health, and the t'other is now sick. In which case, I marvel greatly, 
The queens mistrust of the lord protector.  that my lord protector is so desirous to have him in his keeping, where if the child in his sickness miscarried by nature, yet might he run into slander and suspicion of fraud. And where they call it a thing so sore against my child's honour, and theirs also, that he bideth in this place: it is all their honours there to suffer him bide, where no man doubteth he shall be best kept; and that is here, while I am here, which as yet intent not to come forth and jeopard myself after other of my friends, which would God were rather here in surety with me, than I were there in jeopardy with them.  
Why madame (quoth another lord) know you any thing why they should be in jeopardy? 
The lord Howard, saith Edw. Hall.  Nay verily sir (quoth she) nor why they should be in prison neither, as they now be. But it is (I trow) no great marvel though I fear, lest those that have not letted to put them in duresse without colour, will let as little to procure their destruction without cause. The cardinal made a countenance to the other lord, that he should harp no more upon that string; and then said he to the queen, that he nothing doubted, but that those lords of her honourable kin, which as yet remained under arrest, should upon the matter examined, do well enough: and as toward her noble person, neither was nor could be any manner jeopardy.  
Whereby should I trust that (quoth the queen) in that I am guiltless? As though they were guilty, in that I am with their enemies better loved than they? When they hate them for my sake, in that I am so near of kin to the king? And how far they be off, if that would help, as God send grace it hurt not, and therefore as for me, I purpose not as yet to departed hence. And as for this gentleman my son, I mind that he shall be where I am, till I see further: for I assure you, for that I see some men so greedy, without any substantial cause to have him, this maketh me much the more fearder to deliver him.  
Truly madame, quoth he, and the fearder that you be to deliver him, the fearder been other men to suffer you to keep him, lest your causeless fear might cause you further to convey him; and many be there that think he can have no privilege in this place, which neither can have will to ask it, nor malice to deserve it. And therefore, they reckon no privilege broken, though they fetch him out; which if ye finally refuse to deliver him, I verily think they will. So much dread hath my lord his uncle, for the tender love he beareth him, lest your grace should line 10 hap to send him away.  

The queens reply upon the lord cardinal.  A sir (quoth the queen) hath the protector so tender zeal, that he feareth nothing but least he should escape him? Thinketh he that I would send him hence, which neither is in the plight to send out. And in what place could I reckon him sure, if he be not sure in this sanctuary, whereof was there never tyrant yet so devilish that durst presume to break? And I trust God is as strong now to withstand his adversaries, as ever he was. But my son can deserve line 20 no sanctuary, and therefore he can not have it. Forsooth he hath found a goodly gloze, by which that place that may defend a thief, may not save an innocent. But he is in no jeopardy, nor hath no need thereof, would God he had not.  
Troweth the protector (I pray God he may prove a protector) troweth he that I perceive not whereunto his painted process draweth? It is not honourable that the duke bide here: it were comfortable for them both, that he were with his brother, because the line 30 king lacketh a plaifellow. Be you sure? I pray God send them both better plaifellowes than him, that maketh so high a matter upon such a trifling pretext: as though there could none be founden to play with the king, but if his brother that hath no lust to play for sickness, come out of sanctuary out of his safeguard to play with him. As though princes (as young as they be) could not play but with their peers, or children could not play but with their kindred, with whom for the more part they agree much worse than line 40 with strangers.  
But the child cannot require the privilege. Who told him so? He shall hear him ask it, and he will. Howbeit, this is a gay matter. Suppose he could not ask it, suppose he would not ask it, suppose he would ask to go out. If I say he shall not; if I ask the privilege but for myself, I say he that against my will taketh him out, breaketh the sanctuary. Serveth this liberty for my person only, or for my goods too? ye may not hence take my horse fro me: and may you line 50 take my child fro me? He is also my ward: for as my learned counsel showeth me, sith he hath nothing by descent holden by knight's service, the law maketh his mother his guardian. Then may no man I suppose take my ward fro me out of sanctuary, without the breach of the sanctuary.  
And if my privilege could not serve him, nor he ask it for himself, yet sith the law committeth to me the custody of him, I may require it for him, except the law give a child a guardian only for his goods and lands, discharging him of the cure and safe line 60 keeping of his body, for which only both lands and goods serve. 
This that is here between this mark (*) & this mark (*) was not writ●en by him in English but is translated out of this history which he wrote in Latin.  (*) And if examples be sufficient to obtain privilege for my child, I need not far to seek. For in this place in which we now be (and which is now in question whether my child may take benefit of it) mine other son now king was borne, and kept in his cradle, and preserved to a more prosperous fortune, which I pray God long to continue. And as all you know, this is not the first time that I have taken sanctuary.  
For when my lord my husband was banished, and thrust out of his kingdom, I fled hither, being great with child, and here I bore the prince. And when my lord my husband returned safe again, and had the victory, than went I hence to welcome him home, and from hence I brought my babe the prince unto his father, when he first took him in his arms. And I pray God that my sons palace may be as great safeguard unto him now reigning, as this place was sometime to the king's enemy. In which place I intent to keep his brother, sith, etc. (*) Wherefore here intent I to keep him, sith man's law serveth the guardian to keep the infant.  
The law of nature will the mother to keep his child, God's law privilegeth the sanctuary, and the sanctuary my son, sith I fear to put him in the protector's hands that hath his brother already, and were (if both failed) inheritor to the crown. The cause of my fear hath no man to do to examine. And yet fear I no further than the law feareth, which (as learned men tell me) forbiddeth every man the custody of them, by whose death he may inherit less land than a kingdom. I can no more, but whosoever he be that breaketh this holy sanctuary, I pray God shortly send him need of sanctuary, when he may not come to it. For taken out of sanctuary would I not my mortal enemy were.  
The lord cardinal, 
The lord cardinal useth an other wa●● to persuade the queen.  perceiving that the queen waxed ever the longer the farther off, and also that she began to kindle and chafe, and spoke more biting words against the protector, and such as he neither believed, and was also loath to hear, he said to her for a final conclusion, that he would no longer dispute the matter: but if she were content to deliver the duke to him, and to the other lords present, he durst lay his own body & soul both in pledge, not only for his surety, but also for his estate. And if she would give them a resolute answer to the contrary, he would forthwith departed therewithal, and shift who so would with this business afterwards: for he never intended more to move her in that matter, in which she thought that he & all other also (save herself) lacked either wit or truth: wit, if they were so dull that they could nothing perceive what the protector intended▪ truth, if they should procure her son to be delivered into his hands, in whom they should perceive toward the child any evil intended.  
The queen with these words stood a good while in a great study. And forsomuch as her seemed the cardinal more ready to departed than some of the remnant, and the protector himself ready at hand; so that she verily thought she could not keep him, but that he should incontinently be taken thence: and to convey him elsewhere, neither had she time to serve her, nor place determined, nor persons appointed, all things unready, this message came on her so suddenly, nothing less looking for, than to have him set out of sanctuary, which she thought to be now beset in such places about, that he could not be conveyed out untaken, and partly as she thought it might fortune her fear to be false, so well she witted it was either needless or bootless: wherefore if she should needs go from him, she deemed it best to deliver him.  
And over that, of the cardinals faith she nothing doubted, nor of some other lords neither, 
She falleth 〈◊〉 a resolution touching h●r sons delivery.  whom she there saw. Which as she feared lest they might be deceived: so was she well assured they would not be corrupted. Then thought she it should yet make them the more warily to look to him, and the more circumspectly to see to his surety, if she with her own hands betook him to them of trust. And at the last she took the young duke by the hand, and said unto the lords: My lords (quoth she) and all my lords, I neither am so unwise to mistrust your wits, nor so suspicious to mistrust your truths: of which thing I purpose to make you such a proof, as if either of both in you, might turn both you and me to great sorrow, the realm to much harm, and you to great reproach.  
For lo, here is (quoth she) this gentleman, whom I doubt not but I could here keep safe, if I would, what ever any man say: & I doubt not also, but there be some abroad so deadly enemies unto my blood, that if they witted where any of it lay in their own body, they would let it out. We have also experience line 10 that desire of a kingdom knoweth no kindred. The brother hath been the brother's bane: and may the nephews be sure of their uncle? Each of these children is the others defence while they be asunder, and each of their lives lieth in the others body. Keep one safe and both be sure, and nothing for them both more perilous, than to be both in one place. For what wise merchant adventureth all his goods in one ship?  
All this notwithstanding, here I deliver him and his brother in him, to keep, into your hands, of whom line 20 I shall ask them both afore God & the world. Faithful ye be that wots I well, & I know well you be wise. Power and strength to keep him (if you list) lack ye not of yourself, nor can lack help in this cause. And if ye can not elsewhere, then may you leave him here. But only one thing I beseech you, for the trust which his father put in you ever, & for the trust that I put in you now, that as far as ye think that I fear too much, be you well ware that you fear not as far too little. And therewithal she said unto line 30 the child; Far well mine own sweet son, God send you good keeping: let me kiss you yet once yet you go, for God knoweth when we shall kiss together again. And therewith she kissed him and blessed him, turned her back and wept and went her way, leaving the child weeping as fast. [Howbeit she was sorry afterwards that she had so parted from her son (when it was past her power to procure remedy, & no hope of help left against afterclaps) which is the common case of all that kind, as the proverb saith: line 40 Femineus verè dolor est post facta dolere.]  
When the lord cardinal, and these other lords with him, had received this young duke, they brought him into the Star chamber, where the protector took him in his arms and kissed him with these words: 
O dissimulation.  Now welcome my lord even with all my very heart. And he said in that of likelihood as he thought. Thereupon forthwith they brought him unto the king his brother into the bishop's palace at Paul's, and from thence through the city honourably into the Tower, out line 50 of the which after that day they never came abroad. (*) When the protector had both the children in his hands, 
This that is here between this mark (*) & this mark (*) was not written by him in English but is translated out o● his history which he wrote in Latin.  he opened himself more boldly, both to certain other men, and also chiefly to the duke of Buckingham. Although I know that many thought that this duke was privy to all the protector's counsel, even from the beginning; and some of the protector's friends said, that the duke was the first mover of the protector to this matter, sending a privy messenger unto him, streict after king Edward's death. line 60  
But others again, which knew better the subtle wit of the protector, deny that he ever opened his enterprise to the duke, until he had brought to pass the things before rehearsed. But when he had imprisoned the queen's kinsfolks, & gotten both her sons into his own hands, than he opened the rest of his purpose with less fear to them whom he thought meet for the matter, and specially to the duke, who being won to his purpose, he thought his strength more than half increased. The matter was broken unto the duke by subtle folks, and such as were their craftes-masters in the handling of such wicked devices: who declared unto him that the young king was offended with him for his kinsfolks sake, and if he were ever able he would revenge them, who would prick him forward thereunto if they escaped (for they would remember their imprisonment) or else if they were put to death, without doubt the young K. would be careful for their deaths, whose imprisonment was grievous unto him.  
Also that with repenting the duke should nothing avail, for there was no way left to redeem his offence by benefits, but he should sooner destroy himself than save the king, who with his brother and his kinsfolks he saw in such places imprisoned, as the protector might with a beck destroy them all: and that it were no doubt but he would do it in deed, if there were any new enterprise attempted. And that it was likely, that as the protector had provided privy guard for himself, so had he spials for the duke, and trains to catch him, if he should be against him; and that peradventure from them, whom he lest suspected. For the state of things and the dispositions of men were then such, that a man could not well tell whom he might trust, or whom he might fear.  
These things and such like, being beaten into the duke's mind, brought him to that point, that where he had repent the way that he had entered; yet would he go forth in the same; and sith he had once begun, he would stoutly go through. And therefore to this wicked enterprise, 
The dukes full resolution, to go through with his enterprise.  which he believed could not be voided, he bent himself, and went through; and determined, that sith the common mischief could not be amended, he would turn it as much as he might to his own commodity. Then it was agreed, that the protector should have the duke's aid to make him king, and that the protectors only lawful son should marry the duke's daughter, and that the protector should grant him the quiet possession of the earldom of Hereford, which he claimed as his inheritance, and could never obtain it in king Edward's time.  
Besides these requests of the duke, the protector of his own mind promised him a great quantity of the king's treasure, and of his household stuff. And when they were thus at a point between themselves, they went about to prepare for the coronation of the young king, as they would have it seem. And that they might turn both the eyes and minds of men from perceiving of their drifts otherwhere, the lords being sent for from all parts of the realm, came thick to that solemnity. But the protector and the duke, after that they had sent the lord cardinal, the archbishop of York then lord chancellor, the bishop of Elie, the lord Stanleie, and the lord Hastings then lord chamberlain, with many other noble men (*) to common & devise about the coronation in one place, as fast were they in an other place, contriving the contrary, and to make the protector king.  
To which council albeit there were adhibited very few, and they were secret: yet began there here and there abouts, some manner of muttering among the people, as though all should not long be well, though they neither witted what they feared, nor wherefore: were it, that before such great things, men's hearts of a secret instinct of nature misgive them; as the sea without wind swelleth of himself sometime before a tempest: or were it that some one man, happily somewhat perceiving, filled many men with suspicion, though he showed few men what he knew, Howbeit somewhat the dealing itself made men to muse on the matter, though the council were close. For by little and little all folk withdrew from the Tower, and drew unto Crosbies' in Bishops gates street, where the protector kept his household. The protector had the resort, the king in manner desolate.  
While some for their business made suit to them that had the doing, some were by their friends secretly warned, that it might happily turn them to no good, to be too much attendant about the king without the protector's appointment, which removed also diverse of the princes old servants from him, and set new about him. Thus many things coming together, partly by chance, partly of purpose, caused at length not common people only, that wound with the wind, but wise men also, and some lords eke to mark the matter and muse thereon; so far forth that the lord Stanleie that was after earl of Derbie, line 10 wisely mistrusted it, and said unto the lord Hastings, that he much misliked these two several counsels. For while we (quoth he) talk of one matter in the tone place, little wots we whereof they talk in the other place.  
My lord (quoth the lord Hastings) on my life never doubt you: for while one man is there, which is never thence, never can there be thing once moved, that should sound amiss toward me, but it should be in mine ears yer it were well out of their mouths. This meant he by Catesby, which was of his near line 20 secret council, and whom he very familiarly used, and in his most weighty matters put no man in so special trust, reckoning himself to no man so lief, sith he well witted there was no man so much to him beholden as was this Catesby, which was a man well learned in the laws of this land, and by the special favour of the lord chamberlain, 
Catesby and his conditions described.  in good authority, and much rule bare in all the county of Leicester, where the lord chamberlains power chiefly line 30 lay.  
But surly great pity was it, that he had not had either more truth, or less wit. For his dissimulation only kept all that mischief up. In whom if the lord Hastings had not put so special trust, the lord Stanleie & he had departed with diverse other lords, and broken all the danse, for many ill signs that he saw, which he now construes all to the best. So surly thought he, that there could be none harm toward him in that council intended, where Catesby line 40 was. And of truth the protector and the duke of Buckingham made very good semblance unto the lord Hastings, and kept him much in company. And undoubtedly the protector loved him well, and loath was to have lost him, saving for fear lest his life should have quailed their purpose.  
For which cause he moved Catesby to prove with some words cast out a far off, whether he could think it possible to win the lord Hastings unto their part. But Catesby, whether h● assayed him, or assayed line 50 him not, reported unto them, that he found him so fast, and heard him speak so terrible words, that he durst no further break. And of truth, the lord chamberlain of very trust showed unto Catesby the distrust that others began to have in the matter. And therefore he, fearing lest their motion might with the lord Hastings minish his credence, whereunto only all the matter leaned, procured the protector hastily to rid him. And much the rather, for that he trusted by his death to obtain much of the rule that line 60 the lord Hastings bore in his country: the only desire whereof was the allective that induced him to be partner, and one special contriver of all this horrible treason.  
Whereupon soon after, that is to wit, on the friday [being the thirteenth of june] many lords assembled in the Tower, 
An assembly of lords in the Tower.  and there sat in council, devising the honourable solemnity of the king's coronation, of which the time appointed then so near approached, that the pageants and subtleties were in making day & night at Westminster, and much victuals killed therefore, that afterward was cast away. These lords so sitting together communing of this matter, the protector came in amongst them, first about nine of the clock, saluting them courteously, and excusing himself that he had been from them so long, saying merrily that he had been a sléeper that day.  
After a little talking with them, he said unto the bishop of Elie; My lord you have very good strawberries at your garden in Holborn, I require you let us have a mess of them. Gladly my lord (quoth he) would God I had some better thing as ready to your pleasure as that! And therewithal in all the hast he sent his servant for a mess of strawberries. The protector set the lords fast in communing, & thereupon praying them to spare him for a little while, departed thence. And soon after one hour, 
The beha●●●● of the lord p●●●tector in the assembly of the lords.  between ten & eleven he returned into the chamber amongst them all, changed with a wonderful sour angry countenance, knitting the brows, frowning and fretting, and gnawing on his lips: and so sat him down in his place.  
All the lords were much dismayed and sore marveled at this manner of sudden change, and what thing should him ail. Then, when he had sitten still a while, thus he began: What were they worthy to have that compass and imagine the destruction of me, being so near of blood unto the king, and protector of his royal person and his realm? At this question, all the lords sat sore astonished, musing much by whom this question should be meant, of which every man witted himself clear. Then the lord chamberlain (as he that for the love between them thought he might be boldest with him) answered and said, that they were worthy to be punished as heinous traitors, whatsoever they were. And all the other affirmed the same. That is (quoth he) yonder sorceress my brother's wife, and other with her (meaning the queen.)  
At these words many of the other lords were greatly abashed, that favoured her. But the lord Hastings was in his mind better content, that it was moved by her, than by any other whom he loved better: albeit his heart somewhat grudged, that he was not afore made of counsel in this matter, as he was of the taking of her kindred, and of their putting to death, which were by his assent before devised to be beheaded at Pomfret this self same day, in which he was not ware that it was by other devised, that he himself should be beheaded the same day at London. Then said the protector: Ye shall all see in what wise that sorceress, and that other witch of her council Shore's wife, with their affinity, have by their sorcery and witchcraft wasted my body. And therewith he plucked up his doublet sleeve to his elbow upon his left arm, where he showed a weerish withered arm, and small; as it was never other.  
Hereupon every man's mind sore misgave them, well perceiving that this matter was but a quarrel. For they well witted that the queen was too wise to go about any such folly. And also if she would, yet would she of all folk least, make Shore's wife of her counsel, whom of all women she most hated, as that concubine whom the king her husband had most loved. And also, no man was there present, but well knew that his arm was ever such since his birth. Naithelesse, the lord chamberlain (which from the death of king Edward kept Shore's wife, on whom he somewhat doted in the king's life, saving (as it is said) he that while forbore her of reverence toward the king, or else of a certain kind of fidelity to his friend) answered and said: certainly my lord, if they have so heinously done, they be worthy heinous punishment.  
What (quoth the protector) thou servest me I ween with ifs and with ands, I tell thee they have so done, and that I will make good on thy body traitor: and therewith as in a great anger, he clapped his fist upon the board a great rap. At which token one cried, Treason, without the chamber. Therewith a door clapped, and in come there rushing men in harness, as many as the chamber might hold. And anon the protector said to the lord Hastings: I arrest thee traitor: What me my lord? (quoth he.) Yea thee traitor quoth the protector. 
The lord Stanleie wounded.  And an other let fly at the lord Stanleie, which shrunk at the stroke, & fell under the table, or else his head had been cleft to the teeth: for as shortly as he shrank, yet ran the blood about his ears. line 10  
Then were they all quickly bestowed in diverse chambers, except the lord chamberlain, whom the protector bad speed and shrive him apace, for by saint Paul (quoth he) I will not to dinner till I see thy head off. It booted him not to ask why, but heavily took a priest at adventure, & made a short shrift: for a longer would not be suffered, the protector made so much haste to dinner, which he might not go to, until this were done, for saving of his oath. So was he brought forth to the green beside the chapel within line 20 the Tower, and his head laid down upon a long log of timber, 
Lord Hastings lord chamberlain beheaded.  and there stricken off, and afterward his body with the head interred at Windsor beside the body of king Edward, both whose souls our Lord pardon. [Thus began he to establish his kingdom in blood, growing thereby in hatred of the nobles, and also abridging both the line of his life, and the time of his regiment: for God will not have bloodthirsty tyrants' days prolonged, but will cut them off in their ruff; according to David's words: line 30 

〈◊〉 in psal.. ●●.  Impio, fallaci, avidóque caedis  
Filamors rumpet viridi in iwenta.]   
A marvelous case is it to hear either the warnings of that he should have voided, or the tokens of that he could not void. For the self night next before his death, the lord Stanleie sent a trusty messenger unto him at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him, for he was disposed utterly no longer to bide, he had so fearful a dream; in which him thought that a boar with his tusks so line 40 razed them both by the heads, 
The lord Stanleies dream.  that the blood ran about both their shoulders. And forsomuch as the protector gave the boar for his cognisance, this dream made so fearful an impression in his heart, that he was throughly determined no longer to tarry, but had his horse ready, if the lord Hastings would go with him, to ride yet so far the same night, that they should be out of danger yer day.  
Ha good Lord (quoth the lord Hastings to this messenger) leaneth my lord thy master so much to line 50 such trifles, and hath such faith in dreams, which either his own fear fantasieth, or do rise in the night's rest by reason of his days thought? Tell him it is plain witchcraft to believe in such dreams, which if they were tokens of things to come, why thinketh he not that we might be as likely to make them true by our going, if we were caught & brought back, as friends fail fliers; for than had the boar a cause likely to raze us with his tusks, as folk that fled for some falsehood. Wherefore, either is there line 60 peril, or none there is in deed: or if any be, it is rather in going than biding. And in case we should needs fall in peril one way or other, yet had I rather that men should see that it were by other men's falsehood, than think it were either by our own fault, or faint heart. And therefore go to thy master (man) and commend me to him, & pray him be merry & have no fear: for I insure him I am as sure of the man that he woteth of, as I am of mine own hand. God send grace sir (quoth the messenger) and went his way.  

〈…〉 misfortune to the lord Hastings.  Certain is it also, that in riding towards the Tower, the same morning in which be was beheaded, his horse twice or thrice stumbled with him, almost to the falling. Which thing albeit each man wot well daily happeneth to them, to whom no such mischance is toward; yet hath it been of an old rite and custom observed, as a token oftentimes notably foregoing some great misfortune. Now this that followeth was no warning, but an envious scorn. The same morning yer he was up, came a knight unto him, as it were of courtesy, to accompany him to the council; but of truth sent by the protector to hast him thitherwards, with whom he was of secret confederacy in that purpose; a mean man at that time, and now of great authority.  
This knight (I say) when it happened the lord chamberlain by the way to stay his horse, & common a while with a priest whom he met in the Tower street, broke his tale, and said merrily to him; What my lord, I pray you come on, whereto talk you so long with that priest? you have no need of a priest yet: and therewith he laughed upon him, as though he would say. Ye shall have soon. But so little witted the t'other what he meant, and so little mistrusted, that he was never merrier, nor never so full of good hope in his life, which self thing is oft seen a sign of change. But I shall rather let any thing pass me, than the vain surety of man's mind so near his death [flattering himself with deceitful conceits of inward motions of life to be prolonged, even in present cases of deadly danger, and heavy misfortunes offering great mistrust; as he did that is noted for speaking like a fool: 
Non est (crede mihi) sapientis dicere, Vivam: 
Mani. lib. 4▪ Astro.   
Nascentes morimur, finísque ab origine pendet.]   
Upon the very Tower wharf, so near the place where his head was off soon after, there met he with one Hastings a pursuivant of his own name. And at their meeting in that place, he was put in remembrance of another time, in which it had happened them before to meet in like manner together in the same place. At which other time the lord chamberlain had been accused unto king Edward by the lord Rivers the queen's brother, in such wise, as he was for the while (but it lasted not long) far fallen into the king's indignation, & stood in great fear of himself. And forsomuch as he now met this pursuivant in the same place, that jeopardy so well passed, it gave him great pleasure to talk with him thereof, with whom he had before talked thereof in the same place, while he was therein.  
And therefore he said: Ha Hastings, art thou remembered when I met thee here once with an heavy heart? Yea my lord (quoth he) that remember I well, and thanked be God, they got no good, nor you no harm thereby. Thou wouldst say so (quoth he) if thou knewest as much as I know, which few know else as yet, and more shall shortly. That meant he by the lords of the queens kindred that were taken before, and should that day be beheaded at Pomfret: which he well witted, but nothing ware that the axhung over his own head. In faith man (quoth he) I was never so sorry, nor never stood in so great dread in my life, as I did when thou and I met here. And lo how the world is turned, now stand mine enemies in the danger (as thou mayest hap to hear more hereafter) and I never in my life so merry, nor never in so great surety.  
O good God, the blindness of our mortal nature, when he most feared, he was in good surety; when he reckoned himself surest, he lost his life, and that within two hours after. Thus ended this honourable man, a good knight and a gentle, 
The description of the lord Hasting●  of great authority with his prince, of living somewhat dissolute, plain and open to his enemy, & secret to his friend, easy to beguile, as he that of good heart and courage forestudied no perils, a loving man, and passing well beloved: very faithful, and trusty enough, trusting too much. Now flew the fame of this lords death swiftly through the city, and so forth further about like a wind in every man's ear. But the protector, immediately after dinner, intending to set some colour upon the matter, sent in all the haste for many substantial men out of the city into the Tower.  
Now at their coming, himself with the duke of Buckingham, stood harnessed in old ill faring briganders, such as no man should ween, that they would vouchsafe to have put upon their backs, except that some sudden necessity had constrained line 10 them. And then the protector showed them, that the lord chamberlain, and other of his conspiracy, had contrived to have suddenly destroyed him, and the duke, there the same day in the council. And what they intended further, was as yet not well known. Of which their treason he never had knowledge before ten of the clock the same forenoon, which sudden fear drove them to put on for their defence such harness as came next to hand. And so had God helped them, that the mischief turned upon them that line 20 would have done it. And this he requireed them to report.  
Every man answered him fair, as though no man mistrusted the matter, which of truth no man believed, 
The protector's proclamation.  Yet for the further appeasing of the people's minds, he sent immediately after dinner in all the hast one herald of arms, with a proclamation to be made through the city in the king's name, containing, that the lord Hastings, with diverse other of his traitorous purpose, had before conspired the same line 30 day to have slain the lord protector, and the duke of Buckingham sitting in the council; and after to have taken upon them to rule the king & the realm at their pleasure, and thereby to pill and spoil whom they list uncontrolled. And much matter there was in that proclamation, devised to the slander of the lord chamberlain, as that he was an ill councillor to the king's father, enticing him to many things highly redounding to the minishing of his honour, and to the universal hurt of the realm. line 40  
The means whereby; namely, his evil company, sinister procuring, 
The life and deeds of the lord chamberlain laid open  and ungracious example, as well in many other things, as in the vicious living and inordinate abusion of his body, both with many other, and also specially with Shore's wife, which was one also of his most secret counsel in this most heinous treason, with whom he lay nightly, and namely the night last passed next before his death. So that it was the less marvel, if ungracious living brought him to an unhappy ending, which he was now put line 50 unto by the most dread commandment of the king's highness, and of his honourable and faithful council, both for his demerits, being so openly taken in his falsely conceived treason, and also lest the delaying of his execution might have encouraged other mischievous persons, partners of his conspiracy, to gather and assemble themselves together, in making some great commotion for his deliverance: whose hope being now by his well deserved death politicly repressed, all the realm should (by God's grace) rest line 60 in good quiet and peace.  
Now was this proclamation made within two hours after that he was beheaded, and it was so curiously indicted, & so fair written in parchment, in so well a set hand, and therewith of itself so long a process, that every child might well perceive that it was prepared before. For all the time, between his death and the proclaiming, could scant have sufficed unto the bare writing alone, all had it been but in paper, and scribbled forth in haste at adventure. So that upon the proclaiming thereof, one that was schoolmaster of Paul's, of chance standing by, and comparing the shortness of the time with the length of the matter, said unto them that stood about him; Here is a gay goodly cast foul cast away for haste. And a merchant answered him, that it was written by prophesy.  
Now then by and by, as it were for anger, not for covetise, 
Shore's 〈◊〉 spoiled of 〈◊〉 that she had.  the protector sent into the house of Shore's wife (for her husband dwelled not with her) and spoiled her of all that ever she had, above the value of two or three thousand marks, and sent her body to prison. And when he had a while laid unto her (for the manner sake) that she went about to bewitch him, and that she was of counsel with the lord chamberlain to destroy him: in conclusion, when that no colour could fasten upon these matters, than he laid heinously to her charge, that thing that herself could not deny, and that all the world witted was true, and that nevertheless every man laughed at, to hear it then so suddenly so highly taken, that she was nought of her body.  
And for this cause (as a goodly continent prince, clean and faultless of himself, 
Shore's 〈◊〉 put to open penance.  sent out of heaven into this vicious world for the amendment of men's manners) he caused the bishop of London to put her to open penance, going before the cross in procession upon a sunday with a taper in her hand. In which she went in countenance and pace demure so womanly; that albeit she were out of all array, save her kirtle only, yet went she so fair and lovely, namely while the wondering of the people cast a comely rud in her cheeks (of which she before had most miss) that her great shame won her much praise among those that were more amorous of her body, than curious of her soul. And many good folks also that hated her living, & glad were to see sin corrected: yet pitied they more her penance, than rejoiced therein, when they considered that the protector procured it, more of a corrupt intent, than any virtuous affection.  
This woman was borne in London, worshipfully friended, honestly brought up, 
The description of Shore's wife.  and very well married, saving somewhat too soon, her husband an honest citizen, young and godly, & of good substance. But forsomuch as they were coupled yer she were well ripe, she not very fervently loved him, for whom she never longed, which was happily the thing that the more easily made her incline unto the king's appetite, when he required her. Howbeit the respect of his royalty, the hope of gay apparel, ease, and other wanton wealth, was able soon to pierce a soft tender heart, [so that she became flexible and pliant to the king's appetite and will; being so blinded with the bright glory of the present courtly bravery which she enjoyed, that she utterly forgot how excellent a treasure good name and fame is, and of what incomparable sweetness, even by the judgement of him, whose match for wisdom the world never bred up, saying: 
Sunt optanda magis purae bona nomina famae, 
Eob. Hess. 〈◊〉 cles. Sal.   
Nobilis unguenti quàm pretiosus odor.]   
But when the king had abused her, anon her husband (as he was an honest man, and one that could his good, not presuming to touch a king's concubine) left her up to him altogether. When the king died, the lord chamberlain took her, which in the king's days, albeit he was sore enamoured upon her, yet he forbore her; either for reverence, or for a certain friendly faithfulness. Proper she was and fair; nothing in her body that you would have changed, but if ye would have wished her somewhat higher. Thus say they that knew her in her youth. Albeit some that now see her (for yet 
* 〈◊〉 when this story was written.  she liveth) deem her never to have been well visaged: whose judgement seemeth me somewhat like, as though men should guess the beauty of one long before departed, by her scalp taken out of the charuell house.  
For now is she old, lean, withered, and dried up, nothing left but riveled skin, and hard bone. And yet being even such, who so well advise her visage, might guess and devise, which parts how filled would make it a fair face. Yet delighted not men so much in her beauty, as in her pleasant behaviour. For a proper wit had she, and could both read well and write, merry in company, ready and quick of answer, neither mute, nor full of babble, sometime tawnting without displeasure, and not without disport. The king would say that he had three concubines, which in three diverse properties diversly excelled. 
K. Edward's three concubines.  One the merriest, line 10 another the wiliest, the third the holiest harlot in his realm, as one whom no man could get out of the church lightly to any place, but it were to his bed.  
The other two were somewhat greater personages, and nevertheless of their humility content to be nameless, and to forbear the praise of those properties: but the merriest was this Shore's wife, in whom the king therefore took special pleasure. For many he had, but her he loved; whose favour to say the truth (for sin it were to beelie the devil) she never abused to any man's hurt, but to many a man's comfort line 20 and relief. Where the king took displeasure, she would mitigate and appease his mind: where men were out of favour, she would bring them in his grace. For many that had highly offended she obtained pardon. Of great forfeitures she got men remission.  
Finally, in many weighty suits she stood many a man in great stead, either for none or very small rewards, and those rather gay than rich; either line 30 that she was content with the deed itself well done; or for that she delighted to be sued unto, and to show what she was able to do with the king; or for that wanton women and wealthy be not always covetous. I doubt not some shall think this woman too slight a thing to be written of, and set among the remembrances of great matters: which they shall specially think, that happily shall esteem her only by that they now see her.  
But me seemeth the chance so much the more worthy line 40 to be remembered, in how much she is now in the more beggarly condition, unfréended and worn out of acquaintance, after good substance, after as great favour with the prince, after as great suit and seeking to with all those, that those days had business to speed, as many other men were in their times, which be now famous only by the infamy of their ill deeds. Her doings were not much less, albeit they be much less remembered, because they were not so evil. For men use if they have an evil turn, to write it in marble: and who so doth us a good turn, we line 50 writ it in dust, which is not worst proved by her: for at this day she beggeth of many at this day living, that at this day had begged if she had not been.  
Now was it so devised by the protector and his council, that the self day, in which the lord chamberlain was beheaded in the Tower of London, and about the self same hour, was there (not without his assent) beheaded at Pomfret, the foreremembred lords & knights that were taken from the king at Northampton and stony Stratford. Which line 60 thing was done in the presence, and by the order of sir Richard Ratcliff knight, whose service the protector specially used in that council, 
Sir Richard Ratcliffe.  and in the execution of such lawless enterprises, as a man that had been long secret with him, having experience of the world, and a shrewd wit, short & rude in speech, rough and boisterous of behaviour, bold in mischief, as far from pity as from all fear of God.  
This knight bringing them out of the prison to the scaffold, and showing to the people about that they were traitors (not suffering them to declare & speak their innocency, lest their words might have inclined men to pity them, and to hate the protector and his part) caused them hastily, without judgement, process, or manner of order to be beheaded, 
The lord Rivers & other beheaded.  and without other earthly gilt, but only that they were good men, too true to the king, and too nigh to the queen. Now when the lord chamberlain & these other lords and knights were thus beheaded, and rid out of the way: then thought the protector, that when men mused what the matter meant, while the lords of the realm were about him out of their own strengths, while no man witted what to think, nor whom to trust, yer ever they should have space to dispute and digest the matter and make parties; it were best hastily to pursue his purpose, and put himself in possession of the crown, yer men could have time to devise any way to resist.  
But now was all the study by what means this matter, being of itself so heinous, might be first broken to the people, in such wise that it might be well taken. To this council they took diverse, such as they thought meetly to be trusted, likely to be induced to that part, and able to stand them in st●ed either by power or policy. Among whom they made of council Edmund Shaw knight then mayor of London, which upon trust of his own advancement, 
Edmund Shaw mayor of London.  whereof he was of a proud heart highly desirous, should frame the city to their appetite. Of spiritual men they took such as had wit, and were in authority among the people for opinion of their learning, and had no scrupulous conscience. Among these had they john Shaw clerk brother to the mayor, and friar Penker, provincial of the Augustine friars both doctors of divinity, both great preachers, both of more learning than virtue, of more fame than learning. For they were before greatly esteemed among the people: but after that never.  
Of these two the one had a sermon in praise of the protector before the coronation, the other after, both so full of tedious flattery, that no man's ears could abide them. Penker in his sermon so lost his voice, that he was feign to leave off, and come down in the midst. 
Doct. Shaw. Friar Penker.  Doctor Shaw by his sermon lost his honesty, & soon after his life, for very shame of the world, into which he durst never after come abroad. But the friar forced for no shame, and so it harmed him the less. Howbeit some doubt, and many think, that Penker was not of counsel in the matter before the coronation, but after the common manner fell to flattery after: namely sith his sermon was not incontinently upon it, but at saint Marie hospital at the Easter after.  
But certain it is, that doctor Shaw was of counsel in the beginning, so far forth that they determined that he should first break the matter in a sermon at Paul's cross, in which he should (by the authority of his preaching) incline the people to the protector's ghostly purpose. But now was all the labour and study in the devise of some convenient pretext, for which the people should be content to depose the prince, and accept the protector for king. In which diverse things they devised. 
The chiefest devise to depose the prince.  But the chief thing & the weightiest of all that invention rested in this, that they should allege bastardy, either in king Edward himself, or in his children, or both. So that he should seem disabled to inherit the crown, by the duke of York, and the prince by him.  
To lay bastardy in king Edward, sounded openly to the rebuke of the protectors own mother, which was mother to them both; for in that point could be no other colour, but to pretend that his own mother was an adulteress, which notwithstanding, to further this purpose he letted not. But nevertheless he would that point should be less and more favourably handled: not even fully plain and directly, but that the matter should be touched aslope craftily, as though men spared in that point to speak all the truth, for fear of his displeasure. But the other point concerning the bastardy that they devised to surmise in king Edward's children, that would he should be openly declared and enforced to the uttermost. The colour and pretext whereof cannot be well perceived, but if we first repeat you some things long before done about king Edward's marriage.  
After that king Edward the fourth had deposed king Henry the sixth, and was in peaceable possession of the realm, determining himself to marry (as it line 10 was meet both for himself & the realm) he sent over in embassage the earl of Warwick, 
See before pag. 667, 668.  with other noble men in his company to Spain, to treat & conclude a marriage between K. Edward & the king's daughter of Spain. In which thing the earl of Warwick found the parties so toward & willing, that he speedily (according to his instructions without any difficulty) brought the matter to very good conclusion. Now happened it, 
Dame Elizabeth Greie.  that in the mean season there came to make a suit by petition to the king dame Elizabeth Greie, line 20 which was after his queen, at that time a widow, borne of noble blood, by her mother, duchess of Bedford, ye● she married the lord Wooduile, her father.  
Howbeit, this dame Elizabeth herself, being in service with queen Margaret, wife unto king Henry the sixth, wis married unto one [john] Greie an esquire, whom king Henry made knight upon the field that he had on [Barnet heath by saint Albon] against king Edward. But little while enjoyed he that knighthood: for he was at the same field slain. After line 30 which done, and the earl of Warwick, being in his embassage about the afore remembered marriage, this poor lady made humble suit unto the king, that she might be restored unto such small lands as her late husband had given her in jointure. Whom when the king beheld, and heard her speak, as she was both fair and of a goodly favour, moderate of stature, well made, and very wise: he not only pitied her, but also waxed enamoured of her. And taking her afterward secretly aside, began to enter in talking line 40 more familiarly. Whose appetite when she perceived, she virtuously denied him.  
But that did she so wisely, and with so good manner, and words so well set, that she rather kindled his desire than quenched it. And finally, after many a meeting, much wooing, and many great promises, she well espying the king's affection toward her so greatly increased, that she durst somewhat the more boldly say her mind, as to him whose hart she perceived line 50 more seruentlie set, than to fall off for a word. And in conclusion, 
A wise answer of a chaste and continent lady.  she showed him plain, that as she wis● herself too simple to be his wife, so thought she herself too good to be his concubine. The king much marveling at her constancy (as he that had not been wont elsewhere to be so stiffly said nay) so much esteemed her continency and chastity, that he set her virtue in the steed of possession and riches: and thus taking counsel of his desire, determined in all possible haste to marry her. line 60  
Now after he was thus appointed, and had between them twain insured her: then asked he counsel of his other friends, and that in such manner, as they might then perceive it booted not greatly to say nay. 
The king's mother.  Notwithstanding the duchess of York his mother was so sore moved therewith, that she dissuaded the marriage as much as she possible might; alleging that it was his honour, profit, and surety also, to marry in a noble progeny out of his realm, whereupon depended great strength to his estate, by the affinity and great possibility of increase of his possession. And that he could not well otherwise do, seeing that the earl of Warwick had so far moved already: which were not likely to take it well, if all his voyage were in such wise frustrate, and his appointment deluded. And she said also, that it was not princely to marry his own subject, no great occasion leading thereunto, no possessions, or other commodities depending thereupon; but only as it were a rich man that would marry his maid, only for a little wanton do●age upon her person.  
In which marriage many more commend the maiden's fortune, than the masters wisdom. And yet therein (she said) was more honesty than honour in this marriage. For somuch as there is between no merchant and his own maid so great difference, as between the king and this widow. In whose person, albeit there was nothing to be misliked; yet was there (she said) nothing so excellent, but that it might be found in diverse other that were more meetly (quoth she) for your estate, and maidens also; whereas the only widowhood of Elizabeth Greie, though she were in all other things convenient for you, should yet suffice (as me seemeth) to refrain you from her marriage, sith it is an unfitting thing, and a very blemish and high disparagement to the sacred majesty of a prince, that aught as nigh to approach priesthood in cleanness as he doth in dignity, to be defiled with bigamy in his first marriage.  
The king, when his mother had said, 
The king's answer to his mother.  made her answer, part in earnest, part in play merrily, as he that witted himself out of her rule. And albeit he would gladly that she should take it well, yet was at a point in his own mind, took she it well or otherwise. Howbeit somewhat to satisfy her, he said, that albeit marriage (being a spiritual thing) ought rather to be made for the respect of God, where his grace inclineth the parties to love together, as he trusted it was in his, than for the regard of any temporal advanuantage: yet nevertheless, him seemed that this marriage, even worldly considered, was not unprofitable. For he reckoned the amity of no earthly nation so necessary for him, as the friendship of his own, which he thought likely to bear him so much the more hearty favour, in that he disdained not to marry with one of his own land.  
And yet if outward alliance were thought so requisite, he would find the means to enter thereinto, much better by other of his kin, where all the parties could be contented, than to marry himself whom he should happily never love; and for the possibility of more possessions, lose the fruit and pleasure of this that he had already. For small pleasure taketh a man of all that ever he hath beside, if he be wived against his appetite. And I doubt not (quoth he) but there be (as ye say) other, that be in every point comparable with her. And therefore I let not them that like them to wed them. No more is it reason, that it mislike any man, that I marry where it liketh me. And I am sure that my cousin of Warwick neither loveth me so little, to grudge at that I love; nor is so unreasonable, to look that I should in choice of a wise, rather be ruled by his eye, than by mine own: as though I were a ward that were bound to marry by the appointment of a guardian.  
I would not be a king with that condition, 
Liberty preferred before ● kingdom.  to forbear mine own liberty in choice of mine own marriage. As for possibility of more inheritance by new affinity in strange lands, is oft the occasion of more trouble than profit. And we have already title by that means unto so much, as sufficeth to get and keep well in one man's days. That she is a widow, and hath already children; by God's blessed lady, I am a bachelor, and have some too, and so each of us hath a proof that neither of us is like to be barren. And therefore (madame) I pray you be content, I trust in God she shall bring forth a young prince that shall please you. And as for the bigamy, let the bishop hardly lay it in my way when I come to take orders. For I understand it is forbidden a priest, but I never witted it yet, that it was forbidden a prince. [This spoke he as alluding to the liberty of princes, whose lust standeth oftentimes for law, and their opinion for reason, according to the saying of the poet; 
— tunc omnia iure tenebis,  
Cùm poteris rex esse. 
〈◊〉. ]   
The duchess with these words nothing appeased, and seeing the king so set thereon, that she could not pull line 10 him back, so highly she disdained it, that under pretext of hi● duty to Godward, she devised to disturb this marriage, and rather to help that he should marry one dame Elizabeth Lucy, whom the king had also not long before gotten with child. Wherefore the king's mother openly objected against his marriage, as it were in discharge of her conscience, that the king was sure to dame Elizabeth Lucy and her husband before God. 
El●zabeth Lucy.  By reason of which words, such obstacle was made in the matter, that either the bishop's line 20 durst not, or the king would not proceed to the solemnisation of this wedding, till these same were clearly purged, and the truth well and openly testified. Whereupon dame Elizabeth Lucy was then sent for.  
And albeit that she was by the king's mother and many other put in good comfort, to affirm that she was insured unto the king: yet when she was solemnly sworn to say the truth, she confessed that they were never insured. Howbeit she said his grace line 30 spoke so loving words unto her, that she verily hoped he would have married her. And that if it had not been for such kind words, she would never have showed such kindness to him, to let him so kindly get her with child. This examination solemnly taken, when it was clearly perceived, that there was none impediment: 
The king's marriage.  the king with great feast and honourable solemnity married dame Elizabeth Greie, and her crowned queen that was his enemies wife, and many times had prayed full heartily for his line 40 loss, in which God loved her better than to grant her her boon.  
But when the earl of Warwick understood of this marriage, he took it so highly that his embassage was deluded, that for very anger and disdain he (at his returning) assembled a great puissance against the king, and came so fast upon him yer he could be able to resist, that he was feign to void the realm, and flee into Holland for succour, (where he remained for the space of two years, 
The king fled  leaving his new wife at Westminster in sanctuary, where she was line 50 delivered of Edward the prince, of whom we before have spoken. 
The prince borne.  In which mean time the earl of Warwick took out of prison, and set up again king Henry the sixth, 
king Henry the sixth set up.  who was before by king Edward deposed, and that much what by the power of the earl of Warwick, which was a wise man, and a courageous warrior, 
Of the earl of warwike.  and of such strength, what for his lands, his alliance, and favour with all people, that he made kings and put down kings almost at his pleasure, and not impossible to have attained it himself, if he line 60 had not reckoned it a greater thing to make a king than to be a king.  

The earl of warwike s●aine.  But nothing lasteth alway: for in conclusion, king Edward returned, and with much less number than he had at Barnet on the Easterdaie field, slew the earl of Warwick, with many other great estates of that party, & so stablie attained the crown again, that he peaceably enjoyed it until his dying day: and in such plight left it, that it could not be lost but by the discord of his very friends, or falsehood of his feigned friends. I have rehearsed this business about this marriage somewhat the more at length, because it might thereby the better appear, upon how slippery a ground the protector builded his colour, by which he pretended king Edward's children to be bastards. But that invention, simple as it was, it liked them to whom it sufficed to have somewhat to say, while they were sure to be compelled to no larger proof than themselves list to make.  
Now then (as I began to show you) it was by the protector and his council concluded, that this doctor Shaw should in a sermon at Paul's cross signify to the people, 
Doc. Shaw● sermon.  that neither king Edward himself, nor the duke of Clarence, were lawfully begotten, nor were not the very children of the duke of York, but gotten unlawfully by other persons, in adultery, of the duchess their mother. And that also dame Elizabeth Lucy was verily the wife of king Edward, and so the prince and all his children bastards, that were begotten upon the queen. According to this devise doctor Shaw the sunday after, at Paul's cross in a great audience (as alway assembled great number to his preaching) he took for his theme; Spuria vitilamina non agent radices altas, that is to say; Bastard slips shall never take deep root.  
Thereupon when he had showed the great grace that God giveth, and secretly infundeth in right generation after the laws of matrimony, than declared he, that commonly those children lacked that grace, and for the punishment of their parents were (for the more part) unhappy, which were gotten in base, and specially in adultery. Of which, though some, by the ignorance of the world and the truth hid from knowledge, inherited for the season other men's lands, yet God alway so provideth, that it continueth not in their blood long: but the truth coming to light, the rightful inheritors be restored, and the bastard slip pulled up yer it can be rooted deep. And so he did lay for the proof and confirmation of this sentence certain ensamples taken out of the old testament, and other ancient histories.  
Then began he to descend into the praise of the lord Richard late duke of York, 
This preacher was taught his lesson yer he came into the pulpit.  calling him father to the lord protector, and declared the title of his heirs unto the crown, to whom it was (after the death of king Henry the sixth) entailed by authority of parliament. Then showed he that his very right heir of his body lawfully begotten was only the lord protector. For he declared then, 
K. Edward slandered in a sermon.  that king Edward was never lawfully married unto the queen, but was before God husband unto dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so his children bastards. And besides that, neither king Edward himself, nor the duke of Clarence, among those that were secret in the household, were reckoned very surly for the children of the noble duke, as those that by their favours more resembled other known men than him. From whose virtuous conditions he said also that the late king Edward was far off.  
But the lord protector he said, the very noble prince, the special pattern of knightly prowess, as well in all princely behaviour, as in the lineaments and favour of his visage, represented the very face of the noble duke his father. This is, quoth he, the fathers own figure, this is his own countenance, the very print of his visage, the sure undoubted image, the plain express likeness of that noble duke. Now was it before devised, 
A marvelous devise to move the assembly.  that in the speaking of these words, the protector should have comen in among the people to the sermon ward, to the end that those words meeting with his presence, might have been taken among the hearers, as though the holy-ghost had put them in the preachers mouth, & should have moved the people even there to cry; King Richard, king Richard! that it might have been after said, that he was specially chosen by God, and in manner by miracle. But this devise quailed, either by the protector's negligence, or the preachers overmuch diligence.  
For while the protector found by the way tarrying lest he should prevent those words, and the doctor fearing that he should come yer his sermon could come to these words, hasted his matter thereto, he was come to them and past them, and entered into other matters yer the protector came. Whom when he beheld coming, he suddenly left the matter with line 10 which he was in hand, and without any deduction thereunto, out of all order and out of all frame, began to repeat those words again: 
K. Richard commended by the preacher.  This is the very noble prince, the special patron of knightly prowess, which as well in all princely behaviour, as in the lineaments & favour of his visage, representeth the very face of the noble duke of York his father: this is the fathers own figure, this is his own countenance, the very print of his visage, the sure undoubted image, the plain express likeness of the noble duke, line 20 whose remembrance can never die while he liveth.  
While these words were in speaking, the protector accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, went through the people into the place where the doctors commonly stand in the upper story, where he stood to hearken the sermon. But the people were so far fro crying; K. Richard, that they stood as they had been turned into stones, for wonder of this shameful sermon. 
Note the course of God's judgement.  After which once ended, the preacher got him home, and never after durst look out for shame, but line 30 kept him out of sight like an owl. And when he once asked one that had been his old friend what the people talked of him, all were it that his own conscience well showed him that they talked no good; yet when the t'other answered him, that there was in every man's mouth spoken of him much shame, it so strake him to the heart, that within few days after he withered and consumed away [for very thought and inward pine, procured by irrecoverable cares, whose nature is noted by observation of their effects: line 40 
ovid. lib. 3. met.  Attenuant vigiles corpus miserabile curae.]  
Then on the tuesday following this sermon, there came to the Guildhall in London the duke of Buckingham, accompanied with diverse lords and knights more than happily knew the message that they brought. And there in the east end of the hall, where the mayor keepeth the Hustings, the mayor and all the aldermen being assembled about him, all the commons of the city gathered before them. After silence commanded upon great pain in the protector's line 50 name: the duke stood up, and (as he was neither unlearned, and of nature marvelously well spoken) he said unto the people with a clear and loud voice in this manner of wise.  

The duke of Buckingham's oration to the assembly of the mayor, aldermen, and commoners.  
FRiends, for the zeal and hearty line 60 favour that we bear you, we be comen to break unto you of a matter right great and weighty, and no less weighty than pleasing to God, and profitable to all the realm: nor to no part of the realm more profitable, than to you the citizens of this noble city. For why, that thing that we wot well ye have long time lacked, and sore longed for, that ye would have given great good for, that ye would have gone far to fetch; that thing we be come hither to bring you without your labour, pain, cost, adventure or jeopardy. What thing is that▪ 
A notable persua●●n.  Certes the surety of your own bodies, the quiet of your wives and your daughters, the safeguard of your goods: of all which things in times past ye stood evermore in doubt. For who was there of you all, that would reckon himself lord of his own goods among so many grens & traps as was set therefore, among so much pilling and polling, among so many taxes and tallages, of which there was never end, & oftentimes no need? Or if any were, it rather grew of riot, and unreasonable waist, than any necessary or honourable charge.  
So that there was daily peeled fro good men and honest, great substance of goods, to be lashed out among unthrifts; so far forth, that fifteens sufficed not, nor any usual names of known taxes: but under an easy name of benevolence and good will, the commissioners so much of every man took as no man could with his good will have given. As though that name of benevolence had signified, that every man should pay, not what himself of his own good will list to grant, but what the king of his good will list to take. Which never asked little, but every thing was hawsed above the measure, amercements turned into fines, fines into ransoms, small trespasses into misprision, misprision into treason. Whereof (I think) no man looketh that we should remember you of examples by name, as though Burdet were forgotten, 
Burdet.  that was for a word spoken in haste cruelly beheaded, by the misconstruing of the laws of this realm, for the prince's pleasure.  
With no less honour to Markam then chief justice, 
Markam.  that left [the benefit & dignity] of his office, rather than he would assent to the dishonesty of those, that either for fear or flattery gave that judgement. What Cook, 
Cook.  your own worshipful neighbour, alderman and mayor of this noble city, who is of you so either negligent that he knoweth not, or so forgetful that he remembreth not, or so hard hearted that he pitieth not that worshipful man's loss? What speak we of loss? His utter spoil and undeserved destruction, only for that it happened those to favour him whom the prince favoured not. We need not (I suppose) to rehearse of these any more by name, sith there be (I doubt not) many here present, that either in themselves or in their nigh friends have known, as well their goods as their persons greatly endangered, either by feigned quarrels, or small matters aggrieved with heinous names. And also there was no crime so great, of which there could lack a pretext.  
For sith the king, preventing the time of this inheritance, attained the crown by battle: it sufficed in a rich man for a pretext of treason, to have been of kindred or alliance, near familiarity, or legier acquaintance with any of those that were at any time the king's enemies, which was at one time and other more than half the realm. Thus were neither your goods in surety, and yet they brought your bodies in jeopardy, beside the common adventure of open war, 
Open war not so ill as 〈◊〉.  which albeit that it is ever the will and occasion of much mischief, yet is it never so mischievous, as where any people fall at distance among themselves, nor in none earthly nation so deadly and so line 10 pestilent, as when it happeneth among us; and among us never so long continued dissension, nor so many battles in that season, nor so cruel and so deadly fought, as was in that king's days that dead is, God forgive it his soul.  
In whose time, and by whose occasion, what about the getting of the garland, keeping it, losing and winning again, it line 20 hath cost more English blood, than hath twice the winning of France. In which inward war among ourselves, 
Civil war the occasion of many great inconveniences.  hath been so great effusion of the ancient noble blood of this realm, that scarcely the half remaineth, to the great enfeebling of this noble land, beside many a good town ransacked and spoiled by them, that have been going to the field or coming from thence. line 30 And peace long after not much surer than war. So that no time was therein, which rich men for their money, and great men for their lands, or some other for some fear, or some displeasure were not out of peril. For whom trusted he that mistrusted his own brother? Whom spared he that killed his own brother? Or who could perfectly love him, if his own brother could not? line 40  
What manner of folk he most favoured we shall for his honour spare to speak of. Howbeit this wot you well all, that who so was best, bore alway least rule; & more suit was in his days to Shore's wife, a vile and an abominable strumpet, 
Shore's wife more sued unto than all the lords in England.  than to all the lords in England: except unto those that made her their proctor. Which simple woman was well named & honest, line 50 till the king for his wanton lust and sinful affection bereft her from her husband, a right honest substantial young man among you. And in that point, which in good faith I am sorry to speak of, saving that it is in vain to keep in counsel that thing that all men know, the kings greedy appetite was insatiable, and every where over all the realm intolerable. line 60  
For no woman was there any where, young or old, rich or poor, whom he set his eye upon, in whom he any thing liked, either person or favour, speech, pace, or countenance, but without any fear of God, or respect of his honour, murmur or grudge of the world, he would importunelie pursue his appetite, and have her, to the great destruction of many a good woman, and great dolour to their husbands, and their other friends; which being honest people of themselves, so much regard the cleanness of their house, the chastity of their wives, and their children, that them were leaver to lose all that they had beside, than to have such a villainy done them. And all were it that with this and other importable dealing, the realm was in every part annoyed: 
He directeth his speech to the commonalty of the city.  yet specially ye here the citizens of this noble city, as well for that amongst you is most plenty of all such things as minister matter to such injuries as for that you were nearest at hand, sith that near here abouts was commonly his most abiding.  
And yet be ye the people, whom he had as singular cause well and kindly to entreat, as any part of his realm; not only for that the prince (by this noble city, 
London the king's especial chamber.  as his special chamber, & the special well renowned city of this realm) much honourable fame receiveth among all other nations: but also for that ye (not without your great cost, & sundry perils & jeopardies in all his wars) bore even your special favour to his part. Which your kind minds borne to the house of York, sith he hath nothing worthily acquitted, there is of that house that now by God's grace better shall: which thing to show you is the whole sum and effect of this our present errand. It shall not (I wots well) need that I rehearse you again, that ye have already heard of him that can better tell it, and of whom I am sure ye will better believe it. And reason is that it so be.  
I am not so proud, to look therefore that ye should reckon my words of as great authority as the preachers of the word of God, namely a man so cunning and so wise, that no man better woteth what he should say, and thereto so good and virtuous, 
Doct. Shaw commended by the duke of Buckingham.  that he would not say the thing which he witted he should not say, in the pulpit namely, into the which no honest man cometh to lie. Which honourable preacher, ye well remember, substantially declared unto you at Paul's cross, on sunday last passed, the right & title that the most excellent prince Richard duke of Gloucester, now protector of this realm, hath unto the crown and kingdom of the same. For as the worshipful man groundlie made open unto you, the children of king Edward the fourth were never lawfully begotten, forsomuch as the king (leaving his very wife dame Elizabeth Lucy) was never lawfully married unto the queen their mother, 
A slanderous lie confirmed.  whose blood, saving that he set his voluptuous pleasure before his honour, was full unmeetlie to be matched with his; and the mingling of whose bloods together, hath been the effusion of a great part of the noble blood of this realm.  
Whereby it may well seem the marriage not well made, of which there is so much mischief grown. For lack of which lawful coupling, & also of other things which the said worshipful doctor rather signified than fully explained, & which things shall not be spoken for me, as the thing wherein every man forbeareth to say that he knoweth in avoiding displeasure of my noble lord protector, bearing (as nature requireth) a filial reverence to the duchess his mother. For these causes (I say) before remembered, that is to wit, for lack of other issue lawfully of the late noble prince Richard duke of York, to whose royal blood the crown of England and of France is by the high authority of parliament entailed, the right and title of the same is by the just course of line 10 inheritance (according to the common laws of the land) devolved & comen unto the most excellent prince the lord protector, 
The title of K. Richard to the crown.  as to the very lawfully begotten son of the foreremembred noble duke of York.  
Which thing well considered, and the great knightly prowess pondered, with manifold virtues, which in his noble person singularly abound; the nobles and line 20 commons also of this realm, and specially of the north part, not willing any bastard blood to have the rule of the land, nor the abusions before in the same used any longer to continue, have condescended and fully determined, to make humble petition to the most puissant prince the lord protector, that it may like his grace (at our humble request) to take upon him the guiding and line 30 governance of this realm, to the wealth and increase of the same, according to his very right and just title. 
The dignity and office of a king full of care & study.  Which thing I wot it well, he will be loath to take upon him, as he whose wisdom well perceiveth the labour and study both of mind and body, that come therewith, to whomsoever so will occupy the room, as I dare say he will, if he take it. Which room I warn you well is no child's office. And that the line 40 great wise man well perceived, when he said: Vae regno cuius rex puer est: Woe is that realm that hath a child to their king.  
Wherefore so much the more cause have we to thank God, that this noble parsonage, which is so rightly entitled thereunto, is of so sad age, & thereto so great wisdom joined with so great experience, which albeit he will be loath (as I have line 50 said) to take it upon him, yet shall he to our petition in that behalf more graciously incline, if ye the worshipful citizens of this the chief city of this realm, join with us the nobles in our said request. Which for your own weal (we doubt not) but ye will: and nevertheless I heartily pray you so to do, whereby you shall do great profit to all this realm beside, in choosing them line 60 so good a king, and unto yourselves special commodity, to whom his majesty shall ever after bear so much the more tender favour, in how much he shall perceive you the more prone and benevolentlie minded toward his election. Wherein dear friends what mind you have, we require you plainly to show us.   
When the duke had said, and looked that the people, whom he hoped that the mayor had framed before, should after this proposition made, have cried; King Richard, king Richard: all was hushed and mute, and not one word answered thereunto. Wherewith the duke was marvelously abashed, and taking the mayor nearer to him, with other that were about him privy to that matter, said unto them softly. What meaneth this, that the people be so still? Sir (quoth the mayor) percase they perceive you not well. That shall we mend (quoth he) if that will help. And by & by somewhat louder he rehearsed to them the same matter again in other order, and other words, so well and ornatlie, and nevertheless so evidently and plain, with voice, gesture, and countenance so comely, and so convenient, that every man much marveled that heard him, and thought that they never had in their lives heard so evil a tale so well told [insomuch that he seemed as cunning an orator, as he, of whom the poet spoke to his high praise & commendation, saying: Quaelibet eloquio causa fit apta suo.]  
But were it for wonder or fear, 
The election of K. Richard hardly to be preferred.  or that each looked that other should speak first: not one word was there answered of all the people that stood before, but all was as still as the midnight, not somuch as rowning amongst them, by which they might seem to commune what was best to do. When the mayor saw this, he with other partners of that council drew about the duke, and said that the people had not been accustomed there to be spoken unto, but by the recorder, which is the mouth of the city, and happily to him they will answer. With that the recorder, called Fitz William, a sad man, & an honest, 
Fitz William recorder.  which was so new come into that office, that he never had spoken to the people before, and loath was with that matter to begin, notwithstanding thereunto commanded by the mayor, made rehearsal to the commons of that the duke had twice rehearsed to them himself.  
But the recorder so tempered his tale, that he showed every thing as the duke's words, and no part his own. But all this noting no change made in the people, which alway after one stood as they had been men amazed. Whereupon the duke rouned unto the mayor and said; This is a marvelous obstinate silence: and therewith he turned unto the people again with these words; Dear friends, we come to move you to that thing, which peradventure we not so greatly needed, but that the lords of this realm, and the commons of other parties might have sufficed, saving that we such love bear you, and so much set by you, that we would not gladly do without you, that thing in which to be partners is your weal and honour, which (as it seemeth) either you see not, or weigh not. Wherefore we require you give us answer one way or other, whether you be minded, as all the nobles of the realm be, to have this noble prince, now protector, to be your king or not.  
At these words the people began to whisper among themselves secretly, that the voice was neither loud nor distinct, but as it were the sound of a swarm of bees, till at the last in the neither end of the hall, 
K. Richard's election preferred by ●●●ces of confederacy.  an ambushment of the duke's servants and Nashfields, and other belonging to the protector, with some prentisses and lads that thrust into the hall amongst the press, began suddenly at men's backs to cry out, as loud as their throats would give; King Richard, king Richard: and threw up their caps in token of joy. And they that stood before, cast back their heads marveling thereof, but nothing they said. Now when the duke and the mayor saw this manner, they wisely turned it to their purpose, and said it was a goodly cry, & a joyful, to hear every man with one voice, no man saying nay.  
Wherefore friends (quoth the duke) sith we perceive it is all your whole minds to have this noble man for your king (whereof we shall make his grace so effectual report, that we doubt not but it shall redound unto your great weal and commodity) we require ye, that ye to morrow go with us, and we with you unto his noble grace, to make our humble request unto him in manner before remembered. And therewith the lords came down, and the company dissolved and departed, the more part all sad: some with glad semblance that were not very metrie, and some of those that came thither with the duke not able to dissemble their sorrow, were feign at his back to turn their face to the wall, while the dolour of their hearts burst out of their eyes. line 10  
Then on the morrow after, the mayor with all the aldermen, 
The majors coming to Bainard's castle unto the lord protector.  and chief commoners of the city, in their best manner appareled, assembling themselves together, resorted unto Bainard's castle, where the protector lay. To which place repaired also (according to their appointment) the duke of Buckingham, and diverse noble men with him, beside many knights and other gentlemen. And thereupon the duke sent word unto the lord protector, of the being there of a great and honourable company, to move a great line 20 matter unto his grace. Whereupon the protector made difficulty to come out unto them, but if he first knew some part of their errand, as though he doubted and partly mistrusted the coming of such a number unto him so suddenly, without any warning or knowledge, whether they came for good or harm.  
Then the duke, when he had showed this to the mayor and other, that they might thereby see how little the protector looked for this matter, they sent unto line 30 him by the messenger such loving message again, and therewith so humbly besought him, to vouchsafe that they might resort to his presence to propose their intent, of which they would unto none other person any part disclose; that at the last he came forth of his chamber, and yet not down unto them, but stood above in a gallery over them, where they might see him, and speak to him, as though he would not yet come too near them till he witted what they meant. And thereupon the duke of Buckingham first made humble line 40 petition unto him on the behalf of them all, that his grace would pardon them, and licence them to propose unto his grace the intent of their coming, without his displeasure, without which pardon obtained, they durst not be bold to move him of that matter.  
In which albeit they meant as much honour to his grace, as wealth to all the realm beside, yet were they not sure how his grace would take it, whom they would in no wise offend. Then the protector (as he was very gentle of himself, and also longed sore line 50 to wit what they meant) gave him leave to propose what him liked, verily trusting (for the good mind that he bore them all) none of them any thing would intend unto himward, wherewith he ought to be grieved. When the duke had this leave and pardon to speak, than waxed he bold to show him their intent and purpose, with all the causes moving them thereunto (as ye before have heard) and finally to beseech his grace, that it would like him, of his accustomed line 60 goodness and zeal unto the realm, now with his eye of pity to behold the long continued distress and decay of the same, and to set his gracious hands to redress and amendment thereof.  
All which he might well do, by taking upon him the crown and governance of this realm, according to his right and title lawfully descended unto him, and to the laud of God, profit of the land, & unto his noble grace so much the more honour, and less pain, in that, that never prince reigned upon any people, that were so glad to live under his obeisance, as the people of this realm under his. When the protector had heard the proposition, he looked very strangely thereat, and answered: that all were it that he partly knew the things by them alleged to be true; yet such entire love he bore unto king Edward and his children, 
O singular dissimulation of king Richard.  that so much more regarded his honour in other realms about, than the crown of any one of which he was never desirous, that he could not find in his hart in this point to incline to their desire. For in all other nations, where the truth were not well known, it should peradventure be thought, that it were his own ambitious mind and devise, to depose the prince, and take himself the crown.  
With which infamy he would not have his honour stained for any crown, in which he had ever perceived much more labour and pain, than pleasure to him that so would use it, as he that would not, were not worthy to have it. Notwithstanding, he not only pardoned them the motion that they made him, but also thanked them for the love and hearty favour they bore him, 
K. Richard spoke otherwise than he meant.  praying them for his sake to give and bear the same to the prince, under whom he was, and would be content to live, and with his labour and counsel (as far as should like the king to use him) he would do his uttermost devoir to set the realm in good state, which was already in this little while of his protectorship (the praise given to God) well begun, in that the malice of such as were before occasion of the contrary, and of new intended to be, were now partly by good policy, & partly more by God's special providence, than man's provision, repressed.  
Upon this answer given, the duke by the protector's licence, a little rouned aswell with other noble men about him, as with the mayor and recorder of London. And after that (upon like pardon desired & obtained) he showed aloud unto the protector, that for a final conclusion, that the realm was appointed K. Edward's line should not any longer reign upon them, both for that they had so far gone, that it was now no surety to retreat, as for that they thought it for the weal universal to take that way, although they had not yet begun it. Wherefore, if it would like his grace to take the crown upon him, they would humbly beseech him thereunto. If he would give them a resolute answer to the contrary, which they would be loath to hear, then must they needs seek and should not fail to find some other noble man that would. These words much moved the protector, which else (as every man may weet) would never of likelihood have inclined thereunto.  
But when he saw there was none other way, but that either he must take it, or else he and his both go from it, he said unto the lords and commons; Sith we perceive well that all the realm is so set, whereof we be very sorry, that they will not suffer in any wise king Edward's line to govern them, whom no man earthly can govern against their wills; & we well also perceive, that no man is there, to whom the crown can by just title appertain, as to ourselves, as very right heir lawfully begotten of the body of our most dear father Richard late duke of York, to which title is now joined your election, the nobles and commons of this realm, which we of all titles possible take for the most effectual: we be content and agree favourably to incline to your petition and request, and (according to the same) here we take upon us the royal estate, 
The protector taketh upon him to be king.  pre-eminence and kingdom of the two noble realms, England and France: the one from this day forward by us and our heirs to rule, govern, and defend; the other by God's grace, and your good help, to get again and subdue, and establish for ever in due obedience unto this realm of England, the advancement whereof we never ask of God longer to live than we intent to procure.  
With this there was a great shout, crying; King Richard, king Richard. And then the lords went up to the king (for so was he from that time called) and the people departed, talking diversly of the matter, every man as his fantasy gave him. But much they talked and marveled of the manner of this dealing, that the matter was on both parts made so strange, as though neither had ever communed with other thereof before, 
A made match to cousin the people.  when that themselves witted there was no man so dull that heard them, but he perceived well enough that all the matter was made between them. Howbeit some excused that again, and said line 10 all must be done in good order though: and men must sometime for the manners sake, not be acknown what they know [though it be hard to outreach the circumspect, wise, & vigilant minded man; as the poet saith: 

Juvenal. sat. 2. — non facile est tibi  
Decipere Vlyssem.]   
For at the consecration of a bishop, every man woteth well by the paieng for his bulls, that he purposeth to be one, & though he pay for nothing else. And yet must he be twice asked whether he will be bishop or no, and he must twice say nay, and the third time take it, as compelled thereunto by his own will. And in a stage play, all the people know right well, that one playing the Sultan, is percase a souter; yet if one should can so little good, to show out of season what acquaintance he hath with him, and call him by his own name while he standeth in his majesty, one of his tormentors might hap to break his head (and worthy) for marring of the play. And so they said, that these matters be kings games, as it were stage plays, and for the more part played upon scaffolds, in which poor men be but the lookers on. And they that wise be will meddle no further. For they that sometime step up, and play with them, when they can not play their parts, they disorder the play, and do themselves no good.  
Thus far Edward the fift, who was never king crowned, but shamefully by his uncle slain, as in the process following appeareth.   

Richard the third, third son to Richard duke ofYorke, and uncle to Edward the fift.  

Anno Reg. 1. 1483  T 
(*) This that is here between this mark & this mark (*) was not written by master More in this history written by him in English, but is translated out of this history which he wrote in Latin.  He next day the protector with a great train went to Westminster hall, & there line 20 when he had placed himself in the court of the King's bench, declared to the audience, that he would take upon him the crown in that place there, where the king himself sitteth and ministereth the law, because he considered that it was the chiefest duty of a king to minister the laws. Then with as pleasant an oration as he could, he went about to win unto him the nobles, the merchants, the artificers, line 30 and in conclusion all kind of men, but especially the lawyers of this realm. And finally, to the intent that no man should hate him for fear, and that his deceitful clemency might get him the good will of the people, when he had declared the discommodities of discord, & the commodities of concord & unity, he made an open proclamation, that he did put out of his mind all enimities, and that he there did openly pardon all offences committed against him.  
And to the intent that he might show a proof thereof, line 40 he commanded that one Fog, whom he had long deadly hated, should be brought then before him, who being brought out of the sanctuary (for thither had he fled for fear of him) in the sight of the people, he took him by the hand. Which thing the common people rejoiced at, and praised, but wise men took it for a vanity. In his return homeward, whom so ever he met, he saluted. For a mind that knoweth itself guilty, is in a manner dejected to a servile flattery [which refuseth no dutifulness, tend the same to never so high a degree of indignity; which one noteth, saying: 
— rides? maiore cachinno  
Concuti●ur; flet, si lachrymas aspexit amici;  
Frigescis? friget; si dixeris, aestuo, sudat.]   
When he had begun his reign in the month of june, after this mockish election, than was he crowned king in the very same month. And that solemnity was furnished, for the most part, with the self same provision that was appointed for the coronation of his nephew. (*) But here to show the manner of his coronation, as the same is inserted in this pamphlet of sir Thomas More, by master Edward Hall and Richard Grafton (although not found in the same pamphlet) thus we find it by them reported. (*) First, 
From this mark (*) to this (*) is not found in sir Thomas More, but in ma●●●e● Hall and Grafton.  to be sure of all enemies (as he thought) he sent for five thousand men of the north against his coronation, which came up evil appareled, and worse harnessed, in rusty harness, neither defensible, nor scoured to the sale, which mustered in Finsbury field to the great disdain of the lookers on. [By which beginning it appeared to the world that he had his state in suspicion, otherwise he would not have procured such a power to be attendant at his commandment, and that at such time as (all weapons laid aside) peace and tranquility should have been sought after for the comforts of the people's minds, & the safety of his own person; but being very mistrustful & fraught with careful thoughts, he was in a maze between hope and fear, according to this very true saying: Sollicitae mentes spéque metúque pavent.]  
The fourth day of julie he came to the Tower by water with his wife, and the fift day he created Thomas lord Howard duke of Norfolk, and sir Thomas Howard his son he created earl of Surrie, and William lord Berkeleie was then created earl of Nottingham, and Francis lord Lovel was then made viscount Lovel, and the king his chamberlain, and the lord Stanleie was delivered out of ward, for fear of his son the lord Strange, which line 10 was then in Lancashire, gathering men (as men said) and the said lord was made steward of the king his household: likewise the archbishop of York was delivered, but Morton bishop of Elie was committed to the duke of Buckingham to keep in ward, which sent him to his manor of Brecknock in Wales, from whence he escaped to king Richard his confusion.  
The same night, the king made seventeen knights of the Bath, whose names ensue: Sir Edmund the duke of Suffolk's son, sir George Greie, the earl line 20 of Kent's son, 
seventeen knights of the bath created by king Richard.  sir William, the lord Zouches son, sir Henry Aburgavennie, sir Christopher Willoughby, sir William Berkeleie, sir Henry Babington, sir Thomas Arundel, sir Thomas Bologne, sir Gerueis of Clifton, sir William Say, sir Edmund Bedingfield, sir William Enderbie, sir Thomas Lekenor, sir Thomas of Urm●n, sir john Browne, sir William Berkeleie. The next day, being the fift day of julie, the king line 30 road through the city of London toward Westminster with great pomp, being accompanied with these dukes, earls, lords, and knights, whose names follow. Edward prince of Wales, the kings only son. 
What ●eers & st●tes were attendant on him going to his coronation.  Duke's: the duke of Norfolk, the duke of Buckingham, the duke of Suffolk. Earls: the earl of Northumberland, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Kent, the earl of Surrie, the earl of Wiltshire, the earl of Huntingdon, the earl of Nottingham, the earl of Warwick, the earl of line 40 Lincoln. Lords: the lord Lisle viscount, the lord Lovel viscount, the lord Stanleie, the lord Audleie, the lord Dacres, the lord Ferrer of Chertleie, the lord Powes, the lord Scroop of upsal, the lord Scroop of Bolton, the lord Greie Codner, the lord Greie of Wilton, the lord Sturton, the lord Cobham, the lord Morleie, the lord Aburgavennie, the lord Zouch, the lord Ferrer of Grobie, the lord Wel●es, the lord Lomleie, the lord Matrovers, the lord Herbert, the lord Becham. Knights: sir james line 50 Tirell, sir William Kneuet, sir Thomas Aborow, sir William Stanleie, sir William Aparre, sir George Browne, sir Robert Middleton, sir john Henningham, sir Nicholas Latimer, sir Thomas Montgomerie, sir Thomas Delamer, sir Gilbert Debnam, sir Terry Robsart, sir William Brandon, sir john Savell, sir Henry Wentford, sir Edward Stanleie, sir Henry Sentmount, sir William Young, sir Thomas Bowser, sir Henry Winkefield, sir Thomas Wortleie, sir john Sentlow, sir line 60 Charles of Pilkington, sir james Harrington, sir john Ashleie, sir Thomas Berkeleie, sir Richard Becham, sir William Hopton, sir Thomas Persie, sir Robert Dimmocke, sir john Cheinie, sir Richard Ludlow, sir john Eldrington, sir William Sands, sir Richard Dudleie, sir William Sentlow, sir Tho. Twaights, sir Edmund of Dudleie, sir Ralph Ashton, sir Richard Charlington, sir Thomas Greie, sir Philip Berkelcie, sir Robert Harington, sir Thomas Greffleie, sir Richard Harecourt, sir William Noris, sir Thomas Sellinger, sir Richard Hodlesten, sir john Conias, sir William Stoner, sir Philip courtney, sir William Gascoigne, sir Richard Amedilton, sir Roger Fines, sir George Uéere, sir sir Henry Persie, sir john Wood, sir john Aparre, sir john Greie, sir john Danbie, sir Richard Tail-bush, sir john Rudet, sir john Herring, sir Richard Euderbie, sir john Berkeleie, sir james Stranguish, sir Ralph Carnbrecke, sir john Constable, sir Robert Eliard, sir Richard Derell, sir john Gilford, sir john Lekenor, sir john Morleie, sir john Hu●s, sir john Bologne, sir Edmund Shaw alderman.  
On the morrow, being the sixth day of julie, 
The solemn ceremonies used at king Richard's coronation.  the king with queen Anne his wife, came down out of the White hall into the great hall at Westminster, and went directly into the king's Bench. And from thence, the king and the queen going upon ray cloth barefooted, went unto saint Edward's shrine, and all his nobility going with him, every lord in his degree. And first went the trumpets, and then the heralds of arms in their rich coats, & next followed the cross with a solemn procession, the priests having fine surplices and grey amisses upon them. The abbots and bishops mitred and in rich copes, & every of them carried their crosiers in their hands. The bishop of Rochester bore the cross before the cardinal. Then followed the earl of Huntingdon bearing a pair of gilt spurs, signifying knighthood. Then followed the earl of Bedford bearing saint Edward's staff for a relic.  
After them came the earl of Northumberland bareheaded, with the pointless sword naked in his hand, which signified mercy. The lord Stanleie bore the mace of the constableship. The earl of Kent bore the second sword on the right hand of the king naked, with a point, which signified justice unto the temporalty. The lord Lovel bore the third sword on the left hand with a point, which signified justice to the clergy. The duke of Suffolk followed with the sceptre in his hand, which signified peace. The earl of Lincoln bore the ball and cross, which signified a monarchy. The earl of Surrie bore the fourth sword before the king in a rich scabbard, and that is called the sword of estate. Then went three together, in the midst went Garter king ●t arms in his rich cote: and on his left hand w●nt the mayor of London, bearing a mace: and on his right hand went the gentleman usher of the privy chamber. Then followed the duke of Norfolk, bearing the king's crown between his hands.  
Then followed king Richard in his robes of purple velvet, and over his head a canopy, borne by four barons of the cinque ports. And on every side of the king there went one bishop, that is to say, the bishop of Bath, and the bishop of Durham. Then followed the duke of Buckingham bearing the king's train, with a white staff in his hand, signifying the office of the high steward of England. Then there followed a great number of earls and barons before the queen. And then came the earl of Huntingdon, who bore the queens sceptre, and the viscount Lisle bearing the rod with the dove. And the earl of Wiltshire bore the queen's crown. Then followed queen Anne daughter to Richard earl of Warwick in robes like to the king, 
Queen Anne wife to king Richard and daughter to Richard earl of Warwick, and her train.  between two bishops, and a canopy over her head borne by the barons of the ports. On her head a rich coronet set with stones and pearl.  
After her followed the countess of Richmond heir to the duke of Summerset, which bore up the queens train. After followed the duchess of Suffolk and Norfolk, with countesses, baronesses, ladies, and many fair gentlewomen. In this order they passed through the palace, and entered the abbeie at the west end; and so came to their seats of estate. And after diverse songs solemnly song, they both ascended to the high altar, and were shifted from their robes, and had diverse places open from the middle upward, in which places they were anointed. Then both the king and the queen changed them into cloth of gold, and ascended to their seats, where the cardinal of Canturburie, 
The king & queen crowned.  & other bishops them crowned according to the custom of the realm, giving him the sceptre in the left hand, & the ball with the cross in the right hand; and the queen had the sceptre in her right hand, and the rod with the dove in her left hand.  
On every side of the king stood a duke, and before line 10 him stood the earl of Surrie with the sword in his hands. And on every side of the queen standing a bishop, & a lady kneeling. The cardinal song mass, and after pax, the king and the queen descended, and before the high altar they were both houseled, with one host divided between them. After mass finished, they both offered at saint Edward his shrine, and there the king left the crown of saint Edward, and put on his own crown. And so in order as they came, they departed to Westminster hall; and so to their chambers for a season: during which time the line 20 duke of Norfolk came into the hall, his horse trapped to the ground in cloth of gold, as high marshal, and voided the hall. About four of the clock, the king and queen entered the hall, and the king sat in the middle, and the queen on the left hand of the table, and on every side of her stood a countess, holding a cloth of pleasance, when she list to drink.  
And on the right hand of the king sat the bishop of Canturburie. The ladies sat all on one side, in the middle of the hall. And at the table against them sat line 30 the chancellor and all the lords. At the table next the cupboard, sat the mayor of London; and at the table behind the lords, sat the barons of the ports: and at the other tables sat noble and worshipful personages. When all persons were set, the duke of Norfolk earl marshal, the earl of Surrie, constable for that day, the lord Stanley lord steward, sir William Hopton treasurer, & sir Thomas Persie controllor, came in and served the king solemnly, with line 40 one dish of gold, and an other of silver, and the queen all in gilt vessel, and the bishop all in silver.  
At the second course came into the hall sir Robert Dimmocke the king's champion, 
Sir Robert Dimmocke the king's champion his challenge in the behalf of king Richard.  making proclamation, that whosoever would say, that king Richard was not lawful king, he would fight with him at the utterance, and threw down his gauntlet, and then all the hall cried; King Richard. And so he did in three parts of the hall, and then one brought him a cup of wine covered, and when he had drunk, he cast out line 50 the drink, and departed with the cup. After that, the heralds cried a largesse thrice in the hall, and so went up to their stage. At the end of dinner, the mayor of London served the king & queen with sweet wine, and had of each of them a cup of gold, with a cover of gold. And by that time that all was done, it was dark night. And so the king returned to his chamber, and every man to his lodging.  
When this feast was thus finished, the king sent home all the lords into their countries that would departed, line 60 except the lord Stanleie, whom he retained, till he heard what his son the lord Strange went about. 
A ga●e pretence of justice and equity.  And to such as went home, he gave straight charge and commandment, to see their countries well ordered, and that no wrong nor extortion should be done to his subjects. And thus he taught other to execute justice and equity, the contrary whereof he daily exercised. He also with great rewards given to the Northernemen, which he sent for to his coronation, sent them home to their country with great thanks: whereof diverse of them (as they be all of nature very greedy of authority, & specially when they think to have any comfort or favour) took on them so highly, and wrought such masteries, that the king was feign to ride thither in his first year, and to put some in execution, and stay the country, or else no small mischief had ensued.  
Now fell there mischeefs thick. And as the thing evil gotten is never well kept, 
Sir Thoma● More agai●●.  through all the time of his reign never ceased there cruel death and slaughter, till his own destruction ended it. But as he finished his time with the best death and the most rigtehous, that is to wit, his own; so began he with the most piteous and wicked, I mean the lamentable murder of his innocent nephews, the young king and his tender brother: whose death and final infortune hath naithelesse comen so far in question▪ that some remain yet in doubt, whether they were in his days destroyed or no. Not for that only that Perkin Werbecke by many folk's malice, 
Perkin Werbecke.  and more folks folly, so long space abusing the world, was as well with princes as the poorer people reputed and taken for the younger of these two; but for that also that all things were in late days so covertly demeaned, one thing pretended, and an other meant.  
Insomuch that there was nothing so plain and openly proved, 
Close dealing is ever suspected.  but that yet for the common custom of close and covert dealing, men had it ever inwardly suspect; as many well counterfeited jewels make the true mistrusted. Howbeit, concerning the opinion, with the occasions moving either party, we shall have place more at large to entreat, if we hereafter happen to write the time of the late noble prince of famous memory king Henry the seventh, or percase that history of Perkin in any compendious process by itself. But in the mean time, for this present matter, I shall rehearse you the dolorous end of those babes, not after every way that I have heard, but after that way that I have so heard by such men and by such means, as me thinketh it were hard but it should be true.  
King Richard after his coronation, taking his way to Gloucester to visit (in his new honour) the town of which he bore the name of his old, devised (as he road) to fulfil the thing which he before had intended. And forsomuch as his mind gave him, that his nephews living, men would not reckon that he could have right to the realm: he thought therefore without delay to rid them, as though the kill of his kinsmen could amend his cause, and make him a kindly king. Whereupon he sent one john green, (whom he specially trusted) unto sir Robert Brakenberie, constable of the Tower, 
john Grée●●, Robert Brakenberie constable of the Tower.  with a letter and credence also, that the same sir Robert should in any wise put the two children to death.  
This john Green did his errand unto Brakenberie, kneeling before our lady in the Tower. Who plainly answered, 
The murder of the two young princes set abroach.  that he would never put them to death to die therefore. With which answer john Green returning, recounted the same to king Richard at Warwick yet in his way. Wherewith he took such displeasure & thought, that the same night he said unto a secret page of his: Ah! whom shall a man trust? Those that I have brought up myself, those that I had wéent would most surly serve me, even those fail me, and at my commandment will do nothing for me. Sir (quoth his page) there lieth one on your pallet without, that I dare well say, to do your grace pleasure, the thing were right hard that he would refuse. Meaning this by sir james Tirrell, which was a man of right goodly parsonage, 
Sir james Tirrell described.  and for nature's gifts worthy to have served a much better prince, if he had well served God, and by grace obtained as much truth and good will as he had strength and wit.  
The man had an high heart, & sore longed upward, not rising yet so fast as he had hoped, 
Authority ●●ueth no partners.  being hindered & kept under by the means of sir Richard Ratcliff, and sir William Catesby, which longing for no more partners of the prince's favour; and namely, not for him, whose pride they witted would bear no peer, kept him by secret drifts out of all secret trust, which thing this page well had marked and known. Wherefore this occasion offered, of very special friendship he took his time to put him forward, and by such wise do him good, that all the enemies he had (except the devil) could never have done him so much hurt. For upon this pages words king Richard arose (for this line 10 communication had he sitting at the draft, a convenient carpet for such a council) and came out into the pallet chamber, on which he found in bed sir james and sir Thomas Tirrels, of person like, and brethren of blood, but nothing of kin in conditions.  
Then said the king merrily to them; What sirs, be ye in bed so soon? And calling up sir james, broke to him secretly his mind in this mischievous matter. In which he found him nothing strange. Wherefore on the morrow he sent him to Brakenberie with line 20 a letter, 
The constable of the Tower delivereth the keys to sir james Tirrell upon the king's commandment.  by which he was commanded to deliver sir james all the keys of the Tower for one night, to the end he might there accomplish the king's pleasure, in such things as he had given him commandment. After which letter delivered, & the keys received, sir james appointed the night next ensuing to destroy them, devising before and preparing the means. The prince (as soon as the protector left that name, and took himself as king) had it showed unto him, that he should not reign, but his uncle should have the crown. At which word the prince sore abashed, line 30 began to sigh, and said: Alas, I would my uncle would let me have my life yet, though I lose my kingdom.  

The two princes shut up in close 〈◊〉.  Then he that told him the tale, used him with good words, and put him in the best comfort he could. But forthwith was the prince and his brother both shut up, & all other removed from them, only one (called Black Will, or William Slaughter) excepted, set to serve them and see them sure. After which time line 40 the prince never tied his points, nor aught wrought of himself; but with that young babe his brother, lingered with thought and heaviness, until this traitorous death delivered them of that wretchedness. For sir james Tirrell devised, that they should be murdered in their beds. To the execution whereof, he appointed Miles Forrest, one of the four that kept them, 
The two murderers of the two princes appointed.  a fellow fleshed in murder before time. To him he joined one john Dighton his own horssekéeper, a big, broad, square, and strong knave. line 50  
Then all the other being removed from them, this Miles Forest, and john Dighton, about midnight (the silly children lying in their beds) came into the chamber, 
The young K. and his brother murdered in their beds at midnight in the Tower.  & suddenly lapping them up among the clothes, so to bewrapped them and entangled them, keeping down by force the featherbed and pillows hard unto their mouths, that within a while, smothered and stifled, their breath failing, they gave up to God their innocent souls into the joys of heaven, leaving to the tormentors their bodies dead in the line 60 bed. Which after that the wretches perceived, first by the struggling with the pains of death, and after long lying still, to be thoroughly dead, they laid their bodies naked out upon the bed, and fetched sir james to see them; which upon the sight of them▪ caused those murderers to bury them at the stair foot, meetly deep in the ground, under a great heap of stones.  
Then road sir james in great haste to king Richard, and showed him all the manner of the murder; who gave him great thanks, and (as some say) there made him knight. But he allowed not (as I have heard) the burying in so vile a corner, saying, that he would have them buried in a better place, because they were a king's sons. Lo the honourable coucourage of a king. Whereupon they say, that a priest of sir Robert Brakenberies took up the bodies again, and secretly interred them in such place, as by the occasion of his death, which only knew it, could never since come to light. Very truth is it, and well known, that at such time as sir james Tirrell was in the Tower, for treason committed against the most famous prince king Henry the seventh, both Dighton and he were examined, 
The murder confessed.  and confessed the murder in manner above written: but whither the bodies were removed, they could nothing tell.  
And thus (as I have learned of them that much knew, and little cause had to lie) were these two noble princes, these innocent tender children, borne of most royal blood, brought up in great wealth, likely long to live, reign, and rule in the realm, by traitorous tyranny taken, deprived of their estate, shortly shut up in prison, and privily slain and murdered, their bodies cast God wots where, by the cruel ambition of their unnatural uncle & his despiteous tormentors. Which things on every part well pondered, God never gave this world a more notable example, neither in what unsuertie standeth this worldly weal; or what mischief worketh the proud enterprise of an high heart; or finally, what wretched end ensueth such despiteous cruelty.  
For first, to begin with the ministers, Miles Forrest, at S. Martin's piecemeal rotten away. 
The just judgement of God severely revenging the murder of the innocent princes upon the malefactors.  Dighton in deed yet walketh on alive in good possibility to be hanged yer he die. But sir james Tirrell died at the Tower hill beheaded for treason. King Richard himself, as ye shall hereafter hear, slain in the field, hacked and hewed of his enemies hands, harried on horseback dead, his hair in despite torn and tugged like a cur dog; and the mischief that he took, within less than three years of the mischief that he did: and yet all (in the mean time) spent in much pain & trouble outward, much fear, anguish and sorrow within. For I have heard by credible report of such as were secret with his chamberlain, that after this abominable deed done, he never had a quiet mind. [Than the which there can be no greater torment. For a guilty conscience inwardly accusing and bearing witness against an offendor, is such a plague and punishment, as hell itself (with all the féends therein) can not afford one of greater horror & affliction; the poet implieng no less in this tristichon: 
Poena autem vehemens, ac multo saevior illis,  
Quas & Caeditius gravis invenit & Radamanthus, 
Pers. sat. 3.   
Nocte diéque suum gestare in pectore testem.   
He never thought himself sure. Where he went abroad, his eyes whirled about, 
The outward and inward troubles of tyrants by means of a grudging conscience.  his body privily fenced, his hand ever upon his dagger, his countenance and manner like one always ready to strike again, he took ill rest a nights, lay long waking and musing, sore wearied with care and watch, rather slumbered than slept, troubled with fearful dreams, suddenly sometime start up, leapt out of his bed, and ran about the chamber; so was his restless heart continually tossed and tumbled with the tedious impression and stormy remembrance of his abominable deed. Now had he outward no long time in rest. For hereupon, soon after began the conspiracy, or rather good confederation, between the duke of Buckingham and many other gentlemen against him. The occasion where upon the king and the duke fell out, is of diverse folk in diverse wise pretended.  
This duke (as I have for certain been informed) as soon as the duke of Gloucester, upon the death of king Edward, came to York, & there had solemn funeral service for king Edward, sent thither in the most secret wise he could, one 
* Persinall, saith Ed. Hall.  Persall his trusty servant, who came to john Ward a chamberer of like secret trust with the duke of Gloucester, desiring that in the most close and covert manner, he might be admitted to the presence and speech of his master. And the duke of Gloucester advertised of his desire, caused him in the dead of the night (after all other folk avoided) to be brought unto him in his secret chamber, where Persall (after his masters recommendations) showed him that he had secret sent him to show him, that in this new world he would take such part as he would, & wait upon him with a thousand good fellows, if need were. line 10  
The messenger sent back with thanks, & some secret instruction of the protector's mind, yet met him again with further message from the duke his master within few days after at Nottingham: whither the protector from York with many gentlemen of the north country, to the number of six hundred horses, was come on his way to London-ward, & after secret meeting and communication had, eftsoons departed. Whereupon at Northampton, the duke met with the protector himself with three hundred horses, line 20 and from thence still continued with him partner of all his devices; till that after his coronation, they departed (as it seemed) very great friends at Gloucester. From whence as soon as the duke came home, he so lightly turned from him, and so highly conspired against him, that a man would marvel whereof the change grew. And surly, the occasion of their variance is of diverse men diversely reported.  
Some have I heard say, that the duke a little before line 30 his coronation, 
Causes of the duke of Buckingham and K. Richard's falling out.  among other things, required of the protector the duke of Hereford's lands, to the which he pretended himself just inheritor. And forsomuch as the title, which he claimed by inheritance, was somewhat interlaced with the title to the crown by the line of king Henry before deprived, the protector conceived such indignation, that he rejected the duke's request with many spiteful and minatory words. Which so wounded his heart with hatred and mistrust, that he never after could endure to look line 40 aright on king Richard, but ever feared his own life; so far forth, that when the protector road through London toward his coronation, he feigned himself sick, because he would not ride with him. And the other also taking it in evil part, sent him word to rise, and come ride, or he would make him be carried. Whereupon he road on with evil will, and that notwithstanding on the morrow, rose from the feast, feigning himself sick, and king Richard said it was done in hatred and despite of him. line 50  
And they said, that ever after continually, each of them lived in such hatred and distrust of other, 
The duke of Buckingham and king Richard mistrust each other.  that the duke verily looked to have been murdered at Gloucester: from which nevertheless, he in fair manner departed. But surly some right secret at that day deny this: and many right wise men think it unlikely (the deep dissembling nature of both those men considered, and what need in that green world the protector had of the duke, and in what peril the duke stood, if he fell once in suspicion of the tyrant) line 60 that either the protector would give the duke occasion of displeasure, or the duke the protector occasion of mistrust. And verily, men think, that if king Richard had any such opinion conceived, he would never have suffered him to escape his hands. Very truth it is, the duke was an high minded man, and evil could bear the glory of another; so that I have heard of some that say they saw it, that the duke, at such time as the crown was first set upon the protector's head, his eye could not abide the sight thereof, but wried his head another way.  
But men say, that he was of truth not well at ease, and that both to king Richard well known, and not evil taken; nor any demand of the dukes uncourteously rejected; but he both with great gifts, and high behests, in most loving and trusty manner departed at Gloucester. But soon after his coming home to Brecknock, having there in his custody by the commandment of king Richard doctor Morton bishop of Elie, who (as ye before heard) was taken in the council at the Tower, waxed with him familiar, whose wisdom abused his pride to his own deliverance, and the duke's destruction. The bishop was a man of great natural wit, 
Doctor N●●●ton bishop of Elie, & what pageants h● played.  very well learned, and honourable in behaviour, lacking no wise ways to win favour. He had been fast upon the part of king Henry, while that part was in wealth; and nevertheless left it not, nor forsook it in woe, but fled the realm with the queen & the prince, while king Edward had the king in prison, never came home, but to the field.  
After which lost, and that part utterly subdued, the other (for his fast faith and wisdom) not only was content to receive him, but also wooed him to come, and had him from thenceforth both in secret trust, and very special favour, which he nothing deceived. For he being (as ye have heard) after king Edward's death, first taken by the tyrant for his truth to the king, found the mean to set this duke in his top, joined gentlemen together in the aid of king Henry, devising first the marriage between him & king Edward's daughter: by which his faith he declared the good service to both his masters at once, with infinite benefit to the realm by the conjunction of those two bloods in one, whose several titles had long disquieted the land, he fled the realm, went to Rome, never minding more to meddle with the world; till the noble prince king Henry the seventh got him home again, made him archbishop of Canturburie, 
The high ●●●nour of 〈◊〉 Morton.  and chancellor of England, whereunto the pope joined the honour of cardinal. Thus living many days in as much honour as one man might well wish, ended them so godly, that his death with God's mercy well changed his life.  
This man therefore (as I was about to tell you) by the long & often alternate proof, as well of prosperity as adverse fortune, had gotten by great experience (the very mother and mistress of wisdom) a deep insight in politic worldly drifts. Whereby perceiving now this duke glad to commune with him, fed him with fair words, and many pleasant praises. And perceiving by the process of their communications, the duke's pride now and then belching out a little breath of envy toward the glory of the king, 
Bishop N●●●tons sub●●ll undermining of the du●e.  and thereby feeling him easy to fall out if the matter were well handled: he craftily sought the ways to prick him forward, taking always the occasion of his coming, and so keeping himself so close within his bounds, that he rather seemed to follow him, than to lead him. For when the duke first began to praise and boast the king, and show how much profit the realm should take by his reign: my lord Morton answered thus.  
Surly, my lord, folly were it for me to lie, for if I would swear the contrary, your lordship would not (I ween) believe; but that if the world would have gone as I would have wished, king Henry's son had had the crown, and not king Edward. But after that God had ordered him to lose it, and king Edward to reign, I was never so mad that I would with a dead man strive against the quick. So was I to king Edward a faithful chaplain, & glad would have been that his child had succeeded him. Howbeit, if the secret judgement of God have otherwise provided, I purpose not to spurn against a prick, nor labour to set up that God pulleth down. And as for the late protector and now king. And even there he left, saying that he had already meddled too much with the world, and would from that day meddle with his book and his beads, and no further.  
Then longed the duke sore to hear what he would have said, because he ended with the king, and there so suddenly stopped, and exhorted him so familiarly between them twain to be bold to say whatsoever he thought; whereof he faithfully promised there should never come hurt, and peradventure more good than he would ween; and that himself intended to use his faithful secret advise & counsel, which (he said) line 10 was the only cause for which he procured of the king to have him in his custody, where he might reckon himself at home, and else had he been put in the hands of them with whom he should not have found the like favour. The bishop right humbly thanked him, and said: In good faith my lord, I love not to talk much of princes, as a thing not all out of peril, though the word be without fault: 
Prince's matters perilous to meddle in.  forsomuch as it shall not be taken as the party meant it, but as it pleaseth the prince to construe it. line 20  
And ever I think on Aesop's tale, that when the lion had proclaimed that (on pain of death) there should no horned beast abide in that wood: one that had in his forehead a bunch of flesh, fled away a great pace. The for that saw him run so fast, asked him whither he made all that haste? And he answered, In faith I neither wot, nor reck, so I were once hence, because of this proclamation made of horned beasts. What fool (quoth the fox) thou mayest abide well enough; the lion meant not by thee, for it is no horn line 30 that is in thine head. No marry (quoth he) that wot I well enough. But what and he call it an horn, where am I then? The duke laughed merrily at the tale, and said; My lord, I warrant you, neither the lion nor the boar shall pike any matter at any thing here spoken: for it shall never come near their ear.  
In good faith sir (said the bishop) if it did, the thing that I was about to say, taken as well as (afore God) I meant it, could deserve but thank: and yet taken line 40 as I ween it would, might happen to turn me to to little good, and you to lesser. Then longed the duke yet much more to wit what it was. Whereupon the bishop said; In good faith (my lord) as for the late protector, sith he is now king in possession, I purpose not to dispute his title; but for the weal of this realm, whereof his grace hath now the governance, and whereof I am myself one poor member, I was about to wish, that to those good abilities whereof he hath already right many, little néeding line 50 my praise, it might yet have pleased God, for the better store, to have given him some of such other excellent virtues, meet for the rule of a realm, as our Lord hath planted in the person of your grace: and there left again.  
The duke somewhat marveling at his sudden pauses, 
Here endeth sir Thomas Moor, & this that followeth is taken out ●● master Hall.  as though they were but parentheses, with a high countenance said: My lord, I evidently perceive, and no less note your often breathing, and sudden stopping in your communication; so that to my line 60 intelligence, your words neither come to any direct or perfect sentence in conclusion, whereby either I might perceive and have knowledge, what your inward intent is now toward the king, or what affection you bear toward me. For the comparison of good qualities ascribed to us both (for the which I myself acknowledge and recognise to have none, nor look for no praise of any creature for the same) maketh me not a little to muse, thinking that you have some other privy imagination, by love or by grudge, engraven and imprinted in your heart, which for fear you dare not, or for childish shamefastness you be abashed to disclose and reveal; and specially to me being your friend, which on my honour do assure you, to be as secret in this case, as the deaf and dumb person is to the singer, or the tree to the hunter.  
The bishop being somewhat bolder, considering the duke's promise, but most of all animated and encouraged because he knew the duke desirous to be exalted and magnified; 
Bishop Morton buildeth upon the duke's ambition.  and also he perceived the inward hatred and privy rancour which he bore toward king Richard: was now boldened to open his stomach even to the very bottom, intending thereby to compas●● 〈◊〉 to destroy, and utterly confound king Richa●●, and to deprive him of his dignity royal; or else to set the duke so on fire with the desire of ambition, that he himself might be safe and escape out of all danger and peril. Which thing he brought shortly to conclusion, both to the king's destruction, and the duke's confusion, and to his own safeguard, and finally to his high promotion.  
And so (as I said before) upon trust and confidence of the duke's promise, the bishop said: My singular good lord, since the time of my captivity, which being in your grace's custody, I may rather call it a liberal liberty, more than a streict imprisonment, in avoiding idleness, mother and nourisher of all vices, in reading books and ancient pamphlets I have found this sentence written, that no man is borne free, and in liberty of himself only: for one part of duty he oweth or should owe to his parents for his procreation, by a very natural instinct and filial courtesy: another part to his friends and kinsfolk; for proximity of blood and natural amity doth every duty challenge and demand: but the native country, in the which he tasted first the sweet airs of this pleasant and flattering world after his nativity, demandeth as a debt by a natural bond, neither to be forgotten, nor yet to be put in oblivion.  
Which saying causeth me to consider in what case this realm my native country now standeth and in what estate and assurance (before this time) it hath continued: what governor we now have, and what ruler we might have. For I plainly perceive the realm being in this case, must needs decay, and be brought to utter confusion, and final extermination. But one hope I have incorporate in my breast, that is, when I consider, 
The duke of Buckingham highly commended.  and in my mind do diligently remember, and daily behold your noble parsonage, your justice, and indifferency, your fervent zeal, and ardent love toward your natural country, and in like manner, the love of your country toward you, the great learning, pregnant wit, and goodly eloquence, which so much doth abound in the person of your grace, I must needs think this realm fortunate, yea twice more than fortunate, which hath such a prince in store, meet and apt to be a governor, in whose person (being endued with so many princely qualities) consisteth and resteth the very undoubted similitude and image of true honour.  
But on the other side, 
Dispraise of the lord protector or king mess.  when I call to memory the good qualities of the late protector, and now called king, so violated and subverted by tyranny, so changed and altered by usurped authority, so clouded and shadowed by blind and insatiable ambition; yea, and so suddenly (in manner by a metamorphosis) transformed from politic civility, to detestable tyranny: I must needs say, & justly affirm, that he is neither meet to be a king of so noble a realm, nor so famous a realm meet to be governed by such a tyrant [whose kingdom (if it were of more ampleness than it is) could not long continue; neither would the Lord suffer him in his bloudthirstines to abuse the holy and divine estate of a prince by the cruel title of tyranny. For such he will overthrow, yea he will bring most horrible slaughter upon them, as it is prophesied▪ 
Impius ad summos quamuis ascendat honores,  
Aspice quas clades tempora saeva vehent.   
Was not his first enterprise to obtain the crown begun and incepted by the murder of diverse noble, valiant true, and virtuous personages? O holy beginning to come to a mischievous ending! Did he not secondarily proceed (contrary to all laws of honesty) shamefully against his own natural mother, being a woman of much honour and more virtue, declaring her openly to be a woman given to carnal affection, and dissolute living? Which thing if it had been true, as it was not indeed, every good line 10 & natural child would have rather mummed at it, than have blasted it abroad, and especially she being alive. Declaring furthermore his two brethren, and his two nephews to be bastards, and to be borne in adultery: yet was he not with all this content.  
After that he had obtained the garland, for the which he so long thirsted, he caused the two poor innocents his nephews, committed to him for especial trust, to be murdered and shamefully to be killed. The blood of which silly and little babes daily cry to God from the earth for vengeance. Alas, my hart sobbeth, to remember line 20 this bloody butcher, and cruel monster. What surety shall be in this realm to any person, either for life or goods under such a cruel prince, which regardeth not the destruction of his own blood, and then less the loss of other? And most especially (as oftentimes it chanceth) where a covetous or a cruel prince taketh suspicion, 
Suspicion in a prince how mischéefous it is.  the smallest swerving that is possible (if the thing be misconstrued) may be the cause of the destruction of many guiltless persons: and in line 30 especial of noble and wealthy personages, having great possessions and riches: such a lord is Lucifer when he is entered into the hart of a proud prince, given to covetousness and cruelty.  
But now my lord to conclude what I mean toward your noble person, I say and affirm, if you love God, your lineage, or your native country, you must yourself take upon you the crown and imperial diadem of this noble empire, both for the maintenance of the honour of the same (which so long hath line 40 flourished in fame and renown) as also for the deliverance of your natural countrymen, from the bondage and thraldom (worse than the captivity of Egypt) of so cruel a tyrant and arrogant oppressor. For thus I dare say, if any foreign prince or potentate, yea the Turk himself would take upon him the regiment here, and the crown, the commons would rather admit and obey him, than to live under such a bloodsucker and child-killer. But how much more joyful and glad would they be to live under your line 50 grace, whom they all know to be a ruler meet and convenient for them, and they to be loving and obedient subjects, meet to live under such a governor? Despise not, nor forsake not so manifest an occasion so lovingly offered.  
And if you yourself, knowing the pain and travel that appertaineth to the office of a king, or for any other consideration, will refuse to take upon you the crown and sceptre of this realm: 
The bishop adjureth the duke to release the realm by some devise from the present evil state.  then I adjure you, by the faith that you own to God, by your honour and by your oath made to saint George, patron of the line 60 noble order of the garter (whereof you be a companion) and by the love and affection that you bear to your native country, and the people of the same; to devise some way, how this realm (now being in misery) may by your high discretion and princely policy, be brought and reduced to some surety and convenient regiment, under some good governor by you to be appointed: for you are the very patron, the only help, refuge and comfort for the poor amazed and desolate commons of this realm.  
For if you could either devise to set up again the lineage of Lancaster, or advance the eldest daughter of king Edward to some high and puissant prince, not only the new crowned king shall small time enjoy the glory of his dignity; but also all civil war should cease, all domestical discord should sleep, and peace, profit and quietness should be set forth and embraced. When the bishop had thus ended his saying, the duke sighed, and spoke not of a great while. Which sore abashed the bishop, and made him change colour. Which thing when the duke perceived, he said; Be not afraid my lord, all promises shall be kept, to morrow we will common more: let us go to supper. So that night they communed no more, not a little to the disquieting of the bishop, which now was even as desirous to know the duke's mind and intent, as the duke longed the day before to know his opinion and meaning.  
So the next day, the duke sent for the bishop, and rehearsed to him in manner (for he was both witty and eloquent) all the communication had between them before, and so paused a while, 
A new conference between the bishop and the duke.  and after a little season, putting off his bonnet, he said: O Lord God creator of all things, how much is this realm of England, and the people of the same, bounden unto thy goodness! For where we now be in vexation and trouble with great storms oppressed, sailing and tossing in a desperate ship, without good master or governor: yet by thy help good Lord I trust yer long time pass, that we shall provide for such a ruler, as shall be both to thy pleasure, and also to the security and safeguard of this noble realm.  
And then he put on his bonnet, saying to the bishop; My lord of Elie, whose true hart and sincere affection toward me at all times I have evidently perceived and known, and now most of all in our last privy communication and secret devising; I must needs in hart think, and with mouth confess and say, that you be a sure friend, a trusty councillor, a vigilant foreséer, a very lover of your country, and a natural countryman: for which kindness for my part, I most lovingly render to you my hearty thanks now with words, hereafter trusting to recompense and remunerate you with deeds, if life and power shall serve.  
And sith, at our last communication, you have disclosed and opened the very secrets and privities of your stomach, touching the duke of Gloucester now usurper of the crown; and also have a little touched the advancement of the two noble families of York and Lancaster: 
The duke openeth himself and his secrets to the bishop.  I shall likewise not only declare and manifest unto you all my open acts, attempts, and doings, but also my privy intents, and secret cogitations. To the intent that as you have unbuckeled the bouget of your privy meanings, and secret purposes to me: so shall all my cloudy workings, close devices, and secret imaginations be (as clear as the sun) revealed, opened, and made lightsome to you.  
And to begin, I declare, that when king Edward was deceased, to whom I thought myself little or nothing beholden (although we two had married two sisters) because he neither promoted, 
The duke complaineth of want of preferment in king Edward's days.  nor preferred me, as I thought I was worthy, and had deserved; neither favoured nor regarded me, according to my degree and birth (for surly I had by him little authority, and less rule, and in effect nothing at all: which caused me less to favour his children, because I found small humanity, or none in their parent) I then began to study, and with ripe deliberation to ponder and consider, how and in what manner this realm should be ruled and governed. And first I remembered an old proverb worthy of memory, that often ruth the realm where children rule, and women govern.  
This old adage so sank and settled in my head, that I thought it a great error, and extreme mischief to the whole realm, either to suffer the young king to rule, or the queen his mother to be a governess over him, considering that her brethren, and her first children (although they were not extract of high and noble lineage) took more upon them, and more exalted themselves, by reason of the queen, than did the king's brethren, or any duke in his realm: which in conclusion turned to their confusion. Then I being persuaded with myself in this point, thought it necessary both for the public and profitable wealth line 10 of this realm, and also for mine own commodity and emolnment, to take part with the duke of Gloucester; whom (I assure you) I thought to be as clean without dissimulation, as tractable without injury, as merciful without cruelty; as now I know him perfectly to be a dissembler without verity, a tyrant without pity, yea & worse than the tyrant Phalaris, destitute of all truth and clemency.  
And so by my means, at the first council holden at London, when he was most suspected of that line 20 thing that after happened (as you my lord know well enough) he was made protector and defender both of the king and of the realm, which authority once gotten, & the two children partly by 
* An unhappy policy tending to slaughter & bloushed.  policy brought under his governance, he being moved with that gnawing and covetous serpent desire to reign, never ceased privily to exhort and require, yea and sometimes with minatory terms to persuade me and other lords, as well spiritual as temporal, that he might take upon him the crown, till the prince came to the age of four and twenty years, line 30 and were able to govern the realm, as a ripe and sufficient king.  
Which thing when he saw me somewhat stick at, both for the strangeness of the example (because no such precedent had been seen) and also because we remembered that men once ascended to the highest type of honour and authority, will not gladly descend again; he then brought in instruments, authentic doctors, proctor's, and notaries of the law, with depositions of diverse witnesses, testifying king Edward's line 40 children to be bastards. Which depositions then I thought to be as true, as now I know them to be feigned; and testified by persons with rewards untruely suborned. When the said depositions were before us read and diligently heard, he stood up bareheaded, saying: Well my lords, even as I and you (sage and discreet councillors) would that my nephew should have no wrong; so I pray you do me nothing but right. For these witnesses & saiengs of famous line 50 doctors being true, I am only the undubitate heir to lord Richard Plantagenet duke of York, adjudged to be the very heir to the crown of this realm by authority of parliament.  
Which things so by learned men to us for a verity declared, caused me and other to take him for our lawful and undoubted prince and sovereign lord. For well we knew that the duke of Clarence son, by reason of the atteindor of his father, was disabled to inherit; and also the duke himself was named to line 60 be a bastard, as I myself have heard spoken, and that upon great presumptions more times than one: so again, by my aid and favour, he of a protector was made a king, and of a subject made a governor. At which time he promised me on his fidelity (laying his hand in mine at Bainard's castle) that the two young princes should live, and that he would so provide for them, and so maintain them in honourable estate, that I and all the realm ought and should be content. [But his words wanted weight, which is a foul discredit to a prince, to a peer, yea to a private and mean common man, as testifieth this sentence: Dedecus est rebus cum bona verba carent.  
For when he was once crowned king, and in full possession of the whole realm, 
The principal cause why the duke of Buckingham conceived such inward grudge against king Richard.  he cast away his old conditions as the adder doth her skin, verifieng the old proverb; Honours change manners, as the parish priest remembreth that he was never parish clerk. For when I myself sued unto him for my part of the earl of Hereford's lands which his brother king Edward wrongfully detained and withheld from me; and also required to have the office of the high constableship of England, as diverse of my noble ancestors before this time have had, and in long descent continued: in this my first suit showing his good mind toward me; he did not only first delay me, and afterward denaie me, but gave me such unkind words, with such tawnts & retawnts, ye in manner check and checkmate, to the uttermost proof of my patience: as though I had never furthered him, but hindered him; as though I had put him down, and not set him up.  
Yet all these ingratitudes and undeserved unkindnesses I bore closely, & suffered patiently, and covertly remembered, outwardly dissembling that I inwardly thought: and so with a painted countenance, I passed the last summer in his last company, not without many fair promises, but without any good deeds. But when I was credibly informed of the death of the two young innocents, his own natural nephews contrary to his faith and promise, to the which (God be my judge) I never agreed, nor condescended; O Lord, how my veins panted, how my body trembled, and how my heart inwardly grudged! insomuch that I so abhorred the sight, and much more the company of him, that I could no longer abide in his court, except I should be openly revenged: the end whereof was doubtful. And so I feigned a cause to departed, and with a merry countenance and a despiteful heart I took my leave humbly of him (he thinking nothing less than that I was displeased) and so returned to Brecknock to you.  
But in that journey (as I returned) whither it were by the inspiration of the holy-ghost, 
The imaginations of the duke of Buckingham to deprive K. Richard.  or by melancholious disposition, I had diverse and sundry imaginations how to deprive this unnatural uncle, and bloody butcher, from his royal seat, and princely dignity. First I santised, that if I list to take upon me the crown, and imperial sceptre of the realm, now was the time propice and convenient. For now was the way made plain, and the gate opened, and occasion given: which now neglected, should peradventure never take such effect and conclusion. For I saw he was disdained of the lords temporal, abhorred and accursed of the lords spiritual, detested of all gentlemen, and despised of all the commonalty: so that I saw my chance as perfectly as I saw mine own image in a glass, that there was no person (if I had been greedy to attempt the enterprise) could nor should have won the ring, or got the goal before me. And on this point I rested in imagination secretly with myself two days at Tewkesburie.  
From thence so journeying, I mused and thought that it was not best nor convenient to take upon me as a conqueror. For than I knew that all men, and especially the nobility, would with all their power withstand me, both for rescuing of possessions and tenors, as also for subverting of the whole estate, laws and customs of the realm: such a power hath a conqueror, as you know well enough my lord. But at the last, in all this doubtful case there sprang a new branch out of my head, 
Note the working of ambition in the duke.  which surly I thought should have brought forth fair flowers; but the sun was so hot, that they turned to dry weeds. For I suddenly remembered that the lord Edmund duke of Summerset my grandfather, was with king Henry the sixth in the two and three degrees, from john duke of Lancaster lawfully begotten: so that I thought sure, my mother being eldest daughter to duke Edmund, that I was next heir to king Henry the sixth of the house of Lancaster.  
This title pleased well such as I made privy of my counsel, but much more it encouraged my foolish desire, and elevated my ambitious intent; insomuch that I clearly judged, and in mine own mind was determinately resolved, that I was indubitate heir of the house of Lancaster, and thereupon concluded line 10 to make my first foundation, and erect my new building. But whether God so ordained, or by fortune it so chanced, while I was in a maze either to conclude suddenly on this title, & to set it open amongst the common people, or to keep it secret a while, see the chance: as I road between Worcester and Bridgenorth, I encountered with the lady Margaret countess of Richmond, now wife unto the lord Stanley, which is the very daughter and sole heir to lord john duke of Summerset, my grandfathers line 20 elder brother, which was as clean out of my mind, as though I had never seen her: so that she and her son the earl of Richmond be both bulwark and portcullis between me and the gate, to enter into the majesty royal and getting of the crown.  
Now when we had communed a little concerning her son, as I shall show you after, and were departed, she to our lady of Worcester, and I to Shrewsburie: I then new changed, and in manner amazed, began to dispute with myself, little considering line 30 that thus my earnest title was turned to a tittell not so good as Est Amen. eftsoons I imagined whether were best to take upon me, by election of the nobility and commonalty, which me thought easy to be done, the usurper king thus being in hatred and abhorred of this whole realm; or to take it by power, which standeth in fortune's chance, and difficile to be achieved and brought to pass. Thus tumbling and tossing in the waves of ambiguity, between the stone and the sacrifice, 
The office of a king very hard to discharge.  I considered first the office, duty, and line 40 pain of a king, which surly think I that no mortal man can justly and truly observe, except he be called, elected, and specially appointed by God as K. David, and diverse other have been.  
But further, I remembered that if I once took on me the sceptre, and the governance of the realm; that of two extreme enemies I was daily sure, but of one trusty friend (which now a days be gone a pilgrimage) I was neither assured nor credibly ascertained; such is the world's mutation. For I manifestly perceived, that the daughters of king Edward, line 50 and their allies and friends, which be no small number, being both for his sake much beloved, and also for the great injury & manifest tyranny done to them by the new usurper, much lamented and pitied, would never cease to bark if they cannot bite at the one side of me. semblably, my coosine the earl of Richmond, his aids and kinsfolks, which be not of little power, will surly attempt like a fierce greihound, either to bite or to pierce me on the other side. So that my life and rule should ever hang line 60 by a hair, never in quiet, but ever in doubt of death, or deposition.  
And if the said two lineages of York and Lancaster, 
The duke's resolution not to meddle in seéking to obtain the crown.  which so long have strived for the imperial diadem, should join in one against me, than were I surly mated, and the game gotten. Wherefore I have clearly determined, and with myself concluded, utterly to relinquish all such fantastical imaginations, concerning the obtaining of the crown. But all such plagues, calamities and troubles, which I feared and suspected might have chanced on me if I had taken the rule and regiment of this realm, I shall with a reredemaine so make them rebound to to our common enemy that calleth himself king, that the best stopper that he hath at tennis shall not well stop without a fault.  
For (as I told you before) the counfesse of Richmond in my return from the new named king, meeting me in the high way, pra●ed me first for kindred sake, secondar●lie for the love that I bore to my grandfather duke Humphrey, which was sworn brother to her father, so move the king to be good to her son Henry earl of Richmond, and to licence him with his favour to return again into England. And if it were his pleasure so to do, she promised that the earl her son should marry one of king Edward's daughters, at the appointment of the king, without any thing to be taken or demanded for the said espousals, but only the king's favour: which request I soon overpassed, and gave her fair words, and so departed.  
But after in my lodging, when I called to memory with a deliberate study, and did circumspectly ponder them, I fully adjudged, that the holy-ghost caused her to move a thing (the end whereof she could not consider) both for the security of the realm, as also for the preferment of her child, and the destruction and final confusion of the common enemy king Richard. Which thing, she neither than thought (I am sure) as I by her words could make conjecture, nor I myself cast not her desire to be so profitable to the realm, as I now do perceive. But such a Lord is God, that with a little sparkle he kindleth a great fire, and (to the admiration of the world) of impossibilities he maketh possibilities, of small beginnings mighty increasings, of drops great floods.  
And so finally to declare to you the very conclusion, to the which I am both bend and set, my mind is, 
The duke of Buckingh●● resolved to help to depose king Richard, and to prefer the 〈◊〉 of Richmond to the crown.  and my power and purse shall help, that the earl of Richmond, very heir of the house of Lancaster (in the quarrel of the which lineage, both my father and grandfather lost their lives in battle) shall take to wife lady Elizabeth eldest daughter to king Edward, by the which marriage both the houses of York and Lancaster may be joined and united in one, to the clear establishment of the title to the crown of this noble realm. To which conclusion if the mothers of both parts, and especially the earl himself, and the lady will agree: I doubt not but the 
* The duke of Gloucester now king.  bragging boar, which with his tusks raseth every man's skin, shall not only be brought to confusion (as he hath deserved) but that this empire shall ever be certain of an undubitate heir, & then shall all civil and intestine war cease, which so long hath continued to the paring of many men's crowns, and this realm shall be reduced again to quietness, renown and glory.  
This invention of the duke many men thought after, that it was more imagined for the inward hatred that he bore to king Richard, than for any favour that he bore to the earl of Richmond. But of such doubtful matter it is not best to judge, for erring too far from the mind and intent of the author. But whatsoever he intended, this devise once opened to king Richard was the very occasion, that he was rounded shorter by the whole head, without attaindor or judgement. When the duke had said, the bishop which favoured ever the house of Lancaster, was wondrous joyful, and much rejoiced to hear this devise. For now came the wind about even as he would have it, 
The 〈◊〉 of the duk●s purpose.  sith all his imagination tended to this effect, to have king Richard subdued, and to have the lines of king Edward, and king Henry the sixth again raised and advanced.  
But lord how he rejoiced, to think how that by this marriage the lineages of York and Lancaster should be conjoined in one, to the very steadfastness of the public wealth of this realm. And lest the duke's courage should suage, or his mind should again alter, as it did often before (as you may easily perceive by his own tale) he thought to set up all the sails that he had, to the intent that the ship of his pretended purpose might come shortly to some sure port, 
The motion for the conjunction of the two houses of Lancaster & York (devised by the duke) furthered.  and said to the duke: My lord, sith by God's provision and your incomparable wisdom and policy, this noble conjunction is first moved, now is it convenient, yea and necessary, to consider what personages, and what friends we shall first make line 10 privy of this high devise and politic conclusion: [which is not rashly & without advisement to be adventured, for therein is danger, as the wiseman saith: Semper habet damnum mentis temerarius ardour.]  
By my truth, quoth the duke, we will begin with the lady Richmond, the earls mother, which knoweth where he is, either in captivity, or at large in Britain. For I heard say, that the duke of Britain restored him to liberty, immediately after the death of king Edward, by whose means he was restrained. line 20 Sith you will begin that way (said the bishop) I have an old friend with the countess, a man sober, secret, and well witted, called Reginald Braie; whose prudent policy I have known to have compassed things of great importance, for whom I shall secretly send, if it be your pleasure; and I doubt not but he will gladly come and that with a good will. So with a little diligence the bishop wrote a letter to Reginald Braie, requiring him to come to Brecknock line 30 with speed, for great and urgent causes touching his mistress: and no other thing was declared in the letter. So the messenger road into Lancashire where Braie was with the countess, and lord Thomas Stanley her husband, and delivered the letter: which when he had read, he took it as a sign or presage of some good fortune to come.  
Then he (with the messenger) came to the castle of Brecknock, where the duke and the bishop declared what thing was devised, both for to set the realm line 40 in a quiet steadfastness, as also for the high preferment of the earl of Richmond, son to his lady and mistress: willing her first to compass how to obtain the good will of queen Elizabeth, and also of her eldest daughter bearing the same name: and after secretly to send to her son into Britain, to declare what high honour was prepared for him, if he would swear to marry the lady Elizabeth assoon as he was king, and in royal possession of the realm. Reginald Bray with a glad heart, forgetting nothing line 50 given to him in charge, in great haste and with good speed returned to the countess his lady and mistress.  
When Braie was departed, and this great doubtful vessel once set abroach, 
Bishop Mortons' devise for to be at his own liberty in his bishopric of Elie.  the bishop thirsting for nothing more than for liberty: when he saw the duke pleasant and well minded toward him; he told the duke, that if he were in his Isle of Elie, he could make many friends to further their enterprise: and if he were there and had but four days warning, he line 60 little regarded the malice of king Richard, his country was so strong. The duke knew well all this to be true, but yet loath he was that the bishop should departed: for he knew well, that as long as the bishop was with him, he was sure of politic advise, sage counsel, and circumspect proceeding. And so he gave the bishop fair words, saying, that he should shortly departed, and that well accompanied for fear of enemies.  
The Bishop being as witty as the duke was wily, did not tarry till the duke's company were assembled, but secretly disguised, in a night departed (to the dukes great displeasure) and came to his see of Elie; where he found money and friends; and so sailed into Flanders, 
The bishop of Elie saileth into Flanders to the earl of Richmond.  where he did the earl of Richmond good service, and never returned again, till the earl of Richmond (after being king) sent for him, and shortly promoted him to the see of Canturburie. Thus the bishop wound himself from the duke when he had most need of his aid, for if he had tarried still, the duke had not made so many blabs of his counsel, nor put so much confidence in the Welshmen, nor yet so temerariouslie set forward (without knowledge of his friends) as he did, which things were his sudden overthrow (as they that knew it did report) [and might perhaps have been avoided by the bishop's wisdom for the duke's safety, as his own, sith Qui sapit, ille potest alios sapuisse docere.]  
When Reginald Braie had declared his message and privy instruction to the countess of Richmond his mistress, no marvel though she were joyous and glad, both of the good news, and also for the obtaining of such a high friend in her sons cause as the duke was. Wherefore she willing not to sleep thi● matter, but to further it to the uttermost of her power and ability, devised a means how to break this matter to queen Elizabeth then being in sanctuary at Westminster. And thereupon she, having in her family at that time (for the preservation of her health) a certain Welshman called jews, learned in physic, which for his gravity and experience, was well known, and much esteemed amongst great estates of the realm, broke her mind to him.  
For with this jews she used sometime liberally and familiarly to talk, and now having opportunity and occasion to express her hart unto him in this weighty matter, declared that the time was come that her son should be joined in marriage with lady Elizabeth, daughter and heir to king Edward; and that king Richard being taken and reputed of all men for the common enemy of the realm, should out of all honour & estate be dejected, & of his crown and kingdom be clearly spoiled and expelled: and required him to go to queen Elizabeth (with whom in his faculty he was of counsel) not as a messenger, but as one that came friendly to visit and consolate her, and (as time & place should require) to make her privy of this devise; not as a thing concluded, but as a purpose by him imagined.  
This physician did not long linger to accomplish her desire, 
jews the physician showeth the queen the whole conceit and devise of the matter.  but with good diligence repaired to the queen, being still in the sanctuary at Westminster. And when he saw time propice and convenient for his purpose, he said unto her: Madam, although my imagination be very simple, and my devise more foolish; yet for the entire affection that I bear toward you and your children, I am so bold to utter unto you a secret and privy conceit that I have cast and compassed in my fantastical brain. When I well remembered and no less considered the great loss and damage that you have sustained, by the death of your noble and loving husband; and the great dolour and sorrow that you have suffered and tolerated, by the cruel murder of your innocent children: I can no less do both of bounden duty and christian charity, than daily to study, and hourly imagine, not only how to bring your hart to comfort and gladness, but also devise how to revenge the righteous quarrel of you and your children on that bloody bloudsupper, and cruel tyrant king Richard.  
And first consider, what battle, what manslaughter, what mischief hath risen in this realm by the dissension between the two noble houses of York & Lancaster. Which two families (as I have contrived) if they may be joined in one, I think, yea and doubt not, but your line shall be again restored to the pristinate estate and degree; to your great joy and comfort, and to the utter confusion of your mortal enemy the usurper king. You know very well madame, 
The conjunction of the two families moved to the Q. by the physician.  that of the house of Lancaster, the earl of Richmond is next of blood, who is living, and a lusty young bachelor, and to the house of York your daughters now are heirs. If you could agree and invent the mean how to couple your eldest daughter with the young earl of Richmond in matrimony, no doubt but the usurper of the realm should be shortly deposed, and your heir again to her right restored. line 10  
When the queen had heard this friendly motion (which was as far from her thought, as the man that the rude people say is in the moon) lord how her spirits revived, and how her heart leapt in her body for joy and gladness▪ And first giving laud to almighty God, as the chief author of her comfort, secondarily to master jews, as the deviser of these good news & tidings, she instantly besought him, that as he had been the first inventor of so great an enterprise, so now he would not relinquish nor desist line 20 to follow the same: requiring him further (because he was appertaining to the countess of Richmond mother to the earl Henry) that he would with all diligent celerity resort to her, than lodging in her husband's place, within the city of London: and to declare on the queens behalf to the countess, that all the friends and fautors of king Edward her husband, 
The queens readiness to s●t forward this conclusion.  should assist and take part with the earl of Richmond her son, so that he would take a corporal oath after the kingdom obtained, to espouse and line 30 take to wife the lady Elizabeth her daughter, or else lady Cicilie, if the eldest daughter were not then living.  
Master jews with all dexterity so sped his business, that he made and concluded a final end and determination of this enterprise between the two mothers. And because he was a physician, and out of all suspicion and misdéeming, he was the common curror and daily messenger between them, aiding and setting forth the invented conspiracy against king line 40 Richard. So the lady Margaret countess of Richmond, brought into a good hope of the preferment of her son, made Reginald Bray her most faithful servant, chief solicitor and privy procuror of this conspiracy; giving him in charge secretly to inveigle and attract such persons of nobility to join with her and take her part, as he knew to be ingenious, faithful, diligent, and of activity. This Reginald Braie within few days brought unto his lure (first of all taking of every person a solemn oath to be true and secret) sir Giles Daubneie, sir john Cheinie knight, line 50 Richard Gilford, and Thomas Rame esquires, and divers other. The countess of Richmond was not so diligent for her part, but queen Elizabeth was as vigilant on the other side, and made friends, and appointed councillors to set forward and advance her business.  
In the mean season, the countess of Richmond took into her service Christopher Urswike, 
The countess of Richmond uttereth the matter to Urswike her chaplain, swearing him to be secret.  an honest and wise priest, and (after an oath of him for to be secret line 60 taken and sworn) she uttered to him all her mind and counsel, adhibiting to him the more confidence and truth, that he all his life had favoured and taken part with king Henry the sixth, and as a special jewel put to her service by sir jews her physician. So the mother, studious for the prosperity of her son, appointed this Christopher Urswike to sail into Britain to the earl of Richmond, and to declare and reveal to him all pacts and agréements between her & the queen agreed and concluded. But suddenly she remembering that the duke of Buckingham was one of the first inventors, and a secret founder of this enterprise, determined to send some parsonage of more estimation than her chaplain.  
Hereupon she elected for a messenger Hugh Conweie esquire, 
Hugh 〈◊〉 esquire 〈◊〉 over to the 〈◊〉 of Rich●●●● to inform 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 preferment  & sent him into Britain with a great sum of money to her son, giving him in charge, to declare to the earl the great love and especial favour that the most part of the nobility of the realm bore toward him, the loving hearts & benevolent minds which the whole commonalty of their own free will frankly offered, and liberally exhibited to him, willing and advising him not to neglect so good an occasion apparently offered; but with all speed and diligence, to addict and settle his mind & full intention how to return home again into England, where he was both wished and looked for: giving him further monition and counsel, to take land and arrival in the principality of Wales, where he should not doubt to find both aid, comfort and friends.  
Richard Gilford, lest Hugh Conweie might fortune to be taken, or stopped at Plymouth, where he intended to take his navigation, 
Tho. Rame sent over for the same purpose for fear of interception  sent out of Kent Thomas Rame with the same instructions: and both made such diligence, and had such wind and weather, the one by land from Calis, and the other by water from Plymouth, that within less than an hour both arrived in the duke of Britain's court, and spoke with the earl of Richmond, which (from the death of king Edward) went at pleasure and liberty, and to him counted and manifested the cause and effect of their message and embassage. When the earl had received this message (which was the more pleasant, because it was unlooked for) he rendered to jesus his saviour, his most humble & hearty thanks, being in firm credence and belief, that such things as he with busy mind and laborious intent had wished & desired, could never have taken any effect, without the help and preferment of almighty God.  
And now being put in comfort of his long longing, he did communicate & break to the duke of Britain all his secrets, and privy messages, 
The earl of Richmond maketh the duke of Britain privy to the matter.  which were to him declared; advertising him that he was entered into a sure and steadfast hope, to obtain and get the crown and kingdom of the realm of England, desiring him both of his good will and friendly help toward the achieving of his offered enterprise, promising him when he came to his intended purpose, to render to him again equal kindness, and condign recompense. Although the duke of Britain before that day, by Thomas Hutton ambassador from king Richard, had both by money and prayers been solicited and moved to put again into safe custody the earl of Richmond, he nevertheless promised faithfully to aid him; and his promise he truly performed.  
Whereupon the earl with all diligence sent into England again Hugh Conweie, 
Hugh Conwey and Thomas Rame returns into England and deliver their answer.  and Thomas Rame, which should declare his coming shortly into England: to the intent that all things, which by counsel might be for his purpose provided, should be speedily and diligently done; and that all things doubtful, should of his friends be prudently foreseen, in avoiding all engines or snares which king Richard had or might set in disturbance of his purpose: and he in the mean season would make his abode still in Britain, till all things necessary for his journey were prepared, and brought in a readiness. In the mean season, the chiefteins of the conjuration in England began together many enterprises: 
Preparation to bring in, receive & 〈◊〉 the earl to the kingdoms.  some in convenient fortresses put strong garrisons, some kept armed men privily, to the intent that when they should have knowledge of the earls landing, they would begin to stir up the war: other did secretly move and solicit the people to rise & make an insurrection: other (amongst whom john Morton bishop of Elie then being in Flanders was chief) by privy letters and cloaked messengers did stir and move to this new conjuration, all such which they certainly knew to have a rooted hatred, or to bear cankered malice toward king Richard and his proceed.  
Although this great enterprise were never so privily handled, and so secretly amongst so circumspect persons treated, compassed and conveyed; yet knowledge thereof came to the ears of king Richard, who with the sudden chance was not a little moved and astonished. First, because he had no host ready prepared; line 10 secondly, if he should raise an army so suddenly, he knew not where to meet his enemies, or whither to go, or where to tarry. Wherefore he determined to dissemble the matter, as though he knew nothing, till he had assembled his host; and in the mean season either by the rumour of the common people, or by the diligence of his espials to search out all the counsels, 
●. Richard's purpose in the 〈◊〉 of coniu●a●ion against 〈◊〉.  determinations, intents, and compasses of his close adversaries; or else by policy to intercept and take some person of the same conjuration, line 20 considering that there is no more secret nor hid espial, than that which lurketh in dissimulation of knowledge and intelligence, or is hidden in name and shadow of counterfeit humanity and feigned kindness. But yet wisdom hath a devise to avoid & shift off all such deceivers, as the poet well saith: Dissimulatores vitat prudentia vafros.  

The duke of Buckingham conspireth against king Richard.  And because he knew the duke of Buckingham to be the chief head and aid of the conjuration, he thought it most necessary to pluck him from that part, either by fair promises or open war. Whereupon line 30 he addressed his loving letters to the duke, full of gentle words, & most friendly speech; giving further in charge to the messenger that carried the letter to promise the duke (in his behalf) golden hills, and silver rivers, and with all gentle and pleasant means to persuade and exhort the duke to come to the court. But the duke as wily as the king, mistrusting the fair flattering words, and the gay promises to him so suddenly without any cause offered, knowing the line 40 crafty casts of king Richard's bow, which in diverse affairs before time he had seen practised, required the king to pardon him, excusing himself that he was so diseased in his stomach, that scant he could either take refection or rest.  
King Richard not being content with this excuse, would in no wise admit the same; but incontinent directed to the duke other letters, of a more rougher and hautier sort, not without tawnting and biting terms, and checking words, commanding him (all excuses set apart) to repair without any delay to line 50 his royal presence. The duke made to the messeng a determinate answer, 
The duke of Buckingham ● professed enemy to king Richard.  that he would not come to his mortal enemy, whom he neither loved, nor favoured: and immediately prepared open war against him, and persuaded all his complices and partakers, that every man in his quarter, with all diligence should raise up people & make a commotion. And by this means almost in one moment Thomas marquess Dorset came out of sanctuary, where since line 60 the beginning of K. Richard's days he had continued, whose life by the only help of sir Thomas Lovel was preserved from all danger & peril in this troublous world, gathered together a great band of men in Yorkshire.  
Sir Edward courtney, and Peter his brother bishop of Excester, raised an other amie in Devonshire and Cornwall. In Kent Richard Gilford and other gentlemen collected a great company of soldiers, and openly began war. But king Richard, 
K. Richard's 〈◊〉 in the disposing of his army.  who in the mean time had gotten together a great strength and puissance, thinking it not most for his part beneficial, to disperse and divide his great army into small branches, and particularly to persecute any one of the conjuration by himself, determined (all other things being set aside) with his whole puissance to set on the chief head, which was the duke of Buckingham. And so removing from London, he took his journey toward Salisbury, to the intent that in his journey he might set on the duke's army, if he might know him in any place encamped, or in order of battle arrayed.  
The king was scarce two days journey from Salisbury, 
The duke of Buckinghans' power of wild Welshmen (falseharted) do ●aile him.  when the duke of Buckingham accompanied with a great power of wild Welshmen, whom he (being a man of great courage and sharp speech) in manner against their wills had rather thereto enforced and compelled by lordly and streict commandment, than by liberal wages and gentle demeanour, which thing was the very occasion why they left him desolate, & cowardly forsook him. The duke with all his power marched through the forest of Deane, intending to have passed the river Severne at Gloucester, & there to have joined his army with the Courtneiss, and other western men of his confederacy and affinity. Which if he had done, no doubt but king Richard had been in great jeopardy, either of privation of his realm, or loss of his life, or both.  
But see the chance. Before he could attain to Severne side, by force of continual rain and moisture, the river rose so high that it overflowed all the country adjoining, 
A sore flood or high water doing much harm, called the duke of Buckinghans' great water.  insomuch that men were drowned in their beds, and houses with the extreme violence were overturned, children were carried about the fields swimming in cradles, beasts were drowned on hills. Which rage of water lasted continually ten days, insomuch that in the country adjoining they call it to this day, The great water; or, the duke of Buckingham's great water. By this flood the passages were so closed, that neither the duke could come over Severn to his adherents, nor they to him. During the which time, the Welshmen lingering idly, and without money, victuals, or wages, suddenly scattered and departed: and for all the dukes fair promises, threatenings, and enforcements, would in no wise either go further nor abide.  
The duke (being thus left almost post alone) was of necessity compelled to fly, and in flight was with this sudden fortune marvelously dismayed: and being unpurneied what counsel he should take, and what way he should follow, like a man in despair, not knowing what to do, of very trust & confidence conveyed himself into the house of Humfreie Banaster his servant beside Shrewesburie, whom he had tenderly brought up, and whom he above all men loved, favoured, and trusted; now not doubting but that in his extreme necessity he should find him faithful, secret, and trusty, intending there covertly to lurk, till either he might raise again a new army, or else shortly to sail into Britain to the earl of Richmond. [But alas (good duke) the means (by occasion of God's providence, shaking men out of their shifts of supposed safety) failed him, and he fell infortunatlie into the hands of the foaming boar, that tore him in pieces with his tusks.]  
Now when it was known to his adherents, which were ready to give battle, that his host was scattered, and had left him almost alone, and was fled, & could not be found; they were suddenly amazed & stricken with a sudden fear, that every man like persons desperate shifted for himself & fled. Some went to sanctuary, and to solitary places; some fled by sea, whereof the most part within a few days after arrived safely in the duchy of Britain. 
The duke's adherents & their powers dispersed.  Among which number were these persons; Peter courtney bishop of Excester, and sir Edmund courtney his brother, by king Henry the seventh after created earl of Devonshire; Thomas marquess Dorset, john lord Welles, sir john Bourchier, sir Edward Wooduile, a valiant man in arms, brother to queen Elizabeth, sir Robert Willoughby, sir Giles Daubneie, sir Thomas Arundel, sir john Cheinie and his two brethren, sir William Barkelie, sir William Brandon, & Thomas his brother, sir Richard Edgecombe: all these for the most part being knights, john Hallowell, and Edward Poinings, apolitike captain.  
At this very season, john Morton bishop of Elie, and Christopher Urswike priest, and an other company line 10 of noble men sojourned in Flanders; and by letters and messengers procured many enemies against king Richard, which using a vigilant eye, and a quick remembrance, being newly come to Salisbury, having perfect notice and knowledge how the duke was fled, and how his complices intended to pass out of the realm; first he sent men of war to all the next ports and passages, to keep straightly the sea coast, so that no person should pass outward, nor take land within the realm without their assent line 20 and knowledge; 
A proclamation for the apprehension of the duke of Buckingham▪ with large rewards to the apprehendor.  secondarily he made proclamation, that what person could show and reveal where the duke of Buckingham was, should be highly rewarded; if he were a bondman, he should be enfranchised and set at liberty; if he were of free blood, he should have a general pardon, and be rewarded with a thousand pounds.  
Furthermore, because he understood by Thomas Hutton, which (as you have heard) was newly returned out of Britain, that Francis duke of Britain line 30 not only refused to keep the earl of Richmond as a prisoner, at his contemplation, and for his sake; but also that he was ready to aid and secure the said earl, with men, money, and all things necessary for his transporting into England: he therefore rigged and sent out ships of war, well furnished and decked with men and artillery, 
K. Richard sendeth forth a name to scour the sea over against Britain.  to scour and keep that part of the sea that lieth over against Britain, to the intent that if the earl of Richmond would adventure to sail toward England, either he should be taken line 40 captive, or be beaten and driven from the coast of England. And moreover, to the intent that every coast, way, passage, and corner, should be diligently watched & kept, he set at every doubtful and suspected place men of war, to seek, search, and inquire, if any creature could tell tidings of the duke of Buckingham; or of any or his confederation, adherents, fautors or partakers.  
While this busy search was diligently applied and put in execution, 
Humphrey Banaster servant unto the duke of Buckingham betrayed his master.  Humfreie Banaster (were it more line 50 for fear of life and loss of goods, or alured & provoked by the avaricious desire of the thousand pounds) he bewrayed his guest and master to john Mitton then sheriff of Shropshire; which suddenly with a strong power of men in harness apprehended the duke in a little grove adjoining to the mansion of Humfreie Banaster, and in great haste and evil speed conveyed him appareled in a peeled black cloak to the town of Shrewesburie, where king Richard then kept his household. Whether this Banaster bewrayed line 60 the duke more for fear than covetous, 
God's secret ●●●gement● upon Banaster and his children after th● duke was apprehended.  many men do doubt: but sure it is, that shortly after he had betrayed the duke his master; his son and heir waxed mad, & so died in a bores sty; his eldest daughter of excellent beauty, was suddenly stricken with a foul leprosy; his second son marvelously deformed of his limbs, and made lame; his younger son in a small puddle was strangled and drowned; and he being of extreme age, arraigned, and found guilty of a murder, and by his clergy saved. And as for his thousand pounds, K. Richard gave him not one farthing, saying that he which would be untrue to so good a master, would be false to all other: howbeit some say that he had a small office or a farm to stop his mouth withal. The duke being by certain of the king's council diligently upon interrogatories examined, what things he knew prejudicial unto the king's person, opened and declared frankly and freely all the conjuration, without dissembling or glozing; trusting, because he had truly and plainly revealed and confessed all things that were of him required, that he should have licence to speak to the king: which (whether it were to sue for pardon and grace, or whether he being brought to his presence, would have sticked him with a dagger as men then judged) he sore desired and required. But when he had confessed the whole fact & conspiracy, 
The duke of Buckingh●● beheaded with out arreig●●●● or iudgeme●●  upon All soul's day, without arreigment or judgement, he was at Salisbury in the open market place, on a new scaffold beheaded and put to death.  
This death (as a reward) the duke of Buckingham received at the hands of king Richard, whom he before in his affairs, purposes and enterprises had helped, sustained, and set forward, above all Gods forbade. By this all men may easily perceive, that he not only loseth both his labour, travel, and industry (and further staineth and spotteth his line with a perpetual ignominy and reproach) which in evil and mischief assisteth and aideth an evil disposed person, considering for the most part, that he for his friendly favour should receive some great displeasure or importunate chance. Beside that, God of his justice in conclusion appointed to him a condign pain and affliction for his merits and deserts. [Available therefore, and for his best advantage had it been, to have followed the wise counsel of him, that willed him, and such as he, to keep them from the man that hath power to slay; so shalt thou doubt (saith he) the fear of death. And if thou come unto him make no fault, lest he take away thy life: remember that thou goest in the midst of snares, & that thou walkest upon the towers of the city. Which advise a learned man, in good place, and necessary service about the prince, neatly comprised in these few veries: 
Vtere principibus modicé, 
Gu. ●la.  nimis esse propinquus  
Si cupis, in vitae multa pericla rues.  
Situa te fortuna facit servire potenti,  
despise ne titubes, atque repentè cadas,  
Sollicicè vigiles, laquei sunt undiquefusi,  
Turribus in summis es situs, ergo cave.]   
While these things were thus handled and ordered in England, 
The earl o● Richmond's preparation of ships and soldiers to the sea.  Henry earl of Richmond prepared an army of five thousand manly Britons, and forty well furnished ships. When all things were prepared in a readiness, and the day of departing and setting forward was appointed, which was the twelve day of the month of October, the whole army went on shipbord, and halsed up their sails, and with a prosperous wind took the sea. But toward night the wind changed, and the weather turned, and so huge and terrible a tempest so suddenly arose, that with the very power and strength of the storm, 
His ships disparkled by tempest.  the ships were disparkled, severed & separated asunder: some by force were driven into Normandy, some were compelled to return again into Britain. The ship wherein the earl of Richmond was, associate only with one other bark, was all night tossed and turmoiled.  
In the morning after, when the rage of the furious tempest was assuaged, and the ire of blustering wind was some deal appeased; about the hour of noon the same day, the earl approached to the south part of the realm of England, 
He seeth all the sea ban●● furnished 〈◊〉 soldiers.  even at the mouth of the haven of Pole, in the county of Dorset, where he might plainly perceive all the sea banks & shores garnished and furnished with men of war and soldiers, appointed and deputed there to defend his arrival and landing (as before is mentioned.) Wherefore he gave streict charge, and sore commandment, that no person should once presume to take land, and go to shore, until such time as the whole navy were assembled and come together. 
〈◊〉 sendeth to ●now whether they ●●re with 〈◊〉 or against him.  And while he tarried and lingered, he sent out a shipboate toward the land side, to know whether they, which stood there in such a number, and so well furnished in apparel defensive, were his foes and enemies, or else his friends and comfortors.  
They that were sent to inquire, were instantly desired of the men of war keeping the coast (which line 10 thereof were before instructed & admonished) to descend and take land, affirming that they were appointed by the duke of Buckingham there to await and tarry for the arrival and landing of the earl of Richmond, 
A forged tale ●o entrap the earls messengers.  and to conduct him safely into the camp, where the duke not far of lay encamped with a mighty army, and an host of great strength and power, to the intent that the duke and the earl, joining in puissances and forces together, might prosecute and chase king Richard being destitute of men, and in manner line 20 desperate, and so by that means, and their own labours, to obtain the end of their enterprise which they had before begun.  
The earl of Richmond suspecting their flattering request to be but a fraud (as it was in deed) after he perceived none of his ships to appear in sight, he weighed up his anchors, halsed up his sails, & having a prosperous and streinable wind, and a fresh gale sent even by God to deliver him from that peril and jeopardy, arrived safe and in all security in the duchy line 30 of Normandy, where he (to refresh and solace his soldiers and people) took his recreation by the space of three days, 
The earl arriveth in Normandy & passeth by land into Britain again.  and clearly determined with part of his company to pass all by land again into Britain. And in the mean season he sent ambassadors to the French king, called Charles the eight, which newly succeeded his father king jews the eleventh, not long before departed to God, requiring of him a safe conduct and licence to pass through his country of Normandy into Britain. line 40  

Charles the ●. of France his benevolence to the earl of Richmond.  This young king, having compassion of the misfortune of the earl of Richmond, not only gently granted and assigned to him a passport; but also liberally disbursed to him a great sum of money for his conduct and expenses necessary in his long journey and passage. But the earl trusting in the French kings humanity, adventured to send his ships home into Britain, and to set forward himself by land on his journey, making no great haste till his messengers were returned. Which being with that benefit so line 50 comforted, and with hope of prosperous success so encouraged, marched towards Britain with all diligence, intending there to consult further with his lovers & friends of his affairs and enterprises. When he was returned again into Britain, he was certified by credible information, that the duke of Buckingham had lost his head; and that the marquess Dorset, and a great number of noble men of England, had a little before inquired and searched for him there, and were now returned to Uannes'. line 60  

The earl lamenteth and rejoiceth.  When he had heard these news thus reported, he first sorrowed and lamented his first attempt and setting forward of his friends, and in especial of the nobility, not to have more fortunately succeeded. secondarily, he rejoiced on the other part, that God had sent him so many valiant and prudent captains to be his companions in his martial enterprises, trusting surly and nothing doubting in his own opinion, but that all his business should be wisely compassed, and brought to a good conclusion. Wherefore he determining with all diligence to set forward his new begun business, departed to Rheims, and sent certain of his privy servitors to conduct and bring the marquess and other noble men to his presence. When they knew that he was safely returned into Britain, Lord how they rejoiced! for before that time they miss him, and knew not in what part of the world to make inquiry or search for him. For they doubted and no less feared lest he had taken land in England, & fallen into the hands of king Richard, in whose person they knew well was neither mercy nor compassion.  
Wherefore in all speedy manner they galoped toward him, and him reverently saluted. Which meeting after great joy and solace, and no small thanks given and rendered on both parts, they advisedly debated and communed of their great business and weighty enterprise. In the which season the feast of the Nativity of our saviour Christ happened, 
The English lords give faith and promise either to other.  on which day all the English lords went with their solemnity to the chief church of the city, and there each gave faith and promise to other. The earl himself first took a corporal oath on his honour, promising that incontinent after he should be possessed of the crown and dignity of the realm of England, he would be conjoined in matrimony with the lady Elizabeth daughter to king Edward the fourth. 
The earl of Richmond sweareth to marry Elizabeth daughter to Edward the fourth, after possession of the crown.  Then all the company swore to him fealty, and did to him homage (as though he had been that time the crowned king, and anointed prince) promising faithfully, and firmly affirming, that they would not only lose their worldly substance; but also be deprived of their lives and worldly felicity, rather than to suffer king Richard that tyrant longer to rule and reign over them.  
Which solemn oaths made and taken, the earl of Richmond declared and communicated all these doings to Francis duke of Britain, desiring & most heartily requiring him to aid him with a greater army to conduct him into his country, which so sore longed and looked for his return, and to the which he was by the more part of the nobility and commonalty called and desired. Which (with God's aid, and the duke's comfort) he doubted not in short time to obtain; requiring him further to priest to him a convenient sum of money; affirming that all such sums of money which he had received of his especial friends, were spent and consumed in preparation of his last journey made toward England; which sums of money, after his enterprise once achieved, he in the word of a prince faithfully promised to repay and restore again. The duke promised him aid and help. Upon confidence whereof he rigged his ships, and set forth a navy well decked with ordinance, and warlikelie furnished with all things necessary, to the intent to sail forward shortly, and to lose no time.  
In the mean season king Richard apprehended in diverse parts of the realm certain gentlemen of the earl of Richmond's faction, & confederation, 
diverse of th● earl of Richmond's faction apprehended and executed.  which either intended to sail into Britain toward him, or else at his landing to assist and aid him. Amongst whom sir George Browne, sir Roger Clifford, and four other were put to execution at London, and sir Thomas Sentleger which had married the duchess of Excester the kings own sister, and Thomas Rame, and diverse other were executed at Excester. Beside these persons, diverse of his household servants, whom either he suspected or doubted, were by great cruelty put to shameful death. 
Abr. Flem▪  [By the observation of which men's names, the place, and the action here mentioned, with the computation of time, I find fit occasion to interlace a note (newly received from the hands of one that is able to say much by record) delivering a summary (in more ample sort) of their names, whom king Richard did so tyrannically persecute and execute: as followeth.]  
King Richard (saith he) came this year to the city, but in very secret manner, 
john Hooker, alias Vowel. K. Richard cometh to Excester, and is received with presents.  whom the mayor & his brethren in the best manner they could did receive, and then presented to him in a purse two hundred nobles; which he thankfully accepted. And during his abode here he went about the city, & viewed the seat of the same, & at length he came to the castle: and when he understood that it was called Rugemont, suddenly he fell into a dump, 
A prophesy, the memory whereof did appall the king's spirits.  and (as one astonished) said; Well, I see my days not long. He spoke this of a prophesy told him, that when he came once to Richmond, line 10 he should not long live after: which fell out in the end to be true, not in respect of this castle, but in respect of Henry earl of Richmond, who the next year following met him at Bosworth field where he was slain. But at his being here, he did find the gentlemen of this country not to be best affected towards him, and after his departure, did also hear that the marquess of Dorset, the bishop of Excester, and sundry other gentlemen were in a confederacy against him for the assisting of the earl of Richmond. line 20  
Wherefore he sent down john lord Scroop with a commission to keep a session; 
Lord Scroop by the king's commission kept a session against diverse indicted of high treason.  who sat at Torington, & then & there were indicted of high treason, Thomas marquess Dorset, Peter bishop of Excester, Thomas Sentleger, and Thomas Fulford knights as principals, and Robert Willoughby and Thomas Arundel knights, john Arundel dean of Excester, David Hopton archdeacon of Excester, Oliver abbot of Buckland, Bartholomew Sentleger, William Chilson, Thomas Gréenefield, Richard line 30 Edgecombe, Robert Burnbie, Walter courtney, Thomas Browne, Edward courtney, Hugh Lutterell, 
More than five hundred indicted, whereof some escaped, and some were executed.  john Crocker, john Hallewell, and five hundred others were indicted as accessaries. All which fled and shifted for themselves, some into Britain, and some else where; saving sir Thomas Sentleger, and one sir john Rame; who were brought to Excester, and there at the Carefor were beheaded.]  
After this, king Richard called a parliament, in the which he atteinted the earl of Richmond and all other line 40 persons which were fled out of the realm for fear, year 1484 
The earl of Richmond atteinted in parliament, and all other that fled over sea to take his part.  or any other cause, as enemies to him, and to their natural country; & all their lands, goods, & possessions, were confiscate and seized to the king's use. And yet not content with this prey, which no doubt was of no small valour and moment, he laid on the people's necks a great tax and tallage, and surly necessity to that act in manner him compelled. For what with purging and declaring his innocency concerning the murder of his nephews toward the world, line 50 and what with cost to obtain the love and favour of the commonalty (which outwardly glossed, and openly dissembled with him) he gave prodigally so many and so great rewards, that now both he lacked, and scarce witted honestly how to borrow.  

Anno Reg. 2.  In this troublous season, nothing was more marveled at, than that the lord Stanleie had not been taken, and reputed as an enemy to the king; considering the working of the lady Margaret his wife, mother to the earl of Richmond. But forsomuch as line 60 the enterprise of a woman was of him reputed of no regard or estimation; and that the lord Thomas her husband had purged himself sufficiently to be innocent of all doings and attempts by her perpetrated and committed: 
King Richard chargeth the lord Stanleie to keep his wife in some secret place from dealing against him.  it was given him in charge to keep her in some secret place at home, without having any servant or company: so that from thence forth she should never send letter or messenger unto her son, nor any of his friends or confederates, by the which the king might be molested or troubled, or any hurt or prejudice might be attempted against his realm and commonalty. Which commandment was a while put in execution and accomplished, according to his dreadful commandment.  
Yet the wild worm of vengeance wavering in his head, could not be content with the death of diverse gentlemen suspected of treason; but also he must extend his bloody fury against a poor gentleman called Collingborne, for making a small rhyme of three of his unfortunate councillors, which were the lord Lovel, sir Richard Ratcliff his mischievous minion, and sir William Catesby his secret seducer, which meeter or rhyme was thus framed: 
The Cat, the Rat, and Lovel our dog,  
Rule all England under an hog.   
Meaning by the hog, the dreadful wild boar, which was the king's cognisance. But because the first line ended in dog, the metrician could not (observing the regiments of meeter) end the second verse in boar, but called the boar an hog. This poetical schoolmaster, corrector bréefs and longs, caused Collingborne to be abbreviated shorter by the head, 
Collingborne executed.  and to be divided into four quarters.  
Here is to be noted, 
Collingborne indictment.  that beside the rhyme which is reported by some to be the only cause for which this gentleman suffered, I find in a register book of indictements concerning felonies and treasons by sundry persons committed, that the said Collingborne (by the name of William Collingborne) late of Lidyard in the county of Wiltshire esquire, and other his associates were indicted in London: for that they about the tenth day of julie, in this second year of king Richard's reign, in the parish of saint Botulphes in Portsoken ward had solicited and requested one Thomas Yate, offering to him for his pains eight pounds, to go over into Britain unto Henry earl of Richmond, 
Collingbo●●● a favourer 〈◊〉 the earl of Richmond.  Thomas marquess Dorset, john Cheineie esquire, and others, which in the last parliament holden at Westminster had been atteinted of sundry high treasons by them practised within the king's dominion.  
Besides this, to declare unto them that they should do very well, to return into England with all such power as they might get before the feast of S. Luke the evangelist next ensuing; for so they might receive all the whole revenues of the realm due at the feast of saint Michael next before the said feast of saint Luke. And that if the said earl of Richmond and his partakers, 
Collingborne purpose to 〈◊〉 the earl a● his arrival at Pole in Dorsetshire.  following the counsel of the said Collingborne, would arrive at the haven of Pole in Dorsetshire, he the said Collingborne and other his associates would cause the people to rise in arms, and to levy war against king Richard, taking part with the said earl and his friends; so that all things should be at their commandments. Moreover, to move the said earl to send the said john Cheineie unto the French king, to advertise him that his ambassadors sent into England should be dallied with, only to drive off the time till the winter season were passed, and that then in the beginning of summer king Richard meant to make war into France, invading that realm with all puissance: and so by this means to persuade the French king to aid the earl of Richmond and his partakers, in their quarrel against king Richard.  
Further, that the said William Collingborne, being confederate with the said earl and other his adherents, as well within the realm as without, the eightéenth day of julie, in the said second year, within the parish of saint Gregory's in Faringdon ward within, 
Collingborne indicted to be a libeler against king Richard.  had devised certain bills and writings in rhyme, to the end that the same being published, might stir the people to a commotion against the king. And those bills and writings in rhyme so devised and written, the same Collingborne the day and year last mentioned, had fastened and set upon diverse doors of the cathedral church of saint Paul, for the more speedy furthering of his intended purpose. Thus far the indictement. But whether he was guilty in part or in all, I have not to say.  
King Richard being thus disquieted in mind, and doubtful for the surety of his own estate, called to remembrance that confederations, honest bands and pacts of amity, concluded and had betwixt princes and governors, are the efficient cause that realms and commonwealths are strengthened with double power, that is, with aid of friends abroad, and their own forces at home. Whereupon the devised how line 10 to conclude a league and amity with his neighbour the king of Scots: who not long before had made diverse incursions and roads into the realm of England. And although he had not much gotten; yet verily he lost not much. And now even as king Richard could have wished, he of himself made suit for peace or truce to be had betwixt him and king Richard; who willingly giving ear to that suit, commissioners were appointed to meet about the treaty thereof, 
See Scotland pag. 284, 285.  as in the history of Scotland it line 20 may appear.  
At length they agreed upon a truce for three years, 
A truce betwixt England & Scotland with a treaty of alliance.  and withal for a further increase of firm friendship and sure amity (betwixt him and the king of Scots) king Richard entered into a treaty also of alliance for the concluding of a marriage betwixt the duke of Rothsaie (eldest son to the king of Scots) and the lady Anne de la Poole daughter to john duke of Suffolk and the duchess Anne, sister to king Richard: which sister he so much favoured, line 30 that studying by all ways and means possible how to advance her lineage, he did not only thus seek to prefer her daughter in marriage; but also after the death of his son, he proclaimed john earl of Lincoln her son and his nephew, 
john earl of Lincoln proclaimed heir apparent to the crown.  heir apparent to the crown of England, disheriting king Edward's daughters, whose brethren (as ye have heard) he most wickedly had caused to be murdered and made away.  
The king of Scots standing in need of friends, line 40 although not so greatly as king Richard, did willingly consent to that motion of marriage, 
A marriage concluded betwixt the prince of Rothsa●e & the duke of Suffolk's daughter.  first broached by king Richard, insomuch that it took effect, and by commissioners was passed and concluded, in manner as in the history of Scotland it likewise appeareth. But albeit that by this league and amity thus covenanted and concluded, it might he thought, that all conspiracies, conjurations, and confederacies against king Richard had been extinct, especially considering the duke of Buckingham and his allies line 50 were dispatched out of the way, some by death, and some by flight and banishment into far countries: yet king Richard, more doubting than trusting to his own people and friends, was continually vexed and troubled in mind for fear of the earl of Richmond's return: which daily dread and hourly agony caused him to live in doleful misery, ever unquiet, and in manner in continual calamity.  
Wherefore he intending to be relieved, and to have an end of all his doubtful dangers, determined line 60 clearly to extirpate and pluck up by the roots all the matter and ground of his fear and doubts. Insomuch that (after long and deliberate consultation had) nothing was for his purpose and intent thought either more necessary or expedient than once again with price, prayer, and rewards, to attempt the duke of Britain, in whose territory the earl of Richmond then abode, 
King Richard attempteth the duke of B●●taine to del●uer the earl of Richmond into his h●●●s.  to deliver the said earl into his hands: by which only means he should be discharged of all fear and peril, and brought to rest and quietness both of body and mind. Wherefore incontinent he sent certain ambassadors to the duke of Britain, which took upon them (beside the great and ample rewards that they brought with them into Britain) that king Richard should yearly pay and answer the duke of all the revenues, rents, 
A great temptation with large offers.  and profits of the signiories, lands, and possessions, as well belonging and appertaining to the earl of Richmond, as to any other noble or gentleman, which then were in the earls company; if he after that time would keep them in continual prison, and restrain them from liberty.  
The ambassadors (furnished with these and other instructions) arrived in Britain, and came to the duke's house; where with him they could have no manner of communication concerning their weighty affairs: by reason that he being faint and weakened by a long and daily infirmity, began a little to wax idle and weak in his wit and remembrance. For which cause Peter Landoise his chief treasurer, a man both of pregnant wit and great authority, ruled and adjudged all things at his pleasure and commandment, for which cause (as men set in authority be not best beloved) he excited & provoked against him the malice and evil will of the nobility of Britain, which afterward (for diverse great offences by him during his authority perpetrate & committed) by their means was brought to death & confusion.  
The English ambassadors moved their message and request to Peter Landoise, 
Peter Landoise is moved by the ambassadors of king Richard in their suit.  and to him declared their masters commandment, instantly requiring and humbly desiring him (in whose power it lay to do all things in Britain) that he would friendly assent to the request of king Richard: offering to him the same rewards and lands, that they should have offered to the duke. This Peter (which was no less disdained than hated almost of all the people of Britain) thought that if he did assent & satisfy king Richard's petition and desire, he should be of power and ability sufficient to withstand and refel the malicious attempts and disdeinfull inventions of his envious adversaries. Wherefore he faithfully promised to accomplish king Richard's request & desire: 
Note what love of lucre or greedy gaping after rewards doth.  so that he kept promise with him, that he might be able to withstand the cankered malice of his secret enemies.  
This act that he promised to do, was not for any grudge or malice that he bore unto the earl of Richmond: for (as you have heard before) he delivered him from the peril of death at saint Malos, when he was in great doubt of life, and jeopardy. 
See page. 701.  But as cause ariseth we ever offend, and that cursed hunger of gold, and execrable thirst of lucre, and inward fear of loss of authority, driveth the blind minds of covetous men, & ambitious persons to evils and mischiefs innumerable, not remembering loss of good name, obloquy of the people, nor in conclusion the punishment of God for their merits and deserts. [Which vengeance of God for such falsehood was more to be feared, 
Abr. Fl.  than the gay offers of the king to be desired; for the one was sure to fall, the other was likely to fail. Wherefore it is wisdom to make choice of a friend, by the rule of the wiseman to be observed in wine, which is drunk with pleasure when it is old. Neither doth it stand with a man's safety to trust a friend too far: for occasions may fall out whereby he shall become an enemy, as the poet saith: Hostis erit forsan qui tuns hospes erat.]  
But fortune was so favourable to the public wealth of the realm of England, that this deadly and dolorous compact took none effect or place. For while posts ran, and letters were sent to and fro for the finishing of this great enterprise between king Richard and Peter Landoise, 
Bishop Morton preventeth & defeateth the practices of king Richard and Peter Landoise.  john Morton bishop of Elie (sojourning then in Flanders) was of all this crafty conveyance certified by his secret and sure friends. Wherefore he sent Christopher Urswike (which at that very season was come out of Britain into Flanders) to declare to the earl of Richmond how all the deceit and crafty working was conveyed and compassed, giving him charge to counsel and advise the earl in all hast possible with all his company to retire out of Britain into France.  
When these news were brought to the earl, he then kept house in Uannes', and incontinent dispatched again Christopher Urswike unto Charles the French king, requiring him that he and his might safely pass into France. Which desire being obtained, line 10 the messenger shortly returned to his lord and prince. The earl, well perceiving that it was expedient and necessary, with all speed and diligence to look to this weighty matter, calling very few to counsel, he made inquiry and search of all secret & byways, & sent before all his noble men, as though for a certain familiarity and kindness they should visit and comfort the duke, which then (for recreation and change of air) lay on the borders and confines of France. 
The earl of Penbroke conductor of the earl of Richmond's company.  And secretly he gave charge to the earl line 20 of Penbroke, which was the leader and conductor of his company, that when they approached the marches and limits of Britain, they should divert and take the next way into France.  
The noble men somewhat suspicious of things newly imagined, without any tarrying, scouring the ways as fast as their horses could run, came out of the duchy of Britain into the duchy of Anjou in the dominion of France, where they tarried the earls coming, which two days after departed out of line 30 Uannes', 
The earls small train for a policy.  only accompanied with slew servitors, as though he had gone secretly to visit a familiar friend of his, in a small village adjoining. No man suspected that he would departed, considering that a great multitude of Englishmen were left and continued in the city. But after that he had passed directly five miles forward, he suddenly turned into a solitary wood next adjoining, where clothing himself in the simple coat of his poor servant, made and appointed his said minister leader and master of his small company, 
The earl appareled like a page attendeth upon one of his men as his master.  line 40 & he as an humble page diligently followed and served his counterfeit governor, neither resting nor refreshing themselves, except the baiting of their horses, till they by ways unknown, now this way, now turning that way, came to their company abiding them in Angiers.  
The fourth day after the earl of Richmond was thus departed, that crafty merchant Peter Landoise, thirsting still after his prey promised by king Richard, was ready to set forward his crew of soldiers, line 50 which he privily had consigned, with certain trusty captains for that only purpose appointed and elected, to perform and achieve his pretended enterprise; dissembling and feigning them to be conducted and hired by him to serve the earl of Richmond, and him to conduct in his return toward his native country: meaning no other thing but to apprehend him, and the other noble men in his retinue, which no such fraud suspected, nor yet any treason imagined, unware and unprovided, and destitute of all aid, and line 60 them to cast and commit suddenly into continual captivity and bondage, to the intent that by this his wretched and naughty act, he might satisfy the charitable request and loving desire of good king Richard, more for his own profit than king Richard's gain.  
But when this crafty dissembler Peter Landoise, which was no wilier than an old fox, 
Pe●er Landoise his expectation disappointed by the privy and unknown departing of the earl.  perceived that the earl was departed (thinking that to be true that he imagined) Lord how currors ran into every coast! how light horsemen galloped in every street! to follow and detain him, if by any possibility he could be met with and overtaken, and him to apprehend and bring captive into the city of Uannes'. The horsemen made such diligence, and with such celerity set forward their journey, that nothing was more likely than they to have obtained, yea and seized their prey. For the earl of Richmond was not entered into the realm of France scarce one hour, but the followers came to the limits and confines of Britain, and durst adventure no further, but vainly (without their desire) sorrowfully returned.  
At which season were left at Uannes' about the number of three hundred Englishmen, which not being called to counsel, and unware of this enterprise, but knowing of the earls sudden departure, were so incontinently astonished, that in manner they were all in despair, both of him, and their own surety and safeguard. But fortune turned his sail, and otherwise it happened than their fear them encumbered. For the duke of Britain, 
The duke of Britain's 〈◊〉 to the earl of Richmond, & the care of 〈◊〉 safety.  now being somewhat recovered, was sore displeased, and nothing contented, that the earl of Richmond was in his dominion so uncourteously used and entreated, that he should be by fraud and untruth compelled to leave and fly out of his duchy and country, contrary to his honour. Wherefore he took very great displeasure with Peter Landoise his treasurer, to whom (although he knew not, and was ignorant that all the drift was driven and devised by him) he laid the fault, and imputed the crime.  
Hereupon he sent for Edward Wooduile, 
Edw. Wooduile & Edward Poinings receive money 〈◊〉 the duke for the earls condu●● and his company.  and Edward Poinings, valiant esquires of England, and delivered unto them money sufficient for their conduct, willing them to convey the rest of the Englishmen being in Britain, to the earl of Richmond's presence. When the earl was thus furnished, and appointed with his trusty company, and was escaped all the dangers, labirinths, and snares that were set for him: no marvel though he were jocund and glad of the prosperous success that happened in his affairs. Wherefore, lest he should seem to be blotted with the note of ingratitude, he sent diverse of his gentlemen to the duke of Britain, the which should publish and declare to him on the behalf of the earl, that he and his were only by his benefit and favour conserved and delivered from the imminent danger that they were like to be trapped in. Wherefore at that time he rendered unto him his most hearty thanks in words, trusting and not doubting, but in time to come liberally to recompense him with acts and deeds.  
After this, the earl took his journey to Charles the French king, lying then at Langes upon the river of Loire, 
The earl of Richmond goeth to the French king▪ and telleth him the cause of his coming  to whom (after great thanks given for manifold pleasures by him to the earl showed) he disclosed and manifested the cause and occasion of his access and repair to his person. After that, he required of him help and succour, to the intent that by his immortal benefit to him at that time showed, he might safely return unto the nobility of his realm; of whom he was generally called to take upon him the crown & sceptre of the realm, sith they much hated and abhorred the tyranny of king Richard. King Charles promised him aid and comfort, and bade him be of good courage, and make good cheer; for he assured him that he would gladly show to him his benevolent mind and bountiful liberality. Which king from thence removed to Mountargis, leading with him the earl of Richmond, and all the noble personages of his retinue and faction.  
¶ This is that Charles the French K. in whose time France was all aflant, 
Abr. Fl. ex Gu●●. page 13.  for the state of that realm is said, that then it was very populous in multitudes of men, for wealth and riches every particular region most fertile and plentiful, for glory in arms most flourishing & renowned, a policy well directed, discipline administered, an authority dreadful, and in opinion and hope most mighty; lastly their general conditions and faculties so well furnished, as perhaps it was not more happy in these mortal felicities since the days of Charlemagne. It was newly amplified in every one of the three parts wherein all Gall stood divided by the ancients: for forty years before under Charles the seventh (a prince for his victories obtained with great dangers called Happy) Normandy and the duchy of Guien, holden by the Englishmen, were reduced to the obedience of the French crown. And in the last days of jews the line 10 eleventh, the earldom of Province, the dukedom of Burgognie, almost all Picardy, together with the duchy of Britain, were by a new marriage invested in the power of Charles the eight.]  

Sir john Vere earl of Oxford getteth out of prison, & he with others go to the earl of Richmond.  While the earl was thus attendant in the French court, john Vere earl of Oxford, which (as you have heard before) was by king Edward kept in prison within the castle of Hams, so persuaded james Blunt captain of the same fortress, and sir john Fortescue porter of the town of Calis, that line 20 he himself was not only dismissed and set at liberty; but they also abandoning and leaning their fruitful offices, did condescend to go with him into France to the earl of Richmond, and to take his part. But james Blunt, like a wise captain, because he left his wife remaining in the castle before his departure, did fortify the same both with new munitions, and fresh soldiers. [And here because the names of Vere and Fortescus are remembered, it shall not be amiss, somewhat out of due place, yet line 30 better a little out of order than altogether to omit the same, to add a supplement for the further perfecting of a report recorded in page 693, and adding some light also to this present place touching the said persons, with others.]  

Abr Fl. ex I.S. p●g. 733.  ¶ Know you the refore, that this sir john Vere earl of Oxford (that withdrew himself from Barnet field, and with all speed fled into Scotland) in the year 1473, and the thirteenth of Edward the fourth, did (after he had sometime sojourned there) sail into line 40 France, about the borders whereof he was continually hovering, as hoping to win some prey (to support his estate) of such passengers as for merchandise cause or otherwise must keep their course a long the sea. 
The earl of Oxford levieth a power and cometh into England.  Whose good success therein did not deceive his mind. For in the end (what of one and other) he got such riches and other furniture, as he was able to support a chosen number of followers. Wherewith he (being relieved and encouraged to adventure to line 50 set foot in his country in despite of king Edward) did with his company of 397 persons, and with his sail of ships land in the west country the last of september, where (partly by force of his, and partly through fear of the inhabitants, but mostly by a subtle shift) he got and entered the castle of saint Michael's mount, a place of strength, and such an harborough, as he determined to keep the same against all assailants. During the time of his remain there, he would with his company many times descend line 60 the hill, and come abroad in the country, where (for his love, for his honour, and for the hatred they bore to king Edward) he was well entertained of many gentlemen and others of the country.  
But this matter unpossible long to be kept in secret, was at the length brought to the knowledge of king Edward; who being somewhat moved, thought in the beginning to withstand such mischief, least suffering too long, & the earl growing to strength, he might be put to as great plunge for the crown as he had been twice before: wherewith seeing he was possessed, he grew resolute to keep it both by policy and puissance, maugre the open violence and privy practices as well of his professed as secret enemies. For he ran through the pikes yer he could obtain it, and offered his body to many desperate perils in hope to get it: which if he had either feared or shunned, it is a matter of demand whether he had ever had it. For precious things, as principalities and such like, unless they be hereditary, as they are hardly kept, so are they not easily gotten: for he that desireth to gather a rose, must not be tender over his fingers because of thorns; and he that would taste honey fresh out of the hive, must not be scared with the stinging of bees, as the poet very sweetly noteth: 
Non quisquam fruitur veris odoribus,  
Hyblaeos latebris nec spoliat favos,  
Si fronti caveat si timeat rubos,  
Armat spina rosas, mella tegunt apes.   
Wherefore king Edward gave in charge to Bodringham, ruler or sheriff of Cornwall, 
Sheriff Bodringham besiegeth the mount that the earl had taken.  to assemble such power as he could; and besieging the mount, he should either take or kill the earl of Oxford. The which the sheriff did accordingly, but that so feintlie and favourably, as he permitted the earl of Oxford (now in distress) to revictual the mount, knowing that there was no way to expel the earl from thence but by famine. These things thus done (the king not pleased, and the earl not displeased) one Fortescue (which surname is deduced from the strength of his shield, whereof that family had first original) was with a stronger and faithfuller company sent by king Edward to lay siege to the castle; which he did, and long continued. 
The name of Fortescue whereupon it grew.  For it was not easy to be had, being (of itself) by nature strongly set, by policy well vittelled, and by manhood valiantly defended: which moved the king to assay an other means therefore, and to see if policy might do that which force could not.  
For which cause, as Fortescue still continued the said siege, the K. supposed it best (if possibly he might) to weaken the earls part, 
devices to withdraw the earls power from him.  by withdrawing the strength and hearts of his people from him: which might not be done but with rich promises and strong pardons. On which consideration he sent liberally pardons to them, and in the end so secretly wrought with the earls men: that if the earl (fearing the worst, and judging it better to try the king's mercy, than to hazard the extremity of taking, in which rested nothing but assured death) had not wholly submitted himself to king Edward, 
The earl of Oxford submitteth himself & yieldeth the castle into the king's hands.  he had been by his own men most dishonestly betrayed, and suddenly taken prisoner. Whereupon the earl coming forth to Fortescue, did there yield himself and the castle into the king's hands. At what time (being the fifteenth of February, which from the first entrance of the earl into that castle being the last of september, was about four months and fourteen days) the same Fortescue entered the mount, & took possession thereof, finding it yet sufficiently vittelled to have sustained an other siege more than one half year. After all things were thus quieted, the earl, the lord Beaumond, two brothers of the said earl, and Thomas Clifford, were brought up as prisoners unto king Edward. And now to our present history again.]  
When the earl of Richmond saw the earl of Oxenford, he was ravished with an incredible gladness, that he being a man of so high nobility, of such knowledge and practices in feats of war, and so constant, trusty and assured (which alway had studied for the maintenance and preferment of the house of Lancaster) was now by God's provision delivered out of captivity and imprisonment; and in time so necessary and convenient come to his aid, succour, and advancement; in whom more surer than any other he might put his trust and confidence, and take less pain and travel in his own person. For it was not hid from him, that such as ever had taken part with king Edward before this time, came to do him service, either for malice they bare king Richard, or else for fear to live under his cruel rule and tyrannous governance.  
Not long after, the French king returned again to Paris, whom the earl of Richmond followed, intending there to solicit his matter to the conclusion. Whereupon he be sought king Charles to take upon him the whole tuition and defence of him and line 10 his cause, so that he and his company being (by his means) aided and comforted, should confess and say, their wealth, victory, and advancement to have flowed and budded forth of his bountifulness and liberality, which they would (God willing) shortly acquit. In the mean season, diverse Englishmen, which either fled out of England for fear, 
divers English 〈◊〉 voluntarily submit themselves to the earl of Richmond in France.  or were at Paris to learn and study good literature and virtuous doctrine, came voluntarily and submitted themselves to the earl of Richmond, and vowed & swore to take his part. Amongst whom was Richard Fox line 20 a priest, a man of great wit and no less learning, whom the earl incontinent received into secret familiarity, and in brief time erected and advanced him to high dignities and promotions, and in conclusion made him bishop of Winchester.  
In the mean season, king Richard was credibly advertised, what promises and oaths the earl and his confederates had made and sworn together at Rheims, and how by the earls means all the Englishmen were passed out of Britain into France. line 30 Wherefore being sore dismayed, and in a manner desperate, because his crafty chievance took none effect in Britain, he imagined & devised how to infringe and disturb the earls purpose by an other mean; so that by the marriage of lady Elizabeth his niece, 
K. Richard's devise to infringe and defeat the earl of Richmond's purpose.  he should pretend no claim nor title to the crown. For he thought if that marriage failed, the earls chief comb had been clearly cut. And because that he being blinded with the ambitious desire of rule before this time in obtaining the kingdom, had line 40 committed and done many cursed acts, and detestable tyrannies, yet according to the old proverb; Let him take the bull that stolen away the calf: he thought all facts by him committed in times passed to be but of small moment, and not to be regarded in comparison of that mischievous imagination, which he now newly began and attempted.  
There came into his ungracious mind a thing not only detestable to be spoken of in the remembrance of man, but much more cruel and abominable line 50 to be put in execution. For when he revolved in his wavering mind, how great a fountain of mischief toward him should spring, if the earl of Richmond should be advanced to the marriage of his niece: which thing he heard say by the rumour of the people, that no small number of wise and witty personages enterprised to compass and bring to conclusion; he clearly determined to reconcile to his favour his brother's wife queen Elizabeth, either by fair words, or liberal promises; firmly believing line 60 her favour once obtained, that she would not stick to commit (and lovingly credit) to him the rule and governance both of her and her daughters, and so by that means the earl of Richmond of the affinity of his niece should be utterly defrauded and beguiled. 
A subtle and liwo practice of king Richard to beguile the earl of Richmond.   
And if no ingenious remedy could be otherwise invented, to save the innumerable mischiefs which were even at hand, and like to fall, if it should happen queen Anne his wife to departed out of this present life, than he himself would rather take to wife his cousin and niece the lady Elizabeth; than for lack of that affinity the whole realm should run to ruin, as who said, that if he once fell from his estate and dignity, the ruin of the realm must needs shortly ensue and follow. Wherefore he sent to the queen (being in sanctuary) diverse and often messengers, which first should excuse and purge him of all things before against her attempted or procured, and after should so largely promise promotions innumerable, and benefits, not only to her, but also to her son lord Thomas marquess Dorset, that they should bring her (if it were possible) into some wanhope, or (as men say) into a fools paradise.  
The messengers, being men both of wit and gravity, so persuaded the queen with great and pregnant reasons, & what with fair and large promises, that she began somewhat to relent, and to give to them no deaf ear; insomuch that she faithfully promised to submit and yield herself fully and frankly to the kings will and pleasure. And so she putting in oblivion the murder of her innocent children, the infamy and dishonour spoken by the king her husband, the living in adultery laid to her charge, the bastarding of her daughters; forgetting also the faithful promise and open oath made to the countess of Richmond mother to the earl Henry, blinded by avaricious affection, & seduced by flattering words, first delivered into king Richard's hands her five daughters, 
The inconstancy of Q. Elizabeth.  as lambs once again committed to the custody of the ravenous wolf.  
After she sent letters to the marquess her son, being then at Paris with the earl of Richmond, willing him in any wise to leave the earl, and without delay to repair into England, 
Queen Elizabeth allureth her son the marques●e Dorset home out of France.  where for him were provided great honours, and honourable promotions; ascerteining him further, that all offences on both parts were forgotten and forgiven, and both he and she highly incorporated in the king's heart. Surly the inconstancy of this woman were much to be marveled at, if all women had been found constant; but let men speak, yet women of the very bond of nature will follow their own sex. [But it was no small allurement that king Richard used to overcome her (for we know by experience that women are of a proud disposition, and that the way to win them is by promises of preferment) and therefore it is the less marvel that he by his wily wit had made conquest of her wavering will. Besides that, it is to be presumed that she stood in fear to impugn his demands by denials, lest he in his malicious mood might take occasion to deal roughly with her, being a weak woman, and of a timorous spirit.]  
Now when king Richard had thus with glorious promises, and flattering words, pleased and appeased the mutable mind of queen Elizabeth, which knew nothing less than that he most intended; he caused all his brother's daughters to be conveyed into his palace with solemn receiving: as though with his new familiar and loving entertainment they should forget, and in their minds blot out the old committed injury, and late executed tyranny. Now nothing was contrary and against his devilish purpose, but that his mansion was not void of his wife, which thing he in any wise adjudged necessary to be done. But there was one thing that so much feared and stayed him from committing this abominable murder, because (as you have heard before) he began to counterfeit the image of a good and well disposed person: and therefore he was afeard lest the sudden death of his wife once openly known, he should lose the good and credible opinion which the people had of him, without any desert, conceived and reported.  
But in conclusion, evil counsel prevailed in a wit lately minded to mischief, and turned from all goodness. So that his ungracious desire overcame his honest fear. And first to enter into the gates of his imagined enterprise, he abstained both from the bed and company of his wife. 
A lo●ged complain of king Richard against his wi●● t● be rid of h●r.  Then he complained to diverse noble men of the realm, of the infortunate sterility and barrenness of his wife, because she brought forth no fruit and generation of her body. And in especial he recounted to Thomas Rotheram archbishop of York (whom lately he had delivered out of ward and captivity) these impediments of his queen, and diverse other, thinking that he line 10 would reveal to her all these things, trusting the sequel hereof to take due effect, that she hearing this grudge of her husband, & taking therefore an inward thought, would not long live in this world.  
Of this the bishop gathered (which well knew the complexion and usage of the king) that the queens days were short, and that he declared to certain of his secret friends. After this he procured a common rumour (but he would not have the author known) to be published and spread abroad among the common line 20 people, 
A rumour spread abroad o● the qu●enes death a● the procurement of king Richard.  that the queen was dead; to the intent that she taking some conceit of this strange fame, should fall into some sudden sickness or grievous malady: and to prove if afterwards she should fortune by that or any other ways to lease her life, whether the people would impute her death to the thought or sickness, or thereof would lay the blame to him. Now when the queen heard tell that so horrible a rumour of her death was sprung amongst the commonalty, she sore suspected and judged the world to be almost line 30 at an end with her. And in that sorrowful agony she with lamentable countenance and sorrowful cheer, repaired to the presence of the king her husband, demanding of him what it should mean, that he had judged her worthy to die.  
The king answered her with fair words, and with smiling and flattering leasings comforted her, and bid her be of good cheer, for (to his knowledge) she should have no other cause. But howsoever that it fortuned, either by inward thought and pensiveness line 40 of hart, or by infection of poison (which is affirmed to be most likely) within few days after the queen departed out of this transitory life, 
The queen 〈◊〉 to king Richard the third sudden●●● dead.  and was with due solemnity buried in the church of S. Peter at Westminster. This is the same Anne, one of the daughters of the earl of Warwick, which (as you have heard before) at the request of jews the French king was married to prince Edward, son to king Henry the sixth. The king thus (according to his long desire) loosed out of the bonds of matrimony, began line 50 to cast a foolish fantasy to lady Elizabeth his niece, making much suit to have her joined with him in lawful matrimony. 
K Richard ca●●eth his 〈◊〉 on his piece purposing ●o ma●● her.   
But because all men and the maiden herself most of all detested and abhorred this unlawful, and in manner unnatural copulation; he determined to prolong and defer the matter, till he were in a more quietness. For all that very season he was oppressed wi●h great, weighty, and urgent causes, and businesses on every side; considering that daily, part of the line 60 nobility sailed into France to the earl of Richmond: other privily favoured and aided certain of the conjuration, so that of his short end few or none were in doubt. And the common people (for the most part) were brought to such desperation, that many of them had rather be reputed and taken of him in the number of his enemies, than to abide the chance and hazard to have their goods taken as a spoil of victory, by his enemies. [In such hatred they had the wretch, wishing his hart in their hands with the hazard of their heads. For how can people say well or think well of tyrants, whose property it is to tear them in pieces with their claws, like a wolf let lose among a fold of sheep? Whereto Homer had an eye when he said in pithy sense as here followeth: 
Quisquis inhumanis studet intestabilis uti 
Hom. Odyss. lib. 19   
Moribus, huic omnes vivo clàm dira precantur:  
Huic omnes credunt fas insultare perempto.]   
Amongst the noble men whom he most mistrusted, these were the principal. Thomas lord Stanleie, 
What noble men K. Richard most mistrusted.  sir William Stanleie his brother, Gilbert Talbot, and six hundred other: of whose purposes although king Richard were not ignorant, yet he gave neither confidence nor credence to any one of them; and least of all to the lord Stanleie, because he was joined in matrimony with the lady Margaret, mother to the earl of Richmond, as afterward apparently ye may perceive. For when the said lord Stanleie would have departed into his country to visit his family, and to recreate and refresh his spirits (as he openly said, but the truth was, to the intent to be in a perfect readiness to receive the earl of Richmond at his first arrival in England) the king in no wise would suffer him to departed, before he had left as an hostage in the court George Stanleie lord Strange, his first begotten son and heir.  
While king Richard was thus troubled and vexed with imaginations of the troublous time that was like to come: lo, even suddenly he heard news, 
1485 Anno Reg. 3.  that fire was sprung out of the smoke, and the war freshly begun; 
The castle of Hams delivered unto the earl of Richmond.  and that the castle of Hams was delivered into the hands of the earl of Richmond, by the means of the earl of Oxford; and that not only he, but also james Blunt captain of the castle, were fled into France to aid the earl Henry. Wherefore he, thinking it great policy to withstand the first brunt, sent the most part of the garrison of Calis, to recover again by force the castle of Hams. They which were in the castle, perceiving their adversaries to approach, prepared munitions and engines for their defence, and sent also to the earl of Richmond, to advertise him of their sudden invasion, requiring him of hasty aid and speedy succour.  
The earl sleeping not this first begun assault, sent the earl of Oxford with an elected company of soldiers to raise the siege, and rescue the castle: which at their first arriving pitched their camp not far from their enemies. Now while king Richard's men gave vigilant eye, waiting lest the earl of Oxford should take any advantage of them that lay on that side of the castle; 
Thomas Brandon entereth the castle.  Thomas Brandon with thirty approved men of war by a marish, which lay on the other side, entered into the castle. The soldiers within greatly encouraged, & much comforted by this new succour and aid, grieved the enemies, by shooting from the walls more than they were accustomed to do. Then they of the castle vexed their enemies on the fore part: and the earl of Oxford no less molested & unquieted them on the other part. 
Why king Richard gave licence to all in the castle to departed in safety with bag and baggage.  Which was the occasion that king Richard's men offered (of their own mere motion) licence to all being within the castle to departed in safety, with bag and baggage, nothing excepted.  
Which condition the earl of Oxford, coming only for that purpose to deliver his loving friends out of all peril and danger, and chiefly of all, his old hostess jane Blunt, wife to james Blunt the captain, would in no wise forsake or refuse: and so leaving the castle bare and ungarnished both of victuals and artillery, came safely to the earl of Richmond sojourning in Paris. During this time, king Richard was credibly informed of his inquisitors and espials, that the earl of Richmond was with long suit in the court of France sore wearied; and desiring great aid, could obtain small relief: in somuch that all things went so far backwards, that such things as were with great diligence (and no less deliberation) purposed and determined to be set forward, were now dashed and overthrown to the ground.  
King Richard either being too light of credence, or seduced and deluded by his crafty taletellers, greatly rejoiced, as though he had obtained the over hand of his enemies with triumphant victory, and thought himself never so surly delivered of all fear and dreadful imaginations: so that he needed now no more once for that cause either to wake, or to break his golden sleep. 
K. Richard calleth home his ships of war from the narrow seas.  Wherefore he called home again line 10 his ships of war, which he had appointed to keep the narrow seas, and dispatched all such soldiers as he had deputed to keep certain garrisons, and to stop certain passages (as you have heard before.) Yet lest he might for lack of provision be suddenly trapped, he straightly charged and gave in commandment to all noblemen, and especially such as inhabited near the sea coast, and on the frontiers of Wales, that (according to the usage of the country) they should keep diligent watch and strong ward, to line 20 the intent that his adversaries in no wise should have any place opportune easily to take land, without defence or rebutting back.  
For the custom of the countries adjoining near to the sea is (especially in the time of war) on every hill or high place to erect a beacon with a great lantern in the top, 
The use of beacons in countries near the sea coasts.  which may be seen and discerned a great space off. And when the noise is once bruited that the enemies approach near the land, they suddenly put fire in the lanterns, and make shouts and line 30 outcries from town to town, and from village to village. Some run in post from place to place, admonishing the people to be ready to resist the jeopardy, and defend the peril. And by this policy the fame is soon blown to every city and town, in somuch that aswell the citizens as the rural people be in short space assembled and armed, to repel and put back the new arrived enemies. [Whereas if the necessary use of this visible warning were neglected, the policy of the enemy might privily so prevail, line 40 as that the people should sooner fall into peril irrecoverable, than they could think on (much less provide) means to avoid it.]  
But now to return to our purpose. King Richard thus somewhat eased of his accustomed pensiveness, began to be a little more merry, & took less thought and care for outward enemies than he was wont to do; as who say, that he with politic provision should withstand the destiny which hung over his head, and was ordained in brief time suddenly to fall. Such line 50 is the force and puissance of divine justice, that every man shall less regard, less provide, less be in doubt of all things, when he is most nearest punishment, and next to his mischance for his offences & crimes. [For though God did forbear him a while, yet was that forbearance no acquittance, but rather a time of preparing & making up that which wanted of the plagues that God had purposed in justice to power upon and overwhelm him for his fowl offences, which could not scape heavy judgement & vengeance: line 60 Nam scelus admissum poena severa premit.]  
About this season, while the earl of Richmond was desiring aid of the French king, certain noble men were appointed to rule the realm of France, during the minority of king Charles, which amongst themselves were not of one opinion. 
Dissension among the peers of France made the earl of Richmond renew his suit and put him to his shifts.  Of which dissension, Lewes' duke of Orleans was the chief stirrer, who because he had married lady joane sister to the French king, took upon him above other the rule and administration of the whole realm. By reason of which controversy, no one man was suffered to rule all. Wherefore the earl of Richmond was compelled to make suit to every one of the council severally one after another, requiring and desiring them of aid and relief in his weighty business, and so his cause was prolonged and deferred. During which time, Thomas marquess Dorset, which was (as you have heard) enticed by his mother to return again into England, partly despairing in the good success of the earl of Richmond, and partly overcome and vanquished with the fair glozing promises of king Richard: secretly in the night season stolen out of Paris, 
The marque● Dorset forsaketh the earl.  and with all diligent expedition took his journey toward Flanders.  
When relation of his departure was made to the earl of Richmond, and the other noble men, no marvel though they were astonished and greatly amazed. Yet that notwithstanding, they required of the French king, that it might be lawful for them in his name, and by his commandment, to take and stay their companion, confederate, and partaker of all their counsel, in what place within his realm and territory so ever they could find him. Which petition once obtained, they sent out currors into every part, amongst whom Humfreie Cheinie (playing the part of a good bloodhound) followed the tract of the flier so even by the sent, that he overtook and apprehended him not far from Campeigne; and so what with reason, and what with fair promises, being persuaded, he returned again to his companions.  
The earl of Richmond unburdened of this misadventure, lest by lingering of days, and prolonging of time, he might lose the great opportunity of things to him offered and ministered: also lest he should further wound and molest the minds of his faithful and assured friends, which daily did expect and tarry for his coming, determined no longer to protract and defer the time; but with all diligence and celerity attempted his begun enterprise. And so obtaining of king Charles a small crew of men, 
The earl of Richm●nd hath 〈◊〉 money of the French king for hostages.  and borrowing certain sums of money of him, and of diverse other his private friends, for the which he left as debtor (or more likely as a pledge or hostage) lord Thomas marquess Dorset (whom he half mistrusted) and sir john Bourchier, he departed from the French court, and came to the city of Rone.  
While he tarried there, making provision at Harfleet in the mouth of the river of Seine for all things necessary for his navy, tidings were brought to him that king Richard (being without children, & now a widower) intended shortly to marry the lady Elizabeth his brother's daughter; and to prefer the lady Cicilie her sister to a man found in a cloud, and of an unknown lineage and family. He took these news as a matter of no small moment; and so (all things considered) it was of no less importance than he took it for. 
The earl is grieved at 〈◊〉 news of king Richard's intended marriage with his neéce.  For this thing only took away from him and all his companions their hope and courage, that they had to obtain an happy enterprise. And therefore no marvel though it nipped him at the very stomach: when he thought, that by no possibility he might attain the marriage of any of K. Edward's daughters, which was the strongest foundation of his building; by reason whereof he judged that all his friends in England would abandon and shrink from him.  
Wherefore, making not many of his counsel, after diverse consultations, he determined not yet to set forward: but to tarry and attempt how to get more aid, more friends, and more stronger succours. And amongst all other, it was thought most expedient to allure by affinity in his aid, as a companion in arms, sir Walter Herbert, 
Sir Walter Herbert.  a man of an ancient stock, & of great power among the Welsh, who had with him a fair lady to his sister, of age ripe to be coupled with him in matrimony. And for the achieving of this purpose, 
A marriage purposed 〈◊〉 disappointed.  messengers were secretly sent to Henry earl of Northumberland (which had before married another sister of sir Walter herbert's) to the intent that he should set forward all this devise and purpose: but the ways were so narrowly watched, and so many spies laid, that the messenger proceeded not in his journey and business.  
But in the mean season, there came to the earl a more joyful message from Morgan Kidwellie, learned in the temporal law, 
The Welshmen offer to aid the earl o● Richmond.  which declared that Rice ap Thomas, a man of no less valiantness than activity, and john Savage an approved captain, would line 10 with all their power be partaker of his quarrel. And that Reginald Breie had collected and gotten together no small sum of money for the payment of the wages to the soldiers and men of war: admonishing him also to make quick expedition, and to take his course directly into Wales. The earl of Richmond, because he would no longer linger and weary his friends, living continually between hope and fear, determined in all convenient haste to set forward, and carried to his ships armour, weapons, line 20 victuals, and all other ordinances expedient for war.  
After that all things were in readiness, the earl being accompanied only with two thousand men, and a small number of ships, weighed up his anchors, and halsed up his sails in the month of August, and sailed from Harfléet with so prosperous a wind, that the seventh day after his departure, he arrived in Wales in the evening, 
The earl arriveth at Milford haven.  at a place called Milford haven, and incontinent took land, and came to a place called Dalle; where he heard say that a certain line 30 company of his adversaries were laid in garrison to defend his arrival all the last winter. And the earl at the sun rising removed to Hereford west, being distant from Dalle not full ten miles, where he was joyfully received of the people, and he arrived there so suddenly, that he was come and entered the town at the same time when the citizens had but knowledge of his coming.  

A false rumour of ill news.  Here he heard news, which were as untrue as they truly were reported to him in Normandy; that Rice ap Thomas, and john Savage, with body and line 40 goods, were determined to aid king Richard. While he and his company were some what astonished at these new tidings, there came such message from the inhabitants of the town of Penbroke, that refreshed and revived their frozen hearts and daunted courages. For Arnold Butler a valiant captain, which first asked pardon for his offences before time committed against the earl of Richmond, and that obtained, declared to him that the Penbrochians were line 50 ready to serve and give their attendance on their natural and immediate lord jasper earl of Penbroke. The earl of Richmond, having his army thus increased, departed from Hereford west to the town of Cardigan, being five miles distant from thence.  
While the soldiers were refreshing and trimming themselves in their camp, strange tidings sprung among them without any certain author; that sir Walter Herbert, which lay with a great crew of men at Carmarden, was now with a great army ready to approach and bid them battle. With line 60 which news the army was sore troubled, and every man assayed his armour and proved his weapon, and were priest to defend their enemies. And as they were in this fearful doubt, certain horsemen, which the earl had sent to make inquiry and search, returned and reported all the country to be quiet, and no let nor impediment to be laid or cast in their journey. And even at the same time, 
The earl of Richmond's power made stronger by access of confederates.  the whole army was greatly recomforted, by reason that the coming of Richard Griffith, a man of great nobility, the which notwithstanding that he was confederate with sir Walter Herbert, and Richard ap Thomas; yet at that very instant he came to the earl of Richmond with all his company; which were of no great number. After him the same day came john Morgan with his men.  
Then the earl advanced forward in good haste, making no repose or abode in any one place. And to the intent to pass forward with sure and short expedition, he assaulted every place where his enemies had set any men of war; which with small force, and less difficulty, he briefly did overcome & vanquish. And suddenly he was by his espials ascertained, that sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas were in harness before him, ready to encounter with his army, and to stop their passage. Wherefore like a valiant captain he first determined to set on them, and either to destroy or to take them into his favour, and after with all his power and puissance to give battle to his mortal enemy king Richard. But to the intent his friends should know in what readiness he was, and how he proceeded forward; 
The earl sendeth secret word to his mother and other his friends that he meant a direct passage to London & their conference.  he sent of his most secret and faithful servants with letters and instructions to the lady Margaret his mother, to the lord Stanleie and his brother, to sir Gilbert Talbot, and to other his trusty friends; declaring to them that he being succoured and helped with the aid and relief of his friends, intended to pass over the river of Severne at Shrewesburie, and so to pass directly to the city of London.  
Wherefore he required them, as his special trust and confidence was fixed in the hope of their fidelity, that they would meet him by the way with all diligent preparation; to the intent that he and they, at time and place convenient, might communicate together the deepness of all his doubtful and weighty business. When the messengers were dispatched with these commandments and admonitions, he marched forward toward Shrewesburie: and in his passing, there met and saluted him Rice ap Thomas with a goodly band of Welshmen, 
Rice ap Thomas sweareth fealty and service to the earl of Richmond.  which making an oath and promise to the earl, submitted himself wholly to his order and commandment. For the earl of Richmond two days before made to him promise, that if he would swear to take his part and be obedient to him, he would make him chief governor of Wales: which part as he faithfully promised and granted, so (after that he had obtained and possessed the realm and diadem) he liberally performed and accomplished the same.  
In the mean time the messengers, that wer● sent, diligently executed their charge, and laden with rewards of them to whom they were sent, returned to him the same day that he entered into Shrewesburie: and made relation to him that his friends were ready in all points to do all things for him, which either they ought or might do. The earl Henry brought in good hope with this pleasant message, continued forth his intended journey, and came to a little town called Newport, and pitching his camp on a little hill adjoining, reposed himself there that night. In the evening the same day came to him sir Gilbert Talbot, with the whole power of the young earl of Shrewesburie, then being in ward, which were accounted to the number of two thousand men. And thus his power increasing, he arrived at the town of Stafford, and there paused.  
There also came sir William Stanleie accompanied with a few persons. And after that the earl and he had communed no long time together; he reverted to his soldiers, whom he had assembled together to serve the earl: which from thence departed to Lichfield, and lay without the walls in his camp all the night. The next morning he entered into the town, and was with all honour like a prince received. A day or two before, the lord Stanleie, having in his band almost five thousand men, lodged in the same town. But hearing that the earl of Richmond was marching thitherward, 
The lord Stanleies devise to avoid suspicion of K. Richard and to save his sons life.  gave to him place, dislodging him and his, and repaired to a town called Aderstone, there abiding the coming of the earl. And this wily fox did this act, to avoid all suspicion on king Richard's part.  
For the lord Stanleie was afraid, lest if he should seem openly to be a fautor or aider to the earl his son in law, before the day of the battle, that king Richard, which yet utterly did not put in him diffidence line 10 and mistrust, would put to some cruel death his son and heir apparent George lord Strange, whom king Richard (as you have heard before) kept with him as a pledge or hostage, to the intent that the lord Stanleie his father should attempt nothing prejudicial to him. King Richard at this season keeping his house in the castle of Nottingham, was informed that the earl of Richmond, with such vanished men as were fled out of England to him, were now arrived in Wales, and that all things necessary to his line 20 enterprise were unprovided, unpurveyed, and very weak, nothing meet to withstand the power of such as the king had appointed to meet him.  
This rumour so inflated his mind, that in manner disdeining to hear speak of so small a company, 
K. Richard contemneth the earl and his power.  he determined at the first to take little or no regard to this so small a sparkle, declaring the earl to be innocent and unwise, because that he rashly attempted such a great enterprise with so small and thin a number of warlike persons: and therefore he gave a definitive line 30 sentence, that when he came to that point that he should be compelled to fight against his will, he either should be apprehended alive, or else by all likelihood he should of necessity come to a shameful confusion: and that he trusted to be shortly done by sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas, which then ruled Wales with equal power and like authority.  
But yet revolving and casting in his mind, that a small war begun and winked at, and not regarded, may turn to a great broil and trouble; and that it line 40 was prudent policy not to contemn and disdain the little power and small weakness of the enemy (be it never so small) thought it necessary to provide for afterclaps that might happen & chance. [For victory doth not always follow the greatest multitude, neither is it a necessary consequent, that the biggest body is endued with most force. For we see that the small viper is the huge bulls deadly bane, and a little cur doth catch a bore boisterous and big; as the poet properly (and to the purpose) very well saith: line 50 

ovid.  parva necat morsu spatiosum vipera taurum,  
A cane non mag no saepè tenetur aper.   
Wherefore he sent to john duke of Norfolk, Henry earl of Northumberland, 
The king sendeth to his friends for a chosen power of men.  Thomas earl of Surrie, and to other of his especial & trusty friends of the nobility, which he judged more to prefer and esteem his wealth and honour, than their own riches and private commodity; willing them to muster and view all their servants and tenants, and to elect and choose the most courageous and active persons line 60 of the whole number, and with them to repair to his presence with all speed and diligence. Also he wrote to Robert Brakenberie lieutenant of the Tower, commanding him with his power to come to his army, and to bring with him (as fellows in arms) sir Thomas Bourchier, & sir Walter Hungerford, and diverse other knights and esquires, in whom he cast no small suspicion.  
Now while he was thus ordering his affairs, tidings came that the earl of Richmond was passed Severne, & come to Shrewesburie without any detriment or encumbrance. At which message he was sore moved and broiled with melancholy and dolour, crying out, & ask vengeance of them that (against their oath and promise) had so deceived him. For which cause he began to have diffidence in other, insomuch that he determined himself out of hand the same day to meet with and resist his adversaries: and in all haste sent out espials to view and espy what way his enemies kept and passed. They diligently doing their duty, shortly after returned, 
The earl 〈◊〉 encamped at Lichfield.  declaring to the king that the earl was encamped at the town of Lichfield.  
When he had perfect knowledge where the earl with his army was sojourning, he having continual repair of his subjects to him, began incontinently without delay to marshal and put in order his battles (like a valiant captain and politic leader) and first he made his battles to set forward, 
The ordering of king Richard's arm●●.  five and five in a rank, marching toward that way where his enemies (as was to him reported) intended to pass. In the middle part of the army, he appointed the traffic and carriage pertaining to the army. Then he (environed with his guard) with a frowning countenance and cruel visage, mounted on a great white courser, and followed with his footmen, the wings of horsemen coasting and ranging on every side: and keeping this array, he with great pomp entered the town of Leicester after the sun set [full of indignation & malice, which uttered itself from the inward hart by the mouth, out of which flowed speeches of horrible heat, tempered with cruel threatenings, equal to his of whom it was thus said long ago: Horrebant saevis omnia verba minis.]  
The earl of Richmond raised his camp, 
The earl of Richmond removeth his power to Tamworth.  and departed from Lichfield to the town of Tamworth thereto near adjoining, and in the mid way passing, there saluted him sir Walter Hungerford, and sir Thomas Bourchier knights, and diverse other which yielded and submitted themselves to his pleasure. For they, being advertised that king Richard had them in suspicion and controversy, a little beyond stony Stratford left and forsook privily their captain Robert Brakenberie; and wandering by night, and in manner by unknown paths, and uncertain ways searching, at the last came to earl Henry. diverse other noble personages, which inwardly hated king Richard worse than a toad or a serpent, did likewise resort to him with all their power and strength, wishing and working his destruction, who otherwise would have been the instrument of their casting away.  
There happened in this progression to the earl of Richmond a strange chance worthy to be noted. 
A strange chance that happened to the earl of Richmond.  For albeit he was a man of valiant courage, & that his army increased, and daily more and more he waxed mightier and stronger; yet he was not a little afeard, because he could in no wise be assured of his father in law Thomas lord Stanleie, which for fear of the destruction of the lord Strange his son (as you have heard) as yet inclined to neither party. For if he had gone to the earl, and that notified to king Richard, his son had been shortly executed. Wherefore he accompanied with twenty light horsemen lingered in his journey, as a man musing & imagining what was best to be done. And the more to aggravate his pensiveness, it was showed him, that king Richard was at hand with a strong power & a great army.  
While he thus heavily dragged behind his host, the whole army came before the town of Tamworth; and when he for the deep darkness could not perceive the steps of them that passed on before, and had wandered hither & thither, seeking after his company, and yet not once hearing any noise or whispering of them; he turned to a very little village, being about three miles from his army, 
The earl of Richmond put to 〈◊〉 shift.  taking great thought, and much fearing lest he should be espied, and so trapped by king Richards scoutwatch. There he tarried all night, not once adventuring to ask or demand a question of any creature, he being no more amazed with the jeopardy & peril that was passed, than with this present chance, sore feared that it should be a prognostication or sign of some infortunate plague afterward to succeed. As he was not merry being absent from his army, so likewise his army much marveled, and no less mourned for his sudden absence.  
The next morning early in the dawning of the line 10 day he returned, and by the conduct of good fortune, espied and came to his army, excusing himself not to have gone out of the way by ignorance: but that for a policy (devised for the nonce) he went from his camp to receive some glad message from certain of his privy friends and secret allies. This excuse made, he privily departed again from his host to the town of Aderston, 
T●e lord Stanleie, the earl of Richmond, & others 〈◊〉, embrace, and consult.  where the lord Stanleie and sir William his brother with their bands were abiding. There the earl came first to his father in law, in a little close, line 20 where he saluted him, and sir William his brother: and after diverse and friendly embracings, each rejoiced of the state of other, and suddenly were surprised with great joy, comfort, and hope of fortunate success in all their affairs and doings. Afterward they consulted together how to give battle to king Richard if he would abide, whom they knew not to be far off with an huge host.  
In the evening of the same day, sir john Savage, sir Brian Sanford, 
The principals of K. Richard's power 〈◊〉 from him.  sir Simon Digbie, and many other, line 30 leaving king Richard, turned and came to the part of the earl of Richmond, with an elect company of men. Which refusal of king Richard's part, by men of such experience, did augment and increase both the good hope, and the puissance of the earl of Richmond. In the mean season, king Richard which was appointed now to finish his last labour by the very divine justice & providence of God (which called him to condign punishment for his mischievous deserts) marched to a place meet for two battles to encounter, line 40 by a village called Bosworth, not far from Leicester: and there he pitched his field on a hill called Anne Beam, refreshed his soldiers, and took his rest.  

The breame 〈◊〉 king Richard the third foretelling him of his end.  The same went, that he had the same night a dreadful and terrible dream: for it seemed to him being asleep, that he did see diverse images like terrible devils, which pulled and haled him, not suffering him to take any quiet or rest. The which strange vision not so suddenly strake his heart with a sudden fear, but it stuffed his head and troubled his mind line 50 with many busy and dreadful imaginations. For incontinent after, his heart being almost damped, he prognosticated before the doubtful chance of the battle to come; not using the alacrity and mirth of mind and countenance as he was accustomed to do before he came toward the battle. And lest that it might be suspected that he was abashed for fear of his enemies, and for that cause looked so pitiously; he recited and declared to his familiar friends in the line 60 morning his wonderful vision and fearful dream.  
But I think this was no dream, but a punction and prick of his sinful conscience: for the conscience is so much more charged and aggrieved, as the offence is greater & more heinous in degree. [So that king Richard, by this reckoning, must needs have a wonderful troubled mind, because the deeds that he had done, as they were heinous and unnatural, so did they excite and stir up extraordinary motions of trouble and vexations in his conscience.] Which sting of conscience, although it strike not alway; yet at the last day of extreme life, it is wont to show and represent to us our faults and offences, and the pains and punishments which hang over our heads for the committing of the same, to the intent that at that instant, we for our deserts being penitent and repentant, may be compelled (lamenting and bewailing our sins like forsakers of this world) jocund to departed out of this mischief life.  
Now to return again to our purpose. 
King Richard bringeth all his men into the plain.  The next day after, king Richard being furnished with men & all ablements of war, bringing all his men out of their camp into the plain, ordered his forward in a marvelous length, in which he appointed both horsemen and footmen, to the intent to imprint in the hearts of them that looked a far off, a sudden terror and deadly fear, for the great multitude of the armed soldiers: and in the forefront he placed the archers like a strong fortified trench or bulwark. Over this battle was captain, 
The duke of Norfolk and the earl of Surrie on K. Richard's side.  john duke of Norfolk, with whom was Thomas earl of Surrie his son. After this long vanguard, followed king Richard himself with a strong company of chosen and approved men of war, having horsemen for wings on both sides of his battle.  
After that the earl of Richmond was departed from the communication of his friends (as you have heard before) he began to be of a better stomach, and of a more valiant courage, and with all diligence pitched his field just by the camp of his enemies, and there he lodged that night. In the morning betimes, he caused his men to put on their armour, and apparel themselves ready to fight and give battle; and sent unto the lord Stanleie (which was now come with his band into a place indifferent between both the armies) requiring him with his men to approach near to his army, and to help to set the soldiers in array. But he answered that the earl should set his own men in good order of battle, 
The lord Stanleie refuseth to set the earls men in battle ray.  while he would array his company, and come to him in time convenient. Which answer made otherwise than the earl thought or would have judged, considering the opportunity of the time & the weight of the business. And although he was therewithal a little vexed, & began somewhat to hang the head; yet he without any time delaying, compelled of necessity, after this manner instructed and ordered his men.  
He made his forward somewhat single and slender, according to the small number of his people. 
The earl setteth his men in order and appointeth chéefteins.  In the front he placed the archers, of whom he made captain john earl of Oxenford. To the right wing of the battle he appointed sir Gilbert Talbot to be the leader. To the left wing, he assigned sir john Savage, who had brought thither with him a crew of right able personages, clad in white coats and hoods, which mustered in the eyes of their adversaries right brimlie. The earl of Richmond himself, with aid of the lord Stanleie, governed the battle, accompanied with the earl of Penbroke, having a good company of horsemen, and a small number of footmen. For all his whole number exceeded not five thousand men, beside the power of the Stanleys, whereof three thousand were in the field, under the standard of sir William Stanleie. The king's number was double so much and more. When both these armies were thus ordered, and all men ready to set forward, king Richard called his chiefteins together, and to them said as followeth.  

The oration of king Richard the third to the chiefteins of his army.  
MY most faithful and assured fellows, most trusty & well-beloved friends, & elected captains, by whose wisdom and policy I have obtained the crown, and type of this famous realm, and noble region: by whose puissance & valiantness I have enjoyed and possessed the state royal & dignity of the same, maugre the ill will and seditious attempts of all my cankered enemies, and insidious adversaries: by whose prudent & politic counsel I have so governed my realm, 
King Richard justifieth himself and his government.  people, & subjects, that I have omitted nothing appertaining to the office of a just prince; nor you line 10 have pretermitted nothing belonging to the duty of wise and sage councillors. So that I may say, and truly affirm, that your approved fidelity & tried constancy, maketh me to believe firmly, and think that I am an undoubted king, and an indubitate prince.  
And although in the adeption and obtaining of the garland, I being seduced, and line 20 provoked by sinister counsel, and diabolical temptation, did commit a wicked and detestable act: yet I have with streict penance and salt tears (as I trust) expiated & clearly purged the same offence: which abominable crime I require you of friendship as clearly to forget, as I daily remember to deplore and lament the same. If ye will even now diligently call to remembrance in what case and perplexity line 30 we do stand; and in what doubtful peril we be all entrapped; I doubt not but you in heart will think, and with mouth confess, that if ever amity and faith prevailed between prince and subjects, or between subject and subject; or if ever bond of allegiance obliged the vassal to love and serve his natural sovereign lord; or if any obligation of duty bound any prince to aid line 40 & defend his subjects; all these loves, bonds, and duties of necessity are now this day to be tried, showed, and put in experience.  
For if wise men say true (as they do not lie) there is some policy in getting, but much more in keeping; the one being but fortune's chance, & the other high wit and policy. For which cause, I with you, and you with me, must needs this day take line 50 labour and pain, to keep and defend with force, that pre-eminence and possession, which by your prudent devices I have gotten & obtained. 
He speaketh opprobriously of the earl of Richmond.  I doubt not but you know how the devil (continual enemy to human nature, disturber of concord, & sour of sedition) hath entered into the heart of an unknown Welshman (whose father I never knew, nor him personally saw) exciting line 60 him to aspire and covet our realm, crown, and dignity, and thereof clearly to deprive and spoil us and our posterity. Ye see further, how a company of traitors, thieves, outlaws, and runagates of our own nation, be aiders and partakers of his feat and enterprise, ready at hand to overcome and oppress us.  
You see also, what a number of beggarly Britan's and fainthearted Frenchmen be with him arrived to destroy us, our wives and children. Which imminent mischeefs and apparent inconveniences, if we will withstand & refel, we must live together as brethren, fight together like lions, & fear not to die together like men. And observing and keeping this rule and precept, believe me, the fearful hare never fled faster before the greedy greihound, nor the silly lark before the sparrowhawke, nor yet the simple sheep before the ravenous wolf; than your proud bragging adversaries, astonished and amazed with the only sight of your manly visages, will flee, run, and skir out of the field. For if you consider and wisely ponder all things in your mind, you shall perceive, that we have manifest causes, and apparent tokens of triumph and victory.  
And to begin with the earl of Richmond captain of this rebellion, 
The K. wou● persuade his captains that the earl of Richmond is no warrior.  he is a Welsh milksop, a man of small courage, and of less experience in martial acts and feats of war, brought up by my moothers means, and mine, like a captive in a close cage in the court of Francis duke of Britain; and never saw army, nor was exercised in martial affairs: by reason whereof he neither can, nor is able by his own will or experience to guide or rule an host. For in the wit and policy of the captain consisteth the chief adeption of the victory, and overthrow of the enemies. secondarily fear not, but put away all doubts; for when the traitors and runagates of our realm, shall see us with banner displayed come against them, remembering their oath, promise, and fidelity made unto us, as to their sovereign lord and anointed king; they shall be so pricked and stung in the bottom of their scrupulous consciences, that they for very remorse and dread of the divine plague, will either shamefully flee, or humbly submit themselves to our grace and mercy.  
And as for the Frenchmen and Britan's, 
Frenchmen ● Britan's great 〈◊〉 small 〈◊〉.  their valiantness is such, that our noble progenitors, and your valiant parts have them oftener vanquished and overcome in one month, than they in the beginning imagined possibly to compass and finish in a whole year. What will you make of them? bragger's without audacity, drunkards without discretion, ribalds without reason, cowards without resisting, and in conclusion, the most effeminate and lascivious people that ever showed themselves in front of battle; ten times more courageous to flee & escape, than once to assault the breast of our strong & populous army. Wherefore considering all these advantages, expel out of your thoughts all doubts, avoid out of your minds all fear; and like valiant champions advance forth your standards, & assay whether your enemies can decide and try the title of battle by dint of sword. Advance (I say again) forward my captains, in whom lacketh neither policy, wisdom, nor yet puissance. Every one give but one sure stripe, & surly the journey is ours. What prevaileth a handful to a whole realm?  
Desiring you (for the love that you bear to me) and the affection that you have to your native and natural country, and to the safeguard of your prince & yourselves, that you will this day take to you your accustomed courage and courageous spirits, for the defence and safeguard of us all. 
● Richard's 〈◊〉 confidence and but ●esse courage.  And as for me, I assure you, this day I will triumph by glorious victory, or suffer death for immortal fame. For they be maimed line 10 and out of the palace of fame disgraded, dying without renown, which do not as much prefer and exalt the perpetual honour of their native country, as their own mortal and transitory life. Now saint George to borrow, let us set forward, and remember well, that I am he which shall with high advancements reward and prefer the valiant and hardy line 20 champions, and punish and torment the shameful cowards, and dreadful dastards.   
This exhortation encouraged all such as favoured him; but such as were present (more for dread than love) kissed them openly, whom they inwardly hated. Other swore outwardly to take part with such, whose death they secretly compassed, and inwardly imagined. Other promised to invade the king's enemies, line 30 which fled and fought with fierce courage against the king. Other stood still and looked on, intending to take part with the victors and overcomers. So was his people to him unsure and unfaithful at his end, as he was to his nephews untrue and unnatural in his beginning. [How than was it possible that this prince's regiment could long stand, seeing the preservation and prorogation of his reign consisted not in the love of his subjects? In place whereof because fear (yea servile and forced fear succeeded) line 40 he was the sooner forsaken of his people, whose hearts fell from him as icicles from a penthouse in a sunny day; and in this case the poet saith truly, and was well worthy of credit when he craved it, saying: Credit quem metuit quisque perire cupit.]  
When the earl of Richmond knew by his foreriders that the king was so near imbatelled, he road about his army from rank to rank, & from wing to wing, giving comfortable words to all men, and that finished (being armed at all pieces, saving his line 50 helmet) mounted on a little hill, so that all his people might see and behold him perfectly, to their great rejoicing. 
The person of the earl of Richmond described.  For he was a man of no great stature, but so form and decorated with all gifts and lineaments of nature, that he seemed more an angelical creature, than a terrestrial parsonage. His countenance and aspect was cheerful and courageous, his hair yellow like the burnished gold, his eyes grey shining and quick; prompt and ready in answering, but of such sobriety, that it could never be judged whether line 60 he were more dull than quick in speaking (such was his temperance.) Now when he had overlooked his army over every side, he paused awhile, and after with a loud voice and bold spirit spoke to his companions these, or the like words following.  

The oration of king Henry the seventh to his army.  
IF ever God gave victory to men fight in a just quarrel, or if he ever aided such as made war for the wealth & tuition of their own natural and nutritive country, or if he ever succoured them which adventured their lives for the relief of innocents, suppressing of malefactors and apparent offenders; no doubt my fellows & friends, but he of his bountiful goodness will this day send us triumphant victory, and a lucky journey over our proud enemies, and arrogant adversaries: for if you remember and consider the very cause of our just quarrel, you shall apparently perceive the same to be true, godly, and virtuous. In the which I doubt not, but God will rather aid us (yea and fight for us) than see us vanquished and overthrown by such as neither fear him nor his laws, nor yet regard justice or honesty.  
Our cause is so just, 
The earls cause just and right, & therefore likely of good success.  that no enterprise can be of more virtue, both by the laws divine & civil. For what can be a more honest, goodly, or godly quarrel, than to fight against a captain, being an homicide and murderer of his own blood or progeny, an extreme destroyer of his nobility, and to his and our country and the poor subjects of the same a deadly mallet, a fiery brand, and a burden intolerable? Beside him, consider who be of his band and company: such as by murder and untruth committed against their own kin and lineage, yea against their prince and sovereign lord, have disherited me and you, and wrongfully detain and usurp our lawful patrimony & lineal inheritance. For he that calleth himself king, keepeth from me the crown and regiment of this noble realm and country, contrary to all justice and equity.  
Likewise, his mates and friends occupy your lands, cut down your woods, 
A great motive to the nobles & gentles assisting the earl.  and destroy your manors, letting your wives and children range abroad for their living: which persons for their penance and punishment I doubt not, but God of his goodness will either deliver into our hands, as a great gain and booty; or cause them (being grieved and compuncted with the prick of their corrupt consciences) cowardly to fly, and not abide the battle. Beside this I assure you, that there be yonder in the great battle, men brought thither for fear, and not for love; soldiers by force compelled, and not with good will assembled; persons which desire rather the destruction than salvation of their master and captain: and finally, a multitude, whereof the most part will be our friends, and the least part our enemies.  
For truly I doubt which is greater, the malice of the soldiers toward their captain; or the fear of him conceived of his people. For surly, this rule is infallible, that as ill men daily covet to destroy the good; so God appointeth the good men to confound the ill. And of all worldly goods the greatest is to suppress tyrants, and relieve innocents; whereof the one is as much hated, as the other is beloved. If this be true (as clerk preach) who will spare yonder tyrant Richard duke of Gloucester, 
K. Richard's offences and ill qualities summarily touched by the earl.  untruely calling himself king, considering that he hath violated and broken both the laws of God and man? What virtue is in him which was the confusion of his brother, and murderer of his nephews? What mercy is in him that sleieth his trusty friends as well as his extreme enemies? Who can have confidence in him which putteth diffidence in line 10 all men?  
If you have not read, I have heard good clerk say, that Tarquin the proud for the vice of the body lost the kingdom of Rome; and the name of Tarquin banished the city for ever: yet was not his fault so detestable as the fact of cruel Nero which slew his own mother, and opened her entrails, to behold the place of his line 20 conception. Behold yonder Richard, which is both Tarquin and Nero: 
K. Richard a notorious tyrant.  yea a tyrant more than Nero, for he hath not only murdered his nephew being his king and sovereign lord, bastarded his noble brethren, and defamed the womb of his virtuous and womanly mother; but also compassed all the means and ways that he could invent, how to defile and carnally know his line 30 own niece, under the pretence of a cloaked matrimony, which lady I have sworn and promised to take to my make and wife, as you all know and believe.  
If this cause be not just, and this quarrel godly; let God (the giver of victory) judge and determine. We have (thanks be given to Christ) escaped the secret treasons in Britain, and avoided the subtle snares of our fraudulent enemies there, passed the line 40 troublous seas in good and quiet safeguard, and without resistance have overgone the ample region & large country of Wales, and are now come to the place which we so much desired: 
Encouragements to his army to play the men in a just cause.  for long we have sought the furious boar, and now we have found him. Wherefore let us not fear to enter into the toil, where we may surly sleie him; for God knoweth that we have lived line 50 in the vales of misery, tossing our ships in dangerous storms: let us not now dread to set up our full sails in fair weather, having with us both God and good fortune.  
If we had come to conquer Wales and had achieved it, our praise had been great, and our gain more: but if we win this battle, the whole rich realm of England, line 60 with the lords and rulers of the same, shall be ours; the profit shall be ours, and the honour shall be ours. Therefore labour for your gain, & sweat for your right. While we were in Britain, we had small livings and little plenty of wealth or welfare; now is the time come to get abundance of riches, and copy of profit; which is▪ the reward of your service, and merit of your pains. And this remember with yourselves, that before us be our enemies; and on either side of us be such, as I neither surly trust, nor greatly believe; backward we cannot flee; so that here we stand like sheep in a fold, circumvented and compassed between our enemies and our doubtful friends.  
Therefore let all fear be set aside, and like sworn brethren let us join in one; for this day shall be the end of our travel, and the gain of our labour, either by honourable death or famous victory: and as I trust, the battle shall not be so sour, as the profit shall be sweet. 
victory consisteth not in multitude but in manliness.  Remember that victory is not gotten with the multitudes of men, but with the courages of hearts, and valiantness of minds. The smaller that our number is, the more glory is to us if we vanquish: if we be overcome, yet no laud is to be attributed to the victors, considering that ten men fought against one. And if we die so glorious a death in so good a quarrel, neither fretting time, nor cancarding oblivion, shall be able to darken or raze out of the book of fame either our names, or our godly attempt. And this one thing I assure you, that in so just and good a cause, and so notable a quarrel, you shall find me this day rather a dead carrion upon the cold ground, than a free prisoner on a carpet in a lady's chamber.  
Let us therefore fight like invincible giants, and set on our enemies like untimorous tigers, & banish all fear like ramping lions. And now advance forward true men against traitors, pitiful persons against murderers, true inheritors against usurpers, the scourges of God against tyrants. Display my banner with a good courage, march forth like strong and robustious champions, and begin the battle like hardy conquerors. The battle is at hand, and the victory approacheth; and if we shamefully recoil, or cowardly flee; we and all our sequel be destroyed, and dishonoured for ever. This is the day of gain, and this is the time of loss; get this day victory, and be conquerors: and lose this days battle, and be villains. And therefore in the name of God and S. George, let every man courageously advance forth his standard.   
These cheerful words he set forth with such gesture of his body, & smiling countenance, as though already he had vanquished his enemies, and gotten the spoil. He had scatlie finished his saying, 
The battle between king Richard, and king Henry the 〈◊〉 called Belworth 〈◊〉.  but the one army spied the other. Lord how hastily the soldiers buckled their healmes, how quickly the archers bent their bows and frushed their feathers, how readily the billmen shook their bills, and proved their staves, ready to approach and join, when the terrible trumpet should sound the bloody blast to victory or death! Between both armies there was a great marish then (but at this present, by reason of diches cast, it is grown to be firm ground) which the earl of Richmond left on his right hand; for this intent, that it should be on that side a defence for his part, and in so doing he had the sun at his back, 
The policy of the earl.  and in the faces of his enemies. When king Richard saw the earls company was passed the marish; he did command with all haste to set upon them. Then the trumpets sounded, and the soldiers shouted, and the king's archers courageously let fly their arrows. The earls bowmen stood not still, but paid them home again.  
The terrible shot once passed, the armies joined and came to hand-strokes, where neither sword nor bill was spared. At which encounter, the lord Stanleie joined with the earl. The earl of Oxford in the mean season, 
The ea●le of Oxford's 〈◊〉 to his ●●nd of men.  fearing lest while his company was fight, they should be compassed and circumvented with the multitude of the enemies, gave commandment in every rank, that no man should be line 10 so hardy, as to go above ten foot from the standard. Which commandment once known, they knit themselves together, and ceased a little from fight. The adversaries suddenly abashed at the matter, and mistrusting some fraud and deceit, began also to pause and left striking; and not against the wills of many, which had rather had the king destroyed, than saved, and therefore they fought very faintly, or stood still.  
The earl of Oxford, bringing all his band together on the one part, 
The earl of Oxford's valiantness.  set on his enemies freshly again. line 20 The adversaries perceiving that, placed their men slender and thin before, but thick and broad behind, beginning again hardily the battle. While the two forewards thus mortally fought, each intending to vanquish and convince the other; king Richard was admonished by his explorators and espials, that the earl of Richmond (accompanied with a small number of men of arms) was not far off. And as he approached and marched toward him, he perfectly knew his parsonage by certain demonstrations line 30 and tokens, which he had learned and known of others that were able to give him full information. Now being inflamed with ire, and vexed with outrageous malice, he put his spurs to his horse, and road out of the side of the range of his battle, leaving the vanguard fight; and like a hungry lion ran with spear in rest toward him. The earl of Richmond perceived well the king furiously coming toward him, and because the whole hope of his line 40 wealth and purpose was to be determined by battle, 
The earl of Richmond proffereth to encounter K. Richard body to body.  he gladly proffered to encounter with him body to body, and man to man.  
King Richard set on so sharply at the first brunt, that he overthrew the earls standard, and slew sir William Brandon his standard-bearer (which was father to sir Charles Brandon by king Henry the right created duke of Suffolk) and matched hand to hand with sir john Cheinie, 
Sir William Brandon slain.  a man of great force and strength, which would have resisted him: but the said john was by him manfully overthrown. And line 50 to he making open passage by dint of sword as he went forward, the earl of Richmond withstood his violence, and kept him at the swords point without advantage, longer than his companions either thought or judged: which being almost in despair of victory, were suddenly recomforted by sir William Stanleie, which came to his succours with three thousand tall men. At which very instant, king Richard's men were driven back and fled, 
The king's ●●mie flieth.  & he himself manfully line 60 fight in the middle of his enemies, was slain, and (as he worthily had deserved) came to a bloody death, as he had lead a bloody life.  
In the mean season, the earl of Oxford with the aid of the lord Stanleie, after no long fight, discomfited the fore- 〈◊〉 of king Richard, whereof a great number were slain in the chase and fight: but the greatest number which (compelled by fear of the king, and not of their meére voluntary motion) came to the field, gave never a stroke, and having no harm nor damage, safely departed, which came not thither in hope to see the king prosper and prevail, but to hear that he should be shamefully confounded and brought to ruin. In this battle died few above the number of a thousand persons: 
Duke of Norfolk slain in the field.  and of the nobility were slain john duke of Norfolk, which was warned by diverse to refrain from the field, in so much that the night before he should set forward toward the king, one wrote this rhyme upon his gate: 
jacke of Norfolk be not too bold,  
For 
* Richard,  Dikon thy master is bought and sold.   
Yet all this notwithstanding, he regarded more his oath, his honour, and promise made to king Richard, like a gentleman; and as a faithful subject to his prince, absented not himself from his master; but as he faithfully lived under him, so he manfully died with him, to his great fame and laud. [And therefore, though his service was ill employed in aid of a tyrant (whom it had been more honourable to have suppressed than supported) yet because he had upon his fealty undertaken to fight in his quarrel, he thought it less loss of life and living than of glory & honour: so that he might have said, in respect of his loyalty & promised truth testified with constancy to the death: Est mihi supplicium causa fuisse pium.  
There were slain beside him, 
ovid.  Walter lord Ferrer of Chartleie, sir Richard Radcliffe, 
What persons of name were slain on king Richard's side.  and Robert Brakenberie lieutenant of the Tower, and not many gentlemen more. Sir William Catesby learned in the laws of the realm, and one of the chief councillors to the late king, with diverse other, were two days after beheaded at Leicester. Amongst them that ran away, were sir Francis viscount Lonell, and Humfreie Stafford, and Thomas Stafford his brother, which took sanctuary in saint john's at Gloucester. Of captives and prisoners there were a great number. For after the death of king Richard was known and published, every man in manner unarming himself, & casting away his habiliments of war, meekly submitted themselves to the obeisance and rule of the earl of Richmond: of the which the more part had gladly so done in the beginning, if they might have conveniently escaped from king Richard's espials, which having as clear eyes as Lynx, and open ears as Midas, ranged & searched in every quarter.  
Amongst these was Henry the fourth earl of Northumberland, which (whether it was by the commandment of king Richard, putting diffidence in him; or he did it for the love and favour that he bore unto the earl) stood still with a great company, and intermitted not in the battle, which was incontinently received into favour and made of the council. But Thomas Howard earl of Surreie, 
earl of Surreie committed to the Towe● notwithstanding his submission.  which submitted himself there, was not taken to grace; because his father was chief councillor, and he greatly familiar with king Richard, but committed to the Tower of London, where he long remained; and in conclusion delivered, was for his truth and fidelity after promoted to high honours, offices and dignities. On the earl of Richmond's part were slain scarce one hundred persons, among whom the principal was sir William Brandon his standard-bearer. This battle was fought at Bosworth in Leicestershire, the two and twentieth day of August, in the year of our redemption 1485. The whole conflict endured little above two hours.  
King Richard (as the fame went) might have escaped and gotten safeguard by fleeing. For when they, 
How king Richard might have escaped.  which were next about his person, saw and perceived at the first joining of the battle the soldiers faintly and nothing courageously to set on their enemies; and not only that, but also that some withdrew themselves privily out of the press and departed; they began to suspect fraud and to smell treason; and not only exhorted, but determinately advised him to save himself by flight. And when the loss of the battle was imminent and apparent, they brought to him a swift and a light horse, to convey him away. He which was not ignorant of the grudge and ill will that the common people bare toward him, casting away all hope of fortunate success and happy chance to come, answered (as men say) that on that day he would make an end of all battles, or else there finish his life. Such a great audacity and such a stomach reigned in his body.  
For surly he knew that to be the day, in the which it should be decided and determined whether he line 10 should peaceably obtain and enjoy his kingdom during his life, or else utterly forego and be deprived of the same. With which too much hardiness he being overcome, hastily closed his helmet, and entered fiercely into the hard battle, to the intent to obtain that day a quiet reign and regiment; or else to finish there his unquiet life, and unfortunate governance. And so this miser at the same very point had like chance and fortune, as happeneth to such which in place of right justice and honesty, following their line 20 sensual appetite, love, and use to embrace mischief, tyranny, and unthriftiness. Surly these be examples of more vehemency, than man's tongue can express, to fear and astonish such evil persons, as will not live one hour vacant from doing and exercising cruelty, mischief, or outrageous living.  

The devout behaviour of the earl of Richmond after the victory.  When the earl had thus obtained victory, and slain his mortal enemy, he kneeled down and rendered to almighty God his hearty thanks, with devout and godly orisons; beseeching his goodness to line 30 send him grace to advance and defend the catholic faith; and to maintain justice and concord amongst his subjects and people, by God now to his governance committed & assigned. Which prayer finished, he replenished with incomparable gladness ascended up to the top of a little mounteine, where he not only praised and lauded his valiant soldiers; but also gave unto them his hearty thanks, with promise of condign recompense for their fidelity and valiant facts, willing and commanding all the hurt and line 40 wounded persons to be cured, and the dead carcases to be delivered to the sepulture. Then the people rejoiced, and clapped their hands, crying up to heaven; King Henry, king Henry.  
When the lord Stanleie saw the good will and gladness of the people, 
The lord Stanleie setteth the crown on king Henry's head.  he took the crown of king Richard which was found amongst the spoil in the field, and set it on the earls head; as though he had been elected king by the voice of the people, as in ancient times passed in diverse realms it hath been accustomed: line 50 and this was the first sign and token of his good luck and felicity. ¶ I must put you here in remembrance, how that king Richard (putting some diffidence in the lord Stanleie) had with him as an hostage the lord Strange, his eldest son, which lord Stanleie (as ye have heard before) joined not at the first with his son in laws army, for fear the king would have slain the lord Strange his heir.  
When king Richard was come to Bosworth, he sent a pursuivant to the lord Stanleie, commanding line 60 him to advance forward with his company, and to come to his presence; which thing if he refused to do, he swore by Christ's passion, that he would strike off his sons head before he dined. The lord Stanleie answered the pursuivant that if the king did so, 
The lord Stanley's bold answer to K. Richard's pursuivant.  he had more sons alive; and as to come to him, he was not then so determined. When king Richard heard this answer, he commanded the lord Strange incontinent to be beheaded; which was at that very same season, when both the armies had sight each of other. But the councillors of king Richard pondered the time and cause, knowing also the lord Strange to be innocent of his father's offence, & persuaded the king that it was now time to fight, & no time to execute.  
Besides that, they advised him to keep the lord Strange as prisoner till the battle were ended, and then at leisure his pleasure might be accomplished. So (as God would) king Richard broke his holy oath, and the lord was delivered to the keepers of the king's tents, to be kept as prisoner. Which, when the field was done, and their master slain, and proclamation made to know where the child was, 
Proclamation made to 〈◊〉 in the lord Strange.  they submitted themselves as prisoners to the lord Strange, and he gently received them, and brought them to the new proclaimed king; where, of him and of his father he was received with great joy. After this the whole camp removed with bag and baggage.  
The same night in the evening, king Henry with great pomp came to the town of Leicester; where as well for the refreshing of his people & soldiers, as for preparing all things necessary for his journey toward London, he rested and reposed himself two days. In the mean season the dead corpse of king Richard was as shamefully carried to the town of Leicester, 
The shameful carriage o● K. Richard's body to Leicester.  as he gorgeously (the day before) with pomp and pride departed out of the same town. For his body was naked and despoiled to the skin, and nothing left about him, not so much as a clout to cover his privy members, and was trussed behind a pursuivant of arms, one Blanche Senglier, or White boar, like a hog or calf, his head and arms hanging on the one side of the horse, and his legs on the other side, and all besprinkled with mire and blood he was brought to the grey friars church within the town, and there lay like a miserable spectacle.  
But surly considering his mischievous acts and ungracious doings, men may wonder at such a caitiff, who although he deserved no burial place either in church or churchyard, chapel or chancel, but otherwise to have been bestowed: yet in the said church he was with no less funeral pomp & solemnity interred, than he would to be done at the burial of his innocent nephews, whom he caused cruelly to be murdered, and unnaturally killed. Now when his death was known, few lamented, and many rejoiced. 
K. Richard's badge and cognisance every when defaced.  The proud bragging white bore (which was his badge) was violently razed & plucked down from every sign and place where it might be espied: so ill was his life, that men wished the memory of him to be buried with his carrion corpse. He reigned two years, two months, and one day [too long by six and twenty months, and four and twenty hours in most men's opinions, to whom his name and presence was as sweet and delectable, as his doings princely, and his person amiable.]  
As he was small and little of stature, 
The description of king Richard.  so was he of body greatly deformed; the one shoulder higher than the other; his face was small, but his countenance cruel, and such, that at the first aspect a man would judge it to savour and smell of malice, fraud, and deceit. When he stood musing, he would bite and chaw busily his neither lip; as who said, that his fierce nature in his cruel body always chafed, stirred, and was ever unquiet: beside that, the dagger which he ware, he would (when he studied) with his hand pluck up & down in the sheath to the midst, never drawing it fully out: he was of a ready, pregnant, and quick wit, wily to feign, and apt to dissemble: he had a proud mind, and an arrogant stomach, the which accompanied him even to his death, rather choosing to suffer the same by dint of sword, than being forsaken and left helpless of his unfaithful companions, to preserve by cowardly flight such a frail and uncertain life, which by malice, sickness, or condign punishment was like shortly to come to confusion.  
Thus ended this prince his mortal life with infamy and dishonour, which never preferred fame or honesty before ambition, tyranny and mischief. And if he had continued still protector, and suffered his nephews to have lived and reigned, no doubt but the realm had prospered, & he as much praised & loved as he is now had in hatred: but to God, which knew his inward thoughts at the hour of his death, I remit the punishment of his offences committed in his life; [which if the one be as manifold as the other, God's justice were not to be charged with cruelty. For by nature he is merciful, slow to anger, and loath to smite: line 10 but yet every sin (in respect of his righteousness) being deadly (much more heinous and horrible) how can he but by justice (which is an essential virtue in him) punish it severely? And if he did it with ten thousand torments, who shall be so hardy as to expostulate and reason why he so doth?]  
But to leave the tyrant as he died, you shall understand that K. Henry the seventh caused a tomb to be, made and set up over the place where he was buried, in the church of the grey friars at Leicester, with a picture of alabaster representing his person, doing line 20 that honour to his enemy, upon a princely regard and pitiful zeal, which king Richard (moved of an hypocritical show of counterfeit pity) did to king Henry the sixth, 
See pag. 690, ●91.  whom he had first cruelly murdered, and after in the second year of his usurped reign, caused his corpse to be removed from Chertseie unto Windsor, and there solemnly interred. And now to conclude with this cruel tyrant king Richard, we may consider in what sort the ambitious desire to line 30 rule and govern in the house of York, was punished by God's just providence.  
For although that the right might seem to remain in the person of Richard duke of York, slain at Wakefield, 
See pag. 659.  yet may there be a fault worthily, reputed in him, so to seek to prevent the time▪ appointed him by authority of parliament to attain to the crown infailed to him and his issue; in whom also, and not only in himself, that offence (as may be thought) was duly punished. For although his eldest line 40 son Edward the fourth, being a prince right provident and circumspect for the surety of his own estate and his children, insomuch that not content to cut off all his armed and apparent enemies, he also of a jealous fear, made away his brother the duke of Clarence, and so thought to make all sure: yet God's vengeance might not be disappointed, 
See pag. 703.  for (as ye have partly heard) he did but further thereby the destruction of his issue, in taking away him that only might have stayed the cruelty of his brother of line 50 Gloucester, who enraged for desire of the kingdom, be rest his innocent nephews of their lives & estates.  
And as it thus well appeared, that the house of York showed itself more bloody in seeking to obtain the kingdom, than that of Lancaster in usurping it: so it came to pass, that the Lords vengeance appeared more heavy towards the same than towards the other, not ceasing till the whole issue ma●e of the said Richard duke of York was extinguished. For such is God's justice, to leave no unrepentant line 60 wickedness unpunished, as especially in this caitiff Richard the third, not deserving so much as the name of a man, much less of a king, most manifestly appeareth. [At whom we will end, with a comparison of the like practice in Lodowick Storce, 
Abr. Flem. ex Gui● pag. 49. Lodowick Sforce duke ●. Milan by usurpation.  aspiring to the dukedom of Milan, the name, arms and title whereof he took upon him, having secretly protested before, that he received them as appertaining to him by the investiture of the king of Romans.  
It was published that the death of Galeas (his late predecessor) happened by immoderate cohabitation, but the universal judgement of Italy was, that he died not of infirmities natural, nor by incontinency, but by poison and violent compulsion. Whereof Theodor de Pavia, one of the physicians, assisting when the king visited him, assured the king to see most apparent and manifest signs: and if he were dispatched by poison, there was none that doubted that his uncle was innocent, either directly or indirectly; as he, who not content with an absolute power to be governor of the state, but aspiring according to the common desires of great men, to make themselves glorious with titles and honours; and specially he judged, that both for his proper surety and the succession of his children, the death of the lawful prince was necessary, and therefore thought to establish in himself the power and name of duke. Wherein ambition and covetousness prevailed above conscience and law of nature, and the jealous desire of dominion enforced his disposition (otherwise abhorring blood) to that vile action.  
But to end with king Richard sometimes duke of Gloucester, a title of dignity joined with misfortune and unluckiness (as is noted 
See page 627.  before.) So that for infelicity it might well be compared unto the name of jone, a name unhappy and much accursed for the kingdom of Naples. As for king Richard, 
Guic. pag. 12.  better had it been for him to have contented his heart with the protectorship, than to have cast up his snout, or lifted up his horns of ambition so high (and that with a settled intent) as to hack and hue down by violent blows all likely impediments betwixt him and home. Better (I say) had it been for him to have dwelled upon his first honour, than to have wandered in princeliness; and better had it been for him never to have enjoyed the flattering prosperity of a king, than afterwards to fall, and never to recover loss or ruin, as is noted by the poet, saying: 
Est melius nunquam felicia tempora nosse,  
Quam post blanditias fortunae, 
T. Wat in Am. Quer. 7.  fata maligna  
Nec reparanda pati infortunia sortis iniquae.]   
¶ In this year 1483 died William Dudleie who (by the translation of Laurence Booth bishop of Durham and chancellor of England from the see of Durham to the city of York) was made bishop of Durham (in place of the said Laurence) by the pope's bulls. 
Fr. Thin. The death of of William Dudleie, bishop of Durham, descended of the honourable house of the Dudleys.  For by virtue thereof, Edward the fourth in the sixtéenth year of his reign, and in the year of Christ 1476, directed his letters patents to the knights and other free men of that bishopric, with all solemnity to install the said William Dudleie (borne of the honourable house of the lords Dudleies) in the said bishopric of Durham, and to deliver him quiet possession thereof, who was consecrated thereunto in the year of Christ 1477, in which he worthily governed six years, and died in this year, as before.]  
Now of learned men that lived, and wrote in the days of this usurper and his nephew king Edward the fift, these we find recorded by john Bale. First, john Penketh an Augustine friar of Warington in Lancashire, a right subtle fellow in disputation, following the footsteps of his master john Duns, whom he chiefly studied, he wrote divers treatises, and made that infamous sermon at Paul's cross, in favour of the duke of Gloucester then protector, to the disheriting of Edward the fift, his lawful king and governor; john Kent or Caileie borne in Southwales; George Ripleie, first a canon of Bridlington, and after a Carmelit, friar in Boston, a great mathematician, rhetorician, and poet; john Spine a Carmelit friar of Bristol, that precéeded doctor of divinity in Cambridge: and such like.  
Thus far Richard the usurper, unnatural uncle to Edward the fift and Richard duke of York, brethren.   

Henry the seventh, son to Edmund earl of Richmond, which Edmund was brother by the moothers side to Henry the sixth.  
KIng Henry having thus got the victory at Bosworth, 
Anno Reg. 1.  and slain his mortal enemy there in the field, did send before his departure from Leicester, sir Robert Willoughb●e knight; to the manor of Sheriffehuton in the county of York, for Edward Plantagenet earl of Warwick, son and heir to George duke of Clarence line 10 then being of the age of fifteen years; whom king Richard had kept there as prisoner during the time of his usurped reign. Sir Robert Willoughby receiving the young earl of the constable of that castle conveyed him to London, 
Edward Plantagenet earl of Warewike son and heir to George duke of Clarence committed to the Tower.  wher● he was shut up in the Tower, for doubt lest some unquiet and evil disposed persons might invent some occasion of new trouble by this young gentleman: and therefore king Henry thought good to have him sure.  
There was beside him in the castle of Sheriffehuton line 20 the lady Elizabeth eldest daughter to king Edward the fourth, whom king Richard (as ye have heard) meant to have married: but God otherwise ordained for her, and preserved her from that unlawful copulation and incestuous bed. Shortly after, she being accompanied with a great number as well of noblemen, as honourable matrons, was with good speed conveyed to London, and brought to her mother. In the mean season king Henry removed forward by soft journeys towards London, the people line 30 coming in from all sides to behold him, and exceedingly rejoicing at his presence, 
King Henry cometh to London.  as by their voices and gestures it well appeared.  
At his approaching near to the city, the mayor and his brethren, with other worshipful citizens, being clothed in violet, met him at Shoreditch, and reverently saluted him: and so with great pomp and triumph he road through the city to the cathedral church of S. Paul, where he offered three standards. In the one was the image of saint George, in an other line 40 was a red fiery dragon beaten upon white and green sarsenet, and in the third was painted a dun cow upon yellow tarterne. After his prayers said, and Te Deum song, he departed to the bishop's palace, and there sojourned a season. Anon a●ter, he assembled together the sage councillors of the realm, in which council like a prince of just faith, and true of promise, to avoid all civil discord, he appointed a day to join in marriage with the lady Elizabeth, heir of the house of York; with his noble parsonage, line 50 heir to the line of Lancaster. Which thing not only rejoiced the hearts of the nobles and gentlemen of the realm, but also gained the favours and good wills of all the commons.  
After this, with great pomp he rowed unto Westminster, & there the thirtieth day of October he was with all ceremonies accustomed, anointed, & crowned king, by the whole assent as well of the commons as of the nobility, 
Henry the s●●uenth crowned king.  and called Henry the seventh of that name: which was in the year of the world 5452, and after the birth of our Lord 1485, in the forty and sixth year of Fredrick the third than emperor of Almain, year 1485 Maximilian his son being newly elected king of the Romans, in the second year of Charles the eight then king of France, and in the five and twentieth of king james then ruling the realm of Scotland. For the establishing of all things, as well touching the preservation of his own estate, as the commendable administration of justice and preferrment of the common wealth of his realm, 
A parliament at Westminster, with an atteindor and a pardon general.  he called his high court of parliament at Westminster the seventh day of November, wherein was atteinted Richard late duke of Gloucester, calling and naming himself by usurpation, king Richard the third.  
Likewise there was atteinted as chief aiders and assistants to him in the battle at Bosworth, advanced against the present king, john late duke of Norfolk, Thomas earl of Surrie, Francis Lovel knight viscount Lovel, Walter Devereux knight late lord Ferrer, john lord Zouch, Robert Harrington, Richard Charleton, Richard Ratcliff, William Berkeleie of Welete, Robert Middleton, james Harrington, Robert Brakenberie, Thomas Pilkington, Walter Hopton, William Catesby, Roger Wake, William Sapcote of the county of Huntingdon, Humphrey Stafford, William Clerk of Wenlocke, Geffrie saint German, Richard Watkins herald of arms, Richard Revel of Derbishire, Thomas Pulter of the county of Kent, john Welsh otherwise called Hastings, john Kendal late secretary to the said Richard late duke of Gloucester, john Bucke, Andrew Rat, and William Brampton of Burford.  
In which atteindor nevertheless there were diverse clauses and provisos for the benefit of their wives and other persons, that had or might claim any right, title, or interest lawfully unto any castles, manors, lordships, towns, towneships, honours, lands, tenements, rents, services, fee farms, annuities, knights fees, advowsons, reversions, remainders, and other hereditaments; whereof the said persons atteinted were possessed or seized to the uses of such other persons: with a special proviso also, that the said atteindor should not be prejudicial to john Catesby knight, Thomas Revel, and William Ashbie esquires, in, of, & upon the manor of Kirkebie upon Wretheke in the county of Leicester, nor in, of, and upon any other lands and tenements in Kirkebie aforesaid, Melton, Somerbie, Thropseghfield, and Godebie, which they had of the gift & feoffment of Thomas Davers, & john Lie. And further, notwithstanding this atteindor, diverse of the said persons afterwards were not only by the king pardoned, but also restored to their lands and livings.  
Moreover, in this present parliament, he caused proclamation to be made, that all men were pardoned and acquitted of their offences, which would submit line 10 themselves to his mercy, and receive an oath to be true and faithful unto him: whereupon many that came out of sanctuaries and other places were received to grace, and admitted for his subjects. After this, he began to remember his special friends, of whom some he advanced to honour and dignity, 
The king advanceth his friends.  and some he enriched with goods and possessions, every man according to his deserts and merits. And to begin, his uncle jasper earl of Penbroke, he created duke of Bedford; Thomas lord Stanleie was line 20 created earl of Derbie; and the lord Chendew of Britain his especial friend, he made earl of Bath; sir Giles Daubeneie was made lord Daubeneie; sir Robert Willoughby was made lord Brooke. And Edward Stafford eldest son to Henry late duke of Buckingham, he restored to his name, dignity, & possessions, which by king Richard were confiscate and atteinted. Beside this, in this parliament was this notable act assented to and concluded as followeth; to the pleasure of almighty God, wealth, line 30 prosperity, and surety of this realm of England, and to the singular comfort of all the king's subjects of the same, in avoiding all ambiguities and questions.  

An act for the establishing of the crown in the line of Henry the seventh.  
BE it ordained, established, and enacted by this present parliament, that the inheritance of the crown of this realm of England, & also of France, with all the pre-eminence, and dignity royal to the same appertaining, all other signiories to the king belonging beyond the sea, with the appurtenances thereto in any wise due or appertaining, shall rest, remain, and abide, in the most line 50 royal person of our now sovereign lord king Henry the seventh, and in the heirs of his body lawfully coming, perpetually, with the grace of God so to endure, and in none other.   
Beside this act, all atteindors of this king enacted by king Edward and king Richard were annihilated, and the record of the same judged to be defaced; and all persons atteinted for his cause and occasion line 60 were restored to their goods, lands, and possessions. diverse acts also made in the time of king Edward and king Richard were revoked, and other adjudged more expedient for the common wealth were put in their places and concluded. After the dissolution of this parliament, the king remembering his friends left in hostage beyond the seas, 
The king red●meth his hostages.  that is to wit, the marquess Dorset, & sir john Bourchier, he with all convenient speed redeemed them, and sent also into Flanders for john Morton bishop of Elie. These acts performed, he chose to be of his council a convenient number of right grave and wise councillors.  
¶ This did he, 

Abr. Flem. ex subsequentib.  
See the history of England pag. 124.  
See also D. powel's history of Wales, pag. 2, and 376, 377, etc.   that he might the more royally govern his kingdom, which he obtained and enjoyed as a thing by God elected and provided, and by his especial favour and gracious aspect compassed and achieved. Insomuch that men commonly report that seven hundred ninety & seven years passed, it was by a heavenly voice revealed to Cadwallader last king of Britain's, that his stock & progeny should reign in this land & bear dominion again. Whereupon most men were persuaded in their own opinion, that by this heavenly voice he was provided & ordained long before to enjoy & obtain this kingdom. Which thing K. Henry the sixth did also show before, 
See before in Edward the fourth, pag. 678.  as it were by prophetical inspiration, at such time as the earl of Penbroke presented the said Henry (at that time a proper child) unto Henry the sixth, whom after he had beheld, and a good while viewed the comeliness of his countenance, and orderly lineaments of his body, he said to such peers as stood about him: Lo, surly this is he, to whom both we and our adversaries, leaving the possession of all things, shall hereafter give room and place: & so it came to pass by the appointment of God, to whose government, gift, and disposing, all realms and all dominions are subject, as king David confesseth, saying: Omnia sunt regno subdita regna Dei. 
Gu. Ha. in psal. 103. ]  
Now although by this means all things seemed to be brought in good and perfect order, yet there lacked a wrist to the harp, to set all the strings in a monocord and perfect tune, which was the matrimony to be finished between the king and the lady Elizabeth, daughter to king Edward. Which like a good prince, according to his oath, & promise, he did both solemnize & consummate shortly after, that is to say, on the eightéenth day of januarie. 
King Henry the seventh taketh to wife Elizabeth eldest daughter of Edward the fourth.  By reason of which marriage, peace was thought to descend out of heaven into England, considering that the lines of Lancaster and York were now brought into one knot, and connexed together, of whose two bodies one heir might succeed to rule and enjoy the whole monarchy and realm of England, year 1486 which before was rend and divided into factions & partakings, whereby many a man's life was lost, great spoils made of people's goods, wast of wealth, worship, and honour, all which ended in this blessed and gracious connexion, authorised by God, as our Anglorum praelia saith: 
Hoc Deus omnipotens pacis confecerat author, 
In Hen. 7.   
Civilísque habuit tandem contentio finem.   
Shortly after, 
Yeomen of the guard first brought in.  for the better preservation of his royal person, he constituted and ordained a certain number, as well of archers, as of diverse other persons, hardy, strong, and active to give daily attendance on his person, whom he named yeomen of his guard, which precedent men thought that he learned of the French king when he was in France. For it is not remembered, that any king of England before that day used any such furniture of daily soldiers. ¶ In this same year a new kind of sickness invaded suddenly the people of this land, passing through the same from the one end to the other. It began about the one and twentieth of September, and continued until the latter end of October, being so sharp and deadly, that the like was never heard of to any man's remembrance before that time.  
For suddenly a deadly burning sweat so assailed their bodies, 
The sweeting sickness.  and distempered their blood with a most ardent heat, that scarce one amongst an hundred that sickened did escape with life: for all in manner as soon as the sweat took them, or within a short time after, yielded the ghost. Beside the great number which deceased within the city of London, two majors successively died within eight days and sir aldermen. At length, by the diligent observation of those that escaped (which marking what things had done them good, and helped to their deliverance, used the like again. When they fell into the same disease, the second or third time, as to diverse it chanced, a remedy was found for that mortal malady, which was this. 
A remedy for the sweeting sickness.  If a man on the day time were taken with the sweat, then should he straight lie down with all his clothes and garments, and continue in his sweat four and twenty hours, after so moderate a sort as might be.  
If in the night he chanced to be taken, then should line 10 he not rise out of his bed for the space of four and twenty hours, so casting the clothes that he might in no wise provoke the sweat, but lie so temperately, that the water might distil out softly of the own accord, and to abstain from all meat if he might so long suffer hunger, and to take no more drink neither hotnor cold, than would moderately quench and assuage his thirsty appetite. Thus with lukewarm drink, temperate heat, and measurable clothes many escaped: few which used this order (after it line 20 was found out) died of that sweat. Marry one point diligently above all other in this cure is to be observed, that he never did put his hand or feet out of the bed to refresh or cool himself, which to do is no less jeopardy than short and present death. Thus this disease coming in the first year of king Henry's reign, was judged (of some) to be a token and sign of a troublous reign of the same king, as the proof partly afterwards showed itself.  

The king requested a priest of six thousand marks.  The king standing in need of money to discharge line 30 such debts, and to maintain such port as was behoveful, sent the lord treasurer with master Reginald Braie, and others, unto the lord mayor of London, requiring of the city a priest of six thousand marks. Whereupon the said lord maior and his brethren, with the commons of the city, granted a priest of two thousand pounds, which was levied of the companies, and not of the wards: and in the year next ensuing, it was well and truly again repaid every penny, to the good contentation and satisfying of line 40 them that disbursed it. The king considering that the surety of his royal estate and defence of the realm consisted chiefly in good laws and ordinances to be had and observed among his people, 
A parliament summoned & new laws for the commonwealth enacted.  summoned eftsoons his high court of parliament, therein to devise and establish some profitable acts and statutes, for the wealth and commodity of his people.  
After this, having set things in quiet about London, he took his journey into the North parts, there to purge all the dregs of malicious treason that might line 50 rest in the hearts of unquiet persons, 
The king goeth into the North.  and namely in Yorkshire, where the people bore more favour unto king Richard in his life time, than those of any other part of the realm had commonly done. He kept the feast of Easter at Lincoln; where he was certified that the lord Lovel and Humphrey Stafford, and Thomas Stafford, his brother, were departed out of the sanctuary at Colchester, to what place or whither, no man as yet could tell. The king little regarding the matter, kept on his journey, and came to York, where as soon as he was once settled, it was openly line 60 showed and declared for a truth to the king himself, that Francis lord Lovel was at hand with a strong and mighty power of men, 
A rebellion made by the ●●rd Lovel and others.  and would with all diligence invade the city.  
It was also told him, that the forenamed Staffords were in Worcestershire, and had raised a great band of the country people and commons there, 
Humphrey Stafford. Thomas Stafford.  and had cast lots what part should assault the gates, what men should s●ale the walls of the city of Worcester, and who should let the passages for letting of rescues and aiders. The king could not believe this report to be true at the first, but after that, by letters of credence sent from his friends, he was fully persuaded that it was too true, he was put in no small fear, and not without great cause. For he wisely considered, that he neither had any competent army ready, nor convenient furniture to arm them that were present▪ and also he was in such place, where he could not assemble any power, but of those whom he sore mistrusted, as friends to them that were most his enemies; the memory of king Richard as yet being not amongst them forgotten nor worn out of mind.  
But because the matter required quick expedition, 
The duke 〈◊〉 Bedford against the lord Lovel in arms.  he appointed the duke of Bedford with three thousand men not altogether the best armed (for their breast plates for the most part were of tanned leather) to march forth against the lord Lovel, and to set upon him without any linger of time. The duke hasting forward, approached to the camp of his enemies, & before he would assail them, he caused the heralds to make proclamation, that all those that would departed from their armour, and submit themselves as subjects unto their natural prince and sovereign lord, should be pardoned of all former offences. The lord Lovel upon this proclamation, either putting mistrust in his soldiers, or fearing himself in his own behalf, fled privily in a night from his company, and left them as a flock of sheep without a shepherd.  
Which departure of the lord when his army understood, it put the soldiers in such despair of achieving any further enterprise, that they immediately put off their armour, and came directly unto the duke, every man humbly submitting himself, and desiring pardon of his offences. So in this wise was that dangerous storm and cruel rage of those furious rebels appeased, which was doubted would have grown to the destruction of many a man. The lord Lovel the procurer of this business, escaping away got him into Lancashire, 
The lord Lovel escaped.  and there for a certain space lay lurking in secret with sir Thomas Broughton knight, which in those parties was a man of no small authority and power.  
Sir Humfreie Stafford also, hearing what had happened to the lord Lovel, 
Sir 〈◊〉 Stafford ●aken out of Colnham sanctuary, and execut●●.  in great displeasure and sorrow, and for fear left his enterprise, and in like manner fled, and took sanctuary at Colnham, a village not past two miles from Abindon. But because that sanctuary was not a sufficient defence (as was proved before the justices of the king's Bench) for traitors, he was taken from that place, & brought to the Tower, & after put to execution at Tyburn: but his brother Thomas that was with him, was pardoned, because he was thought not to have attempted any thing of himself otherwise than by the evil counsel and persuasion of his elder brother. After that the king had quieted all these commotions and tumults, 
Anno Reg. ●.  and reform the rude and brabbling people of the North parts, he returned to London.  
¶ In this year john Persivall, 
Abr. Fl. ex epitome Rich. Grafto●▪ One of the majors officers chosen sheriff of London and lord mayor.  one of the mayor of London's officers, and his carver, was chosen one of the sheriffs of London. For when the mayor (as the custom of London is) doth elect one of the sheriffs of London for the year ensuing, by taking and drinking a cup of wine to such a one as he lust to name sheriff; the mayor for the time being, whose name was sir Henry Collet, took the cup of wine, and drank unto the aforesaid john Persivall his carver standing bareheaded before him, and waiting upon his board, and called him sheriff of London for the year ensuing: and forthwith the said mayor caused the same Persivall to sit down at his own table▪ and to cover his head. And the same Persivall took upon him the office of shirivaltie, and after was mayor of London, and was made knight.]  
In this mean time, of a small matter, and the same altogether false and feigned, there was an open path made and beaten forth, for a greater inconvenience to ensue. The which matter might seem very strange, how such trouble and mischief should grow thereof, if the time were not considered, in which it happened. For in those days many persons, either borne in the womb of continual dissension, or nourished with the milk of civil sedition, could not forbear their usual custom of moving strife, and sowing debate, ever glad to have any occasion, though line 10 never so small, to stir uproars of war, and slaughter of people. Which men if they knew (a matter of weighty conceit) the hurts thereof, they would be as earnest in seeking after peace as they are greedy in pursuit of war, specially civil war: but the cause why they are defective therein, is the want of meekness and humility, as the wiseman saith: Mite cor horribili seditione vacat.  
Amongst other such monsters and limbs of the devil, 
Sir Richard Simond a fraudulent priest.  there was one sir Richard Simond priest, a line 20 man of base birth, and yet well learned, but not so learned as wily, nor so wily as ungracious, delighting in fraud & deceit, even from his youth. He had a scholar called Lambert Simenell, one of a gentle nature and pregnant wit, 
Lambert Simenell the counterfeit earl of Warw●ke.  to be the organ and chief instrument, by the which he might convey and bring to pass his mischievous attempt. The devil chief master of such practices, put in the venomous brain of this disloyal and traitorous priest, to devise how he might make his scholar the foresaid Lambert to line 30 be reputed as right inheritor to the crown of this realm: namely, for that the fame went that king Edward's children were not dead, but fled secretly into some strange place, and there to be living: and that Edward earl of Warwick, son and heir to the duke of Clarence, either was, or shortly should be put to death.  
These rumours though they seemed not to be grounded of any likelihood to the wiser sort of men, yet encouraged this peevish priest to think the time come, line 40 that his scholar Lambert might take upon him the person and name of one of king Edward's children. And hereupon at Oxford, where their abiding was, the said priest instructed his pupil both with princely behaviour, civil manners, and good literature, declaring to him of what lineage he should affirm himself to be descended, and omitted nothing that might serve for his purpose. Soon after, the rumour was blown abroad, that the earl of Warwick was broken out of prison. And when the priest sir Richard Simond heard of this, he straight intended now by that line 50 occasion to bring his invented purpose to pass, and changing the child's name of baptism, called him Edward, after the name of the young earl of Warwick, the which were both of like years, and of like stature.  
Then he with his scholar sailed into Ireland, where he so set forth the matter unto the nobility of that country, 
Thomas Gerardine chancellor of Ireland interteineth the counterfeit earl 〈◊〉 honourably.  that not only the lord Thomas Gerardine chancellor of that land deceived through his crafty line 60 tale, received the counterfeit earl into his castle with all honour and reverence; but also many other noble men determined to aid him (with all their powers) as one descended of the blood royal, and lineally come of the house of York, which the Irish people evermore highly favoured, honoured, and loved above all other. By this means every man throughout all Ireland was willing and ready to take his part, and to submit themselves to him; already reputing and calling him of all hands king. So that now they of this sect (by the advise of the priest) sent into England certain privy messengers to get friends here.  
Also they sent into Flanders to the lady Margaret, sister to king Edward, 
Margaret duchess of Burgognie sister to king Edward the fourth, her malicious mind to Lancaster house.  & late wife to Charles duke of Burgognie, to purchase aid and help at her hands. This lady Margaret bore no small rule in the low countries, and in very deed sore grudged in her heart, that king Henry (being descended of the house of Lancaster) should reign and govern the realm of England: and therefore, though she well understood that this was but a coloured matter; yet to work her malicious intention against king Henry, she was glad to have so fit an occasion: and therefore promised the messengers all the aid that she should be able to make in furtherance of the quarrel; and also to procure all the friends she could in other places, to be alders and partakers of the same conspiracy.  
King Henry advertised of all these doings, was greatly vexed therewith: and therefore to have good advise in the matter, he called together his council at the Charterhouse beside his manor of Richmond, and there consulted with them, by which means best this begun conspiracy might be appeased and disappointed without more disturbance. 
A general pardon excepting no offence.  It was therefore determined, that a general pardon should be published to all offenders that were content to receive the same. This pardon was so freely granted, that no offence was excepted, no not so much as high treason committed against the king's royal person. It was further agreed in the same council for the time then present, 
Orders taken that the young earl of Warwick should be showed abroad.  that the earl of Warwick should personally be showed abroad in the city, and other public places: whereby the untrue report falsely spread abroad, that he should be in Ireland, might be among the commonalty proved and known for a vain imagined lie.  
In this solemn council, diverse & many things for the wealth of the realm were debated and concluded. And among other it was determined, that the lady Elizabeth wife to king Edward the fourth, 
Lady Elizabeth late wife to king Edward the fourth, adjudged to forfeit all her lands, for promise-breaking.  should lose and forfeit all her lands and possessions, because she had voluntarily submitted herself and her daughters wholly to the hands of king Richard, contrary to her promise made to the lords and nobles of this realm in the beginning of the conspiracy made against king Richard, whereby she did enough to have quailed all the purpose of them that joined with her in that matter. But though her fault was grievous, yet was it judged by some men that she deserved not by equity of justice so great a loss and punishment. Howbeit, this judgement was altogether affectionate and partial in her behalf; besides that it was reasonable in great measure (all circumstances considered) for she was not lightly induced to do as she did, neither stood it with the frailty of a woman to withstand the temptations of a mighty man, or rather a reaching tyrant.  
But such was her chance by her lightness and inconstancy, that she won the displeasure of many men, and for that cause lived after in the abbeie of Bermondseie beside Southwark a wretched and a miserable life, where not many years after she deceased, and is buried with her husband at Windsor. Though fortune thus ruleth many things at her pleasure, yet one work that this queen accomplished cannot be forgotten: for in the life time of her husband king Edward the fourth, she founded and erected a notable college in the university of Cambridge, 
queens college in Cambridge founded by the lady Elizabeth king Edward the fourth his wife.  for the finding of scholars and students of the same university, and endowed it with sufficient possessions for the long maintenance of the same, which at this day is called the queens college.  
When all things in this counsel were sagely concluded and agreed to the king's mind, he returned to London; giving in commandment, that the next sunday ensuing, Edward the young earl of Warwick should be brought from the Tower through the most public streets in all London, 
Edward the right earl of Warwick showed openly in procession.  to the cathedral church of saint Paul, where he went openly in procession, that every man might see him, having communication with many noble men, and with them especially that were suspected to be partakers of the late begun conspiracy; that they might perceive how the Irishmen upon a vain shadow moved war against the king and his realm. But this medicine little availed evil disposed persons. For the line 10 earl of Lincoln son to john de la Poole duke of Suffolk, and Elizabeth sister to king Edward the fourth, thought it not meet to neglect and omit so ready an occasion of new trouble.  
Wherefore they determined to uphold the enterprise of the Irishmen, and other complices of this conspiracy: so that consulting with sir Thomas Broughton, and certain other of his most trusty friends, 
An ill matter followed to the proof.  he purposed to sail into Flanders to his aunt the lady Margaret duchess of Burgognie, line 20 trusting by her help to make a puissant army, and to join with the companions of the new raised sedition. Therefore after the dissolution of the parliament which then was holden, he fled secretly into Flanders unto the said lady Margaret; where Francis lord Lovel landed certain days before. Here after long consultation had how to proceed in their business, it was agreed, that the earl of Lincoln, and the lord Lovel should go into Ireland; and there to attend upon the duchess her counterfeit nephew, and line 30 to honour him as a king, and with the power of the Irishmen to bring him into England.  
Now they concluded, that if their doings had success, than the foresaid Lambert (misnamed the earl of Warwick) should by consent of the council be deposed, and Edward the true earl of Warwick delivered out of prison and anointed king. King Henry supposing that no man would have been so mad as to have attempted any further enterprise in the name of that new found & counterfeit earl, he line 40 only studied how to subdue the seditious conspiracy of the Irishmen. 
The earl of Lincoln's flight into Flanders doubted of king Henry.  But hearing that the earl of Lincoln was fled into Flanders, he was somewhat moved therewith, and caused soldiers to be put in a readiness out of every part of his realm, and to bring them into one place assigned, that when his adversaries should appear, he might suddenly set upon them, vanquish and overcome them.  

The marquess Dorset committed to the Tower.  Thus disposing things for his surety, he went towards S. Edmund's bury, and being certified that line 50 the marquess Dorset was coming towards his majesty, to excuse himself of things that he was suspected to have done when he was in France, he sent the earl of Oxford to arrest the said marquess by the way, and to convey him to the Tower of London, there to remain till his truth might be tried. year 1487 From thence the K. went forth to Norwich, and tarrying there Christmas day, he departed after to Walsingham, where he offered to the image of our lady, and then by Cambridge he shortly returned line 60 to London. In which mean time, the earl of Lincoln had gotten together by the aid of the lady Margaret about two thousand Almains, 
Martin Sward a valiant captain of the Almains, assistant to the earl of Lincoln.  with one Martin Sward, a valiant and noble captain to lead them.  
With this power the earl of Lincoln sailed into Ireland, and at the city of Divelin caused young Lambert to be proclaimed and named king of England, after the most solemn fashion, as though he were the very heir of the blood royal lineally borne and descended. And so with a great multitude of beggarly Irishmen, almost all naked and unarmed, saving skains and mantles, of whom the lord Thomas Gerardine was captain and conductor, they sailed into England with this new found king, 
The counterfeit earl of Warwick with all his adherents landeth in England.  and landed for a purpose at the pile of Fowdreie, within a little of Lancaster, trusting there to find aid by the means of sir Thomas Broughton, one of the chief companions of the conspiracy.  
The king had knowledge of the enemies intent before their arrival, and therefore having assembled a great army (over the which the duke of Bedford, and the earl of Oxenford were chief captains) he went to Coventrie, where he was advertised, that the earl of Lincoln was landed at Lancaster with his new king. Here he took advise of his councillors what was best to be done, whether to set on the enemies without further delay, or to protract time a while. But at length it was thought best to delay no time, but to give them battle, before they should increase their power, and thereupon he removed to Nottingham, & there by a little wood called Bowers, he pitched his field.  
Shortly after this came to him the lord George Talbot earl of Shrewesburie, the lord Strange, 
K. Henry's power soon increased.  sir john Cheinie, right valiant captains, with many other noble and expert men of war, namely of the countries near adjoining; 
The earl of Lincoln entereth Yorkshire.  so that the king's army was wonderfully increased. In this space the earl of Lincoln being entered into Yorkshire, passed softly on his journey without spoiling or hurting of any man, trusting thereby to have some company of people resort unto him. But after he perceived few or none to follow him, and that it was too late now to return back, he determined to try the matter by dint of sword, and hereupon directed his way from York to Newarke upon Trent.  
But before he came there, king Henry knowing all his enemies purposes, came the night before the day of the battle to Newarke; and tarrying there a little, went three miles further, and pitching his field, lodged there that night. The earl of Lincoln certified of his coming, was nothing abashed, but kept still on his journey; and at a little village called Stoke, nigh to the king and his army, set down his camp. 
The battle of Stoke.  The next day the king divided his whole power into three battles, and after in good array approached nigh to the town of Stoke. The earl likewise set forth his army, and encountering with the king's people in a fair plain there, meet for the trial of such a conflict, set upon them with a manly courage, desiring his soldiers to remember his honour and their own lives.  
Then both the armies joined and fought very earnestly, in so much that the Almains, 
The armies join.  being tried and expert men of war, were in all things, as well in strength as policy, equals and matches to the Englishmen. But as for Martin Sward their colonel, few of the Englishmen, 
Martin Sward a peerless warrior.  either in valiant courage, or strength, and nimbleness of body was to him comparable. On the other side, the Irishmen, although they fought manfully, and stuck to it valiantly; yet because they were (after the manner of their country) almost naked, without any convenable furniture of armour, they were stricken down and slain like dull & brute beasts, which was a great discouragement to the residue of the company. Thus they fought for a space so sore and so eagerly on both parts, that no man could well judge to whom the victory was like to incline.  
But at length the king's forward being full of people, and well fortified with wings, 
The king's power overcometh.  which only both began and continued the fight, set upon the adversaries with such force and violence, that first they oppressed and killed such capiteins, one by one, as resisted their might and puissance: and after that, put all the other to flight, the which were either apprehended as prisoners in their running away, or else slain and brought unto confusion in a small moment. Now when this battle was ended, and fought out to the extremity, than it well appeared, what high prowess, what manful stomaches, what hardy and courageous hearts rested in the king's adversaries. For there the chief captains, the earl of Lincoln, and the lord Lovel, 
All the captein● of the adverse part against the king slain.  sir Thomas Broughton, Martin Sward, and the lord Gerardine captain of the Irishmen were slain, and found dead in the very places which they had chosen alive to fight in, not giving line 10 one foot of ground to their adversaries.  
Howbeit some affirm, that the lord Lovel took his horse, and would have fled over Trent, but was not able to recover the further side for the highness of the bank, and so was drowned in the river. There were killed at that battle, with their five captains before rehearsed, 

The number of the slain that were against the king.  
Lambert and his master Simond taken.   of that party about four thousand. Of the king's part there were not half of them which fought in the forward, and gave the onset slain or hurt. Then was Lambert the youngling, which was line 20 falsely reported to be the son of the duke of Clarence, and his master sir Richard Simond priest both taken, but neither of them put to death; because that Lambert was but an innocent, and of years insufficient of himself to do any such enterprise; and the other was pardoned of life, because he was a priest, and anointed man; but yet was committed to perpetual prison.  
Lambert was at length made one of the king's falconers, after that he had been a turnebroch for a line 30 space in the king's kitchen. This battle was fought on a saturday being the sixtéenth day of june, in this second year of his reign. In this year died Thomas Bourchier archbishop of Canturburie: and john Morton bishop of Elie, 
Morton bishop of Elie made archbishop of Canturburie and chancellor of England.  a man of excellent learning, virtue and policy, succeeded in his place, whom Alexander pope of Rome, the sixth of that name, created a cardinal, and the king created him also chancellor of England. Of which pope (having so convenient a place to speak) it were a fault to omit the line 40 ambition, accompanied with other disorders unbeseeming a successor of Peter (but neither personally nor locally) as all the brood of them brag of themselves, & will be entitled with a primacy, usurped.  

Abr. Fl. ex G●ic. pag 4, 5. Creation of pope Alexander the sixth, Otherwise called Roderike Borgia borne at Venice.  ¶ This Alexander the sixth pope of that name, was sometime an ancient cardinal, and one of the greatest in all the court of Rome. One mean that raised him to the seat of the pope, was the difference between the cardinals Ascanius Sforce, and julian S. Petriad Uincula: but the chiefest thing that accomplished line 50 his election, was, that with a new example for that time, he bought by the consent and knowledge of every one, partly for money, and partly with promises of offices and great dignities, many voices of the cardinals, who rejecting the instruction of the gospel, 
Corruption of Cardinals in the election of the pope.  were not ashamed to pass to him by sale, an authority and power to make merchandise of the holy treasures, & that with the name of the celestial authority in the most high part of the temple.  
To which abominable & too too profane negotiation line 60 many of them were induced by the cardinal Ascanius, but that was not more with persuasions and suits, than with his example: for that being corrupted with the infinite desire of riches, he made the pope promise him for his hire and recompense of so great wickedness, the office of vicechancellorship (the principallest place in the court of Rome) together with benefices, castles, and his palace of Rome full of movables of great valour. But the pope for all this could not avoid; neither for the time to come, the judgement and justice of God; nor for the present, the infamy and just hate of men, in whom for this election was no small impressions of astonishment and horror, not only for that it was entangled with means dishonest, but also because the natures and conditions of the man chosen, were (for the greatest part) known to many.  
Many sentences and conjectures were made of his success. And amongst other, Ferdinand king of Naples, dissembling openly the grief he had of that election, signified to the queen his wife with tears (which he was wont to forbear even in the death of his children) that there was created a pope who would be most hurtful to Italy, and the whole common weal of christendom. A judgement not unworthy of the wisdom of such a prince: for that in Alexander the sixth (for so would this new pope be called) was a subtlety, sharpness, and expedition of wit most singular, a counsel excellent, a wonderful efficacy in persuasion, and in all great affairs a judgement and care incredible. 
Pope Alexander the sixth corrupted with many vices,  But these virtues were marvelously defaced by his vices, for touching his manners and customs, they were very dishonest, in his administrations he expressed little sincerity, in his countenance no shame, in his words small truth, in his heart little faith, and in his opinion less religion. Of the contrary, all his actions were defiled with an insatiable covetousness, and immoderate ambition, a barbarous cruelty, and a burning desire to raise and make great (by what means soever) his children, who were many in number; and amongst others, one no less detestable than the father, to whose cursed counsels he became a wicked instrument. Thus much (by way of digression) of Alexander, a pope (as you hear) well qualified, and therefore forward enough to create cardinals both in England and elsewhere of like disposition. But to return to the story.]  
After that the king had got the upper hand of his enemies, he removed to Lincoln, 
Thanks given to God after victory.  and there tarried three days, causing every of the same days solemn processions to be made in rendering thanks to God for his fortunate victory. Then caused he execution to be done, 
Execution upon the offenders.  of such rebels & traitors as were taken in the field, either at the battle, or in the chase. And shortly after he went into Yorkshire, & there coasted the country overthwart, searching out such as had aided his enemies, and were thought to be seditious persons, whom he punished, some by imprisonment, some by fines, and some by death: according to the quality of their offences, and as was thought most expedient [not by extremity of rigour inclining to tyranny, but by due moderation of justice tempering execution with clemency; according to the good rule of justice prescribed by the wise man, saying: 
Sobria commissum plectat clementia crimen, 
Gu. Ha. in eccle. cap. 10.   
parva neg at poenam culpa subire gravem.]   
About the midst of August entering into the third year of his reign, 
Anno. Reg. 3.  he came to Newcastle upon Tine, and from thence sent in embassage into Scotland Richard Fox, 
Fox bishop of Excester sent ambassador into Scotland.  lately before made bishop of Excester, and with him Richard Edgecombe knight, controller of his house, to conclude some peace or truce with king james of Scotland. The English ambassadors were honourably received, and lovingly entertained of the said king, who gladly would have concluded a perpetual peace with the king of England, if he might have been licensed so to have done: but his people being steadfast in their old accustomed usage, would not agree to any peace, but yet were contented to gratify their king, 
A truce with Scotland for seven years.  that he should take truce with England for the term of seven years, which was concluded.  
Then was secret promise made by king james, that he would not only observe peace, & continue in perfect amity with the king of England during his life, but also would renew again this truce new taken for other seven years, before the first seven years were fully expired. The king of Scots indeed was as desirous of the king of England's friendship, as the king of England was of his: because that his subjects bore him much evil will, misliking with all things that either he could do or say. [So that his regiment was no longer liked, than they were in a good mood, which was when they were well minded; and that was never: for that if by gentleness he alured them, they esteemed him a flatterer; if by severity, a tyrant. And therefore it stood him upon to strengthen himself against such a people, of whose line 10 pleasure & displeasure depended his estate.]  
K. Henry after the return of his ambassadors out of Scotland, 
King Henry returneth out of the north country.  came from Newcastle to York, and so toward London, and in the way being at Leicester, there came to him ambassadors from Charles the French king, which declared both the recovery of certain towns out of the hands of Maximilian king of Romans, which he had wrongfully detained from the crown of France before that time; and also that their master king Charles had now wars line 20 in hand against Francis duke of Britain, 
The French kings request for aid against Francis duke of Britain.  because that he succoured and maintained divers noble men, as the duke of Orleans and others, that were rebels and traitors, against him and the realm of France. Wherefore his request was, that for the old familiarity that had been betwixt them, he would either assist and help him, or else stand neuter betwixt them, neither helping nor yet hurting the one nor the other.  
Upon good and deliberate advise taken in this matter, because it was judged weighty, the king for line 30 answer told the French ambassadors, that he would neither spare pain nor cost, to set some reasonable stay betwixt their sovereign lord king Charles, and the duke of Britain: so that a final end and some perfect conclusion of friendship might be had betwixt them. And so as soon as the French ambassadors were returned home, the king sent his chaplain Christopher Urswike over into France to king Charles, as well to show that he was glad of the victory which he had against Maximilian; as to declare line 40 what a tempestuous storm of civil rebellion himself had escaped & overcome here in England.  
But the chiefest point of Urswikes errand consisted in this, 
King Henry's off●r to make an atonement betwixt the French king and the duke.  that he should intimate to the French king, how his master king Henry offered himself as a mediator betwixt him and the duke of Britain, to make them friends: and if he perceived that the French king gave ear hereunto, then should he go into Britain, to move the duke there to be contented, that some reasonable order might be taken for a line 50 quietness to be had betwixt the French king and him. Whilst Urswike was traveling in this matter (according to his commission) the king came back again to London, 
Christopher Urswike.  where he was received of the citizens with great joy and triumph, they being heartily glad and greatly rejoicing that he with such good success had subdued his enemies.  
Shortly after, he delivered the lord Thomas marquess Dorset out of the Tower, 
The marquess Dorset delivered out of the Tower.  receiving him again to his former favour and old familiarity: because his line 60 truth and loyalty by divers assays and sundry arguments had been throughly tried, and sufficiently proved. In which mean time, the king for the great love that he bore to his wife queen Elizabeth, 
The king's love to his wife queen Elizabeth.  caused her to be crowned and anointed queen on saint Katharins' day in November, with all solemnity, as in such cases appertaineth. In the mean season Christopher Urswike (according to his commission) traveled between the French king and the duke of Britain in the king of England's name, to make them friends. But although the French king seemed willing enough to have peace, yet meant he nothing less. For he had as many subtleties in his heart, as ●here be faces in the world, according to the poet: Pectoribus fraudes tot sunt quot in orb figurae.  
For whilst he went about with fair words, courteous letters, and sweet promises to bear the king of England in hand to labour a peace betwixt him and the Britain's, he enforced his whole puissance to subdue them, and besieged the city of Nants. And on the other part, the duke of Orleans being with drawn to the duke of Britain, 
The duke 〈◊〉 Orleans partaker with the duke of Britain.  and one that r●led most about him, had no liking to hear of peace, but did what he could to hinder it. The English ambassador Christopher Urswike (having thus passed from the French king to the duke of Britain, and back again to the French king) returned shortly after into England, and showed unto king Henry what he had done betwixt them.  
Immediately after came to the French king the lord Bernard Daubeneie a Scot borne, which on the French kings behalf required K. Henry to make some manner of end of those British wars, whatsoever it were. King Henry being desirous of the same, sent over again into France, john the abbot of Abingdon, sir Richard Edgecombe knight, and the forenamed, Christopher Urswike, with full and perfect commission & long instructions how to proceed, in driving of some agreement betwixt the Frenchmen and the Britons. These orators (according as they had in commandment) first went unto the French king, and after they had communed with him, sir Richard Edgecombe, and Christopher Urswike departed straight to the duke of Britain, in full hope to conclude a peace, upon such offers and articles as they had to propone unto him.  
But all their hope was vain, for the duke refused to agree upon any such articles and conditions as they offered; and so without concluding any thing with the duke, they returned back into France; and from thence signified to the king of England by letters all that they knew, or had done. year 1488 But in the mean time, Edward lord Wooduile, 
Edward lord Wooduile a●deth the duke of Britain without the king's consent.  uncle to the queen, sued to king Henry that he might have a power of men appointed to him, with the which he would steal privily over without licence or passport, so that every man should think that he was fled the realm, without knowledge of the king, for that no war should arise by his means betwixt the realms of France and England, and yet should the duke of Britain be aided against the power of the Frenchmen, which sought to vanquish him, that they might join his country unto the dominion of France: which in no wise aught to be suffered, considering what annoyance & hurt the same might bring to the realm of England in time to come.  
Although this request was utterly denied, and that the lord Wooduile was straightly commanded by the king to make no such attempt; yet could not all that stay him, 
Lord Wooduile gathere● a power in the isle of Wigh●.  but that withdrawing him into the isle of Wight, whereof he was made ruler and captain, he there gathered together a crew of tall & hardy personages, to the number of 400, & with prosperous wind & weather arrived in Britain, and joined himself with the Britons against the Frenchmen. The French king advertised hereof, was not well pleased in his mind towards the king of England; till K. Henry by new messengers informed him how guiltless he was in the matter, and that by plain and evident proofs. With the which excuse the French king seemed to be the better pacified, and was content to dissemble the matter.  
Then the English ambassadors, 
The league renewed between England and France.  renewing the league and amity betwixt king Henry & the French king, for the space of twelve months, they returned into England, and showed the king all things that they had either heard or seen; so that he perceived that the French king dealt craftily in this matter of Britain, still motioning peace when he meant nothing else but war. 
The king calleth a parliament.  He therefore called his high court of parliament, in the which it was not only determined that the duke of Britain should be aided with a power of men against the wrongful invasions of the Frenchmen, but also there were diverse sums of money granted to the furnishing forth and maintenance of the same. And immediately hereupon, the king sent his ambassadors into France to certify the French king what the estates assembled line 10 in parliament here in England had decreed.  
Wherefore he required him either to surcease the wars which he had in hand against the Britons, 
A peremptorly embassage 〈◊〉 of England into France.  or else not to be grieved though he condescended to the judgement and determination of the lords both spiritual and temporal, and commons of his realm, in taking upon him the defence of the duke of Britain; promising nevertheless that the English army should only take land within the duchy of Britain, and seek to defend the same against all those line 20 that did invade it, and not to make any war within the French dominions. This message was nothing regarded of the French king, in so much that the French army proceeded in oppressing the Britons, destroying the country, and besieging towns.  
At length on the seven and twentieth, or (as the chronicles of Anjou have) the eight and twentieth day of julie, the duke of Britain's army gave battle to the French host near to a town called saint Aulbin, having appareled a thousand and seven hundred of the line 30 Britons in coats with red crosses, 
The battle of saint Aulbin in Britain, between the duke of Britain and the French king.  after the English fashion, to make the Frenchmen believe that they had a great number of Englishmen, although they had but four hundred only with the lord Wooduile. The victory in this battle fell to the Frenchmen, so that almost all the Englishmen were slain with the lord Wooduile, 
Lord Woodu●le slain.  beside six thousand Britons. The duke of Orleans and the prince of Orainge were taken prisoners, which were there on the Britons part. The Frenchmen lost twelve hundred men, and amongst line 40 other, that valiant Italian captain james Galeot.  
These news being brought into England, caused king Henry to make haste in sending forth his army, 
King Henry sendeth forth his army against the French.  and therefore was the lord Brooke, with sir john Cheinie, sir john Middleton, sir Ralph Hilton, sir Richard Corbet, sir Thomas Leighton, sir Richard Laton, and sir Edmund Cornwall sent over into Britain with all convenient speed, having with them an eight thousand men, well armed and furnished in warlike wise, to aid the duke of Britain against the line 50 Frenchmen. These lusty captains being arrived in Britain, after they had a little refreshed them, marched forward, and coming near to their enemies, pitched down their field, not far from the Frenchmens camp.  
The Frenchmen by experience knowing the Englishmen (so long as they be fresh and lusty) in manner to be invincible, 
When the French be invincible.  thought not good to match with them in open battle, till they were somewhat wearied with lying and lingering abroad in the field. And therefore line 60 at the first they sought to weary them with light skirmishes, appointing their horsemen to give them alarms, & some skirmishes; in the which the Frenchmen, by reason of the English archers (which galled both men and horses) were ever put to the worse. But behold the mutability of worldly chances! Whiles this war was thus set forward, Francis duke of Britain departed this life, 
Francis duke 〈◊〉 Britain ●eth.  & then the chief rulers of Britain, falling at dissension among themselves, tendered not the defence of their country, but rather minded the destruction thereof.  
Hereupon the Englishmen, perceiving in what danger they were, and considering that it was in the midst of winter, a time not meet for men of war to lie in the cold and frosty fields, they returned into England, within five months after their first setting forth. So that finally the French king got the upper hand of the Britons, and did incorporate that duchy to his realm and crown of France, 
The duchy of Britain incorporated to the realm of France.  as in the history of France it may appear at large. ¶ In julie this year was a priest levied for the king in the city of London, of four thousand pounds, which was repaid the year next following. In September, the queen was delivered at Winchester of her first son, named prince Arthur; 
john Stow.  
The birth of prince Arthur.  and the five and twentieth of November (next ensuing) she was crowned at Westminster with all due solemnity.  
ye have heard, how there was in the last parliament money granted for the furnishing forth of the army into Britain; that is to wit, it was agreed, 
Anno Reg. 4.  that every man should be taxed after the rate of his substance, to pay the tenth penny of his goods. Which money the most part of them that dwelled in the bishopric of Durham, and in the parties of Yorkshire refused utterly to pay: either for that they thought themselves overcharged with the same; or were procured to show themselves disobedient, through the evil counsel of some seditious persons, which conspired against the king, to put him to new trouble. Therefore such as were appointed collectors, 
The collectors of the subsidy complain to the earl of Northumberland that they cannot get in the tax money.  after that they could not get the money, according to their extract delivered to them by the commissioners, they made their complaint privily to Henry the fourth earl of Northumberland, chief ruler of the North parts.  
The earl forthwith signified to the king all that matter, year 1489 and the king not willing to pardon them of any one penny (lest the example might do hurt by encouraging others to show the like stubbornness in other parts of the realm) commanded the earl either by distress or otherwise, to levy the money as he should think most meet. The rude and beastly people hearing of this answer from the king, by and by with great violence set upon the earl by the exciting of a simple fellow named john a Chamber, 
The earl of Northumberland murdered by the northern rebels at the instigation and setting on of john a Chamber.  whom the earl with fair words sought to appease. But they like unreasonable villains, alleging all the fault to be in him, as chief author of the tax, furiously and cruelly murdered both him and diverse of his household servants. diverse affirm that the Northern men bare against this earl continual grudge ever since the death of king Richard, whom they entirely favoured.  
Although this offence was great and heinous; yet there succeeded a more mischief: 
A rebellion in the north for a tax granted by parliament.  for incontinently (to cloak this presumptuous murder) the Northern men got them to armour, and assembling together, chose them a captain, no less seditious than desirous of trouble, 
Sir john Egremond captain rebel.  called sir john Egremond knight; and passing by the countries, they published and declared that they would bid the king battle only in defence of their liberties & common freedom, of the which he went about to beereave them. But when the matter should come to be tried with blows, their hearts so fainted that they scattered away, every man seeking to save himself by flight: but that little availed them.  
For the king hearing of this business, sent forth Thomas earl of Surreie (whom not long before he had delivered out of the Tower, 
Thomas earl of Surrie sent with a power against the north rebels.  and received to his special favour) with a crew of men, to chastise those rebels of the north parts, who skirmished with a certain company of them, and them discomfited, and took alive john a Chamber, the first beginner of this rebellion. The king himself road after into Yorkshire, of whose coming the sturdy rebels were so abashed and afraid, that they fled more and less: which afterward were apprehended, and punished according to their demerits. Yet the king of his clemency pardoned the innocent people, and executed the chief procurers. 
john a Chamber hanged like an archtraitor.  For john a Chamber was hanged at York on a gibbet set upon a square pair of gallows like an archtraitor, and his complices and loud disciples were hanged on the lower gallows round about their master, to the terrible example of other.  

Sir john Egremond fi●eth into Flanders.  But sir john Egremond fled into Flanders to the lady Margaret duchess of Burgognie, that ever envied line 10 the prosperity of king Henry. After this the king returned to London, leaving the earl of Surreie to rule the north parts, and appointed sir Richard Tunstall, a man of great wit and policy, to gather the subsidy to him due of the people. This year the king borrowed of every alderman of London two hundred pounds, 
The king borroweth a great sum of money of the chamber of London.  and of the Chamber nine thousand eighty two pounds seventeen shillings four pence; which he repaid again to the uttermost, with great equity and thankfulness. [A virtue very laudable line 20 in this good king, and so much the more note-worthy as it is rare; specially in mighty men and great estates of the world, that count what soever they can catch their own, as though the purses of the people were theirs to possess at pleasure & use at lust, without conscience or care of restitution. Which foul fault Ecclesiasticus noteth (affirming that all is lost that is lent them) in express words, saying: 
Reddere magnates nolunt, quae mutuasumunt,  

G●●. Ha. in Eccle, cap. 8.  Mutua quae trades interijsse scias.]   
In this season, the emperor Fredrick made line 30 war against the Flemings, namely against Bruges and certain towns of Flanders, 
A rebellion in Flanders.  which had rebelled against his son Maximilian king of Romans, their liege and sovereign lord; in so much that they of Bruges had not only slain his officers but imprisoned him within their town, 
Maximilian king of Romans imprisoned at Bruges by the townsmen.  till they had caused him to pardon all their offences, and also to swear never to remember, nor revenge the same in time to come. But his father Fredrick the emperor could not suffer such a reproach & dishonour done line 40 to his son (whose fame & princely estate as he tendered and had in jealousy; so was it his hart grief and immoderate vexation that he should be abused of open contemners, in such villainous sort as tended highly to the indignity of his person, and the aggravating of their offence and punishment) to pass unrevenged, & therefore scourged the country of Flanders with sharp and cruel war.  
The lord of Ravensteine being driven to take the line 50 same oath, that his master Maximilian took at Bruges, to show that the war was not begun with his assent, forsook Maximilian his lord, and took the towns of Ipre and Sluis, with both the castles of the same haven, and further did not only stir the Gantois, Brugeans, and other towns of Flanders, to rebel against their sovereign lord; but also sent to the French kings lieutenant in Picardy, the lord cords, to aid him to conquer such towns of Flanders, 
The lord cords maketh advantage of occasion.  as were not of his opinion. The lord cords, line 60 otherwise called monsieur de Querdes, was glad to have so good occasion to set foot in Flanders, as he that had sufficient instructions of his master the French king, upon any such offered occasion so to do, sent forthwith to the aid of the Flemings eight thousand Frenchmen, commanding them to conquer such towns, as were in the way betwixt France and Bruges.  
The captains, according to his devise, besieged a little walled town called Dirmew, to whom came four thousand Flemings with victuals and artillery, sent from the lord of Ravenstein. They laid siege on the north side of the town, in a marish ground then being dry, and so deeply ditched and rampired their camp about (on which rampire they laid their ordinance) that it was in manner impossible to enter their camp, or do them any displeasure or damage. The K. of England was daily advertised of these doings, which nothing less desired than to have the English pale environed with French fortresses. 
King 〈◊〉 sendeth the lord D●u●ene●e and the lord M●rl●a against the French.  Wherefore to prevent that mischief in time, with all expedition he sent over to the lord Daubeneie, than his deputy of Calis, the lord Morleie, with a crew of valiant archers & soldiers, to the number of a thousand men, with privy instructions what they should do.  
At their coming over it was bruited abroad, that they were sent only to defend the English pale, against all attempts that might upon the sudden in any wise be made by the Frenchmen, or Flemings: but their enterprise was all otherwise. For on a tuesday at the shutting of the gates at night, the lord Daubneie chiefeteine of the army, the lord Morleie, sir james Tirrell captain of Guisnes, sir Henry Willoughby, sir Gilbert Talbot, and sir Humfreie Talbot marshal of Calis, with diverse other knights, and esquires, and other of the garrisons of Hams, Guisnes, and Calis, to the number of two thousand men or thereabouts, issued privily out of Calis, & passed the water of graveling in the morning betimes; and left there for a stolen, and to keep the passage, sir Humfreie Talbot, with six score archers, and came to Newport, 
Sir Humfr●●● Talbot with his six score archers.  where they found the sovereign of Flanders with six hundred Almains, and there they stayed that night.  
On the next day they went toward Dixmew, and by the guiding of a prisoner, that should have been hanged on the next morning, 
The good service of a wretch that should have been hanged  they issued out of the south gate of the town of Dixmew, and were conveyed by their said guide by an high bank set with willows; so that the Gantois could not well espy them, and so secretly got to the end of their enemies camp, and there paused. The lord Daubeneie commanded all men to send their horses and wagons back, but the lord Morleie said he would ride till he came to hand strokes. Thus they marched forth till they came to a low bank, and no deep ditch, where the ordinance lay; and there the archers shot altogether, every man an arrow, and so fell prostrate to the ground. 
A policy.  The enemies herewith discharged their ordinance, and overshot them.  
The Almains leapt over the ditch with their morris pikes. The Englishmen in the forefront waded the ditch, and were helped up by the Almains, and set on their enemies, and took many prisoners. The other Englishmen hasted by the causey to enter in at the north gate of the camp, 
The lord Morlie slain.  where the lord Morleie being on horseback in a rich coat, was slain with a gun. When his death was known, every man killed his prisoner, and slew all such as did withstand them, to the number of eight thousand men; 
The number of the slain 〈◊〉 both parts.  in so much that of two thousand that came out of Bruges (as the Flemish chronicle reporteth) there came not home one hundred. On the English part was slain the lord Morleie, and not an hundred more.  
The Englishmen took their ordinance and sent it to Newport, with all the spoil and great horses. And by the way hearing certain Frenchmen to be at Ostend, they made thitherward: but the Frenchmen fled, and so they burned part of the town, and came again to Newport, where the lord Daubeneie left all the Englishmen that were hurt and returned to Calis, where he buried the body of the lord Morleie. The Englishmen got great riches at this field, for they that went forth in cloth, came home in silk, 
The Eng●●●● soldiers enriched.  and those that went out on foot, came home on great horses. The lord cords being at Ipre with twenty thousand men, was sore displeased with this overthrow; & therefore thinking to be revenged, besieged the town of Newport right strongly, 
Newport besieged by the Frenchmen.  and shot daily at the walls, breaking them in many places.  
But the Englishmen that were hurt at Dixmew field before, and might either stand or draw bow, never came from the walls. On a day the Frenchmen gave a great assault to a tower, and perforce entered it, and set up the banner of the lord cords. But see the chance! During the time of the assault, there arrived a bark with four score fresh English archers, which came straight to the tower, and did so much, that line 10 what with the help of such as before were wounded and hurtmen, and of the courageous hearts of the new come archers encouraged greatly by the women of the town, 
English archers.  crying; Shoot Englishmen, shoot: the tower was regained out of the Frenchmens hands, and the banner of the lord cords rend in pieces, and in place thereof the penon of saint George set up. Then the Frenchmen, supposing a great aid of Englishmen to have been come to the town by sea, left the assault.  

The malicious and foolish words of the lord cords.  And the night following, the envious lord cords line 20 (which so sore longed for Calis, that he would commonly say, that he could be content to lie seven years in hell, so that Calis were in possession of the Frenchmen) broke up his siege, and returned to Hilding with shame. And the Englishmen glad of this victory returned to Calis. 
james king of Scots slain by his ●wne subjects.  This year james the third of that name king of Scots was slain by his own subjects, after they had vanquished him in a pight field. About the same time one Adrian an Italian line 30 was sent in embassage from pope Innocent the eight into Scotland, to have taken up the variance betwixt the king there and his people. But being arrived here in England, he was informed that king james was slain, and therefore tarried here certain months.  
And for that he was a man of excellent learning, virtue, and humanity, the archbishop of Canturburie john Morton so commended him to the king, 
Adrian an Italian made bishop of Hereford, and after of Bath and Welles.  that he made him first bishop of Hereford, and line 40 shortly after, that resigned and given over, he promoted him to the bishopric of Bath and Welles. And after that with these honours he was returned to Rome, he was advanced by all the degrees of spiritual dignities into the college of the cardinals. And wor●hie sure he was of great preferment, for by his means, learned men were moved to seek out the use of eloquent writing and speaking in the Latin tongue, he being the first in the time of our fathers that taught the trade to choose and use apt words and fit terms. line 50  

1490 Anno Reg. 6.  In the sixth year of king Henry's reign there came ambassadors to him from the French king the lord Francis of Lutzenburgh, 
Ambassadors from the French king to the king of England.  Charles Marignane, and Robert Gaguine minister of the Bonnehommes of the trinity. The effect of their coming was to have concluded a peace with king Henry, and that with good will the French king might dispose of the marriage of the young duchess of Britain, as he should think good; and to make void the contract and former marriage, which by proxy the deputy of Maximilian line 60 king of Romans had before time contracted & made with her. But thereto would not king Henry give his consent, ever harping on this string, that the maiden being once lawfully combined in matrimony with Maximilian, ought not to be compelled against her will and promise (yea and contrary to all law, right and equity) to take any other person than him to her spouse and husband.  

●. Henry is 〈◊〉 that the French king should marry the duchess of Britain.  In deed king Henry was loath that the French king should marry the duchess of Britain himself (as he perceived his meaning was) and so some the duchy of Britain to the crown of France: and therefore he did what he could to hinder that bargain. Yet at length it was agreed that a form of a league should be drawn with conditions, clauses, and covenants. And for full concluding of the same, it was thought expedient, that the king of England should send ambassadors to the French king to finish all matters betwixt them. Whereupon the French ambassadors being dismissed with great rewards, streightwaies Thomas earl of Ormond, and Thomas Goldenston prior of Christ's church in Canturburie, were appointed by the king to follow them into France, instructed fully in allthings that he would have on his behalf either moved or determined.  
In this mean space, 
Lionel bishop of Concordia sent from the pope to the French king.  Lionel the bishop of Concordia was sent as orator from pope Alexander the sixth to the French king for certain matters: and amongst other things, he had in charge to conclude a peace and unity betwixt the French king and the king of England. He moving this matter to the French king, found him nothing strange to incline to his motion. Whereupon the bishop of Concordia conceiving good hope, and therewith desirous (as became him best bearing that title) to set an atonement betwixt those two kings, took his journey towards England, to the intent he might move king Henry to be agreeable thereunto, and so coming to Calis, found the English ambassadors there, being so far on their way towards the French king; and being honourably received of them into that town, after they had communed together, the bishop took the sea, and was transported over into England, and the ambassadors departed towards the French king.  
After the bishop of Concordia had talked with king Henry, and perceived that (upon reasonable conditions) he could be content to conclude a peace with all christian princes, and to live in rest after so many troubles afore time sustained, the said bishop returned back into France to solicit this purpose to some perfect conclusion. But the Frenchmen so handled the matter, that whilst they outwardly showed how they desired nothing but friendship and amity, 
The duchess of Britain married to K. Charles.  they alured the young duchess of Britain to submit herself wholly to their discretion, so that shortly after she was married to king Charles. Now the English ambassadors, after they perceived which way the wind would bl●w, returned again to their country, and nothing done or agreed upon in their matter.  
King Henry sore troubled in his mind therewith, determining no more with peaceable messages, but with open war to determine all controversies betwixt him and the French king, called his high court of parliament, 
A parliament wherein king Henry openeth the just cause of making wars against France.  and there declared the cause why he was justly provoked to make war against the Frenchmen: and therefore desired them of their benevolent aid of men and money toward the maintenance thereof. The cause was so just, that every man allowed it; and to the setting forth of the war taken in hand for so necessary an occasion, every man promised his helping hand. The king commended them for their true and faithful hearts. And to the intent that he might spare the poorer sort of the common● (whom he ever desired to keep in favour) he thought good first to exact money of the richest sort by way of a benevolence.  
Which kind of levying money was first devised by king Edward the fourth, 

Who first de●ed the exaction of money called a benevolence.  
See pag. 694.   as it appeareth before in his history. King Henry following the like example, published abroad, that by their open gifts he would measure and search their benevolent hearts and good minds toward him, so that he that gave most, should be judged to be his most loving friend; and he that gave little, to be esteemed according to his gift. By this it appeareth, that whatsoever is practised for the prince's profit, and brought to a precedent by matter of record, may be turned to the great prejudice of the people, if rulers in authority will so adjudge and determine it. But by this means king Henry got innumerable great sums of money, with some grudge of the people, for the extremity showed by the commissioners in divers places.  

1491.  Ye have heard before, how the lord of Ravenstein, by the aid of Bruges & Gant, had taken the town and two castles of Sluis, which he kept against his line 10 sovereign lord Maximilian, and getting into the haven certain ships and barks, rob, spoiled, & took prisoners the ships and vessels of all nations that passed alongst by that coast, towards the mart at Antwerp, or into any part of Brabant, Zealand, or Friesland, and was ever sufficiently vittelled out of France and Picardy. There was a little town also two miles from Bruges towards the sea, called Dam, which was a bulwark to Bruges, and an hedspring to Sluis. The king of Romans had attempted line 20 the winning of this town divers times, but miss his purpose; 
Albert the duke of Saxonies' policy to get the town of Dam.  till at length Albert duke of Saxony, a great friend to the king of Romans, by policy found means to get it.  
This duke feigning himself as a neuter betwixt the king of Romans, and the rebels of Flanders, required of the lords of Bruges, that he might enter peaceably into their town according to his estate, with a certain number of men of arms, to communicate with them diverse matters of great line 30 weight, and sent before his carriages and herbengers to make provision. They of Bruges were in no doubt of him, so that his men of war entered into the city in good order, and he followed. They that went before, inquired for inns and lodgings, as though they would have rested there all the night, and so went forth still in order ask after lodgings, till they came at the gate that leadeth directly toward Dam, distant from Bruges a Flemish mile, which is called the bulwark of Bruges. line 40  
The captains and inhabitants of Dam suspecting no harm to come out of Bugs, thought their friends (knowing some danger towards) had sent them aid, and so nothing mistrusting those that approached their town, suffered them to enter, and so was the town of Dam taken by sleight, which could not be won by open force. This chance sore displeased them of Bruges, for now could they have no recourse to the s●a▪ so that they must needs fall into ruin and decay. The duke of Saxony thus having won the line 50 town of Dam, 
The duke of Saxony sen●eth for aid to king Henry to win Sluis  sent to the king of England, that if it would please him to minister any aid by sea, he would besiege Sluis by land. Whereupon the king of England, upon due consideration of the duke's motion (as he was wise enough in all his enterprises, and no less fortunate in the issue of the same) would conclude nothing upon the sudden, but (as he did always) ruled his affairs by good counsel, like to the wise man commended in the holy scripture: 
Gu. Hae. in Tob. 4.  Consilio sapiens semper sua facta gubernat. line 60  
At last he well remembering that Sluis was a ●ousenest, and a very den of thieves to them that traversed the seas towards the east parts, incontinently dispatched sir Edward Poinings a right valiant knight and hardy captain, 
Sir Edward Poinings a valiant capiteine sent into Flanders with an army  with twelve ships well furnished with bold soldiers and sufficient artillery. Which sir Edward sailed into the haven, and kept the lord of Ravenstein from starting by sea. The Duke of Saxony besieged one of the castles, lying in a church over against it: and the Englishmen assaulted the l●sse castle, and issued out of their ships at the ebb, never suffering their enemies to rest in quiet one day together for the space of twenty days, and every day slew some of their adversaries; and on the English part were slain one Vere, 
One Vere brother to the earl o● Oxford slain.  brother to the earl of Oxford, and fifty more.  
The lord of Ravenstein had made a bridge of boats between both the castles, to pass from the one to the other; which bridge one night the Englishmen did set on fire. Then he, perceiving that he must lose his castles by force, and that the Flemings could not ai● him, yielded the castles to sir Edward Poinings, and the town to the duke of Saxony, upon certain conditions. Sir Edward Poinings kept the castles a while, of whom the Almains demanded their wages, because the duke had nothing to pay. Then these two captains so handled them of Bruges, that they not only submitted themselves to their lord Maximilian; but also were contented to pay and dispatch the Almains. And so sir Edward Poinings tarried there a long space, and at length returned to the king before Bullogne.  
The sixth day of April this present year, the nobles of the realm assembled in the cathedral church of S. Paul in London, where the mayor of the same city, his brethren the aldermen, and the craftsmen in their liveries also assembled: 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 866.  to whom doctor Morton chancellor made an oration, declaring how the king of Spain had won the great and rich city & country of Granado from the Turks: for joy whereof Te Deum was song with great solemnity. ¶ But because it is requisite and necessary in this ample volume, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall, in Hen. 7. fo. xxii●▪ etc.  to set down the report of accidents as they are to be found at large in our own English writers: 
Granado won from the Turks or Sarac●●●.  you shall hear for the furtherance of your knowledge in this matter concerning Granado, what Ed. Hall hath left noted in his chronicle. Which although it contain diverse actions of superstition, and popish trumpery: yet should it not offend the reader, considering that a people estranged from the true knowledge of God and sincere religion put the same in practice, as supposing principal holiness to consist in that blind devotion.  
On the sixth of April (saith he) this year, the king commanded all the nobility of his realm to assemble at the cathedral church of S. Paul in London, where (after Te Deum solemnly song) the cardinal of Canturburie, standing on the steps before the quire door, declared to the people, how the famous city of Granado, which many years had been possessed of the moors or Mauritane nation, being infidels & unchristened people, was now of late besieged a great time by Don Ferdinando and Elizabeth his wife, king and queen of Spain, Arragon, and Castille. And the said infidels, by reason of siege brought to great penury and misery, for lack of victuals & necessary viands, perceiving that all succours were clearly stowed and excluded from them, and so brought into utter despair of aid, or comfort, after long consultation had amongst them, determined to render themselves and their city to the said king upon diverse covenants and conditions, and thereupon sent to him diverse senators of the city fully instructed of their mind and purpose.  
The king of Spain and his council, considering and sagely pondering that winter approached & was at hand, and that the christian host had long am in the fields in sore tempests and grievous storms (which they gladly suffered for Christ's sake, in whose cause and quarrel they made that present war) reremembring also that the city was of such riches, fame, and estimation, that it contained an hundred and fifty thousand houses of name, 
The city of Granado contained an hu●●dred and fifty thousand houses, besides cottages & 〈◊〉 dwellings.  beside other small houses and cottages; & that it was replenished with people innumerable, and furnished with three score and ten thousand good fight men; and finally, perceiving that he might enjoy now the possession of the same, without assault or effusion of christian blood by the advise of his council, he accepted, accorded, and agreed to their offers the twenty and fift of November, in the year of Christ's incarnation 1491, then being the day of saint Katherine.  
By the which composition, the royal city of Granado, with all the holds and fortresses of the realm, and the towers and castles of Alpussarare was rendered into the hands of the said king of Spain; and that the king of Granado should become subject and vassal to the king of Spain, and to relinquish and line 10 forsake the usurped name of a king for ever: and that all the men of war should frankly departed out of the city, and none there to remain, but artificers and merchants: and all these things to be done before the five & twentieth day of januarie. But the time was prevented, for the moors on the first day of januarie sent six hundred notable personages out of the city with their children for hostages into the camp of the king of Spain, to the intent that he should put no diffidence nor mistrust in the citizens, 
Hostages delivered to the K. of Spain for his security.  line 20 but that he might peaceably and quietly with his people enter into the city, and take possession of the same. The which hostages were distributed and lodged in the tents and pavilions of the Spanish army.  
The third of januarie, the lord of Guitterins Cardenes, great master & governor of Lion, of the order of S. james, departed from the army, nobly and triumphantly accompanied with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen toward the city. line 30 And as he approached near to the suburbs, there issued out divers noble and valiant captains of the moors, making to him humble obeisance, and conducted him to a palace adjoining to the city, called the palace of Anaxaras, and from thence conveyed him to the palace royal of the same city called Alhambra, whereof he took quiet and peaceable possession, to the behoof of the king of Spain, 
The banquished people humbly submit themselves to the king's vicegerent, & deliver up the keys of the city.  whom the moors promised and confessed to take and obey, as their king and sovereign lord. And in sign line 40 and token that they thought in their hearts, that which they promised by mouth; they prostrated and humbled themselves before the said great master, and with dolorous lamentation and salt tears delivered to him the keys of the said palace.  
When he had the keys, and was also possessed of that strong and magnificent place, he first of all dispatched the house of all the moors and pagans, and appointed a garrison of valiant and noble christians, to keep and defend the same: and the same day caused line 50 a mass solemnly to be celebrated in a place of the same palace called Melchita; which done and finished, he took possession of all the fortresses, towers, and holds to the said city and town of Granado belonging or appertaining. And then he caused to be erected and set up on the highest tower of the palace (where it might best be seen) the sign and token of the cross, whereon Christ for us sinners suffered his bitter passion. At the raising whereof were present an archbishop, and three bishops, with other prelates, line 60 which devoutly sang this anthem: O crux, ave spes unica.  
The said cross was three times devoutly lifted, and at every exaltation, the moors being within the city, roared, howled, & cried, prostrating themselves, groveling on the ground, & making dolorous noise and pitiful outcries. The army encamped without the city, seeing these things, humbled themselves méekelie before the cross, rendering to almighty God their most humble and hearty thanks. The king of Spain, 
The manner of the Spanish kings giving of thanks for victory.  being mounted on horseback, perceiving the erection of the cross, descended from his jennet, and kneeled down on the bare ground; and rendered to God, la●d, honour, and praise; for that noble and triumphant victory. And after that the cross was thus set up on the high tower, the banner of saint james, and the king's banners were pitched and fixed upon the turrets and pinnacles of the city: an herald standing in the top of the high tower, proclaiming and publishing these words following.  
Saint james, saint james, saint james; Castille, Castille, Castille; Granado, Granado, Granado. By high and mighty power, lord Ferdinando and Elizabeth, king and queen of Spain, have won from the infidels and moors the city and realm of Granado, through the help of our Lord God, & the most glorious virgin his mother, and the virtuous apostle S. james, and the holy father Innocent the eight, together with the aids and succours of the great prelates, knights, and other gentlemen borne, and commons of their realms and countries. When the herald had finished, the artillery sounded, 
The Spaniards rejoicing & triumphing after the conquest of the moors.  the minstrels blue, the people applauded and clapped their hands for gladness, that the earth seemed to tremble and quake underneath them.  
After this joy ended, there issued out of the city in manner of procession, seven hundred and more christians, as well men, as women and children, which had been there prisoners and lived in bonds, servitude, and miserable captivity, whereof the most part were naked, wounded, and in manner famished for hunger. To whom the king (of his great liberality) gave both apparel, viands and money. These poor prisoners coming out of the city sang this psalm; Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel, qui visitavit & fecit redemptionem pledis suae; Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, which hath visited and redeemed his people. And so singing forth the psalm, went to the church of saint Faith, which the king Ferdinando had caused to be most sumptuously edified during the time of the siege, being distant from Granado two or three miles.  
Now as this poor procession passed by the host, one espied his son, and another saw his brother; and the son perceived the father, and the father found the daughter, which were now delivered out of miserable servitude and bondage. But they could not refrain nor bridle themselves from distilling of tears and sobbing, seeing their parents and kinsfolk restored to liberty & freedom. And when these people had said their orisons in the church of saint Faith, and were come to the army, they kneeled before the king, kissed his feet, crying with one voice; God grant to the king of Spain everlasting life. The next day after the lord Euerus de Mendoza, 
The lord Euerus de Mendoza made captain of the house royal.  earl of Tendiglie, was by the king made captain of the house royal and principal tower of the city of Granado, called Alhambra, having to him appointed and assigned one thousand men of arms, and two thousand footmen. Unto the which earl, the great master delivered the keys of the said palace and tower, and other ports and fortresses.  
On saturday the eight day of januarie, in the year of our Lord 1492, Ferdinando K. of Spain & Granado, the queen, 
A great number of states with their train enter triumphantly into Granado to take real possession.  & their eldest son Don john prince of Spain, the lord Peter of Mendoza, the archbish. of Toledo, the patriarch of Alexandria, the cardinal of Spain, the lord Peter prince of Lion, the duke of Gaditan, the marquess of Uillena & Moia, the earl of Capre, the earl of Uienna of Cifnentes, and many other earls, barons, and nobles, whereof some were Englishmen (whose names I have not) with ten thousand horsemen, and fifty thousand footmen, with great triumph and royalty entered into the city of Granado, and thereof took real possession & seazine, and caused mass to be song in a great place called Melchita, where he caused a solemn church to be builded in the honour of God and his mother. When mass was ended, the king and queen repaired to the palace royal of Alhambra, the which was wonderful, both in quality & sumptuous building, which house was adorned with rich arras and tapestry in every chamber.  
The earl of Tendiglie captain of the palace▪ feasted the king and queen, and all the nobility at his own costs and charges. So the king of Spain there remained till the country was reduced into a good conformity and order, and diverse fortresses and castles were made for the safeguard and tuition of the line 10 realm. And because this victory obtained, was to the glory of God, and to the public wealth of all christianity, the 
* Namely doctor Morton, of whom mention is made in the beginning of this history.  said cardinal of Canturburie declared to the people, that the king had sent him and the other nobles thither that day, not only to notify and declare to them the verity of the fact; but also to exhort them to give lands and praisings to almighty God, for delivering so goodly a city, so plentiful a country, and so notable a region out of the hands line 20 of his enemies, and persecutors of his faith and religion. Which declaration ended, the archbishop with the clergy & the nobles with the commonalty, in most devout manner went in general procession, rendering to God for this great achieved enterprise, glory, honour, and most reverent thanks.]  
¶ In the month of May next and immediately following this triumph, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. ●66.  was holden a great and valiant justing within the king's palace of Shine, now named Richmond, the which endured by the space of a line 30 month, sometime within the said palace, and sometime without, upon the green before the gate of the said palace. In which jousts sir james Parker knight, 
Sir james Parker by casualty at jousts mortally wounded.  running against a gentleman named Hugh Uanghan, by casualty was so sore hurt and bruised, that he died thereof. This year also two pardoners were set on the pillory in Cornhill three market days, 
Two pardon●es set on the pillory.  for forging of false pardons, wherewith they had deceived the people, & got much money. And for that one of them had feigned himself to be a priest, he was sent to Newgate, where he died: the other was line 40 driven out of London with shame enough. ¶ Also this year was Robert Fabian sheriff of London & alderman, 
Robert Fabian.  who made a chronicle of England & of France, beginning at the creation of the world, and ending in the third year of the reign of king Henry the eight, which book is now imprinted to the end of Richard the third.]  
Maximilian king of Romans, intending to be revenged on the Frenchmen for the many injuries line 50 done to him of late (and especially for that king Charles had forsaken his daughter lady Margaret, and purposed to take to wife the lady Anne of Britain) because he was not rich enough to maintain the war of himself, he sent his ambassador, one james Contibald, a man of great wisdom, to require the king of England to take his part against the French king, making divers great offers on his own behalf, if it should please him so to do.  

King Henry and Maximilian agree to plague the Frenchmen.  King Henry no less desirous than Maximilian to put the French king to trouble, and chiefly to aid the line 60 Britain's in the extremity of their business, gladly consented to the request of Maximilian; and promised to prepare an army with all speed, and in time convenient to pass the seas with the same, and invade the French territories. In this very season, Charles the French king received the lady Anne of Britain, 
Anno. Reg. 7.  as his pupil into his hands, and with great solemnity her espoused, having with her in dower, the whole duchy of Britain.  

The cause of Maximilians malice against Charles of France.  Now was Maximilian in great chase toward the French king, not only for that he had refused his daughter, but also had bereaved him of his assured wife the said lady Anne, contrary to all right and conscience. Wherefore he sent unto king Henry, desiring him with all speed to pass the seas with his army, that they might pursue the war against their adversary, with fire, sword and blood. King Henry hearing this, and having no mistrust in the promise of Maximilian, with all speed levied an army, and rigged his navy of ships. And when all things were ready, he sent his almoner Christopher Urswike, and sir john Riseleie knight unto Maximilian, to certify him, that the king was in a readiness, and would arrive at Calis, as soon as he should be advertised that Maximilian and his men were ready to join with him.  
These ambassadors coming into Flanders, perceived that Maximilian was neither purue●ed of men, money, nor armour, 
Maximilian dealeth dishonestly with the king of England to his great v●xation.  nor of any other thing necessary for the setting forth of war; saving only that his will was good, although his power was small. King Henry being advertised hereof by letters sent to him from his said ambassadors, was sore disquieted in his mind, and was almost brought to his wit's end, to consider how his companions in arms should thus fail him at need; but taking advise of his counsel, at length he determined not to stay his prepensed journey, and therefore he so increased his numbers before he took ship, that he with his own power might be able to match with his adversaries. When he had thus gathered and assembled his army, he sailed to Calis the sixth day of October, and there encamped himself for a space, to see all his men and provision in such readiness, as nothing should be wanting.  
In this place all the army had knowledge by the ambassadors (which were newly returned out of Flanders) that Maximilian could not set forth any army, for lack of money: 
Maximilian king of Romans breaketh 〈◊〉 with king Henry in i●●●ning with 〈◊〉 to invade France.  and therefore there was no succour to be looked for at his hand. But the Englishmen were nothing dismayed therewith, as they that judged themselves able enough to match the Frenchmen without the help of any other nation. In the mean season, although the French king had an army together, both for number and furniture able to try in battle with the Englishmen: yet he made semblance as though he desired nothing more than peace▪ 
The dis●●●●lation of the French king.  as the thing much more profitable to him than war: considering the minds of the Britain's were not yet wholly settled.  
And again, he was called into Italy to make war against the king of Naples, whose kingdom he pretended to appertain to him by lawful succession from his father king jews, to whom rain duke of Anjou last king of Sicill, of the house of Anjou, had transferred his right to that kingdom (as partly before ye have heard) wrongfully and without cause disinheriting his coosine, godson and heir, rain duke of Lorraine and Bar. 
A motion on the French part for a treaty of peace with the English.  The lord Chords having commission from his master the French king to make some entry into a treaty for peace with the king of England, wrote letters to him before he passed over to Calis, signifying to him that if it might stand with his pleasure to send some of his councillors to the borders of the English pale adjoining to France, there should be so reasonable conditions of peace proffered, that he doubted not but his grace might with great honour break up his camp, and retire his army home again.  
The king of England considering that Britain was clearly lost, and past recovery, and that Maximilian for lack of money, and mistrust which he had in his own subjects, lay still like a dormouse doing nothing; and herewith weighing that it should be honourable to him, and profitable to his people to determine this great war without bloudished, appointed the bishop of Excester, and Giles lord Daubenie to pass the seas to Calis, 
Commissioners sent over to Calis about the said ●eace.  and so communicate with the lord Chords of articles of peace, which took effect as after ye shall perceive. In the mean time, whilst the commissioners were communing of peace on the marches of France, the king of England (as ye have heard) was arrived at Calis: from whence after all things were prepared for such a journey, he removed in four battles forward, till he came near to the town of Bullogne, 
Bullogne besieged by the Englishmen the king himself present.  & there pitched his tents before it in a convenient place for his purpose, meaning line 10 to assail the town with his whole force & puissance.  
But there was such a strong garrison of warlike soldiers within that fortress, and such plenty of artillery, and necessary munitions of war, that the loss of Englishmen assaulting the town (as was doubted) should be greater damage to the realm of England, than the gaining thereof should be profit. Howbeit the daily shot of the kings battering pieces broke the walls, and sore defaced them. But when line 20 every man was ready to give the assault, a sudden rumour rose in the army that peace was concluded: which brute as it was pleasant to the Frenchmen, so was it displeasant to the Englishmen, because they were priest and ready at all times to set on their enemies, and brought into great hope to have been enriched by the spoil and gain to have fallen to their lots of their enemies goods, beside the glorious fame of renowned victory.  
And therefore to be defrauded hereof by an unprofitable line 30 peace, 
Why the English preferred war before peace.  they were in great fume, and very angry: and namely, for that diverse of the captains to set themselves and their bands the more gorgeously forward, had borrowed large sums of money, and for the repayment had mortgaged their lands and possessions, and some happily had made through sale thereof, trusting to recover all again by the gains of this journey. Wherefore offended with this sudden conclusion of peace, they spoke evil both of the king and his council. But the king like a wise prince assuaged line 40 their displeasure in part with excusing the matter, alleging what loss and bloodshed was like to ensue both of captains and soldiers, if the assault should have been given to the utterance, especially sith the town was so well furnished with men and munitions. When he had somewhat appeased their minds with these and many other reasons, he returned back again to Calis.  

Polydor. Sir john Savage slain at this siege.  There were not many of the English army lost at this siege of Bullogne, & few or no men of name, line 50 saving that valiant captain sir john Savage knight, the which, as he and sir john Riselie road about the walls of the town, to view in what place it might be easiliest assaulted, was compassed about by certain Frenchmen that were issued out of the town, and there slain standing at defence, and utterly refusing to yield himself as prisoner. But sir john Riselie escaped by flying away. When the K. was thus returned to Calis, he began to smell a certain secret smoke, which was like to turn to a line 60 great flame, without wise foresight, and good looking to. For by the crafty invention, and devilish imagination of the lady Margaret duchess of Burgognie, a new idol was set up in Flanders, and by a forged name called Richard Plantagenet second son to king Edward the fourth, 
Richard Plantagenet a counterfeit of lady Margaret's imagining.  as though he had been raised from death to life.  
The news hereof somewhat troubled him, so that he was with better will content to receive the honourable conditions of peace offered of his enemy: because he should not be constrained at one time to make war both at home, 
The conclusion of peace between the English and French.  and also in a foreign region. The conclusion of this agreement made with the Frenchmen, was this: That this peace should continue both their lives; and that the French king should pay to the king of England a certain sum of money in hand, according as the commissioners should appoint for his charges sustained in this journey. Which (as the king certified the mayor of London by his letters the ninth of November) amounted to the sum of seven hundred forty and five thousand ducats: the which is of sterling money, one hundred four score and six thousand, two hundred and fifty pounds. It was also concluded that he should yearly (for a certain space) pay or cause to be paid, for the money that the K. had spent & expended in the defence of the Britan's five & twenty thousand crowns.  
Which yearly tribute the French king (afterwards continually occupied in the wars of Italy) yearly satisfied & paid so long as K. Henry lived, who after he had tarried a convenient space at Calis, took the sea, and arrived at Dover, and so came to his manor of Gréenewich. Immediately after his return thus into England, he elected into the fellowship of saint George, commonly called the order of the garter, Alphonse duke of Calabre, son and heir to Ferdinando king of Naples. Christopher Urswike the king's almoner was sent to him unto Naples with the garter, collar, mantel, 
Alphonse duke of Calabre made knight of the garter.  and other habilments appertaining to the companions of that noble order. The which was reverently received of the said duke, who in a solemn presence revested himself with that habit, supposing by the countenance of that apparel to be able to resist his adversary the French king, sith he was now made a friend and companion in order with the king of England: but that little availed him, as after it was right apparent. [And here, because in sundry actions we have seen and observed the French kings subtleties, his inconstancy, lack of truth, honesty, and kingly modesty; we may be bold to set down the description of his person, as we sinned the same ready drawn to hand; that by a view thereof we may conclude that his properties were proportioned to his person.  
It is very certain (saith mine author) that king Charles from his infancy was of complexion very delicate, and of body unsound and diseased, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 43. The French king described.  of small stature, and of face (if the aspect and dignity of his eyes had been taken away) fowl and deformed, his other members bearing such equal proportion, that he seemed more a monster than a man: he was not only without all knowledge of good sciences, but scarcely he knew the distinct characters of letters: his mind desirous to command, but more proper to any other thing, for that being environed always with his familiars and fauourits, he retained with them no majesty or authority: he rejected all affairs and business, and yet if he did debate and consider in any, he showed a weak discretion and judgement. And if he had any thing in him that carried appearance of merit or praise, yet being thoroughly weighed and sounded, it was found further off from virtue than from vice: he had an inclination to glory, but it was tempered more with rashness and fury than with moderation and counsel: his liberalities were without discretion, measure, or distinction: immovable oftentimes in his purposes, but that was rather an ill grounded obstinacy than constancy. And that which many call bounty, deserved more reasonably in him the name of coldness & slackness of spirit.]  
This year the two and twentieth of june, was borne at Gréenewich the lord Henry, 
The birth of Henry duke of York, after crowned king by the name of Henry the eight.  second son to this king Henry the seventh, which was created duke of York, & after prince of Wales, and in conclusion succeeded his father in governance of this realm, by the name of Henry the eight, father to our gracious sovereign queen Elizabeth. But now to return to the new found son of king Edward, conjured by men's policies from death to life: ye shall understand that the duchess of Burgognie ever desiring to cast a scorpion in the bosom of king Henry, year 1492 not for any displeasure by him towards her wrought or done; 
The malice of the duchess of Burgognie to the line of Lancaster.  but only because he was descended of the house of Lancaster, being an enemy to her line, began to spin a new web, like a spider that daily weaveth when his kall is torn: for after that the earl of Lincoln, which was by her set forth, had miss the cushion, and lost both horse and spurs, she could not be quiet, until she had practised a new devise to put line 10 king Henry to trouble. And as the devil provideth venomous sauce to corrupt stomaches, so for her purpose she espied a certain young man of visage beautiful, of countenance demure, and of wit crafty and subtle.  
This youth's name was Peter Warbeck, one for his faintness of stomach of the Englishmen in derision called Perkin Warbeck, 
Perkin Warbeck the counterfeit duke of York.  according to the dutch phrase, which change the name of Peter to Perkin, line 20 of younglings and little boys, which for want of age, lack of strength, and manlike courage, are not thought worthy of the name of a man. This young man traveling many countries, could speak English and diverse other languages; & for his baseness of birth and stock, was almost unknown of all men; and driven to seek living from his childhood, was constrained to go and travel through many countries. The duchess glad to have got so meet an organ for the conveying of her invented purpose, as line 30 one not unlike to be taken and reputed for the duke of York, son to her brother king Edward, which was called Richard, kept him a certain space with her privily.  

The ready wit of Perkin to learn all that made for his preferment to honour.  Besides that, she with such diligence instructed him both in the secrets and common affairs of the realm of England, and of the lineage, descent and order of the house of York, that like a good scholar, not forgetting his lesson, he could tell all that was taught him promptly without any stackering or line 40 stay in his words. And besides that, he kept such a princely countenance, and so counterfeit a majesty royal, that all men in manner did firmly believe, that he was extracted of the noble house and family of the dukes of York. For surly, it was a gift given to that noble progeny, as of nature planted in the root, 
The emulation of the dukes of York.  that all the sequels of that line and stock did study and devise how to be equivalent in honour and fame with their forefathers and noble predecessors. line 50  
When the duchess had framed her cloth meet for the market, she was informed that king Henry prepared to make war against Charles the French king. Wherefore she, thinking that the time served well for the setting forth of her malicious invention, sent this Perkin her new invented mammet, first into Portugal, 
Perkin Warbeck arriveth in Ireland.  and so craftily into the country of Ireland; to the intent that he, being both witty and wily, might inveigle the rude Irishmen (being at those days more inclined to rebellion than to reasonable line 60 order) to a new seditious commotion. Shortly after his arrival in Ireland, whether by his shrewd wit, or the malicious exhortation of the savage Irish governors, he entered so far in credit with the people of that I'll, that his words were taken to be as true, as he untruely with false demonstrations set forth and published them.  
The French king advertised hereof, then being in displeasure with king Henry, sent into Ireland for Perkin, to the intent to send him against king Henry, which was then invading France (as ye before have heard.) Perkin thought himself aloft, now that he was called to the familiarity of kings, and therefore with all diligence sailed into France, and coming to the king's presence, 
Perkin ●●●leth into France 〈◊〉 af●ant.  was of him royally received, and after a princely fashion entertained, and had a guard to him assigned, whereof was governor the lord Congreshall: and to him being at Paris, resorted sir George Nevil bastard, sir john Tailor, Rowland Robinson, and an hundred English rebels. Now, after that a peace (as before is said) was concluded betwixt the French king, and the king of England, the French king dismissed Perkin, and would no longer keep him.  
But some have said (which were there attending on him) that Perkin, fearing lest the French king should deliver him to the king of England, beguiled the lord Congreshall, and fled from Paris by night. But whether the French king knew of his departure or not, the truth is, 
Perkin re●●●neth to the lady Margaret his first founder.  that he being in manner in despair, returned to his first founder the lady Margaret, of whom he was so welcomed to all outward appearance, that it seemed she could not have rejoiced at any earthly thing more, than she did at his presence, and (as she could well dissemble) she made semblance as though she had never seen him before that time. Now as she had sore longed to know not once, but diverse times in open audience, and in solemn presence, she willed him to declare and show by what means he was preserved from death and destruction, and in what countries he had wandered and sought friendship; and finally, by what chance of fortune he came to her court.  
This did she, to the intent that by the open declaration of these feigned fantasies, the people might be persuaded to give credit, and believe that he was the true begotten son of her brother king Edward. And after this, she assigned to him a guard of thirty persons in murrie and blue, and highly honoured him as a great estate, 
Perkin named by the duchess of Burgognie the white ro●e of England.  and called him the white rose of England. The nobility of Flanders did to him all reverence. [All which port and pomp exhibited in most solemn sort, he was well content to take upon him, forgetting the baseness of his birth, and glorying in the counterfeit title of honour: 
149●  much like the jay that would be called a swan, or like the crow that trimming herself with the stolen feathers of a peacock, would seem junos' bird; as the poet saith: 
— mentito nomine cygnum 
M. Pal. 〈…〉   
Graculus appellat seize, cornicula plumas  
Pavonis furata cupit pavo ipsa videri.   
¶ In this year was one Hugh Clopton mayor of London, and of the staple, a gentleman, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 865.  borne at Clopton village, 
Stratford bridge upon Aven builded.  half a mile from Stratford upon Aven by north, who continued (during his life) a bachelor: he builded the great and sumptuous bridge of Stratford upon Aven, at the east end of the town. This bridge hath fourteen great arches, and a long cawsie with smaller arches, all made of stone, new walled on each side. At the west end of the bridge, he builded a fair large chapel. Toward the south end of that town, & near unto the same, a pretty house of brick and timber, where he lay, and ended his life. He glazed the chancel of the parish church in that town, and made a way of four miles long, three miles from Alesburie towards London, and one mile beyond Alesburie.]  
But to return to Perkin: 
Such long and looked for alteration of states.  the brute of whom in England, blown throughout the realm, sore disquieted the people, insomuch that not only the meaner sort, but also many of the nobles and worshipful personages believed and published it abroad, that all was true which was reported of him. And not only they that were in sanctuaries, but also many other that were fallen in debt, assembled in a company, and passed over the seas into Flanders, to their counterfeit duke of York, otherwise rightly named Perkin Warbeck. Truly the realm of England was in manner divided (with the rumour and vain fable spread abroad of this twice borne duke) into partakings and contrary factions. 
False rumours occasions of great disquietness.  And some of the noble men conspired together, purposing to aid the foresaid Perkin, as the man whom they reputed to be the very son of king Edward; and that the matter was not feigned, but altogether true, just, and not imagined of any malicious pretence or evil purpose.  
And because the thing was weighty, and required great aid and assistance, therefore they determined line 10 to send messengers unto the lady Margaret, to know when Richard duke of York might conveniently come into England; to the intent that they being thereof certified, might be in a readiness to help and secure him at his arrival. So by the common consent of the conspirators, 
Anno Reg. 8.  sir Robert Clifford knight, and William Barleie, were sent into Flanders, which discovered to the duchess all the secret intents and privy meanings of the friends and fautors of the new found duke. The duchess gladly received line 20 this message, and after she had heard their errand, she brought the messenger to the sight of Perkin, 
Perkin counterfeiteth the duke of York very cunningly.  who so well counterfeited the gesture, countenance, and manner of Richard duke of York, that sir Robert Clifford believed verily, that he was the second son of king Edward; and therefore wrote a letter of credit into England to his complices: and to put them out of doubt, he affirmed that he knew him to be king Edward's son by his face, and other lineaments of his body. line 30  
Upon this letter, the chief doers in this business spread the signification thereof abroad through the realm, to the intent to stir the people to some new tumult and commotion: but it was done by such a secret craft, that no man could tell who was the author of that rumour. The king perceived that this vain fable was not vanished out of the mad brains of the common people. To provide therefore against all perils that might thereby ensue, he sent certain knights that were skilful men of war, with competent line 40 bands of soldiers, to keep the sea coasts and havens, to understand who came in and went out of the realm; doubting lest some great conspiracy were in brewing against him. He also sent into the low countries certain persons, to learn the truth of this forged duke's progeny, 
Perkins true lineage.  where some of them that were so sent, coming to Tournie, got knowledge that he was borne in that city, of base lineage, and named Perkin Warbeck. line 50  
The king then advertised not only by his espials upon their return, but also from other his trusty friends, determined with all speed to have the fraud published, both in Englan● and foreign parts: and for the same cause sent sir Edward Poinings knight, 
Ambassadors sent to Philip archduke of Burgognie.  & sir William Warram doctor of the laws unto Philip archduke of Burgognie, and to his councillors (because he was not of age able to govern of himself) to signify to him and them, that the young man, being with the lady Margaret, had falsely and line 60 untruely usurped the name of Richard duke of York, which long before was murdered with his brother Edward in the Tower of London, by the commandment of their uncle king Richard, as many men then living could testify.  
The ambassadors coming to the court of Philip the archduke, were honourably entertained of him and of his council, and willed to declare the effect of their message. William Warram made to them an eloquent oration, and in the later end somewhat inveighed against the lady Margaret, not sparing to declare, how she now in her later age had brought forth (within the space of a few years together) two detestable monsters, that is to say, Lambert (of whom ye heard before) and this same Perkin Warbeck, and being conceived of these two great babes, 
The sum of D. Waria●●s speech to the archduke.  was not delivered of them in eight or nine months as nature requireth; but in one hundred and eighty months, for both these at the lest were fifteen years of age, yer she would be brought in bed of them, and show them openly; and when they were newly crept out of her womb, they were no infants but lusty younglings, and of age sufficient to bid battle to kings. Although these rawnts angered the lady Margaret to the hart, yet Perkin was more vexed with the things declared in this oration, and especially because his cloaked juggling was brought to light.  
The duchess intending to cast hot sulphur into the new kindled fire, determined with might and main to arm and set forward pretty Perkin against the king of England. When the ambassadors had done their message, and that the archdukes council had long debated the matter; they made answer, that to have the king of England's love, the archduke and they would neither aid nor assist Perkin nor his complices in any cause or quarrel. Yet notwithstanding if the lady Margaret, persisting in her rooted malice towards the king of England, would be to him aiding and helping, it was not in their power to withstand it; for because in the lands assigned to her for her dower, she might frankly and freely order all things at her will and pleasure, without contradiction of any other governor.  
After that the ambassadors were returned with this answer, 
Anno Reg. 9 Spials sent into Flanders from the king for a subtle policy.  the king straight sent forth certain espials into Flanders, which should feign themselves to have fled to the duke of York; and thereby search out the whole intent of the conspiracy, and after what sort they meant to proceed in the same. Others were sent also to entice sir Robert Clifford and William Barleie, to return into England, promising to them pardon of all their offences, and high rewards, for obeying the king's request. They that were sent, did so earnestly and prudently apply their business, that they brought all things to pass at their own desires. For first they learned who were the chief conspirators, and after persuaded sir Robert Clifford to give over that enterprise, which had no grounded stay to rest upon. Albeit William Barleie at the first would not leave off, but continued his begun attempt; till after two years, he repenting him of his folly, & having pardon granted him of the king, returned home into his native country.  
When the king had knowledge of the chief captains of this conspiracy (by the overture of his espials which were returned) he caused them to be apprehended, and brought to London before his presence. Of the which the chief were john Ratcliff, 
The conspiring factor's of the counterfeit duke of York.  lord Fitz-Water, sir Simon Montford, sir Tho. Thwaits knights, William Daubeneie, Robert Ratcliff, Thomas Cressenor, and Thomas Astwood. Also certain priests & religious men, as sir William Richford doctor of divinity, and sir Thomas Poines, both friars of saint Dominic'S order, doctor William Sutton, sir William Worseleie dean of Paul's, Robert Laiborne, and sir Richard Lesseie. Other which were guilty, hearing that their fellows were apprehended, fled and took sanctuary. The other that were taken were condemned, of the which sir Simon Montford, Robert Ratcliff, and William Daubenie were beheaded.  
Some had their pardons, and the priests also for their order sake; but yet few of them lived long after. The lord Fitz-Water pardoned of life, was conveyed to Calis, and there laid in hold, & after lost his head; because he went about to corrupt his keepers with rewards, that he might escape, intending (as was thought) to have gone to Perkin. 
Abr. Flem.  [Thus by the policy and subtle devise of the king, practised to the point by his espials, the sinews of this conspiracy was rend in sunder. So that the malicious lady Margaret was not a little swollen with indignation when she saw the course of her devise (now that it had passed so far as that it was known to people on this side and beyond the seas) stopped, and the confederacy (whereto she specially trusted) dissolved. Yet notwithstanding, as women will not (to die for it) give over an enterprise, which of an envious purpose line 10 they attempt; so she put her irons afresh into the fire to set her hatred forward: whom a while we will leave at work, and show some doings between England and Flanders.]  
King Henry taking displeasure with the king of Romans, for that he kept not touch in aiding him against the French king, and partly displeased with the Flemings, but specially with the lady Margaret, for keeping and setting forward Perkin Warbeck, 
Flemish wares forbidden.  not only banished all Flemish wares and line 20 merchandizes out of his dominions, but also restrained all English merchants from their repair and traffic into any of the lands and territories of the king of Romans, or of the archduke Philip, son to the same king of the Romans; 
The mart kept at Calis.  causing the mart to be kept at Calis, of all English merchandizes and commodities. Wherefore the said king and his son banished out of their lands and signiories all English clothes, 
English commodities banished out of Flanders.  yarn, tin, lead, and other commodities of this realm. The restraint made by the king sore hindered the merchant's adventurers; for they had no occupying line 30 to bear their charges, and to support their credit withal.  
And that most grieved them, the Easterlings being at liberty, brought to the realm such wares as they were wont, & so served their customers throughout the realm. Whereupon there ensued a riot by the servants of the mercers, haberdashers, & clothworkers in the city of London, the tuesday before saint Edward's day. For they perceiving what hindrance grew to their masters, in that they were not able so line 40 well to keep them as before they had done, assembled together in purpose to revenge their malice on the Esterlings, 
A riot made upon the Easterlings.  & so came to the Stillyard, & began to rifle & spoil such chambers & warehouses as they could get into. So that the Easterlings had much ado to withstand them, & keep them back out of their gates, which with help of carpenters, smiths, and other that came to them by water out of Southwark, they shored & so fortified, that the multitude of the servants line 50 and prentices, being assembled, could not prevail.  
At length came the mayor with a number of men, defensiblie weaponed, to remove the force; at whose approach those riotous persons fled away like a flock of sheep. But diverse of them were apprehended, and upon inquiry made before the king's commissioners, above four score servants & apprentices were found to be conspired together, and sworn not to reveal it; of whom some of the chief beginners were committed to the Tower, and there long continued. But line 60 in conclusion, because none of their masters, nor any one householder was found culpable, the king of his clemency pardoned their offence, and restored them to liberty. [For he thought it no credit to his crown to take vengeance of such silly souls by severity of death, whom in clemency pardoning he might restore to a reformed life.]  

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 867. Execution for seditious bills against the king's person.  ¶ On the two & twentieth of February in this year were arraigned in the Guildhall of London four persons, Thomas Bagnall, john Scot, john Heath, and john Kenington, the which were sanctuary men of saint martin's le grand in London, and lately before were taken out of the said sanctuary, for forging of seditious bills, to the flander of the king, & some of his council, for the which three of them were judged to die; and the fourth named Bagnall, pleaded to be restored to sanctuary: by reason whereof he was reprieved to the Tower till the next term: and on the six and twentieth of February, the other three with a Fleming, and a yeoman of the crown, were all five executed at Tyburn. ¶ On the eight and twentieth of April jone Boughton widow was burnt in Smithfield, for holding certain opinions of john Wickliff. Wheat was sold at London at six pence the bushel, 
Uittels ●●●tie sold good cheap.  bay salt for three pence half penny the bushel, Nantwich salt was sold for six pence the bushel, white herrings nine shillings the barrel, red herrings at three shillings the cade, red sprats six pence the cade, & Gascoigne wine for six pounds the tim.]  
Shortly after sir Robert Clifford, partly trusting on the king's promise, 
1494 Anno Reg. 1.  and partly mistrusting the desperate begun enterprise, returned suddenly again into England. The king certified before of his coming, went straight to the Tower of London the morrow after the day of epiphany, & there tarried till such time as sir Robert Clifford was there presented to his person. This was done for a policy, 
Policy of K. Henry against Robert Clifford.  that if sir Robert accused any of the nobility, they might be called thither without suspicion of any evil, and their attached and laid fast. Some thought also, that for a policy king Henry sent sir Robert Clifford over as an espy, or else he would not so soon have received him into favour again. Nevertheless, there were great presumptions that it was nothing so, for both was he in great danger after his begun attempt, and never was so much esteemed with the king afterward as he was before.  
But this is true, upon his coming to the king's presence, he besought him of pardon, and obtained it; and therewith opened all the manner of the conspiracy; so far as he knew, and who were aiders, fautors, and chief beginners of it; 
Sir William Stanleie a favourer of Perkin.  amongst whom he accused sir William Stanleie, whom the king had made his chief chamberlain, and one of his privy council. The king was sorry to hear this, and could not be induced to believe that there was so much untruth in him, till by evident proofs it was tried against him. Then the king caused him to be restrained from his liberty in his own chamber within the quadrat tower, and there appointed him by his privy council to be examined, in which examination he nothing denied, but wisely and sagely agreed to all things laid to his charge, if he were faulty therein.  
The report is, that this was his offence. 
The offence of sir William Stanleie.  When communication was had betwixt him, and the above mentioned sir Robert Clifford, as concerning Perkin, which falsely usurped the name of K. Edward's son; sir William Stanleie said, that if he knew certainly that the young man was the indubitate heir of king Edward the fourth, he would never fight or bear armour against him. This point argued, that he bore no hearty good will toward king Henry as then. But what was the cause that he had conceived some inward grudge towards the king; or how it chanced that the king had withdrawn his special favour from him, many have doubted. 
Conjectures of sir William Stanleies alienated from king Henry.  Some indeed have guessed, that sir William Stanley, for the service which he showed at Bosworth field, thought that all the benefits which he received of the king to be far under that which he had deserved, in preserving not only the king's life; but also in obtaining for him the victory of his enemies, so that his adversary was slain in the field.  
Wherefore desiring to be created earl of Chester, and thereof denied, he began to disdain the king. And one thing encouraged him much, which was the riches and treasure of king Richard, which he only possessed at the battle of Bosworth; by reason of which riches and great power of men, he set nought by the king his sovereign lord and master. The king having thus an hole in his coat, doubted first what he should do with him; for loath he was to lose the favour of his brother the earl of Derbie: 
King Henry in a quandary.  and again to pardon him, he feared lest it should be an evil example to other, that should go about to attempt the like offence. And so at length, severity got the upper hand, & mercy was put back, in so much that he was arraigned at Westminster and adjudged to die, and line 10 (according to that judgement) was brought to the Tower hill the sixtéenth day of February, year 1495 
Sir William Stanleie beheaded.  and there had his head stricken off.  

〈◊〉. Flem.  [This was the end of sir William Stanleie the chiefest helper of king Henry to the crown at Bosworth field against king Richard the third, and who set the same crown first upon the king's head, 
See pag. 760.  when it was found in the field trampled under feet. He was a man (while he lived) of great power in his country, and also of great wealth; in somuch as the common line 20 same ran, that there was in his castle of Holt found in ready coin, plate, and jewels, to the value of forty thousand marks or more, and his land and fees extended to three thousand pounds by year. Nevertheless all helped not; neither his good service in Bosworth field, neither his forwardness (even with the hazard of life) to prefer K. Henry to the crown, neither his faithfulness in cleaving to him at all brunts, neither the bond of alliance betwixt them, neither the power that he was able to make, neither line 30 the riches which he was worth, neither intercession of friends, which he wanted not; none of these, nor all these could procure the redemption of his lost life: O●luxum decus hominum, o variabile tempus.]  
¶ On the sixteenth of November was holden the sergeants feast at the bishop's place of Elie in Holborn, 
I●hn. Stow. pag. ●69. The king and queen dine at sergeants feast kept at Elie place. A wonder to be noted in a c●●pse that 〈…〉 the ground.  where dined the king, queen, and all the chief lords of England. The new sergeants names were master Mordant, Higham, Kingsmill, Conisbie, Butler, Yakesleie, Frowicke, Oxenbridge, & Constable. line 40 In digging for to lay a new foundation in the church of saint Marie hill in London, the body of 〈◊〉 Hackneie, which had been buried in the church 〈…〉 of 175 years, was found whole of skin, & the joints of her arms pliable: which corpse was kept above ground four days without annoyance, and then buried again. ¶ Also this year (as master Grafton saith) at the charges of master john Tate alderman of London was the church of saint Anthony's founded, 
Rich. Grafton.  & annexed unto the college of Windsor, line 50 wherein was erected one notable and free school to the furtherance of learning, and a number of poor people (by the name of almesmen, which were poor, aged, and decayed householders) relieved, to the great commendation of that worthy man, who so lived in worship, that his death by his worthy doings maketh him still alive; for he was not forgetful to beautify the good state of this city, in which by wealth he had tasted of God's blessings.]  
About this same time, diverse men were punished line 60 that had upon a presumptuous boldness spoken many slanderous words against the king's majesty, hoping still for the arrival of the feigned Richard duke of York. After the death of sir William Stanleie, 

Anno Reg. 11. Lord Daubenie the king's c●●efe chamberlain.  
Sir Edward Poinings s●nt into Irel●●d with an ●●mie.   Giles lord Daubenie was elected and made the king's chief chamberlain. Also, the K. sent into Ireland (to purge out the evil & wicked seeds of rebellion amongst the wild & savage Irish people, sowed there by the crafty conveyance of Perkin Warbeck) sir Henry Deane, late abbot of Langtonie (whom he made chancellor of that Isle) & sir Edward Poinings knight, with an army of men. The favourers of Perkin, hearing that sir Edward Poinings was come with a power to persecute them, withdrew streightwaies, and fled into the woods and marshes for the safeguard of themselves.  
Sir Edward Poinings according to his commission, intending to punish such as had aided and advanced the enterprise of Perkin, with his whole army marched forward against the wild Irishmen, because that all other being culpable of that offence, fled and resorted to them for succour. But when he saw that his purpose succeeded not as he would have wished it; both because the Irish lords sent him no succour according to their promises; and also for that his own number was not sufficient to furnish his enterprise, because his enemies were dispersed amongst woods, mounteins, and marshes: he was constrained to recoil back, sore displeased in his mind against Gerald earl of Kildare, being then the king's deputy.  
Now, the cause of this his discontentment was, for that the said earl was suspected to be the mean that he had no succours sent him, and was so informed in deed by such as bare the earl no good will. And therefore suddenly he caused the earl to be apprehended, 
Gerald earl of Kildare deputy of Ireland apprehended.  and as a prisoner brought him in his company into England. Which earl being examined, and sundry points of treason laid to him, he so avoided them all, & laid the burden in other men's necks, that he was dismissed, and sent into Ireland again, there to be deputy and lieutenant as he was before. The king being now in some better surety of his estate, 
King Henry's progress into Lancashire.  did take his progress into Lancashire the five & twentieth day of june, there to make merry with his mother the countess of Derbie, which then lay at Lathome in the country.  
In this mean while, Perkin Warbeck, being in Flanders, sore troubled that his juggling was discovered, yet he determined not to leave off his enterprise, in hope at length to attain the crown of England: and so gathering a power of all nations, some bankrupts, some false English sanctuary men, some thieves, robbers, and vagabunds, which desiring to live by rapine, were glad to serve him. And thus furnished, he took such ships as his friends had provided for him: and departing from Flanders towards England, he arrived upon the Kentish coast, 
Perkin attempteth to land in Kent in hope of history.  & there cast anchor, purposing to prove how the people there were affected towards him: and therefore he sent certain of his men to land, to signify to the country his arrival with such power, that the victory must incline to his part.  
The Kentishmen understanding that Perkin was but Perkin, and had none with him (to make account of) but strangers borne, like faithful subjects determined to fall upon those that were thus new come to land, and to try if they might allure the whole number out of their ships, so to give them battle. But Perkin wisely considering that the manner of a multitude is not to consult, and sagely to advise with themselves in any deliberate sort, but suddenly and rashly to run headlong into rebellion, would not set one foot out of his ship, until he saw all things sure. Yet he permitted some of his soldiers to go on land, 
Perkins men discomfited.  which being trained forth a pretty way from their ships, were suddenly compassed about and beset of the Kentishmen, and at one stroke vanquished and driven back to their ships.  
Of these discomfited souls were taken prisoners an hundred and forty persons, whereof five, 
Perkins captains taken & executed.  Montfort, Corbet, White, Belt, Quintin (or otherwise Ge●in) being captains were brought to London by sir john Pechie, sheriff of Kent, railed in ropes like horses drawing in a cart, & after upon their arreignment confessed their offence, and were executed, some at London, 
Perkin re●●●leth into Flanders.  and other in the towns adjoining to the sea coast. And thus Perkin, missing of his purpose, 〈…〉 into Flanders. In this very season depar●●● 〈…〉 Cicilie duchess of York mother to king 〈◊〉 the fourth, at her castle of Berkhamstéed, 〈◊〉 of small stature, but of much honour and 〈◊〉 parentage, and was buried by her husband in the college of Fodringcie.  
The king being advertised that his enemies were l●nded, leaving off his progress, purposed to have returned to London; but being certified the next day of the lucky speed of his faithful subjects, continued line 10 his progress, & did send sir Richard Gilford both to commend the fidelity and manhood of the Kentishmen, 
 and also to render to them most hearty thanks for the same. He also caused order to be taken for the erecting of beacons, and watching of them. Perkin then perceiving that he should not be received into England, sailed into Ireland, trusting there to augment his numbers, and then to return towards the coast of England again, and to take land in the West country, if occasion served; but if not, than he line 20 determined to sail straight into Scotland, to seek friendship there.  
After he had therefore stayed a while in Ireland, and perceived that the hope of victory consisted not in the Irish nation, 
Perkin 〈◊〉 into Ireland and is in ●●ndrie opinions.  being naked people, without furniture of armour or weapon, he took the sea again at Corffe, and sailed into Scotland; where coming to the presence of king james, be forged such a painted process to move him to believe that he was the very son of king Edward: that the Scotish king, line 30 whether blinded with error, or using dissimulation, that he might under a colourable pretext make war against England, began to have Perkin in great honour, and caused him openly to be called duke of York. And to persuade the world that so he was indeed, he caused the lady Katherine, daughter to Alexander earl of Huntleie, 
Katherine daughter to the earl of Huntleie married to Perkin.  his nigh kinsman, to be espoused to him. [But yer we pass any further, you shall see and peruse (if you will) the said painted process of Perkin, as it is le●t in record by Edward Hall line 40 for an example what working force is in words (specially where the hearers are easy to be seduced) and not to be over hasty to give them too quick & hasty credit. For the poet saith of gay words void of truth: 

M. Pal. in Virg.  Verba nitent phaleris, at nullas verba medullas  
Intus habent.   

The colourable oration or counterfeit tale that Perkin told the king of Sco●s to justify his false title. line 50  

Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall fol. xxxviij, xxxix. Perkin saith that he is Edward the fourth's lawful son.  I Think it is not unknown unto you (most noble king and puissant prince) into what ruin the stock house, and family of Edward the fourth, of that name king of England, is now of late brought to and fallen in, either by God's permission, or by divine punishment; whose indubitate son (if you know line 60 not already) I am, and by the power of almighty God, preserved alive to this hour from the mighty hand of a tyrant. For my father king Edward (when he died) appointed his brother Richard duke of Gloucester to be our governor, protector, and defender; whom the more that he loved & studied to advance and promote, the better he thought that he would love, favour, and tender his children. But alas my unfortunate chance I may say! how hath his trust been turned into treason, and his hope into hindrance, all men know and I feel. Our uncle was not the tutor and preserver of our stock and lineage, but the confounder & destroyer of our blood and progeny. For that tyrant, blinded and glutted with the desire of ruling and sovereignty, commanded Edward my brother & me to be slain and dispatched out of this mortal life. Whereupon that person, 
Perkin telleth the king how he was preserved and kept alive.  to whom the weighty and cruel charge was committed and given to oppress and destroy us poor innocent infants and guiltless babes, the more that he abhorred this heinous and butcherly offence, the more he feared to commit it.  
And so wavering in mind and doubtful what to do, at the length willing in part to staunch the bloody thirst of the unnatural tyrant, and in part to abstain from so heinous & detestable homicide, he destroyed my brother and preserved me; like the good priest joiada, who saved little joas, when all the children of the blood royal were commanded by Athalia the queen to be slain and utterly destroyed. And further, to the intent that my life might be in surety, he appointed one to convey me into some strange country; where when I was furthest off, and had most need of comfort he forsook me suddenly (I think he was so appointed to do) and left me desolate alone without friend or knowledge of any relief or refuge. And so king Richard did obtain the crown as a prey mischeefouslie gotten by the dispatching away of my brother and me. So that I thus escaping, by reason of my tender infancy, forgot almost myself, and knew not well what I was. But after long wandering from country to country, and from city to city, I perceived and learned by little and little what was my estate & degree, and so in conclusion came to mine own aunt the lady Margaret lying in Flanders, 
Perkin calleth the lady Margaret ●●chesse of Burgognie his own 〈◊〉.  which was sometime married to Charles duke of Burgognie, which as joyfully received and welcomed me, as if I had come out of hell into heaven, as the only type and garland of her noble stirpe and lineage. But forsomuch as she being only Dowager of the duchy of Burgognie, and having nothing but her dowry proper to herself, was not of power to help me with men and munitions of war, as she would gladly have done for the recovery of my father's realm & rightful inheritance: I therefore am driven to seek further aid and secure.  
And therefore by her counsel and advertisement, with this small handful of men of war and soldiers, 
Perkin craveth aid of the Scotish king toward the recovery of the crown of England from king Henry the seventh.  I am repaired to your presence for succours; of whom (as the public fame is spread over the whole world) there was never man by wrong or injury chased or driven out of his country, region, or inheritance, or by extort power and tyranny kept out of the same (as I myself from mine infancy have been) whose request was frustrate and denied at your hand. Therefore, by the majesty of your realm & country I desire, & heartily with prayer as I can, I beseech and exhort you to help and relieve me now in my extreme necessity. And if it chance me by your aid and secure to recover & possess my father's realm and dignity; not only I, but all the kings of our lineage, which hereafter shall obtain the same, shall be so much obliged and bound unto you; that they must needs think, that doing to you all the pleasure and benefits that they can, line 10 yet with all thanks that can be given your great kindness can never in full measure be recompensed.   
When he had thus said, the king bade him be of good comfort, and promised him that whatsoever he were, it should never repent him of his coming to him.] Shortly after, year 1496 having this Perkin with him in company, 
The Scotish king invadeth England with a great army in Perkin his behalf.  he entered into England with a puissant line 20 army, and caused proclamation to be made, to spare all those that would submit themselves unto Richard duke of York. Héerewith they began the war in most cruel manner, with slaughter of men, burning of towns, spoiling of houses, and committing of all other detestable enormities; so that all the country of Northumberland was by them in manner wasted, and destroyed. At length, when the soldiers were laden with spoils, and satiate with blood, perceiving that no succours came out of England unto the line 30 new invented duke, contrary to that which he had made them to believe would come to pass; they determined to retire rather with assured gain, than to tarry the uncertain victory of that counterfeit duke, and so thereupon they withdrew back into Scotland enriched with preys and booties.  
It is said, that Perkin Warbeck, being returned into Scotland with the king of Scots, under a cloaked pretence should sore lament the great slaughter, spoil, and damage, which had been done at this last road made into England; and therefore as one line 40 that bore a natural love toward his native country, 
The counterfeit compassion of Perkin.  besought the king of Scots, that from thensefoorth, he would no more so deface his natural realm, and destroy his subjects with such terrible fire, flame and havoc; as who should say, he being overcome now with compassion, did bewail the cruel destruction of his natural country of England. But the Scotish K. told him, that he seemed to take thought for that which appeared to be none of his, sith that not so much as one gentleman or yeoman (for aught he line 50 could see) would once show themselves ready to aid him in the war begun for his cause, & in his name, within that realm which he pretended so clearly to appertain to him.  

Anno Reg. 12.  The king of England being certified of this invasion, prepared an army with all diligence to have resisted the Scots: but they were returned yer the English power could assemble together. Now when the king was truly certified that the Scotish king was returned home, he stayed all the preparations line 60 made at that time to go against him. But yet meaning to be revenged of the wrongs done to him by king james and his people; 
A parliament of the three estates of the realm.  he first called a parliament, and in that assembly of three estates of the realm, he declared the cause of the instant war, and how necessary it should be for the surety and wealth of the realm of England to have that war pursued against those enemies that had begun it. To this motion all the nobility wholly agreed. 
A subsidy.  And to the maintenance of that war, a subsidy was by whole assent of the parliament freely given and granted. Which payment though it was not great, yet many of the common people sore grudged to pay the same, as they that ever abhor such taxes and exactions. At the same parliament were diverse acts and statutes made, necessary & expedient (as was thought) for the public weal of the realm.  
In the mean season the king of Scots, perceiving that the Englishmen would shortly go about to revenge the injuries done to them by him and his people, assembled eftsoons a puissant army, year 1497 
The king of England and Scotland prepare for mutual war.  that he might either defend his realm against the English power, attempting to invade his country, or else afresh to enter into the English borders. And thus these two mighty princes minded nothing more than the one to endamage the other. But the king of England would not defer one hour by (his good will) till he were revenged, and therefore prepared a mighty army to invade Scotland, and ordained for chéefteine thereof the lord Daubeneie. But as this army was assembled, and that the lord Daubenie was forward on his journey towards Scotland, he was suddenly stayed and called back again, by reason of a new commotion begun by the Cornishmen for the payment of the subsidy which was granted at the last parliament.  
These unruly people the Cornishmen, 
A rebellion in Cornwall for the payment of a subsidy.  inhabiting in a barren country and unfruitful, at the first sore repined that they should be so grievously taxed, and burdened the king's council as the only cause of such polling and pilling: and so being in their rage, menaced the chief authors with death and present destruction. And thus being in a rose, two persons of the same affinity, the one called Thomas Flammocke, a gentleman, 
The two captains in this commotion.  learned in the laws of the realm; and the other Michael joseph, a smith, men of stout stomaches and high courages, took upon them to be captains of this seditious company. They laid the fault and cause of this exaction unto john Morton archbishop of Canturburie, and to sir Reginald Braie; because they were chief of the king's council. Such rewards have they commonly that be in great authority with kings and princes.  
The captains Flammocke and joseph exhorted the common people to put on harness, and not to be afeard to follow them in that quarrel, promising not to hurt any creature, but only to see them punished that procured such exactions to be laid on the people, without any reasonable cause, as under the colour of a little trouble with the Scots, which (sith they were withdrawn home) they took to be well quieted and appeased. So these captains bend on mischief, (were their outward pretence never so finely coloured) persuaded a great number of people to assemble together, and condescended to do as their captains would agree and appoint. Then these captains praising much the hardiness of the people, when all things were ready for their infortunate journey, set forward with their army, and came to Taunton, 
The provost of Perin slain by the rebels.  where they slew the provost of Perin, which was one of the commissioners of the subsidy, and from thence came to Welles, so intending to go to London, where the king than sojourned.  
When the king was advertised of these doings, he was somewhat astonished, and not without cause; being thus troubled with the war against the Scots, and this civil commotion of his subjects at one instant. But first meaning to subdue his rebellious subjects; and after to proceed against the Scots, as occasion should serve, he revoked the lord Daubenie which (as you have heard) was going against the Scots, and increased his army with many chosen and piked warriors. Also mistrusting that the Scots might now (having such opportunity) invade the realm again; 
Thomas Howard earl of Surrie high treasurer of England.  he appointed the lord Th. Howard earl of Surrie (which after the death of the lord Dinham was made high treasurer of England) to gather a band of men in the county Palatine of Durham, that they with the aid of the inhabitants adjoining, and the borderers, might keep back the Scots if they chanced to make any invasion. The nobles of the realm hearing of the rebellion of the Cornishmen, came to London, every man with as many men of war as they could put in a readiness, to aid the king if need should be. In the which number were the earl of Essex, and the lord Montioy, with diverse other. line 10  

james Twichet lord audley chief captain of the Cornish rebels.  In the mean time, james Twichet lord Audeleie being confederate with the rebels of Cornwall joined with them, being come to Welles, and took upon him as their chief captain to lead them against their natural lord and king. From Welles they went to Salisbury, and from thence to Winchester, and so to Kent, where they hoped to have had great aid, but they were deceived in that their expectation. For the earl of Kent, George lord of Aburgavenie, john Brooke, lord Cobham, sir Edward Poinings, line 20 sir Richard Gilford, sir Thomas Bourchier, john Peche, William Scot, and a great number of of people, were not only priest and ready to defend the country, to keep the people in due obedience, but bend to fight with such as would lift up sword, or other weapon against their sovereign lord: insomuch that the Kentishmen would not once come near the Cornishmen, to aid or assist them in any manner of wise.  
Which thing marvelously dismayed the hearts of the Cornishmen, 
Many of the Cornishmen take their héels by night.  when they saw themselves thus deceived line 30 of the succours which they most trusted upon, so that many of them (fearing the evil chance that might happen) fled in the night from their company, and left them, in hope so to save themselves. The captains of the rebels▪ perceiving they could have no help of the Kentishmen, putting their only hope in their own puissance, brought their people to Black heath, a four miles distant from London, and there in a plain on the top of an hill, they ordered line 40 their battles, either ready to fight with the king if he would assail them, or else to assault the city of London: for they thought the king durst not have encountered with them in battle. But they were deceived: for the king although he had power enough about to have fought with them before their coming so near to the city; yet he thought it best to suffer them to come forward, till he had them far off from their native country, and then to set upon them being destitute of aid in some place of advantage. line 50  
The city was in a great fear at the first knowledge given, 
The city of London sore afraid of the rebels.  how the rebels were so near encamped to the city, every man getting himself to harness, and placing themselves, some at the gates, some on the walls, so that no part was undefended. But the king delivered the city of that fear: for after that he perceived how the Cornishmen were all day ready to fight, and that on the hill; he sent strait john Earl of Oxenford, Henry Bourchier, earl of Essex, line 60 Edmund de la Poole, earl of Suffolk, sir Rise ap Thomas, and sir Humfreie Stanleie, noble warriors, with a great company of archers and horsemen, to environ the hill on the right side, and on the left, to the intent that all byways being stopped and foreclosed, all hope of flight should be taken from them. And incontinently he himself, being as well encouraged with manly stomaches as furnished with a populous army and plenty of artillery, set forward out of the city, and encamped himself in saint George's field, where he on the friday at night then lodged.  
On the saturday in the morning, he sent the lord Daubeneie with a great company to set on them early in the morning, which first got the bridge at Dertford Strand, which was manfully defended by certain archers of the rebels, whose arrows (as is reported) were in length a full cloth yard. While the earls set on them on every side, 
Blackheath field.  the lord Daubenie came into the field with his company, and without long fight, the Cornishmen were overcome; and first they took the lord Daubenie prisoner: but whether it were for fear, or for hope of favour, they let him go at liberty, without hurt or detriment. There were slain of the rebels which fought and resisted, above two thousand men (as Edward Hall noteth) and taken prisoners an infinite number, 
Three hundred slain, & a thousand five hundred taken prisoners, as john Stow saith.  & amongst them the black smith, and other the chief captains, which were shortly after put to death. When this battle was ended, the king wanted of all his numbers but three hundred, which were slain at that conflict.  
Some affirm, that the king appointed to have fought with them not till the monday, and preventing the time set on them on the saturday before, taking them unprovided, and in no array of battle; and so by that policy obtained the field and victory. The prisoners as well captains as other, were pardoned, saving the chief captains and first beginners, to whom he showed no mercy at all. The lord Audeleie was drawn from Newgate to the Tower hill in a coat of his own arms, 
james lord Iu●elie ignominiously drawn to execution and beheaded.  painted upon paper reversed and all to torn, and there was beheaded the four and twentieth of june. Thomas Flammocke & Michael joseph were hanged, drawn, and quartered after the manner of traitors, & their heads and quarters were pitched upon stakes, and set up in London, and in other places: although at the first, the king meant to have sent them into Cornwall, to have been set up there for a terror to all others. But hearing that the Cornishmen at home were ready to begin a new conspiracy, lest he should the more irritate and provoke them by that displeasant sight, he changed his purpose, for doubt to wrap himself in more trouble than needed.  
While these things were adooing in England, 
Anno Reg. ●●.  the king of Scots being advertised of the whole matter and rebellion of the Cornishmen, 
The Scots invade the English borders.  thought not to let pass that occasion: and therefore he eftsoons invaded the frontiers of England, wasting the country, burning towns, and murdering the people, spareing neither place nor person: and while his light horsemen were riding to forraie and destroy the bishopric of Durham, and there burned all about, he with an other part of his army did besiege the castle of Norham. The bishop of Durham Richard Fox, being owner of that castle, 
Fox bishop 〈◊〉 Durham owner of Norham castle.  had well furnished it both with men and munitions aforehand, doubting lest that would follow which came now to pass. The bishop, after that the Scots made this invasion, advertised the king (as then being at London) of all things that chanced in the North parts; and sent in all post hast to the earl of Surrie, to come to the rescue. The ●arle being then in Yorkshire, and having gathered an army, upon knowledge given to him from the bishop, with all diligence marched forward, and after him followed other noble men out of all the quarters of the North, every of them bringing as many men as they could gather, for defence of their country.  
Amongst these, the chief leaders were, Ralph earl of Westmoreland, Thomas lord Dacres, 
What lords & knights with their companies went to the rescued of the castle against the Scots.  Ralph lord Nevil, George lord Strange, Richard lord Latimer, George lord Lumleie, john lord Scroop, Henry lord Clifford, George lord Ogle, William lord Coniers, Thomas lord Darcie. Of knights, Thomas baron of Hilton▪ sir William Persie, sir William Bulmer, sir William Gascoigne, sir Ralph Bigod, sir Ralph Bowes, sir Thomas a Parr, sir Ralph Ellecker, sir john Constable, sir john Ratcliff, sir john savil, sir Thomas Strangweis, and a great number of other knights and esquires beside. The whole army was little less than twenty thousand men, beside the navy, whereof the lord Brooke was admiral.  
When the Scots had diverse ways assaulted and beaten the castle of Norham, but could make no battery to enter the same, they determined of their line 10 own accord to raise the siege, and return; and that so much the sooner in very deed, because they heard that the earl of Surrie was within two days journey of them, with a great puissance. Wherefore king james raised his siege, and returned home into his own realm. When the earl knew of the king's return, he followed him with all hast possible, trusting surly to overtake him, and to give him battle. When the earl was entered Scotland, he overthrew and defaced the castle of Cawdestreimes, 
The earl of Surrie entereth Scotland defacing castles and towers.  the tower line 20 of Hetenhall, the tower of Edington, the tower of Fulden: and he sent Norreie king at arms to the captain of Haiton castle, which was one of the strongest places betwixt Berwick and Edinburgh, to deliver him the castle. Which he denied to do, affirming that he was sure of speedy succours.  
The earl hereupon laid his ordinance to the castle, and continually beat it, from two of the clock till five at night, in such wise, that they within rendered up the place, their lives only saved. The earl line 30 caused his minors to race & overthrow the fortress to the plain ground. The Scotish king was within a mile of the siege, and both knew it, and saw the smoke, but would not set one foot forward to the rescue. While the earl lay at Haiton, the king of Scots sent to him Machemont, and an other herald, desiring him at his election, either to fight with whole puissance against puissance, or else they two to fight person to person; requiring that if the victory fell to the Scotish king, that then the earl should deliver line 40 for his ransom, the town of Berwick, with the fishgarths of the same.  

The valiant ●art of the earl of Surrie re●●sing at his haplikelie to fight hand to hand with the k. of Scots.  The earl made answer hereto, that the town of Berwick was the king his masters, and not his, the which he neither ought nor would lay to pledge, without the king of England's assent; but he would gauge his body, which was more precious to him than all the towns of the world, promising on his honour, that if he took the king prisoner in that singular combat, he would release to him all his part of line 50 the fine and ransom; and if it chanced the king to vanquish him, he would gladly pay such ransom as was convenient for the degree of an earl, and thanked him greatly for the offer: for surly he thought himself much honoured, that so noble a prince would vouchsafe to admit so poor an earl to fight with him body to body. When he had rewarded and dismissed the heralds, he set his army in a readiness, to abide the coming of the king of Scots, and so stood all day.  
But king james not regarding his offers, would line 60 neither perform the one nor the other; fearing to cope with the English nation in any condition; and so thereupon fled in the night season with all his puissance▪ When the earl knew that the king was recoiled, and had been in Scotland six or seven days, being daily and nightly vexed with continual wind and rain, upon good and deliberate advise returned back to the town of Berwick, and there dissolved his army, tarrying there himself, till he might understand further of the king's pleasure. 
An ambassador from the ● of Spain 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 betwixt England and Scotland.  In the mean time there came an ambassador to the K. of Scots from the K. of Spain, one Peter Hialas, a man of no less learning than wit & policy, to move & intret a peace between the two kings of England & Scotland [that their people might fall to their necessary trades of advantage with quietness, and friend with friend, husband with wife, father with children, and masters with servants dwell and accompany: a dissolution and separation of whom one from another is procured by bloody war, wherein as there is no pity, so is there is no piety, as one saith full truly: 
Nulla fides pietásque viris qui castra sequuntur, 
Luc. lib. 10.   
Nulla salus bello.]   
This Spanish ambassador so earnestly traveled in his message unto the king of Scots, that at length he found him conformable to his purpose: and therefore wrote to the king of England, that it would please him to send one of his nobility or council, to be associate with him in concluding of peace with the Scotish king. The king of England was never dangerous to agree to any reasonable peace, so it might stand with his honour; and therefore appointed the bishop of Durham doctor Fox, to go into Scotland about that treaty which Peter Hialas had begun. The bishop (according to his commission) went honourably into Scotland, where he and Peter Hialas at the town of jedworth, after long arguing and debating of matters with the Scotish commissioners, in steed of peace concluded a truce for certain years; upon condition, that james king of Scots should convey Perkin Warbeck out of his realm, signiories, and dominions.  
About the same time, king Henry received the ambassadors that were sent to him from the French king, and had been stayed at Dover, till the Cornish rebels were vanquished and subdued. Also the lord of Camphire, and other orators of Philip archduke of Ostrich, and duke of Burgognie came to him for the conclusion of amity, and to have the English merchants to resort again to their country. Which request being very agreeable to the quietness and wealth of his realm, and especially at that time, 
The English merchants received into Antwerp with general procession.  he did favourably grant and agree unto. And so did the Englishmen resort again into the archdukes dominions, and were received into Antwerp with general procession: so glad was that town of their return. Shortly after the concluding of the truce between England and Scotland, 
Perkin is feign to pack ● out of Scotland.  Perkin Warbeck being willed of the king of Scots to departed out of the Scotish dominions, sailed with his wife and family into Ireland, there determining with himself either to repair into Flanders to his first setter up the duchess of Burgognie, or else join and take part with the Cornishmen.  
But howsoever it came to pass, whilst he lay in Ireland, he had knowledge from the Cornishmen, that they were ready to renew the war again. Whereupon he minding not to let pass so fai●e an occasion, having with him four small ships, 
Perkin Warbeck arriveth in Cornwall.  and not above six score men, sailed into Cornwall; and there landed in the month of September, and came to a town called Bodman, and there did so provoke the wavering people, what with fair words and large promises, that he gathered to him above three thousand persons, which immediately called him their captain, promising to take his part, and follow him to the death. Then Perkin well encouraged, 
Another rebellion by the Cornishmen.  made proclamations in the name of king Richard the fourth, as son to king Edward the fourth. And by the advise of his three councillors, 
Perkins three councillors.  john Heron mercer a bankrupt, Richard Skelton a tailor, and john Astelie a scrivener determined first of all to assay the winning of Excester.  
Then hasting thither, he laid siege to it, and wanting ordinance to make battery, 
Excester as●●saulted by Perkin & the Cornishmen.  studied all ways possible how to break the gates, and what with casting of stones, heaving with iron bars, and kindling of fire under the gates, he omitted nothing that could be devised for the furtherance of his purpose. The citizens, perceiving in what danger they stood, first let certain messengers down by cords over the wall, that might certify the king of their necessity & trouble. And herewith taking unto them boldness of courage, determined to repel fire with fire, and caused faggots to be brought and laid to the inward parts of the gates, and set them all on fire; to the intent that the fire being inflamed on both sides the gates, line 10 might as well keep out their enemies from entering, 
The city of Excester preserved from fire by fire.  as shut in the citizens from fleeing out, and that they in the mean season might make trenches and rampires to defend their enemies in steed of gates and bulwarks. Thus by fire was the city preserved from fire.  
Then Perkin of very necessity compelled to forsake the gates, assaulted the town in diverse weak and unfortified places, and set up ladders to take the city. But the citizens, with help of such as were line 20 come forth of the country adjoining to their aid, so valiantly defended the walls, that they slew above two hundred of Perkins soldiers at that assault. The king having advertisement of this siege of Excester, 
The king maketh out his power against Perkin.  hasted forth with his host, in as much speed as was possible, and sent the lord Daubeneie with certain bands of light horsemen before, to advertise all men of his coming at hand. But in the m●ane season, the lord Edward courtney earl of Devonshire, and the valiant lord William his son, accompanied line 30 with sir Edmund Carew, sir Thomas Trenchard, sir William courtney, sir Thomas Fulford, sir john Halewell, sir john Croker, Water Courtnie, Peter Edgecombe, William saint Maure, with all speed came into the city of Excester, and holp the citizens, and at the last assault was the earl hurt in the arm with an arrow, and so were many of his company, but very few slain.  
When Perkin saw that he could not win the city of Excester, sith he saw it was so well fortified both line 40 with men and munitions, he departed from thence, and went unto Taunton, and there the twentieth day of September he mustered his men; as though he were ready to give battle: but perceiving his number to be minished, by the secret withdrawing of sundry companies from him, he began to put mistrust in all the remnant. In deed when the people that followed him, in hope that no small number of the nobility would join with him, saw no such matter come to pass, they stolen away from him by secret companies. When the king heard that he was gone to line 50 Taunton, he followed after him with all speed. And by the way there came to him Edward duke of Buckingham, 
Edward the young duke of Buckingham and his company join with the king.  a young prince of great towardness; and him followed a great company of noble men, knights and esquires, as sir Alexander Bainam, sir Maurice Barkleie, sir Robert Tame, sir john Guise, sir Robert Pointz, sir Henry Uernon, sir john Mortimer, sir Thomas Tremaile, sir Edward Sutton, sir Amise Paulet, sir john Birkne●ll, sir line 60 john Sapeotes, sir Hugh Lutterell, sir Francis Cheineie, and diverse other.  
At the kings approaching to the town of Taunton, he sent before him Robert lord Brooke lord steward of his house, Giles lord Daubeneie his chief chamberlain, and sir Rice ap Thomas. But as soon as Perkin was informed that his enemies were ready to give him battle, he that nothing less minded than to fight in open field with the king's puissance, dissembled all the day time with his company, as though nothing could make him afraid: and about midnight, 
Perkin fleeth and taketh Braudlie sanctuary.  accompanied with three score horsemen, he departed from Taunton in post to a sanctuary town beside Southampton, called Beaudlie, & there he and john Heron with other registered themselves as persons privileged. When as king Henry knew that Perkin was thus fled, he sent after him the lord Daubeneie with five hundred horsemen toward the sea side, to apprehend him before he should get away. Although Perkin escaped (as I have said) unto sanctuary, yet many of his chief captains were taken and presented to the king.  
Also the horsemen that were sent, without any stop or stay came to saint Michael's mount, and there (as chance was) found the lady Katherine Gordon wife to Perkin, 
The beautiful lady katharine (Perkins wife) presented to the king.  and brought her straight to the king. At whose beauty and amiable countenance the king much marveled, and thought her a prey more meet for a prince, than for the mean soldiers, and sent her incontinently unto London to the queen, accompanied with a sort of sage matrons and gentlewomen, because she was but young. The common people that had followed Perkin, after that their chéefeteine was fled, threw away their armour as people amazed, and submitted themselves to the king, humbly beseeching him of mercy, which he most gently granted, and received them to his favour. After this the king road to Excester, and there not only commended the citizens, but also heartily thanked them for doing so well their duties in defending their city from their enemies. He also put there to execution diverse Cornishmen, which were the authors and principal beginners of this new conspiracy and insurrection. Nevertheless, he used marvelous clemency also in pardoning a great number of the rebels.  
¶ For when king Henry was come to Excester with a great army, 
john Hooker, alias Vowel.  moved thereunto (as you have heard) by reason of the rebellion of Perkin Warbeck, who was fled before the kings coming, he stayed a few days about the examination of the said rebellion, and the executing of the chief and principal captains. In the end, the multitude of the offenders being great, 
All Perkins partakers in their shirts with halters about their necks app●●● before the king.  and most humbly craving for pardon, the king caused them all to be assembled in the churchyard of saint peter's, where they all appeared bare headed, in their shirts, and with halters about their necks. His grace was then lodged in the treasurors house, lying fast upon the churchyard, and out of a fair and large window (made for the purpose) he took the view of them, who shouted and cried out for pardon. At length, when the king had paused, he made a speech unto them, exhorting them to obedience, and in hope he should thenceforth find them dutiful, he pardoned them all: whereat they all made a great shout, gave the king thanks, and hurled away their halters. Yet nevertheless, some returned again, and joined themselves with the Cornish people, which had not all submitted themselves, nor sought for pardon.]  
Now while he remained at Excester, he considered with himself, that he had done nothing, if he could not get into his hands the chief head of this trouble and seditious business. Wherefore he caused the sanctuary wherein Perkin was enclosed, 
Perkin in sanctuary assaulted.  to be environed with two bands of light horsemen, to watch diligently, that Perkin should not escape by any means forth of that place untaken: and withal attempted by fair promises of pardon and forgiveness, if Perkin would submit himself to him and become his man. Perkin perceiving himself so shut up, 
Perkin submitteth hi●selfe to the king, and is straightly seen 〈◊〉.  that he could no way escape, of his own free will came out of the sanctuary, and committed himself to the king's pleasure. When the king had thus achieved his purpose, he returned to London, and appointed certain keepers to attend on Perkin, which should not (the breadth of a nail) go from his person; lest he should convey himself by any means out of the land [and set new troubles abroth by such practices as he had to fore used, for the advancement of himself to the estate of a king, by assuming unto himself the name of a king's son▪ when in deed he was come of base parentage. But jacke will be a gentleman, the long eared ass will be taken for a leopard, & the pelting p●●●●ire for a lion▪ as one saith: 
M▪ Pal. in Virg.  Nunc se asinus pardum vocat & formic● leonem.]  
After this, the king caused inquiries to be made, of all such as had aided with men or money the Cornish line 10 rebels, so that diverse persons as well in Summersetshire as Devonshire were detected of that offence which he minded for example ●ake should taste some part of due punishments for their ●●imes, according to the quality thereof. And therefore he appointed Thomas lord Darcie, 
Commissioners appointed for ●●●essing of their ●ines that favoured the Cornish rebels.  Amiss Pa●le● knight, and Robert Sherborne dean of P●ules (that was after bishop of Chichester) to be commissioners for assessing of their sins that were found culpable. These commissioners so bestirred themselves, in tossing the line 20 coffers and substance of all the inhabitants of both those shires, year 1498 that there was not one person imbrued or spotted with the filth of that abominable crime, that escaped the pain which he had deserved: but to such yet as offended rather by constraint than of malice, they were gentle and favourable, so that equity therein was very well and justly executed.  
¶ In this year all the gardens which had been continued time out of mind, 

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag 872. Gardens in Moor field 〈◊〉 waist to make archers game.  
Price of hay doubled.  
Sebastian Gabato his discovery of ●n Island of rich commodities.   without Moor gate of London, were destroyed, and of them was made a plain field for archers to shoot in. Also this year was line 30 a great drought, by reason whereof a load of hay, which was before sold at London at five shillings, was this year sold for ten or twelve more. Also this year, one Sebastian Gabato, a Genoa's son, borne in Bristol, professing himself to be expert in knowledge of the circuit of the world, and islands of the same, as by his charts' and other reasonable demonstrations he showed, caused the king to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for an Island which line 40 he knew to be replenished with rich commodities. In the ship diverse merchants of London adventured small stocks, and in the company of this ship sailed also out of Bristol three or four small ships freight with slight and gross wares, as course cloash, caps, laces, points, and such other.  
Sir Humphrey Gilbert knight, in his book entitled, A discovery for a new passage to Cataia, writeth thus; Sebastian Gabato, by his personal experience and travel, hath described and set forth this passage line 50 in his charts', which are yet to be seen in the queens majesties privy gallery at White hall, who was sent to make this discovery by king Henry the seventh, and entered the same f●et, affirming that he sailed very far westward, with a quarter of the north, on the north side of terra de Labrador, the eleventh of june, until he came to the septentrional latitude of 67½ degrees, and finding the seas still open, said, that he might & would have gone to Cataia, if the enmity of the master and mariners had not been. Nevertheless, line 60 he went very far, even to a nation inhabited with people more like beasts than men, as appeareth in the year 1502, and the seventeenth of this king's reign, when the said traveler was returned, and presented himself to the king's majesty.]  

Anno Reg. 14.  In this year the war had like to have been revived betwixt the realms of England and Scotland by a small occasion, 
England and Scotland likely to go together by the ears afresh.  as thus. Certain youngmen of the Scots came arrived before Norham castle, & beheld it wondrous circumspectly, as though they would feign have been of counsel to know what was done the rain. The keepers not perceiving any damage attempted against them for the first time, determined not to move any question to them, or once to stir out. But when they came again the next day, and viewed it likewise, the keepers of the castle suspecting some evil meaning, demanded of them what their intent was, and why they viewed and advised so the castle. The Scots answered them roughly with disdainful words, so that the Englishmen fell to and replied with strokes; and after many blows given and received, diverse Scots were wounded, and some slain; and the residue overmatched with multitude of the Englishmen, fled as fast as their horses could carry them.  
The Scotish king hereof advertised, was highly displeased, and in all hast signified to king Henry by his herald Marchemont, in what sort his people (to the breach of the truce) were abused and handled. King Henry being not in will to break with any of his neighbours, excused the matter, affirming that he was not of knowledge to the misdemeanour of those that had the castle in keeping; requiring the king of Scots not to think the truce broken for any thing done without his consent; promising in the word of a king to inquire of the truth, and if the offence were found to be begun on the party of the keepers of the castle, he assured him that they should for no meed nor favour escape due correction and punishment.  
This answer (though it was more than reasonable) could not pacify the king of Scots, 
The bishop of Durham assuageth the king's displeasure by letters.  till the bishop of Durham (that was owner of the castle of Norham) who sore lamented, that by such as he appointed keepers there, the war should be renewed) with sundry letters written to the Scotish king, at length assuaged his displeasure, so that the said king wrote courteously to the bishop again, signifying that because he had many secret things in his mind, which he would communicate only with him touching this matter now in variance; therefore he required him to take the pain to come into his country, trusting that he should think his labour well bestowed. The bishop was glad, and sent word hereof to the king his master, who willed him to accomplish the desire of the Scotish king, which he took to be reasonable.  
At his coming into Scotland, 
The bishop of Durham goeth into Scotland.  he was courteously received of the king himself at the abbeie of Melrosse. And there, after the king had (for a countenance) complained much of the unjust slaughter of his men late committed at Norham: upon the bishops gentle answers thereunto, he forgave the same, and after began to talk secretly without witnesses alone with the bishop. And first he declared what just causes moved him in times past to seek amity with the king of England: which now he desired much more to have confirmed, for further maintenance & increase thereof. Which he doubted not but should sort to a fortunate conclusion, if the king of England would vouchsafe to give to him in matrimony his first begotten daughter the lady Margaret, upon which point he purposed lately to have sent his ambassadors into England, 
The Scotish king desireth the lady Margaret elder daughter of K. Henry the seventh to be his wife.  which thing he would the sooner do if he knew the bishop's mind therein to be ready to further his suit. The bishop answered but few words, saving that when he were returned to the king his master, he would do the best in the matter that he could.  
When the bishop was returned into England, and come to the king, he declared to him all the communication had between king james and him, from point to point in order. The king liked well thereof, as he to whom peace was ever a sovereign solace and comfort. In this mean time Perkin Warbeck, year 1499 disappointed of all hope to escape out of the Englishmen'S hands (which was the only thing that he most desired) found means yet at length to deceive his keepers, & took him to his héels. But when he came to the sea coasts, 
P●r●in Warbeck escapeth from his keepers.  and could not pass, he was in a marvelous perplexity: for every byway▪ lane, and corner was laid for him, and such search made, that being brought to his wit's end, and cut short of his pretenced journey, he came to the house of Bethlem, called the priory of Shéene beside Richmond in Southerie, and betook himself to the prior of that monastery, requiring him for the honour of God▪ to beg his pardon of life of the king's majesty. line 10  
The prior, which for the opinion that men had conceived of his virtue, was had in great estimation, pitying the wretched state of that caitiff, came to the king, and showed him of this Perkin, whose pardon he humbly craved, and had it as freely granted. incontinently after was Perkin brought to the court again at Westminster, and was one day set f●ttered in a pair of stocks, before the door of Westminster hall, and there stood a whole day, not without innumerable reproaches, mocks and scornings. And the next day he was carried through London, and set upon line 20 a like scaffold in Cheap by the standard, with like gins and stocks as he occupied the day before, and there stood all day, and read openly his own confession, written with his own● hand, the very copy whereof here ensueth.  

The confession of Perkin as it was written with his own hand, which he read openly upon a scaffold by the standard line 30 in Cheap.  

Perkin maketh an anatomy of his descent or li●age.  IT is first to be known, that I was borne in the town of Turneie in Flanders, and my father's name is john Osbecke, which said john Osbecke was controllor of the said town of Turneie, and my moothers name is Katherine de Faro. And one of my grandsires upon my father's side was line 40 named Diricke Osbeck, which died. After whose death my grandmoother was married unto Peter Flamen, that was receiver of the forenamed town of Turneie, & dean of the boatmen that row upon the water or river called le Scheld. And my grandsire upon my moothers side was Peter de Faro, which had in his keeping the keys of the gate of S. john's within the line 50 same town of Turneie. Also I had an uncle called master john Stalin, dwelling in the parish of S. Pias within the same town, which had married my father's sister, whose name was jone or jane, with whom I dwelled a certain season.  
And after I was led by my mother to Antwerp for to learn Flemish, 
Perkins education or bringing up.  in a house of a cousin of mine, an officer of the said town, called john Stienbecke, with line 60 whom I was the space of half a year. And after that I returned again to Turneie, by reason of wars that were in Flanders. And within a year following I was sent with a merchant of the said town of Turneie, named Berlo, to the mart of Antwerp, where I fell sick, which sickness continued upon me five months. And the said Berlo set me to board in a skinner's house, that dwelled beside the house of the English nation. And by him I was from thence carried to Barow mart, and I lodged at the sign of the old man, where I abode for the space of two months.  
After this, the said Berlo set me with a merchant of Middle borrow to service for to learn the language, whose name was john Strew, with whom I dwelled from Christmas to Easter, and then I went into Portugal in company of sir Edward Bramptons' wife, in a ship which was called the queen's ship. And when I was come thither, then was I put in service to a knight that dwelled in Lushborne, which was called Peter Uacz de Cogna, with whom I dwelled an whole year, which said knight had but one eye. And because I desired to see other countries, 
Perkin a notable land-loper.  I took licence of him, and then I put myself in service with a Britan, called Pregent Meno, which brought me with him into Ireland. Now when we were there arrived in the town of Cork, they of the town (because I was arrayed with some clothes of silk of my said masters) came unto me, & threatened upon me that I should be the duke of Clarence's son, that was before time at Dublin.  
But forsomuch as I denied it, 
The Irish would have Perkin tak● upon him to be the duke of Clarence's son.  there was brought unto me the holy evangelists, and the cross, by the mayor of the town, which was called john Leweline, and there in the presence of him and others, I took mine oath (as the truth was) that I was not the foresaid duke's son, nor none of his blood. And after this came unto me an Englishman, whose name was Stephan Poitron, and one john Water, and laid to me in swearing great oaths, that they knew well that I was king Richard's bastard son: 
They bear● Perkin down with oaths that he is king Richard's bastard.  to whom I answered with like oaths, that I was not. Then they advised me not to be afeard, but that I should take it upon me boldly: and if I would so do, they would aid and assist me with all their power against the king of England; & not only they, but they were well assured, that the earl of Desmond & Kildare should do the same.  
For they forced not what part they took, so that they might be revenged on the king of England: and so against my will made me to learn English, and taught me what I should do and say. 
They call hi● duke of york.  And after this they called me duke of York, second son to king Edward the fourth, because king Richard's bastard son was in the han●s of the king of England. And upon this the said Water, Stephan Poitron, john Tiler, Hubert Burgh, with many others, as the foresaid earls, entered into this false quarrel, and within short time others. The French K. sent an ambassador into Ireland, whose name was Loit Lucas, and master Stephan Friham, to advertise me to come into France. And thence I went into France, and from thence into Flanders, & from Flanders into Ireland, and from Ireland into Scotland, & so into England.   
When the night of the same day (being the fifteenth of june) was come, after he had stood all that day in the face of the city, he was committed to the Tower, there to remain under safe keeping, least happily he might eftsoons run away, and escape out of the land, to put the king and realm to some new trouble. For he had a wonderful dextèritie and readiness to cirumvent, a heart full of overreaching imaginations, an aspiring mind, a head more wily (I wisse) than witty; bold he was and presumptuous line 10 in his behaviour, as forward to be the instrument of a mischief, as any deviser of wickedness would wish; a fiend of the devils own forging, nursed and trained up in the study of commotions, making offer to reach as high as he could look; such was his inordinate ambition, wherewith he did swel● as coveting to be a prince's peer: much like the toad that would match the bull in drinking, but in the end she burst in pieces and never drank more; as the poet telleth the tale (by the imitation of the fabler) saying: line 20 
— cupiens aequare bibendo  
Rana bovem, 
●. Pa●. in Virg.  rupta nunquam bibit ampliùs aluo.   
In this year was an Augustine friar called Patrick in the parties of Suffolk, 
Anno Reg. 15. Patrick an Augustine Friar.  the which having a scholar named Ralph Wilford (a shoemakers son of London as Stow noteth) had so framed him to his purpose, that in hope to work some great enterprise, as to disappoint the king of his crown and seat royal, took upon him to be the earl of Warwick, insomuch that both the master and scholar having counseled between themselves of their enterprise, 
Ralph Wilford the counterfeit earl of Warwick.  line 30 they went into Kent, & there began the young mammet to tell privily to many, that he was the very earl of Warwick, and lately gotten out of the Tower, by the help of this friar Patrick. To which saiengs when the friar perceived some light credence to be given, he declared it openly in the pulpit, and desired all men of help. But the danger of this seditious attempt was shortly removed and taken away, the master and scholar being both apprehended line 40 and cast into prison and atteinted.  
The scholar was hanged on Shrovetuesdaie at saint Thomas Waterings, 
The counterfeit earl is executed.  and the friar condemned to perpetual prison. For at that time so much reverence was attributed to the holy orders, that to a priest (although he had committed high treason against his sovereign lord) his life was spared, in like case as to any other offendor in murder, rape, or theft, that had received any of the three higher holy orders. [The chief cause (saith Edward Hall) of this line 50 favour was this, 
Abr. Fl. ex E●●. Hall, in H●n. 7. fol. lj. The cause why the clergy never so heinously offending was so ●auoured.  because bishops of a long time and season did not take knowledge, nor intermix themselves with the search & punishment of such heinous and detestable offences: by reason whereof they did not disgrade and deprive from the holy orders such malefactors and wicked persons, which without that ceremony by the canon laws could not be put to death.  
Furthermore, what should a man say, it was also used, that he that could but only read (yea although line 60 he understood not what he read) how heinous or detestable a crime so ever he had committed (treason only excepted) should likewise as affines & allies to the holy orders be saved, and committed to the bishop's prison. And to the intent that if they should escape, and be again taken, committing like offence, that their lives be no more to them pardoned: it was ordained that murderers should be burnt on the brawn of the left hand with an hot iron signed with this letter M. and thieves in the same place with this letter T. So that if they, which were once signed with any of these marks or tokens did reiterate like crime & offence again, should suffer the pains and punishments which they had both merited and deserved. 
Burning in the hand when enacted.  Which decree was enacted and established in a session of parliament kept in the time of this king's reign, and taken (as I conjecture) of the French nation, which are wont, if they take any such offendor, to cut off one of his ears, as a sure token and mark hereafter of his evil doing.]  
Perkin Warbeck (as before ye have heard) being now in hold, 
Perkin corrupted his keepers.  by false persuasions and great promises corrupted his keepers, Stranguish, Blewet, Astwood, and long Roger, servants to sir john Digbie lieutenant of the Tower. Insomuch that they (as it was at their arreignment openly proved) intended to have slain their master, and to have set Perkin and the earl of Warwick at large. Which earl of Warwick had been kept in prison within the Tower almost from his tender years, that is to say, from the first year of the king, to this fifteenth year, out of all company of men & sight of beasts, insomuch that he could not discern a goose from a capon, 
Edward Plantagenet earl of Warwick a very innocent.  and therefore by common reason and open appearance could not of himself seek his own death and destruction. But yet by the drift and offence of an other he was brought to his death and confusion.  
For being made privy of this enterprise devised by Perkin and his complices, thereunto (as all natural creatures love liberty) he assented and agreed. But this crafty devise and subtle imagination being revealed, sorted to none effect, so that Perkin and john Awater sometime mayor of Cork in Ireland, one of his chief founders, and his son, were on the sixteenth day of November arraigned and condemned at Westminster. 
Perkin and john Awater executed at Tyburn.  And on the three and twentieth day of the same month, Perkin and john Awater were drawn to Tyburn, where Perkin standing on a little scaffold, read his confession (as before he had done in Cheap side) taking it on his death to be true. And so he and john Awater asked the king forgiveness, and died patiently.  
This was the reward of the feigned gloze and counterfeit comment of Perkin Warbeck, the which as by his false surmises in his life time had brought many honourable personages to their deaths, and undone many an honest man: so now at his death he brought other of the same sort to their not altogether undeserved punishment. And amongst others Edward Plantagenet the forenamed earl of Warwick, which (as the fame went) consented to break prison, and to departed out of the realm with Perkin (which in prisoners is high treason) was the one and twentieth day of the said month arraigned at Westminster before the earl of Oxenford then high steward of England of the said treason, which (whether it were by enticement and persuasion of other, or of his own free will many doubted, because of his innocency) confessed the fact, and submitted himself to the king's mercy; and upon his confession had his judgement, 
Edward Plantagenet the young earlen of Warwick beheaded.  and according thereunto the eight and twentieth day of November in the year 1499, was brought to the scaffold on the Tower hill, and there beheaded.  
The fame after his death sprang abroad, that Ferdinando king of Spain would make no full conclusion of the matrimony to be had between prince Arthur and the lady Katherine daughter to the said Ferdinando, nor send her into England as long as this earl lived. For he imagined that so long as any earl of Warwick lived, England should never be purged of civil war and privy sedition▪ so much was the name of Warwick in other regions had in fear and jealousy. The next year after there was a great plague, year 1500 whereof men died in many pla●●s very sore; 
A great plague.  but specially and most of all in the city of London, where died in that year thirty thousand. The four and twentieth of February in this fifteenth year of this kings reign his third son was christened and was named Edward. 

Edward the king's third son christened.  
The manor of Shéene burnt & Richmond built in place thereof. I. S. pag. 874.   Also in this year was burned a place of the kings, called the manor of Shéene situate nigh the Thames side, which he after builded again sumptuously, and changed the name of Sheen, and called it Richmond; because his father and he were earls of Richmond: or (as some note) for that so many notable and rich jewels were there burnt. He also new builded Bainard's castle in London, and repaired Greenwich.] line 10  
The king, whether to avoid the danger of so great and perilous sickness, then raging, or to take occasion to comen with the duke of Burgognie, did personally take his ship at Dover in the beginning of May, 
King Henry the seventh ●aileth to Calis.  and sailed to Calis, whither the duke of Burgognie sent to him honourable personages in embassage to welcome him into those parties, and to declare that the said duke would gladly repairs personally to his presence with such a number as the king should appoint, so that it were within no line 20 walled town nor fortress. For having denied the French king to enter into any of his fortresses to talk with him, he would be loath now to give a precedent to him to desire the like meeting. The king entertaining the ambassadors, and thanking the duke of his courteous offer, appointed the place at saint Peter's church without Calis.  
Upon tuesday in Whitsunweeke the archduke Philip came thither with a convenient company. 
The king of England and the duke of Burgognie meet at saint Peter's church without Calis. Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall▪ in Hen. 7. fol. lij.  The king and the queen with many a lusty lord and lady line 30 road thither to welcome him. [And when the king approached, the duke at his lighting offered to hold his stirrupe, which the king in no wise would suffer to be done. When the king was descended from his horse, he and the archduke embraced each other with most princely familiarity, and then the queen and all the nobls saluted him.] And after most loving interteinments, banquetings, mirth, and pastime showed amongst them, there was communication of marriages, treating of further strengthening of leagues, line 40 requests of tolls in Flanders to be minished: with many other things touching the commodity and traffic of both their countries. And when all things were set in order, the two princes took their leave, and departed; the king to Calis, and the archduke to S. Omers. After his departing, there came as ambassadors from the French king, the lord Gronthouse governor of Picardy, and the lord Meruelliers bailiff of Amiens, which declared to the king the getting of Milan and taking of the duke. The king line 50 highly feasted them, and rewarded them princely at their departing.  

Anno Reg. 16.  Soon after, when the death was slaked, the king returned again into England about the end of june. Shortly after there came to him one Gasper Pons a Spaniard, a man of excellent learning and most civil behaviour, sent from Alexander the bishop of Rome to distribute the heavenly grace (as he termed it) to all such as (letted by any forcible impediment) could not come to Rome that year to the jubilee, 
A year of jubilee.  line 60 which was there celebrate, being the year after the birth of our Saviour, 1500. This benevolent liberality was not altogether freely given. For Alexander looking to the health of men's souls▪ 
Pope Alexander maketh profit of his great pardon or heavenly grace, as he termeth it.  thought to do somewhat for his own private commodity, & therefore he set a certain price of that his grace and pardon. And to the end that the king should not hinder his purpose, he offered part of his gains to the king.  
And to colour the matter with some favourable pretext, and to make men the better willing, & more ready to give frankly, he promised with that money to make war against the Turk. By this means the po●e got a great mass of money, which he had conveyed over unto him by such trusty messengers (doubt you not) as he had appointed; and yet nothing done against the Turks, which in the mean season did much hurt to the christians. [For it was no part of his meaning (what colourable show soever he made of tendering the succourless people) to impart any portion thereof to so good a use; 
Abr. Fle●  but rather for the supportation of him and his swarm, who before they will bate an ace of their gorgeous gallantness, the whole world shallbe co●sened. Such is the collusion of the pope, such be the shameless shifts of him and his clergy for the maintenance of their own courtly bravery, which is wicked vanity; far passing the pomp of any prince, were the same of never so rare magnificence; as he well noteth that said full truly: 
— immenso princeps non visus in orb est,  
Cui tanti fastus tantáue pompa fuit. 
Antith. 〈◊〉 & pap●▪ pag 31 40.   
Ingreditur quando miserae Babylonis in Vrbes,  
Cernitur hîc plusquam regia pompa comes.  
Huic equus est spumans ostróque insignis & auro,  
Altisono cuius sub pede terra fremit, etc.]   
About this time died three bishops in England, john Morton archbishop of Canturburie, 
Three bish●●● dead in one year.  Thomas Langton bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Rotheram archbishop of York. After him succeeded Thomas Savage bishop of London, a man of great honour and worthiness: in whose place succeeded William Warham, of whom before is made mention. And Henry Deane bishop of Salisbury, was made archbishop of Canturburie, and Richard For was removed from Durham to the see of Winchester. Also this year two notable marriages were concluded, but not consummate till afterwards, 
Two notable marriages.  as you shall hear in place convenient. For king Henry granted his daughter lady Margaret to james the fourth king of Scots. year 1501 
Katherine daughter to Ferdinando K. of Spain affied to Arthur prince of Wales.  And Ferdinando king of Spain gave his daughter lady Katherine to Arthur prince of Wales, son and heir apparent to the king of England.  
Among other articles of the marriage concluded with the Scotish king this was one, that no English men should be received into Scotland without letters commendatory of their sovereign lord, or safe conduct of his warden of the marches; and the same prohibition was in like manner given to the Scots. This year the lady Katherine of Spain was sent by her father king Ferdinando with a puissant navy of ships into England, 
Anno Reg 1●.  where she arrived in the haven of Plymouth the second day of October then being saturday. 
The fourth 〈◊〉 October as Stow hath noted.  Upon the twelve of November she was conveyed from Lambeth through London with all triumph and honour that might be devised to the bishop's palace, the streets being hanged, and pageants erected after the manner as is used at a coronation: which solemnity Edward Hall describeth with the sumptuous shows then glistering in the beholder's eyes.  
¶ I pass over (saith he) the wise devices, 
Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall fol. liij.  the prudent speeches, the costly works, the cunning portratures, practised and set forth in seven goodly beautiful pageants, erected and set up in diverse places of the city. I leave also the goodly ballads, the sweet harmony, the musical instruments, which sounded with heavenly noise on every side of the streets. I omit further, the costly apparel both of goldsmith's work and embroidery, the rich jewels, the massy chains, the stirring horses, the beautiful bards and the glittering trappers, both with bells and spangels of gold. I pretermit also the rich apparel of the princess, the strange fashion of the Spanish nation, the beauty of the English ladies, the goodly demeanour of the young damosels, the amorous countenance of the lusty bachelors. I pass over also the fine ingrained clothes, the costly furs of the citizens, standing on scaffolds, raised from Gracechurch to Paul's. What should I speak of the odoriferous scarlets, the fine velvets, the pleasant furs, the massy chains, which the mayor of London with the senate, sitting on horseback at the little conduit in Cheap, ware on their bodies and about their necks? I will not speak of the rich arras, the costly tapestry, the fine clothes both of gold and silver, the curious velvets, the beautiful satins, nor the pleasant silks which did hang in every street where she passed, the wine that ran line 10 continually out of the conduits, and the graveling of the streets needeth not to be remembered.]  
Whilst this lady sojourned for her recreation in the bishop's palace of London, being in the mean time visited of the king, the queen, and the king's mother, there was erected in the body of S. Paul's church a long bridge made of timber, extending from the west door of the church to the step at the entering into the queer, which was six foot from the ground. On the said bridge or stage, even directly before the line 20 consistory of the church▪ was a place raised like a mount for eight persons to stand upon, compassed round about with steps to ascend and descend, which was covered with fine red worsted, and in likewise were all the rails of the said stage. On the north side of this mount was a place decked and trimmed for the king and queen, and such other as they appointed to have. On the south side of the same mount stood the mayor and the magistrates of the city.  
When all things were prepared and set in order, line 30 upon the fourteenth of November then being sunday, 
The solemnisation of the marriage between Arthur prince of Wales & Katherine daughter to the king of Spain.  the foresaid lady was led to the said mount, and there prince Arthur openly espoused her, both being clad in white, both lusty and amorous, he of the age of fifteen and more, and she of the age of eighteen or thereabouts, the king and queen standing privily on their stage. After the matrimony celebrated, the prince and his wife went up into the queer, and there heard a solemn mass song by the archbishop of Canturburie, associate with nineteen prelates line 40 mitred. And after the mass finished, the bride was led homewards to the bishop's palace by the duke of York being then a goodly young prince, and the legate of Spain. Next after followed the lady Cicilie sister to the queen, supporting the train of the spouse.  
But to speak of all the solemn pomp, noble company of lords and ladies, and what a sumptuous feast and plentiful was kept, with dancing and disguisings, words might sooner fail than matter worthy line 50 of rehearsal. Howbeit every day endeth and night ensueth, and so when night was come, the prince and his beautiful bride were brought and joined together in one bed, where they lay as man and wife all that night. ¶ Now when the morning appeared, the prince (as his familiar servitors, 
Edw. Hall fol. liij.  which had then neither cause nor reward to lie or feign, openly told the tale) called for drink, which he before times was not accustomed to do. At which thing one of his chamberleines marveling, asked the cause of his drought. To line 60 whom the prince answered merrily, saying; I have this night been in the midst of Spain, which is a hot region, and that journey maketh me so dry: and if thou hadst been under that hot climate, thou wouldst have been drier than 1]  
Shortly after the king and the queen, with the new wedded spouses went from Bainard's castle by water to Westminster, on whom the mayor and commonalty of London in barges gorgeously trimmed gave their attendance. And there in the palace were such martial feats, valiant justs, vigorous tourneys, and such fierce fight at the barriers, as before that time was of no man had in remembrance. Of this royal triumph lord Edward duke of Buckingham was chief challenger, and lord Thomas Greie marquess Dorset chief defender, which with their aids and companions bore themselves so valiantly, that they got great praise and honour, both of the Spaniards, and of their own countrymen. During the time of these justs and triumphs, were received into London, an earl, a bishop, and diverse noble personages sent from the king of Scots into England, for conclusion of the marriage between the lady Margaret and him; which earl by proxy, 
Margaret eldest daughter to king Henry affied to james king of Scots.  in the name of king james his master, affied and contracted the said lady. Which affiance was published at Paul's cross, the day of the conversion of saint Paul: in rejoicing whereof Te Deum was song, and great fires made through the city of London.  
These things being accomplished, the ambassadors as well of Spain as Scotland took their leave of the king, year 1502 & not without great rewards returned into their countries. When the ambassadors were departed, 
Prince Arthur is sent into Wales.  he sent his son prince Arthur again into Wales, to keep that country in good order; appointing to him wise and expert councillors, as sir Richard Poole his kinsman, which was his chief chamberlain, also sir Henry Uernon, sir Richard Crofts, sir David Philip, sir William Udall, sir Thomas Englefield, sir Peter Newton knights; john Walleston, Henry Marion, & doctor William Smith, precedent of his council, and doctor Charles; of the which two doctors, the one was after bishop of Lincoln, and the other bishop of Hereford.  
¶ This year john Shaw (who was mayor of London) caused his brethren the aldermen to ride from the Guildhall unto the water side, 
john Stow pag. 874, 875.  when he went to Westminster to be presented in the excheker. 
The majors feast first kept at Guildhall.  He also caused the kitchens and other houses of office to be builded at the Guildhall, where since that time the majors feasts have been kept, which before had been in the grocers or tailors hall. About Easter, all the Greie friars in England changed their habit, for whereas of long time before they had used to wear brown russet of four shillings, six shillings, and eight shillings the yard; now they were compelled to wear russet of two shillings the yard and not above, 
Woollen cloth of two shillings the broad yard.  which was brought to pass by the friars of Gréenewich. This year, the dike called Turnemill brook, with all the course of Fleet dike, 
Dikes of London cleansed.  were so scoured down to the Thames, that boats with fish and fuel were rowed up to Holborn bridge, as they of old time had been accustomed: which was a great commodity to all the inhabitants in that part of London. Also the tower near to the Black friars was taken down by the commandment of the mayor. Also this year were brought unto the king three men taken in the new found islands, 
Men brought from the new found islands.  by Sebastian Gabato, before named in Anno 1468. These men were clothed in beasts skins, and eat raw flesh, but spoke such a language as no man could understand them, of the which three men, two of them were seen in the king's court at Westminster two years after, clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from Englishmen.]  
A few months before the marriage of prince Arthur, Edmund de la Poole earl of Suffolk, son to john duke of Suffolk, and lady Elizabeth sister to king Edward the fourth, being bold and rash withal, was indicted of murder, for swaying of a mean person in his rage & fury. And although the king pardoned him whom he might justly have put to death for that offence; yet because he was brought to the bar before the king's Bench, 
Edmund earl of Suffolk flieth into Flanders.  and arraigned (which fact he took as a great blemish to his honour) shortly after upon that displeasure he fled into Flanders unto his aunt the lady Margaret, the king not being privy to his going over. Nevertheless, whether he was persuaded by his friends thereunto, whom the king had willed to deal with him therein; or whether upon trust of his innocency: true it is that he returned again, and excused himself to the king, so that he thought him to be guiltless of any crime that might be objected against him.  
But when the marriage betwixt the prince & the lady Katherine of Spain was kept at London, this earl either for that he had passed his compass in excessive charges and sumptuousness at that great triumph and solemnity, and by reason thereof was far run line 10 into debt; either else through the procurement of his aunt the foresaid lady Margaret; or pricked with some privy envy, which could not patiently with open eyes behold king Henry (being of the adverse faction to his lineage) so long to reign in wealth and felicity: 
The discontented mind of the earl of Suffolk.  in conclusion with his brother Richard fled again into Flanders. This departure of the earl sore vexed the king, doubting of some new trouble to ensue thereof.  

The king's wonted policy now again practised.  But yet to understand the full meaning of the line 20 said earl, the king used his old fetch: for immediately after the earl was fled, he appointed sir Robert Curson, whom he had advanced to the order of knighthood, and made captain of Hams castle, a valiant man and a circumspect, to dissemble himself one of that conspiracy; who went into Flanders, to espy what was done there by the lady Margaret, and her nephew the earl of Suffolk. After that the said sir Robert Curson was thus gone into Flanders, the king to put him out of all suspicion line 30 with the said lady Margaret and the earl, caused the said earl, and sir Robert Curson, and five persons more to be accursed at Paul's cross, the first sunday of November, as enemies to him and his realm.  
To be brief, the king by his means, and other such diligent inquisition as he made, tried out such as he suspected, partly to be devisers of mischief against him, and partly to bear no sincere affection towards his person, so that he could readily name line 40 them: whereof a great part were within few days apprehended and taken. And amongst them William lord courtney, son to the earl of Devonshire, which married the lady Katherine, daughter to king Edward the fourth; lord William de la Poole, brother to the foresaid earl of Suffolk, sir james Tirrell, & sir john Windam. Both the Williams were rather taken of suspicion, because they were so near of kin to the conspirator, than for any proved line 50 matter. But sir james Tirrell and Ioh● Windam, because they were traitors, 
Tirrell and Windam beheaded.  and so attainted, the sixth day of May after their apprehension, they were on the Tower hill beheaded.  
When the earl of Suffolk heard what fortune thus happened to his friends, as one in v●ter despair to have any good success in his pretenced enterprise, wandered about all Germany and France, to purchase som● aid and succour, if by any means he might. But when he perceived no steadfast ground to line 60 catch anchor hold upon, he submitted himself under the protection of Philip archduke of Ostrich. But his brother Richard, being a politic man, so wisely ordered himself in this stormy tempest, that he was not entrapped either with net or snare. The king not yet out of all doubt of civil sedition, because a great number of evil disposed persons partakers of this conspiracy▪ were fled into sundry sanctuaries, devised to have all the gates of sanctuaries and places privileged shut and locked up, so that none should issue out from thence to perturb and disquiet him.  
And for that intent he wrote unto pope Alexander, desiring him by his authority to adjudge all Englishmen, being fled to sanctuary for the offence of treason as enemies to the christian faith, interdicting and prohibiting the refuge and privilege of sanctuary to all such, as once had enjoyed the liberty and protection of the same, and after that fled out, and eftsoons returned again. Which thing after that the pope had granted, 
〈◊〉 restrained.  turned to the great quietness of the king and his realm. For many that had offended, for fear to fall into danger, returned to the due subjection of their prince; and other that were yet free from peril, durst not hazard themselves so boldly as they durst have done before, upon hope of such starting holes.  
When the king had thus settled things to his own contentation and pleasure, there suddenly happened to him a lamentable chance. For that noble prince Arthur, the kings first begotten son, after he had been married to the lady Katherine his wife, 
The death of Arthur prince of Wales.  the space of five months, departed out of this transitory life, in his castle of Ludlow, and with great funeral obsequy was buried in the cathedral church of Worcester. His brother the duke of York was stayed from the title of Prince by the space of a month, till to women it might appear whether the lady Katherine wife to the said prince Arthur was conceived with child or not. [It is reported that this lady Katherine thought and feared such dolorous chance to come: for when she had embraced her father, 
Edw. Hall i● Hen. 7. fol. ●●.  and taken her leave of her noble and prudent mother, and sailed towards England, she was continually so tossed and tumbled hither and thither with boisterous winds, that what for the rage of the water, and contrariety of the winds, her ship was prohibited diverse times to approach the shore and take land.]  
In this eightéenth year, the twenty fourth day of januarie, 
Anno Reg. 1●▪ 1503  a quarter of an hour afore three of the clock at after noon of the same day, the first stone of our lady chapel within the monastery of Westminster was laid, 
King Henry the seauenth● chapel at Westminster first builded.  by the hands of john Islip abbot of the same monastery, sir Reginald Braie knight of the garter, doctor Barnes master of the rolls, doctor Wall chaplain to the king's majesty, master Hugh Oldham chaplain to the countess of Derby and Richmond the king's mother, sir Edward Stanhope knight, and diverse others. Upon the same stone was this scripture engraven: Illustrissimus Henricus septimus rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae, posuit hanc petram in honore beatae virginis Mariae, 24. die januarij; anno Domini 1502. Et anno dicti regis Henrici septimi, decimo octavo. The charges whereof amounted (as some report, upon credible information as they say) to fourteen thousand pounds.  
Queen Elizabeth lying within the Tower of London, was brought a bed of a fair daughter on Candlemas day, which was there christened and named Katherine; and the eleventh of the same month the said queen there deceased, and was buried at Westminster, whose daughter also lived but a small season after her mother. 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉 pag. 876. Six kings of England brethren with the tailor's company in Lo●don, before they were entitled m●rchant tailors.  [King Henry the seventh being himself a brother of the tailor's company in London, as diverse other his predecessors kings before him had been (to wéet Richard the third, Edward the fourth, Henry the sixth, Henry the fift, Henry the fourth, and Richard the second; also of dukes eleven, earls eight and twenty, and lords eight and forty) he now gave to them the name and title of merchant tailors, as a name of worship to endure for ever. This year, 
Prior of Shene m●●thered.  about the later end of March, the prior of the Charterhouse of Shene was murdered in a cell of his own house, by means of one Goodwin, a monk of the same cloister, and his adherents artificers of London. A dry summer, 
A dry s●●mer.  having no notable rain from Whitsuntide to the later lady day in harvest.  
The eighteenth of February, the king at his palace of Westminster created his only son Henry prince of Wales, earl of Chester, &c: who afterward succeeded his father in possession of the regal crown of this realm▪ Moreover, this year also, after the decease of that noble queen, for her virtue commonly called good queen Elizabeth, departed out of this world also sir Reginald Braie knight of the garter, 
Sir Reginald Bray his 〈◊〉.  a very father of his country, for his high wisdom and singular love to justice well worthy to bear that title. If any thing had been done amiss line 10 contrary to law and equity, he would after an humble sort plainly blame the king, 
Iu●t commendations of Morton archbishop of Cant●rburie and ●ir Reginald Braie.  and give him good advertisement, that he should not only reforge the same, but also be more circumspect in any other the like case. Of the same virtue and faithful plainness was john Morton archbishop of Canturburie, which died (as is showed above) two years before.  
So these two persons were refrainers of the king's unbridled liberty; whereas the common line 20 people (ignorant altogether of the truth in such matters) judged and reported, that the counsel of those two worthy personages corrupted the king's clean and immaculate conscience, contrary to his princely disposition and natural inclination; such is ever the error of the common people. ¶ About this time died Henry the archbishop of Canturburie, whose room doctor William Warham bishop of London supplied. And to the see of London William Barnes was appointed, and after his death succeeded one Richard line 30 fitz james. 
Cassimire ●●ba●sadour from the emp●rour Max●●●l●an.  This year also the lord Cassimire marquess of Brandenburg, accompanied with an earl, a bishop, and a great number of gentlemen well appareled, came in embassage from the emperor Maximilian, and were triumphantly received into London, and lodged at Crosbies' place.  
Their message was for three causes, one to comfort the king in his time of heaviness for the loss of his wife. The second for the renewing of amity, and the old league. The third (which was not apparent) line 40 w●s to move the king to marry the emperors daughter, ●he lady Margaret, duchess Dowager of Savoie. The two first took effect: for the king upon Passion sunday road to Paul's in great triumph, the said marquess riding on his left hand. And there the bishop made to the king an excellent consolatory oration concerning the death of the queen. And there also the king openly swore to keep the new revived league and amity during their two lives. But the third request (whether the let was on the man's line 50 side, or on the woman's) never sorted to any conclusion.  
The lady Margaret the king's daughter, affied (as ye have heard) to the king of Scots, was appointed to be conveyed into Scotland, by the earl of Surrie: and the earl of Northumberland, as warden of the marches, was commanded to deliver her at the confines of both the realms. And so here upon, after her coming to Berwick, she was conveyed to Lamberton kirk in Scotland, where the king line 60 of Scots, with the flower of all the nobles and gentlemen of Scotland, was ready to receive her: to whom the earl of Northumberland (according to his commission) delivered her. 
The sumptuous array of t●e earl of Northumb●rland.  The said earl of Northumberland that day, what for the riches of his coat being goldsmiths work, garnished with pearl and stone, and what for the gallant apparel of his Henchmen, and brave trappers of his horse, beside four hundred tall men well horsed and appareled in his colours, was esteemed both of the Scots and Englishmen more like a prince than a subject.  

The marriage 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of S●●ts 〈◊〉 Margaret king Henry's eldest daughter.  From Lamberton, the foresaid lady was conveyed to Edinburgh, and there the day after, king james the fourth, in the presence of all his nobility, espoused her, and feasted the English lords, and showed justs and other pastimes very honourably, after the fashion of that country. And after all things were finished according to their commission, the earl of Surrie with all the English lords and ladies returned into their country. 
Anno Reg. 19  In this year the king kept his high court of parliament, in the which diverse acts esteemed necessary for the preservation of the commonwealth were established: and amongst other, it was enacted, that thieves and murderers duly convicted by the law to die, and yet saved by their books, should be committed to the bishop's custody. After this, a subsidy was granted, both of the temporalty, and spirituality, and so that parliament ended.  
But the king now drawing into age, and willing to fill his chests with abundance of treasure, 
The king coue●ous in his old age.  was not satisfied with this only subsidy, but devised an other mean how to enrich himself, as thus. year 1504 He considered that the Englishmen little regarded the keeping of penal laws, and pecunial statutes, devised for the good preservation of the commonwealth. Wherefore he caused inquisition to be made of those that had transgressed any of the same laws, so that there were but few noble men, merchants, farmers, husbandmen, graziers, or occupiers, that could clearly prove themselves faultless, but had offended in some one or other of the same laws. At the first, they that were found guilty were easily fined. But after, 
Richard Empson & Edmund Dudleie.  there were appointed two masters and surveyors of his forfeits, the one sir Richard Empson, and the other Edmund Dudleie.  
These two were learned in the laws of the realm, who meaning to satisfy their prince's pleasure, and to see their commission executed to the uttermost, seemed little to respect the peril that might ensue. Whereupon they being furnished with a sort of accusers, commonly called promoters, 
Promoters.  or (as they themselves will be named) informers, troubled many a man, whereby they won them great hatred, and the king (by such rigorous proceedings) lost the love and favour which the people before time had borne towards him; so that he for setting them a work, and they for executing of it in such extreme wise, ran into obloquy with the subjects of this realm.  
¶ On the thirteenth of November was holden within the palace of the archbishop of Canturburie, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 876▪ Sergeant's feast whereat were the king and all his nobles at dinner.  at Lambeth, the sergeants feast, where dined the king and all his nobles. And upon the same day, Thomas Granger, newly chosen sheriff of London, was presented before the barons of the king's exchequer, there to take his oath, and after went with the mayor unto the same feast, which saved him money in his purse; for if that day that feast had not been kept, he must have feasted the mayor, aldermen, and others, worshipful of the city. This feast was kept at the charge of ten learned men, newly admitted to be sergeants to the king's law, whose names were, Robert Bridnell, William Grevill, Thomas Marrow, George Edgore, john Moor, john Cutler, Thomas Eliot, jews Pollard, Guy Palmis, William Fairesax. On the one and twentieth of November at night, 
Fire on London bridge.  began a perilous fire at the sign of the panier upon London bridge, near to saint Magnus' church; where six tenements were burned yer the same could be quenched. 
Fire.  On the seventh of januarie, were certain houses consumed with fire against saint Butolphes church in Thames street. On the five and twentieth of januarie began a parliament at Westminster, 
Parliament.  of the which was chosen speaker for the commons, master Edmund Dudleie.]  
A new coin of silver was ordained of groats and half groats, which bore but half faces; 
Anno reg▪ 20.  and some pieces of the value of twelve pennies were then to sir john Carew, and to sir Thomas Trenchard, that they should entertain him in the most honourable sort they could devise, till he might come himself in person to welcome him. Beside this, he sent the earl of Arundel with many lords and knights to attend upon him. 
The king of 〈◊〉 intert●ined honourably.  Which earl (according to the king's letters) received him with three hundred horses, all by torchlight, to the great admiration of the strangers.  
King Philip seeing no remedy but that he must line 10 needs tarry, would no longer gaze after king Henry's coming, but took his journey toward Windsor castle, where the king lay: and five miles from Windsor the prince of Wales, accompanied with five earls, and diverse lords and knights, and other to the number of five hundred persons gorgeously appareled, received him after the most honourable fashion. And within half a mile of Windsor, the king, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, and a great part of the nobility of this realm, welcomed line 20 him, & so conveyed him to the castle of Windsor, where he was made companion of the noble order of the garter. After him came to Windsor his wife queen jane, sister to the princess Dowager, late wife to prince Arthur.  
After the two kings had renewed & confirmed the league and amity betwixt them, king Henry desired to have Edmund de la Poole earl of Suffolk to be delivered into his hands. 
 To whom the king of Cast●le answered, that he verily was not within line 30 his dominion: and therefore it lay not in him to deliver him. In deed he was loath to be the author of his death that came to him for succour, and was received under his protection: yet upon the earnest request and assured promise of king Henry (that he would pardon him of all executions and pains of death he granted to king Henry's desire; and so incontinently caused the said earl secretly to be sent for. After this, to protract time till he were possessed of 〈…〉, king Henry conveyed the king of Castille line 40 unto the city of London, that he might see the head city of his realm.  
Then he led him from Bainard's castle by Cheap to Barking; and so returned by Watling street again: during which time there was shot out of the Tower a wonderful peal of ordinance. But he would not enter into the Tower, because as ye have heard before he had advowed not to enter the fortress of any foreign prince, 
 in the which a garrison was maintained. From London the king brought line 50 him to Richmond, where many notable feats of arms were proved both of tilt, turnie, and barriers. In the mean season the earl of Suffolk, perceiving what hope was to be had in foreign princes, and trusting that after his life to him once granted, king Henry would 〈◊〉 set him at his full liberty, was in manner contented to return again unto his 〈…〉  
〈…〉 
 and in the falling, the same eagle broke and battered an other eagle that was set up for a sign at a tavern door in Cheapside.  
Hereupon men that were given to guess things that should happen by marking of strange tokens, 
Prodigious tokens or accidents have their issue in truth.  deemed that the emperor Maximilian, which gave the eagle, should suffer some great misfortune: as he did shortly after by the loss of his son, the said king Philip. ¶ And surly these prodigious accidents are not to be omitted as matter of course; for they have their weight, and show their truth in the issue. Examples in this book be diverse, among which one is very memorable, mentioned in the thirty & ninth year of Henry the sixth. At what time the duke of York making an oration to the lords of the parliament, for the justifying of his title to the crown, 
See pag. 657.  it chanced that a crown which hung in the middle of the neither house (to garnish a branch to set lights upon) without touch of man or blast of wind suddenly fell down. About which season also fell down the crown which stood on the top of Dover castle. Which things were construed to be signs that the crown of the realm should some way have a fall; and so it came to pass.  
And because the events of these foreshows had their truth, as many more of the like nature; it shall not be amiss here to add (by way of digression) what hath been observed in former ages by foreign writers in and about such foretokens. 
Abr Fler●. e●. Guic. pag. 4●.  The consent of the heavens and of men, pronounced to Italy their calamities to come: for that such as made profession to have judgement either by science or divine inspiration in the things to come, assured with one voice that there were in preparing, both more great mutations and more strange and horrible accidents, than for many worlds before had been discerned in any part or circuit of the earth. There were seen in the night in Poville three suns in the midst of the firmament, 
Thr●● s●nne● seen at once in the night.  but many clouds about them, with right fearful thunders and lightnings. In the territory of Aretze, were visibly seen passing in the air, infinite numbers of armed men upon mighty horses, with a terrible noise of drums and trumpets. The images & figures of saints did sweat in many parts of Italy.  
In every place of the country were brought forth many monsters of men and other creatures, with many other things against the order of nature concurring all at one time, but in diverse places: by means whereof the people were carried into incredible fears, being already amazed with the brute of the French powers & fury of that nation, with which according to the testimony of histories they had aforetime run over all Italy, sacked and made desolate with fire and sword the city of Rome, and subdued in Asia many provinces; and generally no part of the world which had not felt the virtue of their arms. But albeit these judgements are oftentimes fallible, and rather conjectures uncertain, than effects happening: yet the accidents that drew on, brought to them, in the spirits of frail men, an absolute faith, credit, & religion. So that there is in foreshe was matter of moment worthy to be observed, howsoever the world 〈◊〉 asleep in the lap of securit●e ●s touched with no fear of change. But alas the Heathen could see the contrary and therefore sai●: 
 

  
  
〈…〉 they were commanded to the Tower. But shortly after, when they had been tried and purged of that suspicion, he commanded them both to be set at liberty. But sir Thomas Green fell sick before, and remained in the Tower, in hope to be restored to his health as well as to his liberty, but by death he was prevented. [And here because it is good to see the consent of histories in the report of accidents, it shall not be amiss to repeat the entire relation of a late writer stranger touching this casualty which befell line 10 to king Philip, in such sort to be cast upon the English coasts; as also the promise of the said king to deliver the duke of Suffolk into the hands of king Henry, with the cause (as it is supposed) why the king desired to have him within his own reach.  

Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 355. King Philip saileth out of Flanders into Spain.  ¶ King Philip was embarked to sail out of Flanders into Spain with a great army by sea; and to reduce his going to a more facility and safety (for he feared least his father in law by the aid of the French would hinder his passage) he practised the Spanish line 20 subtleties, and agreed with him to leave unto him the managing and policy of the most part of affairs, and that they should take in common the title of king of Spain, according to the example in the queen's time: and lastly, that the revenues and tributes should be divided in an order certain & indifferent. By reason of which accord, his father in law, notwithstanding he was not assured of the observation, sent him into Flanders many ships to furnish his voyage: with the which, having embarked his wife, and line 30 Ferdinand his second son, he took his course into Spain with forward winds, which, within two days turning clean contrary, after his navy had run a dangerous fortune, 
King Philip cast by casualty of sea upon the coasts of England.  and made a weary resistance against the fury of the sea, his ships were cast upon sundry coasts of England and Britain; his own person with two or three ships being driven with manifest peril upon England into the haven of southhampton.  
Whereof Henry the seventh then king of that line 40 nation being advertised, sent to him with speed many barons to do him honour, and desire him to come to his court, then at London: a request which Philip could not deny, the king of England's demand being no less honourable, than his own estate full of necessity and nakedness. He remained in the court of England, until all his navy was reassembled, and eftsoons rigged, making in the mean while between them new capitulations: wherein albeit Philip in all other things held himself used as a king, yet line 50 in this one thing complained, that he was constrained as a prisoner, to consent to redeliver to K. Henry's hands the duke of Suffolk, 
Philip promiseth to redeliver to king Henry the duke of Suffolk.  whom he held prisoner within the castle of Namur, and whom the king of England desired much to have in his power, for that he quarreled the title of the crown, pretending the right of the kingdom to appertain to him: only the king of England assured Philip by the faith and word of a king, that he would not put him to death. Which he did as justly perform, as he had line 60 honourably promised, keeping him in prison so long as he lived, and afterwards was beheaded under the reign and commandment of his son.]  

Anno Reg. 22.  This year the king began to be diseased of a certain infirmity, which thrice every year, but specially in the spring-time sore vexed him. And because for the most part the harm that chanceth to the prince, is parted with his subjects, 
The sweting sickness eftsoons returneth.  the sweeting sickness, which (as ye have heard) in the first year of the king first afflicted the people of this realm, now assailed them again; howbeit by the remedy found at the beginning of it, nothing the like number died thereof now this second time, as did at the first time till the said remedy was invented. But now the third plague equal to the pestilence ensued, by the working of the masters of the forfeitures, and such informers as were appointed thereto. By whose means many a rich & wealthy person by the extremity of the laws of the realm were condemned and brought to great loss and hindrance.  
A great part of which their undooing proceeded by the inconvenience of such unconscionable officers, as by the abuse of exigents outlawed those that never heard, nor had knowledge of the suits commenced against them, of which hard and sharp dealing (the harm that thereof ensueth considered) if the occasion might be taken away by some other more reasonable form and order of law devised, whereby the parties might have personal warning, it would both preserve many an innocent man from undeserved vexation, and danger of unmerciful loss of goods; and also redound highly to the commendation of the prince, and such other as chanced to be reformers of that colourable law, where they be called only in the counties without other knowledge given to them or theirs at their dwelling houses.  
But now to return. Such manner of outlawries, old recognizances of the peace, and good abearing, escapes, riots, & innumerable statutes penal, were put in execution, and called upon by Empson and Dudleie; so that every man, both the spirituality and temporalty, having either lands or substance, were invited to that plucking banquet. For these two ravening wolves had a guard of false perjured persons appertaining to them, 
Ed. Hall in Hen. 7. fol. 53.  which were impanelled in every quest. Learned men in the law, when they were required of their advise, would say; To agree is the best counsel that I can give you. By this undue means, these covetous persons filled the king's coffers, and enriched themselves. And at this unreasonable and extort doing, noble men grudged, mean men kicked, poor men lamented, preachers openly at Paul's cross and other places exclaimed, rebuked, and detested. Howbeit the good king in his last days conserved and pardoned his poor subjects of such uncharitable yokes and ponderous burdens as they were laden withal.  
Sir Gilbert Talbot knight, and Richard Bear abbot of Glastenburie, year 1507 and doctor Robert Sherborne dean of Paul's, were sent as ambassadors from the K. to Rome, to declare to Pius the third of that name newly elected pope in place of Alexander the sixth deceased, what joy and gladness had ●●tered the king's heart for his preferment. But he tarried not the coming of those ambassadors, for within a month after that he was installed, he rendered his debt to nature, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 31●.  and so had short pleasure of his promotion [not beguiling the hopes which the cardinals conceived of him at the time of his creation, the six & twentieth day after his election, which was in short time to die. This pope's name was Francis Piccolomini cardinal of Sienna, in whom was no expectation of long life, 
Pag 31●.  both for his extreme age, and present sickness: a cardinal sure of unspotted report, and for his other conditions not unworthy that degree; who to renew the memory of Pius secundus his uncle, took upon him the name of Pius the third. 
Pag 3●7.   
He succeeded Alexander the sixth, who went to supper in a vineyard near the Uatican to rejoice in the delight & pleasure of the fresh air, & was suddenly carried for dead to the bishop's palace; his son also communicating in the same accident, but with better fortune. For the day following, which was the eighteenth day of August, the dead corpse of the pope (according to custom) was borne into the church of saint Peter, black, swollen, and most deformed; most manifest signs of poison. But Ualentinois, what by the vigour and strength of his youth, and ready help of strong medicines and counterpoisons, had his life saved, remaining notwithstanding oppressed with long and grievous sickness: it was assuredly believed that the accident proceeded of poison, the discourse whereof (according to common report) was in this sort.  
The duke Ualentinois, who was to be present at that supper, had determined to poison Adrian cardinal of Cornette, 
A practice of sword by 〈◊〉 to an 〈◊〉 purpose 〈◊〉.  reserving that time and place to execute his bloody resolution: for it is most certain line 10 that in his father and him were natural customs to use poison, not only to be revenged of their enemies, or to be assured of suspicions; but also upon a wicked covetousness, to despoil rich men of their goods, whether they were cardinals or courtiers, although they had never done them wrong, as happened to the cardinal saint Ange, who was very rich. This manner of rage they would use also against their greatest friends & familiars, and such as had been their most faithful servants, such as were the cardinals of Cap●a and Modeno: a recompense unworthy the line 20 merits of good men, and not disagreeable to the disposition of such a father and son, whereof the one made all things lawful by vile dispensation; and with the other nothing was dishonest wherein was opportunity to his purposes. The duke Ualentinois seat before certain flagons with wine infected with poison, which he gave to a servant that knew nothing of the matter, commanding that no person should touch them.  
A commandemeent prejudicial to his master, as line 30 the ignorance of the servant was the instrument in the evil that happened both to the father and son. Such is the sufferance of God, who in the execution of his judgements raiseth one murderer to kill another, & breaketh the brands of the fire upon the head of him that first kindled it: for the pope coming by adventure somewhat before supper, and overcome with the drought and immoderate heat of the time, called for drink. And because his own provision was not yet brought from the palace, 
●xpope 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 that his 〈◊〉 son had 〈◊〉 poison 〈◊〉 cardinal 〈◊〉 Cornette.  he that had the line 40 infected wine in charge, thinking it to be recommended to his keeping for a wine most excellent, gave the pope to drink of the same wine which Ualentinois had sent; who arriving while his father was drinking drunk also of the same wine, being but just that they both should taste of the same cup which they had brewed for the destruction of others. All the town of Rome ran with great gladness to saint peter's about the dead body of the pope, their eyes not satisfied to see ded and destroyed a serpent, who with his immoderate line 50 ambition and poisoned infidelity, together with all the horrible examples of cruelty, luxury, and monstruous covetousness, selling without distinction both holy things and profane things, had infected the whole world.  
And yet was he accompanied with a most rare, & almost perpetual prosperity even from his young age, to the end of his life; desiring always great things, and obtaining most often that he desired. An line 60 example of much importance, to confound the arrogancy of those men, who presuming to know and see perfectly with human eyes the depth of God's judgements do assure, that what happeneth either good or ill to mortal men, proceedeth either of their merits or faults: as though we saw not daily many good men unjustly tormented, & wicked persons above their deservings live in case and honour: wherein who makes an other interpretation, derogates the justice and power of God, the greatness of which being not to be contained within any scripts or terms present, knoweth how well and largely to discern in an other time and place the just from the unjust, and that with rewards and eternal punishments. In the mean time he poureth out his vengeance upon the imaginers of mischief in this life; so providing, as that they are caught in their own snares, and overtaken with such destruction as they had prepared for others, according to that saying of the Psalmist: 
Effodit puteum, foveámque eduxit ab imo, 
E●b. H●ss. & G▪ Buch. in Psal. 7.   
Et miser in latebras incidit ipse suas.  
In verticem ipsius recurrit  
Pernicies, recidúntque frauds.]   
At the same time died Giles lord Dawbenie the king's chief chamberlain, whose office Charles, 
The lord Daubenie dieth.  bastard son to Henry last duke of Summerset occupied and enjoyed; a man of good wit, and great experience. Soon after, the king caused Guidebald duke of Urbine to be elected knight of the order of the garter, 
Anno Reg 23. Guidebald duke of Urbino in Italy made knight of the garter.  in like manner as his father duke Fredrick had been before him, which was chosen and admitted into the order by king Edward the fourth. Sir Gilbert Talbot, and the other two ambassadors being appointed to keep on their journey unto pope julie the second, elected after the death of the said Pius the third, bore the habit and collar also unto the said duke Guidebald; which after he had received the same, sent sir Balthasar Castalio, knight, a Mantrian borne, as his orator unto king Henry, which was for him installed, according to the ordinances of the order.  
This year that worthy prelate Thomas Savage archbishop of York departed this life at his castle of Cawood: 
Thomas Savage archbishop of Canturburie deceased.  a man beside the worthiness of his birth highly esteemed with his prince for his fast fidelity and great wisdom. He bestowed great cost in repairing the castle of Cawood and the manor of Scrobie. His body was buried at York, but he appointed by his testament, that his hart should be buried at Macclesfield in Cheshire, where he was borne, in a chapel there of his foundation, joining to the south side of the church, meaning to have founded a college there also, if his purpose had not been prevented by death. After him succeeded doctor Benbridge in the archbishops see of York, being the fifty and sixth archbishop that had sat in that see.  
About this same time jews the French king, the twelve of that name (who succeeded Charles the eighth that died at Amboise the night before the eighth day of April, of a catarrh, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 18●.  which the physicians call an apoplexy, the same rising in him with such abundance, as he beheld a match played at tennisse, that in few hours he ended at the same place his life: during the which, he had with greater importunity than virtue troubled the whole world with great appearance of danger to kindle eftsoons new fires of innovation and troubles) married his eldest daughter named Clare, unto Francis de Ualois Dolphin of Uienne, and duke of Angolesme, which lady was promised unto Charles the king of Castille: whereupon by ambassadors sent to and fro betwixt king Henry and the said king of Castille, a marriage was concluded betwixt the said king of Castille, and the lady Marie, daughter to king Henry, being about the age of ten years. For conclusion of which marriage, the lord of Barow, & other ambassadors were sent into England from the emperor Maximilian which with great rewards returned.  
¶ William Browne mercer mayor of London this year deceased, year 1508 and forthwith sir Laurence Ailmer draper was chosen and sworn, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 879.  and went home in a grey cloak, with the sword borne before him, on the eight and twentieth day of March. Item he took his oath at the Tower, and kept no feast. William capel was put in suit by the king for things by him done in his majoralty. 
William capel sued by the king Tho. Kneisworth imprisoned.  Also Thomas Kneisworth that had been mayor of London, and his sheriffs, were sent to the king's Bench, till they were put to their fines of fourteen hundred pounds. In the month of june, 
Norwich on fire.  the city of Norwich was sore perished, & near consumed with fire, that began in a Frenchman's house named Peter johnson, a surgeon, in the parish of saint George.  

Free school at Wlfrunehampton.  Stephan Genings merchant tailor, mayor of London, founded a free grammar school at Wlfrunehampton in Staffordshire, with convenient lodgings for the master and usher, in the same place where he was borne. He gave lands sufficient line 10 for the maintenance, leaving the oversight thereof to the merchant tailors in London, who have hitherto justly dealt in that matter, and also augmented the building there. Master Nichols, who married the only daughter and heir of the aforesaid Stephan Genings, gave lands to maintain the pavements of that town. Also, john Leneson esquire, about Anno 1556, gave lands, whereof four pounds should be dealt every year, on good friday, to the poor people of Wlfrunehampton, and six and twenty line 20 shillings eight pence yéerelie, towards the reparation of the church there.  

john Ligh of Wlfrunehampton, his rare example of charity.  Moreover, about Anno 1566, sir john Ligh a priest, which had served in that church there, the space of threescore years, for five pounds, six shillings eight pence the year, without any other augmentation of his living, who would never take any benefice, or other preferment, gave twenty pounds, to purchase twenty shillings the year lands, the same to be given yearly for ever to the poor of Wlfrunehampton line 30 upon good friday; & twelve pounds thirteen shillings four pence, to purchase a mark a year lands, the same to be given to the poor of Chifnall, in the county of Salope, where the said Ligh was borne. This man lived nigh one hundred years. He bestowed beside his own labour which was great (in hearing of stones, etc.) above twenty pounds on the high ways about that town of Wlfrunehampton.  
This town of Wlfrunehampton, is now corruptly called Wolnerhampton: 
Wlfrunehampton, corruptly called Wolnerhampton.  for in Anno 996, in king Ethelredstime (who wrote himself Rex Anglorum line 40 & princeps Northumbrorum olympiad tertia regni sui, for so he wrote the count of his reign then, which was the fifteenth year) it was then called Hampton, 
Excharta Regia  as appeareth by an old charter written by the notary of the said king Ethelred, which charter I have seen and read. And for that a noble woman named Wlfrune a widow, sometime wife to Althelme duke of Northampton, did obtain of the said king to give lands unto the church there which she had founded, the line 50 said town took the addition of the same Wlfrune, for that charter so nameth her Wlfrune, and the town Hampton.  
In this year was finished the goodly hospital of the savoy near unto Charing cross, 
Smart. Hospital of the savoy.  which was a notable foundation for the poor, done by king Henry the seventh, unto the which he purchased and gave lands for the relieving of one hundred poor people. This was first named savoy place, by Peter earl of savoy, 
Rec. of Canturb. church.  father to Boniface archbishop of Canturburie, about the nine and twentieth year of line 60 king Henry the third, who made the said Peter earl of Richmond. This house belonged since to the duke of Lancaster, and at this time was converted to an hospital, still retaining the first name of Savoie. King Henry also builded three houses of Franciscane friars, which are called observants, at Richmond, Gréenewich, and Newarke; and three other of the family of Franciscane friars which are called conventuals, at Canturburie, Newcastle, and Southampton.]  

Fr. Thin. Thomas Ruthall bishop of Durham.  ¶ This year was Thomas Ruthall made bishop of Durham by Henry the seventh, touching whose place of birth (being at Cirencester now Cicester) and himself, I will not refuse to set down what Leland (about the year 1542) hath written, not being unfit here to be recorded. 
The 〈◊〉 of Ci●●ster.  Cirencester (saith he) in Latin called Corinium standeth on the river Churn. There have been three parish churches, whereof saint Cicilies' church is clean down, being of late but a chapel. Saint Laurence yet standeth, but it is no parish church. There be two poor alms women endued with land. There is now but one parish church in all Cirencester that is very fair, the body of which church is all new work, to the which Ruthall bishop of Durham ●borne and brought up in Cirencester) promised much, but (prevented by death) gave nothing. One Anne Aueling aunt to doctor Ruthall by the mother's side, gave one hundred marks to the building of that church. King Henry the first made the hospital of saint john's at Cirencester. Thus far Leland.  
This man thus borne at Cirencester in Glocestershire, and made bishop of Durham, 
The bishop was one of K. Henry the rights privy council.  was after the death of king Henry the seventh, one of the privy council to king Henry the eight, in whose court he was so continually attendant, that he could not steal any time to attend the affairs of his bishopric. But yet not altogether careless (though not so much as he ought to have been) of the place and cause from whence and for which he received so great revenues, as came unto his hands from that see. He repaired the third part of Tine bridge next unto the south, which he might well do; for he was accounted the richest subject through the realm. 
The king commandeth hi● to write a book of the whole estate of the kingdo●.  To whom (remaining then at the court) the king gave in charge to write a book of the whole estate of the kingdom, because he was known to the king to be a man of sufficiency for the discharge thereof, which he did accordingly.  
Afterwards, the king commanded cardinal Woolseie to go to this bishop, and to bring the book away with him to deliver to his majesty. But see the mishap! that a man in all other things so provident, should now be so negligent: and at that time most forget himself, when (as it after fell out) he had most need to have remembered himself. For this bishop having written two books (the one to answer the king's command, and the other entreating of his own private affairs) did bind them both after one sort in vellame, just of one length, breadth, and thickness, and in all points in such like proportion answering one an other, as the one could not by any especial note be discerned from the other: both which he also laid up together in one place of his study.  
Now when the cardinal came to demand the book due to the king: 
The bishop's book of his private 〈◊〉 unadvisedly delivered instead of the kings.  the bishop unadvisedly commanded his servant to bring him the book bound in white vellame lying in his study in such a place. The servant doing accordingly, brought forth one of those books so bound, being the book entreating of the state of the bishop, and delivered the same unto his master, who receiving it (without further consideration or looking on) gave it to the cardinal to bear unto the king. The cardinal having the book, went from the bishop, and after (in his study by himself) understanding the contents thereof, he greatly rejoiced, having now occasion (which he long sought for) offered unto him to bring the bishop into the king's disgrace.  
Wherefore he went forthwith to the king, 
The bishops own book disadvantage able to himself.  delivered the book into his hands, and briefly informed the king of the contents thereof; putting further into the king's head, that if at any time he were destitute of a mass of money, he should not need to seek further therefore than to the coffers of the bishop, who by the tenor of his own book had accounted his proper riches and substance to the value of a hundred thousand pounds. Of all which when the bishop had intelligence (what he had done, how the cardinal used him, what the king said, and what the world reported of him) he was stricken with such grief of the same, that he shortly through extreme sorrow ended his life at London, 
The bishop 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉.  in the year of Christ 1523. After whose death the cardinal, which had long before gaped after the said bishopric, in singular hope to attain thereunto, had now his wish in effect: which he the more easily compassed, for that he had his nets always ready cast, as assuring himself to take a line 10 trout: following therein a profane man's cautelous counsel, and putting the same in practice; who saith: 
Casus ubique valet, semper tibi pendeat hamus,  

 Quo minimè credis gurgite piscis erit.]   
The sickness which held the king daily more and more increasing, 
150● 〈…〉. 24.  he well perceived that his end drew near, and therefore meaning to do some high pleasure to his people, granted of his free motion a general pardon to all men, for all offences done & committed line 20 against any his laws or statutes; thieves, murderers, & certain other were excepted. He paid also the fees of all prisoners in the gaols in and about London, abiding there only for that duty. He paid also the debts of all such persons as lay in the counters or Ludgate for forty shillings, & under; and some he relieved that were condemned in ten pounds. hereupon were processions generally used every day in every city and parish, to pray to almighty God for his restoring to health and long line 30 continuance of the same. Nevertheless, he was so 〈◊〉 with his long malady, 
The death of King Henry the seventh.  that nature could no 〈…〉 his life, and so he departed out of this 〈◊〉 two and twentieth of April, in his palace of 〈…〉, in the year of our Lord 1509. His corpse 〈◊〉 conveyed with all funeral pomp to West●●●●t●r, and there buried by the good queen his wife 〈◊〉 sumptuous chapel, which he not long before had 〈◊〉 to be builded.  
H● reigned three and twenty years, and more line 40 then seven months, and lived two and fifty years. He had by his queen Elizabeth four sons, 
●hat children he had.  and four daughters, of the which three remained alive behind him. Henry his second son prince of Wales, which after him was king, Margaret queen of Scots, 
The description of king Henry the seventh.  and the lady Marie promised to Charles king of Castille. He was a man of body but lean and spare, albeit mighty and strong therewith, of parsonage and stature somewhat higher than the mean sort of men, of a wonderful beauty and fair complexion, line 50 of countenance merry and smiling, especially in his communication, his eyes grey, his teeth single, and hair thin, of wit in all things quick and prompt, of a princely stomach and haughty courage. In great perils, doubtful affairs, and matters of importance, supernatural and in manner divine; for he ordered all his doings advisedly and with great deliberation.  
Besides this, he was sober, moderate, honest, courteous, bounteous, and so much abhorring pride and line 60 arrogancy, that he was ever sharp and quick to them that were noted with that fault. 
justice mingled with mercy.  He was also an indifferent and upright justicer, by the which one thing he alured to him the hearts of many people, and yet to this severity of his he joined a certain merciful pity, which he did extend to those that had offended the penal laws, and were put to their fines by his justices. He did use his rigour only (as he said himself) to daunt, bring low, and abate the high minds and stout stomaches of the wealthy and wild people, nourished up in seditious factions and civil rebellions, rather than for the greedy desire of money; although such as were scourged with amerciaments cried out, and said it was rather for the respect of gain, than for any politic provision. Indeed he left his coffers well stuffed, for he was no wasteful consumer of his riches by any inordinate means.  
To conclude, 
Out of the bishop of Rochester's funeral sermon preached in Paul's church at London.  he had as much in him of gifts both of body, mind and fortune, as was possible for any potentate or king to have. His politic wisdom in governance was singular, his wit alway quick and ready, his reason pithy and substantial, his memory fresh and holding, his experience notable, his counsels fortunate and taken by wise deliberation, his speech gracious in diverse languages, his person (as before ye have heard) right comely, his natural complexion of the purest mixture, leagues and confederations he had with all christian princes. His mighty power was dread every where, not only within his realm but without. Also his people were to him in as humble subjection as ever they were to king; his land many a day in peace and tranquility, his prosperity in battle against his enemies was marvelous, his dealing in time of perils and dangers was cold and sober, with great hardiness. If any treason were conspired against him, it came out wonderfully. His buildings most goodly, and after the newest cast, all of pleasure.  
And so this king living all his time in fortune's favour, in high honour, wealth and glory, for his noble acts and prudent policies is worthy to be registered in the book of fame, least time (the consumer of all worthy things) should blot out the memory of his name here in earth, whose soul we trust liveth in heaven, enjoying the fruition of the godhead, & those pleasures prepared for the faithful. [In memory of whom, his manifold virtues, with the fortunate success of his affairs, and the gracious descent of his loins, as they procured a famous report in nations far and near; so have some at the contemplation of his princeliness, and every way crowned with felicity, made memorials of his magnificence; to the immortality of his high praise and unblemishable renown: among whom (for the truth of the report justifiable by the contents of this history) one cometh to mind, which may well serve for an epitaph: 
Septimus Henricus factis est nomen adeptus  
Praeclarum claris ventura in secula famae:  
Civibus ille suis fuerat charissimus, hosts  
Omnes iure ipsum metuebant: numinis almi  
Relligiosus erat cultor, pie●atis & aequi,  
Versutos hominésque malos vehementiùs odit.  
Viginti totos charus trésque ampliùs annos  
Regibus externis in summo vixit honore:  
Magnanimus, justus rex, prudens atque modestus,  
Henrico haeredi moriens sua regna reliquit,  
Divitiásque, immensum argenti pondus & auri.   
¶ The altar and sepulture of the same king Henry the seventh, wherein he now resteth, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 892. Sepulture of Henry the seventh.  in his new chapel at Westminster, was made and finished in the year of our Lord 1519, by one Peter T. a painter of the city of Florence, for the which he received one thousand pounds sterling for the whole stuff and workmanship, at the hands of the king's executors, 
Executors to Henry the seventh.  Richard bishop of Winchester, Richard Fitz james bishop of London, Thomas bishop of Duresme, john bishop of Rochester, Thomas duke of Norfolk treasurer of England, Edward earl of Worcester the king chamberlain, john F. knight, chief justice of the king's Bench, Robert R. knight, chief justice of the common pleas, etc.]  
Of learned men that lived in this king's days (as master Bale noteth them) these are recorded. First George Rippeleie a Carmelite friar at Boston, seen in the mathematics, he wrote diverse treatises, and after his decease was accounted a nekromancer; john Erghom borne in York, a black ●rier, a doctor of divinity professed in Oxford, studious of prophecies, as by the title of the works which he wrote it may appear; john Persivall a Chartreux monk; Thomas Maillorie a Welshman borne, he wrote (I wot not what) of king Arthur, and of the round table; john Rousse borne in Warwikeshire, a diligent searcher of antiquities, whereupon few libraries were any where to be seen in England and Wales, where he made not search for the same, and wrote sundry treatises of historical arguments. He deceased at line 10 Warwick the fourteenth of januarie in the year 1491, and was buried in our lady church there.  
Thomas Scroop, otherwise surnamed Bradleie, descended of the noble family of the Scroops, professed sundry kinds of religions, as that of the order of saint Benet, and saint Dominike, and likewise he became a Carmelite, and last of all he fell to and preached the gospel in hair and sackcloth, till he understood himself to be in the displeasure of Walden and other, that could not away with such singularity line 20 in him or other, sounding (as they took it) to the danger of bringing the doctrine of the Romish church in misliking with the people; for than he withdrew himself to his house again, and there remained twenty years, leading an anchors life, but yet after that time he came abroad, and was advanced to be a bishop in Ireland, 
 and went to the Roads in embassage, from whence being returned, he went barefooted up and down in Norfolk, teaching in towns and in the country abroad the ten commandments, line 30 he lived till he came to be at the point of an hundred years old, & departed this life the fifteenth day of januarie in the year of our Lord 1491, and was buried at Lestolfe in Suffolk.  
john Tonneis a divine and an Augustine friar in Norwich, wrote certain rules of grammar, and other things printed by Richard Pinson; Gefferie surnamed the Grammarian; john Alcocke bishop of Elie, changed a nunnery at Cambridge into a college named jesus college, about the year of Christ 1496. line 40 The chief cause of suppressing the nunnery is noted to be, for that the abbess and other of the convent lived dissolute lives; Stephan Hawes a learned gentleman, and of such reputation, as he was admitted to be one of the privy chamber to king Henry the seventh; William Bintree, so called of a town in Norfolk where he was borne, by profession a Carmelite friar in Burnham, a great divine; William Gallion an Augustine friar in Lin, and at length became provincial of his order.  
Robert Fabian a citizen and merchant of London, an historiographer, he was in his time in good estimation for his wisdom and wealth in the city, so that he bare office and was sheriff in the year 1493; William Celling, borne beside Feversham in Kent, a monk of Canturburie; Thomas Bourchier descended of the noble lineage of the earls of Essex, was first bishop of Elie, and after removed from thence to Canturburie, succeeding john Kemp in that archbishops see, at length created by pope Paul the second a cardinal; Philip Bromierd a Dominicke friar, a divine; john Miles a doctor of both the laws, civil and canon, he studied in Oxenford in the college of Brazen nose, newly founded in the days of this king Henry the seventh by William Smith bishop of Lincoln; Richard Shirborne bishop of Chichester, and employed in embassage to diverse princes, as a man most meet thereto for his singular knowledge in learning and eloquence.  
Robert Uiduus vicar of Thakestéed in Essex, and a prebendary canon of Welles, an excellent poet; Peter Kenighall a Carmelit friar, but borne of worshipful lineage in France, having an Englishman to his father, was student in Oxenford, and became a notable preacher; john Morton first bishop of Elie, and after archbishop of Canturburie the sixty and fourth in number that ruled that see, he was advanced to the dignity of a cardinal, and by king Henry the seventh made lord chancellor, a worthy councillor and a modest, he was borne of worshipful parents in Cheshire, & departed this life in the year of our Lord 1500; Henry Meowall chaplain to the said Morton; Edmund Dudleie borne of noble parentage, studied the laws of this land, and profited highly in knowledge of the same, he wrote a book entitled Arbor rei publicae, the tree of the common wealth: of this man ye have heard before in the life of this king, and more (God willing) shall be said in the beginning of the next king, as the occasion of the history leadeth; john Bokingham an excellent schoolman; William Blackeneie a Carmelit friar, a doctor of divinity, and a nekromancer.  
Thus far Henry the seventh, son to Edmund earl of Richmond.   

❧ Henry the eight, son and successor to Henry the seventh.  
AFter the death of the noble prince Henry the seventh, his son Henry the eight began his reign the two and twentieth day of April in the year of the world 5475, after line 10 the birth of our saviour 1509, 
1509 Anno Reg. 1.  and in the eightéenth year of his age, in the sixtéenth year of Maximilian then being emperor, in the eleventh year of jews the twelve that then reigned in France, and in the twentieth year of king james the fourth as then ruling over the Scots. Whose style was proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet in the city of London, 
Henry the ●ight proclaims king.  the three and twentieth day of the said month, with much gladness and rejoicing of the line 20 people. And the same day he departed from his manou● of Richmond, to the Tower of London, where he remained closely and secret with his council, till the funerals of his father were finished.  

Polydor.  Although this king now coming to the crown, was but young (as before is said) yet having been in his first years trained up in learning, did for respect of his own surety and good government of his people, prudently (by the advise of his grandmoother the countess of Richmond and Derbie) elect & choose line 30 forth of the most wise and grave personages to be of his privy council, namely such as he knew to be of his father's right deer and familiar friends, whose names were as followeth. 
Councillors to king Henry the eight.  William Warham archbishop of Canturburie and chancellor of England, Richard Fox bishop of Winchester, Thomas Howard earl of Surrie, and treasurer of England, George Talbot earl of Shrewesburie, and lord steward of the king's household, Charles Summerset lord chamberlain, sir Thomas Lovel, sir Henry line 40 W●at, doctor Thomas Ruthall, and sir Edward Poinings.  
These grave and wise councillors, fearing lest such abundance of riches and wealth as the king was now possessed of, might move his young years unto riotous forgetting of himself (for unto no king at any time before, was left greater or the like riches, 
King Henry's ●●●hes.  as well in ready coin, as in jewels and other movables, as was left to him by his father) they therefore his said councillors traveled in such prudent line 50 sort with him, 
●is councell●●s good 〈◊〉.  that they got him to be present with them when they sat in council; so to acquaint him with matters pertaining to the politic government of the realm, that by little and little he might apply himself to take upon him the rule and administration of public affairs, with the which at the first he could not well endure to be much troubled, being rather inclined to follow such pleasant pastimes as his youthful young years did more delight in, and therefore could be very well contented, that other grave personages should take pains therein.  
The same day also that the king came to the Tower, the lord Henry Stafford brother to the duke of Buckingham was arrested, and committed to the Tower: and the same day also doctor Ruthall was named bishop of Durham. The five and twentieth day of April was proclaimed, that the kings grace ratified all the pardons granted by his father, and also pardoned all such persons as were then in suit for any offence whatsoever it was; treason, murder, and felony only excepted. And now, 
A proclamation.  whereas the performance of the deceased kings will was thought right expedient with all speed to be performed, a proclamation was also set forth and published through the realm, that if any man could prove himself to be hurt, and deprived of his goods wrongfully by the commissioners of the forfeitures; he should come and present his pla●nt to the king, being ready to satisfy every one of all injuries sustained.  
After this proclamation was notified abroad, all such as had been constrained either by right or by wrong (as Polydore saith) to pay any thing for any forfeitures of laws and customs by them transgressed, came flocking to the court, & there declared their gréefs, in what sort they had wrongfully been compelled (as they surmised) to pay this or that sum. The council heard every man's complaint, and such as were found to have paid any thing without plain proof of just cause, they took such order for them, that they had their money again. Which being once known, it was a strange thing to see how thick other came in; 
Multitudes of suitors what shifts they made to be heard.  yea even those that had been worthily fined & punished for their disorderly transgressions, making earnest suit for restitution, feigning and forging many things to make their cause seem good, and to stand with equity.  
And the better to be heard in their suit, they made friends as well with bribes and large gifts as otherwise, leaving no ways unassayed to compass their desires. Which greediness in such multitude of suitors, brought the commissioners, and others that had dealt in the forfeitures into danger, and did themselves no good: for the council perceiving that it was not possible to satisfy them all, refused to hear any further complaints or suits for restitution: but thought it best to commit those to prison, by whom the complainants pretended themselves to have been wronged. And hereupon was sir Richard Empson knight, 
Empson and Dudleie committed to the Tower.  and Edmund Dudleie esquire, great councillors to the late king attached, and brought to the Tower, thereby to quiet men's minds, that made such importunate suit to have their money again restored, which in the late kings days they had been compelled to disburse, through the rigorous proceedings, as they alleged, of the said two councillors, and others.  
Truly great exclamation was made against them, as often happeneth; that where any thing is done contrary to the liking of the people, those that be dealers under the prince, and by his commandment proceed in the execution thereof, run in hatred of the multitude. But how so ever it was, their apprehension and committing to prison was thought by the wise to be procured by the malice of them that line 10 in the late kings days were offended with their authority. Shortly after (as Edward Hall saith) were apprehended diverse other persons, 
Promoters punished.  that were called promoters, as Canbie, Page, Smith, Derbie, Wright, Simson, and Stocton; of which the more part aware papers, and stood on the pillory. [And (as an other saith, 
I.S. pag. 893.  who termeth them ringleaders of false quests in London) they road about the city with their faces to the horses tails, and papers on their heads, and after they had been set on the pillory in Cornhill, line 20 they were brought again to Newgate, where they died all within seven days after for very shame.]  
When all things were prepared ready for the funeral of the late king, his corpse with all sumptuous pomp and solemn ceremonies, was conveyed from Richmond to saint George's field, 
The funeral pomp and solemnity of Henry the seventh.  where the clergy of the city met it: and at the bridge the mayor and his brethren with many commoners all clothed in black likewise met it, and gave their attendance on line 30 the same through the city, to the cathedral church of saint Paul, where was song a solemn dirige and mass, and a sermon made by the bishop of Rochester john Fisher. The next day the corpse was had to Westminster, and there the day following, put into the earth with all due solemnities as appertained. [Notwithstanding this brief remembrance of king Henry's solemn funeral, might seem sufficient in the judgement of some, without further amplification; yet because it is good in others opinion (and line 40 those not of meanest wit) to set down things of state at large, if convenient helps thereto may be had: therefore you shall have the whole solemnity of the said royal funeral, as it is found recorded by Edward Hall.  

Edw. Hall, in Hen. 8. fol. j  After that all things (saith he) necessary for the interrement and funeral pomp of the late king, were sumptuously prepared and done: the corpse of the said deceased king was brought out of his privy chamber into the great chamber, where he rested line 50 three days, and every day had there dirige and mass song by a prelate mitred. From thence he was conveyed into the hall, where he was also three days, and had like service there; and so three days in the chapel. And in every of these three places, was a hearse of wax garnished with banners, and nine mourners giving their attendance all the service time: and every day they offered, and every place hanged with black cloth. 
The corpse put into a chariot sumptuously garnished.  Upon wednesday the ninth day of May, the corpse was put into a chariot, covered line 60 with black cloth of gold, drawn with five great coursers all covered with black velvet, garnished with cushions of fine gold: and over the corpse was an image or representation of the late king, laid on cushions of gold, and the said image was appareled in the king's rich robes of estate, with a crown on the head with ball and sceptre in the hands: the chariot was garnished with banners and pencels of the arms of his dominions, titles and genealogies.  
When the chariot was thus ordered, the king's chapel, 
The order of the pomp and mourners.  and a great number of prelates set forward praying. Then followed all the king's servants in black, then followed the chariot: and after the chariot nine mourners, and on every side were carried long torches & short, to the number of six hundred, & in this order they came to saint George's field, from Richmond. There met with them all the priests and clerks and religious men within the city & without, which went foremost before the K. chapel. The mayor and his brethren with many commoners all clothed in black, met with the corpse at London bridge, and so gave their attendance on the same through the city. And in good order the companies passed through the city, whereof the streets on every side were set with long torches, and on the stalls stood young children holding tapers; & so with great reverence the chariot was brought to the cathedral church of S. Paul, 
The chariot brought into Paul's church.  where the body was taken out and carried into the choir, and set under a goodly hearse of war garnished with banners, pencels, and cushions, where was song a solemn dirige and a mass with a sermon made by the bishop of Rochester. During which time, the king's household and the mourners reposed them in the bishop's palace.  
The next day the corpse in like order was removed towards Westminster: sir Edward Howard bearing the king's banner on a courser trapped in the arms of the deceased king. In Westminster was a curious hearse, made of nine principals, 
Description of the curious hearse at Westminster.  all full of lights, which were lighted at the coming of the corpse, which was taken out of the chariot by six lords and set under the hearse; the image or the representation lying upon the cushion on a large pall of gold. The hearse was double railed; within the first rails sat the mourners, and within the second rail stood knights bearing banners of saints, and without the same stood officers of arms. When the mourners were set, Gartier king at arms, cried; For the soul of the noble prince king Henry the seventh lat● king of this realm: then the choir began Placebo, and so song dirige: which being finished, the mourners departed into the palace, where they had a void, and so reposed for that night. The next day were three masses solemnly song by bishops, and at the last mass was offered the king's banner and courser, his coat of arms, his sword, his target, and his helm: and at the end of mass the mourners offered up rich palles of cloth of gold and baudekin: and when the choir sang, Libera me; 
The body o● the dead king interred.  the body was put into the earth.  
Then the lord treasurer, lord steward, lord chamberlain, the treasurer and comptrollor of the king's household, broke their staves and cast them into the grave. Then Gartier cried with a loud voice; Vive le roy Henrie le huictesme, roy d'Angleterre, & de France, sire d'Irland. Then all the mourners, and all other that had given their attendance on this funeral obsequy, departed to the palace, where they had a great and a sumptuous feast. Wonder it were to write of the lamentation that was made for this prince amongst his servants, and other of the wisest sort; and the joy that was made for his death by such as were troubled by rigour of his law: yet the toward hope which in all points appeared in the young king did both repair and comfort the heavy hearts of them, which had lost so wise and sage a prince: and also did put out of the minds of such as were relieved by the said king's death, all their old grudge and rancour, and confirmed their new joy by the new grant of his pardon.  
After that the funerals of the said late king were once ended, great preparation was made for the coronation of the new king, which was appointed on Midsummer day next ensuing. During the time of which preparation, the king was advised by some of his council to take to wife the lady Katherine, late wife to his brother prince Arthur, lest she having so great a dowry as was appointed to her, might marry out of the realm, 
 which should be to his hindrance. The king being hereto persuaded, espoused the said lady Katherine the third day of june, the which marriage was dispensed with by pope julie, at the suit of her father king Ferdinando. On the eleventh day of this month of june, the king came from Gréenewich to the Tower over London bridge and so by Grace church, with whom came many a gentleman richly appareled, but specially the duke of Buckingham, 
The duke of Buckingham's rich 〈◊〉.  which had a gown all of goldsmith's line 10 work, very costly.  
On friday the two and twentieth day of june, the king with the queen being in the Tower of London, made four and twenty knights of the Bath. And the morrow following, being saturday the four and twentieth of june, his grace with the queen departed from the Tower through London, the streets being hanged with tapestry and cloth of arras, very richly; and a great part of the south side of Cheap with cloth of gold, & so was some part of Cornhill. The streets were railed & barred on the one side, from line 20 over against Grace church to Bredstréet in Cheapside, 
 where every occupation stood in their liveries in order, beginning with base and mean occupations, and so ascending to the worshipful crafts. Highest and lastly stood the mayor with the aldermen. The goldsmith's stalls unto the end of the Old change, 
A 〈◊〉 sight 〈◊〉 virgins in white, with branches of white wax.  being replenished with virgins in white, with branches of white wax: the priests and clerk in rich copes, with crosses and censers of silver, with censing his line 30 grace and the queen also, as they passed. The features of his body, his goodly parsonage, his amiable visage, princely countenance, with the noble qualities of his royal estate, to every man known, needeth no rehearsal, considering that (for lack of cunning) I cannot express the gifts of grace and of nature that God endued him with all.  
Yet partly to describe his apparel, it is to be noted, 
K. Henry's apparel at his coronation.  his grace ware in his uppermost apparel, a rob of crimson velvet, furred with ermines, his jacket or line 40 coat of raised gold, the placard embroidered with diamonds, rubies, emerands, great pearls, and other rich stones, a great bauderike about his neck of great balasses. The trapper of his horse damask gold, with a deep purfle of ermines. His knights and esquires for his body in crimson velvet; and all the gentlemen, with other of his chapel, and all his officers and household servants were apparelled in scarlet. The barons of the five ports bore the canopy or cloth of estate. For to recite unto you the great estates by name, the order of their going, the number line 50 of the lords spiritual & temporal, knights, esquires, and gentlemen, and their costly and rich apparel of several devices and fashions, who took up his horse best, or who was richest beseen; it would ask long time, and yet I should omit many things, and fail of the number, for they were very many: wherefore I pass over. But this I dare well say, there was no lack or scarcity of cloth of tissue, cloth of gold, cloth of silver, broidery, or of goldsmith's works: but in more plenty and abundance than hath been seen line 60 or read of at any time before, and thereto many and great numbers of chains of gold, & bauderikes both massy and great.  
Also before the king's highness road two gentlemen richly appareled, 
The king's train and the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  and about their bodies overthwart, they bore two robes, the one of the duchy of Guien, and the other for the duchy of Normandy, with hats on their heads powdered with ermines, for the estate of the same. Next followed two persons of good estate, the one bearing his cloak, the other his hat, appareled both in goldsmith's work and broidery, their horses trapped in burned silver, drawn over with cords of green silk and gold, the edges and borders of their apparel being fretted with gold of damask. After them came sir Thomas Brandon master of the king's horse, clothed in tissue, broidered with roses of fine gold, and overthwart his body a great bauderike of gold, great and massi●; his horse trapped in gold, leading by a rain of silk; the kings spare horse trapped bard wise, with harness broidered with bullion gold, curiously wrought by goldsmiths. Then next followed the nine children of honour upon great coursers, apparelled on their bodies in blue velvet, powdered with flower delices of gold, & chains of goldsmith's work, every one of their horses trapped with a trapper of the king's title, as of England and France, Gascoigne, Guien, Normandy, Angiou, Cornwall, Wales, Ireland, &c: wrought upon velvets, with embroidery, and goldsmith's work.  
Then next following in order, came the queens retinue, as lords, knights, esquires, 
The queens train and the sumptuousness of the same.  and gentlemen in their degrees, well mounted, and richly appareled in tissue, cloth of gold, of silver, tinsels, and velvets embroidered, fresh and goodly to behold. The queen then by name Katherine, sitting in her litter borne by two white palfreys, the litter covered and richly apparelled, and the palfreys trapped in white cloth of gold; her person appareled in white satin embroidered, her hair hanging down to her back of very great length, beautiful and goodly to behold, & on her head a coronal set with many rich orient stones. Next after, six honourable personages on white palfreys all appareled in cloth of gold, and then a chariot covered, and the ladies therein all appareled in cloth of gold. And another sort of ladies, and then another chariot, than the ladies next the chariot, and so in order, every one after their degrees in cloth of gold, cloth of silver, tinsels, and velvet, with embroideries. Every couplement of the said chariots, and the draft harnesses were powdered with ermines mixed with cloth of gold: & so with much joy & honour they came to Westminster, where was high preparation made, aswell for the said coronation, as also for the solemn feasts and justs thereupon to be had and done  
The morrow following being sunday, 
The coronation of king Henry and queen Katherine.  and also Midsummer day, this noble prince with his queen at time convenient, under their canopies borne by the barons of the five ports, went from the said palace to Westminster abbaie upon cloth, called vulgarly cloth of ray; the which cloth was cut and spoiled by the rude and common people, immediately after their repair into the abbey; where, according to the sacred observance & ancient custom, his grace with the queen were anointed and crowned by the archbishop of Canturburie, with other prelates of the realm there present, and the nobility, with a great multitude of commons of the same. It was demanded of the people, whether they would receive, obey, and take the same most noble prince for their king? Who with great reverence, love, and desire, said and cried; Yea yea. 
Homage done to the king at his coronation both of the lords spiritual & temporal.  After the which solemnity and coronation finished, the lords spiritual and temporal did to him homage, and returned to Westminster hall with the queens grace, every one under their canopies; where, by the lord Martial & his tipped staves was made room, and every lord, and other noble men, according to their tenors, before claimed and viewed, seen and allowed by the lords, and other of his grace's council, entered into such room and office that day, to execute their services accordingly.  
The king's estate on the right hand, & the queens on the left hand, the cupboard of nine stages, their noble personages being set: first, at the bringing of the first course, the trumpets sounded. And in came the duke of Buckingham, mounted upon a great courser, richly trapped and embroidered, and the lord steward in likewise on an horse trapped in cloth of gold, riding before the service, which was sumptuous, with many subtleties, strange devices, with several poses, and many dainty dishes. At the king's feet under the table were certain gentlemen; and in likewise with the queen, who there continued, during that long and royal feast. What should I speak or write of the sumptuous, fine, and delicate meats prepared for this high and honourable coronation, provided for aswell in the parties beyond the seas, as in many and sundry places within this realm, where God so abundantly hath sent such plenty and foison? line 10 Or of the honourable order of the services, the clean handling and breaking of meats, the ordering of the dishes, with the plentiful abundance? So that none of any estate being there did lack, nor no honourable or worshipful person went unfeasted.  
The second course being served: in at the hall door entered a knight, 
Sir Robert Dimmocke the king's champion.  armed at all points, his bases rich tissue embroidered, a great plume and a sumptuous of ostrich feathers on his helmet, sitting on a great courser, trapped in tissue, and embroidered with line 20 the arms of England, and of France, and an herald of arms before him. And passing through the hall, he presented himself with humble reverence before the king's majesty, to whom Gartier king of heralds cried and said with a loud voice; Sir knight from whence come you, and what is your pretence? This knight's name was sir Robert Dimmocke, champion to the king by tenure of his inheritance, who answered the said king of arms in effect after this manner: Sir, the place that I come from is not material, line 30 nor the cause of my repair hither is not concerning any matter of any place or country, but only this: and therewithal commanded his herald to make an O yes. 
The knights answer to the king of heralds.  Then said the knight to the king of arms; Now shall ye hear the cause of my coming and pretence. Then he commanded his own herald, by proclamation to say; If there be any person, of what estate or degree soever he be, that will say or prove, that king Henry the eight is not the rightful inheritor and king of this realm, I sir Robert line 40 Dimmocke here his champion, offer my glove, to fight in his quarrel with any person to the utterance. Which proclamation was made in sundry places of the hall: and at every time his gauntlet cast down, in the maintenance thereof.  

The manner of the same knight's tenure.  After these several proclamations done, and offers made, the said knight or champion eftsoons repaired to the king's presence, demanding drink; to whom the kings grace sent a cup of gold with wine, line 50 whereof after this knight had drunk, he demanded the cover of the said cup, which to him also was delivered: that done he departed out of the hall, with the said cup and cover as his own. The manner of his tenure is this, that at the coronation of the king, he shall go to the armory, and there take the king's best harness save one, the best and rich bases saving one, then of the plumes or other things for the garnishing of his crest or helm; and so to the stable, there taking the next courser or horse to the best, with like line 60 trappers, & so furnished, to enter (as afore) and his office done, to have all these things with the cup of gold and cover to his own use. After the departure of the said champion, the king of arms with all the heralds and other officers of arms, made proclamations in several places of the hall, crying largesse. Briefly I pass over this high and long solemnity of this honourable coronation and feast, more honourable than of the great Cesar, whom many historiographers so highly set out and magnify.  

Sir Stephan Genings mayor of London.  Now when the tables were voided, the wafers were brought. Then sir Stephan Genings that time mayor of London, whom the king before he sat down to dinner had dubbed knight, which began the earls table that day, arose from the place where he sat, to serve the king with hippocras in a cup of gold: which cup, after his grace had drunken thereof, was with the cover given unto the said sir Stephan, like as other his predecessors, majors of the said city, were wont to have at the coronation of the king. Then after the surnap laid, and that the king's grace and the queen had washed, every of them under their clothes of estate, the tables being avoided, went unto their chambers. For the more honour and innobling of this triumphant coronation, 
justs and turnement●.  there were prepared both justs and tourneys to be done in the palace of Westminster, where, for the king's grace and the queen, was framed a fair house, covered with tapestry, and hanged with rich clothes of arrais, and in the said palace was made a curious fountain and over it a castle, on the top thereof a great crown imperial, all the imbatelling with roses and pomegranates gilded.  
Under and about the said castle, a curious vine, the leaves and grapes thereof gilded with fine gold, the walls of the same castle coloured white & green losengiss, and in every losing either a rose or a pomegranate, and a sheaf of arrows, or else H. and K. gilded with fine gold, with certain arches and turrets gilded, to support the same castle. And the targets of the arms of the defendants, appointed for the said justs, thereupon sumptuously set. And out at several places of the same castle, aswell on the day of the coronation, as on the said days of the justs & turneys, out of the mouths of certain beasts or gargels did run red, white, and claret wine. The enterprisers of these justs, was Thomas lord Howard, 
The enterprisers of the 〈◊〉 justs.  heir apparent to the earl of Surrie, sir Edward Howard admiral his brother, the lord Richard brother to the Marquis Dorset, sir Edmund Howard, sir Thomas Kneuet, and Charles Brandon esquire. The trumpets blew to the field, the fresh young gallants and noble men gorgeously appareled, with curious devices of cuts and of embroideries, as well in their coats as in trappers for their horses, some in gold, some in silver, some in tinsels, and diverse other in goldsmiths work, goodly to behold.  
These first entered the field, in taking up & turning their horses, netlie and freshly. 
Goodly she●● & delightful.  Then followed a devise (carried by strength of men and other provision) framed like a castle, or a turret, wrought with fine cloth of gold: the top whereof was spread with roses and pomegranates, hanging down on every side of the said devise; wherein was a lady, bearing a shield of crystal named Pallas. After whom the said lord Howard with his companions followed, armed at all points, their bases and bards, or trappers, were of green velvet, beaten with roses and pomegranates of gold, broidered with fringes of damask gold. The said devise or turret, 
Pallas knights the defendants.  being brought before the king, the lady Pallas presented the said persons, whom she named her scholars, to the king's highness, beseeching the same to accept them as her scholars, who were desirous to serve him, to the increase of their honours; which said scholars had about them on foot to the number of an hundred persons, freshly appareled, in velvets of sundry colours, with hose & bonnets according to the same. And further, the said lady desired the king, that it might please his grace, that her said scholars might be defendants to all comers, which request was granted.  
Then came in an other band of horsemen, 
Another band of horsemen richly 〈◊〉.  freshly and well appareled in cloth of gold, in silver, in goldsmiths work, & broidery, to the number of three score, with trappers according to their garments, with great bauderikes, collars, and chains of gold about their necks and traverse their bodies, every man with a coif of gold on his head, and a great plume of feathers thereupon, some of one colour and some of an other, entering before into the field with drums and mischiefs a great number, every man taking up his horse in his best manner, as well for their ladies, as also for laud or praise to be given them. After whom followed a good number of footmen, in velvets and other silks, cut and embroidered, with hose to the same accordingly, and bonnets and other furniture, after a fresh and lusty fashion. Next to them came on horseback eight persons, whose names line 10 were, 
Eight knights arme● at all paints.  sir john Pechie, sir Edward Nevil, sir Edward Guildeford, sir john Car, sir William Parr, sir Giles capel, sir Griffith Dun, and sir Roland, armed also at all points, with shields of their own arms, with rich plumes, and other devices on their head pieces, their bases and trappers of tissue, cloth of gold, silver and velvet; and next before them, a gentleman on horseback, in a coat of blue velvet, embroidered with gold, and his horse trapped in the same suit, with a spear of gold on his thigh, line 20 and the same presented to the queen: saying, that it was informed those knights of his company, how that dame Pallas had presented six of her scholars to the king, but whether they came to learn, or to teach feats of arms they knew not.  
He further declared, that his knights were come to do feats of arms, for the love of ladies. Wherefore he besought her grace, to licence those knights to prove themselves against dame Pallas scholars: and that in case her scholars broke more spears on line 30 the said knights, by the view of the judges, and the report of the heralds, than the same knights should do on them; then the said scholars of Pallas knights to have the spear of gold for their prize. And if the knights broke more spears than dame Pallas scholars, the said knights to have the crystal shield. The which request to them granted, the justs began, where every man did acquit himself well and valiantly: but who had the prize of other, I know not. The night coming on, the justs ended. The next day line 40 approached the foresaid defenders, scholars to Pallas on horseback, armed 
* From head 〈◊〉.  cape a pie, the one side of their bases and bards of their horses white velvet, embroidered with roses of gold and other embroideries; the other side green velvet embroidered with pomegranates of gold, every one of them on his head piece had an hear of flat gold of damask, and so presented themselves before the king ready to tourneie.  

Dimas knights.  Then immediately on the other part came in the line 50 forenamed eight knights, ready armed, their bases and bards of their horse green satin, embroidered with fresh devices of bramble branches, of fine gold curiously wrought, powdered all over. And after them a great number of horns blown, by men appareled in green cloth, with caps and hosen of like suit, as foresters or keepers; & a pageant made like a park, 
A conceit or devise of a park with 〈◊〉, etc.  paled with pales of white and green, wherein were certain fallow dear, and in the same park curious trees made by cra●●, with bushes, fernes, and line 60 other things in likewise wrought, goodly to behold. The which park or devise, being brought before the queen, had certain gates thereof opened, the dear ran out thereof into the palace, the greiehounds were let slip and killed the dear: the which dear so killed, were presented to the queen and the ladies by the foresaid knights.  
Crocheman, which the day before brought in the spear of gold, there declared, that the same knights were servants to Diana, and being in their pastime of hunting, news were brought unto them, that dame Pallas knights were come into those parts, to do deeds of arms: wherefore they had left their hunting and chase, and repaired also thither, to encounter with the knights of Pallas, and so to fight with them for the love of ladies, to the utterance: saying, that if Pallas knights vanquished the other, or made them to leave the field, than they to have the dear killed, and the greiehounds that slew them. And in case Diana's knights overcame the other, they to have their swords, and none other thing more. Whereupon the queen and ladies sent to the king to have his advise and pleasure in this behalf. 
The king's wisdom in preventing an inconuenients  His grace conceiving that there was some grudge and displeasure between them, thinking if such request were to them granted some inconvenience might ensue, would not thereunto agree: so that for the appeasing thereof it was awarded, that both parties should tourneie together, giving but some certain strokes, which done they departed: and so these justs broke up, and the prizes given to every man after his deserts.]  
The king pardoned the lord Henry brother to the duke of Buckingham, 
Henry the duke of Buckingham's brother created earl of Wiltshire.  committed to the Tower (as ye have heard) upon suspicion of treason: but when nothing could be proved against him, he was set at liberty, and at the parliament after created earl of Wiltshire. Also this year the king ordained fifty gentlemen to be spears, every of them to have an archer, a demi-lance, and a custrell; and every spear to have three great horses to be attendant on his person, of the which band the earl of Essex was lieutenant, and sir john Pechie captain. This ordinance continued but a while, the charges was so great; for there were none of them, but they and their horses were appareled and trapped in cloth of gold, silver & goldsmiths work. 
A great plague in Calis.  This year also was a great pestilence in the town of Calis, so that the king sent one sir john Pechie with three hundred men to tarry there upon the defence of that town till the sickness was ceased. Furthermore, 
A parliament.  this year the king summoned his parliament in the month of November, to begin in the month of januarie next ensuing: whereof sir Thomas Inglefield was chos●● speaker.  
At this parliament sir Richard Empson knight, 
Empson and Dudleie atteinted of treason.  and Edmund Dudleie esquire late councillors unto king Henry the seventh, were atteinted of high treason. They were charged with many offences committed in the late kings days, as partly before ye have heard; 
Polydor.  who being brought before the council, as they were grave and wise personages, and both of them learned and skilful in the laws of the realm: so had they utterance very ready whereby to deliver the conceits of their minds with singular dexterity, specially in a case of importance; in so much that when the said parties were convented before the assembly of the lords, they alleged for themselves right constantly (in their own defences) much good and sufficient matter, of whom Empson (being the elder in years) had these words.  

A speech uttered by Empson to the lords of the council to find favour.  
I Know (right honourable) that it is not unknown to you, how profitable and necessary laws are for the good preservation of man's life: without the which neither house, town, nor city can long continue or stand in safety. Which laws here in England, through negligence of magistrates, were partly decayed, and partly quite forgotten and worn out of use; the mischief whereof daily increasing, Henry the seventh a most grave and prudent prince wished to suppress, and therefore appointed us to see, that such laws as were yet in use might continue in their full force; and such as were out of use might again be revived and restored to their former state; & that also those persons which transgressed the same, might be punished according to their demerits. Wherein we line 10 discharged our duties in most faithful wise, and best manner we could, to the great advantage & commodity (no doubt) of the whole commonwealth. Wherefore we most humbly beseech you in respect of your honours, courtesy, goodness, humanity, and justice, not to decree any grievous sentence against us, as though we were worthy of punishment, but rather to appoint how line 20 with thankful recompense our pains & travel may be worthily considered.   
Many of the council thought that he had spoken well, and so as stood with great reason: but yet the greater number (supposing that the reviving of those laws had proceeded rather of a covetous meaning in the king and them, than of any zeal of justice, and having also themselves felt the smart lately before for their own offences and transgressions) had line 30 conceived such malice towards the men, 
Most of the 〈◊〉 of the co●●cell against Empson.  that they thought it reason, that such as had been dealers therein, were worthy to lose their heads, in like sort as they had caused others to lose their money. Hereupon, their accusors were maintained, and many odd matters narrowly sought out against them, as by two several indictments framed against sir Richard Empson (the copies whereof I have seen) it may well appear. line 40  

Matters objected against Empson.  In the one he is charged, that to win the favour and credit of the late king, not weighing his honour nor the prosperity of him, or wealth of his realm, he had (in subversion of the laws of the land) procured diverse persons to be indicted of diverse crimes and offences surmised against them, and thereupon to be committed to prison, without due process of law; who not suffered to come to their answers, were kept in durance, till they had compounded for their fines, to their great importable losses, and utter impoverishment. Also diverse untrue offices of intrusions and line 50 alienations, made by sundry the late king's liege people, into manors, lands, and tenements were found; it being untruely alleged, that they held the same of the king In capite. And when such persons as were thus vexed, offered to traverse those offices, they could not be admitted thereto, in such due and lawful form as in such cases the law provideth, 
Wrong maintained against the king's li●ge people.  till they had compounded to pay great fines and ransoms. line 60  
Moreover the king's wards, after they had accomplished their full age, 
Injury done to the king's wards.  could not be suffered to sue their liveries, till they had paid excessive fines and ransoms, unto their great annoyance, loss, and disquieting, and to no less contempt of the said king. And further, whereas diverse persons had been outlawed, as well at the suit of their adversaries, as of the said late king; they could not be allowed to purchase their charters of pardon out of the chancery, according to the law of the realm, till they were driven to answer half the issues and profits of all their lands and tenements by the space of two years, which the king received to his use, by the said Richard Empsons' procurement, who informed him that he might lawfully take the same, although he knew that it was contrary to the laws and customs of the realm. Whereupon the people, vexed and molested by such hard dealings, sore grudged against the said late king, to the great peril and danger of his person and realm, and subversion of the laws and ancient customs thereof.  
Also it was alleged against the said Empson, that he had sent forth precepts directed unto diverse persons, commanding them, upon great penalties, to appear before him, and other his associates, at certain days and times within his house in S. Bride's parish, in a ward of London, called Farringdon without: where they making their appearances, according to the same precepts, 
A charge of manifest oppression and extortion.  were impleaded afore him and other his said associates, of diverse murders, felonies, outlawries, and of the articles in the statute of provisors contained; also of wilful escapes of felonies, and such like matters and articles appertaining to the plées of the crown, and common laws of the realm. And that done, the said persons were committed to diverse prisons, as the Fleet, the Tower, and other places, where they were detained, till they had fined at his pleasure, as well for the commodity of the said late king, as for the singular advantage of the said sir Richard Empson.  
Moreover, whereas the said Empson, being recorder of Coventrie, 
Empson sometime recorder of Coventrie.  and there sat with the mayor and other justices of the peace, upon a special jail delivery within that city, on the monday before the feast of saint Thomas the apostle, in the sixtéenth year of the late king's reign; a prisoner that had been indicted of felony, for taking out of an house in that city, certain goods to the value of twenty shillings, was arraigned before them. And because the jury would not find the said prisoner guilty, for want of sufficient evidince (as they after alleged) the said sir Richard Empson, supposing the same evidence to be sufficient, caused them to be committed to ward, wherein they remained four days together, till they were contented to enter bond in forty pounds a piece, to appear before the king and his council, the second return of the term than next ensuing, being Quindena Hilarij. Whereupon they keeping their day, and appearing before the said sir Richard Empson, and other of the king's council, according to their bonds, were adjudged to pay every of them eight pounds for a fine, and accordingly made payment thereof, as they were then thought well worthy so to do. But now this matter so long passed, was still kept in memory, and so earnest some were to enforce it to the uttermost against the said Empson, that in a sessions holden at Coventrie now in this first year of this king's reign, 
Empson indicted & ●ound guilty.  an indictment was framed against him for this matter, and thereof he was found guilty, as if therein he had committed some great and heinous offence against the king's peace, his crown and dignity.  
Thus have I thought good to show what I find hereof, to the end ye may perceive how glad men were to find some colour of sufficient matter, to bring the said sir Richard Empson, and master Edmund Dudleie, within danger of the laws; whereby at length they were not only condemned by act of parliament, through malice of such as might seem to seek their destruction for private grudges; but in the end also, they were arraigned: as first the said Edmund Dudleie in the Guildhall of London, the seventeenth of julie; and sir Richard Empson at Northampton in October next ensuing: and being there condemned, was from thence brought back again to the Tower of London, where he remained till the time of his execution▪ as after ye shall hear.  

〈◊〉 plague.  This year the plague was great, and reigned in diverse parts of this realm. 
1●●0  The king kept his Christmas at Richmond. The twelve of januarie, diverse gentlemen prepared to just, 
The king run 〈◊〉 at tilt in 〈◊〉 own ●erson.  and the king and one of his privy chamber called William Compton, secretly armed themselves in the little park of Richmond, & so came into the jousts, unknown to all persons. The king never ran openly before, and did exceeding well. Master Compton chanced line 10 to be sore hurt by Edward Nevil esquire, brother to the lord of Aburgavennie, so that he was like to have died. One person there was that knew the king, and cried; God save the king: and with that, all the people were astonished, and then the king discovered himself, to the great comfort of the people. The king soon after came to Westminster, and there kept his Shrovetide with great banquetings, dansing, and other jolly pastimes.  
And on a time the king in person, accompanied line 20 with the earls of Essex, 
〈◊〉. Hall in 〈…〉 vj. The king 〈◊〉 other 〈◊〉 disguised 〈◊〉 Robin ●●ods men 〈◊〉 disport.  Wiltshire and other noble men, to the number of twelve, came suddenly in a morning into the queen's chamber, all appareled in short coats of Kentish Kendal, with hoods on their heads & hosen of the same, every one of them his bow and arrows, and a sword and a buckler, like outlaws, or Robin Hoods men. Whereat the queen, the ladies, and all other there were abashed, as well for the strange sight, as also for their sudden coming, and after certain danses and pastime made, they departed. On Shrovesundaie the same line 30 year, 
● banquet.  the king prepared a goodly banquet in the parliament chamber at Westminster, for all the ambassadors, which then were here out of diverse realms and countries. The banquet being ready, the king leading the queen, entered into the chamber, than the ladies, ambassadors, and other noble men followed in order.  
The king caused the queen to keep the estate, and then sat the ambassadors and ladies, as they were marshaled by the K. who would not sit, but walked line 40 from place to place, making cheer to the queen and the strangers: suddenly the king was gone. And shorlie after, his grace, with the earl of Essex, came in appareled after the Turkey fashion, 
The king and others disguised after the Turkish ●●●hion.  in long robes of baudekin, powdered with gold, hats on their heads of crimson velvet, with great rolls of gold, girded with two swords called cimiteries, hanging by great bauderiks of gold. Then next came the lord Henry earl of Wiltshire, and the lord Fitzwater, in two long gowns of yellow satin, traversed with line 50 white satin, and in every band of white was a band of crimson satin after the fashion of Russia or Rusland, with furred hats of grey on their heads, either of them having an hatchet in their hands, and boots with pikes turned up.  
And after them came sir Edward Howard then admiral, and with him sir Thomas Parr, in doublets of crimson velvet, voided low on the back, and before to the channel bone, lase on the breasts line 60 with chains of silver, and over that short cloaks of crimson satin, and on their heads hats after dansers' fashion, with feasants' feathers in them: they were appareled after the fashion of Prusia or Spruce. The torchbearers were appareled in crimson satin and green, like Moreskoes, their faces black: and the king brought in a mummery. After that the queen, the lords, & ladies (such as would) had played, the said mummers departed, and put off the same apparel, and soon after entered into the chamber in their usual apparel. And so the king made great cheer to the queen, ladies and ambassadors. The supper or banquet ended, and the tables voided, the king in communication with the ambassadors, the queen with the ladies took their places in their degrees.  
Then began the dancing, and every man took much heed to them that dansed. The king perceiving that, withdrew himself suddenly out of the place, with certain other persons appointed for that purpose. And within a little while after there came in a drum and a fife appareled in white damask & green bonnets, and hosen of the same suit. 
A mask wherein the king was an actor.  Then certain gentlemen followed with torches, appareled in blue damask, purfelled with amiss greie, fashioned like an albe, and hoods on their heads, with robes and long tippets to the same of blue damask, in visards. Then after them came a certain number of gentlemen, whereof the king was one, appareled all in one suit of short garments, little beneath the points, of blue velvet and crimson, with long sleeves, all cut and lined with cloth of gold. And the utter part of the garments were powdered with castles and sheaves of arrows of fine ducat gold; the upper parts of their hosen of like suit and fashion, the neither parts were of scarlet, powdered with timbrels of fine gold, on their heads bonnets of damask, with silver flat woven in the stole, & thereupon wrought with gold, and rich feathers in them, all with visors.  
After them entered six ladies, whereof two were appareled in crimson satin and purple, 
Certain ladies richly attired and a●ter a strange fashion.  embroidered with gold, and by viniets ran flower delices of gold, with marvelous rich & strange tiers on their heads. Then two ladies in crimson and purple, made like long slops embroidered and fret with gold after antic fashion: and over that garment was a short garment of cloth of gold scant to the knee, fashioned like a tabard all over, with small double rolls, all of flat gold of damask, fret with frised gold, and on their heads skarves and wrappers of damask gold, with flat pipes, that strange it was to behold. The other two ladies were in kirtels of crimson & purple satin, embroidered with a viniet of pomegranates of gold, all the garments cut compass wise, having but demie sleeves, naked down from the elbows, and over their garments were vochets of pleasants, rolled with crimson velvet, and set with letters of gold like characts, their heads rolled in pleasants and tipets like the Egyptians, embroidered with gold. Their faces, necks, arms, and hands, covered in fine pleasants black: some call it Lumbardines, which is marvelous thin; so that the same ladies seemed to be Nigers or black Mores. Of these foresaid six ladies, the lady Marie, sister unto the king was one, the other I name not. 
The lady Marie sister to the king.  After that the king's grace and the ladies had dansed a certain time, they departed every one to his lodging.  
In this year also came ambassadors, not only from the king of Arragon and Castille, but also from the kings of France, Denmark, Scotland, and other places, which were highly welcomed, and nobly entertained. It happened on a day, 
Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. seven. Running at the ring.  that there were certain noble men made a wager to run at the ring and parties were taken, and which party attained or took away the ring oftenest with certain courses, should win the wager. Whereof the king's grace hearing, offered to be on the one party with six companions. The ambassadors hearing thereof, 
The king very royally arrayed runneth at the ring in the sight of the ambassadors & beareth the prize away.  were much desirous to see this wager tried, and specially the ambassadors of Spain, who had never seen the king in harness. At the day appointed, the king was mounted on a goodly courser, trapped in purple velvet cut, the inner side whereof was wrought with flat gold of damask in the stool, and the velvet on the other side cut in letters: so that the gold appeared as though it had been embroidered with certain reasons or posies. And on the velvet between the letters were fastened castles and sheaves of arrows of ducat gold, with a garment, the sleeves compassed over his harness, and his bases of the same work, with a great plume of feathers on his head piece, that came down to the arson of his saddle, and a great company of fresh gentlemen came in with his grace richly armed and decked, with many other right gorgeously appareled, the trumpets before them goodly to be hold, whereof many strangers (but specially the Spaniards) much rejoiced; for they had never seen the king before that time armed. line 10  
On the other side came in another band of gentlemen freshly appareled, and pleasant to behold, all appareled in cloth of gold, chequered with flat gold of damask, & powdered with roses; and so every man ran: but to conclude, the prize was given unto the king. Every man did run twelve courses, the king did bear away the ring five times, and attained it three. And these courses thus finished, the Spanish ambassadors desired to have some of the badges or devices, which were on the king's trapper. His grace line 20 thereof knowing, commanded every of them to take thereof what it pleased them, who in effect took all or the more part; for in the beginning they thought they had been counterfeit, and not of gold; as they were. On May day then next following in the second year of his reign, 
King Henry goeth a maieng with other of his courtiers.  his grace being young, and willing not to be idle, rose in the morning very early to fetch may or green boughs, himself fresh & richly appareled; and clothed all his knights, squires and gentlemen in white satin, and all his guard and yeomen of the crown in white sarsenet: and so went every line 30 man with his bow and arrows shooting to the wood, and so repaired again to the court, every man with a green bough in his cap.  
Now at his returning, many hearing of his going on maieng, were desirous to see him shoot, for at that time his grace shot as strong and as great a length as any of his guard. There came to his grace a certain man with bow and arrows, and desired his grace to take the muster of him, 
The king a good archer.  and to see him line 40 shoot; for at that time his grace was contented. The man put the one foot in his bosom, and so did shoot, and shot a very good shoot, and well towards his mark: whereof, not only his grace, but all other greatly marveled. So the king gave him a reward for his so doing; which person afterwards of the people, and of them in the court, was called, Foot in bosom. The same year in the feast of Pentecost, holden at Gréenwich, 
The king challengeth all comers at sundry exercises of activity  that is to say, the thursday in the same week, his grace with two other with him, line 50 challenged all comers, to fight with them at the barriers with target, and casting the spear of eight foot long; and that done, his grace with the said two aids to fight every of them twelve strokes with two handed sword, with and against all comers, none excepted being a gentleman; where the K. behaved himself so well, and delivered himself so valiantly by his hardy prowess and great strength, that the praise and laud was given to his grace, and his aids: notwithstanding that diverse and strong persons line 60 had assailed him and his aids.  
From thence the whole court removed to Windsor, then beginning his progress, & exercising himself daily in shooting, singing, dancing, wrestling, casting of the bar, playing at the recorders, flute, virginals, in setting of songs, and making of ballads; he did set two full masses, every of them five parts, which were song oftentimes in his chapel, and afterwards in diverse other places. And when he came to Oking, there were kept both jousts and turneys: the rest of this progress was spent in hunting, hawking, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 894. Paul's school.  and shooting. ¶ Doctor Colet dean of Paul's erected a free school in Paul's church yard in London, and committed the oversight thereof to the masters and wardens of the mercers, because himself was borne in London, & was son to Henry Colet mercer, sometime lord mayor of the city of London. On Midsummer night, 
The king apparelled 〈◊〉 one of the guard.  the king came privily into Cheap, in one of the coats of his guard; and on saint Peter's night, the king and queen came riding royally to the king's head in Cheap, there to behold the watch of the city.]  
Now when the said progress was finished, his grace, the queen, with all their whole train, in the month of October following, removed to Gréenewich. The king not minded to see young gentlemen unexpert in martial feats, caused a place to be prepared within the park of Greenwich, for the queen and the ladies to stand & see the fight with battle axes that should be done there, 
The king fighteth wit● a battle are against an Almain.  where the king himself armed, fought with one Giot a gentleman of Almain, a tall man, and a good man of arms. And then after they had done, they marched always two and two togethers, and so did their feats and enterprises every man very well. Albeit, it happened the said Giot to fight with sir Edward Howard, which Giot was by him stricken to the ground. The morrow after this enterprise done, the king with the queen came to the Tower of London. And to the intent that there should no displeasure nor malice be borne by any of those gentlemen, which fought with the axe against other; the king gave unto them a certain sum of gold, valued at two hundred marks, to make a banquet among themselves withal. The which banquet was made at fishmonger's hall in Thames street, where they all met to the number of four and twenty, all appareled in one suit or livery, after Almain fashion; that is to say, their utter garments all of yellow satin, yellow hosen, yellow shoes, girdles, scabbards, and bonnets with yellow feathers, their garments and hosen all cut & lined with white satin, and their scabbards wound about with satin. After their banquet ended, they went by torchlight to the Tower, & presented themselves before the king, who took pleasure to behold them.  
From thence the eight day of November, his grace removed to Richmond, 
The king (with his assistants) challengeth all comers at tilt.  and willed to be declared to all noble men and gentlemen, that his grace with two aids, that is to wit, master Charles Brandon, and master Compton, during two days would answer all comers; with spear at the tilt one day, and at turneie with swords the other. And to accomplish this enterprise, on the thirteenth day of November, his grace armed at all pieces with his two aids entered the field, their bases and trappers were of cloth of gold, set with red roses, wrought with gold of broidery. The counterpart came in freshly appareled, every man after his devise. At these jousts the king broke more staves than any other, & therefore had the prize. At the turneie in likewise, the honour was his. The second night were diverse strangers of Maximilian the emperors court and ambassadors of Spain with the king at supper. When they had supped, the king willed them to go into the queens chamber, who so did.  
In the mean season, the king with fifteen other, 
A royal 〈◊〉.  appareled in Almain jackets of crimson and purple satin, with long quartered sleeves, and hosen of the same suit, their bonnets of white velvet, wrapped in flat gold of damask, with visards and white plumes, came in with a mununerie; and after a certain time that they had played with the queen and the strangers, they departed. Then suddenly entered sir minstrels richly appareled, playing on their instruments; and then followed fourteen persons, 
A mask of fourteen 〈…〉  gentlemen, all appareled in yellow satin, cut like Almains, bearing torches. After them came six disguised in white satin and green, embroidered and set with letters and castles of fine gold in bullion, the garments were of strange fashion, with also strange cuts, every cut knit with points of fine gold, and tassels of the same, their hosen cut and tied in likewise, their bonnets of cloth of silver wound with gold. The first of these six was the king, the earl of Essex, Charles Brandon, sir Edward Howard, sir Thomas Kneuet, and sir Henry Guildford.  
Then part of the gentlemen bearing torches departed, and shortly returned, after whom came in six line 10 ladies, appareled in garments of crimson satin embroidered and traversed with gloth of gold, cut in pomegranates and yokes, stringed after the fashion of Spain. Then the said six men dansed with these six ladies: and after that they had dansed a season, the ladies took off the men's visors, whereby they were known: whereof the queen and the strangers much praised the king, and ended the pastime. It is to be noted, that at this time the queen was great with child, & shortly after this pastime, she took her chamber line 20 at Richmond, for the which cause the king kept his Christmas there. And on Newyeares' day the first day of januarie the queen was delivered of a prince to the great gladness of the realm, 
The birth of 〈◊〉 first 〈◊〉 son of king Hen●● the eight.  for the honour of whom fires were made, and diverse vessels with wine set for such as would take thereof in certain streets in London, and general processions thereupon to laud God. As touching the preparation of the princes christening, I overpass, which was honourably done, whose godfathers at the font were line 30 the archbishop of Canturburie, and the earl of Surreie, & godmother the lady Katherine countess of Devonshire, daughter to king Edward the fourth: his name was Henry.  
Against the twelve day or the day of the epiphany at night, 
● goodly 〈◊〉 of a moue●● pageant.  before the banquet in the hall at Richmond, was a pageant devised like a mounteine, glistering by night as though it had been all of gold and set with stones, on the top of which mountain was a tree of gold, the branches and boughs frised with gold, spreading on every side over the mountain line 40 with roses and pomegranates, the which mountain was with vices brought up towards the king, and out of the same came a lady appareled in cloth of gold, and the children of honour called the henchmen, which were freshly disguised, and dansed a morris before the king; and that done, re-entered the mountain, which then was drawn back, and then was the wassaill or banquet brought in, and so broke up Christmas. Shortly after and before the queens line 50 churching, the K. road to Walsingham. The queen being churched or purified, the king and she removed from Richmond to Westminster, where was preparation for solemn justs in the honour of the queen; 
A solemn 〈◊〉 at Westminster.  the king being one, and with him three aids: his grace being called Cure loyal, the lord William earl of Devonshire called Bon voloire, sir Thomas Kneuet named Bon espoir, sir Edward Nevil called Valiant desire, whose names were set upon a goodly table, & the table hanged in a tree curiously wrought, and they were called Les quater cheualiers de la forest line 60 saluigne, these four to run at the tilt against all comers, with other certain articles comprised in the said table.  
A place in the palace was prepared for the king and queen, richly hanged, the inner part with cloth of gold, & the utter with rich cloth of arras. These justs began the thirteenth day of February. Now after that the queen with her train of ladies had taken their places, 
● pageant 〈◊〉 like a 〈◊〉 forest 〈…〉  into the palace was conveyed a pageant of a great quantity, made like a forest with rocks, hills, and dales, with diverse sundry trees, flowers, hathornes, fern, and grass, with six foresters standing within the same forest, garnished in coats and hoods of green velvet, by whom lay a great number of spears; all the trees, herbs, and flowers of the same forest were made of green velvet, green damask, & silk of diverse colours, as satin & sarsenet. In the midst of this forest was a castle standing made of gold, and before the castle gate sat a gentleman freshly appareled, making a garland of roses for the prize. This forest was drawn as it were by strength of two great beasts, a lion and an antelope; the lion flourished all over with damask gold, the antelope was wrought all over with silver of damask, his beams or horns and tusks of gold.  
These beasts were led with certain men appareled like wild men, or woodhouses, their bodies, heads, faces, hands, and legs covered with green silk flosshed: on either of the said antelope and lion sat a lady richly appareled, the beasts were tied to the pageant with great chains of gold, as horses be in the cart. When the pageant rested before the queen, 
The four knight's issue out of the pageant all armed.  the forenamed foresters blew their horns, than the devise or pageant opened on all sides, and out issued the foresaid four knights armed at all pieces, every of them a spear in his hand on horseback with great plumes on their heads, their bases and trappers of cloth of gold, every of them his name embroidered on his base and trapper. On the other part with great noise aswell of trumpets as of drums entered into the field, the earl of Essex, the lord Thomas Howard with many other clean armed, their trappers and bases all of crimson satin embroidered with branches of pomegranates of gold and posies; with many a fresh gentleman riding before them, their footmen well appareled: and so the justs began and endured all that day.  
The morrow, being the thirteenth of February after dinner, at time convenient, the queen with the ladies repaired to see the justs, the trumpets sounded, 
Gorgeous shows in apparel.  and in came many a noble man and gentleman richly appareled, taking up their horses; after whom followed certain lords appareled, they and their horses in cloth of gold and russet tinsel: knights in cloth of gold and russet velvet; and a great number of gentlemen on foot in russet satin and yellow, and yeomen in russet damask and yellow, all the neither part of every man's hosen scarlet and yellow caps. Then came the king under a pavilion of cloth of gold and purple velvet embroidered, 
The king under a pavilion of cloth of gold and purple velvet, etc.  and powdered with H. and K. of fine gold, the compass of the pavilion above embroidered richly, and valansed with flat gold, beaten in wire, with an imperial crown in the top of fine gold, his bases and trappers of cloth of gold, fretted with damask gold, the trapper pendant to the tail. A crane and chafron of steel, in the front of the chafron was a goodly plume set full of musers or trembling spangles of gold. After followed his three aids, every of them under a pavilion of crimson damask and purple, powdered with H. and K. of fine gold, valansed and fringed with gold of damask: on the top of every pavilion a great K. of goldsmith's work.  
The number of the gentlemen and yeomen attending on foot, appareled in russet and yellow, 
Sir Charles Brandon on horseback in a long rob of russet satt●re like a religious person.  was an hundred threescore and eight. Then next these pavilions came twelve children of honour, sitting every of them on a great courser richly trapped and embroidered in several devices and fashions, where lacked neither broidery nor goldsmith's work, so that every child and horse in devise and fashion was contrary to other, which was goodly to behold. Then on the contrary part entered sir Charles Brandon, first on horseback in a long rob of russet satin, like a recluse or religious person, and his horse trapped in the same suit, without drum or noise of minstrelsy, putting a bill of petition to the queen, the effect whereof was, that if it would please her to licence him to run in her presence, he would do it gladly; and if not, than he would departed as he came. After that his request was granted, than he put off his said habit, and was armed at all pieces with rich bases and horse also richly trapped, and so did run his horse to the tilt end, where diverse men on foot appareled in russet satin waited on him.  

Henry Guildford esquire in russet cloth of gold, with his devise.  Next after came in alone young Henry Guildford esquire, himself and his horse in russet cloth of gold line 10 and cloth of silver, closed in a devise, or a pageant made like a castle or a turret, wrought of russet sarsenet Florence, wrought and set out in gold with his word or posy, and all his men in russet satin & white, with hosen to the same, and their bonnets of like colours, demanding also licence of the queen to run; which to him granted, he took place at the tilts end. Then came next the marquess Dorset and sir Thomas Bullen like two pilgrims from saint james, 
The marquess Dorset and sir Thomas Bullen like pilgrims.  in taberds of black velvet, with palmers hats on line 20 their helmets, with long jacobs' staves in their hands, their horse trappers of black velvet, their taberds, hats, and trappers set with scalop shells of fine gold, and strips of black velvet, every strip set with a scalop shell, their servants all in black satin with scalop shells of gold in their breasts. Soon after came in the lord Henry of Buckingham earl of Wiltshire, himself and his horse appareled in cloth of silver, embroidered with his posy or word, and arrows of gold in a posy, called La maison du refuge, line 30 made of crimson damask broidered with roses & arrows of gold, on the top a greihound of silver, bearing a tree of pomegranates of gold, the branches whereof were so large that it overspread the pageant in all parts.  
Then entered sir Giles capel, sir Roland with many other knights richly armed and appareled. And thus began the justs, which was valiantly achieved by the king and his aids, among whom his grace attained the prize. These justs finished, every man line 40 withdrew, the king was disarmed, and at time convenient he and the queen heard evensong, and that night all the ambassadors supped with the king and had a great banquet. After supper, his grace with the queen, lords & ladies came into the White hall within the said palace, which was hanged richly, the hall was scaffolded and railed on all parts. There was an interlude of the gentlemen of his chapel before his grace, and diverse fresh songs: that done, his grace called to him a great man, or a lord of Ireland line 50 called O neall, 
The great O neall made knight.  whom in the presence of the said ambassadors he made knight: then the minstrels began to play, the lords & ladies began to danse. Now in the midst of this pastime, when all persons were most attentive to behold the dancing, the king was suddenly gone, unknown to the most part of the people there, unless it were of the queen and certain other. Within a little while after his departing, the trumpets at the end of the hall began to sound.  
Then was there a devise or a pageant upon whéels' line 60 brought in, out of the which pageant issued out a gentleman richly appareled, that showed how in a garden of pleasure there was an arbour of gold, 
A pageant devised to run upon wheels.  wherein were lords and ladies, much desirous to show pastime to the queen & ladies, if they might be licensed so to do: who was answered by the queen, how she & all other there were very desirous to see them and their pastime. Then a great cloth of arras that did hang before the same pageant was taken away, and the pageant brought more near. It was curiously made and pleasant to behold, it was solemn and rich; for every post or pillar thereof was covered with frised gold, therein were trees of hawthorn, eglantine, rosiers, vines, and other pleasant flowers of diverse colours, with gillofers, and other herbs all made of satin, damask, silver and gold, accordingly as the natural trees, herbs, or flowers ought to be.  
In this arbour were six ladies, all appareled in white satin and green, set and embroidered full of H. and K. of gold, knit together with laces of gold of damask, and all their garments were replenished with glittering spangels gilded over, on their heads were bonnets all opened at the four quarters, overfrised with flat gold of damask, the orrellets were of rolls, wreathed on lampas doucke hollow, so that the gold showed through the lampas doucke; the fassis of their head set full of new devised fashions. In his garden also was the king and five with him appareled in garments of purple satin, all of cuts with H. and K. every edge garnished with frised gold, 
A goodly she● of the king & five other with him.  and every garment full of posies, made of letters of fine gold in bullion as thick as they might be, and every person had his name in like letters of massy gold. The first Cure loyal, the second Bon voloire, the third Bon espoir, the fourth Valiant desire, the fift Bon foy, the sixth Amour loyal, their hosen, caps, and coats were full of posies, with H. & K. of fine gold in bullion, so that the ground could scarce appear▪ & yet was in every void place spangles of gold. When time was come, the said pageant was brought forth into presence, and then descended a lord and a lady by couples, and then the minstrels which were disguised also dansed, and the lords and ladies dansed, that it was a pleasure to behold.  
In the mean season the pageant was conveyed to the end of the palace, there to tarry till the danses were finished, & so to have received the lords & ladies again; but suddenly the rude people ran to the pageant, and rend, tore, and spoiled the pageant, 
The rudeness of the people assembled to see the shewe●  so that the lord steward nor the head officers could not cause them to abstain, except they should have fought and drawn blood, and so was this pageant broken. Then the king with the queen and the ladies returned to his chamber, where they had a great banquet, and so this triumph ended with mirth & gladness. At this solemnity a shipman of London caught certain letters, which he sold to a goldsmith for three pounds fourteen shillings & eight pence; by reason whereof it appeared that the garments were of a great value. After this great joy came a sorrowful chance, 
The departure of the kings young son out of this life.  for the young prince which was borne upon newyears day last passed, upon the two and twentieth day of February, being then the even of saint Matthie, departed this world at Richmond, and from thence was carried to Westminster and buried. The king like a wise prince took this dolorous chance wondrous wisely; and the more to comfort the queen he dissembled the matter, and made no great mourning outwardly: but the queen, like a natural woman, made much lamentation; how beit, by the king's good persuasion and behaviour, her sorrow was mitigated, but not shortly.  
In the month of February this year came ambassadors from the king of Arragon and Castille, 
Ambassadors from the king of Spain 〈◊〉 aid against t●● moors.  to require an aid of fifteen hundred archers to be sent to the same king, having at that time war against the moors, enemies of the christian faith. The king hearing their message gently granted their request. And because the lord Thomas Darcie a knight of the garter, 
Lord Darc●e knight of the garter.  made humble suit to the king to be general of the crew that should be thus sent into Spain, the king upon trust of his approved valiancy granted his desire. There were appointed to go with him the lord Anthony Greie brother to the marquess Dorset, Henry Guildford, Weston Browne, and William Sidneie esquires of the king's house, sir Robert Constable, sir Roger Hastings, and sir Ralph Elderton, with other gentlemen to be captains.  

Anno reg. ●.  In this second year, the king being forth on his progress, heard every day more & more complaints of Empson and Dudlei●, set forth and advanced no doubt by the drift of their deadly enemies. Wherefore, 

The seventh 〈◊〉 hath john Stow.  
Empson and Dudleie beheaded.   he sent writs to the▪ sheriffs of London, to put them to execution, and so the seventeenth day of August, they were both beheaded at the Tower hill, and both their bodies and heads buried, the one at the White friars, and the other at the Black friars. The king about this season was much given to play at line 10 te●isse, 
The king lost much money at tenise.  and at the dise, which appetite certain crafty persons about him perceiving, brought in Frenchmen and Lombard's to make wagers with him, & so lost much money; but when he perceived their craft, he eschewed their company and let them go.  
¶ On the first day of May the king accompanied with many lusty bachelors, 
Anno Reg. 3. 〈◊〉 Hill in 〈◊〉 8. fol. xj. 1●.  on great and well doing horses road to the wood to fetch May, where a man might have seen many a horse raised on high with carrier, gallop, turn, and stop, marvelous to line 20 behold: 
The king and three other courtiers challengers.  where he & three other, as sir Edward Howard, Charles Brandon, and Edward Nevil, which were challengers with the king, shifted themselves into coats of green satin guarded with crimson velvet. On the other part the earls of Essex, of Devonshire, the marquess Dorset, & the lord Howard were all in crimson satin, guarded with a pounced guard of green velvet. And as they were returning on the hill, a ship met with them under sail: the master hailed the king and that noble company, and said line 30 that he was a mariner, 
A devise of a ship under s●●le  and was come from many a strange port, and came thither to see if any deeds of arms were to be done in the country, of the which he might make true report in other countries. An herald demanded the name of his ship; he answered she is called Fame, & is laden with good Renown: then said the herald, If you will bring your ship into the bay of Hardiness, you must double the point of Gentleness, and there you shall see a company that will meddle with your merchandise. Then said the line 40 king, Sithence Renown is their merchandise, let us buy it if we can. Then the ship shot a peal of guns, and sailed forth before the king's company, full of flags and banners, till it came to the tilt yard.  
At after noon, the king and his three fellows entered into the field, their bards and bases of crimson and blue velvet, cut in quadrant cuts, embroidered full of pomegranates, and all the waiters in silk of the same colour. The other party were in crimson satin and green velvet. Then began the trumpets to sound, and the horses to run, that many a spear line 50 was burst, and many a great stripe given: and for a truth the king exceeded in number of staves all other every day of the three days. Wherefore on the third day, 
The king broke more staves than the rest and had the prize given him.  the queen made a great banquet to the king and all them that had jousted: and after the banquet done, she gave the chief prize to the king, the second to the earl of Essex, the third to the earl of Devonshire, and the fourth to the lord marquess Dorset. Then the heralds cried; My lords, for your noble feats in arms, God send you the love of your ladies that line 60 you most desire. The king ever desirous to serve Mars, began another justs the fifteenth day of the said month. The king & his band were all in green silk, and the earl of Essex and his band in blue, guarded with gold, and all the spears were painted of the same colours. There was good running and many a spear burst: but for all the sport every man feared least some ill chance might happen to the king, and feign would have had him a looker on rather than a doer, and spoke thereof as much as they durst: but his courage was so noble that he would ever be at she one end.]  

The lord Darcie and his company ready at Plymouth.  In this mean time, the lord Darcie and other appointed to the voyage against the moors, made such diligence, that they and all their people were ready at Plymouth by the mids of May, and there mustered their soldiers before the lord Brooke, and other the king's commissioners. The lord Darcie as captain general, ordained for his provost marshal Henry Guildford esquire, a lusty young man, & well-beloved of the king, for his manifold good service. On the monday in the Rogation week, they departed out of Plymouth haven with four ships royal, and the wind was so favourable to them, that the first day of june, being the even of the feast of Pentecost, he arrived at the port of Calis in south Spain; and immediately by the advise of his council, he dispatched messengers to the king, whom they found beside the city of Civil where he than lay, and declared to him, how the lord Darcie by the king their masters appointment, was come thither with sixteen hundred archers, and lay still at Calis to know his pleasure. The king of Castille answered them gently, that the lord Darcie and all other that were come from his loving son were welcome, and heartily thanked them of their pains, requiring the messengers to return to their captain, and tell him that in all hast he would send certain of his council to him.  
¶ Hereupon they departed from the king, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. xii.  and made report to the lord Darcie, which kept his ship in great estate, and would not land, but only suffered such as were sick and feeble, and few other to go aland. The Englishmen which went aland, fell to drinking of hot wines, 
The vnruli● behaviour of the Englishmen.  & were scarce masters of themselves, some ran to the stews, some broke hedges and spoiled orchards and vineyards, and oranges before they were ripe, and did many outrageous deeds: wherefore the chief of the town of Calis came to complain to the lord Darcie in his ship, which sent forth his provost marshal, who scarcely with pain refrained the yeoman archers, they were so hot and wilful, yet by commandment & policy they were all brought on board to their ships.]  
Then upon saturday, the eight of june, a bishop and other of the king's council came to Calis, 
The lord Darcie honourably received of the K. of Aragon's council.  and there abode till wednesday, being the even of Corpus Christi; at which day, the lord captain took land, and was honourably received of the king of Aragon's council, and on the morrow was highly feasted at dinner and supper. And at after supper, the bishop declared the king his masters pleasure, giving to the lord captain as hearty thanks for his pains and travel, as if he had gone forward with his enterprise against the moors. But whereas by the advise of his council, circumspectly considering the surety of his own realm, upon perfect knowledge had that the Frenchmen meant to invade his dominions in his absence, he had altered his former determination, and taken an abstinence of war with the moors, till an other time.  
He therefore required the lord Darcie to be contented to return home again, promising him wages for all his soldiers; and if it should please him to come to the court, he should receive high thanks of the king, and such cheer as there could be made him, The lord Darcie was nothing pleased with this declaration, but sith he saw there was no remedy, 
The lord Darcie discontented at the bishop's declaration.  he said, that whatsoever the king had concluded, he could not be against it, considering he was sent to him: but surly it was against his mind to departed home, without doing any thing against God's enemies, with whom he had ever a desire to fight. And as for his coming to court, he said, he could not leave his men whom he had brought out of their country, without an head; and as for the king's banquet, it was not the thing that he desired.  
On the next day in the morning, money was sent to pay the soldiers their wages for their conduction again into England, with diverse gifts given to the lord Darcie, and other gentlemen; yet notwithstanding, he was highly displeased: howbeit, like a wiseman he dissembled the matter. 
A shrewd traie begun upon a small occasion.  The same day, being the fourteenth day of june, and friday, there chanced a fray to be begun in the town of Calis, betwixt the Englishmen, and them of the town; by reason that an Englishman would have had for his line 10 money a loaf of bread from a maid that had been at the bakers to buy bread, not to sell, but to spend in her mistress house. 
Edw. Hall.  Howbeit the Englishman followed her, as making proffer not to be denied, in so much that the maid perceiving what he went about, cried out; A force, a force. Then was the common bell rung, and all the town went to harness, and those few Englishmen that were a land, went to their bows. The Spaniards cast darts, and the Englishmen shot. But the captains of England, and line 20 the lords of the council for their part, took such pain, that the fray was ceased, and but one Englishman slain, though diverse were hurt: and of the Spaniards diverse were slain. Thus of a sparkle was kindled a flame to the spoiling of many; which is no rare thing to see, according to the scriptum est: Concitat ingentes flammas scintilla minuta.  
After this, upon request made by the lords of Spain, the lord Darcie and all his men the same night went aboard their ships, but Henry Guildford, line 30 Weston Browne, and William Sidneie, young and lusty esquires, desired licence to see the court of Spain: 
The English men desire to see the Spanish court.  which being granted, they went thither, where they were of the king highly entertained. Henry Guildford and Weston Browne were made knights by the king, who also gave to sir Henry Guildford a canton of Granado, and to sir Wolston Browne an eagle of Sicill on a chief, to the augmentation of their arms. William Sidneie so excused himself, that he was not made knight. When line 40 they had sojourned there a while, they took their leave of the king and queen, and returned through France into England.  
During which season, the lord Darcie made sail toward England, 
The lord Darcie returneth out of Spain.  and arriving at Plymouth, came to the king at Windsor, and so this journey ended. During the time that the lord Darcie was in Spain, the lady Margaret duchess of savoy, and daughter unto Maximilian the emperor, and governor of Flanders, Brabant, Holland, Zealand, line 50 & other the low countries appertaining to Charles the young prince of Castille, 
The duchess of Savoie sendeth to king Henry for aid against the duke of Gelder's.  sent in the end of May to the king of England, to have fifteen hundred archers, to aid her against the duke of Gelder's, which sore troubled the country's aforesaid. The king tenderly regarding the request of so noble a lady, most gently granted her request, and appointed sir Edward Poinings, knight of the garter, and controller of his house, a valiant captain and a noble warrior, to be lieutenant and leader of the said fifteen line 60 hundred archers.  
This gentleman accompanied with his son in law the lord Clinton, sir Matthew Browne, sir john Digbie, john Werton, Richard Whethrill, & Shrelleie esquires, with other gentlemen and yeomen, to the foresaid number of fifteen hundred, took their ships a mile beside Sandwich, the eighteenth day of julie, and landed at Armew the nineteenth day, not without some trouble, by reason of a little storm. From thence they were conducted to barrow, whither the lady Regent came to welcome them. On the sunday, being the seven & twentieth of julie, they departed to Rossindale, and on thursday the last of julie they came to Bulduke. And the next day the whole army of the Almans, Flemings, and other appertaining to the said lady▪ met with the Englishmen without Bulduke, where they set forth in order; the lady Regent being there present, which took her leave of all the captein●, and departed to Balduke.  
The army to the number of ten thousand, beside the fifteen hundred English a●chers, passed forward; and the tenth day of August, being saint Laurence day, came before a little castle, standing on the higher side of the Maze, called Brimnoist, belonging to the bastard of Gelderland. The same night, 
Thom. 〈◊〉 governor of the English ordinance. The sort is won.  Thomas Heart, chief governor of the ordinance of the English part, made his approach; and in the morning, made battery so, that the assault thereupon being given, the fortress was won, and the captain with eighty and odd men were slain, and nineteen taken; of the which, eleven were hanged. john Morton, captain of one hundred Englishmen, and one Guiot an esquire of Burgognie, crying saint George, were the first that entered; at which assault, there was but one Englishman slain. On thursday, the fourteenth of August, the army feried over the river of Maze into Gelderland. The next day, they came to a little town called Aiske.  
The people were fled, but there was a little castle razed, and cast down, which was newly built up on the side of the said river. Upon the twentieth day of August, they burned the foresaid town of Aiske, and all the country about it, 
The town of Aiske burned.  and came at the last to a town called Straulle, being very strong, double diked and walled. Within it were three hundred & sixty good men of war, beside the inhabitants. At the first, they showed good countenance of defence but when they saw their enemies approach near unto them with rampires and trenches, they yielded by composition, so that the soldiers might departed with a little stick in their hands. But the townsmen rested prisoners, at the will of the prince of Castille. And so on S. Bartholomews' day the admiral of Flanders, and sir Edward Poinings entered the town with great triumph.  
On the six and twentieth day, the army came before Uenlow, and sent an herald called Arthois, to summon the town; but they within would not hear but shot guns at him. On the eight and twentieth day, the army removed unto the north side of Uenlow, and part went over the water, 
Uenlow besieged by the English.  and made trenches to the water, & so besieged the town as straightly as their number would give them leave; but yet for all that they could do without, they within kept one gate ever open. At length, the English captains perceiving that they lay there in vain, considering the strength of the town, and also how the army was not of number sufficient to environ the same on each side, wrote to the king, who willed them with all speed to return, and so they did. Sir Edward Poinings went to the court of Burgognie, where he was received right honourably of the young prince of Castille and of his aunt the lady Margaret.  
john Norton, john Fog, john Scot, and Thomas Lined, were made knights by the prince. And the lady Margaret perceiving the soldiers coats to be worn and foul with lying on the ground (for every man lay not in a tent) gave to every yeoman a coat of woollen cloth of yellow, red, white, 
The duchess of Savoie bestoweth new coats on the English soldiers.  and green colours, not to her little laud & praise among the Englishmen. After that sir Edward Poinings had been highly feasted and more praised of all men for his valiantness and good order of his people, he returned with his crew into England, and had lost by war and sickness not fully an hundred persons. When the Englishmen were departed, the Gelder's issued out of the gates of Uenlow, daily skirmished with the Burgognions', and asked for their archers, and héerewith winter began sharply to approach, and the river of Maze by abundance of rain rose so high, that it drowned up the trenches: so that all things considered, the captains without determined to raise their siege, and so they did, and after they had wasted all the country about Uenlow, they returned every man to his home.  
In june the king being at Leicester, heard tidings, that one Andrew Barton a Scotishman and pirate of the sea, saying that the king of Scots had line 10 war with the Portugeses, rob every nation, and stopped the king's streams, 
Andrew Barton a ●●●tish pirate.  that no merchant almost could pass. And when he took Englishmen'S goods, he bore them in hand that they were Portugeses goods, and thus he ha●ted and rob at every havens mouth. The king displeased herewith, sent sir Edward Howard lord admiral of England, and lord Thomas Howard, son and heir to the earl of Surrie in all haste to the sea, which hastily made ready two ships, and taking sea, by chance of weather line 20 were severed. 
A cruel fight 〈◊〉 the sea, between the said pirate and 〈◊〉 l●rds howard's.  The lord Howard lying in the downs, perceived where Andrew was making toward Scotland, and so fast the said lord chased him, that he overtook him; and there was a sore battle betwixt them. Andrew ever blew his whistle to encourage his men, but at length the lord Howard and the Englishmen did so valiantly, that by clean strength they entered the main deck. The Scots fought sore on the hatches: 
Andrew Barton slain.  but in conclusion Andrew was taken, and so sore wounded, that he died line 30 there. Then all the remnant of the Scots were taken with their ship called the Lion.  
All this while was the lord admiral in chase of the bark of Scotland, called jennie Pirwine, which was wont to sail with the Lion in company, & so much did he with other, that he laid him aboard: and though the Scots manfully defended themselves, yet the Englishmen entered the bark, slew many, and took all the residue. Thus were these two ships taken, and brought to Blackewall the second of August line 40 [and all the Scots were sent unto the bishop of York's place, 
〈◊〉. Fl. ex Ed●. Hall in 〈◊〉. fol. xuj. The Scots prisoners in 〈◊〉 bishop of ●orks place.  where they remained at the king's charge, till other direction was taken for them. After this, the king sent the bishop of Winchester, and certain of his council, to the archbishop of York's place, where the Scots were prisoners: and there the bishop rehearsed to them, whereas peace was yet between England and Scotland, that they contrary to that, as thieves & pirates, had rob the king's line 50 subjects within his streams. Wherefore they had deserved to die by the law, and to be hanged at the low water mark. Then said the Scots; We acknowledge our offence, and ask mercy and not the law. Then a priest which was also a prisoner, said; My lords we appeal from the king's justice to his mercy.  
Then the bishop asked him if he were authorised by them to say so, and they cried all; Yea, yea. Then (said he) you shall find the king's mercy above his justice. line 60 For where you were dead by the law, yet by his mercy he will revive you; wherefore you shall departed out of this realm within twenty days, upon pain of death, if you be found after the twentieth day; and pray for the king: and so they passed into their country.] Thus was their captivity converted into liberty, and their lives saved by the king's mercy. The king of Scots hearing of the death of Andrew Barton, and the taking of the two ships, was wonderful wrath, and sent letters to the king requiring restitution, according to the league and amity. The king wrote to the king of Scots again with brotherly salutation, of the robberies done by the said Andrew, and that it became not a prince to lay breach of peace to his confederate, for doing justice upon a pirate and thief: and that all the Scots that were taken, had deserved to die by justice, if he had not extended his mercy. And with this answer the Scotish herald departed.  
About this season, 
King Henry the eight taketh the pope's part against the French king.  the French king made sharp war against pope julie: wherefore the king of England wrote to the French king, that he should leave off to vex the pope in such wise, being his friend and confederate. But when the French king seemed little to regard that request, the king sent him word to deliver him his lawful inheritance both of the duchy of Normandy and Guien, and the countries of Anjou & main, and also of his crown of France; or else he would come with such a power, that by fine force he would obtain his purpose: but notwithstanding those writings, the French king still pursued his wars in Italy. Whereupon the king of England, joining in league with Maximilian the emperor, and Ferdinando king of Spain, with diverse other princes, was resolved by advise of his council to make war on the French king and his countries, and made preparation both by sea and land, setting forth ships to the sea for safeguard of his merchants.  
¶ The foresaid pope julie, the kings confederate, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 314. Cardinal S. Petri ad v●●cula made pope.  was (before his advancement to the popedom) cardinal of saint Petri ad Uincula, a man mighty in friends, reputation, and riches, who had drawn to him the voices of so many cardinals, that entering the conclave, he was with an example all new and without shutting the conclave, elected pope the very same night following the decease of his predecessor pope Pius (those that were of the contrary opinion not daring to oppose against him.) He, either having regard to his first name julie, or (as conjectures were made) to signify the greatness of his conceptions, or lastly because he would not give place to Alexander, no not in the excellency of name, took upon him the name of julie, the second of that name. Amongst all the pope's that had passed, it was wondered that by so great consent, they had created for pope, a cardinal who was known to be of a disposition rigorous and terrible, and in whom was no expectation of rest and tranquility, 
Pope julie a factious fellow and an enemy to peace.  having consumed his youth in continual travels, offended many by necessity, and exercised hatreds against many great personages; a man to whose wit nothing was more more familiar, than the invention of trouble, faction, and conspiracy.  
But on the other side, the causes of his election to that degree appeared clearly, and surmounted all other difficulties: for he had been of long time a cardinal of great power and might, & with his magnificence, wherein he had always exceeded the residue, and with the greatness of his spirit, by the which he did great things, he had not only made himself mighty in opinion and friends; but by times and degrees had erected high his authority in the court of Rome, bearing the name, title, and dignity of the principal defender of the ecclesiastic liberty. But that which served most to his advancement, was the promises immoderate and infinite which he made to the cardinals, princes, and barons, 
Indirect means to attain the popedom.  and to all others whom he might make profitable to him in that action. Besides, he had the mean to distribute money, benefices, and spiritual dignities, as well such as were his own, as those that were the rights of others; for that such was the brute & renown of his liberality, that many made willing offers to him to dispose as he best liked of their treasures, their names, their offices, and benefices.  
They considered not that his promises were far too great, than that being pope he was either able or aught to observe, for that he had of so long continuance enjoyed the name of just and upright, that pope Alexander himself (his greatest enemy) speaking ill of him, in all other things could not but confess him to be true of his word. A praise which he made no care to defile and stain, to the end to become pope; knowing that no man more easily beguileth an other, than he that hath the custom and name never to deceive any. Which practice of dissimulation was much frequented of those that aspired line 10 & possessed the popedom; insomuch that the same was in Alexander the sixth so notable, that it was a proverb ordinarily in Rome, 
A proverb upon the pope's dissembling, Guiac. 305.  that the pope did never the thing which he said, and his son the duke of Ualentinois seldom spoke that which he meant. Which kind of people (pretend they what they will) are excluded from the rest of Zion, as the psalmist saith: 

Buch. in Psal. 15.  Quem fraudis expers simplicitas juuat,  
Vrgétque rectum propositi tenax,  
Nec mente saeuus grata blandam line 20  
Edocuit simulare linguam,  
Perpetua requie fruetur.]   
In this year the king kept his Christmas at Greenwich, year 1512 where was such abundance of viands served to all comers of any honest behaviour, 
Abr. Fl. ex Ed. Hall in Hen. 8 fol. xv. Christmas pastimes or delights at Gréenwich.  as hath been few times seen. And against Newyéeres night was made in the hall a castle, gates, towers, and dungeon, garnished with artillery and weapon after the most warlike fashion: and on the front of the castle, was written Le forteresse dangereux, and within the castle were six ladies, clothed in russet line 30 satin, laid all over with leaves of gold, and every one knit with laces of blue silk and gold. On their heads, quoifs, and caps all of gold. After this castle had been carried about the hall, and the queen had beheld it, in came the king with five other, appareled in coats, the one half of russet satin, spangled with spangles of fine gold, the other half of rich cloth of gold, on their heads caps of russet satin, embroidered with works of fine gold bullion. line 40  
These six assaulted the castle. The ladies seeing them so lusty and courageous, 
The king & five other assail the castle.  were content to solace with them, & upon further communication, to yield the castle and so they came down & dansed a long space. And after the ladies led the knights into the castle, and then the castle suddenly vanished out of their sights. On the day of the epiphany at night, the king with eleven other were disguised, after the manner of Italy, 
Maskers disguised after the Italian fashion.  called a mask, a thing not seen before in England: they were appareled in garments long and broad, wrought all with gold, with visors line 50 and caps of gold. And after the banquet done, these maskers came in, with six gentlemen disguised in silk, bearing staff torches, and desired the ladies to danse; some were content, and some refused. And after they had dansed, and communed together, as the fashion of the mask is, they took their leave and departed, and so did the queen, and all the ladies.]  
The five and twentieth day of januarie began the parliament, 
A parliament. The sum of the bishop of Canturburies' oration in the parliament.  where the bishop of Canturburie began line 60 his oration with this verse justitia & pax osculatae sunt. Upon which words he declared how justice should be ministered, and peace should be nourished, and by what means justice was put by, and peace turned into war. And thereupon he showed how the French king would do no justice in restoring to the king his right inheritance: wherefore for lack of justice, peace of necessity must be turned into war. In this parliament was granted two fiftéens of the temporalty, and of the clergy two tenths. After that it was concluded by the whole body of the realm in the high court of parliament assembled, that war should be made on the French king and his dominions. Whereupon was wonderful speed made in preparing all things necessary both for sea and land.  
In this parliament was sir Robert Sheffeld knight, sometime recorder of London, 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉. pag. 896.  speaker for the commons. During this parliament, in the month of March, a yeoman of the crown, one of the king's guard, named Newbolt, 
Newbolt a yeoman of 〈◊〉 guard hange●.  slew within the palace of Westminster a servant of master Willoughbies, for the which offence the king commanded to be set up a new pair of gallows in the same place where the said servant lost his life; and upon the same the said Newbolt was hanged, and there remained on the gallows by the space of two days. A notable example of justice, whereby the king verified the report that was commonly noised abroad of him; namely that he could not abide the shedding of man's blood, much less wilful murder. Wherein he showed how tender he was over his subjects, and also how severe against malefactors, specially mankillers; whom he thought unworthy of life, that had been the instruments of others death; according to the law: 
— oculos oculis & dentibus esse 
G●. Ha. in 〈◊〉 5.   
Pensandos dentes: sic par erit ultio culpae.   
¶ In this season one Jerome Bonuise, 
Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. xii▪ Jerome Bo●●uise the pope's collector and proctor in England a false knave.  which was borne in Luke, and was factor in London for merchants of that nation, and had played bankrupt, and was conveyed out of the realm for debt, was now in such favour with pope julie, that he made him his collector and proctor in England: & so he kept a great port, and resorted to the king and his council for the pope's affairs (which then was sore troubled by the French king) so that he knew both the pope's council and the kings, and falsely and untruely resorted by night to the French ambassadors lying in London, and to them discovered what the king and the pope intended, which was not so closely done, but the king knew it: and so he was laid for, & was taken communing with one of the said ambassadors upon London wall at midnight, and brought to the Tower, where he remained until by the suit of his friends he was delivered, and shortly for shame voided the realm.]  
The king of Arragon also, having at that time war with the French king, 
The Fren●● king hath 〈◊〉 hands full of troubles.  wrote to his son in law king Henry, that if he would send over an army into biscay, and so to invade France on that side, for the recovery first of his duchy of Guien; he would aid them with ordinance, horsemen, beasts, and carriages, with other necessaries appertaining to the fame. The king and his council putting their affiance in this promise of king Ferdinando, prepared a noble army all of footmen, and small artillery, appointing the noble lord Thomas Greie marquess Dorset to be chief conductor of the same. 
Anno Reg 4 Sir Edmu●● Howard 〈◊〉 admiral.  The king daily studying to set forth his war which he had begun against the French king, caused sir Edward Howard his admiral with diligence to make ready diverse goodly tall ships, as the Sovereign and others, to the number of eighteen, beside other smaller vessels.  
Therewith having in his company sir Weston Browne, Griffith Down, Edward Cobham; 
Noblemen appointed 〈◊〉 the voyage Biskaie.  Thomas Windham, Thomas Lucy, William Pirton, Henry Shirbourne, Stephan Bull, George Wi●wange, john Hopton, William Gunston, Thomas Draper, Edmund Cook, john Burdet, and diverse others, he took the sea, and scouring the same, about the midst of May he came before Portesmouth. About the very self time the lord marquess Dorset, and other noblemen appointed for the journey of biscay, as the lord Howard son and heir to the earl of Surrie, the lord Brooke, the lord Will●ugh●le, the lord Ferrer; the lord john, the lord Anthony, and the lord Leonard Greys, all three brethren to the marquess; sir Griffith ap Ri●e, sir Morris Berkeleie, sir William Sands, the baron of Burford, sir Richard Cornwall brother to the said baron, William Husseie, john Melton, William Kingston esquires, sir Henry Willoughby, and diverse others, with soldiers to the number of ten thousand.  
Amongst these were five hundred Almans clad all in white, under the leading of one Guiot a gentleman of Flanders, all which (with the residue abovenamed) came to Southampton, and there mustered their bands which were appointed and trimmed in the line 10 best manner. On the sixtéenth day of May they were all bestowed aboard in Spanish ships furnished with victuals, and other necessaries for that journey. The wind served so well for their purpose, that they ca●ie all in safety on the coast of biscay at the port of Passagh south-west of Fonterabie; 
The English nobles arrive on the c●ast of Bis●●●e.  and so the third day of june they landed, and took the field, imbattelling themselves for their safeguard right strongly. Within three days after that the army was line 20 thus aland, there came to the marquess an earl and an other noble man, to welcome him and his company.  
Then the lord captain removed his field, & took an other place nearer to Fonterabie, where he lay a long time, looking every day to have aid of horsemen and artillery of the king of Arragon, but none came. Sir john Style caused to be bought two hundred mulets and asses of such price as the Spaniards gained greatly, 
The English camp greatly hindered for want of beasts to draw their ordinance.  and when they were put to carry and line 30 draw, they would not serve the turn, for they were not exercised thereto before that time; and so for want of beasts to draw such ordinance as the Englishmen had there with them, they lost the doing of some great exploit against the Frenchmen on the frontiers of Gascoigne, for they might have run a great way into that country, being as then destitute and unpurveyed of men and munitions.  
On a day the Frenchmen made a skrie toward the English camp, but the Englishmen perceiving them, passed the river that was betwixt them, and line 40 with arrows chased the Frenchmen; so that for hast many of their horses foundered, and fell, yet they came to Baion: if there had been any horsemen amongst the Englishmen, they had sore endamaged their enemies. 
A gentle offer by the king of Navarre to the Englishmen.  The king of Navarre doubting lest the Englishmen were come into those parties for no good meaning towards him, sent to the lord marquess a bishop, and diverse other, offering to minister victuals unto the Englishmen for their money, if line 50 it should stand so with his pleasure. The lord marquess thanked him for the offer, and promised that if they of Navarre would victual his people, they should pay them well and truly for the same.  
He said also that he would warrant their passing and repassing in safety, and that by the Englishmen no prejudice should be done to his realm. Hereupon were the Englishmen vittelled out of Navarre, to their great comfort. After that the army had lain thirty days in the second camp, there came from the king of Arragon a bishop and other nobles of his line 60 council. This bishop was the same that made the answer to the lord Darcie at Calis the last year. The effect of his message was, 
The effect of the bishop's message sent from the king of Arragon to the lord marquess●.  to desire the lord captain and his people to take patience for a while, and they should see that such preparation should be made for the furnishing of their enterprise, as should stand with the honour of his master and their advancements.  
The Englishmen sore discontented with their idle lying still in the field, misliked with his excuses, supposing the same (as they proved in deed) to be nothing but delays. In the mean time that the Englishmen thus lingered without attempting any exploit, their victuals were much part garlic, & they eating thereof with all their meats, and drinking hot wines, & feeding also on hot fruits, procured their blood to boil within their bellies, 

Great death of the flux by unwonted diet.  
The lord marquess sendeth to the K. of Spain to perform promise.   that there fell sick three thousand of the flux: & thereof died an eighteen hundred persons. The lord marquess perceiving this mischief, sent to the king of Spain certain of his captains to know his pleasure. The king told them that shortly the duke of Alva should join with them, bringing with him a mighty power; so that they might the more assuredly proceed in their enterprise. With this answer they returned to the lord marquess, who liked it never a deal; because he judged that the king meant but to drive time with him, as after it proved.  
In the mean time there began a mutiny in the English camp through a false report, contrived by some malicious person; which was, that the captains should be allowed eight pennies for every common soldier; where the truth was, that they had allowed to them but only six pennies. The lord general advertised that the soldiers began to gather in companies, found means to apprehend the chief beginner, and delivered him unto William Kingston esquire, than provost marshal; and so was he put to death to the terror of all other. Whilst the Englishmen lay thus in camp on the borders of biscay towards Guien, the archers went oftentimes a foraging into the French confines almost to Baion, and burned many pretty villages. 
The king of Spain's army under the conduct of the duke of Alua.  The king of Spain raised an army, and sent forth the same under the leading of the duke of Alva, which came forward as though he meant to have come to the Englishmen; who being advertised of his approach, were marvelously glad thereof, in hope that then they should be employed about the enterprise for the which they were come.  
But the duke intending an other thing, when he was advanced forth within a days journey of them, suddenly removed his army toward the realm of Navarre, and entering the same, chased out of his realm the king of that land, and conquered the same to the king of Spain's use, as in the history of Spain more plainly it doth appear. After that the king of Spain was thus possessed of the kingdom of Navarre, he sent unto the lord marquess, 
The kingdom of Navarre gotten to the K. of Spain.  promising to join with him shortly, and so to invade the borders of France; but he came not. Wherefore the Englishmen thought themselves not well used: for it grieved them much, that they should lie so longidle, sith there was so great hope conceived at their setting forth, that there should be some great exploit achieved by them, through the aid that was promised by the king of Spain.  
Thus whilst the army lingered without removing, 
A fray between the Englishmen & the townsmen of Sancta Maria.  there chanced an affray to rise betwixt the Englishmen and the townsmen of Sancta Maria, a village so called, whereunto such Englishmen as fell sick, had their resort; and thereupon the alarms brought into the camp, the Englishmen and Almans ran in great fury to the succour of their fellows: and notwithstanding all that the captains could do to stay them, they slew and rob the people without mercy. The Biskaines that could get away, fled over that water into Guien. The captains yet so ordered the matter, that all the pillage was restored, and one and twenty soldiers were condemned, which were apprehended as they were fleeing away with a booty of ten thousand ducats into Gascoigne; seven of them were executed, and the residue pardoned of life, at the suit of certain lords of Spain, which were as then present.  
The Frenchmen hearing of this riot came forth of Baion, to see and understand the manner thereof: but perceiving that the Englishmen had descried them, 
S. I●hans burnt by the English.  suddenly they returned. The Englishmen followed, & coming to the town of S. jehan de Lucy, they burned and rob it, & slew the inhabitants. diverse other villages they spoilt on the borders of Given; but because they wanted both horses of service, and horses to draw forth their ordinance, they could not do any such damage as they might and would have done, if they had been furnished according line 10 to their desires in that point. Thus continued the English army in such wearisome sort till the month of October, and then fell the lord marquess sick, and the lord Howard had the chief governance of the army.  
Then were sent from the king of Spain diverse lords of his privy council unto the said lord Howard, to excuse the matter for that he came not according to his promise, requiring them, that sith the time of the year to make war was past, it might line 20 please them to break up their camp, and to divide themselves abroad into the towns and villages of his realm till the spring time of the year, that they might then go forward with their first pretended enterprise. The lord Howard showed well in words that the Englishmen could not think well of the king of Spain's feigned excuses, and unprofitable de●aies, to his small honour & their great hindrance & loss, having spent the king their master so much treasure, and done so little hurt to his adversaries. line 30 The Spaniards gave fair words; and so in courteous manner departed.  
Then about the end of October it was agreed amongst all the lords of the English host that they should break up their camp, 

The English camp in biscay breaketh up.  
The army dispersed into sundry villages.   and so they did. The lord marquess and his people went to saint Sebastian, the lord Howard and his retinue to Rendre, the lord Willoughby to Garschang, and sir William Sands with many other captains repaired to Fo●terabie, and so every captain with his 〈◊〉 was placed in one town or other. The king of England line 40 advertised of the king of Spain his meaning, sent an herald called Windsor with letters unto his army▪ willing his men there to tarry, & promising to send over to them right shortly a new supply, under the guiding of the lord Herbert his chamberlain.  
When this letter was read, and the contents thereof notified, 
Unappeaceable rage amongst the English soldiers.  the soldiers began to be so highly displeased; and spoke such outrageous words, as it was marvel to hear: & not contented with words, they were bend to have done outrageous deeds; insomuch line 50 that in their fury they had slain the lord Howard and diverse others, if they had not followed their intents: and hereupon they were glad to hire ships, and so embarked themselves in the month of November. When the lord marquess was brought aboard, he was so weak and feeble of remembrance through sickness, that he asked where he was. In the beginning of December they landed here in England, 
The English army returneth out of biscay.  and were glad to be at home, and got out of such a country, where they had little health, less line 60 pleasure, and much loss of time. The king of Spain seemed to be sore discontented with their departure, openly affirming, that if they had tarried until the next spring, he would in their company have invaded France.  
About the same time that the marquess went into Spain, 
The lord admiral in Britain.  that is to wit, about the midst of May, sir Edward Howard lord admiral of England, being on the sea afore Portesmouth, made forth again to the sea, and directing his course towards Britain on Trinity sunday arrived at Berthram bay with twenty great ships, and suddenly set his men on land, and there wan a bulwark, which the Britain's kept and defended a while; but being overcome, fled out of their hold, & left it to the Englishmen. Then the lord admiral passed seven miles into the country, burning and wasting towns and villages, and in returning, skirmished with diverse men of arms, and slew some of them: and notwithstanding that the Britain's ●ought valiantly in defence of their country; yet they were put to the worse, and so the lord admiral returned to his ships.  
On the three & twentieth day of May being monday, he landed in the morning, 
Conquer and diverse other places burnt by sir Edward Howard lord admiral of England.  and commanded to burn the house of the lord Piers Moguns, with the town of Conquer, & diverse other places, and chased the Britain's into the castle of Breast: and notwithstanding all the assemblies and shows that the Britain's made, yet they suffered the English peaceably to return with their preys and booties. The first of june the Englishmen took land in Cro●ton bay, and then the lords of Britain sent word to the lord admiral, that if he would abide, they would give him battle. The admiral rewarded the messenger, and willed him to say to them that sent, that all that day they should find him in that place tarrying their coming.  
Then to encourage diverse gentlemen the more earnestly to show their valiancy, 
divers gentlemen knighted by the lord admiral.  he dubbed them knights; as sir Edward Brooke, brother to the lord Cobham, sir Griffith Down, sir Thomas Windham, sir Thomas Lucy, sir john Burdet, sir William Pirton, sir Henry Shirborne, and sir Stephan Bull. When the lord admiral saw the Frenchmen come, he comforted his men with pleasant words, thereby the more to encourage them. The whole number of the Englishmen was not much above 25 hundred, where the Frenchmen were at the least ten thousand; and yet when they saw the order of the Englishmen, they were suddenly astonished.  
Then a gentleman of good experience and credit amongst them, advised the other captains not to fight; but to retire a little and take a strong ground, there to remain till the Englishmen returned toward their ships: and then to take the advantage. And so the captains began to retire, which when the commons saw, they all ran away as fast as they might, supposing that the captains had seen or known some great peril at hand, because they were not privy to the purpose of their captains. The lord admiral seeing what happened, when the night came departed to his ships. After this the gentlemen of Britain sent to the admiral for a safeconduct for diverse persons, which they meant to send to him about a treaty. The lord admiral was of his gentleness content to grant their request. Then certain lords of Britain took a boat, and came to the ship of the lord admiral, where he was set with all his council of the army about him.  
The request of the Britain's was, 
The request of the lords of Britain to the lord admiral.  that it might please him to surcease his cruel kind of war, in burning of towns and villages: but the admiral plainly told them, that he was sent to make war and not peace. Then they required a truce for six days, which would not be granted; 
A truce required for six days.  and to their reproof, the admiral told them, that gentlemen ought to defend their country by force, rather than to sue for peace. And thus (making them a banquet) he sent them away. And after hearing that there was ships of war on the seas; he coasted from thence alongst the country of Normandy, still scouring the sea; so that no enemy durst appear. And at length he came and lay by the isle of Wight, to see if any enemies would appear. During which time, divers ships were kept in the north seas, under the conduct of sir Edward Ichingham, john jews, john Lovedaie, and others.  

 This year also in june, the king kept a solemn jousts at Gréenewich, the king & sir Charles Brandon taking upon them to abide all comers. ¶ First came the ladies all in white and red silk, 

 
● description 〈…〉 skewes 〈◊〉 triumphs 〈…〉.   set upon coursers trapped in the same suit, fretted over with gold; after whom followed a fountain curiously made of russet satin, with eight gargils spouting water: within the fountain sat a knight armed at all pieces. After this fountain followed a lady all in black silk dropped with fine silver, on a courser line 10 trapped in the same. Then followed a knight in a horsselitter, the coursers & litter appareled in black with silver drops. When the fountein came to the tilt, the ladies road round about, and so did the fountain, and the knight within the litter. And after them were brought two goodly coursers appareled for the justs: and when they came to the tilts end, the two knights mounted on the two coursers abiding all comers. The king was in the fountain, and sir Charles Brandon was in the litter. Then suddenly line 20 with great noise of trumpets entered sir Thomas ●●euet in a castle of coal black, and over the castle was written, The dolorous castle, and so he and the earl of Essex, the lord Howard, and other ran their courses with the king and sir Charles Brandon, and ever the king broke most spears, and likely was so to do yet he began▪ as in former time; the prize fell to his lot: so lucky was he and fortunate in the proof of his prows in martial activity, whereto from his young years he was given, as the poet saith: line 30 Huic erat à teneris annis ars bellica cordi.]  
After this, the king having prepared men and ships ready to go to the sea under the governance of sir Anthony Oughtred, sir Edward Ichingham, William Sidneie, and diverse other gentlemen, apponited them to take the sea, and to come before the isle of Wight, there to join with the lord admiral, which they did, but in their passage a galley was lost by negligence of the master. The king having a desire to see his navy together, 
The king 〈◊〉 to Por●●s●●uth 〈◊〉 cap●●●s over 〈◊〉 ships.  road to Portesmouth, and there appointed captains for one of his chiefest line 40 ships called the Regent, sir Thomas Kneuet master 〈◊〉 his horses, & sir john Carew of Devonshire; and to the Sovereign he appointed for captains, sir Charles Brandon, and sir Henry Gilford; and with them in the Sovereign were put threescore of the tallest yeoman of the king's guard. Many other gentlemen were ordained captains in other vessels. And the king made them a banquet before their setting forward, 
The king's 〈◊〉 setteth 〈◊〉.  and so committed them to God. They were in line 50 number five and twenty fair ships of great burden, well furnished of all things necessary.  
The French king in this mean while had prepared a navy of thirty nine sail in the haven of Breast; and for chief he ordained a great Carrike of Breast, appertaining to the queen his wife, called Cordelier a very strong ship, 
The English 〈◊〉 incoun●●reth with the French 〈◊〉 the coast 〈◊〉 Britain.  and very well appointed. This navy set forward out of Breast the tenth of August, and came to Britain bay, in the which the same day was the English fleet arrived. When the Englishmen line 60 perceived the Frenchmen to be issued forth of the haven of Breast, they prepared themselves to battle, and made forth towards their enemy, which came fiercely forward; and coming in sight each of other, they shot off their ordinance so terrible together, that all the sea coast sounded of it. The lord admiral made with the great ship of Deep, and chased her; sir Henry Gilford and also sir Charles Brandon made with the great Carrike of Breast, being in the Sovereign, and laid stem to stem to the Carrike; but by negligence of the master, or else by smoke of the ordinance, or otherwise, the Sovereign was cast at the stern of the Carrike, with which advantage the Frenchmen shouted for joy.  
But when sir Thomas Kneuet, who was ready to have boarded the great ship of Deep, saw that the Sovereign miss the Carrike, suddenly he caused the Regent (in the which he was aboard) to make to the Carrike, and to grapple with her a long board And when they of the Carrike perceived they could not departed, they let slip an anchor, and so with the stream the ships turned, and the Carrike was on the weather side, and the Regent on the lie side. 
A cruel fight betwixt the two navies.  The fight was cruel betwixt these two ships, the archers on the English side, & the crossbows on the French part doing their uttermost to annoy each other: 
The English Regent, and the French Carrik burnt together.  but finally the Englishmen entered the Carrike, which being perceived by a gunner, he desperately set fire in the gunpowder, as some say; though there were that affirmed, how sir Anthony Oughtred following the Regent at the stern, bowged her in diverse places, and set her powder on fire.  
But howsoever it chanced, the whole ship by reason of the powder was set on fire, & so both the Carrike and the Regent being grappled together, so as they could not fall off, 
The French navy flieth.  were both consumed by fire at that instant. The French navy perceiving this, fled in all haste, some to Breast, and some to the Isles adjoining. The Englishmen made out boats to help them in the Regent: but the fire was so terrible, that in manner no man durst approach; saving that by the james of Hull certain Frenchmen that could swim were saved. captain of this Carrike was sir Piers Morgan, and with him he had in the same nine hundred men: and with sir Thomas Kneuet and sir john Carew were seven hundred; but all drowned and burnt. The Englishmen that night lay in Berthram bay, for the French fleet was dispersed (as ye have heard.) The lord admiral after this mischance thus happened to these two worthy ships, made again to the sea, and scoured all alongst the coasts of Britain, Normandy, and Picardy, taking many French ships, and burning such as they could not well bring away with them.  
The king of England hearing of the loss of the Regent, caused a great ship to be made, 
The king's ship royal called Henry grace de Dieu  such a one as the like had never been seen in England, and named it Henry grace de Dieu. The French king about the same time sent to a knight of the Rhodes called Prior jehan, a Frenchman borne, of the country of Guien, requiring him to come by the streicts of Marrocke into Britain: the which he did, bringing with him three galleys of force, with diverse foists and row-gallies, so well ordin●●●●● and trimmed, as the like had not been seen in these parties before his coming. He had lain on the coasts of Barbary to defend certain of the religion, 
A parliament wherein it was concluded that king Henry in proper person should invade France.  as they came from Tripoli. This year in the month of November the king called his high court of parliament, in the which it was concluded, that the king himself in person with an army royal should invade France; whereupon notice being given to such as should attend, they made their purveyance with all diligence that might be. 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 897. Great subsidy.  In this parliament was granted to the king tws fiftéens, and four demies; and head money, of every duke ten marks, an earl five pounds, a lord four pounds, a knight four marks, & every man rated at right hundred pounds in goods, to pay four marks, and so after that rate, till him that was valued at forty shillings, paid twelve pence, and every man that took forty shillings wages twelve pence, and every man and woman of fifteen years or upward four pence. 
Bow steeple builded.  The steeple and lantern of Bow church in Cheap was this year finished. By fire this year a great part of the king's palace of Westminster, and the chapel in the Tower of London, 
King's palace at Westminster burned.  and many other places in England were burned. In April, the king sent a great navy of twelve thousand men to the sea. On May even, Edmund de la Poole was beheaded on the Tower hill, 
Edmund de la Poole beheaded.  his brother Richard was after slain in France.]  
After this parliament was ended, the king kept a solemn Christmas at Gréenwich, year 1513 with danses and mummeries in most princely manner. And on the Twelve day at night came into the hall a mount, called the rich mount. 
F●l. Hall in 〈◊〉. 8. fol. xxij. 〈◊〉 description of a rich mount being ● Christmas 〈◊〉.  The mount was set full of rich flowers of silk, and especially full of broom slips full of cods, the branches were green satin, and the line 10 flowers flat gold of damask, which signified Plantagenet. On the top stood a goodly beacon giving light, round about the beacon sat the king and five other, all in coats and caps of right crimson velvet, embroidered with flat gold of damask, their coats set full of spangles of gold. And four woodhouses drew the mount till it came before the queen, and then the king and his company descended and dansed. Then suddenly the mount opened, and out came six ladies all in crimson satin and plunket, embroidered line 20 with gold and pearl, with French hoods on their heads, and they dansed alone. Then the lords of the mount took the ladies and dansed together: and the ladies reentered, and the mount closed, and so was conveyed out of the hall. Then the king shifted him, and came to the queen, and sat at the banquet which was very sumptuous.  
After Candlemas, the king created sir Charles Brandon viscount Lisle. 
Sir Charles Brandon created viscount Lisle.  In March following was the king's navy of ships royal & other set forth to the line 30 number of forty and two, beside other balangers under the conduct of the lord admiral, accompanied with sir Walter Devereux, lord Ferrer, sir Wolstan Browne, sir Edward Ichingham, sir Anthony Pointz, sir john Wallop, sir Thomas Windam, sir Stephan Bull, William Fitz Williams, Arthur Plantagenet, 
The navy set out again.  William Sidneie esquires, and diverse other noble and valiant captains. They sailed to Portesmouth, and there lay abiding wind, and when the same served their turn, they weighed anchor, line 40 & making sail into Britain, came into Berthram bay, and there lay at anchor in sight of the French navy, which kept itself close within the haven of Breast, without proffering to come abroad.  
The English perceiving the manner of the French men, 
The English navy purposing to set upon the French in the haven, are defeated by a mischance.  determined to set on them in the haven, and making forward in good order of battle, at their first entry one of their ships, whereof Arthur Plantagenet, was captain, fell on a blind rock, and burst in sunder, by reason whereof, all the other stayed: and 〈◊〉 line 50 English captains perceiving that the haven was dangerous to enter without an expert lodesman, they cast about, and returned to their harborough at Berthram bay again. The Frenchmen perceiving that the Englishmen meant to assail them, moored their ships so near to the castle of Breast as they could, and placed bulwarks on the land on every side, to shoot at the Englishmen. Also they trapped together four and twenty great hulks that came to the bay for salt, and set them on a row, to the intent line 60 that if the Englishmen had come to assault them, they would have set those hulks on fire, and have let them drive with the stream amongst the English ships.  
Prior jehan also lay still in Blank sable bay, and plucked his galleys to the shore, setting his basilisks and other ordinance in the mouth of the bay, which bay was bulworked on every side, that by water it was not possible to be won. The lord admiral perceiving the French navy thus to lie in fear, 
The lord admiral would have the king present in person at the encounter, and is rebuked.  wrote to the king to come thither in person, and to have the honour of so high an enterprise: which writing the king's council nothing allowed, for putting the king in jeopardy upon the chance of the sea. Wherefore the king wrote to him sharply again, commanding him to accomplish that which appertained to his duty: which caused him to adventure things further than wisdom would he should (as after ye shall hear) to his utter undoing and casting away, God having ordained the means by his providence, which the pagans implied (though wanting the light of grace) in the name of destiny, of them counted inevitable. 
Guic. pag 32●  [A destiny lamentable considering the quality of the person, with the manner of his dying. Wherein although many vainly dispute, that fortune led him to so miserable an accident: yet if we will lift up our considerations to God, we shall find that he hath reserved such a prerogative over all things which he hath created, that to him only belongeth the authority to dispose all things by the same power wherewith he hath created them of nothing.] And yet the foolish world (doting in blind ignorance, but pretending a singular insight in matters of secrecy) blusheth not to talk or rather to assure, casualty, chancemedlie, misfortune, and such like foolish imaginations: whereas (indeed) the providence of God compasseth all things whatsoever, for nothing can be privileged from the ampleness of the same.  
Prior jehan keeping him still within his hold, 
Anno Reg. 5.  as a prisoner in a dungeon, did yet sometime send out his small foists to make a show before the English navy, which chased them to the bay. But because the English ships were mighty vessels, they could not enter the bay: and therefore the lord admiral caused certain boats to be manned forth, which took one of the best foists that Prior jehan had, and that with great danger: for the galleys and bulwarks shot so freshly all at one instant, that it was marvel how the Englishmen escaped. The lord admiral perceiving that the Frenchmen would not come abroad, called a council, wherein it was determined, 
A consultati●● about the assaulting of Prior Ieh●●  that first they would assail Prior jehan and his galleys lying in Blank sable bay, and after to set on the residue of the French fleet in the haven of Breast. Then first it was appointed, that the lord Ferrer, sir Stephan Bull, and other, should go aland with a convevient number to assault the bulwark, while the admiral entered with row barges and little galleys into the bay, and so should the Frenchmen be assailed both by water and land.  
The lord admiral by the counsel of a Spanish knight called sir Alfonse Charant, affirming that he might enter the bay with little jeopardy, called to him William Fitz Williams, William Cook, john Colleie, and sir Wolstan Browne, as his chief and most trusty friends, making them privy to his intent; which was to take on him the whole enterprise, with their assistance. And so on S. Marks day, which is the five and twentieth of April, the said admiral put himself in a small row barge, appointing three other small rowing ships, and his own ship boat to attend him; 
The admiral roweth into the bay where the Prior lay.  and therewith upon a sudden rowed into the bay, where Prior jehan had moored up his galleys just to the ground: which galleys with the bulwark on the land, shot so terribly, that they that followed were afraid. But the admiral passed forward, & as soon as he came to the galleys, he entered & drove out the Frenchmen. William Fitz Williams within his ship was sore hurt with a quarrel. The bay was shallow, and the other ships could not enter, for the tide was spent.  
Which thing the Frenchmen perceiving, they entered the galleys again with moris pikes, and fought with the English in the galleys. The admiral perceiving their approach, thought to have entered again into his row barge, which by violence of the tide was driven down the stream, and with a pike he was thrown over the board, 
Sir Edward and Howard admiral drowned.  and so drowned, and also the forenamed Alfonse was there slain: all the other boats and vessels escaped very hardly away: for if they had tarried, the tide had failed them, and then all had been lost. The lord Ferrer and the other captains were right sorrowful of this chance: but when there was no remedy, they determined not to attempt any further, till they might understand the king's pleasure, and so they returned into England. line 10  
The Frenchmen perceiving that the English fleet departed from the coasts of Britain and drew towards England, did come forth of their havens, and Prior jehan set forth his galleys and foists, and drawing alongst the coasts of Normandy and Britain, coasted over to the borders of Sussex with all his company, 
The French galleys land in Sussex, and 〈◊〉 certain cottages.  and there landed, and set fire on certain poor cottages. The gentlemen that dwelled near, raised the country, and came to the coast, and drove Prior jehan to his galleys. The king was right sorry line 20 for the death of his admiral; but sorrow prevaileth not when the chance is past. Therefore the king hearing that the French navy was abroad, called to him the lord Thomas Howard eldest brother to the late admiral, 
The lord Thomas Howard made admiral.  and son and heir apparent to the earl of Surrie, whom he made admiral, willing him to revenge his brother's death. The lord Howard humbly thanked his grace of the trust that he put in him, and so immediately went to the sea, and scoured the same, that no Frenchman durst show line 30 himself on the coast of England, for he fought with them at their own ports.  
The king having all his provisions ready for the war, and meaning to pass the sea in his own person, for the better taming of the lofty Frenchmen, appointed that worthy councillor and right redoubted chéefteine, the noble George Talbot earl of Shrewesburie, 
The earl of Shrewesburie sent into France with 〈◊〉 army.  high steward of his household, to be captain general of his forward; and in his company were appointed to go, the lord Thomas Stanleie line 40 earl of Derbie, lord Decowreie prior of saint john's, sir Robert Ratcliff lord Fitzwater, the lord Hastings, the lord Cobham, sir Rice ap Thomas, sir Thomas Blunt, sir Richard Sacheverell, sir john Digbie, sir john Askew, sir jews Bagot, sir Thomas Cornwall, and many other knights, esquires, and soldiers; to the number of eight thousand men. These passed the sea, and came all to Calis about the middle of May.  
The lord Herbert called sir Charles Summerset, line 50 lord chamberlain to the king, in the end of the same month followed the said earl of Shrewesburie, with six thousand men: in whose company were the earls of Northumberland Percy, of Kent Greie, of Wiltshire Stafford, the lord Dudleie, the lord Delaware, and his son sir Thomas West, sir Edward Husseie, sir Edward Dimmocke, sir David Owen, with many other knights, esquires, and gentlemen. After they had sojourned certain days in Calis, and that all their necessaries were ready, they issued forth of the town, so to begin their line 60 camp. And first the earl of Shrewesburie and his company took the field, and after him the lord Herbert with his retinues in manner of a rearward. Then followed that valiant knight sir Rice ap Thomas, with five hundred light horsemen and archers on horseback, who joined himself to the forward, a gentleman of such spirit and hardiness, that he is named the flower of the Welshmen, as the poet saith: — Ricius Thomas flos Cambrobritannûm.  
These two lords thus imbattelled did remove the seventeenth of june to Sandifield, & on the eighteenth they came to Marguison, on the further side of the water, as though they would have passed streightwaies to Bullongne. 
The English army marcheth unto Terwine.  But they meaning an other thing, the next day took an other way, and so coasted the country with such diligence, that the two and twentieth of june they came before the strong city of Terrovan, and pight their tents a mile from the town. The same night (as certain captains were in council within the lord Herbert's tent) the baron Carew was slain with a bullet shot out of the town; 
The baron of Carew slain.  which sudden adventure much dismayed the assembly, but the lord Herbert comforted them with manly words, and so his death was passed over. All the country of Artois and Picardy fortified their holds, and made shows as the English army passed, but they durst not once assail them.  
The city of Terrovan was strongly fortified with walls, rampires, bulwarks, and large ditches. 
The lord Pontremie captain of Terwine.  The lord Pontremie was governor within it, having with him six hundred horsemen, and 2500 Almans, besides the inhabitants. The walls & towers were full of ordinance, which oftentimes did much displeasure to the Englishmen. 
Terwine besieged.  The earl of Shrewesburie planted his siege on the northwest side of the town, and the lord Herbert on the east side, causing great trenches to be made to cover his people withal: for on that side there was no hill to secure or defend him. The Frenchmen and Almans would diverse times issue out, but the archers were ever ready to beat them into the city again. The earl of Shrewesburie got into an hollow ground or valley near to the city, and likewise the lord Herbert (by reason of his trenches) approached likewise very near to the ditches.  
The seven and twentieth day of june being monday, sir Nicholas Uaux and sir Edward Belknap, having with them four hundred and three score men set from Guisnes to conduct four and twenty carts laden with victuals towards the siege at Terrovan; but the duke of Uandosme lieutenant of Picardy with eight hundred horsemen set on them as they passed through Ard, and found them so out of order, that notwithstanding all that the English captains could do to bring men into array, it would not be: for the Frenchmen set on so readily, that they kept the Englishmen in sunder. Yet the horsemen of Guisnes, being not past four and twenty in all, took their spears and joined with the Frenchmen right manfully, and likewise three score archers shot freshly at their enemies; but the Frenchmen were so many in number, that they obtained the place, slew eight gentlemen, and diverse archers. Sir Nicholas Uaux and sir Edward Belknap fled toward Guisnes.  
Thus were the victuals lost, and yet the Frenchmen went not away with clear hands: for those few archers that closed together, shot so eagerly, that they slew and hurt diverse Frenchmen; and on the field lay four score and seven great horses, which died there in the place, and never went further. On the fifteenth day of june the K. departed from Gréenewich, taking his journey towards Dover, 
The king in person pasteth over into France.  whither he came by easy journeys, and the queen in his company. After he had rested a season in the castle of Dover, and taken order for the rule of the realm in his absence, he took leave of the queen, and entering his ship the last day of june, being the day of saint Paul: he sailed over to Calis, where he was received with great joy by the deputy sir Gilbert Talbot and all other there. At his entering into Calis, all the banished men entered with him, and were restored to the liberty of the town. The king lay in Calis a certain time, till all his provisions were ready, but the army lay in camp at Newnham bridge.  
On the one and twentieth of julie, the king's majesty passed forth of Calis, and took the field, dividing the army which he had there with him into three battles. 
The order of the king's army.  The lord Lisle marshal of the host was captain of the forward, and under him three thousand men: sir Richard Carew with three hundred kept on the right side of the same forward as a wing thereto: and the lord Darcie with other three hundred men was a wing on the left hand. The fore-riders of this battle were the Northumberland men on light geldings. The earl of Essex was lieutenant general of the spears, and sir john Pechie was vicegovernour line 10 of all the horsemen, and sir john Burdet standard-bearer to the king's spears. An eight hundred Almans went on a plump by themselves before the king's battle, and the duke of Buckingham with six hundred men was on the king's left hand, equal with the Almans, in like manner as sir Edward Poinings was on the right hand, with other six hundred men equal with the Almans.  
In the king's battle, where was the standard of the arms of England borne by sir Henry Guildford, line 20 there were three thousand; & the lord of Aburgavenie with eight hundred men was wing on the right hand, and sir William Compton with the retinue of the bishop of Winchester, and of master 
* This man was afterward cardinal.  Woolseie the king's almoner, being in number eight hundred was in manner of a rearguard. Sir Anthony Oughtred and sir john Nevil with the king's spears that followed were four hundred, and so the whole army contained eleven thousand and three hundred men. The number of the carriages were thirteen hundred, line 30 and the number of them that attended the same were nineteen hundred men, and all these were reckoned in the battle: but of good fight men & soldiers appointed for the purpose, there were not full nine thousand. In this order the king with his army marched forward through the confines of his enemies to the siege of Terrovan, entering into the French ground the five and twentieth of julie being monday. On the morrow after as the army marched forward, by negligence of the carters that mistook line 40 the way, a great curtal (called the john Evangelist) was overthrown in a deep pond of water and could not quickly be recovered.  
The king being advertised that the Frenchmen approached to fight with him, left the gun (because the master carpenter undertook to weigh it shortly out of the water) & set forward, passing on by Tornohan, which he left on his right hand, and a little beyond pitched down his field abiding for his enemies, the which (as he was informed) were not far off. 
The French army approacheth, & their number.  On the line 50 morrow after being wednesday, the Relief of the spears brought word that they had ascried the French army coming forward in order of battle, to the number of eleven thousand footmen, and four thousand horsemen. Capteins' of this army were the lord de la palace, the lord de Priennes, the duke of Longuile, the earl of S. Paul, the lord of Floringes, the lord of Clerimont, & Richard de la Poole a banished man, son to john duke of Suffolk. They came within two miles of the king's army, and there line 60 the footmen staled, and came no further.  
But certain of the horsemen to the number of three thousand came forward, and at the end of a wood showed themselves in ope● 〈◊〉 of the English army. And thus they stood countenancing the Englishmen. 
The northern prickers play the men.  Some of the northern prickers made to them, and in skirmishing with them, took some of them prisoners. About noon the same day, that valiant Welsh knight sir Rice ap Thomas with his retinue of horsemen being departed from the siege of Terrovan came to the king, and streightwaies was sent to the earl of Essex, which with two hundred spears was laid in a stolen, if the Frenchmen had come nearer. When they were joined together, they drew about the hill, having with them sir Thomas Guildford, with two hundred archers on horseback, meaning to set on the Frenchmen: which perceiving that, and doubting least more company had followed, they suddenly drew back, and joined them with their great battle.  
Then the earl of Essex and the English horsemen followed them, till they came near to the army of France, and then scaled and sent forth light horsemen to view the demeanour of the Frenchmen. When the Frenchmen of arms were returned to their battle, then both the horsemen and footmen withdrew in order of battle, and still the English currors followed them for the space of three leagues, and then returned to the earl, making report to him of that they had seen, who then broke up his stale, and came to the king, declaring to him how the Frenchmen were gone back. 
The dry wednesday.  This was called the dry wednesday; for the day was wonderful hot, and the king with his army stood in order of battle, from six of the clock in the morning till three of the clock in the after noon. And some died for lack of moisture, and generally every man was burned about the mouth with heat of the stomach; for drink lacked, and water was not near.  
After this the king removed toward Terrovan, and as he was setting forward, the lord Walon of Flanders came to him with his horsemen, which were already in the king's wages. As the army passed, by negligence the same day in a lane was overthrown one of the king's bombards of iron, 
The bombard called the red gun overthrown.  called the red gun, and there left. The king lodged that night two miles from saint Omers on the north side of the town. On the thursday, being the eight and twentieth of julie, the master carpenter with an hundred carpenters and labourers, without knowledge of the marshal, went to weigh up the great gun that was in the pond (as ye have heard) and by force of engines drew it up, and carted it ready to bring away: 
The great gun gotten by the French, by the foolish hardiness of the master carpenter.  but suddenly there came an eight hundred Frenchmen with spears, crossbows, and handguns, which set on the labourers so fiercely, that notwithstanding their manful defence, the most part of them were slain and the residue taken, and both they and the piece of ordinance conveyed to Bullongne.  
The Frenchmen glad of this chance, assembled a great number to fetch the other gun, which lay yet in the lane. But the lord berner's being captain of the pioneers, and hearing all these things, prepared to recover that gun; and so in the morrow meant to fetch it. There were appointed to go back to see him safe conducted, the earl of Essex with his company of spears, sir Rice ap Thomas with his retinue, and sir john Nevil with the Northumberland men. The Almans also were commanded to retire back to the succours of them that were gone for the gun. The Almans went forth, till they came within two miles of the place where the gun lay, and further they would not go. The Frenchmen to the number of nine or ten thousand men (as some esteemed) were abroad, and came toward the place where the Englishmen were carting the piece of ordinance.  
The Northumberland horsemen having espied them, gave knowledge to the residue of the Englishmen, who prepared themselves to defend their ground against the enemies: and the earl of Essex sent to the lord Walon, willing him with his company to come to his aid: 
The lord Walon sendeth the earl of Essex word that he is come to serve the king of England.  but the lord Walon sent word again, that he was come to serve the king of England more than for one day, and therefore he wished that all the Englishmen would return, sith that with the great power of France they were not able to match. This answer was much displeasant to the earl of Essex and the other captains. In this m●ane time the foreriders of the French part were come to the hands of the Englishmen, and so they fell in skirmish very hotly: but at length all things considered, and specially the small number of the Englishmen, being not above seven hundred horsemen, it was thought best that they should return and follow the gun, which they had sent forward.  
Hereupon they retreited in order, and not in any flying manner, still following the gun. The Frenchmen perceiving that, pricked forward to the number line 10 of two thousand horsemen, & came just to the backs of the Englishmen, who therewith cast about, and made return to the Frenchmen. Sir William Tiler and sir john Sharpe were the first that charged, and after all the other Englishmen. The Frenchmen fled immediately so fast back, that happy was he that might be foremost. The whole host seeing their horsemen thus had in chase, suddenly returned. The earl of Essex withdrew to an hill, and there caused his trumpet to blow to the standard for fear of subtle line 20 dealing; and when his men were come in, and gathered together, 
The king incampeth to arks.  he returned. On the same day being friday, the nine and twentieth of julie, the king came to arks, & there encamped; whither the earl of Essex came to him, and declared what had been done that day, the king thanking him and other the captains for their pains and diligence.  

The king nameth to ●●siege.  The king lay here at arks till monday the first of August, and then removed to a village midway betwixt Terwine and saint Omers, where he lay till line 30 thursday the fourth of August, and came that day in good order of battle before the city of Terwine, & there pight up his tents and pavilions in most royal manner, 
Ed●. Hall in 〈◊〉 8. fol. 28.  fensing his camp right strongly with ordinance and other warlike devices. [The king for himself had a house of timber with a chimney of iron, and for his other lodgings he had great and goodly tents of blue water work garnished with yellow and white, diverse rooms within the same for all offices necessary. On the top of the pavilions stood the line 40 kings beasts holding fanes, as the lion, the dragon, the greihound, the antelope, the dun cow: all within the lodging was pointed full of the suns rising, the lodging was one hundred and five and twenty foot in length.]  
The king lying before Terwine, his great ordinance did sore beat the town walls, & they within likewise shot ordinance out of the town, and slew diverse Englishmen in the trenches, among which shots they had one gun that every day and night was ordinarily shot at certain hours without line 50 fail: this gun was of the Englishmen called the whistling gun, but it never did harm in the king's field. The siege thus lying before the city of Terwine, sir Alexander Bainam a captain of the miners, caused a mine to be enterprised to enter into the town: but the Frenchmen perceiving that, made a countermine, and so destroyed the other mine, and diverse miners slain within the same. The French army hovered ever a far to take the Englishmen at line 60 advantage, as they went a foraging; and many a skirmish was done, and many good feats of arms achieved on both sides, and diverse prisoners taken. Among the Frenchmen were certain light horsemen called Stradiots, with short stirrups, beaver hats small spears, 
St●adiots climbed and ●●●●tered 〈…〉 English 〈◊〉 horsemen.  and swords like cimiteries of Turkey: diverse times the northern light horsemen under the conduct of sir john Nevil skirmished with these Stradiots and took diverse of them prisoners, and brought them to the king.  
While the king lay thus before Terwine, the captain of Bullongne knowing by his espials, that many of the garrison of Calis were with the king at the siege, and also that victuals were daily brought out of England to Calis to secure the camp, imagined a great enterprise, and sent for all the men of war under his dominion and rule, and declared to them what honour they should obtain if they hurted or spoiled the out parts of Calis, the king of England on that side of the sea. The men of war perceiving the good courage of the captain, assented to his purpose, and so with all diligence they, to the number of a thousand men, in the evening set forward, & came to Newnam bridge by three of the clock in the morning, and found the watchmen that kept the bridge asleep, & so entered the bulwark and slew the watchmen, and took the ordinance of the bridge, and then let the bridge fall, so that all entered that would.  
The captain of Bullongne kept six hundred men for a stolen at the bridge, & sent the other into the marshes and meadows to fetch away the beasts and cattle which they should find there. This was done, and some of them came so near the walls of Calis, that they were escried. And about a six score coupers, bakers, shipmen & other which lay without the town, hearing the alarm, got together, & setting on those Frenchmen which were advanced so near the town, slew them down that abode, 
Watchmen found sleeping served justly.  chased them that fled even into Newnam bridge, and recovered the same, and put back their enemies. About five of the clock in the morning, the gate of Calis called Bullongne gate was opened, and then by permission of the deputy, one Culpeper the under-marshall with two hundred archers under a banner of saint George issued forth. 
Culpeper under-marshall of Calis.   
All these in great haste came to Newnam bridge, where they found the other Englishmen that had won the bridge of the Frenchmen, and so altogether set forward to assail the Frenchmen that kept the stolen, and tarried till the residue of their company which were gone a foraging unto Calis walls were come: for the other that had spoiled the marshes were returned with a great booty. At the first, when the Frenchmen saw the Englishmen approach, they thought they had been their own fellows. But when they saw the banner of saint George, they perceived how the matter went, & so determined to defend themselves against their enemies; but the Englishmen set so fiercely on, that finally the Frenchmen were discomfited, and four and twenty of them slain, beside twelve score that were taken prisoners, and all the ordinance and booty again recovered.  
These prisoners were brought to Calis, & there sold in open market. [Among all other, 
Abr. Fl. ex Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. xxviij.  a couper of the town of Calis bought a prisoner of this booty that dwelled in Bullongne, and had of the prisoner an hundred crowns for his ransom. When the money was paid, the Frenchman prayed the couper to see him safe delivered, and to conduct him out of danger. 
The folly of a couper.  The couper gently granted, and without any knowledge of his friends, all alone went with the Frenchman till he came beyond the causeie, & there would have departed: but the Frenchman perceiving that the couper was aged, and that no rescue was nigh, by force took the couper prisoner, and carried him to Bullongne, & made him pay two hundred crowns for his ransom: thus through folly was the poor couper deceived. Wherefore it is wisdom for a man to hold fast his possession, and to supply his want of strength by subtlety; imitating therein the fox, which although in force he be inferior to the lion, as not able to bear the jerking of his tail, or a pelt of his paw; yet in craft he goeth beyond that boisterous beast, and so escapeth danger, which otherwise he might sustain.]  
On the eleventh day of August, being thursday, the king lying at the siege of Terwine, had knowledge that Maximilian the emperor was in the town of Air. 
The emperor Maximilian and the king of England meet.  The king prepared all things necessary to meet with the emperor in triumph. The noble men of the king's camp were gorgeously appareled, their coursers barded with cloth of gold, of damask and broidery, their apparel all tissue, cloth of gold and silver, and goldsmith's work, great chains of bauderikes of gold, and bells of bullion: but in especial the duke of Buckingham, he was in purple satin, his apparel and his bard full of antelops and swans of fine gold bullion, and full of spangles, & little bells line 10 of gold marvelous costly and pleasant to behold. The K. was in a garment of great riches in jewels and stone, he was armed in a light armour. The master of his horse followed him with a spare horse, the henchmen followed bearing the king's pieces of harness, every one mounted on a great courser.  
The one bare his helmet, the second his grangard, the third his spear, the fourth his axe, and so every one had something belonging to a man of arms. 
The king's harness and furniture.  The apparel of the nine henchmen were white cloth of line 20 gold, and crimson cloth of gold, richly embroidered with goldsmiths work, the trappers of the coursers were mantel harness coulpened, and in every vent a long bell of fine gold, and on every pendent a deep tassel of fine gold in bullion, which trappers were very rich. The king and the emperor met between Air and the camp, in the foulest weather that lightly hath been seen. The emperor gently entertained the king, and the king likewise him, and after a little communication had between them, because the line 30 weather was foul, they parted for that time. The emperor & all his men were at that day all in black cloth, for the empress his wife was lately deceased.  
Within a day or two after this interview, and that the king was returned to his camp, 
A letter of defiance sent by the Scotish king to king Henry.  thither came a king at arms of Scotland called Lion, with his cote of arms on his back, who within short time was by Gartier king of arms brought to the king's presence, where he being almost dismayed to see the king so nobly accompanied, with few words & meetly line 40 good countenance, delivered a letter to the king, which his grace received and read it himself; and therewith having conceived the whole contents thereof, made this answer immediately to the herald.  
Now we perceive the king of Scots our brother in law, 
The king of England's speech to the Scotish kings herald uttered without premeditation.  and your master to be the same person whom we ever took him to be, for we never esteemed him to be of any truth: and so now we have found it. For notwithstanding his oath, his promise in the word of a king, and his own hand and seal; yet line 50 now he hath broken his faith & promise to his great dishonour and infamy for ever, and intendeth to invade our realm in our absence, which he durst not once attempt, our own person being present. But he showeth himself not to be degenerate from the conditions of his forefathers, whose faiths (for the most part) have ever been violated, and their promises never observed, further than they list. Therefore tell thy master, first, that he shall never be comprised in any league wherein I am a confederate; and also that line 60 I suspecting his truth (as now the deed proveth) have left an earl in my realm at home, which shall be able to defend him and all his power. For we have provided so, that he shall not find our land destitute of people as he thinketh to do: but this say to thy master, that I am the very owner of Scotland, & that he holdeth it of me by homage. And insomuch as now. contrary to his bounden duty, he being my vassal, doth rebel against me, with Gods help I shall at my return expel him his realm, and so tell him.  
Sir said the king of arms, I am his natural subject, and he is my natural lord, and that he commandeth me to say, I may boldly say with favour, but the commandments of other I may not, nor dare say to my sovereign: but your letters, with your honour sent, may declare your pleasure, for I may not say such words of reproach to him, to whom I own only mine allegiance and faith. Then said the king, Wherefore came you hither? will you receive no answer? Yes said Lion, but your answer requireth doing and no writing, that is, that immediately you should return home. Well said the king; I will return to your damage, and not at thy masters summoning. Then the king commanded Gartier to take him to his tent, and to make him good cheer, which so did, and cherished him well: for he was sore abashed.  
After he was departed, the king sent for all the captains, and before them and his council caused the letter to be read, the contents whereof were, 
The effect of the Scotish kings letter to K. Henre. See history 〈◊〉 Scotland, 〈◊〉 295, and Edw. H. ●▪ in H. ●. fol. xxix, thirty▪  that king Henry had not dealt with him uprightly in sundry points, as in maintaining of those which had slain his people of Scotland by sea, and also in succouring bastard Heron with his complices, which had (under trust of days of meeting for justice) slain his warden. Also his wives legacy was by him withholden: & moreover, where first he had desired him in favour of his dear cousin the duke of Gelder, not to attempt any thing against him; yet had he sent his people to invade the said dukes country, which did what in them lay to destroy and dishinherit the said duke, that had nothing offended against him.  
And now again, where he had made the like request for his brother & cousin the most christian king of France: yet notwithstanding, had the king of England caused him to lose his duchy of Milan, and at this present invaded his realm with all his puissance, to destroy him and his subjects, whereas yet the said king of France had been ever friend to him, & never given him occasion thus to do. In consideration of which injuries received in his own person, and in his friends, he must needs seek redress, and take part with his brother and cousin the said king of France. Wherefore he required him to desist from further invasion and destruction of the French dominions, which to do if he refused, he plainly declared by the same letters, that he would do what he could to cause him to desist from further pursuit in that his enterprise, & also give letters of mark to his subjects for the denial of justice made to them by the king of England.  
The letters thus sent to the king of England, were dated at Edinburgh the six and twentieth day of julie, and given under the signet of the said Scotish king. When the king had thus caused these letters to be read, and throughly considered of them as appertained, he sent them strait to the earl of Surrie, which then lay at Pomfret, 
King Henr●● his answers to the Scot● kings letter● See history of Scotlan● pag. 297. 〈◊〉 Edw. Hall 〈◊〉 Herald 8. fol. 30●●●  and caused other letters to be devised to the king of Scots, the effect whereof was; that although he well perceived by the king's letters, which he had received from him, in what sort, under colour of contrived occasions and feigned quarrels, he meant to break the peace, he did not much marvel thereat, considering the ancient accustomed manners of some his progenitors.  
Howbeit, if love and dread of God, 
An evil 〈◊〉 to break the league of peace.  nighness of blood, honour of the world, law and reason had bound him, it might be supposed, that he would never so far have proceeded; wherein the pope and all princes christened might well note in him dishonourable demeanour, which had dissembled the matter, whilst he was at home in his realm; and now in his absence thus went about upon forged causes to utter his old rancour, which in covert manner he had long kept secret. Nevertheless, upon mistrust of such unsteadfastness, he had put his realm in a readiness to resist his enterprises, as he doubted not through God's favour, and the assistance of his confederates, he should be able to resist the malice of all schismatics, and their adherents, being by general council expressly excommunicated & interdicted, trusting in time convenient to remember his friends, & requite his foes.  
Moreover, he willed him to set before his eyes the example of the king of Navarre, 
The king of Navarre a king without a realm, and 〈◊〉.  who for assistance given to the French king was now a king without a realm. And as touching answer to be made to the manifold griefs in the Scotish kings letters surmised, if law or reason could have removed him from his sensual opinions, he had been many times already line 10 answered sufficiently to the same; unless to the pretended griefs therein amongst other comprised, for denying of a safe conduct to the Scotish ambassador to have been lastly sent unto him. Whereunto thus he answered; that the same safe conduct had been granted, if the Scotish herald would have taken it with him.  
And finally, as touching the Scotish kings request, 
The king of England's answer to the ●ast clause of the Scotish kings letter.  to desist from further attempting against the French K. he signified to him, that he knew him for line 20 no competent judge of so high authority, as to require him in that behalf, and therefore God willing he meant with the aid and assistance of his confederates & allies to prosecute his begun attempt. And as the Scotish king should do to him, & to his realm, so it should be hereafter remembered and acquitted. These letters were written in the camp before Terwine the twelve of August, and given under the king's signet, and therewith delivered to Lion king of arms, who had of the king 100 angels in reward. line 30  
Then departed he with his letters into Flanders, 
An hundred angels to a Scotish herald for a reward.  there to take ship to sail into Scotland, but yer he could have a vessel and wind for his purpose, his master was slain, as after ye shall hear. In this mean while the Frenchmen being assembled and lodged in camp at Blangie on this side Amiens, the French king appointed that all the horsemen to the number of eight thousand (as Paulus iovius recordeth) should go with victuals unto Terwine, 
Fourteen hundred men of arms hath Monsieur de Langeie.  and put the same into the town, if by any means they line 40 might, for that those within stood as then in great necessity for want of victuals.  

Monsieur de Piennes appointed by the French king to victual Terwine.  The charge of this convey was committed unto Monsieur de Piennes, because he was lieutenant of those marches: notwithstanding there were amongst the number, other noble men of more high degree in honour, and also of great prowess, fame, and experience, furnished with sundry bands of men at arms of long approved valiancy, and used to go away with victory in many a dangerous conflict and line 50 battle, wanting at this present nothing but their old accustomed good fortune. Whilst the Frenchmen were thus prepared to come with victuals to Terwine, 
The emperor Maximilian weareth a cross of saint George as soldier to the king of England.  the emperor Maximilian came from Air to the king's camp before Terwine the twelve of August, wearing a cross of saint George as the king's soldier, & receiving of him salary for service; which Anglorum praelia noteth as noteworthie, saying: Subrege Anglorum magnus meret induperator.  
The emperor was honourably received, and lodged line 60 in a rich tent of cloth of gold prepared for him, according as was convenient for his estate. He tarried until sunday being the fourteenth of August, and then returned to Air: and on the morrow after came again being monday the fifteenth of August, on which day there chanced a great fray betwixt the Almans of the king's camp, 
A Fray beweene the Almans of the king's camp, and the Englishmen 〈◊〉 appeased 〈◊〉 the discre●●●● of the 〈◊〉.  and the Englishmen, insomuch that many were slain. The Almans ran to the king's ordinance and took it, and imbattelled themselves, and bend the ordinance against the king and his camp. The English prepared their bows, and the Almans made ready their pikes: but the captains took such pains in the matter, that the fray was appeased.  
Now as this trouble was in hand, the emperor came from Air, and saw all the demeanour of both parts, and was glad to behold the discreet behaviour of the captains. 
The king and the emperor consult which ways were best to besiege Terwine, to prevent the vittelling of it.  After that the emperor was thus come to the king's field, the king called a council, at the which the emperor was present, where it was debated, by what means they might best constrain them within to deliver up the town, and especially how to keep them from victuals & other succours, which the French army (as it was known) meant very shortly to minister unto them. Some were of this mind, and namely the emperor; that bridges should be made over the river, to pass over a part of the army to besiege the town on that side; where otherwise the French army might victual the town at their pleasures.  
Others were of a contrary mind, doubting what might happen, if the army should be so divided, lest the Frenchmen setting on the back of the one part of the army, and they within the town to sally out in their faces, some misfortune might happen yer the other part could pass the river to the succour of their fellows. Yet at length the former purpose was allowed as most necessary; and therefore commandment was given to the master of the ordinance, that in all hast he should cause five bridges to be made over the water for the army to pass. 
Five bridges made in one night for the army to pass over the river at Terwine.  The carpenters so applied their work that night, that the bridges were made by the next morrow, and all the horsemen first passed over, and then the king with his whole battle, and the great ordinance followed and passed over to the other side of the water. This was on the sixteenth day of August being tuesday.  
On the same morning the Frenchmen were coming with their convey of victuals to refresh the town, having appointed one part of their troops to keep on that side the river where the English army was first encamped, and where the earl of Shrewesburie still kept his field; that in offering the skirmish on that side, the residue of the horsemen might with more ease and safety put the victuals and other necessary things into the town on the other side. Here might a man have seen of what force in wars sudden chance is oftentimes. 
Polydor. The force of sudden chance in war.  For the king thus with his battle passing the river, meaning to besiege the town on every side, and the Frenchmen at that same instant having also passed the river with other carriages laden with victuals, purposing to relieve the town on that side, caused no small doubt to be conceived of each others meaning, on both parts, lest that the one, having knowledge of the others purpose, had been prepared for to hinder the same.  
And yet was it nothing so, for neither the king knew of the Frenchmens approach that day, neither they of his passing over the water. 
Edw. Hall. Polydor.  But when the king had advertisement given him (by the light horsemen that were sent abroad to discover the country) how the Frenchmen were at hand; he prepared himself to the battle, and first set forth his horsemen, 
The king with his battle of footmen.  and then followed himself with his battle of footmen. The French captains being hereof advised, determined not to fight without their footmen; and therefore with all speed sent back their carriages, and stayed with their horsemen, until the carriages might have leisure to get out of danger. In the mean time the Englishmen advanced forward, and their horsemen mounted up the hill, where the French horsemen were in troup, with thirty and three standards spread, & might see the Englishmen coming, and the king's battle marching forward with the Almans.  
There were amongst the Frenchmen certain companies of Estradiots, which being placed before the French host, as they came down the hill to skirmish with the Englishmen saw where the banners of the English horsemen were coming, 
The Estradiots mistaking footmen for horsemen fled first.  and the king's battle following upward, weening verily that all had been horsemen, whereupon they cast themselves about and fled. The Frenchmen were so fast in array, that the Estradiots could not enter; and so they ran still by the ends of the Frenchmens ranks. Herewith the English horsemen set on, and about an hundred archers on horseback, being lighted beside their horses, and set by an hedge all alongst line 10 a village side called Bomie, shot freshly at their enemies; & also certain culverins being placed on the top of an hill were discharged amongst the thickest press of the Frenchmen; so that finally the French were discomfited: for those that were behind saw the fall of some of their standards, which the Englishmen overthrew, and their Estradiots also (in whom they had great confidence) return.  
They that were furthest off fled first, and then the Englishmen & Burgognian horsemen, 
A great overthrow given to the French, king Henry in person being present.  which were line 20 with them, eagerly followed the chase, in the which were taken the duke of Longuile, brother to the earl of Dunois that had married the daughter and heir to the marquess of Rothlois, the lord of Clerimont, captain Baiard, monsieur de Busy, and other, to the number of twelve score prisoners, and all brought to the king's presence with six standards, which were likewise taken. The Burgognians brought not their prisoners to sight. Monsieur de la palace, and monsieur de Imbrecourt being taken line 30 of them and known, were put to their ransoms, and licensed maintenantlie to departed upon their word. Thus was the power of the French horsemen by the sharp encounter of the English horsemen, and full fight of the battles of the footmen, following in array at the backs of the horsemen, and the discharging of certain culverins amongst them, quickly put to flight without any great resistance.  
The emperor Maximilian was present with the line 40 king, 
The emperor ●●courageth his Almans to play the men.  and aware saint George's cross, greatly encouraging the Almans to show themselves like men, sith the place was fortunate to him and them, to try the chance of battle in: as they might call to remembrance by the victory there obtained against the Frenchmen a four and twenty years past. This encounter chancing thus on the sixtéenth day of August, being tuesday, in this fift year of king Henry's reign, which was the year after the incarnation 1513, 
The battle of spurs.  was called the battle Des esprons, by line 50 the Frenchmen themselves, that is to say, the battle of spurs: forsomuch as they in steed of sword and lance used their spurs, with all might and main to prick forth their horses to get out of danger; so that in them was verified the old proverb, One pair of heels is worth two pair of hands.  
That wing of the horsemen also, which was appointed to skirmish with the Englishmen on the other side the river, whilst the other might have conveyed the victuals into the town, was fiercely beaten line 60 back by the martial prowess of the valiant earl of Shrewesburie, sir Rice ap Thomas, and other worthy captains, which lay on that side the water. The duke of Alencon, the earl of saint Paul, and monsieur de Florenges, had the leading of those Frenchmen. They within the town were in great hope of succour this day, and when they saw the French power approach, they sallied forth on that side where the lord Herbert lay, and skirmished with his people very proudly, but they were repelled to the gates of their town, and many of them slain by the high valiancy of the said lord Herbert and his captains.  
After that the Englishmen were returned from the chase of the Frenchmen, whom they had followed a three long miles from the field, the king made sir john Pechie a baneret, and john Car knight, which was sore hurt: sir john Pechie had his guidon taken, and diverse of his men hurt, 
Sir john Pechie 〈◊〉 baneret, an● john 〈◊〉 knight.  they followed so far in the chase. After this overthrow of the French horsemen, the K. compassed the town more straightly on each side, and the battery was brought so nigh the walls as might be, wherewith breaches were made in sundry places, by means whereof the lord Pontremie despairing any long time to keep the town, fell to a composition, and yielded it up to the king's hands. This encounter and overthrow, 
Terwine 〈◊〉 up to king Henry.  with the giving up of Terwine, is extant to the knowledge of foreign nations (to be read) recorded as followeth: 
Francorum pugnax equitatus praelia miscet,  
Succurrúntque suis, sed frustra infirmior arma  
Turba capit; palmam bellando potentior Anglus  
Aufert, laethifera transfossis hostibus hasta.  
Diruta turrifragis bombardis moenia praebent  
Brutigenae ingressum facilem, Gallísque timorem  
Inijciunt, tandem Terrouana deditur Anglo.   
Howbeit this yielding up of the said town was with condition, that the soldiers might departed with horse and armour, & that such townsmen as would there remain, might have their lives and goods saved. Thus (I say) was the city of Terwine delivered up to the king of England, with all the ordinance and munitions then being found within the same. This was on the eighteenth of August. The earl of Shrewesburie entered the same night, and caused the banner of saint George to be set up in the highest place of the town in sign of victory. When the lord Pontremie, and all the soldiers were departed, and that the earl of Shrewesburie had searched all the town to see that every thing was sure, he called the townsmen afore him, 
The citizens' of Terwine sworn to king Henry. The king ●●●tereth into Terwine.  and swore them to be true to the king of England. The four and twentieth of August the king himself entered the town with great and royal triumph, and dined in the bishop's palace. At after noon he returned to his camp, and on the six and twentieth day of August he removed again to Guingate, where he first encamped after the chase of the French horsemen.  
Here it was determined in council, that the walls and fortifications of Terwine should be razed, which was done, and the town burned; 
Terwine burnt.  except the cathedral church and the palace. All the ordinance was sent to Air to be kept there to the king's use. After this, it was concluded that the king should lay siege to the city of Tornay; 
King Henry marcheth on with his army to besiege Tornay.  whereupon he set forward in three battles: the earl of Shrewesburie leading the vanguard, the king and the emperor governing the battle, and the lord Chamberlain following with the rearward. The first night they encamped beside Air. diverse Englishmen tarrying behind at Terwine for pillage, were surprised by the Frenchmen, which slew some of them, & cast some into the fire. 
The king g●●eth to Lisle 〈◊〉 visit the young prince Castille.  Those that fled escaped very narrowly. The king with his army passed forward towards Tornay, and by the way visited the young prince of Castille and the lady Margaret, governor of the prince, in the town of Lislie, whilst his army lay abroad in the fields beyond Pont Auandien.  
There was appointed to attend the king unto Lislie the duke of Buckingham, the lord marquess Dorset, the earl of Essex, and the lord Lisle, with diverse other; the charge of his camp he committed for the time to his council. Then mounted the king upon a courser, his apparel & bard were cloth of silver of small quadrant cuts traversed and edged with cut cloth of gold, and the border set full of red roses, 
Sir Henry Guildford 〈◊〉 of the kings horse.  his armour fresh & set full of jewels. The master of his horse sir Henry Guildford, and the henchmen followed (as you have heard before) and the coursers richly appareled, and so were many captains that waited on the king: by the way met the king the lord Ravesten with many noble men. And a mile without the town there met with him the burgesses of Lisle, and presented to him the keys of the town, saying, that the emperor their sovereign lord had so commanded them to do.  
The king praised their obedience to their sovereign, and thanked the emperor and them for so high a present as the keys of such a town. Nevertheless, line 10 he had such confidence in them, that he trusted them no less than his own subjects, and so delivered the keys to the provost of the town, which was well accompanied. Then met the king a great number of nobles of Flanders, Brabant, Holland, and Henaud, 
The Palsgrave of 〈◊〉 & his train come to 〈◊〉 the K. of England.  which nobly received him. After them came the county Palatine or Palsgrave, one of the electors of the empire, with thirty horses, all his men gorgeously appareled after the fashion of his country, and humbly saluted the king. At the gate line 20 of Lisle the capiteine of the town stood with a garrison in armour well appointed, all the streets were set on both sides with burning torches and diverse goodly pageants pleasant to behold. Thus he passed through the town with his sword and maces borne before him, and alighted at the hall door with his sword borne, where met with him the emperor, the prince of Castille, and the lady Margaret, and humbly saluted him.  
Then for reverence of the emperor, the king line 30 caused his sword to be put up, and his maces to be laid down; & so was the king and all other nobles lodged and feasted according to their degrees. In the town of Lisle was a noise that three gunner's with handguns should have slain the king: 
A false rumour of the king's 〈◊〉.  for which rumour many were attached, but nothing proved. But when these tidings came to the camp, they were never merry till they saw the king again. Great was the cheer, with banquets, plays, comedies, masks, and other pastimes that were showed to the king in line 40 the court of Burgognie, and so in solace he sojourned there sunday and monday the nineteenth day of September. On the twentieth day he sent word that his army 〈◊〉 remove toward Tornay, and so they removed to a place convenient between Tornay and Lisle, and certain capiteins were appointed to keep the passage at the bridge of Auandien.  
After that the king had tarried at Lisle three days, and had well reposed himself, he took his leave, and line 50 thanked the emperor and the young prince, the lady Margaret & all the ladies for all his high cheer and solace; and about six of the clock at night, he departed out of Lisle, and the noble men brought the king forth and so returned, and then the captain shut the gates. When the king was a mile and more out of the town, he asked where his camp lay? And no man there could tell the way, and guide had they none, the night was so dark & misty. Thus the king tarried a long while, 
The king and his train ignorant of the way to his camp by means of a ●●st.  and witted not whither to go; at last line 60 they met with a vitteler coming from the camp, which was their guide and brought them thither. The master of the ordinance shot diverse pieces of ordinance, but they were not heard; but in safety the king with all his company returned.  
On the one and twentieth day of September the king removed his camp toward Tornay, and lodged within three miles of the city, on a corn ground by the river. On which night came to the king the emperor and the Palsgrave, which were lodged in rich tents, and nobly served of all viands and things necessary. The people about Tornay were with their goods fled to the city, and yet the city had no men of war to defend it, but with multitude of inhabitants the same was well replenished. The king commanded sir Rice and his horsemen to view one quarter, and the earl of Essex and his company another quarter; and the lord Wallon and the lord Lignie the other quarters. Then the two and twentieth day of September, these four captains at one time were soon openly with banners displayed before the town, and there made a long stolen, and returned.  
Then the king sent Gartier king of arms to summon them to yield it over into his hands, 
Tornay summoned by Gartier king of arms.  to whom they made answer, that they received no city of the king of England to keep, nor any would they render him, with which answer he departed. Then they fortified their walls, and made provision for victuals, corn, wine, and artillery, and for all fortifications that might be gotten. And the city of itself was strong, well walled, and turrited with good bulwarks and defences. But when they saw the king with such a puissance draw near the city, they were sore abashed, and called a general council. Then the provost said; Brethren, 
The provost of Tornaies' words to the distressed townsmen.  you know how that the king of England sent an herald to summon us to render up to him this city, or else he would put it and us to the sword, fire, and blood. We answered we would be at defence.  
Now he is come in our sight to fulfil the message sent by the herald, & now is come the time of our defence.  
Howbeit in this matter standeth three mischiefs, one is our bounden duty and allegiance that we own to our sovereign lord king jews of France; the second the lives of us, our wives, children, and neighbours; the third how to defend the final destruction of this ancient city, now likely to fall, which city was never conquered. Now our city is whole, your lives in safety, your goods your own; determine whether you will have war or peace. Then the common people cried all; War, war, war. Then said the provost, Take compassion of wives and children and of the old folk; consider if you have no quick rescue, you cannot continue against yonder puissance, although your courages were never so great, this the wisest of the city and I have considered.  
Then suddenly was there in the council a vauntparler, a botcher, which hearing this, called a great number of his affinity, and went out of the council and so out of the gates, and set fire of the suburbs on all sides. When the council saw the minds of the commons, and that their ways might not be followed, they comforted the people, and maintained them for their defence.  
After this the king approached the city with his whole army, and they of the city issued forth to proffer the skirmish: but the archers beat them back. Also the carriage men that came with the harbingers, saw where certain wagons were entering the city, unto the which they ran, and took some of them. At this skirmish the horse of the lord john Gray was slain under him, as he came to defend the carriage men; but he himself had no hurt. The king with his battle planted his siege on the north side the city. The earl of Shrewsburie with the forward lodged toward the south side of the river, 
Tornay besieged by king Henry.  and there lay that night. The lord Herbert with the rearward encamped himself on the west side, and beat the walls and towers of the city with the great ordinance. The next day after their coming thither, being the three and twentieth of September, the earl of Shrewesburie with the forward passed the river, & planted his siege on the southside of the city, stretching to the east end, and bend his ordinance against the walls. And thus was the city of Tornay besieged on all parts.  
On the five and twentieth day of September, the king received letters from the earl of Surrie with the Scotish kings gauntlet, whereby he was certified of the slaughter of the said king, and how all things had been handled at the battle of Floddon, 
See Hall in Henry. 8. fol. 37, 38. & history of Scotland, pag. 297, 298.  whereof hereafter ye shall find further mention. The king thanked God of the news, and highly commended the prowess of the earl, and other the captains: howbeit he had a secret letter, that Chesshiremen and other fled from sir Edmund Howard in the battle, which letter caused great hartburning, line 10 and many words: but the king took all things in good part, and would that no man should be dispraised. On the six and twentieth day, fires were made in the host, in token of that victory against the Scots, and on the seven and twentieth day being tuesday, mass was song by them of the king's chapel, with Te Deum, and the bishop of Rochester made a sermon, declaring the death of the king of Scots, and lamenting his evil hap and perjury. But now to our purpose of the siege of Tornay. line 20  


Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fo. xliiij, xlv.  
The city of Tornay on all sides besieged.   ¶ The king of England lying affront before Tornay, caused his great ordinance to be planted round about the city, and diverse trenches were cast, and rampires made, and the lord Lisle and the lord Willoughby were appointed to maintain the ordinance with their bands, and the earl of Kent was lodged before the gate called port Ualencien; so that the citizens could not issue out, nor no aid could come in. The ordinance daily beat the gates, towers, & walls, which made a great battery: and a few Englishmen line 30 assaulted the port coquerell, but they were too few in number; and if they had been more in number, they had taken the town, as the Tornasins confessed after. The citizens of Tornay considering their estate came together to council, and there the provost said in effect as followeth. 
The provosts words to the townsmen.   
Friends and brethren of this noble city, I cannot too much praise your truth and fidelity to your sovereign lord the king of France; considering how manfully you have defended this city since the beginning of this siege. line 40  
But alas! although it be written on the gates graven in stone, jammes ton ne a perdeu ton pucellage, that is to say; Thou hast never lost thy maidenhed: yet if this city had not been well furnished and ever at the day appointed sure of rescue, it could not have continued. Now you see that rescue faileth, our gates be razed, our towers beaten down, our chief tower like to fall, so that if this perilous siege continue, or else if our enemies assault us, we be not able to defend us: wherefore now, all these things considered, I would know whether you will treat with the king line 50 of England or abide the chance. Then they which at the last council cried War, war; now cried Peace, peace: yet all were not agreed. Then one wise man said, Sirs if the town be assaulted once again with a great number, surly it will be taken: you saw the experience at the last assault, and then consider if it be taken by force, who is there that can say he is sure of his life: but by entreaty, the king of England is so merciful that we may fortune to save both life and goods.  
Then finally all agreed to treat. line 60  
Then the provost sent to the king a trumpet, desiring a safe conduct for him & certain other to come and to speak with him: which request was to him granted. 
The provost with eleven more submit themselves & yield up the city to the king.  Then the provost of the city, accompanied with eleven with him of the best of the city, came to the army, & spoke with the lords of the council, and after were led to the king's presence. The provost kneeled down and all his company, and said: Right high and mighty prince, although the city of Tornay is strong, well walled, well replenished with people, victuals, artillery, yea and the people in fear and dread of nothing; yet we know that against your great puissance it can not continue long, although it were ten times as strong as it is. Wherefore we knowing by report your honour, your wisdom, your justice, & noble hart, are content to become your subjects & vassals, so that we may have and enjoy our old laws, customs, liberties, and franchises, under you; as we have before this done under other princes.  
Then said the king; We have well heard your petition, we will common with our council & make you answer. And when he had communed with his council, he answered saying: Sirs, he that asketh mercy of us, shall not be denied; and seeing you come to treat, we remit you to our council. Then they went into the tent of council, & there the Tornasins fell at a point, and in conclusion they yielded the city and ten thousand pounds sterling for the redemption of their liberties, and so departed to the city, making relation of the king and his noble courage. On thursday the nine and twentieth day of September, the king was in his rich tent of cloth of gold under his cloth of estate, to whom came the citizens of the city, and were sworn to him, and became his subjects.  
Then the king appointed the lord Lisle, 
The 〈◊〉 taken in the king of England's behalf.  the lord Aburgavenie, & the lord Willoughby to take possession, which with six thousand men entered the city, and took the market place and the walls, and searched the houses for fear of treason. Then master Thomas Woolsie the king's almoner called before him all the citizens young and old, and swore them to the king of England, the number whereof was four score thousand. Thus the king of England by conquest came to the possession of the city of Tornay. On sunday the second day of October, the king entered the city of Tornay at port fountain, and four of the chief of the city over him bore a canopy with all the arms of England. Every person was in his best apparel, the ladies & gentlewomen lay in the windows beholding the king and his nobility, every citizen had in his hand a staff torch. The king himself was richly appareled in rich armour on a barded courser, his henchmen bearing his pieces of war, as axe, spear, and other, their coursers were barded with the arms of England, France, Ireland, and other the king's dominions all richly broidered. Thus the king with his nobility all richly appareled with his sword borne before him, his heralds and sergeants of arms with trumpets and minstrelsy entered the city, and came to our lady church, and there Te Deum was song.  
Then the king called to his presence, 
The king 〈◊〉 cert●●●● gentlemen (〈◊〉 their good service) knights.  Edward Guildford, William Fitz Williams, john Danfie, William Tiler, john Sharpe, William Husse, john Savage, Christopher Garnish, and diverse other valiant esquires, and gave to them the order of knighthood, and then went to his lodging, and at after noon he came to the market place, were was prepared for him a room. Then he caused a proclamation to be made in his name king of England & France, that no man should grieve the citizens. During which proclamation the Tornasins scarce looked up, nor showed once to him any amiable countenance, which was much marked. The cry finished, the king departed to his camp, leaving the city in safe keeping. This week the king road to see the castle of Morton, and there his grace took great pleasure. The king remembering the great cheer that the prince of Castille and the lady Margaret had made him at Lisle, which was but twelve miles English from Tornay, desired the said prince & lady, with diverse other to come to him to his city of Tornay, and made preparation for the same, and appointed a justs, whereof he himself would be one; and caused a tilt to be made in the market place.  
While these things were preparing, the king and his council ordered for the sure keeping of the city of Tornay, 
Sir Edward Poinings 〈◊〉 lieutenant of Tornay.  and there ordained sir Edward Poinings knight of the order of the garter to be his lieutenant with four hundred archers, with captains, horsemen, and artillery convenient, and to have aid of Henaud and other the king's friends adjoining; and of his guard he left there four hundred archers, and ordinance was appointed for the defence of the same. On monday the eleventh day of October the king without the town received the prince of Castille, line 10 the lady Margaret, and diverse other nobles of their countries, and them brought into Tornay with great triumph. The noise went that the lord Lisle made request of marriage to the lady Margaret duchess of Saulie, and daughter to the emperor Maximilian, which before that time was departed from the king with many rich gifts and money borrowed: but whether he proffered marriage or not, she favoured him highly. There the prince and duchess sojourned with great solace by the space of ten days. line 20  

I●stes held 〈◊〉 Tornay for disport of the prince of Castille & the duchess of Savoie.  During which time, the eighteenth day of October began the justs, the king and the lord Lisle answering all comers: upon the king attended four & twenty knights on foot in coats of purple velvet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of gold was set in the place for the armory & Relief. The king had a base and a trapper of purple velvet both set full of SS of bullion, and the lord Lisle in the same suit, there were many spears broken, and many a good buffet given; the strangers, as the lord Walon and lord Emerie line 30 and other did right well. When the justs were done, the king & all the other unhelmed them, & road about the tilt, and did great reverence to the ladies, and then the heralds cried to lodging. This night the K. made a sumptuous banquet of an hundred dishes to the prince of Castille and the lady Margaret, and to all other lords and ladies; and after the banquet the ladies dansed, and then came in the king and eleven in a mask, all richly appareled with bonnets of gold, and when they had passed the time at their pleasure, line 40 the garments of the mask were cast off amongst the ladies, take who could take.  

The prince & the duchess return to Lisle.  On the twentieth day of October, the prince of Castille and the lady Margaret (with many great gifts to them given) returned to Lisle and all their train. After that the king was informed that all directions were taken, and every thing put in an order for the sure keeping of the city of Tornay, he betook the same to sir Edward Poinings knight, which valiantly kept it in good order and justice. The king & his line 50 council before this considering, that the Frenchmen would give them no battle, and that winter approached, which was no time to lie at siege of other towns, concluded to keep Tornay safely, and to break up his camp for that winter, and to begin again war in the spring of the year. This was a full conclusion taken by the king and his council, and so the king and all his people (except such as were appointed to be with sir Edward Poinings) departed out of Tornay the twentieth day of September: 
The king returneth into England.  line 60 and the king and the noble men made such speed, that shortly they came to Calis.  
Thither came the lord admiral, whom the king heartily thanked of his pains, and there every man was paid his full wages and conduct money, and ships prepared for the passage; and so the four and twentieth day of September, the king with a privy company took ship, and the same day landed at Dover, and shortly after all his people followed; then he with a small company road to Richmond in post to the queen, where was such a loving meeting, that every creature rejoiced. 
A mortality.  This season began a great mortality in London and other places, where much people died. All this winter the king's navy kept the seas, and rob and spoiled the Frenchmen on their coasts, so that they were every foot afflicted by the English, & witted not which way to remedy it, bearing grudge in their hearts, and wishing a general destruction of their enemies, against whom they did swell with malignity and indignation, both for their late overthrows and losses aswell of lands as lives; the surrender of Terwin sticking in their stomaches, and the yielding of Tornay nipping them at the heart, which had lost the property, & was now forced to obey new lords and new laws, as our poet saith: 
— dominorum serva novorum,  

* Vrbs Tornaci.  Accipit ecce novas Henrico principe leges.   
But now I must return to speak of the doings in the North parts, between the Englishmen and Scots. Whilst the king was occupied in his wars against France in the summer of this year (as before is mentioned) ye have heard how the king of Scots sent his letters unto the king, as then lying at the siege before Terwine, and what answer was made thereto by the king. Immediately upon the sending of those his letters containing in effect a defiance, the king of Scots assembled his people to invade the English confines: but before his whole power was come together, 
Lord Humes entereth the borders of England.  the lord Humes that was lord chamberlain of Scotland, on a day in August entered England with seven or eight thousand men, and getting together a great booty of cattle, thought to have returned therewith into his country.  
But as he came to pass through a field overgrown with broom, called Milfield, 
Englishmen assail the Scots.  the English men under the leading of sir William Bulmer, and other valiant captains, having with them not past a thousand soldiers, being laid within that field in ambushment, broke forth upon him: and though the Scots on foot defended themselves right manfully, yet the English archers shot so wholly together, 
Scots put to flight.  that the Scots were constrained to give place. There were of them slain at this bickering five or six hundred, and four hundred or more taken prisoners; the lord chamberlain himself escaped by flight, 
Lord chamberlain escapeth. The ill road.  but his banner was taken. This was called by the Scots the ill road. In the mean time was the whole power of Scotland assembled, with the which king james approaching to the borders, 
Norham castle besieged.  and coming to Norham castle, laid siege thereto, having there with him an hundred thousand men.  
After he had beaten this castle with his ordinance for the space of six days together, 
Norham castle delivered.  the same was delivered up into his hands; for the captain was so liberal of his shot and powder, spending the same so freely before he had cause so to do, that when it should have stood him in stead, he had none left to aid him, so that in the end he yielded himself without more resistance. 
The earl of Surrie lieutenant of the north raiseth an army.  In which mean time the earl of Surreie being lieutenant of the north parts of England, in absence of king Henry, had given order to assemble a power of six and twenty thousand men; and coming to Alnwike the third of September being saturday, tarried there all the next day till the whole number of his people were come, which by reason of the foul way were stayed, 
The lord admiral joineth with the earl of Surrie his father.  and could not come forward with such speed as was appointed. This fourth day of September then being sunday, his son the lord admiral, with a thousand soldiers and able men of war, which had been at sea, came to his father; whereof he greatly rejoiced for the great wisdom, manhood, and experience, which he knew to be in him.  
Then the earl and his council, 
The lord Howard admiral captein● of the forward.  with great deliberation appointed his battles in order, with wings, and with horsemen necessary. First of the forward was ordained captain the lord Howard admiral of England, as well with such as came with him from the sea, as others. First the lord Clifford, the lord Coniers, the lord Latimer, the lord Scroop of upsal, the lord Ogle, the lord Lomlie, sir Nicholas Appleyard master of the ordinance, sir Stephan Bull, sir Henry Shirburne, sir William Sidneie, sir Edward Ichingham, sir William Bulmer, with the power of the bishopric of Durham, sir William Gascoigne, sir Christopher Ward, sir john Eueringham, sir Thomas Metham, sir Walter Griffith, and many others. line 10  
Of the wing on the right hand of the forward, was captain sir Edward Howard knight marshal of the host, & with him Brian Tunstall, Ralph Brearton, john Laurence, Richard Bold, esquires: sir john Booth, sir Thomas Butler, knights: Richard Done, john Bigod, Thomas Fitz Williams, john Claruis, Brian Stapleton, Robert Warcop, Richard Cholmleie, with the men of Hull, and the king's tenants of Hatfield, and others. Of the wing on the left hand, was captain sir Marmaduke line 20 Constable, with his sons and kinsmen, sir William Persie, and of Lancashire a thousand men. Of the rearward was captain the earl of Surreie himself, and with him the lord Scroop of Bolton, sir Philip Tilneie, sir George Darcie, sir Thomas Berkleie, sir john Rocliffe, sir Christopher Pikering, Richard Tempest, sir john Stanleie, with the bishop of Elies' servants, sir Brian Stapleton, Lionel Persie, with the abbot of Whitbies' tenants, Christopher Clapham, sir William Gascoigne the line 30 younger, sir Guy Dawneie, master Magnus, master Dalbies' servants, sir john Normanuile, the citizens of York, sir Ninian Markanuile, sir john Willoughby, with others.  
Of the wing on the right hand, was captain the lord Dacres with his power. Of the left hand wing, was captain sir Edward Stanleie knight, with the residue of the power of the two counties palantine of Chester and Lancaster. Thus was the host appointed and divided into wards and wings at the first, line 40 though afterward (upon occasion) this order was somewhat altered. And now that every man knew what to do, the earl of Surrie with his power coming toward the place where he thought to find the Scotish host, was informed how king james being removed six miles from Norham, 
The strength of the place where king james lay encamped, called Floddon.  lay imbattelled upon a great mounteine called Floddon, a place of such strength, as it was not possible for the Englishmen to come near him, but to their great disadvantage: for at the foot of the same hill on the line 50 left hand, there was a great marish ground full of reed and water.  
On the right hand it was defended with a river called Till, the course whereof being so swift, and the channel in some places so deep, that it might not conveniently be passed. On the back half there were such craggy rocks and thick woods, that it was not possible to assail him to any advantage that way forth. And on the forepart of the camp, where nature had left an easy entry for men to come to the line 60 same, all his ordinance was planted aloft upon the sides of such trenches, as he had caused to be cast for defence on that part. The earl of Surrie hereupon, considering with himself, that unless he might devise some policy to cause the Scotish army to descend the hill, it were not possible for him to accomplish his desire, he called about him his council, and with them took advise in this point.  

An herald sent from the earl of Surrie to king james.  At length it was concluded and determined among other things, to send Rogue Cross, pursuivant at arms, with a trumpet to the king of Scots, with a message and certain instructions: which in substance was, to show and declare unto the said king of Scots, that where he (contrary unto his oath and league, and unnaturally against all reason and conscience) had entered and invaded this his brother's realm of England, and done great hurt to the same, in casting down castles, towers, and houses, burning, spoiling, and destroying the same, and cruelly murdering the king of England his brother's subjects; he the said earl would be ready to try the rightfulness of the matter with the king in battle, by friday next coming at the furthest, if he of his noble courage would give him tarrying and abode. And the same did the said earl promise, as he was a true knight unto God & the king of England his master.  
And before Rogue Cross should departed with the said instructions, 
The lord admerals' message to the king of Scots.  the lord admiral gave him in credence to show the said king of his coming, and part of his company from the sea with him, and that he had sought the Scotish navy then being on the sea, but he could not meet with them, because they were fled into France by the coast of Ireland. And in as much as the said king had diverse and many times caused the said lord to be called at days of truce, to make redress for Andrew Barton a pirate of the sea, 
Andrew Barton, of whom mention before pag. 811.  long before that vanquished by the same lord admiral, he was now come in his own proper person, to be in the vanguard of the field, to justify the death of the said Andrew against him and all his people, and would see what could be laid to his charge the said day.  
Furthermore, that he nor none of his company should take no Scotish noble man prisoner, nor any other; but they should die if they came in his danger, unless it were the kings own person; for he said he trusted to none other courtesy at the hands of the Scots. And in this manner he should find him in the vanguard of the field, by the grace of God, and saint George, as he was a true knight. Yet before the departing of Rogue Cross, with the said instructions and credence, it was thought by the earl & his council, that the said king would feign and imagine some other message, to send an herald of his with the same, only to view and oversee the manner and order of the kings royal army, ordinance, and artillery then being with the earl, whereby might have ensued great danger to the same.  
And for the eschewing thereof, 
A good policy.  he had in commandment, that if any such message were sent, not to bring any person coming therewith within three or two miles of the field at the nighest, where the said earl would come, and hear what he would say. And thus departed Rogue Cross, with his trumpet, appareled in his coat of arms. On monday the fift day of September, the earl took his field at Bolton in Glendale, as he had appointed, where all the noble men and gentlemen met him with their retinues, to the number of six and twenty thousand men. And about midnight next ensuing came the trumpet which went to Rogue Cross, and declared how the king of Scots, after the message done to him by Rogue Cross, according to his instructions, the said king detained him, 
Ilaie and York heralds.  & sent one Ilaie an herald of his with him unto the earl, to declare to him the king's pleasure; to whom the earl sent York herald at arms, to accompany the said Ilaie, at a village called Milo, two miles from the field, until the coming thither of the said earl the next morrow.  
On the sixth day of September, early in the morning, the earl accompanied with the most part of the lords and knights, and gentlemen of the field, every man having with him but one servant to hold his horse, road unto the place: and so the said herald met with the earl, and with blunt reverence declared to him that he was come from his master the king of Scots, which would know whether the earl sent any such message by Rogue Crosse. The earl justified the same, saying further; that Rogue Cross had the same message of him in writing, signed with his own hand. Whereunto the said Ilaie said: As to the abiding for battle between that and friday than next following, 
The Scotish herald doth 〈◊〉 errand to 〈…〉.  the king his master bade him show to the earl, that he was as welcome as any noble man of England unto the said king, and that if be h●d been at home in his town of Edinburgh, there receiving such a message from the said earl, line 10 he would gladly have come, and fulfilled the said earls desire.  
And the herald assured the earl, on the king his master's behalf, that the same king would abide him battle at the day prefixed. Whereof the said earl was right joyous, and much praised the honourable agreement of the said royal king, and esteemed the same to proceed of an high and honourable courage, promising the herald, that he, and good surety with him should be bound in ten thousand pounds sterling, to keep the line 20 said day appointed; so that the king would find an earl of his, and thereto a good surety with him to be bound in like sum, for the performance of the same. And furthermore the earl bade the herald to say unto his master the king; that if he for his part kept not his appointment, than he was content that the Scots should baffle him, 
Baffulling what it is among the Scots.  which is a great reproach among the Scots, and is used, when a man is openly perjured, and then they make of him an image painted, reversed, with his heels upward, with his name, line 30 wondering, crying, and blowing out on him with horns, in the most despiteful manner they can, in token that he is worthy to be exiled the company of all good creatures. Then Ilaie delivered to the earl a little schedule written with the king's secretaries hand unsigned, as followeth.  

The tenor of the said schedule.  
AS to the causes alleged of our coming into England against our band and promise (as is alleged) thereto we answer; our brother was bound as far to us, as we to him. And when we swore last before his ambassador, in presence of our council; we expressed especially in an oath, that we would keep to our brother, if our brother kept to us, and not else. We swear our line 50 brother broke first unto us. And since his breach we have required divers times him to amend; & lately we warned our brother, as he did not us, yer he broke. And this we take for our quarrel, and with God's grace shall defend the same at your affixed time, which with God's grace we shall abide.   

The Scotish herald is detained of the English.  And forsomuch as the king kept Rogue Cross with him, who was not yet returned, the same earl caused the same Ilaie to be in the keeping of sir Humphrey Lisle and York herald in the same village, until the time that a servant of the same Ilaie might ride in all haste to the king of Scots, for the delivering of the said Rogue Crosse. Then the earl joyous of the king's answer, returned to his camp, and set forward five miles, to a place called Woller Haugh, in such order of battle, as even then he should have fought, and there lodged for that night, three little miles from the king of Scots. And between the king & him was a goodly & large corn field called Milfield, which was a convenient & fair ground for two hosts to fight on: there either host might perceive other. The earls desire was to procure the Scots to descend the hill into some even ground, where he might fight with them without disadvantage of place.  
But the king, though he had a great desire to fight, yet upon diverse considerations, by advise of his council he still kept his ground, and meant not to remove at all out of his strength. Whereupon the earl of Surrie not able long to continue in such grounds of disadvantage, by reason of mires, and marshes, amongst the which he lodged with his army that was almost famished for lack of sufficient victuals, which could not be recovered in such a barren country, determined to seek all ways possible, if he might constrain the Scotish king to come down beside the hill. He therefore raised his camp, and leaving his enemies on the left hand, 
The earl of Surrie removeth his camp over the water of Till.  and passing over the water of Till, he drew into a more commodious ground, at the end of Barmore wood; to the end he might refresh his soldiers some what hereby after they had been toiled for the space of three days together in cloggie mires, and foul filthy ways, to their disease and weariness.  
The earl of Surrie being thus lodged, the water of Till ran betwixt the two camps of Scots and Englishmen, dividing them in sunder: and still by reason the one was within the shot of a culvering of the other, they ceased not to bestow shot and ponder either at other, though without doing any great hurt at all. For the English camp on that part which lay toward the Scots, was covered with an hill rising from the hither bank of Till water, with an easy steepness to the height of a miles space or thereabouts. Thomas lord Howard son and heir to the earl of Surrie, 
The lord Howard taketh view of the Scotish army.  from the top of this hill beholding all the country on every side about him, declared to his father, that if he did eftsoons remove his camp, and pass the water of Till again in some place a little above, and by fetching a small compass come & show himself on the back half of his enemies, the Scotish king should either be enforced to come down forth of his strength and give battle, or else be stopped from receiving victuals or any other thing out of Scotland.  
The earl of Surrie desirous of nothing so much as to join with the Scots in battle; 
The earl of Surrie returneth again over the water of Till.  after he understood that his son had informed him nothing but truth, he raised his field: and marching a three miles upward by the river side, passed over his army in two parts at two several bridges, all at one time. King james when he saw this manner of his enemies, and perceiving what their meaning was, by conjecture of their doings, thought it stood not with his honour to sit still, and suffer himself to be forestalled forth of his own realm: and again, that it might sore diminish the opinion of his princely power, if he seemed to remain as it were besieged within a fortress, having more confidence in strength of the place, than in the manhood of his people: whereupon immediately he raised his camp, and got an hill, which he doubted least the enemy should have taken before him.  
But by such diligence as he used, and by reason of the great smoke which was raised and spread over all the country, by burning of the litter and cabins wherein the Scots had lodged, purposely set on fire to the same intent, he was got to the place whither he intended, before the Englishmen knew for any certainty that he was dislodged, though they were as then within a mile of him. Thus king james keeping the tops of the hills, the earl of Surrie with the English army came to the foot of the same hills, and staying there a while, for so much as he saw how the hill to the which the Scots were gotten, was neither steep nor hard to ascend, 
The valiant determination of the earl to encounter the Scots.  he determined to mount the same, and to fight with the Scotish host yer they should have leisure to fortify their camp.  
Héerewith calling his people together, he made unto them a brief oration, declaring unto them both what necessity there was for them to show their manhood, and what just causes they had also to fight against those enemies, that against both the laws of God and man had most cruelly invaded the realm of England, in the quarrel of a schismatic, and one line 10 that was accursed and excommunicated by the censures of the church. The Englishmen kindled with desire to fight, the more through those words of the earl, required incontinently to be led forth against the Scots, that they might show what earnest wills they had to be revenged; not only of new received wrongs, but also of ancient injuries; for there should neither height of hill, nor any other obstacle hinder them, but they would either return with victory, or line 20 else lose their lives in the pain.  
The earl of Surrie conceived no small hope of victory in this cheerful readiness of his soldiers, 
The ordering of the English army.  and thereupon with all speed (as the occasion then moved him at that instant) divided his army into three battles, or rather four: unto the vanguard whereof, the lord Howard was captain, his brother sir Edmund Howard was joined as a wing; the earl himself led the midle-ward, and the rearward was guided by sir Edward Stanleie, afterwards line 30 created lord Mounteagle. The lord Dacres with a number of horsemen was set apart by himself to succour where need should seem to appear. The ordinance was placed in the front of these battles, & in places between, as was thought expedient. In this order, forward they made with manly courages towards the Scots a good marching pace.  
In the mean time, king james beholding all the demeanour of the Englishmen, from the height of the hill, 
The Scotish kings thought at the view of the English army.  thought with himself, that there was offered him that day a goodly occasion of victory, if he line 40 might come to fight with the enemies at such advantage of place and number. And therefore, being hastened forward through the strenable force of destiny, or rather Gods ordinance, he commanded his standards to be raised and spread, and every man to resort to his appointed place, that they might forthwith encounter the enemies, that presumed thus to seek battle. And héerewith turning him to the lords and captains that stood about him, he spoke unto them many line 50 comfortable words touching the occasion offered them at that present, to gain both a famous victory, and to revenge so manifold injuries and displeasures, as they had sustained diverse ways forth at the Englishmen'S hands.  
He had scarce made an end of his tale, but the soldiers with great noise and clamour cried; Forward, Upon them; shaking their weapons in sign of an earnest desire they had (as then they showed) to buckle with the Englishmen. Whereupon, without delay, line 60 king james putting his horse from him, 
King james and all the rest alight from horseback.  all other as well nobles as mean men did the like, that the danger being equal, as well to the greatest as to the meanest, and all hope of succour taken away, which was to be looked for by flight, they might be the more willing to show their manhood, sith their safeguard only rested in the edges and points of their weapons. 
The order of the Scotish host.  Then was the whole army divided into five wards or regiments, to this intent, that the battle wherein the king himself stood with his standard, might be enclosed as it were with two wings, on either side one. In the right wing, the earls of Huntleie, Crawford, and Montrosse, were placed as chief leaders thereof; and in the left were the earls of Lenox, and Argile, with the lord Hume, lord chamberlain of Scotland, being men of great skill in warlike affairs, as was reported.  
Moreover, in every band (almost generally throughout) there was a knight appointed for captain and guider, 
French ●●●teins in the Scotish 〈◊〉  and amongst them certain French captains, the which king jews had sent over into Scotland lately before, to train the Scots in the practice of wars. The ordinance was lodged in places most convenient; though by reason they marched down the hill, their shot did small damage to the Englishmen coming upwards towards them, and yet they bestowed it freshly on either side one upon an other. Héerwith sir Edmund Howard with his wing was got up on the hill side, 
The battle is begun, and sir Edmund Howard encountered with the earls of Lenox and Argile.  with whom the lord Hume and the two foresaid earls of Lenox and Argile encountered with such violence, that this battle of Scots with spears on foot on that part, beat down and broke that wing of the Englishmen, in such wise that sir Edmund Howard was in manner left alone, and felled to the earth, that (had not bastard Heron come to his succours at that instant) he had been slain there without all remedy.  
On the other part, the lord Dacres watching to aid where need appeared, 
Thus hath iovius, although Hall saith, that the lord Dacres stood still all day unfoughten with.  came in on the sides of the Scots, & gave a charge on them with his horsemen, whereby sir Edmund Howard being somewhat relieved, escaped to the English vanguard, which was led (as before is mentioned) by his brother, lord Howard, who being now also got aloft on the hill, pressed still forward to renew the battle, & to secure those whom he saw put to the worse, so that thereby they took new courages, & laid about them again. Herewith the earls of Crawford & Montrosse came with their battle of spears also on foot, and encountering with the said lord Howard, after sore fight on both sides continued, with more malicious hatred than force of the parties, both the said earls were slain, 
The Scots put to the worse in the right wing.  besides a great number of other; the whole battle which they led being put to flight and chased out of the field, maimed, wounded, and slain. And though they did what they could to the uttermost resistance, in hope to have bathed their blades in English blood; yet the contrary came to pass, as in stories is left recorded, to the honour of the English; namely: 
Sustinet inflictos duris umbonibus ictus,  
Imbuit & gladios manante cru●re Britannus.   
On the left hand at the same instant, 
Sir Edw●r● Stanley and his archers break the Scots arr●●●.  sir Edward Stanley having begun to encounter with the Scots on that side, forced them to come down into a more even ground; and brought to that point with such incessant shot of arrows as his archers bestowed amongst them, that to avoid the danger of that sore and sharp storm, the Scots were constrained to break their array, & to fight not closed together in order of battle, but insunder one separated from another, so that their standards began to shrink here and there. Which thing when sir Edward Stanleie perceived, forthwith bringing about three bands▪ which he had kept in store for such like purpose; he invaded the open sides of his enemies by a fresh onset, and put them in such disorder, that they were not able any longer to abide the violence of the Englishmen mightily pressing upon them: so that taking themselves to flight, and running headlong down the steep descent of the mountain, 
The left wing of the Scots is discomfited.  they escaped to the woods and there saved themselves. But the earls of Argile and Lenox, doing what they could to stay their people from running away, were slain in the same place.  
In the mean time, the king, who a little before had joined with the earl of Surreie, perceiving that the wings of his battle were distressed, and that his enemies began to enclose him on each side, he bashed nothing at the matter, 
The Scotish kings magnanimity,  but with assured countenance exhorted those that were about him to stick to him, and to remember their worthy ancestors, in committing nothing that might any ways forth sound to their reproach. And herewith rushing against his enemies, a new battle more eager than the first began to arise; 
A sore ●ight.  for that battle being well appointed and armed passed little for the Englishmen'S arrows, in so much that piercing the earls battle, they entered well near so far within the same, that they were at point to line 10 have overthrown his standards.  
There were on either part a number of tall men of body, chosen forth of purpose by the captains, for the good opinion conceived of their hardy valiancy, & the battle betwixt them seemed long time doubtful and variable, now one while favourable to the one part, 
The king fighteth himself right valiantly.  and an other while to the other. The king himself on foot even in the foremost rank, fought right valiantly, encouraging his people, as well by example as exhortation, to do their devoirs. Neither line 20 did the earl of Surrie for his part fail in the duty of a right worthy general. But while the battle was thus fought in most earnest manner about the standards with doubtful chance of victory, the lord Howard and sir Edward Stanleie having vanquished the enemies in either wing, returned to the middle-ward, and finding them there thus occupied, they set on, in two parts severally, with great violence.  
At the same time, the lord Dacres came with his line 30 horsemen upon the backs of the Scots; so that they being thus assailed behind and before, and on either side, were constrained (as environed about) to fight in a round compass. King james as he beheld sir Adam Forman his standard-bearer beaten down, 
The stout stomach of king james.  thought surly then, there was no way for him but death, and that even out of hand. Wherefore to deliver himself from such despiteful reproach, as was like to follow, he rushed forth into the thickest press of his enemies; and there fight in most desperate wise, 
He is slain.  was beaten down and slain. And a little beside line 40 him, there died with like obstinate wilfulness, or (if ye list so to term it) manhood, diverse honourable prelates, as the archbishop of saint Andrew's, and two other bishops, besides four abbots; also of lords and knights of honour a six and thirty.  

Two battles of Scots fought not, but gave the l●●king on.  The lord Hume and the earl of Huntleie got horses, and escaped away together with certain bands, placed in two the hindermost wards, which of all that day never came to handstrokes, but stood still line 50 and gave the looking on. Thus through the power of God, on friday being the ninth of September, in the year 1513 was james the fourth of t●●t name, king of Scots, slain at Bramxston, and his army discomfited by the earl of Surrie, lieutenant to Henry the eight king of England, which a little before had won the town of Terwine, and was then preparing to go to besiege Tornay. There were slain in this battle on the Scotish part, of all sorts, the number of eight thousand persons at the least: 
Pau. iovius. Edw. Hall.  some say twelve thousand, besides prisoners that line 60 were taken, as sir William Scot, chancellor to the said king, and sir john Forman his sergeant porter, with diverse others. Also in manner, all the Scotish ensigns were taken, and a two and twenty pieces of great ordinance, amongst the which were seven culverins of a larg● assize, and very fair pieces. King james named them (for that they were in making one very like to an other) the seven sisters. 
Seven culverins called seven sisters & why.  This conflict with eagerness on both sides was continued three full hours, as Anglorum praelia saith: I am tres integras pugnatum est cominùs h●ras.  
Though the victory thus remained with the Englishmen, yet they bought it dear, losing no small number of their people, as well of those that were slain in the field, as of others that were taken prisoners; for the Scots fought very stoutly, and gave it not over for a little, insomuch that there were taken and slain about fifteen hundred men, as appeared by the book of wages, when the soldiers were paid. Many Englishmen that followed over rashly in the chase of the Scots, went so far, 
Edw. Hall. The English men's overrash hardiness turns them to hurt.  that they witted not which way to return, and so were taken of the Scots that were in the two battles that went away with clear hands, and never fought. Also, diverse were taken by the lord chamberlain, which fought with the wing of sir Edmund Howard, and were carried away by him and his company into Scotland, as john Fitton esquire, and others. During the time of the fight, and the night after, many Englishmen lost their horses, and such stuff as they left in their tents and pavilions, by the robbers of Tindale and Tividale.  
When the field was done, and that the scouts brought word that there was no more appearance of the Scots, but that they were all avoided and gone, the earl gave thanks to God, and called to him certain lords and gentlemen, and them made knights; as sir Edmund Howard his son, the lord Scroop, sir William Persie, sir Edward Gorge, and diverse others. The earl and the lord admiral departed to Bermar wood, & there lodged that night, leaving sir Philip Tilneie knight and diverse other worthy captains, with a convenient power of men, to keep the place where the field had been fought, for safeguard of the ordinance. The body of the king of Scots was not found until the next day, 
The body of king james found having diverse deadly wounds.  and then being found and known by the lord Dacres, there appeared in the same diverse deadly wounds, and specially, one with an arrow, and an other with a bill. But some say he died of two, both which were inflicted upon him to his deadly bane (and well worthy for truce-breaking) by the sword; as Anglorum praelia reporteth: 
Vulneribus Scotus acceptis cadit ense duobus,  
Perfidiae meritas fuso dans sanguine poenas.   
The same day, there appeared some Scots on a hill, 
Scots fly at the peal of guns.  but one William Blackenall that had the chief rule of the ordinance, caused such a peal to be shot off at them, that the Scots fled; or else the lord admiral, which was come to view the field, had been in great danger; as was supposed. But now that the Scots were fled, and withdrawn, all the ordinance was brought in safety to Eitill, and there remained for a time. After that the earl of Surrie had taken order in all things, and set the North parts in good quiet, he returned to the queen with the dead body of the Scotish king cered. When the king was returned into England from his conquest made in France of the cities of Terwine and Tornay, he forgot not the good service of those that had been with the earl of Surrie at the battle at Bramxton: 
The king's thankfulness signified to his good servitors in war.  wherefore he wrote to them his loving letters, with such thanks and favourable words, that every man thought himself well rewarded.  
On the day of the Purification of our lady, year 1514 at Lambeth, the king created the earl of Surrie duke of Norfolk, with an augmentation of the arms of Scotland, and sir Charles Brandon viscount Lisle he created duke of Suffolk, and the lord Howard high admiral he created earl of Worcester: and after this, he also made sir Edward Stanleie (for his good service showed at Bramxston field) lord Mounteagle: and in March following was master Thomas Wolsie the king's almoner, consecrated bishop of Lincoln. This man was borne at Ipswich, and was a good philosopher, 
Wolsie described.  very eloquent and full of wit; but passingly ambitious, as by his doings it well appeared. In the time of king Henry the seventh it was agreed betwixt the said king and Philip king of Castille (that Charles king Philip's eldest son should marry the lady Marie, daughter to the said king Henry, with a dower to her appointed: but for want of sufficient assurance of the dower, the rest of covenants were made void, and yet had the king highly provided for the sending of her over, now after his coming from Tornay.  
This year the citizens of London, finding themselves grieved with the enclosures of the common line 10 fields about Islington, Hoxton, Shoreditch, and other places near to the city, 
Enclosures of the fields about London, cast down & overthrown.  whereby they could not be suffered to exercise their bows, nor other pastimes in those fields, as before time they had been accustomed, assembled themselves on a morning, and went with spades and shovels unto the same fields, and there (like diligent workmen) so bestirred themselves, that within a short space, all the hedges about those towns were cast down, and the ditches filled. The king's council coming to the grey friars, to line 20 understand what was meant by this doing, were so answered by the mayor and council of the city, that the matter was dissembled: and so when the workmen had done their work, they came home in quiet manner, and the fields were never after hedged.  

Anno Reg. 6. Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 902.  George Monox for this year Maior of London, of his godly disposition re-edified the decayed steeple of the parish church of Walthamstow, in the county of Essex, adding thereunto a side I'll, with a chapel, where he lieth buried. And on the northside of the line 30 churchyard there, he founded a fair large alms-house for an almose priest or schoolmaster, and thirteen poor alms folk, eight men, and five women, appointing to the said alms priest or schoolmaster for his yearly wages, six pounds thirteen shillings four pence; and to every one of the said alms folk seven pence a week, and five pounds to be bestowed yearly amongst them in coals. And ordained that the said alms priest should on sundays and festival days, be helping and assistant to the vicar or curate line 40 there in celebration of divine service, & on the week days freely to apply and teach young children of the said parish, 
Free school at Walthamstow.  to the number of thirty, in a schoolhouse by him there builded for that purpose. Moreover, he gave to the parish clerk there for the time being, a yearly stipend of twenty six shillings eight pence, for ever, and a chamber by the said alms house, to the intent he should help the said schoolmaster to teach the said children. And hath given fair lands and tenements in the city of London, for the perpetual line 50 maintenance of the premises to God's glory for ever. He also for the great commodity of travelers on foot, made a continual causey of timber over the marshes from Walthamstow to Lock bridge towards London.  

Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. 46. The king and the new duke of Suffolk defenders at the tilt against all comers.  In the month of May, the king and the new duke of Suffolk were defenders at the tilt against all comers. The king was in a scopelarie mantle, an hat of cloth of silver, and like a white hermit, and the duke appareled like a black hermit, all of black line 60 velvet, both their berds were of damask silver: and when they had ridden about the tilt, & showed themselves to the queen, than they threw off their apparel, and sent it to the ladies for a largesse. Then was the king in black, and the duke in white, with black staves, on the staves was written with white letters, Who can hold that will away: this posy was judged to be made for the duke of Suffolk, and the duchess of Savoie. At these jousts were the duke of Longuile, & the lord Clerimont, and there the king & duke did so valiantly, that they obtained the prize. At these jousts were broken an hundred and fourteen spears in a short space. The king at this season sent again into Flanders, for the performance of the marriage of the young prince of Castille, and the fair lady Marie his sister, and showed how he had prepared all things necessary and convenient for such an high estate. The council of Flanders answered, that they would not receive her that year, with many subtle arguments; by reason whereof, the perfect love between England and the low countries was much slaked.  
On the nineteenth day of May was received into London a cap of maintenance & a sword, 
A cap of ●●●●●tenance se●● to the king from the po●●.  sent from pope julie, with a great company of nobles and gentlemen, which was presented to the king on the sunday than next ensuing, with great solemnity in the cathedral church of saint Paul. Touching this pope (saith Guicciardine) disappointed of so many hopes, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 490. Pope julie compared to Anteus.  we may lay him in comparison with that which is written by the poets of Anteus, that being tamed by the forces of Hercules, as often as he was thrown to the ground, so often did appear in him a greater strength and courage; such weening had the pope amidst his adversities, for when he seemed most abased and oppressed, it was then that he did most lift up himself with a spirit more constant and resolute, promising better of his fortune than ever.  
After he had played all his troublesome pageants, and had got by sundry aspiring practices I wots not what peerless primacy, he fell sick. 
Guic. pag. 631.  And happily he was then more full of high conceits and traveling thoughts than at any time before: for notwithstanding he had brought his fortune to be equal with his desires, & obtained the thing he aspired unto, yet his devices and plots did nothing diminish, but grew increasing by the same mean which should have satisfied them. 
The purposes of pope Io●● the second 〈◊〉 his death.  He had determined in the beginning of the spring and first opening of the year, to send to the enterprise of Ferrara which he so much desired, and his opinion was, that that state was able to make no resistance, both for that it was naked of all succours, and because the Spanish army was to join with his companies: he had secretly bought of Cesar for the price of thirty thousand ducats, the city of Sienna for the behoof of the duke of Urbino, to whom (except Pesera) he would never give any thing of the estate ecclesiastic, to the end to reserve to himself the whole glory to have simply and only studied for the exaltation of the church. He agreed to lend to Cesar forty thousand ducats, receiving Modona in gage. He threatened them of Lucquoie, who in the heat of the affairs of the duke of Ferrara, were become lords of Garsagnana▪ making instance that they would deliver it to him.  
He was out of conceit with the cardinal of Medicis, 
The pope ● mal content  for that he thought him to cleave more to the king catholic, than to him. And because he knew he was not able to dispose of the city of Florence as he thought, he studied already new plots, and new practices to alter that estate. He was ill contented with the cardinal of Zion, from whom he took the name of legate, and enjoined him to come to Rome, for that in the duchy of Milan he had appropriate to himself a yearly rent of more than thirty thousand ducats, of the estates and goods of diverse persons. The better to assure the duke of Urbino of Sienna by intelligences of his neighbours, he had of new taken into his pay Charles Baillon, to chase out of Perousa john Paul, who by affinity was very near joined to the sons of pandolf Petruccio successors to the greatness of their father. He would of new create duke of Genes, Octavian Fregosa, deposing janus from that dignity: an action whereunto did consent the others of the house of Fregosa, because for the degree that his ancestors held in that state, it seemed best to appertain unto him.  
He studied continually either how he might work out of Italy the Spanish army, or cut it in pieces by the aid of the Swissers, whom above all others he exalted and embraced. In this devise he had this intention, that the kingdom of Naples being occupied by him, Italy should remain free from strangers; a speech that often passed out of his mouth: and to that end he had hindered that the Swissers did not confederate with the king catholic. And yet, as though it had been in his power to line 10 batter all the world at one time, he continued his accustomed rigour against the French king. And notwithstanding he had hard a message from the queen, yet he stirred up to make war, the king of England, to whom he had transferred by publke decree of the council of Lateran, 
The king of England entitled Christian●s●imo by the p●pe.  the name of Christianissimo, whereof there was already a bull written, and in it likewise was contained the privation of the dignity & name of the king of France, giving his kingdom to who could occupy it. line 20  
In these conceptions, no less strange for their variety, than great for the importance they drew, and perhaps in other thoughts more secret and singular (for in a mind so fierce and terrible, all sorts of imaginations, how great and vain so ever they be, are not incredible) after the continuation of his sickness for many days, he declined towards death: and feeling the end of his mortality to hasten on, and the same to prevent the execution of his high thoughts, he caused to call together the consistory, line 30 which albeit he could not assist in person by reason of his disease; yet by the authority of it, he caused to be confirmed the bull which he had published before against such as by simony would climb up unto the popedom. 
Against climbing to the popedom by simony.  He declared, that the election of his successor appertained to the college of cardinals, and not to the council: and that the cardinals schismatics could have no presence or community there, to whom he protested there to pardon the injuries they had done him, and prayed to God to forgive them the line 40 wrongs they had done to his church. After this he besought the college of cardinals, that in his favour, and for his sake, they would grant to the duke of Urbino his nephew, the city of Pesera in patronage or vicarage, alleging the consideration, that by mean of the duke it had been recovered to the church after the death of john Sforce. In no other matter he expressed any private or particular affection.  

Madame Felice the pope's daughter her request.  Insomuch as Madam Felice his daughter (joining line 50 with her the petitions of many others) beseeching him with great importunity, to create cardinal Guido de Montfalcon being her brother by the mother's side, he answered roundly, that he was not worthy of that degree. He made not his affections conformable to their desires. In that last action of life he showed no partiality in worldly causes: his present debility could diminish nothing of his ancient resolution, but expressed in all things the same constancy and severity, together with that judgement and force of mind which he had before his sickness: line 60 in which firm estate and disposition of spirit, he received devoutly the offices of the church, and the one and twentieth day of February he ended his course of these mortal and present pains. He was a prince of incredible constancy and courage, 
The description of pope julie, and his properties.  but so full of fury & unruly conceptions, that the reverence that was borne to the church, the discord of princes, & the conditions of times, did more to stay him from his ruin, than either his moderation or his discretion; worthy no doubt of great glory, if either he had been a prince secular, or if that care and intention which he had to raise the church into temporal greatness by the mean of war, had been employed to exalt it by the mean of peace in matters spiritual.  
Nevertheless, he was lamented above all his predecessors, & no less esteemed of those, who having either lost the true consideration of things, or at least ignorant how to distinguish and poise them rightly, judged it an office more duly appertaining to pope's to increase the jurisdiction of the see apostolic by arms and blood of christians, than by good example of holy life and due curing and correction of corrupt manners, to travel for the saving of those souls, for whom they glory so much that jesus Christ hath named them his vicar's in earth: and therefore it is a good consequent that he is a branch or rather a brand of the devil, as one concludeth against him, saying: 
Impius est igitur natus cacodaemon papa, 
Antith. Christ. & pap● pag. 26, 28.   
Turpibus & genijs est homicida satus.]   
About the same time the wars yet continuing between England & France, Prior jehan (of whom ye have heard before in the fourth year of this king's reign) great captain of the French navy, with his galleys and foists charged with great basilisks and other artillery, came on the borders of Sussex in the night season, 
Brighthelmston in Sussex burnt.  at a poor village there called Brighthelmston, & burned it, taking such goods as he found. But when the people began to gather, by firing the becons, Prior jehan sounded his trumpet, to call his men aboard, and by that time it was day. Then certain archers that kept the watch followed Prior jehan to the sea, and shot so fast, that they beat the galley men from the shore; and wounded many in the foist, to the which Prior jehan was constrained to wade and was shot in the face with an arrow, 
Prior jehan captain of the French galies shot into the eye with an arrow.  so that he lost one of his eyes, and was like to have died of the hurt: and therefore he offered his image of wax before our lady at Bullongne, with the English arrow in the face for a miracle.  
The lord admiral offended with this proud part of the Frenchmen, in making such attempt on the English coasts, 
Sir john Wallop in Normandy.  sent sir john Wallop to the sea with divers ships, which sailing to the coasts of Normandy, landed there, and burnt one and twenty villages and towns, with diverse ships in the haven of Treaport, Staples, and other where. Men marveled greatly at the manful doings of sir john Wallop, considering he had not past an eight hundred men, and took land there so often. In june sir Thomas Lovel was sent over to Calis with six hundred men to strengthen that town, and other the fortresses within the English pale, for doubt of any sudden attempt to be made by the Frenchmen; because monsieur de Pontremie, with a mighty army and great ordinance was come down near to Ard: howbeit be tarried not long, but raised his camp within a while after his coming thither, and returned without any more doing. The French king perceiving what losses he had sustained by the wars against England; 
The French king procureth the pope to be a mean for peace between king Henry and him.  and doubting lest one evil luck should still follow in the neck of an other, determined to make suit for peace; and first agreeing with pope Leo, desired him to be a mean also for the procuring of some agreement betwixt him and the king of England.  
¶ This pope Leo, of that name the tenth, before his election, cardinal of Medicis, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag 633. Creation of pope Leo the tenth.  bore but seven and thirty years of age, which albeit was so much the more marvelous and wonderful, by how much the election was contrary to custom; yet the young cardinals were the principal causers of it by their industry, having long time afore secretly agreed amongst themselves to create the first pope of their number. The most parts and nations of christendom rejoiced much at this election, every one entertaining an assured expectation of his virtues, as well by the present and green memory of the valour of his late father, as for an universal reputation that went of his own inclinations and liberalities. To this estimation was joined a general opinion of his continency and life not atteinted, together with a gladsome hope, that by the example of his father▪ he would be a furtherer of learning, and bear favour to wits disposed to study and knowledge. So that unto these hopes was much helping the manner of the election, being made in his person sincerely, and line 10 without simony or suspicion of other corruption.  

Coronation of pope Leo the tenth.  The first act of this new pope was his coronation, which was represented according to the usage of his predecessors in the church of saint john de Lateran. The pomp was so great both of his family and his court, and also of the prelate's and multitudes that were there, together with the popular and universal assemblies of people, that by the opinion and judgement of men, the pride and majesty of that action did far surpass all the celebrations done in Rome line 20 since the tyrannies of the Goths and savage nations. In this same solemnity the Gonfalon of the church was carried by Alfonso de Este, who having obtained a suspension of his censures & pains, was come to Rome, with great hope, that by the clemency and facility of the pope, he should be able to compound for his affairs. The Gonfalon of the religion of Rhodes was borne by julio de Medicis mounted upon a stately courser armed at all points: by his nature he bore an inclination to the profession of line 30 arms; but by destiny he was drawn to the life ecclesiastic, in which estate he may serve as a wonderful example of the variation of fortune.  
One matter that made the memory of that day wonderful, 
Pope Leo a poor prisoner the very same day twelve month of his election and inthronization.  was this consideration; that the person who then in so high & rare pomp was honoured with the most supreme and sovereign dignity of the world, was the year before, and on the very same day miserably made prisoner. The great magnificence that appeared upon his person, and his expenses, confirmed in the generality and multitude of men, line 40 the expectation that was had of him; every one promising that Rome should be happy under a pope so plentifully endued with the virtue of liberality, whereof that day he had given an honourable experience, his expenses being above an hundred thousand ducats. But wise men desired in him a greater gravity and moderation: they judged that neither such a majesty of pomp was convenient for pope's, neither did the condition of the present time require, line 50 that he should so unprofitably disperse the treasures that had been gathered by his predecessor to other uses.]  
The vessel of amity between the king of Enggland & the French being first broached by this pope's letters, the French king by an herald at arms sent to the king of England, requiring of him a safe conduct for his ambassadors, which should come to entreat for a peace and atonement to be concluded betwixt them and their realms. Upon grant obtained thereof, the French king sent a commission with the line 60 precedent of Rome and others, to entreat of peace and alliance betwixt both the princes. And moreover, because they understood that the marriage was broken between the prince of Castille and the lady Marie, 
A marriage concluded.  they desired that the said lady might be joined in marriage with the French king, offering a great dowry and sureties for the same. So much was offered, that the king moved by his council, and namely by Woolsie the bishop of Lincoln, consented upon condition, that if the French king died, than ●he should (if it stood with her pleasure) return into England again with all her dowry and riches.  
After that they were accorded upon a full peace, and that the French king should marry this young lady, the indentures were drawn, engrossed, 
A peace concluded between England & 〈◊〉  & sealed, and peace thereupon proclaimed the seventh day of August; & the king in presence of the French ambassadors was sworn to keep the same: and likewise there was an embassage sent out of England to see the French king swear the same. The dowry that was assigned unto the bride to be received after her husband's decease, 
Polydor.  if she survived him, was named to be 32000 crowns of yearly revenues, & to be received out of certain lands assigned forth therefore during all her natural life. And moreover, it was further agreed & covenanted, that the French king should content and pay yearly unto king Henry, during the space of five years, the sum of one hundred thousand crowns. 
The lady Marie aff●●● to K. jews of France.  By conclusion of this peace was the duke of Longuile with the other prisoners delivered, paying their ransoms, and the said duke affied the lady Marie in the name of his master king jews.  
In September following, the said lady was conveyed to Dover by the king her brother & the queen, and on the second day of October she was shipped, and such as were appointed to give their attendance on her, as the duke of Norfolk, the marquess Dorset, the bishop of Durham, the earl of Surreie, the lord de la Ware, the lord berner's, the lord Monteagle, the four brethren of the said marquess, sir Maurice Berklie, sir john Pechie, sir William Sands, sir Thomas Bulloyne, sir john Car, and many other knights, esquires, gentlemen and ladies. They had not sailed past a quarter of the sea, but that the wind arose and severed the ships, driving some of them to Calis, some into Flanders, and her ship with great difficulty was brought to Bullen not without great jeopardy at the entering of the haven, for the master ran the ship hard on shore.  
But the boats were ready, and received the lady out of the ship, and sir Christopher Garnish stood in the water and took her in his arms, and so carried her to land, where the duke of Uandosme, and a cardinal, with many other great estates received her with great honour. From Bullen with easy journeys she was conveyed unto Abuile, & there entered the eighth of October [where she was received by the Dolphin with great honour, 
Edw. Hall in Herald 8. fol. xlvii●●  she was appareled in cloth of silver, her horse was trapped in goldsmith's work very richly. After her followed 36 ladies all their palfreys trapped with crimson velvet embroidered. After them followed one chariot of cloth of tissue, the second cloth of gold, & the third crimson velvet embroidered with the king's arms & hers, full of roses. After them followed a great number of archers, and then wagons laden with their stuff. Great was the riches in plate, jewels, money, apparel, and hangings that this lady brought into France.]  
On the morrow following being monday, and S. Device day, 
The 〈◊〉 solemnised between the French king▪ and the lady Marie sister to K. Henry.  the marriage was solemnised betwixt the French king and the said lady, with all honour, joy, & royalty, both appareled in goldsmith's work. Then a great banquet and sumptuous feast was made, where the English ladies were honourably entertained, according to the dignity of the persons, and to the contentment of them that had no dregs of malice or misliking settled in their hearts. For unpossible it is, that in a great multitude meeting together, though all about one matter, be it of pleasure and delight, there should not be one of a repugnant disposition, and (though not apparently perceived traveling with grudge) malignant mind; as we see some apples unperished and othersome wormeaten, albeit one bough bear them, and one tree give them say.  
¶ On the tuesday being the tenth day of October, all the Englishmen, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall 〈◊〉 H. 8. fol. x●●●●  except a few that were officers with the said queen, 
English 〈◊〉 dis●●●●ged of 〈◊〉 places ●nd offices ●●der the 〈◊〉.  were discharged; which was a great sorrow for them, for some had served her long in hope of preferment, & some that had honest rooms left them to serve her, and now they were without service, which caused them to take thought, in so much some died by the way returning, and some fell mad, but there was no remedy. After the English lords had done their commission, the French king willed them to take no longer pain, and so gave to them good rewards; and they took their leave of the queen and returned. Then the Dolphin of France called line 10 lord Francis duke of Ualois, 
The Dol●●●● causeth 〈◊〉 ●usts 〈◊〉 be preclared a● Paris.  and by his wife duke of Britain, for the more honour of this marriage before the Englishmen departed from Abuile, caused a solemn justs to be proclaimed, which should be kept at Paris in the month of November next ensuing.  
Namely, that he with his nine aids should answer all comers, being gentlemen of name and of arms. First to run five courses at the tilt with pieces of advantage, & also five courses at random with line 20 sharp spears, and twelve strokes with sharp swords; and that done, he and his aids to fight at the barriers with all gentlemen of name and of arms. First six foines with hand spears, and after that eight strokes to the most advantage if the spear so long held, and after that twelve strokes with the sword: and if any man be unhorssed or felled with fight on foot, than his horse and armour to be rendered to the officers of arms: and every man of this challenge must set up his arms and name upon line 30 an arch triumphant, which shallbe made at the place where the jousts shallbe, and further shall write to what point he will answer, to one or to all.  
When this proclamation was reported in England by the noble men that returned from the marriage: 
English nobi●●tie crave 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 to go 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉.  the duke of Suffolk, the marquess Dorset, and his four brethren, the lord Clinton, sir Edward Nevil, sir Giles capel, Thomas Cheneie, and other sued to the king to be at the challenge, which request he graciously granted. Then the lords and line 40 knights prepared all things necessary for their enterprise, and shipped there horses and harness, and did so much by journey, that they came to Paris at the end of October, which were heartily welcomed of the king and the Dolphin: but most of all of the French queen which then lay at saint Device, and was not yet crowned nor entered into Paris. The Dolphin desired the duke of Suffolk and the lord marquess Dorset, to be two of his immediate aids, which thereto assented. line 50  
Therefore was erected an arch of wideness at the tornels beside the street of saint Anthony, 
〈◊〉 for the said ●usts.  directly before the bastell, on the which were set four targets or scutcheons, the one silver, and he that set his name under that shield, to run at tilt according to the articles. He that put his name under the golden target should run with the sharp spears and fight with sharp swords. They that put their names to the black shield, should fight on foot with spears and swords for the one hand. And he that touched the tawny line 60 shield should cast a spear on foot with a target on his arm, and after to fight with a two hand sword. On this arch above stood the arms of the king & the queen, and beneath them stood the arms of the Dolphin and his aids, and underneath stood the four scutcheons that you have heard of, and under them all the arms and names of such as set their names to any of the said four scutcheons.  
While all these things were preparing, the lady Marie of England the fift day of November, 
The lady Marie crow●●● queen of France.  then being sunday, was with great solemnity crowned queen of France in the monastery of S. Device, and the Dolphin all the season held the crown over her head, because it was of great weight to her grievance, at which coronation were the lords of England, all according to their degrees well entertained. On monday the sixth day of November, 
She is received into Paris.  the said queen was received into the city of Paris after the order that followeth. First the guard of the city met with her without saint Device all in coats of goldsmith's work, with ships gilded, and after them met her all the priests and religious, esteemed to be three thousand. The queen was in a chair covered about (but not over her person) in white cloth of gold; the horses that drew it, in cloth of gold; on her head a coronal all of great pearls, her neck and breast full of jewels.  
Before her went a guard of Almans after their fashion, and after them all noblemen, as the Dolphin, the duke of Alencon, the duke of Bourbon, the duke of Uandosme, the duke of Longevile, and the duke of Suffolk, the marquess Dorset, five cardinals, and a great number of estates; about her person road the king's guard, which were Scots. Thus was this queen received into Paris, and so conveyed to the cathedral church, and there offered, & from thence to the palace, where she offered at the holy chapel; and from thence she went to her lodging for that night: for whom was provided a great supper, and the heralds cried a largesse, and had to them given a ship of silver and gilt, and other plate, 
The herald's reward.  to the value of two hundred marks, and after supper began dancing and pastime. On the morrow began the justs, and the Dolphin with his aids entered the field, the apparel and bards were cloth of gold, cloth of silver, and crimson velvet kanteled together all in one suit, they showed themselves before the king and queen, who were on a goodly stage, and the queen stood so that all men might see her, and wondered at her beauty: but the king was feeble & lay on a couch for weakness.  
Then entered the counter part by a rail for combring the place. These justs continued three days, 
The time hor● long these justs lasted and the manner thereof.  in the which were answered three hundred and five men of arms, and every man ran five courses, and with sharp spears; diverse were slain & not spoken of. At the random and turneie the duke of Suffolk hurt a gentleman, so that he was like to die. The Marquis Dorset stroke monsieur grew an Albanois with his spear, pierced his headpiece, and put him in jeopardy. The duke of Suffolk in the turneie overthrew a man of arms, horse & man; and so did the lord marquess another, and yet the Frenchmen would in no wise praise them. At this turneie the Dolphin was hurt in the hand, so that he could not perform his challenge at the barriers, and put one of his aid in his room. The next day after began the fight at the barriers. And because the Dolphin was not present, the duke of Suffolk and the lord marquess Dorset that day began the field, and took the barriers with spears in his hand abiding all comers.  
The Dolphin brought a man secretly, 
The duke of Suffolk incountreth a tall and strong Alman.  which in all the court of France was the tallest & the strongest man, and he was an Alman, and put him in the place of an other person to have had the duke of Suffolk rebuked. The same great Alman came to the bars fiercely with face hid, because he would not be known, and bore his spear to the duke of Suffolk with all his strength, and the duke him received and for all his strength put him by strong strokes from the barriers, and with the but end of the spear strake the Alman that he staggered: but for all that the Alman strake strongly and hardly at the duke, and the judges suffered many more strokes to be fought than were appointed; but when they saw the Alman reel and stagger, than they let fall the rail between them. The lord marquess Dorset at the same time, even at the same bar fought with a gentleman of France that he lost his spear, and in manner withdrew. When the rail was let fall, these two noble men put up their visers and took air, and with swords, the points and edges abated, they came to the barriers.  
The Alman fought sore with the duke, which imagined that he was a person set on for the nonce, 
The duke foils the Alman.  but the duke by pure strength took him about the neck, and pomeled him so about the head that the blood issued out of his nose, and then they were parted, and the Alman was conveyed by the Dolphin lest he should be known. These two noblemen of line 10 England that day fought valiantly diverse feats, and the Frenchmen likewise nobly them defended. But it happened the lord marquess on a time to put for his aid his youngest brother called the lord Edward Greie of the age of nintéene year, and to him was put a gentleman of France of great stature and strength, 
The young lord Greies' prowess.  to the intent to pluck him over the bars, but yet the young lord was of such strength, power, & policy, that he so struck his adversary that he disarmed him, all the face bare. Thus were these enterprises line 20 finished to the land of all parties, & the Englishmen received much honour and no spot of rebuke, yet they were privily set at & in many jeopardies.  
For the declaration of this triumph, he that saw it can tell how goodly the coursers trotted, bounded, and quickly turned: how valiantly the men of arms behaved themselves, 
A description of the pomp and bravery in apparel at this solemn tilt.  and how the duke of Bourbon's band was appareled and bassed in tawny velvet, and cloth of silver cloudy, the band of the earl of saint Paul appareled and barded in purple line 30 velvet all to cut on purple satin, the infant of Arragon, son to Fredrick last king of Naples, and his band all in cloth of gold and silver paled. This lord was but young, but yet very toward. The duke of Uandosme and his band in cloth of gold and plunket velvet. The Dolphin and his aids were every day new appareled at his cost, one day in silver and gold, another in crimson velvet and yellow velvet, and another day in white velvet and green, some day mixed with satin, some day embroidered, some line 40 day pounced with gold, and so every day in change as the workers fantasy could devise, but the Englishmen had ever on their apparel red crosses to be known for love of their country.  
At this triumph the county Galeas came into the place on a jennet trapped in blue satin, and he himself likewise appareled, and ran a course with a spear, which was at the head five inches on every side square, that is twenty inches about, and at the butt nine inches square, that is six and thirty inches, line 50 this spear was massy timber, and yet for all that he ran clean with it a long course and slightly avoided it to his great honour. 
Anthony Bounarme with his ten spears all at once about him.  Also there was another gentleman called Anthony Bounarme, which came into the field all armed, and on his body brought in sight ten spears, that is to wit, three spears set in every stirrup forward, and under every thigh two spears upward, and under his left arm was one spear backward, and the tenth in his hand; and when he came before the queen, he let his horse run, and line 60 never stopped till he had taken every spear after other and broken it on the ground, and he never stopped his horse till all were broken. This gentleman was highly praised, and so he was worthy. When all this great triumph was done, the lords of England took their leave, and were highly thanked of the king, queen, Dolphin, and all the lords, and so departed and came into England before Christmas. ¶ In November the queen was delivered of a prince which lived not long after.]  
Touching the accord of peace between England and France, you shall hear the report of Guicciardine, which to this place maketh passage to knowledge, as oil giveth maintenance of light to the lamp. [At the first opening of this practice for peace, 
Abr. Fl. e● Guic. pag. 6●5.  there fell out many difficulties, for that the king of England demanded Bullongne in Picardy, 
Difficulties about the practice of peace.  with a great sum of money: but at last all the differences fell upon the town of Tornay, the king of England striving to retain it, and the French objecting some difficulty: in so much as the king of England dispatched in post to the French king the bishop of Tricaro, whom he charged, without imparting in what nature of particularity consisted the difficulty, to declare to the king from him, that in regard of so great a benefit, he should not stand upon so many subtle difficulties, but to consider that in a prince reason should bear more empery than passion.  
The French king, because he would neither do wrong to his crown, nor ill content his people, the town of Tornay being very noble and loyal to the crown of France, 
The French council accord for peace.  caused the matter to be debated in full council, wherein was an assistance of the principals of his court, who advised him with one voice to embrace peace, yea under the condition offered. And yet in that time the king catholic did what he could to break it, offering the king many plots and devices, but specially to minister to him all his means and favours to conquer the duchy of Milan. But the answer being returned into England, that the French king stood content with the resolution of Tornay, the peace succeeded & was concluded in the beginning of August between the two kings during their lives, & a year after their death.  
In the capitulation it was expressed, that Tornay should remain to the king of England, 
The 〈◊〉 of the capitulation for peace.  to whom the French king should pay six hundred thousand crowns, and that in such sort of distribution, that the French king should make payment of an hundred thousand franks every year, until the full payment was satisfied: that they should be bound to defend their estates mutually and reciprocally with ten thousand footmen if the war went by land, and with six thousand only if the war were made by sea: that the French king should be bound to serve the king of England in all his affairs with twelve hundred lances, and the king of England likewise to minister to his services with ten thousand footmen: the expenses to be defrayed by either of them that should have need of the men: both the one and the other of them named the Scotish king, the archduke, & the empire: but Cesar and the king catholic were not named: the Swissers had a nomination, but it bore a condition, that whosoever would defend against the French king, the estate of Milan, Genes, or Ast, should be excluded out of the nomination.  
This peace, which was made with a wonderful readiness, 
The French king marri●●● the lady M●●rie sister to the king of England.  was confirmed by the marriage of the king's sister of England with the French king, under condition, that he should acknowledge to have received four hundred thousand crowns for her dowry: the contract or handfasting were made in England, where the king catholics' ambassador was not in presence, for the great hatred the king of England bore to the king his master. And even upon the conclusion and resolution of this peace, came to the court of France the instrument of ratification which Cesar had made, together with his commission, and the king catholics', for conclusion of the marriage that was solicited between Ferdinando de Ostrich and the second daughter of France not yet four years of age: but the practice of that marriage vanished presently by reason of the peace that was now established: and the French king to satisfy better the king of England, gave order that the duke of Suffolk, captain general of the lanceknights that were in his pay, should departed the dominions of France, in whom the honours and recompenses that the king made to him overcame all occasions of discontentment, the bounty and liberality of the one being no greater than the affability and disposition of the other.]  
In December, one Richard Hun a merchant tailor of London, 

Richard Hun ●●nged in collards 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 Edw. Hall H. ●. fol. l, li, 〈◊〉.   that was laid in Lollards tower by commandment of the bishop of London, called Richard Fitz james, and his chancellor doctor Horssie, was found dead, hanging by the neck in a girdle of silk within the said tower. That ye may understand line 10 the cause of his imprisonment, the beginning was this. The same Hun had a child that died in his house, being an infant; the curate claimed the bearing shéet for a mortuary. Hun answered, that the infant had no property in the shéet. Whereupon, the priest ascited him in the spiritual court. He taking to him counsel, sued the curate in a praemunire: and when this was known, means was found, that Hun being accused of heresy, was attached, and laid in Lollards tower, where he was found dead, as ye line 20 have heard. Much ado was made about his death, for the bishop and the chancellor said, that he hanged himself.  
But many of the temporalty affirmed, that he was murdered, 
〈◊〉 death 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 what 〈◊〉.  greatly lamenting the case: for he was well beloved, and namely of the poor, which cried out against them that were suspected to have made him away. He was a good almsman, and greatly relieved the needy. The question of his death was so far put forth, that upon the suspicion he line 30 should be murdered, twelve men were charged before the coroner. After they had taken view of the body, the same was burned in Smithfield by the bishop's appointment: notwithstanding the coroners quest indicted doctor Horssie, with one john Spalding, otherwise called Belringer, and Charles joseph the summoner of the murdered; howbeit, upon his arraignment, through great suit and corruption of money (as many judged) the king's attorneie declared doctor Horssie not to be guilty. line 40  
This Christmas on Newyeares' night, the king, the duke of Suffolk, 
〈◊〉 Hall. in 〈…〉. fol. lv, ulj. 〈◊〉 gorgeous & 〈◊〉 mask 〈◊〉 the ●ing was 〈…〉.  & two other were in mantles of cloth of silver lined with blue velvet, the silver was pounst in letters that the velvet might be seen through, the mantles had great capes like to the Portugal slops, and all their hosen, doublets, and coats were of the same fashion cut, and of the same stuff. With them were four ladies in gowns, after the fashion of savoy, of blue velvet, lined with cloth of gold, the velvet all cut, and mantles like line 50 tipets knit together all of silver, and on their heads bonnets of burned gold, the four torchbearers were in satin white and blue. This strange apparel pleased much every person, and in especial the queen. And thus these four lords & four ladies came into the queens chamber with great light of torches, and dansed a great season, and then put off their visors, and were all well known, and then the queen heartily thanked the king's grace for her goodly pastime and disport. line 60  

A tent of cloth ●f gold with a ●h●w of ●r●ed men.  Likewise on the Twelve night, the king and the queen came into the hall of Greenwich, & suddenly entered a tent of cloth of gold, and before the tent stood four men of arms, armed at all points with swords in their hands; and suddenly with noise of trumpets entered four other persons all armed, and ran to the other four, and there was a great and a fierce fight. And suddenly came out of a place like a wood eight wildmen, all appareled in green moss, made with sleved silk, with ugly weapons & terrible visages, and there fought with the knights eight to eight; and after long fight, the armed knights drove the wild men out of their places, and followed the chase out of the hall: and when they were departed, the tent opened, and there came out six lords and six ladies richly appareled, and dansed a great time: when they had dansed their pleasure, they entered the tent again, which was conveyed out of the hall; then the king & the queen were served with a right sumptuous banquet.  
On the third day of February, the king made a solemn justs, 
The king and the marquess Dorset make a challenge at justs.  and he and the marquess Dorset would answer all comers, their apparel and bar●s were of blue velvet and cloth of silver, all to cut in subtle knots, richly embroidered, all the servitors in white & blue silk. The counterpart, which were fourteen in number, richly appareled in velvet, cloth of gold, and embroidery, every man after his own devise. The king was that day highly to be praised, for he broke three and twenty spears beside atteints and bare down to ground a man of arms and his horse: the lord marquess and all other did valiantly, and had much praise, for every man did passing well, which is seldom seen in such a case. But the king for a surety exceeded all other.  
On the fourth day of October, 
A parliament wherein sir Thomas Nevil was pros●quutor or speaker.  the king removed to Lambeth, and on the morrow began the high court of parliament, sir Thomas Nevil was then speaker. In this parliament were diverse acts made, but in especial two, which were much spoken of: the one was the act of apparel, and the other act for labourers: of these two acts was much communing, and much business arose. For the labourers would in no wise labour by the day, but all by task & in great, and therefore much trouble fell in the country, and in especial in harvest time, for then husbandmen could scarce get workmen to help in their harvest. This parliament continued until Easter, in the which diverse subsidies were granted to the king, toward his great costs and charges that he had been at in his voyage royal to France.  
After Easter the nineteenth day of the month of April, the king delighting to set forth young gentlemen, called Nicholas Carew, and Francis Brian, and caused diverse other young gentlemen to be on the counter part, and lent to them horse and harness to encourage all youth to seek deeds of arms. This year died at Rome by poison (as was reported) the archbishop of York and cardinal, 
Doctor Benbrike archbishop of York and cardinal poisoned at Rome.  called doctor Benbrike, who was the king's ambassador there: this was a wiseman and of a jolly courage. The king than gave the said archbishopric to Thomas Wolsie, than bishop of Lincoln, who at that time bore all the rule about the king, and what he said was obeyed in all places. Now when he was once archbishop, he studied day and night how to be a cardinal, and caused the king, and the French king to write to Rome for him, and at their requests he obtained his purpose, as you shall hear afterward.  
At this time was much communing, and verily (as it appeared) it was intended, 
The K. in person purposed to pass the seas to see the French king his brother.  that the king in person would pass the sea to Calis, and there on the marches of the same, the French king and queen to come and see the king their brother: and for the same journey many costly works were wrought, much rich apparel provided, and much preparation made against the next spring: but death which is the last end of all things let this journey. For before the next spring the French king died at the city of Paris, the first day of januarie, when he had been married to the fair lady Marie of England four score and two days [whom he so fervently loved, that he gave himself over to behold too much her excellent beauty bearing then but eighteen years of age, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag 684.  nothing considering the proportion of his own years, nor his decayed complexion; so that he fell into the rage of a fever, which drawing to it a sudden flux, overcame in one instant the life, that nature gave over to preserve any longer. He was a king just & much beloved of his people, but touching his condition, neither before he was king, nor after he had the crown he never found constancy nor stability in either fortune.  
For, rising from a small duke of Orleans with great happiness to the crown, and that by the death of Charles younger than he, and two of his sons, he conquered with a very great facility the duchy of Milan and the kingdom of Naples, and almost line 10 all the residue of the regions of Italy, being governed for many years by his direction: he recovered with a very great prosperity, the state of Genes that was in rebellion: and vanquished with no less glory the armies of the venetians, being in person at both those victories. But on the other side, even when he was in his youth and best disposition of body, 
The variableness of his fortune.  he was then constrained by king jews the eleventh to marry his daughter that was both barren and deformed; and yet could never get the good will nor countenance of his father in law. line 20  
And after his death, such was the greatness of the lady of Bourbon, that he could never get the institution of the new king, being then in minority, being almost compelled to retire himself into Britain: where being taken in the battle of saint Aubin, he lived two years in the calamity of a prisoner. To these afflictions may be added the siege and famine of Navarre, the many discomfits he had in the realm of Naples, the loss of the estate of Milan, Genes, and all the towns which he had taken line 30 from the venetians: and lastly the grievous war he had in France against very mighty enemies, his eyes beholding into what lamentable perils his realm was brought: nevertheless, before he died it seemed he had conquered all his adversities, and fortune showed good tokens of her reconcilement, both for that he had defended his kingdom against mighty enemies, and also established a perpetual peace and alliance with the king of England, with whom line 40 by how much his amity was great and assured, by so much it gave him hope to be able to reconquer the duchy of Milan.]  
The king of England being advertised of the French kings death, caused a solemn obsequy to be kept for him in the cathedral church of S. Paul, with a costly hearse: at which many nobles were present. After this he sent a letter to comfort the queen his sister, requiring to know her pleasure, whether she would continue still in France, or return into England. And when he was advertised line 50 of her mind (which was to return into England) the duke of Suffolk, 
The duke of Suffolk and others sent into France to bring the French queen into England. Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 685. Francis the first comes to the crown.  sir Richard Wingfield deputy of Calis, and doctor West, with a goodly band of gentlemen and yeomen, all in black, were sent into France, and coming to Paris, were well received of the new French king, Francis the first of that name [who was the next heir male of the blood royal and of the same line of the dukes of Orleans: he was preferred to the succession of the kingdom before line 60 the daughters of the dead king by virtue and disposition of the law Salic, a law very ancient in the realm of France, which excludeth from the royal dignity all women; so long as there is any issue male of the same line.  
The world had such a hope in his virtues, and such an opinion of his magnanimity, and such a conceit of his judgement and wit, that every one confessed, that of very long time there was none raised up to the crown with a greater expectation. 
His praiseworthy properties.  He was made the more agreeable to the fancies of men, by the consideration of his age bearing then but two and twenty years; his excellent feiture and proportion of body, his great liberality, and general humanity, together with the ripe knowledge he had in many things. But specially he pleased greatly the nobility, to whom he transferred many singular and great favours. Unto this king Francis de Angoulesine did the foresaid English nobility declare the effect of their commission, which was to receive the queen Dowager, according to the covenants of the marriage.]  
The council of France (by the king's appointment) assigned forth her dowry, and the duke of Suffolk put in officers, and then was the queen delivered to the duke by indenture, 

The duke of Suffolk winneth the good will of the queen Dowager of France.  
Polydore Edw. Hall.   who behaved himself so towards her, that he obtained her good will to be her husband. It was thought, that when the king created him duke of Suffolk, he perceived his sister's good will towards the said duke; and that he meant then to have bestowed her upon him; but that a better offer came in the way. But howsoever it was now, he won her love; so as by her consent, he wrote to the king her brother, méekelie beseeching him of pardon in his request, which was humbly to desire him of his good will and contentation.  
The king at the first stayed, but after long suit, and specially by mean of the French queen herself, and other the duke's friends, it was agreed that the duke should bring her into England unmarried, and at his return to marry her in England: but for doubt of change he married her secretly in Paris at the house of Clugnie, as was said. After he had received her with her dower appointed, & all her apparel, 
Anno Reg. 7. The French queen married to the duke of Suf●folke.  jewels, and household stuff delivered, they took leave of the new French king, and so passing through France, came to Calis; where she was honourably entertained, and after openly married with great honour unto the said duke of Suffolk. Doctor West (as then nominated bishop of Elie) remained behind at Paris, to go through with the full conclusion of a new league betwixt the king of England, and the new French king.  
¶ The court lying at Gréenewich, 
Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol luj. Robin hood and his tw● hundred men present the●●selues to the king & 〈◊〉 in a 〈◊〉  the king and the queen, accompanied with many lords and ladies, road to the high ground of shooters hill to take the open air; and as they passed by the way, they espied a companieof tall yeomen, clothed all in green with green hoods, and bows and arrows, to the number of two hundred. Then one of them, which called himself Robin hood, came to the king, desiring him to see his men shoot; and the king was content. Then he whisteled, and all the two hundred archers shot and loosed at once; and then he whisteled again, and they likewise shot again; their arrows whisteled by craft of the head, so that the noise was strange and great, and much pleased the king, the queen, and all the company. All these archers were of the king's guard, and had thus appareled themselves to make solace to the king.  
Then Robin hood desired the king and queen to come into the green wood, and to see how the outlaws lived. 〈◊〉 king demanded of the queen & her ladies, if they durst adventure to go into the wood with so many outlaws. Then the queen said, that if it pleased him she was content. Then the horns blue, till they came to the wood under shooters hill, & there was an arbour made of boughs with a hall, and a great chamber; and an inner chamber very well made and covered with flowers & sweet herbs, which the king much praised. Then said Robin hood; Sir, outlaws breakfasts is venison, and therefore you must be content with such fare as we use. Then the king and queen sat down, and were served with venison and wine by Robin hood and his men, to their great contentation.  
Then the king departed and his company, and Robin hood and his men them conducted; and as they were returning, 
A show of two ladies in a rich chariot drawn with five horses.  there met with them two ladies in a rich chariot drawn with five horses, and every horse had his name on his head, and on every horse sat a lady with her name written. On the first courser called Caude, sat Humidite, or Humid. On the second courser called Mem●on road lady Uer. On the third called Pheton sat lady Uegetive. On the fourth called Rimphon sat lady Pleasant. On the fift called Lampace sat sweet Odour. And in the chair sat lady May, accompanied with lady Flora, richly appareled, line 10 and they saluted the king with diverse goodly songs, and so brought him to Gréenewich. At this maieng was a great number of people to behold it to their great solace and comfort.  
The same after noon, the king, the duke of Suffolk, the marquess Dorset, and the earl of Essex, their bards and bases of green velvet and cloth of gold, came into the field on great coursers, on whom waited diverse gentlemen in silk of the same colour. On the other side entered sixteen lords and gentlemen, all appareled richly after their devices, line 20 and so valiantly they ran their courses appointed: & after that, they ran volant one as fast as he might overtake another, 
The king and certain nobles ran their horses volant.  which was a goodly sight to see: and when all was done they departed, and went to a goodly banquet. This summer the king took his progress westward, and visited his towns and castles there, and heard the complaints of his poor commonalty; and ever as he road he hunted and liberally departed with venison.]  
This year in September, the king being at his line 30 manor of Oking, after his return from his progress which he made that year into the west parts, the archbishop of York came thither to him. Whilst he sojourned there, 
The archbishop of York elected cardinal.  a letter was brought to the said archbishop from Rome, advertising him that he was elected cardinal, which letter incontinently he showed to the king, disabling himself in words, though his intent was otherwise; and so the king did encourage him, and willed him to take that dignity upon him, and called him from thensefoorth my lord line 40 cardinal. But his hat, bull, nor other ceremonies were not yet come. 
A parliament at Westminster.  In November, the king assembled his high court of parliament at Westminster, wherein, diverse acts made in the sixth year were reform and altered, and especially the act of apparel, and the act of labourers, as by the book of statutes more plainly appeareth.  
At the end of this parliament, doctor Warham archbishop of Canturburie, and as then lord chancellor, perceiving how the new lord cardinal meddled line 50 further in his office of chancellorship than he could well suffer, except he should adventure the king's displeasure; for this and for other considerations gave up his office of chancellor into the king's hands, and delivered to him the great seal, which incontinently was delivered by the king unto the lord cardinal, 
Cardinal Wolsie made lord chancellor.  and so was he made lord chancellor. He was no sooner in that office, but he directed forth commissions into every shire, for the execution of the statutes of apparel and labourers, and in all his doings showed line 60 himself more lofty and presumptuous than became him. 
Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. lvij.  ¶ And he himself on a day called a gentleman named Simon Fitz Richard, and took from him an old jacket of crimson velvet and diverse brooches, which extreme doing caused him greatly to be hated: and by his example many cruel officers for malice evil entreated diverse of the king's subjects, in so much that one Shining, mayor of Rochester, set a young man on the pillory for wearing of a riven or gathered shirt.]  


The cardinals hat received by the Kentish gentlemen with great solemnity.  
Guic. pag. 682. Two elefants presented to the pope.   In the end of November, the cardinals hat was sent into England, which the gentlemen of Kent received, and brought to London with such triumph, as though the greatest prince in Europe had been come to visit the king [much like that of the people at Rome in the year 1515, when were seen in the said city two elephants, a nature of creatures which happily had not been seen in Italy since the triumphs and public plays of the Romans. Emanuel king of Portugal sent to pope Leo the tenth a very honourable embassage, and withal presented him with these huge and stately elephants, which his ships had brought by sea from India; their entering into Rome was celebrated with a very great concourse of people, some wondering at the strange form and stature of the beasts, some marveling to what uses their nature inclined them, and some conjecturing the respects and purposes of such a present, their ignorance making their wonder far greater than their reason.]  
No less ado was there at the bringing of the cardinals hat, who on a sunday (in S. Peter's church at Westminster) received the same, with the habit, the pillar, and other such tokens of a cardinal. And now that he was thus a perfect cardinal, he looked above all estates, which purchased him great hatred and disdain on all sides. For his ambition was no less discernible to the eyes of the people, than the sun in the firmament in a clear and cloudless summer day; which procured against him the more hatred among the noble and popular sort; for that his base lineage was both noted and known, in so much that his insatiable aspiring to supereminent degrees of dignity kindled manifest contempt and detestation among such as pretended a countenance of good will and honourable duty unto him, though in very deed the same parties (if freely and without check they might have spoken their fancy) would have entitled him a proud popeling; as led with the like spirit of swelling ambition, wherewith the rabble of pope's have been bladder like puffed and blown up: a devilish and luciferian vice, in the judgements of men abominable, and in the sight of God most damnable; as the poet in this distichon truly witnesseth: 
Dij superi fastum, fastum mortales abhorrent,  
Hac homini levitas displicet atque Deo. 
Gu. H●.    
After the end of the parliament, sir Edward Poinings laboured to be discharged of the keeping of Tornay, because he could not have health there: 
The lord Mountioy made governor of Tornay.  and so he was discharged, and sir William Blunt lord Mountioy was sent thither to have that room, and for marshal was appointed sir Samson Norton. Immediately upon their coming thither chanced a great riot, raised by the soldiers, 
A mutiny amongst the soldiers at Tornay.  so that to appease them, the lord Mountioy was put in jeopardy of his life. In conclusion, to quiet them sir Samson Norton was banished the town for ever, but what the matter was I have not found rehearsed by any writer. After that the city was appeased, and every thing thought to be forgotten, diverse of the offenders were executed, and diverse banished the town, some fled, and were confined both out of England and the town.  
After the parliament was ended, the king kept a solemn Christmas at his manor of Eltham; 
The king kept his Christmas at Eltham.  and on the Twelve night in the hall was made a goodly castle, woonderouslie set out; and in it certain ladies and knights, and when the king and queen were set, in came other knights and assailed the castle, where many a good stripe was given; 
Courtly pastime on the twelve night.  and at the last the assailants were beaten away. And then issued out knights and ladies out of the castle, which ladies were rich and strangely disguised: for all their apparel was in braids of gold, fret with moving spangls of silver and gilt, set on crimson satin lose and not fastened: the men's apparel of the same suit made like julis of Hungary; and the lady's heads and bodies were after the fashion of Amsterdam. And when the dancing was done, the banquet was served in of two hundred dishes, with great plenty to every body.]  
This year the new league accorded betwixt king Henry & the French king was openly proclaimed through the city of London by a trumpet. Margaret queen of Scots eldest sister to the K. came this year into England, & at Harbottell castle was delivered of a daughter, 
The birth of Margaret daughter to the queen of Scots, and of the earl Angus afterwards married to the earl of Lenox.  begot by her second husband the line 10 lord Archembald Douglas earl of Angus. This daughter was called at the fontstone after her mother Margaret. The said queen after the death of her late husband king james married the said earl of Angus, without consent of her brother king Henry, or other of her friends; chiefly (as some have thought) for her sons sake, doubting if she should not have taken her choice at home, she should have married in some other place, and so have been sequestered from her son, whose bringing up appertained line 20 now chiefly unto her. But such contention rose shootlie after in Scotland amongst the lords, 
Edw. Hall. The queen of Scots and the earl of Angus her husband come into England.  that both she and her husband were glad to seek succour in England at her brother's hand, who was contented to relieve them, assigning them the said castle of Harbottell to lie in, with apparel and all other necessaries, till his further pleasure should be known. The eighteenth day of February this year, year 1518 the lady Marie, 
The birth of lady Marie the king's daughter, afterwards queen.  daughter to king Henry the eight was borne at Gréenewich. This was she that afterwards was line 30 queen of this realm, & married the king of Spain. This year also died the king of Arragon, father to the queen; for whom was kept a solemn obsequy in the cathedral church of Paul's.  

Anno Reg. 8.  As ye have heard the last year how the queen of Scots with her husband was come for succour into England, and lay at Harbottell in Northumberland, till the king's pleasure was to send for them; so now know you that he (like a natural brother) sent for her and her husband to come to his court for their line 40 solace: 
The king sendeth for the queen of Scots and her husband to his court.  for the which kindness the earl humbly thanked the king, and promised to give his attendance on the queen his wife to the court. Whereupon the king sent William Blacknall esquire, clerk of his spicery with silver vessel, plate, and other things necessary for the conveyance of her, and sent to her all manner of officers for her estate convenient. Now when she was ready to departed, she asked for her husband, but he was departed into Scotland, and left her alone; nothing remembering his promise. line 50 Which sudden departing much made her to muse: howbeit, 
The queen of Scots coming to London, and so to Greenwich.  the lords of England greatly encouraged her to keep her promise with the king her brother.  
Now when she was somewhat appeased, she set forward; and in every town she was well received, & so on the third day of May she made her entry into London, riding on a white palfreie (which the queen of England had sent unto her) behind sir Thomas Parr richly beséene, and with a great company of lords and ladies she road through the city to Bainard's line 60 castle, and from thence she was conveyed to Gréenewich, and there received ioiouslie of the king, the queen, 
Three queens in the English court at once.  the French queen her sister, and highly was she feasted. And when the king heard that the earl of Angus her husband was departed, he said it was done like a Scot This queen sometime was at the court, and sometime at Bainard's castle, and so she continued in England all this year.  
The king for the honour of his sister the ninetéenth and twentieth day of May prepared two solemn days of justs: and the king himself, and the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Essex, and Nicholas Carew esquire, took on them to answer all comers. The apparel of them and their horses was black velvet, covered all over with branches of honeysuckles of fine flat gold of damask of lose work, every leaf of the branch moving, the embroidery was very cunning and sumptuous. On the king was attending in one suit on horseback, the lord marquess Dorset, the earl of Surrie, the lord Aburgavennie, the lord Hastings, sir john Pechie, the lord Ferrer, sir William Fitz Williams, and twelve other knights. All these were in frockes of blue velvet, guarded with rich cloth of gold, and their horse trappers of blue velvet fringed with gold: and on foot were forty persons all in blue satin guarded with cloth of gold. And so they entered the field with trumpets, drumslades and other minstrelsy. Then in came the counterparty richly appareled, to the number of twelve: and on that day every man did well, but the king did best, and so was adjudged; and so at night they ceased, and came to supper.  
The king the next day and his company were appareled (horse and all) in purple velvet, 
The second day of solemn justs held by the king and others against all comers.  set full of leaves of cloth of gold ingrailed with fine flat gold of damask embroidered like to rose leaves, and every leaf fastened to other with points of damask gold, and on all their borders were letters of gold bullion. And on the king waited five lords, fourteen knights in frockes of yellow velvet, guarded and bound with rich cloth of gold: and thirty gentlemen were in like apparel on foot, and forty officers in yellow satin edged with cloth of gold. Thus with great triumph they entered the field. Then the counterparty entered all clothed and barded in white satin traversed with cloth of gold richly. This day was many a great stripe given. The king and sir William Kingston ran together; which sir William Kingston was a strong and a tall knight, & yet the king by strength overthrew him to the ground. And after that the king and his aids had performed their courses, they ran volant at all comers, which was a pleasant sight to see. And when night approached, they all disarmed them, and went to the queens chamber, where was a great banquet for the welcome of the queen of Scots.  
In this month of May were sent out of England twelve hundred masons and carpenters, 
A castle bu●●●ded by the king at Tornay.  and three hundred labourers to the city of Tornay; for the king and his council considered that the garrison that was kept there was chargeable: and therefore it was determined that there should be builded a castle to chastise the city if they rebelled, and to minish the garrison. And therefore these workmen were sent thither, which this year began a strong castle, and wrought still on it. In this year, by the cardinal were all men called to account that had ●he occupying of the king's money in the wars or elsewhere, 
justice executed by cardinal Wolsie vp● offenders of sundry qualities and degrees.  not to every man's contentation: for some were found in arrearages, and some saved themselves by policy and bribery, and waxed rich, and some innocents were punished. And for a truth, he so punished perjury with open punishment, and open papers wearing, that in his time it was less used. He punished also lords, knights, and men of all sorts, for riots bearing and maintaining in their countries, that the poor men lived quietly: who perceiving that he punished the rich, complained without number, and brought many an honest man to trouble and vexation.  
Now when the cardinal at the last perceived their untrue surmises, 
Erection of new courts by the king's commission.  and feigned complaints for the most part, he then waxed weary of hearing their causes, and ordained by the king's commission diverse under courts to bear complaints by bill of poor people. The one was kept in the White hall, the other before the king's almoner doctor Stokesleie, a man that had more learning than discretion to be a judge, the third was kept in the lord treasurors chamber beside the star chamber, and the fourth at the rolls at the after noon. These courts were greatly haunted for a time: but at the last the people perceived that much delay was used in these courts, and few matters ended, and when they were ended, they bond no man by the law; then every man was weary of them and resorted to the common law.  
It was strange to see the cardinal (a man not skilled in the laws) fit in the seat of judgement and pronounce the law, being aided at the first by such as (according line 10 to the ancient custom) did sit as associates with him: but he would not stick to determine sundry causes, neither rightly decided nor adjudged by order of law. And again, such as were clear cases, he would sometime prohibit the same to pass, call them into judgement, frame an order in controversies, and punish such as came with untrue surmises afore the judges, & sharply reprove the negligence of the judges themselves, which had received such surmises, line 20 and not well considered of the controversies of the parties. 
〈◊〉. Hall.  And such was the administration of the cardinal under a colour of justice at the first: 
Polydor.  but because the same seemed at length to be but a very shadow or colour in deed, it quickly vanished away, he taking upon him the whole rule himself, for that he saw the king made small account of any other but only of him.  
Whereby it came to pass, that many of the peers and high estates of the realm withdrew them from line 30 the court; 
〈◊〉 is contrary to 〈◊〉.  as first the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Winchester, which got them home into their dioceses. But yet before their departure (as good fathers of their country) they instantly besought the king that he would not suffer any servant to exceed and pass his master: borrowing that sentence out of the gospel of saint john, where our Saviour speaking to his disciples, saith to them; verily, verily, I say unto you, the servant is not greater than his master. Hereunto the king, knowing that line 40 they meant this by the cardinal, made this answer, That he would diligently see, that every servant should obey, and not command. But the cardinal notwithstanding (during the time of his flattering felicity) held out, thinking scorn to be countermanded; behaving himself more like a prince, than a prelate, so blinded was he with vainglory, and drunken with the transitory delights of the world: obstinate impediments and most horrible hindrances to the permanent joys of heaven, as the poet saith: line 50 

●●lla. in lac. 4.  Delicias mundi fragiles qui mente sequetur,  
Perdidit aeterni certissima gaudia coeli.   
After this, the duke of Norfolk departed home into his country, and last of all the duke of Suffolk also followed the other. For he having spent liberally in his journeys when he went as ambassador into France, also in the solemnisation of his marriage, and in houskéeping since he was married, borrowed great sums of money of the king, 
The duke of Suffolk's ●ope hindered by the cardinal.  which he hoped should have been forgiven him: but the cardinal line 60 would not have it so, to the intent that the duke being behind hand in debt, should be the more at commandment. For as wealth maketh men lofty, so doth want make them lowly. In the month of October, 
Edw. Hall. An ambassador from the emperor Maximilian.  in this eight year of king Henry, Matthew bishop of Zion or Sittin, a cardinal (commonly called the cardinal of the Swizzes) came into England from the emperor Maximilian.  
At the contemplation of this cardinal, the king lent to the emperor a great sum of money. But the chiefest matter that moved the king to be so free to Maximilian, was because the same money should be employed on men of war against the French king, towards whom the king (or rather cardinal Woolseie) of late had conceived a grudge, as thus. True it is, that the king bestowed the revenues of the see of Tornay upon the cardinal, at what time that see came into the king's hands: and therefore the cardinal being desirous to assure to himself the same, made suit to the French king, that he would provide Guillard the former bishop of Tornay of some other bishopric in France, so that he might resign the bishopric of Tornay clearly into his hands. The French king, perceiving how much this should make against his purpose, that upon occasion hoped ever to recover the possession of Tornay, would not gratify the cardinal herein.  
Whereupon the cardinal turning the king's mind at his plasure, persuaded him, 
The cardinal an enemy to peace.  that the next way to abate the French kings puissance (which in the beginning of his reign had recovered Milan, and grew every day in power more than other) should be to maintain the emperor with money against him, so as the Frenchmen should be chastised without the travel of him or his people. Hereupon was Richard Pase sent first into Germany with a great sum of money to wage the Swizzes, which under the conduct of the emperor Maximilian invaded the duchy of Milan; but without any great gain returned from thence, leaving Milan in the Frenchmens hands at that time. And now for a new relief was this cardinal of Zion sent from Milan, at whose instance money was assigned to be delivered, and certain Genoese undertook the exchange, which made not payment thereof at the day, although they had received it of the king.  
In this year the king kept his Christmas at his manor of Gréenwich, & on the Twelve night, 
Ed. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. lix. A movable garden called the garden of Esperance, very costly & artificially wrought.  according to the old custom, he and the queen came into the hall: and when they were set, and the queen of Scots also, there entered into the hall a garden artificial, called the garden of Esperance. This garden was towered at every corner, and railed with rails gilded, all the banks were set with flowers artificial of silk and gold, the leaves cut of green satin, so that they seemed very flowers. In the midst of this garden was a pillar of antic work, all gold set with pearls and stones; and on the top of the pillar, which was six square, was a lover or an arch embowed, crowned with gold: within which stood a bush of roses red and white, all of silk and gold, and a bush of pomegranates of like stuff. In this garden walked six knights, and six ladies richly appareled; and then they descended and dansed many goodly danses, and so ascended the garden again, and were conveyed out of the hall, and then the king was served of a great banquet. After this Christmas the king exercised himself much in hawking.  
¶ This year, and about this time, 
john Hooker, alias Vowel. Corpus Christi college in Oxford founded by Richard Fox bishop of Winchester.  Richard Fox bishop of Winchester builded and founded Corpus Christi college in Oxford, and minded to have appointed the same for a house of monks: but Hugh Oldom than bishop of Excester changed his mind from that purpose by these means. This Hugh Oldom albeit he were not the best learned of himself, yet very much and well affected towards learning and learned men; and was minded to have enlarged Excester college. But being denied the preferment of a scholar, which stood then in election for a room, his good will was withdrawn from that college, and he would have joined with William Smith bishop of Lincoln, who then was in building of Brazen nose college; but it took no effect. And then being advertised that Richard Fox bishop of Winchester was in hand to build Corpus Christi college, he did send his letters unto him, and offered to join with him therein, who was very glad thereof and well contented. Now these two bishops conferring together what manner of house they should build, and to what end and purpose.  
Bishop Fox was of the mind and determination to have made the college for religious men. 
Bishop Oldom of Excester is utterly against Foxs' mind to found a college for monks.  But bishop Oldom (whether it was because he favoured not those sects of cloistered monks, or whether he foresaw any fall towards of those sects) disuaded bishop Fox what he could from that his purpose and opinion, and said unto him; What my lord, shall we build houses, and provide livelihoods for a company line 10 of bussing monks, whose end and fall we ourselves may live to see? No, no, it is more meet a great deal, that we should have care to provide for the increase of learning, and for such as who by their learning shall do good in the church and commonwealth. To this bishop Fox at length yielded, and so they proceeded in their buildings. Wherein Oldom reserving to Fox the name of the founder, was contented with the name of a benefactor, 
Oldom giveth Fox the name of ●ounder, & contenteth himself with the name of benefactor.  and very liberally did contribute great masses of money to the line 20 same: and since (according to his wish and desire) the same college hath been and is the nurse of many notable good scholars.]  
About this season there grew a great hartburning and malicious grudge amongst the Englishmen of the city of London against strangers; and namely the artificers found themselves sore grieved, for that such numbers of strangers were permitted to resort hither with their wares, and to exercise handy crafts to the great hindrance and impoverishing of the line 30 kings liege people. Besides that, they set nought by the rulers of the city, & bore themselves too too bold of the king's favour, whereof they would insolently boast; upon presumption thereof, & they offered many an injurious abuse to his liege people, insomuch that among other accidents which were manifest, it fortuned that as a carpenter in London called Williamson had bought two stockdooves in Cheap, 
Hall in H. 8. fol. lix.  and was about to pay for them, a Frenchman took them out of his hand, and said they were not meat for a line 40 carpenter.  
Well said the Englishman I have bought them and now paid for them, 
The insolent sauciness of the Frenchmen against the English.  and therefore I will have them. Nay said the Frenchman I will have them for my lord the ambassador. And so for better or woorsse, the Frenchman called the Englishman knave, and went away with the stockdooves. The strangers came to the French ambassador, and surmised a complaint against the poor carpenter. And the ambassador came to the lord mayor, and said so line 50 much, that the carpenter was sent to prison: and yet not contented with this, so complained to the king's council, that the king's commandment was laid on him. 
The devilish malice of the Frenchmen.  And when sir john Baker knight and other worshipful persons sued to the ambassador for him, he answered by the body of God that the English knave should lose his life, for he said no Englishman should deny that the Frenchmen required, and other answer had they none.  
There was also a Frenchman that had slain a line 60 man, and should abjure the realm, and had a cross in his hand. Then suddenly came a great sort of Frenchmen about him, and one of them said to the constable that led him; Sir is this cross the price to kill an Englishman. The constable was somewhat astonished & answered not. Then said another Frenchman, On that price we should be banished all by the mass. This saying was noted to be spoken spitefully. Howbeit, the Frenchmen were not alonelie oppressors of the Englishmen. For a Lombard called Francis de Bard, enticed a man's wife in Lombard street to come to his chamber with her husband's plate, which thing she did. After, when her husband knew it, he demanded his wife, but answer was made he should not have her: 
Stranger● outlace E●g●lishm● all honesti●, equity, 〈◊〉 conscience.  then he demanded his plate, and in like manner answer was made that he should neither have plate nor wife. And when he had sued an action against the stranger in the Guildhall, the stranger so faced the Englishman, that he fainted in his suit. Then the Lombard arrested the poor man for his wives board, while he kept her from her husband in his chamber.  
This abuse was much noted, so that the same and many other oppressions done by them, increased such a malice in the Englishmen'S hearts, that at the last it burst out. For amongst other that sore grudged at these matters, there was a broker in London called john Lincoln, 
john Lincoln the ●●thor of the ●●surrection 〈◊〉 ill May 〈◊〉  that busied himself so far in the matter, that about Palm sunday in this eight year of the king's reign, he came to one doctor Henry Standish with these words; Sir I understand that you shall preach at the sanctuary spittle on monday in Easter week, and so it is, that Englishmen, both merchants and other are undone, for strangers have more liberty in this land than Englishmen, which is against all reason, and also against the commonweal of the realm. I beseech you therefore to declare this in your sermon, and in so doing ye shall deserve great thanks of my lord mayor, and of all his brethren: and héerewith he offered unto the said doctor Standish a bill, containing this matter more at large.  
But doctor Standish (wisely considering that there might more inconvenience rise thereof, than he would wish, if he should deal in such sort) both wisely refused the bill, and told Lincoln plainly, that he meant not to meddle with any such matter in his sermon. Whereupon the said Lincoln went unto one doctor Bele a canon of the foresaid spittle, that was appointed to preach likewise upon the tuesday in Easter week at the same spittle, whom he persuaded to read his said bill in the pulpit. Which bill in effect contained how miserably the common artificers lived, 
The grée●e● particular●●● in Lincol●● bill for the cities behooft.  and scarce could get any work to find them, their wives & children: there were such a number of artificers strangers that took away all their living in manner. And also how the English merchants could have no utterance, for the merchant strangers bring in all silks, cloth of gold, wine, oil, iron, and such other merchandise, that no man almost buyeth of an Englishman.  
Furthermore, they carry out so much English wool, 
Lincoln a great enemy to stranger's.  tin, and lead, that Englishmen who adventure outward can have no living: which things (said Lincoln) hath been showed to the council, and cannot be heard. And further (said he) the strangers compass the city round about, in Southwark, in Westminster, Temple bar, Holborn, saint martin's, saint john's street, Algate, Tower hill, and saint Katharins', and forestall the market, so that no good thing for them cometh to the market: which is the cause that Englishmen want and starve, & they live abundantly in great pleasure. Wherefore (said Lincoln) master doctor, sith you were borne in London, and see the oppression of the strangers, and the great misery of your own native country, exhort all the citizens to join in one against these strangers, raveners, and destroyers of your country. Master doctor hearing this, said he much lamented the case, if it were as Lincoln had declared.  
Yes said Lincoln, that it is, and much more. For the Dutchmen bring over iron, timber, leather, 
Lincoln p●●secuteth his information 〈◊〉 grievances by specialties.  and weinscot ready wrought; also nails, locks, baskets, cupboards, stools, tables, chests, girdles, with points, saddles & painted clothes, so that if it were wrought here, Englishmen might have some work and living by it. And besides this, they grow into such a multitude, that it is to be looked upon: for I saw on a sunday this Lent, six hundred strangers shooting at the popingaie with crossbows, and they keep such assemblies and fraternities together, and make such a gathering to their common box, that every votcher will hold plea with the city of London. Well said the doctor, I will do for a reformation of this matter as much as a priest may do, and so received Lincoln's ●ill, and studied for his purpose. Then Lincoln very joyous of his enterprise, went from man to man, saying that shortly they should hear news, and daily excited young people and artificers to bear malice line 10 to the strangers. When Easter came, and doctor Bele should preach the tuesday in Easter week, he came into the pulpit, and there declared, that to him was brought a pitiful bill, and read it in this wise.  

The tenor of the bill of complaint which doctor Bele read in open audience at the Spittle.  
TO all you the worshipful lords & masters of this city, 
〈◊〉 Hall in Hen. 8. fol. 60.  that will take compassion over the poor people your neighbours, and also of the great importable hurts, losses, and hindrances, whereof proceedeth the extreme poverty to all the king's subjects, that inhabit within this city and suburbs of the same. For so it is, that the aliens & line 30 strangers eat the bread from the fatherless children, and take the living from all the artificers, and the intercourse from all merchants, whereby poverty is so much increased, that every man bewaileth the misery of other; for craftsmen be brought to beggary, and merchants to neediness. Wherefore the premises considered, the redress must be of the commons, knit and united to one part. And as the hurt and damage line 40 grieveth all men, so must all men set to their willing power for remedy, & not to suffer the said aliens so highly in their wealth; & the natural borne men of this region to come to confusion. ¶ Of this letter was more, but the doctor read no further.   
When he had read this letter, or the chiefest part thereof, comprehending (as ye have heard) much seditious line 50 matter, 
In undiscreet preacher.  he began with this sentence, Coelum coeli Domino, terram autem dedit filijs hominum, and upon this text he entreated, how this land was given to Englishmen. And as birds defend their nests, so ought Englishmen to cherish and maintain themselves, and to hurt and grieve aliens for respect of their commonwealth. And upon this text Pugna pro patria, he brought in, how by God's law it was lawful to fight for their country. And thus he subtly moved or rather undiscreetly provoked the people to rebel against line 60 strangers. By this foolish sermon, many a light person took courage, and openly spoke against strangers. And as unhap would, there had been diverse evil parts played of late by strangers, in and about the city of London, which kindled the people's rancour the more furiously against them.  
Now as the devil would, the sunday after at Gréenwich in the king's gallery was Francis de Bard, who (as ye have heard) kept an englishman's wife and his goods, and yet he could have no remedy; and with him were Domingo, Anthony Caveler, and many more strangers, and there they talking with sir Thomas Palmer knight, jested and laughed how that Francis kept the englishman's wife, 
Note the sa●cie, broad, shameless, and dishonest boasting of the strangers in their lewdness  saying that if they had the majors wife of London they would keep her. Sir Thomas said; Sirs you have too much favour in England. There were diverse English merchants by, who heard them laugh, and were not content, in so much as one William Bolt a mercer said; Well you whoreson Lombard's, you rejoice and laugh, by the mass we will one day have a fling at you, come when it will. And that saying the other merchants affirmed. This tale was reported about London, and the young and evil disposed people said they would be revenged on the merchant's strangers as well as on the artificers strangers. ¶ On monday the morrow after, the king removed to his manor of Richmond.]  
On the eight and twentieth day of April, 
Anno Reg. 9 Strangers injuriously abused of diverse yoonkers.  diverse young men of the city piked quarrels to certain strangers as they passed by the streets, some they did strike, some they buffeted, and some they threw into the kennel: wherefore the mayor sent some of the Englishmen to prison, as Stephan Studleie skinner, Bets, Stephanson, and diverse other. Then suddenly rose a secret rumour, and no man could tell how it began, that on May day next the city would rebel and slay all the aliens, insomuch that diverse strangers fled out of the city. This brute ran so into every man's ears, that it came to the knowledge of the king's council, whereupon the lord cardinal sent for the mayor, and other of the council of the city, giving them to understand what he had heard.  
The mayor, as one ignorant of the matter, told the cardinal that he doubted not but so to govern the city, as peace should be observed. 
The cardinals advise to the mayor in this hurli-burlie.  The cardinal willed him so to do; and to take good heed, that if any such riotous attempt was intended, he should with good policy prevent it. The mayor came from the cardinals house at four of the clock in the after noon on May éeuen, and in all hast sent for his brethren to the Guildhall; yet was it almost seven of the clock yet the assembly was set. Upon conference had of the matter touching the rumour that was spread abroad of the rebellion against the strangers, some thought it necessary that a substantial watch should be set, of the honest citizens householders which might withstand the evil doers, if they went about any misrule.  
But other were of this opinion, that it was dangerous to raise men in armour, 
Council taken by the mayor and his brethren how to prevent the hurt at hand.  because it was hard to tell whom they might trust▪ but rather they thought it best that commandment should be given to every man through every ward, to shut in his doors, & to keep his servants within. Before eight of the clock the recorder was sent to the cardinal with these opinions; who hearing the same, allowed the latter for best and most surest. And then the recorder and sir Thomas More (late undersheriff of London, and now of the kings privy council) came to the Guildhall half an hour before nine of the clock, and there showed the pleasure of the king's council; whereupon every alderman sent to his ward, that no man should stir after seven of the clock out of his house, but to keep his doors shut, and his servants within, till nine of the clock in th● morning.  
After this commandment given, in the evening, 
Evil May day, as Edw. Hall noteth it.  as sir john Mundie (an alderman) came from his ward, and found two young men in Cheap playing at the bucklers, and a great many of young men looking on them (for the commandment was then scarce known) he commanded them to leave of. And for that one of them asked, why? he would have had him to the Counter. Then all the young prentices stepped to, and resisted the alderman, taking the young fellow from him, & cried; Prentices and clubs. Then out at every door came clubs and weapons. The alderman fled and was in great danger. 
The heat of the hurlie burlie.  Then more people arose out of every quarter, and forth came servingmen, watermen, courtiers, and others; so that by eleven of the clock, there were in Cheap, six or seven hundred; and out of Paul's churchyard came three hundred, which knew not of the other. So out of all places they gathered, & broke up the counters, took out the prisoners that the mayor had thither committed for hurting the strangers, and came to Newgate, and took out Studleie and Petit committed line 10 thither for that cause.  
The mayor and sheriffs were present there, and made proclamation in the king's name, but nothing was obeyed. 
The raging madness of the mutineers.  Herewith being gathered in plumpes, they ran through saint Nicholas shambles, and at saint Martin's gate there met with them sir Thomas More, and others, desiring them to go to their lodgings. And as they were thus entreating, and had almost persuaded the people to departed, they within saint martin's threw out stones, bats, and hot water; line 20 so that they hurt diverse honest persons that were there with sir Thomas More, persuading the rebellious persons to cease, insomuch as at length one Nicholas Downs a sergeant of arms being there with the said sir Thomas More, 
Nicholas Downes sore hurt.  & sore hurt amongst others, in a fury, cried; Down with them. And then all the misruled persons ran to the ●●ores and windows of the houses with saint martin's, and spoiled all that they found.  
After that, they ran headlong into Cornhill, line 30 & there likewise spoiled diverse houses of the French men that dwelled within the gate of master Mewtas house called Green gate. This master Mewtas was a Picard borne, and reputed to be a great bearer of Frenchmen in their occupiengs and trades, contrary to the laws of the city. 
The rioters malicious purpose against one Mewtas.  If the people had found him, they would surly have stricken off his head: but when they found him not, the watermen and certain young priests that were there fell to rifling, and some ran to Blanchapelton, and broke up line 40 the strangers houses, and spoile● them. Thus from ten or eleven of the clock, these riotous people continued in their outrageous doings till about three of the clock, at what time they began to withdraw, and went to their places of resort: and by the way they were taken by the mayor and the heads of the city, and sent some of them to the Tower, some to Newgate, and some to the Counters, to the number of three hundred. line 50  
Many fled, and specially the watermen, priests, & servingmen, but the prentices were caught by the backs and had to prison. In the mean time, whilst the hottest of this ruffling lasted, the cardinal was advertised thereof by sir Thomas Parr: whereupon the cardinal strengthened his house with men and ordinance. Sir Thomas Parr road in all ●ast to Richmond, 
Sir Thomas Parr informeth the king of the riot and rebellion.  where the king lay, and informed him of the matter; who incontinently sent forth hastily to London, to understand the state of the city, and line 60 was truly advertised how the riot was ceased, and many of the misdooers apprehended. The lieutenant of the Tower sir Roger Cholmeleie (no great friend to the city) in a frantic fury, during the time of this uproar, shot off certain pieces of ordinance against the city. And though they did no great harm; yet he won much evil will for his hasty doing, because men thought he did it of malice, rather than of any discretion.  

Certain lords with their powers come to London about this riot.  About five of the clock the earls of Shrewesburie and Surrie, Thomas Dokerci● lord of saint john's, George Nevil lord of Aburgavennie, and others, which had heard of this riot, came to London with such strength as they could make upon that sudden, and so did the Inns of court. But before they came, whether with fear of the brute of their coming, or otherwise, the riotous assembly was broken up, and many of the misdooers taken (as ye have heard.) Then were the prisoners examined, and the sermon of doctor Bele called to remembrance, and he taken and sent to the Tower. Herewith was a commission of oier and determiner directed to the duke of Norfolk, and to diverse other lords, 

A 〈◊〉 of oier and determiner to ●●●quire and punish the offenders.  
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxi●▪ The cause why the city thought the duke of Norfolk bore them an old grudge.   to the lord mayor of London, and the aldermen, and to all the justices of England, for punishment of this insurrection. [The city thought the duke bore them a grudge for a lewd priest of his, which the year before was slain in Cheap, insomuch that he then in his fury said; I pray God I may once have the citizens in my danger! And likewise the duke thought that they bore him no good will; wherefore he came into the city with thirteen hundred men in harness to keep the oier and determiner.  
Now upon examination it could never be proved of any meeting, gathering, talking, or conventicle, at any day or time before that day; but that the chance so happened without any matter prepensed of any creature saving Lincoln, and never an honest person in manner was taken but only he. Then proclamations were made, that no women should come together to babble and talk, but all men should keep their wives in their houses. All the streets that were notable stood full of harnessed men, which spoke many opprobrious words to the citizens, which grieved them sore: and if they would have been revenged, the other had had the worse: for the citizens were two hundred to one, but like true subjects they suffered patiently.] Now for the due correction (according to law) of this disorder, all the justices with all the king's council learned in the laws, assembled at the house of sir john Fincur lord chief justice of England near to saint Brides by Fléetestréet, 
Sir john Fineux.  to take advise, and conclude upon the order which they should follow in this matter, and first there was read the statute of the third year of Henry the fift, the effect whereof ensueth in these words following.  

The statute made in anno tertio of Henry the fift.  
Because that divers nations comprised within the truces concluded as well by our sovereign lord the king that now is, as by his right noble father, have been rob and spoiled by the king's lieges and subjects, as well on the main seas as within the ports and coasts of England, Ireland, & Wales, by reason whereof, the truces and safe conducts have broken and violated, to the damage, dishonour, and slander of the king, and against his dignity, & the manslayers, spoilers, robbers, & violaters of the same truces and safe conducts (as before is declared) have been recetted, procured, counseled, upholden, and maintained by diverse of the king's liege people upon the coasts: our said sovereign lord the king by the advise and assent abovesaid, and at the prayer of the said commons, hath ordained and established, that all such manslayers, 
This statute bringeth the rioters w●●●in compass of treason.  robbers, spoilers, breakers of truces, and safe conducts granted by the king, and the wilful recetters, abetters, procurers, counsellors, sustainers and maintainers of such persons, hereafter in time to come, being any of the lieges & subjects of this realm of England, Ireland, & Wales, are to be adjudged and determined as guilty of high treason committed against the crown & dignity of the king. And further, in every haven and port of the sea, there shall be from hensefoorth made and assigned by the king, by his letters patents, one lawful officer named a conseruator of truces and safe conducts granted by the king, which line 10 officer shall dispend at the least ten pounds in land by year, &c: as in the statute more at large is expressed.   
The which statute being read and well considered of, because there was diverse leagues of truces betwixt the king and diverse other princes, as one betwixt him and the French king, 
divers trunes between 〈◊〉 king and 〈◊〉 foreign princes.  and another betwixt him and the archduke of Burgognie, and another betwixt him & the king of Spain (all the which truces line 20 were violated by the said insurrection) it was determined by the whole council there assembled, that the king's sergeants and attorneys should go to the lord chancellor, to have a sight of all the said leagues and charters of truces, to the intent they might frame their indictments according to the matter. And note that judge Fineux said, 
judge Fineux interpreteth the said statute.  that all such as were parties to the said insurrection, were guilty of high treason, as well those that did not commit any robbery, as line 30 those that were principal doers therein themselves, because that the insurrection in itself was high treason, as a thing practised against the regal honour of our sovereign lord the king.  
And the same law holdeth of an insurrection (said Fineux) made against the statute of labourers. For so (said he) it came to pass, that certain persons within the county of Kent began an insurrection, in disobedience of the statute of labourers, and were atteinted therefore of high treason, and had judgement line 40 to be drawn, hanged, and quartered. He showed where and when this chanced. It was further determined by the said Fineux, and all the justices of the land, that upon the said commission of oier and terminer in London, the justices named in the said commission, 
Order for proceeding against the said offenders.  might not arreigne the offenders, and proceed to the trial in one self day, no more than might the justices of peace. But justices in oier might so do, aswell as the justices of jail delivery: and as the sufficiency of the jurors within the city line 50 to pass betwixt the king and the said traitors, the justices determined, that he that had lands, and goods, to the value of an hundred marks, should be enabled to pass upon the said indictments. And this by the equity of the statute of Anno undecimo Henrici septimi, the which will, that no man be admitted to pass in any inquest in London in a plea of lands, or other action, in which the damages shall pass the value of forty shillings, except he be worth in lands or goods the value of an hundred marks. line 60  
On saturday the second of May, in this ninth year, 
Many of the offenders indicted at Guildhall.  all the commissioners, with the lord mayor, aldermen, and justices, went to the Guildhall, where many of the offenders were indicted, as well of the insurrection, as of the robberies by them committed against the truces. Hereupon they were arraigned, & pleading not guilty, had day given till monday next ensuing. On which day being the fourth of May, the lord mayor, the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Surrie and others came to sit in the Guildhall, to proceed in their oier and terminer as they were appointed. When the lords were set, the prisoners were brought through the streets tied in ropes, some men, and some lads of thirteen years of age. Among them were diverse not of the city, some priests, some husbandmen, and labourers. 
The whole number of the rebellious r●nt.  The whole number amounted unto two hundred three score and eighteen persons.  
This day was john Lincoln indicted as a principal procurer of this mischievous insurrection, and thereupon he was arraigned, and pleading not guilty, had day given over till wednesday, or (as Hall saith) till thursday next ensuing. He was charged with such matter (as before ye have heard) concerning his suit unto doctor Standish, and doctor Bele, 
What was laid to Lincoln's charge.  for the reading of this bill in their sermons, and opening the matter (as before ye have heard) all which matter with the circumstances he had confessed on sunday the third of May, unto sir Richard Cholmleie, sir john Dansie, & sir Hugh Skevington. divers other were indicted this monday, and so for that time the lords departed. The next day the duke came again, & the earl of Surrie with 2000 armed men, which kept the streets. When the mayor; the duke, the earls of Shrewesburie and Surrie were set, the prisoners were arraigned, and thirteen found guilty, and adjudged to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. For execution whereof were set up eleven pair of gallows in diverse places where the offences were done, as at Algate, at Blanchappelton, 
Eleven pair of gallows erected for the executing of the rebels.  Gracious street, Leaden hall, and before every counter one, also at Newgate, at saint martin's, at Aldersgate, and at Bishopsgate.  
Then were the prisoners that were judged brought to those places of execution: and executed in most rigorous manner, in the presence of the lord Edmund Howard son to the duke of Norfolk, & knight marshal, who showed no mercy, but extreme cruelty to the poor younglings in their execution: 
Edw. Hall. in Hen. 8. fol. lxij.  and likewise the duke's servants spoke many opprobrious words, some bad hang, some bad draw, some bad set the city on fire, but all was suffered. On thursday the seventh of May, was Lincoln, Shirwin, and two brethren called Bets, and diverse other adjudged to die. Then Lincoln said, My lords, I meant well: for if you knew the mischief that is ensued in this realm by strangers, you would remedy it, & many times I have complained, and then I was called a busy fellow: now our Lord have mercy on me. They were laid on hardels, & drawn to the standard in Cheap; and first was john Lincoln executed. 
john Lincoln the author of ill May day executed in Cheap side.  And as the other had the ropes about their necks, there came a commandment from the king to respite the execution. Then the people cried, God save the king, and so was the oier and terminer deferred till another day, and the prisoners sent again to ward: the armed men departed out of London, and all things set in quiet.  
On the eleventh day of May, the king came to his manor of Gréenwich, 
Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. lxii.  where the recorder of London and diverse aldermen came to speak with his grace, and all aware gowns of black colour. And when they perceived the king coming out of his privy chamber into his chamber of presence, they kneeled down, and the recorder said: 
The recorde● in the behalf of the city speaketh humbly to the K. touching the riot.  Our most natural, benign, and sovereign lord, we know well that your grace is displeased with us of your city of London, for the great riot late done: we ascerteine your grace, that none of us, nor no honest person were condescending to that enormity, and yet we, our wives, and children, every hour lament that your favour should be taken from us. And forsomuch as light and idle persons were the doers of the same, we most humbly beseech your grace to have mercy of us for our negligence, and compassion of the offenders for their offence and trespass.  
Truly said the king, 
The kings answer wherein their suit is denied.  you have highly displeased and offended us, and you ought to wail and be sorry for the same. And where as you say that you the substantial persons were not consenting to the same, it appeareth to the contrary. For you never moved to let them, nor stirred once to fight with them, which you say were so small a number of light persons. Wherefore we must think, and you can not deny, that you did wink at the matter, but at this time we will grant to you neither our favour nor good will, nor to the offenders mercy, but resort to the cardinal our lord chancellor, and he shall make you an answer, and declare our pleasure. And with this answer line 10 the Londoners departed, and made relation to the mayor.  
On the eightéenth day of this month, the queen of Scots, 
The queen of Scots returneth toward Scotland.  which had been at the court, and at Bainard's castle, a whole year at the king's charge, and was richly appointed of all things meet to her estate, both of jewels, plate, tapistry, arras, coin, horses, & all other things of the king's gift & liberality, departed out of London toward Scotland with great riches, albeit she came into England with great poverty, line 20 and she entered into Scotland the thirteenth day of june, whom her husband received at Berwick, but the Englishmen smallly regarded him. All her charges within the realm, coming to the court and returning, were of the king's purse.  

The king cometh to Westminster hall, and there sitteth in judgement himself.  On thursday the two & twentieth day of May, the king came into Westminster hall, for whom at the upper end was set a cloth of estate, and the place hanged with arras. With him was the cardinal, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the earls of Shrewsburie, of Essex, of Wiltshire, & Surrie, with line 30 many lords and other of the king's council. The mayor & aldermen, with all the chief of the city were there in their best livery (according as the cardinal had appointed them) by nine of the clock. Then the king commanded that all the prisoners should be brought forth, so that in came the poor younglings and old false knaves bound in ropes all along, one after another in their shirts, and every one a halter about his neck, to the number of four hundred men, line 40 and eleven women. And when all were come before the king's presence, the cardinal sore laid to the mayor and commonalty their negligence, and to the prisoners he declared that they had deserved death for their offence. Then all the prisoners together cried; Mercy gracious lord, mercy. Herewith the lords altogether besought his grace of mercy, at whose suit the king pardoned them all. 
The kings gracious and general pardon.  Then the cardinal gave unto them a good exhortation, to the great gladness of the hearers. line 50  
Now, when the general pardon was pronounced, all the prisoners shouted at once, & all together cast up their halters into the hall roof, so that the king might perceive they were none of the discréetest sort. Here is to be noted, that diverse offenders, which were not taken, hearing that the king was inclined to mercy, came well appareled to Westminster, and suddenly stripped them into their shirts with halters, and came in among the prisoners willingly, to be partakers of the king's pardon. By which line 60 doing, it was well known, that one john Gelson yeoman of the crown was the first that began to spoil, and exhorted other to do the same: and because he fled and was not taken, he came in with a rope among the other prisoners, 
The black waggon that followed ill May day.  and so had his pardon. This company was after called the black waggon. Then were all the gallows within the city taken down, and many a good prayer said for the king, and the citizens took more heed to their servants. But the king's mercy ministered abundant matter of communication, every one (specially the pardoned and their allies) sounding the benefit of his royal clemency, whereby of dead men they became living, and had sustained the severe sentence of law, had not mercy remitted the fault and the punishment, which breaketh the force of judgement, as the poet truly saith: judicij neruos frangit miseratio clemens.  
In june the king had with him diverse ambassadors, for solace of whom he prepared a costly jousts, he himself & twelve more against the duke of Suffolk and other twelve. 
Solemn ●●stes between the king and others.  His base and bard was the one half cloth of silver, & the other half black tinsel. On the silver was a curious lose work of velvet embroidered with gold, cut on the silver, and every cut ingrailed with gold, so that that side was gold, silver, and velvet. On the black tinsel side was black velvet embroidered with gold, and cut, and every cut was ingrailed with flat gold of damask. The base and bard were broidered with great letters of massy gold bullion, full of pearls and stones, marvelous rich: all his company were in like suit, saving that they had no jewels. The king had on his head a lady's sleeve full of diamonds. On the king attended gentlemen, armourers, and other officers, 
A gallant and glorious sh●●  to the number of an hundred and twenty five persons, all in white velvet and white satin, horse and harness for horsemen, caps and hosen for footmen, all white, at the king's cost. Thus royally the king and his company with his waiters came to the tilts end.  
Then entered the duke of Suffolk, with the marquess Dorset, the earls of Essex and Surrie, and eight other of his band, in bards and bases of white velvet and crimson satin losenged, set full of letters of C. M. of gold, for Charles and Marie, and they took the other end of the tilt. 
The king & the duke run personally.  Then the trumpets blue, and the king and the duke ran fiercely together, and broke many spears, and so did all the other, that it was hard to say who did best. But when the courses were run, they ran volant one at another, so that both by the report of sir Edward Gilford master of the armoury, and also of the judges and heralds, at these jousts were broken five hundred and six spears: and then the king the same night made the ambassadors a sumptuous banquet, with many riddles and much pastime. After this great triumph, the king appointed his guests for his pastime this summer; but suddenly there came a plague of sickness, called the sweeting sickness, that turned all his purpose.  
This malady was so cruel, that it killed some within three hours, some within two hours, 
The sweting sickness peremptory and deadly.  some merry at dinner, and dead at supper. Many died in the king's court, the lord Clinton, the lord Gray of Wilton, and many knights, gentlemen, and officers. For this plague Michaelmas term was adjourned. And because that this malady continued from julie to the midst of December, the king kept himself ever with a small company, and held no solemn Christmas, willing to have no resort for fear of infection: but much lamented the number of his people, for in some one town half the people died, and in some other town the third part, the sweat was so fervent and infectious. [By the extremity whereof, 
Abr. Flem,  and the multitudes with such suddenness and present mortality dropping away: it should seem that they little remembered, or at leastwise neglected the preservative remedy used in the first great sweeting sickness in 
* See before. pag. 763, 764.  king Henry the sevenths' time, whereby as then many a man's life was saved, so now the like benefit (by applying of the same wholesome means) might have redounded to the patients.]  
In the beginning of this year, 
1519 Anno Reg. 1●.  Trinity term was begun at Oxenford, where it continued but one day, and was again adjourned to Westminster. 
The term begun at Oxford and adjourned to Westminster.  This year came to Calis from pope Leo, a legate De latere, called Laurence Campeius borne in Bullogne la grass, 
cardinal 〈…〉 from 〈◊〉 pope. 〈◊〉.  commonly called cardinal Campeius, to require the king of aid against the Turk. At the request of the king of England, and also of the French king (which sought now to be received into friendship with the king of England chiefly by cardinal Wolsey's means) pope Leo constituted the said cardinal Woolsie his legate in England, joining him in commission with the said Campeius, the which stayed at Calis until the bulls were brought from Rome touching that matter. 
〈◊〉 Hall. 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 at 〈◊〉.  There was also line 10 another cause that stayed Campeius at Calis, & that was a suit which cardinal Woolsie had moved for the obtaining of the bishopric of Bath, which benefice cardinal Adrian Castalian enjoyed by the collation of king Henry the seventh.  
This cardinal Adrian being fallen in the pope's displeasure, withdrew out of the court of Rome unto Venice: and in the mean time cardinal Campeius, at the instance of cardinal Woolsie, wrote to the pope, that cardinal Adrian might be deprived of that bishopric, to the end that cardinal Woolsie line 20 might have the same. Which request was accomplished, and the bulls sent unto Calis; so that then cardinal Campeius, after he had remained at Calis three months, came over into England, and was received with all pomp & honour that might be devised. 
●br. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in H ●. fol. lxiiij.  ¶ Insomuch that cardinal Woolsie had sent to the legate (whilst he lay at Calis) red cloth to clothe his servants, which at their coming to Calis were but meanly appareled. And when all things were line 30 ready, he passed the sea and landed at Dover; and so kept forth his journey toward London.  
At every town as they passed, he was received with procession, 
Cardinal C●●peius ●●ceiued with ●reat pomp.  and accompanied with all the lords & gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to Blackeheath, there met him the duke of Norfolk, with a great number of prelates, knights, & gentlemen, all richly appareled. And in the way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into the rob of a cardinal, edged with ermines; and so took his mule riding towards London. The line 40 night before he came to London, the cardinal of York, to furnish the carriages of the cardinal Campeius, sent to him twelve mulets with empty coffers covered with red: which twelve mulets were led through London amongst the mulets of Campeius, which were but eight; and so these twenty mulets passed through the streets, as though they had been full of treasures, apparel, & other necessaries.  

What trumpery was in dosed in the lord legates chests.  Now when they came into Cheap, one of the mulets broke from her keeper, and overthrew the chests, line 50 and overturned two or three other mulets carriages, which fell with such a violence, that diverse of them unlocked; & out of some fell old hosen, broken shoes, and roasted flesh, pieces of bread, eggs, and much vile baggage. At which sight the boys cried; See, see my lord legates treasure: and so the muletters were ashamed, and took up all their stuff and passed forth. About three of the clock in the after noon on the twenty ninth day of julie the said legate entered the city, and in Southworke met him all the clergy of line 60 London, with crosses, censors, and copes, and censed him with great reverence. The mayor and aldermen, with all the occupations of the city in their best liveries stood in the streets, and him highly honoured: to whom sir Thomas More made a brief oration in the name of the city.  
Now when he came to Paul's, there he was received with bishop's mitred, and under a canopy entetered the church: which canopy his servants took for their fees. And when he had offered, he gave his benediction to all the people, & took again his mule, & so with all his train aforesaid was conveyed to Bath place, and there rested: where he was welcomed of cardinal of York. On sunday next ensuing, 
The glorious shows or pompous port of the two cardinals going to the court.  these two cardinals as legates took their barges, & came to Gréenewich, each of them had beside their crosses two pillars of silver, two little axes gilded, and two cloak-bags embroidered, & the cardinals ha●s borne before them. And when they came to the king's hall, the cardinal of York went on the right hand: and there the king royally appareled and accompanied, met them even as though both had come from Rome and so brought them both up into his chamber of presence.  
Then a solemn oration was made by an Italian, declaring the cause of the legacy to be in two articles, one for aid against God's enemies, and the second for reformation of the clergy. And when mass was done, they were had to a chamber, and served of lords and knights, with much solemnity: and after dinner they took their leave of the king, and came to London, and road through the city together, in great pomp and glory to their lodgings.] This cardinal Campeius for his friendship showed in helping the cardinal of England to the bishopric of Bath, was considered (besides other great rewards) with the bishopric of Salisbury, the profits whereof he received, until the act was established, that no forrenner should enjoy any spiritual benefice within this realm. But for the chiefest errand that this cardinal Campeius came, he could have no toward answer: which was (as you have heard) to have levied a sum of money by way of tenths in this realm, to the maintenance of the war in defence of the christian confines against the Turk.  
There were at the same time other legates sent into other parts of Christendom about the same matter, as into France, Spain, and Germany. 

See after in the extract out of Guicciardine.  
A crafty fear of the pope.   For pope Leo calling to remembrance, that the fear conceived of the Turks had brought no small gains to diverse of his predecessors, he began to fear too. But for that such fear was now too well known to be used as an ordinary shift of the pope's, when they stood in need of money, this practice was at this time used in vain; so that Campeius hearing that it took not place in other parties, left off his earnest suit about it, and with great rewards received of the king and cardinal, returned to Rome, not without hope yet (by reason of promises made unto him by his friends) that the pope's request might hereafter be granted, according to his motion. There attended him to Rome one john Clerk a lawyer, as ambassador from the king.  
This man obtained for the cardinal, authority to dispense with all men for offences committed against the spiritual laws, which part of his power legantine was very profitable and gainful. For than he set up a court, and called it the court of the legate: in the which he proved testaments, 
The court of the legate erected by the cardinal.  and heard causes, to the great hindrance of all the bishops of this realm. He visited bishops, and all the clergy exempt and not exempt, and under colour of reformation he got much treasure. For through bribes & rewards, notorious offenders were dispensed with, so that nothing was reform, but came to more mischief. The example of his pride, 
Examples of great ones what it doth.  caused priests and all spiritual persons to wax so proud, that they ruffled it out in velvet and silks, which they ware both in gounes, jackets, doublets, and shoes. They used open lechery, and bore themselves so stout by reason of his authorities and faculties, that no man durst reprove any thing in them. So that we see here verified in proof how forcible the examples of great men be in the inferior sort; as the wise man truly saith: 
Qualis erit princeps, talis praefectus habetur, 
Gu. Ha. in Eccl. cap. 10.   
Nobilitas qualis, plebs quoque talis erit.   
[But before we infer further process of other accidents, it were good to hear a full discourse, for the exact understanding of the pope's affairs, whereabouts he addressed so many cardinals into so many parts of christendom, as solicitors to obtain succour against the Turk. ¶ Now followeth (saith mine author) the year 1518, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 756.  in which the regions of Italy, contrary to the precedent of many years before, felt not the least impression or motion of war, yea there appeared the self same disposition in all other princes of christendom, 
The pope soliciteth all the princes of christendom against the Turk.  between whom by the operation of the pope, though happily more with line 10 fair reason, than with substantial counsels, was solicited an universal expedition of all christendom against the pride of Selim prince of the Turks.  
This man the year before, had so enlarged and extended his greatness, that comparing with his power, his ambition to be greater, pushed on with many helps of nature, it was worthily to be doubted, that if he were not prevented by the invasions of the christians, he would in his pride lift up his victorious hands against them. For Selim discerning line 20 that Baiseth his father, reduced to extreme old age, sought to establish the succession of the empire in the person of Acomath his elder brother, drew into rebellion against him, and by force of arms, concurring the corruption of the soldiers of his guard, constrained him to resign up to him the authority of the government: and not suffering his ambition to stay there, 
The ambition and tyranny of Selim against his father & affines.  it was believed of all men, that for his more absolute assurance he took away his life by poison: and afterwards giving an overthrow to his brother line 30 in an inconter of a battle, he confirmed fully the seat of his empire, by depriving him of his life in public show, exercising the like rage of cruelty upon Corcu the youngest brother of all. And being not satisfied according to the tyranny of the house of Ottomanni, with the blood and slaughter of all his nephews, or any others that remained of that line and stock, he was in thought oftentimes (by the rage and fury of his disposition) to take away the life of Soliman his only son. line 40  
Of these beginnings breeding one war upon another, after he had subdued the Aduliti, a people of the mountains, he passed over into Persia against the Sophi, to whom he gave battle and overthrew him, and in that felicity of war he took the city of Tauris the sovereign seat of that estate, 
Selim overthroweth the Sophi of Persia.  together with the greatest part of Persia which he was constrained to abandon, not through the valour of his enemies, who for their disability to support their army line 50 were retired into the mounteins and places desert, but for the universal dearth and barrenness of that year, he fell into an extreme want of victuals: he returned soon after this expedition to Constantinople, where after he had done execution upon certain soldiers seditious, and for certain months had refreshed his army, he gave out that he would eftsoons return to make war upon Persia. But indeed he turned his forces against the Sultan king of Soria and Egypt, a prince not only of most ancient line 60 reverence and dignity for that religion; but most mighty for the amplitude of dominion, most rich in tributes, 
The state of the Sultan king of Soria and Egypt.  and very glorious by the discipline of the Mammelukes, of whose arms and forces that state was possessed with great reputation three hundred years.  
For that empire, being ruled of the Sultan's, they not by succession but by election ascended to it, and to the supreme seat of government were not preferred but men of manifest virtue, and confirmed by all the degrees of war, in the administration of provinces and armies, and also the sinews and strengths of their forces stood not upon soldiers mercenary and foreign, but of men elected, who taken of children in the provinces adjoining, and trained up by succession of years in hardness of fare, in suffering of labour and toil, and in the exercise of arms and all customs appertaining to the discipline and law of war, they ascribed and enrolled them in the order of the Mammelukes. There succeeded from hand to hand in this order, not the sons of the Mammelukes that were dead, but others, who being taken of children for slaves, had their rising by the same discipline, and by the same industry and arts, by the which their predecessors had passed from hand to hand.  
These not being in number above seventeen or eighteen thousand, 
By whole election the Sultan's were chosen.  held subjecteth under a most heavy yoke, all the people of Egypt and Soria, whom they spoilt of the use of all arms, and practise to manage horses: yea such was their fierceness and valour, that oftentimes they made war of themselves, for that of their numbers and by their election were chosen the Sultan's, and in their power rested all authority to distribute the honours, offices, and profits of that most rich empire. By the opportunity of which, having subdued many nations adjoining, and reduced to obedience the Arabians, and maintained many wars with the Turks, they were many times victorious, but very seldom or never vanquished of others. Against these people did Selim convert his forces, whom he overthrew in many battles fought in plain field, wherein was slain the Sultan, 
The Turks slayeth the 〈◊〉 Sultan's and subdueth all Soria and Egypt.  and afterwards in an other battle was taken prisoner the other Sultan his successor, whom he caused to be publicly murdered with an unworthy kind of torment. Thus having satisfied his bloody humour with such great slaughters, and also wasted the name of the Mammelukes, he proceeded to the invasion of Cairo a most populous city, wherein w●re resident the Sultan's, and in short time subdued under his jurisdiction all Soria and Egypt.  
These drew unto him so great an increase of empery, such amplification of tribute and revenue, and removing the impediments of so mighty enemies, and of so great reputation, that with great reason he was to be feared of the christians. A fear which took his degrees of increasing by this consideration, that to so great a power and valour was joined a settled impression of ambition to bear rule, & by many victories, to make glorious his name to all posterities: wherein reading oftentimes the legends and actions of the great Alexander, and julius Cesar, 
The Turks ambition hath no bounds o● circumscription.  he seemed to suffer grief and perplexity of mind, that his actions & exploits of war could in no wise hold comparison with so many great triumphs and victories. In which humour, refurnishing continually his armies, and building of new a great number of ships, and levying all provisions necessary for the war, it was feared when his preparations were accomplished, that he would invade Rhodes, the bulwark of the christians in the east parts, or else the kingdom of Hungaria, made fearful by the valour of the inhabitants to the nation of the Turks, which at that time was in division amongst themselves, and made weak by the minority of their king, who was governed by the priests and barons of the realm.  
Others were of opinion, that he had addressed all his thoughts to the invasion of Italy, taking his encouragement upon the discord of the potentates and natural princes, whom he knew to be much shaken with the long wars of those regions. To this was joined the memory of Mahomet his grandfather, who with a power far less than his, and with a small name sent upon the coasts of the realm of Naples, had won by assault the city of O●ronto: and (saving he was prevented by death) had both opened the way, and established the mean to persecute the regions of Italy with continual vexations: 
The pope put of fear that 〈◊〉 Turk 〈◊〉 overrun 〈◊〉 territories 〈◊〉 Italy.  so that the pope together with the whole court of Rome being made astonished with so great success, and no less provident to eschew so great a danger, making their first recourse unto the aid and secure of God, caused to be celebrated through Rome most devout invocations, which he did assist in presence barefooted.  
And afterwards calling upon the help of m●n▪ line 10 he wrote letters to all christian princes, both admonishing them of the peril, and persuading them to lay aside all civil discords and contentions, and attend speedily to the defence of religion & their common safety, which he affirmed would more and more take increase of most grievous danger, if with the unity of minds, and concordances of forces, they sought not to transfer the war into the empire of the Turks, & invade the enemy in his own country. Upon this advise and admonition, was taken line 20 the examination and opinion of men of war, 
The pope 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 his securi●●●●● tuition.  and persons skilful in the discovery of countries, the disposing of provinces, and of the nature and usage of the forces and weapons of that kingdom, and thereupon a resolution was set down to make great levies of money by voluntary contributions of princes, and universal imposts of all people of christendom.  
It was thought necessary that Cesar accompanied with the horsemen of Hungaria and Polonia, line 30 nations warlike, and practised in continual war against the Turk, and also with the footmen of Germany, should sail along Danubi into Bossina called anciently Misia, and from thence to Thracia, and so to draw near Constantinople, 
politic deui●●s to 〈◊〉 & prevent ●he Turk's ●●●poses.  the seat of the empire of Ottomanes: that the French king with all the forces of his kingdom, the venetians, and the other potentates of Italy, accompanied with the infantry of Swizzerland, should pass from the port of Brindisi in Albania, a passage very easy & short, to invade Greece, a country full of christian inhabitants, line 40 and for the intolerable yoke of the Turks, most ready to rebel: that the kings of Spain, of England, and Portugal, assembling their forces together in Cartagenia, and the ports thereabouts, should take their course with two hundred ships full of Spanish footmen and other soldiers, to the streict of Galipoli, to make roads up to Constantinople, having first of all subdued the castles and forts standing upon the mouth of the streict: and the pope to take the same course, embarking at Ancona, with line 50 an hundred ships armed.  

Why it was generally thought that this war would have ●●ckie success.  With these preparations, seeming sufficient to cover the land, and overspread the sea, it was thought that of a war so full of devotion and piety, there could not be but hoped a happy end, specially adding the invocation of God, and so many several invasions made at one time against the Turks, who make their principal foundation of defence, to fight in the plain field. These matters were solicited with no small industry, and to stop all matter of imputation line 60 against the office of the pope, the minds of princes were throughly sounded, and an universal truce for five years between all the princes of christendom, published in the consistory, upon pain of most grievous censure to such as should impugn it. So that the negotiation continuing for all things appertaining to so great an enterprise, he assigned ambassadors to all princes: to the emperor he sent the cardinal S. Sisto, to the French king he dispatched the cardinal of S. Maria in Portico, the cardinal Giles to the king of Spain, 
This openeth the place in our English history.  and the cardinal Campeius to the king of England.  
All cardinals of authority, either for their experience in affairs, or for opinion of their doctrine, or for their familiarity with the pope. All which things albeit they were begun with great hope and expectation, and the universal truce accepted of all men, and all men with no little ostentation and bravery of words, made show of their readiness with their forces to advance so good a cause: yet, what with the consideration of the peril esteemed uncertain and far off, and extending more to one prince than to another, and what by the difficulties and long tract of time that appeared, to introduce a zeal and union so universal, private interests and respects particular seemed to prevail more, 
The pope's negotiation naked of all hope & issue.  than the piety of the expedition: insomuch that the negotiation stood not only naked of all hope and issue, but also it was followed very lightly, and as it were by ceremony.  
This being one property in the nature of men, that those things which in their beginnings appear fearful, do daily take such degrees of diminution and vanishing, that unless the first fears be revived by new accidents▪ they lead men in process of time to security. Which property of negligence, both touching the affairs public, and affection of private and particular men was well confirmed by the death that succeeded not long after to Selim, who, 
The death of Selim, and succession of Soliman.  having by a long malady suspended the preparations of the war; was in the end consumed by the passions of his disease, and so passed into the other life, leaving so great an empire to Soliman his son, young in years, and judged to bear a wit and mind not so disposed to the wars, although afterwards the effects declared the contrary.  
At this time appeared between the pope and the French king a most great and streict conjunction: for the king gave to wife to Laurence his nephew, 
Alliance betwixt the pope & the French king.  the lady Magdalen nobly descended of the blood and house of Bullognie, with a yearly revenue of ten thousand crowns, whereof part was of the king's gift, and the residue rising of her own patrimony. Besides, the king having borne to him a son, the pope required that in his baptism, he would impose upon him his name. By which occasion Laurence making preparations to go to marry his new wife, for his more speed, performed his journey by post into France, where he was received with many amities and much honour of the king, to whom he became very gracious and of dear account, the rather for that (besides other general respects) he made a dedication of himself wholly to the king, with promise to follow in all accidents, his fortune.]  
And now to return to cardinal Woolsie, who grew so into exceeding pride, 
The excessive pride of the cardinal.  that he thought himself equal with the king. For when he said mass (which he did oftener to show his pomp, rather than for any devotion) he made dukes and earls to serve him of wine, with a say taken, and to hold to him the basin at the lavatory. Thus was the pride of the cardinal and other priests so past the compass of reason, that in manner all good persons abhorred and disdained it [as altogether degenerating from the example of Christ & his poor train, of whom in name and title they seemed to be professors, but of their manners and trade of life open defiers; yea in such manifest sort, both in apparel and diet, as also in all other respects, that few there were (if they perceived any thing by discretion) but saw the evident abuses of their behaviours, tending greatly to the dishonour of the place which they possessed, as also to the no small offence of the modester sort of the clergy, whereof some did so well like of this ruffling and masking presbytery, that they abhorred it as strong poison in their broth.]  
It fortuned that the archbishop of Canturburie wrote to the cardinal, anon after that he had received his power legantine, the which letter after his old familiar manner he subscribed thus: 
The cardinal taketh it in scorn to be called brother by the archbishop.  Your brother William of Canturburie. With which subscription, because the archbishop wrote him brother, he was so much offended, as though the archbishop had done him great injury, that he could not temper his mood, but in high displeasure said, that he would so work within a while, that he should well understand how he was his superior, and not his brother. When the archbishop (being a sober wise man) heard of the line 10 messenger that bore the letter, how the cardinal took it not well, but so as it might seem there was a great fault in the letter, and reported the tale as one that misliked the cardinals presumption herein: Peace (said the archbishop) knowest thou not how the man is become mad with too much joy. And thus the cardinal forgetting to hold the right path of true laud and praise, sought to be feared rather than beloved of all good men.  
In this mean time the French king greatly coveting line 20 to redeem the city of Tornay out of the hands of the king of England, and knowing that he must make way thereunto through the cardinals friendship, ceased not with high gifts to win his good will, and moreover in often writing to him, exalted him with titles of honour, 
The French king writeth to cardinal Woolsie.  and so magnified him, that the cardinal, as one tickled with vainglory more than can be imagined, thought that he could not do pleasure enough to the French king, that did esteem so much of him. Hereupon the French king line 30 hoping to compass his desire, after he perceived the cardinals good will towards him, signified his meaning unto the said cardinal; who found means to break thereof to the king, in such wise as he was contented to hear the French kings ambassadors, that should be sent hither to talk of that matter.  
The French king then understanding the king of England his pleasure, sent over the lord Bonivet high admiral of France, 
Ambassadors from the French king.  and the bishop of Paris as chief ambassadors, accompanied with a great line 40 sort of lusty gentlemen of the French kings court, to the number of four score and above, on whom attended such a company of other of the meaner sort, that the whole number amounted to twelve hundred one and other, 

An unreasonable number for an embassage.  
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol lxv. The ambassadors of France received on Blackeheath.   which were thought to be many for an embassage. ¶ On monday the twenty seventh day of September, the earl of Surrie high admiral of England, in a coat of rich tissue cut on cloth of silver, on a great courser richly trapped, and a great whistle of gold, set with stones and pearl, hanging line 50 at a great and massy chain baldric wise, accompanied with an hundred and sixty gentlemen, richly appareled, on goodly horses came to Blackeheath, and there amiably received the ambassadors of France. The young gallants of France had coats guarded with one colour, cut in ten or twelve parts very richly to behold: and so all the Englishmen accoupled themselves with the Frenchmen lovingly together, and so road to London. After the two admerals followed four and twenty of the French line 60 kings guard, accompanied with four and twenty of the English guard. And after them a great numrer of archers, to the number of four hundred. And in this order they passed through the city to tailor's hall, and there the chief ambassadors were lodged, and the remnant in merchants houses about.  
When these lords were in their lodgings, than the French harder men opened their wares, & made the tailor's hall like the pawned of a mart. At this doing many an Englishman grudged, but it availed not. The last day of September, the French ambassadors took their barge, 
The French ambassadors come to the court.  and came to Greenwich. The admiral was in a gown of cloth of silver raised, furred with rich sables; and all his company almost were in a new fashioned garment, called a shemew, which was in effect a gown cut in the middle. The gentlemen of France were brought into the king's presence, where the bishop of Paris made a solemn oration; which being ended, & answer made thereto, the king highly entertained the admiral and his company, and so did all the English lords and gentlemen.]  
The ambassadors after this were daily in council, till at length an agreement was concluded, under pretence of a marriage to be had between the Dolphin of France, and the lady Marie, daughter to the king of England: in name of whose marriage monis▪ Tornay should be delivered vnt● the French king, he paying to the king of England for the castle which he had made in that city; 
Articles of ●●gréement 〈◊〉 the deliuer● of Torna●●.  six hundred thousand crowns, to be paid in twelve years space, that is to say, fifty thousand every year during that term. And if the marriage chanced not to take effect, than should Tornay be again restored to the king of England. For performance of which article, hostages should be delivered, that is to wit, monsieur de Montmorancie, monsieur de Montpesac, monsieur de Moie, monsieur de Morret. Moreover the French king should pay to the lord cardinal of England a thousand marks of yearly pension, in recompense of his revenues before time received of the bishopric of Tornay: and likewise to other of the king's council he should also give certain sums of money as yearly pensions, in like manner as his ancestors had done to the councillors of the kings of England before time.  
The French K. agreed to call back the duke of Albany out of Scotland, that the surety of K. james might the better be provided for, and less occasion of trouble ministered to the king of England. And further the French king was contented that the said king james should be received as a confederate in this peace. When all things were concluded, the king and the ambassadors road to the cathedral church of saint Paul in London from Durham place, where the cardinal of England sang the mass in most pompous manner: and after that mass was ended, doctor Place the king's secretary made an eloquent oration in praise of peace: and that done, the king and his nobles with the ambassadors went to the bishop's palace, and there dined, and after dinner, the king road again to Durham place. 
Edw. H●ll ●n H. 8. fol. l●●.  That night the cardinal of York made to the ambassadors a solemn banquet, and them accompanied many lords and ladies of England. And when the banquet was done, in came six minstrels, richly disguised, and after them followed three gentlemen in wide and long gowns of crimson satin, every one having a cup of gold in their hands.  
The first cup was full of angels and royals, the second had diverse bales of dice, and the third had certain pairs of cards. These gentlemen offered to play at mumchance, and when they had played the length of the first board, than the minstrels blew up, and then entered into the chamber certain ladies disguised, on whom attended twelve knights disguised bearing torches. All these thirty & six persons were in one suit of fine green satin, all covered over with cloth of gold, under tied together with laces of gold, and masking hoods on their heads: the ladies had tiers made of braids of damask gold with long hair of white gold. All these maskers dansed at one time, and after they had dansed, they put off their visors, and so were they all known. The admiral and lords of France heartily thanked the king, that it pleased him to visit them with such disport. Then the king & his company were banketted, and had high cheer: and so they departed every man to his lodging. The eight of October at Gréenewich, was song a solemn mass by the bishop of Durham, and after mass, 
〈…〉 master 〈…〉 rolls.  doctor Tunstall, master of the rolls, made an eloquent proposition in praise of the matrimony to be had betwixt the Dolphin and the lady Marie. All that day were the strangers feasted, and at night they were brought into the hall, where was a rock full of all manner of stones, 
 very artificially made, and on the top stood five trees, the first an olive tree, on which hanged a shield of the arms of the line 10 church of Rome; the second a pineaple tree, with the arms of the emperor; the third a rosier, with the arms of England; the fourth a branch of lilies, bearing the arms of France; and the fift a pomegranate tree, bearing the arms of Spain: in token that all these five potentates were joined together in one league against the enemies of Christ's faith.  
In and upon the midst of the rock sat a fair lady, richly appareled with a dolphin in her lap. In this rock were ladies and gentlemen appareled in line 20 crimson satin, covered over with flowers of purple satin, embroidered upon with wreaths of gold, knit together with golden laces, and on every flower a hart of gold moving. The lady's apparel was after the fashion of Jude, with kerchifes of pleasance, hatched with fine gold, and set with letters of Greek in gold of bullion; and the edges of their kerchifes were garnished with hanging pearl. These gentlemen and ladies sat on the neither part of the rock, and out of a cave in the said rock came ten knights, armed at line 30 all points, and fought together a fair tournie. And when they were severed and departed, the disguisors descended from the rock, and dansed a great space: and suddenly the rock moved and received the disguisors, and immediately closed again.  
Then entered a person called Report, appareled in crimson satin full of tongues, sitting on a flying horse with wings and feet of gold called Pegasus. This person in French declared the meaning of the rock, the trees, 
A stately or ●●all banquet 〈◊〉 two hundred and sixty 〈◊〉.  and the tournie. After this pastime ended, line 40 the king and the ambassadors were served at a banquet with two hundred and sixty dishes, and after that a voidee of spices with sixty spice plates of silver and gilt, as great as men with ease might bear. This night the cupboard in the hall was of twelve stages all of plate of gold, and no gilt plate. When that every man had been plenteously served, the tables were taken up, and the king with the queen and all the strangers departed to their lodgings.  
After diverse justs & feasts made for the said ambassadors line 50 by the king and lords: sir Thomas Exmew mayor of London made to them a costly dinner at Goldsmith's hall, which dinner they highly praised, it was so well ordered. And when the time came, they took their leave of the king, the queen, and the king's council, and delivered into the king's possession their four hostages (as you have heard before.) At which departing the king gave to the admiral of France a garnish of gilt vessel, a pair of covered basins gilded, 
The king of England's munificence and bountifulness to the French ambassadors & gentlemen.  twelve great gilt boles, four pair line 60 of great gilt pots, a standing cup of gold, garnished with great pearls: and to some other also, he gave plate, to some chains of gold, to some rich apparel, and to some great horses with rich bards, so that every gentleman was well rewarded; which liberality the strangers much praised: and after that all their trusses were ready they departed towards the sea, and took ship and landed at Bullogne.]  

Ambassadors sent from king Henry 〈◊〉 the French 〈◊〉.  Shortly after their departure, the earl of Worcester, lord chamberlain, the bishop of Elie, the lord of saint john's, sir Nicholas Uaux, sir john Pechie, sir Thomas Bullen, as ambassadors from the king of England, accompanied with three score and ten knights, gentlemen and yeomen, to the number of four hundred and above, passed the sea to Calis, and so from thence went to Paris, where they were nobly received, & being brought to the French kings presence, the bishop of Elie made a solemn oration touching the marriage and peace concluded. [To entertain the English ambassadors and gentlemen, 
Edw. Hall in H. 8 fol. lxv●. A banqueting house of the French kings described.  the French king had made a banqueting house in the bastill of Paris between four old walls. This house was covered with cords strained by craft, and every cord was wound about with box, and so laid crosswise one over an other in fret, and at the meetings a great knop gilded with gold foil. Over their cords was strained woollen clothes of light blue: this roof was four score foot high, and on every side three stages high: all the pillars of the stages were covered with antic works, & the breasts of the stages curiously wrought with arms, viniets, and branches: the roof was set full of stars gilded & furnished with glasses between the frets. In this house was two hundred and twelve branches gilded hanged, & on every branch a great number of lights of white wax.  
diverse sorts of masks were showed also that night: and at every side of the palace a great cupboard of massy plate of much greatness was set, the French king welcoming the lords and ambassadors with good countenance.] Here is to be remembered, that immediately after the conclusion of the marriage, a rumour was raised, that the Dolphin was dead before, and that this marriage was but a colourable pretext, devised of the Frenchmen for a policy to come by their purpose: and therefore, after that the English ambassadors had been feasted and entertained with banqueting and princely pastime, the bishop of Elie, with sir Thomas Bullen, and sir Richard Weston, were appointed to go unto Coniacke to see the Dolphin, where they were honourably received, and brought unto the presence of the Dolphin, being a goodly young child, whom they kissed and embraced in most loving wise.  
The earl of Worcester, and with him sir Nicholas Uaux, sir john Pechie, sir Edward Belknap, year 1520 and diverse others at the same time, took leave of the French king, and road to Tornay to see the city delivered to the Frenchmen. Whereupon, the eight of February, the lord Chatillon came thither with one and twenty hundred men; and after some controversy moved about the delivery of his commission, and sealing an indenture, which the earl had there ready engrossed, containing the articles of agreement, in consideration whereof it was delivered, the captain sir Richard jerningham was discharged, and the Frenchmen suffered to enter with drumslads and minstrelsy, 
The manner how Tornay was delivered to the French king.  but not with standards nor banners, which the Englishmen caused them to roll up greatly against their wills. Before they came to the gates, they sealed the indenture, confessing how they received the city as a gift, and not as a right, and delivered their commission, whereby they were authorised to receive it, which at the first they refused to do, affirming that it was sufficient for them to show it.  
Thus was Tornay delivered in this tenth year of the king's reign, on the eight day of February, & the Englishmen returned into England, sore displeased in their minds. For thereby many a tall yeoman lacked living, the which would not labour after their return, but fell to robbing, pilfering, shifting, and other extraordinary means of maintenance, whereas before they were stayed upon a certainty of hope, so long as they had allowance by the king. So that this resignation of Tornay, though it were answerable to the desire of the French king, and commodious for his people, yet that benefit of theirs bred to the English soldiers detriment and loss: who wished in their hearts to have left their lives behind them in defence of possession, rather than it should revert into the hands of them, by whom it was surrendered & given up to the English power, whom (because they were not able to encounter) they let in at their gates by a voluntary motion and common consent for their better safety, as a late writer witnesseth: 
Angligenas passis intra sua moenia portis  
Sponte intromittens. line 10   
¶ During this time remained in the French court diverse young gentlemen of England, 
Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxvii. The light and misliked demeanour of diverse young gentlemen of England & the French king.  and they with the French king road daily disguised through Paris, throwing eggs, stones, and other foolish trifles at the people, which light demeanour of a king was much discommended and jested at. And when these young gentlemen came again into England, they were all French, in eating, drinking, and apparel, yea, and in French vices and brags, so that all the estates of England were by them laughed at: the line 20 ladies and gentlewomen were dispraised, so that nothing by them was praised, but if it were after the French turn, which after turned them to displeasure, as you shall hear.  
After the king's ambassadors were returned, and Tornay delivered to the Frenchmen upon the conditions aforesaid, the hostages that were here left for the payment of the great sums and performance of the conditions comprised in the league (of the which one was, that if the marriage took none effect, than the city of Tornay should be redelivered line 30 upon repayment of the same sums) the said hostages knew not in what case they stood, but when they knew it, they were very heavy and sorrowful: howbeit, they dissembled the matter in the best wise they could. The king used familiarly these four hostages, and on the seventh day of May prepared a disguising, 
Preparation for solemn disport.  and caused his great chamber at Gréenwich to be staged, and great lights to be set on pillars that were gilded, with basons gilded, and the roof was covered line 40 with blue satin set full of presses of fine gold and flowers: and under was written jammes, the meaning whereof was, that the slower of youth could not be oppressed.  
Into this chamber came the king, and the queen, with the hostages, and there was a goodly comedy of Plautus played; and that done, there entered into the chamber eight ladies in black velvet bordered about with gold, with hoops from the waist downward, 
A comedy of Plautus played before the king.  and sleeves rusted and plited at the elbow, and line 50 plain in the midst, full of cuts, plucked out at every cut with fine camerike, & tired like the Egyptians very richly. And when these ladies had passed about the place, in came eight noble personages in long gowns of taffeta set with flowers of gold bullion, and under that apparel coats of black velvet embroidered with gold all to cut, and plucked out with cuts of white sarsenet, and every man had buskins of black velvet full of agglets of gold.  
Then the eight men dansed with the eight lady's line 60 all being vizarded, and suddenly the men cast off their large gowns, and then their under apparel was seen. And when all was done, every lord and lady put off their visards, and then it was known that the king, the duke of Suffolk, and the French queen were there, which were present at the play time. On the eight day of March was a solemn jousts, 
A jousts.  the king himself, and eight young gentlemen based and barded in black velvet embroidered with gold; against the duke of Suffolk, and eight of his band, all in white satin with drops of gold. And that day they all ran exceeding well, which the strangers highly commended.]  
About the end of March, the king sent for all the yeomen of the guard that were come from Tornay, 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 rewarde●.  and after many good words given to them, he granted to every of them four pence the day without attendance, except they were specially commanded. 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈…〉  ¶ And here it seemeth requisite to add the report of a foreign chronicler touching the league of amity and conditions of the same, knit up in brevity and good terms as followeth. Now (saith he) the differences between the French and English were also reconciled. And for the more stability of which agreement, it was confirmed with a contract of parentage and alliance, wherein the king of England promised to give his only daughter, to whom having no sons, there was hope of the descending & succession of the kingdom to the Dolphin the eldest son of the crown of France, 
The porti●● given with 〈◊〉 king's daughter of England.  adding for a portion four hundred thousand ducats. Both the one and the other bore yet so tender age, that infinite accidents might happen, before perfection of years would make them able to establish matrimony. There was made between them a league defensive, wherein were comprehended Cesar, and the king of Spain, in case they would ratify it in a certain time.  
The king of England bound himself to restore Tornay, receiving presently for defraiments expended upon that town, two hundred and threescore thousand ducats, and three hundred thousand to be defalked of the portion, and to pay three hundred thousand more in the space of twelve years. The French king also was bound, that if the peace and the parentage followed not, to render up again into the hands of the English, the town of Tornay. Many ambassadors were sent from both the realms to negotiate this league, and to receive the ratifications and oaths, by whom in the courts of both the kings the acts of the accord were dispatched with great solemnity and ceremony, with a resolution of an interview of both the kings between Calis and Bullongne, immediately after the restitution of Tornay.  
About the same time, the daughter of the French king, appointed to be married to the king of Spain, being dead, 
Peace and ●●liance betwixt the French king and the Spanish solemnly celebrated.  the former peace and capitulation was eftsoons reconfirmed between them, wherein was promised the marriage of the second daughter of France. Both the kings celebrated this conjunction with most great demonstrations of perfect amity: for the king of Spain, having paid in at Lions an hundred thousand ducats, ware publicly the order of saint Michael upon the day of the celebration of the same, and in recompense of that honour: the French king, upon the day dedicated to saint Andrew, was honourably attired in the robes and colour of the golden fleece.  
About this time, john ja. Triwlce, whom neither old age reduced almost to the last time, 
The death of john ja Triwlce, a noble servitor in the French affairs.  nor his virtue so oftentimes expressed in the service of the truce of France could any way aid or comfort (being both ambitious and impatient, and therefore envied) following the French court, fell sick at Charters, where he gave up to the king, his innocency and complaints, and made to God the last reckoning of his aged days. He was a man in the judgement of many, and confirmed by sundry experiences, of singular valour in the discipline of war, and ran a race always opposed to the inconstancy of fortune, who (according to her mutability) made him feel the operation of both her humours, sometimes rejoicing in her favour, and erst again finding her sour and of a bitter taste. By his commandment were written upon his tomb these words, not disagreeable to the variable condition and course of his natural life: 
I find the rest within my grave,  
Which in my life I could not have.]   

The death of the emperor Maximilian 〈◊〉. pag 763.  In this year the twelve of February, died the emperor Maximilian, for whom the king caused a solemn obsequy to be kept in Paul's church. ¶ He died at Luiz, a town upon the marches of Ostrich, where he remained for his delight and pleasure in hunting the wild boar, and other chaces of the field. He lived always under one condition of fortune, 
● description of the empe●●●s qualities.  who many times favoured him, in offering him many fair occasions, & as often wrought against him in not suffering him to take the fruit and effect of line 10 them. He was by nature inconstant and remooveable, and had conceits and impressions very ill disposed and different from the judgement of other men, joined to an excessive prodigality and dissipation of money.  
Matters which cut off from him the effects and success of all occasions, being otherwise a prince most perfect and instructed in the ordering of war, secret to lay and dispose a plot, diligent to follow it, of body able and suffering, of mind affable and easy, line 20 and replenished with many other excellent gifts and ornaments. Unto some of these properties, the good service which he did the king of England at Terwin giveth proof, at what time both he and his people marched under the English ensign, and received pay as stipendary soldiers; whose wages the king had a care to pay, as may appear by his coining of silver money, whereof was scarcity in his camp, in respect of gold, wherewith the soldiers were well stored, as one doth very well make report, saying: line 30 
Pro mercede nihil nisifuluum soluitur aurum,  
Auri militibus radiantis copia totis  
Tanta fuit castris, ut rex cudisse coactus  
Nummum exargento fuerit.   
Assoon as the emperor was dead, the French king and the king of Spain began manifestly to aspire to the empire, 
The French 〈◊〉 and the Spanish 〈◊〉 aspire to the empire.  the purchase whereof albeit was a matter of right great importance, and no less the emulation running between two so mighty princes, yet they ordered their ambition with great modesty, line 40 neither using words of injury, nor threats of arms; but either one labouring by his authority, & by his means, to draw on his side the electors. The French king sundry times reasoned touching the election with great comeliness with the Spanish ambassadors, to whom he said it was a matter both agreeable and convenient, that either of them severally should seek by honest means to increase the honour of his house by so great a dignity: which for that in times before had been transferred into the families of their predecessors, there was now the less line 50 occasion to breed between them two matter of injury, nor diminution of their amity and good will.  
But rather he wished, that in the action of the empire, they might follow the example and order of two young lovers, who albeit they follow the quest of one lady, and either one laboureth by his industry to carry her; yet they forbear to come to contention. The king of Spain alluded with good right, that the empire appertained to him, 
The king of Spain's claim to the empire.  as having continued by a long succession of time in the house of Ostrich, and line 60 that it had not been the custom of the electors to deprive the issue of the emperor, without manifest cause of their disability, neither was there any in Germany of that puissance and authority to make him equal to stand competitor with him in that election. And least of all did he hold it just or likely, that the electors would transport to a foreign or strange prince, so great a dignity continued by so many ages in the nation of Germany.  
And albeit some particular amongst them, either through the insinuation of money, or other property of corruption, might be alured to another intention, yet he hoped to stop him with force prepared in time convenient, not doubting also but the other electors also would oppose against him, and the princes and free towns of Germany would not endure so universal an infamy, specially to suffer it to be laid upon the person of the French king, which would be no other thing than to make great the puissance of a king enemy unto their nation, and from whom there was no surety that the imperial dignity would ever return into Germany: he thought it would be an action easy to obtain and reduce to perfection, that which had been solicited by his grandfather, who had already compounded for recompenses and donations, and other dividents for every of the electors.  
On the other side, the desire of the French king was as great, and no less were his hopes, 
The French king in hope to be emperor as well as the Spanish.  which took their principal foundation upon an opinion he had to corrupt the voices of the electors with his huge sums of money: especially for that there were amongst them both pensionaries to him, and otherwise assured by many good offices, who encouraging him with the facility of the enterprise, pushed him on to embrace it. And for his part, as mortal men are apt to believe the thing they desire, so he nourished that hope with reasons rather apparent than true: he knew that commonly it was a matter grievous to the princes of Germany to have the emperor's mighty; being jealous that in so great a puissance, they would not either in part or in all, quarrel the jurisdictions and authorities imperial occupied by many of them. In which reason he persuaded himself, that they would in no sort consent to the election of the Spaniard, & so of themselves to subject themselves to an emperor more mighty than had been since a long descent and race of emperors. A matter which in his person seemed to be qualified, for that having neither estates nor ancient alliances in Germany, they had no occasion of suspicion of his greatness.  
The same reason also made him believe well of the conformity of the free towns, in whom much less that the regard of the glory of the nation would carry it from him, seeing it would help to peize the balance on his side, for that with most men the motions of proper and private interest may do more, than the respect of public and general profit. 
The French king builded his hope upon the humours of the princes of Germany.  He knew it was not a little grievous to many noble houses of Germany, pretending to be capable of such a dignity, to see the empire continue so long time in one house; but much more did it discontent them to suffer that so great an estate, which of right aught sometimes to be given to one of them, and sometime to pass to another, should become a perpetual descent and succession in one line: insomuch as they might call inheritance and succession that election, which durst not leave the line of the emperors. That in that sort the empire was translated from Albert de Ostrich to Fredrick his brother, and from Fredrick to Maximilian his son; and now there was devise to pass it from Maximilian to the person of Charles his grandchild.  
By these humours and indignations of the princes of Germany, he took hope that the discords and gealousies among ● themselves might help on his cause, the rather for that it often happeneth in the contentions of men, that he that is excluded, or the party whom he favoureth, runneth with a natural rashness rather to call in, and to advance a third, than to give place to him that hath opposed against his intention. Moreover, 
The French king relieth upon the ●auour of the pope.  the French king was not without his hopes in the favour of the pope, both in regard of the amity and alliance newly passed betwixt them; and also for that he was not ignorant how inconvenient it would be to the see apostolic to have the imperial crown invested in Charles, nor so much for his own greatness, as for that by the opportunity and neighbourhood of the realm of Naples to the estate of the church, and the adherency of the barons of the Gebelins, he had a plain and open passage to run up to the gates of Rome.  
But in that discourse he considered not that the same reason, which he judged true against Charles, was also against himself: for that the empire being joined to his person, he was no less to be feared of line 10 the pope & all others, than Charles. For that though the one of them possessed happily more realms and states; yet the other was not to be less esteemed, having his power not dispersed nor separate in many places, but was prince of a realm entirely assembled and united, where the obedience and fidelity of his subjects was no less wonderful, than his treasure and riches infinite. Nevertheless, not knowing in himself that which he considered in an other, he had recourse to the pope, and implored his favour under line 20 the offer and protestation of his person and kingdoms, with all other devotions of a loving son. Notwithstanding all this, the French king was abused by his vain hope, which fed him with fancies of the empire, where to he was not allotted nor elected.  


Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Ha●l. in H. 8. fol. lxviij, etc.  
Charles the fift, king of Spain chosen emperor.   For on the twenty eight of june was elected to be emperor Charles king of Castille, and nephew to the queen, by the whole assent of the electors of the empire: namely, the archbishop of Maience, the archbishop of Cullen, the count Palatine, and the duke line 30 of Saxon. Although the French king sent his great master to cause him to be elected to the high majesty of the empire; yet his ambassador and great master of his household (called Gonffier lord of Boisie, and brother to William Gonffier lord Bonneuet, admiral of France, which was ambassador in England the last year, as you have heard) did not so his message that it took any effect. The king which had sent doctor Place his secretary for the advancement of his nephew the king of Castille, to the dignity imperial, line 40 because he had the duchy of Ostrich, and many other signiories in Almain, was very joyous of this election, and caused a solemn mass to be song at Paul's the seventh day of julie: at which mass was present the cardinal Campeius, the cardinal of York, the duke of Buckingham, of Norfolk, & Suffolk, with the ambassadors of Spain, France, Venice, and Scotland.  
After mass was done, the quire sang Te Deum, and then all the lords departed to Bainard's castle to line 50 dinner, and that night were solemn fires made through London, and great plenty of wine given by Italians, Dutchmen, and Spaniards for these news. In this year the king with all the knights of his order being in England, road on double horses, with the henchmen following the king from Colbrooke to Windsor in gorgeous apparel, and there he kept with great solemnity the feast of saint George, and dined in the hall. The bishop of Winchester prelate of the order sat at the boards end alone. The king line 60 was solemnly served and the surnap cast like the feast of a coronation. All things were plenteous to strangers that resorted thither. At the mass of Requiem were offered the banner & other habiliments of honour belonging to Maximilian the emperor late deceased.  
After this feast ended, the king came to Richmond, and so to Gréenewich, and there lay all May. In which month the king's council secretly communed together of the king's gentleness and liberality to all persons: 
The king's affableness & familiarity with the inferior sort of people grudged at of the council.  by the which they perceived that certain young men in his privy chamber, not regarding his estate or degree, were so familiar and homely with him, that they forgot themselves. Which things although the king of his gentle nature suffered, and not rebuked nor reproved it: yet the king's council thought it not meet to be suffered for the king's honour, and therefore they all together came to the king, beseeching him to have more regard to his royalty.  
To whom the king answered, that he had chosen them of his council, both for the maintenance of his honour, and for the defence of all things that might blemish the same: wherefore if they saw any about him misuse themselves, he committed it unto their reformation. 
Certain of the privy chamber removed, and others in 〈◊〉 room app●●●●ted.  Then the king's council caused the lord chamberlain to call before them diverse of the privy chamber, which had been in the French court, and banished them the court for diverse considerations, laying nothing particularly to their charges, & they that had offices were commanded to go to their offices. Which discharge out of court grieved sore the hearts of these young men, which were called the king's minions. Then was there four sad & ancient knights put into the K. privy chamber, whose names were; sir Richard Wingfield, sir Richard jerningham, sir Richard Weston, and sir William Kingston; and diverse officers were changed.  
In this summer the queen desired the king to bring to her manor of Havering in the Bower in Essex the gentlemen of France being hostages, 
The king 〈◊〉 queen at Hovering in 〈◊〉 Bower.  for whose welcoming the purveyed all things in the most liberal manner: and especially she made to the king such a sumptuous banquet, that the king thanked her heartily, & the strangers gave her great praise. The king lying there did shoot, hunt, and run daily with the hostages to their great joy. This year in September the king lay at his manor of Newhall in Essex, otherwise called Beaulieu, 
Newhall in Essex called Beaulieu.  where the king had newly builded a costly mansion, there to welcome the queen, the lords, and the French gentlemen, he made to them a sumptuous banquet, and all along the chamber sat a lady & a lord, or a knight, which were plenteously served.  
After the banquet ended, with noise of minstrels entered into the chamber eight maskers with white beards, 
A mask of grave and ancient courtiers.  and long and large garments of blue sa●tin paned with sipers, powdered with spangles of bullion gold, and they dansed with ladies sadly, and communed not with the ladies after the fashion of maskers, but behaved themselves gravely. Wherefore the queen plucked off their visors, and then appeared the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Essex, the marquess Dorset, the lord Aburgavennie, sir Richard Wingfield, sir Robert Wingfield, sir Richard Weston, sir William Kingston: all these were somewhat aged, the youngest man was fifty at the least. The ladies had good sport to see these ancient persons maskers.  
When they departed, the king and the four hostages of France, and the earl of Devonshire with six other young gentlemen entered the chamber, 
A mask of youthful courtiers.  of the which six were all in yellow satin, hose, shoes, and caps, and six other were in like manner in green: the yellow satin was fretted with silver of damask, and so was the green very richly to behold: then every masker took a lady and dansed. When they had dansed and communed a great while, their visors were taken off, and they known, and the king gave many brooches and proper gifts where he liked.] In the month of November the king came from Lambeth to Westminster hall, 
The king ●●tteth in the Starchamber in judgement.  and so to the starchamber, and there were brought before him the lord Ogle, the lord Howard, sir Matthew Browne, sir William Bulmer, and john Scot of Camerwell, for diverse riots, misdemeanours, & offences by them committed: but the king specially rebuked sir William Bulmer knight, because he being his servant sworn, refused the king's service, and became servant to the duke of Buckingham: yet at length upon his humble craving of mercy, still kneeling on his knees before his grace, the king pardoned him his offence: and likewise he pardoned the lord Howard, and sir Matthew Browne, their offences: but because the lord Ogles matter concerned murder, he remitted him to the common law. And then he rose and went to his barge, and by the way made james Yarford mayor of the city of London knight, and so returned to Lambeth.  
The French king desirous to continue the friendship line 10 lately begun betwixt him and the king of England, made means unto the cardinal, that they might in some convenient place come to an interview together, that he might have further knowledge of king Henry, and likewise king Henry of him. But the same went that the cardinal desired greatly, of himself, that the two kings might meet, who mesuring by his will what was convenient, thought it should make much with his glory, if in France also line 20 at some high assembly of noble men, 
〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 humour of the cardinal 〈…〉.  he should be seen in his vain pomp and show of dignity: he therefore breaketh with the king of that matter, declaring how honourable, necessary, and convenient it should be for him to gratify his friend therein, and thus with his persuasions the K. began to conceive an earnest desire to see the French king, and thereupon appointed to go over to Calis, and so in the marches of Guisnes to meet with him.  
Then were there sent unto Guisnes, under the rule of sir Edward Belknap three thousand artificers, 
 line 30 which builded out of the earth on the plain before the castle of Guisnes, a most pleasant palace of timber, right curiously garnished without and within. Herewith were letters written to all such lords, ladies, gentlemen, and gentlewomen, which should give their attendance on the king and queen, which incontinently put themselves in a readiness after the most sumptuous sort. Also it was appointed that the king of England, & the French king, in a camp line 40 between Ard and Guisnes, with eighteen aids, should in june next ensuing abide all comers being gentlemen, at the tilt, at tourneie, and at barriers, whereof proclamattion was made by Orleans king of arms of France here in the court of England, and by Clarenceaux king of arms of England in the court of France, and in the court of Burgognie, and in diverse other courts and places in Almanie and Italy.  
During the time of these preparations, news were brought to the king, 
〈◊〉. Hall in 〈…〉. lxix. Preparation for the inter●●●ning of the emperor Charles into England.  that Charles his nephew elected line 50 emperor of Almanie, would shortly departed out of Spain by sea, and come by England to go to Acon or Aix (a city of fame and renown in Germany, for the ancient residence and sepulchre of Charlemagne) where he received the first crown. Wherefore the king hearing of this determination of the emperor, caused great provisions to be made at every haven, for the receiving of his well-beloved nephew and friend; & daily provisions were made on line 60 all sides for these noble meetings of so high princes: and especially the queen of England, and the lady Dowager of France, made great cost on the apparel of their ladies and gentlewomen.  
On the first day of February being Candlemas éeuen, as the king and queen were come from evensong at there manor of Greenwich, 
A devise of a ●●●gon upon 〈◊〉 sudden.  before the queens chamber there blue a trumpet suddenly, and then entered into the queens chamber four gentlemen appareled in long and large garments of blue damask bordered with gold, and brought with them a trick wagon, in the which sat a lady richly appareled, with a canopy over her head: and on the four corners of the wagon were four hedpeeces called armites', every piece being of a sundry devise. The said lady put up a bill to the king, the effect whereof was, that the four gentlemen present would (for the love of their ladies) answer all comers at the tilt at a day by the king to be appointed: which day was appointed at Shrovetide next ensuing. At which day the foresaid gentlemen valiantly accomplished their enterprise, with great lauds of the king, the queen, and the ladies.  
Moreover, now that it was concluded, that the kings of England and France should meet (as ye have heard) then ●oth the kings committed the order and manner of their meeting, 
The whole manner of the interview committed to the cardinal.  and how many days the same should continue, & what pre-eminence each should give to other, unto the cardinal of York, which to set all things in a certainty, made an instrument, containing an order and direction concerning the premises by him devised and appointed.  

The tenor of the said instrument mad by the cardinal.  
THomas archbishop of York and cardinal, etc. 
Ab. Fl. ex Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxx.  Albeit that by the treaty and meeting of the right high, and right puissant princes, Henry by the grace of God, king of England, and of France, lord of Ireland, my sovereign lord: and Francis by the same grace, K. of France right christened, made and concluded at London the eight day of October, the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and eighteen, be among other things concluded and accorded, that the same meeting shall be in place indifferent, and not subject to any of the said princes. Nevertheless we, considering the honour, profit, and utility, that shall redound by the interview of the said two princes, and not only to the said two princes, their realms and subjects, but also to all christendom, after declaration hereupon had with the said princes.  
Also considering that the said illustre king of England my sovereign lord, in passing the sea with his retinue, shall sustain great costs and expenses, and dispose himself to great labours and dangers, leaving his realm and puissance for certain time, we have thought & esteemed, that he should not be wholly satisfied to the honour and dignity of the same, right illustre king of England my sovereign lord, and should not have in regard condign of his labours and dangers, if the said interview or meeting after the first treaty should be in place indifferent. Wherefore it is that we desiring to weigh equally the honour and dignity of the said two kings, by virtue and power of the commissions to us given, of whom the tenours shall be hereafter declared: we have made, declared, and ordained certain articles accepted & approved by the same princes respectively, which they will observe, and by these presents we make, declare, and ordain as followeth.  
And first we declare and ordain, that before the end of the month of May next coming, 
The first article of the interview of the two kings & their train.  the said illustre king of England shall come personally to the castle of Guisnes, with his bedfellow the queen, and his sister the Dowaresse of France: & semblably the right christened K. of France, shall come in person to his castle of Ard with the queen & his mother: and some day, hour, and time, within four days at the most, after the end of May, that shall be assigned by the commissioners of the one and the other party, the said king of England shall issue out of his castle of Guisnes half a mile long, without that that he shall issue line 10 out of the limits of his demain of Guisnes, and shall come towards the said castle of Ard: and there within the territory of the said castle of Guisnes, he shall rest in some place not fortified nor walled, and near the limits of France, that the said commissioners shall assign (as above said.)  

The manner of their meeting and mutual greeting.  And the said right christened king, parting from his castle of Ard, shall come toward line 20 the said king of England the same day, place, time, and hour, that shall tarry him within the demain of Guisnes, as is said. In the which shall not be set or dressed any pavilions or tents, and there the said two kings being on horseback, with their retinue shall see the one the other, and salute each other, and speak together familiarly, and common in that sort and manner, line 30 and so long as shall seem to them good. And after the said salutation and communication finished for that time, the said illustre king of England shall return to his castle of Guisnes, and the said right christened king to his castle of Ard.  

What both the kings were to do the morrow after the first interview.  Item, for so much that we think to be satisfied touching the labours, dangers, & honour of the said king of England, my sovereign lord of so much, that the said line 40 right christened king at the first speaking, he shall come forward unto, and within his territory of Guisnes, we will keep the honour of the said kings: & therefore declare and ordain, that on the morrow after the first interview, the same kings shall meet together in some fit place, indifferent between Ard and Guisnes, that shall be assigned by the said commissioners. line 50  
And after the salutation made on the one and the other party, the said right illustre king of England shall go to the castle of Ard, to see, salute, and visit the queen of France, and also the sister of the said christened king, with whom he shall dine privily. And likewise the said right christened king shall go to the castle of Guisnes, to visit and salute the queen of England, and line 60 the Dowaresse of France, with whom he shall dine. In the which places the said princes shall be received familiarly and amiably, unto mutual love, and also to the honour of the said princes.  
Item, as the said serene princes of England & France, be like in force corporal, beauty, & gift of nature, right expert & having knowledge in the art militant, right chivalrous in arms, 
Order for feats of chivalry and activity and the place thereto appointed.  & in the flower and vigour of youth, whereby seemed to us a right assembly, that for to adorn and honour the same assembly, and to show their forces in arms, they shall take counsel and dispose themselves to do some fair fea● of arms, as well on foot as on horseback, against all comers: we declare and ordain, that the place where shall be the sa●d fight and feat of arms, shall be chosen between Guisnes and Ard, and assigned by the commissioners of the one and the other party.  
And for a surety of the persons of the said kings & their company, the said place shall be appareled, diched, fortified, and kept of the one and the other party, by equal number of men of arms, respectively committed and deputed that to do. And during the time of the said justs and feats of war, the same kings and queens with their retinue, shall see each other familiarly, and converse and speak together. And every day towards the evening, after the justs, triumphs, banquets, & familiar communications done, the said kings with their retinue shall return into their castles, that is to say, the king of England into his castle of Guisnes, & the said right christened king into his castle of Ard; and thus they shall do daily, during the said fight and feat of arms.  
Item, we declare and ordain, 
Order for ●●●periorit●e to be given to the king of England 〈◊〉 the queen within the French territory.  that when the same king of England and the queen his bedfellow, & the Dowaresse of France his sister, with their retinue, shall go to the territory and entry of the foresaid right christened king, the superiority and pre-eminence shall be given to the said king of England, to the queen his bedfellow, and to their retinue respectively, during the time that they shall tarry and be there: and semblably when the said right christened king, and the queen his bedfellow and his right illustre lady and mother, with their retinue shall come to the territory and entry of the said illustre king of England, the superiority and pre-eminence shall be given to the said right christened king, to the queen his bedfellow, and to his mother, and to their retinue during the time that they shall continue and abide there.  
Item, forsomuch as the castles and places where the said interview shall be, be so little and narrow, that if entry and licence to come thither be given to all them that would go thither, divers annoyances, troubles & impechments should follow: wherefore it is so, that we the cardinal above said, by these presents declare and ordain, that none of the retinue of the said kings, 
Order for restraint of assemblies to the places appointed 〈◊〉 the interview.  queens, or other lords and nobles, of what estate, quality, or condition that he or they be of, shall not come to the said assembly with more great number of persons or horse, than shall be written by letters subscribed by the said kings: the which shall contain the estates and conditions of the persons, as well men as women, and number of servants and horse, except the common consent and licence of the said kings.  
Item, forsomuch as peradventure it shall come that the said princes, lords, gentlemen, and household servants, shall see and converse together familiarly, 
Order for 〈◊〉 princes 〈…〉 going 〈◊〉 coming.  to the end that it may engender between them an amity more firm and stable, for that cause, and that more surly and agreeably they may be together, as well by day as by night without any danger or fear, which we desire to provide: we declare and ordain that two gentlemen, with sufficient company of equal & like number, be committed and line 10 deputed, respectively by the said kings for the keeping and surety of the ways and watches, that shall be made continually during the assembly of the said kings. The which gentlemen, with their companies, shall ordain and depute explorators and spies in the valleys, forests, woods, towns, burrows, villages, castles, passages, and ways, and other places dangerous and line 20 suspect: from time to time, and hour to hour, as well towards Flanders, as Picardy, Artois, & England, to exploit and watch there.  
And if any be found suspect, them to repulse and take away, to the end that not only the said princes, their gentlemen, and household servants, may surly and without fear visit the one the other, as said is; but also those that shall bring victuals line 30 necessary to the said assembly, may without danger, trouble, impeachment, or noisance go and come: the which explorators shall be bounden every day in the morning and evening, to make report to the said princes or to their said councillors respectively, of that which they found, and in what estate the ways be. We declare further and ordain, 
Order for the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 arms 〈◊〉 garrisons.  that all men of arms line 40 and of war, of the one and the other party, shall not approach nearer than two journeys, to the place where the said interview shall be, except the retinue and men of war that be committed and deputed to keep Bullongne and Calis: and that the same men of war nor none other, during the assembly of the said princes, shall not presume to come nearer, unless by the consent, line 50 accord, and licence of the said princes.  
Item, we cardinal above said, by express authority and power to us given, by these presents, bind the said princes to do, fulfil, and accomplish, all and every things above said herein contained. Finally, 
The last 〈◊〉 of this instrument for 〈◊〉 ratification 〈◊〉 the arti●●●s therein 〈◊〉.  we declare and ordain, that each of the said kings on his party, shall ratify, confirm, and approve all and every the chapters line 60 and articles above said, by their letters patents sealed with their hands. And by the same letters of ratification they shall be bounden, to accomplish with good faith and word of a king, all and every the things above said: the which letters made, subscribed, and sealed, as is said, they shall give the one the other, and shall change in the city of London, within one month next after the date of these presents. Made the twelve of March, the year of our Lord a thousand five hundred and nineteen.   
The peers of the realm receiving letters to prepare themselves to attend the king in this journey, and no apparent necessary cause expressed, why nor wherefore; seemed to grudge, that such a costly journey should be taken in hand to their importunate charges and expenses, without consent of the whole board of the council. But namely the duke of Buckingham, being a man of a lofty courage, but not most liberal, sore repined that he should be at so great charges for his furniture forth at this time, saying; that he knew not for what cause so much money should be spent about the sight of a vain talk to be had, and communication to be ministered of things of no importance. Wherefore he sticked not to say, that it was an intolerable matter to obey such a vile and importunate person.  
The duke indeed could not abide the cardinal, and specially he had of late conceived an inward malice against him for sir William Bulmers cause, 
Great hatred between the ● cardinal, and the duke of Buckingham.  whose trouble was only procured by the cardinal; who first caused him to be cast in prison. Now such grievous words as the duke thus uttered against him, came to the cardinals ear; whereupon he cast before hand all ways possible to have him in a trip, that he might cause him to leap headless. But because he doubted his friends, kinsmen, and allies, and chiefly the earl of Surrie lord admiral, which had married the duke's daughter, he thought good first to send him some whither out of the way, lest he might cast a trump in his way. There was great enmity betwixt the cardinal and the earl, for that on a time, when the cardinal took upon him to check the earl, he had like to have thrust his dagger into the cardinal.  
At length there was occasion offered him to compass his purpose, by occasion of the earl of Kildare his coming out of Ireland. For the cardinal knowing he was well provided of money, sought occasion to fleece him of part thereof. The earl of Kildare being unmarried, was desirous to have an English woman to wife; and for that he was a suitor to a widow contrary to the cardinals mind, he accused him to the king, of that he had not borne himself uprightly in his office in Ireland, where he was the king's lieutenant. Such accusations were framed against him when no bribes would come, 
The earl of Kildare committed toward.  that he was committed to prison, and then by the cardinals good preferment the earl of Surrie was sent into Ireland as the king's deputy, in am of the said earl of Kildare, there to remain rather as an exile, than as lieutenant to the king, even at the cardinals pleasure, as he himself well perceived.  
In the beginning of April, 
Edw. Hall.  the said earl passed over into Ireland, and had with him diverse gentlemen that had been in the garrison of Tornay, and one hundred yeomen of the king's guard, and others, to the number of a thousand men, 
Good service done by the earl of Surrie.  where he by his manhood and policy brought the earl of Desmond and diverse other rebels to good conformity and order. He continued there two years, in which space he had many bickerings and skirmishes with the wild Irish. There rested yet the earl of Northumberland, whom the cardinal doubted also, 
Polydor.  lest he might hinder his purpose, when he should go about to wreak his malice against the duke of Buckingham: and therefore he picked a quarrel to him, 
The earl of Northumberland committed to prison.  for that he had seized upon certain wards which the cardinal said appertained of right to the king. And because the earl would not give over his title, he was also committed to prison, & after took it for a great benefit at the cardinals hands, that he might be delivered out of his danger.  
Now in this mean while, the cardinal ceased not to bring the duke out of the king's favour, by such forged tales, and contrived surmises, as he daily put into the king's head: insomuch that (through the infelicity of his fate) diverse accidents fell out to the advantage of the cardinal; which he not omitting, achieved the thing whereat he so studiously (for the satisfying of his cankered & malicious stomach) laid full aim. Now it chanced that the duke coming to London with his train of men, to attend the king into France, went before into Kent unto a manor place which he had there. And whilst he stayed line 10 in that country till the king set forward, grievous complaints were exhibited to him by his farmers' and tenants against Charles Kneuet his surveyor, for such bribing as he had used there amongst them. Whereupon the duke took such displeasure against him, that he deprived him of his office, not knowing how that in so doing he procured his own destruction, as after appeared.  
The king's majesty persevering in purpose to meet with Francis the French king, 
Anno Reg. 12.  removed with line 20 the queen, 
The king setteth forward towards France.  and all his court, the one & twentieth day of May being monday, from his manor of Gréenwich towards the sea side: and so on the friday the five and twentieth of May, he arrived at the city of Canturburie, intending there to keep his Whitsuntide. On the morrow after, the emperor being on the sea returning out of Spain, arrived with all his navy of ships royal on the coast of Kent, direct to the port of Hieth the said day by noon, where he was saluted by the viceadmerall of England, sir line 30 William Fitz William, with six of the kings great ships well furnished, which lay for the safeguard of passage betwixt Calis and Dover. Towards evening the emperor departed from his ships, and entered into his boat, and coming towards land, was met and received of the lord cardinal of York with such reverence as to so noble a prince appertained.  
Thus landed the emperor Charles the fift at Dover, 
The emperor Charles the fift landeth in England.  under his cloth of estate of the black eagle, all spread on rich cloth of gold. He had with him many line 40 noble men, and many fair ladies of his blood. When he was come on land, the lord cardinal conducted him to the castle of Dover, which was prepared for him in most royal manner. In the morning, the king road with all haste to the castle of Dover to welcome the emperor, 
The meeting of the emperor and K. Henry at Dover castle.  and entering into the castle, alighted. Of whose coming the emperor having knowledge, came out of his chamber, and met him on the stairs, where either of them embraced other in most loving manner, and then the king brought the line 50 emperor to his chamber. 
The emperor and K. Henry keep Whitsuntide at Canturburie.  On whitsunday early in the morning, they took their horses, and road to the city of Canturburie, the more to keep solemn the feast of Pentecost: but specially to see the queen of England his aunt was the emperor his intent, of whom ye may be sure he was most joyfully received and welcomed.  
Thus the emperor and his retinue, both of lords and ladies, kept their Whitsuntide with the king and queen of England, in the city of Canturburie with line 60 all joy and solace. The emperor yet himself seemed not so much to delight in pastime and pleasure, but that in respect of his youthful years, 
Polydor.  there appeared in him a great show of gravity: for they could by no means bring him to danse amongst the residue of the princes, but only was contented to be a looker on. Peradventure the sight of the lady Marie troubled him, whom he had sometime loved, and yet through fortunes evil hap might not have her to wife. The chief cause that moved the emperor to come thus on land at this time, was to persuade that by word of mouth, which he had before done most earnestly by letters; which was, that the king should not meet with the French king at any interview: for he doubted least if the king of England & the French king should grow into some great friendship and faithful bond of amity, it might turn him to displeasure.  
But now that he perceived how the king was forward on his journey, 
The 〈◊〉 laboureth 〈◊〉 hinde● the purposed interview.  he did what he could to procure, that no trust should be committed to the fair words of the Frenchmen: and that if it were possible, the great friendship that was now in breeding betwixt the two kings, might be dissolved. And forsomuch as he knew the lord cardinal to be won with rewards, as a fish with a bait: he bestowed on him great gifts, and promised him much more, so that he would be his friend, and help to bring his purpose to pass. The cardinal not able to sustain the least assault by force of such rewards as he presently received, and of such large promises as on the emperors behalf were made to him, promised to the emperor, that he would so use the matter, as his purpose should be sped: only he required him not to disallow the king's intent for interview to be had, which he desired in any wise to go forward, that he might show his high magnificence in France, according to his first intention,  
The emperor remained in Canturburie till the thursday, being the last of May, 
Edw. Hall.  and then taking leave of the king, and of his aunt the queen, departed to Sandwich, where he took his ships and sailed into Flanders. The same day, the king made sail from the port of Dover, 
The king 〈◊〉 at Calis.  and landed at Calis about eleven of the clock, and with him the queen and ladies, & many nobles of the realm. His grace was received into the chequer, and there rested. The fourth of june, the king and queen with all their train removed from Calis, to his princely lodging newly erected beside the town of Guisnes, the most noble & royal lodging that ever before was seen. ¶ For it was a palace, the which was quadrant, 
Ed. Hall. in 〈◊〉 fol. lxxiij. The description of the new palace before Guisnes.  and every quadrant of the same palace was three hundred and twenty eight foot long of assize, which was in compass thirteen hundred and twelve foot about. This palace was set on stages by great cunning & sumptuous work.  
At the entering into the palace before the gate, on the plain green, was builded a fountain of unbowed work, gilded with fine gold, and bice, ingra●led with antic works: the old god of wine called Bacchus birling the wine, which by the conduits in the earth ran to all people plenteously with red, white, and claret wine, over whose head was written in letters of Roman in gold, Faicte bonne cheer qui vouldra. On the other hand or side of the gate was set a pillar, which was of ancient Roman work, borne with four lions of gold, the pillars wrapped in a wreath of gold curiously wrought and intrailed, and on the summit of the said pillar stood an image of the blind god Cupid, with his bow and arrows of love, ready by his seeming to strike the young people to love.  
The foregate of the same palace or place with great and mighty masonry by sight was arched, 
The forg●●● of the said palace.  with a tower on every side of the same port, reared by great craft, and imbattelled was the gate and tower, and in the fenesters and windows were images resembling men of war, ready to cast great stones. Also the same gate or tower was set with compassed images of ancient princes, as Hercules, Alexander, and other by intrailed work, richly limmed with gold and albine colours: and well and warily was made over the gate loups, and enforced with battelments, and in the same gate a lodge for the porter, which there appeared, and other sumptuously appareled like unto king's officers. By the same gate all people passed into a large court fair and beautiful, for in this court appeared much of the outward beauty of this place, 
 for from the first water table, to the raising or reisin pieces, were bay windows, on every side mixed with clear stories curiously glazed, the posts or moinels of every window was gilded.  
Thus the outward part of the place lumined the eyes of the beholders, by reason of the sumptuous w●●ke. Also the tower of the gate (as seemed) was builded by great masonry, and by great engine of man's wit, for the sundry countenances of every image line 10 that there appeared, some shooting, some casting, some ready to strike, and firing of guns, which showed very honourably. Also all the said quadrants, bay, and edifices, were royally intrailed, as ●a●re as unto the same court appertained. 
 And direct against the gate was devised a halpas, and at the entry of the stair, were images of sore and terrible countenances, all armed in curious work of argentine. The bay of the same halpas pendant by craft of timber, & under it antic images of gold in●●roned line 20 with verdor of olifs cast in compass, moun●●ring their countenances toward the entering of the palace. The stair of the said halpas was cast of passage by the wents of broad steps, so that from the first foot or lowest step, any person might without pain go unto the highest place of the same halpas.  

 On every hand was their chamber doors and entering into the chambers of the same palace, which were long and large, and well proportioned, to receive light and air at pleasure: the roofs of them line 30 from place to place, and chamber to chamber were sieled, and covered with cloth of silk, of the most fair and quick invention that before time was seen. For the ground was white ingraild, embowed, and batoned with rich clothes of silks, knit and fret with cuts and braids, and sundry new casts, that the same clothes of silk showed like bullions of fine burned gold: and the roses in lozenges, that in the same roof were in kindly course, furnished so to line 40 man's sight, that no living creature might but joy in the beholding thereof. For from the jaw piece of the said sieling (which piece was gilded with fine gold) were works in pane paled, all the walls to the crest incountering the clear stories, the same crest which was of large deepness, the work was antic knots with bosses cast and wrought with more cunning than I can write, all which works and overages were gilded, and to set it the more to the glory, the flourishing bise was comparable to the rich enamel.  
Also at the foot of the same palace was another crest line 50 all of fine set gold, 
 whereon hanged rich & marvelous clothes of arras wrought of gold and silk, compassed of many ancient stories, with which clothes of arras every wall and chamber were hanged, & all the windows so richly covered, that it passed all other sights before seen. In every chamber and every place convenient were clothes of estate, great and large of cloth of gold, of tissue, and rich embroidery, with chairs covered with like cloth, with pommels' line 60 of fine gold, and great cushions of rich work of the Turkey making, nothing lacked of honourable furnishment. 
 Also to the same palace was reared a chapel with two closerts, the choir of the said chapel sieled with cloth of gold, and thereon fret ingrailed bend clothes of silk, all was then silk and gold. The altars of this chapel were hanged with rich regesture of cloth of gold and tissue, embroidered with pearls. Over the high altar was hanged a rich canopy of marvelous greatness, the altar was appareled with five pair of candlesticks of gold, and on the altar an halpas, and thereon stood a crucifix all of fine gold, and on the same halpas stood twelve images of the bigness of four years of age, all gold.  
All the copes and vestments were so rich as might be prepared or bought in the city of florence, for they were all but of one piece, so woven for the purpose, cloth of tissue and powdered with red roses purpled with fine gold. The Orfris set with pearls and precious stones. And all the walls and desks of this chapel were hanged with right cloth of gold, 
Great cost upon popish trumpery & superstitious trash.  & three rich great crosses were there ready to be borne at festival times, and basins and censers, gospelers, paxes, crewets, holy water vessels, and other ornaments all of gold. Also in the first closet was a traverse for the king's person of cloth of gold, & in it his place & chair, with cushions of cloth of gold: 
The king's closet.  before the traverse was an altar of presence, which altar was adorned with cloth of broidery, and rich pearls and precious stones, set in goldsmith's work of fine gold. On the altar was a desk or halpas, whereon stood a patible of the crucifix of fine gold, with an image of the Trinity, an image of the virgin Marie, and twelve other images, all fine gold & precious stones, two pair of candlesticks of fine gold, with the basins, crewets, paxes, and other ornaments.  
The said closet was hanged with tapets embroidered with rich work fret with pearls and stones, the roof of the same closet was sieled with work of inmouled, gilt with fine gold, and senoper, and bise. The second closet was for the queen's person, in which was a traverse of rich cloth of gold, 
The queens closet.  the altar so richly appareled, that there lacked neither pearls nor stones of riches. On the altar were twelve great images of gold, the closet hanged with cloth of gold, all other jewels missal I suppose never such like were seen, and the roof of the same closet was sieled with like work that the king's closet was, 
A privy gallery.  as is before rehearsed. And from this palace or place into the mighty & strong fortress & castle royal of Guisnes, was a gallery for the secret passage of the king's person into a secret lodging within the same castle, 
Houses of offices both honourable and otherwise necessary.  the more for the king ease. Also to this palace was all houses of offices, that to such an honourable court should appertain, that is to wit, the lord chamberlein, lord steward, lord treasurer of the household, for the comptrollor, the office of green cloth, wardrobes, jewel house, and office of household service, as ewrie, pantry, cellar, buttery, spicery, pitcher house, larder and poultry, and all other offices so large and fair, that the officers might & did marvel, as in the craft of viands, by ovens, harthes', reredorses, chimneys, ranges, & such instruments as there were ordained.  
In this palace (as ye have heard) was the king's grace lodged, and all the nobles after their degrees. And for that the town of Guisnes was little, and that all the noble men might not there belodged, 
Tents erected.  they set up tents in the field, to the number of twenty and eight hundred sundry lodgings, which was a goodly sight. Thus was the king in his palace royal at Guisnes. Francis the French king was with all his nobles of the realm of France come to the town of Ard, which was prepared for his coming, many tents, halls, and pavilions were set and pitched in the field. On the French party also there was at the same town of Ard builded the French kings lodging full well, but not finished. Much was the provision in Picardy on every part through all. The French king commanded his lodging to be made a little out of the town of Ard, in the territory of an old castle, which by the war of old time had been beaten. On the same place was edified a house of solace and sport, 
A banqueting house for solace and disport.  of large and mighty compass, which was chiefly sustained by a great mighty mast, whereby the great ropes and tackle strained, the same mast was stayed. All the roof of the same house hoóng on the same mast, and with tackle was strained & borne by the supporters of the same mast or tree, the colours of the same was all blue, set with stars of gold foil, and the orbs of the heavens by the craft of colours in the roof, were curtouslie wrought in manner like the sky or firmament, and a crescent strained somedeal towards the town of Ard, this crescent was covered with frets and knots made of ivy bushes, and box branches, and other things that longest would be green for pleasure.  
Now like as diverse of the French nobility had visited the king of England whilst he lay in Calis, line 10 so likewise the lord cardinal, as ambassador to the king, road with a noble repair of lords, gentlemen, and prelate's, to the town of Ard, where he was of the French king highly entertained, with great thanks, for that by his means he had joined in friendship with the king of England, to his high contentation and pleasure, as having obtained the thing which he had long desired. The noble port, sumptuous show, 
The great pomp of cardinal Wooisie.  and great train of gentlemen, knights, lords, and number of servants, in rich apparel & suits of liveries line 20 attendant on the cardinal, made the French men greatly to wonder at his triumphant doings.  
The king of England had given unto the said cardinal full authority, power, and liberty, to affirm and confirm, bind and unbind, whatsoever should be in question between him and the French king: and the like authority, power, and liberty, did the French king by his sufficient letters patents, 

Great credit committed to the cardinal by both the kings.  
The interview of the two kings in the vale of Andren.   grant to the same cardinal, which was accepted to be a sign of great love, that he should commit so line 30 great a trust unto the king of England's subject. The day of the meeting was appointed to be on the thursday the seventh of june, upon which day the two kings met in the vale of Andren, accompanied with such a number of the nobility of both realms, so richly appointed in apparel, and costly jewels, as chains, collars of SS, & other the like ornaments to set forth their degrees and estates, that a wonder it was to behold and view them in their order and rooms, which every man kept according to his appointment. line 40  
The two kings meeting in the field, either saluted other in most loving wife, first on horseback, and after alighting on foot eftsoons embraced with courteous words, to the great rejoicing of the beholders: and after they had thus saluted each other, they went both together into a rich tent of cloth of gold, there set up for the purpose, in the which they passed the time in pleasant talk, banqueting, and loving devices, till it drew toward the evening, and then departed for line 50 that night, the one to Guisnes, the other to Ard. At this meeting of the two kings in open sight, I then well perceived (saith Hall) the habiliments royal of the French king. 
Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. lxxvij. The French kings royal ornaments.  His garment was a chemew, of cloth of silver, culponed with cloth of gold, of damask, cantle wise, and guarded on the borders with the Burgon bands.  
Over that he had a cloak of broached satin, with gold of purple colour, wrapped about his body traverse, beded from the shoulder to the waist, fastened in line 60 the loop of the first fold: this said cloak was richly set with pearls and precious stones. This French king had on his head a coif of damask gold set with diamonds, and his courser that he road on was covered with a trapper of tissue, broidered with devise, cut in fashion mantel wise, the skirts were embowed and fret with frized work, and knit with corbelles & buttons tasseled of Turkey making, rains and headstall answering of like work: and verily of his person the same Francis the French king, a goodly prince, 
The description of the French kings person.  stately of countenance, merry of cheer, brown coloured, great eyes, high nosed, big lipped, fair breasted, broad shoulders, small legs, & long feet.  
On saturday the ninth of june, 
 in a place within the English pale were set up in a field called the camp, two trees of much honour, the one called the Aubespine, that is to say, the hawthorn in English, for Henry: and the other the Framboister, which in English signifieth the raspis berry, after the signification in French. These trees were curiously wrought, the leaves of green damask, the branches, boughs, and withered leaves of cloth of gold; and all the bodies and arms of the same cloth of gold laid on timber: they were in height from the foot to the top thirty four foot of assize, in compass about an hundred twenty and nine foot, & from bough to bough forty three foot: on these trees were flowers and fruits in kindly wise, with silver and Venice gold: their beauty showed far.  
On the same day the two kings came to those trees of honour, nobly accompanied, 
The leng●● of the camp●.  in such royal sort as was requisite. The camp was in length nine hundred foot, and in breadth three hundred and twenty foot, ditched round about (saving at the entries) with broad and deep ditches. diverse scaffolds were reared about this camp for the ease of the nobles. On the right side of the field stood the queen of England, and the queen of France, with many ladies. The camp was strongly railed and barred on every end: in the entry there were two lodgings prepared for the two kings, wherein they might arm themselves, and take their ease. Also in the same compass there were two great cellars couched full of wine, which was liberally bestowed on all men. The two kings, as brethren in arms, 
The two kings make challenge to all comm●●● at justs, etc.  undertook to deliver all persons at justs, tournie, and barriers.  
With these two kings were associate by the order of arms, the duke of Uandosme, the duke of Suffolk, the county saint Paul, the marquess Dorset, monsieur de Roche, sir William Kingston, monsieur Brian, sir Richard jerningham, monsieur Canaan, sir Giles capel, monsieur Buccall, master Nicholas Carew, monsieur Montafilion, and master Anthony Kneuet. On monday the eleventh of june, 
The two queens 〈◊〉 at the camp●.  the two queens of England and of France came to the camp, where either saluted other right honourably, and went into a stage for them prepared. At the hour assigned, the two kings armed at all pieces mounted on horseback, and with their companies entered the field; the French king on a courser barded, covered with purple satin, broached with gold, 
Ed. Hall in ●●▪ fol. lxxv●●, etc. The French kings rich array at these justs.  & embroidered with corbins feathers round and buckled, the feather was black and hatched with gold: on his head piece he bore a sleeve. All the partners of the French kings challenge were in like apparel, every thing correspondent in cloth of silk embroidered, on his person were attendant on horseback noble persons, and on foot four persons all appareled in purple satin.  
The king of England was upon a fresh courser, the trappers of cloth of gold, of tissue, 
The king 〈◊〉 England's sumptuous furniture at the same justs.  the arson mantel wise, and on the brunt of the trapper bard fashion, cut in waves of water work, and every wave raw wrought and frized with damask gold: this work was laid lose on russet velvet, and knit together with points of gold, which waves signified the lordship of the narrow seas. All the partners of the king's challenge were in the same suit, their horses as well as their persons. Attendant on the king on horseback were sir Henry Guildford master of the king's horse, sir john Pechie deputy of Calis, sir Edward Guildford master of the king's army, and monsieur Moret of the French court. All these four were appareled in the king's livery, which was white on the right side, and the left side gold and russet both hose and garment: on him were attendant on foot six honourable knights, twenty esquires, and officers to the number of an hundred and twelve persons, of the which number all the knights and gentlemen had coats, the one half silver, and the other cloth of gold and russet velvet, and the other officer's coats were of right satin of the same colour, and all their hosen were of the same suit very costly.  
Thus with honour and noble courage these two noble kings with their companies entered into the field, 
The two kings enter 〈◊〉 the field.  and them presented unto the queens. After reverence done, they road round about the tilt, and so took their places appointed, abiding the answers: line 10 which was for the first the duke of Alencon and ten men of arms on his band, on coursers barded, the bards covered with white and black velvet, fastened the one within the other, guarded with Burgon bands of tinsel satin, as well their garments as their bards. Then entered on coursers barded twelve gentlemen of the band of the lord admiral of France, their garments and bards were russet satin, broached with gold and white and purple satin, after the devise line 20 of their pleasure with great plumes. When these bands were entered the field, they showed themselves about the tilt, and did reverence unto the queens. The band of the duke of Alencon took first place, they made them priest on both sides, the French king was the first that ran, he did valiantly and broke spears mightily.  
Then ran the king of England to monsieur Grandevile with great vigour; 
The king of England runneth against Grandevile.  so that the spears broke in the king's hand to the vantplate all to shivers. line 30 And at the second course he gave the said monsieur Grandevile such a stroke, that the charnel of his headpiece, although the same was very strong, was broken in such wise that he might run no more, whereby the king wanted three courses. Then ran the duke de Uandosme, & met his counter part right nobly, and broke spears right valiantly. The noble duke of Suffolk charged his course, and met right valiantly his counter part, and furnished the five courses right nobly together like good men of arms. line 40 And when all parties of the challenge had right valiantly furnished their courses, than ran again the two noble kings, who did so valiantly, that the beholders had great joy, after which courses the heralds tried Desarmee, and the trumpets sounded to lodging.  

Monsieur de 〈◊〉 and ●is band.  On tuesday the twelve of june at hour convenient the two queens took their stages, and the band of challenge in the field priest to answer and deliver all comers, to whom came ten gentlemen armed line 50 on barded horses of the band of monsieur de Swies, their bards and apparel cloth of velvet full of friars knots silver. After they had presented them unto the queens, than they took the end of the tilt, and so course after course they ran to the challengers right eagerly, and the challengers of the party of the two kings delivered to the end of their articles of justs. Then entered eleven men of arms of the band of monsieur de Tremoiell, on horses barded with yellow velvet, losenged with friars knots of black velvet: line 60 and after they had saluted the queens, they likewise took the end of the tilt, and course after course ran until they were delivered of their challenges of justs. Ualiantlie this day was finished.  

T●e ●●●ire of t●e French king and his partners at 〈◊〉.  On wednesday the thirteenth of june, the two hardy kings armed at all pieces, entered into the field right nobly appareled. The French king and all his partners of challenge were arrayed in purple satin, broached with gold and purple velvet, embroidered with little rolls of white satin, wherein was written, Quando: their bards & garments were set full of the same, and the residue where was no rolls were powdered & set with the letter elle, as thus. L. which in French is she, which was interpreted to be, Quando elle, when she: and ensuing the devise of the first day, it signifieth together, Hart fastened in pain endless, when she. 
The king of England and the partners of his challenge.  The king of England with all the band or partners of his challenge were likewise on horseback, appareled in trappers of lozenges russet velvet and cloth of silver of damask, embroidered and set in every lozenge a branch of eglantine of gold, the apparel of the persons were of the same correspondent to the trapper. This eglantine tree is sweet, pleasant and green, if it be kindly and friendly handled; but if it be rudely dealt with, it will prick and he that will pull up the whole tree by the top, his hands will be hurt.  
The two kings with their companies thus appareled, presented themselves to the queens, and so took the end of the tilt. Then entered into the field monsieur Leskew called lord Leskin, with him came eleven men of arms, himself the twelve on horses barbed and richly appareled, and so road about the tilt and saluted the queens, and took the end of the tilt. 
Monsi●u● Leskew.  Monsieur de Leskew and his eleven companions had their bases and bards all of blacks cloth of gold of damask all cut on black satin, their garments had mantel sleeves on the left arm, to the waist behind just to the shoulder, which was praised for the strangeness. The French king ran to monsieur de Ambois, one of the band of monsieur Leskew, and the king of England charged his course and ran to monsieur Leskew, and so furnished their courses (as they say) right nobly and valiantly in breaking spears that were strong. Thus course after course each with other, his counter party did right valiantly: but the two kings surmounted all the rest in prowess and valiantness.  
This band thus furnished, entered the marquess de Salons and his band, 
The marquess de Salons & his band.  twelve persons all riding on coursers barded and appareled in white satin and black, broached with gold and silver, with cuts and culpins much after tawny and black satin billots: & after reverence done to the queens, they took the end of the tilt. To the marquess de Salons ran the king of England, and the king of France to an other of the same band, still course after course ran all the noble men, till the marquess de Salons and his band were delivered, who bore them right valiantly: then blew the trumpets the retreat, & the two kings them unarmed and after departed, the French king unto Ard, and the king of England to his castle of Guisnes.  
On thursday the thirteenth day of june by the noontide the two queens met in the camp & took their places, the people were come to behold the honour, and to see the two kings, 
The two kings armed enter the field.  who all ready armed entered the field, to receive and deliver all men by answer of justs. Then entered the earl of Devonshire, on his band the lord Montacute, lord Herbert, lord Leonard Greie, master Arthur Poole, master Francis Brian, master Henry Norris, and four other all richly appareled, the one side blue velvet embroidered with a man's heart burning in a lady's hand holding a garden pot stilling with water on the heart: 
A devise o● conceit.  the other side was white satin embroidered with letters of gold. This company road about the tilt, and did reverence to the queens, and so abode at the end of the same.  
The earl of Devonshire charged his spear, and the French king likewise charged his course to meet the same earl, and ran so hard together, that both their spears broke, and so maintained their courses nobly. Then ran the king of England to monsieur Memorancie, and him encountered, & both bare together and gave great strokes; the kings most noble grace never disuisored nor breathed until he ran the five courses & delivered his counterparty. Dukes, marquess', knights, esquires, and others ran as fast as ever they might, there was none that abode when the courses came, until the earl of Duonshire and his band were delivered of demands. 
The lord Howard and his eleven companions in arms.  Then entered the lord Howard son to the duke of Norfolk and eleven companions appareled and barded in crimson satin full of flames of gold, the borders ribbed with crimson velvet, and with much honour (after due reverence done to the queens) were brought with heralds of arms about the tilts; and so took the place to them appointed: right rich was their apparel. line 10  
Then ran the French king and encountered the same lord Edmund, they broke both their staves valiantly course after course, the encounter ceased not till they had furnished their five courses; so was the lord Edmund delivered by the French K. Then ran the king of England to a strong gentleman named Ralph Brooke and broke his spear, and ran course after course, until he had finished his courses right nobly and like a prince of most valiancy. The residue line 20 ceased not until they had each delivered other of their challenge. 
The king of England and his band with their devise on their apparel.  On friday the fifteenth day of june the king of England mounted on a courser royal, his person armed at all pieces, his apparel and trappers was the one side rich cloth of gold of tissue, the other side cloth of tissue of silver, and cloth of gold of tissue entered ound the one with the other.  
The ound is a work waving up & down, and all the borders as well trappers as other was guarded with letters of fine gold, and all the other side that line 30 was ound was set with signs called cifers of fine gold, the which were set with great and oriental pearls. The cifers signified letters knit together in a knot, which was to wit; God my friend, my realm and I may. This was the devise and reason thereof. All the king's band were appareled in like apparel. The French K. likewise armed at all points mounted on a courser royal, 
The French king, his furniture and devise upon his ornaments.  all his apparel as well bards as garments were purple velvet entered the one with the other, embroidered full of little books of white line 40 satin, & in the books were written A me. About the borders of the bards and the borders of the garments a chain of blue like iron, resembling the chain of a well or prison chain, which was interpreted to be Liber, a book. Within this book was written (as is said) A me. Put these two together and it maketh Liberame. The chain betokeneth prison or bonds, and so maketh together in English, Deliver me of bonds. Then they took the end of the tilt. line 50  

Monsieur Florengis and his company.  Ready was monsieur Florengis and with him twelve men of arms with coursers barded: the bards and apparel was crimson velvet, tawny velvet, and plunket velvet embroidered borderwise with shepherds hooks of cloth of silver. When they with honour had passed about the tilt (due reverence to the queens and ladies done) the two kings had their spears ready, and then began the rushing of spears. The king of England this day ran so freshly and so many courses, that one of his best coursers line 60 was dead that night, this band was delivered man after man of their pretence of justs. Then entered bands of monsieur de Rambeurs and monsieur de Puis, each having eleven persons in number, the one band all white satin embroidered with black, and the other all black dropped with silver drops; who after reverence done to the queens, at the end of the tilt took their places. Then began a new encounter hard and sore, many of them bare great strokes of the kings, to their honour: and with such violence they ran, as they set their horses in a sweeting heat, and themselves meeting with full force made the fragments or broken pieces of their staves mount aloft in the air like an a-row out of a bow; as the poet saith: Hastae stridentis fractae petit aethera cuspis.  
On saturday the seventeenth day of june, 
The French king 〈◊〉 to Guisnes the king of England 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉.  the French king with a small number came to the castle of Guisnes about the hour of eight in the morning. The king being in his privy chamber had thereof knowledge, who with glad haste went to receive the same French king, and him met and welcomed in friendly and honourable manner; and after communication between them had, the king of England departed, leaving the French king there in the sumptuous place before named. Then was busy the lord chamberlain, the lord steward, and all other officers, to make ready feast and cheer. It were too long to rehearse all, for such a feast and banquet was then made, that of long time before the like had not been seen. The king of England thus departing, he took his horse, and with a company of noblemen road to Ard, where the French queen and other noble men received him with much honour.  
After which receiving, 
The king of England entertained of the French queen.  he was by the said queen and lords brought into a chamber hanged with blue velvet embroidered with flowers delice of cloth of gold, wherein was a great bed of like work, from whence he was conveyed to another chamber, in the which was a king's state. This chamber was hanged and sieled with cloth of gold, embroidered with great cordels or friars knots of cloth of silver. In the same chamber were two cupboards, on either side one, furnished with great and goodly plate gilt. Noble feasting and cheer was there made. After dinner the ladies dressed them to danse, and certain young honourable lords of England, appareled after the manner of Rusland or far Eastland, whose hosen were of rich gold satin called anreat satin, 
A masa●● the French court of English lords.  overrolled to the knee with scarlet, and on their feet shoes with little pikes of white nails after the Estland guise, their doublets of rich crimson velvet and cloth of gold; with wide sleeves lined with cloth of gold: over this they had cloaks of crimson velvet short, lined with cloth of gold, on every side of the cloaks rings of silver, with laces of Venice gold, and on their heads they had hats made in the town of Dansk, and purses of seals skins, and girdles of the same: all these young lords had visards on their faces, and their hats were drawn with like hatbands full of damask gold.  
Other ten lords were appareled in long gowns of blue satin of the ancient fashion, embroidered with reasons of gold that said Adieu iunesse, Farewell youth: they had tippeis of black velvet, & hats hanging thereby, & on their heads high violet standing caps, and girdles of silk, and purses of cloth of gold after the ancient manner, with visards on their faces of like anciencie. After all these triumphs and braveries, great store of spices, fruits, jellies, & banqueting viands were brought, which being done and ended, the king took leave of the French queen and ladies, to whom were brought thirty horses trapped in damask, white and yellow, and so passed he and his train the town of Ard into the field and camp. Right royally also was the French K. entertained, and all other after their degree and state. Now when all this solemnity was ended, the French king took leave of the queen and ladies of the court. The lord cardinal in stately attire, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, and other great lords, conducted forward the French king, and in their way they encountered and met the king of England and his company right in the valley of Anderne, 
The 〈◊〉 king's 〈◊〉.  appareled in their masking apparel, which gladded the French king. After reverence done, the said two kings departed for that night, the English to Guisnes, and the French to Ard.  
On monday, the eighteenth of june, was such an hideous storm of wind and weather, 
 that many conjectured it did prognosticate trouble and hatred shortly after to follow between princes. On tuesday the nintéenth of june, the two kings came to the camp again armed at all pieces, and there abode them that would come, so that then began the jousts afresh. On wednesday the twentieth of june, the two kings began to hold tourneys with all the partners of their challenge armed at all pieces. The queen of France and the queen of England were line 10 in the places for them prepared, and there was many a goodly battle performed: the kings doing as well as the best, so that the beholders spoke of them honour. On thursday the one and twentieth of june, the two kings likewise kept the tourneys, so that all those noble men that would prove their valiancies, were delivered according to the articles of the tourneys, which this day took end. On friday the 22 of june, 
Barriers.  the two kings with their retinue did battle on foot at the barriers, and there delivered all such as line 20 put forth themselves to try their forces. On saturday the three and twentieth of june, the lord cardinal sang an high solemn mass by note, 
The cardinal 〈◊〉 mass 〈◊〉 the two kings.  aloft upon a pompons stage before the two kings & queens, the which being finished, indulgence was given to all the hearers. The two kings dined in one chamber that day, and the two queens in another. After dinner, the two kings with their band entered the field on foot before the barriers, & so began the fight, which continued battle after battle, till all the comers line 30 were answered. There were delivered this day thus at the barriers by battle, an hundred and six persons: the two last battles did the kings try. And so that saturday the whole challenge was performed, and all men delivered of the articles of justs, tourneys, and battles on foot at the barriers, by the said two kings and their aids.  
After this, there followed royal masks, and on the sunday the four and twentieth of june, 
 the king of England with four companies, in every company line 40 ten, trimly appointed in masking apparel, road to Ard: and likewise the French king accompanied with eight and thirty persons as maskers repaired to Guisnes. They met on the way, & each company passed by other without any countenance making or disuisarding. They were honourably received, as well at the one place as the other. And when they had ended their pastime, banqueting, and danses, they returned and met again on the way homeward, and then putting off their visards, they lovingly embraced: line 50 and after amiable communication together, they took leave each of other, & for a remembrance gave gifts either to other very rich and princely.  

 ¶ During this triumph, much people of Picardy and west Flanders drew to Guisnes, to see the king of England & his honour, to whom victuals of the court were givenin plenty, the conduit of the gate did run wine always. There were vagabonds, plowmen, labourers, and of the bragerie, wagoners and beggars, that for drunkenness lay in routs and line 60 heaps. 
 So great resort came thither, that knights and ladies, who were come to see the nobleness, were feign to lie in hay and straw, and held them thereof highly pleased. From the court of the emperor, nor of the lady Margaret's court, nor of Flanders, Brabant, nor Burgognie came never a person to answer to the challenge. By that it seemed that there was small love between the emperor & the French king. Moreover, monsieur Faiot captain of Bullongne with monsieur Chattelon, did their devoir to have taken the town of saint Omer, of which doing was thought no goodness to the emperor.]  
On monday the five and twentieth of june, the king with the queen removed from Guisnes to Calis where he remained till the tenth of julie, 

King Henry departed from Guisnes to Calis, a from thence to graveling to visi● the emperor.  
〈◊〉 Hall in H. S. fol. 〈…〉.   on which day he road to graveling, and was received on the way by the emperor, and so by him conveyed to graveling, where not only the king, but also all his train was cheered and feailed, with so loving manner, that the Englishmen highly praised the emperors court. [When the French king and his lords had knowledge of the meeting of the emperor and the king of England in the town of graveling, they were therewith greatly grieved, as by many things appeared. For as the Englishmen were in France disdained, and in their suits there greatly deferred, and had little right, and much less favour: so from day to day still more and more began hartburning, and in conclusion open war did arise between the two realms.]  
On wednesday the eleventh of julie, 
The emperor cometh to Calis to king Henry.  the emperor and his aunt the lady Margaret duchess of Savoy came with the king of England to the town of Calis, and there continued in great joy and solace, with feasting, banqueting, dancing and masking until the fourteenth of julie. 

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 927. Banqueting house within the town of Calis.  
R●. Turpin.   ¶ For the entertaining of these estates (the English lords and gentlemen displaced of their lodgings to serve the other and their train) there was builded a banqueting house eight hundred foot compass, like a theatre, after a goodly devise, builded in such manner as (I think) was never seen, with sixteen principals made of great masts, betwixt every mast four and twenty foot, and all the outsides closed with board and canvas.  
Over it, and within round about by the sides, were made three scaffolds or lofts one above another for men and women to stand upon. And in the midst of the same banqueting house, was set up a great pillar of timber made of eight great masts, bound together with iron bands, for to hold them together: for it was an hundred and four and thirty foot of length, 
Goodly workmanship within the banqueting house.  and cost six pounds thirteen shillings and fourepences to set it upright. The banqueting house was covered over with canvas, fastened with ropes and iron as fast as might be devised. And within the said house was painted the heavens, with stars, sun, move, and clouds, with diverse other things made above over men's heads: and there were great images of wickers covered, and made like great men of diverse strange nations: and diverse reasons were written by them of the countries that they likened to be of, with the arms of those countries hanging by them.  
Also there was made as it were many ships under sail, and windmills going, and about the high pillar of timber that flood upright in the midst, was made stages of timber for organs and other instruments to stand upon, and men to play on them, & for other musicians & pageants to be played, when the K. of England & the emperor should be at their banquet. But in the morning of the same day, the wind began to rise, & at night blew off the canvas, 
Banqueting house defaced by tempest.  and all the elements, with the stars, sun, moon, and clouds, and the wind blew out above a thousand torches, and other lights of wax, that were prepared to give light to the banquet, & all the king's seats that were made with great riches, besides all other things, were all dashed and lost.]  
The same day at night that the states were entertained, 
A stately mask to solace the emperor & his company.  the king and fifteen persons were appareled all in black velvet covered with cloth of gold, cut on the velvet, fastened with knots of gold, on the which knots hung spangles of gold like tufts, and bonnets of the same, & clothes of crimson satin and cloth of gold wrapped traverse, and their buskins of the same cloth of gold. All these lusty maskers went to the emperors lodging, and were received, and in the chamber of presence dansed and reveled, the which at the emperors request, the king and other disuisarded themselves, whereby the king was known: then the king took his leave, and departed for that night. On tuesday the twelve of julie, because the banqueting house could not be finished, the emperor and the lady Margaret supped with the king & the queen at the chequer, where the same night after supper reveled ninety and six maskers: after the revels was a banquet, after which banquet line 10 the king brought the emperor and the lady Margaret to the staple, and after withdrew him.  
This night were eight companies of maskers, and in every company twelve persons all in gold, silver and velvet, richly appareled, but because the room was small, the show was the less. In these revels were put in masker's apparel diverse gentlemen of the French court unwéeting to the K. or any other that bare rule. 
French gentlemen in maskers apparel unwéeting to them that bare rule in the revels.  For diverse young gentlemen of the French court favoured more the French party, than line 20 the emperors party; through which means they saw and much more heard than they should have done. On friday the thirteenth day of julie, the emperor did intend to have departed from Calis, but the counsel was such that he departed not that night.  
On saturday the fourteenth of julie, the emperor took his leave of the queen of England his aunt, and departed toward graveling, being conducted on his way by the king of England, to a village towards Flanders called wael, and there line 30 they embraced and took their leave either of other in most loving manner. They did not altogether spend the time thus while they were together, in vain pleasures, and sporting revels; for the charters before time concluded were read over, and all the articles of the league tripartite, agreed betwixt the emperor, the king of England, and the French king, were at full declared, to the which the French king had fully condescended. And for the more proof thereof, and exemplification of the same, he sent monsieur de Roch line 40 with letters of credence to signify to the emperor, that in the word of a prince he would observe, fulfil, perform and keep all the same articles, for him, his realm and subjects. 
The king returneth into England.  Shortly after that the emperor and the king had taken leave each of other, and were departed, the king shipped, and with the queen and all other the nobility returned safely into England.  
The king kept his Christmas at Greenwith this year, with much nobleness and open court. And the tenth day of February, in his own person, jousted line 50 with all comers. On Twelve day his grace and the earl of Devonshire, with four aids, answered at the tourneie all comers, which were sixteen persons: noble and rich was their apparel, but in feats of arms the king excelled the rest. About this time the king having regard to the common wealth of his realm, year 1521 considered how for the space of fifty years past and more, 
Polydor.  the nobles and gentlemen of England, being given to grazier of cattle, and keeping line 60 of sheep, had invented a mean how to increase their yearly revenues, to the great decay and undoing of husbandmen of the land. For the said nobles and gentlemen, 
An inconvenience of turning arable ground into pasture.  after the manner of the Numidians, more studying how to increase their pastures, than to maintain tillage, began to decay husband tacks & tenements, and to convert arable ground into pasture, furnishing the same with beasts and sheep, and also dear, so enclosing the field with hedges, ditches, and pales, which they held in their own hands, engrossing wools, and selling the same, and also sheep and beasts at their own prices, and as might stand most with their own private commodity.  
Hereof a threefold evil chanced to the common wealth, as Polydore noteth. One, 
The 〈◊〉 wealth 〈…〉 thereby.  for that thereby the number of husbandmen was sore diminished, the which the prince useth chiefly in his service for the wars: an other, for that many towns and villages were left desolate, and became ruinous: the third, for that both wool and cloth made thereof, and the flesh of all manner beasts used to be eaten, was sold at far higher prices than was accustomed. These enormities at the first beginning being not redressed, grew in short space to such force and vigour by evil custom, that afterwards they gathered to such an united force, that hardly they could be remedied. Much like a disease, which in the beginning with little pain to the patiented, and less labour to the surgeon may be cured; whereas the same by delay and negligence being suffered to putrify, becometh a desperate sore, and then are medicines nothing available, and not to be applied, according to his opinion that said: 
Helleborum frustra (cùm iam cutis aegratumescit)  
Poscentes videas: venienti occurrite morbo. 
   
The king therefore causing such good statutes as had been devised and established for reformation in this behalf, to be revived and called upon, took order by directing forth his commissions unto the justices of peace, 
Commissions granted for the maintenance of ullage and laying open of enclosures.  and other such magistrates, that presentment should be had and made of all such enclosures, and decay of husbandry, as had chanced within the space of fifty years before that present time. The justices and other magistrates, according to their commission executed the same. And so commandment was given, that the decayed houses should be built up again, that the husbandmen should be placed eftsoons in the same, and that enclosed grounds should be laid open, and sore punishment appointed against them that disobeyed.  
These so good and wholesome ordinances shortly after were defeated by means of bribes given unto the cardinal: for when the nobles and gentlemen, 
Bribes.  which had for their pleasures imparked the common fields, were loath to have the same again disparked, they redeemed their vexation with good sums of money; and so had licence to keep their parks and grounds enclosed as before. Thus the great expectation which men had conceived of a general redress, proved void: howbeit, some profit the husbandmen in some parts of the realm got by the moving of this matter, where enclosures were already laid open, yet mistress money could prevent them; and so they enjoyed their commons, which before had been taken from them.  
After that this matter for enclosures was thus dispatched, 
The cardina●● deviseth the destruction of the duke of Buckingham.  the cardinal boiling in hatred against the duke of Buckingham, & thirsting for his blood, devised to make Charles Kneuet, that had been the dukes surueior, and put from him (as ye have heard) an instrument to bring the duke to destruction. This Kneuet being had in examination before the cardinal, disclosed all the duke's life. And first he uttered, that the duke was accustomed by way of talk, to say, how he meant so to use the matter, that he would attain to the crown, if king Henry chanced to die without issue: & that he had talk and conference of that matter on a time with George Nevil, lord of Aburgavennie, unto whom he had given his daughter in marriage; and also that he threatened to punish the cardinal for his manifold misdoings, being without cause his mortal enemy.  
The cardinal having gotten that which he sought for, encouraged, comforted, and procured Kneuet, 
The 〈◊〉 imboider●●● Kneuet against the duke.  with many comfortable words and great promises, that he should with a bold spirit and countenance object and lay these things to the duke's charge, with more if he knew it when time required. Then Kneuet partly provoked with desire to be revenged, and partly moved with hope of reward, openly confessed, that the duke had once fully determined to devise means how to make the king away, being brought into a full hope that he should be king, by a vain prophesy which one Nicholas Hopkins, a monk of an house of the Chartreux order beside Bristol, called Henton, sometime his confessor had opened unto him.  
The cardinal having thus taken the examination line 10 on of Kneuet, 
 went unto the king, and declared unto him, that his person was in danger by such traitorous purpose, as the duke of Buckingham had conceived in his heart, and showed how that now there is manifest tokens of his wicked pretence: wherefore, he exhorted the king to provide for his own surety with speed. The king hearing the accusation, enforced to the uttermost by the cardinal, made this answer; If the duke have deserved to be punished, let him have according to his deserts. The duke hereupon line 20 was sent for up to London, & at his coming thither, 
 was streightwaies attached, and brought to the Tower by sir Henry Marneie, captain of the guard, the sixteenth of April. There was also attached the foresaid Chartreux monk, master john de la Car alias de la Court, the duke's confessor, and sir Gilbert perk priest, the duke's chancellor.  
After the apprehension of the duke, inquisitions were taken in diverse shires of England of him; 
Anno Reg. 13.  so that by the knights and gentlemen, he was indicted line 30 of high treason, for certain words spoken (as before ye have heard) by the same duke at Blechinglie, 
The duke of Buckingham 〈◊〉 of ●nion.  to the lord of Aburgavennie: and therewith was the same lord attached for concelement, and so likewise was the lord Montacute, and both led to the Tower. Sir Edward Nevil, brother to the said lord of Aburgavennie, was forbidden the king's presence. Moreover, in the Guildhall, within the city of London, before john Brugge knight, than lord mayor of the same city, by an inquest whereof one Miles line 40 Gerrard was foreman, the said duke was indicted of diverse points of high treason, as by the same indicment it appeareth.  
Namely, that the said duke intending to exalt himself, 
The effect of the duke's 〈◊〉.  and to usurp the crown, the royal power, and dignity of the realm of England, and to deprive the king's majesty thereof, that he the said duke might take upon him the same; against his allegiance, had the tenth day of March, in the second year of the king's majesties reign, 
The duke is 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in London.  and at diverse other times before and after, imagined and compassed the line 50 kings death and destruction at London, & at Thorneburie, in the county of Gloucester. And for the accomplishment of his wicked intent and purpose (as in the indictment is alleged) the twenty and fourth day of April, 
Thus 〈◊〉 had sent 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of Hentons' 〈◊〉 to the duke the 〈◊〉, to 〈◊〉 him to 〈◊〉 over to 〈◊〉 his chancellor, as by 〈◊〉 other i●●ment appeareth.  in the fourth year of the king's reign he sent one of his chapleins called john de la Court, to the priory of Henton in Summersetshire, which was an house of the Chartreux monks. The effect or substance of whose message was, to understand of one Nicholas Hopkins, a monk of the same house line 60 (who was vainly reputed by way of revelation to have foreknowledge of things to come) what should happen concerning the matters which he had imagined. Which monk, causing the said de la Court first to swear unto him, not to disclose his words to any manner of person, but only to the duke his master: therewith declared, that his master the said duke should have all, willing him for the accomplishment of his purpose, to seek to win the favour of the people. De la Court came back with this answer, and told it to the duke at Thorneburie the morrow after, being the twenty fift of April.  
Also the two and twentieth of julie in the same fourth year, 
The monks revelation was peremptory to the duke.  the duke sent the same de la Court with letters unto the said monk, to understand of him further of such matters: and the monk told him again for answer, that the duke should have all. And being asked as well now, as before at the first time, how he knew this to be true: he said, By the grace of God. And with this answer de la Court now also returning, declared the same unto the duke, the twenty fourth of julie at Thorneburie aforesaid. Moreover, the said duke sent the same de la Court again to the said monk with his letters, the six and twentieth of April, in the fift year of the king's reign, when the king was to take his journey into France; requiring to understand what should become of these wars: and whether the Scotish king should in the king's absence invade the realm or not. The monk (among other things) for answer of these letters, sent the duke word, 
But herein the monk lied.  that the king should have no issue male.  
Again, the said duke the twentieth day of February, in the sixth year of the king's reign, being at Thorneburie, spoke these words unto Ralph earl of Westmoreland; Well, there are two new dukes created here in England, but if aught but good come to the king, the duke of Buckingham should be next in blood to sucéed to the crown. After this, the said duke on the sixtéenth day of April, in the said sixth year of the king's reign, went in person unto the priory of Henton, and there had conference with the foresaid monk, Nicholas Hopkins, who told him, that he should be king. Whereunto the duke said, that if it so chanced, 
The duke & the monk have conference saith the indictment.  he would show himself a just and a righteous prince. The monk also told the duke, that he knew this by revelation, and willed him in any wise to procure the love of the commons, the better to attain his purposed intention.  
The duke at the same time gave, and promised to give yearly unto the said priory, six pounds, therewith to buy a tun of wine. And further he promised to give unto the same priory, in ready money twenty pounds, whereof ten pounds he gave in hand, towards the conveying of water unto the house by a conduit. And to the said monk Nicholas Hopkins he gave at that present in reward three pounds, and at an other time forty shillings, at an other time a mark, and at an other time six shillings eight pennies. After this, the twentieth day of March, in the tenth year of the king's reign, he came to the same priory, & eftsoons had conference with the said monk, to be more fully informed by him in the matters above specified. At what time the monk also told him, that he should be king. The duke in talk told the monk, that he had done very well, to bind his chaplain john de la Court, under the seal of confession, to keep secret such matter: for if the king should come to the knowledge thereof, it would be his destruction.  
Likewise, the twentieth day of October, in the seventh year of the king's reign, and at diverse other times, as well before as after, 
Robert Gilbert the duke's chaplain and chancellor his errand to London.  the said duke had sent his chancellor Robert Gilbert chaplain, unto London, there to buy certain clothes of gold, silver, and velvets, every time so much as amounted to the worth of three hundred pounds; to the intent the said duke might bestow the same, as well upon knights, esquires, gentlemen of the king's house, and yeomen of his guard, as upon other the king's subjects, to win their favours and freendships to assist him in his evil purpose. Which clothes the said Gilbert did buy, and brought the same unto the said duke, who the twentieth day of januarie, in the said seventh year, & diverse other days and years before and after, did distribute and give the same unto certain of the king's subjects for the purpose afore recited, as by the indictment it was inferred.  

Means that the duke used to make himself strong against the king.  Furthermore the said duke, the tenth of julie, in the tenth year of the king's reign, and diverse other days and times, as well before as after, did constitute more several and particular officers in his castles, honours, lordships, and lands than he was accustomed to have, to the end they might be assistant to him, under colour of such offices, to bring his evil purpose to pass. Moreover, the same duke sent unto the king the tenth of May, in the ninth year of his line 10 reign, for licence to retain any of the king's subjects, whom it should please him, dwelling within the shires of Hereford, Gloucester, and Summersetshire; and also, that he might at his pleasure convey diverse armours, and habiliments for war into Wales, to the intent to use the same against the king as the indictment imported, for the accomplishing of his naughty purpose, which was to destroy the king and to usurp the royal government and power to himself. line 20  
Which suit for licence to have retainers, and to convey such armours and habiliments of war, the said Gilbert, the twentieth day of May, in the said ninth year, and diverse other days before and after, at London, and east Gréenewich did follow, labouring earnestly, both to the king and council, for obtaining the same. On the twentieth day of julie in the said ninth year, the said duke sent the said Gilbert unto Henton aforesaid, to understand of the said monk Nicholas Hopkins, 
A fa●se prophesying monk.  what he heard of him: line 30 and the monk sent him word, that before Christmas next there should be a change, & that the duke should have the rule and government of all England. And moreover, the twentieth of February, in the eleventh year of the king's reign, at Blechingleie in the county of Surrie, the said duke said unto the said Robert Gilbert his chancellor, that he did expect and tarry for a time more convenient to achieve his purpose, and that it might easily be done, if the nobles of this realm would declare their minds together: line 40 but some of them mistrusted, and feared to show their minds together: and that marred all.  
He said further at the same time to the said Gilbert, that what so ever was done by the king's father, was done by wrong. And still he murmured against all that the king ●hen presently reigning did. And further he said, that he knew himself to be so wicked a sinner, 
He was in a very ill mind ●f this were true.  that he wanted God's favour: and therefore he knew, that what so ever he took in hand against the king had the worse success. And furthermore, line 50 the said duke (to alienate the minds of the king's subjects from their dutiful obeisance towards the said king and his heirs) on the twentieth day of September, in the first year of his reign, being then at London, reported unto the said Robert Gilbert, that he had a certain writing sealed with the kings great seal, comprehensing a certain act of parliament, in the which it was enacted, that the duke of Summerset one of the king's progenitors was made legitimate: 
A certain writing legitimating the duke of Summerset.  and further, that the said duke line 60 meant to have delivered the same writing unto king Henry the seventh, but (said he) I would not that I had so done for ten thousand pounds.  
And furthermore, the same duke on the fourth of November, in the eleventh year of the king's reign, at east Greenwich in the county of Kent, said unto one Charles Kneuet esquire, after that the king had reproved the duke for retaining William Bulmer knight into his service, that if he had perceived that he should have been committed to the Tower (as he doub●ed he should have been) he would have so wrought, that the principal doers therein should not have had cause of great rejoicing: for he would have played the part which his father intended to have put in practice against king Richard the third at Salisbury, 
 who made earnest s●te to have come unto the presence of the same king Richard: which suit if he might have obtained, he having a knife secretly about him, would have thrust it into the body of king Richard, as he had made semblance to kneel down before him. And in speaking these words, he maliciously laid his hand upon his dagger, and said, that if he were so evil used, he would do his best to accomplish his pretenced purpose, swearing to confirm his word by the blood of our Lord.  
Beside all this, the same duke the tenth of May, in the twelve year of the king's reign, at London in a place called the Rose, within the parish of saint Laurence Poultnie in Canwike street ward, demanded of the said Charles Kneuet esquire, what was the talk amongst the Londoners concerning the king's journey beyond the seas. And the said Charles told him, that many stood in doubt of that journey, lest the Frenchmen meant some deceit towards the king. Whereto the duke answered, that it was to be feared, lest it would come to pass, 
The duke 〈◊〉 covereth the secrecy of all the matter 〈◊〉 his own undoome.  according to the words of a certain holy monk. For there is (saith he) a Chartreux monk, that diverse times hath sent to me, willing me to send unto him my chancellor: and I did send unto him john de la Court my chaplain, unto whom he would not declare any thing, till de la Court had sworn unto him to keep all things secret, and to tell no creature living what he should hear of him, except it were to me.  
And then the said monk told de la Court, that neither the king nor his heirs should prosper, and that I should endeavour myself to purchase the good wills of the commonalty of England; for I the same duke and my blood should prosper, and have the rule of the realm of England. Then said Charles Kneuet; The monk may be deceived through the devils illusion: and that it was evil to meddle with such matters. Well (said the duke) it cannot hurt me, and so (saith the indictment) the duke seemed to rejoice in the monks words. And further, at the same time, 
But the end of that joy was heaviness.  the duke told the said Charles, that if the king had miscarried now in his last sickness, he would have chopped off the heads of the cardinal, of sir Thomas Lovel knight, and of others; and also said, that he had rather die for it, than to be used as he had been.  
Moreover, on the tenth day of September, in the said eleventh year of this king's reign, at Blechinglie, in the county of Surrie, walking in the gallery there with George nevill knight, lord Aburgavennie, the duke murmuring against the king's councillors, and there government, said unto the said George; that if the king died, he would have the rule of the realm in spite of who so ever said the contrary; and withal said, that if the said lord Aburgavennie would say, that the duke had spoken such words, he would fight with him, and lay his sword upon his pate: & this he bound up with many great oaths. These were the special articles & points comprised in the indictment, and said to his charge: but how truly, or in what sort proved, I have not further to say, either in accusing or excusing him, other than as I find in Hall and Polydore, whose words in effect, I have thought to impart to the reader, and without any partial wrestling of the same either to or fro.  
Saving that (I that) I may without offence say, that (as the rumour than went) the cardinal chiefly procured the death of this noble man, no less favoured and beloved of the people of this realm in that season, than the cardinal himself was hated and envied. Which thing caused the dukes fall the more to be pitied and lamented, sith he was man of all other, that chiefly went about to cross the cardinal in his lordly demeanour, & heady proceedings. But to the purpose. Shortly after that the duke had been indicted (as before ye have heard) he was arraigned in Westminster hall, 
The duke of ●●●●ingham 〈◊〉 at ●●●●minster.  before the duke of Norfolk, being made by the king's letters patents high steward of England, to accomplish the high cause of appeal of the peer or peers of the realm, and to discern and judge the cause of the peers.  
There were also appointed to sit as peers and line 10 judges upon the said duke of Buckingham, the duke of Suffolk, the marquess Dorset, the earls of Worcester, 
The names 〈◊〉 duk●s 〈◊〉 for his 〈◊〉.  De●o●shire, Essex, Shrewesburie, Kent, Orford, and Derbie, the lord of saint john's, the lord de la Ware, the lord Fitz Warren, the lord Willoughby, the lord Brooke, the lord Cobham, the lord Herbert, and the lord Morleie. There was made within the hall at Westminster a scaffold for these lords, and a presence for a judge, railed and counterrailed about, and barred with degrees. When the lords had line 20 taken their place, the duke was brought to the bar, and upon his arraignment pleaded not guilty, and put himself upon his peers. Then was his indictment read, which the duke denied to be true, and (as he was an eloquent man) alleged reasons to falsify the indictment; 
Pol●do●. 〈◊〉. Hall.  pleading the matter for his own justification very pithily and earnestly. The king's attorney against the duke's reasons alleged the examinations, confessions, and proofs of witnesses.  
The duke desired that the witnesses might be line 30 brought forth. And then came before him Charles Kneuet, Perk, de la Court, & Hopkins the monk of the priory of the Charterhouse beside Bath, which like a false hypocrite had induced the duke to the treason with his false forged prophecies. diverse presumptions and accusations were laid unto him by Charles Kneuet, which he would feign have covered. The depositions were read, & the deponents delivered as prisoners to the officers of the Tower. Then spoke the duke of Norfolk, and said: My lord, the king our sovereign lord hath commanded that you shall line 40 have his laws ministered with favour and right to you. 
〈◊〉 Hall. in 〈◊〉 f●l. lxxxuj.  Wherefore if you have any other thing to say for yourself, you shall be heard. Then he was commanded to withdraw him, and so was led into Paradise, a house so named. The lords went to council a great while, and after took their places.  
Then said the duke of Norfolk to the duke of Suffolk; 
The duke of Buckingham convinced of h●gh treason.  What say you of sir Edward duke of Buckingham touching the high treasons? The duke of Suffolk answered; He is guilty: & so said the marquess and all the other earls and lords. Thus was this prince duke of Buckingham found guilty of high line 50 treason, by a duke, a marquess, seven earls, & twelve barons. The duke was brought to the bar sore chase, and sweat marvelously; & after he had made his reverence, he paused a while. The duke of Norfolk as judge said; Sir Edward, you have heard how you be indicted of high treason, you pleaded thereto not guilty, putting yourself to the peers of the realm, which have found you guilty. Then the duke of Norfolk line 60 wept and said; 

The duke of Buckingham's judgement pronounced b● the ●●ke of Norff●●ke.  
〈◊〉 Grafton. 〈◊〉 St●w.   You shall be led to the king's prison, and there laid on a hardle, and so drawn to the place of execution, and there be hanged, cut down alive, your members cut off and cast into the fire, your bowels burnt before you, your head smitten off, and your body quartered and divided at the kings will, and God have mercy on your soul, Amen.  
The duke of Buckingham said, My lord of Norfolk, you have said as a traitor should be said unto, but I was never any: but my lords I nothing malign for that you have done to me, but the eternal God forgive you my death, and I do: I shall never sue to the king for life, howbeit he is a gracious prince, and more grace may come from him than I desire. I desire you my lords and all my fellows to pray for me. Then was the edge of the axe turned towards him, and he led into a barge. Sir Thomas Lovel desired him to sit on the cushions and carpet ordained for him. He said nay; for when I went to Westminster I was duke of Buckingham, now I am but Edward Bohune the most caitiff of the world. Thus they landed at the Temple, where received him sir Nicholas Uawse & sir William Sands baronet's, and led him through the city, who desired ever the people to pray for him, of whom some wept and lamented, and said: This is the end of evil life, God forgive him, he was a proud prince, it is pity that he behaved him so against his king and liege lord, whom God preserve. Thus about four of the clock he was brought as a cast man to the Tower.  
On friday the seventeenth day of May, about eleven of the clock, this duke of Buckingham, earl of Hereford, Stafford, and Northampton, 
The duke of Buckingham beheaded on a scaffold at Tower hill.  with a great power was delivered to john Keime & john Skevington sheriffs, who led him to the scaffold on Tower hill, where he said he had offended the king's grace through negligence and lack of grace, and desired all noble men to beware by him, and all men to pray for him, and that he trusted to die the kings true man. Thus méekelie with an axe he took his death. Then the Augustine friars took his body, and head, and buried them. Alas that ever the grace of truth was withdrawn from so noble a man, that he was not to his king in allegiance as he ought to have been! Such is the end of ambition, the end of false prophecies, the end of evil life, and evil counsel; but specially the end of malice, which grew to so huge and monstruous a fire in the haughty hart of the proud cardinal, that nothing could assuage it, but the blood of this noble duke, against whom he had procured this process in judgement ended with the execution of death: the torments whereof were (as it seemeth by the sentence of the judge) much diminished through the mercy of the king.  
For though his offence was traitorous, and therefore deserved as law had provided, and the judge defined; yet in respect of the offenders person, the kings favour dispensed with the rigour of judgement, so that he was beheaded only, and his body not dismembered. ¶ This duke had begun a great and sumptuous building at his manor of Thornburie, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 929. john Leland.  but left the same unfinished. He made a fair park hard by the same building, for the which he took in much and fruitful ground. Also another park at Eastwood, one mile off, he enlarged at two times to the compass of six miles, for the which deed, and such like, he had many a curse of the poor tenants.] At the time of his death (no doubt) his conscience (giving in greater evidence than 10000 witnesses) told him whether he was justly condemned or no, for a man's dying day is as a bill of information, putting him in mind of his life well or ill spent, as one saith: 
Pectora terribili cùm mors ferit horrida telo, 
Gu. Ha●in eccl. cap. 11.   
Quomodo vita tibi sit priùs acta scies.   

A convenient collection concerning the high constables of England, which office ceased and took end at the duke of Buckingham above mentioned.  
THe death of this duke of Buckingham, 
The collection of Fr. Thin in this year 1585.  being the last constable of England, doth present apt place to me wherein to insert the names of all such honourable persons as have been invested with that title of the constableship of England, an office of great account, & such as sometime was the chiefest place of a temporal subject in the realm the (high steward excepted) whose power did extend to restrain some actions of the kings. Wherefore being now no such office (for ther● was never any advanced thereunto since the beheading of this duke) I think it not vuméet to make some memory of those persons possessing so high a place, lest both they and their office might hereafter grow in utter oblivion: these therefore they were. line 10  

Alfgarus Stallere.  Alfgarus Stallere, constable to Edward the Confessor, of whom thus writeth the history of Elie in the second book written by Richard of Elie a monk of that house, in the time of Henry the second, whose words although they be somewhat long, I shall not grieve to set down in this sort. De famosa villa Estre, alio nomine Plassie vocata, dicendum est quàm miserè ab Elie est destracta. Alfgarus quidem Stallere, quod Latinè dux dicitur, eam invasit, & usus estea. Abbas verò Wolfricus & fratres, cùm sedulò frustra requirerent, Edwardum Confessorem adeunt, cui rex mandavit, ut restitueret: line 20 sed ille regijs iussis nequaquam obtemperanit. Fratres autem, cùm nec prece nec precio eius animum flectere potuissent, anathematizant eum, nec sententiam super eum vllo dic praetermittebant.  
Quod ille diutiùs paruipendens, licèt magnus & potens in regno esset (uti regis constabularius) ab ecclesia eliminatus, & fidelium consortio ad correptionem (vix iam cunctis detestabilis effectus) compulsus pervenire, tandem (plurimùm obiurgatus & correptus à rege) reversus est in se, & prece tandem nititur obtinere quod iniqua manu cunctatus non est. line 30 Illi verò hoc cognoscentes, illi annunt, demiserúntque ei (quamuis ad suum incommodum) ita ut jure iurando postipsius vitam ab omni suorum inquietudine libera ad ecclesiam possessio rediret. Quod quidem factum est, & scripto Anglici sermonis designatum. Testes rex Edwardus & regina, etc. Which man (after the death of king Edward the Confessor and Harold the usurper) was when the Normans entered England, as saith the said history In ergastulo plurimis alijs ferro astrictus usque ad mortem. line 40  

Walter of Gloucester.  Walter constable of England in the time of William the Conqueror, and of William Rufus succeeded Alfgarus. Here (before I say any more) I think it not amiss to set down somewhat touching William Fitz Osberne, or Osbert earl of Hereford, whom many will have to be constable in the time of the Conqueror: which truly I can not as yet be led to believe. For although that this William was the only man, who both persuaded▪ encouraged, and procured aid of others to assist William Conqueror for the obtaining of England; and that line 50 this man was (as we commonly say) the only right hand, chief compeller, and disposer of the kingdom, after that William the Conqueror had obtained the same, being also Tribunus militum of all the army that William Conqueror led into England, and the man that persuaded the bishop of Samborrow to compound for the title of the king of Denmark made unto England: yet I suppose him not to be constable, but only marshal of England; or line 60 at the least if he were, it could not be very long. For that this earl was extreme old, departed the realm, and disposed all the affairs of the Norman bastard beyond the seas, and died about the year of our redemption 1072, being about the eight year of the reign of William Conqueror.  

Milo of Hereford.  Milo the son of the said Walter, an enemy to king Stephan (who yet confirmed him in his father's inheritance) was advanced first to great honours by Henry the first: who meeting Maud the empress at Bristol, and taking her for lawful queen, did continually follow her faction: for which she, in the sixth year of king Stephan, to honour him for his good service (as appeareth by the charter thereof) gave him the earldom of Hereford, constableship of Enggland, the castle of Bironell, & the forest of Deane. He was lord also of Breckenocke. He translated the canons of the monastery of saint john's of Lanthonie, in the year of our redemption 1103, being the fourth year of king Henry the first, to a place near Gloucester, then called Hid, and since Lanthonie; as john Stow hath well noted out of other authors.  
He married Sibilla the daughter of Bernard Newmarch, a nobleman of Normandy, who obtained by conquest the lordship of Breckenocke: by whom he had issue five sons and three daughters. The sons were Roger, Walter, Henry, William and Mahaell. His three daughters were, Margaret, married to Humfreie Bohune; Bertha the second was married to Philip Bruse, created by king Stephan lord of Bruse, Gower, Bauld, & Brimble, and in his wives right lord of Breckenocke; Lucia married to Herebert the son of Herebert, base son to Henry the first, who was (in her right) lord of the forest of Deane: he died in the eight or (as others have) the ninth year of king Stephan, being the year of our redemption 1143.  
William (the son of Walter Beauchampe) sheriff of Worcester, 
William Beaucha●●●.  was made high constable of England by king Stephan, in the fift year of his reign, being in the year of our redemption 1139, when the king was at Worcester: which honour he took from Miles of Gloucester; as saith that painful antiquary john Stow in his chronicle printed in the year of our Lord 1580, fol. 191.  
Roger the son of Milo succeeded his father in all his inheritance, as well of the earldom, 
Roger fitz Milo.  as otherwise: whereby he was in time following also constable of England, and (as it is most probable) restored to that office by Henry the second; for that he was a great enemy to king Stephan. He went amongst others with Henry Fitz Empress to David king of Scots, who knighted the said Henry in the fouretéenth year of king Stephan: he married Cicilie the daughter of john Fitz Pain, and died without issue.  
Walter second son to Milo, 
Walter fitz Milo.  after the death of his brother Roger was earl of Hereford, constable of England, and lord over Gwenthie or Wenthie: he builded in the time of Henry the first the castles of Gloucester, Bristol, and Rochester, with the Tower of London: he held the land of Wenthie by long time, who having no heir of his body gave the same land to Henry of Hereford, and forsaking the world took monastical habit on him at Lanthonie, where he was buried, dying without issue.  
Henry of Hereford the son of Milo, 
Henry of Hereford.  after the entrance of Walter his brother into religion, was earl of Hereford, constable of England, and lord of Breckenocke and Deane; who was in Wenthie at a conflict slain by his own men, and buried at Lanthonie with Walter the constable: after whose death Henry the second deputed jago ap Seisell to the custody of the land of Wenthie.  
William the son of Milo, 
William fitz Milo.  and brother to Henry of Hereford, was constable of England, after the death of his brother, and died without issue.  
Mahaell the youngest son of Milo, 
Mahaell fitz Milo.  after the death of William, was constable of England, who died without issue: whom I fear not to place as constable, since all histories agree that all the sons of Milo did successively enjoy that office, after whom the inheritance coming to their sister, whereof the eldest called Margaret (or Margery) was married to Humphrey Bohuno, which line of the Bohunes became afterwards constables of England by inheritance.  

 Humphrey de Bohune, steward to Henry the first, (the son of Humphrey de Bohune, steward in house to William Rufus, son to Humphrey de Bohune that came in with the Conqueror) was (in the right of his wife Margery one of the daughters and heir of the foresaid Milo) constable of England, he had issue Humphrey de Bohune.  

 Humphrey de Bohune, constable of England, married Margaret sister to William king of Scots and daughter to the earl of Huntingdon, mother to line 10 Conon earl of Britain: he had issue Henry. This Margaret died the third of king john, being the year of Christ 1201. And this Humphrey also died in the time of king john, as some have: or rather (as others have) in the time of king Richard the first.  

 Henry de Bohune, the son of the said Humphrey and Margaret, was the first earl of Hereford of that name of the Bohunes, contrary to that received error, which hitherto hath made the other Bohunes' earl of Hereford: and contrary to the printed pedegrée of the deceased father of the earl of line 20 Essex now living. For this man, being the first earl of the Bohunes, was made earl of Hereford in the first year of king john, as the charter doth witness. He was also constable of England, and married maud, the daughter and heir of Geffrie lord Ludgarsall sometime earl of Essex, in whose right her husband was entitled to that honour of the earldom of Essex, by whom he had issue Humphrey his heir. He died about the fourth year of Henry the line 30 third, being the year of our redemption 1220, in his journey as he went to jerusalem with other noblemen.  

 Humphrey de Bohune son of Henry, being the second of that name that was earl of Hereford, was also earl of Essex and constable of England, being by all men termed Lafoy bone count de Hereford. He married Maud the daughter of the earl of Oxie in Normandy, he had issue Humphrey de Bohune that was taken in the year of Christ 1265, being the forty line 40 & ninth of king Henry the third at the battle of Euesham, and died in the life of his father, leaving behind him a son called Humphrey, heir to him and to his father, which Humphrey the father died in the year of our redemption 1275, being the third year of king Edward the first.  

Humphrey de Bohune.  Humphrey de Bohune the third earl of Hereford of that name, the son of Humphrey Bohune slain at the battle of Euesham, was after the death of his grandfather earl of Hereford and Essex, and constable of England, he married Maud de Ferens, or line 50 Frenis, and had issue Humphrey, this earl died in the year of our redemption 1298, being the twenty sixth of Edward the first, & was buried at Walden with his wife Mawd.  

Humphrey de Bohune.  Humphrey de Bohune the fourth earl of Hereford of that name, was earl of Hereford, Essex, and constable of England, he married Elizabeth the daughter to king Edward the first, and widow to john earl of Holland, he had issue john earl of Hereford, Humphrey earl of Hereford, and William earl of line 60 Northhampton. This Humphrey taking part with Thomas earl of Lancaster was slain at Borrobridge by a Welshman standing under a bridge that thrust him through with a spear, in the fouretéenth year of the reign of king Edward the second, being the year of our redemption 1321.  

 john de Bohune the eldest son of this Humphrey, being the fi●t earl of Hereford, was after the death of his father earl of Hereford, Essex, and constable of England, he married the daughter of Edmund Fitz allen earl of Arundel, and died without issue in the year of Christ 1335, being the ninth year of king Edward the third. He was buried in the abbeie of Stratford besides London.  
Humphrey de Bohune sixth earl of Hereford, 
Humphrey de Bohune.  being brother to john de Bohune, whom he succeeded, was after the death of his brother earl of Hereford and Essex, and constable of England, he died without issue in the year of our Lord 1361, being the thirty fift of king Edward the third, and was buried at the Augustine friars in London.  
William de Bohune seventh earl of Hereford of that surname, 
William de Bohune.  being the son of the other Humphrey and brother to the last Humphrey, was at a parliament holden in the tenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, being in the year of our Lord 1336, created earl of Northhampton, and after the death of his brother Humphrey, he was earl of Hereford and Essex, and constable of England. He was in the eighteenth year of Edward the third, being the year of Christ 1344, sent into Britain as general over the English army, to restore john de Montford to the dukedom of Britain: which he did, putting Charles de Blois to flight. He married Elizabeth some say Eleanor, one of the daughters and heirs of Bartholomew Bladesmere baron of Bedes in Kent, by whom he had issue Humphrey.  
Humphrey de Bohune, the eight & last earl of Hereford of that surname of Bohune, 
Humphrey de Bohune.  was after the death of William his father earl of Hereford, Essex and Northampton, and constable of England. He augmented the castle of Brecnocke, first built by Bernard Newmarch. He in the eight and twentieth year of Edward the third (as john Stow noteth) being the year of Christ 1354, re-edified the friar Augustine's church in London, in which he was buried. He married jone the daughter of Richard Fitz allen earl of Arundel, by whom he had issue two daughters and heirs, Eleanor the eldest, married to Thomas of Woodstock; and Marry the second, married to Henry of Bolingbroke, after king of England, by the name of king Henry the fourth.  
Thomas of Woodstock the sixth son to king Edward the third, 
Thomas of Woodstock.  was created earl of Buckingham, in the first year of Richard the second at his coronation, being the year of our Lord 1377, and after duke of Gloucester, in the eight year of Richard the second 1385. He married Eleanor elder daughter of Humfreie Bohune (as before) in whose right he was earl of Essex, Northampton, and constable of England, besides which he was also lord of Brecnocke. He had issue one son & four daughters: his son was Humfreie earl of Buckingham, whom K. Richard (after the murdering of his father at Calis) sent into Ireland, where he remained as prisoner until the time of king Henry the fourth, which called him home: who returning into England, died of the plague without issue at Chester: after whom his mother lived not long. Of whose death thus writeth that worthy poet sir john Gower knight, living at that time, in his book of the history of Richard the second, and Henry the fourth, commonly taken as part of his work entitled & named, Vox clamantis: 
Interea transit moriens nec in orb remansit,  
Humfredus dictus reddit ille Deo benedictus,  
Defuncto nato cito post de fine beato,  
Mater transivit dum nati funera scivit,  
Primo decessit 
* The duke of Gloucester, because the swan was his cognisance.  Cignus, dolour unde repressit  
Matrem cum pullo sibi mors nec parcit in vllo.   
The four daughters, heirs to Thomas of Woodstock & their brother Humfreie, were Anne the eldest, married to Edmund Stafford earl Stafford, who had issue Humfreie earl of Stafford, Hereford, & Northampton, lord of Brecknock, &c: which Anne after the death of earl Staffor●●aid the second time marry William vicont Bou●●● 〈◊〉 created earl of Ewe in France: the second daughter was Philip, which died without issue: the third jone, was married to Gilbert lord Talbot: the fourth Isabella, was a religious person at the Minories in London. This duke of Gloucester was murdered at Calis about the year of Christ 1398, being the 22 year of Richard the second, touching whose life and death, with the manner thereof, thus writeth the said sir john Gower, in the same book entitled Vox clamantis: 
O quàm fortuna stabilis non permanet una,  
Exemplum cuius stat in ordine carminis huius, line 10  
Rex agit, & Cygnus patitur de cord benignus,  
Ille prostratus non est de rege levatus,  
Ad Plessye captus tunc est velut hostia raptus,  
Rex jubet arma geri, nec eo voluit misereri,  
Cum sponsa nati lugent quasi morte gravati,  
Plússque lupo saevit rex dummodo foemina flevit,  
Nil pietas munit quem tunc manus invida punit,  
Rex stetit obliquus nec erat tunc unus amicus,  
O regal genus, princeps quasi pauper egenus,  
Turpiter attractus jacet & sine iure subactus, line 20  
Sunt ibi fautores regis de sort priores,  
Qui Cygnum pendent, ubi captum ducere tendent,  
Sic ducendo ducem, perdit sine lumine lucem,  
Anglia quae tota tenebrescit luce remota,  
Trans mare natavit, regnum qui semper amavit,  
Flent centum mill, quia Cygnus praeterit ille,  
Calisij portus petit unde dolus latet ortus,  
Error quem regis genuit putredine legis,  
Carcere conclusus subitò fuit ille reclusus,  
Nescit quo fine sit vitae sive ruinae, line 30  
Tunc rex elatum sumpsit quasi falco volatum,  
unde suas gentes perdit custode carentes.  A little after which followeth these verses, touching the denial of burial to be granted unto him among the rest of his honourable and royal ancestors: 
Sic nece devictum, sic corpus ab hoste relictum,  
Clam de conclavi, susceperat Anglia navi,  
Per mare regreditur, corpus nec ad huc sepelitur,  
Námque sepulturam, defendit rex sibi puram,  
Desuper à latere, patris loca justa ten●r●, line 40  
Dummodo quaesivit, vix bassa sepulchra subivit.  Of the manner also of whole death the said sir john Gower hath set down these three following verses: 
Heu quàm to●torum quidam de sort malorum,  
Sic ducis electi plumarum pondere lecti,  
Corpus quassatum iugulántque necara iugulatum.  His wife Elinor died the third of October, in the year of our redemption 1399, being the first year of king Henry the fourth, and was buried at Westminster on the south side of king Edward the third line 50 with this epitaph: Icy gist Elinor de Bohune aysne fill & un des heirs a honourable seigneur monseigneour Humphrey de Bohune, county de Hereford, & de Essex, & de Northampton, & constable d'Angliterre, femme a puissant ●●●●ble prince Thomas Woodstock▪ fi●z tresexc●lle●● & trespuissant seigneiur Edwarde roy d'Anglite●re pius le cóquest tierce, duke de Gloucester, que mo●ust tierce enure de October lan du grace 1399, de que alme Dieux fait mercy. line 60  
Edward Plantagenet son to Edmund of Langleie, 
Edward Plantagenet.  was by Richard the second created earl of Rutland, and duke of Albemerle, who being constable of England arrived in the three and twentieth year of Richard the second, and in the year of our Lord 1399 in Ireland, to bring aid to the king being there in war. Of this man is more liberal discourse in my following treatise of the dukes of England.  
Henry Persie lord Persie, the sixth lord, and the first earl of Northumberland of that name, 
Henry Persie  was advanced to that honourable title of earl at the coronation of king Richard the second, in the year of our redemption 1377. He was made high constable of England by Henry the fourth, then elected but not crowned king of England, because the said earl did give that ring to the king whereby he was wedded to the kingdom of England, to whom also the king gave the isle of man to bear the sword with which he entered the realm. He in the fourth year of king Henry the fourth, being the year of Christ 1403, rebelled against the king: but after coming to the king upon sending for, he was pardoned his life, but committed to safe custody. After which, in the fift year of that king, he was at a parliament holden at London restored to his estate and dignity, who the year following, being the sixth of Henry the fourth, and the year of Christ 1405, again rebelled, and after fled into Scotland, to David lord Fleming who received him, and in the seventh year of Henry the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1506, as saith john Stow.  
This David persuaded the earl to fly into Wales, for which cause the Scots slew the said David. After this, in the ninth year of Henry the fourth, he came into England, raised the people, and was slain at Broom●ham near to Hasewood, in a conflict had with him by Thomas Rockleie sheriff of Yorkshire. He married two wives, the first was Margaret daughter to Ralph lord Nevil, by whom he had issue Henry Persie, surnamed Hotspurre (slain at the battle of Shrewesburie in the fourth year of Henry the fourth in his father's life) Thomas and Ralph. His second wife was Maud, daughter to Thomas lord Lucy, and sister and heir to Anthony lord Lucy baron of Cockermouth, being before the widow of Gilbert Humfrevill called the earl of Angus. This lady Maud gave to her husband the lordship and castle of Cockermouth, whereby the earls of Northumberland are bound still to bear the arms of Lucy.  
john duke of Bedford the son and brother of kings (for so he calleth himself in the precept to summon Reginald lord Greie, 
john of ●●●●ford.  & sir Edward Hastings knight, to determine the controversy for bearing of the arms of Hastings earl of Penbroke in the marshal's court) was earl of Richmond and Kendal, and constable of England, being advanced to that office about the eight year of Henry the fourth his father, being the year of our redemption 1406, of whom there is more mention in the following discourse of the protectors of England.  
Humphrey earl of Stafford, Hereford, 
Humphrey Stafford.  and Northhampton, lord of Breenocke, holderness, and of Cambridge, and constable of England, and of Dover castle, in the eight year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of Christ 1430, went into France with Henry the sixth to attend his coronation at Paris. He was created duke of Buckingham in the two and twentieth year of Henry the sixth, being the year of Christ 1444. He was slain at the battle of Northampton in the eight and thirtieth year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our Lord 1460, he married Anne daughter to Ralph Nevil earl of Westmoreland: he had amongst many other of his children Humphrey his eldest son earl Stafford, hurt (as hath john Stow) with an arrow in the right hand at the battle of saint Albon in the three and thirtieth year of Henry the sixth, being the year of our Lord 1455, of which battle of saint Albon thus writeth john Whethamsted a learned abbot of that h●use: 
Dum Maius madidi flos flo● vit imbribus austri,  
Mollibus & Zephyrus refoverat flatilus aruos,  
Flora velut regnans herbis ditaverat hort●s,  
Post glacies inopes hos fecerat & locuple●es,  
Sic r●pidis stilbon prae●onibus undíque regnum  
Repleverat nimis, sic latè sta●serat ipses,  
Vt 
 villam tandem tantus pervaserat is●am  
Illorum numerus quod vlx evaderet unus,  
Quin spolium lueret, spoliantes vel trepidaret.  
A●cidit ex causa spoliatio tam gravis ista,  
Mars coeli dominus fuerat tunc, & soror eius  
In terris domina belli Bellona vocata,  
unde malum multis signanter partibus istis  
Contigit, & bellum fuit istic grand peractum,  

 Sanguis & effusus multus, dux est iugulatus  
Illius pugnae quae fertur causa fuisse.  
Bello finito, strepitu quóque pacificato, line 10  
Indultum est praedae, praedones quip fuere  
Victores omnes, nulli quasi compatientes.  
Tunc rex, tunc proceres, tunc villani quóque plures,  

 Ac alij varij fuerant rebus spoliati,  
Attamen ecclesia, simul ecclesiae bona cuncta  

T●e abbey of 〈…〉.  Intra quae fuerant, sub clausuráque iacebant,  
Manserunt salva nec ei res defuit ulla.  
Laus igitur domino, laus in speciéque patrono,  
Cuius per media stabant sua singula salva,  
Saluis & in cuncti● simul abbas frater & omnis. line 20  
Spiritus ille bonus sine fallo spiritus almus,  
Ad villam regem qui direxit venientem  
Illius ad medium, nec tunc permiserat ipsum  

 Ecclesiam petere, conseruavit sua quaeque.  
Sed patronus erat qui pro monachis mediarat,  
A raptore locúmque suum seruavit, & omnem  
Ipsius ornatum fedari nec sivit ipsum.  
S●rex intrasset, secúmque ducem sociasset,  

R●●h. Plantigenet duke of York.  Valuas' ecclesiae, paruissent cuncta rapinae,  
Nec poterat furias quisquam compescere plebis. line 30  
Laus igitur domino, rursus rursusque patrono,  
Stat locusis●e suo saluus munimine so●o▪  
Saluaque supposita, sua salva iocalia cuncta.   

john Tiptoth or Tiptost.  john Tiptoth or Tiptost knight, the son of john lord Tiptost, and of joice his wife, second daughter to Edmund Charleton lord Powes, was treasurer of the realm in Michaelmas term in the tenth year of Henry the fourth, after which he was again admitted to that office in the one and thirtieth and two and thirtieth year of Henry the sixth, from which place line 40 being once more removed, he was the third time advanced to the honour of lord treasurer of England in the second of Edward the fourth, and continued the same in the third of the said king. He was created earl of Worcester in the time of king Henry the sixth. This man in the year 1470, being the tenth of king Edward the fourth, took his part against the duke of Clarence, and Richard Nevil earl of Warwick, at what time the said duke and earl being discomfited, fled to the sea side, and thence sailed line 50 to Southampton, where they thought to have had the Trinity a great ship of the earl of Warwikes; but the lord Scales the queen's brother fought with them, and enforced them to fly into France.  
Whereupon king Edward the fourth came to Southampton and caused Tiptost earl of Worcester to sit in judgement upon certain gentlemen, as Clapham and others, taken at the same skirmish of Southampton, where the earl caused the bodies of certain condemned men, after that they were hanged line 60 to be thrust through the fundament up to the head with stakes, for the which cruelty he and others fell into indignation of the common people. Before which in the eight year of king Edward, he was with john Dudleie made constable of the Tower, during their lives, and the longer liver of them two.  
After this in the said year 1470, being the tenth of Edward the fourth, in which Henry the sixth readepted the crown of England, which year of Henry the sixth is called in the law books, the forty & ninth year of the reign of K. Henry the sixth. This earl of Worcester was taken in the top of an high tree in the forest of Weibridge in Huntingtonshire, brought to London, and at a parliament arrested and condemned to death, by sir john Vere earl of Oxford. Whereupon he was beheaded at Tower hill, and buried in the black friars of London. He had three wives, whereof the first was called Cicilie the daughter of Richard earl of Salisbury: the second Elizabeth the daughter of Robert Greindoure: the third was Elizabeth, after married to sir William Stanleie, which john had by his third wife Edward lord Tiptost who died without issue, & so the inheritance went to the sisters of the said earl john Tiptost.  
And here I think it not amiss to say somewhat of the lord Beaumond, 
Lord Beaumond  who being in our chronicles named constable of England (as may appear in the five and twentieth year of Henry the sixth, in which year he arrested Humphrey duke of Gloucester) that for any thing that I can yet see or learn, this Beaumond was not constable by patent during his life, but for the present time to execute the prince's pleasure, and therefore not meet in this discourse to have any special place amongst such as were constables of England, either by descent or patent.  
Sir Richard Wooduile knight, earl Rivers, 
Richard Wooduile.  was high constable of England in the fourth year of king Edward the fourth, of whom is more large mention in the following discourse of the treasurors of England in the history of the reign of queen Elizabeth.  
George Plantagenet, 
George Plantagenet.  second son to Richard duke of York, was created amongst other estates duke of Clarence, in the year of our redemption 1461, being the first year of king Edward the fourth immediately upon his coronation, and was made constable of England in the time of Edward the fourth. He in the eight of Edward the fourth, about the year of Christ 1468, married Isabella the eldest daughter of Richard Nevil earl of Warwick and Salisbury, by whom he had issue Edward earl of Warwick and Salisbury, borne upon the sea in the haven of Calis, who was in the time of Richard the third a continual prisoner, and so having been a prisoner, and thereto borne by a certain fatal destiny, was in the year of our redemption 1485, being the first of king Henry the seventh committed to custody in the Tower, where he continued all the rest of his life, & was beheaded at Tower hill in the fifteenth year of king Henry the seventh, being the year of Christ 1499, & was buried at Birsam near to his ancestors. Besides this Edward, this George duke of Clarence had issue a daughter called Margaret, created by king Henry the eight countess of Salisbury, who married sir Richard Poole knight of the garter, descended of the ancient family of the Pools in Wales.  
Richard Plantagenet, 
Richard Plantagenet.  the third son to Richard duke of York, was advanced to the title and honour of the dukedom of Gloucester, in the year of our redemption 1461, being the first year of king Edward the fourth, soon after his coronation. He was high constable of England: he married Anne second daughter to Richard Nevil earl of Warwick and Salisbury. Which Richard after the death of his brother king Edward the fourth, did by the murder of his nephews ascend to the highest government of England, and was crowned king by the name of Richard the third.  
Henry Stafford, whom our chronicles do in many places corruptly term Edward, 
Henry Stafford.  was son to Humphrey earl Stafford, & was high constable of England, and duke of Buckingham. This man raising war against Richard the third usurping the crown, was in the first year of the reign of the said Richard, being the year of Christ 1483, betrayed by his man Humphrey Banaster (to whom being in distress he fled for succour) and brought to Richard the third then lying at Salisbury, where the said duke confessing all the conspiracy, was beheaded without arraignment or judgement, upon the second of November, in the said year of our redemption 1483, he married Katherine the daughter of Richard Wooduile, sister to queen Elizabeth wife to Edward the fourth; & had issue, Edward duke of Buckingham, and Henry earl of Wiltshire, with two daughters, which were, Anne married to George lord Hastings of whom is descended the earl of Huntingdon now living, and Elizabeth married to Richard line 10 Ratcliff lord Fitz Waters, of whom is issued sir Henry Ratcliff knight, now earl of Sussex.  

Edward Stafford.  Edward Stafford son to Henry duke of Buckingham, being also duke of Bukingham after the death of his father was constable of England, earl of Hereford, Stafford, and Northhampton, being in the first year of Henry the seventh, in the year of our redemption 1485, restored to his father's dignities and possessions. He is termed in the books of the law in the said thirteenth year of Henry the eight line 20 (where his arraignment is liberally set down) to be the flower & mirror of all courtesy. This man (as before is touched) was by Henry the seventh restored to his father's inheritance, in recompense of the loss of his father's life, taken away (as before is said) by the usurping king Richard the third. He married Elinor the daughter of Henry earl of Northumberland, and had issue Henry lord Stafford (father to Henry lord Stafford now living) and three daughters, Elizabeth married to Thomas Howard line 30 earl of Surrie, Katherine married to Ralph Nevil earl of Westmoreland, and Marie married to George Nevil lord of Aburgavennie. And thus much by Francis Thin touching the succession of the constables of England.]   
In this mean while, were the emperor and the French king fallen at variance, so that the war was renewed betwixt them; for the pacifying whereof, the cardinal of York was sent over to Calis, where line 40 the ambassadors of both those princes were appointed to come to him. 
Cardinal Woolsie sent over to Calis.  He arrived there the second of August. There went over with him the earl of Worcester, than lord chamberlain, the lord of S. john's, the lord Ferrer, the lord Herbert, the bishop of Duresme, the bishop of Elie, the primate of Armacane, sir Thomas Bullen, sir john Pechie, sir john Hussie, sir Richard Wingfield, sir Henry Guildford, and many other knights, esquires, gentlemen, doctors, and learned men. Thus honourably accompanied he line 50 road through London the twenty fift day of julie, 
Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxxxuj.  and at Thomas Beckets house the mayor and aldermen took leave of him, praying God to send him good speed. Thus passed he to Canturburie, where the archbishop of Canturburie and others received him in his stateliness, and brought him unto his lodging under a canopy to the bishop's palace. On the eight day of julie he came to Dover. On the twentieth he & the other lords with their retinues took passage, and arrived at Calis in safety, where the lord deputy line 60 and the council received them with much honour and lodged the cardinal in the Staple hall.  
Shortly after his arrival at Calis, thither came the chancellor of France, and the county de palace, with four hundred horses, as ambassadors from the French king; and likewise from the emperor came great ambassadors, 
The emperor & the French king their ambassadors meet at Calis, to treat of a peace.  either party being furnished with sufficient commissions to treat and conclude of peace as should appear. But yet when it came to the point, as the one party seemed conformable to reasonable offers, so the other would not incline that way; insomuch that they were never at one time agreeable to any indifferent motion that could be made. There were also the pope's ambassadors, whereupon the cardinal would have furthered a league betwixt the emperor, the king of England, the king of France, and the pope: but the pope's ambassadors wanted commission thereto, and therefore were letters sent to Rome in all haste, and the Frenchmen tarried still in Calis, till answer came from thence. The cardinal road into Flanders to speak with the emperor, which as then lay in Bruges. A mile without Bruges the emperor received him, and did to him as much honour as could be devised. The cheer was great which was made to the Englishmen, and of every thing there was such plenty, that there was no want of things necessary, insomuch that of the fare, both for plentifulness, delicateness, and stateliness of service, a man might have said: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magnorum dixisses esse deorum.  
The cardinal after he had sojourned in Bruges the space of thirteen days, 
The 〈◊〉 receiveth the cardinal with great honour at Bruges.  and concluded diverse matters with the emperor, and accomplished his commission, he took leave of his majesty, and by convenient journeys returned to Calis, where the ambassadors of France tarried his coming: and immediately after his return to Calis, he treated with them of peace, but not so earnestly as he did before. In fine, nothing was concluded, but only that fishermen of both the princes might freely fish on the seas without disturbance, till the second of February next. When no conclusion of agreement could be accorded, the cardinal sent to the emperor the lord of S. john's, and sir Thomas Bullen knight, to advertise his majesty what had been done, and likewise to the French king, as then lying in camp with a mighty army in the marches about Cambreie. The earl of Worcester and the bishop of Elie were sent to inform him of all things that had been motioned, exhorting him to incline to peace, but he gave little ear thereto: and then after they had been a nineteen or twenty days in his host they returned. During the continuance of the cardinal in Calis, 
Cardinal Woolsie carrieth the great seal with him to Calis, & then sealeth writs and patents  all writs and patents were there by him sealed, and no sheriffs chosen for lack of his presence, having there with him the great seal, & full power in things, as if the king had been there in person. ¶ Ambassadors coming from the king of Hungary towards the king of England, were received honourably of the Cardinal during his abode in Calis.  
After the return of the English ambassadors, which the cardinal had sent to the emperor, and to the French king, he returned into England, having (as some writ) concluded a new league with the emperor, 
Polydor.  and signified by way of intendment to the French king in the treaty with his ambassadors, that the king of England meant him not so much friendship as of late he had done, for diverse causes. But specially this was uttered, that where it was concluded that the king of Scots should be included within the league (as before ye have heard) contrary to that agreement, the said king refused to enter as a confederate into the same league: and this no doubt proceeded through counsel of the French king, by whom he was wholly guided. This quarrel was laid as an occasion, why to move the king of England (perceiving himself to be dissembled with) to withdraw his good will from the French king.  
Who when he understood the drifts of the cardinal, and conclusion of the new league confirmed betwixt the king of England and the emperor, he condemned the cardinal of untruth, accused him of dissimulation, abhorred his practices, as by the which he lost the fruition of the king of England his friendship, and might no longer enjoy it. And herewith he determined with himself never to put confidence in any Englishman after, nor to bestow any gifts or pensions upon them. For he used yéerelie to send to diverse of the king's council after the manner of his predecessors sundry gifts and sums of money:▪ because he had employed more on the cardinal than on the residue, he was the more offended toward him as the head of all this injurious doing. Yet he found not himself so much grieved, as to utter any bitter words towards the king: but contrarily within a while after, directed his letters unto him, signifying that he meant to continue the league as his friend: but it may be he did this after a dissembling sort, because he would not be at wars with two so mighty line 10 princes at one time.  

 In this mean while, the war was pursued betwixt the emperor & the French king, as well on the confines towards Flanders, as beyond the mounteins in the parties of Lombardie. Tornay was besieged by the lord Hugh de Moncada, a Spaniard, the which coming upon the sudden, took many abroad in the fields, yer they knew of his approach, and after this, coming before the city, he environed it with a siege, to keep the citizens from stirring forth, and line 20 sent part of his army with the light horsemen to forlaie the streets and passages, that no succour should come to them within. The French king assembled an army, in hope to aid them of Tornay with men, munitions, and victuals, the which army assayed twice or thrice with all endeavour, to have approached the city: but in vain, for with no small loss the French were repelled by the imperials, which nevertheless felt their part of slaughter, losing sundry of their captains, as bastard Emerie, 
〈◊〉. Hall.  and the captain of Gant. Finally, line 30 the French army broke up, & was dispersed into fortresses. Whereupon they of Tornay perceiving the succours which they hoped for, 
〈◊〉 deli●●●● up to 〈◊〉 emperor.  to fail them thus at need, rendered the city to the emperor the last of November, in this 13 year of king Henry's reign.  
¶ Pope Leo died this year suddenly, on the first of December, 
〈◊〉 Fl. ex 〈…〉 813. The death of 〈◊〉 Leo the 〈◊〉 who (as ●is suspected) was poisoned.  as he lay at the village of Magliana wither he went oftentimes for his recreation. He had heard the first reapport of the taking of Milan, line 40 which stirred in him such an extreme passion of joy, that the same night he entered into a small fever: and for his better remedy he caused himself the next day to be removed to Rome: where he died within a very few days after, notwithstanding the physicians in the beginning made no great reckoning of his disease. There was great suspicion that he was poisoned by Barnaby Malespina his chamberlain, whose office was always to give him drink. And yet though he was made prisoner through the suspicion of the fact & the vehement reasons of the same; yet line 50 the matter was dashed and the examination thereof: for that the cardinal de Medicis as soon as he came to Rome, set him at liberty, fearing to fall further in disgrace of the French king, by whose practice it was supposed that Barnaby gave him the fatal drink. This was but whispered secretly, the author being no less doubtful than the conjectures uncertain.  

The manner and order of 〈◊〉 pope's 〈◊〉.  He died (if we consider the common opinion of men) in very great glory and felicity, not so much line 60 for that by the surprising of Milan he saw himself delivered of dangers & expenses intolerable, which having drained him of all store of money and treasure, he was constrained to advance all means and manners for his supply and relieving: but also that a very few days afore his death he received advertisement of the taking of Plaisanca, and the very day he died, news came to him of the winning of Par●a: a matter so greatly desired by him, that at such time as he debated to move war against the Frenchmen, it is very well remembered that he said unto the cardinal de Medicis labouring to dissuade hi●, that as he was in nothing more carried to the desi●e of that war, than to recover to the church those two cities; so when so ever God should bless him with the effect of that desire, it would not grieve him to die. He was a prince in whom were many things worthy to be commended & blamed, and in the estate & discourse of his life he deceived greatly the expectation that was had of him, when he was created pope, for that in his government was great discretion, but far less bounty than was looked for.]  
After the death of the pope, 
Polydor. Cardinal woolsie maketh means to be elected pope.  doctor Richard Pace was sent to Rome, to make friends in the behalf of the cardinal of York, who was brought into a vain hope through the king's favour and furtherance, to be elected pope. But Adrian the sixth of that name was chosen before doctor Pace could come to Rome; and so that suit was dashed. 
Guic. pag. 823.  ¶ This Adrian bishop of Derchuso (after great contention in the college of cardinals touching the election of a new pope) was preferred to the custom of lotting of voices in the conclave, without any affection or partiality of voice: he was of nation a Fleming, & in his youth having been schoolmaster to Cesar, and by his mean made cardinal under pope Leo, did at that time govern Spain in the absence of Cesar. And as there began some voices to publish for him, so cardinal Xisto one of that election, began under an oration special, to recount and amplify his virtues and knowledge, by whose example certain other cardinals yielded, and the residue from hand to hand followed, though more by constraint than council.  
Thus was he chosen with the voices of all the cardinals, 
The election of Adrian to the popedom wondered at, and why.  and had his creation perfected the same morning. Wherein this was to be wondered at, that even those that had elected him could give no reason, why amid so many troubles & dangers in the estate ecclesiastic, they had raised to the sovereign see a stranger, a foreigner, and of long absence out of the country, & wherein were helping no respects of favour, no consideration of former merits, nor any conversation had with any of the other cardinals: yea they scarcely knew his name, he had never been in Italy, and had no hope nor cogitation to see it: of which extravagant manner of dealing, being not able to excuse themselves, they attributed all to the working of the holy-ghost, who is wont (for so they alleged) to inspire the hearts of the cardinals in the electing of pope's: he received news of his election in the town of Uictoria in biscay, and would not have imposed upon him any other name than his own, which he caused to be published under Adrian the sixth.  
Now he made his entry into Rome the nine and twentieth of August, 
Pope Adrian the sixth, cometh to Rome.  with a great concourse of the commons and the whole court: of whom albeit his coming was desired with an universal gladness (for that without the presence forsooth of the pope's, Rome beareth more a resemblance of a savage desert than of a city) yet that spectacle wrought sundry impressions and diversities of thoughts in the minds of all men, when they considered that they had a pope for nation and language a stranger, and for the affairs of Italy and the court altogether unexperienced: and also for that he was not of those regions and countries, who by long conversation were already made familiar with the customs of Italy. The envy that stirred up in men this consideration was redoubled by the accident of the plague, which beginning in Rome at his arrival, afflicted the city during the whole season of Autumn, to the great calamity and loss of the people: a matter which in the fancies of men was construed to an evil prognostication of his pontificacy.]  
notwithstanding this election of Adrian (as you hear) accomplished; 
The description of doctor Pace.  yet doctor Place kept his journey according to his commission. This Pace was a right worthy man, and one that gave in counsel faithful advise. Learned he was also, and endued with many excellent good gifts of nature, courteous, pleasant, and delighting in music, highly in the king's favour, and well heard in matters of weight. But the more the prince favoured him, the more was he misliked of the cardinal, who sought only to bear all the rule himself, and to have no partner; so that he procured that this doctor Pace under colour of embassage, should be sent forth of the realm, that his presence about the king should not win him too much authority and favour at the king's hands. line 10  

Edw. Hall. Doctor Tunstall made bishop of London.  This year was a great death in London and other places of the realm. Many men of honour and great worship died, and amongst other, the bishop of London, doctor Fitz james, in whose place was doctor Tunstall elected. The earl of Surrie returned out of Ireland, and came to the court the five and twentieth of januarie. Many complaints were made by the merchants to the king and his council of the Frenchmen, year 1523 which spoilt them by sea of their goods. For by reason that the wars were open betwixt the line 20 emperor, and the French king, many ships of war were abroad on both parts, and now and then the Englishmen fell into their hands, and were used as enemies; namely by the Frenchmen, which naturally hated the Englishmen. The French kings ambassadors promised restitution of every thing, but little was restored. In this month of januarie therefore, the king commanded all his ships to be rigged, and made ready, which was done with all diligence. line 30  


The title of Defender of the ●aith given 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 England and his successors for e●er.  
I. S. pag. 930. King Henry wrote against Luther.  
Abr. Fl. ex adm. A.G. ad Ang. & Scot ex●us. Gen. 1558. in fol. 69.   On the second day of February, the king as then being at Gréenewich, received a bull from the pope, whereby he was declared defender of the Christian faith▪ & likewise his successors for ever. The cardinal of York sang the high mass that day with all the pompous solemnity that might be, and gave clean remission of sins to all that heard it. This title was ascribed unto the king, because he had written a book against Luther in Germany; whereunto the said Luther answered very sharply, nothing sparing line 40 his authority nor majesty. ¶ Of which book published by the king, I will not (for reverence of his roiallic) though I durst, report what I have read: because we are to judge honourably of our rulers, and to speak nothing but good of the princes of the people. Only this brief clause or fragment I will add (lest I might seem to tell a tale of the man in the moon) that king Henry in his said book is reported to rage against the devil and antichrist, line 50 to cast out his some against Luther, to raze out the name of the pope, and yet to allow his law, etc. I suppress the rest for shame, and return to our history.]  
In this mean time, grudges and displeasures still grew and increased betwixt the king of England and the French king, 
The king of England and the ●ing of France at va●iance.  so that their gréefs rankled daily more and more, till at length the duke of Albany returned into Scotland, contrary to that which was covenanted by the league. The French king in deed alleged, that he was not privy to his line 60 going thither; and wrote to the king, that the said duke was entered Scotland without his assent: but it was otherwise judged & known, that he had commission of the French king to go thither. Hereupon, the king was sore offended, and prepared for wars. Musters were made of able men, and a note taken of what substance men were. The king also sent six ships to the sea, well trimmed, manned, and vittelled. 
Christopher Coo admiral.  The admiral was one Christopher Coo, an expert sea man. His commission was, to safe guard the merchants, and other the king's subjects, that were grievously spoiled and rob on the sea, by Frenchmen, Scots, and other rovers.  
The eight of February, the lord Dacres, warden of the marches fore aneinst Scotland, entered into Scotland with five hundred men, by the king's commandment, & there proclaimed, that the Scots should come in to the king's peace, by the first of March following, or else to stand at their perils; the duke of Albany being then within five miles with a mighty power of Scots. The eleventh of February, the lord of Aburgavennie was brought from the Tower to Westminster, 
The 〈◊〉 of Aburg●ue●●nie arreign●d at Westminster.  and there in the king's bench confessed his indictment of misprision. The lord Montacute was about the same time restored unto the king's favour. ¶ On the second of March, certain noble men of the empire, arrived in England, to pass into Spain, who were honourably received; and in honour of them, great justs and triumphs were made, which being finished and done, they took their leave and departed on their journey.  
Duncan Campbell, a Scotish rover, after long fight, 
A Scotish r●uer taken on the sea by john Arundel.  was taken on the sea by john Arundel an esquire of Cornwall, who presented him to the king. He was committed to the Tower, & there remained prisoner a long season. All the king's ships were put in a readiness, so that by the beginning of April, they were rigged and trimmed ready to make sail. ¶ This year died the lord Brooke, sir Edward Poinings, knight of the garter, sir john Pechie, and sir Edward Belknap, valiant captains, which were suspected to be poisoned at a banquet made at Ard, when the two kings met last. Wheat was sold this year in the city of London, for twenty shillings a quarter, 
Great 〈◊〉 of corn.  & in other places for twenty six shillings eight pence.  
In this year Gawan Dowglas, bishop of Dunkell fled out of Scotland into England, because the duke of Albany being come thither, had taken upon him the whole government of the king and realm there, the sequel of whose doings the bishop sore mistrusted. The king assigned unto this bishop an honest pension to live on. And shortly after, 
Clarenceaux sent into Scotland.  was Clarenceaux the herald sent into Scotland, unto the duke of Albany, to command him to avoid that realm for diverse considerations; & if he would not, then to defy him, sith contrary to the articles of the league concluded betwixt France & England, he was entered Scotland without his licence. The duke refused to accomplish the king's commandment, and was therefore defied by the said Clarenceaux. 
The French K. attachet● the Englishmen'S goods 〈◊〉 Bordeaux.  The sixth of March, the French king commanded all Englishmen'S goods being in Bordeaux, to be attached, and put under arrest, and retained not only the money due to be paid for the restitution of Tornay, but also withheld the French queens dower.  
The cardinal understanding that he was evil spoken of, 
Polydor.  for using his power legantine to such advantage as he did, in selling graces & dispensations, 
The cardinals liberality by virtue of his spirit●●all power 〈◊〉 sooth.  he thought to bestow some part thereof amongst the people freely, without taking any thing for the same. Whereupon, when Lent drew near, he appointed the preachers at Paul's cross, to declare, that it should be lawful to all persons for that Lent, to eat milk, butter, cheese, & eggs. And to the end that none should have any scrupulousness of conscience in so doing, he by his authority granted remission of sins to all those that did ●at white meats: knowing as it were afore hand, that the people given to the observance of their religious fast, would not easily be brought to break the same, contrary to the ancient custom used in their country. Neither was he deceived therein, for so far were the people from receiving or accounting this as a benefit, that they took it rather for a wicked & cursed deed in those that received it, & few or almost none could he induce to break their old order and scrupulous trade in that behalf.  
The king, 
Anno Reg▪ ●  understanding how his subjects were handled at Bordeaux by the French kings commandment in breach of the league, 
〈◊〉 French ●●bassador is 〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉 council.  the French ambassador was called before the council, and the cardinal laid sore to his charge, that contrary to his promise at all times on the French king his masters behalf, affirming that he meant nothing but peace and amity to be observed in all points with the king of England: yet now the English merchants had not only their goods stayed at Bordeaux, but also they and their factors were laid in prison, in full breach of all peace and amity afore time concluded. line 10 The ambassador in words so well as he could excused his master, but in the end he was commanded to keep his house: and the French hostages that were appointed here to remain for the money to be paid for the delivery of Tornay, were committed unto the safe keeping of the lord of Saint john's, sir Thomas Lovel, sir Andrew Windsor, and sir Thomas Nevil, every of them to have one.  
Herewith also, all the Frenchmen in London were arrested, 
The French-pox in London 〈◊〉 arrested a●d put to 〈◊〉 fines. 〈◊〉  committed to prison, and put to their line 20 fines: but they were more courteously used than the Englishmen were in France. For after they had been in durance ten days, they were set at liberty, upon finding sureties to appear before the mayor, or else before the council at a certain day, and to pay the fine upon them assessed, which fine the king pardoned to diverse of the poorest sort. But in comparison of the Scotish nation, 
If the Scots 〈◊〉 England ●●p●ehended 〈◊〉. fined  you would have said, the Frenchmen were in small displeasure: for not only those that were borne in Scotland, but also divers line 30 northernmen borne, within English ground, for envious spite called Scots, were apprehended, imprisoned, and grievously fined, although some of them by streict inquiry tried to be Englishmen, escaped without paying the fine.  
There were sent to the sea, under conduct of sir William Fitz William's viceadmerall, 
The navy 〈…〉.  twenty & eight goodly ships well manned and trimmed for the wars, & seven other ships were sent toward Scotland, which entered the Forth, and proffered to enter line 40 the Scotish ships that lay in the havens: but the Scots ran their ships aland, and the Englishmen followed with boats, landed, and set the ships on fire, & at Leith took certain prisoners, which they brought into England; and still the kings great navy kept the narrow seas: for than was neither peace betwixt England and France, nor open wars. The king understanding that the emperor would come to Calis, so to pass into England, as he went towards Spain, appointed the lord marquess Dorset to go to Calis, there to receive him, and likewise the line 50 lord cardinal was appointed to receive him at Dover.  

Cardinal 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 when he received the emperor at Dover.  The cardinal taking his journey forward on the twentieth of May, road through London, accompanied with two earls, six and thirty knights, and an hundred gentlemen, eight bishops, ten abbots, thirty chapleins, all in velvet and satin, and yeomen seven hundred. The marquess Dorset was gone over before unto Calis: and the five and twentieth of May being sunday, 
The marquess Dorset receiveth the emperor at graveling.  the said marquess, with the bishop line 60 of Chichester, the lord de la Ware, and diverse other at the water of graveling, received the emperor in the name of the king of England, and with all honour brought him to Calis, where he was received with procession, by the lord Bernes lieutenant of the town, with the mayor and merchants of the Staple, in the best manner that might be devised.  

The emperor 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉.  On the monday he took ship at Calis, and landed at Dover, where the cardinal with three hundred lords, knights, and gentlemen of England was ready to receive him, and with all honour that might be, brought him to the castle, where he was lodged. On wednesday, being the Ascension éeuen, the king came to Dover, and there with great joy and gladness, the emperor and he met. On the friday in the after noon they departed from Dover, & came that night to Canturburie, so from thence by easy journeys to Gréenewich, where she queen received her nephew with all the joy that might be. Here the emperor tarried certain days in great solace and pleasure; and the more to honour his presence, 
Iustes and journeys at Gréenwich.  royal jousts and tourneys were appointed, the which were furnished in most triumphant manner: the king, and the earl of Devonshire, and ten aids with them, keeping the place against the duke of Suffolk: the marquess Dorset, and other ten aids upon their part.  
On friday being the sixth of june, the king and the emperor with all their companies, marched toward London, where the city was prepared for their entry, after the manner as is used at a coronation, so that nothing was forgotten that might set forth the city. 
Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. xcviij.  For the rich citizens well appareled stood within rails set on the left side of the streets, and the clergy on the right side in rich copes, which censed the princes as they passed, and all the streets were richly hanged with clothes of gold, silver, velvet, and arras, and in every house almost minstrelsy: and in every street were these two verses written in letters of gold, both Latin and English: 
Carolus, Henricus, vivant; defensor utérque  
Henricus fidei, Carolus ecclesiae.  That is, 
Long prosperity,  
To Charles and Henry,  
Prince's most puissant:  
The one of the faith,  
The other of the church,  
Chosen defendant.   
Sundry pageants were devised, and stages very fair and excellent to behold, with such melody of instruments, and other tokens of joy and gladness, 
See Ed. Hall in H. 8. fo. xcv●▪ & deinceps.  that wonder it was to consider the manner thereof. The emperor was lodged at the Black friars, and all his nobles in the new palace of Bridewell. On whitsunday being the eight of june, the emperor and the king road to the cathedral church of saint Paul, and there heard mass, 
Note the pride of cardinal woolsie.  which was song by the cardinal that had his traverse, and cupboard. Before mass, two barons gave him water, and after the gospel two earls; and at the last lavatory, two dukes: which pride the Spaniards sore disdained. The emperor thus remained with the king certain days and road to diverse places with him, being still feasted & banketted, and had all the pleasure showed to him that might be imagined. At Windsor they tarried a whole week and more, where on Corpus Christi day, the emperor ware his mantel of the garter, and sat in his own stall. 
The emperor and the king of England swear each to other to observe the league made betwixt them.  On the same day both the princes received the sacrament, and after that service was ended, they took their corporal oaths to keep and observe the league, which was concluded betwixt them. On the morrow after, they departed from Windsor, and by soft and easy journeys they came to Winchester, on the two & twentieth of june.  
Now before the emperor was thus come to Winchester, the earl of Surrie being high admiral of England, 
earl of Surrie high admiral of England.  was come to Hampton with all the king's navy, & with him the lord Fitz Walter, the baron Curson, sir Nicholas Carew, sir Richard Wingfield, sir Richard jerningham, Francis Brian, sir William Barentine, sir Adrian Foskew, sir Edward Donne, sir Edward Chamberlain, sir Richard Cornwall, sir Anthony Poines, sir Henry Shirborne, and the viceadmerall sir William Fitz Williams, sir Edmund Braie, sir Giles capel, sir William Pirton, john Cornwallis, sir john Wallop, sir Edward Echingham, sir William Sidneie, Anthony Browne, Giles Husie, Thomas Moor, john Russel, Edward Bray, Henry Owen, George Cobham, Thomas Oldhall, Thomas Lovel, Robert jerningham, Anthony Kneuet, sir john Trema●le, and sir William Skevington the master of the king's ordinance, & john Fabian sergeant at arms, by whom this enterprise was chiefly moved, with diverse others, which in the end of june departed from Hampton, noising that they should only scour the seas for safeguard of the emperor and his navy.  

The emperor departeth out of England towards Spain.  On the first of julie, the emperors navy came before Hampton, containing an hundred and fourscore, line 10 goodly ships. Then the emperor took leave of the king, of whom he had many great gifts, and notable sums of money by way of lone; & so the sixth of julie he took his ship, and made sail to Spain, where he arrived in safety the tenth day after. The king borrowed of the city of London twenty thousand pounds, 
The king borroweth 20000 pounds of the city.  and delivered privy seals for warrant of the repayment. None were charged but men of good wealth. The like loan was practised through all the realm, not without grudge of many persons that were called upon for the same. The earl of Surrie line 20 having wasted the emperor over to the coast of biscay, upon his return finding the wind favourable, according to his instructions, made to the coast of Britain, and landing with his people in number seven thousand, about five miles from Morleis, marched thither, and assaulting the town, won it.  
For the master gunner Christopher Morreis having there certain falcons, 
The manner of the winning of Morleis in Britain by the earl of Surrie.  with the shot of one of them, struck the lock of the wicket in the gate, so that it flew open: and then the same Christopher and line 30 other gentlemen▪ with their soldiers, in the smoke of the guns pressed to the gates, and finding the wicket open, entered, and so finally was the town of Morleiss won, and put to sack. The soldiers gained much by the pillage, for the town was exceeding rich, and specially of linen cloth. When they had rifled the town throughly, and taken their pleasure of all things therein, the earl caused them by sound of trumpet to resort to their standards, and after they had set fire in the town, and burned a great line 40 part thereof, the earl retreated with his army towards his ships, burning the villages by the way, and all that night lay on land. On the morrow after they took their ships, and when they were bestowed on board, the earl commanded sixteen or seventeen ships small and great, lying there in the haven, to be burnt.  
When the lord admiral had thus won the town of Morleiss, 
diverse gentlemen knighted by the earl of Surrie upon the winning of Morleiss.  he called to him certain esquires, and made them knights, as sir Francis Brian, sir Anthony line 50 Browne, sir Richard Cornwall, sir Thomas Moor, sir Giles Huseie, sir john russel, sir john Reinsford, sir George Cobham, sir john Cornewallis, sir Edward Rigleie, and diverse other. After this they continued a while on the coast of Britain, and disquieted the Britain's by entering their havens, and sometimes landing and doing diverse displeasures to the inhabitants about the coast. After that the earl had lain a while thus on the coast of line 60 Britain, he was countermanded by the king's letters, who thereupon brought back his whole fleet unto a place called the Cow, under the isle of Wight, and then went on land himself, discharging the more part of his people, and leaving the residue with certain ships under the governance of the viceadmerall sir William Fitz Williams, to keep the seas against the French. 
Polydor.   
In this mean while, diverse exploits were achieved betwixt them of the garrisons in the marches of Calis, & the Frenchmen of Bullo●gne and Bullongnois: but still the loss ran for the most part on the French side. For the English frontiers were well and strongly furnished with good numbers of men of war, and governed by right sage and valiant captains, which daily made invasions upon the French confines, 
Sir William Sands 〈◊〉 sir Edward Gilford 〈◊〉 whips t● t●e Frenchmen.  and namely sir William Sands treasurer of the town of Calis, and sir Edward Gilford marshal, were two that did the Frenchmen most displeasure. On the third of julie, three hundred French horsemen coming near to the castle of Guisnes, kept themselves in covert, appointing eight or ten of their company to show themselves in sight to the Englishmen within. Whereupon there went forth eight archers, and fell in skirmish with those horsemen, till there came three other to the rescue of the Frenchmen, and skirmished with the archers on foot.  
Herewith issued out of Guisnes twelve de●●lances all Welshmen, in rescue of the footmen, and then all the troup of the French horsemen broke forth and set on the Welshmen. The footmen, so long as they had any arrows to bestow, shot lustily, and in the end were driven to defend themselves with their swords. The Welshmen keeping together, entered into the band of the Frenchmen, broke their spears, and after fought and laid about them with their swords, so that they made a way, and escaped from those three hundred French horsemen. Of the French side were slain three men and five horses, 
The valiant of the We●●●●men against the French.  the English archers on foot selling their lines dearly, were all slain, for the Frenchmen would not take any of them prisoners, they were so angry for loss of their fellows.  
On the five and twentieth of julie, the treasurer and marshal of Calis, with fourteen hundred footmen, entered the French pale: and finding not monsieur de Foiat for whom they sought, they went to Whitsand bay, set the town on fire, and assaulting the church, into which the people were withdrawn, won it, and afterwards set fire on the steeple, because that diverse, having shut up themselves therein, through counsel of a priest that was with them, refused to yield, till the fire caused them to leap down and so many of them perished, and the rest were taken prisoners, and led to Calis. About two days before this, to wit, the three and twentieth day of julie, one Thwaits a captain of an English ship, with six score men, archers and others, took land beside Bullongne, and passing up into the country three miles to a town called Newcastle, forraied all the parts as he went, and in his return set fire on that town, and burned a great part thereof, and came again to his ship in safety, notwithstanding fourscore hagbutters, and three hundred other men of war of the country came forth, and pursued the Englishmen very fiercely: but the Englishmen putting them back, got to their ship, and lost not a man.  
Moreover, whilst the wars were thus followed in France, the lord Rosse, 
The lords Rosse & D●cres of the north 〈◊〉 Scotland 〈◊〉 spoil the 〈◊〉  and the lord Dacres of the north, which were appointed to keep the borders against Scotland, burned the town of Kelsie, and fourscore villages, & overthrew eighteen towers of stone, with all their barnekines. Also the king appointed the earl of Shrewesburie to be his lieutenant general of the north parts, against the invasion which was intended by the duke of Albany, which earl directed his letters to all the shires lying from Trent northward, that all men should be in a readiness. Order was taken by the cardinal, that the true value of all men's substance might be known, and he would have had every man sworn to have uttered the true valuation of that they were worth, and required a tenth part thereof to be granted towards the king's charges now in his wars, 
The cardinal will have 〈◊〉 man 〈…〉 to tell 〈…〉 is worth.  in like case as the spirituality had granted a fourth part, and were content to live on the other three parts.  
This demand was thought grievous to them of the city of London, where the cardinal first moved it; so that many reasons were alleged by them why they judged themselves sore dealt with. In the end they brought in their bills, which were received upon their honesties. 
The earl of ●●rrie sent 〈◊〉 an army 〈◊〉 ●nuade France.  The king in this mean time, being now entered into wars with France, thought not to suffer his enemies to rest in quiet: and therefore levied an army which he sent over to Calis, appointing the earl of Surrie to be general of the line 10 same. When the earl was come to Calis, and had taken order in his business for that journey, he set forward with his army, being divided into three battles or wards, of the which, the first was led by sir Robert Ratcliff, lord Fitz Water, the middle ward or battle the earl himself guided, and with him his brother the lord Edmund Howard. The rearward was governed by sir William Sands, and sir Richard Wingfield, both being knights of the garter. captain of the horsemen was sir Edward line 20 Guildford.  
They entered into the French ground the second of September, 
The 〈…〉 with the English host.  being tuesday, and took their journey toward Heding. By the way there came to them a great power of Burgognians from the lady Margaret, as then regent of Flanders, according to the articles of the league. All the towns, villages, and castles in the country through the which they marched, were burned, wasted, and destroyed on every side of their way: as the town and castle of Sellois, line 30 the towns of Brume bridge, Senekerke, Botingham, & Manstier, the town and castle of Nerbins', the town of Daverne, the castles of Columberge, and Rew, the town and church fortified of Board's, saint Marie de Bois, the town of Ulaus, the town and castle of Fringes. On the sixtéenth day of September, the earl of Surrie with his army of Englishmen and Burgognians, came before the castle of Heding, and planted his siege before it. The town was entered, 
The castle of ●eding besieged by the Englishmen.  and part thereof burned line 40 by the Burgognians.  
Within the castle was captain monsieur de B●ez, having provided for defence of the place all things necessary; so that the earl of Surrie, and other the captains of the host, perceiving they could not within any short time win it, after they had been before it eleven days, they raised their siege, chiefly because they had no great battering pieces to overthrow the walls. For the weather was such, and the ways waxed so deep towards the latter end of that line 50 summer, that they could not convey with them any great ordinance. From Heding they passed forward, and coming to Dorlens, burned the town, and razed the castle. From thence they came unto the town of Darrier, which they burned also and spoiled. Thus they burned and spoiled all the way as they passed. 
The earl of Surrie returneth with his 〈◊〉 to Calis.  But the weather still waxed worse and worse, so that many fell sick through intemperance thereof, and the Burgognians and Spaniards which were in the army returned into Flanders. line 60  
Then the earl of Surrie, perceiving that he could no longer keep the field in that season of the year, turned back towards Calis in good order of battle, and came thither the sixteenth of October. He would gladly in deed (before the departure of the Burgognians and Spaniards) have passed the water of some: but other captains considering the time of the year to be past, and that the whole army contained not above eighteen thousand men, judged it more wisdom to return, and so in the end their opinions were followed. After that the English army was returned to Calis, the earl of Surrie sent forth sir William Sands, sir Maurice Berkeleie, sir William Fitz Williams, and with them three thousand men, which burned Marguison, the town of saint jehans' road, and also Temple town, with many villages.  
They also brought a marvelous great booty of goods out of the country, which they got at this road, 
A great booty won by the Englishmen.  as fourteen thousand sheep, a thousand four hundred oxen and kine, and other great cattle, a thousand three hundred hogs, and eight hundred mares and horses, besides prisoners. When the earl of Surrie had set things in order, and appointed forth such as he would have remain in the garrisons, 
The earl of Surrie returneth with his army into England.  on that side the sea; he returned, and all the residue of the army (saving those that were commanded to tarry) came over also with the navy, and arrived in the Thames; and so every man into his country at his pleasure. There remained also behind a company of men of war called adventurers, 
Adventurers  which served without wages, living only on that which they could catch & win of the enemies. There were four hundred of them that went with the army now this last time into France, and did much hurt unto the Frenchmen: for they were by practice become expert and skilful in the points of war, and daily exploited one enterprise or other, to their own advantage, and hindrance of the enemy.  
The duke of Albany being in this mean while established governor of Scotland, 

The duke of Albany levieth an army of Scots to invade England.  
Polydor.   raised an army of fourscore thousand men and above, with the which he approached to the English borders: but made no invasion. The mistrust that he had in the Scots caused him to stay, and therefore he sent to the French king for six thousand Almans, the which he daily looking for (& that in vain) drove off time till the end of summer was now at hand, and then requiring a truce for certain months, obtained it at the king's hand. 

Truce betwixt England & Scotland.  
Edw. Hall.   The earl of Shrewesburie had in a readiness eight and twenty thousand men to have resisted him, if he had entered upon the English confines. After that an abstinence of war was taken betwixt England and Scotland, then in October following there came into England three personages of small behaviour (as it seemed) ambassadors out of Scotland: 
A mean embassage out of Scotland.  they were smallly regarded, and shortly departed.  
Their commission was only to understand, whether the king had assented to the truce or not. Whereupon it was thought that they were sent rather for a countenance only of fulfilling the promise made by the duke of Albany at that present, when the truce was granted, than for any true meaning to accomplish that which was promised; that is to say, to agree unto some unfeigned and perfect conclusion of peace. The king here upon doubting their old pranks, ordained the earl of Northumberland Henry Persie the fift of that name, warden of the whole marches, 
The earl of Northumberland warden of the whole marches.  who thankfully received the honour thereof, and so he departed. But whatsoever matter it was that moved him, year 1522 shortly after he began to make suit to the king, and ceased not, till he was of that office discharged: and then the earl of Surrie lord admiral of England was made general warden, and the lord marquess Dorset was made warden of the east and middle marches, and the lord Dacres of the west marches.  
The earl of Northumberland was for this refusal of exercising the office of lord warden, greatly blamed of his own tenants, and accounted of all men to be void of the love and desire that noblemen ought to have to honour and chivalry. The lord marquess Dorset accompanied with sir William Bulmer, and sir Arthur Darcie, 
The marquess Dorset entereth into Scotland and burneth diverse towns there.  with many other of the nobility, the second of April then being thursday before Easter, entered into Tividale, and so passing forward ten miles into Gallowaie, burnt on every side the towns and villages. All the night he tarried within the Scotish ground, and on the morrow being goodfridaie, he withdrew back into England with four thousand neat, having burned Grimsleie, Mowhouse, Doufford, Miles, Ackfoorth, Crowling, News manor, Midder, Crowling, Marbottell, Lowbog, Seforth manor, Middle right, Primsted, Broket, Shawes, Harwell, Wide open Haugh, with others.  

A parliament holden at the blackfriars in London. Edw. Hall. in H. 8▪ fol. Cvj.  On the fifteenth day of April began the parliament, which was holden as then at the blackfriars, line 10 and that day the mass of the holy-ghost was song, all the lords being present in their parliament robes. ¶ Now when mass was finished, the K. came to the parliament chamber, and there sat down in the seat royal or throne, and at his feet on the right side sat the cardinal of York and the archbishop of Canturburie, and at the rail behind stood doctor Tunstall bishop of London, which made to the whole parliament an eloquent oration, declaring to the people the office of a king. First he must be a man of judgement, line 20 according to the saying of the prophet David, Deus judicium tuum regi da, etc. Also he must be a man of great learning, according to the saying of the prophet, 
The oration of doctor Tunstall bishop of London.  Erudimini qui tudicatis terram. According to which saiengs he said, that God had sent us a prince of great judgement, of great learning, and great experience: which according to his princely duty, forgot not to study to set forward all things which might be profitable to his people and realm, lest might be laid to his charge the saying of Seneca; line 30 Es rex & non habes tempus esse rex? Art thou a king and hast no time to be a king? Which is as much to say, as; Art thou a king, and doest nothing profitable to thy people? Art thou a king, and seest the people have an insufficient law? Art thou a king, and wilt not provide remedy for the mischief of thy people?  
These things have moved the kings most excellent maiest●e to call this his high court of parliament, both for the remedy of mischiefs which be in the common law, as recoveries, foreign vouchers & line 40 corrupt trials, and for making and ordering of new statutes, which may be to the high advancement of the commonwealth. Wherefore he willeth his commons to repair to the common house, and there to elect them a speaker, or their common mouth, and to certify the lord chancellor of the same, who should thereof make report to the kings most noble grace, and should declare his pleasure when he would have him presented to his person. This was the cause of the parliament, as he said. But surly of these things line 50 no word was spoken in the whole parliament, and in effect no good act made, except the grant of a great subsidy were one. But according to this instruction the commons departed to the common house, & chose for their speaker sir Thomas More knight, & presented him on the saturday after in the parliament chamber, 
The oration of sir Thomas More speaker for commons.  where he (according to the old usage) disabled himself both in wit, learning, & discretion, to speak before the king, and brought in for his purpose how one Phormio desired Hannibal to come to his reading, line 60 which thereto assented, and when Hannibal was come he began to read De remilitari, that is, of chivalry. When Hannibal perceived him, he called him arrogant fool: because he would presume to teach him which was master of chivalry, in the feats of war. So the speaker said, if he should speak before the king, of learning and ordering of a commonwealth and such other like, the king so well learned and of such prudence and experience might say to him as Hannibal said to Phormio. Wherefore he desired his grace that the commons might choose an other speaker.  
The cardinal answered, that the king knew his wit, learning, and discretion by long experience in his service: wherefore he thought that the commons had chosen him as the most meetest of all; and so he did admit him. Then sir Thomas Moor gave to the king his most humble thanks, and desired of him two petitions: the one, if he should be sent from the commons to the king on message and mistake their intent, that he might with the king's pleasure resort again unto the commons for the knowledge of their true meaning. The other was, if in communication and reasoning, any man in the common house should speak more largely than of duty he ought to do, that all such offences should be pardoned, and that to be entered of record. Which two petitions were granted; and so thus began the parliament and continued as you shall hear.]  
This year was the city and the whole isle of the Rhodes conquered by the Turk, and all the christians displaced: whereof Guicciardin hath discoursed as followeth. 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag i. ●▪ Rhodes tak●● by Soliman Ottoman.  ¶ The end of this year (saith he) was made no less wretched and unhappy, than slanderous to all christian princes for the loss of the isle of Rhodes: which Soliman Ottoman took by violence, notwithstanding it was defended by the knights of Rhodes, called in other times more ancient the knights of saint john of jerusalem. And abiding in that place since they were chased out of jerusalem, notwithstanding they lay between two so mighty princes as the Turk & the Soloan; yet their valour had preserved it of long time, and to the right worthy glory of thereunder, they had remained as an assured rampie 〈◊〉 christian religion in those seas: & yet they were not without their imputations & notes of infamy, for that having a continual custom for the better defending of 〈◊〉 shores, to spoil the vessels of the infidels, the●●ere thought sometimes to make pillage of christia● ships.  
The Turk sent into the Island a wonderful great army, which remaining there many months with no less horror to good men for their cruelties, than terror to all men for their huge numbers, at last he came thither in person. And drawing to his desire of conquest and glory, the respect of profit and riches which the victory would yield, he lost not one minute of time to vex them. 
The Turke● great industry equivalent to his valour.  Wherein his industry was nothing inferior to his valour, for sometimes he cast monstrous mines and trenches, sometimes he raised platforms of earth and wood, whose height overtopped the walls of the town, and sometimes he afflicted them with most furious and bloody assaults▪ insomuch that as these works and engines were not performed without a wonderful butchery & slaughter of his soldiers; so also the defence of them was so dangerous to the lives of them within, that many numbers were diminished, many bodies maimed and made unserviceable, & the residue sore terrified by the calamity of their companions and friends, to whom they could give no other property of compassion, than to mourn with them in their common misery.  
Their adversity was so much the more intolerable, by how much their travels were without fruit, their words without comfort, and their valour disfavoured of fortune, & lastly their store of gunpowder was consumed, which is not the least necessity for the defence of a place. They saw before their eyes huge breaches made into their walls with the artilleries of their enemies, 
The 〈◊〉 calamities & ruins enforced by this war.  they discerned several mines wrought into many parts of the town, and they found by lamentable experience, that the less good they did, the more painfully they laboured, for that their fortune had reduced them to these terms of extremity, that in abandoning one place to relieve another, they put both in danger, not having numbers sufficient to furnish the service, and less expectation of rescue amid perils so raging and desperate: so that, what for that their necessities were greater than their hopes, & their defence less able by the continual diminution of their numbers, & lastly holding it no breach of honour to preserve by wisdom and composition, that they could no longer defend by their valour and prows, they gave place to their destiny, and capitulated with the Turk as followeth. That the great master of their order should leave the town to him: that as well he as all line 10 his knights should departed in safety, with liberty to earie with them as much of their goods as they could. And for assurance of this capitulation, the Turk should withdraw out of those seas, his fleet or navy, and retire his army by land five miles from Rhodes. By virtue of which capitulation Rhodes remained to the Turks, and the christians passed into Sicily, and so into Italy, 
〈◊〉 rendered by to 〈◊〉 Turk.  keeping their faith and profession unviolated. They found in Sicily an army by sea compounded of a certain number of vessels, with line 20 great releafe of victuals and munitions, and ready to hoist sail at the next wind to revittle Rhodes. The slowness of this reseve was laid to the pope's fault.  
After they were departed, Soliman for a more contempt of christian religion 
 , made his entry into the city upon the day of the birth of the son of God: which day being celebrated in the churches of christians with noise of music & holy invocations, he connected all the churches of Rhodes dedicated to the service of jesus Christ, into Mosqueis (so they line 30 call their temples) which after all the christian rites and ceremonies were abolished, they made dedicatory to Mahomet. Good cause had the christians hereupon with heavy hearts to make their complaint to God by the precedent of the psalmist, lamenting the liberty of the enemies exercising the vehemency of his rage against God's people; & full well with swollen eyes testifying the sorrow of their souls might (sadly sounding the dumps of their threnomina) say: 
— perde funditùs line 40  
Hosts proteruos, 
〈◊〉 74.  qui tuum sacrarium  
Manu nefanda polluunt,  
Clangunt sonora buccina, non quae tuas  
Laudes canat, ludibrio  
Sed festa acerbo quae profanet; in tuis  
Vexilla figunt turribus, etc.   
To understand more of this history touching the taking of Rhodes, what moved the Turk to covet the same, his letter comminatory to Philip de Uilliers who took part against him, with other accidents line 50 and circumstances belonging to this martial action; 
 read the report of Edward Hall, which is very copious and plentiful in this behalf. And now will we return to our own affairs here in England.] About this time the bishop of Durham departed this life, 
Cardinal 〈◊〉 made bishop of Durham.  & the king gave that bishopric to the cardinal, who resigned the bishopric of Bath to doctor john Clerk master of the rolls, and sir Henry Marneie. that was vicechamberleine, was made lord privy seal, and shortly after was created lord Marneie. line 60 In the end of this year, doctor Blithe bishop of Chester was attached for treason, but he acquitted himself. About this time the cardinal exercised his authority (which he pretended by his power legantine) very largely, not only in proving of testaments in his court, calling the executors and administrators before him, 
The cardinal 〈◊〉 his 〈…〉.  of what diocese soever they were, but also by provisions he gave all benefices belonging to spiritual persons, and ran thereby within danger of the premuni●e, as afterward was laid to his charge.  
But after that he perceived his own folly and rash doing herein, contrary to the laws, which would not permit that any such things as were moved within the province of Canturburie, might be concluded without the authority of the archbishop, he sent them again to Paul's, and sat himself at Westminster with his clergy of the province of York. And even as there was much ado amongst them of the common house about their agreement to the subsidy, so was there as hard hold for a while amongst them of the clergy in the convocation house. Namely Richard bishop of Winchester, & john bishop of Rochester held sore against it, but most of all sir Rowland Philip's vicar of Croidon, and one of the canons of Paul's, being reputed a notable preacher in those days, spoke most against that payment.  
But the cardinal taking him aside, so handled the matter with him, that he came no more into the house, willingly absenting himself to his great infamy, 
The clergy grant half of all their spiritual revenues for one year.  and loss of that estimation which men had of his innocency. Thus the belwedder giving over his hold, the other yielded, and so was granted the half of all their spiritual revenues for one year, to be paid in five years following, that the burden might the more easily be borne. The parliament being begun (as ye have heard) the cardinal on the nine and twentieth day of April came into the common house, 
Anno Reg. 1●.  and there showing the great charges that the king necessarily was at, and daily must be at in maintenance of his wars against the French and Scots, 
A great subsidy demanded by the cardinal in the common house.  demanded the sums of eight hundred thousand pounds to be raised of the fift part of every man's goods and lands, that is to wit, four shillings of every pound.  
This demand was enforced on the morrow after, by sir Thomas Moor then speaker of the parliament: but he spoke not so much in persuading the house to grant it, but other spoke as earnestly against it, so that the matter was argued to and fro, and handled to the uttermost. 
Hard hold about grant of the great subsidy.  There were that proved how it was not possible to have it levied in money, for men of lands and great substance had not the fift part of the same in coin. And sith the king by the loan had received two shillings of the pound, which by this rate amounted to 400000 pounds: and new to have four shillings of the pound, it would amount in the whole unto twelve hundred thousand pounds, which is first and last six shillings of the pound, being almost a third part of every man's goods, which in coin might not be had within this realm.  
For the proof whereof was alleged, that if there were in England but tw●ntie thousand parishes, and every parish should gi●● an hundred marks, that were but fifteen hundr●● thousand marks, which is but an hundred thousand pounds; and there be not very many parishes in England one with another, able to spare an hundred marks, 
There are no● 10000 parishes in England as Stow hath truly noted.  out of cities and towns. And where it is written, that in England there be forty thousand parish churches, it was proved that there were not thirteen thousand at this day. Hard hold there was about this demand, and certain wise and discreet persons were sent to the cardinal, to move him to be a mean to the king, 
The obstinate answer of the cardinal to the motion of the common house in the parliament.  that a less sum might be accepted: but he answered that he would rather have his tongue plucked out of his head with a pair of pincers, than to move the king to take any less sum: and so with that answer they departed, reporting to the house the cardinals words. Then every day was reasoning, but nothing concluded.  
Whereupon the cardinal came again into the lower house, and desired that he might reason with them that were against the demand: but he was answered that the order of that house was to hear, and not to reason, except amongst themselves. There he began to show arguments of the great wealth of the realm, so that it might be thought, that he repined and disdained that any man should be wealthy but himself. After he was gone, the commons debated the matter according to their former manner, and so in the end concluded of two shillings in the pound, from twenty pounds upwards, and from forty shillings to twenty pounds, of every twenty shillings twelve pence, and under forty shillings of every head of sixteen years and upward four pence to be paid in two years. When this was notified to the cardinal, he was much therewith offended, so that to line 10 please him, at length, the gentlemen of fifty pounds' land and upward, by the liberal motion of sir john Huseie, 
Sir john Huseie.  a knight of Lincolnshire, were burdened with twelve pence more of the pound of the same lands, to be paid in three years.  
The cardinal to move them thereto, bore them in hand that the lords had agreed to four shillings of the pound, which was untrue: for they had granted nothing, but staid till they might understand what the commons would do. The king therefore having line 20 knowledge of this, 
Polydor.  and such other notable lies uttered by the cardinal, reproved him therefore very sharply, 
Cardinal 〈…〉 by the king.  and said that yer it were long he would look to things himself without any substitute. A marvelous matter to consider how much the cardinal was cooled herewith, and how lowly for a while he bore himself, so that thereby it well appeared how the masters sharpness now and then, doth much to refrain the evil nature of the servant. But the cardinal line 30 within a few days after, pacifying the king's displeasure toward him, became nothing the better.  
After that the foresaid grant was passed and accorded, the parliament was prorogued till the tenth of june. During which prorogation, the common people said to the burgesses; 
Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cx.  Sirs, we hear say you will grant four shillings of the pound, we advise you to do so that you may go home: with many evil words and threatenings. In this season the cardinal by his power legantine dissolved the convocation at Paul's called by the archbishop of Canturburie, 
The cardinal dissolveth the archbishop of Canturburies' convocation.  calling him line 40 and all the clergy to his convocation at Westminster, which was never seen before in England (saith Hall) whereof master Skelton a merry poet wrote: 
Gentle Paul lay down thy sword,  
For Pe●er of Westminster hath shaven thy beard.   
When the parliament was begun again, the gentlemen that saw themselves charged with twelve pence more of the pound for their lands, did so much, that it was granted, that men of fifty pounds and upward in goods, should also pay twelve pence of every line 50 pound in the fourth year: which could not be brought about but with great ado, and much grudging of the burgesses and commons. The one and thirtieth of julie, the parliament was adjourned 〈◊〉 Westminster, & there continuing till the thirtéen●● of August, was that day at nine of the clock at night dissolved. During the time of this parliament, the seven and twentieth of April, 
Arthur Plantagenet created viscount Lisle.  was sir Arthur Plantagenet, bastard son to king Edward the fourth, at Bridewell created viscount Lisle, in right of his line 60 wife, which was wife to Edmund Dudleie beheaded.  

The king of Denmake arriveth in England.  In this year the fifteenth of june, Christerne king of Denmark, with his wife, and a small train with them, landed at Dover, where he was nobly received by the earl of Devonshire, the bishops of Excester and Rochester, and diverse knights and esquires which brought them to Gréenwich, where the king and queen received them with all honour. Now after he had remained at the court certain days, 
See Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxj.  he was brought to London, & lodged at Bathplace. He saw the watch on saint Peter's even, being brought unto the king's head in Cheap, accompanied with the duke of Suffolk, the earls of Oxford, Essex, and Kent, and diverse other lords and ladies. The city made to him and to his wife a costly banquet that night, 
The ketteth of London 〈◊〉 the ● of Denmark.  and after he had passed the time a while in London, he resorted again to the king, and had of him great gifts, and so likewise had his wife of the queen her aunt, & then taking their leave they departed, and were conveyed to Dover. 
The king of Denmark departeth out of England 〈◊〉 Flanders.  And thus after this king had been in England two and twenty days, he took shipping, and sailed again into Flanders, where he remained as a banished man out of his own country.  
About the same time, 
Polydor.  the earl of Kildare being restored to the cardinals favour, and taking to wife the lady Elizabeth Gray, 
The earl of Kildare restored to his office of deputiship in Ireland.  was sent over again into Ireland to occupy his former office, whereby the assistance of his faithful friend Hugh Think archbishop of Dublin, and chancellor of that land, he brought the country into reasonable good order, so far as the rebellious doings of the wild Irish would permit. In this mean while, 
Edw. Hall.  the war was earnestly pursued between England & France, & England and Scotland, insomuch that each part did what in them lay to hurt other. On the borders toward Scotland lay the earl of Surrie high admiral of England, and the marquess Dorset, with his brethren, sir William Compton, & sir William Kingston, with diverse other knights and esquires sent to them by the king, 
Scotland sore spoiled.  which daily invaded the realm of Scotland, and threw down the castle of Wederborne, the castle of west Nesgate, the castle of Blackater, the tower of Mackwalles, the tower of east Nesgate, & many other, and burnt to the number of thirty and seven villages, and haried the country from the east marches to the west, and never had skirmish.  
For the Scots, albeit they showed themselves in plumps, waiting some advantage, they durst not yet approach to the main battle of the Englishmen, so that in all this journey there went but few Englishmen lost. When the lords perceived that the Scots meant not to make any invasion into England this year, they took order for the fortifying of the frontiers, and so returned. It was thought that the cardinal perceiving in what favour sir William Compton was with the king, 
Polydor.  and doubting least the same might diminish his authority, devised to send him thus into the wars against the Scots. For the said sir William could not well brook the cardinals presumption, in taking upon him so highly, to the derogation of the kings supreme government, and therefore the cardinal in his absence thought to work him out of favour: but it would not be. For shortly after was sir William Compton called home to the court again,  
The Frenchmen burned a ship fraught with stone in the haven of Calis, 
The Frenchmen meaning to destroy Calis haven▪ are disapproved by missing the channel.  upon hope to have destroyed the haven; but they miss the channel in bringing in the ship, and so after that the ship was consumed with fire, the stones were recovered out of the water, and brought into Calis, which served the Englishmen to good use. diverse enterprises were achieved betwixt them of the garrisons French and English in those marches. In julie the lord Sands treasurer of Calis, with other captains & soldiers, to the number of twelve hundred, entered into the confines of their enemies, and came before Bullongne, where they had a great skirmish, & put their enemies to the worse: 
A road 〈◊〉 into the 〈◊〉 ground.  and after marching into the country, took diverse churches and other places which the Frenchmen had fortified, as the church of Odersall, the steeple of Odingham, and the castle of Hardingham, and so after they had been within the enemies country almost two nights and two days, they came back to Calis, having not lost past a dozen of their men.  
The king of England being advertised that the duke of Albany would return shortly into Scotland by sea, and bring with him a power of Frenchmen, prepared a fleet of tall and strong ships meet to encounter with the same duke and his power, and appointed for admiral, sir William Fitz Williams, & with him sir Francis Brian, sir Anthony Poines, sergeant , john Hopton, William Ganston, Anthony Kneuet, Thomas West, and other, which used great diligence to have met with the said duke of Albany. And as they lay on the French coast, the line 10 four and twentieth of August being sunday, at seven of the clock in the morning, they landed in the haven of Treiport, 
 and assaulted the Frenchmen that were in certain bulwarks on the shore, and did what they could to impeach the Englishmen'S landing.  
But the Englishmen encouraged by their captains, did so valiantly (although they were but an handful of men in comparison of their enemies, as seven hundred to six thousand) that in the end they line 20 repelled the Frenchmen, and won their bulwarks of them, and in the same found diverse pieces of ordinance, which they seized. And perceiving that the Frenchmen fled to the town of Treiport, they followed, and shot at them right eagerly, so that many of the Frenchmen were slain and wounded, yer they could get to the town. The Englishmen assaulted the gates but could not break them open: 
〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  yet they set fire on the suburbs, & also burned seven ships which lay in the haven. The English captains perceiving how the people of the country came down line 30 in great numbers to the rescue of the town, caused their men to get together such spoils as they might bring away in that sudden: and then after they had been on land five hours, with like speed as they came, they retired back again to their ships, not without some loss and damage of men both hurt & slain; 
 as it often happeneth, when those be not found unprovided which a man unadvisedly assaileth.  
In this season the king having put an army of line 40 men in a readiness, caused the same to be transported over to Calis, & appointed the duke of Suffolk to have the leading thereof, and to make a journey into France. 
 The duke (according to his commission) came to Calis the four and twentieth of August, and there abiding the army, caused all things to be prepared necessary for the same, as victuals, munition, 
The duke of 〈…〉 into France with 〈◊〉 army.  and such like. There were appointed to attend him in this journey, the lord Montacute, and his brother sir Arthur Pole, the lord Herbert son to line 50 the earl of Worcester, the lord Ferrer, the lord Marneie, the lord Sands, the lord Barkleie, the lord Powes, and the baron Curson: of knight's sir Richard Wingfield chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, sir john Uéer, sir Edward Nevil, sir William Kingston, sir Richard Weston, sir Andrew Windsor, sir Robert Wingfield, sir Anthony Wingfield, sir Edward Guildford, sir Edward Grevile, sir Edward Chamberlain, sir Thomas Lucy, sir Euerard Digbie, sir Adrian Foscew, sir Richard line 60 Cornwall, sir William courtney, sir William Sidneie, sir Henry Own, and many others.  
The whole army (as appeared by the musters taken thereof) consisted in six hundred demilances, two hundred archers on horseback, three thousand archers on foot, and five thousand bill men. To these also were adjoined seventeen hundred, which were taken out of the garrisons and crews of Hams, Guisnes, & Calis, so that in all they were ten thousand and five hundred, well armed and appointed for the war. Beside them, there were also two thousand six hundred labourers and pioneers. When this army was come over to Calis, and all things ready for the journey, they issued out of Calis and took the fields. The vanguard was led by the lord Sands. captain of the right wing was sir William Kingston, & on the left sir Euerard Digbie. The marshal of Calis sir Edward Guildford was captain of all the horsemen. The duke himself governed the battle, and sir Richard Wingfield was captain of the rearward.  
While the army lay without Calis, 

A riot at Calis.  
Edw. Hall. pag. Cxiiiii   they daily came into the town. And so it happened that a simple fellow cut a purse, as he made to buy apples, which incontinent was taken, and brought to the majors house to ward. Which thing diverse Welshmen perceiving, and not knowing what appertained to justice, ran in great companies to the majors house, & would have broken the house. The officers of the town entreated, but the Welshmen more & more approached. The number of the Welshmen was so great, that the watch of Calis strake alarm. Then the lord deputy and the lord Sands did all that in them lay, to bring them to conformity. But they were so rude, that they nothing them regarded: the priests brought forth the sacrament, which also was not regarded. Wherefore the lord Ferrer was straightly commanded to appease their rage, for with him they came thither, which with great pain and entreaty them appeased. And then all the Welshmen were commanded to the field, and to departed the town, and so were all other captains: and after wards diverse of the head rioters were apprehended and sore punished for example.  
The first enterprise that the duke attempted, 
Bell castle assaulted.  was the winning of a castle called Bell castle, to which the lord Sands, and the lord Ferrer being sent, did so much by the power of battery, that after the walls were beaten, those that were appointed to give the assault, prepared them thereto. Which when the French men within perceived, 
Bell castle yielded up to the Englishmen.  they yielded the place into the Englishmen'S hands, and themselves to the mercy of the duke, which received them as prisoners, and delivered the castle to sir William Skevington, the which he caused to be razed down to the ground the seven and twentieth of September. In this season was the duke of Bourbon high constable of France revolted from service of the French king to the service of the emperor and the king of England. For after it was known that this duke had his mind alienated from the French king, 
Sir john russel created afterward earl of Bedford.  sir john russel (that was afterward created earl of Bedford) was sent into France unto the said duke.  
This gentleman being very fair spoken, & well languaged, in disguised apparel, ordered himself so wisely and fortunately in his journey, that in covert manner he came to the duke, and so persuaded him, that he continued in his former determination, and avoided the realm of France, as in the French history ye may more at large perceive. The more to encourage the English soldiers, there was a proclamation made in the host the eight and twentieth of September, how the said duke of Bourbon was become enemy to the French king, and friend to the king of England; so that having in his wages ten thousand Almans, he was ready to invade France in another part, the more to let & disturb the French kings purposes. For the accomplishing whereof there was sent to him money in no small sums. After this proclamation the nine and twentieth of September, the duke of Suffolk removed to Ard, and so forward into Picardy. At cords between Terwine and saint Omers, there came to him the lord of Isilstein, and with him of Spaniards, Almans, 
The Spaniards join with the English army.  Cleveners, and others, three thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen.  
The duke being thus furnished with new aid, marched forward in wet weather, and made bridges, and mended the ways where he passed as well as he might, sending out diverse companies of his men of war, to take towns, and fetch in booties on every side. The Frenchmen were so afraid of the Englishmen, that they fled out of their houses, and left the towns and villages void, conveying such goods as they could away with them, but oftentimes they left good store behind them, so that the Englishmen gained greatly, and namely at Anchor, which was a rich town, and upon the Englishmen'S approach the inhabitants fled out of it, and then the Englishmen line 10 entered. They took also the castle of Bounegard, and put therein a garrison, 
The castle of Bounegard manned by the Englishmen.  whereof was captain the lord Leonard Greie, brother to the marquess Dorset, to conduct victuallers to the army, which now was far from any succours of the English part.  
The duke passed forward till he came to the town of Braie, 
The town of Braie besieged.  in the which were sixteen hundred men of war, under the governance of captain Adrian, and beside his retinue, there came to the succours of line 20 the town, monsieur Pontdormie, the viscount Laverdam, the viscount Tourraine, monsieur Applingcourt, and monsieur Dampneie, with five hundred horsemen, so that in the town beside the inhabitants were two thousand good men of war. This town strandeth on the river of Some four and twenty English miles from Arras, and fourteen of the same miles above Amiens. On the twentieth of October, the duke caused his ordinance to be brought afore it by four of the clock in the morning, line 30 the which was so well applied in making battery to the walls of the town, that by nine of the clock the town was made assaultable; and then the Englishmen, Flemings & Burgognians made forward, and by the good comfort of the lord Sands and other captains, they got the diches, and after entered upon the walls. The Frenchmen stood at defence with pikes, crossbows, handguns, and halberds, but they were too weak, for on all parts entered the Englishmen, and suddenly the Frenchmen fled, and the Englishmen followed. line 40  

Braie won by assault.  On the further side of the town there was a bulwark fortified with ordinance very strongly to defend the passage over the water of Some, which is there divided into diverse branches. The French horsemen being withdrawn to the passage, defended it till the footmen were got over the bridge, and then they plucked away the planks of the bridge, so that no man should follow: but the Englishmen cast planks on the bridge and got over, in which passing line 50 diverse were drowned: but such diligence and enforcement was used, that they all passed both horsemen and footmen. Then was the bulwark fiercely assaulted, and finally taken by the Englishmen, with all the ordinance. There was also taken captain Adrian and captain Utterlieu. The English horsemen followed the Frenchmen, and five & took many of them. Sir Robert jerningham broke a spear on the lord Pontdormie. The lord Leonard Greie did valiantly that day, which was come from line 60 the castle of Bounegard, and was here at the winning of Braie, which was taken in manner above rehearsed the twentieth of October.  

A train of gunpowder laid.  The Frenchmen when they perceived that they should not be able to defend, had laid a train of gunpowder to set it on fire, in hope to have destroyed many of the Englishmen as they should be occupied in gathering the spoil; but by reason that they followed their enemies, and got over the passage, the fire took and set the town on fire yet the Englishmen returned. Yet much wine was saved which lay in cellars, and stood the Englishmen in good steed. The one and twentieth day of October the army and all the ordinance passed over the river, and came to a town called Kappe. All the inhabitants were fled, 
 but they had left good plenty of wine & other riches behind them. The garrison that lay at anchor knowing that the duke was passed the water of Some, razed the town and castle there called Bounegard, and came to the army now being lodged at Kappe.  
The duke sent to them of roy, requiring to have the town delivered to him, 
roy 〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉 Suffolk.  which they granted to do, because they had no garrison of soldiers within to defend the town. Thither was sent sir Richard Cornwall, with four hundred men, which received the town and kept it in good quiet, till the duke came thither with his whole army. On the five and twentieth day of October, the duke removed to a village called Lihome where the soldiers had great pillage. 
Lihome 〈◊〉  The next day they went to Davenker, and the seven and twentieth day they came before the town of Montdedier, in the which were a thousand footmen, 
Montded●●● besieged.  and five hundred horsemen under the governance of monsieur de Roch baron, purposing to defend the town to the uttermost. But after that sir William Skevington had made battery from four of the clock in the next morning till eight in the same forenoon, with such force that the walls were overthrown and made assaultable, 
Montd●●ie● yielded.  they within yielded the town into the duke's hands, with condition they might go with bag and baggage.  
The Frenchmen made such haste, and were so glad to be gone, that they left much household stuff behind them, and great plenty of wine. The Englishmen also would not suffer them to bear their standards unspred, but rend the same in pieces: wherewith the lord Roch baron was highly displeased, but he could not amend it. The duke remained in Montdedier till the last of October, and then removed to roy, where he rested a while with all his army. On All-hallows day, 
Knights made by the duke of S●●●olke in Franc●.  the duke of Suffolk in the chief church of roy made knights, the lord Herbert, the lord Powes, Oliver Manners, Arthur P●●le, Richard Sands, Robert jerningham, Robert Salisbury, Edmund Bening●●eld, Richard Corbet, Thomas▪ Wentworth, William Storton, Walter M●●tell, George Warram, Edward Seimor, that was after duke of Summerset. The morrow after the army removed to a place called Néele.  
The soldiers being thus led from place to place, began to murmur among themselves & to grudge, because of the winter season, being nothing meet for their purpose to keep the fields: it grieved them that the Burgognions' being provided of wagons, 
〈◊〉 ●mongst 〈◊〉 English s●●●diers.  made shift to send the spoil and pillage home into their country being at hand, & they to want such means to make the best of those things which they got, so that (as they took it) they beat the bush & others had the birds. This grudge was yet by gentle words ceased for a time. On the sixth day of November the whole army came to a village called Ueane, and there rested for that night, and on the morrow after they returned again over the water of Some, and came to a place called Beausford. At this passage the duke made john Dudleie and Robert Utreight knights. 
john 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Utreig●● knight●●   
On the eight of November the duke removed to a place called Mont saint Martin, and from thence was sent the lord Sands to the king in post, to advertise him in what case the army stood, and the army removed to Permont, and there rested for a time. The Welshmen still murmured that they might not return home now that the winter was thus far entered. But there were a sort of men of war, to the number of a thousand persons under the leading of sir john Wallop, 
 which had little wages or none, living only on their adventures, & were therefore called adventurers, and of some they were called Kréekers, 
●d●entures 〈◊〉 Kreekers.  which had as good will to be still abroad, as the Welshmen had desire to return home. For these Kréekers by spoiling of towns, taking of prisoners, & other such practices of warlike exploits, made their haunts, and daily brought to the camp, horses, mares, victuals, cloth, corn, and other necessaries, which might not have been miss.  
After great rains and winds which had chanced in that season, 
〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 frost.  there followed a sore frost, which was so extreme, that many died for cold, and some lost line 10 fingers, some lost toes, and many lost nails beside their fingers, so extreme was the rigour of that frost. ¶ The thirteenth day of November the duke removed to a place within two miles of Boghan castle, and still it froze. The Welshmen in the morning set out a shout, and cried; Home, home. The Kréekers hearing that, cried; Hang, hang. Hereof business was like to have ensued, but by policy it was ceased. 
Boghan 〈◊〉 assaulted 〈◊〉 yielded.  Sir Edward Guildford captain of the horsemen viewing the castle of Boghan, perceived that the line 20 marshes (wherewith it was environed) were so hard frozen, that great ordinance might pass over the same. Which he signified to the duke, & therewith the duke was contented that he should try what success would come of giving the attempt to win it. So was the ordinance brought over the marish ground, whereof they within being advertised, immediately after three shots of canon discharged against them, they yielded the castle, and all the artillery within it, of the which there was good store, as three score & sixteen pieces great and small. The keeping of this castle line 30 was delivered to the senescall of Henegow.  
In this mean while the lord Sands was come to the court, and informed the king of the state of the army. The king had before his coming heard that his people in the said army were in great misery, both by reason of the intemperate weather, & unseasonable time of the year, the lack of victuals, & such other discommodities: wherefore he caused a new power of six thousand men to be prepared and sent line 40 unto the duke of Suffolk for a relief, under the leading of the lord Montioie. 
The duke of Suffolk 〈◊〉 up 〈◊〉 army and comes to Calis.  But yer this power could be put in order to pass the sea, and before the duke could have knowledge again from the king of his further pleasure, he was constrained to break up his army, and returned by Ualencennes, and so through Flanders unto Calis. He left at Ualencennes all the great artillery. The king was somewhat displeased with the breaking up of the army thus contrary to his mind, but hearing the reasonable excuses which the duke & the captains had to allege, he was shortly line 50 after pacified. And so after they had remained in Calis a certain time, until their friends had assuaged the king's displeasure, they returned, and all things were well taken, and they received into as much favour as before.  
But now to return to the doings in other parts, as betwixt the Englishmen and Scots, which chanced in this mean while that the duke of Suffolk was thus in France. Ye shall understand, that the line 60 Scots hearing that the war was thus turned into France, thought that nothing should be attempted against them, and therefore waxed more bold, and began to rob and spoil on the marches of England. 
The Scots soul the English ●●●rches. The earl of Sarrie inua●●● Scotland.  Wherefore the king sent again thither the earl of Surrie treasurer and high admiral of England, the which with all speed coming to the west borders, sent for an army of six thousand men, with the which entering Scotland by the dry marshes, he overthrew certain castles, piles, and small holds, till he came through the dales to jedworth, wherein lay a great garrison of Scots, 
jedworth 〈◊〉.  which skirmished with the Englishmen right sharply at their first coming, but yet at length the town, abbeie, and castle were won, spoiled, and burned.  
After this the earl encamped within the Scotish ground from the two and twentieth of September till the five and twentieth of the same month, & then returned back again into England. During which time the lord Dacres won the castle of Ferniherst. 
The castle of Ferniherst won by the lord Dacres.  The French king perceiving that the Scots did not work any notable trouble to the Englishmen to stay them from the invading of France (& the cause was (as he took it) for that they lacked the duke of Albany, whom they named their governor) he therefore provided a navy of ships to have transported him over into Scotland; so that all things were ready for his journey. But the Englishmen were ready on the sea under the conduct of sir William Fitz Williams to stop his passage if he had set forward, wherefore he caused his ships to be brought into Breast haven, and bruited it abroad, that he would not go into Scotland that year.  
The king of England being certified that the duke meant not to departed out of France of all that year, about the midst of September, commanded that his ships should be laid up in havens till the next spring. The duke of Albany being thereof advertised, boldie then took his ships, 
See the history of Scotland, pag. 309. & sic deinceps.  and sailed into Scotland with all convenient speed, as in the Scotish history ye may read more at large. Shortly after his arrival there, he wrought so with the Scots, that an army was levied, with the which he approached to the borders of England, & lodged at Cawdestreame, ready to enter into England. The king of England having advertisement given to him from time to time of the proceed of his adversaries, with all diligence caused to be assembled the people of the North parts beyond Trent, in such numbers that there were three thousand gentlemen bearing coats of arms with their powers and strength, which were all commanded to repair to the earl of Surrie with speed. The noble marquess Dorset was appointed with six thousand men to keep Berwick, 
Berwick chiefly regarded.  lest the Scots should lay siege thereto.  
The duke of Albany hearing of the preparation which the earl of Surrie made against him, sent to him an herald, promising him of his honour to give him battle; and if he took him prisoner, he would put him to courteous ransom, & his body to be safe. To whom the earl answered, that much he thanked the duke of his offer, promising him to abide battle if he durst give it; & that if the said duke chanced to be taken by him or his, he would strike off his head, and send it for a present to his master the king of England, and bade him that he should trust to none other. At this answer the duke and the Scots took great despite. The earl of Surrie being at Alnewicke, there came to him the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, the lords Clifford, Dacres, Lumleie, Ogle, & Darcie, with many knights, esquires, gentlemen, and other soldiers and men of war, to the number of forty thousand. And from the court there came the master of the horse, sir Ncholas Carew, sir Francis Brian, sir Edward Bainton, and others.  
The last of October being saturday, 
The castle of Work assaulted by the Scots.  in the night before the same day, the duke of Albany sent two or three thousand men over the water to besiege the castle of Work, which coming thither with their great ordinance, beat the castle very sore, and won the uttermost ward called the Barnekins. On sunday and monday being the first and second of November, they continued their battery, and then thinking that the place was assaultable, courageously set on the castle, and by strength entered the second ward. Sir William Lisle that was captain of this castle, perceiving the enemies to have won the false breys, and that nothing remained but only the inner ward or dungeon, encouraged his men to the best of his power, with words of great comfort and manhood, and therewith issued forth with those few that he had left about him (for he had lost many at other assaults) and what with courageous shooting, and manful fight, the enemies were driven out of the place, 
The Scots & French driven back from Work castle.  and of them were slain, and namely of those Frenchmen which the duke had brought forth of France, to the number of three hundred, line 10 which lay there dead in fight when the earl of Surrie came thither, besides such as died of wounds, and were drowned.  
Then the Scots and Frenchmen removed their ordinance over the water in all haste, and by that time that they were got over, the earl of Surrie was come with five thousand horsemen, and all his great army followed. He was sorry that his enemies were gone, and much praised sir William Lisle for his valiancy. The earl would gladly have followed his line 20 enemies into their own borders, but his commission was only to defend the realm, and not to invade Scotland; and therefore he stayed, not only unto the great displeasure of himself, but also of many a lusty gentleman, that would gladly have seen further proof of the Scotish men's manhood. Shortly after, the queen of Scots, mother to the king, sent to her brother the king of England, for an abstinence of war, until further communication might be had about the conclusion of some good agreement betwixt line 30 the two realms of England and Scotland, which request to her was granted; and so the English army broke up, and the earl of Surrie returned to the court.  

Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxuj. A present sent by the emperor to the king.  ¶ In this season the emperor Charles sent to the king of England two mules trapped in crimson velvet curiously embroidered, all the buckles, stirrups and all such other garnishings were silver and gilt of marvelous cunning work. He sent also eleven genets full goodly to behold trapped with russet velvet line 40 richly wrought, and four spears, and two javelins of strange timber & work richly garnished, and five br●ce of greihounds: and to the queen he sent two mules with rich trappers, and high chairs after the Spanish fashion. All these presents were thankfully received both of the king and queen.]  
Whilst the earl of Surrie was in the marches of Scotland, and the duke of Suffolk in France (as before ye have heard) the cardinal sent out commissions in the month of October, that every man being line 50 worth forty pounds, should pay the whole subsidy before granted, out of hand, not tarrying till the days of payment limited. 
An anticipation.  This was called an anticipation, that is to mean, a thing taken before the time appointed, and was a new term not known before those days: but they paid swéetelie for their learning. ¶ In December were taken certain traitors in Coventrie, one called Francis Philip, schoolmaster to the kings henchmen, and one Christopher Pickering clerk of the larder, and one Anthony line 60 Mainuile gentleman, which by the persuasion of the said Francis Philip, intended to have taken the king's treasure of his subsidy, as the collectors of the same came towards London, and then to have raised men and taken the castle of Kilingworth▪ and to have arreared war against the king. The said Francis, Christopher, and Anthony, were hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburn the eleventh of February, and the other were sent to Coventrie, and there executed.  

The archduke of Ostrich made knight of the garter.  In this year the king sent the lord Morleie, sir William Huseie knight, & doctor Lée his almoner to don Ferdinando the archduke of Ostrich, with the order of the garter, which in the town of Nuremberge received the same, where all the princes of Germany were then assembled at a diet or council. In this mean while, diverse enterprises and feats of war were practised and archiued by them of the garrisons in the marches of Calis, and the Frenchmen of Bullogne, and the borders thereabouts: but the Frenchmen commonly were put to the worse. Amongst other exploits, it chanced that one Brereton a gentleman, 
Brereton capte●ne of the 〈…〉 s●aine.  and captain of a number of the adventurers, as he went about to spoil the town of Waste, was taken by the French horsemen, and sold unto the peasants of the country, the which unmercifully slew him and sixteen more that were taken with him, after that the men of war had delivered them, and were departed. But this murder was revenged shortly by other of the adventurers, which coming unto the same town of Waste, took thirty eight prisoners of the inhabitants, & slew of them thirty & six, & burned the town.  
In this year through books of ephemerideses, 
15●●  and prognostications, 
Bolton 〈◊〉 of S. B●r●●●lomewes 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 at Harow● the hill to avoid floods prognosticated that 〈◊〉  foreshowing much hurt to come by waters & floods, many persons vittelled themselves and went to high grounds for fear of drowning● specially one Bolton prior of saint Bartholomewes' in Smithfield, builded him an house upon Harow on the hill, only for fear of this flood, and thither he went and made provision of all things necessary for the space of two moveths. This great rain and waters should have fallen in February, but no such thing happened, whereby the folly of men was showed. The astronomers for their excuse did say, that in their computation they had miscounted in their number an hundred years. 
Anno Reg. ●● A legate 〈◊〉 Rome to 〈◊〉 a peace between king Henry and the French king.  A legate was sent from the pope to the king to move him to peace: but the king declared to him the whole circumstance of his title, for the which he made wars against the Frenchmen, and thereof delivered notes to the said legate, the which departed with the same back to Rome in post. He had been first with the French king, and with the emperor, but could not bring them to any good conformity, as his desire was to have done; so that his travel was without fruit in manner, as it appeared.  
Many enterprises, skirmishes, forreiss, and other feats of war were attempted and put in ure betwixt the Englishmen of Calis, Guisnes, and other fortresses there in those marches, and the Frenchmen of Bullogne, and other of the garrisons in the frontiers of Picardy, and still sir William Fitz Williams as then captain of Guisnes, sir Robert jerningham captain of Newnam bridge, sir john Wallop, and sir john Gage were those that did to the Frenchmen most damage. Also monsieur de Bees being captain of Bullogne, did for his part what he could to defend the frontiers there, and to annoy his enemies. Yet one day in May, sir William Fitz Williams, and sir Robert jerningham, with seven hundred men (accounting in that number the Kreekers) went to Bullogne, and there skirmished with the Frenchmen, 
Christ●pher Coo.  whilst Christopher Coo a captain of four English ships took land, and fought with them of base Bullogne on the one side, as the Kréekers assailed them on an other.  
There was a sharp bickering, and in the end the Frenchmen were driven back, and diverse of them slain & taken, specially by the Kréekers, 
The kréekers 〈…〉.  that won the barriers of them, & so when the tide was turned, Christopher Coo with his men withdrew to his ships, & the Kréekers returned to sir William Fitz Williams, who stayed for them, and then gathering his men together by sound of a trumpet, sent forth such as might fetch the drifts of beasts and cattle in the country near adioning, & with the same returned back in safety. On the eight of August monsieur de Bees accompanied with diverse French lords and men of war, to the number of eight hundred footmen, and as many horsemen, came very early in a morning to a village called Bonnings, within the English pale, and leaving there three hundred horsemen in ambush, road to Kalkewell, and there appointed to tarry with other three hundred men, and the residue of the horsemen and footmen with banner, displayed went forth and forraied all the country.  
Sir Robert jerningham also with four score line 10 horsemen issued forth of Calis, to understand the demeanour of the Frenchmen: but being not able to resist the great number of the Frenchmen, he was chased, and saved himself by flight. But this displeasure was shortly after revenged by the said Robert, the which coming to Marguison the twelve of August with three hundred footmen, and three score horsemen, he skirmished with the Frenchmen that stood at defence, chased them into the church, and fired them out of the same, so that the Frenchmen leapt line 20 out of the church to their destruction, for of three hundred there were saved but three score alive. On the one and twentieth of May being Trinity sunday, 
The Scots 〈◊〉 England rob the marketing going to Berwick 〈◊〉.  five hundred Scotishmen in the morning very early, entered by several fords into England, and lay covertly by the high ways, in purpose to have surprised such market men as came to the fair that day kept at Berwick. They took diverse, but finally being espied, the alarm rose, and they were fought with right sharply, who defended themselves with line 30 such manhood in drawing back to their advantage, that if the young lord of Fulberie had not come to the succours of the Englishmen, the Scots had gone away with their booty. Notwithstanding in the end they were glad to seek refuge by flight, losing 200 of their number, which were taken in the chase.  
On the fift of julie next ensuing, sir john a Fenwike, Leonard Musgrave, and bastard Heron, with diverse other English captains, having with them nine hundred men of war, entered the Mers, minding line 40 to fetch out of the same some booty, and encountering with the Scots being in number two thousand, after sore and long fight, caused them to leave their ground and to fly, so that in the chase were taken two hundred Scots, 
The Scots 〈◊〉 to flight 〈◊〉 slain.  and many slain, & amongst them were diverse gentlemen. But sir Ralph a Fenwike, Leonard Musgrave, and the bastard Heron, with thirty other Englishmen well horsed, followed so far in the chase, that they were past rescues of their company, whereof the Scots being advised, suddenly line 50 returned, and set on the Englishmen, which oppressed with the multitude of their enemies, were soon overcome, and there was taken sir Ralph a Fenwike, Leonard Musgrave, and six other: and bastard Heron, with seven other were slain. The residue by chance escaped. The other Englishmen with their 200 prisoners returned safely into England.  
On the seventh of julie, the Englishmen fought with like fortune against the Scots that were entered England at the west marches. For in the beginning line 60 they put the Scots to the worse, and took three hundred of them prisoners: but afterwards, because the Englishmen that had taken those prisoners, withdrew out of the field with the same prisoners, the Scots perceiving the number of the Englishmen to be diminished, gave a new onset on the Englishmen, and them distressed. After this, the Scots sued for a truce, and had it granted to endure till the feast of saint Andrew. 
The pope's ●●bassadour presenteth the 〈◊〉 with a 〈◊〉.  This year the first of September was doctor Thomas Hannibal master of the rolls received into London with earls, and bishops, and diverse other nobles and gentlemen, as ambassadors from pope Clement, which brought with him a rose of gold for a token to the king. And on the day of the nativity of our lady, after a solemn mass song by the cardinal of York, the said present was delivered to the king: which was a tree forged of fine gold, & wrought with branches, leaves, and flowers resembling roses. This tree was set in a pot of gold which had three feet of antic fashion. The pot was of measure half a pint, in the uppermost rose was a fair sapphire loupe pierced, the bigness of an acorn, the tree was of height half an English yard, and a foot in breadth.  
This year in julie the lord Archembald Douglas earl of Angus, which had married the queen of Scots sister to the king of England, escaped out of France (where he had remained for a season, in manner as a banished man) and came into England to the king, as then being at Gréenewich, and was of him courteously received. Sir Anthony Fitz Herbert one of the justices of the common plées, 
Commissioners sent into Ireland to reform the country.  sir Ralph Egerton knight, and doctor Denton dean of Lichfield, being sent in the beginning of this year into Ireland as commissioners, behaved themselves so sagely, that they reform divers wrongs, brought sundry of the wild Irish by fair means unto obedience, and made (by the king's authority) the earl of Kildare deputy of the land; 
The earl of Kildare made deputy of Ireland.  before whom the great Only bore the sword. And the lord Piers Butler earl of Ormond, which before was deputy, was now made high treasurer of Ireland. In September the said commissioners returned.  
During all this season, there were daily attempts made and practised by the Englishmen in the low countries, namely the English horsemen; & the adventurers rested not, but daily made invasions upon the French confines. But the adventurers about the beginning of winter made an enterprise to fetch some booty from a village lying towards Mutrell. They were not fully two hundred men, and of those there were five and twenty horsemen. The Frenchmen by chance the same time were abroad under the conduct of the earl of Dammartine, which was going to S. Omers with fifteen hundred horsemen, and eight hundred footmen, and perceiving where the adventurers were coming, made towards them, and after long & cruel fight overcame them, and slew most part of them, for that in defending themselves most stoutly, they had slain and wounded a great number of the Frenchmen yer they could be overcome, keeping themselves close together, and might not be broken so long as they had any arrows to shoot. 
The end of the Kréekers.  This was the end of the adventurers otherwise called Kréekers, being as hardy men as ever served prince.  
In December there came to London diverse ambassadors out of Scotland, about a peace to be had, and a marriage concluded between the king of Scots, and the lady Marie daughter to the king of England, 
See the history of Scotland, pag. 312.  as in the Scotish history ye shall find more at large expressed. Before the feast of Christmas, the lord Leonard Gray, and the lord john Gray, brethren to the marquess Dorset, sir George Cobham, son to the lord Cobham, William carry, sir john Dudleie, Thomas Wyatt, Francis Pointz, Francis Sidneie, sir Anthony Browne, sir Edward Seimor, Oliver Manners, percival Hart, Sebastian Nudigate, and Thomas Calen, esquires of the king's household, enterprised a challenge of feats of arms against the feast of Christmas, which was proclaimed by Winsore the herald, and performed at the time appointed after the best manner, both at tilt, tourneie, barriers, 
See these triumphs in Edw. Hall pag. Cxxxiij.  and assault of a castle erected for that purpose in the tiltyard at Gréenewich, where the king held a royal Christmas that year, with great mirth and princely pastime.  
In the month of januarie, year 1525 the cardinal by his power Legantine, 
The friars observants impugn the cardinals authority.  would have visited the friars observants, but they in no wise would thereto condescend, wherefore nineteen of the same religion were accursed at Paul's cross, by one of their own religion, called friar Forrest. john jokin Steward of household to the French kings mother, this year whilst the French king was in Italy, came into England, & was received in secret manner into the house of one doctor Lark, a prebendary of S. stephan's, and oftentimes talked with the cardinal about the line 10 affairs betwixt the kings of England and France, motioning ways for a peace to be concluded. When this was known abroad, as at the length it was, monsieur de Prate the emperors ambassador misliked such covert doings, and sore grudged thereat. The four and twentieth of januarie, the precedent of Rone called monsieur Brinion, came to London as ambassador from the French king, and was lodged with the said john jokin.  
On sunday the fift of March were received into line 20 London monsieur de Beaver lord of Camphor, 
Ambassadors from the emperor and their requests.  admiral of Flanders, and master john de la Coose, precedent of Malins, & master john de la Gache, as ambassadors from the lady Margaret in the name of the emperor. These ambassadors required three things in their suit. First they demanded the lady Marie the king's only daughter to be delivered out of hand, and she to be named empress, and to take possession of all the low countries, and to be governor of the same. Also that all such sums of money as line 30 the king should give with her in marriage for a dower to be made to her, should be paid incontinently. thirdly, that the king of England himself should pass the sea, and make war in France the next summer. The two first demands were not agreed to for certain causes, and as to this last, the king said he would take advisement.  
On thursday the ninth of March, at seven of the clock in the morning, 
News of the siege of Pavia & the taking of the French king prisoner.  there came a gentleman in post from the lady Margaret governess of Flanders, line 40 which brought letters containing how that the four and twentieth of February, the siege of Pavia (where the French king had lain long) was raised by force of battle, and the French king himself taken prisoner. The same day the precedent of Rone, & john jokin were going to the court (for they had not yet spoken with the king) and in Holborn in their way heard these tidings, whereupon they returned to their lodging right sorrowful, and within short space after returned to the regent of France. It was thought line 50 the king would have agreed with the French king, if this chance had not happened, for all the people of England grudged against Flanders, for the evil demeanour of the Flemings in time of the war. Also the king was displeased with them for enhancing his coin there, which caused much money to be conveyed out of this realm daily over into that country. Bounfires and great triumph was made in London for the taking of the French king, on saturday the eleventh of March; and on the morrow after being sunday the twelve of March, the king came to line 60 Paul's, and there heard a solemn mass, and after the same was ended, the queer sang Te Deum, and the minstrels played on every side.  
¶ Here it is convenient to add the battle of Pavia, wherein the French king was taken prisoner, most notably discoursed by Guicciardine, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 902, & sic deinceps. The battle of Pavia, wherein the French king is taken prisoner.  in the fifteenth book of his history: the principal matter whereof, to make the report of Pavia and the French king more perspicuous, it were good to infer. On the night (saith mine author) before the five and twentieth of February, a day dedicated by the christians to the apostle saint Matthew, and also the day of the ●●tiuitie of the emperor, the imperials determined to march to mirabel, where lay encamped certain companies of horsemen and footmen. In this march they stood upon this intention, that if the French men moved, than they had set at liberty the siege of Pavia: and if they moved not, then to adventure the fortune of the battle. Therefore the better to advance this determination, all the beginning of the night they gave many alarms, the more to keep traveled and weary the French men, making semblance as though they would charge them on that side towards Paw, Thesin, and saint Lazarus.  
About midnight every soldier, by the commandment of the captains, put on a white cassakin over his armour, to be known from the Frenchmen. They were cast into two squadrons of horsemen, & four of footmen▪ In the first were six thousand footmen equally compounded of lanceknights, Spaniards, and Italians: this squadron was led by the marquess of Guast: the second stood only upon certain bands of Spanish footmen under the charge of the marquess of Pisquairo: the third and fourth squadron were of lanceknights, commanded by the viceroy and the duke of Bourbon. They arrived at the park walls certain hours before day, and by the working of their masons, and ready wills of their soldiers, they cast down to the earth three score fathom of wall: by which breach, being entered within the park, the first squadron drew towards mirabel, and the residue of the army took the way to the camp.  
As soon as the king understood that they were entered into the park, 
Why the French king desired to fight in plain and open field.  thinking they would draw to mirabel, he issued out of his lodging to fight in plain and open field, desiring to draw the battle rather to that place than to any other, for the advantages which it gave to the horsemen: he commanded to turn the artilleries toward the enemies, which beating them in flank, brought great damage to the rearguard. But in the mean while, the battle of the imperials gave a furious charge upon the king's squadron, which ordinarily was the battle: but as the Spaniards went, it was the rearguard. The king fought valiantly, & abode with great courage the violence of his enemies, who with the fury of their harquebuziers forced his men to give ground, till the rescue of the Swissers came, when the Spaniards were repelled, as well by them as by the horsemen that charged them in flank. But the viceroy being called in by the marquess of Pisquairo, who brought to the fight his lanceknights, they were easily broken, not without great slaughter of the Swissers, who that day did nothing answer the opinion of valour which aforetimes they had wont so honourably to express in battles.  
The king kept always the middle of the battle, being environed with a great guard of men at arms. And albeit he did what he could to contain and confirm his people: 
The ma●●● how the French king was vanquished and taken prisoner's.  yet after he had fought long with his own hands, his horse being slain under him, himself lightly hurt in the face and in the hand, he was stricken down to the earth, and taken prisoner by five soldiers that knew not what he was. In which misfortune the viceroy pressing into the throng his majesty disclosed himself to him, who with great reverence kissed his hand, and received him prisoner in the emperors name. At the same time the marquess of Guast with the first squadron had defeated the horsemen that were at mirabel. And Anthony de Leva, who (as was said) had to that end cast down to the earth so great a quantity and space of wall, as an hundred and fifty horsemen might sally forth in front, issued out of Pavia, & so charged the French behind, that he put them wholly to flight. And in that fear they were almost all stripped and trussed, except the rearguard of the horsemen, which being led by monsieur de Alencon from the beginning of the battle, retired almost whole.  
It is holden for certain, that in this battle were slain more than eight thousand men of the French camp, 
The number ●● the French 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 in this battle.  part by sword, and part of bodies drowned in the river of Thesin, seeking their safety by swimming. Of this general number were about twenty of the most noble and apparent lords of France, as the admiral, the lord james Chebanes, the lord line 10 Palissa, and Trimoville, the master of the horse, monsieur de Aubignie, monsieur de Boissie, and monsieur de la Escud, who being taken grievously wounded by his enemies, gave to them his life in steed of a ransom. The prisoners that were taken were the king of Navarre, the bastard of savoy, the lord Montmerancie, Saint Paul, Brion, Anall, monsieur de Chandion, monsieur de Imbercourt, Galeas Uisconte, Fredrick Bossolo, Barnaby Uisconte, Guidanes, with many gentlemen, line 20 and almost all the captains that escaped the slaughter of the sword. There was also taken prisoner Jerome Leandro bishop of Brunduso the pope's nuntio; but by commandment of the viceroy, he was eftsoons set at liberty: as also monsieur Saint Paul and Fredrick Bossolo committed to the castle of Pavia, broke prison a little after, by the corruption of the Spaniards that had them in charge. Of the imperials side the universal slaughter exceeded not seven hundred bodies; 
The number of the slain in the imperials side.  and not one line 30 captain of name except Ferrand Castriot marquess of Angeo, the marquess of Pisquairo was wounded in two places, & Anthony de Leva lightly hurt in the leg. The prey and spoil of this battle was so great, as there had not been seen in Italy more rich soldiers.  
Of so great an army there was preserned but the rearguard of four hundred lances, commanded by monsieur de Alencon, they never came to the fight, never suffered charge, nor never were followed, but leaving behind them their baggage, they retired line 40 whole to Piedmont, their fear making them more hasty to fly, than careful of their honour. And as one calamity followeth another, so the loss of the battle was no sooner reapported at Milan, than Theodor Triwlce, who lay there in garrison with four hundred lances, departed and took his way to Musocquo, all the soldiers following him by troops: insomuch as the same day that the king lost the battle, all the duchy of Milan was made free line 50 from the jurisdiction of the French. The day after the victory, 
The French king led prisoner to the rock of Pisqueton.  the king was led prisoner to the rock of Pisqueton, for that the duke of Milan, in regard of his proper surety, consented hardly that the person of the king should be kept within the castle of Milan: he was guarded with great controversy and watch; but in all other things (except his liberty) he was used and honoured as appertained to the state and majesty of a king.  
Now (saith mine author, speaking to the readers of his history) you have seen set down the overthrow line 60 of the French army in the battle of Pavia: 
〈◊〉 pag ●04.  a wretched success, where was so great expectation of victory. You have seen a mighty king delivered up prisoner into the hands of him, with whom he contended for glory and empery: a spectacle most tragical amongst all the calamities that fortune bringeth upon man's mortality. You have seen the most part of the nobility, and honourable captains of France, slain in the service and presence of their king: a matter that made more lamentable his own condition and adversity. You have seen the residue of that army, so universally perplexed with fear and confusion, that the same thing that should have retained them in so great affliction, made them the less assured, and further off from confidence.  
When word came to the emperor of all the former accidents, 
Guic. pag. 915. The moderation and temperance of the emperor upon the news of the victory.  the eyes of every man were set to behold with what property of affection he would receive his gladsome news, and to what ends his thoughts were disposed: who so far as exterior demonstrations made show, expressed great tokens of a mind much moderated, and very apt to resist easily the prosperity of fortune: yea the signs and inclinations appearing so much the more incredible, by how much he was a prince mighty & young, and as yet had never tasted but of felicity. For after he was informed truly of so great a victory, whereof he had the reapport the tenth of March, together with letters of the French kings own hand, written rather in the spirit and condition of a prisoner, than with the courage of a king, he went forthwith to the church to make his holy oblations to God with many solemnities. And the morning following he received with signs of right great devotion the sacrament of the eucharist, and so went in procession to our lady's church out of Madrill, where was his court at that time.  
His temperance and moderation was above the expectation of his estate, and far contrary to the course of the time in matters of that nature: for he would not suffer any bells to be rung, nor bounfires to be made, nor any other manner of public demonstrations, such as are used for glory or gladness, alleging with a mind more virtuous than insolent, that such property of feasting and rejoicing was due to victories obtained against infidels, 
A most excellent conceit and saying of the emperor.  but aught to have no show where one christian overcame another. Neither were the actions and gestures of his person and speeches differing from so great a temperance and continency of mind, which he well expressed in the answers he made to the congratulations of the ambassadors and great men that were about him: to whom he said he was not glad of the accident according to the glorious operation of flesh and blood, but his rejoicing was in that God had so manfestlie aided him: which he interpreted to be an assured sign that he stood in his grace and favour, though not through his own merit, yet by his celestial election. 
Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxxxuj.  The French king being in the custody of the viceroy of Naples (who much comforted him, and praised his valiantness, and prayed him to be content, for he should have a gentle end) desired to write to his mother, which was to him granted. His very words were these.  
The French kings letter to his mother the regent of France.  
TO advertise you of my infortunate chance: 
This he wrote being the emperor's prisoner.  nothing is left but the honour and the life that is saved. And seeing some other news shall recomfort you, I have desired to write to you this letter, the which liberally hath been granted to me: beseeching you to regard the extremity of yourself, in ensuing your accustomed wisdom. For I hope that at length God will not forget me, to you recommending your little infants and mine, supplying you to give safe conduct, to pass and return from Spain, to this bearer that goeth toward the emperor, to know in what wise I shall be entreated. And thus right humbly to your good grace I have me recommended. This subscribed by your humble and obedient son Francis.  
In this estate of adversity the people set before their eyes all that fear and despair could imagine: 
Guic. pag. 625. The manifold passions or perplexities of the people in general.  they doubted lest so great a calamity were not the beginning of a further ruin & subversion: they saw their king prisoner, and with him either taken or slain in the battle the chiefteins of the kingdom, which in the imagination of their sorrows they held line 10 a loss irreparable: they beheld their captains discomfited, and their soldiers discouraged: a calamity which stopped in them all hope to be readdressed or reassured: they saw the realm made naked of money and treasure, and environed with most mighty enemies: an affliction which most of all carried their thoughts into the last cogitation of desperate ruin: for the king of England, notwithstanding that he had holden many parlées and treaties, and showed in many things a variation of mind, yet not many line 20 days before the battle, he had cut off all the negotiations which he had entertained with the king, and had published that he would descend into France, if the things of Italy took any good success.  
So that the Frenchmen feared least in so great an opportunity, the emperor and he would not levy war against France, either for that there was no other head or governor than a woman, and the little children of the king, of whom the eldest had not yet run eight years accomplished: or else because line 30 the enemies had with them the duke of Bourbon, for his own particular a puissant prince, and for his authority in the realm of France very popular and strong in opinion, a mighty instrument to stir up most dangerous emotions. 
The lady regent herself was partaker of these griefs and fears.  Besides, the lady regent, as well for the love she bore to the king, as for the dangers of the realm was not without her passions both proper and particular: for being full of ambition, and most greedy of the government, she feared that if the king's delivery drew any long tract line 40 of time, or if any new difficulty happened in France, she should be constrained to yield up the administration of the crown to such as should be delegate and assigned by the voices of the kingdom. Nevertheless amid so many astonishments and confusions, she drew her spirits to her, and by her example were recomforted the nobles that were of counsel with her, who took speedy order to man the frontiers of the realm, and with diligence to levy a good provision of money. line 50  
The lady regent, in whose name all expeditions and dispatches went out, wrote to the emperor letters full of humility and compassion, wherein she forgot not by degrees vehement and inducing to solicit a negotiation of accord: by virtue whereof, having a little after delivered done Hugo de Moncado, 
The lady regents offer to the emperor for the delivery of her son  she sent him to the emperor, to offer him that her son should renounce and disclaim from all rights of the kingdom of Naples, and the estate of Milan, with contentment to refer to the censure and arbitration line 60 of the law, the titles and rights of Burgundy, which if it appertained to the emperor, he should acknowledge it for the dowry of his sister: that he should render to monsieur Bourbon his estate together with his moouabl●● 〈◊〉 which were of great valour, and also the ●ruits and ●●●enues which had been levied by the commissioners 〈◊〉 out of the regal chamber: that he should give to him his sister in marriage, and deliver up to him Provence, if judgement of the interest and right were made of his side.  
And for the more facility and speedy passage of this negotiation, rather than for any desire she had to nourish her inclination to the war, she dispatched immediately ambassadors into Italy, to recommend to the pope and the venetians the safety of her son. To whom she offered, that if for their proper security▪ they would contract with her, and raise arms against the emperor, she would for her particular advance five hundred lances, together with a great contribution of money. But amid these travels and astonishments, 
The 〈◊〉 standeth 〈◊〉 in fear 〈…〉 king of ●●●●lands 〈◊〉.  the principal desire as well of her, as of the whole realm of France, was, to appease and assure the mind of the king of England, judging truly that if they could reduce him to amity and reconcilement, the crown of France should remain without quarrel or molestation. Where, if he on the one side, and the emperor on the other, should rise in one joint force, having concurrent with them the person of the duke of Bourbon, and many other opportunities and occasions, it could not be but all things would be full of difficulties and dangers.  
Of this the lady regent began to discern many tokens and appearances of good hope: for notwithstanding the king of England immediately after the first reapports of the victory, had not only expressed great tokens of gladness and rejoicing, but also published that he would in person pass into France: and withal had sent ambassadors to the emperor to solicit and treat of the moving of war jointly together: yet proceeding in deed with more mildness than was expected of so furious shows and tokens, he dispatched a messenger to the lady regent, to send to him an express ambassador: which accordingly was accomplished, and that with fullness of authority and commission, such as brought with it also all sorts of submissions & implorations which she thought apt to reduce to appeasement the mind of that king so highly displeased. He reposed himself altogether upon the will and counsel of the cardinal of York, 
Note how foreign chroniclers could report of cardinal Wo●lsie.  who seemed to restrain the king and his thoughts to this principal end, that bearing such a hand upon the controversies and quarrels that ran between other princes; all the world might acknowledge to depend upon him and his authority the resolution and expectation of all affairs.  
And for this cause he offered to the emperor at the same time to descend into France with a puissant army, both to give perfection unto the alliance concluded between them before; and also to remove all scruple and controversy, he offered presently to consign unto him his daughter, who was not as yet in an age and disposition able for marriage. But in these matters were very great difficulties, partly depending upon himself, and partly deriving from the emperor, who now showed nothing of that readiness to contract with him which he had used before: for the king of England demanded almost all the rewards of the victory, as Normandy, Guien, and Gascoigne, with the title of king of France. And that the emperor, notwithstanding the inequality of the conditions should pass likewise into France, and communicate equally in the expenses and dangers. The inequality of these demands troubled not a little the emperor, to whom they were by so much the more grievous, by how much he remembered that in the years next before, he had always deferred to make war even in the greatest dangers of the French king. So that he persuaded himself that he should not be able to make any foundation upon that confederation.  
And standing in a state no less impoverished for money and treasure, 
The emperors hope to recover more pro●● by the French king in 〈◊〉 than 〈◊〉  than made weary with labours and perils, he hoped to draw more commodities from the French king by the mean of peace, than by the violence of arms and wars, specially joining with the king of England. Besides, he made not that account which he was wont to do of the marriage of his daughter, both for her minority in age, and also for the dowry for the which he should stand accountable for so much as the emperor had received by way of loan of the king of England: he seemed by many tokens in nature to nourish a wonderful desire to have children, and by the necessity of his condition he was carried with great covetousness of moni●: upon which two reasons he took a great desire to marry the sister of the house of Portugal, which was both in an age able for marriage, and with whom he hoped to receive a plentiful line 10 portion in gold and treasure, besides the liberalities of his own people offered by way of benevolence in case the marriage went forward: such was their desire to have a queen of the same nation and language, and of hope to procreate children.  
For these causes the negotiation became every day more hard and desperate between both those princes, wherein was also concurrent the ordinary inclination of the cardinal of York towards the French king, together with the open complaints he line 20 made of the emperor, as well for the interests and respects of his king, as for the small reputation the emperor began to hold of him. He considered that afore the battle of Pavia, the emperor never sent letters unto him which were not written with his own hand, and subscribed, your son and coosine Charles: but after the battle, he used the service of secretaries in all the letters he wrote to him, infixing nothing of his own hand but the subscription, not with titles of so great reverence and submission, but line 30 only with this bare word Charles. In this alteration of affection in the emperor, 
●●at moved 〈◊〉 king of England 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 regent's ●●bassadour.  the king of England took occasion to receive with gracious words and demonstrations, the ambassador sent by the lady regent, to whom he gave comfort to hope well in things to come. And a little afterward, estranging his mind wholly from the affairs which were in negotiation between him and the emperor, he made a confederation with the lady regent, contracting in the name of her son, wherein he would have inserted line 40 this express condition, that for the king's ransom and delivery, should not be delivered to the emperor any thing that at that time should be under the power or possession of the crown of France.  
Shortly after, the viceroy & the other captains imperial were induced upon urgent reasons to transport the person of the French king into a surer hold, 
〈◊〉 pag. 930. The person of 〈◊〉 French 〈◊〉 led prisoner into Spain.  than where presently he was kept, judging that for the ill disposition of others, they could not without peril keep him guarded in the duchy of Milan: in line 50 which fear joined to their continual desire so to do, they resolved to convey him to Genes, and from thence by sea to Naples, where his lodging was prepared within the new castle. This determination brought no little grief to the king, who from the beginning of his captivity, had vehemently desired to be carried into Spain: perhaps he had opinion (measuring happily an other man by his own nature, or else running with the common error of mortal men being easily beguiled in things they desire) line 60 that if once he were brought to the presence of the emperor, he doubted not of some easy passage for his liberty, either through the emperors benignity, or by the conditions he meant to offer. The viceroy was of the same desire for the augmentation of his own glory.  
But being retained for fear of the French army by sea, 
M●nsieur Montmera●●●● sent to 〈◊〉 lady re●●nt.  they dispatched by common consent monsieur Montmerancie to the lady regent: who granted to him six light galleys of those that lay in the port of Marseilles upon promise to have them restored as soon as the king was arrived in Spain. With these galleys, he returned to Portofino, where the king's person was already arrived, and joining them to sixteen galleys of the emperor, which was the navy appointed at first to conduct him to Naples, he reduced them all into one fleet, and armed them all with footmen of the Spanish. The captains imperials and the duke of Bourbon were persuaded, that the king's person should be led to Naples: but of the contrary, setting up sail the seventh of june, they took such course, that the eight day they arrived with a happy voyage at Rosa a haven of Catalognia: their coming brought no small joy to the emperor, who until that day had understood nothing at all of that resolution.  
Now as soon as he was made assured of the kings being there, 
The emperor commandeth that the French king should be received with honour in all places where he should pass.  he dispatched commandments unto all places where he should pass, to receive him with great honours: only till it should be otherwise determined, he gave order to keep him in the castle of Sciativa near to Ualence, a castle anciently used by the kings of Arragon for the guarding of great personages, and wherein had been kept prisoner for many years the duke of Calabria. But the deliberation to keep him in that place, seeming far too rigorous to the viceroy, and nothing agreeable to the promises he had made to the king in Italy, he won so much of the emperor, that till he had taken an other counsel, the king's person might remain near Ualence in a place apt for hunting and other delights of the field. There he left him lodged with sufficient guard under the charge of captain Alarcon, in whose custody he had always remained since his unfortunate day.  
From thence the viceroy, together with Montmerancie, went to the emperor to make reapport of the state of Italy, and the discourse of things which till that day had been debated with the king, with whom he persuaded the emperor with many reasons to draw to accord, for that he could not have a faithful amity and conjunction with the Italians. The emperor after he had heard the viceroy and Montmerancie, determined to convey the king into Castillo to the castle of Madrill, a place far removed from the sea and the confines of France, where being honoured with ceremonies & reverences agreeable to so great a prince, he should nevertheless be kept under careful and straight guard, with liberty to take the air abroad certain times of the day, mounted only upon a mule. The emperor could never be brought to admit the king to his presence, if first the accord were not either established, or at least in an assured hope of resolution.  
And to the end there might be interposed in the negotiation a parsonage honourable, & almost equal with the king, Montmerancie was sent in great diligence into France, to bring the duchess of Alencon the king's sister and a widow, with fullness of authority to debate and contract. And to the end this negotiation of accord were not hindered by new difficulties, 
A truce for a time between the emperor and the governors of France.  there was made a little afterwards a truce until the end of December, between the emperor and such as administered the government of France. Moreover the emperor gave order that one part of those galleys which were come with the viceroy, should return into Italy to bring the duke of Bourbon into Spain, without whose presence and privity he gave out that he would make no convention: and yet the galleys what for want of money, and other impediments, were prepared but with slow diligence.  
Whiles the case of the French king was in demand, but not yet determined, 

The French king extremely sick in the castle of Madrill.  
Guic. pag. 937.   by means of sundry overthwarts that overthrew the foundation of every purpose tending to his deliverance; it fortuned that the French king falling sick in the castle of Madrill, and having in vain desired the presence of the emperor, was carried by his discontentment and melancholy into such extremity and danger of his life, that the physicians appointed for his cure, told the emperor that they stood desperate of his recovery, if himself in person came not to comfort him with some hope of his delivery. The emperor obeying more compassion than the reason of things, was not curious to condescend to perform so good an office, and as he prepared to visit him accordingly, his high chancellor seeking to turn him from the journey, line 10 told him with many strong reasons, that he could not go to him in honour, but with intention to deliver him presently and without any covenant: otherwise as it would be a humanity not royal but mercenary, so it would disclose a desire to recover him, not moved of charity, but pushed on by his proper interest, as not to lose by his death the occasion of the profit hoped for by the victory.  
This counsel assuredly was grave and honourable touching the man that gave it, and no less worthy line 20 to be followed by so great a prince as the emperor: and yet being more carried by the reasons of others, 
The emperor visiteth the French king in durance.  he took post to go to him. But for the danger of the king being almost at the extremity, the visitation was short, and yet for the time accompanied with gracious words full of hope that he would deliver him immediately upon his returning to health: in so much that whether it was by the comfort that he breathed into him (in the sickness of captivity) the promise of liberty exceedeth all medicines) or by the benefit of his youth, which with the favour of nature line 30 was stronger than the malady, he began after this visitation to resume so good disposition, that within few days he was out of danger, notwithstanding he could not recover his former health but with very slow time.  
And now neither the difficulties that were showed on the emperors side, nor the hopes which were given by the Italians, nor any other nature of impediments whatsoever, could stay the voyage of the lady Alencon into Spain. For that as nothing line 40 was more hard or heavy to the Frenchmen than to leave off the practices and negotiations of accord begun with those that had power to restore their king: so nothing was more easy to the emperor, than feeding the French with hopes, to draw their minds from taking arms; and by that mean so to keep the Italians in suspense, as not to dare to enter into new deliberations. And in that cunning manner, sometimes using delays, and sometimes pressing forward line 50 the affairs, he thought to keep the minds of all men confused and entangled. 
The lady Alencon treateth with the emperor for the king's delivery.  The lady Alencon was received by the emperor with very gracious demonstrations and hopes: but the effects fell out both hard and heavy. For when the ministered speech to him for the marriage of his sister the widow with the king: he made answer; that it was a matter which could not be done without the consent of the duke of Bourbon.  
The other particularities were debated by deputies line 60 of both parts, wherein, as the emperor insisted obstinately to have the duchy of Burgognie restored as appertaining to him: so the French refused to consent, unless he would accept it for dowry; or else to refer it to the sentence of the law and justice to decide the true title. And albeit they could easily have condescended to the residue, yet for that they were so far off for the demand of Burgognie, the lady Alencon returned at last into France, without winning any other grace, than a favour to see the king her brother; who growing more and more into distrust of his delivery, desired her at her departing to admonish his mother, 
The French king is careful over the crowned France.  and all the council from him, to look carefully to the profit of the crown of France, without having any consideration of him, as if he lived not. But notwithstanding the departure of the lady Alencon, the solicitations for the king's delivery did not cease, for that there remained behind the precedent of Paris, and the bishops of Ambrum and Tarbe, who had till then followed the negotiation but with very little hope, sith the emperor would not hearken to any condition, if first Burgognie were not rendered, which the king would not be brought to restore, but in a last necessity.  
After this infortunate accident of the French king ensued many troublesome and intricate matters, 
Guic. 961▪ & dein●●ps. The treaty of Madri●l touching the delivery of the French king.  among which the case of the French king was descanted upon, and a solicitation of peace resolved, which contained these covenants following. That between the emperor and the French king should be a peace perpetual, in which should be comprehended all such as should be named by their common consent. That the French king by the sixth day of the next month of March, should be set at liberty upon the marches in the coast of Fontarabie. That within six weeks after he should consign to the emperor the duchy of Burgognie, the county of Charrolois, the jurisdiction of Noiers, the castle Chainro, dependencies of the said duchy, the vicountie of Flussona, the resort of S. Laurence de la Roche, a dependent of Franch county, together with all the appurtenances as well of the said duchy as vicountie, all which for hereafter should be separate and exempted from the sovereignty of the realm of France. That at the same and very instant that the king should be delivered, there should be put into the emperors hands the Dolphin of France, and with him either the duke of Orleans the king's second son, or else twelve principal lords of France, whom the emperor did name.  
It was left to the election of the lady regent, either to deliver the kings second son, 
What was left to the lad●● regent's election in this capitulation.  or the twelve barons, and they to remain as hostages until restitution were made of the lands and places aforesaid, and the peace sworn and ratified, together with all the articles by the estates general of France, and enregistered in all the courts of parliament of the kingdom with form and solemnities necessary. For the accomplishing whereof, there was set down a term of four months: at which time returning the hostages, there should be put into the emperor's hands the duke de Angolesme the kings third son, to the end to train him up with the emperor, the better to entertain and assure the peace. That the French king should renounce and give up to the emperor all his rights to the realm of Naples, together with all such titles and pre-eminences as were to come to him by the investiture of the church. That he should do the like touching his interest in the state of Milan, of Genes, of As●, and likewise of Arras, Tourneie, of the isle, and of Dowaie. That he should render up the town and castle of Hedin as a member of the county of Artois, with all the munitions, artilleries, and movables that were in it when it was last taken. That he should disclaim and yield up all sovereignty in Flanders and Artois, and all other places or pieces which the emperor possessed.  
That on the other side, the emperor should resign and give up to him all the right, title, 
Covenants concerning the emperor, and of him to be kept and performed.  and quarrel which he pretended to any place possessed by the Frenchmen, and especially the towns and castelldomes of Perone, Montdidier, roy, the counties of Bullongne, Guines, & Ponthiew, with other towns standing upon the one and other shore of the river of Some. That there should be between them a league and confederation perpetual for the defence of their estates, with oblation to aid one another when need required, with 500 men at arms, and ten thousand footmen: that the emperor should promise to give in marriage to the king the lady Elinor his sister, whom, as soon as the dispensation should be obtained from the pope, he should contract or handfast with words obligatory for the present, and afterwards she should be led into France, to consummate the marriage at the same time that according to the capitulations the hostages were to be delivered: that she should have for her portion two hundred thousand crowns, with jewels according to line 10 her estate, the one moiety of the money to be paid within sixteen months, and the other half in one year after.  
Furthermore, that a marriage should be made between the Dolphin & the daughter of the K. of Portugal, daughter to the lady Elinor, at such time as their age will suffer: that the French king should do all that he could to induce the ancient K. of Navarre to give up to the emperor the rights of that kingdom, 
T●ese 〈◊〉 restrain 〈◊〉 part of the French 〈…〉  which in case he would not perform, than the line 20 king not to aid him with any succours. That the duke of gelders, and the county of Zulffe, and the principal towns of those estates, should promise with sufficient security, to give themselves to the emperor, after his death. That the king should give no succour to the duke of Wittenberg, nor likewise to Robert de la March. That he should furnish and rig for the emperor, both when he should pass into Italy, and two months after being so required, twelve galleys, four ships, & four galleons, all line 30 well munitioned and appointed, except men of war, & the said vessels to be rendered three months after accounting from the day of his embarking: that in place of the army by land which the king offered for Italy, he should pay him two hundred thousand crowns in money, the one half within sixteen months, and the other half within a year after.  
Again, that at the time when the hostages should be delivered, he should be bound to give bills of exchange for the pay of six thousand footmen for six months line 40 immediately after the emperors arrival in Italy: that he should also furnish for his service five hundred lances paid, with a band of artillery. That he should save harmless the emperor of his promise made to the king of England by pensions, which the French king should pay to him, 
The king of England included in this year.  the arerages whereof amounted to five hundred thousand crowns, or else to deliver so much in ready money to the emperor. That they should both join to beseech line 50 the pope to call a general council with all speed, to the end to consult upon an universal peace amongst christians, to advance an enterprise against the infidels and heretics, and to grant to all the crusade for three years. That within six weeks the king should restore the duke of Bourbon in most ample form, into all his estates, goods movable and unmovable, and fruits and revenues received: nor to molest him for any thing past, nor constrain him to dwell or go to the realm of France. That it should line 60 be lawful to the said duke of Bourbon, to demand by the way of law and justice, the earldom of Provence. That in like sort all those that had followed him, should re-enter in safety into their goods and states, and namely the bishop of Autun, and monsieur de saint Ualier.  
Moreover, that the prisoners taken in the war should be delivered on both parts within fift●ene days. That there should be restitution made to the lady Margaret of Ostrich of all that she possessed afore the war. 
The prince 〈◊〉 Orange ●●cluded also 〈◊〉 th●s peace.  That the prince of Orange should be set at liberty with restoration to the principality of Orange, and all that he possessed by the death of his father, which had 〈…〉 from him for following the faction of the emperor. That the like should be done to other barons. That there should be made restitution to the marquess of Salvage of his estate. That the king as soon as he arrived in the first town of his realm, should ratify this capitulation, and be bound to procure the Dolphin to ratify it when he should come to the age of fourteen years. Many were named by common consent, and chiefly the Swissers. Only there was not one of the potentates of Italy, except the pope, whom they named as conseruator of the accord, and that more for manner sake and ceremony, than in effect and true meaning. lastly, it was expressed in the said capitulation, that in case the king for any occasion, would not accomplish these matters promised; he should return true prisoner.  
This accord for the parts it contained, brought no small astonishment to all Christendom. 
Why this accord set all Christendom in a wondering.  For when it was understood, that the first execution thereof consisted in the delivery of the king, all men's opinions were, that being in his liberty, he would not deliver up Burgongnie, as being a member of too great importance for the realm of France. And except a few, who had counseled the emperor to it, all his court had the same judgement, and namely the Chancellor, who reprehended and detested the matter with so great vehemency, that notwithstanding he was commanded to sign the capitulation (according to the office of chief chancellor's) yet he refused to do it, alleging; that in such matters, dangerous and hurtful as that was, he ought not to use the authority that was given him: neither could he be altered from this opinion, notwithstanding the emperor was angry with him: who seeing him so resolute in his opinion, signed it himself, and within few days after went to Madrill, to confirm the alliance, and make a foundation of amity and good will with the king, whom he entertained in familiar and private sort.  
Great were the ceremonies and demonstrations of amity between them: oftentimes they showed themselves together in places public: and as often did they pass in secret familiar discourses. 
The French king marrieth the emperor's sister according to a clause in the capitulation.  They went together in one coach unto a castle not half a days journey from thence, where was queen Eleanor, whom the king married. And yet in all these great signs of peace and amity, he was observed with as careful and streict guard as before, without any advantage of liberty. So that he was embraced as a brother, and guarded as a prisoner. A matter which made manifest to the world, that it was an accord full of discord, an alliance without amity, and that upon every occasion their ancient gelousies and passions would be stronger in them, than the regard of that alliance, made more by force than friendship. Many days were spent in these offices and ceremonies of amity, when was brought from the lady regent the ratification, together with the declaration, that with the Dolphin of France they would rather give in hostage the kings second son, than the twelve barons.  
Then the king departed from Madrill, taking his way to the frontier of his realm, where was to be exchanged his person for his sons, who bore very small age. There was sent to accompany him the viceroy the worker and author of his delivery, to whom the emperor had given the city of Al●, with other estates in Flanders and in the kingdom of Na●les. The king of England hearing that the French king should now be delivered, 
The king of England glad of the French kings deliverance.  sent to him a knight of his chamber, called sir Thomas Ch●nie, to signify to him the great joy and gladness, which he conceived for his restitution to liberty, and the conclusion of the general peace. For which kindness & courteous remembrance, the French king thought himself much bound (as he confesseth himself here after) to the king of England, & thanked him greatly hereafter.  

Guic. pag. 966. The manner of the delivery of the French king.  After much a do and many remooving, the French king was come on the confines of Fontarabie, a town appertaining to the emperor, standing upon the Ocean sea, and is a frontier between biscay and the duchy of Guien. And on the other side, the lady regent was arrived with the children of line 10 France, at Baion, not many leagues from Fontarabie. The torments of the gout took her by the way, which was the cause that she had lingered some time longer than the day appointed of permutation. But at last, the eighteenth day of March, the French king accompanied with the viceroy and captain Alarcon with fifty horse, was presented upon the shore of the river that divideth the realm of France from the kingdom of Spain. And on the other side, upon the shore opposite appéered monsieur Lawtrech line 20 with the king's children and like number of horse. There was in the midst of the river a great bark made fast with anchors, in which was no person. The king was rowed near to this bark in a little boat, wherein he was accompanied with the viceroy, captain Alarcon, and eight others, all armed with short weapons: and on the other side of the bark were likewise brought in a little boat, monsieur Lawtrech with the hostages & eight others, weaponed according to the others. line 30  

The French king with the viceroy are embarked.  After this the viceroy went into the bark with the king, and all his company: and also monsieur Lawtrech with his eight that accompanied him, so that they were within the bark a like number of both parts, Alarcon and his eight being with the viceroy, and Lawtrech and the others with the person of the king. And when they were all thus within the bark, Lawtrech fetched out of the boat into the bark, the Dolphin, who being given to the viceroy and by him committed to captain Alarcon, was forthwith bestowed line 40 in their boat, and after him followed the little duke of Orleans, who was no sooner entered the bark, than the French king leapt out of the bark into his boat, which he did with such quickness and celerity, that the exchange or permutation was thought to be done at one self instant; so welcome to him was liberty, without the which nothing is sweet, nothing is comfortable, as the poet saith: Libertas perdulce bonum, bona caetera reddit.  

The French K. is not a little glad of his liberty.  Assoon as the king was on the other side of the line 50 shore, his new liberty making him fearful of ambush, he mounted upon a Turkish horse of a wonderful swiftness, which was prepared for the purpose: and running between fear and gladness upon the spur, he never stayed till he came to S. john de Lus, a town of his obedience, four leagues from the place. And being there readily relieved with a fresh horse, he ran with the same swiftness to Baion, where, after he had passed over the offices of court done to him by his people, he dispatched line 60 with great diligence a gentleman to the king of England, to whom he wrote with his own hand letters of his delivery, 
The king of England the procurer of the French kings liberty.  charging the messenger under very loving commission, to tell the king of England, that as he acknowledged the effect of his liberty to be wrought wholly by him and his operations, so in recompense, he offered to remain to him a perpetual and assured friend, and to be guided in all his affairs by his counsel. And afterwards he sent an other solemn embassage into England, to ratify the peace which his mother had made with him, as one that reapposed a very great foundation in the amity of that king.  

Guic. pag. 968.  When the French king was gotten into Baion, being required by a gentleman of the viceroys, 
The French king is 〈◊〉 very 〈◊〉 to ratify the accord.  to ratify the accord according to the obligation of his word, being come into a place free and assured, he deferred it from one day to another, interposing reasons and excuses general: wherein, to the end to hold still the emperor in hope, he sent to advertise him by a man especial, that he forbore for the present to accomplish the ratification, not by omission or willing negligence, but upon this necessity, that before he proceeded really to such an act, he was to labour to reappease and reduce the minds of his subjects ill contented with the obligations he had made, tending to the diminution of the crown of France. Nevertheless, he would in his time resolve all difficulties, and observe with fidelity all that he had promised to him, both in substance and circumstance. By this dealing, no less doubtful for the manner, than dangerous in meaning, might easily be comprehended what were his intentions, the same being more manifestly detected at the arrival of the messengers sent to him not many days after, by the pope and venetians, in whom was no great need of industry or labour, to sound out the plain course of his inclination.  
For, 
The French king complaineth upon the emp●rour to the messengers sent from the pope and the venetians.  after he had received them with many demonstrations and offices of court, he entertained them severally and apart with sundry speeches of compassion, such as tended to manifest complaints against the inhumanity of the emperor: who he said did never administer to him during his captivity, any one office appertaining to the ranks of a prince, nor at any time showed himself touched with that affection and commiseration which one prince ought to express in the calamities of another: and much less would use any course of common comfort, either to relieve the heaviness of his condition with any property of apt consolation, or once to enter into consideration, that the same accident that had fallen upon him, might also be as heavily heaped upon his own head. In this complaint, he alleged the example of Edward king of England called of some Edward Longshank. To whom when was presented as prisoner john king of the Frenchmen, 
The king of England alleged by the French king as a precedent of humanity in the case of a captive king.  taken by the prince of Wales his son in the battle of Poitiers, he did not only receive him with great comfort and compassion of his afflicted case, but also, all the time of his imprisonment within the realm of England, he let him go at liberty under a free guard.  
Furthermore he had daily familiar conversation with him, he would oftentimes have him to accompany him on hunting, to communicate in the open air and solace of the field, and was not curious to call gim to eat with him at his table. And by these humanity's much less that he lost his prisoner, or ranged him to an accord less favourable; but of the contrary, by the operation of those graces and good offices, there grew between them such a familiarity and confidence, that the French king, after he had continued many years in France, made a voluntary voyage into England, to honour and gratify under that property of office, the liberality and frankness of the king. He alleged that as there was only remembrance of two kings of France that had been taken prisoners in battle, king john and himself, so the diversity of the examples was also worthy of singular memory, seeing upon the one was exercised all facility and mildness of the victor, and to the other were ministered all those rigours and severities, which tyrants in the height and pride of their fortune are wont to use. Hereunto he added many circumstances discovering the discontentment of his mind, whereupon ensued practices wherewith the emperor was not well pleased. said, that he might lawfully demand any sum by commission, and that by the consent of the whole council it was done, and took God to witness that he never desired the hindrance of the commons, but like a true councillor devised how to enrich the king. The king indeed was much offended that his commons were thus entreated, & thought it touched his honour, that his council should attempt such a doubtful matter in his name, and to be denied both of the spirituality and temporalty. Therefore be line 10 would no more of that trouble, but caused letters to be sent into all shires, that the matter should no further be talked of: & he pardoned all them that had denied the demand openly or secretly. The cardinal, to deliver himself of the evil will of the commons, purchased by procuring & advancing of this demand, affirmed, and caused it to be bruited abroad, that through his intercession the king had pardoned and released all things.  
Those that were in the Tower and Fleet for the line 20 rebellion in Suffolk, 
The rebels pardoned after their appearance in the Star chamber.  and resisting the commissioners aswell there as in Huntingdon shire and Kent, were brought before the lords in the Star chamber, and there had their offences opened and showed to them: and finally the kings pardon declared, and thereon they were delivered. ¶ In this season a great number of men of war lay at Bullongne, and in other places thereabout, which diverse times attempted to endamage the Englishmen, and to spoil the English pale: but they could never spoil the marshes line 30 where the greatest part of the cattle belonging to the inhabitants was kept. 
Tindale men great robbers  Tindale men with aid of the Scots, did much hurt in England by robberies, which they exercised: and therefore were sent thither, sir Richard Bulmere, and sir Christopher Dacres, to restrain their doings. diverse came to them, and submitted themselves: but the greatest thieves kept them in the mounteins of Cheviot, and did much hurt, yet at length they severed, and many of them were taken.  
The cardinal by his power legantine sent one of line 40 his chapleins called doctor john Allen, to visit the religious houses of this realm about this season, which doctor practised amongst them greatly to his profit, but more to the slander both of himself and of his master. On the eightéenth day of june, at the manor place of Bridewell, 
K. Henry's base son created earl and duke in one day.  the king's son (which he had begot of Elizabeth Blunt, daughter to sir john Blunt knight) called Henry Fitzroie, was created first earl of Nottingham, and after on the self same day he was created duke of Richmond and Summerset. line 50 Also the same day the lord Henry courtney earl of Devonshire, and coosine german to the king, was created marquess of Excester: and the lord Henry Brandon son to the duke of Suffolk and the French queen, a child of two years old, was created earl of Lincoln: and sir Thomas Manners lord Roos was created earl of Rutland, and sir Henry Clifford earl of Cumberland, and the lord Fitzwater sir Robert Ratcliff was created viscount Fitzwater, and sir Thomas Bullen treasurer line 60 of the king's household was created viscount Rochefort.  
The French kings mother as then regent of France, procured a safe conduct for an ambassador to be sent into England to treat of peace, and therewith sent john jokin called monsieur de Uaux, which (as ye have heard) in the last year was kept secret in master Larks house. By his procurement a truce was granted to endure from the thirteenth of julie for forty days between England and France both by sea and land. 
A truce between England & France for forty days.  In the later end of julie came into England the chief precedent of Rone with sufficient authority to conclude any agreement that should be granted. At his suit the king was contented that a truce should be taken, to endure from the fourteenth of August, till the first of December. This year the king sent doctor Henry Standish bishop of saint Ass, 
Ambassadors sent into Denma●●●.  and sir john Baker knight into Denmark, to entreat with the nobles of that country for the reduction of their king Christian to his realm and former dignity: but the Danes hated him so much for his cruelty, that they could not abide to hear of any such matter, and so these ambassadors returned without speeding of their purpose for the which they were sent.  
But the French ambassadors did so much both by offers and entreaties, 
A peace proclaimed between England & France.  that the king condescended to a peace, which being concluded, was proclaimed in London with a trumpet the eight of September. By the covenants of this peace the king of England should receive at certain days twenty hundred thousand crowns, which then amounted in sterling money to the sum of four hundred thousand pounds sterling, of which one payment of fifty thousand pounds was paid in hand. In October were sent into France, 
The lady regent sworn to perform the articles of the league.  sir William Fitzwilliam treasurer of the king's house, and doctor Tailor, as ambassadors from the king of England to the lady regent, whom they found at the city of Lion, where, of her they were honourably received: and in their presence the said lady regent took a corporal oath in solemn wise, and according to the custom in such cases used, to perform all the articles and covenants passed and concluded in the league and treaty of peace by her commissioners.  
The emperor was nothing pleased, in that the king of England had thus concluded peace with the Frenchmen, and therefore the English merchants were not so courteously dealt with, as they had been afore time. 
A winter's death.  In this winter was great death in London, so that the term was adjourned: and the king kept his Christmas at Eltham, 
The still Christmas.  with a small number, and therefore it was called the still Christmas. ¶ In januarie was a peace concluded betwixt the realms of England and Scotland for three years and six months. year 1526 The cardinal about this time coming to the court, which then lay (as before ye have heard) at Eltham, took order for altering the state of the king's house. 
The cardina●● altereth the state of the king's household.  Many officers and other servants were discharged, and put to their pensions and annuities. In which number were fourscore and four yeomen of the guard, which before having twelve pence the day with check, were now allowed six pence the day without check, and commanded to go home into their countries. divers ordinances were made at that season by the cardinal, touching the governance of the king's house, more profitable than honourable, as some said, and were called long after, 
The statutes of Eltham.  The statutes of Eltham.  
On Shrovetuesdaie there was a solemn justs held at the manor of Gréenewich, the king & eleven other on the one part, and the marquess of Excester with eleven other on the contrary part. ¶ At those justs by chance of shivering of a spear sir Francis Brian lost one of his eyes. The eleventh of February being sunday, the cardinal with great pomp came to the cathedral church of Paul's, where he sat in pontificalibus under his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold, and there doctor Barnes an Augustine friar bore a faggot for certain points of heresy alleged against him; 
Doct. Barne● and two merchants of the Stillard bear faggots.  and two merchants of the Stillard bare faggots for eating of flesh on a friday: and there the bishop of Rochester doctor Fisher made a sermon against Martin Luther, which certain years before, that is to wit, about the year a thousand five hundred and eighteen, had begun to preach and write against the authority of the pope.  
Ye must here note, that the emperor being at Windsor in the fourteenth year of the king's reign covenanted, amongst other things, to take to wife the lady Marie daughter to the king of England: but now upon considerations his mind changed, for the which the Englishmen sore murmured against him. On the nine and twentieth of April being sunday, the cardinal song a solemn mass in the king's chapel at Gréenewich, 
Anno. Reg. 18.  and after the same was ended, the king swore in presence of the ambassadors of France, 
K●ng Henry s●●rne to perfor●e the league concluded.  and of the ambassadors of Rome, of the line 10 emperor of Venice, and of Florence, to observe and keep the peace and league concluded betwixt him and his loving brother, and perpetual alley the French king, during his life and one year after.  
In this mean while, there was a secret league concluded betwixt the pope, 
A secret leag●● betwixt 〈◊〉 pope and 〈◊〉 states of I●alie.  the Venetians, the florentines, and Francis Sforza duke of Milan: into the which league the French king also entered, after he was returned into France. There was also place line 20 left to the king of England to enter into the same league, and likewise to all other kings and princes: and if the king of England would, he should be admitted as protector of the same. But the emperor might not be admitted, till he had delivered the French kings children (having a reasonable sum of money for the same) and had restored the duke of Milan to his whole duchy. It was thought indeed, that the emperor being wrongfully informed against this duke, rather through envy of some of the line 30 emperors captains, than for any cause ministered by the duke, dealt very straightly with him, & meant to defeat him of his duchy. For redress whereof, and also to provide that the emperor should not grow too strong in Italy to the danger of other estates, this league was devised: by force whereof he might be brought to reason, if he would refuse convenient offers and indifferent ways of agreement.  
This league was concluded the two and twentieth of May in this year. What followed thereof, ye line 40 may read more at large in the histories of Italy and France, 
Read Guic. ●●. 18.  where the wars are more at large touched, which chanced in that season betwixt the emperor, and the confederates, and how the imperial army took the city of Rome, and besieging the pope in castle saint Angelo, constrained him to yield, and agree to certain propositions put unto him. 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 1067  ¶ Who being by his adversity made naked of all help present, and less expectation to be rescued where was so great want of valour and order, was driven to line 50 run the race of his fortune, compounding the sixth day of june with the imperials almost under the same conditions with the which he might have accorded before. 
The pope being abandoned of all ●opes, comp●●ndeth with the imperials.  That the pope should pay to the army four hundred thousand ducats in this order: one hundred thousand presently to be defrayed of the gold, money, and treasure reserved in the castle: fifty thousand within twenty days, and two hundred and fifty thousand within two months: assigning to him for these defraiments, an impost of money to line 60 be charged upon the whole church state. That he should deliver into the power of the emperor, to retain them so long as he thought good, the castle S. Angelo, the rocks of Ostia, of Civita Uecchia, of Civita Castelano, together with the cities of Parma, Plaisanca, and Modena.  

A hard article ●nd to be me●●●lled how the pope and his 〈…〉 brook.  Furthermore, that the pope together with all those cardinals that were with him, which were thirteen in number, should remain prisoners within the castle, until the first payment of an hundred and fifty thousand ducats were satisfied. That afterwards they should go to Naples or to Caietta, to expect what the emperor would determine of them. That for assurance of the payments, whereo● the third part appertained to the Spaniards, he should deliver in for hostages, the archbishops of Siponto and Pisa, the bishops of Pistoia & Uerona, together with james Saluiatio, Simon de Ricasola, and Laurence brother to cardinal Rodolffo. That Ranso de Cero, Albert Pio, Oratio Baillon, the knight Casalo, the ambassador of England, with all others that were saved within the castle, except the pope and the cardinals, should departed in surety. That the pope should give absolution to the Colonnois of the censures they had incurred. And that when he should be led out of Rome, a legate should remain there for him with authority to dispose and administer justice.  
During the pope's captivity, 
Guic. pag. 1072  Rome was sore afflicted with the plague, in somuch that the rage thereof so greatly increased, 
The castle where the pope was prisoner infected with the plague.  that the castle of saint Angelo was visited, to the great danger of the life of the pope; about whom died certain special men that did service to his person: who amid so many afflictions and adversities, and no other hope remaining to him than in the clemency of the emperor, appointed for legate with the consent of the captains, cardinal Alexander of Farneso, who notwithstanding being issued out of the castle, and Rome, refused under that occasion to go in the, said legation. The captains desired to carry the person of the pope with the thirteen cardinals that were with him, to Caietto: but he laboured against that resolution with great diligence, petitions, and art.]  
¶ In the month of May was a proclamation made against all unlawful games, 
Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxlix.  according to the statutes made in this behalf, and commissions awarded into every shire for the execution of the same; so that in all places, tables, dice, cards, and bowls were taken and burnt. Wherefore the people murmured against the cardinal, saying: that he grudged at every man's pleasure, saving his own. But this proclamation small time endured. For when young men were forbidden bowls and such other games: some fell to drinking, some to feretting of other men's coneys, some to stealing of dear in parks, and other unthriftiness.]  
This year in the city of London a great grudge was conceived against merchant's strangers, 
Great grudge against strangers for procuring licences to sell w●dad.  for that they by virtue of licences, which they had purchased to bring woad into the realm, contrary to a statute thereof provided, brought over such plenty thereof, and uttered it aswell in the city, as abroad in the country, so frankly, that Englishmen'S woad lay unbought. 
Edw. Hall. H. 8. fol. Cliiij.  At length the mayor called a common council in the month of August, and there were many bills laid against the strangers, and at last it was enacted, that no citizen nor freeman should buy nor sell in no place, nor exchange nor meddle with certain strangers, called Anthony Bonuice, Laurence Bonuice, Anthony Uivald, Anthony Caveler, Francis de Bard, Thomas Calnecant, and a great sort more, whose names I let pass. And if any person did meddle or occupy with them contrary to this act, he should lose his freedom and liberty in the city of London. By whi●h act the strangers were so bridled, that they came to a reasonable point and conclusion.  
In this season the angel noble was just the sixth part of an ounce troy, 
Ualuation of certain coins as angels, rials, crowns, etc.  so that six angels were just an ounce, which was forty shillings sterling; & the angel was worth two ounces of silver: so that six angels were worth twelve ounces, which was but forty shillings in silver. By reason of the good weight and low valuation of the English coin, merchants daily carried over great store, because the same was much enhanced there. So that, to meet with this inconvenience, in September proclamation was made through all England, that the angel should go for seven shillings four pence, the royal for eleven shillings, & the crown for four shillings four pence. On the fift of November following, by proclamation again, the angel was enhanced to seven shillings six pence, and so every ounce of gold should be five and forty shillings, and an ounce of silver at three shillings and nine pence in value.  
The king kept a solemn Christmas at Gréenewich with revels, 
Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cliiij.  masks, disguisings, & banquets: and the thirtieth day of December, was an enterprise line 10 of justs made at the tilt by six gentlemen, against all comers, which valiantly furnished the same, both with spear and sword: and like justs were kept the third day of januarie, where were three hundred spears broken. That same night, the king and many young gentlemen with him, came to Bridewell, and there put him and fifteen other, all in masking apparel, and then took his barge, and rowed to the cardinals place, where were at supper a great company of lords and ladies, and then the maskers dansed, line 20 and made goodly pastime: and when they had well dansed, the ladies plucked away their visors, and so they were all known, and to the king was made a great banquet.  
On the fourteenth of januarie came to the court don Hugo de Mendoza, year 1527 a man of a noble family in Spain: 
An ambassador from the emperor.  he came as ambassador from the emperor put it to the king's determination, whether his demands which he required of the French king line 30 were reasonable or not. This noble man tarried here two years. 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cliiij. A play at Gray'S In.  ¶ This Christmas was a goodly disguising played at Gray'S In, which was compiled for the most part by master john roe, sergeant at the law many years past, and long before the cardinal had any authority. The effect of the play was, that lord governance was ruled by dissipation and negligence, 
The argument of the plai●.  by whose misgovernance and evil order lady public weal was put from governance: which caused rumour populi, inward grudge and disdain line 40 of wanton sovereignty, to rise with a great multitude, to expel negligence and dissipation, and to restore public wealth again to her estate, which was so done.  
This play was so set forth with rich and costly apparel, with strange devices of masks & morrishes, that it was highly praised of all men, 
The cardinal is offended at it and punisheth the author and actors of the same.  saving of the cardinal, which imagined that the play had been devised of him, and in a great fury sent for the said master roe, and took from him his coif, and sent him to line 50 the Fleet; and after he sent for the young gentlemen, that played in the play, and them highly rebuked and threatened, and sent one of them called Thomas Moil of Kent to the Fleet, but by means of friends master roe and he were delivered at last. This play sore displeased the cardinal, and yet it was never meant to him, as you have heard. Wherefore many wisemen grudged to see him take it so heartily, and ever the cardinal said that the king was highly displeased with it, and spoke nothing of himself. But what will you have of a guilty conscience but to suspect line 60 all things to be said of him (as if all the world knew his wickedness) according to the old verse: Conscius ipse sibi de se putat omnia dici.]  

Ambassadors from the French king.  The second of March were received into London the bishop of Tarbe, Francis viscount of Thurane, and master Anthony Uescie second precedent of Paris, as ambassadors from the French king. They were lodged in Tailor's hall. On Shrovetuesdaie the king himself in a new harness all gilt, of a strange fashion that had not been seen, 
Edw. Hall pag. Clu. A jousts.  and with him eight gentlemen all in cloth of gold of one suit, embroidered with knots of silver, and the marquess of Excester, and eight with him in blue velvet and white satin, like the waves of the sea, these men of arms came to the tilt, and there ran many fresh courses, till two hundred fourscore and six spears were broken, and then they disarmed and went to the queens chamber, where for them was provided a costly banquet.  
The French ambassadors sued (as was said) to have the lady Marie daughter to the K. of England, given in marriage to the duke of Orleans, 
Suit by the French ambassadors for the lady Marie to be married to the duke of Orleans.  second son to their master the French king: but that matter was put in suspense for diverse considerations. And one was, for that the precedent of Paris doubted whether the marriage between the king and her mother (she being his brother's wife) was lawful or not. ¶ While the French ambassadors lay thus in London, 
Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. Clu. The dogged nature of the French for a matter of nothing.  it happened one evening as they were coming from the Black friars, from supper to the Tailor's hall, two boys were in a gutter casting down rubbish, which the rain had driven there, and unwares hit a lackeie belonging to the viscount of Thurane, and hurt him nothing, for scantly touched it his cote. But the French lords took the matter highly, as a thing done in despite, & sent word to the cardinal. Who being too hasty of credence, sent for sir Thomas Seimor knight, lord mayor of the city, and in all hast commanded him upon his allegiance, to take the husband, wife, children, and servants of the house, and them to imprison, till he knew further of the king's pleasure, and that the two boys apprentices should be sent to the Tower: which commandment was accomplished without any favour. For the man, and his wife, and servants, 
The cardinals cruelt●●.  were kept in the counter till the sixth day of May, which was six weeks full, and their neighbours of gentleness kept their house in the mean time, and one of the apprentices died in the Tower, and the other was almost lame. Of the cruelty of the cardinal, and of the pride of the Frenchmen, much people spoke, & would have been revenged on the Frenchmen, if wise men in the city had not appeased it with fair words.]  
On the fourteenth day of March were conveyed from London to Gréenwich by the earl of Rutland and others, 
Ambassadors from the king of Hungary.  the lord Gabliel de Salamanca earl of Ottonburgh, john Burgrave of Siluerberge, and john Faber a famous clerk, after bishop of Uien, as ambassadors from don Ferdinando, brother to the emperor, newly elect king of Hungary and Beam, after the death of his brother in law king jews, which was slain by the Turk the last summer, as you have heard before. This company was welcomed of the high officers, and after brought into the king's presence, all the nobility being present, and there after great reverence made, master Faber made a notable oration, 
An oration made by master Faber.  taking his ground of the gospel, Exijt seminator seminare semen suum, and of that he declared how Christ and his disciples went forth to sow, and how their seed was good that fell into the good ground, and brought forth good fruit, which was the christian faith: and then he declared how contrary to that sowing, Mahomet had sown seed, which brought forth evil fruit. He also showed from the beginning, how the Turks have increased in power, what realms they had conquered, what people they had subdued even to that day.  
He declared further what acts the great Turk then living had done, and in especial he noted the getting of Belgrade, and of the Rhodes, and the slaying of the king of Hungary, to the great rebuke (as he said) of all the kings christened. He set forth also what power the Turk had, what diversities of companies, what armour, what captains he had, so that he thought, that without a marvelous great number of people he could not be overthrown. Wherefore he most humbly besought the king, as S. George's knight, and defender of the faith, to assist the king his master in that godly war and virtuous purpose. To this oration the K. by the mouth of sir Thomas Moor answered, 
The king's answer by the mouth of sir Thomas Moor.  that much he lamented the loss that happened in Hungary, and if it were not for the wars which were between the two great princes, he thought that the Turk would not have enterprised that act. Wherefore he with all his study would take pain, first, to set an unity and peace throughout all christendom; and after that, both with money and men, he would be ready to help toward that glorious line 10 war, as much as any other prince in christendom. After this done, the ambassadors were well cherished, and diverse times resorted to the court, and had great cheer and good rewards, and so the third day of May next ensuing, they took their leave and departed homeward.  

A very wet season for a long time by continual rain.  In the winter season of this year fell great abundance of rain, and namely in September, November, and December. And on the sixteenth of januarie it reigned so abundantly, that great floods line 20 thereby ensuing, destroyed corn fields, pastures, and drowned many sheep and beasts. Then was it dry till the twelve of April, and from thence it reigned every day or night till the third of june, & in May it reigned thirty hours continually without ceasing, which caused great floods, & did much harm, namely in corn, so that the next year it failed within this realm, and great dearth ensued.  
¶ This time a bill was set up in London, much contrary to the honour of the cardinal, 
Anno. Reg. 19 Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fo. Cluj.  in the which the line 30 cardinal was warned that he should not counsel the king to marry his daughter into France: for if he did, 
A caveat to the cardinal by a libel set ●y in London.  he should show himself enemy to the king and the realm, with many threatening words. This bill was delivered to the cardinal by sir Thomas Seimor mayor of the city, which thanked him for the same, & made much search for the author of that bill, but he could not be found, which sore displeased the cardinal. And upon this occasion the last day of April line 40 at night he caused a great watch to be kept at Westminster, and had there cart guns ready charged, & caused diverse watches to be kept about London, in Newington, S. john's street, Westminster, saint Giles, Islington, and other places near London: which watches were kept by gentlemen & their servants, with householders, and all for fear of the Londoners because of this bill. When the citizens knew of this, they said that they marveled why the cardinal hated them so, 
The citizens of London are hated of the cardinal▪ and he also of them  for they said that if he mistrusted them, he loved them not: and where love is line 50 not, there is hatred: and they affirmed that they never intended any harm toward him, and mused of this chance. For if five or six persons had made alarm in the city, than had entered all these watchmen with their train, which might have spoiled the city without cause. Wherefore they much murmured against the cardinal and his undiscréet doings.]  
The French ambassadors at Greenwich on sunday the fift of May, 

The French ambassadors in the name of their master swear to observe the league.  
See Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol▪ Clu. & deinceps.   swore in the name of their master line 60 the French king to observe the peace and league concluded between them, for term of two princes lives. These ambassadors had great cheer, and jousts were enterprised for the honour and pleasure of them at the king's commandment by sir Nicholas Carew, sir Robert jerningham, sir Anthony Browne, and Nicholas Harvey esquire challengers. Against whom ran the marquess of Excester, and thirtéen with him as defendants. When these ambassadors should return, they had great rewards giu●n them of the king, and so took their leave and departed. Shortly after the king sent sir Thomas Bullen viscount Rochfort, and sir Anthony Browne knight, as ambassadors from him into France, which came to Paris to the bishop of Bath that lay there for the king as legier. 
Ambassadors into France.   
Then these three went to the court, and saw the French king in person swear to keep the league & amity concluded between him & the king of England. Also the king sent sir Francis Poins knight ambassador from him to Charles the emperor, and with him went Clarenceaur king of arms, to demand the one half of the treasure and ordinance which was taken at Pavia, 
An embassage to the emperor  forsomuch as that war was made as well at the kings charge as at the emperors. Also they were commanded to demand one of the French kings sons, which lay in hostage with the emperor, that is to wit, the duke of Orleans to be delivered to the king of England; and further that he should call back his army out of Italy. And if it were so that he refused these reasonable requests, than should they in the king's name denounce open war against him. The English merchants liked the matter nothing at all, that there should be any wars betwixt the emperor and the king of England. And where they were desired by the cardinal to keep their marts at Calis, they would not assent thereto.  
¶ In this mean time great wars were managed between the pope and other princes, 
Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 106● The duke of Bourbon incampeth near Rome.  amongst whom the duke of Bourbon (of whom you have heard often mention before in sundry actions) levying a great power, led the same towards Rome, and encamped within the meadow near to the city, from whence with the insolency of a soldier he sent a trumpet to demand passage of the pope through the city of Rome, to go with his army to the realm of Naples. The morning following upon the point of the day, by the consideration of his case and the adversities thereof, he found there remained no other hope for his affairs, than to be resolute to relieve the afflictions of his army, and according to the opportunity that was offered by the city of Rome, either to die or to vanquish. In which resolution pushed on more and more by the murmurs and exclamations of his soldiers, in whom he could not discern which was greater, either their insolences or their necessities, he drew near the suburbs by the way of the mountain and Santo Spirito, where he began to give a furious assault. Wherein he seemed to have the favour of fortune, who made him present his army in more surety by the benefit of a thick mist, which being risen before day, and increased with degrees of fog and thickness, became such a cover to his whole camp, that his soldiers were not discerned till they were near the place where they began to give the assault.  
The duke of Bourbon through a last despair of his estate advanced before all his companies, either for that he had no other expectation of refuge, in case he returned not victorious, or else by his own example he thought to call on with a greater courage the lanceknights, who it seemed went not resolutely to the service. But such was his destiny to determine his life & his glory together, or rather such the reward of his wilful forwardness, which for the most part heapeth wretched effects upon such as seek not to accompany their valour with counsel and discretion. 
The duke of Bourbon slain at the assault of Rome.  In the beginning of the assault he was stricken with a bullet of an arqebus, of which wound he fell down dead to the earth, receiving justly upon his body and life the price of the action, which contrary to all justice and piety he went about to execute. But much less that his death did abate or diminish, seeing it did inflame and redouble the courage of his soldiers, who fight with a wonderful constancy the space of two hours, made way at last by their hands and weapons to enter the suburbs, wherein they were not only helped by the weakness of the rampires which were great and general, but also they found help in the slender resistance which the defendants made.  

The moral of the fore said action worth the noting.  An experience of right good doctrine to such as have not as yet gotten by the benefit of examples past, the knowledge of things present, who in that action may discern what property of difference is between the virtue of soldiers exercised and trained in war, and armies newly and hastily levied, line 10 and compounded of the multitude of a people more wilful than skilful; and by so much less apt to be drawn under discipline, by how much more by their nature and custom they are seldom conformable to any good order. For there was at the defence of the suburbs one part of the youth of Rome, under the ensigns of the people; notwithstanding that many of the Gebelins & faction of Colonno desired, or at least did not fear the victory of the imperials. They hoped in regard of their faction, to receive no harm line 20 or offence by the victors: the same being the cause why they proceeded so coldly in the defence. Nevertheless, for that according to the rules of war, it is a hard matter to take towns without artilleries, there died of the assailants, partly by that want, and partly through their wilful forwardness, about a a thousand footmen; who having once by their valour made the way open to enter in, all the defendants fled before them as men whose fear was far above any other sense or passion in them. line 30  

Rome taken and sacked.  In which disorder, some took the way which his fortune and not his wit laid out for him: some in the astonishment seeking to fly, who durst no more fight, were slain by the enemy afore he could resolve upon the way of his safety; some either better prepared, or more happily preserved, found that safety in running away, which they could not but doubt if they had longer endured the fight: and some with that resolution which their present calamity would suffer, ran by heaps towards the castle, where in place of rescue they found a fear conformable to line 40 their own: insomuch as all things being reduced to confusion and manifest flight, the suburbs were entirely abandoned & left a prey to the victors. And the person of the pope, who expected with great devotion in the palace of Uatican what would be the issue of the assault, hearing that the enemies were entered, had also (with the others) his passions of fear & frailty, 
The pope with certain cardinals fly to the castle of saint Angelo.  and in that timorous contemplation of his own peril, he fled with certain cardinals to the castle. line 50  
His fear kept him from being resolute in a peril that was so desperate, neither did he think, that with the presence and majesty of his person, though it was covered with the vail of the highest dignity on earth, he was able to put by the danger, which the valour and fidelity of his soldiers could not defend with their weapons. There he consulted with the cardinals, whether it were more for his safety to remain there, or during the fury of the astonishment, to retire with the light horsemen of his guard into some place of more surety by the way of line 60 Rome. But he, who was appointed by destiny, to be an example of the calamities that may thunder upon pope's, and how frail is the authority and majesty of that see, being certified by the relation of Berard de Padua, who was fled from the army imperial, that the duke of Bourbon was dead, and that the whole army standing abated in courage for the death of their captain, desired to come to accord with him. In which matter they sent out men to parlée with the principals there, he wretchedly left there all his councils to go away, both he and his captains remaining no less irresolute in the provisions for defence, than they had been slow in the expeditions.  
So that the day following, the Spaniards neither seeing order nor council to defend the quarter beyond Tiber, entered the place without any resistance. And from thence, not finding any impediments to stop their victory, the same evening they entered the city of Rome by the bridge Xisto,; where, 
The Spaniards enter into Rome by the bridge Xisto.  except such as reapposed in the confidence of their faction, and certain cardinals, who for that they bore a name to embrace the emperors quarrel, believed to find more surety than the others, all the residue of the court and city (as happeneth in accidents so furious) was converted into fleeing and confusion. But the soldiers being within the city, which they knew wanted nothing to make them right glorious, and well satisfied of all things appertaining to their desires, they began to omit no time to execute the thing they had so dearly bought. Every one ran to pillage with the same unbridled liberty, which in such cases maketh soldiers both insolent and impious.  
There was small care or regard borne either to the name of friends, factions, or favourers; 
The reader is to tolerate the report of this history though savouring of superstition.  and much less was respected the authority of cardinals and prelates, or dignity of temples and monasteries; and lastly, not reserved from violation, the holy relics brought thither from all parts of the world; yea even things sacred, and specially dedicated, were profaned from their shrines and holy places, and made subject to the furious wills and discretion of the soldiers. It is not only impossible to reaccount, but also to imagine the calamities of that city raised to a wonderful greatness, and appointed by God's ordinance to suffer many fortunes and directions, having been sacked by the Goths within ix. C. and lxxx years. It is hard to particulate the greatness of the prey, both for the general wealth and riches which the greedy hands of the soldiers had made up in heaps, and for other things more rare and precious drawn out of the storehouses of merchants and courtiers. But the matter which made the spoil infinite in value, was the quality and great number of prisoners redeemed with most rich and huge ransoms.  
And to make up a full tragedy of misery and infamy, 
This spectacle could not but afford plenty of hart-greéfe.  the lanceknights being so much the more insolent and cruel, by how much they bore hatred to the name of the church of Rome, took prisoners certain prelates, whom with great contempt and indignity they set upon asses and lean mules, and with their faces reversed to the crowp of the beasts, they led them through the city of Rome, appareled with the habits and marks of their dignity: yea they passed many of them to cruel torments, who either died in the fury of the action, or at least with the painfulness thereof they lived not long after, first yielding a ransom, and afterwards rendering their lives. The general slaughter as well at the assault as in the rage of sacking, was about four thousand bodies. All the palaces of the cardinals were sacked, except some particulars, who to save the merchants that were retired thither with their goods, together with the persons and goods of many others reserved of the general calamity, made promise of great sums of money. To whom notwithstanding was used this iniquity, that some of them that had compounded with the Spaniards, were afterwards sacked by the lanceknights, or at least constrained to a second ransom.  
The lady marquess of Mantua compounded for her palace for the sum of fifty thousand ducats, 
Compositions with the soldiers to sa●● certain places unsacked.  which were paid by the merchants and others retired thither: of which sum the rumour ran, that Ferrand her son had ten thousand for his share. The cardinal of Sienna dedicated in a perpetual devotion to the name of the emperor, after he had agreed with the Spaniards, as well for himself as for his palace, was afterwards made prisoner by the lanceknights, who made booty and prey of his palace; and afterwards leading him all naked with buffets and bastanadoes into the borough, he was driven to redeem his life out of their hands, with a promise of five thousand ducats. The cardinals Minerva and Ponsero passed under almost the like line 10 calamity, who being prisoners to the lanceknights, were rated at a ransom which they paid, after they had been in a vile spectacle carried in procession through the town of Rome.  
This fury of soldiers executed in a place of so great riches and profit, could endure no dispensation of any sort or quality of men, seeing the prelates and cardinals, Spanish and Germans, who made themselves assured that the soldiers of their nation would spare them from oppression and taxation, line 20 were taken and passed by the same measure of misery and calamity as others did. Right pitiful were the criengs and lamentations of the women of Rome: 
The shameful and lamentable abuse which the soldiers offered to the female sex.  and no less worthy of compassion, the calamity of nuns and virgins professed, whom the soldiers ravished by troops out of their houses to satisfy their lust, no age, no sex, no dignity or calling was free from the violation of soldiers, in whom it was doubtful whether bore more rule, the humour of cruelty to kill, or the appetite of lust to deflower, or line 30 lastly, the rage of covetousness to rob and spoil: yea in the violation of these women might be discerned a confirmation of the judgements of God hidden from mortal men, for that he suffered to be delivered up to the vileness of men, barbarous and bloody, the renowned chastity of women professed and virgins.  
To this compassion was joined the infinite clamours of men forced against all law of humanity, partly to wrest from them unreasonable ransoms, line 40 and partly to disclose their goods which 〈◊〉 had hidden from the ravin of the soldiers. All 〈◊〉 things, sacraments and relics of saints, whereof the churches were full, being despoiled of their ornaments, were pulled down, and laid upon the earth, suffering no small profanations, by the vile hands of the lanceknights. And whatsoever remained upon the preys and spoilings of the imperials, which were things but base and vile, were raked and carried away by the peasants and tenants of the lands of the Colonnois, whose insolency carried them into Rome line 50 during the general fury. Only the cardinal of Colonno arriving the day after, preserved in his compassion the honour of many women that happily were fled for rescue into his house. The rumour went that the valuation and price of this sack in gold, 
The value of this sack in gold, silver, and jewels.  silver, and jewels, amounted to more than a millian of ducats, but the matter of ransoms contained a greater quantity.]  
When Rome was thus taken by the imperials, and the pope brought into captivity, therewith the line 60 king was so incensed against the emperor by the instigation of the cardinal, that he had determined not to spare any treasure for the pope's deliverance. There rose a secret brute in London that the king's confessor doctor Longland, 
The king's marriage brought in question.  and diverse other great clerks had told the king that the marriage between him and the lady Katherine, late wife to his brother prince Arthur was not lawful: whereupon the king should sue a divorce, and marry the duchess of Alencon sister to the French king at the town of Calis this summer: and that the viscount Rochfort had brought with him the picture of the said lady. The king was offended with those tales, and sent for sir Thomas Seimor mayor of the city of London, secretly charging him to see that the people ceased from such talk.  
But what so ever the commons talked, it was determined that the cardinal should go over into France as high ambassador for the king, and to take with him twelve score thousand pounds, to be employed on the wars to be made by the confederates against the emperor, if he would not condescend to such demands as the English ambassadors on the king's behalf should exhibit unto him. 
The cardinal goeth ambassador into France.  The third of julie this triumphant cardinal passed through London with twelve hundred horse towards the sea side, and coming unto Canturburie rested there, and there declared to the people what had chanced unto the pope, and caused the monks of Christ's church to sing their Litany after this manner: 
A procession. A new deutsed litany.  Sancta Maria ora pro Clement papa, etc. Then he exhorted the people to fast and pray for the pope's deliverance, accordingly as he had already sent commissions unto all the bishops within the realm to follow that order, which was to fast three days in the week, and to use in every parish solemn processions. The eleventh of julie the cardinal took shipping at Dover, and landed the same day at Calis, from whence he departed the two and twentieth of julie, and with him was the bishop of London Cuthbert Tunstall, the lord Sands chamberlain to the king, the earl of Derbie, sir Henry Guildford, sir Thomas Moor, with many other knights and esquires, in all to the number of twelve hundred horse, and of carriages there were four score wagons, and three score mules and sumpter horses.  
He that is desirous to understand with what honour this triumphant cardinal was received in all places as he passed through Picardy by order given by the French king, may read thereof at large in the chronicles of master Edward Hall. 
The cardinal is honourably received by the French king.  At Amiens he was received by the French king himself, and by his mother with all other chief peers of France. There was nothing forgot that might do him honour or pleasure. But to the effect of his business. After he had showed his commission, they fell in council, and in the end grew to a full conclusion of a league to be accorded and established betwixt the kings of England and France: 
A league between England and France.  the covenants and articles whereof were drawn and written up in a fair charter, which was sealed in solemn wise, and delivered unto the cardinals by the kings own hand.  
After this, it was agreed, that Odet de Fois, commonly called monsieur de Lawtrech, 
Monsieur de Lawtrech.  should go into Italy with a puissant army to procure the pope's deliverance, & expel the emperors power out of all the party of Italy, if he refused such reasonable offers & articls of agreement as were drawn, & should be exhibited to him. 
Sir Robert jerningham.  In this army went sir Robert jerningham, john Carew of Hakam, & 80 other English gentlemen, which were sent by the cardinal from Amiens. When the army was assembled, the cardinal delivered the money which he had brought out of England with him in barrels, with the which the army was paid two months before hand, & the surplusage was delivered to sir Robert jerningham, which was called treasurer of the wars. This army was called in Latin, 
The name of the army sent into Italy.  Exercitus Angliae & Gallorum regum pro pontifice Romano liberando congregatus, that is to say, The army of the kings of England and France, gathered for the deliverance of the bishop of Rome: and so was it reputed.  
In this mean time the English ambassadors, sir Francis Poins and Clarenceaux the herald, were come into Spain, and there to the emperor in the town of Uale Doliffe the sixth of julie delivered the king's letters, and further declared their message as they had in commandment. 
The emperors answer to the ambassadors.  The emperor made to them a courteous answer for that time, and said he would take counsel in the matter, and then should they receive further answer, and in the mean time they might repose them. Within a day or two after he called to him doctor Lée that was the king's ambassador legier there with him, & the said sir Francis Poins, and said to them; My lords we have perceived the king your masters demands, which are line 10 weighty and of great importance. Wherefore we intent with all speed to write to the king our uncle, and when we have received answer from him, we shall deliver you of such things as you require, praying you in the mean time to take patience.  
The emperor protracted time of purpose, because he was loath to answer directly to such grievous and most irksome complaints, because he guessed by the course of things that the French king would shortly be constrained to agree to those conditions of peace, line 20 which he at the first had offered. But the French king & the cardinal being together at Amiens, amongst other things determined there betwixt them in counsel, devised further what articles of offer should be sent to the emperor, which if he refused, then open defiance to be made unto him in name of both the kings. The articles were these in effect.  
1 First that the French king should pay for his ransom 25000 crowns: 
Articles proponed to the emperor being in number fifteen.  one writer calleth it two millians. 2 Also that he should release all the pension that he had in Naples, with all the right of the line 30 same. 3 Also that he should never claim title to the duchy of Milan. 4 Also he should release the superiority of Flanders for ever, and the right which he had to the city of Torneie. 5 Also he should release all the homages of all persons within those countries. 6 Also to withdraw his army out of Italy. 7 Also to forsake the aid of the Swissers against the emperor. 8 Also to take no more part with Robert de la March against the emperor. 9 Also never to aid the king of Navarre against line 40 him, although he had married the king's sister. 10 Also never to aid the duke of Gelderland, nor to challenge the same duchy. 11 Also to aid the emperor with ships and men to his coronation. 12 Also to marry the lady Elinor queen of Portugal sister to the emperor. 13 Also that the Dolphin should marry the said queens daughter. 14 Also that if the French king had any children male by the said queen, than the duchy of Burgognie to remain to line 50 the said child being male. 15 Also that the French king should be friend to the emperor & his friends, and enemy to his enemies.  
These with many other articles, which were not openly known, were sent to the bishop of Tarbe, and to the viscount of Thuraine ambassadors with the emperor from the French king. Other articles were also sent to the English ambassadors being in Spain, 
Articles sent to the English ambassadors in Spain.  as to move the emperor to some reasonable end with the French king: and that the king of line 60 England would release unto him all the sums of money due to him, as well by the emperor Maximilian his grandfather as himself, and take the French king as debtor for the same. If he would not agree to these offers, than was it accorded, that the French king should marry the lady Marie daughter to the king of England, and they both to be enemies to the emperor. When all these things were concluded, the cardinal took his leave of the French king & his mother, 
The cardinal returneth out of France.  and with great rewards returned, coming to Richmond, where the king then lay, the last of September.  

Ambassadors from the French king.  In October, there came ambassadors from the French king into England, the lord Annas de Montmerancie, great master of the said French kings house, the bishop of Baion chief precedent of Rone, and monsieur de Humiers accompanied with sixty gentlemen well appointed. These ambassadors were received with all honour that might be devised. On All-hallows day the king coming to the cathedral church of saint Paul, where the cardinal sang mass, swore before the high altar in the presence of the French ambassadors to keep and perform the league. 
The king of England receiveth the order of saint Michae●l.  On sunday the tenth of November, the king being elected knight of the order of S. Michael, received at Gréenewich the said order by the hands of the great master of France, and monsieur Humiers that were companions of the same order: in like case as the French king the same day at Paris received the order of the garter by the hands of the lord Lisle, doctor Tailor master of the rolls, sir Nicholas Carew knight master of the king's horses, sir Anthony Browne knight, and sir Thomas Wriothesleie knight, 
The French king receiveth the order of the garter.  otherwise called Gartier king of arms, the which were sent thither with the whole habit, collar, and other habiliments of the order as appertained.  
After that the French ambassadors had been highly feasted, banketed, and entertained, with all honour and pastime convenient, the great master and all his company took leave of the king, and with great rewards returned into France, leaving the bishop of Baion behind them, who abode ambassador legier in England. 
Bilneie and other abjured.  In this month of November, Arthur Bilneie, Geffreie Lome, and one Garret that spoke against the pope's authority, were abjured by the cardinal. ¶ By reason of the great wet that fell in the sowing time of the corn, and in the beginning of the last year, now in the beginning of this, corn so failed, that in the city of London for a while bread was scant, by reason that commissioners appointed to see order taken in shires about, ordained that none should be conveyed out of one shire into an other.  
Which order had like to have bred disorder, for that every country and place was not provided alike, and namely London, 
Dearth of corn in London and elsewhere.  that maketh her provision out of other places, felt great inconvenience hereby, till the merchants of the Stiliard, and others out of the Dutch countries, brought such plenty, that it was better cheap in London than in any other part of England, for the king also relieved the citizens in time of their need with a thousand quarters by way of lone of his own provision. The scarcity at the first was more than the dearth. For in the beginning of their want, wheat was only at fifteen shillings a quarter, & from thence it rose to twenty shillings, and after to six and twenty shillings eight pence the quarter, till remedy by outward provision was procured and had. In this mean while the lord Lautrech with his army was entered into Italy, where how he sped, and what came of that expedition, ye shall find in the histories of France and Italy, and therefore in this place I pass it over. Sir Francis Poins knight, in the end of December, returned out of Spain into England, leaving Clarenceaux behind him to bring further answer.  
The emperor at the request of this sir Francis Poins, 
The emperor releaseth 12 prejudicial articles to the French king.  who made the same in name of his master the king of England, was contented to release twelve articles, which were reputed most prejudicial to the French king, only to gratify the king of England: but the cardinal kept the king still in displeasure toward the emperor, for the favour which he bore to the French king, whose only purposes he sought to advance. The articles which were drawn at Amiens when the cardinal was there, were exhibited to the emperor by the French ambassadors, and because he refused the same, word was sent to Clarenceaux king of arms, to make defiance to the emperor. Whereupon on the wednesday the two and twentieth of januarie, Given king of arms to the French king, and Clarenceaux king of arms to the king of England, being in the city of Burges in Spain, came to the court of Charles the elect emperor, about nine of the clock in the morning, and there did request of his majesty, that it would please him to appoint them an hour of audience. line 10  
The lord de Chaoux by ordinance from his majesty gave them answer, that it should be about ten of the clock before noon the same day. And at the same hour his majesty came into the great hall of his court accompanied with diverse prelates, 
The emperor ●●mmeth at 〈◊〉 hour of ●●dience.  dukes, marquess', earls, barons, and other great lords and good personages, of diverse nations of his kingdom and signiories in great number. The emperor sitting in a chair prepared according to his dignity, the two kings of arms of France & England line 20 being in the neither end of the hall, holding upon their left arms each one his coat of arms, did make three solemn reverences accustomed, with knee to the ground. And when they were at the lowest stair before his imperial majesty, Clarenceaux king of arms of England, having the words in both their names, spoke as followeth.  
Sir, following the three edicts inviolably kept and observed by your predecessors emperors of Rome, 
The words of Clarence●ux king of arms to the emperor.  kings, princes, and captains, Given king of line 30 arms of the most christened king; and also Clarenceaux king of arms to the king of England our sovereign & natural lords: we presenting ourselves before your sacred majesty, for to declare certain things from the said kings our masters: beseech your majesty, that having regard to the said laws according to your benignity and mercy, that it would please you to give us sure access and good entreating in your countries, lands, and signiories, attending your answer, with sure conduct to return line 40 unto the countries, lands, and signiories of our said sovereign lords. 
The emperor giveth the herald's liberty to speak.  The emperor than bade them say on whatsoever the kings your masters have given you in charge: your privileges shall be kept, none shall do you any displeasure within my kingdoms or territories. After this, Given read a writing signed with the hand of the said Given king of arms.  

A copy of the said writing line 50 read as followeth.  
SIr, the most christened king my sovereign and natural lord hath commanded me to say to you, that he hath conceived a marvelous grief and displeasure of that, that in place of amity, which he so much desired to have with you, the former enmity in full force still remaineth. By the which he seeth and perceiveth, line 60 that the evils and inconveniences long since begun, shall continue and augment, not only unto you, and unto him, with your vassals and subjects, but also unto all christendom: and that the forces and youths which the one and the other aught to employ against the enemies of the faith, shall be spent to the effusion of christian blood, and in offence unto God: and that you and he endowed with so many gracious gifts, shall not enjoy the benefits, which it pleased the son of God to leave to us, by his testament, which is peace, whereof all goodness proceedeth; and in place of the same shall have war, whereof followeth all calamities, dangers, inconveniences, poverties, and miseries.  
Héerewith you shall submit yourself unto them whom ye may command, 
The inconveniences of war moved to the emperor.  and shall hazard the blood and substance of your subjects in the purses of strangers. Every one as for himself ought to have regard thereto, and for the short time that we have here to live, not to go about to deprive himself of that tranquility, joy, good regard and pastime, that the princes may have by peace: and by following the war, to be in poverty, heaviness, and hazard of loss of goods, honours, and lives: and that worst is, after they have had evil days in this world, to be in danger of eternal pain in the world to come, through them that have been the cause thereof, and that would not yield unto reason.  
The king my sovereign lord is ready to put himself for his part in all devoir, and more than so, to have peace and amity with you: and by this means peace shall be procured throughout all christendom, whereby men might do God good service, in making war on the Infidels, which will be so thankful to him, that it will put off the punishment of faults, which have been committed heretofore by reason of the wars, which have too long endured between you two, and not yet like to cease, considering the terms which you hold and seek to maintain; sith on the one part, certain advowing themselves on you, have assailed and taken by force the city of Rome, which is the place of the holy and apostolic see, where they have committed and done all the mischief that might be devised.  
The churches and relics were profaned, 
The herald prosecuteth the state of Rome & the pope in lamentable sor●.  the pope holding saint Peter's seat, as vicar of God on earth, taken and put out of his liberty. By means whereof, they that have committed and executed the said execrable deeds and wickedness, with their authors and fautors, be fallen and run in pains of right; and they that hold them captives, bear themselves on you; and he that doth keep them, hath been and is of the principal captains, of whom you have been served in your wars in Italy and other parts. And on the other side, the difference which at this time resteth between you and the king my sovereign and natural lord, is principally upon the ransom and recovery of the princes his sons, which you hold for hostages of the same. He hath oftentimes offered, and yet doth offer to pay to you, and give to you, not only that which may be said to be reasonable, and in such cases accustomed, but also more largely.  
You ought not to stand upon things which by force and constraint he hath promised, the which justly and honestly he may not perform nor accomplish: you had a great deal more gained, to have taken the said ransom which was offered unto you, than to continue the war, and to give occasion of all the evils and inconveniences that daily happen thereby through christendom. You see the king of England, 
The herald moveth the emperor with the king of England's example, etc.  with whom he hath brotherly amity for ever, and also the venetians, Florentines, and duke of Bar, and other princes and potentates, following and holding the party of the said christian king, for that they see he yieldeth to reason, and by reason you will not thereto incline, the universal peace can not be concluded in christendom. The enemies of the faith gain countries: all Italy is in arms, blood and rapine, and the apostolical see in trouble: so that if on your part you seek not remedy, and that things do thus continue as they have begun, it is to be feared that God will be angry.  
And for as much (sir) as to the declarations which the above said princes have offered unto you, 
The herald commmeth to the very drift of his message.  and the presentations which the said christian king hath made unto you, you have refused to give ear, thereby to come to some accord with him, and to content yourself with a ransom more than reasonable: also for that you will not render unto his good brother, perpetual alley and confederate, the king of England, that which is his, set the pope at liberty, and leave Italy in peace and tranquility, he hath commanded me to declare, signify, and notify unto you, his great grief and displeasure, with his said good brother the king of England, that they will hold and take you for their enemy, declaring all manner of treaties and covenants heretofore passed between them and you, in all that concerneth your profit & utility to be nothing, and that for his part he will not observe nor line 10 keep the same.  
Nay he hath resolved by all means that he may imagine with his good friends, allies, & confederates, & with all his forces to endamage you, your countries, 
What the king of England desireth of the emperor in the French kings behalf.  lands, and vassals by war, or otherwise, in such sort as he may devise, until the time that you have restored unto him his children, with honest means and covenants touching his ransom, delivered the pope, rendered unto the king of England that you hold of him, and acquitted the sum which line 20 you own him, and suffer his allies and confederates to live in peace, rest, and tranquility, and protesteth before God and all the world, that he doth not wish nor desire the war, but that it wholly displeaseth him, and is not therefore the cause of the evil that is or may come thereof, considering that he hath put, and will put himself unto all reason, as he hath offered and signified unto you and to all other christian princes, and yet doth.  
And of all this he calleth God (who knoweth all line 30 things) to witness. And for that under colour of the publication of the pretended treaty of Madrill made, he being yet prisoner in Spain, diverse of your subjects, and of them of the king of England's, and of his have carried their merchandizes and other goods into the kingdoms, 
The king of England's meaning and the French kings for the return of the emperors subjects out of their countries, and contrariwise.  streicts, and seignories the one of the other, whereby may ensue great damages, if of them no mention should be made in this present declaration and signification: my sovereign lord and the said king of England be contented that liberty line 40 be given unto all subjects being in the said kingdoms, countries, streicts, and signiories, to retire and departed from thence with all their goods and merchandizes within forty days after this intimation made. Provided that you shall do the like unto their subjects in all & every their merchandizes. Given the eleventh day of November 1527, & signed Given king of arms.   
The emperor after the defiance given by Guien, line 50 spoke in this sort: I do understand that which you have read from the king your master, & I do much marvel why he doth defy me, 
The emperor's words to Given the French kings herald.  for he being my prisoner by right war, and I having his faith by reason he can not do it. It is unto me a novelty to be defied of him, seeing it is six or seven years that he hath warred against me, and yet given me no defiance. And sith that by the grace of God I have defended myself from him (as he hath seen, and every one line 60 else) without that he hath given me any warning, or considering the reason and justification whereon I do rest myself, for the which I think I have not otherwise deserved towards God: I hope that at this time now you advertise me of it, being advertised I shall defend myself the better, in such sort that the king your master shall do me no hurt: for sith he doth defy me, I am half assured.  
And touching that which you spoke of the pope, none hath been more sorrowful than I of that which was done, 
How the emperor was affectioned for the pope in his captivity.  and it was without my knowledge or commandment: and that which hath been done, was done by unruly people, without obedience to any of my captains. And yet I advertise you, that the pope long since is set at liberty, and yesterday I had certain news of it. And touching the sons of your master, he knoweth that I have them for pledges; and also my lords his ambassadors know well, that the fault hath not lain in me that they have not been delivered. And as for that of the king of England my good brother and uncle, 
The emperor seemeth loath to incur the ●. of England's displeasure.  I believe if it be so as you do say, that he is not well informed of things passed: and if he were, yet could I not say as your writing containeth, I desire to send him my reasons for to advertise him of all the truth. And I believe when he shall know it, that he will be unto me as he hath been.  
I never denied the money which I borrowed of him, and I am ready to pay it as by reason & right I am bound: and thanked be God I have enough to do it. Nevertheless, if he will make war against me, it will be to my great displeasure, & I cannot but defend myself. I pray to God that he give me no more occasion than I think I have given unto him. And to the rest, for that your writing is great, and the paper showeth itself to be gentle, seeing that they have written what they would, you shall give me the writing, whereby more particularly I may answer in another paper, wherein shall be nothing but truth. This answer being made by his majesty with his own mouth unto Given king of arms, the said Given took his cote of arms that he had on his left arm (as before is said) and put it on, and then Clarenceaux king of arms of England said unto his majesty, not by writing, but by mouth, as followeth.  

The English heralds message delivered by word of mouth.  
SIr, the king my sovereign lord hath commanded me to say unto you, that seeing the necessity of peace in the christian religion, as well by reason of the enforcements many years past, begun by the great Turk enemy unto our faith, which by force of arms hath taken away from the christians the city and I'll of Rhodes, one of the principal bulwarks of christendom, and in Hungary the fortress of Belgrade, and part of the country there, as also by heresies and new sects, of late risen in diverse places of christendom; and likewise knowing the great wars being kindled in all parts, 
The report of the herald falleth out justifiable by Guicciardines' discourse, lib. 18.  by means of which all christendom is in trouble, confusion, and marvelous division, and not long since by your people and ministers and soldiers in your army, and under your captains the holy city of Rome hath been sacked and rob, the person of our holy father the pope taken prisoner, and kept by your people, the cardinals likewise taken and put to ransom, the churches rob, bishops, priests, and people of religion put to the sword, and so many other evils, cruelties, and inhuman facts committed by your people, that the air and the land are infected therewith.  
And it is very like, that God is very greatly stirred and provoked unto ire. And to speak after the manner of men, if by amendment it be not pacified, innumerable evils and inconveniences shall happen unto all christendom. And for that the root and increasement of the said war, proceedeth of the contentions and debates between you, and the most christened king his good brother and perpetual alley: to make an end of which debates, the king my sovereign lord hath sent his ambassadors and others, unto the most christened king his good brother, with whom he hath done so much, 
The king of England favoured the French king.  that for the love that he hath borne him, he hath made unto you so great offers, and so reasonable, that you cannot, nor ought reasonably to refuse them, as conditions and offers for his ransom exceeding the ransom accustomed of all kings. And if in this, the consideration of peace had not been, an evil example might thereof grow for other kings and christened princes subject unto the like fortune.  
Of which offers and conditions he hath likewise advertised you by his ambassadors, 
The herald useth an argument drawn from benefits received to move the emperor.  prayed and besought you for the honour of God, and the wealth of all christendom, for the benefits and pleasures that he hath done unto you diverse ways, and that in line 10 time of your great need, that it would please you to accept the said offers, and make an end of the said wars, that have too long endured. Likewise as a christened prince bound to the protection of the pope, and see apostolic, and consequently to the deliverance of his holiness (whom you cannot, nor aught to keep prisoner without great offence) that you would restore his holiness unto a full and entire liberty. Also he hath oftentimes showed by diverse obligations, line 20 and other means, how you are indebted unto him in diverse great sums of money, that he hath given and lent you in your necessity, requiring you to make payment.  
Of all which things you have made no account from time to time, but deferred it, and held in suspense the ambassadors of the king my sovereign, without having regard to God's honour, and the necessity of all christendom, and the reverence that ye ought to have unto the holy seat and person of our line 30 holy father the pope, the vicar of God on earth, or unto the pleasures that you have received of him, or unto your faith and promise that you so oftentimes have made. 
The herald of England showeth the emperor what is the king of England's present determination ●f his offers be refused.  And for this cause the king my said sovereign, by honest reason and justice constrained, by great and ripe deliberation of his council, hoping for a final conclusion, hath caused again to be presented offers more large and to greater advantage than the others before, to put you in devoir, and to avoid and take away all occasion to defer and dissemble line 40 to come to reason.  
Which offers, and the augmenting of the same, have been made and made again, with all demonstrations and honest reasons that have been possible, And in the end there hath been made unto you instance for the delivery of our holy father, whom you have restrained or caused to be restrained in place of delivery, which is very strange, & against the true estate & duty of a christian prince. So that the king my sovereign, & the most christian king his brother line 50 and perpetual alley, can no longer endure it with their honours and duty towards God and the church. And seeing you will not condescend to reason, nor accept the said offers being more than reasonable, nor satisfy the king my said sovereign of the debts by you due, as you are bound, he hath concluded with the said most christened king his good brother & perpetual alley, & other of his confederates, to do his endeavour to constrain you by force & might of arms to deliver our holy father, & likewise the children of France, whom you hold, in paying you a reasonable line 60 ransom, and to satisfy him of that you own him.  
Therefore the king my sovereign lord, as a true and constant prince, 
The disposition of the king of England to the pope and the French king.  willing to keep inviolably his faith, which he hath promised unto the said christian prince and other his allies, and not willing to leave the person of our said holy father the pope in captivity, as also will not the said christian king: they two do summon you at this time for all, to accept these last offers, for the deliverance of the said children of France, and for the wealth of an universal peace, & to deliver the person of our said holy father, & also to pay speedily and without any more delay, the debts by you due unto the king my sovereign. And if you refuse these final offers, and also to deliver the person of our said holy father, and pay the said debts, as a good christian prince and lover of peace is bound to do; the king my sovereign, and the said christian king his good brother, not without great sorrow and displeasure, 
The defiance intimated to the emperor by the herald of England.  do declare to be your enemies, and so hereafter do hold and repute you for such one, denouncing unto you war by sea and land, and defieng you with all their forces.  
Nevertheless, considering that there be diverse of your subjects, and great quantity of their goods in the realms of England and France, and other lands & lordships of the said princes: likewise there be diverse of the subjects of the kings of England and France, and of their goods in your kingdoms, countries, lands, and lordships, 
Liberty granted to the emperor's subjects in England and France to return to their own countries, and the like demanded on the contrary part.  the which may receive aswell of the one part as of the other, great and unrecoverable hurts and damages, if without advertisements and monition they should be taken and detained, the king's majesty my sovereign, and the most christian king of France his good brother be willing that liberty be given unto your subjects being in their kingdoms, countries, and lordships, for to retire and departed with all their goods and merchandise, within forty days after this intimation, so that the like liberty and permission be in like sort granted to their subjects. ¶ To this defiance of the king at arms of England the emperors majesty did answer in these words.   

The emperors answer to the English heralds oration.  
I Do understand that which you have declared, and I cannot think that if the king of England were throughly advertised of things as they have passed, and of the reason to which I have yielded, he would not say that which you have said, and therefore mine intention is to advertise him. As to that which you spoke of the pope, I was never consenting to his destruction, which was never done by my commandment: & I give you to understand, that he is delivered, and I am sorry for the harms that were done at the time when he was taken, of the which I take myself not to be in fault, as I have told the king at arms of France, And as to the deliverance of the French kings sons, where means have been made for their deliverance, I have been ready to give ear thereto, and the fault resteth not in me, for that the peace hath not been concluded.  
But now that you tell me that the king your master will force me to deliver them, 
The emperor's modesty in this point notable.  I will answer thereto in other sort than hitherto I have done, and I trust to keep them in such wise, that by force I shall not need to deliver them: for I am not accustomed to be forced in things which I do. As to the debt which the king of England hath lent me, I have never denied it, neither do I deny it, but am ready to pay it as right requireth, as I have caused it to be declared unto him, and I myself have showed no less to his ambassadors, and delivered my saying by writing, and I cannot believe, that for such things (which I refuse not to accomplish) he will make war against me, and if he will so do it will grieve me, but yet I must defend myself: and I pray God that the king your master give me not greater occasion to make him war, than I have given him. You shall deliver me in writing, that which you have said, to the which I will answer by writing particularly.   
This answer made by the emperor to the king of arms Clarenceaux, the said Clarenceaux took his coat of arms, which he had lying on his left arm (as before is said) and put it upon him. 
The English herald is commanded by the emperor to leave his oration behind him in writing.  The emperor herewith commanded him to deliver by writing into the hands of the lord of Buclans all that he had uttered by word of mouth, as is above expressed. Which Clarenceaux promised to do, & so he did afterwards, signed with his own hand, word for word. Clarenceaux having thus done his duty, incontinently withdrew: but before his departure, the lord of Buclans said to him, and also to Given, these words ensuing. Behold here this writing in my hand, containing the articles of the composition between line 10 the emperor and the pope.  

Guic. pag. 1085. Accord between the pope & the emperors agents.  ¶ That the pope should be no party against the emperor, neither in the affairs of Milan, nor in the kingdom of Naples. That he should accord unto the emperor the crusade in Spain, and a tenth of the revenues ecclesiastic through all his dominions. That to assure the observation of these things, Ostia should remain in the hands of the emperor, and Civita Uecchia which Andrea Door had left to him line 20 before. That he should assign over to him Civita Castellana, a town which had refused to receive the imperials, Mario Perusquo procuror of the filke being entered within the rock by secret commission from the pope, notwithstanding he made semblance of the contrary. That he should also deliver over to him the rock of Furlie, and to put into his hands for hostages Hyppolito and Alexander his nephews, and till they were come from Parma the emperor to be possessed of the cardinals Pisani, Triwlco, and line 30 Gaddi, whom they led to the realm of Naples.  
Furthermore, that he should make present payment to the lanceknights of three score thousand ducats, 
Heavy payments for the pope to discharge.  and to the Spaniards thirty & five thousand. That in so doing they should let him come out at liberty with all the cardinals, and they to go out of Rome and out of the castle, always interpreting to liberty when soever they should be conveyed in safety to Orbietto, Spoletto, or Perousa. That within fifteen days after his going out of Rome he line 40 should pay the like quantity of money to the lanceknights, and afterwards the residue within three months to the Spaniards & lanceknights jointly, according to their shares and portions. Which residue together with the sums paid amounted to more than three hundred and fifty thousand ducats.]  
This is the true copy (said the lord of Buclans) of the capitulation, made touching the deliverance of the pope, and how he is delivered, and departed from castle saint Angelo, the tenth of December line 50 last past: put it in your relation. The said king of arms answered; We will so do: and so for that time they parted. ¶ Here, because mention is made of the pope's deliverance out of prison, it shall not be amiss to set down the manner thereof as it is reported by Guicciardine. 
Guic. pag. 1085 The manner of the pope's going out of prison.  All things having their orderly expedition, & the resolution set down, that the tenth of December the Spaniards should accompany him into a place of surety, he fearing some variation either for the ill mind which he knew line 60 don Hugo bare to him, or for any other accident that might happen, the night before he stolen secretly out of the castle in the closing of the evening, disguised in the attire of a merchant. Lewis de Gonsaguo who was in the pay of the emperor, tarried for him in the meadows with a strong company of harquebuziers, and with that guard did accompany him to Montfalcon, where dismissing almost all his bands of footmen, he was led by the same Lewis even to Orbietto, into which city he entered by night without the company of any one cardinal. An example worthy of consideration, and perhaps never happened since the church was great, that a pope should in that sort fall from so great a puissance and reverence, his eyes to behold the loss and sack of Rome, his person to be turned over into captivity, and his whole estate reduced to the disposing of an other, and within few months after, to be restored & established in his former greatness. So great towards princess christian is the authority of the pope, and the respect which mortal men do bear to him.]  
At the same instant that the heralds were at the emperor's court, the emperor called before him the said Given king at arms of France, 
The emperor's words to the French herald.  and said to him as followeth: S●●h it is reason that you enjoy your privileges, you ought also to do your duty; and therefore I pray you declare to your master, yea even to his own person that which I shall tell you, which is this that since the treaty of Madrill, contrary to the same, diverse of my subjects have been taken going about their businesses, and other also going to serve me in Italy, which have been detained prisoners, evil entreated, and by force thrust into the galleys: and because I have of his subjects the which I might likewise take, ye shall advertise him, that if he deliver unto me mine, I will deliver his▪ if not, as he shall entreat mine, I will entreat his; and that he send me answer hereof within forty days: if not, I will take the refusal for an answer.  
The king of arms Given asked if his majesty meant this concerning the merchants? Whereunto the emperor answered: This is beside that which is contained in your writing, touching the merchants, to which point (said he) I will answer by writing. And herewith Given making three obeisances, said; Sir I will gladly do it. Then said the emperor, 
This the emperor inferreth to justify his own dealings by way of comparison  Tell the king your master further, that I believe that he hath not been advertised of that which I told to his ambassador in Granado, which toucheth him near. For I told him in such a ●ase so noble a prince, that if he had understood the same, he would have made me an answer. He shall do well to know it of his ambassador. For by that he shall understand, that I have kept better faith to him in that I have promised at Madrill than he to me, and I pray you so tell him, and fail not hereof. Given answered, Without doubt sir I will do it: and so making his obeisance he departed.  
The emperor appointed john le Alemant the baron of Buclans to see that no displeasure nor evil speech were used to the said kings of arms, but that they should be well used: which was done to their good contentation. After this, 
The heralds receive the emperor's answer in writing.  the seven and twentieth of januarie, the said kings of arms came to the said lord of Buclans, who by the emperors appointment delivered an answer unto either of them in writing, accordingly as the emperor had promised, the copies whereof are set forth at large in the annals of Aquitaine, and for bréefenesse here omitted. To conclude, the French king took such displeasure with the emperors answers made unto his king of arms Given, whereby he was charged to do otherwise than by his faith given he ought to have done, 
The s●auen & twentieth ●●th Guic. pag. 1●●1.  that the eight and twentieth day of March being in the city of Paris, accompanied with a great number of the princes of his blood, cardinals and other prelates and nobles of his realm, and also the ambassadors of diverse princes and potentates, he called before him Nicholas Perenot lord of Granuelle, unto whom he said in effect as followeth.  

The French kings oration before an honourable assembly at Paris. 
This speech of the kings doth wholly concern the emperor and favoureth of displeasure.   
MY lord ambassadors, it hath grieved me, and doth grieve me, that I have been constrained to handle you not so courteously and graciously as for the good and honourable behaviour, which you have showed in doing your duty being here with me, you have deserved at my hands, sith I must needs say, ye have acquit yourself in every behalf, as well to the honour of your master, as good contentation of each man else, so that I am assured the fault resteth not in you, why things have not come to better end and purpose than they have done, for the good zeal and affection, which I have ever proved in you to the advancement of peace and quieting of things, wherein I line 10 doubt not but you have done your duty to the full.  
But being informed what your master the elect emperor, against all right and law, as well divine as human, had commanded to be done unto my ambassadors, and likewise to the other of the league remaining with him, for the furtherance of things toward a peace, and contrary to all good customs, which hitherto have been observed betwixt princes, not only christians, but also infidels, me thought I could not otherwise do, for the behoof of mine own line 20 ambassadors, 
What induced the French king to use some discourtesy against the emperor's ambassadors.  arrested and against reason kept in ward, but to do the same to you, although I had no mind to use you evil, for the reasons above said, for the which, and for the duty you have showed in doing that appertained, I assure you my lord ambassador, that beside that I doubt not but your master will recompense you for the same, ye may be assured that where particularly in any thing I may pleasure you, I will do it with as good a will as you can require me. line 30  
And to make answer to that which your master by word of mouth hath said unto Guien and Clarenceaux kings of arms of the king my good brother and perpetual and best alley, 
The king answereth the emperors words uttered to Given his herald.  and of me upon the intimation of the war which hath been made by us, consisting in eight points, I will that each one understand it. First, as to the which he saith he marveleth that he having me a prisoner by just war, and having also my faith, I should defy him, and that in reason I neither may nor aught to do it; I answer line 40 thereto, that if I were his prisoner here, and that he had my faith, he had spoken true: but I know not that the emperor hath ever at any time had my faith, that may in any wise avail him. For first in what war so ever I have been, I know not that I have either seen him or encountered with him.  
When I was prisoner, guarded with four or five hundred harquebuzers, 
The French K. saith that constraint and necessity made him tractable to the emperor.  sick in my bed, and in danger of death, it was an easy matter to constrain me, but not very honourable to him that should do it: and after that I returned into France, I know not line 50 any that hath had power to compel me to it: and to do it willingly without constraint, it is a thing which I way more, than so lightly to bind myself thereto. And because I will not that my honour come in disputation, although I know well that every man of war knoweth sufficiently, that a prisoner guarded is not bound to any faith, nor can bind himself thereto in any thing: I do nevertheless send to your master this writing signed with mine own line 60 hand, the which my lord ambassador I pray you read, and afterwards promise me to deliver it unto your master, and not to any other. And herewith the king caused it to be delivered to the said ambassador by master john Robertet, one of the secretaries of the estate, and of his chamber.  

The emperor's ambassador refuseth to read the French kings letters sent to his sovereign.  The ambassador took the writing in his hand, and after excused himself to the king, saying: That as to him, by the letter which his master & sovereign lord had written unto him now lastly, his commission was already expired, and that he had no further commandment nor instructions from his majesty, but to take leave of the king with as much speed as he might, and to return home. Which he most humbly besought him to permit him to do, without further charge or commission, although he knew that he was at his commanddement, and that he might at his pleasure constrain him, as seemed to him good. Hereunto the king answered; My lord ambassador, sith you will not take upon you to read this writing, I will cause it to be read in this company, to the end that every one may understand and know that I am cleared in that, whereof against truth he goeth about to accuse me.  
Beside that, if you afterwards will not bear it, 
The French king delivereth his mind with a courage, as utter enemy to the emperor.  & deliver it to him, I will send one of my heralds here present to go in company with you: for whom you shall procure a good & available safe conduct, that he may pass unto your master, protesting & demanding, that an act may be registered before this company, that if he will not it should come to his knowledge, that I am discharged, in that I do my best to cause him to understand it accordingly as I ought to do, and in such sort as he can not pretend cause of ignorance. ¶ After the king had ended these words, he called to him the said Robertet, and commanded him to read the said writing with a loud voice, which was done word for word.   

The copy of the said writing directed to the emperor.  
WE Francis, by the grace of God, king of France, lord of Genes, etc. To you Charles, by the same grace, chosen emperor of Rome, and king of Spain. We do you to wit, that being advertised, that in all the answers that you have made to our ambassadors and heralds, sent to you for the establishing of peace, in excusing yourself, without all reason you have accused us, saying, that we have plight you our faith, and that thereupon (besides our promise) we departed out of your hands and power. In defence of our honour, 
The French kings allegations in defence of his honour charged with untruth.  which hereby might be burdened too much against all truth, we thought good to send you this writing; by which we give you to understand, that notwithstanding that no man being in ward is bound to keep faith, and that the same might be a sufficient excuse for us: yet for the satisfying of all men, and our said honour (which we mind to keep, and will keep, if it please God, unto the death) that if ye have charged, or will charge us, not only with our said faith, and deliverance, but that ever we did any thing that became not a gentleman that had respect to his honour; that ye lie falsely in your throat: and as oft as ye say it, 
The French king giveth the emperor the lie: see Guic. pag 100L  ye lie: and we determine to defend our honour to the uttermost drop of our blood. Wherefore, seeing ye have charged us against all truth, writ no more to us hereafter: but appoint us the field, and we will bring you the weapons. Protesting, that if after this declaration ye writ into any place, or use any words against our honour, that the shame of the delay of the combat shall light on you, seeing that the offering of combat is the end of all writing. Made at our good town and city of Paris, the eight and twentieth day of March. In the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred twenty and eight, before Easter. Thus signed. Francis.   
After that Robertet had read this writing there in presence of the emperors ambassadors, 
This Robertet was one of the secretaries to the estate.  the king made further reply unto the points contained in the emperors answers to the defiance: and withal to conclude, told the said ambassador, that his master the emperor had constrained him by such message line 10 as he had sent to him, to make the answer in truth, which he had made: and further willed him to deliver unto the emperor the writing which he had signed with his hand, and to say to him, that he took him for so honourable a prince, that considering the matter wherewith he charged him, and the answer that he made, he would not fail but to answer him like a gentleman, and not by writing like an advocate. For if he otherwise do (said the king) I will answer his chancellor by an advocate, and a man of line 20 his estate, and a more honest man than he.  
Shortly after, the emperor's ambassadors returned home into Spain in safety, and well entreated. And upon their return, the ambassadors of France were set at liberty, and delivered beyond Fonterabie, & so came safely home into France. Then a French herald, appointed to accompany the ambassador Grandevill, brought the writing of the combat unto the emperor, because Grandevill refused to meddle with it. To the which the emperor five months after, 
The emperor answereth the French kings letters.  line 30 or thereabouts, sent an answer by one of his heralds; who being arrived at Paris, meant upon the sudden to present his letters unto the French king. But the king getting intelligence thereof, the tenth of September, sitting within his great hall of his palace at Paris aforesaid, before the table of marble in a royal seat, addressed and set up for him sixteen steps in height, appointed to give audience to the said herald.  

What states both native and foreign were present in the French kings hall.  On his right hand sat in chairs the king of Navarre, line 40 the duke of Alencon and Berrie, the earl of Foix and Arminacke. And on the same side sat also upon a bench, the duke of Uandosme a peer of France, lieutenant general, and governor of Picardy, done Hercules de Est, eldest son to the duke of Ferrar, duke of Chartres and Montarges, who lately before had married the lady Rener, a daughter of France, the duke of Albany regent and governor of Scotland, the duke of Longueville, great chamberlain of France. And near to them upon line 50 another bench sat the precedents and councillors of the court of parliament; and behind them many gentlemen, doctors, and learned men. On the left hand were set in chairs prepared for them, the cardinal Saluarie the pope's legate, the cardinal of Bourbon, and duke of Laon, a peer of France, the cardinal of Sens chancellor of France, the cardinal of Lorraine, the archbishop of Narbon, the ambassadors of the kings of England and Scotland, of the signory of Venice, of Milan, of the Cantons, of the Swisses, line 60 and of Florence.  
On an other bench sat the bishop of Transiluania, ambassador for the king of Hungary, the bishop and duke of Langres, one of the peers of France, the bishop & earl of Noion, an other of the peers of France, th'archbishop of Lion, primate of all France, the archbishop of Burges primate of Aquitaine, the archbishops of Aux and Roven, the bishops of Paris, Meaux, Lizeux, Mascon, Lymoges, Uabres, Conserans and Terbe. And behind them sat the masters of the requests, 
Who stood on either side of the French kings seat royal.  and the councillors of the great council. On either side the king's seat stood the earl of Beaumond great master and marshal of France, the lord de Brion admiral of France lieutenant general, and governor of Burgognie. And behind the same seat were many knights of the order, that is to wit, the earl of laval, lieutenant general and governor of Britain, the lord of Montmerancie, the lord Daubignie captain of an hundred lances, and of the Scotish guard, the earl of Brienne, Lignie, and Roussie, the lord of Fleuranges' marshal of France, the lord of Ruffoie, the lord of Genoilliac great esquire and master of the artillery of France, Lois monsieur de Elenes, the lord of Humiers, and the earl of Carpie.  
Behind them was the earl of Estamps provost of Paris, and with him many gentlemen of the king's chamber: among the which was the earl of Tancaruill, the lord of Given, the son of the earl of Rous●ie, the son of the lord of Fleuranges, the lord de la Rochpot, the lord Donartie great master of the waters and forests, the lord of Lude, the lord of janlie, the lord de Uillebon, bailie of Roven, the baron of Chasteau Morant, the lord de la Love, the viscount de la Motheaugroing, and the lord of Uertes. And besides these, the masters and officers of the household & gentlemen waiters, with the more part of the two hundred gentlemen or pensioners, as we term them. At the entry into the said throne or tribunal seat, were the captains of the guards, and the provost of the household. And before the king kneeled the ushers of the chamber upon the one knee: and at the foot of the step that went up to the king's seat were the provosts of the merchants and eschevins of the town of Paris. Beneath in the hall (the gates whereof were still open) there was an infinite number of people of all nations: and in presence of them all, the king made this declaration.  
The cause wherefore I have made this assembly, 
The king showeth the first cause of this assembly of honourable personages.  is, for that the emperor elect hath sent to me an herald of arms, who (as I conjecture, and as the same herald hath said, and as his safe conduct importeth) hath brought me letters patents and authentic, concerning the surety of the field for the combat that should be betwixt the said elected emperor and me. And forasmuch as the said herald, under colour to bring the surety of the field, may use certain fictions, dissimulations, or hypocrisies, to shift off the matter, whereas I desire expedition, and to have it dispatched out of hand; so that by the same an end of the wars, which have so long continued, may be had, to the ease and comfort of all christendom, to avoid the effusion of blood, and other mischéefes which come thereof: I have wished it known to all christendom, to the end that every one may understand the truth, from whence proceedeth the mischief and the long continuance thereof.  
I have also caused this assembly to be made, 
Further caus● why the said assembly was procured.  to show that I have not without great cause enterprised such an act; for the right is on my side: and if I should otherwise have done, mine honour had been greatly blemished. A thing which my lords that are of my blood, and other my subjects would have taken in evil part. And knowing the cause of the combat, and my right, they will bear with it, as good and loyal subjects ought to do, trusting by God's help to proceed in such sort therein, that it shall plainly appear if the right be on my side or not: and how, against truth, I have been accused for a breaker of my faith, which I would be loath to do, nor at any time have meant so to do. The kings my predecessors and ancestors, whose pictures are engraven and set here in order within this hall, which in their days have successively achieved glorious acts, and greatly augmented the realm of France, would think me unworthy, and not capable to be their successor, if against mine honour I should suffer myself to be charged with such a no●e by the emperor, and should not defend my person and honour in the manner and form accustomed.  

The French king in 〈◊〉 of all his 〈…〉 that he 〈◊〉 gave his faith to 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉, ergo not to the emperor.  And herewith he declared the whole case as it stood. First, how being taken at Pavia by fortune of war, he never gave his faith to any of his enemies, & consenting to be led into Spain, caused his own galleys to be made ready to convey him thither. Where at his arrival, he was committed to ward within the castle of Madrill, guarded with a great number line 10 of harquebuziers & others. Which uncourteous dealing found in the emperor, so much grieved him, that he fell sick, and lay in danger of death. Whereupon the emperor coming to visit him after his recovery of health, an accord was made betwixt the deputies of the emperor and the ambassadors of the lady his mother then regent of France: which accord was so unreasonable, that no prince being in liberty would have consented thereto, nor for his deliverance have promised so great a ransom. Which line 20 treaty yet they constrained him (as he said) to swear to perform, being prisoner, against the protestation which he diverse times had made, yea as yet being sick, and in danger of recidivation; and so consequently of death.  
After this, he was conveyed forth on his journey homewards, 
The king ●rosecuteth the discourtesy of the emperor in his declaration.  still guarded & not set at liberty. And it was told him, that after he came into France, it was convenient that he should give his faith, for that it was known well enough, that what he did line 30 or promised in Spain, it nothing availed. And further he remembered not that the emperor had told him at any time, that if he performed not the contents of the treaty, he would hold him for a breaker of his faith, & though he had, he was not in his liberty to make any answer. Two things therefore said he, in this case are to be considered. One, that the treaty was violently wrong out from them that could not bind his person, and the which (as to the residue) had been accomplished by his mother, delivering line 40 his sons in hostage. The other thing was his pretended faith, on which they can make ●o ground, sith he was not set at liberty. And hereunto he showed many reasons, to prove that his enemies could not pretend in right that they had his faith.  
Further he said, that in matter of combat there was the assailant, 
The field, that is, a place where they may safely come to fight in 〈◊〉 before indifferent judges.  which ought to give surety of the field, and the defendant the weapons. Herewith also he caused a letter to be read, which the emperor had written to master john de Caluimont precedent line 50 of Bordeaux, the said king's ambassador in the court of the said emperor: the tenor of which letter imported, that the emperor put the said ambassador in remembrance of speech which he had uttered to the said ambassador in Granado, 
Guic. pag. 1091.  repeating the same in substance as followeth. That the king his master had done naughtily in not keeping his faith which he had of him, according to the treaty of Madrill: and if the king would say the contrary, I will (said the emperor) maintain the quarrel with my line 60 body against his. And these be the same words that I spoke to the king your master in Madrill, that I would hold him for a lewd and naughty man, if he broke the faith which I had of him, etc.  
Then after the said letter had been read, he caused also his answer made by way of a cartel to be read, the tenor whereof ye have heard before. That done, he continued his tale, in declaring what order he had observed to procure the emperor to the combat, without all shifting delays: so as if the herald now come from the emperor would use any talk, other than to deliver him an authentic writing for surety of the field, and not observe the contents of his safe conduct, he meant not to give him audience. And hereupon was the herald called to come in, and declare his message. Who appareled in his cote of arms, made his appearance before the king there sitting, accompanied (as ye have heard.) Unto whom the king said.  
Herald, doest thou bring the surety of the field, 
The French kings talk and communication to the emperor's ambassador uttered with indignation.  such one as thy master, being the assailant, aught to deliver unto the defendant, being such a parsonage as I am? The herald hereunto said: Sir, may it please you to give me licence to do mine office? Then said the king; Give me the patent of the field, and say what thou wilt. The herald beginning his tale, The sacred. Tush (said the king) show me the patent of the field, for I hold thy master for so noble a prince, that he hath not sent thee without the surety of the field, sith I have demanded it; and thou knowest that thy safe conduct containeth no less but that thou shouldest bring it. The herald answered, that he trusted he had brought that which might content his majesty.  
The king replied & said: Herald, give me the patent of the field, give it me: and if it be sufficient, I will receive it, and after say what thou wilt. The herald said he had in commandment not to deliver it, except he might declare that which he had first to say. The king said: Thy master can not give laws to us in France. To conclude he told the herald, that he peradventure might speak things that his master would not avouch, and that he had not to deal with him, but with his master. 
The herald requireth liberty to departed.  The herald then required that he might have licence to departed: which the king granted. And withal the king commanded that it might be registered what had passed in this behalf, for a testimony that the fault rested not in him in that he received not the patent. The herald likewise for his discharge, required a copy in writing of that which had passed, and the same was granted.  
Thus far have I overpassed the common bounds of my purpose, in speaking so largely of this matter of combat, because of the rareness thereof, chancing betwixt two so mighty princes, although it came not to the effect of trial. year 1528 And now to return to that which followed further upon the defiance, 
The emperor's defied by the kings of England and France.  denounced to the emperor by the two kings of arms, Given and Clarenceaux. Ye shall understand, that the lords and nobility, to the number of seven hundred in whose presence it was given, took it so offensively, that drawing forth their swords, they swore that the same should be revenged: for otherwise they protested, that the infamy would redound to them and their heirs for ever. Herewith the war was proclaimed through all Spain with banners displayed, in which were painted a red sword, with a burning cresset against the French king and his partakers, but not mentioning the king of England by express name. But it was recited in the proclamation, that the king of England had menaced and defied the emperor in the French kings quarrel.  
Then were the English merchants in Spain attached, and their goods put in safety, 
English merchants stayed in Spain.  till it might be known how the emperors subjects were ordered in England. Then likewise were all the ships of the emperors subjects here arrested: and in semblable manner all the Englishmen and their goods and ships were arrested by the lady regent in the low countries. The common people in England much lamented, that war should arise between the emperor and the king of England, specially because the emperors dominions had helped and relieved them with grain in time of their necessity & want. But chiefly this matter touched merchants which haunted the emperor's dominions. Yet at length were those of the low countries set at liberty, and their goods to them delivered, in favour of intercourse of merchandise. But forsomuch as the Spaniards were still detained, the lady regent also detained the ships and goods of the English merchants though she set their persons at liberty.  
By this means the trade of merchandise was in manner fore let here in England, 
The incommodity rising of lack of intercourse for traffic.  and namely the clothes lay on their hands, whereby the commonwealth suffered great decay, and great numbers of spinners, carders, tuckers, and such other that lived by clothworking, remained idle, to their great impoverishment. line 10 And as this war was displeasant to the Englishmen, so was it as much or more displeasant to the towns and people of the low countries, & in especial to the towns of Antuerpe & Barrow, where the marts are kept. So that at length there came ambassadors from the lady regent, the which associating themselves with don Hugo de Mendoza ambassador for the emperor, came to the king at Richmond the twenty and ninth of March, and there moved their suit so effectually, 
An abstinence of war granted upon suit made to the king of England.  that an abstinence line 20 of war was granted, till time that a further communication might be had: and upon this point letters were sent into Spain, France, and Flanders, and so this matter continued until answers were brought from thence again.  
The emperors ambassadors entreated not so earnestly to move the king to have peace with their master, but the French ambassadors solicited the king as earnestly to enter into the war against him, and surly they had the cardinal on their side. But yet the king wisely considering with other of line 30 his council, what damage should ensue thereby unto his subjects, and specially to the merchants and clothiers, would not consent so easily to the purpose of the Frenchmen, though he had twenty thousand pounds sterling out of France, of yearly pension, to continue friend & alley to the French king. But he protested ever that he would see the realm of France defended to his power, and study no less to have a peace concluded, which might be as honourable to the French king as to himself, and beneficial unto line 40 their people, of whom by wars, might be made both slaughter and bloodshed, which are companions unseparable of battle; as the poet well saith: Hinc breviter dirae mortis aperta via est.  
On the two and twentieth of February the king created at Windsor sir Piers Butler of Ireland, 
Creation of the earl of Osserie.  earl of Osserie. ¶ Also a Dutch craire of Armew chased a French craire up the Thames from Margate to the Tower wharf, and there as they fought sir line 50 Edmund Walsingham lieutenant of the Tower perceiving them, 
Sir Edmund Walsingham.  called his men together, and entering the ships took both the captains. The king's council took up the matter betwixt them, for the Fleming challenged the Frenchman as a lawful prize. An abstinence of the war was taken in the beginning of this year betwixt Flanders, and the countries of Picardy on this side the river of Some to begin the first of May & endure till the last of February. 
A truce and the benefits ensuing from the same.  By means of this truce all the Englishmen line 60 might lawfully pass into the low countries, but not into Spain: which sore grieved the merchants that haunted those parties. It was further agreed, that if no general peace could be had, during the time of this truce: then all the merchants should have respite two months after to pass into their own countries with their wares and merchandizes in safety.  
In the end of May began in the city of London the disease called the sweeting sickness, 
The sweeting sickness, whereof died both courtiers and others.  which afterwards infected all places of the realm, and slew many within five or six hours after they sickened. This sickness, for the manner of the taking of the patients, was an occasion of remembering that great sweat which raged in the reign of this king's grandfather; and happily men caused the same remedy then used to be revived. By reason of this sickness, the term was adjourned, and the circuit of the assizes also. There died diverse in the court of this sickness, as sir Francis Poins, which had been ambassador in Spain, and diverse others. The king for a space removed almost every day till he came to Tintinhangar, a place of the abbot of saint Albon, and there he with the queen, and a small company about them, remained till the sickness was passed. In this great mortality died sir William Compton knight, and William Carew esquire; 
Sir William Compton.  which were of the kings privy chamber.  
¶ A prisoner broke from the session's hall at Newgate when the sessions was done, 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉 pag 959. A prisoner broke from the session's house. Register of Greie friars.  which prisoner was brought down out of Newgate in a basket, he seemed so weak: but now in the end of the sessions he broke through the people unto the Greie friars church, and there was kept six or seven days yer the sheriffs could speak with him, and then because he would not abjure and ask a crowner, with violence they took him thence, and cast him again in prison, but the law served not to hang him.]  
Ye heave heard how the people talked a little before the cardinals going over into France the last year, 
DoctorLongland bishop of Lincoln.  that the king was told by doctor Longland bishop of Lincoln and others, that his marriage with queen Katherine could not be good nor lawful. The truth is, that whether this doubt was first moved by the cardinal, or by the said Longland, being the king's confessor, the king was not only brought in doubt, whether it was a lawful marriage or no; but also determined to have the case examined, cleared, and adjudged by learning, law, and sufficient authority. 
Why the cardinal was suspected to be against the marriage.  The cardinal verily was put in most blame for this scruple now cast into the king's conscience, for the hate he bore to the emperor, because he would not grant to him the archbishopric of Toledo, for the which he was a suitor. And therefore he did not only procure the king of England to join in friendship with the French king, but also sought a divorce betwixt the king and the queen, that the king might have had in marriage the duchess of Alencon, sister unto the French king: 
Polydor.  and (as some have thought) he traveled in that matter with the French king at Amiens, but the duchess would not give ear thereunto.  
But howsoever it came about, 
Edw. Hall▪  that the king was thus troubled in conscience concerning his marriage, this followed, that like a wise & sage prince, to have the doubt clearly removed, he called together the best learned of the realm, 
The king is desirous to be resolved by the opinions of the learned touching his marriage.  which were of several opinions. Wherefore he thought to know the truth by indifferent judges, lest peradventure the Spaniards, and other also in favour of the queen would say, that his own subjects were not indifferent judges in this behalf. And therefore he wrote his cause to Rome, and also sent to all the universities in Italy and France, and to the great clerk of all christendom, to know their opinions, and desired the court of Rome to send into his realm a legate, which should be indifferent, and of a great and profound judgement, to hear the cause debated. At whose request the whole consistory of the college of Rome sent thither Laurence Campeius, a priest cardinal, 
Cardinal Campeius sent into England.  a man of great wit and experience, which was sent hither before in the tenth year of this king, as ye have heard, and with him was joined in commission the cardinal of York and legate of England.  
This cardinal came to London in October, and did intimate both to the king & queen the cause of his coming: which being known, 
The matter touching the king's marriage debated.  great talk was had thereof. The archbishop of Canturburie sent for the famous doctors of both the universities to Lambeth, and there were every day disputations and communings of this matter. And because the king meant nothing but uprightly therein, and knew well that the queen was somewhat wedded to her own opinion, and wished that she should do nothing without counsel, he bade her choose the best clerks of his realm to be of her counsel, and licensed them to do the best on her part that they could, according to the truth. Then she elected William Warham archbishop of Canturburie, 
The queen chooseth lawyers for her part.  and Nicholas West bishop of Elie, doctors of the laws; and john Fisher bishop line 10 of Rochester, and Henry Standish bishop of saint Assaph, doctors of divinity, and many o●her doctors and well learned men, which for surety like men of great learning defended her cause, as far as learning might maintain and hold it up.  
This year was sir james Spenser mayor of London, 
Polydor.  in whose time the watch in London on Midsummer night was laid down. About this time the king received into favour doctor Stephan Gardiner, 
Doctor Stephan Gardner.  whose service he used in matters of great secrecy line 20 and weight, year 1529 admitting him in the room of doctor Pace, 
Doctor Pace falleth out of his wits.  the which being continually abroad in ambassages, and the same oftentimes not much necessary, by the cardinals appointment, at length he took such grief therewith, that he fell out of his right wits. The place where the cardinals should sit to hear the cause of matrimony betwixt the king and the queen, 
Anno Reg. 21. Edw. Hall.  was ordained to be at the Black friars in London, where in the great hall was preparation made of seats, tables, and other furniture, according line 30 to such a solemn session and royal appearance. The court was plaited in tables and benches in manner of a consistory, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 959. The manner of the session, every parsonage of account in his place.  one seat raised higher for the judges to sit in. Then as it were in the midst of the said judges aloft above them three degrees high, was a cloth of estate hanged, with a chair royal under the same, wherein sat the king; and besides him, some distance from him sat the queen, and under the judges feet sat the scribes and other officers: the chief scribe was doctor Stéevens, and the caller of the line 40 court was one Cook of Winchester.  
Then before the king and the judges within the court sat the archbishop of Canturburie Warham, and all the other bishops. Then stood at both ends within, the counsellors learned in the spiritual laws, as well the kings as the queens. The doctors of law for the king (whose names ye have heard before) had their convenient rooms. Thus was the court furnished. The judges commanded silence whilst their commission was read, both to the court and to the line 50 people assembled. 
The king and queen called into the court.  That done the scribes commanded the crier to call the king by the name of king Henry of England, come into the court, etc. With that the king answered and said, Here. Then called he the queen by the name of Katherine queen of England come into the court, etc. Who made no answer, but rose out of her chair.  
And because she could not come to the king directly, for the distance severed between them, she line 60 went about by the court, and came to the king, kneeling down at his feet, to whom she said in effect as followeth: 
Queen Katherine's lamentable and p●●hie speech in presence of the court.  Sir (quoth she) I desire you to do me justice and right, and take some pity upon me, for I am a poor woman, and a stranger, borne out of your dominion, having here no indifferent counsel, & less assurance of friendship. Alas sir, what have I offended you, or what occasion of displeasure have I showed you, intending thus to put me from you after this sort? I take God to my judge, I have been to you a true & humble wife, ever conformable to your will and pleasure, that never contraried or gainsaid any thing thereof, and being always contented with all things wherein you had any delight, whether little or much, without grudge or displeasure, I loved for your sake all them whom you loved, whether they were my friends or enemies.  
I have been your wife these twenty years and more, & you have had by me diverse children. If there be any just cause that you can allege against me, either of dishonesty, or matter lawful to put me from you; I am content to departed to my shame and rebuke: and if there be none, than I pray you to let me have justice at your hand. 
The queen justifieth the marriage.  The king your father was in his time of excellent wit, and the king of Spain my father Ferdinando was reckoned one of the wisest princes that reigned in Spain many years before. It is not to be doubted, but that they had gathered as wise counsellors unto them of every realm, as to their wisdoms they thought meet, who deemed the marriage between you and me good and lawful, etc. Wherefore, I humbly desire you to spare me, until I may know what counsel my friends in Spain will advertise me to take, and if you will not, than your pleasure be fulfilled. ¶ With that she arose up, making a low courtesy to the king, and departed from thence.  
The king being advertised that she was ready to go out of the house, 
The queen departing on● of the court is called again.  commanded the crier to call her again, who called her by these words; Katherine queen of England, come into the court. With that (quoth master Griffith) Madam, you be called again. On on (quosh she) it maketh no matter, I will not tarry, go on your ways. And thus she departed, without any further answer at that time, or any other, and never would appear after in any court. The king perceiving she was departed, said these words in effect: For as much (quoth he) as the queen is gone, I will in her absence declare to you all, that she hath been to me as true, as obedient, and as conformable a wife, as I would wish or desire. She hath all the virtuous qualities that ought to be in a woman of her dignity, or in any other of a base estate, she is also surely a noble woman borne, her conditions will well declare the same.  
With that quoth Wolseie the cardinal: Sir, 
The cardinal requireth to have that declared which was well enough known.  I most humbly require your highness, to declare before all this audience, whether I have been the chief and first mover of this matter unto your majesty or no, for I am greatly suspected herein. My lord cardinal (quoth the king) I can well excuse you in this matter, marry (quoth he) you have been rather against me in the tempting hereof, than a setter forward or mover of the same. The special cause that moved me unto this matter, was a certain scrupulosity that pricked my conscience, upon certain words spoken at a time when it was, by the bishop of Baion the French ambassador, who had been hither sent, upon the debating of a marriage to be concluded between our daughter the lady Marie, and the duke of Orleans, second son to the king of France.  
Upon the resolution and determination whereof, he desired respite to advertise the king his master thereof, whether our daughter Marie should be legitimate in respect of this my marriage with this woman, being sometimes my brother's wife. Which words once conceived within the secret bottom of my conscience, engendered such a scrupulous doubt, 
The king confesseth that the sting of conscience made him mislike this marriage.  that my conscience was incontinently accumbered, vexed, and disquieted; whereby I thought myself to be greatly in danger of God's indignation. Which appeared to be (as me seemed) the rather, for that he sent us no issue male: and all such issues male as my said wife had by me, died incontinent after they came into the world, so that I doubted the great displeasure of God in that behalf.  
Thus my conscience being tossed in the waves of a scrupulous mind, and partly in despair to have any other issue than I had already by this lady now my wife, it behoved me further to consider the state of this realm, and the danger it stood in for lack of a prince to succeed me, I thought it good in release of the weighty burden of my weak conscience, & also the quiet estate of this worthy realm, to attempt the law therein, whether I may lawfully take another wife more lawfully, by whom God may send me more issue, in case this my first copulation was not good, without any carnal concupiscence, and not for line 10 any displeasure or misliking of the queen's person and age, 
The state of the question.  with whom I would be as well contented to continue, if our marriage may stand with the laws of God, as with any woman alive.  
In this point consisteth all this doubt that we go about now to try, by the learning, wisdom, and judgement of you our prelates and pastors of all this our realm and dominions now here assembled for that purpose; to whose conscience & learning I have committed the charge and judgement: according to line 20 the which I will (God willing) be right well content to submit myself, 
The king submitteth himself to the censures of the learned in this case of divorce.  and for my part obey the same. Wherein, after that I perceived my conscience so doubtful, I moved it in confession to you my lord of Lincoln then ghostly father. And for so much as then you yourself were in some doubt, you moved me to ask the counsel of all these my lords: whereupon I moved you my lord of Canturburie, first to have your licence, in as much as you were metropolitan, to put this matter in question, and so I did of line 30 all you my lords: to which you granted under your seals, here to be showed. That is truth, quoth the archbishop of Canturburie. After that the king rose up, and the court was adjourned until another day.  
Here is to be noted, that the queen in presence of the whole court most grievously accused the cardinal of untruth, 
The queen accuseth cardinal Wolsie.  deceit, wickedness, & malice, which had sown dissension betwixt her and the king her husband; and therefore openly protested, that she did utterly abhor, refuse, and forsake such a judge, as line 40 was not only a most malicious enemy to her, but also a manifest adversary to all right and justice, and therewith did she appeal unto the pope, 
She appealeth to the pope.  committing her whole cause to be judged of him. But notwithstanding this appeal, the legates sat weekly, and every day were arguments brought in on both parts, and proofs alleged for the understanding of the case, and still they assayed if they could by any means procure the queen to call back her appeal, which she utterly refused to do. The king would line 50 gladly have had an end in the matter, 
The king mistrusteth the legates of seeking delays.  but when the legates drove time, and determined upon no certain point, he conceived a suspicion, that this was done of purpose, that their doings might draw to none effect or conclusion.  
The next court day, the cardinals sat again, at which time the council on both sides were there ready to answer. The king's council alleged the matrimony not to be lawful at the beginning, 
The present marriage why thought unlawful.  because of the carnal copulation had between prince Arthur line 60 and the queen. This matter was very vehemently touched on that side, and to prove it, they alleged many reasons and similitudes of truth: and being answered negatively again on the other side, it seemed that all their former allegations were doubtful to be tried, and that no man knew the truth. And thus this court passed from sessions to sessions, and day to day, till at certain of their sessions the king sent the two cardinals to the queen (who was then in Bridewell) to persuade with her by their wisdoms, and to advise her to surrender the whole matter into the king's hands by her own consent & will, which should be much better to her honour, than to stand to the trial of law, and thereby to be condemned, which should seem much to her dishonour.  
The cardinals being in the queen's chamber of presence, 
Queen Katherine and the cardinals have communication in her privy chamber.  the gentleman usher advertised the queen that the cardinals were come to speak with her. With that she rose up, & with a skein of white thread about her neck, came into her chamber of presence, where the cardinals were attending. At whose coming, quoth she, What is your pleasure with me? If it please your grace (quoth cardinal Wolseie) to go into your privy chamber, we will show you the cause of our coming. My lord (quoth she) if ye have any thing to say, speak it openly before all these folk, for I fear nothing that ye can say against me, but that I would all the world should hear and see it, and therefore speak your mind. Then began the cardinal to speak to her in Latin. Nay good my lord (quoth she) speak to me in English.  
Forsooth (quoth the cardinal) good madame, if it please you, we come both to know your mind how you are disposed to do in this matter between the king and you, and also to declare secretly our opinions and counsel unto you: which we do only for very zeal and obedience we bear unto your grace. My lord (quoth she) I thank you for your good will, 
The queen refuseth to make sudden answer to so weighty a matter as the divorce.  but to make you answer in your request I cannot so suddenly, for I was set among my maids at work, thinking full little of any such matter, wherein there needeth a longer deliberation, and a better head than mine to make answer: for I need counsel in this case which toucheth me so near, & for any counsel or friendship that I can find in England, they are not for my profit. What think you my lords, will any Englishman counsel me, or be friend to me against the K. pleasure that is his subject? Nay forsooth. And as for my counsel in whom I will put my trust, they be not here, they be in Spain in my own country.  
And my lords, I am a poor woman, lacking wit, to answer to any such noble persons of wisdom as you be, in so weighty a matter, therefore I pray you be good to me poor woman, destitute of friends here in a foreign region, and your counsel also I will be glad to hear. And therewith she took the cardinal by the hand, and led him into her privy chamber with the other cardinal, where they tarried a season talking with the queen. Which communication ended, they departed to the king, making to him relation of her talk. 
The king & queens matter cometh to judgement.  Thus this case went forward from court to court, till it came to judgement, so that every man expected that judgement would be given the next day. At which day the king came thither, and set him down in a chair within a door, in the end of the gallery (which opened directly against the judgement seat) to hear the judgement given, at which time all their proceed were red in Latin.  
That done, the king's council at the bar called for judgement. 
Cardinal Campeius refuseth to give judgement.  With that (quoth cardinal Campeius) I will not give judgement till I have made relation to the pope of all our proceedings, whose counsel and commandment in this case I will observe: the case is very doubtful, and also the party defendant will make no answer here, but doth rather appeal from us, supposing that we be not indifferent. Wherefore I will adjourn this court for this time, according to the order of the court of Rome. And with that the court was dissolved, and no more done. This protracting of the conclusion of the matter, king Henry took very displeasantlie. Then cardinal Campeius took his leave of the king and nobility, and returned towards Rome.]  
Whilst these things were thus in hand, the cardinal of York was advised that the king had set his affection upon a young gentlewoman named Anne, 
The king's affection and goodwill to the lady Anne Bullen.  the daughter of sir Thomas Bullen viscount Rochfort, which did wait upon the queen. This was a great grief unto the cardinal, as he that perceived aforehand, that the king would marry the said gentlewoman, if the divorce took place. Wherefore he began with all diligence to disappoint that match, which by reason of the misliking that he had to the woman, he judged aught to be avoided more than present death. While the matter stood in this state, and that the cause of the queen was to be heard and judged at Rome, 
The secret working and dissimulation of cardinal Wolseie.  by reason of the appeal which by her was put in: the cardinal required the pope by line 10 letters and secret messengers, that in any wise he should defer the judgement of the divorce, till he might frame the king's mind to his purpose.  
Howbeit he went about nothing so secretly, but that the same came to the king's knowledge, who took so high displeasure with such his cloaked dissimulation, 
The king conceiveth displeasure against the cardinal.  that he determined to abase his degree, sith as an unthankful person he forgot himself and his duty towards him that had so highly advanced him to all honour and dignity. When the nobles of the line 20 realm perceived the cardinal to be in displeasure, 
Edw. Hall.  they began to accuse him of such offences as they knew might be proved against him, and thereof they made a book containing certain articles, 
Articles exhibited against the cardinal.  to which diverse of the king's council set their hands. The king understanding more plainly by those articles, the great pride, presumption, and covetousness of the cardinal, was sore moved against him; but yet kept his purpose secret for a while. Shortly after, a parliament was called to begin at Westminster the line 30 third of November next ensuing.  
In the mean time the king, being informed that all those things that the cardinal had done by his power legantine within this realm, were in the case of the praemunire and provision, 
The cardinal sued in a praemunire.  caused his attorney Christopher Hales to sue out a writ of praemunire against him, in the which he licensed him to make his attorney. ¶ And further, the seventeenth of November the king sent the two dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to the cardinals place at Westminster, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 966, 967.  line 40 who (went as they were commanded) and finding the cardinal there, 
The cardinal is loath to part from the great seal.  they declared that the king's pleasure was that he should surrender up the great seal into their hands, and to departed simply unto Asher, which was an house situate nigh unto Hampton court, belonging to the bishopric of Winchester. The cardinal demanded of them their commission that gave them such authority, who answered again, that they were sufficient commissioners, and had authority to do no less by the king's line 50 mouth. Notwithstanding, he would in no wise agree in that behalf, without further knowledge of their authority, saying; that the great seal was delivered him by the king's person, to enjoy the ministration thereof, with the room of the chancellor for the term of his life▪ whereof for his surety he had the king's letters patents.  
This matter was greatly debated between them with many great words, in so much that the dukes were feign to departed again without their purpose, and road to Windsor to the king, and made report line 60 accordingly; but the next day they returned again, bringing with them the king's letters. Then the cardinal delivered unto them the great seal, 
The cardinal discharged of the great seal.  and was content to departed simply, taking with him nothing but only certain provision for his house: and after long talk between him and the dukes, they departed with the great seal of England, and brought the same to the king. Then the cardinal called all his officers before him, 
The cardinal calleth all his officers to accounts.  and took account of them for all such stuff, whereof they had charge. And in his gallery were set diverse tables, whereupon lay a great number of goodly rich stuff, as whole pieces of silk of all colours, velvet, satin, damask, taffeta, grograine, and other things. Also, there lay a thousand pieces of fine Holland cloth.  
There was laid on every table, books reporting the contents of the same, and so was there inventories of all things in order against the kings coming. He caused to be hanged the walls of the gallery on the one side with cloth of gold, cloth of tissue, cloth of silver, and rich cloth of bodken of diverse colours. On the other side were hanged the richest suit of copes of his own provision made for his colleges of Oxford and Ipswich, that ever were seen in England. Then had he two chambers adjoining to the gallery, the one most commonly called the gilt chamber, and the other the council chamber, wherein were set up two broad and long tables upon trestles, whereupon was set such a number of plate of all sorts, as was almost incredible.  
In the gilt chamber were set out upon the table nothing but gilt plate, and upon a cupboard and in a window was set no plate but gold, very rich: and in the council chamber was all white and parcel gilt plate, and under the table in baskets was all old broken silver plate, and books set by them purporting every kind of plate, and every parcel, with the contents of the ounces thereof. Thus were all things prepared, giving charge of all the said stuff, with all other remaining in every office, to be delivered to the king, to make answer to their charge: for the order was such, that every officer was charged with the receipt of the stuff belonging to his office by indenture. To sir William Gascoigne, 
The cardinal of York goeth to Asher, and hath his plenty turned into penury.  being his treasurer, he gave the charge of the delivery of the said goods, and therewithal, with his train of gentlemen and yeomen, he took his barge at the privy stairs, and so went by water unto Putneie, where when he was arrived, he took his mule, & every man took their horses, and road straight to Asher, where he and his family continued the space of three or four weeks, without either beds, shéets, table clothes, or dishes to eat their meat in, or wherewith to buy any: the cardinal was forced to ●orow of the bishop of Carleill, plate and dishes, etc.]  
After this, in the king's bench his matter for the praemunire, being called upon, two attorneys, 
john Scute, and Edmund jennie.  which he had authorised by his warrant signed with his own hand, confessed the action, and so had judgement to forfeit all his lands, tenements, goods, 
The cardinal condemned in a praemunire.  and cattles, and to be out of the king's protection: but the king of his clemency sent to him a sufficient protection, and left to him the bishoprics of York and Winchester, with plate and stuff convenient for his degree. The bishopric of Duresme was given to doctor Tunstall bishop of London, 
The bishopric of Duresme given to doctor Tunstall.  and the abbey of saint Albon to the prior of Norwich. Also the bishopric of London being now void, was bestowed on doctor Stokesleie, than ambassador to the universities beyond the sea for the king's marriage.  
The lady Margaret duchess of Savoy aunt to the emperor, 
The duchess of Savoy, and the duchess ●● Angolesme meet about ● treaty o● peace.  and the lady L●is duchess of Angolesme mother to the French king, met at Cambreie in the beginning of the month of june, to treat of a peace, where were present doctor Tunstall bishop of London, and sir Thomas Moor then chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, commissioners for the king of England. At length through diligence of the said ladies a peace was concluded betwixt the emperor, the pope, and the kings of England and France. All these met there in the beginning of julie, accompanied with diverse great princes and councillors, on every part. And after long debating on both sides, there was a good conclusion taken the fift day of August. In the which was concluded, that the treaty of Madrill should stand in his full strength and virtue, 
Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fo. clxxx●●  saving the third and fourth, and the eleventh and fourteenth articles, which touch the duchy of Burgognie, and other lordships.  
1 Item, it was agreed, that the French king should have his children again, 
Read more hereof in Guic. pag. 1145. & deinceps.  paying to the emperor two millians of crowns of gold, whereof he should pay at the delivering of the children, twelve hundred thousand crowns.  
2 Item, that the French king should acquit the emperor against the king of England, of fourscore and ten thousand crowns, which the emperor ought line 10 to the king of England, and the king of England to deliver all such bonds and gauges as he had of the emperors.  
3 Item, as touching the remnant, which was five hundred and ten thousand crowns, the emperor should have five and twenty thousand crowns rend yearly, for which he should have the lands of the duchess of Uandosme, lying in Flanders and Brabant bound.  
4 Item, that Flanders and diverse other countries, line 20 should not behold in chief, nor have resort to the crown of France.  
5 Item, that the realm of Naples, the duchy of Milan, and the county of Ast, should for ever remain to the emperor.  
6 Item, that the French king should withdraw all such soldiers as he had, out of Italy.  
7 Item, that the lady Eleanor should be brought into France, with the French kings children, and in time convenient should be married to the French line 30 king.  
8 Item, that the French king should aid the emperor with twelve galleys to go into Italy.  
9 Item, that all prisoners on both parties should be acquitted.  
10 Item, that the French king should not aid Robert de la March, against the bishop of Luke.  
11 Item, that all the goods movable and unmovable, of Charles duke of Bourbon, should be restored to his heirs, they paying to lord Henry, marquess of Dapenete, and earl of Nassaw, lord chamberlain line 40 to the emperor, ten thousand ducats, which he lent to the said duke of Bourbon.  
12 Item, that john earl of Panthieure, should be remitted to all such goods, as were earl Rene his fathers.  
13 Item, the lord Laurence de Gorowood, great master to the emperor, should be restored to the lordships of Chalmont, & Montevalle, which he bought of the duke of Bourbon, or to have his money again.  
14 Item, Philip de Chalon prince of Orange and line 50 viceroy of Naples, to be restored to all his lands in Burgognie.  
15 Item, that the duchess of Uandosme, and Lois earl of Navers, should have all such right and actions, as they should have had before the war began.  
In the emperors countries, when all things were written, sealed, and finished, there was a solemn mass song in the cathedral church of Cambreie, the two lady's ambassadors of the king of England, sitting in great estate: and after mass the peace was line 60 proclaimed between the three princes, and Te Deum song, and money cast to the people, and great fires made through the city. The same night the French king came into Cambreie, well and nobly accompanied, and saluted the ladies, and to them made diverse banquets: and then all persons departed into their country, glad of this concord. This peace was called the women's peace, 
The women's peace.  for because that notwithstanding this conclusion, yet neither the emperor trusted the French king, nor he neither trusted nor loved him, and their subjects were in the same case. This proclamation was proclaimed solemnly by heralds with trumpets in the city of London, which proclamation much rejoiced the English merchants, repairing into Flanders, Brabant, Zealand, and other the emperor's dominions. For during the wars, merchants were evil handled on both parties, which caused them to be desirous of peace. 
Sir Thomas Moor lord chancellor. ] On the four & twentieth of November, was sir Thomas Moor made lord chancellor, & the next day led to the Chancery by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and there sworn.  
At the day appointed the parliament began, on which day the king came by water to his place of Bridewell, 
Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fo. clxxx●● An oration made in the audience of the parliament by sir Thomas Moor.  and there he and his nobles put on their robes of parliament, and so came to the Black friars church, where a mass of the holy-ghost was solemnly song by the king's chapel: and after the mass, the king with all the lords of parliament and commons, which were summoned to appear at that day, came into the parliament chamber, where the king sat in his throne or seat royal: and sir Thomas Moor his chancellor, standing on the right hand of the king behind the bar, made an eloquent oration.  
In this oration he declared, that like as a good shepherd, which not alonely keepeth and attendeth well his sheep, but also forseeth and provideth for all things which either may be hurtful or noisome to his flock, or may preserve and defend the same against all perils that may chance to come: so the king which was the shepherd, ruler and governor of his realm, vigilantly foreseeing things to come, considered how divers laws before this time were made, now by long continuance of time and mutation of things, very insufficient and unperfect: and also by the frail condition of man, diverse new enormities were sprung amongst the people, for the which no law was yet made to reform the same. Which was the very cause why at that time the king had summoned his high court of parliament. And he resembled the king to a shepherd or herdman for this cause: for if a prince be compared to his riches, he is but a rich man; if a prince be compared to his honour, he is but an honourable man: but compare him to the multitude of his people, and the number of his flock, than he is a ruler, 
Wherein the person of the king is properly reputed a ruler.  a governor of might & puissance, so that his people maketh him a prince, as of the multitude of sheep cometh the name of a shepherd. And as you see that amongst a great sort of sheep some be rotten & faulty, which the good shepherd sendeth from the good sheep: so the great wedder which is of late fallen (as you all know) so craftily, so scabbedlie, yea and so untruely juggled with the king, that all men must needs guess and think, that he thought in himself that he had no wit to perceive his crafty doing; or else that he presumed that the king would not see nor know his fraudulent juggling and attempts. But he was deceived: for his grace's sight was so quick and penetrable, that he saw him, yea and saw through him, both within and without, so that all things to him was open, and according to his desert he hath had a gentle correction.  
Which small punishment the king will not to be an example to other offenders, but clearly declareth, that whosoever hereafter shall make like attempt, or commit like offence, shall not escape with like punishment. And because you of the common house be a gross multitude, and can not speak all at one time: therefore the king's pleasure is, that you shall resort to the neither house, & there amongst yourselves, according to the old and ancient custom, to choose an able person to be your common mouth and speaker: and after your election so made, to advertise his grace thereof, which will declare to you his pleasure, what day he will have him present in this place. After this done, the commons resorted to the neither house, 
Thomas ●udleie chosen speaker.  and they chose for their speaker Thomas Audleie esquire, and attorney of the duchy of Lancaster: and the same day was the parliament adjourned to Westminster.  
On the sixth day of the same month, the king came to the parliament chamber, and all the lords in their robes. And there the commons of the neither house presented their speaker, which there made an eloquent oration, 
An oration made by the speaker of the parliament.  which consisted in two points. The first point was, that he much praised the king for his line 10 equity and justice, mixed with mercy and pity, so that none offence was forgotten and left unpunished, nor in the punishment the extremity nor the rigour of the law cruelly extended: which should be a cause to bridle all men from doing like offences, & also a comfort to offenders to confess their crime and offence, and an occasion of amendment and reconciliation. The second point was, that he disabled himself, both for lack of wit, learning, and discretion to so high an office, beseeching the king to cause line 20 his commons to resort eftsoons to their common house, and there to choose an other speaker for that parliament.  
To this the king (by the mouth of the lord chancellor) answered; that where he disabled himself in wit and learning, his own ornate oration there made testified the contrary. And as touching his discretion and other qualities, the king himself had well known him and his doings since he was in his service, to be both wise and discreet: and so for an able line 30 man he accepted him, and for the speaker he him admitted. When the commons were assembled in the neither house, 
The commons of the lower house complain against the clergy.  they began to commune of their griefs, wherewith the spirituality had before time grievously oppressed them, both contrary to the law of the realm, and contrary to all right: and in specially they were sore moved with six great causes.  
line 1 The first for the excessive fines, which the ordinaries took for probates of testaments, insomuch that sir Henry Guildford knight of the garter, and controllor line 40 of the king's house, declared in the open parliament on his fidelity, that he and others being executors to sir William Compton knight, paid for the probat of his will to the cardinal and the archbishop of Canturburie a thousand marks sterling. After this declaration were showed so many extortions done by ordinaries for probates of wills, that it were too much to rehearse.  
The second was the great polling and extreme line 2 eraction, which the spiritual men used in taking of line 50 corpse, presents, or mortuaries. For the children of the defunct should all die for hunger, and go a begging, rather than they would of charity give to them the silly cow which the dead man ought, if he had but only one; such was the charity then.  
line 3 The third cause was, that priests being surveyors, stewards and officers to bishops, abbots, and other spiritual heads, had and occupied farms, granges, and grazing in every country, so that the poor husbandmen could have nothing but of them; and line 60 yet for that they should pay déerlie.  
line 4 The fourth cause was, that abbots, prior's, and spiritual men kept tan-houses, and bought and sold wool, cloth, and all manner of merchandise, as other temporal merchants did.  
line 5 The fift cause was, because that spiritual persons promoted to great benefices, and having their livings of their flock, were lying in the court in lords houses, and took all of the parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all: so that for lack of residence both the poor of the parish lacked refreshing, and universally all the parishioners lacked preaching and true instruction of God's word, to the great peril of their souls.  
The sixth cause was, to see one priest little learned, line 6 to have ten or twelve benefices, & to be resident upon none; and to know many well learned scholars in the universities, which were able to preach & teach, to have neither benefice nor exhibition.  
These things before this time might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by any man, 
The bishops stick hard against these bills.  except he would be made an heretic, or lose all that he had. For t hebishops were chancellor's, and had all the rule about the king, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit or commodity. But now, when God had illuminated the eyes of the king, and that their subtle doings were once espied; then men began charitably to desire a reformation: and so at this parliament men began to show their grudges. Whereupon the burgesses of the parliament appointed such as were learned in the law, being of the common house, to draw one bill of the probates of testaments, another for mortuaries, and the third for non residence, pluralities, and taking of farms by spiritual men. The learned men took much pains, and first set forth the bill of mortuaries, which passed the common house, and was sent up to the lords. To this bill the spiritual lords made a fair face, saying; that surly priests and curates took more than they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order: thus they spoke, because it touched them little.  
But within two days after was sent up the bill concerning probates of testaments; at the which the archbishop of Canturburie in especial, and all other bishops in general both frowned and grunted, for that touched their profit. Insomuch as doctor john Fisher bishop of Rochester said openly in the parliament chamber these words: My lords, you see daily what bills come hither from the common house, 
The saying of john Fisher bishop of Rochester.  and all is to the destruction of the church. For God's sake see what a realm the kingdom of Boheme was; and when the church went down, then fell the glory of the kingdom: now with the commons is nothing but Down with the church; and all this me seemeth is for lack of faith only. When these words were reported to the commons of the neither house, that the bishop should say, that all their doings were for lack of faith, they took the matter grievously, for they imagined that the bishop esteemed them as heretics, and so by his slanderous words would have persuaded the temporal lords, to have restrained their consent from the said two bills, which they before had passed, as you have heard before.  
Wherefore the commons, after long debate, determined to send the speaker of the parliament to the king's highness, 
A complaint made to the king against the bishop of Rochester.  with a grievous complaint against the bishop of Rochester. And so on a day, when the king was at leisure, Thomas Audleie speaker for the commons, and thirty of the chief of the common house, came to the king's presence in his palace at Westminster, whi●h before was called York place; and there very eloquently declared what a dishonour to the king and the realm it was, to say, that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the shires, cities, and boroughs, within the realm of England, should be declared, in so noble and open presence, to lack faith: which was equivalent to say, that they were infidels, and no christians, as ill as Turks, or Saracens, so that what pain or study soever they took for the common wealth, or what acts or laws soever they made or established, should be taken as la●es made by paynim and heathen people, and not worthy to be kept by christian men. Wherefore he most humbly besought the king's highness to call the said bishop before him, and to cause him to speak more discreetly of such a number as was in the common house.  
The king was not well contented with the saying of the bishop, yet he gently answered the speaker, that he would send for the bishop, and send them word what answer he made, and so they departed again. After this the king sent for the archbishop of Canturburie and six other bishops, and for the bishop of Rochester also, and there declared to him the grudge of the commons; to the which the bishop answered, that he meant the doings of the Bohemians was for lack of faith, and not the doings of them that were in the common house. 
The bishops excuse to the king's majesty.  Which saying was line 10 confirmed by the bishops being present, who had him in great reputation: and so by that only saying the king accepted his excuse, and thereof sent word to the commons by sir William Fitz William's knight, treasurer of his household; which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all. 
Hard hold between the lords spiritual and temporal about the probates of wills and mortuaries.  After diverse assemblies were kept between certain of the lords, and certain of the commons, for the bills of probates of testaments, and the mortuaries; the temporalty laid to the spirituality their own laws line 20 and constitutions; and the spirituality sore defended them by prescription & usage, to whom this answer was made by a gentleman of Greies' inn: The usage hath ever been of thieves to rob on Shooter's hill, ergo is it lawful?  
With this answer the spiritual men were sore offended, because their doings were called robberies. But the temporal men stood still by their saiengs, insomuch that the said gentleman said to the archbishop of Canturburie, that both the exaction of probates line 30 of testaments, and the taking of mortuaries, as they were used, were open robbery and theft. After long disputation, the temporal lords began to lean to the commons: but for all that the bills remained vnconcluded for a while. In the mean season, 
The loan of money released to the king, which he borrowed in anno reg. 15.  there was a bill assented to by the lords, and sent down to the commons: the effect whereof was, that the whole realm by the said act did release to the king, all such sums of money as he had borrowed of them at the loan, in the fifteenth year of his line 40 reign (as you have heard before.) This bill was sore argued in the common house, but the most part of the commons were the king's servants, and the other were so laboured to by other, that the bill was assented unto.  
When this release of the loan was known to the commons of the realm, Lord so they grudged & spoke ill of the whole parliament. For almost every man counted it his debt, and reckoned surly of the line 50 payment of the same. And therefore some made their wills of the same, and some other did set it over to other for debt, and so many men had loss by it, which caused them sore to murmur, but there was no remedy. The king like a good and discreet prince, seeing that his commons in the parliament house had released the loan, intending somewhat to requite the same, granted to them a general pardon of all offences; certain great offences and debts only excepted: also he aided them for the redress of their line 60 griefs against the spirituality, and caused two new bills to be made indifferently, both for the probates of testaments and mortuaries; which bills were so reasonable, that the spiritual lords assented to them all, 
The matter of testaments and mortuaries moderated by the king.  though they were sore against there minds, & in especial the probates of testaments sore displeased the bishops, and the mortuaries sore displeased the parsons and vicar's.  
After these acts thus agreed, the commons made another act for pluralities of benefices, non residence, bieng selling and taking of farms by spiritual persons. Which act so displeased the spirituality, that the priests railed on the commons of the common house, and called them heretics and schismatics, for the which diverse priests were punished. This act was sore debated above in the parliament chamber, and the lords spiritual would in no wise consent. 
All against the clergy both head and tail.  Wherefore the king perceiving the grudge of his commons, caused eight lords and eight of his commons to meet in the Star chamber at an after noon, and there was sore debating of the cause, in somuch that the temporal lords of the upper house, which were there, took part with the commons, against the spiritual lords; and by force of reason caused them to assent to the bill with a little qualifying. Which bill the next day was wholly agreed to in the lords house, to the great rejoicing of the lay people, and to the great displeasure of the spiritual persons. During this parliament was brought down to the commons the book of articles, which the lords had put to the king against the cardinal, the chief whereof were these.  
1 First, that he without the king's assent had procured to be a legate, 
Articles ●●h●bited against the cardinal of York.  by reason whereof he took away the right of all bishops and spiritual persons.  
2 Item, in all writings which he wrote to Rome, or any other foreign prince, he wrote Ego & rex meus, I and my king: as who would say, that the king were his servant.  
3 Item, that he hath slandered the church of England in the court of Rome. For his suggestion to be legate was to reform the church of England, which (as he wrote) was Facta in reprobum sensum.  
4 Item, he without the king's assent carried the king's great seal with him into Flanders, when he was sent ambassador to the emperor.  
5 Item, he without the king's assent, sent a commission to sir Gregory de Cassado, knight, to conclude a league between the king & the duke of Ferrar, without the king's knowledge.  
6 Item, that he having the French pocks presumed to come and breath on the king.  
7 Item, that he caused the cardinals hat to be put on the king's coin.  
8 Item, that he would not suffer the king's clerk of the market to sit at saint Albon.  
9 Item, that he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obtaining of his dignities, to the great impoverishment of the realm.  
These articles, with many more, read in the common house, and signed with the cardinals hand, was confessed by him. And also there was showed a writing sealed with his seal, by the which he gave to the king all his movables and unmooveables. On the day of the Conception of our lady, 
Creation of earls at York place.  the king at York place at Westminster, in the parliament time, created the viscount Rochfort earl of Wiltshire, and the viscount Fitz Water was created earl of Sussex, and the lord Hastings was created earl of Huntingdon. When▪ all things were concluded in the parliament house, the king came to the parliament chamber the 17 day of December, and there put his royal assent to all things done by the lords and commons, and so prorogued his court of parliament till the next year. After the parliament was thus ended, the king removed to Gréenewich, and there kept his Christmas with the queen in great triumph: with great plenty of viands, and diverse disguisings and interludes, to the great rejoicing of his people.]  
The king, which all this while, since the doubt was moved touching his marriage, abstained from the queens bed, was now advertised by his ambassadors, whom he had sent to diverse universities for the absolving of his doubt, that the said universities were agreed, and clearly concluded, that the one brother might not by God's law marry the other brother's wife, carnally known by the first marriage, & that neither the pope nor the court of Rome could in any wise dispense with the same. For ye must understand, 
A special argument in disproof of the marriage.  that amongst other things alleged for disproof of the marriage to be lawful, evidence was given of certain words, which prince Arthur spoke the morrow after he was first married to the queen, whereby it was gathered, that he knew her carnally the night then passed. The words were these, as we find them in the chronicle of master Edward Hall.  
In the morning after he was risen from the bed, in which he had lain with her all night, he called for drink, which he before time was not accustomed to line 10 do. At which thing, one of his chamberleines marveling, required the cause of his drought. To whom he answered merrily, saying; I have this night been in the midst of Spain, which is a hot region, and that journey maketh me so dry: and if thou hadst been under that hot climate, thou wouldst have been drier than I Again, it was alleged, that after the death of prince Arthur, the king was deferred from the title and creation of prince of Wales almost half a year, which thing could not have been line 20 doubted, if she had not been carnally known. Also she herself caused a bull to be purchased, in the which were these words Velforsan cognitam, that is, and peradventure carnally known: which words were not in the first bull granted by pope julie at her second marriage to the king, which second bull with that clause was only purchased to dispense with the second matrimony, although there were carnal copulation before, which bull needed not to have been purchased, if there had been no carnal copulation, for line 30 then the first bull had been sufficient. To conclude, when these & other matters were laid forth to prove that which she denied, the carnal copulation betwixt her and prince Arthur, her counsellors left that matter, and fell to persuasions of natural reason. And lastly, when nothing else would serve, they stood stiff in the appeal to the pope, and in the dispensation purchased from the court of Rome, so that the matter was thus shifted off, and no end likely to be had line 40 therein.  
The king therefore understanding now that the emperor and the pope were appointed to meet at the city of Bononie alias Bologna, where the emperor should be crowned, sent thither in embassage from him the earl of Wiltshire, 
Ambassadors sent to Italy out of England about this intricate matter of the marriage.  doctor Stok●sleie, elected bishop of London, and his almoner doctor Edward Lée, to declare both unto the pope and emperor, the law of God, the determinations of universities in the case of his marriage, and to require the pope to do justice according to truth, and also to show to the line 50 emperor, that the king did move this matter only for discharge of his conscience, and not for any other respect of pleasure or displeasure earthly. These ambassadors coming to Bononie were honourably received, and first doing their message to the pope, had answer of him, that he would hear the matter disputed when he came to Rome, and according to right he would do justice.  

The emperors answer to the ambassadors.  The emperor answered, that he in no wise would line 60 be against the laws of God, & if the court of Rome would judge that the matrimony was not good, he could be content: but he solicited both the pope and cardinals, to stand by the dispensation, which he thought to be of force enough to prove the marriage lawful. With these answers the ambassadors departed and returned homewards, till they came on this side the mounteins, and then received letters from the king, which appointed the earl of Wiltshire to go in embassage to the French king which then lay at Bordeaux, 
The earl of Wiltshire ambassador to the French king, & others sent to other places.  making shift for money for redeeming of his children: and the bishop of London, was appointed to go to Padua, and other universities in Italy, to know their full resolutions and determinate opinions in the king's case of matrimony: and the king's almoner was commanded to return home into England, and so he did.  
¶ You have heard before how the cardinal was attainted in the praemunire, 
Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. cxcj. cxcij.  and how he was put out of the office of the chancellor, & lay at Asher. In this Lent season the king by the advise of his council licensed him to go into his diocese of York, year 1530 & gave him commandment to keep him in his diocese, 
The cardinal licensed to repair into Yorkshire.  and not to return southward without the kings special licence in writing. So he made great provision to go northward, and a pparelled his servants newly, and bought many costly things for his household: and so he might well enough, for he had of the king's gentleness the bishoprics of York and Winchester, which were no small things. But at this time diverse of his servants departed from him to the king's service, 
Thomas Crumwell advanced to the king's service.  and in especial Thomas Crumwell one of his chief counsel, and chief doer for him in the suppression of abbeys. After that all things necessary for his journey were prepared, he took his way northward till he came to Southwell, which is in his diocese, and there he continued this year, ever grudging at his fall, as you shall hear hereafter. But the lands which he had given to his colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the king's hands, by his atteindor in the praemunire: and yet the king of his gentleness and for favour that he bore to good learning, erected again the college in Oxford, 
The king's college in Oxford otherwise called Christ's church.  and where it was named the cardinals college, he called it the king's college, & endowed it with fair possessions, and put in new statutes and ordinances. And for because the college of Ipswich was thought to be nothing profitable, therefore he left that dissolved.  
In this year the emperor gave to the lord master of saint johnes of jerusalem, and his brethren the Island of Malta lying between Sicill and Barbary, there to employ themselves upon Christ's enemies, which lord master had no place sure to inhabit there, since he was put from the Rhodes by the Turk that besieged Uienna, but miss of his expectation. For the christians defended the same so valiantly against the said Turk and his power, 
The number of the Turks that died at the siege of Uienna.  that he lost many of his men by slaughter; many also miscarried by sickness and cold: so that there perished in all to the number of fourscore thousand men, as one of his bassats did afterward confess, which was to him a great displeasure; and in especially because he never besieged city before, but either it was yielded or taken. In the time of this siege a metrician did make these two verses in memory of the same: 
Caesar in Italiam quo venit Carolus anno,  
Cincta est ripheis nostra Vienna Getis.]   
In the beginning of this year was the having and reading of the new testament in English translated by tindal, Joy, and others, 
Anno. Reg. 2●.  
The new testament translated into English.  forbidden by the king with the advise of his council, and namely the bishops, which affirmed that the same was not truly translated, and that therein were prologs and prefaces sounding to heresy, with uncharitable railing against bishops and the clergy. The king therefore commanded the bishops, that they calling to them the best learned men of the universities, should cause a new translation to be made, that the people without danger might read the same for their better instruction in the laws of God, and his holy word. diverse persons that were detected to use reading of the new testament, and other books in English set forth by tindal, and such other as were fled the realm, were punished by order taken against them by sir Thomas Moor then lord chancellor, who held greatly against such books, but still the number daily increased.  
¶ In this year in May, 
Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxci●  the bishop of London caused all his new testaments which he had bought with many other books, 
Tindals' testaments burned.  to be brought into Paul's churchyard in London, and there were openly burned. In the end of this year, the wild Irishmen, knowing the earl of Kildare to be in England, entered his land, 
The wild Irish spoil the earl of Kildares' country, etc.  and spoiled and burnt his country, with diverse other countries. And the earl of Osserie being the king's deputy made little resistance, for lack of power. Wherefore the king sent the earl of Kildare into Ireland, & with him sir William Skevington line 10 knight, master of the king's ordinance, and diverse gunner's with him, which so politicly ordered themselves, that their enemies were glad to offer amends, and to treat for truce: & so sir William Skevington the next year returned into England, leaving there the earl of Kildare for the king's deputy.  
Now I will return to the execution of the treaty of Cambreie, 
The execution of the treaty accorded upon at Cambreie.  in the which it was agreed, that the lady Eleanor and the French kings children should line 20 be delivered when the ransom appointed was paid as you have heard in the last year. Wherefore the French king gathered money of his subjects with all speed, and when the money was ready, he sent the great master of France called Annas de Memorancie and diverse other nobles to Baion with the money, and to receive the lady and the children. And thither came to them the great constable of Castille and monsieur Prat for the emperor, & there the crowns were weighed and touched: and what fault soever the line 30 Spaniards found in them they would not receive a great number of them, and so they carried the children back from Fontarbie into Spain. Thus the great master of France and his company lay still at Baion, without having his purpose performed, from March till the end of june, and longer had lain if the king of England had not sent sir Francis Brian to Baion to warrant the payment: where upon the day of deliverance was appointed to be on saint Peter's day in june.  
At which day the great master, with one and thirty line 40 mulets laden with the crowns came to the one side of the river of Audaie, 
The deliverance of the French kings children.  which river departeth Spain and France, and there tarried till the first day of julie: on which day the lady Eleanor and the children were put in two great boats, having only twelve gentlemen of Spain with them: and in like manner the great master with two great boats, in the which the money was, and twelve gentlemen with him. All these boats met at a bridge made in the midst of the river. The constable of Spain line 50 and his twelve gentlemen met with the great master of France and his twelve gentlemen on the bridge: and after a little salutation, the Frenchmen entered into the two boats where the lady and the two children were; and the Spaniards into the two boats where the money was, and then each part hasted to land. Thus were the French kings wife and children delivered into his hands, for which deliverance was great joy and triumph made in France: and also in julie were fires made in London and diverse line 60 other places for the same consideration and cause.]  

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 968, 969.  ¶ Now will we leave France, and return to England, renewing the remembrance of cardinal Wolseie, who after great suit made to the king, was licensed to remove from Asher to Richmond, 
Cardinal Wolseie removeth to Richmond.  which place he had a little before repaired with great costs, for the king made an exchange thereof with him for Hampton court. The cardinal having licence of the king to repair to Richmond, made haste thither, and lodged there in the lodge of the great park, which was a very pretty house, there he lay until the beginning of Lent. Then he removed into the charterhouse of Richmond, where he lay in a lodging which doctor Collet made for himself, until he removed northward, which was in the Passion week after, and every day he resorted to the charterhouse there, and would sit with one of the most ancient fathers, who persuaded him to despise the vain glory of the world.  
Then prepared the cardinal for his journey into the north, 
The cardi●●● prepareth 〈◊〉 his journey into the north.  and sent to London for livery clothes for his servants, and so road from Richmond to Hendon, from thence to a place called the Rye, the next day to Raistone, where he lodged in the priory; the next day to Huntingdon, and there lodged in the abbeie; the next day to Peterborow, and there lodged in the abbeie, where he abode all the next week, & there he kept his Easter, his train was in number an hundred and threescore persons. Upon Maundie thursday he made his maundy, there having nine and fifty poor men, whose feet he washed, and gave every one twelve pence in money, three else of good canvas, a pair of shoes, a cast of red herrings, and three white herrings, and one of them had two shillings.  
On thursday next after Easter, he removed to master Fitz Williams, sometime a merchant-tailor of London, and then of the king's council; the next week he removed to Stamford, the next day to Grantham, the next day to Newarke, and lodged in the castle that night and the next day also: from thence he road to Southwell, where he continued most part of all that summer, until the latter end of grass time, and then he road to Scrobie, where he continued until Michaelmas, and then to Cawood castle within seven miles of York, whereof we will speak more hereafter. On the sixteenth of May, a man was hanged in chains in Finsbury field, 
vicar of S. Brides slain.  for murdering doctor Miles vicar of saint Brides. The fourth and fift of November was a great wind, 
A great wind.  that blew down many houses and trees, after which wind followed so high a tide, that it drowned the marshes on Essex side and Kent, with the isle of Thanet, and other places, destroying much cattle. The nineteenth of September, in the city of London, a proclamation was made for the restraining of the pope's authority in England, as followeth.  

A proclamation published in England in the behalf of the king's prerogative royal against the pope.  
THe king's highness straightly chargeth and commandeth, that no manner of person, of what estate, degree, or condition soever he or they be of, do purchase or attempt to purchase from the court of Rome or elsewhere, nor use & put in execution, divulge, or publish any thing heretofore within this year passed purchased, or to be purchased hereafter, containing matter prejudicial to the high authority, jurisdiction, and prerogative royal of this his said realm, or to the let, hindrance, or impechment of his graces noble & virtuous intended purposes in the premises, upon pain of incurring his highness indignation, and imprisonment, and further punishment of their bodies for their so doing at his grace's pleasure, to the dreadful example of all other.   
Some judged, that this proclamation was made, 
What was surmised to be the cause of this proclamation.  because the queen (as was said) had purchased a new bull for ratification of her marriage. Others thought that it was made, because the cardinal had purchased a bull to curse the king, if he would not restore him to his old dignities, and suffer him to correct the spirituality, the king not to meddle with the same. In deed many conjectured, that the cardinal grudging at his fall from so high dignities, sticked not to write things sounding to the king's reproach, both to the pope, and other princes; for that many opprobrious words were spoken to doctor Edward Kéerne the king's orator at Rome, and that it was said to him, that for the cardinals sake the king line 10 should have the worse speed in the suit of his matrimony.  

Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 970. The cardinal at his manor of Cawood keepeth a bountiful house.  ¶ Cardinal Wolseie lying at Cawood, held there an honourable and plentiful house for all comers, and also built & repaired the castle, which was greatly in decay, having artificers and labourers above three hundred persons daily in wages. At length being thereunto persuaded by the doctors of the church of York, he determined to be installed there at York minster, the next monday after All-hallows line 20 day, against which time due preparation was made for the same, but not in such sumptuous wise, as his predecessors before him had used. For whereas the cardinal was not abashed to send to the king, requiring him to lend him the mitre and pall which he was wont to wear when he sang mass in any solemn assembly: the king upon sight of his letters, could not but marvel at the proud presumptuousness of the man, saying: What a thing is this, that pride should thus reign in a person that is quite under foot. line 30  
The day being once known unto the worshipful gentlemen of the country, and other, as abbots, and prior's, 
The cardinal knoweth not that he was to be arrested of treason.  and notice of his installation, they sent in such provision of victuals, that it is almost incredible, all which was unknown to the cardinal, for as much as he was prevented and disappointed of his purpose, by the reason that he was arrested of high treason, as ye shall hereafter hear. So that most part of this former provision that I speak of, was sent unto York the same day of his arrest, and line 40 the next day following: for his arrest was kept as close as could be. The order of his arrest was thus. It was appointed by the king & counsel, that sir Walter Walsh knight, one of the kings privy chamber, should be sent down with a commission into the north unto the earl of Northumberland (who was sometime brought up in house with the cardinal) and they twain being jointly in commission to arrest the cardinal of high treason, master Walsh took his horse at the court gate, about noon, upon All-hallows day, toward the earl of Northumberland. line 50  

Prognostications of the cardinals ruin or fall.  And now have I occasion to declare what happened about the same time, which peradventure signified the troubles following to the cardinal. The cardinal sitting at dinner upon All-hallows day, having at his boards end diverse chapleins sitting at dinner, ye shall understand that the cardinals great cross stood in a corner at the table's end, leaning against the hanging, and when the boards end was taken up, and a convenient time for the chapleins to arise, one doctor Augustine a Uenecian, and physician line 60 to the cardinal, rising from the table with the other, having upon him a great gown of boisterous velvet, overthrew the cross, which trailing down along the tappet, with the point of one of the crosses, broke doctor Bonars head that the blood ran down, 
Doctor Bonars head broken.  the company there standing greatly astonished with the chance.  
The cardinal perceiving the same, demanded what the matter meant of their sudden amaze? And they showed him of the fall of his cross upon doctor Bonars head. Hath it (quoth he) drawn any blood? Yea forsooth my lord (quoth they.) With that he cast his eyes aside, & shaking his head, said Malum omen, & therewith saying grace, rose from the table, & went to his chamber. Now mark the signification how the cardinal expounded this matter at Pomfret after his fall. First, ye shall understand, 
How the cardinal expounded the fall of his cross.  that the cross which he bore as archbishop of York, signified himself; and Augustine the physician who overthrew the cross, was only he that accused the cardinal, whereby his enemies caught an occasion to overthrow him: it fell upon doctor Bonars head, who was master of the cardinals faculties and spiritual jurisdictions, and was then damnified by the overthrow of the cross: yea, and more over, drawing blood of him, betokened death, which shortly after did ensue.  
About the time of this mischance, the same very day and season, master Walsh took his horse at the court as nigh as could be judged. Now the appointed time drew near of his installation, and sitting at dinner upon the friday next before the monday on the which day he intended to be installed at York, the earl of Northumberland and master Walsh, with a great company of gentlemen of the earls house, & of the country, 
The earl of Northumberland aresteth the cardinal.  whom he had gathered together in the king's name, came to the hall at Cawood, the officers being at dinner, and the cardinal not fully dined, being then in his fruits. The first thing that the earl did after he had set order in the hall, he commanded the porter at the gates to deliver him the keys thereof. Who would in no wise obey his commandment, though he were roughly threatened, and straightly commanded in the king's name to make delivery of them to one of the earls servants.  
Sir (quoth he) seeing that ye do but intend to set one of your servants in my place to keep the gates, 
The porters words to the earl.  I know no servant that ye have but I am as able as he to do it, and keep the gates to your purpose (whatsoever it be) also the keys were delivered me by my lord and master, wherefore I pray you to pardon me, for whatsoever ye shall command me to do in the ministration of mine office, I shall do it with a good will. With that (quoth the earl) hold him a book (& commanding him to lay his hand thereon:) Thou shalt swear (quoth he) that thou shalt well and truly keep the gates to the king's use, and to do all such things as we shall command: and that ye shall let pass neither in nor out at these gates, but such as ye be commanded by us. And with this oath he received the keys at the earls hands.  
Of all these doings knew the cardinal nothing, for they stopped the stairs, 
The cardinal marveleth at the earls sudden coming.  so that none went up to the cardinals chamber, and they that came down could no more go up again. At the last one escaped, who showed the cardinal that the earl was in the hall. Whereat the cardinal marveled, and would not believe him, but commanded a gentleman to bring him the truth, who going down the stairs, saw the earl of Northumberland, and returned, and said it was very he. Then (quoth the cardinal) I am sorry that we have dined, for I fear our officers be not provided of any store of good fish to make him some honourable cheer, let the table stand (quoth he.) With that he rose up, and going down the stairs, he encountered the earl coming up with all his tail. And as soon as the cardinal espied the earl, he put off his cap, and said, My lord ye be most heartily welcome, and so embraced each other.  
Then the cardinal took the earl by the hand, and had him up into the chamber, whom followed all the number of the earls servants. From thence he led him into his bedchamber, 
The action of arrest which the cardinal taketh in ill part.  and they being there all alone, the earl said unto the cardinal with a soft voice, laying his hand upon his arm: My lord I arrest you of high treason. With which words the cardinal being marvelously astonished, standing both still a good space. At last (quoth the cardinal) What authority have you to arrest me? Forsooth my lord (quoth the earl) I have a commission so to do. Where is your commission (quoth he) that I may see it? Nay sir that you may not (said the earl.) Well then (quoth the cardinal) I will not obey your rest. But as they were debating this matter between them in the chamber, as busy was master Walsh in arresting doctor Augustine at the door of the palace, saying unto him, Go in traitor or I shall make thee. line 10  
At the last master Walsh being entered the cardinals chamber, began to pluck off his hood, and after kneeled down to the cardinal. Unto whom the cardinal said, Come hither gentleman & let me speak with you: Sir, here my lord of Northumberland hath arrested me, but by whose authority he showeth not, if ye be joined with him I pray you show me. Indeed my lord (quoth master Walsh) he showeth you the truth. 
The cardinal desireth to see the commission of the arrest.  Well then (quoth the cardinal) I pray you let me see it. Sir I beseech you (quoth master line 20 Welsh) hold us excused: there is annexed to our commission certain instructions, which you may not see. Well (quoth the cardinal) I trow ye are one of the kings privy chamber, your name is Walsh, I am content to yield to you, but not to my lord of Northumberland without I see his commission: the worst in the king's privy chamber is sufficient to arrest the greatest peer of the realm by the king's commandment, without any commission, therefore put your commission and authority in execution, line 30 spare not, I will obey the kings will; I take God to judge, I never offended the king in word nor deed.  

The cardinal committed to the custody of the earls gentlemen.  Then the earl called into the chamber diverse gentlemen of his own servants, and after they had taken the cardinals keys from him, they put him in custody of the earls gentlemen, and then they went about the house to set all things in an order. Then sent they doctor Augustine away to London with as much speed as they could, who was bound unto line 40 the horse like a traitor. But it was sunday toward night yet the cardinal was conveyed from Cawood, who lodged that night in the abbeie of Pomfret. The next day he removed toward Doncaster, and was there lodged at the Black friars. The next day he was removed to Shefield park, where the earl of Shrewsburie with his lady, and a train of gentlemen and gentlewomen received him with much honour. Then departed all the great number of gentlemen that conducted him thither. line 50  

The cardinal honourably received and served at the earl of Shrewsburies' house.  The cardinal being thus with the earl of Shrewsburie, continued there eighteen days after, upon whom the earl appointed diverse gentlemen to attend continually, to see that he should lack nothing, being served in his own chamber as honourably as he had been in his own house, and once every day the earl would repair to him and commune with him. After the cardinal had thus remained with the earl of Shrewsburie about a fortnight, it came to pass at a certain time as he sat at dinner in his line 60 own chamber, having at his boards end a mess of gentlemen and chapleins to keep him company, toward the end of his dinner, when he was come to eating his fruits, his colour was perceived often to change, whereby he was judged not to be in good health.  
Whereupon one of his gentlemen said, Sir, me seems you are not well at ease. 
The cardinal sickneth sitting at the ●able.  To whom he answered with loud voice, Forsooth no more I am, for I am (quoth he) taken suddenly with a thing about my stomach, that lieth there along as cold as a whetstone, which is no more but wind, I pray you go to the apothecary, & inquire of him if he have any thing that will break wind upward. Then went he to the earl and showed him what estate the cardinal was in, and what he desired. With that, the earl caused the apothecary to be called before him, & demanded of him if he had any thing that would break wind upward in a man's body. And he answered he had such gear. Then (quoth the earl) fetch me some. Then the apothecary fetched a white confection in a fair paper, & showed it to the earl, who commanded one to give the assay thereof before him, and then the same to be brought to the cardinal, who received it up all at once into his mouth.  
But immediately after surly, he avoided much wind upward: Lo (quoth he) ye may see that it was but wind, and now I am well eased, I thank God, and so rose from the table, and went to his prayers. And that done, there came on him such a looseness, that it caused him to go to the stool. 
The cardinal falleth into a flux that cost him his life.  And not long after the earl of Shrewesburie came into the gallery to him▪ with whom the cardinal met: and then sitting down upon a bench, the earl asked him how he did, and he most lamentably answered him, and thanked him for his good entertainment. Sir (quoth the earl) if ye remember, ye have often wished to come before the king, to make your answer; and I have written to the king in that behalf, making him privy of your lamentation that ye inwardly have received for his displeasure, who accepteth all your doings therein, as friends be accustomed to do in such cases: wherefore I would advise you to pluck up your hart, and be not aghast of your enemies, I doubt not but this your journey to his highness shall be much to your advancement.  
The king hath sent for you that worshipful knight master Kingston, 
Sir William Kingston is sent to fetch up the cardinal before the king.  and with him four and twenty of your old servants, now of the guard, to the intent ye may safely come to his majesty. Sir (quoth the cardinal) I trow master Kingston is constable of the Tower. Yea, what of that (quoth the earl) I assure you he is elected by the king for one of your friends. Well quoth the cardinal, as God will, so be it, I am subject to fortune, being a true man, ready to accept such chances as shall follow, and there an end; I pray you where is master Kingston. Quoth the earl, I will send for him. I pray you so do (quoth the cardinal) at whose message he came. And as soon as the cardinal espied him, he made haste to encounter him, and at his coming he kneeled to him, and saluted him in the king's behalf, whom the cardinal bareheaded offered to take up, and said: I pray you stand up, kneel not to me, I am but a wretch replet with misery, not esteeming myself but as a vile abject, utterly cast away, without desert, as God knoweth.  
Then said master Kingston with humble reverence: Sir, the king hath him commended unto you. 
Talk betwixt the said sir William & the cardinal.  I thank his highness quoth the cardinal, I trust he be in health. Yea (quoth master Kingston) and he commanded me to say to you, that you should assure yourself that he beareth you as much good will as ever he did, and willeth you to be of good cheer. And where report hath been made, that ye should commit against him certain heinous crimes, which he thinks to be untrue, yet he can do no less than send for you to your trial, & to take your journey to him at your own pleasure, commanding me to be attendant upon you. Therefore sir I pray you, when it shall be your own pleasure to take your journey, I shall be ready to give attendance. Master Kingston (quoth he) I thank you for your news, and sir, if I were as lusty as I have been but of late, I would ride with you in post, but I am diseased with a flux that maketh me very weak, but I shall with all speed make me ready to ride with you to morrow. 
The cardinal extremely   
When night came, the cardinal waxed very sick with the lask, the which caused him continually to go to the stool all that night, in so much that he had that night fifty stools: therefore in consideration of his infirmity, they caused him to tarry all that day: and the next day he took his journey with master Kingston, and them of the guard, till he came to an house of the earl of Shrewesburies' called Hardwike hall, where he lay all night very evil at ease. The next day he road to Nottingham, and there lodged that night more sick: and the next day he road to line 10 Leicester abbey▪ and by the way waxed so sick that he was almost fallen from his mule; so that it was night before he came to the abbeie of Leicester, where at his coming in at the gates, the abbot with all his convent met him with diverse torches light, whom they honourably received and welcomed.  
To whom the cardinal said: Father abbot, I am come hither to lay my bones among you, riding so still until he came to the stairs of the chamber, where he alighted from his mule, and master Kingston line 20 led him up the stairs, and as soon as he was in his chamber he went to bed. This was on the saturday at night, and then increased he sicker and sicker, until monday, that all men thought he would have died: so on tuesday saint Andrew's even, master Kingston came to him and bade him good morrow, for it was about six of the clock, and asked him how he did? Sir (quoth he) I tarry but the pleasure of God, to render up my poor soul into his hands. Not so sir (quoth master Kingston) with the grace of God, ye shall live and do very well, if ye will be of line 30 good cheer. Nay in good sooth master Kingston, my disease is such, that I can not live: for I have had some experience in physic.  
Thus it is, I have a flux with a continual fever, the nature whereof is, 
The cardinal affirmeth by his own experience in physic that he can not live.  that if there be no alteration of the same within eight days, either must ensue excoriation of the entrails, or fransie, or else present death, and the best of them is death, and (as I suppose) this is the eight day, & if ye see no alteration in me, there is no remedy, save (though I may live a day line 40 or twain after) but death must ensue. Sir (quoth master Kingston) you be in much pensiveness, doubting that thing, that in good faith ye need not. Well, well, master Kingston (quoth the cardinal) I see the matter how it is framed: 
The cardinal ascribeth his fall to the just judgement of God.  but if I had served God as diligently as I have done the king, he would not have given me over in my greie hairs: but it is the just reward that I must receive for the diligent pains and study that I have had to do him service, line 50 not regarding my service to God, but only to satisfy his pleasure.  
I pray you have me most humbly commended unto his royal majesty, & beseech him in my behalf to call to his princely remembrance all matters proceeding between him & me from the beginning of the world, and the progress of the same, etc. Master Kingston farewell, I can no more say, but I wish all things to have good success, my time draweth on fast. 
Manifest indication of death in the cardinal.  And even with that he began to draw his speech line 60 at length, & his tongue to fail, his eyes being set, whose sight failed him. Then they did put him in remembrance of Christ his passion, & caused the yeomen of the guard to stand by to see him die, and to witness of his words at his departure: & incontinent the clock struck eight, and then he gave up the ghost, and departed this present life: which caused some to call to remembrance how he said the day before, that at eight of the clock they should lose their master.  

Example of pride and arrogancy.  Here is the end and fall of pride and arrogancy of men exalted by fortune to dignity: for in his time he was the hautiest man in all his proceedings alive, having more respect to the honour of his person, than he had to his spiritual profession, wherein should be showed all meekness, humility, and charity. 
Guicc. pag. 1139.  [An example (saith Guicciardin, who handleth this story effectually, and showeth the cause of this cardinals ruin) in our days worthy of memory, touching the power which fortune and envy hath in the courts of princes.] He died in Leicester abbeie, & in the church of the same abbeie was buried. Such is the surety of man's brittle state, doubtful in birth, & no less feeble in life, which is as uncertain, as death most certain, and the means thereof manifold, which as in number they exceed▪ so in strangeness they pass: all degrees of ages & diversities of sexes being subject to the same. In consideration whereof, it was notably said by one that wrote a whole volume of infirmities, diseases, and passions incident to children: 
A primo vitae diversos stamine morbos  
Perpetimur, diris affi●imúrque malis: 
Sebast. Aust●rius.   
Donec in occasum redeat qui vixit ab ortu,  
Antea quàm discat vivere, vita cadit.   
This cardinal (as Edmund Campian in his history of Ireland describeth him) was a man undoubtedly borne to honour: 
The description of cardinal Wolseie, set down by Edmund Campian.  I think (saith he) some prince's bastard, no butchers son, exceeding wise, fair spoken, high minded, full of revenge, vicious of his body, lofty to his enemies, were they never so big, to those that accepted and sought his friendship wonderful courteous, a ripe schoolman, thrall to affections, brought a bed with flattery, insatiable to get, and more princely in bestowing, as appeareth by his two colleges at Ipswich and Oxenford, the one overthrown with his fall, the other unfinished, and yet as it lieth for an house of students, considering all the appurtenances incomparable through Christendom, whereof Henry the eight is now called founder, because he let it stand. He held and enjoyed at once the bishoprics of York, Duresme, & Winchester, the dignities of lord cardinal, legate, & chancellor, the abbeie of saint Albon, diverse priories, sundry fat benefices In commendam, a great preferrer of his servants, an advancer of learning, stout in every quarrel, never happy till this his overthrow. Wherein he showed such moderation, and ended so perfectly, that the hour of his death did him more honour, than all the pomp of his life passed. Thus far Campian. Here it is necessary to add that notable discourse, which I find in john Stow, concerning the state of the cardinal, both in the years of his youth, and in his settled age: with his sudden coming up from preferment to preferment; till he was advanced to that step of honour, which making him insolent, brought him to confusion.  
¶ This Thomas Wolseie was a poor man's son of Ipswich, in the county of Suffolk, & there borne▪ 

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 904, 905, etc.  
The ascending of Thomas Wolseie. Bachelor of art at fifteen years old.   and being but a child, very apt to be learned, by the means of his parents he was conveyed to the university of Oxenford, where he shortly prospered so in learning, as he was made bachelor of art, when he passed not fifteen years of age, and was called most commonly through the university the boy bachelor. Thus prospering in learning, he was made fellow of Mawdeline college, and afterward appointed to be schoolmaster of Maudlin school, at which time the lord marquess Dorset had three of his sons there at school, committing unto him as well their education as their instruction. 
Schoolmaster to the marquess Dorsets children.  It pleased the said lord marquess against a Christmas season to send as well for the schoolmaster, as for his children home to his house for their recreation, in that pleasant and honourable feast.  
Then being there, the lord their father, perceiving them to be right well employed in learning for their time, he having a benefice in his gift, being at that time void, gave the same to the schoolmaster in reward of his diligence at his departure after Christmas to the university, 
Thomas Wolseie got a benefice.  and having the presentation thereof, repaired to the ordinary for his induction, and being furnished of his instruments, made speed to the benefice to take possession, and being there for that intent, one sir james Paulet knight dwelling thereabouts, 
Thomas Wolseie set in the stocks by sir james Paulet. Wolseys imprisonment revenged.  took occasion against him, and set the schoolmaster by the heels during his pleasure, which after was neither forgotten nor forgiven.  
For when the schoolmaster mounted to the dignity to be chancellor of England, he sent for master line 10 Paulet, & after many sharp words, enjoined him to attend until he were dismissed, and not to departed out of London without licence obtained; so that he continued there within the middle Temple the space of five or six years, and lay then in the Gate house next the street, 
Gatehouse of the middle Temple new builded.  which he re-edified very sumptuously, garnishing the same all over the outside with the cardinals arms, with his hat, cognisances, and other devices in so glorious a sort, that he thought thereby to have appeased his old displeasure. line 20  
Now after the decease of the lord marquess, this same schoolmaster considering himself to be but a simple beneficed man, and to have lost his fellowship in the college, which was much to his relief, thought not long to be unprovided of some other help, and in his travel thereabouts, he fell in acquaintance with one sir john Naphant, 
Sir john Naphant treasurer of Calis, Thomas Wolsie his chaplain.  a very grave & ancient knight, who had a great room in Calis under king Henry the seventh: this knight he served, and behaved himself so discreetly, that he obtained the especial line 30 favour of his master, insomuch that he committed all the charge of his office unto his chaplain, and (as I understand) the office was the treasurorship of Calis, who was in consideration of his great age discharged of his room, and returned again into England, and through his instant labour, his chaplain was promoted to be the king's chaplain, 
Thomas Wolsie was chaplain to Henry the s●uenth.  and when he had once cast anchor in the port of promotion, how he wrought, I shall somewhat declare.  
He having there a just occasion to be in the sight line 40 of the king daily, by reason he said mass before him in his closet, and that being done, he spent not the day in idleness, but would attend upon those whom he thought to bear most rule in the council, the which at that time was doctor For, bishop of Winchester, secretary, and lord of the privy seal: and also sir Thomas Lovel knight, a sage councillor, master of the wards, and constable of the Tower: these grave councillors in process of time perceived this chaplain to have a very fine wit, and thought him line 50 a meet person to be preferred to witty affairs. It chanced at a certain season that the king had an urgent occasion to send an ambassador unto the emperor Maximilian, who lay at that present in the low country of Flanders, not far from Calis.  
The bishop of Winchester, and sir Thomas Lovel, whom the king counseled and debated with upon this embassage, saw they had a convenient occasion to prefer the king's chaplain, whose wit, eloquence, and learning, they highly commended to the line 60 king. The king commanded them to bring his chaplain before his presence, with whom he fell in communication of great matters, and perceiving his wit to be very fine, thought him sufficient, commanding him thereupon to prepare himself to his journey; and having his depeach, he took his leave of the king at Richmond about noon; & so coming to London about four of the clock, where the barge of graves end was ready to launch forth, 
Thomas Wolseie ambassador to the emperor.  both with a prosperous tide and wind, without any abode he entered the barge.  
Having so done, he passed forth with such speed, that he arrived at graves end within little more than three hours, where he tarried no longer than his post horses were a providing, and then traveled so speedily that he came to Dover the next morning, whereas the passengers were ready under sail to Calis, into the which passenger, without tarrying, he entered, and sailed forth with them, that long before noon he arrived at Calis, and having post horses, 
The 〈◊〉 very 〈◊〉 and ready 〈◊〉 his embassage.  departed from thence with such speed, that he was that night with the emperor, and disclosed the whole sum of his embassage to the emperor, of whom he required speedy expedition, the which was granted him by the emperor; so that the next day he was clearly dispatched with all the kings requests fully accomplished.  
At which time he made no longer delay, but took post horses that night, and road toward Calis, conducted thither with such persons as the emperor had appointed; and at the opening of the gates of Calis, he came thither, where the passengers were as ready to return into England, as they were before at his journey forward, insomuch that he arrived at Dover by ten of the clock before noon, and having post horses, 
His returns into Engla●● after his a●●bassage discharged.  came to the court at Richmond the same night, where he taking some rest until the morning, repaired to the king at his first coming from his bedchamber to his closet, whom when the king saw, he checked him, for that he was not on his journey: Sir (quoth he) if it may please your highness, I have already been with the emperor, and dispatched your affairs (I trust to your grace's contentation) and with that presented unto the king his letters of credence from the emperor.  
The king being in a great maze and wonder of his speedy return and proceedings, 
The king marveleth at the cardinals speedy return.  dissembled all his wonder, and demanded of him whether he encountered not his pursuivant the which he sent unto him, supposing him not to be out of London, with letters concerning a very necessary matter, neglected in their consultation; Yea forsooth (quoth the chaplain) I met with him yesterday by the way, and having no understanding by your grace's letters of your pleasure, have notwithstanding been so bold upon mine own discretion (perceiving that matter to be very necessary in that behalf) to dispatch the same. And forsomuch as I have exceeded your grace's commission, I most humbly require your grace's pardon. The king rejoicing not a little, said; We do not only pardon you thereof, but also give you our princely thanks, both for the proceeding therein, and also for your good and speedy exploit, commanding him for that time to take his rest, and repair again after dinner for the further relation of his embassage.  
The ambassador, when he saw time, repaired before the king and council, where he declared the effect of all his affairs so exactly, with such gravity and eloquence, that all the council that heard him, commended him, esteeming his expedition to be almost beyond the capacity of man. 
Thomas Wolseie dea●● of Lincoln. Thomas Wolseie the king's almoner.  The king gave him at that time the deanery of Lincoln. From thence forward he grew more and more into estimation and authority, and after was promoted by the king to be his almoner. After the death of king Henry the seventh, and in the flourishing youth of king Henry the eight, this almoner handled himself so politiklie, that he soon found the means to be made one of the king's council, 
Thomas Wolseie of the privy council unto Henry the eight.  and to grow in favour with the king, to whom the king gave an house at Bridewell in Fleetstréet, sometime sir Richard empson's, where he kept house for his family; and so daily attended upon the king, and in his especial favour, who had great suit made unto him.  
His sentences & witty persuasions in the council chamber were always so pithy, that the council (as occasion moved them) continually assigned him to be the expositor to the king in all their proceedings, in whom the king received such a leaning fantasy, for that he was most earnest and readiest of all the council to advance the kings will and pleasure: the king therefore esteemed him so highly, that all the other councillors were put from the great favour that they before were in, insomuch that the king committed all his will unto his disposition, which the almoner perceiving, 
The cardinal presumeth too ●●re upon a conceit and flattering opinion of his own qualities and the 〈◊〉 fluor.  took upon him therefore to discharge the king of the weighty and troublesome business, line 10 persuading the king that he should not need to spare any time of his pleasure for any business that should happen in the council.  
And whereas the other councillors would diverse times persuade the king to have sometime recourse into the council chamber, there to hear what was done; the almoner would persuade him to the contrary, which delighted him much: and thus the almoner ruled all them that were before him, such did his policy and wit bring to pass. Who was now in high line 20 favour but master almoner? And who ruled all under the king, but master almoner? Thus he persevered in favour, until at last in came presents, gifts, and rewards so plentifully, that he lacked nothing that might either please his fantasy, or enrich his coffers.  
And thus proceeding in fortune's blissfulness, it chanced the wars between the realms of England and France to be open, insomuch as the king was fully persuaded in his most royal person to invade his foreign enemies with a puissant army; line 30 wherefore it was necessary that this royal enterprise should be speedily provided and furnished, in every degree of things apt & convenient for the same, for the expedition whereof the king thought no man's wit so meet for policy and painful travel, 
The cardinal taketh upon him the managing of all the king's affairs.  as was his almoner, to whom therefore he committed his whole trust therein, and he took upon him the whole charge of all the business, and brought all things to good pass in a decent order, as all manner of victuals, provisions, and other necessaries convenient for so line 40 noble a voyage and army.  
All things being by him perfected, the king advanced to his royal enterprise, passed the seas, and marched forward in good order of battle, until he came to the strong town of Terwine, to the which he laid his siege, and assailed it very strongly continually with such vehement assaults, 
See before pag▪ 821, 822.  that within short space it was yielded unto his majesty, unto the which place the emperor Maximilian repaired unto the king with a great army like a mighty prince, taking line 50 of the king his grace's wages: which is a rare thing, and but seldom seen, an emperor to fight under a king's banner.  
Thus after the king had obtained this puissant fort and taken the possession thereof, and set all things there in due order, for the defence and preservation thereof to his use, he departed thence, and marched toward the city of Torneie, and there laid his siege in like manner, to the which he gave so fierce & sharp assault, that they were constrained of fine force to line 60 render the town unto his victorious majesty: at which time the king gave the almoner the bishopric of the same see, 
Thomas Wolseie bishop of Tor●●ie in France.  towards his pains and diligence sustained in that journey. Now when the king had established all things agreeable to his will and pleasure, and furnished the same with noble captains & men of war for the safeguard of the town, he returned again into England, taking with him diverse noble personages of France being prisoners, as the duke of Longuile, and viscount Clarimont, with other which were taken there in a skirmish.  
After whose return, immediately the see of Lincoln fell void, by the death of doctor Smith late bishop there, the which benefice his grace gave to his almoner, late bishop of Torneie elect, who was not negligent to take possession thereof, 
Thomas Wolseie bishop of Lincoln.  and made all the speed he could for his consecration: the solemnisation whereof ended, he found means that he got the possession of all his predecessors goods into his hands. It was not long after that doctor Benbrike archbishop of York died at Rome, 
See pag. 835.  being there the king's ambassador, unto the which see the king immediately presented his late and new bishop of Lincoln; so that he had three bishoprics in his hands in one year given him.  
Then prepared he for his translation from the see of Lincoln, unto the see of York, 
Thomas Wolseie archbishop of York.  after which solemnisation done, he being then an archbishop Primas Angliae, thought himself sufficient to compare with Canturburie, and thereupon erected his cross in the court, and every other place, 
Note the pride of Wolseie and his ambition.  as well within the precinct and jurisdiction of Canturburie, as in any other place. And forsomuch as Canturburie claimeth a superoritie over York, as over all other bishoprics within England, and for that cause claimeth as a knowledge of an ancient obedience of York, to abate the advancing of his cross, in presence of the cross of Canturburie: notwithstanding, the archbishop of York nothing minding to desist from bearing thereof, in manner as I said before, caused his cross to be advanced, as well in the presence of Canturburie as elsewhere. Wherefore Canturburie being moved therewith, gave unto York a certain check for his presumption, 
The two archbishops at strife for the prerogative.  by reason whereof, there engendered some grudge between York and Canturburie; York intending to provide some such means, that he would be rather superior in dignity to Canturburie, than to be either obedient or equal to him. Wherefore he obtained to be made priest cardinal, and Legatus de latere: 
Thomas Wolseie cardinal, see pag. 837.  unto whom the pope sent a cardinals hat with certain bulls for his authority in that behalf. Yet you shall understand, that the pope sent him this worthy hat of dignity, as a jewel of his honour and authority, the which was conveyed in a varlet's budget, who seemed to all men to be but a person of small estimation.  
Wherefore York being advertised of the baseness of this messenger, & of the people's opinion, thought it meet for his honour, that this jewel should not be conveyed by so simple a person, and therefore caused him to be stopped by the way immediately after his arrival in England, where he was newly furnished in all manner of apparel, with all kind of costly silks, 
The cardinal in all his actions standeth up on his reputation.  which seemed decent for such an high ambassador, and that done, he was encountered upon Blackeheath, and there received with a great assembly of prelates, and lusty gallant gentlemen, and from thence conducted through London with great triumph. Then was great and speedy preparation made in Westminster abbeie, for the confirmation and acceptance of this high order and dignity, the which was executed by all the bishops and abbots about or nigh London, with their rich mitres and copes, and other ornaments, which was done in so solemn wise, as had not been seen the like, unless it had been at the coronation of a mighty prince or king. Obtaining this dignity, he thought himself meet to bear rule among the temporal power, & among the spiritual jurisdiction: wherefore, remembering as well the taunts sustained of Canturburie, as having respect to the advancement of worldly honour & promotion, he found the means with the king, 
Thomas Wolseie lord chancellor arrogateth all that he may to himself by virtue of his promotions,  that he was made lord chancellor of England, and Canturburie which was chancellor dismissed, who had continued in that room long since before the decease of Henry the seventh. Now being in possession of the chancellorship, and endued with the promotions of the archbishop, & cardinal De Latere, having power to correct Canturburie, and all other bishops and spiritual persons, to assemble his convocation when he would assign, he took upon him the correction of matters in all their jurisdictions, and visited all the spiritual houses, having in every diocese all manner of spiritual ministers, as commissaries, scribes, apparators, and all other officers to furnish his courts, and presented by prevention whom he pleased unto all benefices throughout all this realm.  
And to the advancing further of his legantine line 10 jurisdiction and honour, he had masters of his faculties, masters Ceremoniarum, and such other, to the glorifying of his dignity. Then had he his two great crosses of silver, the one of his archbishopric, the other of his legacy, borne before him whither soever he went or road, by two of the tallest priests that he could get within the realm. And to increase his gains, he had also the bishopric of Durham, and the abbey of saint Albon in commendation. And after, when doctor For bishop of Winchester died, he line 20 surrendered Durham into the king's hands, and took to him Winchester. 
Thomas Wolseie bishop of Winchester, he had also three other bishoprics in his hands as it were in farm.  Then had he in his hand (as it were in farm) the bishoprics of Bath, Worcester, & Hereford, for so much as the incumbents of them were strangers, and made their abode continually beyond the seas in their own countries, or else at Rome, from whence they were sent in legation to this realm unto the king, and for their reward at their departure, king Henry the seventh gave them those bishoprics. line 30  
But they being strangers, thought it more meet for the assurance to suffer the cardinal to have their benefices for a convenient sum of money paid them yearly, where they remained, than either to be troubled with the charges of the same, or to be yearly burdened with the conveyance of their revenues unto them: so that all the spiritual livings and presentations of these bishoprics were fully in his disposition, to prefer whom he listed. He had also a great number daily attending upon him, both of noblemen & line 40 worthy gentlemen, 
What kind of persons he retained in his service.  with no small number of the tallest yeomen that he could get in all the realm, insomuch that well was that nobleman and gentleman, that could prefer a tall yeoman to his service.  
Ye shall understand, that he had in his hall continually three boards, 
The order of the cardinals house, and first of his hall.  kept with three several principal officers, that is to say, a steward which was always a priest; a treasurer a knight; and a comptrollor an esquire; also a cofferer being a doctor; three marshals; line 50 three yeomen ushers in the hall, besides two grooms, and almoners. Then in the hall kitchen, two clerks of the kitchen; 
The hall kitchen.  a clerk comptrollor; a surueior of the dressor; a clerk of the spicery, the which together kept also a continual mess in the hall. Also in his hall kitchen he had of master cooks two, and of other cooks, labourers and children of the kitchen, twelve persons; four yeomen of the scullery, and four yeomen of the silver scullery; two yeomen of the pastry, with two other pastelers under line 60 the yeomen.  

The privy kitchen. The scalding house. The pantry. The buttery. The yewrie. The cellar. The chandrie wafarie, etc.  Then in his privy kitchen a master cook, who went daily in velvet or in satin, with a chain of gold, with two other yeomen and a groom: in the scalding house, a yeoman and two grooms: in the pantry two persons: in the buttery two yeomen, two grooms, and two pages: and in the yewrie likewise: in the cellar three yeomen, and three pages: in his chandrie two: in the wafarie two: in the wardrobe of beds, the master of the wardrobe, and ten other persons: in the laundry, a yeoman, a groom, thirty pages, two yeomen purveyors, & one groom: in the bakehouse, a yeoman and two grooms: in the woodyard a yeoman, and a groom: in the barn one: in the garden a yeoman and two grooms: porters at the gate, two yeomen, and two grooms: a yeoman of his barge: and a master of his horse: a clerk of the stable, a yeoman of the same: the sadler: the ferrier: a yeoman of his chariot: a sumpter man: a yeoman of his stirrup: a muleteer: sixteen grooms of his stable, every of them kept four geldings.  
In the almorie a yeoman and a groom: 
Thomas Wolseis chapel and such as bare office there.  in his chapel he had a dean, a great divine, and a man of excellent learning: a subdeane: a repeater of the choir: a gospeler: a pistler: of singing priests ten: a master of the children: seculars of the chapel, singing men twelve: singing children ten, with one servant to await upon the children: in the revestry a yeoman, and two grooms, over and beside diverse retainers that came thither at principal feasts. For the furniture of his chapel, 
The furniture of his chapel.  it passeth my capacity to declare the number of costly ornaments and rich jewels that were to be occupied in the same continually: there hath been seen in procession, about the hall, four and forty very rich copes of one suit worn, besides the rich crosses and candlesticks, and other ornaments to the furniture of the same.  
He had two crossebearers, and two pillerbearers in his great chamber: 
Officers of credit about Thomas Wols●ie in his privy chamber.  and in his privy chamber these persons: first the chief chamberlain, and vicechamberleine: of gentlemen ushers, besides one in his privy chamber, he had twelve daily waiters; and of gentlemen waiters in his privy chamber he had six, and of lords nine or ten, who had each of them two men allowed them to attend upon them, except the earl of Derby, who had allowed five men: then had he of gentlemen, of cupbearers, carvers, and sewers, both of the privy chamber, and of the great chamber, with gentlemen daily waiters there, forty persons: of yeomen ushers six: of grooms in his chamber eight: of yeomen in his chamber five and forty daily: he had also alms men sometime more in number than other sometime.  
There was attending on his board of doctors and chapleins, besides them of his chapel, sixteen daily: 
Attendants on his board.  a clerk of his closet: secretaries two: and two clerks of his signet: and four counsellors learned in the law. And forsomuch as it was necessary to have diverse officers of the Chancery to attend upon him, that is to say, the clerk of the crown: 
Officers of the Chancery  a riding clerk: a clerk of the hamper: and a chaffer of the wax: then a clerk of the check, aswell upon the chapleins, as of the yeoman of his chamber: he had also four footmen which were garnished in rich running coats, 
His footmen.  whensoever he road in any journey: then had he an herald of arms: and a sergeant of arms: a physician: an apothecary: 
His herald at arms & other officers.  four minstrels: a keeper of his tents: an armourer: an instructor of his wards: two yeomen of the wardrobe of his robes: and a keeper of his chamber continually in the court: he had also in his house the surueior of York, and a clerk of the green cloth.  
All these were daily attending, down lying and uprising, and at meals: he kept in his great chamber a continual board for the chamberers and gentlemen officers, having with them a mess of the young lords, and another of gentlemen. Besides all these, there was never an officer, gentleman, or worthy person, but he was allowed in the house, some three, some two, and all other one at the least, which grew to a great number of persons. Thus far out of the chequer roll, besides other officers, servants, retainers, and suitors, 
Thomas Wolseie twice ambassador to the emperor Charles.  that most commonly dined in the hall. After that he was thus furnished, he was sent twice in embassage to the emperor Charles the fift, for diverse urgent causes touching the king's majesty, it was thought, that so noble a prince (the cardinal) was most meet to be sent: wherefore being ready to take upon him the charge thereof, he was furnished in all degrees and purposes, most like a great prince.  
For first he proceeded forth furnished like a cardinal: his gentlemen being very many in number, were clothed in livery coats of crimson velvet of the best, with chains of gold about their necks, and his yeomen and mean officers in coats of fine scarlet, line 10 guarded with black velvet an hand broad. Thus furnished, he was twice sent into Flanders to the emperor then lying in Bruges, whom he did most highly entertain, discharging all his charges and his men's. There was no house within the town of Bruges, wherein any gentleman of the cardinals was lodged, or had recourse, but that the owners were commanded by the emperors officers, that they, 
The emperor's munificence notable and worthy his imperial person.  upon pain of their lives, should take no money for any thing that the cardinals servants did take line 20 of any kind of victuals, no although they were disposed to make any costly banquets.  
Commanding furthermore their said hosts, to see that they lacked no such things as they honestly required for their honesty and pleasure. Also the emperors officers every night went through the town from house to house, whereas any English gentlemen did repast or lodge, and served their liveries for all night, which was done in this manner. First, the officers brought into the house a cast of line 30 fine manchet, and of silver two great pots with white wine, and sugar to the weight of a pound: white lights and yellow lights of wax: a bowl of silver with a goblet to drink in, and every night a staff torch: this was the order of the liveries every night. And in the morning, when the same officers came to fetch away their stuff, then would they account with the hosts for the gentlemen's costs spent in the day before. Thus the emperor entertained the cardinal and all his train for the time of his embassage there. And that done, he returned into England with line 40 great triumph.  

The manner of his going to Westminster hall daily in the term time.  Now of his order in going to Westminster hall daily in the term. First yer he came out of his privy chamber, he heard service in his closet, and there said his service with his chaplain; then going again to his privy chamber, he would demand if his servants were in a readiness, and furnished his chamber of presence, and waiting chamber. Being thereof then advertised, he came out of his privy chamber line 50 about eight of the clock, appareled all in red, that is to say, his upper garment either of fine scarlet, or else fine crimson taffeta, 
His own apparel of crimson and other sumptuous stuff.  but most commonly of fine crimson satin ingrained, his pillion of fine scarlet, with a neck set in the inner side with black velvet, and a tippet of sables about his neck, holding in his hand an orange, whereof the substance within was taken out, and filled up again with the part of a sponge, wherein was vinegar and other confections against the pestilent airs, the which he most commonly held to his nose when he came among any press, or else line 60 that he was pestered with many suitors.  

The tokens and marks of his dignities borne before him.  Before him was borne first the broad seal of England, and his cardinals hat, by a lord, or some gentleman of worship, right solemnly: & as soon as he was once entered into his chamber of presence, his two great crosses were there attending to be borne before him: then cried the gentlemen ushers, going before him bore headed, and said: On before my lords and masters, on before, make way for my lords grace. Thus went he down through the hall with a sergeant of arms before him, bearing a great mace of silver, and two gentlemen carrying two great pillars of silver. And when he came at the hall door, there was his mule, being trapped all in crimson velvet, with a saddle of the same stuff, & gilt stirrups. Then was there attending upon him when he was mounted, his two crosse-bearers: & his pillerbearers in like case upon great horses, trapped all in fine scarlet. Then marched he forward with a train of noble men and gentlemen, having his footmen four in number about him, bearing each of them a gilt polar in their hands.  
Thus passed he forth until he came to Westminster hall door, and there lighted, 
His behaviour in the court of Chancery & Starchamber  and went up after this manner into the Chancery, or into the starchamber: howbeit, most commonly he would go into the Chancery, and stay a while at a bar made for him beneath the Chancery on the right hand, and there commune sometime with the judges, and some time with other persons: and that done, he would repair into the Chancery, and sitting there until eleven of the clock, hearing of suits, and determining of other matters, from thence he would divers times go into the starchamber, as occasion served. There he neither spared high nor low, but judged every state according to his merits and deserts.  
He used also every sunday to resort to the court, then being for the most part of all the year at Gréenewich, with his former triumphs, 
His order of going to and coming from the court.  taking his barge at his own stairs, furnished with yeomen standing upon the bails, and his gentlemen being within about him, and landed again at the three crane's in the Uintrie: and from thence he road upon his mule with his cross, his pillars, his hat and broad seal carried afore him on horseback through Thames street, until he came to Billingsgate, and there took his barge again, and so was rowed to Gréenewich, where he was received of the lords and chief officers of the king's house, as the treasurer, comptrollor and others, and so conveyed unto the king's chamber. Then the court was wonderfully furnished with noblemen and gentlemen: and after dinner among the lords, having some consultation with the king or with the council, he would departed homeward with the like triumph.  
Thus in great honour, triumph, and glory, he reigned a long season, ruling all things within the realm appertaining unto the king. His house was resorted to with noblemen and gentlemen, 
The cardinals house like a prince's court for all kind of bravery & sumptuousness.  feasting and banqueting ambassadors diverse times, and all other right nobly. And when it pleased the king for his recreation to repair to the cardinals house (as he did diverse times in the year) there wanted no preparations or furniture: banquets were set forth with masks and mummeries, in so gorgeous a sort and costly manner, that it was an heaven to behold. There wanted no dames or damosels meet or apt to danse with the maskers, or to garnish the place for the time: then was there all kind of music and harmony, with fine voices both of men and children.  
On a time the king came suddenly thither in a mask with a dozen maskers all in garments like shéepheards, made of fine cloth of gold, 
A mask and banquet, the king in person present at the cardinals house.  and crimson satin paned, & caps of the same, with visards of good phisnomy, their hairs & beards either of fine gold-wire silk, or black silk, having sixteen torchbearers, besides their drums and other persons with visards, all clothed in satin of the same colour. And before his entering into the hall, he came by water to the water gate without any noise, where were laid diverse chambers and guns charged with shot, and at his landing they were shot off, which made such a rumble in the air, that it was like thunder: it made all the noblemen, gentlemen, ladies, and gentlewomen, to muse what it should mean, coming so suddenly, they sitting quiet at a solemn banquet, after this sort.  

The cardinals stately sitting at table like a prince.  First ye shall understand, that the tables were set in the chamber of presence just covered, & the lord cardinal sitting under the cloth of estate, there having all his service alone: and then was there set a lady with a noble man, or a gentleman and a gentlewoman throughout all the tables in the chamber on the one side, which were made and joined as it were but one table, all which order and devise was done by the lord Sands than lord chamberlain to the king and by sir Henry Gilford comptrollor of the king's majesties line 10 house. Then immediately after the great chamberlain, and the said comptrollor, sent to look what it should mean (as though they knew nothing of the matter) who looking out of the windows into the Thames, returned again and showed him, that it seemed they were noblemen and strangers that arrived at his bridge, coming as ambassadors from some foreign prince.  

The cardinal knew not that the king was in the number.  With that (quoth the cardinal) I desire you, because you can speak French, to take the pains to go into the hall, there to receive them according to line 20 their estates, and to conduct them into this chamber, where they shall see us, and all these noble personages being merry at our banquet, desiring them to sit down with us, and to take part of our fare. Then went he incontinent down into the hall, whereas they received them with twenty new torches, and conveyed them up into the chamber, with such a noise of drums and flutes, as seldom had been heard the like. At their entering into the chamber two and two line 30 together, they went directly before the cardinal, where he sat and saluted him reverently.  

The cardinal reverently saluted of the maskers.  To whom the lord chamberlain for them said: Sir, for as much as they be strangers, and can not speak English, they have desired me to declare unto you, that they having understanding of this your triumphant banquet, where was assembled such a number of excellent dames, they could do no less under support of your grace, but to repair hither, to view as well their incomparable beauty, as for to accompany line 40 them at mum-chance, and then to danse with them: and sir, they require of your grace licence to accomplish the said cause of their coming. To whom the cardinal said he was very well content they should so do. Then went the maskers, and first saluted all the dames, and returned to the most worthy, and there opened their great cup of gold filled with crowns and other pieces of gold, to whom they set certain pieces of gold to cast at.  
Thus perusing all the ladies and gentlewomen, to line 50 some they lost, and of some they won: and marking after this manner all the ladies, they returned to the cardinal with great reverence, 
The cardinal playeth at dice.  pouring down all their gold so left in their cup, which was above two hundred crowns: At all (quoth the cardinal) and so cast the dice and won them, whereat was made a great noise and joy. Then quoth the cardinal to the lord chamberlain, 
He suspecteth that the king is present and abateth his estate.  I pray you (quoth he) that you would show them, that me seemeth there should be a nobleman amongst them, who is more meet to occupy this seat and place than I am, to whom I would line 60 most gladly surrender the same according to my duty, if I knew him.  
Then spoke the lord chamberlain to them in French, and they rounding him in the ear, the lord chamberlein said to my lord cardinal: Sir (quoth he) they confess, that among them there is such a noble parsonage, whom, if your grace can appoint him out from the rest, he is content to disclose himself, and to accept your place. With that the cardinal taking good advisement among them, at the last (quoth he) me seemeth the gentleman with the black beard, should be even be: and with that he arose out of his chair, and offered the same to the gentleman in the black beard with his cap in his hand. 
He taketh 〈◊〉 marks 〈◊〉 and is deceived.  The person to whom he offered the chair was sir Edward Nevil, a comely knight, that much more resembled the king's person in that mask than any other.  
The king perceiving the cardinal so deceived, 
The king disuisardeth his face and is very pleasant.  could not forbear laughing, but pulled down his visar and master Nevil'S also, and dashed out such a pleasant countenance and ●héere, that all the noble estates there assembles, perceiving the king to be there among them, rejoiced very much. The cardinal eftsoons desired his highness to take the place of estate. To whom the king answered, that he would go first and shift his apparel, and so departed into my lord cardinals chamber, and there new appareled him: in which time the dishes of the banquet were clean taken up, and the tables spread again with new clean perfumed clothes, every man and woman sitting still, until the king with all his maskers came among them again all new appareled.  
Then the king took his seat under the cloth of estate, 
A new banquet upon the sudden of 200 dishes.  commanding every person to sit still as they did before: in came a new banquet before the king, and to all the rest throughout all the tables, wherein were served two hundred diverse dishes, of costly devices and subtleties. Thus passed they forth the night with banqueting, dancing, and other triumphs, to the great comfort of the king, and pleasant regard of the nobility there assembled. And thus spent this cardinal his time from day to day, and year to year, in such wealth, joy, triumph, and glory, having always on his side the kings especial favour, until fortune envied his prosperity, and overthrew all the foundations of his glory; which as they were laid upon sand, so they shrunk and slipped away; whereby ensued the ruin of his estate, even to the very loss of his life, which (as a man of a guilty conscience, and fearing capital punishment due by law for his undutiful demeanour against his sovereign) Edward Hall saith (upon report) he partly procured, willingly taking so great a quantity of a strong purgation, as nature was therewith oppressed, and unable to digest the same; so that in fine he gave up the ghost, and was buried in Leicester abbeie: of whom to say more I will surcease, concluding only with a description which I find of him not impertinent for this place, sith wholly concerning his person.  
¶ This cardinal (as you may perceive in this story) was of a great stomach, 
Ab. Fl. ex Edw. Hal. Clxxxxiiij. The description of the cardinal.  for he counted himself equal with princes, & by crafty suggestion got into his hands innumerable treasure: he forced little on simony, and was not pitiful, and stood affectionate in his own opinion: in open presence he would lie and say untruth, and was double both in speech and meaning: he would promise much & perform little: he was vicious of his body, & gave the clergy evil example: he hated sore the city of London & feared it: it was told him that he should die in the way toward London, wherefore he feared least the commons of the city would arise in riotous manner and so slay him, yet for all that he died in the way toward London, caring more with him out of the world than he brought into it; namely a winding sheet, besides other necessaries thought meet for a dead man, as christian comeliness required. This ruin of the cardinal was not so much as once dreamt upon, when I. Leland the famous antiquary wrote this well-wishing octastichon unto the said Wolseie (being then in the flower of his glory, and the pearl of his pride) as hereafter followeth. 
Sic tuus Henricus, regum qui gloria, florins, 
Ad Tho. W●●uesegū archi●piscopum Isurocanu●.   
Perpetuo studio te colat, ornet, amet:  
Sic pia coniung at proceres concordia magnos,  
Vt justo bell▪ fulmine Turcaruat:  
Sic vast●s operum tantorum denique moles  
Absolua●, summo templa dicata Deo.  
Sis bonus (o 〈◊〉) mihi! tutela 〈◊〉  
Diceru merito p●aesidiúmque meae.   

The king and ●●eene kept a solemn Christmas 〈◊〉 Greenwich  After the cardinal was dead, the king removed from Hampton court to Gréenwich, where he with queen Katherine kept a solemn Christmas, and on the Twelve night he sat in the hall in his estate, whereas were diverse interludes, rich masks a●● disports, and after that a great banquet. Now after line 10 Christmas he came to his manor of Westminster, which before was called York place: for after that the cardinal was attainted in the praemunire, & was gone northward, he made a feoffment of the same place to the king▪ and the chapter of the cathedral church of York by their writing consserued the same feoffment, & then the king changed the name and called it the king's manor of Westminster, and no more York place.  
The whole clergy of England ●uer supported and maintained the power legantine 〈◊〉 the cardinal, 
The clergy in danger of a praemunire.  line 20 wherefore the kings learned 〈◊〉 said plainly that they were all in the premuni●e: the spiritual lords were called by process into the king's B●nch to answer, but before their day of appearance they in their convocation concluded an humble submission in writing, and offered the king a hundred thousand pounds to be their good lord, 
The offer of the clergy to the king.  & also to give them a pardon of all offences touching the praemunire by act of parliament, the which offer with much labour line 30 was accepted, and their pardon promised. In this submission the clergy called the king supreme head of the church of England, 
The king first named supreme head.  which thing they never confessed before, whereupon many things followed after, as you shall hear.  
When the parliament was begun the sixth day of januarie, year 1531 the pardon of the spiritual persons was signed with the king's hand, and sent to the lords, which in time convenient assented to the bill, and sent it to the commons in the lower house. Now when it line 40 was read, divers froward persons would in no wise assent to it except all men were pardoned, saying that all men which had any thing to do with the cardinal were in the same case. The wiser sort answered, that they would not compel the king to give them his pardon, & beside that it was uncharitably done of them to hurt the clergy, and do themselves no good: wherefore they advised them to consent to the bill, and after to sue to the king for their pardon, which counsel was not followed, but they determined first to send the speaker to the king yer they line 50 would assent to the bill.  

Thom. Audlie speaker for the commons.  Whereupon Thomas Audleie speaker for the commons, with a convenient number of the common house, came to the king's presence, and there eloquently declared to the king, how the commons sore lamented and bewailed their chance, to think or imagine themselves to be out of his gracious favour, because that he had graciously given his pardon of the praemunire to his spiritual subjects and not to them: wherefore they most humbly besought his line 60 grace of his accustomed goodness and clemency to include them in the same pardon. 
The sum of the kings wise answer.  The king wisely answered that he was their prince and sovereign lord, and that they ought not to restrain him of his liberty, nor to compel him to show his mercy; for it was at his pleasure to use the extremity of his laws or mitigate and pardon the same: wherefore sith they denied to assent to the pardon of the spiritual persons, which pardon (he said) he might give without their assent by his great seal, he would be well advised yer he pardoned them, because he would not be noted to be compelled to it.  
With this answer the speaker and the commons departed very sorrowful and pensive, and some light persons said that Thomas Crumwell, which was newly come to the favour of the king, had disclosed the secrets of the commons, which thing caused the king to be so extreme. The king like a good prince considered how sorrowful his commons were of the answer that he made them, 
The kings voluntary inclination to pardon the praemunire.  and thought that they were not quiet: wherefore of his own motion he caused a pardon of the praemunire to be drawn, and signed it with his hand, and sent it to the common house by Christopher Hales his attorney, which bill was soon assented to. Then the commons lovingly thanked the king, and much praised his wit, that he had denied it to them when they vnworth●lie demanded it, and had bountifully granted it when he perceived that they sorrowed and lamented.  
While the parliament sat▪ on the thirtieth day of March at afternoon, there came into the common house the lord chancellor and diverse lords of the spirituality and temporalty, to the number of twelve, and there the lord chancellor said: You of this worshipful house (I am sure) be not so ignorant, but you know well, 
Touching the king's marriage.  that the king our sovereign lord hath married his brother's wife, for she was both wedded and bedded with his brother prince Arthur, and therefore you may surly say that he hath married his brother's wife▪ ●f this marriage be good or no many clerks do doubt. Wherefore the king like a virtuous prince willing to be satisfied in his conscience, & also for the surety of his realm, hath with great deliberation consulted with profound clerks, & hath sent my lord of London here present, 
Namely Edmund Bonner.  to the chief universities of all christendom, to know their opinion and judgement in that behalf. And although that the universities of Cambridge and Oxford had been sufficient to discuss the cause, yet because they be in his realm, and to avoid all suspicion of partiality he hath sent into the realm of France, Italy, the pope's dominions and Venetians, to know their judgement in that behalf, which have concluded, written, and sealed their determinations according as you shall hear read. Then sir Brian Tuke took out of a box certain writings sealed, and read them word by word as after ensueth, translated out of Latin into the English tongue.  

Determinations of diverse universities touching the unlawfulness of the king's marriage, and first the determination of the university of Orleans.  
NOt long since there were put forth to us the college of doctors, regents of the university of Orleans, these two questions that follow. The first, whether it be lawful by the law of God for the brother to take to wife that woman whom his brother hath left? The second, if this be forbidden by the law of God, whether this prohibition of the law of God may be remitted by the pope his dispensation? We the foresaid college of doctor's regents, according to our custom and usage came many times together, and did sit diverse times upon the discussing of these foresaid doubts and questions, and did examine and weigh as much as we might diverse and many places, both of the old testament and the new, and also the interpreters and declarers both of the law of God and the canon law.  
After we had weighed & considered all things exactly, with good leisure and deliberation we have all determined and concluded, that these foresaid marriages cannot be attempted, nor enterprised, except a man do wrong, and plain contrary to the law of God: yea and that although it be done by pardon and sufferance of the pope. And in witness of this conclusion and determination, we have caused this present public writing to be signed by the scribe of our said university, and to be strengthened & fortified with the seal of the same. Enacted in the chapel of our lady, the annunciation, or the good tidings that she had of Christ's coming in Orleans, the year of our Lord 1529, the 5. day of April.   

The determination of the faculty of decrees of the university of Paris.  

Lawyers of Paris.  IN the name of the Lord so be it. There was put forth before us the dean and college of the right councelfull faculty of decrees of the university of Paris, this question? Whether that the pope might dispense, that the brother might marry the wife that his brother hath left, if marriage between his brother now dead and his wife were once consummate? line 20 We the dean and college of the said faculty after many disputations and reasons made of both sides upon this matter, and after great and long turning and searching of books, both of the law of God, and the pope's law, and of the law civil, we counsel and say that the pope hath no power to dispense in this foresaid case. In witness whereof we have caused this present writing to be strengthened with the seal of our faculty and with the sign of our scribe or chief beadle. yeven in the congregation or assemble at saint john Laterenense in Paris the second line 30 day of May 1530.   

The determination of civilians and canonists of the university of Anjou.  

Anjou.  NOt long time since there were proposed unto us the rector and doctors regents in law canon and civil of the university of Anjou, these two questions line 40 here following, that is to wit; Whether it is unlawful by the law of God & the law of nature for a man to marry the wife of his brother, that is departed without children, so that the marriage was consummate? And again, whether it is lawful for the pope to dispense with such marriage? We the aforesaid rector and doctors have according to our custom and usage many times communed together, and sitten to dispute these questions, and to find out the certainty of them. And after that we had discussed and examined line 50 many and diverse places, aswell of the law of God as of the law of man, which seemed to pertain to the same purpose, and after we had brought reasons for both parties, and examined them: all things faithfully and after good conscience considered, and upon sufficient deliberation and advisement taken, we define and determine that neither by the law of God nor of nature, it is permitted for any christian man, no not even with the authority of the see apostolic, or with any dispensation granted line 60 by the pope, to marry the wife that his brother hath left, although his brother be departed without children, after that the marriage is once finished and consummate. And for witness of the aforesaid things, we have commanded the scribe of our said university to sign this present public instrument, and it to be fortified with the great seal of our university. Enacted in the church of saint Peter in Anjou, the year of our Lord 1530, the 7 day of May.   

The determination of the faculty of divinity in the university of Paris.  

Paris.  THe dean and the faculty of the holy divinity of the university of Paris, to all them to whom this present writing shall come, wisheth safety in our saviour jesus Christ, which is the very true safety. Where of late there is risen a great controversy of great difficulty, upon the marriage between the most noble Henry the eight king of England defender of the faith, and lord of Ireland, &c: and the noble lady Katherine queen of England, daughter to the catholic king Ferdinand, which marriage was not only contract between her and her former husband, but also consummate and finished by carnal intermeddling.  
This question also was proposed to us to discuss and examine according to justice and truth, that is to say; Whether to marry her that one brother dead without children hath left, being so prohibited by the law of God and nature, that it can not be lawful by the pope's dispensation, that any christian man should marry the wife that his brother hath left? We the foresaid dean and faculty calling to our remembrance, how virtuous, and how holy a thing, and how agreeable to our profession, unto our duty of love and charity it is for us to show the way of justice and right, of virtue and honesty, to them which desire to lead and pass over their life in the law of our Lord with su●e and quiet conscience; could not but be ready to satisfy so honest and just requests: whereupon after our old wont, we came together upon our oath in the church of S. Maturine, and there for the same cause had a solemn mass with devout prayer to the holy-ghost.  
And also we took an oath, every man to deliver and to study upon the foresaid question, as should be to the pleasure of God & according to conscience. And after diverse & many sessions or sittings, which were had and continued in the church of saint Maturine, and also in the college called Sorbon, from the eight day of june to the second day of julie; when we had searched and examined through and through, with as much diligence as we could, and with such reverence and religion or conscience as becometh in such a matter, ●oth the books of holy scripture, and also the most approved interpreters of the same: finally the general and synodal counsels, decrees and constitutions of the sacre and holy church, which by long custom hath been received and approbate.  
We the foresaid dean and faculty, disputing upon the foresaid question, and making answer to the same, and that after the judgement and full consent of the most part of the said faculty, have concluded and determined, that the foresaid marriage with the brother's wife, departing without children, be so forbidden both by the law of God & of nature, that the pope hath no power to dispense with such marriages, whether they be contract or to be contract. And for credence, belief, and witness of this our assertion and determination, we have caused the seal of our faculty, with our notaries sign, to be put unto this present writing. Dated in our general congregation that we keep by an oath at saint Maturines, the year of our Lord 1530, the second day of julie.   

The determination of the university of Burges in Berrie or Biturs.  
WE the dean and faculty of divinity in the university of Burges (because we will do according to the example of S. Paul doctor of the gentiles, 
Burges.  which doth likewise) will begin our writing with prayer for all the beloved of God, among whom you most dear readers, unto whom we writ, be called: grace, peace, and quietness of conscience come to you from God the father, and from our Lord jesus Christ. While we were gathered together all into one place (in the octaves of Whitsuntide) both in body and mind, and were sitting in the house of the said dean, there was a question put to us again, which had been proposed to us oftentimes before, being no small question, which was this: Whether the brother taking the wife of his brother now dead, and the marriage once consummate and perfect, doth a thing unlawful or no?  
At the last when we had sought for the truth of the thing, and had perceived and found it out by much labour line 10 and study of every one of us by himself, and by much and often turning of holy books, every one of us not corrupt, whereby we might the less obey the truth, began as the holy ghost did put in his mind, to give every man one arbitrement and sentence, which was this. I have well perceived in very truth, without regard or respect of any person, that those persons which be rehearsed in the 18 chapter of the levitical law, be forbidden by the very law of nature to contract matrimony together, and line 20 that this law can in no wise be released by any authority of any man, by the which there is made an abominable discovering of his brother's foulness. And this is the sign of our common bedell or notary, and the seal of our foresaid faculty put unto this present writing the 10 day of june, in the year of our Lord 1530. And because the foot of our writing shall be of one form and fashion with the head, as we began with prayer, so let us end after the example of S. Paul that we spoke of before, and say, line 30 the grace and favour of our Lord jesus Christ, the charity and love of God and the communication of the holy ghost be with you all, Amen.   

The determination of the divines in the pope's university of Bononie.  
GOD best and mightiest taught first the old law and testament with his own mouth, 
Bononie.  to form and fashion according to love and charity the manners line 40 and life of men. And secondarily the same God did take afterwards manhood upon him for to be the redeemer of man, and so made the new law or new testament, not only to form and fashion according to love and charity the life and manners of men, but also to take away and to declare doubts, the which did arise in many cases, which when they be once clearly determined, shall help greatly to perfect virtue and goodness, that is to say, to perfect love and charity. line 50  
Wherefore we thought it evermore, that it should be our part to follow these most holy doctrines and laws of our father of heaven, and that we lightened by the light of God above & of the holy ghost, should give our sentence and judgement in high and doubtful matters, after that we have once leisurelie and sufficiently taken advisement upon the cause, and have clearly searched out and opened the thing by many reasons and writings of holy fathers, as well for the one part as for the other, doing nothing (as line 60 near as we can) rashly or without deliberation. Therefore where certain great and noble men did instantly desire us, that we would with all diligence possible look for this case that after ensueth, & afterwards to give our judgement upon the same, according to most equity, right, and conscience, sticking only to the truth.  
All the doctors of divinity of this university, when we had every one by himself examined the matter at home in our houses, came all together into one place, and there treated upon it many days with as much cunning and learning as we could, we anon looked on the case together, we examined it together, we compared all things together, we handling every thing by itself, did try them even as you would say by line and rule, we brought forth all manner of reasons which we thought could be brought for the contrary part, and afterward solved them, yea even the reasons of the most reverend father cardinal Caietane, yea and moreover the Deuteronomie dispensation of stirring up the brother's seed, and shortly all other manner of reasons and opinions of the contrary part, as many as seemed to belong to this purpose.  
And this question that was asked of us, was this: Whether it was forbidden only by the ordinance of the church, or else by the law of God, that a man might not marry the wife left of his brother departed without children? And if it were commanded by both the laws not to be done, whether the pope may dispense with any man to make such marriage? The which question now that we have examined both by ourself secretly, and also openly as diligently and exactly as we could possibly, and discussed it after the best manner that our wits would serve: we determine, give judgement, and say, and as stiffly as we can we witness, and without any doubt do steadfastly hold, that this marriage should be horrible, accursed, and to be cried out upon, and utterly abominable not only for a christian man, but for an infidel, unfaithful or heathen.  
And that it is prohibited under grievous pains and punishments by the law of God, of nature, and of man, and that the pope, though that he almost may do all things, unto whom Christ did give the keys of the kingdom of heaven, hath no power to give a dispensation to any man for to contract such marriage for any manner of cause, consideration or suggestion: and all we be ready at all times & in all places to defend & maintain the truth of this our conclusion. In witness whereof we have made this present writing, and have fortified the same both with the seal of our university, and also with the seal of our college of doctors of divinity, and have subscribed & signed it with our general and accustomed subscription in the cathedral church of Bononie, the tenth day of june, the year of our Lord 1530.   

The determination of the faculty of divinity in the university of Padua in Italy.  
THey that have written for the maintenance of the catholic faith, 
Padua.  affirm that God (best and mightiest) did give the precepts & commandments of the old law with his own mouth, to be an example for us, wherein we might see how we should order our life and manners, and this God had done before he became man: and after that he had put upon him our manhood, & was become redeemer or buyer of mankind, he made the new law or testament, and of his mere liberality did give it us, not only for the cause aforesaid; but also to take away and declare all manner of doubts and questions that might arise, the which once opened and declared, what their very true meaning is, to the intent that thereby we might be made perfectly good, which be greatly fruitful unto us and wholesome.  
And seeing that this was the mind of God in making these laws, it hath been our intent, and evermore shall be, as it becometh christian men, to follow these most solemn ordinances of the most high woorkemaister God, & the help of his light, that is above the capacity of nature, to utter our judgement in all manner of doubts and hard questions. After we had once considered the thing after the best manner, and had by sufficient leisure made it clear by many evident reasons of both parties, and by many authorities of the fathers of the church, determining nothing (as near as we can) rashly or without convenient deliberation. Seeing therefore that certain great orators or ambassadors did humbly require and pray us, that we would vouchsafe to search out with all the diligence we could this case following, and afterwards to give our sentence upon the same, plainly and simply looking only on the truth.  
After the doctors of divinity of this university came together, and after that we had every man examined line 10 the thing particularly in our own houses, and had beaten it with all learning and cunning that we were able: anon when we were together, we considered, examined, and weighed all things by themselves, and brought in all manner of reasons, which we thought might by any means be made to the contrary, and without all colour or cloak did wholly and clearly dissolve them and take them away. And amongst all, the dispensation by the law of Deuteronomie, of stirring up the brother's seed, and all manner line 20 other reasons and determinations to the contrary, that seemed to us to pertain any thing to that purpose, we utterly confuted and dispatched them.  
The question that is put unto us is this; Whether to marry the wife of our brother departed without children, is forbidden only by the law of the church, or by the law of God also? And if it be forbidden by both these laws, whether the pope may dispense with any man for such matrimony or no? Which question now that we have discussed it, and as far as we line 30 could, have made it clear, both privately every man by himself, and after all together openly, we say, judge, decree, witness, and for a truth affirm, that such marriage is no marriage; yea and that it is abhorred and cursed of every christian man, and to be abominate as a grievous sin; and that it is as clear as can be forbidden under most cruel penalties by the laws of nature, of God, and of man; and that the pope, unto whom the keys of the kingdom of heaven be committed by Christ the son of God, line 40 hath no power to dispense by the right of law for any cause, suggestion, or excuse, that any such matrimony should be contracted.  
For those things which be forbidden by the law of God, be not underneath his power, but above it; nor he is not the vicar of God as concerning those things, but only in such things as God hath not determined himself in his law; but hath left them to the determination and ordinance of man. And to maintain the truth of this our sentence and conclusion, line 50 and for the most certain and undoubted defence of the same, we all of one mind and accord shall at all times and in every place be ready. In witness whereof we have made this writing, and have authorised it with the accustomed seal of our university and also of our college of divines. Dated at Padua in the church of the hermits of saint Augustine the first day of julie, in the year of our Lord 1530.   

The determination of the university line 60 of Tholose.  
THere was treated in our university of Tholose a very hard question; 
Tholose.  Whether it be lawful for the brother to marry her which had been wife to his brother now departed, & that without children? There was beside this an other thing that troubled us very sore; Whether, if the pope which hath the cure of Christ's flock, would by his dispensation (as men call it) suffer this, that then at the least wise it might be lawful? The rector of the university called to counsel all the doctor's regents, that were at that time at Tholose for to show their minds on this question, and that not once, but twice: for he judged that counsel giving ought not to be hasted nor done upon head, and that we had need of time and space to do any thing conveniently and as it ought to be.  
At the last there came together into one place all the best learned and cunningest doctors, both of holy divinity, and also doctors that were best learned in both laws; yea, and finally as many as had any experience in any matter, and were able to do any thing either by judgement and discretion, or by eloquence or their excellent wits; and there did swear that they would obey the sacred and holy counsels, and would follow the decrees of the fathers, which no man that hath any good conscience will violate or break. And so every man said his mind, & the matter was debated and reasoned diffuselie and at large for both parts.  
In conclusion, we fell so fast to this point, that this was the sentence and determination that our university, with one voice of all, did determine and conclude with most pure and clear conscience, and defiled with no manner of leaven of corruption: That it is lawful for no man, neither by the law of God, nor by the law of nature, to take her to wife that his brother hath left: and seeing that it may not be done by the law of God nor of nature, we answered all, that the pope can lose no man from that law, nor dispense with him. And as for that thing can not be contrary to our sentence and verdict, that the brother in old time was compelled by the law of Deuteronomie to marry the brother's wife departed without issue. For this law was but a shadow and a figure of things to come, which vanished away as soon as ever the light and truth of the gospel appeared. And because these things be thus, we have given our sentence after this form above, and have commanded the same to be signed by our notary which is our secretary, and to be fortified and authorised by the putting to of our authentical seal of our university aforesaid, at Tholose the calends or first day of October, the year of our Lord 1530.   
After these determinations were read, there were showed above an hundred books drawn by doctors of strange regions, which all agreed the king's marriage to be unlawful, which were not read, for the day was spent. Then the chancellor said: Now you of this common house may report in your countries what you have seen and heard, & then all men shall openly perceive, that the king hath not attempted this matter of will and pleasure, as some stranger's report, but only for the discharge of his conscience and surety of the succession of his realm: this is the cause of our repair hither to you, and now will we departed.  
When these determinations were published, all wise men in the realm much abhorred that marriage: but women, and such as were more wilful than wise or learned, spoke against the determination, and said that the universities were corrupt and enticed so to do, which is not to be thought. The king himself sore lamented his chance, and made no manner of mirth nor pastime as he was wont to do. He dined and resorted to the queen as he was accustomed, and diminished nothing of her estate, and much loved and cherished their daughter the lady Marie: but in no wise he would not come to her bed. When Easter began to draw near, the parliament for that time ended, and was prorogued till the last day of March, in the next year. 
An act of poisoning.  In the parliament aforesaid was an act made, that whosoever did poison any person, should be boiled in hot water to the death: which act was made, because one Richard Roose, in the parliament time had poisoned diverse persons at the bishop of Rochester's place, which Richard, according to the same act, was boiled in Smithfield the teneber wednesday following, to the terrible example of all other.  

Anno Reg. 23.  When the university aforesaid, and a great number of clerks and well learned men had determined the king's marriage to be unlawful, detestable, and against God's law (as you have heard) the king willing the queen to have knowledge of the same, sent to her diverse lords of the council, the last day of line 10 May, being the wednesday in Whitsun week: the which Lords, 
M●ssage sent to the queen from the king.  in her chamber at Gréenewich, declared to her all the determinations (as you have heard) and asked her whether she would (for the quietness of the king's conscience) put the matter to four prelates, and four temporal lords of this realm, or abide by her appeal? The queen answered:  
The king my father which concluded my marriage, I am sure, was not so ignorant but he asked counsel of clerks and well learned men before he married me the second line 20 time: for if he had had any doubt in my marriage, he would not have disbursed so great a treasure as he did, & then all the doctors in a manner agreed my marriage to be good, insomuch that the pope himself, which knew best what was to be done, did both dispense and ratify the second marriage, against whose doings I marvel that any person will speak or write.  
And as to the determination of the university, I am a woman, and lack wit and learning to answer line 30 to them, but to God I commit the judgement of that, whether they have done justly or parciallie: for this I am sure, that neither the king's father, nor my father would have condescended to our marriage, if it had been declared to be unlawful. And where you say that I should put the cause to eight persons of this realm for quietness of the king's conscience, I pray God send his grace a quiet conscience. And this shall be your answer: that I say I am his lawful wife, and to him lawfully married, and by the order line 40 of holy church I was to him espoused as his true wife (although I was not so worthy) and in that point I will abide till the court of Rome, which was privy to the beginning, have made thereof a determination and final ending.  
With this answer the lords departed to the king, which was sorry to hear of her wilful opinion, and in especial that the more trusted in the pope's law, than in keeping the precepts of God.]  
Forsomuch as merchant strangers, bringing line 50 their wares into the realm, did receive ready money for them, and ever delivered the same money to other merchants by exchange, not emploieng it upon the commodities of the realm, 
A proclamation for merchant strangers.  a proclamation was set forth and made, that no person should make any exchange, contrary to the meaning of a statute ordained in the time of king Richard the second: by reason whereof, clothes and other commodities of this realm shortly after were well sold, till they fell to exchange again, and that this proclamation was line 60 forgotten. After Whitsuntide, the king & the queen removed to Windsor, and there continued till the fourteenth of julie, on the which day the king removed to Woodstock, and left the queen at Windsor, where she remained a while, & after removed to the More, and from thence to Estamstéed, whither the king sent to her diverse lords, to advise her to be conformable to the law of God, showing sundry reasons to persuade her to their purpose, and one among the rest used for that present this communication, as I find it left in writing, in the behoof of the king.  

Ab●. Fle. ex lib. m●nuscripto. Talk to Q. Katherine.  ¶ Madam, the king's highness hath commanded us repairing unto you, on his highness behalf to show unto you thus much, that his majesty having heretofore sent unto you a great number of his councillors and learned men, to declare what great injuries and wrongs by your procurement and solicitation were and yet be done unto his majesty and this his realm, in citing his highness in his own person, or by his proctor to appear at Rome, to make answer to your suit, contrary to the determination of all laws, as not only the famous universities of christendom, as Paris and Orleans, but also as the most part of the learned men here or elsewhere in that faculty affirm, and as master dean learned in that faculty can and will testify unto you, on his conscience, if it shall please you to hear him, and contrary also to his estate royal, and to the privileges and prerogatives of this his grace's realm.  
His highness perceiving your grace not to regard their advertisements in right and justice, but still to persevere and continue, and rather increase your injurious procurements and solicitations in that behalf, is not a little grieved & displeased with your continuance and prosecution of this injury and manifest wrong towards his majesty, and this his grace's realm. The continuance of which your unkind dealing hath compelled his highness not only to abstain from the sight of you, but also to forbear to receive any of your tokens, which do nothing else but renew and refresh his displeasure, enforcing him also to an indignation, to see tokens offered and sent by her, who continueth in prosecuting of so notable an injury and manifest wrong towards his majesty, & this his realm, perceiving also what boldness other outward princes might take to misintreat his highness, when they should understand how his majesty suffereth himself to be wronged by his pretended subject, and so notable wrong to be done to this his realm.  
And upon this cause and ground, like as the king's highness these certain months passed, hath dissevered your grace from his presence, so he intendeth yet to continue, and hath commanded us to show you, that his pleasure is ye shallbe at your liberty, & (as ye shall think most commodious) repair to either of these three places, his manor of Oking, his manor of Estamsteed, or the monastery of Bisham, and there to continue without further molesting of his highness with your suits or requests to the contrary, as wherewith ye shall not prevail; but more and more molesting and troubling his highness, procure his further displeasure towards you.  
And though percase the pope shall desist, as perceiving now the matter of right he will, yet the king's highness cannot digest in his stomach this injury done, not to be amended or reform at your grace's procurement, but your grace rather suing and instanting the contrary. And this is the charge, madam, which the king's highness hath committed unto us, to be spoken unto you on his highness behalf. And to say to you as of myself, concerning the justness of the king's cause, as I have heretofore said, I shall now repeat and rehearse again unto your grace; which is, that your grace being known by prince Arthur, ye be not lawful wife to the king's highness our sovereign lord in my conscience.  
This speech ended, others of the company used their persuasorie talk to the queen: 
The queen standeth stiff in her opinion concerning the controversy of hi● marriage.  whose words notwithstanding did so little move her, that she stood stiffly in her first opinion, that she was his true and lawful wife, and from the same would not by any means be removed.]  
The priests of London being called afore the bishop that would have had them contributaries to the payment of the hundred thousand pounds, granted to the king for his pardon of the praemunire, kept such a stir in breaking into the chapter house (where the bishop sat) all at once, and striking and buffeting the bishop's servants which gave them evil language, that the bishop was feign to give them his blessing, and suffer them to departed in quiet for that time. But after, upon complaint made to the lord chancellor, diverse of them and of their partakers were arrested, and committed to prison, to the number of fifteéne priests, and five lay men, some to the Tower, and some to the Fleet, and to other places, where they remained long after. 
john Sow.  ¶ Thomas Bilneie, bachelor of law, was line 10 burnt at Norwich the nineteenth of August, and the fourth of December sir Rées Griffin was beheaded at the Tower hill, and his man named john hews was drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged and quartered.  
The five and twentieth of May, beteene London and Gravesend, were taken two great fishes called whorlepooles, male and female. ¶ In this season, there was in the realm much preaching, one learned man holding against another, namely in the matter of line 20 the kings marriage. After Christmas, the parliament began to sit again, year 1532 in the which the commons found themselves sore grieved with the cruelty of ordinaries, 
Cruelty of ordinaries.  that called men before them Ex officio. At length, a book was drawn of all the griefs of the commons, for the cruel demeanour of the clergy, and the same delivered to th● K. by the speaker, humbly beseeching him in the name of all the commons, to take such direction therein, as to his high wisdom might seem most expedient. The king answered, line 30 that he would take advise, and hear the party accused speak. He was not so ready to gratify the commons in their requests, as some thought that he would have been, if they had not sticked and refused to pass a statute, which he had sent to them touching wards and primer seasons.  

The parliament prorogued. Annates forbidden to be paid.  After this, was the parliament prorogued till the tenth of April. In this parliament was an act made, that bishops should pay no more annates or money for their bulls to the pope: for it was proved that line 40 there had been paid for bulls of bishops, since the fourth year of Henry the seventh an hundred threescore thousand pounds sterling, beside other dispensations & pardons. When the parliament was begun again after Easter, there was a motion made to help the king with money toward his charges about the edifying of houses, piles, and other fortifications, upon the borders fore against Scotland, both for better habitation to be had there, & also for the restraint line 50 of the Scots that used to make invasions. There was therefore a fifteenth granted, but not enacted at this session, 
A fifteenth granted.  because that 〈◊〉 began a pestilence in Westminster, 〈…〉 parliament was prorogued, as ye shall hear in the ne●● year.  

A toll demanded in the low countries.  In this year was an old toll demanded in Flanders of Englishmen called th●●oll of the hound, which is a river and a passage. The toll is twelve pence of a farthel. It had been often demanded, but never paid, insomuch that king Henry the seventh for the line 60 demand of that toll, prohibited all his subjects to keep any mart at Antwerp or Barrow, till it was promised that upon their return the said toll should never be demanded. The king sent doctor Knight, and others to Calis, whither came the emperors commissioners, and there (upon talk) the matter was put in suspension for a time. The king having purchased of the cardinal after his attendure in the praemunire his house at Westminster, 

York place or white Hall now the palace of Westminster.  
S. james.   called York place, and got a confirmation of the cardinals feoffment thereof, made of the chapter of the cathedral church of York, purchased this year also all the meadows about saint james, and there made a fair mansion and a park for his greater commodity & pleasure. And because he had a great affection to the said house at Westminster, he bestowed great cost in going forward with the building thereof, and changed the name, so that it was after called the king's palace of Westminster.  
The fourteenth day of May, 
Anno reg. ●4▪ The parlem●● prorogued.  the parliament was prorogued till the fourth of February next coming. After which prorogation, sir Thomas Moor, chancellor of England, after long suits made to the king to be discharged of his office, the sixteenth of May he delivered to the king at Westminster the great seal of England, 
Sir Thomas Moor delivereth up the great seal.  and was with the kings favour discharged, which seal the king kept till monday in Whitsunwéeke, on which day he dubbed Thomas Audleie speaker of the parliament, knight, 
Sir Thomas Audleie lord keeper of the great seal.  and made him lord keeper of the great seal, and so he was called. ¶ The king being informed, that the pope and the French king should meet in the beginning of the next spring at Marseiles, he thought good for diverse considerations, to speak with the French king in his own person, before the pope and he should come together: whereupon it was concluded, that in October following, both the princes should meet between Calis and Bullongne. Wherefore the king of England sent out his letters to his nobles, prelates, and servants, commanding them to be ready at Canturburie the six and twentieth of September, to pass the seas with him, for the accomplishment of the interview betwixt him and the French king.  
On the first of September being sunday, 
The lady Anne Bullongne created marchiones of Penbroke.  the K. being come to Windsor, created the lady Anne Bullongne marchioness of Penbroke, and gave to her one thousand pounds land by the year; and that solemnity finished, he road to the college, where after that service was ended, a new league was concluded and sworn between the king, and the French king, Messire Pomoraie the French ambassador being present. On the tenth of October, 
The king passeth over to Calis.  the king came to Dover, and on the eleventh day in the morning at three of the clock he took shipping at Dover road, and before ten of the same day, he with the lady marchioness of Penbroke landed at Calis, where he was received with all honour, and lodged at the exchequer. There came to him whilst he lay in Calis, diverse lords from the French court, and amongst other the lord great master of France, and the archbishop of Roan, which were honourably of him received, and with them he took a day and place of meeting with the king their master.  
Whereupon the one and twentieth of October, he marched out of Calis, accompanied with the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the marquess' of Dorset and Excester, the earls of Arundel, Oxford, Surreie, Essex, Derby, Rutland, Huntingdon, and Sussex, with diverse viscounts, barons, knights of the garter, and other of the nobility and gentlemen freshly appareled, and richly trimmed; and coming to the place appointed, he there met with the French king, 
The interview betwixt the kings of England and France.  who was come to receive him with all honour that might be: and after salutations and embracings used in most loving manner, the king of England went with the French K. to Bullongne; and by the way was encountered by the French kings three sons, and other great lords that attended them, with welcoming the king of England; he them gently received, and so all this noble company came to Bullongne, where the king of England and his nobles were so nobly entertained, feasted, banketed, and cheered, that wonder it was to consider the great plenty of viands, spices, wines, and all other provision necessary for man and horse, so that there was no more but ask and have; and no man durst take any money, for the French king paid for all.  
The five and twentieth of October, whilst the king lay thus in Bullongne, the French king called a chapter of the companions of his order named S. Michael, of whom the king of England was one, and so there elected the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to be companions of the same order: 
The dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk 〈◊〉 into the order of S. Michael.  and being brought to the chapter, they had their collars delivered to them, and were sworn to the statutes of the order, their obeisance to their sovereign lord alway reserved. Thus the two kings lay in Bullongne, line 10 monday, tuesday, wednesday, and thursday: and on friday the five and twentieth of October, they departed out of Bullongne to Calis. Without the town of Calis about the distance of two miles, the duke of Richmond the king's base son, with a great company of noble men, 
The duke of Richmond.  which had not been at Bullongne, met them, and saluting the French king, embraced him in most honourable and courteous manner.  
Thus they passed forward, and came to Newnham line 20 bridge, and so to Calis, where was such provision made for the receiving of them, as well for lodgings, plate, and all such other furniture of household, as also of all sorts of viands, wines, and other necessaries, that it seemed wonderful: in so much as the proportion assigned to the French lords oftentimes was so abundant, that they refused a great part thereof. The French kings train was twelve hundred horses, or rather above. But there was lodging enough in Calis, not only for them, but also for many line 30 other, so that there were above eight thousand persons lodged within the town in that season. The French king coming thither on the friday, tarried there till tuesday the thirtieth of October, and then departed; the king of England accompanying him out of the town, till he came to enter into the French ground, and there either took leave of other with right princely countenance, loving behaviour, and so hearty words, that all men rejoiced that saw them. line 40  
Whilst the two kings lay in Calis, the lord Annas de Montmorancie earl of Beaumond, great master of the French kings house, & Philip de Chabot earl of Newblanke, great admiral of France, were admitted into the order of the garter, 
The great master and admiral of France made knights of the garter.  the king calling a chapter for that purpose, of the knights of that order, at the which the French king was present, and ware a blue mantel, because he was one of the same order. Whilst the king was in the French kings dominion, he had the upper hand, and likewise line 50 had the French king in his dominion. And as the French king paid all the Englishmen'S charges at Bullongne: so did the king of England at Calis. There rose about the same season such sore weather, storms and rigorous winds, continuing for the more part at north and northwest, that the king stayed at Calis for a convenient wind till tuesday the thirteenth of November at midnight, and then taking his ship, landed at Dover the next day about five of the clock in the morning. 
The king returneth into England. He marrieth the lady Anne Bullongne.  And herewith upon his line 60 return, he married privily the lady Anne Bullongne the same day, being the fourteenth day of November, and the feast day of saint Erkenwald; which marriage was kept so secret, that very few knew it till Easter next ensuing, when it was perceived that she was with child.  
When the king should pass over the sea, he considered that the Scots would happily attempt somewhat to the prejudice of his subjects in his absence, which sticked not (he being within the realm) to rob both by sea and land. Wherefore to resist their malice, he appointed sir Arthur Darcie with three hundred men to go unto Berwick, to defend the borders from invasions of the Scots, who shortly after by the middle marches entered the realm, and came to a place called Fowberie, and stirring certain villages in their way, returned. The earl of Angus as then was at Berwick as a banished man; and the said sir Arthur determined to revenge this displeasure: and thereupon with four hundred men made a road into Scotland, and set a village on fire. Then immediately assembled together eight hundred Scots, and began to approach near to the English men, who perceiving them, caused their trumpet to blow the retreat, and the earl and twenty with him showed himself on an hill, even in the face of the Scots, and the trumpet blew at their backs, so that the Scots thought that there had been two companies, which caused the Scots to fly, 
Scots discomfited by the Englishmen.  and the Englishmen followed and slew a great number of them, and took many of them prisoners.  
After Christmas sir Thomas Audleie lord keeper of the great seal was made high chancellor of England. And when the parliament began, year 1533 
Sir Thomas Audleie lord chancellor.  because the office of the speaker was void, Humfreie Wingfield of Greis inn was chosen speaker. In this parliament was an act made, that no person should appeal for any cause out of this realm to the court of Rome, but from the commissary to the bishop, and from the bishop to the archbishop, and from the archbishop to the king; and all causes of the king to be tried in the upper house of the convocation. 
Queen Katherine to be named princess Dowager.  It was also enacted the same time, that queen Katherine should no more be called queen, but princess Dowager, as the widow of prince Arthur. ¶ In the season of the last summer died William Warham archbishop of Canturburie, and then was named to that sea Thomas Cranmer the king's chaplain, a man of good learning, and of a virtuous life, which lately before had been ambassador from the king to the pope.  
After that the king perceived his new wife to be with child, he caused all officers necessary to be appointed to her, and so on Easter even she went to her closet openly as queen; 
Queen Anne.  and then the king appointed the day of her coronation to be kept on whitsunday next following: and writings were sent to all shiriffs, to certify the names of men of forty pounds to receive the order of knighthood, or else to make fine. The assessment of the fine was appointed to Thomas Cromwell, master of the king's jewel house, & councillor to the king, a man newly received into high favour. He so used the matter, that a great sum of money was raised to the kings use by those fines. The matter of the queens appeal whereunto she still sticked, and by no means could be removed from it, was communed of, both in the parliament house, and also in the convocation house, where it was so handled, that many were of opinion, that not only her appeal, but also all other appeals made to Rome were void and of none effect: for that in ancient counsels it had been determined, that a cause rising in one province should be determined in the same.  
This matter was opened with all the circumstances to the lady Katherine Dowager (for so was she then called) the which persisted still in her former opinion, 
Anno. reg. ●5.  and would revoke by no means her appeal to the court of Rome. Whereupon the archbishop of Canturburie accompanied with the bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, Lincoln, and divers other learned men in great number, road to Dunstable, which is six miles from Ampthill, where the princess Dowager lay, and there by one doctor Lée she was cited to appear before the said archbishop in cause of matrimony in the said town of Dunstable, and at the day of appearance she appeared not, but made default, and so she was called peremptory every day fifteen days together, 
The lady Katherine Dowager called peremptorily.  and at the last, for lack of appearance, by the assent of all the learned men there present, she was divorced from the king, and the marriage declared to be void and of none effect. Of this divorce and of the king's marriage with the lady Anne Bullongne men spoke diversely; some said the king had done wisely, and so as became him to do in discharge of his conscience. Other otherwise judged, and spoke their fancies as they thought good: but when every man had talked line 10 enough, than were they quiet, and all rested in good peace.  
In May pope Clement sent an orator to the king, requiring him to appear personally at the general council which he had appointed to be kept the yeére following. But when his commission was showed, at the earnest request of the king, there was neither place nor time specified for the keeping of that council; and so with an uncertain answer to an uncertain demand he departed, but not unrewarded. The line 20 king understanding that the pope, 
Ambassadors to the French king.  the emperor, & the French king should meet at Nice in julie following, appointed the duke of Norfolk, the lord Rochfort brother to queen Anne, sir William Pawlet controllor of his house, sir Anthony Browne, and sir Francis Brian knights, to go in embassage to the French king, and both to accompany him to Nice, and also to commune with the pope there concerning his stay in the king's divorce. These worthy personages made their provision ready; and so with the line 30 number of eight score horses they went to Dover, and passing over to Calis, took their way through France, to accomplish their embassage as they had in commandment.  

Proclamation for the coronation of queen Anne.  In the beginning of May, the king caused open proclamations to be made, that all men that claimed to do any service, or execute any office at the solemn feast of the coronation by the way of tenure, grant, or prescription, should put their grant three weeks after Easter in the Starrechamber before line 40 Charles duke of Suffolk, for that time high steward of England, and the lord chancellor and other commissioners. 
The several claims of diverse honourable and worshipful persons.  The duke of Norfolk claimed to be earl marshal, and to exercise his office at that feast; the earl of Arundel claimed to be high butler, and to exercise the same; the earl of Oxford claimed to be chamberlain; the viscount Lisle claimed to be pantler; the lord Aburgavennie to be chief larderer; and the lord Bray claimed to be almoner, and sir Henry Wyatt knight claimed to be ewrer. All these line 50 noble personages desired their offices with their fees.  
Beside these, the mayor of London claimed to serve the queen with a cup of gold, and a cup of assay of the same, and that twelve citizens should attend on the cupboard, and the mayor to have the cup and cup of assay for his labour: which petition was allowed. The five ports claimed to bear a canopy over the queens head the day of the coronation with four guilt bells, and to have the same for a reward, line 60 which to them was allowed. 

The receiving, conveying, and coronation of queen Anne, wife to the high & mighty prince king Henry the eight.  
Edw. Hall. CCxij.  
The king's letters to the mayor of London, touching the coronation.   diverse other put in petty claims which were not allowed, because they seemed only to be done at the king's coronation. All this season great purveyance was made of all manner of victuals: & lords, knights & esquierrs were sent for out of all countries, which came to London at their day with a great number of people.  
¶ After that the king's highness had addressed his gracious letters to the mayor and commonalty of the city, signifying to them, that his pleasure was to solemnize and celebrate the coronation of his most dear and well-beloved wife queen Anne, at Westminster the Whitsundaie next ensuing, willed them to make preparation, as well to fetch her grace from Greenwich to the Tower by water, as to see the city ordered and garnished with pageants in places accustomed, for the honour of her grace. When she should be conveyed from the Tower to Westminster, there was a common council called, and commandment was given to the haberdashers (of which craft the mayor sir Stephan Peacock than was) that they should prepare a barge for the bachelors, with a wa●ter and a foist, garnished with banners and strea●ters likewise, as they use to do▪ when the mayor is presented at Westminster on the morrow after Simon and jude. Also all other crafts were commanded to prepare barges, and to garnish them, not alonely with their banners accustomed, 
The city's preparation.  but also to deck them with targets by the sides of the barges, and to set up all such seemly banners and bannerets as they had in their halls, or could get meet to furnish their said barges, and every barge to have minstrelsy: according to which commandments great preparation was made for all things necessary for such a noble triumph.  
The ninetéenth day of May, 
Her coming by water from Gréenewich on thursday.  the mayor and his brethren all in scarlet, and such as were knights had collars of S S, and the remnant having good chains, and the counsel of the city with them, assembled at saint Marie hill, and at one of the clock descended to the new stair to their barge, which was garnished with many goodly banners and streamers, and richly covered. In which barge were shawms, shagbushes, and diverse other instruments, which continually made goodly harmony. After that the mayor and his brethren were in their barge, seeing that all the companies to the number of fifty barges were ready to wait upon them, they gave commandment to the companies, that no barge should row nearer to another than twice the length of the barge upon a great pain. And to see the order kept, there were three light wheries prepared, and in every one of them two officers to call on them to keep their order, after which commandment given, they set forth in order as hereafter is described.  
First before the majors barge was a foist or wafter full of ordinance, 
The majors barge with the conceits and devices thereof.  in which foist was a great dragon continually moving and casting wild fire: and round about the said foist stood terrible monsters and wild men casting fire, and making hideous noises. Next after the foist a good distance came the majors barge: on whose right hand was the bachelors barge, in the which were trumpets and diverse other melodious instruments; the decks of the said barge and the sailyards, with the top castles were hanged with rich cloth of gold and silk: at the foreship and the stern were two great banners rich, beaten with the arms of the king and the queen, and on the top castle also was a long streamer newly beaten with the said arms. The sides of the barge was set full of flags and banners of the devices of the company of the haberdashers and merchants adventurers, and the cords were hanged with innumerable pencils, having little bells at the ends, which made a goodly noise and a goodly sight, wavering in the wind. On the outside of the barge were three dozen scutcheons in metal of arms of the king and the queen, which were beaten upon square bucram divided, so that the right side had the king's colours, and the left side the queens, which scutcheons were fastened on the clothes of gold and silver, hanging on the decks on the left hand.  
On the left hand of the mayor was another foist, 
A foist with ● mount and other devices.  in the which was a mount, and on the same stood a white falcon crowned, upon a root of gold environed with white roses and red, which was the queens devise; about which mount sat virgins singing and playing sweetly. Next after the mayor followed his fellowship the habardashers; next after them the mercers, than the grocers, and so every company in his order, and last of all the mayor and sheriffs officers, every company having melody in his barge by himself, and goodly garnished with banners, and some garnished with silk, and some with arras and rich carpets, which was a goodly sight to behold: and in this order they rowed to Gréenwich, to the point next beyond Gréenwich, and there they turned backward in another order, that is to wit, line 10 the mayor and shiriffs officers first, and the meanest craft next, and so ascending to the uttermost crafts in order, and the mayor last, as they go to Paul's at Christmas, and in that order they rowed downward to Gréenwich town, and there cast anchor, making great melody.  

Queen Anne taketh barge with her name attending upon her.  At three of the clock the queen appeared in rich cloth of gold, entering into her barge accompanied with diverse ladies and gentlewomen: and incontinent the citizens set forwards in their order, their line 20 minstrels continually playing, and the bachelors barge going on the queens right hand, which she took great pleasure to behold. About the queens barge were many noble men, as the duke of Suffolk, the marquess Dorset, the earl of Wiltshire her father, the earls of Arundel, Derby, Rutland, Worcester, Huntingdon, Sussex, Oxford, and many bishops and noble men, every one in his barge, which was a goodly sight to behold. She thus being accompanied rowed toward the tower: and in the line 30 mean way the ships which were commanded to lie on the shore for letting of the barges, shot diverse peals of guns, and yer she was landed, there was a marvelous shot out of the tower as ever was heard there. And at her landing there met with her the lord chamberlain with the officers of arms, and brought her to the king, which received her with loving countenance at the postern by the water side, and then she turned back again, and thanked the mayor and the citizens with many goodly words, line 40 and so entered into the tower. After which entry the citizens all this while hovered before the tower▪ making great melody, and went not on land, for none were assigned to land but the mayor, the recorder, and two aldermen. But for to speak of the people that stood on either shore to behold the sight, he that saw it not would scarce believe it.  

Knights of the bath serve at dinner.  On friday at dinner served the king all such as were appointed by his highness to be knights of the bath, which after dinner were brought to their chambers, and that night were bathed and shriven, line 50 according to the old usage of England, and the next day in the morning the king dubbed them according to the ceremonies thereto belonging, whose names ensue; the marquess Dorset, the earl of Derby, the lord Clifford, the lord Fitzwater, the lord Hastings, the lord Mounteagle, sir john Mordant, the lord Uaur, sir Henry Parker, sir William Winsore, sir Francis Weston, sir Thomas Arundel, sir john Halston, sir Thomas Poinings, sir Henry Savell, sir George Fitzwilliam, sir john tindal, sir Thomas line 60 jermeie.  

The receiving and conveying of the queen through London.  To the intent that the horses should not slide on the pavement, nor that the people should not be hurt by horses, the high streets where the queen should pass were all graveled from the tower to temple bar▪ and railed on the one side, within which rails stood the crafts along in their order from Grace church, where the merchants▪ of the still●●rd stood till the little conduit in Cheap, where the aldermen stood: and on the other side of the street stood the constables of the city, appareled in velvet and silk, with great slaves in their hands, to cause the people to keep room and good order. And when the streets were somewhat ordered, the mayor clothed in a gown of crimsm velvet, and a rich collar of SSS, 
The mayor in a gown of crimsm velvet.  with two footmen clad in white and red damask, road to the tower to give his attendance on the queen, on whom the shiriffs with their officers did wait till they came to tower hill, where they taking their leave, road down the high streets, commanding the constables to see room and good order kept, and so went and stood by the aldermen in Cheap.  
Now before the queen and her train should come, Cornhill and Gracious street were hanged with fine scarlet, crimson, and other grained clothes, and in some place with rich arras, tapistry, and carpets; and the most part of the Cheap was hanged with cloth of tissue, gold, velvet, and many rich hangings, which made a goodly show, and all the windows were replenished with ladies and gentlewomen, to behold the queen and her train as they should pass by. 
The attire of certain Frenchmen belonging to the French ambassador.  The first of the queen's company that set forward were twelve Frenchmen, which were belonging to the French ambassador clothed in coats of blue velvet, with sleeves of yellow and blue velvet, and their horses trapped with close trappers of blue sarsenet powdered with white crosses: after them marched gentlemen, esquires and knights two and two: after them the judges, and after them the knights of the bath in violet gowns, with hoods purfled with miniver like doctors; after them abbots, than barons; after them bishops, than earls and marquess'; than the lord chancellor of England; after him the archbishop of York, and the ambassador of Venice, after him the archbishop of Canturburie and the ambassador of France, after road two esquires of honour with robes of estate rolled and worn bauldrike-wise about their necks, with caps of estate, representing the dukes of Normandy & Aquitaine: after them road the mayor of London with his mace and garter in his cote of arms, which mayor bore his mace to Westminster hall.  
After all these road the lord William Howard with the marshals rod, 
The two dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk in their offices.  deputy to his brother the duke of Norfolk marshal of England, which was ambassador then in France: and on his right hand road Charles duke of Suffolk, for that day high constable of England, bearing the verder of silver appertaining to the office of constableship, and all the lords for the most part were clothed in crimson▪ velvet▪ and all the queen's servants or officers of arms in scarlet. Next before the queen road her chancellor hareheaded, the sergeant and officers of arms road on both the sides of the lords. Then came the queen in a litter of white cloth of gold, not covered, nor bailed, which was lead by two palfreys clad in white damask down to the ground, head and all, led by her footmen. She had on a circut of white cloth of tissue, 
Queen Anne's attire very sumptuous and royal  and a mantel of the same furred with ermine, her hair hanged down, but on her head she had a coise with a circlet about it full of rich stones. Over her was borne a canopy of cloth of gold, with four guilt slaves and four silver bells. For the bearing of which canopy were appointed sixteen knights, four to bear it one space on foot, and o there four another space▪ according to their own appointment.  
Next after the queen road the lord Borough her chamberlain, next after him William Coffin master of the horses, leading a spare horse with a side saddle trapped down with cloth of tissue. After him road seven ladies▪ in crimson velvet turned up with cloth of gold and of tissue, and their horses trapped with cloth of gold, 
Three chariots with goodly ladies and gentlewomen.  after them two chariots covered with red cloth of gold. In the first chariot were two ladies, which were the old duchess of Norfolk, and the old marchioness Dorset. In the second chariot were four ladies all in crimson velvet. Then road seven ladies in the same suit, their horses trappers and all. Then came the third chariot all white, with six ladies in crimson velvet; next after them came the fourth chariot all red with eight ladies also in crimson velvet: after whom followed thirty gentlewomen all in velvet and silk in the livery of their ladies, on whom they gave their attendance. After them followed the guard in coats of goldsmith's work. line 10  
Thus they road forth till they came to Fanchurch, where was made a pageant all with children, 
Sundry pageants with the descriptions of their devices.  appareled like merchants, which welcomed her to the city, with two proper propositions both in French and English. And from thence she road to Gracious church corner, where was a costly and a marvelous cunning pageant made by the merchants of the Stillyard, for there was the mount Parnassus with the fountain of Helicon, which was of white marble, and four streams without pipe did rise an line 20 ell high, and met together in a little cup above the fountain, which fountain ran abundantly racked Rhenish wine till night. On the mountain sat Apollo, and at his feet sat Calliope, and on every side of the mountain sat four muses playing on several sweet instruments, and at their feet epigrams and poeses were written in golden letters, in the which every muse according to her property praised the queen.  
The queen from thence passed to Leaden hall, line 30 where was a goodly pageant with a type and a heavenly roof, and under the type was a root of gold set on a little mounteine environed with red roses and white: out of the type came down a falcon all white & sat upon the root, and incontinent came down an angel with great melody, and set a close crown of gold on the falcons head. And in the same pageant sat saint Anne with all her issue beneath her▪ and under Marie Cleoph sat her four children, of the which children one made a goodly oration to the queen of the fruitfulness of saint Anne and of her line 40 generation, 
An oration made to the queen by one of the children in the pagegeant.  trusting that like fruit should come of her. Then she passed to the conduit in Cornhill, where were three graces set in a throne, afore whom was the spring of grace continually running wine. Afore the fountain sat a poet declaring the properties of every grace: and that done every lady by herself, according to her property, gave to the queen a several gift of grace.  
That done, she passed by the great conduit in chéepe, 
The conduit in Cheap runneth wine white and claret.  which was newly painted with arms of devices: line 50 out of the which conduit by a goodly fountain set at the one end ran continually wine both white and claret all that afternoon, and so she road to the Standard which was richly painted with images of kings and queens, and hanged with banners of arms, and in the top was marvelous sweet harmony both of song and instrument. Then she went forward to the cross, which was newly guilt, till she came where the aldermen stood, and then master Baker the recorder came to her with low reverence, 
The recorder presenteth a 1000 marks in gold to the queen for a gratuity in the cities behalf.  making line 60 a proper and brief proposition, and gave to her in the name of the city a thousand marks in a purse of gold, which she thankfully accepted with many goodly words, and so road to the little conduit, where was a rich pageant full of melody and song.  
In this pageant was Pallas, juno and Venus, and before them stood Mercury, which in the name of the three goddesses gave to her a ball of gold divided in three, signifying three gifts which the three goddesses gave to her, that is to say, wisdom, riches, and felicity. As she entered into Paul's gate there was a pretty pageant, in which sat three ladies richly clothed, and in a circle on their head was written Regina Anna prosperè proceed & regna. T●e lady in the mids had a tablet, in the which was written Veniamica coronaberis, and under the tablet sat an angel with a close crown, and the lady sitting on the right hand had a tablet of silver in which was written, Dominé dirige gressius meos, & the third lady had a tablet of gold with letters azure written, Confido in Domino, & under their feet was written in legible letters: 
Regina Anna nowm regis de sanguine natum  
Cùm paries, populis aurea seclatuis.   
And these ladies cast down wafers, on the which the two verses were written. From thence she passed to the east end of Paul's churchyard against the school, where stood on a scaffold two hundred children well appareled, 
Two hundred children upon a scaffold grating the Q. with verses.  which said to her diverse goodly verses of poets translated into English, to the honour of the king and her, which she highly commended. And when she came to Ludgate, the gate was newly garnished with gold & bise. And on the leads of saint Martin's church stood a goodly queer of singing men and children, which song new ballads made in praise of her. After that she was passed Ludgate, she proceeded toward Fléetstréet, where the conduit was newly painted, and all the arms and angels refreshed, & the chime melodiously sounding. Upon the conduit was made a tower with four turrets, 
Goodly melody.  and in every turret stood one of the cardinal virtues with their tokens and properties, which had several speeches, promising the queen never to leave her, but to be aiding and comforting her: and in the midst of the tower closely was such several solemn instruments, that it seemed to be an heavenly noise, and was much regarded and praised: and beside this the said conduit ran wine claret and red all the afternoon.  
So she with all her company and the mayor road forth to Temple bar, which was newly painted and repaired, 
The queen cometh to Westminster hall and the manner of her receiving.  where stood also diverse singing men and children, till she came to Westminster hall, which was richly hanged with cloth of arras, and new glazed. And in the midst of the hall she was taken out of her litter, & so led up to the higher desk under the cloth of estate, on whose left hand was a cupboard of ten stages marvelous rich and beautiful to behold▪ and within a little season was brought to the queen with a solemn service in great standing spice plates, a void of spice and subtleties with hippocras and other wines, which she sent down to her ladies, and when the ladies had drank, she gave hearty thanks to the lords and ladies, with the mayor and other that had given their attendance on her, and so withdrew herself with a few ladies to the Whitehall and so to her chamber, and there shifted her, and after went into her barge secretly to the king to his manor of Westminster, where she rested that night.  
On sunday the mayor ●lad in crimson velvet and with his collar, 
Sunday being whitsunday the firs● day of june, and the day of her coronation.  and all the aldermen and sheriffs in scarlet, and the counsel of the city took their barge at the crane by seven of the clock and came to Westminster, where they were welcomed & brought into the hall by master treasurer and others of the king's house, and so gave their attendance till the queen should come forth. Between eight and nine she came into the hall, and stood under the cloth of estate, and th●n ●ame in the king's chapel, and the monks of Westminster all in rich copes, and many bishops and abbots in copes and mitres which went into the midst of the hall, and there stood a season. Then was there a ray cloth speed from the queens standing in the hall through the palace and sanctuary, which was raised on both sides to the high altar of Westminster. After that the ray cloth was cast, the officers of arms appointed the order accustomed.  
First went gentlemen, than esquires, than knights, 
The comely ●●der & array kept on the coronation day of every attendant in his degree.  than the aldermen of the city in their cloks of scarlet, after them the judges in their mantles of scarlet and coiffes. Then followed the knights of the bath being no lords, every man having a white lace on his left sleeve, than followed barons and viscounts in their parliament robes of scarlet. After them came earls, marquess' and dukes in their robes of estate of crimson velvet furred with ermine powdered according to their degrees. After them came the lord line 10 chancellor in a rob of scarlet open before, bordered with lettuce: after him came the king's chapel and the monks solemnly singing with procession, than came abbots and bishops mitered, than sergeant and officers of arms, then after them went the mayor of London with his mace and garter in his cote of arms, than went the marquess Dorset in a rob of estate which bore the sceptre of gold, and the earl of Arundel which bore the rod of ivory with the dove both together. line 20  
Then went alone the earl of Oxford high chamberlain of England which bore the crown, after him went the duke of Suffolk in his rob of estate also for that day being high steward of England, having a long white rod in his hand, and the lord William Howard with the rod of the marshalship, 
The queen under a canopy borne by ●●ure of the ●●que ports.  and every knight of the garter had on his collar of the order. Then proceeded forth the queen in a circot and rob of purple velvet furred with ermine in her here coiffe and circlet as she had the saturday, and over her was borne the canopy by four of the five ports, line 30 all crimson with points of blue and red hanging on their sleeves, and the bishops of London and Winchester bore up the laps of the queen's rob. The queen's train which was very long was borne by the old duchess of Norfolk: after her followed ladies being lords wives, which had circots of scarlet with narrow sleeves, the breast all lettuce with bars of borders according to their degrees, and over that they had mantles of scarlet furred, and every mantel line 40 had lettuce about the neck like a neckercher likewise powdered, so that by the poudering their degree was known. Then followed ladies being knights wives in gowns of scarlet, with narrow sleeves without trains, only edged with lettuce, and likewise had all the queen's gentlewomen.  
When she was thus brought to the high place made in the midst of the church, 
The manner of the coronation as it was then used.  between the queer and the high altar, she was set in a rich chair. And after that she had rested a while, she descended down to the high altar and there prostrate herself line 50 while the archbishop of Canturburie said certain collects: then she rose, and the bishop anointed her on the head and on the breast, and then she was led up again, where after diverse orisons said, the archbishop set the crown of saint Edward on her head, and then delivered her the sceptre of gold in her right hand, and the rod of ivory with the dove in the left hand, and then all the queer song Te Deum, etc. Which done, the bishop took off the crown of saint line 60 Edward being heavy and set on the crown made for her. Then went she to saint Edward's shrine and there offered, after which offering done she withdrew her into a little place made for the nonce on the one side of the queer.  
Now in the mean season every duchess had put on their bonnets a coronal of gold wrought with flowers, and every marquess put on a demie coronal of gold, every countess a plain circlet of gold without flowers, and every king of arms put on a crown of copper and guilt, all which were worn till night. 
The queen and the ladies in their pomp  When the queen had a little reposed her, the company returned in the same order that they set forth, and the queen went crowned and so did the ladies aforesaid. Her right hand was sustained by the earl of Wiltshire her father, and her left hand by the lord Talbot deputy for the earl of Shrewesburie and lord Forinfall his father. Now when she was out of the sanctuary and appeared within the palace, the trumpets played marvelous freshly, than she was brought to Westminster hall, & so to her withdrawing chamber: during which time the lords, judges, mayor and aldermen put off their robes, mantles and cloaks, and took their hoods from their necks and cast them about their shoulders, and the lords sat only in their circots, and the judges and aldermen in their gowns. 
The attire of the lords all the time that they served.  And all the lords that served that day served in their circots and their hoods about their shoulders: also diverse officers of the king's house being no lords had circots and hoods of scarlet edged with miniver, as the treasurer, controllor, & master of the jewel house, but their circots were not guilt.  
While the queen was in her chamber, 
The order and sitting at dinner.  every lord and other, that aught to do service at coronations, did prepare them according to their duty, as the duke of Suffolk high steward of England which was richly appareled, his doublet and jacket set with orient pearl, his gown of crimson velvet embroidered, his courser trapped with a cloth trapper head and all to the ground of crimson velvet, set full of letters of gold of goldsmith's work, having a long white rod in his hand; on his left hand road the lord William, deputy for his brother as earl marshal with the marshal's rod, whose gown was crimson velvet, and his horse trapper purple velvet cut on white satin embroidered with white lions. The earl of Oxenford was high chamberlain, the earl of Essex carver, the earl of Sussex sewer, the earl of Arundel chief butler, 
Twelve citizens of London attendant at the cupboard.  on whom twelve citizens of London did give their attendance at the cupboard. The earl of Derby cupbearer, the viscount Lisle pantler, the lord of Aburgaine chief larder, the lord Braie almoner for him and his coparteners, and the mayor of Oxford kept the buttery bar, and Thomas Wyatt was chief eurer for sir Henry Wyatt his father.  
When all things were ready, the queen under her canopy came to the hall, and washed and sat down in the midst of the table under the cloth of estate. On the right side of the chair stood the countess of Oxford widow, 
The manner of sitting at the table.  and on the left side stood the countess of Worcester all the dinner season, which diverse times in the dinner time did hold a fine cloth before the queens face when she list to spit or do otherwise at her pleasure. At the table's end sat the archbishop of Canturburie on the right hand of the queen, and in the midst between the archbishop and the countess of Oxford stood the earl of Oxford with a white staff all dinner time, and at the queens feet under the table sat two gentlewomen all dinner time. When all these things were thus ordered, in came the duke of Suffolk and the lord William Howard on horseback, 
The bringing in of the first course.  and the sergeant of arms before them, and after them the sewer, and then the knights of the bath bringing in the first course which was eighteen dishes, besides subtleties and ships made of wax marvelous gorgeous to behold, all which time of service the trumpets standing in the window at the neither end of the hall played melodiously.  
When her grace was served of two dishes, than the archbishop's service was set down, whose sewer came equal with the third dish of the queens service on his left hand. After that the queen and the archbishop was served, the barons of the ports began the table on the right hand next the wall, next them at the table sat the masters and clerks of the Chancery, 
How the several tables were furnished.  and beneath them at the table other doctors and gentlemen. The table next the wall on the left hand by the cupboard, was begun by the mayor and aldermen, the chamberlain and the council of the city of London, and beneath them sat substantial merchants, and so downward other worshipful persons. At the table on the right hand in the midst of the hall sat the lord chancellor, and other temporal lords on the right side of the table in their circots: and on the left side of the same table sat bishops and abbots in their parliament robes: beneath them sat the judges, sergeant, & the king's council, beneath line 10 them the knights of the bath. At the table on the left hand, in the middle part, sat duchesses, marquess', countesses, baronesses, in their robes, and other ladies in circots, and gentlewomen in gowns. All which ladies and gentlewomen sat on the least side of the table along, and none on the right side.  
When all were thus set, they were incontinent served, and so quickly that it was marvel: for the servitors gave such good attendance, that meat or drink nor any thing else needed not to be called for, line 20 which in so great a multitude was marvel. As touching the fare, there could be devised no more costlier dishes nor subtleties. 
The mayor of London's service.  The mayor of London was served with three and thirty dishes at two courses, and so were all his brethren, and such as sat at his table. The queen had at her second course four and twenty dishes, and thirty at the third course: & between the two last courses, the kings of arms cried largesse, in three parts of the hall: and after stood in their place, which was in the bekins at the king's bench. line 30 And on the right hand out of the cloister of S. stephan's, was made a little closet, in which the king with diverse ambassadors stood to behold the service. The duke of Suffolk and the lord William road often times about the hall, 
The duke of Suffolk and Norfolk road about the hall.  chering the lords, ladies, and the mayor and his brethren. After they all had dined, they had wafers and hippocras, and then they washed, and were commanded to rise, and to stand still in their places, before the table or on the forms till the queen had washed. line 40  
When she had taken wafers and hippocras, the table was taken up, and the earl of Rutland brought up the surnap, and laid it at the boards end, which immediately was drawn, and cast by master Rode, marshal of the hall: and the queen washed, and after the archbishop, and when the surnap was drawn off, she arose and stood in the midst of the palace hall: to whom the earl of Sussex in a goodly spice plate brought a void of spice and comfits. After him the mayor of London brought a standing line 50 cup of gold, set in a cup of assay of gold, and after that she had droonke, she gave the mayor the cup, with the cup of assay, because there was no leiar, according to the claim of the city, thanking him and all his brethren, 
The claim of the city of London.  for their pain. Then she under her canopy departed to her chamber, and at the entry of her chamber, she gave the canopy with bells and all, to the barons of the ports, according to their claim, with great thanks. Then the mayor of London bearing his cup in his hand, with his brethren, went line 60 through the hall to their barge, and so did all other noble men and gentlemen, for it was six of the clock. On monday were the justs at the tilt, before the king's gate, 
Running at tilt.  where the mayor and his brethren had a goodly standing: but there were very few spears broken, by reason the horses would not cope. On wednesday, the king sent for the mayor and his brethren to Westminster, and there he himself gave to them hearty thanks, with many goodly words. On Midsummer day after, the lady Marie the French queen died in Suffolk, who was the late wife to jews the twelve, & after married to Charles duke of Suffolk, & was buried at S. Edmundsburie. The K. kept his progress about London, because of the queen.] The seventh of September being sunday, between three & four of the clock in the afternoon, the queen was delivered of a fair young lady, on which day the duke of Norfolk came home to the christening, which was appointed on the wednesday next following, and was accordingly accomplished on the same day, with all such solemn ceremonies as were thought convenient. The godfather at the font, was the lord archbishop of Canturburie, the godmothers, the old duchess of Norfolk, & the old marchioness Dorset widow▪ and at the confirmation the lady marchioness of Excester was godmother: the child was named Elizabeth.  
Upon the day of the christening, 
Edw. Hall. C●xvij.  the mayor sir Stephan peacock, in a gown of crimson vel●et, with his collar of SS, and all the aldermen in scarlet, with collars and chains, and all the council of the city with them, took their barge after dinner, at one of the clock, and the citizens had another barge, and so rowed to Gréenwich, where were many lords, knights, and gentlemen assembled. All the walls between the king's palace & the friars were hanged with arras, and all the way strawed with green rushes: the friars church was also hanged with arras.  
The font was of silver, 
The christening of queen Elizabeth.  and stood in the midst of the church, three steps high, which was covered with a fine cloth, and diverse gentlemen with aperns and towels about their necks gave attendance about it, that no filth should come in the font, over it hung a square canopy of crimson satin, fringed with gold, about it was a rail covered with red say: between the quire and the body of the church was a close place with a pan of fire, to make the child ready in. When all these things were ordered, the child was brought to the hall, and then every man set forward; first the citizens two and two, than gentlemen, esquires and chapleins, 
The honourable train of courtiers in their degrees.  next after them the aldermen and the mayor alone: next the mayor the king's council, the king's chapel in copes: then barons, bishops, earls, than came the earl of Essex, bearing the covered basins gilded, after him the marquess of Excester with the taper of virgin wax, next him the marquess Dorset bearing the salt.  
Behind him the lady Marie of Norfolk, bearing the créesome which was very rich of pearl and stone, the old duchess of Norfolk bore the child in a mantel of purple velvet, with a long train furred with ermine. The duke of Norfolk with his marshal rod went on the right hand of the said duchess, and the duke of Suffolk on the left hand, and before them went the officers of arms. The countess of Kent bore the long train of the child's mantel, and between the countess of Kent and the child went the earl of Wiltshire on the right hand, and the earl of Derby on the left hand, supporting the said train: in the midst over the said child was borne a canopy, by the lord Rochfort, the lord Husée, the lord William Howard, 
A canopy borne over the young princess.  and by the lord Thomas Howard the elder, after the child followed many ladies and gentlewomen. When the child was come to the church door, the bishop of London met it with diverse bishops and abbots mitred.  
When the ceremonies and christening were ended, Garter chief king of arms cried aloud, God of his infinite goodness send prosperous life & long to the high and mighty princess of England Elizabeth: & then the trumpets blue. Then the archbishop of Canturburie gave to the princess a standing cup of gold: 
Rich gifts given to the princess.  the duchess of Norfolk gave to her a standing cup of gold, fretted with pearl: the marchioness of Dorset gave three gilt bowls, pounced with a cover: and the marchioness of Excester gave three standing bowls graven, all gilt with a cover. Then was brought in wafers, com●ets, & ●p●●rasse in such plenty, that eue●i● man had as much as he would desire. Then they set forward, the truwpets going before in the same order towards the 〈◊〉 palace, as they 〈◊〉 when they came thitherwards, sluing that the gifts that the godfather 〈◊〉 the godmothers gave, were b●ene before the child by four persons, 
Who bore the gifts presented to the princess.  that is to say. First sir john Dudleie bore the gift of the lady of Excester, the ●ord Thomas Howard the younger bore the gift of the lady of Dorset; line 10 the lord Fitzwater bore the gift of the lady of Norfolk, and the earl of Worcester bore the gift of the archbishop of Canturburie, & all the oneside as they went was full of staff torches to the number of five hundred, borne by the guard and other of the king's servants, and about the child were borne many other proper torches by gentlemen.  
In this order they brought the princess to the Q. chamber, & tarried there a while with the mayor & his brethren the aldermen, and at the last the dukes of line 20 Norfolk & Suffolk came out from the K. thanking them heartily, who commanded them to give thanks in his name: which being done with other courtesies they departed, & so went to their barges. From that time forward (God himself undertaking the tuition of this young princess, having predestinated her to the accomplishment of his divine purpose) she prospered under the Lord's hand, as a chosen plant of his watering, & after the revolution of certain years with great felicity and joy of all English hearts attained to the crown of this realm, and now reigneth line 30 over the same: whose heart the Lord direct in his ways, and long preserve her in life, to his godly will and pleasure, and the comfort of all true and faithful subjects. Of the blessed nativity of this most gracious virgin queen, 
Angl. pra●l.  as also of her baptism and confirmation in the christian faith, with all the solemnities and ceremonies recorded in our English annals, her education, her knowledge in diverse languages, her peaceable government, and many other trim discourses C. O. in his Ei●enarchia, or line 40 Elisabetha hath made honourable mention, saying: 
Septembris (Deus hoc voluit) quae septima luxest  

Septimo Septembris, videlices die Dominico nascitur Elisabetha.  Consecrata venit Domino voluentibus aennis,  
Parturijt coniux Henrici principis Anna,  
Vi dolour increvit, praescripto sedula nutrix  
Perstat in offici●, matronáque nobilis instat  
Auxilium latura suum, cùm pondus in auras  
Maturum genitrix enixa puerpera languet,  
Certa tamen veraeque salutis signa dabantur.  
Postquam pulchellae faciei prodijt infans line 50  
Compositis membris, speciosam ut caera liquescens  
Fingitur in formam, populo mirante, periti  
Artificis manibus: tensis adsidera palmis  
Foemina conclamat senior, Benedicite Christo  
Praesentes Domino, o vos benedicite Christo,  
Virgo beat matrem, virgo modo nata patrémque,  
Britannos omnes posthâc haec virg● beabit,  
Haec sola est nostrae spes & solatia gentis.  
Rex pater invisit celeri sua gaudia passis  
Matrem & filiolam, verbis solatus ●micis line 60  
Languidam adhuc illam, partúsque doloribus aegram, etc.]  ¶ This year also, 

Edw. Hal. Ccxvii●.  
Pavier a contemner of the gospel, & his shameful end.   one Pavier the town clerk of the city of London hanged himself, which surely was a man that in no wise could abide to hear the gospel should be in English. And I myself heard him once say to me and other that were by, swearing a great oath, that if he thought the king's highness would set forth the scripture in English, and let it be read of the people by his authority, rather than he would so long live, he would cut his own throat, but he broke promise, for (as you have heard) he hanged himself: but of what mind and intent he so did, may be soon gathered. For God had (no doubt) appointed him to that judgement, no less heavy than his offence was heinous; namely the contempt of God's word, the knowledge where of Dau●d desired, preferring it before gold 〈◊〉 silver, yea before pearls & precious stones in richness▪ and before honey and the honiecombe in 〈◊〉 as the paraphrase noteth saying: 
〈…〉 sapient incùnda palato! 
Eob. Hess. in psal. 119.   
 
 
  
¶ About this time the pope, by linger sickness, (whose grée●e in the first apprehension was the pains of the stomach, 
Guic. pag. 1182, etc.  which drawing with them to pa●●ions of a fever and other accidents, kept him long time vexed and tormented) sometimes seeming to be reduced to the point of death, and sometimes so eased and relieved, 
Death of pope Clement the seventh.  that he gave to others but not to himself a kind of hope of recovering, being no longer able to make resistance against his malady, exchanged his life the five and twentieth of September, leaving behind him in the castle of saint Angcomanie rich stones and jewels, more than was expected of him, and in the chamber of the see apostolic infinite offices, contrary to custom and good order, but in the treasury a very small store of money, wherein he beguiled the opinion of all men. He was raised from base degree to the place of the popedom with wonderful felicity, but in managing the place he proved a very great variation of fortune, wherein if both the properties of fortune be evenlie balanced the one with the other, the worser fortune without all comparison was far more familiar with him than the better.  
For as there could happen to him no greater infelicity than the adversity of his imprisonment (for that with his own eyes he beheld with so great a ruin and destruction the sack of Rome; 
Pope Clement more infortunate than fortunate.  a desolation which his fortune suffered him to bewail with pity and compassion, but not to turn away or remedy the harm) so also by him moved the general desolation of his natural country, to the which by how much more he was bound by perpetual obligations, by so much greater was his adversity to be a chief instrument in the ruin of the place where he had taken his first being.  
He died hated of all the court, suspected to most princes, and for the discourse of his life, he left behind him a renown rather hateful than acceptable: for he was accounted covetous, of little fidelity, and naturally far off from doing pleasures to men. And in that humour albeit during his time of pope he created one and thirty cardinals; 
How many cardinals he created during his popedom.  yet upon none of them did he impose that dignity to content himself but was drawn as it were by the violent law of necessity and to please others: yea he called to that dignity the cardinal of Medicis, not of his proper and free election, but at the contemplation and persuasion of others, and at that time when being oppressed with a dangerous malady, if he had died, he had left his friends and kindred in the state of beggars and deprived of all aid. Nevertheless he was in counsel very grave, and in his actions much foreseeing; touching passions and affections a conqueror of himself, and for the faculty of his mind & spirit of great capacity and power, if timorousness had not oftentimes corrupted his judgement.  
Immediately after his death the cardinals going the same night into the conclave, 
Creation of pope Paul the third a Roman borne.  elected in his place with full voice, Alexander of the family of Farnesa, a Roman by nation, and for his time the most ancient cardinal of the court: in which election their voices seemed conformable to the judgement and instance that Clement had made, the person elected being most worthy to be preferred before all the other to so sovereign a degree: for that he was both furnished with doctrine and good learning, and fully replenished with good apparanees and customs. And for the cardinals, they were so much ●●●more forward to pass the election in his person, by how much for the greatness of his age, being already upon the threescore and seventh year, and supposed to bear a weak and unsound complexion (which opinion he nourished with art) they hoped he would not ●it long in the seat; whereby the dignity of the place and prima●e line 10 might fall to one of them, whose eyes looked for the glory which their hearts lusted, being utterly estranged from God and godliness, as altogether addicted to the wanton desires of temporal delights, that they might pass their days in delicacy; as one noteth truly of all that viperous generation, 
Antith. Christi & papae. pag. 16.  saying: 
Omnibus idem animus, ce●f●s ●●rans●er arces.  
Idem animuis 〈…〉  
De grege quid fiat nibili gen●impia ●●rans▪  
Spectat magnif●●●● ambitiofa 〈◊〉: line 20  
Elysios horum nullus contendit ad agras.  
Nil coeleste juuat, ter●ea sol●placen●.]   
About this season, the crafty practices of one Elizabeth Barton, 
Elizabeth Barton.  named the holy man of Kent, came to light and were discovered: so that she and her adherents in November following were brought to the Starchamber, & there before the king's council confessed their feigned hypocrisy and dissembled holiness, traitorous purposes and intents. The names of those her adherents, which were presented line 30 with her before the lords in the Starchamber were as followeth: Richard Master priest, parson of Aldington in Kent: Edward Bocking doctor in divinity, a monk of Canturburie: Richard Dering, monk also of Canturburie: Edward Twaites gentleman: Thomas Laurence register to the archdeacon of Canturburie: Henry Gold parson of Aldermarie, bachelor of divinity: Hugh Rich friar observant: Richard Rifbie: and Thomas Gold gentleman. They were adjudged upon their confession line 40 aforesaid, 
Penance at Paul's cross.  to stand at Paul's cross in the sermon time, where they with their own hands should severally deliver each of them to the preacher that should be appointed, a bill, declaring their subtle, crafty, and superstitious doings. Which thing they did the sunday next following, standing upon a stage at the cross erected for that purpose. But for their treasons committed, the order was respited till the parliament next following, in the which they were attainted, and suffered (as after ye shall hear.) line 50  
In this mean time, the Scots were not quiet, but still rob the king's subjects both by sea and land: 
The Scots move war.  whereupon the king caused them to be requited, not only by the borderers and other to them associate, which entering by the marches, burned many of their strong piles, but also he set forth certain ships which entered into their streams, and fetched out many of those prizes, which they had taken out of their havens and créekes, mawger all their heads. Yet was there no war proclaimed, but still commissioners line 60 sat and communed of agreement, and amends to be made on either part. Now in the end when the Scots had much demanded, and little or nothing granted, they for that time being weary of war, desired peace, which was concluded to endure both the king's lives. And so the twentieth day of May in the year following, it was openly proclaimed, to the comfort of all them that delighted in peace and godly quietness.  
At the suit of the lady Katherine Dowager, a curse was sent from the pope, 
A curse procured from the pope.  which cursed both the king and the realm. This curse was set up in the town of Dunkirk in Flanders (for the bringer thereof durst no nearer approach) where it was taken 〈…〉  
After Christmas the parliament began, 
●534  wherein the forenamed Elizabeth Barton and other her complices were attainted of treason, 
Elizabeth Barton attainted.  for sundry practised devices and tales by them advanced, put in ure, and ●old, sounding to the utter reproach, peril, and destruction of the king's person, his honour, fame and dignity: for they had of a devilish intent put in the heads of many of the king's subjects; that to the said Elizabeth Barton was given knowledge by revelation from God and his saints, that if the king proceeded to the divorce, and married another, he should not be king of this realm one month after, and in the reputation of God not one day nor hour.  
This Elizabeth first through sickness, being oftentimes brought as it were into a transe, whereby her visage and countenance became marvelously altered at those times when she was so vexed, at length, by the encouraging, procurement, and information of the forenamed Richard Master person of Aldington, she learned to counterfeit such manner of transes (after she came to perfect health) as in her sickness by force of the disease she had been acquainted with: so that she practised, used, and showed unto the people diverse marvelous and sundry alterations of the sensible parts of her body, craftily uttering in her said feigned and false transes, diverse and many counterfeit, virtuous, and holy words, tending to the rebuke of sin, and reproving of such new opinions as then began to rise.  
And to bring the people the more in belief with her hypocritical doings, she was counseled to say in those her transes, that she should never be perfectly whole, till she had visited an image of our lady, at a place called Court at Street, within the parish of Aldington aforesaid. Thither was she brought, and by the means of the said Richard Master, and Edward Bocking, that was now made of counsel in the matter, there assembled about two thousand persons at the day appointed of her thither coming, to see the miracle. At which day, being brought before all that assembly and multitude of people, she falsely feigned and showed unto the people in the chapel of our lady there in Court at Street, 
A forged miracle.  many alterations of her face, and other outward sensible parts of her body, and in those transes she uttered wondrous words, as she was before subtly and craftily induced, and taught by the said Edward Bocking and Richard Master.  
And amongst other things she uttered, that it was the pleasure of God, that the said Bocking should be her ghostly father, and that she should be a religious woman. And within a while, after such feigned and counterfeit transes, she appeared to the people to be suddenly relieved from her sickness and afflictions, by the intercession and mean of the image of our lady, being in the same chapel. By reason of which hypocritical dissimulation, the said Elizabeth was brought into a marvelous same, credit, 
Elizabeth Barton becometh a nun.  and good opinion of a great multitude of the people of this realm. And to increase the same, by counsel of the said Edward Bocking, she became a nun in the prsorie of saint Sepulchers at Canturburie, to whom the said Edward Bocking had commonly his resort, not without suspicion of incontinency, pretending to be her ghostly father by God's appointment. And by conspiracy between her & him, she still continued in practising her dissembled transes, alleging, that in the same she had revelations from almighty God and his saints, and amongst other, that which (as before we have mentioned) touched the king's marriage, as ye have heard. line 10  
This matter proceeded so far, that there was a book written by her complices, and namely by Thomas Laurence, register to the archbishop of Canturburie, of her feigned and counterfeit miracles, revelations, and hypocritical holiness. All things were handled so craftily, that not only the simple, but also the wise and learned sort were deceived by the same, 
The archbishop of Cantur●urie and ●●●bishop of Rochester give credit to 〈◊〉 hypocritical practices.  insomuch that William Warham the late archbishop of Canturburie, and john Fisher bishop of Rochester, and diverse line 20 others, being informed thereof, gave credit thereto. All which matters and many other had been traitorously practised and imagined amongst the parties many years, chiefly to interrupt the divorce and to destroy the king, and to deprive him from the crown and dignity royal of this realm, as in the act of their attaindor made more at large it may appear, and likewise in the chronicles of master Edward Hall. Therefore to conclude with her and her adherents, on the one and twentieth of April next line 30 following, she with diverse of them before condemned, 
Elizabeth Barton executed.  was drawn to Tyburn, and there executed, as justly they had deserved; where and when she made this con●ession following, even at the present time that she suffered, in the hearing of the people.  

The words of Elizabeth Barton, otherwise called the holy maid of Kent at the hour of hirdeath in manner of a confession.  
HIther am I come to die, and I line 40 have not been the only cause of mine own death, which most justly I have deserved, but also I am the cause of the death of all these persons which at this time here suffer: and yet to say the truth, I am not so much to be blamed, considering that it was well known unto these learned men, that I was a poor wench, without learning, and therefore line 50 they might have easily perceived, that the things that were done by me, could not proceed in any such sort, but their capacities and learning could right well judge from whence they proceeded, and that they were altogether feigned: but because the things which I feigned were profitable unto them, therefore they much praised me, and bore me in hand that it was the holy ghost, and not I that did them, and then I line 60 being puffed up with their praises, fell into a certain pride and foolish fantasy with myself, and thought I might feign what I would, which thing hath brought me to this case, and for the which now I cry God and the king's highness most heartily mercy, and desire all you good people to pray to God to have mercy on me, and on all them that suffer here with me.   

Th● act of establishment the crown.  In this parliament also was made the act of succession, for the establishing of the crown, to the which every person being of lawful age should be sworn. On monday the three & twentieth of March in the parliament time, 
Ambassadors forth of Scotland.  were solemnly received into London ambassadors from james the fift king of Scots, the bishop of Aberdine, the abbot of Kinlos, and Adam Otterborne the king's attorney, with diverse gentlemen on them attendant, which were brought to the tailor's hall, and there lodged. And on the day of the Annunciation, they were brought to the king's palace at Westminster, where they showed their commission and message, for the which the king appointed them days to counsel. 
The pipes supremacy denied in sermons.  During the parliament time, every sunday at Paul's cross preached a bishop, declaring the pope not to be supreme head of the church.  
The thirtieth of March was the parliament prorogued, and there every lord, knight, and burges, 
The lords sworn to the succession.  and all other were sworn to the act of succession, and subscribed their hands to a parchment fixed to the same. The parliament was prorogued till the third of November next. After this were commissioners sent into all parts of the realm, to take the oath of all men and women to the act of succession. Doctor john Fisher, and sir Thomas More knight, and doctor Nicholas Wilson parson of saint Thomas apostles in London, expressly denied at Lambeth before the archbishop of Canturburie, to receive that oath. The two first stood in their opinion to the very death (as after ye shall hear) but doctor Wilson was better advised at length, and so dissembling the matter escaped out of further danger.  
¶ In this year it chanced that two merchant strangers fell in love with a harlot, 
Ab. Fl. ex Edw. Hall 224▪ wolves wife a notable harlot.  which was called wolves wife, and this harlot had often haunted the stranger's chambers. And so on a time the said harlot appointed these strangers to come to Westminster, and she had prepared for them a boat, in the which boat was but one man to row which was a strong thief, and in the end of the boat lay Wolf her husband, covered with a leather that boatmen use to cover their cushions with, and so these strangers sat them down mistrusting nothing. Now when this boatman had brought them as far as a place called the turning tree, suddenly stepped up the said Wolf, 
The end of unlawful love and lust.  and with his dagger thrust the one of them through: the other cried out to safe his life, and offered great sums of money to the boatman and him to save his life. But no proffers would be heard, nor mercy would they extend, but as cruel murderers without pity slew the other also, and bound them face to face, and so threw them into the Thames in the foresaid place, where they were long after before they were ●ound. But immediately the harlot wolves wife went to the stranger's chambers, 
The reward of murder committed through covetousness.  & took from thence so much as she could come by. And at the last she and her husband (as they deserved) were apprehended, arraigned, and hanged at the aforesaid turning tree.]  
On the ninth of julie was the lord Dacres of the north arraigned at Westminster of high treason, 
Anno Reg. 26. The lord Dacres of the north arraigned.  where the duke of Norfolk sat as judge▪ and high steward of England. The said lord Dacres being brought to the bar, with the axe of the Tower before him, after his indictment read, so improoved the same, answering every part and matter therein contained, and so plainly and directly confuted his accusers, which were there ready to avouch their accusations, that to their great shames, and his high honour, he was found that day by his peers not guilty, whereof the commons not a little rejoiced, as by their shout and cry made at those words, not guilty, they freely testified.  
The two and twentieth of julie was john Frith burned in Smithfield, 
john Frith burned.  for the opinion of the sacrament: and with him the same time, and at the same stake, suffered also one Andrew Hewet, a young man, by his occupation a tailor. The eleventh of August were all the places of the observant friars suppressed, 
john Stow. Friaries suppressed.  as Gréenwich, Canturburie, Richmont, Newarke, and Newcastle, and in their places were set Augustine friars, and the observant friars were placed in the rooms of the grey friars. ¶ The one and twentieth of September, doctor Tailor master of the rolls, was discharged of that office, and Thomas Cromwell sworn in his place the nintéenth of October. Moreover the third of November, the parliament line 10 began again, 
The parliament again beginneth.  in the which was concluded the act of supremacy, which authorised the king's highness to be supreme head of the church of England, and the authority of the pope abolished out of the realm. ¶ In the same parliament also was given to the king, the first fruits and tenths of all spiritual dignities and promotions. This year came the great admiral of France into England, 
The admiral of France cometh in embassage into England.  ambassador from the French king, and was honourably received.  
In this time died the earl of Kildare, prisoner line 20 in the Tower, and his son Thomas Fitzgaret began to rebel, year 1535 and took all the king's ordinance, and sent to the emperor, requiring him to take his part: also he slew the bishop of Dublin, and rob all such as would not obey him. In the beginning of this year, the duke of Norfolk and the bishop of Elie went to Calis, 
Anno Reg. 27.  and thither came the admiral of France. On the two & twentieth of April the prior of the Charterhouse at London, 
john Stow. Certain prior's arraigned and executed for treason.  the prior of Bevall, the prior of Erham, Reinalds a brother of Zion, & john line 30 vicar of Thistleworth, were arraigned and condemned of treason: and thereupon drawn, hanged and quartered at Tyburn the fourth of May: their heads and quarters were set over the bridge & gates of the city, one quarter excepted, which was set up at the Charterhouse at London. ¶ On the eight of May, the king commanded that all belonging to the court should poll their heads, & to give example, caused his own head to be polled, and his beard from thenceforth was cut round, but not shaven, which line 40 fashion the courtiers embraced, and would (no doubt) have put in practice, though they had not been thereunto bound by precept: for the people imitate the prince, as the poet long ago well noted, saying: Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis.  
¶ The five and twentieth day of May, was in saint Paul's church at London examined nineteen men and six women borne in Holland, 
john Stow. pag. 1004. Hollanders condemned for heretics.  whose opinions were, first, that in Christ is not two natures, God and man: secondly, that Christ took neither flesh nor line 50 blood of the virgin Marie: thirdly, that children borne of infidels shall be saved: fourthly, that baptism of children is to none effect: fiftly, that the sacrament of Christ's body is but bread only: sixtly, that he, who after his baptism sinneth wittingly, sinneth deadly, and cannot be saved. Fourteen of them were condemned, a man & a woman of them were burned in Smithfield, the other twelve were sent to other towns there to be burnt.]  
On the ninetéenth of june were three moonkes line 60 of the Charterhouse hanged, 
Monks of the Charterhouse executed.  drawn, and quartered at Tyburn, and their heads and quarters set up about London, for denying the king to be supreme head of the church: their names were, Exmew, Middlemoore, and Nudigate. Also the one and twentieth of the same month▪ 
The bishop of Rochester beheaded.  and for the same cause, doctor john Fisher bishop of Rochester was beheaded for denying of the supremacy, and his head set upon London bridge, but his body buried within Barking churchyard. This bishop was of many sore lamented, for he was reported to be a man of great learning, and of a very good life. The pope had elected him a cardinal, and sent his hat as far as Calis, but his head was off before his hat was on▪ so that they met not. 
Sir 〈◊〉 M●●re beheaded.  On the sixth of julie was sir Thomas Moor beheaded for the like crime, that is to wit, for denying the king to be supreme head. And then the body of doctor Fisher was taken up, and buried with sir Thomas moors in the Tower. This man was both learned and wise, and given much to a certain pleasure in merry taunts and ●easting in most of his communication, which manner he forgot not at the very hour of his death.  
¶ I cannot tell (saith master Hall) whether I should call him a foolish wise man, or a wise foolish man, 
Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxuj.  for undoubtedly he beside his learning, had a great wit, but it was so mingled with taunting and mocking, that it seemed to them that best knew him, that he thought nothing to be well spoken except he had ministered some mock in the communication. Insomuch as at his coming to the Tower, one of the officers demanded his upper garment for his fee, meaning his gown: and he answered, he should have it, and took him his cap, saying it was the uppermost garment that he had. Likewise even going to his death at the Tower gate, a poor woman called unto him, and be sought him to declare what he had done with evidences of hers in the time that he was in office (which after he was apprehended she could not come by) and that he would entreat she might have them again, or else she was undone. 
Sir Thomas Moor a scoffer & mocker at the very hour of his death.  He answered, good woman, have patience a little while, for the king is so good unto me, that even within this half hour he will discharge me of all business, and help thee himself.  
Also when he went up the stairs on the scaffold, he desired one of the sheriffs officers to give him his hand to help him up, and said; When I come down again, let me shift for myself as well as I can. Also the hangman kneeled down to him, ask him forgiveness of his death (as the manner is) to whom he said, I forgive thee, but I promise thee thou shalt never have honesty by striking off my head, my neck is so short. Also even when he should lay down his head on the block, he having a great grey beard, stroked out his beard, and said to the hangman, I pray you let me lay my beard over the block, lest you should cut it. Thus with a mock he ended his life.  
God had in most bountiful sort powered his blessings upon this man, enduing him with eloquence, wisdom and knowledge: but the grace of God withdrawn from him, he had the right use of none, no not of reason as it should be rightly used. God had extraordinarily blessed his children, and namely his three daughters, to whom he had given an admirable dexterity in the science of tongues and arts, as john Leland our reverend antiquary noteth in a proper and learned epigram, saying: 
Desine facundas nimiùm laudare diserti  
Natas Hortensi maxima Roma tui● 
I. Lelandi M●riades, siue Ch●●itaea corona.   
Candida tres Charites nam Mori cura politi  
Obscurant multis nomina vestra modis▪  
Non illis studium Milesia vellera dextra  
Carpere, non facili ducere fila manu●  
Sed juuat eloquij crebro monumenta Latini  
Versare, & doctis pingere verba notis,  
Nec minùs authores Graecos evoluere▪ Homerum  
Et quem dicendi gloria prima manet▪  
Vt nec Aristotelis dicam quo pectore libr●●  
Scrutentur, sophiae mystica dona deae.  
Turpe viris posthac erit ignorare Mineruae  
Artes, gre● adeò quas muli●bris amet.   
And yet was not the will of God for the infusing of spiritual graces, so linked to that of temporal, 
Spiritual graces do not necessarily concurr● a● depend upon temporal.  as because the one was granted, therefore the other must not be denied. For the blessings of God which be outward, are common to the wicked with the good: the sun shinesh upon all, the rain is kept from none: nay, God with a sparing hand reacheth out those things to the faithful, which with full gripes he filleth out and poureth into the laps and bosoms of infidels and epicures: insomuch that the prophet David noting no less, with a kind of indignation opened his mouth saying; I was grieved at the wicked, I do also see the ungodly in such prosperity, these flourish in the world, these have riches in possession, and I said; Then have I cleansed my heart in vain, line 10 and washed my hands in innocency: yea, and I had almost said even as they; but lo, then should I have condemned the generation of God's children. But the end of these men, being set in slippery places, are cast down and destroyed, yea suddenly do they consume and come to a fearful end: even like as a dream when one awaketh, so doth God make their image to vanish out of the city.  

Sir Thomas More in some cases comm●nded.  And albeit the fall of this sir Thomas More was reproachful, issuing from a treasonable offence: yet as in pagans many times there is somewhat which line 20 may teach christians lessons for their learning to their shame: so in this papist was one praiseworthy property among the rest most eminent, which I will note to the rebuke of protestants. ¶ The reverend father doctor Elmer bishop of London, 
Abr. Flem. 〈◊〉 of a sermon made at Paul's cross by doctor Elmer bishop of London on the eighteenth of October 1584.  in a sermon at Paul's cross by him made in a solemn audience assembled at the parliament time 1584., teaching diverse points of doctrine, and the duties of sundry degrees, said, that it was commendable for noble men and gentlemen, and a great furtherance to line 30 the love of religion, to be devout: he brought an example of sir Thomas More, a man for his zeal (saith the bishop) to be honoured, but for his religion to be abhorred.  
This knight would diverse times put on a surplice, 
Whether it w●re matins or evensong it makes no matter.  and help the priest in proper person to say service: insomuch that upon a time being at Chelsie, and busy about that exercise, the duke of Norfolk then living, came to the said sir Thomas, than line 40 lord chancellor of England, about special affairs: and being informed that sir Thomas was at the church; thither went the duke, expecting the end of service. 
Sir Thomas More devoutly given in his kind.  In the end, the duke and the lord chancellor met, and after mutual greeting the duke said thus: What! is my lord chancellor become a parish clerk? What will the king's majesty say to this gear, when he shall understand that the lord chancellor of England, a special peer of the realm, and in highest room of honour in the land next the prince is become line 50 a parish clerk? Now truly (saith sir Thomas) I think, and verily believe, that his highness will be so far to misdéeme or mislike me herein, that when he shall hear of the care which I have to serve both his master and mine, he will accept and take me for a faithful servant. And thus much of him.]  

The king of Scots knight of the garter.  This year in the time that the king went his progress to Gloucester, and to other places westward, the king of Scots was installed knight of the garter at Winsore by his procurator the lord Erskin: line 60 and in October following, Stephen Gardner (which after the cardinls' death was made bishop of Winchester) was sent ambassador into France, 
The bishop of Winchester ●mbassador into France. I. Stow.  where he remained three years after. ¶ In August the lord Thomas Fitzgerard, son to the earl of Kildare, was taken in Ireland, and sent to the tower of London.  
In the month of October, doctor Lée and other were sent to visit the abbeys, 
Visitation of religious house●.  priories, and nunneries in England, who set all those religious persons at liberty that would forsake their habit, and all that were under the age of four and twenty years▪ and the residue were closed up that would remain. Further, they took order that no men should have access to the houses of women, nor women to the houses of men, except it should be to hear their service. The abbot or prior of the house, where any of the brethren was willing to departed, was appointed to give to every of them a priests gown for his habit, and forty shillings in money, the nuns to have such apparel as secular women ware, and to go whither them liked best. ¶ The eleventh of November was a great procession at London for ●oie of the French kings recovery of health from a dangerous sickness. ¶ In December a survey was taken of all chanteries, and the names of them that had the gift of them.  
The princess Dowager ●●eng at K●imbalton, fell into her last sickness, 
1536.  
The lady Katherine Dowager decease●h.  whereof the king being advertised, appointed the emperor's ambassador that was legier here with him named Eustachius Caputius, to go to visit her, and to do his commendations to her, and will her to be of good comfort. The ambassador with all diligence did his duty therein, comforting her the best he might: but she within six days after, perceiving herself to wax very weak and feeble, and to feel death approaching at hand, caused one of her gentlewomen to write a letter to the king, commending to him her daughter and his, beseeching him to stand good father unto her: and further desired him to have some consideration of her gentlewomen that had served her, and to see them bestowed in marriage. Further, that it would please him to appoint that her servants might have their due wages, and a years wages beside. This in effect was all that she requested, and so immediately hereupon she departed this life the eight of januarie at Kimbalton aforesaid, and was buried at Peterborow. ¶ The nine and twentieth of januarie queen Anne was delivered of a child before her time, which was borne dead.  
On the fourth of February the parliament began, in the which (amongst other things) enacted, 
Religious houses given to the king.  all religious houses of the value of three hundred marks and under, were given to the king, with all the lands and goods to them belonging. 
I. Stow.  The number of these houses were three hundred seventy and six; the value of their lands yearly above two and thirty thousand pounds; their movable goods one hundred thousand; the religious persons put out of the same houses, amounted to the number of above 10000 This year was William tindal burnt at a town betwixt Brussels and Maclin called Uillefort. 
William tindal burnt.  This tindal, otherwise called Hichins, was borne in the marches of Wales, and having a desire to translate and publish to his country diverse books of the bible in English, and doubting to come in trouble for the same, if he should remain here in England, got him over into the parties of beyond the sea, where he translated not only the new testament into the English tongue, but also the five books of Moses, josua, judicum, Ruth, the books of the kings, and Paralipomenon, Nehemias', or the first of Esdras, and the prophet jonas.  
Beside these translations, he made certain tretises, and published the same, which were brought over into England, and read with great desire of diverse, and of many sore despised and abhorred, so that proclamations were procured forth for the condemnation and prohibiting of his ●●oks (as before you have heard.) Finally, he was apprehended at Antwerp by means of one Philips an Englishman, and then scholar at Louvain. After he had remained in prison a long time, and was almost forgotten, the lord Cromwell wrote for his deliverance; but then in all haste, because he would not recant any part of his doctrine, he was b●rned (as before you have heard.) Of whose conversation and doctrine, innocent in the world, and sincere for truth, as also of his death and martyrdom, read the martyrolologie of john Fox our ecclesiastical chronographer Anno 1536. sub Hen. 8.  

Anno reg. 28.  On May day were solemn justs kept at Gréenwich, and suddenly from the justs the king departed, not having above six persons with him, and in the evening came to Westminster. Of this sudden departing many mused, but most chiefly the queen. ¶ On the next morrow, the lord Rochfort brother to the queen, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1006. Queen Anne committed to the tower.  and Henry Norris were brought to line 10 the tower of London prisoners. Also the same day about five of the clock in the after noon, queen Anne of Bullongne was brought to the tower of London, by sir Thomas Audleie lord chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, Thomas Cromwell secretary, and sir William Kingston constable of the tower; and when she came to the tower gate, 
Her imprecation at the tower gate on her knees.  entering in ●he fell on her knees before the said lords, beseeching God to help her, as she was not guilty of that whereof she was accused, and then desired the said lords to line 20 beseech the king's grace to be good unto her, and so they left her there prisoner. 
She is arraigned in the tower.  On the fifteenth of May queen Anne was arraigned in the tower of London on a scaffold for that purpose, made in the king's hall, before the duke of Norfolk, who sat under the cloth of estate as high steward of England, with the lord chancellor on his right hand, the duke of Suffolk on his left hand, with marquess' and lord's, &c: and the earl of Surrie sat before the duke of Norfolk his father, as earl marshal of England. The king's commission being read, the constable line 30 of the tower, and the lieutenant brought the queen to the bar, where was made a chair for her to sit down in, and there her indictement was read, whereunto she made so wise and discreet answers, that she seemed fully to clear herself of all matters laid to her charge: but being tried by her peers, whereof the duke of Suffolk was chief, she was by them found guilty, and had judgement pronounced by the duke of Norfolk. line 40  

The lord Rochfort condemned.  Immediately the lord Rochfort the queen's brother was likewise arraigned and condemned: the lord mayor of London, his brethren the aldermen, the wardens and four persons more of every the twelve principal companies being present. The seventeenth of May, the lord Rochfort brother to the queen, Henry Norris, Mark Smeton, William Brierton, and Francis Weston, all of the kings privy chamber, about matters touching the queen were beheaded on the tower hill: 
Queen Anne and diverse others beheaded.  the lord Rochfords line 50 body with the head was buried in the chapel of the tower, the other four in the churchyard there. On the ninetéenth of May queen Anne was on a scaffold (made for that purpose) upon the green within the tower of London, beheaded with the sword of Calis, by the hands of the hangman of that town: her body with the head was buried in the queer of the chapel in the tower.]  

The words of queen Anne line 60 at her death.  
GOod christian people, I am come hither to die, for according to the law, and by the law I am judged to die, and therefore I will speak nothing against it. I am come hither to accuse no man, nor to speak any thing of that whereof I am accused & condemned to die, but I pray God save the king and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler, nor a more merciful prince was there never, and to me he was ever a good, a gentle, and a sovereign lord. And if any person will meddle of my cause, I require them to judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the world, and of you all, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me, Oh Lord have mercy on me, to God I commend my soul, jesus receive my soul: diverse times repeating those words, till that her head was stricken off with the sword.   
Now because I might rather say much than sufficiently enough in praise of this noble queen, as well for her singular wit and other excellent qualities of mind, as also for her favouring of learned men, zeal of religion, and liberality in distributing alms in relief of the poor, I will refer the reader unto master Fox his volume of Acts and Monuments, 
I. For in maityrologio.  where he commendeth her mild nature in taking admonition, proveth her marriage lawful, defendeth her succession, overthroweth the sinister judgements, opinions and objections of backebiters against that virtuous queen, showeth her faith and trust in Christ at her death, and finally how the protestants of Germany forsook king Henry for the death of so good a princess. ¶ Anglorum praelia saith, 
Ang. praelia▪  that this good queen was forewarned of her death in a dream, wherein Morpheus the god of sleep (in the likeness of her grandfather) appeared unto her, and after a long narration of the vanities of this world (how envy reigneth in the courts of princes, maligning the fortunate estate of the virtuous, how king Henry the eight and his issue should be the utter overthrow and expulsion of popery out of England, and that the government of queen Elizabeth should be established in tranquility & peace) he saith unto her in conclusion by way of prophesy, as our poet hath recorded: 
Forti sis animo, tristis si nuncius adsum, 
Ann● 〈◊〉 praedicitur. Pla. in Phe. Socratis tale quiddam somnia●i●.   
Insperata tuae velox necis advenit hora,  
Intra triginta spacium moriere dierum:  
Hoc magnum mortis solamen habeto futurae,  
Elizabetha suis praeclarè filia gestis  
Nomen ad astraferet patris, matrísque, suúmque.]   
Immediately after her death, in the week before Whitsuntide, the king married the lady jane Seimer, 
The king marrieth lady jane Seimer  daughter to sir john Seimer knight, which at Whitsuntide was openly showed as queen. And on the tuesday in Whitsunwéeke, her brother sir Edw. Seimer was created viscount Beauchampe, and sir Water Hungerford, lord Hungerford. The eight of june began the parliament, 
A parliament.  during the which the lord Thomas Howard, without the king's assent, affied the lady Margaret Douglas daughter to the queen of Scots, and niece to the king, 
The lord Th. Howard atteinted of treason.  for which act he was atteinted of treason, and an act made for like offenders, and so he died in the tower, and she remained long there as prisoner. In the time of this parliament the bishops and all the clergy of the realm held a solemn convocation at Paul's church in London, where after much disputation and debating of matters, they published a book of religion, 
A book published concerning religion by the king.  entitled Articles devised by the king's highness, etc. In this book is specially mentioned but three sacraments. Also beside this book certain injunctions were given forth, whereby a number of their holy days were abrogated, & specially those that fell in harvest time. ¶ The nine & twentieth of june, 
I. Stow. Triumph at Westminster.  the king held a great justing and triumph at Westminster, where were ordained two lighters made like ships to fight upon the water, one of the which broke in the midst, whereby one Gates a gentleman, & servant to M. Kn●net was drowned in his harness. In the other a gun broke her chamber, & maimed two of the mariners.] Thomas Cromwell secretary unto the king, and master of the rolls, was made lord keeper of the privy seal, and the ninth of julie the lord Fitzwaren was created earl of Bath, 
Ad●unce●●●t of the 〈◊〉 Cromwell.  and the morrow after the said lord Cromwell was created lord Cromwell. The eighteenth of julie he was made knight, and vicar general under the king over the spirituality, and sat diverse times in the convocation amongst the bishops as head over them. The two and twentieth of julie, 
The death of the kings base son.  Henry duke of Richmont and Summerset, earl of Northampton, base son to the king, begot line 10 of the lady Tailebois then called Elizabeth Blunt, departed this life at saint james, and was buried at Thetford in Norfolk, of whom you shall find more in the treatise of the dukes of this land.  
In September, Thomas Cromwell lord privy seal and vicegerent, sent abroad under the king's spiritual privy seal certain injunctions, commanding that the persons and curates should teach their parishioners the Pater noster, the ave & Creed, with the ten commandments, and articles of the line 20 faith in English. These articles and injunctions being established by authority of parliament, 
The people grudged at the injunctions established by act of parliament.  and now to the people delivered, bred a great misliking in the hearts of the common people, which had been ever brought up and trained in contrary doctrine. And herewith diverse of the clergy as monks, priests, and others, took occasion hereby to speak evil of the late proceedings of the king, touching matters of religion, affirming that if speedy remedy were not in time provided, the faith would shortly be utterly line 30 destroyed, and all prayer and divine service quite abolished and taken away.  
Many sinister reports, slanderous tales, and feigned fables were blown abroad, and put into the people's ears, and diverse of the nobility did also what they could to stir the commons to rebellion, faithfully promising both aid and secure against the king. The people thus provoked to mischief, and deceived through over light credence, incontinently as it were to maintain that religion, which had so many line 40 years continued, and been esteemed, they stiffly and stoutly conspired together, 
A traitorous conspiracy.  and in a part of Lincolnshire they first assembled, and shortly after joined into an army, being (as it was supposed) of men apt for the wars, in number about twenty thousand. Against these rebels with all the haste that might be, the king in his proper person upon intelligence thereof had marched towards them, 
The Lincolnshire men in arms against the king.  being furnished with a warlike army, perfectly appointed of all things that to such a company should appertain. line 50  
The rebels hearing that his person was present with his power to come thus against them, began to fear what would follow of their doings: and such nobles and gentlemen as at the first favoured their cause, fell from them and withdrew, so that they being destitute of captains, at length put certain petitions in writing, which they exhibited to the king, professing that they never intended hurt towards his royal person. 
The petitions of the rebels received of the king and of what points they consisted.  The king received their petitions, line 60 which consisted in choice of councillors, suppression of religious houses, maintenance of the service of almighty God, the statute of uses, the release of the fifteenth, and receiving of the first fruits, with such other matters as nothing appertained to them: whereupon he made them answer in pithy sentence, reproving them of their presumptuous folly and rebellious attempt, to meddle in any such matters and weighty affairs, the direction whereof only belonged to him, and to such noble men and councillors as his pleasure should be to elect and choose to have the ordering of the same.  
Wherefore he advised them to remember their rash and inconsiderate doings, and that now in any wise they should resort home to their houses, and no more to assemble contrary to his laws and their own allegiances; and also to cause the provokers of this mischief to be delivered to the hands of his lieutenant, and further to submit themselves wholly to such punishment as he and his nobles should think them worthy to receive: for otherwise he would not suffer that injury at their hands to go unrevenged. 
The Lincolnshiremen give over their rebellious enterprise.  After the Lincolnshire men had received the kings answer thus made to their petitions, each mistrusting other, who should be noted the greatest meddler, suddenly they began to shrink, and got them home to their houses without longer abode.  
Herewith the duke of Suffolk the king's lieutenant was appointed to go with the army, to see the country set in quiet, accompanied with the lord admiral, sir Francis Brian, and sir john russel that were joined with him also in commission for the ordering of things there within the county of Lincoln. The duke entered into the city of Lincoln the seventeenth of October. On the ninetéenth all the inhabitants of Louth (according to order given by the duke) came to Lincoln, 
The rebels submit themselves and receive a new oath of fealty to the king.  and there in the castle made their submission, holding up their hands, and crying for the king's mercy. And herwith were chosen forth Nicholas Melton, captain Cobbler, & thirteen more, which were commanded to ward, and all the residue were new sworn to the king, renouncing their former oath received in time of their rebellion, and then departed home to their houses in the king's peace. After this were proclamations made abroad in the country in every market town by the heralds of arms, Summerset and Winsore, that the captains and soldiers of the duke's army should not take any man's goods, cattles, or victuals, except they paid or agreed with the owners of the same.  
And further commandment was given, that all inhabitants and dwellers within the towns and villages about, should repair to the city of Lincoln, with all manner of victuals as well for men as horses, where they should receive payment at reasonable prices for the same. After this, there was likewise proclamation made for the apprehending of all such lewd persons, as had sown any false rumours abroad in the country (the chief occasion of this rebellion) bruting that the king pretended to have the gold in the hands of his subjects brought into the tower to be touched, and all their cattle unmarked, 
False rumours the occasion of rebellions.  the chalices, goods, and ornaments of parish churches, fines for christenings, weddings, and buriengs, licences to eat white meat, bread, pig, goose or capon, with many other slanderous, false, and detestable tales and lies, forged of devilish purpose to encourage the people to rebellion. If therefore any man could apprehend such as had been the setters forth and sowers of such seditious reports, they that brought them in, should be so rewarded, as they should think their labour well bestowed.  
Moreover, if there were any assemblies made in any part of the realm without the king's licence, by any unruly persons, and would not departed to their houses upon warning by his grace's proclamations, they should not look for further mercy at the king's hand, but to be prosecuted with fire and sword to the uttermost. To conclude, by the wise and sage direction taken in appeasing the country by that noble duke, all things were quieted in those parties. diverse of the principal offenders were sent unto London. He that took upon him as chief captain of the rout, was the same that called himself captain Cobbler: but he was indeed a monk named doctor Makarell, which afterwards with diverse others was executed.  
But now in the mean time, whilst the duke was sent forwards into Lincolnshire, within six days after the king was truly informed, that there was a new stir begun in the north parts by the people there, 
A commotion in the north par●s.  which had assembled themselves into an huge army of warlike men & well appointed, both with captains; horses, armour, and artillery, to the number of forty thousand men, which had encamped themselves in Yorkshire. These men declared by their proclamations solemnly made, that this their rising and commotion should extend no further, but only to the maintenance and defence of the faith line 10 of Christ, and deliverance of holy church, sore decayed and oppressed, and also for the furtherance as well of private as public matters in the realm, touching the wealth o● all the kings poor subjects.  
They named this their seditious voyage, an holy and blessed pilgrimage: 
An holy pilgrimage.  they had also certain banners in the field, in which was painted Christ hanging on the cross on the one side, and a chalice with a painted cake in it on the other side, with divers other banners of like hypocrisy and feigned holiness. The line 20 soldiers had also embroidered on the sleeves of their coats in steed of a badge, the similitude of the five wounds of our saviour, and in the midst thereof was written the name of our Lord. Thus had the rebels hast of sathan with false and counterfeit signs of holiness set out themselves, only to deceive the simple people in that their wicked and rebellious enterprise against their liege lord and natural prince, whom by the law of nations and by God's commandments they were bound in conscience to obey, line 30 and so far to be from lifting up the least finger of their hand, as rather to put life and goods in hazard for his sake, to testify their allegiance.  
The speedy diligence and loyal duty which was found at that present in the worthy councillor George earl of Shrewesburie, 
The faithful diligence of the earl of Shrewsburie  is not to be forgotten, who immediately after he understood how the northern men were thus up in arms, considering how much it imported to stop them of their passage before they should advance too far forwards, whereby line 40 they might both increase in power, and put all other parts of the realm in hazard, through fear or hope to incline to their wicked purposes, he sent abroad with all speed possible to raise such power of his servants, tenants, and friends, as by any means he might make, and withal dispatched one of his servants to the king, both to advertise him what he had done, and also to purchase his pardon, for making such levy of power, before he had received his majesties line 50 commission so to do.  
I have heard by relation of men of good credit that were there present: that when such knights and gentlemen as were of his council, and other of his especial friends were come unto him, he put forth this question to them; Whether his fact in raising a power of armed men without the king's commission (although he had done it to resist the rebels) were treason or not? 
A good meaning or intent doth not by and by justify and make good the action.  Whereunto when answer was made by some that were known to have skill in the laws line 60 of the realm, how that by no means it could be intended treason, sith his intent was good, and no evil thereby meant, but contrarily the advancement of the king's service dutifully sought: Ye are fools (quoth the earl) I know it in substance to be treason, and I would think myself in an hard case, if I thought I had not my pardon coming.  
Such a reverend regard had this noble earl unto his bounden allegiance towards his prince, that whatsoever seemed but as it were to sound in any behalf to the breach thereof, 
The loyalty of the earl.  it so troubled his loyal mind, that he could not be satisfied, till as it were in confessing his fault: where according to the truth there was none at all. He had signified his assured fidelity in craving pardon, where otherwise he might have looked for thanks, which indeed he received with his pardon, according to his petition, and a commission to proceed as he had begun. Moreover, whereas there were diverse speeches amongst the soldiers in the army, uttered by some not altogether happily well disposed, that the said earl had so good liking of the northern men's cause, that when it came to the point of trial, he would surely join with them against that part, which he yet pretended to maintain.  
To put that mat●er out of doubt, he caused the multitude of his soldiers to come before him, 
What the earl said to them that talked lewdly of him in the camp.  and there declared to them, that he understood what lewd talk had been raised of his meaning among them in the camp, as if he had favoured the part of the rebels: But (saith he) whatsoever their colourable pretence may be, true it is, that traitors they are in this their wicked attempt. And whereas my ancestors have been ever true to the crown, I mean not to stain my blood now in joining with such a sort of traitors, but to live and die in defence of the crown, if it stood but upon a stake: and therefore those that will take my part in this quarrel, I have to thank them, and if there be any that be otherwise minded, I would wish them hence. And herewith he caused his chaplain to minister an oath to him, which he received to the effect aforesaid, in the presence of them all.  
And verily this was thought to be done not without great cause that moved him thereto: for whereas the more part of his soldiers consisted of the country people, 
He was provided of ill soldiers that so vndutifulli● to deal with him would be induced.  who with forged tales and wicked surmises were easily led to believe whatsoever was reported in favour of the rebels, and disfavor of such as were then chief councillors to the king, against whom they pretended to rise (although there was no reasonable occasion leading them thereunto) it was greatly to be suspected, lest they might through some traitorous practice have been induced to forget their dutiful allegiance to their sovereign, and souldiorlike obedience to their leaders, insomuch that the captains of the rebels were persuaded (and some of them reported no less) that they might have fought with the duke of Norfolk, and the earl of Shrewesburie, on this hither side of the river of Dun, even with their own men, not néeding to have brought a man of their army with them.  
Therefore it was thought, that the oath which the earl of Shrewesburie in that sort received before all his people there openly in field, 
The oath of the earl of Shre●wesburie in presence of the people necessary.  served to great purpose; to put out of his soldiers wavering heads all such lewd expectation that he would turn to the enemies, staying thereby their fickle minds; sith they were now assured, that he being their chiefteine meant no dissimulation. A matter truly of no small importance, considering the favour which the commons bare towards him, and the opinion they had conceived of his high prowess; so that which way he inclined, it was thought verily the game were likely to go. But now after the king was advertised of that perilous commotion of the northern men, he appointed not only the said earl of Shrewesburie to raise a power to resist them: but also ordained the duke of Norfolk his lieutenant general, with the marquess of Excester, 
The duke of Norfolk the king's lieutenant.  and the said earl of Shrewesburie, the earls of Huntingdon and Rutland, accompanied with a mighty power to go against them.  
These lords raising such retinues of soldiers and men of war as were to them assigned, made forward to the place where the army of the rebels was then encamped, which was beyond the town of Doncaster, in the high way towards York. But first the said earl of Shrewesburie, with the earls of Huntingdon▪ and Rutland, and such other that were next adjoining to those parties, with their powers assembled out of the shires of Salop, Stafford, Leicester, Rutland, Nottingham, and Derbie, came to a place in Nottingham shire called Blithlow, and there taking the musters of their people, streightwaies passed forth to Doncaster, and appointed certain bands of their men, to lie in places where any ●oords or passages lay over the river of Dun, that line 10 runneth by the northside of Doncaster, to stay the enemies if they should attempt to come over. Shortly after came the duke of Norfolk, and finally the marquess of Excester with a jolly company of western men, well and perfectly appointed.  
When these captains and sage councillors being here assembled, understood the manner of the northern men, their number, and readiness to battle, they first practised with great policy, to have pacified the matter without bloodshedding: but the northern line 20 men were so bend to maintain their wilful enterprise, that there was no hope to take up the matter without battle: therefore a day was set, on the which they should try the quarrel betwixt them with dint of sword. 
The even of Simon and jude.  But see the chance. The night before the day assigned for this bloody and unnatural battle, to have been fought betwixt men of one nation, and subjects to one king; there fell a rain not great to speak of, but yet as it were by miracle, the river of Dun rose suddenly on such a height, 
A stoud.  that seldom had been seen there the like hugeness of water: 
God's providence stayeth them from battle.  line 30 so that the day when the hour of battle should come, it was not possible for the one army to come at the other, and so the appointment made between both the armies for trial of the matter by force of arms, was by God's good providence disappointed, and many an innocent man's life preserved, that should have died, if their purposes had taken place.  
After this by the great wisdom and policy of the nobles and captains, a communication was had, line 40 and an agreement made upon the king's pardon, obtained for all the captains and chief doers in this insurrection, and promise made that they should be gently heard, to declare such things as they found themselves grieved with: and that upon their articles presented to the king, their reasonable petitions should be granted, 
The matter is taken up.  as by him & his council it should be thought expedient, whereby all troubles might be quieted, and each thing brought to a good conclusion. Herewith every man departed, and those which before line 50 came as hot as fire to fight, letted of their desperate purpose, by God's merciful providence, returned now peaceably to their houses without any more business.  
At the self same time that these northern men were lodged near to Doncaster, and the king's power ready to stop them of their passage (as before ye have heard) there was an other army ready to have marched southwards through Lancashire: but by the faithful diligence of the earl of Derbie, who with the forces of Lancashire and Cheshire was appointed line 60 to resist them, 
another army of rebels marching southwards through Lancashire.  they were likewise kept back and brought to quiet; notwithstanding they were a very great number assembled together of the commons out of Cumberland, Westmoreland, and of the north parts of Lancashire. The earl of Sussex was sent down by the king, to join in assistance with the earl of Derbie; who causing diverse of the chief procurers of that rebellion in those parties to be apprehended and arraigned, they being found guilty had judgement, and were executed, as the abbots of Walleie, Sauleie, and others.  

A butcher & a priest hanged and the cause why.  In time of this rebellion, a priest that by a butcher dwelling within five miles of Windsor had been procured to preach in favour of the rebels, and the butcher (as well for procuring the priest thereto, as for words spoken as he sold his meat in Windsor) were hanged: the priest on a tree at the foot of Windsor bridge, and the butcher on a pair of new gallows set up before the castle gate, at the end of the same bridge. The words which the butcher spoke were these. When one bade him less for the carcase of a sheep than he thought he could make of it: Nay by God's soul (said he) I had rather the good fellows of the north had it, and a score more of the best I have, than I would so sell it. This priest and butcher being accused on a monday in the morning whilst the king's army was in the field, and the king himself lying at Windsor, they confessed their faults upon their examinations, and by the law martial they were adjudged to death, and suffered as before is mentioned. This year in December, 
A great frost.  the Thames was frozen over: insomuch that the king and queen road through London to Gréenewich.  
In Christmas the king by his messengers and heralds sent down into the north his general pardons to all the offenders; 
General pardons.  year 1537 and shortly after Ask that had been the principal procurer, 
Ask rewarded.  & as it were chief captain of the northern rebels, came to London, and now was both pardoned and received into favour, receiving of the kings bounteous liberality, apparel, and diverse other rewards, whereof he was most unworthy: for there lived not (as Hall saith) a verier wretch, as well in person as conditions and deeds, specially towards the king's majesty, as after appeared. 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1010. Sir Ra●fe Evers his good service in the north.  ¶ Sir Ralph Evers kept Scarbrow castle in the north, being six weeks besieged by the rebels, twenty days whereof he and all his company (which were his only friends, servants, and tenants, and served for good will to him) were forced to sustain themselves with bread and water, and yet he kept the same to the end of that rebellion; and so delivered it to king Henry, who sent him soon after to serve in the borders against Scotland, where in great credit he continued his service, keeping the Scots without doing hurt to England, and with such obedience of them, as within twenty miles of the borders of Scotland fore against him, there was not a Scot but at his commandment: and so continued, till he was killed in the year 1545.]  
The twelve of November, 
Penance at Paul's cross. The earl of Kildare executed.  sir Thomas Newman priest bore a faggot at Paul's cross, for singing mass with good ale. On the third of February, Thomas Fitzgaret son and heir to the earl of Kildare was beheaded, and five of his uncles were drawn, hanged, and quartered at Tyburn for treason. In the same month Nicholas Musgrave, 
Tilbie. A new rebellion.  Thomas Tilbie, with others, began a new rebellion at Kirkvie Stephan in Westmoreland, who having got together eight thousand men, besieged the city of Carleill, from whence they were beaten with the only power of the city: and in returning from thence, the duke of Norfolk, who then was lieutenant of the north, encountered with them, took the captains, and according to the law martial areigned seventy and four of them, whom he hanged on Carbeill walls; but Musgrave escaped.  
In the same month of February began a new commotion, 
Sir Francis Bigod procureth a new commotion.  by the procurement of sir Francis Bigod, who being enticed to that mischievous enterprise by certain wicked persons, forgot his duty to his prince, although he had been a man (as Hall saith) that undoubtedly loved God, and reverenced his prince with a right obedient and loving fear: but such are men when God leaveth them, and that they will take in hand things which Gods most holy word utterly forbiddeth. This last rebellion began in Setrington, Pikering, Leigh, and Scarbrow; but it was quickly suppressed, and the said sir Francis Bigod apprehended, and brought to the Tower. The said sir Francis & one Halam, having raised a great company of rebels, meant to have taken the town of Hull, 
The purpose of the rebels.  there to have fortified themselves, and to have assembled more power; but by the wisdom of sir Ralph Ellerkar, & the mayor of the town of Hull, the said Halam, & threescore other of the rebels without any slaughter were taken, which Halam was afterwards hanged in chains, and two other with line 10 him, at the said town of Hull. Sir Francis Bigod fled, & could not be heard of for a time, but at length he was also apprehended.  
Moreover, about the latter end of this twentieth and eight year, 
Ask & others practise to raise a new rebellion.  the lord Darcie, Ask, sir Robert Constable, sir john Bulmer and his wife, sir Thomas Persie brother to the earl of Northumberland, sir Stephan Hamilton, Nicholas Tempest esquire, William Lomleie, began eftsoons to conspire, although every of them before had received their pardons: line 20 and now were they all taken and brought to the Tower of London as prisoners. 
Robert Packington murdered.  This year Robert Packington a mercer of London, a man both rich, wise, and of good credit, dwelling at the sign of the leg in Cheapside, on a morning going (as his custom was) about four of the clock to hear mass, in the church then called S. Thomas of Acres, & now the Mercer's chapel, as he crossed over the street from his house to the church, was suddenly murdered with a gun, the crack whereof was heard of the line 30 neighbours, and of a great number of labourers that stood at Soper lane end, and saw the said Packington go forth of his house: but there was such a thick mist that morning, as the like had not been seen, by covert whereof the murderer found shift the more easily to escape.  
Many were suspected, but none found in fault, albeit forsomuch as he was one that would speak his mind freely, and was at the same time one of the burgesses of the parliament for the city of London, line 40 and had talked somewhat against the covetousness and cruelty practised by the clergy, it was mistrusted least by some of them he came thus to his end. At length the murderer in deed was condemned at Banburie in Oxfordshire, to die for a felony which he afterwards committed: and when he came to the gallows on which he suffered, he confessed that he did this murder, and till that time he was never had in any suspicion thereof. ¶ The nine and twentieth of March, were twelve of the Lincolnshire rebels line 50 drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged and quartered, five of them were priests, the residue lay men. One of the priests was doctor Makarell, and an other was the vicar of Louth.  

Rich. Grafton. The invention of casting pipes.  About this season the manner of casting pipes of lead for the conveyance of water under the ground, without occupying of soldier to the same, was invented by Robert Brock clerk, than one of the king's chapleins, an invention right necessary for the saving of expenses: for two men and a boy will line 60 do that in one day, which before could not be done by many men in many days. Robert Cooper goldsmith was the first that made the instruments, and put this invention in practice. ¶ In the very beginning of this year, 
Anno reg. 29.  certain commissioners being sent into Summersetshire to take up corn, the people began to make an insurrection: but by the wisdom and diligence of young master Paulet & others the same was suppressed, and the beginners thereof, to the number of threescore, were apprehended & condemned, and fourteen of them were hanged and quartered, one of the number being a woman, the residue were saved by the king's merciful pardon.  
In june the lord Darcie & the lord Huseie were arraigned at Westminster before the marquess of Excester then high steward, 
Execution.  where they were found guilty, and had judgement, as in cases of high treason. Shortly after also were arraigned sir Robert Constable, sir Thomas Persie, sir Francis Bigod, sir Stephan Hamilton, sir john Bulmer, 
Areignment.  and his wife, or rather (as some report) his paramour: also William Lomleie, Nicholas Tempest, William thirst abbot of Founteins, Adam Subburie abbot of jerueux, William Wold prior of Birlington, also the abbot of Rivers, and Robert Ask. 
Execution.  They were all found guilty of high treason, and all put to death. Sir Robert Constable was hanged in chains over Beverleie gate at Hull, and Robert Ask was also hanged in chains on a tower at York, and Margaret Cheineie sir john Bulmers paramour burnt in Smithfield in London. The other suffered at Tyburn.  
In the latter end of june, was the lord Darcie beheaded at the Tower hill, and shortly after the lord Huseie was likewise beheaded at Lincoln. This year at saint George's feast, was the lord Cromwell made knight of the garter. In October on saint Edward's even, 
The birth of king Edward the sixth.  which falleth on the twelft of that month, at Hampton court the queen was delivered of her son named Edward, for whose birth great joy was made through the realm, with thanksgiving to almighty God, who had sent such a young prince to succeed his father in the crown of this realm (as afterwards he did) by the name of king Edward the sixth. His godfathers at the fontstone were the archbishop of Canturburie & the duke of Norfolk, the lady Marie was his godmoother, and at the bishopping, the duke of Suffolk was his godfather. On the eighteenth of October he was made prince of Wales, duke of Cornwall, and earl of Chester.  
But as joy is often mixed with sorrow, so at that time it came to pass by the death of his mother, 
The death of queen jane.  that noble and virtuous lady queen jane, which departed out of this life the fourteenth day of this month of October, to the great grief of the whole realm: but namely the king her husband took it most grievously of all other, who removing to Westminster, there kept himself close a great while after. The eight of November, the corpse of the queen was carried to Windsor, with great solemnity, and there buried in the midst of the choir in the castle church. There was also a solemn hearse made for her in Paul's church, and funeral exequys celebrated, as well as in all other churches within the city of London. Thus was the king left again a widower, and so continued the space of two years together. 
john Fox in Acts & Monuments.  Upon the death of which queen jane, and the birth of prince Edward her son this distichon following was made: 
Phoenix jana jacet nato Phoenicia, 
These verses were thought to be made by master Armigill Wade.  dolendum  
Saecula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.   
The king held his Christmas at Gréenewich, and as well he as all the court beware mourning apparel, till the morrow after Candlemas day, & then he and all other changed. year 1538 This year Edward Seimer viscount Beauchampe the queens brother was created earl of Hertford, 
Creation of officers.  & sir William Fitzwilliams lord high admiral was created earl of Southampton, ¶ and master Paulet was made vicetreasuror, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S pag. 1011, 1012.  sir john russel comptrollor of the king's house, master Henedge, master Long, master Kneuet of the kings privy chamber, knights; master Coffin, master Liftar, & master Seimer the queens brother, knights. On all-hallows even, the lord Thomas Howard, brother to the duke of Norfolk, 
Lord Thomas Howard deceased.  died prisoner in the Tower of London, and was buried at Thetford, and then the lady Margaret Dowglas was pardoned, and released out of the Tower. The four and twentieth of February, 
Good of grace showed at Paul's.  being sunday, the rood of Boxleie in Kent, called the rood of grace, made with diverse vices, to move the eyes and lips, was showed at Paul's cross by the preacher, which was the bishop of Rochester, and there it was broken and plucked in pieces.  
The five and twentieth of February, sir John Allen priest, and also an Irish gentleman of the Garrets were hanged & quartered at Tyburn. The second of March, the image of the rood, called saint Saviour line 10 at Bermonseie abbeie in Southworke, 
Saint Saviour in Southworke.  was taken down by the king's commandment. The one and twentieth of March, Henry Harsam customer of Plymouth, and Thomas Ewell, were hanged and quartered at Tyburn.] In May a friar observant called friar Forrest was apprehended, for that he was known in secret confessions to have declared to many of the king's liege people, 
Anno Reg 30. Friar Forrest.  that the king was not supreme head of the church, where he had line 20 by his oath nevertheless affirmed him so to be. Whereupon in his examination, that point being laid to his charge, he answered that he took his oath with his outward man, but his inward man never consented thereunto. But being further accused of diverse heretical and damnable opinions that he held & maintained contrary to the scripture, at length being not able to defend the same, he submitted himself to the punishment of the church.  
Now when upon this his submission, having more liberty than before he had to talk with whom he line 30 would, and other having liberty to talk with him, he was incensed by some such as had conference with him, that when his formal abjuration was sent him to read and peruse, he utterly refused it, and obstinately stood in all his heresies and treasons. Whereupon he was condemned, & afterwards on a pair of new gallows prepared for him in Smithfield, he was hanged by the middle and armholes all quick, and under the gallows was made line 40 a fire wherewith he was consumed and burnt to death. 
Friar Forrest burnt.  There were diverse of the council present at his death ready to have granted him pardon, if any spark of repentance would have appeared in him. There was also a pulpit prepared, in which that renowned preacher Hugh Latimer, than bishop of Worcester, by manifest scriptures confuted the friars errors, and with many godly exhortations moved him to repentance, but he would neither hear nor speak. line 50  
A little before the execution, an huge and great image was brought to the gallows. This image was fetched out of Wales, which the Welshmen had in great reverence: and it was named Daruell Gatheren. They had a prophesy in Wales, that this image should set a whole forest on fire, which prophesy was now thought to take effect, 
A prophesy.  for he set this friar Forrest on fire, and consumed him to nothing. The friar when he saw the fire come, caught hold on the ladder, which he would not let go, but in that sort unpatiently line 60 took his death, so as if one might judge him by his outward man, he appeared (saith Hall) to have small knowledge of God, and less trust in him at his ending: otherwise he would have been persuaded to patience, 
R●c. Graf. in fol. pag. 1237.  and a christian farewell to the world. ¶ Upon the gallows that he died on, was set up in great letters these verses here following: 

David Daruell Gatheren,  
As saith the Welshmen,  
Fetched outlaws out of hell:  
Now is he come with spear and shield,  
In harness to burn in Smithfield,  
For in Wales he may not dwell.   

And Forrest the friar,  
That obstinate liar,  
That wilfully shall be dead:  
In his contumacy,  
The gospel doth deny,  
The king to be supreme head.]    
In julie was Edmund Cuningsbie atteinted of treason, for counterfeiting the king's sign manuel, and in August was Edward Clifford for the same cause atteinted, and both put to execution as traitors at Tyburn. 
Execution.  In September by the special motion of the Lord Cromwell, all the notable images, 
Certain images taken away and removed from their places.  unto the which were made any especial pilgrimages and offerings, were utterly taken away, as the images of Walsingham, Ipswich, Worcester, the lady of Wilsdon, with many other, and likewise the shrines of counterfeit saints, as that of Thomas Becket, and others. And even forthwith, by means of the said Cromwell, all the orders of friars and nuns, with their cloisters and houses, 
Ab. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1013.  were suppressed and put down. ¶ As for the images of our lady of Walsingham, and Ipswich, were brought up to London, with all the jewels that hung about them, and diverse other images both in England & Wales, whereunto any common pilgrimage was used, for avoiding of idolatry, all which were burnt at Chelsie by the lord privy seal.  
On the first of September being sunday, one Gratnell hangman of London and two other were hanged at the wrestling place by Clearken well, 
Hangman hanged.  for robbing a booth in Bartholomew fair, at which execution were above twenty thousand people, as Edward Hall himself (then a present beholder) judged. This month of September, Thomas Cromwell lord privy seal, vicegerent to the king's highness, sent forth injunctions to all bishops & curates through the realm, 
The bible in every church to be read.  charging them to see that in every parish church, the bible of the largest volume, printed in English, were placed for all men to read on: and that a book of register were also provided and kept in every parish church, wherein shall be written every wedding, christening, and burying, 
Register book in every church to be kept.  within the same parish for ever.  
Saint Augustine's abbey at Canturburie was suppressed, and the shrine & goods taken to the king's treasury, as also the shrine of Thomas Becket in the priory of Christ's church was likewise taken to the king's use, and his bones, skull and all, 
Thomas Becket burnt.  which was there found, with a piece broken out by the wound of his death, were all burnt in the same church by the lord Cromwell. The monks there were commanded to change their habits, etc. The one and twentieth of October, the church of Thomas Becket in London called the hospital of saint Thomas of Acres was suppressed. Nicholas Gibson groser, for this year sheriff of London, builded a free school at Ratcliff, near unto London, appointing to the same, 
Free school and alms houses at Ratcliff.  for the instruction of threescore poor men's children, a schoolmaster and usher, with a stipend of ten pounds by the year to the master, and six pounds thirteen shillings four pence to the usher. He also builded there certain alms houses for fourteen poor and aged persons, who quarterly receive six shillings eight pence a piece for ever.]  
In this season suit was made to the king by the emperor, to take to wife the duchess of Milan: but shortly after that suit broke off, because (as was thought) the emperors council meant by a cautel to have brought the king in mind to sue for a licence of the pope. Then the duke of Cleve began to sue to the king, that it would please him to match with his sister the lady Anne, which after took effect. In November, one john Nicholson, otherwise called Lambert, a priest, 
john Nicholson alias Lambert.  was accused of heresy, for holding opinion against the bodily presence in the sacrament of the altar. He appealed to the king's majesty, who favourably consented to hear him at a day appointed, against which day, in the king's palace at Westminster, within the king's hall, there was set up a throne or seat royal for the king, with scaffolds for all the lords, and a stage for Nicholson to stand upon.  
This Nicholson was esteemed to be a man well learned, but that day he uttered no such knowledge line 10 (saith Hall) as was thought to be in a man of that estimation. diverse arguments were ministered to him by the bishops, but namely the king pressed him sore, and in the end offered him pardon if he would renounce his opinion: but he would not consent thereto, and therefore he was there condemned, and had judgement, and so shortly after he was drawn into Smithfield, and there burnt to ashes. The third of November, 
The marquess of Excester condemned.  Henry Courtnie marquess of Excester and earl of Devonshire, Henry Poole lord line 20 Montacute, and sir Edward Nevil brother to the lord Aburgavennie, were sent to the tower, being accused by sir Geffrie Poole, brother to the lord Montacute, of high treason. They were indicted for devising to maintain, promote, & advance one Reginald Poole, late dean of Excester, enemy to the king beyond the sea, & to deprive the king. The marquess, and the lord Montacute were arraigned the last of December at Westminster before the lord Audleie that was chancellor, and for that present time high line 30 steward of England, and there they found him guilty.  

I. Stow. pag. 1019.  The third day after were arraigned sir Edward Nevil, sir Geffreie Poole, two priests called Crofts and Collins, & one Holland a mariner, & all atteinted. 
Friaries suppressed.  ¶ The sixteenth of November, was the black friars in London suppressed, the next day the white friars, the grey friars, and the monks of the Charterhouse, and so all the other immediately. The four and twentieth of November, the bishop of Rochester line 40 preached at Paul's cross, 
Blood of Hales showed at Paul's cross.  & there showed the blood of Hales, and affirmed the same to be no blood, but honey clarified, and coloured with saffron, as it had been evidently proved before the king and his council. Also four anabaptists, three men, and one woman, 
Anabaptists.  all Dutch, bare faggots at Paul's cross the same day. The nintéenth of November, a man and a woman Dutch anabaptists, were burnt in Smithfield.]  
The ninth of januarie, the lord marquess, and line 50 the lord Montacute, year 1539 with sir Edward Nevil lost their heads on the Tower hill. 
The lord marquess executed.  The two priests and Holland were drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged and quartered. Sir Geffreie Poole had his pardon. ¶ On Ashwednesdaie, john Ihons, john Potter, & William Manering, were hanged in the prince's liveries (because they were the prince's servants) on the southside of Paul's chuchyard, for killing Roger Cholmeleie esquire in that place, of malice prepensed. The third of March, sir Nicholas Carew of Bedington in the county of Surrie knight of line 60 the garter, 
Sir Nicholas Carew executed.  and master of the king's horse, condemned before of treason, was beheaded on the Tower hill, where he made a godly confession, both of his fault, and superstitious faith, giving God thanks, for that his hap was to be prisoner in the Tower, where he first savoured the pleasant taste of God's holy word, meaning the bible in English, which there he read by the exhortation of one Thomas Philips then keeper of that prison, and sometime a citizen and point-maker of London, who had been in some trouble for religion, and examined before doctor Stokeslie bishop of London, and sir Thomas More, but through his wise demeanour and mild answers, he escaped their hands.  
The ninth of March, 
Creation of new officers.  the king created sir William Paulet knight treasurer of his house, lord saint john, and sir john russel comptrollor of his household, lord russel. Also either then or shortly after, was sir William Par created lord Par. The new abbey of white monks at the Tower hill, and the Minories, nuns without Algate, were suppressed on the last of March. The same time the king caused all the havens to be fenced with bulwarks, and blockehouses, and riding to Dover, 
bulwarks & blockhouses builded.  he took order to have bulwarks made alongst the sea coasts, and sent commission to have general musters made through the realm. Moreover on Easter day there were threescore sail discovered that lay in the Downs, and for that it was neither known what they were, nor what they intended to do, all the able men in Kent rose and mustered in armour the same day. The eight and twentieth of April began a parliament at Westminster, 
Anno Reg. 31 A parliament. Attaindors.  in the which Margaret countess of Salisbury, Gertrude wife to the marquess of Excester, Reginald Poole cardinal, brother unto the lord Montacute, sir Adrian Foskew, & Thomas Dingleie knight of saint john's, and diverse other were atteinted of high treason, 
Execution.  which Foskew and Dingleie the tenth of julie were beheaded.  
In this parliament the act of the six articles was established. 

The statute of the six articles,  
An inquest of inquiry.   Of some it was named the bloody statute, as it proved indeed to many. And even shortly after the making thereof, when the first inquest for inquiry of the offenders of the same statute sat in London at the mercer's chapel, those that were of that inquest were so chosen forth for the purpose, as there was not one amongst them that wished not to have the said statute put in execution to the uttermost, insomuch that they were not contented only to inquire of those that offended in the six articles contained in that statute, but also they devised to inquire of certain branches (as they took the matter) belonging to the same, as of those that came seldom to hear mass, that held not up their hands at the sacring time, who took no holy bread nor holy water, who used to read the bible in churches, or in communication seemed to despise priests, or images in the churches, etc. To conclude, they inquired so diligently of them that had so offended in any of those articles or the branches, that they indicted & presented to the number of five hundred persons and above, so that if the king had not granted his pardon, for that he was informed by the lord Audleie then lord chancellor that they were indicted of malice, a great many of them which already were in prison, had died for it in Smithfield, in frieng a faggot. But although the king at that present granted his gracious pardon, and forgave all those offences: 
The extreme proceeding in execution of the six articles.  yet afterwards, during the time that this statute stood in force, which was for the space of eight years ensuing, they brought many an honest and simple person to death. For such was the rigour of that law, that if two witnesses, true or false, had accused any, and advouched that they had spoken against the sacrament, there was no way but death; for it booted him not to confess that his faith was contrary, or that he said not as the accusers reported, for the witnesses (for the most part) were believed.  
The king being informed that the pope by instigation of cardinal Poole, 
Provision for defence of the realm.  had moved and stirred divers great princes and potentates of christendom to invade the realm of England; without all delay road himself toward the sea coasts, and sent diverse of his nobles and councillors to survey all the ports and places of danger on the coast, where any meet and convenient landing place might be doubted, as well in the borders of England, as also of Wales: in which dangerous places he caused bulwarks and forts to be erected. And further, he caused the lord admiral earl of Southampton to prepare in a readiness his nanie of ships, for defence of the coasts. Beside this, he sent forth commissions to have general musters taken through the realm, to understand what number of able men he might make account of: and further to have the armour and weapons seen and viewed. Nothing left he undone that tended to the foreseeing and preventing of a mischief to ensue, line 10 which in a prince is counted a virtue, because such providence and circumspection is reputed no less in a private & ordinary man, as the poet Plautus saith; Virtus est, ubi occasio admonet, dispicere.  
Sir William Forman knight, at that present mayor of London, was commanded to certify the names of all the able men within the city and liberties thereof, between the ages of three score and of sixteen, with the number of armours and weapons of all kinds of sorts. Whereupon the said mayor and his brethren each one in his ward, by the oath of the line 20 common council and constable, took the number of men, armour, and weapons. And after well considering of the matter, by view of their books, they thought it not expedient to admit the whole number certified for apt and able men: and therefore assembling themselves again, they chose forth the most able persons, and put by the residue, specially such as had no armour, nor for whom any could be provided. But when they were credibly advertised by line 30 Thomas Cromwell lord privy seal (to whom the city was greatly beholden) that the king himself would see the people of the city muster in a convenient number, and not to set forth all their power, but to leave some at home to keep the city; then eftsoons every alderman repaired to his ward, and there put aside all such as had jacks, coats of plate of mail, 
Preparation in London for a muster to be made and showed before the king.  and brigandines, and appointed none but such as had white armour, except such as should bear morish pikes, which ware no armour but skulls, and line 40 there was no stranger (although he were a denisine) permitted to be in this muster.  
Every man being of any ability, provided himself a cote of white silk, and garnished their basenets with turfs like caps of silk, set with ouches, furnished with chains of gold and feathers, or caused their armour to be guilt, and likewise their halberds and pollaxes. Some, and especially certain goldsmiths, had their whole armour of silver bullion. The lord mayor, the recorder, the aldermen, and every line 50 other officer beside were gorgeously trimmed, as for their degrees was thought seemly. The mayor had sixteen tall fellows on foot attending on him with guilt halberds, appareled in white silk doublets, and their hose and shoes were likewise white, cut after the Almain guise, pounsed and pulled out with red sarsenet: their jerkins were of white leather cut, and chains about their necks, with feathers and brooches in their caps. The recorder and every alderman had about him four halberdiers trimmed line 60 also in warlike sort. The chamberlain of the city, the councillors & aldermen's deputies were appointed to be wiflers on horseback, which aloft on their armour ware white damask coats, mounted on good horses well trapped, with great chains about their necks, and proper javelins or battle axes in their hands, and caps of velvet richly trimmed.  

The wiflers.  The wiflers on foot, being in number four hundred proper light persons, were clad in white jerkins of leather cut, with white hose and shoes, every man with a javelin or slaughsword in his hands, to keep the people in array. They had chains about their necks, 
The minstrels.  and feathers in their caps. The minstrels were in white, with the arms of the city, and so was every other person at this muster without any diversity; the lord mayor, recorder, and aldermen, only excepted, who had crosses of velvet or satin pirled with gold. The standard bearers were the tallest men of every ward, for whom were made thirty new standards of the devise of the city, beside banners. Every alderman mustered his own ward in the fields, to see that every man were in furniture provided as was requisite.  
The eight of May being the day appointed for to show themselves before the king, 
Every alderman with his ward in order o● battle.  every alderman in order of battle with those of his ward came into the fields at Mile end, and then all the gunner's severed themselves into one place, the pikes into another, and the archers into an other, and likewise the billmen, and there cast themselves in rings, and other forms of battle, which was a beautiful sight to behold: for all the fields from white Chapel to Mile end, and from bednal green to Ratcliff & Stepnie, were all covered with armour, men, and weapons, and especially the battle of pikes seemed to be as it had been a great forest. Then was every part divided into three battles, a forward, a midle-ward, and a rearward.  
About seven of the clock marched forward the light pieces of ordinance, with stone and powder. 
The order of the Londoners in their musters.  After them followed the drums and mischiefs, and immediately after them a guidon of the arms of the city. Then followed master Sadler captain of the gunner's on horseback armed, and in a cote of velvet, with a chain of gold, and four halberdiers about him appareled as before is recited. Then followed the gunner's four in a rank, 
The king taketh view of the Londoners in their musters.  every one going five foot in sunder, which shot altogether in diverse places very lively, and in specially before the king's majesty, which at that time sat in his new gatehouse at his palace of Westminster, where he viewed all the whole company. In like manner passed the other companies of all the three battles in good and seemly order. The foremost captain at nine of the clock in the morning, by the little conduit came and entered into Paul's churchyard, and from thence directly to Westminster, and so through the sanctuary, and round about the park of S. james, and up into the field, coming home through Holborn, and as the first captain entered again to the little conduit, the last of the muster entered Paul's churchyard, 
The number of Londoners in this muster.  which was then about four of the clock in the afternoon. The number, beside the wiflers, and of other waiters was fifteen thousand.  
¶ The eight of julie, Griffith Clerk, 
john Stow. vicar of Wandsworth and other executed.  vicar of Wandsworth, with his chaplain and his servant, & friar Waire, were all four hanged and quartered at S. Thomas Waterings. The tenth of julie sir Adrian Fortescue, and Thomas Dingleie were beheaded. The ninth of September, 

Clerkenwell and other suppressed.  
The Palsgrave & other strangers come over into England.   the nunnery of Clerkenwell and diverse others were suppressed.] This year the sixteenth of September came to London duke Fredrick of Baniere, the Palsgrave of the Rhine, and the eighteenth of the same month came to London the marshal of Hans Fredrick prince elector of Saxony, and the chancellor of William duke of Cleve, Gulicke, Gelderland, and Berghen. The Palsgrave was received and conducted to Windsor by the duke of Suffolk, and the other were accompanied with other noble men, and the three and twentieth of the same month they all came to Windsor, where eight days together they were continually feasted, and had pastime showed them, in hunting and other pleasures, so much as might be. 
The marriage concluded betwixt king Henry & the lady Anne Cleve.  The palsgrave shortly after departed homewards and was princely rewarded, & at that present was the marriage concluded betwixt the king and the lady Anne, sister unto duke William of Cleve, & great preparation was made for the receiving of her. 
I. Stow, pag. 1016.  ¶ The twelve of October the nunnery of Haliwell, & forthwith the priory of S. Marry overies in Southworke, and S. bartholomew's in Smithfield, were suppressed, & all their lands & goods taken to the king's use. Thomas Huntlow of London for this year sheriff, 
Thom. Huntlow his charity.  gave the habardashers certain tenements, for the which they be bound to give to ten poor alms people of the same company, every one of them eight pence every friday for ever: and also at every quarter dinner kept by the masters, to be line 10 given to every one of those ten poor people a penny loaf, a pottle of ale, a piece of beef worth four pence in a platter, with porridge, and four pence in money.]  
The fourteenth of November, Hugh Feringdon abbot of Reding, and two priests, the one called Rug, and the other Onion, attainted of high treason for denying the supremacy of the king over the church of England, were drawn, hanged, and quartered at Reding. The same day was Richard Whiting line 20 abbot of Glastenburie likewise hanged and quartered on Tower hill beside his monastery, for the same matter and other treasons whereof he had been convicted. The first of December was john Bech abbot of Colchester put to death for the like offence. 
Pensioners instituted.  In December were appointed to wait on the king's person fifty gentlemen called pensioners, or spears, unto whom was assigned the sum of fifty pounds yeerelie a piece, for the maintenance line 30 of themselves and two horses, or one horse and a gelding of service.  
The eleventh day of December at the turn pike on this side graveling, was the lady Anne of Cleve received by the lord deputy of the town of Calis, and with the spears and horsemen belonging to the retinue there. When she came within little more than a mile of the town of Calis, she was met by the earl of Southampton high admiral of England, who had in his company thirty gentlemen of the king's household, as sir Francis Brian, sir Thomas line 40 Seimer, and others, beside a great number of gentlemen of his own retinue clad in blue velvet, and crimson satin, and his yeomen in damask of the same colours. The mariners of his ship were appareled in satin of Bridges, 
Lady Anne of Cleve is received into Calis.  coats & slops of the same colour. The lord admiral brought her into Calis by Lantern gate. There was such a peal of ordinance shot off at her entry, as was marvelous to the hearers. The mayor presented her with an hundred marks in gold, the merchants of the staple line 50 with an hundred sovereigns of gold in a rich purse. She was lodged in the king's place called the Chequer, and there she lay fifteen days for want of prosperous wind.  
During which time, goodly justs and costly banquets were made to her, for her solace and recreation. And on S. john's day in Christmas, 
She landeth in Kent.  she with fifty sail took passage about noon, and landed at Deal in the Downs about five of the clock, where sir Thomas Chenie lord Warden of the ports received her. line 60 She tarried there a certain space in a castle newly built, and thither came the duke of Suffolk, and the duchess of Suffolk, and the bishop of Chichester with a great number of knights and esquires, and ladies of Kent and other, which welcomed her grace, and brought her that night unto Dover castle, where she rested till monday, on which day (notwithstanding it was very foul and stormy weather) she passed towards Canturburie, and on Baram down met her the archbishop of Canturburie, with the bishops of Elie, S. Ass, S. Davies, and Dover, and so brought her to S. Augustins' without Canturburie, where she lay that night. The next day she came to Sittingburne, and lay there that night. As she passed towards Rochester on Newyeares' even, on Reinam down met her the duke of Norfolk, and the lord Dacres of the south, and the lord Montioie, with a great company of knights and esquires of Norfolk and Suffolk, with the barons of the escheker which brought her to Rochester, where the lay in the palace all Newyeares' day. On which day, the king (longing to see her) accompanied with no more but eight persons of his privy chamber, year 1540 both he and they all appareled in marble coats, 
The king cometh to see her at Rochester.  privily coming to Rochester, suddenly came to her presence, whereof at the first she was somewhat astonished, but after he had spoken to her and welcomed her, she with loving countenance and gracious behaviour him received, and welcomed him on her knees, whom he gently took up and kissed, and all that after noon communed and devised with her, supped that night with her, and the next day he departed to Gréenewich, and she came forward to Dartford.  
On the morrow the third day of januarie being saturday, in a fair plain of Blackeheath, more near to the foot of Shooter's hill, than the ascendent of the same, called Blackheath hill, was pitched a pavilion of rich cloth of gold, and diverse other tents and pavilions, in which were made fires and perfumes for her and such ladies as were appointed to receive her: 
The order of receiving her on Blackeheath.  and from the tents to the park gate of Greenwich, all the bushes and fixes were cut down, and a large open way made for the show of all persons. And first next to the park pale on the east side stood the merchants of the stillyard, and on the west side stood the merchants of Genoa, Florence and Venice, and the Spaniards in coats of velvet. Then on both sides the way stood the merchants of the city of London, and the aldermen, with the councillors of the said city, to the number of a hundred and threescore which were mingled with the esquires; then the fifty gentlemen pensioners: and all these were appareled in velvet and chains of gold, truly accounted to the number of twelve hundred & above, beside them that came with the king and her, which were six hundred in velvet coats and chains of gold. Behind the gentlemen stood the servingmen in good order well horsed and appareled, that who so ever had well viewed them, might have said, that they for tall and comely personages, and clean of limb and body, were able to give the greatest prince in christendom a mortal breakfast, if he had been the king's enemy.  
About twelve of the clock, her grace with all the company which were of her own nation, to the number of an hundred horse, accompanied with the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops, lords, and knights, which had received and conveyed her, came down Shooter's hill towards the tents, and a good space from the tents met her the earl of Rutland appointed lord chamberlain to her grace, sir Thomas Device her chancellor, and all her councillors and officers, amongst whom doctor Day (appointed to be her almoner) made to her an eloquent oration in Latin, presenting to her on the king's behalf all the officers and servants: which oration was answered unto by the duke her brother's secretary, there being present: which done the lady Margaret Dowglas, 
The ladies that received her on Black-heath.  daughter to the queen of Scots, the lady marquess Dorsset, daughter to the French queen, being néeces to the king, and the duchess of Ritchmond the countesses of Rutland and Hereford, with divers other ladies and gentlewomen, to the number of threescore and five, saluted and welcomed her grace, who alighted out of her chariot in the which she had rid all her long journey, and with courteous demeanour & loving countenance, gave to them hearty thanks, and kissed them all, and after all her councillors and officers kissed her hand: which done, she with all the ladies entered the tents, and there warmed them a space.  
When the king knew that she was arrived in her tent, he with all diligence set out through the park. And first issued the king's trumpets, than the king's officers sworn of his council, next after came the gentlemen of his privy chamber, after them followed line 10 barons, the youngest first, and sir William Hollis lord mayor of London road with the lord Par that was the youngest baron. Then followed the bishops, and immediately after them the earls, and then the duke of Baviere, and county Palatine of the Rhine, with the livery of the Toison or golden fleece about his neck.  
Then came the ambassadors of the French king and emperor, next to whom followed the lord privy seal lord Cromwell, and the lord chancellor, line 20 then Garter king at arms, and the other officers and sergeant of arms gave their attendance on each side the lord. The lord marquess Dorset bore the sword of estate, and after him a good distance followed the king's highness, 
The king's majesty on horseback.  mounted on a goodly courser. To speak of the rich and gorgeous apparel that was there to be seen that day, I have thought it not greatly necessary, sith each man may well think it was right sumptuous, and as the time then served, very fair and costly, as they that are desirous line 30 to understand the same may read in master halls chronicle more at large, which in this part I have thought good to abridge.  

Who followed the king.  After the king followed the lord chamberlain, than came sir Anthony Browne master of his horses, a goodly gentleman, and of parsonage very seemly, richly mounted, & leading the king's horse of estate by a long rain of gold. Then followed his pages of honour riding on great coursers, and lastly followed sir Anthony Wingfield captain of the line 40 guard, and then the guard well horsed, and in their rich coats. In this order road the king till he came to the last end of the rank of the pensioners, & there every person that came with him placed himself on the one side or the other, the king standing in the midst.  
When her grace understood that the king was come, she came forth of her tent, and at the door thereof, being set on a fair and beautiful horse richly trapped, she road forth towards the king, who perceiving line 50 her to approach, came forward somewhat beyond the cross on Blackheath, and there stayed till she came nearer, & then putting off his cap, he made forward to her, and with most loving countenance and princely behaviour saluted, 
The meeting of the king & the lady Anne of Cleve on Blackeheath.  welcomed, and embraced her, to the great rejoicing of the beholders: and she likewise not forgetting her duty, with most amiable aspect and womanly behaviour received him with many apt words and thanks, as was most to purpose. Whilst they were thus talking together, the line 60 fifty pensioners with the guard departed to furnish the hall at Gréenewich. After the king had talked with her a small while, he put her on his right hand, and so with their footmen they road together, and with their companies being thus met, returned in this manner through the ranks of the knights and esquires (which stood still all this while and removed not.)  

The king's trumpets and the lady Anne of Cléeves.  First her trumpets set forward being twelve in number, beside two ketledrums on horseback; then followed the king's trumpeters, than the king's councillors, than the gentlemen of the privy chamber, after them the gentlemen of her grace's country in ●otes of velvet, and all on great horses. Then the mayor of London with the youngest baron, than all the barons: next them the bishops, than the earls, with whom road the earls of Ouerstein and Waldec her countrymen, than the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the archbishop of Canturburie, and duke Philip of Bavier: next followed the ambassadors, than the lord privy seal, and the lord chancellor, than the lord marquess Dorset that bore the sword: next followed the king himself equally riding with the lady Anne, 
The king and the lady Anne ride together.  and behind him road sir Anthony Browne with the king's horse of estate, as ye have heard, and behind him road sir john Dudleie master of her horses, leading her spare horse trapped in rich tissue down to the ground; after them followed henxmen and pages of honour.  
Then followed the lady Margaret Dowglas, the lady marquess Dorset, the duchess of Richmond and Suffolk, the countesses of Rutland and Hertford, and other countesses. 
Her chariot wherein she road all her journey.  Then came her chariot in which she had rid all her journey, well carved and gilded with the arms of her country curiously wrought & covered with cloth of gold, all the horses were trapped with black velvet, and on them road pages of honour, in which chariot road two ancient ladies of her country: next after the chariot, followed six ladies and gentlewomen of her country very beautiful and richly appareled, and with them road six ladies of England. Then followed an other chariot, gilt and furnished, than ten English ladies, and next them an other chariot covered with black cloth, and therein road four gentlewomen that were her chamberers. Then followed all the remnant of the ladies, gentlewomen and damosels in great number: and last of all came an other chariot all black, with three launders appertaining to her grace; next after followed an horslitter of cloth of gold and crimson velvet upon velvet paled, with horses trapped accordingly, which the king had sent to her. Then followed the servingmen of her train, all clothed in black, mounted on great horses, every one in due place and decent order, so that it was very magnifical and more than princely bravery that then was exhibited to the beholders eyes, as the poet saith: Cernitur hîc plusquam regia pompa comes.  
In this order they road through the ranks and through the park, till they came at the late friars wall, where all men alighted except the king, the two masters of the horse, and the henxmen, which road to the hall door, & the ladies road to the court gate, & as they passed, they might behold on the wharf, how the citizens of London were rowing up and down on the Thames right before them, every craft with his barge garnished with banners, flags, streamers, pencels, and targets, painted and beaten with the king's arms, some with her arms, and some with the arms of their craft and mystery.  
There was also a barge called the bachelors bark, richly decked, on the which waited a foist that shot great pieces of artillery, and in every barge was great store of instruments of diverse sorts, and men and children singing and playing altogether, as the king and the lady Anne passed by on the wharf. When the king and she were within the utter court, 
The king welcommeth her to Greenwich.  they alighted from their horses, and the king lovingly embraced her, kissed her, & had her welcome to her own, leading her by the left arm through the hall, which was furnished beneath the hearth with the guard and above the hearth with the fifty pensioners, with their battle axes; and so the king brought her up to her privy chamber, where he left her for that time. Assoon as the king and she were entered the court, a great peal of artillery was shot off from the tower of Gréenwich, and there about.  
When the king's company and hers were once come within the park (as before ye have heard) then all the horsemen on Blackeheath broke their array, and had licence to departed to London or otherwhere to their lodgings.  

The marriage is solemnised betwixt king Henry & the lady Anne of Cleve.  On the tuesday following, being the day of the epiphany, the marriage was solemnised betwixt the king and the said lady. She was fetched from her chamber by the lords, so that she going between the earl of Ouersteine, and the grand master Hosconder, which had the conduct and order to see the marriage performed, she passed through the king's chamber line 10 & all the lords before her, till she came into the gallery, where the king was ready, staying for her, to whom she made three low obeisances and courtesies. Then the archbishop of Canturburie received them, and married them together, and the earl of Ouersteine did give her. When the marriage was celebrate they went hand in hand into the king's closet, and there hearing mass, offered their tapers, and after Mass was ended, they had wine and spices. And line 20 that done, the king departed to his chamber, and all the ladies waited on her to her chamber, the duke of Norfolk going on her right hand, and the duke of Suffolk on her left.  
After nine of the clock, the king having shifted his apparel, came to his closet, & she likewise in her hair, & in the same apparel she was married in she came to her closet with her sergeant at arms, & all her officers before her like a queen, & so the king and she went openly in procession, and offered and dined line 30 together. After they had supped together, there were banquets and masks, and diverse disports showed, till time came, that it pleased the king and her to take rest. On the sunday after were kept solemn justs, 
justs and tornements.  which greatly contented the strangers. This day she was appareled after the English manner, with a French hood, which became her exceeding well. When the earl of Ouersteine and the other lords and ladies which had given their attendance on her grace all that journey, had been highly feasted line 40 and entertained of the king and other of the nobles, they took leave, and had great gifts given to them, both in money and plate, and so returned toward their country, leaving behind them the earl of Waldecke, and diverse gentlemen and damosels to remain with her, till she were better acquainted in the realm.  
The fourth of February, the king and she removed to Westminster by water, 
The king and the lady Anne remove to Westminster.  on whom the lord mayor & his brethren, with twelve of the chief companies line 50 of the city, all in barges gorgeously garnished with banners, pennons, and targets, richly covered, and furnished with instruments, sweetly sounding, gave their attendance: and by the way, all the ships shot off, and likewise from the tower, a great peal of ordinance went off iustilie. 
The duke of Norfolk ambassador into France.  The twelve of February, the duke of Norfolk was sent in embassage to the French king, of whom he was well entertained, and in the end of the same month he returned again into England. line 60  

S. Marry Oueries made a parish church.  After Christmas, the priory church of S. Marie Oueris in Southworke was purchased of the king by the inhabitants of the Borrow, D. Gardener bishop of Winchester putting to his helping hand: they made thereof a parish church, and the little church of Marie Magdalen joining to the same priory, was made all one church, and saint Margaret's in Southworke a parish, 
john Stow. Earl of Essex deceased.  was admitted to the same parish. ¶ The twelve of March, Henry Bourcher earl of Essex riding a young horse, was cast, & broke his neck, at his manor in Essex: he was the eldest earl in England. The nintéenth of March, john Vere earl of Oxford, 
Earl of Oxford deceased.  high chamberlain of England, deceased at his manor in Essex. The tenth of April, sir William Peterson priest, late commissary of Calis, 
Priests at Calis executed.  and sir William Richardson priest of S. Mary's in Calis, were both there drawn, hanged, and quartered in the market place for denying obstinately the king's supremacy.]  
The third sunday in Lent, one doctor Barnes preached at Paul's cross, 
D. Barnes.  and in his sermon inveighed against the bishop of Winchester, for doctrine by him preached in the same place, the first sunday of that Lent, entreating of justification. Among other taunts that Barnes uttered against the bishop, this was one, that if he & the bishop were both at Rome, he knew that great sums of money would not save his life, where but for the bishop, there was no great fear, but small entreatance would serve. The bishop offended herewith, complained of Barns to the K. and had him examined, & at length by the king's commandment he came to the bishop's house, where the matter was so handled at this time, that Barns with two other preachers, the one named Jerome, and the other Garret (of whom hereafter more shall be said) were appointed to preach at S. Marry spittle by London in the Ester week. In that sermon which Barnes made before all the people, he asked the bishop forgiveness, for speaking so unreverently of him in his former sermon, and required the bishop (if he did forgive him) in token thereof to hold up his hand, which like as it was long before he did, so (as many thought afterward) it was but a frigned forgiveness.  
The twelve of April began a parliament, 
Sir john Shelton, sir Nicholas Hare, sir Humfreie Browne fraudulent lawyers punished.  and sir Nicholas Hare was restored to the office of speaker, who together with sir Humfreie Browne knight, and William Connesbie esquire, the three and twentieth of February last passed, had bincalled before the lords into the Starchamber, for being of counsel with sir john Shelton knight, in making a fraudulent will of his lands, to the hindrance of the king's prerogative, and contrary to the statute of Anno 27, for the which offence they were all at that time dismissed of their offices and services to the king, and the two knights were immediately sent to the tower, and three days after Connesbie was committed thither also. They remained there in ward about ten days, and were then delivered. Sir Humfreie Browne was the king's sergeant at law, sir Nicholas Hare was one of the king's councillors, and speaker of the parliament, who being then deprived, was now again thereto restored. William Connesbie was attorneie of the duchy of Lancaster. In this parliament, were freely granted without contradictions, four fiftéenes and a subsidy of two shillings of lands, and twelve pence of goods, toward the king's great charges of making Bulwarks.  
The eighteenth of April at Westminster was Thomas lord Cromwell created earl of Essex, 
Advancement of Thomas Cromwell.  and ordained great chamberlain of England, which office the earls of Oxford were wont ever to enjoy; also Gregory his son was made lord Cromwell. The four and twentieth of April, Thomas lord Audleie, & chancellor of England, with sir Anthony Browne, master of the king's horses, were made knights of the night honourable order of the garter. On May day, was a great triumph of justing at Westminster, which justs had been proclaimed in France, Flanders, Scotland, and Spain, for all comers that would, against the challengers of England; which were, sir john Dudleie, sir Thomas Seimer, sir Thomas Poinings, sir George Carew knights, Anthony Kingston, and Richard Cromwell esquires, which said challengers came into the lists that day richly appareled, and their horses trapped all in white velvet, with certain knights and gentlemen riding afore them, appareled all in white velvet, and white sarsenet, and all their servants in white doublets, and hozen cut after the Burgonion fashion: and there came to just against them the said day, of defendants forty six, the earl of Surrie being the foremost, lord William Howard, lord Clinton, and lord Cromwell, son and heir to Thomas Cromwell earl of Essex, and chamberlain of England, with other, which were richly appareled.  
And that day, sir john Dudleie was overthrown in the field, 
Sir john Dudleie overthrown.  by mischance of his horse, by one master line 10 Breme defendant, nevertheless he broke diverse spears valiantly after that. And after the said justs were done, the said challengers road to Durham place, where they kept open household, and feasted the king and queen, with her ladies, and all the court. The second of May, Anthony Kingston & Richard Cromwell were made knights at the said place. The third of May, 
journeying.  the said challengers did tournie on horseback with swords, & against them came nine and twenty defendants; sir john Dudleie, and the line 20 earl of Surrie running first, who in the first course lost both their gauntlets: and that day, sir Richard Cromwell overthrew master Palmer in the field off his horse, to the great honour of the challengers. On the fift of May, 
Barrier's.  the said challengers fought on foot at the barriers, and against them came thirty defendants, which fought valiantly: but sir Richard Cromwell overthrew that day at the barriers master Culpeper in the field.  
The said challengers broke up their household, after line 30 they had kept open hospitality, and feasted the king, queen, and all the lords, beside all the knights and burgesses of the common house in time of the parliament, and the mayor, aldermen, and all their wives to their no small honour, though great expense. In the parliament which began the eighteenth of April last passed, the religion of saint john's in England, commonly called the order of knights of the Rhodes, 
The order of the Rhodes dissolved.  was dissolved; & on the ascension day, being the fift of May, sir William Weston knight, prior line 40 of saint john's departed this life for thought (as was reported) which he took to the heart, after he heard of that dissolution of his order. 
I S. pag 1019. Saint john's in Smithfield suppressed.  ¶ For the king took all the lands that belonged to that order into his hands, to the augmentation of his crown, and gave unto every of the challengers above written for a reward of their valiantness, a hundred marks, and a house to dwell in of yearly revenues out of the said lands for ever.]  
The same month were sent to the Tower doctor line 50 Samson, 
The bishop of Chichester, & doctor Wilson committed to the Tower.  bishop of Chichester, and doctor Wilson, for relieving certain traitorous persons: and for the same offence was one Richard Farmer, a grocer of London, a rich and wealthy man, and of good estimation in the city, committed to the Marshalseie, & after at Westminster hall arraigned, and atteinted in the praemunire; so that he lost all his goods. ¶ The ninth day of julie, 
Abr. Fle. ex. Ed. Hal. Ccxlij. The lord Cromwell committed to the Tower.  Thomas lord Cromwell, late made earl of Essex (as before you have heard) being in the council chamber, was suddenly apprehended & committed line 60 to the Tower of London: the which many lamented, but more rejoiced, and specially such as either had been religious men, or favoured religious persons, for they banketed & triumphed together that night, many wishing that that day had been seven years before; & some fearing that he should escape, although he were imprisoned, could not be merry.  
Other who knew nothing but truth by him, both lamented him, and heartily prayed for him. But this is true, that of certain of the clergy he was detestably hated, and specially such as had borne swinge and by his means were put from it: for in deed he was a man that in all his doings seemed not to favour any kind of popery, nor could not abide the snuffing pride of some prelates, which undoubtedly (whatsoever else was the cause of his death) did shorten his life, and procured the end that he was brought unto: which was, that the nineteenth day of the said month he was atteinted by parliament, and never came to his answer: which law many reported that he caused first to be made, howbeit the plain truth thereof I know not. The articles for which he died appear in the records, where his attaindor is written, which are too long here to be rehearsed; but to conclude he was there atteinted of heresy and high treason, and the eight & twentieth of julie was brought to the scaffold on the Tower hill, where he said these words following.  

The words of the lord Cromwell spoken at his death.  
I Am come hither to die, and not to purge myself, as may happen some think that I will, for if I should so do, I were a very wretch and a miser. I am by the law condemned to die, and thank my Lord God, that hath appointed me this death for mine offence. For since the time that I came to years of discretion I have lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness. And it is not unknown to many of you, that I have been a great traveler in the world, and being but of a base degree, was called to high estate. And since the time I came thereunto, I have offended my prince, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness, and beseech you all to pray to God with me, that he will forgive me. O Father forgive me, O Son forgive me, O Holy ghost forgive me, O three persons and one God forgive me. And now I pray you that be here, to bear me record, I die in the catholic faith, not doubting in any article of my faith, no nor doubting in any sacrament of the church. Many have slandered me, and reported that I have been a bearer of such as have maintained evil opinions, which is untrue: but I confess, that like as God by his holy spirit doth instruct us in the truth, so the devil is ready to seduce us, and I have been seduced: but bear me witness, that I die in the catholic faith of the holy church, and I heartily desire you to pray for the king's grace, that he may long live with you in health and prosperity, & after him that his son prince Edward, that goodly imp may long reign over you. And once again I desire you to pray for me, that so long as life remaineth in this flesh, I waver nothing in my faith.   
Then made he his prayer, which was long, but not so long as godly and learned, 
See john Fox in the Acts & Monuments.  and after committed his soul to the hands of God, and so patiently suffered the stroke of the axe, by a ragged and butcherly miser, which ill favouredly performed the office. This man being borne in Putneie, a village in Surreie by the Thames side, 
A description of the birth of Thomas Cromwell and other circumstances.  four miles distant from London, was son to a Smith, after whose decease, his mother was married to a Shereman. But notwithstanding the baseness of his birth and lack of maintenance was at the beginning (as it happeneth to many others) a great let and hindrance for virtue to show herself: yet through a singular excellency of wit, joined with an industrious diligence of mind, and help of knowledge, gathered by painful travel, and marking the courses of states and governments as well of his native country at home, as in foreign parties abroad, he grew to such a sufficient ripeness of understanding and skill, in ordering of weighty affairs, that he line 10 was thought apt and fit for any room or office whereto he should be admitted.  
Which being perceived of cardinal Wolseie, than archbishop of York, he took him into his service, and making him his solicitor, employed him about business oftentimes of most importance, wherein he acquitted himself with such dexterity, as answered always the credit committed to him. After the cardinals fall; 
Thomas Cromwell in most authority under the king.  he was advanced to the king's service, behaving himself so advisedly in matters line 20 which he took in hand, that within a small time he rose to high authority, and was admitted to be of the privy council, bearing most rule of all other under the king, as partly ye have heard: so that by him it well appeared, that the excellency of heroical virtues, which advance men to fame and honour, resteth not only in birth and blood, as a privilege appropriate and alonely annexed unto noble houses, but remaineth at the disposition of almighty God the giver & disposer of all gifts, who raiseth the poor many line 30 times from the basest degree, and setteth him up with princes, according to the saying of Ecclesiastes: 
Qui iacuit tetro quandóque in carcere vinctus,  
Parta suis meritis regia sceptra tulit.   
Nevertheless, concerning the lord Cromwell earl of Essex, if we shall consider his coming up to such high degree of honour as he attained unto, we may doubt whether there be cause more to marvel at his good fortune, or at his worthy and industrious demeanour. 
john Fox in the Acts and Monuments.  But sith in the book of Acts and Monuments line 40 ye may find a sufficient discourse hereof, we need not to spend more time about it, save only as master Fox hath truly noted, such was his activity and forward ripeness of nature, so ready and pregnant of wit, so discreet and well advised in judgement, so eloquent of tongue, so faithful and diligent in service, of such an incomparable memory, so bold of stomach and hardy, and could do so well with his pen, that being conversant in the sight of men, he could not long continue unespied, nor yet unprovided line 50 of favour and help of friends, to set him forward in place and office.  
Thankful he was and liberal, not forgetting benefits received, as by his great courtesy showed to Friscobald the Italian it well appeared: 
Friscobald an Italian, see john Fox in the Acts and Monuments.  a favourer of the poor in their suits, and ready to relieve them that were in danger to be oppressed by their mighty adversaries: a favourer of the gospel, and an enemy to the pride of prelate's, very stout, and not able well to put up injuries, which won him shrewd enemies line 60 that ceased not (as was thought) to seek his overthrow, till at length they had brought to pass that they wished. Careful he was for his servants, and ready to do them good, so that fearing the thing which came to pass, he provided well for the more part of them, notwithstanding his fall. And thus much for the lord Cromwell. The morrow after Midsummer day, the king caused the queen to remove to Richmont, supposing it to be more for her health, and more for her pleasure.  

The marriage betwixt the king and the lady Anne of Cleve adjudged unlawful.  The sixth of julie, certain lords came down into the neither house, & expressly declared causes, for the which the king's marriage was not to be taken lawful: & in conclusion, the matter was by the connocation clearly determined, that the king might lawfully marry where he would, and so might she. And thus were they clearly divorced, and by the parliament it was enacted, that she should be taken no more for queen, but called the lady Anne of Cleve▪ In this year, the lord Leonard Greie, 
The lord L●●●onard Gr●●● committed the Tower. The prince 〈◊〉 Salerne.  brother unto Thomas marquess Dorset, being the king's lieutenant in Ireland, was revoked home, and upon his coming to London was sent to the Tower. In julie the prince of Salerne, and the lord Lois Davola came into England to see the king, & after they were departed, done Fredrick, marquess of Padula, brother to the duke of Ferrara, the prince of Macedon, the marquess of Terra Nova, & monsieur de Flagie, with other, came from the emperor's court into England to see the king, the which on Marie magdalen's day came to the court at Westminster, and after they had been highly feasted, and nobly entertained, they were richly rewarded as the other, and so departed.  
The eight and twentieth of julie (as you have heard before) the lord Cromwell was beheaded, and likewisewith him the lord Hungerford of Heitesburie, who at the hour of his death seemed unquiet, 
The lord Hungerford executed for buggery.  as many judged him rather in a frenzy than otherwise: he suffered for buggery. The thirteenth of julie were drawn on hurdles from the Tower to Smithfield, 
Execution of Barnes and others.  Robert Barns doctor of divinity, Thomas Garard, and William jerom bachelors in divinity: jerom was vicar of Stepnie, and Garard was person of Honey ●ane: also powel Fetherston, and able priests. The first three were drawn to a stake, there before set up, and then burned. The other three were drawn to the gallows, and hanged, beheaded and quartered. The three first (as is found in their atteindor) were executed for diverse heresies, but none alleged, whereat (saith Hall) I have much marveled, that their heresies were so many, and not one alleged as a special cause of their death. And verily at their deaths they asked the shiriffs what was their offence for which they were condemned? Who answered, they could not tell: but most men said it was for preaching against the doctrine of Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, who chiefly (as the same Hall saith) procured their deaths. The last three, to wit, powel, Fetherston, and Abel, suffered for treason, as in their atteindor was special mention made, to wit, for denying the king's supremacy, and affirming his marriage with the lady Katharin Dowager to be good.  
The fourth of August, 
Thomas Empson 〈◊〉 obstinate monk.  Thomas Empson sometime a monk of Westminster, which had been in prison for treason in Newgate now for the space of three years and more, came before the justices of jail delivery at Newgate, and for that he would not ask the king's pardon, nor be sworn to be true to him, his monks garment was plucked from his back, and he reprieved, till the king were informed of his malicious obstinacy: and this was the last monk that was seen in his clothing in England till queen Mary's days. The fourth of August were drawn from the Tower of London to Tyburn, 
Execution 〈◊〉 treason.  Giles Heron gentleman, Clement Philpot gentleman, late of Calis, and servant to the lord Lisle, Derby Genning, Edmund Brindholme priest, chaplain to the said lord Lisle, William Horn late a lay brother of the Charterhouse of London, and an other offendor: which six persons were there hanged and quartered, and had been atteinted of treason by parliament. The same day also was one Charles Carew gentleman hanged for robbing of the lady Carew.  
The eight of August was the lady Katherine Howard niece to the duke of Norfolk, and daughter to the lord Edmund Howard showed openly as queen at Hampton court. 
P●●lots cause 〈◊〉 mur●●●rs.  The eleventh of September a stranger was hanged in Moorefield, named james Rinatian, who had slain his master, one Capon a Florentine in a garden, for his harlot. In the latter end of this summer, was universally through the most parts of this realm great death by a strange kind of hot agues and fluxes, 
● death and 〈◊〉 ●●ought. I. 〈◊〉.  and some pestilence, in which season was such a drought, that wells and small rivers were clean dried up, so that line 10 much cattle died for lack of water, and the Thames was so shallow, & the fresh water of so small strength that the salt water flowed above London bridge, till the rain had increased the fresh waters.  
On the two and twentieth of September, Ralph Egerton, servant to the lord Audleie, lord chancellor, and one Thomas Harman servant to one master Flightwood, were drawn, hanged, and quartered, the one for counterfeiting and antidating of the kings seal in a signet, wherewith he sealed licences for devizens, under the name of the clerk of line 20 the chancery: and the other, that is to say Harman, for writing them. One Tuckefield, being of their faction, rob the lord Audleies chapel and fled, who being afterward apprehended at Calis, which town he would have betrayed, he slew himself with a dagger. In the end of this year, the French king made a strong castle at Ard, 
A Castle built 〈◊〉 Ard.  and also a bridge over into the English pale, which bridge the crew of Calis did beat down, and the Frenchmen built it up again, but the Englshmen beat it down again. line 30 After this, the K. sent about fifteen hundred workmen to fortify the town of Guisnes, 
Guisnes fortified.  and sent with them five hundred men of war to guard them.  
It was reported in France, that a mighty army was come over forth of England with great ordinance: which brute caused the French king to send to the frontiers of Picardy the duke of Uandosme, and other captains with all speed to defend the same. The king of England hearing thereof, sent line 40 the earls of Surrie, and Southampton, and the lord russel, 
The earls of Surrie and Southamton sent to Calis.  high admiral into the marches of Calis, to set order there, and after them he likewise sent two hundred light horsemen of the borders of Scotland, whom the Frenchmen called Stradiots. The lords having set order in things, shortly returned. A boy, oneRichard Mekins, not past fifteen years of age, was burnt in Smithfield, 
Richard Mekins burnt. See john Fox in the Acts & Monuments.  for speaking against the sacrament, and contrary to the statute of the six articles. The bishop of London was thought in great line 50 fault, for procuring that terrible execution, seeing the young fellow was but an ignorant fool without learning, and gladly recanted that wherewith he was charged.  
About the latter end of this year, doctor Samson bishop of Chichester, year 1541 and doctor Wilson, which had been committed to the tower (as before ye have heard) were now pardoned of the king, and set again at liberty. In the beginning of this year, five priests in Yorkshire began a new rebellion, line 60 with the assent of one Leigh, 
Anno Reg. 33. A new rebellion practised in Yorkshire.  a gentleman, and nine temporal men, all which persons were apprehended, and in divers places put to execution. The said Leigh and two other, the one named Taterfall a clothier, & the other Thornton a yeoman, on the seventeenth of May, were drawn through London to Tyburn, and there executed. And sir john Nevil knight, and ten other persons, 

Sir john Nevil executed.  
The countess of Salisbury beheaded. Execution of two of the guard.   died for the same cause at York. The same day, Margaret countess of Salisbury, that had remained a long time prisoner in the tower, was beheaded there within the tower. She was the last of the right line and name of Plantagenet. The ninth of june for example sake, two of the king's guard, the one named Damport, and the other Chapman, were hanged at Greenwich by the friars wall, for robberies which they had committed.  
¶ On the tenth of june, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1020. Sir Edmund Kneuet arraigned for striking in the court.  sir Edmund Kneuet knight, of Norfolk, was arraigned before the king's justices (sitting in the great hall at Gréenewich) master Gage, comptrollor of the king's household, master Southwell, sir Anthony Browne, sir Anthony Winke●ield, master Wrisleie, and Edmund Peckham, cofferer of the king's household, for striking of one master Clers of Norfolk, servant with the earl of Surrie, within the king's house in the tennis court. There was first chosen to go upon the said Edmund, a quest of gentlemen, 
The order of every officer about that execution.  and a quest of yeomen, to inquire of the said stripe, by the which inquests he was found guilty, and had judgement to lose his right hand. Whereupon was called to do the execution, first the sergeant surgeon with his instruments appertaining to his office: the sergeant of the woodyard with the mallet, and a block whereupon the hand should lie: the master cook for the king, with the knife: the sergeant of the larder, to set the knife right on the joint: the sergeant ferrer, with the searing irons to sear the veins: the sergeant of the poultry, with a cock, which cock should have his head smitten off upon the same block, and with the same knife: the yeoman of the chandrie, with sear clothes: the yeoman of the scullery, with a pan of fire to heat the irons, a chaffer of water to cool the ends of the irons, and two forms for all officers to set their stuff on: the sergeant of the cellar, with wine, ale, and beer: the yeoman of the yewrie in the sergeants stead, who was absent, with basin, ewer, and towels.  
Thus every man in his office ready to do the execution, 
judgement upon Kneuet to lose his hand.  there was called forth sir William Pickering knight marshal, to bring in the said Edmund Kneuet; and when he was brought to the bar, the chief justice declared to him his trespass, and the said Kneuet confessing himself to be guilty, humbly submitted him to the king's mercy: for this offence he was not only judged to lose his hand, but also his body to remain in prison, and his lands and goods at the king's pleasure. Then the said sir Edmund Kneuet desired that the king of his benign grace would pardon him of his right hand, 
He is pardoned.  and take the left, for (quoth he) if my right hand be spared, I may hereafter do such good service to his grace, as shall please him to appoint. Of this submission and request the justices forthwith informed the king, who of his goodness, considering the gentle heart of the said Edmund, and the good report of the lords, granted him his pardon, that he should lose neither hand, lands, nor goods, but should go free at liberty.]  
The lord Leonard Greie being indicted of certain points of treason by him committed, as was alleged against him, during the season that he was the king's lieutenant in Ireland, to wit, for delivering his nephew Girald Fitzgerard brother unto Thomas Fitzgerard before executed, and also for that he caused certain Irishmen to invade the lands of the king's friends, whom he favoured not: on the five and twentieth of june he was arraigned at Westminster in the king's bench, and appointed to be tried by knights, because he was a lord by name, and no lord of the parliament; but he discharged the jury, and confessed the indictement, whereupon he had judgement, and on the eight and twentieth of june being saint peter's even, he was beheaded at tower hill, 
The lord Leonard Greie beheaded.  where he ended his life very quietly and godly.  
This noble man as he was come of high lineage, so was he a right valiant and hardy parsonage, having in his time done his prince and country good service, both in Ireland, France, and other places, greatly to his commendation, although now his hap was thus to lose his head, as convicted by law, and his renown (overcast with a cloud of disgrace) vanished, as future chances befell, to the abolishing of the present honour which sometime he enjoyed. Howbeit, his estimation he might have preserved unblemished, had provident circumspection undertaken the direction of his doings, and that he had borne his eyes in his forehead, to foresee all afterclaps, which a wise man will in no case neglect: line 10 
Nam sapiens in front oculos habet, omnia spectans,  
Omnia prudenti cum ratione videns.   
The same day that he suffered, there was executed at saint Thomas Waterings three gentlemen, john mantel, john Frowds, and george Roidon: they died for a murder committed in Sussex (as their indictement imported) in company of Thomas Fines lord Dacres of the south. 
The true report of the cause whereupon the murder of john Busbrig ensued.  The truth whereof was thus. The said lord Dacres, through the lewd persuasion of some of them, as hath been reported, line 20 meaning to hunt in the park of Nicholas Pelham esquire at Laughton, in the same county of Sussex, being accompanied with the said mantel, Frowds, and Roidon, john Cheinie and Thomas Isleie gentlemen, Richard Middleton and john Goldwell yeomen, passed from his house of Hurstmonseux, the last of April in the night season, toward the same park, where they intended so to hunt; and coming unto a place called Pikehaie in the parish of Hillingleie, they found one john Busbrig, james Busbrig, and Richard Sumner standing together; and line 30 as it fell out through quarreling, there ensued a fray betwixt the said lord Dacres and his company on the one party, and the said john and james Busbrig and Richard Sumner on the other: insomuch that the said john Busbrig received such hurt, that he died thereof the second of May next ensuing.  
Whereupon, as well the said lord Dacres as those that were there with him, and diverse other likewise that were appointed to go an other way to meet line 40 them at the said park, 
The lord Dacres arraigned before the lord Audleie.  were indicted of murder: and the seven and twentieth of june the lord Dacres himself was arraigned before the lord Audleie of Walden then lord chancellor, sitting that day as high steward of England, with other pieces of the realm about him, who then and there condemned the said lord Dacres to die for that transgression. And afterward the nine and twentieth of june being saint Peter's day, at eleven of the clock in the forenoon, the shiriffs of London, accordingly as they line 50 were appointed, were ready at the tower to have received the said prisoner, and him to have lead to execution on the tower hill. But as the prisoner should come forth of the tower, one Heir a gentleman of the lord chancellor's house came, and in the king's name commanded to stay the execution till two of the clock in the afternoon, which caused many to think that the king would have granted his pardon. 
Lord Dacres executed at Tyburn.  But nevertheless, at three of the clock in the same afternoon, he was brought forth of the tower, line 60 and delivered to the shiriffs, who lead him on foot betwixt them unto Tyburn, where he died. His body was buried in the church of saint sepulchres. He was not passed four and twenty years of age, when he came through this great mishap to his end, for whom many sore lamented, and likewise for the other three gentlemen, mantel, Frowds, and Roidon. But for the sad young lord, being a right towardly gentleman, and such a one, as many had conceived great hope of better proof, no small moan and lamentation was made; the more indeed, for that it was thought he was induced to attempt such folly, which occasioned his death, by some light heads that were then about him.  
The first of julie a Welshman a minstrel was hanged and quartered for singing of songs, which were interpreted to be prophecies against the king. This summer the king took his progress to York, 
The king ●●eth in progress into Yorkesh●re.  and passed through Lincolnshire, where was made to him an humble submission by the temporalty, and confessing their faults, they humbly thanked him for his pardon, which he had granted them. 
Gifts giue● to him by them of Lincolnshire.  The town of Stanford gave to him twenty pounds, the city of Lincoln forty pounds, Boston fifty pounds, that part of the shire which is called Linscie gave three hundred pounds, and Kesterne and the church of Lincoln presented him with fifty pounds. At his entering into Yorkshire, he was met with two hundred gentlemen of the same shire, in coats of velvet, and four thousand tall yeomen and serving men well horsed, which on their knees made their submission, by the mouth of sir Robert Bowes, and gave to the king nine hundred pounds. On Barnesdale the archbishop of York, 
Gifts given him by them of Yorkshire.  with three hundred priests and more met the king, and making a like submission, gave to him six hundred pounds. The like submission was made by the majors of York, Newcastle, and Hull, and each of them gave to the king an hundred pounds.  
After he had been at York twelve days, 
Hull fortifie●.  he came to Hull, where he devised certain fortifications. This done, he passed over the water of Humber, and so through Lincolnshire, returned toward the south parts, and at Alhallowen tide came to Hampton court. About the same time, the king had knowledge that the queen lived dissolutely, in using the unlawful company of one Francis Diram, 
Diram and Culpeper queen Katharins' paramours.  with whom she had been too familiar before her maraiage with the king; & not meaning to forego his company now in time of her marriage, without regard had either to the fear of God, or the king her husband, the last summer being in progress with the king at Pomfret, the seven and twentieth of August, she retained the said Francis Diram in her service, to the intent she might use his company in such unlawful sort the more freely: and not satisfied with him, she also used the unlawful company of Thomas Culpeper esquire, one of the gentlemen of the kings privy chamber, as well at Pomfret aforesaid on the nine and twentieth and last of August aforesaid, and on the first of September, 
At Lincoln (saith Hall) in August, where she gave to him a rich cap and a chain.  as at diverse other times and places before and after. Whereupon, the thirteenth of November, sir Thomas Wriothesleie knight the king's secretary, came to Hampton court unto the said queen, and called all her ladies, gentlewomen, and servants into her great chamber, & there openly in presence of them all, declared her offences committed in abusing of her body before her marriage, & therewith he discharged her household. 
Queen Katherine detested of incontinent living.  The morrow after she was conveyed to Zion, the lady Bainton and certain gentlewomen and some of her servants being appointed to wait upon her there, till the king's pleasure might be further known. Culpeper, Diram, and others were had to the tower. Diram in his examination being charged with the familiarity which had been betwixt them, before she was married to the king, confessed that he and she said queen had made a precontract together, and that he concealed it for her preferment in marriage to the king, after he understood the king began to cast a liking towards her.  
The first of December, Culpeper and Diram were arraigned at the Guildhall in London, before the lord mayor sitting there in judgement as chief judge, having the lord chancellor upon his right hand, and the duke of Norfolk upon his left hand, the duke of Suffolk the lord privy seal, the earls of Sussex and Hereford, with diverse other of the council sitting there as judges in commission that day: the prisoners in the end confessed the indictement, and had judgement to die, as in cases of treason.  

Culpeper and Diram executed.  The tenth of December, the said Culpeper and Diram were drawn from the tower unto Tyburn and there Culpeper had his head stricken off, and Diram was hanged, dismembered and headed. Culpepers' body was buried in S. sepulchres church, but both their heads were set on London bridge. The two and twentieth of December were arraigned in line 10 the King's bench at Westminster, 
Attaindors.  the lady Margaret Howard, wife to the lord William Howard, Katherine Tilneie, & Alice Restwold gentlewomen, joane Bulmer, wife to Anthony Bulmer gentleman, Anne Howard, wife to Henry Howard esquire, and brother to the late queen, Malein Tilneie widow, Margaret Benet, wife to john Benet gentleman, Edward Walgrave gentleman, William Ashbie gentleman; all these were condemned of misprision of treason, for concealing the queen's misdemeanour. line 20 And the same day in the afternoon, the lord William Howard, and Damport a gentleman were likewise arraigned, and condemned of the same offence, and as well these as the other were adjudged to lose their goods, & the profits of their lands during life, and to remain in perpetual prison.  
The sixteenth of januarie the parliament began at Westminster, 
A parliament.  in the which the lords and commons exhibited certain petitions to the king. year 1542 First, that he would not vex himself with the queens offence, line 30 and that she and the lady Rochfort might be attainted by parliament: 
The petitions of the lords & commons of the parliament i● the king.  and to avoid protracting of time, they besought him to give his royal assent thereto, under his great seal, without staying for the end of the parliament. Also, that Diram and Culpeper before attainted by the common law, might also be attainted by parliament, & that Agnes duchess of Norfolk, and Katherine countess of Bridgewater her daughter, which for concealing the said offence, were committed to the tower, and indicted of misprision, line 40 & the lord William Howard arraigned of the same, might likewise be attainted. Also, that who soever had spoken or done any thing in detestation of her naughty life, should be pardoned.  
To these petitions the king granted, thanking the commons, 
The queen and other attainted by parliament,  for that it appeared they took his grief to be theirs: whereupon the queen and the lady Rochfort were attainted by both the houses. On the tenth of February, 
The quéen● sent to the tower.  the queen was conveyed from Zion to the tower by water, the duke of Suffolk, the lord line 50 privy seal, and the lord great chamberlain, having the conduction of her. The next day after being saturday, and the eleventh of February, the king did send his royal assent by his great seal, and then all the lords were in their robes, and the common house called up, & there the act was read, and his assent declared. And so on the thirteenth day, those two ladies were beheaded on the green within the tower with an axe, 
She is beheaded.  where they confessed their offences, and died repentant. line 60  
Before this, on the three and twentieth day of januarie was the king proclaimed king of Ireland, 
The king proclaimed king of Ireland.  as it was enacted both by authority of the parliament here, and also of an other parliament holden at Dublin in Ireland, there begun the thirteenth of june last passed, before sir Anthony Saintleger knight, and the king's deputy there, where as till that time the kings of England were only entitled lords of Ireland. In the beginning of March died sir Arthur Plantagenet viscount Lisle, bastard son to Edward the fourth, in the tower of London unattainted, when he should have been delivered and set at liberty.  
The occasion of his trouble for the which he was committed to the tower, 
The occasion of sir Arthur Plantagenets trouble.  rose upon suspicion that he should be privy to a practice, which some of his men (as Philpot and Brindholme executed the last year as before ye have heard) had consented unto, for the betraying of Calis to the French, whilst he was the king's lieutenant there. But after that by due trial it was known that he was nothing guilty to the matter, the king appointed sir Thomas Wriotheslie his majesties secretary, to go unto him, and to deliver to him a ring, with a rich diamond for a token from him, & to will him to be of good cheer. For although in that so weighty a matter, he would not have done less to him if he had been his own son; yet now upon through trial had, sith it was manifestly proved that he was void of all offence, he was sorry that he had been occasioned so far to try his truth: and therefore willed him to be of good cheer and comfort, for he should find that he would make account of him as of his most true and faithful kinsman, and not only restore him to his former liberty, but otherwise forth he ready to pleasure him in what he could. Master secretary set forth this message with such effectual words, as he was an eloquent and well spoken man, that the lord Lisle took such immoderate joy thereof, 
The lord Lisle dieth through immoderate joy.  that his hart being oppressed therewith, he died the night following through too much rejoicing. After his decease, the twelve of the same month of March, sir john Audeleie son and heir to the said lord Lisles wife, was at Westminster created viscount Lisle. ¶ The seventeenth of March one Margaret Davie a young woman, being a servant, was boiled in Smithfield for poisoning of her mistress with whom she dwelled, and diverse other persons.  
In the Lent season, 
George Ferrer a burges of the parliament arrested, and what mischief ensued.  whilst the parliament yet continued, one George Ferrer gentleman, servant to the king, being elected a burgess for the town of Plymouth in the county of Devonshire, in going to the parliament house, was arrested in London by a process out of the King's bench, at the suit of one White, for the sum of two hundred marks or thereabouts, wherein he was late afore condemned, as a surety for the debt of one Weldon of Salisbury: which arrest being signified to sir Thomas Moil knight, than speaker of the parliament, and to the knights and burgesses there, order was taken, that the sergeant of the parliament, called S. john, should forthwith repair to the counter in Bredstréet (whither the said Ferrer was carried) and there demand delivery of the prisoner.  
The sergeant (as he had in charge) went to the counter, and declared to the clerks there what he had in commandment. But they and other officers of the city were so far from obeying the said commandment, as after many stout words they forcibly resisted the said sergeant, whereof ensued a fray within the counter gates, between the said Ferrer and the said officers, not without hurt of either part: so that the said sergeant was driven to defend himself with his mace of arms, & had the crown thereof broken by bearing off a stroke, and his man stricken down. During this brawl, the sheriffs of London, called Rowland Hill, and Henry Suckliffe came thither, 
The sheriffs and officers deny the delivery of the burgess.  to whom the sergeant complained of this injury, and required of them the delivery of the said burgess, as afore. But they bearing with their officers, made little account either of his complaint or of his message, rejecting the same contemptuously, with much proud language, so as the sergeant was forced to return without the prisoner, whereas if they had obeyed authority, and showed the service necessarily required in their office and person, they might by their discretion have appeased all the broil, for wisdom assuageth the outrage & unrestreinable furiousness of war, as the poet saith: Instrumenta feri vincit sapientia belli.  
The sergeant thus hardly entreated, made return to the parliament house, and finding the speaker, and all the burgesses set in their places, declared unto them the whole case as it fell, who took the same in so ill part, that they altogether (of whom there were not a few, as well of the kings privy council, as also of his privy chamber) would sit no longer without their burges, but rose up wholly, and repaired to the line 10 upper house, where the whole case was declared by the mouth of the speaker, 
The speaker of the parliament declareth all the matter to the lords.  before sir Thomas Audleie knight then lord chancellor of England, and all the lords and judges there assembled, who judging the contempt to be very great, referred the punishment thereof to the order of the common house. They returning to their places again, upon new debate of the case, took order, that their sergeant should eftsoons repair to the sheriff of London, and require line 20 delivery of the said burgess, without any writ or warrant had for the same, but only as afore.  
And yet the lord chancellor offered there to grant a writ, which they of the common house refused, being in a clear opinion, that all commandments and other acts of proceeding from the neither house, were to be done and executed by their sergeant without writ, only by show of his mace, which was his warrant. But before the sergeant return into London, the sheriffs having intelligence how heinously line 30 the matter was taken, 
The sheriffs deliver the burgess and are charged to appear before the speaker.  became somewhat more mild, so as upon the said second demand, they delivered the prisoner without any denial. But the sergeant having then further in commandment from those of the neither house, charged the said sheriffs to appear personally on the morrow, by eight of the clock before the speaker in the neither house, and to bring thither the clerks of the counter, and such officers as were parties to the said affray, and in like manner to take into his custody the said White, line 40 which wittingly procured the said arrest, in contempt of the privilege of the parliament.  
Which commandment being done by the said sergeant accordingly, on the morrow the two sheriffs, with one of the clerks of the counter (which was the chief occasion of the said affray) together with the said White, appeared in the common house, where the speaker charging them with their contempt and misdemeanour aforesaid, they were compelled to make immediate answer, without being admitted line 50 to any counsel. Albeit, sir Roger Cholmelcie, than recorder of London, and other of the council of the city there present, offered to speak in the cause, which were all put to silence, and none suffered to speak, but the parties themselves: whereupon in conclusion, 
The sheriffs committed to the Tower.  the said sheriffs and the same White, were committed to the Tower of London, and the said clerk (which was the occasion of the affray) to a place there called little ease, and the officer of London which did the arrest, called Tailor, with four other line 60 officers to Newgate, where they remained from the eight & twentieth until the thirtieth of March, and then they were delivered, not without humble suit made by the mayor of London & other their friends.  
And for somuch as she said Ferrer being in execution upon a condemnation of debt, and set at large by privilege of parliament, was not by law to be brought again into execution, and so the party without remedy for his debt, as well against him as his principal debtor; after long debate of the same by the space of nine or ten days together, at last they resolved upon an act of parliament to be made, and to revive the execution of the said debt against the said Welden which was principal debtor, and to discharge the said Ferrer. 
An act passeth for George Ferrer.  But before this came to pass, the common house was divided upon the question: howbeit in conclusion, the act passed for the said Ferrer, won by fourteen voices.  
The king then being advertised of all this proceeding, called immediately before him the lord chancellor of England and his judges, with the speaker of the parliament, and other of the gravest persons of the neither house, to whom he declared his opinion to this effect. First commending their wisdoms in maintaining the privileges of their house (which he would not have to be infringed in any point) he alleged that he being head of the parliament, and attending in his own person upon the business thereof, aught in reason to have privilege for him and all his servants attending there upon him. 
Privilege of a burgess of the parliament or of any servant to such like officers belonging.  So that if the said Ferrer had been no burgess, but only his servant, yet in respect thereof he was to have the privilege as well as any other.  
For I understand (quoth he) that you not only for your own persons, but also for your necessary servants, even to your cooks and horssekéepers, enjoy the said privilege; in somuch as my lord chancellor here present hath informed us, that he being speaker of the parliament, the cook of the Temple was arrested in London, and in execution upon a statute of the staple. And for somuch as the said cook, during all the parliament, served the speaker in that office, he was taken out of execution, by the privilege of the parliament. And further we be informed by our judges, that we at no time stand so highly in our estate royal, as in the time of parliament, wherein we as head, and you as members, are conjoined and knit together into one body politic, so as whatsoever offence or injury (during that time) is offered to the meanest member of the house, is to be judged as done against our person, and the whole court of parliament. Which prerogative of the court is so great (as our learned council informeth us) as all acts and processes coming out of any other inferior courts must for the time cease and give place to the highest.  
And touching the party, 
The king counted it presumption to arrest the burgess.  it was a great presumption in him, knowing our servant to be one of this house, and being warned thereof before, would nevertheless prosecute this matter out of time, and thereupon was well worthy to have lost his debt (which I would not wish) and therefore do commend your equity, that having lost the same by law, have restored him to the same against him who was his debtor. And if it be well considered, what a charge hath it been to us and you all, not only in expense of our substance, but also in loss of time, which should have been employed about the affairs of our realm, to fit here well-nigh one whole fortnight about this one private case, he may think himself better used than his desert. And this may be a good example to other to learn good manners, & not to attempt any thing against the privilege of this court, but to take their time better. This is mine opinion, and if I err, I must refer myself to the judgement of our justices here present, and other learned in our laws.  
Whereupon sir Edw. Montacute lord chief justice, 
Sir Edward Montacute lord chief justice.  very gravely told his opinion, confirming by divers reasons all that the king had said, which was assented unto by all the residue, none speaking to the contrary. The act in deed passed not the higher house, for the lords had not time to consider of it, by reason of the dissolution of the parliament, the feast of Easter then approaching. Because this case hath been diversly reported, and is commonly alleged as a precedent for the privilege of the parliament; I have endeavoured myself to learn the truth thereof, and so set it forth with the whole circumstance at large according to their instructions, who ought best both to know and remember it.  
This year in May the king took alone of money of all such as were valued at fifty pounds and upward in the subsidy books. 
Anno Reg. 34.  The lord privy seal, the bishop of Winchester, 
A lone.  sir john Baker, and sir Thomas Wriothesleie were commissioners about this lone in London, where they so handled the matter, that of some head citizens they obtained a thousand marks in priest to the king's use. They that laid line 10 forth any sum in this wise, had privy scales for the repayment thereof within two years next ensuing. 
Submission of the Irish nobility.  diverse of the Irish nobility came this year into England, and made their submission to the king as in the Irish chronicle it is more particularly touched. Also wars fell out betwixt England and Scotland, the causes whereof (as appeareth by a declaration set forth by the king of England at this present) in effect were these. First there were diverse of the English rebels, 
The caus●s of the wars betwixt England & Scotland.  such as had moved the commotion line 20 in the north and Lincolnshire, that fled into Scotland, and were there maintained: and although request had been made that they might be delivered, yet it would not be granted.  
Moreover, where the king of Scots had promised to repair unto York the last year, and there to meet his uncle the king of England, whereupon the king of England to his great charges had made preparation for their meeting there; the same was not line 30 only disappointed, but also at the kings being at York, in am thereof an invasion was made by the Scots, as it were in contempt and despite of the king of England, who notwithstanding imputing the default of meeting to the advise of his nephews council, and the invasion to the lewdness of his subjects, was contented to give courteous audience unto such ambassadors as the same king of Scots sent into England, which came to the king at Christmas last, and with many sweet and pleasant words excused that which was done amiss, & sought to persuade line 40 kindness and perfect amity in time to come. And for the better accomplishment thereof, they offered to send commissioners to the borders, there to determine the debate betwixt them of the confines, if it would please the king likewise to send commissioners for his part, which to do he graciously condescended, desirous to make trial of his nephew in some correspondence of deeds, to the fair and pleasant messages in words which he had received from line 50 him.  
Hereupon commissioners were sent from either king, the which met and talked. But where the Englishmen challenged a piece of ground, undoubtedly usurped by the Scots, being for the same showed such evidence as more substantial, 
The wilful obstinateness of the Scotish commissioners.  or more authentic can not be brought forth for any ground within the realm; the same was nevertheless by the Scots denied and rejected, only for that it was made (as they alleged) by Englishmen, and yet was it so ancient, as it could not be counterfeited now, and the line 60 value of the ground so little, and of so small weight, as no man would attempt to falsify a writing for such a matter. But yet this denial notwithstanding, the English commissioners departed from the Scotish commissioners as friends, taking order, as hath been accustomed, for good rule upon the borders in the mean time to be observed.  
After their departure, the lord Maxwell warden of the west marches in Scotland, made proclamation in deed for good rule to be kept: but nevertheless added therewith, that the borderers of Scotland should withdraw their goods from the borders of England, and incontinently after the Scotish borderers, on the fourth of julie entered into England suddenly, & spoilt the king's subjects, contrary to the league, and even after the plain manner of war. Whereupon the king of England greatly marveling, was driven to furnish his borders with a garrison for defence of the same, as mistrusting a further mischief intended by the enemy, whose treachery & lose dealing became a whetstone to the king's wrath, and set him in a heat of indignation, as the poet saith: 
jam Scotus Henrici iustam irritaverat iram  
Foedifragus.   
Then was james Leirmouch master of the Scotish kings household sent into England with letters devised in the best manner, 
james Leirmouth.  offering a good redress of all attempts: and yet nevertheless at the entry of the said Leirmouth into England, a great number of Scots than not looked for, made a road into England, to the great annoyance of the English borders, which dealing, though it much moved the king of England to take displeasure against the Scots, yet he gave gentle audience to Leirmouth at his coming unto him, and by his fair words and promises was partly pacified. But in the mean time, the deeds of the Scotish borderers were as extreme as might be. And in a road made by sir Robert Bows for revenge thereof, the same sir Robert, and many other with him, were taken prisoners, and could not be delivered, nor admitted to pay their fine and ransom, as hath been ever accustomed betwixt them on the borders.  
And where at the same time, 
King Henry forced to take arms against the Scots.  an assurance was made on both sides for a season, at the suit of the said Leirmouth, the Scots ceased not to make sundry invasions into England, in such wise, as the king no longer trusting to their fair words, but weighing their deeds, put an army in a readiness for defence of his subjects, as the due mean to attain such a peace, as for the safety of his people and dominions, he thought it stood with his honour to procure. After which preparation made, and knowledge thereof had, the king of Scots made new suit to have the matter taken up by treaty. Whereupon the king caused the army to stay about York, and appointed the duke of Norfolk his lieutenant general, the lord privy seal, the bishop of Durham, & sir Anthony Browne master of his horses, to treat & conclude with the ambassadors of Scotland some friendly peace, upon reasonable and indifferent conditions, as should be thought requisite, for the avoiding of wars, than by sundry invasions of the Scots made open and manifest. But after they had viewed each others commissions, and began to propone articles, the Scotish commissioners to protract time, 
The double dealing of the Scots in the negotiation about an agreement.  at the first seemed to like such articles as the English commissioners had proponed, and made semblance as if there were no doubt, but that in case their king & ours might meet, all matters should be quietly compounded and ended: and so taking it as for a thing sure and certain, they only desired sir days to obtain answer from their master, and our army for that time to stay: whereunto the English commissioners accorded.  
After those six days was sent a commission out of Scotland, to conclude a meeting precisely, at such a place as they knew well could not in the winter season be observed nor kept. Wherewith when the English commissioners seemed nothing content, the Scotish commissioners showed forth instructions, wherein liberty was given to them to exceed their commission in the appointing of a place, & to consent to any other by the English commissioners thought meet and convenient. But when the English commissioners refused to deal with men wanting sufficient commission to warrant their doings, the Scotish commissioners required other six days respite, to send for a larger commission, which being granted, at the end of those six days, they brought forth a commission made in good form, and without exception or restraint of place: but therewith they showed instructions containing a like restraint, as in the former commission was expressed. And thus driving forth the matter by trifting, upon purpose only to win time, they hoped thereby through the winter coming on, that the English army should not be line 10 able much to annoy their country for that year. And so their talk broke up without any conclusion of agreement at all; and forthwith was the army set forward, a good part whereof had lain all this time of the treaty in York, and in the countries thereabouts.  
When the whole power was assembled, the duke of Norfolk then lieutenant general, 
The English army entereth into Scotland.  accompanied with the earls of Shrewsburie, Derbie, Cumberland, Surreie, Hertford, Angus, Rotland, and the line 20 lords of the north parts, and sir Anthony Browne master of the horses, sir john Gage controllor of the king's house, and others, having with them twenty thousand men well and warlike appointed, entered Scotland the one and twentieth of October, and tarried there eight days, without having any battle offered unto them, in which space they burned these towns and villages, Paxton, Ramrige, Stine, Gradin, Shilles, lang Ednem, Newton, Skitshell, Newthorne, Smellem spittle, the two Merdens, line 30 Sledericke, and the two Brorlawes, Floris, and the Fair croft, Ednem spittle, Roxborough, Kelscie and the abbey, long Spronstow, Riden, and Hadenston. For they had determined with fire and sword to take utter revenge, crying out, as the poet saith; 
Vindice ferro opus esse, opus esse & vindice flamma,  
Acclamant omines.   
Now while the duke was at Farnton, the fourth day after his coming into Scotland, there came to speak with him half a mile from the camp, the line 40 bishop of Orkeneie, and james Leirmouth sent from the king of Scots to entreat of peace, but they agreed not. Finally, after the Englishmen had lain so long within Scotland as they might recover victuals, at length for necessity they returned to Berwick. 
The earl of Southamptons' standard.  In all which journey the standard of the earl of Southampton, late lord privy seal (which died at Newcastle before their entering into Scotland) was borne in the forward, because he was appointed captain of the same. line 50  
The king of Scots, hearing that the English army was returned, raised a power of fifteen thousand men forth of all parts of his realm, under the guiding of the lord Maxwell (or rather of Oliver Sincler, as the Scots affirm) boasting to tarry as long in England, 
An army of Scots invade England.  as the duke of Norfolk had tarried in Scotland. And so on friday being saint Katharins' even, they passed over the water of Eske, and burned certain houses of the Greues on the very border. Thomas bastard Dacres, with jacke of Musgrave sent word to sir Thomas Wharton lord line 60 Warden for the king upon the west marches, to come forward to secure them. But in the mean while the Scots entering very fierclie, the aforesaid two valiant captains, bastard Dacres and Musgrave, manfully set upon the Scots with one hundred light horses, and left a stolen on the side of a hill, wherewith the Scots were wonderfully dismayed, thinking that either the duke of Norfolk with his whole army had been come to those west marches, 
The error of the Scots.  or that some other great power had been coming against them, when they saw only sir Thomas Wharton with three hundred men marching forward toward them. 
The Scots fly.  But so it fortuned at that time undoubtedly, as God would have it, that the Scots fled at the first brun●, whom the Englishmen followed, and took prisoners at their pleasure; for there was small resistance, or none at all showed by the Scots.  
Amongst others that were taken, 
Scotish lords taken at Solem Moss.  we find these men of name, the earl of Castill and Glencarne, the lord Maxwell admiral of Scotland, and warden of the west marches, the lord Flenung, the lord Sumerwell, the lord Oliphant, the lord Greie, sir Oliver Sincler the king's minson, john Ro●●o lord of Gragie, Robert Erskin son to the lord Erskin, Car lard of Bredon, the lord Maxwelles two brethren, john Lesl●ie bastard son to the earl of Rothus, George Hume lard of H●mitton, john Maieland lard of Wike castle, james Pringell, james Sincler brother to Oliver Sincler, john carmel captain of Craiforth, Patrick Hebborne esquire, john Seton esquire son in law to the lord Erskin, William Seton esquire, john Steward cousin to the king, john Morrow esquire, Henry Droumont esquire, james Mitton esquire, john Cormurth esquire captain of Gainsforth, james Mitton esquire, and other esquires and gentlemen (beside the earls and lords before mentioned) to the number of two hundred and above, 
The number of prisoners and 〈◊〉 taken.  and more than eight hundred other persons of meaner calling; so that some one Englishman, yea some women had three or four prisoners. They took also four and twenty pieces of ordinance, four carts laden with spears, and ten pavilions, with other things of price; so that this might well be said to be the handy work of God, and the verse of the psalm verified: 
Contemplans dixi, Haec est mutatio dextrae  
Numinis excelsi mortalia cuncta gubernans.   
The king of Scots took such grief and inward thought for his overthrow, 
The death of the king of Scotland.  and also for the murder of an English herald that was slain at Dunbar, by one Léech an Englishman (the which for the rebellion in Lincolnshire was fled into Scotland) that he fell into a hot ague, and thereof died, although many reported that he was at the bickering, and received there his death's wound, and fled there with into Scotland. But of his death, and of the birth of his daughter ye may see more in the history of Scotland.  
Of these prisoners before named, 

Four and twenty hath Hall.  
Scots prisoners brought to London.   one and twenty of them were brought to London, and on the ninetéenth of December entered into the city by Bishop's gate, and so were conveyed to the tower, where they remained for the space of two days: and upon saint Thomas day the apostle, being the one and twentieth of December, they were conveyed to Westminster, sir john Gage constable of the tower riding before them, and the lieutenant of the same tower riding behind them. They road two and two together, and eight of them being earls and lords, had new gowns of black damask furred with black conie, coats of black velvet, and doublets of satin, with shirts and other apparel bought new for them at the king's charges.  
Thus being solemnly conveyed through the streets of London unto Westminster, they came before the council sitting in the Starchamber, 
The Scots prisoners before the council in the S●a● chamber.  and there the lord chancellor declared to them their untruth, unkindness, and false dissimulation, declaring further how the king had cause of war against them, both for denying of their homages, and also for their traitorous invasions made into his realm without defiance, and for keeping his subjects prisoners without redemption, contrary to the ancient laws of the marches; for which doings, God (as they might perceive) had scourged them. Howbeit the K. more regarding his honour than his princely power, was content to show them kindness for unkindness, and right for wrong. And although he might keep them in streict prison by just law of arms, yet he was content that they should have liberty to be with the nobles of his realm in their houses, and so according to their estates, they were appointed to dukes, earls, bishops, knights, and gentlemen, which so entertained them, that they confessed themselves never to be better used, nor to have had greater cheer in all their life times. line 10  
The earl of Cassils' was appointed to be with the archbishop of Canturburie, the earl of Glencarne with the duke of Norfolk, the lord Fleming with the lord privy seal, the lord Maxwell with sir Anthony Browne, the lord Sumerwell with the lord chancellor, the lord Oliphant with sir Thomas Lée, Oliver Sincler with the duke of Suffolk, Robert Erskin with the bishop of Westminster, the lord Monteth with sir Antony Wingfield, the lord Monteth with sir Ralph Sadler, George Hume with the line 20 earl of Hertford, the lord of Gragie with sir Thomas Cheincie, the lard of Gredon with master Gos●wike, Henry Maxwell with sir Richard Long, Thomas Cra●ford with sir Arthur Darcie, Patrick Hebborne with sir Thomas Wriothesleie, james Pringell with sir Richard Rich, john Matland with sir Edward North, the lord Greie, james Sincler, and john Lisleie, were appointed to men of such credit, as were thought meet to answer for their safe keeping.  
The two and twentieth of December, tidings line 30 came of the king of Scots death, and upon S. john's day in Christmas week the foresaid lords of Scotland were brought to the court, which was then at Greenwich, where they had great cheer, and went before the king to the chapel, and were lodged within the court. Hereupon ye must consider, that whereas the king of Scots had left no issue behind him in life but only one daughter, the king and his council perceiving a mean now offered, whereby without line 40 war the two realms might be united, these Scotish lords having first made the motion themselves, 
A motion of a marriage between prince Edward and the young Scotish queen.  for a marriage to be had betwixt prince Edward and their young queen, the king required their help unto the furtherance of that matter, which might be a great benefit to themselves & their country. This they promised faithfully to do, and aswell by themselves as by their friends, to bring the same so effect, so much as the king could require. Whereupon the king was not only contented to release them home, but also highly rewarded them with rich line 50 and costly gifts of sundry sorts, in most bountiful wise, as Anglorum praelia noteth very well, saying: 
Praeterea ex auro captucos corquibus ornat,  
Et sumptum, vestes, argentum donat & aurum.   

The Scots depart into their own country.  The thirtieth of December they departed from the court, and the morrow after, eight of them dined with sir john Cotes then lord mayor of London, and the rest with the sheriffs, and had very great cheer. On Newyeares' day they departed from line 60 London homewards towards Scotland, year 1543 and road to Enfield to see the prince, and there dined that day, greatly rejoicing, as by their words and countenance it seemed, to behold so proper and towardly an imp. From thence they kept on their journey till they came to the north parts, where they found the duke of Suffolk the king's lieutenant there, and with him remained till such pledges were come forth of Scotland, as it was covenanted they should leave behind them.  
The duke then after he had received the hostages, permitted them to departed, and so they returned into Scotland, where they were gladly welcomed by their kinsmen and friends. With them went also the earl of Angus, who had been banished Scotland, 
The munif●cense of king Henry to the earl of Angus.  and having remained here in England a long time, received of the king's fee, a thousand marks by year; and likewise his brother sir George Dowglas, who had five hundred marks yearly likewise of the king's gift. They were now both restored home into their country, and that (as was said) by the king's last will. The said earl of Angus, and diverse of the lords that had been prisoners here in England, were made of the privy council of the realm by the earl of Arraine, that was chosen governor to the young queen, and of the realm, as next heir apparent: notwithstanding that the archbishop of saint Andrews, and cardinal of the see of Rome, enemy mortal unto the king of England for the pope's cause (and partly set on by the French king) had forged a will, 
Archbishop of S. Andrew deadly enemy to K. Henry.  expressing how the king had made him governor (associate with two earls of his affinity) as well of the queen as realm, contrary to the laws of Scotland. Whereupon the said earl of Arraine, according to his right (as he pretended) with the help of his friends, 
The earl of Arraine.  took upon him the authority of governor, and put the said cardinal in prison, and delivered sir Robert Bowes, and the other English prisoners, by their bonds, 
Sir Robert Bows delivered.  according to the custom of the marches.  
All this year was neither perfect peace nor open war betwixt England and France, but the merchant's ships were taken and rob on both parts, and at length merchants goods were seized, and the ambassadors of both realms stayed. Howbeit, shortly after the ambassadors were delivered: but the merchants still were rob, and no war proclaimed. In the end of this year came from the governor of Scotland as ambassadors, 
Ambassadors from Scotland.  sir William Hamilton, and james Leirmouth the secretary of Scotland, whose message was so meanly liked, that they were feign to send an herald into Scotland for other ambassadors, and so came hither the earl of Glencarne, and sir George Dowglas: but whatsoever their answer was, sir George returned in post, and within twenty days came back again with an answer that was well liked of. But shortly after they broke promise, and went from that which they had covenanted, greatly to their reproach.  
Wood was sold very dear in the winter season of this year, 
A dearth.  and likewise victuals both flesh and fish grew to an high price towards the spring, by reason (as was thought) of the untemperate wet summer last passed, causing great death among cattle. A quarter of mutton was sold for two shillings, or seven groats, a lamb at three shillings, or three and four pence, which afore that time was esteemed scarce worth sixteen pence. Against Easter at a court of aldermen kept in the Guildhall the twentieth of March 1542 it was enacted by the lord mayor and his brethren, 
A necessary & wholesome ordinance for moderation in diet.  that the mayor and shiriffs should be served at their tables but with one course at dinner and supper in their houses; the mayor to have but seven dishes at the most at one mess for his own table, and the shiriffs and every other alderman but six dishes, upon pain to forfeit for every dish forty shillings at every time when they offended in this ordinance. Also that the sergeant and yeomen of their houses should have but three dishes at dinner or supper, the swordbearers mess only excepted, which should be allowed to have one dish more. It was also enacted, that from the feast of Easter than next ensuing, neither the mayor nor his brethren should buy any crane, swan, or bustard, upon pain to forfeit for every foul by them so bought, twenty shillings, the offence to be tried by oath, if it should be presented. 
Anno. Reg. 35. A league betwixt the king of England and the emperor.   
In the beginning of this year, on Trinity sunday, was a new league sworn between the king and the emperor at Hampton court, either of them to be friends to the others friends, and enemies to the others enemies. 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1016. Whit meats licensed to be eaten in Lent, and noble men punished for breaking the law.  ¶ In this year also a proclamation was made, whereby the people were licensed to eat whit meats in Lent, but straightly forbidden the eating of flesh. Whereupon shortly after the earl of Surrie, with diverse lords, knights, and gentlemen, were imprisoned for eating of flesh in the same Lent, contrary to the said proclamation. The eight of May, one Léech, sometimes bailie of Louth, 
Summerset an herald killed, & the offendor dieth as a traitor.  who had killed Summerset one of our herald's line 10 of arms at Dunbar in Scotland, was drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged and quartered. And the twelve of june, Edward Leech his brother, and with him a priest, for the same fact were likewise executed at Tyburn.  
This year the first cast pieces of iron that ever were made in England, 
First iron pieces cast.  were made at Buckesteed in Sussex, by Ralph Hodge, and Peter Bawd.] The third of june came to the court from the realm of Ireland, three Irish lords, Obrin, Macke William a line 20 Burgh, 
Creations of earls and barons.  and Macke Gilpatrike. In julie the said Obrin was created earl of Townon, Macke William a Burgh, earl of Claurickford, and sir Dunon Obrin was made baron of Ebrankie, and so with rewards they took leave and returned. The same month also, the Scotish ambassadors returned with great rewards. The twelve of julie, at Hampton court, 
The king marrieth the lady Katherine Par.  the king married the lady Katherine Par, widow, late wife unto the lord Latimer deceased, and then she was nominated queen, and so proclaimed. line 30  
In the parliament holden this year at Westminster, a subsidy was granted to the king, to be paid in three years. Every Englishman being worth in goods twenty shillings & upward to five pounds, paid four pence of every pound. From five pounds to ten pounds, eight pence. From ten pounds to twenty pounds, sixteen pence. From twenty pounds and upward, of every pound two shillings. Strangers as well denizens as other, being line 40 inhabitants, doubled this sum: and every stranger not bring an inhabitant, that was sixteen years of age and upwards, paid four pence for every poll. And for lands, fees, and annuities, every one borne within the king's dominions, 
Corporations, fraternities, & commonalties paid more as well of their lands as goods as appeareth by the statute.  paid eight pence of the pound, from twenty shillings to five pounds. And from five pounds to ten pounds, sixteen pence. From ten pounds to twenty pounds, two shillings. And from twenty pounds and upwards, three shillings; line 50 strangers still doubling this sum. The clergy granted a subsidy of six shillings the pound, to be paid of their benefices in perpetuities in three years ensuing: and every priest having no perpetuity, but an annual stipend, paid yearly (during the said three years) six shillings and eight pence.  
About the same time, the king and the emperor sent Garter and Toison Dor, 
Articles demanded of the French king.  kings at arms, to demand the performance of certain articles of the line 60 French king, which if he denied, they were commanded then to defy him, but he would not suffer them to come within his land, & so they returned. Whereupon the king caused the said demands to be declared to the French ambassador at Westminster. And in julie the king sent over six thousand men, under the leading of sir john Wallop, appointed to have the general conduction of them, accompanied with diverse other knights, esquires and gentlemen right hardy and valiant. Sir Thomas Seimer was marshal of that army, sir Robert Bowes treasurer, sir Richard Cromwell captain of the horsemen, and sir George Carew his lieutenant. There were likewise sir Thomas Palmer, sir john Reinsforth, sir john saint john, and sir john Gascoigne, knights, that were captains of the footmen. They were appointed to join with the emperors power, and so to make war into France. They departed from Calis the two and twentieth of julie. The third of August open war was proclaimed in London betwixt the emperor and the king of England on the one part, and the French king on the other, as enemy mortal to them both, and to all other christian princes beside, as he that had confederated himself with the Turk.  
The army that was sent over under the leading of sir john Wallop, passed forth from the marches of Calis, and keeping alongst betwixt the borders of the French and Burgonion pales and confines, and joining with the emperor's forces, Spaniards, Walloons, and Dutch, came at length before Landerseie, a town lately fortified by the French, 
Landerseie besieged.  within the borders of the emperor's dominions, to the which they laid a strong siege. At length the emperor having dispatched his wars against the duke of Cleve, who had submitted himself unto him, came now to the siege of Landerseie, with a mighty power of sundry nations, so that the town was sore constrained and in danger to have been lost, if at that present the French king had not likewise with an huge army of Frenchmen, Swissers, Lantsquenets, 
The French king cometh to the rescue of Landerseie.  Italians, and others, come to the rescue, pitching down his camp, making countenance as if he meant presently to give battle: and verily it was thought that two such powers as were there at that time so near together, should never have departed without battle. The emperor thinking surly to fight, raised his siege, and drew his people into the field. The Frenchmen thereby espying their advantage, put as well fresh men as victuals, and all kind of munition necessary into the town, and in the mean while kept the emperors people occupied with hot skirmishes.  
But now after the town was thus relieved, which thing the French king only wished to accomplish, the next day when the emperor was ready with his army ranged in battle to have fought with his adversaries, the French king put his army also in order; but having no mind to come forward, he trifled forth that day, and in the night following, secretly departed with as much haste as was possible. When the next morning had discovered the Frenchmens flight (for many so termed this their sudden retire) it was no need to bid diverse troops of the emperors army to high after them: but some made too much haste. 
The French king retireth back with his army.  For the French king suspecting what would ensue, appointed his eldest son Henry the Dolphin to remain behind with the rearward, accompanied with diverse noble captains, which ordered their people in their retire with such wariness and heedful skill, as the reason of war required, that such of the emperors camp as adventured over rashly, and showed themselves more forward than wise, fell within danger of such ambushments as were by the way covertly laid in places of advantage: and so diverse were taken, as sir George Carew, sir Thomas Palmer knight porter of Calis, Edward Bellingham, and others. But nevertheless a great number of such Frenchmen as could not make way, and keep pace with their main troops, were snapped up, slain, and taken in no small numbers by their enemies, who followed them as eager as tigers, and as the describer of that pursuit saith: Imbuit & gladios manante cruore Britannus.  
This was after Alhalowentide, so that now by reason the winter was far entered, and the weather waxing extreme foul, and contrary to an army that should lie in the fields, the emperor broke up his camp and licensed the most part of his people to departed home into their countries, 
The emperor breaketh up his camp.  for all hope to win Landerseie at that time was clean cut off, sith it was vittelled and newly furnished with fresh men and munition. After that the wars were once open betwixt England and France, sundry enterprises were attempted by the parties on either side in the marches of Calis and Bullognois, in which, for the most part, the Englishmen got the upper hand of their enemies. line 10  
At one time the Frenchmen, to the number of eight hundred, coming in the night season to enter into the English pale by the turn pike at Hams, in purpose to make some spoil in the country there, were assailed upon the sudden by sir George Summerset, and sir William Walgrave, lately before come over with two hundred men out of Suffolk, to strengthen the English pale against the enemies, and at this time did behave themselves so valiantly, that they disappointed the enemies of their purpose. line 20 For whereas they were entered into a lane enclosed with hedges on either side, sixteen archers getting into the grounds on the back side of the hedges lying alongst the lane, through which the Frenchmen were marching, placed themselves as they saw their advantage, and so bestowed their shot, that they galled the Frenchmen in such wise, that they were forced to recoil in so great disorder, that other of the Englishmen coming upon them, easily slew and took of them no small number. line 30  
Beside this, at sundry times the Englishmen invading the country of Bullognois, wasted the towns and villages, brought away great booties of goods and cattle, to the great impoverishing of the country. They burned at one time the town of Audinghen, and took the steeple of the church there, into the which were fled six score peasant's with their wives and children, whom the Englishmen threw down headlong out of the steeple, because they had most stubbornly refused to yield. In this year a line 40 great death of the pestilence reigned in London, 
A great death in London.  and therefore Michaelmas term was adjourned to S. Albon, and there kept till the end thereof. The eighteenth of December the archbishop of Canturburies' palace at Canturburie was burnt, 
I. Stow, pag. 1●27.  and therein was burnt his brother in law, and other men.  
In Christmas week came to the king lying at Hampton court, Ferdinando Gonzaga viceroie of Sicily, 
Ambassadors from the emperor.  prince of Malfeta, duke of juano, the emperors captain general. The chiefest cause of his line 50 coming was, to appoint what time the emperors army should be ready to invade France. He had great cheer, and at his departure was rewarded with a hundred and fifty three ounces of gold in plate, and four thousand and three ounces in guilt plate, all very curiously wrought, and all the time of his being here, his charges were borne by the king. The sunday before Christmas, the lord William Par brother to the queen, who had married the daughter & heir of Henry Bourchier earl of Essex, line 60 at Hampton court was created earl of Essex, 
The lord Par created earl of Essex.  & sir Will. Par knight uncle to them both, was made lord Par of Horton, & chamberlain to the queen.  
year 1544 On New years day, was sir Thomas Wriothesleie the king's secretary made lord Wriothesleie of Tichfield. 

The lord Wriothesleie. Abr. Fl. ex I S. pag. 1027▪ Four E●lipses.  
German Gardner and other executed.  
I Stow 1005. Charitable deeds of sir john Allen.   ¶ This year chanced four eclipses, one of the sun the fourteenth of januarie, and three of the moon. On the seventh of March, Germaine Gardner, and Lark person of Chelseie were executed at Tyburn, for denying the king's supremacy, & with whom was executed for other offences one Singleton. And shortly after Ashbeie was likewise executed for the supremacy. In this year sir john Allen (who had been twice mayor of London, & of council to the king) departing out of this life, did give to the city of London a rich collar of gold, to be worn by the mayor: which collar was first worn by sir William Laxton on S. Edward's day, to the election of the new mayor, who gave to every ward in London twenty pounds to be distributed to the poor householders, beside to one hundred and twenty persons, three score men every of them a gown of broad cloth, and a black cap, and threescore women, to every of them a gown of the like cloth, and a white kerchief. Humfreis Monmouth, 
sheriffs put away their officers.  and john Coles which were sheriffs in his majoralty, in the beginning of their year put away twelve sergeant and twelve yeomen, till they were forced by a court of common council to take them again.]  
In this mean while was the cardinal of Scotland delivered forth of prison, and shortly after got into his hands again all such conclusions as were made touching the marriage betwixt the queen of Scots and prince Edward, procuring in manner all the lords and nobles of the realm to renounce that which they had promised to the king of England, as well diverse of those whom the said king had released home out of captivity, as others. Wherewith the king took such sore displeasure, that he prepared an army to pass into Scotland by sea, and ordained the lord Edward Seimer, 
The earl of Hertford lieutenant of the north.  earl of Hertford to be lieutenant of the north parts, and to have the leading of the same army, who went thither in March, as well for defence of the borders, as to foresee all things in order for the army that should thus go into Scotland, whereof he was appointed general.  
When all things were in a readiness for the navy which was rigged to set forward towards Scotland, and that the soldiers were come which were appointed to go with sir john Dudleie lord Lisle, 
The lord admiral Dudleie setteth forth from London towards Scotland.  and high admiral of England in that voyage, they were embarked, and so the two and twentieth of March the said lord admiral, with sir Nicholas Pointz, and diverse other knights and captains departed from the port of London towards the north parts; and coming to Newcastle, found the earl of Hertford ready with such power as was appointed to be there at a day assigned, forth of those countries that lie from Trent northwards. And now wanted nothing to further their journey, but a convenient wind; which caused them to stay certain days at the said town of Newcastle, and in the villages thereabouts.  
After that the earl of Hertford, 
Anno Reg. 36.  and the lord admiral, accompanied with the earl of Shrewesburie, the lords Cobham, Clinton, Coviers, Stinton, the lord William Howard; and many other right valiant knights, gentlemen, and captains, had lain with the army and navy ready at Newcastle a certain time, 
The army setteth forward by sea towards Scotland.  looking for a prosperous wind to set forward on their purposed journey, at length the same came about very fit to serve their turn, and then with all speed the soldiers were bestowed aboard, every company in their appointed vessels: and herewith up went the sails, and forth they got into the main seas, making their course directly towards the Forth, a gulf or river in Scotland, able to bear vessels fifty miles up within the country. There were at the least two hundred sail which the lord admiral had caused to come together, according to his commission, rigged, trimmed, 
The number of the English army.  and furnished with all things necessary for the conduction of such an army, esteemed to be about ten thousand men.  
The third of May they arrived in the Forth, entering between two islands, the Bas and the May. 
The English army landeth in Sco●land.  The next day being the fourth of May, the whole army was landed two miles by west the town of Lith, at a place called Grantham crag. And forthwith the lord lieutenant putting his people in good order of war, marched on towards the said town of Lith. The lord admiral led the forward, the lord lieutenant the battle, and the earl of Shrewesburie governed the rearward. Before they came to the town of Lith, they found in their way ready to impeach their passage six thousand horsemen beside footmen. At the first the Scots made towards the Englishmen, 
The Scots offer to impeach the Englishmen'S passage.  as if they had meant to set upon the vanguard: but being manfully assailed by the hatquebutters, five hundred in number, and shrewdly by them curried line 10 and galled, they had no mind to come forward, but perceiving how willing the Englishmen were to encounter with them, after certain shot on both sides, they made a sudden retreat, and leaving their artillery behind them, 
The Scots fly to Edinburgh.  they fled to Edinburgh.  
The first man that fled (as the talk went) was the cardinal, who perceiving the devotion which the Englishmen had to see his holiness, had no mind to tarry. With him also fled the governor, the earls of Huntleie, Murreie, and Bothwell: as for their soldiers, they were disparkled, and feared the English line 20 forces as the lamb doth the wolf, the do the dog, or the hart the lion: to use the words of Anglorum praelia very fitly describing this battle, and saying: Exhorrent, ut dama canes, ut cerua leones.  
The Englishmen thus having put their enemies to flight, 
The English army entereth into Lith.  & seized upon their artillery, made straight to the town of Lith, and entered it without any great resistance, wherein they encamped themselves the same night to their most ease and advantage, and afterwards landed their victuals and great artillery. line 30 They found also in this town such plenty of riches as they looked not to have found in any one town of Scotland.  
The sixth of May they went towards Edinburgh, and as they approached near the town, the provost of the same town accompanied with one or two burgesses, 
The provost of Edenburghs request.  and two or three officers at arms, desired to speak with the king's lieutenant, and in the name of all the town, said that the keys of the town should line 40 be delivered unto his lordship, conditionally that they might go with bag & baggage, and the town to be saved from fire. 
The earl of hertford's answer.  Whereunto answer was made by the said lord lieutenant, that where the Scots had so manifestly broken their promises confirmed by oaths and seals, and certified by the whole parliament, as was evidently known to the world, he was sent thither by the king's highness to take vengeance of their detestable falsehood, to declare and show the force of his highness sword to all such as should line 50 make any resistance unto his grace's power sent thither for that purpose. And therefore he told them resolutely, that unless they would yield up their town frankly without condition, and cause man, woman, and child, to issue forth into the fields, submitting them to his will and pleasure, he would put them to the sword, and their town to the fire. The provost answered it were better to stand to their defence.  
Whereupon charge was given to the said provost and officer at arms, upon their peril to departed. And forthwith the lord lieutenant sent to the line 60 vanguard, commanding that they should march toward the town, which right hardily they did, and the English gunner's manfully assailed the gates; namely sir Christopher Morice master of the ordinance, 
Sir Christopher Morice.  insomuch that the Scots were beaten from their ordinance, and the gate called Canogate beaten open with shot of the great artillery, and therewith the Englishmen entering the same gate by fine force, 
Edinburgh entered by force.  beat down & slew a great number of Scots, and continually without staying was the great ordinance drawn up the street to the castle gates: but those that were within the castle shot so freely at the Englishmen thus approaching with their great artillery, that diverse were slain, the artillery of the castle beat so directly alongst the high street, as the Englishmen came up the same. At length also one of the Englishmen'S culverins was stricken, and dismounted, and thereupon they were forced to retire back and give over their enterprise of making battery to the castle, wanting pioneers, baskets, and other things necessary for such a purpose.  
This day the Englishmen set fire in diverse parts of the town, but they had not leisure to maintain it, by reason of the smoke rising and troubling them so extremely, that no great hurt could be done that day, for that the night also came on, and so they departed back again to their camp at Lith. But the next day, a certain number of Englishmen under the leading of doctor Leigh, went again to Edinburgh, and did what they could, utterly to destroy the whole town with fire, and so continued all that day & the two days next following. During all this violence offered by the English to the enemy, & nothing left but despair of life, the women and children beholding this desolation, made such outrageous exclamations and woeful lamentations, that heaven itself rang with their noise, as very pithily is described by Chr. O. in his report, saying: 
Foeminei sexus gemitus ad sydera grandi  
Tolluntur strepitu, puerorum clamor in auras,  
Nil nisi triste fuit, faciésque miserrima rerum.   
In the mean time, 
The lord Evers brought a power of horsemen from the borders.  four thousand light horsemen, under the leading of the lord Evers, came from our borders, as order was taken afore, and joined themselves with the army thus lying in Lith, where after their coming, they did such exploits, in riding and wasting the country, that within seven miles every way of Edinburgh, they left few places, either pile, village, or house unburnt. And beside this, they brought great numbers of cattle daily into the army, and met with much good stuff, which the inhabitants of Edinburgh had for the safety of the same conveyed out of the town.  
The names of the knights made at Lith after the burning of Edinburgh by the earl of Hertford, 
Knights created at Lith by the earl of Hertford.  general of the king's army there, on sunday the eleventh of May, in the six & thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the eight, in the year 1544, as they were delivered to me by sir Gilbert Dethike knight, aliâs Garter, king of arms, are as followeth: The lord Clinton, the lord Coniers, sir William Wroughton, sir Thomas Holcroft, sir Edward Dorrell, sir john Luttrell, sir john jenins, sir Thomas Warerton, sir Charles Howard, sir George Blunt, sir Peter Mewtas, sir Edward Warner, sir Ralph Bulmer, sir Hugh Cholmeleie, sir Thomas Leigh, alias doctor Leigh, sir Richard Leigh, sir Peter Leigh, sir john Leigh of Booth, sir Laurence Smith, sir William Uavasour, sir Richard Shirburne, sir Robert Stapleton, sir Thomas Holt, sir William Davenport, sir Ralph Leicester, sir Humphrey Bradborne, sir Thomas Malivereie, sir Francis Hothome, sir john massy, sir Leonard Beckwith, sir Thomas Cokaine, sir Peter Freshwell, sir Richard Egerton, sir Anthony Nevil, sir john Nevil, sir William Ratcliff, sir George Bowes, sir Brian Brereton, sir William Brereton, sir Roger Brereton, sir Edward Waren, sir Brian Leiton, sir Robert Wurseleie, sir Thomas Talbot, sir Hugh Caluerleie, sir john Clere, sir Richard Holland, sir Thomas Uenables, sir john Constable, sir Edmund Trafford, sir john Atherton, sir Richard Cholmeleie, sir Philip Egerton, sir Hugh Willoughby, sir Thomas Constable, sir William Woodhouse, sir Edmund Savage, and sir Thomas Gerard.  
On the fourteenth day the Englishmen broke down the ●ir● of the haven of Lith, and burned every stick of it. This done, and having shipped their great artillery, and taken forth all such Scotish ships as were meet to serve, appointing them to attend on their ships, they took upon them to return home by land▪ Amongst other ships which the Englishmen had in Lith h●uen; there were two of notable fairness, the one called the Salamander, given by the French king at the marriage of his daughter into Scotland, the other called the Unicorn, made line 10 by the late Scotish king●punc; The ballast of these two ships was cannon 〈◊〉, which they found in the town, to the number of four score thousand. The rest of the Scotish ships being taken away together with their own ships, which they brought with them, were for the more part pestered with the spoil and booties of the soldiers & mariners. On the fifteenth of May; their army and their fleet departed from Lith both in one hour, the town being set on fire and burned to the gro●nd. 
Lith burnt.  line 20  
The English army encamped that night at a place called Seaton, seven miles from Lith, where they burned the castle, and destroyed the orchards and gardens with the more despite, for that the lord Seaton owner of the place, 
The lord Seaton.  was the chief labourer to help the lord cardinal out of prison. The same day was Haddington burnt, 
Haddington burnt.  with a great nunnery and house of friars there. The next night they encamped beside Dunbar, where they had an alarm given them, but in the morning they burned the town of line 30 Dunbar, 
Dunbar burnt.  and marched forth, though somewhat stayed by the way, by reason of the mist and fog, which was very thick, continuing all the forenoon, and because also they understood how the lords of Seton & Hume with the lard of Bouclough, and others, had assembled a power of men of war, and were minded to impeach their passage at a streict named the Pease.  
But after that the mist broke up, which was about two of the clock in the afternoon, the Englishmen came forward, and passed the same streict without any line 40 resistance. For the Scotish lords perceiving that they were not of power sufficient to encounter with the Englishmen, minded not to put their people in their danger, but wisely retired, suffering the Englishmen to pass at their pleasure, who that night lodged at Ranton, eight miles distant from our borders, where having overthrown a pile which stood there, they dislodged the next morrow, and the same day being the eighteenth of May, they entered into Berwicke: 
The end of the voyage.  so ending their voyage with great joy and gladness, not having lost past forty persons in line 50 all this journey.  
The names of the chief towns, castles, and places burned in this voyage, 
Towns burnt in the same voyage.  were these: the burow and town of Edinburgh, with the abbey called holy Rood house, and the king's palace adjoining to the same. The town of Lith burnt, and the haven and pire destroyed, the castle and village of Cragmiller, the abbeie of Newbottle, part of Muskelburow town, with the chapel of our lady of Lauret, Preston line 60 town and the castle, Seton castle, Hadington town, with the friars and nunnery, a castle of Oliver Sinclers, the town of Dunbar, Lanreston with the grange, Drilaw, Wester crag, Enderligh, the pile, and the town, Broughton, Thester fields, Crawnend, Dudi●ton, Stan house, the Ficket, Beverton, Tranent, Shenston, Markle, Trapren, Kirkland hill, Hatherwike, Belton, east Barnes, Bowland, Butterden, Quickewood, Blackeburne, Ranton, Bildie and the Tower, Kinkorne, saint Minees, the queens ferry, part of Petin Wanes, and the burnt Island, were burned by the fleet on the sea.  
For during the continuance of the army at Lith, the ships lay not idle, but scouring the river, burnt diverse places, and left neither ship, craier, nor boat belonging to any village, town, créeke, or haven, upon either side of the ford, between Sterling, and the mouth of the river, unburned, or brought away, 
See more hereof in Scotland.  which space containeth fifty miles in length. About the same time the earl of Lenox fled out of Scotland into the rebne of England, where he was right gladly received by king Henry, and shortly he obtained in marriage the lady Marie Dowglas, niece to the king of England, and returned soon after into Scotland by sea, accompanied with a good competent crew of English. But finding no such friendship among his country men as he looked to have done, he was constrained to return, without achieving the enterprise which he had taken in hand, in hope of such assistance by his friends, as now failed him at need.  
¶ In the month of May proclamation was made for the enhancing of gold to eight & forty shillings, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1029.  & silver four shillings the ounce. Also the K. caused to be coined base money, 
Base money coined.  which was since that time called down, the fift year of Edward the sixth, and called in the second of queen Elizabeth. 
Irish in warlike manner pass through the city.  In the same month also passed through the city of London in warlike manner, to the number of seven hundred Irishmen, having for their weapons, darts, and handguns, with bagpipes before them: and in saint james park besides Westminster they mustered before the king. 
Procession in English.  In june the litany or procession was set forth in English, with commandment by the king to be generally used in parish churches.] About the same time that the army before remembered, was set forward into Scotland under the guiding of the earl of Hertford, as before ye have heard, the king by advise of his council took order for the levying of a mighty army, to pass over into France, 
An army levied to invade France.  according to the appointment taken with his confederate, friend and colleague, the emperor, against the French king, at that present common adversary to them both, and not long before had entered in league with the Turks, as Ch. Oc. noteth: 
— cum dira foedera Turcis  
junxerat, heu nimiùm res est indigna relatu,  
Christicolam facere hoc, qui relligionis amantem  
Se profitens, titulum pietatis venditat orbi.   
There were appointed three battles, 
Three battles appointed with their several lieutenants.  the vanguard under the leading of the duke of Norfolk, the battle under the guiding of the duke of Suffolk, which also was reckoned to be the king's battle, because his majesty meant to be present with the same in person, and the rearward was led by the lord russel lord privy seal. Those of the forward were apparelled in blue coats guarded with red, and had caps and hosen after the same suit, party blue and party red, their caps made fit for their skulls, which were put into the same. The battle in coats, caps, and hosen, after the like fashion, but their colours were red and yellow.  
The duke of Norfolk and the lord privy seal, 
The duke of Norfolk & the lord privy seal.  accompanied with diverse other noble men, as the earl of Surreie son to the said duke of Norfolk marshal of the field, the earl of Oxford, the lord Greie of Wilton lieutenant of Hams, whose name even then began to grow famous, the lord Ferrer of Charteleie, and sir Richard Devereux his son and heir, that brought with them a great number of Welshmen, sir Thomas Cheinie lord warden of the cinque ports, the lord Mountioie a towardly young gentleman, well learned, and for his time perfect in all points and qualities fit for a noble man, sir Francis Brian knight, one of the kings privy chamber, and no less affectioned to his service, than of him favoured and well esteemed, sir Thomas Poinings captain of Guisnes, and diverse others beside, no less worthy to be remembered for their valour and merits, if time would permit to rehearse them, passed over to Calis about Whitsuntide, and from thence marching forward to France, left Bullongne on their right hand, & keeping forth towards Muttrell, joined with an army which the emperor had raised for that purpose, under the leading of the county de Buren, admiral of the low countries, 
The county de Buren.  and so these armies being united in one, came before Muttrell, and there laid siege to that line 10 town, being well manned and furnished with all things necessary for defence, as well in victuals as munition. The chief captain of which town was mounsieur de Biez one of the marshals of France, 
Monsieur de Biez.  and governor also in the absence of monsieur de Uandosme of Picardy, who being within Bullongne & hearing how the English army was passed by, and drew towards Muttrell, he left Bullongne, and with all speed got him into Muttrell, not mistrusting any thing of that policy which the king of England line 20 went about, which was, to send this army to besiege Muttrell, to the end the Frenchmen might be kept occupied further off, while he with the residue of his power should come and besiege Bullongne, which town standing most commodious for his purpose, he meant by force to bring under his subjection.  
Hereupon was the duke of Suffolk appointed with the king's army to pass over, 
The duke of Suffolk.  accompanied with the earl of Arundel marshal of the field, the lord saint john, and the bishop of Winchester, sir line 30 john Gage comptrollor of the king's house, sir Anthony Browne master of the king's horse, with diverse other worthy captains, all which the nineteenth of julie came before Bullongne, encamped on the eastside of the said town aloft upon the hill, 
Bullongne besieged.  and after for his more safety removed into a valley, where after many sharp skirmishes they first entered the base town, being left and forsaken by the inhabitants, which having set fire on their fishing nets, and other such baggage, under covert of the smoke, got line 40 them up into the high town, before the Englishmen could espy them. After this, the Old man, otherwise called Le tour dordre, standing without the town for a direction to them that were to enter the haven, and now being kept by sixteen soldiers, was yielded up by them, upon presenting the canon before it.  
The Frenchmen within the town, being despoiled of those two places, yet spared not to shoot off from their walls and bulwark, doing what damage they might devise, and namely from the castle line 50 and green bulwark they did much hurt to the Englishmen with their shot, whereof they made no spare, till at length they were forced to be quiet: for the Englishmen so applied them with such plenty of their shot, that the Frenchmen had no opportunity to do them any great hurt with their artillery. The fourteenth of julie, 
The king passeth the seas to Bullongne.  the king in person, accompanied with divers of the nobility, passed the seas from Dover to Calis; and the six and twentieth of the same month encamped himself before Bullongne on the north side, within less than three quarters of a mile line 60 of the town, where he remained, till the town was surrendered into his hands. The king being then in camp, it was a matter of ease to discern which was he, for none of the rest came near him in tallness by the head: as for his proportion of limbs, it was answerable to his goodly stature and making: a memorable description whereof, as also of his artificial armour, I find reported as followeth: 
Rex capite Henricus reliquos supereminet omnes,  
Heros praevalidus seu fortia brachia spectes,  
Seu suras quas fuluo opifex incluserat auro,  
Sive virile ducis praestanti pectore corpus,  
Nulla vi domitum, nullo penetrabile ferro, etc.   
Beside the trenches which were cast, and brought in manner round about the town, there was a mount raised upon the east side; and diverse pieces of artillery planted aloft on the same, the which together with the mortar pieces, so●● annoyed them within, & battered down the steeple of our lady's church. To conclude▪ the battery was made in most forcible wise in three several places, and the walls, towers, and castle were vndermine●; and the town within so beaten with shot out of the camp, and from the mount and trench by the mortar pieces, that there were very few houses left whole therein. The town thus standing in great distress, there were two hundred Frenchmen and Italians, which interprised under the conduct of Io●ourtio to enter the town in covert of the night, which exploit they so warily achieved, that by means of a priest that could speak the English tongue, they passed by the scouts, & through the watch, so as the most part of them were got over the trenches yer it was known what they were: to the number of six score of them got into the town, but the residue after they were once descried, being intercepted, were taken or slain. Although this small succour somewhat relieved them within, and put them in some hope to defend the town somewhat longer against the king's power: yet ●t length when a piece of the castle was blown up, and the breaches made, as was thought reasonable, the assault was given by the lord admiral Dudleie, 
Bullongne assaulted.  that was come thither from the sea, which he had scoured after his return forth of Scotland.  
This assault was courageously given, and to speak a truth, no less manfully defended: so that when the assailants had perceived in what state the breaches stood, and what provision they within had made for defence of their town, which undoubtedly was great (for nothing was by them omitted, that might either advantage the defendants, or annoy the assailants) those that were appointed in this sort to give the assault, were called back, and so they retired, but not without loss on both sides, and namely of them within. For during the time of the assault, the great artillery did beat still upon them that presented themselves at the breaches to repel the assailants, and so diverse of their valiant captains and brave soldiers were slain at this assault, & among other, captain Philip Corse. Shortly after, the captains within the town, doubting to be eftsoons assaulted, and perceiving themselves in extreme danger to lose the town by force, if they provided not the sooner, by rendering it to save themselves: they sent forth two of their chief captains, monsieur Semblemont, and monsieur de Haies, which declared unto the king, that monsieur de Ueruine governor of the town, with his retinue, was contented to deliver the town unto his grace, with condition that they might pass wi●h ●ag and baggage. Which request the king, like a noble and merciful prince, freely granted: and so the next day, the duke of Suffolk road into Bullongne, unto whom in the king's name the keys of the town were delivered, 
Bullongne delivered.  & in the afternone departed out of Bullongne all the Frenchmen with heavy hearts, to the number of six thousand, as C. O. witnesseth, saying: Sex hinc exierant Gallorum millia gentis.  
The number of the men of war that were strong and able to serve, 
The number of them that went fort● 〈◊〉 Bullongne.  were of horsemen sixty seven, of footmen fifteen hundred, threescore and three, of the which number eight hundred were harquebutters, of hurt men fourscore and seven, of women & children nineteen hundred and twenty seven, beside a great number of aged & sick persons, not able to departed with the others. The last person that came forth was monsieur de Ueruine himself, who upon his approach to the place where the king stood, alighted from his horse, and came to the king, and after he had talked with him a space, the king took him by the hand, and he reverently kneeling upon his knees, kissed his hand, and afterward mounted upon his horse, and so departed, following his company.  
The eight of September, the king having the sword borne before him by the lord marquess Dorset, 
The king 〈◊〉 into Bul●ongne.  like a puissant conqueror road into Bullongne, and the trumpeters standing on the walls, sounded line 10 their trumpets at the time of his entering, to the great comfort of the beholders. In the entering, there met him the duke of Suffolk, and delivered to him the keys of the town, and so he road forth to his lodging that was prepared for him on the south side of the town. Within two days after, the king road about the town within the walls, and appointed that our lady church of Bullongne should be taken down, and in the place thereof a mount to be made, for the more strengthening of the town. Finally line 20 after he had set things in order for the safe keeping of this his town of Bullongne, by his princely force thus won out of the possession of his adversaries hands, he appointed the lord Lisle high admiral of the seas, to be his deputy of the same town, and then determining not to stay there any longer, he took the seas, 
The king returns into England.  & returned into England, landing at Dover the first of October.  
In this mean time, whilst the king of England lay (as ye have heard) with his siege about line 30 Bullongne, and the duke of Norfolk, and lord privy seal about Mutterell, the emperor invaded France by Champeigne, winning diverse castles and towns, as Comersis, Lignie, saint Desir, Chausteau, Thierie, and others. But at the length, means were made by treaty to have the matter taken up, as in the end it was, and a peace concluded without consent of the king of England, although there was place left for him and other princes to enter into this agreement of peace. 
The emperor concludeth a peace with the french king.  But the king of line 40 England having now defrayed no small quantity of treasure in these wars, beside the travel of his own person and his people, and having the thing now in a manner sure in his possession, which he chiefly went about to obtain, that is to wit, the strong town of Bullongne, he would not agree unto any peace, except he might enjoy that town, at that instant ready to be delivered into his hands. And even now after it was to him delivered, hearing that for certain, the peace was concluded betwixt the emperor line 50 and the French king, he determined to break up his camps: but nevertheless to keep Bullongne in his possession, in despite of all his adversaries. But here, before we proceed any further, we have thought good somewhat to speak touching the siege which all this white continued afore Mutterell, where the Englishmen and Burgonians enforced themselves by all ways and means they could devise, how to constrain their enemies within the town. On the other part, monsieur de Biez, and those that line 60 were with him in guard of the same town, left nothing undone that might serve for their defence, and make to the annoyance of their enemies.  
There were with monsieur de Biez within the town, 
The number of the men of war in Muttrell.  an hundred men at arms of the retinue of the constable of France, under the leading of the lord de la Guich an expert man of war. There were also with the lord of Genlie, four ensigns of French footmen. Count Berenger a Neapolitan with a thousand footmen Italians. captain Francisco de Chiaramont, a Neapolitan also, with the like number of Italian footmen. So that the town might seem sufficiently furnished with men, and they wanted neither shot nor powder requisite, so that there was no spare thereof when occasion served on either part.  
The duke of Norfolk and the lord privy seal caused amount to be raised, 
A mount raised.  and aloft thereon were certain pieces of artillery planted to shoot into the town. Moreover they compassed the walls so on each hand with their several camps and trenches, that hardly might any escape either in or out unespied. Sir Francis Brian was appointed with certain bands, 
Sir Francis Brian.  containing about the number of a thousand men, to lodge in a camp fortified by himself, over against one part of the town, to stop certain passages on that side, that no succours should enter by the same to the relief of them within. There were skirmishes daily betwixt them that sallied forth of the gates, and the Englishmen that watched and warded in the trenches, and other places, insomuch that diverse lost their lives, and some were irrecoverablie wounded, as Anglorum praelia witnesseth, saying: 
Confossi saevo moriuntur vulnere multi  
Disperso cerebro; faciei nulla figura.   
On a day as sir Thomas Poinings soldiers were warding in one of the trenches, 
Tiberio, that altar served the king of England.  an Italian secretly coming forth of the town, fetched away the said sir Thomas Poinings his ensign; and notwithstanding the pursuit that was made after him, he escaped and got into the town with it, to the great displeasure of the whole camp. But as the enemies sometimes went away with the advantage of their attempted enterprises, so ofttimes again they paid for their adventuring over rashly above the common price of the market.  
But here I cannot but lament the negligence used in that season: for there is not one English writer to be found extant, that hath written any thing effectually of the exploits achieved in that journey; 
Negligence of Englishmen for not putting their valiant doings in writing.  so as we are driven to borrow of the adversaries that have written thereof, wanting other helps of our own nation to furnish our book héerin according to our wished purpose. But nevertheless, to give occasion to those that yet live, and can best do it, to set forth hereafter a more perfect discourse thereof, I have thought it not amiss to recite in part what I have read and learned of such things as then were accounted worthy of relation, and now like to be buried in the dim book of oblivion, unless some favourer of notable events chancing in the assiegement of those two towns, Bullongne and Muttrell, will put to his helping hand to report the same to posterity.  
Among other stratagems, one I remember, 
A stratagem of the lord Mountioie.  devised and put in practice by the lord Mountioie, as thus. The enemies had espied a place of advantage without the town, where under favour of the shot of certain pieces of great artillery lodged upon some platforms or bulwarks within the town, they might lie without the walls betwixt the Englishmen'S trenches and the town ditches, and there cover themselves within a little trench or counterscarpe made for the purpose, and out of the same be ready with their harquebusses to shoot at the Englishmen, so soon as any of them should once show his head out of the trenches, to the great danger of them that warded in the same.  
The lord Mountioie perceiving this, devised with himself how to rouse the enemies out of that lurking place, and withal came to the duke of Norfolk, and desired licence to put the devise (which he had already forecast in his mind) in practice. But the duke being not willing that he should put himself in such danger, was loath to grant thereto, but rather persuaded with him not to attempt it: for (said he) my lord, ye may do the king better service than so to hazard your life, and cast yourself away, as it is very like you should, in adventuring upon such a desperate piece of service, and therefore I would not wish you to meddle therewith, for we shall otherwise provide for the matter well enough. But the lord Mountioie still persisted in his suit very earnestly, declaring that he doubted not (by God's help) but to achieve his purpose to his good contentation without any great danger, if that were executed which he took to be necessary for the accomplishment of his devise: and that was to have certain line 10 pieces of the great ordinance shot off that way forth, 
A politic feat achieved by the lord Mountioie.  at what time the wind stood meet to carry the smoke full upon the place where the Frenchmen lay. At length upon his earnest suit, the duke gave him licence to try what he could do, commanding the great ordinance to be laid and charged ready to shoot off as he should appoint it. Herewith the lord Mountioie taking with him fourteen of his own soldiers (of the which number one of them forsook to go through with him when it came to the line 20 point) immediately upon the shooting off of the artillery, & that all the ground about was covered over with smoke, he came to the place where those Frenchmen lay under covert of their trench, and so displaced them, that they had no liking eftsoons to lodge so near unto such unfriendly neighbours.  
Many other valiant and politic feats (no doubt) were achieved during this siege, & happily as worthy the rehearsal as this. But sith it was the invention of so noble a young gentleman, 
The lord Mountioie a noble young gentleman.  I have esteemed line 30 it not impertinent to speak thereof, and withal to lament the loss of the inventor, who being taken away shortly after in his return homewards, by untimely death, was like (if he had lived to greater years of experience) to have proved comparable in valour to any of his noble progenitors. But now to speak of other incidents that chanced whilst this siege remained before Muttrell, you must understand that the most part of the victuals that was spent in the camp was brought to them either from the king's camp at Bullogne, or else from S. Omers, line 40 to convey the same so far off, it was needful to have the carriage guarded with good troops and bands both of horsemen and footmen: for the French fortresses were strongly furnished with great numbers of men of war, which upon occasions were ready to take advantages offered.  
And as it fortuned at one time among other, there was a convoy of certain wagons laden with victuals appointed to come from saint Omers, the same being line 50 guarded with diverse bands of Englishmen and Burgonions, sent thither for that purpose, the which marching forward from saint Omers, kept not so good order as had been requisite: whereof certain companies of French horsemen that were abroad being aware, set upon the Burgonions that were attendant upon the foremost carriages, and finding them in some disorder, easily discomfited them, followed, and slew them in the chase, till they came to the hindermost carriages, where six hundred English men that attended on the same, impaled themselves line 60 with their wagons, so as the Frenchmen could take no advantage: but with shot of the English archers were so curried and galled that they were driven to retire, 
The English archers gall the French horsemen.  and that in such haste, as they left diverse of their company captives in the Englishmen'S hands beside those that were fair laid to take their last sleep there on the ground. Nevertheless, of the Burgonions there were slain four hundred, and much good victuals lost, the bottoms of the hogsheads and other vessels being beaten out, and many a good Flemish mare killed or taken. For the Frenchmen found small resistance (as before ye have heard) till they approached to the Englishmen, by whose accustomed manhood, some part of the victuals of that convoy was saved, to the relief of the camp, which notwithstanding by loss of the residue suffered great want for the time.  
Moreover, somewhat towards the latter end of this siege, the earl of Surreie son unto the duke of Norfolk and marshal of his field, accompanied with the lord warden of the cinque ports, and diverse other valiant captains English & Burgonions marched forth into the country towards Abuile, where they took and burnt a proper town called saint Requires: 
Saint Requires burnt by the Englishmen. Rieu sacked  and after coming to another town called Rieu, they found no body at home but women and children, for the men were departed out of it before their coming thither. When they had taken their pleasure in sacking all such goods as they found there fit to be carried away, they spared the town from fire, and so departed. And thus after they had been two days and two nights abroad in the country, they returned home to the camp with a great booty of beasts, sheep, and other things which they had got in that voyage.  
But now to conclude with this siege of Muttrell, after the king had won Bullongne, 
The siege 〈◊〉 Muttrell broken up.  and understood how the emperor had agreed with his adversary the French king, he resolved to have his army to raise that siege which thus had lain before Muttrell, and with all convenient speed to draw toward Calis. And because it was signified that the Dolphin of France Henry was coming forward with a great power, which had been raised by his father the French king to resist the emperor, and now was sent under the conduct of the said Dolphin, to the succours of them that were besieged in Muttrell, the king sent the earl of Arundel, sir john Gage, sir George Carew, sir john Reinsford, and others, with a chosen number of lusty soldiers unto Muttrell, to reinforce his army there, that in levying the camp, and withdrawing back, they might be the better able to withstand any attempt which the enemies might put in execution to their annoyance. And verily this was done with good advise and necessary consideration, for the Englishmen that had lain so long time at the siege before Muttrell, wanting such behoveful refreshment as those were stored with that lay before Bullongne, having the seas open, and all things at pleasure brought unto them forth of England, were sore weakened and decayed by death and sickness, and now in raising their camp had many things to look unto, as well for the conveying of their ordinance, truss, and baggage, as their feeble and diseased persons: so that if the Dolphin with his army might have made such speed forward as to have overtaken them with his main power before they had come to Bullongne, it was to be feared lest he might have put them in danger of a plain distress. But with such timely foresight as was used the siege was raised, and the army retired first to Bullongne, and after to Calis without loss, although the French horsemen in great number followed, and sundry times made proud proffers to give the charge upon the hindermost companies; but nothing was done to make great account of, except certain skirmishes that were procured, and alarms given, as in such cases it fortuneth.  
The Dolphin notwithstanding that the siege was thus raised from Muttrell, yer he could come thither, yet he kept forward his iourncie, 
The Dolphin cometh before Bullongne with his great power.  to prove what he might do to recover Bullongne, which town the king of England (as ye have heard) had left in the keeping of the lord Lisle high admiral. The same town being then weak, God knoweth, on all sides through battery and minings, which by the king's power had been made, to bring it into his subjection, and the trenches not cast down, nor the ordinance mounted.  
The Dolphin being come before the town, sent certain bands of his best soldiers by night to give a camisado to the base town. 
A camisado 〈◊〉 to base Bullongne.  They that thus were sent, entered the same the ninth of October, about two of the clock in the morning, where they took the stand watches, and slew (beside a great number of sick and weak persons) as well soldiers as other, before they could array themselves, or well get out of line 10 their beds. But after, the Frenchmen and Italians fell to rifling and breaking up of coffers, scattering here and there abroad, and began to fall to their victuals, which they found there in good plenty. The Englishmen that were driven up to the gates of the high town, got weapons that were thrown down unto them forth of the same, & assembling together, fiercely entered in amongst the press of their enemies. And herewith there sallied forth of the high town sir Thomas Poinings with a band of two hundred line 20 soldiers, 
●n everthrow given to the French 〈…〉 Bullongne.  the which together with the other so bestirred themselves, that they manfully beat back the enemies, slew to the number of eight hundred of them, and chased the residue out of the town, which fled over the sands up to the hill, where the Dolphin himself stood with a great troup of horsemen about him, and durst not once come down to the rescue of his people, for fear of the great artillery that with plenty of bullets saluted the enemies, after that the break of the day had once discovered them in sight. line 30 Amongst other that were slain in this repulse of the Frenchmen, le segneur de Foquessolles, another of the marshal de Biez his sons in law, and seneschal of Bullongne was one.  
Thus the Dolphin, perceiving that it would nothing avail him to make any further attempt against Bullongne, passed forth toward Guisnes, & shortly after through want of victuals, and sickness which sore infested his camp, broke up his army, and returned into France: so that the proud enterprises line 40 of the vainglorious and most insolent French turned to their own great shame, as C. O. truly saith: Sic Galli in magnum cesserunt dedecus ausa.  
But shortly after Christmas came down an army of fourteen thousand, under the conduction of monsieur de Biez, 
Monsieur de Biez cometh before Bullongne with an army.  the which the six and twentieth of januarie encamped on the west side of Bullongne beyond the haven, where they lay ten days: but on the sixth of February, the earl of Hertford, the lord admiral, as then lord lieutenant of the town of Bullongne, the lord Greie of Wilton, sir Thomas line 50 Poinings & others, having assembled out of the garrisons on that side the seas, to the number of four thousand footmen, & seven hundred horsemen, whereof an hundred or four score were Albanoises, issued forth of Bullongne about four of the clock in the morning, and coming to the place where the king had encamped during the time of the siege, they stayed there, and put themselves in order of battle: and about six of the clock, it being then a low water, captain Edward Breie, with three hundred shot, was line 60 appointed to pass over, and to give the enemies an alarm in their camp.  
At which instant the trumpets sounded, and the drums struck up in the English army, and herewith they being divided into three battles, and to each one his guard of two hundred horsemen, beside the odd hundred that attended as a defence to the residue, they showed themselves to their enemies. The Frenchmen perceiving this, packed away with all haste possible, 
The Frenchmen dislodge out of their 〈◊〉.  marching toward Hardilo in two battles. Whereupon the English captains leaving their footmen behind them, and taking only with them the horsemen, followed with all speed after their enemies, and coming to the bridge commonly called pont de Bricque, which certain English carpenters guarded with a number of harquebutters, and four small field pieces, had forced and repaired the same that night: and so the horsemen finding it sufficiently repaired, passed over, and coming to S. Estienne, they found there five hundred Dutch horsemen, commonly called Swart rutters, that were lodged there to keep that passage: but being surprised on the sudden by the English horsemen, and sharply assailed, they were wholly distressed, and the most part of them taken prisoners, and therewith left with the followers of the army, were after slain, because they knew not where to bestow them.  
But now the hill of saint Estienne being thus gained by the English horsemen, they put themselves in order of battle again, appointing an hundred of their men at arms to follow and keep aloof as a stolen to relieve their fellows in time of need, when they saw them in any danger. The lords, to encourage every one to do his duty, road up and down about the troops, & using many comfortable words, 
The comfortable words▪ of the English captains.  desired them, that although they were but an handful in comparison to the number of their enemies, they would yet in regard of the honour of the realm of England, make a proffer of an onset to the enemies, that they might perceive that there they were to give them battle, and to follow, as they should see them their captains and governors to lead them the way. 
The English horsemen charge the French battles.  Herewith forward they make towards the enemy, and overtaking them three miles on the hitherside of Hardilo sands, they valiantly gave the charge, and thrusting in betwixt the two French battles, overthrew their carriages, took their ordinance and munitions, slew and bore down many of them that pressed forth to defend the same.  
Monsieur de Biez being in the fore ward, 
The valiant order of monsieur de Biez.  brought back the strongest and best armed men he had to resist his enemies, ranging them in order so, as he meant to have enclosed the English horsemen betwixt his battles and the sea, and so to have distressed them. But this purpose being espied first of all by the lord admiral, 
The lord admiral his ready conceiving the meaning of the enemies  the Englishmen by his valiant encouragement gave a new charge, and breaking through their ranks by force, came back again unto their hundred men of arms that kept aloof, and there stayed till their footmen might come to them, who by this time were advanced within sight of them, but distant yet by the space of two English miles, or little less.  
Monsieur de Biez, perceiving that the English footmen began thus to approach, made forward again with his army, so fast as was possible for his people to march, drawing still his armed men and best soldiers to the hindermost ranks, there to be ready to withstand the Englishmen, as they should offer to assail them: and in this order the Frenchmen made away, and rested not till they came to Hardilo sands, being a place of such strength and advantage, 
Hardilo sands.  by reason of the streict, that after they were once got thither, they might account themselves out of all danger, and therefore there they stayed, and dispatched an herald unto the chiefteins of the English army, to signify unto them, that there they meant to abide and to give them battle, if they would advance forward to fight with them: but yet they would not in any wise come forth of their strength unto some even ground, although they were earnestly required thereunto. Whereupon the Englishmen, to light them a candle that they might see where they were, set all the villages & houses about on a light fire, continuing the same all that afternoon, and most part of the night following, and the next morning betwixt four and five of the clock, they came back again unto Bullongne with all their spoils and prisoners.  
They took in this encounter seven pieces of artillery, 
Artillery gained.  two of brass and five of iron; also the pieces of advantage of the armour of monsieur de Biez, beside apparel, plate, and furniture in great plenty, as well taken in the field, as also in their camp, where they left their tents standing, & all their provision of victuals wholly unremoved. The same pieces of line 10 armour were sent over into England to the king for a witness of the good success that had thus happened to his people in this famous enterprise, in the achieving whereof there were not passed half a dozen Englishmen slain, besides those that were hurt, which neither were many, as under half a score at the most.  
year 1545 Whilst such things were in doing about Bullongne, 
john Stow.  and other places (as before ye have heard in this twenty and sixth year) the ships of the west line 20 country and other coasts of this realm wasted abroad on the seas, and took to the number of three hundred & odd French ships, so that the Grey friars church in London was laid full of wine, 
Great pri●es of French goods taken by the Western ships.  the Austin friars and Black friars full of herring, and other fish that was taken, as the same should have been conveyed into France. About the same season the king demanded a benevolence of his subjects spiritual and temporal, towards the maintenance of the wars against the Frenchmen and Scots. ¶ On the line 30 twelve of januarie, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1030.  the lord chancellor, the duke of Suffolk, and other of the king's council, began to sit at Bainard's castle, where they first called before them the mayor and aldermen, etc. And because Richard Read alderman would not agree to pay as they set him; he was commanded upon pain to serve the king in his wars of Scotland, who departed from London the three and twentieth of januarie.  
Also sir William Roch alderman, for words of line 40 displeasure taken by the king's council, 
Sir William Roch sent to the Fleet.  was by them sent to the fleet, where he remained till passion sunday. On the six and twentieth of januarie, there camped on the west side of Bullongne beyond the haven, an army of French, to the number of eighteen thousand, where they lay ten days, and the sixth of February were put to flight by the earl of Hertford, and sir john Dudleie lord admiral, than deputy of Bullongne. On the thirteenth of February, 
Execution for false accusation.  a priest was set on the pillory in Cheap, line 50 and burnt in both cheeks with the letters F. and A. and a paper on his head, wherein was written, For false accusing: which judgement was given by the lord chancellor in the Star chamber, a notable example of justice. Great cause have I to wish the like to the like accuser, who never yet repent, but contrariwise sweareth and forsweareth that he never did any such act against his brother.]  

The discomfiture gotten by the Scots at Halidon rig.  In the beginning of March sir Ralph Evers lord warden of the marches after many fortunate roads line 60 and forraies made into Scotland, assembled now about four thousand men, & entering with the same into Scotland, was encountered at Halidon rig by the earl of Arraine and other Scotishmen, which so beset the Englishmen with three battles on each side, that in the end they slew the said lord warden, with the lord Ogle, 
The valiant sir Ralph Evers slain.  and a great number of other gentlemen and commons, beside prisoners, which they took, so that few escaped the Scottishmen'S hands. Among other prisoners taken, 
Read, alderman of London prisoner.  Richard Read an alderman of London aforesaid was one. The death of sir Ralph Euers was greatly bemoaned: for he had showed great proof of his valiant prowess at sundry times before; namely in this year past, as at the taking and burning of the town of I●dworth, which enterprise was achieved the tenth of june, beside diverse other exploits fortunately brought to pass by his high valiancy and manhood, till his hap was at this present to finish his days: whose life though then it took end, yet shall not his fame & good report (purchased by martial courage, policy, and dangerous adventures) perish or decay; as the poet truly saith: 
Parta labore volat vas●um bona fama per orbem,  
Haec veluti Phoebus non m●ritura manet.   
This year on saint George's day sir Thomas Wriothestleie lord chancellor of England was made knight of the garter. 
Anno Reg. 〈◊〉 Rich. 〈◊〉  Also Trinity term was adjourned by reason of the wars, but the escheker and the court of the tenths were open, for those that were accountable in either of the said courts. 
Anne Aske● and others arraigned and acquitted.  The thirteenth of june Robert Luken servant to sir Humphrey Browne one of the justices of the king's Bench, Anne Askew gentlewoman, otherwise called Anne Kime, wife to one Kime, a gentleman of Lincolnshire, and jone Sautereie, wife to john Sautereie of London, were arraigned in the Guildhall of London, for speaking against the sacrament of the altar (as they termed it) contrary to the statute of the six articles: but because no witness appeared against the women, nor against Luken, one only excepted, who was thought to accuse him rather of malice, than otherwise, they were by twelve honest substantial men of the city (sworn to pass upon their indictments) clearly acquitted and discharged.  
The same day also was a pewterer named Thomas Day discharged, 
Thomas Day pewterer.  by the pardon granted in the last parliament, after he had remained in prison in Newgate the space of three years now past, condemned long before the date of the same pardon, for the article of auricular confession comprised within the same statute. About the same time, to wit the seventh of june a great army of Frenchmen came down to Bullongne, and near to the haven encamped themselves. 
Martin de Bellaie.  In this army were reckoned to be twelve thousand lanceknights, twelve thousand French footmen, six thousand Italians, four thousand of legionary soldiers of France, & a thousand or twelve hundred men of arms, beside seven or eight hundred light horsemen. After some skirmishes not greatly to their advantage, they began yet to build a fort, which at length they accomplished, 
The new fort before Bullogne. I. S. pag. 1031.  as after shall appear. ¶ About the five & twentieth of june, was a great tempest in Derbishire, where through trees were overturned, & diverse churches, chapels, and houses were uncovered. Also in Lancashire, 
Hailstones figured like men's heads.  there fell hailstones as big as men's fists, which had diverse prints in them, some like men's faces, some like gun holes, etc.]  
The same month also the lord Lisle admiral of England with the English fleet entered the mouth of Saine, and came before Newhaven, 
The English fleet cometh before Newhaven.  where a great navy of the Frenchmen lay, to the number of a two hundred ships, and six and twenty galleys, whereof the pope (as was reported) had sent twenty well furnished with men and money, to the aid of the French king. The Englishmen being not past an hundred and threescore sail, and all great ships, determined not to set upon the Frenchmen where they lay: but yet approaching near unto them, shot off certain pieces of ordinance at them, and thereby caused the galleys to come abroad, which changed shot again with the Englishmen. The galleys at the first had great advantage, by reason of the great ●alme. Twice either part assaulted other with shot of their great artillery, but suddenly the wind rose so high, that the galleys could not endure the rage of the seas, and so the Englishmen for fear of flats were compelled to enter the main seas, and so sailed unto Portesmouth where the king lay, for he had knowledge by his espials that the Frenchmen intended to land in the isle of Wight, wherefore he repaired to that coast, to see his realm defended.  
After this, the eighteenth of julie the admiral of France monsieur Danebalte hoist up sails, 

The French 〈◊〉 landeth in the isle of Wight.  
The Frenchmen land in Sussex.   and with his whole navy came forth into the seas, and arrived on the coast of Sussex before bright Hamstéed, and set certain of his soldiers on land, to burn and spoil the country: but the beacons were fired, & the inhabitants thereabouts came down so thick, line 10 that the Frenchmen were driven to fly with loss of diverse of their numbers: so that they did little hurt there. Immediately hereupon they made to the point of the isle of Wight, called saint Helen's point, and there in good order upon their arrival they cast anchors, and sent daily sixteen of their galleys to the very haven of Portesmouth. The English navy lying there in the same haven, made them ready, and set out toward the enemies, and still the one shot hotly line 20 at the other: but the wind was so calm, that the king's ships could bear no sail, which greatly grieved the minds of the Englishmen, and made the enemies more bold to approach with their galleys, and to assail the ships with their shot even within the haven.  
The twentieth of julie, the whole navy of the Englishmen made out, 
The Marie Rose drowned by negligence.  & purposed to set on the Frenchmen, but in setting forward, through too much folly, one of the king's ships called the Marie Rose line 30 was drowned in the midst of the haven, by reason that she was overladen with ordinance, and had the ports left open, which were very low, and the great artillery unbreeched; so that when the ship should turn, the water entered, and suddenly she sunk. In her was sir George Carew knight and four hundred soldiers under his guiding. There escaped not passed forty persons of all the whole number. On the morrow after about two thousand of the Frenchmen landed in the isle of Wight, 
Frenchmen distressed in the isle of Wight.  where one of their line 40 chief captains named le chevalier Daux, a Provencois was slain with many other, and the residue with loss and shame driven back again to their galleys.  
The king perceiving the great Armada of the Frenchmen to approach, caused the beacons to be fired, and by letters sent into Hamptonshire, Summersetshire, Wiltshire, and into diverse other countries adjoining, gave knowledge to such as were appointed to be ready for that purpose, to come with line 50 all speed to encounter the enemies. Whereupon they repaired to his presence in great numbers well furnished with armour, weapon, victuals, and all other things necessary, so that the isle was garnished, and all the frontiers alongst the coasts fortified with exceeding great multitudes of men. The French captains having knowledge by certain fishermen, whom they took, that the king was present, & so huge a power ready to resist them, they disanchored and drew along the coast of Sussex, and a small number line 60 of them landed again in Sussex, of whom few returned to their ships: for diverse gentlemen of the country, as sir Nicholas Pelham, and others, with such power as was raised, upon the sudden, took them up by the way and quickly distressed them.  
When they had searched every where by the coast, and saw men still ready to receive them with battle, they turned stern, and so got them home again without any act achieved worthy to be mentioned. The number of the Frenchmen was great, 
The number 〈◊〉 the French 〈◊〉.  so that diverse of them that were taken prisoners in the isle of Wight, and in Sussex, did report that they were three score thousand. The French king advertised the emperor most untruely by letters, that his army had gotten the Isle of Wight with the ports of Hamton, and Portesmouth, and diverse other places. In August following, 
The earl of Hertford forageth the middle marches of Scotland.  the earl of Hertford entered again into Scotland with twelve thousand men, and destroyed all the towns in the middle marches, burned Coldingham abbey, and passed to the west marches, sore annoieng and indamaging the Scots, and yet neither they, nor the Frenchmen that were sent into Scotland this year to the aid of the Scots, under the leading of monsieur de Lorges, Montgomerie his father, durst once come forth into the field to encounter with him.  
Also in the beginning of this month the city of London set forth a thousand soldiers of archers, 
The Londoners set forth a power into France.  harquebutters, pikes, and bills, which went to Dover, and so passed over unto Calis, to serve the king in his wars on that side the seas. 
The death of the valiant lord Poinings.  In the same month that valiant captain sir Thomas Poinings knight, lord Poinings, and the king's lieutenant of his town and marches of Bullogne departed this life, after he had to his great honour achieved many worthy enterprises in service of his prince against the enemies, so that his death was much lamented. A gentleman undoubtedly deserving to be had in perpetual memory: and pity it is, that diverse such valiant feats as he in his life time achieved, were not committed to writing, to remain for examples sake to posterity.  
Also in the same month at Guildford died the noble and valiant duke of Suffolk Charles Brandon lord great master of the king's household, 
The death of the duke of Suffolk.  a right hardy gentleman, and yet not so hardy, as almost of all estates and degrees of men, high & low, rich and poor, heartily beloved, & his death of them greatly lamented: his body was honourably buried at Windsor, at the king's costs. 
His just commendation.  This man in his days had done to the king and realm right agreeable services, as well in peace, as in wars, both in England, France, Scotland, and Ireland, he died the king's general lieutenant of his army then appointed to resist the Frenchmen, if they durst have landed.  
But now, whereas in this mean time we have spoken nothing of the doings in Scotland, where the war was still continued, the king of France sent thither certain bands of Frenchmen, under the government of monsieur de Lorges, 
Monsieur de Lorges sent into Scotland with certain French bands.  to aid the Scots against the Englishmen; and the king of England waged many strangers, and sent them with certain Englishmen to the borders, for defence of the same against the invasions of the enemies: for after the arrival of the Frenchmen, a great army of Scots was raised, and approached near to the borders, where for a certain time they encamped, so that many thought some notable enterprise would have been attempted. But after they had lain in camp a certain time, they broke up, and departed without attempting any further exploit.  
Shortly after the earl of Hertford lying on the borders, as lieutenant of the north parts of England, 
The earl of Hertford invadeth Scotland.  calling to him an army of twelve thousand men, or thereabouts, what of Englishmen and strangers, entered Scotland with the same, and burned a great part of the Mers, and Tevidale, as Kelsaie abbey and the town; Melrosse abbeie & Driborne abbey, also jedworth abbeie, and diverse other places, towns, and villages, to the number of five score. Kelsaie abbeie was defended a while by three hundred Scots, but in the end the most part of them were slain, & taken by the strangers and others that gave the assault. Thus the earl of Hertford sore endamaged the Scots by this invasion, and yet neither they, nor the Frenchmen their assistants, dur●● come forth into the field once to encounter with him.  
On the sixteenth of September a number of Scots and Frenchmen attempted to enter into England on the east borders. But the Englishmen perceiving them about to pass by a certain streict, set upon them, and slew and took of them to the number of seven score. Among the prisoners that were taken, the lord of Humes son, and a French captain were accounted chiefest. Also in another road made into the west borders, the lord Maxwels son, and diverse others were taken. 
Overthrows on both sides, betwixt the English and Scots.  But at an other time about the same season also, certain Englishmen to line 10 the number of five hundred, making their entry by the west borders into Scotland, were discomfited by the Scots, and the more part of them either taken or slain. Thus were they occupied as well on the borders betwixt England and Scotland, in this season, as also in the marches of Calis, Guisnes, and Bullognois, where the garrisons lying in those places, made continual roads & forrays into the marches of the enemies country, and oftentimes chanced to encounter with some of their troops. line 20  
The captain of Ard, monsieur de Dampiere, having got for a supply from the French camp at Bullogne, the company of the men of arms that belonged to the duke of Orleans, led by his lieutenant monsieur de Tavannes', chanced on a day to encounter with the Englishmen guided by that valiant baron the lord Greie of Wilton, captain of the town of Guisnes, who being accompanied with a number of valiant gentlemen & soldiers, distressed their enemies, & slew the captain of Ard the foresaid line 30 lord de Dampiere there in field. diverse other skirmishes and encounters chanced in that summer, on the further side the seas. And moreover, now after that the French navy was withdrawn (as ye have heard) from the coasts about Portesmouth, that martial chiefteine, sir john Dudleie, lord Lisle, and high admiral of England, having all his ships, men, munition, & furniture ready, set forward from Portesmouth haven, to have fought with the Frenchmen, if they had still kept the seas, but they were withdrawn line 40 home into harborough.  
Whereupon the lord admiral meaning to revenge their bravadoes, and presumptuous attempts made at Portesmouth, and in the isle of Wight, approached to the coasts of Normandy, and landed with six thousand men at Treport, burned the suburbs of that town, with the abbeie, and certain villages and houses thereabouts. Also they destroyed thirty ships, and a bark there found in the haven: and after they had wrought their pleasures, they returned to line 50 the sea, and so home, not having lost past fourteen persons in the execution of this whole enterprise. Of this great spoil & overthrow given at Treport, by the king's admiral, I find these verses remembered: 
— Treportem passibus aequis  

T●eporte oppidum Galliae maritimum à johann Dudleio praefecto regiae clas●is diripitur & flammis absumitur.  Ordine seruato (qui mus est militis) intrant:  
Obuius ut quisque est, is stricto sternitur ense,  
Ast alius volucri traiectus membra sagitta,  
Occidit exanguis, foedátque cruore plateas.  
Dum reclusa alius vult prospectare fenestra, line 60  
Nec conferre pedem, nec aperto praelia mart  
Commiscere audet, glandis transfigitur ictu.  
Omne genus telorum ad caedem immittitur atram.   
In this mean while monsieur de Biez, being encamped near to Bullogne with such a puissant army (as before you have heard) busied about the building of a fort, there was not such diligence used therein, as was promised on his part in accomplishing the same, to the French kings great displeasure (as some writ) who had meant with that army (if this fort had been finished at the appointed time) to have gone to besiege the town and castle of Guisnes: but now the time being prolonged, and not without some suspicion lest monsieur de Biez cared not how long the wars endured in that sort, so as he might command over so many princes and great lords as were there under his governance, at length before the fort were fully finished, he removed to mount Lambert with the more part of the army, pretending as though he meant to fight with the Englishmen, the which (as he said) he understood were purposed to come with a convoy of victuals from Calis to Bullogne.  
Whilst he there remained, many princes and great lords came from the court, that lay at an abbey called forest Montier, eleven leagues from Bullogne beyond Muttrell, on the way towards Abuille, in hope that battle should have followed betwixt the English and French armies. Among other that came thither are these remembered as principal, monsieur Danguien, monsieur Daumalle, monsieur le duke de Nevers, monsieur le conte de laval, and monsieur de la Trimoville. Monsieur Daumalle eldest son to the duke of Guise, being lodged in the vanguard that was governed by monsieur de Brissac, chanced on a day to be present at a skirmish, where showing himself very forward, he was stricken through the sight of his helmet, with a light horssemans' staff, that piercing in betwixt his nose and his eye, entered half a foot into his head, as monsieur de Langeie writeth, 
Martin de Bellaie, seigneur Langeie in his memoirs.  and breaking off a two singers beneath the iron, the same iron remained still within his head: but yet escaping out of the English men's hands, he came back to the camp, had the truncheon and iron pulled out of his head, and being dressed was conveyed in a litter to Piquignie, where he lay for two or three days in such danger, that no man looked that he should have escaped with life.  
There were many of these skirmishes, wherein the Englishmen bore themselves so valiantly, that the Frenchmen went away oftentimes with loss of many of their noble men and best soldiers. At one time they lost the lord Menaintuille brother to the lord de Tillebonne, being slain with stroke of lance and pike. At another time they lost likewise a young lord of Picardy called le seigneur de Fretoie. At length, after their new fort or bastillion was brought in some strength, they furnished it in most defensible wise with men, munition and victuals, naming it Monpleastre. Herewith monsieur de Biez departing from mount Lambert with part of the army, came down towards Calis, 
Monsieur de Biez forageth the English pale about Calis.  and entering into the English pale beside Gravelin, wan certain bulwarks, and encountering diverse new bands of Leicestershiremen and others, lately before sent over, distressed them, and after burned certain villages, forraied the country almost to Mark, and afterwards in great haste with their booty and pillage they turned. This enterprise was exploited by the French men about S. Matthews day in September.  
There were with monsieur de Biez at this enterprise the lord of Brissac, 
Martin de Bellaie.  who governed the vanguard, and had with him his own company of men of arms, and the light horsemen of whom he had the general conduct. There was also the company of men at arms that belonged to the constable of France, led by the lord Guich, & fifty men of arms under the governance of the lord of Helleie, the company also of the lord of Boisie, the company of the lord Escars, and that of the lord de la Roch du main, & others. There was also monsieur de Taies general of the French footmen, and many young princes and lords of high estate, as monsieur Francis de Bourbon, duke Danglien, Francis de Lorraine, duke Daumalle lately recovered of his hurt, the duke of Nevers, and the earl de laval that in this voyage was hurt with an harquebus shot in the arm.  
The three and twentieth of November, a parliament began at Westminster, 
● parliament. ● subsidy 〈◊〉.  in the which was granted to the king a subsidy of the spirituality of six shillings the pound, to be paid in two years next ensuing: and of the temporalty two shillings and eight pence of the pound in goods, and four shillings of the pound in lands, to be paid likewise within two years. Also in this parliament all colleges, chanteries, and hospitals were committed to the king, to order, by altering or transposing the same as to him should seem expedient, which at the prorogation of the same parliament line 10 he promised should be done to the glory of God, and the common profit of the realm. The four and tw●ntith of December, the said parliament was prorogued, on which day the king coming into the house, to give his royal assent unto such acts as were passed, the speaker made unto him an eloquent oration, to the which although the custom hath ever been that the lord chancellor should make answer, it pleased the king at that present to make the answer himself, which he uttered as here ensueth. line 20  

The king's oration in the parliament house.  
ALthough my chancellor, for the time being, hath before this time used very eloquently and substantially, to make answer to such orations as hath been set forth in this high court of parliament; yet is he not so able to open and set forth line 30 my mind and meaning, and the secrets of my heart, in so plain and ample manner, as I myself am and can do. Wherefore I taking upon me to answer your eloquent oration master speaker, say, that where you in the name of our well-beloved commons, have both praised and extolled me, for the notable qualities that you have conceived to be in me: I most heartily thank you all, that you have put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to endeavour myself to obtain and get such excellent qualities, line 40 and necessary virtues, as a prince or governor should or ought to have, of which gifts I recognise myself both bare and barren, but of such small qualities as God hath endued me withal, I render to his goodness my most humble thanks, intending with all my wit and diligence to get and acquire to me such notable virtues and princely qualities, as you have alleged to be incorporated in my person. These thanks for your loving admonition and good line 50 counsel first remembered, 
The king's thanks to his commons.  I eftsoons thank you. Again, because that you considering our great charge, not for our pleasure, but for your defence, not for our gain, but to our great cost, which we have lately sustained, aswell in defence of our and your enemies, as for the conquest of that fortress, which was to this realm most displeasant and noisome, and shallbe (by God's grace) hereafter to our nation most profitable and pleasant, have freely of your own minds granted to us a certain subsidy, here in an line 60 act specified, which verily we take in good part, regarding more your kindness, than the profit thereof, as he that setteth more by your loving hearts than by your substance. Beside this hearty kindness, I cannot a little rejoice, when I consider the perfect trust and confidence, which you have put in me, as men having undoubted hope and unfeigned belief in my good doings and just proceed for you, without my desire or request, have committed to mine order and disposition all chanteries, 
The king's promises for the well disposing of chantries and colleges.  colleges, hospitals, and other places specified in a certain act, firmly trusting that I will order them to the g lorie of God, and the profit of the commonwealth. Surely if I (contrary to your expectation) should suffer the ministers of the church to decay, or learning (which is so great a jewel) to be minished, or poor and miserable to be unreléeved, you might say that I being put in so special a trust, as I am in this case, were no trusty friend to you, nor charitable to mine even christian, neither a lover to the public wealth, nor yet one that feared God, to whom account must be rendered of all our doings. Doubt not I pray you, but your expectation shall be served, more godly and goodly than you will wish or desire, as hereafter you shall plainly perceive.  
Now sith I find such kindness on your part towards me, I cannot choose but love and favour you, affirming that no prince in the world more favoureth his subjects than I do you; nor no subjects or commons more loved and obeyed their sovereign lord, than I perceive you do me, for whose defence my treasure shall not be hidden, nor if necessity require, my person shall not be unadventured. Yet although I wish you, and you with me, to be in this perfect love and concord, this friendly amity cannot continue, except both you my lords temporal, and my lords spiritual, and you my loving subjects, study and take pain to amend one thing, which surely is amiss, and far out of order, to the which I most heartily require you: which is, that charity and concord is not among you, but discord and dissension beareth rule in every place. Saint Paul saith to the Corinthians, and the thirteenth chapter: 
Charity and concord in commonwealths be things most necessary: but in matters of religion, charity and concord is not enough, without verity and true worship of God.  Charity is gentle, charity is not envious, charity is not proud, and so forth in the said chapter. Behold then what love and charity is among you, when the one calleth an other heretic and anabaptist, and he calleth him again papist, hypocrite, and pharisee? Be these tokens of charity amongst you? Are these signs of fraternal love between you? No, no, I assure you that this lack of charity amongst yourselves will be the hindrance and assuaging of the fervour 〈◊〉 between us, as I said before, except this 〈◊〉 be salved, and clearly made whole. I must needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord to be 〈◊〉 by negligence of you the fathers and preachers of the spirituality: for if I know a man which liveth in adultery, I must judge him a lecherous and a carnal person: if I see a man boast and brag himself, I cannot but deem him a proud man. I see here daily that you of the clergy preach one against another, teach one contrary to another, inveigh one against an other without charity or discretion: some be too stiff in their old Mumpsimus, other be too busy and curious in their new Sumpsimus: thus all men almost be in variety and discord, and few or none preacheth truly and sincerely the word of God, according as they ought to do. Shall I judge you charitable persons doing this? No, no, I cannot so do. Alas, how can the poor souls live in concord, when you preachers sow amongst them in your sermons debate and discord? Of you they look for light, and you bring them to darkness. Amend these crimes I exhort you, and set forth God's word, both by true preaching and good example giving: or else I, whom God hath appointed his vicar and high minister here, will see these divisions extinct, and these enormities corrected according to my very duty, or else I am an unprofitable servant, and an untrue officer. Although I say the spiritual men be in some fault, that charity is not kept amongst you; yet you of the temporalty be not clear and unspotted of malice and envy: for you rail on bishops, speak slanderously of priests, and rebuke and taunt preachers, both contrary to good order and christian fraternity. If you know surly that a bishop or preacher erreth, or teacheth perverse doctrine, come and declare it to some of our council, or to us, to whom is committed by God the high authority to reform and order such causes and behaviours, and be not judges yourselves, of your own fantastical opinions and vain expositions, for in such high causes you may lightly err. And although you be permitted to read holy scriptures, and to have the word of God in your mother tongue, you must understand, that it is licensed you so to do, only to inform your own consciences, and to instruct your children and family, and not to dispute, and make scripture a railing and a taunting stock line 10 against priests and preachers, as many light persons do. I am very sorry to know and hear, how unreverently that most precious jewel the word of God is disputed, rimed, song, and jangled in every alehouse and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same: and yet I am even as much sorry, that the readers of the same follow it in doing so faintly and coldly. For of this I am sure, that charity was never so faint amongst you, and virtuous and godly living was never less used, nor line 20 God himself amongst christians was never less reverenced, honoured, or served. Therefore (as I said before) be in charity one with an other, like brother and brother: love, dread, and serve God, to the which I as your supreme head and sovereign lord exhort and require you, and then I doubt not, but that love and league that I spoke of in the beginning, shall never be dissolved or broken between us. And to the making of laws which we have now made and concluded, I exhort you the makers to be as diligent in line 30 putting them in execution, as you were in making & furthering of the same: or else your labour shall be in vain, & your commonwealth nothing relieved. Now to your petition, concerning our royal assent to be given to such acts as have passed both houses, they shall be read openly that ye may hear them.   
Then were they openly read, and to many his grace assented, and diverse he assented not unto. Thus the king's oration was to his subjects there present line 40 such comfort, that the like joy could not be unto them in this world. And thus the acts read (as the manner is) and his assent given, his grace rose and departed. Many proper feats of arms were exploited and done in this mean while, betwixt the parties English and French about Bullongne. year 1546 On the morrow after the feast of the epiphany, there came a convoy of victuals towards the French fort, guarded with three or four thousand lancequenetzes under their colonel the reingrave and certain line 50 French horsemen. 
The reingrave.  The earl of Surreie then lieutenant of Bullongne advertised thereof, made out with such power as he might conveniently spare of them within Bullongne and the Old man, to cut off those victuals: but coming to encounter with the enemies at saint Estiens, he was put to flight: sir Edward Poinings captain of a band called the king's guard of Bullongne was slain in that conflict with fifteen or sixteen other captains, 
The English men put to flight.  beside officers and common soldiers. About the same time the line 60 Frenchmen made a voyage unto the Isle of brasil, with a ship called the bark Ager, which they had taken from the Englishmen before: and in their way they met with a little craier, of the which one Golding was master, a proper man and an hardy. The bark perceiving the craier to be an Englishman, shot at her and bowged her. Whereupon straightways the craier drew to the great bark, and six or seven of the Englishmen leapt into her. 
The bark Ager an English ship recovered.  In the mean time while the Frenchmen, without regard of peril towards themselves, looked over hatches to behold how the craier sunk there at hand before them, not mistrusting any thing that the Englishmen might do against them, it fortuned that those Englishmen which got up into the bark, found in the end thereof a great number of lime pots, which they with water quenched, or rather (as the nature thereof is) set them on fire, and threw them so thick at the Frenchmen which were there aboard, that they blinded them, in such wise as those few Englishmen that entered the ship vanquished the Frenchmen, and driving them under hatches, shut the same, and brought the bark away with them home into England. In the latter end of March the brothel houses called the Stues on the bank side in Southworke were converted from such filthy uses by the king's commandment, 
The Stues suppressed.  the bawds and ruffians being put out, and other persons of honest behaviour placed in their rooms to inhabit in the same houses. This was done by proclamation and sound of trumpet by an herald of arms.  
¶ On the seven and twentieth of April being tuesday in Easter week William Foxleie potmaker for the mint of the Tower of London fell asleep, 
Ab. Fl. ex I.S.. William Foxleie slept more than fourteen days, and as many nights without waking.  and so continued sleeping, and could not be wakened with pricking, cramping, or otherwise burning whatsoever, till the first day of the next term, which was full fourteen days, and as many nights or more, for that Easter term beginneth not before seventeen days after Easter. The cause of his thus sleeping could not be known, though it were diligently searched for by the king's physicians and other learned men, yea the king himself examining the said William Foxleie, who was in all points found at his waking to be but as if he had slept but one night: he was living in the Tower of London in the year of our Lord God 1579.]  
This year by means made by the emperor, commissioners were appointed to meet & treat of some accord between the realms of England & France, 
Anno Reg. 38.  so that the king of England sent over to Guisnes, Cuthbert Tunstall bishop of Duresme, sir William Paget his secretary, and doctor Tregonell: and the French king sent to Ard a bishop, the chief precedent of Roven, and a notary, but no conclusion followed of their travel. Whereupon the king of England having perfect knowledge how the Frenchmen intended to build a fortress at saint john's road between Bullongne and Calis, to the great annoyance of both those places, if they might have compassed their purpose; he meant to prevent that devise of his adversaries, sending over the earl of Hertford and the lord Lisle high admiral of England, with many valiant captains, which got the road but two days before the Frenchmen had appointed to be there. But when they understood that the Englishmen had so prevented them, they stayed about Hardilow, where monsieur de Biez their general gave order to encamp, and durst not once come forward to assay the English forces: so that without any impeachment by land, the Englishmen built certain fortresses, to wit, two at the same place of saint john's road, otherwise called Hamble Thew, and an other about a two miles from thence at a place called Black Nesse. 
Hamble Thew 〈◊〉 by the Englishmen.  There was in the earl of hertford's camp beside Englishmen diverse strangers, Almains, Spaniards and Italians. And because it is not much impertinent to the matter, we have thought good here to set down the whole number of all the king's forces at that present in his pay that were there under the said earl of Hertford the king's general lieutenant. First the earl had two hundred, the lord William Sturton three hundred, the lord john Greie brother to the marquess Dorset two hundred, the lord Braie one hundred, sir Thomas Seimer knight marshal of the host one hundred, sir Henry Kneuet captain of the horsemen one hundred, sir john Harrington treasurer, of the army one hundred, sir Thomas Wyatt master of the ordinance one hundred, sir Mauris Barkleie three hundred, sir Thomas Holcroft two hundred, sir Walter Dennis two hundred, sir George Blewet two hundred, sir Richard Greenefield two hundred, sir George Cornwall two hundred, sir john Lutterell one hundred, sir Edmund Hussie one hundred, Gorge Throkmorton two hundred, captain Broughton two hundred, captain Palmer two hundred, captain Chancie two hundred, captain Windam two hundred, captain Stukeleie one hundred, captain Blewet one hundred, captain Sidnam one line 10 hundred, captain Bret one hundred, captain Dier one hundred, captain Euans one hundred, Spaniard's fifteen hundred, Italians two hundred, Eleveners three hundred; lancequenets under the government of their colonel Conrade Phenning, commonly called Courtpennie, three thousand. The sum of all the soldiers in Bullongne & Bullongnois were 93000. Here you must note, that whilst the English army lay thus in the field till the forts of Hamble Thew and Black Nesse were in building, the line 20 French galleys were on the seas, and now and then came and approached near to the shore, where the English army lay in camp, at the which they shot off their ordinance: and the Englishmen answered them again with the like. They came also before Calis, and shot off at the town. But the lord admiral being there, made out to encounter them, notwithstanding they did first much hurt, and took away diverse of the English vessels laden with line 30 victuals.  
The eighteenth day of May there were four of the king's ships, and four pinases abroad on the seas afore the haven of Hamble Thew, and there came eighteen of the French galleys to set upon them, and so there was great shooting between them: 
● French 〈◊〉 taken,  and at length one of their galleys was taken, in the which were aboard fourteen score soldiers and seven score rowers: 
● mutiny in 〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉.  the rest of their galleys packed away. Moreover, whilst the camp lay thus at Hamble line 40 Thew, it chanced that on a day a mutiny rose among that they got themselves into order of battle, seized upon the great artillery, and showed countenance as if they would have set upon the residue of the whole camp. Hereupon every soldior was commanded to repair to his ensign, and the Spaniards came and joined with the Englishmen, ready to take such part as they did. At length by the diligence of the chiefteines, and good countenance of the English line 50 soldiers and Spaniards the tumult was stayed, and six of the principal beginners were hanged.  
The one and twentieth of May the French army came and encamped beyond Bullongne at the church on the hill: and the morrow after the earl of Hertford marched with his power to a place within two miles of them, and certain footmen and horsemen went forth and skirmished with them; and in the mean time the artillery ceased not to shoot off, as well from the French camp and fortress as from line 60 Bullongne and the Old man. This day were slain fourteen Frenchmen and two taken prisoners; and three of the English part were likewise taken, and so the earl of Hertford returned to his camp, and left the lancequenets upon the hill, encamped before the enemy's faces, not two miles distant from them, in which place a fort was begun to be raised, which was after called the fort of Bullongne Berg. The next day, 
A great skirmish.  to wit, the three and twentieth of May the soldiers of Bullongne and the lancequenets skirmished with the Frenchmen, slew and took of them seven score and above▪ of the which there were forty that were in coats of velvet, and diverse also with chains.  
Here you must understand, that now in this mean while by the motion of diverse princes, a meeting was had of sundry commissioners, appointed to treat of some peace, to be concluded betwixt the two kings of England and France. Hereupon there came to Guisnes for the king of England the earl of Hertford, the bishop of Winchester, sir john Dudleie viscount Lisle baron of Maupas, and high admiral of England, sir William Paget the king's secretary, and doctor Nicholas Wootton dean of Canturburie. For the French king there came to Ard monsieur claud Danebault admiral of France, being also one of the four marshals of that realm, the bishop of Eureux, monsieur Reimund chief precedent of Rone, the secretary Bouchetell. diverse times they met betwixt Ard and Guisnes, and after long debating of matters, and diverse breakings off: yet at length the seventh of june a peace was concluded, and proclaimed as well in the court as in the city of London on whitsunday the thirteenth of june, with sound of trumpet, 
A peace concluded and proclaimed.  according to the manner: and in like sort the same day it was proclaimed at Paris and at Rone. The chiefest article of which peace was this, that the French king paying to the king of England 800000 crowns within the term of eight years, should have Bullongne again to him restored, which in the mean time should remain in the hands and possession of the king of England, as a pledge and gage for assurance of the said money.  
On the seven & twentieth of june doctor Crome recanted at Paul's cross: 
I. Stow, pag. 1033.  which recantation was urged upon this occasion. When the chanteries & colleges were given by act of parliament into the king's hands (as is above remembered) which was about the month of December 1545, 
john Fox in Acts & Monuments.  the next lent following doctor Crome preaching in the mercer's chapel, among other reasons and persuasions, to rouse the people from the vain opinion of purgatory, 
D. Crome r●●canteth at Paul's cross.  inferred this, grounding upon the said act of parliament: that if trentals and chanterie masses could avail the souls in purgatory, than did the parliament not well in giving away monasteries, colleges, & chanteries, which served principally to that purpose. But if the parliament did well (as no man could deny) in dissolving them & bestowing the same upon the king, then is it a plain case, that such chanteries and private masses do nothing confer so relieve them in purgatory. This Dilemma of doctor Crome, no doubt, was insoluble: but notwithstanding the charitable prelates (for all the kings late exhortation unto charity) were so charitable to him that they brought him Coram nobis, and so handled him that they made him recant his words. ¶ On the sixteenth of june were letters patents delivered to sir Thomas Cheinie treasurer of the king's household, 
Abr. Fle. 〈◊〉 manuscrip●oa● Henr. Tenant tradito.  and lord warden of the cinque ports, whereby he was authorised to be the king's agent in christening the Dolphin's daughter of France named Elizabeth. A true copy of which letters patents is here recorded, because the said action hath been ignorantly transferred from the said sir Thomas Chemie to sir Henry Kneuet: as appeareth in Holinsheds' chronicle published 1577, pag. 1608.  
A true copy of the king's letters patents to sir Thomas Cheinie.  
HEnricus octauus Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae rex, fidei defensor, & in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hibernicae supremum caput. Praedilecto & fideli consiliario nostro Thomae Cheinie sacri ordinis nostri garterij militi, domino gardiano quinque portuum, & hospitij nostri thesaurario salutem. Cùm illustrissima princeps ac consanguinea nostra charissima domina Katharina illustrissimi principis consanguinei & filii nostri charissimi Henrici Franciae Delphini christianissimi principis Francisci Francorum regis fratris, amici & confoederati nostri perpetui, filii primogeniti coniunx praeclarissima, nuper (divina cooperant clementia) prolem foeminam enixa sit: nos summoperè cupientes pacis, amicitiae, & unionis vinculum line 10 inter praefatum christianissimum Francorum regem & nos iam nuper redintegratum, firmioribus quibus possumus nexibus astringi, admaiorem ipsius corroborationem & firmitatem, ac ut dicto illustrissimo filio nostro in hac part gratificemur, etiam compaternitatisfoedus duximus adijciendum. Quocirca ad levandum de sacro font vice & nomine nostro dictam prolem ex praefata illustrissima domina Katharina dicti illustrissimi line 20 principis coniuge, & consanguinca nostra a charissimanatam, illique nomen Elisabethae imponendum, & ipsam nomine Elisabethae in illius baptismo nominandam, caeteráque omnia & singula in praemissis, & circa ea necessaria seu quovismodo oportuna nomine nostro faciendum & exercendum, etiamsi maiora existant superiùs expressis, & mandatum de se exigant magis speciale quàm superiùs est insertum: te commissarium ac ambassiatorem line 30 & procuratorem nostrum specialem ordinamus, facimus, & constituimus per praesentes: promittentes nos ratum, gratum, & firmum habituros quicquid per te gestum & procuratum sive actum fuerit in praemissis. In cuius reitestimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Greenewich sextodecimo die Junii anno regni nostri tricesimo octavo.  
Henry Rex.  
The king having passed over the foresaid letters line 40 patents to sir Thomas, and he in forwardness to execute his charge, to the intent that his retinue and attendants should no ways offensively behave themselves against the French, with whom the king was very careful to continue and maintain the peace interchangeably agreed upon and concluded, his majesty to prevent and cut off all occasions that might any way impeach, interrupt, or violate this peace, commanded the lords of his council to direct letters with all expedition to the said sir Thomas, line 50 then upon his voyage into France, containing a prescript form of demeanour, which the gentlemen & yeomen attendant upon him in France should use, during the time of their abode in those foreign parts: a copy of which letter, being a testimonial of the king of England's inclinable mind to peace hereafter followeth out of the very original, as the same was subscribed by the lords.  
A copy of the said letters sent in post to sir Thomas Cheinie being upon his voyage into France.  
line 60  
AFter our right hearty commendations to your good lordship. The king's majesty hath willed us to signify unto you, that his highness express pleasure and commandment is, ye should in his majesties name declare to such gentlemen as accompany you into France, that they have in remembrance so to use & behave themselves among the Frenchmen as well on the way as at the court, in such sort as they by communication upon feats of the war passed give no occasion of private displeasure. Wherein therefore it shall be expedient, that either they say nothing, unless they be provoked; or in that case call the things happened fortune de la guerre, without comparison of things chanced on our part or on theirs, but turn the communication to rejoice in peace. In the conditions whereof they shall pretend ignorance, without speaking of the keeping still of Bullogne, or deliverance of it again, but as shall please the princes for the continuance of peace, wherein by God's grace the cruelty of war shall be converted into extremity of friendship, to the weal and commodity of both realms.  
And forsomuch as there want not in the world naughty men of the state of monks and friars, who for malice of the alteration of their estate here, would gladly defame our religion towards God, as though we had with them cast out all; his highness express pleasure and commandment is, that considering at this first entry of you, the behaviour of your company shall be much marked and noted in matters of religion and circumstances: of the same they should therefore have so much the more regard both to their communications and also behaviours, and not only in speech to forbear to dispute or intermeddle with the state of their policy there, but also in their diet on the fish day and devout hearing of mass, follow the order of the king's majesties realm, so as their conversation & behaviour may be confusion to such as would defame this realm in the contrary. Thus far your good lordship right heartily well. From Greenwich the nineteenth of june 1546. Your lordship's assured loving friends, Thomas Wriothesleie canc. W: Saint-Iohn. I: russel. Cut●: Duresme. Steph: Winton. Anthony Brenne. William Petres. This letter was thus endorsed. ¶ To our assured loving friend sir Thomas Cheinie knight of the order, treasurer of the king's majesties household, and lord warden of the cinque ports, presently in special commission from the king's majesty into France. Hast, post haste for thy life, to Dover, Calis, or where he shall chance to be: haste, haste.  
Thus far of sir Thomas Cheinie, employed about the king's affairs in France; namely the christening of the Dolphin's daughter: wherein we have been the more copious in words, because it hath been published, that sir Henry Kneuet was there unto personally deputed: which to be untrue, both the letters patents and the letter missive do sufficiently prove; both which we received at the hands of an 
Henry Tenant.  ancient servitor, attendant upon the same sir Thomas at his being in France to execute his charge in the king's behalf. Of which worthy knight when we come to the year and day of his death, we will deliver further report to his high commendation, but yet none otherwise than as by warranted intelligence we shall be directed.]  
The same time was a combat fought before the French king betwixt two Spaniards, 
A combat between julian Romerou, and Morrow,  julian Romerou, and one Morrow. They both served the king of England in the last wars against France: but Morrow had revolted from his service to the French kings, and for certain speeches which he had uttered, was challenged to fight the said combat by the said julian, for whom sir Henry Kneuet undertook that he should stand to his challenge, and try it with his adversary, which he now did, and vanquished him in lists, the fight being appointed on horseback. incontinently after, 
The death of sir Henry Kneuet.  sir Henry Kneuet sickened and died at corbel, and was buried in Paris within the church of S. Paul. Moreover, for the full establishment of the peace, and to receive the French kings oath, the viscount Lisle lord admiral, with the bishop of Duresme, and diverse other lords, and gentlemen, to the number of one hundred and above, all in velvet coats and chains of gold, with five and forty yeomen right seemly appointed, 
The lord 〈…〉 went into France to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 king's 〈◊〉.  went into France, departing from Bullogne the tenth of julie, and came to Mellune a town beyond Paris, where the French king then lay, by whom and the Dolphin his son they were royally received, feasted, and banketted: and having done that for the which he was sent, the said lord admiral Dudleie the first of August took his leave of the French king, line 10 who rewarded him with a cupboard of plate all gold, valued at 1500 pounds. The lords also and gentlemen had chains of gold given to them, and the yeomen had two hundred crowns bestowed amongst them, and so the lord admiral returned into England. This lord admiral, during the time that he had to deal with the French, so valiantly demeaned himself, and was such a terror and astonishment to the enemy, as it is left written of him, that they durst not quéech in his presence, but were like a line 20 sort of timorous cattle, giving room to the raging lion ranging over the pastures with her younglings, and making the very heavens to ring with her roaring, after she hath filled herself with bulls flesh, and laid herself down to rest being weary with eating; the comparison very aptly followeth: 
Vtque iracundo cedunt armenta leoni,  
Pascua cum plenus bacchante furore peragrat  
Solus cum catulis, coelum, & rugitibus implens  
Conspicitur, postquam taurorum carnibus atra line 30  
Sat saturata fames, lassúsque recumbit edendo:  
Tantus terror erat Gallis Dudleius Heros.   
In the same month of August monsieur Danebalt high admiral of France, 
An embassage 〈◊〉 of France.  accompanied with the bishop of Eureux, the earl of Nautevill knight of the order, the earl of Uilliers, the chief precedent of Rouen, secretary Bouchetell, monsieur de Canaples knight of the order, monsieur de Taies knight of the order, monsieur de Masilerie viceadmerall of France, monsieur de Desk, the baron de la guard, line 40 with diverse other lords and captains of honour, beside two hundred gentlemen well appointed, leused from Deep with twelve galleys and a right fair ship called the Sacre of Deep, and so making sail he stayed not any where to take land, till he came into the Thames, where at Blackewall he was received into the king's barge by the earls of Derby and Essex, who brought him to Gréenewich, where he landed, and lodged there that night.  

The king's ●●ips that lay the river betwixt Gra●●send & Det●●●d, shot off ●●stilie, & likewise the French gall●●s ●alsed them again.  The next day he came up with all his galleys, line 50 and landed at the Tower wharf. Upon all the banks by the water side were laid pieces of artillery, which shot off freely, and so likewise did all the artillery in the ships, but specially from the Tower was shot a marvelous great peal of ordinance. From whence being landed, they road through London in great triumph (the mayor and the crafts standing in the streets in very good order) unto the bishop's palace by Paul's, where the French admiral lodged till Bartholomew even, on which day he was conveyed line 60 toward Hampton court, where in the way the prince having with him the archbishop of York, 
The French admiral received by 〈◊〉 Edward.  the earls of Hertford and Huntingdon, and above two thousand horse, met him and embraced him in such courteous and honourable wise, that all the beholders greatly rejoiced, and much marveled at the said princes high wit and great audacity, and so the French admiral came to the court, giving the prince the upper hand as they road. And at the utter gate of the court, the lord chancellor, and all the king's council received him, and brought him to his lodging.  
On Bartholomew day the king admitting him to his presence, welcomed him, and in great triumph went to the chapel, where the king received his oath to perform the articles of the league, 
The admiral of France receiveth an oath.  as it was covenanted. To speak of the banquetings, huntings▪ and such like honourable sorts of interteinements, it were much to utter, and hard to believe. But on friday following, 
His gifts that he had of the king & others.  being the seven and twentieth of August, he being rewarded with a cupboard of plate, to the value of twelve hundred pounds, returned to London, and on the sunday next ensuing took his galleys and departed. Beside the king's gifts, he had given to him by the city of London two flagons guilt, and two other that were parcel guilt, valued at one hundred thirty six pounds, beside wine, wax, and torchs. There were diverse of his company also that went not away unrewarded, having both plate, and also many horses, and greihounds given them.  
Although this peace pleased both the English and French nations, yet surly both mistrusted the continuance thereof. And verily the old proverb seemed to be throughly verified, which saith, that what the eye seeth, the hart ruth: for the Frenchmen still longed for Bullogne, and the Englishmen meant not willingly to give it over. For during the French admerals being in England, monsieur de Chatillon captain of Montplaisier began to make a new bastilion even at the very mouth of the haven, naming it Chatillons garden. Whereupon that noble gentleman the lord Greie of Wilton, shortly after appointed to be deputy of the town and county of Bullogne, perceiving the great inconvenience that this new building would bring to the town if it went forwards, did advertise the king thereof, 
The lord Greie of Wilton.  earnestly beseeching his grace, that the matter might be throughly considered of. 
Sir Thomas Palmer.  Sir Thomas Palmer was the messenger.  
The king upon the intelligence, asked his counsels advise, which only went wholly, that the conditions of the peace were not in any wise to be infringed. This resolved, secretary Paget then knight, and afterwards lord, was commanded accordingly to draw a letter to the lord Greie, the which ●he king himself did sign, willing that the messenger should further know of his pleasure before he departed. Whereupon sir Thomas Palmer, having his dispatch at the secretaries hands, did get word to be given to the king, who presently sent for him into his privy chamber, and betwixt them two, used these words: Palmer, you have there a letter from us to the lord Greie, 
King Henry's message to the lord Greie by sir Thomas Palmer.  that he do in no wise deal in the matter that he hath by you advertised us of. Notwithstanding, I will that you deliver him this message from us.  
Bid him call to mind how that his brethren and himself not a short time, but even from tender years, nor far off, but still near to our person, we have brought him up, which (tell him) not unjustly, if that be in him that we conceive doth breed in us an odd trust of fervency to serve us of him, more than a common servant or subject. By that token will him whatsoever I have written to the contrary, that he presently impeach the fortification of Chatillons garden, and raze it if it be possible: and this my message shall be his cléering therein, & the service gratefully accepted. Sir Thomas Palmer somewhat astonished hereat, considering the weightiness of the cause, and the contrariety of the letter and message, began to put the king in mind of the small credit that his bare errand of right was like to have, so flat against that which his majesties letters imported. But the king cutting off his tale▪ Deliver thou the message (quoth he) at his choice then be the executing thereof.  
Sir Thomas thus dispatched, with great speed arrived at Bullogne immediately upon the opening of the gates at after noon. His letters and message delivered, the lord Greie straight assembled the council, showed them the king's letters, which read, he caused sir Thomas to pronounce before them the message also. Every man was to say his advise: it went roundly through the board without any question, that the letter was to be followed, the message not to be stayed on. The lord Greie having heard, and not replying any thing, willed sir Thomas to be called line 10 in again, bade him repeat his message, and therwhilest made a clerk of the council to write the same Verbatim. This done, he prayed the whole table to set their hands unto it, which they did, and the lord Greie taking the same into his hands, without further opening, declaring his resolution, broke up council, commanded straight the gates to be shut, gave privy warning, that certain bands with armour and weapon, and likewise pioneers should that night by an hour be in a readiness. line 20  
The hour came, himself with the warned company issued out, passed over the water, and without any alarm of the enemy, 
Chattilons' garden overthrown and razed down.  did overthrow in three or four hours, what in two or three months had been raised, and so in great quietness returned into the town. Presently he dispatched sir Thomas Palmer back again to the king with the news, whose return was so sudden, as the king himself being in the chamber of presence, & seeing him, said aloud: What? Will he do it or no? Sir Thomas giving no line 30 other answer, but presenting his letters, and saying, that thereby his majesty should know. The king again in earnest mood, Nay tell us I say, whether he will do it or not? Then sir Thomas told him that it was done, and the whole fortification clean razed. Whereat the king taking great joy, presently called to certain of the lords of the council that were by, and said: How say you my lords, Chatillons garden the new fort is laid as flat as this floor. One straight amongst them gave judgement, that he that had line 40 done it, 
The lord Greies' service very honourably accepted of the king.  was worthy to lose his head. The king straight replied, he had rather lose a dozen such heads as his was that so judged, than one such servants as had done it: and herewith he commanded, that the lord Greies' pardon should presently be made, the which with a letter of great thanks, and promise of reward, was returned by the said sir Thomas Palmer to the said lord Greie; but the reward failed, the king not continuing long after in life: the like hap whereof had oftentimes happened unto diverse line 50 of his worthy ancestors upon their due deserts to have been considered of, and therefore the case the less strange.  
This have I set down the more willingly, for that I have received it from them, which have heard it reported, not only by the lord Greis own mouth, but also by the relation of sir Thomas Palmer, and others that were present: the same not tending so much to the lord Greys own praise, as to the betokening of the kings noble courage, and the great secret trust which he worthily reposed in the said lord line 60 Greie. Here is to be noted also, lest any man should mistake the matter, as if the king dealt indirectly herein, that his majesty knowing how the Frenchmen in going about to build this fort, did more than they might by the covenants of the peace; and therefore was resolved at the first advertisement thereof, to have it razed. But yet for that it might happily have been signified over unto the Frenchmen, before my lord Greie could have accomplished the feat, he therefore wisely wrote one thing in his letters, whereunto many might be privy, and ●en● secret knowledge by words contrary to the contents of the same letters, so as if the messenger were trusty, his pleasure might not be discovered to the hindrance or dispappointing of the same. But now to our purpose.  
The French king after this, because as yet he would not seem to break the peace, commanded the trenches and new fortifications made about this fortress, called Chatillons garden thus cast down, to be filled by his own people, and so it rested during the life of king Henry: but afterwards it was begun again, and finished, as after ye shall hear. About Michaelmas in this present year, 
The duke of Norfolk cō●mitted to the tower.  Thomas duke of Norfolk, and Henry earl of Surrie that was his son and heir, upon certain surmises of treason, were committed to the tower of London, 
154●  and immediately after Christmas, the thirteenth of januarie, the king then lying in the extremities of death, the said earl was arraigned in the Guildhall of London, before the lord mayor, the lord chancellor, and diverse other lords and judges being there in commission. Where if he had tempered his answers with such modesty as he showed token of a right perfect and ready wit, his praise had been the greater. Some things he flatly denied, seeking to weaken the credit of his accusers by certain circumstances: other he excused with interpretations of his meaning, to prove the same to be far otherwise than was alleged against him.  
And one special matter amongst other wherewith he was charged, was, for bearing certain arms that were said to belong to the king, and to the prince. The bearing where of he justified and maintained, that (as he took it) he might bear them as belonging to diverse of his ancestors, and withal affirmed, that he had the opinion of heralds therein. But yet to his indictment he pleaded not guilty: and for that he was no lord of the parliament, he was enforced to stand to the trial of a common inquest of his country, which found him guilty, and thereupon he had judgement of death: and shortly after, to wit, the 19 of januarie, 
The earl of Surrie beheaded.  he was beheaded on the tower hill. ¶ In this month of januarie, the church of the late grey friars in London was opened, and mass ●oong there: 
I. S. pag. 1034 king Henry his gift to the city of London.  and that day preached at Paul's cross the bishop of Rochester, who declared the king's gift to the city of London, for the relieving of the poor people, which was by patent under his great seal. Saint Bartholomews spittle, the church of the grey friars, and two parish churches, the one of saint Nicholas in the shambles, the other saint Ewine in Newgate market, all to be m●de on parish church of the grey friars church; and in lands he gave for the maintenance of the same 500 marks by year for ever, & this church to be named Christ's church, founded by king Henry the eight.]  
The duke was atteinted by parliament, and the atteindor after reversed in the first year of queen Marie. The evil hap as well of the father, 
The duke atteinted.  as of the son, was greatly lamented of many, not only for the good service which the duke had done in his days in defence of this realm, but also for that the earl was a gentleman well learned, and known to have an excellent wit, if he had been thankful to God for the same, and other such good gifts as he had endued him withal. The king now lying at the point of death, made his last will and testament, 
The king marks his testament.  wherein he not only yielded himself to almighty God; but also took order, that during the minority of his son prince Edward, his executors should be councillors and aiders to him in all things, as well concerning private as public affairs. They were sixteen in number, whose names were as hereafter followeth.  
Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, 
His execut●●●.  Thomas Wriothesleie lord chancellor, sir William Paulet knight of the order, lord Saint-Iohn, & great master of the household: sir Edward Seimer knight of the order, earl of Hertford, and high chamberlain of England: sir john russel knight of the order, lord privy seal: sir john Dudleie knight of the order, viscount Lisle, & baron of Maupas, high admiral of England: Cuthbert Tunstall bishop of Durham: sir Anthony Browne knight of the order, and master of the horse: sir Edmund Montacute knight chief justice of the common pleas: sir Thomas Bromleie knight, one of the justices of the king's bench: sir line 10 Edward North knight, chancellor of the augmentation: sir William Paget knight of the order: sir Anthony Dennie knight: sir William Herbert knight: sir Edward Wotton knight, treasurer of Calis: Nicholas Wotton dean of Canturburie and York.  
So soon as the noble king had finished his last will and testament, as afore is said, he shortly thereupon yielded up his spirit to almighty God, 
The decease of King Henry the eight.  departing this world the eight and twentieth day of januarie, line 20 in the eight and thirtieth year of his reign, and in the year of our Lord 1546, after the account of the church of England; but after the account which we follow in this book 1547, beginning our year the first of januarie. He reigned thirty and seven years, nine months and odd days. His body (according to his will in that behalf) was conveyed to Windsor with all funeral pomp, and in the college there interred. Of this tresnoble and trespuissant monarch, I find these few verses, which may serve line 30 in good stead of an epitaph or funeral inscription: 

Henricus octa●● post 38. 〈…〉.  Henricus princeps propè lustra peregerat octo,  
Et populum magna prudens cum laud regebat,  
Ex quo magna solitractavit sceptra Britanni:  
Cùm Deus omnipotens, morbo obrepente, moneret  
Hinc emigrandum de vita. Proh doloringens!  
Quo● pia pleb●lachrymis quàm tristibus ora rigavit?  
Quàm graviterregni proceres planxere cubantem?  
Anglia tota jacet moerens, lugubris & amens,  
Nil opis apportant medici, nil profuit herba● line 40  
Quae solet humanis membris adferre salutem,  
Pharmaca nil prosunt, praebetur potio frustrate  
Heu nulla tristis mors est medicabilis arte.   

The description of King Henry the eight.  This noble prince was right fortunate in all his doings, so that commonly whatsoever he attemted, had good success, as well in matters of peace as of wars. Of parsonage he was tall and mighty, in his latter days somewhat gross, or as we tearment, bourlie: in wit and memory very perfect: of such line 50 majesty tempered with humanity, as best became so noble and high an estate: a great favourer of learning, as he that was not ignorant of good letters himself▪ he was of great magnificence and liberality, insomuch that john Leland that worthy antiquary, having tasted of his royal bountifulness, hath le●● no less testified to the world in a proper epigram▪ which I will not omit, lest I should wilfully conceal a manifest protestation of his thankfulness le●t witnessed unto the world in writing: line 60 

Ad Henricum octa●um, regem Angliae, maxi●●● studiosorum ●●●torem.  Antèsuos Phoebus radios ostende●● mundo.  
Definet, & claras Cynthia pulchra faces:  
Antè slùet ●apidu●● tacitis fine piscibus ae●uo●punc;  
Spinifer & nullam sentis habebit avem:  
Antè sacrae quercus cessabunt spargere ramos,  
Floráque sollicita pingere prata manu:  
Quàm rex dive tuum labatur pectore nostro  
Nomen, quod studijs portus & aura meis.   
And the same john Leland, who deservedly had, tasted the fruits of the king's largesse, was not unacquainted with the fame of his renown, which had made itself known by restless flight to nations far and near, some to their smart having felt the valour of his forces, and others submitting themselves for fear of utter desolation. Whereupon he became a terror to his enemies, and yet none more desirous of peace than he, if by any other means (besides violence) the same might have been obtained. Sufficient cannot be said in his high & merited commendation, considering that as his victories were singular, so were they also manifold; and hard it is for the pen of a cunning rhetorician to paint him out according to his dignity: howbeit the said john Leland hath left in writing a proper epigram, devised in praise of this most excellent king, by way of comparison, to his immortal commendation, as here followeth: 

Comparatio in gloriam Henric● octavi regis po●entissimi.  Quantum puniceis novo rosetis  
Cedunt vere suis rubeta spinis▪  
Quantum lilio amoenioris horti  
Gemmae omnes aliae nitore cedunt:  
Quantum caetera punicis decoro  
Malis poma quidem rubore cedunt:  
Quantum coniferis breves myricae  
Concedunt quoque gloria cupressis:  
Quantum stellig ero repressa tellus  
Caelo mole sua & nigrore cedit:  
Tantum omnes alij, celebritate,  
Fama, nomine, gloriáque vera  
(Vt mittam ingenij valentioris  
Lumen, flumina, fulmen atque vires  
Rari judicij tui perennes)  
Concedunt tibi principes serenil  
Henrice, o patriae tuae columna  
Talis, qualis erat celebris illa  
Olim quam extulit Henricus triumphans.   
Of learned men that lived in the days of this most famous prince, we find many, as first john Colet dean of Paul's, and founder of the school there, he was borne in London of honest parents; William Lillie borne in the town of Odiham in Hampshire, and was the first schoolmaster of Paul's school after it was erected; Thomas Linacer, or rather Linaker, borne in Derby, a learned physician, and well seen in the tongues; john Skelton a pleasant poet, Richard Pace that succeeded john Colet in the room of dean of Paul's, john Fisher bishop of Rochester of whom ye have heard before, Thomas More borne in London of whom mention likewise is made in the life of this famous king; William Horman borne in Salisbury viceprovost of Eton college, a learned man, as by his works it appeareth; john Frith borne in London, William tindal, of which two persons ye have heard likewise in the history of this king; Robert Wakefield excellently seen in tongues, john Rastall a citizen and stationer of London, Christopher Saint German an excellent lawyer, Robert Barnes of whom also we have made mention before.  
Sir Thomas Eliot knight, Edward Lée archbishop of York, john Leland a diligent searcher of antiquities, Anne Askew wrote certain treatises concerning her examinations, sir john Bourchier knight lord berner's translated the chronicles of sir john Froissard out of French into English, William Chubb's, Henry Standish a friar minor and bishop of saint Assaph wrote against Erasmus for his translation of the new testament, to his small praise as he handled the matter; Thomas surnamed Philomelus a Londoner an excellent poet, William Grocine very expert in both tongues Greek and Latin, Thomas Spenser a Carmelite friar borne in Norwich, Henry bullock, William Latimer, Young a monk of Ramseie, Arnold of London wrote certain collections touching historical matters, Thomas Lupset a Londoner a learned young man departed this life in the six and thirtieth year of his age about the year of our Lord 1532, he wrote sundry virtuous treatises; William Melton chancellor of York, john Sowle a Carmelite friar of London and a doctor of divinity, john Batemanson a Charterhouse monk & prior of his house at London, Richard Whitford.  
Thomas Altourborne in Norfolk and fellow with Bilneie in suffering persecution under cardinal Wolseie, Henry Bradshaw borne in Chester where he was professed a black monk wrote the life of saint Werbourgh and a certain chronicle, john Palsgrave a citizen of London wrote instructions line 10 for the perfect understanding of the French tongue, john Skuish a Cornishman wrote certain abbreviations of chronicles with a treatise of the wars of troy, Anthony Fitzherbert a judge wrote an abridgement of the law, john Littleton wrote also of the principles of the law but he lived before this season, Wilfride Holme wrote a treatise of the rebellion in Lincolnshire and in the North after the manner of a dialog, john Constable an excellent poet and rhetorician, john Hilier, Edward line 20 For student in the king's college in Cambridge was advanced to the bishops see of Hereford and was employed in diverse amb●ssages from king Henry the seventh both into Germany and Italy.  
john Lambert alias Nichols borne in Norfolk, of whom ye have heard in the history of this king, how he suffered for the controversy of the sacrament; George Fulberie, john Hooker, Thomas Lanquet wrote an epitome of chronicles and also of the winning of Bullongne, john Shepre, Leonard line 30 Cox wrote diverse treatises, one in English rhetoric whereof Bale maketh no mention; Thomas Soulmon borne in the isle of Gernseie very studious in histories as by his writings and notes it appeareth, john Longland bishop of Lincoln, Maurice Chancie a Charterhouse monk, Cuthbert Tunstall bishop of Duresme, Richard Samson, Alban Hill a Welshman an excellent physician, Richard Croak very expert in the Greek tongue, Robert Whittington borne in Staffordshire near to Lichfield line 40 wrote diverse treatises for the instruction of Grammarians, john Aldrige bishop of Carleill, john russel gathered a treatise entitled Super iure Caesaris & Papae, he wrote also commentaries in Cantica; William roy, Simon Fish a Kentishman borne wrote a book called the supplication of beggars.  
john powel and Edward powel Welshmen wrote against Luther, Edward died in Smithfield for treason in denying the king's supremacy in the line 50 year 1540; john Houghton governor of the Charterhouse monks in London died likewise for treason in the year a thousand five hundred thirty and five; john Rickes being an aged man, forsaking the order of a friar Minor, which he had first professed, embraced the gospel; George Bullen lord Rochfort, brother to queen Anne, wrote diverse songs and sonnets; Francis Bigod knight borne in Yorkshire wrote a book against the clergy entitled De impropriationibus, and translated certain books from Latin into English, he died for rebellion in the year a thousand five hundred thirty and seven; Richard Wise, Henry Morleie lord Morleie, wrote diverse treatises, as comedies and tragedies, the life of sectaries, and certain rhythms; William Boteville alias Thin restored Chaucer's works by his learned and painful corrections.  
john Smith sometime schoolmaster of Heiton, Richard Turpine borne of a worshipful family in England & serving in the garrison of Calis wrote a chronicle of his time, he died in the year a thousand five hundred forty and one, and was buried in saint Nicholas church in Calis; Sir Thomas Wyatt knight, in whose praise much might be said, as well for his learning as other excellent qualities meet for a man of his calling, he greattlie furthered to enrich the English tongue, he wrote diverse matters in English meeter, and translated the seven penitential psalms, and (as some writ) the whole psalter, he died of the pestilence in the west country, being on his journey into Spain, whither he was sent ambassador from the king unto the emperor, in the year a thousand five hundred forty and one; Henry Howard earl of Surrie, son to the duke of Norfolk, delighted in the like studies with sir Thomas Wyatt, wrote diverse treatises also in English meeter, he suffered at Tower hill, as in the history of this king before ye have heard.  
john Field a citizen and lawyer of London wrote sundry treatises, as his own answers unto certain articles ministered to him by sir Thomas More, the bishop of Rochester, Rastall, and others; when he was in prison for religion, he wrote also a treatise of man's freewill, De servo hominis arbitrio, and collections of the common laws of the land, &c: Tristram Revel, Henry Brinklow a merchant of London wrote a little book, which he published under th● name of Roderike Mors, and also a complaint upon London, &c: Robert Shinglet●n borne of a good family in Lancashire wrote a treatise of the seven churches, and other things, as of certain prophecies, for the which (as some writ) he suffered at London, being convict of treason in the year 1544: William Parreie a Welshman wrote a book entitled Speculum iwenum.  
Of strangers that lived here in this king's days, and for their works which they wrote were had in estimation, these we find recorded by master Bale: Barnard Andreas a Frenchman, borne in Tolouse an Augustin Friar, and an excellent poet; Adrian de Castello, an Italian of Corneto a town in Thuscaine, he was commended unto king Henry the seventh by the archbishop Morton, and thereupon was first made bishop of Hereford, and after resigning that see, was advanced to Bath and Welles; Andreas Ammonius an Italian of the city of Luca, secretary to the king▪ wrote diverse treatises; james Calco an Italian also of Pavia in Lombardy, by profession a Carmelite friar, an earnest defender of the divorce betwixt the king and the lady Katherine Dowager, disproving the marriage betwixt them to be in any wise lawful.  
Thus far the right high and renowned Henry the eight, son and successor to Henry the seventh.   

Edward the sixth, son and successor to Henry the eight.  
AFter it had pleased almighty God to call to his mercy that famous prince king Henry the eight, the parliament as yet continuing, and now by his death dissolved, the executors of the said king, and other of the nobility, assembling themselves line 10 together, 
●. Edward proclaimed.  did first by sound of trumpet in the palace of Westminster, and so through London, cause his son and heir prince Edward to be proclaimed king of this realm by the name of Edward the sixth, king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the churches of England and Ireland the supreme head, he being yet but nine years and odd months of age: he was thus proclaimed the eight and twentieth of januarie, in the year of the world 5513, and after the birth of our line 20 Lord 1547, year 1547 according to the account of them that begin the year at Christmas; but after the account of the church of England, in the year 1546, about the nine and twentieth year of the emperor Charles the fift, the three and thirtieth of Francis the first of that name king of France, and in the fift year of the reign of Marie queen of Scotland.  
Shortly hereupon the earl of Hertford with other of the lords resorted to Hatfield, where the young king than lay, from whence they conducted him with line 30 a great and right honourable company to the Tower of London. During the time of his abode there, for the good government of the realm, the honour and surety of his majesties person, his uncle Edward earl of Hertford, was by order of the council, and the assent of his majesty (as one most meetest to occupy that room) appointed governor of his royal person, 
The earl of Hertford cho●●● protector.  and protector of his realms, dominions and subjects, and so proclaimed the first of February by an herald at arms, and sound of trumpet through line 40 the city of London in the usual places thereof, as it was thought expedient.  
The sixth day of February the earl of Hertford lord protector adorned king Edward with the order of knighthood, remaining then in the Tower, and therewith the king standing up, called for Henry Hubbleshorne lord mayor of the city of London, who coming before his presence, the king took the sword of the lord protector, and dubbed the said Hubblethorne knight, he being the first that ever he line 50 made. The seventeenth of February the lord protector was created duke of Summerset, 
Lord protec●●● made duke 〈◊〉 Summerset  the earl of Essex was created marquess of Northhampton, the lord Lisle high admiral of England was created earl of Warwick and high chamberlain of England, sir Thomas Wriothesleie lord chancellor was created earl of Southampton, sir Thomas Seimer was advanced to the honour of lord of Sudleie and high admiral of England, which office the earl of Warwick then resigned, sir Richard Rich was made lord Rich, and sir William Willoughby was created lord Willoughby of Parrham, sir Edmund Sheffield was made lord Sheffield of Butterwike; and as saith a late writer of this action: 
Vt quisque est ditione potentior, auctus honore,  
Et nova virtutis sumens insignia fulget.   
At the same time great preparation was made for the king's coronation, 
The king r●deth through London to Westminster.  so that the four and twentieth of February next ensuing, his majesty came from the Tower, and so road through London unto Westminster, with as great royalty as might be, the streets being hung, and pageants in diverse places erected, to testify the good wills of the citizens, rejoicing that it had pleased God to deal so favourably with the English nation to grant them such a towardly young prince to their king and sovereign thus to succeed in place of his noble father. 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1036.  ¶ Now as he road through London toward Westminster, and passed on the south part of Paul's churchyard, an Argosine came from the battlements of the steeple of Paul's church upon a cable, 
Paul's steeple lay at anchor.  being made fast to an anchor by the deans gate, lying on his breast, aiding himself neither with hand nor foot, and after ascended to the midst of the cable, where he tumbled and played many pretty toys, whereat the king and the nobles had good pastime.]  
The morrow after being Shrovesundaie and the five and twentieth of February, 
K. Edward crowned.  his coronation was solemnised in due form and order, with all the royalty and honour which thereunto appertained. Shortly after the coronation, to wit, the sixth of March, the earl of Southampton, lord chancellor of England, for his too much repugnancy (as was reported) in matters of council to the residue of the councillors about the king, 
The lord chancellor discharged of his room.  was not only deprived of his office of chancellor, but also removed from his place and authority in council, and the custody of the great seal was taken from him, and delivered unto sir William Paulet lord Saint-Iohn, that was lord great master of the king's household.  
Also shortly after his coronation, the king's majesty by the advise of his uncle the lord protector and other of his privy council, minding first of all to seek God's honour and glory, and thereupon intending a reformation, did not only set forth by certain commissioners, sundry injunctions for the removing of images out of all churches, to the suppressing and avoiding of idolatry and superstition within his realms and dominions, but also caused certain homilies or sermons to be drawn by sundry godly & learned men, 
Homilies.  that the same might be read in churches to the people, which were afterward by certain of these commissioners sent forth as visitors, accompanied with certain preachers throughout the realm, for the better instruction of the people, 
The communion in both kinds.  published and put in ure. At Easter next following, he set out also an order through all the realm, that the supper of the lord should be ministered to the lay people in both kinds. ¶ On the fifteenth of May doctor Smith recanted at Paul's cross. 
I. S pag. 1036. D. Smith recanted. ]  
All these things done concerning religion (as before is said) the lord protector and the rest of the council, calling to mind the evil dealing and crafty dissimulation of the Scots, concerning the matter of line 10 marriage betwixt the king's majesty, and the queen of Scotland (which marriage as ye have heard, in the five and thirtieth year of king Henry the eight, was by authority of parliament in Scotland fully concluded) thought it not to stand with the king's honour to be in such manner by them deluded, and withal considering how greatly it should turn to the quietness and safety of both realms to have these two princes conjoined in matrimony, they did devise line 20 sundry ways and means how the same might be brought to pass, 
Rich. Crafton.  and the rather (as some do write) for that king Henry (before his death) had given them in special charge by all endeavours to procure that the said marriage might take place, as wholly wishing by the conjunction of those two young princes, the uniting of the two kingdoms in perpetual amity and faithful league of love; as our poet saith: 
Optat coniugio duo regna coire fideli,  
Aeternam pacem hinc aeternáque foedera iungi. line 30   
But the lords of Scotland were so inveigled and corrupted by the French king, and abused by cardinal Beton, archbishop of saint Andrew's, and other of their clergy, that they not only shrank from that which they had promised, but also sought to destroy those that favoured the king of England's part: whereupon a great and puissant army was now prepared to pass by land into Scotland, and likewise a navy to pass by sea to attend upon the same: whereof the great galley and four and twenty tall ships were thoroughly furnished with men and munition line 40 for the wars, besides many merchant's ships and other small vessels, which served for carriage of victuals, and other necessaries.  
But now to show what noble men and other were ordained officers, and assigned to have the conduction as well of the army by land, as of the fleet by sea; ye shall understand, that first the duke of Summerset, 
Chiefteines in the army.  lord protector, took upon him to go himself in person, as general of the whole army, and captain line 50 also of the battle or middle-ward, wherein were four thousand footmen. The marshal earl of Warwick appointed lord lieutenant of the same army, led the forward containing three thousand footmen. The lord Dacres governed in the rearward, wherein were other three thousand footmen. The lord Greie of Wilton was ordained high marshal of the said army & captain general of all the horsemen, being in number six thousand. Sir Ralph Sadler knight treasurer of the army. Sir Francis Brian knight, captain of the light horsemen, in number two thousand. line 60  
Sir Ralph Uane knight lieutenant of all the men of arms and demilances. Sir Thomas Darcie knight captain of all the king's majesties pensioners, and men at arms. Sir Richard Leigh knight deviser of the fortifications. Sir Peter Mewtas knight captain of the harquebutters, which were in number six hundred. Sir Peter Gamboa knight, captain of two hundred harquebutters on horseback. Sir Francis Fleming knight was master of the ordinance. Sir George Blaag & sir Thomas Holcroft commissioners of the musters. Edward Shelleie, the lord Greies' lieutenant of the men of arms of Bullongne, who was the first that gave the onset in the day of battle, and died most honourably in the same. john burn captain of the pioneers being in number a thousand four hundred. Thomas Audeleie and Edward Chamberlain harbingers of the field.  
The lord Edward Clinton admiral of the fl●et▪ sir William Woodhouse knight his viceadmerall. 
The chie●teins that commanded in the navy by sea were these.  There were in the army of great ordinance fifteen pieces, and of carriages nine hundred carts, beside many wagons, whereof the commissary general was George Ferrer. As soon as the army by land was in a readiness, and set forward to come to Berwick at a day appointed, the navy likewise took the sea, and by the help of God's good guiding had so prosperous speed in their passage, that they arrived at Berwicke in time convenient, whither upon the thirtieth of August being tuesday, the lord protector came, and lay in the castle with sir Nicholas Strelleie knight, captain there. The next day commandment was given that every man should provide himself for four days victuals to be carried forth with them in carts.  
On thursday the first of September the lord protector, not with many more than with his own band of horsemen, road to a town standing on the sea coast, a six miles from Berwick within Scotland called Aimouth, 
The lord protector causeth Aimouth river to be sounded.  whereat there runneth a river into the sea, which he caused to be sounded, and finding the same well able to serve for an haven, caused afterwards a fortress to be raised there, appointing Thomas Gower, that was marshal of Berwick, to be captain thereof. On friday, all saving the council departed the town of Berwick, and encamped a two flight shoots off, by the sea side, toward Scotland. And the same day the lord Clinton with his fleet took the seas from Berwick, to the end that in case the wind should not serve them to keep course with the army by land; yet were it but with the driving of tides, they might upon any need of munition or victuals be still at hand, or not long from them.  
The same day the earl of Warwick, 
Sir Ralph Sadler treasurer of the English army.  and sir Ralph Sadler treasurer of the army, came to Berwick from Newcastle, where they had stayed till then, for the full dispatch of the rest of the army, and the next day the earl of Warwick encamped in field with the army. 
A proclamation.  On which day a proclamation with sound of trumpet was made by an herald in three several places of the camp, signifying the cause of the coming of the king's army at that present into Scotland, which in effect was, to advertise all the Scotish nation, that their coming was not to deprive them of their liberties, but to advance the marriage already concluded and agreed upon betwixt the king's majesty of England and their queen, and no hostility meant to such as should show themselves furtherers thereof. On the fourth of September being sunday, the lord protector came from out of the town, and the army raised, and marched that day a six miles, and camped by a village called Rostan in the baronrie of Boukendall.  
The order of their march was this. 
The order of the army in marching forward.  Sir Francis Brian captain of the light horsemen, with four hundred of his band, tended to the scout a mile or two before. The carriages kept along the sea coast, and the men at arms and demilances divided into three troops, answering the three wards, rid in array directly against the carriages a two flight shoots asunder from them. The three foot battles kept order in place betwixt them both. The forward foremost, the battle in the midst, the rearward hindermost, each ward having his troup of horsemen and guard of ordinance, his aid of pioneers for amendment of ways, where need should be. The fift of September they marched an eight miles, until they came to the Peaths, 
The Peaths.  a clough or valley, running for a six mile's west straight eastward, and toward the sea a twenty score broad from bank to bank above, and a five score in the bottom, wherein runs a little river. steep is this valley on either side, and deep in the bottom.  
The Scots had cast trenches overthwart the side ways on either side, in many places, to make the passage more cumbersome: but by the pioneers the line 10 same were soon filled, and the way made plain, that the army, carriage, & ordinance were quite set over soon after sun set, & there they pitched down their camp. Whilst the army was thus passing over this cumbersome passage, an herald was sent from the lord protector, 
●n English herald sent from the lord protector to s●mmon a castle.  to summon a castle, that stood at the end of the same valley, a mile from the place where they passed down towards the sea. Matthew Hume captain thereof, a brother's son line 20 of the lord Humes, upon his summons required to speak with the lord protector. It was granted, and he came, whom the lord protector handled in such sort with effectual words, putting him in choice whether he would yield, or stand to the adventure, to have the place won of him by force, that he was contented to render all at his grace's pleasure.  
And so being commanded to go fetch his company out of the house, he went and brought them, being in all one and twenty persons. The captain and line 30 six other were stayed and commanded to the keeping of the marshal, the residue were suffered to departed whither they thought good. After this surrender, the lord john Greie brother to the marquess Dorset, was appointed to seize & take possession of the house, being captain of a great number of demilances, as for his approved worthiness and valiancy right well he might, agreeable to the deserved report remaining of him in print in foreign speech as followeth: 
— Graius heros  
Ob summam belli cataphractis praefuit artem.   
The spoil was not rich sure, but of white bread, oaten cakes, and Scotish ale indifferent good store, and soon bestowed among my lords soldiers; for swords, bucklers, pikes, pots, pans, yarn, linen, hemp, and heaps of such baggage, which the country people there about had brought into that pile, to have it in more surety, the soldiers would scarce vouchsafe to stoop and take the same up.  

The castle of Dunglas overthrown.  In the mean time the lord protector appointed line 50 the house to be overthrown, which by the captain of the pioneers was done, though with some travel, by reason the walls were so thick, and the foundation so deep, and thereto set upon so craggy a plot. tuesday the sixth of September, the army dislodged and marched forward. In the way as they should go, a mile and an half from Dunglas northward were two piles or holds, 
Thornton. Anderwike.  Thornton & Anderwike, set both on craggy foundations, & divided a stones cast a sunder by a deep gut, wherein ran a little river. Thornton line 60 belonged to the lord Hume, and was kept by one Thom Trotter, 
Thom Trotter.  who upon summons given him to render the house, locked up a sixteen poor souls like the soldiers of Dunglas fast within the house, took the keys with him, commanding them to defend the place till his return, which should be on the morrow, wish munition and relief: and this done, he and his prickers pricked (as saith master Patten) quite their ways.  

The lord of Hambleton.  Anderwike pertained to the lord of Hambleton, and was kept by his son and heir, whom of custom they call the master of Hambleton, & eight more gentlemen for the most part, as was reported. The lord protector at his coming nigh, sent unto both these places, which upon summons refusing to render, were straight assailed; Thornton by battery of four great pieces of ordinance, and certain of sir Peter Mewtas hackbutters, and Anderwike by a sort of the same hackbutters, who so well bestirred them, that where these keepers had rammed up their outer doors, cloyed and stopped their stairs within, and kept themselves for defence of their house about the battlements, the hackbutters got in, 
The pile of Anderwike won.  and fired them underneath, whereby being greatly troubled with smoke, they cried for mercy, which the lord protector meant to grant them; but yer the messenger came, the hackbutters were got up to them, & killed eight of them aloft: one leapt over the walls, and running more than a furlong, was after slain without in a water.  
All this while at Thornton was the assault on the English part, and the defence by them within stoutly continued: but at length when they perceived in what danger they stood, and how little able they were to help themselves, or to annoy the assailants, they plucked in a banner which they had hung forth, in token of defiance, and put forth a white linen clout tied to a sticks end, crying all with one tune for mercy: but having answer by the whole voices of the assailers that they were traitors, and that it was too late, they plucked in their stick, and set up again their banner of defiance, and shot off, hurled stones, & did what else they could with great courage of their side, & small hurt of the assailants. Wherefore perceiving that they could not long keep out, being on the one side battered, and mined on the other, kept in with hackbutters on each side, and some of the Englishmen being got into the house below, for they having shopt up themselves also in the highest of their house, plucked in again their banner, and cried eftsoons for mercy, but being answered generally by the assailants, that they should never look for it, they fell to make this petition, that if they should needs die, they might rather suffer by hanging, and so reconcile themselves to God, than to die in malice with so great danger of their souls.  
This suit was so furthered to the duke's grace by sir Miles Partridge that was near at hand when they made this suit, that it was granted; 
Sir Miles Partridge.  and they coming forth, humbled themselves, 
Thornton yielded.  and without more hurt they were but commanded to the provost marshal, who kept them for a time, and were after released. The house was shortly after so blown with powder, 
The piles of Thornton and others defaced.  that more than the one half of it fell straight down to dust and rubbish, the rest stood all to shaken with rifts and chinks. Anderwike also was burned, and all the houses of office, and stacks of corn about them both. While this was in doing the duke's grace, in turning but about, saw the fall of Dunglas, which likewise was undermined and blown up with powder.  
This done, about noon the army marched, and passing by Dunbar, the castle sent them diverse shots of artillery, but all in vain. The Scotish prickers showed themselves in the field with proffer of skirmish, but to no great purpose, one of them being killed with a shot of one of Bartevils' men an hackbutter on horseback. The army having marched that day a ten miles, lodged at night near unto Tantallon, and had a blind alarm. 
Tantallon.  Marching the next morning a two miles, they came to a river called Lin, where there is a stone bridge, 
Linton bridge.  named Linton bridge of a town thereby on the right hand as the army marched, and standing eastward upon the same river: the horsemen and carriages passed through the water, for it was not very deep, and the footmen over the bridge. The passage was streict for an army, and therefore the longer in setting over.  
Beyond this bridge about a mile westward upon the same river, on the south side standeth a proper castle called hails, 
hails castle.  pertaining to the earl of Bothwell, but kept as then by the governors appointment, who held the earl in prison. Out of this castle as the lord protector passed forward in following the forward, there were roundly shot off (but without hurt) six or seven pieces, the which before that (though some of the army had been very nigh) yet kept they all covert. In the mean time rose a thick mist, line 10 which caused a great disorder in the rearward, by reason they could not see about them. The earl of Warwick therefore doubting lest the enemies, who had been pricking up and down near to the army, and offered skirmish the same morning, should now by occasion of the mist attempt some feat to the annoyance of the Englishmen in their passage, his lordship himself scant with sixteen horses (whereof Bartevill, and john de Ribald Frenchmen were two, seven or eight light horsemen more, and the rest line 20 being his own servants) returned toward the passage to see the array again.  
The Scotish horsemen perceiving our horsemen to have passed on before, and thinking (as the truth was) that some captain of honour did stay for the looking to the order of this rearward, 
A subtle practice of the Scots.  they keeping the south side of the river, did call over to some of the army, to know whether there were any noble man nigh there? They were asked why they asked? One of them answered, that he was such a one whose line 30 name the Englishmen knew to be honourable among the Scots, and would come in to the duke's grace, so that he might be sure to come in safety. Some young soldiers nothing suspecting the crafty falsehood of the Scots, told him that the earl of Warwick was nigh there, by whose tuition he should be safely brought to my lord protector's presence. They had cand their lesson & fell to their practice, which was this. Having come over the water, in the way as the earl should pass, they had couched line 40 about two hundred of their prickers, and had sent forty beside to search where my lord was, whom when they had found, part of them pricked very nigh, whom ten or twelve of the earls small company did boldly encounter, and drove them well-nigh home to their ambush, fleeing perchance not so much for fear as for falsehood, to bring them within their danger. But hereby informed that the earl was so nigh, they sent out a bigger number, and kept the rest more secret upon this purpose, that they might line 50 either by a plain onset distress him, or else by feigning of flight to have trained him within danger of their ambush. And thus instructed, they came pricking toward his lordship apace. Why (quoth he) & will not these knaves be ruled? 
The manly courage of the earl of Warwick. Dandie Car.  Give me my staff. The which then with so valiant a courage he charged at one (as it was thought) Dandie Car, a captain among them, that he did not only compel Car to turn, and himself chased him above twelve score together, all the way at the spears point, so that if line 60 Cars horse had not been exceeding good and wight, his lordship had surely run him through in this race, but also with his little band caused all the rest to flee amain. After whom as Henry Uane, a gentleman of the said earls, 
Henry Uane.  and one of his company did fiercely pursue four or five Scots, suddenly turned, and set upon him, and though they did not altogether escape his hands free, yet by hewing and mangling his head, body, and many places else, they did so cruelty entreat him, as if rescue had not come the sooner, they had slain him outright. Here was Bartevill run at sideling, 
Bartevill hurt.  and hurt in the buttock, and one of the Englishmen slain: of Scots again none slain, but three taken prisoners, whereof one was Richard Maxwell, and hurt in the thigh; 
Richard Maxwell taken,  who had been long in England not long before, and had received right many benefits, both of the late king's liberality, and of the earl of Warwick, and of many other nobles and gentlemen in the court beside.  
But to conclude, if the earl of Warwick had not thus valiantly encountered them, yet they could have warned their ambush how weakly he was guarded, he had been beset round about by them yet he could have been aware of them, or rescued of other. Whereas hereby his lordship undoubtedly showed his wonted valour, saved his company, and discomfited the enemy. As Bartevill the Frenchman that day had right honestly served, so did the lords right honourably acquit it: for the earl of Warwick did get him a surgeon, and dressed he was, straight after laid and conveyed in the lord protectors own chariot. The rest that were hurt were here also dressed, Scots and others.  
The army having marched that same day nine miles, 
Lang Nuddreie.  encamped at night by a town standing on the Frith called Lang Nuddreie. The next morning being thursday the eight of September, in time of the dislodging of the English camp, sign was made to some of the ships (whereof the most part and chiefest lay a ten or twelve miles in the Forth, beyond us, over against Lieth & Edinburgh) that the lord admiral should come a shore, to speak with the lord protector. In the mean time, somewhat early as our galley was coming toward us, about a mile and more beyond our camp, the Scots were very busy, wasting here on shore toward them with a banner of saint George that they had, so to train them to come on land there: but the earl of Warwick soon disappointed the policy, for making toward that place where the lord admiral should come on shore, the Englishmen on the water by the sight of his presence, did soon discern their friends from their foes.  
The lord admiral hereupon came to land, and riding back with the earl unto the lord protector, 
Orders taken for the placing of the ships.  order was taken, that the great ships should remove from before Lieth, and come to lie before Muskelborough; and the Scotish camp which lay there in field already assembled, to resist the English power that marched thus towards them. The smaller vessels that were vittelers were appointed to lie nearer to the army. The lord admiral hereupon, being returned to the water, & the army marching onward a mile or two, there appeared aloft on a hill, that lay longwise east and west, and on the south side of them, upon a six hundred of their horsemen prickers, whereof some within a flight shoot, 
The Scotish prickers show themselves.  directly against the Englishmen, showed themselves upon the same hill, & more further off.  
Toward these, over a small bridge that lay over a little river there, very hardly did ride about a dozen haquebutters on horseback, and held them at bay so nigh to their noses, that whether it were by the goodness of the same haquebutters, or the badness of them, the Scots did not only not come down to them, but also very courteously gave place, and fled to their fellows. The army went on, but so much the slowlier, because the way was somewhat narrow, by means of the Forth on the one side, and certain marshes on the other. The Scots kept always pace with them, till there were shot off two field pieces twice, wherewith there was a man killed, and the leg of one of their horses stricken off, which caused them to withdraw, so that the Englishmen saw no more of the●●, till they came to the place where they meant to encamp, for there they showed themselves again aloft on the fore remembered hill, standing as it were to view and take muster of the army: but when the lord Greie made towards them, minding to know their commission, they wisely meant their way, and would not once abide the reasoning.  
Little else was done that day, but that George Ferrer, one of the duke of Summersets gentlemen, and one of the commissioners of the carriages in the army, perceiving where certain Scots were got into a cave under the earth, stopping some of the line 10 vents, 
 and setting fire on the other, smothered them to death, as was thought it could be none other, by conjecture of the smoke breaking forth at some of the other vents. The English ships also taking their leave from before Lieth, with a score of shot or more, and as they came by saluting the Scots in their camp also, with as many, came and lay according to appointment. The army having marched this day about a five miles, 
Salt Preston.  encamped at Salt Preston by the Forth. On friday the ninth of September, line 20 the English army lying in sight & view of the Scotish camp, that lay two miles or thereabouts from them, had the Forth on the north, and the hill last remembered on the south, the west end whereof is called Faurside Braie, 
 on the which standeth a sorry castle, and half a score houses of like worthiness by it, and had westward before the Englishmen, the Scots lying in camp. About a mile from the English camp were the Scots horsemen very busy, pranking up and down, & feign would have been a counsel with the Englishmen'S doings; who again, because line 30 the Scots seemed to sit to receive them, did diligently prepare that they might soon go to them, and therefore kept within their camp all that day.  
The lord protector and the council sitting in consultation, the captains and officers providing their b●nds, store of victuals, and furniture of weapons, for furtherance whereof our vessels of munition and victuals were here already come to the shore. The Scots continued their bravery on the hill, the which the Englishmen not being so well able to bear, line 40 made out a band of light horsemen, and a troup of demilances to back them: the Englishmen and strangers that served among them, got up aloft on the hill, and thereby of even ground with the enemy road straight toward them with good speed and order, whom at the first the Scots did boldly countenance and abide: but after, when they perceived that our men would needs come forward, they began to prick, and would feign have been gone, yer they line 50 had told their errand. 
The Scots ●●ssemen discomfited and put to flight  But the Englishmen hasted so speedily after, that even straight they were at their elbows, and did so stoutly then bestir them, that what in the onset at the first, and after in the chase, which lasted a three mile's wellnigh to as far as the furthest of their camp on the south side, they had killed of the Scots within a three hours, above the number of thirteen hundred, 
Scots slain. Prisoners taken.  and taken the master of Hume, the lords Humes son and heir, two priests and six gentlemen, whereof one by sir jaques Granado, line 60 and all upon the highest and welaéere nighest of the hill toward the Scots, within the full sight of their whole camp.  
On the English part one Spanish haquebutters hurt, 
Englishmen 〈◊〉.  and taken sir Ralph Bulmer knight, Thomas Gomer marshal of Berwick, and Robert Crouch, all captains of several bands of the English light horsemen, and men of right good courage and approved service, & at this time distressed by their own too much forwardness, and not by the enemies force. To conclude, of fifteen hundred horsemen for skirmish, and five hundred footmen to lie close in ambush, and to be ready at need, which came that morning out of their camp, there returned not home above seven hundred, and diverse of those sore hurt, and among other, the lord Hume himself▪ 
The lord Hume hurt with a fall in the chase.  for haste in the flight, had a fall from his horse, and burst the canell bone of his neck, that he was feign to be carried straight to Edinburgh, and finally there departed this life of that hurt. So that it is true which C. O. saith, that in this skirmish many a good rider was dismounted, their horses with empty saddles and lose bridles running up hill and down dale, as if they had been stark mad, and to conclude (saith he) 
— equi lapsurus inhaesit  
Tergo alius summo tellurem vertice pulsans.   
Then after this, the lord protector, and the earl of Warwick, and other of the council, with a small guard, mounting up the hill where the slaughter had been made, about half a mile southeast from the Scotish camp, took full view thereof, the plot where they lay, so chosen for strength, as in all their country (some thought) not a better, save on the south by a great marish, & on the north by the Forth, which side they fenced with two field pieces, and certain haquebutters a crook, lying under a turf wall, Edinburgh on the west at their backs, and eastward between the Englishmen and them strongly defended by the course of a river called Eske, running north into the Forth, which as it was not very deep of water, so were the banks of it so high and steep, as a small sort of resistants might have been able to keep down a great number of comers up. About a twelve score from the Forth, over the same river, is there a stone bridge, which they did keep also well guarded with ordinance.  
When the lord protector, and the earl of Warwick had viewed every thing, as they thought expedient, they returned home towards their camp, alongst before the camp of the enemies, within less than two flight shoots, entering into a lane of thirty foot bread, fenced on either side with a wall of turf, an ell of height. The Scots did often shoot at them in the way as they passed thus homewards, without hurt, saving the kill of an horse among three hundred, the rider escaping else harmless. 
A Scotish herald delivereth a message to the duke of Summerset.  And as the duke's grace was passed wellnigh half the way homewards, a Scotish herald with a cote of his prince's arms upon him (as the manner is) and with him a trumpeter, overtook them.  
The herald declaring this message to the lord protector, pretended to come from the governor, to inquire of prisoners taken, and therewith to proffer honest conditions of peace. And after he had told his tale, than began the trumpeter, and said, how he was sent from the earl of Huntleie: My lord my master (saith he) hath willed me to show your grace, that because this matter may be the sooner ended, and with less hurt, he will fight with your grace for the whole quarrel, twenty to twenty, ten to ten, or else himself alone with your grace man to man. The lord protector having kept with him the lord lieutenant, had heard them both throughly, and then in answering, spoke somewhat with louder voice, than they had done their messages. Whereupon they that were the riders by, thinking that his grace would have it no secret, were somewhat the bolder to come nearer, the words whereof were uttered so expeditelie with honour, and so honourably with expedition, 
The lord protector's answer.  that the standers by were moved to doubt whether they might rather note in them the promptness of a singular prudence, or the boldness of a noble courage: and they were thus.  
Your governor may know, that the special cause of our coming hither was not to fight, but for the thing that should be the weal, both of us and you. For God we take to record, we mind no more hurt to the realm of Scotland, than we do to the realm of England, and therefore our quarrel being so good, we trust God will prosper us the better. But as for peace, he hath refused such conditions at our hands, as we will never proffer again: and therefore let him look for none, till this way we make it: and thou trumpeter, say to thy master, he seemeth to lack wit so to make this challenge to me, being of such estate, by the sufferance of God, as to have so weighty a charge of so precious a jewel, the governance of a king's person, & then the protection of all line 10 his realms, whereby in this case I have no power of myself, which if I had, as I am true gentleman, it should be the first bargain I would make: but there be a great sort amongst us his equals, to whom he might have made this challenge without refusal.  

The earl of Warwikes request and message to the earl of Huntleie.  Then quoth the lord lieutenant to them both, He showeth his small wit to make this challenge to my lords grace, and he so mean, but if his grace will give me leave, I shall receive it: and trumpeter bring me word thy master will so do, and thou shalt line 20 have of me an hundred crowns. Nay (quoth my lords grace) the earl of Huntleie is not meet in estate with you, my lord: but herald say to the governor, and him also, that we have been a good season in this country, and are here now but with a sober company, and they a great number, and if they will meet us in field, they shall be satisfied with fight enough: and herald bring me word if they will so do, and by my honour I will give the a thousand crowns. Ye have a proud sort among you, but I line 30 trust to see your pride abated shortly, and of the earl Huntleies too: Iwis he is a glorious young gentleman.  
This said, the earl of Warwick continued his request, that he might receive this challenge: but the lord protector would in no wise grant it. These messengers had their answers, and therewith leave to departed. The Scots in midst of this message, doing contrary to the order of war, 
The order of war touching heralds violated.  which as it granteth safety to heralds and trumpett●rs, to pass betwixt line 40 army and army: so during the time of any such message, as this was, hostility on both parts ought to cease, but it skilled not. On the morrow after, they had their guns taken from them (as saith master Patten) and put into their hands that could use them with more good manner. But now concerning the message of the herald, it was thought that he was sent therewith, not for that it was believed of them, that it would be accepted; but rather that whilst he was doing his errand, he might survey the English line 50 power: or else for that upon refusal of the offer, they might use the victory (whereof they accounted themselves assured) with more cruelty.  
Of nothing they doubted more, than least the Englishmen would have been gone back, and gotten to the water, 
The vain doubt of the Scots.  before they should have encountered them, and therefore they had appointed to have given the English army a camisado in the night before the day of the battle: but peradventure, understanding that the Englishmen had warning of line 60 their intention, and were provided for them if they had come, they stayed and came not at all. But in the morning, they were up very timely, and being put in order of battle, they marched straight towards the English camp, against whom then, though they saw the English horsemen readily to make: yet could not be persuaded, but that it was for a policy to stay them, till the English footmen and carriages might fully be bestowed a shipboard, and that for the same purpose the English ships were come back from before Lieth.  

Ordinance planted against the enemy.  In the night of this day, the duke's grace appointed, that early in the next morning part of the ordinance should be planted in the lane (whereof mention before is made) under the turf of the wall, next to their camp, and some also to be set upon the hill nigh to Undreske church afore remembered: and this to the intent we should with our shot cause them either wholly to remove their camp, or else much to annoy them in that place where they lay. It was not the least of the Englishmen'S meaning also to win from them certain of their ordinance, that lay nearest unto this church. 
Saturday, the tenth of September, the day of the battle.  And herewith the same morning, being the tenth of September, and Saturday, somewhat before eight of the clock, the English army dislodged, & marched straight toward the church of Undre●ke, as well for intent to have encamped near the same, as for placing their ordinance, and other considerations afore remembered.  
The Scots either for fear of the Englishmen'S departing, or hope of their spoiling, were out of their camp coming toward them, passed the river, gathered in array, and well near at this church, yer the Englishmen were half way to it, so quite disappointing the Englishmen'S purpose. Which at the first seemed very strange in their eyes, as altogether beside their expectation, as they that thought they would never have forsaken their strength, to meet them in the field. But after it was known that they did not only thus purpose to do, but also to have assailed them in their camp, as they lay if they had not been stirring the timelier, and having caused all their tents to be let flat down to the ground, yet they came out, because none should lie lurking behind them in their camp, and as well the nobles as other, leaving their horses behind them (except such as were appointed to serve on horseback) marched on with their soldiers on foot.  
They came speedily forwards on both sides, 
The Englishmen & Scots march the one army toward the other.  the one till then no whit aware of the others intent: but the Scots indeed with a rounder pace between two hillocks, betwixt the Englishmen and the church, mustered somewhat brim, at whom as they stayed, the English galley shot off, & slew the master of Greime, 
The galley.  with five and twenty others near by him, and therewith so scared four thousand Irish archers, 
The Irish archers.  brought by the earl of Argile, that where (as it was said) they should have been a wing to the forward, they could never after be made to come forward. hereupon did their army hastily remove, & from thence declining southward, took their direct way toward Fauxside bray. Of this, sir Ralph Uane, lieutenant of all the English horsemen, first of all, or with the first, noting it, quickly advertised the lord protector, who thereby did readily conceive their meaning, which was to win the hill, and thereby the wind and sun, the gain of which three things (as is thought) whether party in fight of battle can hap to obtain, hath his force doubled against his enemy.  
In all this enterprise, they used for haste so little the help of horse, that they plucked forth their ordinance by draft of men, which at that present began freely to shoot off towards the English army, whereby it was perceived they meant more than a skirmish. 
Consultation of the English lords on horseback.  Herewith every man began to apply himself in his charge and duty which he had to do. And herewith the lord protector, and other of the council on horseback as they were, fell straight in consultation. The sharpness of whose circumspect wisdoms, as it quickly espied out the enemies intents, so did it among other things promptly provide therein remedy, to prevent them (as needful it was) for the time asked no leisure.  
Their devise was, that the lord Greie of Wilton, marshal of the army, with his band of Bulleners, 
The devise of the lords upon their consultation.  and with the lord protector's band, and the earl of Warwikes, all to the number of eighteen hundred horsemen, on the left hand on the east half, and sir Ralph Uane, with sir Thomas Darcie captain of the pensioners, and men of arms, and the lord Fitzwaters, with his band of demilances, all to the number of sixteen hundred, to be ready and even with the lord marshal, on the west half. And thus all these together afore to encounter the enemies affront, whereby either to break their array, and that way to weaken their power by disorder, or at the least to stop them of their gate, and force them to stay, while the forward might wholly have the hills side, and the battle and rearward be placed in grounds next line 10 that in order, and best for advantage. And after this, that the same horsemen should retire up to the hills side to come down in order afresh, and infest them on both sides, whilst the foot battles should occupy them in fight affront.  
Which enterprise, though it seemed right dangerous to the assailers, yet was it not more wisely devised by the council, than valiantly and willingly executed of the lord marshal, & the others. For even there taking their leaves of the council, 
The lord Greies' request to the lord protector.  the said line 20 lord marshal requiring only, that if it went not well with him, the duke's grace would be good to his wife & children, he said he would meet those Scots, and so with their bands the foresaid captains took their way, and made towards the enemy. By this time were the forewards on either part advanced within two flight shoots in sunder. The Scots came on so fast, that it was thought of the most part of the Englishmen, they were rather horsemen than footmen. line 30 The Englishmen again were led the more with speed, to show that they were as willing as the Scots to try the battle. The master of the ordinance to their great advantage plucked up the hill at that instant certain pieces, and soon after planted two or three canons of them well-nigh upon the top there, whereby having so much the help of the hill, he might over the Englishmen'S heads shoot niest at the enemy. As the lord protector had so circumspectly taken order for the array and station of the army, and for line 40 the execution of every man's office beside, he being perfectly appointed in fair armour, accompanied only with sir Thomas Chaloner knight, one of the clerk of the kings privy council, got him to the height of the hill, to tarry by the ordinance, where he might best survey the whole field, and secure with aid where most he saw need, and also by his presence to be a defence to the thing that stood weakest in place, and also most in danger, the which how much it stood in stead, anon ye shall hear further. line 50  
As he was half up the hill, the earl of Warwick was ware the enemies were all at a sudden stay, and stood still a good while, 
The Scots at a stay upon the sudden.  so that it seemed to him that they perceiving now their own folly in leaving their ground of advantage, had no will to come any further forward, but gladly would have been whence they came. The reasons were these. First because at that time, beside the full muster of the English footmen, of whom they thought there had been none there in field, but all to have been either shipped, or a line 60 shipping; then they saw plain that the Englishmen were sure to have the gain of the hill, and they the ground of disadvantage out of their hold, and put from their hope: and hereto, for that their herald gave the lord protector no warning, the which by him (if they had meant to fight it out) who would not have presumed that for the estimation of their honour, they would little have stuck to have sent; and he again, and it had been but for his thousand crowns, would right gladly have brought? Well yet how so ever their meaning changed, finally considering belike the state they stood in, that as they had left their strength too soon, so now to be too late to repent, upon a change of countenance, they made hastily forward again, and (as it seemed) with no less stoutness of courage, than strongly in order, whose manner, armour, weapon, and order in fight in those days and also before (though now somewhat changed as well as amongst other nations) was as ensueth.  
Harquebutters had they few, and appointed their fight most commonly always on foot. 
The order of the Scots in wars both touching their furniture and disposition.  They used to come to the field well furnished, with jack and skull, dagger, buckler, and swords, all notably broad and thin, of exceeding good temper, and universally so made to slice, as hard it is to devise the better: hereto every man his pike, and a great kercher wrapped twice or thrice about his neck, not for cold but for cutting. In their array toward the joining with the enemy, they thrust so nigh in the fore-ranke, shoulder to shoulder, together with their pikes in both hands, straight afore them, and their followers in that order so hard at their backs, laying their pikes over their foregoerrs shoulders, that if they do assail undissevered, no force can well withstand them.  
Standing at defence, they thrust shoulders likewise so nigh together, the fore-ranks well nigh to kneeling stoop low before, for their fellows behind, holding their pikes in both hands, and therewith in their left their bucklers, the one end of their pike against their right foot, the other against the enemy breast high, their followers crossing their pike points with them before, and thus each with other, so nigh as place and space will suffer, through the whole ranks so thick, that as easily shall a bare finger pierce through the skin of an angry hedgehog, as any encounter the front of their pikes. Thus provided, they (I mean the Scots) addressed themselves to encounter inflamed with a heat of furious hatred, but not advised whether the cause were just or unjust, for the which they were up in arms: which foolish madness the poet pointeth at, and painteth out, saying: 
Arma Scotus poscit, valida contendere vi vult,  
Is nec habet pensi sit it aequum an prorsus iniquum.   
The lord marshal notwithstanding, whom no danger detracted from doing his enterprise, with the company and order afore appointed, came full in their faces from the hill side towards them. Herewith waxed it very hot on both sides, 
The encounter is very hot between both sides.  with pitiful cries, horrible roar, and terrible thundering of guns, beside the day darkened above head with smoke of the artillery, the sight and appearance of the enemy even at hand before, the danger of death on every side else, the bullets, pellets and arrows flying each where so thick, and so uncerteinelie lighting, that no where was there any surety of safety, every man stricken with a dreadful fear, not so much perchance of death, as of hurt, which things though they were but certain to some, yet doubted of all, assured cruelty at the enemies hands, without hope of mercy, death to fly, and danger to fight.  
The whole face of the field on both sides upon this point of joining, 
The face of the field at the point of joining.  both to the eye and to the ear so heavy, so deadly, lamentable, furious, outrageous, terrible, confuse, and so quite against the quiet nature of man, as if to the nobility the regard of their honour and fame, to the knights and captains the estimation of their worship and honesty, and generally to them all the natural motion of bounden duty, their own safety, hope of victory, and the favour of God, that they trusted upon for the equity of their quarrel, had not been a more vehement cause of courage, than the danger of death was cause of fear, the very horror of the thing had been able to have made any man to forget both prowess and policy. But the lord marshal and the others, with present mind and courage warily and quickly continued their course towards them. The enemies were in a fallow field, whereof the furrows lay sidelong toward the Englishmen, next to whom by the side of the same furrows, & a stones cast from the Scots, was there a cross ditch or slough, which the Englishmen must needs pass to come to them, wherein many that could not leap over stuck fast, to no small danger of themselves, and some disorder of their fellows.  

The order of the Scotish battles.  The enemy perceiving the Englishmen fast to approach, disposed themselves to abide the brunt, and line 10 in this order stood still to receive them. The earl of Angus next to the Englishmen in the Scotish forward as captain of the same, with an eight thousand men, and four or five pieces of ordinance on his right hand, and a four hundred horsemen on his left. Behind him westward, the governor with ten thousand Inland men (as they call them) the choicest soldiers counted of their country. And the earl of Huntleie in the rearward, welnie even with the battle on the left side with eight thousand. 
The Irish archers on a wing.  The four line 20 thousand Irish archers as a wing to them both, last indeed in order, & first (as they said) that ran away. The battle and also the rearward were guarded likewise with their ordinance according.  

Edward Shelleie.  Edward Shelleie lieutenant under the lord Greie of his band of Bulleners, was the first that passed over the s●ough. The lord Greie himself next, with the lord john Greie and others in the foremost rank, 
The lord john Greie.  and so then after two or three ranks of their former bands. But badly yet could they make their line 30 race, by reason the furrows lay traverse to their course. That notwithstanding, and though also they were nothing likely well to be able thus affront to come within them to do them hurt, as well because the Scottishmen'S pikes were as long or longer than their staves, as also for that their horses were all naked without bards, whereof though there were right many among them, yet not one put on, for as much as at their coming forth in the morning, they looked for nothing less than for battle that day: yet line 40 did those worthy gentlemen, the lord Greie of Wilton, the lord john Greie, and master Shelleie with the residue, so valiantly & strongly give the charge upon them, that whether it were by their prowess or power, the left side of the enemies that his lordship did set upon (though their order remained unbroken) was yet compelled to sway a good way back, and give ground largely, and all the residue of them beside to stand much amazed.  
Beside this, as the Englishmen were wellnigh at line 50 their enemies, they stood very brave and bragging, shaking their pike points, & crying; Come lounds, come here tikes, come heretics; and such like rhetoric they used. But though (saith master Patten) they meant but small humanity, yet showed they thereby much civility, both of fair play, to warn yet they stroke, and of formal order, to chide yet they fought. The English captains that were behind, perceiving at eye, that both by the unéevennesse of the ground, by the sturdy order of the enemy, and line 60 for that their fellows were so nigh and straight before them, they were not able to any advantage to maintain this onset, 
The English horsemen repelled.  did therefore according to the devise in that point appointed, turn themselves, and made a soft retire up toward the hill again. Howbeit, to confess the truth, some of the number that knew not the prepensed policy of the counsel in this case, made of a sober advised retire, an hasty, rash, and unadvised flight: howbeit, without captain or standard, & upon no cause of need, but of a mere undiscretion and madness. A madness indeed, for first the Scots were not able to pursue, because they were footmen; and than if they could, what hope by flight so far from home in their enemies land, where was no place of refuge?  
The valiant lord Greie, Edward Shelleie, little Preston, Brampton, and jerningham, Bulleners, Ratcliff, the lord Fitzwater's brother, sir john Cleres' son and heir, Rawleie a gentleman of right commendable prowess, Digs of Kent, Ellerker a pensioner, Segraue: of the duke of Summersets band, Standleie, Woodhouse, Conisbie, 
Gentlemen slain.  Horgill, Norris, Denis, Arthur, and Atkinson, with other in the fore-ranke, not being able in this earnest assault, both to tend to their fight afore, and to the retire behind: the Scots again well considering hereby how weak they remained, caught courage afresh, ran sharply forward upon them, and without any mercy, slew the most part of them that abode furthest in press a six more of Bulleners, and other than before are named, in all to the number of twenty six, and most part gentlemen. My lord Greie yet and my lord john Greie, and likewise my lord Edward Seimer (as some grace was) returned again; but neither all in safety, nor without evident marks they had been there: for the lord Greie with a pike through the mouth was razed a long from the tip of the tongue, 
The lord Greie hurt.  and thrust that way very dangerously more than two inches in the neck; and the other two had their horses under them with swords sore wounded. Like as also a little before this onset, sir Thomas Darcie upon his approach to the enemies, was stricken glancing wise on the right side, with a bullet of one of their field pieces, and thereby his body bruised with the bowing in of his armour, his sword hilts broken, and the forefinger of his right hand beaten flat. Even so upon the parting of this fray, was sir Arthur Darcie slashed at with swords, and so hurt upon the wedding finger of his right hand also, as it was counted for the first part of curing to have it quite cut away.  
About the same time, certain of the Scots ran on hastily to the king's standard of the horsemen (the which sir Andrew Flammocke bare) and laying fast hold upon the staff thereof, cried, A king, a king, 
Sir Andrew Flammocke.  that if both his strength, his hart, and his horse had not been good, and herewith somewhat aided at this pinch by sir Ralph Coppinger a pensioner, both he had been slain, and the standard lost, which the Scots nevertheless held so fast, that they broke and bore away the neither end of the staff to the burrell, and intended so much to the gain of the standard, that sir Andrew (as hap was) scaped home all safe, and else without hurt. At this business also the lord Fitzwaters, 
The lord Fitzwaters.  both earl of Sussex and lord chamberlain to the 
* Queen Elizabeth.  queens majesty, captain there of a number of demilances was unhorsed, but soon mounted again, scaped yet in great danger, and his horse all hewn. 
Caluerleie & Clement Paston.  Hereat further were Caluerleie the standard-bearer of the men at arms, and Clement Paston a pensioner, thrust each of them into the leg with pikes, and Don Philip a Spaniard into the knee, diverse others maimed and hurt, 
Don Philip ● Spaniard.  and many horses sore wounded beside.  
By this time had the English forward accordingly gotten the full vantage of the hills side, 
The placing of the English vanguard.  and in respect of their march stood sideling toward the enemy: who nevertheless were not able in all parts to stand full square in array: by reason that at the west end of them upon their right hand, and toward the enemy, there was a square plot enclosed with turf (as their manner of fensing in those parts, as well as in diverse other is) one corner whereof did let the square of the same array. The battle in good order next them, but so as in continuance of array, 
The battle.  the former part thereof stood upon the hills side, the tail upon the plain, and the rearward wholly upon the plain. 
The rearward.  So that the placing and countenance of the English army in this wise, they showed themselves in manner to compass in the Scots battles, that they should no way escape them: but how little able they were to do it with power and number, you may easily conjecture.  
Those horsemen that were so repelled, and in their coming back unorderly broke their array from the residue, ran so hastily through the ranks of the English forward as it stood, that it did both disorder many, feared many, and was a great encouragement to the enemy. The worthy earl of Warwick, 
The presence 〈◊〉 the earl of ●arwike 〈◊〉 invillaged the 〈◊〉.  line 10 who had the guiding of this forward, right valiantly had conducted the same to their standing, and there did very nobly encourage and comfort them with such cheerful words, offering to live and die among them, that doubtless his presence, deme●ing himself in such manlike sort, stood the whole company in great stead. Neither wanted there the cheerful diligence of those captains, with whom his honour was furnished in that forward likewise to encourage their bands, nor the worthy behaviour line 20 of other in the battle and rearward, every one according to his calling, showing such proof of his duty, as the most part certainly deserved to have their names registered in the calendar of fame, where no rust of cankered oblivion might fret out the remembrance of their commendable demeanours: and therefore if any among them should have showed any lack of courage, their dispraise had been the more, sith by others they saw such worthy example given, and were to stand upon this resolution, to line 30 have hearts hardened against all hazards in a just cause, whereof they hoped almighty God had undertaken the managing and direction, unto whom they had committed the same; as the poet truly saith: 
justa Deo commissa Anglorum causa tonanti,  
Audaces animosfecit impavidósque pericli.   
But sith there were so many that did well, & therefore deserving a longer process to be made of their high valiancies showed in that dangerous service, line 40 than this volume may permit, I will proceed to the battle. The Scots were somewhat disordered with their coming out about the slaughter of the Englishmen, the which they did so earnestly follow, that they took not one to mercy. The duke's grace placing himself (as ye have heard) on the hill of Fauxside bray, and therewith perceiving the great disorder of the straggling horsemen, that had in the retire broken array, hemmed them in from further straying, whom sir Ralph Uane, and others of the captains soon after with great dexterity brought into line 50 good order and array again, 
Sir Ralph Uane.  and with all the rest of the strengths of the whole army, by the policy of the lords, and diligence of every captain and officer beside, were so fitly and aptly applied in their feat, that where this repulse given by the enemy to the horsemen was doubted of many, to turn to the whole loss of the field, the same was wrought and advanced according as it was devised, to the great certainty of gain and victory. 
Sir Peter Mewtas.  For first at this line 60 slough, where most of the horsemen had stood, sir Peter Mewtas captain of all the harquebutters a foot did very valiantly conduct & place a good number of his men, in manner hard at the faces of the enemies, whereunto sir Peter Gamboa a Spaniard, 
Sir Peter Gamboa.  captain of two hundred harquebutters, Spaniards, and Italians on horseback did readily bring his men also, who with the hot continuance of their shot in both parts, did so stoutly stay the enemies, that they could not well come further forward: 
The Archers.  then the archers that marched in array on the right hand of the footmen, and next to the enemies, pricked them sharply with arrows as they stood. 
The m●●ster 〈…〉.  Therewith the master of the ordinance, to their great annoyance, did gall them with hail shot and other out of the great ordinance, directly from the hill top, and certain other gunner's with their pieces a flank from the rearward, most of the artillery and missive engines then wholly thus at once, with great puissance and vehemency occupied about them, herewith the full sight of the Englishmen, all shadowed from them before by the horsemen, and dust raised, whom then they were ware in such order to be so near upon them, and to this the perfect array of the horsemen again coming courageously to set on them afresh, miserable men, perceiving themselves then all too late, how much too much they had overshot themselves, began suddenly to shrink.  
Their governor and other the principal captains that had brought them to the bargain, 
The Scots fly and are sharply pursued.  took their horses and fled amain, which other perceiving did quickly follow, and with the foremost of that crew their Irishmen, and therewith turned all the whole rout, cast down their weapons, ran out of their wards, off with their jacks, and with all that ever they might, betook them to the race that their governor began. The Englishmen at the first had found them (as what could scape so many eyes) and sharply and quickly with an universal outcry, They fly, they fly, pursued after in chase so eagerly, and with such fierceness, that they overtook many, and spared indeed but few, that when they were once turned, it was a wonder to see how soon, and in how sundry sorts they were scattered. The place they stood on like a wood of staves strewed on the ground, as rushes in a chamber, unpassable (they lay so thick) for either horse or man. Here at the first had they let fall all their pikes, and after that, 
The enemies cast away their munition and furniture the lightlier to fly and be gone.  every where scattered swords, bucklers, dagger's, jacks, and all things else that was of any weight, or might be any let to their course: which course among them, three ways specially they made, some along the sands by the Frith towards Lith, some straight towards Edinburgh, whereof part through the park there (in the walls whereof, though they be round about of flint stone, yet were there many holes already made) and part of them by the high way that leadeth along by the abbey of Holierood house; and the residue and most part of them towards Daketh, which way by means of the marish our horsemen were worst able to follow.  
Sundry shifts, some shrewd, some sorry, made they in their running: diverse of them in their courses, as they were ware they were pursued but of one, would suddenly start back, and lash at the legs of the horse, or foin him in the belly, and sometime did they reach at the rider also, whereby Clement Paston in the arm, and diverse in other parts of their bodies otherwise in this chase were hurt. Some other lay flat in a furrow as they were dead, thereby past by of the Englishmen untouched, and (as was reported) the earl of Angus confessed he couched in that sort till his horse happed to be brought him. 
The earl of Angus.  Other some were found to stay in the river, couring down his body under the root of some willow tree, with scant his nose above water for breath. Some for lightness cast away shoes and doublets, and ran in their shirts, and some were seen in this race all breathless to fall flat down, and have run themselves to death.  
Before this, at the time of the onset, which the English horsemen gave, there came eastward five hundred of the Scotish horsemen up along this Fau●side bray, straight upon the English ordinance and carriage. The lord protector (as ye have heard) most specially for doubt hereof, placing himself by the same, caused a piece or two to be turned toward them, with a few shots whereof they were soon turned also and fled to Daketh. But had they kept on their purpose, they were provided for accordingly. For one parson Keble a chaplain of his graces, 
Parson Keble one of the lord protector's chapleins.  and two or three other, by and by discharged four or five of the carts of munition, and therewith bestowed pikes, bills, bows and arrows, to as many as came; so that of carters and other, there were soon weaponed about a thousand, whom parson Keble and the other did very handsomely dispose in array, and made a pretty muster. line 10  
To return now after this notable strewing of their footman's weapons, began a pitiful sight of the dead corpses, 
The manner of the slaughter.  lying dispersed abroad, some their legs off, some but hought, and left lying half dead, some thrust quite through the body, others their necks half a sunder, many their heads cloven, with other thousand kinds of killing. After that, and further in chase all for the most part killed, either in the head, or in the neck, for the horsemen could not well reach them lower with their swords. And thus with blood line 20 and slaughter of the enemy, this chase was continued five miles in length, westward from the place of their standing, which was in the fallow fields of Undreske, until Edinburgh park, and well nigh to the gates of the town itself, and unto Lith, and in breadth nigh four miles, from the Forth sands up toward Daketh southwards: in all which space, the dead bodies lay as thick as a man may note cattle grazing in a full replenished pasture. 
The number of Scots slain.  The river ran all red with blood (a sign of great slaughter) so that line 30 in the same chase were slain to the number of ten thousand men, some say above fourteen thousand, as I do find by this report concerning the battle: 
Millia bis septem sunt morte absumpta Scotorum,  
Caetera pars certam quaerit fugiendo salutem.   
To conclude, considering the smallness of the Englishmen'S number, and shortness of the time (which was scant five hours, from one till well nigh six) the mortality was so great (as it was thought) the like afore time had not been seen. One great line 40 cause why the Englishmen spared so few of them, 

The causes why so few Scots were taken.  
The Scottishmen'S vow.   was thought to be their tyrannous vow by them made (which the Englishmen certainly heard of) that whensoever they fought and overcame, they would kill so many, and spare so few: a sure proof whereof they plainly had showed at the first onset given, where they killed all, and saved not a man that came within their danger. another respect was, to revenge their great and cruel tyranny showed at Paniar hough, 
Paniar hough.  where they slew the lord Evers, whom otherwise they might have taken prisoner and saved, and line 50 cruelly killed as many else of our men as came into their hands. 
The apparel of the Scots.  another occasion also was their armour among them so little differing, all clad alike in jacks covered with white leather, doublets of the same, or of fustian, and most commonly all white hosen, not one with either chain, brooch, ring, or garment of silk, unless chains of latten drawn four or five times along the upper stocks, or to use master Pattens words, the thighs of their hosen and doublet sleeves for cutting. line 60  
This lack for difference in apparel was the chiefest cause that so many of their great men and gentlemen were killed, and so few saved. The outward show, the resemblance or sign, whereby a stranger might discern a poor man from a gentleman, was not among them to be seen: as for words and goodly proffers of great ransoms, were as rife in the mouths of the one as the other. And it came here to pass, that after at the examination and counting of the prisoners, there were found taken above twenty of their common country people, to one of their gentlemen, whom no man need to doubt the Englishmen had rather have spared than the other, if they could have seen any difference between them in taking. And yet verily considering the case as it stood, the Englishmen showed more grace, and took more to mercy, than the respects before mentioned might seem to have required. 
The earl 〈◊〉 Huntleie ●●●ken.  For beside the earl of Huntleie, who in good armour appointed likest a gentleman of any among them, but could not then escape because he lacked his horse, and happened to be taken by sir Ralph Uane, and beside the lord of Yester, Hobbie Hambleton captain of Dunbar, 
Other pris●●ners taken.  the master of Sanpoole, the lard of Wimmes taken by john Bren, a brother of the earl of Cassils', and besides one Montrell, taken by Cornelius comptrollor of the ordinance in the army, and one Camals an Irish gentleman, and beside many other Scotish gentlemen more, taken by diverse others.  
The prisoners reckoned in the marshal's book were numbered to above fifteen hundred. 
The numbe● of the prisoners.  Touching the slaughter, sure they killed not so many, as for the time & opportunity they might, if they had minded cruelty. 
The lord pro●tector not desirous of slaughter.  For the lord protector moved with pity at the sight of the dead bodies, and rather glad of victory than desirous of slaughter, soon after (by guess) five of the clock, stayed the standard of his horsemen at the furthest part of their camp westward, & caused the trumpets to sound a retreat. Whereat also sir Ralph Sadler treasurer (whose great diligence at that time, 
Sir Ralph Sadler.  and ready forwardness in the chiefest of the fray before, did worthily merit no small commendation) caused all the footmen to stay; and then with much travel & great pain made them to be brought in some order again: which was a thing not easily done, by reason they all as then were somewhat busy in applying their market, 
The spoil 〈◊〉 the Scotish camp.  the spoil of the Scotish camp, where was found good provision of white bread, ale, otencaks, oatmeal, mutton, butter in pots, cheese, and in diverse tents good wine also, and in some tents among them was found some silver plate and chalices, which with good devotion ye may be sure were plucked out of their cold clouts, and thrust into their warm bosoms.  
The plot of their camp called Edmonston edge, nigh Gilberton a place of the lord of Brimstons, half a mile beyond Muskelburgh, and four miles on this side Edinburgh, occupied in largeness with diverse tents and tenticles, that stood in sundry places out of square, about a miles compass, wherein as the Englishmen upon the sound of the retreat somewhat assembled, they all with a loud and entire outcry and hallowing, in sign of gladness and victory, made an universal noise and shout, 
A shout 〈◊〉 sign of victory.  the shrillness whereof (as after was reported) was heard unto Edinburgh. It was a wonder to see, but (as they say) many hands make light work, how soon the dead bodies were stripped out of their garments stark naked, even from as far as the chase went, unto the place of the onset, whereby the personages of the enemies might by the way easily be viewed and considered, 
The feature of the Scottishmen'S p●●●sonages.  the which for the tallness of their stature, cleanness of skin, bigness of bone, with due proportion in all parts was such, as the beholders, if they had not seen it, would not have believed that there had been so many of that sort in all their country. Among them lay many priests, and kirkmen, as they call them, 
Priest's o● kirkmen.  of whom it was bruited that there was a whole band of three or four thousand, but it was found afterwards not to be altogether so.  
Among other banners, standards, and pennons, a banner of white sarsenet was found, under which it was said these kirkmen came, 
A banner 〈◊〉 papists ●●uise.  whereupon was painted a woman with her hair about her shoulders, kneeling before a crucifix, & on her right hand a church, after that written in great Roman letters, Afflictae sponsae ne obliviscaris. It was said that this was the abbot of Dunfirmlings banner, but whether it was his or the bishop of Dunkels, the governors brother, who (as was said) were both in the field, his meaning was, 
〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 signifi●●●●● and mea●●●g of the 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉.  to signify that the church made intercession to Christ her husband, not now to forget her his spouse, being at that time afflicted and persecuted by the Englishmen. But whose devise soever it was, it may seem, that this church coming thus to battle, full appointed with weapon, and guarded with line 10 such a sort of deacons to fight, howsoever in painting he had set her out, a man might well think, that in condition, he had rather framed her like a cursed quean, that would pluck her husband by the pate, except she had her will; than like a meek spouse, that went about humbly by submission and prayer to desire her husband's help, for redress of things amiss.  
But now to leave this prelate with his Afflicta sponsa, and to make an end with this battle. There was upon Fauxside bray, a little castle or pile, which line 20 was very busy all the time of the battle, 
A little castle 〈◊〉 pile very 〈◊〉 with the English.  as any of the Englishmen came nigh it, to shoot at them, with such artillery as they had; which was none other than of handguns and harquebuts, & of them not a dozen neither. Little hurt they did, but as they saw their fellows in the field thus driven and beaten away before their faces, they plucked in their pieces, and couched themselves within all mute: but by and by the house was set on fire, and they for their good wills burned and smothered within. Thus (saith master line 30 Patten) through the favour of God's bounty, by the valiancy and policy of the lord protector, by the forward endeavour of all the nobles and council there beside, and by the willing diligence of every captain, officer, and true subject else, they most valiantly won the victory over their enemies, of whom such slaughter was made in the field, as ye have heard, amongst whom (as the prisoners reported) beside the lord Fleming, the lard of Loghenware, the master of Greim, 
●●at men of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 and taken prisoner's.  the master of Arskin, the master line 40 of Oglebie, the master of Auendale, the master of Roven, and many other of noble birth amongst them, there were of lards, lards sons, and other gentlemen slain above twenty six hundred, & among the prisoners also there were many gentlemen, specially of name these: the earl of Huntleie lord chancellor of the realm, the lord of Yester, Hobbie Hamilton captain of Dunbar, the master of Sanpoole, the lord of Wimmes, and a brother of the earl of Cassils'. Two thousand by lurking and lying (as line 50 they had been dead) scaped away in the night all maimed and hurt. Herewith of weapons and armour more was found than the Englishmen did vouchsafe to give carriage for: 
Armour and weapons carried into England.  & yet were there conveyed thence by ship into England, of jacks specially and swords, above thirty thousand.  
This night the Englishmen with great gladness and thanksgiving to God (as good cause they had) about seven of the clock pitched their camp at Edgebuckling braie, beside Pinkerslough, and a line 60 mile beyond the place they camped at before. Now after the battle, among other questions, one was moved who killed the first man that day in the field, the glory whereof one jeronimo an Italian would gladly have had, 
jeronimo an Italian.  a gentleman sure that had served that day right valiantly: howbeit it was after well tried, 
Cuthbert Musgrave.  that Cuthbert Musgrave, a gentleman of the earl of Warwiks, deserved the praise of killing the first enemy that died that day, who right hardily slew a guner at his piece in the Scots forward, yer ever they began any whit to turn. As for the ordinary soldiers, it was a pleasure unto them to make rehearsal of their adventures past, and to record what dangers (in manner inevitable) they had escaped, according to the poets report in that case, saying: 
— res est meminisse laboris  
Praeteriti jucunda: grau● effugisse peri lum  
Summa recordari secura mente voluptas.   
The next day being sunday the eleventh of September, somewhat before noon, the army removed, & marching along the Forth side toward Lieth about three of the clock in the after noon pitched their field, a prick shot on this side that town on the southeast half, somewhat shadowed from Edinburgh by a hill, but yet the most part of it lay within the full sight and shot of the castle there, 
The English army incampeth by Lieth.  and in distance somewhat above a quarter of a mile. The lord marshal, and the most part of the horsemen wer● bestowed and lodged in the town of Lieth. The duke's grace, the lord lieutenant, and the rest of the army in the camp. On tuesday the thirteenth of September, the smaller vessels of the English fleet burned Kinkorne, and a town or two standing on the north shore of the Forth against Lieth.  
In the after noon the duke's grace rowed up the Forth a six or seven miles westward, as it runneth into the land, and took in his way an Island there called saint Cooms inhis, 
S. Cooms inhis.  which lieth four miles beyond Lieth, and a good way nearer the north shore than the south, yet not within a mile of the nearest. It is but half a mile about, and had in it an abbey, but the monks were gone: fresh water enough, and store of coneys, and is so naturally strong, that but by one way it can be entered; the plot whereof the lord protector considering, did quickly cast to have it kept, whereby all traffic of merchandise, all commodities else coming by the Forth into their land, and utterly the whole use of the Forth itself, with all the havens upon it, should quite be taken from them.  
The next day the lord protector riding back again eastward, to view diverse things and places, took Daketh in his way, 
The castle of Daketh.  where a house of George Dowglas did stand, and coming somewhat near it, he sent Summerset his herald with a trumpet to know who kept it, and whether the keepers would hold or yield it to his grace? Answer was made, that there were three score persons within, whom their master lying there saturday at night after the battle, did will that they, the house, and all that was in it, should be at his grace's commandment. Whereupon the chiefest came, and in name of all the rest humbled himself to the dukes will. From thence his grace passed to the place where the battle had been stricken, and so by Muskleburgh returned back to the camp.  
On thursday being the fifteenth of this month, 
Black Nesse an haven town on the south shore of Scotland.  the lord Clinton high admiral, taking with him the galley whereof Richard Brooke was captain, and four or five other smaller vessels beside, as well appointed with munition and men, rowed up the Forth a ten miles westward, to an haven town standing on the south shore called Black Nesse, whereat toward the water side is a castle of a pretty strength; as nigh whereunto as the depth of the water would suffer, the Scots for safeguard had laid the Marie Willoughby, and the Anthony of Newcastle, two tall ships, which with extreme injure they had stolen from the Englishmen before time, when no war was betwixt us: with these lay there also an other large vessel called the Boss, and seven more, whereof part laden with merchandise. 
Three ships of name won from the Scots.  The lord Clinton and his company with right hardy approach, after a great conflict betwixt the castle and his vessels, by fine force wan from them those three ships of name, and burned all the residue before their faces.  
The sixteenth of September the lard of Brimston a Scotish gentleman came to the duke's grace from their counsel for cause of communication, and returned again to them, having with him Norreie an herald and king at arms of ours, who found them with the old queen at Sterling. 
Sir john Luttrell. S. Cooms inhis kept with a garrison of Englishmen.  On saturday the seventeenth of September, sir john Luttrell in the after noon departed toward saint Cooms inhis, having with him an hundred harquebutters, fifty pioneers, & two row barks well furnished with munition, and three score and ten mariners to remain there, & keep that from invasion of the enemies, against line 10 whom the English were so sharply whetted, that when they came to encounter, they gave proof of their manhood by wounds and bloodshed, according to the report of C.O. in these verses following: 
— Anglorum pectora Mavors  
Belliger exacüit, crescunt ad vulnera vires.   
In the time whilst the army lay thus in the camp between Lieth and Edinburgh, many lards and gentlemen came in to the lord protector to require his protection, the which his grace to whom line 20 he thought good did grant. 
The earl of Bothwell.  This day came the earl of Bothwell to his grace, who having been kept in prison by the governor, the night after the battle was set at liberty, and coming thus to the lord protector, was friendly welcomed and entertained; and having this night supped with his grace, he departed.  
Lieth was set on fire this saturday, whereas it was meant, 
Lieth burned.  that there should have been but one house only burnt, belonging to one Barton that line 30 had played a slippery part with the lord protector. But the soldiers being set a work to fire that house, fired all the rest. Six great ships also that lay in the haven, which for their age and decay were not so apt for use, were likewise set on fire and burnt. On sunday the eighteenth of September, the lord protector (for considerations moving him to pity) having all this while spared Edinburgh from hurt, did so leave it, but Lieth and the ships burning, soon after seven of the clock in the morning, caused the line 40 camp to dislodge, 
The army dislodged.  and as they were raised and on foot, the castle shot off a peal, with chambers hardly and all, of four and twenty pieces. Passing that day seven miles, they camped early for that night at Crainston by a place of the lard of Brimstons.  

Crainston.  The same morning the lord protector made master Andrew Dudleie knight, brother to the earl of Warwick, dispatched my lord admiral and him by ships full fraught with men and munition toward the winning of an hold in the east side of Scotland line 50 called Broughticrag, 
Broughticrag.  which stood in such sort in the mouth of the river of Taie, as that being gotten, both Dundée, saint john's town, and diverse other towns standing upon the same river the best of the country in those parts, set upon the Taie, should either become subject unto this hold, or else be compelled to forego the whole use of the river, for having any thing coming in or outward. The lord admiral, and the said sir Andrew sped themselves with such good success and diligence in that enterprise, line 60 that on the wednesday following, being the one and twentieth of September, after certain of their shot discharged against that castle, the same was yielded unto them, 
Broughticrag yielded to the Englishmen.  the which sir Andrew did then enter, and after kept, as captain to his high praise and commendation.  
But now to the army. On monday the nineteenth of September, they marched ten miles, and encamped a little on this side a market town called Lawder. Here as they were settled in their lodging, the herald Norrie returned from the Scotish council, 
Lawder.  with the lard of Brimston, and Rose their herald, who upon their suit to the lord protector, obtained that five of their council should have his graces safe conduct, that at any time and place within fifteen days, during his abode in their country, or at Berwick, the same five might come and commune with five of the English council, touching matters in controversy between them. Rose the herald departed early with his safe conduct, the camp raised, and that day they went seven miles till as far as Hume castle, 
Hume caste●●.  where they camped on the west side of a rocky hill that they call Hare crag, standing about a mile westward from the castle.  
Here they did so much by showing that they meant indeed to win the castle by force, if otherwise they might not have it, causing a certain number of harquebutters upon appointment before to beset the castle, and to watch that none should pass in or out, that in the end, the lady of the house, 
Hume castle besieged and yielded up to the lord protector.  and other that were within in charge with it, yielded it up to the lord protector's hands: for the lady doubting the loss of her son that was prisoner with the Englishmen, having the first day been with the lord protector, and got respite till the next day at noon, in the mean time consulted with her son, and other her friends the keepers of the castle, returned at the time appointed the next day, being the one and twentieth of that month, and made suit for a longer respite till eight of the clock at night, and therewith safe conduct for Andrew Hume her second son, and john Hume lard of Coldan Knows, a kinsman of her husbands, captains of this castle, to come and speak with his grace in the mean while. It was granted her. Whereupon these captains about three of the clock came to the lord protector, and after other covenants (with long debating on both parts) agreed upon, she and these captains concluded to give their assent to render the castle, so far forth as the rest of the keepers would therewith be contented, for two or three within (said they) were also in charge with keeping it as well as they, for knowledge of whose minds the duke sent Summerset his herald with this lady to the castle unto them; 
Summerset the duke's herald.  who as the herald had made them privy to the articles, would feign have had leisure for four and twenty hours longer, to send to their lord to Edinburgh, where he lay hurt (as before you have heard) and in danger of death, which followed of the fall that he caught at the fridays skirmish before the battle, to know his will and pleasure in this point of rendering up the castle: but being wisely and sharply called upon by the herald, they agreed to the covenants afore by their lady and captains concluded on: 
The conditions of the surrendering of Hume castle.  whereof part (as the sequel showed) were these. That they should departed thence the next day in the morning by ten of the clock with bag and baggage, as much as they could carry, leaving all munition and victuals behind them in the castle. Howbeit, to be assured of them, the lord protector providing each way to be ready for them, caused eight pieces of ordinance fenced with baskets of earth to be planted on the southside toward the castle within power of battery, and the harquebutters to continue their watch and ward.  
On thursday morning being the two and twentieth of September, the lord Greie was appointed to receive the rendering of the castle into his hands, and sir Edward Dudleie now lord Dudleie after to be captain there. They both departed to it, and at the time set Andrew Hume, 
The lord Greie receiveth the possession of Hume castle.  and four other of the chiefest there with him came out, and yielding the castle, delivered the keys to the said lord Greie: his lordship causing the residue to come out then, saving six or seven to keep their baggage within, who all were in number seventy and eight, entered the same with master Dudleie, and diverse other gentlemen with him. He found there indifferent good store of victuals and wine, & of ordinance two bastard culverins, one sacre, also three falconets of brass, and of iron eight pieces beside. The keeping of this castle the lord Greie betaking unto sir Edward Dudleie accordingly returned to the camp. This done, the next day being friday, and the three and twentieth of September, they dislodged, and went that morning to Rockesburgh, encamping in a great fallow field, betwixt Rockesburgh and Kelseie, standing eastward a quarter of a mile off. 
The situation of Rockesburgh.  Here at Rockesburgh they began to build a fort within the compass of an old ruinous castle, the plot and site whereof standeth line 10 naturally very strong, upon a hill east and west of an eight score in length, and three score in breadth, drawing to a narrowness at the east end, the whole ground whereof the old walls did yet environ. Beside the height and hardness to come to, it is strongly fenced on either side with the course of two great rivers, Tivet on the north, and Twéed on the south, both which joining somewhat nigh together at the west end of it. Tivet by a large compass about the fields line 20 (in which the camp lay) at Kelseie, doth fall into this Twéed, which with great depth and swiftness runneth from thence eastward into the sea at Berwick. Over this betwixt Kelseie and Rockesburgh there hath been a great stone bridge with arches, the which the Scots in times past have all to broken, because the Englishmen should not that way come to them.  

The determination in what 〈◊〉 Rockesburgh should be fortified.  Soon after the lord protectors survey of the plot, and determination to do as much in deed for making line 30 it defensible, as shortness of the time & season of the year could suffer (which was) that one great trench of twenty foot broad with depth according, and a wall of like depth, breadth, and height, should be made cross within the castle from the one side wall to the other, and forty foot from the west end: and that a like trench and wall should likewise be cast a traverse within, about a coits cast from the east end, and hereto that the castle walls on either side where need was, should be mended with turf, and made with lowps, as well for shooting directly forward line 40 as for flanking at hand: the work of which devise did make that (beside the safeguard of these trenches and walls) the keepers should also be much defended from the enemies force by both the end walls of the castle: the pioneers were set a work, and diligently applied in the same.  
The lard of Sesseforth, and many other lards and gentlemen of Tividall and the Mers, having come and communed with the lord protector and the council, 
Scots that came to the king's obeisance.  made an assurance, or as it were a truce for that line 50 day, till the next day at night; and on the next day, while assurance lasted, these lards and gentlemen being the chiefest in the whole Mers and Tividale, came in again, whom the duke's grace with wisdom and policy without bloodshed did win then unto the king's obedience, for the which they did willingly then receive an oath: whose names in part ensue. The lard of Sesseforth, 
Lards.  the lard of Fernihurst, the lard of Greenehead, the lard of Hunthill, the lard of Huntleie, the lard of Markeston by Merside, the line 60 lard of Boniedworth, the lard of Ormeston, the lard of Mailestaine, the lard of Warmeseie, the lard of Linton, the lard of Egerston, the lard of Marton, the lard of Mow, the lard of Reddell, the lard of Reamerside. 
Gentlemen.  George Trombull, john Holliburton, Robert Car of Greiden, Adam Kirton, Andrew Kirton, Andrew Meither, Saunder Spur of Erleston, Mark Car of Littleden, George Car of Faldenside, Alexander Makdowell, Charles Rotherford, Thomas Car of the Year, john Car of Meinthorne, Walter Holiburton, Richard Hanganside, Andrew Car, james Dowglas of Cavers, james Car of Mersington, George Hoppringle, William Ormeston of Enmerden, john Grimstow. Many more there were beside, but overpassed by master Patten, for that they remained in the register with these, as he saith. The duke of Summerset tendered the furtherance of the work so much, 
The diligence of the duke of Summerset to further the fortification to Rockesburgh.  that he forbore not to lay his own hand to the spade and shovel, thereby to encourage others: so as there were but few lords, knights, and gentlemen in the field, but with spade, shovel, or mattock did therein their parts.  
The five and twentieth of September being sunday, the Scots began to bring victuals to the camp, & were so well entreated and paid for the same, that during the time of the Englishmen'S abode there, they wanted not of the commodities which their country could minister. The eight and twentieth of September a Scotish herald accompanied with certain Frenchmen, 
A Scotish herald.  that were perchance more desirous to mark the army than to wit of their welfare, came and declared that within a seven-night after, their commissioners, to whom safe conduct had been granted, should come and commune with our council at Berwick; whose coming the earl of Warwick, and sir Ralph Sadler with other the commissioners appointed, did so long while there abide. But what the Scots meant by breaking promise I cannot say, howbeit come they did not, & therefore escaped not the just note of dissimulation, howsoever else they could colour the matter in their own excuse.  
The same day after noon, 
Creation of banerets, knights, etc.  the duke of Summerset adorned with titles of dignity diverse lords, knights, and gentlemen, the names and promotions of whom master Patten hath set down out of the herald's book, as followeth: Sir Ralph Sadler treasurer, 
Banerets.  sir Francis Brian captain of the light horsemen, sir Ralph Uane lieutenant of all the horsemen: these knights were made banerets, a dignity above a knight, and next to a baron. The lord Greie of Wilton high marshal, 
Knights. Edward Seimer the duke of Summersets son.  the lord Edward Seimer the duke of Summersets son, the lord Thomas Howard, the lord Waldike a Clevelander, sir Thomas Dacres, sir Edward Hastings, sir Edmund Bridges, sir john Thin, sir Miles Partridge, sir john Conweie, sir Giles Poole, sir Ralph bagnol, sir Oliver Laurence, sir Henry Gates, sir Thomas Chaloner, sir Francis Fleming master of the ordinance, sir john Gresham, 
Sir Francis Fleming.  sir William Skipwith, sir john Butts, sir George Blaag, sir William Francis, sir Francis Knolles, sir William Thornburrow, sir George Howard, sir james Wilford, sir Ralph Coppinger, sir Thomas Wentworth, sir john Meruen, sir Nicholas Strange, sir Charles Sturton, sir Hugh Askue, sir Francis Salmin, sir Richard Tounleie, sir Marmaduke Conestable, sir George Audleie, sir john Holcroft, sir john Southworth, sir Thomas Danbie, sir john Talbot, sir Rowland Clarke, sir john Horsleie, sir john Forster, sir Christopher Dies, sir Peter Negro, sir Alanzo de Vile, sir Henry Husseie, sir james Granado Brabander, sir Walter Bonham, sir Robert Brandling mayor of Newcastle, and made knight there at the duke of Summersets return.  
But now that Rockesburgh was sufficiently made defensible (the which to see it seemed the duke of Summerset had vowed before he would thence departed) his grace and the council did first determine that my lord Greie should remain upon the borders there as the king's lieutenant, and then took order for the forts: 
Orders taken for defence of the fort gained and built in this voyage.  that sir Andrew Dudleie captain of Broughticrag had left with two hundred soldiers of harquebutters & others, and a sufficient number of pioneers for his works: sir Edward Dudleie captain of Hume castle threescore harquebutters, forty horsemen, and a hundred pioneers: sir Ralph Bulmer captain of Rockesburgh three hundred soldiers of harquebutters and others, and two hundred pioneers. As things were thus concluded, and warning given over night on this wednesday being Michaelmas even, 
The army returneth homewards.  on the next morrow being Michaelmas day every man fell to packing apace and got them homewards, passing over the Twéed there with some trouble and danger also, 
The danger of the soldiers in passing the river of Twéed.  by reason of rain that lately fell before, & had raised the stream, line 10 which being swift of itself, and the channel uneven in the bottom with great stones made the passage cumbersome, so that many as well horsemen as footmen were in no small peril as they passed through, and one or two drowned, and many carriages overthrown, and in great hazard of losing.  
The duke of Summerset road straight to Newcastle, and thence homewards. The earl of Warwick, my lord Greie, and sir Ralph Sadler, with diverse other road to Berwick, to abide the coming line 20 of the Scotish commissioners. In the mean time of their tarrying there, the earl of Warwick made sir knights; 
Knights made.  sir Thomas Nevil the lord Nevil's brother, sir Andrew Corbet, sir Anthony Strelleie, sir Arthur Manering, sir Richard Uerneie, sir john Berteville. After that the earl of Warwick had tarried for the coming of the Scots the full term of the appointment, which was until the fourth of October, and perceived they came not, the next day he departed homewards.  
Here ye have to understand also, that in part of line 30 the mean time whilst the duke of Summerset was in doing of these exploits in Scotland (as ye have heard rehearsed) the earl of Lenox, and the lord Wharton warden of the west marches, 
An invasion made into Scotland.  with an army of five thousand men, entered Scotland on that side, and first passing two miles after a day and a night's defence, 
Annan church won.  they won the church of Annan, took seventy & two prisoners keepers of the same, burned the spoil for cumber of carriage, and caused the church to be blown up with powder, passing thence a sixteen line 40 miles within the land, they won the castle of Milk, 
The castle of Milk won.  the which they left furnished with munition and men, and so returned. But of this ye shall find more in the history of Scotland, by the sufferance of God, where we entreat of the doings there in this year.  
Thus much have I collected out of master Pattens book, or rather exemplified the same, not much digressing from his own words, except where I have line 50 been forced to abridge his work in some places, wishing to have inserted the whole, if the purpose of this volume would have so permitted, as well for the full understanding of every particular point, by him remembered, as also for his pleasant and apt ma●er of penning the same. Whilst the lord protector was abroad thus in wars against the Scots, the lords of the council that remained at home, chiefly by the good and diligent calling on and furtherance of the archbishop of Canturburie, and others of the clergy, line 60 took order for the advancement of religion, causing the books of homilies and the paraphrase of Erasmus to be set forth and had in churches. 
The homilies & paraphrase of Erasmus.   
At the coming back of the lord protector from his journey into Scotland, the citizens of London determined to have received him with great triumph: but he hearing thereof, forbade them in any wise so to do: for (said he) if any thing hath been done to the honour of the realm, it was Gods doing, and therefore willed them to give him the praise. Nevertheless the mayor and aldermen, with certain of the commoners in their liveries and their hoods, 
The lord protector's return.  hearing of his approach to the city, the eight day of October met him in Finnesburie field, where he took each of them by the hand, and thanked them for their good wills. The lord mayor did ride with him till they came to the pound in Smithfield, where his grace left them, and road to his house of Shene that night, and the next day to the king to Hampton court. The fourth day of November began a parliament, called and holden at Westminster, 
A parliament.  which continued till the four and twentieth of December next following, & was then prorogued. In this parliament, all colleges, chanteries, and free chapels were given to the king, and the statute of the six articles was repealed, with diverse others tending to the like end. Moreover, during this parliament visitors being appointed to visit in London, the sixteenth of November began to take down the images in Paul's church: and shortly after all the images in every church, not only through London, but also throughout the whole realm, were pulled down and defaced.  
The lord protector and others of the council, considering now in what sort they had got foothold in Scotland, 
1548 Anno Reg. 2.  by reason of such pieces as they had taken and fortified within the realm, did devise for the more surety of those places, which they had already got, and the better to bring the rest of the country unto reason, to have some holds also more within the land, and therefore first they caused a fort to be builded at louder, 

louder fortified.  
Sir Hugh Willoughby.   where sir Hugh Willoughby was appointed captain with a convenient garrison of soldiers to keep it. Beside this, it was thought expedient to fortify the town of Hadington, whereupon the lord Greie lieutenant of the north parts, with sir Thomas Palmer, and sir Thomas Holcroft, were appointed to go thither with a convenient number of men of war & pioneers to see that town fenced with trenches, rampires, and bulwarks, as should seem to his lordship necessary and behoveful; who therefore entering into Scotland the eighteenth of April, passed forth to Hadington, 
Hadington fortified by the lord Greie.  where he began to fortify, and there remained to see the work brought to some perfection. During his abode there, diverse exploits were both valiantly attempted and luckily achieved by his martial conduct and politic direction, as occasions offered might move him, which I would gladly have set down at large, if I could have come to the true understanding thereof; but sith I cannot get the same, in such full manner as I have wished, that yet which I have learned by true report (as I take it) I have thought good to impart to the reader.  
The eight and twentieth of May, his lordship won the castle of Yester, 
Yester castle won.  after he had beaten it right sore with terrible battery of canon shot for the time it lasted, and therewith having made a reasonable breach for the soldiers to enter, they within yielded with condition to have their lives saved: which the lord Greie was contented to grant to them all, 
Ulpian Fulwell in the flower of fame.  one only excepted, who during the siege uttered unseemly words of the king, abusing his majesties name with vile and most opprobrious terms. They all coming forth of the castle in their shirts, humbled themselves to my lord Greie (as became them) and upon straight examination who should be the railer that was excepted out of the pardon, it was known to be one Newton a Scot: 
Newton and Hamilton 〈◊〉 Scotish gentlemen accuse each other.  but he to save himself, put it to one Hamilton, and so these two gentlemen accusing one an other, the truth could not be decided otherwise than by a combat, which they required, and my lord Greie thereunto assented, and pronounced judgement so to have it tried: which he did the rather, because all men do seem resolute in the trial of truth (as in a very good cause) by loss of life to gain an endless name; as one saith: Mors spernenda viris ut fama perennis alatur.  
At the appointed time they entered the lists, set up for that purpose in the market place of Hadington, without other apparel saving their doublets and hosen, weaponed with sword, buckler and dagger. At the first entry into the lists, Hamilton kneeling down, 
〈…〉 them.  made his hearty prayer to God, that it might please him to give victory unto the truth, with solemn protestation that he never uttered any such words of king Edward of England, as his adversary charged him with. On the other side Newton line 10 being troubled (as it seemed) with his false accusation, argued unto the beholders his guilty conscience. Now were the sticklers in a readiness, and the combattors with their weapons drawn fell to it, so that betwixt them were stricken six or seven blows right lustily. But Hamilton being very fierce and eager, upon trust of his innocency, constrained Newton to give ground almost to the end of the lists; and if he had driven him to the end in deed, then by the law of arms he had won the victory. line 20 Newton perceiving himself to be almost at point to be thus overcome, stepped forwards again, and gave Hamilton such a gash on the leg, that he was not able longer to stand, but fell therewith down to the ground, 
Hamilton vanquished and slain.  and then Newton falling on him, incontinently slew him with a dagger.  
There were gentlemen present that knowing as they took it for certain, how Newton was the offendor (although fortune had favoured him in the combat) would gladly have ventured their lives against line 30 him man for man, if it might have been granted: but he challenging the law of arms, had it granted by my lord Greie, 
Newton rewarded by my lord Greie.  who gave him also his own gown beside his own back, and a chain of gold which he then aware. Thus was he well rewarded how so ever he deserved: 
Newton 〈◊〉 by his adversaries.  but he escaped not so, for afterwards as he was riding betwixt the borders of both the realms, he was slain and cut in pieces. On the fourth of june, the town of Dawketh was burnt, and the castle won by force, where fourteen line 40 Scots were slain, and three hundred taken prisoners, amongst whom were these men of name; the master of Morton, son in law to sir George Douglas, the lard of Blengaruie, the lard of Wedderburne, and one Alexander Hume, a man of good reputation among them. The same day the English horsemen burned all the mills round about Edinburgh, within the compass of six miles on each side the town. The seventh of june they burned Muskelburgh. 
Muskelburgh burnt.  Now after that my lord Greie had fortified line 50 Hadington, and furnished it with victuals, and munitions sufficient, the twelve of june he departed from thence homewards, leaving there in garrison about two thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen.  
In this mean time, Henry the French king succeeding his father Francis the first (who departed this life the last of March in the year last passed, to wit, 1547) made provision of an army, 
The French king prepareth an army in aid of the Scots.  with a navy of ships and galleys, to pass into Scotland to the aid of line 60 the queen and other of his faction. And first he had sent thither monsieur de la Chapelle de Byron, a gentleman of good account, to assist the governor with his advise and counsel, which governor desirous to recover the castle of Broughticrag, and loath to see it possessed by the Englishmen raised a power of eight thousand men, 
Broughticrag besieged.  and with eight pieces of artilleris came before that fortress, meaning to win it by siege; but by the valiant prows of sir Andrew Dudleie, and the hardy manhood of such English soldiers as served there under him, the Scots were repelled, and driven to levy their siege with dishonour.  
Yet not thus contented, the earl of Argile with an army of his Irish Scots, or Hieland men (if I may so call them) after this likewise came and besieged the place, but glad to take truce for a time with sir Andrew. Before the term of the same truce was expired, there came new succours to him, and thereupon the earl in the end was constrained to levy his siege, and suffer the Englishmen to become masters of a little hill not far off from the castle, where afterwards they builded a fortress. But to return to the French army which was prepared to pass into Scotland, ye shall understand that when their ships and provisions were once ready, and the captains with their bands come down to Breast in Britain, where the navy was rigged to receive them, monsieur de Desk general of all the army, 
Monsieur de Desk general of the French army.  reckoned to contain seven or eight thousand men, embarked himself with all his people, and sailed forth on his journey, till they arrived in the Forth, and there took land at Lieth the sixteenth of june. 
He landeth at Lieth.   
Shortly after, having got their great artillery on land, and taken advise with the lord governor & other of the Scotish nobility, whom they found at Edinburgh, how to proceed in prosecuting the war against the Englishmen, it was resolved that without delay they should try their forces about the recovery of Hadington, and go to besiege that town, 
The French men resolve to besiege Hadington.  before they attempted any further exploit. The governor and other of the Scotish lords, having with them seven or eight hundred light horsemen, offered to go with them, to the better advancing forward of that enterprise. Hereupon setting forward, and coming to Muskelburgh, the captains with a certain number of horsemen and footmen, as well of Scots as Frenchmen, were appointed to go before to view the said town of Hadington. Upon their approach near to the town, there issued forth certain Englishmen and Italians, that were of Tiberio's band, which skirmished with them right stoutly, till at length the Frenchmen and Scots retired back to Lauret a little from Muskelburgh (where their army encamped for that night) and the Englishmen and Italians returned back to their fortress.  
The next day the Frenchmen and Scots with their whole power came before Hadington, 
The French army cometh before Hadington.  where they were welcomed with a right sharp and hot skirmish, in which was slain with an arquebus shot, one of the French captains called Uilleneufue. In the mean time whilst this skirmish continued, 
The Reinsgrave.  the Reinsgrave with his Almans encamped himself on the one side of the town, where the master of the ordinance in the French army, named monsieur Duno, caused trenches to be cast for the safe placing of the artillery: 
They plant their artillery  the Englishmen still kept them occupied on each side the town with skirmishing, to the annoyance of the adversaries. To conclude, they encamped before the town, cast trenches, lodged their ordinance, & laid their siege to the most advantage, so far as they might be suffered. Shortly after that this siege was planted, 
The earl of Argile. Monsieur de la Chapelle.  there came to the aid of the French, the earl of Argile, with a great number of Irish Scots, and monsieur de la Chapelle brought an eight or nine hundred Scotish pioneers, which began a trench on the left hand of the abbeie gate, and likewise a traverse to cover their soldiers that should watch and ward, from danger of the shot out of the town on that side.  
The Englishmen with often issues gave their adversaries small rest, procuring many hot skirmishes, as occasion served. At one of the which skirmishes Piero Strozzi, 
Piero Strozzi hurt.  colonel of three ensigns of Italians, was stricken with a musket shot. Yet monsieur de Desk enforcing the siege to the uttermost of his power, caused one night with help of baskets filled with earth, 
Hadington battered.  six pieces of artillery to be planted in battery fast at the town side, which at the break of day began to shoot off, and discharged that present day three hundred and forty shots. But after they perceived that they did little hurt to the fortifications of the town in that place where this battery was laid: the next night, the baskets & pieces of artillery were removed lower, and not past three score paces from the ditches of the town, where the next day two hundred shots were discharged against the rampire. To conclude, they made such breaches in sundry places for easy entry into the town, that it line 10 was greatly marveled why they durst not assay to give a general assault.  
They lodged so near within the very ditches, that there were devised certain plummets of lead, tied with cords to a truncheon of a staff, like to an handstaffe of a flail, wherewith the soldiers that watched and warded within the town on the rampire, slew diverse of the Frenchmen being their lodged within their ditches. Thus notwithstanding that the Frenchmen with their artillery had broken line 20 down the fortifications, so as the breaches were made very reasonable and easy for them to enter; yet durst they not presume once to give the assault: for the Englishmen although their powder was sore spent, 
The valiancy of the Englishmen.  and that for want of matches they were constrained to tear their shirts, and use the same in stead of matches; yet they showed themselves so valiant in defending the town thus beaten & made weak on each hand, that there was no hope left to their adversaries to win it of them by force. Although the line 30 French power on the one side, and eight thousand Scots on an other had so environed it, that the Englishmen within were driven to most hard shifts, for want of things necessary & requisite for their maintenance and defence of that town.  
But yet whilst they remained thus in such distress and necessity of things, two hundred Englishmen under the conduct of captain Windham, Warham Seintleger, and john Car of Work, found means one night to pass through all the line 40 watches on that side where the Scots lay, 
Succours entering the town.  and entering the town, and bringing with them great plenty of powder, and other necessaries, greatly relieved them within, & so encouraged them, that they seemed to make small account of their enemies forces. Hereupon within few days after, the Scots (five or six hundred light horsemen only excepted) broke up their camp and returned home. After this, my lord Greie remaining at Berwick, meant to make a voyage himself in person for the relief of them that line 50 were thus besieged in Hadington. Now when all things were so far in a readiness as the next day he meant to have set forward, letters were brought that night from the court, willing him to perform that service by a deputy, and to stay himself till the coming of the earl of Shrewesburie, who was appointed with an army to come very shortly as general into those parties.  
My lord Greie hereupon appointed in his stead sir Robert Bowes, and sir Thomas Palmer, to go line 60 thither, 
Sir Robert Bows sent to succour Hadington.  who coming to Dunglas, left there certain bands of footmen, and with the horsemen being in number thirteen hundred (whereof seven hundred lances were appointed under the charge of sir Thomas Palmer) they road forward to accomplish their enterprise: but the French captains having knowledge of their coming, they provided the best they could to repel them, appointing four venlins or ensigns of lanceknights to keep a standing watch that night in the trenches, and the like number of French ensigns to watch about their camp. All the other of their bands were commanded to take rest, but yet with their armour on their backs.  
Their general monsieur de Desk himself, monsieur de Mailleraie admiral of their fleet, monsieur Dandelot colonel of the French footmen, Piero Strozzi colonel of the Italians, the Reinsgrave colonel of the lanceknights, and all other the noble men and captains of honour among them were all night long in armour, traveling up and down, some on horseback, and some on foot, to visit the watches and scouts, set in places and ways by the which they suspected that the Englishmen meant to come. 
The lord Hume.  The lord Hume riding abroad to learn what he might of the Englishmen'S demeanour, early in the morning returned to the camp, and certified monsieur de Desk, that they were at hand. Herewith were the Scotish and French horsemen that kept the scout called in, 
Dandelot.  and monsieur Dandelot with great expedition ranged his battle of footmen in order, and so likewise did the Reinsgrave his Almans.  
The Englishmen divided into two bands came and showed themselves in the sight of the town, and charging such Scots and Frenchmen as came forth to encounter them, gave them the overthrow at two several charges: but finally presuming too far upon their good luck thus chancing to them in the beginning, followed in chase those that fled before them, until at length they were enclosed and shut up betwixt the French footmen on the one side, and the Almans on the other. And herewith the Scotish horsemen under the conduct of the lords, Humes & Dune, & the French horsemen led by monsieur de Etauges their general, being assembled together eftsoons, 
Monsieur Etauges.  after they had been so repelled, were now ready to come forward again: and perceiving their footmen so to have environed the Englishmen, that they were not able to recover themselves, nor to get out of danger, 
The English horsemen discomfited.  but by disordering their ranks to take them to flight, followed amain, so that those which escaped the Frenchmens hands were taken by the Scots that pursued them in chase, so that few were saved that were not either slain or taken. My lord Greie lost threescore and twelve great horses, and an hundred geldings, with all the men upon them, armed with his lordships own furniture, only four or five of his men came home, of the which Thomas Cornwallis now groom porter to the 
* Queen Elizabeth.  queens majesty was one, and Robert Car esquire an other then page to my said lord Greie.  
The unadvised rashness of sir Thomas Palmer was thought to be the chief occasion of this distress of those horsemen, who after they had done sufficiently for that time, would needs have them to give a new charge, and so were discomfited. After this overthrow and chase of our horsemen, the army that was levied to pass into Scotland was hasted forward with all speed possible: for although before the coming of the English horsemen, the French, 
The Frenchmen remove their camp.  upon advertisement given that they meant to come, had plucked back their great artillery, and sent the same unto Edinburgh, keeping only with them six field-péeces, and herewith removed their camp further off from the town: yet by forestalling victuals and all other necessary things from them within, they were driven to such distress, that they must of force have left the town to the enemies, if some power had not come within a while to remove the siege that lay thus to annoy them.  
When therefore the army was come to Newcastle, 

The earl of Shrewesburie general of the army.  
The number of soldiers is the same army.   & the earl of Shrewesburie general lieutenant of the same was there arrived, they passed forward to Berwick, and from thence marched straight towards Hadington. The number of the Englishmen and strangers was reported at the point of fifteen thousand, whereof three thousand were Almans under the conduct of a right worthy and expert chiefteine, 
Conrad Phenning 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  named Conrad Phenning, commonly called Cortpenie. Beside this army by land, there was also furnished forth a fleet by sea, under the conduct of the lord Clinton high admiral of England, and other captains of great experience in affairs and service by sea. This fleet was appointed so to keep course with the army by land, that the one might be ever in sight of the other. Monsieur de Desk advertised of the coming forward of this army, durst line 10 not abide their coming, 
 but raised his field, and retired with his army toward Edinburgh: howbeit they were no sooner dislodged, but that a great troup of the English horsemen were got within sight of them, and coasted them all the way as they marched for the space of seven or eight miles, in manner to as far as Muskelburgh, 
 where the Frenchmen stayed, and encamped in a place chosen forth to their most advantage.  
The earl of Shrewesburie, and the lord Greie line 20 with the army coming unto Hadington, were joyfully received of the captains and soldiers within: where it might appear how valiantly they had defended that town during the siege, being so destitute of all things necessary for their relief; and the fortifications so weak, that if the noble prowess of their worthy general sir james Wilford, and the incomparable manhood of the rest of the captains and soldiers had not supplied all other wants, it was thought impossible that they should have defended the place so long a time against such forces as had line 30 been there employed against them. But such was the undaunted valiancy of that noble crew and garrison, that even the very enemies themselves could not but yield high commendations to the captains and soldiers for the hardy forwardness and manhood, which at all times they had found and tried in them at all points of service, when they came to deal with them. And verily their same deserveth to be had in memory for ever, not only for their worthy achieved exploits, done by force of hand, to the beating line 40 back and repelling of the enemies, but also for their patiented sustaining of hunger, thirst, continual watching, nakedness, sickness, and all other such calamities and miseries, as want of things necessary for the relief and maintenance of man's life is wont to bring, 
●x patience 〈◊〉 the English●●● 〈…〉 all 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  to those that are enclosed in such wise by the enemy. All which extremities they were well content to sustain, so that it might turn to the benefit and renown of their country, in comparison whereof line 50 they esteemed all things else very vile and contemptible, were the same never so good, as the poet saith: 
Tantus amor patriae mortalia pectora tangit,  
Natalisque soli, prae quo bona caetera sordent.   
The noble earl of Shrewesburie could not forbear to shed tears, to understand and perceive that such worthy soldiers should suffer such great distress, whose valiant hearts could not be quailed with any afflictions. Thus with mournful embracings intermixed with pitiful regards they met. The line 60 earl entering the town, furnished it with new bands of men, good store of victuals, munition, and all other things convenient, and as then thought requiquisit. Thus having refreshed the town, within two days after he passed forth towards the enemies, appointing by the advise of that noble chiefteine the lord Greie, certain bands of horsemen to keep themselves close together in ambush, 
 and to send a few to the French camp, to try if they might train the Frenchmen out of their strength. And as they wished, it partly came to pass: for diverse of their horsemen issued forth of their camp, and proffered the skirmish. The Englishmen suffered themselves to be chased, until they had got their enemies within danger of their ambush, and then whirling about, gave them the charge, enforcing them to make their career back, with more than an easy gallop; so that having the Frenchmen thus in chase, 
The Frenchmen chased.  they slew and took diverse, and among the prisoners were two captains, Pierre Longue, and one Lucinet. The others that escaped, returned with this loss to their camp.  
In the mean time, whilst these things were thus in doing, 
The army of the Scots come to join with the Frenchmen.  there came to the aid of the Frenchmen fourteen or fifteen thousand Scots, accounting herewith the Irish Scots which came with the earl of Argile. These Scots were scarce lodged, when suddenly the earl of Shrewesburie & the lord Greie came with their army divided into three battles of footmen, guarded with two troops of horsemen, 
The earl of Shrewesburie proffereth the enemies battle.  presenting themselves before the faces of their enemies in the same place, where their anant currors the day before had showed themselves to draw forth the Frenchmen. Here the army thus ranged in array of battle, stayed above the space of an hour, looking if the enemies durst have come forth to have given battle: 
The Frenchmen durst not come forth of their camp.  but when they perceived that by no means the Frenchmen meant to forsake their strength, they returned back to their camp. The English navy being entered now into the Forth, was not idle: for coming to Brent Island they set fire on four ships, which they found there, 
Ships burned.  and after passing by Lieth saluted them within the town with cannon shot, and after intending to burn saint Minets, were repelled from thence by the lord of Dune, and after returned to attend on the army. The earl of Shrewesburie, and my lord Greie having executed so much as their commission would bear, and refreshed Hadington with all things needful, departed homewards; and coming to Dunglas, 
A fortress built at Dunglas.  began there to build a fortress. The English Almans as the army passed by Dunbar, burned the town. These Almans also, and certain bands of Englishmen, as well horsemen as footmen, were left at Dunglas, until the Forth there begun was in some strength. The earl of Shrewesburie with the rest of the army came back into England. 
The lord Greie entereth again into Scotland.  My lord Greie remaining on the borders lieutenant of the north parts, after the earl of Shrewesburie was returned home, assembled all the horsemen then lying on the borders, and being backed with the Almane footmen, entered again with the same horsemen into Scotland, burning and wasting in the countries of Tividall, and Liddesdall, for the space of twenty miles, both house, corn, hay, and all other things that came within their reach, and after returned without encounter.  
The ninth of October being tuesday, monsieur de Desk, with his Frenchmen and Almans, came in the morning long before day to Hadington, meaning to have won the town by stealth. And verily the enterprise was governed in such secret manner, that the Frenchmen had killed the English scouts, and were entered the base court, yet any alarm was raised: and having slain the watch, some of them ran to a place behind a church, where the Englishmen had their victuals and munitions, and some thrust up to the town gate, 
A camisado given to Hadington.  inforsing with great violence to break it open, crying with noise and shouts, victory, victory, whereof in deed they accounted themselves then assured. And questionless the Englishmen being thus wakened out of their sleeps on the sudden, were in some great disorder; so that many of them came running forth without either armour or apparel, their shirts excepted; & others ran they witted not well whither, nor where to take heed. But yet as the Frenchmen were thronged together at the gate to break it open, a Frenchman (as their writers do report) that served within the town, but as other say Tiberio captain of the Italians, with his match light gave fire to a double canon, that lay ready bend against the gate, so that the same shooting off, 
The Frenchmen repelled.  made such a lane among the Frenchmen, that they were glad to give place, and with such a fearful cry, that those which were behind, not understanding what loss their fellows before had sustained, broke their array and fled amain.  
The Englishmen herewith passed through a privy line 10 postern into the base court, and coming upon them with their halberds, and black bills, slew of them great plenty, and drove the rest that escaped over the wall in such haste, that happy was he that could tumble over first. Monsieur de Desk yet gathering them together again, gave that morning three sharp assaults to the town, but was repelled with great loss, for they carried away with them sixteen carts and wagons laden with hurt persons and dead carcases, besides three hundred that were line 20 found in the base court, which they could not come to, after they were beaten out, to take away with them. And thus was monsieur de Desk constrained to return, repenting himself of that his bold attempted enterprise, having lost no small number of his Frenchmen and Almans, being slain in the place. In this mean time, the king's majesty summoned his high court of parliament, 
A parliament.  to be holden upon prorogation at Westminster the fourth of November, where it continued till the fourteenth of March next line 30 ensuing.  
In the mean time, the proceed for the Scotish wars was not forgotten, whereupon in the deep of the winter, there were conveyed certain bands of the English lancequenets, and some number of Englishmen, both horsemen and footmen by sea unto Bronghticrag; and passing from thence unto Dundée, a two miles from thence, entered the town, and began to fortify it: 
Dundeé spoiled.  but shortly after by the coming of the French army with monsieur de Desk, line 40 they left it, first spoiling the houses, and after set them on fire at their departure. The Reinsgrave colonel of the Almans, and monsieur de Etauges, being sent by monsieur de Desk before, entered Dundee, and lodged within it. Within two days after their coming thither, they took certain of their bands, and going forth did view and survey the new fort, which the Englishmen had begun to make on the hill, a small distance from the castle. But the Englishmen and their Almans issuing forth against line 50 them, were at their elbows yer they were half well advised that they were got so near them, whereby being driven hastily to retire, they hardly escaped out of danger, 
The Reinsgrave constrained to retire.  being so hotly pursued, that if the Reinsgrave had not showed his approved valiancy, guided with no less policy than manhood, the whole troup had been (as was thought) utterly distressed.  
In Christmas this year the castle of Hume was recovered out of the Englishmen'S hands, through line 60 treason of certain assured Scots, that using to bring victuals of the Englishmen that kept it, had marked all the manner of the scouts and watches, with the places of the wall where the clime was most easy. Whereupon in the night season, certain of the Scots secretly coming into the ditches, got up to the height of the walls, and entering the place, slew and took upon the sudden all that were within it. The sixteenth of januarie, sir Thomas Seimer baron of Sudleie, year 1549 lord admiral, and brother to the duke of Summerset lord protector, 
Sir Thomas Seimer sent to the tower.  was arrested and sent to the tower, and after by authority of parliament he was attainted, and the twentieth of March next ensuing, 
Anno Reg. 3.  in the third year of this king's reign be headed at tower hill. Moreover in this parliament, 
The mass abolished.  the use of the mass was clearly prohibited, and a book for the uniformity of divine service, and right administration of the sacraments, was set forth and established.  
Ye have heard how the Frenchmen fortified the town of Dundee, where monsieur de Etauges, 
Monsieur de Etauges taken prisoner.  with his company of horsemen lying in garrison chanced in a skirmish to be taken by the Englishmen that lay in Broughticrag, to the great rejoicing of them that took him, and no less grief of the French and Scots, for the tried valiancy that was throughly known to rest in him. Moreover, the Englishmen that kept the town of Hadington all this while against the enemies, could not come by any victuals, but only by a convoy of some convenient power to guard the carriages that brought the same from the borders. And as it fortuned at one time when the convoy came and passed by Dunbar, a skirmish was proffered by the French which lay within that castle in garrison. And as sir james Wilford that was there amongst other upon this occasion (according to his wonted valiancy) showed himself very forward and eager against the enemy, he was enclosed by an ambush, which the Frenchmen had laid on each side the street within the town, that he could by no means escape out of their hands, but having his horse there slain under him, was taken prisoner even by a Gascoigne of the country of Basque named Pellieque, 
Sir james Wilford taken prisoner.  that won no small commendation for that his good hap, in taking such a prisoner, whose name for his often approved prowess was very famous even among the enemies, who saw well enough a resoluteness in the man rather by perilous adventures to purchase the perpetuity of renown, than by defect of courage or negligent service to lose both life and same. Which persuasion should enter into the hart of every servitor in the field, if they will be counted right valiant indeed, considering that he which in his life time doth perform nothing worthy memory, is like a player entering upon the stage, but showing nothing either in speech or in action, as the poet very fitly saith: 
Qui nullum facinus tota memorabile vita  
Ediderint, obscuri homines migrare videntur  
Hinc, ut qui structa nil dixerit histrio scena.   
Some have written that he was taken through default of those that were appointed to follow him, sith he undertook to charge the enemy, in hope that by them he should have been assisted. But surly those that had the charge of this convoy, doubting by adventuring too far, to put all in hazard, thought it wisdom rather to suffer the loss of one, than to jeopard the whole; not perceiving which way to remedy the matter at that present. Now after that the general of Hadington was thus taken prisoner, to the great grief undoubtedly, not only of all the garrison there, but also of all such as tendered the advancement of the king's majesties service, sir james Crofts was thought a man most meet to supply the place, 
Sir james Crofts general of Hadington.  and therefore by the lord protector and others of the council was ordained general of that town of Hadington, and the garrison there, in which room he bore himself so worthily, as if I should not be suspected of flattery, for that he liveth yet, and in such credit (as the world knoweth) I might move myself matter to say rather much than sufficiently enough in his due and right deserved commendation.  
The king by the advise of his council meaning to prosecute the wars in Scotland, with great forces retained a new power of lancequenets, and other strangers, under the conduct of divers & sundry captains: but in the mean time the French king meaning to break with the king of England, thought to have stolen the fortress of Bullognberg, so that a chosen power of men of war, to the number of seven thousand, under the conduct of monsieur de Chatillon, being sent down about that exploit on May day at night, came forward with their ladders, and all other furniture meet for the purpose, approaching about the hour of midnight near to the fort, within the which were not at that time many above three hundred and fifty soldiers, under the government of sir Nicholas Arnalt knight general of that line 10 piece, 
Sir Nicho●●s Arnalt ●●●teine of Bullognberg.  a captain of great courage, and no less diligence in his charge.  
And as it chanced, there were among the Frenchmen three or four Englishmen, which having matched themselves in marriage with women of that country, after the peace was concluded betwixt France and England, were discharged out of the king of England's wages; and remaining with their wives, got entertainment among the Frenchmen, line 20 and were with monsieur de Chatillon, now coming towards this enterprise. Whereupon one of the same Englishmen named Carter, that had aforetime given intelligence to the said sir Nicholas of the Frenchmens doings, 
Carter an Englishman 〈◊〉 among 〈◊〉 frenchmen, but to their disadvantage.  so far as he might learn and understand the same, would gladly have advertised sir Nicholas Arnalt of the Frenchmens purpose at this time: but monsieur de Chatillon kept the matter so secret, that Carter nor any of the other Englishmen had knowledge thereof, till they were line 30 now marching forward, so that Carter could not get away from them, till they were approached within less than a quarter of a mile of Bullognberg, and then slipping aside from among them, came running so fast as he might towards the fort, crying; Bows, bows, as loud as his voice would serve, & so gave the alarm to them within the fort.  
One of the soldiers called Morgan Deaton, that chanced to be there at hand in scout with three or four other, straight knew him, and brought him to line 40 the drawbridge, where sir Nicholas Arnalt caused him to be drawn up betwixt two pikes, 
Sir Nicholas Arnalts 〈◊〉  unto whom he declared how the Frenchmen were at hand, meaning to assail his fort now upon the sudden, in hope so to surprise it. Herewith, it needed not to will sir Nicholas to bestir him, to cause every man to make ready, and place themselves as was thought most expedient. And undoubtedly the noble courage of that worthy gentleman, furthered much, to cause every captain and soldier under him, to put away line 50 all fear, and to have a regard to do his duty, for the receiving of the enemies; so as they seemed glad of the occasion, whereby they might show proof of their accustomed manhood against the enemy, that thus came to steal on them without warning, in purpose to kill every man that fell into their hands, if their intention had taken place, making now such haste forward, that before the Englishmen could ●e well ready with their armour and weapons in their appointed places, the Frenchmen were got to the ditches, line 60 and appointing three thousand of their numbers, the most part gentlemen and double pays, with targets, 
The Frenchmen assail Bullognberg.  battle axes, and pistols, to have the first scale, saluted them within upon their very approach, with seven hundred harquebuts shot at the first volée.  
The Englishmen by order given by sir Nicholas, kept themselves close, till the Frenchmen by their sealing ladders, which they brought with them, and had quickly raised against the walls, began to mount up, and enter upon them; at which instant, off went the flankers. Those of sir Nicholas Arnalts monts discharged very well at the first, but at the second volee the mortars burst. Albeit there were two brass pieces that were planted aloft on the same mont, of the which the one discharged five & twenty shot by the master, and the other seven and twenty by his majesty. Sir Nicholas Arnalt here being accompanied with his captains and soldiers about him, stood at defence so stoutly as was possible, doing so valiantly, that their fame deserveth to live for ever. There were burst upon the faces of the enemies (over and beside the shot that was bestowed among them) to the number of fifteen hundred pikes and black bills. 
The number of pikes and bills broken upon the Frenchmen.  The Frenchmen verily stuck to it to the uttermost, and did what lay in the very last point of their powers to enter upon the Englishmen, supplying still the places of their dead and weary men with fresh succours.  
Carter that came to bring word of their coming, with a pike in his hand, 
Carter an hardy soldier and a good servitor.  stood at the place of the bulwark where they thus gave the assault, & fought right valiantly, giving many wounds, and receiving some again: for he was hurt both in the thigh and arm, who surly of a private soldier (if he were private and ordinary) seemed very serviceable at all assays, considering into what desperate adventures and hazards he did as it were cast himself, esteeming less the loss of life and limb, than the reproach and dishonour of his country, the glory & renown whereof (above all worldly things which are but temporal) all men are naturally bound with might & main both to seek and save; as one very well saith: Nascimur ut patriam vitáque operáque iuuemus.  
Sir Nicholas Arnalt himself was hurt with a pike in the nose. captain Warren standing on the same bulwark with sir Nicholas, received two shots in his corselet, and one of them drove two or three links of his chain into his neck. captain Broughton had there sixteen of his armed men, every of them having their corselets pierced through. The number of the Englishmen that were slain, was reckoned to be five and twenty, and hurt eight and fifty. Of Frenchmen there were slain a great number, beside those that were hurt, 
The Frenchmen repelled.  and at length through shot, casting down of stones and timber upon their heads, scalding water and handblowes they were repelled, retiring out of the trenches shortly after the break of the day, having continued the assault from midnight till that time, still renewing their forces, in hope to achieve their wished prey: but being thus beaten off, they gathered together their dead men, and lading fifteen wagons with their carcases, they returned back, 
Fifteéne wagons laden with French carcases.  without making any further attempt at that time.  
And so by the high valiancy of sir Nicholas Arnalt, and the other captains that served in that fort under him, and chiefly by the assistance of almighty God, the giver of all victories, the enemies were repelled, to their great dishonour, and the piece reserved to the immortal renown of the defendants. Within a day or two after, the general of the Frenchmen sent to know of prisoners taken; but sir Nicholas Arnalt answered the messenger, that he knew of no war: and therefore if any had attempted to make a surprise of his piece by stealth, they were served accordingly to their malicious meanings. Indeed (said he) we have taken none of your men, but we have got some of your brave guilt armour & weapons. Well (said the messenger) it is not the cowl that maketh the monk, and no more is it the brave armour or weapon that maketh the man of war: but the fortune of war is such, sometime to gain, and sometime to lose. Sir Nicholas receiving him into the fort, made him good cheer, and gave him fifty crowns in reward, and so he departed.  
But concerning the liberality of sir Nicholas, I might here speak further thereof, how bountifully he rewarded the soldiers for their great manhood showed at that time, in defending so sharp an assault, to their great honour, and no less confusion of the adversaries. The day after the said assault, there came to Bullognberg from Guisnes, 
The lord Cobham with a new supply of soldiers.  a supply of three or four hundred men, under the leading of sir William Cobham, now lord Cobham and others. Within a while after, sir Nicholas Arnalt sent forth three hundred footmen, and five and twenty horsemen, conducted by the said sir William Cobham, captain Mutton of the Old man, & captain More line 10 of Bullognberg, with certain carriages, to go unto a wood not far off, called the North wood, to fetch faggots and brush, to repair and maintain the rampires.  
These captains with their bands being passed forward, about two miles in distance from the fort, met with certain of their scouts that were sent forth that morning, who told them that they had discovered the tract of a great number of horsemen. Whereupon line 20 the Englishmen now being almost come to the wood side, retired with all speed: and herewith the French horsemen broke out of the wood, and following them, fell in skirmish with them. The Englishmen casting themselves in a ring, kept them off with their pikes, wherewith they impailed themselves, and having their small troup lined with shot, they also galled the Frenchmen right sore therewith, as they still approached them. Nevertheless, those horsemen gave three main onsets upon the Englishmen, with the number of a thousand horse at two of the first line 30 onsets, and the third they gave with all their whole power, being esteemed a fifteen hundred horsemen in all.  
But such was the valiant prowess of the English soldiers, 
The great valiancy of the Englishmen under the conduct of their noble captains  encouraged with the comfortable presence of sir William Cobham, and other their captains, that conducted them in such order as stood most for their safeguard, exhorting them with such effectual words as served best to purpose, that the enemy to line 40 conclude was repelled with loss of seventy of their great horses that lay dead there in the field, within the space of half a mile. There were also four thousand French footmen that came forward, but could not reach, and so marching about the fort, returned in vain, after they once perceived that the Englishmen were safely retired within their fort. The council thus perceiving the French kings purpose, which he had conceived to work some notable damage to this realm, as well in support of his friends in line 50 Scotland, as in hope to recover those pieces which the English held at Bullongne, and in those marches, doubted also of some invasion meant by him to be attempted into this realm, because of such great preparation as he had made, for levying of his forces both by sea and land. 
The preparation for war as well in England as France.   
The council therefore made likewise provision to be ready to resist all such attempts, as any way forth might be made, to the annoyance of the realm. But as things fell out, the same stood in good stead, line 60 not against the foreign enemy, but against a number of rebellious subjects at home, the which forgetting their duty and allegiance, did as much as in them lay (what soever their pretence was) to bring this noble realm and their natural country unto destruction. But first, for that it may appear, that the duke of Summerset then protector, and other of the council, did not without good ground and cause maintain the wars against the Scots, I have thought good to set down an epistle exhortatory, as we find the same in the great chronicle of Richard Grafton, sent from the said protector and council unto the Scots, 
Rich. Grafton in fol. 1294.  to move them to have consideration of themselves, and of the estate of their country, by joining in that friendly bond and unity with England, as had been of the king's part and his fathers continually sought, for the benefit of both realms, the copy of which exhortation here ensueth.  Edward by the grace of God, duke of Summerset, earl of Hertford, viscount Beauchampe, 
The lord protector's right honorabl● style.  lord Seimer, uncle to the king's highness of England, governor of his most royal person, and protector of all his realms, dominions, & subjects, lieutenant general of all his majesties armies, both by land and sea, treasurer and earl marshal of England, governor of the Isles of Gerneseie and Jersey, and knight of the most noble order of the garter, with others of the council of the said most high and noble prince Edward, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, and in earth under Christ the supreme head of the churches of England and Ireland. To the nobility and councillors, gentlemen and commons, and all other the inhabitants of the realm of Scotland, greeting and peace. 
COnsidering with ourselves the present state of things, 
The epistle exhortatory sent to the Scots.  and weighing more deeply the manner and terms wherein you and we do stand, it maketh us to marvel, what evil & fatal chance doth so dissever your hearts, and maketh them so blind and unmindful of your profit, and so still conciliate and heap to yourselves most extreme mischiefs, the which we whom ye will needs have your enemies, go about to take away from you, and perpetually to ease you thereof. And also by all reason & order of necessity, it should be rather more convenient for you to seek and require moderate agréements of us, whom God hath hitherto according to our most just, true, and godly meanings and intents, prospered and set forward, with your affliction and misery, than that we being superiors in the field, masters of a great part of your realm, should seek upon you. Yet to the intent that our charitable minds and brotherly love should not cease, by all means possible to provoke and call you to your own commodity and profit, even as the father to the son, or the elder brother to the younger; 
Herein appeareth the lord protector's care for their good estate.  and as the loving physician would do to the mistrustful and ignorant patient: we are content to call and cry upon you to look on your estate, to avoid the great calamity that your country is in, to have us rather brothers than enemies, and rather countrymen than conquerors. And if your governor or captains shall retain and keep from you this our exhortation, as heretofore they have done our proclamation, tending to the like effect, for their own private wealth & commodity, not regarding though you be still in misery, so they have profit and governance over you, and shall still abuse you with feigned and forged tales: yet this shall be a witness before God, and all christian people, between you and us, that we professing the gospel of jesus Christ, according to the doctrine thereof, do not cease to call and provoke you from the effusion of your own blood, from the destruction of the realm of Scotland, from perpetual enmity and hatred, from the final destruction of your nation, and from servitude to foreign nations, to liberty, to amity, to equality with us, to that which your writers have always wished might once come to pass.  
Who that hath read the stories in times past, and doth mark & note the great battles past ●ought betwixt England & Scotland, the incursions, roads, & spoils, which have been done on both parties: the realm of Scotland five times won by one king of England, 
S●otland 〈◊〉 five 〈◊〉 by one king of Eng●●nd.  the Scotish kings some taken prisoners, some slain in battle, some for very sorrow and discomfort upon loss, dying and departing the world: and shall perceive again, that all nations in the world, that nation only beside England, speaketh the same language: and as you and we be annexed and joined in one Island, so no people are so like in manners, form, language, and all conditions as we are: shall not he think it a thing very unmeet, unnatural, and unchristian, that there should be betwixt line 10 us so mortal war, who in respect of all other nations, be and should be like as two brethren of one Island of great Britain? And though he were a stranger to both, what should he think more meet, than if it were possible one kingdom to be made in rule, which is one in language, and to be divided in rulers, which is all one in country?  
And for so much as two successors cannot concur and fall into one, 
The case of 〈◊〉 conjunction 〈◊〉 marriage of 〈◊〉 two young princes touched.  by no other manner of means than by marriage, whereby one blood, one lineage, one line 20 parentage is made of two, and an indefensible right given of both to one, without the destruction and abolishing of either. If God should grant that whatsoever you would wish, other than that which now not by fortune hath chanced, but by his infinite mercy and most inscrutable providence, as careful for you he hath given unto you. The which thing that you should also think to come of his disposition, and not by blind fortune, how unlike hath it been, and how suddenly hath it turned, that the power of God might be showed: your last king being a prince of line 30 much excellency and young, whom you know after a promise broken contrary to his honour, & misfortune by God's just judgement following upon it, God either by sorrow or by some means otherwise at his inscrutable pleasure, did take away from you, had three children, did not almighty God (as it were) to show his will and pleasure to be, that the long continued war and enmity of both the nations should be taken away, 
The course of 〈◊〉 just ●●dgement in t●is example ●●●able.  and knit in perpetual love and amity, take the two man-children of those babes being line 40 distant the one from the other, and in diverse places, both as it were at one time, and within the space of four and twenty hours, leaving but one maiden-child and princess?  
When the most wise and victorious prince late our king and master, king Henry the eight, in other of his marriages not most fortunate, had by his most lawful and most virtuous wife, queen jane, his otther two wives before that marriage departed line 50 this world, and never surmise nor question made of that marriage, since that time to this day, nor so much as all her life time, name or motion to or of any other wife, one prince of so high expectation, of so great gifts of God, the right and undoubted heir of the realm of England and his majesty only of male issue left behind him to succeed the imperial crown. If nothing else had been done, what can any wise or any christian man that thinketh the world to be governed by God's providence line 60 and not by fortune, think otherwise, but that it was God's pleasure it should be so, 
The lord prote●tor enforceth by ●itchie persuasions a perpetual moiety between the 〈◊〉 realms 〈◊〉 the foresaid 〈◊〉.  that these two realms should join in marriage, and by a godly sacrament, make a godly, perpetual and most friendly unity & concord, whereby such benefits as of unity and concord cometh, may through his infinite grace come unto these realms. Or if any man of you or of any nation doubteth hereof, except you looked for miracles to be done herein, and yet if ye mark all the possibilities of the natures of the two princes, the children already had, the doubtful chance, lest each of them should have a son, or both daughters, or not of meet ages, with other circumstances both of the party of this realm of England, and that of Scotland, which hath not chanced in eight hundred years, it must needs be reckoned a great marvel and a miracle.  
But let it be no miracle, seeing that God doth not now speak in oracles, as amongst the jews he did: and present prophecies now adays be but either not certain, or else not plain: what more certain can be had of Gods will in this case, than the before rehearsed doth bring? But if God himself should speak, what could he speak more, than he speaketh in these? 
The lord protector still urgeth peace and amity.  Call you them providences or chances, if you be still afflicted and punished? May he not say: I of mine infinite mercy and love to your nation, had provided a right heir and a prince to the one, and a right heir and princess to the other, to be joined in my holy laws, and by the law of nature and the world to have made an unity, concord and peace, in the which Isle of both the realms you refused it; you loved better dissension than unitte, discord than agreement, war than peace, hatred than love and charity. If you do then therefore smart for it, whom can you blame but your own election?  
But because some of those, who make thereunto impediments, cannot but confess, that there appeareth God's providence herein, and opportunity and occasion given to unity of both the realms, yet may hereafter say, and heretofore have said, that the fault herein is, that we seek not equality, nor the marriage, but a conquest: we would not be friends but the lords. Although our proclamation at the last wars doth enough declare the contrary, yet here we protest and declare unto you and all christian people, to be the king's majesties mind our masters, by our advise and counsel not to conquer, but to have in amity; not to win by force, but to conciliate by love; not to spoil and kill, but to save and keep; not to dissever and divorce, but to join in marriage, from high to low both the realms, to make of one Isle one realm, in love, amity, concord, peace and charity, which if you refuse, and drive us to conquer, who is guilty of the bloodshed? Who is the occasion of the war? Who maketh the battles, the burning of houses, and the devastation which shall follow?  
Can it be denied but that we have the great seal of Scotland granted by the parliament of Scotland, 
The Scots by the consent of a parliament granted their great seal for the confirmation of a marriage to be had between Marie the heir of Scotland, & prince Edward heir of England.  for the marriage which should be made, with assurances and pledges, until the performance? And thus in the time that the late king of most famous memory our sovereign lord king Henry the eight did reign, and in the time of the same your governor, who now is the earl of Arrane, who then being a chief doer and labourer therein, for the high and inestimable benefit of that realm, so soon as he was by the late cardinal of saint Andrews and others, with certain vain fears and hopes & greediness of dignity perverted, revolted from his first agreement, and put all the realm to the loss of such holds and fortresses as are now taken from you, and to the loss of a fought field, for the which we are sorry, if otherwise peace might have been concluded, for his own private lucre and recklessness of that noble realm. And what end can you look for of these manner of proceed, but such success as heretofore hath been experimented & assayed? We offer love, we offer equality and amity, we overcome in war, and offer peace: we win holds, 
What offers are made to the Scots.  and offer no conquest: we get in your land, and offer England.  
What can be more offered and more proffered, than intercourse of merchandizes, and interchange of marriages, the abolishing of all such our laws, as prohibiteth the same, or might be impediment to the mutual amity. We have offered not only to leave the authority name, title, right or challenge of conqueror, but to receive that which is the shame of men overcomed, to leave the name o● the nation, and the glory of any victory (if any we have had, or should have of you) and to take the indifferent old name of Britain's again, because nothing should be left on our part to be offered, 
Britain was the first name of England and Scotland.  nothing on your part unrefused, whereby ye might be inexcusable. And all the world might testify all other means, line 10 not being able to do any thing, after many other ways and remedies attempted, battle of us to be taken as an extreme refuge, to attain right and reason among christian men: if any man may rightfully make battle for his espouse and wife. The daughter of Scotland was by the great seal of Scotland promised to the son & heir of England.  
If it be lawful by God's law to fight in a good quarrel, and for to make peace, this is to make an end of all wars, and to conclude an eternal and line 20 perpetual peace; which to confirm, we shall fight, and you to break, is it not easy to discern who hath the better part? God and the sword hath already, and shall hereafter (if there be no remedy) try it. Who so willeth the marriage to go forward; who so mindeth the peace and tranquility of both the realms; who willeth no conquest to be had, but amity and love to go forward, we refuse no man: let him bring his name and his pledge of good service in this quarrel, 
A very good, lawful, and bountiful offer.  he shall not only be received to the line 30 amity; but shall have sufficient defence against the adversaries, and recompense of his living, if he sustain any loss. We neither do nor intend to put any man from his lands, taxes, or offices, unless he will needs resist, and so compel us thereunto.  
What face hath this of conquest? We intent not to disherit your queen, but to make her heirs inheritors also to England. 
The case of the foresaid marriage still urged.  What greater honour can ye seek unto your queen, than the marriage offered? What more meeter marriage than this with the line 40 kings highness of England? What more sure defence in the nonage of your queen for the realm of Scotland, than to have England your patron and garrison? We seek not to take from you your laws nor customs; but we seek to redress your oppressions, which of diverse ye do sustain. In the realm of England, diverse laws and customs be according to the ancient usage thereof. And likewise, France, Normandy, and Gascoigne have sundry kind of orders. Have all the realms and dominions line 50 that the emperor now hath, one custom and one sort of laws? These vain fears and fantasies of expulsion of your nation, of changing the laws, of making a conquest, be driven into your heads, of those, who in deed had rather you were all conquered, 
The lord protector telleth the Scots who they be that put doubts into their heads, etc.  spoiled, and slain, than they would lose any point of their will, of their desire of rule, of their estimation, which they know in quietness would be seen what it were, as it were in a calm water.  
Now in this tumult of disorder, when the realm line 60 is tossed up and down with waves and surges of battle, famine, and other mischiefs which the war bringeth, they think they cannot be espied; but look on them you that have wit and prudence, and consider the state of your queen and realm, you will not keep her sole and unmarried, the which were to you great dishonour. If you married her within the realm, that cannot extinguish the title which we have to the crown of Scotland. And what dissension, envy, grudge, and malice that shall breed among you, is easy to perceive. You will marry her out of the realm, our title remaineth, you be subjects to a foreign prince of another country, and of another language, and us ye have your enemies, even at your elbow, your succours far off from you: and be we not in the bowels now of the realm? Have we not a great part thereof, either in subjection or in amity and love? Who shall come into your realm, but he shall be met with, and fought with, if need be, even of your own nation, who be faithful and true to the realm of England in the way of this most godly union by marriage.  
And if any foreign power, prince, or potentate, 
Further inducements to make the Scots forward in this marriage.  or whosoever be your aider to nourish still discord, send you an army also, how shall they oppress you, fill your houses, waste your grounds, spend and consume your victuals, hold you in subjection, & regard you as slaves, which without them could not live, & will take your queen to bestow as they lust, & specially if their ruler or king (as perchance he may be) in other wars be otherwise occupied, to be a prey to us, & a true conquest, than it should be too late to say; We will have a marriage and no conquest, We wish peace & amity, We are weary of battle and misery. 
A true saying.  The stubborn overcomed must suffer the victor's pleasure, and pertinacity will make the victory more insolent, whereof you yourself have given the cause, if they send money and captains, but no soldiers. First if they be captains, who ruleth and who doth obey? Who shall have the honour of the enterprise, and if it be well achieved? But whether it be well achieved or no, which number is that which shall be slain? Whose blood shall be shed? Their money peradventure shallbe consumed, & their commandments obeyed. But whose bodies shall smart for it? Whose lands shall be wasted? 
The lord protector pointeth (as it were) at the inconveniences which he would have the Scots to prevent.  Whose houses burned? What realm made desolate? Remember what it is to have a foreign power within you, a strong power of your enemies upon you, you (as it were) the camp & plain betwixt them to fight on, & to be trodden upon, both of the victor, and of the overcomed. And imagine you see before your eyes your wives & daughters in danger of wantonness & insolency of the soldiers, the proud looks of the captains & soldiers, whom you call to help you, the contempt you shall bring your nation in, then take heed lest indeed that follow which you fear, that is, that you shall be by them conquered, that ye shall be by them put from your holds, lands, taxes & offices, that your laws by them shall be altered, that your nation shall be by them destroyed. Consider in this realm, 
Examples confirming the former assertion.  did not the Britons call in the Saxons for help, & by them were put out? Where be the Picts, once a great nation betwixt you and us? How did the nation of France put out the Galls out of all France? How got the Turk first all Grecia, & now of late all Hungary, but being called in for to aid & help? And did not the Goths by like means get all Italy, and the Lombard's one part thereof now called Lombardie? What look you for more? Needy soldiers, & having their weapons in their hands, and knowing that you cannot live without them, what will not they command you to do? What will they not encroach upon you? What will they not think they may do? 
Insolency o● soldiers and lawless licentiousness.  And what will they think that you dare do? This foreign help is your confusion, that succour is your detriment, the victory so had is your servitude: what is then to be thought of loss taken with them? The strangers and foreign soldiers shall oppress you within, our power and strength without; and of your own nation, so many as love quietness, godliness, and wealth of your realm, shall help also to scourge and afflict you. 
The issue of the lord protector's e●t●●●tation.  Is it not better to compose and acquit all this calamity and trouble by marriage, to end all sorrows and battles by such and so honourable a peace? Hath not the emperor Spain & Burgundy by title of marriage? How holdeth the French king Britain now lately annexed to that crown, but by title of marriage? How have all the great princes of the world happily and with quiet made of two kingdoms one, of diverse lordships one, of nations always at war with themselves, or else in doubtful peace, one well governed kingdom, rule, and dominion, but by that godly, most quiet, and most amiable composition of marriage? Two means there be of making one rule, 
Two means or ways of making one regiment or 〈◊〉.  whereto title is pretended, and perfect agreement betwixt two nations, either by force or superiority, which is conquest; line 10 or by equality and love, which is by parentage & marriage: you hate the one, that is, conquest; and by refusing the other, you enforce upon you hatred & malice.  
You will not have peace, you will not have alliance, you will not have concord; and conquest cometh upon you whether you will or no. And yet if all things were considered, we fear it will appear that it were better for you to be conquered of us, than succoured of strangers, less loss to your goods, less hurt to your lands, less dishonour to your realm; line 20 this nation which is one in tongue, one in country and birth, having so little diversity to occupy the whole, than other powers come in to you, neither like in language, nor yet like in behaviour, who should rule over you, and take you to be but their slaves. But we eftsoons and finally declare and protest unto you, that although for the better furtherance of this godly purpose of uniting the realms, 
The lord pro●●●tor protesteth what the king's determination is.  and for the sure defence of them which favour the marriage, we are compelled for the time to keep holds, and to make line 30 fortifications in your realm: yet the king's majesties mind and determinat pleasure is, with our advise and counsel to be as before is declared, that where favour may be showed, not to use rigour, if by conditions you will receive this amity offered, not to follow conquest: for we desire love, unity, concord, peace and equality. Let neither your governor nor your kirkemen, nor those, who so often have falsified their faith and promise, 
●nitem to the Scotish governor and ●irkemen, etc.  and by treachery and falsehood be accustomed to prorogue the time, line 40 feed you forth with fair words, and bring you into the snare from whence they cannot deliver you. They will peradventure provide for themselves with pensions in some other realm, and set soldiers strangers in your holds to keep you in subjection, under the pretence to defend them against us. But who provideth pensions for you? How are you defended when they are fled away? Who conquereth you when the strange captains have your holds, when your land is wasted, and the realm destroyed, and the more line 50 part kept from you? Who will set by the marriage of the queen to buy a title with the war of England; to marry the name, an other mighty king holding the land? 
What England & Scotland might do being made 〈◊〉 by amity.  If we two being made one by amity, be most able to defend us against all nations, and having the sea for wall, the mutual love for garrison, & God for defence, should make so noble and well agreeing monarchy, that neither in peace we may be ashamed, nor in war afraid of any worldly or foreign power: why should not you be as desirous of the same, and line 60 have as much cause to rejoice at it as we? If this honour of so noble a monarchy do not move you to take and accept amity, let the grief and the danger of the aforenamed losses fear you to attempt that thing which shall displease God, increase war, danger your realm, destroy your land, undo your children, wast your grounds, desolate your countries, and bring all Scotland either to famine & misery, or to subjection and servitude of an other nation. We require but your promised queen, your offered agreement of unity, 
Nothing re●●●red of the Scots that was not pro●●sed by them.  the joining of both the nations, which God of his infinite clemency and tender love that he hath declared to bear to both the nations, hath offered unto us both, and in manner called us both unto it, whose calling and provocation we have, and will follow to the best of our powers, and in his name, and with his aid, admonition, exhortation, requests, and ambassages, not being able to do it, and to find stableness in promises, we shall not willing, but constrained pursue the battle, chastise the wicked & malicious by the angry angels of God, fire and sword. 
Fire & sword Gods angry angels.   
Wherefore we require and exhort you all, who have love to the country, pity of that realm, a true hart to your queen and mistress, regard of your honours and promises made by the great seal of Scotland, and who favoureth the peace, love, unity, and concord and that most profitable marriage to enter and come to us; and declaring your true and godly hearts thereunto, to aid us in this most godly purpose and enterprise. To be witness of our doings we refuse no man, temporal nor spiritual, 
An argument of upright meaning that resuieth no witness.  lord ne lard, gentleman nor other, who will aid this our purpose, and minish the occasion of slaughter and destruction, to whom we shall keep the promises heretofore declared, and further see reward and recompense made according to the desert.  
And for a more sure proof and plainer token of the good mind and will which we bear unto you, that which never yet was granted to Scotland in any league, truce, or peace betwixt England and Scotland, because ye shall have proof of the beginning of love and amity of both the realms: the king's highness considering the multitude of them which are come to his majesties devotion, 
The kings grant as a proof of the beginning of love between England and Scotland.  and of them that be well-willers and aiders of this godly enterprise, hath by our advise and counsel granted, and by these presents doth grant, that from henceforth all manner of merchants and other Scotishmen, who will enter their names with one of the wardens of the marches, & there profess to take part with us in this before named godly purpose, to his own commodity, & to serve all such as be of the same agreement, may lawfully and without any trouble and vexation enter into any port, créeke, or haven of England, and there use their traffic of merchandise, buy and sell, bring in the commodities of Scotland, and take and carry forth the commodities of England, as liberally and as freely, and with the same and none other custom or payments therefore, than Englishmen and the king's subjects do at this present: minding further upon the success hereof to gratify so the furtherers of this most godly enterprise and union, that all the world may be witness of the great zeal and love which his highness doth bear toward you and your nation. And all this the king's highness, by our advise and counsel, hath willed to be declared unto you; and given in commandment unto us, and all his lieutenants, wardens, rulers, and other head officers, ministers, and subjects, to see executed and done, according to the true purport, effect, and meaning thereof. Far you well.  
Although this admonition and wholesome exhortation might have moved the Scots to have regarded their own state, yet it little availed, 
The Scots reject the benefit of this exhortation.  as by the sequel it appeared. For having both great promises made by the French, and now considering therewith the hurlie burlies and tumults that sprung up in England, they continued in their obstinate purposes, not to yield unto such reasonable motions as had been offered, if they would have showed themselves conformable thereto, and not have so stubbornly denied to submit themselves to that which of right they were bound unto. So that herein they showed themselves very perverse and wilful, rejecting not only the good advise that the duke gave them, but also not so much as once thinking what might ensue to their great mischief upon their refusal, and what benefit redound to them by admitting the offer: nay, they were of opinion and belief, that if so brave a booty might befall England, it would be an occasion of great ruth and wretchedness to Scotland: as one of late hath affirmed in his poetical supposal: 
— si haec praeda Britannis  
Cederet, o miserae Scotiae mis●rabile regnum,  
Genti infelici nihil est nisiflere relictum.   
But now to let the Scots alone for a time, we will return to the rebellion which followed in this year, to the whole disappointing of the plot laid by the line 10 council, for the present subduing of the Scots, as it was very like that it should have so come to pass, if none other let had come. So it was, that the king's majesty, 
A proclamation for the laying open of enclosures.  by the advise of his uncle the lord protector, and other of the council, thought good to set forth a proclamation against enclosures, and taking in of fields and commons that were accustomed to lie open, for the behoof of the inhabitants dwelling near to the same, who had grievously complained of gentlemen line 20 and others for taking from them the use of those fields and commons, and had enclosed them into parks and several pastures for their private commodities and pleasures, to the great hindrance and undoing of many a poor man.  

The meaning of the foresaid proclamation.  This proclamation tending to the benefit and relief of the poor, appointed that such as had enclosed those commons, should upon a pain by a day assigned lay them open again. But how well soever the setters forth of this proclamation meant, thinking line 30 thereby peradventure to appease the grudge of the people that found themselves grieved with such enclosures; yet verily it turned not to the wished effect, but rather ministered occasion of a foul and dangerous disorder. For whereas there were few that obeyed the commandment, the unadvised people presuming upon their proclamation, thinking they should be borne out by them that had set it forth rashly without order, took upon them to redress the matter: and assembling themselves in unlawful wise, chose to them captains and leaders, broke open line 40 the enclosures, cast down ditches, killed up the dear which they found in parks, spoiled and made havoc, after the manner of an open rebellion. First they began to play these parts in Summersetshire, 
Commotions in Summersetshire, and other places.  Buckinghamshire, Northhamptonshire, Kent, Essex, and Lincolnshire.  
In Summersetshire they broke up certain parks of sir William Herbert, and the lord Sturton: but sir William Herbert assembling a power together line 50 by the king's commission, slew and executed many of those rebellious people. In other places also, by the good diligence and policy used by the council, the rebels were appeased and quieted. But shortly after, the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall rose by way of rebellion, demanding not only to have enclosures laid open, and parks disparked: but also through the instigation and pricking forward of certain popish priests, 
Rebellion in Devonshire. john Fox in Acts & Monuments.  ceased not by all sinister and subtle means, first under God's name & the kings, and under the colour of religion, to persuade the people line 60 to assemble in routs, to choose captains to guide them, and finally to burst out into open rebellion. Their chief captains were these, Humphrey Arundel esquire, 
The names of the captains of the rebels.  governor of the Mount, james Rosogan, john Rosogan, john Paine, Thomas Underhill, john Soleman, and William Segar. Moreover, of priests which were principal stirrers, and some of them chief governors of the camps, and after executed, there were to the number of eight, whose names we find to be as follow: Robert Bocham, john Thompson, Roger Barret, john Wolcocke, William Alsa, james Mourton, john Barrow, Richard Benet, besides a multitude of other priests which joined with them.  
The whole companies of these rebels amounted little less than to the number of ten thousand stout and valiant personages, 
The number of the rebels in Deu●nshire.  able indeed (if their cause had been good and favoured of the Lord and giver of victories) to have wrought great feats. But being (as they were) rank and malicious traitors, the almighty God confounded their devices, and brought them to their deserved confusion. A strange case, that those mischéefous and wicked traitors could not be warned by the evil success of their devilish attempted outrage, in the year last passed: at what time certain seditious persons in Cornwall fell upon one of the king's commissioners named master Body, sent thither with others for the reformation of matters in religion, in like manner as other were sent at the same time into other shires of the realm, for the which murder a priest being apprehended, arraigned, and condemned, was drawn into Smithfield, and there hanged and quartered the seventh day of julie, in the said last year before mentioned, to wit, 1548. Other of his complices and associates were executed and put to death in diverse other parts of the realm.  
But now touching these other that rose in this present summer. At the first they were in great hope that the other disordered persons, which stirred in other parts of the realm, 
Their hope in others failed them.  would have joined with them, by force to have disappointed and undone that which the prince by law and act of parliament, in reformation of religion, had ordained and established. But afterwards perceiving how in most places such mischeefous mutinies and devilish attempts, as the commons had begun, partly by force and partly by policy were appeased, or that their cause being but only about plucking down of enclosures, and enlarging of commons, was divided from theirs; so that either they would not, or could not join with them in aid of their religious quarrel: they began somewhat to doubt of their wicked begun enterprise. Notwithstanding now, sith they had gone so far in the matter, they thought there was no shrinking back: and therefore determining to proceed, they fell to new devices, as first before all things to bring into their hands all such places of force, wealth, and defence, as might in any respect serve for their aid and furtherance. Hereupon the second of julie, they came before the city of Excester, 
Excester besieged.  encamping about the same in great numbers, and used all ways and means they could devise how to win it by force, sometimes assaulting it right sharply, sometimes firing the gates, otherwhiles undermining the walls, and at other times (as occasions served) procuring skirmishes.  
Finally, nothing was left undone which the enemy could imagine to serve his purpose for the winning of that city. And albeit there wanted not lusty stomaches among the citizens to withstand this outward force of the enemy: yet in process of time, such scarcity of bread and victuals increased, that the people waxed weary & loath to abide such extremity of famine. 
The great loyalty of the citizens of Excester.  Howbeit the magistrates (though it grieved them to see the multitude of the citizens in such distress) yet having a special regard of their duty toward the prince, and love to the commonwealth, left no ways unsought to quiet the people, & stay them in their dutiful obedience to resist the enemies: so that comforting the people with fair promises, and relieving their necessities very liberally, so far as their power might extend, did in such sort use the matter, that every of them within resolved with one general consent to abide the end, in hope of some speedy relief. And in the mean while, when their corn and meal was consumed, the governors of the city caused bran and meal to be moulded up in cloth, for otherwise it would not stick together.  
Also they caused some excursions to be made out of the city, to take and fetch into the city such cattle as were found pasturing abroad near to the walls, which being brought in, were distributed among the poor. To conclude, into such extremity were the miserable citizens brought, that albeit man's nature can scarcely abide to feed upon any unaccustomed food; yet these silly men were glad to eat horse flesh, line 10 and to hold themselves well content therewith. Whilst the siege thus remained before Excester, the rebels spoiled and rob the country abroad, and laying their traitorous heads together, they consulted upon certain articles to be sent up to the king. 
〈◊〉 john Fox 〈◊〉 Acts & Sacraments.  But herein such diversity of heads and wits was among them, that for every kind of brain there was one manner of article: so that neither appeared any consent in their diversity, nor yet any constancy in their agreement. Some seemed more tolerable, others altogether unreasonable, some would have no line 20 justices, some no state of gentlemen. The priests ever harped upon one string, to ring the bishop of Rome into England again, and to hollow home cardinal Poole their countryman. After much a do, at length a few articles were agreed upon, to be directed unto the king, with the names of certain of their heads set thereunto, the copy whereof here ensueth.  

The articles of the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall, sent to the king, with answers afterward following unto the same.  

Sacrament 〈◊〉 ●●ptisme.  FIrst, forsomuch as man, except he be borne of water, and the holy-ghost, can not enter into the kingdom of God, and forsomuch as the gates of heaven be not line 40 open without this blessed sacrament of baptism; therefore we will that our curates shall minister this sacrament at all times of need, as well on the week days, as on the holy days.  

Confirma●●●●  2 Item, we will have our children confirmed of the bishop, whensoever we shall within the diocese resort unto him.  

Consecrating of the Lords 〈◊〉.  3 Item, forsomuch as we constantly believe, that after the priest hath spoken the words of consecration being at mass, there celebrating and consecrating the same, there is very really the body and line 50 blood of our saviour jesus Christ God and man, and that no substance of bread and wine remaineth after, but the very self same body that was borne of the virgin Marie, and was given upon the cross for our redemption: therefore we will have mass celebrated as it hath been in times past, without any man communicating with the priests, forsomuch as many rudely presuming unworthily to receive the same, put no difference between the Lord's body & other kind of meat; some saying that it is bread before line 60 and after, some saying that it is profitable to no man except he receive it: with many other abused terms.  


Reservation of the lords body consecrated.  
Holy bread and holy water.   4 Item, we will have in our church's reservation.  
5 Item, we will have holy bread and holy water in the remembrance of Christ's precious body and blood.  
6 Item, we will that our priests shall sing or say with an audible voice, God's service in the quire of the parish churches, and not God's service to be set forth like a Christmas play. 
The single 〈◊〉 of priests.   
7 Item, forsomuch as priests be men dedicated to God for ministering and celebrating the blessed sacraments, and preaching of God's word, we will that they shall live chaste without marriage, as saint Paul did, being the elect and chosen vessel of God▪ saying unto all honest priests; Be you followers of me.  
Item, we will that the six articles, 
The six articles to be renewed.  which our sovereign lord king Henry the eight set forth in his latter days, shall be used and so taken as they were at that time.  
9 Item, we pray God save king Edward, for we be his both body and goods.   
For the pacifying of these rebels, were appointed by the king and his council, 
The captains appointed to go against the Devonshire rebels.  sir john russel knight lord privy seal, the lord Greie of Wilton, sir William Herbert after earl of Penbroke, sir john Paulet, sir Hugh Paulet, sir Thomas Speak, and others, with a convenient power of men of war both on horseback and foot. Amongst others, there were certain strangers that came with my lord Greie, as captain German an Hennower, 
Strangers.  with a band of horsemen, most part Albanoises and Italians. Also captain Paul Baptist Spinola an Italian borne of a noble house in Genoa, with a band of Italian footmen. But now the lord privy seal that was ordained by the king and his council, general of that army, 
Ric. Grafton.  upon his first approaching towards them, 
A proclamation.  sent unto them the king's majesties proclamation: the effect whereof was, that all such persons as were unlawfully assembled, and did not within three days next after the proclaiming thereof, yield and submit themselves to the lord privy seal (the king's lieutenant) they should from thenceforth be deemed, accepted, and taken for rebels against his royal person, and his imperial crown and dignity.  
And further, the king's majesty, for a more terror to the rebels, and the encouragement of such other his loving subjects, as should help and aid to apprehend any of the said rebels, he by his said proclamation granted and gave all the offices, fees, goods and possessions, which the said rebels had at and before their apprehension. This proclamation notwithstanding, the rebels continued in their wicked devices & traitorous purposes, hastening to the hazards of their own deaths & undooing, as the poet saith of the foolish fish swimming to the hidden hook: Occultum visus decurrere piscis ad hamum. 
H●●. epist. lib. ●.   
Whereupon yet once again the king's majesty, for the avoiding of the shedding of christian blood, sent unto them a most gentle and loving message in writing, thereby to reduce them again to their dutiful obedience: but all would not serve nor avail to move their obstinate minds to leave off their desperate and devilish enterprise. The message was as followeth.  

The king's message to the rebels of Cornwall and Devonshire.  
ALthough knowledge hath been given to us, and our dearest uncle the duke of Summerset governor of our person, and protector of all our realms, dominions, and subjects, and to the rest of our privy council, of diverse assemblies made by you, which ought of duty to be our loving subjects, against all order of law, and otherwise than ever any loving or kind subjects have attempted against their natural and liege sovereign lord: yet we have thought it meet, at this very first time, not to condemn and reject you, as we might justly do; but to use you as our subjects, thinking that the devil hath not that power in you, to make you of natural borne Englishmen, so suddenly to become enemies to your own native country of our subjects, to make you traitors, or under pretence to relieve yourselves, to destroy yourselves, your wives, children, lands, possessions, and all other commodities of this your life. This we say, that we trust, that although ye be ignorantly seduced, ye will not be upon knowledge, obstinate.  
And though some amongst you (as ever there is some cockle amongst good corn) forget God, neglect line 10 their prince, esteem not the state of the realm, but as careless & desperate men delight in sedition, tumults & wars: yet nevertheless the greater part of you will hear the voice of us your natural prince, and will by wisdom and counsel be warned, and cease your evils in the beginning, whose ends will be even by God almighty's order your own destruction. Wherefore as to you our subjects by ignorance seduced, we speak and be content to use our princely authority like a father to his children, to admonish line 20 you of your faults, not to punish them; to put you in remembrance of your duties, not to avenge your forgetfulness. 
Disorder in subjects.  First, your disorder to rise in multitudes, to assemble yourselves against our other loving subjects, to array yourselves to the war, who amongst you all can answer for the same to almighty God, charging you to obey us in all things? Or how can any English good hart answer us, our laws, and the rest of our very loving and faithful subjects, who in deed by their obedience make our line 30 honour, estate, and degree?  

Abusing of the king's name.  Ye use our name in your writings, and abuse the same against ourself. What injury herein do you us, to call those which love us, to your evil purposes, by the authority of our name? God hath made us your king by his ordinance and providence, by our blood and inheritance, by lawful succession, and our coronation: but not to this end, as you use our name. We are your most natural sovereign lord & king, Edward the sixth, to rule you, to preserve you, to save line 40 you from all your outward enemies, to see our laws well ministered, every man to have his own, to suppress disordered people, to correct traitors, thieves, pirates, robbers, & such like, yea to keep our realms from other princes, from the malice of the Scots, of Frenchmen, of the bishop of Rome. Thus good subjects, our name is written, thus it is honoured and obeyed, this majesty it hath by God's ordinance, not by man's. So that of this your offence we cannot write too much. And yet doubt not but this is enough line 50 from a prince to all reasonable people, from a royal king to all kindhearted & loving subjects, from the puissant K. of England, to every natural Englishman.  

False causes.  Your pretence, which you say, moveth you to do thus, and wherewith you seek to excuse this disorder, we assure you is either false, or so vain▪ that we doubt not, that after that ye shall hereby understand the truth thereof, ye will all with one voice acknowledge yourselves ignorantly led, and by error seduced. And if there be any one that will not, then assure line 60 you the same be rank traitors, enemies of our crown, seditious people, heretics, papists, or such as care not what cause they have to provoke an insurrection, so they may do it, nor in deed can wax so rich with their own labours & with peace, as they can do with spoils, with wars, with robberies and such like, yea with the spoil of your own goods, with the living of your labours, the sweat of your bodies, the food of your own households, wives and children: such they be, as for a time use pleasant persuasions to you, and in the end will cut your throats for your own goods.  

Baptism.  You be borne in hand, that your children, though necessity chance, shall not be christened but upon the holy days: how false this is, learn you of us. Our book which we have set forth by free consent of our whole parliament in the English tongue teacheth you the contrary, even in the first leaf, yea the first side of the first leaf of that part which entreateth of baptism. Good subjects (for to other we speak not) look & be not deceived. They which have put this false opinion into your ears, they mean not the christening of children, but the destruction of you our christened subjects. Be this known unto you, that our honour is so much, that we may not be found faulty of one jot or word: prove it, if by our laws you may not christian your children when ye be disposed upon necessity, every day or hour in the week, then might you be offended: but seeing you may do it, how can you believe them that teach you the contrary? What think you they mean in the rest, which move you to break your obedience against us, your king & sovereign, upon these so false tales & persuasions in so evident a matter? Therefore all you which will acknowledge us your sovereign lord, and which will hear the voice of us your king, may easily perceive how you be deceived, and how subtly traitors and papists, with their falsehood seek to achieve and bring their purpose to pass with your help. Every traitor will be glad to dissemble his treason, and feed it secretly; every papist his popery, and nourish it inwardly; and in the end make you our subjects partakers of treason and popery, which in the beginning was pretended to be a commonweal and holiness.  
And how are you seduced by them, 
Sacrament of the body, etc.  which put in your heads the blessed sacrament of Christ's body, should not differ from other common bread? If our laws, proclamations, and statutes be all to the contrary, why shall any private man persuade you against them? We do ourself in our own hart, our council in all their profession, our laws and statutes in all purposes, our good subjects in all our doings most highly esteem that sacrament, and use the communion thereof to our most comfort. We make so much difference thereof from other common bread, that we think no profit of other bread, but to maintain our bodies: but this blessed bread we take to be the very food of our souls to everlasting life. How think you, good subjects, shall not we being your prince, your lord, your king by God's appointment, with truth more prevail, than certain evil persons with open falsehood? Shall any seditious person persuade you that the sacrament is despised, which is by our laws, by ourself, by our council, and by all our good subjects esteemed, used, participated, and daily received? If ever ye were seduced, if ever deceived, if ever traitors were believed, if ever papists poisoned good subjects, it is now. It is not the christening of children, nor the reverence of the sacrament, nor the health of your souls that they shoot at, good subjects: it is sedition, it is high treason, it is your destruction they seek. How craftily, how pitiously, how cunningly so ever they do it, with one rule judge ye the end, which of force must come of your purposes.  
Almighty God forbiddeth upon pain of everlasting damnation, disobedence to us your king, 
Disobedience to a king's disobedience to almighty God.  and in his place we rule in earth. If we should be slow, would God err? If your offence be towards God, think you it is pardoned without repentance? Is God's judgement mutable? Your pain is damnation, your judge is incorruptible, your fault is most evident. Likewise are ye evil informed in diverse other articles, as for confirmation of your children, for the mass, for the manner of your service of matins and evensong. Whatsoever is therein ordered, hath been long debated, and consulted by many learned bishops, doctors, and other men of great learning in this realm concluded, in nothing so much labour and time spent of late time, nothing so fully ended. As for service in the English tongue hath manifest reasons for it, and yet perchance seemeth to you a new service, 
Service in 〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉.  and yet in deed is none other but the old. The self same words in English which were in Latin, saving a few things taken out, so fond that it had been a shame to have heard them in English, as all they can judge which list to report the truth.  
The difference is, that we meant godly, that you our subjects should understand in English, being our line 10 natural country tongue, that which was heretofore spoken in Latin, then serving only them which understand Latin, & now for all you that be borne English. How can this with reason offend any reasonable man, that he should understand what any other saith, and so to consent with the speaker? If the service in the church were good in Latin, it remaineth good in English: for nothing is altered, but to speak with knowledge, 
knowledge is 〈◊〉 than 〈◊〉.  that before was spoken line 20 with ignorance: and to let you understand what is said for you, to the intent you may further it with your own devotion, an alteration to the better, except knowledge be worse than ignorance. So that whosoever hath moved you to mislike this order, can give you no reason, nor answer yours, if ye understand it.  
Wherefore you our subjects, remember we speak to you, being ordained your prince and king by almighty God, if any wise we could advance God's line 30 honour more than we do, we would do it, and see that ye become subjects to God's ordinance. Obey us your prince, and learn of them which have authority to teach you, which have power to rule you, and will execute our justice, if we be provoked. Learn not of them whose fruits be nothing but wilfulness, disobedience, obstinacy, & destruction of the realm. For the mass, we assure you, no small study & travel hath been spent by all the learned clergy therein, 
The mass.  and to avoid all contention thereof, it is brought line 40 even to the very use as Christ left it, as the apostles used it, as holy fathers delivered it: indeed somewhat altered from that which the pope's of Rome for their lucre brought to it. And although you may hear the contrary of some popish and evil men, yet our majesty, which for our honour may not be blemished nor stained, assureth you, that they deceive you, abuse you, and blow these opinions into your heads for to furnish their own purposes.  
And so likewise judge you of confirmation of line 50 children, 
Confirmation 〈◊〉 children.  and let them answer you this one question. Think they that a child christened is damned, because he dieth before bishopping? Mark good subjects, what inconvenience hereof cometh. Our doctrine therefore is founded upon true learning, and theirs upon shameless errors. To conclude, beside our gentle manner of information to you, whatsoever is contained in our book, either for baptism, sacrament, mass, confirmation and service in the church, is by parliament established, by the whole clergy line 60 agreed, yea by the bishops of the realm devised, & further by God's word confirmed. And how dare you trust, yea how dare you give ear without trembling, to any singular person to disallow a parliament; a subject to persuade against our majesty, or any man of his single arrogancy against the determination of the bishops, and all the clergy, any invented argument against the word of God?  
But now you our subjects, we resort to a greater matter of your unkindness, a great unnaturalness, and such an evil, that if we thought it had not been begun of ignorance, and continued by persuasion of certain traitors amongst you, which we think few in number, but in their doings busy, we could not be persuaded but to use our sword and do justice: and as we be ordained of God for to redress your errors by avengement. But love and zeal yet overcometh our just anger, but how long that will be, God knoweth, in whose hand our heart is; and rather for your own causes, being our christened subjects, we would ye were persuaded than vanquished, taught than overthrown, quietly pacified than rigorously persecuted. 
Six articles.  Ye require to have the statute of six articles revived. And know you what ye require? Or know ye what ease ye have with the loss of them? They were laws made, but quickly repent; too bloody they were to be borne of our people, yet at the first in deed made of some necessity. Oh subjects how are ye trapped by evil persons? We of pity, because they were bloody, took them away, and you now of ignorance will ask them again. You know full well that they helped us to extend rigour, and gave us cause to draw our sword very often.  
And since our mercy moved us to write our laws with milk and equity, how are ye blinded to ask them in blood? But leaving this manner of reasoning, and resorting to the truth of our authority, we let you wit, the same hath been annulled by parliament with great rejoice of our subjects, and not now to be called in question. And dareth any of you with the name of a subject, stand against an act of parliament, a law of the realm? 
The authority of a parliament.  What is our power if laws should be thus neglected? Or what is your surety if laws be not kept? Assure you most surly, that we of no earthly thing under the heaven make such reputation as we do of this one, to have our laws obeyed, & this cause of God to be throughly maintained, from the which we will never remove a hears breadth, nor give place to any creature living: but therein will spend our whole royal person, our crown, treasure, realm, and all our state, whereof we assure you of our high honour. For herein resteth our honour, herein do all king's knowledge us a king. And shall any one of you dare breath or think against our kingdom and crown?  
In the end of this your request (as we be given to understand) ye would have them stand in force till our full age. To this we think, that if ye knew what ye spoke, ye would not have uttered the motion, nor never given breath to such a thought. For what think you of our kingdom? Be we of less authority for our age? Be we not your king now as we shall be? Shall ye be subjects hereafter, and now are ye not? Have we not the right we shall have? If ye would suspend and hang our doings in doubt until our full age, ye must first know, as a king we have no difference of years, but as a natural man and creature of God we have youth, and by his sufferance shall have age. We are your rightful king, your liege lord, the sovereign prince of England, not by our age, but by God's ordinance; not only when we shall be one and twenty years of age, but when we were of ten years. We possess our crown not by years, but by the blood and descent from our father king Henry the eight. If it be considered, they which move this matter, if they durst utter themselves, would deny our kingdom.  
But our good subjects know their prince, and will increase, not diminish his honour, enlarge his power, not abate it, knowledge his kingdom, not defer it to certain years. All is one, to speak against our crown, and to deny our kingdom, as to require that our laws may be broken unto one and twenty years. Be we not your crowned, anointed, and established king? Wherein be we of less majesty, of less authority, or less state, than our progenitors kings of this realm, except your unkindness, your unnaturalness will diminish our estimation? We have hitherto since the death of our father, by the good advise and counsel of our dear and entirely beloved uncle the duke of Summerset, and governor and protector, kept our estate, maintained our realm, preserved our honour, defended our people from all enemies. We have hitherto been feared and dread of our enemies, yea of princes, kings, and nations. Yea herein we be nothing inferior to any our progenitors, which grace we acknowledge to be given us from God, and how else, but by good obedience, line 10 good counsel of our magistrates, and by the authority of our kingdom?  
England hitherto hath gained honour during our reign: it hath won of the enemy, and not lost. It hath been marveled that we of so young years have reigned so nobly, so royally, so quietly. And how chanceth that you our loving subjects of that our country of Cornwall and Devonshire, will give occasion to slander this our realm of England, to give courage to the enemy, to note our realm of line 20 the evil of rebellion, to make it a prey to our old enemies, to diminish our honour which God hath given, our father left, our good uncle and council preserved unto us? What greater evil could ye commit, than even now when our foreign enemy in Scotland, and upon the sea seeketh to invade us, to do our realm dishonour, than to arise in this manner against our law, to provoke our wrath, to ask our vengeance, and to give us an occasion to spend that force v●on you, which we meant to bestow upon our enemies, to line 30 begin to slay you with that sword that we drew forth against Scots, and other enemies, to make a conquest of our own people, which otherwise should have been of the whole realm of Scotland?  
Thus far we have descended from our high majesty, for love to consider you in your simple ignorance, and have been content to send you an instruction like a father, who of justice might have sent you your destructions like a king to rebels. And now we let you know, that as you see our mercy abundantly, line 40 so if ye provoke us further, we swear to you by the living God, ye shall feel the power of the same God in our sword, which how mighty it is, no subject knoweth; how puissant it is, no private man can judge; how mortal, no Englishman dare think. But surly, surly, as your lord and prince, your only king and master, we say to you, repent yourselves, and take our mercy without delay: or else we will forthwith extend our princely power, and execute our sharp sword against you, as against infidels line 50 and Turks, and rather adventure our own royal person, state, and power, than the same should not be executed.  
And if you will prove the example of our mercy, learn of certain which lately did arise, as they perceiving pretended some griefs, and yet acknowledging their offences, have not only most humbly their pardon: but feel also by our order, to whom only all public order appertaineth, present redress of their griefs. 
A godly and princely admonition.  In the end, we admonish you of line 60 your duties to God, whom ye shall answer in the day of the Lord, & of your duties toward us, whom ye shall answer by our order, and take our mercy whilst God so inclineth us, lest when ye shall be constrained to ask, we shall be two much hardened in heart to grant it you. And where ye shall hear now of mercy, mercy, and life; ye shall then hear of justice, justice, and death. Written the eight of julie, in the third year of our reign.   
Although the rebels received this princely message, & wholesome admonition from the king's majesty, yet would they not reform themselves, as dutiful subjects ought to have done, but stood still in their wicked begun rebellion, offering to try it at the weapons point. There wanted not priests and other busy bodies among them, such as by all ways and means possible sought to kindle the coals of malice and hatred betwixt the king and his subjects; which as the manner is among all the like wicked disposed people, contrived to raise and strew abroad false forged tales, and feigned rumours, giving it out, that the people should be constrained to pay a rateable task for their sheep and cattle, 
False rumours  and an excise for every thing that they should eat or drink. These and such other slanderous brutes were spread abroad by those children of belial, whereby the cankered minds of the rebels might the more be hardened and made stiff from plieng unto any reasonable persuasion, that might be made to move them to return unto their dutiful obedience, as by the laws both of God and man they were bounden: and so it came to pass. For the rebellious ront were grown to an obstinacy, seeming so far from admitting persuasions to submission, that they became resolute in their pestilent actions; wilfully following the worst, which they knew full well would redound to their detriment; and avoiding the best, which they doubted not might turn to their advantage, agreeable in sense and meaning unto that of the poet: Quae nocüere sequar, fugiam quae profore credam. 
Har. in 〈◊〉. lib. 1.   
Hereupon when no hope was left to procure them by any quiet means to lay down arms, the lord privy seal, and the lord Greie, with their forces, although not comparable with the rebels in number, about the latter end of julie set upon them, and by great manhood put them from their ground, notwithstanding they fought very stoutly, & gave it not over for a little: and although they were thus driven to give place at this first onset, yet they got together again, and abode a new charge, defending their ground, & doing what they could to beat back and repel those that came to assail them. But nevertheless through the power of the almighty God favouring the rightful cause, 
The rebels put from their ground.  the rebels were distressed, and followed in chase with great slaughter for the space of two miles. This was about the beginning of August.  
Their chief captains, to wit, Humfreie Arundel, Whinsland, Holms, and Bury, 
john Fox. The captains of the rebels taken.  were taken and brought up to London. There were taken also others of their captains, as Thomas Underhill, john Soleman, William Segar, Tempson, and Barret, which two last were priests; also Boier and Henry Lée, two majors, all the which were executed in one place or other, as they had well deserved. The said Boier being mayor of Bodmin in Cornwall, (as Grafton reporteth) had been a busy fellow among the rebels, to set them forward in mischief: howbeit some that loved him sought to excuse him, as if he had been forced hereto against his will by the rebels, who would have killed him, and burned his house, if he had not consented to them. But howsoever it was, sir Anthony Kingston that was provost marshal in the king's army under the lord privy seal, wrote his letter unto the said mayor, 
Sir Anthony Kingston provost marshal.  signifying to him, that he and other with him would come and dine with him such a day. The mayor seeming to be glad thereof, made the best purveyance he could to receive them, and at the time appointed, sir Anthony Kingston came with his company, and were right heartily welcomed of the mayor. But before they sat down to dinner, calling the mayor aside, he told him that there must be execution done in that town, and therefore willed him that a pair of gallows might be framed and set up with speed, so that they might be ready by that time that they should make an end of dinner.  
The mayor with all diligence caused the same to be done: so that when dinner was ended, sir Anthony calling the mayor to him, and ask whether the gallows were set up accordingly as he had willed, the mayor answered that they were ready. Wherewith sir Anthony taking the mayor by the hand, desired him to bring him to the place where they stood, and coming thither and beholding them, he said to the mayor; Think you master mayor that they be strong enough? Yea sir, quoth he, that they are. Well line 10 then said sir Anthony, get you even up unto them, for they are provided for you. The mayor greatly abashed herewith, said; I trust you mean no such thing to me. Sir said he, there is no remedy, ye have been a busy rebel, 
The mayor of 〈◊〉 hanged.  and therefore this is appointed for your reward: and so without respite or stay, there was the mayor hanged.  
At the same time, & near the same place dwelled a miller that had been a great doer in that rebellion, for whom also sir Anthony Kingston sought: but the line 20 miller being thereof warned, called a good tall fellow that he had to his servant, and said unto him: I have business to go from home, if any therefore come to ask for me, say thou art the owner of the mill and the man for whom they shall so ask, and that thou hast kept this mill for the space of three years, but in no wise name me. The servant promised his master so to do. 
A miller's man hanged for his master.  And shortly after came sir Anthony Kingston to the miller's house, and calling for the miller, the servant came forth, line 30 and answered that he was the miller. How long, quoth sir Anthony, hast thou kept this mill? He answered three years. Well then said he, come on, thou must go with me, and caused his men to lay hands on him, and to bring him to the next tree, saying to him; Thou hast been a busy knave, and therefore here shalt thou hang. Then cried the fellow out, and said that he was not the miller, but the millers man. Well then, said sir Anthony, thou art a false knave to be in two tales, therefore said line 40 he, hang him up: and so incontinently hanged he was in deed. After he was dead, one that was present, told sir Anthony; 
This was a hard proceeding, though the party had been no●●nt.  Surely sir this was but the millers man. What then said he, could he ever have done his master better service than to hang for him?  
Many other were executed by order of the marshal law, & a great part of the country abandoned to the spoil of the soldiers, who were not slothful to glean what they could find for the time their liberty line 50 lasted. 
Abr. Fl. introduction into the next narration being a new addition, 〈◊〉 this rebellion.  ¶ Thus far the report of this rebellious broil, whereupon it first kindled, by what means the same sparkled and became a flame, and what devices were used to extinguish & quench it. Wherein we see how prone the people are to rise by routs upon occasions of discontentments; how hasty and heady to undertake dangerous enterprises, how wilful and obstinate to persist in their pernicious proceed, how cold-harted and hopeless when they see the course of their plots of perilous policy line 60 either interrupted, undermined, or overthrown; and finally, what a reproachful reward redoundeth both to the ringleaders in rebellions, as also what falleth to the shares of all such as shake hands and become confederates to the furthering and strengthening of riots, mutinies, insurrections, commotions, and hurlieburlies. Whereby the state is disquieted, & (that more is) the prince drawn into a conceit of suspecting his subjects loialties; besides a wicked precedent to posterities, without fear of shame, remorse of conscience, regard to allegiance, or foresight of afterclaps, to attempt the like. Now it resteth, that for the further truth and knowledge hereof, 
The addition following being a large discourse, was never heretofore published.  we add a new report (new I mean, in respect of the publication, having not heretofore been printed) though old enough, and sufficiently warranted by the reporter, who upon his own notice hath delivered no less in writing, than himself upon very good and infallible grounds observed, and hath left testified in the discourse following; wherein there is not one word either added, or inverted: but all things (from point to point) agreeable to the written copy.  

The description of the city of Excester, and of the sundry assaults given to the same: collected and gathered by john Vowel (alias Hooker) gentleman and chamberlain of the same.  
Excester or Exeter is a famous and an ancient city, being the metropole and Emporium of the west parts of England, 
Dumnonia, the country of valleys.  situated and lying in the province sometime called Dumnonia, that is to say, the country of valleys: for whereas are many hills (as that country is full of hills and mounteins) there are many valleys. But ne●● corruptly it is named Devonia, or Devonshire, 
Devonia, Devonshire.  and not Daneshire of the Danes, as some would have it. Of the first foundation thereof, by reason of the sundry invasions of foreign nations, who with their hostilities and cruel wars did burn and destroy the same, there remaineth no certain memorial, neither among the records of the said city, ne yet in any one other writer.  
But most certain it is, that it was first builded and founded by the Britons or Brutes. For the names which they gave and used, are yet at this present had in remembrance, as well among the chronographers of this land, as also among the Cornish people, who were sometimes one with this province; but now in a county of themselves, and next bordering to this, and in the same diocese. And they are the remanent of the blood of Brutus. For when Cadwallader king of this land, by reason of a great famine and pestilence was driven to forsake the same, & to fly into little Britain named Armorica, which is now under the dition of the French king: divers & the most part of his people fled, some into Wales, and some into Cornwall, where ever since they and after them their posterity have remained and continued.  
The old chronographers, searchers, 
Corinia, Baleus lib. 1. Centuriarum Lelandus in Genethliaco.  and writers of antiquities do find, that this city was called Corinia, and thereof the cathedral church of the same was (as Bale saith) named Ecclesia Coriniensis: which name, if it were first given by Corinus (as Leland writeth) who after the arrival of Brutus into this land, was made the first duke of this whole west country of Devon and Cornwall, which were both comprised under the name of Corinia, and whereof this city ever hath been and is the metropole, and always parcel sometime of the kingdom, then of the duchy, and after of the earldom, and now again of the duchy of Cornwall: then out of doubt this city is of no less antiquity than the said names do import. It was also called Augusta. Of this name there were diverse cities, so named by the Romans; but this only was named Augusta Britannorum, and so called (as some think) by the Romans at the conclusion of the peace made at the siege of this city between king arviragus and Uespasian colonel of the Roman army under Claudius Augustus. The Britons in their tongue or language do call this city by sundry names; 
Penhulgoile.  the first and eldest in remembrance is cair Penhulgoile, that is to say, the prosperous chief town in the wood, as doth appear by Geffreie of Monmouth, and Ponticus Virunnius. It was also called Pennehaltecaire, 
Pennehaltecaire  that is, the chief city or town upon the hill; as doth appear in a traverse between the bishop, dean, and chapter of this city of the one party; and the mayor, bailiff, and commonalty of the other party, concerning their liberties. But the names which the Cornish people do at these presents remember & retain, are specially three, 
Pen necaire the chief city, Caireruth the red city, Caireiske the city of Exe.  Pennecaire, Caireruth, Caireiske, Pennecaire line 10 signifieth, and is to say, the chief city. Caireruth signifieth the red or reddish city, so called and taking the name of the ground and soil whereupon it is situated, which is a red earth. Caireiske is the city of Iske, being so called of the river, which the Britons name Iske, and flotesh fast by the same. And of this name Hoveden in his chronicle maketh mention, 
Hoveden.  saying thus: Anno Domini 877 exercitus Danorum ab Wareham nocte quadam, foedere dirupto, ad Exeancestre diverterunt, quod Britannicè dicitur Caireiske. line 20  

Ptolomeus in ●abulis.  Ptolomeus the famous astronomer, who was about the year of our Lord 162, coel being king of this land, nameth this city Isca; and the river Isaca. 
Baleus centur. lib.  And Bale the searcher of antiquities following the same opinion, doth also name the city Isca, and the inhabitants therein Iscan. But under correction be it spoken, a man may well think that Ptolomeus being in Alexandria, and so far distant from this land, was misinformed, or the print mistaken. For it is most likely that the river should be named Isca according to the British speech, wherein line 30 it was called Isca; and which name by transposing of the two middle letters, doth at this present remain being now named Icsa or Era. But whatsoever the censures and opinions of Ptolomeus and of Bale, who wrote only upon report, be herein, it is certain, that the names which the Brutes or Britons gave, were of longest continuance. And this city was called by their denominations, by the space of fifteen hundred years, until the coming line 40 of the Saxons, the Picts, and the Scots into this realm, which was about the year of our Lord four hundred and fifty. 
New lords new names.  For they, where, and whensoever they prevailed in any place, did for the most part alter and change the names of all places & towns, accounting it a great renown, as also a perpetual memorial of their chivalry, to give new names, either of their own devices, or of their own native countries; for so is it written of them: Picti, Scoti, Angli, Daci, & Normanni in hac insula rerum potiti, cuncta immutârunt, line 50 pro tropheis habentes, locis à se devictis nova imponere nomina. The Saxons therefore as of all other cities & towns (few excepted) so of this also they changed and altered the old names and called it Monketon; and by which name it was so called by the space of three hundred and odd years, 
Monketon.  and until the time of king Athelstane: for he about the year of our Lord nine hundred thirty and two, being much grieved and unquieted with the rebellion of the Cornish people, because they refused and denied to acknowledge line 60 him for their lawful king, did bend his force, & conduct his army against them. And having subdued and prevailed over them, he returned to this city: and while he rested here, he repaired the same; and the walls which before were but mighty ditches of earth, 
〈…〉 ●ibro.  and the banks set with great poles of timber now destroyed, he builded all of square stone, as it is recorded: Hanc urbem primus Athelstanus in potestatem Anglorum fugatis Britonibus reductam, turribus munivit, & m●raex quadratis lapidibus randem cinxit. And then he altered and changed the former names, and called it after the name of the river Esseterra or Exeterra, that is to say, Exeter. For so is it written, Est Exonia vi●● Devoniae comitatus, 
Polydorus hist. lib. 5. Exeter.  ●eco praecelso ad occidentem versus posita: ablu●túrque flumine Exi, à quo nomen habet. Others name it of the river ●●oting by it, 
Baleusce●●● 〈◊〉 lib. in 〈◊〉 descripti●● Exces●er Ex●ancestre.  which they say is named Excestrum, & thus they writ: Clarissima urbium est Excestria, quae ab amni Excestro qui eandem praeterfluit est sic nuncupata. I find it also written in an old chronicle, that it is named Exancestria or Exancest●e: which should seem to be so called by the Saxons. For the most part of the cities, towns, & forts, which they builded or re-edified, did end in cestre: as Glocestre, Lecestre, Manchestre, Winchestre, Oscestre, Worcestre, Colchestre, Cicestre, Ilcestre, Bicestre, & this city of exeter, with others. For Cairo in British & Cestre in Saxonish are one thing, 
Cairo, a fort Cestre a fort  & do signify in English a fort, tower, or castle. This city (as is before said) being walled about with stone by king Athelstane is not altogether four square, but declineth somewhat toward a roundness, and containeth in circuit or compass sixteen hundred whole paces, after five foot to apase; which accounting after the Italian manner one thousand paces to a mile, it is a mile and half about, & somewhat more. 
The site of Excester and circuit.  The situation of this city is very pleasant and delicate, being set upon a little hill among many hills. For the whole country round about is mounteinous and full of hills. It is pendent towards the south and west parts, after and in such sort, that be the streets never so foul or filthy, yet with a shower of rain they are cleansed and made sweet. And albeit hills are commonly dry, 
The city is full of water springs.  yet nature is so beneficial to this little hill, that it is in every quarter full of water springs: & by that means the whole city is throughly furnished with wells and tirpits; the great good benefit and commodity whereof hath well appeared in sundry times of necessity, and especially in the time of the late commotion, which was in the year of our Lord 1549. For albeit the enemy, by breaking and spoiling of the pipes or canales, 
The rebels break and spoil the pipes o● lead for waters.  whereby water was conveyed to the founteins of the city, from certain springs distant not a mile from the same, did abridge them of that water: yet most comfortably they did enjoy without impeachment the wells and tirpits within the walls, which abundantly floated with waters to the satisfying of all people therein.  
There are also within this city certain founteins or conduits, whereunto, 
The conduits for water.  through certain canales or pipes of lead, the waters from certain springs, rising in the fields not far from the city, are brought and conveyed. And these waters are of most price, because by the carriage thereof they are purified, and made lighter than are the other waters springing within the city: and by that means more meet for dressing of meats. Of these conduits two are special, the one of them standeth and is within the cemiterie or churchyard of the cathedral church of the said city, and is called saint Peter's conduit: 
Saint Peter's conduit.  the other being of great antiquity standeth in the middle of the city, at the meeting of four principal streets of the same, and whereof sometimes it took his name, 
The great conduit.  being called the conduit at Quatrefois or Carfox; but now the great conduit.  
At the higher end of this city is a very old and ancient castle, named Rugemont, 
Castle Rugemont.  that is to say the red hill, taking that name of the red soil or earth whereupon it is situated. 
The site of the castle.  The site or situation of it is eminent and above both the city and country adjoining: for they do all lie as it were under the lée thereof. It hath a goodly and pleasant prospect towards the seas: for between that and it is no hill at all. It is strongly ditched round about, 
The castle builded by the Romans.  and was first builded (as some think) by julius Cesar: but rather and in truth by the Romans after him when they had their recourse to it for their defence, refuge, and abode, many years. The same was sometimes the palace of such kings, as unto whom the kingdom of Westsex or Westsaxons was allotted unto: and after them, it was the habitation of the earls of Cornwall, and last of all of the dukes of Excester. It was always parcel and of the inheritance of the earldom, but now of the duchy of Cornwall: it is in great ruin and decay, and not easily to be gotten with force, if it were re-edified and environed.  
At the lower end and part of this city, without the walls, floateth a goodly and a pleasant river, which the Britons called Isk; Ptolomeus by misinformation line 10 nameth it Isaca: 
The river of E●e.  but the other old writers named it Esse, Exe, Exa, or Excestrum: and these names be retained at these presents. It hath his head or spring in a certain moor or desert distant from the city near about four and twenty miles, called Exmoore. It floweth into the main seas about eight miles from the city, 
E●e riseth in Exmoore.  at a place named Exmouth, and by the way it is increased with sundry rivers, brooks & lakes, the chief of which are Créedie and Collome. It is well stored and is plentiful of salmon, front, line 20 peal, dace, pike, and other like freshwater fishes: which albeit they be very good and delicate, and especially the salmon and pike: yet they are the less esteemed, because the seas being so near do● furnish the city & country very abundantly with sundry kinds of sea fishes most delicate.  
The main seas are not distant from the city above eight miles, out of which cometh an arm serving for the port of the same: which (as doth appear by certain old and ancient records) did sometimes line 30 flow up to the very walls of the city, 
The haven of Excester.  where boats and vessels were wont to be laden and unladen of all kind of wares and merchandizes, at a proper place appointed for the same: which at these presents keepeth his old and ancient name, and is called the watergate. The decay thereof happened about the year of our Lord 1312, 
The decay of the haven of Excester. Hugh Courtn●ie the first destroyer of the 〈◊〉.  by one Hugh courtney the third of that name, and earl of Devon: who being offended and incensed against this city, his wrathful humour could not be satisfied, until by some means line 40 he did impair and annoy the state of the commonwealth of the same. And seeing that among other commodities, the use of the haven and watercourse to the city to be one of the chiefest, he was never quiet until he had destroyed the same: wherefore minding to perform what he had conceived, he did in the year of our Lord 1313, the fift year of king Edward the second, enterprise & begin his pretended devise and mischief.  
And first whereas the lady Isabel d● Fortibus, countess line 50 of Aumerle and of Devon, his ancestrix had builded certain wéers upon the river of Exe (the property and signory whereof did appertain to the city) the one of the west side of the river of Exe in Exminster parish, and the other of the east side of the same river in the parish of Topesham; leaving between the said two wéers a certain aperture or open space of thirty foot, through which all boats and vessels without let or hindrance might have and line 60 had their usual passage and repassage, to and from the city unto the seas: the said earl to abridge and destroy this great benefit and commodity, did levy and build a new wéere in the said aperture or open room, stopping, filling, and quirting the same, with great trees, timber, and stones, in such sort, that no vessel nor vessels could pass or repass.  

Edward courtney  After him Edward courtney earl of Devon, and nephew to the said Hugh, did not only maintain and continue the doings of his ancestor, by his daily repairing and defending the same: but also to work an utter destruction for ever, of any passage or repassage to be had thensefoorth to and from the said city; under pretence to build and make certain mills, did erect two other weeres, the one at saint james overthwart the whole river, and the other at Lampreford: by means whereof not only the city did sustain the whole loss of the haven, but the whole country also was surrounded about it, and in process of time altogether, and as it is at these presents covered with salt waters. For which gréefs and injuries upon complaints made thereof, diverse & sundry writs and commissions of inquiry were awarded and granted by the king; 
Sundry inquisitions and juries taken against the earls of Devon for destroying of the haven.  and the said earls by sundry inquisitions and verdicts found guilty. And yet notwithstanding, such was their power and authority, and such was the iniquity of those days, as no justice could take place, nor law have his due course against them.  
Furthermore also the foresaid Hugh, to encroach the gain and commodity of the lading & unlading of merchandizes within the port & river to himself, did build a key and a crane in the river at his town of Topesham, 
A key first builded at Topesham. The merchants compelled to lad and unlade at Topesham key.  distant from the city about three miles: and by power did enforce and compel all manner of merchants arriving within that port to unlade & lad all their wares and merchandizes brought within that port (to be laden and unladen) there only. And from thence, ever since, all wares and merchandizes have been carried and recaried to and from the city by horse, cart, and wain, though to the gain of the earl and his tenants, yet to the great trouble and hindrance of the city and merchants of the same. Nevertheless, the port hath evermore and yet doth keep his old and ancient name, being called the port of the city of Excester: and always hath been and presently is paid a tribute unto the city, by the name of the town custom, for all kind of wares and merchandizes, discharged within that port or river, or the members thereof.  
And although the watercourse thus being destroyed can hardly be restored to his old pristinate and natural estate; for that through long continuance the old course can not be discerned: 
The haven is recovered and renewed again.  yet now at length after many attempts and with great expenses, a watercourse and passage begun in the year 1564, is recovered, and by certain sluices, boats, and vessels of fifteen or sixteen tuns are conveyed and brought up to the city, and there discharged at the old and ancient place, called the watergate: & where is builded a very fair large key or wharf, 
A key and a crane builded at Excester.  as also an engine called a crane fit for the purpose. Within the city were sometimes but few parish churches, until the time of Innocentius the third: who when in the year 1198 he had established the doctrine of transubstantiation, and had made it an article of the symbol, as appeareth in the decretals, Titulo de summa trinitate, canon Firmiter: then his next successor Honorius the third, in the year 1218 did not only confirm the same, but also by decree did establish reservation, candlelight, and praying for the dead, as doth appear, Decret. tit. de celebratione missarum, canon Sane cum, & Sane cum creatura: by which means the number of sacrificing & massing priests did not only increase, but churches also and chapels began in all places and every where to be builded and erected.  
And among others in this city in the year 1222 and the sixth year of king Henris the third, the parish churches were limited, 
The parish churches first limited in Excester.  and increased to the number of nineteen churches within the city and suburbs, and were called by the name of the christianity even to this day. Every of which in times past was a sufficient and competent living to maintain a massing sacrificer; for such and so great was the blind devotion of the people then in that Romish religion: but the same now being abolished, and the gospel preached, the livelihoods are so small, as not sufficient for the most part to maintain a poor clerk or scholar, & by reason thereof, the most part of them do lie void and vacant, without incumbent.  

A monastery of saint Benet's order builded in Excester.  Besides these parish churches, there was also a monastery, sometimes of monks of saint Benet's order, but since a cathedral church, being of a very fair and sumptuous building of fréestone and with beautiful pillars of grey marble. It standeth and is situated in the east part of the city; and (as some report) was first founded and built by king Etheldred, 

King Etheldred the first founder of the monastery. King Edgar founder of a religious house in Excester.  
The cathedral church was first a monastery and founded by king Atheistane. Chronica ecclesiea.   the third son to king Ethelwolphus. Some line 10 think that king Edgar did it. True it is that every of them builded a house for religious persons within this city, of which the one was spoiled and burned by the Danes, and the other in process of time was united to the monastery, which is now the cathedral church. But the cathedral church itself was founded & builded by king Athelstane, the son to king Edward the elder: for so is it recorded in the history of the same church, the words whereof are these: Athelstanus line 20 subingatis Cornugualensibus, reversus est ad civitatem, quae antiquitùs Monketon vocabatur, nunc autem Exeter: acibi sedens, anno Dom. 932, non tam lacerata eiusdem civitatis moenia reparabat, quin & mansum quoddam dedit ad fundandum monasterium promonachis, Deo & sancto Petro famulantibus.  
This king besides his great charges and expenses in building of this church, which at the first was but small, and that part which is now called the Lady chapel, he placed therein moonkes of S. Benet's order, line 30 provided livelihoods for them, and appointed a ruler or governor over them, and who was called by the name of an abbot, towards whose diet and livelihood he gave Morkeshull and Tresurors beer: and which at these presents do remain to the said church and are annexed to the dignity of the treasurorship of the same. The church being thus begun, kings, princes, & noble men were from time to time gladly and willingly very liberal contributors to the absolving and finishing of the same. For about four line 40 score years after king Athelstane, king Knoght who was also named Cahutus or Canutus, 
King Canutus confirmeth the privileges of the monasteries.  at the earnest suit of one of his dukes named Atheldred, did confirm and grant to Athelwood then abbot of the said church, and to his successors many and sundry privileges and liberties, under his letters patents, dated the second year of his reign, Anno Domini, 1019.  
After him about thirty years, king Edward the confessor removed the moonkes unto Westminster, 
K. Edward the confessor removed the monks unto Westminster, and made this a cathedral church. Leofricus the first bishop of Excester.  line 50 and made this church a cathedral church, and removed the bishops see which was then at Crediton unto this city, making Leofricus bishop thereof, and whom he and his wife queen Edith did put in possession of the same, as appeareth by his letters patents dated the eight year of his reign, Anno Dom. 1050, Howbeit the monk of Bury, Polydorus, and others do affirm and write, that this should be done about the twelve year of William the conqueror, 
Polyd. hist. li. 19 Chronica chronicorum. lib. 7.  for thus they do write: Habitum est Londini, sub Lanfranco, line 60 autistitum & sacerdotum comitium, in quo decretum est, quòd aliquot sedes episcopales, quae in oppidulis & pagis anteà fuerant in urbibus & locis celeberrimis collocarentur, unde factum est ut Bathonia, Lincolnia, Sarisburia, Exonia, Cestria, & Cicestria urbes, huiusmodi novis episcoporum domicilijs sunt nobilitatae.  
But the reverence of these writers reserved, this cannot be true concerning this church, 
The charter of the church.  because the words of the charter thereof do witness the contrary, and declare expressly, how that king Edward and queen Edith his wife did put Leofricus the first bishop in possession, the one by the one hand and the other by the other hand, leading him between them up to the high altar, and there put his hands upon the same▪ And yet it may be true, that at the foresaid council, this removing and placing of this bishop might be ratified and confirmed. 
The conqueror confirmeth the charters of the church, and enlargeth the possessions of it.  Likewise William the conqueror, in the third year of his reign 1069, did not only confirm the former charter, but also at the instance and request of William Warewest, then his chaplain, but afterwards bishop of the same see, did give unto it the signiories of Plimpton, Brampton, and S. stephan's in Excester, which the said William Warewest being afterwards bishop did distribute, giving Plimpton to the religious canons, whom he placed there: Brampton was annexed to the deanery, but S. stephan's was reserved always to the bishop, and to his successors, whereby they are barons, and so lords in the parliament house.  
It was also enlarged from time to time with great possessions, revenues, buildings, riches, privileges, and sundry other commodities, by kings, princes, prelates, bishops, and sundry others. And this one thing is to be noted, 
The cathedral church was four hundred years in building.  that albeit there were about four hundred years distant from the first foundation and building thereof, unto the ending and finishing of the same; yet it is so uniformly and decently compact and builded in one mould, as though it had been done at one instant. The bishop is distinct from the canons both in house and revenue: his livelihoods being no part nor parcel of that which appertaineth to the dean and chapter. It was sometimes of great revenues and large possessions, but the more part thereof hath been consumed and exhausted by a wasteful bishop. The bishop and canons have very fair houses, which are situated about the church & cemiterie, and are enclosed every night by shutting fast of certain gates, by which occasion it is called a close, A claudendo: and which gates are to be shut every night (except at certain times) and to be opened every morning at certain hours appointed, as it appeareth by a composition made for the same between the commonalty of Excester, and the bishop and dean of the same. In the middle of the cemiterie or churchyard is a very fair fountain or conduit of water conveyed by certain pipes of lead from out of the same féelds, as is the city's conduit. 
S. Peter's conduit.  And albeit the springs of both waters are in the same field, and not far distant: yet this doth excel the other. Out of this well or fountain waters are conveyed to sundry of the canons houses, as also of late unto the bishop's house, and yet it serveth beside the whole close and city. The city itself is very populous, 
The inhabitants of this city.  and was sometimes chiefly inhabited with clothiers & clothworkers of broad clothes, serving much for the Spanish and south countries; and which in those days were of such goodness & substance, that the names of them do remain in those countries: but new it is chiefly inhabited with merchants, kersie-●●othiers, and all sorts of artificers, among whom the merchants are the chief & wealthiest.  
The government of this city was sometimes by four bailiffs, 
The government of this city.  which before the conquest were called portgreves, that is, the chiefest lords or rulers of the town: for porta is taken for a town, and grieve in Saxony is Dominus or maior: 
Portegreves.  but after the conquest they were after the French tongue named Provostres, that is to say Praefecti or rulers, 
Provostres.  and now stewards. Not long after the conquest there was ordered and constituted a senate of six and thirty persons, but of later years by king Henry the seventh of four & twenty persons, out of which number yearly there was and is chosen one to be the chiefest governor for the year following; and is called by the name of a mayor, whom the Saxons called Meregreve, that is, Maior dominus, 
Mai●r or Meregreve.  or the chief ruler. This mayor associated with the four provosts or bailiffs, hath the hearing, decerning, and determining in all civil causes between party and party, and for which they keep wéekelie upon every monday a court in the Guildhall of the said city: but the bailiffs retaining their old and ancient custom, 
The majors 〈◊〉.  do keep the like courts, and in the like causes distinctly from the mayor by themselves, at all time and times (the mondays and festival days excepted) as it shall please them to assign, and with their court is called by the name of the provost court. 
The provost 〈◊〉.   
Thus the mayor and bailiffs both jointly and severally line 10 have jurisdiction to decern and determine in civil matters. But if the matters do touch and concern the prince, the crown, the common peace, any criminal matter, or the public state of the city and commonwealth of the same, than the same are decided by the mayor and justices, or by the mayor and common council, or by the mayor himself, or by some other officer or officers, according to the nature and quality of the cause and offence. But because it requireth a large and special course, to describe the line 20 government of this city and commonwealth of the same, the charge of every officer, the diversity of officers, their several jurisdictions, and a number of other things incident unto their charges: there is a particular book imprinted, and at large the same is set out, in such order as is requisite, and appertaining to the government: whereby every man may know his office and charge, and what to him doth appertain. And let it suffice, that partly through good government, and partly of a good inclination, 
The good inclination and ●●●●fulness of the citizens.  line 30 the people of this city have been always dutiful and obedient to the king and the laws: and have in great awe and reverence their governors and magistrates for the time being. And this one thing is not so strange as worthy to be noted, that even from the beginning, from time to time they have been careful for their commonwealth, and vigilant for the preservation of the same. And as in times of peace and quietness the same hath been well governed: so in times troublesome and unquiet, line 40 it hath been most valiantly defended against the invasions and assaults of the enemies, as by sundry histories it may appear: whereof for example these few may serve.  
line 1 First arviragus king of this land, than named Britain, minding to stay the land in his ancient estate, freedom and liberty, did withdraw and deny to pay unto the Romans the tribute which they did require and demand: wherefore Claudius the emperor sent Uespasian then duke of the Roman army, 
Claudius ●e●o the emperor sendeth Uespasian into Britain.  line 50 into this realm with a great host, either to recover the tribute, or to subdue the land. This Uespasian is he, who in the four and twentieth year after this his journey, did destroy jerusalem. Wherefore this duke landing in Torrebate, 
Uespasian ●andeth in Torreb●●e, and lateth ●●ge to this 〈◊〉.  than named Totonesium littus, came to this city, laid siege unto it, and gave continual assaults thereunto, for eight days continually together. arviragus the king, being then in the east parts of the land, and hearing of this, with a great army and power marcheth towards this city to remove line 60 the siege, 
King arviragus rescueth this city and ●ncountereth the enemy.  and incountereth with the enemy. The Roman after long fight, and not able to prevail, is contented to come to parlée, and in the end a composition was concluded, as if doth appear, and is set down and written by sundry historiographers. The chronicle of the cathedral church of the said city hath these words: 
〈◊〉 ecclesia 〈◊〉.  Anno Domini 49, Vespassanus cum Romano exercitu civitatem nunc vocatam Exeter, ●cto diebus obsedit sedminimè praevaluit, Aruirago rege civibus auxilium praestante.  

 Geffreie of Monmouth hath these words: Vespasianus à Claudio missus est, ut Ar●iragum vel pacificaret, vel Romanae subiectioni restitueret. Cùmigitur inportu in Rut●pi applicare voluisset Vespasianus, obu●a●it ei arviragus, atque prohibuit n● portum ingrederetur. Retraxit itaque se Vespasianus à portu illo, retortisque velis in littore Totonesio applicuit. Nactus deinde tellurem Caier ●enhulgoite, quae nunc Exonia vocàtur obsessurus; eandem adivit, cùmque octo diebus eandem obsedisset, superuenit arviragus cum exercitu suo, praeliùmque commisit: die illa, valde laceratus fuit utrorùmque exercitus, sed neuter est victoria potitus, mane autem facto, mediant Ge●a●issa regina, concords effecti sunt. Matthew of Westminster writeth: arviragus Britannorum rex, in tantam pro●apsus est superbiam, 
Flores historiar●m.  quòd Romanae potestatis noluit diutiùs subiectiom parere. Vespasianus igitur à Claudio missus cùm in Rutupi portu applicare incepisset, arviragus illi ●buius prohibuit ne ingrederetur. At Vespasianus recortis velis in Totonesio littore applicuit, & civitatem quae Britannicè Caier Penhulgoite, nunc auten● Exonia appellatur▪ obsedit: elapsis inde septem diebus arviragus superuenit, praeliùmque commisit, & utrorùmque exercitu valde lacerato, mediant Genwissa Claudij filia, duces amici facti sunt.  
In the history entitled, 
Nova historia.  Nova historia de gestis Anglorum a Britonibus usque ad Henricum sextum, is written the like in effect: Vespasianus à Claudio missus est ut Aruiragum pacificaret, vel Romanae ditioni restitueret, cui obuians arviragus, probibuit ne terram suam ingrederetur, timens Vespasianus armatorum cohortem, retraxit sese, retortisque velis in Totonesio littore est appulsus, atque urbem Exoniae obsedit, post septem dies superuenit arviragus, praelium committitur, laceratùrque utrorùmque exercitus, sed neuter potitur victoria, demum mediant Genewissa regina, reconciliati sunt. It was also in many troubles and great perplexities, in the uncertain and troublesome states of this realm, when sometimes the Romans, sometimes the Picts, sometimes the Scots, sometimes the Saxons, and sometimes the Danes made their incursions and wars within this land, by reason whereof the records and memorials in those days for the most part were lost and consumed.  
And yet Matthew of Westminster writeth that it was besieged by Penda king of Mertia, in the year line 2 of our Lord 632, 

Flores historiarum.  
Penda king of Mertia. Edwin king of Northumberland.  
King Cadwallo is driven to flee into Ireland.   in the time of Cadwallin one of the last kings of the Britons. The history is this. Edwin the Saxon king of the Northumber's, ●auing wars against Cadwallin or Cadwall●, did so prevail and had such conquests over him, that Cadwallo was driven to forsake his realm of Wale●, and to fly into Ireland, where he being, was 〈◊〉 careful and pensifull how to recover his country again. Wherefore he repareth his army and gathereth a new force, and gave sundry attempts to achieve to his purpose: but all was in vain, 〈…〉 could never set foot on land in his country. 〈◊〉 win was always at hand and in a readiness to 〈◊〉 and resist the same, for this Edwin had about him in his service a man named Pellitus, 
Pellitus a witch droth foretell to king Edwin of things to come.  who was a magician and very skilful in necromancy, and who by his art and science did foreshow and declare unto Edwin what things were a doing and attempted against him.  
Cadwallo having continually evil success, was in utter despair and distrust to prevail against Edwin, and therefore as one giving over all, saileth over the seas into Armorica now called little Britain, 
King Cadwallo ●a●leth into Armorica.  unto Solomon the king thereof, and unto him doth disclose his miserable estate and fortune, as also greatly complaineth of Pellitus and of his sorceries. When these two kings had throughly consulted and debated the matter, it was at length concluded and thought best, that some one man being bold and witty should be sent over to the court of king Edwin, & to give the adventure to kill Pellitus. 
Brienus the king's nephew is sent to kill Pellitus.  Whereupon the matter being discovered to Brienus nephew to king Cadwallo, he taketh upon him to enterprise the matter, and to cover himself from all suspicion, apparelleth himself in a poor beggars weed, and so saileth over into England, and traveleth forthwith towards king Edwins court, who then lay at York, and there joineth and accompanieth himself among the poor people, whose custom and manner was, to lie about the king's gates at dinner and supper times, waiting for the alms usually given and wont to be distributed amongst the poor. line 10  
Pellitus being the king's almoner, and having the charge to distribute the said alms, cometh forth and setteth the poor folk in order. 
Brienus killeth Pellitus.  Brienus being there and amongst them, watcheth his time to work his purpose, and thrusting himself in the middle of the press of the people, suddenly with his poinado or weapon which for the purpose he had prepared, thrusteth Pellitus into the body, & gave him a deadly wound whereof he died, and forthwith (the thing in such a thrust not perceived) shifteth himself line 20 away privily, and through woods, hills, thickets, and dales out of the common way, cometh to this city of Excester, & declareth unto the citizens (who were then Britons) what he had done: whereof they were very glad and joyful, and in good hope that their king Cadwallo should yet again return; and therefore upon good advise do prepare and make ready both themselves and the city, aswell for the resisting of the enemy, as for the receiving, succouring and aiding of their king. line 30  
King Penda advertised of this murder, and understanding the whole course of the matter and practise, taketh in grief the injury thus done to his neighbour and countryman king Edwin. And therefore to revenge the same mustereth his subjects and gathereth a great army; 
King Penda besiegeth Excester.  and understanding that Brienus was come to this city marcheth towards the same, and in the end layeth his siege round about it, minding the utter subversion thereof. But the citizens manfully withstanding his force, did defend line 40 and keep both themselves and their city, until that king Cadwallo, who before was advertised both of the fact of Brienus and of this preparation of Penda, did with his force and army come to the city, who did not only rescue the same; but also joining the battle with his enemy gave him the overthrow, and so delivered his country, and recovered himself and his kingdom.  
It was also in greater troubles in the time of line 3 king Alured or Alfred the fourth son to king Ethelwolphus. 
Polyd. lib. 5  line 50 For Polydorus and others do write, that in the fift year of the said kings reign, the Danes concluded a peace with the said king, and gave hostages for the true keeping thereof. And yet notwithstanding most perfidiouslie and falsely contrary to the same, they assembled themselves, and upon a sudden marched to this city, and perforce entered and took the same: Daci etenim qui religionem & fidem pro suo commodo postponendam ducebant, Londino se movent, & maximis itineribus Exoniam proficiscuntur, urbéinque, per vim capiunt. But long they enjoyed not the line 60 same, for after that winter passed, the king to be revenged marcheth with a great power to this city, which the Danes understanding and thinking themselves too weak to withstand the K. as also utterly distrusting the citizens, shifted themselves away, of which some fled unto Dartmouth and there took shipping, and who for the most part were drowned in a tempest at the seas. Some fled to Chipenham or (as some say) to Bristol, 
The Danes are overthrown and their captains are slain.  but the king followed and pursued these so sharply, that he never left nor gave over, until he had overcome and slain the captains Hubbert and Hungar.  
line 4 Likewise in the nineteenth year of the reign of the said king, the Danes contrary to their faith, pledges, and promises, did again come to this city, and laid siege to the same: 
Neus' 〈◊〉  Danorum exercitus anno 877, ab Wareham nocte quadam foedere dirupto, ad Exeancestre, quod Britannice dicetur Caieriske diverterunt, at audito regis aduentu●●d puppes fugerunt, & in mari praedantes manebant.  
It was also besieged by the said Danes in the line 5 ninetéenth year of king Egelred, in the year of our Lord 1001. For the Danes, which were in Normandy, being advertised of the good luck, success, and great spoils which their companions and countrymen in England had, and their teeth set on edge therewith▪ suddenly prepared shipping, and came over the coasts and landed in Devon, and forthwith marched and took their course towards the city of Excester; thinking to have found the citizens napping & to have taken them suddenly and unawares; Sed civibus viriliter resistentibus recesserunt. The people & commons of Devon, Cornwall, 
Flores hist●riarum  Summerset & Dorset, advertised hereof, assembled themselves, & minding to rescue the city, as also to encounter & adventure the field with the Danes, met with them at a place near the city called Pinneho, and joined battle with them, 
The battle at Pinneh●.  between whom the fight was cruel and the slaughter great. And thus doth Hoveden testify, whose words be these: 
Hoveden.  Memoratus paganorum exercitus de Normannia in Angliam revectus, ostium flwij Exe ingreditur, & mox ad extinguendam urbem Exeancestre egreditur, sed dum murum illius destruere moliretur, at civibus urbem viriliter defendentibus repellitur, unde nimis exasperatus more solito villas succendendo, agros depopulando, hominésque caedendo per Domnoniam vagatur, quare Domnonenses inunum congregati, in loco qui dicitur Pinho certamen cum eis ineunt.  
King Sweno being in Denmark, and advertised hereof, as also given to understand how king Elfre● alias Etheldred or Egelred had caused all the Danes in the realm to be suddenly slain in one night, being much grieved therewith, did prepare and provide a great army for the revenge thereof. 
King Sweno invadeth and spoileth the land.  And in the year of our Lord 1002, he landed in sundry and diverse parts of this realm, using great hostility, and making great spoils, and brought the whole land to an unspeakable misery and distress: but at length, receiving a tribute for a peace, he returned home into his own country. Howbeit the citizens of Excester hearing of this cruelty used in the east parts, made themselves strong: and doubting of so mighty an enemy, did make themselves ready, and prepared the city to withstand him, if he should have attempted any force or hostility against them.  
But the Dane being gone and returned home, 
Hugh earl of Devon as a false man to his country, doth betray the city.  and knowing nothing of this preparation, one Hugh than earl of Devon (as princes lack no fawners) sent his letters into Denmark to king Sweno, certifying him both of the state and wealth of this city, as also of the great preparation which had been made to withstand him, persuading him not to sustain such an injury. And as coals will be soon kindled: even so the Dane upon this advertisement was in a great heat, and forthwith arreareth his army, and repareth all things in readiness to cross the seas anew to work his will against this city. And accordingly when time served, in the year following, line 6 being the year of our Lord 1003, he took the seas and landed upon the coasts of Devon and Cornwall, and marched forthwith to this city, 
King Sweno by the treachery of the earl of Devon besiegeth the city.  and laid his siege against the same in the beginning of the month of August, and continued the same until the kalends of September: during which time were sundry sharp, fierce, and cruel assaults given by the Dane, and as valiantly resisted by the citizens.  
But in continuance of time, when they saw themselves daily more and more to be weakened, victuals to sail, the fire round about them, their walls beaten down, themselves slaughtered and murdered, and the enemy to increase and be strong, and in all these distresses, their king Eldred being fled into Normandy, 
k●ng Eldred 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉.  to have no care of them, nor to prepare any rescue, aid, or help for them: it was not to be marveled, if in so heavy a distress they were amazed and astonished. And yet considering with themselves that Sweno was a Dane, a cruel enemy, a line 10 bloody murderer, an usurping tyrant, having no other title to the crown of England, but the sword, did with one consent agree and conclude, never to yield nor give over whilst any were left living able to withstand the same, 
The stoutness ●nd courage of the citizens.  wishing rather to die manfully for their common wealth, than to live in reproach and infamy; and by death to reap an immortal fame, than by life to become ignominious & infamous, and in the end also to be the miserable slaves of a cruel and usurping tyrant. line 20  
Wh●n therefore after many assaults, all or the most part of the ablest men were spent and consumed, and none or few left alive to withstand so mighty and so many enemies: 
king Sweno entereth and taketh the 〈◊〉, & utterly destroyeth it.  the Dane on the seven and twentieth day of August, with force entered the city, And after that he had served and satisfied his bloody appetits, in deflowering the women, murdering the children, and making havoc of all the people, he spoilt the city, 
〈◊〉. Malm.  burned the houses, razed the walls, bet down the temples, and left nothing to be done line 30 which might by fire, sword, and spoils be consumed: and this is so witnessed by sundry writers. Reinulph of Chester writeth thus: 
〈◊〉 Co●t.  Daci cum suo rege Sweno Excestriam venerunt, & urbem funditùs destruxerunt, nullare incolumi relicta, quae aut serro aut igni vastari poterat: & omnia spolia cineribus tantùm relictis secum deportaverunt. Huntingdon hath these words: 
Hen. Hunt.  Daci it a exarserunt sicut ignis quem velit aliquis sanguine extinguere: advolantes igitur quasi multitudo locustarum, quidam Excestriam venerunt, & urbem funditùs destruxerunt: & omnia spolia cineribus tantùm line 40 relictis secum deportaverunt.  

Hoveden.  Hoveden thus saith: Rex Danorum Sweni periurium & proditionem Normannici comitis, quem Emma Domnaniae praefecerat, civitatem Exon infregit, spoliavit, & murum ab orientali usque ad occidentalem portam destruxit, & cum ingenti line 7 praeda naves repetijt. It was also besieged by William the Conqueror in the first year of his reign Anno 1068. 
William the Conqueror besiegeth the 〈◊〉.  For when he first entered this land, and by dint of sword sought the conquest thereof; the citizens of this city, and the noble and gentlemen of line 50 all the country about, 
A league between the gentlemen & the citizens to resist the Conqueror.  entered into one common league, conclusion and promise, to join together and to withstand the enemy to the uttermost. And this confederacy being confirmed by a public oath, preparation on all parts was made accordingly, for the accomplishing of the same. But the conqueror having prevailed, and subdued in a manner the whole land, was advertised that this city stood upon their guard, and would not yield nor submit themselves unto him. Whereupon he sent his army from London line 60 and besieged the same: and perceiving the siege to continue, marched and came himself unto the same, but rather came no further than Salisbury. In the mean time the citizens were advertised how the whole realm had yielded, 
The records of the city.  and seeing also how their confederates did daily shrink away from them, and by that means they to grow weaker & weaker, and therefore the less able to withstand so great a force, and to keep out so puissant an army as was round about them; and considering also, that small mercy or favour should they find if the city by force were taken; did by way of entreaty offer submission, and desire peace, which in the end they obtained: and so paseng a grievous fine, they and the city were restored. But yet in token of his conquest, the king altered and changed the gates of the castle, and took an oath of all the citizens to be his liege and true subjects.  
Hoveden in his history maketh mention, that Githa king Harold's mother should be within this city, 
Hoveden. Polychron. li. 7  during the time that this siege and assault lasted: and perceiving the bent of the people to submit and yield themselves, secretly conveyed herself away. For these be his words: Hyeme minuente, re● Wilhelmus de Normannia in Angliam redijt, & Anglis importabile tributum imposuit: deinde in Dunmoniam hostiliter profectus est ad civitatem Excestriam, quam cives & nonnulli Anglici ministri contra illum retinebant: & obsedit, & in●●egit. Githa verò comitissa, 
Githa king Harold's mother lay in the city during the siege, and secretly fleeth away into Flanders. , matter scilicet Haroldi regis Anglorum, & soror Swani regis Danorum, cum multis de civitate fugiens, evasit & Flandriam petijt, cives autem dextris acceptis regi se dederunt. Also in the second year of king Stephan Anno 1137, the lords and peers of the realm, remembering the oath which they had before made to king Henry the first, to whom they swore line 8 to be true to Maud the king's only daughter and heir, and to her heirs, and yet contrary to the same had sworn themselves to king Stephan, began to repent themselves, & consulted how to restore maud the empress, and to expel Stephan. Wherefore they assembled themselves in armour, & divided themselves into sundry cities, towns and castles.  
Among whom one Baldwin Ridevers then earl of Devon, with force entered and took this city. 
Baldwin Ridevers earl of Devon entered into this city▪ and resisteth against king Stephan. Baldwin the earl is taken and banished.  But the king so sharply followed and pursued him, that he drove him from hence into the isle of Wight, which was then his lordship. But the king when he had received the city into his faith, marched with his army to the said Isle, & took the same, as also the earl himself, whom he forthwith banished. But maud the empress afterwards remembering this city for such their service as she well liked, did enlarge the liberties of this city, 
Q. Maud is friendly to the city.  for whom yearly ever after was an anniversary kept at the charges of the city.  
It was also in great troubles in the eleventh year of king Richard the second, Anno 1387. 
Polydor. li. 20.  For a controversy line 9 being fallen between the king & his two uncles, the dukes of York & Gloucester, none were then so highly in the king's favour, as were Robert Vere marquess of Dublin, and Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk, & others of their faction. To these the king gave in commandment, to collect and muster an army, as it were for his defence, against his said uncles: which when they had partly done, whether it were because they mistrusted their own parts, or whether they doubted of the sequel of their doings, they left their journey towards London, 
The marquess of Dublin, and the earl of Suffolk, come to Exon and are pursued by the dukes of York and Gloucester.  as it was first appointed, and came towards this city. The two dukes who stood upon their own guard and defence, having advertisement hereof, followed and persuaded them with all haste and speed: and having overtaken them at this city, they joined the fight with the marquess and the earl. But they trusting more to their feet than to their hands, secretly gave the slip and fled away, making no stay before they came to Scotland; and from thence into Flanders, where they died.  
It was moreover in troubles in the tenth year of line 10 king Edward the fourth Anno 1469, when the states of this king, and of king Henry the sixth were doubtful, and the whole realm divided: some following king Henry, and some king Edward. In time of which troubles the duchess of Clarence, 
The duchess of Clarence with others cometh to Exon being great with child & lieth in the bishop's palace.  the lord Dineham, the lord Fitzwaren, and the baron of Carew, who followed and took part with king Henry, came to this city, being accompanied and stipated with a thousand fightingmen. The duchess was great with child, and lodged in the bishop's palace, but the lords were in other houses within the close among the canons, and here stayed themselves. But sir Hugh courtney knight, 
Sir Hugh courtney layeth siege to the city.  who then favoured and was on the part of king Edward, hearing of this assembly, raiseth an army of his friends and allies, approacheth therewith unto this city, besiegeth it, breaketh the bridges, and stoppeth all the ways leading to the same, and by which means no victuals could be brought to the markets: and being thus encamped about this city, 
The mayor is required to deliver the keys of the city▪ and refuseth so to do.  sendeth to the mayor, requiring him line 10 either to open the gates and to give him entry, or to deliver unto him the gentlemen that were therein. On the other side, the gentlemen which were within, they either mistrusting the mayor and citizens▪ or not willing to stand to his courtesy, and be under his government, required the keys of the city gates to be delivered unto their custody, and that all things to be done by their order and appointment.  
In these doubts and perplexities consulting what were best to be done, they did at length resolve & conclude line 20 neither to yield to the requests of them who were without, nor yet to satisfy the demands of them which were within the city: but pacifying both parties with such good words, and in such good order as they might, did reserve to themselves the keeping and safe custody of the city, being the chamber of the king, & parcel of the revenues of the crown, to the only use of the king and crown, as to them in duty and allegiance did appertain. And therefore forthwith they rampired up the city gates, fortified line 30 the walls, 
The mayor and citizens do fortify the city.  appointed soldiers, and did set all things in such good order as in that case was requisite; leaving nothing undone which might be for the preservation of the state & commonwealth of the city.  
But yet for want of forecasting, in process of time the provision within the city waxed short, and victuals to be scant; whereof it was doubted there would ensue some famine, which the common people neither could nor would endure, if some remedy were not in due time had and provided. The magistrates line 40 did their best endeavour every way, aswell by diligence in following, as by counseling, in persuading every man to continue firm and true to the public state, and their own private commonweal. And albeit the common people were unpatient to abide troubles, and loath to endure the present state of want and famine; yet they had that respect to their own truth, faith, and safety, as every man yielded himself contented to abide and endure the time of their deliverance: and by the good will line 50 of God it followed, and the same took good effect.  
For about twelve days after this stir begun, by way of entreaty and mediation of certain canons of the cathedral church of this city, 
The siege raised, and the city delivered.  the siege was removed and raised; whereupon very shortly after did ensue the field of Edgecourt, where the duke of Clarence and the earl of Warwick being put to the worst, 
The duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick came from Edgecourt field to this city, and from hence to Dartmouth.  did flee unto this city, and made their entry into the same the third day of April, 1470, and lay in the bishop's palace for a few days, until line 60 they had caused to be provided ships at Dartmouth for their passage over into Calis.  
The king being advertised which way his enemies were gone, followed and pursued them with an army of forty thousand men, and came to this city the fourteenth of April 1470, having with him in his company sundry & diverse great lords and estates, as namely the bishop of Elie lord tresuror of England, the duke of Norfolk earl marshal of England, the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Wiltshire son to the duke of Buckingham, the earl of Shrewesburie, the earl Rivers, the lord Hastings, the lord Greie of Codner, the lord Audleigh, the lord Say, the lord Sturton, the lord Dacres, the lord Mountioie, the lord Stanleie, the lord Ferris, & the baron of Dudleigh, with a number of knights and gentlemen. But they all came too late; for the duke and the earl were both departed and gone to the seas before their coming.  
Wherefore the king, after that he had rested and reposed himself here three days, he departed and returned to London. It was also in great troubles, line 11 being besieged in the twelve year of king Henry the seventh: by one Perkin Warbeck, 1470, who in the beginning of the month of September came to this city, 
Perkin Wa●becke cometh to Excester and besiegeth it.  and encamped about it with his whole army with ordinance battered the walls, fired the gates, undermined it, and with mighty ladders scaled them, and left nothing undone which might be to compass their attempt: thinking and supposing that small would be the resistance against them. But such was the noble courage and valiant stomach of the citizens, that they manfully resisted and defended those forces, and endured the same to the uttermost, until that the king being advertised thereof, did send the lord Edward courtney, earl of Devon and the lord William his son, with sundry others well appointed, 
The earl of Devon sent to rescue the city and i● hurt.  who came and rescued the city: but in certain conflicts the said earl and others were hurt; notwithstanding the enemy had the repulse, and was driven to raise his camp and to departed.  
Finally & last of all, it was besieged in the third line 12 year of king Edward the sixth, 1549, 
The rebellion or commotion in Devon.  by the commons of Devon and Cornwall: the history whereof, for so much as hitherto it hath not been fully and at large set forth by any man, & whereat I john Hooker the writer hereof was present, and Testis oculatus of things then done, I will somewhat at large discourse & set down the whole course & manner of the same. It is apparent and most certain, that this rebellion first was raised at a place in Devon named Sampford courtney, 
The rebellion first began at Sampford courtney.  which lieth westwards from the city about sixteen miles; upon monday in the Whitsunwéeke being the tenth day of june 1549. The cause thereof (as by the sequel it did appear) was only concerning religion; 
The cause of this rebellion was for religion.  which then by act of parliament was reform, and to be put in execution on whitsunday the ninth of june. The which day being now come, and the statute made for the same to be put in execution throughout the whole realm: it was accordingly with all obedience received in every place, and the common people well enough contented therewith every where; saving in this west country, and especially at the said Sampford courtney.  
For albeit at the day appointed by statute, they had heard and were present at the divine service said, and had according to the new reformed order, and could not in any respect, find fault, or justly reprehend the same: yet (as old bottles which would not receive new wine) would rather wallow in the old dregs and puddles of old superstition, than to be fed and refreshed with the wholesome and heavenly manna. Wherefore they confederated themselves, utterly to renounce, reject, and cast off the same, not only to the great offence of God, whom they ought in all truth and verity to reverence and honour; and to the great displeasure of the king, whom in all dutifulness they ought to have obeyed: but also to the raising of open rebellion, the cause of the spoil of the whole country, and the undoing of themselves, their wives, and children; as in sequel and in the end it fell out and came to pass.  
And here doth appear what great detriments do come and ensue to the church of God, and what great trouble to the public and commonweal: when as learned preachers do want to teach and instruct the people; 
The want of preaching was the cause of the rebellion.  and well persuaded magistrates to govern the common state. For these people lacking the one, & not stored with the other, were left to themselves, and to their own dispositions: and thereby partly of ignorance, but more of a froward and a rebellious disposition, they do now utterly condemn to accept, and do openly resist to receive the reformed religion, now put, and to be put in ure and execution. For upon the said monday, the priest being line 10 come to the parish church of Sampford, & preparing himself to say the service according to the book & reformed order set forth, & as he had done the day before: some of the parishioners, namely one William Underhill a tailor, 
Underhill and Segar 〈◊〉 first captains of the rebellion.  and one Segar a labourer, and others who had consulted and determined before of the matter, went to the priest, and demanded what he meant to do, and what service he would say? Who answered that according to the laws set forth, line 20 he would say the same service as he had done the day before. Then they said, that he should not so do, saying further, that they would keep the old and ancient religion, as their forefathers before them had done; and as king Henry the eight by his last will and testament had taken order, that no alteration of religion should be made, until king Edward his son were come unto his full age. And therefore, for somuch as he was now but a child, and could do nothing, they also would not have any change. line 30  
In the end, all the parishioners joining and taking parts together, 
The priest was compelled▪ b●cause he would be compelled say ●asse.  were all of the same mind, willing and charging the priest that he should use and say the like service as in times past he was wont to do: who in the end, whether it were with his will, or against his will, he relied to their minds, and yielded to their wills: and forthwith ravisheth himself in his old popish attire, and saith mass, and all such services as in times past accustomed. These news, as a cloud carried with a violent wind, and line 40 as a thunder clap sounding at one instant through the whole country, are carried and noised even in a moment through out the whole country: and the common people so well allowed and liked thereof, that they clapped their hands for joy, and agreed in one mind, to have the same in every of their several parishes.  
The justices of peace dwelling not far from Sampford, being advertised how disorderly, & contrary to the laws, things had been done in the line 50 church of Sampford; and how that the common people were clustered and assembled together, to continue and to maintain their lewd & disordered behaviour: 
The justices 〈◊〉 to Sampford and do no good.  such of them, namely, sir Hugh Pollard knight, Anthony Harvey, Alexander Wood, and Mark Slader esquires came & met at Sampford, minding to have had conference with the chief players in this interlude, aswell for the redress of the disorder already committed, as also to persuade line 60 and pacify the rest of the people. But they partly understanding before hand of the justices coming, were so addicted and wholly bend to their follies, that they fully resolved themselves, wilfully to maintain what naughtily they had begun. And therefore, when the justices were come to the place, and requested to talk with them, they refused it; unless the said gentlemen would leave all their men behind, and go with them into a certain several close not far off; and so they would be contented to confer with them. 
These gentlemen were afraid of their ●wne shadows.   
The gentlemen, albeit they and their men were the greater number, and sufficient to have repressed the small company of the commoners then & there assembled: yet whether it were because they thought in such a case to use all the best & quietest way for the pacifying of them; or whether some of them being like affected as they were, did not like the alteration, as it was greatly suspected: they yielded, and according to the motion made, they left their men in the town, & went into the foresaid close, & there having had conference a pretty while together, did in the end depart without any thing done at all. Whereof as there appeared some weakness in the said justices which were so white liuered, as they would not, or durst not to repress the rages of the people (which they might have done) so thereof also ensued such a scab as passed their cure, and such a fire as they were not able to quench. For the commons having now their wills, were set upon a pin, that the game was theirs, and that they had won the garland before they had run the race; nothing forecasting what might ensue, nor yet accounting what folly it is to triumph before the victory. Wherefore they assemble & confederate themselves throughout the whole shire in great troops and companies, and do associate and flock unto them the Cornish people, minding to join together, and foolishly to maintain what rashly they had begun.  
The king and council then occupied in the weighty causes concerning the state of Scotland, being advertised of this towards rebellion, & respecting the speedy redress thereof, sent forthwith for sir Peter Carew knight, who then was in Lincolnshire, and for sir Gawen Carew, 
Sir Peter Carew and sir Gawen Carew sent into Devon.  who was then attendant at the court: and to them commandment was given, that forthwith, and with all speed they should hasten and departed into Devon, and there to use, by the advise of the justices, all the best means and ways that they might for the appeasing of this rebellion, quieting of the people, and pacifying of the country; and to cause every man quietly to return to his home, and to refer the causes of their griefs and complaints (if they had any) unto the king and council: and if they then refused so to do, they to use such other good means and ways as might be for the suppressing of them. And the council being daily more and more advertised, that these begun rebellions did more and more increase; and doubting of the sequel thereof, by reason that in other places of the realm the like tumults were begun, though not for the like causes; do direct and give an order to the lord russel, than lord privy seal, and after earl of Bedford, that he also should follow and dispatch himself into Devon; and he had a commission to deal in such order as he might best do for the pacifying of the said tumults and uproars.  
The foresaid two knights, 
The justiciaries do assemble all at Excester.  having received their commission under the king's hand, came in post into the country, and making their repair to this city, do forthwith send for sir Péers courtney then sheriff and the justices of the peace of the country; and understanding, that a great company of the commons were assembled at Crediton, which is a town distant about seven miles from Excester, and that among them were the Sampford men: & who were the chief of them took council & advise what was best to be done, and what way meetest to be taken. In the end it was concluded, 
Sir Peter Carew by the advise of the justices rideth to Kirton.  that the said sir Peter and sir Gawen with others should ride to Crediton, & there to have conference and speeches with the said commons, and to use all the good ways and means they might to pacify & appease them, they then supposing, and being persuaded, that by good speeches and gentle conferences they should have been able to have compassed and persuaded the said commons. But the people being by some secret intelligence advertised of the coming of the gentlemen towards them, and they fully resolved not to yield one jot from their determinations, but to maintain their cause taken in hand, do arm and make themselves strong, 
The people at Kirton do arm themselves & rampire up the ways.  with such armours and furnitures as they had; they entrench the high ways, and make a mighty rampire at the towns end, and fortify the same, as also the barns next adjoining to the said rampires with men and munition, having pierced the walls of the barns with loops and holes for their shot.  
The foresaid gentlemen knowing nothing hereof, line 10 road on their journey, and being come almost to the town, they were advertised how the ways were stopped and rampired, and that they could not ride into the town. Whereupon they alighted from their horses, and after a little conference had, they agreed to go into the town on foot, nothing thinking less that they should be stopped or denied to go in on foot. But when they came to the rampires they found the contrary: for they not only were denied to come near the rampire, but utterly were refused to be talked withal: no offers of persuasions nor motions line 20 of conference at all could be allowed. For the sun being in cancer, & the midsummer moon at full, their minds were imbrued in such follies, and their heads carried with such vanities, that as the man of Athens they would hear no man speak but themselves, and thought nothing well said but what came out of their own mouths.  
The gentlemen upon such checks, taking the matter in evil part, to be so unreverently and discourteouslie entreated, with one consent do agree to line 30 make way over the rampire. But in the adventure thereof they were so galled both by them which kept the rampires, and specially by such as were within the barns, that they were feign to retire and give place, with the loss of some, and the hurt of many. In which distress, 
The barns at the towns end at Kirton are set on fire.  a certain serving man named Fox, and retaining to sir Hugh Pollard, suddenly set one of the barns on fire: whereupon not only such as were therein, but all they also which were in the rampires fled and ran away. And then the gentlemen line 40 having recovered the rampire went into the town; but there they found none except a few poor and old people, the residue trusting better to their heels than to their arms were fled to a further place: and then they returned again to Excester without any thing done.  
The noise of this fire and burning was in post hast, and as it were in a moment carried and blazed abroad throughout the whole country; and the common line 50 people upon false reports, and of a gnat making an elephant, noised and spread it abroad, that the gentlemen were altogether bend to overrun, spoil, and destroy them. And in this rage, as it were a swarm of wasps they cluster themselves in great troops and multitudes, some in one place, and some in an other, fortifying and entrenching themselves as though the enemy were ready to invade and assail them. And among other places one was at a village belonging to the lord russel named S. Marie Clift distant from Excester about two miles, line 60 where the commons of the country thereabout had begun to fortify the town for their defence & safety. 
An assembly of the people at Clift Marie or bishops Clift.   
The cause and pretence of their doings herein, was not only the burning of the barns at Crediton aforesaid, which all the commons generally did use for a cloak of this their rising and rebellion: but this one thing also increased their disposition. It happened that a certain gentleman named Walter Raleigh dwelling not far from thence, 
A cause why they rose at bishops Clift.  as he was upon a side holy day riding from his house to Excester, overtook an old woman going to the parish church of saint Marie Clift, who had a pair of beads in her hands, and asked her what she did with those beads? And entering into further speeches with her concerning religion, which was reform, & as then by order of law to be put in execution, he did persuade with her that she should as a good christian woman and an obedient subject yield thereunto; saying further, that there was a punishment by law appointed against her, and all such as would not obey and follow the same, and which would be put in execution upon them.  
This woman nothing liking, nor well digesting this matter, went forth to the parish church, where all the parishioners were then at the service: and being unpatient, and in an agony with the speeches before passed between her and the gentleman, beginneth to upbraid in the open church very hard and unseemly speeches concerning religion, saying that she was threatened by the gentleman, that except she would leave her beads, and give over holy bread and holy water, the gentlemen would burn them out of their houses and spoil them; with many other speeches very false and untrue, and whereof no talk at all had passed between the gentleman and her. Notwithstanding she had not so soon spoken, but that she was believed: and in all haste like a sort of wasps they fling out of the church, and get them to the town which is not far from thence, and there began to entrench and fortify the town, sending abroad into the country round about, the news aforesaid, and of their doings in hand, flocking, and procuring as many as they could to come and to join with them.  
And they fearing or mistrusting, lest the gentlemen which were then at Excester, would come upon them, they first fortified the bridge, which lieth at the end of the town towards the city, and laid great trees overthwart the same, 
The town 〈◊〉 Clift is fortified, and the bridge rampired.  as also planted certain pieces of ordinance upon the same, which they had procured and fetched from Topsham a town not far from thence. But before they came into the town, they overtook the gentleman master Raleigh aforesaid, and were in such a choler, and so fell in rages with him, that if he had not shifted himself into the chapel there, 
Walter Raleigh esquire in danger of the rebels.  and had been rescued by certain mariners of Exmouth which came with him, he had been in great danger of his life, and like to have been murdered. And albeit he escaped for this time, yet it was not long before he fell into their hands, and by them imprisoned and kept in prison in the tower and church of faint Sidwelles, without the east gate of the city of Excester, during the whole time of the commotion, being many times threatened to be executed to death. But to the matter.  
These the doings of the commons being advertised to sir Peter Carew, who then was in Excester, assembleth all the justices & the gentlemen, & conferreth with them what were best to be done; and in the end, concluded & agreed that he, sir Gawen Carew, 
Sir Peter Carew and others ride to Clift.  sir Thomas Denis, sir Hugh Pollard, and sundry others should ride to Clift, and there to use all the best means they might, for the pacifying and quieting of them. And accordingly in the next morning being sunday they all road thither: and being come almost to the bridge, they perceived the same to be rampired, & no way to be open for them to pass into the town. Whereupon sir Peter Carew alighted from his horse, and mistrusting nothing, was going on foot toward the bridge. But such was the rancour and malice conceived against him, 
Sir Peter Carew like to be slain.  partly for religion, and partly for the burning of the barns at Crediton, which was laid altogether to his fault, that the gunner whose name was john Hamon an alien and a smith, and dwelling then at Woodburie, not far from Clift, by the procurement and abetting of some there, having charged his piece of ordinance there lying, leveled the same, to have shot and discharged it at him: which he had done, if one Hugh Osborne servant then to sergeant Prideox had not let him and stayed his hand.  
The gentlemen perceiving they could not pass into the town, do send in a messenger unto the town, advertising them that they were come to talk friendly with them, as also to satisfy them if they had any cause of grief, or were by any body misused. They at this message and motion staggered line 10 a while and cast many doubts: but in the end they sent word that they were contented, that if sir Thomas Denis, sir Hugh Pollard, and Thomas Yard esquire, would come into the town to them and leave their men behind them, as also would take order, and give their faith and promise that no hurt should be done or offered to be done unto them, whiles they were thus in conference together: 
The conference of the gentleman with the commons at 〈◊〉.  that then upon these conditions they would be contented to talk with them. Upon which promise made and line 20 assured unto them, the foresaid three gentlemen went into the town about ten of the clock in the forenoon, and there tarried and spent the most part of the day in much talk and to no purpose: as in the end it fell out.  
The other knights and gentlemen, which in the mean while tarried without, and waited a long time even until the day did draw toward night, began to mislike of the matter, some speaking one line 30 thing and some an other; yea and some of them in plain speeches said they would ride over the water and issue into the town. But the friends and servingmen of the two knights, respecting the promise made before their entry into the town, but especially their master's safety, which by breach of promise might be put in peril, did utterly mislike and were grieved with those speeches, 

〈◊〉 towards among the servingmen.  
This man ●as named Richard Carwithian ●●ruant to sir Peter 〈◊〉.   and whereof began a little quarreling among themselves, but forthwith pacified and quieted. And yet some one or two of the company road to the waters side, & with their slaves line 40 searched the depth thereof: for at that bridge the water at every tide (by reason that the seas are so near) swelleth up and reboundeth. Which thing when they in the town did see, forthwith cried out alarm, and made much a do; and some of them began and grew into such rages, that the gentlemen within the town began to distrust their safety.  
Nevertheless the conference and talk herewith ended, and they came away; who as soon as they were come to sir Peter Carew, they were demanded line 50 what they had done, and how they had sped: who answered; Well enough: & giving no other answer they road all together to Excester, deferring the discovery of their doings until their coming thither. The same night they supped all together, & after supper ended, and all the servingmen avoided out of that room, 
The agreement offered by the commoners.  sir Peter Carew demanded of them what they had done, and what agreement they had made: who answered that the commons had promised, and were contented to keep themselves in good & quiet line 60 order, and to proceed no further in their attempts: so that the king and the council would not alter the religion, but suffer it to remain and tarry in the same state as king Henry the eight left it, & until the king himself came to his full age. Sir Peter Carew and all the residue nothing liking this answer, being far from their expectation, were for the time in a great dump or study; but in the end misliked and discommended both the matter and the manner of their dealings: insomuch that sir Peter Carew, and sir Péerce courtney, than sheriff of Devon, openly, sharply, and in plain terms inveighed against them for their slender, or rather sinister dealings in so weighty a cause: wherein they all ought rather to have used all means to have suppressed their outrages, than to have maintained their follies: and therefore as there was a blame in them, so was there a plain rebellion in the other.  
But though the two knights would have excused the matter, 
The gentlemen depart asunder and every man shifteth for himself.  and have purged their sincerity herein; yet on each side words were so multiplied, that they broke asunder without any further dealings, and every man shifted for himself, some one way some an other way. The commons understanding hereof stop all the high ways, casting great trenches, and laying great trees overthwart the same, 
The high ways are stopped and entrenched.  and do watch & ward the same: and by that means sundry gentlemen suspecting no such matter, and making way to their appointed places, were entrapped, taken, and put in prison; and many of them kept in durance, 
Sundry gentlemen taken and imprisoned.  during the whole time of the commotion, & abode great hardness, and were in peril of life and limb: many were taken because they would be taken, & found favour; & many forsaking their houses and home, were driven to sequester and hide themselves in woods & secret places. In the city none or very few remained or tarried, saving six or seven persons then known of: for by conference had before with the mayor, it was known that the city was unprovided of sufficient victuals, meet for such a company as the foresaid gentlemen were.  
The gentlemen which tarried and remained in the city; namely, sir Roger Blewet knight, 
A few gentlemen tarried in the city.  john Beauchampe, Bartholomew Fortescute, john courtney, & john Peter customer, esquires, and others, did very good service as well in their persons, as in their good advises and counsels, saving such as secretly kept themselves close in certain houses then unknown. 
Sir Peter Carew rideth to the lord russel being at George Henton.  Sir Peter Carew very early in the next morning took his horse, and the high ways being then not stopped he escaped and road unto George Henton, a place of sir Hugh Paulets in Summersetshire: where was the lord russel, being then newly come from London, and unto him he gave to understand, how all things had passed: 

Sir Peter Carew rideth to the court & advertised the king & council.  
The king grieved to hear of the commotion. The determined conquest of Scotland was hindered by the rebellion.   who forthwith dispatched and sent him away to the king and council to advertise them of the same. The king at the first hearing of the matter, was very much grieved, & in great perplexity in two respects; the one because at this instant the like tumults and rebellions (though for an other cause) were now raised and begun in other places; the other was because he was enforced to leave and give over the appointed attempt for the conquest of Scotland, and to employ now those soldiers and strangers, whom he had retained for that service, for the quenching of this fire kindled at home.  
Nevertheless minding to follow the first, 
The king useth all gentle persuasions to reduce the commoners to conformity.  and to appease the last, he sent very courteous letters, gracious proclamations, and many merciful offers unto all the commons of these parties, to have pacified and satisfied them, if they had had so much grace so to have accepted it. The commons being now entered in their follies, and having driven the gentlemen to the flight, do openly show themselves traitors & rebels: and therefore assembling themselves do appoint out captains to direct & order both themselves, and all their proceedings, 
The first and chief captains of the rebellion.  and as the common proverb is, Like lips like lettuce, as is their cause, so are the rulers, the one being not so bold and evil, as they wicked or worse. The captains then are these: Underhill a tailor, Maunder a shoemaker, Seager a labourer, and A●sheredge a fishdriver, with sundry other such like, the worst men and the refuse of all others, thought most meet in this service. Howbeit it was not long before, that certain gentlemen and yeomen of good countenance and credit both in Devon and Cornwall were contented, not only to be associates of this rebellion: but also to carry the cross before this procession, and to be captains and guiders of this wicked enterprise, as namely in Devon sir Thomas Pomeroie knight, john Bury and one Coffin gentlemen: & in Cornwall Humphrey Arundel and Winneslade esquires, & Holmes a yeoman, with sundry others, who for the most part were in the end executed and put to death: and their facts to the memorial of their perpetual infamy line 10 recorded in chronicles.  
The principal & chief captains in Devon being fully resolved by their own power and authority to maintain & continue the religion, according to the Romish church, & utterly to impugn the reformatision thereof, established by act of parliament; & to support the authority of the idol of Rome (whom they never saw) in contempt of their true and lawful king, 
The rebels send to the mayor of the city to join with them.  whom they knew and ought to obey: these I say sent their messengers unto the mayor of this city, line 20 whose name was john Blackaller, to move and pray him to join with them, they thinking that they having by these means the liberty to have free access to and from the city, and the help of the citizens, should not want money or armour, or any thing else to serve their turn: the mayor forthwith advertised unto his brethren this motion. And albeit some and the chiefest of them did like & were well affected to the Romish religion: yet respecting their duty to God, 
The mayor & citizens refuse to join or to deal with the rebels.  their obedience to the king, their fidelity to their country, and safety of themselves, gave their line 30 full resolute and direct answer, that they would not join nor deal with them at all.  
This answer was nothing liked, and therefore sent they their second messenger, requiring and commanding them to maintain the old catholic religion with them, and to do as they did; or else they would besiege them, and perforce compel them thereunto. The mayor and his brethren returned their former answer, adding moreover that they in their doings line 40 were wicked & bad men; & they did & would repute them for enemies and rebels against God, their king, and country: and so renounced them. The one side therefore as they prepare to besiege the city, and to work all the extremities they can, by force to take that which by words they can not obtain: so on the other side the mayor and his brethren upon good advise, 
Preparation is made on both sides to withstand the one the other.  guarded and watched the city with sufficient men, armed both by day and by night. The rebels (according to their determination) relying themselves line 50 upon a vain hope, thinking that notwithstanding the answer before made; yet because the most part of the citizens were of their opinions, and of the like affections in religion, would not resist them: as also that they had many friends within the city, more ready to join with them, than to follow the mayor, if they might have the choice what to do: they came being in number about two thousand persons, to the city, upon the second of julie 1●49, first making proclamation that if the city would not yield, 
The city of Exon besieged.  line 60 and join with them, they would enter with force and take the spoil of it, & so then they upon the denial compassed the same round about, and gained unto them at the first all the suburbs.  
And hereof they conceived such a vain hope to have their full desire upon the city, that not only the number in hope did daily more & more increase, but also many of them brought their wives, horses, and p●niers; persuading themselves, and promising them, 
The vain persuasions of the rebels to have the spoil of the city.  by such a day and upon such a day to enter into the city, and then to measure velvets and silks by the bow, and to lad their horses home with plate, money, and other great riches. The mayor and his brethren forecasting the perils which might in such a case ensue, do provide all things necessary and meet wherewith to defend themselves, and to annoy the enemy. The city therefore is viewed for armour, 
The city is viewed for armour and all things are prepared for defence of the city.  men are mustered, soldiers are retained, captains in every ward appointed, warders for the day and watchmen for the night assigned, great pieces of ordinance laid in every gate, and placed in all convenient places of the walls; mounts in sundry places erected, as well for laying of ordinance, as for saving of the soldiers & watchmen from the enemies shot: and nothing was left undone, which in any respect that present state and necessity required.  
The rebels likewise entrench the high ways, 
The rebels stop up all the ways coming to the city.  plash down trees, break down bridges, keep watches and wards in every place; so that no man could pass to or from the city without their sufferance. The markets are stopped, victuals are kept from it, and all dealings and intercourses shut and cut off: and having (as they bragged) penned and shut up the townsmen in a coop or mew, 
The rebels plant their ordinance against the city & breaks up the condu●● pipes, and burn one of the gates.  they plant their ordinance against every gate, and in all other such places as best to serve their turn, and to hurt them within: they burned the gates, they broke up the pipes and conduits, aswell for the taking away of the water coming to the city, as also to have the led to serve for their shot and pellets. But for the burning of the gates, there followed rather a benefit than a hurt thereof: 
The gates of the city wer● kept open continually and rampired within side, as also fires kept burning all night in the same.  for forthwith there were made certain rampires within the gate, which were far stronger and of more defence than the gates, as also there were fires continually kept every night between the rampires and the gates: and as for water, the city so standeth upon a little hill, that it is full of springs in every quarter within the same, and by that means full and plentiful of every good and sweet waters. 
The city being full of water springs they want no water. The city walls at the west gate were undermined, but 〈◊〉 countermining the 〈◊〉 was prevented.  Also they in sundry places did undermine the walls, minding thereby with gunpowder and with other matters fit for fire to have blown up the walls, and so to have entered in that way: but herein they were also prevented by this means and in this manner.  
The city itself (as is before said) is set upon a little hill, and lieth very stéeping towards two of the gates. And at one of these named the west gate, the said rebels had undermined on the one side, and filled the place with certain barels of powder, pitch, and other stuff, meet and apt to receive fire, and had appointed the night when the same should be set on fire, and so to have blown the walls up. At the same time there was a certain tinner in the city, whose dwelling was at Teingemouth, named john Newcombe, who depended much upon the goodwill and friendship of master William Hurst one of the aldermen of the city; and he understanding of such an undermining to be in working, advertised the same to master Hurst, and maketh him privy how he would prevent the same, which was done in this manner. For whereas he by a noise under the ground did suspect the undermining to be in working, he took a pan of water, & did put the same on the ground, & by shaking of the water in the pan, he by removing the pan from place to place, came at length to the very place, whereas the miners were working, and forthwith he countermined against the same, 
The underminings of the walls how it was ●ound and destroi●d.  and wrought so near unto it, until that he might and did see & look into it. That ●oone, he caused all the walls and tirpits in the city towards every street, having a fall that way to be drawn at one time, and every man to fill therewith a great tub of water at his foredoore; which being 〈◊〉, he caused them all at one instant to be cast out and emptied, which water running in great abundance towards the said west gate, was conveyed into the place countermined, & so entered and drowned the place, which before was mined: at which time also by the goodness of God, there fell a great shower, as the like for the time had not been seen many years before, and which at that instant greatly served this turn.  
The rebels perceiving themselves disappointed of their purpose, gave over to deal any further in those attempts: howbeit otherwise they left nothing undone which might be to annoy the citizens. For sometimes they made alarms, as though they with all might and main would have given the line 10 scale: and indeed they had provided ladders for the same purpose. Sometimes they by policies would seek to come to the gates to burn them, and herein they used this stratagem. They provided carts laden with old hay, 
Aprettie stratagem of the rebels.  & driving the wheels before them would come to the gate without danger, and so set fire in the gate. But notwithstanding they escaped not scotfree, for both at the west gate and at the south-gate, their comings being perceived, the great port pieces were charged with great bags of flint-stones line 20 and haileshot: and as they were approaching unto the gates, the gates were secretly opened, and the said port pieces discharged, and so they were spoiled diverse of them, & by that means they had small pleasure to follow those devices; as also the citizens to prevent the same, did from thensefoorth keep the gates open. 
The city gates kept always open.  Likewise they would keep themselves close in sundry houses, in the suburbs near the walls, and would so watch the garrets, that if any within the city would look out at the garrets, was line 30 in the danger of their shot, and some thereby were killed, and many hurt. Upon which occasion the citizens set some part of the suburbs on fire, 
The suburbs burned and the houses beaten down.  and some part which was next to the walls they beat and broke down, and so drove the rebels out of those holes. Besides this, they had in sundry places their great ordinance, so set and placed, that in certain streets and places none could go but in peril and danger of their shot, which their devices were choked, by making of certain mounts to shadow the streets line 40 from the same. diverse other devices they practised to the continual annoyance of the city, which though they were grievous and dangerous, yet not to be compared unto the perils which were within the walls among themselves, and whereof had ensued the confusion of the whole city, had not the Lord God of his goodness kept and preserved the same. For the serpent of division, 
The city divided within itself into two factions of religion.  and the fire of malice, was entered into the city, many being envenomed with the one, but more scaulded with the other. line 50  
In the city there were two sorts of people, the one and the greater number were of the old stamp, and of the Romish religion. The other being of the lesser number were of a contrary mind and disposition, for they wholly relied themselves to the reformed religion, and to the kings proceedings, and endeavoured themselves to obey and follow the same. The first were so addicted to their own fantasies, and their bottles were so far●e seasoned with the old wines, 
The affection and disposition of the Romish faction.  that they cannot abide to hear of any other line 60 religion, than as they were first nuzzled in. Wherefore to keep and observe that, was their only endeavour, and in respect whereof they regarded not king nor Keisar, passed not for kin nor friendship, regarded not country nor commonwealth, but were wholly of the opinion of the rebels, and would have no reformation in religion; and how so ever all other things fared, that must needs remain as in times past had been used.  

The discretion and great circumspection of the magistrates.  The magistrates and chéefeteins of the city, albeit they were not as yet fully resolved and satisfied in religion, yet they not respecting that, but chiefly their dutifulness to the king and commonwealth, nothing like the rebellion, nor bear with the same, but they do all things to defend the city and themselves against their rebellious attempts, and likewise do their best endeavour to keep their own citizens in peace and quietness. Whereupon the favourers of the old Romish religion, being inwardly grieved, that they could not have their will, nor obtain to have the gates to be opened, 
The secret conferences of the papists.  that those good and religious men (as they termed them) might come in, they used private conferences with them, sometimes by secret conferences over the walls, sometimes by private letters privily conveyed too and fro, by messengers lurking and attending for the same, sometimes by open speeches in times of truce, and many times by bills and letters bound fast about arrows, and so shot to and fro: and by these and other such like means they discovered each one to the other their purposes and wicked devices and practices: all which tended to this effect, to betray the city, and to set up the religion.  
Howbeit, these things were not so secretly done, but the same were known, & manifest arguments and proofs thereof did appear. And among sundry some one of them being one of good credit and countenance, and of the number of the common council, whose name was john Wolcot a merchant, was so far enchanted herein, that upon a certain day he being (as his course came about) a captain for the day and to ward one of the gates that day, presuming that partly by reason of his charge that day, 
A fond enterprise of an expert citizen.  and partly for that he was one of the common council, he might do more than in deed did appertain to him, he upon his first coming to the west gate in the morning met with certain of his confederates, and after conference had with them, went suddenly out at the wicket of the gate (which gate as then was not rampired) and caring the keys with him, went unto the rebels, and had a long conference with them. But it took small effect, for he promised (as it after appeared) more than he could perform, which turned to his great discredit: both for that he himself very hardly escaped their hands who were bend to have kept and retained him, as they did the two others, who went out with him: as also when he came in, was both checked and blamed for his doings.  
At an other time the mayor upon an occasion assembled all the commoners unto the Guildhall, every man being in his armour, and the papists being then the greater number, some one of them named Richard Tailor a clothier, 
This Tailor died after in prison for 〈◊〉  thinking by making of a tumult or an uproar they should be too hard for the others, and so attain to their purposes, having his bow bend, did neck his arrow, minding to have stricken the man to whom he leveled the shot: but gauging his hand, and missing his mark, he struck his own and best friend john Peter the king's customer, a gentleman of good countenance and credit, 
What man purposeth God disposeth  who had died thereof, had not the arrow lighted upon one of his rib bones: a great muttering was like to have bred a tumult, but the matter known it was appeased. Also at an other time there was a practice made with the soldiers, 
A wicked practice to receive the rebels into the castle.  who had the charge and custody of the castle, that they should receive in at the postern of the said castle, a certain number of the rebels; whereunto the said soldiers through corruption had given their consent. The day and time were appointed for the same: but whether the same by secret advertisement were discovered, or whether the matter were mistrusted, or whether it pleased God to move the hearts of certain men to take the view of the castle, & of the manner of the soldiers usages there: it is most certain that by the repair & resort of certain men, under the colour to walk and see the treachery, it was espied, and the practices discovered, and their whole devices prevented. Likewise many times, and often there were truces made, and sundry parlays and conferences had with the rebels, which were procured to the only end that they might compass their devices. And this was a common practice with them, that when soever the parlée was appointed, there should be hostages or pledges put in on both parties: and they as men upon whom the greatest weight of the matter did depend, would require to have the best and most chosen citizens, to be hostages line 10 with them, 
The chiefest rulers & captains among the commons were the worst men.  in steed and for the safety of those which they would send to the parlée for them, who for the most part were the refuse, the scum, and the rascals of the whole country, and yet such they were in this case, as who ruled the roast and bore the whole or chiefest sway; and the worse the man, the greater his authority among them, which was good enough for so wicked a matter taken in hand, according as the common adage is: Dignum patella operculum, Like lips like lettuce. line 20  
But during the time of these truces and parlées, there being then a time and scope of liberty to talk and confer with them every man at his pleasure, there wanted no devices under colour of friendly conferences, 
Great practice used to procure the citizens to join with the rebels.  to devise how to compass their intents: howbeit it pleased the eternal God, so to carry and rule the hearts of the magistrates, that albeit being nuzzled in the Romish religion they were affected thereunto; yet they so much respected their duty to their prince, and the safety to their commonwealth, line 30 that they openly professed they would never yield the city so long as they lived, and were able to keep and defend the same.  
For the mayor himself master William Hurst, master john Buller, master john Britnall, master William Periam, & others of the ancientest of the city, were by sundry means, ways, devices, and reasons, persuaded to conjoin themselves in this rebellion with the commoners. 
The faithful and flat determination of the citizens to refuse the conjoining with the rebels.  They all with one mind and one voice gave a flat answer that in the city line 40 they had been brought up, there they had gotten their livings, there they had sworn their fidelity and allegiance to their king and prince, there they had faithfully hitherto served him, and there would so continue so long as they could to the uttermost of their powers, all which their promises & avowries (the Lord be praised) they performed.  
But to the matter. Sundry other treacheries & devices were practised, which particularly to recite were very tedious & to no purpose. The last but the line 50 most perilous practice was this. 
The last and perilous practice of the rebels.  When these malcontents saw themselves to be prevented in all their devices, which before they had but secretly and privately practised, now they conjoining themselves together do openly show and declare themselves, being persuaded that because they were the greater number, and that also the most part of the poor people were weary, and for want of victuals would not endure to be pinned in any longer, that therefore many would join against a few, and that the game line 60 would go on their side.  
And so on a sunday, being but two days before the delivery of the city, about eight of the clock in the forenoon, a company of them in every quarter of the city, 
A pestilent practice.  having their consorts in a readiness to join & serve with them (if need so required) get into the streets, walking with their weapons and in their armour, as to fight with their enemies, and cry out; Come out these heretics and twopenie bookmen; Where be they? By God's wounds & blood we will not be pinned in to serve their turn; We will go out and have in our neighbours, they be honest, good, and godly men. Their pretence and meaning being then, that if any of the contrary side had come out, they would have quarreled with them, and have taken occasion to set upon him and so raise a new tumult.  
But by the providence and goodness of God it so fell out, that some being in their houses, and some at their parish churches, the mayor and magistrates were first advertised hereof, before the others heard any thing of the matter: and they according to their wisdoms pacified the matter, and 〈◊〉 john Uincent, john Shark, and others the belwedders of this flock unto their houses. 〈◊〉 in the south gate street and at the south gate, there was a little stur, which being soon stopped there ensued no hurt thereof, other than a broken pate or two: for as it fell out, the warders of that gate at that time were against them and of the greater company. 
The papists were disappointed of their purposes.  These and many other like practices were daily and continually used on the one side, which in the end came to no effect, because the Lord kept the city.  
The others on the other side being altogether bend to honour God, obey the king, and to serve in their commonwealth, were fully resolved to keep and defend the city, whose cause being just and good, 
The determination of the honest & good citizens.  was sufficient of itself to keep them in that mind: and yet their courage was the more, for that they saw the good bend of the mayor and magistrates; who, howsoever they were affected otherwise in religion, yet they were wholly bend and determined to keep and defend the city: and therefore they seeing the industry, carefulness, service and painfulness, of these men, do favour, encourage, and countenance them, and (to say the truth) by the industry and good service of them, the city was chiefly kept and preserved.  
For there was no service to be done within, nor exploit to be adventured without upon the enemy (as many times there were sallies given) but these were the chiefest and commonly the only doers: for which cause the contrary side marvelously maligned at them, and sought by all means how to impeach and endanger them. Which thing being daily perceived more and more by sundry arguments, and as wise men seeking how to prevent the same, 
The best citizens confederated.  did many and sundry times confer among themselves herein, and in the end made a covenant and a faithful promise among themselves (being then about the number of one hundred persons) that they would stand firmly and faithfully to the defence and keeping of the city to their uttermost powers.  
And if it so fell out, that the rebel and enemy should have access and entry into the city, that then they should all meet at the lord russel's (now the earl of Bedfords) house, and there to issue out at the postern of the garden, and to give the adventure to pass and to escape away, as also if they were resisted that then they to stand together to their defence. And for this purpose they had then named some one man to be their captain for this enterprise. And in the mean time, to do all things circumspectly for the preservation of the city, & by a particular covenant among themselves, did take order, that during the whole besieging of the city and their abode therein, 
The carefulness of the good citizens.  a certain number by course and besides the ordinary set watch, should watch, ward, and walk about continually both by day and night, by which means no sleight nor treachery could be practised, but that they should have an inkling and understanding thereof, and which indeed stood and came to such effect that it was the chiefest (if not the only) cause of the preservation of the city for that time. For there was no service, no diligence, no care, nor any thing wanting or left undone, which by these men was not done.  
Howbeit the devil, the author of all division and strife, who cannot abide any unity, concord and agreement in good causes, did here also hurl in a bone among these men, whereof had ensued a great detriment to the common state, and an overthrow to themselves, had it not in due time been prevented. There were two gentlemen within this city, and both of this company, 
A variance between john courtney & Barnard Duffeld.  the one was borne of a honourable house and parentage, named john courtney a younger son to sir William courtney of Porederham knight, and a man of very good knowledge and experience in service. The other also was a man of very good service, practice, and experience, his line 10 name was Barnard Duffeld, & servant to the lord russel, and keeper of his house in Excester. Both of these were very forward and careful in this present service against the rebels. But there fell an emulation between them, which albeit it be very commendable in good things, & he praise worthy who can best excel therein: yet when the same shall tend to a division of a public state, the dissolution of a commonwealth, the breach of common society, or the maintenance of any evil, it is utterly to be shunned line 20 and lamented.  
It happened upon an occasion offered, that certain of this company upon a time issued out at the foresaid postern and made a sally upon the enemies, 
A sally made upon the rebels.  and had such good success, that some of them they slew, some they took prisoners, as also spoiled them of their goods, and brought away with them some of their ordinance, namely basses and slings: howbeit they all scaped not scotfree, for some of them were taken, some also were hurt, as namely john Drake, line 30 who the year before was the receiver of the city was shot through the cheeks with an arrow, which he brought into the city with him, and one john Simons a cook was so hurt that he died thereof.  
But among them all one john Goldsmith being of that company and servant to Richard Helierd of the same goldsmith, and a Fleming borne, had the best success: for in the same skirmish he was taken prisoner by one of the rebels, who offered in taking of him with his bill to have slain him. With that line 40 this john Goldsmith fell down & yielded himself, having then in his hand his piece or handgun charged, & suddenly the other not mistrusting nor marking the same, he discharged into his very belly and so slew him, took the spoil of him, and brought the same into the city with him.  
This skirmish though it were not clear gains to this company, yet it so encouraged them, that from time to time they consulted, and in the end determined to make a fresh sally and to give a new adventure: whereupon there fell and grew a disagreement line 50 between the two foresaid john courtney & Barnard Duffeld, the one affirming that the same was not to be permitted in any fort or city, which stood upon defence or guard, without a very special order of the general or chief captain, or some urgent necessity, especially in that present distress and extremity, wherein the city as then did stand. But Barnard Duffeld being very loath to lose any part of his credit, or to desist from that he with others line 60 had determined, could by no means be persuaded to the contrary, but plainly affirmeth that what he had determined should be performed.  
Whereupon the foresaid john courtney resorteth to the mayor, 
● broil towards.  advertiseth unto him the matter, & dealeth so fully and with such persuasions with him, that the mayor assembleth his brethren, and sendeth for the foresaid Duffeld: who being come, the matter was at full debated and discoursed, and in the end concluded that it was very hurtful and dangerous to that present state, that any such issuing out should be granted or permitted: and therefore prayed the said Duffeld to stay his determination, and to be contented. But he being unpatient, & thinking his credit to be stained, if he should be debarred or denied to do that which he had faithfully promised, did utterly refuse to yield to this the majors request, as also by continuing of talks, fell out in foul and disordered speeches. Whereupon to avoid a further inconvenience, he was commanded to ward. The daughter of this Duffeld, whose name was Francis, hearing that her father was in ward, and taking in grief that so great an injury (as she termed it) should be done to her father, came more hastily than advisedly unto the mayor, somewhat late in the evening, & required to have her father out of the ward. Which thing being denied unto her, she waxed so warm, that not only she used very unseemly terms and speeches unto the mayor, but also contrary to the modesty and shamefastness required in a woman, specially young and unmarried, 
Francis the daughter of Barnard Duffeld strake the mayor in the face.  ran most violently upon him, and strake him in the face. This was taken in so evil a part, and fearing that it had been a set match of some further inconveniences, the common bell was forthwith rung out: and also a rumour spread that the mayor was beaten, or killed.  
The whole commons immediately in great troops, & the most part in armour, ran to the Guildhall, where the mayor was, who though he was safe, yet were they so grieved with this injury, that they would in all haste have run to the lord russel's house, where she was then gone, and have fetched her out: but the mayor forecasting what inconveniences might ensue, and respecting the necessity of the present state, was not only contented patiently to wrap up these injuries, but also earnestly requested the commoners to do the like: who being so pacified, he went home, and they conducted him into his own doors. The canons of the cathedral church which at that time were resident in their houses within the close there, namely archdeacon Pollard, treasurer Southron, chancellor Luson, and master holwel, with others of the said church, who joined with the mayor and citizens in this service for the safeguard of the city, and did keep both watches and wards, and their men ready at all times to serve in every alarm and skirmish: they at the hearing of this disordered part were very much grieved therewith, and they likewise forthwith assembled all their men, and being well armed and appointed, they went to the mayor, who was then gone home to his house, and then and there very friendly did comfort him, and offered to stand by him and to assist him in all the best service they were able to do for his defence, and safety of the city.  
The said archdeacon offered, that in proper person he would herein stand in his behalf against all persons whatsoever, that would attempt or offer to do him any wrong. And in the end, after sundry friendly and good speeches, they departed to their homes. And the said archdeacon, every day after, would either come or send to the mayor. This mayor being a merchant, and only exercised in that trade, had small reach in matters of policy or martial affairs: he was mayor of the city three times, and in every year there grew some troubles in the city, but he had such a special care & regard to his charge and government, that he would never attempt nor do any thing therein, but by the advise and counsel of wise, grave, and expert men: and God so blessed him that he prospered and had good success in all his doings.  
Besides these and sundry other former perils, the which the city many and oftentimes stood in, and by the goodness and providence of God still overcomed, there befell and happened a third one, which exceeded all the rest, and where of the greatest danger and peril was feared: and this was famine, or penury, which of all other turmoils and perils is most dangerous, & no other plague to be compared to it. For no force is feared, no laws observed, no magistrate obeyed, nor common society esteemed, where famine ruleth. For as the poet saith: Nescit plebs ieiuna timere. The store of victuals within the city, for want of provision in due time, 
Uittels wax scant within the city.  and by reason of the restraint of the markets, upon a sudden was very slender and small, and the same in very short time spent and consumed. And albeit there were good store of dry line 10 fish, rise, prunes, rasins, and wine, at very reasonable prices, yet bread which as the prophet saith, Confirmat cor hminis, Strengtheneth man's hart, that wanted: neither was any to be had. And in this extremity the bakers and householders were driven to seek up their old store of puffins and bran, 
Bread made of bran and of puffins.  wherewith they in times past were wont to make horssebread, and to feed their swine and poultry, and this they moulded up in clothes, for otherwise it would not hold together, and so did bake it up, and the people well contented line 20 therewith. For (as Plutarch writeth) Fames reddit omnia dulcia, nihílque contemnit esuriens: Hunger maketh all things sweet, and the hungry belly shunneth nothing.  
But when this also was spent, and nothing now left, and the common people being not acquainted with so hard a diet as famine prescribeth, were very unpatient to endure the continual barking of their hungry bellies, and therefore they were very soon & easy to be persuaded, or rather of themselves line 30 contented to yield unto the enemy, to be fed for a time with the stolen fat of his flesh pot, than to abide for a short time a little penury in hope of a delivery, and then to be filled with saturity and plenty. But the magistrates and grave senators, who in all other causes had showed themselves wise, careful and discreet; and who having received sundry injuries, did yet without rigour, revenge or malice, wrap the same up, respecting rather the common state than their own private cause; so in this matter also being line 40 of a great importance do very wisely & politicly deal with the said people: 
The godly and politic dealings of the magistrates with the poor. The poor are wéekelie liberally relieved.  who the poorer they were, the better they were considered, and the more carefully provided for. First, there was a general collection set and rated throughout the whole city for their relief, and thereby they were liberally every week considered: which thing being some increase to their stock and store, 
All victuals ●etched into the city were distributed among the poor.  was the better to their content. Then all such victuals as were to be had within the city, they either had it freely, or for a very small price. line 50  
Besides this, many times when any cattle came near unto the walls of the city, some shift was made to have them, or by skirmishing & issuing out for them, or by some other means. And this also what so ever it was, was altogether divided among them. And as for the prisoners fast fettered in the gaols, they had also their portions, as far as it would stretch: notwithstanding in the end, for want they were fed with horsseflesh, 
The prisoners in the jail did and were driven to eat horses. The gentle entreating of the poorer sort.  which they liked and were well contented withal. For as the proverb is, Hunger line 60 findeth no faults but all things are sweet. Besides, if any wrong were offered or injury done to any of them, it was forthwith upon complaint redressed: but if any of them did disorder themselves, it was borne withal, and they in all gentle and courteous means entreated: as also from time to time persuaded with good words patiently to abide and be contented: not mistrusting but that God shortly would send a deliverance.  
And thus, and by these means, in hope almost against hope, 
The lord Russ●l● after that the city had been besieged five weeks turneth to this city up●● 〈◊〉 sixth of 〈◊〉 and deliuer●● 〈◊〉 the same.  they continued dutiful and obedient, from the second day of julie 1549, until the sixth day of August then following, the same being five whole weeks, upon which day they were delivered by the coming and entry into the city of the lord russel: and which day in memorial for ever to endure is kept for a high and holy feast amongst the citizens yearly upon the sixth day of August. Immediately upon which deliverance of the city, the first care that every man had, was to shift and to make provision for victuals, whereof some hungry bellies were so greedy, that overcharging their empty stomaches too hastily, they died therewith.  
Thus having declared something of the state of the city, and of the doings therein during the time of this rebellion, though much more might be therein said, let us now return to the lord privy seal, who after the departure of sir Peter Carew to the court, removed from George Henneton, and came to Honiton, minding from thence to have passed unto Excester, if way had been open. But being advertised that the city was besieged, and that all the ways leading thitherwards were stopped, he remained still in Honiton. Sir Peter Carew in the mean time, according to the former order between them taken, 
Sir Peter Carew advertiseth the king & council of the rebelled.  was ridden to London, and being before the king, declareth the whole matter at large. Which the king, not liking the disloyalty of his people, promised to seek a speedy remedy: and so commanded him to the counecli for the same: and being before them, and having at full discoursed the state of the matter, the duke of Summerset being much grieved with the matter, would have rejected the whole on sir Peter, 
The duke of Summerset charged sir Peter Carew of the rebellion.  charging him that by reason he had caused the houses to be burned at Crediton, it was the only cause of the commotion. But thereunto he answered the necessity of that service, as also declared that he had done nothing but by a good warrant, and therewith showed forth the king's letters under his hand and privy signet.  
The lord Rich than lord chancellor replied and said, 
The king his letters under his privy signet counted to be no sufficient warrant. The stout answer of sir Peter Carew Sir Peter Carew being promised of help returneth home.  that the king's letters were no sufficient warrant, unless he had his commission under the broad seal: and therefore if he had right, he should by the laws be hanged for his doings. But to this sir Peter answered so stoutly, and charged the duke so deeply, that in the end he was willed to return into the country, being promised that sufficient help both of men & money should be with speed sent down into the country. And to this effect he had both the kings and the counsels letters unto the lord privy seal, and so took his journey back again into the country, and delivered his letters to the said lord russel, who in hope of the supply promised, stayed and remained sometimes at Mohonesotre, but most commonly at Honiton, still looking for that supply and furniture that was promised. 
The lord russel is almost l●ft forsaken.  But having long looked for the same in vain, he was daily more and more forsaken of such of the common people, as who at the first served and offered their service unto him. And having but a very small guard about him, he lived in more fear than he was feared: for the rebels daily increased, and his company decreased and shrunk away, and he not altogether assured of them which remained.  
Wherefore distrusting himself, & by a false rumour being advertised that the city was taken, & in the possession of the rebels; as also how that there was a new stir or rebellion begun about Sarisburie; he took advise and counsel of the gentlemen and such as were with him what were best to be done. The gentlemen of Dorsetshire were of the mind, and gave him advise, that it were best for him to return into Dorsetshire, and there to remain for a time; because it was a place of a more safety, until such time as he were better provided. And accordingly the next day following he took his journey, & road back again with the said Dorsetshire gentlemen. Sir Peter Carew then being at Mohorosoton, and advertised hereof, 
The lord R●ssell distruting himself, i● upon his departure from out of Devon; but by sir Peter Carew is 〈◊〉 back again.  took his horse and came against the said lord russel, & met him upon Black down, where was a long conference between them both: and in the end he so persuaded the lord, and with such pithy reasons he carried him, that leaving his former determination, he doth return again into Honiton; & where he continued thenceforth, saving one night spent at Oterie saint Marie, where as it fell out he was in more fear than peril. At his being line 10 in Honiton, and daily waiting and looking for the promised help and supply which came not; he was in an agony, & of a heavy cheer: not only for the want of the men & money which he had long in vain looked for, but also because he had spent all that he had brought with him, and could not tell how otherwise to help and provide to supply his present need: but as it fell out all happened for the best.  
For it chanced that there were then three merchants of the city, following and attending upon him; 
The merchants of Eron procure and borrow money to help the lord Russel.  Thomas Prestwood notlong before mayor of line 20 the city, john Bodlie, and john Periam, men of great wealth. These men understanding of the heaviness and grief of his lordship, make their resort unto him, and promise to help and relieve his agony and want: and forthwith did procure upon their credit from the merchants of Bristol, Linne, Tawnton, and elsewhere, such a mass of money, as which when he had received, his grief was eased. For forthwith he so provided and furnished himself with such necessaries, and with a greater number of line 30 men; that he was now in the better safety, as also the better able to encounter with the enemy: and it was not long after, but that he had a further supply from the king, even to his content. And being now somewhat revived, news was brought unto him, that the rebels understanding of his distressed state, were coming, and marching toward Honiton to assail him; and were come as far as Fenington bridge, which is about three miles. Whereupon, he took advise with sir Peter Carew, sir Gawen Carew line 40 & others what were best to be done. And in the end, after many speeches, it was concluded that they should march towards them, and give the onset upon them, 
The lord russel marcheth towards Fenington bridge.  & accordingly, without further delays or much talk, it was done out of hand. For upon the next morning being a holy day, they set forth, and came to the bridge aforesaid, where the rebels were indeed: some at the bridge, but the greatest company in a meadow beneath the bridge: who, as soon as line 50 they perceived the lord russel and the gentlemen with all their troup to be come, they make themselves ready to the fight. But the river & the bridge being between them, the lord russel useth all the policies that he can, how to recover the bridge; which by bold adventuring he did in the end: but with the hurt of sundry of his company, amongst whom sir Gawen Carew was one, 
Sir Gawen Carew is hurt at Fenington bridge.  being hurt with an arrow in the arm.  
And having recovered the bridge, and the river, line 60 all the rebels (such as were escaped) were gathered together in a meadow near adjoining in the lower side of the bridge, upon whom they so fiercely followed, and gave the onset; that though not without good store of blows and bloodshed, they in the end gave the enemy the overthrow, and had the upper hand. 
The rebels are overthrown at Fenington.  And thinking that the victory was clear with them, and that the enemy was clean gone, the soldiers and servingmen gave themselves all to the spoil; and being in the middle of their game, and they nothing thinking less than of any more enemies to be coming towards, even suddenly march towards a new crew of Gornishmen, to the number of two hundred, or two hundred and forty persons, under the conduct of one Robert Smith of saint Germans in Cornwall gentleman; 
The Cornish rebels give an onset, and are overthrown at Fenington; their captain flieth away.  and who taking these spoilers napping, many of them paid dearly for their wares. The lord russel forthwith setteth all his company in good array, as the others did the like, and gave the onset upon them: between whom the fight for the time was very sharp and cruel. For the Cornishmen were very lusty and fresh, and fully bend to fight out the matter: nevertheless in the end they were overthrown, and their captain, whose comb was cut, showeth a fair pair of heels and fled away. In these two fights▪ there were reported to be slain about three hundred rebels, which were very tall men, lusty, and of great courage; and who in a good cause might have done better service.  
The lord russel's company followed the chase near three miles, & he himself then throughly minded and bend to have passed through to the city. But one jowl his fool, who was then in haste come from Honiton, and where he had heard, as also by the way as he came did hear bells ringing in sundry parish churches, and supposing the same to be alarm, came with a foul mouth to my lord, and cried that all the country behind him were up, and coming upon him. Which his report (considering the cruel fights passed) was credited, and thought that a new company was in preparing to follow the former quarrels. Whereupon they all retired and returned again to Honiton; and from thence his lordship sent his comfortable letters secretly by a boy appointed and accustomed for the same, unto the mayor of his success, as also advertising him of his determination that he would be shortly with him for the deliverance of the city. Which letters (the city being then but in a doubtful and dismayed estate) came in very good season; and yet in the end scarcely credited by some men, because his coming was not so speedy as was looked for.  
Within very short time after this overthrow was given, 
The lord Greie and Spinol● come with a supply to the lord russel.  the lord Greie of Wilton with a crew of horsemen, and one Spinola an Italian with three hundred shot, came to my lord; who being advertised of the overthrow of the enemy, and that there were slain about three hundred persons of them, they were in a great chafe, and much bewailed their evil luck, that they had not come sooner to have been partakers of that service. My lord being now of a very good comfort & courage, aswell for the good success which he had over the enemy, & that his long looked supply was come, sendeth his other letters to the mayor, comforting him, as also as before promising him to be with him very shortly; willing him that he should now take but a little patience for a little time. And accordingly about six days after, 
The lord russel marcheth towards Excester for their deliverance.  on saturday the third of August, in good order he set forth out of Honiton, and marched towards Excester, his company being above a thousand of good fightingmen; and leaving the direct high way, draweth over the downs towards Woodburie, and there lodged and pitched his camp that night, at a windmill appertaining to one Gregory carry gentleman. Which when the rebels of saint Marie Clift heard of, forthwith, 
The rebels are overthrown at the windmill.  with all their force and power came forth, and marched onwards, until they came to the foresaid mill where they offer the fight: and notwithstanding they were of very stout stomaches, & also very valiantly did stand to their tackles, yet in the end they were overthrown, and the most part of them slain.  
Where after the victory thus gotten, one Miles Coverdale then the preacher, 
Miles Coverdale preacher.  and attending upon my lord in this journey made a sermon, and caused a general thanksgiving to be made unto God: but before all was ended, there began a new alarm; and forthwith every man to horse & to harness again. The rebels which remained in the town of saint Marie Clist, hearing of the evil success befallen to their neighbours, and they doubting that their turn would be next to receive the like; do spread abroad the news, and request to be aided and assisted. Whereupon, forthwith in great troops resorted unto them a number of their companions out of every quarter, to the number (as it was said) of six thousand men: and in all haste, they make themselves line 10 and all things in a readiness to abide the brunt. Upon the next morning being sunday, my lord minding to follow on his course, 
The king's army marcheth towards bishops Clist.  commandeth the trumpet to sound, & every man to make ready to march forwards. And about nine of the clock in the same morning, they come to Clist; where the army is divided into three parts, and in three several places do appoint to make entry into the town. For in so many places they had fortified the town, and made great rampires for their defence. line 20  
These rampires were after some bickering recovered, 
Sir William Francis first entereth the rampire.  and sir William Francis of Summersetshire was named to be the first that gave the adventure, & made the entry. The commons being driven from the said rampires, ran all into the town; and there join themselves together to abide the pulse. And as the king's army was in good order marching into the town, one of the chief captains of these rebels, named sir Thomas Pomeroie knight, kept himself in a furze close, and perceiving line 30 the army to be past him, and having then with him a trumpeter, and a drum●lade, commanded the trumpet to be sounded, and the drum to be stricken up. At which sound, the lord privy seal, and his company were amazed, supposing verily that there had been an ambush behind them to have entrapped and enclosed them. Whereupon, they forthwith retire back in all the hast they may: which when they in the town perceived, 
The king's army retireth.  they follow after, and never stayed until they came to the wagons line 40 then being in the high way; & which now by flying and retiring of the army, are the foremost and next to the town. 
The rebels take the king's wagons, munition and treasure.  And these being laden with munition, armour, and treasure, they take and bring into the town, where they rifle as much as they could, saving the pieces of the ordinance, which with the shot and powder they bestowed in places convenient, and employed the same against my lord and his company. line 50  
The army having recovered the hill, did there pause a while, and finding themselves to be deceived, march back again towards the town: but before they came thither, it was advertised unto my lord, that the town and every house therein was fortified and full of men, and that it was not possible for any to pass that way without great peril and danger, except the town were set on fire. Whereupon order was given, that as they passed and entered into the town, notwithstanding it was my line 60 lords own, they should set the houses on fire. Sir William Francis being in the forward was foremost, 
Sir William Francis slaine●  and leaving the ●aie which he took before, took now an other way, 〈◊〉 ●hich way was both deep and narrow. The 〈◊〉 being upon the banks upon every side of the way, with their stones so beat him, that they struck his headpiece fast to his head and whereof he died. The army being come into the town, they set fire on every house as they passed by. 

Bishops Clist town set on fire and burnt.  
The rebels overthrown to the town.   But the rebels conjoining themselves in the middle of the town, do stand at their defence, where the fight was very fierce and cruel; and bloody was that day▪ for some were slain with the sword, some burned in the houses, some shifting for themselves were taken prisoners, and many thinking to escape over the water were drowned: so that there were dead that day one with an other about a thousand men.  
The town thus being recovered, 
The lord Greie passeth over the river into Clist heath.  and the overthrow given, the lord Greie desireth to pass over the river, and to be in the open field, which is a great heath named Clist heath: & this he could not do, but that he must pass over either the water or the bridge, both which were somewhat dangerous, for the water was somewhat miry and muddy, as also at that time very deep, by reason of the flowing of the seas, which causeth the same at every tide to swell. Howbeit one john Yard a gentleman, 
john Yard first giveth the adventure and findeth way over the water.  and who had dwelled thereabouts, knowing the said water, gave the first adventure over, and found way near unto a mill above the bridge; and after him others do follow. But this was not for all the rest of the army, who must needs pass over the bridge, which as then they could not do, by reason that the same was so overlaid with great trees and timber, as also there stood the gunner with his piece ready charged. 
A proclamation, that whosoever recovereth first the bridge to have four hundred crowns.  Whereupon proclamation was made, that whosoever would adventure and make way over the bridge, should have four hundred crowns for his labour. Than one forthwith more respecting the gain, than forecasting the peril, gave the adventure: but the gunner rewarded him, for he discharged his piece upon him, and slew him. 
The bridge recovered.  And then before he could again charge his piece, one of the company, who before was passed over the water, came and entered the bridge at the further end, and coming behind him slew him; who forthwith calleth company unto him, and casteth aside all the trees and timber, and maketh the bridge clear, and so the whole army passeth over the bridge into the heath.  
The lord Greie as soon as he was passed over the water, he road forthwith to the top of the hill, which is in the middle of the heath; and from thence did make a view of all the country about him: and looking back towards Woodburie, he saw and espied upon Woodburie hill a great company assembled; & marching forward, & suspecting that they were a new supply appointed to follow and come upon them, and advertised the lord russel thereof. 
All the prisoners before taken are committed to the sword.  Whereupon it was concluded, that the prisoners whom they had before taken at the windmill and in the town, who were a great number, and which if they were newly set upon, might be a detriment and a peril unto them, should be all killed: which forthwith was done, every man making a dispatch of his prisoners; and then the night approaching, there they encamped themselves for that night.  
The rebels, which were and lay about Excester, were advertised out of hand of this the evil success of their neighbours, wherefore they with as many as they could get, in all haste came to Clist heath: and in the lower side thereof next to the high way, do entrench and fortify a place fast by a hedge, and secretly there, in the night, do place their ordinance, & make themselves in readiness to abide the brunt: and as soon as the day light served, discharge and shoot off their pieces unto the army encamped about the top of the hill. The lords and captains to end the quarrel, do determine to give the onset upon them; and according to the nature of wars, do politicly divide themselves into three parts, and every one hath his place assigned and order appointed unto him.  
The lord russel, having no way open before him, causeth his pioneers to make way over the hedges & enclosed grounds, and by that means doth at length recover upon the very back of the enemies: and they were so entrapped on every side, that they could not by any means escape, but must yield or fight. The one they would not, and in the other they prevailed not. For notwithstanding valiantly and stoutly they stood to their tackle, and would not give over as long as life and limb lasted: 
The rebels 〈◊〉 overthrown upon Clist heath.  yet in the end they were all overthrown, and few or none left alive. Great was the slaughter, and cruel was the fight; and such was the valour and stoutness of these men, that the lord Greie reported himself, that he never in all the wars that he had been in did know the like. line 10  

Sir William Francis buried at Exces●●●.  This fight being done, and all things set in good order, the whole army marched unto Topsham, which was about a mile off, and lay in that town all that night, and carried with them in a horslitter the body or corpse of sir William Francis, and from thence carried it to Excester, where it was buried in martial manner very honourably in the body of the cathedral church of saint peter's. When the rebels who lay about the city heard how their neighbours had sped, 
The rebels forsake the ●ne.  and from time to time had the worse side, line 20 and were still overthrown: then as men despairing to prevail, secretly gave over the siege and ran apace every man his way. The gentlemen, which were kept prisoners in the churches and in other places about the city, being now at liberty, came strait to the walls about midnight, & gave knowledge thereof to the watch; and they forthwith did the like unto the maior. The joy and comfort whereof was so great, and the desire of fresh victuals so much pierced, that many not abiding till the daie-light, line 30 got and shifted themselves out of the gates, but more for victuals than for spoil, and yet they were glad of both: howbeit some did not long enjoy the same, for many being more greedy of meat than measurable in feeding, did so overcharge themselves in surffetting, that they died thereof.  
The next morrow being tuesday and the sixth of August, the lord privy seal thinking it long before he came to the city, commanded the trumpets very early to sound, and every man to make ready and line 40 to prepare away. And accordingly all things being done, he marcheth towards Excester, and about eight of the clock being tuesday the sixth of August 1549 he came to the same, to the great joy & comfort of the long captivated citizens, 
The lord russel cometh to Excester.  who were no more glad of their delivery, than was his lordship and all good subjects joyful of his victory. But at his coming he entered not into the city: for being advertised from the mayor that the city was altogether unfurnished of victuals, order was taken that no stranger, line 50 nor one nor other should enter into the city, but lie in the camp for a time. Then his lordship pitched his tents without the walls in S. john's fields, next to Southing hay, & upon the cities walls next to the postern of his house was the king's standard of the red dragon set up. 
The mayor and his brethren salute the lord russel, and he embraceth them.  As soon as he was entered into his tent, the mayor & all his brethren in most seemly & decent order went unto him, who most lovingly embraced them, most thankfully accepted them, and most highly commended them for their truth, line 60 duty, and service, which upon his fidelity and honour he did promise should be well considered by the king's majesty, 
The king thankfully accepteth the service of the 〈◊〉, and liberally rewardeth the same.  and which in the end was performed. For the king being advertised thereof, he did not only thankfully accept and highly commend their services, but also rewarded and considered the same, both by confirmation of their charters, enlarging of their liberties, and augmenting of their revenues, in giving unto them the manor of Exilond, which as was said was sometimes their ancient inheritance, but by power of the earls of Devon by force taken, and by wrong and injury kept from them.  
Immediately after his coming, sir William Herbert then master of the king's horses, and after earl of Penbroke, 
The Welshmen came too late to the fight, but soon enough to the spoil.  came with a thousand Welshmen: who though they came too late to the fray; yet soon enough to the play. For the whole country was then put to the spoil, and every soldier sought for his best profit: a just plague of the Lord upon rebels and disloyal persons. But the city being as yet altogether destitute of victuals, and the Welshmen at their first coming seeing the same, they did by their special industries & travels fraught & furnish the same within two days with corn, cattles, and victuals, very plentifully, to the great relief and comfort of the people therein, 
The lord privy seal tarrieth at Exon rewardeth the good and punisheth the evil. Sir Peter Carew, sir Gawen Carew, William Gibbes, rewarded with traitors lands.  & to the benefit of themselves. The lord privy seal remained and continued in this city above twelve days before he removed: setting all things in good order, rewarding the good & punishing the evil. To sir Peter Carew he gave all Wineslades' land, to sir Gawen Carew Humphrey Arundels lands, to William Gibbes esquire Beries' lands, and to many others which had done good services he gave prisoners, both bodies, goods, and lands.  
On the other side he commanded torches and gallows to be set up in sundry places, as well within the city as also in the country; and did command and cause many to be executed and put to death, especially such as were noted to be chief and busy doers & ringleaders in this rebellion. Among them all there was no one so exalted as was Welsh the vicar of saint Thomas near the Exbridge at Excecester, who was preferred and presented to that benefice by the lord russel patron thereof. This man had many good things in him, he was of no great stature, but well set and mightily compact: he was a very good wrestler, shot well both in the long bow as also in the crossbow, he handled his handgun and piece very well, he was a very good woodman and a hardy, and such a one as would not give his head for the polling nor his beard for the washing, he was a companion in any exercises of activity, & of a courteous and gentle behaviour, he descended of a good honest parentage, being borne at Penuerin in Cornwall; and yet in this rebellion an archcapteine and a principal doer. He was charged with three principal crimes. The first was, 
Three things laid to the charge of the vicar of saint Thomas.  that he did not only persuade the people to the contemning of the reformed religion, according to the kings proceedings, and to keep and observe the Romish and popish religion: but also did erect, keep, and use the same in his parish church. secondarily, he was a captain and a principal dealer in the cause of the rebellion, which was chiefly directed by him, his order, & advise. thirdly, 
The rebels hang Kingwell.  he caused one Kingwell a tinner of Chagford, and servant to master john Charels of Tavestoke to be hanged, because secretly he had conveyed letters between my lord and his master, and was earnest in the reformed religion, which was then termed the kings proceedings, & an enemy to the popish state. And being a sharp inveier against the one, and an earnest maintainer of the other, it procured unto him great hatred and malice: when the rebellion was begun he sought by all the means he could how to escape away: but he was so narrowly watched, that he could never have any opportunity so to do.  
They used all the devices they could to recover him to their opinions, sometimes with fair words, sometimes with threatenings, and sometimes with imprisonments: but still he inveighed against them, calling them rebels and traitors both against God and the king, and foreprophesied unto them that destruction and confusion would be the end & reward of their doings. Thus when they could not reclaim him to their disposition, then by the order and judgement of this vicar Welsh, he was fetched out of the prison, and forthwith brought forth before Caiphas and Pilate, and condemned to be hanged: which was executed upon him forthwith, and he brought to an elm tree in Exilond, without the west gate of the city, before the house of one Nicholas Cave, and there hanged. The like cruelty or rather tyranny was done at Sampford Courteneie, where when a certain Frankelin a gentleman, named William Hellions, who coming to Sampford to have some communication with them for the stay of their rebellion, line 10 and for the pacifying of them in their due obedience, was at the towns end taken prisoner, & carried to the churchhouse, where he so earnestly reproved them for their rebellion, & so sharply threatened them an evil success; that they all fell in a rage with him, and not only with evil words reviled him: but also as he was going out of the churchhouse & going down the stairs, one of them named Githbridge with a bill strake him in the neck, and immediately notwithstanding his pitiful requests and lamentations, line 20 a number of the rest fell upon him, slew him, and cut him into small pieces: and though they counted him for an heretic, yet they buried him in the churchyard there, but contrary to the common manner, laying his body north and south.  
These things being called to remembrance and objected against this vicar, although some men in respect of his virtues and good gifts did pity and lament his case, and would have gladly been suitors for his pardon: yet the greatness of his lewdness line 30 and follies considered, they left him unto his deserts: & so was by order of the marshal law condemned to death. And yet this one thing by the way I must speak in his commendation. There was among the rebels a stranger and an alien, 
The rebels appoint to set fire on the city and to burn it.  who was a very skilful gunner, & could handle his piece very well, and did much harm unto the city, & among others slew one Smith standing at a door in northgate street with a great shot from saint David's hill. This fellow took upon him, that he would set the whole city on line 40 fire, and it should be clean burned within four hours, do they what they could. This his offer was so well liked, that the day and time was appointed when this should be done.  
The vicar hearing thereof, assembleth unto him as many men as he could make and have, 
The vicar of saint Thomas lets and will not consent to the burning of the city.  & came to this company when this fire should be kindled, and was so hot and earnest against their attempts, that he would in no wise suffer so lewd an act and wicked a thing to be done. For (saith he) do you what line 50 you can by policy, force, or dint of sword to take the city, I will join with you, and do my best: but to burn a city which shall be hurtful to all men and good to no man, I will never consent thereunto, but will here stand with all my power against you. And so stout he was in this matter, that he stopped them from their further enterprising of so wicked a fact. But to the matter. The execution of this man was committed to Barnard Duffeld, who being nothing slack to follow his commission, caused a pair line 60 of gallows to be made, and to be set up upon the top of the tower of the said vicar's parish church of S. Thomas: and all things being ready and the stage perfected for this tragedy, the vicar was brought to the place, and by a rope about his middle drawn up to the top of the tower: 
The vicar is hanged in chains upon the top of the tower with his popish trash and ornaments about him.  and there in chains hanged in his popish apparel, and had a holy water bucket and sprinkle, a sacring bell, a pair of beads, & such other like popish trash hanged about him, and there he with the same about him remained a long time. He made a very small or no confession, but very patiently took his death, he had been a good member in his commonwealth, had not the weeds overgrown the good corn, and his foul vices overcomed his virtues.  
The lord privy seal remaining still in Excester was continually occupied in setting things in order, he was very severe and sharp against such offenders as were chief and principal ringleders of this rebellion: but to the common sort who were led and carried, and who did humble themselves, he was pitiful and merciful, and did daily pardon infinite numbers. And his lordship thinking verily that all things were now quieted, & the rebels pacified, suddenly news were brought unto him that there assembled at Sampford courtney, both Devonshiremen and Cornishmen, 
The rebels assembled at Sampford courtney.  and who were fully bend to maintain their quarrel and abide the battle. These news so troubled and tickled my lord, that all business set apart, he commandeth forthwith the trumpet to be sounded, and the drum to be stricken up, and all his army to be forthwith mustered: which was then the greater, by reason of the Welshmen and gentlemen of the country and of the commoners, who upon submission had obtained pardon, and increased to the number of eight or ten thousand men, and forthwith he marcheth towards Sampford courtney, where sir William Herbert requested to have the forward for that day, which was granted him.  
And being come thither, albeit the great company of so many good soldiers and well appointed might have dismayed them, being nothing nor in order, nor in company, nor in experience, to be compared unto the others: yet they were at a point they would not yield to no persuasions, nor did, but most manfully did abide the fight: and never gave over, until that both in the town and in the field they were all for the most taken or slain. 
The rebels overthrown at Sampford courtney.  At which time one ap Owen a Welsh gentleman, more boldie than advisedly giving the adventure to enter the rampire at the towns end, was there slain by the rebels, and after carried back to Exon, where after the manner of wars he was honourably buried in the body of saint Peter's church, few of the king's side besides him then slain: and so of a traitorous beginning they made a shameful ending. Nevertheless many escaped and they fled towards Summersetshire: after whom was sent sir Peter Carew, and sir Hugh Paulet than knight marshal: with a great company attending upon them, 
Sir Peter Carew pursueth the rebels which fled to King Weston.  and followed them as far as to King Weston in the county of Summerset: where they overtook them and overthrew them, and also took one Coffin a gentleman their captain prisoner and brought him unto Excester.  
The lord russel himself minding to make all things sure, taketh his journey, 
The lord privy seal taketh his journey into Cornwall.  and marcheth into Cornwall; and following his former course, causeth execution to be done upon a great many, and especially upon the chief belwedders and ringleaders: but the chief and principal captains he kept as prisoners, and brought them with him to Excester. And when this lord had set all things in good order, 
The lord privy seal taketh his journey towards London and is honourably received.  he returned to Excester, & remained there for a time; but after departed towards London, where he was received with great joy and thanks: and being come before the king, he forgot not to commend unto his majesty the good service of this city in this rebellion, which (as is before said) was liberally rewarded and considered. After his departure, and according to his order and appointment, the chief captains and principal heads of this rebellion, 
The chief captains of the rebels are carried to London and there put to death.  whom he left in prison in the king's goal at Excester, were carried to London and commanded to the tower, and in their due time were afterwards executed to death, namely Humfreie Arundel esquire, Wineslade esquire, john Berrie and Coffin gentlemen, and Holmes yeoman; which Coffin and Holmes were servants to sir john Arundel knight. Of the number of them who were slain, there is no certainty known, but many more be found lack then numbered: howbeit it was accounted by such as continued in the whole service of this commotion to be about four thousand men. But what number was of the contrary side dispatched, nothing is reported, albeit it be well known that they escaped not scotfree, and especially the Burgonians, who were abhorred of the one party, and nothing favoured of the other. Thus much line 10 concerning the description of the city, and of the sundry invasions and assaults against the same, and especially of the last rebellion or commotion in the year of our Lord 1549, wherein much more might be spoken, but this may suffice for this matter. And for as much as the cathedral church of this city, called by the name of S. Peter's, is a parcel of the city, and compassed within the walls of the same, though in respect of certain privileges distinct from the jurisdiction thereof; I thought it good to subnect hereunto line 20 the description of the said church▪ and of the antiquity of the same.   

The antiquity, foundation, and building of the cathedral church of saint peter's in Excester.  
AFter that corrupt religion and superstition was crept and received into the church, and the people become devout line 30 therein, then began the erecting of religious houses and monasteries in every country. And as this was universal throughout all christendom under the government of the Roman bishop: so also was it generally done throughout all England, in which generality this city was of a particularity; for in this city from time to time as opportunity served sundry religious houses and monasteries were erected and builded, 
The religious houses within the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of S. Peter's.  of which there were three within the site, circuit, and line 40 place now called the close of S. Peter's, and which in time accrued and were united into one. The first was a house for women called moniales or nuns, which is now the deans house or Calendar hay. The other was a house of monks, supposed to be builded by king Ethelred, the third son to king Ethelwolph, and these two were united by bishop Leofricus unto the cathedral church. The third was a house for monks of the order of S. Benet, which was builded and founded by king Athelstane, about the year of line 50 our Lord 932: and this is that part of the cathedral church now called the lady chapel. For the said king, having driven out of this city the Britons then dwelling therein, and minding to make a full conquest both of them and of this their country which they then inhabited, did so fiercely follow and pursue them even into Cornwall, that in the end he conquered them, 
King Athel●ran builded the walls of the city of stone.  and had the victory. After which he returned to this city, and here staying and sojourning for a time, did re-edify the city, encompassed it with line 60 a stone wall, and founded the cathedral church, which he then appointed for a monastery for monks of S. Benet's order. For so is it written: Hanc urbem rex Adelstanus primus in potestatem Anglorum, effugatis Britonibus redactam turribus munivit, 
Ex pamphleto 〈◊〉 S. johannis Baptistae Exon.  & muro ex quadratis lapidibus cinxit, ac antiquitùs vocatam Munketon nunc Exester vocari voluit: ac ibi sedens mansum quoddam dedit ad fundandum monasterium pro monachis Deo & sancto Petro famulantibus. 
Ex chronica 〈◊〉 cathred. 〈◊〉.  Besides the charges which he was at the building of the said church, he gave also lands and revenues unto them sufficient for maintenance and livelihoods, whereof Morkeshull and Treasurors beer are parcel, and which now are appendent and appertaining to the treasurer of the cathedral church.  
After the time of king Athelstane, 
The Danes spoil the church of S. Peter's.  the Danes with great hostility and cruelty having overrun this whole land, they also came to this city, and in spoiling the same, did also ransack and spoil the said church, whose continual invasions the monks being not able to endure, fled and forsook their house and home, and sought places of better safety. 
The monks forsake their monastery.  By which means this monastery for sundry years was left destitnted, until the time of king Edgar; who on a time made a progress into these west parts, to visit his father in law Odogarus then earl of Devon, 
Floreshistoriarum.  and founder of the abbeie of Tavistoke, whose daughter he had married. And being come to this city, did here rest and stay himself, where when he saw the distressed state of the said church, & pitying the same, 
King Edgar restoreth the abbot and monks to their house.  caused search and inquiry to be made of the monks which were scattered and yet left: and when he had gotten them together, he restored them unto their house and livelihoods, and appointed Sidemannus who was afterwards bishop of this diocese to be abbot of the same. 
Sidemannus abbot of this church, and after bishop of this diocese.  And from thenceforth they continued together (though sometimes in troubles) until that king Swanus or Sweno the Dane, with a mighty and a huge army came to this city, besieged, took, spoiled, and destroyed it with sword and fire. Howbeit not long after it was restored again by king Cahutus or Canutus, 
K. Canutus restoreth both lands & privileges to the church.  who being advertised of the great cruelties which his father Sweno had done to the said monastery, did at the request of Atheldredus one of his dukes, make restitution unto Athelwoldus then abbot of all their lands, livings and privileges: as doth appear by his charter dated in the year of our Lord 1019.  
After this, about thirty years, king Edward the Confessor came to this city, and he by the advise and at the motion of Leofricus bishop of Crediton, and who sometimes was lord chancellor of England under the said king, and one of his privy council, partly for the better safety of the bishop and his successors, who lying and having their houses in the country, were subject to many and sundry perils, and partly to provide a more convenient place for the monks, did remove the bishops see from Crediton, and removed the monks unto Westminster: 
The bishops see removed from Crediton to Exon.  and he the king in his own person, together with queen Edith his wife, did install the said Leofricus in possession of this his new church and see. The bishop thus removed from the old, 
Leofricus the first bishop of Excester.  and placed in the new see and church, doth endow the same with all those lands and livelihoods which he had of the gift of the said king, and which before did appertain to his former church, and to reduce and make his sanctuary to his mind, pulleth down the two monasteries near adjoining, the one being of monks and the other of nuns, and addeth and uniteth them unto his own church, and having brought all things to effect according to his mind, deviseth and maketh laws, orders, and ordinances for the good government of his church and clergy.  
After the death of Leofricus, all his successors for the most part procure the augmentation and increase of this their new erected see and church, some in livelihoods, some in liberties and privileges, some in buildings, and some in one thing, and some in another. William Warewest the third bishop of this church, 
The king at the request of William Warewest bishop, giveth Plimpton, Brampton, & S. stephan's to the church of Excester.  who had sometimes been chaplain to the Conqueror, and to his two sons William and Henry, was in such favour and good liking with the Conqueror, that at his request he gave unto him and to this his church. Plimpton, Brampton, and S. stephan's, in Excester, which gift his said sons being kings of England did ratify and confirm. And then the said bishop, having the ordering and distributing thereof, giveth Plimpton to the regular moonkes there, for whom he had founded and builded a monastery, and wherein he himself shortly after leaving and yielding up his bishopric, became and was a monk. Brampton was reserved to the church, and which afterwards was annexed to the deanery. And S. stephan's with the fee to the same appertaining, he reserved to himself and to his successors, & whereby they are barons and lords of the parliament. This bishop in the year of our Lord 1112, first began to enlarge his cathedral, 
The foundation of the quire of S. Peter's church.  and laid the foundation of that line 10 part, which is now the chore or quire: for before that time it was no bigger than that, which since and now is called the lady chapel. After him William Brewer the bishop made and established in the year of our Lord 1235, 
Bishop William Brewer suiteth the dean & four and twenty prebendaries.  a dean and a chapter of four and twenty prebendaries: and for the dean (whom he appointed, and whose name was Serlo) and for his successors, he gave and impropriated Brampton and Coliton Raleigh, and for the prebendaries he purchased lands, allotting and assigning line 20 to every of them Pro pane & sale the like portion of four pounds.  
Peter Quivell the bishop finding the chancel of his church to be fully builded and ended, 
The body of saint Peter's church first founded.  beginneth to found and build the lower part or the body of his church, in the year of our Lord 1284, from the chancel of his church unto the west end of the said church. This man first appointed a chanter and a subdeane to be in his church. 
The chanter and subdeane first constituted in this church.  To the one of them he impropriated Paineton and Chudleie, and to the other the parsonage line 30 of Eglosehaile in Cornwall. After him john Grandisson, 
Bishop Grandisson a great benefactor to the church.  in the year of our Lord 1340, did increase the length of the body of the church from the font westwards, as also vaulted the roof of the whole church, and did fully end and finish the same. And albeit from the time of king Athelstane the first founder in the year of our Lord 932, 
The church of S. Peter's was in building 437 years.  until the day of the death of this bishop Grandisson, which was in the year 1369, there were about 437 years distant, and in the mean time this church was continued line 40 in building by sundry persons: yet it is so decently and uniformly compacted, as though it had been builded at one very time and instant.  
The successor of this Grandisson, who was named Thomas Brentingham, finished and ended the north tower of the church. 
The cloister builded.  After this, about the year of our Lord 1400, and in the time of bishop Stofford, the cloister was added to the church, and builded at the most part of the charges of the dean and chapter. line 50 And not long after Edmund Lacie bishop began to build the chapter house, 
The building of the chapter house.  which being not ended in his time, his next successor George Nevil, in the year of our Lord 1456, did fully end and absolve the same: and which is a very fair, beautiful, and a sumptuous work. And thus much concerning the antiquity, foundation, and building of this cathedral church. Thus far john Hooker.   
About the same time that this rebellion (whereto all the foresaid discourse tendeth) began in the west, line 60 the like disordered hurls were attempted in Oxfordshire, 
john Fox.  and Buckinghamshire: but they were speedily appeased by the lord Greie of Wilton, who coming down that way to join with the lord privy seal, chased the rebels to their houses, of whom two hundred were taken, and a dozzen of the ringleaders to him delivered, whereof certain afterwards were executed. 
Common rebellion.  Moreover, in diverse other parts of the realm, namely in the south and east parts, did the people (as before ye have heard) assemble themselves in rebellious manner, committing many foul disorders: but yet by good policy and wholesome persuasions they were appeased, except in Norfolk, where after there was a rumour spread, that the commons in Kent had thrown down the diches and hedges, wherewith certain pasture grounds were enclosed, and had laid the same open. diverse seditious persons and busy fellows began to complain that the like had not been done in Norfolk, 
Norfolk.  and ceased not to practise how to raise the people to an open rebellion; meaning not only to lay open parks and enclosures, but to attempt other reformations, as they termed them, to the great danger of overthrowing the whole state of the commonwealth.  
They chiefly declared a spiteful rancour and hatred conceived against gentlemen, whom they maliciously accused of inordinate covetousness, pride, rapine, extortion, and oppression, practised against their tenants and other, for the which they accounted them worthy of all punishment. 
The beginning of the rebellion in Norfolk.  Hereupon diverse of them, namely the inhabitants of Atilborough, and other of their neighbours, conceiving no small displeasure, for that one Green of Wilbie had taken in a parcel of the common pasture, as was supposed, belonging to the town of Atilborough, and adjoining to the common pasture of Harsham, riotously assembled together, and threw down certain new diches made by the said Green, to enclose in the said parcel of commons.  
This was done before Midsummer, and so it rested till the sixth of julie, 
A conference to further this rebellion in a meeting at a public play.  at which time there should be a public play kept at Wimondham, a town distant from Norwich six miles, which play had been accustomed yearly to be kept in that town, continuing for the space of one night and one day at the least. Whereupon the wicked contrivers of this unhappy rebellion, took occasion by the assembling of such numbers of people as resorted thither to see that play, to enter further into their wicked enterprise: and upon conference had, they immediately assembled at Morleie a mile from Wimondham, & there they cast down certain diches of master Hubbords on the tuesday, and that night they repaired to Wimondham again, where they practised the like feats. But as yet they took no man's goods by violence.  
Hereupon one john Flowerdew of Hetherset gentleman, 
john Flowerdew.  finding himself grieved with the casting down of some diches, came unto some of the rebels, and gave to them forty pence to cast down the fences of an enclosure belonging to Robert Ket, 
Robert Ket.  alias Knight, a tanner of Wimondham (which pasture lieth near to the fair Wounge at Wimondham aforesaid) which they did. And that night consulting together, the next morning they took their journey to Hetherset, by the procurement of the said Robert Ket, in revenge of the displeasure which he had conceived against the said Flowerdew, and set them in hand to pluck up and cast down hedges and diches, wherewith certain pasture grounds belonging to the said Flowerdew were enclosed.  
Here was somewhat ado. 
Ket chosen 〈◊〉 be captain of the rebels.  For master Flowerdew did what he could to have caused them to desist from that attempt, in somuch that many sharp words passed betwixt Ket and the said master Flowerdew. But Ket being a man hardy and forward to any desperate attempt that should be taken in hand, was straight entered into such estimation with the commons thus assembled together in rebellious wise, that his will was accomplished: and so those hedges and diches belonging to the pasture grounds of master Flowerdew were thrown down and made plain. Hereupon was Ket chosen to be their captain and ringleader, who being resolved to set all on six and seven, willed them to be of good comfort, and to follow him in defence of their common liberty, being ready in the common-welths cause to hazard both life and goods.  
Herewith they passed the water betwixt Cringelford and Eiton, and coming to Bowthorpe, cast down certain hedges and diches in that place, and their number being now greatly increased, they encamped there that night. Here sir Edmund Windam knight, being high sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, came and proclaimed them rebels, commanding them to departed in the king's majesties name. With which proclamation they were greatly line 10 offended, and attempted to have got him into their hands: but he being well horsed, valiantly brak● through them that had compassed him in: howbeit he escaped from them and got into Norwich, being not past a mile off. The same night there came a great number of lewd people unto them, as well out of the city of Norwich as out of the country, with weapon, armour, and artillery.  

The citizen's 〈◊〉 Norwich.  The day before that Ket came to this place, a great number of the meaner sort of the citizens of line 20 Norwich had thrown down a quickset hedge, and filled up the diches, wherewith the foresaid commons were on the one side enclosed, to keep in the cattle of the citizens that had the same going before their common neatherd: and so that fence which by good and provident advise of their forefathers, had been raised and made for the common profit of the whole city, was thus by a sort of lewd persons defaced and cast down at that present. And scarce had they thrown down the dich in the upper end of this pasture, line 30 but that a company of evil disposed persons stolen out of the city, and got them to Kets camp. The mayor of the city named Thomas Cod advertised hereof, 
Thomas Cod.  doubting what might follow of this mischievous begun rebellion, thought good to try if he might persuade the rebels to give over their traitorous enterprises: and therefore taking certain of the aldermen with him, he went to Kets camp, using what persuasions he could to reduce them unto their dutiful obedience, & to departed home to their houses. line 40 But his travel was in vain, and therefore returned back to the city without hope to do any good with that unruly rout.  
After whose departure, they considering in what danger they stood to be surprised, if they should scatter abroad in such sort as till then they had done, seeking to waste and spoil the country about them, without keeping together in any warlike order, thought it stood most with their surety to draw into one place, and to fortify the same for their further line 50 strength. Upon this resolution they determined to go with all speed unto Mousehold, a place as they took it meet for their purpose, and therefore sent to the mayor of Norwich, 
The rebels request licence to pass through Norwich.  requesting him of licence to pass through the city, because it was their nearest way, promising not to offer any injury or violence to any person, but quietly to march through the city unto their place appointed. But the mayor did not only deny them passage, but also with sharp and bitter speech reproving their rebellious doings, told them what whould follow thereof, if they gave not over in line 60 time from further proceeding in such wicked attempts.  

Sir Roger Woodhouse.  The next day being thursday, sir Roger Woodhouse with seven or eight of his household servants, came to them, bringing with him two carts laden with beer, and one cart laden with other victuals: for a recompense whereof he was stripped out of his apparel, had his horses taken from him, and whatsoever else he had, the rebels accounting the same a good prey, he himself was cruelly tugged and cast into a dich of one Mores of neither Arleham by Heilesdonbridge; where the same day the rebels, being disappointed of their purpose to pass through Norwich, found means to pass, and coming to meager Corbets house of Sprowston, intended to have burnt the same house. But yet being persuaded to spare it from fire, they spoilt his goods, defaced a dove-house of his, which had been a chapel, and afterwards got them to Mousehold, and coming to S. leonard's hill, on which the earl of Surrie had bu●●t a stately house called mount Surrie, 
Mount Surrie.  they inkennelled themselves there on the same hill; and in the woods adjoining that lie on the west and the south side of the same hill, as the commons or pasture called Mousehold heath lieth on the east side, 
Mousehold.  which containeth four or five miles in length, & three or four in breadth.  
They put sir Roger Woodhouse, and other prisoners whom they had caught, in streict ward within the foresaid house of mount Surrie, on the which they seized, and spoiled whatsoever they found within it. In the mean time, the mayor of Norwich taking advise with his brethren the aldermen, what was best to do in this case▪ whether presently to issue forth, and distress the rebels now in the beginning, least time might give them mean to increase their power: or rather to stay till they had advertised the council of the whole matter. In the end they agreed that this last advise was most surest, and so they dispatched a post with all speed to the court. Beside this great camp (as they termed it) at Mousehold, there was a lesser at Rising chase near to Lin: 
Rising chase.  but the rebels there, by the good diligence and circumspect policy of the justices and gentlemen of those parts, were speedily repressed, and driven from thence. Notwithstanding afterwards they assembled together at Watton, & there remained about a fortnight, stopping also the passage at Thetford and Brandon ferry, within nine miles of the said Watton: 
Watton.  and at length came and joined themselves with these other at Mousehold, by appointment of their general captain (as they took him) the foresaid Robert Ket.  
Moreover, there came flocking from Suffolk and other parts, a great multitude of lewd disposed persons, raised by firing of beacons, and ringing of bells. Also a number of rascals & naughty lewd persons stolen out of the city of Norwich, and went to camp. And thus being got together in great multitudes, they added one wickedness to another, as having no stay of themselves after their downfall, nor holding them content with the committing of one villainous trespass and horrible transgression, according unto the poet's words to the like purpose: 
Quisnam hominum est, quem tu contentum videris uno  
Flagitio?—  Now to cloak their malicious purpose with a counterfeit show of holiness, they caused one Coniers vicar of saint martin's in Norwich to say service morning and evening, 
Counterfeit religion.  to pray to God for prosperous speed in that their ungodly enterprise. Moreover they went about to join to their cause diverse honest men, and right commendable for religion, doctrine, virtue, and innocency of life; amongst whom were Robert Watson a preacher, Thomas Cod mayor of Norwich, and Thomas Alderich of Mangréene hall. These three, although sore against their wills, were constrained to be present with them in all matters of counsel, and to take upon them (as associates with captain Ket) the administration and order of every thing: which happened well for many. For when cisher Ket himself, or any other of the captains, through setting on of the outrageous multitude, purposed any mischief (as often it came to pass) in one place or other, through their grave advise, and approved industry, their fury was sundry times stayed and calmed. Although Ket bent to all ungraciousness, would diverse times grant forth commissions, abusing now and then the names of honest men thereby, appointing his untheistie mates to fetch in victuals to furnish their camp withal. The tenor of one of the which commissions here ensueth.  

The form of a warrant granted out by the rebels to take up victuals.  
WE the king's friends & deputies, do grant licence to all men, to line 10 provide and bring into the camp at Mousehold, all manner of cattle, and provision of victuals, in what place soever they may find the same: so that no violence or injury be done to any honest or poor man. Commanding all persons as they render the king's honour and royal majesty, and the relief of the common wealth, to be obedient to us the governors, and to line 20 those whose names ensue.  
Signed Robert Ket.   
Then followed in order a long list of names, for the number of the governors was great, as they that beside the chief captains had chosen out of every hundred two, and there were six and twenty hundreds. By virtue of such commissions, many that were of good worship and credit in the country, whom the rebels in their rage had condemned, 
Gentlemen imprisoned.  were line 30 fetched from their houses, and other places where they might be found, and being brought to the camp, were committed to prison. Also the ditches and hedges, wherewith the commons abroad in the country were enclosed, were thrown down, & many were warned and called forth from sundry parts, to come and take part with them in these tumultuous uproars. And all these things were done, the mayor, master Watson, and master Aldrich not only holding their peace and winking thereat, but also sometime line 40 after a manner giving their consent to the same. For to have resisted them had been but folly, and the way to have put themselves in danger of destruction, and their country too.  
The honest citizens of Norwich in this mean while remained in great perplexity, hearing nothing from the king nor his council. They therefore being uncertain what to do, abode in the city, till they might understand what order it should please the king to take for the quieting of these troubles. The cause why the council was thus slack in providing line 50 remedy against the Norfolk rebels, was: for that they were busy in quieting the troubles in the inner part of the realm about London, and other places (as before ye have heard) by means whereof the power of these Norfolk rebels still increased, so that there were assembled together into Kets camp, to the number of sixteen thousand ungracious unthrifts, 
The number of the rebels.  who by the advise of their captains fortified themselves, and made provision of artillery, powder and other habiliments, which they fetched out of ships, line 60 gentlemen's houses, and other places where any was to be found, and withal spoiled the country of all the cattle, riches and coin, on which they might lay hands.  
But because many (as in such case is ever seen) did provide for themselves, and hide that which they got, laying it up for their own store, and brought it not forth to further the common cause, Ket and the other governors (for so would they be called) thought to provide a remedy, 
Rebels and thieves can not keep together without ministration of justice.  and by common consent it was decreed, that a place should be appointed, where judgements might be exercised, as in a judicial hall. Whereupon they found out a great old oak, where the said Ket, and the other governors or deputies might fit and place themselves, to hear and determine such quarreling matters as came in question. Afore whom sometime would assemble a great number of the rebels, and exhibit complaints of such disorders, as now and then were practised among them; and there they would take order for the redressing of such wrongs and injuries as were appointed, so that such greedy vagabonds as were ready to spoil more than seemed to stand with the pleasure of the said governors, and further than there commissions would bear, were committed to prison. 
The tree of reformation.  This oak they named the tree of reformation.  
The mayor, master Aldrich and others, whom they had received into the number of their governors, would oftentimes go up into this tree, and make diverse pithy orations to persuade the outrageous multitude to give over their riotous capines and spoilings. There were also certain divines which did use all ways possible to withdraw them from their wicked attempts, and to reduce them to peace and quietness, although this was not done without danger of their lives. Nevertheless, these in the day time used to preach in the churches, and in the night to watch with armour upon their backs, leaving nothing undone that might seem to appertain unto the duty of godly and virtuous divines, or faithful and obedient subjects. Among these was doctor Matthew Parker. afterward archbishop of Canturburie, whose wisdom, faithfulness, 
Doctor Parker.  and integrity was most apparent.  
He coming on a day into the camp with his brother Thomas Parker, that was after mayor of Norwich, sound them before the tree at common prayer, the foreremembred Coniers vicar of saint martin's in Norwich saying the Litany. Whereupon doctor Parker thinking the time to serve for his purpose, went up into the tree, 
He preacheth to the rebels.  where he made a sermon, dividing it into three several parts. In the first he exhorted them to use with moderation those victuals which they had provided & brought into their camp, and not riotously nor lavishly to waste and consume them. In the second he advised them in no wise to seek revenge of private displeasures, and not to chain or keep in irons those persons whom they held in ward, nor to take any man's life from him. lastly, he wished that they should have regard to themselves, & leave off their rash begun enterprise, giving ear to such heralds or other messengers as came from the king, and to show such honour unto his majesty now in his young and tender years, as they might enjoy him hereafter being grown up in virtue, to their great joy, comfort, and gladness. As he was handling this matter, 
The rebels threaten doctor Parker.  with many good and effectual reasons, having the auditory attentive to his words, one lewd fellow among the rest cried out and said; How long shall we suffer this hireling doctor, who being waged by gentlemen, is come hither with his tongue, which is sold and tied to serve their appetite? But for all his prating words, let us bridle them, and bring them under the orders of our law.  
Then began the multitude to stur and make a noise, threatening the preacher, some of them saying; It were well, that for his fair told tale we should bring him down with a mischief, with arrows and javelinings. This speech brought doctor Parker in no small fear, and the more, for that he heard a noise and clattering of weapons under him, so that he looked for present death among them. But herein he was deceived: for there was not a man that stood next him within the compass of the tree, would him any harm. And immediately the foresaid vicar of S. Martin's that executed the office of the minister, began with help of some singingmen that were present, 
Doctor Parke● conveyeth ●●●selfe from 〈◊〉 the re●●●s.  the canticle Te Deum, wherewith the unruly multitude seemed partly to quiet themselves. Which occasion doctor Parker perceiving to serve his turn, thought not longer to tarry amongst them, but quietly got him down from the tree, and with his brother made haste towards the city. But before he came to Pockthorp gate, there were of the rebels that came to him, and began to question with line 10 him about his licence, whereby he was authorised to preach: but he perceiving that there was no reason to be conceived of them, slipped his ways, and left his brother to argue the matter with them.  
Yet the next day he entering into saint Clement's church, took occasion to expound somewhat out of one of the lessons that was read that day, concerning these wicked hurly-burlies; many of the rebels coming about him, but not interrupting him a whit, hearing the end of his exhortation, although line 20 they seemed greatly therewith offended. But as he came out of the church, they followed him, and told him that (as they understood) he had three or four able geldings to serve the king: and therefore charged him that after dinner they might be ready for them to occupy. But doctor Parker made them no great answer, 
The policy of ●●ctor Parker to beguile the rebels.  but calling to him his horssekéeper, commanded him to pluck off the shoes from some of his geldings, and to pair their hooves unto the quick; and that he should anoint the other with line 30 neruall, as if they had been lamed with travel. The rebels perceiving this, when they saw the same geldings had forth as it had been to pasture, made no further business. Whereupon doctor Parker shortly after, feigning as if he went abroad to walk two miles off from the city, at Crinkleford bridge found his horses ready as he had appointed, with his servants, and mounting up, took his journey towards Cambridge, with as much speed as was possible, escaping thither out of all danger, although by line 40 the way they met with and saw diverse of the rebels playing their parts in their wonted outrageous manner. Thus did doctor Parker escape the hands of the wicked rebels, who despising his wholesome admonitions, did afterwards by God's just judgement prove his words to be most true.  
But in the mean time proceeding from one mischief to another, after they had practised to spoil the gentlemen of the country of their goods, they began to attach their bodies, and by force to bring them into line 50 their camp: so that such as escaped their hands, were glad to flee, and hide themselves in woods and caves, where they might best keep themselves out of their adversaries reach and intended dangers. But to speak of all the horrible practices by these ungracious people exercised, 
The falsifying 〈◊〉 the king's ●●●missions.  it would be too long a process. What shifts they found to cloak their doings, and that even under the king's authority, it is wonderful. For whereas there were certain commissions directed unto diverse gentlemen in line 60 the country, to take order for the appeasing of these tumults; they getting the same into their hands, took upon them the authority committed to the gentlemen, unto whom the same commissions were sent; and taking off the seals from the other, fastened the same unto their counterfeit writings. To conclude, they grew to such unmeasurable disorder, that they would not in many things obey neither their general captain, nor any of their governors, but ran headlong into all kind of mischief, & made such spoil of victuals which they brought out of the country adjoining unto their camp, 
 that within few days they consumed (beside a great number of béefes) twenty thousand muttons, also swans, geese, hens, capons, ducks, & other fowls so many as they might lay hands upon. And furthermore, they spared not to break into parks, and kill what dear they could. Such havoc they made of all that came in their way, and such number of sheep specially they brought into their camp, that a good fat weather was sold for a groat. The woods, groves, and trees that were destroyed I pass over, and make no mention thereof. Herewith, what cruelty was showed by them in fettering and manacing such gentlemen as they caught, 
The outrageous dealing against gentlemen.  and committed to prison for some misliking they had conceived of them, it was a miserable case to behold. Some there were whom they brought forth▪ as it had been to judgement before the tree of reformation, there to be tried afore the governors, as if they had been guilty of some heinous and grievous crime. And when it was asked of the commons, what should be done with those prisoners, they would cry with one voice; Hang them, hang them. And when they were asked why they gave so sharp judgement of those whom they never knew, they would roundly answer, that other cried the same cry; and therefore they meant to give their assent with other, although they could yield no reason, but that they were gentlemen, & therefore not worthy to live.  
Whilst the rebels thus raged abroad in the country at Hengham eleven miles from Norwich, 
Sir Edmund Knevets' service.  sir Edmund Kneuet knight, with a small company of his own menial servants, set upon the night-watch of the rebels that were placed there, & broke through, overthrowing diverse of them: and having some of his own men also unhorssed by the rebels, and in danger to be hewn in pieces among them, yet he recovered them, & escaped their hands through great manhood. After which good night's service, as they would have it esteemed, they repaired to their great captain Ket, to show their hurts received, & to complain of their griefs. It was talked among them, that they would go to sir Edmund Knevets' house called Buckenham castle, to assault it, and to fetch him out of it by force. But it was doubted of some, lest it were too strong for them; and other feared sharp stripes, if they should attempt that exploit, being at the least twelve miles from their main camp: and so that enterprise went not forward, the most part thinking it best to sleep in whole skins.  
There was at London the same time a citizen of Norwich, one Leonard Southerton fled from thence for fear of his life, 
Leonard Southerton.  whom the council sent for, to come to speak with them: and being asked what he knew touching the state of the rebels, he declared to them from point to point the manner of all their outrageous proceedings: but yet that as he understood, there were many among them that would lay aside their armour, if they might be assured of the king's pardon: and therefore if it would please the king to set forth a proclamation, that all such as would departed from the camp and be quiet, should have their pardon for all that was past, he doubted not but that those routs should be dispersed. His advise was allowed, and thereupon was an herald sent with all speed in company with the said Southerton unto Norwich; & coming into the camp the last of julie, and standing before the tree of reformation, appareled in his cote of arms, pronounced there before all the multitude, with loud voice, a free pardon to all that would departed to their homes, and laying aside their armour, 
Pardon proclaimed by an herald at arms.  give over their traitorous begun enterprise.  
After he had made an end of his proclamation, in manner all the multitude cried, God save the king. And many of them falling down upon their knees, could not forbear with tears gushing from their eyes, but commend the kings great and unspeakable mercy thus freely offered unto them, which undoubtedly they had at that time all of them received, if the wicked speech of some of the rascal sort, and namely the traitorous persuasions of that wicked caitiff Ket himself, had not stayed them from their dutiful inclinations. But after that Ket had with loud voice before declared, that kings & princes were accustomed to grant pardons to such as line 10 are offenders, and not to others; he trusted that he needed not any pardon, sith he had done nothing but that belonged to the duty of a true subject: and herewith he besought them not to forsake him, but to remember his promise, sith he was ready to spend his life in the quarrel. The herald hereupon called him traitor, and commanded john Petibone the swordbearer of Norwich to attach him for treason. Then began a great hurlie burlie among the multitude, so that the herald, perceiving they began to line 20 shrink from their former purpose of receiving the king's pardon, departed from them with these words; All ye that be the king's friends, come away with me. The mayor & master Alderich, with a great number of other gentlemen & honest yeomen that were ready to obey the king's commandment, followed him.  
The mayor being thus returned to the city, caused the gates to be shut, 
The citizens favouring the rebels.  and such gentlemen as had been committed to prison within the castle, or other places line 30 in the city, he caused to be set at liberty, & with their advise took order how the rebels might be kept out. But as he was busy about such matters, certain of the citizens that favoured the rebels had received a great multitude of them into the city, which did put the citizens in such fear, that it was thought the most surety for the gentlemen that had been now released out of prison, to be shut up again, lest the rebels finding them abroad, should have murdered them. Yet after this, when the rebels line 40 were departed out of the city again, the mayor & aldermen fell in hand to rampire up the gates, to plant ordinance, and to make all necessary provision that for them was possible.  
At length they fell to shooting off their artillery as well from the city as from the camp, doing their best to annoy each other. But when the rebels saw that they did little hurt to the city with their great ordinance lying upon the hill, they removed the same down to the foot of the same hill, and from thence began line 50 to beat the walls. Notwithstanding, shortly after they made suit for a truce to endure for a time, that they might pass to and fro through the city, to fetch in victuals, whereof some want began to pinch them in the camp. The mayor and aldermen flatly denied their request, protesting that they would not permit any traitors to have passage through their city.  
The rebels sore kindled in wrath with this answer, and denial of their suit, came running down from the hill, and assaulting the gates, were beaten line 60 off with shot of arrows and other weapons. And yet such rage appeared among the rebels, that the boys and young lads showed themselves so desperate in gathering up the arrows, that when they saw and felt the same sticking in some part of their bodies, they would pluck them forth, and delivered them to their bowmen, that they might bestow the same again at the citizens. In all this broil (a thing note-worthy) the seditious sort minding nothing more than the compass of their purpose, had as little stay of themselves in this their outrage, as a bull at the sight of a cow, or a stoned horse at the view of a mare; according unto the old saying of the poet: 
Non facile est taurum visa retinere iwenca,  
Fortis equus visae semper adhinnit equae.   
In the mean time, whilst they were thus busy upon one side of the city, an alarm rose at the defendants backs, crying that the rebels were entered the city on the contrary side: and so every man shrinking away, and running thither to repel the enemy there, that part was left void of defendants where the first assault began. Whereof the rebels being advised, rushed into the river that runneth before bishop's gate, got to the gates, and breaking them open, entered without any great resistance. For all the citizens were withdrawn to their houses and other places, where they hoped best to hide themselves from the fury of their enemies.  
The rebels having thus entered the city by force, 
The rebels convey artillery and munition out of the city to their camp.  conveyed all the guns and artillery, with other furniture of war out of the city into their camp. The herald that was yet abiding in the city, to see if the rebels would before the day prefixed for their pardons, being not yet expired, give over their enterprise, came with the mayor into the market place, and in the hearing of a great multitude of people that were come forth and stood about him, he eftsoons gave commandment in the king's name, that they should lay arms aside, 
The herald's proclamation in Norwich.  and get them home to their houses: which to so many as did, he pronounced a general pardon, and to the rest extreme punishment by death.  
The rebels that stood by and heard him, when he had once made an end of his proclamation, bade him get him thence with a mischief: 
The traitorous refusal of the rebels to accept the king's pardon.  for it was not his fair offers, nor his sweet flattering words that should beguile them, sith they made no account of such manner of mercy, that under a colour of pardon, should cut off all their safety and hope of preserseruation. The herald perceiving how obstinately they were bend, and set on all mischief, and that it was unpossible to bring them from their outrageous treason, either through fear of punishment or hope of pardon, departed; without having brought that to pass for which he was sent. Immediately after his departure, the rebels sought for Leonard Southerton, purposing to have apprehended him, and committed him to prison, for accompanying the herald thitherwards. But he having knowledge of their meaning, hide himself from them.  
After this, 
Prisoners committed toward in mount Surrie.  there were by Kets commandment apprehended diverse persons, as the mayor, Robert Watson, William Rogers, john Homerston, William Brampton, and many others, which were brought out of the city, and committed to prison in mount Surrie. Ket perceiving well that he must either now obtain a bloody victory by force against his country, or else to taste such an end as his ungracious attempts did well deserve, got together so many wicked persons as he might procure to come unto him from each side, with great rewards and fair promises: 
Kets power increaseth.  so that it was a strange matter to consider what a multitude of unthrifts and rascals came to him upon the sudden.  
The citizens of Norwich were sore displeased, that their mayor (being an honest man, and one greatly beloved among them) should be imprisoned, and so remain in danger of life among the rebels: for they threatened him sore, & ies●ing at his name, would say one to another; Let us all come together to morrow, for we shall see a 
* Alluding to the mayor whose name was Cod.  cod's head sold in the camp for a penny. Whereupon the citizens fearing least through the malice and rage of the rebels, their mayor might chance to be made away among them, procured master Thomas Alderich (whose authority was great among them) to be a mean for his deliverance: who coming to Ket with sharp and bitter words reproved him for his cruel dealing, by imprisoning so honest a man as the mayor was, 
The mayor of Norwich set 〈◊〉.  and withal commanded him to release him: which either for shame, or rather through fear of a guilty conscience that pricked him, he caused incontinently to be done: who thereupon might now and then go and come at his pleasure to and fro the city. But because he could not still remain in the city, but was constrained to continue for the most part in the camp, he appointed Augustine Steward to be his deputy, line 10 who with the assistance of Henry Bacon, and john Atkinson sheriffs, 
Augustine Steward.  governed the city right orderly, and kept the most part of the citizens in due obeisance.  
The council advertised now upon the herald's return, that there was no way to reduce these Norfolk rebels unto quiet otherwise than by force, appointed the marquess of Northampton with fifteen hundred horsemen to go down unto Norwich to subdue those stubborn traitors that so undutifully line 20 refused the king's merciful pardon, freely offered by his officer at arms, and others. There went with the lord marquess diverse honourable and worshipful personages, 
The lord marquess of ●●thamp●a sent into ●●uffolke to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  as the lord Sheffeld, the lord Wentworth, sir Anthony Dennie, sir Henry Parker, sir Richard Southwell, sir Ralph Sadler, sir john Clere, sir Ralph Rowlet, sir Richard Lée, sir john Gates, sir Thomas Paston, sir Henry Bedingfield, sir john Suliard, sir William Walgrave, sir john Cuts, sir Thomas Cornewallis knights, together line 30 with a great many of other knights, esquires and gentlemen, and a small band of Italians, under the leading of a captain named Malates●a.  

Norwich summoned.  The lord marquess being approached within a mile of Norwich, sent sir Gilbert Dethicke knight, now Garter, than Norrie, king at arms, unto the city, to summon them within to yield it into his hands, or upon refusal to proclaim war against them. Hereupon Augustine Steward the majors deputy sent to the mayor that was in the camp with line 40 Ket, advertising him what message he had received from the marquess. The mayor sent word again, that nothing was more grievous unto him, than to see into what misery the city and country about were brought by the rage of these commotions; and declaring in what case he stood, being kept by force among the rebels, whereas otherwise he would (according to his duty) have come to his honour. But as for the city, he had committed the governance unto Augustine Steward, who should be ready to surrender line 50 it into his lordship's hands: and that if Ket would give him leave, he would come himself to his honour, submitting all things wholly to his lordship's order and disposition.  
This message being brought back by the said Norrie, Augustine Steward the majors deputy with the shiriffs, and a great number of the citizens, came to the lord marquess' camp, and delivered up the sword to his lordship, declaring how the mayor himself would gladly have come, if he could line 60 have got from the rebels: and that although a great rout of the lewd citizens were partakers with the rebels, yet a number of the substantial & honest citizens would never consent to their wicked doings, but were ready to receive his lordship into their city. The lord marquess giving good words to the citizens, and willing them to be of good comfort, sith he trusted to appease these troubles very shortly, 
Sir Richard Southwell.  delivered the sword unto sir Richard Southwell, who bore it before the lord marquess as he passed forth towards the city, entering the same by saint stephan's gate. And incontinently was proclamation made that they should all resort into the market place, where they consulted together how they might best defend the city against the enemies, and to repress their fury. Hereupon was order given for the placing of watch and ward about the gates and the walls, as might seem expedient. The lord marquess supped that night and lodged in the majors deputies house; but his lordship as well as other kept their armour on their backs all that night, for doubt of some sudden assault to be made against the city by the rebels. Here it chanced that the strangers, 
The strangers offer skirmish to the rebels.  either by appointment or otherwise, went forth, and offered skirmish to the rebels upon Magdalen hill.  
The rebels came forth with their horsemen: but it seemed that they were better practised to fetch in booties, than to make their manage or career, and therefore not able to match the strangers, which being perceived of their fellows that were footmen, they put forth their archers before their horsemen, and such numbers herewith came swarming forth of their camp, meaning to compass in those strangers, that they perceiving the manner and purpose of the enemies, cast themselves in a ring, and retired back into the city again. But they left one of their company behind them, a gentleman that was an Italian, who more valiantly than warily ventured too far among the enemies, and through evil hap being overthrown beside his horse, he was environed about with a great multitude of those rebels, that took him prisoner, and like vile wretches spoiling him of his armour and apparel, hanged him over the walls of mount Surrie. 
An Italian hanged by the rebels.  Which act well showed what courtesy might be looked for at such cruel traitor's hands, that would thus unmercifully put such a gentleman and worthy soldier to death: for whose ransom, if they would have demanded it, they might have had no small portion of money to have satisfied their greedy minds. But it seemed that their beastly cruelty had bearest them the remembrance of all honest consideration and dutiful humanity.  
The marquess of Northampton causing (as before ye have heard) diligent watch to be kept upon the walls, and at the gates, appointed the same to be visited right often, that through negligence no mishap should follow. Moreover, besides the watch at the gates and walls, the residue of the soldiers making a mighty huge fire in the market place, so as all the streets were full of light, they remained there all that night in their armour, ready upon any occasion to resist the enemies if they should make any attempt. Sir Edward Warner marshal of the field gave the watchword, sir Thomas Paston, 
Sir Edward Warner.  sir john Clere, sir William Walgrave, sir Thomas Cornwallis, and sir Henry Bedingfield were appointed to the defence of other parts of the city. And now when every thing was thought to be safely provided for, and that the lord marquess and other were laid to take their rest, the rebels about the midst of the night began to shoot off their great artillery towards the city, so thick as was possible: but the bullets passed over their heads that were lodged in the city, without doing any great hurt at all.  
The lord marquess, by reason of the often alarms that were given, whilst the enemies thus ceased not to rage's with continual shot of ordinance, was called up by the marshal sir Edward Warner; and coming into the market place, accompanied with the nobles and gentlemen of the army, fell in council with them, how to foresee that the city in such danger might be safely defended against the enemies with such small power as he had there with him. It was therefore determined, that all the gates which were on the contrary part of the town from the rebels camp, and likewise the ruinous places of the walls should be rampired up, that if the enemies should chance to give an assault to the city, they might more easily be repelled.  
But as these things were in doing, and almost brought to end, in a manner all the whole multitude of the rebels came out of their cabins, running down in most furious manner to the city, and with great shouts and yelling cries went about to set fire on the gates, to climb over the walls, to pass the river, and to enter the city at such places where the walls were through age decayed and ruinous. The soldiers that were there with the lord marquess, did line 10 show their uttermost endeavour to beat back the enemies. This fight in most cruel wise continued for the space of three hours without ceasing, the rebels forcing themselves to the uttermost of their powers to enter perforce upon them, and they within the city showed no less courage to repel them back. The hardy manhood of diverse knights, and other men of worship was here right apparent. 
The desperateness of rebels.  It was strange to see the desperate boldness of the rebels, that when they were thrust through the bodies or line 20 thighs, and some of them hough-sinewed, would yet seek revenge in striking at their adversaries, when their hands were scarce able to hold up their weapon; thinking themselves somewhat satisfied if the humour of their envy and deadly spite might be fed but with a drop of their adversaries blood; with such a malignant spirit (tending wholly to vengeance) these desperate rebels were possessed, according to the poet's speech in the like sense and meaning: 
jutienal. sat. 13.  Inuidiosa dabit minimus solatia sanguis. line 30  
But such was the valiancy of the gentlemen and soldiers, which were there with the lord marquess, that in the end the enemies which were already entered the city, 
The rebels beaten back.  were beaten out again, and driven back to their accustomed kennel holes with loss of three hundred of their numbers. They within the town having thus repelled the enemies, & accounting themselves in more safety than before, for the rest of the night that yet remained, which was not much, they gave themselves to refresh their wearied line 40 bodies with some sleep. The next day, the lord marquess was informed by some of the citizens, that there were no small number in Kets camp that would gladly come from him, if they might be sure of their pardon; and that at Pockethorpe gate there were four or five thousand, that wished for nothing more than for pardon: and that if the same were offered them, there were no doubt (as they believed) but that they would submit themselves to the king's mercy. line 50  
The marquess was glad to understand so much, & incontinently dispatched Norreie king at arms, with a trumpeter, to assure them on the king's behalf, that they should be pardoned for all offences past, and that had been committed in time of this rebellion, if they would lay arms aside. Norreie and the trumpet coming to the gate, found not a man there: but the trumpeter sounding his trumpet, there came running down from the hill a great multitude of their people, & amongst other as chief, one Flotman, 
Flotman.  whom Norreie commanded to stay. line 60 Whereupon the said Flotman asked him what was the matter, and wherefore he had called them together by sound of trumpet? 
Pardon offered to the rebels.  Go thy ways (said he) & tell thy company from my lord marquess of Northhampton, the king's majesties lieutenant, that he commandeth them to cease from committing any further outrage: and if they will (saith he) obey his commandment, all that is past, shall be forgiven and pardoned.  
Flotman having heard Norreies' declaration, as he was an outrageous and busy fellow, presumptuously made answer, that he cared not a pin's point for my lord marquess, and withal, like a rebellious traitor, railed upon his lordship, and maintained, 
Flotmans' presumptuous and n●torous alleg●tions.  that he and the rest of the rebels were earnest defenders of the kings royal majesty, and that they had taken weapon in hand not against the king, but in his defence, as in time it should appear, as they that sought nothing but to maintain his majesties royal estate, the liberty of their country, and the safety of their commonwealth, etc. To conclude, he utterly refused the king's pardon, and told Norreie certainly, that they would either restore the commonwealth from decay, into the which it was fallen, being oppressed through the covetousness and tyranny of the gentlemen; either else would they like men die in the quarrel.  
Scarcely had he made an end of his tale, when suddenly a fearful alarm was raised throughout the city: for whilst Flotman was thus in talk with the king of arms at Pockethorpe gate, the rebels in great rage entering the city by the hospital, 
The rebels enter the city.  went about to bring all things to destruction: but being encountered near to the bishop's palace, by the lord marquess his men, there ensued a bloody conflict betwixt them, which continued long with great fierceness and eager revenge on both parts. There died about seven score of the rebels, and of the soldiers that served against them some number, beside a great multitude that were hurt and wounded on both parts. 
The lord Sheffeld woefully slain.  But the pitiful slaughter of the lord Sheffeld, who having more regard to his honour than safety of life, desirous to show some proof of his noble valiancy, entering amongst the enemies, as he fought right hardily, though not so warily as had been expedient, fell into a dich as he was about to turn his horse: & herewith being compassed about with a number of those horrible traitors, was slain amongst them: although he both declared what he was, and offered largely to the vilans, if they would have saved his life. But the more noble he showed himself to be, the more were they kindled in outrageous fury against him. And as he pulled off his head piece, that it might appear what he was, a butcherly knave named Fulks, who by occupation was both a carpenter & a butcher, slat him in the head with a club, and so most wretchedly killed him. A lamentable case, that so noble a young gentleman, endued with so many commendable qualities, as were to be wished in a man of his calling, should thus miserably end his days by the hands of so vile a vilan.  
diverse other gentlemen and worthy soldiers came to the like end among those outrageous rebels, and amongst other, Robert Woluaston, that was appointed to keep the door of Christ's church, was killed by the same Fulks, who took him for sir Edmund Kneuet, against whom the rebels bore great malice, for that he sought to annoy them so far as by any means he might, as partly ye have heard. But the slaughter of that noble man the lord Sheffeld, 
Alexander Nevil.  sore discouraged the residue of the soldiers that were come with the lord marquess. And on the other part, the rebels were advanced thereby, in greater hope to prevail against them, and thereupon pressed forward with such hardiness, that they caused the lord marquess and his people to give place, and to forsake the city, every man making the best shift he could to save himself. But yet diverse gentlemen of good account and worship remaining behind, and abiding the brunt, were taken prisoners, as sir Thomas Cornewallis, and others, whom the rebels afterwards kept in streict durance, until the day came of their overthrow by the king's power, under the conduction of the earl of Warwick. 
The marquess maketh shift to escape danger.   
The lord marquess and the residue that escaped, made the best shift they could to get out of danger; and at length, he and the most part of them that went forth with him, came to London. The rebels having thus repelled the lord marquess & his power, set fire on the city, whereby many fair buildings were consumed and burnt. It happened yet well the same time, that there fell great abundance of rain, the which holp in part to quench the rage of the fire. Nevertheless, all the houses on either side of Holmes street, and the hospital of the poor; also Bishop's gate, Pockthorpe gate, Magdalene gate, and Bearestréet gate, with many other houses in other parts of the line 10 city, were burned, and foully defaced with fire. The citizens were brought into such extreme misery, that they knew not which way to turn them. Some there were that fled out of the city, taking with them their gold and silver, and such short ware as they might convey away with them, abandoning wife and children, to rest at the mercy of the rebels. Other hid their goods in wells, privies, and other such secret places out of the way.  
The rebels entering into the houses of such as line 20 were known to be wealthy men, spoiled and bore away all that might be found of any value. But to speak of all the cruel parts which they played, it would be tedious to express the same, their doings were so wicked and outrageous. There was shooting, howling, 
The miserable estate of Norwich.  and wring among them, weeping, and crying out of women and children. To be short, the stay of the city at that present was most miserable. The majors deputy kept himself close in his house, and might behold all this mischief and destruction of the city, but durst not come abroad, nor line 30 go about to stay them: at length, a great multitude of the rebels that were come down from their camp, entering by saint Augustine's gate, came strait to his house, and strove to break open the doors: but when they could not easily bring their purpose to pass that way forth, they began to fire the house. Whereupon for fear to be burned within his own lodging, 
The alderman's depu●●● roughly handled to tell where the lord marquess had hidden himself.  he set open the doors, and in came those unmannerly guests, took him, plucked his gown beside his back, called him traitor, and threatened to line 40 kill him, if he would not tell them where the lord marquess of Northampton had hidden himself.  
And when he had told them that undoubtedly he and all his company were gone, they were in a great rage, and with terrible noise and rumbling they sought every corner of the house for him, and taking what they found, they departed. But yet many of them afterwards partly pacified for a piece of money, and other things which they received of the line 50 mayor, and partly reproved for the wrongful robberies by some that were in credit among them, they brought again such packs and fardels as they had trussed up together, and threw them into the shops of those houses, out of the which they had taken the same before: but yet there were divers of the citizens that were spoiled of all that they had by those rebels, that entered their houses under a colour to seek for the marquess of Northamptons' men. Namely, the houses of those citizens that were fled, were spoiled line 60 and ransacked most miserably, for they reputed and called them traitors and enemies to their king and country, that thus had forsaken their houses and dwellings in time of such necessity: 
〈◊〉 ministered to the rebels for fear 〈◊〉 force.  yet many of the citizens bringing forth bread, beer, and other victuals unto the rebels to refresh them with, somewhat calmed their furious rage, and so escaped their violent hands, although no small number were so fleeced (as before ye have heard) that they have lived the worse for it all the days of their life since that time.  
But now the rebels having thus got possession of the city, & chased away the king's people, they took order to have the gates kept hourly with watch and ward of the citizens themselves, threatening them with most shameful death, if they omitted the same. These unruly persons were so far stepped into all kind of beastly outrage, that when it ramed, they would kennel up themselves in the churches, abusing the place appointed for the service and worshipping of the almighty God, in most profane and wicked manner, and neither prayer nor yet threats of men or women that advised them to modesty could take place. The king's majesty advertised therefore, that there was no way to tame their devilish and traitorous outrage, but by force: with the advise of his council caused a power to be put in a readiness, as well of his own subjects as of strangers, namely lancequenets, which were come to serve his majesty against the Scots.  
But now it was thought expedient to use their service against these rebels, whose power and desperate boldness was so far increased, that without a main army, guided by some general of great experience, and noble conduct, it would be hard and right dangerous to subdue them: wherein violence and force was to be used, sith they had showed themselves in an extremity of stubborness, like bulls that by baiting are to be tamed, or like stiff-necked stallions which with bit & bridle must be managed; as one saith: Asper equus duris contunditur ora lupatis.  
Hereupon that noble chéefteine and valiant earl of Warwick, 
The earl of Warwick appointed to go against the Norfolk rebels.  lately before appointed to have gone against the Scots and Frenchmen into Scotland, was called back, and commanded to take upon him the conduction of this army against the Norfolk rebels: for such was the opinion then conceived of that honourable earl, for the high manhood, valiant prowess, and great experience in all warlike enterprises, sufficiently tried, and known to rest in him, that either they might be vanquished and overcome by him, or by none other.  
captain Ket and his rebellious army, having some advertisement by rumours spread, of this preparation and coming of an army against them; they were not slack to make themselves strong and ready to abide all the hazard that fortune of war might bring. The earl of Warwick then, 
The earl of Warwick cometh to Cambridge.  after that his men and provisions were ready, did set forward, and came unto Cambridge, where the lord marquess of Northampton and other met his lordship. Here also diverse citizens of Norwich came to him, and falling down upon their knees before him, besought him to be good lord unto them; and withal declared their miserable state, great grief and sorrow, which they had conceived for the wretched destruction of their country: beseeching him to have pity upon them. And if in such extremity of things as had happened unto their city, they had through fear or ignorance committed any thing contrary to their dutiful allegiance, that it might please his honour to pardon them their offences in such behalf, sith if any thing were amiss on their parts, the same came to pass sore against their wills, and to their extreme grief and sorrow.  
The earl of Warwick told them, that he knew indeed in what danger they had been among those unruly ribalds; and as for any offence which they had committed, he knew not: for in leaving their city sith matters were grown to such extremity, they were to be borne with, but in one thing they had overshot themselves: for that in the beginning they had not sought to repress those tumults, sith if they had put themselves in defence of their country, to resist the rebels at the first, such mischiefs as were now grown, 
The kings pardon granted.  might easily have been avoided. But nevertheless, upon this their humble submission, he granted them all the kings merciful pardon, and commanding them to provide themselves of armour and weapon, appointed them to march forth with the army, wearing certain laces or ribbons about their necks for a difference, that they might be known from others. 
Who served under the earl of Warwick.  There were in this army under the earl of Warwick diverse men of honour and great worship, as lords, knights, esquires, and gentlemen in great numbers. First the lord marquess of Northampton, and sundry of them that had been with him before, desirous to be revenged of his late repulse, the lords Willoughby, Powes and Braie, Ambrose Dudleie, son to the line 10 said earl, and at this present worthily adorned with the title (which his father then bare) of earl of Warwick, and his brother lord Robert Dudleie now earl of Leicester; also Henry Willoughby esquire, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Marmaduke constable, William Devereux son to the lord Ferrer of Chartleie, sir Edmund Kneuet, sir Thomas Palmer, sir Andrew Flammocke, and diverse other knights, esquires, and gentlemen: all which played their parts line 20 as time and occasion was ministered unto them to give trial of their manhood.  
The earl of Warwick, and such as were come with him to Cambridge, marched directly from thence towards Norwich, and came unto Wimondham the two and twentieth of August, where and by the way the most part of all the gentlemen of Norfolk that were at liberty, came unto him. The next day betimes he showed himself upon the plain, betwixt the city of Norwich and Eiton wood, and line 30 lodged that night at Intwood, an house belonging to sir Thomas Tresham knight, a two miles distant from Norwich. Here they rested that day and night following, not once putting off their armour, but remaining still in a readiness, if the enemies should have made any sudden invasion against them. The earl of Warwick in the mean time sent the afore remembered king of arms Norreie, 
Norwich summoned.  to summon the city, either to open the gates that he might quietly enter; or else to look for war at his hands that would then assay to win it by force, and such reward line 40 as rebels (that wilfully withstand their sovereign) ought to receive.  
When Ket understood that the herald was come to the gates, he appointed the majors deputy Augustine Steward, and Robert Rug, two of the chiefest citizens, to go to him and to know his errand. They passing forth at a postern, 
What answer was made to the herald by the citizens of Norwich, whom Ket assigned thereunto.  and hearing his message, made answer, that they were the miserablest men that were then living, as they themselves believed, sith that having suffered such calamities as they line 50 could not but tremble at in calling to remembrance, they could not now have liberty to declare the loyal duty which they bore & aught to bear to the king's highness: so that they accounted themselves most unfortunate, sith their hap was to live in that season, in which they must either jeopard loss of life, or the estimation of their good name, although they trusted the king's majesty would be gracious lord unto them. sith they had given no consent unto such wicked rebellion as was thus raised against his line 60 highness, but with loss of goods and peril of life so far as in them lay, had done what they could to keep the citizens in good order and dutiful obedience.  
One thing more they would humbly desire of my lord of Warwick, that whereas there was no small number of Kets army in the city without armour or weapon, and as it should seem irksome and weary of that which had been already done, it might please him once again to vouchsafe to offer them the king's pardon, and if he should thus do, they had great hope that the rebels would gladly accept it, and so the matter might be pacified without more bloodshed. 
Norreie the herald delivereth his answer to the earl of Warwick.  Norreie returned to the earl of Warwick, and declared what answer he had received. The earl desirous of nothing more than to have the matter thus taken up, as well for other considerations, as for fear lest the gentlemen remaining prisoners with the rebels, should be unmercifully murdered by their keepers, if they came to the uttermost trial of battle, he resolved to prove if it would thus come to pass. And hereupon was Norreie with a trumpet sent to offer them a general pardon, who being entered the city, met about forty of the rebels on horseback, riding two and two together very pleasant and merry, 
Norreie king of arms sent to offer the rebels their pardon.  and so passing from S. stephan's gate unto Bishop's gate, the trumpeter sounded his trumpet, and with that, a great multitude of the rebels came thronging down together from the hill: to whom the horsemen speedily riding, commanded that they should divide themselves, and stand in order upon either side the way. And as Norreie and the trumpeter, with two of the chief citizens entered betwixt them, they were received with great noise and clamour, for every of them putting off their hats or caps, cried; God save king Edward, God save king Edward.  
Norreie and the two citizens, highly commending them herein, requested them to keep their place and order wherein they stood for a while: and then Norreie passing forth about two hundred and fifty paces, came to the top of the hill, and putting on his coat armour, 
Norreie the herald maketh a long ●iscourie to the rebels, for the reducing of them to good order.  stayed a while (for Ket was not yet come) and at length began to declare unto them in what manner divers times since first they had taken arms in hand, the king's majesty by sundry persons, as well heralds as other, had sought to reduce them from their unlawful and rebellious tumults, unto their former duty and obedience; and yet nevertheless, they had showed themselves wilful and stubborn, in refusing his merciful pardon freely offered unto them, and despised the messengers which his grace had sent unto them to pronounce the same. He willed them therefore to call themselves now at length to remembrance, and to behold the state of the commonwealth, which they so often to no purpose had still in their mouths, and nevertheless by them miserably defaced, & brought in danger of utter ruin and decay.  
And herewith discoursing at large of the horrible, wicked, and heinous murders, riots, burnings, and other crimes by them committed, he willed them to consider into what sea of mischiefs they had thrown themselves, and what punishment they ought to look for as due to them for the same; sith as well the wrath of God as the king's army was hanging over their heads, and ready at hand, which they were not able to resist. For his grace had resolved no longer to suffer so great and presumptuous a mischief as this, to be fostered in the middle of his realm: and therefore had appointed the right honourable earl of Warwick, a man of noble fame and approved valiancy, 
The king's purpose in sending the earl of Warwick against them.  to be his general lieutenant of that his royal army, to persecute them with fire and sword; and not to leave off, till he had utterly dispersed and scattered that wicked and abominable assembly. And yet such was the exceeding greatness of the kings bountiful mercy and clemency, that he that was by him appointed to be a revenger of their heinous treasons committed against his majesty, if they continued in their obstinate wilfulness, should be also the interpreter and minister of his gracious and free pardon, to so many as would accept it. Which unless they now embraced, the said earl had made a solemn vow, that they should never have it offered to them again; but that he would persecute them till he had punished the whole multitude according unto their just deserts.  

〈◊〉 the re●els were affied after the ●eralds discourse was 〈◊〉.  Many that heard him, having due consideration of their miserable estate, were touched with some remorse of conscience, fearing at length to taste the revenge of such horrible crimes as they had been partakers of with others in committing the same. But the more part finding themselves highly offended with his words, began to jangle (as they had done before unto other that had been sent to offer line 10 them pardon) that he was not the king's herald, but some one made out by the gentlemen in such a gay coat, patched together of vestments and churchstuffe, being sent only to deceive them, in offering them pardon, which would prove nought else but halters; and therefore it were well done, to thrust an arrow into him, 
The herald is 〈◊〉 at disinherited 〈◊〉, etc.  or to hang him up. Although other seemed dutifully to reverence him, and diverse that had served in Scotland and at Bullongne, remembering that they had seen him there and knew line 20 him, told and persuaded their fellows, that he was the king's herald indeed. Whereupon they became more mild, and offered him no further injury: but yet they could not be persuaded that this pardon te●ded to any other end, but to bring them to destruction; and that in steed of pardon, there was prepared for them nought else but a barrel full of halters.  
Such lewd speech was amongst them, savouring altogether of malicious mistrust, and most line 30 wilful treason. Norreie nevertheless departing from thence, accompanied with Ket, came to another place, where he made the like proclamation: for the multitude was such that he could not be heard of them all in one place. Hear, before he had made an end of his tale, 
Alexander Nevil.  there was a vile boy (as some writ) that turned up his bare tail to him, with words as unseemly as his gesture was filthy: with which spiteful reproach thus showed towards the king's majesties officer at arms, 
The just reward of 〈◊〉 bo●e.  one (which in company line 40 of some other that were come over the water to view things) being greatly offended, with an arquebus shot struck that ungracious lad through the body a little above the reins.  
Which when some of the rebels had seen, a dozzen of their horsemen came galloping out of the wood, crying; We are betrayed friends, we are betrayed, if you look not about you: do you not see how our fellows are slain with guns before our faces? What may we hope if we disarm ourselves, line 50 that are thus used being armed? This herald goeth about nothing else, but to bring us within danger of some ambush, that the gentlemen may kill and beat us all down at their pleasure. Hereupon they all shrank away, and fled, as they had been out of their wits: yet did their great captain Robert Ket accompany Norreie, meaning (as hath been said) to have gone to the earl of Warwick himself, to have talked with him: but as he was almost at the foot of the hill, 
Ket meant to have talked with the earl of Warwick.  there came running after line 60 him a great multitude of the rebels, crying to him, and ask him whither he went; We are ready (said they) to take such part as you do, be it never so bad: and if he would go any further, they would (as they said) surly follow him.  
Norreie then perceiving such numbers of people following them, desired Ket to stay them: who returning back to them, they were incontinently appeased, and so they all returned with him back to their camp. When the earl of Warwick understood that they were thus altogether set on mischief, and neither with prayer, proffer of pardon, threatening of punishment, nor other means they could be reduced to quietness, he determined to proceed against them by force. 
S. stephan's gate.  And hereupon bringing his army unto saint stephan's gate, which the rebels stopped up, with the letting down of the portculice, he commanded those that had charge of the artillery, to plant the same against the gate, and with battery to break it open.  
As these things were in hand, he understood by Augustine Steward the majors deputy, that there was an other gate on the contrary side of the city, called the Brazen gate, 
The Brazen gate.  which the rebels had rammed up, but yet not so, but that it might be easily broken open. Herewith were the pioneers called, and commanded to break open that gate also: which being done, the soldiers entered by the same into the city, and slew diverse of those rebels that stood ready to defend and resist their entry. In the mean time had the gunner's also broken in sunder with their shot the portculice, and near hand the one half of the other gate, by the which the marquess of Northampton, and captain Drury, alias Poignard (that being sent from London met my lord of Warwick by the way) entered with their bands, and drove back the rebels with slaughter, that were ready there to resist them.  
Moreover, the majors deputy caused Westwike gate to be set open: at the which the earl of Warwick himself entering with all his army, and finding in manner no resistance, came to the market place. Here were taken a threescore of the rebels, the which according to the order of martial law were incontinently executed, according to the quality of their offence, confessing (no doubt) in conscience, that their punishment was proportioned to their trespass, and that in dying the death (were the same never so extreme & dreadful) they had but their desert; and therefore might well say with the poet: Supplicia & scelerum poenas expendimus omnes.  
Shortly after, 
Virgii.  the carriages belonging to the army were brought into the city by the same gate, and passing through the city, by negligence & want of order given to them that attended on the same carriage, 
Cartes lad●● with munition taken by the rebels.  they kept on forward till they were got out at Bishop's gate towards Mousehold. Whereof the rebels being advised, they came down, & setting upon the carters, and other that attended on the carriages, put them to flight, and drove away the carts laden with artillery, powder, and other munition, bringing the same into their camp, & greatly rejoicing thereof, because they had no great store of such things among them: but yet captain Drury with his band coming in good time to the rescue, recovered some of the carts from the enemies, not without some slaughter on either side. Moreover, the enemies as yet being not fully driven out of the city, placed themselves in cross streets, & were ready to assail the soldiers as they saw their advantage, part of them standing at S. Michael's, part at S. stephan's, and part at S. Peter's, and some of them also stood in Wimers' street.  
Here they assailing such as unadvisedly were entered within their danger, they slew diverse, 
Gentlemen slain.  and among other three or four gentlemen, before they could be succoured from any part. The earl of Warwick advertised hereof, passed forth with all his forces to remove the enemy, and coming to S. Andrew in john's street, was received with a sharp storm of arrows: but captain Drury his arquebusiers galled them so with their shot, that they were glad to give place, and so fled amain. There were slain a hundred and thirty, and diverse of them shrinking aside into churchyards and other places under the walls, were taken and executed. All the rest got them up to their camp at Mousehold, and so the city was rid of them for that time. Then di● the earl of Warwick take order for the safe keeping of the city, 
Orders taken for the safe k●●ping of the city.  appointing watch and ward to be kept on the walls, and in every street. Also that all the gates should be rammed up, except one or two that stood towards the enemies, at the which were planted certain pieces of the great artillery.  
But the rebels understanding that the earl of Warwick wanted powder and other things appertaining to the use of the great ordinance, and withal perceiving that the Welshmen which were appointed line 10 to the guard of the said great pieces of artillery were no great number, and therefore not able to resist any great force that should come against them, they came down the hill upon the sudden as it were wholly together in most outrageous manner. And withal one Miles that was a very perfect gunner, and marvelous skilful in the feat of shooting of great artillery, and at that time remaining among the rebels, 
Alexander Nevil.  shot off a piece; and slew one of the kings principal gunner's, that was attending upon those line 20 pieces of artillery, which stood thus before the gate. Whom when the rebels perceived thus to be slain, they made forward with more courage, and gave such a desperate onset upon them that guarded the said artillery, that their small number, being not able to withstand their adversaries great and huge multitude pressing in such furious rage upon them, that they were constrained to flee back, and to leave the artillery for a prey unto the enemies, who seizing upon the same, 
The rebels take certain pieces of artillery from the earl of Warwick.  conveyed them away with certain line 30 carts laden with all manner of munition for wars up to their camp: a matter (as was thought) of no small importance, sith the enemies thereby were furnished now with such things, whereof before they stood most in need, and now having store thereof, they spared not liberally to bestow it against the city, beating down not only the highest top of Bishop's gate, but also a great part of the walls on that side.  

captain Drury.  And here truly the good service of captain Drury is not to be forgotten, who now as erst being line 40 ready to revenge this injury, following upon the enemies, put them to flight, and recovered much of that which they had taken from the earls soldiers. The earl of Warwick after this cut off the entries at the gates, and rampired them up, placed at the bridges and turnings of the ways and streets divers bands of soldiers to keep the passages, broke down the White friars bridge, and at Bishop's gate he appointed the lord Willoughby with a great number of soldiers to defend that part, & in this sort he made line 50 provision to defend the city from the rebels, if they should attempt to make any surprise upon the sudden.  
The next day yet they passing over the river, set fire on certain houses at Connesfoorth, burning the more part of all the houses of two parishes: and so great was the rage of the fire, that catching hold upon an house wherein the merchants of Norwich use to lay up such wares and merchandise as they convey to their city from Yermouth, the same house line 60 with great store of wheat and other riches was miserably consumed and defaced. Thus whilst every thing seemed to chance and fall out in favour of the rebels, there were some in the earl of Warwiks' army, that despairing of the whole success of their journey, 
Council given to the earl of Warwick to abandon the city.  came to the earl of Warwick, and began to persuade with him, that sith the city was large, and their companies small (for in deed the whole appointed numbers as yet were not come, neither of strangers nor Englishmen) it was unpossible to defend it against such an huge multitude as were assembled together in Kets camp, and therefore besought him to regard his own safety, to leave the city, and not to hazard all upon such an uncertain main chance.  
The earl of Warwick as he was of a noble and invincible courage, valiant, hardy, 
The earls answer.  and not able to abide any spot of reproach, whereby to lose the least piece of honour that might be, made this answer: Why (saith he) and do your hearts fail you so soon? Or are you so mad withal, to think that so long as any life resteth in me, that I will consent to such dishonour? Should I leave the city, heaping up to myself and likewise to you such shame and reproof as worthily might be reputed an infamy to us for ever? I will rather suffer whatsoever either fire or sword can work against me. These words being uttered with such a courage as was marvelous to consider, he drew out his sword. Which other of the honourable and worshipful that were then present likewise did, whom he commanded that each one should kiss others sword, according to an ancient custom used amongst men of war in time of great danger: and herewith they made a solemn vow, binding it with a solemn oath, that they should not departed from thence, till they had either vanquished the enemies, or lost their lives in manful fight for defence of the king's honour.  
Whilst these things were in doing, the rebels broke into the city on that side, where was no suspicion of their entering at all; but being come almost to the bridges, they were encountered by the soldiers, beaten back, and chased out by the same way they came. The next day being the six and twentieth of August, there came to the earl 1400 lancequenets. 
Lancequenets come to the earl of Warwick.  The rebels notwithstanding that such reinforcement of the earls power might have somewhat discouraged them, yet trusting altogether to certain vain prophecies, which they had among them, 
The rebels trust in vain prophecies.  and set out in verses by such wizards as were there with them in the camp, they had conceived such a vain hope of prosperous success in their business, that they little esteemed any power that might come against them. Among other of those same verses, these were two: 
The country gnuffes, Hob, Dick, and Hick,  
with clubs and clouted shone,  
Shall fill up Dussin dale with blood  
of slaughtered bodies soon.   
Upon hope therefore of this and other vain prophecies, the rebels through the devils procurement, 
The rebels remove.  that had nourished and pricked them forward all this while in their wicked proceedings, determined to remove thither, to the end that they might with more speed make an end of the matter, before they should be driven to disperse themselves by famine. For the earl of Warwick had taken order to have the passages stopped, in such wise as no victuals could easily be conveyed to their camp, the want whereof began already to pinch them. Hereupon setting fire on their cabins, which they had raised and built here and there of timber and bushes (the smoke whereof covered all the grounds about them) they came down with their ensigns into the valley called Dussin day where with all speed that might be they entrenched themselves about, and raising a rampire of a good height, set stakes also round about them, to keep off the horsemen.  
The earl of Warwick perceiving their doings, the next day being the seven and twentieth of August with all his horsemen, 
The earl of Warwick goeth forth to give the enemies battle.  and the Almans with captain Druries band, issued forth of the city, marching straight towards the enemies. Yet before he approached in sight of them, he sent sir Edmund Kneuet & sir Thomas Palmer knights, with others, to understand of them, whether now at length they would submit themselves, & receive the king's pardon; which if they would do, 
Pardon offered  he offered to grant it freely to all the whole multitude, one or two of them only excepted: but they with general voices refusing it, the earl fell in hand to encourage his people unto the battle, and having appointed as well the horsemen as footmen in what order they should give the charge, they passed forward in approaching the enemies. The rebels beholding them thus to come forward, put themselves in order of battle, in such manner, that all the gentlemen which had been taken prisoners, and were kept in irons for starting away, were placed in the fore rank of their battle, coupled two and two together, to the end they might be killed by their line 10 own friends that came to seek their deliverance: but yet as God would have it, the most part of them were saved. Miles the master gunner among the rebels, levying a piece of ordinance, shot it off, and struck him that carried the king's standard in the thigh, and the horse through the shoulder.  
The earl of Warwick and others sore grieved therewith, caused a whole volie of artillery to be shot off at the rebels: and herewith captain Drury line 20 with his own band, & the Almans or lanceknights, whether ye list to call them, on foot, getting near to the enemies, hailsed them with their harquebut shot so sharply, and thrust forward upon them with their pikes so strongly, that they broke them in sunder. The gentlemen, who (as we have said) were placed in the fore rank, found means (as good hap was) to shrink aside, and escaped the danger for the more part, although some indeed were slain by the Almans, and other that knew not what they were. line 30 The light horsemen of the king's part herewith gave in amongst them so roundly, that the rebels not able to abide their valiant charge, were easily put to flight, and with the foremost their grand captain Robert Ket galloped away so fast as his horse would bear him. The horsemen following in chase, slew them down on heaps, ever still as they overtook them; so that the chase continuing for the space of three or four miles, 
The number of the rebels slain.  there were slain to the number of three thousand five hundred at the least: beside line 40 a great multitude that were wounded as they fled here and there each way forth, as seemed best to serve their turn for their most speedy escape out of danger. Yet one part of them that had not been assailed at the first onset, seeing such slaughter made of their fellows, kept their ground by their ordinance, and shrank not; determining as men desperately bend, not to die unrevenged, but to fight it out to the last man.  
They were so enclosed with their carts, carriages, line 50 trenches (which they had cast) and stakes pitched in the ground to keep off the force of horsemen, that it would have been somewhat dangerous to have assailed them within their strength. But sure they were that now they could not escape, seeing no small part of their whole numbers were cut off and distressed, and they environed on each side, without hope of succour or relief of victuals, which in the end must needs have forced them to come forth of their enclosure to their undoubted overthrow and destruction. The earl of Warwick yet pitying their case, and line 60 loath that the king should lose so many stout men's bodies as were there amongst them, which might do his majesty and their country good service, if they could be reclaimed from this their desperate folly unto due obedience, sent Norreie unto them, offering them pardon of life if they would throw down their weapons and yield: 
Pardon eftsoons offered.  if not, he threatened that there should not a man of them escape the deserved punishment. Their answer was, that if they might be assured to have their lives saved, they could be contented to yield: but they could have no trust that promise should be kept with them. For notwithstanding all such fair offers of pardon, they took it that there was nothing meant but a subtle practice, to bring them into the hands of their adversaries the gentlemen, that had prepared a barrel of ropes and halters, with which they purposed to truss them up: and therefore they would rather die like men, than to be strangled at the wills and pleasures of their mortal enemies.  
The earl of Warwick right sorry to see such desperate minds among them, sent to the city, and caused the most part of the footmen which he had left there to defend the same, to come forth now in battle array, that they might help to distress those wilful rebels that thus obstinately refused the king's pardon. And having brought as well them as the Almans and the horsemen in order of battle again, and ready now to set upon the rebels, he eftsoons sent unto them to know that if he should come himself and give his word, that they should have their pardon, 
Pardon once again offered.  whether they would receive it or not. Hereunto they answered, that they had such confidence in his honour, that if he would so do, they would give credit thereto, and submit themselves to the king's mercy. incontinently hereupon he went unto them, 
They yield to the earl of Warwick.  and commanded Norreie to read the kings pardon freely granted to all that would yield. Which being read, every man threw down his weapon, and with one whole and entire voice cried; God save king Edward, God save king Edward. And thus through the prudent policy, and favourable mercy of the earl of Warwick, a great number of those offenders were preserved from the gates of death, into the which they were ready to enter.  
Thus were the Norfolk rebels subdued by the high prowess, wisdom, and policy of the valiant earl of Warwick, and other the nobles, gentlemen, & faithful subjects there in the king's army: 
Gentlemen slain in this rebellion.  but not without loss of divers personages of great worship, beside other of the meaner sort, namely master Henry Willoughby esquire, a man so well beloved in his country for his liberality in housekeeping, great courtesy, upright dealing, assured steadfastness in friendship, & modest staidness in behaviour, that the countries where his livings lay lament the loss of so worthy a gentleman even to this day. There died also master Lucy esquire, master Forster esquire, and master Throckmorton of Northamptonshire, gentlemen of no small credit and worship in their countries. The battle being thus ended, all the spoil gotten in the field was given to the soldiers, who sold the most part thereof openly in the market place of Norwich. The next day the earl of Warwick was advertised that Ket, 
Ket taken.  being crept into a barn, was taken by two servants of one master Riches of Swanington, and brought to the house of the same Riches. Hereupon were twenty horsemen sent thither to fetch him, who brought him to Norwich. The same day examinations were taken of them that were the principal beginners and setters forth of this unhappy rebellion, and diverse being found guilty were hanged, 
Execution.  and nine of the chiefest procurers of all the mischief (Robert Ket and his brother William only excepted) were hanged upon the oak of reformation, Miles the gunner & two of their prophets being three of that number.  
Some others of them were drawn, hanged, and quartered, & their heads and quarters set up in public places for a terror to others. But yet the earl of Warwick spared many, where some would gladly have persuaded him, 
The earl of Warwick showeth mercy.  that there might have been a great number more executed. But his lordship perceiving them importunate in that uncharitable suit, told them (as it were in favour of life of those silly wretches, whose miserable case he seemed to pity) that measure must be used in all things, & in punishing of men by death (saith he) we ought always to beware that we pass not the same. I know well that such wicked doings deserve no small revenge, and that the offenders are worthy to be most sharply chastised. But how far yet shall we go? Shall we not at length show some mercy? Is there no place for pardon? What shall we then do? Shall we hold the plough ourselves; play the carters and labour the ground with our own hands. These and such like words tasting altogether of mercy and compassion line 10 in that noble earl, did quench the cruel desire of revenge in them that were altogether kindled in wrath and wished nothing more than to see the whole multitude executed: but now moved with the earls wise and merciful answer to their rigorous suit, they became more mild and merciful towards the miserable creatures.  
This also is not to be forgotten, that when information was given against some of the rebels, for that they had been busy fellows, & great doers in time of those uproars, so as it was thought of some, line 20 that it stood with good reason to have them punished by death, when the earl of Warwick understood by credible report of Norreie king at arms, that upon the offer of the king's pardon, they were the first that threw down their weapons, and submitted themselves to the king's mercy, the earl would not in any wise consent that they should die, but protested frankly that he would keep promise with them, and that he would be as good to them as his word: and so they had their lives saved. The same day was line 30 order given by the earl that the bodies of them that were slain in the field should be buried. 
The slain carcases buried.  On the morrow being the nine and twentieth of August, the earl of Warwick, with the nobles and gentlemen of the army, and others in great numbers, both men and women, went to saint Peter's church, and there gave praises and thanks to God for the victory obtained. And this done, he with all the army departed out of the city, and returned homewards with high commendation line 40 of citizens & others, that acknowledged the said earl to be the defender of their lives, and recoverer of their wives, children, houses, and livings.  
It was afterwards ordained, that upon the same day in the which the rebels were thus subdued, the citizens yearly should repair to their churches, and there to hear service, and to have a sermon abroad, to the which they should come together, to give thanks to God for their deliverance as that day, and this is observed till these our times. Robert Ket and his line 50 brother William Ket were brought up to London, 
The two Kets executed.  where they were committed to the tower, and shortly after arraigned of their treason and found guilty, were brought to the tower again, where they continued till the nine and twentieth of November, on which day they were delivered to sir Edmund Windham high sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, to be conveyed down into Norfolk, where Robert Ket was hanged in chains upon the top of Norwich castle: and William Ket his brother on the top of line 60 Windmondham steeple, in which town they had both dwelled, and conspired with others to go forward with their wicked rebellion.  
This William Ket (as was thought) had been sure of his pardon, if he had not played the traitorous hypocrite: 
William Ket a dissembling traitor.  for upon his submission at the first to my lord marquess of Northampton, at his coming down to suppress this rebellion, he was sent to his brother to persuade him and the rest to yield, and receive the king's pardon: but he (like a dissembling wretch, although he promised to my lord to do what he could in that behalf) upon his coming to his brother into the rebels camp, & beholding the great multitude that were there about him, he did only not dissuade him and them from their traitorous rebellion, but encouraged them to persist and continue in their doings, declaring what a small number of soldiers the marquess brought with him, nothing able to resist such a puissance as was there assembled. So that if it had not been through the wicked persuasion of him, and some others at that time, not only Robert Ket himself, but also all the multitude beside, would have submitted themselves, and received the king's pardon, to the preservation of many a good man's life that after died in the quarrel.  
But now to return somewhat back to the doings in Scotland. In the mean while that such hurls were in hand here in England, ye shall understand that in the beginning of this summer, the king by advise of his council sent forth a navy by sea towards Scotland, the which arriving in the Forth, and coming before Lieth, saluted the town with cannon shot, & remaining there ten or twelve days, took in the mean time the isle of jusketh, leaving therein four ensigns of Englishmen, 
jusketh taken.  and one of Italians, with certain pioneers to fortify the place. But the Frenchmen (as in the Scotish history ye shall find more at large) after the departure of the English navy, recovered that I'll again out of the Englishmen'S possession (after they had kept it sixteen days) with the slaughter of captain Cotton their general, captain Applebie, & one jasper that was captain of the Italians, beside others. After the recovering of this isle, 
Monsieur be Desk returneth into France.  monsieur be Desk returned into France, leaving his charge to monsieur de Thermes lately before there arrived: who after the departure of the said Desk, with a camp volant did what he could to stop the Englishmen within Hadington from victuals. 
The earl of Rutland.  But notwithstanding the earl of Rutland being lieutenant of the north, did not only victual it, but put the French army in danger of an overthrow, as it was thought must needs have followed, if they had not with more speed than is used in a common march slipped away, after they perceived the English army so near at their elbows.  
Moreover, 
M. Fox. another rebellion or tumult begun in Yorkshire.  beside these inordinate uproars and insurrections above mentioned, about the latter end of the said month of julie, in the same year, which was 1549, an other like stir or commotion began at Semer in the northriding of Yorkshire, and continued in the eastriding of the same, and there ended. The principal doers and raisers up whereof, was one William Ombler of Eastheslerton yeoman, and Thomas Dale parish clerk of Semer, 
The chief stirrers o● th●● rebellion.  with one Stéevenson of Semer, neighbour to Dale and nephew to Ombler, which Stéevenson was a mean or messenger between the said Ombler and Dale, being before not acquainted together, and dwelling seven miles one from the other: who at last by the travel of the said Steevenson, and their own evil dispositions, inclined to ungraciousness and mischief, knowing before one the others mind by secret conference, were brought to talk together on saint james day, Anno 1549.  
The causes moving them to raise this rebellion, 
The causes moving the Yorkshiremen to rebellion.  were these. First & principally their traitorous hearts grudging at the kings most godly proceedings, in advancing and reforming the true honour of God and his religion. another cause also was, for trusting to a blind and a fantastical prophesy, wherewith they were seduced, thinking the same prophesy should shortly come to pass, by hearing the rebellions of Norfolk, of Devonshire, and other places. The tenor of which prophesy and purpose together of the traitors was, 
A blind prophesy among the northern men.  that there should no king reign in England, the noblemen and gentlemen to be destroyed, and the realm to be ruled by four governors, to be elected and appointed by the commons, holding a parliament in commotion, to begin at the south and north seas of England, supposing that this rebellion in the north, 
The devise of 〈◊〉 rebels how 〈…〉 purpose.  and the other of the Devonshire men in the west, meeting (as they intended) at one place, to be the mean how to compass this their traitorous devilish devise. And therefore laying their studies together, how to find out more company to join with them in that detestable purpose, and to set forward the stir, this devise they framed: to stir in two places, the one distant seven miles from the line 10 other, and at the first rush to kill and destroy such gentlemen and men of substance about them, as were favourers of the kings proceed, or which would resist them.  
But first of all for the more speedy raising of men, they devised to burn beacons, & thereby to bring the people together, as though it were to defend the seacoasts: and having the ignorant people assembled, then to power out their poison, first beginning with the rudest and poorest sort, such as they thought were line 20 pricked with poverty, and were unwilling to labour, and therefore the more ready to follow the spoil of rich men's goods, blowing into their heads that God's service was laid aside, and new inventions neither good nor godly put in place, and so feeding them with fair promises, to reduce into the church again their old ignorance and idolatry, thought by that means soon to allure them to rage and run with them in this commotion. And furthermore, to the intent they would give the more terror to the gentlemen at the line 30 first rising, 
The devise of 〈◊〉 rebels that 〈◊〉 might be 〈◊〉.  lest they should be resisted, they devised that some should be murdered in churches, some in their houses, some in serving the king in commission, and other as they might be caught, and to pick quarrels at them by alteration of service on the holy days: and thus was the platform cast of their devise, according as afterward by their confession at their examinations was testified, and remaineth in true record.  
Thus they being together agreed, Ombler and line 40 Dale, with others, by their secret appointment, so laboured the matter in the parish of Semer, Wintringham, and the towns about, that they were infected with the poison of this confederacy, in such sort that it was easy to understand whereunto they would incline, if a commotion were begun, the accomplishment whereof did shortly follow. For although by the words of one drunken fellow of that conspiracy named Calvered, at the alehouse in Wintringham, line 50 some suspicion of that rebellion began to be smelled before by the lord precedent and gentlemen of those parties, and so prevented in that place where the rebels thought to begin: yet they gave not over so, but drew to another place at Semer by the seacoast, and there by night road to the beacon at Straxton, and set it on fire, and so gathering together a rude rout of rascals out of the towns near about, being on a stir, Ombler, Thomas Dale, Barton, and Robert Dale, hasted forthwith with the rebels to master line 60 Whites house to take him: who notwithstanding being on horseback, minding to have escaped their hands, Dale, Ombler, and the rest of the rebels took him, and Clopton his wives brother, one Savage a merchant of York, and one Berrie servant to sir Walter Mildmaie. Which four without cause or quarrel, saving to fulfil their seditious prophesy in some part, and to give a terror to other gentlemen, they cruelly murdered, after they had carried them one mile from Semer towards the Wold, and there after they had stripped them of their clothes & purses, left them naked behind them in the plain fields for crows to feed on: until Whites wife and Savages wife, then at Semer, caused them to be buried.  
Long it were and tedious to recite what revel these rebels kept in their raging madness, 
The rebels increase their number & rebellious band.  who ranging about the country from town to town, to enlarge their ungracious and rebellious band, taking those with force which were not willing to go, & leaving in no town where they came any man above the age of sixteen years, so increased this number, that in short time they had gathered three thousand to favour their wicked attempts, and had like to have gathered more, had not the Lords goodness through prudent circumspection of some interrupted the course of their furious beginning. For first came the kings gracious and free pardon, 
The kings pardon offered, received, refused.  discharging & pardoning all them and the rest of the rebels, of all treasons, murders, felonies, & other offences done to his majesty before the one & twentieth of August, 1549. Which pardon although Ombler contemptuously reading, persisted still in his wilful obstinacy, dissuaded also the rest from the humble accepting of the kings so loving & liberal pardon: yet notwithstanding with some it did good, who of likelihood submitted themselves, assuredly believing if they persevered in their enterprise, there was no way with them but one, namely deserved death, wherewith there was no dispensing after the contempt of the prince's pardon and refusal of his mercy; so that in this heavy case they might very well complain and say: Funditùs occidimus, nec habet fortuna regressum. 
Virgil.   
To make short, it was not long after this, but Ombler as he was riding from town to town, twelve miles from Hummanbie, to charge all the constables and inhabitans where he came, in the king's name to resort to Hummanbie: by the way he was espied, and by the circumspect diligence of john Word the younger, james Aslabeie, Ralph Twinge, and Thomas Constable gentlemen, he was had in chase, and at last by them apprehended, 
Ombler captain o● the rebels taken.  and brought in the night in sure custody unto the city of York, to answer unto his demerits. After whom within short time, Thomas Dale, Henry Barton, 
The names of the rebels taken and executed at York.  the first chiefteins and ringleaders of the former commotion, with john Dale, Robert Wright, William Peacock, Weatherell, and Edmund Buttery, busy stirrers in this sedition, as they traveled from place to place, to draw people to their faction, were likewise apprehended, committed to ward, lawfully convicted, and lastly executed at York the one and twentieth of September, in the year of our Lord 1549. Exactis judicij publici a registro exceptis & notatis.  
Whilst these wicked commotions and tumults through the rage of the undiscréet commons were thus raised in sundry parts of the realm, to the great hindrance of the commonwealth, loss and danger of every good and true subject, sundry wholesome and godly exhortations were published, to advertise them of their duty, and to lay before them their heinous offences; with the sequel of the mischiefs that necessarily followed thereof, the which if they should consider together, with the punishment that hanged over their heads, they might easily be brought to repent their lewd begun enterprises, and submit themselves to the king's mercy. Among other of those admonitions, one was penned and set forth by sir john cheek, which I have thought good here to insert, as a necessary discourse for every good English subject. Wherein, to a reader of judgement and capacity, such learning and wisdom, with a true loyal subjects heart bewrayeth itself to have been settled in that gentleman; as the very reading of this treatise is able to turn a rebellious mind to meekness: if reason be not altogether led away captive by lust.  

¶ The hurt of sedition how grievous it is to a commonwealth, set out by sir john Cheek knight, in the year 1549.  
The true subject to the rebel.  
AMong so many and notable benefits, wherewith God hath already and plentifully endued us, there is nothing more beneficial, than that we have by his line 10 grace kept us quiet from rebellion at this time. For we see such miseries hang over the whole state of the commonwealth, through the great misorder of your sedition, that it maketh us much to rejoice, that we have been neither partners of your doings, nor conspirers of your counsels. For even as the Lacedæmonians for the avoiding of drunkenness did cause their sons to behold their servants when they were drunk, 
What the Lacedæmonians did to make their sons detest drunkenness.  that by beholding their beastliness, they might avoid the like vice: even so hath God like a line 20 merciful father stayed us from your wickedness, that by beholding the filth of your fault, we might justly for offence abhor you like rebels, whom else by nature we love like Englishmen. And so for ourselves, we have great cause to thank God, by whose religion and holy word daily taught us, we learn not only to fear him truly, but also to obey our king faithfully, and to serve in our own vocation like subjects honestly. And as for you, we have surely just cause to lament you as brethren, line 30 and yet juster cause to rise against you as enemies, and most just cause to overthrow you as rebels.  
For what hurt could be done either to us privately, or to the whole commonwealth generally, that is now with mischief so brought in by you, that even as we see now the flame of your rage, so shall we necessarily be consumed hereafter with the misery of the same. Wherefore consider yourselves with some light of understanding, and mark this grievous and horrible fault, which ye have thus vilely line 40 committed, how heinous it must needs appear to you, if ye will reasonably consider that which for my duties sake, and my whole country's cause, I will at this present declare unto you. Ye which be bound by God's word not to obey for fear like men-pleasers, 
Rebellion a very grievous and horrible offence against God, the prince, and the state.  but for conscience sake like christians, have contrary to God's holy will, whose offence is everlasting death, and contrary to the godly order of quietness, set out to us in the king's majesties laws, the breach whereof is not unknown to you, taken line 50 in hand uncalled of God, unsent by men, unfit by reason, to cast away your bounden duties of obedience, and to put on you against the magistrates, God's office committed to the magistrates, for the reformation of your pretenced injuries. In the which doing ye have first faulted grievously against God, next offended unnaturally our sovereign lord, thirdly troubled miserably the whole commonwealth, undone cruelly many an honest man, and brought in an utter misery both to us the king's subjects, line 60 and to yourselves being false rebels. And yet ye pretend that partly for God's cause, and partly for the commonwealths sake, ye do arise, when as yourselves cannot deny; but ye that seek in word God's cause, do break in deed God's commandments; and ye that seek the commonwealth, have destroyed the commonwealth: and so ye mar that ye would make, & break that ye would amend, because ye neither seek any thing rightly, nor would amend any thing orderly.  
He that faulteth, faulteth against God's ordinance, who hath forbidden all faults, and therefore ought again to be punished by God's ordinance, who is the reformer of faults. For he saith, Leave the punishment to me, and I will revenge them. 
The autho●itie of the magistrates 〈◊〉 and peremptory.  But the magistrate is the ordinance of God, appointed by him with the sword of punishment to look straightly to all evil doers. And therefore that that is done by the magistrate, is done by the ordinance of God, whom the scripture oftentimes doth call God, because he hath the execution of God's office. How then do you take in hand to reform? Be ye kings? By what authority? Or by what occasion? Be ye the king's officers? By what commission? Be ye called of God? By what tokens declare ye that? God's word teacheth us, that no man should take in hand any office, but he that is called of God like Aaron. What Moses I pray you called you? What Gods minister bad you rise?  
Ye rise for religion. What religion taught you that? If ye were offered persecution for religion, 
Rebellion ●nlawfull in defence of true religion, E●go much more unlawful in maintenance of false religion, etc.  ye ought to fly: so Christ teacheth you, and yet you intent to fight. If ye would stand in the truth, ye ought to suffer like martyrs, and you would sleie like tyrants. Thus for religion you keep no religion, and neither will follow the counsel of Christ, nor the constancy of martyrs. Why rise ye for religion? Have ye any thing contrary to God's book? Yea, have ye not all things agreeable to God's word? But the new is different from the old, and therefore ye will have the old. If ye measure the old by truth, ye have the oldest; if ye measure the old by fancy, than it is hard: because men's fancies change, to give that is old. Ye will have the old still. Will ye have any older than that as Christ left, & his apostles taught, & the first church after Christ did use? Ye will have that the canons do establish. Why that is a great deal younger than that ye have, of later time, and newlier invented. Yet that is it that ye desire. Why then ye desire not the oldest. And do you prefer the bishops of Rome afore Christ, mens inventions afore God's law, the newer sort of worship before the older? Ye seek no religion, ye be deceived, ye seek traditions. They that teach you, blind you, that so instruct you, deceive you. If ye seek what the old doctors say, yet look what Christ the oldest of all saith. For he saith; Before Abraham was made I am. If ye seek the truest way, he is the very truth; if ye seek the readiest way, he is the very way; if ye seek everlasting life, he is the very life. What religion would ye have other now, than his religion?  
You would have the bibles in again. 
The necessary benefit an● use of the bible, and contrariwise.  It is no marvel, your blind guides would lead you blind still. Why, be ye howlets and backs, that ye cannot look on the light? Christ saith to every one, Search ye the scriptures, for they bear witness of Christ. You say, Pull in the scriptures, for we will have no knowledge of Christ. The apostles of Christ will us to be so ready, that we may be able to give every man an account of our faith. Ye will us not once to read the scriptures, for fear of knowing of our faith. Saint Paul prayeth that every man may increase in knowledge: ye desire that our knowledge might decay again. A true religion ye seek belike, and worthy to be sought for. For without the sword indeed nothing can help it, neither Christ, nor truth, nor age can maintain it. But why should ye not like that which Gods word establisheth, the primitive church hath authorised, the greatest learned men of this realm have drawn, the whole consent of the parliament hath confirmed, the king's majesty hath set forth? Is it not truly set out? Can ye devise any truer than Christ's apostles used? Ye think it is not learnedly done. Dare ye commons take upon you more learning, than the chosen bishops and clerks of this realm have? Think ye folly in it? Ye were wont to judge your parliament wisest, & now will ye suddenly excel them in wisdom? Or can ye think it lacketh authority, which the king, the parliament, the learned, the wise have justly approved? Learn, learn, to know this one point of religion, that God will be worshipped as he hath prescribed, 
A principal p●int of religion for re●●ls specially 〈◊〉 ca●ne.  and not as we have devised; and that his will is wholly in his scriptures, which be full of God's spirit, and profitable to teach the truth, to reprove lies, to amend faults, to bring one up in righteousness, that he that is a God's man may be perfect & ready to all good works. What can be more required to serve God withal? And thus much for religion, line 10 rebels.  

The rebels of Norfolk pretended the c●mmmon-we●lth the cause of their rising.  The other rabble of Norfolk rebels, ye pretend a commonwealth. How amend ye it? By killing of gentlemen, by spoiling of gentlemen, by imprisoning of gentlemen? A marvelous tanned commonwealth. Why should ye thus hate them? For their riches or for their rule? Rule they never took so much in hand as ye do now. They never resisted the king, never withstood his council, be faithful line 20 at this day when ye be faithless, not only, to the king, whose subjects ye be, but also to your lords whose tenants ye be. Is this your true duty, in some of homage, in most of fealty, in all of allegiance; to leave your duties, go back from your promises, fall from your faith, and contrary to law and truth to make unlawful assemblies, ungodly companies, wicked and detestable camps, to disobey your betters, and to obey your tanner's, to change your obedience from a king to a Ket, to submit your line 30 selves to traitors, and break your faith to your true king and lords? They rule but by law, if otherwise, the law, the council, the king taketh away their rule. Ye have orderly sought no redress, but ye have in time found it. 
why all must not look to bear like r●le.  In countries some must rule, some must obey, every man may not bear like stroke: for every man is not like wise. And they that have seen most, and be best able to bear it, and of just dealing beside, be most fit to rule. It is an other matter to understand a man's own grief, and to know the commonwealths sore; and therefore not line 40 they that know their own case, as every man doth, but they that understand the common-welths state, aught to have in countries the preferment of ruling. If ye felt the pain that is joined with governance, as ye see and like the honour, ye would not hurt others to rule them, but rather take great pain to be ruled of them. If ye had rule of the king's majesty committed unto you, it were well done ye had ruled the gentlemen: but now ye have it not, and cannot bear their rule, it is to think the king's majesty foolish line 50 and unjust, that hath given certain rule to them. And seeing by the scripture, 
Magistrate's 〈◊〉 to be honoured both in speech and manners.  ye ought not to speak evil of any magistrate of the people, why do ye not only speak evil of them whom the king's majesty hath put in office, but also judge evil of the king himself, and thus seditiously in field stand with your swords drawn against him?  
If riches offend you, because ye wish the like, then think that to be no commonwealth, but envy to the commonwealth. Envy it is to appair an other line 60 man's estate, without the amendment of your own. And to have no gentlemen, because ye be none yourselves, is to bring down an estate, and to mend none. Would ye have all alike rich? That is the overthrow of labour, and utter decay of work in this realm. 
To have all degrees alike, ● no inequality how inconvenient.  For who will labour more, if when he hath gotten more, the idle shall by lust without right take what him lust from him, under pretence of equality with him. This is the bringing in of idleness, which destroyeth the commonwealth; and not the amendment of labour. that maintaineth the commonwealth. If there should be such equality, than ye take away all hope from yours to come to any better estate than you now leave them. And as many mean men's children do come honestly up, and are great succour to all their stock: so should none be hereafter helped by you, but because ye seek equality, whereby all can not be rich. Ye would that (belike) whereby every man should be poor; and think beside that riches and inheritance be God's providence, 
Riches and inheritance from whom, to whom, and to what end given.  and given to whom of his wisdom he thinketh good: to the honest for the increase of their godliness, to the wicked for the heaping up of their damnation, to the simple for a recompense of other lacks, to the wise for the greater setting out of God's goodness. Why will your wisdom now stop God's wisdom, and provide by your laws, that God shall not enrich them, whom he hath by providence appointed as him liketh? God hath made the poor, & hath made them to be poor that he might show his might, and set them aloft when he listeth for such cause as to him seemeth, & pluck down the rich to this state of poverty by his power, as he disposeth to order them. Why do not we then being poor bear it wisely, rather than by lust seek riches unjustly, and show ourselves content with God's ordinance, which we must either willingly obey, and then we be wise, or else we must unprofitably strive withal, and then we be mad?  
But what mean ye by this equality in the commonwealth? If one be wiser than an other, 
The unconscionable wishing of equality how hurtful.  will ye banish him, because ye intent an equality of all things? If one be stronger than another, will ye slay him, because ye seek an equality of all things? If one be well favourder than an other, will ye punish him, because ye look for an equality of all things? If one have better utterance than another, will ye pull out his tongue to save your equality? And if one be richer than an other, will ye spoil him to maintain an equality? If one be elder than an other, will ye kill him for this equalities sake? How injurious are ye to God himself, who intendeth to bestow his gifts as he himself listeth: and ye seek by wicked insurrections to make him give them commonly alike to all men as your vain fancy liketh? Why would ye have an equality in riches & in other gifts of God? There is no mean sought. Either by ambition ye seek lordliness much unfit for you; or by covetousness ye be unsatiable, a thing likely enough in ye; or else by folly ye be not content with your estate, a fancy to be plucked out of you.  
But if we being weary of poverty would seek to enrich ourselves, 
The precept of S. Peter teaching the right way to riches and honour.  we should go a far other way to work than this, and so should we rightly come to our desire. Doth not S. Peter teeth us afore God a right way to honour, to riches, to all necessary and profitable things for us? He saith, Humble yourselves that God might exalt you, and cast all your care on him, for he careth for you. He teacheth the way to all good things at God's hand, is to be humble, and you exalt yourselves. Ye seek things after such a sort, as if the servant should anger his master, when he seeketh to have a good turn of him. Ye would have riches (I think) at God's hand who giveth all riches, and yet ye take the way clean contrary to riches. Know ye not that he that exalteth himself, God will throw him down? How can ye get it then by thus setting out yourselves? Ye should submit ye by humility one to another, and ye set up yourselves by arrogancy above the magistrates. See herein how much ye offend God. Remember ye not that if ye come nigh to God, he will come nigh unto you? If then ye go from God, he will go from you. Doth not the psalm say, He is holy with the holy, and with the wicked man he is froward? Even as he is ordered of men, he will order them again. If ye would follow his will, and obey his commandments, ye should eat the fruits of the earth, saith the prophet; if not, the sword shall devour you. Ye might have eaten the fruits of this seasonable year, if ye had not by disobedience rebelled against God. Now not only ye can not eat that which yourselves did first sow by labour, and now destroy by sedition; but also if the king's majesties sword came not against you, as just policy requireth, yet the just vengeance of God would light among line 10 you, as his word promiseth, and your cruel wickedness deserveth.  
For whatsoever the causes be that have moved your wild affections herein, as they be unjust causes, & increase your faults much, 
The act of rebellion aggravated, & proved most wicked and horrible.  the thing itself, the rising I mean, must needs be wicked and horrible before God, and the usurping of authority, and taking in hand of rule, which is the sitting in God's seat of justice, and a proud climbing up into God's high throne, must needs be not only cursed newly by line 20 him, but also hath been often punished afore of him. And that which is done to God's officer, God accounteth it done to him. For they despise not the minister, as he saith himself, but they despise him: and that presumption of challenging God's seat, doth show you to have been Lucifers, and showeth us that God will punish you like Lucifer's. Wherefore rightly look, 
An exhortation to rebels.  as ye duly have deserved, either for great vengeance for your abominable transgression, or else earnestly repent, with unfeigned minds, your line 30 wicked doings; and either with example of death be content to dehort other, or else by faithfulness of obedience declare how great a service it is to God, to obey your magistrates faithfully, and to serve in subjection truly.  
Well, if ye had not thus grievously offended God, whom ye ought to worship, what can ye reasonably think it, to be no fault against the king, whom ye ought to reverence? 
Disobedience to the prince is a most abominable sin, and that we are bound by duty to obey.  Ye be bound by God's word to obey your king, and is it no breach of duty line 40 to withstand your king? If the servant be bound to obey his master in the family, is not the subject bound to serve the king in his realm? The child is bound to the private father, and be we not all bound to the commonwealths father? If we ought to be subject to the king for God's cause, ought we not then I pray you to be faithfully subject to the king? If we ought dutifully to show all obedience to heathen kings, shall we not willingly and truly be subject to christian kings? If one ought to submit himself line 50 by humility to another, ought we not all by duty to be subject to our king? If the members of our natural body all follow the head, shall not the members of the political body all obey the king? If good manners be content to give place the lower to the higher, shall not religion teach us alway to give place to the highest? If true subjects will die gladly in the king's service, should not all subjects think it duty to obey the king with just service. But you have not only disobeyed like ill subjects, but also taken stoutly line 60 rule upon you like wicked magistrates.  
Ye have been called to obedience by counsel of private men, by the advise of the king's majesties council, by the king's majesties free pardon. But what counsel taketh place, where sturdiness is law and churlish answers be counted wisdom? 
A notable and rhetorical clause, and to the purpose.  Who can persuade where treason is above reason, and might ruleth right, and it is had for lawful whatsoever is lustful, and commotioners are better than commissioners, and common woe is named commonwealth? Have ye not broken his laws, disobeyed his council, rebelled against him? And what is the commonwealth worth, when the law which is indifferent for all men, shall be wilfully and spitefully broken of headstrong men, that seek against laws to order laws; that those may take place, not what consent of wise men hath appointed, but what the lust of rebels hath determined? 
The rebels fully fraught with most ●●●anous qualities, etc.  What unthriftiness is in ill servants, wickedness in unnatural children, sturdiness in unruly subjects, cruelty in fierce enemies, wildness in beastly minds, pride in disdainful hearts; that floweth now in you, which have fled from housed conspiracies, to encamped robberies, and are better contented to suffer famine, cold, travel, to glut your lusts, than to live in quietness to save the commonwealth, and think more liberty in wilfulness, than wisdom in dutifulness, and so run headlong not to the mischief of other, but to the destruction of yourselves, and undo by folly that ye intent by mischief, neither seeing how to remedy that ye judge faulty, nor willing to save yourselves from misery: which stiffneckedness cannot do, but honesty of obedience must frame.  
If authority would serve under a king, 
The king's council of greatest authority▪ and why; yet are they disobeyed: note.  the council have greatest authority; if wisdom and gravity might take place, they be of most experience; if knowledge of the commonwealth could help, they must by daily conference of matters understand it best: yet neither the authority that the king's majesty hath given them, nor the gravity which you know to be in them, nor the knowledge which with great travel they have gotten, can move you either to keep you in the duty ye ought to do, or to avoid the great disorder wherein ye be. For where disobedience is thought stoutness, and sullenness is counted manhood, and stomaching is courage, and prating is judged wisdom, and the eluishest is most meet to rule; how can other just authority be obeyed, or sad counsel be followed, or good knowledge of matters be heard, or commandments of counsellors be considered? And how is the king obeyed, whose wisest be withstanded, the disobedientest obeyed, the high in authority not weighed, the unskilfullest made chief captains, to the noblest most hurt intended, the braggingest braller to be most safe? And even as the viler parts of the body would contend in knowledge & government with the five wits: so do the lower parts of the commonwealth enterprise as high a matter, to strive against their duty of obedience to the council.  
But what talk I of disobedience so quietly? 
The action of rebellion proved by reason to be most heinous, intolerable, and devilish.  Have not such mad rages run in your heads, that forsaking and bursting the quietness of the common peace, ye have heinously and traitorously encamped yourselves in field, and there like a boil in a body, nay like a sink in a town, have gathered together all the nasty vagabonds and idle loiterers to bear armour against him, whom all godly and good subjects will live and die withal. If it be a fault when two fight together, and the king's peace broken, and punishment to be sought therefore; can it be but an outrageous and a detestable mischief, when so many rebels in number, malicious in mind, mischievous in enterprise, fight not among themselves, but against all the kings true and obedient subjects; and seek to prove whether rebellion may beat down honesty, and wickedness may overcome truth or no? If it be treason to speak heinously of the king's majesty, who is not hurt thereby, and the infamy returneth to the speaker again; what kind of outrageous & horrible treason is it, to assemble in camp an army against him, and so not only intend an overthrow to him, and also to his commonwealth; but also to cast him into an infamy, through all outward and strange nations, and persuade them that he is hated of his people, whom he can not rule; and that they be no better than vilans, which will not with good orders be ruled?  

No death cru●●● enough for 〈◊〉 and traitors.  What death can be devised cruel enough for those rebels, who with trouble seek death, and can not quench the thirst of their rebellion, but with the blood of true subjects; and hate the king's merciful pardon, when they miserably have transgressed, and in such an outrage of mischief will not by stubborness acknowledge themselves to have faulted, but intent to broil the commonwealth with the flame of their treason, and as much as lieth in them not oneto annoy themselves, but to destroy all others? He line 10 that is miscontented with things that happen, 
A desperate malcontents behaviour.  and because he cannot bear the misery of them, renteth his hear, and teareth his skin, & mangleth his face, which easeth not his sorrow, but increaseth his misery; may he not be justly called mad and fantastical, and worthy whose wisdom should be suspected? And what shall we say of them, who being in the commonwealth, feeling a sore grievous unto them, and easy to have been amended, sought not the remedy, but have increased the grief, and like frantic beasts raging against their head, do tear line 20 and deface as much as lieth in them his whole authority in government, and violently take to themselves that rule upon them, which he by policy hath granted unto other?  
And who weighing well the heaviness of the fault, may not justly say and hold them to be worse herein than any kind of brute beasts? 
Rebels and traitors worse than brute 〈◊〉.  For we see that the sheep will obey the shepherd, and the neat be ruled by the neatheard, and the horse will know his line 30 keeper, and the dog will be in awe of his master, and every one of them feed there, and of that, as his keeper and ruler doth appoint him, & goeth from thence, and that, as he is forbidden by his ruler. And yet we have not heard of, that any heard or company of these have risen against their herdman or governor, but be always contented not only to obey them, but also to suffer them to take profit of them. And we see furthermore, that all herds, & all sorts, be more eager in fierceness against all kind of strangers, line 40 than they be against their own rulers, & will easilier offend him who hath not hurt them, than touch their ruler who seeketh profit on them.  
But ye that ought to be governed by your magistrates, as the herds by the herdman, and aught to be like sheep to your king, 
The application of the former comparisons implieng obedience.  who ought to be like a shepherd unto you, even in the time when your profit was sought, and better redress was intended, than your upstirs and unquietness could obtain, have beyond the cruelty of all beasts foully risen against your ruler, and showed yourselves worthy to line 50 be ordered like beasts, who in kind of obedience will fall from the state of men. A dog stoopeth when he is beaten of his master, not for lack of stomach, but for natural obedience: you being not stricken of your head but favoured, not kept down but succoured and remedied by law, have violently against law not only barked like beasts, but also bitten like hellhounds. What? Is the mischief of sedition either not known unto you, or not feared? Have not examples aforetimes both told the end of rebels, line 60 and the wickedness of rebellion itself? But as for old examples, let them pass for a while, as things well to be considered. But at this present one thing more to be weighed.  
Look upon yourselves, after ye have wickedly stepped into this horrible kind of treason, do ye not see how many bottomless whirlpools of mischief ye be gulet withal, 
The presumpt●ous & arrogant usurped 〈◊〉 of the re●●ls noted to 〈◊〉 impeachment of 〈…〉.  and what loathsome kinds of rebellion ye be feign to wade through? Ye have sent out in the king's name, against the kings will, precepts of all kinds, & without commandment commanded his subjects, and vnrul●lie have ruled where ye listed to command, thinking your own fancies the king's commandments, and rebels lusts in things to be right government of things, not looking what should follow by reason, but what yourselves follow by affection. And is it not a dangerous and a cruel kind of treason, to give out precepts to the king's people? There can be no just execution of laws, reformation of faults, giving out of commandments, but from the king. For in the king only is the right hereof, & the authority of him derived by his appointment to his ministers. Ye having no authority of the king, but taking it of yourselves, what think ye yourselves to be? Ministers ye be none, except ye be the devils ministers, for he is the author of sedition.  
The king's majesty intendeth to maintain peace, and to oppress war; ye stir up uproars of people, hurly-burlies of vagabonds, routs of robbers. Is this any part of the king's ministery? If a vagabond would do what he lust, and call himself your servant, and execute such offices of trust, 
The rebels outrageous and intolerable demeanour descried.  whether ye would or no, as ye have committed unto another man's credit, what would every one of you say or do herein? Would ye suffer it? Ye wander out of houses, ye make every day new matters as it pleaseth you, ye take in hand the execution of those things, God by his word forbidding the same; which God hath put the magistrates in trust withal. What can ye say to this? Is it sufferable think ye? If ye told a private message in another man's name, can it be but a false lie I pray you? And to tell a feigned message to the commonwealth, and that from the king, can it be honest think ye? To command is more than to speak: what is it then to command so traitorous a lie? This then which is in word a deceitful lie, and in deed a traitorous fact, 
Their disobedience notorious.  noisome to the commonwealth, unhonourable to the king, mischievous in you, how can ye otherwise judge of it, but to be an unheard of and notable disobedience to the king: and therefore by notable example to be punished, and not with gentleness of pardon to be forgiven? Ye have rob every honest house, and spoiled them unjustly, and pitiously wronged poor men being no offenders, to their utter undoing, and yet ye think ye have not broken the king's laws. The king's majesties law and his commandment is, that every man should safely keep his own, 
The rebels offend against the law of justice & equity.  and use it reasonably to an honest gain of his living: ye violently take and carry away from men without cause, all things whereby they should maintain, not only themselves, but also their family, & leave them so naked, that they shall feel the smart of your cursed enterprise, longer than your own unnatural & ungodly stomaches would well vouchsafe. By justice ye should neither hurt nor wrong man, and your pretenced cause of this monstruous stir is to increase men's wealth. And yet how many, and say truth, have ye decayed and undone, by spoiling and taking away their goods? How should honest men live quietly in the commonwealth at any time, if their goods, either gotten by their own labour, or left to them by their friends, shall unlawfully and unorderly, to the feeding of a sort of rebels, 
The former matter vehemently urged.  be spoiled and wasted▪ and utterly scattered abroad? The thing that ye take is not your right, it is an other man's own. The manner of taking against his will is unlawful, & against the order of every good commonwealth. The cause why ye take it is mischievous and horrible, to fat your sedition. Ye that take it be wicked traitors, and common enemies of all good order.  
If he that desireth an other man's goods or cattle, do fault: what doth he (think you) whose desire taking followeth, and is led to and fro by lust, as his wicked fancy void of reason doth guide him? He that useth not his own well and charitably, hath much to answer for: and shall they be thought not unjust, who not only take away other men's, but also misuse and waste the same ungodly? They that take things privily away, and steal secretly and covertly other men's goods, be by law judged worthy death: and shall they that without shame spoil things openly, and be not afeard by impudency to profess their spoil, be thought either honest creatures to God, or faithful subjects to their king, or natural men to their country? 
The rebels are still charged with their rapines, and violently inferred wrongs.  If nothing had moved you but the example of mischief, and the foul practice of other moved by the same, ye should yet have abstained line 10 from so licentious and villainous a show of robbery, considering how many honester there be, that being loath their wickedness should be blazed abroad, yet be found out by providence, and hanged for desert. What shall we then think or say of you? Shall we call you pickers, or hid thieves; nay more than thieves, day thieves, heard stealers, shire spoilers, and utter destroyers of all kinds of families, both among the poor and also among the rich. Let us yet further see. Be there no more things wherein ye line 20 have broken the king's laws, and so vilely disobey? him, flat contrary to your bounden duty and allegiance?  
Ye have not only spoiled the king's true subjects of their goods, but also ye have imprisoned their bodies, which should be at liberty under the king, and restrained them of their service, which by duty they own the king, 
Liberty desired above all things.  and appaired both strength and health, wherewith they live and serve the king. Is there any line 30 honest thing more desired than liberty? Ye have shamefully spoiled them thereof. Is there any thing more dutiful than to serve their lord and master? But as that was desired of the one part, so was it hindered and stopped on your part. For neither can the king be served, nor families kept, nor the commonwealth looked unto, where freedom of liberty is stopped, and diligence of service is hindered; and the help of strength and health abated. men's bodies ought to be free from all men's bondage and cruelty, and only in this realm be subject line 40 in public punishment to our public governor, and neither be touched of 
* Fit epithets and terms for head and tail of this rebellion.  headless captains, nor holden of brainless rebels. For the government of so precious a thing ought to belong unto the most noble ruler, and not justly to be in every man's power, which is justly every living man's treasure. For what goods be so dear to every man, as his own body is, which is the true vessel of the mind, to be measurably kept of every man for all exercises & line 50 services of the mind? If ye may not of your own authority meddle with men's goods, much less you may of your own authority take order with men's bodies.  
For what be goods in comparison of health, liberty, and strength, which be all settled and fastened in the body? 
The offence of excluding the king's subjects from the benefit of liberty aggravated.  They that strike other, do greatly offend, and be justly punishable: and shall they that cruelly and wrongfully torment men's bodies with irons and imprisonments, be thought not of others but of themselves honest, and plain, and true dealing line 60 men? What shall we say by them, who in a private business will let a man to go his journey in the king's high way? Do they not (think ye) plain wrong? Then in a common cause not only to hinder them, but also to deal cruelly with them, and shut them from doing their service to the king, and their duty to the commonwealth, is it not both disobedience, cruelty, and mischief think ye? What an hindrance is it, to have a good garment hurt, any jewel appaired, or any esteemed thing to be decayed? And seeing no earthly thing a man hath is more precious than his body, to cause it to be cruelly tormented with irons, feebled with cold, weakened with ordering: can it be thought any other thing but wrong to the sufferer, cruelty in the doer, & great disobedience and transgression to the king? 
A pithy conclusion in●erred upon the premises, i● form of sentence definitive.  How then be ye able to defend it? But seeing ye so unpitifullie vex men, cast them in prison, lad them with irons, pine them with famine, contrary to the rule of nature, contrary to the king's majesties laws, contrary to God holy ordinances, having no matter but pretenced and feigned gloss, ye be not only disobedient to the king like rebels, but withstanding the law of nature like beasts, and so worthy to die like dogs, except the king's majesty, without respect of your deserving, do mercifully grant you of his goodness that which you cannot escape by justice.  
Yet ye being not content with this, as small things enterprise great matters, and as though ye could not satisfy yourselves, if ye should leave any mischief undone, have sought blood with cruelty, and have slain of the kings true subjects many, 
The rebels charged with the murder and bloodshed of the king's liege people.  thinking their murder to be your defence, when as ye have increased the fault of your vile rebellion, with the horror of bloodshed, and so have burdened mischief with mischief, whilst it come to an importable weight of mischief. What could we do more, in the horriblest kind of faults, unto the greatest transgressors and offenders of God and men, than to look strictly on them by death, and so to rid them out of the commonwealth by severe punishment, whom ye thought unworthy to live among men for their doings? And those who have not offended the king, but defended his realm, and by obedience of service sought to punish the disobedient, and for safeguard of every man put themselves under duty of law, those have ye miserably and cruelly slain, and bathed you in their blood, whose doings ye should have followed, & not to have appaired the commonwealth, both by destruction of good men, and also by increase of rebels. 
A licentious commonwealth cannot endure.  And how can that commonwealth by any means endure, wherein every man without authority, may unpunished slay whom he list, and that in such case as those who be slain show themselves most noble of courage, and most ready to serve the king and the commonwealth, and those as do slay be most villainous and traitorous rebels that any commonwealth did ever sustain?  
For a city and a province be not the fair houses, and the strong walls, 
Wherein and whereof consisteth a city, province, or politic body.  nor the defence of any engine, but the living bodies of men, being able in number and strength to maintain themselves by good order of justice, & to serve for all necessary & behovable uses in the commonwealth. And when as man's body being a part of the whole commonwealth, is wrongfully touched any way, and specially by death, then suffereth the commonwealth great injury, and that always so much the more, how honester and nobler he is, who is injuriously murdered. 
Lord Sheffelds slaughter laid to the rebels char●●.  How was the lord Sheffeld handled among you, a noble gentleman, and of good service, both fit for counsel in peace, and for conduct in war, considering either the gravity of his wisdom, or the authority of his person, or his service to the commonwealth, or the hope that all men had in him, or the need that England had of such, or among many notably good, his singular excellency, or the favour that all men bare toward him, being loved of every man, and hated of no man?  
Considered ye who should by duty be the king's subjects, either how ye should not have offended the K. or after offence have required the king's pardon, or not to have refused his goodness offered, or at length, to have yielded to his mercy, or not to have slain those who came for his service, or to have spared those who in danger offered ransom. But all these things forgotten by rage of rebellion, because one madness cannot be without infinite vices, ye slew him cruelly, who offered himself manfully, nor would not so much as spare him for ransom, 
L●●d Shef●●●s woeful 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉 pithily 〈◊〉.  who was worthy for nobleness to have had honour, & hewed him bare whom ye could not hurt armed, and by slavery slew nobility, in deed miserably, in fashion cruelly, in cause devilishly. Oh with what cruel spite was violently sundered so noble a body from so godly a line 10 mind? Whose death must rather be revenged than lamented, whose death was no lack to himself, but to his country, whose death might every way been better borne, than at a rebels hand. violence is in all things hurtful, but in life horrible. What should I speak of others in the same case, 
The knitting 〈◊〉 man's body 〈◊〉 mind G●ds work, 〈…〉 whom the dissolving ●●●reof belonged.  diverse and notable, whose death for manhood and service can want no worthy praise, so long as these ugly stirrers of rebellion can be had in mind. God hath himself joined man's body and his soul together, line 20 not to be departed asunder, afore he ever dissever them himself, or cause them to be dissevered by his minister.  
And shall rebels and heedless camps, being armed against God, and in field against their king, think it no fault to shed blood of true subjects, having neither office of God, nor appointment of ministers, nor cause of rebellion? He that stealeth any part of a man's substance, is worthy to lose his life. What shall we think then of them, who spoil men of their lives, for the maintenance whereof, not only line 30 substance & riches be sought for, but also all common-welths be devised? Now then, your own consciences should be made your judges, & none other set to give sentence against ye. Seeing ye have been such bloudshedders, so heinous manquellers, so horrible murderers, could ye do any other than plainly confess your foul and wicked rebellion to be grievous against God, 
●ereby he ●●ooeth the rebels consciences see●ed 〈◊〉 as it were 〈◊〉 an hot 〈◊〉.  and traitorous to the king, and hurtful to the commonwealth? So many grievous line 40 faults meeting together in one sink, might not only have discouraged, but also driven to desperation, any other honest or indifferent mind.  
But what feel they, whose hearts so deep mischief had hardened, and by vehemency of affection be made unshamefast, and stop all discourse of reason, to let at large the full scope of their unmeasurable madness? Private men's goods seem little to your unsatiable desires, ye have waxed greedy now upon cities, 
The rebels riotousness 〈◊〉 ambition ●●satiable.  and have attempted mighty spoils, to glut line 50 up (and ye could) your wasting hunger. Oh how much have they need of, that will never be contented, and what riches can suffice any that will attempt high enterprises above their estate? Ye could not maintain your camps with your private goods, with your neighbour's portion, but ye must also attempt cities, because ye sought great spoils with other men's losses, and had forgotten how ye lived at home honestly with your own, and thought them worthy death that would disquiet ye in your house, line 60 and pluck away that which ye by right of law thought to be your own. 
A brief ca●●●●lation of 〈◊〉 rebels 〈◊〉 attempts 〈◊〉 purposes.  Herein in see what ye would have done, spoiled the king's majesties subjects, weakened the king's strength, overthrown his towns, taken away his munition, drawn his subjects to like rebellion, yea and as it is among foreign enemies in sacking of cities, no doubt thereof, ye would have fallen to slaughter of men, ravishing of wives, deflowering of maidens, chopping of children, firing of houses, beating down of streets, overthrowing of altogether.  
For what measure have men in the increase of madness, when they can not at the beginning stay themselves from falling into it. And if the besetting but of one house to rob it, 
An argument from the less to the greater.  be justly deemed worthy death: what shall we think of them that besiege whole cities for desire of spoil? We live under a king to serve him at all times when he shall need our strength: and shall ye then not only withdraw yourselves, which ought as much to be obedient as we be, but also violently pluck other away too, fro the duty unto the which by God's commandment all subjects be strictly bound, and by all laws every nation is naturally led? 
The use and necessary service of towns, & what it is to overthrow them.  The towns be not only the ornament of the realm, but also the seat of merchants, the place of handicrafts, that men scattered in villages, and néeding diverse things, may in little room know where to find the lack. To overthrow them then, is nothing else but to waste your own commodities, so that when ye would buy a necessary thing for money, ye could not tell where to find the same.  
Munition serveth the king not only for the defence of his own, 
The use and service of munition.  but also for the invasion of his enemy. And if ye will then so strictly deal with him, that ye will not let him so much as defend his own, ye offer him double injury; both that ye let him from doing any notable fact abroad, and also that ye suffer not him quietly to enjoy his own at home. 
Wherein appeareth the faithful service of cities.  But herein hath notably appeared what cities have faithfully served and suffered extreme danger, not only of goods, but also of famine & death, rather than to suffer the king's enemies to enter: and what white liuered cities have not only not withstood them, but also with shame favoured them, and with mischief aided them. And I would I might praise herein all cities alike! which I would do, 
A good subjects wi●h, and the reason thereof.  if all were like worthy. For than I might show more faith in subjects than strength in rebels; and testify to men to come, what a general faith every city bare to the king's majesty, whose age although it were not fit to rule, yet his subjects hearts were willing to obey, thinking not only of the hope, which all men conceive hereafter to be in him, but also of the just kind of government, which in his minority his council doth use among them. And here, 
Excester commended for love & loiail service to the king & estate.  how much and how worthily may Excester be commended, which being in the midst of rebels, unuittelled, unfurnished, unprepared for so long a siege, did nobly hold out the continual and dangerous assault of the rebel? For they sustained the violence of the rebel, not only they had plenty enough of victuals, but also eleven or twelve days after the extreme famine came on them, and living without bread, were in courage so manful, & in duty so constant, that they thought it yet much better to die the extreme death of hunger, showing truth to their king, and love to their country, than to give any place to the rebel, and favour him with aid, although they might have done it with their less danger. Whose example if Norwich had followed, 
Norwich upbraided with the example of Excester.  & had not rather given place to traitor Ket, than to keep their duty; and had not sought more safeguard than honesty, and private hope more than common quietness: they had ended their rebellion sooner, and escaped themselves better, and saved the loss of the worthy lord Shefféeld, in whom was more true service for his life, than in them for their goods. 
Some citizens of Norwich excusable of this rebellion, but most chargeable therewith in a high degree of disloyalty.  And although this can not be spoken against a certain honest sort that were amongst them, whose praise was the greater, because they were so few: yet the greater number was such▪ that they not only obeyed the rebel for fear, but also followed him for love, and did so traitorously order the king's band under my lord marquess, that they suffered more damage out of their houses by the towns men, than they did abroad by the rebels. Whose fault as the king's majesty may pardon, so I would either the example might be forgotten, that no city might hereafter follow the like, or the deed be so abhorred, 
Excester noble and true.  that others hereafter would avoid the like shame, & learn to be noble by Excester, whose truth doth not only deserve great praises, but also great reward.  
Who then that would willingly defend ye, can say any thing for ye, which have so diversly faulted, so traitorously offended, not only against private men severally, but also generally against whole towns, and that after such a sort, as outward enemies full of line 10 deadly feud could not more cruelly invade them? 
A collection or beadroll of certain outrages done by the rebels.  And thus the king's majesty dishonoured, his council disobeyed, the goods of the poor spoiled, the houses of the wealthy sacked, honest men's bodies imprisoned, worthy men's personages slain, cities besieged and threatened, and all kind of things disordered, can ye without tears and repentance hear spoken of, which without honesty and godliness ye practised, and not find in your hearts now to return to duty, which by witchcraft of sedition were drowned in disorder? line 20 Have ye not in disorder first grievously offended God, next traitorously risen against your king, and so neither worthy everlasting life, as long as ye so remain, nor yet civil life being in such a breach of common quietness? If every one of these cannot by themselves pluck you back from this your lewd and outrageous enterprises, 
Persuasions to obedience and loyalty.  yet let them altogether stir ye; or at least be a fearful example to others, to beware by your unmeasurable folly, how they do so far provoke God, or offend man: and find line 30 by your mistemper to be themselves better ordered, and learn still to obey, because they would not repent, and so to live with honesty, that they would neither willingly offend God's law, nor disobeie man's.  
But and ye were so much bleared, that you did think impossible things, and your reason gave ye against all reason, that ye neither displeased God herein, nor offended the king, yet be ye so blind, that ye understand not your own case, nor your neighbours line 40 misery, nor the ruin of the whole commonwealth, which doth evidently follow your so foul and detestable sedition? Do ye not see how for the maintenance of these ungodly rablements, 
The hurts & mischiefs that befall cities, etc.▪ by maintaining rebels.  not only cities and villages, but also shires and countries be utterly destroyed? Is not their corn wasted, their cattle fetched away, their houses rifled, their goods spoiled, and all to feed your uprising without reason, and to maintain this tumult of rebellion invented of the devil, continued by you, and to be overthrown line 50 by the power of God's mighty hand? And why should not so hurtful wasting and harrieng of countries be justly punished with great severity, 
Rebellion is worthily to be punished,  seeing robbing of houses, and taking of purses, do by law deserve the extremity of death? How many suffer injury when one hundred of a shire is spoiled? And what injury think ye is done; when not only whole shires be destroyed, but also every quarter of the realm touched? Have ye not brought upon us all poverty, weakness, and hatred within the realm, & discourage, shame, and damage without line 60 the realm? If ye miserably intended not only to undo other, 
A further view of the inconveniences bred by rebellion.  but also to destroy yourselves, and to overthrow the whole realm, could ye have taken a readier way to your own ruin than this is?  
And first if ye be any thing reasonable, lift up your reason, and weigh by wisdom, if not all things, yet your own cases, and learn in the beginning of matters to foresee the end, and judge advisedly yet ye enter into any thing hastily. See ye not this year the loss of harvest? 
The loss of harvest. Barns be poor men's storehouses.  And think ye can grow to wealth that year when ye lose your thrift and profit? Barns be poor men's storehouses, wherein lieth a great part of every man's own living, his wives and children's living, wherewith men maintain their families, pay their rents: and therefore be always thought most rich when they have best crops. And now when there is neither plenty of hay, nor sufficient of straw, nor corn enough, and that through the great disorder of your lewd rebellion, can ye think ye do well, when ye undo yourselves, and judge it a commonwealth when the commons is destroyed, and seek your hap by unhappiness, and esteem your own loss to be your own forwardness, and by this judgement show yourselves, how little ye understand other men's matters, when ye can scarcely consider the weightiest of your own? Hath not the hay this year, as it rose from the ground, 
Hay rotting on the ground.  so rotten to the ground again: and where it was wont by men's seasonable labour to be taken in due time, and then serve for the maintenance of horse and cattle wherewith we live, now by your disordered mischief hath been by men's idleness and undutifulness let alone untouched, and so neither serveth the poor to make money of, nor any cattle to live with. The corn was sown with labour, 
Loss of corn for lack of reaping.  and the ground tilled for it with labour, and looked to be brought home again with labour: and for lack of honest labourers it is lost on the ground; the owners being loiterers, and seeking other men's, have lost their own, and hoping for mounteins, lacked their present thrift, neither obtaining that they sought, nor seeking that they ought.  
And how shall men live when the maintenance of their provision is lacking? 
The loss of one years harvest very hurtful.  For labouring and their old store is wasted by wildness of sedition, and so neither spare the old nor save the new. How can men be fed then or beasts live, when as such wasteful negligence is miserably used? And misspending the time of their profit, in shameful disorder of inobedience, they care not greatly what becometh of their own, because they intent to live by other men's? Hay is gone, corn is wasted, straw is spoiled; what reckoning of harvest can ye make, either for the aid of others, or for the relief of yourselves? And thus have ye brought in one kind of misery, which if ye saw before, as ye be like to feel after, although ye had hated the commonwealth, yet for love of yourselves ye would have avoided the great enormity thereof, into the which ye wilfully now have cast yourselves.  
An other no less is, that such plenty of victuals as was abundantly in every quarter for the relief of us all, is now wastefully and unthriftfullie spent, 
Wasteful spending of victuals by the rebels inconvenient to the whole state.  in maintaining you unlawful rebels, and so with disorder all is consumed, which with good husbandry might long have endured. For, so much as would have served a whole year at home with diligence and skilful heed of husbandry, that is wilfully wasted in a month in the camp, through the ravening spoil of villainy. For what is unordered plenty, but a wasteful spoil, whereof the inconvenience is so great, as ye be worthy to feel, and bringeth in more hardness of living, greater dearth of all things, & occasioneth many causes of diseases? 
A necessity of enhancing the price of things.  The price of things must needs increase much, when the number of things waxeth less, and by scarcity be inhansed, & compelleth men to abate their liberality in house, both to their own, and also to strangers. And where the rich wanteth, what can the poor find, who in a common scarcity liveth most scarcely, and feeleth quickliest the sharpness of starving, when every man for lack is hungerbitten. Which if ye had well remembered before, as ye now may after perceive, ye would not I think so stiffe-neckedlie have resisted and endangered yourselves in the storm of famine, whereof ye most likely must have the greatest part, which most stubbornly resisted, to your own shame and confusion.  

After a great dearth cometh a great death, a reason why.  Experience teacheth us, that after a great dearth cometh a great death; for that when men in great want of meat eat much ill meat, they fill their bodies with ill humours, and cast them from their state of health, into a subjection of sickness: because the good blood in the body is not able to keep his temper, for the multitude of the ill humours that corrupteth the same. And so grow great & deadly plagues, and destroy great numbers of all sorts, sparing no kind that they light on, neither respecting the poor line 10 with mercy, nor the rich with favour. Can ye thereforethinke herein, 
A brief rehearsal or summary of mischiefs issuing from rebellion.  when ye see decay of victuals, the rich pinch, the poor famish, the following of diseases, the greatness of death, the mourning of widows, the pitifulness of the fatherless, and all this misery to come through your unnatural misbehaviour, that ye have not dangerously hurt the commons of your country with a doleful and uncurable wound? These things being once felt in the commonwealth, line 20 as they must needs be, every man seeth by and by what followeth: even a great diminishment of the strength of the realm, when the due number that the realm doth maintain is made less, and thereby we be made rather a prey for our enemies, than a safety for ourselves.  
And how can there be but a great decay o● people at the length, 
A great decay of people.  when some be overthrown in war, some suffer for punishment, some pine for famine, some die with the camps diet, some be consumed line 30 with sickness? For although ye think yourselves able to match with a few unprepared gentlemen, and put them from their houses, that ye might gain the spoil: do ye judge the refore yourselves strong enough, 
Rebel's can not prevail against the prince's power.  not only to withstand a king's power, but also to overthrow it? Is it possible that ye should have so mad a frenzy in your head, that ye should think the number ye see so strong, that all ye see not should not be able to prevail to the contrary? With what reason could ye think, that if ye bode the hot line 40 brunt of battle, but ye must needs feel the smart, specially the king's power coming against you: which if ye fear not, belike ye know not the force thereof? And so much the greater number is lost in the realm, that both the overcomer and the overcomed be parties, although unlike, of one realm: and what loss is not only of either side, but of both, that doth plainly redound to the whole.  
Then where so great and so horrible a fault is committed, 
A necessary consequent that rebels are severely to be punished, and that such punishment is good and necessary.  as worse can not be mentioned of from the line 50 beginning, and bringeth in withal such penury, such weakness, such disorder in the commonwealth, as no mischief beside could do the like: can any man think with just reason, that all shall escape unpunished that shall escape the sword, and not many for terror and examples sake should be looked unto, who have been either great doers in such a disordered villainy, or great counsellors to such an outgrown mischief; seeing the only remedy of redressing wilful faults is a just and severe punishment line 60 of such, whose naughty deeds good men ought to abhor for duties sake, and ill men may dread for like punishments sake, and a free licence to do mischief unpunished is so dangerous, that the sufferance of one is the occasion of the fall of a great number, 
Against 〈…〉 forbearing and 〈◊〉 a withal 〈◊〉.  and womanish pity to one is a deceitful cruelty to the whole, enticing them to their own destruction by sufferance, which would have avoided the danger by fore punishment.  
And in such a barrenness of victuals, as must needs come after so ravening a spoil, it must needs be, that some (though few) shall be so nipped with eagerness of famine, that they shall not recover again themselves out of so fretting a danger. So in a general weakness, where all shall be feebled, some must needs die, and so diminish the number, and abate such strength as the realm defended itself withal before. Which occasion of never so few, coming of so great a cause, if ye should make just amends for, not of recompense which ye could not, 
Rebels punishable with many deaths.  but of punish-went which ye ought; how many, how diverse and how cruel deaths ought every one of ye often suffer? How many came to the camps from long labour to sudden ease, and from mean fare to stroieng of victuals: and so fell in a manner unwares to such a contrary change, that nature herself abiding never great and sudden changes, can not bear it without some grounds entered of diseases to come, which uncircumspect men shall sooner feel than think of, and then will scarcely judge the cause, when they shall be vexed with the effect?  
It is little marvel that idleness and meat of an other man's charge will soon feed up & fat like men: 
Idleness and meat of other men's charge.  but it is great marvel if idleness and other men's meat do not abate the same by sickness again, and specially coming from the one, and going to the other: contrary in those who violently seek to turn in a moment the whole realm to the contrary. For while their mind changeth from obedience to unruliness, and turneth itself from honesty to wildness, and their bodies go from labour to idleness, from small fare to spoil of victuals, and from beds in the night to cabins, and from sweet houses to stinking camps, it must needs be by changing of affections which altar the body, and by using of rest that filleth the body, and by glutting of meats which weakeneth the body, & with cold in the nights which accraseth the body, and with corrupt air which infecteth the body, that there follow some grievous tempest not only of contagious sickness, but also of present death to the body.  
The greatest pluck of all is, 
The force of pestilence following famine.  that vehemency of plague, which naturally followeth the dint of hunger, which when it entereth once among men, what darts of pangs, what throws of pains, what shouts of death doth it cast out? How many fall, not astonished with the sickness, but fretted with the pain? How beateth it down not only small towns, but also great countries? 
The plague & pestilence occasioned by rebellion.  This when ye see light first on your beasts which lack fodder, and after fall on men whose bodies gape for it, and see the scarceness of men to be by this your foul enterprise, and not only other men touched with plagues, but also your own house stung with death, and the plague also raised of your rising, to fire yourselves: can ye think you to be any other but mankillers of other, and murderers of yourselves, and the principals of the overthrow of so great a number, as shall either by sword or punishment, famine, or some plague or pestilence be consumed and wasted out of the commonwealth?  
And seeing he that decayeth the number of cottages or ploughs in a town, 
Rebel's enemies & murderers of their country.  seemeth to be an enemy to the commonwealth: shall we not count him, not only an enemy, but also a murderer of his country, who by harebrained unruliness causeth utter ruin and pestilent destruction of so many thousand men? Grant this folly then and oversight to be such as worthily ye may count it, and I shall go further in declaring of other great inconveniences, which your dangerous and furious misbehaviour hath hurtfullie brought in; seeing diverse honest and true dealing men, whose living is by their own provision, hath come so before hand by time, 
Further mischiefs of uncharitableness issuing from rebellion.  that they have been able well to live honestly in their houses, & pay beside the rents of their farms truly, and now have by your cruelty and abhorred insurrections lost their goods, their cattle, their harvest, which they had gotten before, and wherewith they intended to live hereafter, & now be brought to this extremity, that they be neither able to live, as they were wont at home before; nor to pay their accustomeable rent at their due time. Whereby they be brought into trouble and unquietness, not only musing what they have lost by you, but also cursing you by whom they have lost it, and also in danger of losing their holds at their lords hands, except by pity they show more mercy, than the right of the law line 10 will grant by justice.  

The fruits of honest men's travels long in gathering, quickly spoiled by rebellion.  And what a grief is it to an honest man, to labour, truly in youth, and to gain painfully by labour, wherewith to live honestly in age, and to have this, gotten in long time, to be suddenly caught away by the violence of sedition, which name he ought to abhor by itself, although no misery of loss followed to him thereby. But what greater grief ought seditious rebels to have themselves, who if they be not stricken with punishment, yet ought to line 20 pine in conscience, and melt away with the grief of their own faults, when they see innocents and men of true service hindered and burdened with the hurt of their rebellion, & who in a good commonwealth should for honesties sake prosper, they by these rebels only means be cast so behind the hand, as they can not recover easily again by their own truth, that which they have lost by those traitor's mischief? And if unjust men ought not so to be handled at any man's hands, 
An argument from equity & upright dealing even with the unjust.  but only stand to the order of line 30 a law: how much more should true and faithful subjects, who deserve praise, feel no unquietness, nor be vexed with sedition, who be obediently in subjection, but rather seek just amends at false rebels hands, and by law obtain that they lost by disorder, and so constrain you to the uttermost, to pay the recompense of wrongful losses, because ye were the authors of these wrongful spoils.  
Then would ye soon perceive the commonwealths hurt, not when other felt it who deserved it line 40 not, but when you smarted who caused it, and stood not & looked upon other men's losses which ye might pity, but tormented with your own which ye would lament. Now I am passed this mischief, which ye will not hereafter deny, when ye shall praise other men's foresight, rather than your wicked doings, in be wailing the end of your fury, in whose beginning ye now rejoice. 
Multitudes of vagabonds and rogues procured by rebellions.  What say ye to the number of vagabonds and loitering beggars, which after the overthrow of your camp, and scattering of this seditious line 50 number, will swarm in every corner of the realm and not only lie loitering under hedges, but also stand sturdilie in cities, and beg boldly at every door, leaving labour which they like not, and following idleness which they should not? For every man is easily and naturally brought from labour to ease, from the better to the worse, from diligence to slothfulness: and after wars it is commonly seen, that a great number of those which went out honest, return home again like roisters, and as though line 60 they were burnt to the wars bottom, they have all their life after an unsavoury smack thereof, & smell still toward daiesleepers, pursepickers, highwaie-robbers, quarrelmakers, yea and bloudsheders too.  
Do we not see commonly in the end of wars more robbing, 
To what shifts soldiers fall after discamping and ceasing from wars.  more begging, more murdering than before, and those to stand in the high way to ask their alms, whom ye be afraid to say nay unto honestly, lest they take it away from you violently, and have more cause to suspect their strength, than pity their need? Is it not then daily heard, how men be not only pursued, but utterly spoiled, & few may ride safe by the kings highwaie, except they ride strong, not so much for fear of their goods, which men esteem less, but also for danger of their life, which every man loveth. 
Against loitering lubbers that can not away with labour.  Work is undone at home and loiterers linger in streets, lurk in alehouses, range in highways, valiant beggars play in towns and yet complain of need, whose staff if it be once hot in their hand, or sluggishness bred in their bosom, they will never be alured to labour again, contenting themselves better with idle beggary, than with honest and profitable labour. And what more noisome beasts be there in a common wealth? Drones in hives suck out the honey, a small matter, but yet to be looked on by good husbands. Caterpillars destroy the fruit, an hurtful thing, and well shifted for by a diligent overseer. diverse vermin destroy corn, kill pulleme, engines and snares be made for them.  
But what is a loiterer? A sucker of honey, 
A loiterer described.  a spoiler of corn, a stroier of fruit, a waster of money, a spoiler of victuals, a sucker of blood, a breaker of orders, a seeker of breaks, a queller of life, a basilisk of the commonwealth, which by company and sight doth poison the whole country, and staineth honest minds with the infection of his veneme, and so draweth the commonwealth to death and destruction. Such is the fruits of your labour and travel for your pretenced commonwealth, which justice would no man should taste of but yourselves, that ye might truly judge of your own mischief, and fray other by example from presuming the like. 
The sight of many flies in a year a natural prognostication of a plague like to follow.  When we see a great number of flies in a year, we naturally judge it like to be a great plague, and having so great a swarming of loitering vagabonds, ready to beg and brawl at every man's door, which declare a greater infection, can we not look for a grievouser and perillouser danger than the plague is? Who can therefore otherwise deem, but this one deadly hurt, wherewith the commonwealth of our nation is wounded, beside all other is so pestilent, that there can be no more hurtful thing in a well governed estate, nor more thrown into all kind of vice and unruliness: and therefore this your sedition is not only most odious, but also most horrible, that hath spotted the whole country with such a stain of idleness.  
There can be none end of faults, if a man rehearse all faults that do necessarily follow this unruly sturdiness. For not only vagabonds wandering and scattering themselves for mischief, shall run in a man's eyes, but also disorder of every degree shall enter into a man's mind, 
Disorder in every degree caused by rebellion.  and shall behold hereby the commonwealth miserably defaced by you, who should as much as other have kept yourselves in order in it. Neither be the magistrates duly obeyed, nor the laws justly feared, 
Magistrates disobeyed, and neglect of duty in general by rebellion.  nor degrees of men considered, nor masters well served, nor parents truly reverenced, nor lords remembered of their tenants, nor yet either natural or civil law much regarded. And it is plainly unpossible that that country shall well stand in government, and the people grow to wealth, 
Observing of order in every state supporteth a commonwealth, & contrariwise the hurt of disorder.  where order in every state is not fitly observed: and that body cannot be without much grief of inflammation, where any least part is out of joint, or not duly set in his own natural place.  
Wherefore order must be kept in the commonwealth like health in the body, and all the drift of policy looketh to this end, how this temper may be safely maintained, without any excess of unmeasurableness, either of the one side, or of the other. And easy enough it is to keep the same, when it is once brought into the mean, and to hold it in the stay it is found in: but when it bursteth out once with a vehemency, and hath gotten into an unruly disorder, it spreadeth so fast, and overfleweth all honest men's resisting so violently, that it will be hard to recover the breach of long time again, except with great and wise counsel, which no doubt shall be in season used, there be wonderful remedies sought therefore. And even as a man falling, is easier holden up by stay, 
〈◊〉 argument 〈◊〉 ●rom 〈◊〉.  than when he is fallen down he is able to rise again: so is the commonwealth slipping, by the foresight of wisdom better kept from ruin; than when it is once fallen into any kind of misery, the same may be called again to the old and former state. Do we not evidently know, that a man may better keep his arm or his leg from breaking or line 10 falling out of joint, afore hurt come to it; than after the hurt it may safely and quietly be healed, and restored to the former strength and health again? And now through your seditious means, things that were afore quiet and in good order, 
A tippie tur●● of all ●●ings by rebellion.  law's feared and obeyed, subjects ruled and kept in duty, be all now in a great disorder, and like (if it be not helped) to grow to wildness, and a beastliness; seeing that neither common duty can be kept, which nature prescribeth, nor common law can be regarded, which policy requireth. line 20 How can ye keep your own if ye keep no order? 
The necessity of order, and ●●erefore S. Paul said 〈◊〉; Let all things be 〈◊〉 in order.  Your wives and children, how can they be defended from other men's violence, if ye will in other things break all order? By what reason would ye be obeyed of yours as servants, if ye will not obey the king as subjects? How would ye have others deal orderly with you, if ye will use disorder against all others? Seeing then there is such a confusion now of things, such a turmoil of men, such a disorder of fashions; who can look to live quietly a great while, line 30 who can think but that ye have miserably tossed the commonwealth, and so vexed all men with disorder, that the inconvenience hereof cannot only nip others, but also touch you?  
But now see how that not only these unlooked for mischiefs have heavily grown on ye, but also those commodities, 
Rebel's are 〈◊〉 the●● 〈◊〉 profit.  which ye thought to have helped yourselves and others by, be not only hindered, but also hurt thereby. The king's majesty by the advise, &c: intended a just reformation of all such things as poor men could truly show themselves oppressed line 40 with, thinking equality of justice to be the diadem of his kingdom, 
Equality of ●●●tice.  and the safeguard of his commons. Which was not only intended by wisdom, but also set on with speed, and so entered into a due considering of all states, that none should have just cause to grudge against the other, when as every thing rightfully had, nothing could be but unrightfullie grudged at. And this would have been done, not only with your glad and willing assent: but also been done by this day almost throughout the whole line 50 realm: so that quietly it had been obtained without inconvenience, and speedily without delay. And whatsoever had been done by the king's majesties authority, that would by right have remained for ever, and so taken in law, that the contrary party neither could by justice, neither would by boldness have enterprised the breach thereof.  
But least wicked men should be wealthy, and they whose hearts be not truly bend to obedience, 
●ebels h●rt themselves.  should obtain at the king's hands that they deserved line 60 not in a commonwealth, ye have marvelously and worthily hurt yourselves, and grievously provided (except the king's goodness be more unto you than your own deserts can claim) that ye be not so much worthy as to be benefited in any kind, as ye be worthy to lose that ye have on every side. 
 Ye have thought good to be your own reformers belike, not only unnaturally mistrusting the king's justice, but also cruelly and uncivillie dealing with your own neighbours. Wherein I would as ye have hurt the whole realm, so ye had not enterprised a thing most dangerous to yourselves, & most contrary to the thing ye intended. If ye had let things alone, thought good by yourselves to be redressed, and dutifully looked for the performance of that, the king's majesty promising reformation, they should nor have been undone at this time, as in a great sort of honest places they be; nor whole countries, who for their quietness be most worthy to be looked on, should have been unprovided for at this day. But this commodity hath happened by the way, 
The benefit of rebellion in one respect.  that it is evidently known by your mischief, and others duty, who be most true to the king, and most worthy to be done for, and who be most pernicious and traitorous rebels. And it is not to be doubted, but they shall be considered with thanks, and find just redress without deserved misery, & you punished like rebels, who might have had both praise & profit like subjects.  
For that as ye have valiantly done of yourselves, think ye it will stand any longer, than men fear your rage, which cannot endure long; and that ye shall not then bide the rigour of the law for your private injuries, as ye used the fury of your brains in other men's oppressions? Will men suffer wrong at your hands, when law can redress it, & the right of the commonwealth will maintain it, and good order in countries will bear it? 
Reformation intended by rebels, like sores cured by ill surgeons.  ye amend faults as ill surgeons heal sores, which when they seem to be whole above, they rankle at the bottom, and so be feign continually to be sore, or else be mended by new breaking of the skin. Your redress seemeth to you perfect and good, ye have pulled down such things as ye would, ye think now all is well: ye consider no further, ye seek not the bottom, ye see not the sore, that ye have done it by no law, ye have redressed it by no order, what then? If it be no otherwise searched than by you, it will not tarry long so: either it will be after continually as it was afore your coming, or else it must be (when all is done) amended by the king.  
Thus have ye both lacked in the time, and missed in the doing, and yet besides that ye have done, which is by your doing to no purpose. ye have done the things with such inconveniences, as hath been both before rehearsed, and shall be after declared; that better it had been for you, never to have enjoyed the commodity, if there be any; than to suffer the griefs that will ensue, which be very many. In every quarter some men (whom ye set by) will be lost, 
Griefs ensuing to the rebels upon this rebellion.  which every one of you (if ye have love in ye) would rather have lacked the profit of your enclosures, than cause such destruction of them, as is like by reason & judgement necessarily to follow. What commonwealth is it then, to do such abominable enterprises after so vile a sort, that ye hinder that good ye would do, and bring in that hurt ye would not, and so find that ye seek not, and follow that ye lose, and destroy yourselves by folly; rather than ye would be ordered by reason, and so have not so much amended your old sores, as brought in new plagues, which ye yourselves that deserve them will lament, and we which have not deserved them may curse you for? 
Reformation ought to be no private man's but the prince's action  For although the king's majesty, &c: intended for your profits a reformation in his commonwealth: yet his pleasure was not, nor no reason gave it, that every subject should busily intermeddle with it of their own head, but only those whom his council thought most meet men for such an honest purpose.  
The king's majesty, &c: hath godly reform an unclean part of religion, and hath brought it to the true form of the first church that followed Christ, thinking that to be truest, not what later men's ●ansies have of themselves devised, but what the apostles and their fellows bad at Christ's h●nd received, and willeth the same to be known and set abroad to all his people. Shall every man now that listeth and fancieth the same, take in hand uncalled, to be a minister, and to set forth the same, having no authority? 
What things in a well and justly done matter ought well to be weighed.  Nay, though the thing were very godly that were done, yet the person must needs do ill that enterpriseth it, because he doth a good thing after an ill sort, and looketh but on a little part of duty, considering the thing, and leaveth a great part unadvised, not considering the person: when as in a well and justly done matter, not only these two things ought well to be weighed, but also good occasion of time, and reasonable cause of the doing, ought also much to be set before every doers eyes. Now in this line 10 your deed, the manner is ungodly, the thing unsufferable, the cause wicked, the person seditious, the time traitorous: and can ye possibly by any honest defence of reason, or any good conscience religiously grounded, deny that this malicious and horrible fault, so wickedly set on, is not only sinful afore God, and traitorous to the king, but also deadly and pestilent to the whole commonwealth of our country, and so not only overfloweth us with the misery, line 20 but also overwhelmeth you with the rage thereof?  
Yet further see and ye be not weary with the multitude of miseries, 
The yoke that rebels wilfully bring upon themselves.  which ye have marvelously moved, what a yoke ye wilfully do bring on yourselves, in stirring up this detestable sedition, and so bring yourselves into a further slavery, if ye use yourselves into a further slavery, if ye use yourselves often thus inobedientlie. When common order of the law can take no place in unruly and disobedient line 30 subjects, and all men will of wilfulness resist with rage, and think their own violence to be the best justice; then be wise magistrates compelled by necessity to seek an extreme remedy, where mean ways help not, and bring in the martial law where none other law serveth. Then must ye be contented to bide punishment without process, condemnation without witness, suspicion is then taken for judgement, and displeasure may be just cause of your execution, and so without favour ye find strictness, line 40 which without rule seek violence. Ye think it a hard law and unsufferable. It is so indeed, but yet good for a medicine.  

Desperate remedies for desperate diseases.  Desperate sicknesses in physic must have desperate remedies, for mean medicines will never help great griefs. So if ye cast yourselves into such sharp diseases, ye must needs look for sharp medicines again at your physicians hands. 
Rebels worthy to suffer extremity of punishment.  And worthy ye be to suffer the extremity in a commonwealth, which seek to do the extremity, and by reason line 50 must receive the like ye offer, and so be contenred to bide the end willingly which set on the beginning wilfully. For no greater shame can come to a commonwealth, 
The greatest shame that can come to a commonwealth.  than that those subjects which should be obedient even without a law, can not be contented to be ordered by the law, and by no means kept within their duty, which should every way offend rather than in their duty. It is a token that the subjects lack reason, when they forsake law, and think either by their multitude to find pardon, which cannot line 60 justly stretch to all, or else by strength to bear the stroke, which cannot prosper against a king.  
They must needs little consider themselves, who bring in this necessity, rather to stand to the pleasure of a man's will, than to abide the reason of the law; and to be endangered more when an other man listeth, than when himself offendeth. And this must necessarily follow if your rebellion thus continue: and while ye seek to throw down the yoke, which ye fancy yourselves burdened withal, ye bring yourselves in a greater bondage, leaving safety and following danger, and putting yourselves under the justice of them whose favour ye might easily have kept, if ye would willingly and dutifully have served. Now the gentlemen be more in trust, 
Gentlemen more trusty because the commons be vnt●ustie.  because the commons be untrusty, and they get by service, which ye lose by stubbornness, and therefore must needs, if ye thus continue, have more authority from the king: because ye would be in less subjection to the king, and that as ye will not do of yourselves, ye must be compelled to do by others, and that ye refuse to do willingly, think ye must be drawn to do the same constreinedlie. Which when it cometh to pass, as wisdom seeth in your faults that it must needs, what gain ye then, or what profit can arise to you by rising, which might have found ease in sitting still? And what shall ye be at length the better for this turmoil, which beside diverse other incommodities rehearsed, 
Martial la● a burden unsufferable.  shall be thus clogged with the unsufferable burden of the martial law.  
Yet there is one thing behind, which me thinketh yourselves should not forget, seeing that ye have given the cause, ye should duly look for the effect. Ye have spoiled, imprisoned, and threatened gentlemen to death, and that with such hatred of mind, as may not well be borne. The cause thereof I speak not on, which tried, will happily be not so great: but see the thing, set murder aside, 
Cruelty and extremity showed to the gentlemen by the rebels.  it is the heinousest fault to a private man. What could more spitefully have been done against them, than ye have used with cruelty? Can this do any other but breed in their stomaches great grudge of displeasure toward you, and engender such an hatred, as the weaker and the sufferer must needs bear the smart thereof.  
The king's best kind of government is so to rule his subjects, as a father ordereth his children, 
The king's best kind of government.  and best life of obedient subjects is one to behave himself to an other, as though they were brethren under the king their father. For love is not the knot only of the commonwealth, whereby diverse parts be perfectly joined together in one politic body, but also the strength and might of the same, gathering together into a small room with order, which scattered would else breed confusion and debate. 
The fruits of dissension.  Dissension we see in small houses, and thereby may take example to great commonwealths, how it not only decayeth them from wealth, but also abateth them from strength. Think small examples to take place in great matters, and the like though not so great to follow in them both, and there by learn to judge of great things unknown, by small things perceived. When brethren agree not in a house, goeth not the weakest to the walls; and with whom the father taketh part withal, is not he likest to prevail? Is it not wisdom for the younger brother, after the good will of the parents, to seek his eldest brothers favour, who under them is most able to do for him? To seek them both with honesty is wisdom, to lose them both by sullenness is madness.  
Have there not been daily benefits from the gentlemen to you, in some more, and in some less, 
The rebels had cause to bear with the gentlemen and to have l●ued them.  but in none considered, which they have more friendly offered, than you have gently requited? This must ye lose, when ye will not be thankful, and learn to gain new good will by desert, when ye forsake the old friendship vnprouoked. And ye must think that living in a commonwealth together, one kind hath need of an other: and yet a great sort of you more need of one gentleman, 
All the parts of a commonwealth b● not of like worthiness: 〈◊〉 gentlemen more wor●hie than yeomen, etc.  than one gentleman of a great sort of you. And though all be parts of one commonwealth, yet all be not like worthy parts, but all being under obedience, some kind in more subjection one way, and some kind in more service an other way. And seeing ye be less able by money and liberality to deserve good will than others be, and your only kind of desert is to show good will, which honest men do well accept as much worth as money, have ye not much hindered & hurt yourselves herein, losing that one kind of humanity which ye have only left, and turning it into cruelty, which ye ought most to abhor, not only because it is wicked of itself, but also most noisome to you.  
I can therefore for my part think no less herein, if ye follow your stiffness still, & must needs judge that ye have wilfully brought on yourselves such plagues, as the like could not have fallen on you, but by yourselves. Seeing then thus many ways ye have hurt the commonwealth of this whole country within, 
〈…〉 of 〈…〉 flowing from this 〈◊〉.  by destruction of shires, losing of harvest, line 10 wasting of victuals, decaieng of manhood, undoing of farmers, increasing of vagabonds, maintaining of disorders, hindering of redresses, bringing in of martial law, and breeding continual hatred among diverse states: what think ye, I pray you? judge ye not that ye have committed an odious and detestable crime against the whole commonwealth, whose f●rtherance ye ought to have tendered by duty, and not to have sought the hurt thereof with your own line 20 damage?  
Besides all these inward griefs, which every one severally must needs feel with misery, there happeneth so many outward mischances among strangers to us with disdain; 
Outward mischances ensuing upon rebellions to the shame of the land and 〈◊〉 wherein they be raised.  that if there were nothing ill within the realm which we should feel, yet the shame which doth touch us from other countries, should not only move, but also compel you heartily to forethink this your rebellious sedition. For what shall strangers think, when they shall hear of line 30 the great misorder which is in this realm with such confusion, that no order of law can keep you under, but must be feign to be beaten down with a king's power? 
King contemned.  Shall they not first think the king's majesty, in whose mind God hath powered so much hope for a child, as we may look for gifts in a man; either for his age to be little set by, or for lack of qualities not to be regarded, or for default of love to be resisted, and no notable grace of God in him considered, nor the worthiness of his office looked upon, nor natural line 40 obedience due to him remembered?  
Shall they not next suppose, small estimation to be given to the rulers, 
Rulers little esteemed.  to whom under the king we own due obedience, that can not in just and lawful matters be heard, nor men to have that right judgement of their wisdom, as their justice in rule, and foresight in counsel requireth: but rather prefer their own fancies before others experience, and deem their own reason to be commonwealth, and other men's wisdom to be but dreaming? 
Subjects disordered.  Shall they not line 50 truly say the subjects to be more unfaithful in disobedience, than other subjects worse ordered be; and licence of liberty to make wild heads without order, and that they neither have reason that understand not the mischief of sedition, nor duty which follow their beastliness, nor love in them which so little remember the commonwealth, nor natural affection which will daily seek their own destruction?  

The whole country ill spoken of.  Thus the whole country lacking the good opinion of other nations, is cast into great shame by your line 60 unruliness, and the proceed of the country, be they never so godly, shall be ill spoken of, as unfit to be brought into use; and good things hereby that deserve praise, shall bide the rebuke of them that list to speak ill, and ill things untouched shall be boldlier maintained. 
Nothing 〈◊〉 by disorder chanceable.  Nothing may with praise be redressed, where things be measured by changeable disorder, rather than by necessary use; and that is thought most politic, that men will be best contented to do, and not that which men should be brought unto by duty. And with what duty or virtue in ye, can ye quench out of memory this foul enterprise, or gather a good report again to this realm, who have so vilely with reproach slandered the same, and diversly discredited it among others, and abated the good opinion which was had of the just government and ruled order used heretofore in this noble realm, which is now most grievous, because it is now most without cause.  
If this outward opinion (without further inconvenience) were all, yet it might well be borne, 
Further outward hurt besides voice engendered of rebellions.  and would with ease decay as it grew: but it hath not only hurt us with voice, but endangered us in deed, and cast us a great deal behind the hand, where else we might have had a jolly foredeale. For that opportunity of time which seldom chanceth, and is always to be taken, hath been by your froward means lost this year, and so vainly spent at home for bringing down of you, which should else profitably have been otherwise bestowed, that it hath been almost as great a loss to us abroad, to lack that we might have obtained, as it was cumbrance at home, to go about the overthrow of you, whose sedition is to be abhorred. And we might both conveniently have invaded some, 
He meaneth the Scots & French with whom we have had always encumbrance.  if they would not reasonably have grown to some kind of friendship, and also defended others which would beside promise for times sake unjustly set upon us, and easily have made this stormy time a fair year unto us, if our men had been so happy at home, as our likelihood abroad was fortunate.  
But what is it (I pray you) either to let slip such an occasion by negligence, or to stop it by stubbornness, which once passed away, can be by no means recovered; no not though with diligence ye go about to reinforce the same again? If ye would with wickedness have forsaken your faith to your natural country, 
Note in a few words of force the dangerous quality of rebellion.  and have sought crafty means to have utterly betrayed it to our common enemies: could ye have had any other speedier way than this is, both to make our strength weak, and their weakness strong? If ye would have sought to have spited your country, and to have pleased your enemy, and follow their counsel for our hindrance: could ye have had devised of them any thing more shameful for us, and joyful to them? If they which lie like spials, and hearken after likelihoods of things to come, because they declare opportunity of times to the enemy, 
A reason drawn from the less to the greater.  are to be judged common enemies of the country; what shall we reasonably think of you, who do not secretly bewray the counsels of other, but openly betray the commonwealth with your own deeds, and have as much as lieth in you, sought the overthrow of it at home: which if ye had obtained at God's hand, as he never alloweth so horrible an enterprise, how could ye have defended it from the overthrow of others abroad?  
For is your understanding of things so small, that although ye see yourselves not unfit to get the upper hand of a few gentlemen, that ye be able to beat down afore the king's power: ye and by chance ye were able to do that, would ye judge yourselves by strength mighty enough, to resist the power of outward nations, 
Rebellion maketh passage to foreign invasion, & weakeneth our own region.  that for praise sake would invade ye? Nay, think truly with yourselves, that if ye do overcome, ye be unsure both by strength abroad, and displeasure of honest men at home, and by the punishment of God above. And now ye have not yet gotten in deed, that your vain hope looketh for by fancy: think how certainly ye have wounded the commonwealth with a sore stroke, in procuring our enemies by our weakness to seek victory, and by our outward misery to seek outward glory with inward dishonour. Which howsoever they get, think it to be long of you, who have offered them victory before they began war: because ye would declare to men hereafter (belike) how dangerous it is to make stirs at home, when they do not only make our selves weak, but also our enemies strong.  

Rebellion a●●●teth the papists, & each one beside that is offended at true religion.  Beside th●se, there is another sort of men desirous of advantage, and disdainful of our wealth, whose grief is most our greatest hap, and be offended with religion, because they be drowned in superstition, men zealed toward God, but not fit to judge, meaning better without knowledge, than they judge by their meaning, worthier whose ignorance should be taken away, than their will should be followed; whom we should more rebuke for their stubborness, than despise for their ignorance. These seeing line 10 superstition beaten down, and religion set up, God's word taking place, traditions kept in their kind, difference made between God's commandments and man's learning, the truth of things sought out according to Christ's institution, examples taken of the primitive churches use, not at the bishop of Rome's ordinance, and true worship taught, and will-worship refused, do by blindness rebuke that as by truth they should follow, and by affection follow that as by line 20 knowledge they should abhor, thinking usage to be truth, and scripture to be error, not weighing by the word, but misconstruing by custom.  

Religion beareth the blame and is counted the cause of rebellion, but amiss.  And now things be changed to the better, and religion trulier appointed, they see matters go awry, which hurteth the whole realm, and they rejoice in this mischief as a thing worthily happened, mistaking the cause, and slandering religion, as though there were no cause why God might have punished, if their used profession might still have taken place. They see not that where God's glory is truliest set line 30 forth, there the devil is most busy for his part, and laboureth to corrupt by lewdness, that as is gotten out by the truth, thinking that if it were not blemished at the first, the residue of his falsehood should after less prevail. So he troubleth by biwaies, that he cannot plainly withstand, and useth subtlety of sophistry, 
The devils sophistry.  where plain reason saileth, and persuadeth simple men that to be a cause, which in deed can not be tried and taken for a cause. So he causeth religion line 40 which teacheth obedience, to be judged the cause of sedition; & the doctrine of love, the seed of dissension; mistaking the thing, but persuading men's minds, and abusing the plain meaning of the honest to a wicked end of religions overthrow.  
The husbandman had not so soon thrown seed in his ground, 
Examples.  but steppeth up the enemy, and he soweth cockle too, and maketh men doubt whether the good husband had done well or no, and whether he had sown there good seed or bad. The fansifull jews in Egypt would not believe jeremy, 
The jews ascribe their misery to a false cause.  but thought their line 50 plague and their misery to come by his means; and leaving of idolatry to be the cause of penury, wherefore by wilful advise they intended to forsake the prophet's council, and thought to serve God most truly by their rooted & accustomed idolatry. When the christian men were persecuted in the primitive church, 
The heathens fond opinion of gods favouring their cruelty against christians.  & daily suffered martyrdom for Christ's profession, such fair season of weather was for three or four years together, that the heathen judged thereupon line 60 God to be delighted with their cruelty, and so were persuaded that with the blood of the martyrs they pleased God highly. Such fancies light now in papists, and irreligious men's heads, and join things by chance happening together, and conclude the one to be the cause of the other, and then delight in true worshippers hurt, because they judge cursedly the good to be bad, and therefore rejoice in the punishment of the godly. For they being fleshly, judge by outward things, and perceive not the inward, for that they lack the spirit and so judge amiss, not understanding God, what diversity he suffereth to blind still the wilful, and how through all dangers he saveth his forechosen.  
And thus have ye given a large occasion to stubborn papists, both to judge amiss, 
The 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 have an 〈◊〉 opinion of God's 〈◊〉 truth.  and also to rejoice in this wicked chance, contented with our mischief, not liking our religion, and thinking God doth punish for this better change, and have thereby an evil opinion of God's holy truth, confirmed in them by no sure scripture, but by following of mischance, which they ought to think to come for the pride and stubbornness of the people, who doth not accept God's glory in good part, nor give no due praise to their Lord and maker. What should I say more? Ye hurt every way, the dangers be so great, 
The hurts issuing from rebellion out of count.  and the perils so many, which do daily follow your devilish enterprise, that the more I seek in the matter, the more I continually see to say. And what words can worthily declare this miserable beastliness of yours, which have intended to divide the realm, and arm the one part for the kill of the other? For even as concord is not only the health, 
Concord and discord with their 〈◊〉 effects.  but also the strength of the realm: so is sedition not only the weakness but also the apostume of the realm, which when it breaketh inwardly, putteth the state in great danger of recovery, and corrupteth the whole commonwealth with the rotten fury that it hath been long putrefied withal. For it is not in sedition as in other faults, which being mischéefous of themselves, have some notable hurt always fast adjoined to them: but in this one is there a whole hell of faults, not severally scattered, but clustered on a lump together, and coming on so thick, that it is unpossible for a region armed with all kinds of wisdom, and strength thereto, to avoid the dangers that issue out thereof.  
When sedition once breaketh out, see ye not the laws overthrown, the magistrates despised, 
The mischiefs springing from sedition.  spoiling of houses, murdering of men, wasting of countries, increase of disorder, diminishing of the realm's strength, swarming of vagabonds, scarcity of labourers, and all those mischiefs plenteously brought in, which God is wont to scourge severely withal, war, dearth, and pestilence? And seeing ye have theft & murder, plague & famine, confusion and idleness linked together, can ye look for any more mischief in one shameful enterprise, than ye evidently see to grow herein? As for war, although it be miserable, yet the one part getteth somewhat, 
Foreign wa● far better than sedition at home.  and rejoiceth in the spoil, and so goeth lustier away: and either increaseth his country with riches, or inhanseth himself with glory: but in sedition both parts lose, the overcomer cannot fly, the overcomed cannot spoil; the more the winner winneth, the more he looseth; the more that escape, the more infamous men live; all that is gained is scarcely saved; the winning is loss, the loss is destruction, both waist themselves, and the whole most wasted; the strengthening of themselves, the decay of the country; the striving for the victory, is a prey to the enemy: and shortly to say, the hellish turmoil of sedition so far passeth the common misery of war, as to slay himself is more heinous, than to be slain of another.  
O noble peace, what wealth bringest thou in, how do all things flourish in field and in town, 
The praise and benefits of peace.  what forwardness of religion, what increase of learning, what gravity in counsel, what devise of wit, what order of manners, what obedience of laws, what reverence of states, what safeguard of houses, what quietness of life, what honour of countries, what friendship of minds, what honesty of pleasure hast thou always maintained, whose happiness we knew not, while now we feel thy lack, and shall learn by misery to understand plenty, and so to avoid mischief by the hurt that it bringeth, and learn to serve better, where rebellion is once known; and so to live truly, and keep the king's peace. What good state were ye in afore ye began, not pricked with poverty, 
The rebels 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 means 〈…〉  but stirred with mischief, to seek your destruction, having wa●es to redress all that was amiss? Magistrates most ready to tender all justice, and pitiful in hearing the poor men's causes, which sought to amend matters more than you can devise, and were ready to redress them better than ye could imagine: and yet for a headiness ye could not be contented; but in despite of God, who commandeth obedience, and in contempt of the king, whose line 10 laws do seek your wealth, and to overthrow the country, which naturally we should love, ye would proudly rise, and do ye wots not what, and amend things by rebellion to your utter undoing. 
The state of a 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 in time of 〈◊〉 and tumult.  What state leave ye us in now, besieged with enemies, divided at home, made poor with spoil and loss of our harvest, unordered and cast down with slaughter and hatred, hindered from amendments by our own devilish haste, endangered with sickness by reason of misorder, laid open to men's pleasures line 20 for breaking of the laws, and feebled to such faintness that scarcely it will be covered.  

Reasons to withdraw the rebels from their enterprises of rebellion, and to 〈◊〉 them to 〈◊〉.  Wherefore for God's sake have pity on yourselves, consider how miserably ye have spoiled, destroyed, and wasted us all: and if for desperateness ye care not for yourselves, yet remember your wives, your children, your country, and forsake this rebellion. With humble submission acknowledge your faults, and tarry not the extremity of the king's sword, leave off with repentance, and turn to your line 30 duties, ask God forgiveness, submit ye to your king, be contented for a commonwealth one or two to die. And ye captains for the residue sacrifice yourselves, ye shall so best attain the kings gracious pardon, save the assembly, and help the commonwealth, & to declare your doings to proceed of no stubborness; but all this mischief to grow out of ignorance, which seeing the misery, would redress the fault, & to recover best the blot of your disorder, and stay the great miseries which be like to follow. line 40 Thus if ye do not, think truly with yourselves, that God is angry with you for your rebellion, the king's sword drawn to defend his country, 
A conclusion peremptory against irre●u●able rebels.  the cry of the poor to God against ye, the readiness of the honest in armour to vanquish ye, your death to be at hand, which ye cannot escape, having God against ye, as he promiseth in his word, the king's power to overthrow ye, gathered in the field, the commonwealth line 50 to beat ye down with stripes and with curses, the shame of your mischief to blemish ye for ever.  
¶ Thus far this necessary treatise touching rebellion, penned by sir john cheek, a gentleman every way in complete sort satisfying the report blazed abroad of him. For if there were no more testimonies extant in the world, but this only treatise discoursing Kets rebellion; it were enough to warrant no less true, than in common speech and writing is left witnessed of him. And surly it appeareth, line 60 that as in this gentleman there was an extraordinary heap of laudable gifts; 
〈◊〉 ●l. ex 〈…〉  so was there also in him the right use of them all. Whereby he grew in such favour with king Henry the eight, that partly for his absolute knowledge in tongues, specially the Greek and Latin, and also for his integrity of life and religion; he was chosen schoolmaster to young prince Edward, to train him up in the right understanding, both of foreign languages, & the pureness of God's service. Insomuch that by his industry such effects followed (God above prospering his actions) that the young prince, when he came to the kingdom was mindful of him, and among other (I will not say gratuities, where cause of desert maketh challenge of some recompense) tokens of benevolence, advanced him to the dignity of knighthood; as hereafter in due place may appear. Of this worthy man, whose praise though never so excessive (if meet for a man) is equivalent unto his merits, john Leland, upon presenting unto him a book, taketh occasion to write this epigram, comprising in sum no less than is here under in English remembered: 
Si vis Thespiadum choro probari,  
Fac ut consilio libelle nostro 
Ad libellion, ut joanni Checo Gran●ano placed studea●.   
Facundo studeas placere Checo,  
Quem Pandioniae colunt Athenae,  
Et quem Roma colit diserta multùm,  
Quem rex maximus omnium supremúsque  
Henricus reputans virum probatum,  
Spectatúmque satis, reconditaeque  
Censorem solidum eruditionis,  
Eduardum bene filium suúmque  
Haeredem puerum, illi ad alta natum,  
Sic concredidit, utriusque linguae  
Flores ut legeret venustiores,  
Exercens facili manum labore,  
Et Christi imbiberet suave nectar.  
Foelicem arbitror hunc diem fuisse,  
Tanto discipulo dedit magistrum  
Qui talem, etc.]   
During the time of these commotions and stirs here within the realm, 
The French king purposed to surprise Gernes●ie and Jersey, but is repelled.  to the great danger of the state; the French king having knowledge thereof, meant not to omit the opportunity offered, to recover out of the Englishmen'S hands those fortresses which they held at Bullongne and in Bullongnois. Whereupon he gave summons to the gentlemen and men of arms, and others of his realm, to put themselves in order with all their furniture, that they might be ready to attend him in his army in Bullongnois by a day appointed. And about the same time, that is to say, in the beginning of August; the French king purposing to surprise the Isles of Gernes●ie and Jersey, appointed certain galleys and ships of war to pass thither; but being received by the king of England's navy that lay there, and other of the Island, 
john Fox.  they were beaten back and repelled, with the loss of a thousand men (as some writ) and so were constrained to retire without achieving their enterprise.  
Credible word was brought out of France to the lord protector, 
The French king is ashamed that any report should pass of his evil success.  that into one town in one vessel were brought at the least three score gentlemen to be buried, & also an inhibition given out by the French king, not to speak of the evil success of that journey. In the mean time, the French king being come down unto Abuile, departed from thence the sixteenth of August, and coming unto Rue, lodged there that night, and the next day came to Monstreull, where he found the constable and monsieur Daumalle. The next day being the eighteenth of August, he came to his army lodged four leagues on this side Monstreull at a village called Neufcastell, near to the forest of Ardelo, upon the way that leadeth to Bullongne. The same day were certain pioneers sent to Pont de Bricque to repair the bridge there, 
The French king persevereth in his former purpose, and martial action.  and to make the ways easy for the artillery to pass. The next day the said king with his army passed by Bullongne berg, and camped that night on a little hill betwixt that forest and the forest of Suren.  
In this place he caused trenches to be cast about a plot of ground, after the manner of a fortress, within the which he left certain bands of men of war to be a safeguard unto such as should pass to and fro with victuals to furnish his camp. He stayed not there past a day & a half, but removed to Ardenton, a mile or little more beyond Marguisen; from thence he came with his army, and lodged on a hill, somewhat more than a mile & a half from Hambletewe. The French king having viewed the forts, caused five and twenty pieces of artillery to be planted against that fort, which was built in a place called the Almain camp, but the Frenchmen named it Le fort de Selaque, 

Charles Sturton, and George Willoughby.  
Les chroniques de Aquitaine. The fort called Almain camp woo●e.   distant from Hambletewe about a quarter of a mile. The artillery had not gone off little more than the space of two hours, but that line 10 Charles Sturton captain of that piece, and George Willoughby a gentleman associate with him, came forth to parley with the Constable, offering to yield the fort into his hands, upon condition they might departed with bag and baggage. But as they were thus in hand to make their composition, the Frenchmen thrust forward to the rampires, and entered in plumps into the fortress, slew fourscore persons, & took the rest prisoners. There might be in all within that piece two hundred and thirty persons, men and women. This happened the four line 20 and twentieth of August, being Bartholomew day.  
This done, the king caused part of the artillery to be planted against the castle of Hambletewe, situated at the one end of the town near to the sea side. Towards night monsieur de Uandosme gave an approach to the said castle, and they within by commandment of the lord Greie retired to the main fort to help to furnish the same, 
The lord Greie.  wanting numbers sufficient to defend it. The next day being line 30 the five and twentieth of August, 
The castle of Hambletewe lost.  the king caused approaches to be made unto the great fort, and the morrow after the battery began most furiously. The same day after dinner, the king summoned them within to yield; but the lord john Greie being general (although he saw how weak the piece was of itself, & the lack of sufficient numbers of men to resist such a puissant force, as the French king had there with him) would not yet hearken unto any talk, nor suffer the herald to come near; for that he line 40 should not perceive the weakness of the piece: and so he was commanded to get him thence with speed, or else they would cause him to be packing smallly to his ease. The French king sore offended herewith, that his herald was so uncourteously used, 
Hambletewe summoned.  caused the battery to be reinforced with great diligence, which dismounting their ordinance within, and beating down their rampires, made such breaches, that my lord john and the captains within perceived they were not able by any means to defend the line 50 place any longer. Hereupon they offered to render the fort to the king upon composition: which in the end fell out to be thus, 
Hambletewe rendered to the French king.  that the soldiers should departed with their lives saved, and that their general (for honour sake) should have one horse to ride on in his corselet, without sword or dagger, and likewise two other captains with him: but as for the other soldiers, with the women and children, should departed on foot in their shirts, leaving all their goods and substance behind them. After it was agreed that the fort should be thus surrendered, there entered line 60 monsieur de Chatillon that was after admiral of France, and monsieur de Desk, lately returned out of Scotland. The French soldiers entering by stealth into the fort by the breaches, committed foul disorders, not only in ransacking the houses, but also in spoiling the soldiers by force, entreating them in most rigorous manner.  
The French writers confess, that it was pity to see the poor men and women so miserably handled and abused as they were by the outrageous soldiers that thus entered the fort, 
The French writers report of their own countrymen's cruelty and savageness.  and sacked all that they could lay hands upon. Monsieur de Desk saved a great number of women and young maidens from the cruel hands of their adversaries, causing them to pass forth by the breach, and presented them to the king, who appointed that they should be conveyed in safety, with all that they had about them, till they had gotten out of danger. Monsieur de Chatillon, by the king's commandment, caused all the rest within the fort to come forth, who passing three and three in a range came before the king, who stood there to behold them, with the whole army placed so in order on either side the way as they should come, that they might pass betwixt their ranks, as it were through a lane. 
The number that came forth of Hambleteune.  They that came forth in this sort might be (as the French writers record) about seven or eight hundred in all of men and women, whereof there were many hurt and maimed; some with half a shirt on to cover them, and diverse stark naked. The lord john Greie being mounted on a curtail, passing by the French king, and saluting him, was courteously of him embraced.  
The morrow after was the fort of Blackness or Blaconnesse rendered to the French king, with like conditions as they of Hambletewe had rendered theirs. This was on the tuesday the seven and twentieth of August. The nine and twentieth of August sir Nicholas Arnault conveying all the artillery, munition, victuals, and goods out of Bullongne berg, caused fire to be set on that fort, and retired with all his soldiers and other people unto Bullongne. Whereupon shortly after the Frenchmen seized upon the said place of Bullongne berg, & kept it. The French king leaving monsieur de Chatillon within Hambletewe with the old bands of the French footmen, 
Causes that compelled the French king to break up his camp.  returned towards Bullongne, & approaching within a mile and a half of the Old man, meant to build there a fort on the sea side: but what through such sharp skirmishes as the Englishmen continually were ready to make with his men, and what through the abundance of rain which fell in that season, he was constrained to break up his camp, and leaving strong garrisons both of horsemen and footmen in all those places, which he had in that season won out of the Englishmen'S hands, he returned himself with the princes of his blood into France.  
In this mean time whilst the French king was thus occupied, to use the opportunity of time in recovering of those fortresses in Bullongnois out of the Englishmen'S hands, the king's majesty and his council were busy still in quieting his rebellious subjects here in England: and finally for mean of a full pacification, and to set all things in good frame and quiet rest, the king published his graces most general and free pardon to all rebels, 
The kings general pardon.  so that they would forthwith (upon publication of the same pardon) return every man to his house and country; which they gladly did: and so these seditious and most dangerous troubles were brought to end and pacified.  
¶ Also in this busy time Marry Steward queen of Scots was conveyed by sea out of Scotland into France, 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉 ●●rrundam c●●●ctan●is.  and there on the ninetéenth day of April 1549, was married in our lady church in Paris (with great triumph and solemnity) to Francis the Dolphin, eldest son unto king Henry the second of that name French king. This conveying of the young queen is reported by one to have been privily wrought, at such time as the council of England were in some expectation and hope to obtain her. Nevertheless the subtle advise of the French, and the treacherous forwardness of the Scots, utterly disappointed the honest and honourable purpose of the English. Now when the young queen and her train, with the guard of her person (be they whom you will) were under sail, the English navy was abroad, and lying in wait to have intercepted her course, meant not only to skirmish, but also to recover the young queen from the French in spite of their hearts, had not the king of England and the most of his council flatly forbidden them to attempt any warlike encounter, for certain just and weighty causes to them known. But the Scots smarted for this their vain lightness, as in former times for like practices of their vile lewdness, as C.O. saith: 
Sic leviora levi pluma promissa Scotorum  
Infamem reddunt gentem, daunt sanguine p●nas line 10  
Perfidiae quandóque suae velut antè dederunt.   

〈◊〉 1043.  In this troublesome year also Edmund Bonner bishop of London preached a sermon at Paul's cross, for the which he was accus●● unto the council by William Latimer parson of saint Laurence Pountneie, and john Hooper sometime a white monk, and so convented before the archbishop of Canturburie, and other commissioners at Lambeth, on the twentieth day of that same month, and sent to the Marshalsea. On the first of October he was line 20 deprived of his bishopric, for disobeieng the king's order in religion.]  
Now after that these hurlie burlies were throughly quieted, 
The council withdraw themselves 〈◊〉 private conferences about the lord protectors displacing.  many of the lords of the realm, as well councillors as other, misliking the government of the protector, began to withdraw themselves from the court, and resorting to London, fell to secret consultation for redress of things, but namely for the displacing of the lord protector. And suddenly upon what occasion many marveled, but few knew. Every line 30 lord and councillor went through the city weaponed, and had their servants likewise weaponed, attending upon them in new liveries, to the great wondering of many. And at the last a great assembly of the said councillors was made at the earl of Warwiks' lodging, which was then at Elie place in Holborn, whither all the confederates in this matter came privily armed; and finally concluded to possess the tower of London, which by the policy of sir William Paulet lord treasurer of England line 40 was peaceably obtained, & who by order of the said confederates immediately removed sir john Markam then lieutenant of the tower, and placed in that room sir Leonard Chamberlain. And after that the said council was broken up at Elie place, the earl of Warwick removed forthwith into the city of London, and lay in the house of one john York a citizen of London, who was then chief master of the mint, kept at Suffolk place in Southworke. The lord protector hearing of the manner of the assembly line 50 of this council, and of the taking of the tower, which seemed to him very strange and doubtful, 
The protector removeth in haste with the king to Windsor.  did presently the said night remove from Hampton court, taking the king with him, unto the castle of Windsor, and there began to fortify the same, and withal wrote a letter to that noble gentleman the lord russel lord privy seal remaining as yet in the west country, advertising him of these troubles as followeth.   
A letter of the lord protectors ●o the lord russel lord privy seal, concerning troubles working against him.  
line 60  

john Fox in the Acts and Monuments. A letter of the lord protectors to the lord privy 〈◊〉.  AFter our right hearty commendations to your good lordship. Here hath of late risen such a conspiracy against the king's majesty & us, as never hath been seen, the which they can not maintain, with such vain letters and false tales surmised, as was never meant nor intended on us. They pretend and say, that we have sold Bullongne to the French, and that we do withhold wages from the soldiers, & other such tales and letters they do spread abroad (of the which if any one thing were true, we would not wish to live) the matter now being brought to a marvelous extremity, such as we would never have thought it could have come unto, especially of those men towards the king's majesty and us, of whom we have deserved no such thing, but rather much favour and love. But the case being as it is, this is to require & pray you, to hasten you hither to the defence of the king's majesty, in such force and power as you may, to show the part of a true gentleman, and of a very friend: the which thing we trust God shall reward, and the king's majesty in time to come, and we shall never be unmindful of it too. We are sure you shall have other letters from them, but as ye tender your duty to the king's majesty, we require you to make no stay, but immediately repair with such force as ye have to his highness in his castle of Windsor, and cause the rest of such force as ye may make to follow you. And so we bid you right heartily farewell. From Hampton court the sixth of October.  
Your lordship's assured loving friend Edward Summerset.  
An answer to the lord protector's letter.  
TO this letter of the lord protectors sent the sixth of October, 
The effect of the lord russel's letter answering the lord protector.  the lord russel returning answer again upon the eight of the said month, first lamented the heavy dissension fallen between the nobility and him, which he took for such a plague, as a greater could not be sent of almighty God upon this realm being the next way (said he) to make us of conquerors, slaves; and like to induce upon the whole realm an universal thraldom and calamity, unless the merciful goodness of the Lord do help, and some wise order be taken in staying these great extremities. And as touching the duke's request in his letters, forsomuch as he had heard before of the broil of the lords, and feared least some conspiracy had been meant against the king's person, he hasted forward with such company as he could make, for the surety of the king as to him appertained. Now perceiving by the lords letters sent unto him the same sixth day of October, these tumults to rise upon private causes between him and them, he therefore thought it expedient, that a convenient power should be levied, to be in a readiness to withstand the worst (what perils soever might ensue) for the preservation both of the king and state of the realm from invasion of foreign enemies, and also for the staying of bloodshed, if any such thing should be intended betwixt the parties in the heat of this faction. And this he thinking best for the discharge of his allegiance, humbly besought his grace to have the same also in special regard and consideration; first, that the king's majesty be put in no fear; and that if there be any such thing, wherein he hath given just cause to them thus to proceed, he would so conform himself, as no such private quarrels do redound to the public disturbance of the realm: certifying moreover the duke, that if it were true which he understood by the letters of the lords, that he should send about proclamations and letters for raising up of the commons, he liked not the same. Notwithstanding he trusted well that his wisdom would take such a way, as no effusion of blood should follow.  
And thus much being contained in his former letters the eight of October, 
The contents of the second answer of the lord russel to the lord protector.  in his next letters again written the eleventh of October, the said lord russel rejoicing to hear of the most reasonable offers of the lord protector made to the lords, wrote unto him and promised to do, what in the uttermost power of him (and likewise of sir William Herbert joined together with him) did lie, to work some honourable reconciliation between him & them: so as his said offers being accepted and satisfied, some good conclusion might ensue, according to their good hope and expectation: 
The good lord russel a solicitor for peace between the lord protector and the lords.  signifying moreover, that as touching the levying of men, they had resolved to have the same in readiness for the benefit of the realm, to occur all inconveniences whatsoever, that either by foreign invasion or otherwise might happen: & so having line 10 their power at hand to draw near, whereby they might have the better opportunity to be solicitors and means for this reformation on both parts, etc. And thus much for the answer of the lord russel to the lord protector's letters.  

The lords of the council assembled against the lord protector.  But now to proceed and go forward with the matter of the lords, who together with the earl of Warwick (upon what occasion God knoweth) were assembled at London (as ye have heard) against line 20 the lord protector. When the king with his council at Hampton court heard thereof, first secretary Peter with the king's message was sent unto them, whom the lords notwithstanding detained still with them, making as yet no answer to the message. Whereupon the lord protector wrote as followeth.  
A letter of the lord protectors to the council at London.  line 30 

The protector's letter to the lords.  MY lords we commend us heartily unto you. And whereas the king's majesty was informed that you were assembled in such sort as you do, and now remain, and was advised by us and such other of his council as were then here about his person, to send master secretary Peter unto you with such a message, as whereby might have ensued the surety of his majesties person, with the preservation of his realm and subjects, and the quiet both of us and yourselves, as line 40 master secretary can well declare to you: his majesty and we of his council here do not a little marvel, that you stay still with you the said master secretary, & have not as it were vouchsafed to send answer to his majesty, neither by him nor yet by any other. And for ourselves we do much more marvel and are sorry, as both we and you have good cause to be, to see the manner of your doings bent with force of violence, to bring the king's majesty & us to these extremities. line 50  

No word hitherto sent from the lords to the lord protector what they required of him to do.  Which as we intent, if you will take no other way but violence, to defend (as nature and allegiance doth bind us) to extremity of death, and to put all to God's hand, who giveth victory as it pleaseth him: so if that any reasonable conditions & offers would take place (as hitherto none hath been signified unto us from you, nor we do not understand, what you do require or seek, or what you do mean) and that you do seek no hurt to the king's majesties person, line 60 as touching all other private matters, to avoid the effusion of christian blood, and to preserve the king's majesties person, his realm and subjects, you shall find us agreeable unto any reasonable conditions that you will require. For we do esteem the king's wealth and tranquility of the realm more than all other worldly things, yea than our own life. Thus praying you to send us your determinate answer herein by master secretary Peter, or if you will not let him go, by this bearer, we beseech God to give both you and us grace to determinate this matter, as may be to God's honour, the preservation of the king, and the quiet of us all: which may be, if the fault be not in you. And so we bid you most heartily farewell. From the king's majesties castle of Windsor the seventh of October, 1549.  
Your lordship's loving friend Edward Summerset.  
After the receipt of these letters, 
The lords continue in their intended purpose against the lord protector.  the lords seeming not greatly to regard the offers contained therein, persisted in their intended purpose; and continuing still in London conferred with the mayor of London and his brethren, first willing them to cause a good and substantial watch by night, and a good ward by day to be kept for the safeguard of the city, and the ports and gates thereof: which was consented unto, and the company. 〈◊〉 London in their turns warned to watch and 〈◊〉 accordingly. Then the said lords and councillors demanded of the lord mayor and his brethren five hundred men to aid them, to fetch the lord protector out of Windsor from the king. But thereunto the mayor answered, that he could grant no aid without the assent of the common council of the city: whereupon the next day a common council was summoned to the Guildhall in London. But in this mean time the said lords of the council assembled themselves at the lord majors house in London, who was then sir Henry Amcotes fishmonger, and john York and Richard Turk sheriffs of the said city. And there the said council agreed and published forthwith a proclamation against the lord protector, 
A proclamation published against the lord protector.  the effect of which proclamation was as followeth.  
1 That the lord protector, by his malicious and evil government, was the occasion of all the sedition that of late hath happened within the realm.  
2 The loss of the king's pieces in France.  
3 That he was ambitious and sought his own glory, as appeared by his building of most sumptuous and costly buildings, and specially in the time of the king's wars, and the king's soldiers unpaid.  
4 That he esteemed nothing the grave council of the councillors.  
5 That he sowed sedition between the nobles, the gentlemen, and commons.  
6 That the nobles assembled themselves together at London, for none other purpose, but to have caused the protector to have lived within his limits, and to have put such order for the king's majesty as appertained, whatsoever the protector's doings were, which (as they said) were unnatural, ingrate, and traitorous.  
7 That the protector slandered the council to the king, and did what in him lay to cause variance between the king and his nobles.  
8 That he was a great traitor, and therefore the lords desired the city and commons to aid them to take him from the king. 
Witnesses to the contents of the said proclamation.  And in witness and testimony of the contents of the said proclamation the lords subscribed their names and titles as followeth.  
The lord Rich lord chancellor, the lord S. john lord great master and precedent of the council, the lord 〈…〉 of Northampton, the earl of Warwick 〈◊〉 great chamberlain, the earl of Arundel lord chamberlain, the earl of Shrewesburie, the earl of Southampton Wriothesleie, sir Thomas Cheinie knight treasurer of the king's house and lord warden of the cinque ports, sir john Gage knight constable of the tower, sir William Peter knight secretary, sir Edward North knight, sir Edward Montague chief justice of the common pleas, sir Ralph Sadler, sir john Baker, sir Edward Wootton, doctor Wootton dean of Canturburie, sir Richard Southwell.  
After the foresaid proclamation was proclaimed, the lords or the most of them continuing and lying in London, came the next day to the Guildhall, during the time that the lord mayor and his brethren sat in their court or inner chamber, and entered and communed a long while with them, 
〈◊〉 kings 〈◊〉 read to 〈◊〉 ●●●izens.  and at the last the mayor and his brethren came forth unto the common council, where was read the king's letter sent unto the mayor and citizens, commanding them to aid him with a thousand men, as hath master Fox, and to send the same to his castle at Windsor: and to the same letter was adjoined the king's hand, and the lord protectors. 
The 〈…〉 enemy 〈◊〉 the lord 〈◊〉.  On the other side, by the mouth of the line 10 recorder it was requested, that the citizens would grant their aid rather unto the lords: for that the protector had abused both the king's majesty, and the whole realm, and without that he were taken from the king, & made to understand his folly, this realm was in a great hazard: and therefore required that the citizens would willingly assent to aid the lords with five hundred men: hereunto was none other answer made but silence. But the recorder (who at that time was a worthy gentleman called master Brooke) still cried upon them for answer. line 20  
At the last stepped up a wise and good citizen, named (as master Fox saith) George Stadlow, 
〈◊〉 Stad●●● citizen of L●●don 〈◊〉 answer 〈◊〉 recorder 〈◊〉 London 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉.  and said thus. In this case it is good for us to think of things past to avoid the danger of things to come. I remember (saith he) in a story written in Fabians chronicle, of the war between the king and his barons, which was in the time of king Henry the third, and the same time the barons (as our lords do now) commanded aid of the mayor and city of London, line 30 and that in a rightful cause for the commonweal, which was for the execution of diverse good laws, whereunto the king before had given his consent, and after would not suffer them to take place, and the city did aid the lords. Now it came to an open battle, wherein the lords prevailed, and took the king and his son prisoners, and upon certain conditions the lords restored again the king and his son to their liberties. And among all other conditions, this was one, that the king should not only line 40 grant his pardon to the lords, but also to the citizens of London, which was granted, yea and the same ratified by act of parliament. But what followed?  
Was it forgotten? No surly, nor yet forgiven during the king's life. 
●hat it is to 〈◊〉 into the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 pleasure 〈◊〉 the prince.  The liberties of the city were taken away, strangers appointed to be our heads and governors, the citizens given away body and goods, and from one persecution to another were most miserably afflicted: such it is to enter into the wrath of a prince, as Solomon saith; The wrath and indignation of a prince is death. Wherefore forsomuch line 50 as this aid is required of the king's majesty, whose voice we ought to hearken unto (for he is our high shepherd) rather than unto the lords: 
The advise 〈◊〉 George ●radlow.  and yet I would not wish the lords to be clearly shaken off, but that they with us, and we with them may join in suit, and make our most humble petition to the king's majesty, that it would please his highness, to hear such complaint against the government of the lord protector as may be justly alleged and proved. And I doubt not but this matter will be so pacified, line 60 that neither shall the king nor yet the lords have cause to seek for further aid, neither we to offend any of them both. After this tale the commons stayed, and the lord mayor & his brethren for that time broke up, and afterward communed with the lords.  

Sir Philip 〈◊〉 sent to 〈◊〉 king by 〈◊〉 lords.  The lords sat the next day in council in the Star chamber, and from thence they sent sir Philip Hobbie with their letters of credence to the king's majesty, beseeching his highness to give credit to that which the said Philip should declare unto his majesty in their names: & the king gave him liberty to speak, and most gently heard all that he had to say. And truly he did so wisely declare his message▪ and so gravely told his tale in the name of the lords, yea therewithal so vehemently and grievously against the protector, who was also there present by the king, that in the end, the lord protector was commanded from the king's presence, and shortly was committed to ward in a tower within the castle of Windsor called Beauchamps tower. And soon after were stayed sir Thomas Smith, sir Michael Stanhope, 
The lord protector committed to prison.  and sir john Thin knights, master Whalleie, master Fisher, Wolf of the privy chamber, Gray of Reading, and divers other gentlemen that attended upon the lord protector. And the same day the lords of the council came to Windsor to the king, and the next day they brought from thence the lord protector, and the other that were there stayed, and conveyed them through the city of London, with as much wonderment as might be, unto the tower, where they remained prisoners.  
¶ Touching the manner of the dukes coming to the tower from Windsor, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1044.  I find that it was on the fourteenth of October in the after noon, at which time he was brought on horseback through Holborn, in at Newgate, and so to the tower of London, accompanied with diverse lords and gentlemen with three hundred horse: the lord mayor, 
The lord protector committed to the tower.  sir Ralph Warren, sir john Gresham, master recorder, sir William Lock, and both the sheriffs, and other knights, sitting on their horses against Soper lane, with all the officers with halberds, and from Holborn bridge to the tower, certain aldermen or their deputies on horseback in every street, with a number of householders standing with bills as he passed.] Shortly after the lords resorted to the tower, and there charged the protector with sundry articles, as followeth.  

Articles objected against the lord protector.  
IN primis, you took upon you the office of a protector and governor, upon condition, expressly and specially, that you would do nothing in the king's affairs publicly or privately, but by the assent of the late kings executors.  
2 Also you, contrary to the said condition, of your own authority, did stay and let justice, and subverted the laws, as well by your letters as by your commandments.  
3 Also you caused diverse persons, being arrested and imprisoned for treason, murder, manslaughter and felony, to be discharged and set at large, against the king's laws and statutes of this realm.  
4 Also you have made and ordained lieutenants for the king's armies, and other weighty affairs under your own writing and seal.  
5 Also you have communed with the ambassadors of other realms, discoursing alone with them in the weighty causes of this realm.  
6 Also you have sometime rebuked, checked and tawnted, as well privately as openly, diverse of the kings most honourable councillors, for showing and declaring their advises and opinions against your purposes in the king's weighty affairs, saying sometimes to them, that you need not to open matters unto them, and would therefore be otherwise advised: and that you would, if they were not agreeable to your opinion, put them out, and take other at your pleasure.  
7 Also you had and held against the law in your own house, a court of requests, and thereby did enforce diverse the king's subjects to answer for their free holds and goods, and determined the same to the subversion of the same laws.  
8 Also you being no officer, without the advise of the council, or the more part of them, did dispose of the offices of the king's gift for money, and granted leases and wards of the kings, and gave presentations to the king's benefices and bishoprics, having no authority so to do. And further, you did meddle with the selling of the king's lands.  
9 Also you commanded multiplication and alchumistry to be practised to abuse the king's coin. line 10  
10 Also you caused a proclamation to be made concerning enclosures, whereby the common people have made diverse insurrections, and levied open war, and distrained and spoiled diverse of the king's subjects, which proclamation went forth against the will of the whole council.  
11 Also you have caused a commission with certain articles thereunto annexed, to be made out concerning enclosures of commons, high ways, decaieng of cottages, and diverse other things, giving line 20 the commissioners authority to hear and determine the same causes, to the subversion of the laws and statutes of this realm: whereby much sedition, insurrection, and rebellion have risen and grown among the king's subjects.  
12 Also you have suffered the rebels and traitors to assemble and to lie in camp and armour against the king, his nobles, and gentlemen, without any speedy subduing or repressing of them.  
13 Also you did comfort and encourage diverse of line 30 the said rebels, by giving of them diverse sums of your own money, and by promising to diverse of them, fees, rewards, and services.  
14 Also you in favour of the said rebels did against the laws cause a proclamation to be made, that none of the said rebels and traitors should be sued or vexed by any person, for any their offences in the said rebellion, to the clear subversion of the same laws.  
15 Also you have said in time of the rebellion, line 40 that you liked well the doings and proceed of the said rebels and traitors, and said that the covetousness of the gentlemen gave occasion to the common people to rise: saying also, that better it is for the commons to die, than perish for lack of living.  
16 Also you said that the lords of the parliament were loath to incline themselves to reformation of enclosures and other things: therefore the people had good cause to reform the things themselves. line 50  
17 Also you after the report and declaration of the defaults and lacks reported to you by such as did survey Bullongne and the pieces there, would never amend the same defaults.  
18 Also you would not suffer the pieces beyond the seas, called Newhaven and Blackness, to be furnished with men and victuals; although you were advertised of the defaults therein by the captains of the same pieces and others, and were thereto advertised by the king's council: whereby the French king line 60 being the kings open enemy, was encouraged and comforted to win the said pieces, to the kings great loss, and dishonour of his realm.  
19 Also you declared and published untruely, as well to the king's majesty, as other the young lords attendant upon his grace's person, that the lords of the council at London minded to destroy the king, and you required the king never to forget it, but to revenge it: and likewise you required the young lords to put the king in remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition & discord between the king and his lords.  
20 Also where the king's majesties privy council, of their love and zeal that they did bear unto the king and his realm, did consult at London to have communed with you, to the intent to move you charitably to amend your doings and misgovernment: you hearing of the said assembly, did cause to be declared by letters in diverse places the said lords to be high traitors to the king, to the great disturbance of the realm.   
And thus much for these troubles of the lord protector, and articles against him objected; to the end (as was doubted) that the same should have cost him his life. But such was the pleasure of almighty God, disposing men's hearts as seemeth to him best, that at length, to wit, the sixth of February next, he was delivered; and that night he supped at sir john Yorks one of the sheriffs of London, also the proclamation before set forth against him was revoked & called in. And thus being again restored, though not to his former office, yet unto liberty, he continued therein for the space of two years and two days, till new troubles (as after shall appear) chanced to him, which as they were too heavy for him either to cast off, or carry away; so were his loders more ready to aggravate his burden, than willing to ease him any way of the weight. So that this his exaltation & raising to dignity, in respect of the short continuance thereof, as also for the envy wherewith it was assailed, had been better not to have happened, than with such infelicity in so short a time to have ended. But this fall from honour & advancement with loss of life (than the which nothing more precious, nothing more delicious) grieved him the less: because he might perceive (as some suspected) that rather of envy than otherwise (reserving the course of God's judgement and vengeance to the secrecy of his own counsels) the same was devised, prosecuted, & finally practised: 
Nam quo quisque magis pius est, studiosior aequi,  
Charior & regi, & quo quisque potentior extat,  
Sentiet à pravis se tanto odiosius iri  
Dente Theonino rosum, quod fortè latenter  
Fiet & occultè, linguae ne sentiatictum  
Laethalem, donec stamen trux Atropos occet,  
Et vi Parcarum coenum voluatur in imum.]   
¶ The seventeenth of October, king Edward came from Hampton court to his place in Southworke, 
Abr. Fl. ex I ● 1044, 1045.  and there dined, 
K. Edward road through London.  and after dinner he made master York one of the sheriffs knight, and then road through the city to Westminster. The lord mayor of London for this year named sir Rowland Hill, was a man of great charity and compassion, evident and effectual testimonies whereof he hath left in the world; some of whose good deeds partly in his remembrance & partly for others example are deservedly recorded. This man caused to be made a causeie, commonly called Ouerlane pavement in the high way from Stone to Nantwich, 
Charitable deeds of sir Rowland Hill.  in length four miles, for horse and man, with diverse lanes on both sides the same causeie. He caused likewise a causeie to be made from Dunchurch to Bransen in Warwikeshire, more than two miles of length, and gave twenty pounds in money towards the making of Roitton bridge, three miles from Coventrie. He made the high way to Kilborne near to London. He made four bridges, two of them of stone, containing eighteen arches in them both, the one over the river of Severne, called Achambridge; the other Ternebridge, for that the water of Terne runneth under it; the other two of timber at Stoke, and built a good part of Stoke church. He builded one notable free school at Draiton in Shropshire, with master and usher, and sufficient stipends for them both, 
Fréeschole at Draiton in Shropshire.  besides convenient lodgings for the same. He also purchased a free fair to the said town, with a free market wéekelie, & also a free market for castle every fourteen days. 
〈◊〉 gift to 〈…〉.  He gave to the hospital of Christ's church in London in his life time five hundred pounds in ready money, and a hundred pounds at his decease.]  
But now to return to other doings. Whilst these hurls and tumults were in hand, to the danger of the whole state, the wars against the Scots were nothing followed, according to the former purposed meaning of the council: so that it seemed necessary to give over the keeping of Hadington, the same line 10 being in deed more chargeable (as was thought) than profitable, sith the garrison there could not be vitteled but with a great power to conduct the carriages in safety, the enemies being still ready to take their advantage to distress them upon any opportunity offered. It was therefore resolved, that the earl of Rutland should go thither to see the fortifications razed, and to conduct from thence the men & ordinance in safety home into England. Hereupon the said earl with the Almans, and other soldiers then line 20 remaining on the borders, 
 marched thither, and caused the bulwarks, rampires, and trenches to be razed and filled flat with the ground, and bringing from thence all the men, artillery and munition, bag and baggage returned unto Barwike without encounter, in peaceable and quiet manner.  

● parliament.  Shortly after this, the king's majesty called his high court of parliament, which began at Westminster, the four and twentieth day of November in this third year of his reign, and there continued the line 30 same until the first day of February next following, which was in the beginning of the fourth year of his reign. And among other things there enacted and concluded, one statute was made for the punishment of rebels, 
〈◊〉 act for unlawful assem●●●s.  and unlawful assemblies: the which law was made by occasion of the late rebellion that happened in manner through the realm the year passed, & was not thought nor meant to have touched any noble man, specially such as the duke of Summerset was, which after (as it shall appear) it did, and line 40 by that statute he was condemned within two years next after.  

A●r. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1045.  ¶ The nintéenth of januarie, sir john russel lord privy seal, was created earl of Bedford: and lord saint john Lord great master, 
States created.  was created earl of Wiltshire: and sir William Paget, comptrollor of the king's house, was made lord Paget. On the same day at night, 
Peter Gamba ●nd another captain murdered.  were murdered by saint Pul●hres church against the king's head without Newgate of London two captains, that had served the line 50 king of Bullongne and elsewhere, the one was sir Peter Gamba, the other Filicirga. Which murder was committed by Charles Gavaro a Fleming, 
Gavaro and 〈◊〉 hanged.  who came post from Barwike to do that act. On the morrow, he with three of his company was taken in Smithfield by the lord Paget, and sent to Newgate, and the four and twentieth of januarie they were all four, Charles Gavaro, Balthasar Gavaro, Nicholas Disalueron, and Francis Devalasco, had in a cart to Smithfield. And by the way at the place line 60 where the murder was done, Charles Gavaro had his right hand stricken off on the cart wheel, and then all hanged in Smithfield; who being exhorted to reconcile himself to God and the world by confessing his fault, by repenting himself of the offence, and ask forgiveness, that he might with a disburdened conscience resign his soul into the hands of God, obstinately and desperately answered, that he would never repent him of the deed.]  

1550 Anno Reg. 4.  About the same time, monsieur de Thermes that succeeded monsieur de Desk in government as general of the French forces in Scotland, came before Broughticrag, where he did so much by battery & o●her kinds of enforcement, that giving an assault both with his Frenchmen and certain Scots joined with him, the twentieth of February, the fort was entered by fine force, and all within it either taken or slain. 
Sir john Lutterell prisoner.  Sir john Lutterell governor of that piece remained prisoner amongst the Frenchmen. Moreover, now after the end of the parliament, the earl of Warwick, having then highest authority, and the rest of the lords of the council, 
earl of Warwick in highest authority.  calling to remembrance how the last year in the time of rebellion, the French king had entered Bullongnois, and won diverse of the English forts there, being of great importance for defence of the town and country, the default whereof was imputed to the negligent government of the lord protector: and for so much as they well understood that the French king upon further practice had placed a captain called the reingrave, with diverse regiments of Almain lancequenets, 
Morguison the midway between Bullen and Calis.  and certain ensigns also of Frenchmen, to the number of four or five thousand at the town of Morguison, being the midway between Bullongne and Calis, to the great peril and danger as well of the countiss of Bollongnois, as alof Calis, Guisnes, and all the low country.  
The king therefore for the defence of the said frontiers, caused all the strangers which had served that year against the rebels, being to the number of two thousand, 
It is agreed among the lords to infested and annoie the French.  to be transported over the sea to the marches of Calis. And now at Christmas last passed, by order of the said earl, and of the councillors aforesaid, Francis earl of Huntingdon, and sir Edward Hastings his brother, sir james Croft, sir Leonard Chamberlain, and diverse other captains and soldiers, to the number of three thousand, were set over to the marches of Calis, to join with the said strangers, minding with as convenient speed as they might, to remove the camp, and otherwise to annoy the French. But in the mean time through the diligent travel of certain persons, specially of one Guidoti an Italian, and a Florentine borne, there was a motion made for a treaty to be had by certain commissioners, appointed betwixt the kings of England and France, for the conclusion of some peace, upon such reasonable conditions and articles as might be thought expedient for the present time; and to stand with the honour and commodity of both the princes.  
This motion took such effect, that about the seventh day of February, certain commissioners, 
Commissioners sent to treat of peace.  appointed for this treaty, that is to wit, john the earl of Bedford, the lord Paget, sir William Peter the king's chief secretary, and sir john Mason, arrived at Calis: by reason of whose coming, the earl of Huntingdon, and the army sent over before for the defence of the frontiers were countermanded from any attempt, so that little or nothing was done in that voyage, saving certain skirmishes at diverse times, not much material to be written of. These commissioners being thus arrived, passed from Calis to Bullongne, there to meet with the commissioners appointed for the French king, where as a certain house was newly erected for the said treaty to be had, which was upon the side of Bullongne haven next to France, where after diverse meetings & conferences of the commissioners of either party, a final peace was at last concluded betwixt both the realms. But chiefly among other things, for the restitution of Bullongne and Bullongnois to the Frenchmen, which were upon certain conditions following.  
First, 
A peace concluded with France upon certain conditions.  that the French king should yield and pay to the king of England a certain sum of money, and the same to be paid at two payments, as it was then agreed: and for the same sum the king of England should render the town of Bullongne, and all the forts thereto adjoining, which he then enjoyed, with all such artillery and munition as was there found at the taking of the same to the French king. And for the sure payment of the said sums, the French king sent into England for hostages and pledges, the count de Anguien, jews the duke of Uandosme his brother, the Uidame of Charters, and the duke de Aumale and others. And on S. Marks day next following, 
Bullongne given up to the French.  being the five and twentieth day of April, about eight of the clock in the morning, line 10 the Englishmen did deliver to the Frenchmen the possession of Bullongne, and the castles and forts in the county of Bullognois, according to the agreements and articles of peace afore mentioned. And the fifteenth day next following the French king entered into the said town of Bullongne with trumpets blown, 
He entereth.  & with all the royal triumph that might be, where he offered one great image of silver of our lady in the church there, which was called our lady church: the which image he had caused specially to be made in the honour of the said lady, and caused the line 20 same to be set up in the place where the like image before did stand, the which before was taken away by the Englishmen at the winning of the town.  

Abr. Fl. ex I. S pag. 1046. N●w officers created of the nobility.  ¶ On Candlemas day, William lord S. john earl of Wiltshire, lord great master, and precedent of the council, was made lord treasurer. john Dudleie earl of Warwick, lord great chamberlain, was made lord great master. William Parr marquess of Northampton, was made lord great chamberlain. Lord Wentworth was made lord chamberlain line 30 of the household. Sir Anthony Wingfield captain of the guard, was made comptrollor of the king's house. And sir Thomas Darcie knight, was made vicechamberleine & captain of the guard. And the earl of Arundel late lord chamberlain, with the earl of Southampton were put off the council, and commanded to keep their houses in London. ¶ On the 10 of February, one Bell a Suffolk man was hanged and quartered at Tyburn, for moving a new rebellion in Suffolk and Essex. 
The liberties of Southworke purchased.  This time, line 40 the lord mayor of London and the aldermen purchased all the liberties of Southworke, which were in the king's hands.]  
Soon after the aforesaid agreement between England and France was concluded, 
The duke of Summerset delivered out of the tower.  upon the fore remembered capitulations, because of suspicion of displeasure and hatred that was thought to remain between the earl of Warwick and the duke of Summerset, lately before delivered out of the line 50 tower, a mean was found that their friendship should be renewed through alliance, 
A marriage to compose strife and establish amity.  and a marriage was concluded between the earl of Warwikes eldest son, and the duke of Summersets eldest daughter: the which marriage was solemnised at Shene, the king being then present. After the solemnity of this marriage, there appeared outwardly to the world great love and friendship between the duke and the earl, but by reason of carietales and flatterers, the love continued not long, howbeit many line 60 did very earnestly wish love and amity to continue between them. 
Rich. Grafton. Rebellion in Kent executed.  ¶ About this time was a new rebellion in Kent, but it was soon suppressed, and certain of the chief were apprehended and put to death, namely Richard Lion, Goddard Gorram, and Richard Ireland. This year was a parliament holden at Westminster, where among other things by the authority of the said parliament, 

Priest's children legitimate.  
Usury forbidden.   priests children were made legitimate, and usury for the loan of money forbidden.]  
¶ On wednesday in Whitsunweeke, at a court of aldermen kept at the Guildhall, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1047, 1048  sir john Aliffe knight, and master of Blackwell hall, was sworn alderman of the Bridge ward without, 
Alderman of Southworke.  to have jurisdiction of the borough of Southworke, and thus was he the first alderman that ever was there, who made up the number of six and twenty aldermen of London, whereas before that time had been but five and twenty. 
Term adjourned.  Trinity term was adjourned till Michaelmas, for that the gentlemen should keep the commons from commotion. The eleventh of june being S. Barnabies day, 
S. Barnabite kept h●l●e. High altar Paul's pulled down.  was kept holiedaie all London over: and the same day at night, the high altar in Paul's church was pulled down, and a table set where the altar stood, with a veil drawn beneath the steps; and on the sunday next a communion was song at the same table; and shortly after all the altars in London were taken down, and tables placed in their rooms. 
No watch 〈◊〉 Midsummer  This year was no such watch at Midsummer as had been accustomed.  
The thirtieth of julie Thomas lord Wriothesleie earl of Southampton, knight of the garter, 
Earl of Southampton deceased  and one of the executors to king Henry the eight, deceased at Lincoln place in Holborn, and was buried in S. Andrew's church there. 
Charitable deeds of Andrew jude. Fréeschoole 〈◊〉 Tunbridge.  Sir Andrew Jude for this year mayor of London, and skinner, erected one notable fréeschoole at Tunbridge in Kent, wherein he brought up and nourished in learning great store of youth, as well bred in that shire, as brought from other countries adjoining. A noble act and correspondent to those that have been done by like worshipful men, and other in old time within the same city of London. 
Alms houses.  He also builded alms houses for six poor alms people, nigh to the parish church of saint Helen's within Bishopsgate of London, & gave land to the company of the skinner's in the same city, amounting to the value of threescore pounds three shillings eight pence the year: for the which they be bound to pay twenty pounds to the schoolmaster, and eight pounds to the usher of his free school at Tunbridge yearly for ever, and four shillings the week to the six poor alms people at S. Helen's aforesaid, eight pence the piece wéekelie, and five and twenty shillings four pence the year in coals amongst them for ever.]  
About this time there was at Feversham in Kent a gentleman named Arden, 
1551 Anno Reg. 5.  most cruelly murdered and slain by the procurement of his own wife. 
Arden murdered.  The which murder, for the horribleness thereof, although otherwise it may seem to be but a private matter, and therefore as it were impertinent to this history, I have thought good to set it forth somewhat at large, having the instructions delivered to me by them, that have used some diligence to gather the true understanding of the circumstances. This Arden was a man of a tall and comely parsonage, 
Arden described.  and matched in marriage with a gentlewoman, young, tall, and well favoured of shape and countenance, who chancing to fall in familiarity with one Mosby a tailor by occupation, a black swart man, 
Love and lust.  servant to the lord North, it happened this Mosby upon some misliking to fall out with her: but she being desirous to be in favour with him again, 
A pair of silver dice work much mischief.  sent him a pair of silver dice by one Adam Fowl dwelling at the Flower de louse in Feversham.  
After which he resorted to her again, and oftentimes lay in Arden's house: in somuch that within two years after, he obtained such favour at her hands, that he lay with her, or (as they term it) kept her, in abusing her body. And although (as it was said) Arden perceived right well their mutual familiarity to be much greater than their honesty, yet because he would not offend her, and so lose the benefit which he hoped to gain at some of her friends hands in bearing with her lewdness, which he might have lost if he should have fallen out with her: 
Arden wi●keth at his wives lewdness, & 〈◊〉  he was contented to wink at her filthy disorder, and both permitted, and also invited Mossy very of●en to lodge in his house. And thus it continued a good space, before any practice was begun by them against master Arden. She at length inflamed in love with Mosby, and loathing her husband, wished and after practised the means how to hasten his end.  

Arden's wife a●tempteth 〈◊〉 to make away hi● husband.  There was a painter dwelling in Feversham, who had skill of poisons, as was reported. She therefore demanded of him, whether it were true that he had such skill in that feat or not? And he denied not but that he had in deed. Yea (said she) but I would have such a one made, as should have most vehement line 10 and speedy operation to dispatch the eater thereof. That can I do (quoth he) and forthwith made her such a one, and willed her to put it into the bottom of a porringer, & then after to power milk on it. Which circumstance she forgetting, did clean contrary, putting in the milk first; and afterward the poison. Now master Arden purposing that day to ride to Canturburie, 
Arden's is poisoned by his wife but recovereth.  his wife brought him his breakfast, which was wont to be milk and butter. He having received a spoonful or two of the milk, misliked the line 20 ●ast and colour thereof, and said to his wife; Mistress Alice what milk have you given me here? Wherewithal she tilted it over with her hand, saying, I ween nothing can please you. Then he took horse and road towards Canturburie, and by the way fell into extreme purging upwards and downwards, and so escaped for that time.  
After this, his wife fell in acquaintance with one Green of Feversham, servant to sir Anthony Ager, from which Green master Arden had wrested line 30 a piece of ground on the backside of the abbeie of Feversham, and there had blows and great threats passed betwixt them about that matter. Therefore she knowing that Green hated her husband, 
She deviseth another way ●o dispatch her ●usband Arden.  began to practise with him how to make him away; and concluded, that if he could get any that would kill him, he should have ten pounds for a reward. This Green having doings for his master sir Anthony Ager, had occasion to go up to London, where his master then lay, and having some charge up with line 40 him, desired one Bradshaw a goldsmith of Feversham that was his neighbour, to accompany him to Gravesend, and he would content him for his pains. This Bradshaw, being a very honest man, was content, and road with him. And when they came to Rainham down, they chanced to see three or four servingmen that were coming from Léeds: and therewith Bradshaw espied coming up the hill from Rochester, 
A notorious murdering ruffian.  one black Will, a terrible cruel line 50 ruffian with a sword and a buckler, and an other with a great staff on his neck.  

Mark how the diu●ll will no● let his organs or instruments let 〈◊〉 either occasion or opportunity to con●●● most heinous wickedness.  Then said Bradshaw to Green; We are happy that here cometh some company from Léeds, for here cometh up against us as murdering a knave as any is in England: if it were not for them we might chance hardly to escape without loss of our money and lives. Yea thought Green (as he after confessed) such a one is for my purpose, and therefore asked; Which is he? Yonder is he quoth Bradshaw, the same that hath the sword and buckler: his name line 60 is black will.. How know you that, said Green? Bradshaw answered, I knew him at Bullo●gne, where we both served, he was a soldier, and I was sir Richard Cavendishes man, and there he committed many robberies and heinous murders on such as traveled betwixt Bullongne and France.  
By this time the other company of servingmen came to them, and they going all together, met with black Will and his fellow. The servingmen knew black Will, 
● desperate 〈◊〉.  & saluting him, demanded of him whither he went? He answered; By his blood (for his use was to swear almost at every word) I know not, nor care not, but set up my staff, and even as it falleth I go. If thou (quoth they) will go back again to Gravesend, we will give thee thy supper. By his blood (said he) I care not, I am content, have with you: and so he returned again with them. Then black Will took acquaintance of Bradshaw, saying; Fellow Bradshaw how dost thou? Bradshaw unwilling to renew acquittance, or to have aught to do with so shameless a ruffian, said; 
An honest man is ashamed to renew old acquaintance with a knave,  Why do ye know me? Yea that I do (quoth he) did not we serve in Bullongne together? But ye must pardon me (quoth Bradshaw) for I have forgotten you.  
Then green talked with black Will, and said; When ye have supped, come to mine host's house at such a sign, and I will give you the sack and sugar. By his blood (said he) I thank you, I will come and take it I warrant you. According to his promise he came, and there they made good cheer. Then black Will & green went and talked apart from Bradshaw, and there concluded together, that if he would kill master Arden, he should have ten pounds for his labour. Then he answered, 
The match made to murder Arden.  By his wounds that I will if I may know him. Marry to morrow in Paul's I will show him thee, said Green. Then they left their talk, & Green bade him go home to his host's house. Then green wrote a letter to mistress Arden, & among other things put in these words: We have got a man for our purpose, we may thank my brother Bradshaw. 
Simplicity abused.  Now Bradshaw not knowing any thing of this, took the letter of him, and in the morning departed home again, and delivered the letter to mistress Arden, and Green & black Will went up to London at the tide.  
At the time appointed, Green showed black Will master Arden walking in Paul's. Then said black Will, What is he that goeth after him? Marry said Green, one of his men. By his blood (said black Will) I will kill them both. Nay (said Green) do not so, for he is of counsel with us in this matter. By his blood (said he) I care not for that, 
Black will maketh no conscience of bloodshed and murder.  I will kill them both. Nay said Green in any wise do not so. Then black Will thought to have killed master Arden in Paul's churchyard, but there were so many gentlemen that accompanied him to dinner, that he miss of his purpose. Green showed all this talk to master Arden's man, whose name was Michael, which ever after stood in doubt of black Will, lest he should kill him. 
Why Arden's man conspired with the rest to kill his master.  The cause that this Michael conspired with the rest against his master, was: for that it was determined, that he should marry a kinswoman of Mosby's.  
After this, master Arden lay at a certain parsonage which he held in London, and therefore his man Michael and Green agreed, that black Will should come in the night to the parsonage, where he should find the doors left open, that he might como in and murder master Arden. This Michael having his master to bed, left open the doors according to the appointment. His master then being in bed, asked him if he had shut fast the doors, and he said yea: but yet afterwards, fearing least black Will would kill him as well as his master, 
One murdering mind mistrusting another, do hinder the action whereabout they agreed.  after he was in bed himself, he rose again and shut the doors, bolting them fast. So that black Will coming thither, and finding the doors shut, departed, being disappointed at that time. The next day black Will came to Green in a great chafe, swearing and staring because he was so deceived, and with many terrible oaths threatened to kill master Arden's man first, wheresoever he met him. No (said Green) do not so, I will first know the cause of shutting the doors.  
Then green met and talked with Arden's man, and asked of him, why he did not leave open the doors, according to his promise? Marry (said Michael) I will show you the cause. My master yesternight did that he never did before: for after I was in bed, he rose up and shut the doors, and in the morning rated me for leaving them unshut. And herewith Green & black Will were pacified. Arden being ready to go homewards, 
The fourth attempt to make Arden away disappointed.  his maid came to Green & said; This night will my master go down. Whereupon it was agreed that black Will should kill him on Reinam down. When master Arden came to Rochester, his man still fearing that black Will would kill him line 10 with his master, pricked his horse of purpose, and made him to halt, to the end he might protract the time, and tarry behind. His master asked him why his horse halted, he said, I know not. Well (quoth his master) when ye come at the smith here before (between Rochester and the hill foot over against Chee●am) remove his shoe, and search him, and then come after me. So master Arden road on: and yer he came at the place where black Will lay in wait for him, there overtook him diverse gentlemen of his acquaintance, 
Black Will misseth his purpose.  who kept him company: so that line 20 black Will missed here also of his purpose.  
After that master Arden was come home, he sent (as he usually did) his man to Shepeie to sir Thomas Cheinie, than lord warden of the cinque ports, about certain business, and at his coming away, he had a letter delivered sent by sir Thomas Cheinie to his master. When he came home, his mist resse took the letter and kept it, willing her man to tell his master, that he had a letter delivered him by sir line 30 Thomas Cheinie, and that he had lost it; adding that he thought it best that his master should go the next morning to sir Thomas, because he knew not the matter: he said he would, and therefore he willed his man to be stirring betimes. In this mean while, black Will, 
Arden's wife visiteth, succoureth, emboldeneth, and directeth black Will &c: how to accomplish his bloody purpose.  and one George Shake bag his companion, were kept in a storehouse of sir Anthony Ager's at Preston, by Green's appointment: and thither came mistress Arden to see him, bringing and sending him meat and drink many times. He therefore line 40 lurking there, and watching some opportunity for his purpose, was willed in any wise to be up early in the morning, to lie in wait for master Arden in a certain broom close, betwixt Feversham & the ferry (which close he must needs pass) there to do his feat. Now black Will stirred in the morning betimes, but missed the way, & tarried in a wrong place.  
Master Arden & his man coming on their way early in the morning towards Shornelan, where sir Thomas Cheinie lay: as they were almost come to line 50 the broom close, 
Note here the force of fear and a troubled conscience.  his man always fearing that black Will would kill him with his master, feigned that he had lost his purse; Why said his master, thou foolish knave, couldst thou not look to thy purse but lose it? What was in it? Three pounds said he. Why then go thy ways back again like a knave (said his master) and seek it, for being so early as it is, there is no man stirring, and therefore thou mayst be sure to find it, and then come and overtake me at the ferry. But nevertheless, by reason that black Will line 60 lost his way, master Arden escaped yet once again. At that time, black Will yet thought he should have been sure to have met him homewards: but whether that some of the lord wardens men accompanied him back to Feversham, or that being in doubt, 
Black Will yet again disappointed.  for that it was late to go through the broom close, and therefore took another way, black Will was disappointed then also.  
But now saint Valentine's fair being at hand, the conspirators thought to dispatch their devilish intention at that time. 
A pr●pens●d quarrel against Arden by the conspirators.  Mosby minded to pick some quarrel to master Arden at the fair to fight with him; for he said he could not find in his heart to murder a gentleman in that sort as his wife wished: although she had made a solemn promise to him, and he again to her, to be in all points as man and wife together, and thereupon they both received the sacrament on a sunday at London, openly in a church there. But this devise to fight with him would not serve, for master Arden both then and at other times had been greatly provoked by Mosby to fight with him, but he would not. Now Mosby had a sister that dwelled in a tenement of master Arden's near to his house in Feversham: and on the fair éeuen, 
Arden's wi●e, black Will, & the knot of vilans meet and conclude upon their former prepensed mischief.  black Will was sent for to come thither, and Green bringing him thither, met there with mistress Arden, accompanied with Michael her man, and one of her maids. There were also Mosby and George Shakebag, and there they devised to have killed him in manner as afterwards he was. But yet Mosby at the first would not agree to that cowardly murdering of him, but in a fury flung away, and went up the abbeie street toward the flower de louse, the house of the aforenamed Adam Fowl, where he did often host. But before he came thither now at this time, a messenger overtook him, that was sent from mistress Arden, desiring him of all loves to come back again to help to accomplish the matter he knew of. Hereupon he returned to hi● again, and at his coming back, she fell down upon her knees to him, 
O importunate & bloody minded strumpet!  and besought him to go through with the matter, as if he loved her he would be content to do, sith as she had diverse times told him, he needed not to doubt, for there was not any that would care for his death, nor make any great inquiry for them that should dispatch him.  
Thus she being earnest with him, at length he was contented to agree unto that horrible devise, and thereupon they conveyed black Will into master Arden's house, putting him into a closet at the end of his parlour. Before this, they had sent out of the house all the servants, those excepted which were privy to the devised murder. Then went Mosby to the door, 
The practice to kill Arden is now set abroach.  and there stood in a night gown of silk girded about him, and this was betwixt six and seven of the clock at night. Master Arden having been at a neighbours house of his, named Dumpkin, & having cleared certain reckonings betwixt them, came home: and finding Mosby standing at the door, asked him if it were supper time? I think not (quoth Mosby) it is not yet ready. Then let us go and play a game at the tables in the mean season, said master Arden. And so they went straight into the parlour: and as they came by through the hall, his wife was walking there, and master Arden said; How now mistress Alice? But she made small answer to him. In the mean time one cheined the wicket door of the entry. When they came into the parlour, 
Here the confederates w●ne their practices  Mosby sat down on the bench, having his face toward the place where black Will stood. Then Michael master Arden's man stood at his masters back, holding a candle in his hand, to shadow black Will, that Arden might by no means perceive him coming forth. In their play Mosby said thus (which seemed to be the watchword for black Wills coming forth) Now may I take you sir if I will. 
The watchword to the principal murderer.  Take me (quoth master Arden) which way? With that black Will stepped forth, and cast a towel about his neck, so to stop his breath and strangle him. Then Mosby having at his girdle a pressing iron of fourteen pounds' weight, struck him on the head with the same, so that he fell down, and gave a great groan, insomuch that they thought he had been killed.  
Then they bore him away, to lay him in the counting house, & as they were about to lay him down, the pangs of death coming on him, 
Arden ●lain● outright.  he gave a great groan, and stretched himself, and then black Will gave him a great gash in the face, and so killed him out of hand, laid him along, took the money out of his purse, and the rings from his fingers, and then coming out of the counting house, said; Now the feat is done, give me my money. So mistress Arden gave him ten pounds: 
●lacke will r●●●●ueth ten pounds for h●s reward of Arden's wife, 〈◊〉 murdering 〈◊〉 husband.  and he coming to Green, had a horse of him, and so road his ways. After that black Will was gone, mistress Arden came into the counting house, and with a knife gave him seven or eight picks into the breast. Then they made clean the parlour, took a clout, and wiped where line 10 it was bloody, and strewed again the rushes that were shuffled with struggling, and cast the clout with which they wiped the blood, and the knife that was bloody, wherewith she had wounded her husband, into a tub by the well's side; where afterwards both the same clout and knife were found. Thus this wicked woman, with her complices, most shamefully murdered her own husband, who most entirely loved her all his life time. Then she sent for two Londoners to supper, the one named Prune, and the other line 20 Cole, that were grocers, which before the murder was committed, were bidden to supper. When they came, she said: I marvel where master Arden is; we will not tarry for him, come ye and sit down, for he will not be long. Then Mosby's sister was sent for, she came and sat down, and so they were merry.  

〈◊〉 what 〈…〉 after he murdering of her husband.  After supper, mistress Arden caused her daughter to play on the virginals, and they dansed, and she with them, and so seemed to protract time as it were; line 30 till master Arden should come, and she said, I marvel where he is so long; well, he will come anon I am sure, I pray you in the mean while let us play a game at the tables. But the Londoners said, they must go to their host's house, or else they should be shut out at doors, and so taking their leave, departed. When they were gone, the servants that were not privy to the murder, were sent abroad into the town; some to seek their master, and some of other errands, all saving Michael and a maid, Mosby's line 40 sister, and one of mistress Arden's own daughters. Then they took the dead body, and carried it out, to lay it in a field next to the churchyard, and joining to his garden wall, 
The workers of this mischief carry out Arden ●laine into the 〈◊〉.  through the which he went to the church. In the mean time it began to snow, and when they came to the garden gate, they remembered that they had forgotten the kay, and one went in for it, and finding it, at length brought it, opened the gate, and carried the corpse into the same field, as it were ten paces from the garden gate, and line 50 laid him down on his back straight in his night gown, with his slippers on: and between one of his slippers and his foot, a long rush or two remained. When they had thus laid him down, they returned the same way they came through the garden into the house.  

This she did is colour her wickedness which by no means was ●●●●seable.  They being returned thus back again into the house, the doors were opened, and the servants returned home that had been sent abroad: and being now very late, she sent forth her folks again to line 60 make inquiry for him in diverse places; namely, among the best in the town where he was wont to be, who made answer, that they could tell nothing of him. Then she began to make an outcry, and said; Never woman had such neighbours as I have, and herewith wept: in somuch that her neighbours came in, and found her making great lamentation, pretending to marvel what was become of her husband. Whereupon, the mayor and others came to make search for him. 
Arden a coue●●●● man and ●●●●errer of his private 〈◊〉 b●fore common 〈◊〉.  The fair was wont to be kept partly in the town, and partly in the abbeie; but Arden for his own private lucre & covetous gain had this present year procured it to be wholly kept within the abbeie ground which he had purchased; & so reaping all the gains to himself, and bereaving the town of that portion which was wont to come to the inhabitants, got many a bitter curse. The mayor going about the fair in this search, at length came to the ground where Arden lay: and as it happened, Prune the groser getting sight of him, 
Arden's dead body is descried by one of his acquaintance.  first said; Stay, for me think I see one lie here. And so they looking and beholding the body, found that it was master Arden, lying there throughly dead, and viewing diligently the manner of his body & hurts, found the rushes sticking in his slippers, and marking further, espied certain footsteps, by reason of the snow, betwixt the place where he lay, and the garden door.  
Then the mayor commanded every man to stay, and herewith appointed some to go about, & to come in at the inner side of the house through the garden as the way lay, 
Footsteps 〈◊〉 alongst from the dead body of Arden to his dwelling house.  to the place where master Arden's dead body did lie; who all the way as they came, perceived footings still before them in the snow: and so it appeared plainly that he was brought along that way from the house through the garden, and so into the field where he lay. Then the mayor and his company that were with him went into the house, and knowing her evil demeanour in times past, examined her of the matter: but she defied them and said, I would you should know I am no such woman. Then they examined her servants, and in the examination, by reason of a piece of his hear any blood found near to the house in the way, 
A piece of Arden's hear and his blood spil● in the house espied, as also a bloody knife and a clou● found.  by the which they carried him forth, and likewise by the knife with which she had thrust him into the breast, and the clout wherewith they wiped the blood away which they found in the tub, into the which the same were thrown; they all confessed the matter, and herself beholding her husband's blood, said; Oh the blood of God help, for this blood have I shed.  
Then were they all attached, and committed to prison, and the mayor with others went presently to the flower de louse, where they found Mosby in bed: and as they came towards him, they espied his hose and purse stained with some of master Arden's blood. 
Some of Arden's blood upon Mosby's purse.  And when he asked what they meant by their coming in such sort, they said; See, here ye may understand wherefore, by these tokens, showing him the blood on his hose and purse. Then he confessed the deed, and so he and all the other that had conspired the murder, were apprehended and laid in prison, except Green, black Will, and the painter, 
The principals of this murder fled away.  which painter and George Shakebag, that was also fled before, were never heard of. Shortly were the sessions kept at Feversham, where all the prisoners were arraigned and condemned. And thereupon being examined whither they had any other complices, mistress Arden accused Bradshaw, upon occasion of the letter sent by Green from graves end, 
Bradshaw as unjustly accused, as his simplicity was shamefully abused.  (as before ye have heard) which words had none other meaning, but only by bradshaw's describing of black Wills qualities; Green judged him a meet instrument for the execution of their pretended murder. Whereto notwithstanding (as Green confessed at his death certain years after) this Bradshaw was never made privy; howbeit, he was upon this accusation of mistress Arden, immediately sent for to the sessions, and indicted, and declaration made against him, as a procurer of black Will to kill master Arden, which proceeded wholly by misunderstanding of the words contained in the letter which he brought from Greene.  
Then he desired to talk with the persons condemned, and his request was granted. He therefore demanded of them if they knew him, or ever had any conversation with him, & they all said no. Then the letter being showed and read, he declared the very truth of the matter, 
innocency no bar against execution.  and upon what occasion he told Green of black Will: nevertheless, he was condemned, and suffered. These condemned persons were diversly executed in sundry places, for Michael master Arden's man was hanged in chains at Feversham, 
Note how these malefactors suffered punishment.  and one of the maids was burnt there, pitifully bewailing her case, and cried out on her mistress that had brought her to this end, for the which she would never forgive her. Mosby & his sister were hanged in Smithfield at London; line 10 mistress Arden was burned at Canturburie the four and twentieth of March. Green came again certain years after, was apprehended, condemned, 
Black Will burned a● Flishing.  & hanged in chains in the high way betwixt Ospring & Boughton against Feversham; black Will was burnt on a scaffold at Flishing in Zealand. Adam Fowl that dwelled at the flower de louse in Feversham was brought into trouble about this matter, and carried up to London, with his legs bound under the horse belly, and committed to prison line 20 in the Marshalseie: for that Mosby was heard to say; Had it not been for Adam Fowl, I had not come to this trouble: meaning that the bringing of the silver dice for a token to him from mistress Arden, as ye have heard, occasioned him to renew familiarity with her again. But when the matter was throughly ripped up, & that Mosby had cleared him, protesting that he was never of knowledge in any behalf to the murder, the man's innocency preserved him. line 30  

A wonder touching the print of Arden's dead body two years after he was slain.  This one thing seemeth very strange and notable, touching master Arden, that in the place where he was laid, being dead, all the proportion of his body might be seen two years after and more, so plain as could be, for the grass did not grow where his body had touched: but between his legs, between his arms, and about the hollowness of his neck, and round about his body, and where his legs, arms, head, or any other part of his body had touched, no grass growed at all of all that time. So that many strangers came in that mean time, beside line 40 the townsmen, to see the print of his body there on the ground in that field. Which field he had (as some have reported) most cruelly taken from a woman, that had been a widow to one Cook, and after married to one Richard Read a mariner, to the great hindrance of her and her husband the said Read: for they had long enjoyed it by a lease, which they had of it for many years, not then expired: nevertheless, he got it from them. For the which, the line 50 said Reads wife not only exclaimed against him, 
God heareth the tears of the oppressed and taketh vengeance: note an example in Arden.  in shedding many a salt téere, but also cursed him most bitterly even to his face, wishing many a vengeance to light upon him, and that all the world might wonder on him. Which was thought then to come to pass, when he was thus murdered, and lay in that field from midnight till the morning: and so all that day, being the fair day till night, all the which day there were many hundreds of people came wondering about him. And thus far touching this horrible and heinous murder of master Arden. line 60 To return then where we left.  

A parliament.  About this time the king's majesty calling his high court of parliament, held the same at Westminster the three and twentieth day of januarie, in this fift year of his reign, and there continued it, until the fifteenth day of April in the sixth year of his said reign. In this parliament the book of common prayer, 
Fooke of common prayer confirmed.  which in some part had been corrected and amended, was newly confirmed & established. ¶ In the end of this parliament, namely the fifteenth of April the infectious sweeting sickness began at Shrewesburie, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1049. Sweeting sickness.  which ended not in the north part of England until the end of September. In this space what number died, it cannot be well accounted: but certain it is, that in London in few days nine hundred and sixty gave up the ghost. It began in London the ninth of julie, and the twelfth of julie it was most vehement: which was so terrible, 
john 〈◊〉.  that people being in best health, were suddenly taken, and dead in four and twenty hours, and twelve, or less, for lack of skill in guiding them in their sweat. And it is to be noted, 
Of this 〈◊〉 died Henry ● Charles 〈◊〉 of Charles Brandon, the elder first, 〈◊〉 the yoong●● after: so th●● they both 〈◊〉 dukes of Suffolk.  that this mortality fell chiefly or rather upon men, and those also of the best age, as between thirty & forty years. The speedy riddance of life procured by this sickness, did so terrify people of all sorts, that such as could make shift, either with money or friendship, changed their soil, and leaving places of concourse, betook them (for the time) to abodes, though not altogether solitary, yet less frequented: to conclude, manifold means were made for safety of life. The first week died in London eight hundred persons.  
The manner of this sweat was such, 
Rich. Gra●●●●.  that if men did take any cold outwardly, it struck the sweat in, and immediately killed them. If they were suffered to sleep, commonly they swooned in their sleep and departed, or else died immediately upon their waking. 
Remedy ●gainst the danger of the sweeting sickness.  But the way to escape danger was close keeping moderately with some air and a little drink, and the same to be posset-ale, and so to keep them thirty hours, & then was the danger past; but beware of sudden cold. Before men had learned the manner of keeping, an infinite number perished. This disease at that time followed Englishmen & none other nation; for in Antwerp and other countries, our Englishmen being there amongst diverse other nations, only our Englishmen were sick thereof, and none other persons. The consideration of which thing made this nation much afraid thereof, who for the time began to repent and give alms, and to remember God from whom that plague might well seem to be sent among us. But as the disease in time ceased, so our devotion in short time decayed. 
The embasing of the coin. ] At this time also the king with the advise of his privy council, and having also great conference with merchants and others, perceiving that by such coins and copper moneys, as had been coined in the time of the king his father, and now were commonly currant in the realm; and indeed a great number of them not worth half the value that they were currant at, to the great dishonour of the king's majesty & the realm, and to the deceit & no little hindrance of all the king's majesties good subjects, did now purpose not only the abasing of the said copper moneys, but also meant wholly to reduce them into bullion, to the intent to deliver fine and good moneys for them. And therefore in the month of julie by his grace's proclamation, he abased the piece of twelve pence, 
Two ●a●les of moni●.  commonly called a teston unto nine pence, and the piece of four pence unto three pence. And in August next following, the piece of nine pence was abased to six pence, and the piece of three pence unto two pence, and the penny to an halfpenny.  
On the eleventh day of October, there was a great creation of dukes and earls, 
Creation of honourable estates,  as the lord marquess Dorset was created duke of Suffolk, the earl of Warwick made duke of Northumberland, and the earl of Wiltshire made marquess of Winchester, & sir William Herbert master of the horse; he also made William Cicill his secretary knight, 
I.S. pag. 1050.  master john cheek one of his schoolmasters knight, master Henry Dudlie knight, 
The duked Summer●et again apprehended, and committed 〈◊〉 the to●●●.  & master Henry Nevil knight. The sixteenth day of the said month being friday, the duke of Summerset was again apprehended, & his wife also, & committed to the tower; with him also were committed sir Michael Stanhope, sir Thomas Arundel, sir Ralph Uane, sir Miles Partridge & other for suspicion of treason and felony, whereof they were all shortly after indicted. And so standing indicted, the second day of December next following, the said duke was brought out of the tower of London with the axe of the tower borne before him, with a great number of bills, glaives, halberds & pollaxes attending upon him, & so came into Westminster hall, where was made in the middle of the hall a new scaffold, where all the line 10 lords of the king's council sat as his judges: 
The duke arraigned both of treason and ●●lonie.  and there was he arraigned and charged with many articles both of felony and treason. And when after much mild speech he had answered not guilty, he in all humble manner put himself to be tried by his peers: who after long consultation among themselves, gave their verdict that he was not guilty of the treason, but of the felony. The people there present (which was a great number) hearing the lords say not guilty, which was to the treason, thinking line 20 most certainly that he was clearly acquitted; and chiefly for that immediately upon the pronouncing of those words, he that carried the axe of the tower departed with the axe, 
The people supposing the duke to be ●●●●re gave a great shout 〈◊〉 joy.  they made such an outcry and ●o●e, as the like hath not been heard. Which was an evident declaration of their good wills and hearty favours unto him, whose life they greatly desired to have saved, for that he had deserved right well of most (though the good gentleman had some private enemies) and had been as a man may justly say: Solamen magnum patriae, solamen amicis. line 30  

The duke condemned to 〈◊〉 for felony.  But nevertheless, he was condemned to the death, whereof shortly after he tasted. The felony that he was condemned of, was upon the statute made the last year against rebels, and unlawful assemblies, wherein amongst other things is one branch, that whosoever shall procure the death of any councillor, that every such attempt or procurement shall be felony. And by force of that statute, the duke of Summerset, being accompanied with certain line 40 others, was charged that he purposed and attempted the death of the duke of Northumberland, the lord marquess, the lord of Penbroke, and others of the privy council, which by statute was felony.  

The duke of Summerset condemned returneth to the tower.  After the duke was thus condemned, he was again returned to the tower, and landed at the crane of the vinetree, and so passed through London, where were both exclamations: the one cried for joy that he was acquitted, the other cried out that he was condemned. But howsoever they cried, he was conveyed line 50 to the tower of London, where he remained until the two and twentieth day of januarie next following. 
The people murmur at the duke's condemnation.  The duke being condemned (as is aforesaid) the people spoke diversly, and murmured against the duke of Northumberland, and against some other of the lords, for the condemnation of the said duke: and also (as the common same went) the king's majesty took it not in good part. Wherefore as well to remove fond talk out of men's mouths, as also to recreate and refresh the troubled spirits of line 60 the young king; who (as saith Grafton) seemed to take the trouble of his uncle somewhat heavily: 
Policy.  it was devised, that the feast of Christ's nativity, commonly called Christmas then at h●nd, should be solemnly kept at Gréenwich with open household, and frank resort to court (which is called keeping of the hall) what time of old ordinary course there is always one appointed to make sport in the court, called commonly lord of misrule: whose office is not unknown to such as have been brought up in noble men's houses, and among great housekeepers, which use liberal feasting in that season. 
 There was therefore by order of the council, a wise gentleman & learned named George Ferrer, appointed to that office for this year; who being of better credit & estimation than commonly his predecessors had been before, received all his commissions and warrants by the name of the master of the king's pastimes: Which gentleman so well supplied his office, both in show of sundry sights and devices of rare inventions, and in act of diverse interludes, and matters of pastime played by persons, as not only satisfied the common ●ort, but also were very well liked and allowed by the council, and other of skill in the like pastimes: but best of all by the young king himself, as appeared by his princely liberality in rewarding that service.  
¶ On monday the fourth of januarie, the said lord of merry disports came by water to London, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow 1055.  and landed at the tower wharf, entered the tower, and then road through tower street, where he was received by Uause lord of misrule to john Mainard one of the sheriffs of London, 
The shiriffe● lord of misrule.  and so conducted through the city with a great company of young lords & gentlemen to the house of sir George Barn lord mayor, where he with the chief of his company dined, and after had a great banquet: and at his departure, the lord mayor gave him a standing cup with a cover of silver and guilt of the value of ten pounds for a reward, and also set a hogshead of wine, and a barrel of beer at his gate, for his train that followed him. The residue of his gentlemen & servants dined at other aldermen's houses, and with the sheriffs, and then departed to the tower wharf again, & so to the court by water, to the great commendation of the mayor and aldermen, and highly accepted of the king and council.]  
This Christmas being thus passed and spent with much mirth and pastime, year 1552 wherewith the minds and ears of murmurers were meetly well appeased, according to a former determination as the sequel showed: it was thought now good to proceed to the execution of the judgement given against the duke of Summerset, touching his conviction & atteindor of the felony before mentioned. Whereupon, the two and twentieth day of januarie, than next following being friday, he was brought out of the tower, and according to the manner, 
The execution of the duke of Summerset.  delivered to the sheriffs of London; and so with a great company of the guard & others with weapons, was brought to the scaffold where he should suffer, without changing either voice or countenance, other than he was accustomed to use at other times.  
The same morning early, 
Means to restrain the multitude from the duke's execution.  the constables of every ward in London (according to a precept directed from the council to the mayor) strictly charged every household of the same city, not to departed any of them out of their houses, before ten of the clock of that day: meaning thereby to restrain the great number of people that otherwise were like to have been at the said execution. Notwithstanding, by seven of the clock, the tower hill was covered with a great multitude, repairing from all parts of the city, as well as out of the suburbs. And before eight of the clock, the duke was brought to the scaffold, enclosed with the king's guard, the sheriffs officers, the warders of the tower, & other with halberds: where as he nothing changing neither voice or countenance, 
john Fox. The duke's behaviour as his death.  but in a manner with the same gesture which he commonly used at home, kneeling down upon both his knees, and lifting up his hands, commended himself unto God. After he had ended a few short prayers, standing up again, and turning himself toward the east side of the scaffold, nothing at all abashed (as it seemed unto those that stood by) neither with the sight of the axe, neither yet of the hangman, nor of present death, but with the like alacrity and cheerfulness of mind and countenance as before times he was accustomed to hear the causes & supplications of other, & specially of the poor (towards whom as it were with a certain fatherly love to his children he always showed himself most attentive) he uttered these words to the people.  

The words of the duke of Summerset at his death.  
Dear beloved friends, I am line 10 brought hither to suffer death, albeit I never offended against the king, neither by word nor deed, and have been always as faithful and true unto this realm, as any man hath been. But forsomuch as I am by law condemned to die, I do acknowledge myself as well as others, to be subject thereunto. Wherefore to testify mine obedience line 20 which I own unto the laws, I am come hither to suffer death, whereunto I willingly offer myself with most hearty thanks unto God, that hath given me this time of repentance, who might through sudden death have taken away my life, that I neither should have acknowledged him nor myself.  
Moreover (dearly beloved friends) there is yet somewhat that I must put line 30 you in mind of, as touching christian religion, which so long as I was in authority, I always diligently set forth, and furthered to my power. Neither do I repent me of my doings, but rejoice therein, sith now the state of christian religion cometh most near unto the form and order of the primitive church. Which thing I esteem as a great benefit given of God, line 40 both to you and me, most heartily exhorting you all, that this which is most purely set forth unto you, you will with like thankfulness accept and embrace, and set out the same in your living: which thing if you do not, without doubt, greater mischief and calamity will follow.   
When he had spoken these words, suddenly there line 50 was a great noise heard, 
Great fear among the people assembled on the tower hill. Rich. Grafton. john Stow.  whereupon the people were straight driven into a great fear, few or none knowing the cause. Wherefore I think it good to write what I saw (saith john Stow) concerning that matter. The people of a certain hamlet which were warned to be there by seven of the clock to give their attendance on the lieutenant, now came through the postern, and perceiving the duke to be already on the scaffold, the foremost began to run, crying to their fellows to follow fast after. Which suddenness line 60 of these men, being weaponed with bills and halberds, & this running caused the people which first saw them, to think some power had come to have rescued the duke from execution, and therefore cried Away away. Whereupon the people ran, some one way, some an other, many fell into the tower ditch, and they which tarried, thought some pardon had been brought: some said it thundered, some that the ground moved, but there was no such matter.  

Abr. Fl. ex Io. Foxi martyrologio.  ¶ This amazement of the people is in other words recorded by john Fox in the story of this duke's troubles & death: which because they be effectual I think good to interlace. When the duke had ended his speech (saith he) suddenly there was a terrible noise heard: whereupon there came a great fear on all men. 
A sudden noise & fear of the people at the death of the duke 〈◊〉 Summerset.  This noise was as it had been the noise of a great storm or tempest, which to some seemed to be heard from above: like as if a great deal of gunpowder being enclosed in an armory, and having caught fire, had violently broken out. But to some again it seemed as though it had been a great multitude of horsemen running together, or coming upon them; such a noise was then in the ears of all men, albeit they saw nothing. Whereby it happened, that all the people being amazed without any evident cause, and without any violence or stroke stricken, they ran away, some into the ditches and puddles, and some into the houses thereabout. Other some being afraid with the horror and noise, fell down groveling unto the ground with their pollaxes & halberds, and most part of them cried out: jesus save us, jesus save us. Those which tarried still in their places, for fear knew not where they were. And 
* Namely john Fox the writer of the● report.  I myself which was there present among the rest, being also afraid in this hurlie burlie, stood still altogether amazed, looking when any man would knock me on the head. It happened here, as the evangelists write, it did to Christ, when the officers of the high priests & Phariseis coming with weapons to take him, being astonished ran back, & fell to the ground.  
In the mean time, 
The like story you shall read of Caius Marius in Valerius Maximus the second book and fift chapter.  whilst these things were thus in doing, the people by chance spied one sir Antho●ie Browne riding unto the scaffold: which was the occasion of a new noise. For when they saw him coming, they conjectured that which was not true, but notwithstanding which they all wished for, that the king by that messenger had sent his uncle pardon: and therefore with great rejoicing and casting up their caps, they cried out; Pardon, pardon is come: God save the king. Thus this good duke, 
The great favour of the people to the duke o● Summerset.  although he was destitute of all man's help, yet he saw before his departure, in how great love and favour he was with all men. And truly I do not think, that in so great slaughter of dukes as hath been in England within this few years, there was so many weeping eyes at one time: and not without cause. For all men did see in the decay of this duke, the public ruin of all England, except such as indeed perceived nothing.] The duke in the mean time standing still, both in the same place and mind wherein he was before, shaking his cap which he held in his hand, made a sign unto the people that they should keep themselves quiet: which thing being done, & silence obtained, he spoke to them the second time in this manner.  

The second speech of the duke of Summerset to the people.  
Dear beloved friends, there is no such matter in hand, as you vainly hope or believe. It seemeth thus good to almighty God, whose ordinance it is meet & necessary that we be all obedient unto. Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and without tumult: for I am even now quiet, and let us join in prayer unto the Lord, for the preservation of our noble king, unto whose majesty I wish continual health, with all felicity and abundance & all manner of prosperous success: whereunto the people cried out, Amen. Moreover, I wish unto all his councillors the grace and favour of God, whereby they may rule allthings uprightly with justice, unto whom I exhort you all in the Lord to show yourselves obedient, the which is also very necessary for you, under the pain of condemnation, and also most profitable for the preservation and safeguard of the king's majesty. And forsomuch as heretofore I have had oftentimes affairs with divers men; & that it is hard to please every man that hath been offended or injuried by me, I most humbly require and ask them forgiveness: but especially almighty God, whom throughout all my line 10 life I have most grievously offended. And unto all other, whatsoever they be that have offended me, I do with my whole heart forgive them.  
And once again (dearly beloved in the Lord) I require that you will keep yourselves quiet and still, least through your tumult you might cause me to have some trouble, which in this case would line 20 nothing at all profit me, neither be any pleasure unto you. For albeit the spirit be willing and ready, the flesh is frail and wavering, and through your quietness I shall be much more the quieter: but if that you fall unto tumult, it will be great trouble & no gain at all unto you. Moreover, I desire you to bear me witness, that I die here in the faith of jesus line 30 Christ, desiring you to help me with your prayers, that I may persevere constant in the same unto my lives end.   
Then he turning himself about kneeled down upon his knees, 
Doctor Cox the duke's 〈…〉.  unto whom doctor Cox, which was there present, to counsel and advertise him, delivered a certain scroll into his hand, wherein was contained a brief confession to God. Which being read, he stood up again on his feet, without any trouble of mind as it appeared, and first bade the sheriffs farewell, line 40 then the lieutenant of the tower, & certain other that were on the scaffold, taking them all by the hands. Then he gave the executioner money, which done, he put off his gown, and kneeling down again in the straw, untied his shirt strings: and then the executioner coming to him, turned down his collar round about his neck, and all other things which did let and hinder him. Then he covering his face with his own handkerchief, lifting up his eyes unto heaven, where his only hope remained, laid line 50 himself down along, showing no manner of trouble or fear; neither did his countenance change, but that before his eyes were covered there began to appear a red colour in the midst of his cheeks.  

●x. Fl. out of 〈◊〉 Fox in 〈…〉 and Monuments. The godly 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of Sum●erset.  ¶ Thus this most meek and gentle duke lying along and looking for the stroke, because his doublet covered his neck he was commanded to rise up and put it off: & then laying himself down again upon the block, and calling thrice upon the name of jesus, saying: Lord jesus save me, as he was the line 60 third time repeating the same, even as the name of jesus was in uttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head and life; and slept in the Lord jesus, being taken away from all the dangers and evils of this life, and resting now in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and gospel he always showed himself an excellent instrument and member, and therefore hath received the reward of his labours. Thus gentle reader thou hast the true history of this worthy and noble duke, and if any man report it otherwise, let it be counted as a lie.]  
This duke was in high savour and estimation with king Henry the eight, of whom he received sundry high & great preferments, by reason that the the said king had married lady jane his sister, by whom he had issue king Edward the sixth. 
The duke of Summerset described.  He was not only courteous, wise and gentle, being daily attendant at the court; but forward and fortunate in service abroad, as may well appear in his sundry voyages, both into France and Scotland. He was of nature very gentle and pitiful, not blemished by any thing so much, as by the death of the admiral his natural brother, which could not have been brought to pass in that sort, without his consent. But of this good duke (to let pass multitude of words) master Fox hath written no less truly than commendably, & no less commendably than deservedly, and no less deservedly than profitably in his history, whereto I refer the reader for further knowledge. Nevertheless of this virtuous duke by way of application I say as sometime one said (very aptly as some think) of the gracious lady 
* Who as it is supposed and proved since (saith Sleidan) was unjustly condemned.  An Bullen, 
Discite vos vivi, quid dira calumnia possit,  
invidia alterius vitae comes arcta beatae,  
Et falsis linguae commista venena susurris.   

The protectors of England collected out of the ancient and modern chronicles, wherein is set down the year of Christ, and of the king in which they executed that function.  
Upon the death of this duke of Summerset protector of England, 
The collection of Francis Thin in the year 1585.  it shall not be unfitting in this place to set down all the protectors (whereof I can as yet have intelligence) and who have been governors, regents, guardians, or deputies of the realm, and of the king's person during his minority and time of his insufficiency of government; or else of his absence being out of the realm: whereof I have made an especial title in my Pantographie of England, in which this my collection of the protectors, although perhaps I shall not set down all (for Barnardus non videt omnia) yet it is better to have half a loaf than no bread, knowledge of some than of none at all. Thus therefore I begin.  
Guendoline the daughter of Corineus duke of 
Guendoline.  Cornwall (after the procurement of war against her husband wherein he was slain) was by common consent (for that her son Madrane which she had by Locrine was insufficient by reason of his minority to govern the kingdom) made by the Britons ruler of the isle, in the year of the world 2894, and so continued the same by the space of fifteen years, until her son came to lawful age.  
Martia (the widow of Guenteline the king) by reason that Sicilius her son was not of age convenient 
Martia.  to wield the sceptre (as one being but seven years old) obtained the government both of the realm and of her sons person, which she most worthily deserved, being a woman of rare virtue and judgement.  
Eldred, Ethelred, 
Eldred.  or Edred (for all these diversities are found in authors) brother to Edmund king of England, while the sons of Edmund (Edwine and Edgar) were for their minorities insufficient to dispose the kingdom, was appointed protector to his nephews, in the year of Christ 940, who about six or seven years after his protectorship took on him the kingdom at Kingston on Easter day, in the year of Christ, as hath john Stow 946, as others have nine hundred forty seven.  
Emma the queen of England, 
Emma.  the widow of king Etheldred, and of Canutus, both kings of England jointly, with Goodwin earl of Kent had the government of the realm under Hardiknute king of England, who began his reign in the year of Christ 1041.  

Harold.  Harold the son of Goodwin at the death of king Edward the Confessor (which fell in the year of Christ 1066, and the three and twentieth year of the same king) was by the testament of the said king Edward appointed regent of the young Edgar Atheling (named heir in the life of the said Edward) and of the kingdom, after the death of king Edward, during the minority of the said Edgar. Beside which the like commending of the kingdom to this Harold, line 10 in respect of the queens honour, as that before of the successors right, is set down by one that lived at that time, and wrote the life of king Edward, of earl Goodwin, and of his children, in these words. Porrectáque manu (meaning king Edward lying on his death bed, and speaking in the behalf of Editha the queen, sister to this Harold) ad praedictum nutricium suum fratrem Haroldum; Hancinquit cum omni regno tutandam tibi commendo, ut pro domina & sorore ut est fideli serves & honores obsequio, ut quoad vixerit à me adepto non line 20 privetur honore debito. Commendo pariter etiam eos, qui nativam terram suam reliquerunt causa amoris mei, mihíque haectenus suleliter sunt obsecuti: ut suscepta ab eis siita volunt fidelitate eos tuearis & retineas, aut tua defensione conductos cum omnibus quae sub me acquisiverunt cum salute ad propria transfretari facias, etc. But he, when king Edward was dead, usurped the crown to himself, and shortly after lost both his life and his kingdom.  
Odo bishop of Baieux, and William Fitzosborne the first, 
Odo bishop of Baieux, and William Fitzosborne earl of Hereford.  being earl of Kent, and chief justice line 30 of England, and the second being earl of Hereford, were governors of the realm, in the year of our Lord 1067, and the first year of William the Conqueror, when he went into Normandy after the conquest and indifferent quieting of the realm.  
Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie, as appeareth by Matthew Parker, 
Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie.  writing in this sort in the life of the said Lanfranke: absent Gulielmo omnia Lanfranco mandabantur, qui summa prudentia cunctae moderatus, line 40 proceres & plebem in officio tranquillè sine ulla motu atque tumultu continebat, adeò ut si quae defectionis suspicio nascebatur, ad eam illicò compescendam maximus & potentissimus quisque opem & adiumentum illi imperantipraestitit.  
Sir Richard Lucy knight, chief justice of England was protector of the realm in the twelve year of the reign of king Henry the second, 
Sir Richard Lucy chief justice of England.  being the year of our Lord 1166, in the absence of the king when he was in Normandy, and in the parts beyond the seas. Which Lucy in the thirteenth year of the same king, being the year of our redemption line 50 1167, did valiantly resist, and politicly drive back the earl of Bullongne invading the realm. He built the abbeie of Leosnes or Westwood in the parish of Erith in Kent (and not in Southfléet as some have written) in the year of Christ 1178, being about the four and twentieth year of king Henry the second; and further built the castle of Angier in Essex, in the diocese of the bishop of London. He had issue Godfrey bishop of Winchester, and three daughters, who after the death of Godfrey their brother line 60 were his heirs: the eldest daughter of which sir Richard Lucy, was married to Robert the first called Fitzwater: the second daughter Auelina, was married to Rivers, of whom issued john de Rivers: the third daughter Rose, was married to Richard Warraine, son to king john, as appeareth by a deed (belonging to myself, who had the rectory of Leosnes) beginning thus: Rosade Dover quondam uxor venerabilis viri Richardi filii regis de Chilham.  
Hugh Pusaz de Puteaco or Pudsie, nephew to king Stephan, 
Hugh Pudsie bishop of Durham.  being bishop of Durham, and earl of Northumberland, and William Longchampe bishop of Elie, had the government of the realm for Richard the first, upon his departure forth of the realm to take his journey into the holy land. For in his absence he appointed this Hugh to have the rule of the north parts, as chief justice & warden of the realm from Humber to Scotland, delivering to him also the keeping of the castle of Winchester, the other parts of the realm, with the custody of the tower, he assigned to the government of William Longchampe bishop of Elie, whom he made chief justice and warden of those east, south and west parts, making him also his chancellor: who being a man of great diligence and knowledge in the administration of things, was yet very factious and desirous of rule, honour and riches, far above all measure. And with these two bishops he linked in authority by commission Hugh lord Bardolph, William Marshal the great, earl of Chepstow Strigull or Penbroke, Geffreie Fitzpeter, and William Brewer, barons, men of great honour, wisdom & discretion. This the king did in the year of Christ 1190, and the first year of his reign.  
Walter de Constantijs sometime chancellor of England, bishop of Lincoln, 
Walter de Constantijs archbishop of Roan.  and now archbishop of Roan, upon the misdemeanour of the proud bishop of Elie William Longchampe, about the year 1192, had the custody and government of the realm committed unto him, whilst king Richard the first remained still in the holy wars: who being called from that place in the year of Christ 1193 (with Eleanor mother to the king) to come to king Richard then imprisoned in Austria, the archbishop of Canturburie Hubert succeeded him in the year 1194, whom the said archbishop of Roan procured to be installed in the see of Canturburie, which Walter de Constantijs (as hath Eueresden) was made bishop of Lincoln in the year 1183, and the next year after bishop of Roan.  
Hubert Walter, 
Hubert archbishop of Canturburie.  or Walter Hubert (for such a tansmutation of the name is used amongst historiographers) was made (upon the discharge and going of Walter archbishop of Roan beyond the seas to king Richard) governor and protector of the realm, before the return of Richard the first into England after the said king's imprisonment (by the duke of Austria and the emperor) procured by Savaricus bishop of Glastenburie and Welles, & kinsman to the emperor, whereof our modern printed chronicles nor our ancient writers, except one, make any mention. This Hubert died at his manor of Tenham, and was buried at Canturburie in the south wall, in the year of our redemption 1205, the third ideses of julie, being the seventh year of king john.  
Eleanor widow to Henry the second, 
Eleanor the widow of Henry the second.  and mother to Richard the first, was made protectress of England, after the departure of her son into France, when he had been delivered out of prison: in which office she continued during the life of her son, which he ended in Poitiers in those French wars, by a hurt received from one that discharged a crossbow against him, on a friday as he besieged Chalons. Touching whose death (sith I am now in hand with the same) it shall not be amiss to set down such several verses composed by several men in several sorts, as I have read, and are not yet made common to the world, which verses be these, concerning his death and place of burial, as hereafter followeth: 
Pictaws exta ducis sepelit, tellúsque Chalucis  
Corpus dat claudi sub marmore fontis Ebraudi,  
Neustria táque tegis cor inexpugnabile regis,  
Sic loca per trina se sparsit tanta ruina,  
Nec fuit hoc funus cui sufficeret locus unus.  Whereof also another composed these following verses somewhat eloquently, as saith Matthew Paris (and so in truth they were, considering that age which mostly used a rhyming kind of Latin verses, induced into the west part of the world by the barbarous Goths) in his greater history of the life of king Richard in manner and form following: 
Ad Chalus cecidit rex regni cardo Richardus,  

 His ferus, his humilis, his agnus, his leopardus,  
Casus erat lucis, Chalus per secula nomen  
Non intellectum fuerat, sed nominis omen  
Non patuit, res clausa fuit, sed duce cadente  
Prodijt in lucem, pro casu lucis adeptae.   
Besides which verses of two several men, it pleaseth line 10 my pen to add also the third man's doing, aswell for that the number of three is the holy number, as for that there is nothing so sweet, but that variety doth refresh it: yet especially sith it is delightful to see the several inventions of many wits, this third poet therefore, exclaiming against the day in which the said king Richard the first received his death's wound (being on a friday) doth thus write: 
O veneris damnosa dies! o sydus amarum! line 20  
Ille dies tua nox fuit, & Venus illa venenum,  
Illa dedit laethum, sed pessimus ille dierum,  
Primus ab undecimo, quo vitae victricus ipsum  
Clausit utraque dies: homicida tyrannide mira  
Transigitur, clausus exclusum, tectus opertum,  
Providus incautum, miles inimicus inermem.   
This queen Eleanor the protectress died in the year of Christ 1205, being the seventh of king john.  
Gefferie Fitzpeter lord Ludgersall, who was by Richard the first made chief justice of England, 
Geffreie Fitzpeter earl of Essex.  after line 30 the removing of Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie, and was in the first year of king john girded by him with the sword of the earldom of Essex, was also protector of the realm. Who being a man of great power and authority, was by nature gentle, by birth noble, in the laws cunning, in revenues great, and to all a good justicer. This man was a bridle to king john, to restrain his insolency; since he was confederate and allied in friendship & blood with all the nobility of England: & for that line 40 cause was greatly feared of the K. who said of him, as he did before of the archbishop Hubert, that he then did fully reign, when they two were dead. For turning to those which stood by him, when news was brought unto him of the death of Fitz Geffreie, he swore by God's feet, that he was then king & lord of England, and not before. Which words he would not use, when the archbishop Hubert died; because this man was yet living, whom the king (as is already said) greatly feared. And therefore upon the line 50 death of the archbishop, he did only say that he began to reign; but now upon this man's departure out of the world, he said he was become a full lord & absolute king of England. This Geffreie Fitzpeter died in the year of our redemption 1212, being about the fourteenth year of the reign of the said miserably afflicted king john, who died in the year of Christ 1216: whose death I have been the willinger here to mention; because I would set down his epitaph (not else before set down in our English line 60 chronicles) as I find the same of ancient report: 
Hoc in sarcophago sepelitur regis imago,  
Qui moriens multum sedavit in orb tumultum,  
Et cui connexa dum vixit probra manebant,  
Hunc mala post mortem timor est nefata sequantur.  
Qui legis haec metuens dum cernis te moriturum,  
Discito quid rerum pariat tibi meta dierum.   
This Geffreie Fitzpeter married Beatrice, daughter and heir of William lord Say, by whom he had issue, Geffreie Mandevile earl of Essex, & maud married to Humfreie de Bohuns, by whom the Bohunes became earls of Essex.  

〈…〉 Martial earl of Penbroke.  William Marshal surnamed the great, being earl of Penbroke, was made protector of the realm, & person of the king, after that the king (being nine years of age) was crowned in the year of our Lord 1216. Which office this William (being also marshal of England) used so honourably, that he recovered a great part of the nobility (which took part with Lewes' son of the French king against king john father to this Henry) to assist the young king Henry against the said jews: who in the time of the said john had obtained a great part of the kingdom of England. By which means the said jews was expelled, and the kingdom wholly recovered to the use of the said young king Henry the third.  
This William Marshal married Isabella daughter and heir to Richard Strangbow earl of Penbroke, who made him a happy father in the multitude of his children. For by her he had five sons, all which were in succession marshals of England, and earls of Penbroke; and five daughters. The sons were William, Richard, Gilbert, Walter, and Anselme; who all dying without issue, the inheritance was devolved to the five sisters; which were, Maud the eldest, married to Hugh Bigod, in her right earl marshal; jone the second, married to Waraine Monthensie, in her right also earl of Penbroke, as hath Nicholas Trivet; Isabella the third, married to Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester; Sibyl the fourth, married to William Ferrer earl of Derby; & Eve the fift daughter, married to William de Berehuse, or de Brause. This William the great died in the year of our redemption 1219, being the third (as hath Nicholas Trivet) or the fourth (as hath Matthew Westminster) year of the reign of the said king Henry the third, and was buried at the new temple, on Ascension day, being the seventeenth calends of April: of whom was made this epitaph by Geruasius Melckeleie, taking upon him the person of the earl marshal: 
Sum quem Saturnum sibi sentit Hibernia, Solem  
Anglia, Mercurium Normannia, Gallia Martem.   
Which signifieth that he was a sharp corrector and ruler of the Irish, an honour & glory to the English, a councillor and dispatcher of the affairs of Normandy, a warlike knight and invincible captain against the Frenchmen.  
Petrus de rupibus, or Peter of the Roch, 
Peter de l● Roches.  being bishop of Winchester, was after the death of William Martial earl of Penbroke advanced to the protectorship of the king; because that the young king was almost destitute of any of his own kindred that might worthily have the rule of his person. For his mother queen Isabella was newly married to Hugh Brune earl of March in France. This bishop of Winchester (who was both a wise and a stout prelate) being now in possession of the king, and mistrusting that he had entered into a more weighty office than he might well discharge, if all things were not done according to the fancy of the nobility, procured diverse grave and honourable men to be preferred to the king's council, and to be associates to him in the administration of the weal public; and so entered into the administration of his new achieved honour. Which yet he did not long enjoy.  
But as the bishop was at the first careful to plant such of the nobility about the king, for the support of the realm; so yet himself being a Gascoine, did after in the riper years of the king prefer to offices about the king such Gascons as both were of his own blood and kindred; and by their extraordinary dealing procured the nobility with an hard and undutiful course to oppose themselves against the king. This Peter was advanced to the seat of Winchester, in the year of our redemption 1204, being about the sixth year of king john. After which he went to Rome, and being a prelate more fit to fight than to preach▪ for Mars than for the muses; did return from Rome in the year of Christ 1205, being about the seventh year of king john. He remained bishop about two and thirty years, and died at his manor house of Fernham, on the fift ideses of june, in the year of our Lord (as have Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster) 1238, being the two & twentieth year of Henry the third. Who somewhat before his death, about the one and line 10 thirtieth year of his bishopric, went into the holy land with the bishop of Excester. He builded, and endued with possessions many religious houses: amongst which he founded Tichfield in Hampshire; of which Peter de la Roches, or of the rocks, Matthew Paris maketh a more large discourse.  
Hubert de Burow, constable of Dover castle, earl of Kent, 
Hubert de Burow earl of Kent.  and chief justice of England, being of great account in the realm for his probity and goodness, was made protector of the king and kingdom, line 20 in the year of our redemption 1221, being the fift year of king Henry the third. This man in the year of Christ 1221 (being the same year in the which he was made protector) married at York, Margaret, sister to Alexander king of Scots. And here I think it not amiss to say somewhat touching the issue of this Hubert of Burow, who in a certain nameless book (carried about in the hands of all men) treating of the nobility (created since the invasion of William Conqueror) is said to die without issue: which cannot possibly be so, if that be line 30 true which I have seen: which I am led by many reasons to believe to be most true.  
For I have read of two children which this Hubert had, whereof the one being a son, was called Richard de Burow, who was knighted by Henry the third (as it seemeth to me) after the death of his father: if this Richard be not the same john, of whom Matthew Paris writeth, that in the year of Christ 1229, Rex Anglorum Henricus, in die Pentecostes johannem filium Huberti Angliae iusticiarij cingulo militari line 40 donavit tertio nonas Junii. The other child was a daughter called Margaret, married to Richard heir to the earldom of Gloucester, as noteth john Beaver in these words: Richardus haeres comitis Gloverniae Margaretam filiam Hoberti de Burgo comitis Cantiae in uxorem accepit. This Hubert of Burow was a very old man, who after many persecutions by the king, and after so many chances of both fortunes, departed this world on the fourth ideses of May, in the line 50 year of our redemption 1243, being the seven and twentieth year of the reign of king Henry the third at his manor of Banstud, or Bansted. Whose body was honourably carried to London, and there buried in the church of the friar preachers, to whom in his life he had given great gifts; and amongst other things, his goodly place which stood not far from the palace of earl Richard of Cornwall (as I with some probable reasons conjecture) near unto Westminster, which afterward the archbishop of York did procure. His wife the countess of Kent, line 60 being likewise very old, a woman that kept very great hospitality, and that was well beloved, died in the year of Christ 1259, being the three and fortieth year of Henry the third, about sixteen years after the death of the earl her husband.  

Walter Greie archbishop of York.  Walter Greie archbishop of York was made protector of the realm in this sort. The French king having unjustly given the earldom of Poitiers to his brother Adulphus; Hugh Brune earl of March (the greatest of the nobility in that province) would not do homage unto Adulphus, but wrote his letters to his son in law king Henry the third (whose mother Eleanor he had married) that if he would come into those parts, he should have both aid of men, and furniture of war for the perfect restoring of those dominions to the crown of England. For which cause Henry the third assembling his power, did with his brother Richard (then lately returned from jerusalem) depart the realm in the year of our redemption 1242, being the six & twentieth year of his government into Poitiers, & left the administration of the kingdom to Walter Greie archbishop of York, whilst he should remain in those parts. Which office the said archbishop held also in the year of Christ 1243, being the seven and twentieth year of king Henry the third. Of this man is more mention made in my collection of the chancellor's of England; in this place only further setting down, that this Walter died in the year of Christ 1255, being about the nine and thirtieth year of this Henry the third, as hath Anonymus M. S.  
Eleanor daughter to Reimond earl of Province, 
Eleanor wi●● to king Henry.  wife to king Henry the third and queen of England, with Richard earl of Cornwall the king's brother (to whose custody was committed Edward Longshanks, being after king of England by the name of Edward the first, son to the said king Henry) were (in the year of our redemption 1253, being the seven and thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the third) appointed governors and protectors of the realm in the king's absence, whilst he went into Gascoine, whither he went to pacify the nobility, and to keep the same in safety from the French. And because my pen hath here fallen upon Richard earl of Cornwall, I determine to say somewhat of him in this place, not having other occasion offered to me therefore. This Richard the son of king john was borne in the year of Christ 1208, being the tenth year of the reign king john. He was made (and so called) earl of Poitiers by Henry the third, about the ninth year of his reign, in the year of Christ 1225, who also that year with his uncle William earl of Sarisburie went into Poitiers, where he was joyfully received: he putteth the earl of March to flight, he recovereth that which was lost in Gascoine, he went into the holy land, refuseth the kingdom of Apulia offered unto him, he is chosen emperor, and receiveth that honour at Colen, being there crowned king of the Romans: he subdued Alfonsus' competitor with him for the empire, he after returneth into England: he is an enemy to Simon Montfort and the barons rebelling against his brother king Henry the third; he is taken prisoner by the barons, and is afterward delivered: he was created knight and earl of Cornwall in the year of our redemption 1225, as hath Matthew Westminster, but as saith William Packington, he was created earl of Cornwall in the year of Christ 1227. He married four wives, if that Elisabeth his first wife and Isabella the widow of Gilbert de Clare were not all one woman. But leaving that to further knowledge, I do for this time make them but one person; for so in truth it must be, whatsoever otherwise shall be showed in mistaking their names. Elizabeth that was his first wife, as noteth Leland, was buried in the queer of Belland, being that woman which is called Isabella, and was the daughter of William Martial earl of Penbroke surnamed the great: and the widow of Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester was married to this earl of Cornwall, in the year of our Lord 1231 being the fifteenth year of king Henry the third.  
This Isabella died in the year of our redemption 1240, being the four and twentieth year of the reign of king Henry the third, after this manner. For she being great with child, and near to the time of her deliverance, fell into Mer●um ictericum, or the hicket, and delivering a child into the world, which had life, and was baptized by the name of Nicholas, they both presently died thereupon. Which thing when the earl understood being then on his journey into Cornwall, he burst out in tears, and greatly lamented that loss. Wherefore hastily returning, and leaving his former journey, he honourably buried his wife at 
* 〈…〉 religious ●●use in ●●●pshire, as 〈◊〉 by some supposed.  Belland or Beauleu, an house of religion builded by king john from the foundation, and replenished with Charterhouse monks. line 10  
His second wife was Sinthia or Sanclia, daughter to Reimond earl of Province, and sister to the queen of England, wife to king Henry the third, brother to the said Richard earl of Cornwall, who married the said Sinthia in the year of our redemption 1243, being the seven and twentieth year of the reign of king Henry the third. Leland also appointeth to him the third wife, which was Beatrix de Famastais, whom he calleth queen of Almain, & wife to king Richard, brother to Henry the third. Which lady died in the year of our redemption 1277, being line 20 the sixth year of Edward the first, and was buried at the friars minors in Oxford. This noble Richard earl of Cornwall died in February at Berkhamsted, in the year of Christ 1271, in the five and fiftieth year of king Henry the third, as say Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster: but Nicholas Trivet referreth his death to the year 1270, being the four and fiftieth year of Henry the third: and the chronicle belonging to Euesham to the year 1272, being the six and fiftieth year of Henry the third. After whose line 30 death his hart was buried in the friars minors of Oxford, and his body committed to the earth in the monastery of Hales (being Charterhouse monks) which he had builded at his charge of 10000 marks, which at this day at five shillings the ounce of silver amounteth to the sum of twenty thousand pounds. He had two sons, the one called Henry by his first wife Isabella; the other called Edmund de Almania by his second wife Sinthia. Henry was slain by Simon and Guy of Montfort sons line 40 of the last Simon Montfort earl of Leicester, in the life of his father Richard in Italy at Uiterbo, in the year of our redemption 1270. Which fact being done in saint Syluesters church as he was at mass, occasioned the townsmen to paint the manner of his death on the wall of the church: and that picture being beheld by a certain versifier, he was urged thereupon to compose these following verses: 
Regis Theutonici Richardi clara propago, line 50  
Sternitur Henricus, velut haec designat imago,  
Dum redit à Tripoli, regum fultus comitiva,  
In crucis obsequio patitur sub gente nociva,  
Irruit in templum, post missam, stirps Guen●lonis  
Perfodit gladius hunc Simonis atque Guidonis,  
Disposuit Deus ut per eos vir tantus obiret,  
Ne revocatis his, gens Anglica tota periret,  
Anno milleno Domini cum septuageno▪  
Atque duceno, Carolo sub rege sereno,  
Vrbe Viterbina fit in eius carne ruina, line 60  
Coeli regina precor ut sit ei medicina.   
His bones were brought into England, and buried in the monastery of Hales, where his father was after also buried: but his hart was bestowed in a guilt cup, and placed beside the chain of saint Edward the Confessor in Westminster abbeie. The other son to this Richard earl of Cornwall was Edmund of Almain, who after the death of his father was invested with the honour of the earldom of Cornwall, being borne at Berkhamsted in the year of our redemption 1250, being the four and thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the third, to whom his uncle Bonifa●ius bishop of Canturburie was godfather, and called him Edmund in the honour of saint Edmund archbishop of Canturburie and Confessor. This Edmund earl of Cornwall married the daughter of Richard earl of Clare, of whom shall be more spoken when we come to treat of him as protector of England.  
Boniface the archbishop of Canturburie, with others which follow, 
Boniface archbishop of Canturburie.  were protectors of the realm after this manner, as I have gathered. It was ordained in the parliament at Oxford called Parlementum insanum, that the king should choose forth twelve persons of the realm, and the commonalty of the land other twelve, the which having regal authority in their hands, might as guardians of the kingdom take in charge upon them the government of the realm, & should from year to year provide for the due election of justices, chancellor's, treasurors, and other officers, and further provide to see to the safe keeping of the castles belonging to the crown.  
These four and twenty persons appointed to that function, began to order all things at their own pleasure: in the mean time not forgetting to use things chiefly to their own advantage, as well in providing excheats and wards for their children and kinsfolks, as also in bestowing of patronages of churches belonging to the king's gift, unto their own liking. So that these providers which should have made careful and beneficial provisions for the realm, made speedy and plentiful provision for them and theirs, insomuch that neither king nor Christ could get any thing from these protectors. There be that writ, how that there were but twelve or thirteen chosen to be governors at this time (which for this present I deem to be the truer opinion) whose names are as follow: Boniface archbishop of Canturburie, the bishop of Worcester, Roger Bigod earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, Simon de Montfort earl of Leicester, Richard de Clare earl of Gloucester, Humfreie Bohune earl of Hereford, Richard Fitzalane earl of Arundel, sir john Mansell chief justice of England, sir Roger lord Mortimer, sir Hugh Bigod, sir Peter de Savoie, sir james Audleie, & sir Peter de Montfort. To these (as some say) was authority only given to punish all such as trespassed in the breach of any of the constitutions of the parliament of Oxford. Others say that they were made rulers & protectors of the realm, and to dispose thereof, because the king was much misled in the government of the kingdom by the perverse council of his flatterers. Which twelve governors I suppose did not long continue: for being every one privately for himself, and so not jointly for the commonwealth, they grew divided, and what the one laboured to set up, the other sought to pull down.  
Boniface archbishop of Canturburie the second time, & the bishop of Worcester, 
Boniface archbishop of Canturburie.  with sir Philip Basset, or rather sir Hugh Bigod made chief justice of England by the barons, were appointed in the year of our redemption 1260, being the forty and fourth of king Henry the third, to have the government of the realm in the absence of the king, whilst he remained in France at Paris about the affairs of Normandy: at what time a peace was made between the kings of England and France.  
Gilbert de Clare the second of that name that was earl of Gloucester and Hertford, 
Gilbert de Clare.  was the son of Richard de Clare earl of Gloucester and Hertford, which died in the year of our redemption 1262, being the forty & sixth year of the reign of king Henry the third, and was buried at Tewkesburie, with a great image of silver and gilt upon his tomb, and the same sword and spurs which he did wear in his life time. Of which Richard these verses were composed for his probity and rareness of virtuous manners and conditions, and set upon his tomb: 
Hîc pudor Hyppoliti, Paridis gena, sensus Vlyssis,  
Aeneae pietas, Hectoris ira jacet.   
This Gilbert (I say) the son of the said Richard was after the death of Henry the third (which happened in the year of our Lord 1277, & in the seven & fiftieth year of the reign of the said king Henry) in the absence of king Edward the first in the holy wars made governor of the realm, until the return of the said king Edward into England, to which function he was appointed by king Henry the line 10 third, lying on his deathbed: who caused the said Gilbert to swear to keep the peace of the land to the behoof of Edward his son. Which he did most faithfully, until the second day of August, in the second year of the said king, in which the said king Edward landed in England, being in the year of our redemption 1274, at what time the king was honourably entertained of the said Gilbert, and john earl of Warraine (a supporter to him in the charge of the line 20 kingdom) at the castle of Tunbridge in Kent, and Rigate in Surrie, which Gilbert with the other péers of the land, immediately after the death of king Henry the third, assembling at the new temple broke the old seal of king Henry, made a new seal in the name of king Edward, and appointed faithful officers for the sure keeping and observing of the treasure, the riches, the peace, and the laws of the kingdoms.  
This Gilbert had two wives, his first wife was line 30 Alice the daughter of Hugh le Brune earl of March, by whom he had issue a daughter, that was countess of Fife in Scotland: his second wife was jone the daughter of king Edward the first, called jone of Acres, by whom he had one son, called Gilbert the third, earl of Gloucester and Hertford, who married Maud the daughter of Richard earl of Ulster in the year of Christ 1308 at Waltham, by whom he had issue a son, john borne in the year of Christ 1312, being in the sixth year of Edward the second, that died without issue; after the death of which Gilbert line 40 the third, his lands and earldoms of Gloucester and Hertford came to the sister of the said Gilbert the third, who was slain in the battle of Striueling against the Scots in the seventh (or as others have the eight) year of king Edward the second, whom the Scots would gladly have kept for ransom if they had known him: but he had forgotten to put on his cote of arms to show what he was, after which he was brought into England and was buried line 50 at Tewkesburie, upon whose death the two earldoms of Gloucester and Hertford were so dispersed, that there was never any to this day, that jointly succeeded or possessed them both. Thus having digressed from Gilbert the second, in treating of his son Gilbert the third, let us again return to him. He besides his son Gilbert the third, had by his wife jone three daughters; Elinor, first married to Hugh Spenser, second son to Hugh Spenser earl of Gloucester, and after his death to William Zouch; Margaret married to Piers de Gaveston earl of line 60 Cornwall, and after to Hugh Audeleie; and Elizabeth or Isabella married in the year of our Lord 1308, being the first year of Edward the second, to john the son of Richard earl of Ulster. This Gilbert the second, before the marriage of his second wife, was on the fifteenth kalends of August divorced from Alice his first wife, in the year of our redemption 1271, being the six and fiftieth year of the reign of king Henry the third; and after in Westminster church the last of April married his second wife, about the eightéenth year of Edward the first being the year of Christ 1290, which Gilbert the second, being taken away by untimely death, departed this world in the year of our redemption 1195 (being the three and twentieth of the reign of the said Edward the first) who was in word & deed, in commandment and authority the greatest person of the kingdom, next to king Edward the first: for which cause he well deserved to have his sepulture among his worthy ancestors.  
Edmund earl of Cornwall, 
Edmund 〈◊〉 of Corne●●●●  of whom there is somewhat spoken before, being the son of Richard king of Almain, and earl of Cornwall brother to Henry the third, married Margaret the daughter of Richard de Clare earl of Gloucester, he was made protector of the Realm by Edward the first in the fouretéenth year (as some say) or in the fifteenth, as others say (for there is so much disagreement amongst authors for the accounts of years, as it passeth any one man to reconcile them in all points) when the said king went into Arragon to reconcile the two kings of Arragon & Naples. He continued in this office in the year of Christ 1287, or 1228, as hath Trevet, being the sixteenth year of Edward the first, in which he subdued Rise ap Merdach the Welsh prince, rebelling against Edward the first, and overthrew the castle of Druffillane (as hath the said Nicholas Trevet) he was lord of Wallingford, did much cost thereupon, and died without issue, as hath Matthew Westminster, in the year of Christ 1300: but as hath Thomas Walsingham 1301, leaving the king of England his heir. Yet are there some pedegrées and other authors, and those not the meanest, which say that he had a daughter, Isabella married to Morris Fitz Harding lord Barkleie: so that these authors, which say that he died without issue, are to be understood of the issue male, & not of the heir general: for they account him to die without issue, which leaveth no posterity to continue his title of honour. The which their meaning they make more plain, in that they say that after his issueless death, the earldom came to the crown. And here because there is mention made of Wallingford, I will set down what Leland hath written touching the same, because I desire to make common, and to preserve all whatsoever monuments of Leland that come unto my hands: thus therefore he writeth of Wallingford in his commentaries of England, written in the year of our redemption 1542, being the four and thirtieth year of king Henry the eight in these words.  
The town of Wallingford hath been a very notable thing and well walled. The ditch of the town, and the crest whereupon the walls stand, be yet manifestly perceived, and begin from the castle, going in compass a good mile and more, and so continueth to Wallingford bridge, a large thing of stone over the Thames. There remain yet the names of these streets amongst others. Thamesstréet, Fishstréet, Woodstréet, Goldsmith's row. And by the patents and donation of Edmund earl of Cornwall and lord of the honour of Wallingford, it appeareth that there were fourteen parish churches in Wallingford: and there be men yet alive that can show the places and churchyards where they stood, at this time there are but three parish churches. The town and the castle was sore defaced by the Danes wars, yet they meetly flourished in the time of Richard king of the Romans earl of Cornwall, and brother to Henry the third, he did much cost upon the castle which joineth to the north gate of the town, and hath three diches (as upon the crests of the same may appear) large and deep, about each of the two first diches (on the crests of the ground cast out) runneth an embatteled wall now sore in ruin, and for the most part defaced. All the goodly buildings, with the tower and dungeon, be within the third dich. There is also a collegiat chapel amongst the buildings within the third dich. Edmund earl of Cornwall son to Richard king of Romans was the first founder and indower of this college. Prince Edward the black (as one told me) augmented this college. There is a dean, four priests, six clerks, and four choristers. The late dean before doctor London that now is, builded a fair steeple of stone at the west end of the collegiat chapel, to the making whereof he defaced (as it is said without licence) a piece of the line 10 kings lodging on the east end of the chapel. The dean hath a fair lodging of timber within the castle, and to it is joined a place for the ministers of the chapel. Thus much Leland for Wallingford, & thus much I for Edmund earl of Cornwall and lord of Wallingford.  

Edward prince of Wales.  Edward of Carnarvan prince of Wales, son to Edward the first, was in the year of our redemption 1295, being the five and twentieth year of Edward the first, protector of England, in the absence of his father in Flanders, who because he was line 20 of tender years, had as tutors and governors appointed unto him Richard bishop of Durham (Eulogium hath the bishop of London) William Montacute, with diverse other knights, as Reignold Greie, john Giffard, & Alane Plunket, being wise, discreet and expert soldiers.  

Piers de Gavestone earl of Cornew●ll.  Piers or Peter de Gavestone a Gascoine borne, whom king Edward the second so tenderly loved as that he preferred him before all men, was appointed guardian of the realm in the first year of the line 30 said king Edward the second, being the year of our redemption 1308, when the king went into France and there abode to marry Isabella daughter to Philip king of France, before that the said Edward was crowned king of England, as hath Radulphus Higden. Of this Peers I will here say little, because I have spoken more largely of him in my pantographie of England.  

john de Drokensford.  john de Drokensford bishop of Bath and Wells, was in the year of our redemption 1313, being the line 40 sixth year of king Edward the second, made protector of the realm in the absence of the said king Edward the second, and his wife queen Isabella, who went into France to solemnize the coronation of Philip (son to Philip king of France) who was at that instant created king of Navarre. This Drokensford was the fourteenth bishop of Bath & Wels. Great contention was there between him and the dean and priests of that church. He succeeded in the bishopric Walter Hovelshaw. This Drokensford line 50 held the bishopric about nineteen years, he beautified the same with many goodly buildings, procured many privileges unto it, and greatly exalted his kindred. He was buried at Welles before the high altar of saint john Baptist.  

Henry Lacie earl of Lincoln.  Henry Lascie or Lacie earl of Lincoln, and of Salisbury, baron of Halton and of Pontfrait, corruptly called Pomefret, and constable of Chester, was made protector of the realm in the fift year of Edward the second, being the year of our redemption line 60 1310, whilst the king remained in the wars of Scotland. Which Henry died shortly after in the same year, and was buried in the new work of Paul's, who carried for his arms the purple lion contrary to the cote his ancestors had borne before. This man had done great service in the wars in the time of Edward the first, he married Margaret the daughter and heir of William Longespée earl of Salisbury, and had by her a daughter named Alice, married to Thomas Plantagenet earl of Lancaster, Leicester, and Derby. This Henry (as I have learned of other and read in Leland) had issue a bastard son, and having amongst many other lordships the manor of Grantcester besides Cambridge, he gave the same with other lands unto that bastard, and commanded that the same Lacie so set up in Grantcester, should for himself and his successors ever name their sons and heirs by the names of Henry, which hitherto hath been religiously observed amongst them. And this was the original of the houses of the Lacies in Grantcester, as Leland learned of him which was then heir of those lands.  
Gilbert de Clare the third earl of Gloucester of that name, after the death of Henry Lacie, 
Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester.  was chosen governor of the realm (the king being still in Scotland) during the time that the king should make his abode in that country. Of this man see before in the discourse of his father Gilbert the second earl of Gloucester and Hertford, and protector of the realm.  
Edward prince of Wales and duke of Aquitane, 
Edward prince of Wales.  coming out of France with Isabella in the second year of Edward the second, his father was after his landing in England and the taking of his father made guardian of England under his father, which office he did not long continue: for deposing his father from the kingdom in the year of Christ 1326 he assumed the crown himself in his father's life.  
Walter Reinolds archbishop of Canturburie was with others appointed guardian of England on this sort. 
Walter Reinolds archbishop of Canturburie.  Edward the third as before attaining to the crown in the year of our redemption 1327, or as some others more truly say 1326, being fourteen years of age did then begin his reign. But because he was so young (not being of power or policy to wield so great a charge) it was decreed in this first year of his reign, that twelve governors of the greatest lords within the realm should possess the government, until he came to riper years, whose names were as ensueth: Walter archbishop of Canturburie, the archbishop of York, the bishop of Winchester, the bishop of Hereford, Henry earl of Lancaster, Thomas Brotherton earl marshal, Edmund of Woodstock earl of Kent, john earl of Warren, the lord Thomas Wake, the lord Henry Persie, the lord Oliver de Ingham, and the lord john Rosse, who were sworn of the king's council and charged with the government of the kingdom as they would answer for the same. But this ordinance continued not long, for in the second year of this king, Isabella the king's mother and the lord Roger Mortimer took the whole rule into their hands, in such sort that the king and his councillors were in all affairs of state, and otherwise, only governed by their direction. Of this Walter Reinolds the archbishop, because he was sometime chancellor, and sometime treasurer, is more mention made in the large volume of the lives of the chancellor's.  
john of Eltham earl of Cornwall son to Edward the second, 
john of Eltham earl of Cornwall.  had (in the fourth year of king Edward the third being the year of our redemption 1330) the government of the realm committed unto him, whilst king Edward the third had passed the seas only fifteen horses in his company, appareled in cloaks like unto merchants, which office the said john of Eltham executed until the return of the said king, and before that also when the said Edward the third, in the second year of his reign, did before this time go into France to do his homage. He was made earl of Cornwall in the second year of king Edward the third, being the year of Christ 1328, and died at Barwike, others say at S. john's town in Scotland, in the month of October 1336, being the tenth year of Edward the third, and was honourably buried at Westminster; for the solemnisation of whose burial the king came out of Scotland about the feast of the epiphany.  

Edward the Black prince.  Edward the Black prince, eldest son to Edward the third, being about the age of nine years, was in the twelve year of his father, being the year of our redemption 1338, or as saith Matthew Parker 1337, made guardian of England in the absence of his father being as then sailed into Flanders to procure the Flemings to aid him against the French king. Under which prince as some writ (or rather as I for the time take it) equal in commission line 10 to him it seemeth that john archbishop of Canturburie had the chiefest rule of the land, 
john Stratford.  because that king Edward after his return into England, which was about the fourteenth or the fifteenth of his reign, charged the said bishop with certain negligences which he used in collections of money, whilst he had the chief rule of the land, when he was in the wars of France. Wherefore the words of Matthew Parker in the life of the said john Stratford (saying that the king held a parliament, in which Omnem regni line 20 curam & gubernationem archiepiscopo commisit) must needs be intended that he had that charge under or equally with the said Black prince, as chiefest councillor to support the tender years of his son.  
After which also in the year of our redemption, as hath the same Matthew Parker 1342, being about the sixteenth of the said Edward the third, the king committed the care & government of the kingdom to the said archbishop, whilst the king was beyond line 30 the seas in the wars: for thus writeth the said Parker, fol. 257. Ac paulo post nulla purgatione indicta (speaking of the said bishop unjustly accused to the king) aut recepta, omnibus penè parlamenti ordinibus pro archiepiscopo deprecantibus, rex eum sua sponte legitimè purgatum & excusatum pronuntiavit, eúmque multo magis charum quàm antè habuit, omnibúsque gerendis in Anglia rebus se in militia absent praefecit. Of which archbishop being sometime chancellor and treasurer of England shall be set down a more large discourse in my large book of the lives of the chancellor's. line 40  

Lionel duke of Clarence.  Lionel third son to Edward the third, was in the ninth year of the reign of the said king Edward the third, being the year in which the word became flesh 1345, made guardian of England, in the absence of his father, who as then was sailed into the parts (beyond the seas) of Flanders. Of this man there is more spoken in my following treatise of the dukes of England.  
Henry lord Persie, & Ralph lord Nevil, when Edward line 50 the third was sailed into Normandy, 
Henry lord Persie.  were in the twentieth year of the reign of the said Edward the third, being the year of our redemption 1346, appointed to be guardians of the realm in his absence with the archbishop of York, the bishop of Lincoln, and Thomas Hatfield bishop of Durham.  
Thomas of Woodstock being very young was made custos or guardian of England, 
Thomas of Woodstock.  in the year that God took on him the form of a servant 1359, being the three & thirtieth of the reign of the said king Edward the third, when he sailed into France with a line 60 1100 ships. Of this man is more spoken in my discourse of the dukes of England, set down in the time of queen Elizabeth: and in my treatise of the constables of England, set down in the time of Henry the eight pag. 867.  

john of Gant duke of Lancaster.  john of Gant duke of Lancaster, fourth son of Edward the third, because the king his father was feeble and sickly (being now about three score & five years of age, though Bodinus in his Methodo historiae say that he died in his climacterical year of three score and three: for the truth is, that the said Edward the third was fourteen years old when he began to reign, and he reigned about one and fifty years, which make of his age three score and five years) but especially for the sorrow which the king inwardly conceived for the death of that worthy prince his son, commonly surnamed the Black prince. This john of Gaunt (after the death of the said Black prince, which died in the year of Christ 1376, being the fiftieth year of the reign of Edward the third, whose death was deemed to be hastened by the said john of Gaunt aspiring to the crown, the plat whereof though it took not effect in the life of the said john, yet it was performed in his son Henry of Bullingbrooke. who deposed Richard the second) was appointed by his father Edward the third to have the rule of the realm under him, the which he continued during his father's life, which was not a full year after that he had made the said john of Gaunt governor of England. After which death of king Edward the third, when Richard the second, a child of eleven years of age began his reign, in the year of our redemption 1377, in the first year of the said Richard the second, after his coronation, the said john of Gaunt duke of Lancaster, & Edmund of Langleie earl of Cambridge brother to the said john of Gaunt, were appointed to have the government of the king's person, and the administration of the commonwealth. But shortly after, in the same year of the king, in the year of our redemption 1378, the said john of Gaunt gave up the same office. Of this man is more said in my treatise of the dukes of England.  
William courtney bishop of London (but shortly after his protectorship advanced unto the see of Canturburie, in the year of Christ 1381, 
William courtney bishop of London.  about the ninth of januarie, being about the fourth of Richard the second, was made governor of the realm in this manner. After (as is before said) that the duke of Lancaster had wisely weighed the fickle estate of the realm, and considered that by the evil government of the nobility, and inconstant mind of the young king, there must needs fall a change of the estate, & doubting that if any thing succeeded otherwise than the nobles liked, the cause and negligence might be imputed to him, as one who chiefly had the government in his hands (and thanks howsoever the state was ruled he looked for none) did in the end after a few months' authority (wholly misliking the manners of the court, which commonly are not of the best in the minority of princes) surrender his protectorship, and obtained licence of the king to departed, and so got him quietly to his castle of Kenelworth, permitting others to have the whole sway of the kingdom.  
Notwithstanding all which, in the second year of Richard the second, about the year of Christ 1379 being not altogether careless of the kings well doing; this duke before his departing to Kenelwoorth, caused certain grave persons with his full consent, to be ordained, which should have the government of the king's person, and administration of the commonwealth. The names of whom were, William courtney before mentioned, Edmund Mortimer earl of March, Ralph Ergume bishop of Salisbury, and William lord Latimer, with others, of whom for the most part the people had conceived a good opinion: yet because the said bishop of Salisbury, and the lord Latimer were associate to the rest, and of equal authority with them, the commons murmured greatly against them. The cause for which they so misliked the lord Latimer, was for that he had sometimes been too much favouring to dame Alice Piers, concubine to king Edward the third, to whom the said lord Latimer was chief chamberlain, & therefore was of him best be loved, which two persons, the lord Latimer, and dame Alice, were by parliament in the fiftieth year of Edward the third removed from the king, for that they miscounselled him, but especially sith much mischief grew in the realm by the same Alice Piers. For she being now exalted in pride by overmuch love of K. Edward the third, would beyond the modesty and manner of women, sit in judgement with the king's justices, be with the doctors in the consistory, turn sentences to what side she would, and require many things dishonest in themselves, and dishonourable to the king. Of line 10 which woman, an old written chronicle belonging to the house of Euesham, hath delivered to me these words: Alicia Piers regis concubina supra modum mulierum nimis & supergressa, sui etiam sexus & fragilitatis foemineae immemor, nunc juxta iusticiarios regios nunc in foro ecclesiastico juxta doctores sedendo, & pro defensione causarum suadere, & etiam contra iura postulare minimè verebatur, unde propcer scandalum-petierunt ab illo (which was the king) penitùs amoveri in parlemento tento anno Domini 1376 & 50 Ed. 3. Thus that author. line 20  
And here before I go any further with my protectors, because some curious heads that find not all these matters in the records of the tower, which they daily turn with a churlish hand, or else think that nothing may be known out of the walls of their office, will seem to seek a knot in a rush, and say that I in compass of some few lines have written a contrariety, in saying that john of Gaunt thirsted after the kingdom, and for that cause hastened the death of his elder brother prince Edward the black line 30 as Richard the third did the death of his brother George duke of Clarence, which intent could not possibly be in john of Gaunt, as appeareth by my own following words: where I say that he gave over the protectorship of his nephew, because he would avoid all suspicion of evil government: which he would never have done if he had so meant, that place being so apt for the execution of his purpose, and might give occasion to him that never meant any such matter before, to attempt it being in that place, line 40 as Richard duke of York did attempt, but not perform it, in the time of Henry the sixth; and as Richard duke of Gloucester, being in the same office of protectorship, did not only attempt it, but brought to perfection. Whereunto I answer, that all this is no contrariety, but only a manifest show and confirmation, the one part of my words to the other. For sith he could not in the life of his father Edward the third before the crowning of king Richard the second (as Richard the third did) attain the crown, he line 50 would not now attempt it (the king being once crowned, and in full possession of the kingdom) so rashly and unadvisedly (as did Richard duke of York against Henry, for which he was in the end slain) lest that thereby his part might seem to carry the face of a rebellion, as in truth it should have done. For whosoever either for colour of God, benefit to their country, or for whatsoever cause, lift up the sword against a crowned king, sitting at the stern of government, being one of the gods of the line 60 earth, the same must needs tend unto a rebellion, which john of Gaunt would not seem to execute, & for that cause leaving off his purpose at that time, he did in the end also leave the whole matter to his son to perform, especially sith he afterward perceived Richard the second so much to favour and further him with money, munition, and men, to recover the kingdom of Castille & Arragon in Spain, in the right of the wife of the said john of Gaunt. To whom and to his wife (as hath Henry Knighton) king Richard the second gave a several crown of gold to honour them withal, & to show how entirely he loved them when they both went into Spain. And for these causes the said john of Gaunt refused the opportunity of time & place in the king his nephews minority to execute it. But did he cease it so? No. For that spark although it were a little cooled, was not utterly quenched, because he hastened the same in his son, whom he not only persuaded, but furthered (after the banishment of his said son Henry of Bullingbrooke by Richard the second in the life of said john of Gaunt) to return into England, and after his death to challenge by sword the earldom of Lancaster his right inheritance, and under the same to revenge the death of the duke of Gloucester and others: and by that means, when Richard the second was out of the realm of England in Ireland, the said Henry Bullingbrooke son of john of Gaunt entered the realm, put down the king, and got the crown which his father sought. Thus this much digressing from the protectors, and to return to that course which I have in hand, I will leave the discourse of policies to obtain kingdoms, because they be no balls for me to bandy, and follow on my former intent as meeter for my simplicity.  
Thomas Beauchampe earl of Warwick was in the third year of Richard the second, 
Thomas Beauchampe earl of Warwick.  being the year of our redemption 1380, made protector in this sort. In the parliament holden the same year, at the special suit of the lords, and of the commons, the bishops and barons chosen (as you have heard) before by john of Gaunt to be protectors of the realm, were removed, and the earl of Warwick especially elected to that function, to remain continually with the king as chief governor of his royal person; & one that should give answer to all foreigners repairing thither, upon what cause soever their coming were; having further as ample government of the kingdom given unto him, as the other removed governors had. Being placed in that office by the duke of Lancaster, he died the sixth ideses of April, in the year of Christ 1401, being the third year of Henry the fourth. He married Margaret, the daughter of William lord Ferrer of Grobie; by whom he had issue, Richard earl of Warwick.  
Thomas Fitzalane otherwise called Arundel bishop of Elie, 
Thomass Arundel bishop of Elie.  the two and twentieth that enjoyed that seat, being two and twenty years of age, and the son of Richard Fitzalane earl of Arundel & Warren, was with others made protector of England in this sort. At a parliament holden at London in the tenth year of Richard the second, being the year of Christ 1386, were certain governors of the kingdom elected, because the treasure of the realm had been imbesiled & lewdly wasted, nothing to the profit of the king and kingdom, by the covetous and evil government of the deposed officers, which were Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk lord chancellor, john Fortham bishop of Durham lord treasurer, & diverse other persons that ruled about the king.  
Now the governors elected by this parliament were in number thirteen; and by name Thomas Arundel bishop of Elie, then made lord chancellor; john Gilbert bishop of Hereford made lord treasurer; and Nicholas abbot of Waltham at that time made keeper of the privy seal; William courtney archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander Nevil archbishop of York, Edmund Langleie duke of York, Thomas of Woodstock duke of Gloucester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of Ercester, Richard Fitzalane earl of Arundel, john lord Devereux, and Reinold lord Cobham of Starborow. These were thus by parliament chosen to have under the king the whole oversight and government of the realm, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth year of the said Richard the second it doth in the printed book appear.  

Edmund of Langleie duke of York.  Edmund Langleie duke of York, uncle unto Richard the second, was in the eighteenth year of the said Richard, being about the year of our redemption 1395, ordained lord guardian of England, in the king's absence in the realm of Ireland. This protector caused a parliament to be assembled at Westminster: where he dealt so effectually, notwithstanding the untowardness of the burgesses, that a tenth was granted by the clergy, and a fifteenth by the temporalty; but not without protestation, line 10 that those payments were granted of a mere freewill, for the love they bore to the king, and to have the affairs in Ireland to succeed the better. After this, about four years; king Richard the second in the two and twentieth year of his reign, in the year of Christ 1399, making another voyage into Ireland (being the last and most unhappy that ever was to him, for before his return he had in effect lost his realm, which after his coming he lost in deed) did again in his absence substitute line 20 this Edmund duke of York as chief governor of England. Who in the absence of the king, assembled a power of men against Henry of Bullingbrooke, now entered into the land to challenge the dukedom of Lancaster after the death of his father john of Gaunt, and under that colour to usurp the crown. Which Edmund passing into Wales in the three and twentieth year of Richard the second, was received into the castle of Barkleie, & there remained until the coming of Henry line 30 of Bullingbrooke. Whom when he perceived (for the power which the said duke of Lancaster had assembled from all parts of the realm) that he was not of sufficiency to resist; he came forth into the church that stood without the castle, and there fell to par●ée with the duke of Lancaster; after which he did never forsake the duke of Lancaster, until he came to the crown. Who, if he had faithfully stood unto his nephew, might perhaps have saved unto him both his crown and life. Of this man is more said line 40 in my treatise of the dukes of England.  
jone de Namures sometime duchess of Britain, (widow to Philip Montfort, 
jone de Namures widow to Henry the fourth.  as saith Hypodigma; but Walsingham in his history casteth him john duke of Britain; being also the widow of king Henry the fourth) was substitute governor of the realm by her son in law king Henry the fift, king of England, in the third year of his reign, being the year from the birth of the Messiah 1415, when the said Henry the fift took his journey into line 50 France to conquer the same. This woman in the seventh year of Henry the fift, which was in the year of Christ 1419, being suspected (as saith john Stow) to practise witchcraft against the king, was committed to the custody of john Wellam, or rather john Pelham, who appointed nine servants to attend upon her, and brought her to Pevenseie castle to be governed under his providence. But shortly after cléering herself, she was delivered. This lady died at Havering at the bower in Essex line 60 the ninth of julie in the seventeenth year of the reign of king Henry the sixth, being the year of Christ one thousand four hundred thirty and seven, and was buried at Canturburie with her husband king Henry the fourth.  

john de Plantagenet duke of Bedford.  john duke of Bedford son to Henry the fourth, & brother to K. Henry the fift, was in the fourth year of the reign of the said Henry, being the year of our redemption 1416, by parliament appointed regent of the realm, to enjoy the same office so long as the king was employed in the French wars. Which place he possessed accordingly; and in the ninth year of the victorious prince, king Henry the fift, being guardian of England, he, with Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester uncle to Henry the fift, and jaqueline duchess of Holland remaining then in England, were godfathers, and godmother to Henry, after king by the name of Henry the sixth, the son of Henry the fift; Henry Chichleie archbishop of Canturburie baptising the child. In the tenth and last year of Henry the fift, this john with a strong power conveyed queen Katherine wife to Henry the fift▪ from Southampton into France. This man being duke of Bedford, earl of Richmond and of Kendal, constable of England, and warden of the marches of Scotland, died the fourteenth day of September at Rone in Normandy, who (having also been regent of France, a most valiant gentleman, and one that kept the parts beyond the seas in great obedience to the crown of England) had for his yearly pension 20000 crowns at the least. After whose death all things went backward, and the English lost all that they had beyond the seas, Calis, & those dominions only excepted.  
This man (I say) died in the year of our redemption 1435, being the thirteenth year of the unfortunate government of the deposed king Henry the sixth, and was honourably buried at Rone in our lady church there. Touching whom it shall not grieve me to set down the answer of a French king lately in our age made to one of his nobility; saying unto the king (then being in the said lady church of Rone, and beholding the tomb of this john of Bedford) that it were convenient that the same tomb were defaced and pulled down; since he was the only man that wrought the greatest damage that ever happened unto France. To whom the king said; Hold thy peace fool, God forbidden that ever we should do such reproach to him being dead; whom the proudest of our nation durst not look in the face when he was living. This duke john married the second year of Henry the sixth, in the year of Christ 1423, Anne the daughter of john duke of Burgognie, who died in the tenth year of Henry the sixth, in the year of Christ 1433, after which he married jaques daughter to Peter earl of S. Paul in the same year, and yet died without issue. Of this man is mention made in my former discourse of the constables of England, pag. 868.  
Humfreie duke of Gloucester brother to Henry the fift, and uncle to Henry the sixth, 
Humfreie duke of Gloucester.  was in the tenth and last year of Henry the fift, being the year of our Lord 1422, made regent of England, upon the removing and departure of john duke of Bedford with queen Katherine, wife to Henry the fift into France. In which year (happening the lamentable death of that worthy prince king Henry the fift) the said Henry upon his deathbed appointed this Humfreie to be protector of the realm; which he did exercise in the time of the minority of Henry the sixth, from the time of his first entrance into the kingdom. Who at that time taking upon him that function, called unto him grave and wise councillors; with whose support he might with better honour to the realm, and benefit to the subjects, rule the ship of this kingdom, sailing in the dangerous waves of the king's infancy. By which means holding the stern thereof, directed by the course of justice, he did most honourably during his life discharge the duty of so weighty an office. Who in the fourteenth year of Henry the sixth, being the year of our Lord 1439, did with five hundred sail land at Calis, and for eleven days spoiled the low countries and so by Calis returned again into England. This man in the five & twentieth year of king Henry sixth, being the year of Christ 1447, was in his castle of U●es in Wiltshire, & coming from thence to the parliament was lodged in the hospital, and arrested by john lord Beaumond high constable of England. But on the four and twentieth day of February he died for sorrow as some said, and as john Stow hath noted, because he might not come to his answer. Other writ that he was murdered in the night by the queens procurement, to the great grief of the commons, and in time following to the utter destruction of the king and the queen. He was duke of Gloucester, and also in the right of his wife duke of Holland and Zealand, earl of Penbroke, lord chamberlain line 10 of England, and protector of the realm, being highly esteemed of learned men, himself also not meanly furnished with knowledge, having rare skill in astrology, whereof beside many other things he compiled a singular treatise, obtaining the name of Tabula directionum, touching whose death I have read these verses following in john Whethamsted: 
Aemula sors varijs signanter honoribus altis  
Causavit miserè mala multos flere ruinae,  
Laesus erat julius, undis mersus Ptolomeus, line 20  
Pulsus Tarqvinius, exul factúsque Tydeus,  
Dux nimis properè iam dictus tempora vitae  
Complevit tristis, heu indignatio regis  
Causa fuit magna, maior detractio falsa,  
Plebis & iunctae fallacis & insidiosae,  
Nam regis patrius, quamuis & proximus haeres,  
Tunc fueratque suus consultor in ordine primus,  
Vir prudénsque pius, vir doctus & ingeniosus,  
Non tamen erubuit, nec pertimuit, ve pepercit  
Hunc accusare falsè de proditione, line 30  
Discere quódque suam clàm vellet tollere vitam  
Et sibi surripere violenter iura coronae.  
Divitis argentum, proprium qui captat in usum,  
Desiderat medium quo vindicet aptiùs ipsum,  
Sic regem plures comitantes collaterales  
Sectantur praedam, mediate fraus, dat dolus ipsam,  
Fidior in regno regi duce non fuit isto,  
Plúsue fide stabilis aut maior amator honoris,  
Et tamen ut praedo voto potiretur iniquo,  
Fraudem consuluit, cum fraud dolum sociavit, line 40  
Sícque ducem falsi maculans cum proditione  
Obtinuit votum, praedator erátque bonorum  
Illius, & tristis obijt dux criminis expers.   
Which duke Humphrey was buried at saint Albon, dying without issue, after he had married two wives; whereof the first wife was jacoba or jaqueline (daughter and sole heir of William of Bavier) being then the lawful wife to john duke of Brabant then living, which wife this Humphrey married in England in the year of our redemption 1424 line 50 being the third year of king Henry the sixth, upon which grew great wars, and Humphrey duke of Gloucester challenged the combat of the duke of Burgognie, taking part with his cousin john duke of Brabant. But in the end the duke of Gloucester left his wife at Mons & returned into England, and she unto Gaunt, and so into Holland, & the combat stayed by means of the duke of Bedford brother to the duke of Gloucester. But after (as it seemeth) the duke line 60 of Gloucester was divorced from this duchess, and then married Eleanor Cobham (whom he had tenderly loved as his paramour before that) in the year of our redemption 1428, being the sixth year of the reign of king Henry the sixth. This woman in the nineteenth year of the said Henry the sixth (upon the taking of Henry Bullingbrook for practising necromancy, thereby to consume the king) fled in the night to Westminster for sanctuary, which caused her to be suspected of treason. Whereupon Bullingbrook confessing that he wrought the same at the procurement of the said Eleanor, desirous to know to what estate she should come unto, the said dame Eleanor did oftentimes for the same fact appear before the bishop, and in the end was convicted. After which in the twentieth of Henry the sixth she did grievous penance therefore, and so escaped with her life. And here because I have said somewhat of jaqueline duchess of Holland, I think it not amiss to add a little more of her, being a woman of great beauty, and desire of change in performing the pleasures of the flesh: wherefore I will set down what I have seen written under the pictures of her and her husband Francis in this sort.   

The subscription under the pictures of the lady jaqueline, and of Francis her husband.  
IAcoba Dei gratia comitissa Hannoniae, Hollandiae, & Zelandiae, domina Frisiae, Zutbeverlandiae, terrae Brilensis, Vorensis, &c: Gulielmi Bavariensis ducis filia & haeres unica, quae primò desponsata fuit Philippo Burgundiorum duci: postea Delphino Francorum regis filio: tertiò johanni duci Brabantiae Antonij filio: deinde Humfrido Glocestriae duci Henrici quarti Angliae regis filio: & postremò Franconi Bursaliensi comiti Osteruandiae matrimonio copulatur. Quae obijt absque liberis 8 Idus Octobris, anno Domini 1463 sepulta apud Hagam comitis in Hollandia.  
Beside which was this written in Dutch: Vrowen jacoba van Byeren Gravenne van Hollant starfe Anno Domini 1463.   

The subscription under the picture of her husband Francone or Francis was in this sort.  
Franciscus' Dei gratia comes de Osteruant (erfginocht) in comitatibus Hollandiae, Hannoniae, Zelandiae, & Friselandiae, dominus de Boursalia de Viorne, Zuylen, Hochstraten, Kortkene, de la Veer, Flishing, Zandenburge, terrae Brilensis, Sentmartinsdike, quo loco fundavit coenobium canonicorum, &c: & regi Edwardo quarto fideliter assistebat, necnon equestris ordinis divi Antonij.  
Beside which also was this written in the Dutch tongue. Here uranck van Boselen grave van Osteruant starfe Anno Domini 1470.  
Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester (appointed to that office by Henry the fift on his deathbed) was with Henry Beaufort bishop of Winchester great uncle to king Henry the sixth in the year of our redemption 1422, 
Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester.  being the first year of the reign of king Henry the sixth (than but nine months' old) made protector and guardian of the person of the young king, to see him tenderly and carefully brought up and instructed in all such parts as were to be required in the person of a monarch. Which office he left about the fourth year of king Henry the sixth, and died on Newyéeres day at his manor of Gréenwich in the said fift year of Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1446: he married Margaret the daughter of Thomas Nevil of Hornesby.  
Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick son of the former Thomas Beauchampe, 
Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick.  being beyond the seas, and there deputy for john duke of Bedford (being regent of France) did (whilst the said regent was come over into England) obtain many castles in his deputieship; who being thus employed in the foreign wars, was in his absence out of his country (for his singular wisdom and valour) ordained by the three estates of the realm of England in open parliament, to be governor of the person of the young king Henry the sixth, in the place of Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester lately deceased: which Richard did not yet forthwith hasten his return into England, but remained in France for a season, enlarging the fame of his martial exploits. This his election to the protectorship of the king's person, was in the fift year of Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1426. He died in the year of our Lord 1439, being the seventeenth year of the deposed king Henry the sixth, at Rone in Normandy the last day of May, as hath john Stow; and the fourth of October next following his corpse was honourably conveyed, as well by land as by water from Rone to Warwick, and there honourably buried in line 10 the college of our lady church founded by his noble ancestors. He married two wives, the first Elisabeth daughter and heir of Thomas lord Barkleie, by whom he had three daughters, Margaret married to john lord Talbot earl of Shrewesburie, Eleanor married to Thomas lord Rosse, and Elisabeth married to Gorge Nevil lord Latimer. His second wife was Isabella the daughter and heir of Richard lord Spenser, by whom he had issue Henry duke of Warwick, and Anne married to Richard Nevil line 20 earl of Salisbury.  

Richard Plantagenet duke of York.  Richard Plantagenet duke of York, son to Richard earl of Cambrige, and father to Edward the fourth king of England, notwithstanding that he made challenge to the crown against Henry the sixth, then in possession thereof, as heir to the house of York, and was to be preferred before the house of Lancaster; and notwithstanding that he was by parliament appointed to wear the crown after the death of Henry the sixth: yet after all this, in the three line 30 and thirtieth year of the same king, being the year of our redemption 1455 (such was the imperfection of the king to govern) he was appointed protector of the realm, ruling the same at his own disposition. Which office he did not long enjoy, and that most worthily: for the next year after being the four and thirtieth of king Henry the sixth, and the year of our redemption 1456, he was deprived from the same, and queen Margaret wife to Henry the sixth took again the absolute regiment into her line 40 hands: which duke after in the nine and thirtieth of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1460, the thirtieth day of December, being lord of Wakefield, was there with his son the earl of Rutland slain at the battle commonly called the battle of Wakefield; of which I have read these verses in Whethamsted once abbot of saint Albon: 
Anno milleno centum quater quoque seno,  

This was done 1561, counting the year to begin at Christmas as some do, or at januarie as others d●●▪  Terdenóque die, duodeno mense Decembre,  
Infra Eboracensem nixta Wakefield comitatum line 50  
Dux dominus villae fertur pugnans habuisse  
Conflictum grandem contra gentem borealem,  
Ac proceres plures praeerant quae gentibus ipsis,  
Quod docuit, quia sors quod res fortuna secundas,  
Vitat habere moras, cecidit dux natus & eius,  
Ac comes insignis sors belli, sors fuit ipsis  
Obuia, sícque fatis regni fuerat brevis haeres  
Omen & idlaetum tulerat mutamine meestum  
Deslendum multis, ius regni, ius fuit eius.   
He married Cicilie daughter to Ralph Nevil first line 60 earl of Westmoreland, by whom he had issue Edward duke of York, earl of March, and after king of England by the name of Edward the fourth: George Plantagenet duke of Clarence, Richard Plantagenet duke of Gloucester, after king of England by the name of Richard the third: three daughters, Anne married to Henry Holland duke of Excester, Elisabeth married to john de la Poole duke of Suffolk, and Margaret married to Charles duke of Burgognie.  
George Plantagenet duke of Clarence, and constable of England, 
George Plantagenet duke of Clarence.  son of the foresaid duke of York, and brother to king Edward the fourth, with Richard Nevil earl of Warwick (who set up and pulled down kings at his pleasure) were after the flight of Edward the fourth out of England into Burgognie to his brother in law (in the tenth year of the reign of the said king Edward, being the year of our redemption 1470, when Henry the sixth had by their means readepted the kingdom) made governors of the land, which office they enjoyed not long. For the said Edward the fourth returning into England, in the eleventh year of his reign, being the year of our redemption 1471, reconciled to him the duke of Clarence, did again put down king Henry the sixth, and slew the said earl of Warwick (flying away) at Barnet field (on Easter day) by one of the men of his camp. After this, on the fifteenth day of januarie began a parliament, in the eightéenth year of the reign of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1478, where this duke of Clarence was atteinted of treason, and the eleventh of March following he ended his life in a but of malmeseie, and was buried at Teukesburie beside his wife, who being with child died by poison a little before him. Of this man see more in my discourse of the constables of England pag. 869.  
Richard Plantagenet third son to Richard duke of York, 
Richard Plantagenet duke of Gloucester.  was constable of England and governor of the person of the king, of whom is more spoken in my discourse of the constables of England pag. 869. But here mentioning the constables of England, 
A digression concerning the constables of England nor mentioned before in pag. 865.  I think it better now than not at all, to mention also some imperfection and default in my former discourse of the said constable's, set down by me before in pag. 865. Which default of mine in that place grew by reason of overmuch hast, which I used in sudden seeking for the same, whereby (according to the old proverb) I brought forth a blind whelp. For in the former description I have omitted diverse the which were constable's of England, the names of which were Henry the first in the life of his father, Nigellus, and Robert de Oily, with others of that line in descent, which Nigellus I can not as yet learn to be any other but Nigellus de Oily, 
Nigellus de Oily constable of England.  brother to Robert de Oily that came in with the Conqueror, who gave Oxfordshire unto the said Robert.  
Besides which, if it shall seem to any that I have in my former treatise rashly written I know not what, & that here I make Henry the first constable in his father the Conqueror's time, & by contrariety thereunto did before make Walter constable also in the Conquerors and William Rufus his time: let them know that there is no contrariety herein. For Walter might first be constable, & then Henry the first, and both they in the Conqueror's time, this office being taken from the first, and given to the latter by the Conqueror. After whose death William Rufus might take it from his brother Henry, because he would not make him too great in England, for doubt lest he might hereby put the crown in hazard, being favoured of the people as one borne in England, and for that cause might restore that office to Walter. Again it may be, that some men reading that I have before set down, that Maud the empress gave the conestableship to Milo the son of Walter in the sixth of king Stephan, and that king Stephan took that office from Milo in the first year of his reign, and gave it to Walter Beauchampe, will condemn me therefore of like unadvised writing: because it seemeth thereby that Stephan took it from Milo before that Milo had it. Which is not so, for I can prove with some reason and authority, that Milo had it a little before the death of king Henry the first, and also after his death in part of the first year of king Stephan, being witness to a deed by king Stephan, made and dated the first of his reign, to which he subscribed his name Milo Constabularius, After which, king Stephan might in that year take that office from him, and so he did. Which maud the empress understanding, and finding Milo (now fallen from king Stephan) one which assisted her, she the better to confront Stephan, gave the conestableship to Milo (accounting herself as queen) in the sixth of Stephan.  
This being thus spoken in defence of that which before I have written pag. 866. let us go to our other line 10 matter concerning the constables not mentioned before in the said discourse, wherein I find myself in a marvelous labyrinth (out of which I doubt that the best antiquaries cannot lose themselves, no not he which thinketh and saith that he can control all men, for I suppose he will be lame in this matter) how all these could be constable's, unless that in the time of Henry the first, and of king Stephan, as it is most likely, there was chopping & changing, putting in and taking out, setting up and pulling down line 20 one man in diverse years of one and the self same king: for king Stephan was sometime a king, and sometime as no king, and then again a king. And so likewise was it with Maud the empress at the same time, bearing herself sometime as queen, and then dejected as no queen. But be it as it will be, I will here set down what I find in ancient charters and pedegrées touching the constables of England not before mentioned, leaving the same to others (either to order for succession of time, or to amend for line 30 truth of matter) who peradventure reading these things, which I have seen and will here set down, can bestow them in better order than I can, which I earnestly pray them to do, whereby truth may be brought to light and perfection; which as yet touching these constables set down in this place, seemeth to be obscured and confused until the time that Roger Fitz Miles had that office: for from his time the same is without all controversy sufficiently known. Wherefore, here before I enter into the descent line 40 of the de Oilies, who were constables of England, I will set down a strange note of three persons witnesses to a deed, dated Primo Stephani, anno Dom. 1136, who do all subscribe their names as constable's. Which charter being the same wherein king Stephan gave the manor of Sudton or Sutton to the house of Winchester, the same was amongst other witnesses thus signed, Robertus de Veer constabularius, Milo constabularius, Brientius filius comitis constabularius: all who could not be constable's of England at line 50 one time. Wherefore saving correction I suppose that it is out of all controversy, that neither the first nor the last of these three were constables of England, but of some other places, as of Dover or other castles. And so to that which I have further to say of the king's constables in one descent and succession of the de Oilies, being termed the king's constable's, both in ancient charters and pedegrées, whereof Nigellus before mentioned seemeth to be one.  
This Nigellus was constable of England in the line 60 year of our redemption one thousand one hundred and one, being the first year of king Henry the first, as may appear by a deed of confirmation made by Henry the first touching the cathedral church of Norwich, whereof I think good to say somewhat to bring in the proof that this Nigellus was constable. This church was built for the most part in the time of William Rufus, 
The foundation of the cathedral church 〈◊〉 Norwich.  by Herebert de Losinga the first bishop of Norwich, who translated the see from Tetford unto Norwich, in the year of Christ 1094, which church being finished and consecrated to the holy trinity, was afterward confirmed by Henry the first, and Maud his wife, in the first year of the said Henry, being the year of our redemption 1101, to the charter whereof signed by king Henry & Maud his wife, were many bishops, noblemen and abbots witnesses, amongst whom are these two set down; Nigellus Constabularius, and Rogerus Cancellarius, of which Nigellus thus writeth Leland in his commentaries on the song of the swan in the word Isidis insulae: Erat Roberto frater Nigellus nomine, de quo fam● non admodum multa refert, which I suppose is this Nigellus de Oily the constable, as I before said.  
Robert de Oily, son of the said Nigellus, 
Robert de Oily constable of England.  did succeed his father, and was as may appear by some authors (who term him accordingly) great constable of England. This man together with his wife Edith were the founders of the religious house of Osneie, touching whom I shall not grieve to set down what I have gathered out of Leland and others. This Edith obtained of her husband to build a church in the isle of Osneie in Oxfordshire, to our saviour Christ, about the year of our redemption 1129, 
The foundation of the abbeie of Osneie or Orosneie in the year of Christ 1129, being about the thirtih year of Henry the first, as some writ.  being about the nine and twentieth year of king Henry the first, which church did after grow to be of great renown and building, the occasion of building whereof is set down by others in this sort. Edith being in great estimation with Henry, first married the said Robert de Oily by the king's procurement, which Robert began the priory of the black canons of Osneie by Oxford, amongst the Isles made by the river of Isis or Owse. This Edith used oftentimes to walk out of Oxford castle with her gentlewomen for to solace and recreate herself. At what time at a certain place, as often as she came by the same, certain pies assembled themselves in a tree, where they chattered and as it were spoke unto her. This lady much marveling at the matter, happening so continually at one time in one place after one order, and with one manner of fowls, was many times astonished and feared therewith, esteeming it a very strange wonder. Whereupon she sent for one Radulph or Ralph a canon of saint Frediswide in Oxford, a man of virtuous life & her confessor, ask his counsel upon the same. To whom he answered (after that he had seen the order of those pies only chattering at her coming thither) that she should build some church or monastery in that place. Whereupon she entreated her husband to build a priory, and so he did, making that Radulph the first prior of that house. All which matter, that is the coming of Edith to Osneie, Radulph waiting on her, and the tree with the pies were all extant (at the general dissolution of the abbeys in the time of Henry the eight) to be seen painted on the north side of the high altar, in the arch of the wall over Ediths tomb in Osneie priory, upon which tomb there lay a stone image of Edith in the habit of a vowesse holding a hart in her right hand. This Robert de Oily was buried in Osneie in the very middle of the presbytery, under a flat marble stone; whereupon was a flowered cross portrayed, which Robert had issue Henry de Oily, baron of Hochnorton, & the king's constable, which married Margery the daughter of Humfreie de Bohune, by whom that Henry had issue Henry de Oily baron of Hochnorton, and the king's constable which died without issue. Thus this much by way of digression, touching the constables of England, left out in my former discourse of those officers. And so again to the protectors.  
Katherine the daughter of Ferdinando king of Spain, and wife to king Henry the eight, 
Katherine queen of England.  was (in the absence of the said king beyond the seas in the the wars of Turwine and Turneie) made regent of the realm, in the year of Christ 1513, and the fift year of king Henry the eight, she had been the widow of Arthur prince of Wales, eldest son unto king Henry the seventh, and eldest brother to king Henry the eight, who after the death of that Arthur was by dispensation of the pope married to Henry after king, by the name of Henry the eight, being younger brother of the said Arthur, from which king Henry she was afterward not only divorced, in the one and twentieth of his reign, being the year of Christ 1529, but after by parliament also in the four and twentieth of the king's reign, in the year of Christ 1532, disgraded from the name of queen, and from thensefoorth appointed only to be called the line 10 princess dowager of prince Arthur, about five years after which she died on the eight of januarie, being the year of our redemption 1535, which was the seven and twentieth year of king Henry the eight, and was honourably buried in the abbeie of Peterborow, for which cause afterward in the general dissolution of the abbeys, when all those houses were spoiled, this abbeie was not only for her burial there spared and not defaced, but also further honoured with a greater title, and turned into a bishopric, by line 20 the said king Henry the eight.  
Katherine Par, the daughter of sir Thomas Par, lord of Kirkbie Kendal, and wife to king Henry the eight, was by patent made protectress of the realm of England, when king Henry the eight went in person to the wars of Bullongne, on the thirteenth of julie in the year of our redemption 1544, being the six & thirtieth year of the triumphant reign of the said king. This lady Katherine being the lord Latimers' widow, was married to the king line 30 at Hampton court, one the twelve of julie being the five and thirtieth year of his reign, and the year of Christ 1543, who having no issue by the king, was after the king's death married to Thomas Seimer knight, lord Seimer of Sudleie and high admiral of England.  
Edward Seimer knight, viscount Beauchampe earl of Hertford, & after duke of Summerset, was protector of the king's person, and of the kingdom, in the first year of king Edward the sixth, his nephew line 40 which was in the year of our redemption 1546, the king being then but nine years old. Of this man is more spoken in my following discourse of all the dukes of England by creation or descent since the conquest, with which duke of Summerset, the last in office of protectorship, Francis Thin knitteth up this simple discourse of the protectors of England of the king's person.   


Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1051.  
Curteis, alderman of London committed to ward for unreverend words and signs to the lord chancellor.   ¶ On the 17 of February, on which day were line 50 received the books of the relief of all the wards of London, towards the new hospitals, by the king's commissioners, the council dined at master Cooper's the sheriff, and after dinner master Thomas Curteis alderman came thither to speak with the lord chancellor for a matter he had depending afore him in the chancery, but for his misdemeanour in words and signs to the lord chancellor at that time, the said master Curteis was committed to ward in the Fleet. 

Anno Reg. 6. Sir Ralph Uane & other executed.  
House blown up with gunpowder.  ] The six and twentieth of February, sir line 60 Ralph Uane and sir Miles Partridge were hanged on the tower hill; & sir Michael Stanhope with sir Thomas Arundel were beheaded there. The last of April, through negligence of the gunpowder makers, a certain house near the tower of London, with three last of powder was blown up and burnt, the gunpowder makers being fifteen in number, were all slain.  
The sixteenth of May was a goodly muster of horsemen made before the king, 
Muster of horsemen before the king in Gréenwich park.  in the park at Gréenwich, under the king's banner his band of pensioners, in number a hundred and fifty, every pensioner two great horses and a gelding, the lord Bray their lieutenant. 
Dukes.  The duke of Northumberland, great master of the king's household under the white lion & the ragged staff fifty. The duke of Suffolk under the unicorn in the star a hundred and ten. The lord marquess of Winchester, high treasurer, 
Marquesses.  under his banner the falcon, one hundred men. The marquess of Northampton high chamberlain under the maidenhead a hundred. 
Earls.  The earl of Bedford lord privy seal under the goat a hundred. The earl of Warwick master of the king's horses under the white lion fifty. The earl of Huntingdon under his banner fifty. The earl of Rutland under the peacock fifty. The earl of Penbroke under the green dragon fifty. The lord Darcie under the maiden's body fifty. 
Lords.  The lord Cobham under the Saracens head, fifty. The lord Clinton lord admiral under the anchor, fifty. The lord warden of the five ports, under the rose in the sun beams, one hundred.  
Not long after the death of the said duke of Summerset and his complices, 
Rich. Graf●on. Doctor Ridleie preached before the king, mercy and charity.  it chanced the reverend father in God master doctor Ridleie then bishop of London, to preach before the king's majesty at Westminster. In the which sermon he made a fruitful and godly exhortation to the rich, to be merciful unto the poor, and also to move such as were in authority, to travel by some charitable way & mean, to comfort and relieve them. Whereupon the king's majesty being a prince of such towardness and virtue for his years, as England before never brought forth, and the same also being so well retained and brought up in all godly knowledge, as well by his dear uncle the late protector, as also by his virtuous and learned schoolmasters, was so careful of the good government of the realm, and chiefly to do and prefer such things as most specially touched the honour of almighty God. And understanding that a great number of poor people did swarm in this realm, and chiefly in the city of London, and that no good order was taken for them, did suddenly and of himself send to the said bishop as soon as his sermon was ended, willing him not to departed, until that he had spoken with him (and this that I now write was the very report of the said bishop Ridleie) who according to the king's commandment gave his attendance. 
The very report of bishop Ridleie, wherein we may 〈◊〉 what fruits followed upon his sermon: Ergo the hearing of the word preached is profitable.  And so soon as the king's majesty was at leisure, he called for him, and made him to come unto him in a great gallery at Westminster, where (to his knowledge) and the king also told him so, there was present no more persons than they two, and therefore made him sit down in one chair, and he himself in another, which (as it seemed) were before the coming of the bishop there purposely set, & caused the bishop (maugre his teeth) to be covered, and then entered communication with him in this sort.  
First giving him most hearty thanks for his sermon and good exhortation, he therein rehearsed such special things as he had noted, and that so many, that the bishop said; Truly, truly (for that was commonly his oath) I could never have thought that excellency to have been in his grace, that I beh●ld and saw in him. At the last, the king's majesty much commended him for his exhortation for the relief of the poor. 
A most noble and virtuous saying of king Edward to bishop Ridleie.  But my lord (saith he) ye willed such as are in authority to be careful thereof, and to devise some good order for their relief, wherein I think you mean me, for I am in highest place, and therefore am the first that must make answer unto God for my negligence, if I should not be careful therein, knowing it to be the express commandment of almighty God, to have compassion of his poor and needy members, for whom we must make an account unto him. And truly my lord, I am before all things most willing to travel that way, and I doubt nothing of your long and approved wisdom and learning, who having such good zeal as wisheth h●lpe unto them, but that also you have had some conference with others, what ways are best to be taken therein, the which I am desirous to understand, and therefore I pray you say your mind.  
The bishop thinking least of that matter, and being amazed to hear the wisdom and earnest zeal of the king, was (as he said himself) so astonished, that he could not well tell what to say: but after some line 10 pause, said that as he thought at this present for some entrance to be had, it were good to practise with the city of London, because the number of the poor there are very great, 
The citizens of London moved to be assistants in this charitable action.  & the citizens are many & also wise; and he doubted not but they were also both pitiful & merciful, as the mayor & his brethren, & other the worshipful of the said city. And that if it would please the king's majesty to direct his gracious letter unto the mayor of London, willing him to call unto him such assistants as he should think meet, to line 20 consult of this matter, for some order to be taken therein, he doubted not but good should follow thereof. And he himself promised the king to be one himself that should earnestly travel therein.  
The king forthwith not only granted his letter, but made the bishop tarry until the same was written, and his hand and signet set thereunto, and commanded the bishop not only to deliver the said letter himself, but also to signify unto the mayor, that it was the king's special request and express commandment, line 30 that the mayor should therein travel, and as soon as he might conveniently give him knowledge how far he had proceeded therein. The bishop was so joyous of the having of this letter, and that he had now an occasion to travel in that good matter, wherein he was marvelous zealous, that nothing could more have pleased and delighted him: wherefore the same night he came to the mayor of London, who then was sir Richard Dobs knight, and delivered the king's letter, and showed his message line 40 with effect.  
The mayor not only ioiouslie received this letter, but with all speed agreed to set forward this matter, for he also favoured it very much. And the next day being monday, 
The readiness of the lord mayor to prefer this good deed.  he desired the bishop of London to dine with him: and against that time, the mayor promised that he would send for such men, as he thought meetest to talk of this matter, and so he did. And sent first for two aldermen and six commoners, and afterward were appointed more, to the number line 50 of four and twenty. And in the end after sundry meetings (for by mean of the good diligence of the bishop it was well followed) they agreed upon a book that they had devised, wherein first they considered of nine special kinds and sorts of poor people, and those same they brought in these three degrees: 


Degrees of poor.  Three degrees of poor.  
The poor by impotency.  
Poor by casualty.  
Thriftless poor.    

1 The poor by impotency are also divided into three kinds, that is to say: 

1 The fatherless poor man's line 60 child.  
2 The aged, blind, and lame.  
3 The diseased person, by leprosy, dropsy, etc.    
2 The poor by casualty are of three kinds, that is to say: 

4 The wounded soldier.  
5 The decayed householder.  
6 The visited with grievous disease.    
3 The thriftless poor are three kinds in like wise, that is to say: 

7 The riotor that consumeth all.  
8 The vagabond that will abide in no place.  
9 The idle person, as the strumpet and others.     
For these sorts of poor were provided three several houses. First for the innocent and fatherless, 
Christ's hospital.  which is the beggars child, and is in deed the seed and breeder of beggary, they provided the house that was late Grey friars in London, and now is called Christ's hospital, where the poor children are trained in the knowledge of God, and some virtuous e●ercise to the overthrow of beggary. 
S Thomas hospital.  For the second degree is provided the hospital of saint Thomas in Southworke, & saint Bartholomew in west Smithfield, where are continually at least two hundred diseased persons, which are not only there lodged and cured, but also fed and nourished. 
Bridewell.  For the third degree they provided Bridewell, where the vagabond and idle strumpet is chastised and compelled to labour, to the overthrow of the vicious life of idleness. They provided also for the honest decayed householder, 
Relief for the decayed householder and lazar.  that he should be relieved at home at his house, and in the parish where he dwelled by a wéekelie relief and pension. And in like manner they provided for the lazar to keep him out of the city from clapping of dishes, and ringing of bells, to the great trouble of the citizens, and also to the dangerous infection of many, that they should be relieved at home at their houses with several pensions.  
Now after this good order taken, and the citizens by such means as were devised, willing to further the same, the report thereof was made unto the king's majesty: and his grace for the advancement hereof, was not only willing to grant such as should be the overseers and governors of the said houses a corporation and authority for the government thereof: but also required that he might be accounted as the chief founder and patron thereof. 
K. Edward the sixth founder of the hospitals in London.  And for the furtherance of the said work, and continual maintenance of the same, he of his mere mercy and goodness granted, that where before certain lands were given to the maintenance of the house of the savoy, founded by king Henry the seventh, for the lodging of pilgrims and strangers, and that the same was now made but a lodging of loiterers, vagabonds, and strumpets that lay all day in the fields, and at night were harboured there, the which was rather the maintenance of beggary, than the relief of the poor, gave the same lands, being first surrendered into his hands by the master and fellows there (which lands were of the yearly value of six hundred pounds) unto the city of London, for the maintenance of the foundation aforesaid.  
And for a further relief, a petition being made to the king's majesty for a licence to take in mortmain, or otherwise without licence, lands to a certain yearly ●alue, and a space left in the patent for his grace to put in what sum it would please him; he looking on the void place, called for pen and ink, and with his own hand wrote this sum, in these words (four thousand marks by year) and then said in the hearing of his council: 
A blessed king.  Lord God I yield thee most hearty thanks, that thou hast given me life thus long, to finish this work to the glory of thy name. After which foundation established, he lived not above two days, whose life would have been wished equal to the patriarches, if it might have pleased God so to have protracted the same. But he was too good a prince for so bad a people, and therefore God removed him, and translated him to his own kingdom, foreseeing the event of something which in his secret counsel he had purposed, against a nation that knew not the benefit of the acceptable time of grace: wherein God by this peerless princes means meant all good to this land, as might be gathered by the reformation of religion, wherein the king's care was exceeding great, as his desire to establish God's glory was zealous: according to that notable allusion of john Leland recorded in praise of this most excellent prince, as followeth in this epigram: 

Allusio ad etymon nominis Eaduerdi.  Quisquis Eaduerdum Romano expresserat ore,  
Custodem fidei dixerit esse sacrae.  
Hoc ego crediderim puero feliciter orto  
A superis nomen coelitùs esse datum.  
Est pater antiquae fidei defensor amicus,  
Degener & nullo tempore natus erit.   
But to return where we left. By example of the charitable act of this virtuous young king, sir William Chester knight and alderman of London, 
Sir William Chester. john Calthrop draper.  and line 10 john Calthrop citizen and draper of the said city, at their own proper costs and charges made the brick walls and way on the backside that leadeth from the said new hospital, unto the hospital of saint Bartholomewes', and also covered and vaunted the town dich from Aldersgate to Newgate, which before was very noisome and contagious to the said hospital.  
This hospital being thus erected and put in good order, 
Richard castle shoemaker.  there was one Richard castle alias Casteller, line 20 shoemaker, dwelling in Westminster, a man of great travel and labour in his faculty with his own hands, and such a one as was named the cock of Westminster, for that both winter and summer he was at his work before four of the clock▪ in the morning. This man thus truly and painfully labouring for his living, God blessed and increased his labours so abundantly, that he purchased lands and tenements in Westminster, to the yearly value of forty and four pounds. And having no child, with the line 30 consent of his wife (who survived him, & was a virtuous & good woman) gave the same lands wholly to Christ's hospital aforesaid, to the relief of the innocent and fatherless children, and for the succour of the miserable, sore and sick, harboured in the other hospitals about London, whose example God grant many to follow.  
¶ The third of August, at Midlenton eleven miles from Oxford, 
I. Stow. 1053. A monster.  a woman brought forth a child which had two perfect bodies from the navel upward, and line 40 were so joined together at the navel, that when they were laid in length, the one head & body was eastward, and the other west: the legs for both the bodies grew out at the midst where the bodies joined, and had but one issue for the excrements of both bodies: they lived eighteen days, and were women children. The eight of August were taken at Quinborow three great fishes called dolphin's: 
Great fishes,  & the week following at Blackewall were six more taken, and line 50 brought to London, the least of them was more than any horse.]  
Much about this season there were three notable ships set forth and furnished for the great adventure of the unknown voyage into the east by the north seas. The great doer and encourager of which voyage was Sebastian Gabato an Englishman, 
Sebastian Gabato.  borne at Bristol, but was the son of a Genowaie. These ships at the last arrived in the country of moscovia, not without great loss and danger, line 60 and namely of their captain, who was a worthy and adventurous gentleman, called sir Hugh Willoughby knight, who being tossed and driven by tempest, was at the last found in his ship frozen to death and all his people. But now the said voyage and trade is greatly advanced, and the merchants adventuring that way, are newly by act of parliament incorporated and endued with sundry privileges and liberties.  
About the beginning of the month of May next following, 
Three marriages between great estates.  there were three notable marriages concluded, & shortly after solemnised at Durham place. The first was between the lord Gilford Dudleie, the fourth son of the duke of Northumberland, and the lady jane, eldest daughter to Henry duke of Suffolk, & the lady Francis his wife, was the daughter of Marie second sister to king Henry the eight, first married to jews the French king, and after to Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk. The second marriage was between the lord Herbert, son and heir to William earl of Penbroke, and the lady Katherine, second daughter of the said lady Francis, by the said Henry duke of Suffolk. And the third was between Henry lord Hastings, son and heir to Francis earl of Huntingdon, and lady Katherine youngest daughter to the forenamed duke of Northumberland.  
These marriages were compassed & concluded chiefly upon purpose to change & alter the order of succession to the crown, 
The evil end whereto the knitting of these couples in marriage tended.  made in the time of king Henry the eight, from the said kings daughters, Marie and Elizabeth, and to convey the same immediately after the death of king Edward to the house of Suffolk, in the right of the said lady Francis: wherein the said young king was an earnest traveler in the time of his sickness, 
The king's fear fell out to be true.  & all for fear that if his sister Marie, being next heir to the crown, should succeed, that she would subvert all his laws and statutes made concerning religion, whereof he was most careful: for the continuance whereof he sought to establish a meet order of succession, by the alliance of great houses by way of marriage, which nevertheless were of no force to serve his purpose. For tending to the disheriting of the rightful heirs, they proved nothing prosperous to the parties: for two of them were soon after made frustrate, the one by death, the other by divorce.  
In the mean while, 
The king's sickness increaseth.  the king became every day more sick than other of a consumption in his lungs, so as there was no hope of his recovery. Whereupon those that then bare chief authority in council, with other prelates and nobles of the realm, called to them diverse notable persons, learned as well in divinity as in the laws of the land, namely bishops, judges, & other, who fell to consultation upon this so weighty cause, and lastly concluded upon the devise of king Edward's will, to declare the said lady jane, eldest niece to king Henry the eight, and wife to the said lord Gilford, to be rightful heir in succession to the crown of England, without respect had to the statute made in the five and thirtieth year of king Henry the eight: 
An evil minded consultation of councillors.  the true meaning of which statute they did impugn and overthrow by diverse subtle sinister constructions of the same, to disherit the said kings daughters, to whom the succession of the crown of England of right appertained, as well by the common laws of this realm, as also by the said statute made in the said five and thirtieth year of king Henry, as aforesaid. To which new order of succession, all the said king's council, with many bishops, lords, doctors and judges of the realm subscribed their names, 
Sir james Hales the odd man.  without refusal of any, except sir james Hales knight, one of the justices of the common plées, who being called to this council, would in no wise give his assent, either by word or writing, as ye shall hear more in the history of queen Marie.  
Now when these matters were thus concluded, 
The death of king Edward the sixth.  and after confirmed by a number of hands, as aforesaid, than the noble prince king Edward the sixth, by long linger sickness and consumption of his lungs aforesaid, approached to his death, and departed out of this life the sixth day of julie, in the seventh year of his reign, and seventeenth of his age, after he had reigned and nobly governed this realm six years, five months, and eight days. And a little before his departing, lifting up his eyes to God, he prayed as followeth.  

The prayer of king Edward the sixth at his death.  
LOrd God, deliver me out of this miserable and wretched life, take me among thy chosen: howbeit not my will, but thy will be done. Lord I commit my spirit to thee, oh Lord thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee: yet for thy chosens sake if line 10 it be thy will, send me life and health, that I may truly serve thee. Oh my Lord bless thy people, and save thine inheritance. Oh Lord God, save thy chosen people of England. Oh my Lord God defend this realm from papistry, and maintain thy true religion, that I and my people may praise thy holy name. And therewithal he said, I am faint, Lord have mercy upon me, and take my spirit. line 20   
Thus did this good young king yield up to God his ghost the sixth day of julie (as before is mentioned) whom if it had pleased God to have spared with longer life, not unlike it was, but he should have so governed this English commonwealth, 
The commendation of king Edward.  that he might have been comparable with any of his noble progenitors: so that the loss of so towardly a young king, greatly discomforted the whole English nation, that looked for such a reformation in the state of line 30 the commonwealth at his hands, as was to be wished for of all good subjects: which bred such a liking in them toward him, that even among very traitorous rebels his name yet was had in reverence, although otherwise they never so much forgot their duty both towards him and other, appointed to govern under him, through a malicious and most wilful error; as if his tender years had not sufficiently warranted his royal authority, but that the same had been usurped by others against his will and pleasure. line 40  
And as he was entirely beloved of his subjects, so with the like affection of kindness he loved them again; of nature and disposition meek, much inclined to clemency, ever having a regard to the sparing of life. There wanted in him no promptness of wit, gravity of sentence, 
Sir john Fox 〈◊〉 the Acts & Monuments ●nder the title of Edward the sixth.  ripeness of judgement, as his age might bear, savour and love of religion was in him from his childhood, his skill and knowledge in sciences, besides his other excellent virtues, were such, that to them he seemed rather borne than brought up. line 50 It may seem very strange, that in his young years (as master Fox reporteth of him) he could tell and recite all the ports, havens, and créekes, not within his own realm only, 
The noble memory of ●ing Edward and his rare w●t.  but also in Scotland, and likewise in France, what coming in there was, how the tide served in every of them; moreover, what burden, and what wind served for the coming into each haven: also of all his justices, magistrates, & gentlemen that bore any authority within his realm, he knew their names, their housekeeping, line 60 their religion and conversation what it was. He had a singular respect to justice, a virtue most commendable in a prince, and chiefly to the dispatch of poor men's suits. He perfectly understood the Latin tongue, the French, the Greek, Italian, and Spanish, neither was he ignorant (saith Cardanus) in Logic, in the principles of natural philosophy, or in music.  
To conclude, his towardliness was such in all heroical virtues, noble gifts, and markable qualities convenient for his princely estate, that so much was hoped for in his royal person (if he had lived till trial might have been had of the proof) as was to belooked for in any one prince that ever had rule over this noble realm. ¶ The eight of julie, 
I. Stow. 1●●8. K. Edward's death opened.  the lord mayor of London was sent for to the court, then at Gréenwich, and to bring with him six aldermen, as many merchants of the Staple, and as many merchant adventurers, unto whom by the council was secretly declared the death of king Edward, & also whom he had ordained to the succession of the crown by his letters patents, to the which they were sworn, and charged to keep it secret.] But now to proceed with the doings that followed. Immediately after the death of this so worthy a prince king Edward, 
Lady jane proclaimed queen.  the aforesaid lady jane was proclaimed queen of this realm by the sound of trumpet, that is to say, the ninth day of julie, at which proclamation were present the lords of the council, the mayor of London, with others.  
¶ The eleventh of julie, Gilbert Pot, 
I. Stow. 1059. Gilbert Pot punished in Cheap.  drawer to Ninion Sanders vintenex, dwelling at S. john's head within Ludgate, who was accused by the said Sanders his master, was set upon the pillory in Cheap, with both his ears nailed, and clean cut off, for words speaking at time of the proclamation of lady jane. At the which execution was a trumpet blown, and a herald read his offence, in presence of one of the sheriffs, etc. About five of the clock the same day in the afternoon, Ninion Sanders, master to the said Gilbert Pot, 
Men drowned at London bridge.  and john Owen a gunner, coming from the tower of London, by water in a wherrie; and shooting London bridge, towards the black friars, were drowned at saint Marie Locke, and the whirriemen saved by their oars.]  
The lady Marie, a little before lying at Honesdon in Hartfordshire, having intelligence of the state of the king her brother, and of the secret practice against her: by the advise of her friends, with all speed took her journey toward her house of Keningall in Norfolk, intending there to remain, until she could make herself more strong of her friends and allies, and withal wrote unto the lords of the council in form as followeth.  
A letter of the lady Marie sent to the lords of the council, wherein she claimeth the crown now after the decease of her brother king Edward.  
MY lords we greet you well, and have received sure advertisement, that our dearest brother the king our late sovereign lord is departed to God's mercy: which news, how they be woeful to our heart, he only knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and do humbly submit us, and all our wills. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit, now after his majesties departure and death, concerning the crown & governance of this realm of England, with the title of France, 
The lady Mary's challenge to the crown by right of succession.  and all things thereto belonging that hath been provided by act of parliament, and the testament and last will of our dearest father, besides other circumstances advancing our right; you know, the realm, and the whole world knoweth, the rolls and records appear by the authority of the king our said father, and the king our said brother, and the subjects of this realm, so that we verily trust that there is no true subject that is, can, or would pretend to be ignorant thereof: and of our part we have ourselves caused, and as God shall aid and strength us, shall cause our right and title in this behalf to be published and proclaimed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth strange, that the dying of our said brother upon thursday at night last passed, we hitherto had no knowledge from you thereof: yet we consider your wisdoms and prudence to be such, that having eftsoons amongst you debated, pondered, and well weighed this present case with our estate, with your own estate, the commonwealth, and all our honours, we shall and may conceive great hope and trust, with much assurance in your loyalty and service, and therefore for the time interpret and take things not to the worst, and that ye yet will like noblemen work the best. Nevertheless, we are not ignorant of your consultations to undo the provisions made for our preferment, 
She certifieth the lords that she knoweth what is intended against her.  nor of the great bands and provisions forcible, whereunto ye be assembled and prepared, by whom, and to what end, God and you know, and nature line 10 can fear some evil. But be it that some consideration politic, or whatsoever thing else hath moved you thereto, yet doubt you not my lords, but we can take all these your doings in gracious part, being also right ready to remit and fully pardon the same, with that freely to eschew bloodshed & vengeance against all those that can or will intend the same, trusting also assuredly you will take ani● accept this grace and virtue in good part, as appertaineth, and that we shall not be enforced to use this service line 20 of other our true subjects and friends, which in this our just and rightful case, God (in whom our whole alliance is) shall send us. Wherefore my lords, we require you, and charge you, and every of you, that every of you of your allegiance which you own to God and us, 
She chargeth the lords upon their loialties to cause her right to the regiment to be proclaimed.  and to none other, for our honour, and the surety of our realm, only employ yourselves and forthwith upon receipt hereof cause our right and title to the crown and government of this realm, to be proclaimed in our city of London, and such other line 30 places as to your wisdoms shall seem good, and as to this case appertaineth, not failing hereof, as our very trust is in you: and thus our letter signed with our own hand shall be your sufficient warrant in this behalf. yeven under our signet at our manor of Keningall the ninth of julie 1553.  
To this letter of the lady Marie, the lords of the council answered again line 40 as followeth.  
MAdam, we have received your letters the ninth of this instant, declaring your supposed title, which you judge yourself to have to the imperial crown of this realm, and all the dominions thereto belonging. For answer whereof, this is to advertise you, that forsomuch as our sovereign lady queen jane is, after the death of our sovereign lord Edward the sixth, 
The lords advertise the lady Marie that the lady jane is queen.  a prince of most noble memory, invested and possessed line 50 with the just and right title of the imperial crown of this realm, not only by good order of old ancient good laws of this realm; but also by our late sovereign lords letters patents, signed with his own hand, and sealed with the great seal of England, in presence of the most part of the nobles, councillors, judges, with divers other grave and sage personages, assenting and subscribing to the same: we must therefore, as of most bound duty and allegiance, line 60 assent unto her said grace, and to none other, except we should (which faithful subjects cannot) fall into grievous and unspeakable enormities. Wherefore we can no less do, but for the quiet both of the realm and you also, to advertise you, that forsomuch as the divorce made between the king of famous memory king Henry the eight, and the lady Katherine your mother, was necessary to be had, both by the everlasting laws of God, and also by the ecclesiastical laws, 
A subtle shift to prove the lady Marie illegitimate.  and by the most part of the noble and learned universities of christendom, and confirmed also by the sundry acts of parlements, remaining yet in their force, and thereby you justly made illegitimate, and unheritable to the crown imperial of this realm; and the rules, dominions, and possessions of the same: you will upon just consideration hereof, and of divers other causes lawful to be alleged for the same, and for the just inheritance of the right line, and godly orders taken by the late king Edward the sixth, and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease, by any pretence to vex and molest any of our sovereign lady queen jane her subjects, from the true faith and allegiance due unto her grace; assuring you, that if you will for respect show yourself quiet and obedient (as you ought) you shall find us all, and several, ready to do you a●●e service that we with duty may, and to be glad of your quietness, to preserve the common state of this realm, wherein you may be otherwise grievous unto us, to yourself, and to them. And thus we bid you most heartily well to far. From the tower of London this ninth of julie.  
Your ladyships friends showing yourself an obedient subject, 

Thomas Canturburie, the marquess of Winchester,  
john Bedford,  
William Northampton,  
Thomas Elie chancellor,  
john Northumberland,  
Henry Suffolk,  
Henry Arundel,  
Francis Shrewesburie,  
William Penbroke,  
Cobham,  
R. Rich,  
Huntingdon,  
Darcie,  
Cheineie,  
R. Cotton,  
john Gates,  
William Peter,  
William Cecil,  
john Cheek,  
john Mason,  
Edward North,  
Robert Bowes.    
All these aforesaid, except only the duke of Northumberland, and sir john Gates, were either by special favour, or special or general pardon, discharged for this offence against her committed, after her coming to be queen. But now upon the receipt of this answer, 
Lady Marie removeth from Keningall to Framingham castle.  understanding by her friends that she could not lie in surety at Keningall, being a place open & easy to be approached, she removed from thence unto her castle of Framingham, standing in a wood country, & not so easy to be invaded by her enemies. So soon as the council heard of her sudden departure, and considering that all came not to pass as they supposed; they caused speedily a power of men to be gathered together. And first they agreed that the duke of Suffolk father to the new made queen, should have the conduct and leading of the army.  
¶ But afterward it was devised and decreed upon further considerations, 
Abr. Fl. ex. I. S. 1059.  and by the special means of the lady jane his daughter, who taking the matter heavily, with weeping tears, made request to the whole council, that her father might tarry at home in her company. 
The council persuade the duke to undertake this enterprise.  Whereupon the council persuaded with the duke of Northumberland, to take that voyage upon him, saying, that no man was so fit therefore: because that he had achieved the victory in Norfolk once already, and was therefore so feared, that none durst once lift up their weapon against him: besides that, he was the best man of war in the realm, as well for the ordering of his camps and soldiers, both in battle and in their tents, as also by experience, knowledge and wisdom; he could both animate his army with witty persuasions, and also pacify and allay his enemies pride with his stout courage, or else to dissuade them (if need were) from their enterprise. Finally, said they, this is the short and the long, the queen will in no wise grant, that her father shall take it upon him: wherefore (quoth they) we think it good, if it may please your grace, it lieth in you to remedy the matter. With these & the like persuasions the duke was alured to put himself desperately upon hazard: Non morte horrenda non ullis territus armis.  
Insomuch that he rejoined upon their talk, and said: Well then, sith ye think it good, I and mine will go, not doubting of your fidelity to the queen's majesty, which now I leave in your custody. So that night he sent for both lords, knights, and other that should go with him, and caused all things to be prepared accordingly. Then went the council in to the lady jane, and told her of their conclusion, who humbly thanked the duke for reserving her father at home, and beseeched him to use his diligence: whereto he answered, that he would do what in him lay. The morrow following, great preparation was made, the duke early in the morning called for his line 10 own harness, and saw it made ready at Durham place, where he appointed all his retinue to meet. The same day carts were laden with munition and artillery, 
C●rts laden 〈◊〉 munition.  and field pieces were set forward.  
The same forenoon the duke moved eftsoons the council to send their powers after him, as it was before determined, the same to meet with him at Newmarket, and they promised they would. He said further to some of them: My lords, I and these other noble personages, 
The duke's 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of the council.  with the whole army that line 20 now go forth, as well for the behalf of you & yours, as for the establishing of the queens highness, shall not only adventure our bodies and lives amongst the bloody strokes and cruel assaults of our adversaries in the open fields: but also we do leave the conservation of ourselves, children, and families at home here with you, as altogether committed to your truth and fidelities: whom, if we thought ye would through malice, conspiracy, or dissension lean us your friends in the briars, and betray us; line 30 we could as well sundry ways foresee and provide for our own safegards, as any of you by betraying us can do for yours. But now upon the only trust and faithfulness of your honours, whereof we think ourselves most assured, we do hazard our lives. Which trust and promise if ye shall violate, hoping thereby of life and promotion: yet shall not God count you innocent of our bloods, neither acquit you of the sacred and holy oath of allegiance, made freely by you to this virtuous lady the queen's highness, 
〈◊〉 meaneth 〈◊〉 new queen 〈◊〉 deprived 〈◊〉 executed.  who by your and our enticement is rather line 40 of force placed therein, than by her own seeking and request. Consider also, that God's cause, which is the preferment of his word, & fear of papists entrance, hath been (as ye have here before always laid) the original ground whereupon ye even at the first motion granted your goodwills and consents thereunto, as by your handwritings appeareth; and think not the contrary, but if ye mean deceit, though not forthwith, yet hereafter God will revenge the same. line 50  
I can say no more, but in this troublesome time wish you to use constant hearts, abandoning all malice, envy, and private affections. And therewithal the first course for the lords came up, wherefore the duke shut up his talk with these words. I have not spoken to you in this sort upon any mistrust I have of your truths, 
The conclusi●● of the 〈◊〉 talk 〈◊〉 the lords.  of which always I have ever hitherto conceived a trusty confidence, but I have put you in remembrance thereof, what chance of variance so ever might grow amongst you in mine absence: and this I pray you, wish me not worse good speed in this line 60 journey, than ye would have to yourselves. My lord, saith one of them, if ye mistrust any of us in this matter, your grace is far deceived, for which of us can wash his hands clean thereof? And if we should shrink from you as from one that were culpable, which of us can excuse himself to be guiltless? Therefore herein your doubt is too far cast. I pray God it be (quoth the duke) let us go to dinner: and so they sat down. After dinner the duke went in to the queen, where his commission was by that time sealed, for his lieutenantship of the army, and then took his leave of her, and so did certain other lords also.  
Then as the duke came through the council chamber, he took his leave of the earl of Arundel, 
The earl of Arundel professeth himself sorry that he goeth not with the duke of Northumberland.  who prayed God be with his grace, saying he was sorry it was not his chance to go with him and bear him company, in whose presence he could find in his heart to spend his blood even at his feet. Then the earl of Arundel took Thomas Lovel the duke's boy by the hand, and said; Farewell gentle Thomas with all my heart. Then the duke, with the lord marquess of Northampton, the lord Greie, and diverse other took their ●●rge, and went to Durham place, and to White 〈◊〉 where that night they mustered their men: and the next day in the morning the duke departed with the number of six hundred men, or thereabouts. And as they road through Shoreditch, said the duke to the lord Greie; The people press to see us, but not one saith God speed us. The same day sir john Gates and other went out after the duke.]  
Now as the duke went forward on his way (with his commission from the whole council, 
Much a do on all sides during this stir broached between the duke and the lady Marie.  and his warrant under the broad seal of England, without mistrust of that which after fortuned to his own destruction, as in the history of queen Marie shall appear, accompanied with no small number of lords and gentlemen, having notwithstanding his times prescribed, and his journeys appointed by the council, to the intent he would not seem to do any thing but upon warrant) what a do there was, what stirring on every side, what sending, what riding and posting, what letters, messages, & instructions went to and fro, what talking among the soldiers, what hartburning among the people, what fair pretences outwardly, inwardly what privy practices there were, what speeding and sending forth ordinance out of the tower, yea even the same day that queen Marie at even was proclaimed queen, what rumours, and coming down of soldiers as there was from all quarters, a world it was to see, and a process to declare, enough to make (as saith master Fox) a whole volume, even as big as an Ilias.  
The greatest help that made for the lady Marie, was the short journeys of the duke, which by commission were assigned unto him before, as above is mentioned: and happily not without the politic forecast of some in favour of the lady Marie: for the longer the duke lingered in his voyage, 
The old proverb verified Delay breedeth danger.  the lady marry the more increased in puissance, the hearts of the people being mightily bend unto her. Whereupon she in the mean time remaining at Framingham, and hearing of this preparation against her, gathered together such power of the noblemen & other her friends in that country, as she could get. And first of all, the noblemen that came unto her aid, were the earls of Sussex, Bath, and Oxford, the lord Wentworth, sir Thomas Cornewallis, sir Henry jerningham, sir William Walgrave, with diverse other gentlemen and commons of the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk. Here (as master Fox noteth) the Suffolk men being the first that resorted to her, 
Suffolk men the first that resorted to the lady Marie.  promised her their aid and help to the uttermost of their powers, so that she would not go about to alter the religion which her brother had established, and was now used and exercised through the realm. To this condition she agreed, with such promise, as no man would have doubted that any innovation of matters in religion should have followed, by her sufferance or procurement during her reign: but how soon she forgot that promise, it shall shortly after plainly appear.  
In this mean season, the lord Windsor, 
Assistants to the lady Marie.  sir Edmund Peckham, sir Robert Drury, and sir Edward Hastings, raised the commoners of the shire of Buckingham; unto whom sir john Williams, which afterward was lord Williams of Thame, and sir Leonard Chamberlain, with the chief power of Oxfordshire. And out of Northamptonshire came sir Thomas Tresham, and a great number of gentlemen out of diverse parts, whose names were too long to rehearse. These captains with their companies being thus assembled in warlike manner, marched forward towards Norfolk to the aid of the lady Marie, and the further they went, the more their power increased.  
¶ About this time six ships well manned, that were line 10 appointed to lie before Yarmouth, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. S pag. 1062.  and to have taken the lady Marie if she had fled that way, were by force of weather driven into the haven, where one master jerningham was raising power on the lady Maries behalf, who hearing thereof, came thither. Whereupon the captains took a boat and went to the ships, but the sailors and soldiers asked master jerningham what he would have, 
Aid by wind and wether for queen Marie that was bend against her.  and whether he would have their captains or no, and he said yea. Marry said they, ye shall have them or we will throw them line 20 into the bottom of the sea. But the captains said forthwith, that they would serve queen Marie willingly, and so brought forth their men, and conveyed with them their great ordinance. Of the coming of these ships the lady Marie was wonderful joyous, & afterward doubted little the duke's puissance: but when news thereof was brought to the tower, each man there began to draw backward: and over that, word of a greater mischief was brought to the tower: that is to say, that the noblemen's tenants line 30 refused to serve their lords against queen Marie.  

The duke of Northumberland writeth for more succours.  The duke thought long for his succours, and wrote somewhat sharply to the council at the tower in that behalf, as well for lack of men as munition, but a slender answer had he again. And from that time forward, certain of the council, to wit, the earl of Penbroke, and sir Thomas Cheineie lord warden, and other, sought to get out of the tower to consult in London, but could not. On the sixteenth of julie, being sunday, doctor Ridleie bishop of London, 
Doctor Ridleie persuadeth the people in the title of queen jane, etc.  line 40 by commandment of the council, preached at Paul's cross, where he vehemently persuaded the people in the title of the lady jane, late proclaimed queen, and inveighed earnestly against the title of lady Marie, etc. The same sixteenth of julie, the lord treasurer was gone out of the tower to his house in London at night, and forthwith about seven of the clock the gates of the tower upon a sudden were shut up, and the keys borne up to the lady jane, which was for fear of some packing in the lord treasurer: line 50 but he was fetched again to the tower about twelve of the clock in the night.]  
The lords of the council, being in this mean while at London, 
The lords of the council suspecting that all would go against them, proclaimed the lady Marie queen.  after they understood how the better part of the realm were inclined, and hearing every day news of great assemblies, began to suspect the sequel of this enterprise. So that providing for their own surety, without respect of the duke (who now was at Bury) they fell to a new council, and lastly by assent made proclamation at London in the name of the lady Marie, by the name of Marie queen of England, France, & Ireland, defender of the faith, & of the churches of England & Ireland supreme head. Of which proclamation, after the duke of Northumberland, being then at Bury, was advertised by letters of discomfort from the council, he incontinently, according to the new order received from them, returned with his power again to Cambridge. Now so sudden change of minds forthwith appeared in his army, that they which before seemed most forward in that quarrel, began first to fly from him, & so every man shifting for himself, he that late before was furnished of such multitude of soldiers, was suddenly forsaken of all saving a few, whose perils were joined with his.  
But now before I proceed any further in the history of queen Marie, who was now received and proclaimed queen, as then to succeed her brother, I will speak somewhat of the learned men that wrote & published any pamphlets or treatises in his days, 
Learned 〈◊〉 that wrote 〈◊〉 the reign of king Edward.  as in deed there were many: but for that the more part of them died in queen Mary's time, or in the queens majesties time that now is, or else are yet living, I do omit those here, meaning to speak of them hereafter, if God shall permit, as occasion may serve. For the residue that ended their lives in this king's days, these I find: David Clapham a lawyer and well seen in the Latin tongue, wrote sundry treatises; Robert Talbot a prebendary of Norwich, very skilful in antiquities; Edward Hall a counsellor in the common law, but excellently seen in histories, wrote a notable chronicle of the union of the two houses of York & Lancaster.  
Furthermore Richard Tracie of Todington in Glocestershire, an esquire, and very well learned, son to William Tracie; doctor joseph an excellent preacher; George joy a Bedfordshire man, that wrote diverse treatises concerning divinity, and died either in the last year of king Edward, or in the beginning of queen Mary's reign, as appeareth by master Bale; Alexander Barkleie a Scot, a notable poet, and a good rhetorician, departed this life in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and two; William Hugh a Yorkeshireman, wrote, besides other things, a notable treatise called the troubled man's medicine, he deceased by the bursting of a vein, in the year one thousand five hundred forty and nine; Thomas Sternehold borne in southhampton, turned into English meeter seven & thirty psalms chosen forth of David's psalter. Of strangers that lived and died here in this king's days, excellently learned, and renowned for such treatises as they published to the world, Martin Bucer and Paulus Fagius are most famous. To end now with this part of the book concerning king Edward, I have thought good to set down jerom Cardan's verses, written as an epitaph of him (and recorded by master Fox in his history) as here followeth: 
Flete nefas magnum, sed toto flebilis orb  
Mortales, vester corruit omnis honour. 
Carmen 〈…〉 in obitum regi● Ed●ardi.   
Nam regum decus, & iwenum flos, spésque bonorum,  
Deliciae secli, & gloria gentis erat.  
Dignus Apollineis lachrymis, doctaeque Minerva:  
Flosculus heu miserè concidit ante diem.  
Te cumulo dabimus musa, supremáque flentes  
Munera, Melpomene tristia fata canet.   
Thus far the good and virtuous young prince Edward the sixth, successor to Henry the eight of most famous memory.   

Marry the eldest daughter of king Henry the eight successor to Edward the sixth.  
Marry eldest daughter of K. Henry the eight, by the lady Katherine of Spain, his first wife, and sister unto king Edward the sixth, by the father's side, began her reign the sixth day of julie, which day the king her brother died, and she was proclaimed at London (as is before remembered in the end of the history of king Edward the sixth) the nineteenth line 30 day of the same month, year 1553 
queen Marie proclaimed.  in the year of our Lord 1553: after the creation of the world 5520, in the five and thirtieth year of Charles the fift, emperor of Almain, in the seventh year of Henry the second of that name K. of France, & in the eleventh of Marie queen of Scotland. The twentieth of julie the duke of Northumberland being come back to Cambridge, heard that the proclamation of queen Marie was come thither, whereof he being advertised, called for a trumpeter and an herald; but none line 40 could be found. Whereupon he riding into the market place with the mayor, and the lord marquess of Northampton, made the proclamation himself, and threw up his cap in token of joy. 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1064.  ¶ Within an hour after he had letters from the council (as he said) that he should forthwith dismiss his army, and not come within ten miles of London: for if he did, they would fight with him, the rumour whereof was no sooner abroad, but every man departed. And shortly after, the duke was arrested in the king's line 50 college by one master Sleg sergeant at arms.  
At the last, letters were brought from the council at London, that all men should go each his way. Whereupon the duke said to them that kept him; Ye do me wrong to withdraw my liberty, see you not the counsels letters without exception, that all men should go whither they would? At which words they that kept him and the other noblemen, set them at liberty, and so continued they for that night: insomuch that the earl of Warwick was ready in line 60 the morning to have road away. 
The duke submitteth ●●●selfe and ●s arrested by the earl of Arundel.  But than came the earl of Arundel from the queen to the duke into his chamber, who went out to meet him. Now as soon as he saw the earl of Arundel, he fell on his knees, and desired him to be good to him for the love of God: Consider (saith he) I have done nothing but by the consents of you and all the whole council. My lord (quoth the earl of Arundel) I am sent hither by the queens majesty, and in her name I do arrest you. And jobeie it my lord (quoth he) I beseech you my lord of Arundel (quoth the duke) use mercy towards me, knowing the case as it is. My lord (quoth the earl) ye should have sought for mercy sooner, I must do according to commandment: herwith he committed the charge of him and the others to the guard and gentlemen that stood by.] The lord marquess after this went to queen Marie. On the five & twentieth day of the said month, the duke of Northumberland, with Francis earl of Huntingdon, john earl of Warwick son and heir to the said duke, and two other of his younger sons, the lord Ambrose and the lord Henry Dudleie, sir Andrew Dudleie, Sir john Gates captain of the guard to king Edward the sixth, sir Henry Gates brethren, sir Thomas Palmer knights, and doctor Sands were brought to the tower by the earl of Arundel. 
The lord Hastings discharged out of the tower.  But as they entered within the tower gate, the earl of Arundel discharged the lord Hastings, taking him out of the tower with him. On the six & twentieth of julie, the lord marquess of Northampton, the bishop of London, the lord Robert Dudleie, and sir Robert Corbet were brought from the queens camp unto the tower. The eight and twentieth of julie, 
Duke of Suffolk committed to the tower.  the duke of Suffolk was committed to the tower, but the one and twentieth of the same month he was set at liberty by the diligent suit of the lady Francis grace his wife.  
After that queen Marie was thus with full consent of the nobles and commons of the realm proclaimed queen, she being then in Norfolk, at her castle of Framingham, 
Queen Marie cometh to London.  repaired with all speed to the city of London: and the third day of the said month of August she came to the said city, and so to the tower, where the lady jane of Suffolk (late afore proclaimed queen) with her husband the lord Gilford, a little before her coming, were committed to ward, & there remained almost after five months. And by the way, as the queen thus passed, she was joyfully saluted of all the people, without any misliking; saving that it was much feared of many, that she would alter the religion set forth by king Edward her brother, whereof then were given just occasions: because (notwithstanding diverse laws made to the contrary) she had daily mass and Latin service said before her in the tower. Yea it was doubted in like sort, that she would both annul and innovat certain laws and decrees established by the young prince her predecessor: which she did in deed, as one hath left testified in a memorial of her succession (but little unto her commendation) saying: 
At Maria Eduardi regni succedit habenis,  
Confirmans iterùm regno papalia iura,  
Concilióque novas leges sancire vocato  
Molitur, latas à fratre perosa priores.   
At her entry into the tower there were presented to her certain prisoners; namely, 
Prisoners discharged.  Thomas duke of Norfolk, who in the last year of king Henry the eight (as you have heard) was supposed to be attainted of treason: but in the parliament of this first year of queen Marie, the said supposed attainder was by the authority and act of parliament, for good and apparent causes alleged in the said act, declared to be utterly frustrate and void. Also Edward courtney son and heir to Henry marquess of Excester, coosine german to king Henry the eight, and Cuthbert Tunstall bishop of Durham, with other persons of great calling; but specially Stephan Gardener bishop of Winchester, whom she not only released out of imprisonment, 
Stephan Gardiner made lord chancellor.  but also immediately line 10 advanced and preferred to be lord chancellor of England, restoring him also to his former estate and bishopric, and removed from the same one doctor Poinet, who a little before was placed therein by the gift of king Edward the sixth.  
And touching Edward courtney, she not only advanced him to the earldom of Devonshire, 
Edward courtney created earl of Devonshire.  but also to so much of his father's possessions as there remained in her hands; whereby it was then thought of many, that she bare affection to him by the way line 20 of marriage: but it came not so to pass (for what cause I am not able to give any reason) but surely the subjects of England were most desirous thereof. Upon the receiving of this new queen, all the bishops which had been deprived in the time of king Edward the sixth her brother, 
Bishops restored and others deprived.  for the cause of religion, were now again restored to their bishoprics; and such other as were placed in king Edward his time, removed from their sees, and others of contrary religion placed. Amongst whom, Edmund line 30 Bonner doctor of the laws, late afore deprived from the see of London, and committed prisoner to the Marshalsea by order of king Edward's council, was with all favour restored to his liberty and bishopric. Master Nicholas Ridleie doctor in divinity, late before advanced to the same see by the said king, was hastily displaced, and committed prisoner to the tower of London. The cause why such extremity was used towards the said bishop Ridleie, more than to the rest, was for that in the time of lady line 40 jane, 

Why Ridleie was more rigorously handled than the rest.  
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1067.   he preached a sermon at Paul's cross by the commandment of king Edward's council, wherein he dissuaded the people, for sundry causes, from receiving the lady Marie as queen. ¶ On the ninth of August in the afternoon, the queen held an obsequy in the tower for king Edward, the dirge being song in Latin, and on the morrow a mass of Requiem, 
The burial of king Edward.  whereat the queen with her ladies offered. The same day the corpse of king Edward was buried at Westminster, the lord treasurer, the earl of line 50 Penbroke, and the earl of Shrewesburie being chief mourners, with diverse other noble men and others. Doctor Day bishop of Chichester preached at the said burial, and all the service with a communion was in English. Thus was finished the solemn funeral of that good prince, at whose birth there were not so many rejoicing hearts, but at his death there were by infinite odds many more weeping eyes, & sad spirits: whose tender body, though pined with sickness, & consumed with rottenness, may perhaps leave for succeeding ages no relic line 60 to gaze upon; yet the memory of his name shall be ever green. For he was, as one truly saith of him: 
Ille erat Europae Phoenix, quem funere acerbo  
(Vt flos vere novo viridanti carpitur horto)  
Sustulit ante diem mors immatura Britannis,  
Inuidet haec terris pietatem & iura colentes.]   

Doctor Boorne a chaplain of bishop Bonner.  The thirteenth of August doctor Bonner restored now to his bishopric again, appointed one late a chaplain of his called doctor Boorne to preach at Paul's cross, who was then promoted to the queen's service, & not long after was made bishop of Bath. The said doctor taking occasion of the gospel of that day, spoke somewhat largely in the justifying of bishop Bonner, being present at the sermon, which bishop (as the said preacher then openly said) for a sermon made upon the same text, and in the same place the same day four years afore passed, was most unjustly cast into the vile dungeon of the Marshalsea among thieves, and there kept during the time of king Edward's reign. This matter being set forth with great vehemency, so much offended the ears of part of the audience, that they broke silence, and began to murmur and throng together, in such sort as the mayor and aldermen with other of the wiser sort than present feared much an uproar. During which muttering, one more fervent than his fellows threw a dagger at the preacher: 
A dagger thrown at the preacher.  but who it was, came not to knowledge. By reason of which outrage the preacher withdrew himself from the pulpit, and one master Bradford at the request of the preachers brother and others standing there, took the place, and spoke so mildly to the people, that with few words he appeased their fury: and after the said master Bradford and master Rogers, although men of contrary religion, conveyed the said preacher into Paul's school, and there left him safely.  
The next sunday following, 
The preacher at Paul's cross defended by the guard.  for fear of a like tumult or worse, order was taken that the queens guard should be present in place to defend the preacher with weapons. Whereupon the wiser men perceiving such a number of weapons, and that great peril was not unlike to ensue, by such appearance of late not accustomed, would not be present at the sermon, by reason whereof there was left a small auditory. Wherefore afterward there was a commandment given by the lord mayor, that the ancients of the companies should be present at the next sermon in their liveries, and so they were, whereby all became quiet. 
The duke of Northumberland arraigned.  The eighteenth of August next following, the duke of Northumberland, the lord marquess of Northampton, and the earl of Warwick, son and heir to the said duke, were brought into Westminster h●ll, and there arraigned of high treason before Thomas duke of Norfolk high Steward of England.  
The duke of Northumberland at his coming to the bar, used great reverence towards the judges: and protesting his faith and allegiance to the queens majesty, whom he confessed grievously to have offended, he said that he meant not to speak any thing in defence of his fact, but would first understand th'opinion of the court in two points. First whether a man doing any act by authority of the prince's council, 
The duke's request to understand the opinion of the court in two points.  & by warrant of the great seal of England, & doing nothing without the same, may be charged with treason for any thing which he might do by warrant thereof? secondly, whether any such persons as were equally culpable in that crime, and those by whose letters and commandments he was directed in all his doings might be his judges, or pass upon his trial as his peers? Whereunto was answered, that as concerning the first, the great seal which he laid for his warrant, was not the seal of the lawful queen of the realm, nor passed by authority: but the seal of an usurper, and therefore could be no warrant to him. And to the second it was alleged, that if any were as deeply to be touched in that case as himself, yet so long as no atteindor were of record against them, they were nevertheless persons able in law to pass upon any trial, and not to be challenged therefore, but at the prince's pleasure. After which answer the duke using few words, declared his earnest repentance in the case (for he saw that to stand upon uttering any reasonable matter, as might seem, would little prevail) and he moved the duke of Norfolk to be a mean unto the queen for mercy, and without further answer confessed the indictment, by whose example the other prisoners arraigned with him, did likewise confess the indictments produced against them, and thereupon had judgement.  
¶ Now when judgement was given, the duke said; I beseech you my lords all to be humble suitors to the queens majesty, 
Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉. 1069. The duke of Northumberlands four requests after 〈◊〉 judgement  and to grant me four requests, which are these: first, that I may have that death which noble men have had in times past, and not the other: secondarily, that her majesty will be gracious line 10 to my children which may hereafter do good service, considering that they went by my commandment who am their father, and not of their own free wills: thirdly, that I may have appointed to me some learned man for the instruction and quieting of my conscience: and fourthly, that she will send two of the council to commune with me, to whom I will declare such matters as shall be expedient for her and the commonweal: and thus I beseech you all to pray for me. line 20  
The ninetéenth of August, sir Andrew Dudleie, sir john Gates, and sir Henry Gates brethren, and sir Thomas Palmer knights, were arraigned at Westminster; and confessing their indictments, had judgement, which was pronounced by the marquess of Winchester high treasurer of England that sat that day as chief justice. On the twentieth of August doctor Watson chaplain to the bishop of Winchester preached at Paul's cross, 
Preacher at P●ules cross ●●ded.  by the queens appointment, & for fear of the like tumult as had been not line 30 long before, certain lords of the council repaired to the sermon, as the lord treasurer, the lord privy seal, the earl of Bedford, the earl of Penbroke, the lord Wentworth, the lord Rich, and sir Henry Gerningam captain of the guard with two hundred of the guard, which stood about the preacher with halberds. Also the mayor had warned the companies of the city to be present in their liveries, which was well accepted of the queen's council: and the sermon was quietly ended. line 40  
On the two and twentieth of August john duke of Northumberland was beheaded on the tower hill, whose body with the head was buried in the tower, by the body of Edward late duke of Sumerset. So that there lieth before the high altar two dukes between two queens, to wit, the duke of Summerset & the duke of Northumberland between queen Anne and queen Katherine, all four beheaded. At the same time and place also was likewise beheaded sir john Gates, 
Sir john Gates and sir Thomas Palmer be●ded.  and sir Thomas Palmer, which line 50 sir john Gates in that place used few words, but laid down his head without any kercher, and had the same stricken off at three blows. Sir Thomas Palmer, as soon as he came to the scaffold, took every man by the hand, and desired them to pray for him: then putting off his gown, he leaned upon the ●ast rail, and said these words in effect.  

The effect of such words as sir Thomas Palmer uttered on the line 60 scaffold at his death.  
MY masters (quoth he) God save you all. It is not unknown unto you wherefore I come hither, which I have worthily well deserved at God's hands: for I know it to be his divine ordinance, by this means to call me to his mercy, and to teach me to know myself, what I am, and whereunto we are all subject: I thank his merciful goodness, for he hath caused me to learn more in one little dark corner in yonder tower, than ever I learned by any travel in so many places as I have been. For there (I say) I have seen God▪ what he is, & how unsearchable his wondrous works are, & how infinite his mercies be: I have seen there myself throghlie, and what I am, nothing but a lump of sin, earth, dust, and of all vileness most vilest: I have seen there and know what the world is, how vain, deceitful, transitory, and short it is; how wicked and loathsome the works thereof are in the sight of God's majesty; how he neither regardeth the menaces of the proud men and mighty ones, neither despiseth the humbleness of the poor & lowly which are in the same world: finally, I have seen there what death is, how nigh hanging over all men's heads, and yet how uncertain the time, and how unknown to all men, and how little it is to be feared. And should I fear death or be sad therefore? Have I not seen two die before mine eyes? Yea and within the hearing of mine ears? No, neither the sprinkling of the blood, nor the shedding thereof, nor the bloody axe itself shall make me afraid. And now taking my leave of the same, I pray you all to pray for me. Come on good fellow (quoth he) art thou he that must do the deed? I forgive thee with all my hart; & then kneeling down, & laying his head on the block, he said; I will see how meet the block is for my neck, I pray thee strike not yet, for I have a few prayers to say; and that done, strike on God's name, good leave thou.   
His prayers ended, and desiring each man to pray for him, he laid down his head again, and so the executioner forthwith took it from him at one stroke. On the three and twentieth of August the queen delivered the great seal to doctor Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and made him lord chancellor. 
New lord chancellor.  The seven and twentieth of August, 
Latin service.  the service began in Latin to be song in Paul's church in London. The six and twentieth of August in the evening the notablest ship in England called the great Harrie was burnt at Woolwich by negligence of the mariners, 
Great Harrie a ship burnt.  she was of burden a thousand tuns. The first of September the queen demanded a priest of the city of London of twenty thousand pounds, 
priest to the queen.  to be repaid again within fourteen days after Michael mass next following, which sum was levied of the aldermen and one hundred & twenty commoners. The fourth of September was proclaimed certain new coins of gold and silver, 
New coine●.  a sovereign of gold of thirty shillings, the half sovereign fifteen shillings, an angel at ten shillings, the half angel five shillings. Of silver, the groat, half groat and penny: 
Subsidy pardoned.  all base coins to be currant as before. Also the same day by proclamation was pardoned the subsidy of four shillings the pound of lands, and two shillings eight pence the pound of movable goods, granted in the last parliament of king Edward the sixth.] Soon after this Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, and late before of king Edward's privy council, 
The archbishop of Canturburie committed to the tower.  was committed to the tower of London, being charged of treason, not only for giving advise to the disheriting of queen Marie, but also for aiding the duke of Northumberland with certain horse and men against the queen, in the quarrel of the lady jane of Suffolk: wherein (if he were culpable) he lacked the providence and foresight of afterclaps, which 
* See before pag. 1030, 1031  doctor Parker in the insurrection Ket using saved both his life and estimation.  

Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow 1067.  ¶ On the seven and twentieth of September queen Marie came to the tower by water, accompanied with the lady Elizabeth her sister, and other ladies, before whose arrival there was shot a great peal of guns. The last of September queen Marie road through the city of London towards Westminster, sitting in a chariot of cloth of tissue, drawn with six line 10 horses all trapped with the like cloth of tissue. She sat in a gown of purple velvet, furred with powdered ermines, 
Coronation of queen Marie, her pomp and train.  having on her head a kall of cloth of tinsel, béeset with pearl and stone, and above the same upon her head a round circlet of gold, béeset so richly with precious stones, that the value thereof was inestimable, the same kall and circle being so massy and ponderous, that she was feign to bear up her head with her hand, and the canopy was borne over her chariot. 
Who road before and after her.  Before her road a number of gentlemen line 20 & knights, than judges, than doctors, than bishops, than lords, than the council, after whom followed the knights of the Bath in their robes, the bishop of Winchester lord chancellor, and the marquess of Winchester lord high treasurer, next came the duke of Norfolk, and after him the earl of Oxford, who bore the sword before her, the mayor of London in a gown of crimson velvet bore the sceptre of gold, etc. After the queens chariot sir Edward Hastings led her horse in his hand: then came another chariot line 30 having a covering of cloth of silver all white, and six horses trapped with the like: therein sat the lady Elizabeth, 
The lady Elizabeth and the lady Anne of Cleve.  and the lady Anne of Cleve: then ladies and gentlewomen riding on horses trapped with red velvet, and their gowns and kirtles likewise of red velvet; after them followed two other chariots covered with red satin, and the horses betrapped with the same, and certain gentlewomen between every of the said chariots riding in crimson satin, their horses betrapped with the same; the number line 40 of the gentlewomen so riding were six and forty, besides them in the chariots.  
At Fanchurch was a costly pageant made by the Genoese: 
A pageant made by strangers.  at Gracechurch corner there was an other pageant made by the Easterlings. At the upper end o● Gracesstréet there was an other pageant made by the florentines very high, on the top whereof there stood four pictures, and in the midst of them and most highest, there stood an angel all in green, with a trumpet in his hand: and when the line 50 trumpeter (who stood secretly in the pageant) did sound his trumpet, the angel did put his trumpet to his mouth, as though it had been the same that had sounded, to the great marveling of many ignorant persons: this pageant was made with three thorough fairs or gates, etc. The conduit in Cornhill ran wine, 
The conduit in Cornwall ran wine.  and beneath the conduit a pageant made at the charges of the city, and an other at the great conduit in Cheap, and a fountain by it running wine. The standard in Cheap new painted, with the waits line 60 of the city aloft thereon playing. The cross in Cheap new washed and burnished.  
another pageant at the little conduit in Cheap next to Paul's was made by the city, where the aldermen stood, & when the queen came against them, the recorder made a short proposition to her, and then the chamberlain presented to her in the name of the mayor and the city, 
The recorder of London maketh a short speech to the queen passing by.  a purse of cloth of gold, and a thousand marks of gold in it: then she road forth, and in Paul's churchyard against the school, one master Heiwood sat in a pageant under a vine, and made to her an oration in Latin & English. 
A Dutchman on the Weathercock of Paul's.  Then was there one Peter a Dutchman that stood on the weathercock of Paul's steeple, holding a streamer in his hand of five yards long, and waving thereof, stood sometimes on the one foot, and shook the other, and then kneeled on his knees, to the great marvel of all people. He had made two scaffolds under him, one above the cross, having torches and streamers set on it, and an other over the ball of the cross likewise set with streamers & torches, which could not burn, the wind was so great: the said Peter had sixteen pounds thirteen shillings four pennies given him by the city for his costs and pains, and for all his stuff.  
Then was there a pageant made against the dean of Paul's gate, 
A pageant wherein the queeristers of Paul's 〈◊〉 on vials.  where the quéeristers of Paul's played on vials and song. Ludgate was newly repaired, painted, and richly hanged, with minstrels playing and singing there. Then was there an other pageant at the conduit in Fleetstréet, and the temple bar was newly painted and hanged. And thus she passed to Whitehall at Westminster, where she took her leave of the lord mayor, giving him great thanks for his pains, and the city for their cost. On the morrow, which was the first day of October, the queen went by water to the old palace, and there remained till about eleven of the clock, and then went on foot upon blue cloth, being railed on either side, unto saint Peter's church, where she was solemnly crowned and anointed by Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester (for the archbishops of Canturburie and York were then prisoners in the tower) which coronation and other ceremonies and solemnities than used according to the old custom, 
Queen Marie crowned queen by Stephan Gardiner.  was not fully ended till it was nigh four of the clock at night that she returned from the church, before whom was then borne three swords sheathed, & one naked. The great service that day done in Westminster hall at dinner by diverse noblemen, would ask long time to write. The lord mayor of London & twelve citizens kept the high cupboard of plate as butler's: and the queen gave to the mayor for his fee a cupboard of gold with a cover weighing seventeen ounces.]  
At the time of this queens coronation, 
A pardon with exceptions.  there was published a general pardon in her name, being interlaced with so many exceptions, as they that needed the same most, took smallest benefit thereby. In which were excepted by name no small number, not only of bishops and other of the clergy, namely the archbishops of Canturburie and York, the bishop of London, but also many lords, knights, and gentlemen of the laity, beside the two chief justices of England called sir Edward Montacute, and sir Roger Cholmeleie, with some other learned men in the law, for counseling, or at the least consenting to the deprivation of queen Marie, and aiding of the foresaid duke of Northumberland, in the pretenced right of the before named lady jane, the names of which persons so being excepted, I have omitted for shortness sake.  
As soon as this pardon was published, 
Commissioners.  and the solemnity of the feast of the coronation ended, there were certain commissioners assigned to take order with all such persons as were excepted out of the pardon, and others, to compound with the queen for their several offences. Which commissioners sat at the dean of Paul's his house, at the west end of Paul's church, and there called before them the said persons apart, and from some they took their fees and offices granted before by king Edward the sixth, and yet nevertheless putting them to their fines: and some they committed to ward, depriving them of their states and livings: so that for the time, to those that tasted thereof, it seemed very grievous. God deliver us from incurring the like danger of law again. The fift day of October next following, 
A parliament.  the queen held her high court of parliament at Westminster, which continued until the one and twentieth day of the said month.  
In the first session of which parliament, there passed no more acts but one, and that was, to declare queen Marie lawful heir in descent to the crown of England by the common laws, next after her brother king Edward; 
Treason. Felony. Praemunire.  and to repeal certain causes of treason, felony, and praemunire, contained in divers former statutes: the which act of repeal was, for that cardinal Poole was especially looked for (as after ye shall hear) for the reducing of the church of line 10 England to the pope's obedience: and to the end that the said cardinal now called into England from Rome, might hold his court's legantine without the danger of the statutes of the praemunire, made in that case, whereinto cardinal Wolseie (when he was legate) had incurred to his no small loss, and to the charge of all the clergy of England, for exercising the like power: 
The parliament prorogued.  the which act being once passed, forthwith the queen repaired to the parliament line 20 house, and gave thereunto her royal assent, and then prorogued the parliament unto the four and twentieth day of the said month. In which second session were confirmed and made diverse and sundry statutes concerning religion, whereof some were restored, and other repealed.  
¶ Sir Thomas White for this year mayor and merchant tailor, 
Abr, Fl. ex. I. S. pag 1075. Charitable deeds of sir Thomas White.  a worthy patron and protector of poor scholars & learning, renewed or rather erected a college in Oxenford, now called saint john's college, before Bernard college. He also erected schools at Bristol line 30 and Reading. Moreover, this worshipful citizen in his life time gave to the city of Bristol two thousand pounds of ready money to purchase lands, to the yearly value of one hundred & twenty pounds, for the which it is decreed, that the mayor, burgesses and commonalty of Bristol, in the year of our Lord 1567., and so yearly during the term of ten years then next ensuing, 
A precedent of money well employed after death.  should cause to be paid at Bristol, one hundred pounds of lawful money. The first eight hundred pounds to be lent to sixteen poor line 40 yoongmen clothiers, & fréemen of the same town, for the space of ten years, fifty pounds the piece of them, putting sufficient sureties for the same, and at the end of ten years, to be lent to other sixteen, at the discretion of the mayor, aldermen, and four of the common council of the said city.  

Provision of corn for the poor.  The other two hundred pounds to be employed in the provision of corn, for the relief of the poor of the same city, for their ready money, without gain line 50 to be taken. And after the end of ten years on the feast day of saint Bartholomew, which shall be in the year of our Lord 1577, at the merchant tailor's hall in London, unto the mayor and commonalty of the city of York, or to their attorney authorised, an hundred & four pounds, to be lent unto four yoongmen of the said city of York, fréemen and inhabitants (clothiers alway to be preferred) that is, to every of them five and twenty pounds, to have and occupy the same for the term of ten years, without line 60 paying any thing for the loan, the four pounds' overplus of the hundred and four pounds, at the pleasure of the mayor and commonalty for their pains to be taken about the receipts and payments of the said hundred pounds.  
The like order in all points is taken for the delivery of an hundred and four pounds in the year 1578, 
A perpetual order of an hundred and four pounds ●ent yearly by course.  to the city of Canturburie. In the year 1579 to Reading, 1580 to the company of the merchant tailors, 1581. to Gloucester, 1582 to Worcester, 1583 to Excester, 1584. to Salisbury, 1585. to Westchester, 1586 to Norwich, 1587. to southhampton, 1588. to Lincoln, 1589 to Winchester, 1590. to Oxenford, 1591. to Herefordeast, 1592. to Cambridge, 1593. to Shrewesburie, 1594 to Lin, 1595 to Bath, 1596 to Derbie, 1597 to Ipswich, 1598. to Colchester, 1599 to Newcastle. And then to begin again at Bristol an hundred and four pounds, the next year to the city of York, and so forth to every of the said cities and towns, in the like order as before: and thus to continue for ever, as in the indentures tripartite more plainly may appear.]  
At this time many were in trouble for religion, 
Sir james Hales in trouble for religion.  and among others, sir james Hales knight, one of the justices of the common plées, which justice being called among other by the council of king Edward to subscribe to a devise made for the disheriting of queen Marie, and the lady Elizabeth her sister, 
See before pag. 1083.  would in no wise assent to the same, though most of the other did: yet that notwithstanding, for that he at a quarter sessions holden in Kent, gave charge upon the statutes of king Henry the eight, and king Edward the sixth, in derogation of the primacy of the church of Rome, abolished by king Henry the eight, he was first committed prisoner to the King's bench, then to the Counter, & last to the Fleet, where, whether it were through extreme fear, 
Sore temptations in afflictions, against which we are to pray for patience.  or else by reason of such talk as the warden of the Fleet used unto him, of more trouble like to ensue, if he persisted in his opinion (or for what other cause, God knoweth) he was so moved, troubled, and vexed, that he sought to rid himself out of this life, which thing he first attempted in the Fleet, by wounding himself with a penknife, well near to death. Nevertheless afterward being recovered of that hurt, he seemed to be very conformable to all the queen's proceedings, and was thereupon delivered of his imprisonment, and brought to the queens presence, who gave him words of great comfort: nevertheless his mind was not quiet (as afterward well appeared) for in the end he drowned himself in a river not half a mile from his dwelling house in Kent, 
He drowneth himself.  the river being so shallow, that he was feign to lie groveling before he could dispatch himself, whose death was much lamented. For beside that he was a man wise, virtuous, and learned in the laws of the realm, he was also a good and true minister of justice, whereby he got him great favour and estimation among all degrees.  
During the aforesaid parliament, 
A public disputation about the real presence in the sacrament.  about the eightéenth day of October, there was kept at Paul's church in London a public disputation, appointed by the queens commandment, about the presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, which disputation continued six days, doctor Weston then being prolocutor of the convocation, who used many unseemly checks & tawnts against the one part, to the prejudice of their cause. By reason whereof the disputers never resolved upon the article proponed, but grew daily more and more into contention, without any fruit of their long conference, and so ended this disputation, with these words spoken by doctor Weston prolocutor: It is not the queen's pleasure that we should herein spend any longer time, and year well enough, for you have the word, and we have the sword. But of this matter ye may read more in the book of the monuments of the church. 
john Fox.  At this time was cardinal Poole sent for to Rome by the queen, 
Cardinal Poole sent for home.  who was very desirous of his coming as well for the causes before declared, as also for the great affection that she had to him, being her near kinsman, and consenting with her in religion.  
This message was most thankfully received at Rome, and order taken to send the said cardinal hither with great expedition: but before his coming, queen Marie had married Philip prince of Spain, as after shall appear. But here to touch somewhat the coming of the said cardinal. When he was arrived at Calis, there was conference had amongst the councillors of the queen for the manner of his receiving: 
The council divided about the receiving of the cardinal.  some would have had him very honourably met and entertained, as he was in all places where he had before passed, not only for that he was a cardinal, and a legate from the pope; but also for that he was the queens near kinsman, of the house of Clarence. Nevertheless, after much debating, line 10 it was thought meetest, first, for that by the laws of the realm (which yet were not repealed) he stood attainted by parliament, and also for that it was doubtful how he being sent from Rome, should be accepted of the people, who in five and twenty years before, had not been much acquainted with the pope or his cardinals, that therefore (until all things might be put in order for that purpose) he should come without any great solemnity unto Lambeth, where (in the archbishop's house) his lodging was line 20 prepared.  
The third of November next following, Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie (notwithstanding that he had once refused plainly to subscribe to king Edward's will, in the disheriting of his sister Marie, 
Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie arraigned of treason.  and alleging many reasons and arguments for the legitimation of both the king's sisters) was in the Guildhall in London arraigned and attainted of treason, namely for aiding the duke of Northumberland with horse and men against the line 30 queen, as aforesaid. At the same time also, the lady jane of Suffolk (who for a while was called queen jane) and the lord Gilford her husband, the lord Ambrose and lord Henry Dudleie sons to the duke of Northumberland, were likewise arraigned and attainted, and thereupon led back again to the tower. 
Ambassadors from the emperor.  In the beginning of januarie next following, Charles the fift emperor sent into England an honourable embassage, amongst whom was the Conte de Aiguemont admiral of the low countries, line 40 with Charles Conte de la Laing, john de Montmorancie lord of Curriers, and the chancellor Niger, with full commission to conclude a marriage between Philip prince of Spain his son & heir, and queen Marie (as you have heard) which embassage took such place, that shortly after all things were finished accordingly.  

Ab. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1077. Stephan Gardiner maketh an oration to the lords of the council etc. touching the queens marriage.  ¶ On the fourteenth of januarie, doctor Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester lord chancellor of England, in the chamber of presence at Westminster, line 50 made to the lords, nobility, and gentlemen, an oration very eloquent, wherein he declared that the queen's majesty, partly for amity, and other weighty considerations had, after much suit on the emperors and prince of Spain's behalf made, determined by the consent of the council and nobility, to match herself with the said prince in most godly and lawful matrimony; and declared further, that she should have for her jointer thirty thousand ducats by the year, with all the low country of Flanders, line 60 and that the issue (if there happened any) between them two lawfully begotten, should be heir as well to the kingdom of Spain, as also to the said low country. He said therefore that they were all bound to thank God, that so noble, worthy, and famous a prince would vouchsafe so to humble himself, 
Gardiner commendeth the king of Spain.  as in this marriage to take upon him rather as a subject, than otherwise. For the queen & her council should rule all things as she did before, and that there should be of the council no stranger, neither to have custody of any forts or castles, &c: nor to bear any rule or office in the queens house, or else where in all England, with diverse other articles there by him rehearsed. Wherefore he said the queens pleasure and request was, that like good subjects for her sake, they would most lovingly receive him with reverence, joy, and honour. On the next day, the lord mayor of London with his brethren the aldermen, were sent for to the court, and to bring with them forty of the head commoners of the city, unto whom before the council, the lord chancellor made the like oration, desiring them to behave themselves like good subjects with all humbleness and rejoicing.]  
But this marriage was not well thought of by the commons, nor much better liked of many of the nobility, who for this, and for the cause of religion, conspired to raise war, rather than to see such change of the state. Of the which conspiracy though there were many confederates; yet the first that showed force therein, was one sir Thomas Wyatt a knight in Kent, who in very deed was driven to prevent the time of the purposed enterprise by this hap. diverse of the partakers in this conspiracy, being withdrawn from London (where they had devised their drift) home into their countries (amongst whom the said sir Thomas Wyatt was one) it fell out, that whilst he was returned into Kent, where his lands and livings chiefly lay, a gentleman of that shire, one to the said sir Thomas Wyatt most dear, was by the council for other matters committed to the Fleet. Whereupon he verily suspecting his secrets were bewrayed, had no other shift (as he took it) but to put on armour, and to begin the attempt, before the time appointed with his complices. And hereupon giving intelligence of his determination to his associates, as well at London, as elsewhere, on the thursday next following, 
Wyatt pub●●sheth a proclamation at Maidstone.  being the five and twentieth of januarie at Maidstone, being accompanied with master Thomas Isleie and others, published a proclamation against the queens marriage, desiring all his neighbours, friends, and Englishmen to join with him and others, to defend the realm in danger to be brought in thraldom unto strangers: 
He cometh to Rochester.  and herewith he got him to Rochester, and met with sir George Harper by the way, that was one appointed afore to join with him in that quarrel. 
Sir George Harper.  They broke up the bridge at Rochester, and fortified the east part of the town, & stayed there abiding the coming of more strength, and in the mean while suffered all passengers to pass quietly through the town to London, or to the sea, taking nothing from them, but only their weapons.  
In the mean while, sir Henry Isleie, Anthony Kneuet esquire, and his brother William Kneuet were busy in west Kent to raise the people there; and likewise in east Kent there were other that were of the same confederacy, which set forth the like proclamations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns there in that part of the shire: and thus in each part of Kent in a manner was great stur. But yet such was the diligence and wary circumspection of john Twine at that present mayor of Canturburie, for that he misliked their disordered attempts, that there was not any of that city known to stur, or go forth to join themselves with the said sir Thomas Wyatt, or with any other of his confederates: and yet verily the more part of the people in all other parts of that shire were marvelously affected to the said sir Thomas Wiat's quarrel, doubting that which might follow of the queens matching herself thus with a stranger. 
Christopher Roper taken.  At Milton when a gentleman of those parts named Christopher Roper, went about to resist them that set forth this proclamation, he was taken and conveyed to Rochester unto master Wiat. Likewise master Tuck and master Dorrell justices of peace, were fetched out of their own houses, 
Master Dorrell & master Tuck taken.  & likewise brought to Rochester, where they with the said Roper were kept as prisoners.  
Sir Thomas Wyatt had written unto sir Robert Southwell sheriff of Kent, 
Sir Thomas ●iat writeth 〈◊〉 sir Robert Southwell.  to move him in (respect of the preservation of the commonwealth now in danger to be overrun of strangers, through the pretenced marriage, if it should go forward) to join with him and others, 
The sheriff of kent and the 〈◊〉 of Aburgavennie assemble a power against 〈◊〉.  in so necessary a cause for the disappointing of the same marriage, and to work so with the lord of Aburgavennie, with whom he might do much, that it might please him also to join with them. But as well the said sir Robert Southwell, as line 10 the said lord of Aburgavennie, and one George Clerk assembled themselves with such power as they might make against the said sir Thomas Wyatt and his adherents; and coming to Malling on the saturday, being the market day & seven and twentieth of januarie, the said sir Robert Southwell having penned an exhortation to dissuade the people, and to bring them from having any liking to Wiat's enterprise, did read the same openly unto all the people there assembled, in confuting, reproving, and line 20 refelling the proclamations set forth by sir Thomas Wyatt and his adherents.  
On the other part, sir Henry Isleie, Anthony Kneuet, and his brother William Kneuet being at Tunbridge, proclaimed the sheriff, the lord of Aburgavennie, & George Clerk gentleman, traitors to God, the crown, and the commonwealth, for raising the queens subjects, to defend the most wicked & devilish enterprise of certain of the wicked & perverse councillors. And this they pronounced in their own line 30 names & in the names of sir Thomas Wyatt, sir George Harper, and of all the faithful gentlemen of Kent, & trusty commoners of the same. This done, they marched to Sevennocke, meaning from thence to pass to Rochester. But in the mean time the foresaid 27 of januarie, there came from the queen an herald & a trumpeter to sir Thomas Wyatt, but he was not suffered to pass the bridge, 
In herald sent ●rotham Wiat.  and so did his message at the bridge end, in the hearing of sir Thomas Wyatt and diverse others. The effect of his message line 40 was, to offer pardon to so many as within four and twenty hours would departed to their houses, and become quiet subjects.  
Sir Thomas Cheineie lord warden sent also unto Wyatt, 
The lord ●arden is 〈◊〉 to Wiat.  with words of contempt and defiance, desirous in deed to have been doing with him, if he had not mistrusted his own people, which he should have brought against him, as those that favoured so greatly Wiat's cause, that they would have been loath to have seen him take any foil. And that sir line 50 Thomas Wyatt knew well enough, and therefore desired nothing more than to have him come forth, understanding that he wanted no friends, as well about him, as all other that would take in hand to repress him with force gathered in that shire. The lord of Aburgavennie, the sheriff Warram Sentleger, and diverse other gentlemen that were assembled at Malling, lay there within four miles of Rochester on saturday at night, & having advertisement that sir Henry Isleie, the two Knevets, and certain line 60 other, 
●eldishmen, 〈◊〉 is, such 〈◊〉 dwell in the 〈◊〉 of Kent.  with five hundred Weldishmen, being at Sevennocke, meant early in the morning to march towards Rochester for the aid of Wyatt against the duke of Norfolk, that was come to Gravesend with five hundred white coats Londoners, and certain of the guard: and further that the said sir Henry Isleie and the Knevets meant in their way to burn and spoil the house of George Clerke gentleman: they departing with five hundred gentlemen & likewise yeomen, very early that sunday in the morning, marched out in order till they came to Wrotham heath, 
〈◊〉 heath.  where they might easily hear the sound of their adversaries drums, and thereupon followed after them with all speed, till they came to a place called Barrow green, 
Barrow greéne.  through which lay the right ready way from Sevennocke towards master Clerks house. Here the lord of Aburgavennie stayed for the coming of his enemies, and understanding they were at hand, placed his men in order, thinking to give or take the overthrow. But they upon their approach, misliking (as it should seem) the match, shrank aside as secretly as they could, by a bywaie, and were so far gone before the lord of Aburgavennie understood thereof by his espials, as for doubt of overtaking them afore their coming to Rochester, he was driven to make such haste for the overtaking of them, as diverse of his footmen were far behind at the onset giving.  
The first sight that the lord of Aburgavennie could have of them, after they forsook their purposed way, was as they ascended Wrotham hill, directly under Yallam master Pechams house, 
Wrotham hill▪ Yallam.  where they thinking to have great advantage by the winning of the hill, displayed their ensigns, thinking they had been out of danger. But the Lord of Aburgavennie made such haste after them, that overtaking them at a field in the parish of Wrotham, a mile distant from the very top of the hill, called Black soil field, 
Black soil field.  after some resistance with shot and arrows, and proffer of onset made by their horsemen, they were put to flight, and chased for the space of four miles, 
The skirmish.  even to Hartleie wood. Threescore of them were taken prisoners, and some on both sides were wounded, as commonly cometh to pass in an ordinary and private fray: how then is it possible, that a skirmish should be unseasoned with slaughter and bloodshed, specially in a sedition or insurrection, which is the plague of all commonwealths, as the poet saith: — regnorum pessima pestis Seditio.  
Sir Henry Isleie fled into Hampshire, Anthony Kneuet made such shift, that he got that night unto Rochester; and the same time sir George Harper departing from sir Thomas Wyatt, and coming to the duke of Norfolk, submitted himself unto his grace, & the duke received him. Which duke (as before ye have partly heard) being sent with five hundred Londoners, and certain of the guard for his better defence, to go against the Kentishmen thus assembled with sir Thomas Wyatt, was come down to Gravesend, set forth from thence on monday the nine and twentieth day of januarie, about ten of the clock in the forenoon, marching towards Stroud on this side of Rochester, & about four of the clock in the after noon of the same day, 
The duke of Norfolk arriveth at Stroud.  he arrived at Stroud near unto Rochester, having with him sir Henry jerningham captain of the guard, sir Edward Braie, sir john Fog, knights, john Covert, Roger Appleton, esquires, Maurice Griffith the bishop of Rochester, Thomas Swan gentleman, with certain of the guard, and others, to the number of two hundred or thereabout, besides Bret and other five captains, who with their bands tarried behind at spittle hill near unto Stroud, whilst the duke went to Stroud to see the placing of the ordinance, which being ready charged & bend unto the town of Rochester, and perceiving by sir Thomas Wyatt and his men by hanging out their ensigns, little to regard him, the duke commanded one of the pieces to be fired and shot off into Rochester, and as the gunner was firing the piece, sir Edward Braies eldest son came in all haste to the duke, and told him how the Londoners would betray him.  
Herewith turning back, he might 〈◊〉 how Bret, 
The revolting of the Londoners.  and the other captains of the whit boots with their bands being upon the hill, and at his back, made great and loud shouts sundry times, crying; We are all Englishmen, we are all Englishmen: fashioning themselves in array, ready bend with their weapons to set upon the duke, if he had made any resistance: whereupon the duke willed the pieces that were bend against Rochester, to be turned upon Bret and his fellows. But upon further consideration the shot was spared, 
The duke with the captain of the guard, &c: put to their shifts.  and the duke's grace, with the captain of the guard, considering with woeful hearts their chief strength thus turned against them; and being thus environed both behind and before with enemies, shifted themselves away, as did also their company. Sir Thomas Wyatt accompanied with two or three, and not many more, came forth line 10 half a mile from Rochester, to meet Bret and the other captains, amongst whom was sir George Harper, notwithstanding his former submission to the duke. Their meeting verily seemed right joyful both in gesture and countenance, & therewith having saluted each other, they entered all together into Rochester. The lord of Aburgavennie & the sheriff were greatly abashed when they understood of this mishap, for they doubted that such as were evil disposed before, would not be greatly amended thereby. The line 20 sheriff being then at Maidstone, 
The sheriff of Kent rideth to the council.  hasted to come to Malling, where the lord of Aburgavennie lay, and upon his coming thither, he took advise to ride in post to the council, to know their minds how they would direct them. Sir Thomas Wyatt and his associates were greatly recomforted with this new supply added to their strength, by the revolting thus of the Londoners: and verily it bred no small hope in all their hearts that wished well to his enterprise, line 30 that he should the better attain unto the hoped end of his purpose. But it pleased God otherwise, who never prospereth any that attempt such exploits without public and lawful authority.  
In this mean while, the duke of Suffolk being persuaded to join with other in this quarrel, as he that doubted (as no small number of true Englishmen than did) lest the pretended marriage with the Spanish king should bring the whole nobility and people of this realm into bondage and thraldom line 40 of strangers, 
The duke of Suffolk goeth down into Leicestershire.  after he was once advertised that sir Thomas Wyatt had prevented the time of their purposed enterprise, he secretly one evening departed from Sheen, and road with all speed into Leicestershire where in the town of Leicester and other places, he caused proclamation to be made in semblable wise, as sir Thomas Wyatt had done, against the queens match which she meant to make with the said king of Spain: but few there were that would willingly hearken thereto. But now ye line 50 must understand, that before his coming down, he was persuaded that the city of Coventrie would be opened unto him, 
The city of Coventrie.  the more part of the citizens being throughly bend in his favour, in so necessary a quarrel, for defence of the realm against strangers, as they were then persuaded.  
But howsoever it chanced, this proved not altogether true: for whether through the misliking which the citizens had of the matter, or through negligence of some that were sent to solicit them in the cause, line 60 or chiefly (as should seem to be most true) for that God would have it so, when the duke came with six or seven score horsemen well appointed for the purpose, 
The duke of Suffolk kept out of Coventrie.  presenting himself before the city in hope to be received, he was kept out. For the citizens through comfort of the earl of Huntingdon that was then come down, sent by the queen to stay the countries from falling to the duke, and to raise a power to apprehend him, had put themselves in armour, and made all the provision they could to defend the city against the said duke. Whereupon perceiving himself destitute of all such aid as he looked for among his friends in the two shires of Leicester and Warwick, he got him to his manor of Astleie, distant from Coventrie five miles, where appointing his company to disperse themselves, and to make the best shift each one for his own safeguard that he might, and distributing to every of them a portion of money, according to their qualities, and his store at that present, he and the lord john Greie his brother bestowed themselves in secret places there within Astleie park; but through the untrustiness of them, to whose trust they did commit themselves (as hath been credibly reported) they were bewrayed to the earl of Huntingdon, that then was come to Coventrie, 
The duke of Suffolk apprehended.  and so apprehended they were by the said earl, and afterwards brought up to London.  
The duke had meant at first to have rid away (as I have credible heard) if promise had been kept by one of his servants, appointed to come to him to be his guide; but when he either feigning himself sick, or being sloke in deed, came not, the duke was constrained to remain in the park there at Astleie, hoping yet to get away after that the search had been passed over, and the country once in quiet. Howsoever it was, there he was taken, as is said, together with his brother the lord john Greie; but his brother the lord Thomas got away in deed at that time, 
The lord john Greie taken.  meaning to have fled into Wales, & there to have got to the sea side, so to transport himself over into France, or into some other foreign part. But in the borders of Wales he was likewise apprehended through his great mishap, and folly of his man that had forgot his capcase with money behind him in his chamber one morning at his inn; and coming for it again, upon examination what he should be, it was mistrusted that his master should be some such man, as he was in deed, and so was stayed, taken, 
The lord Thomas Greie taken.  and brought up to London, where he suffered; as after shall appear.  
But now to return unto sir Thomas Wiat. After that the Londoners were revolted to him, as before ye have heard; the next day being tuesday the thirtieth of januarie, he marched forth with his bands, and six pieces of ordinance (which they had gotten of the queens) besides their own. And first they came to Cowling castle, 
Cowling castle.  an hold of the lord Cobham's, four miles distant from Rochester, and not much out of the way towards London, whither they were now fully determined to go, in hope of friends which they trusted to find within and about the city. At their coming to Cowling, knowing that the lord Cobham was within the castle, they bent their ordinance against the gate, breaking it with sundry shots, and burning it up with ●●er, made a way through it. 
The lord Cobham.  The said lord Cobham defended the place as stoutly as he might, having but a few against so great a number, and so little store of munition for his defence: he himself yet discharged his gun at such as approached the gate right hardily, and in that assault two of his men were slain. After this assault, and talk had with the lord Cobham, sir Thomas Wyatt marched to Gravesend, where he rested that night.  
The next day he came to Dartford with his bands, and lay there that night, whither came to him sir Edward Hastings master of the queens horse, and sir Thomas Cornwallis knights, both being of the queens privy council, and now sent from her unto sir Thomas Wyatt, to understand the cause of his commotion. When he understood they were come, he took with him certain of his band to the west end of the town, where he had lodged his ordinance. And at the lighting down of sir Edward Hastings and his associate, sir Thomas Wyatt having a partisan in his hand, advancing himself somewhat afore such gentlemen as were with him, traced near them: to whom the master of the horse spoke in substance as followeth. The queens majesty requireth to understand the very cause wherefore you have thus gathered together in arms her liege people, which is the part of a traitor, and yet in your proclamations and persuasions, you call yourself a true subject, which can not stand together I am no traitor quoth Wyatt, and the cause wherefore I have gathered the people, is to defend the realm from danger of being overrun with strangers, which must follow, this marriage taking place. line 10  
Why, quoth the queens agents, there be no stransters yet come, who either for power or number ye need to suspect. But if this be your only quarrel, because ye mislike the marriage; will ye come to communication touching that case, and the queen of her gracious goodness is content ye shall be heard. I yield thereto, quoth sir Thomas Wyatt: but for my surety I will rather be trusted than trust, and therefore demanded, as some have written, the custody of the tower, 
〈◊〉 requests.  and her grace within it; also the line 20 displacing of some councillors about her, and to have other placed in their rooms. There was long & stout conference between them, in so much that the master of the horse said: Wyatt, before thou shalt have thy traitorous demand granted, thou shalt die, and twenty thousand with thee. And so the said master of the horse, and sir Thomas Cornewallis, perceiving they could not bring him to that point they wished, returned to the court, advertising the queen what they had heard of him. The same day being line 30 the first of February, 
Proclamation that the duke of Suffolk and others were fled.  proclamation was made in London by an herald, to signify that the duke of Suffolk's company of horsemen were scattered, and that he himself and his brethren were fled. Also that sir Peter Carew, and sir Gawen Carew knights, and William Gibs esquire, which being parties to the conspiracy of the said duke, with sir Thomas Wyatt & others, were likewise fled. True it was that sir Peter Carew, perceiving himself in line 40 danger to be apprehended, about the three and twentieth of januarie last passed fled out of the realm, and escaped into France: but the other tarried behind and were taken.  

The emperor's ambassadors flee from Wiat.  Moreover, on this first day of February being Candlemas even, the emperor's ambassadors, of whom ye have heard before, hearing of Wiat's hasty approaching thus towards London, sped themselves away by water, and that with all haste. The queen then lying at her palace of White hall beside Westminster, and hearing of her enemies so near, line 50 was counseled for her safeguard to take the tower of London, whereunto she would by no means be persuaded. Nevertheless, to make herself more stronger of friends in the city, so soon as the said ambassadors were departed, she came to the guildhall in London: against which time, order was taken by the lord mayor, that the chief citizens in their liveries should be there present. After that the queen had taken her place in the said hall, and silence made, line 60 she with very good countenance uttered in effect this oration following.  

Queen Mary's oration in Guildhall in a solemn assembly.  

Queen Mary's oration to the Londoners.  I Am (quoth she) come unto you in mine own person, to tell you that which already you do see and know, that is, how traitorously & seditiously a number of Kentish rebels have assembled themselves together against both us and you. Their pretence (as they said at the first) was only to resist a marriage determined between us and the prince of Spain. To the which pretended quarrel, and to all the rest of their evil contrived articles ye have been made privy. Since which time, we have caused diverse of our privy council to resort eftsoons to the said rebels, and to demand of them the cause of their continuance in their seditious enterprise. By whose answers made again to our said council, it appeared that the marriage is found to be the least of their quarrel. For they now swerving from their former articles, have bewrayed the inward treason of their hearts, 
Demands are pretended to be sent from M. Wyatt and his company to queen Marie.  as most arrogantly demanding the possession of our person, the keeping of our tower, and not only the placing & displacing of our councillors; but also to use them & us at their pleasures.  
Now loving subjects, what I am, you right well know. I am your queen, to whom at my coronation when I was wedded to the realm, and to the laws of the same (the spousal ring whereof I have on my finger, which never hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be left off) ye promised your allegiance and obedience unto me. And that I am the right and true inheritor to the crown of this realm of England; I not only take all christendoome to witness, but also your acts of parliament confirming the same. My father (as ye all know) possessed the regal estate by right of inheritance, which now by the same right descended unto me. And to him always ye showed yourselves most faithful and loving subjects, and him obeyed and served as your liege lord & king: and therefore I doubt not but you will show yourselves likewise to me his daughter. Which if you do, then may you not suffer any rebel to usurp the governance of our person, or to occupy our estate, especially being so presumptuous a traitor as this Wyatt hath showed himself to be; who must certainly, as he hath abused my ignorant subjects to be adherents to his traitorous quarrel: so doth he intend by colour of the same, to subdue the laws to his will, and to give scope to the rascal and forlorn persons, to make general havoc and spoil of your goods. 
How he pretended the spoil of their goods it appeareth in that he coming to Southworke, did hurt neither man, woman, nor child, neither in body nor in a penny of their goods.  And this further I say unto you in the word of a prince, I cannot tell how naturally a mother loveth her children, for I was never the mother of any; but certainly a prince and governor may as naturally and as earnestly love subjects, as the mother doth her child. Then assure yourselves, that I being your sovereign lady & queen, do as earnestly and as tenderly love and favour you. And I thus loving you, cannot but think that ye as heartily and faithfully love me again: and so loving together in this knot of love and concord, I doubt not, but we together shall be able to give these rebels a short and speedy overthrow.  
And as concerning the case of my intended marriage, against which they pretend their quarrel, ye shall understand that I entered not into the treaty thereof without advise of all our privy council; yea, and by assent of those to whom the king my father committed his trust, who so considered & weighed the great commodities that might ensue thereof, that they not only thought it very honourable, but expedient, both for the wealth of our realm, and also of all our loving subjects. 
Queen Marie excuseth her marriage.  And as touching myself (I assure you) I am not so desirous of wedding, neither so precise or wedded to my will, that either for mine own pleasure I will choose where I lust, or else so amorous as needs I must have one. For God I thank him (to whom be the praise thereof) I have hitherto lived a virgin, and doubting nothing but with God's grace shall as well be able so to live still. But if as my progenitors have done before, it might please God that I might leave some fruit of my body behind me to be your governor, I trust you would not only rejoice thereat, but also I know it would be to your great comfort. And certainly if I either did know or think, that this marriage should either turn● to the danger or loss of any of you my loving subjects, or to the detriment or impairing of any part or parcel of the royal estate of this realm of England, I would never consent thereunto, neither would I ever marry while I lived. And in the word of a queen I promise and assure you, 
The promise of queen Marie touching her marriage.  that if it shall not probably appear before line 10 the nobility and commons in the high court of parliament, that this marriage shall be for the singular benefit and commodity of all the whole realm; that then I will abstain, not only from this marriage, but also from any other, whereof peril may ensue to this most noble realm. Wherefore now as good & faithful subjects pluck up your hearts, and like tru● men stand fast with your lawful prince against these rebels, both our enemies and yours, and fear them not: for assure you that I fear them nothing line 20 at all, & I will leave with you my lord Howard, and my lord treasurer to be your assistants, with my lord mayor, for the defence and safeguard of this city from spoil and saccage, which is only the scope of this rebellious company.   
After this oration ended, the citizen's seeming well satisfied therewith, the queen with the lords of the council returned to White hall from whence she came: and forthwith the lord William Howard line 30 was associate with the lord mayor of London, whose name was sir Thomas White for the protection and defence of the city. And for more surety, as well of her own person, as also of her councillors and other subjects, she prepared a great army to meet with the said rebels in the field, of which army William Herbert earl of Penbroke was made general, which earl with all speed requisite in such a case, prepared all things necessary to such a service belonging. The same day sir Thomas Wyatt having with line 40 him fourteen ensigns, containing about four thousand men, although they were accounted to be a far greater number, 
Wyatt marched to Detford strand.  marched to Detford strand, eight miles from Detford, and within four miles of London; where upon such advertisement as he received by espial, of the queens being in the guildhall, & the order of the people to her wards, he remained that night & the next whole day; diverse of his own company doubting by his longer tarrying there than in other places, and upon other presumptions which they gathered, that he would have passed line 50 the water into Essex.  
His prisoners Christopher Roper, George Dorrell, and john Tuck esquires, who were kept somewhat strict, for that they seemed sickly, and finding within the town no convenient harborough or attendance, 

Wyatt suffereth his prisoners to go abroad upon their word.  
Wyatt cometh into Southworke.   were licensed by sir Thomas Wyatt, upon promise of their worships to be true prisoners, to provide for themselves out from the town, where they best might. But they breaking promise with him, line 60 sought ways to escape and come no more at him. On saturday following very early Wyatt marched to Southworke, where approaching the gate at London bridge foot, he called to them within to have it opened: which he found not so ready as he looked for. After he had been a little while in Southworke, and began to trench at the bridge foot, and set two pieces of ordinance against the gate, diverse of his soldiers went to Winchester place, where one of them (being a gentleman) began to fall to rifling of things found in the house. Wherewith sir Thomas Wyatt seemed so much offended, that he threatened sore to hang him even presently there upon the wharf, and so as he made others to believe he meant to have done, if captain Bret and others had not entreated for him.  
The lord William Howard lord admiral of England, being appointed by the queen's commission captain general, with the lord maior sir Thomas White, watched at the bridge that night with three hundred men, caused the draw bridge to be hewn down into the Thames, made rampires and fortifications there, fensing the same with great ordinance. Wyatt yet adventured the breaking down of a wall out of an house joining to the gate at the bridge foot, 
Sir Thomas Wiat's desperate attempt.  whereby he might enter into the leads over the gate, & came down into the lodge about eleven of the clock in the night, where he found the porter in a slumber, and his wife with other waking, and watching over a coal; but beholding Wyatt, they began suddenly to start as greatly amazed. Whist quoth Wyatt, as you love your lives sit still, you shall have no hurt. Glad were they of that warrant, and so were quiet, and made no noise. Wyatt and a few with him went forth as far as the draw bridge: on the other side whereof he saw the lord admiral, the lord mayor, sir Andrew jud, and one or two others in consultation for ordering of the bridge, whereunto he gave diligent heed and ear a good while, and was not seen.  
This done, 
Wyatt and his complices 〈◊〉 into consultation.  he returned and said to some of his company; This place sirs is too hot for us. And hereupon falling in counsel what was best to do: some gave advise that it should be good to return to Gréenewich, and so to pass the water into Essex, whereby their company (as they thought) should increase, and then assay to enter into London by Aldgate: and some were of opinion, that it were better to go to Kingston upon Thames, and so further west. Other there were, among which sir Thomas Wyatt himself was chief, would have returned into Kent to meet with the lord of Aburgavenie, the lord Warden, the sheriff, sir Thomas Moil, sir Thomas Kempe, sir Thomas Finch, and others that were at Rochester, coming on Wiat's back, with a great company well appointed, persuading himself (whether truly or not I know not) that he should find among them more friends than enemies. But whether his desire to return into Kent grew upon hope he had to find aid there, or rather to shift himself away, it was doubted of his own company; and some of them that knew him well (except they were much deceived) reported not long before their execution, that his desire to return into Kent, was only to shift himself over the sea.  
The lord Warden being at Rochester (as ye have heard) well furnished both with horse and men, 
The lord Warden of the cinque ports very willing to follow after Wiat.  perfectly appointed to no small number, was willing to have followed after Wyatt, and to have showed his good will against him in the queens quarrel: but yet upon deliberation had, & advise taken with others that were there with him, he thought good first to understand the queens pleasure how to proceed in his dealings; and hereupon he road post to the queen himself, leaving the lord of Aburgavennie and the rest of the gentlemen with his and their bands behind till his return. On sunday the fourth of February, the lord admiral caused a strong ward of three hundred men to be kept on the bridge till eight of the clock at night, and then (for their relief) entered the watch of other three hundred: so that the bridge was thus guarded both day and night with three hundred men in armour. 
Wyatt at his wit's end.  It troubled Wyatt and all his company very sore, to see that London did so stiffly stand and hold out against them: for in the assistance which they looked to have had of that city, all their hope of prosperous speed consisted. But now that they saw themselves greatly disappointed therein, they meant yet to set all on a hazard. And so the sixth of February being Shrovetuesdaie, afore six of the clock in the morning, they departed out of Southworke, 
〈◊〉 marcheth to kingston.  marching directly towards Kingston ten miles distant from London, standing upon the Thames, where they arrived about four of the clock in the after noon: and finding thirty foot or thereabout of the bridge taken away, saving the posts that were left standing; Wyatt practised with two mariners to swim over, and to convey a barge line 10 to him, which the mariners through great promises of preferment accordingly did, wherein Wyatt and certain with him were conveyed over: who in the mean time that the number of soldiers baited in the town, 
●●at repareth the bridge 〈◊〉 kingston.  caused the bridge to be repaired with ladders, planks, and beams, the same being tied together with ropes and boards, so as by ten of the clock in the night it was in such plight, that both his ordinance and companies of men might pass over without peril. And so about eleven of the clock in the line 20 same night, Wyatt with his army passing over the bridge without either resistance or peril, & before it could be once known at the court, marched toward London, meaning (as some have written) to have been at the court gate before day that morning. Nevertheless, before he came within six miles of the city staying for a piece of his great artillery which was dismounted by the way, 
〈◊〉. Grafton.  his coming was discovered before day: 
The earl of Penbroke 〈◊〉 the ar●●● in order.  whereby the earl of Penbroke general of the queens army was with his men in good line 30 order of battle in S. james field beside Westminster, two or three hours yer Wyatt could reach thither.  
The earl having understanding by his espials, what way Wyatt would march, placed his army in this order. First, in a field on the west side of saint james were all his men of arms, and demilances; over against whom in the lane next to the park, were placed all the light horsemen. All which bands of horsemen were under the charge of the lord Clinton, being marshal of the field. The great artillery line 40 was planted in the midst and highest place of the causeie next to the house of saint james, with certain field pieces lying on the flank of each battle. After that both the armies were in sight, and that the great artillery began to thunder from either side without harm (as it happened to either of both) Wyatt perceiving that he could not come up the fore right way without great disadvantage, 
〈◊〉 comes to the park corner, 〈◊〉.  when he was come to the park corner, he leaving the causeie, swerved, and took the neither way towards line 50 saint james. Which being perceived by the queens horsemen, who lay on either side of him, they gave a sudden charge, and divided his battle asunder hard behind Wiat's ensigns, whereby so many as were not passed before with Wyatt, were forced to fly back towards Brainford: and certain of his company which escaped the charge, passed by the backside of saint james towards Westminster, and from thence to the court: and finding the gates shut against them, stayed there a while, and shot off many line 60 arrows into the windows, and over into the garden, nevertheless without any hurt there that was known. Whereupon the said rebels, over whom one Kneuet was captain, perceiving themselves to be too few to do any great feat there, departed from thence to follow Wyatt, who was gone before toward London: and being on their way at Charing-cross, were there encountered by sir Henry jerningham captain of the queen's guard, sir Edward Braie master of the ordinance, 
A skirmish at 〈◊〉 between 〈…〉 and the 〈…〉  and sir Philip Paris knights, which were sent by the order of the earl of Penbroke with a band of archers, and certain field pieces for the rescue of the court, who encountered the said rebels at Charing-cross aforesaid, after they had dischaged their field pieces upon them, joined with those rebels, half armed, and half unarmed, at the push of the pike, & very soon dispersed their power; whereof some fled into the lane toward saint Giles, & some on the other side by a brewhouse towards the Thames. In this conflict, which was the chief trial of that day, there was not found slain to the number of twenty of those rebels. Which happened by reason that upon their joining with the queens soldiers, the one part could not be discerned from the other, but only by the mire and dur● taken by the way, which stack upon their garments coming in the night: wherefore the cry on the queens part that day was; Down with the dangle tails.  
But now to return to Wyatt, of whom ye heard before, who being come to the park corner, and perceiving the peril apparent, if he should have marched strait upon the earls battles, which were ranged on either side of the causeie, did therefore politicly turn from the great causeie, marching along the wall of the house of saint james towards London: 
Wyatt marcheth alongst the wall of saint james towards London.  which could not have been without his no little loss of many of his train, if those that had the charge on that side the field, had been as forward in service as the earl with his battle, and the horsemen before showed themselves to be. Nevertheless Wyatt following his purposed enterprise, which was to have entered into London, where he hoped of great aid, marched on with the small company that was left him, as far as a common inn called the Bell savage, near to Ludgate, believing to have found some ready there to have received him; wherein his hope was much deceived, finding the said gate fast shut, and strongly guarded with a number as well of most honest citizens, as also of other bands of the queens assured friends. Whereupon Wyatt, who coming towards the city, made himself sure of his enterprise, now desperate of the same, was feign to turn his face, retiring back again to Temple-bar, where he with the rest of his retinue determined (as it seemed) to try their last fortune.  
The earl of Penbroke (who all this while kept his force together in the field) hearing of Wiat's approach to London, sent to him an herald called Clarenceaux, 
An herald sent to Wyatt willing him to desist from his enterprise.  with great communication to desist from his rebellious enterprise. Which herald did his message accordingly, albeit that some said he promised the said Wyatt his pardon: which should not seem to be true, as well for that the herald had no such commission, as also that it was not like, that the said Wyatt being then disarmed of all his forces, would have refused mercy in such a case. For true it is, that he with a very few of his forlorn fellowship, not many above the number of one hundred persons, stood still as men amazed at the gate of the Temple-bar, till such time as sir Maurice Barkleie knight, by chance riding towards London upon his horse, with foot-cloth, without any armour, finding the said Wyatt there, persuaded him to repair to the court, and to yield himself to the queen. 
Sir Thomas Wyatt submitteth himself to the queen.  Whose advise he followed, and incontinent mounted up on the said sir Maurice horse behind him, and so road to the court voluntarily to yield himself prisoner.  
This coming of Wyatt to the court being so little looked for, was great cause of rejoicing to such as of late before stood in great fear of him. But more than marvel it was to see that day, the invincible heart and constancy of the queen herself, who being by nature a woman, and therefore commonly more fearful than men be, showed herself in that case more stout than is credible. For she, notwithstanding all the fearful news that were brought to her that day, never abashed. Insomuch that when one or two noblemen being her captains, came in all haste to tell her (though untruely) that her battles were yielded to Wiat. 
The stout courage of queen Marie.  She nothing moved thereat, said it was their fond opinion that durst not come near to see the trial, saying further, that she herself would enter the field to try the truth of her quarrel, and to die with them that would serve her, rather than to yield one jot unto such a traitor as Wyatt was, and prepared herself accordingly.  
But by the apprehension of Wyatt that voyage took none effect: for after his coming to the court line 10 he was immediately committed to the Tower. As soon as the taking of Wyatt was known, the army (whereof mention is made before that lay in saint james field) was discharged, and every man licensed to departed to his home. And forthwith proclamation was made, 
Proclamation that none should keep in his house any of Wiat's faction.  as well in the city of London as in the suburbs of the same, that none upon pain of death should keep in his or their houses any of Wiat's faction; but should bring them forth immediately before the lord mayor, and other the queens line 20 justices. By reason of which proclamation a great multitude of their said poor caltifs were brought forth, being so many in number, that all the prisons in London sufficed not to receive them: so that for lack of place they were feign to bestow them in diverse churches of the said city. And shortly after were set up in London for a terror to the common sort (because the white coats being sent out of the city, as before ye have heard, revolted from the queens part to the aid of Wyatt) twenty pair of gallows, line 30 on the which were hanged in several places to the number of fifty persons, which gallows remained standing there a great part of the summer following to the great grief of good citizens, and for example to the commotioners.  
¶ As for the principals of this faction, namely Thomas Wyatt, 
Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1087, 1088 1089. Wyatt sent to the tower.  William Kneuet, Thomas Cobham, two brethren named Mantles, and Alexander Bret were brought by sir Henry jerningam by water to the tower prisoners, where sir Philip Deny received line 40 them at the bulwark, & as Wyatt passed by he said; Go traitor, there was never such a traitor in England. To whom sir Thomas Wyatt turned, and said, I am no traitor, I would thou shouldst well know thou art more traitor than I, it is not the point of an honest man to call me so, and so went forth. When he came to the tower gate, 
Sir Thomas Bridges lieutenant of the tower.  sir Thomas Bridges lieutenant took in through the wicket, first mantel, and said: Ah thou traitor, what hast thou and thy company wrought? But he holding down his head said line 50 nothing. Then came Thomas Kneuet, whom master chamberlain gentleman porter of the tower took in. Then came Alexander Bret, whom sir Thomas Pope took by the bosom, saying: Oh traitor, how couldst thou find in thy heart to work such a villainy, as to take wages, and being trusted over a band of men, to fall to her enemies, returning against her in battle. Bret answered Yea; I have offended in that case. Then came Thomas Cobham, whom sir Thomas Poines took in, and said, Alas master line 60 Cobham, what wind headed you to work such treason? And he answered, Oh sir I was seduced. Then came in sir Thomas Wyatt, 
The zeal of the lieutenant showeth itself by his hot language.  whom sir john Bridges took by the collar and said, Oh thou villain & unhappy traitor, how couldst thou find in thy hart to work such detestable treason to the queens majesty, who gave thee thy life and living once already, although thou didst before this time bear arms in the field against her, and now to yield her battle, etc. If it were not (saith he) but that the law must pass upon thee, I would stick thee through with my dagger. To the which Wyatt holding his arms under his side, and looking grievously with a grim look upon the lieutenant, said; It is no mastery now: and so passed on. Thomas Wyatt had on a shirt of mail, with sleeves very fair, thereon a velvet cassock, and a yellow lace, with the windlass of his dag hanging thereon, and a pair of boots on his legs, and on his head a fair hat of velvet, with a broad bone-worke lace about it. William Kneuet, Thomas Cobham, and Bret, were the like appareled.  
On the morrow and the next day following were brought into the tower prisoners, George Cobham, sir William Cobham, Anthony Kneuet, Hugh Booth, Thomas Uane, Robert Rudstone, sir George Harper, Edward Wyatt, Edward Fog, George Moor, and Cuthbert Uaughan. The tenth of February, 
The duke of Suffolk and the lord Greie brought to the tower.  the earl of Huntingdon and other gentlemen, and to the number of three hundred horsemen, brought to the tower as prisoners the duke of Suffolk, and the lord john Greie his brother from Coventrie, where the duke had remained three days after his taking in the house and custody of Christopher Warren alderman there. 
Sir Henry Isleie.  The eleventh day sir Henry Isleie who had fled, was brought into the tower in an old freeze cote, an old pair of hosen, all his apparel not worth four shillings. The same day came in two of the Culpepers, one Cromar, & Thomas Rampton the duke of Suffolk's secretary.  
The twelve of February being monday, about ten of the clock, there went out of the tower to the scaffold on the tower hill, the lord Gilford Dudleie, son to the duke of Northumberland, 
The lord Gilford Dudleie executed on the tower.  husband to the lady jane Greie daughter to the duke of Suffolk; and without the bulwark gate, master Thomas Offleie one of the sheriffs of London received him and brought him to the scaffold, where after a small declaration he kneeled down and said his prayers. Then holding up his eyes & hands to heaven with tears, at the last he desired the people to pray for him, & after he was beheaded. His body being laid in a cart, and his head in a cloth, was brought into the chapel within the tower, where the lady jane, whose lodging was in master partridges house; did see his dead carcase taken out of the cart, as well as she did see him before alive going to his death: a sight (as might be supposed) to her worse than death. By this time was there a scaffold made upon the green over against the white tower, 
The 〈◊〉 of the lady jane lead to execution.  for the lady jane to die upon, who being nothing at all abashed neither with fear of her own death, which then approached, neither with the sight of the dead carcase of her husband when he was brought into the chapel, came forth, the lieutenant leading her, with countenance nothing abashed, neither her eyes any thing moistened with tears, with a book in her hand, wherein she prayed until she came to the said scaffold. Whereon when she was mounted, this noble young lady as she was endued with singular gifts both of learning and knowledge, so was she as patiented and mild as any lamb at her execution: and a little before her death uttered these words.]  

The words of the lady jane at her death, on a scaffold upon the green over against the white tower.  
GOod people I am come hither to die, and by a law I am condemned to the same. My offence against the queen's highness was only in consent to the device of other, which now is deemed treason; but it was never of my seeking, but by counsel of those who should seem to have further understanding of things than I, which knew little of the law, and much less of the titles to the crown. But touching the procurement and desire thereof by me, or on my behalf, I do wash my hands in innocency thereof before God, and the face of all you (good christian people) this day. And therewith she wrong her hands wherein she had her book. Then (said she) I pray you all good christian people, to bear me witness that I die a true christian woman, & that I look to be saved by none other means, line 10 but only by the mercy of God, in the blood of his only son jesus Christ; & I confess that when I did know the word of God, I neglected the same, & loved myself and the world, and therefore this plague and punishment is justly & worthily happened unto me for my sins, & yet I thank God of his goodness, that he hath given me a time and respite to repent. And now line 20 good people while I am alive, I pray you assist me with your prayers.   
Then kneeling down, she said the psalm of Miserere mei Deus, in English, and then stood up and gave her maid (called mistress Ellen) her gloves and handkerchief, and her book she also gave to master Bridges then lieutenant of the tower, and so untied her gown; and the executioner pressed to help her off with it, but she desired him to let her alone, and line 30 turned her toward her two gentlewomen, who helped her off therewith, and wish her other attires, and they gave her a fair handkerchief t●●ut about her eyes. 
The executioner asked the lady jane forgiveness.  Then the executioner kneeled d●wne and asked her forgiveness, whom she forgave most willingly. Then he willed her to stand upon the straw, which done, she saw the block, & then she said; I pray you dispatch me quickly. Then she kneeled down, saying; Will you take it off before I lay me down Whereunto the executioner answered, No madam▪ Then tied she the handkerchief about her eyes, and feeling for the block, she said; Where is it, where is it? One of the standers by guided her thereunto, and she laid down her head upon the block, and then stretched forth her body, and said; Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit, and so finished her life. ¶ This was the end of the lord Gilford and the lady jane, 
I. Stow.  whose deaths were the more hastened for fear of further troubles and stirs for her title, like as her father had attempted.] line 50  
Thus (as saith master Fox) were beheaded two innocents, 
john Fox.  in comparison of them that sat upon them: for they did but ignorantly accept that which the others had willingly devised, and by open proclamation consented to take from others, and give to them. And verily how unwilling she was to take it upon her, there are yet living that can testify. judge Morgan now that gave the sentence against her, 
judge Morgan fell mad.  shortly after fell mad, and in his raving cried continually to have the lady jane taken away from him, and so ended his life. ¶ Touching this lady line 60 jane in the high commendation of her godly mind, I find this report in master Fox's appendix to his Acts and Monuments, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. F. 〈◊〉.  namely that being on a time when she was very young at Newhall in Essex at the lady Maries, was by one lady Anne Wharton desired to walk, and they passing by the chapel, the lady Wharton made low curtsy to the popish sacrament hanging on the altar. Which when the lady jane saw marveled why she did so, and asked her whether the lady Marie were there or not? Unto whom the lady Wharton answered no, but she said that she made her curtsy to him that made us all. Why quoth the lady jane, how can he be there that made us all, and the baker made him? This her answer coming to the lady Maries ear, she did never love her after, as is credibly reported, but esteemed her as the rest of that christian profession. In further witness of which good ladies disposition (both to God and the world) besides the verses of certain learned men extant to her praise, these following were found written by her own hand with a pin: 
Non aliena putes homini, quae obtingere possunt,  
Sors 〈◊〉 mihi, tunc erit illa tibi.  jane Dudley. 
Deo iuvante, nil nocet livor malus,  
Et non iuvante, nil juuat labor gra●is,  
Post tenebras spero videre lucem.   
Upon sa●urdaie being the seventeenth of February the duke of Suffolk was arraigned at Westminster, and there condemned to die by his peers, 
The duke of Suffolk.  the earl of Arundel being that day chief judge. Where some have written that he should at his last going down into the country make proclamation in his daughter's name, that is not so: for whereas he stood by in Leicester, when at his commandment the proclamation was there made against the queen's marriage with the prince of Spain, &c: master Damport then mayor of that town said to him: My lord I trust your grace meaneth no hurt to the queens majesty. No saith he master mayor (laying his hand on his sword) he that would her any hurt, I would this sword were through his hart, for she is the mercifullest prince, as I have truly found her, that ever reigned, in whose defence I am & will be ready to die at her foot. 
john Fox.  ¶ On monday the ninetéenth of February, the lord Cobham's three sons, and four other men were brought to Westminster, the youngest of the Cobham's, to wit master Thomas Cobham was condemned with the other four men, but the other two Cobham's came not to the bar. ¶ On the wednesday the one and twentieth of February ●he lord Thomas Greie that had been taken (as be●●re ye have heard) in Wales, was brought together with sir james Croft through London to the tower, by a number of horsemen.  
Upon the friday the three and twentieth of February, about nine of the clock, the duke of Suffolk was brought forth of the tower unto the scaffold on the tower hill. And in his coming thither, 
The duke of Suffolk beheaded.  there accompanied him doctor Weston, as his ghostly father: notwithstanding (as it should seem) against the will of the said duke. For when the duke went up the scaffold, the said Weston being on his left hand, pressed to go up with him. The duke with his hand put him down again off the stairs, and Weston taking hold of the duke forced him down likewise. And as they ascended the second time, the duke again put him down. Then Weston said, 
Doctor Weston.  that it was the queens pleasure he should so do▪ wherewith the duke casting his hands abroad, ascended up the scaffold, and paused a pretty while after, and then he said.  

The duke of Suffolk's words to the people at the time of his death.  
Masters, I have offended the queen and her laws, and thereby am justly condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient; and I pray God that this my death may be an example to all men: beseeching you all to bear me witness that I die in the faith of Christ, trusting to be saved by his blood only (and by none other trumpery) the which died for me, and for all them that do truly repent, & steadfastly trust in him. And I do repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me, that when ye see my breath departed from me, you will pray to God that he may receive my soul. And then he desired all men to forgive him, saying that the queen had forgiven him.   
Then master Weston declared with a loud voice that the queens majesty had forgiue● him. Then divers line 10 of the standers by said with audible voice▪ Such forgiveness God send thee, meaning doctor Weston. Then the duke kneeled upon his knees, and said the psalm Misereremei Deus, unto the end, holding up his hands, and looking up to heaven. And when he had ended the psalm, he said; In manus 〈◊〉 Domine comme●do spiritum m●um. Then he arose and stood up, and delivered his cap and so●rffe to the executioner, and therewith the executioner kneeled down: and asked line 20 the duke forgiveness, and the duke said, God forgive thee, and I do▪ and when thou dost thine office, I pray thee do if quickly, and God have mercy to thee. Then s●od there a man and said, My lord, how shall I do for the money that you do own me? And the duke said, Alas good fellow, I pray thee trouble me not now, but go thy way to my officers. Then he knit a kercher about his face, and kneeled down and said, Our father which art in heaven, etc.▪ unto the end: and then he said, Christ have mercy upon me, and laid line 30 down his head on the block: and the executioner took the axe, and at the first chop struck off his head, and held it up to the people, according to the common custom of execution.  
Such was the end of this duke of Suffolk, a man of high nobility by birth, 
The duke of Suffolk described.  and of nature to his friend gentle and courteous, more easy in deed to be led than was thought expedient, of stomach nevertheless stout and hardy, hasty and soon kindled, but pacified straight again, and sorry if in his heat ought line 40 had passed him otherwise than reason might seem to bear, upright and plain in his private dealings, no dissembler, nor well able to bear injuries, but yet forgiving & forgetting the same, if the party would seem but to acknowledge his fault, and seek reconcilement. Bountiful he was and very liberal, somewhat learned himself, 
Great pity that so many good gifts concurring should suffer disgrace.  and a great savourer of those that were learned, so that to many he showed himself a very Maecenas: as free from covetousness, as void of pride and disdainful haughtiness of mind, line 50 more regarding plain meaning men, than clawback flatterers. And this virtue he had, he could patiently hear his faults told him, by those whom he had in credit for their wisdom and faithful meaning toward him, although sometime he had the hap to reform himself thereafter. Concerning his last offence for the which he died, it is to be supposed, he rather took in hand that unlawful enterprise through others persuasions, than of his own motion for any malicious ambition in himself. line 60  
But now to let this duke rest with God, we will proceed with the story. The same day (or as some have noted the day before) a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through the city with their halters about their necks. They were in 
* The number of them that thus had their pardon were 240.  number above two hundred. Upon the saturday, the eight and twentieth of February, sir William Sentlow was committed as prisoner to the master of the horse to be kept. This sir William was at this time one of the lady Elizabeth's gentlemen. Upon the sunday being the five and twentieth of February, sir john Rogers was committed to the tower. Upon the tuesday in the same week being the seven & twentieth of February, 
Gentlemen sent into Kent to be executed.  certain gentlemen of Kent were sent into Kent to be executed there. Their 〈…〉 were the 〈◊〉 the two Mantles, two Knevets, and Bret: with these master Rudston also, and certain other were condemned, and should have been executed, but they had their pardon.  
Sir Henry Isleie knight; 
Execution.  Thomas Isleie his brother, and Walter Mantel●, suffered at Maidsto●, where Wyatt first displayed his banner. Anthony Kneuet and his brother William Kneuet, with an other of the Mantles, were executed at Seugnecke▪ Bret at Rochester was hanged in chains. On saturday the third of March, sir Gawen Carew, and master Gibs were brought through London to the tower, with a company of horsemen. 
Lady Elizabeth and lord courtney prisoners in the tower.  The fifteenth day of March next following, the lady Elizabeth the queen's sister, and next heir to the crown, was apprehended at her manor of Ashridge, for suspicion of Wiat's conspiracy. And from thence (being that time very si●ke) with great rigour brought prisoner to London. On the sunday after being the seventeenth of March, she was committed to the tower, where also the lord courtney earl of Devonshire (of whom before is made mention) was for the like suspicion committed prisoner.  
¶ Touching the imprisonment of the foresaid lady Elizabeth, & the lord courtney, 
Abr. Fl. ex joh. Fo●i ma●tyrologio.  thou shalt note here for thy learning (good reader) a politic point of practice in Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, not unworthy to be considered. This Gardener being always a capital enemy to lady Elizabeth, & thinking now by the occasion of master Wyatt to pick out some matter against the lord courtney, and so in the end to entangle the lady Elizabeth, devised a pestilent practice of conveyance, as in the story here following may appear. The story is this. The same day that sir Thomas died, 
A point of practice of Stephan Gar●diner against the lady Elizabeth.  he desired the lieutenant to bring him to the presence of the lord courtney, who there before the lieutenant and the sheriffs, kneeling down upon his knees, besought the lord courtney to forgive him, for that he had falsely accused both the lady Elizabeth and him: and so being brought from thence vnt● the scaffold to suffer, there openly in the hearing of all the people cleared the lady Elizabeth, and the lord courtney, to be free and innocent from all suspicion of that commotion. At which confession, doctor Weston there standing by, 
Doctor West●● against the l●●die Elizabet●  cried to the people, saying: Believe him not (good people) for he confessed otherwise before unto the council.  
After the execution done of sir Thomas Wyatt, which was the eleventh day of April, word was brought immediately to the lord maior sir Thomas White a little before dinner, how master Wyatt had cleared the lady Elizabeth and lord courtney, 
The lord majors iudgme●● of D. West●●  and the words also which doctor Weston spoke unto the people. Whereunto the lord mayor answering; Is this true quoth he? Said Weston so? In sooth I never took him otherwise but for a knave. Upon this the lord mayor sitting down to dinner (who dined the same day at the Bridgehouse) cometh in sir Martin Bows with the recorder, newly come from the parliament house, who hearing of the mayor and sheriffs this report of Wiat's confession, both upon the scaffold and also in the tower, marveled thereat, declaring how there was another tale contrary to this, told the same day in the parliament house, which was, that sir Thomas Wyatt should desire the lord courtney to confess the truth, so as he had done before.  
Upon this it followed not long after, that a certain prentice dwelling in saint Laurence lane, named Cut, as he was drinking with one Denham a plasterer being one of queen Mary's servants, amongst other talk, made mention how sir Thomas Wyatt had cleared the lady Elizabeth, and the lord courtney, to be no consenters to his rising. Which words being brought to Gardiner (by what means I know not) incontinent upon the fame, sir Andrew jud was se●t by the said bishop to the lord mayor, 
 commanding him to bring the said prentice to the Starchamber, which was accused of these words, that he should say that Wyatt was constrained by the council to accuse the lady Elizabeth, & the lord courtney. Which fellow when he was come to the line 10 Starchamber, the aforesaid Gardener letting pass other matters that were in hand, began to declare to the whole multitude, how miraculously almighty God had brought the queens majesty to the crown, the whole realm in a manner being against her, and that he had brought this to pass for this singular intent & purpose, 
S●●phan 〈◊〉 tale in 〈◊〉 starchamber against the lady Elizabeth.  that this realm being overwhelmed with heresies, she might reduce the same again to the true catholic faith. And where she took the lady Elizabeth into her favour, and loved her so tenderly, and also the lord courtney, who of long time had line 20 been detained in prison, and by her was set at liberty, and received great benefits at her hands; and notwithstanding all this, they had conspired most unnaturally and traitorously against her with that heinous traitor Wyatt, as by the confession of Wyatt (said he) and the letters sent to and fro may plainly appear: yet there was some in the city of London, which reported that Wyatt was constrained by the council to accuse the lady Elizabeth, and the lord line 30 courtney, & yet you my lord mayor (quoth he) have not seen the same punished.  
The party is here, said the lord maior. Take him with you (said Gardiner) and punish him according to his desert, and said further: My lord, take heed to your charge, the city of London is a whirlpool and a sink of all evil rumours, there they be bred, and from thence spread into all parts of this realm. There stood by the same time the lord Shandois, who being then lieutenant of the tower, 
The Lord ●handois 〈◊〉 report in the starchamber, against the lady Elizabeth and lord courtney.  and now hearing line 40 the bishop thus speak, to soothe his tale, came in with these words as followeth: My lords (quoth he) this is a truth that I shall tell you, I being lieutenant of the tower when Wyatt suffered, he desired me to bring him to the lord courtney; which when I had done, he fell down upon his knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confess the truth of himself, as he had done before, and to submit himself unto the queens mercy. And thus much of this matter I thought to declare, to the intent that the reader perceiving the proceedings of the bishop line 50 in the premises, & comparing the same with the true testimony of Wyatt himself, and with the testimony of the sheriffs, the which were present the same time when sir Thomas Wyatt asked the lord courtney forgiveness, may the better judge of the whole case and matter for the which the lady Elizabeth and the lord courtney were so long in trouble.]  
On saturday next following being Easter even, and the four and twentieth of March, the lord marquess of Northampton, the lord Cobham, and sir line 60 William Cobham his son and heir, were delivered out of the tower, where they had remained for a time, being committed thither upon some suspicion about Wiat's rebellion: as diverse others were, whereof many were put to death, as C.O. reporteth: 
Nunc istos laesae nunc illos quaestio torquet  
Maiestatis, habet multos custodia clausos  
Firma viros, atro parsplurima deditur Orco.   
Not long after, queen Marie partly offended with the Londoners, as favourers of Wiat's conspiracy, and partly perceiving the more part of them nothing inclined towards her proceedings in religion, which turned many of them to loss, summoned a parliament to be holden at Oxford, 
A parliament summoned at Oxford but no● holden.  as it were to gratify that city, which with the university, town, and country, had showed themselves very forward in her service; but specially in restoring of the religion called catholic: for which appointed parliament there to be holden, great provision was made, as well by the queens officers, as by the townsmen & inhabitants of the country round about. But the queens mind in short space changed, and the same parliament was holden at Westminster in April next following, wherein the queen proponed two special matters, the one for the marriage to be had between her and the prince Philip of Spain: the other, for the restoring again of the pope's power and jurisdiction in England. As touching her marriage, it was with no great difficulty agreed upon; but the other request could not be easily obtained.  
Howbeit, it was to be wished, even to the disappointing of that marriage (if God in counsel had so provided) that the whole body of the parliament had been semblably affected, as it is said, that all the nations of the world were, 
All nations in the world against the marriage of the sun, and why.  when the sun would needs be married. Against which purpose of the sun the people of all regions assembling, humbly besought jupiter to cast in a block and impediment against that wedding. But jupiter demanding of them why they would not have the sun married; one stepping up made answer for the rest, and said: Thou knowest well enough jupiter that there is but one sun, and yet he burneth us all: who, if he be married & have children, as the number of suns must needs increase; so must their heat and ferventness be multiplied, whereby a general destruction of all things in their kind will ensue. Hereupon that match was overthrown. But God above ruling by providence all things here beneath, had purposed this conjunction; so that it was not in the power of man to withstand or interrupt it: howbeit it was his pleasure (to what end himself best knoweth) to curse it with barrenness, as he did the queen herself with a short and unpeaceable reign (full of sedition and bloodshed) as our English poet noteth: 
Quaepost Eduardi mortem conversio rerum,  
Transtulit in varias alieno pectore parts  
Brutigenas, favet hic externis, ille perosus  
Mystarum rabiem, tantis obstacula quaerit  
Opportuna malis: cùm iam proh dedecusingens,  
Seditio exoritur, regnorum pessima pestis.   
¶ On the eight of April, then being sunday, 
john Stow. A cat hanged in cheap.  a cat with her head shorn, and the likeness of a vestment cast over her, with her fore feet tied together, and a round piece of paper like a singing cake betwixt them, was hanged on a gallows in Cheap, near to the cross, in the parish of saint Matthew: which cat being taken down, was carried to the bishop of London, and he caused the same to be showed at Paul's cross by the preacher doctor Pendleton.]  
On the tenth day of April following, 
The bishops Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridleie sent to Oxford.  Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, Nicholas Ridleie bishop of London, and Hugh Latimer once bishop of Worcester, who had been long prisoners in the tower, were now conveyed from thence, and carried to Windsor, and afterward to the university of Oxford, there to dispute with the divines and learned men of the contrary opinion. Two days after their coming to Oxford, which was the twelve day of the said month, 
Commissioners.  diverse learned men of both the universities were sent in commission from the convocation (which during this parliament was kept in Paul's church in London) to dispute with those prisoners in certain articles of religion. The names of them that were in commission were these following. Of Oxford, doctor Weston prolocutor, Cole, Chadseie, Pie, Harpesfield, Smith. Of Cambridge, Young, Seton, Watson, Atkinson, Phecknam, Sedgewike. The thirteenth day of April these disputers assembled themselves in saint Mary's church, to convent the three persons above named upon certain articles of religion, who being brought out of prison before them, were severally one after another examined of their opinions, upon the articles proponed unto them, 
Io. Fox in acts and monuments.  whereof ye may read in the book of monuments of the church more at large, and there find the whole proceeding in that matter. line 10  

Sir Thomas Wyatt arraigned.  Sir Thomas Wyatt (of whom mention is made before) was about this time brought from the tower to Westminster, and there arraigned of high treason: the earl of Sussex, sir Edward Hastings, and sir Thomas Cornwallis, with others being his judges. The effect of whose indictment among other things specially was; 
The effect of Wiat's indictment.  that he the fourteenth day of February last before, with force of armed multitude and ensigns displayed, had at Brainford raised open wars against our sovereign lady the line 20 queen, traitorously pretending and practising to deprive her of her crown and dignity; and the question was demanded of him, whether he was guilty or no? Where at he stayed, and besought the judges that he might first ask a question, before he answered directly to the point, 
Wyatt answereth not directly to the question guilty or unguilty.  and he was licensed so to do. The question was, that if he should confess himself guilty, whether the same should not be prejudicial unto him, so as he by that confession should be barred from uttering such things as he had more to say? line 30 Whereunto it was answered by the court; Master Wyatt (said they) ye shall have both leave and leisure to say what you can.  
Then my lords (quoth he) I must confess myself guilty, and in the end the truth of my case must enforce me. I must acknowledge this to be a just plague for my sins, which most grievously I therefore have committed against God, who suffered me thus brutishslie & beastly to fall into this horrible offence of the law. Wherefore all you lords & gentlemen, line 40 with other here present, note well my words, lo here & see in me the same end which all other commonly had, which have attempted the like enterprise from the beginning. For peruse the chronicles through, & you shall see that never rebellion attempted by subjects against their prince and country, 
A rebels report touching rebellion.  from the beginning did ever prosper, or had ever better success, except the case of king Henry the fourth: who although he became a prince, yet in his line 50 act was but a rebel, for so must I call him: & though he prevailed for a time, yet was it not long but that his heirs were deprived, and those that had right again restored to the kingdom and crown, and the usurpation so sharply revenged afterward in his blood, as it well appeared, that the long delay of God's vengeance was supplied with more grievous plagues in the third and fourth generation. For the love of God all you gentlemen that be here present, remember and be taught as well by examples past, 
Wiat's exhortation to loyalty by his own example.  line 60 as also by this my present infelicity and most wretched case. Oh most misserable, mischievous, brutish & bestlie furious imaginations of mine! I was persuaded that by the marriage of the prince of Spain, the second person of this realm, and next heir to the crown, should have been in danger; and that I being a free borne man, should with my country have been brought into the bondage and servitude of aliens and strangers. Which brutish beastly opinion than seemed to me reason, and wrought in me such effects, that it led me headlong into the practice of this detestable crime of treason.  
But now being better persuaded, and understanding the great commodity & honour which the realm should receive by this marriage: 
Wyatt altereth his mind touching the queens marriage.  I stand firm and fast in this opinion, that if it should please the queen to be merciful unto me, there is no subject in this land that should more truly and faithfully serve her highness than I shall; nor no sooner die at her grace's feet in defence of her quarrel. I served her highness against the duke of Northumberland, as my lord of Arundel can witness. My grandfather served most truly her grace's grandfather, and for his sake was set upon the rack in the tower. My father also served king Henry the eight to his good contentation, and I also served him, and king Edward his son. And in witness of my blood spent in his service, I carry a name. I allege not all this to set forth my service by way of merit, which I confess but duty: but to declare to the whole world, that by abusing my wits, in pursuing my misadvised opinion, I have not only overthrown my house, 
The fruits of rebellion by Wiat's confession.  and defaced all the well doings of me and my ancestors (if ever there were any) but also have been the cause of mine own death and destruction. Neither do I allege this to justify myself in any point, neither for an excuse of mine offence: but most humbly submit myself to the queen's majesties mercy and pity, desiring you my lord of Sussex, and you master Hastings, with all the rest of this honourable bench, to be means to the queens highness for her mercy, which is the greatest treasure that may be given to any prince from God, such a virtue as God hath appropriate to himself. Which if her highness vouchsafe to extend unto me, she shall bestow it on him, who shall be most glad to serve truly, and not refuse to die in her quarrel. For I protest before the judge of all judges, I never meant hurt against her highness person.  
Then said the queens attorneie; 
The queens attornie speaketh to Wiat.  Master Wyatt you have great cause to be sorry, and repent for your fault, whereby you have not only undone yourself and your house, but also a number of other gentlemen, who being true men might have served their prince and country: yet if you had gone no further, it might have been borne withal the better. But being not so contented to stay yourself, you have so procured the duke of Suffolk (a man soon trained to your purpose) and his two brethren also: by means whereof without the queens greater mercy, you have overthrown that noble house. And yet not so stayed, your attempt hath reached as far as in you lay to the second person of the realm, in whom next to the queens highness resteth all our hope and comfort, whereby her honour is brought in question, and what danger will follow, and to what end it will come God knoweth: of all this you are the author. Wyatt answered; 
Wiat's 〈◊〉 to the queens attorneie.  As I will not in any thing justify myself, so I beseech you, I being in this wretched estate, not to overcharge me, nor to make me seem to be that I am not. I am loath to touch any person by name; but that I have written I have written. Then said the judge; Master Wyatt, master attorney hath well moved you to repent your offences, 
The judge speaketh.  and we for our parts with you the same.  
Then said sir Edward Hastings master of the queens horse; Master Wyatt, 
Sir Edward Hastings speech to Wiat.  do ye remember when I and master Cornwallis were sent unto you from the queens highness to demand the cause of your enterprise, and what you required? Were not these your demands, that the queens grace should go to the tower, and there remain; and you to have the rule of the tower and her person, with the treasure in keeping, and such of her council as you would require to be delivered into your hands, saying that you would be trusted and not trust? Which words when Wyatt had confessed, then said the queens solicitor; Your presumption was over great, & your attempt in this case hath purchased you perpetual infamy, 
Master Cor●ell late master of the 〈◊〉 speaketh.  and shall be called Wiat's rebellion, as Wat Tilers was called Wat Tilers rebellion. Then said the attorneie; Master Wyatt, were you not privy to a devise whereby the queen should have been murdered in a place where she should walk? I do not burden you to confess this, for thus much I must say on your behalf, that you misliked that devise? 
William Thomas mean● to murder queen Marie.  That devise (said Wyatt) was the devise of William Thomas, whom ever after I abhorred for line 10 that cause.  
Then was a letter showed, which Wyatt being in Southworke had written to the duke of Suffolk, that he should meet him at Kingston bridge, and from thence to accompany him to London, although he came with the fewer number. Wyatt at the first did not seem to remember any such letter; but when it was showed him, he confessed his hand. Then was it demanded of him among other things, why he refused the queen's pardon when it was offered line 20 him. My lords (quoth he) I confess my fault and offence to be most vile and heinous, 
Wiat's confession.  for the which first I ask God mercy, without the which I cannot challenge any thing, such is my offence already committed. And therefore I beseech you to trouble me with no more questions, for I have delivered all things unto her grace in writing. And finally here I must confess, that of all the voyages wherein I have served, this was the most desperate and painful journey that ever I made. And where you asked why I received not the queens pardon when it was offered line 30 unto me; 
Wyatt is sorry that he refused the queens pardon when it was offered.  Oh unhappy man! What shall I say? When I was entered into this devilish & desperate adventure, there was no way but wade through with that I had taken in hand: for I had thought that other had been as far forward as myself, which I found far otherwise. So that being bend to keep promise with all my confederates, none kept promise with me; for I like a moil went through thick and thin with this determination, that if I should come line 40 to any treaty, I should seem to bewray all my friends.  
But whereto should I spend any more words? I yield myself wholly unto the queens mercy, knowing well that it is only in her power to make me (as I have deserved) an open example to the world with Wat Tiler; or else to make me participant of that pity which she hath extended in as great crimes as mine; most humbly beseeching you all to be means for me to her highness for mercy, which is line 50 my last and only refuge. The will of God be done on me. Upon this confession without further trial, he received the judgement accustomed in cases of treason, which was to be hanged, drawn and quartered. And the eleventh of April next following he was brought to the Tower hill, and there was pardoned of his drawing and hanging, 
The execution of sir Thomas Wiat.  but had his head stricken off, and his body cut in four quarters, and set up in diverse places about the city, but his head was set upon the gallows at Hay hill beside Hide park. line 60  
Now here by the way is to be noted, that he being on the scaffold ready to suffer, declared that the lady Elizabeth and sir Edward courtney earl of Devonshire, whom he had accused before (as it seemed) were never privy to his doings, as far as he knew, or was able to charge them. And when doctor Weston, being then his confessor told him that he had confessed the contrary unto the council, he answered thus; That I said then, I said, but that which I say now is true. This was the end of Wyatt and his conspiracy; as also the like hath been of others attempting any rebellion. For as their enterprise being, according to the proper quality thereof, considered, is flat against God's ordinance, who hath ordained magistracy to be reverenced of inferiors: so it is unlikely to bring other than infortunatnesse, and shameful overthrows unto the attempters; in whom although will want not to compass any work; yet force failing, they miss the mark, & all because rashness giveth them a false aim. Wherefore to conclude this tragical discourse of Wyatt, it were to be wished that the sage and safe counsel of Cato were put in common practice of all men, which is, to undertake & do nothing above their strength: 
Quod potes, id tents, operis ne pondere pressus,  
Succumbat labour, & frustra tentata relinquas.   
The seventh day of April next following, 
Sir Nicholas Throckmorton arraigned of high treason cleéreth himself.  sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight was brought from the tower to Guildhall in London, and there arraigned of high treason, as adherent and principal counsellor to the said Wyatt and the duke of Suffolk, and the rest in the fore remembered conspiracy against the queen. But he so stoutly, and therewithal so cunningly answered for himself, as well in cleared of his cause, as also in defending & avoiding such points of the laws of the realm, as were there alleged against him, that the quest which passed upon his life & death found him not guilty. With which verdict the judges and councillors there present were so much offended, that they bond the jury in the sum of five hundred pounds a piece, to appear before the council in the Starchamber, at a day appointed. And according to their bond, they appeared there before the said council upon wednesday, being the one and twentieth of April, and saint Marks day; from whence after certain questioning, they were committed to prison, Emanuel Lucar and master Whetston to the tower, and the other to the Fleet.  
But now forsomuch as a copy of the order of sir Nicholas Throckmortons' arraignment hath come to my hands, and that the same may give some light to the history of that dangerous rebellion, I have thought it not impertinent to insert the same: not wishing that it should be offensive to any, sith it is in every man's liberty to weigh his words uttered in his own defence, and likewise the doings of the quest in acquitting him, as may seem good to their discretions, sith I have delivered the same as I have found it, without prejudicing any man's opinion, to think thereof otherwise than as the cause may move him.  

The order of the arraignment of sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, in t●e Guildhall of London the seventeenth day of April 1554, expressed in a dialog for the better understanding of every man's part.  
SIr Thomas White knight lord mayor of London, the earl of Shrewesburie, 
The names of the commissioners.  the earl of Derbie, sir Thomas Bromleie knight lord chief justice of England, sir Nicholas Hare knight master of the rolls, sir Francis Englefield knight master of the court of wards and liberties, sir Richard Southwell knight one of the privy council, sir Edward Walgrave knight one of the privy council, sir Roger Cholmeleie knight, sir William Portman knight one of the justices of the King's bench, sir Edward Sanders knight one of the justices of the common pleas; master Stanford & master Dier sergeants, 
The queens learned counsel gave evidence against the prisoner.  master Edward Griffin attorney general, master Sendal and Peter Tithbourne clerks of the crown. First, after proclamation made, and the commission read, the lieutenant of the tower, master Thomas Bridges, brought the prisoner to the bar: then silence was commanded, and Sendal said to the prisoner as followeth.  

Sendal.  Nicholas Throckmorton knight hold up thy hand, thou art before this time indicted of high treason, &c: that thou then and there didst falsely and traitorously, &c: conspire and imagine the death of the queens majesty, &c: and falsely and traitorously didst levy war against the queen within her realm, &c: and also thou wast adherent to the queens enemies within her realm, giving to them aid and comfort, &c: and also falsely and traitorously didst conspire line 10 and intent to depose and deprive the queen of her royal estate, and so finally destroy her, &c: and also thou didst falsely and traitorously devise and conclude to take violently the tower of London, etc. Ofall which treasons and every of them in manner & form, &c: art thou guilty or not guilty?  

Throckmorton.  May it please you my lords and masters, which be authorised by the queen's commission to be judges this day, to give me leave to speak a few words, which doth both concern you and me, before line 20 I answer to the indictement, and not altogether impertinent to the matter, and then plead to the indictment.  

Bromleie.  No, the order is not so, you must first plead whether you be guilty or no.  

Throckmorton.  If that be your order and law, judge accordingly to it.  

Hare.  You must first answer to the matter wherewith you are charged, and then you may talk at your pleasure. line 30  

Throckmorton.  But things spoken out of place, were as good not spoken.  

Bromleie.  These be but delays to spend time, therefore answer as the law willeth you.  

Throckmorton.  My lords I pray you make not too much haste with me, neither think not long for your dinner, for my case requireth leisure, and you have well dined when you have done justice truly. Christ said, Blessed are they that hunger and thirst for righteousness.  

Bromleie.  I can forbear my dinner as well as you, and care line 40 as little as you peradventure.  

Shrewesburie.  Come you hither to check us Throckmorton? We will not be so used, no no, I for mine own part have forborn my breakfast, dinner, and supper to serve the queen.  

Throckmorton.  Yea my good lord I know it right well, I meant not to touch your lordship, for your service and pains is evidently known to all men.  

Southwell.  Master Throckmorton, this talk needeth not, we know what we have to do, and you would teach us line 50 our duties, you hurt your matter: go to, go to.  

Throckmorton.  Master Southwell, you mistake me, I meant not to teach you, nor none of you, but to remember you of that I trust you all be well instructed in; and so I satisfy myself, sith I shall not speak, thinking you all know what you have to do, or aught to know: so I will answer to the indictement, and do plead not guilty to the whole, and to every part thereof.  

Sendal.  How wilt thou be tried?  

Throckmorton.  Shall I be tried as I would, or as I should? line 60  
You shall be tried as the law will, and therefore you must say by God and by the country. 
Bromleie.   
Is that your law for me? It is not as I would, but sith you will have it so, 
Throckmorton.  I am pleased with it, and do desire to be tried by faithful just men, which more fear God than the world.  

The names of the jurors.  

Then the jury was called.  Lucar.  
Young.  
Martin.  
Beswike.  
Barscarfeld.  
Kightleie.  
Low..  
Whetston.  
Painter.  
Banks.  
Calthrop.  
Cater.   
What time the attorney went forthwith to master Cholmeleie, and showed him the sheriffs return, who being acquainted with the citizens, knowing the corruptions and dexterities of them in such cases, noted certain to be challenged for the queen (a rare case) and the same men being known to be sufficient and indifferent, that no exceptions were to be taken to them, but only for their upright honesties: notwithstanding, the attorney prompting sergeant Dier, the said sergeant challenged one Bacon, and an other citizen peremptorily for the queen. Then the prisoner demanded the cause of the challenge? The sergeant answered; We need not to show you the cause of the challenge for the queen. Then the inquest was furnished with other honest men, that is to say, Whetston & Lucar, so the prisoner used these words.  
I trust you have not provided for me this day, 
Throckmorton.  as in times past I knew an other gentleman occupying this woeful place was provided for. It chanced one of the justices upon controversy of the prisoners acquittal, for the goodness of his cause, said to an other of his companions a justice, when the jury did appear: I like not this jury for our purpose, they seem to be too pitiful and too charitable to condemn the prisoner. No no, said the other judge (to wit Cholmeleie) I warrant you, they be picked fellows for the nonce, he shall drink of the same cup his fellows have done. I was then a looker on of the pageant as others be now here: but now woe is me, I am a player in that woeful tragedy. Well, for these and such other like the black ox hath of late trodden on some of their feet: but my trust is, I shall not be so used. Whilst this talk was, Cholmeleie consulted with the attorney about the jury, which the prisoner espied, and then said as here ensueth; Ah ah master Cholmeleie, will this foul packing never be left?  
Why what do I, I pray you M. Throckmorton? 
Cholmeleie.  I did nothing I am sure, you do pick quarrels to me.  
Well master Cholmeleie if you do well, 
Throckmorton.  it is better for you, God help you.  
[The jury than was sworn, and proclamation made, that whosoever would give evidence against sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, should come in and be heard, for the prisoner stood upon his deliverance, where upon sergeant Stanford presented himself to speak.]  
And it may please you master sergeant and the others my masters of the queens learned council, 
Throckmorton.  like as I was minded to have said a few words to the commissioners, if I might have had leave for their better remembrance of their duties in this place of justice, and concerning direct indifferency to be used towards me this day: so by your patience I do think good to say some what to you, and to the rest of the queens learned council, appointed to give evidence against me. And albeit you and the rest by order be appointed to give evidence against me, and entertained to set forth the depositions and matter against me; yet I pray you remember I am not alienate from you, but that I am your christian brother; neither you so charged, but you ought to consider equity; nor yet so privileged, but that you have a duty of God appointed you how you shall do your office; which if you exceed, will be grievously required at your hands. It is lawful for you to use your gifts which I know God hath largely given you, as your learning, art, and eloquence, so as thereby you do not seduce the minds of the simple and unlearned jury, to credit matters otherwise than they be. For master sergeant, I know how by persuasions, enforcements, presumptions, applying, implieng, inferring, conjecturing, deducing of arguments, wresting and exceeding the law, the circumstances, the depositions and confessions that unlearned men may be enchanted to think and judge those that be things indifferent, or at the worst but oversights to be great treasons; such power orators have, & such ignorance the unlearned have. Almighty God by the mouth of his prophet doth conclude such advocates be cursed, speaking these words: Cursed be he that doth his office craftily, corruptly, and maliciously. And consider also, that my blood shall be required at your line 10 hands, and punished in you and yours, to the third and fourth generation. Notwithstanding, you and the justices excuse always such erroneous doings, when they be after called in question by the verdict of the twelve men: but I assure you, the purgation serveth you as it did Pilate, and you wash your hands of the bloodshed, as Pilate did of Christ's. And now to your matter.  

S●anford.  And it please you my lords, I doubt not to prove evidently and manifestly, that Throckmorton is line 20 worthily and rightly indicted and arraigned of these treasons, and that he was a principal deviser, procurer, and contriver of the late rebellion; and that Wyatt was but his minister. How say you Throckmorton, did not you send Winter to Wyatt into Kent, and did devise that the tower of London should be taken, with other instructions concerning Wiat's stir and rebellion?  

Throckmort●n.  May it please you that I shall answer particularly to the matters objected against me, in as much line 30 as my memory is not good, and the same much decayed since my grievous imprisonment, with want of sleep, and other disquietness: I confess I did say to Winter that Wyatt was desirous to speak with him, as I understood.  

Stanford.  Yea sir, and you devised together of the taking of the tower of London, and of the other great treasons.  

Throckmorton.  No, I did not so, prove it.  
Yes sir, you met with Winter sundry times as line 40 shall appear, 
Stanford.  and in sundry places.  
That granted, proveth no such matter as is supposed in the indictment. 
Throckmorton.   

Winter's confession read by Stanford.  Stanford read Winter's confession, which was of this effect, that Throckmorton met with Winter one day in tower street, and told him, that sir Thomas Wyatt was desirous to speak with him, and Winter demanded where Wyatt was, Throckmorton answered at his house in Kent, not far from Gillingham, as I heard say, where the ships lie. line 50 Then they parted at that time, and shortly after, Throckmorton met with Winter, unto whom Winter said; Master Wyatt doth much mislike the coming of the Spaniards into this realm, and feareth their short arrival here, in as much as daily he heareth thereof, doth see daily diverse of them arrive here, scattered like soldiers; and therefore he thinketh good the tower of London should be taken by a sleight, before the prince came, lest that piece be delivered to the Spaniards. How say you Throckmorton line 60 to it? Throckmorton answered; I mislike it for diverse respects. Even so do I said Winter. At another time Throckmorton met me the said Winter in Paul's, when he had sent one to my house, to seek me before, and he said to me; You are admiral of the fleet that now goeth into Spain. I answered Yea. Throckmorton said, When will your ships be ready? I said within ten days. Throckmorton said, I understand you are appointed to conduct and carry the lord privy seal into Spain, and considering the danger of the Frenchmen, which you say arm them to the sea apace, me think it well done, you put my said lord and his train on land in the west country to avoid all dangers. Throckmorton said also, that Wyatt changed his purpose for taking the tower of London. I said I was glad of it, & as for the Frenchmen, I care not much for them, I will so handle the matter, that the queens ships shall be (I warrant you) in safeguard. Another time I met with master Throckmorton, when I came from the emperors ambassadors, unto whom I declared, that the emperor had sent me a fair chain, and showed it unto Throckmorton, who said; For this chain you have sold your country. I said it is neither French king nor emperor that can make me sell my country, but I will be a true Englishman. Then they parted. This is the sum of the talk betwixt Throckmorton and Winter.  
Now my masters of the jury, 
Stanford.  you have heard my saiengs confirmed with Winter's confession. How say you Throckmorton, can you deny this, if you will, you shall have Winter justify it to your face.  
My lords, shall it please you that I shall answer. 
Throckmorton.   
Yea, say your mind. 
Bromleie.   
I may truly deny some part of this confession, 
Throckmorton.  but because there is nothing material greatly, I suppose the whole be true, and what is herein deposed, sufficient to bring me within the compass of the indictment?  
It appeareth that you were of counsel with Wyatt, in as much as you sent Winter down to him, 
Stanford.  who uttered unto him diverse traitorous devices.  
This is but conjectural, 
Throckmorton.  yet sith you will construe it so maliciously, I will recount how I sent Winter to Wyatt, and then I pray you of the jury judge better than master sergeant doth. I met by chance a servant of master Wiat's, who demanded of me for Winter, and showed me, that his master would gladly speak with him: and so without any further declaration, desired me if I met Winter to tell him master Wiat's mind, and where he was. Thus much for the sending down of Winter.  
Yea sir, 
Attourne●e.  but how say you to the taking of the tower of London, which is treason?  
I answer, 
Throckmorton.  though Wyatt thought meet to attempt so dangerous an enterprise, and that Winter informed me of it, you cannot extend Wiat's devices to be mine, and to bring me within the compass of treason. For what manner of reasoning or proof is this, Wyatt would have taken the tower, Ergo Throckmorton is a traitor? Winter doth make my purgation in his own confession, even now red as it was by master sergeant, though I say nothing: for Winter doth avow there, that I did much mislike it. And because you shall the better understand that I did always not allow these master Wiat's devices, I had these words to Winter, when he informed me of it; I think master Wyatt would no Englishman hurt and this enterprise cannot be done without the hurt and slaughter of both parties. For I know him that hath the charge of the piece, & his brother, both men of good service, the one had in charge a piece of great importance, Bullongne I mean, which was stoutly assailed, & notwithstanding he made a good account of it for his time: the like I am sure he will do by this his charge. Moreover, to account the taking of the tower, is very dangerous by the law. These were my words to Winter. And beside, it is very unlike that I of all men would confederate in such a matter against the lieutenant of the tower, whose daughter my brother hath married, and his house and mine allied together by marriage sundry times within these few years.  
But how say you to this, 
Hare.  that Wyatt and you had conference together sundry times at Warners house, and in other places?  
This is a very general charge to have conference, 
Throckmorton.  but why was it not as lawful for me to confer with Wyatt as with you, or any other man? I than knew no more by Wyatt, than by any other. And to prove to talk with Wyatt was lawful and indifferent, the last day that I did talk with Wyatt, I saw my lord of Arundel, with other noble men and gentlemen, talk with him familiarly in the chamber of presence.  
But they did not conspire nor talk of any stir against the Spaniards as you did pretend, 
Hare.  & meant it against the queen, for you, Crofts, Rogers, and Warner did oftentimes devise in Warners house line 10 about your traitorous purposes, or else what did you so often there?  

Throckmorton.  I confess I did mislike the queens marriage with Spain, and also the coming of the Spaniards hither, and then me thought I had reason to do so: for I did learn the reasons of my misliking of you master Hare, master Southwell, and others in the parliament house, there I did see the whole consent of the realm against it; and I a hearer, but no speaker, did line 20 learn my misliking of those matters, confirmed by many sundry reasons amongst you: but as concerning any stir or uproar against the Spaniards, I never made any, neither procured any to be made; and for my much resort to master Warners house, it was not to confer with master Wyatt, but to show my friendship to my very good lord the marquess of Northampton, who was lodged there when he was enlarged.  

Stanford.  Did not you Throckmorton tell Winter that line 30 Wyatt had changed his mind for the taking of the tower, whereby it appeared evidently that you knew of his doings?  

Throckmorton.  Truly I did not tell him so, but I care not greatly to give you that weapon to play you withal, now let us see what you can make of it.  

Stanford.  Yea sir, that proveth that you were privy to Wiat's mind in all his devices and treasons, & that there was sending betwixt you and Wyatt from time to time. line 40  
What master sergeant? Doth this prove against me, 
Throckmorton.  that I knew Wyatt did repent him of an evil devised enterprise? Is it to know Wiat's repentance sin? No, it is but a venial sin, if it be any it is not deadly. But where is the messenger or message that Wyatt sent to me touching his alteration, and yet it was lawful enough for me to hear from Wyatt at that time, as from any other man, for any act that I knew he had done.  

Dier.  And it may please you my lords, and you my line 50 masters of the jury, to prove that Throckmorton is a principal doer in this rebellion, there is yet many other things to be declared: among other, there is Crofts confession, who saith, that he and you, and your complices, did many times devise about the whole matters, and he made you privy to all his determinations, and you showed him that you would go into the west country with the earl of Devon, to sir Peter Caroe, accompanied with others.  

Throckmorton.  Master Crofts is yet living, and is here this day, line 60 how happeneth it he is not brought face to face to justify this matter, neither hath been of all this time? Will you know the truth? Either he said not so, or he will not abide by it, but honestly hath reform himself. And as for knowing his devices, I was so well acquainted with them, that I can name none of them, nor you neither as matter known to me.  
But why did you advise Winter to land my lord privy seal in the west country? 
attorney.   

Throckmorton.  He that told you that my mind was to land him there, doth partly tell you a reason why I said so, if you would remember as well the one as the other: but because you are so forgetful, I will recite wherefore. In communication betwixt Winter and me, as he declared to me that the Spaniards provided to bring their prince hither, so the Frenchmen prepared to interrupt his arrival: for they began to arm to the sea, and had already certain ships on the west coast (as he hard.) Unto whom I said, that peradventure not only the queens ships under his charge might be in jeopardy, but also my lord privy seal, and all his train; the Frenchmen being well prepared to meet with them, and therefore for all events it were good you should put my said lord in the west country in case you espy any jeopardy. But what doth this prove to the treasons, if I were not able to give convenient reasons to my talk?  
Marry sir now cometh the proofs of your treasons, 
Stanford.  you shall hear what Cuthbert Uaughan saith against you.  
Then sergeant Stanford did read Uaughans' confession, tending to this effect. 
Uaughans' confession was read by Stanford.  That Uaughan coming out of Kent, met with Throckmorton at master Warners house, who after he had done commendations from Wyatt to him, desired to know where Crofts was. Throckmorton answered, either at Arundel house where he lodgeth, or in Paul's. Then Uaughan desired to know how things went at London, saying; Master Wyatt & we of Kent do much mislike the marriage with Spain, and the coming of the Spaniards for diverse respects: howbeit, if other countries mislike them as Kent doth, they shall be but hardly welcome, and so they parted. Shortly after Throckmorton met with Uaughan in Paul's, unto whom Throckmorton declared with sundry circumstances, that the Western men were in a readiness to come forwards, and that sir Peter Caroe had sent unto him even now, and that he had in order a good band of horsemen, and an other of footmen. Then Uaughan demanded what the earl of Devonshire would do? Throckmorton answered he will mar all, for he will not go hence, and yet sir Peter Caroe would meet him with a band, both of horsemen and footmen, by the way at Andever for his safeguard, and also he should have been well accompanied from hence with other gentlemen, yet all this will not move him to departed hence. Moreover, the said earl hath (as is said) discovered all the whole matter to the chancellor, or else it is come out by his tailor, about the trimming of a shirt of male, and the making of a cloak. At another time, Uaughan saith, Throckmorton showed him that he had sent a post to sir Peter Caroe, to come forward with as much speed as might be, and to bring his force with him. And also Throckmorton advised Uaughan to will master Wyatt to come forward with his power: for now was the time, in as much as the Londoners would take his part if the matter were presented to them. Uaughan said also, that Throckmorton & Warner should have ridden with the said earl westward. Moreover the said Uaughan deposed, that Throckmorton showed him in talk of the earl of Penbroke, that the said earl would not fight against them, though he would not take their parts. Also Uaughan said, that Throckmorton showed him that he would ride down into Berkshire to sir Francis Englefields house, there to meet his eldest brother, to move him to take his part. And this was the sum of Cuthbert Uaughans' confession.  
How say you? 
Stanford.  Doth not here appear evident matter to prove you a principal, who not only gave order to sir Peter Caroe and his adherents, for their rebellious acts in the west country, but also procured Wyatt to make his rebellion, appointing him and the others also, when they should attempt their enterprise, and how they should order their doings from time to time. Besides all this evident matter, you were specially appointed to go away with the earl of Devon as one that would direct all things, and give order to all men. And therefore Throckmorton sith this matter is so manifest, and the evidence so apparent, I would advise you to confess your fault, & submit yourself to the queens mercy.  

 How say you, will you confess the matter, and it will be best for you?  

 No, I will never accuse myself unjustly, but in as much as I am come hither to be tried, I pray ye line 10 let me have the law favourably.  

 It is apparent that you lay at London as a factor, to give intelligence as well to them in the west, as to Wyatt in Kent.  

 How prove you that, or who doth accuse me but this condemned man?  

 Why will you deny this matter? You shall have Uaughan justify his whole confession here before your face.  

 It shall not need, I know his unshamefastness, he line 20 hath advowed some of this untrue talk before this time to my face, and it is not otherwise like, considering the price, but he will do the same again.  
My lord and masters, you shall have Uaughan to justify this here before you all, 
 and confirm it with a book oath.  

 He that hath said and lied, will not being in this case stick to swear and lie.  
¶ Then was Cuthbert Uaughan brought into the line 30 open court.]  

 How say you Cuthbert Uaughan, is this your own confession, and will you abide by all that is here written?  

 Let me see it and I will tell you.  
¶ Then his confession was showed him.]  

 Because you of the jury the better may credit him, I pray you my lords let Uaughan be sworn.  
¶ Then was Uaughan sworn on a book to say nothing but the truth.] line 40  

 It may please you my lords and masters, I could have been well content to have chose seven years imprisonment, though I had been a free man in the law, rather than I would this day have given evidence against sir Nicholas Throckmorton; against whom I bear no displeasure: but sith I must needs confess my knowledge, I must confess all that is there written is true. How say you master Throckmorton, was there any displeasure between you and me, to move me to say aught against you?  

 None that I know. How say you Uaughan, what line 50 acquaintance was there between you and me, and what letters of credit or token did you bring me from Wyatt, or any other, to move me to trust you?  

 As for acquaintance, I knew you as I did other gentlemen: and as for letters, I brought you none other but commendations from master Wyatt, as I did to diverse other of his acquaintance at London.  

 You might as well forge the commendations as the rest: but if you have done with Uaughan my lords, I pray you give me leave to answer. line 60  

 Speak and be short.  

 I speak generally to all that be here present, but specially to you of my jury, touching the credit of Uaughans' depositions against me, a condemned man, and after to the matter: and note I pray you the circumstances, as somewhat material to induce the better. First I pray you remember the small familiarity betwixt Uaughan and me, as he hath advowed before you, and moreover, to procure credit at my hand, brought neither letter nor token from Wyatt, nor from any other to me, which he also hath confessed here: and I will suppose Uaughan to be in as good condition as any other man here, that is to say, an uncondemned man: yet I refer it to your good judgement, whether it were like that I, knowing only Uaughans' person from an other man, and having none other acquaintance with him, would so frankly discover my mind to him in so dangerous a matter. How like (I say) is this, when diverse of these gentlemen now in captivity, being my very familiars, could not depose any such matter against me, and nevertheless upon their examinations have said what they could? And though I be no wise man, I am not so rash as to utter to an unknown man (for so I may call him in comparison) a matter so dangerous for me to speak, and him to hear. But because my truth and his falsehood shall the better appear unto you, I will declare his inconstancy in uttering this his evidence. And for my better credit, it may please you master Southwell, I take you to witness, when Uaughan first justified this his unjust accusation against me before the lord Paget, the lord Chamberlain, you master Southwell, and others, he referred the confirmation of this his surmised matter, to a letter sent from him to sir Thomas Wyatt, which letter doth neither appear, nor any testimony of the said master Wyatt against me touching the matter: for I doubt not sir Thomas Wyatt hath been examined of me, and hath said what he could directly or indirectly. Also Uaughan saith, that young Edward Wyatt could confirm this matter, as one that knew this pretended discourse betwixt Uaughan and me, and thereupon I made suit that Edward Wyatt might either be brought face to face to me, or otherwise be examined.  
Master Throckmorton you mistake your matter, 
Southwell.  for Uaughan said, that Edward Wyatt did know some part of the matter, and also was privy of the letter that Uaughan sent sir Thomas Wiat.  
Yea sir, that was Uaughans' last shift, 
Throckmorton.  when I charged him before the master of the horse and you, with his former allegations touching his witness, whom when he espied would not do so lewdly as he thought, than he used this alteration. But where be Edward Wiat's depositions of any thing against me? Now it appeareth neither his first nor his last tale to be true. For you know master Bridges, and so doth my lord your brother, that I desired twice or thrice Edward Wyatt should be examined, and I am sure, and most assured he hath been willed to say what he could, and here is nothing deposed by him against me, either touching any letter or other conference. Or where is Uaughans' letter sent by sir Thomas Wyatt concerning my talk?  
But now I will speak of Uaughans' present estate in that he is a condemned man, whose testimony is nothing worth by any law. And because false witness is mentioned in the gospel, treating of accusation, hark I pray you what S. Jerome saith, expounding that place. It is demanded why Christ's accusers be called false witnesses, which did report Christ's words not as he spoke them. They be false witnesses saith S. Jerome, which do ad, alter, wrist, double, or do speak for hope to avoid death, or for malice to procure another man's death: for all men may easily gather he cannot speak truly of me, or in the case of another man's life, where he hath hope of his own by accusation. Thus much speaketh S. Jerome of false witness. By the civil law there be many exceptions to be taken against such testimonies: but because we be not governed by that law, neither have I my trial by it, it shall be superfluous to trouble you therewith, & therefore you shall hear what your own law doth say. There was a statute made in my late sovereign lord & master his time, touching accusation, and these be the words.  
Be it enacted, that no person nor persons, &c: shallbe indicted, arraigned, condemned, or convicted for any offence of treason, petit treason, misprision of treason, for which the same offendor shall suffer any pains of death, imprisonment, loss or forfeiture of his goods, lands, &c: unless the same offendor be accused by two sufficient & lawful witnesses, or shall willingly without violence confess the same. And also in the sixth year of his reign, it is thus ratified as ensueth.  
That no person nor persons shall be indicted, arraigned, condemned, convicted or attainted of the line 10 treasons or offences aforesaid, or for any other treasons that now be, or hereafter shall be; unless the same offendor or offenders be thereof accused by two lawful and sufficient accusers, which at the time of the arraignment of the parties so accused (if they be then living) shall be brought in person before the said party accused, and avow and maintain that they have to say against the said party, to prove him guilty of the treasons or offence contained in the bill of indictment laid against the party arraigned, unless line 20 the said party arraigned shall be willing without violence to confess the same. Here note (I pray you) that our law doth require two lawful and sufficient accusers to be brought face to face, and Uaughan is but one, and the same most unlawful and insufficient. For who can be more unlawful and insufficient, than a condemned man, and such one as knoweth to accuse me is the mean to save his own life? Remember (I pray you) how long & how many times Uaughans' execution hath been respited, and how line 30 often he hath been conjured to accuse (which by God's grace he withstood until the last hour) what time perceiving there was no way to live, but to speak against me or some other (his former grace being taken away) did redeem his life most unjustly and shamefully, as you see.  

Hare.  Why should ●e accuse you more than any other, seeing there was no displeasure betwixt you, if the matter had not been true?  

Throckmorton.  Because he must either speak of some man, or line 40 suffer death, and then he did rather choose to hurt him whom he least knew, & so loved least, than any other well known to him, whom he loved most. But to you of my jury I speak specially, and therefore I pray you note what I say. In a matter of less weight than trial of life and land, a man may by the law take exceptions to such as be impaneled, to try the controversies betwixt the parties: as for example. A man may challenge that the sheriff is his enemy, and therefore hath made a partial return; or because line 50 one of the jury is the sheriff my adversaries servant: and also in case my adversaries villain or bondman be impaneled, I may lawfully challenge him, because the adversary part hath power over his villains lands and goods, and hath the use of his body for servile office: much more I may of right take exception to Uaughans' testimony, my life and all that I have depending thereupon, and the same Uaughan being more bound to the queens highness my adversary (that woe is me therefore) but so the law doth line 60 here so term her majesty, than any villain is to his lord: for her highness hath not only power over his body, lands, and goods, but over his life also.  
Yea, the exception are to be taken against the jury in that case, 
Stanford.  but not against the witness or accuser, & therefore your argument serveth little for you.  

Throckmorton.  That is not so, for the use of the jury, and the witness and the effect of their doings doth serve me to my purpose, as the law shall discuss. And thus I make my comparison. By the civil law the judge doth give sentence upon the depositions of the witness, & by your law the judge doth give judgement upon the verdict of the jury; so as the effect is both one to finish the matter, trial in law, as well by the depositions of the witness, as by the juries verdict, though they vary in form and circumstance: and so Uaughans' testimony being credited, may be the material cause of my condemnation, as the jury to be induced by his depositions to speak their verdict, and so finally thereupon the judge to give sentence. Therefore I may use the same exceptions against the jury, or any of them, as the principal mean that shall occasion my condemnation.  
Why do you deny, that every part of Uaughans' tale is untrue? 
Bromleie.   
You may see he will deny all, 
attorney.  and say there was no such communication betwixt them.  
I confess some part of Uaughans' confession to be true, as the name, the places, the time, 
Throckmorton.  and some part of the matter.  
So you of the jury may perceive the prisoner doth confess some thing to be true. 
attorney.   
As touching my sending to sir Peter Caroe, 
Throckmorton.  or his sending to me, or concerning my advise to master Wyatt to stur or to repair hither, or touching the earl of Devonshire parting hence, and my going with him, and also concerning the matter of the earl of Penbroke, I do advow and say that Uaughan hath said untruely.  
As for my lord of Penbroke, 
Southwell.  you need not excuse the matter, for he hath showed himself clear in these matters like a noble man, and that we all know.  
Why what was the talk betwixt Uaughan and you so long in Paul's, if these were not so, 
Hare.  and what meant your oft meetings?  
As for our often meetings, 
Throckmorton.  they were of no set purpose, but by chance, & yet no oftener than twice. But sithence you would know what communication passed betwixt us in Paul's church, I will declare. We talked of the incommodities of the marriage of the queen with the prince of Spain, and how grievous the Spaniards would be to us here. Uaughan said, that it should be very dangerous for any man, that truly professed the gospel to live here, such was the Spaniards cruelty, and especially against christian men. Whereunto I answered it was the plague of God justly come upon us; and now almighty God dealt with us as he did with the Israelites, taking from them for their unthankfulness their godly kings, & did send tyrants to reign over them. Even so he handled us Englishmen, which had a most godly & virtuous prince to reign over us, my late sovereign lord and master king Edward, under whom we might both safely and lawfully profess God's word, which with our lewd doings, demeanour, and living, we handled so irreverently, that to whip us for our faults he would send us strangers, yea such very tyrants to exercise great tyranny over us, and did take away the virtuous and faithful king from amongst us: for every man of every estate did colour his naughty affections with a pretence of religion, and made the gospel a stalking horse to bring their evil desires to effect. This was the sum of our talk in Paul's somewhat more dilated.  
That it may appear yet more evidently how Throckmorton was a principal doer and counsellor in this matter, 
Stanford.  you shall hear his own confession of his own hand writing. ¶ The clerk began to read, Throckmorton desired master Stanford to read it, and the jury well to mark it. Then master Stanford did read the prisoners own confession to this effect: that Throckmorton had conference with Wyatt, Caroe, Croftes, Rogers, and Warner, as well of the queens marriage with the prince of Spain, as also of religion, and did particularly confer with every the forenamed, of the matters aforesaid. Moreover, with sir Thomas Wyatt the prisoner talked of the brute that the Western men should much mislike the coming of the Spaniards into this realm, being reported also that they intended to interrupt their arrival here. And also that it was said, that they were in consultation about the same at Excester. Wyatt also did say, that sir Peter Caroe could not bring the same matter to good effect, nor that there was any man so meet to bring it to good effect, as the earl of Devonshire, & specially in the west parts, insomuch as they drew not all by one line. line 10  
Then Throckmorton asked how the Kentishmen were affected to the Spaniards? Wyatt said; The people like them evil enough, and that appeared now at the coming of the county of Egmount, for they were ready to stur against him and his train, supposing it had been the prince. But said Wyatt, sir Robert Southwell, master Baker, and master Moil, and their affinity, which be in good credit in some places of the shire, will for other malicious respects hinder the liberty of their country. Then Throckmorton line 20 should say; Though I know there hath been an unkindness betwixt master Southwell and you for a money matter, wherein I traveled to make you friends, I doubt not, but in so honest a matter as this is, he will for the safeguard of his country join with you, and so you may be sure of the lord Aburgavennie & his force. Then Wyatt said, It is for another matter than for money that we disagree, wherein he hath handled me and others very doublie & unneighborlie; howbeit, he can do no other, neither to me, nor line 30 to any other man, & therefore I forgive him. Item, with sir Peter Caroe, Throckmorton had conference touching the impeachment of the landing of the said prince, and touching provision of armour and munition as ensueth, that is to say, that sir Peter Caroe told Throckmorton that he trusted his countrymen would be true Englishmen, and would not agree to let the Spaniards to govern them. Item, the said sir Peter Caroe said, the matter importing the French king, as it did, he thought the French king would work to hinder the Spaniards coming hither, line 40 with whom the said sir Peter did think good to practise for armour, munition, and money.  
Then Throckmorton did advise him to beware that he brought any Frenchmen into the realm forcibly, inasmuch as he could as evil abide the Frenchmen after that sort as the Spaniards. And also Throckmorton thought the French king unable to give aid to us, by means of the great consumption in their own wars. Master Caroe said; As touching line 50 the bringing in of the Frenchmen, he meant it not, for he loved neither party, but to serve his own country, and to help his country from bondage: declaring further to Throckmorton, that he had a small bark of his own to work his practice by, & so he said, that shortly he intended to departed to his own country, to understand the devotion of his countrymen. Item Throckmorton did say, he would for his part hinder the coming in of the Spaniards as much as he could by persuasion. Item to sir Edward Warner, he had and did béemone his own line 60 estate, and the tyranny of the time extended upon diverse honest persons for religion, and wished it were lawful for all of each religion to live safely according to their conscience; for the law (Ex officio) will be intolerable, & the clergies discipline now may rather be resembled to the Turks tyranny, than to the teaching of christian religion. ¶ This was the sum of the matter which was read in the foresaid confession, as matters most grievous against the prisoner.] Then Throckmorton said; Sithence master sergeant you have read and gathered the place (as you think) that maketh most against me, I pray you take the pains, and read further, that hereafter whatsoever become of me, my words be not perverted and abused to the hurt of some others, and especially against the great personages, of whom I have been sundry times (as appeareth by my answers) examined, for I perceive the net was not cast only for little fishes, but for the great ones, juxta adagium.  
It shall be but loss of time, 
Stanford.  and we have other things to charge you withal, and this that you desire doth make nothing for you.  
And for the better confirmation of all the treasons objected against the prisoner, 
Dier.  and therein to prove him guilty, you of the jury shall hear the duke of Suffolk's depositions against him, who was a principal, and hath suffered accordingly. ¶ Then the said sergeant read the duke's confession touching the prisoner, amounting to this effect, that the lord Thomas Greie did inform the said duke, that sir Nicholas Throckmorton was privy to the whole devices against the Spaniards, & was one that should go into the west country with the earl of Devonshire.]  
But what doth the principal author of this matter say against me, 
Throckmorton.  I mean the lord Thomas Greie who is yet living? Why be not his depositions brought against me, for so it ought to be, if he can say any thing? Will you know the truth? Neither the lord Thomas Greie hath said, can say, or will say any thing against me, notwithstanding the duke his brother's confession and accusation, who hath affirmed many other things besides the truth. I speak not without certain knowledge: for the lord Thomas Greie being my prison-felow for a small time, informed me, that the duke his brother had misreported him in many things, amongst others in matters touching me, which he had declared to you master Southwell, and other the examinors not long ago. I am sure if the lord Thomas could, or would have said any thing, it should have been here now. And as to the duke's confession, it is not material: for he doth refer the matter to the lord Thomas report, who hath made my purgation.  
And it please you my lords, 
The attorney.  and you my masters of the jury, besides these matters touching Wiat's rebellion, sir Peter Caroes' treasons and confederating with the duke of Suffolk, and besides the prisoners conspiracy with the earl of Devonshire, with Crofts, Rogers, Warner, and sundry others in sundry places, it shall manifestly appear unto you, that Throckmorton did conspire the queens majesties death, with William Thomas, sir Nicholas Arnold, and other traitors intending the same, which is the greatest matter of all others, and most to be abhorred. And for proof hereof, you shall hear what Arnold saith. ¶ Then was sir Nicholas arnold's confession read, saying that Throckmorton showed to him, riding betwixt Hinam and Cross land in Glocestershire, that john Fitz Williams was very much displeased with William Thomas.  
William Thomas devised, 
attorney.  that john Fitzwilliams should kill the queen, and Throckmorton knew of it, as appeareth by arnold's confession.  
First I deny that I said any such thing to master Arnold, and though he be an honest man, 
Throckmorton.  he may either forget himself, or devise means how to unburden himself of so weighty a matter as this is; for he is charged with the matter as principal. Which I did perceive when he charged me with his tale, and therefore I do blame him the less, that he seeketh how to discharge himself, using me as a witness, if he could so transfer the devise to William Thomas. But truly I never spoke any such words unto him. And for my better declaration, I did see john Fitzwilliams here even now, who can testify, that he never showed me of any displeasure betwixt them, and as I know nothing of the displeasure betwixt them, so I know nothing of the cause: I pray you my lords let him be called to depose in this matter what he can. Then john Fitzwilliams drew to the bar, and presented himself to depose his knowledge in the matter in open court.  

The attorney.  I pray you my lords suffer him not to be sworn, neither to speak, we have nothing to do with him.  

Throckmorton.  Why should he not be suffered to tell truth? And why be ye not so well contented to hear truth for me line 10 as untruth against me?  

Hare.  Who called you hither Fitzwilliams, or commanded you to speak? You are a very busy officer.  

Throckmorton.  I called him, and do humbly desire that he may speak, and be heard as well as Uaughan; or else I am not indifferently used, especially seeing master attorney doth so press this matter against me.  

Southwell.  Go your ways Fitzwilliams, the court hath nothing to do with you: peradventure you would not be so ready in a good cause. Then john Fitzwilliams line 20 departed the court, and was not suffered to speak.  
Sithence this gentleman's declaration may not be be admitted, 
Throckmorton.  I trust you of the jury can perceive, it was not for any thing he had to say against me, but contrariwise that it was feared he would speak for me. And now to master arnold's depositions against me, I say I did not tell him any such words, so as if it were material, there is but his yea and my nay. But because the words be not sore strained against line 30 me, I pray you master attorney why might not I have told master Arnold, that john Fitzwilliams was angry with William Thomas, and yet know no cause of the anger? It might be understand, to disagree oftentimes. Who doth confess that I know any thing of William Thomas devise touching the queens death? I will answer, No man. For master Arnold doth mention no word of that matter, but of the displeasures betwixt them. And to speak that, doth neither prove treason, nor knowledge line 40 of treason. Is here all the evidence against me that you have to bring me within the compass of the indictment?  

Stanford.  Me think the matters confessed by others against you, together with your own confession, will weigh shrewdly. But how say you to the rising in Kent, and to Wiat's attempt against the queens royal person at her palace?  
Why do you not read Wiat's accusation to him, which doth make him partner to his treasons? 
Bromleie.  line 50  
Wyatt hath grievously accused you, and in many things that others have confirmed. 
Southwell.   
Whatsoever Wyatt hath said of me in hope of his life, 
Throckmorton.  he unsaid it at his death. For since I came into this hall, I heard one say (but I know him not) that Wyatt upon the scaffold did not only purge my lady Elizabeth her grace, and the earl of Devonshire, but also all the gentlemen in the tower, saying they were all ignorant of the stir and commotion. In which number I take myself. line 60  
Notwithstanding he said, all that he had written and confessed to the council, 
Hare.  was true.  
Nay sir, by your patience, master Wyatt said not so, 
Throckmorton.  that was master doctors addition.  

Southwell.  It appeareth you have had good intelligence.  

Throckmorton.  Almighty God provided that revelation for me this day since I came hither: for I have been in close prison these eight and fifty days, where I heard nothing but what the birds told me, which did fly over my head. And now to you of my jury I speak specially, whom I desire to mark attentively what shall be said. I have been indicted, as it appeareth, and now am arraigned of compassing the queen's majesties death, of levying war against the queen, of taking the tower of London, of deposing and depriving the queen of her royal estate, and finally to destroy her, and of adherence to the queens enemies. Of all which treasons, to prove me guilty, the queens learned council hath given in evidence these points material; that is to say: for the compass or imagining the queens death, and the destruction of her royal person, sir Nicholas arnold's depositions, which is, that I should say to the said sir Nicholas in Glocestershire, that master john Fitzwilliams was angry with William Thomas.  
Whereunto I have answered, as you have heard▪ both denying the matter: and for the proof on my side, do take exceptions, because there is no witness but one. And nevertheless, though it were granted, the depositions prove nothing concerning the queens death. For levying of war against the queen, there is alleged my conference with sir Thomas Wyatt, sir james Crofts, sir Edward Rogers, sir Edward Warner. Against the marriage with Spain, and the coming of the Spaniards hither, which talk I do not deny in sort as I spoke it, and meant it: and notwithstanding the malicious gathering this day of my conference, proveth yet no levying of war. There is also alleged for proof of the same article, sir james Crofts confession, which (as you remember) implieth no such thing, but general talk against the marriage with Spain. And of my departing westward with the earl of Devon, which the said james doth not avow, & therefore I pray you consider it as not spoken. There is also for proof of the said article, the duke of Suffolk's confession, with whom I never had conference; and therefore he avouched the tale of his brother's mouth, who hath made my purgation in those matters; and yet if the matter were proved, they be not greatly material in law. There is also alleged for the further proof of the same article, and for deposing and depriving the queen of her royal estate, and for my adhering to the queens enemies, Cuthbert Uaughans' confession, whose testimony I have sufficiently disproved by sundry authorities and circumstances, and principally by your own law, which doth require two lawful and sufficient witnesses to be brought face to face. Also for the taking of the tower of London, there is alleged Winter's depositions, which uttereth my misliking, when he uttered unto me sir Thomas Wiat's resolution and devise for attempting of the said piece. And last of all, to enforce these matters, mine own confession is ingréeved against me, wherein there doth appear neither treason, neither concelement of treason, neither whispering of treason, nor procurement of treason.  
And forsomuch as I am come hither to be tried by the law, though my innocency of all these points material objected, be apparent to acquit me, whereto I do principally cleave: yet I will for your better credit and satisfactions, show you evidently, that if you would believe all the depositions laid against me, which I trust you will not do, I ought not to be attainted of the treason comprised within my indictment, considering the statute of repeal the last parliament, of all treasons, other than such as be declared in the five and twentieth year of king Edward the third, both which statutes, I pray you my lords, may be read here to the inquest.  
No sir, 
Bromleie.  there shall be no books brought at your desire, we do all know the law sufficiently without book.  
Do you bring me hither to try me by the law, 
Throckmorton.  & will not show me the law? What is your knowledge of the law to these men's satisfactions, which have my trial in hand? I pray you my lords, and my lords all, let the statutes be read, as well for the queen, as for me.  

Stanford.  My lord chief justice can show the law, and will, if the jury do doubt of any point.  

Throckmorton.  You know it were indifferent that I should know and hear the law whereby I am adjudged, and for as much as the statute is in English, men of meaner learning than the justices can understand it, or else how should we know when we offend?  

Hare.  You know not what belongeth to your case, and therefore we must teach you: it appertaineth not to line 10 us to provide books for you, neither sit we here to be taught of you, you should have taken better heed to the law before you had come hither.  

Throckmorton.  Because I am ignorant, I would learn, and therefore I have more need to see the law, and partly as well for the instructions of the jury, as for my own satisfaction, which me think were for the honour of this presence. And now if it please you my lord chief justice, I do direct my speech specially to you. line 20 What time it pleased the queens majesty, to call you to this honourable office, I did learn of a great parsonage of her highness privy council, that amongst other good instructions, her majesty charged and enjoined you to minister the law and justice indifferently without respect of persons. And notwithstanding the old error amongst you, which did not admit any witness to speak, or any other matter to be heard in the favour of the adversary, her majesty being party; her highness pleasure was, line 30 that whatsoever could be brought in the favour of the subject, should be admitted to be heard. And moreover, that you specially, & likewise all other justices, should not persuade themselves to sit in judgement otherwise for her highness, than for her subject. Therefore this manner of indifferent proceeding being principally enjoined by God's commandment, which I had thought partly to have remembered you & others here in commission, in the beginning, if I might have had leave; and the same also being commanded line 40 you by the queens own mouth: me think you aught of right to suffer me to have the statutes read openly, and also to reject nothing that could be spoken in my defence; and in thus doing, you shall show yourselves worthy ministers, and fit for so worthy a mistress.  

Bromleie.  You mistake the matter, the queen spoke those words to master Morgan chief justice of the common plées: but you have no ●ause to complain, for you have been suffered to talk at your pleasure. line 50  

Hare.  What would you do with the statute book? The jury doth not require it, they have heard the evidence, and they must upon their conscience try whether you be guilty or no, so as the book needeth not; if they will not credit the evidence so apparent, than they know not what they have to do.  

Cholmleie.  You ought not to have any books read here at your appointment, for where doth arise any doubt in the law, the judges sit here to inform the court, and now you do but spend time. line 60  

The attorney.  I pray you my lord chief justice repeat the evidence for the queen, and give the jury their charge, for the prisoner will keep you here all day.  
How say you? Have you any more to say for yourself? 
Bromleie.   
You seem to give and offer me the law, but in very deed I have only the form and image of the law; 
Throckmorton.  nevertheless, sith I cannot be suffered to have the statutes read openly in the book, I will by your patience guess at them as I may, and I pray you to help me if I mistake, for it is long since I did see them. The statute of repeal made the last parliament, hath these words: Be it enacted by the queen, that from henceforth none act, deed, or offence, being by act of parliament or statute made treason, petit treason, or misprision of treason, by words, writing, printing, ciphering, deeds, or otherwise whatsoever, shall be taken, had, deemed, or adjudged treason, petit treason: but only such as be declared or expressed to be treason, in or by an act of parliament made in the five and twentieth year of Edward the third, touching and concerning treasons, and the declaration of treasons, and none other. Here may you see, this statute doth refer all the offences aforesaid, to the statute of the five and twentieth year of Edward the third, which statute hath these words touching and concerning the treasons that I am indicted and arraigned of, that is to say: Whosoever doth compass or imagine the death of the king, or levy war against the king in his realm, or being adherent to the king's enemies within this realm, or elsewhere, and be thereof probably attainted by open deed by people of their condition; shall be adjudged a traitor. Now I pray you of my jury which have my life in trial, note well what things at this day be treasons, and how these treasons must be tried and discerned; that is to say, by open deed, which the laws doth at some time term (overt act.) And now I ask notwithstanding my indictment, which is but matter alleged, where doth appear the open deed of any compass or imagining the queen's death? Or where doth appear any open deed of being adherent to the queens enemies, giving to them aid and comfort? Or where doth appear any open deed of taking the tower of London?  
Why do not you of the queens learned council answer him? Me think, Throckmorton, 
Bromleie.  you need not have the statutes, for you have them meetly perfectly.  
You are deceived to conclude all treasons in the statute of the five and twentieth year of Edward the third; 
Stanford.  for that statute is but a declaration of certain treasons, which were treasons before at the common law. Even so there doth remain diverse other treasons at this day at the common law, which be expressed by that statute, as the judges can declare. Nevertheless, there is matter sufficient alleged and proved against you, to bring you within the compass of the same statute.  
I pray you express those matters that bring me within the compass of the statute of Edward the third. For the words be these: 
Throckmorton.  And be thereof attainted by open deed: By people of like condition.  
Throckmorton you deceive yourself, 
Bromleie.  and mistake these words; By people of their condition. For thereby the law doth understand the discovering of your treasons. As for example: Wyatt and the other rebels, attainted for their great treasons, already declare you to be his and their adherent, in as much as diverse & sundry times you had conference with him and them about the treason, so as Wyatt is now one of your condition, who (as all the world knoweth) hath committed an open traitorous fact.  
By your leave my lord, 
Throckmorton.  this is a very strange and singular understanding. For I suppose the meaning of the lawmakers did understand these words: By people of their condition; of the state and condition of those persons which should be on the inquest to try the party arraigned, guilty or not guilty, and nothing to the bewraying of the offence by another man's act, as you say. For what have I to do with Wiat's acts, that was not nigh him by one hundred miles?  
Will you take upon you to skill better of the law than the judges? 
The attorney  I doubt not but you of the jury will credit as it becometh you.  
Concerning the true understanding of these 
Cholmleie.  words: By people of their condition, my lord chief justice here hath declared the truth, for Wyatt was one of your condition, that is to say, of your conspiracy.  
You do not deny, Throckmorton, but that there hath been conference and sending between Wyatt and you: 
Hare.  and he and Winter doth confess the same, with others, so as it is plain; Wyatt may be called one of your condition.  
Well, seeing you my judges rule the understanding of these words in the statute, 
Throckmorton.  by people of your line 10 condition, thus strangely against me: I will not stand longer upon them. But where doth appear in me an open deed whereunto the treason is specially referred?  

Bromleie.  If three or four do talk, devise, and conspire together of a traitorous act to be done, and afterwards one of them doth commit treason, as Wyatt did, than the law doth repute them, and every of them as their acts, so as Wiat's acts do imply and argue of your open deed: and so the law doth term it and line 20 take it.  
These be marvelous expositions and wonderful implications, 
Throckmorton.  that another man's act whereof I was not privy, should be accounted mine: for Wyatt did purge me that I knew nothing of his stir.  

Hare.  Yea sir, but you were a principal procurer and contriver of Wiat's rebellion, though you were not with him when he made the stir. And as my lord here hath said, the law always doth adjudge him a traitor, which was privy, and doth procure treason, line 30 or any other man to commit treason, or a traitorous act, as you did Wyatt and others: for so the overt act of those which did it by your procurement, shall in this case be accounted your open deed. We have a common case in the law, if one by procurement should disseise you of your land, the law holdeth us both wrong doers, & giveth remedy as well against the one as the other.  

Throckmorton.  For God's sake apply not such constructions against me, and though my present estate doth not line 40 move you, yet it were well you should consider your office, and think what measure you give to others, you yourselves I say shall assuredly receive the same again. The state of mortal life is such, that men know full little what hangeth over them. I put on within these xii. months such a mind, that I most woeful wight was as unlike to stand here, as some of you that sit there. As to your case last recited, whereby you would conclude; I have remembered and learned of you master Hare, and you master Stanford line 50 in the parliament house, where you did sit to make laws, to expound and explain the ambiguities and doubts of law sincerely, and that without affections. There I say I learned of you, and others my masters of the law, this difference betwixt such cases as you remembered one even now, and the statute whereby I am to be tried. There is a maxim or principle in the law, which ought not to be violated, that no penal statute may, aught, or should be line 60 construed, expounded, extended, or wrested, otherwise than the simple words and nude letter of the same statute doth warrant and signify. And amongst diverse good and notable reasons by you there in the parliament house debated (master sergeant Stanford) I noted this one, why the said maxim ought to be inviolable. You said, considering the private affections many times both of princes and ministers within this realm, for that they were men, and would and could err, it should be no security, but very dangerous to the subject, to refer the construction and extending of penal statutes to any judges equity (as you termed it) which might either by fear of the higher powers be seduced, or by ignorance and folly abused: and that is an answer by procurement.  
Notwithstanding the principal (as you allege it) and the preciseness of your sticking to the bare words of the statute, 
Bromleie.  it doth appear and remain of record in our learning, that diverse cases have been adjudged treason, without the express words of the statute, as the queen's learned council there can declare.  
It doth appear the prisoner did not only entice or procure Wyatt, Caro, Rogers, and others, 
The attorney.  to commit their traitorous act, and there doth his open facts appear, which Uaughans' confession doth witness, but also he did mind shortly after to associate himself with those traitors; for he minded to have departed with the earl of Devonshire westward.  
My innocency concerning these matters I trust sufficiently appeareth by my former answers, 
Throckmorton.  notwithstanding the condemned man's unjust accusation. But because the true understanding of the statute is in question, I say procurement, and specially by words only, is without the compass of it, and that I do learn and prove by the principle which I learned of master Stanford.  
Master Throckmorton, 
Stanford.  You and I may not agree this day in the understanding of the law, for I am for the queen, and you are for yourself; the judges must determine the matter.  
He that doth procure another man to commit a felony or a murder, 
Bromleie.  I am sure you know well enough the law doth adjudge the procurer there a fellow or a murderer; and in case of treason it hath been always so taken and reputed.  
I do and must cleave to my innocency, 
Throckmorton.  for I procured no man to commit treason: but yet for my learning I desire to hear some case so ruled when the law was as it is now. I do confess it, that at such time there were statutes provided for the procurer, counsellor, aider, a better, and such like, as there were in king Henry the eights time; you might lawfully make this cruel construction, and bring the procurer within the compass of the law. But these statutes being repealed, you ought not now so to do: 
Happy for Throckmorton that those statutes stood then repealed.  and as to the principal procurer in felony and murder, it is not like as in treason; for the principal and accessaries in felony and murder be triable and punishable by the common law: and so in those cases the judges may use their equity, extending the determination of the fault as they think good: but in treason it is otherwise, the same being limited by statute, which I say and advow is restrained from any judges construction, by the maxim that I recited.  
Your lordships do know a case in Richard the thirds time, where the procurer, 
Stanford.  to counterfeit false money, was judged a traitor, and the law was as it is now.  
Master sergeant doth remember you Throckmorton of an experience before our time, 
Hare.  that the law hath been so taken: and yet the procurer was not expressed in the statute, but the law hath been always so taken.  
I never studied the law, 
Throckmorton.  whereof I do much repent me: yet I remember, whilst penal statutes were talked of in the parliament house, you the learned men of the house remembered some cases contrary to this last spoken of. And if I missreport them, I pray you help me. In the like case you speak of concerning the procurer to counterfeit false money; at one time the procurer was judged a fellow, and at another time neither fellow nor traitor: so as some of your predecessors adjudged the procurer no traitor in the same case, but leaned to their principal, though some other extend their constructions too large. And here is two cases with me, for one against me.  

Bromleie.  Because you reply upon the principal, I will remember where one taking the great seal of England from one writing, and putting it to another, was adjudged a traitor in Henry the fourth's time, and yet his act was not within the express words of the statute of Edward the third. There be diverse other such like cases that may be alleged and need were.  

Throckmorton.  I pray you my lord chief justice call to your good remembrance, that in the self same case of the seal, line 10 justice Spilman, a grave & well learned man, since that time, would not condemn the offendor, but did reprove that former judgement by you last remembered, as erroneous.  

S●anford.  If I had thought you had been so well furnished in book cases, I would have been better provided for you.  

Throckmorton.  I have nothing but I learned of you specially master sergeant, and of others my masters of the law in the parliament house, & therefore I may say line 20 with the prophet (Salutem ex inimicis nostris.)  

Southwell.  You have a very good memory.  
If the prisoner may avoid his treasons after this manner, 
The attorney.  the queens surety shall be in great jeopardy. For jacke Cade the black smith, and diverse other traitors, sometime alleging the law for them, sometime they meant no harm to the king, but against his council, as Wyatt, the duke of Suffolk, and these did against the Spaniards, when there was no Spaniards within the realm. The duke and his brethren did mistake the law, as you do: yet at line 30 length did confess their ignorance, and submitted themselves: and so were you best to do.  

Throckmorton.  As to Cade and the black smith, I am not so well acquainted with their treasons as you be: but I have read in the chronicle, they were in the field with a force against the prince, whereby a manifest act did appear. As to the duke of Suffolk's doings, they appertain not to me. And though you would compare my speech and talk against the Spaniards to the duke's acts, who assembled a force in arms, it is line 40 evident they differ much. I am sorry to ingréeve any other man's doings, but it serveth me for a piece of my defence, and therefore I wish that no man should gather evil of it; God forbidden that words and acts be thus confounded.  

The attorney.  Sir William Stanleie used this shift that the prisoner useth now; he said he did not levy war against king Henry the seventh, but said to the duke of Buckingham, that in a good quarrel he would line 50 aid him with five hundred men; and nevertheless Stanleie was for those words atteinted, who (as all the world knoweth) had before that time served the king very faithfully and truly.  

Throckmorton.  I pray you master attorneie do not conclude against me by blind contraries. Whether you allege Stanley's case truly or no, I know not. But admit it be as you say, what doth this prove against me? I promised no aid to master Wyatt nor to any other. The duke of Buckingham levied war against line 60 the king, with whom Stanleie was confederate so to do as you say.  

The attorney.  I pray you my lords that be the queen's commissioners, suffer not the prisoner to use the queens learned council thus, I was never interrupted thus in my life, nor I never knew any thus suffered to talk, as this prisoner is suffered; some of us will come no more at the bar & we be thus handled.  

Bromleie.  Throckmorton you must suffer the queens learned council to speak, or else we must take order with you, you have had leave to talk at your pleasure.  

〈◊〉  It is proved that you did talk with Wyatt against the coming of the Spaniards, and devised to interrupt their arrival: and you promised to do what you could against them: whereupon Wyatt being encouraged by you, did levy a force, and attempted war against the queens royal person.  
It was no treason nor no procurement of treason, 
Throckmorton.  to talk against the coming hither of the Spaniards, neither was it treason for me to say I would hinder their coming hither as much as I could (understanding me rightly as I mean it) yea though you would extend it to the worst, it was but words, it was not treason at this day as the law standeth. And as for Wiat's doing, they touch me nothing; for at his death when, it was no time to report untruely, he purged me.  
By sundry cases remembered here by the queen's learned council (as you have heard) that procurement which did appear none otherwise but by words and those you would make nothing, 
Bromleie.  hath been of long time, and by sundry well learned men in the laws adjudged treason. And therefore, your procurement being so evident as it is, we may lawfully say it was treason, because Wyatt performed a traitorous act.  
As to the said alleged forepresidents against me, 
Throckmorton.  I have recited as many for me, and I would you my lord chief justice should incline your judgements rather after the example of your honourable predecessors, justice Markam, and others, which did eschew corrupt judgements, judging directly and sincerely, after the law & the principles in the same, than after such men as swerving from the truth, the maxim, and the law, did judge corruptly, maliciously, and affectionately.  
justice Markam had reason to warrant his doings: for it did appear, 
Bromleie.  a merchant of London was arraigned and slanderously accused of treason for compassing and imagining the king's death, he did say he would make his son heir of the crown, and the merchant meant it of a house in Cheapside at the sign of the crown, but your case is not so.  
My case doth differ I grant, 
Throckmorton.  but specially because I have not such a judge: yet there is an other cause to restrain these your strange and extraordinary constructions: that is to say, a proviso in the latter end of the statute of Edward the third, having these words: Provided always, if any other case of supposed treason shall chance hereafter to come in question or trial before any justice, other than is in the said statute expressed, that then the justice shall forbear to adjudge the said case, until it be showed to the parliament to try whether it should be treason or felony. Here you are restrained by express words to adjudge any case, that is not manifestly mentioned before, and until it be showed to the parliament.  
That proviso is understood of cases that may come in trial which hath been in ure, 
Pirtman.  but the law hath always taken the procurer to be a principal offendor.  
The law always in cases of treason doth account all principals and no accessaries as in other offences, 
Sanders.  and therefore a man offending in treason, either by covert act or procurement, whereupon an open deed hath ensued, as in this case, is adjudged by the law a principal traitor.  
You adjudge (me think) procurement very hardly, besides the principal, 
Throckmorton.  and besides the good proviso, and besides the good example of your best and most godly learned predecessors, the judges of the realm, as I have partly declared, and notwithstanding this grievous racking & extending of this word procurement, I am not in the danger of it, for it doth appear by no deposition that I procured neither one or other to attempt any act.  
The jury have to try whether it be so or no, 
Stanford.  let it weigh as it will.  

Hare.  I know no mean so apparent to try procurement as by words, & that mean is probable enough against you, as well by your own confession, as by other men's depositions.  

Throckmorton.  To talk of the queens marriage with the prince of Spain, and also the coming hither of the Spaniards, is not to procure treason to be done: for then the whole parliament house, I mean the common house did procure treason. But sith you will make line 10 no difference betwixt words and acts, I pray you remember a statute made in my late sovereign lord and masters time, king Edward the sixth, which apparently expressed the difference. These be the words: Whosoever doth compass or imagine to depose the king of his royal estate by open preaching, express words or saiengs, shall for the first offence lose and forfeit to the king all his and their goods and cattles, and also shall suffer imprisonment of their bodies at the kings will and pleasure. Whosoever, &c: for the second line 20 offence shall lose & forfeit to the king the whole issues and profits of all his or their lands, tenements and other hereditaments, benefices, prebends, and other spiritual promotions. Whosoever, &c: for the third offence, shall for term of life or lives of such offendor or offenders, &c: and shall also forfeit to the king's majesty, all his or their goods and cattles, and suffer during his or their lives perpetual imprisonment of his or their bodies. But whosoever, &c: by writing, ciphering, or act, &c: shall for the first offence line 30 be adjudged a traitor, and suffer the pains of death. Here you may perceive how the whole realm and all your judgements hath before this understood words and acts diversely and apparently. And therefore the judgements of the parliament did assign diversity of punishments, because they would not confound the true understanding of words & deeds, appointing for compassing and imagining by word, imprisonment: and for compassing and imagining by open deed, pains of death. line 40  

Bromleie.  It is agreed by the whole bench, that the procurer and the adherent be deemed always traitors, when as a traitorous act was committed by any one of the same conspiracy: and there is apparent proof of your adhering to Wyatt, both by your own confession and other ways.  

Throckmorton.  Adhering and procuring be not all one, for the statute of Edward the third doth speak of adhering, but not of procuring; & yet adhering ought not to be further extended, than to the queens enemies within line 50 her realm, for so the statute doth limit the understanding. And Wyatt was not the queens enemy, for he was not so reputed when I talked with him last, and our speech implied no enemy, neither tended to any treason, or procuring of treason: and therefore I pray you of the jury note, though I argue the law, I allege mine innocency, as the best part of my defence.  
Your adhering to the queens enemies within the realm, 
Hare.  is evidently proved: for Wyatt was the line 60 queen's enemy within the realm, as the whole realm knoweth it, and he hath confessed it both at his arraignment and at his death.  

Throckmorton.  By your leave, neither Wyatt at his arraignment nor at his death, did confess that he was the queens enemy when I talked last with him; neither was he reputed nor taken in fourteen days after, until he assembled a force in arms, what time I was at your house master Englefield, where I learned the first intelligence of Wiat's stir. And I ask you who doth depose that there passed any manner of advertisement betwixt Wyatt and me, after he had discovered his doings, and showed himself an enemy? If I had been so disposed, who did let me that I did not repair to Wyatt, or to send to him, or to the duke of Suffolk either, who was in mine own country, and thither I might have gone and conveyed myself with him, unsuspected for my departing homewards.  
It is true that you were there at my house, 
Englefi●ld.  accompanied with others your brethren, and to my knowledge, ignorant of these matters.  
Throckmorton, 
Bromleie.  you confessed you talked with Wyatt and others against the coming of the Spaniards, and of the taking of the tower of London, whereupon Wyatt levied a force of men against the Spaniards he said, and so you say all: but in deed it was against the queen, which he confessed at length: therefore Wiat's acts do prove you counsellor and procurer, howsoever you would avoid the matter.  
My think you would conclude against me with a misshapen argument in logic, 
Throckmorton.  and you will give me leave, I will make an other.  
The judges sit not here to make disputations, 
Stanford.  but to declare the law, which hath been sufficiently done, if you would consider it.  
You have heard reason and the law, 
Hare.  if you will conceive it.  
Oh merciful God, oh eternal father, 
Throckmorton.  which seest all things, what manner of proceed are these? To what purpose serveth the statute of repeal the last parliament, where I heard some of you here present, and diverse other of the queen's learned council, grievously inveie against the cruel & bloody laws of king Henry the eight, and against some laws made in my late sovereign lord and masters time, king Edward the sixth. Some termed them Dracoes laws, which were written in blood: some said they were more intolerable than any laws that Dionysius or any other tyrant made. In conclusion, as many men, so many bitter terms and names those laws had. And moreover, the preface of the same statute doth recite, that for words only, many great personages, and others of good behaviour, have been most cruelly cast away by these former sanguinolent thirsty laws, with many other suggestions for the repeal of the same. And now let us put on indifferent eyes, and throughly consider with ourselves, as you the judges handle the constructions of the statute of Edward the third, with your equity and extentions, whether we be not in much worse case now than we were when those cruel laws yoked us. These laws albeit they were grievous and captious, yet they had the very property of a law after saint Paul's description. For those laws did admonish us, and discover our sins plainly unto us, & when a man is warned, he is half armed. These laws, as they be handled, be very baits to catch us, & only prepared for the same, and no laws: for at the first sight they ascerteine us we be delivered from our old bondage, and by the late repeal the last parliament, we live in more security. But when it pleaseth the higher powers to call any man's life and saiengs in question, than there be constructions, interpretations, and extentions reserved to the justices and judges equity, that the party triable, as I am now, shall find himself in much worse case than before when those cruel laws stood in force. Thus our amendment is from God's blessing into the warm sun. But I require you honest men which are to try my life, consider these opinions of my life, judges be rather agreeable to the time, than to the truth: for their judgements be repugnant to their own principle, repugnant to their godly and best learned predecessors opinions, repugnant I say to the proviso in the statute of repeal made in the last parliament.  
Master Throckmorton quiet yourself, 
The attorney.  and it shall be the better for you.  

Throckmorton.  Master attorney, I am not so unquiet as you be, and yet our cases are not alike: but because I am so tedious to you, and have long troubled this presence, it may please my lord chief justice to repeat the evidence wherewith I am charged, and my answers to all the objections, if there be no other matter to lay against me.  
¶ Then the chief justice remembered particularly all the depositions and evidences given against the line 10 prisoner, and either for want of good memory, or good will, the prisoners answers were in part not recited: whereupon the prisoner craved indifferency, and did help the judges old memory with his own recital.]  
My masters of the jury, you have to inquire whether sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, 
●●●dall  here prisoner at the bar, be guilty of these treasons, or any of them, whereof he hath been indicted and this day arraigned, yea or no. And if you find him guilty, you line 20 shall inquire what lands, tenements, goods, and cattles he had at the day of his treasons committed, or at any time since: and whether he fled for the treasons or no, if you find him not guilty.  

Throckmorton.  Have you said what is to be said?  
Yea for this time.  

Sendal. Throckmorton.  Then I pray you give me leave to speak a few words to the jury. The weight and gravity of my cause hath greatly occasioned me to trouble you here long, and therefore I mind not to entertain you here long, with any prolix oration: you perceive notwithstanding line 30 this day great contention betwixt the judges and the queens learned council on the one party, and me the poor and woeful prisoner on the other party. The trial of our whole controversy, the trial of my innocency, the trial of my life, lands, and goods, and the destruction of my posterity for ever, doth rest in your good judgements. And albeit many this day have greatly inveighed against me, the final determination thereof is transferred only to you. How grievous & horrible the shedding of line 40 innocents blood is in the sight of almighty God, I trust you do remember. Therefore take heed (I say) for Christ's sake, do not defile your consciences with such heinous & notable crimes. They be grievously and terribly punished, as in this world and vale of misery upon the children's children to the third and fourth generation, and in the world to come with everlasting fire and damnation. Lift up your minds to God, and care not too much for the world, look not line 50 back to the fleshpots of Egypt, which will allure you from heavenly respects, to worldly security, and can thereof neither make you any surety. Believe I pray you, the queen and her magistrates be more delighted with favourable equity, than with rash cruelty. And in that you be all citizens, I will take my leave of you with S. Paul's farewell to the Ephesians, citizens also you be, whom he took to record that he was pure from shedding any blood, a special token & doctrine left for your instruction, line 60 that every of you may wash his hands of innocents broud shed, when you shall take your leave of this wretched world. The holy ghost be amongst you.  

 Come hither sergeant, take the jury with you, and suffer no man to come at them, but to be ordered as the law appointeth, until they be agreed upon their verdict.  

Throckmorton.  It may please you my lords and masters which be commissioners, to give order that no person have access or conference with the jury, neither that any of the queens learned council be suffered to repair to them, or to talk with any of them, until they present themselves here in open court, to publish their verdict.  
¶ Upon the prisoner's suit on this behalf, the bench gave order that two seargeants were sworn to suffer no man to repair to the jury, until they were agreed according unto order. Whereupon then the prisoner was by commandment of the bench withdrawn from the bar, and the court adjourned until three of the clock at afternoon, at which hour the commissioners returned to the guildhall, and there did tarry until the jury were agreed upon the verdict. And about five of the clock, their agreement being advertised to the commissioners, the said prisoner, sir Nicholas Throckmorton was a●●ine brought to the bar, where also the jury did 〈◊〉; and being demanded whether they were agreed upon their verdict, answered universally with one voice, Yea. Then it was asked who should speak for them: they answered, Whetston the foreman.]  
Nicholas Throckmorton knight, hold up thy hand. 
Sendal.   
Then the prisoner did so upon the summons. 
Throckmorton.   
You that be of the jury, look upon the prisoner.  
The jury did as they were enjoined. 
Sendal.   
How say you, 
jury.  
Sendal.  is master Throckmorton knight there prisoner at the bar, guilty of the treasons whereof he hath been indicted and arraigned in manner and form, yea or no?  
No.  
How say you, did he fly upon them? 
Whetston.   
No, we find no such thing. 
Sendal.   
I had forgotten to answer that question before, 
Whetston.  
Throckmorton.  but you have found according to truth: and for the better warranty of your doings, understand that I came to London, and so to the queens council unbrought, when I understood they demanded for me: & yet I was almost an hundred miles hence, where if I had not presumed upon my truth, I could have withdrawn myself from catching.  
How say you the rest of you, is Whetstons' verdict all your verdicts? 
Bromleie.   
The whole inquest answered Yea. 
jury.   
Remember yourselves better, 
Bromleie.  have you considered substantially the whole evidence in sort as it was declared & recited; the matter doth touch the queens highness, and yourselves also, take good heed what you do.  
My lord, we have throughly considered the evidence laid against the prisoner, 
Whetston.  and his answers to all these matters, and accordingly we have found him not guilty agreeable to all our consciences.  
If you have done well, it is the better for you. 
Bromleie.   
It is better to be tried, than to live suspected. 
Throckmorton.  Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, for he hath visited and redeemed his people, and hath raised up a mighty salvation for us in the house of his servant David. And it may please you my lord chief justice, forsomuch as I have been indicted and arraigned of sundry treasons, and have according to the law put my trial to God and my country, that is to say, to these honest men which have found me not guilty, I humbly beseech you to give me such benefit, acquittal and judgement, as the law in this case doth appoint.  
¶ When the prisoner had said these words the commissioners consulted together.]  
May it please you my lord chief justice to pronounce sentence for my discharge? 
Throckmorton.   
Whereas you do ask the benefit that the law in such case doth appoint, I will give it you; to wit, 
Bromleie.  that where you have been indicted of sundry high treasons, & have been here this day before the queen's commissioners and justices arraigned of the said treasons, where unto you have pleaded not guilty, and have for trial therein put yourself on God & your country, and they have found you not guilty, the court doth award that you be clearly discharged, paying your fees. Notwithstanding master lieutenant take him with you again, for there are other matters to charge him withal.  

Throckmorton.  It may please you my lords & masters of the Q. highness privy council, to be on my behalf humble suitors to her majesty, that like as the law this day (God be praised) hath purged me of the treasons wherewith I was most dangerously charged: so it might please her excellent majesty to purge me in her private judgement, and both forgive & forget my overrash line 10 boldness, that I used in talk of her highness marriage with the prince of Spain, matters too far above my capacity, and I very unable to consider the gravity thereof, a matter impertinent for me a private person to talk of, which did appertain to her highness privy council to have in deliberation. And if it shall please her highness of her bountiful liberality, to remit my former oversights, I shall think myself happy for trial of the danger that I have this day escaped, and may thereby admonish line 20 me to eschew things above my reach, and also to instruct me to deal with matters agreeable to my vocation. And God save the queens majesty, and grant the same long to reign over us. And the same Lord be praised for you the magistrates, before whom I have had my trial this day indifferently by the law, and you have proceeded with me accordingly; & the grace of God be amongst you now and ever. ¶ There was no answer made by any of the bench to the prisoners suit, but the attorney did speak these line 30 words.]  
And it please you my lords, forsomuch as it seemeth these men of the jury, 
The attorney.  which have strangely acquitted the prisoner of his treasons whereof he was indicted, will forthwith departed the court, I pray you for the queen, that they, and every of them may be bound in a recognizance of five hundred pounds a piece, to answer to such matters as they shall be charged with in the queens behalf, whensoever they shall be charged or called. line 40  

Whetston.  I pray you my lords be good to us, and let us not be molested for discharging our consciences truly. We be poor merchantmen, and have great charge upon our hands, & our livings do depend upon our travels, therefore it may please you to appoint us a certain day for our appearance, for perhaps some of us may be in foreign parties about our business.   
¶ Thus much for sir Nicholas Throckmortons' arraignment, wherein is to be considered, that the repealing of certain statutes in the last parliament, line 50 was the chief matter he had to allege for his advantage: whereas the repealing of the same statutes was meant notwithstanding for an other purpose (as before you have partly heard) which statutes, or the effect of the chief branches of them have been since that time again revived, as by the books of the statutes it may better appear, to the which I refer the reader. 
The lord Tho. Greie beheaded. ] The eight and twentieth of April, the lord Thomas Greie, brother to the duke of Suffolk, was beheaded at the tower hill, a proper gentleman, and one that had served right valiantly both in line 60 France and Scotland, in the days of the late kings Henry and Edward.  
Upon saturday the eight and twentieth of April, sir james Crofts and master William Winter were brought from the tower to the Guildhall in London, where sir james Crofts was arraigned: but because the day was far spent, master Winter was not arraigned, but carried back again to the tower with the said sir james Crofts. 
William Thomas arraigned & condemned.  William Thomas, of whom mention is made before in the history of sir Thomas Wyatt, with certain other, were arraigned and condemned for the conspiring of the murder and killing of the queen upon the sudden: and for that offence, the said William Thomas was the eighteenth day of May, drawn, hanged, and quartered at Tyburn. 
The lady Elisabeth ●●liuered out of the tower.  The ninetéenth day of May next following, the lady Elisabeth sister to queen Marie, was delivered out of the tower, and committed to the custody of sir john William's knight, afterward lord Williams of Tame, by whom her grace was more courteously entreated than some would have wished. Wherefore shortly after she was committed to the manor of Woodstock, 
Sir Henry Beningfield knight.  under the custody of sir Henry Beningfield of Oxenborough in the county of Norfolk, knight, at whose hands she found not the like courtesy, who (as it is well known) used his office more like a jailor than a gentleman, and with such rigour as was not meet to be showed to such an estate, which extremity of cruelty to a person of great dignity notwithstanding her innocency, is very well noted by C. O. in Eirenarchia sive Elisabetha, where he saith: 
— odio quoque tenditur acri  
Suspicio vehemens in te clarissima princeps  
Elisabetha, capútque tuum: quòd vixeris insons,  
Quódque animi candor culpa noxáque remotus  
Hactenus invidiae renitens hebetâarit ocellos,  
Ah livore tumens sacer obliviscitur ordo.  
Implacata cohors spumante exaestuatira  
Furfuris eiusdem, donec custodibus 
* Elisabetha.  agna  
(Arcebat Deus ipse lupos) committitur arctis  
Asseruanda locis, vi libertatis adempta.   
But here is to be noted, 
Rich. Graf●on.  not so much the uncivil nature of the man, as the singular lenity, and gracious clemency of that gentle and virtuous princess, who afterward (as shall appear) coming to the possession of the crown as her rightful inheritance, was at that time so far from revenge of injuries received, that whereas diverse princes have requited much less offences with loss of life, she never touched him either with danger of life, or loss of lands or goods, nor never proceeded further than to discharge him of the court: which many thought was the thing that pleased him best. 
Queen Elisabeths' words to Beningfield her butcherly kéeker in the time of her durance.  At whose departing from her presence, she used only these words, or the like in sense: God forgive you that is past, and we do: and if we have any prisoner whom we would have hardly handled and strectlie kept, than we will send for you.  
The five and twentieth of May, the earl of Devonshire was brought out of the tower at three of the clock in the morning, sir Thomas Tresham knight, and master Chamberlain of Suffolk, with certain of the guard, being appointed to attend on him to Fodringham castle in Northamptonshire, where he was assigned to remain under custody of the said sir Thomas Tresham and others. 
A gun shot as the preacher: See before pag. 1102.  ¶ On the tenth of june, the foresaid doctor Pendleton preached at Paul's cross, at whom a gun was shot, the pellet whereof went very near him, and light on the church wall: but the shooter could not be found. 
Anno Reg. 2. The lord john Greie arraigned, pardoned, and released. ] The eleventh of june the lord john Greie, brother to the late duke of Suffolk, was arraigned at Westminster in the King's bench, and there condemned: but yet through the painful travel and diligent suit of the lady Greie his wife, his pardon was obtained, and so he escaped with life, and was at length set at liberty, as after it shall appear.  
¶ The two and twentieth of june was proclamation made, forbidding the shooting in handguns, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 109●. A spirit in a wall without Aldersgate doth penance at Paul's cross for abusing the people, etc.  and bearing of weapons. The fifteenth of julie, Elisabeth Croft, a wench about eighteen years old, stood upon a scaffold at Paul's cross all the sermon time, where she confessed, that she being moved by diverse lewd persons thereunto, had upon the fourteenth of March last before passed, counterfeited certain speeches in an house without Aldresgate of London, through the which the people of the whole city were wonderfully molested, for that all men might hear the voice, but not see her person. Some said it was an angel, some a voice from heaven, some the holy-ghost, etc. This was called the spirit in the wall: she had lain whistling in a strange whistle made for that purpose, which was given her by one Drakes: then were there diverse companions confederate with her, which putting themselves amongst the press, took upon them to interpret what the spirit said, expressing line 10 certain seditious words against the queen, the prince of Spain, the mass, and confession, etc.]  

The prince of Spain preparation to 〈◊〉 into England.  But now in this mean while that these things thus passed here in England, the prince of Spain prepared for his hither coming, unto whom had been sent the earl of Bedford lord privy seal, and the lord Fitzwaters, accompanied with diverse noble men and gentlemen, who arriving at the Corone in Galicia, were received very honourably. And forsomuch as the prince was then at vale Dolido, distant line 20 from thence near hand an hundred leagues, they were desired to stay there for their better ease, till he might have convenient opportunity to repair thither: which nevertheless he could not do so soon as he pretended to have desire thereto, as well by reason of the sickness of his sister, the prince's Dowager of Portugal, as by other weighty affairs. But being at length rid of such incumbers, & come into Galicia, 
The English ambassadors meet him 〈◊〉 S. james 〈◊〉 Compost●lla.  the English ambassadors met him at saint james de Compostella. And after he had in presence of a great number of noble men and gentlemen line 30 there ratified the contract, and sworn to observe the covenant, he departed towards Corone, where within a few days after he embarked, and accompanied with the number of an hundred and fifty sail, directed his course toward England.  
The lord admiral having continually been abroad on the seas for the space of three months or more, with a navy of eight and twenty ships and other vessels, accompanied also with the viceadmerall line 40 of the low countries, that had under his governance fourteen ships of the emperors, met with the said prince the ninetéenth of julie, about the Needles, and from thence accompanied him unto Southampton, 
The arrival of the prince of Spain in S●uthamptō.  where he arrived the morrow after the twentieth of julie, the earl of Arundel lord steward of the queens house being sent from her to present to him the George and the garter of the order (of the which fellowship he was at the last chapter holden by the confréers chosen one of the company) met line 50 him upon the water, and at his coming to land, presented the said George and garter unto him. At his landing he was received by the lord treasurer, 
〈◊〉 is received 〈◊〉 the nobility 〈◊〉 lords.  the bishop of Lincoln, the lord Saint-Iohn, and others, by whom he was first conveyed to the church, and from thence to his lodging.  
After his landing, the lord chancellor accompanied with diverse gentlemen, was sent from the queen to bid him welcome on her behalf; & so was he visited by 〈◊〉 noble personages whilst he remained at Southampton, sent thither for that purpose. line 60 And he on the other part sent diverse on his noble men to visit her majesty on his behalf. Monday the three & twentieth of julie, he departed from Southampton towards Winchester, whither she was the saturday before removed from Bishops Waltham. On the way he was accompanied, beside the noblemen & gentlemen of his own train, 
〈◊〉 cometh 〈◊〉 Winchester 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 him.  with the marquess of Winchester, the earls of Arundel, Derby, Worceter, Bedford, Rutland, Penbroke, Surrie: the lords Clinton, Cobham, Willoughby, Darcie, Matravers, Talbot, Strange, Fitzwaren, and North, with many other noblemen and gentlemen, and their trains, to the number of two thousand horses. At his coming to the church in Winchester, the lord chancellor accompanied with the bishops of Durham, Elie, London, Lincoln, Chichester, and diverse other prelates, were ready to receive him. After he had made his prayers, he was conveyed to his lodging prepared for him in the deans house.  
The queen herself was lodged in the bishop's palace, whither his highness the next day came, 
The queens lodging in the bishop's palace.  and was received by her in the hall, in most courteous & loving manner. And after such salutations & talk ended, as was thought convenient for the time, he returned to his lodging, 
The marriage solemnised and what states of Italy & Spain were present at it.  where he continued all that night: and the next day being the five and twentieth of julie, the marriage was openly solemnised. At the which were present, the ambassadors of the emperor, the king of Romans, the king of Bohem, of Venice, Florence, Ferrare, and savoy, with certain agents of other states in Italy. As for the shot of ordinance, the diverse kinds of music, the sumptuous and costly apparel, trappers, and other furniture, ready provided against the receiving of him, with other ceremonies used aswell about the marriage, as in other places where he was to be received, were surly such, and every thing done in such good order, as better for such a purpose might not lightly be devised. Nobles of Spain were, the duke of Alva, the duke of Medina celi, 
The names of the noble men that came over from Spain with the prince.  the admiral of Castilia, the marquess of Bergues, the marquess of Piscara, the marquess of Saria, the marquess of Ualli, the marquess of aguilar, the earl of Egmund, the earl of Horn, the earl of Feria, the earl of Chinchon, the earl of Olivares, the earl of Saldana, the earl of Modica, the earl of Fuentesalida, the earl of Landriano, the earl of Castellar, Don Ruigomes, the bishop of Cuenca, Don john de Benavides; and diverse others.  

An abstract of the conditions of this marriage between both the princes.  
BUt now forsomuch as some would happily be desirous to know the conditions of this memorable marriage betwixt these two high princes, the consequence whereof might have proved of so great importance, although by the queens decease the effect was made void, I have thought good to recite in brief the chief articles thereof.  
1 It was covenanted that he should enjoy the title and name of king, during the matrimony, 
He to be entitled king during the matrimony, etc.  and should aid her highness (being his wife) in the administration of her realms and dominions; but yet he should permit and suffer her to have the whole disposition of all benefices, offices, lands, revenues, and fruits of the said realms and dominions, and that the same should be bestowed upon such as were her natural borne subjects, and that all matters of the said realms and dominions should be treated and handled in the same tongues, wherein of old they have been wont to be treated.  
2 That the queen by virtue of the said marriage should be admitted into the society of the realities and dominions of the said prince of Spain, 
She to be entitled to his dominions during the marriage.  as well such as he now presently hath, as such other also as during the matrimony may come to him.  
3 And for her dowry, in case she overlived him, she was appointed to receive yéerlie three score thousand pounds, 
Her dowry if she survived him.  after the value of forty groats Flemish money the pound, to be allotted upon all the realms, lands, and patrimonial dominions of his father the emperor, that is to say, forty thousand pounds to be assigned up on the realms of Spain, Castille, and Arragon, according to the custom of those realms. The other twenty thousand pounds were appointed upon the dukedoms, earledoms, and dominions of Brabant, Flanders, Henalt, Holland, and other patrimonial lands and inheritances of the said emperor in the low countries of Germany; in like manner as the lady Margaret of England, sometime wife and widow of the lord Charles, sometime duke of Burgogne, had and received of the same. And if any parcel or parcels thereof be alienated, then in line 10 am thereof, other lands should be in due form assigned forth for her to enjoy, lying near to the residue of her dower.  

Touching the issue of her body male or female.  4 The issue that should chance to come of this marriage, touching the right of the mother's inheritance in the realm of England, and the other realms and dominions depending of the same, aswell the males as females should succeed in them, according to the laws, statutes, and customs of the same.  

Touching the prince of Spain's disposing of his lands after his decease.  5 And as touching the lands that the said prince line 20 of Spain shall leave behind him, first there should be reserved unto his eldest son the lord Charles of Ostrich, infant of Spain, and to the children and heirs of him descending, as well females as males all and singular their rights, which to the said prince do either then, or thereafter should belong, or should at any time be devolved to him in the realms of Spain, of both the Sicils, in the dukedom of Milan, and other lands and dominions in Lombardy and Italy, which nevertheless shall be burdened line 30 and charged with the foresaid dower of forty thousand pounds. And if it fortuned the said lord Charles to die, and the issue of his body to fail, than the eldest son of this matrimony should succeed, and be admitted unto the said right, according to the nature, laws, and customs of those realms and dominions. The same eldest son should also succeed in all the dukedoms, earledoms, dominions, and patrimonial lands belonging unto the said emperor father to the said prince of Spain, as well in Burgogne, line 40 as in the low countries, in the dukedoms of Brabant, Luxenburgh, Gelderland, Zutphane, Burgougne, Fréeseland, in the countries of Flanders, Arthois, Holland, Zealand, Namure, and the land beyond the Isles, and all other whatsoever thereunto belonging.  

Touching the lord Charles and his descendants if heir male came by this marriage.  6 But if the said lord Charles, or they that should come of him, remain in life; and that there be any male child by this matrimony: the said lord Charles and his descendants should then be excluded from line 50 the said lands and patrimonial dominions of the low countries, and of Burgongne, and the same should descend unto the said eldest son borne of this matrimony. And to the other children borne thereof, as well males as females, a convenient portion and dower should be allotted in the realm of England, and dominions depending of the same, and in the said lands & patrimonial dominions of the low countries: and neither the eldest son of this matrimony, nor the sons begotten in the same, should line 60 pretend any right in the realm of Spain, or in the dominions of the same, and reserved to the said lord Charles the infant, otherwise than by their fathers and grandfathers disposition.  
7 Moreover, if it fortune no issue male to be borne of this matrimony, 
What is to be done if heir male fail, and there be none but issue female.  but only females, in that case the eldest female should with full right succeed in the said lands and dominions of the low countries, so as nevertheless she being minded to choose to husband any noble man not borne in England, or in the low countries, without the consent of the said lord Charles the infant, in that case the right of the succession should remain to the said lord Charles, in the said dominions of the low countries, Burgongne, and their appurtenances. And yet nevertheless in that case, both she and the other daughters also descending of this matrimony, shall be endowed of their father's lands & possessions aswell in Spain, as in the low countries.  
8 And for want of the said lord Charles, 
What for want of issue by the lord Charles.  and issue of him, and none but daughters remaining of this marriage, the eldest daughter in that case should succeed, not only in the lands of the low countries; but also in the realms of Spain, England, and the rest, after the nature, the laws, and customs of the same.  
9 Herewith was a proviso accorded, 
A proviso touching succession.  that what soever he or she should be that should succeed in them, they should leave to every of the said realms, lands, and dominions, whole and entire their privileges, rites and customs, and govern the same by the natural borne of the same realms, dominions, and lands, etc.  
10 Finally, that between the said emperor, 
Touching a perpetual league or 〈◊〉 of fraternity, etc.  the prince and his successors, their realms, and the said queen, it was concluded, that from thenseforth there should be an entire & sincere fraternity, unity, and most strict confederatie for ever, &c: so as they should mutually aid each other in all things, according to the strength, form, & effect of the latter treatise of a strict amity, bearing date at Westminster in the year 1542: the declaration of which treaty beareth date at Uteright, the sixteenth of januarie, in the year 1546.   

In another treatise were these articles following comprised.  
FIrst, 
No stranger to be admitte● to any office▪ &c: in England.  that the prince of Spain should not promote, admit, or receive unto any office, administration, or benefice in the realm of England, or dominions to the same belonging, any stranger, or persons not borne under the subjection of the said queen.  
2 That he should receive into his household and court, 
Englishmen to attend at the court.  gentlemen and yeomen of the said realm of England in a convenient number, esteeming, entertaining, and nourishing them as his proper subjects, & bring none with him in his retinue that will do any wrong to the subjects of the said realm; & if they do, he to correct them with condign punishment, and to see them expelled his court.  
3 That he shall do nothing whereby any thing be innovated in the state and right either public or private, 
The state in no point to 〈◊〉 innovated.  or in the laws and customs of the said realm of England, or the dominions thereunto belonging; but shall keep to all estates and orders their rights and privileges.  
4 That he shall not lead away the queen out of the borders of her grace's realm, 
The queen not to be conveyed out of her own territories.  unless she herself desire it; or carry the children that may be borne of this matrimony out of the same realm, unless it be otherwise thought good by the consent and agreement of the nobility of England.  
5 And in case no children being left, 
The prince 〈◊〉 Spain's 〈◊〉 to end with the queens death.  the said queen do die before him, he shall not challenge any right at all in the said kingdom, but without impediment shall permit the succession thereof to come unto them to whom it shall belong, by the right and laws of the realm.  
6 Item that he shall not bear nor carry over out of the said realm, 
The jewels &c: of the 〈◊〉 not to be carried out, 〈◊〉, usurped, etc.  the jewels and precious things of estimation. Neither shall he alienat or do away any whit of the appurtenances of the said realm of England, or suffer any part of them to be usurped by his subjects, or any other. But shall see that all and singular places of the realm, and specially the forts and frontiers of the same be faithfully kept and preserved to the use and profit of the said realm, and by the natural borne of the same.  

〈◊〉 ships, 〈◊〉, ordinance▪ &c: to be 〈…〉, &c: out of the land.  7 He shall not suffer any ship, guns, ordinance whatsoever of war or defence, to be removed or conveyed out of the same realm: but shall contrariwise cause them diligently to be kept and viewed when need requireth; and shall so provide that the same may be always ready in their strength and force for defence of the realm.  

Peace to be 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 realm without 〈◊〉 in other 〈…〉 wars.  8 Item the realm of England by occasion of line 10 this matrimony, shall not directly nor indirectly be entangled with the war that is between the emperor father to the said prince of Spain, and Henry the French king; but he the said prince (as much as in him may lie) on the behalf of the said realm of England, shall see the peace between the said realms of France and England observed, and shall give no cause of any breach, by which covenant the latter treatise of a strict amity should not be in any point derogated, but the same still to remain in line 20 the former force, etc.   
But now to return where we left. At the time of the solemnisation of the foresaid marriage holden at Winchester (as before ye have heard) the emperor's ambassadors being present, openly pronounced, that in consideration of that marriage, the emperor had given and granted to the said prince his son the kingdom of Naples and jerusalem, 
The empe●●s gift to the prince his 〈◊〉.  with diverse other seats and segniories. The solemnity line 30 of that marriage ended, the king of heralds called Garter, openly in the church in the presence of the king, the queen, & the lords as well of England as Spain, all the people being present, solemnly proclaimed the title and style of those two princes, as followeth: 
The title of 〈◊〉 belonging both to P●ilip and Marie proclaimed by the 〈◊〉  Philip and Marie by the grace of God king and queen of England, France, Naples, jerusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the faith, princes of Spain and Sicily, archdukes of Ostrich, dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant, counties of line 40 Haspurge, Flanders, and tirol. The proclamation being ended, the trumpets blue, and the king with the queen came forth of the church hand in hand and two swords borne before them, and so returned to their palace.  
¶ By this time report had sufficiently sounded abroad all that happened, specially the solemnities executed about this royal marriage; whereby some supposed that this land would have become a golden world, and that such amity would have ensued between both nations, as nothing should dissolve. But line 50 others were of a contrary opinion, supposing (as it came to pass indeed) that the people's minds would be alienated and estranged from the disposition whereto they were addicted in king Edward's days, and that many would become heavy hearted upon hearsay of this conjunction; much more pensive & grieved at the meditation of the miseries which were like immediately to follow; as C. O. noteth in discoursing on this matter, saying as here followeth: line 60 
Succedit regi defuncto, sceptra capescens  
Foemina, cui nomen Maria est, soror una duarum  
Ex stirpe Henrici: quae paucis nupta diebus  
Post homini externo consanguineóque Philippo,  
Coniugio talisubtristes reddidit Anglos,  
Námque duas gentes rarò coalescere cernas  
Vnanimes patria plerunque & amore diremptas.   

〈◊〉 Fox in 〈◊〉 Acts and monuments.  Of this marriage (saith master Fox) as the papists chiefly seemed to be very glad, so diverse of them after diverse studies, did show forth their inward affections: some made interludes and pageants, and some drew forth genealogies, deriving his pedegrée from Edward the third, and john of Gant; some made verses. Amongst all other master White then bishop of Lincoln in his poetical vein, being drunken with joy of the marriage, spewed out certain verses; the copy whereof we have here inserted, to impart unto common knowledge.  

Philippi & Mariae genealogia, qua ambo principes ex johann de Gandavo Eduarditertij, Angliae, Franciaeque regis filio descendisse ostenduntur, Whito Lincolniense authore.  
Ille parens regum Gandava ex urbe johannes  
Somersetensem comitem profert johannem.  
Somersetensis venit hoc patre dux johannes,  
Qui Margaretam Richemundi habuit comitissam.  
Haec dedit Henricum, qui regni septimus huius  
Henrico octavo solium regal reliquit.  
Hoc patre propitio, & fausto quasi sydere nata  
jure tenes sacram, teneásque Maria coronam.   

Verses of master White bishop of Lincoln, 
These verses are answered in master Fox by the learned.  concerning the marriage of Philip and Marie.  
Nubat ut Angla Anglo, regina Maria Philippo,  
Inque suum fontem regia stirps redeat,  
Noluit humani generis daemon vetus hostis,  
Sed Deus Anglorum provida spes voluit.  
Nollet Scotus inops, timidúsque ad praelia Gallus,  
Caesar, & Italia, & Flandria tota volet.  
Noluit Haereticus (stirps Caiphae) pontificum grex  
Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit.  
Octo uxorati Patres in daemone nollent:  
Quinque Cathenati pro pietate volent.  
Noluit johannes Dudley Northumbrius ursus,  
Sed fidum regni Concilium voluit.  
Noluit aetatis nostrae Catilina Viatus,  
Sed proceres & plebs & pia turba volet.  
Nollet Graius dux, & Cantia terra rebellans:  
Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit, volumus.  
Clarior effectus repetat sua limina sanguis,  
Cùm sit Philippo juncta Maria viro.]   
But to proceed. As soon as the feasting & solemnity of the said marriage was ended, the king and queen departed from Winchester, and by easy journeys came to Windsor castle, 
King Philip stalled at Windsor.  where the fift of August being sunday, he was stalled according to the order of the garter, and there kept S. George's feast himself in his royal estate, and the earl of Sussex was also the same time stalled in the order. 
john Fox.  At which time an herald took down the arms of England at Windsor, and in the place of them would have set the arms of Spain, but he was commanded to set them up again by certain lords. 
A general hunting.  The seventh of August was made a general hunting with a toil raised of four or five miles in length, so that many a dear that day was brought to the quarry. The eleventh of August they removed to Richmond, and from thence the 27 of the same month they came by water to London, landing at the bishop of Winchester's house, through which they passed both to Southworke park, and so to Suffolk place, 
The king and queen come through London to Westminster.  where they lodged that night: and the next day being saturday and the nineteenth of August, they being accompanied with a great number of nobles and gentlemen, road from thence over the bridge, and passed through London unto Westminster.  
¶ Now as the king came to London bridge, 
Abr. Fl. ex joh. Foxi martyrologic. Vain pageants of London.  & as he entered at the drawbridge, was a vain great spectacle set up, two images representing two giants, one named Corineus, and the other Gogmagog holding between them certain Latin verses, which for the vain ostentation of flattery I overpass. And as they passed over the bridge, there was a number of ordinance shot at the tower, such as by old men's report the like hath not been heard or seen these hundred years. From London bridge they passed to the conduit in Gracious street, which was finely painted, and among other things, the nine worthies, whereof king Henry the eight was one. He was painted in harness having in one hand a sword, 
Winchester cannot abide the book called Verbum Dei.  and in the other hand a book, whereupon was written Verbum Dei, delivering the same book (as it were) to his son king Edward, who was painted in a corner by him. But hereupon was no small matter line 10 made, for the bishop of Winchester lord chancellor, sent for the painter, and not only called him knave for painting a book in king Henry's hand, and specially for writing thereupon Verbum Dei: 
The painter sent for to the bishop of Winchester.  but also rank traitor & villain, saying to him that he should rather have put the book into the queens hand (who was also painted there) for that she had reform the church and religion, with other things according to the pure and sincere word of God indeed. The painter answered and said, 
The painter's answer.  that if he had known that that line 20 had been the matter wherefore his lordship sent for him, he could have remedied it, and not have troubled his lordship.  
The bishop answered and said, that it was the queens majesties will and commandment, that he should send for him; and so commanding him to wipe out the book and Verbum Dei too: he sent him home. So the painter departed, but fearing lest he should leave some part either of the book, or of Verbum Dei, in king Henry's hand: he wiped away a piece of his line 30 fingers withal. Here I pass over and cut off other gauds and pageants of pastime showed unto him in passing through London, with the flattering verses set up in Latin, wherein were blazed out in one place the five Philips, 
Five Philip's  as the five worthies of the world, Philip of Macedonia, Philip the emperor, Philippus Audax, Philippus Bonus, Philip prince of Spain and king of England. In another poetry king Philip was resembled by an image representing Orpheus, and all English people resembled to brute and line 40 savage beasts following after Orpheus' harp, and dancing after king Philip's pipe. Not that I reprehend the art of the Latin verses, which was fine and cunning; but that I pass over the matter, having other graver things in hand, and therefore pass over also the sight at Paul's church side, of him that came down upon a rope tied to the batlements with his head before, neither staying himself with hand or foot: which shortly after cost him his life.  
But one thing by the way I cannot let pass, touching line 50 the young flourishing rood newly set up against this present time, to welcome king Philip into Paul's church. The setting up of which rood was this, and may make as good a pageant as the best. Anno 2. Mariae Boner in his royalty, and all his prebendaries about him in Paul's queer, 
The erecting up of the rood at Paul's.  the rood laid along upon the pavement, and also all the doors of Paul's being shut, the bishop with other said and song divers prayers by the rood: that being done they anointed line 60 the rood with oil in divers places, and after the anointing crept unto it and kissed it. After that they took the said rood and weighed him up and set him in his old accustomed place, 
Bishop Boners god the rood of Paul's set up with Te Deum.  and all the while they were doing thereof, the whole queer sang Te Deum, and when that was ended, they rang the bells, not only for joy, but also for the notable and great fact they had done therein.  
Not long after this, a merry fellow came into Paul's, 
Salutation to the rood of Paul's.  and spied the rood with Marie and john new set up, whereto (among a great sort of people) he made low curtsy & said: Sir, your mastership is welcome to town, I had thought to have talked further with your mastership, but that ye be here clothed in the queens colours. I hope ye be but a summer's bird, for that ye be dressed in white & green, etc. The prince thus being in the church of Paul's, after doctor Harpesfield had finished his oration in Latin, set forward through Fléetstreet, & so came to White hall, where he with the queen remained four days after, and from thence removed unto Richmond. After this, all the lords had leave to departed into their countries, with strict commandment to bring all their harness and artillery into the tower of London with all speed. Now remained there no English lord at the court but the bishop of Winchester.  
From Richmond they removed to Hampton court, where the hall door within the court was continually shut, so that no man might enter, unless his errand were first known: which seemed strange to Englishmen that had not been used thereto. The seventeenth day of September, 
A proclamation for the avoiding of masterless men out of th● city of London.  was a proclamation in London, that all vagabonds and masterless men, as well strangers as Englishmen, should departed the city within five days: and strictly charging all inholders, vittelers, taverners, and ale house keepers, with all other that sold victuals, that they (after the said five days) should not sell any meat, drink, or any kind of victuals or relief to any servingman whatsoever, unless he brought a testimonial from his master to declare whose servant he was, & were in continual household with his said master, upon pain to run in danger of the law if they offend herein.]  
In September, 
Death of the Duke of Nor●folke  the duke of Norfolk departed this life at Framingham castle in Norfolk, and there was honourably buried among his ancestors. ¶ The 26 of October, 
A Spaniard hanged. john Stow.  a Spaniard was hanged at Charing-cross for killing an Englishman, there was offered for his life by other strangers 500 crowns, but all that would not stay justice.] On friday the same 26 of October, those honest men that had been of Throckmortons' quest, being in number eight (for the other four were delivered out of prison, for that they submitted themselves, and said they had offended like weaklings, not considering truth to be truth, 
Eight of master Throckmortons' 〈◊〉 appear in th● starchamber  but of force for fear said so) these eight men I say (whereof master Emanuel Lucar and master Whetston were chief) were called before the council in the Starrechamber, where they affirmed that they had done all things in that matter according to their knowledge, and with good consciences, even as they should answer before GOD at the day of judgement. Where master Lucar said openly before all the lords that they had done in the matter like honest men, and true and faithful subjects: and therefore they humbly be sought my lord chancellor and the other lords, to be means to the king and queens majesties, that they might be discharged and set at liberty: and said that they were all contented to submit themselves to their majesties, saving and reserving their truth, consciences, and honesties.  
The lords taking their words in marvelous evil part, judged them worthy to pay excessive fines. 
The hard judgement 〈◊〉 the lords against those eight honest men.  Some said they were worthy to pay 1000 pounds a piece. Other said that Lucar and Whetston were worthy to pay a thousand marks a piece, and the rest five hundred pounds a piece. In conclusion, sentence was given by the lord chancellor that they should pay a thousand marks a piece, he that paid least; and that they should go to prison again, and there remain till further order were taken for their punishment. The thirtieth of October being tuesday, 

The L. 〈◊〉 Greie set at liberty.  
Further 〈◊〉 mine 〈◊〉 Throckmo●tons 〈◊〉.   the lord john Greie was delivered out of the tower, and set at liberty. Upon saturday the tenth of November, the sheriffs of London had commandment to take an inventary of each one of their goods, which were of master Throckmortons' quest, & to seal up their doors, which was done the same day.  
Master Whetston, and master Lucar, and master Kightlie, were adjudged to pay two thousand pounds a piece, and the rest a thousand marks a piece, to be paid within one fortnight after. From this payment were exempted those four which confessed a fault, 
john Fox.  & thereupon had submitted themselves, whose names are these: master Lo, master Pointer, 
A parliament whereat the king & queen ●t present.  master Beswicke, and master Cater. The 12 of November being monday, the parliament began line 10 at Westminster, to the beginning whereof both the king and queen road in their parliament robes, having two swords borne before them. The earl of Penbroke bore his sword, and the earl of Westmoreland bore the queens. They had two caps of maintenance likewise borne before them: whereof the earl of Arundel bore the one, and the earl of Shrewesburie the other. 
Cardinal Poole arriveth at Dover  During this parliament, cardinal Poole landed at Dover upon wednesday, being the 21 of November, who being received with line 20 much honour in all other countries through which he had passed, was received here at the first, with no great show, for the causes above mentioned. The same day on the which he arrived, an act passed in the parliament house, for his restitution in blood, utterly repealing (as false and most slanderous) that act made against him in K. Henry the eights time. And on the next day being thursday and the 22 of November, 
An act for the restitution in 〈◊〉 of cardinal Poole.  the king and queen both came to the parliament house to give their royal assent, and to establish line 30 this act against his coming. On saturday the four and twentieth of November, he came to the court, and after went to Lambeth where his lodging was prepared.  
On wednesday following in the after noon, he came into the parliament house, 
Cardinal Poole cometh 〈◊〉 the parliament house.  being at that present kept in the great chamber of the court of the White hall, for that the queen by reason of sickness was not able to go abroad (where the king and queen sitting under the cloth of estate, and the cardinal sitting line 40 on the right hand, with all the other estates of the realm being present) and the knights and burgesses of the common house being also called thither, the bishop of Winchester being lord chancellor, spoke in this manner. My lords of the upper house, and you my masters of the neither house, 
The words of the bishop of Winchester 〈◊〉 lord chancellor.  here is present the right reverend father in God, my lord cardinal Poole, legate A Latere, come from the apostolic see of Rome, as ambassador to the king and queens majesties, line 50 upon one of the weightiest causes that ever happened in this realm, and which appertaineth to the glory of God, and your universal benefit; the which embassage, their majesties pleasure is to be signified unto you all by his own mouth, trusting that you will receive and accept it in as benevolent and thankful wise, as their highness have done, and that you will give attentive and inclinable ●are unto his grace, who is now ready to declare the same. 
〈◊〉 Grafton.  So soon as the lord chancellor had ended his line 60 tale, the cardinal began and made a long & solemn oration, the which for shortness sake I have collectd into these few articles, remitting the reader to master Foxes Acts and Monuments, where they shall find the same wholly and entirely as by him it was uttered.  

The effect of the cardinals assembly in the 〈◊〉 of parliament.  1 First, he yielded most hearty thanks to the king and queen, and next unto the whole parliament; that of a man exiled & banished from this commonweal, they had restored him again to be a member of the same, and to the honour of his house and family, and of a man having no place, neither here nor elsewhere within the realm, to have admitted him into a place where to speak, and to be heard.  
2 secondly, 
He showeth the special cause o● his coming into England.  that his especial coming was for the restitution of this realm to the ancient estate, and to declare that the see apostolic hath a special care of this realm above all other: and chiefly for that this Island first of all other provinces of Europe, received the light of Christ's religion from the see of Rome.  
3 thirdly, 
He exhorteth to a general return into the bosom of the church.  he exhorted that though the realm had swerved from the catholic unity, that yet being better informed, we ought to return into the bosom of the church, most open to receive all penitents. For the persuasion whereof he brought a number of old examples, what peril and hurt hath happened unto them that have swerved and gone from the church of Rome, namely Greece and Germany.  
4 fourthly, 
He declareth how wonderfully god had preserved Q. Marie.  how much we are bound to God for the king and queens majesties, and how miraculously God had saved and defended our queen from her enemies in most dangerous times: and also that he hath provided to join with her in marriage, such a noble prince as king Philip was, & one of her own religion.  
5 fiftly, 
He exhorteth to obedience and treateth of restoring this realm to the unity of the church.  he exhorted them all to obedience of these two princes, and to call upon God for issue to be had between them, adding that king Philip's father the emperor, had amongst other princes traveled most for the restitution of the peace and unity of the church. But as almighty God said unto David, though he had a mind and will to build his temple: yet because he had shed blood, he should not build it. And so because the emperor hath had so many wars, and shed so much blood▪ therefore he could not attain to bring perfect peace to the church. But truly (said he) this gracious prince king Philip his son, as I conceive, is appointed of God to it, considering now the calling of him to be joined with so catholic a princess, as is the queen of this realm, one without all doubt sent likewise of God, for the restoring of the said realm to the unity of the church, from whence it hath erred and gone astray, as it doth and may manifestly appear.  
6 sixtly, he protested that his commission was not to prejudice any person, 
He protesteth that he meant the prejudice of no man, etc.  for he came not to destroy, but to build; he came to reconcile, and not to condemn; he came not to compel, but to call again; he came not to call any thing in question already done: but his commission was of grace and clemency to all such as would receive it. For touching all matters past, and done, they should be cast into the sea of forgetfulness, and never more to be thought upon.  
7 Finally (said he) the mean whereby to receive this high benefit, 
He showeth the means of procuring the foresaid reconciliation.  is first to revoke and repeal all such laws as are impediments, blocks and bars to this most gracious reconciliation. For like as he himself had no place to speak there, before such laws were abrogated and removed as stood in his way: even so they could not receive the grace offered from the see apostolic, until these like impediments of laws made against the see of Rome, were utterly abolished and repealed. And so in conclusion advertised them, first for the glory of God, and next for the conservation and surety of the wealth and quietness of the whole realm, that they should earnestly travel therein, and that then he would make them participants of the benefit of his commission.  
The next day the whole court of parliament drew out the form of a supplication, and the next day following, when the king, the queen, and the cardinal, with all the nobles and commons were assembled again in the great chamber of the White hall aforesaid, the bishop of Winchester there showed what the parliament had determined concerning the cardinals request, and then offered to the king and queen the said supplication, to be by them presented to the cardinal. Wherein would be noted the readiness of the assembly to submit themselves to antichristian slavery: but omitting to give judgement, mark their supplication, the copy whereof followeth.  

A supplication exhibited to cardinal Pool by the parliament.  
WE the lords spiritual and temporal, and line 10 commons in this present parliament assembled, representing the whole body of the realm of England and dominions o● the same, in the name of ourselves particularly, and also of the said body universally, offer this our most humble supplication to your majesties, to this end and effect; that the same by your gracious intercession and mean may be exhibited to the most reverend father in God the lord cardinal Poole legate, sent specially hither from our most holy father pope line 20 julie the third, 
This supplication was exhibited to the king and queen.  and the see apostolic of Rome. Wherein we do declare ourselves very sorry and repentant of the long schism and disobedience happening in this realm, and the dominions of the same, against the see apostolic, either by making, agreeing, or executing of any laws, ordinances or commandments against the primacy of the same see, or otherwise doing or speaking that might impugn or prejudice the same. Offering ourselves, and promising by this our supplication, that for a token & knowledge line 30 of our said repentance, 
Promise in sign of repentance to make full amends by being reconciled to the catholic church  we be and shall be ever ready, under and with the authorities of your majesties, to the uttermost of our power, to do that shall lie in us, for the abrogation and repealing of all the said laws and ordinances, made and enacted to the prejudice of the see apostolic, as well for ourselves as for the whole body whom we represent. Whereupon we humbly beseech your majesties, as persons undefiled in offence of his body towards the said see, which nevertheless God by his providence hath line 40 made subject to you, so to set forth this our humble suit, as we the rather by your intercession may obtain from the see apostolic, by the said most reverend father, as well particularly as generally, absolution, release, and discharge from all dangers of such censures and sentences as by the laws of the church we be fallen into. And that we may as children repentant, be received into the bosom and unity of Christ's church: so as this noble realm, with all the members thereof, may in this unity & perfect obedience line 50 to the see apostolic, and pope's for the time being, serve God and your majesties to the furtherance and advancement of his honour and glory, Amen.   
This supplication being first openly read, the same was by the chancellor delivered to the king and queen, with petition to them, to exhibit the same to the lord cardinal. And the king and queen rising out of their seats, and doing reverence to the cardinal, line 60 did deliver the same unto him. The cardinal perceiving the effect thereof to answer to his expectation, 
The king and queen exhibit the supplication to Poole the proud prelate.  did receive it most gladly at their majesties hands. And then, after that he had in few words given thanks unto God, and declared what great cause he had to rejoice above all others, that his coming from Rome into England had taken such most happy success; then he caused his commission to be read (whereby it might appear he had authority from the pope to absolve them) which commission was very long and large. And that being done, and all the parliament on their knees, this cardinal, by the pope's authority, gave them absolution in manner following.  

An absolution pronounced by cardinal Pool to the parliament house.  
OUr lord jesus Christ, which with his most precious blood hath redeemed and washed us from all our sins and iniquities, that he might purchase unto himself a glorious spouse without spot or wrinkle, and whom the father hath appointed head over all his church; he by his mercy absolve you. And we by the apostolic authority given unto us by the most holy lord pope julius the third (his vicegerent in earth) do absolve and deliver you, and every of you, 
Pope julie the third 〈◊〉 cardinal Pool his authority apostolic.  with the whole realm, and the dominions thereof, from all heresy and schism, and from all and every judgements, censures and pains for that cause incurred. And also we do restore you again to the unity of our mother the holy church, as in our letters of commission more plainly shall appear.   
After this general absolution received, the king and the queen, and all the lords with the rest, went into the king's chapel, and there sang Te Deum with great joy and gladness, for this new reconciliation. The report whereof with great speed ●lew to Rome, as well by the French kings letters, as also by the cardinals. 
Solemn pro●cession at Rome for the new reconcilement of England to the ca●tholike church.  Whereupon the pope caused solemn processions to be made in Rome, namely one, wherein he himself with all his cardinals were present, passing with as great solemnity and pomp as might be, giving thanks to God with great joy, for the conversion of England to his church. At what time also he not a little commended the diligence of cardinal Poole, and the devotion of the king and queen. And on Christmas even next following, he set forth by his bulls a general pardon to all such as did rejoice in the same reconciliation.  
The eight and twentieth of November next following, it was commonly reported, 
A report that the queen was with child.  that the queen was quick with child, & therefore commandment was given by Edmund Bonner then bishop of London (and as it was said not without the commandment of the council) that there should be made in most solemn manner one general procession in London, wherein the mayor, and all the companies of the city were in their liuerie●, at whose return to the church of Paul's, there was song very solemnly Te Deum for joy thereof. The same day at this procession was present ten bishops with all the prebendaries of Paul's. The copy of the counsels letter implieng the aforesaid commandment touching the general procession here followeth, Ad perpetuam rei memoriam.  
A copy of a letter sent from the council unto Edmund Bonner bishop of London, concerning queen Marie conceived with child.  
AFter our hearty commendations unto your good lordship. 
The councel● letter to bishop Bonner of the queens conceiving of child.  Whereas▪ it hath pleased almighty God amongst other his infinite benefits of late most graciously powered upon us and this whole realm, to extend his benediction upon the queens majesty in such sort, as she is conceived & quick of child; whereby (her majesty being our natural liege lady, queen and undoubted inheritor of this imperial crown) good hope of certain succession in the crown is given unto us, and consequently, the great calamities, which (for want of such succession might otherwise have fallen upon us & our posterity) shall by God's grace be well avoided, 
If Queen Marie were quick with ch●ld on the 1● of the month of November and afterward did labour in the month of june, than went she almost seven months quick with child.  if we thankfully acknowledge this benefit of almighty God, endeavouring ourselves with earnest repentance to thank, honour, & serve him as we be most bounden. These be not only to advertise you of these good news, to be by you published in all places within your diocese; but also line 10 to pray and require you, that both yourself do give God thanks with us for this his especial grace, and also give order that thanks may be openly given by singing of Te Deum in all the churches within your said diocese; and that likewise all priests and other ecclesiastical ministers, in their masses and other divine services, may continually pray to almighty God, so to extend his holy hand over his majesty, the king's highness and this whole realm, as this thing being by his omnipotent power graciously line 20 thus begun, may by the same be well continued and brought to good effect, to the glory of his name. Whereunto albeit we doubt not ye would of yourself have had special regard without these our letters: yet for the earnest desire we have to have this thing done out of hand, & diligently continued, we have also written these our letters, to put you in remembrance: & so bid your lordship most heartily well to far. From Westminster the 27 of November. 1554. line 30  
Your assured and loving friends 

S. Winton. Chancel.  
Arundel.  
F. Shrewesburie.  
Edward Derby,  
Henry Sussex.  
john Bathon.  
R. Rich.  
Thomas Warthom.  
john Huddilstone.  
R. Southwell.    
Upon this letter of the counsels sent to bishop Bonner (signifying the good news of queen Marie to be not only conceived, but also quick with line 40 child, which was in the month of November, the eight and twentieth day) it is out of count what great talk began at this time to rise in every man's mouth, with busy preparation and much ado, especially among such as seemed in England to carry Spanish hearts in English bodies. In number of whom here is not to be forgotten, nor defrauded of his condign commendation for his worthy affection toward his prince and her issue, one sir Richard Southwell, who being the same time in the line 50 parliament house, when as the lords were occupied in other affairs and matters of importance, suddenly starting up for fullness of joy, burst out in these words following: 
The words of sir Richard Southwell in the parliament house for his young master.  Tush my masters (quoth he) what talk ye of these matters? I would have you take some order for our young master that is now coming into the world apace, lest he find us unprovided, etc. By the which words both of him, and also by the foresaid letters of the council, and the common talk abroad, it may appear what an assured line 60 opinion was then conceived in men's heads of queen Marie, to be conceived and quick with child. In somuch that at the same time, and in the same parliament, there was eftsoons a bill exhibited, and an act made upon the same, the words whereof for the more evidence, I thought here to exemplificat.  

The words of the act.  
ALbeit we the lords spiritual & temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assembled, have firm hope & confidence in the goodness of almighty God, that like as he ●ath hitherto miraculously preserved the queens majesty from many great imminent perils and dangers; even so he will of his infinite goodness give her highness strength, the rather by our continual prayers to pass well the danger of deliverance of child, wherewith it hath pleased him (to all our great comforts) to bless her: yet for so much as all things of this world be uncertain, and having before our eyes the dolorous experience of this inconstant government during the time of the reign of the late king Edward the sixth, do plainly see the manifold inconveniences, great dangers and perils that may ensue to this whole realm, if foresight be not used to prevent all evil chances, if they should happen. For the eschewing hereof, we the lords spiritual and temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assembled; for and in consideration of a most special trust and confidence that we have and repose in the king's majesty, for and concerning the politic government, order, 
Orders taken by parliament for queen Maries child.  and administration of this realm in the time of the young years of the issue or issues of her majesties body to be borne, if it should please God to call the queens highness out of this present life, during the tender years of such issue or issues (which God forbidden) according to such order & manner as hereafter in this present act his highness most gracious pleasure is, should be declared and set forth, have made our humble suit by the assent of the queens highness, that his majesty would vouchsafe to accept & take upon him the rule, order, education & government of the said issue or issues to be borne as is aforesaid, upon which our suit being of his said majesty most graciously accepted, it hath pleased his highness, not only to declare, that like as for the most part his majesty verily trusteth that almighty God (who hath hitherto preserved the queens majesty) to give this realm so good an hope of certain succession in the blood royal of the same realm, will assist her highness with his graces and benedictions to see the fruit of her body well brought forth, 
Trust disappointed.  live and able to govern (whereof neither all this realm, ne all the world beside, should or could receive more comfort than his majesty should & would) yet if such chance should happen, his majesty at our humble desires is pleased & contented not only to accept & take upon him the cure and charge of the education, rule, order, and government of such issues, as of this most happy marriage shall be borne between the queens highness and him: but also during the time of such government, would by all ways & means study, travel and employ himself to advance the weal, both public & private, of this realm & dominions thereto belonging, according to the said trust in his majesty reposed, with no less good will & affection than if his highness had been naturally borne among us. In consideration whereof, be it enacted by the king & the queens most excellent majesties, by assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, &c: as it is to be seen in the act more at large ratified and confirmed at the sam● parliament, to the same intent and purpose.   
Thus much out of the act and statute I thought to rehearse, to the intent the reader may understand, 
Parlements may be deceived.  not so much how parlements may sometimes be deceived (as by this child of queen Marie may appear) as rather what cause we Englishmen have to render most earnest thanks unto almighty God, who so mercifully against the opinion, expectation, and working of our adversaries, hath helped and delivered us in this case: which otherwise might have opened such a window to the Spaniards, to have entered and replenished this land, that peradventure by this time Englishmen should have enjoyed no great quiet in their own country. The Lord therefore make us perpetually mindful of his benefits, Amen.  
Thus we see then how man doth purpose, but God disposeth as pleaseth him. For all this great labour, provision, and order taken in the parliament house for their young master long looked for, coming so surely into the world; in the end appeared neither young master nor young mistress that any man yet to this day can hear of. 
The prayers of the papists of what little effect they are with God.  Furthermore as the labour of the lay sort was herein deluded, so no less ridiculous it was to behold what little effect the prayers of the pope's churchmen had with almighty God, line 10 who traveled no less with their processions, masses, and collects, for the happy deliverance of this young master to come, as here followeth to be seen.  

A prayer made by doctor Weston dean of Westminster, daily to be said for the queen's deliverance.  
O Most righteous Lord God, which for the offence of the first woman, 
A prayer for queen Marie and her child, turned out of Latin into English.  hast threatened unto all women a common, sharp, and inevitable malediction, and hast enjoined them that they should conceive in sin; and being conceived, should be subject to many and grievous torments, and finally be delivered with the danger and jeopardy of their life: we beseech thee for thine exceeding great goodness and bottomless mercy, to mitigate the strictness of that law. Assuage thine anger line 30 for a while, and cherish in the bosom of thy favour and mercy our most gracious queen Marie, being now at the point of her deliverance. So help her, that without danger of her life, she may overcome the sorrow, and in due season bring forth a child, in body beautiful and comely, in mind noble and valiant. So that afterward she forgetting the trouble, may with joy, laud and praise the bountifulness of thy mercy; and together with us, praise and bless both thee and thy holy name world without end. line 40 This (O Lord) we desire thee, we beseech thee, and most heartily crave of thee. Hear us (O Lord) and grant us our petition. Let not the enemies of thy faith and of thy church say; Where is their God?   

A solemn prayer made for king Philip and queen Mary's child, that it may be a male child, well-favoured and witty, etc.  

A devout prayer made by the catholics for queen Marie being great and quick with child.  O Most mighty Lord God, which regardest the prayer of the humble, and despisest not their request, bow down from thine high habitation of the heavens, the eyes of thy mercy unto us wretched sinners, bowing the knees of our hearts, and with many and deep sighs bewailing our sins and offences humbly with eyes intent, and hands displayed, praying and beseeching thee, with the shield of thy protection, to defend Marie thy servant and our queen, who hath none other line 60 helper but thee, and whom through thy grace thou hast willed to be conceived with child; and at the time of her travel graciously with the help of thy right hand deliver her, and from all danger with the child in her conceived, mercifully preserve. It hath seemed good in thy sight (merciful father) by thy servant Marie to work these wonders, that is to say; in her hands to vanquish and overthrow the stout enemy, and to deliver us thy people out of the hands of 
* The papists call the protestants heretics and enemies to the cross of Christ, even as Achab called Elias the disturber of Israel, when he was only the disturber himself.  heretics, infidels, enemies to thee, and to the cross of thy beloved son jesus Christ, that of thy servant thou mightest speak in far countries. Therefore for these wonderful works which thou doest to thy servants, thou art magnified Lord God for ever, & we thy people bless thee the God of heaven, which hast wrought upon us this great mercy, and hast excluded from us the heretic, the enemy of truth, and the persecutor of thy church. We know, we know that we have grievously (Lord) sinned, that we have been deceived by vanity, and that we have forsaken thee our God. Our iniquities be multiplied on our head, and our sins be increased up to heaven, and we ourselves have offended, and our princes and our priests: for these our sins have deserved an hypocrite to our prince, our sins have deserved a tyrant to our governor that should bring our life unto bitterness. We be not worthy to have so gentle and merciful a queen, so godly a ruler, and finally so virtuous a prince. At the very beginning of whose reign, a new light, as it were of God's religion, seemed to us for to spring and arise. 
Queen Marie compared of the papists to queen judith.  The jews did bless the widow judith with one voice; saying: Thou art the glory of jerusalem, thou art the joy of Israel, thou art the honour of our people, for that thou hast loved chastity, and thou shalt be blessed for ever.  
And we the English people with one agreeable consent do cry: 
Mark how forgetting his prayer he fa●leth to the praising of queen Marie.  Thou Marie art the glory of England, our joy, the honour of thy people, for that thou hast embraced chastity: thine hart is strengthened, for the hand of our Lord hath comforted thee, and therefore thou shalt be blessed for ever. But bow down, O most merciful father thine ear, and open thine eyes, and behold our affliction, and our humble confession. Thou knowest Lord, that against Philip, not by human, but by thy ordinance our king, and against thy servant Marie by thy providence our queen, the restorers and maintainers of thy testament, and of the faith and most constant defenders of thy church; thou knowest (I say) that against these our two governors (the enemies of thy holy testament, 
The testament setteth up only the glory of Christ.  and of the church thy spouse) be most rank rebels, and spiteful murmurers, walking after their lusts, whose mouth speaketh words of pride, to the end they may set up the kingdom of heretics and schismatics. By the power of their hands they would change thy promises, 
If the changing of God's promises, destroying his inheritance, stopping the mouths of God's people if contentions, wars, and schisms be tokens of heretics, who so great heretics as the papists ●e?  and destroy thine inheritance, and stop and shut up the mouths of them that praise thee, and extinguish the glory of thy catholic church and altar.  
It is manifest and plain, how many contentions, how many conspiracies & seditions, how great wars, what tumults, how many and how great troublesome vexations, how many heresies and schisms (for these be the most ready devices and evident tokens of heretics) for our sins do hang over us, if thy servant be taken from this life: for we acknowledge that our Lord is omnipotent, who hath pitched his dwelling place in the midst of his people, to the intent to deliver us out of the hands of our enemies. Turn therefore thy countenance unto us, show unto us, O Lord, thy face. Punish us for our sins according to thy will and pleasure, only now deliver us. We bowing the knees of our heart, beseech thee that thou wilt not reserve unto us punishment for ever, and we shall praise thee, all the days of our life. Hear our cry, and the prayer of thy people, and open to them the treasure of thy mercy, thy gracious favour, the spring of lively water. Thou that hast begun, make in the hand of thy servant a perfect work. Suffer not, we pray thee, 
Cry up lowdder you priests peradventure your god is a sleep.  the faithless rebels to say of thy servant and her councillors, that they have devised matters which they can not perform. And grant unto thy servant an happy and an easy travel. For it is not impossible to thy power, nor indecent to thy justice, nor unwonted unto thy mercy.  
It is well known unto us, 
The Lord gave a promise to Sara ●nd Elisabeth: so did 〈◊〉 not to queen Marie.  how marvelously thou didst work in Sara of the age of fourscore and ten years, and in Elisabeth the barren, and also far stricken in age: for thy counsel is not in the power of men. Thou Lord that art the searcher of hearts and thoughts, thou knowest that thy servant never lusted after man, never gave herself to wanton company, nor made herself partaker with them that walk in lightness: but she consented to take an husband with thy fear, and not with her lust. Thou knowest that thy servant took an husband, not for carnal pleasure, but only for the desire and love of line 10 posterity, wherein thy name might be blessed for ever and ever. Give therefore unto thy servants Philip our king, & Marie our queen, a male issue, which may sit in the seat of thy kingdom. Give unto our queen thy servant, a little infant in fashion and body comely and beautiful, in pregnant wit notable and excellent.  

It is not best such one to be granted unto ●ou, for being like Abraham joseph, Moses, and Solomon, he may chance smell out your corrupt doctrine, and to detest your bloody tyranny, etc.  Grant the same to be in obedience like Abraham, in hospitality like Lot, in chastity and brotherly line 20 love like joseph, in meekness and mildness like Moses, in strength and valiantness like Samson. Let him be found faithful as David after thy heart. Let him be wise among kings as the most wise Solomon. Let him be like job, a simple and an upright man, fearing God and eschewing evil. Let him finally be garnished with the comeliness of all virtuous conditions, and in the same let him wax old and live, that he may see his children's children to the third and fourth generation. And give to our sovereign line 30 lord and lady, king Philip and queen Marie, thy blessing and long life upon earth. And grant that of them may come kings and queens which may steadfastly continue in faith, love, and holiness. And blessed be their seed of our God, that all nations may know thou art only God in all the earth, which art blessed for ever and ever, Amen.   

another prayer for queen Marie, and her conceived child. line 40  

another prayer for the same.  O Almighty father, which didst sanctify the blessed virgin and mother of Marie in her conception, & in the birth of Christ our saviour, thy only son; also by thy omnipotent power didst safely deliver the prophet jonas out of the whales belly defend O Lord we beseech thee, thy servant Marie our queen, with child. conceived, and so visit her in and with thy godly gift of health, that not only the child thy creature within line 50 her contained, may joyfully come from her into this world, and receive the blessed sacraments of baptism and confirmation, enjoying therewith daily increase of all princely and gracious gifts both of body and soul; but that also she, the mother, through thy special grace and mercy, may in time of her travel avoid all excessive dolour and pain, and abide perfect and sure from all peril and danger of death, with long and prosperous life, through Christ line 60 our Lord, Amen. ¶ And thus much shall suffice touching this great ado about queen Marie and her babe.]  

Cardinal Poole comdeth to Paul's cross with great pomp.  The second day of December being sunday, cardinal Poole came to Paul's church in London with great pomp, having before him a cross, two pillars and two pollaxes of silver, and was there solemnly received by the bishop of Winchester, chancellor of England, who met him with procession. And shortly after, king Philip came from Westminster by land, being accompanied with a great number of his nobles. 
Certain 〈◊〉 of Stephan Gardiner's sermon.  And the same day, the bishop of Winchester preached at Paul's cross, in the which sermon he declared, that the king and queen had restored the pope to his right of primacy; & that the three estates assembled in parliament, representing the whole body of the realm, had submitted themselves to his holiness, and to his successors for ever. And in the same also, he greatly praised the cardinal, and set forth the passing high authority that he had from the 〈◊〉 of Rome, with much other glorious matter, in the commendation of the church of Rome, which he called the see apostolic. This sermon being ended, the king and the cardinal riding together, 
The king and the cardinal ride together.  returned to White hall, and the king had his sword borne before him, and the cardinal had only his cross, and no more.  
The seven and twentieth day of the said month, Emanuel Philibert earl of savoy and prince of Piemount came into England, 
Prince of Piemount cometh into England.  accompanied with diverse other lords and gentlemen strangers, who were received at Gravesend by the earl of Bedford lord privy seal, and conveyed by water through London bridge to White hall, where the king and queen then lay. ¶ On the ninth of januarie next following, the prince of Orange was in like manner received at Gravesend, and from thence conveyed to the court, being at White hall. 
I. Stow. 1053. Prince of Orange.  The twelfth of januarie, the said prince of Orange, with other lords, was conducted by the lord chamberlein to the tower of London, where was showed unto him the ordinance, artillery, munitions, and armory, with the mint, &c: and so was brought into the white tower, from whence, as he returned through the long gallery, all the prisoners saluted him: unto whom the prince said, he was sorry for their captivity, and trusted the king and queen would be good unto them. At his departing from the tower, he gave the gunner's ten pieces of Flemish gold at five shillings the piece, and the warders other ten pieces, as a reward.]  
Upon wednesday the 12 of December, five of the eight men which lay in the Fleet, 
Five of Throckmortons' jury released.  that had passed upon sir Nicholas Throckmortons' trial, were discharged and set at liberty upon their fines paid, which was two hundred and twenty pounds a piece. The other three put up a supplication, therein declaring their goods did not amount to the sum of that which they were appointed to pay: and so upon that declaration, paying three score pounds a piece, they were delivered out of prison on saint Thomas day before Christmas, being the one & twentieth of December. The two and twentieth of the same month, 
Parliament dissolved.  the parliament (which began the two and twentieth of November before) was dissolved, wherein among other acts passed there, the statute Ex officio, and other laws made for punishment of heresies were revived. But chiefly, the pope's most liberal bull of dispensation of abbeie land was there confirmed, much to the contentation of many, who not without cause suspected by this new union, to lose some piece of their late purchase. 
Abr. Fl. ex joh. Foxi martyrologio. A stir between the Spaniards and Englishmen at Westminster.  ¶ On new years day at night was a great tumult between Spaniards and Englishmen at Westminster, whereof was like to have ensued great mischief, through a Spanish friar which got into the church and rung alarm. The occasion was about two whores which were in the cloister of Westminster with a sort of Spaniards, whereof whilst some played the knaves with them, other some did keep the entry of the cloister with dags and harness. In the mean time certain of the deans men came into the cloister, and the Spaniards discharged their dags at them, and hurt some of them. By and by the noise of this doing came into the streets, so that the whole town was up almost, but never a stroke was stricken. Notwithstanding, the noise of this doing with the deans men, and also the ringing of the alarm made much ado, and a great number also to be sore afraid.]  
year 1555 Upon friday the eighteenth of januarie, all the council, 
I S. pag. 1095.  by name, the lord chancellor, the bishop of Elie, the lord treasurer, the earl of Shrewesburie, the comptrollor of the queens house, secretary Bourne, and sir Richard Southwell master of the ordinance and armory, went to the tower, and there the same day discharged and set at liberty all the prisoners of the tower, 
Prisoners delivered out of the tower.  or the more part of them, namely the archbishop of York, the late duke of Northumberlands line 10 sons, the lords Ambrose, Robert, and Henry; also, sir Andrew Dudleie, sir james Croftes, sir Nicholas Throckmorton, sir john Rogers, sir Nicholas Arnold, sir George Harper, sir Edward Warner, sir William Sentlow, sir Gawen Carew, William Gibbes esquire, Cuthbert Uaughan, and diverse others.  

Trouble and persecution for religion.  Moreover, about this season diverse learned men being apprehended, and in prison for matters of religion, were brought before the bishops of Winchester line 20 and London, and other the bishops and commissioners appointed therefore: who upon the constant standing of the said learned men in their opinions, which they had taken upon them to maintain, as grounded upon the true word of God, as they protested, proceeded in judgement against them, and so diverse of them were burned at London in Smithfield, and in diverse other places. Nay not only by fire but by other torments were the good christians persecuted, whose zeal was hot in religion and defiance line 30 of the pope: insomuch that then he was counted God's enemy, which took not the pope for the friend of Christ (whom he hateth with hostility) as C.O. noteth very truly in his Elisabetha, saying: 
— nam creditur hostis  
Esse Dei, papa● si quis pius asserit hostem  
Esse Dei, veros Christi qui tollit honores.   
In February next following, doctor Thirlebie bishop of Elie, 
Ambassadors out of England to Rome.  and Anthony lord Montacute, with a very honourable train of gentlemen and others, line 40 road forth of the city of London towards Rome as ambassadors sent from the king and queen, to confirm this new reconciliation to the pope. 
William Fetherstone, alias Constable a boy, nameth himself king Edward the sixth.  A young stripling, whose name was William Fetherstone, a miller's son, about the age of eighteen years, named and bruited himself to be king Edward the sixth, whereof when the queen and the council heard, they caused with all diligence inquiry to be made for him, so that he was apprehended in Southworke, or (as other have) at Eltham in Kent the tenth of May, line 50 and brought before the council at Hampton court, and there examined. And it was demanded of him why he so named himself? To which he counterfeiting a manner of simplicity, or rather frenzy, would make no direct answer, but prayed pardon; for he witted not what he said: affirming further, that he was counseled so to say, and to take upon him the name, whereof he accused certain persons: but his talk was not found true, wherefore he was committed to the Marshalseie, as a lunatic fool. line 60  
On the eight and twentieth day of May next following, the aforesaid counterfeit prince was brought in a cart from the Marshalseie through the city of London, with a paper over his head, wherein was written, that he named himself king Edward. And from thence was conveyed to Westminster, being led round about the hall, and showed to all the people there: and afterward he was taken out of the cart and stripped, 
john Stow.  and then whipped round about the palace at the same cart's tail, and then through Westminster into Smithfield, and then banished into the north, in which country he was borne, and had been sometime lackey to sir Peter Mewtas, and without more punishment was discharged, and set at liberty. But the next year following, 
The counterfeit king executed.  for that he had spread abroad that king Edward was alive, and that he had spoken with him, he was again apprehended, and arraigned of high treason, whereof being condemned, he shortly after was drawn unto Tyburn, and there hanged and quartered the thirteenth of March. ¶ Here, as in a fit and convenient place, 
Abr. Fl. ex joh. Foxi martyrologio▪  the observation of the day and month offering no less, it is not amiss to set down the speech of queen Marie uttered to sundry of her lords, touching a motion which no doubt certain popish prelates had put into her mind; the effect whereof followeth as I find it in master Fox.  
Before I pass this month of March (saith he) I cannot but leave a little memorandum of the words or consultation of queen Marie, used to certain of the council, the eight & twentieth day of the said month of March, touching the restoring again of the abbeie lands. Who after she had called unto her presence four of her privy council, the day and month aforesaid: the names of which councillors were these; 
The names of the councillors called before queen Marie.  William lord marquess of Winchester high treasurer of England, sir Robert Rochester knight, the queen's comptrollor, sir William Peter knight, secretary, sir Francis Inglefield knight, master of wards; the said queen Marie inferred these words: the principal effect & sum whereof here followeth. 
The effect of queen Mary's words touching abbey land's to be restored.  You are here of our council, and we have willed you to be called to us, to the intent ye might hear of me my conscience, and the resolution of my mind, concerning the lands and possessions as well of monasteries, as other churches whatsoever being now presently in my possession. First, I do consider, that the said lands were taken away from the churches aforesaid, in time of schism, and that by unlawful means, such as are contrary both to the law of God and of the church. 
The queen taketh a conscience to keeping abbeie lands.  For the which cause my conscience doth not suffer me to detain them: and therefore I here expressly refuse either to claim or to retain the said lands for mine: but with all my heart freely and willingly without all paction or condition, here and before God I do surrender and relinquish the said lands and possessions or inheritances whatsoever, & do renounce the same with this mind and purpose, 
The queen surrendreth from herself the possession of abbeie lands.  that order and disposition thereof may be taken as shall seem best liking to our most holy lord the pope, or else his legate the lord cardinal, to the honour of God and wealth of this our realm.  
And albeit you may object to me again, that considering the state of my kingdom, the dignity thereof, and my crown imperial cannot be honourably maintained and furnished without the possessions aforesaid: yet notwithstanding I set more by the salvation of my soul, than by ten kingdoms: and therefore the said possessions I utterly refuse here to hold after that sort and title, and give most hearty thanks to almighty God, which hath given me an husband likewise minded, with no less good affection in this behalf, than I am myself. 
Promise for restitution of abbeie lands.  Wherefore I charge and command, that my chancellor (with whom I have conferred my mind in this matter before) and you four, to morrow together do resort to the most reverend lord legate, and do signify to him the premises in my name, & give your attendance upon him for the more full declaration of the state of my kingdom, and of the foresaid possessions accordingly, as you yourselves do understand the matter, and can inform him in the same. This charge (as the sequel gave proof) was followed with no less diligence of the lords, than it was imposed with willingness upon them by the queen: insomuch that shortly after (as anon you shall hear) the performed her promise to ●he pith.  
But to le● this matter pass, till due time & place require a declaration of the conclusion thereof; I am here (saith master Fox, as occasion serveth) to entreat of pope julius death, for so much as he made his end about the latter end of this foresaid month of March. 
R●ad more of 〈◊〉 in a book ●●lled a warning to England.  Concerning the deeds and acts of which pope, to make a full declaration, it were not so much tedious to the reader, as horrible to all good ears. Under this julius flourished the archbishop of Beneventanus, a Florentine, named johannes a Casa, dean of the pope's chamber, 
The death of 〈◊〉 julius the third.  and chief legate to the line 10 Uenetians: who well declaring the fruit of that filthy see, so far forgot both honesty and nature, that he shamed not only to play the filthy Sodomite himself, 
 and to boast openly of the same: but also took upon him most impudently in Italian metre, to all men's ears, to set forth the praise and commendation of that beastly iniquity, 
N●te here what an holy catholic church this is  saying that he himself never used other: and this book was printed at Venice, by one Troianus Naws. And yet the pope could suffer this so great iniquity and shameless line 20 beastliness; even under his nose in his own chamber, which could not abide the true doctrine of Christ in christian books.  
Amongst other pranks and deeds of this foresaid pope, in his jubilée, and in the synod of Trent, and in confirming of the idol of Lauretane, this is also reported of him in his life, that he delighted greatly in pork flesh and peacocks. Upon a time when he was admonished of his physician to abstain from all swine's flesh, for that it was noisome for his g●ut, and yet would not follow his counsel: the physician line 30 afterward gave warning to his steward or orderer of his diet, that he should set no more pork flesh before him. Whereupon when the pope perceived the said pork flesh to be lacking in his accustomed service; 
●●o●kish pope.  Where (said he) is my pork? And when his steward had answered that his physician had forbidden any pork to be served: then the pope bursting out in great rage, 
Monstrous blasphemy in the pope.  said in these words; Bring me, said he, my pork flesh Al dispetto di Dio: that is to say in English, In the despite of God. line 40  
At an other time, he sitting at dinner, pointing to a peacock upon his table, which he had not touched; Keep (said he) this cold peacock for me against supper, and let me sup in the garden, for I shall have guests. So when supper came, and amongst other hot peacocks, he saw not his cold peacock brought to his table: the pope after his wonted manner, most horribly blaspheming God, fell into an extreme rage, etc. Whereupon one of his cardinals sitting by, line 50 desired him saying: 
Pope julius blasphemeth God for a peacock.  Let not your holiness, I pray you, be so moved with a matter of so small weight. Then this julius the pope answering again; What (said he) if God was so angry for one apple, that he cast our first parents out of paradise for the same, 
〈…〉 dignam.  why may not I being his vicar, be angry then for a peacock, sithence a peacock is a greater matter than an apple? Behold here good reader, by this pope, the holiness of that blasphemous see: and yet thou shalt see here, what affection was borne unto this line 60 pope here in England, by the di●iges, hearses, and funerals commanded to be had and celebrated in all churches by the queen and her council, as may appear by the copy of their letters here following.   

A letter from the bishop of Winchester (being lord chancellor) unto Boner bishop of London, touching the celebrating of the pope's funerals.  

〈◊〉 10. winchester's 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 for the 〈◊〉 funeral  AFter my hearty commendations to your good lordship. The king and queen's majesties having certain knowledge of the death of the pope's holiness, thought good there should be as well solemn obsequies said for him throughout the realm, as also these prayers (which I send you herein enclosed) used at mass times in all places at this time of vacation; and therefore willed me to signify their pleasures unto you in this behalf, that thereupon ye might proceed to the full accomplishment thereof, by putting the same in due execution within your own diocese, and sending word to the rest of the bishops to do the like in theirs. Thus doubting not but that your lordship will use such diligence in this matter at this time, as shall be necessary, I bid your lordship heartily well to far. From my house at Asher, the tenth of April. 1555.  
Your assured friend and brother, Stephanus Winton. Cancel.   

Prayers commanded to be used in the funeral masses for the pope, Apostolica sede vacant.  
Supplicite Domine humilitate deposcimus, ut tua immensa pietas sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae concedat pontificem illum, qui & pro in nos studio semper tibi gratus, 
A collect for the pope.  & tuo populo pro salubri regimine sit assiduè ad gloriam tui nominis venerandus, per Dominum nostrum.  
Secreta.  
Tuae nobis Domine pietatis abundantia indulgeat, 
Another prayer for choosing of the pope.  ut gratum maiestati tuae pontificem sanctae matris ecclesiae regimini praeess● studeamus per Dominum nostrum.  
Post communionen.  
Pretiosi corporis & sanguinis tui Domine sacramento refectos, mi●ifica tuae maiestatis gratia de illius summi pontificis assumptione laetificet, qui & plebem tuam virtutibus instruat, & fidelium mentes spiritualium aromatum odore perfundat, per Dominum nostrum.   
Upon this commandment, on wednesday in Easter week there were hearses set up, & diriges song for the said julius in diverse places. At which time it chanced a woman to come into S. Magnus' church at the bridge-foot in London, & there seeing an hearse and other preparation, asked what it meant: and other that stood by, said, that it was for the pope, and that she must pray for him. 
A woman of S. Magnus' parish imprisoned for not praying for the pope.  Nay (quoth she) that will I not, for he needeth not my prayer: and seeing he could forgive us all our sins, I am sure he is clean himself: therefore I need not to pray for him. She was heard speak these words of certain that stood by: which by and by carried her unto the cage at London bridge, and bade her cool herself there.  
And here (saith master Fox) cometh to be remembered the notable working of God's hand upon a certain priest in Kent named Nightingale, parson of Crondall besides Canturburie: who upon Shrovesundaie, which was about the third day of the said month of March, and year of our Lord aforesaid, rejoicing belike not a little at this alteration of religion, began to make a sermon to his parishioners, taking his theme out of the words of saint john: He that saith, he hath no sin, is a liar, and the truth is not in him, etc. And so upon the same, 
A terrible example of God's severe punishment upon Nightingale parson of Crondall in Kent.  very impertinently, declared to them all such articles as were set forth by the pope's authority, and by the commandment of the bishops of this realm; saying moreover unto the people in this wise: Now masters and neighbours rejoice and be merry, for the prodigal son is come home. For I know that the most part of you be as I am: for I know your hearts well enough. And I shall tell you what hath happened in this week past. I was before my lord cardinal Pools grace, and he hath made me as clean from sin, as I was at the font stone: and on thursday last being before him, he hath appointed me to notify (I thank him for it) the same unto you. 
Blasphemy to Christ's gospel's punished.  And I will tell you what it is. And so reading the pope's bull of pardon that was sent into England, he said, he thanked God that ever he had lived to see that day: adding moreover that he believed, that line 10 by the virtue of that bull he was as clean from sin, as that night that he was borne: and immediately upon the same fell suddenly down out of the pulpit, and never stirred hand nor foot, and so lay he. Testified by Robert Austen of Cartham, which both heard and saw the same, and is witnessed also by the whole country round about.]  
About this time, Edward courtney, earl of Devonshire, 
The lord Courneie goeth over into Italy.  of whom before ye have heard, how he was appointed to remain at Fodringheie under line 20 safe custody, at length was set at liberty, came to the court, and got licence to pass the seas, went into Italy, where shortly after he sickened, and died within fourteen days after his sickness first took him: he was honourably buried in Padwaie. This courtney was the only son and heir of Henry, marquess of Excester, cousin german to king Henry the eight, as is said before. For the said king and he were descended of two sisters, 
The lord courtney descended of the blood ●o●all.  Elizabeth and Katherine, two of the daughters of king Edward the line 30 fourth, which propinquity of blood notwithstanding the said marquess, for points of treason laid against him, suffered at the tower hill, the thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the eight, to the great dolour of the most of the subjects of this realm, who for his sundry virtues bore him great favour and goodwill.  
After whose death, this young gentleman his son, being yet a child, was committed prisoner to the tower, where he remained until the beginning of line 40 the reign of this queen Marie (as before you have heard.) This gentleman (as it appeared) was borne to be a prisoner, for from twelve years of age unto thirty, he had scarce two years liberty, within the which time he died, and obtained quiet, which in his life he could never have. In the month of May next following, 
Ambassadors sent to treat a peace between the French king and the emperor.  cardinal Poole, who had been a great labourer for peace between the French king and the emperor, being accompanied with Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England, line 50 the earl of Arundel lord steward, and the lord Paget, were sent by the king and queen over the sea to Calis, & from thence went to the town of Mark where they met with the ambassadors of the emperor and the French king. From the emperor were sent the bishop of Arras with others. From the French king was sent the cardinal of Lorraine, and the constable of France. In this treaty, cardinal Poole sat as precedent and umpire in the name of the queen of England. This peace was greatly laboured, line 60 where at the first, there was much hope, but in the end nothing was concluded: wherefore the seventeenth day of june, this assembly was dissolved, and the English ambassadors returned again into England.  

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1097.  ¶ In this month of August, in Suffolk, at a place by the sea side, all of hard stone and pebble, called in those parts a shelf, lying between the towns of Oxford and Alborough, where never grew grass, nor any earth was ever seen, there chanced in this barren place suddenly to spring up without any tillage or sowing, great abundance of peason, whereof the poor gathered (as men judged) above an hundred quarters; 
The necessity of the poor relieved by God's providence.  yet remained some ripe, & some blossoming, as many as ever there were before. To the which place road the bishop of Norwich, and the lord Willoughby with others in great number, who found nothing but hard r●ckie stone for the space of three yards under the roots of those peason, which roots were great and long, and very sweet in taste to the mouth of the eater, etc.  
On Bartholomew even, 
Disputation at Christ's hospital, as had been accustomed at saint Bartholomewes' in Smithfield, being an encouragement to young scholars.  after the Lord mayor and aldermen of London had rid about Bartholomew fair, they came to Christ's hospital within Newgate, where they heard a disputation between the scholars of Paul's school, saint Anthony's school, and the scholars of the said hospital, for whom was provided three games, which was three pens: the best pen of silver and gilt, valued at five shillings, won by a scholar of saint Anthony's school, and the master of that school had six shillings eight pence: the second, a pen of silver parcel gilt, valued at iiij. shillings, won by a scholar of Paul's school, & his master had five shillings in money: the third a pen of silver, valued at three shillings, won by a scholar of the said hospital, and his master had four shillings. And there were two priests masters of arts appointed for judges, which had each of them a silver rule for their pains, valued at six shillings eight pence the piece. The disputation being ended, the mayor and aldermen entered the hall, where the children of the hospital use to dine, and had fruit & wine, and so departed.  
King Philip went over seas, 
King Philip went over into Flanders.  and landed at Calis on the fourth of September, where he was honourably received by the lord deputy, & the mayor of the staple of Calis, an alderman of London named sir Andrew jud, presenting his majesty with a purse & a thousand marks of gold in it: that night the king was lodged in staple inn: and on the morrow he departed from Calis towards Brussels in Brabant, to visit the emperor his father: he gave at his departing among the soldiers of the town of Calis, a thousand crowns of gold, and there accompanied him in his journey of English lords, the earl of Arundel lord steward of the queens house, the earl of Penbroke, the earl of Huntingdon, and others. On Michaelmas even, the prisoners that lay in the counter in Bredstréet, 
New counter in Woodstréet.  were removed to a new counter made in Woodstréet of the cities purchase & building, the which removing was confirmed by a common council assembled at the Guildhall for that purpose.  
On the last of September, by occasion of great wind and rain that had fallen, was such great floods, 
Great land-waters whereby diverse frequented places were overflown.  that that morning the king's palace at Westminster, and Westminster hall was overflown with water, unto the stair foot, going to the chancery and king's bench: so that when the lord mayor of London should come to present the sheriffs to the barons of the excheker, all Westminster hall was full of water. And by report there, that morning, a whirriman rowed with his boat over Westminster bridge, into the palace court, and so through the staple gate: and all the wool staple into the king's street, and all the marshes on Lambeth side, were so overflown, that the people from Newington church could not pass on foot, but were carried by boat from the said church to the pinfold, near to saint Georges in Southworke.]  
About this time, the bishop of Lincoln, Gloucester, 
Anno Reg. ●. Commissioners sent to Oxford, by th● pope's authority, & 〈◊〉.  and Bristol, were sent in commission to Oxford by the pope's authority, to examine Ridleie and Latimer, upon certain articles by them preached, which if they would not recant, and consent to the pope's doctrine, than had they power to proceed in sentence against them as heretics, and to commit them over to the secular power. Those two doctors nevertheless stood constantly to that which they had taught, and would not revoke: for which cause, they were condemned, and after burned in the town ditch at Oxford, the sixtéenth day of October. In the time of whose examination, because the bishops aforesaid declared themselves to be the pope's commissioners, neither Ridleie nor Latimer would do them any reverence, but kept their caps on their heads: wherefore they were sharply rebuked by the bishop of Lincoln, and one of the officers was commanded for to line 10 take of their caps. Of these men, and the manner of their death, ye may read at large in the book of the monuments of the church.  
The one and twentieth of October, a parliament was holden at Westminster, 
● parliament ●herein the kings of the ●●●rch are 〈◊〉.  in the which amongst other things the queen being persuaded by the cardinal (and other of her clergy) that she could not prosper, so long as she kept in her hands any possessions of the church, did frankly and freely resign and render unto them all those revenues ecclesiastical, line 20 which by the authority of parliament, in the time of king Henry, had been annexed to the crown, called the first fruits and tenths of all bishoprics, benefices, and ecclesiastical promotions. The resignation whereof was a great diminution of the revenues of the crown. 
● subsidy ● Stowpunc;  ¶ In this parliament was granted to the king & queen a subsidy of the laity from five pounds to ten pounds eight pence of the pound, from ten pounds to twenty pounds twelve pence of the pound, & from twenty pounds upward sixteen line 30 pence of the pound, and all strangers double, and the clergy granted six shillings of the pound.  
Doctor Story and other were appointed by the cardinal, 

This Story 〈◊〉 executed 〈◊〉 queen El●zabeths 〈◊〉  
The death of Stephan Gardiner ●●shop of winchester.   to visit every parish church in London and Middlesex, to see their relics repaired, and the images of the crucifix, with Marie and john thereupon to be fixed.] During the time of this parliament, Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of England died at his house called Winchester place, beside saint Marie Oueries in Southworke, the ninth day of November, whose corpse was shortly line 40 after solemnly from thence conveyed to his church of Winchester, & there buried. The manner of whose death why should I blush to blaze as I find it by report? 
A●r. Fl. ex I. F. ●●●tyrologio. The reporter 〈◊〉 this additi●● a person of ●●●dit.  ¶ One mistress Monday, being the wife of one master Monday secretary sometime to the old lord Thomas duke of Norfolk, a present witness of this that is testified, thus openly reported in the house of a worshipful citizen, bearing office in this city, in words and effect as followeth. The same day, line 50 when as bishop Ridleie and master Latimer suffered at Oxford, being about the ninetéenth day of October, there came to the house of Stephan Gardiner, the old duke of Norfolk with the foresaid Monday his secretary above named, reporter héerof. The old aged duke, there waiting and tarrying for his dinner, the bishop being not yet disposed to dine, deferred the time till three or four of the clock at after noon.  
At length, about four of the clock cometh his servant posting in all possible speed from Oxford, line 60 bringing intelligence to the bishop what he had heard and seen: of whom the said bishop diligently enquiring the truth of the matter, & hearing by his man, that fire most certainly was set unto them, cometh out rejoicing to the duke: Now saith he, let us go to dinner. Whereupon, they being set down, meat immediately was brought, and the bishop began merrily to eat: 
Gardener 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 sudden 〈◊〉 of God.  but what followed? The bloody tyrant had not eaten a few bits, but the sudden stroke of God his terrible hand fell upon him in such sort, as immediately he was taken from the table, & so brought to his bed, where he continued the space of fifteen days, in such intolerable anguish and torments, that all that mean while, during those fifteen days, he could not avoid by order of urine, or otherwise, any thing that he received: whereby his body being miserably inflamed within (who had inflamed so many good martyrs before) was brought to a wretched end. And thereof no doubt, as most like it is, came the thrusting out of his tongue from his mouth so swollen & black, with the inflammation of his body. A spectacle worthy to be noted and beholden of all such bloody burning persecutors.  
But whatsoever he was, seeing he is now gone, I refer him to his judge, to whom he shall stand or fall. As concerning his death and manner thereof, I would they which were present thereat, would testify to us what they saw. This we have all to think, that his death happened so opportunelie, that England hath a mighty cause to give thanks to the Lord therefore: not so much for the great hurt he had done in times passed in perverting his princess, in bringing in the six articles, in murdering Gods saints, 
Stephan Gardiner especially hunteth for the life of lady Elizabeth. Q. Elizabeth preserved.  in defacing Christ's sincere religion, &c: as also especially for that he had thought to have brought to pass in murdering also our noble queen that now is. For whatsoever danger it was of death that she was in, it did (no doubt) proceed from that bloody bishop, who was the cause thereof. And if it be certain which we have heard, that her highness being in the tower, a writ came down from certain of the council for her execution, it is out of controversy, that wily Winchester was the only Dedalus and framer of that engine. Who (no doubt) in that one day had brought this whole realm into woeful ruin, had not the lords most gracious council, 
M. Bridges lieutenant the Lords organ in saving the lady Elizabeth's life.  through master Bridges then the lieutenant, coming in haste to the queen, certified her of the matter, and prevented Achitophel's bloody devices. For the which, thanks be to the same our Lord and Saviour, in the congregation of all English churches, Amen.]  
After whose death, 
The archbishop of York lord chancellor.  Nicholas heath archbishop of York, was preferred by the queen to the office of the chancellor. ¶ She likewise gave the privy seal to the lord Paget, and made him lord privy seal, 
john Stow.  these were both Londoners borne. In this month of February, the lord mayor of London and the aldermen entered into Bridewell, and took possession thereof, according to the gift of king Edward, now con●●●med by queen Marie.] In the month of March next following, there was in manner no other talk, but of the great preparation that was made for the queens lying in childbed, who had already taken up her chamber, and sundry ladies and gentlewomen were placed about her in every office of the court.  
¶ And now forsomuch as in the beginning of the month of june about Whitsuntide, 
Abr. Fl. ex. I.F. martyrologio. Rockers and nurses provided for queen Maries child.  the time was thought to be nigh, that this young master should come into the world, and that midwives, rockers, nurses, with the cradle and all, were prepared and in a readiness, suddenly upon what cause or occasion it is uncertain, a certain vain rumour was blown in London of the prosperous deliverance of the queen, and the birth of the child: insomuch that bells were rung, bonfires and processions made, 
Processions and bonfires in London for joy of the young prince.  not only in the city of London, and in most other parts of the realm, but also in Antwerp guns were shot off upon the river by the English ships, and the mariners thereof were rewarded with an hundred pistolets or Italian crowns by the lady regent, 
Triumph at Antwerp for the same.  who was the queen of Hungary. Such great rejoicing and triumph was for the queens delivery, and that there was a prince borne. Yea, diverse preachers, namely one the person of saint Anne within Aldersgate, after procession and Te Deum song, took upon him to describe the proportion of the child, how fair, how beautiful, and great a prince it was, as the like had not been seen.  
In the midst of this great ado, there was a simple man (this I speak but upon information) dwelling within four miles of Barwike, that never had been before half way to London, which said concerning the bonfires made for queen Maries child; Here is a joyful triumph, but at length all will not prove worth a mess of pottage, 
Q. Mary's child would not come.  as in deed it came to pass: for in the end all proved clean contrary, and the joy & expectations of men were much line 10 deceived. For the people were certified, that the queen neither was as then delivered, nor after was in hope to have any child. At this time many talked diversly. Some said this rumour of the queens conception was spread for a policy: some other affirmed that she was deceived by a tympany or some other like disease, 
What became of Q. Mary's child no man can tell.  to think herself with child, and was not: some thought she was with child, and that it did by some chance miscarry, or else that she was bewitched: but what was the truth thereof, the Lord knoweth, line 20 to whom nothing is secret. One thing of mine own hearing and seeing I cannot pass over unwitnessed.  
There came to me, whom I did both hear and see, one Isabella Malt, a woman dwelling in Aldersgate street in Horn ally, not far from the house where this present book was printed, who before witness made this declaration unto us, that she being delivered of a manchild upon Whitsundaie in the morning, which was the eleventh day of june Anno line 30 1555, there came to her the lord North, and another lord to her unknown, dwelling then about old Fishstréet, demanding of her if she would part with her child, and would swear that she never knew nor had no such child. Which if she would, her son (they said) should be well provided for, she should take no care for it, with many fair offers if she would part with the child.  
After that came other women also, of whom one (she said) should have been the rocker: but she in no line 40 wise would let go her son, who at the writing hereof being alive and called Timothy Malt, was of the age of thirteen years and upward. Thus much (I say) I heard of the woman herself. What credit is to be given to her relation, 
Ex testimonio eiusdem puerperae Londinensis.  I deal not withal, but leave it to the liberty of the reader, to believe it they that list: to them that list not, I have no further warrant to assure them. Among many other great preparations made for the queens deliverance of child, 
The young prince's cradle  there was a cradle very sumptuously and gorgeously line 50 trimmed, on the which cradle for the child appointed, these verses were written, both in Latin and in English, as they are set down here in record: 
Quam Maria sobolem Deus optime sum dedisti,  
Anglis incolumem red, tuere, rege.  
The child which thou to Marie,  

Verses upon the cradle.  o Lord of might hast send,  
To England's joy in health  
preserve, keep and defend.   
About this time there came over into England a certain English book, giving warning to the line 60 Englishmen of the Spaniards, and disclosing certain close practices for recovery of abbeie lands, which book was called A warning for England. Whereof ye shall understand much more at large where 
* I. Fox in mart. sub tit. Hen. 8.  we speak of the Spanish inquisition. So that by the occasion of this book, upon the thirteenth day of this month came out a certain proclamation, set forth in the name of the king and the queen, repealing and disannulling all manner of books written or printed, whatsoever should touch any thing the impairing of the pope's dignity, whereby not only much godly edification was hindered, but also great peril grew among the people. This proclamation is recorded at large with other appendents, in the Acts and Monuments, under the title of queen Marie.]  
¶ In this year died sir john Gresham, 
I. Stow. 1037. Free scale 〈◊〉 Holt, with other charita●●● deeds of sir Io. Gresh●●  who bore the office of lord mayor of London 1547, a man of a merciful nature, and good devotion both to God and his country. He founded a free school at Holt, a market town in Norfolk, & gave to every ward in London ten pounds to be distributed to the poor; and to threescore poor men and women, every one of them three yards of broad cloth of eight or nine shillings the yard, to be made in gowns ready to their backs. He gave also to maids marriages, and to the hospitals in London, above two hundred pounds in ready money. 
A blazing star.  A blazing star was seen at all times of the night, the sixth, seventh, eight, ninth, and tenth of March.]  
About this time, Brooks bishop of Gloucester was by the cardinal sent down as commissioner from the pope to Oxford, 
Brooks bishop of Glo●●●ster appoint to examine Cranmer.  there to sit upon the examination of Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, in such things as should be laid to his charge by john Story and Thomas Martin, doctors in the laws, sent specially in commission from the queen. At which time the said archbishop making low obeisance to them that sat in the queen's name, showed no token of reverence to the bishop that was the pope's commissioner: who nevertheless proceeded against him as judge, and convicted him of heresy. 
Th. Cranm●● archbishop 〈◊〉 Canturbur●● condemned.  According to the which sentence, the one and twentieth day of March next following, he was disgraded by Edmund Boner, and Thomas Thirlebie, bishops of London and Elie, sent down for that purpose, and he was burned in the same place where Ridleie and Latimer before had suffered. 
He is burnt.   
Before his death by the persuasion of a Spanish friar, named friar john, a reader of divinity in Oxford, and by the counsel of certain other that put him in hope of life and pardon, he subscribed to a recantation, wherein he submitted himself wholly to the church of Rome, and continued in the same mind to outward appearance, until he was brought out of prison, to go to the fire. Afore whose execution, a sermon was made by doctor Cole dean of Paul's, 
The archbishop brought to the place 〈◊〉 execution.  in saint Martin's church in Oxford. And in the end of his sermon, the said doctor Cole prayed the people to incline their ears to such things as the said Cranmer would declare unto them by his own mouth. For (saith he) he is a man very repentant, and will here before you all revoke his errors. Nevertheless he did clean contrary. 
john Fox.  For when he came to the place where the holy bishops and martyrs of God, Hugh Latimer and Ridleie were burnt before him, for the confession of the truth, kneeling down he prayed to God, & not tarrying long in his prayers, putting off his garments to his shirt, he prepared himself to death. His shirt was made long down to his feet: his feet were bare. Likewise his head, 
The descrip●tion of his person.  when both his caps were off, was so bare, that one hear could not be seen upon it. His beard was long and thick, covering his face with marvelous gravity. Such a countenance of gravity moved the hearts both of his friends and of his enemies.  
And as for the recantation aforesaid, with many tears he protested, that he had subscribed to the same against his conscience, only for fear of death, and hope of life. Which seemed true: for when he came to the stake, & the fire kindled, he put his right hand into the fire, and held it there a good space, saying: that the same hand should first burn, because it held the pen to subscribe against his Lord God. Upon the death of this Cranmer I find these reverend verses: 
Infortunatè est foelix, qui numine laeso,  
Cuiusuis gaudet commoditate boni.  
Infoelix ille est verò foeliciter, orbi  
Inuisus quisquis tris●ia fata subit.  
Hoc Cranmere probas, vitae praesentis amore,  
Dum quaeris sanctam dissimulare fidem.  
Et dum consilijs tandem melioribus usus,  
Praeponis vitae funera saeva tuae.   
Immediately after the death of the said bishop Cranmer, 
Cardinal Poole made archbishop of Canturburie.  cardinal Poole (a popish prelate, and a sore enemy to the religion received & established in king Henry the eights time) was made archbishop of Canturburie, who (during the life of the other) would line 10 never be consecrated archbishop. Who so desireth to see more of this matter, 
Persecution or religion.  may see the same at large in the book of the monuments of the church, where you shall also find, that about this time many were in trouble for religion. The eight and twentieth day of the aforesaid month of March, by the negligence of the keepers maid of the gail of Newgate in London, 
Newgate set in fire.  who had left a candle where a great deal of straw was, the same was set on fire, and burned all line 20 the timber work on the northside of the same gate. 
A conspiracy.   
The Summer next following was a new conspiracy brought to light, which was, to have raised war in the realm against the queen, for maintenance whereof, their first enterprise was to have rob the treasury of the queens excheker at Westminster, called the receipt of the excheker, 
●▪ Stow, pag. 1100.  in the which there was of the queens treasure above fifty thousand pounds the same time, to the intent they might be able to maintain war against the queen, as it fell out afterwards in proof. The utterer of which line 30 conspiracy was one White, who at the beginning was made privy to the same, whereupon diverse of the conspiracy, namely, Henry Peckham, Daniel, 

The names of the conspiracies and their 〈◊〉.  
Sir Anthony Kingston ●●parteth this 〈◊〉.  
Executions 〈◊〉 treason 〈◊〉, and religion.   Dethicke, Udall, Throckmorton, and captain Stanton, were apprehended, and diverse other fled into France. Moreover, sir Anthony Kingston knight was accused and apprehended for the same, and died in the way coming to London. The eight and twentieth of April, Throckmorton and Richard line 40 Veal, were drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged & quartered. The ninetéenth of May Stanton was likewise executed. The eight of june, Rosseie, Redike, and Bedell suffered at Tyburn for the same offence. 
john Stow.  The eighteenth of june, one Sands, younger son to the lord Sands, was executed at S. Thomas Waterings, for a robbery committed by him and others to the value of three thousand pounds. The seven and twentieth of june, eleven men & two women, were had out of Newgate, and in three carts conveyed to Stratford the bow, where for religion line 50 they were burnt to ashes.  
The eight of julie, in the beginning of this fourth year of the queens reign, 
Anno Reg. 4.  Henry Peckham and john Daniel were executed, 
Execution.  and after they were dead, were headed on the tower hill: their bodies were buried in Barking church. ¶ About this time one Clober, 
I▪ S. pag. 1101. Conspiracy began by one 〈◊〉 and three brethren 〈…〉.  which sometime kept a school at Dis in Norfolk; with three brethren, whose names were Lincoln, pretended an insurrection, and would line 60 have gathered the people at a marriage, unto the which the brethren promised either of them to bring an hundred horse with men. At which time by them appointed, the said Clober gave charge to a servant of his, to watch in a lane nigh to the church where they should meet, and as soon as he saw any horsseman coming thitherward, to give him warning with all speed. So it chanced (by the will of God) that certain men riding through that lane, to some other place about their business, came about such an hour as Clober had appointed. Upon sight of which men, his said servant returned to his master, and told him that his friends were come: and immediately the said Clober stood up in the parish church of Yarsleie, 
A traitorous proclamation read, and the reader apprehended.  and read a traitorous proclamation of purpose prepared: which being ended, and seeing his part was too weak, for that his mates were not come, began to flee. But one master Shireman pursued and took him at a town called Eye in Suffolk, and was kept in prison until the next sessions at saint Edmundsburie, and his three mates being brought to him, were there all together drawn, hanged, and quartered.]  
This year, the hot burning fevers and other strange diseases, which began the year before, 
Great death.  consumed much people in all parts of England; but namely, of most ancient and grave men: so that in London, between the twentieth of October, and the last of December, there died seven aldermen, whose names were Henry Heardson, 
Seven aldermen of London dead in one year.  sir Richard Dobs late mayor, sir William Laxton late mayor, sir Henry Hoblethorne late maior, sir john Champneis' late mayor, sir john Aileph late sheriff, and sir john Gresham late mayor. 
Ab. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1103. Fecknam abbot of Westminster.  ¶ The one & twentieth of November, john Fecknam late dean of Paul's in London, now made abbot of Westminster, was stalled, and took possession of the same: and fourteen monks more received the habit with him that day of the order of saint Benet. 
False accuser set on the pillory & burnt in both cheeks; would to God all such accusers were so well marked.  The said one and twentieth of November, a man was brought from Westminster hall riding with his face to the horse tail, and a paper on his head, to the standard in Cheap, and there set on the pillory, and then burned with an hot iron on both his cheeks, with two letters F. and A. for false accusing one of the court of the common plées in Westminster of treason.  
The sixteenth of December, 
A stranger would have murdered the keeper of Newgate.  Gregory Carpenter smith, and a Frenchman borne, was arraigned for making counterfeit keys, wherewith to have opened the locks of Newgate, to have slain the keeper, and let forth the prisoners. At which time of his arraignment, having conveyed a knife into his sleeve, he thrust it into the side of William Whitrents his fellow prisoner, who had given witness against him, so that he was in great peril of death thereby. For the which fact he was immediately taken from the bar into the street before the justice hall, where his hand being first stricken off, he was hanged on a gibbet set up for that purpose. The keeper of Newgate was arraigned & indicted, for that the said prisoner had a weapon about him, and his hands lose, which should have been bound. 
A gun shot into the court at Greenwich.  The fourth of januarie, a ship before Gréenewich (the court being there) shot off her ordinance, one piece being charged with a bullet of stone, which passed through the walls of the court, and did no more hurt.]  
About this time came to London an ambassador to the queen from the emperor of cathay, year 1557 Muscovia, and Russeland, 
An ambassador out of Muscovia.  who was honourably received at Tottenham by the merchants of London, having trade in those countries, riding in velvet coats and chains of gold, who bore all his costs and charges from the time of his entry into England out of Scotland: for thither by tempest of weather he was driven, and there forced to land. 
john Stow.  ¶ The lord Montacute with the queens pensioners met him at Islington towns end; and at Smithfield bars the lord mayor and aldermen in scarlet received him, and conveyed him through the city unto master Dimmocks house in Fanchurch street, where he lodged until the twelve of May, all which time he wanted no resort.] And after his message and embassage done to the queen, he departed again with three fair ships from Gravesend into his country, when he had remained here by the space of two months and more.  

The lord Sturton committeth a shameful murder.  Also about this time, the lord Sturton, for a very shameful and wretched murder committed by him upon two gentlemen, the father and the son, of the surnames of Hargill, being his near neighbours, whom he caused to be smitten down with clubs, than their throats to be cut, and after to be buried in his own house fifteen foot deep; for the which heinous offence he was apprehended and committed to the tower of London. And although the queen seemed to favour him much, as one professing the catholic religion: yet when she understood the truth of his vile line 10 deed, she abhorred him, & commanded that he should be used according to justice; wherefore shortly after, he was brought to Westminster, & there arraigned & found guilty, & had judgement as a murderer to be hanged. And for the same fact were likewise condemned four of his servants. And the second day of March next following, the said lord with his four servants were conveyed by the queens guard from the tower of London through the city, he having line 20 his arms pinioned at his back, & his legs bound under the horse belly, and so carried to Salisbury, where the sixth day of March next, he was hanged in the market place, 
The lord Sturton hanged.  and his four servants were hanged in the country near unto the place where the murder was committed.  

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1105. Dearth and plenty.  ¶ This year before harvest, wheat was sold for four marks the quarter, malt at four & forty shillings the quarter, beans & rye at forty shillings the quarter, & pease at six and forty shillings and eight line 30 pence: but after harvest wheat was sold for five shillings the quarter, malt at six shillings eight pence, rye at three shillings four pence. So that the penny wheat loaf, that weighed in London the last year but eleven ounces troy, weighed now six and fifty ounces troy. In the country, wheat was sold for four shillings the quarter, malt at four shillings eight pence; and in some places a bushel of rye for a pound of candles which was four pence. The seventh of September, 
john Caius.  at seven of the clock at night, in a line 40 black rainy cloud in the west was seen a rainbow, the moon in the east risen one hour before, and fair shining, and at the full the day before.] This present month of March king Philip, 
The return of king Philip into England.  who a long season had been in Flanders to take possession & government of the low countries (as is aforesaid) did now return into England, and passed through London, being accompanied with the queen and diverse nobles of the realm.  
The four and twentieth of April Thomas Stafford, line 50 second son to the lord Stafford, with other to the number of two and thirty persons, coming forth of France by sea, arrived at Scarborough in Yorkshire, where they took the castle, and held the same two days, and then were taken without effusion of blood by the earl of Westmoreland. The said Stafford and Richard Sanders, otherwise called captain Sanders, 
Stafford and others committed to the tower, and after executed.  with three or four others, of the which one was a Frenchman, were sent up to London, & there committed to prison in the tower. line 60 The said Stafford and four others were arraigned and condemned. Whereupon the eight and twentieth of May, being friday, the said Stafford was beheaded on the tower hill; and on the morrow three of his company, as Strellie, Bradford, and Proctor, were drawn from the tower to Tyburn, and there executed. Their heads were set over the bridge, and their quarters over the gates about the same city. captain Sanders had his pardon, and so escaped. The first of May Thomas Persie was made knight, 
Thomas Persie created earl of Northumberland.  and after lord, and on the next day he was created earl of Northumberland. The queen gave unto him all the lands which had been his ancestors, remaining at that time in her hands.  
In this season, although the French king (as was said) was very loath to h●ue wars with England, yet the queen tangling herself contrary to promise in her husband's quarrel, sent a defiance to the French king by Clarenceaux king of arms; who coming to the city of Rheims, where the said king then lay, declared the same unto him the seventh of june, being the monday in Whitsunwéeke. On the which day, Garter and Norreie king of arms, accompanied with other heralds, and also with the lord mayor and certain of the aldermen of the city of London, 
Queen Marie proclaimeth open wars against the French king.  by sound of three trumpets that road before them, proclaimed open war against the said French king, first in Cheap side, and after in other parts of the city, where customarilie such proclamations are made: the sheriffs still riding with the heralds, till they had made an end, although the lord mayor broke off in Cheap side, and went to saint peter's to hear service, and after to Paul's, where (according to the usage then) he went on procession. King Philip because of the wars towards, 
King Philip passed over into Flanders.  betwixt him and the French king, the sixth of julie passed over to Calis, and so into Flanders, where on that side the seas he made provision for those wars: at which time there was great talk among the common people, muttering that the king making small account of the queen, sought occasions to be absent from her.  
Nevertheless, she shortly after caused an army of a thousand horsemen, and four thousand footmen, with two thousand pioneers to be transported over to his aid, under the leading of diverse of the nobility and other valiant captains, whose names partly follow: the earl of Penbroke captain general, 
The names of the captains over the queens forces.  sir Anthony Browne viscount Montacute lieutenant general under the said earl, the lord Greie of Wilton lord marshal, the earl of Rutland general of the horsemen, the lord Clinton earl of Lincoln colonel of the footmen, the lord russel earl of Bedford, the lord Robert Dudleie earl of Leicester and master of the ordinance, the lord Thomas Howard, sir William West lord de la Ware, sir Edward Windsor after lord Windsor, the lord Braie, sir Edmund Briges lord Shandois, the lord Ambrose Dudleie earl of Warwick, the lord Henry Dudleie, Edward randal esquire sergeant mayor, master Whiteman treasurer of the army, Edward Chamberlain esquire captain of the pioneers, sir Richard Leigh trenchmaster, john Highgate esquire provost marshal, Thomas Harvey esquire muster-master, sir Peter Carew, sir William courtney, sir Giles Stranguish, sir Thomas Finch master of the camp, and other nobles, knights, and gentlemen of right approved valiancy: although diverse of them were suspected to be protestants. Furthermore, to make king Philip's power the stronger, there came aid unto him from sundry places; whereby as his army increased in number, so likewise grew the same more puissant in strength. The people that assisted him are thus remembered by C. O. in his discourse of this war, as here followeth: 
Misit in auxilium Germania lecta virorum  
Corpora ferratas acies peditúmque cateruas. 
Vary gen●●● in exerci●n Philippi.   
Nec deerat miles Latia de gente cruentus,  
Dalmata non deerat bello huic nec defuit Hunnus.  
At tamen ante alios, fiducia summa locata est  
In quibus armatus validè convenerat Anglus.  
Foedus amicitiae vetus id poscebat, & uxor,  
Cui cum regefuit soci● commune periclum.   
The fifteenth of julie, 
The death of the lady 〈◊〉 of Cicut.  the lady Anne of Cleu● departed this life at Chelscie, and was honourably buried at Westminster the fift of August: a lady of right commendable regard, courteous, gentle, a good housekeeper, & very bountiful to her servants.  

Obsequy for the king of Portugal.  The eighteenth of August was a solemn obsequy celebrated in the church of S. Paul in London, for john king of Portugal, who departed this life in julie last passed. The lord treasurer was chief moorner. The queen's army being transported over to Calis (as before ye have heard) marched to some with king Philip's power: the which already being assembled, had invaded the French confines, and being come before saint Quintin's, planted a strong siege before that tower. To the rescue whereof, the line 10 French king sent a great army both of horsemen and footmen, under the leading of the constable of France: which army consisted of about nine hundred men at arms, 
Fifteen or 〈◊〉 thousand footmen, and a threé or 〈◊〉 thousand horsemen.  with as many light horsemen, seven or eight hundred Roisters, two & twenty ensigns of lancequenets, and sixteen ensigns of French footmen. They had also with them fifteen pieces of great artillery, to wit, six double canons, four long culverins, the rest bastard culverins, and other pieces of smaller mould. 
The constable of France ●oke Mont●●●encie ge●●rall of the French for●●s.  The constable line 20 thus guarded upon saint Laurence day, which is the tenth of August, approached the town, meaning to put into the same succours of more soldiers, with Dandelot the admerals' brother, that was within the town not furnished with such a garrison as was thought expedient for the defence thereof, against such a power as king Philip had prepared against it.  
The duke of savoy and other captains of the army that lay at siege before the town, advertised of the constables coming towards them, assembled the most part of their horsemen together, and line 30 with all speed made towards a passage distant from the place where the French army stood hovering about a two English miles: and being got over, they divided themselves into eight troops of horsemen, led by the earls of Egmond, Horn, Mausfield, the dukes of Brunswike and others, being in all to the number of five thousand men of arms, beside the swart Rutters and light horsemen. Which gave such a furious & cruel charge upon the Frenchmen, that they not able to resist the same, were altogether defeated, line 40 and their battles as well horsemen as footmen put to flight. Whereof king Philip having knowledge, pursued them with all his force, in which pursuit there were slain of the Frenchmen a great number, the chief whereof were these that follow. john of Bourbon duke of Anghien the viscount of Turraine & eldest son of Roch du main, the lord of Chandenier, with a great number of other gentlemen that bore arms in the field. There were taken these prisoners following; 
Prisoners of 〈◊〉. These nine knights of the order.  the duke of Montmorencie line 50 constable of France hurt with an harquebuz shot in the haunch, the duke of Montpenser hurt in the head, the duke of Longueville, the marshal of saint Andrews, the lord jews brother to the duke of Mantoa, monsieur de Uasse, the baron of Curton, monsieur de la Roch du main, the reingrave colonel of the Almans: moreover the count de Roch Foucault, monsieur d' Obignie, monsieur de Meru, monsieur de Montbrun, monsieur de Byron, sons to the constable, monsieur de la chapelle de Byron, line 60 monfieur de saint Heran: beside many other gentlemen and captains of good account and estimation. Yet there escaped the more part of the French horsemen, and many of their footmen, with certain of their captains of honour; as the duke of Nevers, the prince of Conde brother to the king of Navarre, the earl of Montmorencie eldest son to the constable, the earl of Sancerre, monsieur de Burdillon, and other of the barons of France.  
Within two or three days after this overthrow, king Philip with the English army, 
The siege 〈…〉 Quintin's, 〈◊〉 the same taken and sacked.  under the government of the earl of Penbroke, and others, came to the siege afore saint Quintin's, & so was the siege greatly reinforced; and on the seven and twentieth of August by the special aid & help of the Englishmen, the town of saint Quintin's was taken. For when the other soldiers, after diverse assaults were repelled and gave over, the Englishmen of a stout courage gave a new onset, by reason whereof the ●owne was taken. And in reward of their well doing, king Philip granted them the saccage of the said town. But then the swart Rutters, which keep no rule when they be strongest, set upon the Englishmen, in taking of the spoil, and killed a great number of them. This grudge was with much difficulty appeased, & men thought that if the Englishmen being much fewer in number had not been oppressed with the multitude of the other, that it would have grown to a great slaughter on both parts. 
The lord Henry Dudleie slain with the shot of a gun.  At the assault the lord Henry Dudleie, youngest son to the duke of Northumberland was slain with the shot of a great piece, as he stooped upon his approach unto the wall, and staid to rip his hose over the knee, thereby to have been the more apt and nimble to the assault. This was his end, of whom one saith thus: 
— Henricus Dudleius heros,  
Ille annis generosam animam invenilibus efflat,  
Quem referunt socij slentes in castra peremptum,  
Vt mos christicolae est, velatum sindone, gentis.   
After the winning of this town, news in post were brought into England to the queen, who caused general processions to be made, and Te Deum to be song, giving all laud and praise to almighty God for this great victory. And in the streets of every city and town of the realm were made bonfires with great rejoicing: which sudden short gladness turned very shortly after to great & long sorrow. For if aught were won by having of saint Quintin's, England got nothing at all, for the gain thereof came only to king Philip. But the loss of Calis, Hams and Guisnes, with all the country on that side the sea (which followed soon after) was such a buffet to England, as happened not in more than an hundred years before; and a dishonour wherewith this realm shall be blotted, until God shall give power to redub it with some like requital to the French.  
Doctor Weston being (as you have heard before) prolocutor of the convocation house, 
Doctor Weston resigneth the deanery of Westminster by compulsion and is recompensed.  was at this time in displeasure with cardinal Poole, and other bishops: because he was unwilling to resign his deanery of Westminster unto the queen, whose purpose was to place there (as in old time before) the religion of monks, whom in deed he favoured not, although in all other things he stood with the church of Rome. Nevertheless, by very importunate suit, or rather compulsion, he with his colleagues resigned the deanery of Westminster. In recompense whereof he was made dean of Windsor, where not long after he was taken in adultery, and for that fact was by the cardinal deprived of all his spiritual livings, from whose sentence he appealed unto the court of Rome. For the following of which appeal he sought secretly to departed the realm: but he was apprehended by the way, and committed to the tower of London, where he remained prisoner, until (by the death of queen Marie) queen Elizabeth came unto the crown, by whom he was set at liberty, and forthwith fell sick and died.  
The common talk was, 
The malice of cardinal Pool against king Henry the eight.  that if he had not so suddenly died, he would have disclosed the purpose of the chief of the clergy, meaning the cardinal, which was to have taken up K. Henry's body at Windsor, and to have burned it, as many thought. The thirtieth of November, being saint Andrews day, 
Sir Thomas Tresham made lord of saint john's of jerusalem.  in the forenoon, the queen came from saint james to her palace at Westminster, where she heard mass: at the which, sir Thomas Tresham knight received the order of the cross, 
Calis not furnished with a sufficient number of men.  & was instituted lord of saint john's of jerusalem in England. At this time, although there was open hostility and war between England & France: yet contrary to the common custom before used, the town of Calis and the forts thereabouts were not supplied with any new accrewes of soldiers, but rather withdrawn from thence, and discharged. Which negligence was not unknown to the enemy, who long before had practised the winning of the said town and country. line 10  

The loss of saint Quintin's netleth the French king.  The French king therefore being sharply nettled with the late loss of saint Quintin's, and a great piece of his country adjoining, and desirous of revenge, thought it not meet to let slip this occasion, but rather to advance the same with all expedition, according unto the plot laid by the constable before hand. The king yet nevertheless having an army in a readiness (although the constable were now prisoner, and therefore could not be present himself) to employ where most advantage should appear, determined line 20 with all speed to put in proof the enterprise of Calis, 
The duke of Guise with a great army cometh toward Calis.  which long and many times before was purposed upon, as it was well known. This practice was not secret, but that the deputies of Calis and Guisnes had some intelligence thereof, and informed the queen and her council accordingly, as well by letters, as by sufficient messengers: for not only john Hiefield master of the ordinance was sent from thence to give due advertisement of the French kings purpose, & to have a supply of things line 30 necessary for mounting of the great artillery whereof he had charge; but also sir Ralph Chamberlain, captain of the castle, was likewise sent to give the like advertisement, who returned not passed two or three days before the duke of Guise came thither with the army. And so either by wilful negligence, or lack of credit by the queens council here, this great case was so slenderly regarded, that no provision of defence was made, until it was somewhat too late. line 40  
The duke of Guise being general of the French army, 
Guise entereth the English frontier.  proceeded in this enterprise with marvelous speed and no less policy. For approaching the English frontier under colour to victual Bullongne and Ard, he entered the same upon a sudden on newyears day, a sorry little plot of ground, entrenched at Sandgate, 
1558. Anno Reg. 5.  and then divided his army into two parts, sending one part with certain pieces of great artillery along the downs by the sea side towards Ricebanke: and the other part furnished also line 50 with battery pieces, marched streightfoorth to Newnambridge, 

Newnambridge taken by the French.  
The master gunner's head smitten clean off with a gun.   meaning to batter these two forts both at one time. Which thing he did with such ready dispatch, that coming thither very late in the evening, he was master of both by the next morning: where at the first shot discharged at Newnambridge, the head of the master gunner of that piece, whose name was Horslie was stricken off.  
The captain having sent unto the lord deputy of Calis for some supply of men, was answered that if line 60 he perceived the enemies force to be such, whereby his piece should grow to be in any danger: that then he should choke up the artillery, and retire with his men unto Calis for defence of the town, where they stood in great want of men also, even to the peril of losing the whole, if the enemies came forwards to besiege it. Hereupon the captain within Newnambridge perceiving he might have no succours, retired with his soldiers unto Calis, in such secret wise, that the Frenchmen perceived it not of a pretty while; insomuch that they shot still at the fort, when there was not a man within it to make resistance: and by that time that they were come to Calis, the other part of the French army that went by the sea side with their battery, had won Ricebanke, 
Ricebanke ta●ken by the French.  being abandoned to their hands. The next day the Frenchmen with five double canons and three culverins began a battery, from the Sandhils next Ricebanke against the curtain betwixt the watergate and the soldiers prison on the wall, and continued the same by the space of two or three days, until they had made a little breach next unto the watergate, which nevertheless was not yet assaultable: for that which was broken in the day, was by them within the town made up again in the night stronger than before. But the battery was not begun there by the French, 
The duke of Guise his policy.  for that they intended to enter in that place, but rather to abuse the English, to have the less regard unto the defence of the castle, which was the weakest part of the town, and the place where they were ascertained by their espials to win easy entry. So that while our people traveled fondly to defend that counterfeit breach of the town wall, 
The Englishmen'S fond defence.  the duke had in the mean season planted fifteen double canons against the castle. Which castle being considered by the rulers of the town, to be of no such force as might resist the battery of the canon (by reason it was old and without any rampires) it was devised to make a train with certain barrels of powder to this purpose, that when the Frenchmen should enter (as they well knew that there they would) to have fired the said train, and blown up the Keep, and for that purpose left never a man within to defend it.  
But the French having passed through the ditch full of water, 
The Frenchmen disappoint the Englishmen'S devise.  & thereby with their clothes wring wet as they passed over the train, they moisted so the powder, that it would not take fire when it was given. Hereupon the Frenchmen espying the train, avoided the same; so as that devise came to no purpose, and without any resistance they entered the castle, and thought to have entered the town by that way. But by the prowess and hardy courage of sir Anthony Ager knight, & marshal of the town, with his soldiers they were repelled, and driven back again into the castle, and so hard followed, that our men forced them to close and shut the castle gate for their surety, lest it should have been recovered against them, as it was once attempted by sir Anthony Ager; who there with his son and heir, 
Sir Anthony Ager and his son slain.  and a pursuivant at arms called Calis, with diveses others to the number of three or four score Englishmen lost their lives.  
The same night after the recoil of the Frenchmen, whose number so increased in the castle, that the town was not able to resist their force, the lord Wentwoorth being deputy of the town, 
The lord wentwoorth.  appointed Nicholas Fellow, alias Guisnes, and Richard Turpine, alias Hams, to go to the French within the castle, to demand parlée: whereunto they assented, 
A parlée demanded of the French.  put forth of the postern two French gentlemen, and in pledge for them received into the castle john Hiefield master of the ordinance, and Edmund Hall one of the constables of the staple. Hereupon they falling in talk about a composition: at length after some long debating of the matter, they concluded in this sort. First that the town, with all the great artillery, victuals, and munitions, should be freely yielded to the French king, the lives of the inhabitants only saved, to whom safe conduct should be granted to pass where they listed: saving the lord deputy, with fifty such other as the duke should appoint, to remain prisoners, and be put to their ransom. The next morning, 
Calis delivered to the French.  the Frenchmen entered and possessed the town: and forthwith all the men, women, and children, were commanded to leave their houses, and to go to certain places appointed for them to remain in, till order might be taken for their sending away.  
The places thus appointed for them to remain in, were chiefly four, the two churches of our lady, and saint Nicholas, the deputies house, and the staple, where they rested a great part of that day, and one whole night, and the next day till three of the clock at afternoon, without either meat or drink. And while they were thus in the churches, and those other places, 
The duke of Guise's proclamation to b●ing in money and plate, etc.  the duke of Guise in the name of the French king, in their hearings made a proclamation, strictly charging all and every person that were inhabitants line 10 of the town of Calis, having about them any money, plate, or jewels, to the value of one groat to bring the same forthwith, and lay it down upon the high altars of the said churches upon pain of death; bearing them in hand also, that they should be searched. By reason of which proclamation, there was made a great & sorrowful offertory. And while they were at this offering within the churches, 
The French ●a●l to spoiling and rifling.  the Frenchmen entered into their houses, and rifled the same, where was found inestimable riches and treasure: line 20 but specially of ordinance, armour, and other munitions.  
¶ Thus dealt the French with the English in am and recompense of the like usage to the French when the forces of king Philip prevailed at S. Quintin's: where not content with the honour of victory, the English in sacking the town sought nothing more than the satisfying of their greedy vein of covetousness, with an extreme neglect of all moderation. So likewise did the Spanish soldiers, and the rest line 30 that could come to finger any thing of value: insomuch that neither money nor plate, either of silver or gold, rich hangings, bedding nor household stuff was spared: but what they could not carry away for cumbersomnesse, they sold dogcheape; were the same necessary furniture serviceable for the chamber, the kitchen, or any other room in a man's house. Pearls and precious stones, jewels and ouches, the rich ornaments of the French dames were then bought and sold at a low price, which a long time had been line 40 kept shut up under lock and key: all lay open now to the greedy eye of the soldiers, who like landlords kept possession of houses, as C. O. noteth, of whom I have borrowed the report of this revel rout, saying: 
Armatis muros firmissimáque occupat urbis  
Militibus victor, dominantur in aedibus altis  
jam vacuis veterum dominorum Marce phalanges  
Conspicuae.]   
About two of the clock the next day at after noon, being the seventh of januarie, 
The poorest & meanest sort ●o●ded out of Calis.  a great number of line 50 the meanest sort were suffered to pass out of the town in safety, being guarded through the army with a number of Scotish light horsemen, who used the Englishmen very well and friendly: and after this every day for the space of three or four days together, there were sent away diverse companies of them till all were avoided, those only excepted that were appointed to be reserved for prisoners, as the lord Wentworth, & others. There were in the town of Calis five hundred English soldiers ordinary, 
Garrison of soldiers that were in Calis  line 60 and no more: and of the townsmen not fully two hundred fight men (a small garrison for the defence of such a town) and there were in the whole number of men, women, and children (as they were accounted when they went out of the gate) four thousand and two hundred persons. But the Lord Wentworth deputy of Calis, sir Ralph Chamberlain captain of the castle, john Harlston captain of Ricebanke, Nicholas Alexander captain of Newnambridge, Edward Grimstone the comptrollor, john Rogers surueior, with others, to the number of fifty (as aforesaid) such as it pleased the duke of Guise to appoint, were sent prisoners into France.  
Thus have ye heard the discourse of the overthrow and loss of the town of Calis, 
Calis conquered and lost in less than eight days.  the which enterprise was begun and ended in less than eight days, to the great marvel of the world▪ that a town of such strength, and so well furnished of all things as that was (sufficient numbers of men of war only excepted) should so suddenly be taken and conquered, but most specially in the winter season, what time all the country about (being marish ground) is commonly overflown with water. The said town was won from the French king by K. Edward the third, 
How long Calis was in possession of the kings of England.  in the time of Philip de Ualois then French king: and being in possession of the kings of England two hundred and eleven years, was in the time of Philip and Marie king & queen of England lost within less than eight days: being the most notable fort that England had. For the winning whereof, king Edward aforesaid, in the 21 year of his reign, was feign to continue a siege eleven months and more. Wherefore it was judged of all men, that it could not have come so to pass, without some secret treachery.  
Here is also to be noted, that when queen Marie and her council heard credibly of the Frenchmens sudden approach to that town, 
As good never as too late.  she with all speed possible (but somewhat too late) raised a great power for the rescue thereof; the which coming to Dover, stayed thereabouts till the town was won, either for that their whole number was not come together, or for that there were not ships ready sufficient to pass them over, although the wind and weather served very well to have transported them thither, till the sunday at night after the town was delivered: for than began a marvelous sore and rigorous tempest, 
A terrible tempest.  continuing the space of four or five days together, that the like had not been seen in the remembrance of man. 
Rich. Grafton.  Wherefore some said that the same came to pass through necromancy, and that the devil was raised up and become French, the truth whereof is known (saith master Grafton) to God. True it is that after the said tempest began, for the time it lasted, no ship could well brook the seas, by reason of the outrageous storms. And such of the queens ships as did then adventure the passage, 
The queens ships sore shaken with storm and tempest.  were so shaken and torn with the violence of the weather, that they were forced to return in great danger, & not without loss of all their tackle and furniture: so that if this tempestuous weather had not chanced, it was thought that the army should have passed to have given some succours to Guisnes, and to have attempted the recovery of Calis.  
But if the same army might have been ready to have transported over in time, before the loss of Calis, and whilst the weather was most calm and sweet, as was possible for that time of the year, the town might have been preserved; and the other pieces which through want of timely succours came into the enemies possession. And thus by negligence of the council at home, conspiracy of traitors elsewhere, force and false practice of enemies, helped by the rage of most terrible tempests of contrary winds and weather, this famous fort of Calis was brought again and left in the hands and possession of the French. ¶ Now were he worthy of a kingdom, 
Abr. Fl. ex opere historico Schardij collectio  that could sensibly and significantly set forth the insolent triumphs and immoderate rejoicing of the French for the recovery of Calis so long possessed by the English, and now in foreign tenure. In describing whereof a man had need of many heads fraught with extraordinary invention, and of many hands readily to deliver in writing his rare conceits in this case. For as they are a people depending wholly upon extremities in their actions: so in this they used no measure, insomuch that even the learneder sort among them, namely Turnebus, Auratus, Bellaius, and others did both pen and publish pamphlets in Latin verse, replenished with scoffs and unreverend terms against the English, calling them Perfidos, and in flouting sort Divisos orb Britannos; but advancing to the skies their Henry, their Guise, and the rest of the rout that were actors in this conquest. A sight of which verses in some part I may not omit (for it requireth a book to transcribe all) lest I might be thought to impose upon them a false charge. This therefore in the form of a dialog between a post and the people writeth Auratus the line 10 French kings public reader in the Greek tongue: 
N. Clamate Galli nunc ter io io.  
V Quae laeta Gallis instat ovatio?  
N. 
E● tomo terti● historiarum Schardij de capto Caleto pag. 1973 etc.  Capti Caletes. V Multa paucis  
Digna novo memoras triumpho.  
N. Vicêre Galli, sed duce Guisio.  
V Io triumph, nunc ter io io.  
N. Vicêre victores Britannos.  
V Nunc ter io, ter io triumph. line 20  
N. Annos discentoes serva Britanniae  
Vrbs liberata est. V Nunc ter io io,  
N. Migrate iam prisci coloni.  
V Nunc ●er io, ter io triumph, etc.   
And thus proceedeth he in his odd vein of invention, concluding with a question, whether the king of France or the duke of Guise are the more happy and blessed person? The answer is made that they are both blessed, the king for the duke sake, and the duke for the kings; and therefore his posy must of line 30 force sing and sound to them both thrice, that is, oftentimes Ter io triumph, ter io triumph. But I would to God the English had not been so soon and so suddenly turned out of their old possession, nor the French foundlings obtained such a just cause of immoderate joy and outrageous triumph.]  
But to leave Calis in the present state, you shall understand, that so soon as this duke of Guise (contrary to all expectation) had in so few days gained this strong town of Calis (afore thought impregnable) line 40 and had put the same in such order as best seemed for his advantage, proud of the spoil, and pressing forward upon his good fortune, without giving any long time to the residue of the guides or captains of the forts there, to breath upon their business, 
The duke of Guise marcheth to the fort and town of Guisnes.  the 13 day of the said month being thursday, with all provision requisite for a siege, marched with his army from Calis, unto the town and fort of Guisnes, five miles distant from thence. Of which town and castle at the same time there was captain line 50 a valiant baron of England, 
The L. Greie captain of Guisnes.  called William lord Greie of Wilton, who not without cause suspecting a siege at hand, and knowing the town of Guisnes to be of small force, as being large in compass, without walls or bulwarks, closed only with a trench, before the Frenchmens arrival had caused all the inhabitants of the town to avoid, and so many of them as were able to bear arms he caused to retire into the castle, which was a place well fortified with strong and massy bulwarks of brick, having line 60 also an high and mighty tower, of great force and strength, called the Keep.  
The town being thus abandoned, the Frenchmen had the more easy approach to the castle, who thinking to find quiet lodging in those vacant houses, entered the same without any fear. And being that night at their rest (as they thought) a chosen band of soldiers appointed by the lord Greie, 
The L. Greie taketh the French at a sleepy advantage.  issued out by a postern of the said castle, and slew no small number of their sleepy guests, & the rest they put out of their new lodgings, and maugre the duke and all the French power, consumed all the houses of the town with fire. That notwithstanding, the said duke with all diligence began his trenches. And albeit the shot of the great artillery from the castle was terrible, & gave him great impeachment: yet did he continue his work without intermission, and for examples sake wrought in his own person as a common pioneer or labourer. So that within less than three days, 
Rabutine.  he brought to the number of five & thirty battery pieces, hard to the brim of the castle ditch, to batter the same on all sides, as well foorthright as across. But his principal battery he planted against the strongest bulwark of all, called Marry bulwark, thinking by gaining of the stronger to come more easily by the weaker.  
On monday morning therefore by break of the day, they had laid two batteries to the said bulwark, 
Battery ●aid to the Marie bulwark.  thirteen canons in the one, and nine in the other, with which they plied it so well, as that by noon they had not only dismounted their counter battery within, but also clean cut away the hoop of brick off the whole forefront of their bulwarks, whereof the filling being but of late digged earth, did crimble away. Which the enemy finding about two of the clock in the same afternoon, sent forty or fifty forlorn boys with swords and targets to view and assay the breach. The ditch at that place before the battery was not four and twenty foot broad, now assuredly not a dozzen, nor in depth above a man's knees, wherefore with small ado they came to the breach, and with as little pain came up the same, the clime was so easy; from whence having discharged certain pistols upon the Englishmen, and received a few bushes of the pike, they retired. And making report of the easiness of the breach, straight a band or two of Gascoigns (as it was thought) threw themselves into the ditch, and up they came. Then a little more earnestly the Englishmen leaned to their tackling, their flankers walked, their pikes, their culvers, their pots of wild fire were lent them, the harquebus saluted them, so as tollie master Gascoigne was set down with more haste than he came up with good speed: and so ended mondays work, 
The Gascoignes put back with more haste than they came up with good speed.  saving that upon the retire from the assault, they gave seven or eight such terrible tires of battery, as took clean away from them within the top of their vaumure and mands, leaving them all open to the canons mouth. Whereby surely but for night that came on, the Englishmen had been forced to have abandoned the place.  
At this assault was slain of gentlemen, one captain Bourne an Englishman, very valiant, 
The number slain at this assault.  also a Spanish gentleman, and common soldiers to the number of forty or fifty. There was also sore hurt at the same assault, one other Spanish captain, with diverse others, whom for the avoiding of tediousness I let pass. At night the lord Greie came to the bulwark, and having rendered thanks to God for that days good success, 
The lord Greie commendeth his soldiers.  did greatly commend them all for their manful defence and valiant behaviour, exhorting them to continue therein, as the only thing wherein their safety and good name did rest. The battery (as before is told) having laid the bulwarks open, they within were enforced for winning of a new vaumure, to entrench within the bulwark six foot deep, and nine in thickness, which marvelously did strengthen the piece, the same being of no great largeness before. By the next day being tuesday, they had planted two batteries more; the one in the market place of the town, to beat a curtain of the body of the castle, of six canons; the other upon the rampire of the town of three pieces, to beat the Cat and a flanker of the Barbican, which two guarded one side of the Marie bulwark.  
This morning they bestowed most in battering at the flankers, which the day before they had felt, 
Battering at the flankers.  and in deed won every one from them within, saving that of the Cat, which lay high and somewhat secret, and an other at the end of a braie by the gate on the other side of the bulwark; all the rest, as those of the Garden bulwark which chiefly beheld the main breach of the Barbican, and of the Keep, were quite bereaved them. And besides the enemy continually entertained the breath, with eight or nine tires the hour. In the afternoon, about the same hour that they made their attempt the day afore, 
C●●teine Swisses and French approach the 〈◊〉 as if 〈◊〉 would 〈◊〉 assault.  a regiment of Swisses, with certain bands of Frenchmen approached line 10 the dich, as if presently they would have given the assault; but there they did stay, sending to the breach only a captain or two, seeking thereby to have discovered what flankers yet were left to them within: wherein they were prevented, the lord Gray having before warned the gunner's not to disclose them, but upon extremity. And thus after an hours play with the harquebus only, and a light offer or two of approach, this people retired them, and gave the canon place again, which by night had driven line 20 them within anew to become moldwarps, and to entrench themselves with all speed possible.  
The morrow being wednesday, by the peep of day, all the batteries began, and without intermission held on till one of the clock in the afternoon, and especially that in the market place so prevailed, as having clean ruined the old wall, did drive through the rampire, and a new countermure of earth raised upon the same, where the lord Greie himself sitting upon a form, 
The danger which my lord 〈◊〉 escaped 〈◊〉 upon a 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 gentlemen.  with sir Henry Palmer, and master line 30 jews Dive his lordship's cousin and deputy, made a fair escape, the form being stricken asunder under them, without any further harm to any of them: though sundry other that day and the next following lost their lives on the same curtain by the foresaid battery, which full in flank did beat it, wherein yet was his lordship's only abode as his chiefest place, to view and regard the behaviour and need of all the other limbs, from which also a quoit might be thrown into Marie bulwark. The enemies canon line 40 (as is said) having played thus all the morning, and well searched (as they thought) every corner that flankers might lurk in, about the foresaid hour of one of the clock, the Englishmen might descry the trench before the breach to be stuffed with ensigns. The L. Greie straight expecting that which followed, gave word incontinently to every place to stand on their guard, encouraging every man to continue in their well begun endeavour. A tower that was called Webs tower, and yet standing, which flanked one side of the beaten bulwark, he stuffed with twenty line 50 of the best shot with curriers. These things no sooner thus ordered, but that eight or nine ensigns of Swisses, 
The Swisses 〈◊〉 Gascoigns 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  and three of Gascoigns, did present themselves upon the counterscarp; and without stay the Gascoignes slew into the ditch, run up the breach, whom they within receive with harquebus shot, but they requite the Englishmen again with two for one. The top of the vaumure or rather trench, the enemy boldly approacheth, the pike is offered, to handblowes it cometh. Then the Swiss with a line 60 stately leisure steppeth into the dich, and close together marcheth up the breach, the fight increaseth, waxeth very hot, & the breach all covered with the enemies. The small shot in Webs tower began now their parts, 
The manhood 〈◊〉 the Spani●●ds against the French.  no bullet that went in vain. On the other side again 20 of the Spaniards on the inside of the braies had laid themselves close till the heat of the assault: and then showing themselves, did no less gall the enemies than the tower. Thus was it no lustilier assailed than bravely defended. At last after an hours fight and more, the governors without▪ finding the great slaughter that theirs went to, and small avail, and perceiving the two little casemates of the tower and braies to be the chiefest annoyances, did cause a retire to be sounded: and withal three or four of the canons in the market place, to be turned upon Webs tower, the which at two tires brought clean down the same upon the soldiers heads, wherein two or three were slain outright, others hurt to death, and who escaped best, so maimed or bruised, as they were no more able to serve.  
The enemy this while having breathed, and a brace of an hundred shots put forth only to attend on the few Spaniards that kept the corners of the b●aies the assault afresh is begun, and their beaten bands with new companies relieved. The lord Greie also sent into the bulwark two hundred fresh men. 
A fresh assault begun and the fight hot and heavy against the English.  Now grew the fight heavy upon the Englishmen, all their defence resting in the pike and bill, their chiefest flankers being gone, their places to bestow shot in taken from them, their fier-works in manner spent, the Spanish shot on the other side so overlaid, as not one of them but was either slain or marred, yer a quarter of the assault was passed. The easiness of the fight thus alluring the enemy, unappointed companies slew to the breach, and courage was on every side with them, what havoc they made it is not hard to guess. My lord Greie perceiving the extremity, sent to the two forenamed flankers, that they should no longer spare. They straight went off, the diches and breach being covered with men. These unlooked for guests made the enemy that was coming to pause, and the other already come to repent their haste. Three or four bowts of these salutations began to clear well the breach, though the dich grew the fuller at night. At last parted with no great triumph of others winnings (for as the Englishmen within went not scotfree) so surly no small number of their enemies carcases took up their iodgings in the ditch that night. 
Enemies slain.   
My lord Greie this night came into the bulwark, 
My lord Griefs work after the skirmish ended.  where after praise first to God, he gave thanks and commendations to them all. The slain men he caused to be buried, the hurt to be removed and looked unto, saw the breach repaired, inquired of their lacks, and (as he might) supplied the same. They that were great could not be helped, as cornpowder, fierworks, yea and pikes began to fail us. The most part of the night he here bestowed, and longer as was thought had tarried, 
My L. Greie hurt by mischance.  had not a scaberdles sword about one of the soldiers as he went in the throng & dark amongst them, thrust him almost through the foot: whereupon he withdrew him to be dressed, using first unto his soldiers an exhortation to acquit themselves no less valiantly the next day, assuring them that one or two more such banquets as this last, given to the enemy, would cool their courages for any more assaults.  
This night now, great noise & working was heard in the dich, whereupon the bulwark was once or twice on alarm. At the last with cressets it was espied that they were making a bridge. The morning came, and then the same was seen to be finished, 
The French make bridges.  empty casks with ropes fastened together, & sawed boards laid thereon. This yet did but put them within, in a certainty of that which before they accounted of, and stood prepared for. To be short, the enemies spent all the day till it was full two of the clock in battery, & beating at the two last flankers, which at length they won from them within, & the gunner's of either slain. Whereupon the lord Greie taking counsel of sir Henry Palmer, 
Consultation between the lord Greie and the English gentlemen.  master jews Dive and Montdragon the leader of the Spaniards: it was resolved, that there might be order to make a fucasie within the bulwark, and presently to withdraw all from thence, saving a certain for a face and stolen to toll in the enemy, and then to have blown it up whole to the destruction of them all.  

Rich. Graf●on.  In the mean time, the duke of Guise having given order to monsieur Dandelot colonel of the French footmen, 
The duke of Guise and monsieur Dandelot with their powers.  that he with his bands should be in a readiness to give the assault when sign should be given, did withdraw him to an higher ground, from whence he might plainly discover the behaviour as well of his soldiers in the assault giving, as also of the defendants in answering the same. And perceiving not so many of the English part appearing for line 10 defence (as he doubted there would) gave order forthwith, that a regiment of his most forward lance, knights should mount the breach, to open the first passage: and that monsieur Dandelot with his French footbands should back them, which order was followed, with such haste & desperate hardiness, that entering a deep ditch full of water, from the bottom whereof to the top of the breach, in some places, was well near forty foot, 
Rabutine.  without fear either of the water beneath, or the fire above, they mounted the breach. line 20  
And whereas the duke had prepared (as ye have heard) bridges made of plank boards, borne up with casks and empty pipes, tied one to another, for his men to pass the said ditch: many of them now at this assault, without care of those bridges, plunged into the water, 
The desperate adventure of the French.  and took the next way to come to the assault. Which hot haste notwithstanding, the assailants were at the first so stoutly repelled and put back by the defendants, being furnished with great store of wildfire, and other fucasies for the purpose, line 30 that they were turned headlong one upon another, much faster than they came up, not without great waist and slaughter of their best and most forward soldiers, to the small comfort of the stout duke, who (as is said before) stood all this while upon a little hill to behold this business. Wherefore he not enduring this sight any longer, 
The duke of Guise in a ●age with his soldiers.  as a man enraged, ran among his men, so reproving some, and encouraging other, that the assault was hot renewed, with much more vehemency and fury than before, and with no less line 40 sturdy obstinacy and desperation received by the defendants, whereby all the breach beneath was filled with French carcases.  
This notwithstanding, the duke still redoubled his forces with fresh companies, and continued so many assaults one upon another, that at the last charge, being most vehement of all the other, the Englishmen being tired, and greatly minished in their numbers, by slaughter and bloody wounds, were of fine force driven to avoid, 
The English forced to avoid & the enemy entereth.  & so after half an line 50 hours fight, the enemy entered. Which when the lord Greie beheld, he leapt to the top of the rampire, wishing of God that some shot would take him. When one that stood next him, by the scarf suddenly pulled him down, otherwise the effects had well declared the earnestness of the prayer: for he was not yet up again, when a canon shot grated upon the same place from whence he fell. And thus very narrowly he scaped the danger of that shot, which if it had hit him would (no doubt) have wrought his dispatch. For what is the weak frame of a man's body to mighty line 60 forts and strong castles, builded of timber and stone, beside the iron work therewith compact, oftentimes redoubling the strength of the same? And yet these (we see by experience) ruinated, battered, and laid level many times with the thundering shot of this dreadful artillery: an engine of no great antiquity, and not used among ancient warriors in former ages, but a late devise of a Franciscan friar; pity it is that ever he was borne to set abroach such a pestilent invention, as the poet noteth, showing also the use and the mischéefous effect thereof as followeth: 
Tormenti genus est ex ferro aut aere coactum,  
Quod Franciscanus frater reperisserefertur,  
Vt capias paucis validissima castra diebus,  
Quae vix cepisses armis toto prius anno, etc.   
But to proceed. The fight within the bulwark yet lasted, to the great slaughter of them that defended it. Hereupon my lord Greie presently called to master jews Dive, and others that were about him, to follow him to the gate. The maze was such, that besides his son master Arthur Greie, 
Arthur Gre●● now lord Greie.  and now lord Greie, master jews Dive, captain Brickewell, and half a dozen of armed corslets, not a man else did follow him. By this means the Englishmen were clean driven out of the bulwark, 
The enemy i● dastardlie▪ all his victories notwithstanding.  the enemy yet not daring to pass the braies, gave them that escaped good leisure to recover the gate, where my lord Greie holding the wicket himself, received them in. Upon the taking of this bulwark, the soldiers of Whiteleys bulwark and the base court in discomfiture abandoned their charges, flying to the castle: so that more than the Keep and the body of the castle no part was free from the enemy. My lord Greie having received all his, caused the gates to be rammed up.  
Thus were the chief bulwarks and utter limbs of the castle of Guisnes obtained by the French, 
Ric. Grafton.  on saint Sebastian's day, being the twentieth of januarie, but yet not without great expense of blood on both sides: for of the French part there were slain in those assaults above the number of eight or nine hundred, and of the English not many fewer: amongst whom the greatest loss lighted upon those few Spaniards and Walloons that were come to assist the English at that present. It was now night: 
A trumpeter from the duk● of Guise to th● lord Greie.  when a trumpeter came to the ditches side in the base court, & sounded a summons: who being called unto & asked what he would, told that he was sent to my lord Greie by the duke of Guise, with offer of a parlée if it would be hearkened unto. The soldiers no sooner heard these news, but forsaking the walls came all in rout together, & confusedly speaking to their chiefteine the said lord Greie, prayed him to hearken to the message, & to have consideration of their lives, which so long as any hope remained, they willingly had ventured. The lord Greies' answer was, that he marveled, either what causeless mistrust of his caring for them was now come upon them, or what sudden unwonted faintness of mind had so assailed them, as to cause them in such disorder to forsake their places, and leave the walls naked, and he willed them to return to the same.  
My lord Greie hereof took counsel, and it was thought good not to reject the offer, the extremity on every side weighed. The trumpeter receiving answer, accordingly departed, 
Hostages required on the duke's part from the lord Greie during the time of the parlée, etc.  & without long abode returned again, requiring in the duke's behalf hostages for a truce during the parley from us, he minding to deliver the like into the castle. From him in fine monsieur Desires, and a gentleman of the king's chamber were sent in: and master Arthur Greie my lord's son, and master jews Dive, were put out. Monsieur Dandelot in the braies received them, and carried them over the unfortunate bulwark, being come upon naked and new slain carcases, some of them spralling yet and groaning under their feet, were only the earth they trod on. So passing down the breach somewhat to the ease of the former heavy sight, they saw it, and the ditch little less fraught with the enemies corpses. Then to the camp they came, and were lodged in the said Dandelots' tent.  
The next day in the morning, the lord Greie was to m●et the duke abroad: 
The duke and the lord Greie have communication an whole hour.  between them willingly one hour was spent in talking without agreement, only upon this point, that the lord Greie would have his bands depart with their ensigns displayed, which would not be yielded unto: so he returned, & the hostages also thereupon were sent in. Monsieur Destrées not being yet come forth, my lord was no sooner entered again, but that the soldiers eftsoons forsaking the walls, willingly & to the present cutting of all their own throats (if monsieur Destrées himself had not been, with a few captains & gentlemen of the lord Greys own retinue) came and met him, crying upon him to have pity upon them. The lord Greie herewith stayed, and pausing a while, had line 10 this speech.  
The only pity (if fond I cannot say) that I have of you, 
The lord 〈◊〉 words 〈◊〉 his soldiers being ashamed 〈◊〉 their time●●●nesse, and ●●pitieng 〈◊〉 present 〈◊〉.  hath caused me this day to make such offers of composition, as neither your honesties, nor my honour, nor either of our duties in my thought may well bear, which refused to take harder to the utter defacing of our credits, sith the best would blot it. If I would, soldiers, yourselves (me thinketh) in vengeance thereof should turn your weapons upon me, and sacrifice so heartless a captain, rather line 20 than to take it as a token of a pitiful captain over you, and to yield thanks for the same. We have begun, as becomed us: we have yet held on as duty doth bind us: let us end then as honest duty and fame doth will us. Neither is there any such extremity of despair in our case, but that we may yet dearly enough sell our skin's yer we lose them. Let us then either march out under our ensigns displayed, or else herewith die under them displayed. The soldiers herewith in a mutiny flatly answered, line 30 that they for his vainglory would not sell their lives. 
The lord 〈◊〉 soul●●●rs in a mu●●● do 〈◊〉 against 〈…〉.  The desperateness of their case was not unknown unto them (said they) and that their lives in other service might yet avail their prince and country. In this now further to venture, was but like oxen to be thrust to the butcher. That his lordship was not to expect any one blow at their hands.  
Herewith in haste came one from monsieur Destrees that stood at the rampire, advising him to send his soldiers to the walls, otherwise that the Swisses line 40 would assuredly enter. So constrained, his lordship promised them to compound, and so he got them to the walls. Then my lord going to council, at length agreed upon these conditions. 
〈◊〉 of agreement between the 〈◊〉 Greie 〈◊〉 the enick.  First, that the castle with all the furniture therein as well victuals as great artillery, powder, and all other munitions of war, should be wholly rendered without wasting, hiding, or minishment thereof. secondarily, that the lord Greie with all the captains, officers and others, having charge there, should remain prisoners at the line 50 dukes pleasure, to be ransomed after the manner of war. thirdly, that all the rest, as well soldiers as others, should departed with their armours, and baggage to what parties it seemed them best: nevertheless to pass without sound of drum or trumpet, or ensign, and to leave them behind. These articles sent by monsieur Destrees to the duke were accepted, & so in the after noon, the duke himself came & received the keys of my lord Greie, who presently went out, and was given to the marshal Strozzie, line 60 and from him sold to monsieur de Randan, by whom he came into his brother the count de Rochefoucalt his hands, and there rested, till he was redeemed for four and twenty thousand crowns.  
The day following, that is say the two and twentieth of januarie, 
The soldiers 〈◊〉 Guisnes 〈◊〉 thence 〈◊〉 bag and 〈◊〉.  all the soldiers of the said fortress of Guisnes, as well English as strangers, with all the rest of the inhabitants, and other (excepted the lord Greie himself, master Arthur Greie his son, sir Henry Palmer knight, Montdragon captain of the Spaniards, and other men of charge reserved by the composition) departed with their bag and baggage from thence towards Flanders. At whose issuing forth, there were esteemed to the number of eight or nine hundred able men for the war, part English & part Burgognians. Of Spaniards so few were left, as no account is to be made of them, in manner the whole number of them being slain, and selling their lives right dearly, according to the order of good & hardy soldiers. Thus endeth this siege, wherein for brevities sake we have left to say any thing of the provisions that the lord Greie made against the same, of the advertisements that from time to time he sent to king Philip and queen Marie, and of their answers, of the sundry adventures which they of Guisnes had with the enemy during their being about Calis, and of the great and many booties that were there taken. Only in a word or two will I add what bands of strangers were within the piece, because thereof as in an other thing or two, 
What bands of strangers were within the ●ort.  I do find master Grafton in his chronicle speak at rovers. First came in Montdragon, with two Spaniards more, very valiant men, whom did follow within a day or two, about four or five and thirty other Spaniards, all shot, of which (as I have heard) there went not five out of the castle.  
There came one captain Desquie a Burgognian, with two hundred soldiers, pikes most. This band was appointed to the Marie bulwark, whose captain being full of the gout, and an impotent man, would not yet be from his charge, but in his bed ended his life in the bulwark. And so of this enough. But now after the winning of this town and castle, the duke advising well upon the place, 
Rich. Grason.  and considering that if it should happen to be regained by Englishmen, what a noisome neighbour the same might be to Calis, now being French; and specially what impeachment should come thereby for the passage thither from France, considering also the near standing thereof to the French kings fortress of Ard: so that to keep two garrisons so nigh together should be but a double charge, and not only needless, but also dangerous for the cause afore rehearsed. Upon these considerations (as the Frenchmen writ) he took order for all the great artillery, victuals and other munition, to be taken forth, and the castle with all the bulwark and other fortifications there, with all speed to be razed and thrown down, and the stuff to be carried away, and employed in other more necessary places.  
Then rested nothing within all the English pale on that side unconquered, 
Hams castle could not be easily approached unto, and why.  but the little castle or pile called Hams, which though it were but of small force, made by art and industry of man's hand, and being altogether of old workmanship without rampires or bulwarks: yet nevertheless, by the natural situation thereof, being on all sides environed with fens and marish grounds, it could not easily be approached unto, either with great ordinance for the battery, or else with any army to encamp there for a siege: but having one streict passage thereto by a narrow causeie, traversed and cut through in diverse places, with deep ditches, always full of water. 
The lord Edward Dudleie.  Which thing being well foreseen by Edward lord Dudleie then captain there, having as good cause to suspect a siege there, as his neighbours had afore the Frenchmens coming to Guisnes, caused all the bridges of the said causeie being of wood to be broken, to give thereby the more impeachment to the French, if they should attempt to approach the same, as shortly after they did, and kept diverse of the passages.  
But to deliver the duke and his soldiers from that care, there came to him glad news from those that had charge to watch the said causeie, how the captain having intelligence of the rendering of Guisnes, secretly the same night had conveyed himself, with his small garrison by a secret passage over the marish into Flanders. 
A proviso of advantage for the duke.  Whereby the duke being now past care of any further siege to be laid in all the frontier, took order forthwith to seize the said little fort into his own hands, as it was easy to do, when there was no resistance. When this piece was once seized by the French, then remained there non● other place of defence nor strength of the English on all that side the sea, for the safeguard of the rest of the country. Whereby the French king became line 10 wholly and throughly lord & master of all the English pale: for now (as ye have heard) there was neither town, castle, or other fortress, more or less on that side (saving Boots bulwark near to graveling, which after king Philip kept as his) but that it was either taken away by force, or else abandoned, and left open to the enemy. And (as the Frenchmen writ) besides the great riches of gold and silver, coin, 
This was a marvelous rich booty for the enemy, and a great loss to the party contrary.  jewels, plate, wools, and other merchandise (which was inestimable) there were found three line 20 hundred pieces of brass mounted on wheels, and as many of iron, with such furniture of powder, pellets, armour, victuals, and other munitions of war scarcely credible.  
Thus have you heard the whole discourse of the conquest of the noble town of Calis, with all the English fortresses and country adjoining made by the duke of Guise. The news whereof when they came to the French king, no need to ask how joyfully they were received, not only of him and all his court, but also universally through the whole realm line 30 of France. For the which victory, there was (as the manner is) Te Deum sung, and bonfires made every where, 
Triumphs in France for the getting again of Calis.  as it is wont to be in cases of common joy and gladness, for some rare benefit of God. In so much that shortly upon the conquest, there was a public assembly at Paris of all the estates of France, who frankly in recompense of the king's charges employed in the winning of Calis, and the places aforesaid, and for maintenance of his wars to be continued afterwards, granted unto him three line 40 millians of French crowns: whereof the clergy of France contributed one millian, besides their dimes. And no marvel though the French did highly rejoice at the recovery of Calis out of the Englishmen'S hands: for it is constantly affirmed of many, that be acquainted with the affairs of France, that ever since the same town was first won by Englishmen, in all solemn counsels assembled to treat upon the state of France, there line 50 was a special person appointed to put them in remembrance from time to time of Calis: as it were to be wished that the like were used in England, until it were regained from the French.  

A. Fl. ex opere historico Schard● collectio. pag. 1970.  ¶ And here because thus much is said of the French by way of discourse concerning their exulting, and immoderate joyfulness many ways testified, somewhat being already written thereof before: it is notewoorthie, either for the increase of wit in us, if it were the fault of our folly; or the aggravating of line 60 their impudency, if they blush not to publish a most loud and lewd lie; to remember what I have read in verses set forth by a Frenchman; wherein among many words & terms used touching this conquest of Calis & Guisnes (wherein also a prophesy of Merline (of which name there were two, 
D. powel in hist. Camb. pag. 4, ●.  and both prophets) is introduced, foretelling the revolution of the same to be rather fatal to that nation, than recoveuerable by prowess martial (for thus he saith:) 
Námque erat in fatis redditurum haud antè Caletum  
Ad veteres dominos, quàm se regina marito  
Traderet externo, veterúmque propagine regum  
Posthabita, novus hic succederet advena regnis:  
Ipse Valesina venturum à stirpe nepotem  
Merlinus vates multo praedixerat antè,  
Sanguinis ultorem nostri cladísque futurum.)   
But this is not the matter that I meant (though it contain somewhat whereat men may muse) but a further reach to the rebuke of rashness in some, if it were their deed; and to the shame of others, if the report be false. For thus saith the same author, whose verses even now I rehearsed, speaking of the Englishmen, whom former victories (saith he) made very venturous, confident, and full of heart; and besides that, so disdainful and scornful towards the French, that they caused to be graven in hard marble aloft at the entry of the castle or fortress in legible letters (but he telleth not in what language, no more than which of the Merlin's prophesy it was; howbeit (saith he) thus much in effect in Latin: 
Tùm demùm Francus premet obsidione Caletum,  
Cùm ferrum plumbúmue natabit suberis instar.  
Then shall the Frenchmen Calis win,  
When iron and lead like cork shall swim.   
Thus report the French, but how truly, let them say that are able (upon their own knowledge) to judge: and thus much shall suffice for that matter.] Now seemed every day a year to the French king until he personally had visited Calis, and his new conquered country. 
The French king goeth to visit and see Calis.  Wherefore about the end of januarie he took his voyage thither, accompanied with no small number of his nobility: and immediately upon his arrival there, he perused the whole town and every part thereof from place to place, devising with the duke of Guise for the better fortification thereof, what should be added unto the old, and what should be made new, and what should be taken away. And after order taken for that business, he placed there a noble man, & no less valiant knight of the order, 
Monsieur de Thermes made captein of Calis.  called monsieur de Thermes to be captain of the town, and so departed he again into France.  
After the French kings departure from Calis, he made great haste for the accomplishment of the marriage, moved between Francis his eldest son, 
The marriage between the Dolphin and the princess of Scots.  called the Dolphin, and Marie Steward daughter & sole heir of james the fift late king of Scotland: which princess, if the Scots had been faithful of promise, as they seldom be) should have married king Edward the sixth. For the breach of which promise began all the war between England & Scotland, as you heard in the latter end of the life of king Henry the eight, and in the beginning of king Edward the sixth. This marriage (saith Grafton) though it be not of my matter, I thought not to omit, for that many things were meant thereby, which thanks be to God never came to effect. But one special point was not hidden to the world, that by means of the same, the realm of Scotland should for evermore have remained as united and incorporate to the crown of France: and that as the son and heir of every French king doth succeed to the inheritance and possession of a country called the Dolphin, 
Why the son and heir of every Fren●● king is called the Dolphin.  & is therefore called Dolphin; & like as the principality of Wales appertaineth to the eldest son of the king of England, who therefore is called the prince of Wales: even so the Dolphin heir of France should thereby have been king of Scotland for evermore: which name and title upon this marriage was accordingly given to Francis Dolphin and heir apparent of France, to be called king Dolphin. The meaning whereof was utterly to exclude for evermore any to be king of Scotland, but only the eldest son of France.  
This memorable marriage was solemnised in the city of Paris the four and twentieth day of April, 
The maria●● of the queen of Scots with the D●●phin.  in the year of Christ 1558, with most magnifical pomp and triumph, and honoured with the presence of the most part of the princes, prelates, lords and barons of both the realms, as it were for a confirmation of this new alliance. Which as it was much to the advantage and benefit of France: so nothing could be more prejudice & derogation to the crown of Scotland, as a devise tending to the perpetual abolishing and extinguishment of the name & state of kings in that realm. In this mean time also the queen Dowager of Scotland had done what in her lay, 
The queen Dowager of Scotland ●oo●h what she can to procure war against England.  to procure the Scotish nobility to make wars against England: but they being not willing line 10 thereto, monsieur Doisell colonel of certain bands of Frenchmen came to Aimouth within six miles of Berwick, and fortified that place, making sundry roads and invasions into England. In revenge whereof the Englishmen made the like inroads into Scotland, whereupon the Scotishmen in their defence (as some pretend) were driven to have wars: and thereupon the earl of Huntleie was made lieutenant of the Scots borders, who remaining there by the help of the Frenchmen did many line 20 displeasures to the Englishmen. This war was begun in the year last passed, and so continued: during the which many skirmishes and diverse proper feats of arms were put in practice betwixt the parties (as in the history of Scotland more at large it doth appeeare) where we speak of the doings in the years 1557 and 1558.  

Abr. Fl. ex IS pag. 1106. A priest to the queen.  ¶ A priest was granted to the queen by the citizens of London, of twenty thousand pounds, which was levied of the companies: for the which sum to be line 30 paid again, the queen bond certain lands, & also allowed for interest of the money twelve pounds of every hundred for a year. Also this year within a mile of Nottingham, was a marvelous tempest of thunder, 
A wonderful tempest of thunder wonderful indeed.  which as it came through two towns, beat down all the houses and churches, the bells were cast to the out side of the churchyards, and some webs of lead four hundred foot into the field, writhe like a pair of gloves. The river of Trent running between the two towns, the water with the mud in line 40 the bottom was carried a quarter of a mile, and cast against the trees, the trees were pulled up by the roots and cast twelve score off. Also a child was taken forth of a man's hands two spears length high, and carried a hundred foot off, and then let fall, wherewith his arm was broken, & so he died. Five or six men thereabout were slain, and neither flesh nor skin perished; there fell some hailstones that were fifteen inches about, 
A great death of old people through vehement quarter● agues.  etc. This year in harvest time the quartane agues continued in like manner, line 50 or more vebementlie, than they had done the last year past, where through died many old people, and specially priests, so that a great number of parishes were unserved, and no curates to be gotten: and much corn was lost in the field for lack of workmen & labourers. Whereupon ensued a great scarcity; so that in the beginning of sir Thomas Leighs majoralty, corn rose to fourteen shillings the quarter, and wood waxed scant in London, and was sold for thirteen and fourteen shillings the thousand of line 60 billets, and coals at ten pence the sack, by reason of the great death and sickness the last summer for lack of help and carriage.] ¶ And here before we pass the year 1558, it were a fowl oversight, not to make mention of a memorable discourse touching the lady Katherine late duchess of Suffolk, 
〈…〉 The old 〈◊〉 of Stephan Gardiner 〈◊〉 of ●●nchester against the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  a parsonage of honour, and worthy of commemoration in chronicles for her godliness to her high praise: where many a malefactor is recorded for their outrageous wickedness to their immortal shame. Concerning the said lady therefore thus writeth master Fox.  
Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, surmising the lady Katherine baroness of Willoughby and Cresbie, and duchess Dowager of Suffolk, to be one of his ancient enemies, because he knew he had deserved no better of her, devised in the hol●e time of the first Lent in queen Mary's reign, a holy practice of revenge, first by touching her in the person of her husband master Richard Bertie esquire, for whom he sent an attachment (having the great scale at his devotion) to the sheriff of Lincolnshire, with a special letter, 
Master Richard Bertie husband to the duchess, attached by the bishop of Winchester.  commanding most strictly the same sheriff to attach the said Richard immediately, and without bail to bring him up to London to his great lordship. Master Bertie her husband being clear in conscience, and free from offence towards the queen, could not conjecture any cause of this strange process, unless it were some quarrel for religion, which he thought could not be so sore as the process pretended.  
The sheriff, notwithstanding the commandment, adventured only to take the bond of master Bertie, with two sureties in a thousand pounds for his appearance, to be made before the bishop on good friday following: 
Master Bertie appeareth before bishop Gardiner.  at which day master Berti● appeared, the bishop then lying at his house by ●aint Marie Oueries. Of whose presence when the bishop understood by a gentleman of his chamber, in a great rage he came out of his gallery into his dining chamber, where he found a press of suitors, saying he would not that day hear any: but came forth only to know of master Bertie, how he being a subject durst so arrogantly set at light two former processes of the queens. Master Bertie answered, that albeit my lords words might seem to the rest somewhat sharp towards him, 
Ta●ke between bishop Gardiner and master Bertie.  yet he conceived great comfort of them. For whereas he before thought it extremity to be attached, having used no obstinacy or contumacy: now he gathered of those words, that my lord meant not otherwise but to have used some ordinary process; albeit indeed none came to his hands. Yea Marry, quoth the bishop, I have sent you two Sub poenas, to appear immediately, and I am sure you received them: for I committed the trust of them to no worse man but to master solicitor, and I shall make you an example to all Lincolnshire for your obstinacy. Master Bertie denying the receipt of any, humbly prayed his lordship to suspend his displeasure and the punishment, till he had good trial thereof: and then (if it pleased him) to double the pain for the fault, if any were. Well (quoth the bishop) I have appointed myself this day (according to the holiness of the same) for devotion, 
The devotion of bishop Gardiner to good friday.  and I will not further trouble me with you: but I enjoin you in a thousand pounds, not to departed without leave, and to be here again to morrow at seven of the clock.  
Master Bertie well observed the hour, and no jot failed. At the which time the bishop had with him master sergeant Stamford, to whom he moved certain questions of the said master Bertie, because master sergeant was towards the lord Wriothesleie late earl of Southampton, & chancellor of England, with whom the said master Bertie was brought up. Master sergeant made very friendly report of master Bertie of his own knowledge for the time of their conversation together. Whereupon the bishop caused master Bertie to be brought in; and first making a false train (as God would, without fire) before he would descend to the quarrel of religion, he assaulted him in this manner. The queens pleasure is (quoth the bishop) that you shall make present payment of four thousand pounds due to her father by duke Charles, 
Master Bertie attached for debt of four thousand pounds due to the queen.  late husband to the duchess your wife, whose executor she was. Pleaseth it your lordship (quoth master Bertie) that debt is estalled, and is according to that estallment truly answered. Tush (quoth the bishop) the queen will not be bound to estallments, 
Ket captain of the rebels in Norfolk in king Edward's time.  in the time of Kets government, for so I esteem the late government. The estallment (quoth master Bertie) was appointed by king Henry the eight; beside, the same was by special commissioners confirmed in king Edward's time, and the lord treasurer being an executor also to the duke Charles solely and wholly, took upon him before the said commissioners to discharge the same.  
If it be true that you say (quoth the bishop) I will show you favour. But of an other thing master Bertie, I will admonish you as meaning you well. I line 10 hear evil of your religion; yet I hardly can think evil of you, whose mother I know to be as godly and catholic, as any within this land, yourself brought up with a master, whose education if I should disallow, I might be charged as author of his error. Besides partly I know you myself, and understand of my friends enough to make me your friend: wherefore I will not doubt of you, but I pray you if I may ask the question of my lady your line 20 wife; is she now as ready to set up the mass, as she was lately to pull it down, 
A dog clothed in a rochet under the name of bishop Gardiner.  when she caused in her progress, a dog in a rochet to be carried & called by my name? Or doth she think her lambs now safe enough, which said to me when I veiled my bonnet to her out of my chamber window in the tower, that it was merry with the lambs now the wolf was shut up? 
It is merry with lambs when wolves be tied.  Another time my lord her husband having invited me and diverse ladies to dinner, desired every lady to choose him whom she loved best, and so line 30 place themselves. My lady your wife taking me by the hand, for that my lord would not have her to take himself, said, that for so much as she could not sit down with my lord whom she loved best, she had chosen me whom she loved worst.  
Of the devise of the dog, quoth master Bertie, she was neither the author nor the allower. The words, though in that season they sounded bitter to your lordship: yet if it should please you without offence to know the cause, I am sure the one will purge the line 40 other. As touching setting up of mass, which she learned not only by strong persuasions of diverse excellent learned men, 
Purgation of the lady duchess for not coming to mass.  but by universal consent and order whole six years past inwardly to abhor; if she should outwardly allow, she should both to Christ show herself a false christian, and unto her prince a masking subject. You know my lord, one by judgement reform, is more worth than a thousand transformed temporizors. To force a confession of religion by mouth, contrary to that in the heart, worketh damnation where salvation is pretended. Yea marry line 50 (quoth the bishop) that deliberation would do well if she never required to come from an old religion to a new. But now she is to return from a new to an ancient religion: wherein when she made me her gossip, she was as earnest as any.  
For that, my lord (said M. Bertie) not long since, she answered a friend of hers using your lordship's speech, 
Religion goeth not by age, but by truth.  that religion went not by age but by truth: and therefore she was to be turned by persuasion and not by commandment. I pray you (quoth the bishop) line 60 think you it possible to persuade her? Yea verily (said master Bertie) with the truth: for she is reasonable enough. The bishop thereunto replying, said: It will be a marvelous grief to the prince of Spain, and to all the nobility that shall come with him, when they shall find but two noble personages of the Spanish race within this land, the queen, and my lady your wife, and one of them gone from the faith. Master Bertie answered, that he trusted they should find no fruits of infidelity in her. So the bishop persuading master Bertie to travel earnestly for the reformation of her opinion, 
Master Bertie released from his band of appearing.  and offering large friendship, released him of his band from further appearance.  
The duchess and her husband, daily more and more, by their friends understanding that the bishop meant to call her to an account of her faith, whereby extremity might follow, devised ways how by the queens licence they might pass the seas. Master Bertie had a ready mean: 

Ways practised how to convey the duchess over the seas with the queens licence.  
Master Bertie deviseth causes to pass over into Flanders.   for there rested great sums of money due to the old duke of Suffolk (one of whose executors the duchess was) beyond the seas, the emperor himself being one of those debtors. Master Bertie communicated this his purposed suit for licence to pass the feas, and the cause, to the bishop; adding, that he took this time most meet to deal with the emperor, by reason of likelihood of marriage between the queen and his son. I like your devise well (quoth the bishop) but I think it better, that you tarry the princes coming, and I will procure you his letters also to his father. Nay (quoth master Bertie) under your lordship's correction & pardon of so liberal speech, I suppose the time will then be less convenient: for when the marriage is consummate, the emperor hath his desire: but till then he will refuse nothing to win credit with us.  
By saint Marie (quoth the bishop, smiling) you guess shrewdly. Well, proceed in your suit unto the queen, and it shall not lack my helping hand. Master Bertie found so good success, that he in few days obtained the queens licence, not only to pass the seas, but to pass and repass them so often as to him seemed good, 
Master Bertie licensed by the queen to pass the seas.  till he had finished all his business and causes beyond the seas. So he passed the seas at Dover about the beginning of june in the first year of her reign, leaving the duchess behind, who by agreement and consent betwixt her and her husband, followed, taking barge at Lion key, 
Preparation made how to convey the duchess over the seas.  very early in the morning, on the first day of januarie next ensuing, not without some peril. There was none of those that went with her, made privy to her going till the instant, but an old gentleman called master Robert Cranwell, whom master Bertie had specially provided for that purpose. She took with her her daughter an infant of one year, 
M. Cranwell a trusty friend to master Bertie.  and the meanest of her servants: for she doubted the best would not adventure that fortune with her. They were in number four men, one a Greek borne, which was a rider of horses, an other a joiner, the third a brewer, the fourth a fool one of the kitchen, one gentlewoman, and a laundress.  
As she departed her house called the Barbican, betwixt four and five of the clock in the morning, with her company and baggage, one Atkinson an herald, keeper of her house, 
The duchess with her company departed the realm.  hearing noise about the house, rose and came forth with a torch in his hand as she was yet issuing out of the gate: wherewith being amazed, she was forced to leave a male with necessaries for her young daughter, & a milkepot with milk in the same gatehouse, commanding all her servants to speed them before away to Lion key: and taking with her only the two women and her child, so soon as she was out of her own house, 
The manner o● the duchess flying out of her house.  perceiving the herald to follow, she slept in at Garterhouse hard by. The herald coming out of the duchess house, and seeing no body stirring, not assured (though by the male suspecting) that she was departed, returned in: and while he stayed ransacking parcels left in the male, the duchess issued into the street, and proceeded in her journey, he knowing the place only by name where she should take her boat, but not the way thither, nor none with her. Likewise her servants having divided themselves, none but one knew the way to the said key.  
So she appareled like a mean merchant's wife, and the rest like mean servants, walking in the streets unknown, she took the way that led to Finsbury field, and the others walked the city streets as they lay open before them, till by chance more than discretion, they met all suddenly together a little within Moor gate, from whence they passed directly to Lion key, 
The duchess with her company taketh ●●rge.  and there took barge in a morning so misty, that the stearesman was loath to launch out, but that they urged him. So soon as the day permitted, the council was informed of her departure, and some of them came forthwith to her house to inquire of the manner thereof, 
Pursuit after the duchess.  and took an inventary line 10 of her goods, besides further order devised for search and watch to apprehend and stay her. The same of her departure reached to Leigh, a town at the lands end, before her approaching thither. By Leigh dwelled one Gosling a merchant of London, an old acquaintance of Cranwels', whither the said Cranwell brought the duchess, naming her mistress White, the daughter of master Gosling, 
The duchess 〈◊〉 in M. Goslings house by Leigh, under the name of h●s daughter.  for such a daughter he had which never was in that country. There she reposed her, and made new garments for her daughter, line 20 having lost her own in the male at Barbican.  
When the time came that she should take ship, being constrained that night to lie at an inn in Leigh (where she was again almost bewrayed) yet notwithstanding by Gods good working she escaping that hazard, at length as the tide and wind did serve, they went aboard, 
The hard adventure of the ●●chesse upon 〈◊〉 seas.  and being carried twice into the seas, almost into the coast of Zealand, by contrary wind were driven to the place from whence they came. And at the last recuile, certain persons came line 30 to the shore, suspecting she was within that ship: yet having examined one of her company that was one land for fresh Achates, and finding by the simplicity of his tale, only the appearance of a mean merchant's wife to be a shipboard, he ceased any further search. To be short, so soon as the duchess had landed in Brabant, 
The duchess landed in Brabant. ●. Bertie 〈◊〉 the duchess his wife armed at Santon.  she and her women were appareled like the women of netherlands with hukes, and so she and her husband took their journey towards Cleveland, and being arrived at a town therein called Santon, line 40 took a house there, until they might further devise of some sure place where to settle themselves.  
About five miles from Santon is a free town cal-Wesell, 
The free ●oone of ●esell in Cleveland.  under the said duke of Cleves dominion, and one of the Hans towns, privileged with the company of the Stillyard in London, whither diverse Walloons were fled for religion, and had for their minister one Francis Perusell, then called Francis de Rivers, who had received some courtesy in England at the duchess hands. 
A protection procured for 〈◊〉 duchess, 〈◊〉 the magistrates of weasel.  Master Bertie line 50 being yet at Santon, practised with him to obtain a protection from the magistrates for his abode and his wives at weasel: which was the sooner procured because the state of the duchess was not discovered but only to the chief magistrate, earnestly bend to show them pleasure, whilst this protection was in seeking.  
In the mean while, at the town of Santon was a muttering, that the duchess and her husband were greater personages than they gave themselves line 60 forth, 
M. Bertie & the duchess 〈◊〉 danger of 〈◊〉 by the bishop of Arras at Santon.  and the magistrates not very well inclined to religion; the bishop of Arras also being dean of the great minster, order was taken, that the duchess and her husband should be examined of their condition and religion upon the sudden. Which practise discovered by a gentleman of that country to master Bertie, he without delay taking no more than the duchess her daughter, 
Another 〈◊〉 of the ●●chesse and 〈◊〉 husband.  and two other with them, as though he meant no more but to take the air, about three of the clock in the afternoon in February, on foot, without hiering of horse or waggon for fear of disclosing his purpose, meant privily that night to get to weasel, leaving his other family still at Santon.  
After the duchess and he were one English mile from the town, 
The hard distress of the duchess by evil wether.  there fell a mighty rain of continuance, whereby a long frost and ise before congealed was thawed, which doubled more the weariness of those new lackeys. But being now on the way, and overtaken with the night, they sent their two servants (which only went with them) to villages, as they passed, to hire some car for their case: but none could be hired. In the mean time master Bertie was forced to carry the child, and the duchess his cloak and rapier. At last betwixt six and seven of the clock in the dark night, they came to weasel, 
The hard entertainment of M. Bertie & the duchess at their entering into weasel.  and repairing to their inns for lodging and some repose after such a painful journey, found hard entertainment: for going from inn to inn, offering large money for small lodging, they were refused of all the inholders, suspecting master Bertie to be a lanceknight, and the duchess to be his woman. The child for cold and sustenance cried pitifully, the mother wept as fast, and the heavens reigned as fast as the clouds could power.  
Master Bertie destitute of all other succour of hospitality, resolved to bring the duchess to the porch of the great church in the town, and so to buy coals, victuals and straw for their miserable repose there that night, or at least till by Gods help he might provide her better lodging. Master Bertie at that time understood not much Dutch, 
God's providence in time of distress.  and by reason of evil weather and late season of the night, he could not happen upon any that could speak English, French, Italian, or Latin; till at last going towards the church porch, he heard two striplings talking Latin, to whom he approached and offered them two stivers to bring him to some Walloons house. By these boys, and Gods good conduct, he chanced at the first upon the house where master Perusell supped that night, who had procured them the protection of the magistrates of that town. At the first knock, the goodman of the house himself came to the door, and opening it, asked master Bertie what he was. Master Bertie said, an Englishman, that sought for one master Perusels house. The Wallon willed master Bertie to stay a while, who went back and told master Perusell that the same English gentleman, of whom they had talked the same supper, had sent, by likelihood his servant to speak with him. 
The meéting of W. Perusel & the duchess of weasel.  Whereupon master Perusell came to the door, and beholding master Bertie, the duchess, & their child, their faces, apparels, and bodies so far from their old form, deformed with dirt, weather, and heaviness, could not speak to them, nor they to him for tears. At length recovering themselves, they saluted one another, & so together entered the house, God knoweth full joyfully: master Bertie changing of his apparel with the goodman, the duchess with the good wife, and their child with the child of the house.  
Within few days after, by master Perusels means, they hired a very fair house in the town, and did not let to show themselves what they were, in such good sort as their present condition permitted. It was by this time through the whole town what discourtesy the inholders had showed unto them at their entry, in so much as on the sunday following, 
The citizens of weasel admonished by their preacher of their hardness toward strangers.  a preacher in the pulpit openly in sharp terms rebuked that great incivility towards strangers; by allegation of sundry places out of holy scriptures, discoursing how not only princes sometime are received in the image of private persons, but angels in the shape of men, and that God of his justice would make the strangers one day in an other land, to have more sense of the afflicted heart of a stranger. The time was passing forth, 
A friendly part of sir john Mason towards the duchess.  as they thought themselves thus happily settled, suddenly a watchword came from sir john Mason, than queen Mary's ambassador in netherlands, that my lord Paget had feigned an errant to the baths that ways: 
A train laid for the duchess by the lord Paget and the duke of Brunswick.  and whereas the duke of Brunswick was shortly with ten ensigns to pass by weasel for the service of the house of Austricke against the French king, the said duchess, and her husband should be with the same charge and company intercepted. Wherefore to prevent the cruelty of these enemies, master Bertie with his wife and child departed to a place called Winheim in high Dutchland under the Palsgraves' dominion, 
M Bertie & the duchess remove to Winheim under the Palsgrave.  where under his protection they continued till their necessaries line 10 began to fail them, and they almost fainting under so heavy a burden, began to fail of hope.  
At what time, in the midst of their despair, there came suddenly letters to them from the Palatine of Uilua and the king of Pole, 

The helping hand of the Lord again in their necessity.  
joan. Alasco a means to the king of Pole for the duchess of Suffolk.   being instructed of their hard estate by a baron named joannes Alasco, that was sometime in England, offering them large courtesy. This puruison unlooked for greatly revived their heavy spirits. Yet considering they should remove from many their countrymen and acquaintance, to line 20 a place so far distant, a country not haunted with the English, and perhaps upon their arrival not finding as they looked for, the end of their iornie should be worse than the beginning: 
The duchess invited into Poleland by the king's letters.  they devised thereupon with one master Barlow, late bishop of Chichester, that if he would vouchsafe to take some pains therein, they would make him a fellow of that journey. So finding him prone, they sent with him letters of great thanks to the king & Palatine, 
M. Barlow a messenger from the duchess to the king of Pole.  and also with a few principal jewels (which only they had left of many) to solicit for them, that the king would line 30 vouchsafe under his seal, to assure them of the thing which he so honourably by letters offered.  

The Palatine of Uilua a great friend of the duchess  That suit by the forwardness of the Palatine was as soon granted as uttered. Upon which assurance the said duchess and her husband, with their family, entered the journey in April 1557, from the castle of Winheim, 
The duchess taketh her journey toward Pole.  where they before lay, towards Francford. In the which their journey, it were long here to describe what dangers fell by the way upon them, & their whole company, by reason of the landgraves line 40 captains, 
The troubles happening to the duchess in her journey to Poleland.  who under a quarrel pretenced for a spaniel of master Berties, set upon them in the high way, with his horsemen, thrusting their borespears through the waggon where the children and women were, master Bertie having but four horsemen with him. In the which brabble it happened the captains horse to be slain under him.  
Whereupon a rumour was sparsed immediately through towns and villages about, that the landgraves captain should be slain by some Walloons, line 50 which incensed the ire of the countrymen there more fiercely against master Bertie, as afterwards it proved. For as he was motioned by his wife to save himself by the swiftness of his horse, and to recover some town thereby for his rescue, he so doing was in worse case than before: for the townsmen and the captain's brother supposing no less but that the captain had been slain, 
M. Bertie in great danger of his life.  pressed so eagerly upon him, that he had been there taken and murdered among them, had not he (as God would) spying a ladder leaning line 60 to a window, by the same got up into the house, and so gone up in to a garret in the top of the house, where he with his dag and rapier defended himself for a space: but at length the Burghmaister coming thither with another magistrate, which could speak Latin, he was counseled to submit himself unto the order of the law. Master Bertie knowing himself clear, and the captain to be alive, was the more bolder to submit himself to the judgement of the law, upon condition that the magistrate would receive him under safe conduct, and defend him from the rage of the multitude. Which being promised, master Bertie putteth himself and his weapon in the magistrates hand, and so was committed to safe custody, while the truth of his cause should be tried. Then master Bertie writing his letters to the Landgrave and to the earl of Erbagh, the next day erlie in the morning the earl of Erbagh dwelling within eight miles, came to the town whither the duchess was brought with her waggon, master Bertie also being in the same town under custody.  
The earl, who had some intelligence of the duchess before, after he was come, & had showed such courtesy as he thought to her estate was seemly, the townsmen perceiving the earl to behave himself so humbly unto her, began to consider more of the matter: and further understanding the captain to be alive, both they, and especallie the authors of the stir shrunk away, and made all the friends they could to master Bertie and his wife, not to report their doings after the worst sort. And thus master Bertie and his wife escaping that danger, 
M. Bertie with the duchess honora●blie entertained of the K. of Poole.  proceeded in their journey toward Poleland, where in conclusion they were quietly entertained of the king, and placed honourably in the earldom of the said king of Poles in Sanogelia, called Crozan, where master Bertie with the duchess having the kings absolute power of government over the said earldom, continued both in great quietness and honour, till the death of queen Marie.] Whose troublesome time (savouring altogether of bloodshed & merciless murdering of God's saints, whereof the poet saith full truly, 
— tellus madefacta cruore  
Christicolûm regerit decursus sanguinis atros,  
Heu carnem mollem puerorum devorat ignis,  
Foemina másque perit, nulla ratione virilis  
Foeminei aut sexus habita)  being expired, and the peaceable reign of gracious queen Elizabeth established, the said duchess and her husband returned into England, where they lived in liberty both of body and mind; in which good state we will leave them. And because we are entered into a discourse of troubles happening to personages of good account and name; it is necessary that we add another narration of like argument unto the former, concerning the troubles and happy deliverance of the reverend father in God doctor Sands, first bishop of Worcester, next of London, and now archbishop of York, as I find it word for word in master Fox, who beginneth and continueth the said discourse as followeth.  
¶ King Edward died, 
Abr. Fl. ex I. ● martyrologic▪ D. Sands vicechancellor when the duke of Northumberland came down t● Cambridge t● proclaim the lady jane queen.  the world being unworthy of him, the duke of Northumberland came down to Cambridge with an army of men, having commission to proclaim lady jane queen, and by power to suppress lady Marie, who took upon her that dignity, and was proclaimed queen in Norfolk. The duke sent for doctor Sands being vicechancellor, for doctor Parker, for doctor Bill, and master leaver, to sup with him. Amongst other speeches he said; Masters, pray for us that we speed well: if not, you shall be made bishops, and we deacons. And even so it came to pass: doctor Parker, and doctor Sands were made bishops, and he and sir john Gates, who was then at the table, were made deacons yer it was long after on the tower hill. Doctor Sands being vicechancellor, was required to preach on the morrow. The warning was short for such an auditory, and to speak of such a matter: yet he refused not the thing, but went to his chamber, and so to bed. He rose at three of the clock in the morning, took his bible in his hand, and after that he had prayed a good space, he shut his eyes, and holding his bible before him, earnestly prayed to God that it might fall open where a most fit text should be for him to entreat of. The bible (as God would have it) fell open upon the first chapter of josua, where he found so convenient a piece of scripture for that time, that the like he could not have chosen in all the bible. His text was thus: Responderúntque ad joshua, atque dixerunt, Omnia quae praecepisti nobis faciemus, & quocunque miseris ibimus: sicut obedivimus in cunctis Mosi ita obediemus & tibi, 
The t●xt of D. Sands ●●●revpon 〈…〉.  tantúm sit Dominus Deus tuus tecum sicut fuit cum Mose, qui contradixerit ori tuo, & non obedierit cunctis sermonibus quos praeceperis ei, moriatur: tu tantùm confortare & viriliter age. Who shall consider what was concluded by such as named themselves by the state, and withal, the auditory, the time, and other circumstances, he shall line 10 easily see that this text most fitly served for the purpose. And as God gave the text, so gave he him such order and utterance, as pulled many tears out of the eyes of the biggest of them.  
In the time of his sermon one of the guard lift up to him into the pulpit a mass book and a graile, which sir George Howard with certain of the guard had taken that night in master Hurlestons' house, where lady Marie had been a little before, & there had mass. The duke with the rest of the nobility required doctor line 20 Sands to put his sermon in writing; 
The duke & 〈◊〉 desire D. Sands to write his sermon that it might be printed.  and appointed master leaver to go to London with it, and to put it in print. Doctor Sands required one day and a half for writing of it. At the time appointed he had made it ready, and master leaver was ready booted to receive it at his hands, & carry it to London. As he was delivering of it, one of the bedels' named master adam's, came weeping to him, & prayed him to shift for himself, for the duke was retired, and queen Marie proclaimed. line 30  
Doctor Sands was not troubled herewithal, but gave the sermon written to master Leifield; master leaver departed home, and he went to dinner to one master moors a bedell, his great friend. At the dinner, mistress Moor seeing him merry and pleasant (for he had ever a man's courage, and could not be terrified) drank unto him, saying: Master vicechancellor, 
Mistress Moor spoke ●●uer than peradventure ●he thought.  I drink unto you, for this is the last time that ever I shall see you. And so it was, for she was dead before doctor Sands returned out of Germany. line 40 The duke that night retired to Cambridge, and sent for doctor Sands to go with him to the market place to proclaim queen Marie. The duke cast up his cap with others, and so laughed, that the tears ran down his cheeks for grief. He told doctor Sands that queen Marie was a merciful woman, and that he doubted not thereof: declaring, that he had sent unto her to know her pleasure, and looked for a general pardon. Doctor Sands answered; My line 50 life is not dear unto me, neither have I done or said any thing that urgeth my conscience. 
D. Sands w●●ds to the duke touching his own sermon and the duke's action.  For that which I spoke of the state, I have instructions warranted by the subscription of sixteen councillors. Neither can speech be treason, neither yet have I spoken further than the word of God, and laws of this realm doth warrant me, come of me what God will. But be you assured, you shall never escape death: for if she would save you, those that now shall rule will kill you. line 60  
That night the guard apprehended the duke, and certain grooms of the stable were as busy with doctor Sands, 
〈◊〉 intended against doctor Sands.  as if they would take a prisoner. But sir john Gates who lay then in doctor Sands his house, sharply rebuked them, and drove them away. Doctor Sands, by the advise of sir john Gates, walked into the fields. In the mean time the university (contrary to all order) had met together in consultation, and ordered that doctor Mouse and doctor Hatcher should repair to doctor Sands lodging, and set away the statute book of the university, the keys, and such other things that were in his keeping, and so they did. For doctor Mouse being an earnest protestant the day before, and one whom doctor Sands had done much for, now was he become a papist, and his great enemy.  
Certain of the university had appointed a congregation at afternoon. As the bell rang to it, doctor Sands cometh out of the fields, and sending for the bedels', asketh what the matter meaneth, and requireth them to wait upon him to the schools, according to their duty. So they did. And so soon as doctor Sands, the bedels' going before him, 
A conspiracy of papists against doctor Sands, and their behaviour towards him.  came into the regent house and took his chair; one master Mitch with a rabble of unlearned papists went into a by-schoole, and conspired together to pull him out of his chair, and to use violence unto him. Doctor Sands began his oration, expostulating with the university, charging them with great ingratitude, declaring that he had said nothing in his sermon, but that he was ready to justify, and that there case was all one with his: for they had not only concealed, but consented to that which he had spoken.  
And thus while he remembered unto them how beneficial he had been to the university, and their unthankfulness to him again, in cometh master Mitch with his conspirators about twenty in number. One layeth hand upon the chair to pull it from him, another told him that that was not his place, and another called him traitor. Whereat he perceiving how they used violence, 
D. Sands courageous heart and manhood.  and being of great courage, groped to his dagger, and had dispatched some of them as God's enemies; if doctor Bill and doctor Blithe had not fallen upon him, and prayed him for God's sake to hold his hands and be quiet, and patiently to bear that great offered wrong. He was persuaded by them, and after that tumult was ceased, he ended his oration, and having some money of the universities in his hands, he there delivered the same every farthing. He gave up the books, reckonings & keys pertaining to the university, & withal yielded up his office, praying God to give to the university a better officer, 
D. Sands resigneth up his office of vice-chancellorship  and to give them better and more thankful hearts, and so repaired home to his own college.  
On the morrow after, there came unto him one master Gerningham, and one master Thomas Mildmaie. Gerningham told him, that it was the queens pleasure that two of the guard should attend on him, and that he must be carried prisoner to the tower of London with the duke. Master Mildmaie said he marveled that a learned man would speak so unadvisedly against so good a prince, and wilfully run into such danger. Doctor Sands answered, I shall not be ashamed of bonds. But if I could do as master Mildmaie can, I needed not fear bonds: 
Master Mildmaies treachery noted by doctor Sands to his obloquy  for he came down in payment against queen Marie, and armed in the field, and now he returneth in payment for queen Marie: before a traitor and now a great friend. I can not with one mouth blow hot and cold after this sort.  
Upon this, his stable was rob of four notable good geldings, the best of them master Hurlestone took for his own saddle, and road on him to London in his sight. An inventary was taken of all his goods by master Moor bedell for the university. He was set upon a lame horse that halted to the ground, which thing a friend of his perceiving, prayed that he might lend him a nag. The yeoman of the guard were content. As he departed out of the towns end, some papists resorted thither to gear at him, some of his friends to mourn for him. He came into the rank to London, the people being full of outcries. 
The misusage of certain drabs against doctor Sands as he was brought prisoner to the tower.  And as he came in at Bishop's gate, one like a milkewise hurled a stone at him, and hit him on the breast with such a blow, that he was like to fall off his horse. To whom he mildly said: Woman, God forgive it thee. Truth it is, that iourneieng & evil entreating so mortified him, that he was more ready to die than to live.  
As he came through tower hill street, one woman standing in her door, cried: Fie on thee thou knave, thou knave, thou traitor, thou heretic. Whereat he smiled. Look; the desperate heretic (saith she) laugheth at this gear. A woman on the other side of the street answered, saying: Fie on thee neighbour, thou art not worthy to be called a woman, railing upon this gentleman whom thou knowest not, neither yet line 10 the cause why he is thus entreated. Then she said, Good gentleman, God be thy comfort, an● give thee strength to stand in God's cause even to the end. And thus he passed through fire and water into the tower, the first prisoner that entered in that day, which was saint james day. The yeoman of the guard took from him his borrowed nag, and what else soever he had. His man one Quintin Swainton brought after him a bible, 
The guard offer him fowl wrong.  and some shirts, and such like things. The bible was sent in to him, but the shirts and such line 20 like served the yeoman of the guard.  
After he had been in the tower three weeks in a bad prison, he was lift up into nuns bower, a better prison, where was put to him master john Bradford. At the day of queen Mary's coronation, their prison door was set open, ever shut before. One master Michael his old acquaintance, who had been prisoner before in the same place, came in to him and said: Master Sands, there is such a stur in the tower, that neither gates, 
Master Michel's counsel to D. Sands to make an escape.  doors, nor prisoners are looked to line 30 this day. Take my cloak, my hat and my rapier, and get you gone; you may go out of the gates without questioning; save yourself, and let me do as I may. A rare friendship: but he refused the offer, saying: I know no just cause why I should be in prison. And thus to do were to make myself guilty, I will expect Gods good will, yet must I think myself most bound unto you: and so master Michael departed.  
While doctor Sands and master Bradford were line 40 thus in close prison together nine and twenty weeks, one john Bowler was their keeper, a very perverse papist, yet by often persuading of him, for he would give ear, and by the gentle using of him, at length he began to mislike popery, 
Bowler of a perverse papist becometh reform in true religion.  and to favour the gospel, and so persuaded in true religion, that on a sunday when they had mass in the chapel, he bringeth up a service book, a manchet and a glass of wine, and there doctor Sands ministered the communion to Bradford and to Bowler. Thus Bowler was their line 50 son begotten in bonds when Wyatt was in arms, & the old duke of Norfolk sent forth with a power of men to apprehend him, that room might be made in the tower for him and other his complices. Doctor Cranmer, doctor Ridleie, and master Bradford were cast into one prison, 
D. Sands removed to the Marshalsea.  & doctor Sands with nine other preachers were sent into the Marshalsea.  
The keeper of the Marshalsea appointed to every preacher a man to lead him in the street, he caused them go far before, and he and doctor Sands came behind, whom he would not lead, but walked familiarly line 60 with him. Yet doctor Sands was known, and the people every where prayed to God to comfort him, & to strengthen him in the truth. By that time the people's minds were altered, popery began to be unsavoury. After they passed the bridge, the keeper Thomas Way said to doctor Sands: I perceive the vain people would set you forward to the fire, you are as vain as they, if you being a young man will stand in your own conceit, 
Thomas Way the keeper pretendeth to persuade doctor Sands to popery.  & prefer your own knowledge before the judgement of so many worthy prelates, ancient, learned, and grave men, as be in this realm. If you so do, you shall find me as strict a keeper as one that utterly misliketh your religion. Doctor Sands answered; I know my years young, and my learning small, it is enough to know Christ crucified, and he hath learned nothing that seeth not the great blasphemy that is in popery, I will yield unto God and not unto man: I have read in the scriptures of many godly and courteous keepers, God may make you one; if not, I trust he will give me strength and patience to bear your hard dealing with me. Saith Thomas Way; Do you then mind to stand to your religion? Yea saith doctor Sands, by God's grace. Truly saith the keeper, I love you the better, I did but tempt you. What favour I can show you, you shall be sure of, and I shall think myself happy if I may die at the stake with you. 
The friendship that doctor Sands found at his keeper's hands.  The said keeper showed doctor Sands ever after all friendship: he trusted him to go into the fields alone, and there met with master Bradford, who then was removed into the Bench, and there found like favour of his keeper. He laid him in the best chamber in the house: he would not suffer the knight marshal's men to lay fetters on him, as others had. And at his request, he put master Sands in to him, to be his bedfellow, and sundry times suffered his wife, who was master Sands daughter of Essex, a gentlewoman, beautiful both in body & soul to resort to him. There was great resort unto doctor Sands, and master Sanders: they had much money offered them, but they would receive none. They had the communion there three or four times, and a great sort of communicants. Doctor Sands gave such exhortation to the people, for at that time being young, he was thought very eloquent, that he moved many tears and made the people abhor the mass, and defy all popery.  
When Wyatt with his army came into Southworke, 
Wiat's message to doctor Sands, and his answer reversed.  he sent two gentlemen into the Marshalsea to doctor Sands: saying, that master Wyatt would be glad of his company and advise, & that the gates should be set open for all the prisoners. He answered: Tell master Wyatt, if this his rising be of God it will take place: if not, it will fall. For my part I was committed hither by order, I will be discharged by like order, or I will never departed hence. So answered master Sanders, and the rest of the preachers being there prisoners. After that doctor Sands had been nine weeks prisoner in the Marshalsea, 
Doctor Sands set at liberty by the means of sir Thomas H●lcroft.  by the mediation of sir Thomas Holcroft then knight marshal he was set at liberty. Sir Thomas sued earnestly to the bishop of Winchester, doctor Gardiner for his deliverance after many repulses, except doctor Sands would be one of their sect, and then he could want nothing. He wrong out of him, that if the queen could like of his deliverance, he would not be against it: for that was sir Thomas his last request. In the mean time he had procured two ladies of the privy chamber to move the queen in it: who was contented, if the bishop of Winchester could like of it. The next time that the bishop went into the privy chamber to speak with the queen, master Holcroft followed, and had his warrant for doctor Sands remission ready, and prayed the two ladies, when as the bishop should take his leave, to put the queen in mind of doctor Sands. So they did. And the queen said: Winchester, 
How queen Marie is disposed to set doctor Sands at large, and sealeth her warrant for his liberty.  what think you by doctor Sands, is he not sufficiently punished? As it please your majesty, saith Winchester. That he spoke, remembering his former promise to master Holcroft, that he would not be against Sands, if the queen should like to discharge him. Saith the queen: Then truly, we would that he were set at liberty. Immediately master Holcroft offered the queen the warrant, who subscribed the same, and called Winchester to put to his hand, and so he did. The warrant was given to the knight marshal again, sir Thomas Holcroft. As the bishop went forth of the privy chamber door, he called master Holcroft to him: commanding him not to set doctor Sands at liberty, until he had taken sureties of two gentlemen of his country with him, every one bound in five hundred pounds, that doctor Sands should not departed out of the realm without licence. Master Holcroft immediately after met with two gentlemen of the north, friends & cousins to doctor Sands, who offered to be bound in line 10 body, goods and lands for him.  
At after dinner the same day, master Holcroft sent for doctor Sands to his lodging at Westminster, requiring the keeper to accompany with him. He came accordingly, finding master Holcroft alone, 
Communication between 〈◊〉 Thomas Holcroft and 〈◊〉 Sands 〈◊〉 his departing out of England.  walking in his garden: master Holcroft imparted his long suit, with the whole proceeding, and what effect it had taken to doctor Sands: much rejoicing that it was his good hap to do him good, & to procure his liberty, and that nothing remained, but line 20 that he would enter into bonds with his two sureties, for not departing out of the realm. Doctor Sands answered: I give God thanks, who hath moved your hart to mind me so well, & I think myself most bound unto you, God shall requite, and I shall never be found unthankful. But as you have dealt friendly with me, I will also deal plainly with you. I came a free man into prison, I will not go forth a bondman. As I cannot benefit my friends so will I not hurt them: and if I be set line 30 at liberty, I will not tarry six days in this realm if I may get out. If therefore I may not go free forth, send me to the Marshalsea again, and there you shall be sure of me.  
This answer much misliked master Holcroft, who told doctor Sands that the time would not long continue, a change would shortly come: the state was but a cloud, and would soon shake away; and that his cousin sir Edward Braie would gladly receive him and his wife into his house, where he should never line 40 need to come at church, and how the lady Braie was a zealous gentlewoman, who hated popery: adding that he would not so deal with him to lose all his labour. When doctor Sands could not be removed from his former saying, 
Sir Thomas Holcroft cannot persuade doctor Sands to ●arie in England, and therefore set●eth him at large.  master Holcroft said: Seeing you can not be altered, I will change my purpose, and yield unto you, come of it what will, I will set you at liberty: and seeing you mind over sea, get you gone so quickly as you can. One thing I require of you, that while you are there, you line 50 writ nothing to come hither, for so ye may undo me. He friendly kissed doctor Sands, bade him farewell, and commanded the keeper to take no fees of him: saying; Let me answer Winchester as I may. Doctor Sands returned with the keeper to the Marshalsea and tarried all night. There on the morrow gave a dinner to all the prisoners, bad his bedfellow and sworn stakefellow, if it had so pleased God, master Saunders farewell, with many tears and kissings, the one falling on the others neck, and so line 60 departed, clearly delivered without examination or bond. From thence he went to the Bench, and there talked with master Bradford, and master Farrar bishop of S. David's, than prisoners. Then he comforted them, & they praised God for his happy deliverance. He went by Winchester's house, and there took boat, 
Search made 〈◊〉 doctor Sands after 〈…〉.  and came to a friends house in London called William Banks, and tarried there one night. On the morrow at night he shifted to an other friends house, and there he learned that search was made for him.  
Doctor Watson and master Christopherson, coming to the bishop of Winchester, told him that he had set at liberty the greatest heretic in England, and one that had of all other most corrupted the university of Cambridge, doctor Sands. Whereupon the bishop of Winchester, 
Gardiner's commandment to watch and ward for doctor Sands and to apprehend him, with a reward promised to the taker of him.  being chancellor of England, sent for all the constables of London, commanding them to watch for doctor Sands, who was then within the city, and to apprehend him; and who so ever of them should take him and bring him to him, he should have five pounds for his labour. Doctor Sands suspecting the matter▪ conveyed himself by night to one master Barties house a stranger, who was in the Marshalsea with him prisoner a while, he was a good protestant and dwelled in Mark lane. There he was six days, and had one or two of his friends that repaired to him. Then he repaired to an acquaintance of his, one Hurlestone a skinner, dwelling in Cornhill, he caused his man Quintin to provide two geldings for him, minding on the morrow to ride into Essex to master Sands his father in law, where his wife was.  
At his going to bed in Hurlestons' house, he had a pair of hose newly made that were too long for him. For while he was in the tower, a tailor was admitted him to make him a pair of hose. One came unto him whose name was Benjamin, 
Note God's providence in giving a way to doctor Sands for his safe escaping out of danger.  a good protestant, dwelling in Birchin lane: he might not speak to him, or come unto him, to take measure of him, but only look upon his leg, he made the hose, and they were two inches too long. These hose he prayed the good wife of the house to send to some tailor to cut his hose two inches shorter. The wife required the boy of the house to carry them to the next tailor to cut. The boy chanced (or rather God so provided) to go to the next tailor, which was Benjamin that made them, which also was a constable, and acquainted with the lord chancellor's commandment. The boy required him to cut the hose. He said I am not thy masters tailor. Saith the boy, Because ye are our next neighbour, and my masters tailor dwelleth far off, I come to you, for it is far nights, and he must occupy them timely in the morning. Benjamin took the hose and looked upon them, he took his handy work in hand, and said: These are not thy masters hose, but doctor Sands, them I made in the tower. The boy yielded, and said it was so. Saith he, Go to thy mistress, pray her to sit up till twelve of the clock, than I will bring the hose and speak with doctor Sands to his good.  
At midnight the goodwife of the house, 
All the mischiefs intended against doctor Sands disclosed by a constable, who telleth him how to escape.  and Benjamin the tailor, cometh into doctor Sands chamber. The wife prayeth him not to be afraid of their coming. He answereth: Nothing can be amiss, what God will, that shall be done. Then Benjamin telleth him that he made his hose, and by what good chance they now came to his hands, God used the mean that he might foretell him of his peril, & advise him how to escape it, telling him that all the constables of London, whereof he was one, watched for him, & some were so greedily set, that they prayed him (if he took him) to let them have the carriage of him to the bishop of Winchester, and he should have the five pounds. Saith Benjamin, It is known that your man hath provided two geldings, and that you mind to ride out at Alogate to morrow, and there then ye are sure to be taken. Fellow mine advise, and by God's grace ye shall escape their hands. Let your man walk all the day to morrow in the street where your horses stand, booted and ready to ride. The goodman's servant of the house shall take the horses and carry them to Bednoll green. The goodman shall be booted, and follow after as if he would ride. I will be here with you to morrow about eight of the clock; it is both term and parliament time, here we will break our fast, and when the street is full we will go forth. Look wildelie, and if you meet your brother in the street, shun him not, but outface him, 
Doctor Sands disguiseth himself like a gentleman, and escapeth.  and know him not. accordingly doctor Sands did, clothed like a gentleman in all respects, and looked wildlie as one that had been long kept in prison out of the light. Benjamin carried him through Birching lane, and from one lane to another till he came at Moor gate: there they went forth until they came to Bednoll green, where the horses were ready, and master Hurleston to ride with him as his man. Doctor Sands pulled on his boots, and taking leave of his friend Benjamin, line 10 with tears they kissed each other, he put his hand in his purse, and would have given Benjamin a great part of that little he had, but Benjamin would take none. Yet since doctor Sands hath remembered him thankfully. He road that night to his father in law master Sands where his wife was, he had not been there two hours, but it was told master Sands that there was two of the guard which would that night apprehend doctor Sands, and so they were appointed. line 20  
That night doctor Sands was guided to an honest farmer near the sea, where he tarried two days and two nights in a chamber without all company. After that he shifted to one james Mower a shipmaster, who dwelled at Milton shore, where he expected wind for the English fleet ready into Flanders. While he was there, james Mower brought to him forty or fifty mariners, 
God stirreth up the hearts of the mariners to fancy doctor Sands etc.  to whom he gave an exhortation; they liked him so well, that they promised to line 30 die for it, yet that he should be apprehended. The sixth of May, being sunday the wind served: he took his leave of his host and hostess, and went towards the ship. In taking leave of his hostess who was barren, and had been married eight years, he gave her a fine handkerchief and also an old royal of gold in it, thanking her much, 
Doctor Sands his prophetical blessing to his hostess at his departing.  and said: Be of good comfort, yer that an whole year be past God shall give you a child a boy. And it came to pass, for that day twelve months lacking one day, God gave her a fair son. line 40  
At the shore doctor Sands met with master Isaac of Kent, who had his eldest son there, who upon the liking he had to doctor Sands, sent his son with him, who afterward died in his father's house in Frankford. Doctor Sands and doctor Cox were both in one ship, being one Cokrels ship. They were within the kenning when two of the guard came thither to apprehend doctor Sands. They arrived at Antwerp, being bid to dinner to master Locke. And at dinner time one George Gilpin being secretary to the English house, and kinsman to doctor line 50 Sands, came to him and rounded him in his ear, and said; King Philip hath sent to make search for you, and to apprehend you. Hereupon they rose from their dinner in a marvelous great shower, and went out at the gate toward the land of Cleve; there they found a waggon and hasted away, 
Doctor Sands and doctor Cox go by waggon into Cleveland.  and came safe to Auspurge in Cleveland, where doctor Sands tarried fourteen days, and then journeyed towards Strasborough, where after he had lived one year, line 60 his wife came unto him. He fell sore sick of a flux which kept him nine months, and brought him to death's door. He had a child which fell sick of the plague and died. His wife at length fell sick of a consumption and died in his arms; no man had a more godly woman to his wife.  
After this, master Samson went away to Emanuel, a man skilful in the Hebrew. Master grindal went into the country to learn the Dutch tongue. Doctor Sands still remained in Strasborough, whose sustentation then was chiefly from one master Isaac, who loved him most dearly, and was ever more ready to give than he to take. He gave him in that space above one hundred marks, which sum the said doctor Sands paid him again, and by his other gifts and friendliness showed himself to be a thankful man. When his wife was dead, he went to Zurike, and there was in Peter Martyrs house for the space of five weeks. 
Happy news of queen Mary's death: whereupon doctor Sands returneth into England.  Being there as they sat at dinner, word suddenly came that queen Marie was dead, and doctor Sands was sent for by his friends at Strasborough. That news made master Martyr and master jarret then there very joyful: but doctor Sands could not rejoice, it smote into his hart that he should be called to misery. Master Bullinger and the ministers feasted him, and he took his leave and returned into Strasborough, where he preached, and so master grindal and he came towards England, and then to London the same day that queen Elizabeth was crowned.  
This is the true story of such accidents as befell doctor Sands, a reverend father, and constant in the truth; whereof if any part had been false, likely it is that one or other would have barked against it yer now. But the report being common, and having been thus long extant in print, the silence of men is a sufficient proof & confirmation of the truth.] Here therefore we will leave doctor Sands in his archiepiscopal see of York; and after this long (but yet needful) digression fall again to the discourse of Calis; which being lost (as you have heard) in a very short time after so long possession, tidings thereof were carried to and fro, far and near, by word of mouth and by writing. In so much that the same news likewise being made notorious and known to the French were not so joyfully received in France, as they were generally grievous and displeasant to the whole realm of England: but specially to queen Marie, who being a princess of hart and courage, more than commonly is in womankind, 
With what indignation queen Marie took the loss of Calis.  thought herself so much touched in honour by the loss of her said town and possessions on that side the sea, as she counted her life irksome, until the same were either recovered again, or the loss redoubled with some like victory against the French elsewhere.  
In respect whereof she ceased not to travel after with king Philip her husband, as with her own privy council, and the lords of the realm, which way should be best to revenge this injury: and specially now whilst the French king was occupied in wars with king Philip, to endamage some of his countries by way of invasion, & to surprise some of his towns upon the sudden. And among sundry devices, 
Force intended against Breast in Britain.  none was thought so fit to be attempted as an haven town in Britain called Breast, which in the time of king Richard the second was kept and maintained with an English garrison, until the said king rendered the same to the French king again by composition. This town as well for the convenient situation always ready to receive fresh succours and vittelling out of England by sea, as also for that it was known to the queen and her council at that present, not to be furnished with any garrison of soldiers, sufficient to repel the power of a prince upon the sudden, was thought to be the best mark to be shot at for the time. Wherefore upon this case well debated, there was immediately order given to Edward lord Clinton then high admiral of England, 
The lord Clinton admiral of England sent 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉  with all expedition to prepare himself with all the queens ships of war, furnished with soldiers, munition & victuals, to join with the admiral of king Philip, who had like order from the said king to join with the navy of England for the achieving of this enterprise.  
But before I declare to you the adventure of these two great navies by sea, it shall not be impertinent to touch some accidents in the mean time by land. 
Monsieur de Thermes ●apteine of Calis work●● upon the advantage to 〈◊〉 the French 〈◊〉 mo●e honourable service.  While king Philip being absent from the low country, was (as you have heard) occupied with his wars in France, monsieur de Thermes the new captain of Calis, being a man very expert in the wars (whose property is never to neglect any time of advantage) cast in his mind, how (during king Ph●lips absence) to do some singular service to the French king his master. And espying well the negligence of the Flemings his neighbours, how little they understood the great weakening of their country line 10 by the loss of Calis, and that there was no new provision made for the defence thereof, more than was before, whilst Calis was English, by the loss whereof, their frontiers were now become open for the French at all times to enter. He therefore taking out of Calis so many of his soldiers as might be spared from thence, adjoining to them all the forces of the French garrisons in Arthois, Bullongnois, and Picardy, whereof together with the soldiers of Calis, being to the number of seven hundred line 20 footmen, and three hundred light horsemen Scotish, there were assembled fourteen ensigns of the French footmen, eighteen vanlins of Almans, four or five hundred men at arms of France, beside the light horsemen Scots, amounting in the whole to the number at the least of nine thousand footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, entered into Flanders, with full determination to spoil and waste all king Philip's country along the sea coast, 
Monsieur de Thermes de●●●mination a ●●●le king Philip's ●●●ntrie.  and namely a proper haven town called Dunkirk, line 30 and with like purpose to have surprised the town of graveling; if occasion would so serve.  
This captain following his enterprise, of a policy passing by the town of graveling, laid siege to a little town not far from thence called Berghs, which he won in a small time, and with small resistance, leaving the saccage of the same unto his soldiers, where they found many good booties. And without long staying they marched forth to Dunkirk beforesaid, 
●ankirke 〈◊〉 taken, 〈◊〉 burned by 〈◊〉 French.  and planting a siege in like manner there, line 40 battered the same so sharply with the cannon, that within less than four days he became master of the town, which he in like manner put to the sack, where was found more plenty of spoil and good booties, than in any place before, so far forth as the meanest slaves and lackeys came away rich. And after setting the town on fire (whereby all in the country about were marvelously put in fear) and the French spreading further abroad, wasted the most fruitful quarter of all that part of Flanders, even line 50 almost unto Newport. But yet because that monsieur de Thermes fell diseased of the gout, 
Monsieur de Thermes 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  the army withdrew and encamped within half a mile of graveling, & for his more ease, he himself lay in Dunkirk, and in the mean time diverse skirmishes fell out between the Frenchmen, and them of the garrison within graveling.  

County Egmond lieutenant general 〈◊〉 king Philip in the low country.  During which pastime, the county de Aiguemont (or as he is commonly called Egmond) lieutenant general for king Philip in the low country, with all line 60 haste possible assembled all the power as well of king Philip's garrisons, as also of men of war in the low country, to the number of fourteen or fifteen thousand footmen, and two or three thousand horsemen, whereof there were fifteen hundred swart Rufters, determining so to affront the French, that either they should pass no further into the country, or at the least way to impeach them from the siege of graveling, whereof there was great appearance. Monsieur de Thermes hearing of this power assembled (though scarcely well recovered) made all possible haste toward graveling, where he was no sooner arrived, but that he saw his enemies ready ranged in the field. By reason whereof his study was now nothing else but how he might bring home his army in safety to Calis.  
The county de Egmond espying the Frenchmen bent to march away with the spoil of the country, cut between them and home, placing his battles in such order, that the Frenchmen had no way to pass, but upon the s●nds between the town and the sea. Whereas by good chance lay a great fleet of queen Mary's ships of war, 
The English ships annoie the French with gunshot, etc.  within the danger of whose gunshot the Frenchmen had no shift but to pass as their journey lay. And so being forced either to famish or to fight at disadvantage, monsieur the Thermes without staying any longer, caused his vanguard to pass over the river somewhat near the town, to avoid the shot of the English ships. And staying upon the further side for the residue of his battles, there came such thick haileshot of artillery out of the town on the one side, and from the Engglish ships on the other side, that there was a full battery made upon the Frenchmen on all sides, which they nevertheless abode, without breaking order for the time, when suddenly appeared before them two great troops of horsemen; 
A veliant onset given upon the Frenchmen by county Egmond.  of fifteen hundred a piece, part swart Rutters, and part Burgognians, whereof the one in front, and the other in flank, gave strong charges upon the French vanguard, who being well backed with their other bartels (whereof the most part than had passed the river) stoutly repelled these two first troops, though not without loss of many their best soldiers.  
So thus both parties being at a stay, and severed somewhat asunder, the county de Egmond himself with eighteen hundred men of arms, and his foot battles following, 
A recharge upon the French scarce recovered.  before the French had well recovered breath, recharged upon them with all his forces together, so terribly that he choked all their battle, and the number took them to flight, without further trial. So by that time that the footmen on either side came to the push of the pike, the victory was soon had, by reason (as the Frenchmen report) that the Almans beaten back with artillery, as well of the town as of the ships before said, broke their order, and came not to the shock, whereby the whole charge of the battle rested upon the French bands only. 
A great victory.  This field was fought the thirteenth of julie· 1558, upon the sea sands near to graveling, where besides those that were slain, 
Certain French prisoners taken, and what they were by name.  being esteemed to the number of five thousand fight men, there were taken prisoners the marshal de Thermes captain of Calis, monsieur Senerpont governor of Bullongne, monsieur Uillebou governor of Picardy, monsieur Annebault son to the late admiral Annebault, knight of the order, monsieur de Moruilliers governor of Abuile, monsieur de Channe governor of Corbie, beside a great number of other gentlemen, valiant captains & soldiers: but specially the bands of Calis went to wrack, so as very few returned home to bring tidings. Which gave such a terror to the soldiers remaining in Calis, that it is verily believed, 
Calis might have been recovered from the French.  that if the admerals of England and Flanders had been present there with their navies, as the said other few ships of England were, and upon this sudden had attempted Calis, with the aid of the county Egmond having his power present: the town of Calis might have been recovered again with as little difficulty, and happily in as short time as it was before gained by the duke of Guise. But the said admerals (as it appeared) knew nothing thereof. Wherefore following their prescribed course, & joining together at the place appointed, they sailed from thence with prosperous wind & weather, & by the nine and twentieth day of the same month, and in the said year, with seven score ships of war, appeared by the break of the day before the haven of Counquest, commonly called Conquer in Britain; whereof the poet saith, touching the seat of the same, abutting upon the sea: Nobile Conquetum salsis Thetis alluit undis.  
At whose arrival there (as the manner is) they sounded their trumpets, & with a thundering peal of great ordinance gave a loud salve unto the Britain's: and by eight of the clock the same morning, maugre all the power of the country, being assembled there in arms, with many pieces of great artillery, line 10 to defend the entry of their port, the Englishmen manning forth their shipboats, with many valiant captains and soldiers, recovered landing, and within short time became masters of the said town of Conquer, which they put to the saccage, with a great abbeie, 
Conquest or Conquer taken and burned.  and many pretty towns and villages near thereabouts, where our men found great store of pillage and good booties. This done, they marched into the country, and burned many villages and houses: and after withdrew down unto the sea side, line 20 where their ships lay ready to receive them. But the Flemings being covetous of spoil, passing further into the land, 
A great slaughter of the Flemings occasioned by their own covetousness.  before they could recover their ships again, were encountered by the power of the country, by whom there were slain of them to the number of four or five hundred.  
The admerals perceiving the power of the country greatly to increase, and having intelligence that the duke of Estampes the French kings lieutenant in Britain was very near, coming on line 30 with a great number of horsemen and footmen, esteemed to be about twenty thousand (as the Frenchmen themselves affirm) thought not best to attempt any assault against the town of Breast, or to make longer abode there. But yet in hope to do some further exploit elsewhere, 
The admerals remove for fear of loss.  they lay there hovering on the coast a while, to understand the demeanour of the Britain's: but by this time there was such numbers of people raised in all those parts for defence of the same coasts, that the admerals afterward line 40 attempting in divers places to land their men, and finding each where more appearance of loss than of gain, returned home without achieving any further enterprise. 
Anno Reg. 6.  In this mean time, while king Philip and the French king, with two most puissant armies affronted each other, near unto the water of Some, either of them was obstinately bend to drive the other out of the field, for which cause they entrenched their camps.  

No memorable act done by either of the kings during the affronting of their armies.  During which time there was nothing done between line 50 them worthy memory, more than daily skirmishes of no great account. Nevertheless, the country of France could not but sustain extreme damage, so long sustaining such a main multitude, specially of men of war, which those two mighty kings had assembled. And day by day came fresh companies to either party; so as it was thought a thing impossible that such two princes being so near, could departed without some cruel bloody battle to determine their quarrels. But God, in whose hands line 60 are the hearts of kings (when least hope was) converted their obstinate minds from war to peace, which came chiefly to pass by the mediation of the duchess of Lorraine, 
Peace is procured between both kings at the suit and seeking of the duchess of Lorraine.  who had been a long and earnest traveler to that end; and never ceased, until by her intercession, both the said kings appointed special commissioners to treat upon peace. So that after diverse conferences, they at last concluded upon all controversies, except the matter of Calis, whereof queen Marie by her ambassadors required restitution: but the French party would in no wise hear thereof. By reason of which difficulty, this treaty could not come to any good conclusion. King Philip thinking himself bound in honour to stand in that case with the queen his wife, who for his sake had entered into a needless war against France, and thereby lost her said town, with all the country adjoining (as you have heard before) did therefore stay a long time before he concluded peace with the French king.  
Queen Marie seeing no likelihood, 
Q. Marry pens●●e for the los●e of Calis.  nor having any hope of the restitution of Calis, and considering also that most of her affairs had but hard success, conceived an inward sorrow of mind: by reason whereof about September next she fell sick of a hot burning fever, which sickness was common that year through all the realm, and consumed a marvelous number, as well noblemen, as bishops, judges, knights, gentlemen, and rich farmers: but most of the clergy, and other ancient and grave persons. In which while the queen lay languishing of a long sickness, 
The death of queen Marie.  and so continued until the seventeenth of November next between the hours of five or six in the morning, and then ended her life in this world, at her house of saint james besides Westminster, when she had reigned five years, four months, and eleven days, and in the three and fortieth year of her bodily age. The death of this said queen made a marvelous alteration in this realm, namely in the case of religion, which like as by the death of king Edward the sixth it suffered a change from the establishment of his time: so by the death of this queen it returned into the former estate again. So that we see the uncertainty of the world, and what changes do come in times by their revolutions, and that every thing is subject to unconstancy, and nothing free from variableness; as the poet saith: 
— nihil usquam  
Perpetuum solet in terris fixúmque manner:  
Humanis quàm nulla subest constantia rebus!   
And here, because we are come to the knitting up of queen Mary's reign, I cannot ouers●●p with silence that notable and needful discourse of master Fox concerning our blessed sovereign, queen Elizabeth, whose majesty the Lord of his mercy environ with friends as in number many, so in service trusty; and whose enemies the same Lord in justice root out from the land of the living, heaping upon them plague after plague, to their utter confusion, because they have rejected the gracious means of their conversion. Thus therefore writeth master Fox concerning the mischéefous persecution and miraculous preservation of lady Elizabeth, now queen of England, from extreme calamity and danger of life, in the time of queen Marie her sister.  
But (saith master Fox) when all hath been said and told, 
The blessed protection of almighty God in preserving the ladi● Elizabeth in her manifold dangers and troubles.  whatsoever can be recited touching the admirable working of God's present hand in defending and delivering any one person out of thraldom, never was there since the memory of our fathers, any example to be showed, wherein the Lords mighty power hath more admirably and blessedly showed itself, to the glory of his own name, to the comfort of all good hearts, and to the public felicity of this whole realm, than in the miraculous custody and outscape of this our sovereign lady, now queen, than lady Elizabeth, in the strict time of queen Marie her sister. In which story, first we have to consider in what extreme misery, sickness, fear, and peril her highness was; into what care, what trouble of mind, 
The trouble● of lady Elizabeth in Q. Mary's 〈◊〉  and what danger of death she was brought. First with great routs and bands of armed men (and happy was he that might have the caring of her) being fetched up as the greatest traitor in the world, clapped in the tower, and again tossed from thence, from house to house, from prison to prison, from post to pillar, at length also prisoner in her own house, and guarded with a sort of cutthroats, which ever gaped for the spoil, whereby they might be fingering of somewhat.  
secondly, we have again to consider, all this notwithstanding, how strangely, or rather miraculously from danger she was delivered: what favour and grace she found with the almighty, who when all help of man, and hope of recovery was past, stretched out his mighty protection, and preserved her highness, and placed her in this princely seat of rest and quietness, wherein now she sitteth, and long may she sit, the lord of his glorious mercy grant, we beseech line 10 him 
* Amen. . In which story, if I should set forth at large and at full, all the particulars and circumstances thereunto belonging, and as just occasion of the history requireth, besides the importunate length of the story discoursed, peradventure it might move offence to some being yet alive, and truth might get me hatred. Yet notwithstanding, I intent (by the grace of Christ) therein to use such brevity and moderation, as both may be to the glory of God, the discharge of the story, the profit of the reader, & hurt line 20 to none, suppressing the names of some, whom here although I could recite, yet I thought not to be more cruel in hurting their name, than the queen hath been merciful in pardoning their lives.  
Therefore now to enter into the discourse of this tragical matter, 
The history of the lady Elizabeth.  first here is to be noted, that queen Marie when she was first queen, before she was crowned, would go no whither, but would have her by the hand, and send for her to dinner and supper: but after she was crowned, she never dined nor supped line 30 with her, but kept her aloof from her, etc. After this it happened, immediately upon the rising of sir Thomas Wyatt (as before was mentioned, 
* 
These refe●●●cies by the page wheresoever they ●●ll in this ●●●course of ●. Elizabeth ●●●ment of the impression published 1583  
Sir Richard Southwell, sir Edward Hastings, and 〈◊〉 Thomas Cornwallis, 〈◊〉 to fetch 〈◊〉 lady Elizabeth, with w●om also ●●●erward was sent the 〈◊〉 William ●●ward, etc.   pag. 1418, 1419) that the lady Elizabeth and the lord courtney were charged with false suspicion of sir Thomas Wiat's rising. Whereupon queen Marie, whether for that surmise, or for what other cause I know not, being offended with the said Elizabeth her sister, at that time lying in her house at Ashridge, the next day after the rising of Wyatt, sent to her three of her line 40 councillors, to wit, sir Richard Southwell, sir Edward Hastings, than master of the horse, and sir Thomas Cornwallis, with their retinue and troup of horsemen, to the number of two hundred & fifty. Who at their sudden and unprovided coming, found her at the same time sore sick in her bed, and very feeble and weak of body. Wither when they came, ascending up to her graces privy chamber, they willed one of her ladies, whom they met, to declare unto her grace, that there were certain come line 50 from the court, which had a message from the queen.  
Her grace having knowledge thereof, was right glad of their coming: howbeit, being then very sick, and the night far spent (which was at ten of the clock) she requested them by the messenger, that they would resort thither in the morning. To this they answered, and by the said messenger sent word again, that they must needs see her, and would so do, in what case soever she were. 
The 〈◊〉 of the knights.  Whereat the lady being line 60 against, went to show her grace their words: but they hastily following her, came rushing as soon as she into her grace's chamber unbidden. At whose so sudden coming into her bed chamber, her grace being not a little amazed, said unto them: Is the hast such, that it might not have pleased you to come tomorrow in the morning? They made answer, that they were right sorry to see her in that case. And I (quoth she) am not glad to see you here at this time of the night. Whereunto they answered, that they came from the queen to do their message and duty: which was to this effect, that the queens pleasure was, that she should be at London the seventh day of that present month. Whereunto she said; certes, no creature more glad than I to come to her majesty, being right sorry that I am not in case at this time to wait on her, as you yourselves do see and can well testify.  
In deed we see it true (quoth they) that you do say: 
I straight commission from the queen to bring the lady Elizabeth either quick or dead.  for which we are very sorry: albeit we let you to understand, that our commission is such, and so straineth us, that we must needs bring you with us, either quick or dead. Whereat she being amazed, sorrowfully said, that their commission was very sore: but yet notwithstanding she hoped it to be otherwise, and not so strict. Yes verily, said they. Whereupon they called for two physicians, doctor Owen and doctor Wendie, demanding of them, whether she might be removed from thence with life, or no. Whose answer and judgement was, that there was no impediment (in their judgement) to the contrary, but that she might travel without danger of life. 
The gentleness of queen Marie to send her horslitter to bring her sister to trouble.  In conclusion, they willed her to prepare against the morning at nine of the clock to go with them, declaring that they had brought with them the queen's litter for her. After much talk, the messengers declaring how there was no prolonging of times and days, so departed to their chamber, being entertained and cheered as appertained to their worships.  
On the next morrow at the time prescribed, they had her forth as she was, very faint and feeble, 
Lady Elizabeth taketh her iourn●ie toward the queen.  and in such case that she was ready to sound three or four times between them. What should I speak here that cannot well be expressed, what an heavy house there was to behold the unreverend and doleful dealing of these men, but especially the careful fear and captivity of their innocent lady and mistress? Now to proceed in her journey from Ashridge all sick in the litter, she came to Redborne, where she was guarded all night: from thence to S. Albon, to sir Ralph Rowlets house, where she tarried that night, doth feeble in body, and comfortless in mind. From that place they passed to master Dods house at Mims, where also they remained that night: and so from thence she came to Highgate: where she being very sick, tarried that night and the next day. During which time of her abode there, came many pursuivants and messengers from the court: but for what purpose I cannot tell.  
From that place she was conveyed to the court: where (by the way) came to meet her many gentlemen, to accompany her highness, which were very sorry to see her in that case. But especially a great multitude of people there were standing by the way, 
Lady Elizabeth brought up to London.  who then flocking about her litter, lamented and bewailed greatly her estate. Now, when she came to the court, her grace was there straightways shut up, and kept as close prisoner a fortnight, which was till Palmesundaie, seeing neither king nor queen, nor lord, nor friend, all that time, but only than the lord chamberlain, sir john Gage, and the vicechamberlaine which were attendant unto the doors. About which time sir William Sentlow was called before the council; unto whose charge it was laid, 
Sir William Sentlow committed to the tower.  that he knew of Wiat's rebellion. Which he stoutly denied, protesting that he was a true man, both to God and his prince, defieng all traitors and rebels: but being strictly examined, he was in conclusion committed to the tower.  
The friday before palmsunday, 
Lady Elizabeth charged with sir Thomas Wiat's conspiracy.  the bishop of Winchester, with nineteen others of the council (who shall be here nameless) came unto her grace from the queens majesty, and burdened her with Wiat's conspiracy: which she utterly denied, 
Lady Elizabeth charged with the business of Peter Carew.  affirming that she was altogether guiltless therein. They being not contented with this, charged her grace with business made by sir Peter Carew, and the rest of the gentlemen of the west country: which also she utterly denying, cleared her innocency therein. In conclusion, after long debating of matters, they declared unto her, 
Lady Elizabeth threatened to go to the tower.  that it was the queens will and pleasure that she should go unto the tower, while the matter were further tried and examined. Whereat she being aghast, said, that she trusted the queens majesty would be more gracious lady unto her, and that her highness would not otherwise conceive of her, but that she was a true woman: declaring furthermore to the lords, 
Lady Elizabeth purgeth herself to the lords.  that she was innocent in all line 10 those matters wherein they had burdened her; and desired them therefore to be a further mean to the queen her sister, that she being a true woman in thought, word, and deed towards her majesty, might not be committed to so notorious & doleful a place: protesting that she would request no mercy at her hand, if she should be proved to have consented unto any such kind of matter, as they had laid unto her charge: and therefore in fine desired their lordships to think of her what she was, and that she might not line 20 so extremely be dealt withal for her truth.  
Whereunto the lords answered again, that there was no remedy, for that the queens majesty was fully determined that she should go unto the tower. Wherewith the lords departed, with their caps hanging over their eyes. But not long after, within the space of an hour or little more, came four of the foresaid lords of the council, which were the lord treasurer, the bishop of Winchester, the lord steward, the earl of Sussex, with the guard, who warding the line 30 next chamber to her, 

Lady Elizabeth's servants removed from her.  
The queens men, and waiting women attendant upon lady Elizabeth.   secluded all her gentlemen and yeomen, ladies and gentlewomen, saving that for one gentleman usher, three gentlewomen, and two grooms of her chamber, were appointed in their rooms three other men of the queens, and three waiting women to give attendance upon her, that none should have access to her grace. At which time there were an hundred of northern soldiers in white coats, watching and warding about the gardens all that night, a great fire being made in the midst of the hall, and two certain lords watching there also with line 40 their band and company.  
Upon saturday following, two lords of the council (the one was the earl of Sussex, the other shall be nameless) came and certified her grace, that forthwith she must go unto the tower, the barge being prepared for her, and the tide now ready, which tarrieth for no body. In heavy mood her grace requested the lords that she might tarry another tide, trusting that the next would be better and more comfortable. But line 50 one of the lords replied, that neither tide nor time was to be delayed. And when her grace requested him that she might be suffered to write to the queens majesty, 
The hard dealing of a certain lord with the lady Elizabeth. The earl of Sussex gentle to the lady Elizabeth. Lady Elizabeth writeth to the queen but it would not seru●.  he answered, that he durst not permit that: adding that in his judgement it would rather hurt, than profit her grace in so doing. But the other lord, more courteous and favourable (who was the earl of Sussex) kneeling down, said she should have liberty to write; and as he was a true man, he would deliver it to the queens highness, & bring an answer of the same, what soever came thereof. Whereupon line 60 she wrote, albeit she could in no case be suffered to speak with the queen to her great discomfort, being no offendor against the queen's majesty.  
And thus the tide and time passed away for that season, they privily appointing all things ready that she should go the next tide which fell about midnight: but for fear she should be taken by the way, they durst not. So they stayed till the next day, being palmsunday, when about nine of the clock these two returned again, declaring that it was time for her grace to departed; she answering: If there be no remedy, I must be content, willing the lords to go before. Being come forth into the garden, she did cast up her eyes toward the window, thinking to have seen the queen, which she could not. Whereat she said she marveled much what the nobility of the realm meant, which in that sort would suffer her to be led into captivity, the Lord knew whither, for she did not. In the mean time commandment was given in all London, that every one should keep the church and carry their palms, while in the mean season she might be conveyed without all recourse of people into the tower.  
After all this, she took her barge with the two foresaid lords, three of the queens gentlewomen, 
Lady Elizabeth sent to the tower.  and three of her own, her gentleman usher, and two of her grooms, lying & hovering upon the water a certain space, for that they could not shoot the bridge, the bargemen being very unwilling to shoot the same so soon as they bade, because of the danger thereof: for the stern of the boat stroke upon the ground, the fall was so big, and the water was so shallow, that the boat being under the bridge, there stayed again a while. At landing, she first stayed, and denied to land at those stairs where all traitors and offenders customably used to land, neither well could she unless she should go over her shoe. The lords were gone out of the boat before, and asked why she came not. One of the lords went back again to her, and brought word she would not come. Then said one of the lords which shall be nameless, that she should not choose: and because it did then rain, he offered to her his cloak, which she (putting it back with her hand with a good dash) refused. So she coming out, having one foot upon the stair, said; 
The words of lady Elizabeth entering the tower.  Here landeth as true a subject being prisoner, as ever landed at these stairs: and before thee O God I speak it, having none other friends but thee alone.  
To whom the same lord answered again, that if it were so, it was the better for her. At her landing there was a great multitude of their servants and warders standing in their order; What needed all this said she? It is the use (said some) so to be when any prisoner came thither. And if it be (quoth she) for my cause, I beseech you that they may be dismissed. Whereat the poor men kneeled down, and with one voice desired God to preserve her grace, who the next day were released of their cold coats. After this passing a little further, she sat down upon a cold stone, and there rested herself. To whom the lieutenant then being, said; Madam, you were best to come out of the rain, for you sit unwholesomelie. She then replying, answered again: Better sitting here thanin a worse place, for God knoweth, I know not whither you will bring me. With that her gentleman usher wept: she demanding of him what he meant so uncomfortably to use her, seeing she took him to be her comforter, and not to dismay her, especially for that she knew her truth to be such, that no man should have cause to weep for her. But forth she went into the prison.  
The doors were locked and bolted upon her: which did not a little discomfort and dismay her grace. 
The christian prayer of ladi● Elizabeth.  At what time she called to her gentlewoman for her bóoke, desiring God not to suffer her to build her foundation upon the sands but upon the rock, whereby all the blasts of blustering weather should have no power against her. The doors being thus locked, and she close shut up, the lords had great conference how to keep ward and watch, every man declaring his opinion in that behalf, agreeing strictly and circumspectly to keep her. Then one of them, 
The lord of Sussex speaketh for lady Elizabeth.  which was the lord of Sussex swearing, said: My lords, let us take heed, and do no more than our commission will bear us, what soever shall happen hereafter. And further, let us consider that she was the king our masters daughter, and therefore let us use such dealing, that we may answer unto it hereafter, if it shall so happen, for just dealing (quoth he) is always answerable. Whereunto the other lords agreed that it was well said of him, and thereupon departed. Being in the tower, within two days, commandment was that she should have mass within her house. One master Young was then her chaplain: and because there was none of her men so well learned to help the priest to say mass, the mass stayed for that day. line 10  
The next day two of her yeomen, who had gone long to school before, and were learned, had two abcies provided and delivered them, so that upon the abcies they should help the priest. One of the said yeomen, holding the abcie in his hand, pretending ignorance at Kyrie eleison, set the priest, making as though he could answer that no further. It would make a pitiful and a strange story, here by the way to touch and recite what examinations and rackings of poor men there were, to find out that knife which line 20 should cut her throat: what gaping among my lords of the clergy, to see the day wherein they might wash their goodly white rochets in her innocent blood, but especially the bishop of Winchester Stephan Gardiner, than lord chancellor, ruler of the roast, who then within five days after came unto her, with diverse others of the council, and examined her of the talk that was at Ashridge, 
The bishop of Winchester 〈◊〉 to lady Elisabeth.  betwixt her and sir james Acroft, touching her removing from thence to Dunnington castle, requiring her to declare what line 30 she meant thereby.  
At the first, she being so suddenly asked, did not well remember any such house: but within a while, well advising herself, she said; In deed (quoth she) I do now remember that I have such a place, 
Lady Elisabeth examined 〈◊〉 the bishop 〈◊〉 Winchester.  but I never lay in it in all my life. And as for any that hath moved me thereunto, I do not remember. Then to enforce the matter, they brought forth sir james Acroft. The bishop of Winchester demanded of her what she said to that man? She answered, that she had line 40 little to say to him, or to the rest that were then prisoners in the tower. But my lords (quoth she) you do examine every mean prisoner of me, wherein me thinks you do me great injury. If they have done evil and offended the queens majesty, let them answer to it accordingly. I beseech you my lords, join not me in this sort with any of these offenders. And as concerning my going unto Dunnington castle, I do remember that master Hobbie and mine officers and you sir james Acroft, had such talk: but line 50 what is that to the purpose, my lords, but that I may go to mine own houses at all times?  
The lord of Arundel kneeling down, said: Your grace saith true, 
The friendly 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of Arun●●ll to the lady Elisabeth.  & certainly we are very sorry that we have so troubled you about so vain matters. She then said: My lords, you do sift me very narrowly, but well I am assured, you shall not do more to me than God hath appointed, and so God forgive you all. At their departure, sir james Acroft kneeled down, declaring that he was sorry to see the day in which he should be brought as a witness against her grace. line 60 But I assure your grace (said he) I have been marvelously tossed and examined touching your highness, 
Sir james Acroft exami●●● touching 〈◊〉 lady Elisabeth.  which the lord knoweth is very strange to me. For I take God to record before all your honours, I do not know any thing of that crime that you have laid to my charge, and will thereupon take my death, if I should be driven to so strict a trial.  
That day, or thereabouts, diverse of her own officers, who had made provision for her diet, brought the same to the utter gate of the tower, 
These were 〈◊〉 officers 〈◊〉 the tower, 〈◊〉 such as 〈◊〉 in white 〈…〉.  the common rascal soldiers receiving it: which was no small grief unto the gentlemen the bringers thereof. Wherefore they required to speak with the lord chamberlain, being then constable of the tower. Who coming before his presence, declared unto his lordship, that they were much afraid to bring her grace's diet, and to deliver it to such common and desperate persons as they were which did receive it: beseeching his honour to consider her grace, and to give such order, that her viands might at all times be brought in by them which were appointed thereunto. Yea sirs (said he) who appointed you this office? 
Lady Elisabeths' servants restrained for bringing her diet to the tower.  They answered, Her grace's council. Council (quoth he?) There is none of them which hath to do, either in that case, or any thing else within this place: and I assure you, for that she is a prisoner, she shall be served with the lieutenant's men, as other the prisoners are. Whereat the gentlemen said, that they trusted for more favour at his hands, considering her parsonage, saying; that they mistrusted not, but that the queen and her council would be better to her grace than so, and therewith showed themselves to be offended at the ungrateful words of the lord chamberlain towards their lady and mistress. 
Displeasure between the lord chamberlain and lady Elisabeths' men.   
At this he swore by God, striking himself upon the breast, that if they did either frown or shrug at him, he would set them where they should neither see sun nor moon. Thus taking their leave, they desired God to bring him in a better mind towards her grace, and so departed from him. Upon the occasion whereof, her grace's officers made great suit unto the queens council, that some might be appointed to bring her diet to her, & that it might no more be delivered in to the common soldiers of the tower. Which being reasonably considered, was by them granted. Whereupon were appointed one of her gentlemen, her clerk of her kitchen, and her two purveyors to bring in her provision once a day; all which was done the warders ever waiting upon the bringers thereof. The lord chamberlain himself being always with them, circumspectly and narrowly watched, and searched what they brought: and gave heed that they should have no talk with any of her graces waiting servants, and so warded them both in and out. At the said suit of her officers were sent by the commandment of the council, to wait upon her grace, two yeomen of her chamber, one of her robes, two of her pantry and ewrie, one of her buttery, 
Lady Elisabeths' waitingmen in the tower.  another of her cellar, two of her kitchen, and one of her larder, all which continued with her the time of her trouble.  
Here the constable, being at the first not very well pleased with the coming in of such a company against his will, would have had his men still to have served with her grace's men. Which her servants at no hand would suffer, 
Uariance between the lord chamberlain & lady Elisabeths' servants.  desiring his lordship to be contented: for that order was taken, that no stranger should come within their offices. At which answer being sore displeased, he broke out into these threatening words: Well (said he) I will handle you well enough. Then went he into the kitchen, and there would needs have his meat roasted with her grace's meat, & said that his cook should come thither and dress it. To that her grace's cook answered; My lord, I will never suffer any stranger to come about her diet, but her own sworn men, so long as I live. He said they should. But the cook said, his lordship should pardon him for that matter. Thus did he trouble her poor servants very stoutly: though afterwards he were otherwise advised, and they more courteously used at his hands. And good cause why, for he had good cheer, and fared of the best; and her grace paid well for it. Wherefore he used himself afterwards more reverently toward her grace.  
After this sort, having lain a whole month there in close prison, and being very evil at ease therewithal, she sent for the lord chamberlain, and the lord Shandois, to come and speak with her. Who coming, she requested them that she might have liberty to walk in some place, for that she felt herself not well. 
Lady Elisabeth denied the liberty of the tower.  To the which they answered, that they were right sorry that they could not satisfy her grace's request, for that they had commandment to the contrary, which they durst not in any wise break. Furthermore, she desired of them, if that could not be granted, that she might walk but into the queen's lodging. No nor yet that (they answered) could by line 10 any means be obtained without a further suit to the queen and her council. Well (said she) my lords, if the matter be so hard that they must be sued unto for so small a thing, and that friendship be so strict, God comfort me: and so they departed, she remaining in her old dungeon still, without any kind of comfort but only God.  
The next day after, the lord Shandois came again unto her grace, declaring unto her that he had sued unto the council for further liberty. Some of them line 20 consented thereunto, diverse other dissented, for that there were so many prisoners in the tower. But in conclusion they did all agree, that her grace might walk into those lodgings, so that he & the lord chamberlain, and three of the queens gentlewomen did accompany her, the windows being shut, and she not suffered to look out at any of them: wherewith she contented herself, and gave him thanks for his good will in that behalf. Afterwards there was liberty granted to her grace to walk in a little garden, 
Liberty granted to lady Elisabeth to walk in a little garden.  the doors and gates being shut up, which notwithstanding line 30 was as much discomfort unto her, as the walk in the garden was pleasant and acceptable. At which times of her walking there, the prisoners on that side strictly were commanded not to speak or look out at the windows into the garden, till her grace were gone out again, having in consideration thereof, their keepers waiting upon them for that time. Thus her grace with this small liberty contented herself in God, to whom be praise therefore. line 40  
During this time, there used a little boy, a man's child in the tower to resort unto their chambers, and many times to bring her grace flowers, which likewise he did to the other prisoners that were there. Whereupon naughty and suspicious heads thinking to make and wring out some matter thereof, 
Suspicious heads.  called on a time the child unto them, promising him figs and apples, and asked of him when he had been with the earl of Devonshire, not ignorant of the child's wonted line 50 frequenting unto him? The boy answered that he would go by and by thither. Further they demanded of him, 
A young child examined for bringing flowers to the lady Elisabeth.  when he was with the lady Elisabeths' grace? He answered: Every day. Furthermore they examined him, what the lord of Devonshire sent by him to her grace? The child said: I will go know what he will give to carry to her. Such was the discretion of the child, being yet but four years of age. This same is a crafty boy, quoth the lord chamberlain, how say you my lord Shandois? I pray you my lord (quoth the boy) give me the figs you promised line 60 me. No marry (quoth he) thou shalt be whipped if thou come any more to the lady Elisabeth, or the lord courtney. The boy answered: I will bring my lady and mistress more flowers. Whereupon the child's father was commanded to permit the boy no more to come up into their chambers.  
The next day, as her grace was walking in the garden, the child peeping in at a hole in the door, cried unto her, saying: Mistress, I can bring you no more flowers. Whereat she smiled, but said nothing, understanding thereby what they had done. Wherefore afterwards the chamberlain rebuked highly his father, commanding him to put him out of the house. Alas poor infant, quoth the father. It is a crafty knave (quoth the lord chamberlain) let me see him here no more. 
The constable of the tower discharged of his office. Sir Henry Benefield with his company, placed about the lady Elisabeth. Lady Elisabeth in great fear and doubt of life.  The fift of May the constable was discharged of his office of the tower, & one sir Henry Benefield placed in his room, a man unknown to her grace, and therefore the more feared: which so sudden mutation was unto her no little amaze. He brought with him an hundred soldiers in blue coats, wherewith she was marvelously discomforted, and demanded of such as were about her, whether the lady janes' scaffold were taken away or no, fearing by reason of their coming, lest she should have played her part. To whom answer was made, that the scaffold was taken away, and that her grace needed not to doubt of any such tyranny: for God would not suffer any such treason against her person. Wherewith being contented, but not altogether satisfied, she asked what sir Henry Benefield was, and whether he was of that conscience or no, that if her murdering were secretly committed to his charge, he would see the execution thereof? 
Lady Elisabeth in doubt of sir Henry Benefield.  She was answered, that they were ignorant what manner of man he was. Howbeit they persuaded her that God would not suffer such wickedness to proceed? Well, quoth she, God grant it be so. For thou O god canst mollify all such tyrannous hearts, and disappoint all such cruel purposes: and I beseech thee to hear me thy creature, which am thy servant, and at thy commandment, trusting by thy grace ever so to remain.  
About which time it was spread abroad, that her grace should be carried from thence by this new jolly captain and his soldiers: but whither, it could not be learned. Which was unto her a great grief, especially for that such a company was appointed to her guard, requesting rather to continue there still, than to be led thence with such a sort of rascals. At last plain answer was made by the lord Shandois, that there was no remedy, but from thence she must needs departed to the manor of Woodstock, as he thought. Being demanded of her for what cause? For that (quoth he) the tower is like further to be furnished. She being desirous to know what he meant thereby, demanded wherewith? He answered, with such matter as the queen and council were determined in that behalf, whereof he had no knowledge: and so departed. In conclusion, on Trinity sunday being the ninetéenth day of May, she was removed from the tower, the lord treasurer being then there for the lading of her carts, and discharging the place of the same. Where sir Henry Benefield (being appointed her jailor) did receive her with a company of rakehells to guard her, beside the lord of Darbies' band, waiting in the country about for the moonshine in the water. Unto whom at length came my lord of Tame, joined in commission with the said sir Henry, for the safe guiding of her to prison: and they together conveyed her grace to Woodstock, as hereafter followeth. 

Lady Elizabeth removed from the tower to Woodstock. Lady Elizabeth secluded from her servants.  
Lady Elizabeth in despair of herself.   The first day they conducted her to Richmond, where she continued all night, being restrained of her own men, which were lodged in outchambers, and sir Henry Benefields soldiers appointed in their rooms to give attendance on her person. Whereat she being marvelously dismayed, thinking verily some secret mischief to be a working towards her, called her gentleman usher, and desired him, with the rest of his company, to pray for her. For this night (quoth she) I think to die. Wherewith he being stricken to the heart, said: God forbidden that any such wickedness should be pretended against your grace. So comforting her as well as he could, at last he burst out into tears, & went from her down into the court, where were walking the lord of Tame and sir Henry Benefield.  
Then he coming to the lord of Tame (who had proffered to him much friendship) desired to speak with him a word or two. Unto whom he familiarly said, he should with all his heart. Which when sir Henry standing by heard, he asked what the matter was? To whom the gentleman usher answered: No great matter sir (said he) but to speak with my lord a word or two. Then when the lord of Tame came to him, 
The lady Elizabeth's ●●her talketh with the lord of Tame.  he spoke on this wise: My lord (quoth line 10 he) you have been always my good lord, and so I beseech you to remain. The cause why I come to you at this time, is to desire your honour, unfeignedly to declare unto me whether any danger is meant towards my mistress this night, or no, that I and my poor fellows may take such part as shall please God to appoint: for certainly we will rather die, than she should secretly and innocently miscarry. Marry (said the lord of Tame) God forbidden that any such wicked purpose should be wrought: and rather line 20 than it should be so, 
The gentle heart of the lord of Tame to lady Elizabeth.  I with my men are ready to die at her foot also: and (so praised be God) they passed that doleful night, with no little heaviness of heart. Afterwards passing over the water at Richmond, going towards Windsor, her grace espied certain of her poor servants standing on the other side, which were very desirous to see her. Whom when she beheld, turning to one of her men standing by, she said; Yonder I see certain of my men, go to them and say th●se words from me: Tanquam ovis.  

Tanquam ovis. i. Like a sheep to the slaughter.  So she passing forward to Windsor, was lodged line 30 there that night in the dean of Windsor's house, a place more meet in deed for a priest than for a princess. And from thence her grace was guarded and brought the next night to master Dormers house, where much people standing by the way, 
Lady Elizabeth honourably received and beloved of the people.  some presented to her one gift, and some another: so that sir Henry was greatly moved therewith, and troubled the poor people very sore, for showing their loving hearts in such a manner, calling them rebels and traitors, with such like vile words. Besides, as line 40 she passed through the villages, the townsmen rang the bells, as being joyful of her coming, thinking verily it had been otherwise than it was indeed, as the sequel proved after to the said poor men. For immediately the said sir Henry hearing the same, sent his soldiers thither, who apprehended some of the ringers, setting them in the stocks, and otherwise uncourteously misusing other some for their good wills. line 50  

The gentle entertainment of lady Elizabeth at the lord of Tames house.  On the morrow her grace passing from master Dormers (where was for the time of her abode there a strict watch kept) came to the lord of Tames house where she lay all night, being very princely entertained, both of knights and ladies, gentlemen and gentlewomen. Whereat sir Henry Benefield grunted, 

M. Benefield grudgeth at the gentle entertainment of lady Elizabeth.  
The rude and ungentle, manly behaviour of sir Henry Benefield.   and was highly offended, saying unto them, that they could not tell what they did, and were not able to answer to their doings in that behalf; letting them to understand that she was the queens line 60 majesties prisoner, and no otherwise: advising them therefore to take heed & beware of afterclaps. Whereunto the lord of Tame answered in this wise: that he was well advised of his doings, being joined in commission as well as he, adding with warrant, that her grace might and should in his house be merry. The next day as she should take her journey from Richmond towards Woodstock, 
Lady Elizabeth cometh to Woodstock.  the lord of Tame, with an other gentleman being at tables, playing, and dropping vie crowns, the lady Elizabeth passing by, 
The strict watch kept at Woodstock.  stayed & said she would see the game played out, which sir Henry Benefield would scarce permit. The game running long about, and they playing drop vie crowns; Come on saith he: I will tarry saith she, and will see this game out.  
After this, sir Henry went up into a chamber, where was appointed for her grace a chair, two cushions, and a foot carpet very fair and princelike, wherein presumptuously he sat, and called one Barwike his man to pull off his boots. Which as soon as it was known among the ladies and gentles, every one mused thereat, & laughed him to scorn, observing his undiscréet manners in that behalf, as they might very well. When supper was done, he called my lord, and willed him that all the gentlemen and ladies should withdraw themselves every one to his lodging, marveling much that he would permit there such a company, considering so great a charge committed to him. Sir Henry (quoth my lord) content yourself, all shall be voided, your men and all. Nay my soldiers (quoth sir Henry) shall watch all night. The lord of Tame answered, It shall not need. Well said he, Need or need not, they shall so do: mistrusting belike the company, which God knoweth was without cause.  
The next day her grace took her journey from thence to Woodstock, where she was enclosed, 
Lady Elizabeth guarded and warded for starting away.  as before in the tower of London, the soldiers guarding and warding both within & without the walls, every day to the number of three score, and in the night without the walls forty, during the time of her imprisonment there. At length she had gardens appointed for her walk, which was very comfortable to her grace. But always when she did recreate herself therein, the doors were fast locked up, in as strict manner as they were in the tower, being at the least five or six locks between her lodging and her walks: sir Henry himself keeping the keys, and trusting no man therewith. Whereupon she called him her jailor: and he kneeling down, desired her grace not to call him so, for he was appointed there to be one of her officers. From such officers (quoth she) good Lord deliver me. And now by the way as digressing, or rather refreshing the reader, if it be lawful in so serious a story to recite a matter incident, & yet not impertinent to the same: occasion here moveth, or rather enforceth me to touch briefly what happened in the same place and time by a certain merry conceited man, 
A merry story concerning the strict keeping of the lady Elizabeth.  being then about her grace: who noting the strict & strange keeping of his lady & mistress by the said sir Henry Benefield, with so many locks & doors, with such watch and ward about her, as was strange and wonderful, spied a goat in the ward where her grace was. And whether to refresh her oppressed mind, or to notify her strict handling by sir Henry, either else both; he took it up on his neck, and followed her grace therewith as she was going into her lodging. Which when she saw, she asked him what he would do with it, willing to let it alone. Unto whom the said party answered: No by saint Marie (if it like your grace) will I not: for I can not tell whether he be one of the queens friends or no. I will carry him to sir Henry Benefield (God willing) to know what he is. So leaving her grace, he went with the goat on his neck, and carried it to sir Henry Benefield. Who when he saw him coming with it, asked him half angerly what he had there. Unto whom the party answered, saying: Sir (quoth he) I can not tell what he is, I pray you examine him, 
The strictness of sir Henry Benefield merrily noted.  for I found him in the place where my lady's grace was walking, and what talk they had I can not tell. For I understand him not, but he should seem to me to be some stranger, & I think verily a Welshman, for he hath a white freeze coat on his back. And forsomuch as I being the queens subject, and perceiving the strict charge committed to you of her keeping, that no stranger should have access to her without sufficient licence, I have here found a stranger (what he is I can not tell) in place where her grace was walking: and therefore for the necessary discharge of my duty, I thought it good to bring the said stranger to you, to examine as you see cause: and so he set him down. At which his words sir Henry seemed much displeased, and said: Well, well, you will never leave this gear I see: and so they departed.  
Now to return to the matter from whence we have digressed. After her grace had been there a time line 10 she made suit to the council that she might be suffered to write to the queen, which at last was permitted. So that sir Henry Benefield brought her pen, ink, and paper; and standing by her while she wrote (which he strictly observed) always she being weary, he would carry away her letters, and bring them again when she called for them. In the finishing thereof, he would have been messenger to the queen of the same. Whose request her grace denied, saying one of her own men should carry them, and that she line 20 would neither trust him nor none of his therein. Then he answering again said; None of them durst be so bold (he trowed) to carry her letters, being in that case. Yes (quoth she) I am assured I have none so dishonest that would deny my request in that behalf, but will be as willing to serve me now as before. Well (said he) my commission is to the contrary, 
The cruel dealing of sir Henry Benefield to the lady Elizabeth reproved.  and I may not so suffer it. Her grace replying again said; You charge me very often with your commission, I pray God you may justly answer line 30 the cruel dealing you use towards me.  
Then he kneeling down, desired her grace to think and consider how he was a servant, and put in trust there by the queen to serve her majesty, protesting that if the case were hers, he would as willingly serve her grace, as now he did the queens highness. For the which his answer her grace thanked him, desiring God that she might never have need of such servants as he was; declaring further to him, that his doings towards her were not good nor line 40 answerable, but more than all the friends he had would stand by. To whom sir Henry replied & said; that there was no remedy but his doings must be answered, 
The letters of the lady Elizabeth sent to the queen.  and so they should, trusting to make good account thereof. The cause which moved her grace so to say, was for that he would not permit her letters to be carried four or five days after the writing thereof. But in fine he was content to send for her gentleman from the town of Woodstock, demanding of him whether he durst enterprise the carriage line 50 of her grace's letters to the queen or no. And he answered; Yea sir, that I dare, and will with all my hart. Whereupon sir Henry half against his stomach took them unto him. 
Doctor Owen and doctor Wendie queen Mary's physicians sent to the lady Elizabeth.  Then about the eight of june came down doctor Owen & doctor Wendie, sent by the queen to her grace, for that she was sickly; who ministering to her, and letting her blood, tarried there and attended on her grace five or six days. Then she being well amended, they returned again to the court, making their good report to the line 60 queen and the council of her grace's behaviour and humbleness towards the queens highness. Which her majesty hearing, 
The popish prelates repined against the lady Elizabeth.  took very thankfully: but the bishops thereat repined, looked black in the mouth, and told the queen, they marveled that she submitted not herself to her majesties mercy, considering that she had offended her highness.  
About this time her grace was requested by a secret friend, to submit herself to the queens majesty, 
Lady Elizabeth requested to submit herself to the queen.  which would be very well taken, and to her great quiet and commodity. Unto whom she answered, that she would never submit herself to them whom she never offended. For (quoth she) if I have offended and am guilty, I then crave no mercy, but the law, which I am certain (quoth she) I should have had yer this, if it could be proved by me. For I know myself (I thank God) to be out of the danger thereof, wishing that I were as clear out of the peril of mine enemies, & then I am assured I should not so be locked and bolted up within walls and doors as I am. God give them a better mind when it pleaseth him. About this time was there a great consulting among the bishops and gentlemen touching a marriage for her grace, 
Counsel of the papists to marry the lady Elizabeth to a Spaniard.  which some of the Spaniards wished to be with some stranger, that she might go out of the realm with her portion; some saying one thing, and some another.  
A lord (who shall be here nameless) being there at last said, 
Wicked counsel given of the Lord Paget against the lady Elizabeth.  that the king should never have any quiet common wealth in England, unless her head were stricken from the shoulders. Whereunto the Spaniards answered saying; God forbidden that the king and master should have that mind to consent to such a mischief. 
Spaniards more favourable to lady Elizabeth than some Englishmen.  This was the courteous answer of the Spaniards to the Englishmen, speaking after that sort against their own country. From that day the Spaniards never left off their good persuasions to the king, that the like honour he should never obtain, as he should in delivering the lady Elizabeth's grace out of prison; whereby at length she was happily released from the same. Here is a plain and evident example of the good clemency and nature of the king and his councillors towards her grace (praised be God therefore) who moved their hearts therein. Then hereupon she was sent for shortly after to come to Hampton court.  
But before her removing away from Woodstock, 
Lady Elizabeth in danger of fire.  we will a little stay to declare in what dangers her life was during this time she there remained. First through fire, which began to kindle between the boards & seeling under the chamber where she lay, whether by a spark of fire, gotten into a cranny, or whether of purpose by some that meant her no good, the Lord doth know. Nevertheless a worshipful knight of Oxfordshire, which was there joined the same time with sir Henry Benefield in keeping that lady (who then took up the boards and quenched the fire) verily supposed it to be done of purpose. Furthermore it is thought, 
Lady Elizabeth in danger of killing.  and also affirmed (if it be true) of one Paul Penie a keeper of Woodstock, a notorious ruffian and a butcherly wretch, that he was appointed to kill the said lady Elizabeth, who both saw, the man being often in her sight, and also knew thereof.  
Another time one of the privy chamber, 
Another conspiracy of murder against lady Elizabeth.  a great man about the queen, and chief darling of Stephan Gardiner, named master james Basset came to Blandenbrige a mile from Woodstock; with twenty or thirty privy coats, and sent for sir Henry Benefield to come and speak with him. But as God would, which disposed all things after the purpose of his own will; so it happened, that a little before the said sir Henry Benefield was sent for by post to the council, leaving strict word behind him with his brother, that no man whatsoever he were, though coming with a bill of the queen's hand, or any other warrant, should have access to her before his return again. By reason whereof it so fell out, that master Benefields brother coming to him at the bridge, would suffer him in no case approach in, who otherwise (as is supposed) was appointed violently to murder the innocent lady. In the life of Stephan Gardiner we declared before, pag. 1787, 
Lady Elizabeth preserved by the lords providence from execution in the tower.  how that the lady Elizabeth, being in the tower, a writ came down subscribed with certain hands of the council for her execution. Which if it were certain (as it is reported) Winchester (no doubt) was deviser of that mischéefous drift. And doubtless the same Achitophel had brought his impious purpose that day to pass, had not the fatherly providence of almighty God (who is ever stronger than the devil) stirred up master Bridges lieutenant at that time of the tower, to come in haste to the queen, to give certificate thereof, & to know further her consent touching her sister's death. 
Winchester's platform overthrown: whereof read before pa. 1787  Whereupon it followed, that all that devise was disappointed, & Winchester's devilish platform which he said he had cast, through the Lords great goodness came to no effect. Where moreover is to be line 10 noted, that during the prisonment of this lady and princess, one master Edmund Tremaine was on the rack, and master Smithwike, and diverse other in the tower were examined, and diverse offers made to them to accuse the guiltless lady, being in her captivity. Howbeit all that notwithstanding, no matter could be proved by all examinations, as she the same time lying at Woodstock had certain intelligence, by the means of one john Gaier, who under a colourable pretence of a letter unto mistress line 20 Cleve from her father, was let in, and so gave them secretly to understand of all this matter▪ Whereupon the lady Elizabeth at her departing out from Woodstock, wrote these verses with her diamond in a glass window very legiblie as here followeth: 
Much suspected by me,  
Nothing proved can be: 
Verses written up lady Elisabeth in the glas●e window.   
Quoth Elizabeth prisoner.   
And thus much touching the troubles of lady Elisabeth at Woodstock. Whereunto this is more to line 30 be added, that during the same time, the lord of Tame had laboured to the queen, and became surety for her, to have her from Woodstock to his house, and had obtained grant thereof. 
Lady Elisabeth not suffered to come to the lord of Tames house.  Whereupon preparation was made accordingly, and all things ready in expectation of her coming. But through the procurement either of master Benefield, or by the doing of Winchester her mortal enemy, letters came over night to the contrary: whereby her iornie was stopped. Thus this worthy lady oppressed with line 40 continual sorrow, could not be permitted to have recourse to any friends she had; but still in the hands of her enemies was left desolate, and utterly destitute of all that might refresh a doleful hart, fraught full of terror and thraldom. Whereupon no marvel, if she hearing upon a time out of her garden at Woodstock, 
Lady Elisabeth wisheth herself to be a milkmaid.  a certain milkmaid singing pleasantly, wished herself to be a milkemaid as she was, saying that her case was better, and life more merrier than was hers in that state as she was. line 50  
Now after these things thus declared, to proceed further where we left before, sir Henry Benefield and his soldiers, with the lord of Tame, and sir Ralph Chamberlain, guarding and waiting upon her, the first night from Woodstock she came to Ricot. In which journey such a mighty wind did blow, 
Lady Elisabeth removed from Woodstock to Hampton court.  that her servants were feign to hold down her clothes about her: in so much that her hood was twice or thrice blown from her head. Whereupon she desirous to return to a certain gentleman's line 60 house there near, could not be suffered by sir Henry Benefield so to do: but was constrained under an hedge to trim her head as well as she could. After this, the next night they iourneied to master Dormers, & so to Colbrooke, where she lay all that night at the George: and by the way coming to Colbrooke, certain of her grace's gentlemen and yeomen met her to the number of three score, much to all their comforts, which had not seen her grace of long season before: not withstanding they were commanded in the queens name immediately to departed the town, to both their and her graces no little heaviness, who could not be suffered once to speak with them. So that night all her men were taken from her saving her gentleman usher, three gentlewomen, two grooms, and one of her wardrobe, the soldiers watching and warding about the house, and she close shut up within her prison.  
The next day following, 
Lord William Howard gentle and favourable to lady Elisabeth.  her grace entered Hampton court on the back●side, into the prince's lodging, the doors being shut to her: and she guarded with soldiers, as before, lay there a fortnight at the least, yer ever any had recourse unto her. At length came the lord William Howard, who marvelous honourably used her grace. Whereat she took much comfort, & requested him to be a mean that she might speak with some of the council. To whom (not long after) came the bishop of Winchester, the lord of Arundel, the lord of S●rewesburie, and secretary Peter, who with great humility humbled themselves unto her grace. She again likewise saluting them, said: My lords (quoth she) I am glad to see you▪ for me think I have been kept a great while from you desolatelie alone. Wherefore I would desire you to be a mean to the king and queens majesties, that I may be delivered from prison, wherein I have been kept a long space, as to you my lords it is not unknown.  
When she had spoken, Stephan Gardiner the bishop of Winchester kneeled down▪ 〈◊〉 requested that she would submit herself to the queens grace, 

Lady Elisabeth requested by Winchester to submit herself to the queens mercy.  
Lady Elisabeth standeth to be tried by the law.   and in so doing he had no doubt but that her majesty would be good unto her. She making answer that rather than she would so do, she would lie in prison all the days of her life, adding that she craved no mercy at her majesties hand, but rather desired the law, if ever she did offend her majesty in thought, word, or deed. And besides this, in yielding (quoth she) I should speak against myself, and confess myself to be an offendor, which never was towards her majesty: by occasion whereof the king and the queen might ever hereafter conceive of me an ill opinion: and therefore I say my lords, it were better for me to lie in prison for the truth, than to be abroad and suspected of my prince. And so they departed, promising to declare her message to the queen.  
On the next day the bishop of Winchester came again unto her grace, and kneeling down, 

Talk again between Winchester & lady Elisabeth.  
Lady Elisabeth denied to confess any fault done to the queen.   declared that the queen marveled that she would so stoutly use herself, not confessing to have offended: so that it should seem the queens majesty wrongfully to have imprisoned her grace. Nay (quoth the lady Elisabeth) it pleaseth her to punish me as she thinketh good. Well quoth Gardiner, her majesty willeth me to tell you, that you must tell an other tale yer that you be set liberty. Her grace answered, that she had as léefe be in prison with honesty and truth, as to be abroad suspected of her majesty: and this that I have said, I will (said she) stand unto, for I will never béelie myself. Winchester again kneeled down and said: Then your grace hath the vantage of me and other the lords for your long and wrong imprisonment. What vantage I have (quoth she) you know, taking God to record I seek no vantage at your hands for your so dealing with me, but God forgive you and me also. With that the rest kneeled, desiring her grace that all might be forgotten, and so departed, she being fast locked up again. A seven nights after, the queen sent for her grace at ten of the clock in the night to speak with her: 
Lady Elisabeth sent for to the queen. Lady Elisabeth brought to the queens bedchamber.  for she had not seen her in two years before. Yet for all that she was amazed at the sudden sending for, thinking it had been worse than afterwards it proved, and desired her gentlemen and gentlewomen to pray for her, for that she could not tell whether ever she should see them again or no.  
At which time sir Henry Benefield with mistress Clarencius coming in, her grace was brought into the garden unto a stairs foot that went into the queen's lodging, her grace's gentlewomen waiting upon her, her gentleman usher and her grooms going before with torches, where her gentlemen and gentlewomen being commanded to stay all saving one woman, mistress Clarencius conducted her to the queen's bedchamber where her majesty was. At the sight of whom her grace kneeled down, and desired God to preserve her majesty, not mistrusting but that she should try herself as true a subject towards her majesty, as ever did any, and desired her majesty even so to judge of her: and said that she line 10 should not find her to the contrary, whatsoever report otherwise had gone of her. 
Talk between the queen and lady Elisabeth.  To whom the queen answered: You will not confess your offence, but stand stoutly to your truth: I pray God it may so fall out. If it doth not, quoth the lady Elisabeth, I request neither favour nor pardon at your majesties hands. Well said the queen, you stiffly still persevere in your truth. Belike you will not confess but that you have been wrongfully punished. I must not say so (if it please your majesty) to you. line 20  
Why then (said the queen) belike you will to others. No, if it please your majesty (quoth she) I have borne the burden, and must bear it; I humbly beseech your majesty to have a good opinion of me, 
Small comfort at the queens hand toward her sister.  and to think me to be your true subject, not only from the beginning hitherto, but for ever, as long as life lasteth: and so they departed with very few comfortable words of the queen, in English: but what she said in Spanish, God knoweth. It is thought that line 30 king Philip was there behind a cloth, 

King Philip thought to be a friend to lady Elisabeth.  
Lady Elisabeth by God's providence set at liberty. Sir Henry Benefield discharged.   and not seen, and that he showed himself a very friend in that matter, etc. Thus her grace departing, went unto her lodging again, and the seventh night after was released of sir Henry Benefield her jailor (as she termed him) and his soldiers, and so her grace being set at liberty from imprisonment, went into the country, and had appointed to go with her sir Thomas pope, one of queen Mary's councillors, and one of her gentlemen ushers, master Gage, and thus line 40 strictly was she looked unto all queen Maries time. And this is the discourse of her highness imprisonment.  

Mistress Ashleie sent to the Fleet. Three gentlewomen of lady Elisabeths' sent to the tower. Note the wonderful working of the Lords providence in saving of lady Elisabeth. Lady Elisabeth delivered by the death of Stephan Gardiner.  Then there came to Lamheire, master Gerningham, and master Norris gentleman usher, queen Mary's men, who took away from her grace mistress Ashleie to the Fleet, and three other of her gentlewomen to the tower: which thing was no little trouble to her grace, saying: that she thought they would fetch all away at the end. But God be praised, line 50 shortly after was fetched away Gardener through the merciful providence of the Lords goodness, by occasion of whose opportune decease (as is partly touched in this story before, pag. 1705) the life of this excellent princess, the wealth of all England, was preserved. For this is credibly to be supposed, that the said wicked Gardener of Winchester had long laboured his wits, and to this only most principal mark bend all his devices, to bring this our happy and dear sovereign out of the way, as line 60 both by his words and doings before notified may sufficiently appear.  
But such was the gracious and favourable providence of the Lord, to the preservation not only of her royal majesty, but also the miserable and woeful state of this whole Island, and poor subjects of the same, whereby the proud platforms and peevish practices of this wretched Achitophel prevailed not: but contrariwise, both he, and all the snares and traps of his pernicious counsel laid against an other, were turned to a net to catch himself, 
How the Lord here began to work for lady Elisabeth.  according to the proverb: Malum consilium consultori pessimum. After the death of this Gardener, followed the death also and dropping away of other her enemies, whereby by little and little her leopardie decreased, fear diminished, hope of comfort began to appear as out of a dark cloud. And albeit as yet her grace had no full assurance of perfect safety, yet more gentle entertainment daily did grow unto her, till at length to the month of November, and seventeenth day of the same, three years after the death of Stephan Gardiner, followed the death of queen Marie, as heretofore at large hath been truly declared. Although this history following be not directly appertaining to the former matter, 
A note of a story declaring the malignant hearts of the papists towards lady Elisabeth.  yet the same may here not unaptly be inserted, for that it doth discover and show forth the malicious hearts of the papists towards this virtuous queen our sovereign lady in the time of queen Marie his sister, which is reported as a truth credibly told by sundry honest persons, of whom some are yet alive, and do testify the same. The matter whereof is this.  
Soon after the stir of Wyatt and the troubles that happened to this queen for that cause: 
Rober Farrer of London a sore enemy to lady Elisabeth.  it fortuned one Robert Farrer a haberdasher of London, dwelling near unto Newgate market, in a certain morning to be at the Rose tavern (from whence he was seldom absent) and falling to his common drink, as he was ever accustomed, and having in his company three other companions like unto himself, 
Laurence Sheriff, sworn friend and servant to lady Elisabeth his mistress.  it chanced the same time one Laurence Sheriff grocer, dwelling also not far from thence, to come into the said tavern, and finding there the said Farrer (to whom of long time he had borne good will) sat down in the seat to drink with him, and Farrer having in his full cups, and not having consideration who were present began to talk at large, and namely against the lady Elisabeth, and said: 
Robert Farrer raileth against lady Elisabeth.  That gill hath been one of the chief doers of this rebellion of Wyatt, and before all be done, she and all the heretics her partakers shall well understand of it. Some of them hope that she shall have the crown, but she and they (I trust) that so hope, shall hop headless, or be fried with faggots before she come to it.  
The aforesaid Laurence Sheriff grocer, being then servant unto the said lady Elisabeth, 
The part of a good trusty servant.  & sworn unto her grace, could no longer forbear his old acquaintance and neighbour Farrer in speaking so unreverently of his mistress, but said to him: Farrer, I have loved thee as a neighbour, and have had a good opinion of thee, but hearing of thee that I now hear, I defy thee: and I tell thee I am her graces sworn servant, and she is a princess, and the daughter of a noble king, and it evil becometh thee to call her a gill, and for thy so saying, I say thou art a knave, & I will complain upon thee. Do thy worst said Farrer, for that I said, I will say again: and so Sheriff came from his company. Shortly after, 
Robert Farrer complained of to the commissioners, but no redress was had.  the said Sheriff taking an honest neighbour with him, went before the commissioners to complain: the which commissioners sat then at Boner the bishop of London's house beside Paul's, and there were present Boner then being the chief commissioner, the lord Mordant, sir john Baker, doctor Derbishire chancellor to the bishop, doctor 
* A knave.  Story, doctor Harpsfield, and others. The aforesaid Sheriff coming before them, declared the manner of the said Robert Farrers talk against the lady Elisabeth. Boner answered, Peradventure you took him worse than he meant. Yea my lord (said doctor Story) if you knew the man as I do, you would say that there is not a better catholic, nor an honester man in the city of London.  
Well, said Sheriff, my lord, she is my gracious lady and mistress, and it is not to be suffered that such a varlet as he is, should call so honourable a princess by the name of a gill: and I saw yesterday in the court that my lord cardinal Poole meeting her in the chamber of presence, kneeled down on his knees and kissed her hand: and I saw also that king Philip meeting her, made her such obeisance that his knee touched the ground: and then (me thinketh) it were too much to suffer such a varlet as this is, to call her gill, and to wish them to hop headless that shall wish her grace to enjoy the possession of the crown when God shall send it unto her as in the right of her inheritance. Yea! Stay there (quoth Boner.) When God sendeth it unto her, 
How bishop Boner and ●●●tor Story bear with him that railed against lady Elisabeth.  let her enjoy it. But truly (said he) the man that spoke the words that you have line 10 reported, meant nothing against the lady Elisabeth your mistress, and no more do we: but he like an honest and zealous man feared the alteration of religion, which every good man ought to fear: and therefore (said Boner) good man go your ways home and report well of us towards your mistress, and we will send for Farrer and rebuke him for his rash and undiscreet words, and we trust he will not do the like again. And thus Sheriff came away, and Farrer had a flap with a fox tail. Now that ye may be fully line 20 informed of the aforesaid Farrer, 
Note the ungodly life of these catholics.  whom doctor Story praised for so good a man, ye shall understand that the same Farrer, having two daughters, being handsome maidens, the elder of them for a sum of money he himself delivered unto sir Richard Cholmleie to be at his commandment; the other he sold to a knight called sir William Gooddolphin to be at his commandment: whom he made his lackey and so carried her with him, being appareled in man's apparel to Bullongne, and the said Farrer line 30 followed the camp. He also was a great and a horrible blaphemer of God, and a common accuser of honest and quiet men, also a common drunkard. And now I refer the life of these catholics' to your judgement, to think of them as you please.  
But of this matter enough and too much. Now let us return where we left before, which was at the death of queen Marie. After whose decease succeeded her foresaid sister lady Elisabeth into the right of the crown of England: who after so long line 40 restreinement, 
Lady Elisabeth proclaimed queen the same day that queen Marie died.  so great dangers escaped, such blusterous storms overblown, so many injuries digested and wrongs sustained by the mighty protection of our merciful God, to our no small comfort and commodity, hath been exalted and erected out of thrall to liberty, out of danger to peace and quietness, from dread to dignity, from misery to majesty, from mourning to ruling; briefly, of a prisoner made a princess, and placed in her throne royal, proclaimed now queen, with as many glad heart's line 50 of her subjects, as ever was any king or queen in this realm before her, 
The Lord make England thankful to him for his great benefits.  or ever shall be (I dare say) hereafter. Touching whose flourishing state, her princely reign and peaceable government, with other things diverse and sundry incident to the same, and especially touching the great stirs and alterations which have happened in other foreign nations, and also partly among ourselves here at home, forsomuch as the tractation hereof requireth an huge volume by itself, I shall therefore defer the reader to the line 60 next book or section ensuing: 
He meaneth his own work; not this volume or any part thereof.  wherein (if the Lord so please to sustain me with leave and life) I may have to discourse of all and singular such matters done and achieved in these our latter days and memory, more at large.  
Now then after these so great afflictions falling upon this realm, from the first beginning of queen Mary's reign, wherein so many men, women, and children were burned, many imprisoned and in prisons starved, diverse exiled, some spoiled of goods and possessions, a great number driven from house to home, so many weeping eyes, so many sobbing hearts, so many children made fatherless, so many fathers bereft of their wives and children, so many vexed in conscience, and diverse against conscience constrained to recant; and in conclusion, never a good man almost in all the realm but suffered something during all the time of this bloody persecution: after all this (I say) now we are come at length (the Lord be praised) to the seventeenth of November, 
Nouemb 17. queen Marie endeth.  which day as it brought to the persecuted members of Christ, rest from their careful mourning, so it easeth me somewhat likewise of my laborious writing, by the death I mean of queen Marie, 
Queen Elisabeth beginneth her reign.  who being long sick before upon the said seventeenth day of November, in the year above said, about three or four of the clock in the morning, yielded her life to nature, and her kingdom to queen Elisabeth her sister.  
As touching the manner of whose death, 
The manner of queen Mary's death.  some say that she died of a tympany, some by her much sighing before her death supposed she died of thought and sorrow. Whereupon her council seeing her sighing, and desirous to know the cause, to the end they might minister the more ready consolation unto her, feared (as they said) that she took some thought for the king's majesty her husband, which was gone from her. To whom she answering again; In deed (said she) that may be one cause, but that is not the greatest wound that pierceth mine oppressed mind: but what that was she would not express to them. Albeit afterward she opened the matter more plainly to mistress Rise and mistress Clarentius (if it be true that they told me, which heard it of mistress Rise himself) who then being most familiar with her, and most bold about her, told her that they feared she took thought for king Philip'S departing from her. 
Q. Marry took thought for the loss of Calis.  Not that only (said she) but when I am dead and opened, you shall find Calis lying in my hart, etc. Which one supposing to be true, hath left this report: 
Hispani 
* Caleto.  oppidulo amisso contabuit uxor,  
Quam cruciatu aegro confecerat anxia cura.   
And here an end of queen Marie, and of her persecution, during the time of her misgovernment. Of which queen this truly may be affirmed and left in story for a perpetual memorial or epitaph for all kings and queens that shall succeed her to be noted, 
More English blood spilled in queen Mary's time, than ever was in any king's reign before her.  that before her never was read in story of any king or queen of England since the time of king Lucius, under whom in time of peace, by hanging, heading, burning, and prisoning: so much christian blood, so many Englishmen'S lives were spilled within this realm, as under the said queen Marie for the space of four years was to be seen, and I beseech the Lord never may be seen hereafter.  
Now, for so much as queen Marie, during all the time of her reign, 
The reign of queen Marie how unprosperous it was both to her & her realm in all respects.  was such a vehement adversary and persecutor against the sincere professors of Christ jesus and his gospel: for the which there be many which do highly magnify and approve her doings therein, reputing her religion to be sound and catholic, and her proceedings to be most acceptable and blessed of almighty God: to the intent therefore that all men may understand, how the blessing of the Lord God did not only not proceed with her proceed; but contrary, rather how his manifest displeasure ever wrought against her, in plaguing both her and her realm, and in subverting all her counsels and attempts, what soever she took in hand: we will bestow a little time therein, to perpend and survey the whole course of her doings and chevances: and consider what success she had in the same. Which being well considered, we shall find never no reign of any prince in this land, or any other, which had ever to show in it (for the proportion of time) so many arguments of Gods great wrath and displeasure, as was to be seen in the reign of this queen Marie, whether we behold the shortness of her time, or the unfortunate event of all her purposes? 
Queen Marry never had good success in any thing she went about.  Who seemed never to purpose any thing that came luckily to pass, neither did any thing frame to her purpose, what soever she took in hand touching her own private affairs.  
Of good kings we read in the scripture, in showing moreie and pity, 
A good king always maketh a flourishing realm.  in seeking Gods will in his word, and subverting the monuments of idolatry, how God blessed their ways, increased their honours, and mightily prospered all their proceedings: as we line 10 see in king David, Solomon, josias, josaphat, Ezechias, with such others. Manasses made the streets of Jerusalem to swim with the blood of his subjects, but what came of it the text doth testify. Of queen Elisabeth, 
Comparison between the reign of Q. Marie and queen Elisabeth.  which now reigneth among us, this we must needs say, which we see, that she in sparing the blood, not only of God's servants, but also of God's enemies, hath doubled now the reign of queen Marie her sister, with such abundance of line 20 peace and prosperity, that it is hard to say, whether the realm of England felt more of God's wrath in queen Mary's time, or of God's favour and mercy in these so blessed and peaceable days of queen Elisabeth.  
gamaliel speaking his mind in the council of the Phariseis concerning Christ's religion, 
Gamaliels' reason. Acts. 5.  gave this reason, that if it were of God, it should continue, who soever said nay: if it were not, it could not stand. So may it be said of queen Marie and her Romish line 30 religion, that if it were so perfect and catholic as they pretend, and the contrary faith of the gospelers were so detestable and heretical as they make it, how cometh it then, that this so catholic a queen, such a necessary pillar of his spouse the church continued no longer, till she had utterly rooted out of the land this heretical generation? Yea how chanced it rather, that almighty God, to spare these poor heretics, rooted out queen Marie so soon from her throne, after she had reigned but only five years line 40 and five months?  
Now furthermore, how God blessed her ways and endeavours in the mean time, 
Queen Marie prospered so long as she went not against the Lord.  while she thus persecuted the true servants of God, remaineth to be discussed. Where first this is to be noted, that when she first began to stand for the title of the crown, and yet had wrought no resistance against Christ and his gospel, but had promised her faith to the Suffolk men, to maintain the religion left by king Edward her brother, 
Q. Maries promise's to the gospelers broken.  so long God went with her, advanced her, and line 50 by the means of the gospelers brought her to the possession of the realm. But after that she breaking her promise with God and man, began to take part with Stephan Gardiner, and had given over her supremacy unto the pope, by and by God's blessing le●t her, neither did any thing well thrive with her afterward during the whole time of her regiment. For first incontinently the fairest and greatest ship she had, 
The ship called the great Harrie burned.  called great Harrie, was burned: such a vessel as in all these parts of all Europe was not to be line 60 matched.  
Then would she needs bring in king Philip, and by her strange marriage with him, 
Q. Mary's marriage with a stranger. Q. Marry disappointed of her purpose in crowning k●ng Philip. Q. Marry stopped of her will in restoring abbeie lands.  make the whole realm of England subject unto a stranger. And all that notwithstanding, either that she did or was able to do, she could not bring to pass to set the crown of England upon his head. With king Philip also came in the pope and his popish mass: with whom also her purpose was to restore again the monks and nuns unto their places, neither lacked there all kind of attempts to the uttermost of her ability: and yet therein also God stopped her of her will, that it came not forward. After this, what a dearth happened in her time here in her land, the like whereof hath not lightly in England been seen, in so much that in sundry places her poor subjects were fame to feed of acorns for want of corn.  
Furthermore, 
The victory of king Edward the sixth in Scotland.  where other kings are wont to be renowned by some worthy victory and prowess by them achieved, let us now see what valiant victory was gotten in queen Mary's days. King Edward the sixth her blessed brother, how many rebellions did he suppress in Devonshire, in Norfolk, in Oxfordshire, 
The ill luck● of Q. Marry in losing of Calis.  and else where? What a famous victory in his time was gotten in Scotland, by the singular working (no doubt) of God's blessed hand rather than by any expectation of man? 
The eleventh king from the conquest got Calis, and the eleventh again after him lost it.  King Edward the third (which was the eleventh king from the conquest) by princely puissance purchased Calis unto England, which hath been kept English ever since, till at length came queen Marie, the eleventh likewise from the said king Edward, which lost Calis from England again: so that the winnings of this queen were very small; what the losses were, let other men judge.  
Hitherto the affairs of queen Marie have had no great good success, as you have heard. 
The ill luck of queen Marie in her childbirth.  But never worse success had any woman, than had she in her childbirth. For seeing one of these two must needs be granted, that either she was with child or not with child; if she were with child and did travel, why was it not seen? if she were not, how was all the realm deluded? And in the mean while where were all the prayers, the solemn processions, the devout masses of the catholic clergy? Why did they not prevail with God, if their religion were so godly as they pretended? If their masses Ex opere operato be able to fetch Christ from heaven, & to reach down to purgatory, how chanced than they could not reach to the queens chamber, to help her in her travel, if she had been with child in deed? If not, how then came it to pass, that all the catholic church of England did so err, and was so deeply deceived? Queen Marie, after these manifold plagues and corrections, which might sufficiently admonish her of God's disfavor provoked against her, would not yet cease her persecution, but still continued more & more to revenge her catholic zeal upon the lords faithful people, setting fire to their poor bodies by dozens & half dozens together. Whereupon Gods wrathful indignation increasing more and more against her, ceased not to touch her more near with private misfortunes and calamities.  
For after that he had taken from her the fruit of children (which chiefly and above all things she desired) than he beerest her of that, 
Q. Marry le●t desolate of K. Philip her husband.  which of all earthly things should have been her chief stay of honour, and staff of comfort; that is, withdrew from her the affection and company even of her own husband, by whose marriage she had promised before to herself whole heaps of such joy and felicity. But now the omnipotent governor of all things, so turned the wheel of her own spinning against her, that her high buildings of such joys and felicities came all to a castle come down, her hopes being confounded, her purposes disappointed, and she now brought to desolation: 
The ill luck of Q. Marry with her husband.  who seemed neither to have the favour of God, nor the hearts of her subjects, nor yet the love of her husband: who neither had fruit by him while she had him, neither could now enjoy him whom she had married, neither yet was in liberty to marry any other whom she might enjoy. Mark here (christian reader) the woeful adversity of this queen, & learn withal, what the Lord can do when man's wilfulness will needs resist him, and will not be ruled.  
At last, when all these fair admonitions would take no place with the queen, 
The final ●nd and death of Q. Marie.  nor move her to revoke her bloody laws, nor to stay the tyranny of her priests, nor yet to spare her own subjects; but that the poor servants of God were drawn daily by heaps most pitifully as sheep to the slaughter, it so pleased the heavenly majesty of almighty God, when no other remedy would serve, by death to cut her off, which in her life so little regarded the life of others: giving her throne, which she abused to the destruction of Christ's church and people, to another, 

Q. Marry ●●●gned five ye●res & five ●●neths.  
The shortness 〈◊〉 Mary's ●●gne noted.   who more temperately and quietly could guide the same, after she had reigned here the space of five years and five months. The shortness of which years and reign, uneath we find in any other story line 10 of king or queen since the conquest or before (being come to their own government) save only in king Richard the third. Which reign was so rough and rigorous, notwithstanding the shortness of the same, that it became a very spectacle to all christendom; and the manner of dealing used under her government was so detestable, that as it was rare, so it raised up a rare report, even among strangers, whose heads being fuller of matter than their pens full of ink, wrote in terms broad enough of the tumults line 20 and slaughters happening in her unhappy days: among whom I will set down for a say a few verses drawn out of an hundred and odd, presented to Henry the French king of that name the second, touching the conquest of Calis, whereat for joy the French were ravished. Thus therefore he saith: 
Regina pacem nescia perpeti,  
I am spreta m●●ret foedera, 
E● Simone S●●rdio de capto Calero, pag. 1968.  iam Dei  
Iram pavet sibi imminentem,  
Vindicis & furiae flagellum. line 30  
Cives & hosts iam pariter suos  
Odit pauétque & civium & hostium  
Hirudo communis, cruorem  
Aequè avidè sitiens utrúnque.  
Huic luce terror Martius assonat,  
Diraeque, caedis mens sibi conscia,  
Vmbraeque nocturnae quietem  
Terrificis agitant figuris.  These short verses were thus subscribed. La. B. Te. line 40  
And thus much here, as in the closing up of this story, I thought to insinuat, touching the unlucky and rueful reign of queen Marie: not for any detraction to her place and state royal, whereunto she was called of the Lord: 
An admonition to all chri●●●an r●iers.  but to this only intent and effect, that forsomuch as she would needs set herself so confidently to work and strive against the Lord and his proceed, all readers and rulers not only may see how the Lord did work against her therefore, but also by her may be advertised and learn line 50 what a perilous thing it is for men and women in authority, upon blind zeal and opinion, to stir up persecution in Christ's church, to the effusion of christian blood, lest it prove in the end with them (as it did here) that while they think to persecute heretics, they stumble at the same stone as did the jews in persecuting Christ and his true members to death, to their own confusion and destruction.]  
Leaving queen Marie being dead & gone, you are to understand and note, that the same evening, or (as line 60 some have written) the next day after the said queens death, 
The death of cardinal Poole.  Cardinal Poole the bishop of Rome's legate departed out of this life, having been not long afore made archbishop of Canturburie: he died at his house over against Westminster commonly called Lambe●h, and was buried in Christ's church at Canturburie. This cardinal was descended of the noble house of Clarence, 
The description of cardinal Pool  that is to say, of one of the younger sons of Margaret countess of Salisbury, daughter of George duke of Clarence, brother to K. Edward the fourth. ¶ So that hereby you have a proof of the nobleness of his birth, 
〈◊〉 Fl. ex I. F. ●●rtyrologio.  but how barbarous he was of behaviour, and how unnatural in the course of his life (which blemished the honour of his descent) it may appear by the order and manner of his visitation in Cambridge, with the condemning, taking up, and burning both the bones and books of Bueer and Paulus Phagius, as also by the despiteful handling and madness of the papists towards Peter Martyrs wife at Oxford, taken up from her grave at the commandment of the said cardinal, and after buried in a dunghill: so that in his actions he showed himself (as he is noted) earnest in burning the bodies of the dead. 
Cardinal Poole earnest in burning the bones of the dead.  And for further testimony of his cruelty, it shall not be impertinent out of master Fox, here to adjoin and set forth to the eyes of the world, the blind and bloody articles set out by cardinal Poole, to be inquired upon within his diocese of Canturburie. Whereby it may the better appear what yokes and snares of fond and fruitless traditions were laid upon the poor flock of Christ, to entangle and oppress them with loss of life and liberty. By the which wise men have to see what godly fruits proceeded from that catholic church and see of Rome. In which albeit thou seest (good reader) some good articles insparsed withal, let that nothing move thee: for else how could such poison be ministered, but it must have some honey to relish the reader's taste?  

Here follow the articles set forth by cardinal Poole, to be inquired in his ordinary visitation, within his diocese of Canturburie.  

Touching the clergy.  
FIrst, whether the divine service in the church at times, days and hours, 
Articles of the cardinal to be inquired in his visitation of Kent.  be observed and kept duly or no.  
2 Item; whether the parsons, vicar's, and curates, do comely and decently in their manners and doings behave themselves or no.  
3 Item, whether they do reverently and duly minister the sacraments or sacramentals or no.  
4 Item, whether any of their parishioners do die without ministration of the sacraments, through the negligence of their curates or no.  
5 Item, whether the said parsons, vicar's or curates, do haunt taverns or alehouses, increasing thereby infamy and slander or no.  
6 Item, whether they be diligent in teaching the midwives how to christian children in time of necessity, according to the canons of the church or no.  
7 Item, whether they see that the font be comely kept, and have holy water always ready for children to be christened.  
8 Item, if they do keep a book of all the names of them that be reconciled to the duty of the church.  
9 Item, whether there be any priests, that late unlawfully had women under pretenced marriage, and hitherto are not reconciled, and to declare their names and dwelling places.  
10 Item, whether they do diligently teach their parishioners the articles of the faith, & the ten commandments.  
11 Item, whether they do decently observe those things that do concern the service of the church, and all those things that tend to a good and christian life, according to the canons of the church.  
12 Item, whether they do devoutly in their prayers pray for the prosperous estate of the king and queens majesties.  
13 Item, whether the said parsons and vicar's do sufficiently repair their chancels, rectories, and vicarages, and do keep and maintain them sufficiently repaired and amended.  
14 Item, whether any of them do preach or teach any erroneous doctrine, contrary to the catholic faith and unity of the church.  
15 Item, whether any of them do say the divine service, or do minister the sacraments in the English ●oong, contrary to the usual order of the church.  
16 Item, whether any of them do suspiciously keep any women in their houses, or do keep company with men suspected of heresies, or of evil opinions.  
17 Item, whether any of them that were under pretence of lawful matrimony married, and now reconciled, do privily resort to their pretenced wives, line 10 or that the said women do privily resort unto them.  
18 Item, whether they go decently appareled, as it becometh sad, sober, and discreet ministers, and whether they have their crowns and beards shaven.  
19 Item, whether any of them do use any unlawful games, as dice, cards, and other like, whereby they grow to slander and evil report.  
20 Item, whether they do keep residence and hospitality upon their benefices, and do make charitable contributions, according to all the laws ecclesiastical. line 20  
21 Item, whether they do keep the book or register of christening, burying, and marriages, with the names of the godfathers and godmothers.   

Touching the lay people.  
FIrst, whether any manner of person, of what state, 
Articles of cardinal Poole to be inquired upon touching the laity.  degree, or condition soever he be, do hold, maintain, or affirm any heresies, errors, or erroneous opinions, contrary to the laws line 30 ecclesiastical, and the unity of the catholic church.  
2 Item, whether any person do hold, affirm, or say, that in the blessed sacrament of the altar there is not contained the real and substantial presence of Christ: or that by any manner of means do contemn and despise the said blessed sacrament, or do refuse to do reverence or worship thereunto.  
3 Item, whether they do contemn or despise by any manner of means any other of the sacraments, rites or ceremonies of the church, or do refuse or deny line 40 auricular confession.  
4 Item, whether any do absent or refrain, without urgent and lawful impediment, to come to the church, and reverently to hear divine service upon sundays and holy days.  
5 Item, whether being in the church, they do not apply themselves to hear the divine service, and to be contemplative in holy prayer, and not to walk, jangle or talk in the time of the divine service.  
6 Item, whether any be fornicators, adulterers, line 50 or do commit incest, or be bawds and receivers of evil persons, or be vehemently suspected of any of them.  
7 Item, whether any do blaspheme and take the name of God in vain, or be common swearers.  
8 Item, whether any be perjured, or have committed simony or usury, or do still remain in the same.  
9 Item, whether the churches and churchyards be well and honestly repaired and enclosed.  
10 Item, whether the churches be sufficiently garnished and adorned with all ornaments and books necessary, & whether they have a rood in their church of a decent stature, with Marie and John, and an image of the patron of the same church.  
11 Item, whether any do withhold, or doth draw from the church any manner of money or goods, or that do withhold their due and accustomed tithes from their parsons and vicar's.  
12 Item, whether any be common drunkards, ribalds, or men of evil living, or do exercise any lewd pastimes, especially in the time of divine service.  
13 Item, if there be any that do practise or exercise any arts of magic, or necromancy, or do use or practise any incantations, sorceries, or witchcraft, or be vehemently suspected thereof.  
14 Item, whether any be married in the degrees of affinity, or consanguinity, prohibited by the laws of holy church, or that do marry, the banes not asked, or do make any privy contracts.  
15 Item, whether in the time of Easter last, any were not confessed, or did not receive the blessed sacrament of the altar, or did unreverently behave themselves in the receiving thereof.  
16 Item, whether any do keep any secret conventicles, preachings, lectures, or readings, in matters of religion contrary to the laws.  
17 Item, whether any do now not duly keep the fasting and embring days.  
18 Item, whether the altars in the churches be consecrated or no.  
19 Item, whether the sacrament be carried devoutly to them that fall sick, with light and with a little sacring bell.  
20 Item, whether the common schools be well kept, and that the school masters be diligent in teaching, and be also catholic, and men of good and upright judgement, and that they be examined and approved by the ordinary.  
21 Item, whether any do take upon them to minister the goods of those that be dead, without authority from the ordinary.  
22 Item, whether the poor people in every parish be charitably provided for.  
23 Item, whether there do burn a lamp or a candle before the sacrament: and if there do not, that then it be provided for, with expedition.  
24 Item, whether infants and children be brought to be confirmed in convenient time.  
25 Item, whether any do keep or have in their custody any erroneous or unlawful books.  
26 Item, whether any do withhold any money or goods bequeathed to the amending of the high ways, or any other charitable deed.  
27 Item, whether any have put away their wives, or any wives do withdraw themselves from their husbands, being not lawfully divorced.  
28 Item, whether any do violate or break the sundays and holy days, doing their daily labours and exercises upon the same.  
29 Item, whether the taverns or alehouses, upon the sundays and holy days, in the time of mass, matins, and evensong, do keep open their doors, and do receive people into their houses to drink and eat, and thereby neglect their duties in coming to church.  
30 Item, whether any have, or do deprave or contemn the authority or jurisdiction of the pope's holiness, or the see of Rome.  
31 Item, whether any minstrels, or any other persons do use to sing any songs against the holy sacraments, or any other the rites and ceremonies of the church.  
32 Item, whether there be any hospitals within your parishes, and whether the foundations of them be duly and truly observed and kept; and whether the charitable contributions of the same be done accordingly.  
33 Item, whether any goods, plate, jewels, or possessions be taken away, or withholden from the said hospitals, and by whom.]    
Thus you see of what a malignant nature the cardinal was: nevertheless, of more lenity than many other popelings, savouring of the like lewd leaven of antichristianism. For at what time two and twenty prisoners for their conscience were apprehended and sent up all together to London from Colchester (as master Fox reporteth in his martyrologue) and convented before Boner then bishop of that see, the said Boner himself wrote to cardinal Poole concerning them, as you shall hear.  
¶ A letter of bishop Boner to cardinal Pool.  line 10 

Bishop Bo●ers letter to cardinal Poole, concer●ing the two ●nd twenty prisoners aforesaid.  MAy it please your good grace with my most humble obedience, reverence and duty, to understand that going to London upon thursday last, and thinking to be troubled with master Germains matter only, and such other common matters as are accustomed, enough to weary a right strong body, I had the day following to comfort my stomach withal, letters from Colchester, that either that day, or the day following I should have sent thence two and twenty heretics, indicted before the commissioners, and line 20 in deed so I had, and compelled to bear their charges as I did of the other, which both stood me in above twenty nobles, a sum of money that I thought full evil bestowed. And these heretics, notwithstanding they had honest catholic keepers to conduct and bring them up to me, and in all the way from Colchester to Stratford of the bow, did go quietly, and obediently, yet coming to Stratford, they began to take heart of grace, & to do as pleased themselves, for there they began to have their line 30 guard, which generally increased till they came to Algate, where they were lodged friday night.  
And albeit I took order, that the said heretics should be with me very early on saturday morning, to the intent they might quietly come and be examined by me: yet it was between ten and eleven of the clock before they would come, and no way would they take, but through Cheapside, so that they were brought to my house with about a thousand persons. Which thing I took very strange, line 40 and spoke to sir john Gresham then being with me, to tell the mayor and the sheriffs that this thing was not well suffered in the city. These naughty heretics all the way they came through Cheapside, both exhorted the people to their part, and had much comfort A promis●ua plebe, and being entered into my house and talked withal, they showed themselves desperate and very obstinate: yet I used all the honest means I could, both by myself and other, to have won them, causing diverse learned men to talk line 50 with them: and finding nothing in them but pride & wilfulness, I thought to have had them all hither to Fulham, and here to give sentence against them. Nevertheless, perceiving by my last doing that your grace was offended, I thought it my duty before I any thing further proceeded herein, to advertise first your grace hereof, and know your good pleasure, which I beseech your grace I may do by this trusty bearer. And thus most humbly I take my leave of your good grace, beseeching almighty God line 60 always to preserve the same. At Fulham, Postridie Natiu. 1556.  
Your grace's most bounden beadsman and servant Edmund Boner.  
By this letter of bishop Boner to the cardinal (saith master Fox) is to be understood, what goodwill was in this bishop, to have the blood of these men, and to have passed with sentence of condemnation against them, 
Bishop Boners cruelty somewhat 〈◊〉 by the cardinal.  had not the cardinal somewhat (as it seemed) have stayed his fervent headiness. Concerning the which cardinal, although it can not bedenied by his acts and writings, but that he was a professed enemy, and no otherwise to be reputed but for a papist: yet again it is to be supposed, that he was none of the bloody and cruel sort of papists, 
Cardinal Poole 〈◊〉 papist but no bloody papist.  as may appear, not by staying the rage of this bishop: but also by his solicitous writing, and long letters written to Cranmer, also by the complaints of certain papists, accusing him to the pope to be a bearer with the heretics, and by the pope's letters sent to him upon the same, calling him up to Rome, and setting friar Peto in his place, had not queen Marie by special entreaty made, kept him out of the pope's danger. All which letters I have (if need be) to show: beside also, that it is thought of him that toward his latter end, a little before his coming from Rome to England, he began somewhat to savour the doctrine of Luther, 
Cardinal Poole half suspected for a Lutheran at Rome.  and was no less suspected at Rome: yea, and furthermore did there at Rome convert a certain learned Spaniard from papism to Luther's side: notwithstanding the pomp and glory of the world afterward carried him away to play the papist thus as he did.]  
¶ And sith I have waded thus far in portraieng the said cardinal, 
Ab. Fl. ex concione Cut. Tunstalli ●oram Hen. 8.  I am willing to make you communicants of a report concerning him, uttered by Cuthbert Tunstall bishop of Duresine, in a sermon which he made upon Palmesundaie, in the year of our Lord 1539, before king Henry the eight, treating upon these words of saint Paul to the Philippians, Cap. 2. Hoc sentite in vobis, quod & in Christ● jesus, &c: See the same mind be in you, that was in jesus Christ, etc. The ground of whose sermon standing upon obedience and disobedience, after he had discoursed at large thereupon, he fell into these words in presence of the king, the nobles, and people.  
And the bishop of Rome now of late, to set forth his pestilent malice the more, hath alured to his purpose a subject of this realm Reginald Poole, come of a noble blood, 
Cardinal Poole an arrant traitor.  and thereby the more arrant traitor, to go about from prince to prince, and from country to country, to stur them to war against this realm, and to destroy the same, being his native country. Whose pestilent purpose albeit the princes that he breaketh it unto, have in much abomination, both for that the bishop of Rome (who being a bishop should procure peace) is a stirrer of war, and because this most arrant and unkind traitor is his minister to so devilish a purpose to destroy the country that he was borne in, 
Cardinal Poole a seditious fellow and an impudent.  which any heathen man would abhor to do. But for all that without shame he still goeth on, exhorting thereunto all princes that will hear him; who do abhor to see such unnaturalness in any man, as he shameless doth set forward, whose pernicious treasons late secretly wrought against this realm, have been, by the work of almighty God so marvelously detected, and by his own brother, without looking therefore so disclosed, and condign punishment ensued, 
Cardinal Pools treasons detected by his own brother.  that hereafter (God willing) they shall not take any more such root to the noisance of this realm.  
And where all nations of gentiles by reason & law of nature prefer their country before their parents, so that for their country they will die against their parents being traitors: 
Cardinal Poole no christian, but worse than a pagan.  this pestilent man worse than a pagan, is not ashamed to destroy if he could his native country. And whereas Curtius a heathen man was content for saving of the city of Rome where he was borne, to leap into a gaping of the earth, which by the illusions of the devil it was answered should not be shut, but that it must first have one; this pernicious man is content to run headlong into hell: so that he may destroy thereby his native country of England, being in that behalf incomparably worse than any pagan. And besides his pestilent treason, 
Cardinal Pools unkindness to king Henry that brought him up.  his unkindness against the king's majesty, who brought him up of a child, and promoted both him, and restored his blood being attainted, to be of the peers of this realm, and gave him money yéerelie out of his coffers, to find him honourably at study, maketh his treason much more detestable to all the world, 
See more thereof before pag. 1134.  and him to be reputed more wild and cruel than any tiger.  
Thus much out of Cuthbert Tunstals sermon printed Cum privilegio aed imprimendum solum, by Thomas line 10 Berthelet, the year above named. Now it resteth to conclude this discourse concerning cardinal Pool with a brief epitome of his last will and testament, which he made not long before he let his life, 
A traitor he lived, a traitor he died.  wherein he professeth himself resolute to die in the same faith and obedience of the Romish church wherein he lived; willing & ordaining his body to be buried in his cathedral church of Canturburie (as he termeth it) in the same chapel where the head of the most blessed martyr Thomas Becket, whilom archbishop of the said church was kept: with masses line 20 & dirges, &c: to be said for his soul, the souls of his parents, and of all the faithful departed out of this life, etc.  
As for patrimonial goods, sith he had none whereby he ought to have had regard of his kindred; 
The distribution of his goods.  therefore such goods as he had he willed to be distributed among such persons as had well deserved of him, and upon godly uses. He made one Aloisius Priolus a Venetian his heir and executor of all his goods and chattels, as well within England as without, in line 30 Spain, Italy, Rome, Venice, or elsewhere, etc. And for dilapidations, 
Touching dilapidations.  there is no reason (saith he) why my successor in the see of Canturburie should demand any thing, because I have bestowed more than a thousand pounds within these few years, in repairing & making better such houses as belonged to the said see, since I came to it (which was no long time by our computation.) The overseers and defenders of this his last will he made Nicholas archbishop of York chancellor of England, Thomas bishop line 40 of Elie, his cousin the lord Edward Hastings the king's chamberlain, sir john Boxall the queen's secretary, sir Edward Cordall master of the rolls, and master Henry Cole his vicar general in his spiritualties. All these he besought to give queen Marie knowledge of this his last will, 
He is desirous that queen Marie should have knowledge of this his last will.  and with all reverence to beseech her, that what good will and favour she showed him in all causes and affairs whiles he was alive; the same she would vouchsafe to exhibit and bestow upon him being dead, and graciously line 50 provide that all lets and impediments to the execution of this his last will & testament might be removed and utterly taken away: and to every one of his overseers for their pains taking herein, he gave fifty pounds a piece by will. This testament was subscribed with his own hand, and signed with his own seal, in presence of a number of witnesses there vndernamed. All which, with the tenor of his said last will at large, are remembered by Schardius in epitome rerum gestarum sub Ferdinando imperatore. line 60 And thus much of cardinal Poole.  
Upon whose discourse presently ended, as hath been done in the treatise of high constables 
* See pa. 865.  at the duke of Buckingham's beheadding, and of the lord protectors 
* See pa. 1069.  at the duke of Summersets suffering (in which two honourable personages those two offices had their end) so here we are to infer a collection of English cardinals, which order ceased when Reginald Poole died. After which treatise ended, according to the purposed order, and a catalogue of writers at the end of this queens reign annexed, it remaineth that queen Elizabeth show herself in her triumphs at her gracious and glorious coronation.  

The cardinals of England collected by Francis Thin, in the year of our Lord, 1585.  
THis cardinal Pool being the last cardidinall in England, and so likely to be, as the state of our present time doth earnestly wish; doth here offer occasion to treat of all such Englishmen as have possessed that honour. Which I only do, for that I would have all whatsoever monuments of antiquity preserved, lest Pereat memoria eorum cum sonitu. Wherefore thus I begin.  
Adrian the fourth of that name bishop of Rome (called before that time Nicholas Breakespeare) being borne in England about saint Albon (whom Onuphrius affirmeth to be borne in the town of Malmesberie, in the dominions of saint Albon, 
Adrian the fourth pope 〈◊〉 Rome. Will. parvus lib. 2. cap. 26. Onuphrius. Matt. Parker. Ranulph Higden.  in the diocese of Bath, somewhat like a stranger mistaking the names of places and persons, as he often doth) was for the poverty of his father (who after became a monk in saint Albon) not able to be maintained here at learning. Whereupon he goeth into Province to the monastery of saint Rufus, whereof in time he was made a canon, and after abbot of that house; but in the end misliked of the covent, they appealed him to Rome before Eugenius the third than pope: who for that time pacifying the matter between them, they did after fall at variance again, and so called him before the pope the second time. Eugenius seeing these continual bralles, weary to hear them, and favouring this Nicholas, made them choose an other abbot, and appointed Nicholas to the bishopric of Alba, and to the honour of a cardinal, sending him legate into Denmark and Norweie: where he remained some years. But at length returning to Rome after the death of Eugenius and his successor Anastasius, this Nicholas was advanced from a cardinal to a pope, and called Adrian the fourth. Who died in the fift year of Henry the second king of England, in the year of Christ 1159.  
Bosa, an Englishman and cardinal, 
Bosa. Matt. Parker. Onuphriu●.  was not that Bosa which was bishop of York, of whom Beda maketh mention, lib. 4. cap. 13. and cap. 23. of his ecclesiastical history, where he saith that the same Bosa was made bishop of the same see, in the year of Christ 678. And therefore being long before this Bosa, our cardinal could not be the same man, as some unconsideratlie have stiffly maintained. For this our Bosa was a cardinal deacon, and the nephew to pope Adrian the fourth before named; and intituted a deacon cardinal of the title of Cosma and Damian, in the year of Christ 1155, being after made a priest cardinal of the title of saint Prudentian, by pope Alexander the third, in the year of Christ 1163, before which he was chamberlain to the church of Rome, being created to the first cardinalship and office of chamberlain by his uncle the said pope Adrian the fourth.  
Robert Curson, 
Robert Curson. Matt. Parker. Matt. Paris. Matt. West. Holinshed.  a man excellently learned both in divine & human letters, coming from Rome, grew in such estimation, that in the end he became a cardinal, of whom we find recorded in this sort. At the taking of Dameta in Egypt, there was with Pelagius the pope's legate, master Robert Curson an Englishman a most famous clerk, borne of a noble house, and cardinal of the church of Rome.  
Stephan Langhton made priest cardinal, 
Stephan Langhton. Matt. Parker. Matt. Paris. Holinshed. Onuphrius.  in the year of Christ 1213, and the sixtéenth year of pope Innocent the third, of the title of saint Chrysogon, was archbishop of Canturburie, for whose cause and contention between king john and him, the realm of England was long interdicted, the nobility was slain, the king deposed, his kingdom made feodary to Rome, and Pandolph the cardinal sent hither to receive the crown of K. john. This Stephan departed the world, in the twelve year of Henry the third, and in the year of our redemption 1238.  
Robert Somercot a cardinal, a man well esteemed for his virtue and learning, 
Robert Somercot. 〈…〉.  a grave writer, and well beloved of all men, departed from the vanities of this life, in the year of our salvation 1241, being line 10 the five and twentieth year of the reign of king Henry the third.  
Anch●rus citizen and archdeacon of London, was made priest cardinal of the title of saint Praxidis, 
Anch●rus. 〈…〉.  by pope Urban the second, in the year that the world became flesh 1262, and the year of the long reign of king Henry the third, the four and fortieth.  

Robert de Kilwarbie. 〈◊〉 Parker. 〈…〉.  Robert de Kilwarbie, whom Onuphrius calleth Robert Biliberie friar preacher, doctor of divinity was removed from the archbishopric of Canturburie line 20 to be bishop of Portua, and afterward was made cardinal of saint Rufinian by pope Nicholas the third, in the year of Christ as some say 1277, and as others have 1278, or 1273: being about the first year of Edward the first of that name king of England; who died under the same pope Nicholas, in the year of Christ 1280, as hath Onuphrius.  

Barnard de Anguiscelle. Matt. Parker.  Barnard de Anguiscelle was removed from the archbishopric of Arras, and made bishop of Portua line 30 and cardinal of saint Rufinian, being a bishop cardinal, and advanced to that principality by pope Martin the fourth of that name, in the year of our redemption 1291, being about the nintéenth year of the said Edward the first: whom Onuphrius much mistaking himself maketh a Frenchman: and Matthew Parker rightly setteth him down as an Englishman.  

Hugh Attrat. 〈…〉.  Hugh Attrat priest cardinal, of the title of saint Laurence in Lucina was created cardinal by line 40 pope Martin the fourth, in the year of our Lord 1281: he was also called Hugh of Euesham, and died at Rome in the year of Christ 1287, whilst the see was vacant, being about the fifteenth year of Edward the first.  

Bernard. Matthew 〈◊〉.  Berard or rather Bernard a cardinal of Prestina was advanced to the dignity of a cardinal by Nicholas the fourth of that name bishop of Rome in the year (as I suppose) 1298, though some say in the year 1288, the error whereof I gather to be in the line 50 printer.  

Leonard Guercine. 〈…〉.  Leonard Guercine bishop, cardinal of Alba was received to the scarlet hat and rob by pope Bonifacius the eight, in the year of Christ 1300, being the eight and twentieth of Edward the first.  
William one of the order of the friar preachers doctor of divinity in Oxford, priest cardinal of the title of saint Sabina, to which place he was adopted by pope Benedict the eleventh, in the year 1303, being the one and thirtieth year of Edward the first, in line 60 which year he died in England.  

Walter Winterborne. 〈…〉.  Walter Winterborne (that came in place of William last before named) doctor of divinity of the order of friar preachers, confessor to Edward the first, and priest cardinal of the title of saint Sabina, was by the said Benedict the eleventh admitted to the college of cardinals in the year of Christ 1304, being the one and thirtieth year of Edward the first, which Walter small time enjoyed that place. For going with other cardinals into France, & so into Italy, he died at Genoa or Gene, whose body being carried into England, was buried in the church of the friar preachers in the year of Christ 1305, being the three and thirtieth year of Edward the first.  
Thomas jorze a friar preacher doctor of divinity of Oxford, confessor to Edward the first, 
Thomas jorze. Wal●ingham. Nic. Trivet. Matthew Parker. Onuphrius.  priest cardinal of the title of saint Sabina was created by pope Clement the fift in the year of Christ 1305, being the three and thirtieth year of Edward the first, or (as saith Walsingham) a little before Christmas in the year of Christ 1306, who by him is also named jorza. This man (as hath Onuphrius) died in the journey he made as ambassador into Italy to Henry the seventh of that name emperor in the year 1311, & the seventh year of the popedom of Clement the fift, who sent him in that embassage: his body was carried into England, and buried at Oxford in a monastery of the friar preachers.  
Simon Langham abbot of Westminster, 
Simon Langham.  treasurer of England, bishop of Elie and of Canturburie, and chancellor of England, was elected to the honour of the purple hat and cardinal dignity, in the year of our redemption 1368, being the two and fortieth year of king Edward the third. And here because I would not set it down in a distinct place, as receiving it for truth, sith by search I find it not so, what authority soever they that wrote the same had to lead them to it: I will note an oversight passed the fingers of Fabian, Holinshed, and Grafton, all writers of our age, who affirm that the bishop of Winchester, in the five and fortieth year of king Edward the third, being a cardinal (for so I gather by the words and circumstance of the story) with the bishop of Beavois likewise a cardinal, were put in commission by pope Gregory the eleventh to treat betwixt the king of England and France. But because I can not find in Onuphrius nor in Matthew Parker any such cardinal set down, I do not at this time embrace it, until I may find better proof thereof than the authority of Grafton, Fabian, and those before named; especially sith that he which was then bishop of Winchester in the said five and fortieth year of Edward the third, and all they which were bishops of Winchester from the first year of the reign of Edward the third, until the year of Christ 1404, in which Henry Beaufort was bishop of Winchester, were never cardinals: the said bishops in orderly succession thus named: Adam Orletie, William de Edington, William Wickham, and then Henry Beaufort, who was a cardinal. But these writers mistaking perchance the year of the king, and the name of the bishops see, in the five and fortieth year of Edward the third (in which year john Thorsbie was cardinal as after followeth) have (in setting down Winchester for Worcester committed a fault) so easy it is for the printer or any other to misplace and misname the one bishopric for the other.  
john Thorsbie bishop of saint David's in Wales chancellor of England, bishop of Worcester, 
john Thorsbie. Holinshed and other authors.  and after bishop of York, was made cardinal by Urban the fift then bishop of Rome (as I suppose) before the five and fortieth year of Edward the third. This man surrendered his life in the year of our redemption 1374, being the eight and fortieth year of king Edward the third.  
Adam priest cardinal of the title of saint Cicilia, was invested with the dignity of a scarlet hat in the year of our redemption 1378, 
Adam. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Holinshed.  about the first year of Richard the second. Holinshed mentioneth one Adam Eston to be a cardinal, who (considering the time when he lived) must needs be this man, of whom he writeth in this sort. Adam Eston well seen in all the tongues, was made a cardinal by pope Gregory the eleventh, but by pope Urban the si●t he was committed to prison in Genoa (in the year of our redemption 1383, being about the seventh year of Richard the second) and by contemplation of the said king Richard, was taken out of prison, but not fully delivered, until the days of Boniface the ninth, who (in the year of our redemption 1389, about the thirteenth year of Richard the second) restored the said Adam to his former dignity: all which Holinshed speaketh of him amongst the writers of England, except the years of the Lord which I have added out of Onuphrius, and the years of the king which I have joined of myself. Which Onuphrius maketh this Adam to be bishop line 10 of London, and to die in Rome the third calends of May, in the year of our saviour 1397, being the one and twentieth of Richard the second, under Boniface the ninth pope of that name, and was buried in the place whereof he was entitled to the honour of a cardinal.  

Philip de Repindone. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.  Philip de Repindone bishop of Lincoln and doctor of divinity, was by pope Gregory the twelve, than bishop of Rome, in the year of Christ 1408, being the tenth year of king Henry the fourth line 20 created cardinal of the title of saint Nereus and Achilleus.  

Thomas. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Liber Dunel.  Thomas bishop of Durham was made (as saith Onuphrius, in the year of our redemption 1411 by john the two and twentieth, commonly called john the three and twentieth) priest cardinal. Touching which matter there is no mention made in the life of Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham, and living at this time that this Langleie was a cardinal: for this Thomas Langleie was made bishop of Durham line 30 in the year of our Lord 1406, and continued in that see one and thirty years, departing the world 1437, and so the creation of this Thomas bishop of Durham mentioned by Onuphrius and Matthew Parker bishop of Canturburie, in the year of Christ 1411 must needs fall in the life of this Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham.  

Robert. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.  Robert bishop of Salisbury priest cardinal (although it be not showed of what title) was preferred to that place by pope john the three and twentieth in line 40 the year of our redemption 1411, being about the twelve year of the reign of king Henry the fourth, of whom Onuphrius writeth in this sort: Roberti episcopi Sarisburiensis presbyteri cardinalis, & Egidij de campis presbyteri cardinalis gesta & exitus, quòd nunquam Romanam curiam adierint, incerti & obscuri omninò sunt. Satis tamen constat, eos ante papae Martini electionem mortuos fuisse.  

Henry Beaufort.  Henry Beaufort, son unto john of Gant and Katherine Swineford, being bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England, took the state of a cardinal line 50 (of the title of saint Eusebius) at Calis, being absent (as hath Matthew Parker) in the year of our redemption 1426: in the fift year of king Henry the sixth. He was called the rich cardinal of Winchester, being advanced to that honour by Martin the third, commonly called Martin the fift then pope of Rome. This Henry died under pope Nicholas the fift in the year of Christ 1447: being about the six & twentieth year of the miserable reign of king Henry the sixth. line 60  

john Stafford. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.  john Stafford bishop of Bash and Welles chancellor of England, after bishop of Canturburie, was created priest cardinal by Eugenius then bishop of Rome, in the year that the word became flesh 1434: being the twelve year of the reign of king Henry the sixth.  

john Kempe. Holinshed. Polydor. Onuphrius.  john Kempe bishop of London, twice lord chancellor of England, bishop of York, and after that archbishop of Canturburie, was by Eugenius the fourth then archbishop of Rome, made cardinal of the title of saint Sabina, as saith Holinshed, otherwise by Onuphrius called Balbina: contrary to Polydore, who in his three and twentieth book of the history of England, affirmeth him to be cardinalited by pope Nicholas the fift. He died (as saith Onuphrius) in the year that the godhead was united to the manhood, to wit, one thousand five hundred fifty and four, under pope Nicholas the first, which year of our Lord met with the five and thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the sixth.  
Thomas Bourcher (borne of the noble house of the earls of Essex, being chancellor of England, 
Thomas Bourcher. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Holinshed. Polydor.  bishop of Worcester, from thence removed to Elie, from that I'll advanced to the metropolitan see of Canturburie, and priest cardinal of the title of saint Siriacus in Thermis or the Baths) was honoured with the scarlet hat and silver pillars, by pope Paul the second of that name, in the year that the second person in trinity took upon him the form of a servant, one thousand four hundred sixty & five, being the fift year of the reign of the noble prince king Edward the fourth.  
john Morton bishop of Elie chancellor of England & archbishop of Canturburie, 
john Morton. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Polydor. Holinshed.  being priest cardinal of the title of saint Anastasius, was honoured with a scarlet hat by Alexander the sixth of that name (than governor of the seat of Peter at Rome) in the year from the birth of Christ 1493, being the ninth year of the Solomon of England king Henry the seventh. He died as saith Onuphrius, in the year of our Lord one thousand and five hundred, being about the eight year of Alexander the sixth still pope of Rome, and the sixteenth year of the said Henry the seventh then king of England.  
Christopher Bembridge a gentleman borne, was archbishop of York, 
Christopher Bembridge. Matthew Parker. Onuphrius.  & priest cardinal of the title of S. Praxidis, was advanced to that scarlet dignity by pope julius the second, in the year that the virgin was delivered of our saviour one thousand five hundred & eleven, being the third year of the triumphant reign of king Henry the eight. He died at Rome, (as saith Onuphrius) by poison, in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred and thirteen years (being the eleventh year, when Leo the tenth did hold the stern of the Roman bishopric, & the fift year when the said Henry the eight did rule the sceptre of England) and was buried at Rome in the church of the holy trinity of the English nation.  
Thomas Wolseie the king's almoner, 
Thomas Wolseie.  dean of York, abbot of saint Albon, and of saint Augustine's, bishop of Lincoln, Winchester, and York, chancellor of England: all which or all save two he held at one time in his own hands, was made priest cardinal of the title of saint Cicilie, whereunto he was promoted by pope Leo the tenth, in the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred and fifteen, being the seventh year of the reign of the famous king Henry the eight, of whom Onuphrius somewhat mistaking the pronunciation of his name thus writeth: Thomas Wlcer ex oppido Sufforth diocessis Norducensis, &c: wherein like a stranger to our countrymen he mistaketh both name, town, place, and the province of Suffolk for the town of Ipswich. For this cardinal Wolseie being descended of mean parentage, was borne in the town of Gipswich now called Ipswich in the province or country of Suffolk in the diocese of the bishopric of Norwich.  
john Fisher bishop of Rochester priest cardinal of the title of saint Uitalis, 
john Fisher.  was (although he never came at Rome, nor for any thing that I can learn was ever out of England) created cardinal at Rome, by Paul the third of that name, then wearing the triple crowned mitre, and being bishop of Rome. But this Fisher never ware his scarlet hat: for after this high dignity and before he might cover his priestly crown with the same, he lost his head, in the year from which the angels sang at the birth of the Messiah one thousand five hundred thirty and five, being the seven and twentieth of the reign of that king Henry the eight, which delivered his kingdom from all subjection to the bishop of Rome Clement the seventh of that name.  

Reginald Poole.  Reginald Poole, nobly borne, & young son to sir Richard Poole knight of the garter, by his wife Margaret countess of Salisbury, daughter to George duke of Clarence brother to K. Edward the fourth, was made deacon cardinal of the title of saint Marie in Cosmeden, by pope Paul the third of that line 10 name, in the year that the mother of God brought forth the son of man 1536, being the eight and twentieth year of king Henry the eight. This man legate of pope julius the third, coming into England in the year of our Lord 1554, being the second year of queen Mary's reign, was after made bishop of Canturburie, on the five and twentieth of March, in the year of Christ 1556, being the third year of the reign of the said queen Marie, and died the seventeenth day of November, in the year of line 20 Christ 1558, being the last day of the reign of the said queen Marie, or rather the next day erlie in the morning, at his house at Lambeth, and was honourably conveyed to Canturburie, where he was buried. This man was the last English cardinal that lived and enjoyed that title of honour in England. For although the English cardinal which followeth were created after him, yet I suppose that he died much before him: but he lived not in England at the same time that cardinal Poole died, as far as I can line 30 learn. Wherefore I still make this cardinal Poole the last English cardinal that was living in England.  

Peter Peto.  Peter Peto, borne of an ancient family, and one of the order of the friar minors observants (whom Onuphrius calleth Angliae legatus) was created cardinal by Paul the fourth of that name, chief bishop of Rome, in the year that the word became flesh 1557, being the fift year of queen Marie. Besides this number of thirty cardinals, there have been many other to the number of ten or more, line 40 before the time that pope Innocent the first of that name did weald the charge of the Roman bishopric, as Matthew Parker late bishop of Canturburie a worthy antiquary doth witness, and I myself have observed, besides those which Onuphrius and the said Matthew Parker (in the Latin book of the archbishops of his own see) have recited. But because neither they nor I have yet attained to their names, we must and do omit them: and yet it may be that these three which follow, named by Onuphrius being line 50 English names, were Englishmen, and part of the said number of ten cardinals, whose names we do not know, which three cardinals were Hugh Foliot, Peter Mortimer, and Simon Braie. But because I cannot certainly gather out of Onuphrius that they were Englishmen, I dare not presume so to make them; though in mine own conceit I verily suppose that they were borne in England: for in uncertain matters I dare not set down any certainty.  
Wherefore to set end to this cardinals discourse, I will knit up this matter with one only note line 60 drawn out of Matthew Parker's beforenamed book of the lives of the bishops of Canturburie, which is as followeth: That this number and remembrance of our cardinals is not so wonderful as is that computation of the Roman bishops, which pope john the two and twentieth of that name hath gathered of his predecessors. For he doth recite that out of the order of saint Benet or Benedict (whereof himself was) there have issued four and twenty pope's, 183 cardinals, 1464 archbishops, 3502 bishops, and abbots innumerable. Thus concluding (that of all these our English cardinals, with the description of their lives, I will more largely entreat in my book entitled the Pantogrophie of England, containing the universal description of all memorable places and persons, aswell temporal as spiritual) I request the reader to take this in good part, till that book may come to light. Thus much Francis Thin, who with the wheel of George Ripleie canon of Bridlington, after the order of circulation in alchimicall art, and by a geometrical circle in natural philosophy doth end this cardinals discourse, resting in the centre of Reginald Poole, the last living cardinal in England, by whose death the said Francis took occasion to pace about the circumference of this matter of the cardinals of this realm.]   
Of such learned men as had written and did live in the reign of queen Marie there were many, 
Learned men in queen Mary's reign.  of whom no small number ended their lives also during that short time of her reign, some by fire, and others in exile, john Rogers borne in Lancashire, wrote diverse treatises, translated the bible into English with notes, and published the same under the name of Thomas Matthew, he suffered in Smithfield the fourth of February, in the year 1555. Nicholas Ridleie bishop first of Rochester, and after of London, suffered at Oxford in the said year 1555. Hugh Latimer borne in Leicestershire, sometime bishop of Worcester, a notable preacher, and a most reverend father, suffered at the same place, and in the same day and year with bishop Ridleie. john Hooper borne in Summersetshire, bishop first of Gloucester, and after of Worcester, suffered at Gloucester in the year of our Lord 1555. john Bradford, borne in Manchester, a notable town in Lancashire, a sober, mild, and discreet learned man, suffered at London the first of julie in the said year 1555.  
Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester borne in the town of saint Edmundsburie in Suffolk, of king Henry the eights council, and in king Edward's days committed to ward within the tower, released by queen Marie, made lord chancellor, and so died a stout champion in defence of the pope's doctrine, and a great enemy to the professors of the gospel. john Philpot borne in Hamshire, son to sir Peter Philpot knight, was archdeacon of Winchester, ended his life by fire in the year aforesaid 1555, the 18 of December, going then on the four & fortieth year of his age. Thomas Cranmer borne in Notinghamshire, archbishop of Canturburie, a worthy prelate, in sundry virtues right commendable, suffered at Oxford the one and twentieth of March, one thousand, five hundred, fifty and six. Richard Morison knight, borne in Oxfordshire, wrote diverse treatises, and deceased at Strausburge the 17 of March 1556. john Poinet borne in Kent, bishop of Rochester first, & after of Winchester, deceased likewise at Strausburgh, about the tenth or eleventh of August, in the year of our Lord 1556.  
Robert Record a doctor of physic, and an excellent philosopher, in arithmetic, astrology, cosmography, and geometry most skilful, he was borne in Wales, descended of a good family, and finally departed this life in the days of queen Marie. Bartholomew Traheron descended of a worshipful house in the west parts of England, dean of Chichester, departed this life in Germany, where he lived in exile, about the latter end of queen Mary's reign. Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop first of London, and after of Durham, borne in Lancashire of a right worshipful family, excellently learned, as by his works it may appear, doctor of both the laws, departed this life in the year 1559. Richard Sampson bishop of Coventrie & Lichfield wrote certain treatises, & departed this life 1555. Lucas Shepherd borne in Colchester in Essex, an English poet. jane Dudleie daughter unto Henry Greie duke of Suffolk, wrote diverse things highly to her commendation, of whom ye have heard more before here in this history; William Thomas a Welshman borne, of whom ye have likewise heard how he suffered for treason, wrote the history of Italy, and other things very eloquently; james Brookes a doctor of divinity, john Standish a doctor likewise of the same profession, great defenders of the pope's doctrine, as by their works appeareth; William Perine a black line 10 friar by profession, and a doctor also of divinity, wrote in defence of the mass, and preached sermons which were printed of like stuff; john Baret borne in Lin, a doctor of divinity, and sometime a Carmelit friar, but revolting from the pope's religion, he became an earnest setter forth of the gospel, but eftsoons he fell off, and returned to his former opinions now in the days of queen Marie; Henry lord Stafford, son to Edward duke of Buckingham, amongst other things which he wrote, he translated a book out of Latin into English, entitled Vtriusque potestatis differentia, that is, The difference betwixt the two powers, which book (as some think) was first compiled and set forth by Edward Fox bishop of Hereford; john Hopkins translated diverse psalms of the psalter into English meeter, which are to be found amongst those appointed to be sung in the churches of England.  
Thus far the troublesome reign of Queen Marie the first of that name (God grant she may be the last of her religion) eldest daughter to king Henry the eight.   

The peaceable and prosperous regiment of blessed Queen Elisabeth, second daughter to king Henry the eight.  
AFter all the stormy, tempestuous, and blustering windy weather of queen Marie was overblown, the darksome clouds of discomfort dispersed, the palpable fogs and mists of most intolerable misery consumed, and the line 10 dashing showers of persecution overpast: it pleased God to send England a calm and quiet season, a clear and lovely sunshine, a qu●tsest from former broils of a turbulent estate, and a world of blessings by good queen Elisabeth: into whose gracious reign we are now to make an happy entrance as followeth.  
When true knowledge was had that queen Marie was deceased, who left her life in this world the seventeenth day of November, as is before mentioned line 20 in the latter end of her history: in the time of a parliament, 
The resolution of the lords 〈◊〉 declare la●●● Elisabeth 〈◊〉.  the lords that were assembled in the upper house, being resolved according to the laws of the land, to declare the lady Elisabeth sister to the said queen to be very true and lawful heir to the crown of England, sent immediately to the speaker of the parliament, willing him with the knights and burgesses of the neither house, without delay to repair unto them into the upper house, for their assents in a case of great importance. Who being line 30 come thither, after silence made (as the manner is) the archbishop of York chancellor of England, whose name was Nicholas Heth, doctor in divinity, stood up and pronounced in effect these words following.  
The cause of your calling hither at this time, is to signify unto you, 
The words 〈◊〉 doctor death lord ●●●ncellor, 〈◊〉 in the parliament 〈◊〉 touching the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Elisabeth queen.  that all the lords here present are certainly certified, that God this present morning hath called to his mercy our late sovereign lady queen Marie. Which hap as it is most heavy and line 40 grievous unto us, so have we no less cause another way to rejoice with praise to almighty God; for that he hath left unto us a true, lawful and right inheritrice to the crown of this realm, which is the lady Elisabeth, second daughter to our late sovereign lord of noble memory king Henry the eight, and sister to our said late queen, of whose most lawful right and title in the succession of the crown (thanks be to God) we need not to doubt. Wherefore the lords of this house have determined with your assents and line 50 consents, to pass from hence into the palace, and there to proclaim the said lady Elisabeth queen of this realm, without further tract of time. Whereto the whole house answered with evident appearance of joy, God save queen Elisabeth, long may queen Elisabeth reign over us. And so this present parliament being dissolved by the act of God, the said lords immediately calling unto them the kings and principal heralds at arms, went into the palace of Westminster, and directly before the hall door in the eight noon of the same day, after several soundings of trumpets made, in most solemn manner, proclaimed the new queen, by this name and title: 
The lady Elisabeth proclaimed queen.  Elisabeth by the grace of God queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: to the great comfort and rejoicing of the people, as by their manners and countenances well appeared. After which proclamation made at Westminster, the said lords, to wit the duke of Norfolk, the lord treasurer, the earl of Oxford, and diverse other lords and bishops, with all speed repaired into the city of London, where the like proclamation was made in the presence of them, and also of the lord mayor and aldermen in their scarlet gowns, at the cross in Cheap, with no less universal joy and thanksgiving to God of all the hearers. 
The beginning of queen Elisabeths' prosperous reign.  And so our most gracious sovereign lady queen Elisabeth began her happy reign over this realm of England, to the great comfort and gladness of all estates christianly minded and disposed, upon the foresaid seventeenth day of November, 
— (lux haec venerabilis Anglis,  
Haec est illa dies albo signando lapillo  saith the poet) in the year after the creation of the world, five thousand, five hundred, twenty and five, year 1558 after the birth of our saviour one thousand, five hundred, fifty and eight; of the empire of Ferdinando the first emperor of Rome bearing that name, the first; in the twelve year of the reign of Henry the second of that name French king; and in the sixtéenth year of the reign of Marie queen of Scotland.  
On wednesday the three and twentieth of November, the queens majesty removed from Hatfield, 
The queens removing from Hatfield.  unto the Charter house in London, where she lodged in the lord Norths' house: in which removing, and coming thus to the city, it might well appear how comfortable her presence was to them that went to receive her on the way, and likewise to the great multitudes of people that came abroad to see her grace, showing their rejoicing hearts in countenance and words, with hearty prayers for her majesties prosperous estate and preservation: which no doubt were acceptable to God, as by the sequel of things it may certainly be believed, sith his divine majesty hath so directed her doings, that if ever the commonwealth of this land hath flourished, it may rightly be said, 
The flourishing estate of this land under queen Elisabeth.  that in her most happy reign it hath been most flourishing, in peace, quietness, and due administration of justice, mixed with merciful clemency, so as those which cannot content themselves with the present state of things under her rule, no doubt they are such factious creatures, as will not rest satisfied with any kind of government, be it never so just and commendable. From the which sort of men the Lord deliver her royal majesty, and all her true and loving subjects, and preserve her in long life to all our comforts, and continue her in such happy proceedings as she hath begun, to the end.  
On monday the eight and twentieth of November, about two of the clock in the afternoon, her line 10 grace removed again, and taking her chariot, road from my lord Norths' house alongst Barbican, 
Her grace removeth to the tower.  and entering by Cripplegate into the city, kept along the wall to Bishop's gate, and so by blanch Chapelton unto Mark lane. At her entering into blanch Chapleton, the artillery in the tower began to go off, continually shooting for the space almost of half an hour, but yet had made an end before her majesty was advanced to Berkin church, and so with great joy and press of people, of whom all the streets were line 20 full as she passed, declaring their inward reioising by gesture, words, and countenance, she entered the tower, where she continued till the fift of December being monday, 
Her removing to Summerset house.  on the which day, she removed by water unto Summerset place in the Strand, where she arrived about ten of the clock in the forenoon the same day.  

Abr. Fl. ex manuscripto Hen. tenant. The death of sir Thomas Cheinie lord Warden of the cinque ports.  ¶ On thursday between two and three in the morning the eight of December 1558 in the first year of our sovereign lady queen Elisabeths' reign died line 30 in the tower of London, that honourable man sir Thomas Cheineie knight of the order, treasurer of her majesties most honourable household, warden of the cinque ports, & of her highness privy council, whose pulses (by the report of his surgeon) laboured more than three quarters of an hour after his death, so strongly as though life had not been absent from the body. By the report also of the same surgeon, he had the sweetest face of death to behold for one of his years that ever he saw, and died so quietly and patiently, line 40 that neither his face, mouth, eyes, hands, or feet were uncomely used in the changing of this his life.  

His horse for service which proved him to be a lover of chivalry.  For twenty years before his departure, he kept in his stable continually winter and summer twenty great horse at the least, and eight or nine geldings, besides sixteen or seventeen geldings which were kept at grass, and had in a readiness furniture for them all to serve in the field: and no one of the same horse or geldings but he was able and ready for any man at arms to serve upon. Beside this he line 50 kept so bountiful a house, and was so liberal and good to his men, 
The like is reported of cardinal Wolseie when he was in the flower of his prosperity.  that well was that noble man's son, gentleman's son, or other that might happen to be preferred into his service. And again, the number of his servants to whom he gave liveries were 205, whereof in household were six score, besides strangers that were daily coming and going. And his servants had no just cause, either for lack of great wages truly paid them every quarter, and boordwages line 60 every sunday, or plenty of meat and drink, & lodging on good featherbeds to live out of order. And such commodity as might by chance fall within the jurisdiction of his office of wardenrie, 
But how many be there now that will give away the profits of their office to their servants?  being a thing fit for his men, he never turned the same to his own use; but always gave it them. Whether this realm hath not lost a worthy subject, and specially his men a good master, let all men judge that knew him.  
Before his departure out of this world, he seemed to have a great care for his men, thinking least without some provision for them, they would after his death run at random and live disorderly, which like a noble man he prevented after this liberal sort as followeth. In his last will and testament, to some he gave annuities during life, 
His honest & honourable care for his men that served him.  and to others a whole years wages after his death; but both to the one sort and the other he provided that all things which he ought them might be paid: and also so long as they used themselves like honest men, and were not retained in service, they should have meat, drink, and lodging at his house, till his son now lord Cheinie came to his lawful age, which was the space of three years, in no less or worse manner than they were wont and accustomed to have in his life time. In his last will he also remembered some of his friends, as well those of nobility and worship, as others, 
His mindfulness of his friends at his death.  some with one gift and some with an other, desiring them to assist his executors for the performance of his last will.  
His wit, experience, courtesy, and valiantness in service was such, as king Henry the eight, and his children, to wit, king Edward the sixth, queen Marie, and queen Elisabeth used him as one of all their privy council, and was treasurer of all their honourable households during his life. He was brought up in king Henry the sevenths' house, 
Sir Thomas Cheineie an old servitor in court. See more of him before, pag. 973, 97●.  & was one of his henchmen. So that it appeareth before he died, he had served three kings, and two queens. His truth was such to all these princes, that he ever lived towards them Sine macula, serving in the court three score years. And although he bore this great sail, yet provided he to pay every man justly that he ought them. His bountifulness, liberality, and courtesy to diverse noble men, gentlemen and others, attending in the court was such, 
A commendation of his courtesy, bountifulness, and warlike stoutness.  that they were ever glad to have him there amongst them; and his stoutness & haltie courage was such, and so well known to the Frenchmen, as they both feared and loved him wonderfully. In the end he was so worthy a gentleman, and such a necessary member in the commonwealth, as his want cannot but be lamented of all good and true English hearts. But the almighty must be served when his good will and pleasure is.]  
The thirteenth of December being tuesday, 
Queen Marie buried.  the corpse of queen Marie was right honourably conveyed from her manor of S. james, unto the abbeie of Westminster. Her picture was laid on the coffin, appareled in her royal robes, with a crown of gold set on the head thereof, after a solemn manner. In the abbeie was a rich and sumptuous hearse prepared and set up with wax, and richly decked with penous, banners, and scutcheons, of the arms of England and France, under which hearse the corpse rested all that night, and the next day it was brought into the new chapel, where king Henry the seventh lieth, and was interred there in the chapel on the north side.  
The four and twentieth of December, 
An obsequy kept for the emperor.  being the even of the nativity of our Lord, was a solemn obsequy kept in the abbeie church of Westminster, for Charles the seventh late emperor, who departed this life in September last, the one and twentieth of the same month, in the monastery of S. justus in Castille, being then of age about eight and fifty years, having governed the empire before he renounced the same a six and thirty years; and his kingdoms of Castille, Arragon, Naples, Sicill, and others, above forty years.  
Moreover in this year 1558 there died two of the said emperor's sisters, 
The decease of the queen of France.  that went with him into Spain, after he had resigned the empire, to wit, queen Leonor, first married unto Emanuel king of Portugal, and after his decease unto the French king Francis the first of that name: she deceased in February last passed. His other sister Marie, queen of Hungary, late regent of the low countries, 
The decease of the queen of Hungary.  deceased on saint Luke's day, the eighteenth of October last passed. And so the one preventing him, the other tarried not long after him, in so much that king Philip did celebrate the exequys in the town of Brussels, of his father the emperor, of his aunt Marry queen of Hungary, and of his wife Marry queen of England, in this present month of December subsequently, after the most pompous and solemn manner.  
On sunday the first of januarie, by virtue of the queens proclamation, 
1559.  the English litany was read accordingly as was used in her grace's chapel in churches through the city of London. 
The litany. The epistle and gospel in English.  And likewise line 10 the epistle and gospel of the day began to be read in the same churches at mass time in the English tongue, by commandment given by the lord mayor, according to the tenor of the same proclamation, published the thirtieth of the last month. On thursday the twelve of januarie, 
The queen removeth 〈◊〉 Westminster to the tower by water.  the queen's majesty removed from her palace of Westminster by water unto the tower of London, the lord mayor and aldermen in their barge, and all the citizens with their barges decked and trimmed with targets and banners line 20 of their mysteries accordingly attending on her grace.  
The bachelors barge of the lord majors company, to wit, the mercers had their barge with a toist trimmed with three tops, and artillery aboard, gallantly appointed to wait upon them, shooting off lustily as they went, with great and pleasant melody of instruments, which played in most sweet and heavenly manner. Her grace shut the bridge about two of the clock in the after noon, at the still of the ebb, the line 30 lord mayor and the rest following after her barge, attending the same, till her majesty took land at the privy stairs at the tower wharf: and then the said lord maior with the other barges returned, passing through the bridge again with the flood, and landed at the wharf of the three crane's in the Uintrie. Upon saturday, which was the fourteenth day of jaunarie, in the year of our Lord God 1558, about two of the clock at after noon, the most noble and christian princess, our most dread sovereign lady line 40 Elisabeth, by the grace of God queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: marched from the tower, to pass through the city of London toward Westminster, 
The queen passeth from the tower to ●estminster through the 〈◊〉.  richly furnished, and most honourably accompanied, as well with gentlemen, barons, and other the nobility of this realm, as also with a notable train of goodly and beautiful ladies, richly appointed.  
At her entering the city, she was of the people received marvelous entirely, as appeared by the assemblies line 50 prayers, wishes, welcomings, cries, tender words, and all other signs, which argued a wonderful earnest love of most obedient subjects towards their sovereign. And on the other side, her grace by holding up her hands, and merry countenance to such as stood far off, and most tender and gentle language to those that stood nigh unto her grace, did declare herself no less thankfully to receive her people's good will, than they lovingly offered it line 60 unto her. 
The queen ●●●teth them 〈◊〉 salute her.  To all that wished her grace well, she gave hearty thanks; & to such as bad God save her grace, she said again God save them all, and thanked them with all her hart. So that on the other side there was nothing but gladness, nothing but prayer, nothing but comfort. The queen's majesty rejoiced marvelously to see that so exceedingly showed towards her her grace, which all good princes have ever desired, I mean so earnest love of subjects, so evidently declared even to her graces own person, being carried in the midst of them.  

The people's ●earts wholly 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉.  The people again were wonderfully ravished with the loving answers and gestures of their princess, like to the which they had before tried at her first coming to the tower from Hatfield. This her graces loving behaviour preconceived in the people's heads, upon these considerations was then throughly confirmed, and in deed implanted a wonderful hope in them touching her worthy government in the rest of her reign. For in all her passage she did not only show her most gracious love toward the people in general, but also privately if the base personages had either offered her grace any flowers, or such like, as a signification of their good will, or moved to her any suit; she most gently, to the common rejoicing of all the lookers on, and private comfort of that party, stayed her chariot, and heard their requests. So that if a man would say well, he could not better term the city of London that time, 
The city of London a stage for the time of this solemnity.  than a stage, wherein was showed the wonderful spectacle of a noble hearted princess towards her most loving people, and the people's exceeding comfort in beholding so worthy a sovereign, & hearing so princelike a voice, which could not but have set the enemy on fire, sith the virtue is in the enemy alway commended, much more could not but inflame her natural, obedient, and most loving people, whose weal leaneth only upon her grace, and her government.  
Thus therefore the queens majesty passed from the tower, till she came to Fanchurch, the people on each side ioyouslie beholding the view of so gracious a lady their queen, and her grace no less gladly noting and observing the same. Near unto Fanchurch was erected a scaffold richly furnished, 
A scaffold let up at Fanchurch with melody, etc.  whereon stood a noise of instruments, and a child in costly apparel, which was appointed to welcome the queen's majesty in the whole city's behalf. Against which place when her grace came, of her own will she commanded the chariot to be stayed, and that the noise might be appeased, till the child had utttered his welcoming oration, which he spoke in English as here followeth▪ 
O peerless sovereign queen,  
behold what this thy town  
Hath thee presented with, 
These verses were uttered by a child to the queen who gave good ear to them.   
at thy first entrance here:  
Behold with how rich hope  
she leads thee to thy crown,  
Behold with what two gifts,  
she comforteth thy cheer.  
The first is blessing tongues,  
which many a welcome say,  
Which pray thou mayst do well,  
which praise thee to the sky.  
Which wish to thee long life,  
which bless this happy day,  
Which to thy kingdom heaps  
all that in tongues can lie.  
The second is true hearts,  
which love thee from their root,  
Whose sure is triumph now,  
and ruleth all the game,  
Which faithfulness have won,  
and all untruth driven out,  
Which skip for joy, when as  
they hear thy happy name.  
Welcome therefore o queen,  
as much as heart can think,  
Welcome again o queen,  
as much as tongue can tell;  
Welcome to joyous tongues,  
and hearts that will not shrink,  
God thee preserve we pray,  
and wish thee ever well.   
At which words of the last line, all the people gave a great shout, wishing with one assent as the child had said. And the queens majesty thanked most heartily both the city for this her gentle receiving at the first, & also the people for confirming the same.  
Here was noted in the queens majesties countenance, during the time that the child spoke, besides a perpetual attentiveness in her face, a marvelous change in look, as the child's words either touched her person, or the people's tongues and hearts. So that she with rejoicing visage did evidently declare that the words took no less place in her mind, than they were most heartily pronounced by the child, as from all the hearts of her most hearty citizens. The same verses were fastened up in a table line 10 upon the scaffold, and the Latin thereof likewise in Latin verses in another table, as hereafter ensueth: 
Vrbs tua quae ingressis dederit tibi munera primo,  

The verses in Latin which the child uttered to the queen in English.  O regina parem non habitura, vide.  
Ad diadema tuum, te spe quàm divite mittat,  
Quae duo laetitiae des tibi dona, vide.  
Munus habes primum, linguas bona multa precantes,  
Quae te quum laudant, tum pia vota so●●ant,  
Foelicémque diem hunc dicunt, tibi sacula longa  
Optant, & quicquid denique longa potest. line 20  
Altera dona feres, vera, & tui amantia corda,  
Quorum gens ludum iam reget una tuum.  
In quibus est infracta fides, falsumque perosa,  
Quaeque tuo audito nomine laeta salit.  
Grata venis igitur, quantum cor concipit ullum,  
Quantum lingua potest dicere, grata venis.  
Cordibus infractis, linguisque per omnia laetis  
Grata venis: saluam te velit esse Deus.   
Now when the child had pronounced his oration, and the queens highness so thankfully had received line 30 it, she marched forward toward Gracious street, where at the upper end before the sign of the eagle, the city had erected a gorgeous and sumptuous arch as here followeth. 
A great stage arched and very sumptuous at Gracious street.  A stage was made which extended from the one side of the street to the other, richly vaulted with battlements containing three ports, and over the middlemost was advanced three several stages in degrees.  
Upon the lowest stage was made one seat royal, wherein were placed two personages, representing line 40 king Henry the seventh, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter of king Edward the fourth; either of these two princes sitting under one cloth of estate in their seats, none otherwise divided, but that the one of them which was king Henry the seventh, 
The unity of the white rose and the red.  proceeding out of the house of Lancaster, was enclosed in a red rose, and the other which was queen Elizabeth, being heir to the house of York, enclosed with a white rose, each of them royally crowned, and decently appareled, as appertaineth to princes, with line 50 sceptres in their hands, and one vawt surmounting their heads, wherein aptly were placed two tables, each containing the title of those two princes. And these personages were so set, that the one of them joined hands with the other, with the ring of matrimony perceived on the finger. Out of the which two roses sprang two branches gathered into one, which were directed upward to the second stage or degree, wherein was placed one representing the valiant & noble prince king Henry the eight, which sprung line 60 out of the former stock, crowned with a crown imperial, 
Virtuous queen Anne mother to gracious queen Elizabeth.  and by him sat one representing the right worthy lady queen Anne, wife to the said king Henry the eight, and mother to our most sovereign lady queen Elizabeth that now is, both appareled with sceptres and diadems, and other furniture due to the state of a king and queen, and two tables surmounting their heads, wherein were written their names and titles.  
From their seat also proceeded upwards one branch, directed to the third and uppermost stage or degree, wherein likewise was planted a seat royal, in the which was set one representing the queens most excellent majesty Elizabeth, now our most dread sovereign lady, crowned and appareled as the other princes were. Out of the fore part of this pageant was made a standing for a child, which at the queens▪ majesties coming declared unto her the whole meaning of the said pageant. The two sides of the same were filled with loud noises of music. And all empty places thereof were furnished with sentences concerning unity, and the whole pageant garnished which red roses and white. And in the fore front of the same pageant, 
The posy 〈◊〉 planing the show set ●or●h in colours.  in a fair wreath, was written the name and title of the same, which was; The uniting of the two houses of Lancaster and York. This pageant was grounded upon the queens majesties name. For like as the long war between the two houses of York and Lancaster then ended, when Elizabeth daughter to Edward the fourth matched in marriage with Henry the seventh, heir to the house of Lancaster: so sith that the queens majesties name was Elizabeth, & for somuch as she is the only heir of Henry the eight, which came of both the houses, as the knitting up of concord: it was devised, that like as Elizabeth was the first occasion of concord, 
Unity the 〈◊〉 whereat the devise of the pageant was directed.  so she another Elizabeth, might maintain the same among her subjects, so that unity was the end whereat the whole devise shot, as the queens majesties name moved the first ground.  
The pageant now against the queens majesties coming was addressed with children, representing the forenamed personages, with all furniture due unto the setting forth of such a matter well meant, as the argument declared costly and sumptuously set forth, as the beholders can bear witness. Now the queens majesty drew near unto the said pageant. And for so much as the noise was great, 
The queen is desirous 〈◊〉 know the meaning of every representation.  by reason of the press of people, so that she could scarce hear the child which did interpret the said pageant, and her chariot was passed so far forwards, that she could not well view the personages representing the kings & queens above named: she required to have the matter opened unto her, and what they signified, with the end of unity and ground of her name, according as is before expressed. For the sight whereof her grace caused her chariot to be removed back, and yet hardly could she see, because the children were set somewhat with the furthest in. But after that her grace had understood the meaning thereof, she thanked the city, praised the fairness of the work, and promised that she would do her whole endeavour for the continual preservation of concord, as the pageant did import. The child appointed in the standing above named, to open the meaning of the said pageant, spoke these words unto her grace: 
The two princes that sit, 
The meaning of the pageant opened by th● speech of ● child.   
under one cloth of state,  
The man in the red rose,  
the woman in the white:  
Henry the seventh, and  
queen Elizabeth his mate,  
By ring of marriage,  
as man and wife unite.  
Both heirs to both their bloods,  
to Lancaster the king,  
The queen to York, in one  
the two houses did knit:  
Of whom as heir to both,  
Henry the eight did spring,  
In whose seat his true heir  
thou queen Elizabeth dost sit.  
Therefore as civil war,  
and shed of blood did cease,  
When these two houses were  
united into one;  
So now that jar shall stint,  
and quietness increase,  
We trust, o noble queen,  
thou wilt be cause alone.   
The which also were written in Latin verses, and both drawn in two tables upon the fore front of the foresaid pageant, as hereafter orderly followeth: 

Hij quos iungit idem solium, quos annulus idem:  
Hac albente nitens, ille rubente rosa:  

The same verses in Latin.  Septimus Henricus rex, regina Elizabetha,  
Scilicet h●redes gentis uterque suae.  
Haec Eboracensis, Lancastrius ille dederunt line 10  
Connubio, è geminis quo foret una domus.  
Excipit hos haeres Henricus copula regum  
Octauus, magni regis imago potens,  
Regibus hinc succedis avis regíque parenti,  
Patris justa haeres Elizabetha tui.   Sentences placed therein concerning unity. 

Nullae concordes animos virer doniant.  

These verses 〈…〉.  Qu● iuncti terreni, deiuncti timent. line 20  
Discord sinimi so●uubi, concords ligant.  
Augentu● p●rua pace, magna bello ca●u●t.  
Coniunc●● 〈◊〉 fortius tollunt ●●us.  
Regno pro ●●●●nibus aeneis civium concordia.  
Qui duke pugnant diutius lugent.  
Dissidentes principes subdi to●um 〈◊〉.  
Princeps ad pacem natus non ad arma datus.  
Filia concordiae copia, neptis quies.  
Dissentiens respublica hostibus patet.  
Qui idem tenent, duitius tenent. line 30  
Regnum divisum facilè dissoluitur.  
Civitas concors armis frustrà tentatur.  
Omnium gèntium consensus firmat fidem, etc.    
These verses and other pretty sentences were drawn in void places of this pageant, all tending to one end, that quietness might be maintained, and all dissension displaced: and that by the queens majesty heir to agreement, and agreeing in name with her, which to fore had joined those houses, which had been the occasion of much debate and civil war line 40 within this realm, as may appear to such as will search chronicles, but be not to be touched herein: only declaring her grace's passage through the city, and what provision the city made therefore. And yer the queens majesty came within hearing of this pageant, she sent certain as also at all the other pageants, to require the people to be silent. For her majesty was disposed to hear all that should be said unto her. line 50  
When the queens majesty had heard the child's oration, and understood the meaning of the pageant at large, she marched forward toward Cornhill, alway received with like rejoicing of the people. And there as her grace passed by the conduit, 
The conduit 〈◊〉 Cornhill ●●cked, and a noise of loud instruments ●n the top of the same.  which was curiously trimmed against that same time, with rich banners adorned, and a noise of loud instruments upon the top thereof, she spied the second pageant. And because she feared for the people's noise, that she should not hear the child which did expound the same, line 60 she inquired what that pageant was yer that she came to it; and there understood, that there was a child representing her majesties person, placed in a seat of government, supported by certain virtues which suppressed their contrary vices under their feet, and so forth, as in the description of the said pageant shall hereafter appear.  
This pageant standing in the neither end of Cornhill, was extended from the one side of the street to the other. 
The devise of the pageant in Cornhill.  And in the same pageant was devised three gates all open, and over the middle part thereof was erected one chair or seat royal, with a cloth of estate to the same appertaining, wherein was placed a child representing the queens highness, with consideration had for place convenient for a table, which contained her name and title: and in a comely wreath artificially & well devised, with perfect sight and understanding to the people.  
In the front of the same pageant was written the name and title thereof, which is; The seat of worthy governance. Which seat was made in such artificial manner, as to the appearance of the lookers on, the fore part seemed to have no stay, 
Lively workmanship and right commendable.  & therefore of force was stayed by lively personages, which personages were in number four, standing and staying the forefront of the same seat royal, each having his face to the queen and people, whereof every one had a table to express their effects, which are virtues, namely Pure religion, Love of subjects, Wisdom and justice, 
A proper moral.  which did tread their contrary vices under their feet, that is to wit; Pure religion did tread upon Superstition and Ignorance, Love of subjects did tread upon Rebellion and Insolency, Wisdom did tread upon Follie and Vain glory, justice did tread upon Adulation and Bribery. Each of these personages according to their proper names and properties, had not only their names in plain and perfect writing set upon their breasts easily to be read of all: but also every of them was aptly an● properly appareled, so that his apparel and name did agree to express the same person, that in title he represented.  
This part of the pageant was thus appointed an● furnished. 
How the pageant was appointed and furnished.  The two sides over the two side ports had in them placed a noise of instruments, which immediately after the child's speech, gave an heavenly melody. Upon the top or uppermost part of the said pageant, stood the arms of England, royally purtraitured with the proper beasts to uphold the same. One representing the queens highness sat in this seat crowned with an imperial crown, and before her seat was a convenient place appointed for one child, which did interpret and apply the said pageant, as hereafter shall be declared. Every void place was furnished with proper sentences, commending the seat supported by virtues, and defacing the vices, to the utter extirpation of rebellion, and to everlasting continuance of quietness and peace. The queen's majesty approaching nigh unto this pageant thus beautified and furnished in all points, 
The queen draweth near the pageant to hear the child's oration.  caused her chariot to be drawn nigh thereunto, that her grace might hear the child's short oration, which was this: 
While that religion true,  
shall ignorance suppress,  
And with her weighty foot,  
break superstitions head:  
While love of subjects shall  
rebellion distress,  
And with zeal to the prince,  
insolency down tread.  
While justice flattering tongues,  
and bribery can deface,  
While folly and vain glory,  
to wisdom yield their hands:  
So long shall government  
not serve from her right race,  
But wrong decayeth still,  
and rightwiseness up stands.  
Now all thy subjects hearts,  
o prince of peerless fame▪  
Do trust these virtues shall  
maintain up thy throne:  
And vice be kept down still,  
the wicked put to shame,  
That good with good may joy,  
and nought with nought may moon.  Which verses were painted upon the right side of the same pageant, and the Latin thereof on the left side in another table, which were these here following: 

The same verses in Latins painted on a table.  Quae subnixa altè folio regina superbo est,  
Effigiem sanctae principis alma refert,  
Quam civilis amor fulcit, sapientia firmat,  
justitia illustrat, relligióque beat,  
Vana superstitio & crassa ignorantia frontis  
Pressae sub pura relligione jacent.  
Regis amor domat effraenos animósque rebels,  
justus adulantes donivorósque terret.  
Cùm regit imperium sapiens, sine luce sedebunt line 10  
Stultitia, atque huius numen inanis honour.   
Beside these verses, there were placed in every void room of the pageant, both in English & Latin, such sentences as advanced the seat of governance upholden by virtue. 
The ground or moral of the pageant.  The ground of this pageant was, that like as by virtues (which do abundantly appear in her grace) the queens majesty was established in the seat of government: so she should sit fa●t in the same, so long as she embraced virtue, and held vice under foot. For if vice once got up the head, it line 20 would put the seat of government in peril of falling. The queen's majesty when she had heard the child, 
The queens promise with thanks to the city.  and understood the pageant at full, gave the city also thanks therefore, & most graciously promised her good endeavour for the maintenance of the said virtues, and suppression of vices, and so marched on▪ till she came against the great conduit in Cheap, which was beautified with pictures and sentences accordingly, against her graces coming thither. Against Soper lane end was extended from the one line 30 side of the street to the other, 
A pageant at Soper lane end.  a pageant which had three gates all open: over the middlemost whereof were erected three several stages, whereon sat eight children, as hereafter followeth. On the uppermost one child, on the middle three, on the lowest four, each having the proper name of the blessing that they did represent, written in a table, & placed above their head.  
In the forefront of this pageant, before the children which did represent the blessings, was a convenient standing cast out for a child to stand, which did line 40 expound the said pageant unto the queens majesty, as was done in the other before. Every of these children were appointed and appareled, according unto the blessing which he did represent. And on the forepart of the said pageant was written in fair letters the name of the foresaid pageant in this manner: The eight beatitudes expressed in the fift chapter of the gospel of saint Matthew, 
The inscription fixed or set upon the front of the said pageant.  applied to our line 50 sovereign lady queen Elisabeth.  
Over the two side ports was placed a noise of instruments. And all the void places in the pageant were furnished with pretty saiengs, commending & touching the meaning of the said pageant, which was the promises & blessings of almighty God, made to his people. Before that the queen's highness came unto this pageant, she required the matter somewhat to be opened unto her, that her grace might the better understand, what should afterward by the child be line 60 said unto her. Which so was, that the city had there erected the pageant with eight children, representing the eight blessings touched in the fift chapter of saint Matthew. Whereof every one upon just considerations, 
The meaning of the pageant.  was applied unto her highness, and that the people thereby put her grace in mind, that as her good doings before had given just occasion, why that these blessings might fall upon her, that so if her grace did continue in her goodness as she had entered, she should hope for the fruit of these promises due unto them that do exercise themselves in the blessings: which her grace heard marvelous graciously, and required that the chariot might be removed towards the pageant, 
The queen giveth attentive ear to the child's words.  that she might better perceive the child's words, which were these, the queens majesty giving most attentive ear, and requiring that the people's noise might be stayed. The verses were as follow: 
Thou hast been eight times blest,  
o queen of worthy fame,  
By meekness of thy spirit,  
when care did thee beset,  
By mourning in thy grief,  
by mildness in thy blame,  
By hunger and by thirst,  
and justice couldst none get.  
By mercy showed, not felt,  
by cleanness of thine heart,  
By seeking peace always,  
by persecution wrong.  
Therefore trust thou in God,  
sith he hath helped thy smart,  
That as his promise is,  
so he will make thee strong.   
When these words were spoken, all the people wished, that as the child had uttered, 
A consent on all sides of prince, people▪ and children.  so God would strengthen her grace against all her adversaries, whom the queen's majesty did most gently thank for their so loving wish. These verses were painted on the left side of the said pageant, and other in Latin on the other side, which were these here ensuing: 
Qui lugent hilares sient, qui mitia gestant  
Pectora, multa soli iugera culta metent:  
justitiam esuriens fitiénsue replebitur: ipsum  
Fas homini puro cord videre Deum:  
Quem alterius miseret, Dominus miserebitur huius:  
Pacificus quisquis, filius ille Dei est:  
Propter iustiti am quisquis patietur habétque  
Demissam mentem coelica regna capit.  
Huit hominum generi terram, mare, fidera, vovit  
O●mipotens, horum quisque beatus erit.   
Besides these, every void place in the pageant was furnished with sentences touching the matter and ground of the said pageant. When all that was to be said in this pageant was ended, the queen's majesty passed on forwards in Cheapside. 
The standard and cross in Cheap adorned and trimmed.  At the standard in Cheap, which was dressed fair against the time▪ was placed a noise of trumpets, with banners and other furniture. The cross likewise was also made fair, and well trimmed. And near unto the same, upon the porch of saint Peter's church door, stood the waits of the city, which did give a pleasant noise with their instruments, as the queens majesty did pass by, which on every side cast her countenance, and wished well to all her most loving people. Soon after that her grace passed the cross, 
A pageant erected at the little conduct in Cheap.  she had espied the pageant erected at the little conduit in Cheap, and incontinent required to know what it might signify. And it was told her grace, that there was placed Time. Time, quoth she? And time hath brought me hither. And so forth the whole matter was opened to her grace, as hereafter shall ●e declared in the description of the pageant.  
But in the opening, when her grace understood that the bible in English should be delivered unto her by Truth, 
The queen promiseth the city often to read over the bible.  which was therein represented by a child: she thanked the city for that gift, and said, that she would oftentimes read over that book, commanding sir john Parrot, one of the knights which held up her canopy, to go before, and to receive the book. But learning that it should be delivered unto her grace down by a silken lace, she caused him to stay, and so passed forward till she came against the aldermen in the high end of Cheap before the little conduit, where the companies of the city ended, which began at Fanchurch, & stood along the streets, one by an other enclosed with rails, hanged with clothes, and themselves well appareled with many rich furs, and their livery hoods upon their shoulders in comely and seemly manner, having before them sundry persons well appareled in silks and chains of gold: 
The several companies of the city show 〈◊〉 joyful 〈◊〉 at the queen's coming.  as wiflers and garders of the said companies, besides a number of rich hangings, as well of tapistry, arras, clothes of gold, silver, velvet, damask, satin, and other silks plentifully hanged all the way, as the queen's highness passed from the tower through the city.  
Out at the windows and penthouses of every house did hang a number of rich and costly banners line 10 and streamers, till her grace came to the upper end of Cheap. Where by appointment, the right worshipful master Ranulph Cholmelie recorder of the city, presented to the queens majesty a purse of crimson satin, richly wrought with gold, wherein the city gave unto the queens majesty a thousand marks in gold, 
The city giveth a thousand marks to the queen in a purse.  as master recorder did declare briefly unto the queens majesty, whose words tended to this end; that the lord mayor, his brethren, and commonalty of line 20 the city, to declare their gladness and goodwill towards the queens majesty, did present her grace with that gold, desiring her grace to continue their good and gracious queen, and not to esteem the value of the gift, but the mind of the givers. The queen's majesty with both her hands took the purse, and answered to him again marvelous pithily; and so pithily, that the standers by, as they embraced entirely her gracious answer, so they marveled at the couching thereof, which was in words truly reported these. 
The very words of the queen uttered to the lord mayor, etc.  I thank my lord mayor, his brethren, and you line 30 all. And whereas your request is that I should continue your good lady and queen, be ye insured, that I will be as good unto you, as ever queen was to her people. No will in me can lack, neither do I trust shall there lack any power. And persuade yourselves, that for the safety and quietness of you all, I will not spare (if need be) to spend my blood, God thank you all. Which answer of so noble an hearted princess, if it moved a marvelous shout & line 40 rejoicing, it is nothing to be marveled at, sith both the haltinesse thereof was so wonderful, and the words so jointly knit.  
When her grace had thus answered the recorder, she marched toward the little conduit, 
A pageant of a square proportion, and what things the same had represented in it.  where was erected a pageant with square proportion, standing directly before the same conduit, with battlements accordingly. And in the same pageant was advanced two hills or mounteins of convenient height. The one of them being on the north side of the same pageant, line 50 was made ●ragged, barren, and stony, in the which was erected one tree, artificially made, all withered and dead, with branches accordingly. And under the same tree at the foot thereof sat one in homely and rude apparel crookedlie, and in mourning manner, having over his head in a table, written in Latin and English, his name which was Ruinosa respublica, 
●●●publica 〈◊〉.  A decayed commonweal. And upon the same withered tree were fixed certain tables, wherein were written proper sentences, expressing the causes line 60 of the decay of a commonweal. The other hill on the south side was made fair, fresh, green and beautiful▪ the ground thereof full of flowers and beauty, and on the same was erected also one tree, very fresh and fair, under the which stood upright one fresh parsonage well appareled and appointed, whose name also was written both in English and Latin, which was, 
●●●publica bene 〈◊〉.  Respublica bene instituta, A flourishing commonweal.  
And upon the same tree also were fixed certain tables containing sentences, which expressed the causes of a flourishing commonweal. In the middle between the said hills, was made artificially one hollow place or cave, with door and lock enclosed, out of the which, a little before the queens highness coming thither, issued one parsonage, whose name was Time, appareled as an old man, with a seethe in his hand, having wings artificially made, leading a parsonage of lesser stature than himself, which was finely and well appareled, all clad in white silk, and directly over her head was set her name and title in Latin and English, Temporis filia, 
Veritas temporis filia, expounded to the queen.  The daughter of Time. Which two so appointed, went forwards toward the south side of the pageant. And on her breast was written her proper name, which was Veritas, Truth, who held a book in her hand, upon the which was written Verbum veritatis, The word of truth. And out of the south side of the pageant was cast a standing for a child, which should interpret the same pageant. Against whom when the queens majesty came, he spoke unto her grace these sweet words: 
This old man with the sith,  
old father Time they call, 
The interpretation of the pageant delivered in speech to the queen by a child.   
And her his daughter Truth,  
which holdeth yonder book:  
Whom he out of his rock,  
hath brought forth to us all,  
From whence this many years  
she durst not once out look.  
The ruthful wight that sits  
under the barren tree,  
Resembleth to us the form,  
when common weals decay:  
But when they be in state  
triumphant, you may see  
By him in fresh attire,  
that sits under the ba●e.  
Now sith that Time again,  
his daughter Truth hath brought,  
We trust o worthy queen,  
thou wilt this truth embrace,  
And sith thou understandest,  
the good estate and nought,  
We trust wealth thou wilt plant,  
and barrenness displace.  
But for to heal the sore,  
and cure that is not seen,  
Which thing the book of truth,  
doth teach in writing plain:  
She doth present to thee  
the same, o worthy queen,  
For that, that words do fly,  
but written doth remain.   
When the child had thus ended his speech, he reached his book towards the queens majesty, which a little before Truth had let down unto him from the hill, which by sir john Parrot was received, and delivered unto the queen. But she as soon as she had received the book, kissed it, 
The queen receiveth Verbum Dei, kisseth it, and layeth it in her lap.  and with both her hands held up the same, and so laid it upon her breast, with great thanks to the city therefore: and so went forward towards Paul's churchyard. The former matter which was rehearsed unto the queens majesty, was written in two tables, on either side the pageant eight verses, and in the midst, these in Latin: 
Ille, vides falcem laeva qui sustinet uncam,  
Tempus is est, cui stat filia vera comes▪  
Hanc pater exesa deductam rupereponit  
In lucem, quam non viderat antè diu.  
Qui sedet à laeva cultu malè tristis inepto  
Quem duris crescens cautibus orbis obit,  
Nos monet effigie qua sit respublica, quando  
●orruit, at contra quando beata viget.  
Ille docet juvenis forma spectandus, amictu  
Scitus, & aeterna laurea fronde virens.   
The sentences written in Latin and English upon both the trees, declaring the causes of both estates, and first of a ruinous commonweal were these: Want of God's fear, disobedience to rulers, blindness of guides, bribery in magistrates, rebellion in subjects, civil discord, flattering of princes, unmercifulness in rulers, unthankfulness in subjects. Causes of a flourishing commonweal are these: Fear of God, a wise prince, learned rulers, obedience to officers, obedient subjects, lovers of the commonweal, virtue rewarded, vice chastened.  

The meaning in brée●e of this pageant.  The matter of this pageant dependeth of them that went before. For as the first declared her grace line 10 to come out of the house of unity, the second that she is placed in the seat of government stayed with virtues, to the suppression of vice; and therefore in the third, the eight blessings of almighty God might well be applied unto her: so this fourth now is, to put her grace in remembrance of the state of the commonweal, which Time with Truth his daughter doth reveal: which Truth also her grace hath received, and therefore cannot but be merciful and careful for the good government thereof. From thence, line 20 the queens majesty passed toward Paul's churchyard, 
A scholar of Paul's uttereth an oration in Latin to the queen.  and when she came over against Paul's school, a child appointed by the schoolmaster thereof, pronounced a certain oration in Latin, and certain verses, which also were there written as followeth: 
Philosophus ille divinus Plato inter multa praeclarè ac sapienter dicta, hoc posteris proditum reliquit; Rempublicam illam foeliciss. fore, cui princeps sophiae studiosa, virtutibúsque ornata contigerit. line 30 Quem si verè dixisse censeamus (ut quidem verissimè) cur non terra Britannica plauderet? cur non populus gaudium atque laetitiam agitaret? Immo, 
Laus Elisabethae regni jugum subeuntis.  cur non hunc diem, albo (quod aiunt) lapillo notaret? Quo princeps talis nobis adest, qualem priores non viderunt, qualémque posteritas haud facilè cernere poterit, dotibus quum animi, tum corporis undique foelicissima. Casti quidem corporis dotes ita apertae sunt, ut oratione non egeant. Animi line 40 verò tot tantaeque, ut ne verbis quidem exprimipossint. Haec nempe regibus summis orta, morum atque animi nobilitate genus exuperaet. Huius pectus Christi religionis amore flagrat. Haec gentem Britannicam virtutibus illustrabit, clypeóque justitiae teget. Haec literis Graecis & Latinis eximia, ingenióque praepollens est. Hac imperant pietas vigebit, Anglia florebit, aurea saecula redibunt. Vos igitur Angli tot commoda accepturi, 
Ad Anglorum gentem brevis adhortatio.  Elisabetham reginam nostram celeberrimam ab ipso Christo line 50 huius regni imperio destinatam, honore debito prosequimini. Huius imperijs animo libentissimo subditi estote, uósque tali principe dignos praebete. Et quoniam pueri non viribus sed precibus, officium praestare possunt, nos alumni huius scholae ab ipso Coleto olim templi Paulini decano extructae, teneras palmas ad coelum tendentes Christum Opt. Max. precaturi sumus, ut tuam celsitudinem annos Nestoreos summo cum honore Anglis imperitare line 60 faciat, matrémque pignoribus charis beatam reddat▪ Amen.  

Anglia nunc tandem plaudas, laetare, resulta,  
Praesto iam vita est, praesidiúmque tibi.  
En tua spes venit, tua gloria, lux, decus omne  
Venit iam, solidam qua tibi praestat opem.  

Quaenam praestabit Elisabaetha suo regimin●.  Succurrétque tuis rebus quae pessum abiere,  
Perdita quae fuerant haec reparare volet.  
Omnia florebunt, redeunt nunc aurea saecla,  
In melius surgent quae cecidere bona.  
Debes ergo illi totam te reddere fidam,  
Cuius in accessu commoda tot capies.  
Salue igitur dicas, imo de pectore summo,  
Elizabeth regni non dubitanda salus,  
Virgo venit, veniátque optes comitata deinceps,  
Pignoribus charis, laeta parens veniat.  
Hoc Deus omnipotens ex alto donet olympo,  
Qui coelum & terram condidit atque regit.    
Which the queens majesty most attentively harkened unto. And when the child had pronounced, he did kiss the oration which he had there fair written in paper, and delivered it unto the queens majesty, which most gently received the same. And when the queens majesty had heard all that was there offered to be spoken, than her grace marched toward Ludgate, where she was received with a noise of instruments, the fore front of the gate being finely trimmed up against her majesties coming. 
The queens majesty considered the city's charge.  From thence by the way as she went down toward Fleet-bridge, one about her grace noted the city's charge, that there was no cost spared. Her grace answered, that she did well consider the same, and that it should be remembered. An honourable answer, worthy a noble prince, which may comfort all her subjects, considering that there can be no point of gentleness, or obedient love showed towards her grace, which she doth not most tenderly accept, and graciously weigh. In this manner, the people on every side rejoicing, her grace went forward towards the conduit in Fléetstréet, where was the fift and last pageant erected in form following.  
From the conduit, which was beautified with painting, unto the northside of the street was erected a stage, embattled with four towers, 
A pageant in Fléetstréet described.  and in the same a square plat rising with degrees; and upon the uppermost degree was placed a chair, or seat royal, and behind the same seat, in curious artificial manner was erected a tree of reasonable height, and so far advanced above the seat, as it did well and seemly shadow the same, without indamaging the sight of any part of the pageant: and the same tree was beautified with leaves as green as art could devise, being of a convenient greatness, and containing thereupon the fruit of the date. And on the top of the same tree in a table was set the name thereof, which was a palm tree, and in the aforesaid seat or chair was placed 
* Alluding to the queens majesty no doubt.  a seemly and meet parsonage richly appareled in parliament robes, with a sceptre in her hand, as a queen, crowned with an open crown, whose name and title was in a table fixed over her head, in this sort: Deborah the judge and restorer of the house of Israel: judic. 4. And the other degrees on either side were furnished with six personages, two representing the nobility, two the clergy, & two the commonalty. And before these personages was written in a table: Deborah with her estates consulting for the good government of Israel. At the feet of these, and the lowest part of the pageant was ordained a convenient room for a child to open the meaning of the pageant. 
How willing the queen was to hear the child speak.  When the queens majesty drew near unto this pageant, and perceived, as in the other, the child ready to speak; her grace required silence, and commanded her chariot to be removed nigher, that she might plainly hear the child speak, which said as hereafter followeth: 
jabin of Canaan king,  
had long by force of arms  
Oppressed the Israelites,  
which for God's people went:  
But God minding at last  
for to redress their harms,  
The worthy Deborah  
as judge among them sent.  
In war she through God's aid,  
did put her foes to flight,  
And with the dint ofsword  
the band of bondage braced.  
In peace she, through God's aid,  
did alway maintain right,  
And judged Israel  
till forty years were passed.  
A worthy precedent,  
o worthy queen thou hast,  
A worthy woman judge,  
a woman sent for stay:  
And that the like to us line 10  
endure alway thou mayst,  
Thy loving subjects will  
with true hearts and tongues pray.   
Which verses were written upon the pageant, & the same in Latin also fixed in the face of the people: 
Quando Dei populum Canaan, rex pressit jaben,  
Mittitur à magno Debora magna Deo:  
Quae populum eriperet, sanctum seruaret judan,  
Milite quae patrìo frangeret hostis opes.  
Haec Domino mandante Deo lectissima fecit line 20  
Faemina, & adversos contudit ense viros.  
Haec quater denos populum correxerat anno●  
judicio, bello strenua, pace gravis:  
Sic, o sic populum bellóque & pace guberna,  
Deborah sis Anglis Elisabetha tuis.   
The void places of this pageant were filled with pretty sentences concerning the same matter. The ground of this last pageant was, 
The moral 〈◊〉 foresaid 〈◊〉.  that for somuch as the next pageant before had set before her grace's eyes the flourishing and desolate states of a commonweal, line 30 she might by this be put in remembrance to consult for the worthy government of her people, considering God oftentimes sent women nobly to rule among men, as Deborah, which governed Israel in peace the space of forty years: and that it behoveth both men and women so ruling to use advise of good council. When the queen's majesty had passed this pageant, she marched toward Temple bar. But at S. Dunstan's church, where the children of the hospital were appointed to stand with their governors, 
The children 〈◊〉 Christ's ●●●pitall stand ● S. Dunstan's.  line 40 her grace perceiving a child offered to make an oration unto her, stayed her chariot, and did cast up her eyes to heaven, as who should say; I here see this merciful work toward the poor, whom I must in the midst of my royalty needs remember: and so turned her face toward the child, which in Latin pronounced an oration to this effect: That after the queens highness had passed through the city, and had seen so sumptuous, rich, and notable spectacles line 50 of the citizens, which declared their most hearty receiving, and joyous welcoming of her grace into the same: this one spectacle yet rested and remained, which was the everlasting spectacle of mercy unto the poor members of almighty God, furthered by that famous and most noble prince king Henry the eight her grace's father, erected by the city of London, & advanced by the most godly & virtuous prince king Edward the sixth, her graces dear and loving brother, doubting nothing of the mercy of the line 60 queens most gracious clemency, by the which they may not only be relieved and helped, but also stayed and defended: and therefore incessantly they would pray and cry unto almighty God, for the long life and reign of her highness, with most prosperous victory against her enemies.  
The child after he had ended his oration, kissed the paper wherein the same was written, & reached it to the queens majesty, which received it graciously, both with words and countenance, declaring her gracious mind toward their relief. From thence her grace came to Temple bar, 
Temple bar 〈◊〉 with Gogmagog, & 〈◊〉 giants.  which was dressed finely with the two images of Gogmagog the Albion, & Corineus the Briton, two giants, big in stature, furnished accordingly, which held in their hands above the gate, a table, wherein was written in Latin verses the effect of all the pageant which the city before had erected, which verses were these ensuing: 
Ecce sub aspectu iam contemplaberis uno  
(O princeps populi sola columna tui)  
Quicquid in immensa passim perspexeris urbe, 
Quinque arcu● quam significationem implicita●● tenean●.   
Quae cepere omnes unus hic arcus habet.  
Primus te solio regni donavit aviti,  
Haeres quip tui ver a parentis eras.  
Suppressis vitijs, domina virtute. Secundus,  
Firmavit sedem regia virgo tuam.  
Tertius ex omni posuit te part beatam,  
Si, qua caepisti pergere velle, velis.  
Quarto quid verum, respublica lapsa quid esset,  
Quae florens staret te docuere tui.  
Quinto magnu loco monuit te Debora missam  
Coelitùs, in regni gaudia long a tui.  
Perge ergo regina, tuaespes unica gentis,  
Haec postrema urbis suscipe vota tuae.  
Vive diu, regnáque diu, virtutibus orna  
Rem patriam, & populi spem tueare tui.  
Sic ô sic petitur coelum, sic itur in astra:  
Hoc virtutis opus, caetera mortis erunt.   
Which verses were also written in English meeter, in a less table as hereafter plainly followeth: 
Behold here in one view,  
thou mayst see all that plain,  
O princess unto this  
thy people th'only stay:  
What each where thou hast seen  
in this wide town, again,  
This one arch whatsoever  
the rest contained, doth say.  
The first arch as true heir  
unto thy father dear, 
What the arches signify.   
Did set thee in thy throne  
where thy grandfather sat.  
The second did confirm  
thy seat as princess here,  
Virtues now bearing sway,  
and vices bet down flat.  
The third, if that thou wouldst  
go on as thou began,  
Declared thee to be  
blessed on every side.  
The fourth did open truth,  
and also taught thee when  
The commonweal stood well,  
and when it did thence slide.  
The fift, as Deborah  
declared thee to be sent  
From heaven, a long comfort  
to us thy subjects all.  
Therefore go on o queen,  
on whom our hope is bend,  
And take with thee this wish  
of thy town as final.  
Live long, and as long reign,  
adorning thy country  
With virtues, and maintain  
thy people's hope of thee.  
For thus, thus heaven is won,  
thus must thou pierce the sky,  
This is by virtue wrought,  
all other needs must die▪   
On the southside was appointed by the city a noise of singing children, and one child richly attired as a poet, which gave the queen's majesty her farewell in the name of the whole city by these sweet words: 
As at thine entrance first, 
The city's farewell to the queen going out at Temple bar.   
o prince of high renown,  
Thou wast presented with  
tongues and hearts for thy fair:  
So now sith thou must needs  
departed out of this town,  
This city sendeth thee  
firm hope and earnest prayer.  
For all men hope in thee,  
that all virtues shall rain,  
For all men hope that thou  
none error wilt support,  
For all men hope that thou  
wilt truth restore again, line 10  
And mend that is amiss,  
to all good men's comfort.  
And for this hope they pray,  
thou mayst continue long,  
Our queen amongst us here,  
all vice for to supplant,  
And for this hope they pray,  
that God may make thee strong,  
As by his grace puissant,  
So in his truth constant. line 20  
Farewell o worthy queen,  
and as our hope is sure,  
That into errors place,  
thou wilt now truth restore:  
So trust we that thou wilt  
our sovereign queen endure,  
And loving lady stand,  
from hensefoorth evermore.   
While these words were in saying, and certain wishes therein repeated for maintenance of truth, line 30 and rooting out of error, 
The last words of the queen to the city by way of promise.  she now and then held up her hands towards heaven, and willed the people to say, Amen. When the child had ended, she said; Be ye well assured I shall stand your good queen. At which saying, her grace departed forth through Templebarre toward Westminster, with no less shouting and crying of the people, than she entered the city with a noise of ordinance which the tower shot off at her grace's entrance first into Towerstreet. The child's saying was also in Latin verses written line 40 in a table very fair which was hanged up there: 

Carmen valedictorium a puero recitatum.  O regina potens, quum primam urbem ingredereris,  
Dona tibi linguas fidáque corda dedit.  
Discedenti etiam tibi nunc duo munera mittit,  
Omnia plena spei, votáque plena precum.  
Quip tuis spes est in te, quòd provida virtue  
Rexerit, errore nec locus ullus erit.  
Quip tuis spes est, quòd tu verum omni reduces  
Solatura bonas, dum mala tollis, opes.  
Hac spe freti orant, longum ut regina gubernes, line 50  
Et regni excindas crimina cuncta tui.  
Hac spe freti orant, divina ut gratia fortem  
Et verae fidei te velit esse basin.  
jam regina vale, & sicut nos spes tenet una,  
Quòd vero inducto, perditus error erit:  
Sic quóque speramus quòd eris regina benigna  
Nobis per regni tempora long a tui.   
Thus the queen's highness passed through the city, which without any foreign person, of itself beautified itself, and received her grace at all places as hath been before mentioned, with most tender obedience line 60 and love, due to so gracious a queen and sovereign a lady. And her grace likewise of her side in all her grace's passage, showed herself generally an image of a worthy lady and governor. But privately these especial points were noted in her grace, as signs of a most princelike courage, whereby her loving subjects may ground a sure hope for the rest of her gracious doings hereafter.  
About the neither end of Cornhill toward Cheap, one of the knights about her grace had espied an ancient citizen, 
Certain notes of the queens majesties great mercy▪ clemency, and wisdom used in this passage  which wept, and turned his head back, and therewith said this gentleman; Yonder is an alderman (for so he termed him) which weepeth, and turneth his face backward; how may it be interpreted that he so doth, for sorrow, or for gladness? The queens majesty heard him, and said, I warrant you it is for gladness. A gracious interpretation of a noble courage, which would turn the doubtful to the best. And yet it was well known, that as her grace did confirm the same, 
Of one that wept for joy and inward gladness.  the party's cheer was moved for very pure gladness for the sight of her majesties person, at the beholding whereof he took such comfort, that with tears he expressed the same. In Cheap side her grace smiled, and being thereof demanded the cause, answered, for that she heard one say; Remember old king Henry the eight. A natural child, which at the very remembrance of her father's name, took so great a joy, that all men may well think, that as she rejoiced at his name whom this realm doth hold of so worthy memory: so in her doings she will resemble the same.  
When the cities charge without partiality, and only the city was mentioned unto her grace, she said it should not be forgotten. Which saying might move all natural Englishmen heartily to show due obedience and intiernesse to their so good a queen, which will in no point forget any parcel of duty lovingly showed unto her. The answer which her grace made unto master recorder of London, as the hearers know it to be true, & with melting hearts heard the same: so may the reader thereof conceive what kind of stomach and courage pronounced the same. What more famous thing do we read in ancient histories of old time, 
The humbleness of the queen in receiving very trifles of her poor subiect● thankfully.  than that mighty princes have gently received presents offered them by base and low personages. If that be to be wondered at (as it is passingly) let me see any writer that in any prince's life is able to recount so many precedents of this virtue, as her grace showed in that one passage through the city.  
How many nosegays did her grace receive at poor women's hands? How oftentimes stayed she her chariot, when she saw any simple body offer to speak to her grace? A branch of rosemary given her grace with a supplication by a poor woman about Fleetbridge, was seen in her chariot till her grace came to Westminster, not without the marvelous wondering of such as knew the presenter, and noted the queens most gracious receiving and keeping the same. What hope the poor and needy may look for at her grace's hand, she as in all her journey continually, so in her hearkening to the poor children of Christ's hospital 
* Where her mind then was no dou●● in heaven upon God.  with eyes cast up into heaven, did fully declare: as that neither the wealthier estate could stand without consideration had to the poverty, neither the poverty be duly considered, unless they were remembered, as commended unto us by Gods own mouth.  
As at her first entrance she as it were declared herself prepared to pass through a city that most entirely loved her: so she at her last departing as it were bound herself by promise, to continue good lady and governor unto that city, which by outward declaration did open their love unto their so loving and noble prince, in such wise, as she herself wondered thereat. 
The queens majesty is 〈◊〉 forgetful to glorify God who glorified her.  But because princes be set in their seat by Gods appointing, and therefore they must first and chiefly tender the glory of him, from whom their glory issueth: it is to be noted in her grace, that for somuch as God hath so wonderfully placed her in the seat of government over this realm, she in all her doings do●th show herself most mindful of his goodness & mercy showed unto her. And among all other, two principal signs thereof were noted in this passage. First in the tower, where her grace before she entered her chariot, lifted up her eyes to heaven, and said as followeth.  

The prayer of queen Elisabeth as she went to her coronation.  
O Lord almighty and everlasting God, I give thee most hearty thanks, that thou hast been so merciful unto me, as to spare me to behold this joyful day. And I acknowledge that thou hast dealt as wonderfully and as mercifully with me, as thou didst line 10 with thy true and faithful servant Daniel thy prophet; whom thou deliveredst out of the den from the cruelty of the greedy and raging lions: even so was I overwhelmed, and only by thee delivered. To thee therefore only be thanks, honour, and praise, for ever: Amen.   
The second was the receiving of the bible at the little conduit in Cheap. For when her grace had learned that the bible in English should there be offered: she thanked the city therefore, promised the reading thereof most diligently, and incontinent commanded that it should be brought. At the receipt whereof, how reverendly did she with both her hands take it, 
As religious ● princess is queen Elisabeth as ever she was.  kiss it, and lay it upon her breast, to the great comfort of the lookers on? God will undoubtedly preserve so worthy a prince, which at his honour so line 30 reverendly taketh her beginning. For this saying is true, and written in the book of truth; He that first seeketh the kingdom of God, shall have all other things cast unto him. Now therefore all English hearts, and her natural people must needs praise God's mercy, which hath sent them so worthy a prince, and pray for her graces long continuance amongst us. 
Her coronation at Westminster.  On sunday the five and twentieth of januarie, her majesty was with great solemnity crowned at Westminster in the abbeie church there, by doctor Oglethorpe bishop of Carleill. She line 40 dined in Westminster hall, which was richly hung, and every thing ordered in such royal manner, as to such a regal and most solemn feast appertained.  
In the mean time, whilst her grace sat at dinner, sir Edward Dimmocke knight, 
Sir Edward Dimmocke knight her champion by office.  her champion by office, came riding into the hall in fair complete armour, mounted upon a beautiful courser, richly trapped in cloth of gold, entered the hall, and in the midst thereof cast down his gauntlet: with offer to fight line 50 with him in her quarrel, that should deny her to be the righteous and lawful queen of this realm. The queen taking a cup of gold full of wine, drank to him thereof, and sent it to him for his fee together with the cover.  
Now after this, at the serving up of the wafers▪ the lord mayor of London went to the cupboard, 
The lord mayor of London serveth the queen of ipocrasse.  and filling a cup of gold with ipocrasse, bore it to the queen: and kneeling before her took the assay, and she receiving it of him, and drinking of it, gave the line 60 cup with the cover unto the said lord maior for his fee, which cup and cover weighed sixteen ounces troy weight. Finally, this feast being celebrated with all royal ceremonies, and high solemnities, due and in like cases accustomed, took end with great joy and contentation to all the beholders. On wednesday the five and twentieth of januarie the parliament began, 
A parliament.  the queen's majesty riding in her parliament robes, from her palace of Whitehall, unto the abbeie church of Westminster, with the lords spiritual and temporal, attending her likewise in their parliament robes. Doctor Cox sometime schoolmaster to king Edward the sixth, and now lately returned from the parties of beyond the seas, where during the days of queen Marie he had lived as a banished man, 
john Stow.  preached now before the estates there assembled in the beginning of the said parliament. In this parliament, 
The first fruits and tenths restored to the crown.  the first fruits and tenths were restored to the crown, & also the supreme government over the state ecclesiastical, which queen Marie had given to the pope. Likewise the book of common prayer and administration of the sacraments in our mother tongue was restored.  
¶ But before this good work was agreed upon, 
Abr. Fl. ex johan. Foxi martyrologio.  there was much debating about matters touching religion, and great study on both parties employed, the one to retain still, the other to impugn the doctrine and faction which before in queen Mary's time had been established. But specially here is to be noted, that though there lacked no industry on the papists side, to hold fast that which they most cruelly from time to time had studied, and by all means practised to come by: yet notwithstanding, such was the providence of God at that time, that for lack of the other bishops, whom the Lord had taken away by death a little before, the residue that there were left could do the less: and in very deed, God be praised therefore, did nothing at all in effect; although yet notwithstanding there lacked in them neither will nor labour to do what they could, if their cruel ability there might have served. But namely amongst all others, not only the industrious courage of doctor Story, 
Doctor Story impudent and saucy.  but also his words in this parliament are worthy to be known of posterity, who like a stout and furious champion of the pope's side, to declare himself how lusty he was, and what he had and would do in his masters quarrel, shamed not openly in the said parliament house to burst out into such impudent sort of words, as was wonder to all good ears to hear, and no less worthy of history.  
The sum of which his shameless talk was uttered to this effect. First beginning with himself, 
The words of doctor Story in the parliament house.  he declared, that whereas he was noted commonly abroad, and much complained of, to have been a great doer, & a setter forth of such religion, orders, & proceedings, as of his late sovereign that dead is queen Marie were set forth in this realm, he denied nothing the same: protesting moreover that he had done nothing therein, but that both his conscience did lead him thereunto, and also his commission did as well then command him, as now also doth discharge him for the same: being no less ready now also to do the like, and more, in case he by this queen were authorised likewise, and commanded thereunto. Wherefore as I see (saith he) nothing to be ashamed of; so less I see to be sorry for: but rather said that he was sorry for this, because he had done no more than he did, and that in executing those laws, they had not been more vehement & severe. Wherein he said, there was no default in him, but in them, whom he both oft and earnestly had exhorted to the same; being therefore not a little grieved with them, for that they laboured only about the young and little sprigs and twigs, while they should have strooken at the root, and clean have rooted it out: etc. And concerning his persecuting and burning them, he denied not, but that he was once at the burning of an earwig (for so he termed it) at Uxbridge, where he tossed a faggot at his face as he was singing psalms, 
This martyr burnt at Uxbridge was master Denleie.  and set a wine bush of thorns under his feet, a little to prick him, with many other words of like effect. In the which words he named moreover sir Philip Hobbie, and an other knight of Kent, with such other of the richer and higher degree, whom his counsel was to pluck at, & to bring them under Coram; wherein (said he) if they had followed my advise, than had they done well and wisely. This or much like was the effect of the shameless and tyrannical excuse of himself, more meet to speak with the voice of a beast, than of a man. Although in this parliament some diversity there was of judgement and opinion between parties: yet notwithstanding through the merciful goodness of the Lord, the true cause of the gospel had the upper hand, the papists hope was frustrate, and their rage abated: the order and proceedings of king Edward's time concerning religion was revived again, the supremacy of the line 10 pope abolished, the articles and bloody statutes of queen Marie repealed: briefly, the furious fierbrands of cruel persecution, which had consumed so many poor men's bodies, were now extinct and quenched.]  

A motion made in the parliament house to the queen touching marriage, etc.  Moreover in the time of this parliament, a motion was made by the common house, that the queen's majesty might be sued unto, to grant her grace's licence to the speaker, knights, citizens & burgesses, to have access unto her grace's presence: to declare line 20 unto her matter of great importance, concerning the state of this her grace's realm. The which petition being moved to her grace, she most honourably agreed and consented thereunto, and assigned a day of hearing. When the day came, the speaker & common house resorted unto her grace's palace at Westminster called the White hall. And in the great gallery there, her grace most honourably showed herself ready to hear their motion and petition. And when the speaker had solemnly and eloquently set forth line 30 the message (the principal matter whereof most specially was to move her grace to marriage) whereby (to all our comforts) we might enjoy (as God's pleasure should be) the royal issue of her body to reign over us, etc. The queens majesty after a little pause made this answer following, as near as I could bear the same away (saith Grafton.)  

The queen's answer to the former line 40 motion of the parliament house.  

Rich. Grafton.  AS I have good cause, so do I give to you my hearty thanks for the good zeal and care that you seem to have as well toward me, as to the whole state of your country. Your petition I gather to be grounded on three causes, and mine answer to the same shall consist in two parts. 
The queens majesty esteemeth no life so glorious as to serve God.  And for the first I say unto you, line 50 that from my years of understanding, knowing myself a servitor of almighty God, I chose this kind of life, in which I do yet live, as a life most acceptable unto him, wherein I thought I could best serve him, and with most quietness do my duty unto him. From which my choice, if either ambition of high estate offered unto me by marriages (whereof I have records in this presence) the displeasure of the prince, the eschewing the danger of mine enemies, or the avoiding the peril of death (whose messenger the line 60 princes indignation was no little time continually present before mine eyes, by whose means if I knew or do justly suspect, I will not now utter them, or if the whole cause were my sister herself, I will not now charge the dead) could have drawn or dissuaded me, I had not now remained in this virgin's estate wherein you see me. But so constant have I always continued in this my determination (that although my words and youth may seem to some hardly to agree together) yet it is true, 
The queens majesty hath no mind to marry.  that to this day I stand free from any other meaning, that either I have had in times past, or have at this present. In which state and trade of living wherewith I am so throughly acquainted, God hath so hitherto preserved me, and hath so watchful an eye upon me, and so hath guided me and led me by the hand, as my full trust is, he will not suffer me to go alone. The manner of your petition I do like, and take in good part: for it is simple, and containeth no limitation of place or person. If it had been otherwise, 
A most excellent answer of a most excellent princess.  I must have misliked it very much, and thought in you a very great presumption, being unfit and altogether unmeet to require them that may command, or those appoint whose parts are to desire, or such to bind and limit whose duties are to obey; or to take upon you to draw my love to your likings, or to frame my will to your fancies. A guerdon constrained, and a gift freely given can never agree. Nevertheless, if any of you be in suspect, that whensoever it may please God to incline my hart to that kind of life, my meaning is to do or determine any thing wherewith the realm may have just cause to be discontented; put that out of your heads. For I assure you (what credence my assurance may have with you I can not tell, but what credit it shall deserve to have, the sequel shall declare) I will never in that matter conclude any thing that shall be prejudicial unto the realm. 
The queens promise howsoever God incline her hart.  For the weal and good safety whereof, as a good mother of my country, I will never shun to spend my life. And whomsoever my choice may light upon, he shall be as careful for the preservation of the realm as you, I will not say as myself: for I cannot so certainly promise of another, as I do surely know of myself, but as any other can be. And albeit it doth please almighty God to continue me still in this mind, to live out of the state of marriage: it is not to be feared, but he will so work in my hart, and in your wisdoms, that as good provision may be made in convenient time, whereby the realm shall not remain destitute of an heir that may be a fit governor, 
The queens words touching an heir royal the last part of their motion.  and peradventure more beneficial to the realm than such offspring as may come of me. For though I be never so careful for your well doings, and mind ever so to be: yet may mine issue grow out of kind and become ungracious. And for me it shall be sufficient, that a marble stone declare that a queen, having reigned such a time, lived and died a virgin. To make an end, I take your coming to me in good part, and give unto you eftsoons my hearty thanks, more yet for your zeal, good will, and good meaning, than for your message and petition.   
Many that for fear of persecution in queen Mary's days were fled the realm, 
The return of the protestants from exile.  and lived in voluntary exile, now that all persecution ceased by the gracious clemency of this noble princess queen Elisabeth, they returned with all convenient speed home into their native country, giving to almighty God most humble thanks for that his merciful deliverance, in sending them a governor, that not only permitted liberty of conscience, but also was ready to advance religion, and command free exercise of common prayer, preaching, and administration of the sacraments, according to the right institution of the primitive churches. 
One set on the pillory; and what punishment the queen by her own mouth appointed him.  friday the seventeenth of February, one of master Hunnings servants (that was also one of the takers of fresh fish for the provision of the queen's house) was set on the pillory in Cheapside in the fish market over against the king's head, having a bawdrike of smelts hanging about his neck, with a paper on his forehead written: For buying smelts for twelve pence the hundred, and selling them again for ten pence the quarter. He stood so likewise on the eighteenth and the twentieth day of the same month, every one of those three days from nine of the clock till twelve. The last day he should have had one of his ears slit, if by great suit made to the council by the lord mayor of London, he had not been pardoned and released out of prison. This penance was assigned to him by the queens own appointment, when to her grace his trespass was revealed. Whereby she gave a taste to the people of a zealous mind to have justice duly ministered, and faults accordingly punished, namely of those which under pretence of her grace's authority should go about to wrong and oppress her loving subjects. line 10  
This year in the Easter holidays on the monday preached at the Spittle doctor Bill, 
Preachers at S●ittle.  on the tuesday doctor Cox, & on the wednesday doctor Horn: the first was her majesties chaplain, the other two had remained at Geneva, and in other places beyond the seas all queen Maries time. On low sunday master Samson made the rehearsal sermon: but when the lord mayor and aldermen came to their places in Paul's churchyard, the pulpit door was locked, 
The pulpit 〈◊〉 Paul's 〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉.  & the key could not be heard of. Whereupon line 20 the lord mayor sent for a smith to open the lock, which was done; and when the preacher should enter the place, it was found very filthy and unclean. Moreover, the verger that had the custody of the key, which opened the door of the place where the prelates and other use to stand at the sermon time, would not open the door; but the gentlemen with a form broke it open▪ and so came in to hear the sermon. This disorder chanced by reason that since Christmas last passed there was not a sermon preached line 30 at Paul's cross, by means of an inhibition sent from the council unto the bishop of London, that he should admit no preacher, because of the controversy betwixt the bishops and other of the clergy that were now returned into the realm, from the parties of beyond the seas.  

A conference appointed ●●ncerning religion.  The last of March the parliament yet continuing, was a conference begun at Westminster concerning certain articles of religion betwixt the bishops and other of the clergy on the one part, and certain line 40 learned preachers of whom some had been in dignity in the church of England before that time on the other part. The declaration of the proceeding wherein, and the cause of the breaking up of the same conference by default and contempt of certain bishops, parties of the said conference was published in a little treatise, and imprinted by Richard jug and john Cawood, printers to the queens majesty, as here followeth. The queens most excellent majesty, having heard of diversity of opinions in certain line 50 matters of religion amongst sundry of her loving subjects, and being very desirous to have the same reduced to some godly & christian concord, thought it best by the advise of the lords, and other of her privy council, as well for the satisfaction of persons doubtful, as also for the knowledge of the very truth in certain matter of difference, to have a convenient chosen number of the best learned of either part, 
The best learned of each side to be chosen 〈◊〉 ●h●s conference.  & to confer together their opinions and reasons, and thereby to come to some good and charitable agreement. line 60  
And hereupon by her majesties commandment certain of her privy council declared this purpose to the archbishop of York (being also one of the same privy council) & required him that he would impart the same to some of the bishops, and to make choice of eight, nine, or ten of them: and that there should be the like number named of the other part: and further also declared to him (as then was supposed) what the matters should be. And as for the time, it was thought meet to be as soon as possible might be agreed upon. 
The persons 〈◊〉 & the 〈…〉.  And then after certain days passed, it was signified by the said archbishop, that there was appointed by such of the bishops, to whom he had imparted this matter, eight persons, that is to say, four bishops, and four doctors, who were content at the queens majesties commandment to show their opinions; and (as he termed it) render account of their faith in those matters which were mentioned, and that specially in writing, although he said they thought the same so determined, as there was no cause to dispute upon them.  
It was hereupon fully resolved by the queens majesty, with the advise aforesaid, 
Orders taken for qu●e● conference, and regard had of the bishops according to their dignity.  that according to their desire, it should be in writing on both parts; for avoiding of much altercation in words; and that the said bishops should, because they were in authority and degree superiors, first declare their minds and opinions in the matter, with their reasons in writing: and the other number being also eight men of good degree in schools, and some having been in dignity in the church of England, if they had any thing to say to the contrary, should the same day declare their opinions in like manner. And so each of them should deliver their writings to the other, to be considered what were to be improved therein, and the same to declare again in writing at some other convenient day, and the like order to be kept in all the rest of the matters. All this was fully agreed upon with the archbishop of York, and also signified to both parties. And immediately hereupon, diverse of the nobility and states of the realm, understanding that such a meeting and conference should be, and that in certain matters, whereupon (the court of parliament consequently following) some laws might be grounded: they made earnest means to her majesty, that the parties of this conference might put and read their assertions in the English tongue, and that in the presence of them of the nobility, and others of the parliament house, for the better satisfaction and enabling of their own judgements, to treat and conclude of such laws as might depend hereupon.  
This also being thought very reasonable, 
The day for the first meéting of this conference appointed.  was signified to both parties, and so fully agreed upon, and the day appointed for the first meeting to be the friday in the forenoon, being the last of March at Westminster church, where both for good order, and for honour of the conference, by the queens majesties commandment, the lords and others of the privy council were present, and a great part of the nobility also. And notwithstanding the former order appointed, and consented unto by both parts, yet the bishop of Winchester and his colleagues, alleging that they had mistaken that their assertions and reasons should be written, 
The bishop of Winchester's way of proceeding misliked but yet in fine followed notwithstanding the contrary provided.  and so only recited out of the book, said their book was not ready then written: but they were provided to argue and dispute, and therefore would for that time repeat in speech that which they had to say unto the first proposition. This variation from the order, and specially from that which themselves had by the said archbishop in writing before required, adding thereto the reason of the apostle, that to contend with words is profitable to nothing▪ but to subversion of the hearer, seemed unto the queens majesties council somewhat strange: & yet was it permitted without any great reprehension, because they excused themselves with mistaking the order, and agreed that they would not fail but put it in writing; and according to the former order, deliver it to the other part. And so the said bishop of Winchester and his colleagues appointed doctor Cole dean of Paul's, to be the utterer of their minds, who partly by speech only, and partly by reading of authorities written, and at certain times being informed of his colleagues what to sai●, made a declaration of their meanings, 
The manner of their first entrance into this conference.  & their reasons to their first proposition. Which being ended, they were asked by the privy council, if any of them had any more to be said: and they said; No. So as then the other part was licensed to show their minds, which they did according to the first order, exhibiting all that which they meant to be propounded in a book written, which after a prayer & invocation made most humbly to almighty God, for the enduing of them with his holy spirit, and a protestation also to stand to the doctrine of the catholic church, builded upon the scriptures, and the doctrine of the prophets and the apostles, was distinctly read by one line 10 Robert Horn bachelor in divinity, late dean of Duresme. 
* Afterwards bishop of Winchester.   
And the same being ended with some likelihood, as it seemed that the same was much allowable to the audience: certain of the bishops began to say contrary to their former answer, that they had now much more to say to this matter. Wherein although they might have been well reprehended for such manner of cavillation, yet for avoiding of any mistaking of orders in this colloquy or conference, and for that they should utter all that which they had to say: it line 20 was both ordered, 
Another order taken for the next meeting to con●er.  and thus openly agreed upon of both parts in the full audience, that upon the monday following, the bishops should bring their minds and reasons in writing to the second assertion, and the last also if they could, and first read the same, and that done, the other part should bring likewise theirs to the same. And being read, each of them should deliver to other the same writings. And in the mean time the bishops should put in writing, not only all line 30 that which doctor Cole had that day uttered: but all such other matters as they any otherwise could think of for the same: and as soon as they might possibly, to send the same book touching that first assertion to the other part, and they should receive of them that writing which master Horn had there read that day, and upon monday it should be agreed what day they should exhibit their answers touching the first proposition.  
Thus both parts assented thereto, and the assembly quietly dismissed. And therefore upon monday, line 40 the like assembly began again at the place & hour appointed: 
A new assemblee on the monday according to appointment.  and there (upon what sinister or disordered meaning is not yet fully known, though in some part it be understanded) the bishop of Winchester and his colleagues, and especially Lincoln, refused to exhibit or read, according to the former notorious order on friday, that which they had prepared for the second assertion. And thereupon by the lord keeper of the great seal, they being first gently and favourably required to keep the order appointed; and that line 50 taking no place, being secondly as it behoved, pressed with more earnest request: they neither regarding the authority of that place, nor their own reputation, nor the credit of the cause, utterly refused that to do. And finally being again particularly every of them apart, distinctly by name, required to understand their opinions therein: they all saving one (which was the abbot of Westminster, having some more consideration of order and his duty of obedience than the other) utterly and plainly denied line 60 to have their book read, some of them more earnestly than others, and some other more undiscreetly and unreverently than others.  

The stuburnesse of the adverse part an occasion to dissolve this assembly.  Whereupon giving such example of disorder, stubborness and selfewill, as hath not been seen and suffered in such an honourable assembly, being of the two estates of this realm, the nobility and the commons, besides the presence of the queens majesties most honourable privy council, the same assembly was dismissed, and the godly and most christian purpose of the queens majesty made frustrate. And afterwards for the contempt so notoriously made, the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln, having most obstinately both disobeyed common authority, and varied manifestly from their own order, and specially Lincoln (who showed more folly than the other) were condignly committed to the tower of London, and the rest (saving the abbot of Westminster) stood bound to make daily their personal appearance before the council, and not to departed the city of London and Westminster, until further order were taken with them for their disobedience and contempt.  

The three propositions whereupon conference was determined to have been at Westminster.  
1 IT is against the word of GOD, and the custom of the ancient church, to use a tongue unknown to the people, in common prayer, and the administration of the sacraments.  
2 Every church hath authority to appoint, take away, and change ceremonies and ecclesiastical rites: so the same be to edification.  
3 It cannot be proved by the word of God, that there is in the mass offered up a sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead.   

The names of such as had conference in the propositions aforesaid.  
The B. of Winchester.  
The bishop of Lichfield.  
The bishop of Chester.  
The bishop of caerleil.  
The bishop of Lincoln.  
Doctor Cole.  
Doctor Harpesfield.  
Doctor Langdall.  
Doctor Chedseie.  
D. Scorie B. of Chiche.  
Doctor Cox.  
Master Whitehed.  
Master grindal.  
Master Horn.  
Master doctor Sands.  
Master Gest.  
Master Elmer.  
Master jewel.   
The bishops and doctors sat on the one side of the queer at a table for them prepared, & the other learned men sat at another table on the other side of the same queer. And at the upper end thereof at an other table sat the queens majesties council, desirous to have seen some good conclusion of the said conference, although (as ye may perceive by that which is above recited) it came to small effect. In this mean time, a treaty of peace, which had been in hand the last year, first at Lisle, and after at the abbeie of Cercampe, a three leagues from Dorlens, 
A treaty for peace betwixt the kings of Spain and France.  betwixt the two kings of Spain and France, was now renewed again, and the deputies were appointed to meet at Chasteau Cambresi, a six leagues distant from cambray. For the king of Spain, the duke of Alva, the prince of Orange, the bishop of Arras, Rigomes de silva earl of Mellito, monsieur Uiglius Zwichem, knight and precedent of the privy council in the low countries, who nevertheless came not, because he was letted by sickness. For the French king there came the cardinal of Lorraine the constable, the marshal of saint Andrew, 
The deputies or commissioners appointed for the princes.  the bishop of Orleans, and claud de Aubespine, the said king's secretary. For the queen of England, the bishop of Elie, the lord William Howard baron of Effingham lord chamberlain to the said queen, doctor Nicholas Wootton dean of Canturburie and York.  
For the duke of savoy, there were the earl of Stropiana, & the precedent of Asti. And as a mean or mediatrix between the parties, there was Christierna duchess of Lorraine, with her son the young duke, which duchess, as well here as before at Cercampe, traveled most earnestly to do good betwixt the parties, and to bring them to a final accord, whose endeavour therein was to the great good liking & contentation of all the said parties. After that this treaty had continued a long time, and now rested nothing to stay them from concluding a general peace, but only the article touching Calis, at length that matter was also accorded by a special treaty betwixt the queens majesty of England, 
〈…〉. The articles of the peace betwixt the greene's ma●●●tie and the French king.  & the French king, Guido Cavalcanti a gentleman of Florence line 10 being the mean to bring the same to effect. The substance of which articles was, that Calis should rest in the Frenchmens hands, for the term of eight years, and at the end of that term, they covenanted to render the same: or else for default, to forfeit unto the queens highness the sum of five hundred thousand crowns; and for surety hereof, to deliver four hostages, such as her majesty should think sufficient. And in case the town were not delivered at the end of the said eight years, though the money were line 20 paid according to the covenants: yet notwithstanding the right and title to the said town and country adjoining, should always remain and be reserved unto the crown and realm of England. It was further concluded also, that a peace should be firmed and had betwixt the realms of England and Scotland, such fortresses to be razed as had been built and made by the Scots and French on the borders towards England, as Haimouth and others.  

Sir john Mason.  Sir john Mason knight, secretary for the French line 30 tongue, was sent over in post with instructions unto the English commissioners, after whose coming, within two or three days, 
A general peace betwixt the kings of France and Spain.  a general peace was concluded betwixt all the parties, the articles whereof not touching England, we have of purpose omitted. But now after the conclusion of this peace, the said sir john Mason returned in post with the same: and so thereupon, the seventh of April, the said peace was proclaimed; 
The peace proclaimed.  to wit, betwixt the queens majesty on the one part, and the French king on the other, line 40 their realms, dominions, and subjects; and likewise betwixt her said majesty and the king Dolphin and queen of Scots his wife, their realms, dominions, and subjects. This proclamation was made by Garter Norreie king at arms, accompanied with three other heralds, & five trumpeters: the lord mayor of London & the aldermen in their scarlet gowns being also present, & riding in company of the said heralds.  

Plays and interludes forbidden for 〈…〉.  The same time also was another proclamation made under the queens hand in writing, inhibiting, line 50 th●t from thensefoorth no plays nor interludes should be exercised, till All-hallows tide next ensuing. 
The lord Wentworth arraigned and acquitted.  Upon saturday the two and twentieth of April, the lord Wentworth, late deputy of Calis, was areigned at Westminster, upon an indictment of treason found against him, in the late queen Mary's days, for the loss of Calis: but he was acquitted by his peers, the lord marquess of Northampton sitting that day as chief steward of England, under the cloth of estate. The eight of May, the parliament line 60 brake up; in which parliament, beside other things before recited, concluded, and passed in the same; a subsidy was granted to the queens highness, 
A subsidy granted o●●●●●●ables 〈…〉.  of two shillings eight pence the pound of movable goods, and four shillings of lands, to be paid at two several payments, of every person spiritual and temporal, towards the better furnishing of her majesty with money, for the necessary charges which she was presently occasioned to sustain, finding the treasure of the realm greatly consumed, and the revenues of the crown sore diminished, and the same crown much indebted, by taking up of notable sums of money by way of loan upon interest, as well in the days of her brother K. Edward, as her sister queen Marie. The fourteenth of May being whitsunday, the service in churches began according to the book of common prayer, set forth and established in this last parliament, correspondent to that which was used in the days of her brother king Edward. 
john Stow. A muster at Gréenwich by the citizens of London in presence of the queen.  Upon sunday the second of julie, the citizens of London set forth a muster before the queens majesty at Greenwich in the park there, of the number of 1400 men, whereof 800 were pikes, armed in fine corselets, four hundred shot in shirts of male, with morgans, & two hundred halbarders armed in Almain rivets: these were furnished forth by the crafts and companies of the city. To every hundred two wifflers were assigned, richly appointed and appareled for the purpose. There were also twelve wardens of the best companies mounted on horseback in coats of black velvet, to conduct them, with drums and fiffes, and six ensigns, all in jerkins of white satin of Bridges, cut and lined with black sarsenet, and caps, hosen, and scarves according. The sergeant Majors, captain Constable, and captain Sanders, brought them in order before the queen's presence, placing them in battle array, even as they should have fought; so as the show was very fair, the emperors and the French kings ambassadors being present.  
In this month also, the archbishop of York, the bishops of Elie, London, and others, to the number of thirteen or fourteen, being called before the queens council, and refusing to receive the oath touching her majesties supremacy, and other articles, were deprived from their bishoprics: in whose rooms and places, first for cardinal Poole, 
Bishops deprived and others succeeding. john Fox.  succeeded doctor Matthew Parker, archbishop of Canturburie. In the place of Heth, succeeded doctor Young. In steed of Boner, Edmund grindal was bishop of London. For Hopton, Thurlbie, Tunstall, Pates, Christoferson, Peto, Coats, Morgan, Feasie, White, Oglethorpe, &c: were placed doctor john Parkhurst in Norwich, D. Cox in Elie, jewel in Salisbury, Pilkenton in Duresme, doctor Sands in Worcester, master Downam in Westchester, Bentam in Coventrie and Lichfield, David in S. Davies, Ally in Excester, Horn in Winchester, Scorie in Hereford, Best in Carleill, Bullingham in Lincoln, Scamler in Peterburie, Bartlet in Bath, Gest in Rochester, Barlow in Chichester, etc. In like manner, were diverse deans, archdeacon's, parsons, & vicar's, removed from their benefices, and some of them committed to prison in the Tower, Fleet, Marshalsea, and King's bench.  
Moreover, 
Commissioners sent abroad for establishing of religion.  about the same time were commissio-appointed to visit in every diocese within the realm, for the establishment of religion, according to the order appointed by act and statute, passed and confirmed in the last parliament. For London were appointed sir Richard Sackuill knight, Robert Horn doctor of divinity, doctor Huic a civilian, and master Savage; who calling before them diverse persons of every parish, swore them to inquire and make presentment accordingly, upon certain injunctions drawn and devised, for the better accomplishment and execution of that which they had in charge. Furthermore, about the same time, by virtue of an act established in parliament, all such religious houses as were again erected and set up, were now suppressed, as the abbeys of Westminster, the houses of the nuns and brethren of the Zion and Shéene, the black friars of Gréenwich, etc. And on the twelve of August being saturday, 

Religious houses suppressed.  
Images taken down and burned in the streets.   the high altar in Paul's church, with the rood & the images of Marie and john, standing in the rood fit, were taken down, & the prebendaries and petty canons commanded to wear no more their grey amises, but to use only a surplice in service time. This was done by commandment of doctor grindal, newly elect bishop of London, doctor May, then also newly elected dean of Paul's, and other the commissioners then appointed. 
diverse popish relics consumed to ashes.  Also on the even of saint Bartholomew, the day and morrow after, were burned in Paul's churchyard, Cheapside, and diverse other places of the city of London, all the roods and other images of churches: and in some places, the copes, vestments, and altar clothes, books, banners, sepulchres, and rood lofts, were likewise committed to the fire, and so line 10 consumed to ashes.  
¶ The fift of September about midnight, fell a great tempest at London, 
Ex I. S. 1113. Churches in London stricken & broken by tempest.  in the end whereof, a great lightning, with a terrible clap of thunder strake the spire (being stone) of the steeple of All-hallows church in Bredstréet, about a ten foot beneath the top, out of the which fell a stone that slew a dog, and overthrew a man playing with the same dog, and the spire of the steeple was so perished, that not long after the same was taken down with less charges to the parish, line 20 than the repairing would have cost. And at the same instant, by the same tempest, one of the southdores of S. Dionise church in Fenchurchstréet, with the door of the revestry of the same church, were both stricken through and broken.]  
Upon friday the eight of September, was kept in Paul's church of London a solemn obsequy for Henry, 
An obsequy for the French king, Henry the second, in whose time Calis was lost.  the second of that name, king of France, who departed this life, about the tenth of julie last passed, of a wound received the 29 of june, in running line 30 at tilt in a solemn justs holden at Paris, in honour of the marriage celebrated betwixt his sister the lady Margaret of France, and Philibert duke of Savoie. He was stricken on the viser with a lance, as he ran against the count de Montgomerie: the spilts entering by the sight of his headpiece, & piercing through his eye into his head, so perished his brain, that there was no mean to save his life.  
The obsequy for him was kept in very solemn wise, 
The manner of the obsequy  with a rich hearse, made like an imperial line 40 crown, sustained with great pillars, and covered with black velvet, with a valence stringed with gold and richly hanged with scutcheons, pennons, and banners of the French kings arms, without any lights. And on the beer was laid a rich pall of cloth of gold, with a coat armour of the arms of France, and a crest, with an imperial crown standing upon the beer: doctor Parker archbishop of Canturburie elect, doctor Barlow bishop of Chichester elect, and doctor Scorie bishop of Hereford elect, executing at line 50 the dirge of this evening song in English, they sitting in the bishop of London's seat, in the upper queer, in surplices, with doctor's hoods about their shoulders. The chief mourner was the marquess of Winchester, lord treasurer, assisted with ten other lords mourners, 
The chief mourners at this obsequy.  with all the heralds in black, and their coat armours uppermost.  
On the morrow being saturday, & ninth of September, a sermon was preached by doctor Scorie, in place of doctor grindal bishop of London, who being line 60 appointed to preach that sermon, was letted by sickness. After the sermon, six of the lords mourners received the communion with the bishops, 
Six bishops receive the communion.  which bishops were in copes and surplices, only at the ministration of the said communion. Which being finished, there was a great dinner kept in the bishop of London's palace by Paul's, where the mourners appareled them, and so ended the solemnity of the said exequys. The bishops had black gowns given them, and eight black coats a piece for their servants, at the queens charges.  
¶ About the last of September, john duke of Finland, 
Ex I. S. pa. 1114. Ambassador from Swethen received into England.  second son to Gustabus king of Swethen, was sent by his father to treat a marriage for his eldest brother Ericus, with the queens majesty of England: he arrived at Harwich in Essex, and was there honourably received and entertained by the earl of Oxford, which said earl, and the lord Robert Dudleie, with a goodly band of gentlemen and yeomen, conveyed him to London, where he was received of divers knights and gentlemen of the court, on the fift of October, and was with his train of about the number of fifty persons well horsed, conveyed to the bishop of Winchester's place in Southworke, where he was lodged during his abode here, and removed from thence two days before Easter homewards, and sped on his message as may appear by that which followeth, taken out of johannes Lewenclaij comment. de bellis Moscorum.  
Ericus king of Swethen, son of Gustabus late king of the said kingdom, 
The queen's majesty sued unto out of Denmark● about marriage.  having committed to prison his brother john duke of Finland, whom a little before he had employed into England on an embassage to the queens majesty, whom he sued to for marriage, and had his suit rejected; again the second time solicited her majesty in the same suit notwithstanding, to his great dishonour, and (as it fell out) his just disgrace. He attempted the same matter with the youngest daughter of Philip Landgrave Uanhessen, at whose hand (having the second time been rejected of her majesty here) the matter being known there, he also not only received a denial, but the lady was by her father bestowed upon Adolfe duke Uan Holst, uncle of Fredrick king of Denmark, than enemy of the said Ericus. Thus far johannes Lewenclaij.] 
johannes Lewenclaij.   
¶ Cuthbert Tunstall was translated from London to Durham, 
Fr. Thin. Description and commendation of bishop Tunstall.  after the death of cardinal Wolseie, of whom (besides that which Holinshed in this book reporteth) I will say a little, he being so reverend a prelate; as the managing of the prince's affairs by him doth well witness, and this present age can yet well remember. This man (being of a mild condition) was borne at Hachaford in Richmondshire, and (as Leland hath left in writing that he heard) the base son of one Tunstall an ancient gentleman: whose ancestors (as I have read) came into England with the conqueror, attending on him as his barber, for which cause he beareth in his arms three combs as a note to posterity of the original of his gentry. 
The arms of Tunstall.  Which bishop although he is supposed to have been base borne (as many noble captains and other the valiant persons of the world have been, whereof six hundred examples as hath the proverb might be produced) yet was he not base in learning, eloquence, gravity, and honourable calling both in spiritual & temporal affairs: both in service of the prince and in charge of his church. For (besides many other offices that he exercised) he was master of the rolls: sundry time ambassador to foreign princes, bishop of London, and from thence (by virtue of Clement the seventh his bulls to K. Henry the eight in the year 1530, 
Tunstall bare office.  the five & twentieth of March) advanced to the see of Durham, and (by the king's letters) elected thereunto the year before said. In the which function he behaved himself, as the worthiness of the estate required, and as the doctrine of the church in those days would permit; of which I mean not to entreat, neither of his fall or rising: but will only meddle with mere temporal accidents, as one that hath not been accustomed to die his pen in the blood of men's consciences, nor in the opinions of religion.  
Wherefore to omit all such things, I say of this bishop, that he was a man singularly learned (& as Caius termeth him Litera●issimus) in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues; and did not only erect sumptuous buildings for the mind and inward man (in furnishing when he was bishop of London a library in Cambridge, with many notable both written and printed books: compiling also many other books, aswell of divinity as of other sciences, whereof at this day his arithm●tike is of great estimation through Europe) but did also for the flesh & outward man build from the ground a most beautiful porch or gatehouse (with a chapel annexed thereunto) of fair stone in the castle of Durham, 
Buildings founded by Tunstall, etc.  withal adding unto the said castle certain gates with iron bars and portcullises supported with strong walls line 10 of stone on each part for the more strength against the enemy: not forgetting to make a water-conduit for the ease of washing (and to serve the other offices in the house) on the left side of the entrance into the said castle. To which these sumptuous deeds (for they are very heroical) may be added the gatehouse built at Alnewike, and the tolboth in the market of Durham all of stone, with the rest of the houses of office next unto the hinder part of the said tolboth, which afterward (with other great liberalities) line 20 he gave to the citizens of Durham.  
lastly (at his own charge) he new repaired with stoneworke the third part of Tinbridge, which his predecessor Thomas Langleie recovered against the manor of Newcastle: and which, others his predecessors (as occasion was offered therefore) did from time to time most stately repair. In the end about the latter reign of Edward the sixth (being by Kinian or Ninian, Menuile or Menille, accused, 
Tunstall deprived from his bishopric.  for that he somewhat favoured the Roman religion, line 30 and was not so forward in furthering of the gospel as that time required) he was for that cause deprived from his bishopric, from all other ecclesiastical government, and committed to the tower: where he remained all the time of K. Edward. Afterward (by the benefit of queen Marie) in the first year of her reign, he was reinvested into his see of Durham, which he possessed all the time of her government: 
Tunstall restored.  during which he was not so severe an executor of the Roman canons against the protestants, line 40 as the other bishops of England were.  
But she not continuing long (such are the inconstancies of our estates & uncerteinties of our troubles) he was again (by the noble queen Elisabeth) deprived of his bishopric, after disputation and conference had at Westminster: in which he defended the Roman religion, in the first year of the said Elisabeth, about the truth of Christ's gospel: and was committed to Matthew Parker bishop of Canturburie, who used him very honourably, both for the line 50 gravity, learning and age of the said Tunstall. But he not long remaining under the ward of the said bishop, did shortly after the eighteenth of November in the year 1559 depart this life at Lambeth, where he first received his consecration, 
Tunstall death.  being a man of such age, as that he attained to the number of fourscore & five years when he died. He was buried in the queer of the church of Lambeth, whose funeral sermon was done by Alexander Nowell, than (& now in the year 1586) dean of Paul's. Who taking this line 60 theme to entreat upon, Blessed are they which die in the Lord, did there deliver such liberal & singular commendation of this man for his virtuous life, learning, gravity, and good service done to many princes of England, that more could not be said of any man, being spoken truly. Such force hath virtue, that we ought to commend it even in our enemies, over whose dead carcase in the said church of Lambeth is laid a fair marble, 
〈◊〉 Par. in act. 〈◊〉. Cant. ca ●. Warham.  in which is engraven this epitaph of his, devised by doctor Walter Haddon▪ 
Anglia Cutbertum Tunstallum ●●oesta requirit,  
Cuius summa domi laus erat ●tque foris:  
Rhetor, arithmeticus, juris consultus & aequi,  
Legatúsque, fuit, denique praesul erat.  
Annorum satur, & magnorum plenus honorum,  
Vertitur in cineres aureus iste senex.   
This man was (as it should appear in stories) full of contumarie and self will, untractable he was and of nature rebellious. 
john Fox.  For saith master Fox in the reign of king Edward, being cast into the tower for his disobedience, where he kept his Christmas three years together, more worthy of some other place without the tower, if it had pleased God otherwise not to have meant a further plague to this realm by that man. Howbeit he was endued with such excellency of learning, and that of sundry suits, that of the learned he is noted for a mirror of that age wherein he lived: and albeit a papist, yet not deprivable of the praise which it pleased God to provide for him (being an enemy unto the truth, perhaps through fear as many more) by those rare and manifold good means wherewith he was adorned. Insomuch that Leland, a man of a clear judgement and great insight to discern between substantially and superficially learned, comparing this bishop Tunstall with profound Budeus, saith as followeth: 
Qua te nostra canet Tunstalle Britannia laud? 
Collatio Bude● & Cutberti Tunstalli.   
An qua Budaeum Gallia docta suum?  
Candidus ille studet Graecam celebrare Mineruam,  
Graecorum celebras tu monumenta patrum.  
Ille colit veteres intento pectore leges,  
Sunt studij leges cura diserta tui.  
Ille rudes assis docuit cognoscere parts,  
Tu numeros primus verba Latina loqui.  
Gallia causidicum tecum dignare Britannum  
Conferri, niveis dignus utérque notis.]   
In this mean time, 
Anno Reg. 2. Trouble in Scotland.  through controversy raised betwixt the Scotish nobility, and the queen Dowager of Scotland, which chanced especially about matters of religion, certain of the lords there minding a reformation therein; and the queen resisting them to her power, in purpose to maintain the old popish religion, which some name catholic; diverse companies of soldiers and men of war were sent out of France into Scotland to aid the said queen, 
Frenchmen sent into Scotland.  where they were placed in diverse towns and forts, to the high displeasure of the more part of the Scotish nobility: who loathing to be oppressed with strangers in that sort, 
The Scots sue to the queen's majesty of England for aid against the French.  were forced to sue unto the queen of England for aid to expel the French, who sought to subvert the ancient state of that realm, and to annex the same unto the crown of France.  
Their suit was the better liked of, for that it was doubted, lest the Frenchmen (under pretence of bringing an army into Scotland to appease the Scots) might attempt some invasion here in England, considering that by procurement (as was thought) of the duke of Guise, uncle to the queen of France and Scotland, a title should seem to be pretended by his niece, the foresaid queen, as might be gathered by manifest conjectures of the usurping of arms, and so forth. The names of the lords of Scotland that made suit for aid against the Frenchmen at this season, were these: 
The lords of Scotland that were confederate together against the French.  the duke of Chateau le reault, the earl of Arraine his son, the lord james prior of saint Andrews, the earl of Argile, the earl of Glencarne, the earl of Rothouse, the earl of Southerland, the earl of Mounteith, the earl of Huntleie, the earl of Cathnes, the earl of errol, the earl Martial, the earl of Morton, the earl of Cassils', the earl of Eglenton, the earl of Montros, the lord Ruithuen, the lord Boid, the lord Ogletrée, the lord Erskin, the lord Dromond, the lord Hume, the lord Roose, the lord Chreighton, the lord Levingston, the lord Somerwell, the master of Lindseie, the master of Maxwell.  
The queens majesty, with advise of her grace's council, considering of this weighty business, and withal foreseeing the malicious purpose of her adversaries, and how the queen of Scots was in France married and governed, so as she was not able to use the liberty of her crown, did think it best to prevent such mischiefs as might ensue, if timely remedy were not used, to displace such dangerous neighbours the Frenchmen, that began to nestle themselves thus strongly so near at hand for no good purpose, 
The queens majesty determineth to aid the Scots.  as easily might be guessed. Hereupon was a power raised and sent forth both by sea & land, line 10 the duke of Norfolk being appointed general, and sent into the north, for the direction thereof. And first master William Winter, 
Sir William Winter viceadmerall.  appointed viceadmerall of the queens navy northwards, made sail toward Scotland, and wasting alongst the coast in januarie, year 1560 came into the Forth, & so to the road of Leith, and there cast anchor, as well to impeach the landing of such Frenchmen, as might happily be sent forth of France, to the aid of the French there, against the Scotish lords, named of the congregation; as also to line 20 keep them that lay in Insketh from victuals: and likewise to see that none of the Frenchmen by water should pass to or from Leith: but to watch them so, as they should not enjoy any commodity that might come to either place by the same water.  
Moreover, after that the army by land was come together into the north parts, and had sojourned at Berwick and thereabouts, 
The lord Grey general of the army.  the lord Greie of Wilton being appointed general of the said army, departed with the same out of the bounds of Berwick, and marched to Coldingham, where they encamped that line 30 night. 
Sir james Croft.  saturday the thirteenth of March, sir james Croft, and sir George Howard departed Berwick to the army, with all the lances and light horsemen, containing the number of twelve hundred and fifty horses. 
The number of horsemen and footmen in the army. The chiefest in charge of this army.  The number of the footmen amounted to above six thousand in all. The chief governors of which army were th●se: the lord Greie of Wilton lieutenant general, sir james Croft assistant with him in that charge, the lord Scroop lord marshal, sir line 40 George Howard general of the men at arms and demilances, master Barnaby Fitz Patrick his lieutenant, sir Henry Persie general of the light horsemen, Thomas Hugghens esquire provost marshal, Thomas Gower master of the ordinance, master William Pelham captain of the pioneers, Edward Randoll esquire, sergeant Maior, mas●er Thomas Burrough, master Cuthbert Uaughan, master Williams, and master Cornwall corporals.  
This saturday at night the army encamping at line 50 Dunglas, 
Dunglasse.  the horsemen lodged in sundry villages near about. Sir james Croft lay that night at Coberspeth, in the lard of Whitlaies' house. Sunday the last of March, the army removed from Dunglas, and marching by Dunbar, 
A skirmish at Dunbar.  there issued out of the town certain horsemen and footmen, offering a skirmish: towards whom certain of the English lances and pistoliers, with certain harquebutters, made forwards: but they kept themselves within their strength. Yet some of the English horsemen line 60 approached them so near, 
Two horsemen & one footman slain.  that in skirmish two of the enemies horsemen, and one footman were slain. The Englishmen received little damage, saving that Peter Mince, one of their horsemen was hurt there. This done, the army marched on to Linton brigs, where the footmen encamped that night. 
Linton brigs.  The horsemen lay at Hadington, and in diverse other small towns: and sir james Croft lay at Clarkington, west of Hadington, at the lard of Cockburns' house.  
Monday the first of April, the camp removed from Linton brigs unto salt Preston, and there encamped. 
Salt Preston.  This evening sir james Croft, with divers of the captains in his company, m●t with the earl of Arraine, the lord james prior of saint Andrews, 
The earl of Arraine accompanied with other of the Scotish nobility.  the master of Maxwell, sir William Kirkaudie lard of Grange, and diverse other of the Scotish nobility with three hundred horse in their train. After they were met and had saluted each other, they road altogether unto salt Preston, where at the end of the town, my lord Greie lord lieutenant met them, and embraced them, & so they lighted from their horses, and entered into communication for the space of an hour, and after took leave each of other, and so departed for that night.  
tuesday the second of April, my lord Greie, sir james Croft, my lord Scroop, sir George Howard, with diverse of the captains, 
The duke of Chateau le rault and his company.  road to Musklebourgh church, and there tarried the coming of the duke of Chateau le rault, for the space of full two hours: at length he came accompanied with his son, the earl of Arraine, the earls of Argile, Glencarne, Southerland, Menteith, and Rothus, the lord james prior of saint Andrews, the lord Ru●thuen alias Riven, the lord Ogletrée, the lord Boid, the master of Maxwell, the lard of Ormeston, the master of Lindseie, the bishop of galloway, the abbot of saint Colmes inch, the abbot of Culros, the lard of Pettirrow, the lard of Cunningham head, the lard of Grange, and diverse others. They were two hundred horse in train.  
Upon the duke's approach, they all lighted on foot, 
The English and Scotish gentlemen meet, embrace, and consult.  as well on the one part as the other: and after courteous embracings, and gentle salutations, they entered into the house of one William Atkinson, near to Undreske church, and sat there in council the space of two hours, & then departed for that night. The army lay still in camp at salt Preston, from monday, till saturday, Palmesundaie even. On wednesday, the third of April, my lord Greie, sir james Croft, and my lord Scroop, sir George Howard, sir Henry Persie, and diverse other captains and gentlemen, road unto Pinkeie, a house of the abbot of Dunferns, distant a mile and a half from the camp, where the earl of Arraine, and the lord james Steward, with diverse other noble men of Scotland meeting them, did conduct them into the said house, where they had long conference together, which ended, they went to dinner, and after dinner, they returned with my lord lieutenant to salt Preston, and viewed the English camp. thursday the fourth of April, five young gentlemen, 
The Scotish pledges appointed to pass into England.  appointed to pass into England for pledges, & bound thither by sea, through contrary winds were forced to come on land at salt pans. Their names were as follow.  
The lord Claud Hamilton fourth son unto the duke of Chateau le rault, Robert Douglas half brother to the lord james Steward, Archebald Campbell lord of Loughennell, George Gream second son to the earl of Monteith. james Coningham son to the earl of Glencarne: they were brought up to salt Preston, and remained there that night. saturday the sixth of April, being palmsunday even, the camp raised from salt Preston, and marched forwards. 
A crag called Arthur's s●at.  Half a mile from Lesterike, beneath a crag, called Arthur's seat, the duke of Chateau le rault, the earl of Arraine, the earl of Argile, the lord james prior of saint Andrews, and the rest of the noble men of Scotland, accompanied with two hundred horsemen, or thereabouts, and five hundred footmen, stayed for the coming of the English army. Whereupon the lord Greie, sir james Croft, the lord Scroop, sir George Howard, and sir Henry Persie, repaired to them, 
Conference between the English and Scotish.  and had conference there with the duke, and other of the Scotish lords that were in his company. In the mean while the army stayed: but yet at length, the horsemen, the vanguard and battle, were commanded to march forth, who accordingly passing forward alongst by the place where the duke & Scotish lords stood, held upon their way, till they approached near to Lesterike.  
At their coming thither, Trombull, the queen regent's trumpet, came to my lord lieutenant, and brought with him a safe conduct, given under her hand & seal, for the safe repair of sir james Croft, sir George Howard▪ and six others to accompany line 10 them. Whereupon they preparing themselves to go to her (after they had talked with my lord lieutenant, 
Sir james Cro●t, and sir George Howard, went to talk with the 〈◊〉.  and the duke Chateau le reault) they departed towards Edinburgh, where the said queen as then lay within the castle. There went with them master Summerset, master Pelham, and four other gentlemen. Whilst they were in conference with the queen, although an abstinence of all hostility by appointment taken betwixt my lord Greie and the said queen ought to have ceased, the Frenchmen line 20 to the number of nine hundred, or a thousand shot, backed with five hundred corselets and pikes, & about fifty horsemen, were come forth of Leith, under the conduction of monsieur Doisell, and the count Martigues, colonel of the French footmen. My lord Greie understanding thereof, came up to the hill, appointed an officer at arms called Rogue Cross, 
My lord Greis message sent to the Frenchmen.  to go unto them; with commandment from him, that they should retire their forces forth of the field into the town of Leith: for if it were not for line 30 the promise which he had made to the queen Dowager, he would cause them to departed, not much to their ease.  
The herald doing his message, received answer, that they were upon their master and mistress ground, and therefore meant not to remove from it. Rogue Cross returning with this answer, was sent again from my lord lieutenant, to command them eftsoons to go their way back to Leith: for if they did not, he would surly send them away with line 40 a mischief. But scarce had the herald done this second message, when the Frenchmen stepping forth, discharged a whole volee of their shot into the field against my lord Greie and his company. Hereupon, the Englishmen and they fell in skirmish, which continued for the space of four hours and more, 
A sharp and ●long skirmish between ●oth parts. The Frenchmen repelled by the Englishmen.  so hot & earnestly maintained on both parts, that the like had not lightly been seen many a day before. Yet at length, the Englishmen drove the French footmen over the hill, won the crag from line 50 them, and put them from a chapel, where they had stood a great while, using it for a covert and safeguard for them against the Englishmen'S shot.  
Then the enemies that were in Leith shot off diverse pieces of their great artillery out of the town against the Englishmen, who on the other part brought forth two field pieces, and covered them with a troup of horsemen; and having planted them to some advantage, discharged the same among the enemies: who perceiving that, gave place, & suddenly line 60 the English demilances gave a charge, broke in amongst them, and slew diverse. To conclude, they were put from their ground, and forced to retire back into Leith, being followed wellnear to the very gates of that town. 
● Church●●●d. The number 〈◊〉 the English 〈◊〉 French 〈◊〉.  There were slain in this skirmish of the French, about a seven score, and amongst them twelve men of name, beside some of them that remained prisoners. Of the Englishmen, there were also diverse slain, and many hurt. But if the ground had been known to the Englishmen, and what advantage was offered to them by that presumptuous coming of the enemies so far from their hold, it was thought their whole power might easily have been cut off, and utterly distressed. After that this skirmish was ended, 
The Frenchmen driven into Leith.  and the Frenchmen driven into Leith, the army encamped at Lesterike. The same day the Scotish hostages were embarked to pass into England. Towards evening; sir james Croft, and sir George Howard, returned from the queen regent, after they had spent a long time in talk with her.  
On sunday the seventh of April, a new trench was cast beside the crag, and thereon two pieces of ordinance planted. The same day, sir james Croft, sir George Howard, and sir Henry Persie, went again upon assurance, to talk with the queen Dowager▪ Monday the eight of April, the Frenchmen shot at the English camp very sore out of S. Nicholas steeple, 
Saint Nicholas Steeple planted with two great hot pieces.  where there were two great pieces placed for to annoy them, although they did no great hurt. But the same night, the Englishmen cast a trench beyond the crag, and placed in the same trench certain small pieces of artillery, which went off the next day against the enemies: and they likewise shot off again at the Englishmen; and so likewise on wednesday the tenth of April, on which day, a great part of the carriages for the great ordinance, and diverse bullets for the same, were landed, and much thereof removed, and brought to the innermost trench. thursday the eleventh of April, the great ordinance was landed, 
Ordinance landed.  and two pieces thereof mounted into their carriages.  
The twelve of April being good friday, 
Good friday to some bad friday.  a bullet of a great piece of ordinance, being shot out of Leith early in the morning, did light in the camp, and slew three men. The same night, they were answered again with four or five canons, and demicanons. saturday was spent in warding the trenches, and mounting the great artillery. 
War maketh no difference of time.  Sunday the fourteenth of April, being Easter day, the Englishmen shot off in the morning all their great ordinance, and the Frenchmen answered them again, and so they continued most part of that day, in shooting one at another. The footmen also skirmished so, that diverse were hurt on both parts. 
The pile of Blackeness● surrendered.  The same day, the pile of Blackness was surrendered to master Winter, upon sight of the canon. There were within it eighteen Frenchmen, who were brought away prisoners, and the house delivered to master james Hamilton. The same day, nine Frenchmen appareled like women, came forth of Leith, 
Nine Frenchmen in women's apparel.  and counterfeiting some like demeanour to the apparel wherein they were disguised, trained one of the English scouts within their danger, whom they took, and chopped off his head, which they set upon the top of one of their church stéeples.  
Monday the fifteenth of April about noon, 
Black monday.  there issued out of Leith a fifty horsemen, and about five hundred arquebusiers: who making to the new trenches, 
The Frenchmen win the trench.  were upon the Englishmen that warded in such wise upon the sudden, before they could be brought into any order; that so entering the trenches, they slew and wounded no small number: and possessing the trenches a while, stopped and cloyed the touch holes of three pieces of the artillery, took master Maurice Barkeleie prisoner, and his ensign. 
Master Barkeleie taken prisoner.  Brian Fitz Williams was sore wounded, and a foul fright there was. The alarm being brought to the camp, sir james Croft and other repaired toward the trench with all expedition, and perceiving the Frenchmen to be masters of one of the trenches, he called to captain Uaughan, commanding him with his band to enter the trench, and to relieve those that were hardly beeset of the Frenchmen.  
This was done with great manhood showed by the said Uaughan and others, who entering the trench, 
The Frenchmen repelled, and some of them slain.  repelled the enemies, and slew sixteen of them that were in the trench. captain Summerset and captain Read with their bands followed them also, as they retired, and master Arthur Greie, with certain of his demilances, of whom he had the conduction, suddenly came upon them, and charging them with great courage, drove them into the town, and made no small slaughter of them. 
Master Arthur Greie hurt in the shoulder.  In which charge master Arthur Greie was shot through the shoulder. The great artillery in Leith was not idle, during this skirmish, discharging to the number of an hundred shot, greatly to the annoyance of the English, and hindrance of the service, which else might by them line 10 have been achieved. This night the Englishmen drew back their ordinance, which the Frenchmen had cloyed with nails and wires in the touch-holes, but the same were planted again before day. Moreover, our pioneers cast a new trench along by the old chapel.  

A new supply cometh to the army, the captains names.  tuesday the sixteenth of April, a supply of two thousand & two hundred footmen came to the camp, over whom were captains, sir Andrew Corbet, sir Rowland Stanleie, sir Thomas Hesketh, sir Arthur line 20 Manwering, sir Laurence Smith, master Francis Tunstall, master Edward Littleton, captain Carvel, Philip Sturleie, and David Morris. They were guarded with five hundred horsemen: sir Ralph Sadler, sir Francis Leake, sir john Forster, and sir Nicholas Strange having charge to see them safely conducted: who after they had brought them past all danger of enemies, left them in safety by the way, & were come a day or two before them to the camp. wednesday the seventeenth of April, 
An hot alarm of an hours continuance.  it reigned sore line 30 the more part of the day; but yet the same night master Winter caused diverse of the shipbotes, being very well manned, to give a great alarm at the side of the town towards the water, discharging many basses and arquebusiers of Croke into the town: the alarm was very hot for the space of an hour. During this business there was a right pitiful cry made by the women and children within the town. 
Ordinance planted in trenches.  The pioneers being applied in work to make trenches, on friday all day at night they placed line 40 certain pieces of the ordinance in the trenches beside the chapel.  
saturday the twentieth of April, many pieces were shot off out of the trenches into the town. There issued notwithstanding out at the gates an hundred shot, which placed themselves in the holes of the banks, to hails such of the Englishmen as came forth to offer the skirmish. All this day also the pioneers, both Scots and English were occupied in making of a new trench near to the town. Sir line 50 Geruis Clifton & captain Read with their bands guarded them, and two hundred lances. The same day the residue of the great ordinance with armour was brought on land. Sunday the one and twentieth of April, 
The bishop of Ualence and his company.  the bishop of Ualence named Monluc, accompanied with sir Henry Persie, and three hundred light horsemen came to Lesterike: the lord lieutenant, sir james Croft, the lord Scroop, and sir Ralph Sadler met him at the further end of the ward that line 60 was set of purpose for his entering into the camp. After they had received him with salutations according unto the manner, he was conducted by Rogue Cross the officer of arms from the camp into Edinburgh, and so went up to the castle to confer with the queen Dowager. 
A skirmish of two hours continuance.  He was no sooner entered into the castle, but that there issued forth of Leith the number of two hundred Frenchmen about twelve of the clock, and began a hot skirmish, which continued two hours, at the which diverse were slain on both parts.  
The same night the lord lieutenant caused nine pieces of the great ordinance to be planted in the new trench: 
More ordinance planted.  so that the next day being monday, the same pieces were shot off very early, directly towards the steeple of saint Anthony's church. And although those pieces lay a quarter of a mile off, the pieces of ordinance that lay in the same steeple were dismounted by them, and likewise those that lay in the steeple of saint Nicholas church, 
The enemies ordinance displaced.  at the which diverse pieces were levied, and within six or seven tire the pieces that lay in that steeple were also displaced, and a gunner slain that stood at one of them, the piece and the gunner coming tumbling down both together. In this church (as was reported) their store of victuals and munition was laid, so that battery was made against the same all that day, and a great piece of the church wall beaten down, and the steeple defaced. The bishop of Ualence, after he had talked with the queen Dowager, returned to commune with the lords of the congregation.  
tuesday the three and twentieth of April, 
A sort raise●.  being saint George's day, the pioneers Scotish and English were busily applied in work, about the casting of trenches to make a fort; and still the artillery went off against the town. 
A skirmish.  wednesday the four and twentieth of April about three of the clock in the after noon, there issued out of Leith seventeen horsemen, who offered the skirmish: and under the place called little London, where they were busy in fortifying all that day, three or four hundred of their shot were placed ready to break out, if occasion served. At length certain of the English lances gave a charge upon their horsemen, who therewith retiring, drew the Englishmen within danger of their shot. But although the Frenchmen that day showed themselves very valiant in skirmishing even in the face of the English artillery: yet being now eagerly pursued by those lances, 
The French repelled.  they were forced to retire without any great hurt done to the Englishmen, although the skirmish continued near hand two hours. In this last charge young master Browne was hurt.  
thursday the five and twentieth of April, 
The new 〈◊〉 called Montpelham.  the pioneers laboured sore for the most part of the day in finishing the new fort named Montpelham: to the guard whereof captain Uaughan was appointed governor, with twelve hundred soldiers. This fort was raised on the south side of the town, the plot whereof was cast square, with four bulwarks at every corner, and tw●●●e battering pieces planted in places convenient within the same. This thursday also, 
Another skirmish.  about five of the clock in the after noon, there issued out of Leith on the east side seventy or eighty horsemen, and two hundred arquebusiers, offering the skirmish, towards whom certain of the English light horsemen roundly made, and charging them, drove them back to their footmen, who with their shot received the light horsemen so sharply, that they were forced to retire. In which retire james Hamilton a Scotishman was taken prisoner, 
james Hamilton taken prisoner  for the rescue of whom the horsemen made forward again: but the enemies shot was so hot, that they were not able to recover him; but yet they slew two of the French horsemen in sight.  
During the time of this skirmish, there was great shooting off with the great ordinance on both sides, & much hurt done as well to the English as French. This day captain Perith, and captain Haies, having charge of a troup of light horsemen under sir Henry Persie, 
Prisoners taken and slain.  and the lord of Grange were taken prisoners before Dunbar; and to the number of twenty or thirty others were likewise taken or slain the same time. The same night also, two thousand footmen with the pioneers were sent to the other side of the town, beyond the canon mills, where the pioneers cast a trench for the safe lodging of the army, which removed the next day being friday, and the six and twentieth of April from Lesterike down into the valley by the said canon mills called the red Braies, 
The army r●mooueth from Lester●ke to the red Braies.  near to the river side on the south part of the town of Leith. As the army was thus removing from Lesterike towards the said place called the red Braies, the Frenchmen within Leith shot off many of their great pieces of artillery, but without doing any great hurt. As the army was encamping, 
A skirmish, and what was done in the same.  certain of the enemies horsemen and line 10 footmen skirmished with the English lances and light horsemen a long time; there were two Frenchmen slain and their horses also. In the time of this skirmish two canons were conveyed and planted in the new trench, which discharged diverse shots at the enemies.  
saturday the seven and twentieth of April, the great artillery was planted aloft on the hill above the camp, 
The planting 〈◊〉 the great artillery.  within less than a curriers shot of the town walls, and the pioneers were set a work to line 20 cast new trenches from the place where the same ordinance was lodged unto Montpelham, drawing so near unto Leith, as the harquebus might reach them that watched and warded within the green bulwark. There issued out of Leith under the west bulwark certain of the Frenchmen, the which were chased into the town by the lard of Grange and others. 
A trench 〈◊〉 from the 〈◊〉.  The French kept the same day a trench which they had made without the town, continually shooting at the Englishmen in the camp: but the same night the Englishmen won that trench from them, line 30 slew diverse of them therein, together with their scout. And this done, they gave a great alarm to the town both by land and water, the shipbotes shooting off against the town very hotly, and they within the town likewise at the Englishmen. The same night was the great ordinance planted, 
Great ordinance planted 〈◊〉 dischar●●●.  and master Markham hurt. On sunday the eight and twentieth of April the said great ordinance went off, and shot continually the more part of that day. The line 40 bishop of Ualence departed the same day towards Berwick: and this night sir George Howard that had been sent back to Berwick, to signify to the duke of Norfolk the state of the siege, returned with sir Richard Lee, being conducted with five hundred horsemen.  
Monday the nine and twentieth of April, the pieces of the great artillery were occupied in shooting off very hotly, 
A skirmish.  and the French likewise shot off theirs, and coming forth of the town skirmished line 50 with the Englishmen. This night the pioneers made new trenches toward the south bulwark. tuesday the last of April was spent in shooting off the great artillery into the town. 
A fire in 〈◊〉, and augmented with shot of ordinance and 〈…〉 weather.  About five of the clock in the after noon, a sudden fire was raised within the town, which hugely increased and continued the most part of that night. At the beginning when it first appeared, the English ordinance was shot off to the place where the fire was, which shot together with help of the wind, and being very great at that present, line 60 did marvelously augment the same fire: yet nevertheless the French at that present time offered a skirmish, and continued the same near hand for the space of two hours, manned their walls, and made the best provision they might for doubt of some assault. It was indeed appointed, that certain bands should make an alarm to the town: 
captain Uaughan.  in so much that captain Uaughan with diverse of the soldiers of Montpelham entered the ditch, and approaching the walls, discovered the height of them. And notwithstanding that the French did what they could to annoy them in the diches with currier shot, yet did captain Uaughan stay in the ditch a pretty while, and retired with his men without receiving any great hurt.  
wednesday the first of May, 
May poles set up in Leith on May day.  the Frenchmen set up very early in the morning their May poles in certain bulwarks, and fourteen ensigns: the which being discovered of them in the camp, they saluted them with a peal of great ordinance, and likewise the Frenchmen answered them again, and so continued the most part of that day. 
A trench won from the French.  The same day john Brian lieutenant to captain capel, won a trench from the French at the west side of the town, and in despite of them kept it all that day with the loss only of one man. thursday the second of May, the pioneers made the trenches for the artillery to be planted in battery. The night following they removed and placed the same artillery in the new trench: and the next morning being friday and the third of May, about four of the clock, the same battery went off, and continued all that day. In the after noon of the same day certain Frenchmen issued out of the west bulwark, and skirmishing with the Englishmen on that side the water, returned without any great hurt.  
The night ensuing the pioneers made a new trench by the citadel wherein they might lodge some shot, and captain Uaughan with diverse of the bands in Montpelham gave two false assaults to the town, entered the ditches, and viewed the flankers: whereupon the French shot off the same flankers, 
captain Uaughan vieweth the enemies flankers.  and manning their walls, shot off two or three volees of their small artillery, slaying and hurting to the number of twenty of the Englishmen. Among other, little Norton lost his life that night, and so at length the residue returned. saturday the fourth of May, there were three ensigns appointed to guard the new trenches, and towards night, when the ward should be relieved, and the watch set, the Frenchmen that were in the trench under the citadel, made a sally upon the sudden. Whereupon the Englishmen that guarded the said trench were constrained to abandon a great part thereof for a time: 
The French repelled by the English.  but yet the Englishmen eftsoons taking courage, laid to them afresh, repelled them again, & drove them back into their own trenches, slew four of them in sight, and hurt many others. This was the lot of war▪ to be overthrown by force of the enemy, as the poet saith: Qui Martem experti, per vim subiguntur ab host.  
Whilst this was in doing, the French had stuffed their bulwarks and rampires with curriers and arquebusiers of Croke, as thick as was possible, which went off without ceasing at the Englishmen, for the space of an hour and more. The English artillery planted in the trenches did answer them again continually, and the great pieces did much hurt among them, in sight of them that watched in the same trenches. The same night the Englishmen conveyed two culverins over the water to scour the mills: and before the break of the day they had burnt one of the same mills. Sunday the fift of May early in the morning at the relieving of the watch, 
The mills burnt by the English and the French driven from thence.  and entering of the ward, four soldiers that belonged to the great ordinance issued out, and set fire on the other mill, which burned very outrageously without ceasing, for the space of an hour or more. The French began to assemble towards the mill, in hope to have quenched the fire, but they were deceived: for suddenly the Englishmen cut two holes through their trenches, & placing in the same the two dem●culuerings, shot them off at the Frenchmen, so that they were driven to forsake the mill, and in their retire some of them were slain.  
This day also, as four French gentlemen came forth to discover the English trenches, captain Read commanded one of his soldiers to shoot at them, but through mishap his piece burst, and a shiver thereof slew out, 
captain Reads arm broken.  and broke the arm of his said captain. Monday the sixth of May, the army lying quiet all the morning, in the afternoon the English ordinance on the further side the water began to shoot off against the enemies very hotly, so continuing till night. This day the earl of Argile, and diverse other noble men of Scotland, 
The earl of Argile with his army commenth to Edinburgh.  came to Edinburgh with two thousand horsemen and footmen, who showed themselves in order of a muster, on the hill underneath the castle. Which being perceived of the French line 10 within Leith, they shot off three great pieces of artillery at them, but (as God would have it) without hurt, for two of the bullets lighted short, and the third did fall in a garden within the town of Edinburgh. The night ensuing, the great ordinance in the Englishmen'S trenches and bulwarks continued shooting on every side. And héerewith commandment was given by the lord lieutenant, and the council, that the whole army should be ready armed with their weapon and furniture according by midnight. line 20  

The assault given to Leith the seventh of May.  In the morning by two of the clock the seventh of May being tuesday, diverse bands passed forth towards the town, and entering the ditches offered the scale: other captains with their men approached the bulwarks, and other there were appointed to enter beside the mills. Beside the English bands commanded thus to give the assault, there were a thousand Scots joined with them, whereof five hundred with captain Uaughan, and such other captains as line 30 were commanded to attempt the bulwark next to Montpelham, and other five hundred went with such of the English captains as were commanded to assault the breach beyond the water. Moreover, as well the lances as light horsemen were assigned to guard the fields; 
The horsemen appointed to guard the field.  sir George Howard with the lances keeping betwixt the fort of Montpelham and the sea westward, and sir Henry Per●ie with the light horsemen betwixt the camp and the sea eastward. The rest of the footmen that went not to the assault, line 40 were also appointed to guard the trenches and field, in such wise as was thought expedient. So that perfect direction was given in every behalf by the lord lieutenant, and other of the council. And upon warning given by captain randal sergeant mayor, such as had been commanded to give the assault in their several appointed places, pressed forward with courage enough, and boldly adventured to climb the walls, & enter at the breaches, but yet their attempt wanted the wished success: for what through the line 50 Frenchmens policy in stopping the currant of the river that night, 
The English men repelled by the policies and devices of the French.  and other devices for their own safeguard, and the annoyance of the assailants: and what by reason of the unfitness of the ladders, being too short by two yards and more, the assailants were repelled. For during the whole time of the assault, which continued for the space of an hour and a half, the French shot off their flankers, and maintained their shot from the walls so thick, that it seemed a very hell for the time. line 60  
They also hurled down over the walls upon the assailants heads, great plenty of stones, logs, and mighty pieces of timber, which did much hurt to the Englishmen and Scots, that forced themselves to climb up. But yet nevertheless, many there were that entered the town in sundry places, of the which some came back again, although others were beaten down and slain. To conclude, at length all that escaped with life, were forced to retire with the loss of seven or eight score Englishmen, 
The number slain & hurt at the assault.  some have said two hundred, which were slain outright, beside those that were wounded, being in number at the least two or three hundred: and amongst other, there were diver se captains and gentlemen that were hurt, as sir Thomas Hesketh, master Sutton, master Newport, master Conweie, captain Wood, Thomas Fitton, with others. Upon the repulse thus given to our men by the French, they advanced and set up fourteen ensigns presently about the town, and continued otherwise quiet all that day. wednesday the eight of May in the afternoon, 
Sir George Howard and sir Richard Lée.  sir George Howard, and sir Richard Lée departed towards Barwike with certain companies of horsemen for their safe conduction. thursday the ninth of May, the Frenchmen wrought very earnestly within the town, to fortify the necessary places, and repair the breaches, even in the face of the English ordinance, which went off diverse times, and did them much hurt.  
The same day also the French had manned to the sea wards a boat fraught with fifty arquebusiers, meaning to convey them over to Insketh: but the English ships discovering them, prepared certain boats to encounter them, whereof they being aware, returned. friday the tenth of May, master Inglebie, captain Pickman, and captain Brown, 
A supply from Barwike of four hundred and fifty soldiers.  came to the camp from Barwike, with a supply of four hundred and fifty soldiers. The same day about ten of the clock at night, there chanced a brawl to fall out among the Scots that watched in the trenches nearest unto the town of Leith on the west side, insomuch that one of them fell to and killed an other: which disorder being perceived of the French within Leith, they issued out, and meant to have used the vantage: but the Englishmen that watched near unto the Scots stayed the fray, and did not only bring them to quiet, but also put the Frenchmen to flight. On sunday the twelve of May, about midnight the Frenchmen, to the number of two hundred, sallied forth of the town, minding to give a camisado to the Englishmen, who kept watch that night in the trenches at the westside of Montpelham; but they were descried, and certain of them killed, and so had the repulse. 
Sir Francis Leake bringeth a supply to the camp.  wednesday the fifteenth of May, sir Francis Leake came to the camp with a supply of five hundred men from Barwike.  
thursday the sixteenth of May towards night, the Frenchmen to the number of one hundred footmen, and thirty horsemen, came abroad and showed themselves very brave, skirmishing with the Englishmen at the west end of their town. tuesday the one and twentieth of May, about seven of the clock at night, there issued forth of Leith six horsemen, and one hundred footmen arquebusiers, marching toward Montpelham to offer skirmish. Whereupon captain Uaughan went forth to them very orderly, 
A skirmish b●●twéene the English and French.  and skirmished with them a pretty while: and in the mean time, off went the great ordinance on both sides. In the end the Frenchmen were driven to retire into the town, for the Englishmen showed themselves very eager, and valiantly charged their enemies, put them to retire, and chased them in at their gates, 
The Frenchmen chased.  to the which they followed them right hardily.  
The same night, master Francis Summerset and other captains were appointed to keep a ●ort built above the camp; and now finished, took name of him being captain thereof, and was after called Summersets mount. The same day a soldier of captain Druries band was hanged for going to Edinburgh, contrary to a proclamation, 
Summerse● mount.  inhibiting any soldier so to do without special licence. wednesday the two and twentieth of May, sir Peter Carew came to the camp, 
Sir Peter Carew sen● from the court.  being sent from the court. thursday the four and twentieth of May at seven of the clock at night, the French sallied forth to the number of two hundred footmen, and twenty horsemen, at the relief of the warders when the watch should be set, meaning (as it appeared) to have won the trenches from the Englishmen. Whereupon a sore skirmish followed, 
〈…〉 wherein 〈◊〉 French 〈…〉.  diverse slain, and many hurt on both parties: yet in the end the Frenchmen were driven home by plain force. This was at the west side of the town, where they had fortified towards the sea.  
The same day the Frenchmen of Dunbar took an English hoy laden with double beer, 
〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉 taken.  beef, oxen, line 10 and s●itches of bacon. saturday the eight of june, sir john Nevil with three hundred men, captain Bridges, and captain Drury, with other three hundred, set from Barwike towards the camp, where they arrived on monday the tenth of june, 
〈◊〉 queen Dowager 〈…〉 life.  on which day the queen Dowager departed this life. The thirteenth of june, sir William Cicill, principal secretary to the queen's majesty, and doctor Wotton dean of Canturburie and York came to Barwike, appointed commissioners on her said majesties line 20 behalf, to treat of an accord with the conte de random, and the bishop of Ualence, commissioners sent for that purpose from the French king, and his wife Marry queen of Scotland. 
〈◊〉 French 〈…〉 to their 〈◊〉.  The fourteenth of june being friday, a certain number of Frenchmen came forth of Leith to gather cockles on the sands towards Montpelham: which the Englishmen perceiving, set upon them, slew threescore and ten, and took sixteen of them prisoners.  
On sunday the sixteenth of june, the fore remembered line 30 commissioners came to Edinburgh: 
Sir William 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Wotton 〈◊〉 to E●●●●urgh.  and as master secretary and doctor Wotton passed the English forts and camp, they were saluted with a gallant peal of the arquebusiers that shot off their harquebusies very lively. Monday the seventeenth of june about eight of the clock, an abstinence of war was concluded, warning being given by the discharging of two pieces of the great artillery out of the castle; and then the Frenchmen showed and advanced themselves upon their rampires. saturday the two and twentieth of june, the abstinence line 40 was broken off, which till then had been truly kept and observed. thursday the fourth of julie, about three of the clock in the after noon, the French came out of Leith, according to their accustomed manner to gather cockles. Whereupon the lord lieutenant being at that present in Montpelham, 
Frenchmen 〈…〉 as they gathered 〈◊〉.  sent a drum unto monsieur Doisell to signify to him that his soldiers had gone further without their bounds than they might do by the order taken by the commissioners line 50 of both parts. Doisell answered, that they were no soldiers, but poor people which went to gather cockles for their relief and sustenance. The drum said, that if they kept not themselves within their appointed limits, my lord lieutenant meant to send them back not greatly to their ease: whereunto Doisell replied, that if he so did, he would do the best he could to aid them. Hereupon the English horsemen and footmen out of Montpelham gave a charge upon them, and slew of them to the number of fifty, and took certain of the residue prisoners. friday line 60 the sixth of june, about six of the clock in the afternoon, issued out of Leith fourteen horsemen, and an hundred footmen, which offered the skirmish: but upon the shooting off the great artillery from Montpelham, they retired home again into the town.  
The night following about twelve a clock, one Scattergood an Englishman that was a gunner, 
Scattergood 〈…〉 the Frenchmen.  & had feigned himself to flee from the English camp for manslaughter into Leith, and was received of the Frenchmen, believing that he had meant no deceit, came out of the town, after he had remained there about seven days: in which mean while he had understood fully the state of the town, and now upon his return made relation thereof as he knew. On saturday the sixth of june, 
Orders taken for the restraining of all signs of hostility.  the lord Greie lord lieutenant, master secretary Cicill, and sir Ralph Sadler, betwixt three and four of the clock in the afternoon, gave order that there should no piece be shot, nor show of hostility made till seven of the clock the same night: and herewith sent sir Gerueis Clifton unto all the soldiers that warded in the trenches and bulwarks on the west side of Leith, to command them to observe the like order. And sir john Nevil was sent with like commandment unto the soldiers that lay in Summersets mount. The peace now in the mean time being concluded, 
The peace concluded and word sent to the French that it should be proclaimed.  on the morrow being sunday, and seventh of june, sir Francis Leake, and sir Gerueis Clifton, accompanied with two French gentlemen, were sent to the town of Leith, to signify unto monsieur Doisell, the bishop of Amiens, la Brosse, Martigues, and other the French lords and captains, that they were come thither by commandment from the commissioners, to cause the peace already concluded to be proclaimed: which accordingly was done in manner as followeth.  

The form of proclaiming the foresaid peace between the parties at hostility.  
THe most mighty princess, Elizabeth by the grace of God, queen of England, France, & Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: and the most christian king, Francis and Marie, by the same grace of God king and queen of France and Scotland: have accorded upon a reconciliation of a peace and amity to be inviolably kept, betwixt them, their subjects, kingdoms and countries. And therefore in their names it is strictly commanded to all manner of persons borne under their obeisances, or being in their service, to forbear all hostility either by sea or land, & to keep good peace each with other from this time forwards, as they will answer thereunto at their uttermost perils.   
Immediately after this proclamation was ended, sir Francis Leake and sir Gerueis Clifton were brought to monsieur Doisels lodging, 
Sir Francis Leake and sir Gerueis Clifton banketted by monsieur Doisell.  where was prepared for them a great banquet of thirty or forty dishes: and yet not one either of flesh or fish, saving one of the flesh of a powdered horse, as a certain person hath written that tasted thereof, as he himself avoucheth. ¶ Here than we see the course of war, the end whereof of necessity must be peace. For when both parts are either wearied, weakened, slaughtered, or so discomfited, as that they be constrained to surcease, lest they be slain every mother's son: then peace is sought, and hard conditions received rather than it shall be refused. O that it were Gods will (saith Schardus writing of the accidents happening in the year 1570, 
Schardius in rebus gestis su● imperatore Maximiliano secundo.  which all men counted a fortunate and blessed year, albeit famine, the Turkish war, the pestilence, and most cruel overflowings of waters did then outrageously take on: because three very grievous wars, namely the first of the Polanders against the Muscovites, the second of France within itself by civil dissension, & the third between the Sweveners and the Danes, were then finished) O that it were Gods will (saith he) that kings and princes would be admonished by examples in due time to consult of peace, and to make much thereof, rather than after many calamities sustained and taken, to think how beneficial and precious it is. Then should they without seeking or sweeting enjoy those things which to obtain they undertake great voyages, and yet nothing near their purpose without much bloodshed, slaughter, and wastfulnesse; as sometime very wisely said Cyneas to Pyrrhus, disuading him from the Italish war: line 10 and as one both learnedly and fitly writeth, saying: 
Hic est perpetuus saeclorum lusus & usus,  
Ludendi ut faciat consumpta pecunia finem:  
Sic ubi vastatae gentes lachrymantur & urbes,  
Aurea tum demum feruntur foedera pacis.  
Heu quanto satius foret haec praevertere damna!  
Atque animos hominum saluis coalescere rebus!]   
Thus have I been more large in this matter concerning the siege of Leith, 
Why this historiographer is so large in the description of this siege of Leith.  than may be thought peradventure necessary, sith the thing is yet fresh in line 20 memory: but because there came to my hands certain notes of one or two persons that were there present, and for help of their own memories wrote the same, I have thought it not impertinent to insert the effect of them, that the same may serve to further those that hereafter shall write the history of this time more at large, sith my purpose is not to continue the same otherwise than I find things noted in the abridgements of john Stow and Richard Grafton: except in some recital of expeditions and journeys line 30 made, as this, and other into Scotland, and that same of the right honourable the earl of Warwick into Normandy, which I have thought good to enlarge, according to such notes as have come to my hand, beseeching the readers to accept the same in good part: and if any thing be omitted, either in this place or any other, that were as necessary to be spoken of, as those points which I have touched, or afterwards may touch, to impute the fault to the want of good instructions, and not to any negligence or lack line 40 of good will in me to advance every man's worthy doings according to his merits.  
But now concerning the articles of the peace, being about thirteen in all, 
The articles of the peace at the siege of Leith.  the chiefest may seem to rest herein, that the French soldiers and men of war should departed out of the realm of Scotland within a short time limited of twenty days, as Ludovico Guiciardini hath noted; six score of them only excepted, as three score to abide in Insketh, and three score in the castle of Dunbar, they to be answered line 50 their wages at the hands of the estates of Scotland, and to be subject unto the laws and ordinances of that realm. That the fortifications about Leith should be razed and demolished: and likewise the fort which had been built and raised before the castle of Dunbar by the French, for a strength thereto. That the Frenchmen should not convey into Scotland any men of war, or munitions without consent of the parliament assembled of three estates of that realm. That the king and queen of France & Scotland should not from thensefoorth bear the arms line 60 of England, sith the same appertained only to the queen's majesty of England and to no other person.  
These and other articles were comprised and established in the conclusion of this peace, 
The end of this peace thus concluded.  as well to the honour and surety of the queens majesty of England, her realms, dominions, and subjects, as also for the wealth and preservation of the realm of Scotland, 
See more hereof in Scotland pag. 374.  the nobles and other subjects of that realm. After that this peace than was fully established, agreed, and concluded, the Frenchmen were embarked at Leith in English vessels; those only excepted that were appointed to remain as pledges with the Englishmen till the ships came back again, and a few other that were permitted to pass through England into their country. 
The commen●dation of the foresaid concluded peace.  Thus were the French forces removed out of Scotland, a matter so much importing to the confirmation of peace betwixt us and that realm, and also to the avoiding of further perils, that this journey ended with so honourable and profitable a peace, concluded by the high industry and prudent policy of our queens majesties commissioners afore mentioned, may be accounted one of the most necessary expeditions, and most beneficial services that had been made and put in practice in many years before. 
T. Church-yard.  For the queens majesty (as some have truly written) had not only her chief desire, by removing of the French her dangerous neighbours, 
The queens' meaning in removing 〈◊〉 French out 〈◊〉 Scotland.  that were about to nestle themselves so near her elbow: but also a perfect peace with the Scots was thereby procured, like to continue many years (if the said Scots shall not seek their own woe) being full unable to advantage themselves by wars against us, as to the wiser and best sort of them I trust is not unknown.  
But to leave the further consideration of the benefit that may grow hereof to this realm, unto their judgements that have riper heads to understand the same: I will proceed, and herewith make an end of this matter, concerning the siege of Leith. After that the Frenchmen were departed, and the forts about Leith and Dunbar razed and demolished, according to the covenants of peace, 
The queens army revoke out of Scotland.  the queens majesty called back her army without retaining any piece within Scotland to her own use. In which honourable and upright dealing, she won more fame and estimation, than if she had seized and kept in her possession half the realm of Scotland: specially regarding the perplexed state of the people by war, which she redressed by the establishment of peace, a thing which she always loved, as the contrary she mortally hated: as one hath noted of her grace, saying: Virgo pacis amans, quae stat contraria bellis.  
The queens majesty by the advise of her most honourable council, meaning to abolish all corrupt, base, and copper moneys than currant in this realm of England, coined in the times and reigns of king Henry the eight, and king Edward the sixth, to the great hindrance and decay of the commonwealth of this realm, and therewith to restore unto all her subjects fine and pure sterling moneys, both of gold and silver, to the great honour and benefit of the whole realm: 
john Stow. A fall of bas● money & making of new coins.  published a proclamation on Michaelmas even before noon, that the teston coined for twelve pence, and in the reign of king Edward embased by proclamation to six pence, should now forthwith (that of the best sort marked with the port●uleis) be currant for four pence halfpenny: the second marked with the greihound for two pence farthing: the third and worst sort not marked as afore, not to be currant at all, nor received for any value. The groat to be currant for two pence, the former piece of two pence for a penny, etc.  
It was not long after this, 
Anno Reg. 3.  but that her grace restoring to her subjects fine sterling money, called all the said base and corrupt coins into her majesties mint, allowing to them therefore after the rate before mentioned, so much of the said fine moneys as they brought in of the said base moneys. year 1560 About the same time, 

Additions to Lanquet.  
The queen furnisheth hi● land with armour and munition.   her grace also finding this realm greatly unfurnished of armour, munitions, and powder, for the defence thereof in time of necessity, did so largely and plentifully prepare and cause to be brought into the same, such sufficient furniture of armour and weapons, as England hath just cause to praise and give thanks to God and her majesty; for that it is certain, that the realm was never so amply stored nor provided of all manner of kinds of convenient armour and weapons, as it is at this present. The one and twentieth of March a notable Grammar school was founded by the master, 
The merchant ●●●lors free school.  wardens, and assistants of the right worshipful company of the merchant tailors of London, in the parish of S. Laurence Pontneie in the same city, the right worshipful Emanuel Lucar, Robert Rose, William Merike, john Spark, & Robert Duckington then master and wardens of that company.  
The tenth of April was one William Geffreie line 10 whipped, from the Marshalsea in Southworke, to Bedlam without Bishop's gate of London, year 1561 for that he professed one john Moor to be Christ our saviour: 
William Geffreie whipped.  on his head was set a paper, wherein was written as followeth: William Geffreie a most blasphemous heretic, denying Christ our saviour in heaven. The said Geffreie being stayed at Bedlam gate, john Moor was brought forth, 
A false Christ whipped till he changed his song.  before whom William Geffreie was whipped, till he confessed Christ to be in heaven. Then the said john Moor being examined, line 20 and answering overthwartlie, was commanded to put off his cote, doublet, and shirt; which he seemed to do very willingly, and after being tied to the cart, was whipped an arrows shot from Bedlam, where at the last he also confessed Christ to be in heaven, and himself to be a sinful man. Then was john Moor sent again into Bedlam, and Geffreie to the Marshalsea, where they had lain prisoners nigh a year and a half, the one for professing himself to be Christ, the other a disciple of the same line 30 Christ. On wednesday the 4 of june, between four & five of the clock in the afternoon, the steeple of Paul's in London being fired by lightning, 
Paul's steeple on fire by lightning.  braced forth (as it seemed to the beholders) two or three yards beneath the foot of the cross, and from thence burnt down the spire to the stoneworke and bells, so terribly, that within the space of four hours the same steeple with the roofs of the church, so much as was timber or otherwise combustible, were consumed, which was a lamentable sight and pitiful remembrance line 40 to the beholders thereof. After this mischance, the queen's majesty being much grieved for the loss of so beautiful a monument, 
The queen 〈◊〉 grieved with the loss of Paul's steeple & provideth means to repair it.  directed her highness letters to the mayor of the city of London, willing him to assemble the citizens to take some order for special aid and help for the repairing again of the said monument. And she of her most gracious disposition, to give a comfort to others for the furtherance thereof, did presently give and deliver in gold one thousand marks, 
The queens benevolence to excite others.  and a warrant for a thousand load line 50 of timber, to be taken out of her majesties woods or elsewhere: and the citizens of London granted one benevolence, and three fiftéens to be forthwith paid. The clergy under the province of Canturburie granted the fortieth part of the value of their benefices charged with first fruits, & not charged with first fruits the thirtieth part. The clergy of the diocese of London granted the thirtieth part of their benefices in first fruits, and the twentieth part out of first fruits. Now immediately by commandment of the line 60 queens highness, 
Ouerséers appointed to 〈◊〉 the repairing of Paul's.  her privy council took order that six citizens of London, and two of the clergy of the church of Paul's, had charge and commandment to oversee and set forward this work, who made such expedition, that within one month next following the burning thereof, the whole church, that is to say, all the four great roofs of the same were covered with boards and lead, after the manner of a false roof. And the greatness of the work dispatched in so short time could scarcely be credited of any, but of such as saw and knew the same. And the cause of this great haste was for fear of rain, which might have perished the vaults, to the destruction of the whole church, & the people that were therein. And before the said year was fully ended, all the said isles of the said church were made & framed of new & main timber, & covered with lead, & fully finished. 
All the isles of Paul's made and framed of new timber.  And the same year also, the great roof of the west end was framed, and made of new & great timber in Yorkshire, & brought to London by sea, and set up & covered with lead, and fully finished. And in like manner within the said year, the whole roof and frame of the east end of the said church was made in Yorkshire, & brought by sea to London, and there laid ready to be raised when the season of the year served. This one thing resteth to be told, 
Ten thousand pounds insufficient to repair Paul's as it was at the first.  that by estimation of wise men, 10000 pounds more than is yet granted unto it, will not perfect & finish the church and steeple in such sort as it was before the burning thereof.  
In this mean time also, by reason of the queens majesties letters directed to the mayor and his brethren of the city of London about the burning of Paul's, there were certain aldermen and commoners of the said city named and called together by the authority of the mayor, to devise some good order and speedy remedy for the relief and comfort of the said city, whensoever any chance of fire hereafter should happen (as God forbidden) within the said city or liberties thereof. And the persons so called after sundry meetings, and with good advisement and deliberation, agreed and penned a certain order for the speedy remedy thereof, as well for the ready knowledge of the place, wheresoever the same fire should happen, and for the sudden extinguishment & suppressing of the same, as also for the safe keeping of the goods of such persons in whose house any fire should chance. Which orders and rules undoubtedly would be to the great comfort & safety of the city and citizens of the same, if they were published and made known in time, and executed accordingly. But what should I say? I can but lament, 
Good orders nothing worth if they be not put in execution.  not only for this, but also for many such painful and profitable labours, which for good government of this city had been taken. For as soon as the talking thereof is done, and the books framed and delivered, so soon is it put in oblivion, and nothing at all thought upon, until an hour after the mischief be past.  
This year was chosen lord mayor of London a worthy citizen named William Harper, 
Fréeschoole in Bedford town founded by William Harper mayor of London elect.  one of the company of the merchant tailors. This man wishing in his life time to benefit his country, founded a free school in the town of Bedford where he was borne, and now lieth buried, providing a competent stipend and living for a schoolmaster, there to train up and instruct children in virtue and learning forever. The fifteenth of November, the queens majesty published a proclamation, wherein she restored to the realm diverse small pieces of silver money, 
New coins of small pieces as six pence, etc.  as the piece of six pence, four pence, three pence, two pence, and a penny, three half pence, and three farthings. She also forbade all foreign coins to be currant within the same realm, as well gold as silver, calling them to her majesties mints, except two sorts of crowns of gold, the one the French crown, the other the Flemish crown. ¶ Thus did her majesty in all her actions directed to common utility shoot at a certain perfection, pureness, and soundness, as here in her new stamps and coins of all sorts; so also in God's religion, setting the material churches of her dominions free from all popish trash: which one hath aptly noted by way of comparison, saying: 
Eiectis paleis purgatur ut area multo  
Vsque laborantis servi sudore, rewlsis  
Vt nitet ampla domus, quas struxit aranea telis▪  
Sic priùs idolis confractis, templa fricantur  
Cuncta scopis, quicquid fuit, abradentibus uncis  
Dentibus obscoenum, spurcum, verbóue repugnans  
Sacro, relligióque erectis cultior ibat  
jam pedibus, Christúsque Dei cognoscitur agnus,  
Offensas delens mundi, peccatáque tollen●  
Vaenalis populo non indulgentia papae.]   

Anno Reg. 4.  This year in England were many monstruous births. In March a mare brought forth a foal with one body and two heads, 
monstruous births in diverse places of England.  and as it were a long tail growing out between the two heads. Also a sow farowed a pig with four legs like to the arms of a manchild with arms and fingers, etc. In April a sow farrowed a pig with two bodies, year 1562 eight feet, and but one head: many calves and lambs were monstruous, line 10 some with collars of skin growing about their necks, like to the double ruffs of shirts and neckerchiefs then used. The four and twentieth of May, a manchild was borne at Chichester in Sussex, the head arms, & legs whereof were like to an anatomy, the breast and belly monstruous big, from the navel as it were a long string hanging: about the neck a great collar of flesh and skin growing like the ruff of a shirt or neckercher, coming up above the ears pleited and folded, etc. line 20  

France at division in itself by civil wars.  The realm of France being in great trouble about this season, by the means of civil dissension and wars that rose betwixt the house of Guise and other of that faction upon the one side, and the prince of Conde and other that took part with him on the contrary side: the queens majesty informed how that the duke of Guise and his partakers having got into their possession the person of the young king, under pretext of his authority, sought the subversion of many noble men and good subjects of the crown of line 30 France, 
The queens majesties mistrust of inconvenience, and the same remedied.  namely such as were known or suspected to be zealous for a reformation to be had in matters of religion: her majesty thereupon considering, that if their purpose might be brought to effect, it was to be doubted that they would not so rest, but seek to set things in broil also within this her realm of England, and other countries near to them adjoining: first as one that had ever wished quietness, rather than the troubles of war, 
Sir Henry Sidneie sent ambassador into France.  sent over sir Henry Sidneie at that present lord precedent of Wales line 40 (a man of such estimation as his word ought to have deserved credit) to try if he might do any good to bring the parties to some atonement. But such wilful headiness seemed to rest in some that were chief of the one faction, that their desire seemed altogether bend to enter into wars. Her majesty yet hoping the best, 
another embassage in julie directed into France.  appointed to send another honourable embassage, which by their wisdoms and good advise might persuade the parties unto concord, whereby all due line 50 authority, honour, & dignity might be restored to the king, and every other degree keep their rooms and places as to them appertained, but all in vain. For this motion of a pacification to be had could take no place, neither might the will of the young king, or of his timorous mother, as it then seemed, be regarded, otherwise than as stood with the pleasure & appointment of those that were known to be the chief authors and furtherers of all those troubles.  
Whilst the queens majesty therefore did thus line 60 travel in respect of the surety which her grace bare to her well-beloved brother the said king, and to the commodity and quietness of both the factions, an open injury was offered to her majesty: so as it might appear what minds they bore towards her, that had thus excluded and refused all offers & means to grow to some good and indifferent conclusion of peace. 
Ships of London, Excester, & Falmouth, spoiled by the French in Britain, the thirtieth of julie, and ninetéenth of August.  For whereas many merchants, as well of London as of Excester, and other the west parts of her realm, were sojourning for cause of traffic, in diverse ports and havens of Britain; and having dispatched their business, and got their lading aboard, their ships were ready to hoist up sails, and to return each one towards the place from whence he came, they were suddenly arrested, their goods seized upon, and they themselves cast in prison: and some that in revenge of such offered injury attempted to make resistance, were cruelly slain, their ships conveyed away, their goods confiscate, without other pretence, but only that it was said to them that they were Huguenots. Neither was this done by private persons, but by open violence of the governors & magistrates of those places where the same disorder was executed: so that it appeared from whence they had their commission to use such wrongful dealing, and how far the same would extend, if they might once have time and occasion to accomplish their purposed intentions.  
Moreover, when complaint of such injuries was made unto the lawful magistrates there, they found no redress at all. For what might the poor merchant's profit by their plaints, when the packets of the ambassadors letters, directed to her majesty, 
Letters taken from the queens ambassadors servants.  were taken from the bearer, & no punishment had against those that committed so uncivil an outrage? A thing that offended her majesty so much more, for that as she took the matter, there wanted no good will, either in the king, or his mother, or in the king of Navarre, the kings general lieutenant, to see such a presumptuous and unruly part punished of their people: but rather that there lacked in them authority to have it redressed. Furthermore, it greatly grieved her, that the young French king, her dear brother was brought to such a streict, that he was neither able to defend the liberty of his people, nor the authority of his laws, nor to deal uprightly with other princes and potentates accordingly, as by the bonds of leagues and of covenanted alliances had been requisite. Neither did such disorder in government of the kingdom of France touch any so much and particularly, 
The French troubles touch most the queen of England.  as the queen's majesty of England.  
She therefore lamenting that the king and queen mother should be thus in the hands of them that procured all these troubles, and led up and down at their pleasures, and driven to behold the spoil and sacking of diverse his cities, and miserable slaughter of his subjects: and again her grace thinking it expedient to prevent that such as were known to bear no good will, either to her or her realm, 
The chief causes that moved the queens majesty to send a power into France.  should not get into their possessions such towns and havens as lay against the sea coasts of her said realm, whereby they stuffing the same with garrisons and numbers of men of war, might easily upon occasions seek to make invasions into this her said realm, to the great annoyance of her and her loving subjects: at the request of the French themselves, thought it expedient to put in armour a certain number of her subjects, to pass over into Normandy, unto such havens as near approached unto this her realm of England, as well for the safeguard of the same, as also for the relief and preservation of the inhabitants there: and other that professed the gospel, living in continual danger to be murdered and oppressed, and therefore craving her aid to save and deliver them out of the bloody hands of their cruel adversaries, that sought their hasty destruction.  
For the conduction therefore of such forces as she meant to send over at that present, she ordained the lord Ambrose Dudleie earl of Warwick to be her principal lieutenant, captain general, chief leader and governor of her said subjects, that should in such wise pass over into Normandy. Hereupon, 
The earl of Warwick sent into Normandy with an army.  the said earl the seventeenth of October, in this fourth year of her majesties reign, took shipping at Portesmouth in the haven there, at one a clock in the after noon, being aboard himself in the queens ship, called the New bark, and setting forward, sailed all that after noon, and the night following, directly towards Newhaven, but in the morning about eight a clock, when his lordship was within twenty miles of the town of Newhaven, the wind suddenly changed clean contrary to his course: so that being driven to return about the next midnight, he arrived in the downs, and there remained at anchor, till about eight of the clock in the next morning being monday, and then was set on land by boat at Sandon castle besides Deal, and the same day at night came to Dover, & there lay till friday at three of the line 10 clock at after noon; and then taking ship again, sailed forth: but finding the wind nothing prosperous for his course, after he had lain all that night & the day following, tossing & tumbling on the seas, he was constrained to come back again, and arrived in the haven of Dover, about ten of the clock on saturday at night, and so remained there till tuesday next ensuing at three of the clock in the after noon, and then went to shipboard again in the said ship called the New bark: and directing his course forwards, 
The earl of Warwick ●●ndeth at Newhaven.  line 20 on thursday morning about eight of the clock, his lordship landed at Newhaven, where he was most joyfully received with a great peal of artillery.  

Light horsemen Scots.  The next day, being friday, & the thirtieth of October, there came to Newhaven from deep, fifty light horsemen Scots, brought by one of master Killigrues servants. On saturday the last of October, the earl of Warwiks' commission was proclaimed in Latin, English, and French, by Blewmantell, 
An oath received by the lord lieutenant, ●nd other officers.  line 30 pursuivant at arms: which being ended, his lordship went into the church, and there sir Adrian Poinings knight marshal gave him his oath, and then my lord gave the said sir Adrian his oath. And after him were sworn Cuthbert Uaughan controllor, john Fisher knight porter, William Bromfield master of the ordinance, William Robinson water bailiff, and captain Thomas Wood clerk of the council. On monday the second of November, the earl of Warwick, with the knight marshal, line 40 and the controllor, road out of Newhaven to Hauteville, and so towards Mondeville, accompanied with all the horsemen English and Scotish, and a thousand footmen. 
A skirmish between the Scotishmen and them of Mondeville.  The Scotishmen & Montgomeries band passed forth, and skirmished with them of Mondeville, and the Scots brought away with them a booty of three hundred sheep: but in the morning, they were returned back again by commandment of the earl of Warwick.  
Master controllors soldiers went as far as line 50 Harflue, and there skirmished with them of that garrison, but without any hurt to either part. My lord lieutenant riding all about the hills, viewed the country, 
A prize of win●s to the quantity of two hundred tuns.  and at night returned. On wednesday the fourth of November, a bark of Newhaven, belonging to Francis Clerk, brought into the haven of the same town, four Britons laden with wines, to the quantity of two hundred tuns of good Gascoigne wines, which they meant to have brought to the enemies: but being thus taken as a line 60 good prize, it was discharged in Newhaven, and stood the Englishmen and others of that town in good stead. 
An alarm in 〈◊〉 town of Newhaven.  On friday the sixth of November, about nine of the clock in the morning, a great alarm rose in the said town of Newhaven: for upon the hills on the north side of the town, the reingrave, and the son of the viceadmerall of France, showed themselves, accompanied with two thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen. And herewith, the reingrave sent a trumpettor to the town, to advertise the lord lieutenant, that he was on the hills there at hand; and that understanding his lordship was come into the country, and entered into Newhaven, if it would please him to promise upon his honour, and by the faith of a gentleman, that he might come, and return in safety, he would be glad to come & see him. Whereupon the lord lieutenant, taking with him certain captains and gentlemen, road forth of the town, and sent before him sir Adrian Poinings the marshal, 
Stephan Medcalfe trumpettor. The earl of Warwick and the reingrave talk together.  with Stephan Medcalfe her majesties trumpettor unto the reingrave, who talking with him, returned, and met with the lord lieutenant: who therewith passed forward, and meeting with the reingrave, they embraced each other, and conferred together as they had occasion. And the reingrave told the lord lieutenant (among other talk) that he was come to be his neighbour, and so with such merry speech they communed together: and after taking their leave either of other, they returned unto their homes.  
The count Montgomerie and monsieur Beawois had some talk also with the reingrave, casting out bitter and sharp words in reproof of the duke of Guise, and others that were of his faction. The reingrave coming back to his army the same afternoon, forraied all the country, and drove away the most part of all the cattle that they might meet with: and coming to the church of Hauteville, where an hundred and fifty of Montgomeries band lay, they skirmished with them, and in the end Montgomeries soldiers were forced to retire, and abandon the place, leaving it to the enemies; and coming away, withdrew the same night into Newhaven. The Almans the same evening, dividing their army into two parts, the one half of them went and lodged at Mondeville, and the other half at Harflue. The morrow after, the Frenchmen that had abandoned the church of Hauteville the night before, went thither again, 
The church of Hauteville recovered.  took and kept it against the enemies, in like manner as they held it before.  
The eleventh of November, 
A proclamation for good orders to be kept by the soldiers.  a proclamation was made in the name of the lord lieutenant, by the officer at arms Blewmantell, as well for good orders to be kept by the soldiers against the French inhabitants of the town, & reforming of certain grievances, whereof the French had made complaint: as also for their coming to church to hear common prayer and preaching at due times, for the avoiding of unlawful games, whoredom, wicked oaths, and other blasphemies; and likewise concerning diverse other good orders to be observed, and disorders to be eschewed, as was thought necessary to give warning of, with condign pains appointed for punishment of such as should transgress in the same.  
On thursday the twelve of November, there went out of the town of Newhaven towards Harflue, three bands of Frenchmen, containing about six hundred footmen; and suddenly they were béeset by the Almans and Frenchmen of the garrison of Harflue: so that the French protestants were driven to take a village called Graville, where they maintained the skirmish for the space of two hours, till the lord lieutenant, 
A skirmish before Harflue.  hearing of the peril in which they stood, sent forth with the controllor the number of a thousand footmen, and all the English and Scotish horsemen, and monsieur Beawois with diverse French horsemen: who coming before Harflue, fell in skirmish with the enemies, to whose succour there issued forth of Harflue a great number of the Almans, both horsemen and footmen. But the Englishmen behaved themselves so valiantly, that they beat them out of the field, and drove them in the end to the very gates of their town, with such lionlike courage, as was wonderful: choosing rather to die in battle (if hap had so cut their cards) in an honest cause, than in their sick beds: as moved by the poets reason not amiss for a soldier to remember and resolutely to rest upon, to wit: 
Absumpti longis animam cruciatibus edunt  
Languentes morbis: in bello pulchra paratur  
Mors, homo momento pugnans extinguitur horae,  
Euolat in tenues laetus citò spiritus auras.   
This skirmish was stoutly maintained and continued for the space of three long hours. Their great artillery was shot off freshly from the walls and bulwarks. 
The Englishmen retire to Newhaven with honour.  At length, when the night drew on, the retire was sounded, and the Englishmen came their line 10 way back to Newhaven with honour, having lost not passed eight of their soldiers, that were slain and six other hurt: whereas there was one of the enemies captains slain in sight, with twenty soldiers, and another of their captains, with diverse others of their numbers grievously wounded. 
Monsieur Beawois.  Monsieur Beawois showed himself that day very forward and valiant, & so likewise did the Scotishmen. The thirteenth of November, a pinnace of the Frenchmen that belonged to Newhaven, being gone forth line 20 the night before, brought into the haven a ship laden with Rochel wines, five and twenty tuns, that was bound to pass up to the enemies, and so esteemed a good prize. 
Prizes taken and brought to Newhaven  On the fourteenth of November, another ship fraught with twenty tuns of Gascoigne wines was brought in as a prize, likewise taken by a bark of Newhaven, that belonged to a Frenchman, called jehan de Bois, an earnest adversary to the papists.  
The seventh of November, a proclamation was line 30 made by Blewmantell, concerning orders taken and passed by the lord lieutenant, 
A proclamation for harquebut shot.  that no Englishman nor Frenchman should shoot off any arquebus within the town; nor that any Frenchman, except monsieur Beawois, or monsieur Bricquemault, or their companies, should be out of their lodgings after nine of the clock at night till the next morning on pain of death: except in cases of alarms. 
An alarm upon occasion of fire made by the papists.  The twelve of November, about six of the clock at night, one of the mills without the gate line 40 was set on fire by some of the papists (as was thought) whereof rose a great alarm. The thirteenth of November, the reingrave was seen on the north hills of the town, with four score horsemen: whereupon the Scotish horsemen, and three bands of footmen issued out, marching up towards the same hills, in hope to meet with their enemies, but they were retired towards Mondeville, and so nothing was done. It was reported for a certain truth, that the duke Daumale was there at that present line 50 with the reingrave.  
On wednesday, the five and twentieth of November, 
Execution.  one of captain Cocksons soldiers was hanged in the market place: and an other that was brought thither likewise to be executed had his pardon, at the suit of certain French gentlemen. And herewith was proclamation made, that where it had been proclaimed afore, 
A proclamation to restrain the outrage of soldiers.  that none should take any thing forcibly from the French on pain of death, for breach whereof, such execution was presently line 60 done: the lord lieutenant did by this proclamation eftsoons charge and command, that none upon like pain should break or spoil any house or ship: or take any timber, wood, or any other thing from the French, without their good will, consent, and agreement. 
Prizes brought to Newhaven.  The same afternoon came into the haven hoys and boats laden with wine, cider, perrie, wheat, beef, biscuit, meal, and other provision of victuals. Two French shallops of Newhaven had taken them beside Hunflue, and beaten back a shallop of the enemies, slaying ten or twelve Frenchmen that came forth of Hunflue to have succoured the hoys. 
A supply of soldiers out of Essex arrive at Newhaven.  The five and twentieth of November, there landed at Newhaven six hundred soldiers Essex-men, under the leading of Auerie Darsie, Reginald Highgate, and William Twedie, each of them having his appointed number of two hundred to his ensign.  
Moreover, where as well diverse prentices, as other Englishmen were come over, since the placing of the garrison in that town of Newhaven, not offering their service any way, other than by straggling abroad to seek pillage, whereby they fell oftentimes into the hands of the enemies, both to the dishonour of their country, & loss of their own lives. For reformation hereof proclamation was made the last of November, 
A proclamation for the assembling of soldiers at same Addresses.  that all Englishmen within the said town, above the age of sixteen years, and under three score, being not retained in the queen's majesties pay, should at one of the clock that present day repair to the bulwark called the bulwark of saint Addresses, there to present his name & person to the ●omptrollor, that order might be taken how to employ them in some certainty of service, upon pain to every one failing hereof to suffer ten days imprisonment, & also to be banished the town.  
The same day the queens ship called the Hare, 
Sir john Portinarie a Florentine, and an excellent engineer.  coming from Portsmouth, arrived at Newhaven; and in her came sir john Portinarie, whose ripe skill, deep judgement, and great experience in matters of fortification had bred in him such knowledge, as he may worthily be called a master in that science. They were by the way assailed by a French ship of four score and ten tuns and better: but they that were aboard in the Hare, so manfully acquitted themselves, that they vanquished the enemies, took the same ship, & brought her with them being laden with wines, which they meant to have conveyed to the adversaries in some garrison. 
Sir john More bringeth a supply of soldiers to Newhaven out of Devonshire.  The same day sir john More landed at Newhaven, bringing over with him five hundred soldiers out of Denshire, for a supply of the garrison there. He himself returned back into England, but the soldiers were appointed to the leading of other captains: so that Francis Summerset, brother to the earl of Worcester had three hundred of them; Oliver Manners an hundred, and Edward Ormsbie the other hundred. On tuesday the eight of December monsieur de Beawois, captain Francis Summerset, and captain Edward Horseie, with diverse other captains, officers and gentlemen, road to the reingrave, lying at a fair house not far from Mondeville, where they dined with him, had great and hearty cheer, and after returned again to Newhaven. 
A present sent by the reingrave to the earl of Warwick.  The same day the reingrave sent for a present unto my lord of Warwick, a great horse, very fair, with saddle and bridle; esteemed to be well worth an hundred pounds.  
Moreover, the same day at night, the Double Rose with certain other boats and French shallops, passed forth of the haven: Edward Dudleie, 
Edward Dudleie.  and captain john Ward being aboard in the said Double Rose, with diverse other Englishmen & Frenchmen, to the number of a hundred good soldiers, who sailing down the river landed beside tankerville, and lay close all that night in the wood. And in the morning about nine of the clock monsieur Bimar, ensignebearer to the count Montgomerie, with six or seven Frenchmen unarmed went to the castle gate, and there fell in talk with monsieur Dimenée, who was captain of that fortress, having with him about ten soldiers that were appointed to remain with him upon the guard of the same castle. Whilst they were thus in talk, the Englishmen and other Frenchmen coming forth of the wood that was there at hand, reared up their ladders, 
The castle of tankerville won by the Englishmen.  which they had brought with them for that purpose, at the breach which was made the summer before by the duke Daumale; and entering by the same, came down into the base court. Which thing when the French soldiers that kept talk with them within at the castle gate perceived, they began to laugh. The captain of the castle therewith turning his face, & beholding as good as three score armed men within the castle at his back, he suddenly said: Ha, ie suis vostre, I am yours sirs, and so yielded with his ten soldiers. And in this sort was the castle taken, & the captain brought prisoner to Newhaven. line 10  
On the twelve of December, at ten of the clock in the morning, the earl of Warwick, monsieur de Beawois, and monsieur de Bricquemault, with all their horsemen & three thousand footmen, passed forth of Newhaven unto Harflue, 

A skirmish 〈◊〉 Harflue.  
The French 〈◊〉 beaten 〈◊〉 Harflue.   out of which town there issued seven hundred Reisters' of the retinue of the count Reingrave, and three hundred footmen, who fell in skirmish with the French and Englishmen very hotly: but at length the Englishmen drove them to the very gates of Harflue, line 20 and slew them even at the same gates, and upon the walls of the town; insomuch that they were constrained to shut their gates, and off went the ordinance from the gates and bulwarks, discharging bullets amongst the English soldiers freely. But yet there were not slain past seven of the English part, albeit diverse were hurt and wounded, & amongst other was monsieur de Beawois shot into the side of the neck through his gorget; 
Monsieur Beawois & 〈◊〉 Antwisell hurt.  and captain Antwisell through the arm. Moreover, whereas they carried forth with them four barrels of gunpowder to line 30 maintain the skirmish, through negligence by setting fire in the same, there were to the number of twenty grievously burned. Of the enemies were slain that day above thirty, and hurt above fifty, Many of their horses were also slain in this skirmish, which continued above three hours. As the Englishmen were returning back, the reingrave with two hundred horses, and a certain number of footmen, was laid fast by in an ambush, thinking to have cut off part of their men: but he failed of his line 40 purpose. For the lord lieutenant marching with his men in battle array, brought them home in safety, without other impeachment. The seventeenth of December, the count Montgomerie, and sir Hugh Paulet arrived at Newhaven in one of the queen's ships called the Aid.  

A proclamation for observing of orders.  The ninetéenth of December a proclamation was made for orders to be observed, concerning the embarking of such soldiers as were licensed to departed by passport or otherwise: and likewise prohibiting line 50 the taking into any vessel any dry fish, wine, sugar, or any household stuff without special licence of the lord lieutenant. Whilst things passed thus in Normandy at Newhaven & thereabouts, 
The death of the lord Greie of Wilton.  where the earl of Warwick & other valiant captains were ready to make proof of their high prowess in time & place as occasion might serve, there ended his life at home that honourable baron, and right famous captain in his days William lord Greie of Wilton, line 60 knight of the most noble order of the garter, and at that present governor of Berwick, and warden of the east marches against Scotland. He deceased the five and twentieth of December, in the year 1562, at Cheshnut in Hertfordshire, than the house of Henry Deny esquire that had married mistress Honour Greie, the said lord Greys only daughter. ¶ The six and twentieth of December the count de Montgomerie took shipping at Newhaven road, accompanied with four hundred harquebutters Frenchmen, and sailed to Deep, there to be governor of that town. He went in an English bark belonging to Nicholas Malbie secretary to the earl of Warwick lord lieutenant.  
The third of januarie a shallop that was sent the same morning from Newhaven, year 1563 laden with beer and other victuals to pass unto tankerville, was assailed about Harflue, by a shallop of Hunflue, which drove the hoy to the shore: so as the Englishmen forsook their hoy, and came running to Newhaven, to declare what had happened. 
A hoy recovered which the French had taken.  Hereupon the lord lieutenant sent forth four French shallops by water, and the horsemen with six hundred footmen passed forth by land, and used such diligence, that they came even as the Frenchmen were haling up the hoy towards Harflue: and skirmishing with the Frenchmen (being four score good harquebutters) for the space of a long hour, at length recovered the hoy, and took three of their shallops with their ordinance, which they brought to Newhaven, with the loss of one only man, an harquebutter of captain Zouches band. The fourth of januarie in the morning, the English scout, being thirty good harquebutters, were set upon by the enemies that drove them unto the very gates. They shot also with their harquebusses into the town, and over the mount royal among the English soldiers. They hurt at that present three of the scouts; but when they perceived the Englishmen were in a readiness to approach them, they departed, being in number three hundred horsemen and a thousand footmen, soldiers of Mondeville and Harflue. 
Certain apprehended for conspiracy.  The fift of januarie were apprehended captain blondel, captain Moucombell, monsieur Dimenee, and Uitanna with others, for some conspiracy or traitorous practice which they went about, and had maliciously contrived. The same day captain Edward Horseie with his two hundred soldiers, & captain Francis Blunt with his hundred took shipping at Newhaven road, and sailed to Deep, there to remain with the count Montgomerie, whose wife the countess Montgomerie went also with them to her husband the same time.  
On the saturday following, 
A great tempest in Leicester.  the twelve day after Christmas, being the ninth of januarie, a great tempest of wind and thunder happened in the town of Leicester, which uncovered two and forty bay of houses, and overthrew many, renting and tearing them in pieces, in a strange and marvelous manner. The people that were assembled that day in the market place to buy and sell their usual chaffer, wares, and commodities, were sore amazed and astonished with the hideousness of that most outrageous & violent tempest. On thursday the 14 of januarie at one of the clock in the morning, there issued forth of Newhaven threescore horsemen, and a thousand footmen, all English; & coming to Mondeville, where the reingrave lay, gave to them within an alarm, 
An alarm given to Mondeville.  but neither the Reisters', nor the Almane footmen, nor French that were within that town would come forth: and therefore after the Englishmen had tarried there the space of four hours, they returned back again to Newhaven.  
The fifteenth of januarie, at one of the clock in the afternoon, there issued forth of Newhaven threescore horsemen, and fifteen hundred footmen, which coming to Harflue, gave a like alarm to that town; 
An alarm given to Harflue.  but none of the garrison there would come forth: whereupon the Englishmen returned home again to Newhaven. The sixteenth of januarie, the castle of tankerville was surrendered to the reingrave, after he had lain about it eight days, 
The castle of tankerville delivered to the reingrave.  with two thousand horsemen and footmen. It was now yielded by composition (after it had been kept by the space of thirty eight days) that those within should departed with bag and baggage, the galley being sent from Newhaven to fetch them away. There were no more within it at that time when it was thus delivered: but captain john Ward, captain Edward Dudleie, and captain Saul, his lieutenant Rileie, with seventy English soldiers, & thirty French. 
Tremaine.  The 19 of januarie, there landed at Newhaven captain Tremaine, with 50 horsemen very well appointed to serve the queens majesty there. 
Francis Clerk Frenchman.  The four and twentieth of januarie, Francis Clerk Frenchman arrived at Newhaven, with two tall ships of his own, right well appointed for the wars, bringing with him three rich prizes, valued at about fifty thousand crowns, 
Prizes taken by him of about 50000 crowns value.  one of them was a line 10 mighty great hulk, laden with wood & alum. The 26 of januarie, captain Tremaine with all his horsemen, & captain Clerk with his Scotish horsemen, and 600 footmen, went forth of Newhaven towards Mondeville, & by the way in a little village, there was a French captain came forth of Mondeville, named monsieur Emerie, having with him thirty soldiers, where falling in hand to spoil the same village, the peasant's about gathered themselves line 20 together, and set upon him and his soldiers. Now whilst they were thus in fight, the Scotish horsemen came suddenly upon them, 
captain Emerie taken by the Scotish horsemen.  took the said captain sore wounded, slew twelve of his soldiers, & took fourteen other of them prisoners, whom with their captain wounded (as he was) they brought home the same night unto Newhaven.  

A proclamation for the observing of orders.  The three and twentieth of januarie, a proclamation was made for orders to be observed by the soldiers, and other resiants within the town of Newhaven, line 30 concerning politic government thereof, as well for the better defence against the enemies without, as the quiet demeanour of the men of war and inhabitants within. The fift of February, two ships of Britons laden with Gascoigne wines, 
A prize brought to Newhaven.  butter, bacon, lard, salt, and other victuals, were brought into Newhaven by a shallop of Killebeuf, that was resiant with other Frenchmen in Newhaven, serving against the papists, and had taken those two vessels, as they were going to victual the enemies. line 40  
The sixth of February three fair mighty ships of war, belonging to Francis Clerk, brought into Newhaven three rich prizes, 
Three other prizes of sacks, bastards, etc.  laden with sacks, bastards, sugar, oranges, grains, and other merchandizes. This Clerk had not been forth past six weeks at this time, and yet he had got above eighteen prizes, well worth by just valuation the sum of fifty thousand pounds. On saturday the sixth of February, 
A soldier executed for fight contrary to the orders in that case given.  a soldier of captain Appleyards band was executed in the market place; for that contrary to order line 50 taken and published afore that time by proclamation, he had not only drawn his weapon against another soldier, but also maimed him, and played other lewd parts in contempt of the lord lieutenant's commandments. There was another also condemned to die, 
Three other pardoned.  and two others adjudged to lose their hands: but the lord lieutenant of his merciful clemency granted to those three his pardon, for their passed offences. On sunday the seventh of February, was Hunflue summoned by an herald, line 60 sent from the French admiral, monsieur de Chatillon. 
The admiral of France summoneth Hunflue.  On monday the eight of that month, the said admiral came before Hunflue, with six thousand horsemen Reisters', and other of his own retinues, beside footmen, and a thousand horsemen of the countries thereabout. And about six of the clock at night there was a great peal of ordinance shot off at Newhaven for a welcome to the said admiral.  
The twelve of February, the French galleys of Newhaven passing forth, and wasting about Hunflue to seek adventures, in hope of surety, by reason the lord admiral of France lay thereby at Touque, road at an anchor: whilst some of them that were aboard in her went on land, to gain somewhat of the enemies. But they within Hunflue perceiving this, made out their great galleys, with fifty good mariners and soldiers, who coming upon the galleys of Newhaven lying at anchor, put her in great danger of taking. For there were but fifteen men left aboard in her at that present, whereof three of them were Englishmen, who perceiving in what danger they stood, weighed anchor with all speed, and drew towards the shore, to take in the rest of their company; and getting them aboard unto them, they manfully stood to their defence, being in all but four and twenty men. Nevertheless, they so behaved themselves, that continuing in fight above a long hour, 
The great galley of Hunflue taken.  at length they overcame their enemies, slew seven of them outright, wounded seven and thirty, took their galley and brought her to Newhaven, with thirteen bells, diverse copes, and church ornaments, sheep, and other spoils, which they had got abroad in the country, together with three and forty good prisoners, and the artillery which was found aboard in the foresaid great galley, wherewith she was very well appointed and furnished.  
Of the French protestants there were but three slain and six hurt, and one of the three Englishmen was also hurt. As it hath been credibly reported, 
The French beholden to the English.  the French protestants might thank those three Englishmen that were with them in their galleys for that their good hap: for if they had not manfully stood to it at the first, and bestowed such artillery as they had aboard with them freshly against the enemies, the French had yielded. But by God's good help, and their worthy courage, the victory remained on their side. The fourteenth of February there came from the lord admiral of France, 
Noble men sent from the admiral of France to the earl of Warwick.  lying then at Touque, monsieur de Rohen, and monsieur de Grandemont, a knight of the order, monsieur Telegnie the admerals' son in law, and diverse other French gentlemen, to confer with the lord lieutenant, who received them right gladly, and made them great cheer. They remained in Newhaven till the eighteenth of February, and then departed and went to Caen, whither the said lord admiral was removed, & had entered the town, & lay within it, preparing with all speed to besiege the castle.  
The same day that the French lords departed from Newhaven towards Caen, 
Sir Nicholas Throckmorton arriveth at Newhaven.  monsieur Briquemault, and sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight arrived at Newhaven in one of the queens ships called the Aid. The admiral Chatillon being got into the town of Caen, kept the castle besieged, 
Caen castle besieged. The marquess Dalbeuf brother to the duke of Guise  within the which was enclosed the marquess Dalbeuf. There were sent to him from Newhaven the five & twentieth of February, seven canons, two demie culverins, & one minion. On the morrow following being friday, and six and twentieth of February, sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, monsieur Briquemault, and monsieur Beawois, with a thousand soldiers French, and as many English, to wit, 
Aid sent to the siege of Cae●  captain Zouch, captain Twedie, captain Highgate, each of them with two hundred: captain john Ward, captain Parkinson, captain Saul, master Whéeler, and captain Fisher with his band, each of them with his hundred, and captain Pelham with the labourers were embarked in the road at Newhaven, and sailed forth towards Caen, to come to the siege which the admiral of France had laid to the castle there.  
The same day as the count Montgomerie had embarked at the haven of deep in an English vessel, and was coming towards Newhaven, there came out from Festampe three shallops, by the appointment of the reingrave (as was said) which made towards Montgomerie, whose meaning when he perceived, he set upon the strongest of the same shallops, 
The count 〈…〉 a French 〈◊〉.  so that there followed a sharp conflict betwixt them, but in the end the victory fell to Montgomerie, the shallop being taken, the captain and master slain, and three English victuallers rescued, which the said shallops had taken. Montgomerie herewith arriving at Newhaven, and bringing his prize with him was joyfully received, and after he had talked a while with the lord lieutenant and the council, 
Montgomerie ●●th to Caen to speak with 〈◊〉 admiral.  he went aboard again and sailed to Caen, there to confer with the admiral. line 10  
The first of March in the morning they began to batter the castle of Caen, in such wise that about four of the clock in the afternoon, they within began to parlée, but it took none effect: and then went off the artillery again till night, 
The castle of Caen batte●●●.  and in the morning the battery eftsoons began. And before that two tires of the said artillery had gone off, they within offered to parley again, and finally agreed by composition to yield; and so on that tuesday by ten of the clock, the castle was surrendered into the hands of line 20 the French admiral, 
It is rendered to the admiral.  and the marquess Dalbeuf, and other that had the place in keeping, departed in safety. On wednesday the third of March, the town of Baieulx was also yielded unto the lord admiral of France, 
Baieulx, Faleise, and S. Lo, yielded to the admiral.  and on the morrow following Faleise, and afterwards S. Lo, with diverse other towns and castles, yielded likewise unto him. The tenth of March the great galley and the foists were sent away from Newhaven, with a canon and shot and powder unto Hunflue, where they met with monsieur line 30 de Mouie, that came thither with a fair company of horsemen and diverse footmen French, and of Englishmen, captain Tuttie with his two hundred, and captain Fisher with his hundred.  

The canon 〈◊〉 to the ●●stell of vendue.  The canon which came from Newhaven was immediately planted, and about ten of the clock in the forenoon it was shot off, and after it had been six times discharged, they within began to parlée, and in the end they agreed to yield up the castle unto monsieur de Mouie, 
〈◊〉 yielded.  with condition, that their soldiers line 40 and men of war might departed only with their rapiers and daggers, leaving all the residue of their movables behind them. And according to this capitulation, captain Lion with his hundred soldiers, and captain Nicholas with his hundred, and fifty other soldiers which were within departed, and left the castle unto monsieur de Mouie, whereby his soldiers, as well English as others, gained greatly by the spoil.  

A proclamation upon 〈◊〉 of death.  The twelve of March proclamation was made in name of the lord lieutenant, that no soldier should line 50 draw weapon to do hurt therewith unto any of the French within the town of Newhaven, or limits of the same, nor to molest them, nor to spoil nor take any thing violently away from any of them, nor to break down their houses, nor to carry away their timber on pain of death. 
A proclamation in the French kings 〈◊〉.  There was also a proclamation made in the name of the king & admiral, that no captain, burgess, soldier, mariner, or other of the French nation within the town or without, should draw any weapon, nor pick any line 60 quarrel, nor use any injurious words against any man to move them to wrath, specially against the Englishmen on pain of death: nor that any burgess or inhabitant, of what quality or condition soever, except captains, gentlemen, and soldiers, receiving pay, should bear any weapon on the like pain.  

〈◊〉 Adrian P●●●ings.  The five and twentieth of March, sir Adrian Poinings knight, marshal of Newhaven departed from thence, and returning into England, remained there still. Whereas monsieur de Beawois had by the admiral Chatillions commandment, charged by public proclamation, 
〈◊〉 French appointed to departed out of Newhaven.  all strangers, foreigners, and French soldiers to departed the town, by the 23 of March last passed, and that all other having their wives and families should departed with them, within four days after the same proclamation, to give aid for the conservation and keeping of the towns of Hunflue, Caen, Baieulx, Faleise, S. Lo, and other places, lately brought into the obedience of the king, under the authority of the prince of Conde, under pain for making default, to be taken as good prisoners of war to those that should apprehend them. 
Proclamation for the lawful taking of prisoners.  Proclamation was also thereupon made in the lord lieutenant's name, the six and twentieth of March, being friday, that it should be lawful to the queens majesties subjects and friends, to apprehend and take as their good and lawful prisoners, all such as contrary to the former proclamation, should remain in the town of Newhaven, after five of the clock after noon of the day than next following being saturday; those persons only excepted, whose names had been presented and enrolled in bills remaining with the lord lieutenant's secretary.  
Provided, that no person seizing upon the body of any such offendor, should by virtue or colour thereof spoil any of their houses, meddle with their goods or movables, without order and mean of justice upon pain of death. On the sunday yet being the eight and twentieth of March, 
Another proclamation in the behalf of strangers.  another proclamation was made, to give respite to the said strangers, foreigners, and French soldiers, until four of the clock in the afternoon of the same day. And further there was another proclamation published this sunday, that none should seize upon any of those strangers, foreigners, or French soldiers, by colour of the two former proclamations, until the lord lieutenant's pleasure should more fully be known therein.  
The thirtieth of March being tuesday, 
Another proclamation for the lawful apprehending of prisoners.  proclamation was eftsoons made, that whereas all foreigners, being not any of the burgesses, or proper inhabitants of the said town of Newhaven, nor of the garrison or army of the Englishmen in the same town, had been warned by several proclamations to departed the town; and yet the same proclamations notwithstanding, a great number made their abode still in the town, in contempt of those proclamations: the lord lieutenant by this proclamation gave full power and authority to the said provost marshal of the garrison of the Englishmen in that town, to apprehend and take as good and lawful prisoners, all such foreigners, as well soldiers, and mariners, as other without exception, which should be found in the town at any time after five of the clock in the afternoon on saturday then next coming: monsieur Beawois and his family, 
Exceptions against the foresaid proclamation.  and all ministers then being within the town, being nevertheless clearly excepted; and diverse provisions also included in this selfsame proclamation, for the mitigating of extremities, by wrong interpreting thereof, in behalf of them that were to departed, as also that the gain that should come by every particular prisoner so arrested by the provost marshal, should return to any of the queens majesties subjects, by whose mean and procurement the same prisoner was detected, and caused to be apprehended.  
On monday the fift of April, the reingrave with four hundred horsemen, 
The reingrave with his horsemen.  and about five hundred footmen, came down the hill, betwixt saint Addresses & Englefield, where sir Hugh Paulet knight met with him, by appointment of the lord lieutenant accompanied with forty horsemen, and a thousand English footmen: and after they had talked together by the space of an hour, they departed the one from the other; master Paulet returning to Newhaven, and the Reingrave to Mondeville, the place where he usually remained. On Easter even, two soldiers that had served under captain Parkinson were hanged in the market place of Newhaven, 
Execution on Easter even.  for running away to the reingrave and unto deep. Another also that served under captain Turner was condemned for the like offence, but pardoned through the great clemency of the lord lieutenant.  

A proclamation to be packing out of Newhaven.  The eight and twentieth of April, proclamation was made, that all the papists, and the wives and children of all them that were departed forth of Newhaven, and made their abode at that present in line 10 Monstrevilliers, Harflue, or elsewhere abroad in the country, and likewise all other, whom the last proclamation for their avoiding out of the town in any wise touched, should departed on saturday then next ensuing, on pain to have their bodies arrested as prisoners, and their goods to be confiscate. Other articles were contained in the same proclamation, as well for the foreigners that should come forth of the country to the market, as for the behaviour and demeanour of the French inhabitants of the town, line 20 with promise of reward to such as should discover and apprehend any espial, either dwelling in the town, or coming and going to or from it. The first of May, Garter principal king of arms arrived at Newhaven, 
Garter king of arms bringeth the garter to the lord lieutenant.  bringing with him the garter to the lord lieutenant, chosen on S. George's day last passed to be one of the confréers of that most honourable order. The fourth of May proclamation was made, that all the French burgesses & others should bring and deliver all their armour and weapon into line 30 the town hall of Newhaven, which commandment was incontinently obeyed and accomplished.  
The seventh of May, proclamation was made for the avoiding of all such, 
A proclamation for avoiding.  whom the former proclamations had in any wise touched, for their departure forth of the town, that they should departed by tuesday next (the ministers of the church excepted) and that none should enter into the town, 
Ministers excepted.  of what condition or estate soever he should be, without licence line 40 of the lord lieutenant, except he were a burgess of the town, and of the number of those that had their names enrolled, as by the rolls lastly made it might appear, on pain to be apprehended as good and lawful prisoners. 
Places forbidden by proclamation to be resorted unto.  The twelve of May it was prohibited by proclamation to all burgesses, inhabitants, and others, not to go unto Harflue, or Montrevilliers, or elsewhere out of sight of the town of Newhaven, on pain to be taken as lawful prisoners. The fifteenth of May, a mariner of the great line 50 galley suffered in the market place of Newhaven, for robbing and pilfering of ships there in the haven, and three other that were condemned for the like offence had their pardons. 
Execution for pilfering.   
The sixteenth of May was proclamation made, that all Frenchmen, 
A proclamation for the avoiding of the French out of Newhaven.  being within the town of Newhaven, otherwise called Haure de Grace, as well men, women, as children, should departed the town, betwixt that present time and six of the clock at night on the next day being monday, except surgians, line 60 apothecary's, bakers, butchers, smiths, masons, locksmiths, carpenters, and other such artificers, upon pain to be attached as good and lawful prisoners, and their goods to be confiscate. By the tenor of these several proclamations it may appear, 
The lord lieutenants proceeding to be gathered by his proclamations.  that the lord lieutenant proceeded nothing rigorously against the French, in removing them forth of the town; although it may be, that some which had to deal therein, dealt hardly enough with them. But in such cases there must of necessity be some diligent héedfulnesse used, for otherwise in such packing away, some might peradventure carry with them too much, & others too little. But howsoever this matter was handled, true it is, that it was thought expedient to avoid the French out of the town. For after the duke of Guise was slain before Orleans, and that the parties were agreed, as by edict of the pacification published in March last past it may appear, the whole devices as well of them of the one religion as the other tended to this end, 
The Englishmen for their own surety were forced to double their watch nightly  how to recover the town of Newhaven out of the Englishmen'S hands, either by practice or open force. And such intelligence was used betwixt the French within that town, and the enemies without to bring this to pass, that the English could assure themselves no more of the one than of the other, and so were driven for their own safeties, to rid the town of so doubtful partakers.  
The seven and twentieth of May, proclamation was made, that all manner of furniture and apparel, appertaining to ships within the garrison, haven, or road of the town of Newhaven, should be brought in: or a note to be given thereof in writing to the lord lieutenant and council there, before twelve of the clock the next day. 
The reingrave with his forces.  saturday the two and twentieth of May, about one of the clock in the morning, the reingrave with five hundred horsemen, and twenty two ensigns of footmen, came down to the village called Lheure, near unto the new fort, which by order of the lord lieutenant was lately before begun to be built, sir john Portinarie being chief deviser of the fortifications about the same. The enemies meaning was, to have taken the same fort by a sudden assault: but the English scouts looking well to their charge, gave intelligence to the lord lieutenant thereof, who incontinently going to the bulwark royal, set out by the postern captain john Ward with his hundred soldiers, and captain Parkinson with his hundred, to pass to the fort, there to be an aid and defence to them that lay in the same.  
About three of the clock in the morning, the reingrave suddenly with his bands of horsemen and footmen gave them in the fort an hot alarm; 
An alarm given to the new fort by the reingrave.  and immediately the earl of Warwick gave in charge to these captains, Read, Appleyard, Tuttie, Zouch, Antwisell, Ward, Morton, and Parkinson, having with them a thousand footmen, and twenty horsemen, to set upon the enemies in the village of Lheure, near adjoining to the said new fort, where the valiant English soldiers showed well the wonted valour of their worthy ancestors, 
The hardy onset of the Englishmen made upon their adversaries.  giving such an hardy onset upon their adversaries, that greater manhood had not lightly appeared in any encounter, than was used by those martial captains, and their warlike bands at that present, to the high honour of their country: insomuch that they beat back their enemies, slew and took of them to the number of four hundred, beside thirty fair horses, and an ensign, which one Eastwike lieutenant to captain Antwisell got.  
Amongst the numbers of them that were slain, there were found above thirty handsome gentlemen and very well appointed. To conclude, the Englishmen behaved themselves so manfully on each side, 
The Alma●● put to flight.  that by plain force of arms they drove the enemies quite out of the village, & after set it on fire, because the enemies should not come to encamp therein, as their purpose was to have done at that present. The six and twentieth of May, the Frenchmen in number about three thousand horsemen and footmen came down towards the windmills, near to the bulwark called saint Addresses, against whom the English horsemen and footmen issued forth of the town, giving them a right hot skirmish, 
Another skirmish.  which continued for the space of two hours, insomuch that there were slain of the French to the number of 200; beside an hundred and above that were hurt. On the English side that day were lost about a dozzen or thirteen persons, and amongst others, was captain Tremaine slain, and many hurt. To conclude, the Englishmen like hardy and worthy soldiers wan and kept the field, 
The Frenchmen driven to retire.  so as the Frenchmen in the end were driven to retire, and besides other losses which they received, they had above fifty of their horses killed and hurt.  
In this skirmish, being one of the notablest that had been lightly seen many a day before, captain Horseie showed worthy proof of his most valiant line 10 courage, 
captain Horseys valiant.  winning to himself such commemdation, as the same will not be forgotten, whilst any shall remain alive that beheld his manful dealings: being such at that present, as deserve to be registered in the book of fame, & to continue with posterity for ever. On saturday the fift of june at seven of the clock at night, the Reinsgrave having laid in the village of Lheure an ambush of six hundred horsemen, and fifteen hundred footmen, there came down also between the abbeie and the village called Englefield line 20 towards the town, 
Another skirmish.  the number of a thousand footmen, which began a very hot skirmish, first at the new fort, coming even hard to the ditches, where the Englishmen manfully encountered them. Herewith also the Reinsgrave appointed other to come down, and approach the bulwarks of saint Addresses, saint Francis, & saint Michael, and to (conclude) round about the town: so that there were of them to the number of six thousand that were employed in this skirmish, which was maintained right fercelie for the space of two hours, with very sharp line 30 and cruel fight: in the end the enemies were forced to give place, 
The number which the French lost in t●is skirmish.  with the loss of five hundred of their men, Almans, Frenchmen, Gascoignes, and Spaniards.  
The Englishmen verily in this service showed, that they were nothing degenerate from the ancient race of their noble progenitors. Besides those that were slain on the French part▪ amongst whom was one of their captains of good account amongst them, they took also Bassompeere an Almane, colonel line 40 over ten ensigns of footmen. 
Bassompéere.  The presence of the lord lieutenant was not wanting that day, both to encourage his worthy soldiers, and also to see them applied with weapon ●nd munition, so as they should not be unprovided of any thing that was needful for service. Of Englishmen there was hurt captain Gilbert, and captain Pelham, and about fifteen other hurt and slain. 
captain Gilbert and captain Pelham hurt. Edward Dudleie.  The seventh of june captain Edward Dudleie arrived at Newhaven, with an line 50 hundred soldiers. The morrow after, the first canon shot light within the town of Newhaven, near to the bulwark of saint Addresses, striking into the house where captain Whéeler was lodged, which shot being brought to my lord of Warwick by Blewmantell pursuivant at arms, his honour beholding it, rejoiced thereat, and said, by God's grace he would answer them again.  
The ninth of june arrived at Newhaven three captains with their bands, 
A new supply 〈◊〉 Berwick soldiers.  of an hundred a piece, line 60 being of the garrison of Berwick: to wit, captain Tremaine, captain Cornwall, & captain Carew. Edward Randoll also landed there the same day, appointed to be knight marshal. 
captain Randoll appointed knight marshal.  For ye must understand, that sir Adrian Poinings, being knight marshal upon his return into England, was otherwise employed, and went not back again: and then was sir Thomas Finch of Kent appointed to go over to supply the room of knight marshal: 
Sir Thomas F●nch.  who making his provision ready, sent over his brother Erasmus Finch to have charge of his band; and his kinsman Thomas Finch to be his provost marshal, whilst staying till he had every thing in a readiness to pass over himself. At last, he embarked in one of the queens majesties ships called the Greiehound, having there aboard with him, beside threescore and six of his own retinue, fourteen other gentlemen, two of them being brethren to the lord Wentwoorth, james Wentwoorth, and john Wentwoorth, with diverse others, who in the whole (accounting the mariners) amounted unto the number of 200 persons and upward. And as they were on the furthest coast toward Newhaven, they were by contrary wind and foul weather driven back toward the coast of England; and plieng towards Rye, they forced the captain of the ship, a very cunning seaman named William Maline, and also the master and mariners, 
Sir Thomas Finch dro●ned.  to thrust into the haven before the tide, and so they all perished, seven of the meaner sort only excepted, where of three died shortly after they came to land.  
The dead body of sir Thomas Finch amongst others was cast on shore, & being known, was conveyed home to his house, and there buried in his parish church. After this mischance, and loss of that worthy gentleman, 
Edward Randoll provost marshal.  the said Edward Randoll was appointed knight marshal, who ordained a right sufficient parsonage, captain john Shute, to be his provost marshal. The fifteenth of june, captain Richard Sanders, and captain William Saul, 
A supply of soldiers arrive at Newhaven.  with their bands of an hundred soldiers a piece, and captain Drury, with two hundred, arrived at Newhaven: and the morrow after arrived captain Roberts with another hundred of soldiers. And on the seventeenth of june, being thursday, 
Sir Francis Knolles arrival.  sir Francis Knolles, vicechamberleine of the queens majesties house landed there, being sent over by her majesty and her council, to view the state of the town.  
On friday the eighteenth of june, a sergeant of captain Blunts band, 
Execution of soldiers for drawing upon their captains.  and a soldier of captain Darcies' band, were executed in the market place of Newhaven, for drawing their weapons against their captains, and forsaking their appointed places of warding, and such other lewd parts which they had committed. The five and twentieth of june, proclamation was made, 
A proclamation forbidding resort of soldiers to Newhaven without licence.  that no soldier of the new fort should resort to the town of Newhaven, without licence of his captain, or some of his principal officers, on pain of death: or that any man should presume to pass the limits of the said new fort, except upon occasion of service, in company of his captain or lieutenant, on like pain. And this order was taken, because diverse straggling abroad, had been taken prisoners, and slain by the enemies, to their own reproach, & hindrance of the prince's service. The eight and twentieth of june, the Frenchmen came down to the village of Lheure, & there very near to the fort began to skirmish with the Englishmen. There were of them ten ensigns of footmen, and two hundred horsemen. This skirmish lasted three hours, 

A long skirmish without any great hurt.  
Canons placed to beat the town.   and yet there were not passed four slain. The night following, they placed five canons betwixt the town and the brickehils, and likewise they placed other pieces of their artillery at the foresaid village of Lheure, so that they shot both into the town and fort.  
The first of julie about midnight, they issued forth of their trenches, and skirmished with the English scouts, drove them under the bulwark of saint Addresses, and there perceiving that the Englishmen had a privy sally out, after a long skirmish they retired. They had meant to have set the mills belonging to the town on fire: but they had such play made them, that about three of the clock in the morning, they became to be quiet, and left the Englishmen in rest, having done to them little or no hurt at all. The great ordinance on both sides was not idle, whilst this skirmish was in hand. The second and third of julie, 
Six hundred ou● of Norfolk, and three hundred out of Suffolk.  there landed nine hundred soldiers that came forth of Norfolk and Suffolk, yellow cloaks and blue cloaks very well appointed, having to their captains Ferdinando Liggens, Philip Sturleie, john Highfield, and Edward Driver. Also there came the same time fifty carpenters, sixteen sawyers, and eight smiths in her works. Moreover, on the third day of julie, about ten of the clock at night, the French gave a great alarm to the town, beat in the scouts: but incontinently issued forth five hundred soldiers out at line 10 the sallying place, under the green bulwark, and beat the Frenchmen back into their trenches, and kept them waking all that night.  

captain Sanders hurt and dieth.  The same time, captain Sanders was hurt with a shot in the leg, whereof he shortly after died: other loss at that time the Englishmen received not. The fift of julie, a proclamation was made for soldiers to resort in time of alarms, unto that part & quarter, which was assigned to their captains, and not to absent themselves from their ensigns, whether it line 20 were at alarms, watch, ward, or other service. The sixth of julie, 
Ordinance planted and discharged in great numbers.  about three of the clock in the morning, the enemies planted three canons, and three culverins, discharging that morning to the number of four score and ten shots: but perceiving they did little hurt, they stayed their shooting, saving that now and then they shot into the bulwark, and over it into the town: they also leveled a piece, and shot it off towards the new galley, slew therein two men, and hurt three or four other. The same day, a canon line 30 and a culvering were sent forth of the town to the new fort. The twelve of julie, about four of the clock in the morning, the French laid battery to the bulwark of saint Addresses, continuing the same all that day. 
The ordinance in the steeple dismounted.  They also dismounted the same day the ordinance in the steeple of Newhaven, and beat down the great bell, clean defacing the steeple. They discharged that day against the town (as was gathered by due estimation) to the number of twelve hundred canon shot. line 40  

William Robinson killed. William Bromfield hurt.  The same evening was William Robinson esquire, waterbailife of the town of Newhaven slain with a shot; and also William Bromfield master of the ordinance hurt with the same, and being conveyed over into England, he shortly after died of that hurt. The fourteenth of julie, sir Hugh Paulet knight landed at Newhaven, bringing with him eight hundred soldiers out of Wiltshire and Glocestershire. 
A new supply of Wiltshire and Glocestershire men.  The same day came the Frenchmen down to the number of three thousand, even hard to line 50 the gates of the town, beating the Englishmen out of their trenches: but yet in the end, they were forced to retire, and of Englishmen there were not passed twenty slain, and about an hundred hurt. But the Frenchmen (as was esteemed) lost above four hundred horsemen and footmen, albeit they took from the Englishmen at that present a culvering, which was set forth to annoy them. But their force at that time was such, as they prevailed, & so retired line 60 with that piece, though they well paid for it. The same day also in the after noon, the little galeasse called the Fox, went out of the haven, fraught with fifty men, to flank alongst the shore, and to beat the Frenchmen with her shot; but as she was shooting off at them, a linen stock fell into a barrel of powder and set it on fire together with the vessel, 
The galeasse burnt by casualty.  so that she suddenly sank, and all that were aboard in her were lost, saving fifteen that saved themselves by swimming.  
The one and twentieth of julie, the constable of France, 
The constable of France cometh to the siege.  accompanied with the marshals Montmorancie and Burdillon, and many other lords and knights of the order, came to the abbeie of Graville, where the marshal Brissacke was lodged, who had the general charge in the army, before the coming of the said constable. They dined together there in the said Brissacks lodging, and after dinner they sat in council together how to proceed in the siege. friday the three and twentieth of julie, the constable came into the trench that was cast over against the bulwark of saint Address, 
The constable summoneth the town.  alongst by the sea side, and sent his trumpet to summon the town. The lord lieutenant appointed sir Hugh Paulet to go forth, & make the answer in his name: 
Sir Hugh paulet's answer to the constable.  which was in effect, that ●he queens majesty of England had appointed him and others to keep that town; and therefore they meant not to deliver it to any other person, without her graces especial commandment. In the mean time, there were diverse of the English captains and gentlemen, which accompanied the said sir Hugh, offered the wine which they had brought out of the town with them in flagons of silver and guilt, unto such captains and gentlemen as accompanied the trumpet by commandment of the constable, to survey the state of the trenches, and Palisad, as the French writers themselves confess. Amongst others, 
captain Monines. captain Leighton.  there was captain Monines the lieutenant of one of the ensigns colonels of monsieur Dandelot, with whom captain Leighton, being of acquaintance, had some talk.  
The Englishmen and Frenchmen were no sooner departed, they to their trenches, and the Englishmen into the town, but that the enemies having planted that morning eight canons in battery against the castle, and the bulwark of the haven, caused the same to be shot off, 
The castle battered.  continuing the same till wednesday at noon, being the eight and twentieth of julie. There were six other canons also planted by them in the mean space, which likewise made battery to the castle, and to the townegate. In this mean time also, Cuthbert Uaughan comptrollor, 
Cuthbert Uaughan departeth this life, his worthy praise.  departed out of this life, a skilful man of war, and no less circumspect than hardy, both to preserve those which he had under his conduction, and to encourage them to do manfully, when time thereto served. saturday, the four & twentieth of julie, the battery still continuing as before, certain pieces were bend also to beat and traverse the haven. The Englishmen therefore setting fire on two windmills that stood there, 
Windmills set on fire.  abandoned a trench which they kept: and the Palisad, captain Poiet, lieutenant of an other of the ensigns colonels of the French footmen under monsieur Dandelot, entered with his band, and took possession of a tower that stood at the end of the said Palisad. The French yet had hot abiding there, notwithstanding all the diligence and policy which they could use to lodge there in safety. Among others, 
Richlieu ma●●ster of the camp hurt.  captain Richlieu master of the camp, was hurt in the shoulder with an arquebus shot.  
The marshal Montmorancie caused a platform to be raised, joining to the Palisad, where about evening the same day he planted four pieces of artillery. On sunday the five and twentieth of julie, monsieur de Estrée, great master of the artillery, accompanied with the seneschal of Agenois, 
Monsieur de Estrée.  used all diligence that might be to place the artillery for battery: whereunto also, 
Monsieur de Ca●lac.  monsieur de Caillac applied himself by the constable's commandment, who had compounded a matter in variance betwixt him and monsieur de Estrée. This sunday and monday following, they were very busy to bring their purpose in that behalf to pass, & likewise to advance their trench unto the side of the breach. The marshal de Burdelon abode in the trench there all sunday, and lost two of his gentlemen. The marshal Montmorencie, 
The marshal Montmorencie.  accompanied with diverse lords & knights of the order, remained all monday in the trenches, to prepare things ready for the battery, not without some danger of his person. For the stones that were beaten with the bullets coming out of the town flew very fast about his ears, of the which there was one that lent him a blow on the shoulder, an other of them philipped him on the fingers, and lighting also in other parts of his body, if his armour had not defended him the better, he had not escaped without further harm. The same day, line 10 the prince of Conde and the duke of Montpensier came to the camp, 
The prince of Conde and the duke of Montpensier.  and alighting at the constable's lodging, went from thence ' to the trenches, to relieve the marshal Montmorencie, and to supply his room, whilst he might in the mean time go to sup with his father, and so take his rest. Monsieur Destrée, and the other that had charge about the planting and ordering of the artillery, used such dilgence, and were so earnestly called upon and encouraged by the prince of Conde, continually remaining in line 20 the trenches, 
The bulwark of saint Addresses battered.  that on tuesday in the morning, the artillery began to batter the bulwark of saint Addresses, and other places.  
This was done not without great danger of the pioneers and men of war that guarded them, for as the French desperately made their approach, so they were made by English gunner's to taste the bitter fruit that the canon & culverins yielded. But such was the multitude of the Frenchmen that were now assembled line 30 together, in hope to recover that town, which being possessed by the English, cut off all traffic from Roven and Paris, and so consequently from the chief parts of the whole realm of France, that with their general aid, 
Thus we see 〈◊〉 in opinion unpossible, by industry possible.  and drawing the water down to the sea, the marshes were made passable and firm ground, which to men of great experience was thought a thing unpossible. The castle, the walls, and other defences of the town were battered, breaches made, and the trench which before the line 40 coming of the constable, was but brought to the point over against the bulwark of saint Addresses, was now within four days advanced near hand the space of two miles, upon the causeie or breach which was all of stone, without any earth to cover them: so that they were driven to make the best shift they could with woolsacks, sandbags, baskets and faggots. Yet all this had never come to pass, nor could have been wrought without infinite slaughter, and far more loss of French blood, that necessarily line 50 should have been spilled, if the great mortality of pestilence which entered the town about the beginning of the summer, 
The great 〈◊〉 of pestilence in Newhaven.  through a malicious infection, had not so greatly increased, that it ●●ue & took away daily great numbers of men, beside those that being sick thereof, escaped with life▪ but were yet so feeble and weak, that they were notable to help themselves, nor to do any service available at all.  
There died so many daily through the vehemency of the infection, 
Additions to Lanquet.  that the streets lay even full of line 60 dead corpses, not able to be removed or buried, by reason of the multitude that perished. Herewith they were gréeuo●slie annoyed for want of fresh victuals; but chiefly of fresh waters, which the enemy by long siege had cut off. And now the shot of the canon, lying within six and twenty pa●es of the town, was so terrible, as the like had not lightly been heard of: and sundry breaches therewith were already made; namely two very great and easy for the enemies to enter. All these dangers and miseries notwithstanding, 
The high valiancy of the 〈◊〉 of Warwick.  the worthy earl of Warwick with his captains and soldiers in courageous order stood at those several breaches, ready to defend the same, if the enemies had presumed to have given the assault, nothing afraid of death nor bloody wounds; before which he preferred the service of his prince. And albeit the adventure was great, yet by his own example he encouraged other to cast away all dread of danger, and to show themselves bold, which to a soldior in battle is a whetstone to set him on edge. And surely in this point he was warriorlike minded, if a man may allow the poet's words in the like sense: 
Res magnae non absque gravi discrimine fiunt,  
In dubijs prodest generosa audacia rebus.   
Which when the constable perceived, he caused a trumpet to sound the blast of imparleacute; e, that talk might be had for the concluding of a composition betwixt both the parties. This offer, considering that sore contagious mortality wherewith the town was most grievously infected, having so greatly enfeebled the English forces within the same, was thought not unmeet to be received. Hereupon, after a sally made by the Englishmen, and a fair skirmish betwixt them and the Frenchmen that lay afore the fort de Lheure, 
captain Pelham went forth to talk with the commissioners.  on the tuesday the seven and twentieth of julie master William Pelham captain of the fort, with another gentleman and a trumpeter, went forth by appointment, and was received first by monsieur de Losses, who brought him to the marshal Montmorencie, and after by his appointment went with him by the Reingraves camp to the constable: and till his return a truce was accorded on that side of the fort. After that master Pelham had talked a space with the constable, the matter was put over till the next day, and so he returned.  
The morrow after being wednesday, 
The commissioners appointed to talk with the constable.  and the eight and twentieth of julie, the constable about seven of the clock came to the end of the trenches next to the town, where sir Maurice Denis treasurer of the town, sir Hugh Paulet, captain Horseie, captain Pelham, captain john Shute provost marshal, and Nicholas Malbie secretary to my lord lieutenant came forth, and passed over the haven to commune with him. And during the parley betwixt them, a truce was accorded and assented to by both parts: the which nevertheless was broken two several times through the unruly insolency of certain harquebutters. And though by the good diligence of the captains they were incontinently quieted and stayed: yet the valiant earl of Warwick, 
Additions to Lanquet. The earl of Warwick hurt.  standing at a breach in his hose and doublet in sight of his enemies, was by a lewd soldior of the French (contrary to the law of arms) shot through the thigh with an arquebus. The constable and the English commissioners appointed, had long conference together; and before they concluded, the marshal's Montmorencie and Burdellion (and at length the marshal Brissac also) came to the place where they were thus in parley: 
The constable took upon him to be chief in authority on the French part.  but the constable took upon him to have only authority to accept or refuse such conditions as should be offered, or agreed unto by the English commissioners in this treaty. And so at length they passed certain articles in form as followeth.  

The articles of agreement touching the surrender of Newhaven.  
FIrst, that the earl of Warwick should render again the town of Newhaven into the hands of the said constable of France, with all the artillery and munitions of war then being in that town, and belonging to the French king and his subjects.  
2 Item, that he should leave the ships that were in the said town at that present, belonging either to the king or his subjects, with all their furniture: and generally, all such merchandise and other things, being likewise at that present within that town, as either belonged to the king or his subjects.  
3 Item, for the more surety of the premises, the said earl should presently deliver into the hands of the said constable, the great tower of the said haven, so that the soldiers which were placed therein enter not into the town: and that the said earl of Warwick should cause the gates there towards the town to be warded, till it were in the possession of the said constable, without planting any ensigns on the said tower, according to the said agreement; line 10 and also that the said earl should deliver four such hostages as the said constable should name.  
4 Item, that the next day, by eight of the clock in the morning, the said earl should withdraw his soldiers which are in the fort, to deliver it immediately into the hands of the said constable, or such as should be by him appointed to receive the same at the said hour.  
5 Item, that all prisoners which have been taken before the said haven, should be delivered on either side, without paying any ransom. line 20  
6 Item, that the constable should for his part suffer the said earl of Warwick, and all those that are in garrison in the said Newhaven to departed with all things whatsoever that belonged to the queen of England and her subjects.  
7 Item, that for the departure as well of the said earl, as the removing of his soldiers, and other things before rehearsed, the said constable agreed to give them six whole days, beginning the morrow than next following; to wit, the nine and twentieth of line 30 julie: during which six days, they might frankly and freely take and carry away all the said things. And if wind or foul weather should hinder, that their passage could not be made within the said term, in this case the said constable should grant them such further time of delay, as might be thought reasonable.  
8 Item, the said constable did likewise permit, that all the ships and English vessels, and all other that should be appointed for the portage and conveying away line 40 of the said things should safely and freely pass into and fro the said haven, without any stay or impeachment, either by the French army or any other. The said four hostages were appointed to be master Oliver Manners, brother to the earl of Rutland, captain Pelham, captain Horseie, and captain Leighton. In witness whereof, the said lords, the constable of France, & the earl of Warwick signed these articles the eight and twentieth of julie, 1563.   
Thus the earl of Warwick, as he had (during the whole time of his abode there in that town of Newhaven) showed himself a right hardy & valiant captain; 

Additions to Lanquet.  
The earl of Warwick commended.   so now in the end he proved himself to be both prudent and politic. For by accepting of these honourable conditions to go with all armour, munition, ships, goods, bag and baggage, in any wise appertaining or belonging either to the queens majesty, or to any of her grace's subjects, he saved the lives of line 60 a great number, which otherwise scaping the scourge of the infective plague, must needs have fallen under the edge of the sword. The constable, during the time of the parlée, sent his youngest son monsieur de Thorree to the king and queen mother, to advertise them of the treaty of this peace. And after it was once concluded and signed by the earl of Warwick, he sent his eldest son the marshal Montmorencie, to present the same unto them at Criquetot, 
The French king cometh to the camp before Newhaven.  half way between Newhaven and Fescampe, who were right joyful of the news: and the next day they came to the camp, showing great signs of their conceived gladness, for the recovering of that town thus out of the Englishmen'S hands.  
On saturday the most part of the Englishmen took ship and departed homewards: for glad might he think himself that could get soon out of that unwholesome and most unsavoury air. Many sick persons yet were left behind, impotent and not able to help themselves. The misery whereof Edward Randoll esquire high marshal of the town (who was appointed to tarry and see the uttermost of the composition accomplished) perceiving, moved with natural pity of his countrymen relinquished without comfort, 
john Stow. Master Edward Randoll full of pity and commiseration.  caused the said sick persons to be carried aboard, not sparing his own shoulders, at that time feeble and full of the plague, himself and his men still bearing & helping the poor creatures on shipboard. A rare fact worthy reward, and no doubt in remembrance with God, the true recorder of merciful deserts. Thus was the town of Newhaven reduced again into the hands of the French, more undoubtedly through the extreme mortality that so outrageously afflicted the soldiers and men of war within the same, than by the enemies enforcements, although the same was great, and advanced to the uttermost of the adversaries power.  
Besides the meaner sort of those that died of the pestilence during the siege, 
Chief personages that died of the plague at Newhaven.  these I do find noted as chief: Cuthbert Uaughan comptrollor of the town, Francis Summerset coosine to the earl of Worcester, Auerie Darcie brother to the lord Darcie, john Zouch brother to the lord Zouch, Edward Ormesbie, Thomas Drury alias Po●gnard, Richard Croker, john Cockson, Thomas Kemish, john Proud, William Saul, Wilfreid Antwisell. Besides these being captains in chief dying there in that town, or else sickening there and dying upon their return into England, there were diverse other gentlemen, and such as had charge, which likewise ended their lives by force of that cruel and most grievous pestilent infection. 
diverse of name by canon shot, etc. slain.  There were diverse also that were slain, as well by canon shot, as otherwise in the field in skirmish, as both the Tremains brethren of one birth, Nicholas and Andrew, captain Richard Sanders, with master Robinson, and master Bromfield, of which two before ye have heard: also one Leighton a gentleman, & diverse more whose names I know not, worthy nevertheless to be remembered & placed in rank with such worthy men, as in their country's cause have lost their lives, and are therefore by writers registered to live by fame for ever.  
But now to pass to other matters at home. As ye have heard, 
john Stow. Pestilence transported from Newhaven to London.  the plague of pestilence being in the town of Newhaven, through the number of soldiers that returned into England the infection thereof spread into diverse parts of this realm: but especially the city of London was so infected, that in the same whole year, that is to say, from the first of januarie 1562, until the last of December, in 1563, there died in the city and liberties thereof (containing one hundred & eight parishes) of all diseases twenty thousand, three hundred, 
One hundred and eight parishes in London, besides eleven in the suburbs.  three score and twelve: and of the plague being part of the number aforesaid, seventeen thousand, four hundred, and four persons. And in the outparishes adjoining to the same city, being eleven parishes, died of all diseases in the whole year, three thousand, two hundred, four score and eight persons: and of them, of the plague two thousand, seven hundred, thirty and two. So that the whole number of all that died of all diseases, as well within the city and liberties, as in the outparishes, was twenty three thousand six hundred and threescore: and of them there died of the plague, twenty thousand one hundred thirty and six.  
The eight of julie in the morning, 
Tempest at London by lightning and thunder.  happened a great tempest of lightning and thunder, where through a woman and three kine were slain, in the Covent garden near to Chaxingcrosse. At the same time in Essex a man was torn all to pieces as he was carrying hay, his barn was borne down, and his hay burned: both stones and trees were rend in many places. 
King Philip● proclamation at Brussels.  The council of king Philip at Brussels commanded proclamation to be made in Antwerp and other places, that no English ship with any clothes, should come into any places of the low countries: their colour was (as they said) the danger of the plague, which was at that time in London, & other places of England. Nevertheless line 10 they would gladly have gotten our wools, but the queens majesty through suit of our merchant adventurers caused the wool fleet to be discharged, and our cloth fleet was sent to Emden in east Friesland, about Easter next following, in the year of our Lord 1564. Forsomuch as the plague of pestilence was so hot in the city of London, 
threefold plague to the poor citizens 〈◊〉 London.  there was no term kept at Michaelmas. To be short, the poor citizens of London were this year plagued with a threefold plague, pestilence, scarcity of money, and line 20 dearth of victuals, the misery whereof were too long here to write: no doubt the poor remember it, the rich by flight into the countries made shift for themselves, etc.  
An earthquake was in the month of September in diverse places of this realm, 
An earthquake in diverse places 〈◊〉 England.  specially in Lincoln & Northamptonshires'. After the election of the mayor of London by the counsels letters, the queens majesties pleasure was signified unto sir Thomas Lodge then mayor, that forsomuch as the plague line 30 was so great in the city, the new mayor elected should keep no feast at the Guildhall, 
No majors feast kept at the Guildhall.  for doubt that through bringing together such a multitude, the infection might increase. For that week there died within the city and out parishes, more than two thousand: wherefore sir john White, the new mayor, took his oath at the uttermost gate of the tower of London. 
Anno Reg. 6.  From the first day of December, till the twelve, was such continual lightning and thunder, especially the same twelve day at night, 
Lightning & thunder in December.  that the line 40 like had not been seen nor heard by any man then living.  

A monstrous fish driven to shore.  In the month of December was driven on the shore at Grimsby in Lincolnshire a monstruous fish, in length nineteen yards, his tail fifteen foot broad, and six yards between his eyes, twelve men stood upright in his mouth to get the oil. For that the plague was not fully ceased in London, Hilary term was kept at Hertford castle beside line 50 Ware. year 1564 
Term kept at Hertford. Rich. Grafton▪ A peace between England and France.  This year the thirteenth of April, an honourable and joyful peace was concluded, betwixt the queens majesty and the French king; their realms dominions and subjects: and the same peace was proclaimed with sound of trumpet, before her majesty in her castle of Windsor, then being present the French ambassadors. And shortly after, the queens grace sent the right honourable sir Henry Careie lord of Hunnesdon, 
The noble descent of the lord of Hunnesdon.  now lord chamberlain (of whose honourable and noble descent it is thus written line 60 
— cuius fuerat matertera pulchra  
Reginae genitrix Henrici nobilis uxor)  accompanied with the lord Strange, beside diverse knights and gentlemen, unto the French king, with the noble order of the garter, who finding him at the city of Lions, being in those parties in progress, he there presented unto him the said noble order: and Garter king at arms invested him therewith, observing the ceremonies in that behalf due and requisite. The plague (thanks be to God) being clean ceased in London, both Easter and Midsummer terms were kept at Westminster. ¶ And here by the way to note the infection of this plague to have been dispersed into other countries besides England, it is read in Schardius In epitome rerum gestarum sub Ferdinando primo imperatore, 
The plague in Germany whereof three hundred thousand died.  that the pestilence did so rage in Germany, and poisoned such peopled places, namely Norimberge, Francford, Magdburge, Dansk, Hamburgh, and their borders, that by estimation (saith he) there died of that contagion to the number of three hundred thousand. A grievous scourge of God (saith mine author) howbeit very few thereby so terrified, that they reform their wicked lives. Which plague in Germany I therefore do here repeat, because by all likelihoods it is to be gathered, that as it raged in the same year both there and here; so the cause may be all one that bred so venomous an effect.]  
There was on the vigil of S. Peter a watch in the city of London, 
Watch on S. Peter's night.  which did only stand in the highest streets of Cheap, Cornhill, and so forth to Algate: which watch was to the commons of the same city as chargeable, as when in times past it had been commendably done. 

Abraham Hartwell in regina literata.  
The queens progress through Cambridge.   The fift of August, the queens majesty in her progress came to the university of Cambridge, and was of all the students (being invested according to their degrees taken in the schools) honourably and joyfully received in the King's college, where she did lie during her continuance in Cambridge. The days of her abode were passed in scholastical exercises of philosophy, physic, and divinity: the nights in comedies, and tragedies, set forth partly by the whole university, and partly by the students of the King's college, to recreate and delight her majesty, who both heard them attentively, and beheld them cheerfully.  
At the breaking up of the divinity act, being on wednesday the ninth of August (on the which day she road through the town, and viewed the colleges, those goodly and ancient monuments of kings of England her noble predecessors) she made within saint Mary's church a notable oration in Latin, in the presence of the whole learned university, to the students great comfort. 
A. F.  ¶ A copy whereof I have set down, as I received it in writing at the hands of one that then was present, and noted the same as her majesty uttered it. Whose words unto me in a letter, wherewith the same oration was sent, I do here set down Bona fide. 
Tho. Newto●▪  This her majesties extemporal oration (saith he) lying among my papers these twenty years and more, I thought good now to send to you, that if any occasion be fitly offered in the discourse of her highness reign, you may (if you please) insert it. In truth, I myself never elsewhere read it, which hath made me even religiously to preserve it. Master Abraham Hartwell in his Regina literata, dwelling upon this only argument of her coming and doings at Cambridge, glanceth in a distich or twain at the effect hereof. But this is the thing itself, as I myself (as most unworthy) being both an ear and also an eye witness, can testify.  

Serenissimae reginae Elisabethae oratio, publicè Cantabrigiae habita, coram universo academiae coetu, anno 1564: & regni sui sexto.  
ETsi foeminilis iste meus pudor (subditi fidelissimi & academia charissima) in tanta doctorum turba illaboratum hunc sermonem et orationem me narrare apud vos impediat: tamen nobilium meorum intercessus & erga academiam benevolentia me aliquid proferre invitat. Duobus ad hanc rem stimulis moveor. 
Duo stimuli quibus movebatur regia maiestat  Primus est, bonarum literarum propagatio: alter est, vestra omnium expectatio. Quod ad propagationem spectat, 
〈◊〉 in Academi●orum coe●u non●ihil eloqueretur.  unum illud apud Demosthenem memini: Superiorum verba apud inferiores librorum locum habent, & principum dicta legum authoritatem apud subditos retinent. Hoc igitur vos omnes in memoria tenere velim: quòd semit a nulla praestantior est, sive ad bona fortunae acquirenda, sive ad principum gratiam conciliandam, quàm ut gnaviter (ut coepistis) studijs vestris exhibeatis operam: quod ut faciatis, vos omnes oro obsecróque. De secundo stimulo, line 10 vestra nimirùm expectatione, hoc unum dico, me nihil lubenter praetermissuram esse, quod vestrae de me animae benevolae concipiunt cogitationes.  
jam ad academiam venio. Tempore antemeridiano vidi ego aedificia vestra sumptuosa, à meis maioribus, 
Regia maiestas pollicetur se aliquod monumentum in academia relicturam.  clarissimis principibus literarum causa extructa. Et inter videndum, dolor artus meos occupavit, atque ea mentis suspiria, quae Alexandrum quondam tenuisse feruntur. Qui cum legisset line 20 multa à principibus posita monumenta, conversus ad familiarem seu potiùs ad consiliarium, multùm doluit se nìhil tale fecisse. Haec tamen vulgaris sententia me aliquantùm recreavit, quae etsi non auferre, tamen minuere potest dolorem. Quae quidem sententia haec est: Romam non uno aedificatam fuisse die: tamen non est ita senilis mea aetas, nec tam diu fuit, ex quo regnare coepi, quin ante redditionem debiti naturae (si non nimis citò Atropos line 30 lineam vitae meae amputaverit) aliquod opus faciam: & quandiu vita hos regit artus, nunquam à proposito deflectam.  
Et si contingat (quàm citò futurum sit, nescio) me mori oportere, priusquam hoc ipsum quod polliceor complere possim: 
Si non ante saltem post mortem profitetur se prestituram quod pollicetur.  aliquod tamen egregium opus post mortem relinquam, quo & memoria mea in posterum celebris fiat, & alios excitem exemplo meo, & vos omnes alacriores faciam ad studia vestra. Sed iam videtis quantum intersit inter doctrinam line 40 lectam, & disciplinam animo non retentam. Quorum alterius sunt complures satis sufficientes testes: alterius autem vos omnes nimis quidem inconsyderatè testes hoc tempore effeci, quae meo barbaro orationis genere tam diu doctas vestras aures detinuerim. Dixi.   
The next day, she went forward on her progress to Finchinbrooke by Huntingdon. 
Duterier and Belman for the day.  The thirtieth day line 50 of August was enacted by a common council of the city of London, that all such citizens as from thence forth should be constrained to sell their household stuff, leases of houses, or such like, should first cause the same to be cried through the city by a man wi●h a bell, and then to be sold by the common outcrier appointed for that purpose, and he to retain one farthing upon the shilling for his pains. The twentieth of September arose great floods in the river of Thames, 
Great floods in the Thames.  where through the marshes near adjoining line 60 were overflowed, and many cattle drowned.  

Ex I. S. pa. 1123 Creation of a baron namely sir Robert Dudleie baron of Denbigh.  ¶ The creation of sir Robert Sutton alias Dudleie knight of the garter, and master of the horse, to the queen's majesty, who was created baron of Denbigh, and after earl of Leicester on Michaelmas day at saint james, with the gift of the manor of Killingworth, and other things there to him and his heirs, to the yéerlie value of four and twenty pounds & better. First, the said lord attended on the queen's highness, to the chapel, and from the chapel to service, and when he was returned to the chamber of presence, the said lord with other departed to the lord chamberleins chamber, and shifted them: the said lord Robert in his surcot with the hood, his mantle borne before him by the lord Huns●on, and led by the lord Clinton lord admiral by the right hand, and the lord Strange on the left hand, 
The stately attendance a● this creation.  in their parliament robes, Garter bearing the patent, & before him the officers of arms, and so proceeded into the chamber of presence, where the queens highness sat under the cloth of estate with the noblemen on each side of her, the ambassador of France was also present with another stranger an Italian.  
And when the said lord with the other came in the queens sight, they made their obeisance three times, the said lord kneeled down: 
The execution of the ceremonies & orders at this creation  after the which Garter prese●●ed the letters patents to the lord chamberlain, and he presented the same to the queens highness, who gave it to sir William Cecil secretary, who read the same with a loud voice, & at the words of Creavimus, the lord of Hunsdon presented the mantle to the queens majesty, who put on the same, whereby he was created baron of Denbigh for him and his heirs. Then the patent was read out to the end, after the which he delivered it to the queen again, and her highness gave it to the said lord, who gave her majesty most humble thanks, and he rose up and departed to the chamber they came from, the trumpets sounding before him.  
Then he shifted him of those robes, 
Creation of an earl, and namely the earl of Lacester.  and put on the robes of estate of an earl, and being led by the earl of Sussex on the right hand, and the earl of Huntingdon on his left hand, the earl of Warwick bearing his sword the pommel upward, and the girdle about the same, all in their robes of estate, the lord Clinton lord admiral in his parliament robes, bearing his cap with the coronal, Garter before him bearing his patent, and the other officers of arms before him, they proceeded as afore into the chamber of presence, where, after they had made their obeisance, the said earl kneeled down, and Garter delivered his patent to the lord chamberlain, who gave the same to the queens majesty, & her highness gave the same to sir William Cecil secretary to read, who read the same. And at the words Cincturam gladij, the earl of Warwick presented the sword to the queens highness, 
The queen herself girteth the sword and girdle about the earls neck.  who girt the same about the neck of the said new earl, putting the point under his left arm, and after her majesty put on his cap with the coronal. Then his patent was read out to the end, and then the said secretary delivered it again to the queen, and her highness gave it to the said new earl of Leicester, who gave her humble thanks for it.  
And then he arose and went into the council chamber to dinner, the trumpets sounding before, and at dinner he sat in his kirtle, and there accompanied him the foresaid ambassador of France, and the said Italian, with diverse other earls and lords. And after the second course, Garter with the other officers of arms, proclaimed the queens majesties style, and after, the style of the said earl, 
The officers fees fifteen pounds at this creation.  for the which they had fifteen pounds, to wit, for his barony five pounds, & for his earldom ten pounds, and Garter had his gown of black velvet guarded with three guards of the same, laid on with lace, lined through with black taffeta, and guarded on the inner side with the same, and on the sleeves eight and thirty pair of aglets of gold. The earls style was as followeth: Du tresnoble & puissant seigneur Robert conte de Leicestre, baron de Denbigh, chevalier du tresnoble order de la iarretièrre, & grand esquire de la royne nostre sowereigne. On whole scutcheon, containing sundry coats, environed with the cognisances of both orders, as well S. michael's as S. George's, with other ornaments, were made these verses, now common to be read: 
Quot clypeos atauûm clypeo coniungis in uno, 
  
Tota tibi virtutes atauûm sunt pectore iunctae:  
Somerij pietas, vis imperterrita Greij,  
Intemerata fides Hastingi, nobile pectus  
Ferrarij, Quinci probitas, bonitásque Boghani,  
Martia Talbotti virtus, fidissima dextra  
Beauchampi, Herculei mens inconcussa Guidonis,  
Barklaei vigour, & generosa modestia Lisli.]   
The second of October in the afternoon, and on the morrow in the sorenoone, was a solemn obsequy at Paul's church in London, for Ferdinando late emperor departed. ¶ Of this emperor it is said, line 10 that lying sick, 
Ex Schardio.  and so sick that Zichard a preacher of his court then present could not hold him up: howbeit coming at last to himself and somewhat in recovery, 
Ferdinand foretelleth the very uttermost day of his own death.  he said to the standers by; You thought that I would never come again, nay mine hour is not so soon: I do certainly know that I shall not die before Whitsuntide. Now when he had lived till that day, and eight days after, as having the very time of his departure told him by secret revelation, (and satisfied at full touching the request that David line 20 made to God about the length of his life, saying: 

Lord let me know mine end and the number of days, that I may be ●●●tified how long I have to live.  Da mihi nosse meae quae sint stata tempora vitae,  
Et quando ultima sint fata futura mihi)  he said to them that were about him: It is the holy ghosts pleasure that I should not die before saint james tide, that as he was a pilgrim among us, so I with him should pass my pilgrimage out of this my native country. After which words spoken, his disease grew to greater force and sharpness, insomuch that at last, even at the very time prefixed, namely S. james day, he departed this life, after line 30 he had lived sixty years, nine months, and odd days. He governed the empire above the space of seven years, 
The goodly 〈◊〉 male and female that God gave Ferdinand.  & had to wife Anne queen of Hungary and Boheme, by whom he had fifteen children, some male; namely, Maximilian, Ferdinand, john and Charles: also eleven females; to wit, Elisabeth married to Sigismond king of Poland, Anne, Marie, Mawdline, Catharine, Elinor, Margarite, Barbare, Ursule, Helen, and jone. He is commended line 40 for his carefulness, his watchfulness, his bountifulness, his gentleness, his uprightness, his discréetnesse, his peaceableness, and other qualities, wherein he had a kind of singularity. And thus much of him by way of praise, as I found it ready to my hand.]  
The seventh of October at night, from eight a clock till after nine of the clock, 
Fierrie impressions.  all the north parts of the element seemed to be covered with flames of fire, proceeding from the north-east and northwest, toward the midst of the firmament, where after it line 50 had stayed nigh one hour, it descended west: and all the same night (being the next after the change of the moon) seemed nigh as light as it had been fair day. 
Anno Reg. 7. Houses shattered with gunpowder.  The twentieth of November in the morning, through negligence of a maiden with a candle, the snuff falling in an hundred pounds' weight of gunpowder, three houses in Bucklersbury were sore shaken, and the maid died two days after. The one and twentieth of December began a frost, 
The Thames frozen over.  which continued so extremlie, that on Newyeares' even, people went over and alongst the Thames on the ise line 60 from London bridge to Westminster. Some played at the football as boldly there, as if it had been on the dry land: diverse of the court being then at Westminster, shot daily at pricks set upon the Thames: and the people both men and women went on the Thames in greater numbers, than in any strèet of the city of London. On the third day of januarie at night it began to thaw, and on the fift day was no ise to be seen between London bridge and Lambeth, which sudden thaw caused great floods and high waters, that bore down bridges and houses, and drowned many people in England: especially in Yorkshire, 
Owes bridge borne down.  Owes bridge was borne away with others.  
The third day of February, 
Henry Stuart married the queen of Scots.  Henry Stuart lord Darleie, about the age of nineteen years, eldest son to Matthew earl of Lineux (who went into Scotland at Whitsuntide before) having obtained licence of the queens majesty, took his journey towards Scotland, accompanied with five of his father's men, where when he came, he was honourably received, & lodged in the king's lodgings, and in the summer following, he married Marie queen of Scotland. About this time, for the queens majesty were chosen and sent commissioners to Bruges, 
Commissioners chosen to go to Bruges  the lord Montacute knight of the honourable order of the garter, doctor Wotton one of her majesties honourable council, doctor Haddon one of the masters of requests to her highness, with others: master doctor Aubreie was for the merchant adventurers of England: they came to Bruges in Lent, Anno 1565, and continued there till Michaelmas following, and then was the diet prolonged till March in the year 1566, and the commissioners returned into England.  
The two and twentieth of April, year 1565 the lady Margarite countess of Lineux, 
Lady Lineux sent to the tower.  was commanded to keep her chamber at the Whitehall, where she remained till the two and twentieth of june, and then conveyed by sir Francis Knolles and the guard to the tower of London by water. On s. Peter's even at night, was the like standing watch in London, 
Standing watch at at midsummer in London.  as had been on the same night twelve months past. The sixteenth of julie, about nine of the clock at night began a tempest of lightning and thunder, with showers of hail, which continued till three of the clock in the next morning, so terribly, 
Tempest at Chelmesford of lightning thunder and rain.  that at Chelmesford in Essex 500 acres of corn was destroyed, the glass windows on the east side of the town, and of the west and south sides of the church were beaten down, with the tiles of their houses also, besides diverse barns, chimneys, and the battlements of the church, which was overthrown. The like harm was done in many other places, as at Leeds, Cranebroke, Dover, etc.  
Christopher prince and margrave of Baden, 
The margrave or marquess of Baden and his wi●e great with child come to London.  with Cicilie his wife sister to the king of Swethland, after a long and dangerous journey, wherein they had traveled almost eleven months sailing from Stockholme, crossing the seas over into Lifeland, from whence by land they came about by Poland, Prussie, Pomerland, Meckelburgh, Friesland, and so to Antwerp in Brabant, then to Calis, at the last in September landed at Dover, and the eleventh day of the same they came to London, and were lodged at the earl of Bedford's place near to ivy bridge, where within four days after, that is to say, the fifteenth of September she traveled in childbed, 
She is delivered of a child.  and was delivered of a man child: which child the last of September was christened in the queens majesties chapel of White hall at Westminster, the queens majesty in her own person being godmother, the archbishop of Canturburie, and the duke of Norfolk godfathers. At the christening the queen gave the child to name Edwardus Fortunatus: for that God had so graciously assisted his mother, 
The queen giveth the name.  in so long and dangerous a journey, and brought her safe to land in that place, which she most desired, and that in so short time before her deliverance.  
The eleventh of November, the right honourable Ambrose earl of Warwick married Anne elder daughter to the earl of Bedford. 
Marriage of the earl of Warwick.  For the honour and celebration of which noble marriage, a goodly challenge was made and observed at Westminster at the tilt, each one six courses: at the tournie twelve strokes with the sword, three bushes with the punchion staff: and twelve blows with the sword at barriers, or twenty if any were so disposed. At ten of the clock at night the same day a valiant serviceable man called Robert Thomas, 
Robert Thomas master gunner slain by casualty.  master gunner of England, desirous also to honour the feast and marriage day (in consideration the said earl of Warwick was general of the ordinance within her majesties realms and dominions) made three great trains of chambers, which terribly yielded forth the nature of their voice, to the great astonishment of diverse, who at the firing of the second was unhappily line 10 slain by a piece of one of the chambers, to the great sorrow and lamentation of many.  

Anno Reg. 8.  The four and twentieth of December in the morning, there rose a great storm and tempest of wind, by whose rage the Thames and seas overwhelmed many persons, and the great gates at the west end of S. Paul's church in London (between the which standeth the brazen pillar) were through the force of the wind, 
Paul's gate blown open.  then in the western part of the world, blown open. In januarie monsieur Rambulet a line 20 knight of the order in France was sent over into England, 
Order of saint Michael.  year 1566 by the French king Charles the ninth of that name, with the order: who at Windsor was stalled in the behalf of the said French king, with the knighthood of the most honourable order of the garter. And the four and twentieth of januarie, in the chapel of her majesties palace of Whitehall, the said monsieur Rambulet invested Thomas duke of Norfolk, and Robert earl of Leicester, with the said order of S. Michael. line 30  

The marquess of Baden returneth into his own country.  The marquess of Baden and the lady Cicilie his wife, sister to the king of Swethen, who came into this land in the month of September last passed (as before is declared) being then by the queens especial appointment at their arrival honourably received by the lord Cobham, an honourable baron of this realm, and the lady his wife one of the queens majesties privy chamber, now in the month of April 1566 departed the realm again, the marquess a few days before his wife, being both conducted by line 40 a like parsonage the lord of Aburgavennie to Dover. 
Ground for the Burse in Cornhill first purchased.  Certain houses in Cornhill, being first purchased by the citizens of London, were in the month of February cried by a bellman, and afterward sold to such persons as should take them down, and carry them from thence: which was so done in the months of April and May next following. And then the ground being made plain at the charges also of the city, possession thereof was by certain aldermen in the name of the whole citizens, given to line 50 the right worshipful sir Thomas Gresham knight, agent to the queen's highness, there to build a place for merchants to assemble in, at his own proper charges: who on the seventh day of june laid the first stone of the foundation (being brick) and forthwith the workmen followed upon the same with such diligence, 
The first stone of the Burse laid.  that by the month of November, in An. 1567. the same was covered with slate. The commissioners before named, appointed for the matters of Flanders, keeping their diet at Bruges, agreed to refer the whole matter to the princes on both sides: line 60 and if they could not agree, than the merchants to have forty days to repair home with their merchandise, and in the mean time all things to stand as they were then. Our commissioners departed from Bruges about the six and twentieth of june.  
The one and thirtieth of August, the queens majesty in her progress came to the university of Oxford, 
The queens progress to Oxford.  and was of all the students, which had looked for her coming thither two years, so honourably and joyfully received, as either their loialnesse towards the queens majesty, or the expectation of their friends did require. Concerning orders in disputations and other academical exercises, they agreed much with those which the university of Cambridge had used two years before. Comedies also and tragedies were played in Christ's church, where the queen's highness lodged. Among the which the comedy entitled Palemon and Arcit, made by master Edward's of the queens chapel, had such tragical success, as was lamentable. 
Misfortune at Oxford at the playing of a tragedy.  For at that time by the fall of a wall and a pair of stairs, and great press of the multitude three men were slain.  
The fift of September after disputations, the queen at the humble suit of certain her nobility, and the K. of Spain's ambassador, made a brief oration in Latin to the university; 
The queen maketh an oration to the university.  but so wise and pithy as England may rejoice that it hath so learned a prince, and the university may triumph that they have so noble a patroness. The sixth of September after dinner, her grace coming from Christ's church over Carfox, and so to S. Mary's, the scholars standing in order according to their degrees even to the east gate, certain doctors of the university did ride before in their scarlet gowns and hoods, & masters of art in black gowns and hoods. The mayor also with certain of his brethren did ride before her in scarlet to the end of Magdalen bridge, where their liberties ended: but the doctors and masters went forward still to Shootover, a mile and more out of Oxford, because their liberties extended so far: and there after orations made, her highness with thanks to the whole university bade them farewell, and road to Ricote.  
The valiant captain Edward Randoll esquire, 
Soldiers transported into Ireland to vanquish Shane Oneil.  lieutenant of the ordinance, and colonel of a thousand footmen, in September last passed was with his band embarked at Bristol, and within few days after landed at Knockfergus in the north parts of Ireland; and from thence by water to a place called Derrie, by which passeth the river Longfoile. There the said colonel in short space fortified, to the great annoyance of Shane Oneil, and by great foresight and experience guarded himself and his charge, till the said Oneil (to hinder and disturb his abode there) the twelve of November arrived with a great army of Kerne Galowglasses and horsemen, with whom the said captain Randoll encountered, and him there so discomfited, as after that conflict he durst never approach the queens power. And to his perpetual fame, the said captain by reason of his bold and hardy onset, that day lost his life. 
Young prince of Scots christened.  Charles james the sixth of that name, son to Henry Stuart lord of Darnleie and Marie king & queen of Scots was borne in Edinburgh castle, the ninetéenth of june last passed: 
Anno Reg. 9  and the eighteenth of December this year solemnly christened at Sterling, whose godfathers at the christening were Charles K. of France, and Philibert duke of savoy, and the queens majesty of England was the godmother, who gave a font of gold curiously wrought and enameled, weighing three hundred & three and thirty ounces, amounting in value to the sum of 1043 pounds, nineteen shillings.  
The tenth of February in the morning, 
K. of Scots murdered.  Henry Stuart lord of Darnleie before named K. of Scots, by Scots in Scotland was shamefully murdered, year 1567. the revenge whereof remaineth in the mighty hand of God. The two and twentieth of February, the lady Margaret Dowglas countess of Lineux, 
The countess of Lineux delivered out of the tower.  mother to the said king of Scots, was discharged out of the tower of London. Within the space of ten months last passed died seven aldermen of London, 
Seven aldermen deceased in London.  the first Edward Banks deceased the ninth of julie, An. 1566: Richard Chamberlain late sheriff, sir Martin Bowes, sir Richard Mallorie, sir William Hewet, and sir Thomas White late majors, than Richard Lambert one of the sheriffs for that year, the fourth of April 1567. The like mortality to have happened among them about a ten or eleven years before, 
〈◊〉 before pag. 1132.  you shall read in the history of queen Marie, in the fourth year of her reign.  
The two and twentieth of April by great misfortune of fire in the town of Ossestrie in Wales, 
The town of Ossestrie burnt thrice in thirty years.  twelve miles from Shrewsburie, to the number of two hundred houses, to wit, seven score within the walls, and three score without in the suburbs, besides cloth, corn, cattle, &c: were consumed, which fire began line 10 at two of the clock in the after noon, and ended at four, to the great marvel of many, that so great a spoil in so short a time should happen. Two long streets with great riches in that town was burnt in the year 1542: and likewise or worse in the year 1564. The four and twentieth of April the sergeants feast was kept at Greis inn near unto Holborn, 
Sergeant's 〈◊〉.  and there were at that time made seven new sergeants of the law. The seventeenth of May in the town of Milnall in Suffolk eight line 20 miles from Newmarket, 
Milnal in Suffolk burnt.  thirty seven houses besides barns, stables, and such like were consumed with fire in the space of two hours.  
Shane Oneil, who had most traitorously rebelled against the queens majesty in Ireland, and had done many great outrages in the parts of Ulster, was this year with his great loss manfully repelled from the siege of Dundalke by the garrison thereof: and afterward through the great valiancy and foresight of sir Henry Sidneie knight of the order, 
Shane Oneil discomfited. S●●tuta regni H●berniae. Edm. C●pian.  line 30 and lord deputy of Ireland, he was so discomfited in sundry conflicts, with the loss of three thousand five hundred of his men, that now foreseeing his declination to be imminent, he determined to put a collar about his neck, and disguising himself, to repair to the lord deputy, and penitently to require his pardon to have his life. But Neil Mackever his secretary, who had incited him to this rebellion, persuaded him first to try & treat the friendship of certain wild Scots, that then lay encamped in Clan Iboie, line 40 under the conducting of Alexander Oge, and Mac Gilliam Busk, whose father and uncle Shane Oneil had lately killed in an overthrow given to the Scots. Nevertheless he well liking this persuasion, went to the said camp the second of june, where after a dissembled entertainment, & quaffing of wine, Gilliam Busk burning with desire of revenge for his fathers and uncles death, and ministering quarreling talk, issued out of the tent, and made a fray upon Oneils men, and then gathering together his line 50 Scots in a throng, 
Shane Oneil mangled and backed in pieces.  suddenly entered the tent again, who there with their slaughter swords hewed in pieces Shane Oneil, his secretary, and all his company, except a very few which escaped by flight.  


Standing watch at midsummer maintained in London.  
The emperor Ma●imilian invested into the order of the garter.   On saint john's even at night was the like standing watch in London, as had been on saint Peter's even in the year last before mentioned. This year the emperor Maximilian the second of that name, being elected into the most honourable order of the garter, the right honourable Thomas earl line 60 of Sussex, &c: knight of the same most noble order, was appointed by the queens majesty to go unto the said emperor, with the said order of the garter, according to his said election. Who being honourably accompanied with the lord North, sir Thomas Mildmaie knight, Henry Cobham esquire, one of the pensioners, and others, departed from London the five and twentieth of june 1567., unto Dover, and there embarked, landed at Calis, and his train at Dunkirk, and so passed through the low countries to Antwerp in Brabant, where he was honourably received by the English merchants and others, 
The earl of Susse● visiteth madame de Parma.  and being there went to visit madame de Parma, regent of the said countries, then resident within the same town.  
From thence he passed unto Colen, where as his lordship and train mounted the river of Rhine, & by sundry continual days journeys passed by the city of Ments or Magunce, unto Oppenham, & there taking his way by land, passed through the country by the cities of Worms and Spires till he came to Ulmes, standing on the river of Danow, where he arrived the one and twentieth of julie: and the three and twentieth his lordship road in post to Auspurge, called in Latin Augusta Vindelicorum, nine Dutch miles from Ulmes. 
The journeys of the earl of Sussex during his abode beyond the seas.  From thence he departed the five and twentieth of julie, and met with his train at Donwert, being come thither upon floats down by the said river of Danow. From thence he kept upon his journey by Ingolstat, Reinspurge, in Latin Ratisbona, by Passaw and other towns, till he came to Linz, where his lordship stayed the first, second and third of August, by reason of the high waters.  
And departing from thence on the fourth of August, he passed by Stoan & Cremz, by the said river of Danow, and so arrived at the city of Uienna the fift of August in this foresaid year 1567., where he was received of the lord Smeckovites, having twelve horses ready with their foot-cloths for his lordship, and the most respected of his train, and so brought him to the presence of the emperor, 
The emperor interteineth the earl of Sussex.  at that present within his castle there in that city, by whom he was right honourably received, and afterwards conducted to his assigned lodging, where as all provision was prepared and made at the emperors charges. Here his lordship continued till the fourteenth of januarie. In which mean time the emperor very often (as time served) had the said earl forth with him, unto such pastimes of hunting the hart, boar, and such like, as the plentifulness of that country yieldeth. Moreover, during the time of his lordship's abode there at Uienna, 
Charles duke of Austria & the earl of Sussex salute each other.  Charles archduke of Austria and Carinth arrived in that city, whom my lord went to salute.  
After this, upon the queens majesties letters brought out of England by master Henry Brooke, alias Cobham, one of her gentlemen pensioners, the said earl of Sussex upon sunday the fourth of januarie in the after noon, year 1568 presented and delivered unto the emperors majesty in his chamber of presence, the habiliments and ornaments of the most noble order of the garter, sir Gilbert Dethike knight alias Garter, principal king of arms, and officer for the said order, and William Dethike then Rougecrosse, also officer of arms, giving their attendance in their coats of arms. And the emperor at his investure of the said habiliments, gave unto the said Garter his short gown and under garment, furred throughout with luzerns, and then proceeded thence into a great chamber, adorned in form of a chapel, where as all the other ceremonies belonging unto the said noble order were observed and accomplished. And the same night the said earl supped with the emperors majesty, both being in their robes of the said order.  
Now shortly after, 
The earl of Sussex departeth from Uienna, etc.  his lordship with certain of his company taking leave of the emperor, departed from Uienna the fourteenth of januarie aforesaid unto Newstat, and so through the country of Stir unto Gra●z the chief city of Carinth, where he took also leave of the said archduke Charles: and from thence returning, passed those parts of the Alps unto Saltzburgh, where he met with the other part of his train, and so by continuing journeys came again into England to the queen's majesty towards the latter end of March. 
john Stow. Anno Reg. 10. A sharp winter following a dry summer.  After a dry summer followed an extreme sharp winter, namely the latter part thereof, with such great scarcity of fodder and hay, that in diverse places the same was sold by weight, as in Yorkshire, and in the Peake of Darbishire, where a stone of hay was sold for five pence. There followed also a great death of cattle, namely of horse and sheep.  
This year in the month of januarie, the queen's majesty sent into the narrow seas three of her ships, 
Rich. Graston. The queens ships sent forth into the narrow seas.  and one bark named the Anthelop, the Swallow, the Aid, and the Phoenix, the which were manned with line 10 five hundred men. And her highness appointed the charge of the said ships and men to her trusty servant William Holstocke of London esquire, comptrollor of her highness ships, who had commandment to stay the subjects of king Philip. And according to his duty he used such diligence, as one having care unto his charge, in guarding as well the French as the English coasts, did the eleventh day of March next following meet with eleven sail of Flemish hoys open upon Bullongne, which came line 20 from Rone, 
Eleven sail of Flemish hoys laden with wines surprised by admiral Holstocke.  and had in them four hundred and odd tuns of Gascoigne and French wines, which they intended to have carried into Flanders: but the said Holstocke stayed all the said eleven hoys, and sent them to London, where they made their discharge, and the Flemings disappointed of those wines.  
Moreover the eight and twentieth day of the foresaid month of March, the said William Holstocke serving in the Anthelop (at that present admiral) and in his company being William Winter the line 30 younger (at that time his viceadmerall) serving in the Aid, and john Basing captain of the Swallow, and Thomas Govarlie captain of the Phoenix met in the narrow seas with fourteen sail of great hulks, which were come out of Portugal, and bound to Flanders: their chief lading being Portugal salt▪ and yet had good store of Spanish royals of plate, and also of good spices. The which fourteen hulks did maintain their fight for the space of two hours. And after that they did perceive that they could not line 40 prevail, 
Six Spanish hulks laden with diverse things taken by the English.  having tasted of the ordinance of the queens ships to their great hurt, as well in slaughter of their men, as also in spoil of their ships, the said Holstock and his company took eight of the said hulks, whereof six were sent into the river of Thames. And the admiral and viceadmerall in the said hulks being two great ships (which the said Holstocke himself did take) were carried unto Harwich, and there discharged.  
The eighteenth of March, through vehement rage line 50 and tempest of winds, many vessels on the Thames with two tiltbotes before Gravesend, 
john Stow. Great winds.  were sunk and drowned. The six and twentieth of june, deceased Thomas Young archbishop of York, 
Archbishop of York decesed.  at the manor of Sheffield, and was honourably buried at York. The eleventh of October were taken in Suffolk at Downam bridge, 
Monstrous fishes.  near unto Ipswich seventeen monstrous fishes, some of them containing seven and twenty foot in length, the other four and twenty, or one and twenty foot at the least. At the costs line 60 and charges of the citizens of London, a new conduit was built at Walbrooke corner near to Dowgate, 
New conduit at Walbrooke.  which was finished in the month of October, the water whereof is conveyed out of the Thames.  
The seven and twentieth of januarie, Philip Mestrell a Frenchman, 
Anno Reg. 11. 1569  and two Englishmen were drawn from Newgate to Tyburn, and there hanged, 
A Frenchman & two Englishmen executed. Muster of pensioners.  the Frenchman quartered, who had coined gold counterfeit; the Englishmen the one had clipped silver, the other cast testons of tin. The eight and twentieth of March, the pensioners well appointed in armour on horseback, mustered before the queen's majesty in Hide park beside Westminster. A great lottery being holden at London in Paul's church yard at the west door, 
A lottery at London.  was begun to be drawn the eleventh of januarie, and continued day and night till the sixth of May, wherein the said drawing was fully ended. 
Burial for the dead prepared by sir Thomas Ro called the New churchyard.  Sir Thomas Ro lord mayor of London, caused to be enclosed with a wall of brick nigh one acre of ground, near unto Bedlam without Bishop's gate, to be a place of burial for the dead of such parishes in London as lacked convenient ground within their said parishes.  
¶ On the southside whereof, 
A. F.  over a folding gate this inscription is graven in stone in great letters: Thomas Ro miles, cùm praetor esset Londinensis, 
The inscription or writing over the south gate of the new churchyard.  hunc locum Reipublicae, in usum publicae sepulturae communem, suo sumptu dedicavit: Anno Domini 1569. Which writing I have here recorded, for that in viewing the same, I saw some of the letters defaced and utterly made away: which in time might likewise befall to the residue, and so the memory of the gentleman there fixed to so good an end vanish and die. He also of a godly motion builded a convenient room in Paul's churchyard, on the southside of the cross, to receive a certain number of hearers at the sermon time: as may appear by some remembrances of his name there fixed. Howbeit, 
The death of sir Thomas Ro knight and lord mayor of London.  this gentleman thus well disposed, and like enough to have proceeded in more such godly actions, was called out of this life the next year immediately following, foregoing all the pomp of this life, with no less good will, than he was forward by death to pass to eternal rest. His body was buried in Hacknie church, in the southside of the chancel, where (besides a monument of himself and his wife) this epitaph remaineth to be read in fair great letters, as followeth: 
An. 1570. Septemb. 2.  
Sir Thomas Ro lieth buried hear, 
The epitaph of sir Thomas Ro, wherein his issue male and female is contained.   
Of London knight and alderman,  
Who late was mayor and rule did bear,  
To right the cause of every man:  
A merchant venturer was he,  
Of merchant tailors company:  
A citizen by birth also,  
And eke his wife dame Marie Ro.  
In wedlock one and thirty year,  
They did continue man and wife,  
Eleven children she did bear,  
But five of them have left this life:  
And six alive do yet remain,  
Four of them sons and daughters twain;  
His soul with God we hope is blest,  
And doth remain in Abraham's breast.]   
A standing watch on S. john's even at Midsummer, and sir john White alderman road the circuit, as the lord mayor should have done. The seven and twentieth of August, Andrew Gregorenich savin, 
Ambassadors from moscovy land at tower wharf.  ambassador from moscovy, landed at the tower wharf, and was there received by the lord mayor of London, the aldermen and sheriffs in scarlet, with the merchant's adventurers in coats of black velvet, all on horseback, who conveyed him riding through the city to the moscovy house in Seding lane, there to be lodged. 
Term adjourned.  The plague of pestilence somewhat raging in the city of London, Michaelmas term was first adjourned unto the third of November, and after to Hilary term next following. The eleventh of October, 
Duke of Norfolk sent to the tower.  Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk was brought from Burnam beside Windsor by land to Westminster, and from thence by water to the tower of London prisoner, sir Henry Nevil being his keeper. 
No majors feast at Guildhall.  This year the lord mayor of London went by water to Westminster, and there took his oath, as hath been accustomed, but kept no feast at the Guildhall, lest through coming together of so great a multitude, infection of the pestilence might have increased. That week from the one and twentieth unto the eight and twentieth of October, there died in the city and out parishes of all diseases one hundred fifty and two, of the which, one and fifty were accounted to die of the plague.  
On thursday the ninth of November, Thomas Persie earl of Northumberland received the queen's majesties letters to repair to the court. 
The earl of Northumberland and westmoreland 〈◊〉.  And the same night, other conspirators perceiving him to be wavering and unconstant of promise made to line 10 them, caused a servant of his, called Beckwith (after he was laid in his bed) to bustle in, and to knock at his chamber door, willing him in haste to arise, and shift for himself, for that his enemies (whom he termed to be sir Oswold Ulstrop, and master Uaughan) were about the park, and had béeset him with great numbers of men. Whereupon he arose, & conveyed himself away to his keepers house. In the same instant they caused the bells of the town to be rung backward, and so raised as many as they line 20 could to their purpose. The next night the earl departed thence to Branspith, where he met with Charles earl of Westmoreland, and the other confederates. Then by sundry proclamations, they abusing many of the queens subjects, commanded them in her highness name, 
The earls 〈◊〉 the queen and her subjects.  to repair to them in warlike manner, for the defence and surety of her majesties person; sometimes affirming their doings to be with the advise and consent of the nobility of this realm, who in deed were wholly bend (as manifestly line 30 appeared) to spend their lives in dutiful obedience, against them and all other traitors, sometimes pretending for conscience sake to seek to reform religion: sometimes declaring that they were driven to take this matter in hand, lest otherwise foreign princes might take it upon them, to the great peril of this realm.  
Upon monday the thirteenth of November, they went to Durham with their banners displayed. And to get the more credit among the favourers of the old line 40 Romish religion, they had a cross with a banner of the five wounds borne before them, sometime by old Norton, sometime by others. As soon as they entered Durham, 
Rebels rend the bible, communion books and behave themselves like Spanish ●●res.  they went to the minster, where they tore the bible, communion books, & other such as were there. The same night they went again to Branspith. The fourteenth day of the same month, they went to Darington, and there had mass, which the earls and the rest heard with such lewd devotion as they had. Then they sent their horsemen, to gather together such numbers of men as they could▪ line 50 The fifteenth day the earls parted; he of Northumbeland to Richmond, then to Northallerton, & so to Borowbridge; & he of Westmoreland to Ripon, & after to Borowbridge, where they both met again. On the eighteenth day they went to Wetherbie, 
Anno Reg. 12.  and there tarried three or four days, and upon Clifford moor, 
The number of rebels 2000 horsemen, and ●000 footmen.  nigh unto Bramham moor, they mistrusted themselves, at which time they were about two thousand horsemen, and five thousand footmen, which was the greatest number that ever they were. line 60 From which they intended to have marched toward York, but their minds being suddenly altered, they returned.  

Bernard's castle besieged and defended.  The three and twentieth of November, they besieged Bernard's castle, which castle was valiantly defended by sir George Bowes, and Robert Bows his brother, the space of eleven days, and then delivered with composition to departed with armour, munition, bag and baggage. In which time the queens majesty caused the said earls of Northumberland & Westmoreland to be proclaimed traitors, 
The earls proclaimed traitors.  with all their adherents and favourers, the four and twentieth of November. The lord Scroop warden of the west marches, calling unto him the earl of Cumberland and other gentlemen of the country, kept the city of Carleill. The earl of Sussex the queens lieutenant general in the north, 
The earl of Sussex went against the rebels.  published there the like proclamations (in effect) as had been published by her majesty against the said rebels, and also sent out to all such gentlemen as he knew to be her majesty's loving subjects under his rule, who came unto him with such numbers of their friends, as he was able in five days to make above five thousand horsemen and footmen. And so being accompanied with the earl of Rutland his lieutenant, the lord Hunsdon general of the horsemen, sir Ralph Sadler treasurer, the lord William Evers, 
The earl of Rutland and the lord Hunsdon, with others against the rebels.  that was after appointed to lead the rearward, and diverse other, that with their tenants and servants were come to him, remaining as then within the city of York: he set forward from thence the fift of December being sunday, and marched with his power which he had thus got together towards the enemies.  
Sir George Bows having surrendered Bernard's castle (as before ye have heard) met the earl of Sussex thus marching forward with his army at Sisaie, from whence they kept forward to Northallerton: and resting two nights there, they marched on to Croftbridge, then to Akle, and so to Durham, and after to Newcastle. And the twentieth of December they came to Heram, from whence the rebels were gone the night before to Naworth, where they counseled with Edward Dacres concerning their own weakness, 
The rebels and Edward Dacres consult about their weakness.  & also how they were not only pursued by the earl of Sussex & others with him, having a power with them of seven thousand men, being almost at their heels; but also by the earl of Warwick, and the lord Clinton, high admiral of England with a far greater army of twelve thousand men, raised by the queen's majesties commissioners out of the south and middle parts of the realm. In which army beside the earl of Warwick, 
The earl of Warwick and the lord admiral Clinton, sent against the rebels.  & the lord admiral, chief governors in the same, there was also Walter Devereux viscount Hereford high marshal of the field, with the lord Willoughby of Perham, master Charles Howard, now lord Howard of Effingham, general of the horsemen under the earl of Warwick, young Henry Knols eldest son to sir Francis Knols, his lieutenant, Edward Horseie captain of the isle of Wight, with five hundred arquebusiers out of the same I'll, and captain Leighton with other five hundred arquebusiers Londoners, and many other worthy gentlemen and valiant captains.  
The coming forward of these forces caused the rebels so much to quail in courage, that they durst not abide to try the matter with dint of sword. 
The rebels dare not stand to the trial of battle.  For whereas the earl of Warwick, and the lord admiral, being advanced forward to Darington, meant the next day to have sent Robert Glover then Portculeis, and now Summerset herald (who in his journey attended on the lord admiral, as Norreie king of arms did upon the earl of Warwick) unto the rebels, upon such message as for the time and state of things was thought convenient: the same night advertisements came from the earl of Sussex unto the earl of Warwick, and to the lord admiral, that the two earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland were fled, as the truth was they were indeed, first from Durham, whither the said Glover should have been sent unto them: 
The earls of Northumberland & Westmoreland fly into Scotland.  and now upon the earl of Sussex his coming unto Exham, they shrank quite away, and fled into Scotland, without bidding their company farewell. The earl of Warwick and his power marched on to Durham. But the earl of Sussex pursuing those other rebels that had not mean to flee out of the realm, apprehended no small number of them at his pleasure, without finding any resistance among them at all.  
The fourth and fift of januarie did suffer at Durham to the number of three score and six, year 1570 constables and others, 
Rebels executed at Durham.  amongst whom the alderman of the town and a priest called parson Plomtrée were the most notable. Then sir george Bowes being made marshal, finding many to be fautors in the foresaid rebellion, did see them executed in diverse line 10 places of the country. 
A prentice hanged in London for killing his master.  The one and twentieth of januarie a prentice of London was hanged on a gibbet at the north end of Finch lane in London (to the example of others) for that he the thirteenth of December had stricken his master with a knife whereof he died.  

Rich. Grafton. Lord Leonard Dacres rebelleth.  About the later end of januarie, Leonard Dacres of Harleseie began to rebel, and procured the people of the north parts to assist him: so that he raised to the number of three thousand men. Of whose line 20 attempts when the lord Hunsdon lord warden of the east marches, and governor of Berwick heard, he prepared to go against him: and having with him sir john Forster lord warden of the middle marches, they set forward towards the place where they thought they should find him. They had with them 300 chosen soldiers of the garrison of Berwick, and twelve hundred borderers, and other of the garrisons there about the borders: so that they were in all fifteen hundred footmen and horsemen. They marching line 30 therewith forth approached near to a town and castle called Naworth, 
The lord Dacres ready with his power to set upon the lord of Hunsdon.  which was in the keeping of the said Leonard Dacres. And upon a moor, through the middle whereof a little river called Chelt hath his course, the said Leonard Dacres the two and twentieth of February was ready with his power in order of battle, ranged & set in array after the form of a triangle, compassed and environed about with horsemen. And now upon the lord Hunsdons' approach, the said Dacres with great and stout courage line 40 gave an hardy onset upon the said lord Hunsdon and his company, near unto the foresaid river.  
The fight was sharp and cruel, and the event very doubtful for a while: the rebels were so stiffly bend to do their uttermost endeavour in defence of their wicked quarrel. There were amongst them many desperate women that gave the adventure of their lives, 
Stout women among the rebels.  and fought right stoutly. Many therefore were slain on both sides, to the number at the least of three hundred persons. But such was the forward valiancy line 50 of the lord Hunsdon, that his people encouraged by his example (whom they might see so nobly acquit himself, in adventuring so far as any other of the whole troup) behaved themselves in such manful wise, that the victory in the end fell to him and his company: and the said Leonard Dacres was forced to flee from his silly slain and miserable people, 
Leonard Dacres put to flight taketh his way into Scotland.  taking his way into Scotland, so fast as his horse might bear him. captain read and the other captains and soldiers of Berwick bore themselves right valiantly, and showed proof of their skill and line 60 hardy manhood in this skirmish. After the which these holds and castles were taken and delivered unto the said lord Hunsdon: Naworth which was committed unto the keeping of master Scroop, Kestwood, Greistocke and Rockleie, which were delivered to the keeping of diverse of the duke of Norffolks' officers.  
On good friday the seven and twentieth of March Simon Digbie of Askue, 
john Stow. Rebels executed at York.  john Fulthorpe of Isilbecke in the county of York esquires, Robert Peneman of Stokesleie, Thomas Bishop the younger of Poklinton in the same county of York, gentlemen, were drawn from the castle of York to the place of execution called Knaves mire, 
knaves mire.  half a mile without the city of York, and there hanged, headed, and quartered; their four heads were set on four principal gates of the city, with four of their quarters; the other in diverse places of the country. Osclope Clesbe was with them drawn to the gallows, and returned again to the castle. William earl of Penbroke baron of Cardiff, 
The earl of Penbroke deceased.  knight of the garter, one of the privy council, and lord steward of the queens majesties household, deceased the eighteenth of April, and was buried in saint Paul's church at London. 
D. powel in hist. Camb. pag. 399.  ¶ This noble man lived in great credit and estimation with king Henry the eight, king Edward the sixth, queen Marie, and queen Elisabeth, and was by every of the said princes employed in matters of great importance: and for his good and faithful service greatly honoured, as appeareth in an epitaph fixed upon his tomb in the cathedral church of saint Paul in London, which I thought good here to lay down.  

Perpetuae pietati sacrum.  
GVlielmo Herberto Penbrochiae comiti, equiti aurato praenobilis ordinis Anglici: Hen. viii. R. A cubiculis: Edoard. vi. R. equitum magistro: Walliae praesidi. Tumultu occidentali cum Russello & Grato baronibus paribus auspicijs summae rerum praeposito: Mariae R. contra perduelles, ac expeditione ad Augustam Veromanduorum bis, totius exercitus duci: bis summo in agro Caletum, limitum praefecto: Elisab. R. officiorum seu Magno Regiae magistro. Pariter & Dominae Annae ex vetusta Parrorum gente oriunda, Sorori Catharinae R. Henr. viii. R. vi. matrimonio coniunctae, ac Marchionis Northamptonij: Prudentiss. foeminae, pietatis, religionis, probitatis omnísque avitae virtutis retinentiss. fidiss. Comitis coniugi: Henr. F. ac comes, Pp. chariss. sibi ac suis moerens. P.  

Olijt aetatis Ann. 63. Secunda coniuge superstite, Georgio Salopiae comite genita, insigni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, virtute foemina.]  
Olijt salutis Ann. 1569. Secunda coniuge superstite, Georgio Salopiae comite genita, insigni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, virtute foemina.]   

Liberis relictis ex prima.  
Henrico Pemb. Comite. Secunda coniuge superstite, Georgio Salopiae comite genita, insigni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, virtute foemina.]  
Edoardo equite Aurato. Secunda coniuge superstite, Georgio Salopiae comite genita, insigni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, virtute foemina.]  
Domina Anna Baroni Talbot nupta. Secunda coniuge superstite, Georgio Salopiae comite genita, insigni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, virtute foemina.]    
The earl of Sussex, in revenge of the evil demeanour of the Scots inhabiting near to the English marches, as well in receiving and succouring diverse of the English rebels, as other naughty practices, assembled such forces as he thought expedient in the night that followed the seven and twentieth of April, and having with him the lord Hunnesdon governor of Berwick and lord warden of the east marches, sir William Drury marshal of the said army and town of Berwick, came to Work, being twelve miles distant from the said town of Berwick: & then the next day being the eighteenth of the same month, 
The earl of Sussex inu●●deth Scotland.  they entered into Tividall in Scotland, where marching in warlike order, they burned, overthrew, wasted and spoiled all the castles, towns and villages, as they passed, till they came to a tower called the Moss tower, standing in a marish, and belonging to the lard of Buclewgh, 
The Moss tower.  which likewise was razed, overthrown and burned: and so marching forward, wasted the whole country before them, until they came to a great town called Crawling.  
The same day sir john Forster warden of the middle marches, 
Sir john Forster wit● his compani●● enter in●o Tividall.  with all the garrisons and forces of the same, entered likewise into Tividall at Espesgate, distant sixteen miles from Work, where in like order they burned and spoiled the country before them, till they came to a castle in the possession of the lard of Ferniherst, being parcel of her sons lands, which likewise was overthrown, razed, and burned, with all other castles, piles, towns, and villages, all alongst the said country, till they came to Crawling, joining there with the lord lieutenant's power. This town was likewise burned and spoiled. Thus they passed the river of Tivet, rasing, burning and spoiling the castles, piles, stone houses, towns, and villages alongst that river, until they came to jedworth, 
They come to jedworth and are inter●●●ed.  where they lodged for that night, and were of the magistrates of that town courteously received, line 10 who had made indifferent good provision for the army, both of victuals for men, and of hay and provender for horses. Whereupon proclamation was publicly made in the name of the lord lieutenant, that no Englishman (upon pain of death) should disturb or wrongfully take away any thing from any of the inhabitants of the same town, without disbursing ready money therefore. Which thing did so much content the Scots, that the next day the lard line 20 of Sesford, 
The lard of Sesford with the principals of his allies submit themselves.  warden of the middle marches of Scotland, with all the principals of his allies and kindred, came in to the lord lieutenant, submitting themselves to him, and were received into assurance: for that neither he nor any of them had at any time received the English rebels, neither aided nor assisted them, neither yet made any invasion into England. And whereas some of their men, and tenants, without their knowledge had trespassed in such behalf, they were contented to abide and stand unto the earl of Sussex his order, for their said men and tenants. line 30 And hereupon neither they nor any of theirs received any hurt: but by his lordship's commandment were preserved from sustaining any damage either in body or goods: so glad he was of their submission, and no less glad to give them occasion to be careful in performance of obedience. Unto which compassion God (no doubt) had inclined the noble man's hart, according to the poet words in this sense very true: 
— mollia pectora reddit line 40  
Ad pietatis opus, flammis ut cera liquescens  
In varias formas fictoris ducitur arte.   
The nineteenth day, the army was divided into two several parts, whereof one passing over the river of Tivet, 
The castle of Ferniherst burned.  burned the castle of Ferniherst, utterly spoiling the same, and all other castles & towns that belonged to the lards of Ferniherst, Hunthill, and Bedroll, 
At Minto ●oth the armies met.  and so passed to Minto, where both the armies meeting, joined together again, being not past a four miles from Howike, whither they marched line 50 directly, intending to lodge there that night, because the bailiffs of the town had offered to receive the whole army, and to make provision for the soldiers of all things necessary, they paying ready money for the same, and the inhabitants to be assured not to be hurt in body or goods, as was promised. But the Scots breaking the covenant before the coming thither of the army, 
The Scots of Howike their breach of co●enant.  had uncovered their houses, carried the thatch into the streets, and there set it on fire: and this done they fled their ways with line 60 most part of their goods. So that when the army approached, there was such a thick smoke, that no man might scarcely enter the town: and so for that night the soldiers suffered great lack of victuals, lodging, and provision, as well for themselves as their horses. But the fire which the Scots had of a malicious purpose and subtlety thus begun, was by the diligent industry of the Englishmen so increased: that both the thatch and timber of the whole town was consumed to ashes, 
Why the lord of Drumlanerikes goods were saved from the fire, 〈◊〉.  a stone house pertaining to the lard of Drumlanerike only excepted, wherein the lord lieutenant lay that night. And because the said Drumlanerike was a friend assured, the said house was spared, with all the goods and corn therein, whereof there was great plenty.  
The twentieth of April, 
An house of the lard of Buclewghs blown up with powder.  the army marched toward a fair proper house, belonging to the lard of Buclewgh, which was blown up with powder and utterly ruinated. Here the army was again divided as before by the said lord lieutenant his appointment, and marching by north the river of Tivet towards England, they burned and spoiled all such castles, piles, towns and villages, as were belonging to the said lards of Ferniherst and Buclewgh their kinsmen, allies, and adherents, & came that night again to jedworth, and there lodged. The one and twentieth of April, the army dividing itself again, 
Nothing but waist & spoil by fire and sword.  the one part under the leading of the marshal sir William Drury, passed to the river of Bowbent, and there Tividale and Riddesdale men meeting him, all on both sides that river was burnt and spoiled. The other part of the army marching by the river of Caile, wasted and burnt in like manner there all that was found on both sides that river, belonging wholly to the lard of Buclewgh, his kinsmen, allies and adherents.  
This done, they returned again near to Kelseie, 
The lord lieutenant's purpose to besiege Hume castle.  where the lord lieutenant lodged for that night, meaning to have besieged Hume castle. For the accomplishment whereof, the same night the lord of Hunnesdon and his company went to Work, to bring from thence the day next following the great artillery. But because the carriage horses were returned to Barwike, this could not be brought to pass, & so the lord lieutenant with the whole army returning into England the two & twentieth of April, came that night to Barwike. 
What castles & piles were overthrown and spoiled in this voyage.  In this journey there were razed, overthrown and spoiled, above fifty castles and piles, and more than three hundred towns and villages: so that there were very few in Tividale and those parties there abouts, which had either received the English rebels, or by invasion endamaged the English borders, and good subjects inhabiting upon the same, that had left to them either castle, pile or house, for themselves, their friends, or tenants, beside the great loss of goods which were wasted, taken away or consumed by this army under the lord lieutenant.  
Now in the mean while that he with his power thus afflicted the adversaries on that side, 
The lord Scroop with his power.  the lord Scroop warden of the west marches the eighteenth of April entered Scotland on that side, with such forces as he had assembled. And the first night they encamped at Eglesham, and in the morning at the dislodging of the camp, that town was burnt; and passing forward through the country, they burned and spoiled diverse other towns, almost till they came to Dunfrise, and had diverse conflicts with the enemies, gave them sundry overthrows, took many of them prisoners. And having accomplished his purpose, to his high praise and commendation, his lordship returned in safety with his people into England; having burnt in that journey these places following: Hoddon, Trailebrow, old Cockpoole, Sherington, Blackeshaw, Bank end, rowel, Logher wood, Bride kirk, and others. During these invasions thus made into Scotland in that season, 
The marches of England guarded against the enemy.  the marches of England were so strongly guarded in all places by the lord Evers, sir George Bowes, and others; that the Scots durst not so much as once offer to make any invasion: so that in absence of the armies, there was not so much as an house burnt, or a cow driven out of the English borders.  
The six and twentieth of April, the earl of Sussex lord lieutenant, accompanied with the foresaid lord of Hunnesdon, master Drury, and divers other captains and soldiers, to the number of three thousand or thereabouts, set from Barwike about five of the clock in the afternoon towards Work, where they arrived about nine of the clock in the night: and continuing there till the next morning, in the mean time he put things in order necessary for the assiegging of Hume castle, the winning whereof his lordship seemed to have vowed. 
The marshal sent before to Hume castle.  About the break of the day he sent forth master Drury, with certain horsemen and shot before, to environ that castle, and to choose there such a plot of ground, where he might encamp best in safety from the shot of the same. Which line 10 the said master Drury accordingly performed, and there remained till the coming of the said lord lieutenant with the army; who setting forward the footbands, carriage, and ordinance, made haste to follow. But yet yer he could pass the river of Twéed, and set over all the men, ordinance and carriage, it was almost ten of the clock. Here at this river, the lord lieutenant caused all the horsemen to stay and to take over the footmen.  

The order taken by the earl of Sussex for the safe●ie of the army.  This done, with good circumspection he appointed line 20 the demilances and other horsemen to remain behind in the rearward, and put the footmen in the battle, for the more safeguard of themselves, the ordinance and carriages. Then his lordship himself with his own standard, and the lord of Hunnesdons' guidon, marched forward towards Hume castle, commanding the rest of the army with the ordinance to follow after, and so about one of the clock in the afternoon, he came before the castle: out of the which the enemies shot at his standard very hotly; but line 30 (God be praised) without doing hurt either to man or horse, and encamped under a rock or crag (which the marshal had possessed) with his band of horsemen and certain footmen, as in a place most apt from danger of shot out of the castle. Héerewith a company of curriours and calivers were put forward, 
Hume castle besieged.  and appointed to take an other rock nearer to the castle, which shot at them in the said castle; and the defendants within it answered them again very roundly, although without any great hurt on line 40 either part.  
In the mean time the lord lieutenant himself, accompanied only with the marshal master Drury, 
The earl of Sussex vieweth the castle of Hume.  road sundry times round about the castle to view and survey the same: at whom they within shot very sore, both with their great artillery and small shot; yet missing them, as God would, though very narrowly. About six of the clock in the evening came the whole battle, ordinance and carriages, with ensigns spread, showing themselves very line 50 bravely; at whom also the castle shot lustily: but as God would have it, without hurting either man or boy. They lodged under another rock near adjoining unto the lord lieutenant upon the west side, where there were appointed more small shot to go to the trench, which shadowed themselves under the old walls of the houses, which the Scots had burnt before the coming of the Englishmen, and occupied them so within the said castle, that one of them could not so soon look out at a loop, but three or four were line 60 ready to salute him: and keeping them in such sort, that they durst not well show their heads; the captain of the pioneers the same night by commandment of the lord lieutenant, 
A Mount raised at the lord lieutenant's commandment.  raised a mount upon the north-east side of the castle, whereupon the pieces of artillery might be planted in battery.  
This work was so well applied, and with so great diligence advanced, 
Battery made against Hume castle.  that by five of the clock in the next morning it was finished. The eight and twentieth of April, the marshal master Drury very early road about the castle, to survey and view every thing: which done, the great ordinance was brought to the appointed place, and bend against the castle, to wit, three canons, and two falcons. Héerewith also the lord lieutenant caused summons to be given unto them within to yield. And about seven of the clock the same morning, the whole tire began to go off, and a great shout was made by the army, to the great terror of the defendants, and of all the country near adjoining. The foresaid pieces continued shooting till two of the clock in the afternoon, discharging within that space a three score shots. During the time of this battery, there was no great store of shot discharged by the great pieces within the castle, because their master gunner within, after he had first shot off a piece, and done no hurt therewith, as he was about to shoot again, the master gunner of the two English falcons having espied him, took his level so right, that discharging therewith one of the falcons, 
The master gunner within the castle hurt.  he displaced the enemies piece, and struck the gunner's leg off, whereby their great ordinance within ceased, which was an happy turn for the Englishmen.  
About two of the clock they within sent forth a trumpet unto the lord lieutenant, 
The Scots sue for a respite of war.  requiring a respite that they might talk with the marshal master Drury, and to send a messenger to the lord Hume their master, to know his further pleasure: for that being put in trust by him with the keeping of that fortress, they could not give it up without his consent. And then upon the return of the messenger, they trusted to give his lordship contented answer. The marshal master Drury talked with them twice, and the lord lieutenant was contented to grant unto William Trotter, 
The captains within Hume castle.  and Gilbert Greie the lord Humes wives brother (being principal captains appointed to the keeping of the said castle) three hours respite: with condition, that they should not use therein any subtlety, or for the delaying of time: swearing by his honour, that if they so did, 
The lord lieutenant sweareth.  he would not departed the field till he had won it by force: and further, that there should not one of them escape with life.  
They being brought in doubt of their own safeties hereby, sent one in post together with a servant of master Druries the marshal, to the lord Hume. And presently hereupon they showed themselves upon the walls and rampires of the said castle: but immediately the lord lieutenant sent to them a commandment, strictly inhibiting them, that not one of them should once on pain of death look over the walls or rampires, 
The lord lieutenant's commandment on pain● of death.  to the end to view the breach of the battery, forsomuch as in the time of parlée it was against the law of arms so to do. But now the messenger that was thus sent to the lord Hume, coming to him, declared i● what case his house and people stood, who being (as was supposed) not so far off, but that he might hear how lustily the English canons did canvas and batter his Humish castle walls, did now agree to meet the marshal master Drury two miles distant from the said castle, and there to commune further with him in that matter.  
Upon the coming back of the messenger with this answer, the lord lieutenant thought good to send the said master Drury unto the place appointed: who coming thither met with the said lord Hume. And after they had debated the matter together, at length the lord Hume was contented that the castle should be surrendered into the hands of the lord lieutenant; with condition, that his people therein might departed with life: which the lord lieutenant was contented to grant, so that there we●● n● English men among them. 
The castle of Hume delivered to the marshal.  Hereupon about eight of the clock in the evening, the gates were opened, and the keys delivered to the marshal, who presented them to the lord lieutenant: and then the lord Hunnesdon, the said marshal, and diverse other gentlemen entered into the castle, and by & by took possession thereof in the queen of England's name, pulled down their banner of defiance, and in place thereof set up the English banners, against all those in Scotland that would say the contrary.  
The Scots that were within it, being in number an hundred three score and eight persons, were put out in their common wearing apparel, without armour, weapon, or any baggage. They coming to the lord lieutenant that was then at the place of the battery on horseback, presented themselves to line 10 him: who according to his word and promise of honour, caused them to be safely conducted through the watch and scouts, to such place as they required. 
Two Englishmen stayed and after executed.  Amongst them there were two Englishmen, the one of them named Hilliard, the earl of Northumberlands man, the other was a vagrant person, or a rogue (as we may call him) named William God save her alias Lions, which both were carried to Barwike, & there executed the thirteenth of May next ensuing. In all this siege there were but four line 20 persons slain on both parts, two Scots, & two Englishmen: but there were many hurt as well on the one part as the other. The castle of Hume being thus won, the lord lieutenant the morrow after placed therein to keep the house to the queens majesties use, 
captain 〈◊〉 and captain Pikman.  captain Wood, and captain Pikman, with two hundred soldiers. This done, his lordship returned towards England and came to Barwike. During this siege there were diverse towns and villages, situate within three or four miles of the camp, set line 30 on fire by the Englishmen, and utterly spoiled. The lord lieutenant upon his return to Barwike, 
The lord lieutenant 〈◊〉 of an 〈◊〉.  stayed there for a time very evil at ease, having in travel about the siege taken such cold, as therewith he was brought into an extreme ague.  
The fourth of May, his lordship sent master William Drury the marshal of Barwike, accompanied with diverse gentlemen and captains, having with them about two thousand soldiers, to take Fast castle: the which upon the first summons line 40 was delivered into his hands, who receiving the keys being presented to him, entered the hold, and took possession thereof, in the queen's majesties name: and expelling the Scots, being about the number of half a score (who according to covenant were suffered to departed with their lives saved) he put ten, 
john Stow, Englishmen put into the castle to keep it.  or (as some have) fourteen Englishmen into that castle, which were thought able and number sufficient enough to keep it against all the power of Scotland, the situation thereof is so strong.  
In this mean time the troubles increasing among line 50 the Scots, by reason of the murder committed in the person of the earl of Murreie the late governor, the duke of Chatellerault, and other his partakers gathered a power of three thousand men, and coming to Lithquo, midway betwixt Sterling and Edinburgh, remained there for a time, and afterwards came to Edinburgh, in purpose to make war against the lords of the king's part, 
The earl of Chatellerault ●s complices purpose war against the ●ings part.  who having sent to the earl of Lennox, then remaining in England, earnestly requested him to repair line 60 into Scotland. Whereupon he by the queen's majesties licence, took his journey thitherwards, and came to Barwike, where he was also visited with sickness, and so remained certain days in that town. And understanding that the said duke of Chatelleraults power was such, that the lords of the king's side were not able to come together, nor he to go to them without the queen of England's aid, he humbly sued unto her majesty by letters to have some power by her appointment to conduct him into Scotland, and there to aid him and the other lords of that side against their adversaries the duke and his complices. Hereupon by her majesties commandment, the earl of Sussex, as yet not fully recovered of his sickness, 
Master William Drury goeth with the earl of Lennox against the earl of Chatellerault, etc.  ordained master William Drury the marshal of Barwike, with such forces as were thought convenient to go with the said earl of Lennox, for the execution of such exploits in service as seemed most expedient. And about the same time, to wit the sixth of May, the lord Scroop lord warden of the west marches, made a road into Scotland, encamping the first night on the hither side of the water of Annan, and the next day marched towards the water of Milk, burning and spoiling all on that side of Annandale, namely the lard johnsons lands, finding small resistance, saving that the forreie was a little troubled with a forty or fifty Scots horsemen, and so having done his pleasure, he quietly returned, without receiving other impeachment: notwithstanding the lord Herries was in Dunsrise, having gathered a great power in purpose to hinder his enterprise.  
But now to return to the earl of Sussex, who having instituted sir William Drury general of those bands that should pass with the earl of Lennox into Scotland: because each gentleman, 
The lord lieutenant's oration implieng obedience of the soldiers to their new general.  soldier, and several bands should dutifully obey the said sir William their new ordained general in all points of warlike order, the said earl made an oration in such pithy form and manner, as throughly expressed the whole substance of the service, the unsuertie of the season, the strange and malicious dealing of diverse adversaries: which points he so cunningly handled, as the excellency of a perfect orator appeared fully in his speech. At whose eloquence the hearers rather seemed astonished than unsatisfied in any point or parcel of those matters: for he opened the very bowels of rebellion, the practices of enemies, and suborning of traitors: and therefore persuaded every honest mind to have a dutiful consideration of his prince and country, in the defence and liberty whereof, both life, lands, and goods, are always to be offered.  
After which oration in respect of further advancement as the custom is (for service past, 
Knights made by the earl of Sussex.  and encouragement to proceed in the like worthy doings) he made these knights: Sir William Drury, sir Thomas Manners, sir George Careie, and sir Robert Constable, and placing the said sir William Drury the appointed general in full authority, he committed them to God, and the good conduct of their chéefeteine. Now having heard the lord lieutenant thus speak, and seeing the means that he used to encourage them against the enemy; how could they one with another but vow in mind, even with the hazard of their hearts, to perform to their power no less than he in speech implied? How could they (I say) but venture life and limb, having so often seen the perilous enterprises which he himself undertook against foreign hostility, as to his own danger so to the high praise of his heroical prowess: and not without desert, as one very well noteth, saying: 
— satrapas praeclarus, fortis & audax,  
Elisabetha tui speciosi corporis acer 
Comes Sussexi●● Camerarius.   
Et fidus custos, discrimen adire paratus  
Quodlibet, invicto Mavortis pectore campo.]   
The same day being the eleventh of May, diverse foot bands with shot and armed pikes were set forward into Scotland, with certain pieces of artillery, powder, and munition in good quantity. First captain Brickwell with his ensigns departed the town, and then the companies of captain Read, captain Carvel, captain Game, captain Lamberd, and captain Erington. These old bands of Barwike contained five hundred soldiers.  
After them followed the company of sir Robert Constable, their sergeant mayor of three hundred shot, and the company of sir Thomas Manners of two hundred shot. lastly marched forth captain john Constable, and captain Barwike with two hundred armed men. These twelve hundred footmen with five ensigns marched that night to Coldingham. Also for the better assurance of covenants and promises made on the behalf of such lords of Scotland, 
Hostages delivered by the Scotish lords on the king's side.  as had made suit for this aid to be sent into their country for their assistance against them of the contrary faction, there were certain hostages sent into England by the same lords as line 10 it was thought expedient, for doubt of double dealing. The twelve of May, they marched forward, and the same day sir William Drury, the earl of Lennox, and the other new made knights, with the horsemen, departed from Barwike, and at the Piece near to Dunglas they overtook the footmen, and the same night all the horsemen and footmen came and encamped together at Dunbar, 
The horsemen and footmen encamp at Dunbar.  being in all not past sixteen hundred men. They had line 20 four field pieces with them, & good store of powder. The next day being the thirteenth of May, and Whitsun even, they made such speed in their march, that they came unto Edinburgh, where they found the earls of Morton, 
Scotish lords of the king's side.  Mar, Glencarne, the lords Rithwen, Lindseie, Simple, Glames, Methuen, Ogiltre, and Catcart, with diverse other gentlemen.  
Here also they understood that the duke of Chatellerault and his partakers were departed from Lithquo, whither they were retired back again line 30 from Edinburgh, on knowledge had that the Englishmen were coming forwards towards them. The fourteenth and fifteenth day they lay still in Edinburgh, and the morrow after being the sixteenth of that month, they marched forwards to Lithquo, and lodged in that town that night, where they received advertisements that the said duke of Chatellerault had broken up his camp, 
The duke of Chatellerault breaketh up his camp.  after he had upon his departure from the said town of Lithquo attempted the winning of the castle of Glasco, & missing his purpose there, was driven to retire with dishonour. line 40 The next morning being wednesday, the army marched forwards, and the footmen lay that night at a place called Faukirke, a six miles from Lithquo: but the general with the horsemen road six miles further unto Sterling, where they saw the young king. 
The young king at Sterling.  The next day being the eighteenth of May, sir Robert Constable, Sergeant Maior, with the rest of the captains of the twelve hundred English footmen, & two hundred Scots footmen, the which were most part shot, marched a long journey, and line 50 came to lodge that night at Glasco, and the general sir William Drury came to them with the horsemen, and the most part of the noble men of Scotland that were on the king's side, which entered the town and lodged in the same, with many horsemen and footmen.  
The duke of Chatellerault (as ye have heard) had been there, and besieged the castle that belonged to the king, but hearing of the Englishmen'S coming line 60 two days before their approaching thither, he raised his siege, and departed thence, with the loss of nine and twenty of his men. The nineteenth of May, sir William Drury general of the English power, being determined aforehand on a journey towards Dunbreton, sent forth that morning before certain vantcurrours on horseback, to stay all such as they found upon the way. This done, he took with him certain gentlemen, 
The general goeth to view Dunbreton.  and some shot, and road forth towards Dunbreton, to view the straits and situation of that castle, within the which were at that present the lord Fleming, that took upon him as captain thereof, the archbishop of saint Andrew's, and other their adherents, friends to the duke of Chatellerault, and enemies to the lords that were about the king.  
After sir William Drury had viewed the castle, 
The general sendeth to know who was within the castle, etc.  and taken the plot of the situation thereof, he sent his trumpettor to know who were within it, and to whose use they kept it. They within the castle required to know what he was that sent to know the same. It was answered that it was the queen of England's general of her forces there in Scotland that made the demand. Whereunto answer was returned, that they knew well he was not so ignorant as he seemed (as in deed he was not) but that he did well know that this castle was, and of long time had been kept by the lord Fleming: and that accordingly by him, his friends and servants it was now maintained. Which answer being reported to the general, he sent again his trumpettor, to know if the lord Fleming would come forth and parlée upon assurance of honour to return safely. 
Lord Fleming is required to come to parley with the general.  Whereunto the lord Fleming consented, although not meaning so to do: but by a subtle practice (as was thought) intended to wind him within danger. For there were some arquebusiers secretly couched in covert, within whose reach when the general was come himself alone on horseback, most dishonestly (his trumpettor not yet being returned) they shot at him with great despite, meaning to have killed him, without any regard to the law of arms, or fear of God. 
The dishonourable dealing of the lord Fleming.  But through the goodness of the Lord almighty, that wicked practice miss the pretenced effect: for that worthy English knight received no bodily hurt, but perceiving their dealings, with a bold courage he bestowed his pistols as freely at them as they did their arquebus shot at him, and so returned to his company back again in safety, yielding to God due honour and thanks for his merciful deliverance from such a murderous practice of his deadly foes.  
Upon a new occasion to understand the certainty of that, whereof he had some inkling, 
Sir William Drury goeth again towards Dunbreton.  the one and twentieth of May, sir William Drury accompanied with the said gentlemen and horsemen, went again towards Dunbreton, to parley with the lord Fleming upon his further promise, that he would meet him three miles from the said castle. Whereupon the said sir William Drury sent an Englishman and a Scotishman to view the ground, 
He sendeth to view the ground where he should 〈◊〉 with the lord Fleming.  which should be appointed forth for their meeting, which they found to be so near to the castle, as was subject to all their shot both great and small, and clean contrary to the promise: and so they declared to the captain named john Fleming, that was sent forth of the castle to appoint the same, how it was neither indifferent nor meet for such a purpose. The captain answered, that his master was a man of honour, and stood upon the same, and therefore would not hazard himself among horsemen wholly without the danger of the piece. Whereto the messengers replied, that the lord Fleming for his late evil dealing, was not to be credited in this case; neither comparable to the general of the English army, for he was there for the queen of England. And further they said, 
This is a common fault in the Scots.  that for somuch as they had of late dealt so unjustly contrary to promise and the law of arms, and thereby so greatly cracked their credits, stained their honesties and honour: they could not but wish that their general should be well advised, yer he did hazard himself any more within their danger upon their slippery promises, except they would appoint some other place of parlée, as might be thought indifferent, according to their former offers, which would not be granted, and so they departed. Immediately whereupon, to show some piece of their double dealings, 
Scotish honesty.  and unfaithful practices towards the Englishmen: the Scots within the castle presently sent after the messengers a culvering shot for a farewell. Thus did they by practice justify the opinion that strangers to them have long conceived of their dealing: and which he saw full well (perhaps also proved in some part) that said of the Scotish nations untrustiness, &c: 
— grave pectus abundat  
Fraudibus ingenitis & non eget arte magistra.   
Sir William Drury then perceiving that the meaning of the lord Fleming was not to deal simply in this matter, 
The lord Flemings double ●●●ling.  touching a conference to be line 10 had betwixt them, returned to Glasco, where sir George Careie being marvelously inflamed with that unhonest dealing of the lord Fleming, made earnest suit to the general that he might send to him and offer him the combat in trial of this quarrel, 
Sir George C●●eis suit.  sith it was more requisite that a gentleman soldier should stand in those questions than a general, 
●. Church●●●●.  considering his calling and office. The general thanked sir George very courteously, but yet said, that it stood him upon to search out these matters to the uttermost (as he would have done in deed) were not line 20 his commission and charge (as was well known) to be otherwise employed: Yet (quoth he) sith your suit is so reasonable (and the whole company and laws of arms alloweth of it) I grant your request, and therein do as best shall seem to your birth and estimation. Hereupon sir George Careie streightwaies devised a letter of challenge, 
A letter of challenge sent to the lord Fleming.  and delivered it to an herald to bear from him unto the said lord Fleming, the tenor whereof here ensueth. line 30  
A copy of sir George Careis foresaid letter to the lord Fleming.  
LOrd Fleming, if either your birth or bringing up had wrought in you a noble mind, or estimation of credit, hardly would you have so much forgotten and stained your honour, as in a parlée of late with our general you did. 
The lord Fleming charged with treachery.  At whom vilely and unhonorablie line 40 shooting, you falsed that assurance of war which soldiers submit themselves unto: and trained him to your treason under trust, a thing heretofore not accustomed, nor presently to be allowed of. He assuredly pretending your own and your friends good, commodity to your country, and quietness to the state, twice abased and submitted himself, coming to confer with you thereof: but your pride joined with a harmful meaning, 
With pride, harmful meaning and vainglory.  to those that you profess best unto, and self wilful vainglory, without cause line 50 why, refused that which reason and honour commanded you to have done. Therefore, because his calling is presently with his charge better than yours, and mine not inferior; I summon you reasonably to excuse that fault supposed to be yours, or else to maintain that traitorous act with your person against mine in fight, when, where, or how you dare. Otherwise I will baffle your good name, sound with the trumpet your dishonour, and paint your picture with the heels upward, and bear it in despite of yourself. In the mean time I attend your answer. From line 60 Glasco, the 22 of May 1570.  
Subscribed George Careie.  
The copy of the lord Flemings answer.  
GEorge Careie, I have received your brainless letter, making mention of my false and treasonable dealing against your general, in shooting under trust, so vilely against my honour and truth, traitorously trained him under my trust: which is altogether false and untrue. 
The lord Flemings defence against the charge of treachery.  And howbeit your general came by the house of Dunglas by my appointment, which I suffered, and I appointed one place of meeting, six men of either party which he refused, and he departed, and certain of his company came bragging up the rivers side towards the house, viewing the same and the ground thereabouts, shooting your harquebusses against the same: I could do no less but present you with such as I had. Whereas you writ of your generals calling to be presently better than mine, and yours not inferior; when your general challengeth me thereof, I shall give answer. And as for you, I will not be inferior to a better than you, or any soldier under your general's charge. Whereas you summon me (as you call it) reasonably to excuse that fault supposed to be mine own, 
Lord Fleming beareth him bold of his gentry.  or else to maintain that traitorous act with my person against yours: you shall wit, I have gentlemen of honour, servant soldiers to me, as ye are to your general, which may be your fellows, shall defend the same against you and your false and untrue invented writing: and were not the charge I present, or how soon I can be relieved of the same, I should lowly my person to meet you six English miles, or any other person. Howbeit ye be but one soldier, assure yourself from this day forth, I will not receive no such invented message, for I have little to do with Englishmen, ye may rail upon my honourable name as ye please. You shall have as honourable gentlemen as yourself against you fight. Take this for answer.  
john lord Fleming.  
The reply of sir George Careie upon the lord Flemings answer.  
LOrd Fleming, often the Flemings after noon answer smelleth more of wine than wit. But as to that common crime, the custom of their country yieldeth them part of pardon; so your common acquaintance with the same condition, known to be very great, shall to me somewhat excuse your witless writing, wherein first you disallow my right recital of your traitorous dealing, by terming it false and untrue. For answer, know this, the truth my pen hath written, by the witness of a number; 
Sir George carry voweth to maintain no less than he hath written.  and my hand I vow shall maintain the same before the world at all times. But you in denying it, have both falsely and unjustly lied in your throat, and dare neither defend nor disprove that in deeds, which in words you have done. Whereas you writ, that our general passed Dunglas, by your appointment which you suffered, therein you do manifestly say unhonorablie and untruely; for that you had no knowledge of our first coming, but saluted us with your shot: and we likewise skirmished with your men even at their own strength, until we viewed the ground about at out pleasure. And touching the appointment of six of either part, easily that may be known to be a plain lie: seeing we had neither parlée nor conference with you before, to appoint place or meeting. But whereas you say, 
The lord Fleming in seeking to excuse accuseth himself the more manifestly.  you could do no less but present us with such as you had, therein you confess and acknowledge the dishonour and treason that I charged you withal, taking upon yourself that fault, which I supposed to have been of your servants, for our general retired his company far from him. And his trumpet being with you, approached himself alone to have parled, when under trust you discharged two harquebusses against him: an act rather seemly for a cowardly traitor, than one that professeth to be a soldier.  
Finally, whereas you let me wit, that you have gentlemen of honour, servant soldiers unto you, that may be my fellows, which should defend the challenge that toucheth so near yourself, as with honour you should not have refused it. First I think scorn to be any ways inferior to you, though but a soldier, too honourable a name for you, being better in birth, and unsteined with reproach as you have been. secondly, I have more, and as good gentlemen under my conduct, 
Sir George Careie his answer to the lord Flemings brag of his gentry.  as yourself have under your charge, which shall answer as many as you can bring, if with number ye mean to combat, and will put them to that which you dare not do yourself. line 10 But assure you, my quarrel shall remain everlasting, except the proof of your own person against mine may end it: and when you shall dare come out of your crows nest, I will be ready to ride an hundred Scotish miles, 
Oh valiant heart!  to meet with you in any indifferent place. And until that time, I shall account you devoid of honesty & honour, unworthy to march upon ground, or keep company with men. From Hamilton, the 29 of May 1570.  
Subscribed George Careie. line 20  
Though many ways were sought by message and otherwise, to move the lord Fleming to defend with battle the fault and folly committed: yet it would not be; for he shifted off the matter, so as it well appeared, it was but lost labour further to attempt him therein. 
A muster of Scotishmen to the number of 4000  The two and twentieth of May, the earl of Lennox, accompanied with the earl of Glencarne, the lord Simple, and other his friends, feodaries & allies, mustered on the moor before the town line 30 of Glasco the number of four thousand horsemen and footmen, that were there assembled to serve him, in presence of sir William Drury, and other of the English captains. The three and twentieth of May, sir William Drury, 
The army goeth toward Hamilton.  the earl of Lennox, and other the Scotish lords, and the whole army marched towards the castle of Hamilton, and sending a trumpettor, and one with him to parlée with the captain named Andrew Hamilton, he agreed to come forth, and one other with him, to talk with sir William line 40 Drury, and one other gentleman, such as he should think good to bring with him to a place somewhat distant, as well from the castle as the camp.  
Hereupon sir William Drury with his sword and target, and sir George Careie with a case of pistols went forth to the appointed place, whither the captain of the castle also with an halberd, and one other with him, having likewise a case of pistols, came according to appointment. 
Sir William Drury talketh with the captain of Hamilton castle.  But after they had talked together, and that the captain would not in any line 50 wise consent to deliver up the castle, he with his associate returned to their hold again, & the English general, with sir George Careie, came back to the camp, and thereupon the English ordinance was presently placed about the castle, 
The English ordinance shooteth at the castle.  and shot very sore all that night: but did no great hurt, by reason they were but field pieces, and not fit for battery. They in the castle likewise shot very sore at the Englishmen, but did no great harm, saving that there were three of the footmen hurt. In the palace which was a line 60 pretty house the duchess of Chatellerault was at that time resident, 
The duchess of Chatellerault committed to the charge of an English knight.  to whom sir William Drury did repair, offering her all the courtesy he might, with all that to her appertained, willing her not to fear any thing: and for her more assurance, he committed her to the charge of sir Thomas Manners.  
The four and twentieth of May, the general gave summons unto the castle. And because they within stood stiffly in denial to make surrender thereof unto him, he was driven to send to Striueling for some great pieces of ordinance meet to make battery. 
Great ordinance sent for.  In the mean time, the earls of Lennox and Morton with the horsemen, 
The earls of Lennox and Morton.  and some shot, marched into the country to a very fair house of the abbot of Kilwinnings near adjoining, 
The abbeit of Kilwinnings burnt.  whose name was Gawen Hamilton, which house they burnt and utterly defaced, spoiling it, and rasing it down to the earth. They burned and spoiled also seventeen houses more belonging to men of that surname, situate near thereabouts, whereof one belonged unto a lard that had married with the sister of james Hamilton of Bodweie haugh, which slew the regent. There were also burnt seven other fair houses belonging to others that were not of that surname: but yet were of their friends and allies. Moreover, there were diverse other of their kindred and allies that came in with humble submission, and assured themselves, firmly promising from thensefoorth their obedience to the king.  
The five and twentieth of May sir William Drury the general retired his people upon a policy from the castle, and left it without either watch or ward for that night. The next day he sent sir George Careie to the castle with a trumpettor, 
The castle summoned.  to know if they within would deliver it up, before the great ordinance should come, which the captain utterly refused to do. Whereupon the small shot clapped suddenly round about the house, and kept them within occupied, till that a whole culvering & a demie culvering came to them from Sterling, the which with four of the English small field pieces were in the night following planted against the castle, 
The castle of Hamilton battered.  and being shot off, a bullet of one of the great pieces passed through the walls into the castle.  
The seven and twentieth of May about four of the clock in the morning, 
The castle eftsoons summoned.  the general sent a trumpettor to give summons again to the castle: unto whom the captain answered, that he cared not for them, & so bade them do their worst, for he would not yield the place to them at any hand. Whereupon immediately the whole tire began to play in such sort, that within four volées both sides of the house were battered through: at the sight whereof the captain was so dismayed, that forthwith he cried for parlée, and so the shot was stayed. 
The captain of the castle demandeth parlée.  Now upon humble suit the captain was admitted to speak with the general, and so coming to talk with him, at length he agreed to yield: whereupon, the provost marshal was sent into the castle to take possession thereof. The general permitted them very courteously to departed with their furniture, and other such stuff as they could carry with them. There came out of the house nine and thirty persons one and other, four and thirty men, three boys, and two women, and therewith was the castle blown up and razed, and the army lay that night in the town, and in places about it.  
The next day, being the eight and twentieth of May they departed from thence: the earls of Lennox, Mar, and Glencarne, with other of the nobility of Scotland of the king's part taking their leaves, with their company returned to Glasco: and sir George Careie with the horsemen came that night to Lithquo, where also the rest of the English forces met. A castle called Combernawd belonging to the lord Fleming was yielded to the general's hands, who upon bond of assurance that the house should remain at the devotion of the queen of England, was contented to spare it from fire and spoil. But this was not the first nor last courtesy which the general showed in this journey, unto such as in any respect were thought worthy of his favour. Amongst other the lady of Lidington being great with child, 
The lady of Lidington.  mistrusting herself (or her husband's double dealing towards our country) in great fear began to fly. But sir William Drury hearing thereof, sent her word he came not to make wars with women, but rather to show pity to the weak and comfortless, and thereupon she stayed, and had no further harm.  
The nine and twentieth of May, when the army should dislodge from Lithquo, the general called for the provost of the town, and commanded him to prepare with all expedition, to receive a just punishment and correction through the whole town for treason, and unpardonable offences committed: and declaring that the inhabitants thereof had succoured and supported traitors to the realm of England, 
〈◊〉 Church●●●d.  line 10 and likewise to their own king, contrary to the leagues and quietness of both the realms of England and Scotland, for which cause he was fully resolved to overthrow that town & receptacle of traitors. If therefore there were any women in childbed or impotent people within that town, he gave warning thus aforehand to convey them out of it: and herewith also commanding each captain & soldier under his charge, to see due execution of that which he purposed in this behalf to have done, he willed line 20 the provost to appoint a place convenient, into the which the goods of the town might be brought, 
〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 threat●● to be 〈◊〉.  to the end that the same should neither be spoiled by the English soldiers, neither yet consumed through vehemency of fire, but to be preserved all wholly to the Scottishmen'S use. Further, he granted, that every noble man's lodging and capiteins house should be saved from fire.  
But now the time being come for this determined execution, the earl of Morton, that still accompanied line 30 the English general, offered himself as an intercessor to entreat and sue for a pardon, 
The earl of Morton, an intercessor for 〈◊〉 town of 〈◊〉.  bringing afore the general a multitude of wailing people, whose mournful and most piteous cries were lamentable and very importunate. The general hearing their requests, made answer, that for many causes the town ought to be destroyed, considering how diverse enemies (whose insolent practices were not to be suffered) had always there a common resort to confer of their wicked devices: and further (quoth line 40 he) the courtesy that is showed to such places of repair, hath emboldened the rest of Scotland to use open violence and secret villainies, to the prejudice of God's glory, hindrance of the weal public, and breach of good laws and policies: and therefore it was fit and most meet for a warning to thousands in that case of extremity, to raze out such monuments of mischief. But at length, notwithstanding these heavy words uttered by sir William Drury, the people of all sorts so pressed about him, & made such line 50 pitiful cries and sorrowful noise, with children sucking of their mother's breasts, that he taking ruth of their miserable estates, at this their lamentable suit, and specially at the great instance of the earl of Morton, who came bareheaded to speak for them, the general was contented to save the town and people therein: 
Lithquo spa●ed from deserved destruction.  taking good band and assurance of the provost and chiefest of the town, that they should follow the camp, and at all times appear when they were called for at Berwick, and there to submit line 60 themselves, their town and goods, to the clemency of the queens highness; and to such order as the earl of Sussex her majesties general lieutenant should by consent think necessary: 
The provost 〈◊〉 other en●●●ands.  to which band & conditions they of Lithquo agreed. And for that their regent was slain, & none since instituted to whom they had given faith of allegiance; they confessed, that none might command them any way without licence of him, to whom they had made this band, sith to him both their promise and obligation was passed. And in this sort they continued bound to him for their good behaviours.  

The duke of Chatelleraults palace burned.  The duke of Chatelleraults palace in Lithquo was yet burnt and razed, and marching to another house belonging to the said duke, called Kenile, distant from Lithquo about a mile or more, they likewise burned the same. Thus having done their pleasures at Lithquo, and in the country about that town, they marched from thence to a proper house and castle, belonging to the lord Seton, called Neitherie, which the enemies had fortified. 
Neitherie.  But yet when the lady of that house came to the general, 
The lady Seton.  and made humble petition on her knees for his favour, offering to him the keys of that place in most humble wise; she found such courtes●e at his hands, that with condition that she & a baron with her should enter bands for assurance, that the castle should ever afterwards remain at the queen of England's pleasure, he took her the keys again, leaving her in possession of her house and goods, without doing her any further displeasure.  
This night the army came to Edinburgh, 
Some of the English army spoiled in Edinburgh.  where certain of the company that made haste to get thither somewhat before the rest, received some discourtesy: for they were spoiled in the streets of their furniture, & such other things as they had about them. But when the general with the rest of the army was come near to the town, and had knowledge of such foul disorder, he thought not good to enter the town, without standing so sure on his guard, that he should not need to doubt any double dealing, or cr●●ked measure. Which sure handling of the matter did not only show the deviser thereof to have good conduct and experience: 
T. Church-yard.  but in very deed avoided no small inconvenience and mischief, that by the enemies was finely contrived (through a fray to be made in the suburbs) so that a great slaughter had burst out suddenly, and no small bloodshed followed, if God and good guiding of the people had not stayed and turned away that imminent danger. To be short, 
Sir Thomas Manners with his two bands under one ensign.  the general sent sir Thomas Manners with two bands of soldiers, under one ensign, to seize upon the gates at their first arrival, and so the pretenced conspiracy was happily prevented; for the residue of the power was no sooner entered the town, but that keeping themselves in order to clear the streets, and to command the inhabitants the better, they spent that night standing on their guard, as the case required. When the morning was come, sir William Drury smelling out the covert practice, and naughty meaning of some, demanded justice and strict punishment of such offences and things as he would truly lay to the charges of some in that town: and told them flatly, if remedy were not the sooner provided, and satisfaction made for the follies and outrage committed, he would be quickly revenged, to the displeasure and shame of all the contrivers of that same mad and mischéefous presumption.  
Hereupon, 
Restitution made of things taken away from the soldiers.  not only such things as had been taken from those few soldiers, which first entered the town over night, were not only restored: but diverse malefactors were also delivered to the general, to be executed and ordered by his discretion; who seeing their submission, mercifully & frankly sent them away unto their captains: & so these broils were pacified and things set in quiet. After they had rested in Edinburgh a two days, the first of june they dislodged. The general coming to Seton the chief castle & house of the lord Seton, 
Seton castle spared at the suit of the lady.  the lady was ready there also to present him the keys, with like humble submission as before: and thereupon received the like favour for this house, as was showed to her for the other. That night they lodged at Hadington. 
Anderwike saved from ruin by occasion.  It was determined that the pile of Anderwike should have been overthrown: but upon suit and bands taken of diverse gentlemen, the place was spared, and the offenders received to mercy. And so the next day, the general with the horsemen came through to Berwick, a journey of two and thirty long miles.  
The footbands lodged the same night at Coldingham with sir Robert Conestable, who the next day the third of june came with them unto Berwick. And so ended this journey, to the great commendation of the general and captains: 
The happy success of the foresaid voyage undertaken by the English.  and consequently to all the gentlemen and soldiers that had been forth in the same, as well for the good success which line 10 it pleased God the author of all good and prosperous events to grant to them, as also for their dutiful obedience to all warlike discipline, their painful travels sustained, their manly forwardness and skilful practice in martial polices still showed, as occasion of service was any where offered. But now to return to the doings at home. 
I. Stow. A bull from Rome hanged on the bishop of London's gate.  Whilst this journey was made (as ye have heard) into Scotland, the five & twentieth of May in the morning was found hanging on the bishop of London's palace gate in Paul's churchyard, a bull which lately had been sent line 20 from Rome, containing diverse horrible treasons against the queens majesty: for the which one john Felton was shortly after apprehended, and committed to the tower of London. 
A. F. See the view of a seditious bull ripped up by john jewel late bishop of Salisbury printed 1582.  ¶ And because the said bull may appear and show itself in nature and kind, it is behoveful here to interlace some roarings of the same, as I have gathered them out of one that I am sure had a conscience to tell the truth: which I therefore am the willinger to insert, that the world may judge the heinousness of Feltons' fact, in fixing line 30 so pestilent a libel upon a prelates gate in a place of common concourse, and against the queens excellent majesty.  


a Pag. 3.  Sententia declaratoria contra Elisabeth, etc.  
PIus 
b Pag. 7.  episcopus servus servorum Dei, etc. 
c Pag. 23.  Missae sacrificium, preces, jejunia, ciborum delectum, coelibatum illa (regina Elisabetha) abolevit. 
d Pag. 36.  Eadem line 40 occupato regno supremi ecclesiae capitis locum in omni Anglia, eiúsque praecipuam authoritatem atque jurisdictionem monstrosè sibi usurpans, regnum ipsum rursum in miserum exitium revocavit. 
e Pag. 42.  Regium conciliunex. Anglica nobilitate conflatum diremit. 
f Pag. 4●.  Hominibus obscuris complevit. 
g Pag. 49.  Hominibus haereticis complevit. 
h Pag. 50.  Ad quam velut ad asylum omnium infestissimi perfugium invenerunt, etc. 
i Pag 63.  Declaramus praedictam Elisabetham, eíque adhaerentes in praedictis, anathematis sententiam incurrisse. 
k Pag. 67.  Quinetian ipsam praetenso regni line 50 praedicti iure, necnon omni & quocunque dominio, dignitate, privilegióque privatam. 
l Pag. 74.  Praecipimus & interdicimus universis & singulis proceribus, subditis, & populis, & alijs praedictis, ne illi eiúsue monitis, mandatis & legibus audeant obedire: qui secus egerint, eos simili anathematis sententia innodamus. 
m Pag. 79.  Omnes qui illi quomodocunque iuraverunt, à juramento huiusmodi ac omni prorsus dominij fidelitatis & obsequij debito perpetuò absolutos declaramus, etc.   


a Pag. 3.  A sentence denounced against line 60 Elisabeth, etc.  
PIus 
b Pag. 7.  bishop, servant of God's servants, etc. 
c Pag. 23.  She (queen Elisabeth) hath clean put away the sacrifice of the mass, prayers, fastings, choice or difference of meats & single life. 
d Pag. 36.  She invaded the kingdom, & by usurping monstrously the place of the supreme head of the church in all England, and the chief authority & jurisdiction of the same, hath again brought the said realm into miserable destruction. 
e Pag. 42.  She hath removed the noble men of England from the king's council. 
f Pag. 45.  She hath made her council of poor, dark, beggarly fellows, and hath placed them over the people. 
g Pag. 49.  These councillors are not only poor & beggarly, but also heretics. 
h Pag. 50.  Unto her all such as are the worst of the people resort, and are by her received into safe protection, etc. 
i Pag. 63.  We make it known, that Elisabeth aforesaid, & as many as stand on her side in the matters abovenamed, have run into the danger of our curse. 
k Pag. 67  We make it also known, that we have deprived her from that right she pretended to have in the kingdom aforesaid▪ and also from all and every her authority, dignity, and privilege. 
l Pag. 74.  We charge and forbid all and every the nobles, and subjects, and people, and others aforesaid, that they be not so hardy as to obey her or her will, or commandments, or laws, upon pain of the like accursse upon them. 
m Pag. 79.  We pronounce that all whosoever by any occasion have taken their oath unto her, are for ever discharged of such their oath, and also from all fealty and service, which was due to her by reason of her government, etc.   
Here hath every true subject to see whether Felton was not a friend to Pius Quintus, in so easily being induced and drawn to prefer his proceedings against the lords anointed; for whose sake if he had had a thousand lives, true loyalty would have invited him to the loss of them all, if occasion had so required; considering that her majesty hath always deserved well of her people, for whom she ever had a tender care, 
See the v●e 〈◊〉 of the seditious bull. pag. 72, 73.  as one reporteth that saith he heard with his own ears her majesty commending her subjects to the careful and wise government of her council and judges, when she spoke thus unto them. Have care over my people. You have my place. Do you that which I ought to do. They are my people. Every man oppresseth them, and spoileth them without mercy. They cannot revenge their quarrel, nor help themselves. See unto them, see unto them, 
The queens words.  for they are my charge. I charge you even as God hath charged me. I care not for myself, my life is not dear to me, my care is for my people. I pray God whosoever succeed me be as careful as I am. They which might know what cares I bear, would not think I took any great joy in wearing the crown.  
Can a mother speak more tenderly for her infant, than this good queen speaketh for her people? And shall the people be so ungracious to a prince so gracious, as to attempt any thing that should discontent her highness? A merciful hart she hath always had, before she attained the crown, a merciful hart she hath now possessing the sceptre: many times remitting and pardoning offences intended and practised against her own person: which C. O. noteth in his Eirenarchia sive Elisabetha, speaking of her majesty in this point very truly & uncontrollablie: 
Nobilis & praestans est ignoscentia virtus,  
Haec quanquam potis est, si vult, 
Multipl●● Elisabeth● virius.  excelsior & vis  
Mentis inest, iram strictis compescit habenis.  
Delictis mulctam gravibus quandóque remittens.  
Hoc privata priùs nondum diademate sumpto  
Fecerat, hoc facit & princeps diademate sumpto.]   
The seven and twentieth of Male, Thomas Norton and Christopher Norton of Yorkshire, 
The Nortons' executed.  being both condemned of high treason for the late rebellion in the north, were drawn from the tower of London to Tyburn, and there hanged, headed, and quartered. In this year also conspired certain gentlemen with other in the county of Norfolk, 
Conspiracy in Norfolk and whereupon it took beginning.  whose purpose was on Midsummer day at Harlestone fair, with sound of trumpet and drum to have raised a number, and then to proclaim their devilish pretence against strangers and others. This matter was uttered by Thomas Ket one of the conspiracy unto john Kenseie, who forthwith sent the same Ket with a constable to the next justice, before whom and other justices he opened the whole matter. Whereupon master Drue Drury immediately apprehended john Throckmorton, and after him many gentlemen of the city of Norwich, and the county of Norfolk, who were all committed to prison, and at the next sessions of goal delivery at the castle of Norwich, the seventeenth of julie before sir Robert Catlin knight lord chief justice, Gilbert Gerard the queens attorney general, and other justices, ten of them were indicted of high treason, and some others line 10 of contempt. diverse of them were condemned, and had judgement the one and twentieth of August: and afterward three of them were hanged, bowelled, and quartered, which were john Throckmorton of Norwich gentleman, who stood mute at his arreignment, but at the gallows confessed himself to be the chief conspirator, and that none had deserved to die but he, for that he had procured them. With him was executed Thomas Brook of Rolsbie gentleman on the thirtieth of August; and George Dedman of Cringleford line 20 gentleman was likewise executed the second of September.  
The fourth of August, the duke of Norfolk was removed from the tower of London to the Charterhouse near unto Smithfield. 
The duke of Norfolk removed. Felton arraigned with other offenders, and all condemned.  The same day was arraigned at the Guildhall of London, john Felton, for hanging the foresaid bull of pope Pius Quintus on the gate of the bishop of London's palace: and also two young men for coining & clipping of coin, who all were found guilty of high treason, and had line 30 judgement to be drawn, hanged, & quartered. The eight of August john Felton was drawn from Newgate into Paul's churchyard, 
Felton and others executed for treason.  and there hanged on a gallows new set up that morning before the bishop's palace gate; and being cut down alive, he was bowelled and quartered. After this, the same morning the sheriffs returned to Newgate, and so to Tyburn with two young men, which were there executed for coining and clipping, as is aforesaid.  

A journey into Scotland by the earl of Sussex.  The two and twentieth of August the earl of Sussex, line 40 lord lieutenant general for the queen's majesty in the north, and the lord Scroop warden of the west marches, with diverse others, marched from Carleill with the queens army and force of the north as well of horsemen as footmen into Scotland, passing over the rivers of Eske, Levine & Sarke, which river of Sarke parteth England and Scotland, and so to Dornocke wood belonging to Edward Urone, the lord of Bonshow, and then to Annan a strong house of the lord Harris, which they razed and overthrew line 50 with others thereabouts: from thence to Hodham, which they burned and blew up: from thence to Kennel, a town belonging to the lord Cowhill, which they burned: from thence to Donfrise, which they sacked and spoiled of such paltry as the fugitives had left, 
●ast by fire and sword in Scotland.  and also razed and overthrew a sumptuous house belonging to the queen of Scots, in the keeping of the lord Harris. Then passing the river of Longher, they burned and spoiled Cowhilles, and Powtracke, and returned to Donfrise, and so to the town of Bankend, which they burned, with another house pertaining line 60 to william Maxwell of the Isles, and so to the castle of Carlavarocke standing in a marish, just to an arm of the sea, which parteth Annerdale and Gallowaie; which castle they blew up, and returned homeward, transporting their ordinance over quicksands and bogs, where never the like was done before, and so came to Dornocke wood.  

Knights made by the earl of Sussex.  The eight of August they marched towards Carleill, where (by the way) they burned and overthrew two houses, the one being Arthur Greams alias Carleill, the other rich George, two notable thieves. The same day at night after the lord lieutenants coming to Carleill he made knights, sir Edward Hastings, sir Francis russel, sir Valentine Browne, sir William Hilton, sir Robert Stapleton, sir Henry Curwen, sir Simon Musgrave. 
Tempest by sea and land which did much hurt.  This year the fift of October chanced a terrible tempest of wind and rain both by sea and land, by means whereof many ships perished, & much hurt was done in diverse parts of the realm, as by a little pamphlet set forth thereof by Thomas Knell minister appeareth, 
Tho. Knell. What hurt this tempest did in Bedfordshire.  the effect whereof ensueth. About midnight the water overflowed so much, that men were feign to forsake their beds, & one woman drowned, where also were lost a great number of sheep, oxen, kine, horse, and other cattle. Among other there, one master Cartwright gentleman, having his house enclosed round about, the water came in so much, that a cart being laden with thorns did swim about the ground. He lost by the same flood, sheep, and other cattle, to the value of an hundred pounds. The same gentleman had a close gate by the high ways side, 
A wonder of an hole made in the ground by a watercourse.  where the water ran over so extremely, that at the fall thereof it made such an hole, that it was forty foot deep: so that no man could pass that way without great danger. To the filling up of the said hole or pit, was cast in by the men of the said town five and twenty loads of faggots, & twenty loads of horse dung, which said faggots and horse dung filled not the hole. Also one master Lée at the friars in Bedford, having a fair yard, wherein was great store of elmetrees, whereof threescore were blown down, with the roots pulled clean out of the ground. Also he had a close of coneys that were clean destroyed.  
The sea broke in betwixt Wisbich and Walsocken, and at the cross keys drowning Tilneie, 
What hurt this tempest did in the county of Norfolk.  and old Lin, saint Marie Teding, saint Marie Tid, saint john's Wauple, Walton & Walsocken, Emneie, jarmans', and Stow bridge, all being the space of ten miles. At the cross keys the goodman of the inn had built an house with a strong foundation joining unto an other house being old and not so strong, wherein were certain guests. And when the water came in so violently, the goodman of the house being in the stronger house, called the men out of the old house, and they would have gone down the stairs, but the water was so high that they could not come down, wherefore they went back again, and broke an hole into the other house, where they went through, and the last man was no sooner in, but the old house fell down. The walls of the houses were broken down, and the horses that were tied at the manger (which was made fast in the ground) did swim in the water, when the stable was clean carried away, until the waters were assuaged, and were saved alive, and the people were constrained to get up to the highest parts of the house, and so to be carried away in boats.  
At Yarmouth a great part of the bridge was carried away. 
A piece of Yarmouth bridge borne away with water.  The house upon the haven called the haven house, wherein was one Nicholas jossellin the haven man & his son, with all their tools, were carried into the marshes six miles from the haven, where it stood upright, and where they abode long without meat or drink. Also at jermans Bridgestréet was very much hurt done by the extreme floods that were there. Also one Thomas Smith of Yarmouth lost a ship, with seven men and a boy in it. Also at Newarke by Yarmouth were lost twelve sail. Also a great hulk, laden with oil and pitch, was lost at Worreie sand, and about twenty men lost therein, and thirty saved by the hulk boat. 
What hurt this tempest did in the bishopric of Elie.  These towns and villages were overflown, that is to say, Wisbich, Gutborne, Parson drove, and Hobshouse. This Hobshouse being an alms house (and the water breaking down the walls of it) the wind blew the clothes off from the bed of a poor man & his wife: who being cold, awaked, and suddenly stepped out of his bed to reach up his clothes, and slipped up to the belly in water, and then he thinking himself to be in danger (as he was in deed) and knowing the best way to escape the danger of the water, he took his wife on his neck, and carried her away, and so were both saved.  
At the same time in Wisbich was a garden, a tennis play, & a bowling ally walled about with brick (which was worth twenty pounds by year to the line 10 owner) was quite destroyed by the water. 
What hurt this tempest did in Lincolnshire.  Mumbie chapel, the whole town was lost, except three houses. A ship was driven upon an house, the sailors thinking they had been upon a rock, committed themselves to God: and three of the mariners leapt out of the ship, and chanced to take hold on the house top, and so saved themselves: and the wife of the same lying in childbed, by climbing up into the top of the house, was also saved by the mariners, her husband and child being both drowned. Likewise, the line 20 church was wholly overthrown except the steeple. Between Boston and Newcastle were threescore sea vessels, 
Threescore sea vessels lost in this tempest.  as small ships, craires, and such like, lost upon the coasts of Boston, Humerston, Marsh chapel, Tetnie, Stepneie, Nercots, Kelbie, & Grimsby, where no ship can come in without a pilot, which were all lost, with goods, corn, & cattle, with all the salt coats, where the chief and finest salt was made, were utterly destroyed, to the utter undoing of many a man, and great lamentation both of old and line 30 young.  
Wentford bridge, being very strong, of eight arches in length, had three of the arches broken, and clean carried away. Master Smith at the swan there had his house (being three stories high) overflowed unto the third story, and the walls of the stable were broken down, and the horses tied to the manger were all drowned. Many men had great loss, as well of sheep, kine, oxen, great mares, colts of the breed of the great horses, 
Great loss of cattle both great and small.  and other cattle line 40 innumerable, of which the names many of them shall here follow. Master Pelham lost eleven hundred sheep at Mumbie chapel. In Summercote were lost five hundred sheep, that were of the inhabitants there. Also between Humerston & Grimsby were lost eleven hundred sheep of one master Spensers, whose shepherd about midday, coming to his wife, asked his dinner: and she being more bold than mannerly, said, he should have none of her. Then he chanced to look toward the marshes line 50 where the sheep were, and saw the water break in so fiercely, that the sheep would be lost, if they were not brought from thence, said, that he was not a good shepherd that would not venture his life for his sheep, 
Scripture abused.  & so went straight to drive them from thence, but he & his sheep were both drowned, and after the water being gone, he was found dead, standing upright in a ditch.  
Master Thimblebie lost two hundred and twenty sheep, master Dimocke lost four hundred sheep, line 60 & master Marsh five hundred, master Madison lost a ship, master William Askugh of Kelseie, sir Hugh Askugh, master Merin, master Fitz Williams of Maplthorpe, lost by estimation twenty thousand cattle, one and other. Boorne was overflown unto the midway of the height of the church. Steeping was wholly carried away, where was a wain load of willow tops, the body of the wain with the willows carried one way, and the axiltrée and wheels an other way. In the town of saint Edes, the water flowed into the town in such abundance, 
What hurt this tempest did in Huntingtonshire.  that it ran through the town and church, being in the midst thereof, having about the churchyard a brick wall of two yards high, was so overflown, that boats were rowed over it, without touching of the same. Also a little from Huntingdon, were three men riding upon the causeie, being then overflown (the water on the causeie being not deep) and thinking no danger therein, chanced to come into a place where the water had galled away the earth, and the gravel, were carried away with the water: and willows growing on both sides the way, two of them caught hold on the willows, and left their horses, and saved themselves: and the third chanced to catch a very little twig of willow between his fingers, having very little hold, and forsaking his horse, which was carried a great way from him, had much pain to keep his hold on the twig, 
A man wonderfully preserved from drowning.  and hold his head above the water, and his horse returning with force against the stream, came again unto him, and under him: by which means he set his feet upon him, and got better hold of the willow, and so saved himself, and the horse was immediately carried away, that he never saw him after.  
Also Holland, Leverington, Newton chapel in the sea, long Stutton & Holbich were overflown. And in this country also was great loss of cattle. In the low parts in Mooreland, 
What hurt this tempest did in Staffordshire and Warwikeshire.  in a little town called Cliffield, there was a man, his wife, and a sucking child in her arms overwhelmed and slain by the violence of the waters, and of the boisterous winds. The water called Aven, that passeth by the town called Stratford upon Aven, did run with such violence, that meeting with the water called the Severne, drove it back ten miles against the course, overflowing much ground, and drowning much cattle. In Newport panel were two houses overthrown, 
Hurt in Bu●kinghamshire by this tempest.  and in one of them an old man and an old woman were overwhelmed and slain. And in the same town, on the back side of the Saracens head, the water sprang out of the hard gravely ground, and flowed so fast, that certain merchants (sitting there at dinner) were feign to rise and departed from thence to save themselves. Sir Henry Leie knight (dwelling at Quarrington) lost by the floods the number of three thousand sheep, besides horses and other cattle, a great number.  
In the Wish at Rye (a place so called) the water came in so suddenly, 
Hurt in Sussex by this sudden inundation of waters.  and flowed so high about midnight, that it was eight or nine foot high in men's houses: insomuch that if one William White had not called them up, some of them had like to have been drowned. And the same William White having a boat, fetched a great company of them out of their windows, and carried them to dry land as fast as he could fetch them, which were in great danger and fear, and glad to escape with their lives. Moreover, the water came in so vehemently there, that it broke into the marshes, and made such way, that where of late years, and now before this great flood came, a cockebote could not pass in at a low water, now a fisherman drawing six foot water and more may come in at a low water, and at a full sea the greatest ship that the queens majesty hath may come in, and have good harborough there. 
A strange event wrought by the inflowing of the water.  The continuance of the same will not only be profitable to the most part of the inhabitants there, but also commodious unto all the queen's subjects traveling by sea.  
And whereas one of the owners of a great part of the same marshes had certain poles set up there in (and being very meet and in convenient place of the same marish) for the drieng of their fishing nets, and received money yearly of those that dried their nets there sufficiently enough: yet he caused his servant to pull up the poles, and lay them in an house standing in the same marish: and also commanded his servant to give them warning; that they should no more hang their nets there, except they would come and compound with him for it. And the same night (by God's providence) it came so to pass, that according to his saying (though contrary to his good will and mind) they are not like to hang their nets there any more, because of the depth of the water is so great, and like to continue. In hope of continuance of the same new opened haven, 
A new haven and the same like to continue.  certain men of the same town have begun to build fair barks to travel the seas, the which in continuance of time will be a great furtherance to the maintenance of the line 10 queens navy. At the black shore end, before the said flood, no boat could pass further than the shore end; and now a boat that draweth six foot water may come in at a low water. Without the bar, the water is deeper than it was by two foot and more in the channel.  
At Prum hill marish, four miles from Rye, the water came in so outrageously, 
Hurt in Kent by the same tempest and breaking in o● the stream.  that it broke down the marish walls, one master Bury being owner thereof, who lost by the same a thousand one hundred line 20 threescore and two of his sheep, and it is thought that the marish is never like to be gotten again. Also at Erith breach, a mariner riding by the marshes, seeing two maidens in the marshes, and perceiving the waters breaking in so fast, that the maids were not like to escape, road unto them, and one of them got up behind him, & the other took hold on the horse tail, and by that means were both saved from drowning. In the same marish were drowned a great number of sheep. Also there in a marish land that line 30 was sown, were two boys keeping crows in the after noon, & seeing the water breaking in so vehemently, got them into a cart that was not far from them, where they were feign to tarry until the next tide, which came in so boisterouslie, that it had like to have overthrown both the cart & boys. And the one of them being more stronger than the other, kept the other in his arms, 
A boy drowned after he was dead.  where he with cold, wet, and fear, died: so that he was feign to let him fall from him into the water, when he perceived that he line 40 was past recovery. A little from that place were also drowned a thousand sheep, and also many other cattle.  

Hurt in Essex.  From a town● called Rainam, unto the town named Mauldon, all alongst by the water side were the marshes all overflown, wherein were a great number of cattle drowned. 
Hurt done by 〈◊〉 tempest in Suffolk and Oxford.  In Clay were two ships laden with Dansk ware which came to shore, with no man in them, nor any man could tell of whence they were. In Clay the dwellers there lost a line 50 very great parcel of salt and herrings barreled, being housed in an house walled with brick three foot thick, and yet the wall was broken down. Also, there was lost much saffron ground, with many other things more, to the great hindrance of many a man. Also, in Walder●wicke, Dunwich, and Bla●brooke, was great loss of board, plank, timber, and salt. A great part of the bridge by Magdalene college was borne clean away, and many trees were line 60 turned up by the root.  
The three and twentieth of januarie, the queens majesty, 
Anno Reg. 13.  accompanied with her nobility, came from her house at the Stran●, 
The queens ●●ing to the Burse after 〈◊〉 was finished.  called Summerset place, and entered the city of London by Temple bar▪ Fléetstreet, Cheap, and so by the north side of the Burse, to sir Thomas Greshams in Bishop's gate street, where she dined. After dinner, her grace returning through Cornhill, entered the Burse on the southside, and after her highness had viewed every part thereof above ground, especially the Pawn, which was richly furnished with all sorts of the ●●nest wares in the city▪ 
She giveth it 〈◊〉 name the Royal exchange.  she caused the same Burse by an herald and a trumpet, to be proclaimed the Royal exchange, so to be called from thensefoorth, and not otherwise.  
The seventeenth of February at a place called Kinnaston, 
A strange kind of earth moving in the county of Hereford.  near Marlech hill in the county of Hereford, was seen the ground to open, and certain rocks with a piece of ground removed, and went forward the space of four days, making at the first a terrible noise as it went on the earth. It removed itself between six of the clock in the evening, & seven the next morrow forty paces, caring great trees and shéepecotes, some sheepecotes with threescore sheep in them, some trees fell into the chinks, other that grew on the same ground, grow now as firmly on a hill; and some that stood east, stand west; and those that stood west, stand east. The depth of the hole where it first broke out is thirty foot, the breadth of the breach is eight score yards, and in length above twenty score yards. It overthrew Kinnaston chapel. Also two high ways be removed nigh one hundred yards, with the trees of the hedgerowes. The ground in all is six and twenty acres: and where tillage ground was, there is pasture left in place; and where was pasture, there is tillage ground gone upon it. The ground as it removed drove the earth before it, & at the lower part overwhelmed the ground, so that it is grown to a great hill of twelve fadams high. It removed from saturday till monday at night following, and so stayed.  
Moreover this year about Candelmas, 
Sir Thomas Sackuille ambassador to the French king.  sir Thomas Sackuille, baron of Buckhurst was sent in embassage from the queens majesty to Charles the ninth French king, as well to congratulate for his marriage with the daughter of the emperor Maximilian, as for other weighty affairs. And as his embassage was great, so was his charge no less in furnishing himself and train accordingly, being both in number and furniture such in every point, as did appertain; and his receiving and entertainment in France by the king and others was agreeable thereto, for he was received upon the coast by the governors of the fortified towns right honourably by order from the king. Among other the baron of Bournoisell was one, who being very well mounted and appointed, 
His entertainment very honourable.  left not his lordship before he came to the court, and from thence accompanied him back until his imbarkement homewards.  
In the main countries he was accompanied with the governors and nobles of the places about. And in the good towns where he passed, he was presented by the chief magistrates, wherein their good wills were to be thankfully accepted, though his lordship's rewards far overvalued their presents. At his approach near to Paris he was encountered on the way for courtesy sake, by two marquess' of Trans and Saluces; this being of the house of savoy, and the other of the worthy family of Fo●x. These wanted not such as accompanied them, and the same even of the best sort. At the lord ambassadors first audience, 
The first 〈◊〉 of the lord ambassadors audience.  which was at the castle of Madrill, otherwise called Bullogne near Paris (where the king then lay) the queens Almane coaches very bravely furnished were sent to Paris for him, in one of the which his lordship with the marquess of Trans road towards the court, very narrowly escaping from a shrewd turn and great mischance, by reason the same co●h was overthrown by the Dutch wagoners their negligence, who in a bravery galloping the field made an over short 〈◊〉, wherewith the 〈◊〉 was sore bru●ed.  
The lord ambassador at his arrival at the place was right honourably received, he was banketted by diverse, and that very sumptuously: 
The lord ambassadors liberality.  which by him was not left unrequited to the uttermost, and rather with the better. For his liberality unto the French was very large, but his reward at the king's hands was only a chain weighing a thousand French crowns. At that present there was a great dearth & scarcity of victuals in France. The river of Saine that runneth through Paris was not passable with vessels, 
The river of Saine not passable with vessels.  by reason of the great frosts: and thereby not only all kind of victuals, but also hay and wood hard to come by, and not to be had but at excessive prices, the country thereabouts having before been sore harried and spoiled by the civil tumults. By reason line 10 whereof, not only the lord of Buckhurst for the space he remained there, but also sir Henry Norrice (now lord Norrice) and master▪ Francis Walsingham her majesties ambassadors, ligiers successively, were driven to an increase in expenses, paying for every thing they bought an higher price than ordinarily had been accustomed.  

The ambassador returneth into England.  After that the lord Buckhurst had been feasted and banketted by the king, and other of the French nobility, and had accomplished the points of his embassage, line 20 he took leave of the king, & departed homewards, arriving here in England a little before Easter. The second of April a parliament began at Westminster, year 1571 wherein was granted to the queens majesty (toward her great charges, 
A parliament at Westminster.  in repressing the late rebellion in the north, and pursuing the said rebels and their fautors, which were fled into Scotland) by the clergy a subsidy of six shillings in the pound; 
A subsidy.  and by the temporalty two fiftéens, with a subsidy of two shillings and eight pence in the line 30 pound. The first, the second, and third of May was holden at Westminster before the queens majesty a solemn just at the tilt, 
justs at Westminster at the tilt, journey and barriers.  tourneie and barriers. The challengers were Edward earl of Oxford, Charles Howard, sir Henry Lée, and Christopher Hatton esquire, who all did very valiantly; but the chief honour was given to the earl of Oxford. The first of june, john Story a doctor of the canon law, who before had been condemned of high treason, 
Doctor Story executed for high treason.  was drawn from the tower of London to Tyburn, line 40 and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered, his head was set on London bridge, and his quarters on the gates of the city. Of this monster disguised in the likeness of a man, it is very material to record what master Fox hath noted in his history.  

Abr. Fl▪ ex johan. Foxi martyrologio. Story's education and birth.  ¶ This doctor Story (saith he) being an Englishman by birth, and from his infancy not only nuzzled in papistry, but also even as it were by nature earnestly affected to the same, & growing somewhat to riper years, in the days of queen Marie became a most line 50 bloody tyrant, and cruel persecutor of Christ in his members, as all the stories of martyrs almost do declare. 
Story a bloody persecutor.  Thus he raging all the reign of the foresaid queen Marie; against the infallible truth of Christ's gospel, and the true professors thereof, never ceased till he had consumed to ash●● two or three hundred blessed martyrs, who willingly gave their lives for the testimony of his truth. And thinking their punishment in fire not cruel enough, 
〈◊〉 inventing new 〈…〉 for the martyrs.  he went 〈…〉 line 60 
Story apprehended.   

Story conveyed himself over the seas▪ where he continued a bloody persecutor.  〈…〉 raging against God's saints with fire and sword. Insomuch as he growing to be familiar and right dear to duke Dalva in Antwerp, received a special commission from him to search all the ships for goods forfeited, and for English books and such like. 
Story obtained a commission to search for English books.  And in this favour and authority he continued there for a space, by the which means he did much hurt, and brought many a good man and woman to trouble, and extreme peril of life through his bloodthirsty cruelty. But at the last the Lord (when the measure of his iniquity was full) proceeded in judgement against him, and cut him off from the face of the earth, according to the prayers of many a good man, which came to pass in order as followeth.  
It being certainly known (for the brute thereof was gone forth into all lands) that he not only intended the subversion and overthrow of his native country of England by bringing in foreign hostility, 
Story intendeth the overthrow of England.  if by any means he might compass it; but also ●ailie and hourly murdered God's people: there was this platform laid (by God's providence no doubt) that one master Parker a merchant should sail unto Antwerp, 
A platform laid to apprehend Story.  and by some means to convey Story into England. This Parker arriving at Antwerp, suborned certain to repair to doctor Story, and to signify unto him, that there was an English ship come slaught with merchandise; and that if he would make search thereof himself, he should find store of English books, and other things for his purpose. Story hearing ●his and suspecting nothing, made haste towards the ship, thinking to make the same his prey; and coming aboard searched for English heretical books (as he called them) & going down under the hatches, 
Story searched the English ships for books, and is apprehended and brought into England.  because he would be sure to have their blood if he could, they clapped down the hatches, hoist up their sails, having (as God would) a good gale, and sailed away into England, where they arriving presented this bloody butcher and traitorous rebel Story, to the no little rejoicing of many an English heart.  
He being now committed to prison, continued there a good space● during all which time, he was laboured and solicited daily by wise and learned fathers, to recant his devilish & erroneous opinions, to confirm himself to the truth, and to acknowledge the queens majesties supremacy. All which he utterly denied to the death, saying that he was sworn subject to the king of Spain, and was no subject to the queen of England, nor she his sovereign queen. 
Story a traitor hanged, drawn and quartered.  And therefore (as he well deserved) he was condemned (as a traitor to God, the queens majesty, and the realm) to be drawn, hanged, and quartered▪ which was performed accordingly, he being laid upon an hurdle, and drawn from the tower along the streets to Tyburn, where he being hanged till he was half dead, was cut down and stripped. And (which is not to be forgot) when the executioner had cut off his privy members▪ he rushing up upon a sudden gave him a blow upon the ear, to the great wonder of all that stood by. And thus ended this bloody Nemrod his wretched life, whose judgement I leave to the Lord.  
The eighteenth of june in Trinity term, 
A combat appointed at Turhill but not tried.  there was a combat appointed to have been fought for a certain manor & demain lands belonging thereunto, in the isle of Hearty, adjoining to the isle of 〈◊〉 in Kent. Simon L●w & john Kim●were plaintiffs, and had brought a writ of right against Thomas Para●●re, who offered to defend his right by battle. Whereupon the plaintiffs aforesaid accepted to answer his challenge, offering likewise to defend their right to the same manor and lands, and to prove by battle, that Paramore had no right no● good title to have the same manor and lands. Hereupon the said Thomas Paramore brought before the judges of the common pleas at Westminster, 
thorn and Nailer combatants.  one George thorn, a big, broad, strong set fellow; & the plaintiffs Henry Nailer, master of defence, and servant to the right honourable the earl of Leicester, a proper slender man, & not so tall as the other. thorn cast down a gauntlet, which Nailer took up, upon the sunday before the battle should be tried. On the next morrow, the matter was stayed, & the parties agreed, that Paramore being in possession should line 10 have the land, & was bound in five hundred pounds to consider the plaintiffs, as upon hearing the matter the judges should award. The queens majesty abhorring bloodshed, & (as the poet very well saith) 
The quarrel 〈◊〉 combat 〈◊〉 by the queens majesty.  (Tristia sanguinei devitans praelia campi) was the taker up of the matter, in this wise. It was thought good, that for Paramores' assurance, the order should be kept touching the combat, and that the plaintiffs Low and Kime should make default of appearance; but that yet such as were sureties for Nailer line 20 their champions appearance, should bring him in; and likewise those that were sureties for Thorn, should bring in the ●ame thorn in discharge of their band: and that the court should sit in Tuthill fields, where was prepared one plot of ground, of one and twenty yards square, double railed for the combat. Without the west square a stage being set up for the judges, representing the court of the common plées.  
All the compass without the lists was set with line 30 scaffolds one above another, 
The manner of all things 〈◊〉 readiness for the combat.  for people to stand and behold. There were behind the square where the judges sat, two tents, the one for Nailer, the other for Thorn. thorn was there in the morning timely, Nailer about seven of the clock came through London, appareled in a doublet, and galley gascoine breeches all of crimson satin, cut and razed, a hat of black velvet, with a red feather and band, before him drums and mischiefs playing. The gauntlet cast down by George thorn was borne before the said Nailer line 40 upon a sword's point, and his baston (a staff of an ell long made taper wise tipped with horn) with his shield of hard leather was borne after him, by Askam a yeoman of the queen's guard. He came into the palace at Westminster, and staying not long before the hall door, came back into the King's street, and so along through the Sanctuary and Tuthill street into the field, where he stayed till past nine of the clock, and then sir Jerome Bows brought him to his tent: thorn being in the tent with sir Henry line 50 Cheinie long before.  
About ten of the clock, the court of common plées removed, & came to the place prepared. When the lord chief justice, 
The lord chief justice set and his associates with 〈◊〉.  with two other his associates were set, then Low was called solemnly to come in, or else to lose his writ of right. Then after a certain time, the sureties of Henry Nailer were called to bring in the said Nailer, champion for Simon Low. And shortly thereupon, sir Jerome Bowes, leading Nailer by the hand, entered with him the lists, bringing him down that square by which he entered, being line 60 on the left hand of the judges, and so about till he came to the next square, just against the judges, and there making courtesy, first with one leg and then with the other, passed forth till he came to the middle of the place, and then made the like obeisance, and so passing till they came to the bar, there he made the like courtesy, and his shield was held up aloft over his head. Nailer put off his nether-stocks, and so barefoot and barelegged, 
Nailer prepa●eth himself 〈◊〉 the encounter against Thorn.  save his silk scavilones to the ankles, and his doublet sleeves tied up above the elbow, and bareheaded, came in, as is aforesaid. Then were the sureties of George thorn called to bring in the same Thorn: and immediately sir Henry Cheineie entering at the upper end on the right hand of the judges, used the like order in coming about by his side, as Nailer had before on that other side: and so coming to the bar with like obeisance, held up his shield. Proclamation was made that none should touch the bars, nor presume to come within the same, except such as were appointed.  
After all this solemn order was finished, 
The lord chief justice toucheth the present case.  the lord chief justice rehearsing the manner of bringing the writ of right by Simon Low, of the answer made thereunto by Paramour, of the proceeding therein, and how Paramore had challenged to defend his right to the land by battle, by his champion Thomas thorn, and of the accepting the trial that was by Low with his champion Henry Nailer: & then for default of appearance in Low, he adjudged the land to Paramore, & dismissed the champion, acquitting the sureties of their bands. He also willed Henry Nailer to render again to George thorn his gauntlet. Whereto the said Nailer answered, that his lordship might command him any thing, but willingly he would not render the said gauntlet to Thorn except he could win it. And further he challenged the said Thorn to play with him half a score blows, 
Nailer challengeth Thorn at a few blows.  to show some pastime to the lord chief justice, & to the other there assembled. But thorn answered, that he came to fight, & would not play. Then the lord chief justice commending Nailer for his valiant courage, commanded them both quietly to departed the field, etc.  
On the sixteenth of julie, Rebecca Chamber, late wife to Thomas Chamber of Heriettesham, 
A woman burnt at Maidston for poisoning.  was found culpable of poisoning the said Thomas Chamber her husband, at the assizes holden at Maidstone in the county of Kent. For the which fact she (having well deserved) was there burnt on the next morrow. The seventh of September, the duke of Norfolk was removed from the Charterhouse, 

Duke of Norfolk sent to the tower.  
Bishop of Salisbury deceased.   to the tower of London prisoner. The two and twentieth of September deceased john jewel bishop of Salisbury, in his life a most eloquent and diligent preacher, but a far more painful and studious writer, as his works remaining do bear witness, whereby his fame shall never die. The ninth of November, a sermon was preached in Paul's church at London, 
A sermon in Paul's church for victory against the Turks.  by master William Foulks of Cambridge, to give thanks to almighty God for the victory, which of his merciful clemency it had pleased him to grant to the christians in the Levant seas, against the common enemies of our faith, the Turks, the seventh of October last passed. His theme was taken out of the sixtéenth psalm of David's psalter, the fourth verse.  
There were present at this sermon, the lord mayor of London sir William Allen, with the aldermen and craftsmen in their liveries. 
The assembly at this sermon.  And in the evening there were bonfires made through the city, with banqueting and great rejoicing, as good cause there was, for a victory of so great importance unto the whole state of the christian commonwealth. In the which were taken one hundred and thirty vessels, 
Contareno.  that is, one hundred and seventeen galleys, and thirteen galliots, beside other vessels that were bouged, abandoned, and let go at large abroad in the seas, as galleys, foists, and galliots, to the number of fourscore, or thereabouts. And of their chiefeteins slain in that bloody battle, these we find by name as principal: 
Principals among the Turks slain.  Holy Bassa high admiral of the whole navy, Amar Beie captain of the janissaries, Assan Beie the son of Barbarossa, with his son Mehemet Beie governor of Mitellene, Gider Beie governor of Chio, Capsan Beie governor of the Rhodes, Peruis Aga governor of Africa otherwise Mahomeda, Mustafa Scelubie high treasurer, Affis Clueaga captain of Gallipolie, Tramontana chief master of the Turkish emperors own galley, Caracoza, and also many others, whose names were too long to rehearse: but the whole number that were slain of the Turks could not be perfectly known, by reason that many were drowned in the sea, which came not to sight.  

The whole number of the slain. Bizari. Contareno.  Some yet affirm, that there were slain of them in all, to the number of one and twenty thousand, although other speak but of fifteen thousand. But Contareno writeth, that there were slain and taken 29990. Of which number he reckoneth 3846 to line 10 have remained prisoners, and among them were these persons of name, Mahemet Beie, Sainus Beie, 
Bizari.  and Sirocho Beie. There escaped yet from this discomfiture, Partau, general of all the men of war and soldiers by land, 
Persons that escaped from this discomfiture.  Ochialie, Murate Ray with his son, and Hali Genovese, and with them about forty galleys, foists, and frigates. Moreover, there were found in the Turkish galleys that came into the hands of the christians, 
Booties that fell into the christians hands.  one hundred and sixteen double canons, two hundred sixty and line 20 five demie canons, and sixteen other great pieces of brass. For it is to be remembered, that not only the Turkish galleys, but also the christians were throughly armed, furnished, and appointed with men, munition, and ordinance in every behalf.  
In Holy Bassa his galley there were aboard three hundred arquebusiers janissaries, and an hundred archers. In the galley of Don Giovan de Austria chief admiral of the christians, were four hundred arquebusiers Spaniards, of the fierce of line 30 Sardigna, beside a great number of lords and gentlemen, and also beside the rowers: and in every other galley were 200 fight men at the least, beside the rowers, & in some 300, & othersome 400 according to the mould of the vessels. 
The number of the christian galleys & the Turks.  The number of the christian galleys and galliots, were in all two hundred and two, besides six great galleasses. The Turks had their galleys, galliots, and foists, to the number of two hundred and fifty, as appeareth by the account afore made, of those that were taken, line 40 abandoned, and escaped. There were delivered and set at liberty, 
Christian captives set at liberty 14000.  about twelve thousand, some say fourteen thousand christian captives, whom the Turks kept for slaves, and had them chained there aboard with them in their galleys. But this victory was not got without great loss of the christians, for beside Augustine Barbarigo, the principal proveditore of the venetians, there died seventeen other gentlemen of Venice, being men of good estimation, john Cardone, & Barnardine Cardone Spaniards, line 50 Uirginio and Horatio Ursini Romans, Troilo, Sabello, Marco Molino, besides diverse other nobles and gentlemen of name, as well Italians, as Spaniards, and Almans.  

Contareno. The number of christians that died. Bizari.  In all, there died of the christians to the number of seven thousand six hundred fifty and six, beside those that were hurt, being in like number to them that were slain, among whom was done john de Austria, general of all the christian army there, Sebastian Ueniero the venetians general, & the count de Santa Fiore with diverse others. Moreover, line 60 there were christian galleys bouged, three of the venetians, one of the pope's, one belonging to the duke of savoy, 
Contareno.  and another to the knights of Malta. There was one also taken & led away by Ochialie, and his company. 
The space how long the battle continued.  Such was the success of this battle, which continued for the space of six hours, in the end whereof the victory remaining with the christians, caused no small rejoicing through all parties of christendom. For if this victory had been followed, with his gracious help and assistance that was the giver thereof, the proud and lofty horn of the Ismaelite had been so bruised, as peradventure his courage would have quailed to put forth the same so speedily as he did. But such is the malice of the time, that the christians have more pleasure to draw their weapons one against another, 
A common fault among christians.  than against that common enemy of us all, who regardeth neither protestant nor catholic (they may be sure) those of the Greekish church nor others, as if the merciful providence of the Lord of hosts do not in time disappoint his proceed, it will be too soon perceived, though happily too late to stop the breach, when the flood hath got head, and once won passage through the bank.  
It were therefore to be wished of all those that tender the surety of the christian commonwealth, that princes would permit their subjects to live in liberty of conscience, concerning matters of faith: and that subjects again would be ready in dutiful wise, 
Good counsel if that faith be the faith of Christ & his true church.  to obey their princes in matters of civil government, so that compounding their controversies among themselves, with tolerable conditions, they might employ their forces against the common enemy, to the benefit of the whole christian world, which (the more is the pity) they have so long exercised one against another, to each others destruction. And as for matters in variance about religion, rather to decide the same with the word, than with the sword, an instrument full unfit for that purpose, and not lightly used nor allowed of by the ancient fathers in time of the primitive church. But sith this is rather to be wished than hoped for by any apparent likelihood, considering the strange contrariety of humours now reigning among men in sundry parts of christendom, let us leave the success of our wish to the pleasure of God, the author of all good haps, who ruleth the hearts of princes (as the poet saith very truly 
— & eius  
In manibus sunt regum animi; quotúnque volunta●  
Fert sua, vertit eos)  and frameth the people's minds as seemeth best to his divine providence. And withal, let us also humbly offer to him our prayers, instantly beseeching him to spare us in mercy, and not to reward us after our iniquities: but rather by his onmipotent power to turn from us the violence of our enemies, in abridging their forces, as it may seem good to his merciful favour and great clemency.  
The thirtieth of December Reinold Greie was by the queens majesty restored earl of Kent. 
Anno Reg. 14.  ¶ The thirteenth of januarie deceased sir William Peter knight, 

Reinold Gre●● earl of Kent I St. pag. 115● Sir Willia Peter dec●●●sed.  
His charitable deeds.   who for his judgement and pregnant wit had been secretary and of the privy council to four kings and queens of this realm, and seven times ambassador abroad in foreign lands: he augmented Exeter college in Oxford with lands, to the value of an hundred pounds by year: and also builded ten alms houses in the parish of Ingerstone for twenty poor people, ten within the house, and ten without the house, having every one two pence the day, a winter gown, and two load of wood, and among them feeding for six kine winter and summer, and a chaplain to say them service daily.]  
The sixteenth of januarie the lord Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk was arraigned at Westminster hall, before George lord Talbot, 
157●  
Duke of Norfolk arraigned.  earl of Shrewesburie, high steward of England for that day, and there by his peers found guilty of high treason, and had judgement accordingly. The eleventh of February Kenelm Barneie, and Edmund Mather were drawn from the tower of London, 
Mather, Barneie, and Rolfe executed.  and Henry Rolfe from the Marshalsea in Southworke, all three to Tyburn and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered for treason; Barneie and Mather for conspiracy, and Rolfe for counterfeiting of the queens majesties hand.  
¶ The queen's majesty hearing credibly by report, 
I.S. pag. 1●55.  that certain lewd persons, under pretence of executing commissions for inquiries to be made for lands concealed, 
Conueiers of bells, lead, and other church goods, are to b● punished to the example of their too many followers.  contrary to her majesties meaning, challenging lands, stocks of money, plate, &c: letting not also to make pretence to the bells, led, and other such things belonging unto parish churches or chapels. Her majesty meaning speedily to withstand such manner of unlawful practices, commanded, that all commissions then extant and not determined, for inquisition of any manner of concealments, should be by Supersedias, out of her excheker revoked. line 10 And also appointed speedy remedy to be had against such extortioners, as more at large appeareth by proclamation, concluding thus. Finally, her majesty would her justices of assize to have some special care, not only to the premises, but also to the reforming of certain covetous & injurious attempts, of diverse that of late time by other colour than for her majesties use, had taken away the led of churches and chapels; yea and bells also out of steeples, and other common goods belonging to parishes: an line 20 example not to be suffered unpunished, nor unreformed. And so her majesty eftsoons chargeth her justices of her assize to provide severe remedy, both for punishment and reformation thereof. Dated at Westminster the thirteenth day of February, the fourteenth year of her reign.]  

Sir William Paulet lord treasurer deceased.  The tenth of March deceased sir William Paulet knight, lord saint john, earl of Wiltshire, marquess of Winchester, knight of the honourable order of the garter, one of the queens majesties privy council, and lord high treasurer of England, at his line 30 manor of Basing. This worthy man was borne in the year of our Lord 1483, the first year of king Richard the third, and lived about the age of four score and seven years, in six kings and queens days. 
His ancient and honourable service.  He served five kings and queens, Henry the seventh, Henry the eight, Edward the sixth, queen Marie, and queen Elisabeth. All these he served faithfully, and of them was greatly favoured. Himself did see the children of his children's children, growing to the number of one hundred and line 40 three. A rare blessing given by God to men of his calling.  
On the five and twentieth and six and twentieth of March, by the commandment of the queens majesty her council, the citizens of London assembling at their several halls; the masters collected and chose out the most likely and active persons of every their companies, 
Three thousand chosen persons for pikemen and gunner's out of halls.  to the number of three thousand, whom they appointed to be pikemen and shot. line 50 The pikemen were forthwith armed in fair corslets and other furniture according thereunto; the gunner's had every of them his caliver with the furniture, and murrians on their heads. To these were appointed diverse valiant captains, who to train them up in warlike feats, 
Training up of young sol●●●●s in the f●●ld.  mustered them thrice every week, sometimes in the artillery yard, teaching the gunner's to handle their pieces, sometimes at the Miles end, & in saint George's field, teaching them to skirmish. In the which skirmish on the Miles end the line 60 tenth of April, one of the gunner's of the goldsmith's company was shot in the side with a piece of a scouring stick left in one of the calivers, whereof he died, and was buried the twelve of April in Paul's churchyard; all the gunner's marching from the Miles end in battle ray, shot off their calivers at his grave.  

● muster at Greenwich 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  On May day they mustered at Gréenwich before the queens majesty, where they showed many warlike feats, but were much hindered by the weather, which was all day showering, they returned that present night to London, and were discharged the next morrow. 
Earls of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 created.  The fourth of May Walter Devexeur, lord Ferrer of Chartleie, and viscount of Hereford was created earl of Essex: and Edward Fines lord Clinton and Say high admiral of England was created earl of Lincoln. The eight of May the parliament began at Westminster, and that same day in the parliament by the queens majesties writs, sir Henry Compton knight, 
Barons made.  lord of Compton in the Hole, sir Henry Cheinie knight lord of Todington, sir William Paulet knight of Basing, & sir Henry Norris knight lord of Ricot, were called barons into the higher house. In this parliament, 
Rogues burnt through the ear.  for so much as the whole realm of England was exceedingly pestered with rogues, vagabunds, and sturdy beggars, by means whereof daily happened diverse horrible murders, thefts, and other great outrages: it was enacted, that all persons above the age of fourteen years, being taken begging, vagrant, & wandering disorderly, should be apprehended, whipped, and burned through the gristle of the right ear, with a hot iron of one inch compass for the first time so taken.  
The four & twentieth of May, 
Martin bullock hanged at the well with two buckets.  Martin bullock was hanged on a gibbet by the well with two buckets in Bishop's gate street of London, for robbing, and most shamefully murdering of a merchant named Arthur Hall, in the parsonage of S. Martin by the said well. This Martin had procured the said Arthur Hall to come to the said parsonage, to buy of him certain plate. But after the said Arthur had well viewed the same, he said; This is none of your plate, it hath doctor Gardeners mark, 
Felony and murder combined.  and I know it to be his: That is true said Martin bullock, but he hath appointed me to sell it, etc. After this talk, whilst the said Arthur was weighing the plate, the same Martin fetched out of the kitchen a thick washing beetle, 
The manner of the murder committed.  and coming behind him struck the said Arthur on the head, that he felled him with the first stroke; and then strake him again, and after took the said Arthur's dagger, and sticked him, and with his knife cut his throat: and after would have trussed him in a Dansk chest, but the same was too short. Whereupon he tumbled him down a pair of stairs, and after thinking to have buried him in the cellar, his legs being broken with the first fall, 
Ah merciless murderer  and stiff, he could not draw him down the cellar stairs being winding. Wherefore he cut off his legs with an hatchet, and in the end trussed him with straw in a dry vat: and saying it was his apparel and books, caused the same to be carried to the water side, and so shipped to Rye. But as God would have it, there was suspicion gathered against the murderer, 
The murderer examined.  whereby he was examined before alderman Branch then one of the sheriffs of London; but so small likelihood appeared that he should be guilty, that there was an honest man dwelling in saint Laurence Pontneis named Robert Gée a clothworker, who supposing the offendor to be clear in the matter, undertook for his forth coming. Whereupon bullock being suffered to go at liberty, slipped away, first to Westminster; and there taking boat, passed up the river: 
He hath liberty notwithstanding his offence.  and coming on land beyond Kingston, passed forth till he came to Okingham, in the forest of Windsor, an eight miles beyond the town of Windsor: and from thence (what moved him, I leave to the secret judgement of God) he came back again unto London, lodging at the red lion in Holborn.  
In the mean time the foresaid Gée, upon knowledge had that Bullock was withdrawn out of the way, was not only had in some suspicion, but also committed toward: albeit so as he had liberty to take order to send abroad such as should make suit after bullock. And amongst other that went forth, one of his servants was sent to Rye, whither the dry vat was conveyed: and coming thither, the same dry vat was opened, wherein the mangled corpse of Hall was found: whereby the truth of the matter came to light, 
The dry vat, wherein the murdered man was put to be transported, descried.  and by the good providence of God, the revealer of such evil facts, bullock was at the very same time discovered at the place in Holborn afore mentioned, and there apprehended, did receive (as ye have heard) due punishment for his heinous and most wicked offence.  

Earl of Lincoln and other ambassadors into France.  The six and twentieth of May, the right honourable earl of Lincoln, departed from London towards France ambassador, being accompanied with the lord Dacres, the lord Rich, the lord Talbot, the lord Sands, and the lord Clinton, sir Arthur Chambernowne, line 10 sir Jerome Bowes, and sir Edward Hastings knights, with diverse other gentlemen, who taking ship at Dover, cut over to Bullongne, where they were very honourably received, and conveyed by journeys to Paris, where they were lodged in a house of the kings named le chasteau de Louvre, being attended upon of the king's officers. Five days after they went to the king at a house called Madrill, 
The manner of the ambassadors entertainment.  where the king with his two brethren, the admiral, & the most part of the nobles of France met them a line 20 distance from the place, & brought them to the house: where they dined, and abode till sunday following, from whence the king and his nobles with the nobles of England came to Paris. The king, his two brethren, & our ambassador riding in one coach together, and the nobles of England and France being so placed also in coaches, came to the said castle of Louvre, and there dined. After dinner the king, our ambassador, with the nobility of both realms, went to a church named saint German, where the French line 30 king, his brethren, and nobility heard evensong. The noblemen of England withdrawing them into a chapel till evensong was done, were then fetched thence by the nobles of France to the king and his brethren that awaited their coming, where was confirmed the league which had been concluded at Blois the nineteenth of April, 
League with France confirmed in France.  deputies being there for the French party, Francis Montmorencie, Reinold Birago, Sebastian de Laubespine, and Paul de Foix: and for the queen of England, sir Thomas line 40 Smith, and master Walsingham ambassadors.  
This being done, they departed without the walls of Paris, to a garden of pleasure, where they supped. After supper, the king departed to his place of Madrill, and the nobles of England unto the castle of Louvre. On monday, the admiral feasted the nobles of England: upon tuesday, the duke of Anjou the king's brother, and on wednesday the duke of Alencon line 50 his younger brother, and so passed in feasting and banqueting, with rich gifts on both parts. On friday, 
The ambassadors returned out of France. The duke of Norfolk beheaded.  the nobles of England took leave of the king, and on sunday came to saint Denis, and after to Bullongne, where they took ship, and returned into England the fourth of julie. The second of june in the morning, between the hours of seven and eight, Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk, was beheaded on a scaffold newly set up on tower hill. ¶ This execution in a short time was spread abroad, line 60 for fame, which (as the poet saith in few words — volat levibus sublata per aethera pennis) had sounded the same far and near: insomuch that in tract of time, as men had leisure to lay their collections together, among other things this is recorded: even of strangers. For the execution of an honourable parsonage must needs be so much the more notorious, as his misdeed is dishonourable. Touching the duke therefore this I find in Schardius (howsoever he came to the knowledge thereof) a modern historien, 
Schaerdius in reb. gest. sub Maximil. imperat. secundo pag. 2513.  and doctor of the laws in basil. The duke of Norfolk, who (as we have said) was condemned for treason the sixteenth day of januarie, was brought out of the tower of London, to a plain hard by, which they call the hill; 
Foreign nations hear and write of the queens unbloody government.  in the midst whereof a scaffold had been builded many years ago serving for execution: which being old was both rotten and ruinous. For queen Elisabeth having with mercy governed her commonwealth, there was no punishment inflicted there upon any for the space of fourteen years. Wherefore a new scaffold must needs be made. Which when the duke at seven of the clock in the morning had mounted, having on a silken doublet, & a long gown of like fine stuff, all black, 
The 〈◊〉▪ behaviour, & gesture of the duke at his execution.  earnestly he beheld the people round about with his cap on his head. Now when he had stood still a pretty while, and cast his eyes upon the scaffold, he asked whereabouts he might best stand to speak unto the people? For the scaffold was four square, and the people came flocking from all places. Now when he was directed to the east side thereof, and the people had muttered and whispered diversly among themselves, master Alexander Nowell dean of Paul's besought them that were present to be silent and still. 
Master Nowell dean of Paul's the duke's gh●stlie father.  Then began the duke to speak to the people as followeth.  

The duke of Norffolkes' words uttered on the scaffold at tower hill when he should be executed  
IT is no rare thing (good people) to see a man come hither to die, albeit since this queens most blessed reign I be the first, I pray God I be the last. The people said Amen. It is a hard matter for a man of my calling to use long speech in such an audience, either for that audacity serves me not, or for that coming to such an end as I do, the fear of death troubleth me: and therefore I beseech you all heartily to bear with me, I will not be long, I will make a short speech and divide my talk into three parts. And first concerning my offence towards my prince, 
The duke confesseth his offence against the queens majesty.  wherein some thing I have to confess against myself, and in some thing to clear myself. I come not to complain against my peers, I do acquit them, I have deserved to die, it is not unknown. I have dealt with the queen of Scots in very great and high matters, without making my prince privy thereunto, otherwise than I ought to have done.  
There is one thing, which greatly grudgeth my conscience, that is: when I was first delivered out of this place, I made a submission, & promised the Q. never to deal further in that matter; 
He is sorry for the violating of his promise made to the queen.  and yet contrary to my promise I meant & did otherwise, I am sorry for it. It was reported I made a vow and took a solemn oath, and received the communion upon it, that is not true: the other was too much. It was reported also I went about to destroy the city of London: I take God to my witness I never meant to hurt this city. I have dealt with suspected persons, and such as have showed themselves enemies to the state; especially one I will name, to wit one Radulpho, whom I never talked withal but once, 
He maketh show to clear himself in diverse points.  and then I liked not his dealing, he showed me two letters which he said came from the pope.  
Then said one of the sheriffs of London, Good my lord be short: he said, I will be short, I have not much to say, good gentlemen bear witness, I come not to clear myself. I saw two letters, the one inciphered and the other deciphered. I was charged to confeder with the rebels, I take God to witness I did never. The secondary interrupted him and said, I pray you my lord go not about to clear yourself, you have been tried as honourably, as any noble man hath ever been in this land: I pray you make short, for the hour is past, it is upon the peril of their lives (meaning the sheriffs) they can not suffer you. Oh I pray you give me leave a little, I do confess my fault. 
He meaneth confession of his religion.  This is my confession, I do confess it, notwithstanding my religion. It hath been reported I have been a papist, a confederer with papists, a friend to them and a maintainer of them and of their religion: I take God to witness I am none, nor ever was a papist since I knew what religion meant. I have had friends, yea familiar friends, yea peradventure servants that have been papists, with whom I have borne: but I take God to witness I am line 10 none, I utterly defy the pope and his religion, and I hope to be saved only by my faith in jesus Christ: and I utterly abhor all man's traditions, And if at any time I did give countenance to any papist, whereby any goodman or the church was offended, I ask them mercy: there is no man that alloweth better of this religion than I do. 
He confesseth himself much ●●und to the queens majesty.  Then he was desired again to be short. Now touching the goodness of the queen's majesty, I am much bound to her grace. I do thank her humbly for that she hath line 20 forgiven all my offences, and hath prolonged my life so long. You see how good she hath been to me, I have been looked for here long before this time, God send her long over you to reign, she hath promised me to be gracious to my poor orphan children. God grant my death may end all troubles. 
●e exhorteth 〈◊〉 beware of ●●●ons.  And if any of you have any one faction, or two, or three, or more, let him give over & forsake it. Many wish and desire diverse things: but they know not what they wish. They seek their own destruction. If every man should line 30 have his wish, God knoweth how many would repent whatsoever they are.  
The queen hath promised in my death to forgive all, and I pray God that she may live many years. I remember well the words of that good father and holy martyr Latimer. 
He putteth the people in mind of Latimers words uttered before king Edward.  He told the people, that for their wickedness God would take away his blessing from them. I pray God the contrary, that your good life may be such, that God may turn away those plagues that he hath threatened. He spoke it in an line 40 honourable place, in the pulpit, before king Edward: yet let not this place discredit my words. I pray God preserve the queens majesty, and that she may live and reign over you many years: even to the world's end, which I believe that some one alive shall see. Then he kneeled down and prayed, and master Nowell kneeled down by him and wept, with many others. 
He prayeth and many more with him: the effect of his prayer.  His prayer was unto God for the continuance of the truth of his gospel; he prayed also instantly for the queens most prosperous reign, and line 50 kneeling upon his knees he said two psalms, to wit Miserere and Domine ne in furore, and in the first psalm he prayed to build the walls of jerusalem, according to the psalm. Master Nowell said, That is meant of Christ's church. I know that well (said he) I mean not the church of Rome, I abhor it, but the church of England and of all the world wheresoever it be.  
I have forgotten one thing, I thank thee God that hast put me in mind of it. 
He asketh all the world forgiveness, etc.  I forgive all the world and I ask all the world forgiveness: and I protest line 60 before God, if I knew any particular man I had offended, I would namely ask him forgiveness. Then he read the other psalm, wherein adultery is mentioned, and when he came to that point, he said: I would I were as clear in every thing as in that, 
He justifieth himself against the 〈◊〉 s●nne of ●●●terie.  saving for thought, and that is as evil. Then he said a collect, and in the end he said, In manus tuas Domine, etc.▪ in Latin and English. And then he desired the people to pray for him while he lived, for (quoth he) I look not to have any excuse after my death. Then he embraced sir Henry Leie, and after a few secret words between them, Master Nowell stood up and said to the people, He doth desire you all with one voice to say Lord have mercy upon him, and after to say no more words, nor to make any shout or shritching for troubling of him in his last visitation. Then the duke kneeled down, and master Nowell bowed himself towards him with many embracings, and took there leave each of other. Then the executioner desired him kneeling to forgive him: and he took him by the hand and forgave him, and then requested sight of the axe; Master Nowell said, 
He kneeleth down and submitteth himself to the axe.  The sight will trouble you. He answered; No, let me see it: but he showed it not, & then he laid his neck upon the block. Then the executioner said; My lord your head lieth not well. I will make it lie well, saith he, & therewith lifting up his body he laid his neck even upon the block, which done it was cut clean off at one stroke. This was the end of the duke of Norfolk, a man whose life God had limited, as also the estate wherein he sometimes flourished: both which (as all things else) in a short time vanished. Let all degrees therefore learn, both by precept and example to know God principally, secondly their sovereign Gods anointed, and finally themselves to be subjects: forgetting their own honour, which puffeth men up many times with the wind of vainglory, even to their own overthrow, whilst they become insolent, and dream that the transitory advancements of this world will make them princes, princes peers; nay (O monstrous madness) gods, whereas all things are mutable and momentany, and the higher that a man doth climb, the greater is his fall; as very aptly saith the poet in these words: 
Hoc fragili varijs voluuntur casibus orb  
Omnia, celsa ruit turris graviore ruina.    

The discourse and catalogue of all the dukes of England by creation or descent since the time of the conquest.  
TWo sentences, the one an Italian proverb, 
The collection of Francis Boteville aliâs Thin, in the year of Christ 1585.  the other an old English byword have moved me to make this collection (at the request of an other) of all the dukes of England. First the Italian said that France cannot abide any treasurors, England any dukes, nor Scotland any kings, the truth whereof need no confirming examples to be set down, sith (as saith the philosopher) things subject to the sense need no further proof. secondly the English saying hath been, that a Nag of five shillings shall bear all the dukes of England & Scotland, being spoken in no sense of disgrace to that honourable title: but only to show that the time should come, wherein there should be no dukes in England or Scotland. How true the same is in England, and likely again to be in Scotland (being once before verified in that realm, for about five years past, there was no duke there also when the duke of Lineux was banished) every man doth well perceive. For the death of this Thomas duke of Norfolk, being the last of that honour hath justified the same in England. And the turmoils in Scotland may perhaps shortly verify the same in that country, in which there were never so few dukes, as that they cannot make the first and smallest number: for being but one in that country, and he very young (which is the duke of Lineux) if he should miscarry, the same would again also be as true there as it is now here. For which cause to perpetuat the memories of such antiquities and titles of honour, as age hath consumed with the persons which enjoyed such prehemences in England, I will from the first creation of any duke since the conquest recite the creation, descent, and succession of all the dukes of England, showing first the time of the creation of such dukes, & secondly the descent of all such dukes as are lineally issued out of that creation, which follow as they came in one line.  

Edward the black prince, duke of Cornwall.  Edward (the eldest son of king Edward the third) being surnamed the black prince, was made duke of Cornwall the eleventh of Edward the third, in the year of our redemption 1337, when he was yet but young. This young prince was the first duke in England since the conquest, and Cornwall was by that creation the first place that was erected to a dukedom. Which duke, being the flower of chivalry in his time, died about the fiftieth year of king line 10 Edward the third; in the year of Christ 1376, and was buried at Canturburie.  

Henry Plantagenet duke of Lancaster.  Henry Plantagenet alias Tort Colle (because his head leaned somewhat to one shoulder like the great Macedon king Alexander, whose valour in feats of arms this Henry did also imitate) being son to Henry of Monmouth earl of Lancaster, was in like sort earl of Lancaster by descent. After which he was created earl of Derby, as some say in the eleventh year of Edward the third, being line 20 the year of our Lord 1337, other say in the fouretéenth year of Edward the third, in the year of our salvation 1340. He was created duke of Lancaster as some have in the six & twentieth year of Edward the third, as other have the seven & twentieth, and as the third sort have the eight & twentieth year of Edward the third. He was lord steward of England, & lieutenant of Guines. This man was wise, glorious in fortune, and full of honour in feats of arms, whilst he was young: he died the five and thirtieth year line 30 of Edward the third, in the year of Christ 1361, being one of the first knights which were made at the first institution of the honourable order of the garter, and the second duke that was made in England. He had issue two daughters & heirs, maud married to William duke of Bavare, earl of Henalt, Zealand & Holland, which after became mad; & Blanch married to john of Gant, fourth son to Edward the third.  
john Plantagenet, surnamed of Gant in Flanders, 
john of Gant duke of Lancaster.  where he was borne, the fourth son to king line 40 Edward the third, was first by his father in the five and thirtieth year of Edward the third, in the year of Christ 1361, made duke of Lancaster, so that he was duke of Lancaster, earl of Lincoln, Salisbury, Derby and Leicester, king of Castille & Lirne, and steward of England. He married three wives, the first was Blanch the daughter and heir of Henry duke of Lancaster, earl of Leicester, Lincoln, Sarisburie & Derby, in whose right he obtained all those titles of honour, whom he married in the thirtieth line 50 three year of Edward the third, in the year of our Lord 1359, and by her had issue Henry Plantagenet duke of Hereford: Philip married in the tenth year of Richard the second (in the year of Christ 1386, as some say; or rather 1385, as others have) to the king of Portugal: and Elisabeth married to john Holland earl of Huntingdon. His second wife was Constance eldest daughter to Peter king of Castille, whom he married in the six & fortieth year of Edward the third, being in the year of Christ 1372, line 60 by whom he had issue Margaret married to the king of Castille, which Constance died in the year of Christ 1394, as saith Ypodigma. His third wife was Katherine the widow of Otho Swinford, and daughter to sir Paien Ruet alias Given king at arms, whom he married in the nintéenth year of king Richard the second, being the year of Christ 1395, or as some say 1396, by this woman he had before marriage Thomas Beaufort, john Beaufort, Henry Beaufort cardinal of Winchester, & jane married to Ralph Nevil earl of Westmoreland, all which children were in the twentieth of Richard the second, being in the year 1396, legitimated by parliament: at which time the said john of Gant gave them the surname of Beaufort. This john of Gant was also earl of Richmond and constable of France in the time of Richard the second, who made him also duke of Aquitaine in the fourteenth year of his reign, being the year 1390▪ This john of Gant died in the two & twentieth year of Richard the second▪ in the year 1398, or as saith Ypodigma 1399, & was buried in the qu●ere of saint Paul's church of London, on the north side▪  
Henry Plantagenet alias Henry of Bollinbroke so surnamed of the place of his birth, 
Henry Plantagenet duke of Lancaster and Hereford, king of England.  the eldest son of the said john▪ was by inheritance duke of Lancaster, earl of Leicester, Salisbury▪ Derby, and Lincoln▪ he was created duke of Hereford by Richard the second, who made him earl of Derby, in the ninth year of his reign, in the year of Christ 1386, and after made him duke of Hereford in the 21 year of his reign, being the year of Christ 1397. Which Henry of Bollinbroke married in the 9▪ year of the reign of Richard the second, in the year of Christ 1386▪ Marie the second daughter, & one of the heirs of Humphrey Bohune earl of Hereford & Essex, and constable of England, which woman died in the year of Christ 1394, about the eighteenth year of Richard the second. This Henry was after king of England by the name of Henry the fourth.  
Lionel Plantagenet surnamed Lionel of Antwerp in Brabant, because he was there borne, 
LionellPlantagenet duke of Clarence.  being the third son of king Edward the third, was earl of Ulster in Ireland by his wife, and created duke of Clarence in the 36 year of Edward the third, in the year of Christ 1462: but other say he was made duke in the 33 year of Edward the third. He had two wives, the first Elisabeth, some say Eleanor (but rightly as I do suppose) the daughter of William Burgh earl of Ulster, by whom he had issue Philip married to Edmund earl of March: the second wife was jelant or Uielant daughter to Galeas duke of Milan, to whom he was married, as saith the English chronicle, in the two and fortieth year of Edward the third▪ in the year of Christ 1368: which year the Italians count 1367, by whom he had no issue. This Lionel was sometime regent of France, & died 1368.  
Edmund of Langleie, 
Edmund Plantagenet duke of York.  fift son to Edward the third made earl of Cambridge about the six and thirtieth year of Edward the third, being the year of Christ 1361, was made duke of York in the eight, or (as some have) the ninth year of the said king Richard the second. He in the six and fortieth year of king Edward the third, in the year that the word became flesh 1372, married Isabella one of the daughters of Peter king of Castille, and sister by the mother to Constance second wife to john of Gant duke of Lancaster, brother to this Edmund, who was about the twentieth year of Richard the second protector of England, while the king was in Ireland, which Isabella died in the year of Christ 1394, being about the eighteenth year of Richard the second, & by the king's commandment was buried in the friars of Langleie. This Edmund had issue by his wife Isabella Edward earl of Rutland, and duke Albermerle, Richard earl of Cambridge, and one daughter called Constance married to Thomas lord Spenser: he died the second (as some have) or rather the third (as others have) of Henry the 4, in the year of Christ, as hath Ypodigma 1402, and was buried at Langleie.  
Edward Plantagenet son and heir of Edmund of Langleie duke of York, 
Edward Plantagenet duke of Albermerle and York.  was in the fourteenth of Richard the second created earl of Rutland in his father's life, in the year of Christ 1390, and in the twentieth year of Richard the second, or rather the 21 of the same king, being the year of Christ 1397, he was made duke of Albermerle or Aumerle, and after his father's death he was duke of York: he was slain at the battle of Agincourt, in the third year of Henry the fift, being the year of Christ 1415, he married Margaret, or rather more truly Philip the lady Fitzwater, and widow to sir john Gollafer knight, bastard son to sir john Gollafer of Cercedone or Saresdone knight in Oxfordshire. And here because I have mentioned the name of Gollafer, although it be digressing from my first purposes, only to treat of the dukes of England, I think it not amiss to say somewhat of these two knights, of the Gollafers, sir john the father, and sir john the son. This sir john Gollafer the father line 10 being the son of john Gollafer esquire (whose ancestors as far as I can learn had their first original from Roger Gollafer of Cercedone in the time of king john, and was buried in Domo capitulari de Bruera in come. oxon.) married Anne the daughter and heir of sir Thomas Langleie lord of Langleie in Oxfordshire (now at this day in the year 1585., by grant of queen Elisabeth, in the possession of Robert Sutton or Dudleie earl of Leicester) which Anne died shortly after without any issue by him. line 20 After whose death this sir john Gollafer married Isabella the lady of Missenden (dwelling at Missenden) and of Queintone in Buckinghamshire, she being daughter to sir Barnard Brocas. But this sir john Gollafer having no issue by the said Elisabeth, and desirous by some means or other to continue his name (which yet he could not make perpetual nor of any long continuance) made choice in the life of his wife Isabella of another woman, whom he used for procreations' cause, and by her had issue two line 30 bastards, one called jennet Pulham after prioress of Burneham by Windsor, and an other bastard called after the father john Gollafer, who in following time became a knight. Afterward this sir john the father died at Queintone in the year of our redemption one thousand, three hundred, seventy and nine, falling partly in the second and third year of Henry the fourth, and was buried at the Grey friars in Oxford, whose wife Isabella was after buried in Missenden priory. line 40  
After the death of this sir john the father, sir john Gollafer knight his base son being lord of Langleie, married Philip lady Fitzwater, after married to this duke of York (as before is said) which sir john Gollafer died at Wallingford, in the year of our redemption one thousand, three hundred, ninety and six, being the twentieth year of Richard the second, and was buried at Westminster, near unto the tomb of Richard the second. Which lady Philip died in the time of Henry the sixth, and was line 50 buried at Westminster, near unto her husband, whose stately tomb is yet extant, on the south side almost directly overagainst the tomb of Richard the second. Thus this much for the name of Gollafer; and so again to the dukes of England.  

Thomas Plantagenet surnamed of Woodstock duke of Gloucester.  Thomas Plantagenet, otherwise called Thomas of Woodstock, sixth son to king Edward the third, was created earl of Buckingham, the first year of Richard the second, in the year one thousand, three line 60 hundred, seventy and seven, the day of his coronation before dinner. This man was high constable of England, and created duke of Gloucester, in the eight year of Richard the second, of whom is more especial mention made in the treatise of the constables of England, pag. 867.  

Thomas Holland duke of Surreie.  Thomas Holland, brother by the mother's side to king Richard the second, and son to the lord Thomas Holland (earl of Kent, in the right of jane, daughter and heir to Edmund Plantagenet, surnamed of Woodstock earl of Kent) was advanced to the title of duke of Surreie in the two and twentieth year of king Richard the second, being the year of Christ one thousand, three hundred, ninety and seven, he married Alice the daughter of Richard Fitzallen earl of Arundel. He had issue six daughters & heirs; Margaret married to john Beaufort earl of Summerset, and marquesie Dorset; Alice married to Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury; Elisabeth, married to john lord Nevil son to Ralph Nevil the first earl of Westmoreland, and after his death to Edward Chareleton lord Powis; joane married to Edmund of Langleie duke of York; and Bridget a nun at Barking. This man with others, at a parliament held the first year of Henry the fourth, in the year of our redemption one thousand, three hundred, ninety and nine, was deprived of his name of duke, & of all honours, together with the dignities belonging to a duke, & was after in the same year (rebelling against king Henry the fourth) taken by the men of Circester, and beheaded in the same town, after that he had caused the town to be set on fire.  
john Holland full brother to Thomas Holland, 
john Holland duke of Excester.  and half brother to Richard the second, was created earl of Huntingdon in the fourteenth year of king Richard the second, and made duke of Excester at a parliament holden in the one & twentieth year of the same king, though some attribute that to the twentieth year of king Richard. This man at a parliament held in the first of Henry the fourth, in the year of Christ 1399, was disgraded from his title of dukedom, and was after taken at Pritewell in Essex in a mill, and beheaded at Plassie in the said shire, in the said first year of the said king Henry the fourth, he married Elisabeth the daughter of john of Gant duke of Lancaster, and had issue john Holland earl of Huntingdon.  
john Holland earl of Huntingdon was (as it seemeth) made by Henry the fourth (after the death of the duke of Excester his father) & admitted to be duke of Excester, 
john Holland duke of Excester.  he married Anne the daughter of Edmund earl of Stafford, he had issue Henry Holland duke of Excester, and Anne married to sir john Nevil knight, brother of Ralph the third of that name earl of Westmoreland, he died the six and twentieth of king Henry the sixth on the fift of August, being the year of Christ 1448, and was buried at S. Katharins' nigh the tower of London. After which his first wife he married Anne the daughter of john Montacute earl of Salisbury, by whom he had no issue.  
Henry Holland son of john Holland was (after the death of his father) duke of Excester, 
Henry Holland duke o● Excester.  he was disherited in the first of Edward the fourth at a parliament held then in the year 1461, he married Anne daughter to Richard duke of York, and sister to king Edward the fourth, which Anne at her own suit on the twelve of November in the eleventh year of king Edward the fourth, being the year of Christ 1471, was divorced from the said duke of Excester. Shortly after which, in the year of Christ 1413, being in the thirteenth of Edward the fourth, this duke was found dead in the sea between Dover & Calis, but how he came there none could certainly declare. He died without issue, leaving his sister Anne his heir, married (as before) to john Nevil brother to Ralph earl of Westmoreland.  
Robert Vere earl of Oxford and marquess of Dubline was in the year of Christ 1386, 
Robert Vere duke of Ireland.  in the tenth of Richard the second created duke of Ireland, he died withoutissue at Louvain in great penury and vexation of mind, as hath Ypodigma, in the year of Christ 1392, being about the sixteenth of king Richard the second, he married the daughter of Ingerame de Cousie earl of Bedford, and after divorced from her he married Lancecrona one of mean parentage.  

Margaret Segraue duchess of Norfolk.  Margaret lady Segraue the daughter and heir of Thomas Brotherton earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, was created duchess of Norfolk in the one and twentieth year of king Richard the second, she had two husbands, whereof the first was john lord Segraue; by whom she had issue Elisabeth married to john Mowbreie the third of that name. Her second husband was sir Walter Mannie knight of the order, by whom she had a daughter married to john lord Hastings earl of Penbroke. This duchess line 10 Margaret died in the year of Christ 1399, being about the three and twentieth of Richard the second, and was buried in the friar Minors of London.  

Thomas lord Mowbreie duke of Norfolk.  Thomas lord Mowbreie second son of Elisabeth Segraue and john lord Mowbreie her husband was advanced to the dukedom of Norfolk, in the one and twentieth year of the reign of Richard the second. Shortly after which he was appealed by Henry earl of Bullingbroke of treason, and carried to the castle of Windsor, where he was strongly line 20 and safely guarded, having a time of combat granted to determine the cause between the two dukes the sixtéenth day of September, in the two and twentieth of the said king, being the year of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordered, that this duke of Norfolk was banished for ever: whereupon taking his journey to jerusalem, he died at Venice in his return from the said city of jerusalem in the first year of king Henry the fourth, about the year of our redemption 1399. He married Elisabeth line 30 one of the daughters and heirs of Richard earl of Arundel Warren and Surreie, by whom he had issue john duke of Norfolk, and three daughters, Elisabeth married to Michael de la Poole the younger earl of Suffolk, Margaret married unto sir Robert Howard knight, and Isabella married to sir james Barkeleie.  

john Mowbreie duke of Norfolk.  john Mowbreie earl of Nottingham marshal of England and duke of Norfolk, baron Segraue and Bower, was buried in the Charte●●ouse within the isle of Exholme, he married Katherine the daughter line 40 of Ralph the first earl of Westmoreland, by whom he had issue john duke of Norfolk.  

john Mowbreie duke of Norfolk.  john lord Mowbreie the sixth baron of the name of Mowbreie, son to john duke of Norfolk, was after his father duke of Norfolk. This john was buried in Tetford priory, who marrying Elinor the daughter of William lord Burchier earl of Ewe, had issue john duke of Norfolk.  

john Mowbreie duke of Norfolk.  john the last duke of Norfolk of the surname of line 50 Mowbreie, the son of john the last before mentioned, was in his father's life time created earl of Warren and Surreie by king Henry the sixth, and after the death of his father was duke of Norfolk. This john the last duke died in his castle of Framingham, in the year 1461, being the second year of king Edward the fourth. He married Elisabeth daughter to john lord Talbot earl of Shrewesburie, by whom he had issue one only daughter and heir, married to Richard duke of York second son to Edward the fourth. line 60  

Th● Plantagenet duke of Clarence.  Thomas Plantagenet second son to Henry the fourth, was created duke of Clarence in the eleventh year of his father, being about the year of our redemption 1409, and was afterward in the 13 of the same king created earl of Aumerle, and high steward of England: he was slain the two and twentieth of March, in the ninth year of the reign of the victorious king Henry the fift, in the year of our redemption 1420, beginning the year of our Lord on the five and twentieth day of March. He married Margaret the daughter of Thomas Holland earl of Kent, and died without issue legitimat, having a base son called john the bastard of Clarence.  
john Plantagenet third son to Henry the fourth, 
john Plantagenet duke of Bedford.  was by his father created duke of Bedford, at the parliament of Leicester, in the year of Christ 1414, in the second of king Henry the fift. Of this man is more large mention made in my discourse of the protectors of England.  
Humfreie Plantagenet fourth son of Henry the fourth, 
Humfreie Plantagenet duke of Gloucester.  was by his father created duke of Gloucester, who for the nobility of his mind and virtuous life, was made protector of England. Of whom is more spoken in my former discourse of the protectors of England. 
See pag. 106.   
john Beaufort (which name of Beaufort was given by john of Gant to his children which he had by Katherine Swineford, 
john Beaufort duke of Summerset.  when they were made legitimate by parliament, about the one and twentieth year of king Richard the second as is before touched) was created marquess Dorset by Henry the fourth, and after advanced to the honour of duke of Summerset, in the first year of king Henry the first, being the year of our redemption 1413. He married Margaret the daughter of sir john Beauchampe lord of Powicke, he had issue Margaret married to Edmund Haddam earl of Richmond father to king Henry the seventh: after the death of which Edmund she was married to Thomas lord Stonleie, afterward by Henry the seventh created earl of Derby, and after unto Henry son to Humfreie duke of Buckingham. This duke of Summerset died the two and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, and was buried at Winborne, in the year of Christ 1444. And his daughter the lady Margaret died at Westminster on the nine and twentieth of june, in the first year of king Henry the eight, in the year of Christ a thousand five hundred and nine, about three score and five years after the death of her father.  
Thomas Beaufort son to john of Gant duke of Lancaster and Katherine Swineford was created duke of Excester, 
Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester.  in the fift year of K. Henry the fift, of whom is mention made in my protectors.  
Edmund Beaufort son of john Beaufort duke of Summerset, 
Edmund Beaufort duke of Summerset.  was created earl Morton in the seventh year of K. Henry the fift. He was created marquess Dorset and duke of Summerset by king Henry the sixth, he was made regent of Normandy, and lost the whole country to the French: for which after his coming out of Normandy in the nine and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, he was on the sixth of December the same year, being the year of our Lord 1450, apprehended and put under arrest, and his goods by the commons foully despoiled and carried away from the Black friars. He was slain at the battle of S. Albon in May, the three and thirtieth year of king Henry the sixth, falling in the year of our Lord 1455, and was with Henry Persie earl of Northumberland, and Thomas lord Clifford buried at S. Albon. He married two wives, the first was Elinor the daughter of Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick, & widow to Thomas lord Rosse, by whom he had issue Henry duke of Summerset, Edmund duke of Summerset, john marquess Dorset, Margaret married to Humfreie duke of Buckingham, Elisabeth married to sir Henry jews knight, Elinor married to james Butler earl of Wiltshire, and after to sir Robert Spenser, Anne married to sir William Pastone knight, and jone married to the lord Hooth of Ireland. His second wife was jone, who was after married to Henry Bromefield knight, of the which Edmund duke of Summerset, and the other lords buried at saint Albon, thus writeth the worthy poet john Gower with these same verses hereafter following: 
Quos mors quos Martis sors saeva, suaeque sororis  
Bella prostrarunt, villae medióque necarunt,  
Mors sic occisos tumulaverat hîc simul ipsos,  
Póstque necem requiem causavit habere perennem  
Et medium sine quo vult hîc requiescere nemo,  
Hic lis, hic pugna mors est qui terminat arma,  
Mors sors & Mavors qui straverunt dominos hos.   

Henry Beaufort duke of Summerset.  Henry Beaufort eldest son to Edmund duke of Summerset was after the death of his father earl line 10 Morton, marquess Dorset, and duke of Summerset, he was captain of Calis; who with other nobles in the nine and thirtieth of Henry the sixth slew the duke of York at the battle of Wakefield, in the year of our redemption 1460; according to the account of England. Shortly after which, K. Henry the sixth, whom this duke supported all that he could, was deposed, & Edward the fourth crowned. Touching which deposing of the one, & crowning of the other, although it be impertinent to the treatise of line 20 the dukes of England, having here so good place therefore, I will set down such verses as I have found in I. Whethamsted, adding further such other verses also as I find in him, concerning a battle fiercely fought at Ferribrig in Yorkshire, in this sort: 
X. numero seni lapsi sunt circiter anni,  

In the year of Christ 1460.  Postquam successit lexiuris, iuréue rexit,  
Anglorum regnum vis non ius rexerat ipsum  
jam nova progenies, quia coelo venit ab alto line 30  
Saturni soboles, quae nomine dicitur altro  
Edwardus quartus, Richardo sanguine iunctus  
Creditur à multis, redeunt Saturnia nostris  
Temporibus saecla, lis visque nephas simul una  
Deperiunt, iura lex & pax sunt reditura.  
Fraus etiámque dolus cessabunt, a● violentus  
Raptus avaritiae, subeunt verúmque fidésque:  
Haec spes plebis erat, cleri chorus haecque putabat.  
Det ceu speratur regnum Deus ut statuatur, line 40  
Et plebs tranquillè vivat clerus atque quietè.   
Then of the time of that former recited war, in which the northern men were overcome, there were these verses made, upon the excess and evil which they outrageously committed in the south parts of England, without regard of God, obedience to their natural prince, reverence to the church, love to their native country, or benefit to themselves: 

The battle of Ferribrig the thirteenth of March in the year 1461, according to the ●●●empt of them that begin the year at januarie.  M. semel X. seno centum quater I. simul uno  
In Martis mense terdena denique luce, line 50  
In patria Boreae Ferrebrig propè iugera villae,  
Pugna fuit plebis acris nimis & satis atrox.  
Vicerat Arcthos in bello Martius heros,  
junior Edwardus Hector novus alter Achilles  
Prostravit multos Austro tunc cesserat Arcthos,  
Et doluit casum supra X. bis millia, quorum  

Above 20000 〈◊〉, whereof 〈◊〉 knights ● gentlemen.  Quamplures domini plures & erant generosi  
Illius patriae flos ut sors tunc cecidere.  
Et meritò, quoniam spoliarunt nequiter Austrum. line 60  
Laus igitur Domino, sit honour, sit gloria Christo  
Cessat nunc flatus grandis Boreaeque boatus,  
Inque Austrum redijt, Acolus ventum variavit,  
Est Boar as mordens, & valdè ventus adurens,  
Est Auster justus, vult morsu rodere morsus,  
Et malè mordentes bene vires tollere eidem,  
Est Zephyrus placidus, est suavis frater & eius,  
Hinc Boreásque Aquilo pro nunc clauduntur in antro.   
Furthermore, touching the title of the same king Edward the fourth to the government of the kingdom of England, and of his right and truth thereunto were these following verses composed, to declare the deposition of king Henry the sixth, as beforesaid in the coronation of Edward the fourth, and how the same kingdom of England, with all the members thereof, did belong to Edward the fourth, as unto the rightful lineal heir to the same with his pedegrée, proving the same also in this sort: 
In sibi coniunctis 
a King Edward the third.  Edwardi semine natis  
Ortus erat primò 
b Lionel duke of Clarence third son to Edward the third.  Leonellus 
c john of Gant fourth son to Edward the 3.  johnque secundò,  
Cedat lex regni vult junior ut seniori.  
Attamen 
d Henry the fourth.  Henricus haeres genitúsque johannis  
Per vim sceptrigerum regimen tulerátque coronam,  
Et tenuit multis sed non sine viribus annis.  
Illi successit rex 
e Henry the fift.  qui si non caruisset  
justitiae titulo, non Hector dignior ipso:  
Non judex Aeacus, non ore politus Ulysses.  
Ipso defuncto successit 
f Henry the sixth.  filius in quo  
Stirps ea cessavit. Haeres rectus remeavit  
Scilicet 
g Edward the fourth.  Edwardus Leonelli proximus haeres,  
Hic petijt regimen, 
h Henry the sixth.  rex obstat, dátque negamen.  
Resagitur belli, vicit sanguis Leonelli,  
Et palmam tulerat 
i Henry the sixth.  Henricus rex fugiebat  
Bello finito, multo quóque sanguine fuso  
Quum victor secum palmam ferrétque triumphum,  
Vendicat hoc iterum, plebs applaudebat eidem  
Clamabátque sibi 
k Edward the fourth.  Vivat foelicior omni  
Rege vel Augusto, melior regat Octaviano.  
Haec vox cunctorum, clamour fuit ac populorum.  
Rex igitur factus, rex in solióque levatus  
Quod fractum fuerat iterum bene consolidabat,  
juréque quo potuit, vim pressit, ius renovauit.  
Sic vetus id dictum fuerat bene verificatum,  
De malè quaesitis vix gaudet tertius haeres.  
Starediu nequit mala quanquam vis stabilivit  
Ius, nescítque mori, valeat licèt ense feriri,  
Ex bene patratis bene crescit honos quoque virtus.  
O rota versatilis nimis ohque rotabilis axis!  
sort novercante fatóque modum variante,  
Corruit 
l King Henry the sixth his disposition described.  Henricus isto sub nomine sextus,  
Et casum tulerat, titulus sibi deficiebat  
Defecítque bonus, heus pro moderamine sensus  
Próque bono campi cor defuit Herculis illi,  
Matris non patris fuit ortus filius excors,  
Martem non coluit nimis à 
m Henry the fift.  patre degeneravit  
Quo melior miles non Teucer erat vel Atrides,  
Sive timor Phrygijs ajax robustus in armis.  

n Henry the sixth.  Hic fuit in verbis rex mitis, rex pietatis,  
Attamen in factis nimiae vir simplicitatis.  
Hinc postquam triginta novem rex praefuit annis,  
Caecamanu fortuna rotam quasifortis in armis  
Voluerat, & regimen capiebat regis, eundem  
Compulit ac subito sic dicere, Sum sine reg no.  
Oh sor● prosperior, oh gratia sortéque maior!  
Qui di●turna nimis fuit expectatio plebis,  
Sed mittendus erat, iam dante Deo veniebat  
Hic Martis soboles, & nomine 
o Edward earl of March, after king Edward the fourth.  Martius heros.  
mart triumphant, ius sceptri iúsque coronae,  
Vt decuit sumpsit, ut debuit ac sibi iunxit,  
Tunc bona spes fuerat, sors prospera quod reveniret,  
Letáque pro voto colere plebs secla sub ipso  
Det Deus, ac faciat bona ne spes irrita fiat.   
Thus after this long digression from the matter of the duke of Summerset, because I would set down all the verses of Whethamsted, I must yet also add other verses found in his register, mentioning some part of the doings of the northern men before spoken of: which verses although they should have gone before, yet I think better here than not at all to write them in this sort. Shortly after the foresaid battle of Wakefield wherein the duke of York was slain, and before the deposing of king Henry the sixth, he had a battle at S. Albon, called the second battle of S. Albon with the northern men (following the queen & this duke of Summersets faction) & now were come as far as S. Albon, on Shrovetuesdaie the seventeenth day of February in the said year of Christ 1460, where the king was put to flight, and ●led to the queen. Touching which battle also, thus writeth that learned abbot of saint Albon john Whethamsted in his ancient register: 

The 17 of February 1461 after the account of such as begin the year at januarie.  M. simul X. seno centum quater I. simul uno,  
Quum lux septena fuerat mensis quóque dena,  
Numinis illius venerantur quod morientes,  
Inter 
* Southern men.  Solares pugnantes & Boreales,  
Magna cohors cecidit, duo millia plebs numeravit,  
Sors apud Albani villam protomartyris almi, line 10  
Et pugnae campum, caesis dedit & tumulatum,  
Quod dolet ac doluit annis multísque dolebit,  
Villicus acmonachus prope eos habitator & omnis,  
Principio pugnae potiores mart fuere  
Australes, tandem vicit Boreásque triumphum  
Abstulerat secum, stat sors mox versa retrorsum,  
Martis ut eventum fore scires sic dubiosum.  
Vt veniunt cynephes, culices, brusique locustae,  
Vt vastant segetes: aliae muscae quóque multae,  
Sic advenerunt similes illis Boreales, line 20  
Austri totius. His judex sit Radamantus,  
Et Minos Cretae, coniunctus eis Eacúsque,  
Atque modum poenae pensent seu demeruere,  
Vix infernalis pro poena sufficit ipsis,  
Aut focus aut furiae licent essent agminemille,  
Gens est Cerberea, gens Sphingia, gens Briarea,  
Latratu, raptu, spolij praedaeque voratu,  
Laus haec, laus Boreae, laus est haec laus sine laud.   
Thus to return to the duke of Summerset, we say that afterward in the first year of king Edward line 30 the fourth, the said duke of Summerset fled to York to king Henry the sixth, and the queen, who altogether fled from thence to Berwick, and so to Edinburgh. Whereupon by parliament in the first year of Edward the fourth 1461, this duke was atteinted, and his goods and lands seized for the king. But after that time king Edward the fourth besieging the castles of Bamburgh, Dunstenburgh, and Alnewike, this duke of Summerset and others yielded those forts to the king on Christmas éeuen, in line 40 the third year of his reign, being the year of our redemption 1463. For which cause this duke was taken again into the king's favour, who gave him a thousand marks by year, whereof he was never paid. Notwithstanding all which, in the year following, being the fourth year of Edward the fourth, in May, in the year of Christ 1464, this duke with others raised an army against the king, in which battle he was taken (with Robert earl of Hungerford) by john Nevil earl of Northumberland, and beheaded. line 50 He died without lawful issue, leaving behind him a base son called Charles Summerset, by king Henry the eight created earl of Worcester.  

Edmund Beaufort duke of Summerset.  Edmund Beaufort son of the foresaid Edmund, and brother and heir to this last Henry duke of Summerset, was also duke of Summerset. This man in the eleventh year of Edward the fourth, being the year of Christ 1471, fleeing into the church of Teukesburie at the battle of Teukesburie (which line 60 queen Margaret the wife of Henry the sixth and her son prince Edward had against king Edward the fourth) lost then the field. After which this duke was taken out of the church, and was there beheaded in the said eleventh year of king Edward the fourth, and died without issue.  

Richard Plantagenet duke of York.  Richard Plantagenet, son and heir to Richard earl of Cambridge, was created duke of York by king Henry the sixth: he was also earl of Cambridge, Ulster and March, lord of Wigmore and Clare, lieutenant of the realm of France and duchy of Normandy. Of this man see more in the protectors of England.  

George Plantagenet duke of Clarence.  George Plantagenet the second son to Richard duke of York, was make duke of Clarence by his elder brother king Edward the fourth when he came to the crown, in the year of Christ 1461, being the first year of his reign. Of this George I have somewhat entreated in my discourse of the constables of England, pag. 869, and in my discourse of the protectors of England.  
Richard Plantagenet, 
Richard Plantagenet duke of Gloucester.  the third son of Richard duke of York, and brother to George duke of Clarence, was made duke of Gloucester by king Edward the fourth, in the first year of his reign, being the year in which God took on him the form of a servant 1461, of whom I have discoursed in my constables of England, pag. 869, and in my collection of the protectors of England.  
Henry Beauchampe, the son of Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick by Isabella lady Spenser his second wife, 
Henry Beauchampe duke of Warwick.  succeeded his father in all his inheritances the twentieth of May, in the seventeenth year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1439. For then the said Richard Beauchampe died at Rone in Normandy. This Henry after that his inheritance had been kept two years in the king's hands, was dismissed of his wardship, and restored to his livings with great glory. For he was crowned king of the isle of Wight (as saith john Stow) by the kings own hand, and nominated chief earl of England, in the twentieth year of the said king Henry the sixth, being about the year of Christ 1442. Shortly after, in the two and twentieth year of the said king Henry the sixth, in the year of our redemption 1444, he was created duke of Warwick, unto whom the king gave the castle of Brightstow or Bristol, with all the appurtenances with king john kept in his hands, to which duke also the king gave the Isles of Garnseie and Jersey. About two years after which, on the four and twentieth of the same king Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1446, died this duke of Warwick, whose style was duke of Warwick chief earl of England, lord Spenser and Aburgavennie, king of the isle of Wight, Garnseie and Jersey, and lord of the castle of Bristol. He died without issue, and was buried at Teukesburie, whereby his inheritance came to his four sisters, which were (by Elisabeth one of the daughters and heirs of Thomas lord Barkeleie, Lisle and Teys, first wife unto his father) Margaret his eldest sister, married to john Talbot first earl of Shrewsburie of that name: Elinor the second sister, first married to Thomas lord Rosse, and after to Edmund duke of Summerset, &c: Elisabeth the third sister, married to George Nevil lord Latimer: whose other fourth sister (by Isabella the second wife unto Richard earl Beauchampe, daughter to Thomas lord Spenser, and mother also to the above named Henry duke of Warwick, who died without issue) was Anne, married to Richard Nevil earl of Salisbury.  
Humfreie Stafford earl Stafford, created duke of Buckingham in the two and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, 
Humfreie Stafford duke of Buckingham.  being the year of our redemption 1444, was slain at the battle of Northampton. Of this man see more in my discourse of the constables of England, pag. 868.  
Henry son to the said Humfreie duke of Buckingham was beheaded in the first year of Richard the third, in the year of our redemption 1483. 
Henry Stafford duke of Buckingham  Of this man is more set down in my discourse of the constables of England, pag. 869.  
Edward Stafford, son to the said Henry, 
Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham.  was duke of Buckingham, being beheaded in the thirteenth year of the reign of king Henry the eight, which was the year of our redemption 1521, of whom also I have entreated in the said discourse of the constables of England, pag. 870.  

William de la Poole duke of Suffolk.  William de la Poole earl of Suffolk created marquess of Suffolk in the two & twentieth of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1444, was shortly after also created duke of Suffolk, & in the eight & twentieth of the said king Henry the sixth, falling in the year 1450, was banished the realm for five years, to pacify the hard opinion which the commons had conceived against him. He took ship to perform his banishment the third of line 10 May, and sailed towards France, but was on the sea encountered by a ship of the tower named the Nicholas, by which he was taken and beheaded, and his body cast up at Dover sands, and buried in the charterhouse at Hull. He married Alice the daughter and heir of Thomas Chaucer, son to that famous poet Geffreie Chaucer, by which wife the manner of Ewelme, commonly called Newelme in Oxfordshire came to the Pools. This duke & his wife did there build a new parish church of Ewelme standing line 20 on a hill, and founded a pretty hospital called God's house, at the west end of Ewelme parish church, to which house he gave the manors of Ramrige in Hampshire, Conocke in Wiltshire, and Mersh in Buckinghamshire. He also founded an hospital at Donnington castle. This Alice wife of duke William, surviving her husband, was after buried in the parish church of Ewelme, on the southside of the high altar, in a rich tomb of alabaster, with an image in the habit of a duchess crowned, lying on line 30 the same tomb, and having this epitaph: Orate pro anima serenissimae principissae Alissiae Sulfolchiae huius ecclesiae patronae, quae obijt 20 die mensis Maij, anno Domini 1475, litera dominicali A.  

john de la Poole duke 〈◊〉 Suffolk.  john de la Poole son to the said William de la Poole duke of Suffolk, was also duke of Suffolk after the death of his father. This man on the eighteenth of April in the fifteenth year of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1415, was knighted by the king. He married Elisabeth line 40 daughter to Richard duke of York, and sister to Edward the fourth, by whom he had issue Edmund earl of Suffolk; john that by Edward the fourth was created earl of Lincoln, and Anne, who by procurement of king Richard the third was married to the duke of Rothseie, eldest son to the king of Scots.  
Richard Plantagenet second son to king Edward the fourth, 
Richard Plantagenet duke of York.  was by his father created duke of York, in the 15 year of his reign, being the year of our Lord 1474, at a parliament in the said fifteenth line 50 year of Edward the fourth. This duke on the fifteenth of januarie in the seventeenth year of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1477, was married to lady Anne daughter and heir to john Mowbreie duke of Norfolk, and was in the first year of the reign of the tyrant king Richard the third his uncle most unnaturally murdered in the tower, in the year of Christ 1483.  
George Plantagenet third son to king Edward the fourth was created duke of Bedford by his line 60 father, 
George Plantagenet duke of Bedford.  in the year of our redemption 1470, and died without issue being very young.  
john Howard lord Howard (the son of sir Robert Howard knight, 
john Howard duke of Norfolk.  and of Margaret his wife, one of the daughters and heirs of Thomas lord Mowbreie duke of Norfolk, earl of Nottingham, and marshal of England) was created duke of Norfolk, and marshal of England, in the first year of the usurping king Richard the third, being the year of our redemption 1483. This man following the part of the said king Richard, was at the battle of Bosworth in Lecestershire (fought in the third year of the said king Richard, in the year of Christ 1485) slain with the said king Richard. He had two wives, Katherine the daughter of William lord Molins, by whom he had issue Thomas earl of Surreie, after made duke of Norfolk by king Henry the eight; Anne married to sir Edmund Gorge knight; Isabella married to sir Roger Mortimer of Essex; jane married to sir john Timperleie; and Margaret married to sir john Windham: his second wife was Margaret the daughter of sir john Chedworth knight, by whom he had Katherine married to sir john Bourchier lord Barns.  
Thomas Howard earl of Surreie son of the said john was created duke of Norfolk, 
Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk.  in the fift year of king Henry the eight, being about the year of Christ 1514. Of him is more mention in my discourse of the lord treasurors of England.  
Thomas Howard created earl of Surreie in the fift year of king Henry the eight, 
Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk.  being high admiral and lord treasurer of England, was duke of Norfolk, after the death of his father, which fell in the sixtéenth year of king Henry the eight, being the year of our redemption 1524. Of this man is also more entreated in my discourse of the lord treasurors.  
Thomas Howard the third duke of the name of Thomas, and the fourth of the name of Howard, 
Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk.  was son to Henry Howard earl of Surreie son to the last before recited Thomas Howard duke of Norfolk. This man, being the last duke that lived in England, & occasioned me to make this discourse of the dukes, was beheaded on tower hill the seventeenth of September, in the thirteenth year of the now reigning prince Elisabeth, being the year of Christ 1571, and buried in the chapel of the tower. He married three wives; his first wife was Marry one of the daughters and heirs of Henry Fitzallen earl of Arundel, by whom he had issue Philip earl of Arundel; his second wife was Margaret daughter & only heir to Thomas Audleie knight, chancellor of England, and lord Audleie of saffron Walden, the widow of the lord Henry Dudleie youngest son to john Sutton of Dudlie duke of Northumberland, by which second wife this duke had issue Thomas, William, Elisabeth, & Margaret; his third wife was Elisabeth the daughter of sir james Leiborne knight, and widow of the lord Dacres of Gis●eland, by whom he had no issue.  
Henry the second son of king Henry the seventh was by his father created duke of York at Westminster, 
Henry Teuther duke of York.  in the eleventh year of his reign, being the year of our redemption 1495, or thereabouts. This man was after king of England by the name of king Henry the eight.  
jasper of Hatfield the son of Owen Teuther esquire, by Katherine daughter to the French king, 
jasper of Hatfield duke of Bedford.  and widow to king Henry the fift, was by king Henry the sixth his brother on the mother's side created earl of Penbroke, in the year of Christ 1452, after which in the five and thirtieth year of the said king he was made earl of Cambridge: and lastly, in the first year of the reign of king Henry the seventh he was created duke of Bedford on Simon and judes 〈◊〉, in the year of our redemption 1485, but died without issue the eighteenth day of December, in the twelve year of the reign of king Henry the seventh, in the year of Christ 1496, and was buried at Kensham.  
Charles Brandon the son of sir William Brandon knight, 
Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk.  slain on the part of king Henry the seventh at Bosworth field, was created viscount Lisle, and after on Candlemas day in the year of Christ 1413, being the fift year of king Henry the eight he was created duke of Suffolk. He married three wives; the first was Anne daughter of sir Anthony Browne knight; the second Marie, second daughter of king Henry the seventh, & widow to the king of France, by whom he had issue Henry earl of Lincoln, and Francis married to Henry Greie duke of Suffolk; his third wife was Katherine the daughter & only heir of William lord Willoughby of Ersleie, by whom he had issue Henry and Charles both dukes of Suffolk one after another, who both died within one hour of the sweat at Cambridge. This Charles the father died in the year of Christ 1545, and was buried at Windsor: line 10 & of the two dukes the sons thus writeth john Parkhurst sometime placed in the bishops see of Norwich: 
Fratres Amyclaei Pollux cum Castore  
Potuere sic cum morte depaciscier,  
Vt cùm alter illorum esset mortuus, taméns  
Altar superesset, & reversus sortibus  
Vicissim utérque utriúsque morte viveret.  
Cur Parca nunc crudelior est, quàm olim fuit?  
Fratres duos nuper ea, quales hactenus  
Nec vidit unquam, nec videbit Anglia line 20  
Lumina duo, duóque propugnacula  
Fortissima virtutis, reíque publicae,  
Crudelis ab uno perêmit funere.  
Virtus nequaquam illam, nec egregia indoles  
Movit, nec Edwardi regis, nec optimae  
Matris, neque totius gemitus Britanniae.  
O dura dura mors! o saeva numina!   

Henry Fitz roy duke of Richmont.  Henry Fitz roy the base son to king Henry the eight, begotten upon Elisabeth Blunt the lady Talboise, was by his father first created earl of Summerset and Northampton, and after duke of line 30 Richmont. This duke was very forward in the knowledge of tongues, and also in knightly activity, as may appear by due consideration of the history in place where he is mentioned. He loved john Leland the reverend antiquary, who presented unto the said duke a book of copies, whereby he might learn to write Roman letters great & small, as appeareth by this hexastichon, which I find among the said john Lelands written epigrams in this manner set down: 
Quo Romana modo maiuscula littera pingi, line 40  

Ad illustrissimum Henricum ducem Richmontanum.  Pingi quo possit littera parva modo,  
Hic liber ecce tibi signis monstrabit apertis  
Princeps, Aonij spes & alumne gregis:  
Qui tibi si placeat (quod certè spero futurum)  
Maxima pro parvo munere dona dabis.]   
He died without issue the two and twentieth of julie, in the eight and twentieth year of the reign of king Henry the eight, in the year of our redemption 1536, and was buried at Thetford in Norfolk, having married Marie the daughter of Thomas Howard line 50 duke of Norfolk.  

Edward Seimor duke of Summerset.  Edward Seimor knight (the son of sir john Seimor knight) was created viscount Beauchampe in May, the eight and twentieth year of king Henry the eight, being the year of our redemption 1536, & was after in the nine & twentieth year of the same king on the eightéenth day of October, in the year of Christ 1537 created earl of Hertford. Then king Henry being dead, he in the first year of king Edward line 60 the sixth, which was the year of our redemption 1546, was made protector of England, and immediately thereupon created duke of Summerset, being uncle by the mother's side unto the said king Edward the sixth. This man had many honours and offices, as may appear by his style, which he prefixed before a missive persuasorie sent to the Scots for the marriage of their young queen Marie to our young king Edward the sixth in this sort: Edward by the grace of God duke of Summerset, earl of Hertford, viscount Beauchampe lord Seimor, uncle to the king's highness of England, governor of his most royal person, and protector of all his realms, dominions, and subjects, lieutenant general of his majesties armies both by sea and land, treasurer and earl marshal of England, governor of the isles of Gerneseie and Jersey, and knight of the most honourable order of the garter, etc. This style he had, which I have been the more willing to set down, because I do not remember that any subject did with like show publish any such style before his time. Which honours he did not long enjoy: for were it for malice of some of the nobility, disdaining such honour; or for cause in him offending the laws, or for his over careless good disposition, that suspected no such evil from his enemies: he was the second time on the sixth of October in the fift year of king Edward the sixth, being the year of Christ 1551 committed prisoner to the tower, and the two and twentieth day of januarie following he was beheaded at tower hill, and buried in the tower chapel. He had two wives, whereof the first was Katherine the daughter of sir William Filioll of Woodland knight, by whom he had a son called Edward: his second wife was Anne the daughter of sir Edward Stanhope, by whom he had issue Edward earl of Hertford, Henry now living, and Edward, with Anne (married the third of june, in the fourth year of the reign of king Edward the sixth, in the year one thousand five hundred and fifty to john lord Dudleie, eldest son to john earl of Warwick and duke of Northumberland) jone, Marie, Katherine, and Elisabeth.  
Henry Greie marquess Dorset, lord Ferrer of Groobie, Harrington, Bonevile and Asleie, 
Henry Greie duke of Suffolk.  was at Hampton court created duke of Suffolk, on the eleventh of October, in the fift year of the reign of king Edward the sixth, being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred fifty and one: who in the first year of queen Marie, being the year of Christ one thousand five hundred fifty and three, supposing that the queen would marry a stranger, did fly into Leicester and Warwikeshires with a small company, making proclamation against the queens marriage with the prince of Spain: but the people inclined not unto him. Whereupon a company being sent out after him, under the leading of the earl of Huntingdon, the first day of February proclamation was made at London, that the duke was discomfited and fled with his two brethren. After which the tenth of February, the duke with his brother sir john Greie was brought from Coventrie (where he remained three days after his taking, in the house and custody of Christopher Warren alderman of that town) by the earl of Huntingdon, & attended with three hundred men to the tower. Where remaining a certain space, he was on the three and twentieth of February beheaded at tower hill; and buried in the chapel of the tower (as I have heard.) He married Francis one of the daughters to Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk, by whom he had issue jane, married to Gilford the son of john duke of Northumberland, and died without issue; Katherine and Marie.  
john Sutton of Dudleie created by king Henry the eight viscount Lisle, being admiral, 
john Sutton of Dudleie duke of Northumberland.  lord great chamberlain, lord great master and earl of Warwick, was after on the eleventh day of October, the fift year of king Edward the sixth, being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred fifty and one, created duke of Northumberland. He, after the death of king Edward, took arms, and proclaimed queen jane, daughter to Henry duke of Suffolk; meaning to exclude queen Marie. But shortly after perceiving queen Marie to be proclaimed at London, this duke did also proclaim her at Cambridge. Notwithstanding all which he was arrested in the King's college there by one master Sleg sergeant at arms, and after anew arrested by the earl of Arundel. Henry Fitzallen (sent thither for that cause) who brought him to London, where this duke was the five and twentieth of julie, in the said first year of queen Marie committed to the tower. Shortly after which, he was the eighteenth of August following arraigned at Westminster, there condemned, and beheaded on tower hill the two and twentieth of the same month: whose body with the head was buried in the tower, he being the last duke that was created in England. He married jane the line 10 daughter of sir Edward Gilford knight, the sister and heir to sir Henry Gilford knight, of whose children I will not speak, because they are yet fresh in memory. And thus far Francis Thin, touching the creation and the succession in lineal descents of all the dukes of England since the conquest.  
About the ninth of june, Francis duke of Montmorencie, 
French ambasadors from Charles the ninth came into England.  chief marshal of France, governor and lieutenant of the isle of France, general to Charles the ninth king of France, and Paul de Foix of the line 20 privy council of the said king, and Bertrand de Saligners, lord de la Mothfenelon, knights of the order of S. Michael, ambassadors for the same king, arrived at Dover. The fourteenth day they shot London bridge toward Summerset house at the Strand, where they were lodged. The fifteenth day being sunday, the said ambassadors repaired to the White hall, where they were honourably received of the queens majesty, with her nobility: and there in her grace's chapel, about one of the clock in the line 30 after noon, the articles of treaty, league or confederacy and sure friendship (concluded at Blois the nineteenth of April as is afore showed) betwixt the queens majesty, 
League with France confirmed at westminster.  and the French king being read, the same was by her majesty and his ambassadors confirmed to be observed and kept, without innovation or violation, etc. The rest of that day, with great part of the night following, was spent in great triumph, with sumptuous banquets.  

S. George's ●east at Windsor.  The eighteenth of june, the feast of saint George line 40 was holden at Windsor, where the French ambassadors were royally feasted, & Francis duke of Montmorencie was stalled knight of the most honourable order of the garter. The eight and twentieth day of june, the forenamed ambassadors departed from London toward France. ¶ The fourteenth of june, Thomas lord Wharton deceased in his house of canon row at Westminster. 
Sir William Cicill lord treasurer, lord privy seal, lord chamberlain, with other ●●●ers.  The thirteenth day of julie, the queens majesty at Whitehall made sir William Cicill lord of Burghleie, lord high treasurer line 50 of England: lord William Howard, late lord chamberlain, lord privy seal: the earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain: sir Thomas Smith principal secretary: and Christopher Hatton, esquire captain of the guard.   

A treatise of the treasurors of England set down out of ancient histories and records, as they succeeded in order of time and in the reign of the kings. line 60  

Collected by Francis Thin in this year of Christ 1●●5.  THis adorning of sir William Cicill knight, lord Burghleie with the honour of lord treasurer of England, hath roused my envied pen through the malicious barking of some (who suppose nothing well but what they do themselves, whereby gain may rise unto their posterity) in this liberal sort to set down the names and times of such treasurors as have lived in England, as hereafter I will do the chancellor's, and that with as good authority as these secret backbiters can challenge any cunning to themselves, who suppose every blast of their mouth to come forth of Trophonius den, and that they spoke from the trivet. As I will not arrogate any thing to myself, for in truth I say with Socrates, Hoc tantùm scio quòd nihil scio, or derogate from them that which their worthiness may merit: so shall I be glad (sith nothing is at the first so perfect, but that somewhat may be either augmented or amended to and in it) that this may whet those envious persons to deliver any thing to the world, that may in comptrolling my labours benefit their country, which if they will not do, let them cease their evil speeches: for Qui pergit dicere quae libet, quae non vult audiet. And truly for mine own part, I will Canere palinodiam, and yield them an honourable victory, if any better shall be produced: and be heartily glad, that truth (which is all that I seek) may be brought to perfection. Now how well I have done it, myself must not be judge, desiring pardon of such as either with wise modesty can or aught to judge, or with rare antiquities can or will correct what I have done; if through ignorance we have committed any escapes or imperfections: further promising, that if hereafter we espy any of our own error; or if any other either friend for good will, or adversary for desire of reprehension shall open the same unto me: I will not for defence of mine estimation, or of pride, or of contention by wranglings or quarreling upon authorities, histories and records, wilfully persist in those faults: but be glad to hear of them, and in the whole and large discourse of the lives of the lord treasurors (almost perfected) corrected them. For (as I said) it is truth of antiquities that I seek for, which being had (either by good intention of my welwilling friends, or by occasion and reprehension of my envious emulators) I greatly esteem not. And so to the matter.  
Saint Dunstane (for I use that name more for antiquities than devoutness cause) was treasurer to Eadred or Eldred king of England, 
Saint Dunstane.  who began his reign in the year that the word became flesh, nine hundred forty and six: of whom thus writeth Matthew Parker in his book of the archbishops of Canturburie, in the life of Odo Severus the two and twentieth bishop of that see: Edmundo (the king of England) defuncto, Eadredus corona regia ab Odone redimitus, & rem publicam administrans, Dunstanum (ut in eius vita pleniùs patebit) tam singulari amore prosecutus est, ut omnes regni thesauros illius custodiae commendaret.  
Hugoline was treasurer and chamberlain to Edward the confessor, 
Hugoline.  he gave Deane and South●righ to Westminster, which Edward the confessor did afterward confirm to that house.  
Odo half brother to William the conqueror earl of Kent bishop of Baieux and chief justice of England, 
Odo bishop of Baieux.  was treasurer in the time of the conqueror, who had at his death (as saith Anonymus M.S.) sixty thousand pounds, Excepto auro, & gemmis, & vasis, & palijs.  
Geffreie lord Clinton treasurer and chamberlain to Henry the first, 
Geffreie lord Clinton.  he about the thirteenth year of Henry the first, in the year of our Lord one thousand, one hundred and twelve, did found the priory of Kenelworth, and was after accused of treason in the one and thirtieth year of the reign of the said Henry the first: but (as it seemed) restored (in short time after) to the king's favour.  
Ranulph bishop of Durham, 
Ranulph bishop of Durham.  was treasurer to the king, whom Florentius Wigorniensis calleth Praecipuum regis placitatorem & regni exactorem, whose last word Exactor some men do English treasurer. Of this man is more said in the chancellor's of England.  
Roger bishop of Sarisburie treasurer & chancellor of England, as appeareth by Leland, 
Roger bishop of Sarisburie.  writing in this sort: Roger bishop of Sarum treasurer & chancellor to Henry the first, made the castle of Uies such a costly and so strong a fort, as was never before nor since set up by any bishop of England. The keep or dungeon of it set upon a hill cast by hand, is a piece of work of incredible cost. There appear in the gate of it six or seven places for portculices, and much goodly building was in it. It is now in ruin, and part of the front of the towers of the gate of the keep, and the chapel in it, were carried full unprofitably to the building of master Beintons' house at Bromhame, scant three miles off. There remain diverse goodly towers, yet in the utter wall of the castle: but all going to ruin. The principal gate line 10 that leadeth into the town is yet of great strength, and hath places of seven or eight portculices. Thus much Leland in his commentaries of England, which I have here set down, partly to prove Roger bishop of Salisbury to be treasurer, and partly to commit to the world all such collections and notes as I can get of his. Besides which, to prove the same Roger treasurer at the latter end of the reign of Henry the first, 
William de Pontlearch.  together with William de Pontlearch at the entering of king Stephan into England, line 20 thus writeth one Anonymall chronicle M. S. Stephanus cùm intravit Angliam, Rogerun Seresberiensem & Willielmum de Pontlearcus custodes thesaurorum ad se traduxit: which William de Pontlearch was a witness with William Stigill to a certain charter which Ranulph bishop of Durham made to the moonkes of Durham, commonly called S. Cutberts' monks, wherein he confirmed to them Blakestone, Standrop and Sandropshire, with the wood of Henworth on the east part of Marneburne, as far as it goeth to the line 30 sea. This Roger bishop of Salisbury died in the year of our redemption one thousand, one hundred, thirty and nine, being about the fourth year of king Stephan, of whom mention is made in the chancellor's of England.  

Nigellus bishop of Elie.  Nigellus the second, bishop of Elie, nephew to Roger bishop of Sarum, and treasurer to Henry the first, was advanced unto that bishopric of Elie, in the year of our redemption, one thousand, one hundred, thirty and three, the fift calends of line 40 june, being the three and thirtieth year of the reign of Henry the first, at whose going down to be installed in the said bishopric, he was received, with such joy, that all the whole street of Elie through which he should pass, was hanged with curtains and carpets, with seats set on each side; and the monks, canons, and clerks, meeting him with procession with divers other priests standing round about them. After his installation he returned to the dispatch of the affairs of the kingdom, committing the charge of line 50 his bishopric to one Ralph sometime a monk of Glastenburie, and now become an apostata. Great contention was between this man and king Stephan. He bought the treasurorship for the sum of four hundred marks of Henry the second for his son Richard Filius Nigelli, or Fitz Nele, otherwise called Richard of Elie. He governed the bishopric six and thirty years, as most say, and builded saint john's college in Cambridge. line 60  
But touching the time of his death, and the years of his bishopric, I cannot as yet set down any thing perfectly; but only this contradiction found in the written book of Elie, which I suppose to have risen by the negligence of the transcriber: which is, that he governed the see of Elie six and thirty years, and died in the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred sixty and six, the third calends of june, the first hour of the sixth ferie or friday. Which by no account can fall to be true, accounting from the time of the first obtaining of the bishopric in the three and thirtieth year of Henry the first, in the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred thirty and three. For if you add the six and thirty years of his government to the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred thirty and three, then must he die in the year of grace one thousand one hundred sixty and nine. And if you will have him to die in the year one thousand one hundred sixty and six, then can he govern but three and thirty years: which three and thirty added to the year of Christ one thousand one hundred thirty and three, in which he began his government, as all authors agree, make the value of one thousand one hundred sixty and six years of our Lord. So that considering the discordancie of the time of his death found in the written book of his life, we cannot (I say) as yet set down any certainty of his death. Though I suppose that to be the truest which I find in Trivet, who affirmeth that he died in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred sixty and nine, and the fifteenth of king Henry the second, after that he had governed six and thirty years. He was honourably buried in the church of saint Ethelred of Elie before the altar dedicated to the holy cross.  
Richard de Elie or Fitzneale, 
Richard of Elie.  son of the said Nigellus bishop of Elie, was made treasurer to K. Henry the second, by the purchase of his father Nigellus, when the king went to the wars of Tolous. Of whom the history of Elie writeth, that after the burial of Nigellus his father, this Richard being also an enemy to the church of Elie, as his father had been before, made haste to pass over the seas to king Henry the second, fearing that some evil would be prepared against him, if the church should have sent any other thither before him. At whose coming to the king, he accused the monks of many things, and did therewith so edge the king against them, that the king sending into England, charged by Wunnerus one of his chaplains, that the prior of Elie should be deposed, & the monks with all their goods to be proscribed and banished. This man being tresuror to king Henry the second, the treasure of the said Henry the second at his death came unto one hundred thousand marks; notwithstanding the excessive charges of the king many ways. Which Richard being bishop of London, by the name of Richard the third, and the king's treasurer, was chosen to that see in the year of our redemption one thousand one hundred eighty and nine, being the first year of king Richard the first, and was consecrated bishop at Lambeth, by Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie, in the year of Christ 1190: he died the fourthides of September, in the year of grace 1198, being the ninth year of king Richard the first.  
William of Elie being of kin to the last Richard bishop of London, 
William of Elie.  was treasurer to king Richard the first, and to king john. To which William then treasurer, Richard his kinsman the bishop of London An. Dom. 1196 being the seventh year of the reign of Richard the first, and the same number of years of the government of the said Richard in the bishopric of London, did give all his houses in Westminster, which the said William did long after give to the abbot and monks of Westminster, as by the charter thereof appeers by me in this sort abridged:  
universis Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, Gulielmus de Elie quondam regum Angliae thesaurarius salutem. Noverit universitas vestrame dedisse, &c: Deo & monachis Westminster, &c: pro animabus Richardi & johannis regum Angliae, & pro anima Richardi London episcopi, &c: domos meas, & curiam cum pertinentibus in villa Westminster, &c: quas habui ex dono Richardi episcopi London, & quae sunt de feedo Westminster, &c: testis Eustachius Fauconbridge domini regis thesaurarius, etc. He died in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred twenty two, being the sixth year of the long reign of king Henry the third, as noteth Matthew Paris and Westminster, who writ that then Obijt Gulielmus Eliensis Angliae thesaurarius.  

A dean of Paul's treasurer.  A dean of Paul's was treasurer to the king, as appeareth by Mat. Parker, in the life of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, writing after this manner: Eodem tempore (which was a time between the creating of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie in the year of Christ 1194, being the sixth year of Richard the first, and the death of the said Richard the first, which fell in the year of Christ 1199) ecclesiae Paulinae decanus ararij regij custos fuit, sive (ut vocant) thesaurarius: and so goeth on with a discourse of his miserable death. line 10  

Walter Greie bishop of Worcester.  Walter Greie bishop of Worcester, whom some call treasurer, in the eleventh of king john, whereunto I do not yet agree, leaving it to the judgement of others, and to the final receiving or rejecting of him, in the large book of the whole lives of the lord treasurors of England.  

Geffreie archdeacon of Norwich.  Geffreie archdeacon of Norwich, treasurer to king john, who forsook his master the king excommunicate by the pope: as writeth Matthew Parker in the life of Stephan Langton archbishop of Canturburie, line 20 in these following words: Inter quos (meaning the bishops, which durst not openly publish the excommunication of the king, but secretly cast libels about the high ways, which gave notice thereof) quum ad fiscum regium Gaufridus Noruicensis archidiaconus negotijs regijs intendens sedisset, coepit assidentibus exponere excommunicationis sententiam, in regem iam latam, affirmauítque non esse tutum capellanis & ecclesiasticis dignitatibus beneficiísque affectis servire regi ampliùs. Ideóque aulam deserens, ad ecclesiastica beneficia (quae regis seruicio acquisierat) line 30 secessit. Rex hunc tam proditoriè à se deficientem per Williel. Talbot militem prehendi & ad se reduci fecit, eúmque in publica custodia seruatum (donec sive poenae sive conscientiae taedio pertaesus vitae fuit, & expiravit) detinuit: whose manner of death is in this sort set down by Matth. Paris pag. 305, that he was committed to prison, Vbi post dies paucos, rege praefato (which was king john) iubente, capa indutus plumbea, tàm victualium penuria quàm ipsius capae ponderositate compressus migravit ad dominum. Much about which time (as I suppose) which was the year of line 40 Christ one thousand two hundred and nine, being about the eleventh year of K. john, the chequer was by the king removed from London to Northampton (in hatred of the Londoners) until Christmas.  

john Ruthall  john Ruthall Custos officij thesaurarij, as is proved out of the records of the excheker, had that office in the third year of Henry the third, in the year 1219.  

Eustace de Fauconbridge bishop of London.  Eustachius de Fauconbridge, a justice to receive fines, chancellor of the excheker & treasurer to Henry the third, was by the bishop of Rochester consecrated line 50 bishop of London, in the year of our redemption one thousand two hundred twenty & one, being the fift year of king Henry the third. Which Eustachius in the year 1222, with the dean & chapter of London, had great suits against William abbot of Westminster: he was treasurer in the third year of king Henry the third, being about the year of Christ one thousand two hundred and nineteen: he died the day before the kalends of November in the line 60 year of Christ 1228, being the thirteenth of king Henry the third, and is buried on the south side of the queer of Paul's (besides Henry Wengham) under a fair monument of marble, over whom on the wall is this inscription: Hîc jacet Eustachius de Fauconbridge quondam episcopus huius ecclesiae, qui multa bonae contulit ministris ecclesiae sancti Pauli.  

john de Font●es or Founts.  joannes de Fontibus, or john de Fontnes was bishop of Elie and treasurer in the ninth and eleventh year of king Henry the third, and before, as I take it. This man being abbot of Fontnes, and (as authors say) Vir simplex & justus, ac recedens à malo, was at Westminster made bishop of Elie, in the year of Christ 1220: he died after that he had been bishop five years & odd months, in the year of Christ 1225, being the ninth year of Henry the third, & was buried in the church of Elie, toward the altar of S. Andrew.  
Walter Malclerke or skilless clerk, 
Walter Malclerke bishop of Carleill.  treasurer of England, was made bishop of Carleill, in the year of our Lord 1223, being about the seventh year of Henry the third, who in the year of Christ 1233, being the seventeenth of the said king, was by the counsel of Peter de Laroches bishop of Winchester not only removed from his office of treasurorship, but also put to the fine of 100 marks, which he paid, with the loss of certain holds, given him by charter, during his life. After which he would have fled beyond the seas, but entering the ship at Dover, he & all his were stayed and evilly entreated by the king's servants. This man, in the year of Christ 1246, being the thirtieth year of Henry the third, did on the day of Peter and Paul at Oxenford enter into the habit of the friar preachers. After which, in the year of Christ 1248, being about the two & thirtieth of Henry the third, he surrendered his soul to God.  
Ranulph Briton by some is made treasurer of England, but untruely as I suppose: 
Ranulph Briton.  for in truth he was but treasurer of the chamber, for any thing I can learn, and removed from that place in the sixtéenth year of king Henry the third, in the year of Grace 1232, in whose place came Peter de Rival. Of this Ranulph is mention had in the chancellor's. Besides which, about this time I read, that Hubert of Borrow was treasurer: for thus writeth johannes Londoniensis. Rex (about the year of our Lord 1232) fecit ipsum (which was Hubert of Borrow) suum iusticiarium principalem totius Angliae, & postea thesaurarium.  
Peter de Oriall, in Latin called Petrus de Rivallis, 
Peter de Oriall.  was treasurer of the chamber, and treasurer of the king, chamberlain of England and Ireland, guardian of all the forests of Edgland, of all the escheats, of all the ports of the sea, and of all the prizes of England and Ireland; being so dear to the king (as hath Matthew Westminster) that Expulsis castro●ū custodibus per totam ferè Angliam, rex omnia sub ipsius Petri custodia commendarat. This man was made treasurer after Walter Malclerke, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred thirty and three, being about the seventeenth year of king Henry the third, and in the eighteenth year of king Henry the third, who (as I gather) was together with Peter bishop of Winchester, Stephan de Segraue, & Robert Passlew, called to accounts, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred thirty & four, for the king's treasure and seal evilly employed & kept. Whereupon Peter de Rivallis hid himself in the cathedral church of Winchester. Which Peter bishop of Winchester & Peter de Rivallis the king removed by the persuasion of Edmund of Abindon bishop of Canturburie, as they before had removed Walter Malclerke. After which it seemeth that growing into favour again, this Petrus de Rivallis was in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred fifty & seven, being the one & fortieth year of king Henry the third, made treasurer of the chamber. For thus writeth Matthew Paris: Circa festum sancti Michaelis (which was in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred fifty and seven) mortuo Hurtaldo domini regis conciliarto & clerico speciali ac thesaurario de camera regis, subrogatur Petrus de Rivallis. 
Robert Pass●lew whether treasurer of England or no.  Under this Peter de Rivallis did Robert Passelew keep the king's treasure. Touching which Robert Passelew, whom some will have only treasurer of the chamber, some to be treasurer of England, & some to be undertreasuror under Peter de Rivallis, I will set down out of several authors what I have read thereof, leaving to the reader to think thereof what he list at this time, sith I determine fully hereafter (not having now leisure therefore) to define the same in my large volume of the lives of the lord treasurors. Thus therefore touching him writeth Matthew Parker. Quo etiam tempore (which was in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred forty and four, being about the eighteenth year of the reign of Henry the third) Robertus de Passelew, qui in thesauris regijs custodiendis & augendis totus versatus est, eóque nomine regi charus, ab ecclesiae cathedralis Cicestrensis canonicis, qui regi placere studuerant, Cicestrensis line 10 episcopus electus est. Quod Bonifacius Cantuariensis archiepisc. indignè tulit, & episcopis provinciae suae convocatis, in difficilimis quibusdam & nodosis quaestionibus per Lincolniensem episcopum compositis seriò examinavit, deinde electione rescissa hunc Robertum repulit, & Richardum quendam de Wiz loco suo (inconsulto rege) substituit. Next writeth Matthew Westminster, that in the year of Christ 1233, being the seventeenth of Henry the third, the nobility accused many of the king's councillors, amongst whom they placed Robertum Passelew thesaurarium. Again line 20 a little after he saith: Et sic abscondit se iterum Robertus Passelew, qui post Walterum Carleolensem officium thesaurarij administraverat. Of whose death Matthew Paris writeth thus: Eodem quoque anno (which was 1252, being the five and thirtieth year of Henry the third) octavo idus Junii, obijt apud Waltham Robertus Passelew archidiaconus Lewis, &c: whom I will here leave, although not in that place in which he should come, if I had once resolved with myself that he had been treasurer of England. But because I had to speak line 30 of him with Peter de Rivallis, I thought here in one place to set down what I had read of them both; and so to join them after their death, which were so fast joined in offices during their lives.  

Hugh Pateshull.  Hugh Pateshull, treasurer of the excheker, which was treasurer of the green wax, or of the seal, was also treasurer to the king in the eighteenth and ninetéenth year of his reign, and after made justice of all England: as Matthew Paris hath set down in these words, Rex autenfretus consilio saniori (in the year of line 40 Christ 1234, being the 18 year of Henry the third) Hugonem de Pateshull clericum filium videlicet Simonis de Pateshull, quiquandóque habenas moderabatur totius regni iusticiarij, virum fidelem & honestum, loco praedictorum (which were Stephan Segraue chief justice of England and Peter de Rivallis treasurer) subrogavit▪ Administraverat enim idem Hugo officium scaccarij antea laudabiliter, secundum quod appellatur secretum sigillum custodiendo, & definitam pecuniam à vicecomitibus recipiendo: quare plenior fides est ei adhibita, paterna fidelitate testimonium line 50 fidei perhibente. He was confirmed bishop of Coventrie, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred and forty, being the 24 year of Henry the third, who (having been the king's tresuror before) did now with great solemnity take his leave of the barons of the excheker with tears, and they all rose up and kissed him. Of whose election (in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred thirty and nine) to that bishopric, thus further writeth the said Matth. touchching the monks of Coventrie. Eligerunt secundum line 60 praedictam formam dominum Hugonem de Pateshull, etc.▪ canonicum sancti Pauli London: & domini regis cancellarium, in episcopum & custodem animarum suarum. Concerning whom I collected this note out of the register of Westminster, that Philip Coleville knight, the son of William Coleville, the son of Agnes Foliot, gave to Richard abbot of Westminster all his part of the inheritance which was Robert Foliots, brother to the said Agnes, in Langden, Morton, and Chalneie; witnesses Ralph bishop of Chichester chancellor, and Hugh Pateshull treasurer in the ninetéenth year of the reign of Henry the third, which Pateshull Matthew Westminster, in the year of Grace 1234, calleth Summum thesaurarium.  
Galfridus Templarius, whom some will have treasurer, but by what reason I cannot conceive as yet, 
Galfridus Te●plarius.  and therefore will not obstinately reject him, nor hastily receive him into this place of the treasurer: of this man is more spoken amongst the chancellor's.  
William Haverhull, a canon of Paul's church in London, 
William H●uerhull.  was made treasurer to king Henry the third, the year of our redemption one thousand two hundred and forty, being the four and twentieth year of the reign of the said Henry, in which place he continued in the eight and twentieth year of the said Henry the third, being the year of our redemption 1244. He died at London in the year one thousand two hundred fifty two, being the six and thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the third, as saith the addition to Matthew Paris fol. 1128, after which the said author fol. 1226, laid his death, in the year of Christ 1256, being the 39 year of king Henry the third, such error is crept into histories by the negligence of the transcriber: but I suppose the first note of his death to be the truer, because the same is confirmed by Matth. West. speaking in the said year 1252 of the death of this man, for whose epitaph these following verses were made: 
Hîc jacet Hauerhulle iaces protothesaurarie regis,  
Hinc Hauerhulle gemis non 
* Paritur●.  paritura talem:  
Fercula culta dabas, empyrea vina pluebas,  
A modo sit Christus 
* Po●u●.  cibus & esca tibi.  I have also read a note of one William Haverhull (which might be this man) which saith that William Haverhull the son of Brithmarus de Haverhull, gave houses in Cheapside to the abbeie of Westminster, and that one Thomas de Haverhull was the son and heir of William Haverhull.  
Richard de Barking abbot of Westminster, 
Richard de Barking.  as witnesseth the lives of the abbots, was one especial councillor to Henry the third, chief baron of the excheker, and treasurer of England, who I suppose did follow William Haverhull. For his death, which happened on the three and twentieth day of November, in the thirtieth year of king Henry the third, in the year of Christ 1246, after that he had been abbot four and twenty years, must needs prove him to be treasurer before Philip Lovel: yea and peradventure (as is most likely) before Hugh Pateshull. Yet Matthew Paris, speaking of the death of Haverhull, will needs have Philip Lovel to succeed William Haverhull, as after shall appear. This Richard de Barking was buried in Westminster church, before the middle of the altar in our lady chapel in a tomb of marble, which after in the time of William Colchester abbot of that place, was pulled down by friar Combe, a sacrist of that house of Westminster, who laid a fair plain marble stone over him, with this present epitaph thus inscribed: 
Richardus Barking prior & post inclytus abbess,  
Henrici regis prudens fuit iste minister:  
Huius erat prima laus, insula rebus opima,  
Altera laus éque Thorp, census, Ocham, decimequ●,  
Tertia Mortone castrum simili ratione,  
Et regis quarta de multis commoda charta,  
Clementis festo mundo migravit abisto,  
M. Domini C. bis, xl. sextóque sub anno,  
Cui detur venia part pia virgo Maria.   
Philip Lwell or Lovel, was in this order advanced to the office of treasurer, 
Philip Lovel.  as appeareth by these words of Matthew Paris upon the death of Williliam Haverhull. Et cùm crederetur quòd dominus rex johannem Franciscum officio Wilhelmi (which was Haverhull) subrogaret, fabricatis rumoribus quòd idem johannes in partibus remotis Angliae Borealibus (ut contra quosdam religiosos plantaverat) obijsset, constituit dominus rex Philippum Louell clericum, virum prudentem, facundum & generosum, in loco memorati Willielmi suum thesaurarium, quod factum est apud sanctum Albanun, procurante ut dicitur johann Mansell amico Philippi speciali. This man was treasurer in the 35 and so until the 42 year of Henry the third, & was in the same year deposed by the barons, he died at Hamesleie, in the year of Christ 1259, whose executors were Philip Lovel & Robert de Mercenton. But his goods after his death the king commanded to be confiscate. And here before I go any further, I think it not amiss to note that some have mistaken themselves in the account of the king's treasurer much about line 10 this time, making these persons Walter Brudell & Peter Catchporke or Chaceporke to be the king's treasurer, which by no account of years can be true, for they were the queens and not the king's tresurors, as may appear both by Mat. Paris and Mat. Westmin. whereof the first writeth thus: Obijt & Walterus de Brudell eiusdem reginae thesaurarius, which he placeth in the year of Christ 1255, being the thirty ninth year of king Henry the third. Of the second person line 20 Chaceporke thus writeth Mat. West. in the year of Christ 1254: Veniens autem rex ad mare nec ventum habens prosperum, apud Boloniam moratus estinuitus, ubi obijt Petrus Chaceporc natione Pictavensis, reginae thesaurarius & regis clericus & conciliarius specialis. And thus this much by the way of the two treasurors of the queens, supposed by some (but not rightly) to have been the kings.  
john Crakehall archdeacon of Bedford was treasurer in 42, 
john Crakehall.  43, 44 year of Henry the third, to whom the king in the forty fourth of his reign, being the line 30 year of Christ 1260, gave a prebendary, wherein being invested, he was from thence removed by a former collation thereof made to one john le Gras. The said Crakehall after died the same year at London.  

john abbot of Peterborow.  john abbot of Peterborow was by the barons in the 44 year of Henry the third made treasurer, as the other officers of the king also were, Nicholas of Elie was then made chancellor, & Hugh de Spenser chief justice, which office of treasurorship this john continued, in the 46 year of Henry the sixth, 1262.  

Nicholas de Elie.  Nicholas de Elie so called because he was archdeacon line 40 of Elie, was treasurer to the king in the seven and fourtith of Henry the third, being the year of our Lord 1263, whereof I have seen this note of record. Memorandum quòd in crastino Paschae, Anno 47 H. 3. In praesentia Rogeri le Bigot comite Norfolk & marischalli Angliae, Hugo le Bigot, Arnoldi de Berkeley baron, de scaccario magistri, johannis de Chisull cancellar. regis, etc. Recepit magister Nicholaus archidiaconus Eliensis thesaurarius subscripta in thesauraria dom▪ regis, etc. This man as line 50 before appeareth had been chancellor, of whom is mention made in my following treatise of the chancellor's.  

Thomas de Wimundham.  Thomas Wimundham. This man being chief chanter of Lichfield, was by the barons in the year of Christ 1258, in the one and fourtith year of king Henry the third, made treasurer (at the excheker) of the seal or place where the writs be sealed with green war, after which he was treasurer to the king in the 50, 51, & 52 years of king Henry the third.  
john Chisull sometime chancellor was treasurer line 60 in the four & fiftieth year of Henry the third, 
john Chisull.  being about the year of Christ a thousand two hundred three score and nine. He was dean of Paul's, chosen bishop of London in the year of Christ a thousand two hundred seventy and three, and consecrat to that place in the year of Christ a thousand two hundred seventy & four, in which place he continued about five years, and died in the year of our redemption 1279, being in the seventh year of the reign of the victorious prince king Edward the first of that name. See more of this Chisull in my following discourse of the chancellor's.  

Philip de Eye.  Philip de Eye was treasurer (as appeareth by the records of the excheker) in the 56 year of king Henry the third, and in the first year of king Edward the first, partly falling in the year of our redemption 1272, and 1273.  
joseph de Chancie, 
joseph de Chancie.  whom one anonymall author calleth john de Chancie, but not rightly as I suppose, was tresuror in the second year of the scourger of the Scots king Edward the first, being the year of our redemption 1274.  
William Gifford bishop of Bath and Welles was treasurer to Edward the first, 
William bishop of Bath.  he was removed to York in the year of Christ 1265, this man is by many chronicles, and that perhaps most truly called Walter Gifford. He died in the seventh year of king Edward the first, being the year of our redemption 1279 as hath Nicholas Trivet. Of this man see more in the chancellor's of England.  
Robert Burnell bishop of Bath and Welles chancellor of England, 
Robert Burnell.  and treasurer to king Edward the first, is by the Welsh history pag. 328, called chief justice of England. Leland reporteth that an abbot told him how that a bishop Burnell built the castle of Acton Burnell. Of this man shall be more spoken hereafter in the chancellor's of England.  
joseph de Chancie the second time treasurer to king Edward the first, 
joseph de Chancie.  in the sixth year of the said king, being the year of our redemption 1278, was also prior of S. john's jerusalem in Anglia, as I take it; and by an other name called the lord of S. john's or of the knights of the Rhodes in England.  
Thomas beck archdeacon of Dorcester, was treasurer in the seventh year of king Edward the first, 
Thomas beck.  being the year of our redemption 1278 as some have, but 1279 as other have (by the witness of Leland, out of a monk of Glastenburie) in his book De assertione Arthuri, reciting the words of the said monk in this sort.  
Anno Domini 1267: Eadueardus rex Henrici tertij filius, venit cum regina sua Glasconiam. Die verò Martis proxima sequenti, fuit rex & tota curia accepta sumptibus monasterij. Quo die in crepusculo, fecit apperiri sepulchrum inclyti Arthuri, ubi in duabus cistis imaginibus & armis eorum depictis, ossa dicti regis mirae grossitudinis separata invenit. Imago quidem reginae coronata, imaginis regiae corona fuit prostrata, cum abscissione sinistrae auriculae; & vestigijs plagae unde moriebatur: inventa est scriptura super his singulis manifesta. In crastino, videlicet die Mercurij rex ossa regis, regina ossa reginae, pallijs pretiosis revoluta, in suis cistis recludentes, & sigilla sua apponentes, praeceperunt idem sepulchrum ante maius altare celeriter collocari, retentis externis capitibus propter populi devotionem; apposita huiusmodi scriptura: Haec sunt ossa nobilissimi regis Arthurij, quae anno dominicae incarnationis 1278, decimo tertio calendas Maij, per dominum Eadueardum regem Angliae illustrem hîc fuerunt sic collocata, praesentibus Leonora serenissima eiusdem regis consort, & filia domini Ferandi regis Hispaniae, magistro William de Middleton nunc Norwicensi electo, magistro Thoma de beck archidiacono Dorsitensi & praedicti regis thesaurario, domino Henrico de Lasciae comite Lincolniae, domino Amideo comite Subaudiae, & multis magnatibus Angliae. Thus far the monk of Glastenburie.  
Richard Warren or de Aware abbot of Westminster, 
Richard de Ware.  was made abbot about the year of Christ 1260, being about the four and fortieth year of king Henry the third, who was made treasurer, as hath john de Euersden, in the year of our redemption a thousand two hundred & four score, being the eight year of king Edward the first: which year of Christ a thousand two hundred and four score, some do falsely make to fall in the tenth, some in the eleventh year of the said Edward the first, which contrariety hath only risen by the default of the transcriber. But most certain it is that he was treasurer in the ninth, eleventh, and part of the twelve of the said king Edward the first. This man going to Rome for his consecration, brought from thence certain workmen and rich purphyrie stones, whereof and by whom he made that rare pavement (containing a discourse of the whole world) which is at this day most beautiful, and to be seen at Westminster before the communion table: a thing of that singularity, curiousness, and rareness, that England hath not the like again, in which pavement are circulary written in letters of brass these ten verses following: 
Silector posita prudenter cuncta revoluat, line 10  
Hìc finem primi mobilis inveniet.  
Sepes trina canes, & equos, homines superaddas,  
Ceruos, & coruos, aquilas, immania cete,  
Mundum quódque sequens praeeuntis triplicat annos,  

Anno Domini 1268 Henricus tertius urbs Roma Odoricus cementator & abbess Richardus de Ware fecerunt id pa●imentum.  Sphericus archetypum, globum hic monstrat microcosmum.  
Christi milleno, bis centeno, duodeno,  
Cum sexageno, subductis quatuor anno,  
Tertius Henricus, rex, urbs, Odoricus & abbess  
Hos compegere purphyreos lapides.   
The full explanation of which verses shall be at line 20 large set down in the whole discourse of this abbots life, in my large book of the lives of the lord treasurors. Which abbot with those workmen and those stones did also frame the shrine of Edward the confessor with these verses, carved out of stone and also gilded set about the same shrine or monument: 
Anno milleno Domini, cum septuageno,  
Et bis centeno, cum completo quasideno,  
Hoc opus est factum, quod Petrus duxit in actum,  
Romanus civis. Homo, causam noscere sivis, line 30  
Rex fuit Henricus sancti praesentis amicus.   
This abbot died the second day of December, in the year of our redemption a thousand two hundred four score and three, being the twelve year of king Edward the first; after that he had governed the monastery three and twenty years and more, and was buried there at Westminster, in the foresaid plain pavement of purphyrie on the north side near unto the tomb (as is yet well to be seen) of Odomer or Aimer de Ualence earl of Penbroke, on which line 40 grave is engraven this brief epitaph here ensuing: 
Abbess Richardus de Wara qui requiescit  
Hîc portat lapides, quos hic portavit ab urbe.   
Walter Wenlocke abbot of Westminster, whom Matthew Westminster calleth William de Wenloke, 
Walter Wenlocke.  was made abbot of Westminster after the death of Richard de Ware, & was treasurer to king Edward the first, as hath the register of the lives of the abbots of Westminster, and other records that I have seen. Which office it seemeth that he had, mean line 50 between the twelve and the fourteenth year of the said king Edward the first, as I suppose. This man after that he had been abbot six and twenty years lacking six days, died the five and twentieth of December on the Christmas day at night, in his manor of Pireford in Glocestershire, in the first year of Edward the son of Edward (which was Edward the second) being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and seven, and was buried in the church of Westminster, besides the high line 60 altar then standing without the south door of saint Edward's shrine before the presbytery there, under a plain pavement and a marble stone decently adorned with this epitaph to his high commendation: 
Abbas Walterus jacet hîc sub marmore tectus,  
Non fuit austerus, sed mitis, famine rectus.   
A bishop of Coventrie (and Lichfield) was treasurer of England in the fourteenth year of king Edward the first, 
Bishop of Coventrie.  being the year of our redemption 1286, in whose place in the same year came john Kirkbie.  
john Kirkbie dean of Winburne and archdeacon of Coventrie, 
john Kirkbie bishop of Elie.  & treasurer to king Edward the first, was on the seventh calends of August in the year of our Lord 1286, being the fouretéenth year of the said Edward (then at Paris) made bishop of Elie, whom Leland (the refiner of all names doth in his comment upon his song of the swan in the word Winchelsega thus term; johannes Cherche●ius episcopus Anguillarinus regi à thesauris. This man was tresuror in the sixteenth, seventeenth, & part of the eighteenth of Edward the first, in which year (as it seemeth) being part of the year of Christ 1290 this bishop died, the seventh calends of April, after that he had been bishop three years some months and some days, and was buried by Walepoole bishop of Norwich in the church of Elie, on the north part of the queer before the altar of saint john Baptist.  
William de Marchia or Gulielmus Martius was treasurer in Easter term, 
William de Marchia.  in the eightéenth year of the reign of king Edward the first, in which office he continued about five years, & was removed from that place on the 23 year of the said king Edward the first, and Peter of Leicester baron of the excheker, with the two chamberleins executed all functions of that office until a new treasurer was made. This William de Marchia was made bishop of Bath and Welles, in the year of Christ 1293, being the 22 year of king Edward the third, in which see he remained almost ten years, and died in the year of our Lord 1302, being about the 32 year of the said king Edward the first, and was buried in the church of Welles in the wall, between the door of the cloister and the altar of saint Martin, at whose tomb in time past (as the nature of that credulous age did hastily believe) were many miracles done; as some have left in memory to the following posterity.  
Walter Langhstone bishop of Lichfield and Coventrie was made treasurer after William de Marchia, in the 23 year of king Edward the first, 
Walter Langhstone bishop of Lichfield.  in which office he continued (as I gather) during the life of king Edward the first, which fell in the 35 year of his reign, being the year of our redemption 1307, and was then removed and imprisoned in the tower with two men only by Edward the second then coming to the crown, because the said Walter Langhstone had caused king Edward the first to imprison, and as some have to banish this new king Edward the second for breaking down the parks of the said bishop Walter Langhstone. During the time that this Peter de Willebie was under treasurer or lieutenant of the treasurer, for the words be Locum tenens thesaurarij, in the thirtieth, one and thirtieth, two and thirtieth of Edward the first, this Walter was made bishop of Coventrie and Lichfield, in the year of our redemption 1295, being the three and twentieth year of king Edward the first, and the same year that he was made treasurer. He died about the year of our redemption 1321, being about the fourteenth year of king Edward the second, to which bishop the lord Cobham now living his heir, as being descended from Margaret the sister and heir of john Peverell the coosine and heir to this Walter Langhstone, which Margaret was married to sir William de la Poole of Asbie knight, from whom the lord Cobham is issued. And here sith I have before made mention of the death of Edward the first, although it be somewhat impertinent to the treasurors; yet for that I do not remember that the same verses are set down in any of our late English chronicles, & for that I would have a perpetual memory of them, I will here deliver such epitaphicall verses as I have found touching king Edward the first: 
Dum viguit (rex) & valuit tua magna potestas,  
Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnavit honestas,  
Scotos Eadwardus, dum vixit, suppeditavit,  
Tenuit, afflixit, depressit, dilaniavit.   
Walter Reinolds schoolmaster to Edw. 2. bishop 
Walter Reinolds bishop of Worcester.  of Worcester, and after of Canturburie, and chancellor of England, was advanced to the place of the lord treasurer of England, in the 1. Edw. 2. being the year of Christ 1307, after which in the year of our Lord 1308, he was made bishop of Worcester, he continued in the office of treasurer until some part of the fourth year of the said Edward the second, at what time came in his place john sandal, who was lieutenant unto the said Walter in place of the treasurer, as appeareth by many writs directed unto line 10 him by the name of john sandal Locum tenenti W. episcopi Wigorniae. Of him is more spoken in the chancellor's of England. But here I cannot pass over some both skilful in antiquity, & persons of no small name by reason of their office, whereof the one in print, and the other in a book of the nobility of England since the conquest vnprinted, do make Hugh Spenser the elder treasurer of England, 
Hugh Spenser the elder.  which as yet I cannot find to be true, for that I doubt that king Edw. 2. loving him so entirely would ever after line 20 remove him, & for that the full succession of treasurors before set down, being true and taken out of ancient and most certain records, will not afford him any place among them. But leaving that matter to others who can better defend the same, I will descend to the other treasurors.  
john de sandal being clerk, Scutifer regis, chancellor of the excheker, 
john de sandal.  and chancellor of England, having been before under treasurer or deputy for the high treasurer, came now in the fourth year of Edward line 30 the second to be made chief treasurer, & entered into that office in Easter term about the beginning of the said fourth year of Edward the second. But in the year following, which was the fift of Edward the second, he gave place to another. He was chosen bishop of Winchester in the ninth year of Edward the second, being the year of our redemption 1316. Of whom thus writeth Anomymus M. S. Obierunt episcopus Winton & Eli viri sacra professione insigniti, quorum primo successit johannes de sandal cancellarius line 40 Angliae vir cunctis affabilis & necessarius communitati. Secundo successit johannes de Hothum scaccar. regis, vir siquidem scientiae penitùs ignarus, qui statim episcopatus ascenso culmine, ad honorum pariter & officij thesaurarij rex ipsum in sui favoreni sublimavit. Of which john sandal, and also of john Hothume, shall be more said hereafter.  
Walter Norwich, knight, treasurer in the fift year of Edward the second, 
Walter Norwich.  and afterward in Easter term in the eight year of king Edward the second, did on the third day of October in the said line 50 eight year of king Edward the second receive the office of the treasurorship, and on the same day took a corporal oath before the barons and chamberleins of the excheker, to behave himself well and faithfully in the same office, which he had received of king Edward the second, by his letters dated at York the six and twentieth day of September, in the eight year of the said king Edward the second, which he kept not long at that time.  
john sandal was the second time lord treasurer, 
john sandal.  line 60 in the six and seventh year of king Edward the second. This man being bishop of Winchester, was treasurer. Of him see more in the chancellor's of England.  

Walter de Norwich.  Walter de Norwich being treasurer as before in the eight year of king Edward the second, did not long enjoy the same, but as I suppose gave place to john Drokensford.  

john Drokensford.  john de Drokensford, the fourteenth bishop of Bath & Welles, had (as I have read) the great seal delivered unto him, and was also treasurer of England. But because I find not as yet in what year, although it were in the time of king Edward the second, I cannot set down the certainty. Of whom thus writeth the register of the bishops of Ba●h. johannes Drokensford thesaurarius 14, Bathon episcopus post Walterum Haselshawes, successit in episcopatum Bathon, annis 19, iste episcopatum pluribus aedificijs insignivit, franchesias per reges episcopatui concessas non solùm literatoriè renovauit sed etiam ampliavit. Et quo ad ditationem & exaltationem parentelae suae ferè fuit aequal●s praedecessori suo Roberto Bornell. Et Welliae sepelitur ante altare sancti johannis Baptistae.  
john Hothum Bishop of Elie (as is before noted out of one anonymall chronicle) obtained the place and honour of treasurorship, 
john Hothum bishop of Elie.  in the eleventh year of king Edward the second, which he did not long enjoy. For in the Michaelmas term in the twelve year of king Edward the second, came William Walwaine. Of this john Hothum is mention made in the discourse of the chancellor's hereafter.  
William Walwaine treasurer of England in the twelve year of king Edward the second, 
William Walwaine  being about the year of our redemption 1318, was (as it should seem) for his negligence and unworthiness of the place most worthily removed at the parliament at York, in such sort that he possessed not that place (as I conjecture) above half a year. For in the same twelve year came the bishop of Winchester.  
john Stratford bishop of Winchester, 
john Stratford bishop of Winchester.  upon the removing of Walwaine, was in the same twelve year of king Edward the second admitted into the office of the treasurorship, until the king should otherwise determine. Which bishop found not in the treasury above nine & twenty pounds seventeen shillings and eight pence, which might well be the cause of the displacing of the said Walwaine, who had over prodigally dispersed the king's treasure.  
Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester was treasurer in the thirteenth year of king Edward the second, 
Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester.  being the year of our redemption 1319, in which I suppose he continued until the fifteenth year of the said king, being about the year of Christ 1321. Of this man doth more follow.  
Walter Norwich knight was the third time made treasurer, 
Walter Norwich.  which place he enjoyed in the fifteenth year of king Edward the second, being the year of our redemption 1321, or there abouts. Walsingham saith that in the second of Edward the third Obijt William de Norwich.  
Roger Northborow Scutifer or keeper of the seal, 
Roger Northborow or Norberie.  being taken by the Scots at the battle of Banockesburne about the seventh year of Edward the second, in the year of our redemption 1313, was also clerk of the wardrobe, and treasurer in the sixteenth of king Edward the second, being the year of our redemption 1322. Of whom thus writeth one anonymall chronicle M.S. Anno Domini 1321 obijt Walterus de Langtone episcopus Cestren. cui successit in episcopatus honore per viam impressionis & ambitionis Rogerus de Northburgh, clericus, de regis garderobia, sibi regis in cunctis faventibus auxilio & voluntate. I have read of one Godfrey de Northburgh bishop of Chester that died in the three and thirtieth of king Edward the third, being the year of Christ 1359, which perhaps should be this Roger Northborow, Godfrey being by the transcriber placed in steed of Roger. But I will not at this time define any certainty thereof, although I find an other note of one Roger Northborow consecrated bishop of Coventrie and Lichfield, in the year of Christ 1321, who sat in that see eight and thirty years, which eight and thirty years added to the year of Christ, in which this Roger was made bishop, do make up the number of the year of Christ 1359, in which it is said that Godfrey Northborow died.  
Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester▪ 
Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester.  the second time treasurer in the eightéenth year of king Edward the second, & before, was removed in Easter term in the same year. In which Easter term was William bishop of York also made treasurer, as is proved by the pell of Exitus, that term being thus entitled, De termino Paschae anno 18 Ed. 2. tam tempore W. episcopi Exon. quàm W. archiepiscopi Eborum. This Walter being elected to the bishopric of Excester, in the year of our redemption 1307, did sit in that place twenty years, and was beheaded at the coming into England of queen Isabella to depose Edward the second, in the twentieth year of the said king Edward the second, in the year of our redemption line 10 1326. The cause of whose beheading was, for that he had procured the banishment of the said queen Isabella, and of her son prince Edward.  

William Melton.  William Melton archbishop of York made lord treasurer in Easter term, in the eightéenth year of Edward the second, kept the same office until the deposition of himself from that place, & of his master from his kingdom, in the twentieth year of the reign of the said Edward the second, and then gave place to john Stratford. line 20  

john Stratford.  john Stratford bishop of Winchester was the second time made treasurer of England, in the twentieth year of the deposed king Edward, after the death of Walter Stapleton. This john the fouretéenth day of November, in the said twentieth year of Edward the second, coming into the excheker, brought thither the king's patent, or open writ, or commandment, under the seal of Edward the king's eldest son, to witness his election and creation to that place of treasurer: the tenor of which writ I line 30 have thought good to set down, because it was done by the son in the father's name, and under the teste of the son, the father yet being king in show; but the son indeed as governor of the realm: which title he enjoyed, until that he most unnaturally by the malice of his mother, the ambition of himself, and the flattery of his followers had deposed his father. The tenor of which writ was in these words, as followeth.  EDwardus rex Angliae, & dominus Hiberniae, baronibus & camerarijs suis de scaccario suo salutem. Quùm pro eo line 40 quòd venerabilis pater W. archiepiscopus Eborum nuper thesaurarius scaccarij praedicti, circa diversa negotia in partibus Borealibus est occupatus, quominùs intendere possit ad ea quae ad officium illud in dicto scaccario pertinent exercenda: constituerimus venerabilem patrem johannem Wintoniensem episcopum, tenentem locum thesaurarij scaccarij praedicti, quousque de officio illo aliter duximus ordinandum. Percipiendo in eodem officio (dum illud sic tenuerit) feodum consuetum prout in literis nostris patentibus praefato episcopo inde confectis pleniùs line 50 continetur. Vobis mandamus, quòd ipsum episcopum ad officium admittatis, & ei in his quae ad officium praedictum pertineant intendatis in forma praedicta. Teste Edwardo filio nostro primogenito custode regni nostri. Apud Hereford sexto die Novembris, anno regni nostri vicesimo. 

Adam Tarleton.  Adam Tarleton, or de Orleton borne in Herefordshire, being Decretorum doctor, was made bishop of Hereford by the pope at Auinion in the year one thousand three hundred and seventeen, about the tenth or eleventh year of the reign of Edward the line 60 second, being he that made the sermon for the deposition of king Edward the second, and wrote the amphibologicall epistle for the death of the king, containing these words, Regem occidere nolite timere bonum est, which hath by a comma or point made at Timere one sense, and by a comma made at Nolite another sense. Which Adam was made lord treasurer in the first year of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred twenty and six, in which office he continued not long. For in the Easter term of the said king came Henry bishop of Lincoln. This man was made bishop of Winchester in the year one thousand three hundred thirty and five, being the ninth year of king Edward the third: in which seat he sat twelve years. The death of which Adam (who gave Henningfield parsonage to the church of Hereford) sir Thomas de la More doth most plentifully set forth.  
Henry Burwash bishop of Lincoln was lord treasurer in Easter term, 
Henry Burwash or Burgess bishop of Lincoln.  in the first year of the reign of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred twenty and seven, in which office he continued until the second year of Edward the third, and was afterward removed.  
Thomas bishop of Hereford enjoyed the honourable place of the lord treasurer, 
Thomas bishop of Hereford.  in the third year of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred twenty and nine: but in the year following another came in place.  
Robert Woodhouse possessed the room of the high tresuror of England, 
Robert Woodhouse.  in the fourth year of the reign of the said young king Edward the third, being the year that the word became flesh one thousand three hundred and thirty, and was also treasurer some part of Michaelmas term, in the fift year of king Eward the third, who in the year following did give place unto another.  
William archbishop of York was again treasurer of England, 
William Melton.  in the fift year of the reign of king Edward the third, being the year of Christ one thousand three hundred thirty and one, and enjoyed that place some part of Michaelmas term in the said year, after whom came the bishop of Norwich.  
W. bishop of Norwich was made treasurer in Michaelmas term in the said fift year of the reign of king Edward the third: 
W. bishop of Norwich.  in which term there had been three lord treasurors successively (a thing seldom or never heard, nor I think likely again ever to be) which office this bishop kept all Michaelmas term, in the sixth year of the reign of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred thirty and two, and somewhat more in the end, yet yielding that honour to another.  
Robert le Ailestone, being lord treasurer in the seventh year of the reign of Edward the third, 
Robert le Aileston●  being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred thirty and three, continued in the same office until the tenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, being the year of our salvation one thousand three hundred thirty six, which was about three years, the same being a longer time than any other had possessed that place, since the beginning of the reign of the said king Edward the third.  
Henry Burwash bishop of Lincoln was again treasurer the tenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, 
Henry Burwash bishop of Lincoln.  being in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred thirty and six, in which year (as hath Scala chronicorum) the king holding his parliament at London, was advised by his council to prosecute his title to the crown of France. Whereupon king Edward sent ambassadors to the duke of Baviere emperor (which had married the other sister to the earl of Henalt, as king Edward the third had married one) for surety of alliance, and to retain noble men about him with no small charge, which ambassadors were Henry Burgwash bishop of Lincoln, and the earls William Montacute of Sarum, and William Clinton of Huntingdon, who returned to the parliament at London with their answer well liked. Of this man see more in the chancellor's, being yet after his embassage treasurer in some part of the eleventh year of Edward the third.  
Richard de Bury bishop of Durham did enjoy the honour of lord treasurer, 
Richard de Bury bishop of Durham.  in the eleventh year of the reign of king Edward the third: he was a man of great gravity, and much esteemed of the nobility and gentlemen of the north. Of this man is more spoken in the chancellor's of England.  

william de la Zouch.  William de la Zouch borne of the noble house of the lord Zouch, was treasurer of England, in the twelve year of king Edward the third, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred thirty and eight; he being bishop of York was vicegerent to the king in the north parts, in the twentieth year of line 10 the reign of the said Edward the third, and in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred forty and six, at what time he took David Bruce king of Scots. This man went to Rome, and after a long contention between him and William Kelsleie, Kilsbie, or Kelseie (for all these different names are found in authors) touching the archbishopric of York, he was after two years thus spent consecrated bishop of York by pope Clement the sixth. After which this William in the eleventh year of his bishopric, line 20 being long troubled with a grievous disease, began the work of a chapel on the south side adjoining to the church of saint peter's in York, where he purposed to be buried: but died before it was finished, and lieth interred in the said church before the altar of saint Edward the confessor.  

Richard Sadington knight.  Sir Richard Sadington knight was treasurer in the fourteenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred & forty. There was one line 30 Robert Sadington living about this time, of whom is more mention in the chancellor's of England: but as yet I well know not whether they were both one man or no; sith authors may misplace Robert for Richard, as they have often done.  

Robert Northborow bishop of Coventrie.  Robert Northborow, being at that time (as I judge) bishop of Coventrie, was treasurer of England, in the fouretéenth year of the reign of Edward the third, being the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and forty, in which year he was line 40 removed, whom with the chancellor the king meant afterward (as after shall appear) to have sent into Flanders as pledges for money that the king ought there. After whom I suppose that Sadington came in place, although I have a little misplaced him at this time, following the fancies of other men more than mine own.  

A bishop of Chester.  A bishop of Chester was lord treasurer of England in the fifteenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, being about the year that the word line 50 became flesh, one thousand three hundred forty and one, in which office he did not long continue.  
Robert Perning or Pernicke was lord treasurer in the Easter term, 
Robert Perning.  in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred forty and one, being the fifteenth year of king Edward the third, in which year also he was made chancellor, and so continued both offices a while, until in the sixtéenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, as I gather by all circumstances of times, records, and histories: line 60 who in the seventeenth year of the reign of the said king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred forty and three (as appeareth by the books of the law) being chancellor, delivered a record with his hands into the court of the king's bench. Of this man more shall be set down hereafter in my discourse of the chancellor's.  

Roger Northborow bishop of Coventrie.  Roger Northborow (as I take it) being then bishop of Coventrie, did honourably possess the place of the lord tresuror of England, in the sixtéenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred forty and two. Of whom thus writeth Matthew Parker in the life of john Stratford archbishop of Canturburie: Ibi (meaning at the tower) concilium initum est, tandémque definitum, ut archiepiscopus & episcopus Cicestrensis regni cancellarius & Coventrensis thesaurarius, unà cum alijs a satellitibus & lictoribus deprehensi, ad publicam custodiam rerum à se, absent rege, gestarum rationem reddituri ducerentur. Manè accedunt sate●lites Lametham, sed 
* john Stratford.  archiepiscopus ei pridie decesserat: tum Londinum reversi Coventrensem & Cicestrensem episcopos cum alijs designatis capiunt, captos ad tur●im deducunt, etc.  
William de Cusans, 
William de Cusans.  being lord treasurer in the seventeenth year of Edward the third, in the year of our redemption one thousand, three hundred, forty and three, continued in the same office all Michaelmas term, in the eightéenth year of the said Edward the third, and the year of Christ one thousand three hundred forty and four: and being a year more. Between whom & Thomas Henlee abbot of Westminster was great contention about the jurisdiction of the hospital of saint james in the parish of saint Margaret in Westminster, which hospital is now a stately house belonging to the prince, and built by king Henry the eight called the manor of saint james with a park walled about with brick.  
William de Edington, 
William de Edington bishop of Winchester.  lord chancellor and treasurer of England, and bishop of Winchester, was lord treasurer in Easter term the ninetéenth year of Edward the third, being about the year of our redemption one thousand, three hundred forty and five, in which office he continued until the two and thirtieth of the said king, one thousand three hundred fifty and eight, being fourteen years, which was (as I think) as many more years as any one man did possess that place, since the beginning of the reign of king Edward the third, until the time of this W●llam Edington. He was so surnamed of the place where he was borne, being the town of Edington in Wiltshire: he was made bishop of Winchester (as some have) about the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred forty and seven, being about the one and twentieth year of king Edward the third. This man (chosen bishop of Canturburie, but yet never bishop) died (as hath Walsingham) in the fortieth year of the reign of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred sixty and six. I have read of a bishop of Norwich that should also be treasurer in the four and twentieth of Edward the third, which must fall in the time that this Edington did continue that office: but how true it is, I leave to others to consider, until I have in my large book of the lives of the lord treasurors dissolved that, and all other doubts and contrarieties that are here touched, or by authors reported.  
john bishop of Rochester was lord treasurer in the two and thirtieth year of king Edward the third, 
john bishop of Rochester.  in the year of our redemption 1358, in which office he continued in the thirty three and thirty fourth year of Edward the third.  
Simon Langham, 
Simon Langham bishop of Elie.  being of the priory of Westminster, made abbot of that house, was shortly after made lord treasurer of England, which office he held in the five & thirtieth and six and thirtieth year of king Edward the third, who being bishop of London (as hath Matthew Parker) was in the year that the wordof the father took on it the form of a servant, by due account 1361, being the five and thirtieth year of king Edward the third, by the pope made bishop of Elie, where he sat five years, and was after in the year of our redemption, one thousand, three hundred, sixty and six, being the fortieth year of the reign of king Edward the third, chosen bishop of Canturburie, and consecrated in the year of our redemption 1367, as saith the same Matthew Parker. On which day of his consecration he demanded homage of the earl Stafford of Thomas Rosse, john Kirrell, Robert Brockill, & Ralph Sentleger, knights for their lands which they held of the see of Canturburie. Shortly after which in the year of our redemption one thousand, three hundred, sixty and eight, being the two and fortieth year of the reign of king Edward the third, he was made cardinal, & died at Auimere the two and twentieth day of julie, about the year of our redemption, as saith one Anonymus M.S. 1376, being the fiftieth year of king Edward the third, and was buried besides Auinion, in a place line 10 which he had raised from the foundation: three years after which his bones were brought to Westminster where at this day he hath one honourable tomb on the south side of the shrine amongst the kings, on whose tomb the monks of Westminster did sometime place this same epitaph in the remembrance of him: 
Simon de Langham sub petris his tumulatus,  
Istius ecclesiaemonachus fuerat, prior, abbess,  
Seed vacant fuit electus Londoniensis line 20  
Praesul & insignis eligi, sed postea prim●s  
Totius regni, magnus regísque minister:  
Nam thesaurarius & cancellarius eius,  
Ac cardinalis in Roma presbyter iste,  
Postque Praenestinus est factus episcopus atque  
Nuntius ex part papae, transmittitur istuc  
Orb dolente pater, quem nunc revocare nequimus:  
Magdalenae festo milleno septuageno  
Et ter centeno sexto Christi ruit anno:  
Hunc Deus absoluat de cunctis quae malè gessit, line 30  
Et meritis matris sibi coelica gaudia donet.   
Of this man I have entreated in my discourse of the cardinals pag. 1165. and in my collection of all the chancellor's of England hereafter following.  

john Barnet bishop of Worcester.  john Barnet made bishop of Worcester in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred sixty and two, being the six and thirtieth year of king Edward the third, was treasurer of England in the seven and thirtieth year of Edward the third, in which office he continued, being treasurer in Michaelmas line 40 term in the eight & thirtieth year of the reign of the said Edward the third, which fell in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred sixty & four, and so he continued in the three & fortieth year of king Edward the third still treasurer. He was made bishop of Bath in the year of our redemption 1363, in which bishopric he remained three years, and was by Urbane the sixth then bishop of Rome translated from Bath to Elie in the year of Christ 1866, being the fortieth year of the reign of king Edward the third, line 50 in which place he sat six years: and being a very old man, and having been treasurer about six years, he died at Hatfield the seventh ideses of june, in the year that God became man one thousand three hundred seventy and three, and the seven and fortieth year of the often named king Edward the third, he was buried in the church of Elie besides the high altar on the south part.  
I have read and seen by many noted that one named Richard de Chesterfield was treasurer to the line 60 king in the one and fortieth year of king Edward the third, 
Richard de Chesterfield.  whom they will have lord treasurer: which by no possible means as far as I can yet conceive may be true: because it appeareth by record that john bishop of Elie (which was this Barnet if you mark the time of his translating to Elie) was treasurer in the same year: but it may be that he was treasurer of the chamber or household to the said king in the said one and fortieth year of his reign. 
Thomas de Brantington.   
Thomas de Brantington, being treasurer for the king in the parts of Guisnes marches and Calis, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred sixty and seven, being the one and fortieth year of the reign of king Edward the third, was made bishop of Excester by especial letters of the king in the year of our salvation one thousand three hundred sixty and eight, being the three and fortieth year of the said Edward the third, and was lord treasurer of England in the four and fortieth & five & fortieth year of Edward the third: in which five and fortieth year, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred seventy and one, he was in a parliament at the petition of the lords removed, at what time also there passed a law, that the chancellor, treasurer, and clerk of the privy seal, should no more be spiritual men: but that secular men should have those offices.  
Sir Richard Scroop or Scrobs knight lord of Bolton and chancellor of England, 
Sir Richard Scroop lord of Bolton.  was treasurer of England in the six and fortieth, seven & fortieth, & eight and fortieth of Edward the third, and then gave place to sir Robert Ashton knight. This Richard made out of the ground the castle of Bolton consisting of four great strong towers, and of other stately lodgings, which castle was erecting eighteen years, the charges whereof came yearly unto a thousand marks, which was eighteen thousand marks, or twelve thousand pounds: the ounce of silver being then but at twenty pence, which being now trebl● and at five shillings, doth at this day amount unto six and thirty thousand pounds, which castle he finished before Richard the second died. He bought the heir general of saint Quintine, that was honour of Hornelie castle in Richmontshire, which heir he was content one Coniers a servant of his should marry, and have the preferrment of that ward; and so Hornelie castle came to the Conierses, of which house the first lord was William Coniers, grandfather to him that died in the time of queen Marie without heir male, whereby his inheritance came to his three daughters. Which William the first lord Coniers of that name did much cost upon Hornelie castle: being before but a mean thing. I have read of this lord Scroop, that he had a son called William, whereof we will speak more hereafter, that was earl of Wiltshire, who being beheaded in his father's life, left no issue behind him. After which the father surviving was made treasurer to the king and died in honour, although he was not restored to his dignity of chancellorship: but at what time he should be the second time treasurer (after the death of his son William) in the time of Henry the fourth, I can not as yet certainly learn. But it may be that he was again treasurer in the ninth year of Henry the fourth; for that I find not by any former search who then possessed that place. It seemeth that he had two wives, the one the daughter of the lord Spenser the other the daughter of Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk called Blanch. He had three sons, for whom he bought of the king the three daughters and heirs of Robert lord Tiptost, whereof the eldest daughter Margaret was married to Roger his second son, the second daughter was married to William his eldest son, the third daughter called Millescent was married to Stephan the third son of the said Richard.  
Sir Robert Ashton knight, 
Sir Robert Ashton.  constable of Dover castle, was lord treasurer in the fiftieth and one and fiftieth of king Edward the third in Michaelmas term, which was the last Michaelmas term wherein the king reigned, being about the year of Christ one thousand three hundred seventy and six, of which name there was also one that was chief baron in the time of Edward the second, as I have read.  
Henry Wake or Wakefield, 
Henry Wake bishop of Worcester.  being made bishop of Worcester in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred seveantie and five, being the forty and ninth year of the reign of king Edward the third, was made lord treasurer of England in the year that the word of the father took flesh in the womb of the woman, one thousand three hundred seventy and six, in the one and fiftieth year of king Edward the third, in which office he continued part of Easter term in the first year of king Richard the second, being about the year of our redemption one thous●nd three hundred seventy and eight, he died in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred ninety and five, as saith Walsingham.  
Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester was made lord treasurer of England towards the latter line 10 end of Easter term, 
Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester.  in the first year of king Richard the second, falling in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred seventy and eight, as I at this time account it: from which place he was shortly removed in the second year of king Richard the second.  

Richard earl of Arundel.  Richard earl of Arundel and Surrie, made lord treasurer of England in the second year of the reign of king Richard the second, whereof part fell in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred line 20 seventy and eight, & part in the year one thousand three hundred seventy and nine, continued about one year in the same, and then gave place to him which possessed the same office last before him, he married Elisabeth the daughter of William de Bohune earl of Northampton & Hereford, by whom he had issue Thomas earl of Arundel, jone married to William Beauchampe lord Aburgavennie, Elisabeth married to Thomas lord mowbray, Margaret married to sir Rowland Lenthall, and Alice married line 30 to john Charleton lord Powes: this Richard was beheaded in the one and twentieth year of Richard the second.  

Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester.  Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester was the third time lord treasurer of England, in the third year of the after deposed king Richard the second, & was removed from his office in the fourth year of the said Richard, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and eighty, after the account of such as begin the year on the five and twentieth of line 40 March.  

Robert Hales.  Robert Hales chief prior of the knights of the Rhodes, entitled by the name of the knights of S. john's jerusalem in England, was lord tresuror of England in the fourth year of the reign of Richard the second, in which office he continued during his life: for shortly after that he came into that place (which as I suppose he held Easter term, and some months after) in the said year of Richard the second, in the year of our redemption one thousand line 50 three hundred eighty and one (the rebels having spoiled the hospital or famous college of those knights of saint john's by Smithfield near unto London) amongst others did fetch this Robert Hales out of the tower of London (where the king then lay) and beheaded him on the tower hill.  

Hugh lord Segraue.  Hugh Segraue knight, whom Walsingham calleth Regis senescallum the kings steward, was made lord treasurer of England in the fift year of the line 60 reign of king Richard the second, who continued in the said office the sixth, seventh, eight, and some part of the Michaelmas term in the ninth year of the reign of king Richard the second, being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred eighty and five.  

john Fortham bishop of Durham.  john Fortham canon, being secretary to the king, was made bishop of Durham the nine and twentieth of May, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred eighty and one, being the fourth year of the reign of king Richard the second, and was enthronized in September, in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred eighty and two, being the sixth year of the reign of king Richard the second. This man was made lord treasurer in Michaelmas term the ninth year of king Richard the second, being the year of our salvation one thousand three hundred eighty and five: and so continued part of the tenth year of king Richard the second, until he was by parliament discharged. He was translated from the bishopric of Durham to Elie by Boniface the pope the fift calends of October, as hath the book of Durham, one thousand three hundred eighty nine, being the twelve year of the same Richard: but as saith the book of Elie one thousand three hundred eighty and eight, being the thirteenth year of Richard the second. Which both may be true, because the one may have relation to the year of his translation, and the other to the year of his inthronization, both which many times happened in several years of many other bishops. He was bishop of Elie seven and thirty years, three months, and four days, and died a very old man the thirteenth of December, in his manor of Dunham, in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred twenty and five, falling in the fourth year of the reign of king Henry the sixth.  
john Gilbert bishop of Hereford was by parliament made lord treasurer in the tenth year of king Richard the third, 
john bishop of Hereford.  being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred eighty and si●, as I for this time take it, in which office he continued the eleventh, and all Michaelmas term in the twelve year of king Richard the second, and the one and twentieth of March following: after which he was again removed, and then he with twelve more were appointed by commission to the government of the whole realm under the king, of whom thus writeth one Anonymall chronicle M. S. Is fuit de ordine praedicatorum, vir qui plus lingua quàm fide regebat, which bishop (as I suppose) was removed to saint David's, after that he had been thirteen years bishop of Hereford.  
Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester. 
Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester.  I have read that the bishop of Excester was made treasurer in the twelve year of Richard the second, upon the removing of john Gilbert, which bishop of Excester could not be Edmund Gifford, as some falsely name him, for there is no such man as I can find in the catalogue of all the bishops of Excester: neither was it Edmund Stafford, for he was not made bishop of Excester until the twentieth of june one thousand three hundred ninety and five, being the day before king Richard the second began the one and twentieth year of his reign, which is eight years after the time whereof we now entreat. Wherefore it must needs be Thomas Brantington, for he being consecrated bishop of Excester the tenth of March, in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred & seventy, being the four and fortieth year of Edward the third, and governing that see four and twenty years, till the year of Christ one thousand three hundred ninety and five, in which came Edmund Stafford keeper of the privy seal; it must needs be that (the bishop of Excester being treasurer in the twelve year of Richard the second, falling in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred eighty and eight) it was this man Brantington, and that he was the fourth time made lord treasurer of England, about the eighteenth year after that he was made bishop of Excester, who died in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred ninety and five, as hath Ypodigma.  
john Gilbert bishop of saint David's in Wales was lord treasurer in the thirteenth and fouretéenth years of the reign of the deposed king Richard the second. Of whom, 
john Gilbert bishop of saint David's in Wales.  because there is somewhat spoken before, we will entreat the less of him in this place.  

john Waltham bishop of Salisbury.  john Waltham, of whom I have spoken more in my discourse of the archbishops of Canturburie, in the life of William courtney was bishop of Salisbury, master of the rolls in the sixth year of Richard the second, and keeper of the privy seal, after which he was treasurer of England, in the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth of Richard the second, for he died in Michaelmas term in the said 18 year of Richard the second, in the year of Christ 1395, others say 1394, of whom thus writeth line 10 Walsingham: Hoc anno (which was 1395) obij● johannes de Waltham episcopus Sarum & regni thesaurarius, qui tantùm regi complacuerit, ut etiam (multis licèt murmurantibus) apud monasterium inter reges meruit sepulturam.  

Roger Walden bishop of London.  Roger Walden sometime secretary to the king and treasurer of the town of Calis (in the twelve year of Richard the second) was made lord treasurer in the eighteenth of the same king, about the year of our Lord 1365, in which office he continued the two and twentieth of the said Richard the second. He was line 20 elected and made bishop of Canturburie, but after rejected and deposed, and thereupon was by pope Innocent the seventh made bishop of London on the tenth of December, in the year of Christ 1404, being the sixth year of Henry the fourth, in the which bishopric he continued about one year, and died in the year 1406, being buried at saint Bartholomews priory in Smithfield, who of a poor man (as saith Walsingham) was made lord treasurer of England.  
G. bishop of S. David's was lord treasurer of England line 30 in the two and twentieth year of Richard the second, 
G. bishop of saint David's in Wales.  which bishop I suppose to be Guy de Moon, whom the book Ypodigma & Thomas Walsingham call bishop of S. David's, and say that he died in the year of our redemption 1407, writing in this sort: Eodem anno Guido de Moon Menevensis episcopus praesentis lucis sensit eclipsim, qui dum vixit magnorum malorum causa fuit.  

William Scroop earl of Wiltshire.  William Scroop knight, vicechamberleine to Richard the second was lord treasurer, he bought of line 40 William Montacute earl of Salisbury the Isle of Man, with the crown thereof. He was one of those to whom king Richard the second let the kingdom to farm, he was lord treasurer of England in the 21 of Richard the second, and was after created earl of Wiltshire, in the said 21 year of the same Richard the second, in the year of Christ 1397. He was after beheaded at Bristol in the 23 and last year of the then deposed king Richard. Of which William Scroop and others thus writeth that worthy poet sir john Gower line 50 in his history of Richard the second, commonly taken as part of his work entitled Vox clamantis.  

* Henry Bollingbroke coming into England and deposing Richard the second.  Dux probus audaci vultu, cum plebe sequaci  
Regnum scrutatur, siproditor inveniatur,  
Sic tres exosos, magis omnibus ambitiosoes,  
Regni tortores, invenerat ipse priores,  
Ense repercussi pereunt, Gren, Scrop, quoque Bussi,  
Hi qui regales fuerant cum rege sodales,  
Scrop comes & miles, cuius Bristolia viles  
Actus declarat, quo mors sua fata pararat. line 60  
Gren quoque sort pari, statuit dux de capitari  
Bussi convictus, similes quoque sustinet ictus,  
Vnanimes mente, pariter mors una repent,  
Hos tres prostravit gladius, quos fine voravit,  
Sicut & egerunt alijs, sic hi ceciderunt,  
Quo dux laudatur, regnúmque per omne iocatur.  
Sir john Northberie made lord treasurer in the first year of king Henry the fourth, 
Sir john Northberie.  being the year that God took on him the form of a servant, a thousand three hundred ninety and nine, and continued in the same in the third year of Henry the fourth, in which year he was also keeper of the privy garderobe in the tower.  
Henry Bowet made bishop of Bath, 
Henry Bowet.  about the year of our redemption 1401, being also about the second year of Henry the fourth, in which bishopric he continued eight years, and was after at the king's instance in the year of Christ a thousand four hundred and seven, about the eight year of Henry the fourth removed to York. This man was lord treasurer of England in the fourth year of king Henry the fourth, in the year of our redemption 1403, in which place he continued not above a year, if so long.  
William lord Rosse, 
William lord Rosse.  the son of Thomas lord Rosse, did possess the honourable place of the lord treasurer of England, in the fift year of king Henry the fourth, being about the year of our salvation one thousand four hundred and four, and shortly after gave place to the lord Furnival. He married Margaret daughter of Fitzallen lord Matravars', he had issue Thomas lord Rosse slain in France, in the year one thousand four hundred twenty and one, about the ninth year of Henry the sixth, and many other children.  
Thomas lord Furnival kept the place and office of the lord treasurer of England, the sixth, seventh, 
Thomas lord Furnival.  and some part of the eight year of king Henry the fourth, as in Michaelmas term of the same eight year, falling in the year of our redemption, one thousand four hundred and six, after which this lord Furnival (who had the custody of the castle and honour of Wigmoore, being in the king's hands by reason of the wardship and minority of Edmund Mortimer earl of March) was (as it seemeth) removed from the treasurorship, in whose room succeeded the bishop of London. To these lord Furnivals' did Furnivals' inn of Holborn sometime appertain as their mansion house, being now an inn of chancery for young students of the law and atturneys, and belonging unto Lincoln's inn in Chancery lane.  
Nicholas Bubwith made bishop of London in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred and six: being the eight year of Henry the fourth, 
Nicholas Bubwith bishop of London.  must be that bishop of London (as far as I can yet conceive) who was lord treasurer of England in Michaelmas term in the said eight year of Henry the fourth: which office it seemeth that he held not long, for in Easter term after in the same eight year, the office of the tresuror remained in the king's hands, and the accounts of the same term go under the same title of being in the king's hands.  
Sir Richard Scroop lord of Bolton (whereof is 
Sir Richard Scroop lord Scroop of Bolton.  so much spoken before) was as I suppose the second time treasurer of England in this ninth year of Henry the fourth: whereunto I am induced by this reason; that first the king would not keep that office so long in his hands as almost amounted unto two years, but that he would bestow the same upon some other: secondly, for that I read that this Richard Scroop father to William Scroop earl of Wiltshire beheaded (by this Henry the fourth before he came to the crown) at Bristol (in the last year of Richard the second, and in the first of this king's reign) was after the death of the said William made treasurer of England, and so died in honour: thirdly for that I cannot see how he might be treasurer in any year since the death of the said William, until this ninth year of Henry the fourth: and lastly, for that I cannot in any record or other author find any other man mentioned to supply that place in this year: for which causes I have attempted to bestow him here, and that rightly, for any thing that I can yet learn.  
Sir john Tiptost or Tibetot knight, did possess the place and office of the lord treasurorship of England in Michaelmas term, 
Sir john Tiptost knight.  in the tenth year of king Henry the fourth, being in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and eight.  

Henry lord Scroop.  Henry lord Scroop of Masham and of Flarfleet, was made lord treasurer of England, in the eleventh year of the reign of K. Henry the fourth, in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and ten, as hath Walsingham: in which office he continued until the death of king Henry the fourth, which happened in the fourteenth year of the same king, and in the year of our redemption one line 10 thousand four hundred & twelve, after the account of England: but one thousand four hundred and thirteen after the account of such as do begin the year at januarie. He rebelled against king Henry the fift, and was beheaded at Southampton in the third year of K. Henry the fift, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and fifteen the last of julie. Of which Henry so conspiring against Henry the fift, I find these verses in a written book of parchment, entitled line 20 Extractum breve de chronica Thomae Helmham, prior Lenton de tempore regis Henrici quinti. In which verses by the capital letters are set down the names of the principal conspirators, & the year of our Lord wherein the same was done, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred & thirteen: the greater Roman capital letters in the third verse serving for the year of Christ, & for the name Zorc derived of this word COR in the fourth verse, & the English capital letters only serving for the names of the persons in this sort couched together for common capacity: line 30 
Mox rex navigium parat ut mare transeat armis,  
Scrop furit Henricus proditione fremens,  
SCrVtans 
a This C serveth for the name of Scroop and the year of Christ.  ConspIrat RIMatVr OLenCla PLebi,  

b Richard is spelled by the first letters of the four. h verse, & Zorc by changing the letters of the word Cor, and adding to it the letter z. which signifieth a yoke.  Rump jugo COR Auens Res Dabit Ultra Sonum  

c 
By the first letter of the words of the fift verse set together backward ariseth the name of Thomas Gray.  
Thomas earl of Arundel.   EIA Ruit Gens Auita Malis Opus Host Triumphant,  
Vota voluntatis sic sacre Christ tuae.  
Versious his quinque praetactis traditionem  
Lector scire potes: hinc repetendo stude.  
Hitres, Richardus Zorc, Henri Scrúpque, Thomas Grace,  
In regem surgunt proditione pares:  
Mun●re Francorum corrupti terga dedere, line 40  
justo munus habet vindice quisque suum.   
Thomas Fitz Allen earl of Aundell and Surreie was advanced to the honourable office of the lord treasurorship of England, in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and thirteen, being the first year of the reign of the most victorious prince K. Henry the fift, in which office it seemeth that he continued the first, second, and third of Henry the fift. He in the year 1405, being the seventh of Henry the fift, on the next day of the feast of saint Katherine, married Beatrice the bastard line 50 daughter of the king of Portugal, by whom he had no issue, having his sisters his heirs, and died in the year 1415, being the third year of Henry the fift, and was buried in the college at Arundel.  
Sir Roger Lech (whom some call but not rightly as I suppose sir Philip Lech, 
Sir Roger Lech knight.  being brother unto the said sir Roger) was treasurer of England, in Michaelmas and Easter term in the fourth year of king Henry the fift, being the year of our redemption line 60 one thousand four hundred and sixteen. He was at the siege of Rone with this king Henry, in the sixth year of his reign, being also treasurer for the wars in that voyage.  

Henry lord Fitz Hugh.  Henry lord Fitz Hugh was advanced to the office of the lord treasurorship of England, in the fift year of Henry the fift, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred & seventeen, in which office he continued (as I gather) until the death of the said king Henry the fift, which happened in August, in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred twenty and two.  

john Stafford.  john Stafford clerk was made lord treasurer of England in the first year of king Henry the sixth, being the year that the word became flesh 1422, in which office he continued in Michaelmas term, and fourth of the said king Henry the sixth, falling in the year of Christ 1425, he was chosen bishop of Bath, in the third year of king Henry the sixth, in the year 1424, he was chancellor of England, and removed to the archbishopric of Canturburie, of whom is mention made hereafter in the discourse of the chancellor's of England, & touching whom I will for this time only set down here what Matthew Parker writeth of him in the life of Henry Chicheleie an archbishop of Canturburie. Archiepis●opus (saith he) in the year of Christ our redeemer 1424: Cantuariensis 12. Octob. clerum in ecclesia Paulina convocavit, in ea Henricus Beauford Winton episcopus regni cancellarius, & johannes Stafford Bathoniensis electus episcopus regni thesaurarius, ad bellum Gallicum open à clero petivit, & interposit a paucorum dierum deliberatione, Wilhelmus Lindwood officialis curiae Cantuariensis de arcubus, hoc responsum ab inferiori cleri synodo acceptum episcopis declaravit: non esse penes cleri procuratores potestatem subsidium concedendi. Nam cùm in dicta synodo in singulis diocoesibus constituti essent, clerus his solutionibus consentiendi licentiam expressè ademit: quia tantis tributis diu pendendis ad magnam inopiam & egestatem devenit. Itaque cancellarius à superiori synodo ad inferiorem transiens, longa & diserta oratione, ac regis iam minoris necessitate, ac de instanti in Gallia bello egit, ac nequicquam suasit.  
Walter lord Hungerford knight of the garter, the son of sir Thomas Hungerford knight, 
Walter lord Hungerford.  was made lord treasurer of England in the fourth year of the reign of king Henry the sixth, being the year of Christ 1425, in which office he continued about six years, until some part of Michaelmas term in the tenth year of king Henry the sixth, falling in the year that the son of God took on him the form of a servant, one thousand four hundred thirty and one. He was also one of the council to the said king, of whom is mention made by Matthew Parker in the life of Henry Chicheleie archbishop of Canturburie, in these words: Proximo anno (which was about the year of our Lord 1425) synodus sub eodem archiepiscopo, 15 Aprilis inchoata est. Qua johann Kempo Eboracensi archiepiscopo & Waltero Hungerfordo milite, regijs conciliarijs (illo cancellario hoc thesaurario regni) regis nomine postulantibus regi decimam concessit. Ac eisdem his petentibus, triennio post in recenti synodo media decima regi à clero data est. This lord treasurer married Katherine, the daughter and heir of Thomas Peverell knight, by whom he had issue Walter lord Hungerford of Hatchberie knight of the garter, that died without issue, sir Robert lord Hungerford of Hatchberie, Edmund Hungerford knight, that died without issue, Margaret married to sir Walter Rodneie knight, and Elisabeth married to Philip courtney knight: which Robert lord Hungerford and Margaret his wife, john Cheineie of Pim esquire, john mervin esquire and others did (by the king's licence granted unto them in the eleventh year of king Edward the fourth) build the hospital of Hatchberie in Wiltshire.  
john lord Scroop of upsal and Masham, made lord treasurer in the tenth year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1431, 
john lord Scroop,  in which office he continued until some part of the twelve year of the said king, as I for this time do gather. Of whom thus writeth Matthew Parker in the life of Henry Chichelie archbishop of Canturburie, touching a synod holden in the year of our Lord 1430, at what time, of the clergy he saith that johannes Stafford episcopus Bathoniensis cancellarius, & D. Scrope thesaurarius regni, necnon Wilhelmus Lindwood, custos privati sigilli, pro rege subsidium postularunt, & mediam decimam tandem aegrè impetrarunt.  
Ralph lord Cromwell, the son of Ralph Cromwell lord of Tatershall, 
Ralph lord Cromwell.  possessed the place of the lord treasurorship of England, in Easter term in the twelve year of the after deposed K. Henry the sixth, being the year of Christ 1434, and so continued in that office about ten years, falling (as I suppose) in line 10 the year of our redemption 1444. This man being knight was created lord Cromwell by the said king Henry the sixth, and was lineally descended of one of the heirs of Robert lord Tatershall, that married one of the daughters and heirs of William Dalbinie earl of Arundel. This Ralph lord treasurer died without issue, and made his testament in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred fifty and four, being in the three and thirtieth year of king Henry the sixth, after whose death the inheritance line 20 came to the three aunts being his heirs, whereof the first was married to the lord Bardolfe slain at Brancehome moor in Northumberland, the second was married to sir William Fitzwilliams knight of the sepulchre, the third Elisabeth to sir john Clifton knight, & after his death to sir Edmund Benested knight. Of one Ralph lord Cromwell I find this note set down by Leland. Dominus Radulphus Cromewell & Matildis uxor eius fundatores collegij sanctae trinitatis de Tatershall, quúmque Roberti ordine domini erant de line 30 Tatershall, hos secutus est Radulphus Cromewell.  
Sir Ralph Butler knight of the garter, lord Sudleie (descended from john lord Sudleie, 
Sir Ralph Butler lord Sudleie.  and William Butler baron of Wem, which married jone daughter and heir to john Sudleie lord Sudleie) did possess the honourable place of the lord treasurorship of England the seventh of julie, in the two and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred forty and four, which office he kept about three years: line 40 for in the five and twentieth year of the said king, was the bishop of Carleill lord treasurer. This Ralph lord Sudleie builded the castle of Sudleie, in the time of king Henry the sixth, and of Edward the fourth; who in the time of the said Edward the fourth was committed to prison by the king, first sending for him to come to his presence. Whereupon he going to the king, and resting on an hill, from whence he did behold Sudleie castle, said: It is thou, it is thou Sudleie castle and not I which am the traitor. line 50 After which coming to king Edward the fourth, he resigned the said Sudleie castle into the king's hands. Which castle came after to jasper duke of Bedford, and is now in the year 1585. in the possession of Giles a Bridge's lord Shandois. This Ralph being made baron in the twentieth year of Henry the sixth, married Elisabeth the daughter of sir john Northberie, by whom he had issue Thomas his son that died without issue, leaving his two sisters to be his heirs; whereof the eldest daughter called Elisabeth, was married to sir john Northberie, whose heir line 60 general was married to john Halwell of Devonshire, who had issue jone his daughter and heir married to Edward lord Braie, of whom the lord Cobham now living is descended. The other sister married to sir Hamond Belknap, of whom is descended the worthy gentleman Thomas Wootton of Bacton Maleherbe in Kent esquire now living. The which Ralph lord Butler of Sudleie was Vexillifer, and high Butler of England, and steward in house to king Henry the sixth.  
Marmaduke bishop of Carleill was made lord treasurer of England in the five and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, 
Marmaduke bishop of Carleill.  in which office he continued about two years, in the seven and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, being about the year of our redemption 1448, or (as some have) 1449.  
james Fines created at Bury baron of Say and of Sele, on the third of March, 
james Fines lord Say and Sele.  in the five and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption, according to the English account 1446, was constable of Dover castle, and lord treasurer of England in the eight and twentieth year of the said king Henry the sixth, and was from thence removed (as some have) in the nine & twentieth year of the said king, & was by the rebels of Kent jacke Cade and his fellows taken out of the tower to the Guildhall, where he was areigned before the mayor and other the king's justices; who desiring to be tried by his peers, was by the rebels forcibly taken from the officers, and beheaded at the standard in Cheap. The manner whereof shall be more fully set down hereafter in my large book of the lives of the lord treasurors. Which his beheading some do attribute to the eight and twentieth year of the said Henry the sixth, being the year of our redemption 1450. He had issue sir William Fines knight, and one daughter married to sir William Cromer knight, sheriff of Kent, beheaded at that time also with his father in-law. Of which Cromer is james Cromer of Kent now living descended.  
john Lord Beauchampe, 
john lord Beauchampe.  a person of great worthiness, possessed the place of the treasurorship of England, the nine and twentieth and thirtieth years of king Henry the sixth.  
john Tiptost earl of Worcester possessed the place of the lord treasurer, 
john Tiptost  in the one and thirtieth and two and thirtieth of king Henry the sixth. Of whom is more mention made hereafter.  
james Butler, 
james Butler earl of Wiltshire.  the son of james earl of Ormond, being earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, possessed the office of the lord treasurer of England in Easter term the three and thirtieth year of king Henry the sixth, falling in the year of our redemption 1455. Of whom is more spoken hereafter.  
Henry viscount Bourchier, 
Henry viscount Bourchier.  borne of the noble house of the Bourchiers, the son of William Bourchier earl of Ewe in Normandy, was lord treasurer of England in the three and thirtieth year of the reign of the deposed king Henry the sixth, in which office he did not long remain.  
john Talbot earl of Shrewsburie, 
john Talbot earl of Shrewsburie.  the son of john Talbot, the first earl of Shrewsburie of that name, possessed the place of the treasurorship of England in the five and thirtieth and six and thirtieth years of king Henry the sixth, and then gave place to the earl of Wiltshire. This earl was slain at the battle of Northampton, in the eight and thirtieth year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of our salvation 1460. He married Elisabeth the daughter of james Butler earl of Ormond, and had issue, john earl of Shrewesburie, james, Gilbert, Christopher, and George; Anne married to sir Henry Uernon, and Margaret: this man was buried in the priory of Workesop.  
james Butler, 
james earl of Wiltshire.  son to james the fourth of that name earl of Ormond, was the second time made lord treasurer of England, about the 37 year of king Henry the sixth, in which office he continued (as I suppose) in the eight & thirtieth year of the said king. This man in the said eight and thirtieth year of the king conveyed himself away out of England into Dutchland (for fear of the nobility, as the duke of York and others that rebelled against the king) sending back his soldiers into England, which he had before assembled upon the sea: but after he returned into England, and was again put to flight at Mortimer's cross by Edward earl of March after king by the name of king Edward the fourth. He was made earl of Ormond in the nine and thirtieth year and last year of king Henry the sixth. He married Eleanor the daughter of Edmund duke of Summerset, and died without issue, being beheaded at Newcastle in the year one thousand four hundred sixty one, in the first year of Edward the fourth.  

Henry viscount Bourchier.  Henry viscount Bourchier was lord treasurer of England the second time, in the nine and thirtieth and last year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of line 10 our redemption one thousand four hundred & sixty. Who upon the deposition of the said king Henry the sixth by Edward the fourth, was also removed from his office.  

Thomas lord Bourchier.  Thomas Bourchier, made lord treasurer of England in the first year of the reign of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred sixty and one, continued not long in that office, but gave place to john earl of Worcester. line 20  

john earl of Worcester.  john Tiptost earl of Worcester, the second time possessed the place of the lord treasurer of England, in the second and third year of king Edward the fourth. Of whom is more spoken before by me in my treatise of the constables of England pag. 869.  
Edmund lord Greie of Ruthine, the son of john lord Greie of Ruthine, 
Edmund lord Greie of Ruthine after earl of Kent.  did enjoy the office of the lord treasurorship of England, in the fourth year of the noble prince king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1464. This man secretly line 30 in hart forsaking the part of king Henry the sixth, for injuries received at the same king Henry's hands, aided the said Edward the fourth, and was the chief means whereby he attained the crown. In Michaelmas term in the said fourth year of the king, there was a sergeants feast held in Holborn in the bishop of Elies' house, to which the mayor and aldermen repaired, being bidden thither. But when the mayor looked to be set to keep the state in the hall (forgetting that he was out of his own liberties, for line 40 the bishops palace was an exempt place) as it had been used (saith john Stow) in all places of the city & liberties of the same, out of the king's presence: the lord Greie of Ruthine then treasurer of England unknown to the sergeants, and (against their wills as they said) was placed in the highest ●oome. Whereupon the mayor, aldermen, and commons departed. This Edmund doth Matthew Parker, in the life of Thomas Bourchier archbishop of Canturburie, make to be treasurer in the third year of Edward line 50 the fourth, being the year of Christ 1463: which may well enough stand with the former, being treasurer to john earl of Worcester in the said third year of the king. For upon the removing of the said earl in the third year of Edward the fourth, came this lord Greie in place. The words of which Matthew Parker (with a note of the year of Christ 1463 in the margin) are in this order. Edwardus rex, duobus iam annis foeliciter gesto regno, parliamentum Westmonasterij tenuit, quo etiam tempore archiepiscopus (which was Thomas line 60 Bourchier the brother of Henry Bourchier earl of Essex) & clerus in synodo convenerunt. In hac synodo johannes comes Wigorniae, Henricus comes Essexiae, D. Edmundus Grey thesaurarius Angliae, D. Humfridus Cromewell, D. Wenlocke, D. johannes prior sancti johannis, & Robertus Stillington legum doctor custos privati sigilli, regis conciliarij, allatis literis regijs petierunt a clero decerni regi ad Scotos repellondos subsidium. Quod quidem gratissimis omnium animis tam munifico regi concessum est, qui superiori anno ecclesiae immunitates atque iura iniquis iudiciorum calumnijs (uti in johann Stafford antea diximus) convulsa & labefactata diplomate regio restauravit.  
Besides which, thus writeth john Whethamsted, that learned abbot of saint Albon, of this lord Greie, declaring in what authority he was at first, in the days of Henry the sixth, and then in the reign of Edward the fourth. His words be these. Anno 36 H. 6. venerunt tres viri monachi de coenobio Cluniacensi, quibus ad audiendum eorum nunt ium missi sunt episcopus. Dunelmensis custos privati sigilli, dominus Edmundus Greie de Ruthine, & secretarius regis, quibus isti viri dixerunt eorum adventum esse ob tria. Primò ad aperiendum quomodo reges Angliae & praecipuè Henricus secundus fuerunt tam magni benefactores ad eorum ecclesiam, ut potiùs pro nunc dicatur earum patronus a● praecipuus fundator. Secundò venerunt ad petendum possessionem & confirmationem bonorum illorum, quae dicti progenitores eis contulerant, & per tempus non paucum iamdudum à manibus eorum detenta & distracta erant. Tertiò ad impetrandum liberam licentiam ad ingrediendum singula loca religiosa ab eorum coenobio dependentia, & quae per nobiles progenitores regis posita fuerunt sub eorum regimine. Sed nihil hîc eis gratum fuit actum, ita ut tristes discederent. Out of the which words of Whethamsted may other things be gathered, besides the doings of the lord Greie: as that the kings of England, and specially Henry the second, have been great benefactors and founders of the Charterhouse monks: with many more matters contained in the same, which I refer to the wise and learned reader, which made me the willinger to set down his words so largely.  
Moreover, the same Whethamsted, continuing the history of Henry the sixth, writeth of the battle of Northampton, wherein was this lord Greie, in this sort. In praelio Northamptonensi Edmundus Grey dominus Ruthine corpore licèt praesens (even as the lord Stanleie was in the battle fought betwixt Richard the third & Henry earl of Richmond, after king by the name of Henry the seventh) in campo domini regis Henrici sexti steterat, cor tamen eius non erat rectum in eo, néque omnino fidelis habitus aut inventus suit. Nam venientibus turmis dictis ad fossam circumuallationis, & ipsam non multùm promptè propter elevationem verticis in part ulteriore ascendere valentibus, occurrit ipsis dominus cum suis copijs obuiàm, porrigendóque ipsis dextram traxit eos per manus in campum Ma●tium, juxta votum suum. Thus much Whethamsted of Edmund Greie lord Ruthine, who was made earl of Kent in the fift year of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1464.  
This Edmund Greie being lord Hastings, Weisford, and Ruthine (before he had the honour of this earldom) did by his deed of indenture dated the 18 of November, in the five and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, falling in the year of our redemption 1446, give to john Pinchbecke prior of Duffield in Northamptonshire in alms, during the life of the said prior, his field called Challocke, belonging to the manor of Challocke, to keep the obits of sir john Greie, father to the said sir Edmund, and of dame Constance the widow of the earl marshal, and daughter of john Holland duke of Excester and earl of Huntingdon, mother to the said sir Edmund, with mass, &c: and such other collects as the said Edmund should deliver unto the said prior. Out of this house of the Greys have issued many noble houses, and those of great antiquity, whereof at this day there yet remaineth two honourable houses: the one being Henry Greie earl of Kent now living, a man of singular estimation in the country of Bedford where he now liveth, as well for the nobility of his race, being descended of this Edmund Greie lord treasurer of England, for the good government and carriage of himself, and for the orderly and wise managing of the affairs of that country, deserving no less honourable place in the commonwealth, than the honour of his race, and worthiness of his behaviour do well merit.  
The other house at this day in honour, is the lord Greie of Wilton knight of the garter, 
The lord Greie of Wilton.  and sometime deputy of Ireland, a man of no less merit for his service abroad in the feats of arms, than is the other Greie for his service at home in the affairs of peace. But I will not say all that I think and know of them both, lest some more maliciously than truly line 10 blemish me with the note of flattery. For I protest I am so far estranged from that, as I being not at all known to the one, and but slenderly to the other, and never benefited by any of them both, there is no cause why I should use any flattery: and yet such force hath virtue, as it will shine even in despite of malice. But again to the matter. There have out of this house of the Greys, besides many noble houses, issued one duke of Suffolk, two marquess' of Dorset, and five earls of Kent. line 20  
Again I think it not impertinent for the continuance of antiquities, and of deserts of honour, to mention how many several houses there have been of the nobility of these Greis, 
The several houses of the Greys.  and in what time they lived. First there was Reignold Greie lord Greie of Codnor, in the time of king Stephan: the second was Reignold lord Greie of Rotherfield, in the time of Richard the second: the third john Greie earl of tankerville in Normandy, in the time of Henry the fift: the fourth this Edmund Greie lord Ruthine line 30 earl of Kent, and treasurer of England in the time of king Edward the fourth: the fift house Thomas Greie marquess Dorset, in the time of king Edward the fourth: the sixth Edward Greie lord Lisle in the time of king Edward the fourth: the seventh Edward Greie lord Powes, in the time of king Edward the fourth: the eight Henry Greie duke of Suffolffe, in the time of Edward the sixth. So that there were at one time, in one kings days, which was the time of Edward the fourth, six noble men living line 40 of the name of Greys, 
The Greies' ●ight honourable.  which were the marquess Dorset, the earl of Kent, the lord Lisle, the lord Powes, the lord Greie of Wilton, and the lord Greie of Rotherfield.  
Wherefore to draw to an end of this lord treasurer, who hath occasioned me to be more liberal in treating of him and the Greys, than of any lord treasurer or noble name besides (for many private reasons which I reserve to myself) I will yet speak more liberally of him and the Greys in my large line 50 book of the lives of the lord treasurors of England, and knit up this Edmund Greie lord treasurer with the marrying of his wife Katherine, the daughter of Henry Persie earl of Northumberland, by whom he had issue George Greie earl of Kent; Elisabeth, married to Robert baron of Greiestocke; and Anne married to john lord Greie of Wilton.  
Sir Walter Blunt knight, who was the first lord Montioie, 
Sir Walter Blunt knight  possessed the place of the lord treasurorship of England, in the fift year of king Edward line 60 the fourth, which fell in the year that the word of the father took flesh in the womb of the virgin 1465. Of this man is mention made in the book of the law called Long Quinto of Edward the fourth. He married the daughter of one Dirham, and had issue, William, john, and james.  

Sir Richard Wooduile.  Sir Richard Wooduile knight, chamberlain to the king, and constable of England, was made baron on the ninth of May in the second year of king Henry the sixth, being the year of Christ 1424, and was after created earl Rivers in the fift year of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1465, who thus advanced was after lord treasurer in the sixth, seventh, & eight of Edward the fourth. In which eight year of Edward the fourth, Thomas Cook late mayor of London, was accused of treason and arraigned for the same. Who after that he had been many times purged thereof, was yet at last found guilty, and by this lord Rivers then lord treasurer so handled, as that he could not be delivered until he had paid eight thousand pounds to the king, and eight hundred to the queen. This lord treasurer married jaquet the widow of john duke of Bedford, daughter to Peter of Lucenburgh earl of S. Paul, by whom he had issue Richard earl Rivers, Antony lord Scales in the right of his wife, Edward Wooduile knight slain at the battle of S. Albine in Britain in the third year of Henry the seventh: Lionel bishop of Salisbury, Margaret married to Thomas earl of Arundel, Margaret married to William Herbert earl of Huntingdon, Anne first married to William Burcher earl of Essex and after to George Greie earl of Kent, jaquet married to john lord Strange, Elisabeth married to sir john Greie younger son to the lord Greie of Ruthine, and after the death of the said sir john Greie to king Edward the fourth: and Katherine married to Henry duke of Buckingham. Besides all which I have read of one john, which was son to this earl Rivers, which john married the old duchess of Norfolk, & was beheaded with his father: the truth whereof I leave to further trial. This Richard earl Rivers the lord treasurer in the ninth year of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption 1469, was by Robert Hiltard, who named himself Robert of Ridesdale, taken in the forest of Dene as some have, others say at Grafton, and from thence brought to Northampton, where he was beheaded.  
john Longstrother, 
john Longstrother.  prior of saint john's jerusalem in England, possessed the place of the lord treasurer of the realm, in the ninth year of king Edward the fourth, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and nine, for in the same year he gave place to the bishop of Elie.  
William Greie bishop of Elie, 
William Greie bishop of Elie.  was after the translation of Thomas Burcher from Elie to Canturburie advanced to that see by Nicholas the fift then bishop of Rome, who gave it to the said William being then procurator for king Henry the sixth at Rome, in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred fifty and four. This man was lord treasurer in the ninth year of king Edward the fourth, being the year in which God became man one thousand four hundred three score and nine, in which office he continued (as I gather) until the eleventh of king Edward the fourth, or thereabouts. This Greie was borne of the noble house of the lord Greys of Codnor, as saith Bale, and traveled into Italy to attain great learning, where he heard the noble clerk Guarinus Veronensis read in Ferraria. He continued bishop of Elie four and twenty years, eleven months and two days, departing this life at Dunham the fourth of August, in the year that the word of the father took flesh in the womb of the virgin, one thousand four hundred seventy and eight, as I have red; and was buried at Elie between two marble pillars, having bestowed great sums of money upon the reparation of that famous belfry of the church of Elie, and upon other ornaments of the same churth.  
Henry Bourcher earl of Essex did the third time possess the honourable place of the lord treasur●● of England, 
Henry Bourcher.  in the eleventh year of the reign of king Edward the fourth, in which office he continued (as I gather) about twelve years, being all the rest of the life of the said Edward the fourth, who departed this world about the ninth day of April, in the year from the conception of the Meschiah one thousand four hundred four score and three, which Bourchier being made earl of Essex in the first year of king Edward the fourth, in the year of Christ 1461, married Elisabeth the daughter of Richard de Conisburgh earl of Cambridge the sister of Richard duke of York, by whom he had issue William lord Bourchier, Thomas, john, Henry, and Humfrei● knights.  

Sir Richard Wood.  Sir Richard Wood knight, whom some call sir john Wood, being before under treasurer in the three line 10 and twentieth year of king Edward the fourth, was in the same year of the same king made knight, about a month before the death of the said king Edward the fourth. This man did possess the place of the lord treasurer of England (as I gather out of the record of Pellis exitus of that year) in the second year of the reign of the unnatural, bloody, and usurping tyrant king Richard the third, being the year of our redemption 1484, which office I suppose that he kept, until the said Richard the third was slain line 20 by Henry earl of Richmond afterwards king of England, by the name of Henry the 7. And here I think it not amiss before I go any further (although it be somewhat out of order, sith it is best to observe Decorum, and unorderly to treat of unorderly officers under such an unorderly king as Richard the third was) to make report of sir William Hopton knight, 
Sir William Hopton.  whom some will have to be treasurer in the first year of the reign of the same king, in the year of Christ 1483, attending on him to his coronation. line 30 But truly, saving the correction of better seen antiquaries than myself, I can not as yet receive him into the catalogue of the lord treasurors of England, but rather suppose that he was treasurer of the household.  

Sir Reinold Braie knight.  Sir Reinold Braie knight (the son of Richard Braie physician as some have noted to king Henry the sixth) being servant to Margaret countess of Richmond mother to Henry the seventh, was for the fidelity to his lady, & good service in furthering king Henry the seventh to the crown, received into line 40 great favour with the said king, and made lord treasurer of England, as appeareth by the record of Pellis exitus made under his name in the first year of the reign of Henry the seventh, being the year of our redemption one thousand, four hundred, eighty, and five: besides which office he had many other offices and honours, part whereof were, that he was treasurer of the king's wars, that he was one of the executors to K. Henry the seventh, that he was line 50 made knight of the Bath at the coronation of the said king, and created a banneret at Black heath field. He died the eighteenth year of the Solomon of England king Henry the seventh, being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred & three, and was honourably buried at Windsor.  

Sir john Dinham knight.  Sir john Dinham knight (the son of sir john Dinham knight) a faithful servant to the house of York aswell in aiding the duke of York, as in serving king Edward the fourth son to the said duke of York; to whom the said Edward the fourth, in the line 60 second year of his reign had given one annuity of forty pounds by year, did after the death of the said king Edward the fourth, in the second year of king Henry the seventh, possess the place of the lord tresuror of England, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred four score and six, and so continued until in the sixtéenth year of king Henry the seventh, and then gave place to Thomas earl of Surreie, of which lord Dinham thus writeth Leland: Diminus Denham primus fuit fundator sancti Nicholai alias Hortland. He was created lord Dinham in the first year of king Edward the fourth, shortly after the coronation of the said king, in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred three score and one, he died in the sixteenth year of king Henry the seventh, being the year of Christ one thousand five hundred, and the thirtieth of januarie was brought to the Greie friars in London & there buried: he married Elisabeth the daughter of the lord Fitzwater, by whom he had issue George and Philip, and sir Thomas Dinham his base son that married one of the daughters and heirs of sir john Ormond, which Thomas was buried at Ashrug three miles from Berkhamsted. Besides which children this lord Dinham or Denham, for so I find both written in chronicles, had by his legitimat wife diverse daughters, which were Margaret married to Nicholas baron of Carew, joane married to the lord Zouch, Elisabeth married to the lord Fitz Warren, and Katherine married to sir Thomas Arundel of Cornwall knight.  
Here I think it not amiss to say somewhat of a note which I have seen, that maketh john Touchet lord Audleie tresuror, which note is this. john Touchet lord Audleie treasurer of England, died the six and twentieth day of December, in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred four score and ten, falling in the sixth year of king Henry the seventh, and had issue james lord audley beheaded the eight and twentieth of june, in the year of Christ 1497, being the twelve year of king Henry the seventh, he married the daughter of sir Richard Davell knight: thus much the note. But truly for any thing I can yet learn, I can not perceive when this john Touchet should be treasurer, and so cannot perceive where he should be placed in this catalogue of the treasurors of England. But as I will not receive him into any place of this succession at this time; so I will not altogether reject him, in hope that following time will inform me of the truth therein.  
Thomas Howard the son of john lord Howard (created the first duke of Norfolk of that name in the time of Richard the third) was at the same time also created earl of Surreie. 
Thomas Howard earl of Surreie.  This man (after the slaughter of his father at Bosworth field, when the tyrant Richard the third was slain by Henry the seventh) was after received into such favour with the said king Henry the seventh, that he was advanced to be lord treasurer of England, in the sixtéenth year of king Henry the seventh, in the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred, which place he continued all the life of the said king Henry the seventh, who died in the four and twentieth year of his reign, being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred and nine. After which for the good service he used in the time of Henry the seventh, king Henry the eight also permitted him to keep that office, which he possessed until the fifteenth year of king Henry the eight, being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred twenty and three.  
This man was created duke of Norfolk on Candelmasse day, in the fift year of king Henry the eight, being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred and thirteen, at what time also his son Thomas Howard was made earl of Surreie. This duke was advanced to that honour (in recompense of the death of the king of Scots, and for the good service that he did against that nation in the said fift year of Henry the eight) with an augmentation of his arms, to bear the arms of Scotland in the bend of the arms of Howard. Touching which victory and death of the king of Scots Buchanan lib. 13. writeth to this effect, that the said Thomas Howard (as a note of the conquest) gave to his servants his cognisance (to wear on their left arm) being a white lion (the beast which he bore before as the proper ensign of that house) standing over a red lion (the peculiar note of the kingdom of Scotland) and tearing the same red lion with his paws. This Thomas duke of Norfolk married two wives, his first wife was Elisabeth the daughter of sir Fredrick Tilneie knight, by whom he had issue Thomas earl of Surreie after duke of Norfolk, Edward slain at Bret admiral of England, & Edmund Howard, with Elisabeth married to Thomas Bulloyne earl of Wiltshire, and muriel married to john Greie viscount Lisle His second wife was Agnes daughter line 10 of sir Philip Tilneie knight, by whom he had issue William lord Howard of Effingham, with many others. This Thomas duke of Norfolk died in the sixtéenth year of king Henry the eight, in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred forty and four, and was buried at Thetford in Norfolk.  

Thomas Howard.  Thomas Howard (son to the said Thomas duke of Norfolk) being earl of Surreie, possessed the place of the lord treasurer in the fifteenth year line 20 of king Henry the eight, being the year that Christ took flesh of the virgin Marie one thousand five hundred twenty and three: the which office he continued in the eight and thirtieth year of the said king, being the year of Christ one thousand five hundred forty and six; in which year on the eight and twentieth of januarie, the said king Henry died (so that this duke and his father were lord treasurors of England almost eight and forty years.) But about some few days more than a month before the death line 30 of the said king, that is to say, on the twelve of December, this duke with his son Henry earl of Surreie were committed to the tower, the one by water the other by land. Shortly after which the said Henry was beheaded at tower hill, the nineteenth day of januarie: about nine days before the death of the king. And the duke remained as condemned to perpetual prison, till the beginning of the reign of queen Marie, who then set him at liberty. He married for his first wife Anne the daughter of king line 40 Edward the fourth, but had no issue by her: after whose death he married Elisabeth daughter to Edward duke of Buckingham, by whom he had issue, Henry earl of Surreie beheaded as before, Thomas viscount Bindon, and Marie married to Henry Fitzroie duke of Richmont. He died about the beginning of the reign of queen Marie.  
Edward Seimor earl of Hertford was after the death of king Henry the eight made lord treasurer of England, 
Edward Seimor.  in the first year of king Edward the line 50 sixth: being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred forty & six, in which year he was also made protector of England and duke of Summerset: of whom thus writeth Matthew Parker, calling him Regni camerarium, in the life of Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie in these words page 397. In testamento (meaning king Henry the eight) Edwardo principi minori novem annis nato haeredi suo sexdecim tutores, ex episcopis solos Thomam Cranmerum Cantuariensem line 60 archiepiscopum & Cutbertum Tonstalium Dunelmensem episcopum dedit. And a little after pag. 398. followeth: Verùm pluribus (ut diximus) ei minori (that was king Edward) a patre constitutis curatoribus, ne numero suo atque multitudine ad dissentiones faciles essent & proclives unus electus est, qui ex consilijs reliquorum impuberis regis tutelam solus administraret. Is fuit Edwardus Seimerus comes Hertfordiensis, totius regni camerarius regísque a●unculus. Qui suscepta tutela regis, totius regni atque dominiorum suorum protector & Somerseti dux nuncupatus atque creatus est. This duke of Summerset being treasurer of England continued in the same office until his death (as I gather) more than four years, and was beheaded in the fift year of king Edward the sixth, being the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred fifty and one.  
Sir William Paulet knight, 
Sir William Paulet.  marquess of Winchester was made lord treasurer upon the death of the duke of Summerset: in the fift year of king Edward the sixth, and the year of Christ one thousand five hundred fifty and one, which office he kept by the space of twenty years and more: a longer time than ever any other treasurer had done before, except the two last dukes of Norfolk. This man being a man of extreme age (as attaining to the years of ninety seven) died lord treasurer of England (the tenth of March, in the year of our salvation one thousand five hundred seventy and one, being the fourteenth year of the reign of the famous queen Elisabeth) at his manor of Basing. He in his life time did see the children of his children's children grown to the number of one hundred and three, a rare blessing of God to men of his calling. He married Elisabeth the daughter of sir William capel knight, by whom he had issue john marquess of Winchester, Thomas, Chidiocke, and Giles; Alice married to Richard Stowell, Margaret married to sir William Berkeleie, Margery married to Richard Waller, and Eleanor married to sir Richard Peckshall.  
Sir William Cecil knight of the garter and lord Burghleie, 
Sir Willi●● Cecil.  was advanced to the honourable place of lord treasurer of England on the thirteenth day of julie, in the year of our redemption one thousand, five hundred, seventy and two, being the fouretéenth year of the reign of our gracious queen Elisabeth. This man was descended of the honourable family of the Sitsylts of Wales, sometime lords of Beauport in the days of Henry the first, as appeareth by this pedegrée here inserted.  
1 In the year of Christ one thousand ninety and one, 
D. powel in hist. Cambriae pa. 142, 143, etc. Robert Sitsylt.  Robert Sitsylt came with Robert Fitzhamon to the conquest of the country of Glamorgan, and after wedded a lady, by whom he had Halterennes and other lands in Hereford and Glocestershires: he had a son called james Sitsylt.  
2 james Sitsylt took part with Maud the empress against king Stephan, 
james Sitsylt.  and was slain at the siege of the castle of Wallingford Anno quarto Stephani, having then upon him a vesture, whereon was wrought in needle work his arms or ensigns, as they be made on the tomb of Gerald Sitsylt in the abbeie of Door, which are afterward truly blazed, in a judgement given by commission of king Edward the third, for the ancient right of the same arms. This james had a son called john Sitsylt, and four daughters.  
3 john Sitsylt, the son of james, was after the death of his father, 
john Sitsylt.  in the same wars with Roger earl of Hereford, and constable of England, and being taken prisoner at the siege of Lincoln, Anno. 6. Stephani, he paid for his ransom four hundred marks, and therefore sold his lordship of Beauport, and all his lands in the county of Gloucester: he took to wife a lady called Maud de Frenes and had issue Eustace.  
4 Eustace Sitsylt the son of john was wedded to Elinor the daughter of sir Walter Pembridge knight, and had by her Baldwin and john; 
Eustace Sitsylt.  and four daughters, whereof one of them was the wife of sir Thomas Fitzneale knight.  
5 Baldwin Sitsylt the son of Eustace, 
Baldwin Sitsylt.  was made knight by king Henry the second, in the wars that the king had against the Welshmen, he was also killed in the same wars, at the siege of the castle of Cardiff, his father being alive; he took to wife the daughter of Maurice de Brompton, and had by her Gerald Sitsylt, Eustace Sitsylt, Henry Sitsylt, john Sitsylt, and Walter Sitsylt; and two daughters, Catharine and Elinor. Catharine was the wife of Hugh Muredake, and Elinor was the wife of Walter Wallis. This Baldwin Sitsylt knight took to his second wife, Margery the daughter of Stephan Radnor knight, and had by her, Stephan Sitsylt, Roger Sitsylt, Hugh Sitsylt, and David Sitsylt; and three daughters, the first was Maud and she was a Nun, the second was jone and she was the wife of john de line 10 Solers, the third daughter Anne was the wife of Owen ap Meredith. This man gave certain lands in the towneship of Kigestone, unto the monks of Door, and granted unto the same monks freedom of common and pasture, and other liberties in his woods.  

Gerald Sitsylt.  6 Gerald Sitsylt, the first son of Baldwin Sitsylt knight, took to wife mabil the daughter of Sir William Moigne knight, and had by her three sons, Gerald Sitsylt that died a child, Robert line 20 Sitsylt that married and had children, and Owen Sitsylt a monk of the abbeie of Dore. He had also three daughters, Catharine, that was wedded to sir Griffin ap Yoreford, and after to David ap evan, and the third time to Geffreie de Bret, son of sir Walter Bret knight. Anne the second daughter of Gerald Sitsylt was wedded to Robert the son of Richard Bromewich. And Ellen the third daughter of Gerald Sitsylt, was the wife of john Abrahall, father of sir john Abrahall line 30 knight.  
7 Robert Sitsylt, the son of Gerald took to wife Alicia daughter of sir Robert Tregois knight, 
Robert Sitsylt.  and had by her james Sitsylt his first son, Gerald the second son, Thomas the third son, and Baldwin the fourth son; and Margaret the first daughter, and Elisabeth the second daughter.  

james Sitsylt.  8 james Sitsylt the son of Robert, took to wife Isabella the daughter of sir john Knell knight, and had by her james and Gerald twins; james line 40 died young: he had also Robert Sitsylt, and john Sitsylt; and five daughters, that is to say, Alicia wedded to Walter Monington, Grace wedded to Roger son of William Blunt, Elinor wedded to Thomas Pain, Margery wedded to Morgan ap Meredith, and Sisly married to howel ap Blethin, and after to sir Hugh Bruge.  

Gerald Sitsylt.  9 Gerald Sitsylt, son of james, took to wife Margaret, daughter of Stephan Dalaber, and by her had john Sitsylt; and after he wedded Bridget line 50 the widow of sir Simon Ward knight, and had by her james Sitsylt, and the third time married the daughter of Martin Hopton, and had by her Martin Sitsylt, Henry Sitsylt, and David Sitsylt, and jone a daughter. And the fourth time the same Gerald Sitsylt took to wife jane the daughter of Robert Emerton, and had by her one son named Stigand Sitsylt, that was slain in the wars of Strivelin in the time of king Edward the second, and had no issue, as the register of the abbey of Door maketh mention. line 60  

●●ron. de Dôr.  
john Sitsylt.  10 john Sitsylt, the son of Gerald, took to wife Sibyl the daughter of Robert of Ewyas, and had by her sir john Sitsylt knight, George Sitsylt, and a daughter named Margaret, that was the wife of sir Robert Baskervile knight, who had by her sir john Baskervile knight; and by his second wife he had sir Richard Baskervile knight, that took to wife jane the daughter and heir of George Sitsylt second son of this john Sitsylt, and had by her sir john Baskervile knight.  

Sir john Sitsylt.  11 Sir john Sitsylt knight, took to wife Alicia, the sister of the said sir Roger Baskervile, and sir Roger married his sister, as is aforesaid. This sir john Sitsylt had john Sitsylt and Roger Sitsylt.  

D. powel▪  In the time of the wars that king Edward the third made against Scotland, at a place called Halidon hill near Barwike anno 6. of Edward the third, there arose a great variance and contention between sir William de Facknaham knight, on the one side approvant, & this sir john Sitsylt knight, on the other side defendant, for an ensign of arms, that is to say; The field of ten barrets silver and azure, supported of five scutcheons sable charged with so many lions of the first rampants incensed geuls, which ensign both the parties did claim as their right. But as both parties put themselves to their force to maintain their quarrel, and vaunted to maintain the same by their bodies; it pleased the king that justice should be yielded for trial of the quarrel, without shedding of blood: and so the bearing of the ensign was solemnly adjudged to be the right of the said sir john Sitsylt, as heir of blood lineally descended of the body of james Sitsylt, lord of Beauport slain at the siege of Wallingford, as before is declared. The final order and determination of which controversy is laid down by john Boswell gentleman, in his book entitled The concords of armory, fol. 80. This sir john Sitsylt had a charge of men at arms, for the custody of the marches to Scotland, in the eleventh year of king Edward the third.  
12 john Sitsylt, 
john Sitsylt.  the son of sir john Sitsylt knight, took to wife jone daughter of sir Richard Monington knight, and had by her john Sitsylt (that died, his father being alive) and Thomas Sitsylt.  
13 Thomas Sitsylt married Margaret the daughter and heir of Gilbert de Winston, 
Thomas Sitsylt.  and had by her Philip Sitsylt, and David Sitsylt. This man was a great benefactor to the monks of Door, and forgave them great sums of money which they did owe him.  
14 Philip Sitsylt married Margaret, 
Philip Sitsylt.  the daughter of john Philips, and had by her Richard, john, and Margaret.  
15 Richard Sitsylt or Cecil married Margaret the daughter of Philip Uaughan, 
Richard Sitsylt.  and had by her Philip Cecil, Margaret Cecil, john Cecil, David Cecil, and james or jenkin Cecil.  
* These pedegrées & descents I gathered faithfully out of sundry ancient records and evidences, 
D. powel.  whereof the most part are confirmed with seals authentic thereunto appendent, manifestly declaring the antiquity and truth thereof; which remain at this present in the custody of the right honourable sir William Cecil, knight of the noble order of the garter, lord Burghleie, and lord high treasurer of England, who is lineally descended from the last recited Richard Sitsylt, father to David Cecil, 
The descent of sir William Cecil now lord treasurer.  grandfather to the said sir William Cecil now lord Burghleie. And at this day William Sitsylt or Cecil esquire cousin german to the said lord Burghleie, removed by one degree only, is possessed of the foresaid house of Halterennes in Ewyas' land as the heir male of the house of Sitsylts, and is descended of Philip Cecil, elder brother to the said David.  
This sir William Cecil lord Burghleie, 
Fr. Thi●.  living at this instant in the year of Christ, one thousand, five hundred, eighty and six, to the great support of this commonwealth, doth worthily enjoy the place of the lord treasurer of England, of whom (for avoiding the note of flattery) I may not say that good which we the subjects of England do feel by his means, and all the world doth see in his rare and wise government. And therefore leaving what may be said of him for his honourable deserts, from his country, his prince, and his countrymen, as well for rare government at home, as for grave managing of the matter of state abroad, I beseech the almighty Lord to lengthen his years with perfect health and happy success of all his good desires, to answer the worth of those his honourable deserts. Thus knitting up this discourse of the treasurors, with no less honourable person of the temporalty in this our age, than I began the same discourse with a rare person of the spirituality in that their age: this being known as singular in policy as the other line 10 was supposed to be in prelacy, I here set end to that which with much labour of body, travel of mind, and charge of purse, I have brought to this form what so ever it be. Thus this much by Francis Thin touching the treasurors of England.]   

The earl of Northumberland beheaded.  The 22 of August Thomas Persie earl of Northumberland late of Topclife, who had been before attainted by parliament of high treason, as one of the principal conspirators in the late rebellion, and line 20 now brought out of Scotland, whither he had fled, was beheaded at York about two of the clock in the afternoon, on a new scaffold set up for that purpose in the market place. 
Englishmen sent to Ulster in Ireland.  In this month of August sir Thomas Smith, one of the queens majesties privy council, carefully tendering the reformation of Ireland, sent his son Thomas Smith esquire thither with a certain number of Englishmen to inhabit the Ards in Ulster, after the manner of a colony used by the Romans.  

Anno Reg. 15  The eighteenth of November in the morning was line 30 seen a star northward very bright and clear, 
A strange star appeared; the bigness thereof, and of what continuance.  in the constellation of Cassiopeia, at the back of her chair, which with three chief fixed stars of the said constellation made a geometrical figure losengwise, of the learned men called Rhombus. This star in bigness at the first appearing seemed bigger than jupiter, & not much less than Venus' when she seemeth greatest. Also the said star never changing his place, was carried about with the daily motion of heaven, as all fixed stars commonly are, and so continued line 40 (by little and little to the eye appearing less) for the space of almost sixteen months: at what time it was so small, that rather thought by exercises of off viewing might imagine the place, than any eye could judge the presence of the same. And one thing is herein chiefly to be noted, that (by the skill and consent of the best and most expert mathematicians, which observed the state, property, and other circumstances belonging to the same star) it was found line 50 to have been in place celestial far above the moon, otherwise than ever any comet hath been seen, or naturally can appear. Therefore it is supposed that the signification thereof is directed purposely and specially to some matter, not natural, but celestial, or rather supercelestial, so strange, as from the beginning of the world never was the like.  
The four and twentieth of November Edward earl of Derby, 
Earl of Derby deceased.  lord Stanleie, & Strange, of Knocking, lord and governor of the Isles of Man, knight line 60 of the noble order of the garter, and one of the queens majesties privy council deceased at his house called Latham in Lanca●hire. His life and death deserving commendation, and craving memory to be imitated, 
The life and death of the foresaid earl of Derby.  was such as followeth. His fidelity unto two kings and two queens in dangerous times and great rebellions, in which time, and always as cause served, he was lieutenant of Lancashire and cheshire, and lately offered ten thousand men unto the queens majesty of his own charge for the suppression of the last rebellion. His godly disposition to his tenants, never forcing any service at their hands, but due payment of their rent. His liberality to strangers, and such as showed themselves grateful to him. His famous housekeeping, and eleven score in checkroll, never discontinuing the space of twelve years. His feeding especially of aged persons twice a day three score and odd; besides all comers thrice a week appointed for his dealing days; and every good friday these five and thirty years one with another two thousand seven hundred, with meat, drink, money, and money worth. There was never gentleman or other that waited in his service, but had allowance from him, to have as well wages as otherwise for horse and man. His yeerlie portion for the expenses of his house four thousand pounds. His cunning in setting bones disjointed or broken, 
Rare qualities in a noble man.  his surgery and desire to help the poor, his delivery of the George and seal to the lord Strange, with exhortation that he might keep it so unspotted in fidelity to his prince as he had, and his joy that he died in the queens favour. His joyful parting this world, his taking leave of all his servants by shaking of hands, & his remembrance to the last day.  
The eight and twentieth of November john Hall late of Battle in Sussex gentleman, 
Hall and Wilkinson executed.  and Oswold Wilkinson late of York and jailor of York castle (being before arraigned and condemned of treason) were drawn from the tower of London to Tyburn, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. This year a great and sharp frost almost continually lasted, from before the feast of All saints, 
Great frost and a sharp winter.  till after the feast of the epiphany of our Lord, with sometime great and deep snows, and sometime rains, which fréesed as fast as the same fell to the ground: wherethrough at Wrotham in Kent, and many other places, the arms and boughs of trees being overcharged with ise, broke off, and fell from the stocks of the same trees. Also the wind continued north and east, till after the Ascension day, with sharp frosts and snows, whereby followed a late spring.  
The twelve of januarie William lord Howard, year 1573 baron of Effingham, lord privy seal, 
Lord privy seal deceased.  knight of the noble order of the garter, and one of the privy council deceased at Hampton court. 
Earl of Worcester sent into France.  The eighteenth of januarie William lord Smmerset earl of Worcester began his journey towards France, to the christening of the king's daughter there in stead of the queens majesty of England, who sent with him a font of gold for that purpose, weighing three hundred and six and twenty ounces. The said earl with many of his company were rob upon the sea by pirates of much of their baggage, 
Earl of Worcester rob on the sea.  and three or four of their men slain. In France he and his train were honourably received. At the christening he gave the child to name Elisabeth. They returned into England the seven and twentieth of February.  
In the month of February, 
The narrow seas scoured.  through sundry heinous complaints brought to the queens majesty and her council of pirates that kept the narrow seas, doing many robberies, as also the robbing of the earl of Worcester (as is aforesaid) hi● highness, by the advise of her honourable council, took order with the lord admiral of England, that he should send to the seas, ships and men to scour the narrow seas, & to apprehend so many pirates ships as might be met with. And for the better doing thereof, it pleased her majesty to send one of her own ships, named the Swallow to be the admiral, under the charge of William Holstocke of London esquire, comptrollor of her highness ships, who had with him the Gillian, the bark Garet, and the bark of Yarmouth, and three hundred and three score able mariners, gunner's, and soldiers in the said three ships, and one bark which scoured the narrow seas, from the north foreland, as far westward as Falmouth in Cornwall, and took twenty ships and ba●ks of sundry nations, 
Pirates on the west seas.  to wit, English, French, and Flemings (but all pirates) and in fashion of war. He apprehended in those ships and barks to the number of nine hundred men of all nations, and sent them to ward to Sandwich, Dover, Wight, and Portesmouth (whereof three of them that rob the earl of Worcester were shortly after executed at Wight. 
Pirates executed. ) Also the said William Holstocke did rescue and take from the above said pirates ships, fifteen other merchants ships laden with merchandise, that were their line 10 prizes, being of sundry nations, and set at liberty the said fifteen merchants ships and goods: which done, he returned to Portesmouth, and there ended his voyage in March.  
The fourth of March, a man was hanged in chains in saint George's field beyond Southworke of London, 

A man hanged in saint George's field.  
The earl of kent deceased.   for murdering the jailor of Horsham in the same field. The seventeenth of March deceased Reinold Greie of Ruthin, earl of Kent, at Herneseie, and was buried at saint Giles without Creplegate. line 20 About the same time died Edmund lord Shandois. The five and twentieth of March being wednesday in Easter week, 
George Sanders murdered at Shooter's hill.  and the feast of the Annunciation of our lady, George Browne cruelly murdered two honest men near to Shooter's hill in Kent, the one of them was a wealthy merchant of London named George Sanders, the other john Beane of Woolwich, which murder was committed in manner as followeth. 
A discourse of the murder practised and committed.  On tuesday in Easter week (the four and twentieth of March) the said George Browne receiving line 30 secret intelligence by letter from mistress Anne Drury, that master Sanders should lodge the same night at the house of one master Barns in Woolwich, and from thence go on foot to saint Marie Craie; the next morning he lay in wait for him by the way, a little from Shooter's hill, and there slew both him & john Beane servant to master Barnes. But john Beane having ten or eleven wounds, & being left for dead, by God's providence did revive again: and creeping away on all four, was found line 40 by an old man and his maiden, and conveyed unto Woolwich, where he gave evident marks of the murderer.  

Roger Clement alias trusty Roger.  Immediately upon the deed doing, Browne sent mistress Drury word thereof by Roger Clement (among them called trusty Roger) he himself repaired forthwith to the court at Greenwich, & anon after him came thither the report of the murder also. Then departed he thence unto London, and came to the house of mistress Drury, where ●hough he line 50 spoke not personally with her, after conference had with her servant trusty Roger, she provided him twenty pounds that same day, for the which she laid certain plate of her own, & of mistress Sanders to gauge. 
Browne the murderer relieved with m●●ne.  On the next morning being thursday (having intelligence that Browne was sought for) they sent him six pounds more by the same Roger, warning him to shift for himself by flight, which thing he foreslowed not to do. Nevertheless, the lords of the queens majesties council caused so speedy and narrow search to be made for him, that upon the eight line 60 and twentieth of the same month he was apprehended in a man's house of his own name at Rochester and being brought back again to the court, was examined by the council: unto whom he confessed the deed (as you have heard) and that he had oftentimes before pretended and sought to do the same, 
He confesseth his offence upon his examination.  by the instigation of the said mistress Drury, who had promised to make a marriage between him and mistress Sanders (whom he seemed to love excessively) nevertheless he protested (though untruely) that mistress Sanders was not privy nor consenting thereunto.  
Upon his confession he was arraigned at the King's bench in Westminster hall the eighteenth of April, where he acknowledged himself guilty, and was condemned as principal of the murder, according to which sentence he was executed in Smithfield, on monday the twentieth of April: at which time also untruely (as she herself confessed afterward) he laboured by all means to clear mistress Sanders of committing evil of her body with him, 
George Browne hanged in Smithfield, and afterward in chains on Shooter's hill.  and then flung himself besides the ladder. He was after hanged up in chains near unto the place where he had done the fact. In the mean time mistress Drury and her man being examined, as well by their own confessions, as by falling out of the matter, and also by Brownes' appeachment thought culpable, were committed to ward. And after mistress Sanders being delivered of child, and churched (for at the time of her husband's death she looked presently to lie down) was upon mistress Druries' man's confession, and other great likelihoods, likewise committed to the tower, and on wednesday the sixth of May she was arraigned with mistress Drury at the Guildhall.  
The effect of their indictment was, that they by a letter written had been procurers of the said murder: & knowing the murder done, had by money & otherwise relieved the murderer: whereunto they pleaded not guilty. Howbeit they were both condemned as accessaries to master Sanders death, 
Anne Sanders, Anne Drury, and trusty Roger hanged in Smithfield.  and executed in Smithfield the thirteenth of May, being wednesday in Whitsunwéeke, at which time they both confessed themselves guilty of the fact. Trusty Roger mistress Druries' man was arraigned on friday the eight of May, & being there condemned as accessary, was executed with his mistress at the time and place aforesaid. Not long after, Anthony Browne brother to the forenamed George Browne, 
Anthony Browne hanged at York.  was for notable felonies conveyed from Newgate to York, and there hanged.  
The tenth of April seven pirates which among others had been taken on the north seas, 
Pirates hanged at Wapping.  were lead from Southworke to Wapping, and five of them were there hanged: the other two had their pardon at the gallows. 
Four women on the pillory.  The seventeenth of April a chandelers' wife without Aldersgate of London, who had practised her husband's death by poisoning and otherwise, was set on the pillory in Cheap, with three other women, who had been of her counsel: two of them were with her there whipped.  
The seventh of june, 
Hail in Northamptonshire.  between the hours of one and two of the clock in the after noon, a great tempest of hail and rain happened at Tocester in Northamptonshire, wherethrough six houses in that town were borne down, and fourteen more sore perished with the waters which rose of that tempest. The hailstones were square, & six inches about. One child was there drowned, and many sheep with other cattle, which when the water was fallen, many of them were lying on the high hedges, where the waters had left them. The sixteenth of june, Thomas Woodhouse, a priest of Lincolnshire, 
Thomas Woodhouse.  who had lain long prisoner in the Fleet, was arraigned in the Guildhall of London, and there condemned of high treason, who had judgement to be hanged and quartered, and was executed at Tyburn the ninetéenth of june.  
The sixteenth of August, Walter earl of Essex, accompanied with the lord Rich, 
earl of Essex and the lord Rich with other sailed into Ireland.  and diverse other gentlemen, embarked themselves in several ships at Leirpoole, and the wind sitting very well, took their voyage towards Ireland. The earl after many and great dangers on the sea, at length won Copemans' Island, from whence in a pinnace of captain Perses he was brought safe to Knockfergus. The lord Rich with the like danger landed at castle Killife, where being met by captain Malbie, master Smith, & master Moor pensioners, he was conducted to Inch abbaie master Malbies' house, where he had in a readiness on the morrow morning a hundred and fifty horsemen for their safeguard to Knockfergus, beside fifty Kerns which went a foot through the woods: there was among these a thirty bows with a bagpipe, 
Bows, bagpipes & darts among the Irish.  the rest had darts. Sir Brian Makephelin had preied the country, and taken away what was to be carried or driven, but on the sixth of September line 10 he came to Knockfergus, to the earl of Essex, and there made his submission: the number of kine were esteemed thirty thousand, besides sheep and swine.  
After him Ferdorough Macgillasticke the blind Scots son, Roze, Oge, Macwilline did the like: and diverse other sent their messengers to the earl, to signify that they were at his lordship's disposition as the baron of Dongarrow, Condenell, Odonell, and the captain of Kilulto. The earl of Essex having line 20 the country of Claniboie and other, the queens majesty of England directed her letters to the lord deputy of Ireland, 
earl of Essex captain general of Ulster in Ireland.  willing him to make by commission the earl of Essex captain general of the Irish nation in the province of Ulster, and to divide the country won, Claniboie, and else where, etc. The eleventh of October, Peter Burchet gentleman of the middle temple, with his dagger suddenly assailed, 
Peter Burchet wounded master Hawkins.  cruelly wounded, and meant to have murdered a serviceable gentleman named john Hawkins line 30 esquire, as he with sir William Winter, and an other gentleman road towards Westminster, in the high street near to the Strand, beyond the Temple-bar of London: for which fact the said Burchet being apprehended and committed to the tower, was afterward examined concerning the fact. Who answered that he took the said master Hawkins for an other gentleman: and being further examined, he was found to hold certain erroneous opinions, 
Peter Burchet found to be an heretic.  for the which he was sent to the Lollards tower. line 40 From thence being called into the consistory of Paul's church, 
Peter Burchet abjured his heresy, & submitted himself to do penance.  before the right reverend father Edwine bishop of London, and others, & by them examined, he stood in his opinions, till the sentence of death as an heretic was ready to have been pronounced against him on the fourth of November: but through the earnest persuasions of diverse learned men, who took great pains in that matter, he renounced, forswore, and abjured his opinions for erroneous & damnable, promising never to return line 50 to them, and also willingly to do and perform all such penance as the bishop his ordinary should enjoin him.  
The ninth of November, the said Peter Burchet was removed from the Lollards tower, to the tower of London, where on the next morrow about noon, whilst one that had kept him company was gone down, and locked the door after him, leaving an other with him called Hugh Longworth, who stood at the window reading in the bible, the said Burchet line 60 walking up and down in the chamber, 
Peter Burchet killeth his keeper.  took a billets end out of the fire, and knocked the said Longworth on the head, and left not till he had stricken him stark dead: for the which on the next morrow he was arraigned & condemned at Westminster, and then returned to Summerset house, where he remained that night: and on the next morrow being the twelve of November, he was brought to the gibbet, where (after his right hand being stricken off, and nailed to the gibbet) he was hanged nigh the place where he wounded master Hawkins. 
Peter Burchet hanged.  This year about Lammas, wheat was sold at London for three shillings▪ the bushel: 
Anno Reg. 16.  but shortly after it was raised to four shillings, five shillings, six shillings: & before Christmas to a noble, and seven shillings, 
Dearth without scarcity, & afterwards plenty to them that had money.  which so continued long after: beef was sold for twenty pence, and two and twenty pence the stone, and all other flesh and white meats at an excessive price, all kind of salt fish very dear, as five herrings two pence, &c: yet great plenty of fresh fish, and oft times the same very cheap: pease at four shillings the bushel, oatmeal at four shillings eight pence: bay salt at three shillings the bushel, etc. All this dearth notwithstanding (thanks be given to God) there was no want of any thing to them that wanted not money.  
The fourth of April being Paline sunday, there was taken saying of mass in the lord Morleis' house within Algate of London, year 1574 
Priests saying mass apprehended.  one Albon Dalman priest, and the lady Morleie with her children, and diverse others were also taken hearing of the said mass. There was also taken the same day and hour for saying mass at the lady Gilford's in Trinity lane, one Oliver Heiwood priest: and for hearing of the said mass, the said lady Gilford with diverse other gentlewomen. There was also taken at the same instant in the lady Brown's house in Cowlane for saying mass, one Thomas Heiwood priest, and one john Cowper Priest, with the lady Browne, and divers other were likewise taken being hearers of the said mass. All which persons were for the same offences indicted, convicted, and had the law according to the statute in that case provided. There was also found in their several chapels, diverse Latin books, beads, images, palms, chalices, crosses, vestments, pixes, paxes, and such like.  
The ninth of julie at six of the clock at night, 
A monstrous fish (but not so monstrous as some reported) for his eyes being great, were in his head and not in his back.  in the isle of Thanet besides Ramesgate, in the parish of saint Peter under the cliff, a monstrous fish or whale of the sea did shoot himself on shore, where for want of water, beating himself on the sands, he died about six of the clock on the next morning, before which time he roared, and was heard more than a mile on the land. The length of this fish was twenty two yards, the neither jaw twelve foot the opening: one of his eyes, being taken out of his head, was more than six horse in a cart could draw, a man stood upright in the place from whence the eye was taken. The thickness from the back whereon he lay, to the top of his belly (which was upward) was fourteen foot, his tail of the same breadth: between his eyes twelve foot, three men stood upright in his mouth, some of the ribs were six foot long, his tongue was fifteen foot long, his liver two cart load, into his nosetrils any man might have crept: the oil being boiled out of the head was 
* Sperma 〈◊〉.  parmasitie, the oil of his body was whitish and sweet of taste. The seventh of August, 
Obsequy at Paul's for the French king.  a solemn obsequy was kept in saint Paul's church at London for Charles the ninth king of France, who deceased on the twenty day of May last before passed.  
On the fifteenth day of August being sunday, Agnes Bridges, 
Agnes Bridges & Rachel Pinder at Paul's cross for counterfeiting to be possessed.  a maiden about the age of twenty years, and Rachel Pinder, a wench about eleven or twelve years old▪ who both of them had counterfeited to be possessed by the devil (whereby they had not only marvelously deluded many people, both men and women, but also diverse such persons as otherwise seemed to be of good wit and understanding) stood before the preacher at Paul's cross, where they acknowledged their hypocritical counterfeiting, with penitent behaviours, requiring forgiveness of God and the world, and the people to pray for them. Also their several examinations and confessions were there openly read by the preacher, and afterwards published in print for the further posterity hereafter to beware of the like deceivers.  
The fourth of September in the after noon, such a storm of rain happened at London, 
A lad of eighteéne years 〈◊〉 drowned 〈…〉 channel in London.  as the like of long time could not be remembered, wherethrough the channels of the city suddenly rising, ran with such a forcible course towards the common sews, that a lad about the age of eighteen years, minding to have leapt over the channel near unto Dowgate, was borne over with the stream, and by the same carried from the conduit there towards the Thames, with such a swiftness, that no man with staves or otherwise could stay him, till he came against a cart wheel that stood in the watergate, afore which he was drowned line 10 and stark dead.  
This year the mayor of London went by water to Westminster, 
〈◊〉 ma●ors ●●ast at the Guildhall.  and there took his oath; as hath been accustomed: he kept no feast at the Guildhall, although great provision had been made for that purpose, but dined at his own house with his brethren the aldermen: the companies dined at their several halls. This was done by the special appointment of the queens majesties council, to avoid infection of the plague, like to have increased by line 20 coming together of such a multitude. This week from the two and twentieth, unto the eight and twentieth of October, deceased in the city and liberties, containing an hundred and eight parishes, of all diseases, one hundred threescore & six, of the which number threescore and five were accounted to die of the plague. 
T●a●me adjourned.  Michaelmas term, which had been adjourned by proclamation, began at Westminster on the sixth of November. The same sixth day in the morning, there happened two great tides at London, in the line 30 river of Thames, 
Two tides in one hour.  the first by course, the other within one hour following, which overflowed the marshes, with many vaults and cellars near adjoining.  
The fourteenth of November being sunday, about midnight following, 
Fiery impressions ●●●●●llous.  diverse strange impressions of fire and smoke were seen in the air to proceed forth of a black cloud in the north toward the south, which so continued till the next morning that it was day light. The next night following, the heavens from all parts did seem to burn marvelous raginglie, line 40 & over our heads the flames from the horizon round about rising did meet, and there double and roll one in another, as if it had been in a clear furnace. The eighteenth day at night blew very stormy & tempestuous winds out of the south, 
Anno Reg. 17.  as hath not been known the like out of that quarter, 
Tempestuous winds out of 〈◊〉 south.  especially after midnight, till the next morning that it was day light. These are to be received as tokens of God's wrath ready bend against the world for sin now abounding, and also of his great mercy, who doth line 50 only thus but to show us the rod wherewith we daily deserve to be beaten.  
This year at London after harvest, the price of wheat began by little and little to fall, from seven shillings to three shillings the bushel, at which price it stayed (little or nothing rising or falling) all the year after: but bay salt was raised from three shillings to four shillings, 
●aie ●alt 〈◊〉  five shillings, and six shillings the bushel, the like whereof had never been seen or heard within this realm. The 24 day of February, line 60 being the feast of saint Matthie, on which day the fair was kept at Teukesburie, year 1575. a strange thing happened there. For after a flood which was not great, but such as thereby the meadows near adjoining were covered with water, in the after noon there came down the river of Severne great numbers of flies & b●●tels, 
〈◊〉 in February the 〈…〉.  such as in summer evenings use to strike men in the face, in great heaps, a foot thick above the water, so that to credible men's judgement there were seen within a pair of butts length of those flies above a hundred quarters. The mills there abouts were dammed up with them for the space of four days after, and then were cleansed by digging them out with shovels: from whence they came is yet unknown: but the day was cold and a hard frost.  
The six and twentieth of February, 
An earthquake in sundry places of England, and what effects it wrought.  between four and six of the clock in the after noon, great earthquakes happened in the cities of York, Worcester, Gloucester, Bristol, Hereford, and in the countries about, which caused the people to run out of their houses: for fear they should have fallen on their heads. In Teukesburie, Bredon, and other places, the dishes fell from the cupboards, and the books in men's studies from the shelves. In Norton chapel, the people being on their knees at evening prayer, the ground moving, caused them to run away in great fear that the dead bodies would have risen, or the chapel to have fallen: part of Ruthen castle fell down with certain brick chimneys in gentlemen's houses. The bell in the shire hall at Denbigh was also caused to toll twice, by shaking of the hall, etc.  
On Easter day, which was the third of April, 
Anabaptists bare faggots at Paul's cross.  about nine of the clock in the forenoon, was disclosed a congregation of anabaptists, Duchmen, in a house without the bars of Aldgate at London, whereof seven and twenty were taken and sent to prison: and four of them bearing faggots recanted at Paul's cross, on the fifteenth day of May in form as followeth.  

The form of recantation openly made by the said anabaptists.  
WHereas 1 I. T. R. H. being seduced by the devil the spirit of error, and by false teachers his ministers, have fallen into certain most detestable and damnable heresies, namely:  
1 That Christ took not flesh of the substance of the blessed virgin Marie: 
The anabaptists heresies   
2 That infants of the faithful ought not to be baptized:  
3 That a christian man may not be a magistrate or bear the sword or office of authority:  
4 That it is not lawful for a christian to take an oath:  
Now by the grace of God, and through conference with good and learned ministers of Christ his church, I do understand and acknowledge the same to be most damnable and detestable heresies, and do ask God here before his church mercy for my said former errors, and do forsake them, recant, and renounce them, and abjure them from the bottom of my heart, professing that I certainly believe:  
1 That Christ took flesh of the substance of the blessed virgin Marie: 
Recanted.   
2 That infants of the faithful aught to be baptized:  
3 That a christian man may be a magistrate, or bear the sword or office of authority:  
4 That it is lawful for a christian man to take an oath.  
And further I confess, that the whole doctrine and religion established and published in this realm of England, as also that which is received and preached in the Dutch church here in this city, is sound, true, and according to the word of God: whereunto in all things I submit myself, and will most gladly be a member of the said Dutch church, from henseforth utterly abandoning and forsaking all and every anabaptistical error. This is my faith now, in the which I do purpose and trust to stand firm and steadfast to the end. And that I may so do, I beseech you all to pray with me, and for me, to God the heavenly father, in the name of his son our saviour jesus Christ. The like recantation was made by them afterwards in the Dutch church.   

Matthew Parker archbishop of Canturburie deceased.  The seventeenth of May about midnight following, the reverend father in God Matthew Parker doctor of divinity archbishop of Canturburie deceased at Lambeth, and was there honourably buried, on whose tomb (being of black marble) is written this most worthy epitaph here following: 

Sobrius & prudens, studijs excultus & usu▪  
Integer & verae relligionis amans, line 10  

Walter Haddon.  Matthaeus vixit Parkerus, foverat illum  
Aula virum iuuenem, fovit & aula senem,  
Ordine res gessit, recti defensor & aequi,  
Vixerat ille Deo, mortuus ille Deo est.   

Matthew Parker lived soberly and wise,  
Learned by study and continual practice,  
Loving, true, of life uncontrolled,  
The court did foster him both young and old,  
Orderly he dealt, the right he did defend, line 20  
He lived unto God, to God he made his end.    

●o. St. 1182. Mat●hew Parker a learned antiquary, and what monuments of his love to learning he left behind him.  ¶ This reverend father examined throughly the English translation of the holy bibles, wherein he partly used the help of his brethren bishops, and other doctors, and caused the same to be newly printed in the largest volume, for the due furniture of many churches then wanting. Also making diligent search for the antiquities of the Britons, and English Saxons, to the end those monuments might be carefully kept, he caused them to be well line 30 bound and trimly covered: and such whereof he knew very few examples to be extant (among the which was Matthew Paris, Matthew Florilegus, and Thomas Walsingham) he caused to be printed. The famous palace of his see at Canturburie, by long continuance decayed & consumed with fire, he renewed, builded, and fully restored with the charges of more than fourteen hundred pounds. 

Founder of a grammar school.  
A benefactor to Corpus christi college.   He founded a grammar school in Rochdale in the county of Lancaster.  
To Corpus Christi college in Cambridge he procured line 40 thirteen scholarships, and bore the charges in making and furnishing two chambers for scholars, and the inward library of the same college. Item he gave to the outward and inward library of the said college a goodly company of printed books, & a great number of written books of great antiquity & much value. Item he procured to the said college the patronage of saint Marie Abchurch in London. Item he hath founded two fellowships in the said college, and procured one charter of mortmain to the line 50 sum of one hundred pounds by year. Item he hath given to the same college of silver plate double guilt three hundred nine ounces, and three quarters, & surrendered to them a lease with the improovement of fourteen pounds and eight shillings yearly for seventeen years. Item one hundred pounds to the maintenance of a fire in the hall from Halomas to Candlemas; and by his last will and testament five hundred pounds. Item to divers scholars chambers within the said college diverse bedsteads, with line 60 sufficient bedding & books to remain for ever. Item he hath founded for ever five sermons to be preached in diverse places of Norfolk every year in Rogation week; 
Sermons perpetually founded at his charges in Norfolk: and what other particular gifts he bestowed to good purposes.  and forty shillings to be divided at Norwich to the poor and others. Item to the city of Norwich one basin and ewer of silver and double guilt of one hundred seventy and five ounces. Item to the town of Matsall in Norfolk for ever an annuity of fifty shillings to be divided to the poor with a sermon in Rogation week. Item to Gunuill and Caius college one scholarship, with a standing cup, and a pot of silver double guilt of five and fifty ounces and three quarters, and one nest of goblets with a cover silver and guilt; with a number of good books to their library. Item to Trinity hall one scholarship, a standing cup and a pot of silver and guilt of three and fifty ounces, a nest of goblet's silver and guilt with a cover; and books to their library. Item to the university library fifty old ancient written books, and fifty printed books. Of this prelate, to his further commendation the aforesaid doctor Haddon, in the second book of his poems maketh very honourable mention, comprising in six verses the ensigns of his ancestors, with those also which were accessary by the graciousness of the prince, who preferred him to his prelacy. In the same verses also is comprehended as it were an harmony or consent of most godly qualities answerable unto the ensigns that he bore; as thus: 
Sunt antiquorum claves monumenta parentum, 
De insignious eiusdem Matth●●.   
Venit ab augusto principe stella triplex.  
Sic benè conspirant virtus, doctrina, potestas,  
Et placidae pacis semina laeta serunt.  
Sed tamen ad finem decurrunt gaudia vitae,  
Ac homo pulvis erit, pulvis ut antè fuit.]   
The 21 of May being Whitsun éeuen, 
Anabaptists banished.  one man and ten women anabaptists Dutch, were in the consistory of Paul's condemned to be burned in Smithfield: but after great pains taken with them, only one woman was converted, the other were banished the land. On the first of june the nine women being led by the shiriffs' officers, and the man also tied to a cart & whipped, were all conveyed from Newgate to the waters side, where they were shipped away never to return again. 
Five person● of the family of love stood at Paul's cross.  The twelve of june stood at Paul's cross five persons Englishmen of the sect termed the family of love, who there confessed themselves utterly to detest as well the author of that sect H. N. as all his damnable errors and heresies.  
The two and twentieth of julie two Dutchmen anabaptists were burned in Smithfield, 
Anabaptists burned in Smithfield.  who died in great horror with roaring and crying. The thirtieth of julie in the afternoon was a great tempest of lightning and thunder, 
Thunder and hail, where●● ensued great hurt.  wherethrough both men and beasts in diverse places were stricken dead. Also at that time fell great abundance of hail, whereof the stones in many places were found to be six or seven inches about. The fourth of September being sunday about seven of the clock in the morning, 
The gla●●● hou●e burn●●●  a certain glass house, which sometime had been the crossed friars hall near to the tower of London burst out on a terrible fire: whereunto the lord mayor, aldermen and sheriffs with all expedition repaired, and practised there all means possible, by water buckets, hooks, and otherwise to have quenched it. All which notwithstanding, whereas the same house in a small time before had consumed great quantity of wood by making of fine drinking glasses; now itself having within it near forty thousand billets of wood was all consumed to the stone walls, which walls greatly defended the fire from spreading further, and doing any more harm.  
The six and twentieth of September, 
A woman brought a be● of four children at one burden.  a pulters' wife in the parish of Christ's church within Newgate of London was delivered & brought to bed of four children at one burden, all females or maiden children, which were christened by the names of Elisabeth, Marie, Margaret, and Dorothy: and the same day month the mother was buried, but all the four children living, and in good liking, were borne to church after her. ¶ On Michaelmas éeuen at night the like impressions of fire and smoke were seen in the air to flash out of the north-east, north and northwest, as had been on the five and twentieth of November last before passed.  
The tenth of October many French, and some Englishmen, but all pirates of the seas, were arraigned at the admeraltie court in Southworke, 
To the number of two and twenty pirates condemned and judged to die. No majors feast at the Guildhall, and 〈◊〉.  where to the number of two and twenty were condemned, and had sentence of death pronounced against them. The mayor of London went by water to Westminster, and there took his oath as hath been accustomed: he kept no feast at the Guildhall, but dined at his own house with his brethren the aldermen and others. The companies dined at their several halls, etc. This was done as in the year last before passed, to avoid the infection of the plague, which line 10 might have increased by coming together of greater numbers of people. 
The plague ●●●●aged in London.  That week, from the two and twentieth unto the eight and twentieth of October, deceased in the city and liberties of all diseases one hundred thirty and two, of the which number six and thirty were accounted to die of the plague. The next week following ending the third of November (thanks be given to God therefore) there deceased of all diseases but one hundred and ten, and of them of the plague but six and twenty. line 20  

〈◊〉 pag. 1185. God punished perjury.  ¶ The eleventh of February Anne Aueries, widow, forswearing herself for a little money that she should have paid for six pounds of tow at a shop in Woodstréet of London, fell immediately down speechless, casting up at her mouth in great abundance, & with horrible stink, the same matter which by nature's course should have been voided downwards, till she died. A terrible example of God's just judgement upon such as make no conscience of swearing against their brother. 
Archbishop 〈◊〉.  The fifteenth of February, line 30 Edmund Grindale sometime bishop of London, late archbishop of York, was in the chapterhouse of S. Paul's church at London elected archbishop of Canturburie. The fift of March in the night through a great flaw of wind then in the north-east, 
The boat ●●●wned.  a tilt boat with about the number of one and thirty persons, men and women, coming from Gravesend toward London, were all drowned; one boy excepted. The thirtieth of May Thomas Green goldsmith was drawn from Newgate of London to line 40 Tyburn, 
Green hanged.  and there hanged, headed, and quartered, for clipping of coin both gold and silver.  

Frobishers' first voyage for the discovery of Cataia.  The fifteenth of june Martin Frobisher being furnished of adventurors, with two small barks & one pinnace departed from Blackewall, upon his voyage for the discovery of a passage to Cataia by the northwest seas. Upon the first of julie he had sight (as he judged) of Fréesland, but durst not approach the same, by reason of the great ye that lay alongst the coast. Not far from thence he lost his pinnace and one of his barks, who mistrusting the danger line 50 of tempests returned home, with report that their general Martin Frobisher was cast away: which worthy captain notwithstanding continued his course northwest, 
A rumour that captain Frobisher was cast away. Queen Elisabeths' foreland.  beyond any man that hath heretofore discovered, and the twentieth of julie had sight of a high land, which he named Queen Elisabeths' foreland; and after that another foreland with a great passage, dividing (as it were) the two main lands asunder: this place he named Frobishers' line 60 straits. After he had passed sixty leagues further, he went ashore, found the same to be inhabited with savage people, caught one of them into his bark, and returning, arrived in England in the month of August following. One of his company brought from thence a piece of a black stone, much like to a seacole in colour, which being brought to certain goldfiners in London, to make a say thereof, found it to hold gold, and that very richly for the quantity.  

A woman burnt at Tunbridge for poisoning her husband.  The nineteenth of julie a woman was burnt at Tunbridge in Kent for poisoning of her husband: and two days before a man, named Oxleie, was hanged at Maidstone for being accessary to the same fact. The tenth of August a rare piece of work and almost incredible, 
Rare workmanship showed in the compass of a penny by the handwriting of an Englishman.  was brought to pass by an Englishman borne in the city of London named Peter Bales, who by his industry and practice of his pen, contrived and writ within the compass of a penny in Latin, the Lords prayer; the creed, the ten commandments, a prayer to God, a prayer for the queen, his posy, his name, the day of the month, the year of our Lord, and the reign of the queen. And on the seventeenth of August next following at Hampton court he presented the same to the queens majesty in the head of a ring of gold, covered with a crystal, and presented therewith an excellent spectacle by him devised for the easier reading thereof: wherewith her majesty read all that was written therein with great admiration, and commended the same to the lords of the council, and the ambassadors, and did wear the same many times upon her finger.]  
This year, by reason of the troubles in the low countries, 
Anno Reg. 18. 1576  the English merchants sustained great losses divers ways. For the men of war that kept the seas, 
English merchants sustain great loss by sea; and why?  advowing themselves to be retained with the prince of Orange, under colour to search for their adversaries goods, oftentimes boarded the English ships as they met with them on the seas, smallly to the profit of them to whom the same ships and goods appertained. Some they stayed and took away with them. And at length there was a general restraint made by the prince of Orange, that no English ships should pass to or fro the town of Antwerp by the river of Scheld, such being arrested and detained at Flishing as were coming down that river, and other likewise that were bound up the same time towards Antwerp.  
The English merchants, 
The English merchants complain to the queen of their wrongs.  feeling themselves thus molested and damnified at sundry seasons, exhibited their complainis to the queens majesties council, who accordingly dealt from time to time with the prince of Orange and his deputies for redress, but specially now upon this general restraint. And although great difficulty appeared in the matter, aswell for contenting of the adventurors of Flishing, as for that there had been four ships belonging to the prince arrested and stayed at Falmouth: 
These four ships were stayed for satisfaction of one Simons ship, out of the which a Flishingec had taken certain tuns of Canary wines.  at length yet such English ships as were kept and holden at Flishing were released and sent home; but not till two of the English merchants adventurors 
* Martin Caltrop & William Goddard.  men of good calling and estimation (having first as hath been said made a certain manner of protest) were feign to enter into bond for the loan of a sum of money, and were therewith kept at Flishing till the contract in that behalf might be performed. Whereupon the queens majesty, misliking that her subjects should be thus hardly dealt with, armed and set forth certain of her ships, which going to the seas to see that her subjects might traverse the same in safety, took diverse of the Flishingers vessels, and brought them into the English streams. The Flishingers herewith on the other part took and arrested other of the English ships, 
The troubles increase.  so that the troubles seemed rather to increase than to be in any wise appeased: although afterwards by sending to and fro, the matter was taken up, and such order had as was thought to stand very well for the surety, commodity, and good liking of the English merchants.  
But in the mean time, and before this could be brought to pass, through a disordered mutiny which chanced among the Spanish soldiers, it so fell out, that the states of those low countries agreed with the prince of Orange, and set themselves wholly against the Spaniards. Whereupon the young count de Egmont, the marquess de Haverie entered the town of Antwerp, with a power of soldiers for the States, and meant to have kept that town against the Spaniards that held the castle. 
This was the fourth of November, 5500 one with another slain, drowned and burned.  But they doubting to be enclosed & shut up by some siege, got more of their fellows to them, entered the town by force, & spitefullle killing no small number of people, sacked the town, and put aswell the townsmen as others that were merchants resident there to their ransoms. Amongst other our Englishmen escaped not altogether free, so as diverse were spoiled of that they had, and the whole number put to their ransom; although upon the sending over of doctor Wilson her majesties ambassador, so much of the ransom as line 10 remained unpaid was promised to be remitted.  
Thus were our merchants evil entreated on each hand, by reason of those civil tumults in the low countries, aswell this year as in the former years passed, and small hope would be of better success there, if some end should not be had of that civil dissension, which hath so long continued betwixt the king of Spain and his subjects in those countries, not only to the hindrance of themselves, but also of others that have to trade among them, specially for traffic line 20 sake and intercourse of merchandise. 
A conclusion of peace between the parties before divided.  But at length they have compounded their controversies, and are grown to a full agreement and perfect conclusion of peace, which God grant may take place so effectually, as may turn to the quietness and public commodity not only of those countries but of their neighbours, whereby merchants and passengers may in surety pass to and fro without disturbance, so as no occasion be given of breach of leagues and amities betwixt princes and countries, but that the same line 30 may be maintained to God's glory, and the surety of the christian commonwealth.  
In this year the right honourable Walter Devereux earl of Essex and Eu, earl marshal of Ireland, viscount Hereford and Bourcher, lord Ferrer of Chartlie, Bourcher & Louvain, knight of the most noble order of the garter, fell sick of a looseness of his body the one and twentieth of August being friday, and for the space of two and twenty days together he was so grievously tormented therewith, that line 40 finally on saturday the two & twentieth of September he departed out of this transitory life, 
Walter Devereux earl of Essex departeth this life.  passing from hence to the joys of heaven, as by his godly end all that were about him gave testimony. The loss of this noble man was greatly béemoned, aswell by the English as Irish, for the noble courage, virtuous qualities, and tender zeal to the advancement of th● commonwealth which appeared in him. ¶ So that it were a fowl fault in the highest degree, 
Abr. Fl. ex concione funebri, ut patet in contextu.  line 50 not to lay up some commemoration of so worthy and well deserving a gentleman, both of prince and people, in perpetual records: which I will do by God's grace none otherwise than I am lead by such matter, yea memorable matter, as I find in a funeral sermon, made by the reverend father in God Richard bishop of saint davis, at the burial of this right honourable earl of Essex, in the parish church of Caermerthin in Wales, where the said bishop taking for his text these words of S. john, in the 14 of line 60 the revelation, Audivi vocem de coelo, dicentem: Beati mortui, etc. I heard a voice from heaven, saying: Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord, etc. After he had discoursed upon the text as the spirit of God gave him utterance, he descended at last to a particular treatise tending wholly to the praise of this right noble man: saying in sort as followeth.  
Behold the heavy hand of God for our sins, upon all the whole country in the death of this noble man, 
The place of the earls birth: what loss all England hath of him.  which is not only a messenger of God's wrath towards this town and country (wherein he was borne) but also in very deed a great loss to the whole realm. And although this country, who shall miss so noble and so worthy a ruler and magistrate, that bore them so great affection, so ready to benefit all, and hurt none, and for the high calling he was of so able to pleasure and to do good: although I say this country by the death of this noble earl is most earnestly & effectually cited to appear before the Lord, and to fall to a reckoning: yet do I believe that the queen's majesty, her highness council, and all the nobility of the realm may hereby receive admonition, and cause of further circumspection and advigilancie. For such valiant and courageous noble men are the bulwarks and walls of defence of the whole realm. They say the realm is walled about, 
What noblemen are the walls of the realm.  because it is environed with the sea: but I hold rather with their judgements, that make the fidelity and true hearts of the subjects, and especially of such of the nobility that have made themselves (by God's especial grace) expert to govern and rule under her majesty, aswell in war as peace, the strong towers of defence both of her majesty and her highness realm. This noble earl was one of these number: 
The praise of the earl for sundry considerations.  for I believe there is no prince in the world, that had a more faithful noble subject, than her majesty had of him in his time. And for the notable valiantness, experience, and virtues that were in him, I am persuaded that her majesty (if he had lived) might have used his service to be a terror to all enemies, foreign or domestical. And now that I may speak somewhat of his great nobility, his excellent, virtuous, and worthy qualities: first I think I may say thus much in a generality, that it was easy for a man of any judgement, that should behold his countenance and behaviour, to find in him nobility, majesty and honour, planted by the especial gift of God, even from his mother's womb. 
Comparison of true nobility unto a river or flood, etc.  When I consider the nature of nobility with the causes efficient and final, it seemeth unto me that nobility may be compared unto a river or a flood, which in the original issueth out of four principal wells, and all the four rise out from the compass of one hill. The wells of nobility are prudence, fortitude, justice, and temperance: the hill whence they spring is the fear of God, or true religion.  
Although this worthy earl by progeny was of noble blood, whose ancestors were of great honour, which of itself, if a man degenerate not too far from his forefathers, deserveth honourable acceptation in this world: yet was he not therewith satisfied, as it may appear by his study and travel in his life time: for he seemed to be of that judgement that Alphonsus king of Arragon (of whom we read in stories) was of. 
●anor. lib. ●●. it reb●● ges●● Alpho●si.  When a certain man took in hand to set out the land and praise of his nobility, he stood much in recital that he was a king, a king's son, a king's nephew, a king's brother, and such like titles. The king interrupting his tale answered, that he never esteemed much of that kind of glory: and that it was the praise and commendation of his ancestors, who by virtue and worthy qualities had deserved such high callings and honour, and not of him: and that his praise stood not in that which might fall unto him by testament, but in the imitation and performing of the noble acts, prowess, and valiantness of his forefathers. This noble earl likewise, 
The disposition of the earl to enlarge and augment his nobility.  not answered to his expectation in that he was a noble man by blood and inheritance, gave himself wholly all the days of his life to purchase and win the nobility that springeth immediately from the very original founteins of the same, as partly I will put you in remembrance of. We will begin with prudence, which may be thus defined.  
Prudence is a power or faculty of the mind given of God, whereby man is made wise, 
Prudence a noble virtue wherewith this earl was endued.  provident and circumspect, and whereby man attaineth knowledge, cunning, and expertness in all matters that the children of men have to deal with in this world. This noble earl was of great wisdom, deep judgement, grave consideration, and so blessed with understanding, experience, and manifold virtues and gifts of God, that he was right worthy to serve her majesty in princely and weighty affairs, both in war and peace. He was of such prudent and excellent discretion, that he had a special grace to entertain all states of men, superior, equal, and inferior, with such comeliness and decency, that for civility, line 10 humanity, manners, and honourable behaviour, he was a pattern and an example for nobility to imitate and to follow. 
How he bestowed his youthful years.  In his youth he bestowed not the time in vanity, idleness, or voluptuousness; but in achieving and winning of such sciences, properties and virtues, which might beautify and increase his nobility, and prevailed therein so effectually, that be became excellent in all kinds of knowledge and qualities, meet, commendable, or necessary for a man of honour. Concerning divine matters, I have line 20 in my time conferred with his lordship, 
The bishop's report of him upon his own knowledge.  and therefore can say somewhat therein: and amongst others, one thing is notable, which in conference I received at his mouth. He affirmed this in effect, that there was nothing in the world that could blemish and abase the heroical nature of nobility so much, as to have the eyes of understanding so closed and shut up, that a man in honour should not be able to discern betwixt true religion, and the hypocritical false religion; betwixt the right worshipping of God, & idolatry; line 30 betwixt the traditions of men and Gods word: but remain subject to lies and superstition, and to call bad good, and good bad: and concluded that to be free from this servile state, was a necessary point of true nobility.  

The earl perfect in the scriptures and matters of religion.  He therefore in his time had diligently traveled in the scriptures, and so furnished himself with principles of christian religion, that he was able readily to discern sermons and disputations, and to find out who had verity on their side: and also probably line 40 to speak with authority of scripture in matters of controversy. His understanding by the especial work of the holy ghost was so illumined, that he clave & drew to true christian religion, as the adamant stone cleaveth and draweth to steel. His lordship therefore furthered and favoured all preachers of God's word, 
He was a favourer of preachers.  so that whosoever will judge of the success of Christ's religion by human reason, must confess that the gospel hath lost a mighty protector, and an earnest defender. But God in setting out of his line 50 word, useth to work beside the expectation of man, and beyond the reach of reason. 
His expertness in chronicles, histories, etc.  I have yet further to speak of his lordship, that I believe there be very few noble men in England, more ready and expert in chronicles, histories, genealogies, and pedegrées of noble men, and noble houses, not only within the realm, but also in foreign realms, than this noble earl was in his time. He excelled in describing and blazing of arms, and in all skill pertaining thereto: and to be short, his understanding and capacity was line 60 so lively and effectual, that it reached to all kind of matters that a perfect nobleman shall have to deal withal in this world.  

Fortitude a noble virtue wherewith 〈◊〉 earl was 〈◊〉.  Fortitude is another fountain from whence nobility floweth, of Cicero In Tusculanis quaestionibus thus defined: Est affectio animi qua gravia patiendo legibus obtemperatur: It is an affection of the mind whereby to satisfy the laws a man is content to suffer hardness; he meaneth man's laws, and not God's law. It seemeth therefore that it may be thus more evidently and fully defined: Fortitude is an affection of the mind, whereby a man is made hardy and courageous to suffer difficulties and dangers, avoiding on the one side rashness, & expelling on the other side fear, to perform that which Gods law and honesty prescribeth and commandeth. Although by this definition we find, that the effect of fortitude resteth much in banishing of fear of bodily hurts: yet doth it agree very well with the fear of God. jethro therefore counseling Moses to choose men to govern under him, saith; Prospice viros fortes, timentes Deum; 
Exod. 28, 21  Seek out men endued with fortitude, fearing God, etc. Whereby we perceive, that fortitude and the fear of God vary not, but are linked together. Deep was the flood of nobility that this valiant earl had fetched out of this fountain. 
The earls chivalry, martial knowledge and prowess advanced.  For in this together with the well of prudence, he found that excellent knowledge of chivalry, the cunning to lead an army, to guide and to rule soldiers, that experience of stratagems & warlike policies, that notable magnanimity and invincible courage, whereby he endured and overcame so many dangers and perils, for the which he is renowned in England and Ireland, and shall never be forgotten. He was by nature the son of Mars; and by practising feats of war and exercise aforehand he had made himself in manner a perfect warrior, afore that ever he came to the wars; and was for prowess, magnanimity, and high courage to be compared to the old Roman captains, that be so much in stories commended. 
Fortitude needful both in time of peace and war.  This fortitude is no less necessary for nobility in time of peace than in time of war. For it belongeth unto them to minister justice betwixt party and party, without respect of persons, which cannot be performed without the assistance of this virtue. I have good cause to think of this noble earl, that there was no subject in England, that could fear or corrupt him from executing of justice. He was to the proud and arrogant a lion, and to the meek and humble a lamb, neither is there any contrariety in this: for true nobility discerneth a due and convenient time and place to use both the one and the other.  
justice is the third well of nobility, 
justice a noble virtue, wherewith this earl was endued.  it is a constant and a perpetual will to give every man his own. This is a divine virtue, precious, and commendable in all men, and especially in the nobility, who by reason of authority may do injury without remedy for the same. We see by experience that great is the number of them that would oppress, if they had authority: we see also the injuries that are done daily by them that have colour of authority, be it never so simple. But examine the life of this earl who will, and I believe there is no man living that can justly complain of any injury or wrong done by him. 
The bishop reporteth of the earls justice upon his own knowledge.  I once in my time heard him not a little offended with one of his men that was complained upon; saying that his servant could do him no greater dishonour, than by pretence of his authority to do any poor man wrong. job in the time of his authority & wealth, was commended to be a just & a righteous man. And in the explication of part of that justice job hath these words, Fui oculus caeco, 
job. 29, 15.  vice pedum claudo, etc.: I was the eyes to the blind, and I was the feet to the lame, I was a father to the poor, and when I knew not the cause I sought it out diligently, I broke the chaws of the unrighteous man, and plucked the prey out of his teeth. 
The pattern of a good earl indeed.  Here we find that who soever will do justice, must not only do no wrong, but must also with all his might, succour and comfort the helpless and oppressed. In this part of justice there was never noble man more forward than this good earl. He was the comfortable refuge of all such as were in adversity, or oppressed by power.  
Of Titus Uespasianus emperor of Rome we read, that he answered one of his friends, admonishing him to hold his hands, and not to make his liberality and gentleness common to all men, saying; 
Suetonius.  that it becometh not a prince to let any man part from him with a heavy hart. This worthy earl was of like mind: 
The humanity, courtesy, affableness, and other virtues of this earl.  for he was so full of humanity and compassion, that he would be loath to let any distressed part from him without some comfort and ease. In so much that in him (if ever in any man) this adage, Homo homini Deus, A man a god to man, was as truly performed, as in tyrants the contrary adage, that is, Homo homini lupus, A man a wolf to man. We read in chronicles of emperors, kings, & noble men, which for their bountifulness, gentleness, affability, line 10 and goodness, deserved some honourable addition to their names; as amongst the emperors Antoninus pius, Anthony the virtuous; amongst the British kings, Elidorus pius, Elidure the godly; and amongst noble men, in the time of king Richard the second, sir Thomas Montacute the good earl of Salisbury; and in the time of king Henry the sixth, sir Thomas Beuchampe the good earl of Warwick. This noble earl for the very like qualities hath truly deserved to be called, the good earl, the virtuous earl, line 20 and the valiant earl of Essex.  

Temperance, a noble virtue wherewith this earl was endued.  Temperance is the fountain of nobility; it is a virtue whereby a man observeth a moderation, & a reasonable mean in the use of all things pertaining to body & mind: it is the mother of all other virtues, without which, the rest are blemished and disgraced. In the Dutch chronicles that tell of the lives of emperors, the first quality that is noted, is temperate, or not temperate, as an argument of the rest of his life and doings: for he is thought unworthy to rule line 30 others that can not rule himself. This noble earl had a special grace, and an excellent gift of God in observation of this virtue, whether you respect diet, or the suppression of all vicious affections. 
The bishop's report of the earl upon his own knowledge.  I have diverse times noted in him, when understanding was brought unto him of some Thrasonical contumelious word, spoken by some glorious inferior adversary against him, he would never be stirred to any perturbation of mind thereby, but with grave wisdom and magnanimity contemn it and smile, deriding line 40 the vanity and waywardness of that cankered stomach that vomited such sour rotten infection: for he did effectually consider that it became no better a noble hart to take in & receive wranglings, bralling, chafings, and anger, than it is convenient to daub a golden pillar with mire and clay. Solomon was of that mind, 
Eccles. 7.9.  and therefore saith; Be not thou hasty to be angry, for anger resteth in the bosom of fools. I have had occasion by that I noted in his lordship to call to remembrance this saying of line 50 Christ; 
Luke 6.45.  A good man out of the good treasure of his hart bringeth forth good things: & the evil man out of the evil treasure of his hart bringeth forth evil things. For though occasion were ministered, yet should you never hear him utter any opprobrious words, no not against his adversary, so pure & immaculate did he study to preserve the nobility of his mind. 
The earl could not away with swearing, chase, nor any disordered dealing, etc.  There be some that count themselves worthy honour & estimation, when they tear God in pieces with chafing and horrible oaths: which this noble earl detested and line 60 abhorred, as a matter not only undecent, but also repugnant to the nature of true nobility, attributing due reverence to the name of the Lord, & thereby proving the founteins of his nobility to spring out of the hill of the fear of God.  
But what was his religion, what faith God had blessed him withal, what godly disposition he was of, and how abundantly God had enriched him with his holy spirit; the confession of his faith, his speeches, nay rather his sermons in his sickness afore his death shall testify for ever. 
The disposition and devotion of this earl in the time of his sickness.  For I received by the relation of such as are worthy credit, and were present about him, although not all, yet many of his learned godly saiengs at that time. Concerning his salvation, he reposed his affiance and sure trust in the blood of jesus Christ. He forgave all the world, and by invincible faith apprehended, laid hold, and embraced remission of his sins, in the merits of the sacrifice of Christ's body offered upon the cross for the sins of the world. Trentals, masses, diriges, pardons, and such other papistical trifles he utterly contemned, as wicked and blasphemous against the death and passion of Christ. He fared like the children of Israel in the wilderness, which when they were stinged with serpents even to death: 
Numb. 21. ●.  yet when they looked up to the brazen serpent, they were made whole, safe, and sound. So this noble earl grieved with the remembrance of his former unthankful life (as he judged) immediately directed the eyes of his mind to the passion of Christ, 
The heavenly contemplation of this earl drawing to his end.  and forthwith felt such health of soul, that he was filled with joy in the holy Ghost, and all his delight was in meditation of the joy of the world to come, and the fruition of the presence of God for ever: insomuch that five or six days before he died, he showed himself more like an angel from heaven, than a man compassed with flesh and blood.  
My lord the archbishop of Dublin (as I was informed) could move him in no question or article pertaining to salvation, that he was not ready in, 
A wonderful gift of the holy Ghost and most worthy to be chronicled.  and learnedly, and godly resolved: yea, and made such answers in all things, that my lord of Dublin had them in great admiration, and affirmed that his speeches at that time should serve him for sermons as long as he lived. How truly he relinquished the vanities of this world, and how effectually he thirsted after the joys of the life to come, his godly admonitions ministered unto such as visited him, and his heavenly lessons & exhortations to his servants, shall testify for ever: 
How his servants were affected at his last speeches.  for they were such that his servants report they shall never forget, and such as they shall be the better for whilst they live. Thus have I briefly and partly declared unto you, both the life and death of this worthy magistrate, to the end we should consider how seriously God doth call us to a reckoning by the loss of such a good magistrate. Now a word or two to show who they be that die in the Lord, and then an end. 
Who they be that die in the Lord.  They principally are said to die in the Lord, which suffer death under the beast, for confession of Christ's religion, for they properly die in the Lord's cause. Such are the martyrs, as well of the primitive church under the cruel emperors, as the martyrs of all ages since under antichrist of Rome. They also die in the Lord, which though they die not by the cruelty of the beast, yet they die in the faith of jesus Christ, and are therefore blessed.  
Of this number was this godly earl, 
A speech conclusorie of the bishop directed to the earl● departed.  as I have before declared. Wherefore I will conclude and direct my speech for two or three words to this good earl. O noble earl of Essex, in thy time the pearl of nobility: the mirror of virtue and worthy qualities: the child of chivalry: the beautiful flower of England: the precious jewel and comfort of Wales: the trusty stay of Ireland. Thy life was most honourable: thy worthiness incomparable: thy death precious in the sight of God: for thou diedst in the Lord a right inheritor of the everlasting kingdom of heaven. Wherefore by authority of the heavenly oracle that saint john was commanded to write, 
The earl eternally blessed.  thou art to be pronounced blessed for ever. Our sins have shortened thy life, so that we could enjoy the same no longer. Thou hast notwithstanding bequeathed thy body to be buried amongst us here in Wales. Of very duty therefore O noble earl, thy tomb shall be with us in reverence, estimation, and honour; the fame and name of thy nobility, valiantness, virtue, and worthiness shall never be forgotten; but shall live and be kept with us in memory from generation to geration while the world standeth. Thus far the words of the bishop uttered in a sermon preached in the ears of no mean audience, either for reputation or number. Now then briefly considering wherein true and perfect nobleness consisteth, & that the heroical virtues with their natural use were most firmly fixed in his heart, and practised by his hand: there is great reason to move even his enemies (if it were possible for so good a gentleman to have any) to confess in him most absolute nobility; and that this epitaph alluding to his right honourable ensigns, is deservedly to be recorded; being an abstract of that notable line 10 epitaph entitled Epitapium genealogicum in obitum illustrissimi Gualteri comitis Essexiae, & Euiae, & comitis marischalli regni Hiberniae, vicecomitis Hereford & Bourghcher, domini Ferrers de Chartleie Bourgcher & Lovein, & praenobilis ordinis garterij militis, qui obijt Dublinij 21. Septemb. 1576. aetatis suae 36 sepulti apud Maridunum 26. novemb. etc.  
Si quisquam claret veterum splendore parentum,  
Aut famam meritus morum probitate perennem, line 20  
Profiteatur in hijs nomen Essexius heros:  
Qui praeclara virûm gestat monumenta tot unus,  
Quot rarò licuit multis gestaminaferre,  
Qui intrepidè ob patriam tot mill pericula passus,  
Quot rarò poterint ulla aulica corporaferre.  
Aureolus partus 
 matris, patriae decus ingens,  
Quo non exultat moderante Herefordia sola,  
Aut Trinobantum, titulo probitatis honorem  
Plebs referens: strenuum validúmue Britannia sola  
Sensit, in adversos Boreales, dum benegessit: line 30  
Tota sed heroem cognovit mart feroci  
Eugenia tellus Hibernica bella probantem.  
Regia cum proprijs expendens, bella per annos,  
Dura gerit binos, & multa pericula tentans,  
Vltoniae fines vultu dextràque quieti  
Perficit, hinc comitis donatur nomine belli▪  
Nec tamen is potuit gladio finire labores.  
Mors nemini parcens Dublinia funera fletu  
Trans mare transuexit, Maridunica sydera voluens,  
Clotho colum tenuit post septem lustra per annum, line 40  
Quinque die● Lachesis post haec sua fila trahebat,  
Térque dies septem septeno mense, videns heu  
Atropos, eximij fulgentia lumina clausit:  
Quatuor ast pueris illustria stamina spondent.  
In tribus regnis titulos gestabat honoris,  
Nam comitem Euensem cognovit Gallia fortem,  
Aureus heroem demonstrat circulus Essex,  
Ob bello vires comes est is martis Hibernus.  
Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem,  
(Armipotens Gualtere) dedit probitásque laborem, line 50  
Perpetuámque labor vitam, sic vita salutem.  
This epitaph with the said earls whole genealogy or pedigree comprised in heroical verse, and joined with the funeral sermon, was presented to the right honourable lord Robert now earl of Essex and Ewe, viscount of Hereford and Bourchier, lord Ferrer of Chartleie Bourchier & Louvain, at such time as he was the queens majesties ward; with an epistle of the presenter: which because it is a vein of godly devise, & tending to a very honourable purpose, line 60 deserveth here to be placed, answering the precedent heretofore set out in print, as followeth.  

The epistle of E. W. prefixed before the genealogical epitaph, and funeral sermon published at the interring of the right honourable the lord Walter earl of Essex, etc.  
MY lord, your absence lately from the funerals of my lord your father, was lamented by such in Wales as would gladly have beheld the lively image of him in you; and if the tenderness of your years (unmeet for so tedious and so unseasonable travel) had not by necessity disappointed their hope, 
The death of the earl much lamented.  than should the lamentable speech of the grave and reverend father, the bishop of saint Davies (expressed with abundance of dolour & tears) have left in you a deep impression of grief for the intolerable loss of so honourable a parent. But it may be judged that God hath turned your absence to your more benefit; sith the importunacy of such as love & honour you, and who covet to have your father's virtues descend with his inheritance, hath obtained the publishing of that learned sermon: wherein you may at good leisure view in the just report of his life & death the pattern & form of true nobility.  
The heroical description that the bishop maketh of nobility, comparing it unto a mountain, 
The heroical description of true nobility.  from which four famous rivers must issue (the mountain true religion, the rivers, prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance) is a rule to you: first to follow your father in truth of religion, then to be as he was, wise, just, valiant, and temperate. The natural and unforced courtesy & affability that was in your father, and that excellent mixture of disposition and aptness, both for war and peace, doth promise to the world a singular perfection in you hereafter. For as your grandfather (who died in his young years) did make show of much more honour than was in the noble viscount his father: 
A persuasorie reason to move the young earl now living to an excellent imitation of his ancestors.  and this our earl by famous actions did altogether eclipse the virtuous hope conceived of your grandfather: so considering that God in nature continueth as it were the race by outward show of good parts in you, and that you have more advantage of education, both by the place where you live, and by the honour and wisdom of your patrons than your grandfather or father had; we can not but hope of a further degree of excellency in you to overshine the goodness both of your father and grandfather.  
Some people there be that can hardly discern between honour & profit, that do overmuch think of the disadvantage offered you by the earl your father, in diminishing some part of his patrimony in his foreign services; and will wish you perhaps with a contrary course to deserve more of your heir, and worse of the world. But as I wish in you a liberal frugality under this rule and protestation, 
Notable counsel to the earl to deserve well of his sovereign and country.  that nothing can be profitable that is not honest: so to deserve well (as your father did) of your sovereign and country in matters appertaining to her majesties obedience, rather throw the helue after the hatchet, and leave your ruins to be repaired by your prince, than any thing to degenerate from honourable liberality. And as in attempting great things, it is good to be circumspect, and with judgement wisely to foresee the end before you begin: so having entered into any honourable attempt that may be justly grounded upon reason, follow the same with such invincible constancy in all extremities as your father did, for so shall you justly deserve like testimony as her majesty gave to him in her gracious letters: namely, 
The queens testimony of the earl.  that he was a rare jewel of her realm, and an ornament of her nobility.  
True religion and wisdom (upon whom justice dependeth) do proceed from God by grace, and therefore by invocation, prayer, and study to be obtained: but the other virtues, as fortitude, temperance, 
virtues naturally incident to the earl by course of descent.  courtesy, affability, liberality and constancy, be peculiar to your house, descending by nature, and graffed as it were in your principles. So that to degenerate into the loathsome contraries of these, & in steed of the habit of virtue, to disguise yourself with vice, shall be harder to you, and more impossible for the contrariety of your nature, than to attain in good things to the perfection of excellency. And to the end that you may know what you are by birth and blood, and that you should not by ignorance or lack of knowledge of yourself, do any thing unworthy the noble houses from whence you are descended: 
To what end ●he epitaph genealogical was added to the funeral sermon.  a well-willer of yours hath ●oined to this sermon (amongst other epitaphs containing your father's due praises) his stately descent in well digested Latin verses: not to puff you up with any swelling vanities, but to give you a reason how you bear your armour and badges of honour, and to remember you what line 10 error you enter into, if you should blemish the virtues of your noble ancestors, or to do any thing (as I said) unworthy your birth and calling.  
lastly my lord, have always before your eyes the fear of God, 
The old earls counsel at his death to the young earl now alive touching the shortness of life.  and the counsel of the earl your father at his death: namely, that you should ever be mindful of the moment of time, assigned both to your father and grandfather, the eldest having attained but to six and thirty years, to the end that upon consideration of the short course of life that you in line 20 nature are to look for, you might so employ your tender years in virtuous studies and exercises, as you might in the prime of your youth become a man well accomplished to serve her majesty and your country, as well in war as peace: whereunto he commanded you to bend all your endeavours, & with those conditions heaped his blessings upon you. I pray therefore that God will increase those conditional blessings, and the causes of them in you, to the end that her majesty may think of you hereafter as of a true servant and humble subject, one of the line 30 pillars of her estate, her majesties kinsman by many alliances, and the son of a most noble father.  
Your L. at commandment E. W.   
Thus much concerning the two earls, the father departed, and the son surviving, of whose proceeding in the steps of his father, there is no doubt but within few years the world shall have just cause (as there is present hope) to bear witness: whom in line 40 all his attempts we will leave to such fortunate success, as God the giver thereof shall vouchsafe to provide and afford.]  
The tenth of November a proclamation was 
A proclamation for the f●●e traffic of merchants as before, etc.  published for the free traffic of merchants to be restored as had been accustomed in times passed betwixt the kingdoms and countries of the queens majesty of England and the king of Portugal, which traffic had been discontinued by reason of certain stays and arrests made of diverse subjects on both parts, with their goods & ships. But now it was accorded in name of both their majesties, that all manner of both their subjects of what kingdom or country so ever they be, from the fifteenth of the said month, might use the like mutual traffic for merchandizes, and in the same places: that is to say, her majesties subjects in the kingdoms of Portugal & Algarbia, and in the Isles of Medera and Azore: and likewise the subjects of the king of Portugal in England and Ireland, as they were lawfully accustomed before the said arrests. This restitution of the said traffic to remain from the said fifteenth day of November in this year one thousand, five hundred, seventy and six, during the space of three years next ensuing. At the end of which term, if by the said princes in the mean time it be not otherwise provided for continuance of the said traffic to endure perpetually, no new arrests shall be made of any things brought into the kingdoms and Isles aforesaid, of either of the said princes during the time of the said three years. It was further agreed by the said princes for the more sure preservation of the amity and friendship betwixt them, their said realms and subjects, that neither of them shall receive any pirate or rover into any of the ports or créeks of either of their realms, dominions, and countries, which may or shall have committed any piracy or robbery upon either of their subjects, nor shall show any favour, give any aid or succour, or suffer any to be given directly or indirectly to the said rovers or pirates. Neither shall they during the time of the said amity, in either of their kingdoms, or any place of their dominions, favour, entertain, receive or retain, nor suffer to be favoured, entertained, received, or retained by any of their subjects, any rebels, traitors, or fugitives, subjects to either of them.  
Thus far have I continued this collection of the English histories, noting briefly in these later years, such things as I find in the abridgement of Richard Grafton, and in the summary of john Stow, increased somewhat (as may appear) in places with such helps as have come to my hand; humbly beseeching the reader to accept the same in good part, and to pardon me where I have not satisfied his expectation: sith herein I must confess, I have nothing contented myself, but yet at the request of others have done what I could & not what I would, for want of conference with such as might have furnished me with more large instructions, such as had been necessary for the purpose.   


THE CHRONICLES OF England, from the year of our Lord 1576, where raphael Holinshed left; supplied and continued to this present year 1586: by john Stow, and others.  
A Disciple of Socrates, by name Aristippus, a man surly of a very sharp judgement and pleasant wit, when he was demanded what profit he took by the study of wisdom, made this answer: Forsooth this profit, that with all sorts of men I can frankly and boldly speak. Which answer might well be of that man's making; because he bore a mind indifferently free, as well from hope as fear: for he served no man, nor yet flattered any person, nor otherwise behaved himself than his hart gave him. Of the same mind it were to be wished that all storie-writers were: for than should Chronicles approach next in truth to the sacred and inviolable scripture, and their use not only grow more common, but also of greater account. And right good reason why. For therein is contained the rich and precious treasure of time, the wisest counsellor under the cope of heaven. And that saw Thales the philosopher well enough, who being asked what of all was the eldest? answered, God: what of all the fairest? the world: what of all the greatest? place: what of all the swiftest? the mind: what of all the strongest? necessity: and what of all the wisest? time. Time in Greek is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereof the word Chronicles ariseth, termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, observations of time: so that if nothing in wisdom doth excel time, than who can but wax wise by reading and perusing the observations of time, which are merely & simply Chronicles? Chroniclers therefore deserve a reverence of duty, whom time hath called and culled out as it were by the hand, to use their ministery and service for the disposing and distributing of the riches of his wisdom to all ages, that successors may be taught by their predecessors, wit by their folly, fealty by their disloyalty, obedience by their rebellion, unity and peace by their dissension, plainness by their doubleness, sobriety by their untemperance, courtesy by their churlishness, pity by their uncharitableness; finally all goodness by their badness; for the which (as we may see by a sea of examples in this book) sith they were grievously punished, it is our gain by their smart to be admonished.  
For surely herein standeth a special use of chronicles, that whilst some offending against the laws of God, of nature, and of nations, do draw unto themselves deserved vengeance: others by love alured, or by fear enforced, seeing their rueful falls, and avoiding the means, may happily escape the pain. This fruit hitherto hath this history of chronicles afforded, no less hereafter by the continuation following is like to be performed; besides manifold matters of recreation, policy, adventures, chivalry, &c: abundantly ministered; and all under the golden reign of blessed queen Elisabeth, the sweet flower of amiable virginity: 
Cui vitam, studiúmque Deus, regníque coronam  
Perpetuet, beet, & tranquillo prosperet usu:  
Póstque hanc exactam vitam, studium atque coronam,  
Coelesti vita, study, diademate donet.  A. F.   

THE Continuation of the chronicles of England from the year of our Lord 1576, to this present year 1586, etc.  
THe tenth day of November, 
● Stow. An unnatural brother murdereth his natural brother, but the unnatural brother was hanged as he well d●serued.  in the city of worcester, a cruel & unnatural brother (as an other Cain) murdered line 10 his own natural & loving brother, first smiting his brains out of his head with an axe, and after cutting his throat to make him sure, and then buried him under the hearth of a chimney, thinking thereby (though wrongfully) quietly to have enjoyed his brother's goods long before in his possession: 
Anno Reg. 19  but line 20 not long after this secret murder coming to light, the murderer was rewarded according to his deserts, and to the terror of such unnatural murdering brethren. 
A tempest in Richmondshire.  The seventeenth of March, through a strange tempest which happened in the North, near to a town called Richmond, not only cottages, trees, barns and haiestakes, but also the most part of the church called Patrick Brumton was overthrown, with most strange sights in the air, both fearful and terrible. line 30  
year 1577 In the month of April, the decayed stone house called the tower upon London bridge was begun to be taken down, 
Tower on London bridge ●●ken down.  and the heads of traitors that were wont there on poles to be fixed, were removed thence, and set on the gate at the bridge foot toward Southworke. The seventeenth day of May, Richard Robinson goldsmith was drawn from the tower of London to Tyburn, 
Robinson hanged for clipping of gold.  and there hanged for clipping of gold. The one and thirtieth day of May, Martin Frobisher with one ship and two barks furnished line 40 for that purpose, 
Second voyage to Cataia.  sailed from Harwich in Essex towards Cataia by the northwest seas, and entered the streicts beyond queen Elizabeth's foreland, about thirty leagues, where he went on shore, and finding store of the black stone, which the goldfiners had said to hold gold, and therefore called the same gold o●e, he fraught his ship & bark, caught a man, a woman, and a child of that country, and then on the four and twentieth of August returning from thence, arrived at Milford haven in Wales on the twentieth of September next following.  

Strange sickness at Oxford.  The fourth, fift, and sixth day of julie, the assizes being holden at Oxford, there was arraigned and condemned one Rowland jenkes, for his seditious tongue, at which time there arose amidst the people such a damp that almost all were smouldered, very few escaping that were not taken at that instant: the jurors died presently, shortly after died sir Robert Bell lord chief baron, sir Robert de Olie, sir William Babington, master Wineman, master de Olie high sheriff, master Davers, master Harecombe, master Kirle, master Phetipace, master Gréenewood, master Foster, master Nash, sergeant Baram, master stephan's, etc. There died in the town of Oxford three hundred persons, and sickened there, but died in other places two hundred and odd, from the sixth of julie to the twelve of August, after which day died not one of that sickness, for one of them infected not an other, nor any one woman or child died thereof.  
¶ Of this sickness there passed a report in print, 
Ab. Fl. ex relatu W. B. impress. 1577.  published under the name of W. B. who (as he saith himself) was present with sir William Babington, and therefore was able, and did (as he thought good) set down the certainty of that heavy accident, for the satisfaction of such friends of his as desired to know the undoubted truth. And the same W. B. setting down the opinion, that diverse conceived of this venomous malady, saith that some supposed it to be of two sorts; howbeit (saith he) it is not so. For those that bled till they died, strove so much with their sickness, that the blood issued out at their vents: but yet had perfect memory, even to the yielding of their breath, as was very well perceived by sir William Babington, who never ceased to call upon God in his great agony, etc. This reported W. B. as a certain truth, to stop the flying rumours of those that (as he saith) have spoken untruely in this behalf, and published their own fantasies.]  
On sunday the fourth of August, 
Tempest in Suffolk.  between the hours of nine and ten of the clock in the forenone, whilst the minister was reading of the second lesson in the parish church of Bliborough a town in Suffolk, a strange and terrible tempest of lightning and thunder strake through the wall of the same church into the ground almost a yard deep, drove down all the people on that side above twenty persons, then renting the wall up to the revestre, clef● the door, and returning to the steeple, rend the timber, broke the chimes, & fled toward Bongie a town six miles off. The people that were stricken down were found groveling more than half an hour after, whereof one man more than forty years and a boy of fifteen years old were found stark dead: the other were scorched. The same or the like flash of lightning and cracks of thunder rend the parish church of Bongie, nine miles from Norwich, wrong in sunder the wires and wheels of the clocks, slew two men which sat in the belfreie, when the other were at the procession or suffrages, and scorched an other which hardly escaped. The tower on London bridge being taken down, 
The tower on London bridge new builded.  and a new foundation drawn, sir john Langleie lord maior of the city of London laid the first stone on the eight and twentieth line 10 day of August, in the presence of the sheriffs of London & the two bridgemasters, which new tower was finished in the month of September, Anno 1579.  
The thirtieth day of November, Cuthbert main was drawn, 

Anno Reg. 20. Cuthbert main executed.  
An example of sorcerers, and such as seem to work wonders to deceive men of their money.   hanged, and quartered at Lanceston in Cornwall for preferring Roman power. The seventeenth of januarie, one Simon Pembroke dwelling in saint George's parish in Southworke, being a figureflinger, and vehemently suspected to line 20 be a conjuror, by commandment of the ordinary judge for those parties, appeared in the parish church of saint saviours in Southworke, at a court holden there. Which Simon being busied in entertaining a proctor, and having money in his hand, leaned his head upon a pew wherein the proctor stood: which after he had done a certain space, the proctor began to lift up his head to see what he ailed, and found him departing out of life, and straightway the said Simon fell down, rattling a little in the throat, and never line 30 spoke word after. This was done even as the judge came into the church, who said it was the just judgement of God towards those that used sorcery, and a great example to admonish other to fear the justice of God. After, his clothes being opened, there were found about him five devilish books of conjuration, and most abominable practices, with a picture of tin of a man, having three dice in his hand with this poesy: Chance dice fortunately; & diverse papers of such like matters, as he had dealt in for men, such line 40 men I mean as are mentioned in Leviticus the twentieth chapter and sixth verse: If any soul turn himself after such as work with spirits, and after soothsayers, to go a whoring after them (saith the Lord) I will put my face against that soul, and will cut him off from among my people.  

Nelson and Sherewood executed.  The third day of February, john Nelson for denying the queens supremacy, and such other traitorous words against her majesty, was drawn from Newgate to Tyburn, and there hanged, line 50 bowelled, and quartered. And on the seventh of the same month of February, Thomas Sherewin was likewise drawn from the tower of London to Tyburn, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered for the like offence. The five and twentieth of February, john de Loy a Frenchman, 
Counterfetters of coin executed.  and five English gentlemen, was conveyed from the tower of London towards Norwich, there to be arraigned and executed for coining of money counterfeit. And on the ninth of March, 
Pirates hanged.  seven pirates were hanged at Wapping line 60 in the ouze beside London.  
The lady Margaret countess of Lennox deceased on the tenth of March, year 1578 at her house in the parish of Hackneie besides London, and was buried at Westminster on the third of April. The one and thirtieth and last of May, 
Frobishers' third voyage.  Martin Frobisher with fifteen sail of good ships, manned, vittelled, and otherwise well appointed, departed from Harwich in Essex on his third voyage towards Cataia. And on the one and thirtieth and last day of julie, after many attempts, and sundry times being put back by islands of ice in the streicts, he recovered his long wished port, and came to anchor in the islands, newly by her majesty named Meta incognita, where (as in the year before) they fraught their ships with the like stone or gold o'er out of the mines; and then on the last of August returning thence, arrived safely in England about the first of October.  
The two and twentieth of januarie being thursday, 
Anno Reg. 21. The receiving of Cassimere.  about seven of the clock at night, john Cassimere county palatine of Rhine, duke of Bavare, landing at the tower of London, was there by diverse noble men and others honourably received, and conveyed by cresset light and torch light to sir Thomas Gresham's house in Bishop's gate street, where he was received with sounding of trumpets, drums, fiefs, and other instruments of music, and there both lodged and feasted till sunday next, that he was by the nobility fetched and conveyed to the court at Westminster, where after he had talked with her majesty, he returned unto Summersets house at the strand, and was there lodged. In the week following he hunted at Hampton court. On sunday the first of February he beheld a valiant justing and running at the tilt at Westminster. On the next morrow in the same place he saw them fight at barriers with swords on horse back. On tuesday he dined with the lord mayor of London; on wednesday with the duchess of Suffolk, at her house called the Barbican in Red cross street; on thursday at the Stillyard, etc. On sunday the eight of February, the queen made him knight of the garter, by delivering to him the collar, & putting the garter on his leg at White hall. And on the fourteenth of February, he departed from London to Rochester homewards, with great rewards given to him by the queens majesty, the nobility, men of honour, the lord mayor of London, and other citizens of that city.  
The same month of February; to wit, on the fourth day, and in the night next following, year 1579 fell such abundance of snow, 
Deep snow.  that on the fift day in the morning, the same snow was found in London to lie two foot deep in the shallowest, and otherwise being driven by the wind, very boisterous in the north-east on banks one ell or a yard & a half deep. In the which drifts of snow, far deeper in the country, many cattle, and some men and women were overwhelmed and lost. It snowed till the eight day of that month, and frised till the tenth, and then followed a ●haw with continual rain a long time after, which caused such high waters, and great floods, that the marshes and low grounds being drowned for the time, 
Great land waters.  and the water of the Thames rose so high into Westminster hall, that after the fall thereof, some fishes were found to remain in the said hall.  
The seventeenth of February, an Irishman for murdering of a man in a garden of Stepenheth parish, 
A murderer hanged on Mile end green.  was hanged in chains on the common called Mile end green. This common was sometimes, yea in the memory of men yet living, a large mile long (from White chapel to Stepenheth church) and therefore called Mile end green, but now at this present, by greedy (and as seemeth to me unlawful) enclosures, and building of houses, notwithstanding her majesties proclamation to the contrary, it remaineth scarce half a mile in length. 
Lord keeper deceased.  The twentieth day of February deceased sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper of the great seal of England, who was honourably buried under a sumptuous monument or tomb (by him in his life time erected) in S. Paul's church of London, on the ninth day of March. This sir Nicholas Bacon in his life time gave for six scholars, to be found in Bennets college in Cambridge, to each of them three pounds six shillings and eight pence the year for ever.  
¶ The said sir Nicholas Bacon's tomb aforesaid, bearing certain representations of his wives and children in imagery work, 
Ab. Fl. collect ex epitaph 〈◊〉 praenobilis.  is adorned with a notable epitaph, wherein is pithily described the means whereby he grew to be noble, as also immortal. The same being contained in these verses following, and justifiable by the very epitaph, whereof this is a true transcription, & great pity but it should be perpetual.  
Hic Nicolaum ne Baconum conditum  

On the south side these verses.  Existima illum, tam diu Britannici  
Regni secundum columen; exitium malis, line 10  
Bonis asylum; caeca quem non extulit  
Ad hunc honorem sors; sed aequitas▪ fides,  
Doctrina, pietas, unica & prudentia.  
Non morte raptum crede, qui unica  

On the north side these.  Vita perennes emerit duas: agit  
Vitam secundam coelites inter animus,  
Fama implet orbem, vita quae illi tertia est:  
Hac positum in ara est corpus olim animi domus,  
Ara dicata sempiternae memoriae.]  

Great snow in the month of April.  This year in the month of April, to wit on the line 20 four and twentieth day, fell such a snow between the hours of four of the clock in the morning, & nine of the clock before noon of the same day, that in London the same snow was found to lie one foot deep. The 25 day of April, sir Thomas Bromleie knight was made lord chancellor of England. 
Sir Thomas Bromleie lord chancellor.   

The chancellor's of England, collected out of sundry ancient line 30 histories.  

The collection of Francis Thin.  THe creation of this sir Thomas Bromleie lord chancellor, hath occasioned me to treat of the chancellor's of England, a matter which I have been the willinger to set down, because I would minister cause to others (who have long wanted of their cunning in this matter) to impart to the world some of their great knowledge herein, to the benefit of their country. But since I doubt that they will line 40 not: accept this in good part till that come. And as I may, & perhaps do (in this) somewhat more largely (than in the judgement of others shall seem answerable to the most received opinion, touching the chancellor's) treat of the antiquity of them; so yet I have no mind to err, or to lead any other into error. Wherefore, if things be not in perfection upon this first rough hewing (as nothing is at the first so exquisite, as time doth not after amend it) yet disdain it not, sith this may give more light than line 50 before was known. And I determine God willing, either to amend, or to confess and avoid in the large description of their lives, whatsoever imperfections have now distilled out of my pen, either for mistaking or misplacing of name, person, or time; and so to the matter.  
It hath been some question amongst the best antiquaries of our age, that there were never any chancellor's in England, before the coming of Edward the confessor out of Normandy, whom they line 60 suppose to have brought the same officer with him from thence into this realm. But sith I am with many reasons and ancient authorities led to believe the contrary; I will embrace the contrary opinion thereunto, and hold in this discourse (as the order thereof shall prove) that there were chancellor's before saint Edward's time; for the confirmation whereof and for the authority of them; for the etymology and original of the name, and for the continuance of their office, thou shalt find an ample discourse in my book purposely written of the lives of the chancellor's, whereunto I wholly refer thee: who I hope shall within these few years be partaker thereof, and in the mean time give thee this taste of the age and names of the chancellor's, and vicechancellors, and such keepers of the great seal, as served in place of chancellor's. For every one that was keeper of the great seal, was not entitled chancellor, no more than every chancellor was entitled the keeper of the greatseale. But because the one did serve in the vacancy of the other (so that after a certain sort, the keeper of the great seal was vicechancellor, and possessed the place, though not the name of a chancellor; as in our age, sir Nicholas Bacon did: we therefore have set down the names of the one and the other, as they followed in succession of time, after this manner.  
Turketill chancellor to Ethelbald, 
Turketill.  who began his reign about the year of Christ 718, which Turketill gave six manors to the abbeie of Cro●land, as I have seen noted.  
Saint Swithin bishop of Winchester was chancellor, 
Saint Swithin.  and chief of council to the great monarch king Egbert, though some attribute him to Edgar, which Egbert began his reign about the year of Christ 802.  
Wlfinus, chancellor to king Athelstan, 
Wlfinus.  who began his reign in the year of our redemption nine hundred and four and twenty.  
Adulphus, chancellor to king Edgar, 
Adulphus.  who began his reign in the year that the world became flesh, nine hundred fifty and nine: of this man speaketh Hugo Petro Burgensis; and Leland calleth this Adulph Cancellarium & archigrammatum: chancellor or chief secretary.  
Alsius or Aelsius the second abbot of Elie, 
Hist. Eliens. lib. 2. written in the time of K. Stephan.  chancellor to king Etheldred, who began his reign in the year of Christ nine hundred seventy and eight, this man, being by Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, consecrated abbot at the appointment of the said king Ethelred or Egelred, and being then abbot of Elie, when Ethelred gave forth his commandment that the abbot of Elie should then, and for ever, be chancellor; I doubt not to place him here amongst the chancellor's: the proof of which matter I have here Verbatim set down, out of the second book of the history of Elie. Statuit (which was Ethelred) atque concessit quatenus ecclesiam de Eli, ex tunc & semper in regis curia cancellarij ageret dignitatem, quod etiam alijs sancti videlicet Augustini & Glesconiae ecclesijs constituit, ut abbates istorum coenobiorum vicissim adsignatis succedendo temporibus annum trifariè dividerent, cum sanctuarijs & caeteris ornamentis ministrando: etc.  
Leofricus Bathonicus chancellor to Edward the confessor, 
Leofricus.  in the year of Christ one thousand forty and five, and some years before: this man was bishop of Cridington in Cornwall, which see was after translated to Excester.  
Wlfinus, 
Wlfinus.  or Wul●inus chancellor to Edward the confessor, in the latter end of the said year of Christ one thousand forty and five, being the third year of his reign; this man cannot be he which some would have to be Wlfinus the abbot of Westminster. For that Wulfinus died one and forty years before this Wulfinus the chancellor; sith that Wulfinus was made abbot of Westminster, about the year nine hundred fifty and eight, and died in the year one thousand and four; being bishop of Shireburne. Yet I will not at this time judicially resolve, although I suppose it true, whether this Wlfinus the chancellor, and Wulfinus the bishop of Lichfield, witness to a deed, wherein Edward the confessor granted certain liberties to Leofwine, abbot of the abbeie of Coventrie, built by Leofrike earl of Mercia, be all one man or no. Again, there is an other man which was abbot of saint Albon called Wulfinus, which for affinity to the name of this man I thought only to touch in this place.  

Resenbaldus.  Resenbaldus, or Rembaldus, for I take them both by many and ancient authorities to be all one man, was chancellor to Edward the confessor, and seal bearer, witness amongst others, to many deeds which I have seen of the confessors; some dated in the year one thousand three score and six, and some otherwise. He was buried at Cirencester, or Cicester.  
Mauricius chancellor to William the Conqueror in the year of our Lord one thousand three score line 10 and seven, 
Mauricius.  being the first and part of the second year of William the Conqueror.  

Osmundus.  Osmundus, after bishop of Sarum, chancellor to William the Conqueror, in the year one thousand three score and seven, and after in the year one thousand three score and fifteen, about the ninth year of the king's reign.  

Arfastus.  Arfastus' bishop of Helmane, who translated his see from Helmane to Tetford, was chancellor to William the Conqueror, in the year of Christ one line 20 thousand three score and eight, being in the second and third year of the Conqueror, and also in the year one thousand seventy and seven, being about the tenth year of William Conqueror.  
Hirmanus that was first made bishop of Suring or Wilton, 
Hirmanus.  and translated his see from Wilton to Shirburne, & from thence to Sarum; he is that Hirmanus which I suppose was chancellor to William the Conqueror, and called Hirmannus, and that wrote the life and miracles of saint Edmund line 30 king of the Eastangles.  
William Uelson borne of a noble house, chaplain and chancellor to William the Conqueror (as hath Robertus Montensis) succeeded Arfastus in the bishopric of Tetford, 
William Uelson.  to whom by the gift of William Rufus succeeded in that see Herbertus Losinga abbot of Ramseie, which translated the bishops see to Norwich; of which Losinga were (as hath Matthew Westminster) these verses here set down compiled: 
Surgit in ecclesia monstrum genitore Losinga, line 40  
Simonidum secta, canonum virtute resecta,  
Petre nimis tardas, nam Simon ad ardua tentat,  
Sipraesens esses, non Simon ad alta volaret,  
Proh dolour! ecclesiae nummis venduntur & aere,  
Filius est praesul, pater abbess, Simon uterque.  
Quid non speremus, sinummos possideamus?  
Omnia nummus habet, quid vult facit, addit & aufert,  
Res nimis iniusta, nummus sit praesul & abbess.   

William Gifford.  William Gifford bishop of Winchester was chancellor in the time of the Conqueror, and of William line 50 Rufus, & of Henry, who made him bishop of Winchester in the year one thousand and one hundred, and was consecrated in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred and seven: though it seemeth that Robert Bluet came in place of this William Gifford, removed about the fourth of the same Rufus from his office of chancellorship, as I suppose will be well proved, but after placed again in that office. Of the death of this William is much contrariety, for Matthew Westminster placed it three several years, line 60 the eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth year of Henry the first, and again in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred forty and two, being the seventh year of king Stephan.  

Robert Bluet.  Robert Bluet, Bloet, or Bloscit made chancellor in the year of Christ one thousand and ninety, being the fourth year of William Rufus, he was made bishop of Lincoln in the year of our redemption one thousand ninety and two: but as it appeareth to me by some authority that I have seen, he did execute that office being bishop of Lincoln: he died at Woodstock in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred twenty and three, being about the three and twentieth year of the reign of Henry the first, whose epitaph Henry Huntingdon reciteth in this manner: 
Pontificûm Robertus honour, quem fama superite●  
Perpetuare dabit, nec obiturus obit:  
Hic humilis, dives (res mira) potens, pius vlt●r,  
Compatiens, mitis, quùm pateretur erat,  
Noluit esse suis dominus, studuit pater esse,  
Semper in adversis murus & arma suis:  
In decima jani mendacis somnia mundi  
Liquit, & evigilans vera per hennè vidit.   
Ranulphus in the time of William Rufus, which might be that man which was after chancellor in the time of Henry the first. 
Ranulphus   
Waldricus chancellor to Henry the first, 
Waldricus.  about the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred and three, being the third year of his reign.  
Herbertus' chancellor in the fourth year of Henry the first, 
Herbertus.  in the year of our salvation one thousand one hundred and four (as appeareth by an anonymall pamphlet in written hand) of whom I am not yet resolved whether this were Herbertus Losinga bishop of Norwich or no.  
Roger bishop of Salisbury, 
Roger.  whom Henry the first called a meet chaplain to serve soldiers, was chancellor to king Henry the first, in the year of our redemption one thousand one hundred and one, being the first year of king Henry the first, and in the year one thousand one hundred and seven, about the seventh year of the said Henry the first, being chosen bishop in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred and two, and consecrated in the year one thousand one hundred and seven.  
Galfridus Rufus bishop of Durham, 
Galfridus.  witness to a deed wherein Henry the first confirmed to the priory of Christ's church a piece of ground without Aldgate called Knighton gild, in the presence of Geffrie chancellor, Geffrie Clinton, and William Clinton: he was also chancellor in the two and twentieth year of Henry the first, and so until the three and thirtieth year of the reign of Henry the first, and then was made bishop of Durham, which Geffrie died about the year of our redemption one thousand one hundred forty and one.  
Ranulphus, 
Ranulphus.  called by Matthew Westminster Arnulphus, chancellor to Henry the first, and Richard the chaplain, keeper of the great seal, being at one time. This Ranulph was chancellor in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred and sixteen, being the sixteenth of king Henry the first, in which office I suppose that he continued, until the year of Christ one thousand one hundred twenty and three, being the three and twentieth of the said Henry, in which year this chancellor (for so is he then called) fell from his horse and broke his neck on a hill not far from Dunstable, where the king kept his Christmas.  
Reginald chancellor to king Henry the first, 
Reginald.  as Leland hath set him down, writing in this sort in his notes of Montacute abbeie: Reginaldus cancellarius, so named (béelike) of his office, he was a man of great fame about king Henry the first: he fell to religion, and was prior of Montacute, and enlarged it with great buildings and possessions, etc.  
Roger bishop of Salisbury again chancellor in the latter end of the reign of king Henry the first, 
Roger.  and in the beginning of king Stephan, in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred thirty and six, which Henry the first died in the year of our redemption one thousand one hundred thirty and five, being the five and thirtieth year of the reign of the said Henry. This Roger died in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred thirty and nine, being about the fourth year of king Stephan.  
Godfrey chancellor to Henry the first (as I gather 
Godfrey.  out of Matthew Parker in the life of William corbel or Corbris) the six and thirtieth archbishop of ●●●●●rburie, to which dignity this William was 〈◊〉 in the three and twentieth year of Henry 〈…〉, being the year of Christ 1123, of which God●●●●e the said Matthew further writeth in this sort, speaking of the said William the archbishop returned from Rome with the pall: Deinde Alexandrum Lincolniensem episcopum Cantuariae, Godefredum regni cancellarium Bathoniensem episcopum Londini conse●rauit. Concerning which Godfrey we will speak more hereafter in the lives of the chancellor's, only at this time setting down that this Godefredus was the line 10 queens chaplain, and could not be that Galfridus before named, which was bishop of Durham; for this Godefredus died six years before that Galfridus, for this bishop of Bath died in the year of our Lord 1135, being the last of king Henry Beauclerke, and the first of king Stephan; & that bishop of Durham died in the year of our Lord 1141, being about the sixth year of the said king Stephan; and this Godfrey was the second bishop of Bath and Wells line 20 after the uniting of those two cities to one bishopric by john de Towers, the first bishop of those two places in the year of our Lord 1092, being about the fift year of William Rufus.  

Alexander bishop of Lincoln.  Alexander bishop of Lincoln (as may be after a sort gathered out of Wilhelmus parvus lib. 1. cap. 6.) being cousin or nephew to Roger bishop of Salisbury was chancellor: the words of which W. parvus be these: Eidem (that was to king Stephan) quoque sublimato in regem, 
This was about the beginning of the fourth year of K. Stephan, being An. Do. 1138, but Mat. 〈◊〉 giveth it to An. Dom. 1139: who saith, Collo 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 fuit 〈◊〉 arm. 〈◊〉 etc. And Henry Huntingdon agreeth wholly with W. Par●●s.  se (that was Roger bishop of Salisbury) line 30 talem exhibuit, ut obsequiorum gratia praeclaram apud illum habere fiduciam videretur. Tantis ille beneficijs ingratus, & in ipsum episcopum (cuius opera nunquam episcopalia fuere) ultor divinitus ordinatus, eundem tanquam exigui hominem momenti primo carcerati custodia, postmodum etiam cibi inopia, & nepoti eius (qui cancellarius fuerat regis) intentato supplicio ita coarctavit, ut duo illa praeclara castella (which were the castles of Uise otherwise called de devices, and the castle of Shirburne) in quibus thesauri eius erant repositi resignaret. Thus much Wilhelmus line 40 Newburgensis, the truth whereof I leave to other to consider, sith the words of those authors may be diversly expounded, either that this Alexander was chancellor, or his son, or else the son of Roger bishop of Salisbury. But be it any or none of them, as the truth shall hereafter be made plain, yet because I have mentioned Alexander in this place, I think it not amiss to set down such verses as Henry Huntingdon hath recited of this Alexander, which are: 
Splendour Alexandri, non tam renitescit honore,  
Quàm per eum renitescit honour, flos námque virorum, line 50  
Dando tenere putans thesauros cogit honoris,  
Et gratis dare festinans ne danda rogentur,  
Quod non dum dederit non dum se credit habere  
Oh decus! oh morum directio! quo veniente,  
Certa fides, hilaris clementia, cauta potestas,  
Lene jugum, doctrina placens, correctio dulcis,  
Libertásque decens, venere pudórque facetus.  
Lincoliae gens magna prius, nec maxima semper,  
Talis & iste diu sit nobis tutor honoris.   

Robert.  Robert chancellor of England in the time of line 60 king Stephan, but I find not in what year, because the charter is without date, neither can I learn what he was, because I know not his surname.  

Philip.  Philip chancellor to king Stephan, about the fourth year of his reign, being about the year of our Lord 1139, witness to many deeds which king Stephan made to the monks of Elie, and to Nigellus the bishop of that see.  

Reinold.  Reinold abbot of Walden, whom I have seen in one anonymall brief written chronicle to be termed chancellor: but in what time he lived, or what other name he had I do not yet know, but by the course of the history much about this time.  
john chancellor of England in the time of king Henry the second, 
john.  but what he was or in what year of king Henry he lived I do not know, and therefore leave it to him that both can and aught to give life to these persons whom he imprisoneth in the east castle of London; not doubting but in time he will do his country good, and correct other men; though now he be so streict laced, as that he will not procure any furtherance of other men's travels.  
Thomas Becket made chancellor (as some writ) in the first year of the reign of king Henry the second, others say in the fourth year: 
Thomas Becket.  but the best authors agree that he gave over the seal in the year of Christ 1162, being the eight year of the victorious prince the said Henry the second against the will of the prince, he died in the year of our redemption 1170, as these verses do prove, being such as the curiosity of that superstitious age would permit: 
Pro Christo, sponsa Christi, sub tempore Christi,  

* Christ's church in Canturburie.  In templo Christi, verus amator obit,  
Anno mileno, centeno, septuageno,  
Anglorum primas corruit ense Thomas.  
Quis moritur? praesul: cur? pro grege: qualiter? ense:  
Quando? natali: quis locus? ara Dei.   
Ralph Warnevile archdeacon of Rone and treasurer of the church of York, 
Ralph Warnevile.  was made chancellor about the year that the word became flesh 1173, being about the eighteenth year of king Henry the second: of this man speaketh Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster.  
Walterus de Constantijs archdeacon of Oxford after bishop of Lincoln, 
Walterus de Constantijs.  in the year of our redemption 1182, from whence he was advanced in the year 1184, being the one and thirtieth year of king Henry the second unto the archbishopric of Rone, of this man is more spoken in my discourse of the protectors of England pag. 1069.  
Geffreie the bastard son to king Henry the second, 
Geffreie.  after that he had surrendered the bishopric of Lincoln, whereof he was never consecrat bishop, but kept the place and received the revenues, was made chancellor much about the six and twentieth year of king Henry the second, being the year of Christ 1180: yet be there some that say he resigned the bishopric in the seven and twentieth year of king Henry the second, in the year of Christ 1181. The difference whereof groweth (as I suppose) for that some account the beginning of the year of our Lord from the first of januarie, as all other nations of Europe do; some from the birth of Christ, as we in England did long time since the conquest; and some from the five and twentieth of March, on which it is supposed that the world began first to be created: which last account we in England (and the Scots as hath Lesleus) do keep, together with them of Genoa or Gene in Italy, contrary to the order of all other nations. The beginning of which manner of account amongst us I cannot as yet certainly learn: but I suppose it began much about the time of king Edward the third, for all the former historiographers begin the year from the birth of Christ.  
William Longchampe the proud bishop of Elie, 
William Longchamp.  legate of England for the bishop of Rome, chief justice of the south and west parts of England, and deputy of that part of the realm, when Richard the first went to the wars of the holy land, was made chancellor in the said first of king Richard, being the year of our redemption 1189: of the sumptuous feast of whose inthronization thus writeth Ferthulphus (or Ferculphus) by the way of comparison: 
Praevisis alijs, Eliensia festa videre,  
Est quasi praevisa nocte videre diem.  He died in the year of Christ 1197, going to Rome, in the abbeie of Pimie, being of the charterhouse order. About which time in the sixth year of Richard the first, there was a vicechancellor called Malus Catulus.  

Eustachius.  Eustachius dean of Salisbury, was chancellor of England, being elected bishop of Elie the third ●des of August, in the year that the word became flesh 1196, being the ninth year of king Richard the first, of whom thus writeth Matthew Parker, in the life of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, contrary to that which others affirm, writing that Eus●achius succeeded William Lonchampe in the office line 10 of chancellor, and in the bishopric of Elie. The words of Matthew Parker in the life of Hubert be these: Hubertus deposito magistratu civili, ecclesiae curae totus vacabat, consecrauítque postea Robertum de Salopesbi episcopum Banchorensem, & Eustachium qui in cancellarij munere ei successit Eliensem episcopum, Westmonasterij debita accepta ab utróque subiectionis professione.  

Hubert Walter or Walter Hubert.  Hubert Walter or Walter Hubert, for such a transmutation of the name is used by authors, being first bishop of Salisbury and then archbishop of line 20 Canturburie, was made chancellor shortly after the coronation of king john, which was in the year that the virgin brought forth Christ 1199, at what time a certain noble man said unto him in scorn, I have often seen of a chancellor made a bishop, but I never before saw an archbishop made a chancellor.  

Simon.  Simon or rather Hugh, of which is more hereafter, archdeacon of Welles in the first year of king john (after as I suppose that Hubert had left the office line 30 being so disgraced & abased as he thought) was witness to a deed, in which king john granted to the citizens of York a guildhall, hanse, and other liberties, as I have seen noted in the copy of the same charter, for which cause I have here set it down as an other man, although in truth I am fully resolved that this Simon and the Hugh following were all one person, leaving it yet for every man's judgement.  

Hugh de Welles.  Hugh de Welles archdeacon of Welles, witness line 40 to the deed in which king john, in the sixth year of his reign, confirmed to the monastery of Westminster, Gistslep or Islep in Oxfordshire, in which house Edward the confessor was borne, he was made bishop of Lincoln about the tenth year of king john's reign, in the year of our Lord 1209, and died in the year of our Lord 1235.  
Walter Bray chosen bishop of Chester, in the year of our Lord 1210, 
Walter Braie.  was bishop of Worcester and after bishop of York, a man of extreme age, line 50 was made chancellor in the seventh year of king john as one anonymall chronicle saith, to hold that office during his life. Others say that he was made chancellor in the year of Christ 1209, being the tenth year of king john after Hugh de Welles. But I suppose he surrendered that patent to hold it during his life, when he came to be bishop of York. Of this man is more spoken in my treatise of the protectors of England, pag. 1069.  

Richard de Marischo.  Richard de Marischo, whom Matthew Paris termeth Tholenarius, as it were tolegatherer or treasurer if line 60 you list, being archdeacon of Northumberland, was chancellor in the fourth year of king john, as appeareth by a deed that I have seen: and further he was made chancellor in the 15 year of king john, in which office he continued to the 17 year of the said king, and as some do write during king john's life, and died about the calends of May in the year of our redemption 1226, in the tenth year of the long reign of king Henry the third, as some have. But the book of Durham saith, that he was made bishop of that see by Gwado the legate, and consecrated by Walter Bray bishop of York, in the year of our redemption 1214, being about the sixteenth year of king john, and died suddenly at Peterborrow the first day of May, in the year of Christ 1226, being the tenth year of king Henry the third, after that he had been bishop of Durham nine years, of whom a monk of Durham made this epitaph in formal devise as you see following: 
Culmina qui cupi tis laudes pompásque siti tis  
Est sedata si tis sime pensare veli tis  
Qui populos regi tis memores super omnia si tis  
Quòd mors immi tis non parcit bonore poti tis  
Vobis praeposi tis similis fueram bene sci tis  
Quod sum vos e●i tis ad me currendo veni tis  And here sith I am entered into the surname of Marischus, I will set down what I found engraven on the wall of the door of the chapter house of the monastery of Bath (almost defaced with the wether) written in Greek Saxon characters. ✚ Hic jacet Alexander de Alueto, & Ernbuerga uxor eius, & Fulco de Alueto filius eorum: & Lucia de Mariscis silia eo●um, & jordanus de Mariscis filius eiusdem Luciae, & Wilhelmus de Mariscis filius eiusdem jordani. Which name of the Marshes, Marshes, or moors, if it like them to expound it, as I doubt not but many will quiddle thereupon, was as great a name in Ireland as it was in England.  
Ralph Nevil was confirmed (as it seemeth) chancellor by the whole consent of the nobility, 
Ralph Nevil bishop of Chichester.  in the year that the word became flesh 1226, being about the tenth year of king Henry the third, after which he was made bishop of Chichester in the eleventh year of king Henry the third, being the year of our redemption 1227, or as hath Matthew Westm. he was made bishop of Chichester in the year of Christ 1223, being before chancellor. After which the king in the two and twentieth year of his reign, offended with Nevil, took from him the great seal, & delivered it to Gefreie of the temple, as hath Matthew Paris, and to john de Lexinton: although that the said Nevil remained still chancellor, and received the profits thereof, to whom the king would after have regiven the seal in the year of Christ 1239, being the three and twentieth year of the said king Henry, but Nevil would not receive it. This man died in the year of Christ 1243, being the seven and twentieth year of king Henry the third, at his palace at London not far from the new temple.  
Geffreie the Templar & john de Lexinton were made keepers of the great seal. 
Geffreie the Templar.  But shortly after this Geffreie had the seal taken from him, because he grew in mislike of the nobility in continual provoking them to anger.  
Hugh Pateshall canon of Paul's is by Matthew Paris fol. 656, 
Hugh Pateshall canon of Paul's.  called chancellor in the three and twentieth year of king Henry the third, which I much doubt to be true. Of this man shall be more said in the treasurors of England.  
Simon the Norman keeper of the great seal in the three & twentieth year of king Henry the third, 
Simon the Norman.  being the year of our Lord 1229: he had the seal shortly after taken from him, and was banished the court, because he would not seal the patent, whereby Thomas earl of Flanders might take four pence for custom of every sack of wool that came out of England into Flanders. This Simon died in the year of Christ 1249, being the three and thirtieth of king Henry the third.  
Richard Grass or Grossus abbot of Euesham (the said Simon expelled) had the keeping of the great seal in the three and twentieth year of king Henry the third, he kept the seal three years, 
Richard Grass abbot of Euesham.  and being chosen bishop of Chester, he resigned the same in the year of Christ 1242, being the six & twentieth year of king Henry the third: he died (being wise & learned in the canon and civil law) in the same year in Gascoine, in a city called in Latin Riola or Regula, where he was buried.  

john de Lexinton.  john de Lexinton was again made keeper of the seal in the six and twentieth year of king Henry the third, being the year of our redemption 1242, to execute that office, Ralph Nevil being in life and still chancellor, but in the king's disgrace, shortly after which this Nevil died. This john Lexinton died 1257, being the 41 year of Henry the third.  

Ranulfe Briton.  Ranulfe Briton (as I read) is said to be chancellor line 10 and treasurer of the chamber, about the seven and twentieth year of Henry the third, being the year of our Lord 1242. I suppose that he only had the keeping of the great seal as the rest had before him, during the life of Ralph Nevil, and so I leave him to the judgement of others, sith Matthew Paris continually nameth him treasurer and once chancellor, who suddenly died after dinner beholding players at dise, in the year of Christ 1246, being the thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the third: of whom thus writeth the said Matthew Paris in his line 20 greater history fol. 954. Ranulphus Brito quondam domino familiarissimus regi & reginae (multis posthabitis nobilibus) & eiusdem cancellarius specialis, quum post mensalem refectionem aleatores certatim inspexisset colludentes, laetalis apoplexiae inexpectato vulnere corruit sugillatus.  
Sylvester de Euersden received the great seal the nine and twentieth year of Henry the third, 
Sylvester de Euersden.  being the year that the son of God became flesh one thousand two hundred forty and six: he was vicechancellor & consecrated bishop of Carleill (being a line 30 man most cunning in the custom of the chancery) in the year of Christ 1247, being the one and thirtieth year of Henry the third.  

john Mansell.  john Mansell treasurer of York, parson of Maidstone in Kent, and parson of Wigan, chancellor of Paul's, master or ruler of Beverleie, chief justice of England, one of the privy council to Henry the third, his chaplain, ambassador into Spain, and a worthy soldier, crossed to go to jerusalem, who at one feast had two kings, two queens, and I line 40 know not how many noble men, and whose spiritual livings were about four thousand marks of yearly revenues (as I have gathered) he was at the will and instance of the king made keeper of the great seal as vicechancellor (for Matthew Paris saith, Custodiam sigilli regij accepit cancellarij vices acturus & officium) about the one & thirtieth of king Henry the third, in the year that God took on him the form of a servant 1247, he built a house of regular canons at Romneie two miles from the sea. To this line 50 man king Henry the third, in the thirtieth year of his reign, did grant that his town of Wigan should be a burrow.  

john de Lexinton.  john de Lexinton, being after chief justice of the forest from the river of Trent southward, was again keeper of the great seal, until some part of the two and thirtieth year of Henry the third, in the year of Christ 1248.  

john Mansell.  john Mansell again keeper of the great seal, line 60 who at Woodstock in the two and thirtieth year of king Henry the third, did receive the great seal of the said john Lexinton, which he kept (as I suppose and that with some good proof) until the three & thirtieth year of the said king, being the year of our redemption 1248. Of which john Mansell thus writeth an old anonymall chronicle concerning the barons wars: Sed & johannes Mansell multarum in Anglia ecclesiarum rector seu potiùs incubator, reddituum quoque quorum non erat numerus possessor magnificus, ita quòd ditior eo clericus non videbatur in orb episcopali, puta dignitate minimè insignitus, metu baronum aufugit & latenter ultra mari de turri London, in qua rex Angliae & regina sua tunc temporis tenuerunt se. Quem quum Henricus filius regis Alemaniae fugientem insequeretur, & ipse capitur quum applicuisset Bononiae à magistro Gerando de Fenes procuratore ut putabatur reginae, etc.  
Radulphus de Diceto was chancellor (as I read & suppose) much about this time: 
Radulphus de Diceto.  but for certainty I refer the same to the large book of their lives, where he shall not fail to have his right time and place.  
William of Kilkennie, being a modest, wise, 
William of Kilkennie.  and faithful man, learned in the canon and civil laws, was made keeper of the great seal, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred and fifty, being the four & thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the third. He was elected to the bishopric of Elie, as saith the history of Elie, the eighteenth kalends of September, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred fifty & five, being about the nine and thirtieth year of Henry the third. But others say that he being then vicechancellor, was elected bishop of Elie in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred fifty and four, being the eight and thirtieth year of Henry the third, after that he had faithfully and to his great commendation used and borne the great seal, he was consecrated to that bishopric in the year of Christ 1255, and died in the year 1256 being about the one and fortieth year of king Henry the third, whose heart was buried at Elie.  
Henry de Wingham was made chancellor in the nine and thirtieth year of Henry the third, 
Henry de Wingham.  and continued in the one and fortieth and two and fortieth year of Henry the third, in which year (as some have) and in the 43 of Henry the third (as others have.) He was chosen bishop of Winchester, upon condition that he should give place to Athelmer half brother to king Henry the third, & son to Hugh Brune earl of March, and of Eleanor king Henry the thirds mother, being banished by the barons, if that he should again return into England, and then leave the bishopric of Winchester unto him, which he did upon the coming again of the said Athelmer into England, and for that cause was after chosen bishop of London, being chosen thereto in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred fifty and nine, being the three and thirtieth year of king Henry the third, and still chancellor, and is buried in Paul's on the south side of the quire (next to Eustachius bishop of London) in a monument of marble, with this inscription on the wall to tell who it was: Hîc jacet Henricus de Wingham quondam epicscopus huius ecclesiae, qui multa bona contulit ministris ecclesiae sancti Pauli.  
Walter Merton chancellor in the four and fortieth year of king Henry the third, being the year 1260. 
Walter Merton.   
Nicholas of Elie made chancellor by the barons, in the said year of our redemption one thousand two hundred and sixty, 
Nicholas of Elie.  and Walter Merton displaced. But king Henry the third, disdaining to have officers appointed him by his subjects, did in the month of October following, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred and sixty, or rather one thousand two hundred sixty and one, deprive the said Nicholas, and replaced the said Walter Merton.  
Walter Merton bishop of Rochester the second time made chancellor as before appeareth. 
Walter Merton the second time.   
john de chesil archdeacon of London and treasurer of England, was made keeper of the great seal, 
john de chesil.  in the year of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixty and four, being the eight and fortieth year of the reign of king Henry the third. This man was consecrated bishop of London in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred seventy & four, the third kalends of May, as hath Matthew Westminster: he died in the year that the word of the father became flesh one thousand two hundred seventy and nine, the fourth ideses of February, in the seventh year of the scourge of the Scots and Welshmen.  

Vi●a Thomae Cantelupi.  Thomas de Cantelupe, borne of the noble house of the lords Cantelupes (the son of William Cantelupe and Millesent, 〈◊〉 as saith Leland drew her original from the countess' of York) being archdeacon of Stafford, was doctor and after bishop of Hereford in the year one thousand two hundred seventy and six, and before that made chancellor, after the feast of saint Peter's chair, in the year of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixty & five, being the nine and fortieth year of the reign of king line 10 Henry the third. He died beyond the seas coming from the court of Rome, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred seventy and eight, being the sixth year of the reign of king Edward the first, or more truly (as others have) in the year one thousand two hundred eighty & three, being the eleventh year of king Edward the first, whose b●nes were brought to Hereford.  
Walter Gifford bishop of Bath and Welles, whom many do call William, 
Walter Gifford bishop of Bath.  did enjoy the state line 20 of the chancellor, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred sixty & six, being the fiftieth year of the reign of king Henry the third: he was translated from Bath to York, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred fifty and nine, being the nine and fortieth year of the same Henry the third, and died the seventh kalends of May in the twelve year of his bishopric, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred seventy & seven, being the sixth year of king Edward the first, or (as hath Nicholas Trivet) line 30 in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred seventy and nine, being the seventh year of king Edward the first.  
Geffreie Gifford was chancellor also in the one and fiftieth year of king Henry the third, 
Geffreie Gifford.  being the year of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixty and seven. This man was bishop of Worcester about the year of Christ one thousand two hundred ninety and nine, where he sat four and thirty years, four months, and four days, and died line 40 in the year one thousand three hundred and four, being about the two and thirtieth year of king Edward the first.  
john de chesil was the second time honoured with the place of the chancellor, 
john de chesil.  in the year that the word became flesh one thousand two hundred sixty and eight, being the three and fiftieth year in which king Henry the third of that name did hold the sceptre of England.  

Richard de Middleton.  Richard de Middleton, so surnamed of the place line 50 where he was borne, was advanced to the office of the chancellorship, in the said three and fiftieth year of king Henry the third, in the month of julie, in the year of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixty and eight, and was also (as appeareth by a charter which I have seen) witness to the same deed, in the four and fiftieth year of the said king Henry, who (as far as I can gather) died in August, in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred seventy and one, being the six and fiftieth year of the long government line 60 of king Henry the third. There was a writer of England that wrote many volumes of this name living at this time, whom I doubt not (for any thing that I can yet learn) to be the same man which was chancellor.  
john de Kirbie, after the death of Richard Middleton, 
john de Kirbie.  was made keeper of the great seal in the said six and fiftieth year of king Henry the third. Whether this were the same john Kirkbie, which after was bishop of Elie, and treasurer of England, I have not as yet to determine, although I rather hold the affirmative than the contrary.  

Walter Merton.  Walter Merton the third time made chancellor of England, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred seventy and three, being the first year of the reign of that famous prince king Edward the first of that name: he was bishop of Rochester, and built Merton college in Oxford, and died in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred seventy and eight, being the sixth year of the reign of king Edward the first.  
Robert Burnell the eleventh bishop of Bath and 
Robert Burnell.  Wells (after the uniting of those two sees in one by john de Toures in the year of Christ one thousand ninety and two) was made bishop of Bath in the year of our Lord (as saith Euersden) one thousand two hundred seventy & four, and chosen archbishop of Canturburie in the year one thousand two hundred seventy and eight, but rejected by the pope: he was chancellor in the second year of the said Edward the first, in which place it seemeth that he long continued: of whom thus writeth an anonymall chronicle; Dominus Edmundus comes Cornubiae fundavit nowm studium ordinis Cisterciensis apud Oxonias, & monachos de Thame primò ibidem introduxit, & dedit eye prima donatione manerium de Erdington, & fecit dedicare locum abbatiae tertij idus Decembris: per dominum Robertum Burnellepiscopum Bathon & Welles, cancellarium regis, & posuit fundamentum novae ecclesiae eodem die Northosneiae. This bishop was required with the son of Edward the first, and Gilbert de Clare earl of Gloucester, in the time of Edward the first, to be delivered for pledges for Lheweline prince of Wales for his safe return, if he came to the parliament, whereunto he was summoned by the said king Edward. In the time of this chancellor the court of chancery was kept at Bristol. This man died in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred ninety and three, being the one and twentieth year of the reign of king Edward the third.  
john de Langhton made chancellor of England in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred ninety and three, 
john de Langhton.  being the one and twentieth year of the scourger of the Scots, king Edward the first, in which office he remained until the thirtieth of the said king, 
Matthew Pa●ker.  being the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and two. He was made bishop of Chichester about the six and twentieth or rather the seven and twentieth year of king Edward the first, being the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred ninety and eight, or rather one thousand two hundred ninety and nine: and in the said year one thousand two hundred ninety and nine he was before chosen bishop of Elie, but rejected by the pope, who made him archdeacon of Canturburie: from which Langhton this Edward did take the great seal in the thirtieth year before said, and delivered it to john Drokensford.  
john Drokensford keeper of the wardrobe was made keeper of the great seal in the thirtieth year, 
john Drokensford.  as before, in which office he continued from about the fifteenth day of August until Michaelmas.  
William de Greinfield, dean of Chichester, 
William de Greinfield.  and canon of York, was advanced to the place of the chancellor, in the year that God became man one thousand three hundred and two, being about the thirtieth year of the said king Edward the first, which office was given unto him at saint Radigunds (as saith Anonymus M.S. He was after chosen bishop of York, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and three: who in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and eight buried the body of the said king Edward the first at Westminster, though that king died in the year of our Lord God one thousand three hundred and seven. This bishop died about the year of our salvation one thousand three hundred and fifteen (being about the sixth year of king Edward the second) at Cawood, after that he had been bishop nine years, eleven months, and two days, and was buried in saint Nicholas porch of York, receiving his consecration at Rome in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred and five (after that he had been there two years) of pope Clement. This Greinfield was a man very eloquent and pithy in counsel.  
William de Hamelton, dean of York, was created chancellor of England, 
William de Hamelton.  in the year that the virgin brought forth the son of God one thousand line 10 three hundred and five, being the three and thirtieth year of that noble prince king Edward the first. This William surrendered his borrowed life in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and seven, being about the five and thirtieth year of the said king, at the abbeie of Fontnesse in Yorkshire, being a man that well deserved of the commonwealth.  
Ralph de Baldock chosen bishop of London, in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred and three, 
Ralph Baldock.  was confirmed at Titneshall by Robert of line 20 Winchelseie bishop of Canturburie, and consecrated at Lions by Peter of Spain bishop of Alba, the third calends of February, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and five. He was made lord chancellor of England, after the death of the said William Hamelton in the said five & thirtieth year of king Edward the first, and received the great seal in the Rogation week following, being some four or five weeks after that he was advanced to that office at the excheker. Shortly after line 30 which died king Edward the first; for which cause the said Baldock sent the great seal to king Edward the second then at Carleill, by reason of his father's death. This Ralph Baldock died on saint james éeuen in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and thirteen, being the seventh year of the reign of king Edward the second.  
john Langhton bishop of Chichester again made lord chancellor of England, 
john Langhton.  in the year that the line 40 word of the father took on him the form of a servant one thousand three hundred and seven, being the first year of king Edward of Carnarvan, in which office it seemeth that he continued, until the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and ten, being the third year of the reign of the after deposed king Edward the second.  
William Melton, having two others joined with him, 
William Melton.  had the great seal delivered unto them for a certain time, to execute all such things as were to be done therewith during the king's pleasure. This line 50 man was a canon of York, provest of Beverleie, treasurer of England, and archbishop of York, as saith Anonymus M. S. He was consecrated bishop of York at Rome, where he tarried two years for the same: he was a man never wearied with travel. He first of all the bishops of York (after a long controversy between the dean and canons of York) visited the chapter by due order: he was wise, rich, severe in correction, gentle, familiar, and humble: he finished the west part of the church of saint line 60 peter's in York with three hundred pounds, he was archbishop of York two and twenty years, five or six months, and two days: he died at Cawood on saint George's éeuen, in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred and thirty, and was buried in the minster of York near to the font.  
Walter Reinolds bishop of Worcester, treasurer of England and archbishop of Canturburie, 
Walter Reinolds.  was made keeper of the great seal, and chancellor of England on the sixth of julie one thousand three hundred and ten, in the said year of our Lord God one thousand three hundred and ten, being the said third year of that king Edward, whom his son Edward the third deposed from his kingdom. Of this man & all other chancellor's, which were archbishops of Canturburie, shall be somewhat more said at another time, in the order and placing of the bishops of that see; which caution I have here set down, because I would once for all make repetition thereof in one place, and not severally in many places, under the several names of every chancellor that was invested with that metropolitan honour of Canturburie.  
john de sandal clerk, bishop of Winchester, 
john de sandal.  & treasurer, was at York made chancellor of England, in the year that the virgin Marie was delivered of the first begotten son one thousand three hundred and fourteen, being the eight year of king Edward the second, in which place he continued two years and more; some part thereof being after that he was bishop of Winchester (as I gather) and then delivered back the seal at Westminster, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and seventeen, being the eleventh year of the said king Edward the second. Of this man is more spoken in the treasurors of England.  
john Hotham bishop of Elie was created lord chancellor of England in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred and seventeen, 
john Hotham.  being the eleventh year of king Edward the second, in which office he continued until the year of our Lord God 1319, being the thirteenth year of the last before named king Edward. During whose government of the see of Elie, in the year one thousand three hundred forty and one, the steeple of the chair fell down, which made such terrible noise and shaking of the ground that it was supposed to have been an earthquake. He died of the palseie in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred thirty and six, being the tenth year of that king Edward the third that first wrote himself king of both realms, England and France.  
john Salmon bishop of Norwich was advanced to be chancellor, 
john Salmon bishop of Norwich.  in the year that God took on him the form of a servant, one thousand three hundred and nineteen, being the thirteenth year of that king Edward the second, against whom the nobles rebelled for the misdemeanour of Piers de Gavestone (the Gascoine) earl of Cornwall. In this year one thousand three hundred and nineteen (as saith one anonymall chronicler M.S.) was William Airemine keeper of the seal vicechancellor taken prisoner by the Scots. The words of the which author for the more certainty thereof we have here set down, in the year of Lord one thousand three hundred and nineteen. Episcopus Eborum, episcopus Eliae thesaurarius, abbess beatae Mariae Eborum, abbess de Selby, decanus Eborum dominus Willielmus Arymence vicecancellarius Angliae, ac dominus johannes 
* Or Pabeham.  Dabeham cum 8000 fermè hominum, tam equitum quàm peditum & civibus properanter 
* York.  civitatem egredientes, quoddam flumen 
* Twelve miles from York.  Small nuncupatum sparsis cuneis transeuntes, & indispositis seu potuis confusis ordinibus cum adversarijs congressisunt. Scoti siquidem in martegnari amplitudinem eorum exercitus cautè regentes, in nostros agminibus strictis audacter irruerunt, nostrorum denique in brevi laceratis cuneis atque dissipatis. Corruerunt ex nostris tam in ore gladij quàm aquarum scopulis suffocati, plusquam 4000, & capti sunt domini johannes de Pabeham miles & dominus Willielmus de Arymenee ut praefertur de cancellaria, etc. Which William Airemenée was also in the fifteenth of the said king Edward the second, one of the keepers of the great seal, as I have seen registered.  
Robert Baldock archdeacon of Middlesex, 
Robert Baldock.  a man evilly beloved, and whom the old English chronicle calleth a false péeld priest, was made chancellor of England in the seventeenth year of the reign of king Edward the second, at the castle of Pikering in Yorkshire, he was after made bishop of Norwich, 
Histor. episc. Norwich.  and did his fealty for restitution of his temporalties in the nineteenth year of the said king Edward the second at Woodstock in Oxfordshire, he was apprehended in the 20 year of Edward the second, being the year of our Lord 1326, or (as others have) one thousand three hundred & five and twenty, & first committed to the custody of Adam Tarleton or de Orleton bishop of Hereford, & after was put in the prison of the Newgate in London, in which line 10 twentieth year of the said Edward the second the great seal was again delivered to William Airemée, 
William Airemee keeper of the seal.  who I suppose was then also made bishop of Norwich, and this Baldock deposed from that see, of which Baldock thus writeth a Polychronicon of Durham: Robertus de Baldock cancellarius An. 1325 captus cum Hugonibus de despensers, quia clericus fuit & sacerdos in nova porta Londiniarum, poni fecit Edwardus princeps & Isabel matter eius, ubi pro nimia miseria mortuus fuit infra breve. line 20  
john Hotham bishop of Elie the second time was at Westminster made chancellor of England, 
john Hotham bishop of Elie.  in the year that the word became flesh 1326, being the first year of the reign of that king which first entitled himself king of England and France: but he continued not long in the same office, for he was removed in the second year of the said king, being the year of our redemption, one thousand three hundred twenty and eight. He was elected bishop in the year of Christ one thousand line 30 three hundred and sixteen, in which place he ruled twenty years, and died in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and six and thirty of the palseie at Summersham, being buried in the church of Elie under a goodly monument of stone, with the image of a bishop carved out of alabaster upon his tomb.  
Henry cliff master of the rolls had the charge and keeping of the great seal of England, 
Henry cliff master of the rolls.  in the said year of Christ 1328, being the second year line 40 of king Edward the third, and was the king's chancellor also.  
Henry de Burgh, Burghwash, or Burgess, nephew unto sir Bartholomew Bladismere baron of Léeds in Kent, 
Henry Burghwash bishop of Lincoln.  having been treasurer of England, enjoyed the honour of the chancellor in the second year of king Edward the third, being the year that the son of God took on him the form of a servant 1328, and was made chancellor at Northampton, which office he did not long enjoy. Here because I line 50 have a little mentioned sir Bartholomew Bladesmere, I will say somewhat more of him, which is, that being orator for the king in divers weighty affairs, he spent in those businesses, 15000 pounds of the king's money, and yet produced little or nothing to effect in the king's causes, except the procuring of this Henry Burghwash to the bishopric of Lincoln, who was buried in the east end towards the north of the church of Lincoln, at whose feet was also buried Robert his brother a knight of great line 60 fame in the wars, in which church is also buried Bartholomew son to the said Robert. They founded a grammar school, and five priests, & five poor scholars in Lincoln.  

john Stratford.  john Stratford bishop of Winchester, and after of Canturburie, and sometime treasurer of England, was made chancellor of the realm, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred and thirty, being the fourth year of the said king Edward the third, who being sent in the sixth year of Edward the third, in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred two and thirty, ambassador beyond the seas about the affairs of the king & kingdom, did not (like cardinal Woolseie the chancellor in the days of K. Henry the eight) presumptuously carry the great seal with him beyond the seas, but left the same in his absence with others, who both could and would answer the well or evil using thereof whilst he was in France. This man continued in the office until the eight year of Edward the third.  
Richard de Bury, 
Richard de Bury or Richard de Angeruile.  otherwise called Richard de Angeruile (being borne in a little village b●side saint Edmundsburie, commonly called the Berrie abbeie, was so surnamed Bury of that place) had to his father sir Richard Angeruile knight. This man being first kept at school by his uncle sir john Wilobie priest, was afterward treasurer of England, chancellor and bishop of Durham: to which place of chancellorship he was advanced in the year that the second person in trinity was brought into the world 1334, being the eight year of that king of England which first quartered the arms of England and France. Which office he received by the king's gift at Westminster, in which year he was enthronized (being first consecrated bishop in the year of Christ 1333) in the bishopric of Durham by William Cowton prior of Durham: he kept the see 11 years two months and 12 days, & died in the year 1345, & was buried in the south angle of the church of Durham.  
john Stratford the second time lord chancellor, 
john Stratford archbishop of Canturburie.  being now archbishop of Canturburie, was installed therein at York in the year of Christ 1335, being the ninth year of the reign of king Edward the third.  
Robert de Stratford or Strafford (as some have written, 
Robert de Stratford.  but as I think corruptly) being archdeacon of Canturburie (which office was first ordained by Anselme archbishop of the said city of Canturburie) was made chancellor of England on the four and twentieth day of March (being the éeve of the annunciation of the virgin Marie) at Westminster, in the year that the word of the father took on him the form of a servant 1336, being the eleventh year of the government of king Edward the third. He was after made bishop of Chichester, desiring to be removed from that office of chancellorship, which was granted unto him: whereupon he surrendered up the seal to the said king Edward the third in the twelve year of his reign, being the year of our redemption 1338.  
Richard de Bintwoorth chosen bishop of London, 
Richard de Bintwoorth bishop of London.  and confirmed by john Stratford archbishop of Canturburie at Oteford in the tenth kalends of june 1338, was at Waltham advanced to the honour of lord chancellor in the month of julie, in the said year of Christ 1338, being the twelve year of that king which first ordained the knights of the order of the garter.  
john Stratford the third time lord chancellor of England, 
john Stratford archbishop of Canturburie.  in which office he did not now long continue.  
Robert bishop of Chichester, being the foresaid Robert Stratford, 
Robert bishop of Chichester.  was again made lord chancellor of England, in the year of our redemption 1340, being the fourteenth year of the reign of king Edward the third, who was put out of that office, and should with the treasurer of England have been sent into France for a pledge for the payment of certain sums of money.  
Robert de Bourchier, 
Robert de Bourchier.  borne of the honourable house of the lord Bourchiers, was in the tower of London made lord chancellor of England in December, in the said fouretéenth year of king Edward the third, being the year of our Lord 1340, though some say he was made chancellor in the fifteenth year of the said king.  
Robert Perning, Pernicke, or Pernwicke, 
Robert Perning justice at the law.  also treasurer of England, was made chancellor of England in the year that the virgin brought forth the the Messiah 1341, being the fifteenth year of king Edward the third. He died in the year 1343, being the seventeenth year of the foresaid king Edward the third. This man was a sergeant in the third year of Edward the third, when he began to plead as a sergeant, in which he continued until about the eleventh year of Edward the third, and was after that justice, treasurer, and chancellor, and did in the common place, being chancellor, sit and argue amongst the justices, as appeareth in the law books of those line 10 years of Edward the third, of whom is last mention made in the seventeenth year of Edward the third, where he is named chancellor.  

Robert de Saddington.  Robert de Saddington knight, was invested with the dignity of lord chancellor after the death of Perning in the year of Christ 1343, and the seventeenth year of the often mentioned king Edward the third. There was also one sir Richard Saddington knight treasurer of England, of whom I have spoken in my discourse of the lord treasurors. line 20  

john Offord or Ufford.  john Offord or Ufford, dean of Lincoln, was made chancellor of England, in the year of our redemption 1345, being the nineteenth year of king Edward the third. He was elected to be bishop of Canturburie, and so was installed, but never received the pall. He died in the month of May, in the year of Christ 1349, being the three and twentieth year of the reign of that victorious king Edward, which never received greater honour than that he was father unto Edward surnamed the Black line 30 prince the flower of chivalry, and worthy conqueror of the French dominions.  

john Thorsbie.  john Thorsbie bishop of Worcester, archbishop of York and cardinal, was installed in the seat of the lord chancellor, in the year that God became man, one thousand three hundred forty and nine, being the three and twentieth year of that king Edward the third, so often before recited, who at his great suit was discharged of the office of chancellor, by delivery of the great seal in November, in the line 40 thirtieth year of the said king, being the year of Christ one thousand three hundred fifty and six, after that he had kept that place by the space almost of seven years. He in the tenth year of his bishopric in the third calends of August, began the frame of the queen of S. Peter's church in York, & laid the first stone thereof, to which he gave a hundred pounds. He died at Thorpe, and was buried at York in the year of Christ 1363, or as other have 1373, after that he had been archbishop one and twenty years, and line 50 one and twenty days.  

William de Edington.  William de Edington, bishop of Winchester, lord treasurer of England, was made chancellor of this realm in November in the said year of Christ 1356, and the thirtieth year of the reign of that king Edward, which at savoy in England kept king john of France his prisoner. See more of him in the treasurors of England.  

Simon Langham.  Simon Langham, abbot of Westminster, bishop line 60 of Elie, archbishop of Canturburie, and lord treasurer of England, was made lord chancellor in February, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred sixty and three, being the seven and thirtieth year of the government of king Edward the third, and was chancellor in the fortieth year of the reign of that king: being the year of Christ one thousand three hundred sixty and three. Of this Simon were these verses made, when he was removed from Elie to the bishopric of Canturburie: 
Exultent coeli quia Simon transit ab Eli,  
Cuius in adventum flent in Kent millia centum.  Of whom also, because he richly endowed the abbeie of Westminster with great gifts, of singular cost & value, a certain monk compiled these verses: 
Res es de Langham tua Simon sunt data quondam,  
Octingentena librarum millia dena.  Of this man is more spoken in the former discourse or treatise of the lord treasurors of England.  
William de Wikeham, 
William de Wikeham.  so called of the place of his birth, was by surname from his parents called Perot, and Long, whom Lel●nd maketh treasurer of England, which by any possible means cannot be so for any thing that I can yet learn. This man being bishop of Winchester, and advanced to that place in the year of Christ one thous●nd three hundred sixty and seven, in the one and fortieth year of the reign of Edward the third, in which place he sat seven and thirty years, was sometime keeper of the privy seal, and made also chancellor of England, in the year that the virgin brought forth the first begotten son one thousand three hundred sixty and seven, being the one and fortieth year of the government of the foresaid Edward the third, in which office he remained about four years; and (in March in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred seventy and one, being the five and fortieth of king Edward the third) did deliver up the great seal to the king at Westminster. He was buried in the body of Winchester church, which he new built with the other places about it: of whom were these verses composed for the building of his colleges, the one at Oxenford and the other at Winchester: 
Hunc docet esse pium fundatio collegiorum  
Oxoniae primum stat Wintoniaeque secundum.   
Robert Thorpe knight, 
Robert Thorpe.  being before justice of the law in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and seventy, was after at Westminster advanced to the chancellorship, in March, the five & fortieth year of king Edward the third, being the year of our redemption (as is before said) one thousand three hundred seventy and one, who going home to his own house, left the great seal with four of the guardians or masters of the chancery, whereof the one was called Walter power, to keep and use as need required.  
Sir john Knivet or Knivell (as some books have by the transcriber corrupted) was made chancellor of England in julie, 
Sir john Knivet.  in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred seventy and two, being the six and fortieth year of king Edward the third, in which office he continued (as I for this time do gather) until the fiftieth year of the said king Edward, in which year (as here at hand appeareth) came in place of the bishop of S. David's.  
Adam de Houghton, 
Adam de Houghton.  bishop of Menevia or of Saint David's in Wales, was advanced to the office of lord chancellor in the year of our redemption 1376, being the fiftieth year of king Edward the third, who in the one and fiftieth year of the said king, was with the earl of Salisbury, and the bishop of Hereford, sent ambassador beyond the seas. ¶ And here I think it not amiss to set down the original of the rolls in chancery lane in this sort.  
Henry the third did build a house for the jews converted to the faith of Christ, which house is at this day (& hath been long before this time) appointed for the keeping of the king's rolls and records, being now called and known by the name of the rolls in chancery lane besides Lincoln's inn. In which house the master of the rolls (for the time being) hath a goodly and stately lodging. In which also there is a fair chapel, called the chapel of the rolls, being a place commonly appointed wherein men accustom to pay money upon contracts. Wherein also is buried john Young, sometime master of the rolls and doctor of both laws, on the left side in his doctor's weed: and master Allington under a stately tomb of white marble, jet, and other rich stone, on the right side of the said chapel, the epitaphs of both which persons are hereafter recited: besides which in this chapel are the ancient records of all inrolments, confirmations of the prince, & of other suits in the chancery kept in chests and presses, built on each side about the middle part of the chapel, beneath the chair or place of service. At the west end whereof (on certain appointed days therefore) the master of the rolls doth in the afternoons sit in a place form and railed in, after the manner of the line 10 courts of Westminster, to hear and determine matters depending in the chancery: which master of the rolls now living is sir Gilbert Gerrard knight, sometime general attorney to the noble princess queen Elisabeth. And here before I leave this chapel, I think it not amiss to set down the epitaphs of the two persons before named there buried, with these words.  

The epitaph of master doctor Young master of the rolls.  
Io. young LL. doctoris sacror. scrinior. ac huius domus custodi decano olim EBOR. vita defuncto xxv Aprilis sui fideles executores hoc posuerunt M.D.XVI  Dominus firmamentum meum. 
Beside which in an old table hanging by are written in text hand these verses hereafter following: line 30 
Hîc jacet ille johannes young cog nomine dignus,  
Tali quod nunquam marcesceret utpote charus:  
Omnibus apprimè summo testante dolore,  
Quem neque celabant neque dissimulare valebant,  
Dum sternit iuuenem mors immatura labentem,  
Quis non defleret juvenis miserabile fatum,  
Ex quo multorum pendebat vita salúsque:  
Horum inquam inprimis, quos ille benignus alebat  
Impensis donec vitales carperet auras.  
Nec satu illi erat hoc privatis consuluisse line 40  
Rebus, quinetiam prudenter publica gessit  
Munia sive forensia sive etiam extera summa  
Cum laud, illa quidem dum sacris praefuit olim  
Scrinijs, haec verò legati functus honore.    

The epitaph of master Alington is in this sort.  
Hospes qui fueram quondam si quaeris amice,  
Nomen Alingtonus stirps generosa fuit: line 50  
Haec monumenta mihi coniuxfidissima struxit,  
Quaeque mihi struxit destinat illa sibi.  
Charáque coniugij tres natae pignora nostri,  
Sunt, vultus quarum marmora sculpta tenent,  
Cum matre has omnes precor ut post funera sum  
Coelica perducas in tua regna Deus.  
Richardus Alington armiger qui hîc sepultus est obijt 23 die Novembris 1561.  
Now (as you have heard before that this house of the rolls was first a house of converts) it shall not be line 60 amiss also for the more proof thereof, to set down the grants of the princes and kings which converted the same to those uses.   

The grant of Henry the third, for erecting of the house of converts.  
REx archiepiscopis, etc. Sciatis nos intuitu Dei, & pro salute animae nostrae, & animarum antecessorum & haeredum meorum concessisse, & hac charta nostra confirmasse pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, domum quam fundari fecimus in vico, qui vocatur New-street, inter vetus templum & nowm London, ad sustentationem fratrum conversorum & convertendorum de judaismo ad fidem catholicam, in auxilium sustentationis eorundem fratrum in eadem domo conversantium, domos & terras quae fuêre johannis Herbeton in London, & sunt in manu nostra tanquam eschaeta nostra, excepto gardino, quod fuit eiusdem johannis in vico praedicto de Newstreet, & quod priùs per chartam nostram concessimus venerabili patri 
* Ralph Nevil▪  Radulpho Cicestrensi episcopo cancellario nostro, & omnes alias eschaetas, quae tempore nostro per feloniam, vel quacunque ex causa nobis accident in civitate nostra, vel in suburbio infra libertatem civitatis nostrae London. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quòd praedicta domus habeat & teneat liberè & quietè, bene & in pace, ad sustentationem fratrum conversorum & convertendorum de judaismo ad fidem catholicam, in auxilium sustentationis eorundem fratrum in eadem domo conversantium, domos & terras quae fuerunt johannis Herbeton in London, & sunt in manu nostra tanquam eschaeta nostra excepto gardino quod fuit eiusdem johannis in vico praedicto de Newstreet, & quod priùs per chartam nostram concessimus venerabili patri R. Cicestrensi episcopo cancellario nostro, & omnes alias eschaetas, quae tempore nostro per feloniam vel quacunque ex causa nobis accident in civitate nostra, velin suburbio infrà libertatem civitatis nostrae London, sicut praedictum est. Hijs testibus venerabilibus patribus, W. Kaerl. & W. Exon. episcopis, H. de Burgo comite Kantiae Radulpho filio Nicholai, Godfrido de Crancumbe, johann filio Philip. Amaurico de sancto Aumundo, Will. de Picheford, Galfrido de Cauz, & alijs. Dat. per manum Ve. P. R. Cicestren. episcop. cancellar. nostri apud Westmin. 19 die Aprilis.   

The grant of Edward the third, whereby the said house was in the one and fiftieth and last year of the said Edward converted to the custody of the rolls and records of the chancery.  
REx omnib. ad quos, &c: salutem. Sciatis quòd nos, considerantes qualiter domus conversorum in suburbio civitatis nostrae London, de patronatu nostro existens, & capella, edificia, & clausur. eiusdem, tempore quo dilectus noster Will. Burstall custodiam eiusdem domus ex collatione nostra primò habuit, per negligentiam & incuriam aliorum qui ante dictum Will. custodiam domus illius habuerunt & ibidem, morari seu inhabitari non curaverunt, multipliciter & quasi totaliter in ruina extiterunt, & quòd praedictus Will. tempore suo de bonis suis proprijs grandes costas & expensas super recuperatione & emendatione domus, capellae, edificiorum▪ & clausur. praedict. ac etiam super factur. novar. domorum ibidem. Nos ut domos conversorum capella, edificia, clausur. & novae domus supradict. competenter sustententur, & custodientur in futurum, ad supplicationem praedicti Willielmi qui custos rotulorum cancellariae nostrae existit, in praesenti concessimus de gratia nostra speciali pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quòd post mortem eiusdem Will. dicta domus conversorum cum suis iuribus & pertinent. quibuscunque remaneat & moretur in perpetuum clerico custod. rotulorum cancellar. nostrae & haeredum nostrorum pro tempore existent. & similiter annex. eidem officio in perpetuum: & quòd cancellarius Angliae vel custos sive custodes magni sigilli nostri & haeredum nostrorum Angliae pro tempore existentium, post mortem ipsius Willielmi habeat & habeant potestatem ad quamlibet vacationem dicti officij custodis line 10 rotulorum per mortem, cessionem, vel mutationem, personae quocunque tempore futur. 
〈◊〉.  institutum successiuè custodes rotulorum praedictorum in dicta domo conversorum, & custodes illos ponend. in possessionem eiusdem cum suis iuribus & pertin. quibuscunque, in cuius, etc. T. R. apud Shene 11 Aprilis An. 51 Edw. 3.   
But after the death of this king Edward, the said William Burstall master of the rolls (belike not line 20 supposing this to be a sufficient grant) procured this house by act of parliament, in the first year of king Richard the second, to be more strongly established, to the use of the master of the rolls for the time. After which john de Waltham, master of the rolls, after bishop of Salisbury and treasurer of England, procured K. Richard the second in the 6 year of his reign, by his letters patents to confirm the said house to the said Waltham and his successors masters of the rolls. And whereas by the patent of Edward line 30 the third, the master of the rolls was appointed and installed in that house by the chancellor, it is to be noted, that the same manner of induction and installment continued as long as the master of the rolls were of the clergy, as I have seen set down by others, and as the precedents of those instalments and the writs themselves extant of record do well prove.  
Sir Richard Scroop knight lord of Bolton, having been lord treasurer in the time of the deceased line 40 king Edward the third, 
Sir Richard Scroop.  was now in October about the latter end of the year 1378, or the beginning of the year 1379, being the second year of the after deposed king Richard the second, made lord chancellor, and had the great seal delivered unto him, who in the third year of the said king at a parliament did surrender up his office. Of this man is more set down in the discourse of the treasurors.  
Simon Sudburie, so surnamed of the place of his birth, 
Simon Sudburie.  but by descent called Tibold the son of Nicholas line 50 Tibold, descended of a gentlemanly race dwelling at Sudburie in Suffolk. This Simon was archbishop of Canturburie, and made chancellor about the year of Christ 1380, in the third year of Richard the second, and was by the rebels beheaded at the tower of London, in the fourth year of the disquieted government of that unfortunate, but valiant king Richard the second; after whom in the fift year of the said king Richard, was R. B. of London, whereof I have seen and taken a note: which line 60 bishop was (as I conjecture & have some authority to prove) Robert Braibroke which followeth, & was made chancellor again after sir Richard Scroop.  
Sir Richard Scroop knight lord of Bolton, made chancellor again about the latter end of November, 
Sir Richard Scroop lord Scroop of Bolton.  by the lords of the parliament (as I take it) in the fift year of the reign of king Richard last mentioned, and was the year following, being about the year of our Lord 1383 again deposed from his office, and the king receiving the great seal, kept it a certain time, and therewith sealed such grants and writings as it pleased him, and in the end delivered the same to Robert Braibrooke. Of this man see more in the treasurors before.  
Robert Braibrooke bishop of London made lord chancellor in September following the month of julie, when sir Richard Scroop was deposed, 
Robert Braibrooke bishop of London.  was advanced to that dignity on saint Matthews éeve, in the sixth year of the reign of the said king Richard the second, in which he continued not longer than the March following, as hath Anonymus M. S. he was consecrated bishop of London the fift of januarie 1381, he died the seventeenth of August in the year 1404, being the fift year of king Henry the fourth.  
Michael de la Poole, 
Michael de la Poole earl of Suffolk.  or at Poole (as hath Thomas Walsingham) was made chancellor in the month of March, in the sixth year of the said king Richard the second, and was made earl of Suffolk in the ninth year of the said king, being after deposed from his office of chancellorship at his own and earnest request in the tenth year of the said king. This man having fled the realm, for that he was pursued by the nobility, died at Paris in the thirteenth year of the said Richard the second, being the year of our redemption 1389, of whom that worthy poet sir john Gower, living at that time, in his book entitled Vox clamantis, composed these verses: 
Est comes elatus, fallax, cupidus, sceleratus,  
Frauds per mill stat cancellarius ille,  
Hic proceres odit, & eorum nomina rodit  
Morsibus à tergo, fit tandem profugus ergo:  
Sic Deus in coelis mala 
* 
Michael de puteaco, or of the Pool.  
Thomas Arundel bishop of Elie.   de puteo Michaelis  
Acriter expurgat ne plùs comes ille resurgat.   
Thomas Arundel, of the noble house of the earls of Arundel, was first bishop of Elie, and then of York, and lastly of Canturburie, he was made lord chancellor of England in the tenth year of the reign of the unfortunate king Richard the second, being about the year of our redemption 1386, in which office he remained about two years, as far as my search will give leave to understand.  
William Wickham was again made lord chancellor of England, 
William Wickham.  in the twelve year of the said king Richard the second, but was in the end removed from thence in September, in the fifteenth year of the troublesome government of the said king Richard.  
Thomas Arundel aforesaid was the second time 
Thomas Arundel.  created lord chancellor of England (in the said fifteenth year of king Richard the second) in place of William Wickham, in which office he remained about five years, and was deposed and banished the realm in the twentieth year of the said king Richard.  
john Scarle, Scirlée, or Serle, 
john Serle master of the rolls.  master of the rolls, of the chancery, and keeper of the great seal: he was chancellor, or in place of the chancellor, in the first year of the reign of king Henry the fourth, being the year in which the son of God descending from the bosom of his father, took flesh in the womb of his mother, one thousand three hundred ninety and nine.  
Edmund Stafford keeper of the privy seal, 
Edmund Stafford.  bishop of Excester, and sometime bishop of Rochester, and lastly bishop of York, keeper of the privy seal, and borne of the noble house of the Staffords, was made lord chancellor of England about the month of March, in the year of our redemption one thousand and four hundred, being about the second year of the usurping king Henry the fourth, in which office he continued until the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and three, being the fourth year of the said king Henry the fourth. He being keeper of the privy seal was made bishop of Excester the twentieth of june, in the year of our redemption one thousand three hundred ninety & five, being the day before king Richard the second began the one and twentieth year of his reign. He was consecrated at Lambeth, and kept the see of Excester three and twenty years. He increased two fellowships in Stapletons' inn in Oxford, reform the statutes of the house, and called it Excester college: he died the fourth of September, in the seventh year of king Henry the fift, being the year of Christ one thousand four hundred and nineteen. About the making of this Stafford chancellor (as far as my memory serveth) Ypodigma is much deceived, if I have not for want of the book mistaken his judgement. line 10  
Henry Beauford, the son of john of Gaunt by Katherine Swineford, 
Henry Beauford.  made bishop of Lincoln in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred ninety and eight (as hath Ypodigma) was advanced to the dignity of chancellor in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred & three, being the fourth year of king Henry the fourth his elder brother, by the daughter of the earl of Hereford, in which office he was in the fift year of king Henry the fourth, line 20 and sixth of the same king (as our chronicles do remember.) He was made bishop of Winchester in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred and four, being the fift year of Henry the fourth.  
Thomas Langleie priest, and bishop of Durham, 
Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham.  was at Westminster made chancellor, in the year of our salvation one thousand four hundred and five, being the sixth year of the reign of the said king Henry the fourth, in which office he continued (as far as I know) until he was made bishop line 30 of Durham, which was on the seventh of May, being the seventh year of the reign of king Henry last before named, being the year of Christ one thousand four hundred and six. He was bishop one and thirty years, and died in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred thirty and seven, being the sixtéenth year of king Henry the sixth. See more following.  

Thomas Fitzalen.  Thomas Fitzalen, brother to Richard earl of Arundel, being returned out of exile with Henry line 40 of Bollingbroke duke of Hereford and Lancaster, and after king of England by the name of Henry the fourth, was the third time being bishop of Canturburie, made lord chancellor of England, the ninth year of the said king Henry the fourth, and continued therein about two years, being removed from that place about September, in the eleventh year of the reign of the said king, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and ten. line 50  
Thomas Beauford knight, the son of john of Gaunt son to king Edward the third, 
Thomas Beauford.  & brother to king Henry the fourth, was made lord chancellor in the eleventh year of the said king Henry the fourth, being the year that the son of God took on him the form of a servant one thousand four hundred and ten, in which office he remained not full three years, but left the same office together with his life, as I suppose, in the thirteenth year of the same king, being the year of our redemption one thousand line 60 four hundred and twelve.  
john Wakering clerk, master of the rolls, was made keeper of the great seal, 
john Wakering clerk.  when Thomas Beauford left the office of chancellor, which seal he kept about the space of a month. For in januarie after that he received the seal, there was a chancellor created.  
Thomas Fitzalen or Arundel, archbishop of Canturburie, 
Thomas Arundel archbishop of Canturburie.  was the fourth time invested with the chancellorship, in the year of our salvation one thousand four hundred and twelve, being the thirteenth year of king Henry the fourth, in which office he continued during the life of the said king Henry the fourth, who died in the fourteenth year of his kingdom, and in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and thirteen.  
Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester, 
Henry Beauford bishop at Winchester.  and after cardinal in the time of Henry the sixth, being uncle to king Henry the fift then reigning, was the second time made chancellor, in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred and thirteen, being the first year of the fift king Henry, in which place he remained until the fift year of the said king Henry, being the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and seventeen.  
Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham was the second time made lord chancellor of England, 
Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham.  in the said year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and seventeen, being the fift year of that worthy conqueror king Henry the fift, which office he received at Southwicke, and continued in that honour (as far as I can learn) by the space of six years or more, whereof five years were fully ended in the life and death of the said Henry the fift, and the sixth year ended in the last of the first or beginning of the second year of king Henry the sixth.  
Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester before named, 
Henry Beauford bishop of Winchester.  was the third time made lord chancellor of England, in the second year of the reign of king Henry the sixth, being about the year of Christ one thousand four hundred twenty and three, or one thousand four hundred twenty and four. For the second year of that king fell part in the one and part in the other of the said years of our Lord, in which office he continued about four years, until he was made cardinal, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred twenty and six.  
john Kempe, bishop of London, was made lord chancellor of England in the fourth year of that king Henry, 
john Kempe bishop of London.  who in his youngest years was crowned first king of England, and then king of France in Paris; in which office he remained (as I suppose) about six years.  
john Stafford dean of S. Martin & of Welles, prebend of Milton in Lincoln church, 
john Stafford bishop of Bath.  bishop of Bath and Welles, lord chancellor and treasurer of England, and bishop of Canturburie, was made lord chancellor of England in the month of February, in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred thirty & one, falling in the tenth year of king Henry the sixth: he remained in that office until john Kempe was again made lord chancellor, which was about the eight and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth. And here I think it not unmeet to remember that some have noted William Wanfleet that was bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of Oxford, to be chancellor of England, when he built Magdalen college in Oxford, in the five and twentieth year of the reign of king Henry the sixth: which possibly can not be, sith this john Stafford held that office from the tenth of Henry the sixth, until the eight & twentieth of the same king, which was eighteen years: during which time they place this Wanfléet to be chancellor of England. Which error (I suppose) they have committed, in that they finding him chancellor at the time of the building of his college, in the said five and twentieth year of king Henry the sixth, have taken him to be chancellor of England, when he was then but chancellor of Oxford: although in deed afterward he was chancellor of England, in the five and thirtieth year of the said king, as after shall appear.  
john Kempe bishop of York and cardinal, was the second time made lord chancellor in the eight and twentieth of king Henry the sixth, 
john Kempe bishop of York.  being about the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and fifty, in which o●●●ce he died, being bishop of Canturburie, in the year of our redemption (as saith Matthew Parker, one thousand four hundred fifty and three, being the two & thirtieth year of the reign of the simple king Henry the sixth. This man was first bishop of Rochester, next of Chicester, thirdly of London, then of York, where he sat eight and twenty years, and lastly he was archbishop of Canturburie.  
Richard Nevil earl of Salisbury, the son of Ralph Nevil earl of Westmoreland, 
Richard Nevil earl of Salisbury.  and father to the valiant Richard Nevil earl of Warwick, was line 10 after the death of john Kempe by parliament made lord chancellor in the two & thirtieth year of K. Henry the sixth: though others make it to be in the three & thirtieth year of the same king, in which place he continued not long. For in the year following an other was substituted, and he removed.  
Thomas Bourchier (brother to Henry Bourchier earl of Essex) bishop of Elie, 
Thomas Bourchier bishop of Elie.  and bishop of Canturburie, was made chancellor in the three & thirtieth year of the government of king Henry the sixth, in which he remained much about two years. In line 20 whose time, as saith Matthew Parker, about the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred threescore and one, 
In vita Thomae Bo●●cheri ●pisco. 〈◊〉.  was the art of printing invented at the city of Argentorat in Germany. About the which matter, and especially for the exact & certain time thereof, many writers although their count about one time do disagree: yet at the invention of that worthy thing were these verses composed in the commendation of the same most excellent art. line 30  
O foelix nostris memoranda impressio tectis,  
Inuentore nitet utraque lingua tuo▪  
Desierat quasi totum quod fundis in orb,  
Nunc parvo doctus quilibet esse potest.  
Omnes te homines igitur nunc laudibus ornent,  
Te duce quando ars haec mira reperta fuit.  

William Patan, or Paten 〈◊〉 William Wanfled.  William Patan or Paten, borne of gentlemanly family, being commonly called William Wanfled of the place of his birth, and being provost of Eton, and bishop of Winchester, was lord chancellor line 40 in the five and thirtieth, six and thirtieth, and the seven and thirtieth year of the unfortunate king Henry the sixth, as have the records of the excheker. By which appeareth the error of those, as I have before noted, that mistaking the five and twentieth of king Henry the six, in which time he was but chancellor of Oxford; for the five and thirtieth of the said king, in which he was chancellor of England.  
George Nevil (the son of Richard Nevil earl of Salisbury, 
George Nevil archbishop of York.  and brother to Richard Nevil line 50 earl of Warwick) being made bishop of Excester, came to that see in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred fifty and five; in which see he continued ten years, and was removed to York in the year that God became man one thousand four hundred three score and five, he was made lord chancellor in the eight & thirtieth year of the reign of the after deposed K. Henry the sixth, in which office he remained about eight years, & then was removed in the seventh year of the worthy K. Edward line 60 the fourth, being the year that the word became flesh one thousand four hundred threescore & seven. He was a great friend to saint Albon, & procured Edward the fourth in the fourth year of his reign to give & confirm to john Whethamsted, abbot of saint Albon, the priory of Penbroke. This bishop Nevil did after in the thirteenth year of king Edward the fourth grow in such disgrace with the king, that he was spoiled at one time of twenty thousand pounds, as in his life shall be more at large declared. To this man did Hugh Ueine give the manor of Hener Cobham, and Hener Brokas in Kent, in the fourth year of king Edward the fourth. He died at Blithlaw coming from York, being almost forty years old, and was buried at York. And here I think it not amiss, to note the mistaking of time of such historiographers as have set down, that Edward the fourth did, in the fourth year of his reign, take the chancellorship from the bishop of Excester (brother to the earl of Warwick, which must needs be this George Nevil) & gave the same to the bishop of Bath. For by that which I have seen, this Nevil lived until the seventh year of Edward the fourth, and that for this time I suppose to be the truest.  
Robert Kirkeham master of the rolls was 
Robert Kirkham master of the rolls.  made lord keeper of the great seal (upon the removing of George Nevil) in the month of julie in the said year of Christ one thousand four hundred threescore and seven, being the seventh year of king Edward the fourth.  
Robert Stillington doctor of the laws, 
Robert Stillington doctor of the laws.  keeper of the privy seal in the third year of Edward the fourth, bishop of Bath & Wells, being made chancellor in the seventh year of king Edward the fourth, did still so continue (as I gather) until the thirteenth year of the said king.  
Henry Bourchier earl of Essex, 
Henry Bourchier earl of Essex.  and first advanced to that title of honour by Edward the fourth, came in place of the last chancellor, about the fourteenth year (as some untruely have noted) of Edward the fourth. But in my poor opinion, the same was in the thirteenth year of the said Edward the fourth: in which place he remained not much more than one Trinity term. For in the said thirteenth year, about the month of August, was Booth lord chancellor of England.  
Laurence Booth sometime master of Penbroke hall bishop of Durham, and after of York, 
Laurence Booth bishop of Durham.  was made lord chancellor about August or rather before, between that and Trinity term (after Henry Bourchier) in the said thirteenth year of the valiant king Edward the fourth, after his redemption of the kingdom of England. This bishop (being brother to William Booth sometime bishop of York) did build the bishop of Yorks house at Baterseie, which manor he before bought of Nicholas Stanleie, whom Leland the minser and refiner of all English names doth most curiously in Latin call Nicholaum Stenelegium. He continued in the see of York● three years & nine months, and died at Southwell in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred and four score, being the twentieth year of king Edward the fourth.  
Thomas Scot surnamed Rotheram, 
Thomas Scot aliâs Rotheram.  because of the town of Rotheram in Yorkshire where he was borne and bred up, was bishop of Rochester, and then of Linclolne, where he sat nine years, and after that was bishop of York: whereinto he installed first at York, and then at Ripon, being provost of Beverleie, he was made chancellor of England in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred seventy and four, being the fourteenth year of the reign of king Edward the fourth. This bishop, in the fifteenth year of the said king, went over the sea (as I have seen noted) with the said Edward the fourth, when he went to have an interview with the French king: of which meeting monsieur de Argentine by name Philip Comineus (besides our English chronicles) doth make mention, as a person that bore a part in that pageant.  
john Alcot bishop of Rochester was made chancellor, during the absence of king Edward, 
john Alcot bishop of Rochester.  as I have found recorded.  
Thomas Rotheram, 
Thomas Rotheram.  being before lord keeper of the privy seal, was after his return out of France the second time made lord chancellor, about the time in which the said king had gotten Berwick from the Scots, being about the twentieth year of the said Edward the fourth. For the free gaining of the town was not much before his death; in which office this Rotheram continued all the life of king Edward the fourth, & in the time of the little or no reign at all of the guiltless murdered young prince king Edward the fift; until it was ascribed to him for overmuch lightness, that he had delivered in the beginning of the rebellious government line 10 of the protectorship of the bloody and unnatural Richard duke of Gloucester the seal to the queen, to whom it did not appertain, and from whom he received it not. He founded a college at Rotheram, dedicated, it to the name of jesus, & endowed it with great possessions & ornaments, and annexed thereto the churches of Langthton, and Almanburie.  
john russel bishop of Lincoln, a grave and learned man, 
john russel bishop of Lincoln.  had the seal delivered to him by the said protector of England, during the time of the line 20 short reign of the young king Edward, when the same seal was taken from Rotheram: and so this russel was made chancellor in the month of june, in the year of our salvation one thousand four hundred four score and three, being the first year of the usurped government of the bloody tyrant the misshapen king Richard the third. This russel is buried in the church of Lincoln, in a chapel cast out of the upper wall of the south part of the church.  
Thomas Barow master of the rolls was made line 30 keeper of the great seal (as I have seen recorded) which I suppose, 
Thomas Barow master of the rolls.  was in the third and last year of the said king Richard the third: for in that year he was master of the rolls.  
Thomas Rotheram made again lord chancellor, in the first entrance of king Henry the seventh into the government: 
Thomas Rotheram.  but very shortly after he was displaced, and the bishop of Worcester placed in that room; he was archbishop of York nintéene years & ten months; he was very beneficial to all his line 40 kindred, and advanced some with marriages, some with possessions, and some with spiritual livings. He died the nine and twentieth day of December, in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred, being the sixtéenth year of king Henry the eight, at Cawood in Yorkshire the morrow after the Ascension, being of the age of three score and sixteen years or more: he was buried in York minster on the northside in our lady chapel, in a tomb of marble which he caused to be made whilst he was living. line 50  
john Alcot bishop of Worcester, made in the year one thousand four hundred three score and sixteen, 
john Alcot bishop of Worcester.  was lord chancellor of England in the first year of the said K. Henry the seventh, the Solomon of England, being the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred four score & five: shortly after the entrance of the said Henry into the government of England. For though Rotheram were chancellor when he got the victory, for that he had been so before, & for that the king was neither provided nor minded suddenly to have a man not line 60 meet for that place to execute the same: yet this Rotheram kept not that room many months, but that Alcot came in place because the king found Alcot a meeter person to execute the same office, answerable to the disposition of the king's humour. All which notwithstanding, whether for malice of others, or for his own deserts, or both, or for more especial trust that king Henry put in Morton bishop of Elie, who had been the means to bring him to the crown, this Alcot fell shortly in the king's disgrace, was displaced of his office, and Morton came in his room. So that in this first year of the said king Henry the seventh, there seemed to be three chancellor's in succession one after another, if I have not misconceived the matter: all which before Morton in this first year of king Henry the seventh, may perhaps more properly be termed keepers of the great seal, than chancellor's.  
john Morton doctor of the civil law, 
john Morton bishop of Elie.  an advocate in the civil of the council to Henry the sixth, and to Edward the fourth, to whom also he was master of the rolls, was made bishop of Elie in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred three score and eighteen, and lord chancellor of England, (upon his return from beyond the seas) in the first year of the worthy prince K. Henry the seventh, being the year that the word became flesh, one thousand four hundred four score and five: after which he was advanced to the bishopric of Canturburie; he died in the year of our redemption one thousand four hundred four score and nintéene, in the fifteenth year of the reign of king Henry the seventh, as hath Matthew Parker.  
William Warham advocate in the arches, 
William Warham archbishop of Canturburie.  master of the rolls, bishop of London, and then bishop of Canturburie; was (before his advancement to the see of Canturburie) made chancellor of England in the time of Henry the seventh, in which office he continued until about the latter end of the seventh year of king Henry the eight. At what time surrendering the seal by reason of his age and weakness, the same great seal was delivered to Thomas Woolseie.  
Thomas Woolseie sometime chaplain to Henry Deane archbishop of Canturburie, 
Thomas Woolseie.  after the king's almoner and abbot of saint Augustine's, who possessing many other abbeys and bishoprics, as in other places shall more largely appear, was advanced to the government of the great seal, about the beginning of the eight year of the triumphant reign of king Henry the eight, being the year of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ one thousand five hundred sixteen, to hold the same during his life (as I gather) in which office yet he continued not above thirteen years, until the one and twentieth of the said king Henry the eight, being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred twenty and nine. During which time of his chancellorship, in the ninetéenth year of king Henry the eight, being the year of Christ one thousand five hundred twenty and seven, he went into France, representing the king of England's person, to set order for the delivery of pope Clement the seventh and Francis the French king, at what time he carried the great seal over the seas to Calis, which seal he left with doctor Tailor master of the rolls, to keep the same at Calis until the cardinals return out of the French dominions. He died in Leicester abbey (not without suspicion of poison as was thought, which he had prepared for himself, and given to his apothecary to deliver when he called for it) the two and twentieth of king Henry the eight, in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred and thirty.  
Thomas Moor knight, 
Thomas Moor.  sometime undersheriff of London, and chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, was advanced to the honour of chancellorship of England, in the year that the word became flesh one thousand five hundred twenty and nine, being the one and twentieth year of that king Henry which expelled pope Clement the seventh his authority out of his dominions, in which office this rare witted knight (to use Erasmus his epitheton) and learned chancellor continued not full three years; but in the four and twentieth year of the reign of the said king Henry the eight, with much labour and earnest suit he left his office. Touching which it shall not grieve me to set down the words of Matthew Parker of the lives of the bishops of Canturburie in the life of Thomas Cranmer writing after this manner: Intereà rex dum papae meditabatur excidium, singulorum de papali auctoritate sensus judicijs haud obscuris collegit. Inter quos Thomas Morus, quia regis conatus pontificijs valdè suspectus fuit, cancellarij munere, venia regis aegrè impetrata, sese abdicavit.  
Thomas Audleie attorney of the duchy of Lancaster, 
Thomas Audleie.  sergeant at the law (as most affirm) and speaker of the parliament, was made knight and lord keeper line 10 of the great seal the fourth of june, in the four and twentieth year of the reign of the famous prince king Henry the eight, being the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred thirty and two, not long after which he was endued with the title and honour of lord chancellor of England. This man in the tenth year of his chancellorship, 
H●sto▪ C●ntab. per Caium. 78.  being the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred forty and two, and the five and thirtieth year of king Henry the eight, changing the name of Buckingham college line 20 in Cambridge, did name it the college of saint Marie Magdalen, and endued it with some possessions. He died on May éeuen in the year of our salvation one thousand five hundred forty and four, being the five and thirtieth year of Henry the eight.  
Thomas Wriotheslie knight of the garter, being created baron at Hampton court on the first of januarie, 
Thomas Wriotheslie.  in the five and thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the eight, in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred forty and three, was after advanced line 30 to the honour of the great seal and chancellorship of England, about the beginning of May, in the six and thirtieth year of the reign of king Henry the eight, being the year of grace one thousand five hundred forty and four, in which office he continued until the death of the said king Henry the eight, and in the beginning of the reign of king Edward the sixth, until for his obstinacy in the Roman religion he was the sixth of March removed, and the seal was delivered to William Paulet lord Sent-Iohn of line 40 Basing. This Wriotheslie (being created earl of Southampton by king Edward the sixth) died at his house of Lincoln place in Holborn the 30 of julie, in the fourth year of the said king Edward, in the year 1550, & was buried at saint Andrews in Oldborne commonly called Holborn.  

William Paulet.  William Paulet knight being first steward of the lands of the bishopric of Winchester, than treasurer of the household, lord Sent-Iohn of Basing, lord great master of the king's house, afterwards earl line 50 of Wiltshire, marquess of Winchester, and treasurer of England, being of the privy council to king Henry the eight, king Edward the sixth, queen Marie, and queen Elisabeth, had the keeping of the great seal committed unto him the seventh day of March, in the year that the second person in trinity descended from the bosom of the father into the womb of the mother one thousand five hundred forty and seven, being the first year of the reign of the young king Edward the sixth, which seal he had in custody line 60 about seven months, until the three and twentieth or four and twentieth of October following, at what time sir Richard Rich was made lord chancellor.  

Sir Richard Rich.  Sir Richard Rich knight, lord Rich, was advanced to the dignity of lord chancellor of England about the 23 of October in the year of our salvation one thousand five hundred forty and seven, being the first year of the reign of the noble king Edward the si●t, in which place he remained about five years.  

.  Thomas Goderich or Goderike being bishop of Elie had the great seal delivered to him, and was made lord chancellor of England the twentieth of December (as john Stow hath noted in his chronicle) in the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred fifty and one, being the fift year of the reign of king Edward the sixth, in whi●h office he continued all the life of the said king Edward, which died in julie one thousand five hundred fifty and three, being the seventh year of his reign, and about one month after until the thirteenth or fouretéenth day of August, in which queen Marie made Stephan Gardener her chancellor.  
Sir Nicholas Hare, master of the rolls, 
Sir Nicholas Hare.  had at the coming of queen Marie to the crown the keeping of the great seal, after the death of king Edward, as lord keeper by the space of one fortnight, and shortly after was Stephan Gardener made chancellor.  
Stephan Gardener bishop of Winchester was in August, 
Stephan Gardener.  in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred fifty and three, being the first year of the reign of the unfortunate queen Marie, made chancellor of England. This man going in embassage unto Calis left the great seal in the custody of William Paulet marquess of Winchester, which bishop after his return into England continued in that office all the time of his life, which he ended the 19 of November, in the year that the word became flesh one thousand five hundred fifty and five, being the third year of queen Marie. After which the great seal lying in the custody of the prince, she on the new years day following made a new chancellor.  
Nicholas Heath bishop of Rochester, 
Nicholas Heath.  almoner to the king, ambassador into Germany, bishop of Worcester, precedent of Wales, and archbishop of York, was upon new years day, in the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred fifty and five, being the third year of the reign of queen Marie, advanced to the honourable dignity of the chancellorship. But queen Marie deceasing the seventeenth day of November, in the year of grace one thousand five hundred fifty and eight, and the sixth year of her government, this Heath upon the placing of the worthy queen Elisabeth upon the throne of the English government, was removed from his office, and master Bacon advanced.  
Sir Nicholas Bacon esquire, 
Nicholas Bacon.  attorney of the court of wards, was made knight, and lord keeper of the great seal the two and twentieth of December, in the year of our redemption 1558, being the first year of the now reigning Elisabeth the Saba of England. Which name of lord keeper he still kept during his life, and the time of his office. In whose time there was an act of parliament established, to make the power of the keeper of the great seal equal with the authority of the chancellor. This man continued in this office, and worthily executed the same, being a man of rare wit and deep experience, during the time of his life, which continued until the twentieth of February, in the year of our salvation 1578 after the account of England, being the one and twentieth year of the rare and singular government of the worlds wonder the famous queen Elisabeth, which place this man kept eighteen years, being (as I suppose) double as long time as any other chancellor or keeper of the great seal possessed that place, except Ralph Nevil bishop of Chichester, and john Stafford bishop of Bath and Wells, both which held it equally eighteen years with him: a strange thing, that in the course of almost 600 years, no such officer might possess that place by twenty years together.  
Thomas Bromleie, the general solicitor of queen Elisabeth, a councillor of the law, 
Thomas Bromleie.  and one of the inner temple, was advanced to the dignity of lord chancellor on the five and twentieth day of April, in the year of our redemption 1579, being in the one & twentieth year of the reign of the said queen Elisabeth, which office at this day he beareth.  
Thus (although I may be a little wetshod in passing over the deep sea of this difficulty of the chancellor's, in which I am sure I am not over head and ears) I have at length brought my chancellor's to end: a work of some labour and difficulty, of some search and charge, which I have done only of myself without the furtherance or help of some others, who more inconsiderately than truly do disorderly report, that I have attained unto this in obtaining line 10 those names by some sinister means, from the private books of them who have traveled in the same matter. In which (as I said in the beginning, so I say again) if any imperfection for haste, by reason of the printers speedy calling on me, have now fallen out of my pen, it shall hereafter God willing be corrected in the large volume of their lives. Wherefore as I neither esteem nor fear the secret reports of some others; so for their country's good it shall be well that they would deliver something to the world line 20 to bring truth to perfection (if other men have unwillingly set down error) and not as they do, for a little commodity & gain to themselves, neither benefit their country, nor speak well of such as would and do help posterity. Thus this much by Francis Thin, touching the chancellor's of England.]   

Ab. Fl. ex publicis aeditionibus B.G. & T. C.  ¶ Here though somewhat out of place (for it should have been entered in 1578) it were better to record the receiving of the queens majesty into Suffolk line 30 & Norfolk, than making no commemoration thereof at all, to let it perish in thréehalfepenie pamphlets, and so die in oblivion. It may also serve for a rest of recreation, after so long an introduction of serious matters, as also (and that most worthily) may remain in record, to signify what well affected subjects the queens majesty hath within her dominions, to whom goods, lands, friends, kindred, or life, none of these severally, nor all jointly, are so precious and dear, but for her sake they can find in their hearts to line 40 esteem them as dung. And now to the matter. The truth is (saith one that wrote the whole entertainment) that albeit they had but small warning certainly to build upon, 
The receiving of the queen into Suffolk and Norfolk.  of the coming of the queen's majesty into both those shires, the gentlemen had made such ready provision, that all the velvets and silks were taken up that might be laid hand on, and bought for any money, and soon converted to such garments and suits of robes, that the show thereof might have beautified the greatest triumph that was line 50 in England these many years. 
The number of gentlemen that received the queen into Suffolk.  For (as it was said) there were two hundred young gentlemen clad all in white velvet, and three hundred of the graver sort appareled in black velvet coats, and fair chains, all ready at one instant and place, with fifteen hundred serving men more on horseback, well and bravely mounted in good order, ready to receive the queens highness into Suffolk, which surely was a comely troup, and a noble sight to behold: and all these waited on the sheriff sir William Spring, during line 60 the queens majesties abode in those parties, and to the very confines of Suffolk.  
But before her highness passed to Norfolk, there was in Suffolk such sumptuous feasting and banquets, as seldom in any part of the world have been seen before. The master of the rolls sir William Cordall was one of the first that began this great feasting, 
Persons of worship in Suffolk that feasted her highness during her abode amongst them.  and did light such a candle to the rest of the shire, that many were glad bountifully and frankly to follow the same example, with such charges and costs, as the whole train were in some sort pleased therewith. And near Bury sir William Drury for his part at his house made the queens highness a costly and delicate dinner, and sir Robert Germine of Roeshbrooke feasted the French ambassadors two several times, with which charges and courtesy they stood marvelously contented. The sheriff sir William Spring, sir Thomas Kidson, sir Arthur Higham, and diverse others of worship, kept great houses, and sundry either at the queens coming, or return, solemnly feasted her highness, yea and defrayed the whole charges for a day or twain, presented gifts, made such triumphs and devices, as indeed was most noble to behold, and very thankfully accepted.  
The Norfolk gentlemen hearing how dutifully their neighbours had received the prince, 
Norfolk incited by the example of Suffolk to give the queen royal entertainment.  prepared in like sort to show themselves dutiful: and so in most gallant manner they assembled and set forward with five and twenty hundred horsemen, whereof (as some affirm) were six hundred gentlemen, so bravely attired and mounted, as in deed was worthy the noting, which goodly company waited on their sheriff a long season. But in good sooth (as it was credibly spoken) the banquets and feasts began here afresh, all kinds of triumphs that might be devised were put in practice and proof. The earl of Surreie did show most sumptuous cheer, in whose park were speeches well set out, and a special devise much commended: and the rest, as a number of jolly gentlemen, were no whit behind to the uttermost of their abilities, in all that might be done and devised.  
But when the queens highness came to Norwich, 
What order was taken in Norwich for the receiving and recreating of the queen.  the substance of the whole triumph and feasting was in a manner there new to begin. For order was taken there, that every day for six days together, a show of some strange devise should be seen. And the mayor and aldermen appointed among themselves and their brethren, that no one person retaining to the queen should be unfeasted, or unbidden to dinner & supper, during the space of those six days: which order was well & wisely observed, and gained their city more fame and credit than they wots of: for that courtesy of theirs shall remain in perpetual memory whiles the walls of their city standeth. Besides the money they bestowed upon diverse of the train, and those that took pains for them, will be a witness of their well doing and good will, whiles the report of these things may▪ be called to remembrance. Now, who can (considering their great charges and discreet government in these causes) but give them due land and reputation, as far as either pen or report may do them good & stretch out their credit. For most assuredly, they have taught and learned all the towns and cities in England a lesson, how to behave themselves in such like services and actions.  
On saturday being the sixteenth of August 1578, 
The mayor of Norwich with his attendants set forth to recei●● the queen.  and in the twentieth year of the reign of our most gracious sovereign lady Elisabeth, by the grace of God queen of England, France & Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: the same our most dread and sovereign lady (continuing her progress in Norfolk) immediately after dinner set forward from Brakenash, where she had dined with the lady Stile, being five miles distant from Norwich, towards the same her most dutiful city. Sir Robert Wood then esquire, now knight, mayor of the same city, at one of the clock in the same happy day, set forward to meet with her majesty in this order. First there road before him well and seemly mounted, threescore of the most comely young men of the city, as bachelors appareled all in black satin doublets, black hose, black taffeta hats, and yellow bands, and their universal livery was a mandilion of purple taffeta, laid about with silver lase: & so appareled they marched forwards two and two in a rank. Than one which represented king Gurgunt, 
The builder 〈◊〉 Norwich ●astell represented.  sometime king of England, which builded the castle of Norwich, called Blanch Flower, and laid the foundation of the city. He was mounted upon a brave courser, and was thus furnished: his body armed, his bases of green and white silk: on his head a black velvet hat, with a plume of white feathers. There attended upon him three henchmen in white and green: one of them did bear his helmet, the second his target, the third his staff: after him a noble company of gentlemen and wealthy citizens in velvet coats and other costly line 10 furniture, bravely mounted. Then followed the officers of the city every one in his place. Then the swordbearer, with the sword & hat of maintenance. Then the mayor and four and twenty aldermen, and the recorder all in scarlet gowns, whereof so many as had been majors of the city, and were justices, did wear their scarlet cloaks: then followed so many as had been shiriffs, and were no aldermen, in violet gowns and satin tippets. Then followed line 20 diverse others, to keep the people from disturbing the array aforesaid.  
Thus every thing in due and comely order, they all (except Gurgunt, 
The founder 〈◊〉 Blanch Flower stai●● person 〈◊〉 meét the 〈◊〉.  which stayed her majesties coming within a flight shoot or two of the city, where the castle of Blanch Flower was in most beautiful prospect) marched forwards to a bridge, called Hartford bridge, the uttermost limit that way, distant from the city two miles or there abouts, to meet with her majesty; who within one hour or little line 30 more after their attendance, came in such gracious and princely wise, as ravished the hearts of all her loving subjects, and might have terrified the stoutest heart of any enemy to behold. Whether the majesty of the prince, which is incomparable; or joy of her subjects, which exceeded measure, were the greater, I think would have appalled the judgement of Apollo to define. The acclamations and cries of the people to the almighty God for the preservation of her majesty rattled so loud, as hardly for a great time could line 40 any thing be heard. But at last, as every thing hath an end, the noise appeased: and the mayor saluted her highness with the oration following, and yielded to her majesty therewith the sword of the city, and a fair standing cup of silver and guilt, with a cover, and in the cup one hundred pounds in gold. The oration was in these words.  

Praetoris Nordovicensis ad serenissimam Reginam, etc. line 50  
SI nobis ab Opt. Max. concederetur optio quid rerum humanarum nunc potissimùm vellemus: nihil duceremus antiquius (augustissima princeps) quàm ut tuus ille, qui ita nos recreat, castissimi ocelli radius posset in abditissimos cordium nostrorum angulos se conferre. Cerneres profectò quanta sint hilaritate perfusa, quàm in ipsis arterijs & venulis spiritus line 60 & sanguis gestiant: dumintuemur te huius regni lumen (ut david olim fuit Israelitici) in hijs tandem finibus post longam spem, 
〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉 fratri●●● ob●estatio.  & ardentissima vota exoriri. Equidem ut pro me, qui tua ex authoritate & clementia (quod humillimis gratijs profiteor) celeberrimae huic civitati praesum, & pro hijs meis fratribus, atque omni hoc populo quem tuis auspicijs regimus, ex illorum sensuloquar, quod & ipse sentio: sic nos demum supplicibus votis exposcimus, ut maiestatem tuam benevolam nobis, & propitiam experiamur: ut nunquam cuiquam populo advenisti gratior quàm nobis. In illius rei luculentissimum indicium, insignia haec honoris, & officij nostri, 
Henricus quartus civitati Nordovicensi princeps munificentssimus  quae nobis clementissimus princeps Henricus quartus quinto sui regni anno cum praetore, senatoribus, & vicecomitibus concessit: (cum antea ballivis (ut vocant) ultra annalium nostrorum memoriam regeremur) perpetuis deinde regum privilegijs, & corroborata nobis, & aucta magnificè, maiestati tuae omnia exhibemus, quae per tuam unius clementiam (quam cum immortalibus gratijs praedicare nunquam cessabimus) vicesimo iam anno tenuimus: atque unâ cum illis, hunc thesaurum, 
Praetoris p●ose su●sque tratribus quàm significanter facta o●atio.  quasi pignus nostrarum & voluntatum & facultatum. Quas omnes, quantae, quantulaeu● sint, ad tuum arbitrium devouimus: ut si quid omni hoc foelicissimi tui temporis decursu admisimus, quod amantissimos, obsequentissimos, amplitudinis tuae saluti, coronae, emolumento devotissimos non deceat: statuas de nobis, & nostris omnibus, pro tua clementissima voluntate. Sin ita clawm huius civitatis (Deo duce) reximus: ut eam in portu saluam maiestati tuae conseruaverimus, & populum primum gloriae Dei, & verae religionis, deinde salutis, honoris, & voluntatis tuae studiosissimum, quantum in nobis est, effecerimus: tum non libet nobis id à te petere, quod insita tibi singularis clementia facillimè à te ipsa impetrabit. Tantum obsecramus, ut amplitudinem tuam Deus omnibus & animi & corporis bonis cumulatissimè bear velit, Amen.   

The majors oration to the queen Englished.  
IF our wish should be granted unto us by the almighty, what human thing we would chiefly desire: we would account nothing more precious (most royal prince) than that the bright beam of your most chaste eye which doth so cheer us, might pierce the secret and straight corners of our hearts. Then surely should you see how great joys are dispersed there, and how the spirits and lively blood tickle in our arteries & small veins, in beholding you the light of this realm (as David was of Israel) now at length, after long hope and earnest petitions, to appear in these coasts. Truly on mine own part, which by your highness authority and clemency (with humble thanks be it spoken) do govern this famous city, 
The mayor speaketh in his own and his brethren the alderaiens' behalf.  and on the part of these my brethren, and all these people which by your authority we rule (speaking as they mean, and as I myself do think) this only with all our hearts and humble prayers we desire, that we may so find your majesty gracious and favourable unto us, as you for your part never came to any subjects better welcome than to us your poor subjects here. For most manifest token whereof, we present unto your majesty here, these signs of honour and office, which we received of the most mighty prince Henry the fourth, in the fift year of his reign, 
Henry the fourth a most bountiful prince to the city of Norwich.  then to us granted in the name of mayor, aldermen and shiriffs; whereas before time out of mind or mention, we were governed by bailiffs (as they term them) which ever since have been both established and increased with continual privileges of kings: and which by your only clemency (which with immortal thanks we shall never cease to declare) we have now these twenty years enjoyed: and together with those signs, this treasure is a pledge of our good wills and ability: which all how great or little so ever they be, we power down at your pleasure, 
A most dutiful submission.  that if we have neglected any thing in all this course of your most happy reign, which becometh most loving, obedient and well willing subjects to perform, for the preservation of your crown, and advancement of your highness, you may then determine of us and all ours at your most gracious pleasure. But if we have (God being our guide) so ordered the governance of this city, that we have kept the same in safety to your majesties use, and made the people therein (as much as in us lieth) first most studious of God's glory and true religion, 
Wherein the duty of subjects chiefly consisteth.  and next of your majesties health, honour, and pleasure; then ask we nothing of you: for that the singular clemency engraffed in your highness, will easily of itself grant that which is requisite line 10 for us to obtain. We only therefore desire, that God would abundantly bless your highness with all good gifts of mind and body.   
Which oration ended, her majesty accepting in good part every thing delivered by the mayor, did thankfully answer him in these words, or very like in effect: 
The queens majesties acceptable answer uttered by her own mouth in person.  We heartily thank you master mayor, and all the rest, for these tokens of goodwill; nevertheless, princes have no need of money: God hath endued us abundantly, we come not therefore, but line 20 for that which in right is our own, the hearts and true allegiance of our subjects, which are the greatest riches of a kingdom; whereof as we assure ourselves in you, so do you assure yourselves in us of a loving and gracious sovereign. Wherewith was delivered to the mayor, a mace or sceptre, which he carried before her to her lodging, which was in the bishop of Norwich his palace, two miles distant from that place. The cup and money was delivered to a gentleman, one of her majesties footmen to carry. line 30 The mayor said to her, Sunt hîc centum librae puri auri. The cover of the cup lifted up, her majesty said to the footmen; Look to it, there is 100 pounds. With that her highness, with the whole company, marched towards Norwich, till they came to a place called the Town close, distant from the city a good flightshot, where the party which represented Gurgunt came forth, as in due manner is expressed, and was ready to have declared to her majesty this speech following; 
Gurguntius his speech cut off by a shower of rain.  but by reason of a shower of rain line 40 which came, her majesty hasted away, the speech not uttered. But thus it was as here followeth.  
Leave off to muse most gracious prince of English soil,  
What sudden wight in martial wise approacheth near:  

Gurguntius the elder son of Belinus.  King Gurgunt I am height, king Belin's eldest son,  
Whose sire Dunwallo first, the British crown did wear.  
Whom truthless Gutlacke forced to pass the surging seas,  
His falsehood to revenge, and Denmark land to spoil.  
And finding in return, this place a gallant vent,  
This castle fair I built, a fort from foreign soil:  
To win a conquest, get renown and glorious name,  
To keep and use it well, deserves eternal fame.  
When brute through cities, towns, the woods & dales did sound: line 50  
Elizabeth this country peerless queen drew near:  
I was found out, myself in person noble queen  
Did haste, before thy face in presence to appear.  

The ancientness of Norwich city by the founder's age may be gathered.  Two thousand years wellnigh in silence lurking still:  
Hear, why to thee alone this service I do yield.  
Besides that, at my cities suit their founder first  
Should gratulat most this joyful sight in open field,  
Four special points and rare concurring in us both  
This special service have reserved to thee alone:  
The glory though of each in thee doth far surmount,  
Yet great with small compared, will like appear anon.  
When doubtful wars the British princes long had wrong,  
My grandsire first uniting all did wear the crown.  
Of York and Lancaster, who did conclude those broils?  

King Henry the seventh, and king Henry the eight.  Thy grandsire Henry seventh, a king of great renown.  
Mine uncle Brennus eke, my father joining hands, line 60  
Old Rome did raze and sack, and half consume with fire:  
Thy puissant father so, new Rome that purple whore  
Did sack and spoil her near, of all her glittering tire.  
Lo Cambridge schools by mine assignment founded first,  
By thee my Cambridge schools are famous through the world,  
I thirty wandering ships of banished men relieved.  
The throngs of banished souls that in this city dwell,  
Do weep for joy: and pray for thee with tears untold:  

Gurguntius yieldeth his estate to the queen.  In all these things thou noble queen dost far excel.  
But lo to thee I yield as duty doth me bind  
In open field myself, my city, castle, key,  
Most happy father's kings in such a daughter queen,  
Most happy England were, if thou shouldst never die.  
Go on most noble prince, for I must hast away  
My city gates do long, their sovereign to receive:  
More true thou never couldst, nor loyal subjects find,  
Whose hearts full fast with perfect love to thee do cleave.  
Then her majesty drew near the gates of the city called saint stephan's gates, which with the walls there were both gallantly and strongly repaired. 
S. stephan's gates in Norwich richly beautified.  The gate itself was thus enriched and beautified. First the portcullis was new made both timber & iron. Then the outward side of the gate was thus beautified. The queens arms were most richly and beautifullie set forth in the chief front of the gate. On the one side thereof, but somewhat lower, was placed the scutcheon of saint George his cross: on the other side, the arms of the city: and directly under the queen's majesties arms, was placed the falcon, her highness badge, in due form, and under the same were written these words, God and the queen we serve. The inner side of the gate was thus beautified. On the right side was gorgeously set forth the red rose, signifying the house of York; on the left side the white rose, representing the house of Lancaster; in the midst was the white and red rose united, expressing the union, 
The union of the white rose and the red.  under the which was placed by descent the arms of the queen, and under that were written these verses following.  
Division kindled strife,  
Blessed union quenched the flame:  
Thence sprang our noble Phoenix dear,  
The peerless prince of fame.  
And besides that, at this gate, the waits of the city were placed with loud music, who cheerfully & melodiously welcomed her majesty into the city, this song being song by the best voices in the same.  
The dew of heaven drops this day  
on dry and barren ground,  
Wherefore let fruitful hearts I say  
at drum and trumpets sound  
Yield that is due, show that is meet,  
to make our joy the more,  
In our good hope, and her great praise,  
we never saw before.  
The sun doth shine where shade hath been,  
long darkness brought us day,  
The star of comfort now come in,  
and here a while will stay.  
Ring out the bells, pluck up your sprites,  
and dress your houses gay,  
Run in for flowers to strew the streets,  
and make what joy you may.  
The dew of heaven, etc.  
Full many a winter have we seen,  
and many storms withal,  
Since here we saw a king or queen  
in pomp and princely pall.  
Wherefore make feast and banquet still,  
and now to triumph fall,  
With duty let us show good will,  
to glad both great and small.  
The dew of heaven, etc.  
The realm throughout will ring of this,  
and sundry regions more  
Will say, full great our fortune is,  
when our good hap they know.  
O Norwich, here the wellspring runs,  
whose virtue still doth flow,  
And lo this day doth shine two suns  
within thy walls also.  
The dew of heaven, etc.  
This song ended, her highness passed towards her lodging, & by the way in a churchyard, over against master Pecks door (a worthy alderman) was a scaffold set up & bravely trimmed. On this scaffold was placed an excellent boy, well and gallantly decked, in a long white rob of taffeta, a crimson scarf wrought with gold, folded on the Turkish fashion about his brows, and a gay garland of white flowers on his head, which boy was not seen, till the queen had a good season marked the music, which was marvelous sweet and good, albeit the rudeness of some ringers of bells did somewhat hinder the noise and harmony: and as soon as the music ended, the boy stepped reverendly before the queen, and spoke these words that follow in comely order.  
Great things were meant to welcome thee (O queen) 
The boys speech at master Pecks door.   
If want of time had not cut off the same:  
Great was our wish, but ●mall is that was seen,  
For us to show before so great a dame.  
Great hope we have it pleased our prince's eye,  
Great were the harms that else our pains should reap:  
Our grace or foil doth in your judgement li●,  
If you mislike, our griefs do grow on heap:  
If for small things we do great favour find,  
Great is the joy that Norwich feels this day:  
If well we weighed the greatness of your mind,  
Few words would serve, we had but small to say.  
But knowing that your goodness takes things well  
That well are meant, we boldly did proceed:  
And so good queen, both welcome and farewell,  
Thine own we are in heart, in word, and deed.  
The boy there upon flung up his garland, and the queens highness said, 
The queen liked this devise.  This devise is fine. Then the noise of music began again, to hear the which the queen stayed a good while, and after departed to the cathedral church, which was not far from thence. Then line 10 passed she forwards through saint stephan's street, 
The first pageant was in S. stephan's parish in this man●r.  where the first pageant was placed in form following. It was builded somewhat in manner like a stage of 40 foot long, & in breadth eight foot. From the standing place upward was a bank framed in manner of a free stone wall, & in the height thereof were written sentences, that is to say: The causes of this common wealth are, God truly preached, justice duly executed, The people obedient, Idleness expelled, Labour cherished, Universal concord preserved. line 20  
From the standing place downwards it was beautified with painters work, 
How the pageant was beautified with representation of the mysteries of the city.  artificially expressing to sight the portraiture of these several looms, and the weavers in them (as it were working) and over every loom the name thereof, that is to say. Over the first loom was written, the weaving of worsted: over the second, the weaving of russels: over the third, the weaving of darnix: over the fourth, the weaving of just mockado: the fift, the weaving of lace: the sixth, the weaving of caffa: the seventh, the line 30 weaving of fringe. And then was there the portraiture of a matron, and two or three children, and over her head was written these words: Good nurture changeth qualities. Upon the stage there stood at the one end eight small women children spining worsted yarn, and at the other end as many knitting of worsted yarn hose: and in the midst of the said stage stood a pretty boy richly appareled, which represented the common wealth of the city. And all the rest of the stage was furnished with men, which line 40 made the said several works, and before every man the work in deed. Every thing thus ready, and her majesty come, the child representing the common wealth, spoke to her highness these words following.  
Most gracious prince, undoubted sovereign queen,  
Our only joy next God, and chief defence:  
In this small show, our whole estate is seen,  
The wealth we have, we find proceed from thence,  
The idle hand hath here no place to feed,  
The painful wight hath still to serve his need.  
Again, our seat denies our traffic here,  
The sea too near decides us from the rest,  
So weak we were within this dozen year, line 50  
As care did quench the courage of the best:  
But good advise hath taught these little hands,  
To rend in twain the force of pining bands.  
From combed wool we draw this slender thread,  



1. Pointing to the spinners.  
2. Pointing to the looms.  
3. Pointing to the works.    From thence the looms have dealing with the same,  
And thence again in order do proceed,  
These several works which skilful art doth frame:  
And all to drive dame need into her cave,  
Our heads and hands together laboured have.  
We bought before the things that now we sell,  
These slender imps, their works do pass the waves,  
God's peace and thine, we hold and prosper well,  
Of every mouth the hands the charges saves.  
Thus through thy help and aid of power divine,  
Doth Norwich live, whose hearts and goods are thine. line 60  
This show pleased her majesty so greatly, as she particularly viewed the knitting & spinning of the children, perused the looms, and noted the several works and commodities which were made by these means: and then after great thanks by her given to the people, marched towards the market place, where was the second pageant thwarting the street at the entrance of the market, 
The second pageant with the situation of the same, and what representations & bare.  between master Skinner & master Quash, being in breadth two and fifty foot of assize, and was divided into three gates, in the midst a main gate, & on either side a postern: the main gate in breadth fourteen foot, each postern eight foot, their heights equal to their proportion: over each postern was as it were a chamber, which chambers were replenished with music. Over all the gates passed a stage of eight foot broad, in manerof a pageant, curious, rich, & delightful. The whole work, from the pageant downwards, seemed to be jasper & marble. In the forefront towards her majesty was the arms of England on the one side the gate, & on the other side the 
* Which is her own badge.  falcon with crown and sceptre. The other side was beautified with the arms of England on the one side of the gate, & the crest of England on the other. The pageant was furnished with five personages appareled like women. The first was the city of Norwich; the second Deborah; the third judith; the fourth Hester; the fift Martia, sometime queen of England. At the first sight of the prince, 
These musicians were enclosed in the chambers of the said pageant.  & till her majesties coming to the pageant, the musicians used their loud music, and then ceased: wherewith her highness stayed, to whom the parsonage representing the city of Norwich, did speak in these words.  

Whom fame resounds with thundering trump, 
rattling skies.  that rends the  
And pierceth to the haughty heavens, and thence descending flies  
Through flickering air: and so conjoines the sea & shore together,  
In admiration of thy grace, good queen thart welcome hither: 
The city of Norwich speaketh to the queens majesty.   
More welcome than Terpsichore was to the town of troy.  
Seafaring men by Gemini conceive not half my joy.  
Strong Hercules to Theseus was never such delight,  
Nor Nisus to Euryalus as I have in this sight.  
Penelope did never thirst Ulysses more to see,  
Than I poor Norwich hungered have to gain the sight of thee.  
And now that these my happy eyes behold thy heavenly face,  
The Lord of lords I humbly pray, to bliss thy noble grace  
With Nestor's life, with Sibyls health, with Croesus' stock & store,  
With all good gifts of Solomon, and twice as many more.  
What should I say? Thou art my joy next God, I have none other,  
My princess & my peerless queen, my loving nurse and mother.  
My goods & lands, my hands and hart, my limbs and life are thine,  
What is mine own in right or thought, to thee I do resign. 
How Norwich is affected to the queens highness.   
Grant then (oh gracious sovereign queen) this only my request,  
That that wh●ch shall be done in me, be construed to the best.  
And take in part my slender shows, wherein my whole pretence  
Is for to please your majesty, and end without offence.  
So shall I clap my hands for joy, and hold myself as rich  
As if I had the gold of Jude, and double twice as mich.   

Where princes sitting in their thrones set God before their sight 
Then spoke Deborah the second person.   
And live according to his law, and guide their people right,  
There doth his blessed gifts abound, there kingdoms firmly stand  
There force of foes cannot prevail, nor fury f●et the land.  
Myself (oh peerless prince) do speak by proof of matter past,  
Which proof by practice I performed, and foiled his foes at last.  
For jabin king of Canaan, poor Israel did spite,  
And meant by force of furious rage to overrun us quite.  
Nine hundred iron chariots, he brought into the field,  
With cruel captain Sisera by force to make us yield.  
His force was great, his fraud was more, he fought, we did defend,  
And twenty winters long did last this war without an end.  
But he that neither sleeps nor slacks such furies to correct,  
Appointed me Deborah for the judge of his elect:  
And did deliver Sisera into a woman's hand,  
I slew them all, and so in rest his people held the land.  
So mighty prince, that puissant Lord, hath placed thee here to be, 
The application of the former examples.   
The rule of this triumphant realm alone belongs to thee.  
Continue as thou hast begun, weed out the wicked rout,  
Uphold the simple, meek and good, pull down the proud & stout.  
Thus shalt thou live and reign in rest, & mighty God shalt please,  
Thy state be sure, thy subjects safe, thy commonwealth at ease.  
Thy God shall grant thee length of life, to glorify his name,  
Thy deeds shall be recorded in the book of lasting fame.   

Oh flower of grace, oh prime of Gods elect, 
Then spoke judith the third person.   
Oh mighty queen and finger of the Lord,  
Did God sometime by me poor wight correct  
The champion stout, that him and his abhorred?  
Then be thou sure thou art his mighty hand,  
To conquer those which him and thee withstand.  
The rage of foes Bethulia did oppress,  
The people faint were ready for to yield:  
God aided me poor widow nerthelesse,  
To enter into Holofernes field,  
And with this sword by his directing hand,  
To slay his foe, and quiet so the land.  
If this his grace were given to me poor wight, 
The application of the former examples   
If widows hand could vanquish such a fo:  
Then to a prince of thy surpassing might,  
What tyrant lives but thou mayst overthrow?  
Persevere then his servant as thou art,  
And hold for aye a noble victor's part.   

The fretting heads of furious foes have skill, 
Then Hester spoke the fourth person.   
As well by fraud as force to find their prey.  
In smiling looks doth lurk a lot as ill,  
As where both stern and sturdy streams do sway,  
Thyself oh queen, a proof hast seen of this,  
So well as I poor Hester have Iwis.  
As jabins' force did Israel perplex,  
And Holofernes fierce Bethulia besiege,  
So haman's slights sought me and mine to vex,  
Yet showed a face of subject to his liege.  
But force no fraud, nor tyrant strong can trap,  
Those whom the Lord in his defence doth wrap.  
The proofs I speak by us have erst been seen,  

The application of the former examples.  The proofs I speak, to thee are not unknown.  
Thy God thou know'st most dread and sovereign queen,  
A world of foes of thine hath everthrowne,  
And hither now triumphantly doth call  
Thy noble grace, the comfort of us all.  
Dost thou not see the joy of all this flock?  
Vouchsafe to view their passing gladsome cheer,  
Be still (good queen) their refuge and their rock,  
As they are thine to serve in love and fear:  
So fraud, nor force, nor foreign foe may stand  
Against the strength of thy most puissant hand.   

With long discourse (oh puissant prince) some tract of time we spend,  

Then 〈◊〉 Martia the fift person.  Vouchsafe yet now a little more, and then we make an end. line 10  
〈…〉 blast of fame, whereof dame Norwich first did speak,  
Not only shook the air and skies, but all the earth did break,  
It rend up graves, and bodies raised, each spirit took his place,  
And this alonelie word was heard: Here comes the pearl of grace,  
Here comes the jewel of the world, her people's whole delight,  
The paragon of present time, and prince of earthly might.  
The voice was strange, the wonder more: for when we viewed the earth  
Each prince that erst had reigned here, received again his breath,  
And with his breath, a liberty to hold again his place,  
If any one amongst us all exceed your noble grace.  
Some comfort every one conceived to catch again his own,  
His utmost skill was trimly used, to have his virtues known.  
The plays surpass my skill to tell. But when each one had said,  
Apoll● did himself appear and made us all dismayed.  
Will you contend with her (quoth he) within whose sacred breast line 20  
Dame Pallas and myself have framed our sovereign seat of rest?  
Whose skill directs the muses nine, whose grace doth Venus' stain:  
Her eloquence like Mercury: like juno in her train?  
Whose God is that eternal jove which holds us all in awe?  
Believe me, you exceed the bounds of equity and law.  
Therewith they shrunk themselves aside, not one I could espy,  
They couched them in their caves again and that full quietly.  
Yet I that Martia height, which sometime ruled this land,  
As queen for thirty three years space, got licence at his hand,  
And so Gurguntius did, my husband's father dear,  
Which built this town and castle both, to make our homage here,  
Which homage mighty queen accept: the realm and right is thine,  
The crown, the sceptre, and the sword to thee we do resign,  
And wish to God, that thou mayst reign, twice Nestor's years in peace,  
Triumphing over all thy foes, to all our joys increase, Amen. line 30   Herewith she passed under the gate, with such shanks as plainly expressed her noble nature: and the musicians within the gate upon their soft instruments used broken music, and one sang this ditty. 
From slumber soft as I fell fast asleep,  

A ditty song to soft music at the queénes' entrance under the gate.  From sleep to dream, from dream to deep delight,  
Each gem the gods had given the world to keep  
In princely wise came present to my sight:  
Such solace than did sink into my mind,  
As mortal man on mould could never find.  
The gods did strive, and yet their strifes were sweet, line 40  
Each one would have a virtue of her own.  
Dame juno thought the highest place most meet  
For her, because of riches was her throne.  
Dame Venus thought by reason of her love  
That she might claim the high●st place above.  
The virgin's state Diana still did praise,  
And Ceres praised the fruit of fertile soil:  
And Prudence did dame Pallas chiefly raise,  
Minerva all for eloquence did strive,  
They smiled to see their quarreling estate,  
And jove himself decided their debate.  
My sweets (quoth he) leave off your sugared strife,  
In equal place I have assigned you all:  
A sovereign wight there is that beareth life,  
In whose sweet hart I have enclosed you all. line 50  
Of England soil she is the sovereign queen,  
Your vigours there do flourish fresh and green.  
They skipped for joy, and gave their frank consent,  
The noise resounded to the haughty sky:  
With one loud voice they cried all, content,  
They clapped their hands, and therewith waked I.  
The world and they concluded with a breath,  
And wished long reign to queen Elisabeth.  

The place of the queénes' abode during the time of her tarriance in Norwich.  Herewith she passed through the market place, which was goodly garnished, and thence through the other streets which were trimly decked, directly to the cathedral church, where Te Deum was song, and after service she went to the bishop's palace, where line 60 her majesty kept the time she continued in Norwich. All this was on saturday the sixteenth of August 1578. On the next day after, which was sunday, when princes commonly come not abroad (and time is occupied with sermons and laudable exercises) T. C. was to watch a convenient season, where and how might be uttered the things that were prepared for pastime. And so upon monday before supper, he made a devise, as though Mercury had been sent from the gods, to request the queen to come abroad, & behold what was devised for her welcome, the whole matter whereof doth follow.  

The manner of Mercury's coach & message to the queen, requesting her highness to come abroad, and see what pastime the gods had provided for so noble a prince.  The coach that Mercury came in unto the queen, was closely kept in secret a long season, and when the time came it must pass towards the court, it had a trumpeter with it, and the cochman was made to drive so fast, as the horses should seem to fly, which was so well observed, as the people wondered at the swiftness thereof, and followed it in such flocks and multitudes, that scarce in a great green (where the preaching place is) might be found room for any more people. And when the coach approached in the hearing of a trumpet, the trumpeter sounded, and so came in to the green sounding, until the coach was full placed before a window at the which the queen stood, and might be plainly seen and openly viewed. When Mercury had espied her highness, he skipped out of the coach, and being on the ground, gave a jump or two, and advanced himself in such a sort, that the queen smiled at the boldness of the boy. Thus Mercury beholding the queen with great courage and audacity, at the length bowed down his head, and immediately stood bolt upright, and shaked his rod, and so began his speech with a most assured countenance, and bravely pronounced it in deed, to his great liking and commendation.  
Muse not good queen at me that message brings  
From jove or just jehova Lord of might,  
No earthly god, yet governs mortal things,  
And spirits divine, and shunning angels bright.  
This lord of late to show his mighty power,  
Hath wonders wrought when world looked lest therefore:  
For at his beck, this day and present hour,  
The heavens shaked, the thunderbolts did roar.  
The earth did move, the dead therein did rise,  
And out of grave the ghosts of men are gone,  
The wandering spirits that hovered in the skies  
Dropped down from air▪ for world to wonder on.  
The saints themselves that sat in glory great,  
Were sent in haste to work jehovas' will, 
He revealeth what he is by office.   
And I that oft my restless wings do beat,  
Was called to use my wings and office still.  
A common post is Mercury you know,  
When he commands that made the world of nought.  
And flies as fast as arrow out of bow,  
When message may express jehovas' thought.  
Whose power divine full long yer this hath seen,  
That in this place should lodge a sacred queen.  
And weigheng well, the prince whereof I speak,  
Might weary wax of common pastimes here,  
(For that he knows her judgement is not weak)  
Devisd above, below there should appear  
(To welcome her) some sights that rare should seem,  
And careless stood, what world thereof did deem,  
So that good queen, you take them well in worth. 
Rare sights if any such were as Mercury nameth.   
No sooner had jehova meant these things,  
But clouds clapped hands, and souls of men came forth  
Of heaven gates, yea goodly crowned kings  
Were flown abroad from blessed Abraham's breast:  
Some in the air, and tops of trees did rest,  
Some fell on towers and stately houses high,  
Some sunk in seas, whose names were drowned now,  
And some did light on land where every eye  
May them behold, and note their manners throw.  
And therewithal the black infernal sprites  
Ran out of hell, the earth so trembling than,  
And like young lads they hoped about the streets,  
The satires wild, in form and shape of man,  
Crept through the woods, and thickets full of breers,  
The water nymphs, and feiries straight appeers  
In uncouth forms and fashion strange to view:  
The hags of hell that hateful are of kind,  
To please the time had learned a nature new,  
And all those things that man can call to mind,  
Were glad to come and do their duty throw.  
I seeing this, called for my coach in haste,  
Abide sir boy, than said jehova now,  
Thou goest not yet until a prince be placed,  
Where I appoint, thou hast nothing to say.  
Then still I stood, to know what should be done. 
Mercury is attentive to his charge.   
With that a swarm of people every way  
Like little ants about the fields 'gan run,  
Some to provide for pomp and triumph great,  
Some for good fare, yea household cates and meat,  
And some they ran to seek where poets dwell,  
To pen forth shows and paint out trifles well.  
Some hailed and pulled to bring the carrege in,  
Some ran to gaze on triumph near at hand,  
And some stood mute, as they amazed had been  
To see a court and princely noble band  
Come marching on, and make here their abode.  
But when I saw the carrege here unload,  
And well had weighed the wonders I have told,  
O mighty God (quoth I) now give me lean 
The charge given by jupiter to Mercury for the recreation of the queen.   
To go from thee some message to unfold,  
That by my speech the hearers may conceive.  
Thy godhead great hath brought this princess here.  
It shall be so (quoth he) dispatch and part,  
And tell her that she is to me so dear,  
That I appoint by man's devise and art,  
That every day she shall see sundry shoes,  
If that she please to walk and take the air,  
And that so soon as out of door she goes  
(If time do serve and weather waxeth fair)  
Some odd devise shall meet hi● highness streigth,  
To make her smile, and ease her burdened breast,  
And take away the cares and things of weight  
That princes feel, that findeth greatest rest.  
When I had thus received my charge at full,  
My golden rod in lively hand I took,  
And bad in haste my flying horses pull.  
But yer I passed, I 'gan about me look,  
To see that coach, and each thing gallant were:  
So down I came all winged as you see.  
And sith I have espied that princess there,  
That greatest kings do sue to by degree, line 10  

The queens rare estate described.  And many more that sues no whit, do fear  
I kiss her steps, and show my masters will,  
And leave with her such graces from above,  
As always shall command her people's love,  
(Uphold her reign, maintain her regal state,  
Find out false hearts, and make of subjects true,  
Plant perfect peace, and root up all debate)  
So with this grace good queen now here adieu,  
For I may now on earth no longer stay,  
Thus servants must to masters will obey.  
Mercury having thus spoken to the queen, whose gracious inclination is such, as will not have any thing dutifully offered to pass unregarded, line 20 was well heard, her highness standing at a window, and the speech very well taken and understood. Mercury as he came passed away, at whose coach the people that had seldom seen such a devise marveled, and gazed very much; for it had horses to draw it finely painted and winged, 
The description of Mercury's coach.  to as great show and order of that it presented, as wit might imagine: the cochman suitable to the same, and a trumpeter in right good garments, as decent for that purpose as could be devised. But the coach was made and framed line 30 on such a fashion as few men have seen: the whole whereof was covered with birds and naked spirits, hanging by the heels in the air and clouds, cunningly painted out, as though by some thunder crack they had been shaken and tormented: yet stayed by power divine in their places, to make the more wonder and miraculous show. And on the middle of that coach stood a high compassed tower bedecked with golden and gay jewels, in the top whereof was placed a fair plume of white feathers, all to bespanged and trimmed to the most bravery: 
The description of Mercury, his attire, habiliments, etc.  Mercury line 40 himself in blue satin lined with cloth of gold, his garments cut and slashed on the finest manner, a peaked hat of the same colour, as though it should cut and sever the wind asunder; and on the same a pair of wings, and wings on his heels likewise. And on his golden rod were little wings also, about the which rod were two wriggling or scralling serpents, which seemed to have life when the rod was moved or shaken. So in this sort and form was line 50 Mercury and his coach set forth, and indeed at such a season as a great sort looked not for any show, nor things were ready, as some thought, to perform that was necessary and expected: yet hap was so good, and the gracious favour of the prince, that all was well taken, and construed to the best meaning of the devisor. So ended that days devise, which offered occasion to further matter.  
On tuesday following (for before that day by means of the weather the queen went not abroad) a very pretty and pleasant show was performed before line 60 her highness without saint Benet's gates, as she went towards Cossie park to hunt. At which season, although the devisor was not well provided of things necessary for a show (by mean of some crossing causes in the city) yet hearing the queen road abroad, 
The devisor ventureth the hazard of a show.  determined as he might (and yet by help of friends and hap) very well to venture the hazard of a show, and to be full in the way where her highness should pass towards her dinner. In which determination many doubts were to be cast, and many persuaded him to tarry a better time. But considering how time rolled on, and days and hours did waste (without doing any thing promised and not performed) he hastily prepared his boys and men with all their furnitures, and so set forward with two coaches handsomely trimmed. The common people beholding the manner thereof, and greedy to gaze on that should be done, followed as their fancies did lead them: so that when the devisor and his retinue came into the open field, there was as great a train and press about the show, as came with the court at that instant, which graced much the matter, and gave it some expected hope of good success.  
First, there was a feigned devise, 
The whole manner of the devise or show.  that Venus and Cupid were thrust out of heaven, and walking on the earth, met a philosopher; who demanded from whence they came. They told the philosopher what they were, and he replied, and began with truth & tants to tickle them so near, that Venus fell in a great anger, and Cupid ran away, and left his mother and the philosopher disputing together. But Cupid because he would be nourished somewhere, ran to the court, and there sought for succour, & encountering the queen began to complain his state and his mothers, and told how the philosopher had handled them both. But finding neither answer nor aid, he returned again, but not to his mother, for she was fallen mad upon a conceit that she was not made of. And Cupid wandering in the world, met with dame Chastity & her maids, called Modesty, Temperance, Good exercise, and Shame fastness: 
Dame Chastity & her maids encounter with Cupid.  and she with her four maids encountering Cupid in a goodly coach, and without any honest guard waiting on him, set upon him, threw him out of his golden seat, trod on his pomp, spoiled him of his counterfeit godhead and cloak, & took away his bow and quiver of arrows, the one headed with lead, and the other with gold, and so sent him like a fugitive away, and mounted up into the coach herself and her maids, and so came to the queen, and rehearsed what had happened. Although this was done in her view, & because (said Chastity) that the queen had chosen the best life, she gave the queen Cupid's bow, to learn to shoot at whom she pleased, sith none could wound her highness heart, it was meet (said Chastity) that she should do with Cupid's bow & arrows what she pleased; and so did Chastity departed as she said to the powers divine. Cupid in the mean while wandering in the world had found out Wantonness and Riot, 
What associates Cupid found out to keep him company.  who soon fell into beggary and ruin (a spectacle to be looked into) and felt such daily misery with Wantonness and Riot, that Cupid was forced to fling away once again, and hazard himself to fall into the hands of naughty people, or where fortune assigned: and coming abroad, happened upon the philosopher, who talked with him again, told him his errors, and other points of pride and presumption; declaring it was a great blasphemy & abuse, to report & believe that in heaven were any other gods but one, who had the only rule of all, & that made all of nought. In which reasoning & discourse Cupid waxed warm, & yet in his greatest heat knew not how nor where to cool himself, at which time came Wantonness & Riot, & persuaded Cupid to play no longer the fool in striving with philosophers, and go away with them. So Cupid departed, & went away with Wantonness and Riot, & the philosopher remained, & declared that all abuses & follies should come to no better end than presently was expressed by the misery of Wantonness, Riot, and Cupid. Then Modesty and her fellows, 
Chastity and her maids matched together, etc.  leaving their mistress dame Chastity with the powers divine, came soft and fair in their mistress coach, singing a song of chaste life, as here under followeth.  
Chaste life lives long and looks  
on world and wicked ways,  
chaste life for loss of pleasures short,  
doth win immortal praise.  
chaste life hath merry moods,  
and soundly taketh test,  
chaste life is pure as babe new borne,  
that hugs in mothers' breast.  
Lewd life cuts off his days,  
and soon runs out his date,  
Confounds good wits, breeds naughty blood,  
and weakens man's estate.  
Lewd life the Lord doth loath,  
the law and land mislikes,  
The wise will shun, fond fools do seek,  
and God sore plagues and strikes.  
chaste life may dwell alone,  
and find few fellows now,  
And sit in regal throne,  
and search lewd manners throw.  
chaste life fears no mishap, line 10  
the whole account is made,  
When soul from worldly cares is crept,  
and sits in sacred shade.  
Lewd life is laughed to scorn,  
and put to great disgrace,  
In hollow caves it hides the head,  
and walks with muffled face,  
Found out and pointed at,  
a monster of the mind,  
A cankered worm that conscience eats,  
and strikes clear senses blind.  
chaste life a precious pearl,  
doth shine as bright as sun,  
The fair hour glass of days and years, line 20  
that never out will run.  
The beauty of the soul,  
the body's bliss and ease,  
A thing that least is looked unto,  
yet most the mind shall please.  
And when the song was ended, modesty sent (as she said she was) from her mistress, spoke to the queen a good season, and so the matter ended. For this show the deviser had gracious words of the queen openly and often pronounced by her highness. On the same day the minister of the Dutch church, pronouncing to her majesty at her being abroad line 30 the oration following, presented the cup therein mentioned, which was esteemed to be worth fifty pounds, very curiously and artificially wrought.  

Oratio ad serenissimam Angliae reginam habita 19 Augusti 1578 à ministro ecclesiae Belgogermanicae Nordovici in loco publico.  
MAgna oratoribus, qui percelebratorum aetate vixerunt line 40 fuit laus, serenissima regina, quòd judicum animos partim suaviloquentia, 
Quinam oratore● antiqua aetate praeclarissima laudatissimi extiterunt.  partim posita rei personaeque ante ipsorum oculos calamitate, in quemcunque vellent animi habitum transformarent. Prius membrum non vulgarem nobis ob oculos ponit hominum facilitatem, quòd adeò sequaces dictóque audientes fuerint, ut se linguis duci paterentur. Posterius magnam ubique apud gentes, quarum respublica optabili ordine fuit constituta, obtinuit gratiam: longè autem maiorem apud eos, qui Christo nomen dederunt: 
Beneficiorum à regia maiestate collatorum agnitio cum obsequio etc.  omnium verò maximam apud te (ô serenissima regina) line 50 ecclesiae Christi nutrix, cuius animum verbo Dei obsequentem instruxit, non fucatus hic sermo, sed Christi spiritus, pietatísque Zelus. Ipsissima piorum calamitas afflictorúmque lachrymae, lachrymae inquam Christi fidelium te commoverunt, misera dispersáque Christi membra quibusuis iniurijs obiecta, mill iam mortibus territa, in tutelam salutémque animi juxta ac corporis recipere ac protegere. Ob haec singularia tua in nos pietatis beneficia, & quòd sub tutore optimo magistratu in hac tua Nordovicensi urbe (quam maiestas tua nobis ob Christi religionem exulantibus domicilij loco clementer concessit) vivimus, line 60 add quòd populi in nos animum favorabilem experimur, inprimis Deo patri, & Domino unico seruatori nostro jesu Christo, deinde & tibi serenissima regina immortales non quas debemus sed quas possimus agimus gratias. Porrò humile quidem & unicum tamen nostrum est votum, animi nostri gratitudinem maiestati tuae ostendere. Ecce igitur nullum munus, sed animum nostrum: nullum regium splendorem, sed pietatis posteritatísque monumentum serenissimae tuae maiestati consecratum. 
Monumentum antiquum regiae maiestati exhibitum.  Hoc autem eo gratius maiestati tuaefore confidimus, quòd ex inculpatipijssimíque josephi historia, Dei erga maiestatem tuam bonitas, ad vivum sit delineata, quem nulla astutia, nullum robur, nulla denique regnandi libido; sed fides constans, christiani pectoris pietas, coelestísque virtus, singulari Dei favore ex sanguinaria fratrum conspiratione, mortísque metu, ad summam dignitatem, regníque decus euexe●unt. In huius fratres non aliena videtur prouerbial●s illa apud Hebraeos sententia, invidia malarum rerum appetitus, & studium vanae gloriae hominibus saepissimè occasio sunt sui interitus. Tamen quòd josephi animum attinet, 
josephus insigniter lau●●atus, neque 〈◊〉.  ea fuit praeditus & temperantia & fortitudine, ut nimis iniquus simul & praws censeri posset, qui eum vel minimo vindicandi affectu accusare velit; adeò Dei providentiae & se & omne vitae suae studium, vitae inquam in alieno regno periclitantis, commisit, ut non aliunde quàm à solo Dei nutu pendêre visus sit. Sed quorsum ista? In te ne haec ipsa aliáque consimilia (ô serenissima regina) & regni tui ratione omnium oculis conspicua sunt? Haec inquam esse ecclesiae Christi foelicissimum gaudium, spirituale diadema, & summum decus, huius verò regni verè regium splendorem, atque perennem gloriam, quis nisimente captus inficias ire potest? Pijssimè tu quidem singulari Dei bonitate animum josephi tum in regni tui conseruatione, 
Regia maies●a● in omnibus josepho aequiparat●.  tum in regno Christi amplificando imitata es (ô nutrix ecclesiae Dei fidelissima) solius enim Dei est hunc per res (prout hominum oculis sunt subiectae) secundas disperdere, illum autem per quaevis tentationum genera rerúmque discrimina extollere. Quos ut vasa suae misericordiae agnoscit, ita etiam & bonitate & spiritus sui tum consolatione, tum fortitudine ad aeternae vitae foelicitatem prosequitur. Quod nostrum votum ratum esse, maiestatem tuam regníque ordinem spirituali prudentia ac sapientia stabilire, eámque in longam aetatem servare, tuae item maiestatis subditos vera sui cognitione magis ac magis imbuere, dignetur bonus ille & clemens Deus, per meritafilij sui Domini nostri jesu Christi, Amen.  
Regiae maiestati post orationem oblatum est monumentum aliquod, in cuius superficie artificiosè sculpta erat historia josephi: ex lib. Genesios.  

In circumferentia verò hoc carmen.   

Innocuum pietas ad regia sceptra josephum,  
Ex manibus fratrum, carnificísque, rapit:  
Carcere & insidijs sic te regina tuorum  
Ereptam duxit culmina ad ista Deus.   

Inscriptio erat in ipsius capacitate scripta in orbem, hoc modo.   
Serenissimae Angliae reginae Elisabethae, ecclesiae Belgicae Nordovici ob religionem exulantes, hoc monumentum & pietatis & posteritatis ergô consecrabant, Anno salutis humanae, 1578.  
In interiore ipsius part erat ensign serpentis in gyrum convoluti, cui media insidebat columba, cum hoc Christi elogio: Prudens ut serpens, simplex ut columba.   

The minister of the Dutch church his oration in English.  
THe orators (most grations queen) which lived in the age of them that won greatest renown, 
What orators were best commended in former times of best renown.  were highly commended for that they could transform the judges minds, partly by eloquence, and partly by setting down before their eyes the calamity of the thing and person they spoke of, into what disposition them listed. The first part declareth unto us no common felicity of men, in that they were so willing in following, and attentive in hearing, as they would suffer themselves to be lead by eloquence. The last obtained great favour amongst all nations, whose common weal was governed in good order, and far greater amongst the christians: but greatest of all with thee (o most excellent queen) the nurse of Christ his church, whose mind obedient to God's word, the spirit of Christ, and zeal of godliness, and not this profane kind of speech hath instructed. The very calamity of godly men and tears of the afflicted, the tears I say of faithful christians have thoroughly moved thee to defend and protect the miserable and dispersed members of Christ object to every kind of injury, 
〈…〉 for the same.  before beaten in pieces by a thousand deaths, with the safety and preservation as well of mind as body. For these thy singular benefits of godliness towards us, and that we live under so good a tutor, being magistrate in this thy city of Norwich, which thy majesty hath of clemency granted unto us for a mansion place, which were banished for Christ his religion; and moreover that we find the minds of the people favourable towards us, first we give immortal thanks, not such as we line 10 ought, but such as we are able unto God the father, and the Lord our only saviour jesus Christ; and then unto thee most merciful queen. Moreover, it is our humble and yet our only petition, to show unto your majesty the thankfulness of our mind. Behold therefore dedicated to your most excellent majesty, not any gift but our mind, no princely jewel but a monument of godliness and posterity. 
A monument of antiquity presented to her majesty.  The which we hope will be so much the more acceptable to your majesty; for because the goodness line 20 of God towards your majesty is lively drawn out of the history of the innocent and most godly joseph, whom neither policy, strength nor desire of bearing rule, but constant faith, godliness of a christian heat, and heavenly virtue by God's singular mercy delivered from the bloody conspiracy of his brethren and fear of death, and brought unto high dignity & royal kingdom. To whose brethren that proverbial sentence of the Hebrews is very fitly alluded: Envy being the desire of evil things, and line 30 covetousness of transitory renown, 
joseph singularly commended & not without cause.  is oftentimes the occasion of man's destruction. But touching the mind of joseph, the same was endued with such temperance and fortitude, that he might be thought no less unjust than wicked, that would accuse him so much as with the least affection of revengement: so wholly did he commit himself and all the government of his life, his life I say put in hazard in a strange kingdom unto the providence of God, that he seemed line 40 to hang of no other thing than the only will of God. But to what end speak I this? Are not these self same things, and others their like (o most excellent queen) by the eyes of all men clearly beheld in thee and the order of thy kingdom? What man (I say) having his wits, can deny these things to be the most happy joy, spiritual crown, & chiefest ornament of Christ's church, & truly of this kingdom the princely beauty and perpetual renown? Thou surely dost follow most holily the mind of joseph, 
The queens majesty compared to joseph, etc.  line 50 by the singular goodness of God, as well in preserving thy kingdom, as in amplifying the kingdom of Christ (o thou most faithful nurse of the church of God.) For it is in God only to destroy this man by prosperity (as the world seethe) and advance another by all kinds of adversities, temptations, & dangers. Whom as he acknowledgeth the vessels of his mercy, so by his goodness together with the consolation and strength of his spirit, he doth bring them to the happiness of eternal life. Which our petition that line 60 good and merciful God grant may be ratified, in establishing your majesty and governance of your kingdom with spiritual wisdom and understanding, in preserving the same full many years, and enduing your majesties subjects more and more with true knowledge of him, for his sons sake our Lord jesus Christ, Amen.   
The oration ended, there was a certain monument presented to her majesty, in the upper part whereof was artificially graven the history of joseph out of Genesis. In the inner part of the same there was the figure of a serpent, interfolding itself: in the midst whereof did sit a dove with this sentence of Christ, Matth. 10, 16. Wise as the serpent, and meek as the dove. In the circumference or compass thereof was these verses to be read. 
To royal sceptre, godliness,  
joseph the innocent,  
Doth take from brother's bloody hands,  
and murderers intent.  
So thee, O queen, the Lord hath led  
from prison and deceit  
Of thine, unto these highest tops  
of your princely estate.   
On wednesday her highness dined at my lord of Surreis, where were the French ambassadors also, 
The queens majesty is banketted at the earl of Surreis.  at a most rare and delicate dinner and banquet. At which season the deviser did watch with his show (called Manhood & Desert) at my lord of Surreis' back door, going to the queens barge: but the room was so little, that neither the shot, the armed men, nor the players could have place convenient. Whereupon he and his assistants took boats, and conveyed their people down the water, towards a landing place that they hoped the queen would come unto. And there having allthings in readiness, they hoovered on the water three long hours, by which means the night came on, and so they were feign to withdraw themselves and go homeward, trusting for a better time and occasion, which in deed was offered the next day after by the queens majesties own good motion, who told the deviser she would see what pastimes were prepared, as hereafter you shall perceive by the discourse of these matters, and by this show of Manhood, and the show of the Nymphs. Nevertheless, as her majesty returned homeward; within Bishop's gate at the hospital door, master Stephan Limbert, master of the grammar school in Norwich stood ready to render her an oration. Her majesty drew near unto him, & thinking him fearful, said graciously unto him: Be not afraid. 
O singular affability of a prince to put away a subjects bashfulness.  He answered her again in English: I thank your majesty for your good encouragement: & then with good courage entered into this oration following.  

Ad illustrissimam principem Elisabetham, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae reginam &c: ante fores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nordovicensis, oratio Stephani Limberti ludimagistri publici.  
AEgyptum fama est inundante Nilo (serenissima regina) & aureo Pactoli flumine quotannis Lidiam irrigari, 
Egregiae necnon impares Anglig dotes.  quae res in ijs agris maxima fecunditatis causa putatur. In nos autem atque adeo universam Angliam, quae lat è patet, non è Tmolo aut alijs nescio quibus montibus, sed ex illo perenni & uberrimo font bonitatis tuae, multi maximique pietatis, justiciae, mansuetudinis, aliorúmque innumerabilium bonorum, prae quibus iam viluit aurum & obsolevit, copiosissimi rivi profluxerunt. Atque ut ex infinitis vel unum leviter attingam, propterea quòd de pluribus dicere nec est huius loci & temporis nec facultatis meae. Insignem illam misericordiam celsitudinis tuae, nobilissima regina, & ad levandum pauperrimorum hominum inopiam incredibilem propensionem, qua de plurimis virtutibus nulla Deo gratior (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut canit Homerus) in summa principe nulla mortalibus admirabilior esse potest, quibus tandem laudibus efferemus? Quàm honorificis verbis prosequemur? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hoc est, hospitium pauperum celeberrimum est apud omnes posteros regiae virtutis atque beneficentiae monumentum futurum, 
Henricus & Edovardus reges▪ necnon Elisabetha regina praecipui benefactores agnoscuntur.  institutum quidem ab illustrissimo Henrico patre celsitudinis tuae, à nobilissimo Edovardo fratre maximis tabulis consignatum, a tua verò maiestate, quod non minorem laudem meretur, Crinlefordiensibus fundis & possessionibus egregiè nuper auctum atque amplificatum, ut non tam alienis iam ornamentis, quàm proprijs virtutibus meritò laetari possis. Recordata quip es pro tua singulari prudentia atque eruditione, divinam illam sapientissimi Platonis legem, quam undecimo de legibus libro scriptam reliquit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tantamigitur benignitatem, tam eximiam line 10 & incredibilem misericordiam tuam (illustrissima princeps) quibus complectemur studijs? Quibus officijs, aut qua voce grati animi voluntatem testificabimur? Cùm enim omnes referendae gratiae studio & labore, vel accuratissimas rationes exquisiverimus, ne unius quidem huius beneficij, quo nos augustissimae maiestatituae obstrictos esse & devinctos agnoscimus, magnitudinem assequipoterimus. Superabimur vel ab hoc uno & singulari line 20 merito, 
Pares gratias pro imparibus beneficijs agi non posse.  nedum sperandum est, ut immenso reliquorum meritorum pelago, quod tum in omnes tibi subditos publicè & generatim, tum in hanc civitatem propriè ac particulatim exundavit, pares esse queamus. Verè nos iam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 incolimus, & in beatis illis insulis de quibus meminit Hesiodus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aetatem agimus, qui non modò frugibus, lana, pecore, alijsque subsidijs humanae vitae sed multo magis verae religionis verbíque divini, in quibus animi solùm acquiescunt, pretiosissimis opibus line 30 abundamus. Sunt qui Britanniam alterum orbem appellârunt, 
Angliam meritò alterum orbem nuncupari.  quod hac aetate nostra dici rectissimè posse arbitror. Cùm enim omnes undíque terrae gravissimis bellis affligantur, & discordiarum iactentur fluctibus, soli nos, celsitudine tua clawm moderante, in pacatissimo portu navigamus, & ab orb malorum disiuncti, in coelum quodammodo foelicitatis sublati videmur. Quod est ergô officij nostri, primùm deo Opt. Max. gratias agimus, line 40 cuius unius bonitati omnem hanc, quantacùnque est, beatitudinem acceptam referimus, precamùrque ut eam nobis propriam & perpetuam esse velit: deinde celsitudini tuae, serenissima regina, cuius opera, cura, solicitudine, & partam hanc nobis foelicitatem, & tot annos conseruatam agnoscimus. Laetamur hoc aspectu tuo, & gratulamur incredibili studio, quod tum ex meo ipsius sensu loquor, tum omnes qui iam undique, confluxerunt line 50 Nordovicenses tui à me dici postulant. Atque utinam in haec pector a posses oculos inserere, 
Nordovicensium veraeuet ex inti puris medullas provenicus laetitia quam regiam maiestatem nidean●.  & ocultos animorum nostrorum sinus perlustrare, videres profectò inclusam intus, quae tantis angustijs erumpere non potest, infinitam molem voluntatis. Fidem omnem, studium, obseruantiam, quae tantae principi debentur, ut haectenus promptissimè detulimus, ita studiosissimè semper deferemus: & si quando casus aliquis inciderit (quod Deus omen avertat) line 60 sacrosanctae maiestatis tuae, aut istius florentissimi regni, vel salus in discrimen veniat, vel dignitas periclitetur, non solùm bonorum omnium ac facultatum effusionem, sed laterum nostrorum oppositus & corporum pollicemur. Rogamus deinde & obsecramus excellentiam tuam, illustrissima regina, ut & hoc nostrum qualecunque officium à summa benevolentia animóque quàm gratissimo profectum boni consulas, & de nobis Nordovicensibus sic existimes, ad lautiores te fortasse subditos venisse saepe, adlaetiores nunquam.   

The oration of Stephan Limbert, public schoolmaster, to the most magnificent prince, Elisabeth of England, France, and Ireland queen, &c: before the gates of the hospital of Norwich.  
IT is reported (most gracious queen) that Egypt is watered with the yearly overflowing of Nilus, 
The excellent and ●●comparable blessings of England.  and Lydia with the golden stream of Pactolus, which thing is thought to be the cause of the great fruitfulness of these countries: but upon us, and further, over all England, even into the uttermost borders, many and main rivers of godliness, justice, humility, and other innumerable good things, in comparison of the which, gold is vile and nought worth, do most plentifully gush out, and those not from Tmolus, or other hills I know not which, but from that continual and most abundant wellspring of your goodness. And that of those infinite goodnesses I may lightly touch one, for that neither place, time, nor my ability doth permit to speak of many: with what praises shall we extol; with what magnificent words shall we express that notable mercy of your highness (most renowned queen) and uncredible readiness to relieve the need of poor men, than the which of many virtues none can be more acceptable unto God, as Homer writeth, neither any virtue in a mighty prince more wondered at amongst men. This hospital of poor men is most famous, 
King Henry king Edward and queen Elisabeth acknowledged special benefactors.  which will be a monument of princely virtue and beneficence amongst all posterity, instituted by the most mighty king Henry your highness father, confirmed with the great seal by the most noble king Edward your brother, but by your majesty, which deserveth no less praise, of late notably increased and amplified by the lands and possessions of Cringleford, that you may not now worthily rejoice so much in others ornaments, as your own virtues. For you are said for your singular wisdom and learning, to have studied that divine law of the most wise Plato, which he left written in the eleventh book of laws. Such your great bounty therefore, so exceeding and incredible mercy (o most virtuous prince) in what books shall we comprehend? With what duties, or with what voice shall we testify the good will of a thankful mind? For when we diligently seek all the most exquisite and curious means of thanksgiving: we cannot so much as attain unto the greatness of this one benefit, 
Condign thanks vnp●●sible to be given.  by the which we acknowledge ourselves bound and straightly holden to your most royal majesty. We shall be overcome, even with this one and singular benefit, so much the less hope have we then in any point to countervail the huge sea of the rest of your benefits, which overfloweth on every side as well publicly & generally over all your subjects, as properly and particularly upon this city. We certainly now inhabit, and lead our lives in those most happy islands, of the which Hesiodus maketh mention, which not only abound with all manner of grain, wool, cattle, and other aids of man's life; but much more with the most precious treasure of true religion and the word of God, in the which only the minds of men have rest and peace. 
England deservedly called another world.  There be that call England another world, which I think may be most true in this our age. For whereas all lands on every side of us are afflicted with most grievous wars, and tossed with the floods of dissension, we only (your highness governing our stern) do sail in a most peaceable haven, and severed from a world of mischiefs, do seem after a sort to be taken up into a heaven of happiness. We therefore (according to our bounden duty) first give thanks unto God almighty, unto whose goodness only with thanks we refer all this our happiness, how great soever it be, & pray that he would vouchsafe to make the same proper and perpetual unto us. And afterwards unto your highness (o most gracious queen) by whose study, care and diligence we confess this blessedness to be gotten, and so many years preserved unto us. 
Their unfrigned rejoicing to see her majesty.  We are glad in this beholding you, and we rejoice with desire more than may be believed, which as I speak of mine own thought, so also all the subjects of Norwich desire me to say the same in their behalf. And I would to God you could pierce these our breasts with your eyes, and throughly view the hidden and covered creeks of our minds! Then undoubtedly should you behold an infinite heap of goodwill closely shut up within, which cannot break out of so narrow straits. All the faith, study, and obedience, which are due to so great a prince, as hitherto we have most willingly employed, so will we always most diligently perform the same: and if at any time any chance shall happen (which fortune God turn from us) that ●he state of thy blessed majesty, or of this flourishing realm should come in danger, or the worthiness line 10 thereof be in hazard, we do not only protest the effusion of all our goods and substance, but also the putting forth and brunt of our strengths and bodies therein. Finally, we desire and beseech thy excellency (most renowned queen) well to accept of this our duty, howsoever it be, proceeding from a singular good will, and a most thankful mind, and so to think of us citizens of Norwich, that perhaps you have many times come to people more wealthy, but to more joyful never.   
Immediately after the beginning of the oration line 20 her majesty called to her the French ambassadors, whereof there were three, and diverse English lords, and willed them to hearken, and she herself was very attentive, even until the end thereof. And the oration ended, after she had given great thanks therefore to master Limbert, 
The queens high commendation of master Limbert's oration.  she said to him; It is the best that ever I heard; you shall have my hand: and pulled off her glove, and gave him her hand to kiss, which before kneeling on his knees, he arose and kissed; and then she departed to the court without any line 30 other show that night, but that she sent back to know his name. The next night being thursday there was an excellent princely mask brought before her after supper by master Goldingham in the privy chamber, it was of gods and goddesses both strangely and richly appareled. The first that entered was Mercury, 
The description of an ex●●llent and princely mask.  than entered two torchbearers in purple taffeta mandilions laid with silver lace, as all other the torchbearers were; then entered a consort of music, to wit, six musicians, all in long line 40 vestures of white sarsenet girded about them, and garlands on their heads, playing very cunningly; then two torchbearers more; then jupiter and juno, than two torchbearers more; then Mars and Venus, than two torchbearers more; then Apollo and Pallas, than two torchbearers more; then Neptune and Diana; and lastly Cupid concluding the matter.  
Thus when they had once marched about the chamber, Mercury dischargeth his message in these words to the queen: The good meaning mayor and line 50 all his brethren, 
Mercury's message to the queen.  with the rest, have not rested from praying unto the gods to prosper thy coming hither; and the gods themselves moved by their unfeigned prayers, are ready in person to bid thee worthily welcome; and I Mercury the god of merchants and merchandise, and therefore a favourer of the citizens, being thought meetest am chosen fittest to signify the same. God's there be also which cannot come, being tied by the time of the year, as Ceres in harvest, Bacchus in wines, Pomona in orchards. Only line 60 Hymineus denieth his good will, either in presence or in person: notwithstanding Diana hath so counterchecked him therefore, as he shall hereafter be at your commandment. For my part, as I am a reioiser at your coming, 
Then marched they about again, and that done jupiter spoke to the queen in this sort, and then gave her ●nding wand of whales ●in 〈◊〉 wrought.  so am I a furtherer of your welcome hither; and for this time I bid you farewell.  

Fear not oh queen, thou art beloved so,  
As subjects true will truly thee defend:  
Fear not my power to overthrow thy woe,  
I am the God that can each miss amend.  
Thou dost know great jupiter am I,  
That gave thee first thy happy sovereignty.  
I give thee still as ever thou hast had,  
A peerless power unto thy dying day:  
I give thee rule to overcome the bad,  
And love to love thy loving subjects aye.  
I give thee here this small and slender wand,  
To show thou shalt in quiet rule the land.   

Is juno rich? No sure she is not so, 
Then juno spoke, whose g●●t was a purse curiously wrought.   
She wants that wealth that is not wanting here,  
Thy goods get friends, my wealth wins many a foe,  
My riches rust, but thine shine passing clear.  
Thou art beloved of subjects far and vie,  
Which is such wealth as money cannot buy.  
Farewell fair queen, I cannot give thee aught,  
Nor take away thy good that is so bound:  
Thou canst not give that I so long have sought,  
Ne can I hold the riches thou hast found.  
Yet take this gift, though poor I seem to be,  
That thou thyself shalt never poorer be.   

Where force doth fiercely seek to foster wrong, 
Then after they had marched again about, Mars gave his gift, which was a fair pair of knives, and said:   
There Mars doth make him make a quick recoil,  
Nor can endure that he should harbour long,  
Where naughty wights manure in goodly soil.  
This is the use that aids the force of war,  
That Mars doth mend, that force doth seek to mar.  
And though oh queen thou be'st a prince of peace,  
Yet shalt thou have me fastly sure at need:  
The storms of strife and blustering broils to cease,  
Which foreign foes or faithless friends may breed.  
To conquer, kill, to vanquish and subdue,  
Such feigned folk, as loves to live untrue.   
These words were engraven upon the knives: 

To hurt your foe and help your friend,  
These knives are made unto that end:  
Both blunt and sharp you shall us find,  
As pleaseth best your princely mind.   

In vain (fair queen) from heaven my coming was, 
Then spoke Venus whose gift was a white dove.   
To seek to mend that is no way amiss:  
For now I see thy favour so doth pass,  
That none but thou, thou only she it is,  
Whose beauty bids each wight to look on thee,  
By view they may another Venus see.  
Where beauty boasts, and favour doth not fail,  
What may I give to thee O worthy wight?  
This is my gift, there shall no woe prevail,  
That seeks thy will against thy wills delight,  
Not where they will, but where it likes thy mind,  
Accept that friend if loyal thou him find.    
The dove being cast off, ran directly to the queen, and being taken up and set upon the table before her majesty, sat so quietly as if it had been tied. Then after they had marched again about, Apollo presented his gift, which was an instrument called a bandonet, and did sing to the said instrument this short and pithy ditty, as he was playing thereupon: 

It seemeth strange to see such strangers here, 
The song of Apollo to the queen.   
Yet not so strange but strangers knows you well:  
Your virtuous thoughts to gods do plain appear,  
Your acts on earth bewrays how you excel:  
You cannot die, love here hath made your lease,  
Which gods have sent, and God saith shall not cease.  
Virtuous desire desired me to sing,  
No subiecs suit, though suitors they were all,  
Apollo's gifts are subject to no king,  
Rare are thy gifts that did Apollo call,  
Then still rejoice, sith God and man say so,  
This is my gift, thou never shalt have wo.   

Most worthy wight, what wouldst thou have of me? 
Pallas then speaketh and presenteth her gift, which was a book of wisdom.   
Thou hast so much, thou canst enjoy no more:  
I cannot give that once I gave to thee,  
Nor take away the good I gave before.  
I rob was by nature's good consent,  
Against my will, and yet I was content.  
A Pallas thou, a princess I will be:  
I queen of loss, thou goddess which hast got:  
I sometime was, thou only now art she:  
I take, thou gavest that ●ucke that was my lot.  
I give not thee this book to learn thee aught,  
For that I know already thou art taught.   

What art thou (queen) that gods do love thee so? 
Then Neptune spoke: his gift was a great artificial fish, and in the belly of it a pike, which he threw out before her majesty.   
Who won their wills to be ●o at thy will?  
How can the world become thy cruel foe?  
How can Disdain or Malice seek to kill?  
Can sea or earth devise to hurt thy hap?  
Sith thou by gods dost sit in fortune's lap.  
As heaven and earth have vowed to be thine,  
So Neptune's seas have sworn to drench thy foes,  
As I am god, and all the waters mine,  
Still shalt thou get, but never shalt thou lose:  
And sith on earth my wealth is nought at all,  
Accept good will, the gift is very small.   

Who ever found on earth a constant friend,  
That may compare with this my virgin queen? 
Diana presented a bow and arrows nocked and headed with silver; her speech was this.   
Who ever found a body and a mind  
So free from stain, so perfect to be seen?  
Oh heavenly hue, that aptest is to soil,  
And yet dost live from blot of any foil.  
Rare is thy gift, and given to few or none,  
Maliced therefore of some that dare not say,  
More shines thy light, for that I know but one,  
That any such show, to follow on their way.  
Thou thou art she, take thou the only praise,  
For chastest dame in these our happy days.  
Accept my bow, sith best thou do●st deserve,  
Though well I know ●hy mind can thee preserve.   


Cupid his speech, his gift an arrow of gold.  Ah ha, I see my mother out of sight,  
Then let the boy now play the wag a while,  
I seem but weak, yet weak is not my might,  
My boiesh wit can oldest folk beguile.  
Who so doth think, I speak this but in jest,  
Let me but shoot, and I shall quench his rest,  
Mark here my shafts: this all is made of wood,  
Which is but soft, and breeds but soft good will,  
Now this is gilded, yet seems it gold full good,  
And doth deceive blind loving people still.  
But here is one is seldom felt or seen:  
This is of gold, meet for the noblest queen.  line 10 
Wherefore dame fair, take thou this gift of me,  
Though some deserve, yet none deserve like you,  
Shoot but this shaft at king or Cesar: he,  
And he is thine, and if thou wilt allow,  
It is a gift that many here do crave,  
Yet none but thou this golden shaft may have.   There was written upon the shaft: 
My colour, joy, my substance pure,  
My virtue such as shall endure.   

The queens behaviour after all this welcoming.  Her majesty received these gifts very thankfully, the gods and goddesses with the rest of the mask marched about the chamber again, and then departed in like manner as they came in. Then the queen line 20 called unto her master Robert Wood, the mayor of Norwich, whom first she heartily thanked, and took by the hand, and used secret conference: but what I know not. And thus this delightful night passed, to the joy of all that saw her grace in so pleasant plight.  
On thursday in the morning, my lord chamberlain gave the devisor warning the queen would ride abroad in the after noon, 
The devisor is commanded to be ready with his shows to delight the queen.  and he commanded him to be ready, dutifully to present her with some show. Then knowing which way the queen would line 30 ride (by conjecture and instructions given) the devisor caused a place to be made and digged for the nymphs of the water, the manner and proportion whereof was in this form and fashion. First there was measure taken for threescore foot of ground every way, the hole to be made deep and four square, which ground was all covered with canvas painted green like the grass, and at every side on the canvas ran a string through curtain rings, which string might easily be drawn any kind of way, by reason line 40 of two great poles that lay along in the ground, and answered the curtain or canvas on each side, so that drawing a small cord in the middle of the canvas, the earth would seem to open, & so shut again as the other end of the cord was drawn backward. 
A proper devise and very de●ectable of a cave & twelve water nymphs, etc.  And in the same cave was a noble noise of music of all kind of instruments, severally to be sounded and played upon, and at one time they should be sounded all together, that might serve for a consort of broken music. And in the same cave also was placed line 50 twelve water nymphs, disguised or dressed most strangely, each of them had either upon white silk, or fine linen, green sedges stitched cunningly on a long garment, so well wrought and also set on, as scarce any whit might be perceived. And every nymph had in her hand a great bundle of bulrushes, and had on her head a garland of ivy, under the which ivy was a coif of moss, and under the moss was there long goodly hear like golden tresses that covered line 60 her shoulders, and in a manner reached down unto her middle.  
Now touching the beauty of the nymphs, they seemed to be the chosen children of the world, and became their attire so well, that their beauty might have abused a right good judgement. For diverse of those that knew them before (albeit they were bare faced) could scarce know them in their garments, and sundry took them to be young girls and wenches, prepared for the nonce, to procure a laughter. These nymphs thus appareled, and all things in good plight and readiness, 
What was devised to be done by the nymphs at the queens coming near the water side.  there was devised, that at the queens coming near the water side (as this cave stood at the brim of the river) one nymph should pop up out of the cave first, and salute the queen with a speech, and then another: and so till four of them had finished their speeches, there they should remain; and when they retired into their cave, the music should begin: which sure had been a noble hearing, and the more melodious for the variety thereof, and because it should come secretly and strangely out of the earth. And when the music was done, then should all the twelve nymphs have issued together, & dansed a danse with timbrels that were trimmed with bells, and other jangling things, which timbrels were as broad as a siue, having bottoms of fine parchment, and being sounded, made such a confused noise and pastime, that it was to be wondered at: besides the strangeness of the timbrels (yet known to our forefathers) was a matter of admiration unto such as were ignorant of that new found toy, gathered and borrowed from our elders. So in order and readiness stood that show for the time.  
And to keep that show company (but yet far off) stood the show of Manhood and Desert, 
The show of Manhood and Desert with the furniture declared.  as first to be presented, and that show was as well furnished as the other; men all, save one boy called Beauty; for the which, Manhood, Favour, and Desert, did strive (or should have contended) but good Fortune (as victor of all conquests) was to come in, and overthrow Manhood, Favour, Desert, & all their powers, and only by fine force (upon a watchword spoken) should lay hand on Beauty, and carry or lead her away. The other suitors troubled with this kind of dealing, should talk together, and swear to be in one mind for an open revenge: and upon that Fortune should cry Arm, arm. The other side called for their friends, at the which stir should appear both their strengths: but good Fortune should far in power exceed his enemies. And yet to show that Destiny (and who best can conquer) shall govern all, Fortune should make an offer, that six to six with sword and target should end the brawl and business. Then six gentlemen on either side with rebated swords and targets (only in doublet and hose, and murrion on head) approached and would claim the combat, and deal together twelve blows apéece, and in the end fortune should be victor: and then the shot and armed men should fall at variance so sharply (upon mistaking of the matter) that Fortune's side should triumph and march over the bellies of their enemies: 
A bloody fight and yet harmless done by art.  in which time were legs and arms of men (well and lively wrought) to be let fall in numbers on the ground, as bloody as might be. Fortune, regarding nothing but victory, marcheth so away in great triumph: and then should have come into the place a song for the death of Manhood, favour, and Desert, and so the show should have ended.  
But now note what befell after this great business and preparation. 
All the preparation disappointed by thunder and rain.  For as the queen's highness was appointed to come unto her coach, and the lords and courtiers were ready to mount on horseback, there fell such a shower of rain (& in the neck thereof came such a terrible thunder) that every one of us were driven to seek for covert and most comfort, insomuch that some of us in boat stood under a bridge and were all so dashed & washed, that it was a greater pastime to see us look like drowned rats, than to have beheld the uttermost of the shows rehearsed. Thus you see, a show in the open field is always subject to the sudden change of weather, and a number of more inconveniences. But what should be said of that which the city lost by this cause; velvets, silks, 
The cities los●e by occasion of this tempest.  tinsels, and some cloth of gold being cut out for these purposes, that could not serve to any great effect after? Well, there was no more to say, but an old adage, that Man doth purpose, but God doth dispose, to whose disposition and pleasure the guide of greater matters is committed. So this thursday took his ●●aue from the actors, and left them looking one upon another, & he that thought he had received most 〈◊〉, kept greatest silence, and lapping up (among a bundle of other misfortunes) this evil chance, every person quietly passed to his lodging.  
The next day being friday, in which day the court removed, the streets towards saint Benet's gates were hanged, from the one side to the other, line 10 with cords made of herbs and flowers, with garlands▪ coronets, pictures, rich clothes, and a thousand d●●ses. At the gates themselves there was a stage made very richly appareled with cloth of gold and crimson velvet, whereupon in a close place made ther●n for the purpose, was placed very sweet music: & one ready to render her this speech following. 
The queens 〈…〉 Norwic● 〈◊〉 take●.  The daiefull hour of her departure came, she passed from the court, to those gates, with such countenances, both of her majesties part, and her subjects now dolorous▪ line 20 now cheerful, as plainly showed the loving ●earts of both sides. When she came there the speech was thus uttered unto her in very plausible sort: 
Terrestrial joys are tied with s●ender fi●e,  
Ea●t happy hap full hastily doth slide,  
As summer season lasteth but a while,  
So winter storms do longer time abide:  
●●as wha● bliss can any ●ime endure?  
Ou● sunshine day is dashed with sudden shower.  
Can tongue express our secret joys of hart▪  
O● 〈◊〉 prince) when thou didst come in place?  
●● n● God wo●, nor can express the sma●●  
Thy subjects feel in this departing ●ase. line 30  
But gracious queen, let here thy grace remain  
I● gracious wi●e, till thy return again.  
I● am whereof, receive thy subjects hearts,  

 I● fixed faith continually thine own:  
Who ready rest to lose their ●itall parts  
I● thy defence, when any blast is blown.  
Thou are our queen, our rock and only stay,  
We are thine own to serve by night and day.  
Farewell oh queen, farewell oh mother dear,  
Le● jacobs' God thy sacred body guard:  
Al● is thine own that is possessed here,  
And all in all is but a small reward  
For thy great grace, God length thy life like Noy,  
To govern us, and eke thy realm in joy. Amen. line 40   
Th●se words were devised by B. Goldingham, and spoken by himself, to whom her majesty said: We ●●anke you heartily. Then with the music in the same place was song this short ditty following, in a very sweet voice, to the great delight of the hearers; 
What vaileth life, where sorrow soaks the hart?  

A ditty song in a very sweet voice.  Who feareth death that is in deep distress?  
Release of life doth best abate the smart  
Ofhim, whose woes are quite without redress.  
Lend me your tears, resign your sighs to me,  
Help all to wai●● the dolour which you see.  
What have we done, she will no longer stay?  
What may we do to hold her with us still? line 50  
She is our queen, we subjects must obey,  
Grant, though with grief, to her departing will.  
Conclude we then, and sing with sobbing breath,  
God length thy life (oh queen Elisabeth.)   

Fridays 〈◊〉 upon the removing of 〈◊〉 court.  On friday, the court upon remove, the city trou●●●d with many causes, and some seeking to do service like the deviser, moved him to do somewhat of himself, because his aids (as many times they were before) were drawn from him, each one about his own business, and he left to his own inventions and policy, at which exigent or casual things of fortune, line 60 he drew his boys unto him, that were the Nymphs on the water, and so departed the city, with such garments and stuff necessary as fitted his purpose and the matter he went about. Then he chose a ground, by the which the queen must pass, enclosing his company in the corner of a field, being defen●ed with high and thick bushes, and there some parts he made, which the boys might miss, because the time was short for the learning of those parts. But he being resolved to do somewhat might make the queen laugh, 
A pleasant devise to make the queen laugh.  appointed that seven boys of twelve should pass through a hedge from the place of abode (which was gallantly trimmed) and deliver seven speeches. And these boys (you must understand) were dressed like Nymphs of the water, and were to play by a devise and degrees the feiries, and to danse (as near as could be imagined) like the feiries. Their attire and coming so strangely out, made the queen's highness smile and laugh withal. And the deviser hearing this good hope, being appareled like a water spirit, began to sound a timbrel, & the rest with him, all the twelve Nymphs together (when the seven had repaired in) sounded timbrels likewise. And although the deviser had no great harting, yet as he durst, 
The devisers wooing well taken of the queen, etc.  he led the young foolish feiries a danse, which boldness of his ●red no disgrace, but as he heard, was well taken. The queen upon their retire in, hasted to her highness lodging, which was seven miles off, and at that present, when the show ended, it was passed five of the clock.  
All these shows finished, her majesty in princely manner marched toward the confines of the liberties of the city of Norwich, which was supposed almost two miles. Before she came there, 
Master maior 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 another or●●ion, is wil●ed 〈◊〉 forbear 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉  master mayor broke to my lord chamberlain, that he was to utter to her majesty an other oration, whereof my lord seemed to have good liking: but before they came to the said confines, master mayor was wil●ed to forbear the utterance of the same his oration, because it was about seven of the clock, and her majesty had then five miles to ride. Nevertheless he gave to her majesty both his orations in writing, which she thanked him for. She also thanked the mayor, every alderman, and the commoners, not only for the great cheer they had made her, but also for the open households they kept to her highness servants, and all others. 
The mayor of Norwich knighted.  Then she called master mayor and made him knight: and so departing, said: I have laid up in my breast such good will, as I shall never forget Norwich; and proceeding onward did shake her riding rod and said: Farewell Norwich, with the water standing in her eyes. 
The queens words at h●r departing.  In which great good will towards us all, I beseech God to continue her majesty with long and triumphant reign over us, Amen.  
Now to come to the return of the queen's majesty from Norfolk and Suffolk, in which two counties her highness knighted certain gentlemen, as namely in Suffolk George Colt, 
Gentlemen of Suffolk & Norfolk knighted.  Philip Parkar, Robert jermine, William Spring, Thomas Barnardiston, Thomas Kidson, Arthur Hedingham: In Norfolk, Thomas Knou●t, Nicholas Bacon, William Paston, Edward Clée●e, Ralph Shelton, Henry Woodhouse, Thomas gaudy, Robert Wood mayor, Roger Woodhouse. Th●se gentlemen her majesty knighted, for that they should all their life time after have the greater regard to God and their prince. 
The queens majesty departeth from Norwich and is now entertained b● the way.  Now the queen's majesty passing from Norwich, she came to sir Roger Woodhouses that night, where she was well received, and nobly entertained. From thence to Wood rising at sir Edward Clears. From thence to sir Thomas Kidson's, where in very deed the fare and banquets did so exceed a number of other places, that it is worthy the mention. A show representing the feiries (as well as might be) was there seen, in the which show a rich jewel was presented to the queen's highness. From thence to master Revets, where all things were well and in very good order, and meat liberally spent.  
But now to speak a little by the way of God's mighty hand and power, that framed men's hearts so ●ell in many parts, before the queens highness c●●●e to Cambridgeshire, and to tell how blessedly o●r great and good God did deal with our dear sovereign lady, in causing every person to show the duty, is a matter of great discourse, and of no little weight and comfort to all good minds that shall consider of the same. Such a Lord is our great God, that can fr●me all things to the best, and such a sovereign lady we have, that can make the crooked paths straight where she cometh, & draw the hearts of the people after her wheresoever she traveleth. So from master Revets her highness came to my lord Norths, who was no whit behind any of the best for a frank house, a noble heart, and well ordered entertainment. And there was an oration made by a gentleman ofCambridge, 
The university of Cambridge present a fair and stately cup to the queen.  with a stately and a fair cup presented from the university, all the ambassadors of France beholding the same. And the gentlemen line 10 of the shire (as in many other places) did bear the queens meat to the table, which was a great liking & gladness to the gentlemen, & a solemn sight for strangers & subjects to look upon. From my lord Norths to sir Giles allington's, where things were well, and well liked. From thence to sir john Cuts. From thence to M. Kapel's, where was excellent good cheer & entertainment. From thence to Hid hall, 
T.C.  where I heard of no great cheer nor banqueting. line 20 From thence to Rockwood hall, but how the train was there entertained, I am ignorant of. From thence to master Stonars, and from thence to my lord of Leicester's house, where the progress ended, & (to knit up all) the good cheer was revived, not only with making a great feast to the queen and the French ambassador, but also in feasting solemnly (at several times) the whole guard, 
The lord of Leicester's bountiful entertainment.  on sunday and monday before the queen came, at his own table, using such courtesy unto them for the space of two days, as was and is worthy of perpetual line 30 memory. Thus much of the queens highness return, whom God hath so well preserved, that she like a worthy prince to our great comfort prospereth in peace, to the great disgrace of the enemies of God, and adversaries of our common weal and country, wherein God continue her majesty, Amen.  
The queens majesty, now gone from Norwich, carried away with her all the gladness of the city, which sprang from her presence; in place whereof succeeded line 40 melancholy sadness: in somuch that the very air altered with the change of the country cheer proceeding from the departure of her highness royal person: which he meant that made these verses, wherewith the description of this progress shall end.  


Ad solem nubibus obductum die lunae 18. Augusti, 1578.  Splendide Phoebe redi, cur te sub nube recondis?  
Innuba Pallas adest, splendide Phoebe redi.  
Hasta minax procul est, non Gorgonis ora videbis,  
Pallas inermis adest, splendide Phoebe redi.  
Scilicet à tanto metuis tibi lumine forsan:  line 50 
Ne superet radios foemina Phoebe tuos.  
Pulcher Apollo tibi ne sit regina rubori▪  
Ipse decore tuo vincis, & illa suo.  
Euge redux reducem quia pulsa nocte reducis  
Phoebe diem: toto est gratius orb nihil.  
Haec pepulit tetri tenebras noctémque papismi,  
Et liquidum retulit relligione diem.  
Euge nigras nebulas radijs quiasaepe repellis  
Phoebe tuis: pene est gratius orb nihil.  
Texuerant remoras discrimina mill papistae: line 60  
Neceptum princeps continuaret iter:  
Nec tamen hunc nebulae potuerunt condere solem:  
Quamuis tu nebulis cedis Apollo tuis.  
Ergô iubar nostrum repulisse obstaculo cernis:  
Sic age, sol nebulas lumine pelle tuo.  
Splendide Phoebe redi, cur te sub nube recondis?  
Innuba Pallas adest, splendide Phoebe radi.   


Eiusdem in eandem.  Sustinet, ornat, habet, regnum, literaria, formam,  
Provida, docta, decens, juno, Minerva, Venus.  
Singula dona trium simul Elizabetha dearum  
Provida, docta, decens, sustinet, ornat, habet.  
Esse deas lusi: divinam dicimus istam:  
Quamuis nec liceat nec libet esse deam.  
In shadowing clouds why art thou clo●d? O Phoebus bright retire: 
To the s●nne covered with clouds upon mon●a●●, being the 1● of August 15●●.   
Unspoused Pallas present is, O Phoebus bright retire.  
The threatening spear is flung far off, doubt not grim Gorg●●s ire:  
Unarmed Pallas present is, O Phoebus bright retire.  
Perhaps thou art afraid: And why? at this so large a light:  
Lest that a woman should excel, thy beams (O Phoebus) bright.  
Let not a queen, a virgin pure, which is, and ever was,  
O fair Apollo, make thee blush: you both in beauty pass.  
O Phoebus safe and sound return, which, banishing the night,  
Bringst back the day: in all the world nothing of like delight:  
She, only she, the darkness drove of popery quite away:  
And by religion hath restored the bright and lightsome day.  
O Phoebus with thy beams, which foilst the clouds both blind & black,  
The world, in manner all, a thing of like delight doth lack.  
A thousand dangers and delays the papists had devisd,  
To th'end our princess should abridge her progress enterprised:  
Yet this our bright & shining sun, cast light through every cloud:  
Although in clouds thou art content, Apollo oft to shroud.  
Thou seest our sun in comely course, cuts off each stop and stay:  
Do thou the like, and by thy light drive every cloud away.  
In shadowing clouds why art thou closed? O Phoebus bright retire:  
Unspoused Pallas present is: O Phoebus bright retire.   

Her kingdom all by providence, queen juno doth uphold: 
By the same concerning the queen.   
And of Minerva lady learned, is learned lore extolled:  
And Venus' fair of countenance, hath beauty uncontrolled.  
These sundry gifts of goddesses three, Elisabeth possesseth:  
By providence her people's peace, and comfort she increaseth:  
Her learning, learning amplifies: her beauty never ceaseth.  
I did but jest, of goddesses to give them three the name:  
This lady mayst thou goddess call, for she deserves the same:  
Although she will not undertake, a title of such fame.   
Matthew Hamont, 
Matthew Hamont burnt at Norwich.  by his trade a ploughwrite of Hetharset three miles from Norwich, was convented before the bishop of Norwich, for that he denied Christ our saviour. At the time of his appearance it was objected that he had published these heresies following. That the new testament and gospel of Christ are but mere foolishness, a story of man, 
The heresies that he held.  or rather a mere fable. Item, that man is restored to grace by God's mere mercy, without the mean of Christ's blood, death and passion. Item, that Christ is not God nor the saviour of the world, but a mere man, a sinful man, and an abominable idol. Item, that all they that worship him are abominable idolaters, & that Christ did not rise again from death to life by the power of his godhead, neither that he ascended into heaven. Item, that the Holy ghost is not God, neither that there is any such Holy ghost. Item, that baptism is not necessary in the church of God, neither the use of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. For the which heresies he was condemned in the consistory, and sentence was pronounced against him by the bishop of Norwich on the thirteenth day of April, and thereupon delivered to the sheriffs of Norwich. And because he spoke words of blasphemy (not to be recited) against the queens majesty and others of her council, he was by the recorder, master sergeant Windham, and the mayor sir Robert Wood of Norwich condemned to lose both his ears, which were cut off on the thirteenth of May in the market place of Norwich, and afterwards, to wit on the twentieth of May, he was burned in the castle dich of Norwich.  
This year in the month of May, 
An Englishman made a lock and a key, weighing but one whea● corn.  Mark Scaliot black smith citizen of London, borne in the parish of saint Clement's Da●e without Temple bar, and now dwelling in Cornhill near unto Leaden hall, for trial of workmanship, made one hanging lock of iron, steel and brass, of eleven several pieces, a pipe key filled three square with a pot upon the shaft, & the bow with two esses, all clean wrought, which weighed but one grain of gold or wheat corn. He also at the same time made a chain of gold of three and forty links, to the which chain the lock and key being fastened, and put about a fleas neck, she drew the same with ease. All which, lock, key, chain, and flea, weighed but one grain and a half. A thing almost incredible, but that myself (amongst many others) have seen it, & therefore must affirm it to be true.  
The first of june deceased Robert Horn doctor of divinity, bishop of Winchester, 
The bishop 〈◊〉 Winchester deceased.  and prelate of the garter, at Winchester place in Southworke, and was buried at Winchester. ¶ This man was learned and eloquent, of a round and ready utterance, sound in religion and zealous in the truth; in testimony whereof he chose rather to forsake his native soil, and to live a stranger in a foreign land, than with offence of conscience to tarry at home within the sight and hearing of the manifold abominations which supported popery: so that although death have devoured his mortal body, yet in respect of his virtue and godliness, his name shall be immortal; line 10 according to the truth of this sentence: 
Corpore deposito vivit virtute superstes,  
De virtute nihil mors violenta rapit.   

john Wolton bishop of Excester.  john Wolton now living, was called to be bishop of Excester, & consecrated at Lambeth by Edmund grindal archbishop of Canturburie, in August 1579. He is a professor of divinity, and a preacher of the gospel, and universally seen in all good letters. This William Wolton, being in successive order the eight and fortieth that occupied the line 20 said see, from the first that enjoyed the same episcopal advancement, ministereth just occasion to insert a catalogue of all the bishops of Excester as they followed one after another in that see, being an apt collection, and very answerable to the description of Excester, and the ancient foundation of saint Peter's church there; mentioned in the third year of the reign of king Edward the sixth, page 1007, and continued to page 1028.  

A catalogue of the bishops of Excester collected by john Vowel aliâs Hooker, gentleman.  

Werstanus.  1 WErstanus, at a provincial synod holden in Westsex, in the year 905, was consecrated bishop of Devon, and had his see at bishops Tauton: and in the year following 906 he died, and was buried in his own church. line 40  

Putta.  2 Putta, after the death of Werstanus, was elected and consecrated bishop, and had his see at Tauton: and taking his journey towards Crediton, to see and visit the king (or as some say, Uffa the king's lieutenant) was by the said Uffas' men slain, and then upon his death the see was removed to Crediton.  

Eadulphus.  3 Eadulphus, brother to Alpsius duke of Devon and Cornwall, and founder of Lanceston, was consecrated bishop of Devon, but installed at Crediton, line 50 where he had his see, and continued bishop two and twenty years, and then dying about the year 932, he was buried in his own church.  

Ethelgarus.  4 Ethelgarus, in the year 932, succeeded Eadulphus, and in his time king Athelstane subdued the Cornish people, re-edified this city, and compassed the same with a stone wall: he founded the monastery of saint peter's for monks of saint Benet's order. This Ethelgarus, after he had been bishop ten years, died, and was buried in his own line 60 church.  

Algarus.  5 Algarus, in the year 942 after Ethelgarus, was constituted & installed bishop at Crediton, and having been bishop about ten years, died and was buried in his own church.  

Alfwoldus.  6 Alfwoldus, as Matthew Westminster writeth, was next bishop after Algarus, and consecrated by the advise of Dunstane, in the year 952. In this time Odogarus earl of Devon, and father in law to king Edgar, builded the abbeie of Tavestoke: and king Edgar called home all the monks of saint peter's which were dispersed, and without any abbot, and made Sidemannus abbot, who was afterwards bishop. This Alfwoldus after sixteen years that he was consecra●e●, died and was buried in his own church.  
7 Alfwolfus, as Dicetus affirmeth, was consecrated bishop in the year of our Lord 969, 
Alfwolfus.  and after nine years died, and was buried in his own church.  
8 Sidemannus of an abbot was made a bishop, 
Sidemannus.  in the year 978. In this man's time the Danes overran and spoiled the whole countries of Devon and Cornwall, burned the town of Bodmen, and the cathedral church of saint Petrokes, with the bishop's house. Whereupon the bishops see was removed from thence to saint Germans, where the same continued, until the removing and uniting thereof unto Crediton. Sidemannus in the twelve year after his consecration died, and was buried at Crediton in his own church 990.  
9 Alphredus, whom Dicetus calleth Alfricus, 
Alphredus.  abbot of Malmesburie, was consecrated bishop, and installed at Crediton: he was taken for a learned man, because he wrote two books, the one entitled Derebus coenobij sui, and the other De rerum naturis. In this bishop's time, king Ethelred endowed the bishopric of saint Germans with lands, liberties, and privileges. The Danes made a fresh invasion in and upon all Devon and Cornwall, burned and spoiled the abbey of Ordolphus at Tavestoke: they besieged Excester, and being removed from thence, were fought withal at Pinneho, about three miles from the city, and overthrown. Alphredus, after he had been bishop about nine years, died in the year 999, and was buried in his own church.  
10 Alwolfus (as Dicetus writeth) was the next bishop. In his time Sweno king of Denmark, 
Alwolfus.  by enticement of one Hugh then earl of Devon, came with a great host and besieged the city of Excester, took it and burned it, and with great cruelty used the people, until in the end Almarus then earl of Devon, and the gentlemen did yield and submit themselves, and so obtained peace. This Alwolfus about the fifteenth year of his bishopric, in the year 1014 died, and was buried in his own church.  
11 Arnoldus, 
Arnoldus.  by the report of the archdeacon of London, succeeded Alwolfus, and was installed at Crediton. In this man's time, king Canutus gave to Athelwold abbot of S. Peter's of this city great gifts, and sundry privileges, in recompense of his father's great injuries. Arnoldus in the fifteenth year of his bishopric 1030 died, and was buried in his own church.  
12 Levigus or Levingus abbot of Tavestoke, 
Levigus, or Levingus.  and nephew to Brithwaldus bishop of Cornwall, was chosen the next bishop, and according to the orders then used, consecrated and installed. He was in great favour and credit with king Canutus, upon whom he attended in pilgrimage to Rome; and after his uncle the bishop of saint Germans being dead, obtained of the king that the bishops see was removed from saint Germans unto Crediton, and both were thereby reduced and united into one bishopric, and so hath ever since continued. He was after the death of Brithegus bishop of Worcester, removed to that church, and there died, and was buried as some suppose: but some affirm, that in the time of Hardicanutus the king, at the accusation of Alfredus then archbishop of York, for that he should be consenting to the death of Alfredus the son of Etheldred, that he should be deposed of his bishopric there, and so did return unto Tavestoke, where he died. But Dicetus affirmeth, that he purged himself of this crime, and by that means was restored, both to the favour of the king, and to his bishopric again, and died bishop of Worcester. It is recorded that he was bishop of Crediton fifteen years.  

Leofricus.  13 Leofricus, a man descended of the blood and line of Brutus, but brought up in the land of Lothoringia or Lorraine, was so well commended for his nobility, wisdom, and learning, that king Edward the Confessor had him in great favour, and made him first one of his privy council; then lord chancellor of all England: and lastly the bishopric line 10 of this province being void, he was made, consecrated, and installed bishop of the same. By him and by his means, the bishops see was removed from Crediton unto this city of Excester: for at his request, king Edward together with queen Edith his wife came to Excester, & removing the monks from hence to Westminster, did also remove the bishops see from Crediton unto his city, and did put the bishop in possession. For he conducting the bishop on the right hand, and the queen on the line 20 left hand, brought him to the high altar of his new church, and there placed him in a seat appointed for him. He suppressed sundry houses or cells of religion within his sanctuary, and appropriated and united them to his own church; as also by the good liberality of the king obtained great revenues, possessions, privileges, and liberties to be given unto the church. In this man's time, William duke of Normandy made a conquest of this whole realm, as also in the year 1068 besieged this line 30 city of Excester, which after by composition he restored to his former estate again. Also in his time, Richard de Brion, a noble man of Normandy, the son of Baldwin of Brion, & of Albred the niece to the Conqueror, was made baron of Okehampton, warden of the castle of Excester, and viscount of Devon. This Leofricus, after that he had well and worthily ruled his church and diocese by the space of three and twenty years, he ended his days in peace, and died in the year 1073, and was buried line 40 in the cemiterie or churchyard of his own church, under a simple and a broken marble stone, which place by the since enlarging of his church is now within the tower of the same, where of late, in the year 1568, a new monument was erected in the memory of so good, worthy, and noble a parsonage, by the industry of the writer hereof, but at the charges of the dean and chapter. 
Osbertus or Osbernus.   
14 Osbertus or Osbernus, a Norman borne, and brother to an earl named William, was preferred to this bishopric, and in the year 1074 was line 50 consecrated and installed to the same. Polydorus writeth, that one Galfrid who joined with Odo, earl of Kent and bishop of Baion, against William Rufus, should be bishop of Exon: but it was not, nor could not so be. In this man's time, William the Conqueror, and William Rufus his son died. This Osbertus or Osbernus, after he had been bishop thirty years, was blind, and died, and lieth buried in his own church.  

William Warlewast.  15 William Warlewast a Norman borne, and line 60 chaplain both to the Conqueror and his two sons, William and Henry: he was a grave and a wise man, and for the same was preferred by Henry the king to this bishopric, in the year one thousand one hundred and seven, and was consecrated by Anselmus archbishop of Canturburie, in the month of August the same year. He first began to enlarge his church, which at that time was no bigger than that which is now called the lady chapel. He founded and builded the monastery of Plimpton, and placed therein regular canons: in his latter days he waxed and became blind. And yet notwithstanding for his wisdom the king sent him in embassage unto pope Paschalis the second, wherein he so wisely dealt, and so discreetly behaved himself in his message, that he made a reconciliation between the pope and the king, and returned with great praise and commendation. Not long after his return, and having small joy of the world, he gave over his bishopric, and became one of the religious canons in his own house of Plimpton, where he died and was buried, he was bishop about twenty years.  
16 Robert Chichester, dean of Sarisburie, 
Robert Chichester.  was consecrated bishop under Anselmus archbishop of Canturburie, Anno 1128, and the eight and twentieth year of king Henry the first. He was a gentleman borne, and therefore esteemed for his zeal in religion, wherein he was devout according to those days; and thinking his labours to be best employed that way, did eftsoons go in pilgrimage, sometime to Rome, sometime to one place, sometime to another; and ever he would bring with him some one relic or other. He was a liberal contributor to the buildings of his church. In his time was founded and builded the monastery of S. stephan's in Lanceston, and furthered by Reinold earl of Cornwall; but unto it this bishop was an adversary, not for misliking the work, but for fear of an intrusion upon his liberties. Likewise at this time was builded the priory of saint Nicholas in Excester, by the abbot of Battle, unto which abbey this priory was a cell. In this man's time also king Henry made William Ridevers a Norman (and his kinsman) earl of Devon; and therewith the lordshop of Twifordton, and the honour of Plimpton, together with the third penny of his revenues in Devon, which in the whole was then thirty marks, whereof this earl had ten. Also in this man's time king Henry died, and king Stephan entered, and took upon him the crown, whereof ensued great wars. This bishop, after that he had occupied the place two and twenty years, died, and was buried in his own church. But the monk of Westminster writeth that he should be bishop seven and twenty years, and died in the year one thousand one hundred fifty and five, but he never saw the records of this church which are to the contrary.  
17 Robert Warlewast, 
Robert Warlewast.  nephew to William the bishop of this church, dean of Sarisburie, was consecrated bishop by Theobaldus archbishop of Canturburie, in the year one thousand one hundred and fifty, he nothing degenerated from the steps of his predecessors, but was altogether of the same bent and disposition. In his time king Stephan died, and Henry the second was crowned king. This Robert after that he had occupied this see nine years or thereabout, died, & was buried at Plimpton by his uncle.  
18 Bartholomeus Iscanus, otherwise Bartholomew of Excester, 
Bartholomeus Iscanus.  was consecrated bishop of Excester under Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, in the year a thousand one hundred fifty nine, he was called Iscanus of Isca, which is one of the ancientest names of this city. He was a mean citizens son, but being very apt unto learning, his parents and friends kept him to school; and he so well profited therein, that he came and proved to be a very well learned man: and being bishop he wrote sundry books, as of predestination, freewill, penance, and others. Of all men he could not brook nor favour Thomas Becket archbishop of Canturburie for his contempt and disobedience against the king, for the which he sharply improved, rebuked, and inveighed against him openly in the parliament house holden at Northampton; and with such effectual reasons, and pithy arguments, he did so temper the same, that the whole parliament relied unto his judgement and opinion herein against Thomas Becket. And after his death, such was the gravity, modesty, and wisdom of the man, that he was specially chosen to be ambassador for the king unto pope Alexander the third; and so wisely, and with such discretion used the same, that notwithstanding his cause and message had many adversaries, yet he reconciled the pope and the king, obtained the goodwill and favour of the pope, and brought his message to good effect. This bishop was in great familiarity and acquaintance with Baldwin of Excester his countryman, line 10 now archbishop of Canturburie, who was a poor man's son in this city; but for his learning advanced to this estate. In this bishop's time, about the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred three score and eight, William Fitzralfe a citizen of this city founded a cell for monks within this city, and dedicated the same to saint Alexius, which not long after was united to saint john's within the east gate of the same city. In his time also Reinold of courtney a nobleman of Normandy, the son of Elorus line 20 the son of jews, named jews le gross king of France came into this land, and married Hawise daughter and heir to maud the daughter and heir to Adelis, sister and heir to Richard de Briono the first viscount of Devon, and in her right was viscount of Devon. This Bartholomew, after he had been bishop about fourteen years, in the year one thousand one hundred eighty and four, died: but where he died, and where he was buried it doth not appear. In this bishop's time about the year one thousand line 30 one hundred and seventy, one johannes Coriniensis a Cornish man borne, was a famous learned divine, he was a student at Rome and other places in Italy, and by that means grew into great acquaintance with pope Alexander the third: he wrote diverse books, and namely one De incarnatione Christi, against Peter Lombard, who affirmed, Quòd Christus secundum quod homo est, aliquid non est; and this he dedicated to pope Alexander.  

john the chanter.  19 john the chanter of the cathedral church of line 40 this city was consecrated and installed bishop of this church, in the year one thousand one hundred eighty and four, he was well reported of for his liberality in continuing the buildings of this church, wherein he was nothing inferior to his predecessors. In his time king Henry fitzempress died, and he himself, having been bishop about six years, died in the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred ninety and one.  

Henry Martial.  20 Henry Martial archdeacon of Stafford, the line 50 brother to Walter earl marshal of England, was consecrated bishop by Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, in the year one thousand one hundred ninety and one; he finished the building of his church, according to the plot and foundation which his predecessors had laid; and that done, he purchased the patronage and lordship of Woodburie of one Albemarlie, which he gave and impropriated unto the vicar's choral of his church. In this man's time, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred and one, one line 60 Simon Thurnaius a Cornish man borne, brought up in learning, did by diligence and study so prosper therein, that he became excellent in all the liberal sciences, and in his days none thought to be like him. He left Oxenford, where he had been a student, and went to Paris, and there became a priest, and studied divinity, and therein became so excellent, and of so deep a judgement, that he was made chief of the Sorbonists; at length he became so proud of his learning, and did glory so much therein, that he would be singular, & thought himself to be another Aristotle: and so much he was therein blinded, and waxed so far in love with Aristotle, that he preferred him before Moses and Christ. But behold Gods just judgement. For suddenly his memory failed him, and he waxed so forgetful, that he could neither call to remembrance any thing that he had done, neither could he discern, read, or know a letter of the book. This Henry, after that he had spent and lived twelve years in his bishopric, he died, and lieth buried in the north side of the chancel of his church, in a very fair tomb of marble, in the year one thousand two hundred and six.  
21 Simon de Apulia, 
Simon de Apulia.  in the year one thousand two hundred and six was installed bishop of this see, of him there remaineth no memorial at all. In his time were famous joseph Iscanius, and Alexander Neckam; the one was very well learned in the Latin and Greek tongue, and in the liberal sciences; the other was prior of saint Nicholas, and was an universal man, being a profound philosopher, an eloquent orator, a pleasant poet, and a deep divine. In this bishop's time the doctrine of elevation, adoration, reservation, and praying for the dead, being established by pope Honorius the third, the parish churches within this city were limited, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred twenty & two. In this man's time, in the year one thousand two hundred and twelve, one johannes Devonius, so surnamed, because he was borne in Devon, being well bend to good studies, was much commended for his learning and modesty. He was familiar and of great acquaintance with Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie, and being made abbot of Ford, was in such favour with king john, that he chose him to be his confessor and chaplain: he was a writer, and compiled diverse books which were then accounted of. Being dead, he was buried in his abbeie, the people much lamenting the want of so good a man. This bishop having spent eighteen years, died, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred twenty and four, & was buried in his own church.  
22 William Brewer, very shortly after the death of the foresaid Simon, was elected bishop, and consecrated by Stephan Langton archbishop of Canturburie, 
William Brewer.  in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred twenty and four. He was borne and descended of a noble house and parentage, being brother to sir William Brewer knight, the husband of the eldest daughter, & one of the heirs to William de Uerona, earl of Devon; and who also was founder of the abbeys of Tor, of Hartland, and other monasteries. This bishop so wisely and discreetly behaved himself, that he was had in great reputation among all men, and in special favour with the king. For king Henry, having given his sister lady Isabella to wife unto Fredrick the emperor, did commend and betake her to this bishop, to be conveyed and conducted to the emperor. And such was the fame and good report spread of him, that as he passed through the countries, they were from place to place received with great honour; and being come to the city of Coleine, the archbishop there did not only very honourably receive them, but also accompanied them unto the city of Worms, where the marriage was solemnised. When this bishop had seen the marriage, and all things performed, he took his leave, and was dismissed with great presents, and honourably accompanied homewards by the archbishop and others. At his return he was joyfully received of all the noble men about the king, and most thankfully by the king himself, and whom the king used as his special and most trusty councillor in all his weighty causes. This bishop being come home to his own house, andminding (as his predecessors had done) to leave some good memorial behind him, he made a dean, and constituted twenty four prebendaries within his church. To the one he impropriated Brampton and Coliton Rawleie: for the others he purchased so much land, as out whereof he assigned to every prebendary four pounds by the year, and of these he ordained his chapter. Also in this man's time, in the year one thousand two hundred and forty, Gilbert Long and Robert his brother citizens of this city builded and founded the hospital of saint john's, within the east gate of this city, for the sustenance of certain poor folks, called afterwards the poor children of saint john's, & gave all their lands and tenements to the same, which was line 10 sufficient. The year following, the cell of Alexius was removed and adjoined to saint john's; and then the founders being dead, the charge and government of that house was by those founders commended to the mayor of this city, & they thenseforth were founders and patrons thereof. In the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred forty and four, there grew a contention concerning the poor lazar sick people of the Magdalen without the south gate of this city, whose manner and usage was then, with line 20 a clapdish upon every market day to resort and come to the markets, and there to beg every man's devotion: but by reason of their sickness, which was loathsome and abhorred, the people's devotion waxed short and scant against them: as also every man murmured against their going & begging at large. Where upon the matter being brought into question between the bishop and this city, it was concluded that a perimutation should be made: and that therefore the bishops should be patrons, and have the line 30 government of saint john's, and the mayor and his successors to be guardians and founders of the hospital of the Magdalen; with a proviso, that the proctor of the hospital of the Magdalen should on one day in every month come with his box to saint Peter's church at the time of service, and there receive and gather the devotion of the canons, which is used at these presents. This poor house remaineth still, but the other for want of good friends was suppressed and dissolved. This bishop, after he had continued in his line 40 church about nineteen years, he died, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred forty and four, and lieth buried in the middle of his own church under a plain marble stone.  

Richard Blondie.  23 Richard Blondie, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred forty and five, was consecrated and installed bishop, Bonifacius then being archbishop of Canturburie. This Richard was a man of a mild spirit, but very stout against such as in his time did offer any injury to the church. And line 50 in his old years being but a weak man, he was much carried and ruled by such as were his officers and about him, who taking the opportunity of the time, used all the means they might to enrich themselves. His chiefest officers were one Lodeswell his chancellor, Sutton his register, Fitzherbert his official, and Ermestow the keeper of his seal. These with others of the chief servants of his household compacted among themselves, that whilst the bishop was yet living, who then lay sick and very line 60 weak in his bed, to make and convey unto themselves conveyances of such livelihoods as then lay in the bishop's disposition; and accordingly made out advowsons and other such conveyances as to them seemed best, all which were forthwith sealed and delivered according to the orders among them concluded. But these their subtle dealings were not so closely conveyed, but that the next bishop following boolted and found the same out; and did not only reverse all their doings, but also did excommunicate them, and who were not absolved until they had done their penance for the same: which was done at saint Peter's church openly, upon palmsunday, being the nineteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred threescore and seven. This bishop Richard in the twelve year of his bishopric, died, and was buried in his own church.  
24 Walter Bronescome, 
Walter Bronescom●.  archdeacon of Surreie, was consecrated bishop of Excester upon Passion sunday, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred four score and six under Bonifacius then archbishop. He was borne in this city of Exon, and was the son of poor parents; but he being of a very towardness and good disposition, and very apt to learning, they partly of themselves▪ and partly by help of their friends, did put him to school and kept him to his book, wherein he proved and prospered so well that he was very well learned. At the time of his election he was no priest, and therefore not capable of any such dignity: but immediately he took that order upon him, and forthwith was consecrated bishop. All which being done within fifteen days, it was counted as for a miracle; namely that be should be elected bishop, than made priest, and at last to be consecrated within that space. For so many dignities (as they termed it) to be cast upon one man in so short a time, had not been lightly seen. He founded the college of Glaseneie in Perrin in Cornwall, and endowed the same with fair possessions and revenues. He purchased the Barton of Rokesdon and Clist, and gave it to the hospital of S. john's within the east gate of the city of Excester. He instituted in his own church the feast called Gabriels' feast; and gave a piece of land for the maintenance thereof. He also did by a policy purchase the lordship and house of Clist Sachisfield, and by a devise did enlarge the Barton thereof, by gaining of Cornish wood from his dean and chapter: and builded then a very fair & a sumptuous house, and called it bishops Clist, which he left to his successors. Likewise he got the patronage of Clist Fomeson, now called Sowton, and annexed the same to his new lordship, which (as it was said) was in this order. He had a friar to be his chaplain and confessor, which died in his said house of Clist, and should have been buried at the parish church of Faringdon, because the said house was and is in that parish: but because the parish church was somewhat far off, the ways soul, and the weather rainy, or for some other causes; the bishop willed and commanded the corpse to be carried to the parish church of Sowton, then called Clist Fomeson, which is very near and bordereth upon the bishop's lordship: the two parishes there being divided by a little lake called Clist. At this time one Fomeson a gentleman was lord and patron of Clist Fomeson, and he being advertised of such a burial towards in his parish, and a léech way to be made over his land, without his leave or consent required therein, calleth his tenants together, and goeth to the bridge over the lake, between the bishop's land and his, and there meeteth the bishop's men bringing the said corpse, and forbiddeth them to come over the water. But the bishop's men nothing regarding the same, do press forwards to come over the water; and the others do withstand and fall at strife about the matter, so long, that in the end my lords friar is fallen into the water. The bishop taketh this matter in such grief, that a holy friar, a religious man, and his own chaplain and confessor should so unreverently be cast into the water, that he falleth out with the gentleman, and (upon what occasion I know not) he sueth him in the law, and so vexeth and tormenteth him, that in the end he was feign to yield himself to the bishop's devotion, and seeketh all ways he could to curry the bishops good will, which he could not obtain, until for his redemption he had given and surrendered up his patronage of Sowton with a piece of land, all which the said bishop annexeth to his new lordship. Thus by policy he purchased the manor of bishops Clist, by a devise gaineth Cornish wood, and by power wresteth the patronage of Sowton. This bishop after he had occupied this see about three and twenty years, died and was buried in his own church, in a sumptuous tomb of alabaster.  

Peter Quivill.  25 Peter Quivill, in the year of our Lord one line 10 thousand two hundred four score and one, was consecrated bishop of this church, under john archbishop of Canturburie. He first instituted a chanter and a subdeane in his church. To the one he impropriated Painton and Chidleigh, and to the other the rectory of Eglosehaile in Cornwall, he was a liberal and a special benefactor to the hospital of saint john's in Excester as well in goods as in livelihoods, he first began to enlarge & increase his church from the chancel downwards, and laid the foundation line 20 thereof. In his time in the year of Christ one thousand two hundred four score and five, Walter Lichlade the first chanter was slain in a morning as he came from the morning service, than called the Matins, which was then wont to be said shortly after midnight. Upon which occasion the king came unto this city, and kept his Christmas in the same, and thereupon a composition was made between the bishop and the city for enclosing of the churchyard, and building of certain gates there, as appeareth by line 30 the said composition bearing date in Festo annunciationis beatae Mariae 1286. The king at the suit of the earl of Hereford, who at his being here was lodged in the house of the Greie friars, which then was near the house of S. Nicholas, obtained of the bishop, that they should be removed from thence to a more wholesome place, which was to the place without the south gate: whereof after the king's departure grew some controversy, because the bishop refused to perform his promise made to the king. This man also impropriated line 40 the parish of S. Newleine, and the parish of Stoke Gabriel, and united the same to the office of the chancellor of the cathedral church; & under condition, that the said chancellor should continually read a lecture within the said city, of divinity or of the decretals: and if he should fail to do this, that then it might and should be lawful to the bishop to resign the said parsonages impropriated, and to bestow it at his pleasure, as appeareth by the said grant under the seals of the said bishop, dean and chapter, line 50 dated the twelve of the calends of May 1283. This bishop not long after, and in the eleventh year of his bishopric, died; being choked in drinking of a syrup, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred ninety and two, & was buried in his own church. The Franciscans or Greie friars of this city imputed his death to his hard dealing with them. For whereas he had promised the king to provide a convenient place for them to build their house in, and had willed their warden named Deodatus, to line 60 seek out and make inquiry for the same: yet notwithstanding when he had so done, because the same was in his see, he did serve from his said promise, and did utterly deny to perform the same, by the persuasion of one Peter Kenefeld, a Dominican or Black friar, and Confessor unto the said bishop. For he envying the good success of the Franciscans, persuadeth with the bishop, that in no wise he should permit them to enjoy the place which they had gotten, nor to build therein; because it was within his see: for saith he, as under colour of simplicity they creep into the hearts of the people, and hinder us poor preachers from our gains and livings; so be ye sure, that if the canons put foot within your liberties, they will in time so encroach upon the same, as that they will be clean exempted from out of your liberty, and jurisdiction. The bishop being soon persuaded and contented contrary to his promise to yield thereunto, denieth the Franciscans; and utterly forbiddeth them to build or to do any thing within his see or liberty. About two years after, the bishop kept a great feast upon the sunday next before saint Francis day, and among others was present with him one Walter Winborne one of the kings chief justices of the bench; and who was present when the bishop at the request of the king made promise to further and to help the Franciscans, and who in their behalf did now put the bishop in mind thereof, and requested him to have consideration both of his own promise and of their distress. The bishop misliking these speeches, waxed somewhat warm and offended, and in open terms did not only deny to yield hereunto, but wished himself to be choked what day soever he did consent or yield unto it. It fortuned that the same week, and upon the day of saint Francis eve, the bishop took a certain syrup to drink, and in too hasty swallowing thereof his breath was stopped, and he forthwith died. The Franciscans hearing thereof, made no little a do about this matter, but blazed it abroad that saint Francis wrought this miracle upon the bishop, because he was so hard against them.  
26 Thomas Bitton the year following was elected bishop, & the see of Canturburie being void, 
Thomas Bitton.  he was consecrated by john Roman archbishop of York. He left no memorial of any great things done by him, saving that he continued in the building of his church; as also was a favourer of such learned men as were in his diocese in his time: namely Robert Plimpton a regular canon of Plimpton, and professor of divinity, and who wrote two books, Walter of Exon a Franciscane friar of Carocus in Cornwall, who at the request of one Baldwin of Excester wrote the history of Guy of Warwick; William of Excester doctor of divinity and warden of the Franciscane friars of this city; Godfrey surnamed Cornwall, a subtle schoolman, and a reader of divinity sometimes in Paris. This bishop, after fourteen years that he had occupied this see, died, in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and six, and was buried in his own church.  
27 Walter Stapledon, 
Walter Stapledon.  in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and seven, being elected bishop of this city, was consecrated by Robert Winchelseie archbishop of Canturburie. He descended of a most noble parentage, which joined with his learning, wisdom, & politic head, did him great credit and favour with the king, who had him not only one of his privy council, but also made him lord treasurer of England. At his inthronization or installing he kept a solemn observation. For being come first to the city, immediately after his consecration, as soon as he came to the east gate, he alighted from his horse, and went in on foot, all the street being covered and laid with black cloth; he was led on both sides with two men of worship: and sir Hugh courtney knight, who claimed to be steward of his feast, went next before him. The feast itself was very sumptuous and liberal. A controversy was between him & the said sir Hugh courtney, concerning his challenge to be his steward, but it was compounded and ended. This bishop as he grew and increased in wealth, so he was careful in the well disposing of part thereof. For the increase of learning he builded and erected two houses in Oxenford, the one named Stapledons inn, but since Excester college, the other Hart hall. He was also a special benefactor unto the hospital of saint john's in Excester; unto the which, for the relieving of certain poor children therein, he impropriated the rectory or parsonage of Ernescome. In the controversy between his master king Edward the second, and Charles the French king, he was sent ambassador to the French king, and joined in commission with the queen, for the treaty of a peace and reconciliation: which though it were obtained, yet he joining with the Spensers, who favoured not the queen, he line 10 returned into England; leaving the queen behind him. And whereas they practised what they could, to put enmity between the king and her; and to set her besides the cushion, they themselves fell into the same snares, which they had laid for others. For not long after, the queen, by the help of the earl of Henauld, and of sir john his brother, came into England with a great army. Whereof the king and the Spensers, being affrayed, departed from London to Bristol, leaving the bishop at London, and made line 20 him custos of the same; who requiring the keys of the gates of the city of the mayor, the commoners took him and beheaded him, as also his brother sir Richard Stapledon, in Cheapside, and carried his body to his house without Templebar, & there buried it in a sandhill; namely the fifteenth of October in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred twenty and nine. But the queen forgetting all discourtesies, and reverencing his calling, commanded his corpse to some more honourable burial: whereupon line 30 the same was taken up, and brought to this city, and with great solemnity was buried in his own church, upon the eight and twentieth of March, where his epitaph by the writer thereof is set. Thus after that he had been bishop about twenty years, he ended his days.  

james Barkeleie.  28 james Barkeleie, upon the six and twentieth of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred twenty and seven, before the burial of his predecessor in his own church, was consecrated bishop line 40 of this city. He descended of the noble house of the lord Barkeleie, and albeit he were reputed to be a very godly and a wise man, yet he had no time to yield the trial thereof. For he died in the fourth month after his consecration, upon the four & twentieth day of julie, in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred twenty and seven, and was buried in his own church as some say, but some think he never came hither at all.  

john Grandesson.  29 john Grandesson, being in Italy with pope line 50 john the two & twentieth. After the death of james Barkeleie, the king presented him unto the pope, who accepted the presentation, & consecrated him bishop of this diocese on the eight of October, Anno 1327. He was borne and descended of the ancient house of the Grandessons, dukes of Burgognie, his father was named Gilbert, the brother of Otho the great lord Grandesson. Which Gilbert coming into this land, was well entertained by the king and nobility, and had a good liking of the country, that by means of Henry earl of Lancaster, with whom he came line 60 into England, he married lady Sibyl, daughter and one of the heirs to john Tregos, lord of the castle of Ewas, near Hereford east, and by her had issue five sons, and four daughters; of which this bishop was one, and was borne in the parish of Ashperton, in the diocese of Hereford. He was from his childhood very well afftected to learning, and became a good scholar and professor of divinity, of which method he wrote two books, the one entitled Pontificales maiores, and the other Pontificales minores. He was also very grave, wise, and politic, and thereby grew into such credit with pope john the two and twentieth, that he was not only of his privy council, but also Nuntius apostolicae sedis; and in all matters of weight and importance an ambassador for him to the emperor, to the kings of Spain, of France, of England, and of all others the mightiest princes of christendom. And being on a time sent in an embassage to king Edward the third, he did with such wisdom and gravity behave himself, that the king was ravished in love with him; and did so tenderly love and favour him, that he never ceased, until he had procured him from the pope, and then he gave him the archdeaconry of Nottingham, and bestowed great livings on him. He made him one of his privy council, and in the end preferred him to this bishopric. After this, there being some disliking between pope Clement the sixth, and the king; he for his approved wisdom was sent in an embassage to the pope, in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred forty and three, for an entreaty of a peace and an amity between them to be had; and with such wisdom he did his message, that he obtained his purpose, and made a reconciliation. After his return home to his bishopric, he was altogether given in doing some good things. He builded & founded the college of saint Marie Otreie, and endowed the same with great and goodly livelihoods, he was a liberal benefactor to the vicar's choral of his own church, as also to the college of Glasneie in Perrin; he builded the two last arches in the west end of his church, vaunted the roof of all the church, and fully performed and ended the buildings of the same, and then enriched his said church with plate, ornaments, and great riches. Also he builded a very fair house in his sanctuary at bishops Teington, which he gave and left full furnished unto his successors, and did impropriate unto the same the parsonage of Radwaie, to the end as he setteth down in his testament, Vt haberent locum undè caput suum reclinarent, si fortè in manum regis eorum temporalia caperentur: and which his halsening in the end came partly to effect. For not only the most part of the temporalties of this bishopric, but this new builded house and impropriation are come to be the possessions and inheritances of temporal men. This bishop waxed old, and feeling in himself a decay of nature, made his last will and testament, wherein he made such large and bounteous legacies to the pope, emperor, king, queen, archbishop, bishops, colleges, churches, and to sundry persons of high estates and callings; that a man would marvel, considering his great and chargeable buildings & works otherwise, how and by what means he could have attained to such a mass of wealth and riches; but his wisdom and policy considered, it was easy. For first, he sequestrateth from himself and out of his house the troup of many men and horses, retaining and keeping no more than to serve his reasonable estate; his diet was frugal, his receipts great, his expenses no more than necessary. Moreover, he had taken and set an order with all the ecclesiastical persons of his diocese, that at the time of their deaths, they should leave and bequeath all their goods to him or to some other in trust, In pios usus, & towards his chargeable buildings; and so well he was beloved, and his doings liked, that they all accepted this his order: by means whereof he grew within the course of forty years to infinite wealth and riches. He was in all his life time a plain man, and void of all vain glory and pomp; and preventing that none should be used at his burial, commanded the same to be done plainly & simply; and that none of his executors, chapleins, servants, nor none of his household should wear any morning black clothes at the same, but only their accustomable & common apparel, which then was commonly greie coloured clothes. This bishop was no less grave and wise, than stout and of courage, if occasion did so require. And amongst other things this is reported of him; that about the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred thirty and one, Simon Mepham, than archbishop of Canturburie, sent his mandatum to this bishop, that he would visit his church & diocese upon monday next after Ascension day then following. This bishop (upon what occasion it is not written) did refuse this mandatum, and appealed from the same, advertising the archbishop that he should not visit his church line 10 nor diocese. Notwithstanding, the archbishop at the time appointed came to this city, and went to S. Peter's church, nothing thinking that any durst to withstand him. But the bishop knowing of his coming, goeth to the church door, meeteth the archbishop, and forbiddeth him to enter into his church; but the archbishop pressing forward, as with force to enter, the bishop being then well guarded, denied and resisted him: whereupon the archbishop departed, and after at a provincial counsel holden at London, the line 20 archbishop complained hereof, but by means of the like discord between him & his suffragans, he prevailed not. In this bishop's time one William of Excester, a very well learned man, was a canon of this church; and he joining with Nicholas de Cesena, Okeham, Walsingham, and others, did openly preach, that Christ and his apostles were but poor men, and had no temporal possessions: neither was any emperor or lay man subject to the pope, but only in matters of religion. But when he heard that line 30 pope john the three and twentieth had excommunicated, and would condemn them all for heretics; this William, to save his livings, secretly shrunk away from his old companions, and changed his copy, and writeth certain conclusions against them and his own preachings. Also in this bishop's time, about the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and forty, one john of Bampton, so named, because he was borne at Bampton, in this diocese, and a monk of the order of the Carmelites, was a line 40 very good scholar, and first did openly read Aristotle in the university of Cambridge▪ where he was a scholar; and afterwards he studied divinity, and was made doctor: he wrote certain books, which are not extant. This bishop, after that he had occupied this church about two and forty years, he died upon S. Swithins day, in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred sixty and nine, and was buried in a chapel which he builded in the west wall of his line 50 own church.  

Thomas Brentingham.  30 Thomas Brentingham, after the death of this john Grandesson, was at one instant chosen bishop of Excester and bishop of Hereford, who refusing the one took the other, and was consecrated bishop of Excester upon the tenth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred and seventy, being the feast day of Nereus and Achilles, William of Worcester then archbishop of Canturburie. This Thomas was a man very well learned, line 60 and experted both in ecclesiastical matters, and in politic government, and in both these respects greatly reverenced and esteemed; and for that cause, at the parliament holden at Westminster, in the tenth year of the reign of king Richard the second, was chosen one of the twelve peers of the realm under the king. He was a benefactor to the Calenderhaie of the vicar's choral of his own church, and performed and supplied in buildings and otherwise, what his predecessors had left undone. And having been bishop four and twenty years, he died the third of December, in the year of our Lord 1394, and was buried in the north side of the body of his own church.  
31 Edmund Stafford upon the twentieth day of june, 
Edmund Stafford.  in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred ninety and five, was consecrated at Lambeth by William Courtnaie archbishop of Canturburie. He was borne and descended of noble parentage, being brother to Ralph lord Stafford created earl of Stafford by king Edward the third; he was both wise and learned, and for his wisdom grew into great credit with the king, and was both of his privy council, as also lord chancellor of England. At the parliament holden at Westminster, the one and twentieth year of the reign of king Richard the second, he being then speaker of the higher house, made a very learned and pithy oration, to prove the absolute authority of a king: his theme was, Rex unus erit omnibus. And having discoursed at large of the authority of a king, he did conclude; Quòd potesta● regis esset sibi sola, unita, annexa solida; and whosoever did by any means impeach the same, Poena legis meritò esset plectendus. And for the furtherance of good letters, he did increase two fellowships in the college of Stapledons' inn in Oxford, reform the statutes of the house, and altered the name of it, and called it Excester college. After that he had continued bishop in much honour about three and twenty years, he died the fourth of September, being the seventh year of king Henry the fift, and lieth buried in his own church in a very fair tomb of alabaster.  
32 james carry bishop of Chester, 
james Carie.  then being at Florence when news was brought to pope Martin the fift of the said late bishop Staffords death, was there made bishop of this church, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and nineteen, and also consecrated; but long he enjoyed not his office, for there he died, and was buried.  
33 Edmund Lacie bishop of Hereford was translated from thence unto this church in the feast of Easter, 
Edmund Lacie.  and in the eight year of the reign of king Henry the fift, in the year of our Lord God one thousand four hundred and twenty. He was a man very devout and religious, but subject to flatterers, who carried him to their pleasure; he was a liberal benefactor unto the vicar of Calenderhaie. Great contentions were between him and the city for liberties, which by arbitrement were compounded. He founded the chapter house in his own church. He was a professor of divinity, and very well learned. For in the second year of his bishopric, being the ninth year of the king's reign, there was a parliament holden at Westminster, in which great complaints were made against the lose and dissolute life of the religious men, and especially the black monks. And this matter being brought to the convocation house, this bishop as chief proloquntor of that assembly, did make a very learned and a pithy oration before the king, then of purpose present, and the whole clergy, much lamenting that the religious men were so far strayed from the rules of their professions, and the holiness of their predecessors. And when he had at large discoursed the same, he delivered up certain articles in writing, praying for reformation. Which his speeches were so effectually uttered, and his articles so pithily penned, that both the king and the clergy did not only with great liking and allowance praise and commend the same; but also took order that there should be a provincial council called out of hand for a reformation. Which was then promised, but not performed, by reason of the king's death, which not long after followed. But yet in the way of good speed, it was then concluded and agreed, that every third benefice, being of the gift of any of the prelates, or of any monastery, should from thenseforth for seven years be given to some scholar of Oxford or Cambridge. This bishop, after he had lived five and thirty years in this bishopric, died and was buried in the north wall of the queer in his own church. After whose death many miracles were said and devised to be done at his tomb, whereupon great pilgrimages were made by the common people to the same.  

George Nevil.  34 George Nevil succeeded Edmund Lacie, and was consecrated in the feast of saint Katherine, in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred fifty line 10 and five, he was of a noble parentage, being the second son at Richard Nevil earl of Sarisburie, he finished and ended the chapter house which his predecessor had begun. And after that he had been bishop about ten years, he was removed to York, and made archbishop there, in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred three score and five.  

john Booth.  35 john Booth, after the translation of George Nevil to York, was consecrated bishop under Thomas Burscher archbishop of Canturburie, upon line 20 the two and twentieth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred three score and six. He was by profession a civilian, and a bachelor of the same, he governed his church very well, and builded (as some suppose) the bishops see in the queer. But being weary of the great troubles which were in this country between king Edward the fourth and the earl of Warwick, he removed from hence to his house of Horsleigh in Hamshire, where in the twelve year of his bishopric he died, upon the line 30 fift of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred seventy and eight, and lieth buried at saint Clements in London.  

Peter courtney.  36 Peter courtney, immediately after the death of john Booth, was presented to this bishopric, and consecrated by Thomas archbishop of Canturburie in November, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred seventy and seven at saint stephan's in Westminster; he was the son of sir Philip Courtnie of Powderham, his mother was named Elisabeth, line 40 daughter to Walter lord Hungerford. He for his wisdom and good behaviour was in great favour & credit with king Henry the seventh, by whose means he was translated from this church to Winchester, in the ninth year of his being bishop here, and in the fift year of his being there he died, upon the twentieth day of December, in the year one thousand four hundred ninety and one, and lieth buried in his own church. He finished the north tower of saint peter's, and gave the clock bell which is in the line 50 same, and which beareth the name Peter.  

Richard Fox.  37 Richard Fox, upon the removing of Peter courtney, was consecrated bishop of this church, under Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred three score and six. He was a very wise man, and in great credit and estimation with king Henry the seventh, unto whom he was a faithful councillor, and of his council; with whom he acquainted himself at Paris, when he was there a student. For king Henry line 60 then earl of Richmond, being at Venice, and advertised how the nobility of England was bend to have him for their king, came from thence to Paris, and sought unto Charles then king of France for aid and help: in which the earl his suits this Fox was a special traveler and councillor; and in the end, God giving the success, the earl obtained the crown, and having had due trial of the fidelity, wisdom, & trust of this bishop, he made him lord privy seal; and kept and used him & his advise in all his weighty matters as well at home as abroad. He being ambassador sundry times to the kings of France and Scotland, and of a very hearty good will and love, the king made him godfather to his second son king Henry the eight. There was a kind of emulation, between this bishop and the earl of Surreie, both of them being very wise and of great service to the king and commonwealth: howbeit, in some diversity of respects, the one having no issue to care for, did deal without any private affection or singular gain; and the other having issue, was desirous to advance his house and honour. These affections did breed some dislike between them two, yet the king finding a faith unto himself, and a commodity to the commonwealth, misliked it not, if the same exceeded his measure: and they more warm than commendable for their callings and estates. The king then or the council would deal between them for the appeasing and pacifying of them, and to them he was both friendly, loving, and liberal. The one he delivered out of the tower, pardoned him of his offences, restored him to his lands, received him into special favour, made him of his privy council, as also lord treasurer of England, and his general into Scotland, & augmented his livelihoods. The other he first made bishop to this church, then removed him to Bath, and from thence unto Durham, and lastly unto Winchester. Erasmus, in his book entitled The preacher or Ecclesiastes, declareth how that the king upon a time, wanting some piece of money, was to borrow the same of the commons, and of the clergy. And for the dealings with the clergy, the matter was by commission committed to this bishop. Who when they came before him, used all the excuses that they could, to shift themselves from lending of any money. Some came very seemly and well appareled, and awaited upon by their men, according to their livelihoods; and these alleged, that they were greatly charged in hospitality and house keeping, with other charges incident to the same, so that they had no money, & therefore could pay none. Some came poorly and barely appareled, and they alleged that their livelihoods were but small, and yet their charges were great, and by that means the world was so hard with them that they had it not to spare. This bishop, having heard all these excuses, used this dilemme. To the richer sort he said; Forsomuch as you are so well and seemly appareled, and do keep so great houses, and have all things necessary about you; it is a manifest argument, that you have some store about you, or else you would not do as ye do: and therefore ye must needs lend. To the other, who pretended excuse of their poverty, he thus replied unto them; that forsomuch as they were so bare in their apparel, and so sparing of their expenses, it must needs be that they saved their purses and had money, and therefore they must needs pay, and so adjudged them to lend unto the prince. Now as he arose by learning, so he was a great favourer and furtherer of learning: and for the good increase of the same he builded and founded Corpus Christi college in Oxenford. In his latter days he waxed and was blind, and dying in Winchester, he was there buried in his own church, after that he had been bishop of Excester six years, he was removed to Bath, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred ninety and two.  
38 Oliver King, immediately upon the transferring of bishop Fox, 
Oliver King.  was consecrated bishop of this church, in February, one thousand four hundred ninety and two, john Morton then archbishop of Canturburie. This Oliver was chaplain to king Henry the seventh, and dean of Windesor, and register of the order of the garter. In his time were the rebellions of joseph the black smith in Cornwall, and of Perken Warbeck. This bishop after that he had occupied this see about five years, he died in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred ninety and seven, and (as some suppose) he was buried at Windesor.  

Richard Redman.  39 Richard Redman, immediately upon the death of bishop Oliver King, was translated from his bishopric in Wales to this city; but after five years he was removed unto the bishopric of Elie, and installed there in September in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and one. He was a gentleman borne, and descended of a very worshipful house, which joined with his wisdom and learning, did much increase his credit and good report. line 10  

john Arundel.  40 john Arundel, next after the translation of bishop Redman, was removed from Coventrie and Lichfield unto this city, and was installed the fifteenth of March, one thousand five hundred and one. Wherein he sought not the preferment for any livelihoods, but rather desirous to be a dweller and resiant in his country where he was borne: for he was descended of the Arundels of Lanherne in Cornwall, a house of great antiquity and worship. line 20 He long enjoyed not his new bishopric, for after two years after his installing, he had occasion to ride unto London, and there died, and was buried in S. Clement's church without Templebar, in the year one thousand five hundred and three.  
41 Hugh Oldham, upon the death of Arundel, by the preferment of the countess of Richmond and Derbie, 
Hugh Oldham.  unto whom he was chaplain, was preferred unto this bishopric, and installed in the same. He was a man having more zeal than knowledge, line 30 and more devotion than learning; somewhat rough in speeches, but friendly in doings. He was careful in the saving and defending of his liberties, for which continual suits was between him and the abbot of Tavestoke; he was liberal to the vicar's choral of his church, and reduced them to the keeping of commons, and towards the maintenance thereof he gave them certain revenues, and impropriated unto them the rectory of Cornewood. He albeit (of himself) he were not learned▪ yet a great favourer and a line 40 furtherer of learning and of learned men. Notwithstanding, he was sometime crossed in his honest attempt therein. He first was minded to have enlarged Excester college in Oxford, as well in buildings as in fellowships: but after being a requester to the fellows for one Atkins to be a fellow, in whose favour he had written his letters and was denied, he changed his mind, and his good will was alienated. About the same time doctor Smith bishop of Lincoln was building of the college named Brazen nose, and was very willing and desirous to join line 50 with him: but being denied to have the nomination of a founder, his mind was changed. Not long after, being advertised that bishop Fox of Winchester was minded to erect & found a new college, he joined with him, and contributed unto him a great mass of money, and so a college was builded for scholars, and great livelihoods provided for them: & then the house was named Corpus Christi college. Whereof the one of them bore the name of a founder, and line 60 the other of a benefactor. Howbeit, some diversity was between these two bishops at the first, to what use this college should be employed. For the founder was of the mind that he would have made it for a house of monks; but the benefactor was of the contrary mind, and would have it for scholars, alleging that monks were but a sort of buzzing flies, & whose state could not long endure; whereas scholars brought up in learning would be profitable members to the commonwealth, and good ornaments to the church of God, and continue for ever. The founder being a wise man, and of a deep judgement, when he had paused and considered hereof, yieldeth hereunto: and so it was concluded between them to make and build a college for scholars. And forthwith for the good direction, guiding, and government of the said college and scholars; such wise, good, & politic statutes and ordinances were by good advise and counsel devised, established, and ordained; as whereby the said college hath been, and yet continueth one of the best nursseries for training and instructing of good scholars in learning within that university. This bishop and the abbot of Tavestoke did still contend and continue in law during their lives: and during which suit this bishop died, being excommunicated at Rome, and who could not be suffered to be buried, until an absolution from Rome was procured for him. After that he had been bishop about sixteen years, he died the five and twentieth of june, one thousand five hundred and nineteen, and was buried in his own church.  
42 john Uoiseie, otherwise Harman, 
john Uoiseie  succeeded Oldham, by the preferment of king Henry the eight, whose chaplain he then was, and dean of his chapel as also of this church; he was doctor of the laws, very well learned and wise, and in great favour with the king, who sent him sundry times in ambassages to foreign princes; he was lord precedent of Wales, & had the government of the kings only daughter lady Marie princess of Wales. Of all the bishops in the land he was accounted the court likest and the best courtier. And although he were well reported for his learning, yet better liked for his courtlike behaviour, which in the end turned not so much to his credit, as to the utter ruin and spoil of the church: for of two and twenty lordships and manors, which his predecessors had and left unto him, of a goodly yearly revenue he left but three, & them also leased out. And where he found fourteen houses well furnished, he left only one house bare and without furniture, and yet charged with sundry fees and annuities; and by these means this bishopric, which sometimes was counted one of the best, is now become in temporal lands one of the meanest, and according to the foreprophesieng of bishop Grandesson, a place scarce left for the bishop to lay and rest his head in; and yet nevertheless he was a great favourer of learned men, and especially of divines, whom he preferred in his church above others. He was very bountions and liberal unto all men, but especially unto courtiers, unto his own kindred and countrymen. Upon many he bestowed much, to the confusion of some of them; and upon the others he spent much by building of a town called Sutton Colshull where he was borne, which he procured to be incorporated, and made a market town, and set up therein making of kearsies, but all which in the end came to small effect. In his time, after the death of king Henry the eight, there was an alteration of religion by king Edward the sixth, whereof ensued a rebellion & commotion in this diocese: which in some part was imputed to this bishop, because he lay far from it, and dwelled in his own country. Whereupon he resigned the bishopric into the king's hands, after that he had been bishop about thirty years, and lived by the rents of the temporalty of the bishopric, which when he alienated and discontinued, he did receive unto him for term of his own life.  
43 Miles Coverdale, 
Miles Coverdale.  after the resignation of Uoiseie, was by king Edward made bishop of this city, & consecrated at Lambeth by Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and fifty. He was borne in the north country, and from his childhood given to learning, wherein he profited very much: he was one of the first which professed the gospel in this land in the time of king Henry the eight, he translated the bible out of the Hebrew into English, and wrote sundry books upon the scriptures. Which doctrine being very new and strange in those days, and he very straightly pursued by the bishops, made his escape, & passed over into low Germany, where he printed the bibles of his translation and sent them over into England, and thereof made his gain whereby he lived. But the bishops, namely D. Stokesleie bishop of London, when he heard hereof, and minding to prevent that no such bibles should be dispersed line 10 within this realm, made inquiry where they were to be sold, and bought them all up; supposing that by this means no more bibles would be had: but contrary to his expectation it fell out otherwise. For the same money which the bishop gave for these books, was sent over by the merchant unto this Coverdale, and by that means he was of that wealth and ability, that he imprinted as many more and sent them over into England; but he was then so narrowly sought for, that he was driven to remove line 20 himself out of Flanders into Germany, and dwelled under the palsgrave of Rhine, where he found much favour. First he taught young children, and having learned the Dutch tongue, the prince Palatine gave him a benefice, named Burghsaber, where he continued and lived very well, partly by that benefice, and partly by the liberality of the lord Cromewell, who was his good lord and relieved him very much. At length, when the religion was altered in England, and the gospel had a free passage, he returned line 30 & did very much good in preaching of the same. And when the commotion in Devon was for religion, he was appointed to attend the lord russel, when he came to suppress the same, and very shortly for his learning and godly life was made bishop of this see; who most worthily did perform the office committed unto him. He preached continually upon every holy day, and did read most commonly twice in the week in some one church or other within this city. He was after the rate of his livings a great keeper line 40 of hospitality, very sober in diet, godly in life, friendly to the godly, liberal to the poor, and courteous to all men, void of pride, full of humility, abhorring covetousness, and an enemy to all wickedness and wicked men: whose companies he shunned, and whom he would in no wise shroud or have in his house and company. His wife a most sober, chaste, and godly matron; his house and household another church, in which was exercised all godliness and virtue. No one person being in his house, which line 50 did not from time to time give an account of his faith and religion, and also did live accordingly. And as he had a care for the success in religion, so had he also for the direction of the government in ecclesiastical causes. And because he was not skilful therein, neither would be hindered from his godly studies, and be incombered with such worldly matters, which nevertheless he would have be done in all uprightness, justice, and equity; he sent to Oxford for a learned man to be his chancellor, and by the ministery line 60 of the writer hereof he procured and obtained one master Robert Weston doctor of the civil law, & afterwards lord chancellor of Ireland, unto whom he committed his consistory, and the whole charge of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction; allowing unto him, not only all the fees thereunto appertaining, but also lodged and found him, his wife, family, horse, and man, within his own house, and gave him a yearly pension of forty pounds. And surely the bishop was no more godly and careful of his part, concerning preaching; but this man also was as diligent and severe in doing of his office, without reproach of being affectionated or corrupted. And notwithstanding this good man, now a blameless bishop, lived most godly and virtuous: yet the common people, whose old bottles would receive no new wine, could not brook nor digest him; for no other cause, but because he was a preacher of the gospel, an enemy to papistry, & a married man. Many devices were attempted against him for his confusion, sometimes by false suggestions, sometimes by open railings, and false libels; sometimes by secret backbitings, and in the end practised his death by impoisoning: but by God's providence the snares were broken and he delivered. After that he had been bishop about three years king Edward died, and then queen Marie having the crown, the religion was altered, and he deprived. And notwithstanding the malice of prelates and archpapists was most bitter against him, and who had sworn his death: yet by the goodness of God he was most miraculously preserved, and delivered from out of their hands, at the suit and by the means of the king of Denmark: who so earnestly sued, & so often wrote to the queen for him, that he was delivered and sent unto him; with whom after that he had stayed a while, he went again into Germany to the Palsgrave, who most lovingly received him, placed him again in his former benefice of Burghsaber, where he continued until the death of queen Marie. And then the preaching of the gospel being again received, & having a free passage, he returned into England; but would never return to his bishopric, notwithstanding it was reserved for him, & sundry times offered him; but lived a private life, continuing in London, preaching & teaching the gospel, so long as the strength of his body would permit; and at length being very old and stricken in years, he died, and was honourably buried at saint Magnus' church in London.  
44 john Uoiseie, 
john Voiseie.  after the deprivation of Miles Coverdale, was restored to this church, and for the better settling of the Romish religion did here state for a while: but his mind was addicted to his own country, that he returned thither, and made his only abode there, practising there what he could, to have the making of kerseys to come to some effect; but the same being more chargeable than profitable, came to small proof. This man being very old died in his own house, with a pang, and was buried in his parish church there, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred fifty and five.  
45 james Troblefield succeeded bishop Uoiseie, 
james Troblefield.  and was consecrated in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred fifty & six, he was a gentleman borne, and of a good house, very gentle and courteous; he professed divinity, but most zealous in the Romish religion, & yet nothing cruel nor bloody. And yet that he might not seem to do nothing, he was contented to prosecute and condemn a guiltless poor silly woman, named Agnes Pirest for religion and heresy, & who was burned in Southingham for the same. It was laid to her charge (as doth appear by an indictment taken at Lanceston, Dit lunae in quarta septimana quadragesimae, anno Philippi & Mariae secundo & tertio, before William Stanford then justice of the assize) that she should deny the real presence in the sacrament of the altar, and that the same was but a sign and a figure of Christ's body, and that none doth eat really the body of Christ but spiritually. He was very careful to recover some part of the lands of his bishopric, which his predecessor wasted, and did obtain of queen Marie, to him and to his successors, the fee farm of the manor of Credition. After that he had been bishop about two years, queen Marie died; and he was deprived, and lived after a private life.  
46 William Alleie, 
William Alleie.  in the second year of queen Elisabeth, was chosen bishop, and installed the sixth of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred sixty and one. In all queen Maries time, which were called the Marian days, he traveled from place to place in the north country, where he was not known; and sometimes by practising of physic, and sometimes by teaching of scholars, he picked out a poor living for himself and his wife, and so continued, being not known to have been a priest, during all queen Maries time: after whose death he went to London, and there did read divinity lecture in Paul's very learnedly, and to his line 10 great commendation; and from whence he was taken and made bishop of this city. He was very well learned universally, but his chief study and profession was in divinity, and in the tongues. And being bishop, he debated no part of his former travels, but spent his time very godly and virtuously. Upon every holy day (for the most part) he preached, and upon the week days he would and did read a lecture of divinity; the residue of his time, and free from his necessary business, he spent in his line 20 private studies, and wrote sundry books, whereof his prelections or lectures which he did read in Paul's, and his poor man's library he caused to be imprinted: the like he would have done with his Hebrew grammar, and other his works, if he had lived. He was well stored, and his library well replenished with all the best sort of writers, which most gladly he would impart and make open to every good scholar and student, whose company and conference he did most desire & embrace. He seemed at the first appearance line 30 to be a rough and an austere man, but in very truth, a very courteous, gentle, and an affable man; at his table full of honest speeches, joined with learning and pleasantness, according to the time, place, and company. All his exercises, which for the most part was at bowls, very merry and pleasant, void of all sadness, which might abate the benefit of recreation; loath to offend, ready to forgive, void of malice, full of love, bountiful in hospitality, liberal to the poor, and a succourer of the needy, faithful to line 40 his friend, and courteous to all men; a hater of covetousness, and an enemy to all evil and wicked men, and lived an honest, a godly, and virtuous life. Finally, he was endued with many notable good gifts and virtues, only he was somewhat credulous, of a hasty belief, and light of credit, which he did oftentimes mislike & blame in himself. In his latter time he waxed somewhat gross, and his body full of humours, which did abate much of his line 50 wonted exercises: and having been bishop about eight years, he died the first of April one thousand five hundred and seventy, and was buried in his own church.  

William Bradbridge.  47 William Bradbridge, dean of Sarisburie, was the next bishop, and consecrated at Lambeth by Matthew Parker archbishop of Canturburie, the eighteenth of March one thousand five hundred and seventy: he was a professor of divinity, but not taken to be so well grounded as he persuaded line 60 himself, he was zealous in religion, but not so forwards as he was wished to be. In his latter days he delighted to dwell in the country, which was not so much to his liking, as troublesome to his clergy, & to such as had any suits unto him. It was thought he died very rich, but after his death it proved otherwise: he died suddenly, no body being about him, at Newton Ferris, the ninth year of his bishopric, upon the nine and twentieth of julie, in the year of our Lord 1578, and was buried in his own church. Thus far the collection of john Hooker, agreeing with the records.]   

I. Stow.  The seventeenth day of julie the queens majesty being on the river of Thames, 
A traitorous fact o● Thomas Appletreé.  about nine of the clock at night (betwixt her highness manor of Gréenewich & Dartford) in her privy barge, accompanied with the French ambassador, the earl of Lincoln, and master vicechamberlaine; it chanced that one Thomas Appletrée, a young man, and servant to master Henry carry, with two or three others, being in a boat on the Thames, rowing up and down betwixt the places aforenamed: the foresaid Thomas had a caliver or harquebus charged with bullet, and shooting at random, by misfortune shot one of the watermen, being the second man next unto the bales of the said barge (which sat within six foot of her highness) clean through both arms, and moved him out of his place. For the which fact the said Thomas being apprehended and condemned to death, was on the one and twentieth of julie brought to the water side, where was a gibbet set up, directly placed betwixt Dartford and Gréenewich. But when the hangman had put the halter about his neck, the right honourable sir Christopher Hatton captain of the guard, and one of her majesties privy council, showed the queen's majesties most gracious pardon, and delivered him from execution. This year john Fox of Woodbridge, William Wickneie of Portsmouth, 
john Fox an Englishman delivered two hundred and threé score christians from captivity of the Turk.  and Robert More of Harwich Englishmen, having been prisoners in Turkey about the space of thirteen or fourteen years, with more than two hundred and sixty other christians of diverse nations, by killing their keeper, marvelously escaped, and returned into their native countries.  
This year in the months of September and October fell great winds and raging floods in sundry places of this realm, 
Winds and high waters.  as in the town of Newport: the cottages were borne down, the corn lost, pasture ground overwhelmed, and cattle drowned. In the town of Bedford the water came up to the market place, where cup boards, chests, stools, and fourms swum about the houses; their fuel, corn and hay was wracked & borne away. Also the town of saint Edes in Huntingtonshire was overflowed suddenly in the night, when all men were at rest; & the waters broke in with such force, that the town was almost all defaced; the swans swum down the market place, and all the town about the boats did float. The town of Gormanchester was suddenly suppressed, their houses flowed full of water, when men were at rest, and their cattle with other things were destroyed.  
The one and twentieth of November, 
Anno reg. 22.  sir Thomas Gresham knight agent to the queens highness, who had in his life built the royal Exchange in London, 
Sir Thomas Gresham deceased.  between six and seven of the clock in the evening, coming from the same Exchange to his house (which he had sumptuously builded) in Bishopsgate street of London, suddenly fell down in his kitchen, and being taken up was found speechless, and presently dead, who afterwards was solemnly buried in his own parish church of saint Helen there, where he had prepared for himself a sumptuous tomb or monument, without any epitaph or inscription thereupon. This sir Thomas Gresham in his testament (which long before his death he had ordained) bequeathed diverse large legacies not yet performed.  
The eight and twentieth day of March, year 1580 one Francis alias Marmaduke Glover was hanged on a gibbet set up for that purpose by the standard in Cheap, 

Glover a murderer hanged in Cheap.  
Dod executed for murder.   for wilfully murdering sergeant Grace after he was by him arrested. Also on the next morrow, being the nine and twentieth day of March, the same gibbet was set up at Hog lane end upon east Smithfield, near unto the tower of London, thereon to have hanged one Richard Dod for murdering of mistress Skinner a widow, in her house there by, But sir Owen Hopton lieutenant of the tower, commanding the officers pertaining to the sheriffs of London back again to the west side of the cross, took the sheriff of the out shire with the prisoner into an house, and after long talk brought the prisoner forth again, & delivered him to the officers, to be by them brought back to London. Then he caused the gibbet to be taken down and carried away line 10 at his pleasure, and without further contention (to my knowledge) the said Richard Dod was in the after noon of the same day hanged at Tyburn.  

A great earthquake.  On the sixth of April, being wednesday in Easter week about six of the clock toward evening, a sudden earthquake happening in London, and almost generally throughout all England, caused such an amazedness among the people as was wonderful for the time, and caused them to make their, earnest prayers to almighty God. The great clock bell in line 20 the palace at Westminster strake of itself against the hammer with the shaking of the earth, as diverse other clocks & bells in the stéeples of the city of London and elsewhere did the like. The gentlemen of the Temple being then at supper, ran from the tables, and out of their hall with their knives in their hands. The people assembled at the play houses in the fields▪ as at the Whoreater (the Theatre I would say) were so amazed, that doubting the ruin of the galleries, they made haste to be gone. A piece of the line 30 temple church fell down, some stones fell from saint Paul's church in London: and at Christ's church near to Newgate market, in the sermon while, a stone fell from the top of the same church, which stone killed out of hand one Thomas Greie an apprentice, and an other stone fell on his fellow servant named Mabell Eueret, and so bruised her that she lived but four days after. diverse other at that time in that place were sore hurt, with running out of the church one over another for fear. The tops of diverse chimneys line 40 in the city fell down, the houses were so shaken: a part of the castle at Bishops Stratford in Essex fell down. This earthquake endured in or about London not passing one minute of an hour, and was no more felt. But afterward in Kent, and on the sea coast it was felt three times; as at Sandwich at six of the clock the land not only quaked, but the sea also foamed, so that the ships tottered. At Dover also the same hour was the like, so that a piece of the cliff fell into the sea, 
A waterquake.  with also a piece of line 50 the castle wall there: a piece of Saltwood castle in Kent fell down; and in the church of Hide the bells were heard to sound. A piece of Sutton church in Kent fell down, the earthquake being there not only felt, but also heard. And in all these places and others in east Kent, the same earthquake was felt three times to move, to wit, at six, at nine, and at eleven of the clock. The nineteenth day of April the ferry at Lambeth was drowned with five men and four horses; 
A ferry drowned.  other two men and five horses swum to land and were saved. line 60  

William Lamb esquire deceased, his almesdeéds.  On the one and twentieth of April, in the year 1580 departed this life master William Lamb esquire, sometime gentleman of the chapel in the reign of king Henry the eight, citizen of London, and free of the clothworkers. Of this man's almsdeeds and manifold charities, some before, some since his death put in effectual practice, thus reporteth a memorial recorded in print, agreeing in truth with his last will and testament: an extract whereof for others imitation is necessarily here to be inserted. This gentleman remembering that learning bringeth preferment, yea even to them which are put basely borne, as it pleased God to move him by his good and gracious spirit, he proved himself by testimonials of his doings a lover of learning, and a favourer of every honest profession. For in the town of Sutton Ualens in Kent, this worshipful gentleman at his own costs and proper expenses erected a grammar school for the education of youth in the fear of God, in good manners, 
The erection of a grammar school & necessary allowance to the master and usher.  in knowledge and understanding.  
He also weighing with himself, that the labourer ought of right to have his hire; and that, no man goeth to war of his own proper charge, besides other commodities which he thought meet and necessary, hath allowed the master twenty pounds, and the usher ten pounds▪ from time to time, as either place shall be supplied by succession, for their yearly stipends and perpetual pensions. To continue the rehearsal of his good deeds in Sutton aforesaid, note his tender & pitiful heart toward the poor, for whose sustentation, maintenance, and relief, he hath builded six alms houses for the impotent, 
Alms houses built for the poor.  and hath given six pounds to be yearly paid unto them for their necessary provision. Moreover, besides this charitable deed, to keep still within the compass of Kent, mark the singular love which this gentleman did bear unto learning; for the furtherance whereof, and the more encouragement of poor scholars, he hath given to the school of Maidstone ten pounds a year for ever, with this caveat or proviso, 
Allowance for poor men's children to be kept at school.  that needy men's children should be preferred to the enjoying of this singular benefit.  
That this gentleman had not only a regard for the seed-plots of learning, to have them watered with the springs of his bounty: but also a provident eye, 
The commonwealth remembered.  and a careful hart for the profit of the commonwealth, the particulars following substantially do prove. For, seeing in his life time the decay of sundry trades, the ruin of diverse occupations, and other inconveniences, which are like to grow to the undoing of a multitude, except by policy they be prevented: of a mere, affection (if I said fatherly I were not controllable) he hath freely given to the poor clothiers in Suffolk, 
A relief to poor clothiers in diverse places.  to the poor clothiers of Bridgenorth in Shropshire, and to the poor clothiers at Ludlow in the said county, three hundred pounds, to be said by even portions, to each several town of the said counties one hundred pounds a piece, for their supportation and maintenance at their work and occupation. So little esteemed he the muck of this world, in respect of doing good, specially when he saw old age drawing him to his grave: of which mind it were to be wished all rich-men would be (whom God hath made his stewards) when they wax crooked & bow backed, and (as the poet saith) Obrepit canis rugosa senecta capillis.  
Furthermore, the well of his weldooing not yet waxing dry, but yielding liquor of relief very largely, hath watered other places. For, as the country, so likewise the city (the city I mean of London) hath cause, 
London the better by master Lamb.  yea just cause with open mouth to magnify the goodness of God, so mightily working in this praiseworshie esquire. The memorable monuments, which shall live when he is dead, and shall flourish when he is rotten, are witnesses of the love, which he being a citizen bare unto this city. For, let us begin with the conduit which he of his own costs, 
A remembrance of Holborn conduit founded and finished in An. 1577.  not requiring either collection or contribution, founded of late in Holborn, not sparing expenses so it might be substantial, not pinching for charges so it might be durable and plentiful, as they can testify which saw the seeking of the springs, the manner of making the trenches, the ordering of the pipes, lying in length from the head to the said conduit, more than two thousand yards: and finally, the framing of every necessary appurtenance thereunto belonging. 
The waste water at the judge running at the standard.  Besides this, means is made, by a standard with one cock at Hol●orne bridge to convey the waist, which doth such service, the water thereof being both sweet, pleasant, and wholesome, as neither rich nor poor can well miss. Which great work as he advisedly attempted, so he commendably finished, having disbursed thereabouts, of his own costs & charges, to the sum of 1500 pounds.  
And yet further note the wisdom and providence of this gentleman, who considering that the right use of a good thing might cut off many occasions line 10 of unthristines and idleness, 
Provident considerations.  and knowing that we are placed in this world to follow the vocation whereunto we are called: besides that, seeing the hardness of this age wherein we live, that many would work if they had means, many neglect and care not for work though they have means, some would willingly withstand poverty if they might, some had rather beg and do woorsse than give themselves to labour, hath been thus beneficial to poor women that are glad to take pains, 
Poor women benefited by the conduit.  as to bestow upon line 20 them a hundred and twenty pales, wherewith to carry and serve water: an honest shift of living, though somewhat toilsome. To descend and come down to other his almesdeeds, you shall understand that he being a member of the right worshipful corporation and society of Clothworkers, 
The right worshipful Clothworkers remembered.  was not forgetful of that company, unto whom he hath given his dwelling house in London, with other lands, and tenements, to the value of thirty pounds or thereabouts, by them to be thus bestowed: to wit, for the line 30 hiring of a minister to read divine service thrice a week, that is, every sunday, wednesday, and friday throughout the year, in the chapel or church belonging to his house, called by the name of saint james in the wall by Cripplegate: and for four sermons there yéerelie to be made and preached, 
Allowance for four yearly sermons.  a competent allowance.  
Out of which sum also of thirty pounds, it is provided that a deduction be made by the said Clothworkers▪ for appareling twelve men, and as many women, 
Every poor man and poor women a shirt, a smock, a gown, and a pair of shoes, etc.  line 40 in form as followeth: that is to say, to every one of the twelve men one freeze gown, one locorum shirt, & a good strong pair of winter shoes: to twelve women likewise one freeze gown, one locorum smock, & a good strong pair of winter shoes, all ready made for their wearing: remembered always that they must be persons both poor and honest, unto whom this charitable deed ought to be extended. Provided also, that the execution hereof be done the first day of October, orderly from year to line 50 year for ever whiles the world doth last. Moreover, he hath given to those of his company four pounds freely, not for a time, but perpetually: and thus doth his bountifulness many ways appear. To the parish of S. Giles without Cripplegate, 
Saint Giles without Cripplegate benefited.  he hath given fifteen pounds to the bells and chime, having meant (as it seemeth if they had taken time) to be more liberal in that behalf. The said bells & chime were in his life, & also after his death kept in good order according to his will: but afterwards upon occasion some of line 60 them newly cast became ill of sound & out of tune: a fault in some which would be amended. The poor of the parish aforesaid, by their relief in his life time secretly ministered, have just cause to lament the loss of this right bountiful almoner. For by his means their succour was the more: now it is to be feared it will be so much the less, by how much it may be supposed he increased their relief. Thus regarded he not so much his private thrift, as the common good, giving therein to the world a testimony of christian prudence, whose nature is to prefer the benefit of many before the profit of one, according to that of the poet: Publica privatis qui sapit anteferet.  
This gentleman's distributions are so diverse, and so many, that the rehearsal of them requireth a large discourse. It is well known, and that can the worshipful company of the Stationer's witness, 
Relief for the poor people. M. Lambs love to the worshipful Stationers.  that this gentleman, for the space of these fourteen or fifteen years, whiles he lived, was pitiful to the poor of the parish of S. Faiths, and other parishes: in which said parish church▪ every friday ordinarily throughout the year, distribution was made of their allowance by the hands of the said worshipful Stationers, to whom that charge was and is committed: namely, to twelve poor people twelve pence in money, and twelve pence in bread. Neither is this charitable deed laid asleep, 
Perpetual provision for the poor.  but continued even to the world's end, for the perpetual succour of the poor and impotent, a legacy of six pounds, thirteen shillings and four pence, allowed to that end; the bestowing whereof is in the hands of the said worshipful society of Stationers, the distributors of this alms to the poor: who are put in mind to praise God for that provision, in this request of the benefactor graven in metal, and fixed fast in the wall hard by his tomb: 
I pray you all that receive bread and pence,  
To say the Lords prayer before ye go hence.   
As for Christ's hospital, 
Relief for Christ's hospital.  unto the which he hath proved himself a fatherly benefactor, towards the bringing up of the poor children, he hath given six pounds, which they shall enjoy for the term of five hundred years. Moreover (mark the rare liberality of this virtuous gentleman) he hath given to the said hospital one hundred pounds in ready money, 
A purchase for the said hospital.  wherewith to purchase lands, that their relief, by the revenues of the same, might be perpetual: a notable deed, and an undoubted work of perfect christianity. As for S. Thomas spittle in Southworke, toward the succour of the sick and diseased, he hath given four pounds yearly, and for ever: 
Relief for S. Thomas spittle.  so that we may see in all his proceedings with what mercy he was moved, with what pity pricked: and finally, in all respects how godly given. And here by the way it is to be noted, that whereas it was reported, that he gave to the hospital, commonly called the savoy, founded by king Henry the seventh, to purchase lands for the behoof of the said hospital, one hundred pounds in money: it is nothing so. 
Why he stayed his beneficence from the hospital of the savoy.  For his beneficence towards that hospital was stayed, not through any default in him; but because such agréements could not be concluded upon, as he reasonably required. Wherefore his contribution that way ceased, sore (I dare say) against his godly will. Thus much I was desired to speak touching that matter, to the intent that nothing but plain truth might be reported, with the contrary whereof he was not a little offended.  
And although offenders deserve rather to be punished than favoured, whereupon by politic government it is provided, that their bodies apprehended, 
Prisons for offenders.  be committed to appointed places of imprisonment: yet this good gentleman remembering that the holy Ghost willeth us not to withdraw our hand from any of our brethren in distress, considering that charity should not be partial but indifferent, hath for the relief of the poor prisoners of the two Counters, of Newgate, of Ludgate, of the Marshalseie, 
Relief for poor prisoners.  of the King's Bench, and of the white Lion, dealt very bountifully, and discreetly: giving unto the two Counters, six pounds to be paid unto them both by twenty shillings a month: and to the other prisons above mentioned, six mattresses a piece, the whole number being two dozen and a half. In consideration of which charitable deed, 
A charitable work indeed.  how deeply they are bound, if they have any sparkle of grace, to thank God for his goodness showed unto them by the ministery of this gentleman, all the world may perceive. It were injury offered, to let slip unremembered his mindfulness of poor maids marriages: and how willing he was to help them, it appeareth by his good gift of twenty pounds to be equally divided among forty such in number by equal portions of ten shillings a piece: 
Marriage money for poor maids.  with this caveat, that these poor maids so to be married, should be of good, name and fame: wherein mark how in all his bequests, wisdom is joined as a yoke-fellow with his bounty.  
lastly, and for conclusion, this discreet gentleman, 
His love towards his servants.  line 10 carried away with the zeal of a good conscience, tendering the state of his servants, left them also at a reasonable good stay. For besides their half years board freely given and granted, he hath been beneficial to them in diverse other respects, which I pass over unremembered. But alas! these sorrowful servants do not a little lament the loss of so loving a master. I omit the hundred & eight freeze gowns ready made, which he bequeathed at his funeral to poor people, both men and women: with the disspersing line 20 of the remnant of all his goods after his burial, where need and reason required. And thus you see what monuments this gentleman hath left behind him, to bear witness to the world of the fruitfulness of his faith: 
His faith was fruitful.  which if (as saint james saith) it may be judged by works, and that it is a dead and a barren faith which declareth not itself by deeds: then the sequel may be this, that the faith wherewith he (of whom this is written) was endued, showeth line 30 itself to be the same faith which is wished, and I would to God were in the heart of every christian. As for his religion, it was sound; his profession sincere; his hearing of God's word, attentive & diligent; his use of prayer, devout: in his sickness patiented, willing to forsake the world, and to be with Christ, in whose faith he died; and lieth intoomed in a fair large vawt in saint Faiths under Paul's, this epitaph graven in brass or copper, fixed upon his grave stone, comprising a note of our mortality: line 40 
As I was, so are ye:  
As I am, you shall be:  
That I had, that I gave:  
That I gave, that I have:  
Thus I end all my cost:  
That I left, that I lost.   
Hitherto concerning master Lambs almsdeeds, wherein thus much hath at large been spoken for others example, whom as God hath endued with riches: so it were to be wished they would use them line 50 no worse.] The first day of May, after twelve of the clock in the night, 
I. Stow. An earthquake in Kent.  was an earthquake felt in diverse places of Kent, namely at Ashford, great Chart, &c: which made the people there to rise out of their beds, and run to the churches, where they called upon God by earnest prayers to be merciful unto them. 
T. C.  Of this earthquake one writeth thus. Many thousands have heard and commonly it is reported, that lately in Kent an other earthquake was seen and felt, and so terribly and sore the line 60 earth did tremble and quake, that it wakened people that soundly slept, and had like to have rocked them all asleep that were awake. So fearful was the matter, and so dreadful is the wrath of God in time of visitation, and wicked season of iniquity. This was a pretty natural cause: in deed so I think. For the natural diseases of man, and the naughty filthiness of the flesh (full of lust and infirmities) caused God for the correction of nature's inclination, to make Dover, Sandwich, Canturburie, Gravesend, and sundry other places tremble and shake.  

Castles and ships seen in the air.  The eighteenth day of May, about one hour before sun setting, diverse gentlemen of worship, and good credit, 
T. C.  riding from Bodnian in Cornwall towards Foie, there appeared to their seeming in the north-east, a very great mist or fog, much like unto the sea: and the form of a cloud in the fashion of some great castle, with flags, & streamers thereon as it were standing in the sea, which presently vanished away. In whose steed, and near to the same place, appeared an other cloud which altered into the likeness of a great argosy, furnished with masts, and other necessaries; and her sails seeming full of wind, made her way on the south-west of the castle, having streamers and flags very warlike, with two boats at either stern. There incontinent appeared again the form of a castle, and behind the same came following on the south-west side, an other great argosy, furnished as the first. This being past, there appeared three or four galleys with their masts and flags in warlike sort, having boats at their sternes; and thereby appeared other small clouds to the number of twelve, which altered into the proportion of the said castles, and one following an other, as soon as any of them vanished other came in their rooms; and this continued the space of an hour. Shortly after the sights in the air aforesaid, 
T. C. Wonders in Wiltshire and Summersetshire.  a worthy Gentleman in the country writ to a right good gentleman in the court, that there was seen upon a down called Brodwels down, in Summersetshire, three score personages all clothed in black, a furlong in distance from those that beheld them; and after their appearing, and a little while tarrying, they vanished away; but immediately, an other strange company in like manner, colour and number appeared in the same place, and they encountered one an other, and so vanished away. And the third time appeared that number again all in bright armour and encountered one an other, and so vanished away. Four honest men which saw it, reporting the same abroad, were examined thereof, before sir George Norton, to whom they swore, that those things they had seen were true, as here before is rehearsed.  
Moreover, it is credibly reported of many honest men, that five miles from Blonsdon in Wiltshire, 
T. C.  a cry of hounds was heard in the air, the self same day that the first earthquake was, and the noise was so great that was made, that they seemed three or four score couples: whereat diverse took their greihounds, thinking some gentlemen had been a hunting in the chase, and thought to course: yet some of those that went out of their houses, seeing nothing below abroad, looked upwards to the skies, and there espied in the air five or six hounds perfectly to be discerned. Now (to say my fancy) I doubt not but thousands hold these news for fables invented for pleasure. But I protest before God and man, I can believe a great deals more stranger matter than this, in this strange world: for the people so estrange themselves from God by using many strange fashions, and clapping on new conditions & natures, that except he show some miracles, his godhead would quickly be forgotten on earth, and men would believe there were no other world but this.  
The thirteenth of june, about six of the clock in the morning, at Shipwash within the barony of Bothell in Northumberland, there happened a tempest of lightning and thunder, after the which, on a sudden came a great shower of hail, 
Hail stones of strange shapes.  amongst the which were found stones of diverse shapes marvelous to behold, as in the likeness of frogs, mattocks, swords, horse shoes, nails, crosses of diverse sorts, skulls of dead men, etc. The seventeenth day of june, 
A monstrous birth.  in the parish of Blasedon in Yorkshire, after a great tempest of lightning & thunder, a woman of four score years old, named Alice Perrin, was delivered of an hideous monster, whose head was like unto a salad or headpiece, the face like unto a man's, except the mouth, which was round and small, like unto the mouth of a mosso, the fore part of the body like to a man, having eight legs not one like an other, and a tail half a yard long. Which monster brought into the world, besides an admiration of the divine works of God, an astonishment at his judgements. But of these we may say as a stranger said sometime upon the like occasion of prodigies and wonders successively ensuing, not without weighty line 10 signification; to wit, that such things be as tales told to the deaf, very few weieng in their minds the meaning & effect of strange accidents, and therefore think upon nothing less than a reformation of their wicked life: for the which things sake God sendeth these and many such significant warnings, before he taketh the rod in hand, and whippeth us till we smart: we then not looking to the means that provoke this vengeance, as willing to avoid them: but murmuring at the just judge, under whose heavy line 20 hand we groan, & charging him to be the author of all misfortunes falling upon us: which Homer truly seemeth right well to have noted in this sense: 

〈◊〉 oratio apud H●●erum.  Cur stulti incusant mortales numina coeli?  
Et sibi nos dicunt autores esse malorum?  
Cum praeter fati leges in aperta ferantur  
Damna, suaementis proprijs erroribus orti.   
About the eighteenth day of julie, the lord Greie took his voyage towards Ireland as lord deputy thereof, 
Soldiers transported into Ireland.  after whom was sent diverse bands line 30 of lusty soldiers, both horsemen and footmen, under the leading of expert captains, of whose prosperous and happy success against their enemies, the Irish and others, diverse pamflets have been published, & matter more at large is set down in the history of Ireland. The three and twentieth of September, 
Monstrous birth.  at fenny Stanton in Huntingtonshire, one Agnis wife to William Linseie was delivered of an ugly and strange monster, with a face black, the neck red, mouth and eyes like a lion, on the forehead line 40 a roll of flesh that might be turned up with one's finger, on the hinder part of the head a lump of flesh proportioned like a feather, being hollow, with one ear growing on the lower part of the cheek, his belly big and hard, the arms big, having five fingers and a thumb on either hand, and in place of toes on the left foot five fingers and a thumb, on the right foot a thumb and seven fingers, & in the place of privity the shape both of male & female: a strange sight to be seen, and I fear, signifieth our monstrous line 50 life, which God for his mercy give us grace to amend, without procrastination or putting off from day to day, as the poet significantly saith: 
Cras vultis, sed vult hody vindex Deus, & cras,  
Aut non vult, aut vos obruet atra dies.   
The eight day of October, immediately after the new moon, 
Blazing star.  there appeared a blazing star in the south, bushing toward the east, which was nightly seen (the air being clear) more than two months. The eighteenth of October were made eight sergeents line 60 at law, 
Sergeant's least.  to wit, William Fléetwood recorder of London, Edward Flowerdue, Thomas Snag, William Periam, Robert Halton, john Clench, john Pickering, Thomas Warmsleie; master Snag before named was sick, and therefore was sworn in his chamber at Greies' inn, the other seven were sworn at Westminster, and held their feast at the new Temple at London.  
The queens majesty being informed, that in sundry places of this realm, 
proclamation against the family of love.  certain persons secretly taught damnable heresies, contrary to divers principal articles of our belief and christian faith, who to colour their sect named themselves the family of love, and then as many as were allowed by them to be of that family to be elect and saved, and all others of ●hat church soever they be, to be rejected and damned. And for that upon conventing of some of them before the bishops & ordinaries▪ it was found that the ground of their sect is maintained by certain lewd, heretical, and seditious books, first made in the Dutch tongue, and lastly translated into English, and printed beyond the seas, & secretly brought over into the realm, the author whereof they name H. N. etc. And considering also it is found, that those sectaries held opinion, that they may before any magistrate or ecclesiastical or temporal, or any other person, not being professed to be of their sect, by oath or otherwise deny any thing for their advantage: so as though many of them are well known to be teachers and spreaders abroad of these dangerous and damnable sects; yet by their own confession they can not be condemned. 
The queens majesties purpose to root out this pestilent sect.  Therefore her majesty being very sorry to see so great an evil, by malice of the devil to be brought into this her realm, and by her bishops and ordinaries she understandeth it very requisite, not only to have those dangerous heretics and sectaries to be severely punished; but that also all other means be used by her majesties royal authority, which is given her of God to defend Christ's church, to root them out from further infecting of her realm: she hath thought meet and convenient, and so by her proclamation commandeth, that all her officers and ministers temporal shall in all their several vocations assist the bishops of her realm, and all other person to search out all persons duly suspected, to be either teachers or professors of the foresaid damnable sects, and by all good means to proceed severely against them, being found culpable by order of the laws ecclesiastical or temporal: and that all search be made in all places suspected, for the books and writings maintaining the said heresies and sects, and them to destroy and burn, &c: as more at large may appear by the said proclamation, given at Richmond the third of October, and proclaimed at London on the ninetéenth day of the same month.  
About this time there arrived upon the west coast of Ireland, 
Victory against the Irish and other in Ireland.  a certain company of Italians and Spaniards, sent by the pope to the aid of the earl of Desmond in his rebellion, which fortified themselves strongly near unto Smerwike, in a fort which they called castle deal Over, there erecting the pope's banner against her majesty. Which when the lord Greie of Wilton deputy of Ireland understood, he marched thitherward, and on the sixth of November, hearing of the arrival of the Swift, the Tiger, the Aid, the Merlion, & other of the queens majesties ships, and also of three barks fraughted from Cork and Limerike with victuals, on the morrow after marched towards the fort, unto the which he gave so hot an assault, that on the ninth of November the same was yielded, all the Irishmen and women hanged, and more than four hundred Spaniards, Italians, and Biscaies put to the sword; the colonel, captains, secretary, and others, to the number of twenty saved for ransom. In which fortress was found good store of money, biscuit, bacon, oil, wine, and diverse other provisions of victuals sufficient for their company for half a year, besides armour, powder, shot, and other furniture for two thousand men and upwards.  
The eight and twentieth day of November were arraigned in the king's bench, 
Anno reg. 23.  
Randoll hanged for conjuring.  William Randoll for conjuring to know where treasure was hid in the earth, and goods felloniouslie taken were become; Thomas Elks, Thomas Lupton, Ralph Spacie, and Christopher Waddington, for being present, aiding, and procuring the said Randoll to the conjuration aforesaid; Randoll, Elks, Spacie, and Waddington were found guilty, & had judgement to be hanged; Randoll was executed, the other were reprieved. About the 24 of December in the town of Walsham in the county of Sussex, 
Strange speeches of a child.  a child of eleven years old, named William Withers, lay in a trance for the space of ten days without any sustenance, and at the last coming to himself he uttered to the standers by many strange speeches, inveieng against pride, covetousness, coldness of charity, and other line 10 outrageous sins. To behold this child there resorted diverse godly & zealous preachers, as also knights, esquires, & gentlemen, all of them hearing and seeing that which was wonderful. And among others that came thither, there was a gentleman of great credit and worship, with certain of his men to hear and behold the child: who having espied a servingman that had been there with his master two times, whom he had sharply tawnted for his great and monstrous ruffs, spoke unto him very vehemently, line 20 and told him that it were better for him to put on sackcloth and mourn for his sins, than in such abominable pride to prank up himself like the devils darling, 
Pride in great ruffs reproved and reform in a servingman.  the very father of pride and lying, who sought by the exercise of that damnable sin to make himself a prey to everlasting torments in helfire. Whereupon the servingman, as one pricked in conscience, sore sorrowed and wept for his offence, rend the band from his neck, took a knife and cut it in pieces, and vowed never to wear the like again. line 30 This for the strangeness thereof will be condemned as a lie, specially of unbelievers and perverse worldlings, whose hearts are so hardened, that they will not believe though one rise from the dead, or though God should speak unto them from heaven (as the poet noteth truly) which he hath done in times past: 
— solióque tremendus ab alto  

Ab. Hart. in R. L.  Altitonans coelo signa stupenda dedit.   

Against jesuits and massing priests.  About the twelve day of januarie proclamation was published at London, for revocation of sundry line 40 the queens majesties subjects remaining beyond the seas under colour of study, and yet living contrary to the laws of God, and of the realm: and also against the retaining of jesuits and massing priests, sowers of sedition, and other treasonable attempts, 
One executed for counterfeiting the queens hand.  etc. The thirteenth of januarie a man was drawn to saint Thomas of Waterings, and there hanged, headed, and quartered, for begging by a licence whereunto the queens hand was counterfeited.  
On the sixteenth day of januarie, the lords line 50 and barons of this realm began to sit in the parliament house at Westminster: 
Parliament at Westminster.  and on the twentieth day of januarie the queens majesty went from White hall to the parliament house by water. Whereas a great challenge of justs was signified by way of devise before her majesty on Twelve night last passed, to have been performed the fifteenth day of januarie, 
justing at Westminster.  her majesties pleasure was for diverse considerations the same should be deferred until the two and twentieth day of the same month; on which line 60 day the same was most courageously accomplished in the accustomed place at Westminster, where many staves were valiantly broken; but through the great concourse of people thither repairing, many of the beholders, as well men as women, were sore hurt, some maimed, and some killed, by falling of the scaffolds overcharged.  

Mice devour the grass in Daneseie hundred.  This year about Hallowntide last passed, in the marshes of Daneseie hundred, in a place called Southminster, in the county of Essex, a strange thing happened. There suddenly appeared an infinite multitude of mice, which overwhelming the whole earth in the said marshes, did shear and gnaw the grass by the roots, spoiling & tainting the same with their venomous teeth: in such sort that the cattle which grazed thereon were smitten with a murrain and died thereof. Which vermin by policy of man could not be destroyed, till now at the last it came to pass, that there flocked together all about the same marshes such a number of owls, as all the shire was not able to yield: whereby the marsh holder's were shortly delivered from the vexation of the said mice.  
This year (against the coming of certain commissioners out of Francis into England) by her majesties appointment, year 1581. 
Banqueting house at Westminster.  on the six and twentieth day of March in the morning (being Easter day) a banqueting house was begun at Westminster, on the south west side of her majesties palace of White hall, made in manner and form of a long square, three hundred thirty and two foot in measure about; thirty principals made of great masts, being forty foot in length a piece, standing upright; between every one of these masts ten foot asunder and more▪ The walls of this house were closed with canvas, and painted all the outsides of the same most artificially with a work called rustic, much like to stone. This house had two hundred ninety and two lights of glass. The sides within the same house was made with ten heights of degrees for people to stand upon: and in the top of this house was wrought most cunningly upon canvas, works of ivy and holly, with pendents made of wicker rods, 
How this banqueting house was garnished and decked with artificial devices.  and garnished with bay, rue, and all manner of strange flowers garnished with spangles of gold, as also beautified with hanging toseans made of holly and ivy, with all manner of strange fruits, as pomegranates, oranges, pompions, cucumbers, grapes, carrots, with such other like, spangled with gold, and most richly hanged. Betwixt these works of bay and ivy, were great spaces of canvas, which was most cunningly painted, the clouds with stars, the sun and sun beams, with diverse other coats of sundry sorts belonging to the queens majesty, most richly garnished with gold. There were of all manner of persons working on this house, to the number of three hundred seventy and five: two men had mischances, the one broke his leg, and so did the other. This house was made in three weeks and three days, and was ended the eighteenth day of April; 
The costs and charges of this banqueting house.  and cost one thousand seven hundred forty and four pounds, nineteen shillings and odd money; as I was credibly informed by the worshipful master Thomas Grave surueior unto her majesties works, who served and gave order for the same, as appeareth by record.  
On the sixteenth day of April arrived at Dover these noblemen of France (commissioners from the French king to her majesty) Francis of Bourbon prince dolphin of Auvergne, 
Noblemen of France arrived at Dover.  Arthur Cossaie marshal of France, Lodovic Lusignian lord of Laneoc, Tavergius Caercongin county of Tillir, Bertrand Salignacus lord Mot Fenelon, monsieur Manaissour, Barnaby Brissen precedent of the parliament of Paris, Claud Pinart, monsieur Marchmont, monsieur Ueraie; these came from Gravesend by water to London, where they were honourably received and entertained; and shortly after being accompanied of the nobility of England, they repaired to the court and banqueting house prepared for them at Westminster, as is afore said, where her majesty 
— (decus illa Britannûm  
Gemmáque non alijs invenienda locis)  with amiable countenance & great courtesy received them: and afterward in that place most royally feasted & banketted them. Also the nobles & gentlemen of the court, desirous to show them all courtesy possible fittest for such estates, and to sport them with all courtly pleasure, agreed among them to prepare a triumph, which was very quickly concluded: and being devised in most sumptuous order, was by them performed in as valiant a manner to their endless fame and honour. The chief or challengers in these attempts were these: the earl of Arundel, the lord Windsor, master Philip Sidueie, and master Fulke Grevill, who calling themselves the four foster children of desire, made their invention of the foresaid triumph in order and form following. line 10  

The excellent invention of the triumph.  The gallery or place at the end of the tiltyard adjoining to her majesties house at Whitehall, whereas her person should be placed, was called and not without cause, The castle or fortress of perfect beauty, for as much as her highness should be there included; whereto the said foster children laid ti●le and claim as their due by descent to belong unto the them. And upon denial or any repulse from that their desired patrimony▪ they vowed to vanquish and conquer by force who so should seem to withstand it. line 20 For the accomplishing whereof they sent their challenge or first defiance to the queens majesty: which was uttered by a boy on sunday the sixteenth of April last, as her majesty came from the chapel, who being appareled in red and white, as a martial messenger of Desires fostered children without making any precise reverence at all, uttered these speeches of defiance from his masters to her majesty, the effect whereof ensueth.  
O lady, that doth entitle the titles you possess line 30 with the honour of your worthiness, 
The first defy of challenge.  rather crowning the great crown you hold, with the ●ame to have so excelling an owner, than you receiving to yourself any increase, keeping that outward ornament: vouchsafe with patiented attention to hear the words which I by commandment am here to deliver you, wherein if your ears (used to the thanksgiving of your people & the due praises of the earth) shall feel a stately disdain to hear once the sound of a defy, yet dare I warrant myself so far upon line 40 the reply & deceiving show of rare Beauty, as that malice can not fall from so fair a mind upon the sealie messenger, whose mouth is a servant to others direction. Know ye therefore alonelie princess, that hereby (for far off they are never) there lies encamped the four long hapless, now hopeful fostered children of Desire: 
Desire and h●r four fostered children.  who having been a great while nourished up with that infective milk, and too too much care of their fiery fosterer (though full oft that dry nurse despair endeavoured to weine them from it) line 50 being now as strong in that nurture, as they are weak in fortune, encouraged with the valiant counsel of never fainting Desire, and by the same assured, that by right of inheritance even from ever, the fortress of beauty doth belong to her fostered children: lastly, finding it blazed by all tongues, engraved in all hearts, and proved by all eyes, that this fortress built by nature is seated in this realm: these four I say and say again, thus nourished, line 60 thus animated, thus entitled, and thus informed, do will you by me, 
Virtuous desire not to be excluded from perfect Beauty.  even in the name of justice, that you will no longer exclude virtuous Desire from perfect Beauty. Whereto if you yield (O yield for so all reason requireth) then have I no more to say, but rejoice that my saiengs have obtained so rightful and yet so blissful a request. But if (alas but let not that be needful) Beauty be accompanied with disdainful pride, and pride weighted on by refusing cruelty; then must I denounce unto you (woe is me, answer before it be denounced) that they determine by request to accomplish their claim. And because they will better testify to the world, they have been brought up under the wings of honourable Desire, this honourable forewarning 〈◊〉 send you; that upon the four and twentieth day of this month of April they will besiege that fatal fortress, vowing not to spare (if this obstinacy continue) the sword of faithfulness, and the fire of affection. 
The challenge made and how to be tried.  Now if so it fall out, the worthy knights of your court (moved with passion in themselves) disdain of any senders baldness, or partial thing (which I most doubt) to the majesty of your eyes, will either bid them battle before they approach, or suffering them to approach, will after labour to levy the siege; they protest to meet them in what sort they will choose, wishing only it may be performed before your own eyes, whom they know as even in judgement as dainty in choosing▪ where if so they li●t, first at the tilt in so many courses, as yourself shall please to appoint; and than if any will call them to the course of the field with lance and sword, they hope to give such true proofs of their valour, as at lest shall make their desires more noble. Uowing on the other side, that if before the night part the fray, they do not overcome all them that come in against them, they will yield themselves slaves unto you for ever. This therefore O queen (greater in that you are queen of yourself, than in passing the whole compass of the earth) have I delivered my charge, not as a challenge to your knights, against whom (but in so just a cause) they acknowledge themselves unable to match the meanest▪ but as a plain proclamation of war, unless the fortress of Beauty, 
The fortress of Beauty.  that hath won so many to lose themselves, be speedily surrendered. And now it shall be seen what knights you have, whom Beauty may draw to resist a rightful title. And I for my poor part moved by that I see in you (though I serve your enemies) will daily pray that all men may see you, & then you shall not fear any arms of adversaries: or if enemies you must have, that either they may have the mind of them that send me, or their fortune in that they have long desired.  
At which day abovesaid for certain urgent occasions, the said challenge and triumph, 
Urgent causes why the challenge was deferred.  by her majesties commandment, was deferred till the first day of May: at which day for like causes it was further deferred till the next monday following, being the eight day of May: and so till Whitsun monday, when they first began to perform it. The said day being come, the four foster children had made preparation to besiege the fortress of Beauty, and thereto had provided a frame of wood, which was covered with canvas, and painted outwardly in such excellent order, 
The order of the rolling trench with most excellent inventions.  as if it had been very natural earth or mould, and carried the name of a rolling trench, which went on wheels, which way soever the persons within did drive it. Upon the top whereof was placed two cannons of wood, so passing well coloured as they seemed to be in deed two fair field pieces of ordinances, and by them was placed two men for gunner's clothed in crimson sarsenet, with their baskets of earth for defence of their bodies by them. And also there stood on the top of the trench an ensign bearer in the same suit with the gunner's, displaying his ensign, and within the said trench was cunningly conveyed diverse kind of most excellent music against the castle of Beauty. These things thus all in a readiness, the challengers approached, & came from the stable toward the tiltyard, one after another in brave & excellent order as followeth.  
First, the earl of Arundel entered the tiltyard, all in gilt and engraven armour, 
The earl of arundel's entry the first day and his attendants.  with comparisons and furniture richly and bravely embroidered, having attendant upon him two gentlemen ushers, four pages riding on four spare horses, and twenty of his gentlemen. All which aforesaid were appareled in short cloaks and venetian hose of crimson velvet, laid with gold lace, doublets of yellow satin, hats of crimson velvet with gold bands and yellow feathers, and yellow silk stocks. Then had he six trumpeters that sounded before him, and one and thirty yeomen that waited after him appareled in ●assocke coats, and venetian hose of crimson velvet, laid on with red silk and gold lace, doublets of yellow taffatie, hats of crimson taffatie, with yellow feathers, and yellow worsted stockings.  

The lord Windsor's entry the first day and his attendants.  After him proceeded the lord Windsor, in gilt and engraven armour, with comparisons and furniture, line 10 richly embroidered with gold, having attendant on him four pages riding on four spare horses, and four and twenty gentlemen, all appareled in short cloaks of scarlet, lined through with orange tawny taffatie, and laid about with silver lace, doublets of orange tawny satin, venetian hose of orange tawny velvet, black velvet caps, with silver bands and white feathers, and silvered rapiers and daggers, with scabbards of black velvet; four line 20 trumpeters, and two footmen in cassock coats and venetian hose of orange tawny velvet, and black velvet caps with silver bands and white feathers, four grooms of his stable leading of his four horses, in cassock coats and venetian hose of orange tawny taffatie and orange tawny felts with silver bands, and white feathers. Then had he three score yeomen in coats of orange tawny cloth, with the unicorn of silver plate on their sleeves, and orange tawny felts with silver bands and white feathers. line 30  

M. sidney's entry, now sir Philip S●dneie and his attendants.  Then proceeded master Philip Sidneie, in very somptuous manner, with armour part blue, and the rest gilt and engraven, with four spare horses, having comparisons and furniture very rich and costly, as some of cloth of gold embroidered with pearl, and some embroidered with gold and silver feathers, very richly and cunningly wrought: he had four pages that road on his four spare horses, who had cassock coats, and venetian hose all of cloth of silver, laid with gold lace, and hats of the same with gold bands and white feathers, and each one a pair of white buskins. line 40 Then had he a thirty gentlemen and yeomen, & four trumpeters, who were all in cassock coats and venetian hose of yellow velvet, laid with silver lace, yellow velvet caps with silver bands and white feathers, and every one a pair of white buskins; and they had upon their coats, a scroll or band of silver, which came scarf wise over the shoulder, and so down under the arm, with this post, or sentence written upon it, both before and behind, Sic nos non nobis. line 50  
Then came master Fulke Grevill, in gilt armour, 
M. Fulke Grevils' entry with his train of attendants.  with rich and fair comparisons and furniture, having four spare horses with four pages riding upon them, and four trumpeters sounding before him, and a twenty gentlemen and yeomen attending upon him, who with the pages and trumpeters were all appareled in lose jerkins of tawny taffatie, cut and lined with yellow sarsenet, and laid with gold lace, and cut down the arm and set with loops and buttons of gold, venetian hose of the same line 60 lined (as aforesaid) laid with gold lace down the side with loops and buttons of gold, with each a pair of yellow worsted stockings, and hats of tawny taffety with gold bands and yellow feathers. Having thus all entered the tiltyard, they proceeded on with the rolling trench before them, which stayed against the queen, and they passed by, as though they would behold the Fortress of beauty; and so went about the tilt. At last the boy that uttered the first defiance pronounced these speeches to her majesty.  
If the message lately delivered unto you had been believed and followed (O queen) in whom the whole story of virtue is written, 
The second defy or challenge.  with the language of beauty; nothing should this violence have needed in your inviolate presence. Your eyes, which till now have been only wont to discern the bowed knees of kneeling hearts, and inwardly turned, found always the heavenly peace of a sweet mind, should not now have their fair beams reflected with the shining of armour, should not now be driven to see the fury of desire, nor the fiery force of fury. But sith so it is (alas that so it is) that in the defence of obstinate refusal there never groweth victory but by compassion; they are come: what need I say more, you see them, ready in hart as you know, and able with hands as they hope, not only to assailing but to prevailing. Perchance you despise the smallness of number. I say unto you, the force of desire goeth not by fullness of company. Nay rather view with what unresistible determination themselves approach, and how not only the heavens send their invisible instrument to aid them: 
Meaning the music within the mount.  but also the very earth the dullest of all the elements, which with natural heaviness still strives to the sleepy centre; yet for advancing his enterprise is content actively (as you shall see) to move itself upon itself to rise up in height, that it may the better command the high and highminded fortresses. Many words, 
Wherewith the mount moved & ros● up in height.  when deeds are in the field, are tedious both unto the speaker and hearer. You see their forces, but know not their fortunes; if you be resolved, it boots not, and threats dread not. I have discharged my charge, which was even when all things were ready for the assault, then to offer partly a thing not so much unused as gracious in besiegers. You shall now be summoned to yield, which if it be rejected, then look for the affection at alarm to be followed with desirous assault. The time approacheth for their approaches, but no time shall stay me from wishing, that howsoever this succeed, the world may long enjoy her chiefest ornament, which decks it with herself, and herself with the love of goodness.  
Which speech being ended, the rolling trench or mount of earth was moved as near the queen's majesty as might be, which being settled, 
The rolling trench moved near to the queen.  the music played very pleasantly, and one of the boys being then accompanied with cornets, summoned the fortress with this delectable song, here under noted.  
Yield, yield, o yield, you that this fort do hold, 
The fortress summoned in song.   
which seated is, in spotless honours field,  
Desires great force, no forces can withhold:  
then to desires desire, o yield o yield.  
Yield yield o yield, trust not on beauty's pride,  
fairness though fair, is but a feeble shield,  
When strong desire, which virtues love doth guide,  
claims but to gain his due, o yield o yield.  
Yield yield o yield, who first this fort did make,  
did it for just desires, true children beeld,  
Such was his mind, if you an other take,  
defence herein doth wrong, o yield o yield,  
Yield yield o yield, now is it time to yield,  
before th'assault begin, o yield o yield.  
When that was ended, an other boy turning himself to the foster children and their retinue, song this alarm with pleasant voice & seemly countenance.  
Alarm alarm, here will no yielding Bee, 
The alarm song.   
such marble ears, no cunning words can charm,  
Courage therefore, and let the stately see,  
that nought withstands desire, alarm alarm.  
Alarm alarm, let not their beauties move  
remorse in you to do this fortress harm,  
For sith war is the ground of virtues love,  
no force, though force be used, alarm alarm.  
Alarm alarm, companions now begin,  
about this never conquered walls to swarm,  
More praise to us we never look to win,  
much may that was not yet, alarm alarm.  
Alarm alarm, when once the fight is warm,  
then shall you see them yield, alarm alarm.  

The shooting off of the two canons, the one with sweet water, and the other with sweet powder.  Which ended, the two canons were shot off, the one with sweet powder, and the other with sweet water, very odoriferous and pleasant, and the noise of the shooting was very excellent consent of melody within the mount. And after that was store of pretty scaling ladders▪ and the footmen threw flowers and such fans●es against the walls, with all such devices as might seem fit shot for desire. All which did line 10 continue till time the defendants came in.  

The manner of the defendants coming in.  Then came in the defendants in most sumptuous manner, with every one his servants, pages, and trumpeters (having some more, some less) in such order as I have here underplaced them, with every one his sundry invention, which for that some of them be mystical and not known to many, I omit therefore for brevities sake to speak of any. Yet such speeches as were spoken or presented for them to her majesty, so many as were, or at the least as line 20 I could come by, I have here in their order placed them, whereby their inventions for whom they were spoken, are therein plainly declared. Therefore I refer you to the reading of them hereafter. But thus the defendants entered the tiltyard, one after an other as followeth. 
The defendants names that run at 〈◊〉.  First master Henry Greie, sir Thomas Perot, master Anthony Cook, master Thomas Ratcliff, master Henry Knolles, master William Knolles, master Robert Knolles, master Francis Knolles, master Ralph Bowes, line 30 master Thomas Kelwaie, master George Goring, master William Tresham, master Robert Alexander, master Edward Dennie, master Hercules Meautus, master Edward Moor, master Richard Skipwith, master Richard Ward, master Edward Digbie, master Henry Nowell, master Henry Brunkerd. And afterwards in the midst of the running came in sir Henry Leigh, as unknown, and when he had broken his six staves went out in like manner again. So passing on one after line 40 an other, when sir Thomas Perot & master Cook came to the end of the tilt, over against the queens majesty, one of their pages arrayed like an angel uttered these speeches unto her.  
Despair, no not despair (most high and happy princess) could so congeal the frozen knight in the air, 
The speech of sir Thomas Perot and master Cook to the queen.  but that desire (ah sweet desire) enforced him to behold the sun on the earth, whereon as he was gazing with twinkling eye (for who can behold such beams steadfastly?) he begun to dissolve into drops, line 50 melting with such delight, that he seemed to prefer the linger of a certain death before the lasting of an uncertain life. Such is the nature of engraven loyalty, that it chooseth rather to have the body dissolved, than the mind disliked. Thus consuming with content (a sweet sickness is conceit) and pining with more than speakeable passions, he suddenly beheld that sun to be besieged which he so devoutly served. Wherewith boiling in no less disdain, than surprised with immoderate pensiveness, he uttered these line 60 words: O jove, if thou mean to resolve nature into contraries; why do I live to see it? If into nothing, why do I live at all? If the foot scale the head, there is no rest; if desire overshoot duty, there is no reason: and where either of these are, there can be no rule. And so setting more sighs than may be numbered by cyphers, this present time (ah grief) this present time, that honest & fair hearted frozen knight died (what said I) even that which again with grief I must say died, whose ghost making speedy passage into the Elysian fields (for what more swift than a soul) in the midst of the infernal multitude, 
〈◊〉 the sun is meant her majesty, called before The fortress of beauty.  with schréeches, cries & clamours made both heaven & hell to redouble this echo: O times, O men, O corruption of manners! The sun is besieged, the sun (O mischief) the sun is besieged. Which strange and unacquainted terms caused not only murmuring amongst the ghosts beneath, but a musing amongst the gods above: who as well to repress the tumults, which might have risen among the shadows, as to revenge the pride which began to grow on the earth, sent down an angel with this commandment; Go descend, 
Sir Thomas Perot & master Cook were both in like armour beset with apples and fruit, the one signifying Adam & the other E●e▪ who had hair hung all down his helmet.  and cause Adam and Eve to appear on the earth in that sort as they were in paradise, that the world may know them & wonder at them. For seeing out of their loins have issued those preposterous limbs, I know none more fit to correct them. Certes none more willing. They will attempt any thing for thy sake, and service of that earthly, and yet (O strange conceit) most heavenly sun. For as they were before driven from their desire, because they desired to know the best: so now shall they b● driven unto their desire, which they covet to honour most. This shall be their reward, they shall come near and yet shall not search, and be they far off, it shall warm. A cloud may sometimes bar their sight, but nothing shall deprive them of the safeguard: yet command them to be humble in affection, though fervent, lest they seem to disdain that pride in others which they desire themselves.  
The sun in the highest delighteth in the shadow which is shortest, 
The angel speaketh to the queen.  nourisheth the tree whose root groweth deepest, not whose top springeth loftiest. This commission and counsel ended, all things were in a moment accomplished with such celerity (for to the gods time is tied) that they were sped so soon as they were spoken. And now most renowned and divine sun, Adam and Eve being present, vouchsafe to hear somewhat in their behalves pronounced. Sir knights, if in besieging the sun ye understood what you had undertaken, ye would not destroy a common blessing for a private benefit. Will you subdue the sun? 
He speaketh to the challengers in the behalf of the two knights Adam and Eue.  Who shall rest in the shadow where the weary take breath, the disquiet rest and all comfort? Will ye bereave all men of those glittering & gladsome beams? What shall then prosper in the shining, but you will climb it by the rays? O rare exhalations! Brothers you may be to desire, but sons ye are to ill hap, which think you can not sink deep enough into the sea, unless you take your fall from the sun. Desist you knights, desist, sith it is impossible to resist: content yourselves with the suns indifferent succour, suffer the inniper shrub to grow by the lofty oak, and claim no prerogative where the sun grants no privilege; for being of the same metal that others are, the sun will work the like effects, as she doth in others. The giants would have been gods, if they could have scaled the heavens; and you no less than stars could you conquer the same: but as their throwing hill upon hill did manifest their pride, but nothing further their pretence; so your laying challenge upon claim, and conquest upon challenge, may well prove a will but no worthiness; a desire to reach, but no possibility to recover. In which your soaring assays if you chance to fall, the only comfort you have is to cry with Phaeton, Magnis excidimus ausis. But if no persuasions may move your minds, 
Magnis excidimus ausis, the cry of Phaeton at his fall.  know ye proud knights, there are that have hearts as big as mounteins, and as far above you in prowess as ye are above all in presumption, yet not so vain (which ye term valiant) to assault the sun. And why? because it is impregnible. We content to enjoy the light, ye to eclipse it; we to rest under the feet, ye to run over the head; we to yield to that which nothing can conquer, you to conquer that which maketh all men captives. But were it possible that head could devise, courage attempt, or hand execute any thing that might show the depth of our unspotted loyalty, soon● should be seen (and for yourselves too soon) that your enterprises should be of as small account then, as now they are of likelihood; so deep an impression is engraven in our thoughts, for the majesty of that sun which now piercing our eyes hath fully subdued our hearts, that we are priest in her defence to offer the whole world defiance. In proof whereof I am charged to throw down this gauntlet, 
The defendants gauntlet thrown down, etc.  which who so dareth take up, shall feel both the heat of their just conceived quarrel, and the reproach of their own line 10 deserved folly, not by riding in breaking a few sta●es to end the strife, but at tourneie, or what else soever they can devise, or dare adventure to win the benefit of Beauty. Thus most renowned & divine Beauty, whose beams shine like the sun, have Adam & Eve adventured to defend the sun. The same I call Beauty the light of the world, the marvel of men, the mirror of nature, on which their encounter if those favourable gleams may fall, they will not only think to have done good herein, but to be restored line 20 again to paradise. The one meaneth to repose his trust in a woman, who like Eve cannot be beguiled, the other to rest on a saint which by a serpent will not be tempted. Thus being placed in the garden of your graces, O of all things most gracious, where virtues grow as thick as leaves did in paradise, they will take heed to taste of the forbidden fruit, contented to behold, not coveting to take hold. And for that it hath been long argued, and no arguing can end, 
The defendants ●u●e and desire.  whether the first offence came by the crudelity line 30 of Adam, or the simplicity of Eve; the one defending his fault by sound arguments, the other excusing hers by sharp answers: they most humbly sue for this, that either by six courses between them the quarrel may be ended, or by your highness peremptory sentence determined. For they both being in the world, are desirous that one might bear the blame of both. And what herein your excellency shall set down, there is none shall gainsay; for whensoever the question shall be moved, no other reason line 40 shall be allowed or liked than this; Elizabetha dixit. This speech being thus ended, sir Thomas Perot and master Cook proceeded backward on the otherside of the tilt. And when master Ratclife came likewise against the queen, one of his pages pronounced these speeches in his master's behalf to her majesty.  
So many were the misfortunes (most renowned and beautiful princess) of the desolate knight my master, 
M. Ratclifs speech to the quéen●.  as neither the shortness of the time will line 50 suffer me to repeat, nor the greatness of the mystery to remember. But let this suffice, that some there were and so manifold, that geometry whereon the body of man hangeth could not bear being intolerable, nor the mind which consisteth in arithmetic number being infinite. Thus always crossed by fortune, whose crossing is no blessing, he determined to separate himself as far from society, as his actions were from success; who wandering through many deserts, yet finding as he thought no place desolate, line 60 happened at the last to come to a cliff adjoining to the main sea, 
A mossy cliff.  covered all with moss, whereon he was walking: much delighted with the solitary seat, but not well liking the cold situation, he suddenly sunk into a hollow vault, surprised at the first with fear, but seeing it at the last a place of succour, he accounted his former miseries meetly appeased by this present fortune. 
Moss and nothing but moss.  In this den he used for his bed moss, for his candle moss, for his céeling moss, and unless now and then a few coals, moss for his meat: a dry food God wots and a fresh, but so moistened with wet tears, and so salt, that hard it was to conjecture, whether it were better to feed or to fast. Here he gave himself to continual meditation, separating his mind from his bodi●, his thought from his hart, yea divorcing himself from himself, in so much that with his strange diet and new conceits he became so enchanted▪ that neither the remembrance of others, nor a thought touching himself could enter into his mind▪ an alteration seldom heard of, that the place whereas he was shrouded in, should make him to forget who he is. Living thus a long tim● for that no limb should seem short, rising according to his manner to walk in the moss in the grisping of the day, he espied upon the shore certain men either cast away by shipwreck, or over board by pirates, unto whom he went; and perceiving by their plaints one which lay dead amongst them to be their master, inquired ●hense they were? But th●y not willing to repeat their misfortunes, opened the bosom of the gentleman, and pulled out a scroll containing a claim, a challenge, 
A claim or conquest of beauty contained in a scroll.  nay a conquest of Beauty. At the sight whereof, suddenly (quoth he) Beauty▪ and therewithal appalled paused, entering by little and little out of his present melancholies into his former misfortunes, who as one awaked out of a long dream began thus to bebate. O Beauty, where thy fortress is founded I know, but what these brethren should mean I marvel; for as I am assured that to win thee none could be so fortunate, so did I think that to claim thee none could be so fond; when as thou O divine Beauty art of every one to be desired, but never to be conquered of Desire. But as the eagle beholding the sun, coveteth to build her nest in the same, 
A similitude.  and so dimmeth her sight: so they viewing the brightness of Beauty are incensed to conquer it by Desire. And what then? Because she is invincible shall I be indifferent? No, I will forsake this caitiff cottage, and will take arms to defend that Beauty's castle. Nothing shall remove me from mine attempt, which being performed, nothing can move me. Yea but she ha●h servants already a number; I but unless I be there, not the whole number: but many were famous, but none more faithful: yet alas, if thou go, thou shal● ever be infortunate: better always infortunate, than once disloyal. Which words being ended, he demanded whether they would in like case adventure with one of no less courage than their master, but certainly of greater affection: whose service he having upon small entreaty obtained, for that belike they were desirous to see the event for the which they had suffered such adventures, he departed to his cave, hewing a shield out of the hard cliff enriched only with soft moss: a double sign of his desire, thinking that nothing could manifest Beauty so well as Pythagoras' walnut, a tender rind and a hard shell. And now most excellent and divine Beauty, divine it must needs be that worketh so heavenly, sith he is called from his solitary cave to your sumptuous court, from bondage to liberty, from a living death to a never dying life, 
Here the 〈◊〉 delivered M. Ratclifs shield to the queen.  and all for the sake and service of Beauty: vouchsafe his shield, which is the ensign of your fame, to be the instrument of his fortune. And for prostrating himself to your feet, he is here ready priest to adventure any adventures for your gracious favour.  
Which speech being ended, 
Here enter the four ●oes of sir Francis Knolles.  he retired back as the rest. And after him came the four sons of sir Francis Knolles, one after an other, according to their age, and all in like armour: who coming to the end of the tilt, stayed till these speeches were uttered by one of their pages, who being appareled like unto Mercury, pronounced these speeches in the knight's behalfs to her majesty.  
Report hath bruited all abroad, 
The speech of the four sons of sir Francis Knoll●s, 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 page being appar●●●● like unto Mercury.  that desperate Desire with a wonderful army of affections hath laid his siege against the invincible fortress of peerless beauty, and that the chiefest champions of this most famous enterprise are four of fancies fellows, fosterbrothers to desire, and dry nursed by despair, valiant knights, and honourable personages, whose haughty hearts deserve renown at least, for venturing to win the golden fleece without Medea's help. The giants long ago did scale the clouds men say, in hope to win the fort of jupiter. The wanton youth, whose waren wings did fry with soaring up aloft, had scaped unscorcht if he had kept a meaner gale below. So falls it out in this attempt, line 10 desire vaunts to conquer Beauties for't by force, wherein the goddess keeps continually watch and ward, 
〈◊〉 and Beauty.  so that desire may despair to win one inch of her against her will. Her stately seat is set so high, as that no level can be laid against her walls: and sooner may men undertake to hit a star with a stone, than to beat her brave bulwark by battery. No undermining may prevail, for that her fort is founded upon so firm a rock, as will not stir for either fraud or force. And is there any hope to win by line 20 famine such a fort as yields continual food to all her foes? And though they feed not fat therewith, yet must they either feed thereon or fast: for Beauty is the only bait whereon desire bites; and love the chief restority that lady Beauty likes, so that she can no more be left without meat, than men can live without minds. 
Why desire ●●serues least to win beauty.  Of all affections that are, desire is the most worthy to woe, but lest deserves to win Beauty: for in winning his saint, he looseth himself: no sooner hath desire what he desireth, but that he dieth line 30 presently: so that when Beauty yieldeth once to desire, then can she never vaunt to be desired again. Wherefore of force this principle must stand, it is convenient for desire ever to wish, and necessary that he always want. O rare and most renowned Beauty, O goddess to be honoured of all, not to be equalled of any, become not now a prisoner: your fortress is invincible. No doubt desire will content himself with a favourable parlée, and wait for grace by loyalty, not challenge it by lance; although he make never line 40 so brave. The world doth know that lady Beauty needs no rescue to raise this siege, for that she sits above all reach, her heavenly looks above when she so lists can dazzle all men's eyes. But though she li●t not use those means, yet it is meet that all her servants come and show themselves devout to do her will: perchance her pleasure is to see the forts tried of these four foster friends. O happy, ten times happy they whose hap shall be with favour of her deity, 
The four sons of sir Francis Knolles.  line 50 to take in hand this brave attempt: in hope whereof these four legitimate sons of despair, brethren to hard mishap, suckled with sighs, and swathed up in sorrow, weaned in woe, and dry nursed by desire, long time fostered with favourable countenance, and fed with sweet fancies, but now of late (alas) wholly given over to grief and disgraced by disdain, are come with ready hearts and hands, to prove against these other four, that desire doth not deserve one wink of good favour from lady Beauty's line 60 smiling eyes, for threatening to win her fort by force. They doubt not the victory, if only they may find some like show from their saint in favour of their enterprise. If Mercury have said amiss, blame those bright beams which have bereft him of his wit; if well, vouchsafe one beck to bid him pack away.  
These speeches being ended, both they and the rest marched about the tilt, and so going back to the neither end thereof prepared themselves to run, 
The running 〈◊〉 the tilt.  every one in his turn, each defendant six courses against the former challengers: who performed their parts so valiantly on both sides, that their prowess hath demerited perpetual memory, and worthily won honour both to themselves and their native country, as fame hath the same reported. When this days sport was thus accomplished, the boy that uttered the defiances, in these few speeches took his goodnight of the queen.  
In the trial of this debateful question O yourself) what can be said more than is? 
The boy that uttered the defiance▪ in this speech took his good night of the queen.  You see that seeing gins to fail. Night the ordinary truce maker, though no truce be treated if at least your presence make it not lightsome will wrap all in her black and mourning weeds, perchance mourning, for that the noblest desire hath been subject to undeserved torments: and therefore these knights by the authority of darkness very undesirouslie are compelled to departed from whence they came. To conclude, thus much they command me in their names to confess, that such excellency they find in your knights, and in comparison of them such unableness in their selves, that if desire did not banish despair as a traitor out of his kingdom, it would have already undermined their best grounded determination: but no inward nor outward wound, no weakness, no weariness, can daunt desire, nor take away the natural effects that follow it. Therefore having left them no other courage than desire, no other strength than desire, no other beginning or ending cause but desire, they will continue this hard and hardy enterprise to morrow. In the mean time they can find no place in their hearts that doth not wish you as sweet rest, as Psyche was conveyed unto by the gentle Zephyrus, and if it be possible by the same ghost visited. They wish that when your lids look up, your eyes may be brightened, to see to morrow a better day than this, and therewithal so singular success, as you may long, freely, and joyfully enjoy yourself, to the delight of lookers, and wonder of markers. ¶ This said, and all the triumphant shows ended, the knights in very comely and convenient order (as they came) departed: 
Et fessos soluunt artus, mollissima quaeque  
Gustant, & dulci membra quie●e fluent.   
The next days show was done in this order. 
Here entereth a most excellent and brave chariot, with ra●e▪ curious, and costly work with the four challengers in it, which chariot was very curiously shadowed with fine lawn.  The four foster children of desire entered in a brave chariot (very finely and curiously decked) as men forewearied & half overcome. The chariot was made in such sort, as upon the top the four knghts s●t, with a beautiful lady, representing desire about them. Whereunto their eyes were turned, in token what they desired. In the bulk of the chariot was conveyed room for a full consort of music, who played still very doleful music as the chariot moved. The chariot was drawn by four horses according to the four knights, which horses were appareled in white and carnation silk, being the colours of desire. And as it passed by the upper end of the tilt, a herald of arms was sent before to utter these speeches in the knight's behalf to her majesty.  
No confidence in themselves, 
The first speech the second day.  O most unmatched princess, before whom envy dieth, wanting all nearness of comparison to sustain it, & admiration is expressed, finding the scope of it void of conceivable limits, nor any slight regarding the force of your valiant knights, hath encouraged the foster children of desire to make this day an inheritor of yesterdays action: but the wing of memory alas, the sworn enemy unto the woeful man's quietness, being constantly held by the hand of perfection, and never ceasing to blow the coal of some kindled desire, hath brought their inward fire to blaze forth this flame unquenchable by any means: till by death the whole fuel be consumed. And therefore not able to master it, they are violently borne whither desire draweth, although they must confess (alas) that yesterdays brave onset should come to such a confession, that they are not greatly companied with hope, the common supplier to desires army. 
Hope the supplier to desires army.  So as now from summoning this castle to yield, they are fallen lowly to beseech you to vouchsafe your eyes out of that impregnable fortress, to behold what will fall out betwixt them and your famous knights: wherein though they be so overpressed with the others valour, that already they could scarcely have been able to come hither, if the chariot of desire had not carried them; yet will they make this whole assembly witnesses so far of their will, that sooner their souls shall leave their bodies than desire shall leave line 10 their souls. In that only standeth their strength that gave them their first courage, and must be their last comfort. For what resistance is there, where not only they are met with foreign enemies, such as stately disdain, which looketh from so high a tower to poor desire, that though (in itself) it be great, yet in her eyes (so seated) it seemeth small, or such on the other side as unfortunate despair, which maketh the country so barren where they lay their siege, that it would take away all the food of fancy: but even civil line 20 war yesterday grew betwixt them and others who bear the same badge of desire: that they do so, as thus bestead they are brought to this fair pass, to desire no more, but that this death or overthrow may be seen by those eyes who are only unhappy, in that they can neither find fellows nor see themselves.  
Which speech being done, the defendants came in, in such order as they came in the day before. Therefore I shall not need to make a new repetition of the line 30 same, sith all hath been touched already. Then went they to the tourneie, 
Tourneys & barriers courageously tried.  where they did very nobly, as the shivering of the swords might very well testify; and after that to the barriers, where they lashed it out lustily, & fought courageously, as if the Greeks and Troyans' had dealt their deadly dole. No party was spared, no estate excepted, but each knight endured to win the golden fleece, that expected either fame or the favour of his mistress, which sport continued all the same day. And towards the evening the sport line 40 being ended, there was a boy sent up to the queen being clothed in ash coloured garments in token of humble submission, who having an olive branch in his hand, & falling down prostrate on his face, and then kneeling up, concluded this noble exercise with these words to her majesty.  
Most renowned princess of princes, in whom can nothing obtain victory, 
The last speech to the queen signifying the humble hearted submission of the four foster children of desire.  but virtue. The foster children of desire (but heirs only to misfortune) send me to deliver in such words as sorrow can afford their most humble hearted submission. They acknowledge line 50 this fortress to be reserved for the eye of the whole world, far lifted up from the compass of their destiny. They acknowledge the blindness of their error, in that they did not know desire (how strong soever it be) within itself to be stronger without itself than it pleased the desired. They acknowledge they have degenerated from their fosterer in making violence accompany desire. They acknowledge that desire received his beginning and nourishment of this fortress, and therefore to commit line 60 ungratefulness in bearing arms (though desirous arms) against it. They acknowledge noble desire should have desired nothing so much, as the flourishing of that fortress, which was to be esteemed according to itself liking. They acknowledge the least determination of virtue (which stands for the guard of this fortress) to be too strong for the strongest desire, & therefore they do acknowledge themselves overcome, as to be slaves to this fortress for ever, which title they will bear in their soreheads, 
An olive branch presented to the queen.  as their other name is engraven in their hearts. For witness thereof they present this olive branch to your presence, in token of your triumphant peace, and of their peaceable servitude, whereby they present themselves as bondmen by those bonds, which the loss of life can only lose. Only from out of that which was theirs they crave thus much, to give some token to those knights, which may be judged to have done best in each kind of weapon, or who by his devise hath come in best sort in this desirous strife. This being done, they being now slaves (in whom much duty requireth) for fear of offence, dare say no further; but wish from the bottom of their captived hearts, that while this realm is thus fortified and beautified; desire may be your chiefest adversary.  
Which speech being ended, her majesty gave them all praise and great thanks, which they esteemed so well, and thought themselves rewarded according to their own wishing: and so they departed each one in order, according to the first coming in. And thus ceased these courtly triumphs, set forth with most costly bravery and gallantness, whereof I may say as the academical poet sometime said at the gracious entering of her majesty into Cambridge: 
Hîc cocco murex, aurum superatur ab auro,  
Naturam certant vincere quaeque suam:  
Nil ibi sat pulchrum, quamuis pulcherrima quaeque,  
Et quamuis vincant omnia, victa jacent.   
The one and twentieth of june in the night, the lowest images (which were of Christ's resurrection, 
Cross in Cheap defaced.  of the virgin Marie, and of kings and bishops of this realm) about the cross in Cheap (being six square) on all the sides, were broken and defaced: where upon two days after, proclamation was made through out the city, that who so would bewray the doers thereof, should have forty crowns for their labour: but nothing came to light. 
Thomas Butcher whipped and rescued.  The seven and twentieth of june, Thomas Butcher brewer, was convicted in the Guildhall of London, for that he as principal, and others as accessaries, to the number of a thousand persons, on the five and twentieth of june last passed, about ten of the clock in the night, with force of arms, in west Smithfield of London, & other streets of the city congregated themselves, and with diverse exclamations, provoked the people in manner of a rebellion, contrary to the peace & statutes of the realm. On the eight and twentieth of june, the same Thomas Butcher, being areigned at the justice hall in the old Bailie, was found guilty, and had judgement to be whipped on the next market day from Newgate through Smithfield, Long lane, Aldersgate street, saint martin's le grand; & so through the city to the bars without Aldgate, & then to be committed to Newgate. On the 30 of june, the same T. Butcher, being delivered unto james Mase and other beadles, to have received execution, as is aforesaid, he being whipped from Newgate into west Smithfield, was there rescued, taken from the beadles, and sent to shift for himself abroad: for the which fact the one & twentieth of julie, William Down, I. Hand, T. Harres, and T. Appowell, 
Four men whipped and set on the pillory.  three shoemakers and a brewer, were whipped from Newgate to the midst of Smithfield, and there set on the pillory, whereon they stood from ten of the clock till twelve, and from thence again committed to prison. The thirteenth of julie, Richard Cox doctor of divinity, 
Bishop of Elie deceased.  sometime schoolmaster to king Edward the sixth, dean of Westminster, and of Christ's college in Oxenford, and of late bishop of Elie deceased, and was buried at Elie; whose epitaph (alluding to his name and the execution of his charge, wherein he was just) hereafter followeth: 
Vita caduca vale, salueto vita perennis,  
Corpus terra tegit, spiritus alta tenet.  
In terra Christi gallus Christum resonabam,  
Da Christ in coelis te sine fine sonem.   

Two men of strange statures to be 〈◊〉.  This year were to be seen in London two Dutchmen of strange statures, the one in height seven foot & seven inches, in breadth betwixt the shoulders three quarters of a yard and an inch, the compass of his breast one yard, an half, and two inches; & about the waist one yard, quarter, and one inch; the length of his arm to the hand a full yard: a comely man of person, but lame of his legs (for he had broken them with lifting of a barrel of beer.) The other was in height but three foot, had never a good foot, nor any knee at all, and yet could he danse a galliard, line 10 he had no arm, but a stump to the elbow or little more on the right side, on the which, singing, he would danse a cup, and after toss it about three or four times, and every time receive the same on the said stump: he would shoot an arrow near to the mark, flourish with a rapier, throw a bowl, beat with an hammer, hue with an axe, sound a trumpet, and drink enerie day ten quarts of the best beer, if he could get it. About the seventeenth of julie, I saw these men in the parish of saint Peter upon line 20 Cornhill, the taller sitting on a bench bareheaded, the lesser stood on the same bench, and having on his head a hat with a feather, was yet the lower. Also the taller man standing on his feet, the lesser (with his hat & feather on his head) went upright between his legs, and touched him not.  
The eighteenth of julie, Euerard Hance, alias Ducat, 
Euerard Hance executed.  a seminary priest, was in the session's hall in the old Bailie of London arraigned, where he before the queens justices affirmed that himself line 30 being now in England was subject to the pope in ecclesiastical causes, and that the pope hath now the same authority here in England that he had an hundred years past, and which he hath now at Rome, with other traitorous speeches: for the which he was condemned to be drawn, hanged, and quartered, and was executed accordingly on the last of julie. At the same sessions were brought from the Fleet, the Gatehouse, 
Men arreig●●● for not ●●●ning to ●●●rch.  Newgate, and the Counters, sundry prisoners, indicted for refusing to come to church; line 40 all which being convicted by their own confession, had judgement according to the statute, to pay twenty pounds for every month of such wilful absence from the church. The first of November, monsieur Francis duke of Anjou, 
Monsieur 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 into England.  the French kings brother, and other nobles of France (having lately arrived in Kent) came to London, and were honourably received, and retained at the court with banqueting, and diverse pleasant shows and pastimes, of whom more hereafter in place convenient. line 50  
On monday being the twentieth of November, Edmund Campion, 
Ex libro cui titulus A discovery of Edmund Campion dedicated to certain 〈◊〉 of the council. Edmund Campion with diverse o hers arraigned of high treason. The fore●●●● 〈…〉.  Ralph Sherwin, Lucas Kerbie, Edward Rishton, Thomas Cotcham, Henry Orton, Robert johnson, & james Bosgrave. All these before named persons were brought unto the high bar at Westminster: where they were severally, and altogether indicted upon high treason, the sum whereof followeth in brief as thus. That these persons, contrary both to love and duty, for sook their native country, to live beyond the seas, under the line 60 pope's obedience, as at Rome, Rheimes, and diverse other places: where (the pope having with other princes practised the death and deprivation of our most gracious princess, and utter subversion of her seat & kingdom, to advance his most abominable religion) these men, having vowed their allegiance to the pope, to obey him in all causes whatsoever, being there, gave their consent; yea uttermost furtherance they might, to aid him in this most traitorous determination. 
〈…〉 why 〈…〉  And for this intent and purpose they were sent over to seduce the hearts of her majesties loving subjects, and to conspire and practise her grace's death, as much as in them lay, against a great day, set and appointed, when the general havoc should be made, those only reserved that joined with them. This laid to their charge, they boldly and impudently denied. Whereupon a jury was impanelled, their own confessions, their own writings, and credible witnesses Vina voce produced to their faces, approving them guilty of the former allegations, as hereafter followeth.  
After the indictment was read unto them, and their answer, that it was beyond their power to prove them faulty in such matters, so stiffly they stood in their apparent impudency; first was moved to them sundry treasons passed, attempted against her majesty by those of their sect and disposition: yet notwithstanding the uttermost of their malice, how mightily God had defended his chosen Elisabeth, returning their dealings to their own destruction. Among sundry these treasonable practices, which the pope, the ancient adversary to her majesty hath at diverse times set abroach, the rebellion in the north may remain as a witness of his exceeding malice and spite against her grace and government. 
The rebellion in the north, only through the pope's means.  Whereto let us add the bull sent over by john Felton, which traitorously he placed on the bishop of London's gate: in which bull, the pope utterly excommunicated her majesty, she was an heretic, 
The sum of the pope's bull which our Englishmen beyond the seas hold as their authority to rebel against her majesty.  he had dispossessed her of her crown and dominion, she was not the lawful queen of this realm, and her subjects were not bound to obey any of her laws or decrees; but they were all free, and perfectly discharged of their allegiance to her, so that they might lawfully, when time served so convenient for them, both stir rebellion against her, and also enter into arms against her majesty. The pope's will in this hath been put in execution, as through the ill demeanour of diverse persons to him affected it was moved in the north, where maintaining themselves on the authority of the pope and his traitorous bull secretly dispersed abroad, they entered into a plain and manifest rebellion. 
Doctor Sanders his rebellion in Ireland, through whom the people were seduced to fight against their lawful princess.  The like was put in practice in Ireland through doctor Sanders and other traitors, who there joined themselves together under the pope's standard, to bring to pass their secret appointment in this realm. Through their persuasions and dealings, the people were moved in the pope's name to fight against their lawful princess under his banner; and to rebel against her so notoriously as they might. The encouragement to this great disobedience they received through doctor Sanders a fugitive and rank traitor to his prince and country, as also through diverse jesuits both English and Irish, whose hypocritical show of holiness and devilish persuasions on the behalf of the pope their master and head, enticed a multitude of the people there to change their profession in religion, and to yield themselves to the pope's authority, whereby they should renounce the most certain and just title of her majesty: and when foreign forces should be assembled there, they to join with them in their intent, and so traitorously rebel against their lawful sovereign. All these practices took their original from the pope, as well by sending his secret messengers, as also by his traitorous bull, which being sent by Pius quintus, is nevertheless confirmed (in the former authority) by this pope Gregory the thirteenth, and remaineth in hope to take effect at some time or other, 
This bull remaineth in his former force by this pope, only a toleration for the straightness to the subjects ther● in amended.  for which he doth watch opportunity as conveniently as he may. But God the just avenger of all causes, as he hath hither to preserved her majesty & this little Island from all their malicious attempts and practices, and hath deservedly thrown the yoke of their shame on their own necks: so will he no doubt continue his fatherly care, that his children shall be preserved, & their adversaries confounded.  

Campion desireth not to hear how these treason's ●ook● their original, and how from time to time they have been enterprised and confounded: wherefore to blind the people's eyes he maketh this counterfeit answer.  But saith Campion: What is this to us here present? What appertaineth this to our indictment? We are here both severally and all together indicted of high treason; and for that that is objected against us we must answer. Let not other men's offences be laid to our charge, that we should answer for other men's faults committed long since. Some of us were then but novices here in the universities, and were altogether ignorant of these matters. What have we to do with any thing that they did? They that line 10 were offenders, let them answer to what you can lay against them. For us that be here at this instant, you must either say; Thou Campion didst this thing, or thou (naming some of the other) committedst this offence, and there upon bring your proofs and witnesses, otherwise you shall never be able to touch us. As for these assertions, for the strength they have against us, I will not esteem it worth a pennyworth of pippins. And therefore to your indictment.  
This answer so smoothly delivered, and with such line 20 coy looks and protestation of action gested, that all the standers by gave perfect notice of the man, both of his nature and disposition, as also of his prompt & ingenious wit, to shadow an absolute truth with a show of great wisdom and learning. For this he knew right well, that before he came to that place, he had won a marvelous goodly report, to be such a man as his like was not to be found, either for life, learning, or any other quality that might beautify a man. So that by his favourers and friends it was, line 30 blown abroad, that we had neither doctors, nor others that were worshie to enter disputation with him, he was so far above them all, that they might not deal with him. Here to do the great titles which they adorn him withal give credit, saying thus: 

Ex libello queda● fa●ose.  Quid? Campiano de●rat doctrina perito,  
Doctrinae natus qui penetrale fuit:  
Cui fuit in primis sponsata scientia cunis,  
Quíque puer nulli mente secundus erat:  
Ingenuas juvenis qui sedulus imbibit arts, line 40  
Vírque videbatur vix habuisse parem, etc.   
Now being brought unto a public trial, it stood him upon to argue somewhat of the praise that had been given him: wherefore in very acquaint and familiar eloquent gloss he stood upon quirks and fine devise of speech, thinking as he had deluded many before, so at that present he might blind the eyes of justice, & acquit himself of his horrible treasons. But as truth showeth most brave when she goeth bare & naked, and deceit finest when he is cunningly flourished; line 50 even so the poor habit of the one discovered the proud hart of the other, and confounded his boldness with her sacred brightness, giving all men to understand, that Veritas vincit omnia. And because Campion would have made such a cunning conveyance of the matter, as though it neither might or could attaint him or any of them: it was given him to understand, that they would not alone touch him in the sequel of the former causes, but them all, and he that thought himself the cléerest. Whereupon doctor line 60 Sanders and doctor Bristol, 
Doctor Sanders and doctor Bristows books were there read unto them▪ wherein most traitorously they defended the rebellion against her majesty.  their traitorous writings in defence of the pope's bull exhibited against her majesty, were read unto them, how they both allowed it, and also the rebellion in the north. Afterwards it was manifestly proved to their faces, that Bristows book in allowance thereof, named his Motives, was especially commanded to be used amongst them both at Rome and at Rheimes, every one being expressly charged not to be without one of these books.  
This with open mouths they altogether denied, some that they had never seen it, 
They denied what one of their own fellows had confessed, & subscribed to, and what every one of the witnesses knew to be most certain.  and some that they never heard of any such commandment: when as john Hart one of their own fellows had avouched had avouched it, and there unto subscribed. Besides, myself when 
* M. A.  I came to Rheimes, saw them as common amongst them, as the little catechism here amongst children, the inequality of the number considered. Again, at Rome they were as common likewise in the seminary, and among the Englishmen in the city, for 
* M. A.  myself had it, and one of doctor Allens catechisms delivered me, with great charge to embrace it as my chief instruction. My companion that went with me had one likewise; the rest of the witnesses had seen how common they were, and in what reverence and authority they esteemed them: yet these men would with shameless faces deny it; yea, and if they might have been so credited, would have sworn against it. This manifest reproof they would not grant unto, but Campion taketh upon him to wrest it according unto his humour, by answering that the book was not so ill as they took it for, nor deserved any such judgement of prejudice. Now he thought he could not be taken tardy, but supposed his argument to pass unreprovable; for that in the new imprinting of this book, such matters as did most sharply touch them, 
Campion answered this point subtly, because in the last edition of the book the chief matters against themselves were abridged.  were abridged, thinking none of the former books should come to light. But here Campion overshot himself, for so sly an answer could not cover so foul a blemish. When they had notably convicted them of these matters, which with obstinacy they still denied, they came to the intent of their secret coming over into this realm, which was for the death of her majesty, and overthrow of the whole realm, which should be by domestical rebellion and foreign hostility, the sum whereof in brief is thus. This little Island, God having so bountifully bestowed his blessings upon it, that except it prove false within itself, no treason whatsoever can prevail against it, and the pope being hereof very well persuaded, by reason that all his attempts have proved of no effect: he hath found out a mean, whereby he assureth himself to speed of his desire. Secret rebellion must be stirred here at home among ourselves, the hearts of the people must be obdurated against God and their prince; 
The general determination how to bring to pass their intent in this realm.  so that when a foreign power shall on a sudden invade this realm, the subjects thus seduced must join with these in arms, and so shall the pope attain the sum of his wish. And all this must be wrought by certain locusts of the pope's seminaries maintained at Rome & Rheimes, arriving in England, and dispersing themselves into such places, 
Their own confession how they behave themselves when they come into England.  where they think themselves to be surest, some in one place, and some in another; and disguising themselves like gentlemen, servingmen, or what apparel they may find meetest for them, have access to many and sundry places, where having reconciled some, their friends must likewise be of the same stamp. And so, what from father to son, husband and wife, kinsman and acquaintance, a number are seduced & brought into their detestable dealings. For, after they have gotten any little ground within them to build upon, then do they lay unto them, what a general bloody day is toward England, that the pope and other foreign princes have fully determined to overrun the realm; then better it were for you (say they) to yield yourselves willingly, than to see so horrible a slaughter, both of your princess, and all that dare presume to take her part. Yourselves, yea and your friends shall abide the same hard judgement, except you join with us in this action. Thus through terrifying, and a thousand traitorous fetches they have; one friend bringeth another, and one kinsman anoother. So that, as they themselves will make their boast, in short time they doubt not to have the most part of all England: yea and further they presume, that her majesty thinking herself in most safety, shall then be soon of all beguiled & deceived. These are the men that make themselves so sound and substantial, 
Campion covereth their coming over, affirming it was for the safeguard of souls.  that they are as true subjects to her majesty, as the best of us. Yea, saith Campion, never shall you prove this, that we came over either for this intent or purpose: but only for the saving of souls, which mere love and conscience compelled us to do, for that we did pity the miserable estate of our country. But where are your proofs (saith he) these are but quirks by the way, our lives I line 10 perceive standeth upon points of rhetoric, you have shown us the antecedent, now let us have the Ergo. With this continual course of boldness and impudency, Campion and his fellows would grant nothing, but stiffly denied every cause: and Campion he took it for a custom to wrest every ●hing as pleased him, 
When he had no other shift, he fell into these words.  saying: that the jury were not men learned, and therefore causes of conscience ought not to be committed to them, neither was that bar appointed to define on causes of conscience: wherefore, line 20 all that you do (saith he) is but to bring us in Odium with the jury. After this order he deluded the people, appealing still to the devoutness of his conscience: because he saw the matter brought to the very push that would generally convict them all, for the witnesses were produced and sworn, Heart's confession and their own writings before them, so that they would remove them from their ordinary illusions.  

The deposition of G. Eliot.  George Eliot, one of the ordinary yeomen of her line 30 majesties chamber, upon his oath gave forth in evidence as followeth. That he, living here in England among certain of that sect, fell in acquaintance with one Pain a priest: who gave him to understand of a horrible treason intended against her majesty and the state, which he did expect shortly to happen, the order how & after what manner in brief is thus. That there should be levied a certain company of armed men, which on a sudden should enterprise a most monstruous attempt: a certain company line 40 of these armed men should be prepared against her majesty, as many against my L. of L. as many 'gainst my L. T. as many against S. F. W. and diverse other, whose names he doth not well remember. The deaths of these noble personages should be presently fulfilled, and her majesty used in such sort, as modesty nor duty will not suffer a subject to rehearse: but this should be the general cry every where, 
Meaning the queen of Scots.  Queen Marie, queen Marie. It was also appointed and agreed upon who should have this man line 50 of honour's room, and who should have thai office, every thing was determined, there wanted nothing but the coming over of such priests and others, as were long looked for. Upon this report, this aforenamed George Eliot took occasion to question with this Pain, how they could find in their hearts to attempt an act of so great and horrible cruelty, considering how high an offence it should be to God, beside great dangers might arise thereby. 
A most traitorous and v●llan●us answer: of every true subject to be read with reverence of the person.  Whereto Paine made answer, that the killing her majesty line 60 was no offence to God, nor the uttermost cruelty they could use to her, or any that took her part, but that they might as lawfully do it as to a brute beast; and himself would be one of the foremost in executing of this villainous and most traitorous action.  
By this you may perceive, that the death of her majesty and overthrow of this realm was throughly agreed upon, 
No jot of their good will wanted, if God did not (as he daily doth) prevent their purposes.  and fully determined: there wanted nothing but opportunity, for priests both then and after came over continually to further it, so much as in them lay. To the said effect did A. M. utter most odious matter, the reading whereof would make any true English hart quake & tremble: and to write it, what loyal subject is able to abide? And therefore as derived from the devil to his darlings we omit the same; counting it more loyalty to ●ull such devices and consultations asleep, than to publish them to the world in bl●cke & white: due reverence to the principal objects always reserved. All which abominable stuff, circumstances of times, places, persons, and other particulars duly pondered, give evident demonstration what affection these fellows afford their lawful queen and country: well is he that can imagine most against her majesty, and highly is he esteemed that beareth the most traitorous hart to her. 
Campion nor his fellows will grant to any thing, but rail and use bold speeches, whereby their guilty consciences were discovered.  Yet Campion and the rest of his fellows they plead ignorance in all these causes, they bolster up one another with large protestations, railing words, and subtle surnuses: affirming that they were not sent hither for any such intent▪ which is as untrue, as we know it for truth, that the Lord God liveth in heaven.  
For this 
* M. A.  I am able to say myself, that at diverse other times, it was whispered among them in the seminary: that shortly there should be priests appointed for England, to win the people against the appointed time, when as a great army should be ready to join with them: and Campion, who was then at Praga in Bohemia, he was spoken of amongst them all, to be a rare and singular fellow, and therefore generally was taken for a meet man to be sent about such a message, so that they judged that he should be sent for to be a chief man in this matter. 
Campion covereth their traitorous inten●s under the saving of souls.  Well (saith Campion) it may be they had such an opinion of me, which in myself I find not to be deserved; and it may be that I was appointed to be sent into England, according as those other priests were, for the saving of souls and benefit of my country: must it follow then that we are sent to practise the death of the queen, and to seek the ruin of our country? Alas, this is a hard case, and I desire you of the jury to mark it, for these are but shadows without any substance. 
A holy kind of life were it not for the B.  This you are to note, that we which enter into that Blessed society of the jesuits: we do as it were forsake the world, vowing ourselves to chastity and sincerity of conscience, to obey our superiors, and to be ready to go whither they shall appoint us. If they send us to the Indies, or to any such places, where the people have not the true catholic faith: we are bound by duty in conscience to go whither they appoint us. And shall it then be said that we come for the destruction of the prince and country, where we settle ourselves? Alas, that were a hard case, 
Note here the perfect image of hypocrisy.  for christian charity willeth us to comfort one another, and if we can to get the sheep into the fold which hath long run astray. And when we hear confession, we do not persuade them to any disobedience; for that is against the nature of confession: God forbidden that we should once think any such thing.  
Behold the subtle shifts that he found out still to fly unto, yea though the manifest disproof lay before them, yet would he find some cavil or other: for not only the evidence of their general determination beyond the seas was showed them, but also the traitorous articles were there read unto them, which john Hart had copied out for doctor Allen (concerning the proceeding of these traitorous causes, 
When manifest proofs of their treasons were laid before them: they would in no wise gran● their guiltiness.  and for which he went purposely to Rome to confer with the pope about) and subscribed unto, that they were certain and true, as also their own confessions and writings were laid open before them, approving them notably guilty of the matters aforesaid, and yet in their lying pamphlets scattered here & there in sundry hands, they have faces of brass to report, that Insidiae sanctos implicuere viros.  
Charles Sled, who sometime served master doctor Morton in Rome, in whose house there was many matters determined, both by doctor Allen when he came to Rome, and divers other doctors living there in the city, as also diverse of the seminary: he likewise understood of the provision for the great day, that it was generally spoken of among the Englishmen: and to be more certain he kept a journal or book of their daily dealings, noting the day, time, place, and persons present at their secret conferences, and very much matter hath he justified against them. One Cradocke a merchant, when he line 10 was in Rome, he understood the aforesaid determination, and how that doctor Shelleie the English prior, who is a knight of the Rhodes, for that he somewhat spoke against such cruelty to be used to his native country, was somewhat misliked of himself, and had almost been turned out of his office. And this aforesaid Cradocke being in prison there for the space of twenty months and more: it was said to him, that he might account himself blessed of God that he was there, because he should not see the grievous line 20 ruin of his native country. 
Consider every matter and then judge how they concord and agreé together.  He that hath but half an eye may see how these matters concord and agree together, and noting every thing as it lieth, may plainly see their horrible and traitorous devices.  
And further, there was a little book in Latin, which they themselves brought over with them, 
A book which they use as their instruction, how to answer to every question sophistically.  it was there openly read unto them: wherein was certain rules and orders prescribed, how they should behave themselves here in England, and how if line 30 they were demanded of any thing, they should make answer indirectly: or to take the word itself, according as it is mentioned in the book, they must answer Sophisticè, whereby is meant as thus. If they be examined as concerning their allegiance to her majesty, they will make their answer after this manner; She is our lawful sovereign lady & queen, and we obey her. But then object unto them; Will you obey her, notwithstanding the pope's exommunication, or any thing that he commandeth to the line 40 contrary? Then will they answer: We desire you not to charge our consciences, 
To do their duty is a weighty burden to their consciences, and therefore they abide in their obstinacy and blindness.  and that you would not enter so deep into our consciences, we trust the pope will not command us any thing against her: & a hundred such like sleeveless answers they make, never agreeing to any certainty, but holding the pope in more reverence than they do her majesty.  
For this consideration they carry with them, that if by their show of humility, & their devised order of crafty answering, they might move our magistrates line 50 to have a good opinion of them, & not to deal so strictly as law and their deserving doth worthily merit: then they might with less suspect go about their holy father's business, in that their sophistical answers covered so foul an abuse. And then so many as come after them, purposely sent about the same affairs, seeing their passage made before them, and being schooled after the same manner: they might withdraw the hearts of a number of her majesties subjects, by such means as is before largely expressed; so that destruction should come line 60 upon us, before we had discovered their treacherous dealings. But God be thanked, as all their devices have had their deserved success, this sophistical order hath sped alike with them for company: and this let them fully assure themselves, that what means soever they seek against their princess and country, God will reward them after their own dealings.  
To Campion himself the former questions were put forth at the bar: 
Campion his own answer as concerning his allegiance to her majesty.  and this answer he made to them. She is my lawful sovereign lady & queen, and I do obey her. But when he was demanded, although the pope did expressly command him the contrary: if he would nevertheless faithfully obey her? Oh then! they must not so deeply enter into his conscience, that bar was not a bar to define on causes of conscience: that question touched his conscience, wherefore he flatly said he might not answer it. No, no, he knew full well that the traitorous affairs he came about, would not allow him such a direct answer as they had looked for, and gladly would have had, that of a Saul they might have made him a Paul. Wherefore his secret and guileful behaviour made perfect appearance of his wicked intent, which he shadowed under the counterfeit cloak of saving souls, and reconciling his countrymen to the catholic faith, under the sweet bait of the amiable title of the society of jesus, to which order having bequeathed himself (and become a resolute and obstinate votary) he thirsted after the kingdom of heaven; if we may believe their own report concerning Campion, of whom they say: 
Nominis inde tui sancto devotus jesu  
Ille sodalitio coelica regna sitit.   
Here it can not be greatly amiss, 
The cause why this pope hath tolerated the former bull of Pius Quinius.  to rehearse unto you the cause why this pope hath tolerated the former bull, seeing this sophistical kind of answering grew chiefly thereby. When any of these secret messengers should be sent about their holy father's determination here in England, to reconcile, shrive, & win her majesties subjects to their devilish intent: if such misadventure should happen to them, that their secret delings came to the ears of justice, than they fell into the danger of law. Wherefore to shadow their subtlety, and to prosecute the effect of their message, the pope thought good to hearten them by this sophistical addition. For well we know, & themselves likewise are not ignorant thereof, that being examined, if they should deny the queens majesty to be their supreme princess and governess in all causes: then they fell into condemnation by her laws. Again, if they denied the authority of the pope, as of force they must needs do, if they will esteem themselves good subjects, and manifest a dutiful and obedient heart to her majesty: then they break their vow made to the pope, and so fall into his curse and condemnation likewise: so that this is certainly appointed them, to cleave faithfully to the one, and utterly to forsake the other.  
Yet that they might have as much favour and friendship, 
Our English doctors conferring with the cardinals found out the mean for this toleration.  as the furtherance of such a cause required: this hard clause (being well scanned of diverse our English doctors and others, both at Rome and at Rheimes) was through earnest suit delivered to diverse of the cardinals, who laying their heads together, and throughly searching the bottom of every doubt: a toleration for that strict point was found out, which was ordained as you have heard before. Then in all she hast the pope was given to understand thereof, who respecting what might be for his benefit, and what might turn to his discommodity, authorised them this former toleration, which (God be thanked) carried as slender strength as the rest of his practices hath done. Yet all this being known to us, Campion & his fellows will grant no knowledge, but plead still their devout consciences. An other of their own books was also there read unto them, 
another book how to handle all manner of persons to win them to their intent.  wherein was other orders prescribed them, how they should handle a nobleman, how a gentleman, and how a poor man: which being openly read before them, gave all there present to understand, how assuredly they had appointed the course for their treason. A number of invincible proofs passing against them, they came at last to the point of their coming over; how suddenly, how hastily, & all through a general appointment. Campion, he had stayed a long time at Praga in Bohemia, 
Campion sent for from Praga to go with other priests appointed for England.  and on a sudden he was hastily sent for to Rome: by his own confession he knew not wherefore, but the message was in such haste, that he must come thither with all speed.  
When he came to Rome, he stayed there but five days: in which time, receiving the sum of their charge from the pope, as is their usual wont, and their father general delivering them what he hath in office: he was dispatched from thence with other priests, who had their Viaticum from the pope's treasury, line 10 and were all especially appointed for England. These priests were sent (as all other are) about the chief cause, 
The priests are there only maintained for this purpose, and none come from thence, but about this cause, which proveth them altogether guilty.  for that none come from thence but only for that purpose. The estate of the cause before expressed, it is too manifest, that Campion and his fellows are guilty of the matters objected against them. For this you are to remember, that none must stay there without they will be priests; when they receive their préesthood, they enter into their oath, which oath containeth the sum of the treason: so that all line 20 which come from thence (having taken that oath) come about the exe●●●ion of the treason, in that none but they that are especially sent, can have their Viaticum of the pope; and then he sending them, the case is too evident.  
Let not a light judgement pass over a matter of so great respect, let the pope's intent of keeping them there be considered, the great malice and spite that he beareth her majesty and the realm, and then their oath to execute his commandments; all these laid together, line 30 discovereth the depth of their treachery. But what answereth master Campion to this? He confesseth that he was quietly settled at Praga, 
Campion granteth, he came as the other priests did to reconcile & shrine: but he will not allow that he came for any treason.  and little expected any such hasty sending for: beside that, he went to Rome with great speed, tarrying there no longer than five days, as is before expressed, and that he received his Viaticum of the pope, when as he was dispatched thence with other priests, purposely appointed for England, and that he came no otherwise than they did, nor for any other intent than for line 40 the benefit of souls, as he still termed it: but he would not grant that he came for any treason.  
So that to seduce her majesties subjects, to persuade them from their duty and obedience, and to join themselves in such sort, as their princess and country must be destroyed thereby: this is no treason in his opinion. Howbeit, Campion and his fellows pleaded ignorance still, they saw and would not see, 
james Bosgrave, his hasty coming from Uilna, when he heard that priests were appointed for England.  they were so craftily schooled. james Bosgrave, he was at Uilna in Polonia, and as he confessed line 50 himself, he understood that there was priests appointed for England: upon which report he came away from thence in very great haste. And in his passage, he mentioned to one in the ship, who was sworn, and confessed the same before certain justices, that there was such matter towards in England, as hath been before expressed: and thereupon he sought to have won him, if his purpose could have taken effect. Campion seeing this begun somewhat to touch the quick, and that in truth it discovered line 60 the dealings of them all: he taketh upon him to answer on his behalf, for that they all reposed themselves on him.  
He saith, that if Bosgrave did hear such news, that there were papists appointed for England, 
Campion frequenteth his accustomed order of subtle answering.  why should they take hold on so small a cause? Flying reports are not to be credited, for albeit he heard such news, how knew he, if they were certain or no? Again (quoth he) the man hath been long out of England, and he doth not speak English perfectly: it may be then that some word may escape him unawares, which you are not to build upon, considering the defect of the man, for he may peradventure speak he knoweth not what. And where you say, that such a one hath avouched before certain justices, that he used such and such words to him; where is the man, we are not to credit a written paper, what know we if it be true or no? Let us hear himself say so, and then we will believe it. 
Traitor's will never believe any truth, especially if it touch themselves.  See what a number of shifts he had continually to waste the time, and all to no purpose. The man's own confession was there, whereto himself had subscribed, and four or five justices set their hands to it for the certainty thereof; yet this was not sufficient to answer them.  
Robert johnson he was likewise at Auinion in France, 
Robert johnson his coming from Auinion in France.  from whence he came also in very great haste, upon the report he had heard of priests that were appointed for England. Now there is an other thing to be considered, that these men, settled where they were, by their own confession they must not departed from thence without they be appointed by their superiors, than it is easy to be answered, that they came by their superiors appointment at this present: and as the general determination was, so they came all for one cause & intent. Edward Rishton, he being here in England, 
Edward Rishtons letter to Richardson one of the condemned.  wrote a letter to Richardson a priest, and who is likewise condemned amongst them; which letter was there openly read to his face. How there were four goldsmiths of his occupation lately come over, who indeed were priests, and how all things went successively forwards. 
Campions' letter to master Pound in the Tower.  And Campion being in the Tower wrote a letter unto Pound likewise, wherein he gave him to understand that he was very sorry, that through his frailty he had bewrayed those, at whose houses he had been so friendly entertained; wherefore he asked God heartily forgiveness, and them all whom he had so highly offended. 
Campion was resolute in the chief matter.  But (saith he) as for the chief matter that is as yet unrevealed, and come rack come rope, never shall that be discovered. A number of matters more were brought against them, which to rehearse, would require a far more large discourse: but to be brief, in the end, this was the full and certain issue. That these men, when they were beyond the seas: the general agreement and determination amongst them, was to work the death of our most gracious princess, to destroy her dominion, and to erect such as pleased them when this aforesaid day should take effect. And that their coming over, was to seduce her loving subjects, to win their obedient hearts from her, so that they should be in a readiness to join with a foreign power, and so they should likewise be destroyers of their princess and country. And that in the mean while they themselves sought to accomplish her majesties death, so much as in them lay.  
This was manifestly proved by very large and ample evidence, credible witnesses, and their own confessions and writings: whereon the jury, having wisely and discreetly pondered and searched and seen into the depth of every cause, worthily and deservedly gave them up all guilty of the treasons whereof they were indicted and arraigned. Which being done, after a godly and comfortable exhortation, persuading them patiently to suffer and abide the death for them appointed, and to be heartily sorry for their grievous and heinous offences, the sentence of death was pronounced on them: that they should departed to the places from whence they came, 
Sentence of death denounced against Campion and his confederates.  and from thence to be drawn on hurdles to the place of execution, where they should he hanged till they were half dead: then to be cut down, their privy members to be cut off, and their entrails taken forth, and to be burned in the fire before their eyes: then their heads to be cut off, their bodies parted into four quarters to be disposed at her majesties pleasure, and the Lord God to receive their souls to his mercy. Afterwards they were conveyed from thence with boats to a place of landing for them appointed, from whence they were conducted to the Tower of London, divers of them giving forth sundry lewd and dishonest speeches: as Thomas Coteham, seeing so many people to behold them, desired that fire and brimstone might fall from heaven, to destroy both the city and all that were in it: with diverse other wicked words, which for modesty's sake I omit here to rehearse, desiring God in mercy to give men better grace.  
On the next day, being tuesday and the one and twentieth day of November, there was brought to the said high bar these persons following; john Hart, Thomas Ford, William Filbie, Laurence Richardson, john Shirt, Alexander Brian, and john Collington. 
A very holy thing, but very meet for his devotion.  Alexander Brian, he had shaven his crown himself, & made him a cross of a piece of a trencher, which he held in his hand openly & prayed to: which when he was rebuked for, he boldly and stoutly made answer; that his crown was of his own shaving, and he had good hope to do it again. line 20 In brief, they were all indicted on the self same treasons as they were the day before; and john Hearts traitorous sermon which he made at Rheims against her majesty avouched to his face, their own writings and confessions with substantial witness produced against them, so that they were found guilty of their treasons, as the other were before them, except john Collington, he was quit of the former high treason by the jury.  
On friday being the first of December, Edmund line 30 Campion jesuit, 
Execution of Campion, Sherwin, and Brian.  Ralph Sherwin, & Alexander Brian seminary priests, being condemned for high treason against her majesties most royal person, as also for traitorous practices, touching the subversion of the true & undoubted religion here maintained, with the utter ruin and overthrow of this realm of England, were drawn from the Tower of London on hurdles, to the place of execution appointed, guarded with such a sufficient company as might express the honour of justice the larger in line 40 that behalf. Being come to the place of execution, where diverse of her majesties honourable council, with many honourable personages, and gentlemen of worship and good account, beside a multitude of people not here to be remembered attended their coming; Edmund Campion was first brought up into the cart, where after the great rumour of so many people somewhat appeased, he spoke thus.  
First he began (the people then present expecting his confession) with a phrase or two in Latin, 
Campion in his confession implieth a defence of his innocency.  line 50 when immediately after he fell into English in this manner. I am here brought as a spectacle before the face of God, of angels, and of men, satisfying myself to die as becometh a true christian & catholic man. As for the treasons that have been laid to my charge, and I am come here to suffer for: I desire you all to bear witness with me, that thereof I am altogether innocent. Whereupon answer was made to him by one of the council, that he might line 60 not seem to deny th'objections against him, having been proved so manifestly to his face, both by sufficient witness and evidence. Well my lord (quoth he) I am a catholic man, and a priest, in that faith have I lived hitherto, and in that faith I do intend to die; and if you esteem my religion treason, then of force I must grant unto you, as for any other treason I will not consent unto. Then was he moved as concerning his traitorous and heinous offence to the queens most excellent majesty. Whereto he answered; She is my lawful princess and queen. There somewhat he drew in his words to himself, whereby was gathered, that somewhat he would have gladly spoken: but the great timidity and unstable opinion of his conscience, wherein he was all the time even to the death, would not suffer him to utter it.  
Here is with judgement a deep point and high matter to be considered, 
Cam●ion noted to be very vainglorious.  that this man always directing the course of his life to a vainglorious imagination, and always covetous to make himself famous; at this instant made a perfect discovery of himself. For being somewhat learned, 
Campion described  all matters whatsoever (as you have heard before) he bore away with a majestical countenance, the visor of vanity aptly fitting the face of only hypocrisy; what was sound he would make sophistical, what was the infallible truth of itself he would carry in his own conceit, and delude the people with a pleasant quirk, or some such stuff, only to purchase him credit and affection. And he was not to learn to set a courageous countenance on every such slight reason, whereby he perverted many, deceived more, and was thought such a champion, as the pope never had the like. But now behold the man, whom neither rack nor rope should alter, whose 〈◊〉 was such as he boasted invincible: fear had caught hold on this brave boaster, and terror entered his thoughts, whereby was discovered his impudent dissimulations. Now let it with patience be moved a little, that the outward protestations of this man urged some there present to tears, not entering into conceit of his inward hypocrisy to make a plausible definition of this perilous deceiver, not by conjecture, but by proof it shall be thus answered.  
Edmund Campion, 
A further description of Edmund Campion.  as it is by men of sufficient credit reported, at what time he spent his study here in England both in the hospital, and also at the university of Oxford, was always addicted to a marvelous suppose in himself of ripe judgement, prompt audacity, and cunning conveyance in his school points: wherethrough he fell into a proud and vainglorious judgement, practising to be eloquent in phrase, and so fine in his quirks and fantastical conjectures, that the ignorant he won by his smooth devices, some other affecting his pleasant imaginations he charmed with subtlety and choked with sophistry. The learned, who beheld his practices and peremptory order of life, pitying his folly, and wishing him a more stayed determination, loathed his manners; yet loved the man, because christian charity willed them so to do. Now this glorious Thraso having by his libels made himself famous, and under show and suppose of great learning (though indeed being approved, found very simple to the speeches given of him) subdued many to affect him very much, when he was taken he knew it stood him upon, not to lose the credit openly he had won secretly. Wherefore in his former ridiculous manner, both in prison, at his arreignment, 
Campions curious care to keep the credit he had won in England.  yea and at his death, he continued the same in all points, which the foulness of his treasons blemished every way. Now indeed, as our English nation is both loving and pitiful: so many seeing the gifts of God so well bestowed on the man, and by him applied to so great abuse, through natural kindness bemoaned his case, wishing he had not fallen into so traitorous a cause. Then was moved to him again his treasons and heinous offences against the queens majesty, which impudently he still denied, seeming to utter words on the behalf of one Richardson, one likewise of the condemned traitors, taking on his conscience that it was not be. Which hath been proved to the contrary, for that it is known how this Richardson is he, who distributed Campions libels and books abroad: and when he was put to his oath, whether it was he or no, he refused to swear on his behalf. And because the world might be fully resolved, that (notwithstanding all the pretended & colourable means be could use for his excuse and innocency he was to suffer death deservedly as a traitor, etc. There was read to his face in the hearing of the assembly a pamphlet published by authority as followeth.  

An advertisement and defence for truth against her backebiters, and specially against the whispering favourers and colourers of Camp●n● and the rest of his confederates line 10 treasons.  
ALthough at the late arreignements at Westminster of Edmund Campion, & other his complices condemned there of sundry high treasons, it was manifestly declared and fully proved, 
The true occa●ion of Campions & other of his st●mpe coming into England  how they all, under pretence of the names of jesuits, seminary priests, & other persons of like condition, had secretly come into this realm, by sending of sundry persons authorised line 20 by the pope, to move the people by their secret persuasions to change their professions in the matter of religion, of long time quietly established in this realm, and to be reconciled to the obedience of the pope, and withdrawn from their natural allegiance due to the queens majesty, and by these means to be ready in their hearts and minds and otherwise provided, to join their forces as well with such as their heads and superiors which sent them intended speedily to procure to be sent into this realm, line 30 as with other rebellious subjects by them to be thereto also excited, of purpose to deprive her majesty of her life, crown, and dignity; in like manner as lately hath been notoriously attempted and put in execution by doctor Sanders an arrant and detestable traitor, and whilst he lived one of the said Campions companions, and by other English and Irish jesuits and traitors in Ireland, 
The evil practices of the jesuits in Ireland.  where they had first by their like secret means and persuasions, enticed a great multitude of people of that land, first to line 40 change their profession of religion, and to acknowledge the pope's authority, and to renounce the just authority of her majesty; & so departing from their allegiance, upon the arrival of forten forces they did enter into a manifest rebellion, against the which almighty God the just avenger of rebels by his goodness hath given her majesty (through her good ministers) power to the vanquishing, not only of those foreign forces, but also of a great number of the rebels there. 
The proceeding of justice against Campion, &c: defa●ned.  Yet it is maliciously, falsely, and traitorously line 50 by some of the secret favourers of the said Campion, and other the said condemned traitors whispered in corners, that the offences of these traitors were but for their secret attempt as jesuits, by exhorting and teaching; with shriving, massing, and such like acts, to move people to change their religion, & to yield their obedience to the pope as Christ's vicar (although the same be of themselves offences very heinous, and seeds of sedition not allowable by the laws of the realm) whereas in very line 60 truth nevertheless it did manifestly appear upon their indictments, and at their arreignements, by sundry confessions of some of their own companions, and by many good proofs and witnesses produced and sworn before their faces, that their facts whereof they were arraigned and condemned, were such as were in truth high treasons committed against her majesties royal person, and against the ancient laws and statutes of this realm, 
Campion and his complices offence was rank treason.  which many hundred years past were in force against like traitors, and not for facts of doctrine or religion, nor yet for offences against any late or new statutes, the same being many conspiracies at sundry times beyond the seas, at Rome in Italy and other places, and lastly at Rheimes in France, where there are nourished by the pope's authority in seminaries multitudes of English jesuits, seminary priests, and fugitives, whereof their heads and governors use continually in their sermons, and in their books publicly printed, as traitors to declare their traitorous minds as far forth as they can, to the deprivation of the queen's majesty of her life and crown: to which ends the said Campion and his said companions, by procurement of their said heads, came secretly into this realm, to move the subjects to renounce their natural obedience; 
The su● and dri●t of pope Pius his seditious bull.  & according to a bull of the last pope Pius published to persuade all sorts with whom they durst secretly deal, that her majesty by the said pope's excommunication was not the lawful queen of the realm, nor that the subjects were bound to obey any of her laws or ministers: but that they were all free, and discharged of their obedience and allegiance, and that they might lawfully, yea that when time might serve, they ought to take arms against her majesty, as in the late rebellion in the north was manifestly by like means put in execution, and as now also lately was notoriously attempted in Ireland, by stirring up the people in the pope's name, and under his standard to an open general rebellion. And to have brought these things to pass in this realm, was the coming into this realm of the said Campion and his complices most manifestly tried and proved; 
Much mischief prevented by the timely attaching of Campion and his like.  as if by God's goodness by their apprehensions, after their secret wanderings and disguisings of themselves in a great part of the shires of the realm, these traitors had not been now stayed, and by just punishmments ordered to be executed, there would have appeared such mischief as islamentable to be thought of; to the danger of her majesties person, and to the hazard and ruin of the whole realm by invasion of the same with foreign enim●es, and by raising of inward war within the realm; the end and event whereof, as of war civil, can not be without great grief mentioned or imagined.  
And to the further reproof and condemnation of the said Campion and other the traitors now condemned, 
How the traitors stood opinioned to the said factious bull, etc.  they being all severally and earnestly required at the place of their arraignment to declare what they thought of the said pope's bull by which her majesty was in the pope's intention deprived of the crown) and of doctor's Sanders, and of Bristow'S traitorous writings in maintenance of the said bull, and allowance of the rebellion in the north, and of Sanders traitorous actions in Ireland; and being likewise demanded what they did think if the present pope should publish the like bull: none of them all, but one only named Rushton, could be persuaded by any their answers to show in any part their mislikings either of the former bull, or of doctor Sanders, or Bristow'S traitorous writings or actions, or of the pope that now is, if he should now publish the like bull against her majesty; so as they did apparently show their traitorous hearts still fired to persist in their devilish minds against their natural allegiance: whereof God give all good subjects, being true Englishmen borne, grace to beware, and in no sort to give ear or succour to such pernicious traitors, howsoever they shall be covered with hypocrisy, & false and feigned holiness of Rome.   
This advertisement read and heard, the time by pitiful delays began to pass away, in somuch that the executioner was now to fall to his charge: whereupon Campion was exhorted to pray with the people in English; nay, to do so he was desired, howbeit he would not: but said his Pater noster in Latin, and desired all those of the household of faith to say one Credo for him. Many indirect answers he made, as when he was moved to ask the queen forgiveness, and when the preacher requested him to show some sign of a penitent sinner, then shortly he replied: You and I, we are not of one religion. After a few silent prayers to himself, the cart was drawn away, & he committed to the mercy of God. There he hanged till he was dead, when being cut down, he was bowelled and quartered, according as it was appointed by justice. 
Ralph Sherwins behaviour at his death.  Ralph Sherwin seemed a line 10 man of better judgement, more learned, and more obedient; he said the Lords prayer in English, believing in God that made him, in Christ his son that saved him, and in the Holieghost that sanctified him: and according to the saying of S. Augustine, desired jesus, that he would be to him jesus, as much to say, as his saviour and redeemer. He likewise confessed himself a catholic man and a priest, intending to die in that faith. But when the treasons were moved to him, he likewise did make denial thereof. line 20 He asked the queens majesty forgiveness, and desired that she might long live and reign over us. Than was read to him the book of the advertisement, which before had been read to Campion, and after a few prayers he likewise ended his life. 
Alexander Brian's demeanour at his death.  Alexander Brian seemed more obstinate and impious, using very little sign of repentance and hearty humility: he used many prayers to himself, and spoke very little worthy the rehearsal. justice being executed on him, he and Sherwin were quartered, according line 30 as Campion had been before them.  
¶ No sooner had justice given the blow of execution, and cut off the foresaid offenders from the earth; but certain enemies to the state politic and ecclesiastic, greatly favouring them, and their cause, which they falsely gave out to be religion, dispersed abroad their libels of most impudent devise, tending to the justifying of the malefactor's innocency, to the heinous and unrecompensable defamation of the course of justice and judgement against them commenced line 40 and finished: in somuch that speaking of the day whereon they died, they blushed not to entitle them martyrs, saying among other things not publishable, as in these few verses extracted followeth: 

Ex libello quodam famoso.  una dies vivos pariter caesósque videbat,  
In coelum missos vidit & una dies:  
Aeternísque brevi gaudent pro morte coronis,  
Haec sunt martyribus dona parata pijs.  
Foelix illa dies mensis fuit illa Decembris,  
Martyrijs donans coelica regna tribus: line 50  
Foelix quae sanctum suscepit terra cruorem,  
Quem caecata odij fuderat ira 
* Alludit ad Angliam.  tui:  
Supremúmque manens foelix constantia finem,  
Atque in conspectu mors pretiosa Dei, etc.   
Thus slanderously against the administration of justice scattered these viper's brood their lying reports, therein to the skies advancing the children of iniquity as spotless; yea forging most monstruous fables, put them in print; as though God and nature had suffered violence to their unappeasable indignation, line 60 for that men of such integrity forsooth and extraordinarily sanctified, suffered to shameful a death: 
Abr. Fl. Ex concione apud crucem Paulinam per D. Cellar 6. Feb. 1586.  in somuch that it was bruited abroad not by men, but brute beasts, that on the self same day whereon Campion was executed, the river of Thames did neither ebb nor flow, but stood still. O miracle! Whether this were a lie or not, as all the world may swear it was no truth; this is certain and undoubted, that there was found a faculty about Campion a little before his death, wherein authority was given him from the bishop of Rome Gregory the thirteenth, to execute the sentence of the bull published by Pius Quintus against all the queens majesties subjects as heretics, &c: and yet this man forsooth (albeit notorious) died not for treason but for religion, as with fowl mouths they are not ashamed to say: Relligio crimen non mala vita fuit.  
But of this matter enough, & now to the process of English accidents after this tragical narration.] When the queen of England and the monsieur even duke of Anjou understood by report made to her majesty and his highness by monsieur de Pruneaux (who had been sent over a little before from the duke to the prince of Orange, 
Monsieur the duke of Anjou departeth out of England.  and had prosecuted the treaty the former years as his ordinary ambassador) what good will and great longing he had found in the prince of Orange, who was come into the isle of Walkerens with a great number of gentlemen, and with the deputies of the states, and of the chiefest of the best cities of the low country to receive his highness, and to do him most humble service: and when they had also heard the embassage of the lords of Ohain & junius, sent from the lords of the state to the duke, to show unto him the exceeding great desire which all the people had to see his highness, for the present ratifying of the former covenants that had passed betwixt them: for accomplishing whereof it was needful that he should pass over with all speed: whereby the same thing was confirmed which had been declared oft afore by the lord of mount saint Aldegond, ordinary ambassador to her majesty and his highness: upon the intelligence of these things, it was resolved by her majesty & his highness, that the monsieur should departed. Whereupon the queen calling the lord Howard, commanded him (for the earl of Lincoln was then sick) to take upon him the charge of the admerals' ship, and to go to Rochester, and there to choose vessels meet for transporting of the monsieur & his train, & to furnish them with men of war, mariners, and all manner of necessaries as well of war as of victuals. Which thing was done with such diligence and speed, that the ships being ready with all things in less than eight days, passed out of the river of Rochester and the Thames, and were conveyed to the downs near to the town of Sandwich, where the monsieur was to take shipping. And for so much as the monsieur came into England accompanied but with a few princes and lords, & they also had left their train in France, & some of the same lords were sent back again afterward by his commandment and for his service; the queen determined to give him a company & train meet for his greatness, taking his journey about so great & noble exploit. And therefore (as agreeing with her highness hart) she commanded the earl of Leicester master of her horses, the lord of Hunsdon governor of Berwick her majesties near kinsman, 
— (cuius fuerat matertera pulchra  
Reginae genetrix Henrici nobilis 
* Nempe Annae Henrici 8 vx●●, sereniss. reginae Elisabethae genetrix.  uxor)  and the lord Howard the viceadmerall (of whom the first two were of her privy council, and all three were knights of the order (of the garter) to attend upon him, and to assemble as great a number of English lords and gentlemen as could be gotten in so little time, to honour him withal: whereunto the said lords obeyed very willingly. And there went with them to accompany them, the lord Willoughby, the lord Windsor, the lord Sheffield, the lord Howard, the lord Awdleie second son to the late duke of Norfolk: master Philip Sidneie nephew to the forenamed earl of Leicester, sir George Careie, and master john & Robert Careie all three sons of the said lord of Hunsdon; master William Howard brother of the said lord Howard, sir Thomas Sherleie, sir Thomas Perot, sir William russel, sir William Drury, & sir George Bowser knights, and a great number of gentlemen; namely, master Henry Windsor brother to the lord Windsor, master john Borough brother to the lord Borough, master Walter Ralegh, master George Carew, master Edward Hobbie, master Francis Darcie, master Michael Stanhoope, master William Knols master Francis Knolles, master George Digbie, master Thomas Uavasor, master Anthony Mildemaie, master Henry Nowell, master Nicholas Gorges, master Michael Harecourt, master Fulke Grevill: so as the whole train that attended upon the said earl, was to the number of an hundred gentlemen, and more than three hundred servingmen. line 10 The lord of Hunsdon had of gentlemen and others together to the number of a hundred and fifty: and the lord Howard had as many; besides many more, whereof diverse were her majesties servants. The queen determined to accompany the monsieur to the sea side, & yet nevertheless commanded the said lords to keep their course, and to attend upon his highness to the said place, with all manner of solemnities, interteinments, and feastings. He on the other side desired and besought her majesty not to departed line 20 from London, as well for that the journey would be painful unto her; and for that he saw the weather fair and wind favourable, and therefore was loath to lose any occasion of performing his voyage with all speed. But he could not prevail.  

The queens majesty lodgeth at Rochester.  Whereupon her majesty took her journey with her whole court, the first day of February, & lodged that night at Rochester. The next day abiding still at Rochester, her majesty showed him all her great ships which were in that place, into most whereof his line 30 highness and the prince and lords of his train entered, not without great admiration of the French lords & gentlemen, who confessed that of good right the queen of England was reported to be lady of the seas. Also he beheld how all those ships were ready furnished and well appointed. And her majesty told him that all those vessels & the furniture of them should do him service, when soever he would employ them: for the which he most humbly thanked her majesty, and so after all the great ordinance had been line 40 shot off, they returned for that day again to Rochester. The third day they went to Sittingborne, where dining both together, the queen was served after the English manner by the greatest ladies of her court; and the monsieur after the French manner by the gentlemen of his train, which ladies and gentlemen dined afterwards together. Then his highness besought her majesty again to go no further, declaring unto her that the fair weather passed away. line 50 But notwithstanding his entreatance the queen went on still to Canturburie. 
The queens majesty accompanied the monsieur to Canturburie where they & their train parted.  At which place, after one days tarriance, when she had openly feasted all the French nobility, either part took their leave of other, not without great grief and show of very great amity, especially between her majesty and the monsieur. Which thing was perceived also in the lords and gentlemen of both nations, & likewise in the ladies, to all whom it was like grief to departed after they had been conversant and had lived line 60 friendly and brotherly together by the space of three months, without any change or alteration of good wills. But the honour which enforced his highness, assuaged his grief, and made him to proceed on his journey with the said prince and lords of both nations.  
The sixth day of the same month, whereas he was determined to have taken ship, he was counseled to lodge that night of Sandwich, because the wind was somewhat changed. Howbeit, some of the English gentlemen, namely master Killegreie, master Diar and diverse others, to eschew thronging at their embarking went to Dover, and there taking ship the same night lay a while at anchor, and somewhat after midnight sailed away with certain other vessels. The seventh day in the morning about nine of the clock, his highness took the sea in three great ships of war. In the greatest of them named the Discoverer, sailed the monsieur himself with the earl of Leicester, and the lord Howard the viceadmerall; in the second called the Sentinel went the prince Dolphin; and in the third was the county of Lovall, and the lord of Hunsdon. Now as his highness was yet at anchor, there came a post from a lord of England, who brought him word that the states of the low countries were revolted, and namely the city of Antwerp, and therefore he prayed him not to departed until he had more certain news. Notwithstanding this, his highness determined to departed, and so sailed away with fifteen ships: and he had so fair weather (which continued even until after his eniering into Antwerp, and his feasting and solemn entertainment there) that the heaven, the winds, the sea, and the earth seemed all to favour his voyage, and to further the gladness which the people showed in receiving him with so great good will.  
In the mean time the prince of Orange, 
The prince of Orange taketh order for the entertainment of the monsieur.  seeing the time fit, departed from Middleborough, where he had tarried the monsieurs coming six weeks and more, and came to Flushing to take order for all things that were requisite for the honourable and commodious entertainment of so great a prince. At the which place, understanding by the letters of the said lords ambassadors and others, that the monsieur was departed from London and come to Canturburie; and therefore thinking it would not be long yer he arrived there: he dispatched monsieur Treslon his viceadmerall of Zealand, with a little pinnace called the Chase, to go before to meet the monsieur: commanding him that as soon as he had discovered his fleet, he should give him a watchword thereof by the shot of two cannons. Monsieur Treslon having about noontide discovered the ships that were parted from Dover, and thinking that they had been the great fleet, gave his watchword, which was the cause that a certain vessel went forth to the sea to meet his highness; but anon after perceiving his error, he returned to Flushing, where by and by the fleet of Dover arrived. Then monsieur Treslon going forth, found the monsieur and the great fleet between Newport and Dunkirk: where after salutation given and taken on either side, the monsieur standing upon the hatches of his ship, espied his own secretary named Nephew standing likewise upon the hatches of the Chase; 
Nephew the monsieurs secretary.  to whom he sent his shipbote, commanding him to come aboard to him, which thing he did, and there advertised the monsieur that as concerning the revolting of the states there was no such matter, but that all things went very well, & that his highness was waited for with great longing. That day, by reason the wind was turned north-east, they could go no further, but were feign to cast anchor over against a place called Ostend, where they passed that night, waiting for the tide the next morning. His ships were perceived by them of Flushing, where after midnight arrived the lord of S. Aldegond, who assured the prince of Orange, 
The lord of S. Aldegond, the prince of Orange and the prince of Espinoie, etc.,  that the next morning the monsieur would arrive there with the tide. Whereupon the prince of Orange and the prince of Espinoie with a great number of gentlemen took the sea the next morning: but because the tide was against them, and on the other part the monsieur having a side wind with him was constrained to haste to the land. By means whereof the prince, being not able to come aboard to him with his ship, was feign to turn sail back again to Flushing, where the prince Dolphin had taken land already, & sought every where for the prince his brother. When they had embraced and saluted one an other like brethren; the prince of Orange, perceiving the monsieur to approach very near, took the water again. But when he perceived him to come down into his boat to take land, he turned back again, and hied him so fast that he took land before him, and there tarried his coming. As soon as he was arrived, while he was yet in his boat ready to come aland, the prince received him with great reverence; and embracing his highness knee, 
Embracing of the knee.  because he saw the line 10 weather was cold said unto him in few words, that he was very glad to see that happy day, which had been so long expected, wherein he had the honour to behold his highness, and to offer unto him his most humble service, with goods and life, & all that he had beside; hoping that by means of his highness, that country having endured so great adversity, should now be fully set at liberty. Whereunto the monsieur answered very wisely and briefly. And when he had embraced him with such honour as was line 20 due in respect of his age and doings: 
The monsieur landeth.  he came aland, and was brought by the prince to the palace of the city: howbeit not without great difficulty, by reason of the great press of men of war and other people pestering one an other, the folk of that country thronging to see his highness, and the Englishmen which as then were come down thither in great numbers pressing to know the prince of Orange. In the mean while the trumpets and drums sounded with such noise that the air rang of it, and all the ordinance line 30 shot off, as well of the queens ships as of the other ships, whereof the number was great which lay then in the road, with so great roaring and thundering, 
Lusty discharging of guns on all sides.  that they conveyed the news of his highness happy arrival in the low country to Calis, and to other places of France. They of Flushing shot two peals, with so great noise by reason of the great number of the pieces that are in the town, that all the ground rang of it. The monsieur found in that place all sorts of his officers; for his household line 40 and his guard of Swisses and Frenchmen, departing from Calis and Bullongne four days afore, were come to Middleborough.  

The monsieur very joyfully received.  The magistrates of the city waited for him at the gates of the city, who told him by the mouth of their recorder, that they were very glad of his coming, and thought themselves happy to see him, in hope, that by his guiding and government they should see their country restored to tranquility, and set up again in her former renown. The states of Brabant line 50 speaking by the mouth of monsieur van Stralen Amptman of Antwerp, after their welcoming of him, declared with what mind the noble and good cities of Brabant had expected him, beseeching him most humbly to honour the country of Brabant with his presence out of hand. Next then the deputies of the city of Bruxelles (besides the declaration which they made of their own good will, and generally of all the peoples of that country) declared also particularly, with what great goodwill and affection line 60 his highness had been waited for in that city, the chief seat of the lords of that country; and that after so many mischéefes which they had suffered for withstanding the tyranny of the Spaniards, next unto God they had not any hope, but in the coming of his highness their prince and lord. Afterward they of Antwerp were heard, who declared the affection of the people toward his highness, their long longing for him, and the great desire which they had to see their prince and sovereign. 
Antwerp rejoiceth at the monsieurs coming.  The colonels and captains of the town spoke afterward, and declared unto him how carefully and diligently they had kept the city, in hope to put it shortly into his hands, and rejoicing likewise at his coming.  
Unto all these orations his highness answered very sagely and briefly, as unto all the residue, to the well liking and contentment of all that stood by. The prince of Orange tarried a while with the monsieur in the town house of the city: and then taking his leave went to visit the princes and lords of both the nations that came with him to see how they fared, and to take order that they should want nothing, so far forth as the ability of the town of Flushing (which is none of the greatest) could extend, where such provision was made, that all were well lodged and served, notwithstanding that above five hundred men of the only English lords were come aland that day. 
English lords and their retinues.  All that after noon was spent in feasting, in making of bonfires, in fireworks, in sounding of trumpets, and in all manner of tokens of joy, which all men uttered universally for the coming of so great a prince. Also the four members of Flanders, which came by the counsel of the prince of Orange, waited to present themselves unto him at Middleborough.  
The prince of Orange, 
Three ways to Middleborough.  perceiving that the monsieur was minded to go the next day to Middleborough, told him that there were three ways, the one about the castle of Ramekins, to enter in at the great channel of Middleborough by the bout of the foreland; an other by the little channel through the country; and that he had kept ships in a readiness to go the outer way, and a great fort of boats to go the inner way, because his highness could not journey either by coach or on horseback by reason of the winter, and there was but only one causeie whereby folk traveled ordinarily on foot. The monsieur beholding the fitness of the time, for indeed it was very fair weather, and understanding that the way was not passed a good French league in length, undertook to go it on foot, and so did all the rest of the princes, lords, and gentlemen, as well of the same country, as of France and England. 
The monsieur is met going to Middleborough.  A great sort of the monsieurs house, which were lodged already at Middleborough, came to meet him, specially his guard of Frenchmen and Swissers. A good way out of the town the magistrate of Middleborough came to meet him, as it were, about a third part of the way, and there making an oration to him, told him of the great and long desire which all the people had of his coming, and that the people of Middleborough for their own part thought themselves greatly honoured, in that he had vouchsafed to come to their city, offering all dutifulness unto him. His guard also met him in the same place, & then began the Swissers to march on in their order, striking up their drums after their manner. Moreover, six companies of the citizens well armed and well arrayed stood imbattelled without the town, who kept their place till the monsieur was past, and then they followed after leisurelie behind.  
The deputies of the states of the earldom of Zealand waited his coming at the town gate; 
The deputies of the states of the earldom of Zealand.  who having declared the gladness which they conceived, rejoiced at the happy success which his highness had had in making the peace in France, and in rescuing the city of cambray by his army and in his own person, and in his passing into England, which they knew he had taken upon him for none other cause than for the furtherance of the affairs of those countries; and finally for that having put his person in danger of that passage, he was now happily arrived in Zealand, most humbly thanking his highness, and declaring what hope they had conceived of his presence, and therewithal offering right humbly whatsoever their duty required. 
The monsieur would do as the company did.  At the entry of the gate one brought him a coursor of Naples, but he determined with himself (seeing that the princes and lords had not their horses there) to go through with his journey on foot, and so entered into the city of Middleborough in this order. First went the magistrates of the city with their under officers and ministers of justice. Next them the deputies of the states of Zealand. After them followed diverse gentlemen of all the three nations, with the deputies of the cities of Brabant, and of the four members of Flanders. Then marched the Swissers after their accustomed fashion; in whose train were a great line 10 sort of noblemen and also gentlemen, of whom the most part were Englishmen of the retinue of the three lords sent thither by the queen. 
The earl of Leicester and other English lords.  Behind them ensued as it were in one troup together, the prince Dolphin, the earl of Leicester, the prince of Espinoie, the county de laval, the lord of Hunsdon, the lord Howard▪ ●nd the rest of the lords. Then came the monsieur himself, having on his left hand somewhat more than half apase beneath him, the prince of Orange, of whom he always asked some question. line 20 After him followed his guard of Frenchmen, and after them the guard of the prince of Orange; and last of all the six ensigns that stood in battle ray without the city, and ten others which had marshaled the streets unto the market place, where all the rest of the citizens were imbattelled. Throughout all the streets from the gate to the monsieurs lodging, there were rails, and at every tenth pace on either side were burning cressets. 
Burning cressets on each side.  And so his highness and all the nobility which accompanied him, passed on, marveled line 30 to see so goodly a city in so little an isle, and so near to three other good towns, not distant one from another above one league. But most of all they wondered at the beauty of the marketsted, and of the common hall of the city. His highness lodging was very well and richly hanged and furnished, considering the small respite that the inhabitants had, so as he was very well and commodiously lodged, both he and all the princes, noblemen, and gentlemen of all nations that attended upon him. That evening line 40 was passed in feasting, in making of bonfires in the streets, in artificial fireworks upon the towers and stéeples, 
The monsieur Taiard recorder of Gant.  and in sounding of trumpets. The next morning the twelve deputies of the four members of Flanders speaking to his highness by the mouth of monsieur Taiard the recorder of Gant, declared at large the great goodwill of all the people of Flanders towards him, and that like as they had been of the first that had sent unto him, so they hoped to be of the first that should yield all humble service and subjection line 50 unto him. Whereunto his highness answered very discreetly, as his custom was. He passed the rest of the time in playing at tennis with the prince of Orange, and after with other lords.  
The thirteenth day he had a solemn feast made him in the townehall, 
A solemn feast held in the townehall.  where his highness commanded the tables to be prepared of purpose, that he might have the company of the prince Dolphin, the prince of Orange, the earl of Leicester, the prince of Espinoie, the county de laval, the lord of Hunsdon, and the lord Howard. For the lords of England line 60 were highly regarded & honoured every where, both in respect of her majesty which sent them, and also for the worthiness of their persons. The feast was excellently well furnished of all things, & specially of tapistry work & other devices of sugar; insomuch that both the Frenchmen and Englishmen confessed, that they had not been wont to see such manner of services in their countries. The fourteenth day the prince of Orange would needs go see the putting of the ships in a readiness, which should carry the monsieur and his train, which were in number four and fifty, and therefore he would have gone to the foreland of Middleborough. Whereof the monsieur hearing would needs go with him. 
The monsieur goeth to see the town of Ermwiden.  On thursday the fifteenth of that month, his highness went to see the town of Ermwiden, which is about half a league from Middleborough. And understanding that the English lords were gone to see the town of Vere, (called by strangers Camfer by reason of the passage that was sometime in the town of Camp which is now drowned) he also took boat and went thither, where all the company was very well received by the inhabitants, notwithstanding that they were taken unprovided. The sixteenth day his highness was determined to have taken ship, but there arose so great a storm, that the mariners counseled him to forbear the sea for that day: by reason whereof his embarking was deferred till the next morrow, at which time his highness with all his train sailed away. 
The monsieurs ships painted with his own colours.  He himself was carried in a ship painted all over with his own colours beset with a number of flags and pencils of the arms of Anjou. The residue had their accustomed flags so greatly feared of the Spaniards, belayed with the colours of the prince of Orange. This fleet came that day against Beerland in the isle of south Beveland, where they cast anchor and spent that night there. The next day being arrived luckily at Lislo, after many shot of ordinance from the fort and from the ships of war which accompanied his highness, they did cast anchor again. He himself went aland, and lay that night in the captains lodging longing for the morning. 
The fort of Lislo.  This fort of Lislo is builded a three leagues beneath Antwerp upon the point of a dike or causeie in the parish of Lislo. The place is so commodious, that with a musket a man may easily shoot from the one bank of the river Skeld to the other; and by reason that the stream of the river and the tide of the sea, which passeth that way twice a day, do make it crooked, that place being occupied by the enemy, might greatly hinder and annoy the sailing thereof. And therefore the citizens of Antwerp following the advise and platform laid forth by the prince of Orange, bestowed great cost in fortifying that place, which hath a great tower with great bulwarks rampires, and ditches, and is so well strengthened and flanked to the purpose, and hath the water so at commandment, that as now it is not to be won by any force. The next day being monday, the ninetéenth day of February, 
The monsieur prepareth to make his entry into Antwerp.  his highness departed thence to make his entry into the renowned city of Antwerp.  

The royal entertainment of the right high and mighty prince, Francis the French kings only brother, by the grace of God duke of Brabant, Anjou, Alencon, Berrie, etc., into the city of Antwerp.  
IN all great and stately shows and assemblies, they that are the authors and setters forth of them, endeavour to beautify and commend as much as they can the things which they offer to the sight of those whom they intent to honour, and of those which resort thither from strange places, to delight themselves with the beholding of them. The ancient historiographers describe unto us many great triumphs, and stately interteinements of emperors, kings, and great captains, and they forget not to put into their writings the great costliness and charges, and whatsoever else was set forth to the show, to content the eyes of the beholders. And albeit that neither gold, silver, precious stones, tapistry, cloth of silk, fine linen, diversities of vessels, nor variety of paintings were spared, but all such things have enriched those shows: yet notwithstanding, there is not any thing that hath yielded greater grace, 
The finest show that can be made what it is.  beauty, and contentment to such assemblies, than the multitude and brightness of armory and of things pertaining to martial affairs, as engines, artillery, and shows of cities and castles beaten down or taken by force from the enemies. And therefore in the Roman empire (which excelled all the other not only in conquests, martial discipline, and politic order of government, but also in sumptuousness and royalty) although infinite numbers of line 10 public games and exercises were exhibited by them being the greatest lords of the world, who not only spared not any thing that was in their own power, but also made the cities and countries, which were any way bound unto them, to send unto them whatsoever rare and exquisite things they could come by, to serve their turns in the shows which they exhibited to the people: yet notwithstanding their triumphs have so borne the bell above all the rest, that the word triumphing which cometh thereof, 
The triumphs of the Romans excelled all their other shows.  hath line 20 been applied to all high, great, and stately doings. Not that in their other shows any thing was spared, which might content the eyes even of covetous folk, or satisfy the bloodthirsty hearts of such as took no pleasure but to behold the shedding of blood, yea oftentimes of man's blood before their eyes: but in their triumphings nothing was so glorious as the armory and personages of the great captains that had been conquerors, which thing contented the beholders far more without all comparison. line 30 And therefore when men intent to betoken the exceeding huge greatness of Rome, they term it the triumphant Rome, which importeth as much as the rich, wealthy, and victorious Rome, replenished with great numbers of noble captains, and valiant soldiers. And this term is come of the great numbers of triumphs, which were seen there in the times of the Scipios, 
Other shows of the Romans very gallant.  Paul's, Claudies, Metelles, Pompey's, Caesar's, and others. True it is that the other shows also were very glorious and beautiful to behold, and did (I wot not how) tickle the hearts of such line 40 as were fed with the beholding of their riches and of the infinite numbers of lions, tigers, panthers, bears, and swordplaiers encountering one another to the death: but yet the beholding of a goodly company of men armed in goodly armour, marching in good order (besides the contenting of the sight, which is far better than to see riches) doth also wonderfully ravish men's minds, and drive the beholder into an astonishment, setting him after a sort besides line 50 himself; and yet nevertheless filling him with a joy and contentation surmounting all others. For as in the pleasures of the body, those seem greatest which do most alter the senses with their pleasantness: 
A comparison between the pleasures of the body and delights of the mind.  so fares it also with the delights of the mind, which become so much the greater, when admiration being matched with them, doth also moreover ravish the understanding, and set a man as it were out of his wits. And therefore when great personages (who can better judge of matters than plain simple folk can) do make discourse of things that are beautiful line 60 and desirable to behold: they speak of gold, silver, precious stones, pictures, vessels, tablets, and divers other exquisite jewels: but yet they pass over those things & stand not upon them. But when they come to talk of fair armour, good horses, and such other things as belong to knighthood and chivalry: then they make such tarriance upon them, as they hold it for a thing fully agreed upon & granted, that in beauty and glory nothing is comparable to a goodly army.  
Only this matter remaineth still in question undecided; 
A question undecided touching gallant and glorious ●hewes.  namely, whether is the pleasanter sight, to see three or four great battles of footmen well appointed in bright armour, well flanked with small shot, and with their great ordinance before them: or to see as many squadrons of horsemen, or else two or three hundred ships furnished with their flags and banners, and ranged in order as if they were ready to give battle. But as for the rest of all goodly things, all men are fully agreed that they come nothing near to any of those three, and much less do them all three together, if a man might behold them all at once: as it is reported that at one instant a man might have seen the great army of Xerres both footmen and horsemen ranged in battle ray: and also the two fléets of the Persians and of the Greeks fight upon the sea by Salamine, where by the wisdom and valiantness of Themistocles, the Greeks got that famous victory of the Persians. In mine opinion that is the ca●●e why the glad receiving and joyful entering of Francis duke of Brabant into the city of Antwerp seemed so goodly and royal to all such as saw it: in somuch that there hath not been any of them which hath not confessed that he never saw the like. And yet were there very many present at it, as well of the same country as of strangers, which have seen many stately and royal meetings, both in the same city and in other cities of the low countries, and also in other great cities of other countries, as Paris, London, Rone, and Lions: and yet nevertheless the common voice is, that this last hath passed all the rest. And truly the city had no more but six days respite to prepare for it, as I said before: 
The respite that Antwerp had to provide for this triumphan● show.  in somuch that they could not put to making any work of silk, nor of gold and silver beaten or woven, nor any embroidery: no nor in so short time make any mean apparel new, nor any rare costliness of imageries, pillars, triumphal arches, or other pageants: but were constrained to make a shift with such things as they had in a readiness aforehand of their own store.  
In other interteinments there have in deed been seen great plenty of riches and royalties in attires of kings and queens, princes and princesses, lords and ladies, citizens and their wives; but in this entertainment no such were seen: howbeit there was not any grossness, nor aught that might not well beseem the neatness and fineness of that people, although it came nothing near the sumptuousness of other interteinements. As touching triumphal arches, chariots, portraitures, and such other shows; although there were many witty inventions and agreeable to the time: yet have men seen of them in other places, which might match these. And as touching the number of their people, 
Paris for multitude of people passeth.  although it was great: yet it is well known that Paris exceedeth them in that behalf. But the only reason of this contentment cometh chiefly of the great number of people in armour, being not fewer than twenty thousand, in so good and so fair armour: and of their order and obedience, and of the small noise which all that huge multitude made: in somuch that if it had not been for the thundering of the canons, and the sounding of trumpets, clarions, halboys, and other instruments, there was no more noise than is among a council of grave men. That then was in mine opinion the only very cause, which was greatly furthered by their beholding of the monsieur of Brabant, 
Monsieur of Brabant his attire and habit.  who representing the stateliness of old time, was clothed in a large mantel, with the bonnet of his dukedom upon his head: so that among that great number of people (which were so well armed, that three of the best cities in christendom could not show so many fair armours of their own) his highness resembled a precious stone or jewel set in fine gold. And because that they which were the beholders thereof (for they could not be every where, nor see every thing) will be very glad to understand of the things that so escaped them, and delight their minds now with the remembrance of the things which they saw before, as they delighted their eyes and minds with the beholding of them that day: and strange nations, 
The cause why this report was published in print.  to whom the fame of that so renowned days work is come, will take pleasure to understand the same, whereof they could not be beholders. Therefore is this book set forth, for the satisffing of all men, and also to make it known to a line 10 number of men (who partly for enmity, partly for envy, and partly for other surmises and mistrusts will not believe it) with what mind and affection the prince of Orange, and the other lords and noblemen of Brabant, the good cities, and the small towns, and namely the most renowned city of Antwerp, have received their new prince and sovereign lord.  
The ninetéenth day of the foresaid month in the forenoon, 
The monsieur saileth toward Antwerp.  the monsieur the duke of Anjou departed from Lislo and sailed towards Antwerp, having line 20 in his company but twenty ships, for the rest had gotten to Antwerp afore, as well to put themselves in a readiness as for other affairs. And he came about eight of the clock nigh to the new town, and passing along by the towns side, left the foreland of Flanders on his right hand and the town on his left, and passed beyond all the town and the place where the castle was. By the way he heard all the canons shot off from that part of the town which faceth the river, & from a great number of ships which line 30 road at anchor there: and he saw all the wharfes furnished with men of war of the city, well armed, who welcomed him with their shot, and were answered again by the ships of war that accompanied him, conducted by monsieur de Treslon and the viceadmerals, and diverse captains of Flushing. And so the first foot that he did set on land in Brabant, 
The monsieur landeth at a village in Brabant.  was at a village called Kiell, which is at the canon wharf at Antwerp. The states of Brabant, the magistrates of the city, and divers other states, line 40 coming in like order on horseback to the same place with their trumpets, sergeants and heralds, appareled in coats of the arms of Lothier, Brabant, and Limborough, alighted there, and waited on foot at the wharf to receive his highness, and to show him the good will and affection of the states and people. But the press of people was so great, which resorted thither to see the prince, whom they looked for to be their duke; and again there were so many impediments in his landing; that it was found better line 50 for them by the advise of the prince of Orange to return back, and to tarry for his highness upon a theatre which was prepared for him.  
This theatre was set up towards a corner of the castle, 
A theatre erected for the monsieur to show himself upon to the people.  and opened towards the city, so as his highness being there, might at one time view both the city and the castle, and behold the counterscarffes: the deep ditches full of fair water clear to the very bottom of the channel, enclosed on either side with hewn stone: the great and fair buildings, line 60 the goodly walls, beautiful to look on and very thick: and the broad rampires garnished with trees planted by hand, that it resembled a little forest. The monsieur was brought up to this theatre accompanied with the prince Dolphin the only son of the duke of Montpanuser: 
Prince Dolphin, the earl of Leicester, &c:  the earl of Leceister, and other English lords representing the queen of England: the princes of Orange and Espinoie, the countié de laval, the other English lords, the county de Chateauroux, and a great sort of the barons, lords and gentlemen, besides the chief magistrates and masters of the companies of the city of Antwerp.  
The lords of the state of Brabant waiting upon the theatre, came dutifully down to go and meet his highness: which thing he perceiving, did stand still. Then the prince of Orange stepped forth to take his place among the states, as one of the chief lords and barons of the duchy of Brabant. 
Kissing the monsieurs hand.  As soon as they had saluted his highness, and with great humbleness kissed his hand, they mounted up the steps again with him, after whom followed the princes and lords of France and of England: and when they were come up above, they ranged themselves on either side. 
A chair of estate.  There was set for the monsieur a chair covered with cloth of gold, wherein he sat him down. And upon the theatre there was likewise a traverse of cloth of gold, and all the theatre was covered with tapistry. On the front of the theatre on the highest part thereof were the arms of the marqueship of the holy empire: and a little beneath them on the right hand did stand the arms of Brabant with a wreath of fruits: and on the left hand stood the arms of the city of Antwerp. 
Banners with the arms of Anjou.  Also there were set up two banners of silk azured with the arms of Anjou, & in one partition were written these same verses: 
O noble prince, whose footsteps faith  
and gentleness preserve:  
Receive thou here the honour which  
thy virtue doth deserve.  
That these low countries may at length  
take breath by means of thee,  
And thou a father to us all  
in name and doings be.   
After that every man had taken his place, and silence was made, the states of Brabant began their oration by the mouth of monsieur de Hesseiles doctor of both the laws, secretary to the said estates, 
The sum of monsieur de Hesseiles oration to the monsieur.  and one of their council. The sum whereof was, that the barons, noblemen, & deputies of the chief cities, and of the other good towns, representing the states of the duchy and country of Brabant, having now the good hap to see among them and to behold face to face the prince, in whom next unto God they had wholly set the hope of their deliverance, and of the establishing of their ancient rest and liberty, did highly thank the almighty Lord, which had showed them that favour: taking it for an assured warrant, that he of his infinite goodness and providence, had not forgotten nor forsaken their just quarrel: but had chosen his highness to be the defender of his people and the administrer of his justice: to the end that to God's glory, and to his own honour and renown, the storms of all troubles, & of all other things that annoyed their estate, might by the beams of his princely majesty, wisdom, and prowess be chased away; and the brightness of their former prosperity heretofore known to all nations, be made to spring up & shine forth again. In respect whereof they gave his highness most humble thanks for the singular love and good will, 
The state's thankfulness signified.  which he of his own only motion and princely disposition had vouchsafed to continue towards them unto that instant, notwithstanding all the cross dealings and practices that cunning heads could skill to put forth to the hindrance of their affairs, forsomuch as they were not ignorant that for their calamities and miseries sakes, nothing could have fallen in, which could have made more to the favour and furtherance of their case. Which thing they had esteemed and would esteem for ever, as a peerless precedent of his incomparable staidness and rare constancy: 
They acknowledged themselves indebted to th● monsieur.  for the which, and for the great number of his other benefits and gracious dealings towards them, they were & ever should be bound to acknowledge themselves indebted to his highness with all faithful obedience, and were ready that day (by God's grace) to submit themselves to him, as his humble vassals and subjects. And although they doubted not but that his highness did well understand, and was fully satisfied, not only of the general causes which had universally moved the states of the provinces of the low countries together, to sue to him for succour, and to put themselves into his hands: but also of the particular causes, which the states of that duchy and country of Brabant had to renounce their obedience to the king of Spain: yet notwithstanding, to the intent to put his highness in remembrance thereof, and to confirm that sacred resolution line 10 and high enterprise of his, builded thereupon, and moreover to yield some reason of all their doings to the princes and noblemen, and unto the rest of that whole company, 
The secretary unto the states falleth to the point of the matter.  who for the honour of his highness were come thither of courtesy, to further the solemnity of his entertainment: to the intent that at this his repair thither (which always was called joyful) they might utter the more good will and gladness of heart; they would say no more but this, that as long as the dukes of Brabant (specially since the falling line 20 of that duchy into the hands of the dukes of Burgognie, and other the famous ancestors of his highness) gave themselves unto the governing of their subjects by themselves, thereby making it to appear that they loved them, and were not careless of them; they reaped so great commodities and notable services at their hands, that their names and puissances became oftentimes renowned, yea and sometimes dreadful to the greatest monarches, kings, and commonwealths of christendom, whereof their line 30 wars and conquests made proof: howbeit that of those things, as of matters familiarly known by the histories, it was not requisite to make discourse in that place and time, which were appointed to greater matters. But after that their dukes and princes either by other allurements, or being withheld in their other country and signiories, began to leave them for a time, and afterward at length to forget them, abandoning them to the pleasure and will, and sometimes also to the lust and covetousness of their under line 40 officers, whereof the king of Spain had lastly finished and perfected up the work, leaving them disdainfully as husbandless and fatherless, utterly destitute of his presence by the space of twenty years; it came to pass, that having altered & changed almost all the whole state of the country, and committed the offices to such as by the laws and privileges of the country were not capable of them; or rather to such as would give most for them, and yet the unsatiable covetousness, 
The king of Spain's officers full of tyrannical lordliness and villainy.  malice, and exceeding line 50 tyrannical lordliness of the Spaniards being not contented therewith: in the end, when they had abused the whole commonwealth after their own lust, they grew into so great pride, that they fell to snatching of the private goods and substance of the inhabitants, to living upon the labour and sweat of the poor: yea and to ravishing the chastity of men's wives and daughters: and (to fill up the measure of all abomination and cruelty) they fell to taking away the lives, & to sucking the blood of those which line 60 sought by all means to please them. Whereupon in the end the great and righteous God (who hath a care of his servants) being offended thereat, made that people (who had aforetimes been of great valour) to call to mind their former state and liberty: and gave them both will and courage to maintain the same, in such sort as they had received from their forefathers. Which thing they said could not be better done than by the election which the said states of Brabant, 
The cause why the states of Brabant made the monsieur their prince & lord.  united with the other provinces, had made of his highness person to be their prince and lord, of purpose to bring all things back to their former order; having first sought (howbeit in vain) for all remedies of their mischiefs, and of the disorders of the estate, from the causes and wellsprings thereof. Declaring that the dukes in old time had been of great valour, prowess, and power; and had made many renowned voyages and exploits of war, and that amongst others, they had chosen a duke of Anjou heretofore, who had been equal with the rest in chivalry & feats of arms, as their conquests and dominions witnessed: that they had had their princes gentle, mild, gracious, familiar, and favourable to their subjects: and that his highness had in that behalf already given such proofs of his gentleness, truth, and soundness, that to their seeming, some ancient duke of Burgognie was raised up again unto them. Insomuch that in his only highness, they firmly believed themselves to have recovered whatsoever good renown the dukes of Brabant, Anjou and Burgognie could have left unto them. Wherefore, insomuch as there remained no more, 
The state's loyalty and fealty signified by their secretary.  but to proceed in the performance of the chief work, which it had pleased the sovereign▪ God to put into the hands of his highness, and of the said states to perform that day: they on their part were ready and resolute to do him the homage, fealty, duty, and obedience, which loyal subjects and good vassals ought to do to their rightful princes: of which sort they trusted in God without doubting, that his highness was, & that he would promise by solemn oath unto God so to continue.  
Hereunto his highness answered in effect, 
The monsieurs answer to the foresaid oration.  that intending not to hold the states with long talk, but only to be mindful of the honour and good will which they had vouchsafed to yield to him, in that among so many other great princes, they had chosen him out to deliver them from the oppression and tyranny of the Spaniards, and to rule them according to their customs, laws, and privileges: he thanked them heartily for it, assuring them that the justness and equity of their case, their honourable dealings in his behalf, and the love which they had showed him, had made him to resolve with himself to take upon him their protection, and the re-establishing of their ancient liberty, and to hazard therein whatsoever ability God had put into his hands, and whatsoever else it should please the king his lord and brother, and the queen of England, 
The monsieurs promise even to the shedding of his blood.  of their favour to bestow upon him; yea even to the shedding of his own blood and the spending of his life.  
This done the foresaid monsieur Hessels told his highness, how it was the custom there, to proclaim openly before the people in the Dutch tongue the points and articles of the joyful entrance, which the dukes of Brabant are bound to promise and swear at their admission. Hereupon, when as one held the said articles translated into French, ready to rehearse them point by point after the proclaiming of them in Dutch, forsomuch as the day was far spent, and communication had been had thereof already, the monsieur to win time thought it expedient, by the advise of the prince of Orange, that they should be read but only in Dutch. Which thing was done by the said monsieur Hessels, with a new preface added to the articles, containing briefly the reasons and causes of that dealing. After the reading of the said articles, it was demanded of his highness whether he liked of them, and whether he were contented to be sworn to them, or whether it were his pleasure to be further satisfied of them? 
The monsieur is content to swear to the articles agreed upon.  Whereupon he said to the prince of Orange, that forsomuch as he had seen the articles, and conferred of them with him as they came by ship out of Zealand, he held himself well satisfied with them, and was well contented to swear unto them. Which speech of his was forthwith proclaimed, and with further declaration, that for their better contentation his highness was desirous to have them all known, that although the said articles were read but only in Dutch, yet would he of his own good mind, with advised deliberation and certain knowledge be sworn unto them.  
Then did the said monsieur Hessels recite unto the people in the Dutch tongue, the first oath which the dukes of Brabant were of old time accustomed and bound to take for the observing of the said articles. Which done, delivering the book wherein it was contained to messier Thierreie de Leisfield chancellor line 10 of Brabant, 
Two oaths that the dukes of Brabant were accustomed to take.  he read the same oath again openly in French, & the monsieur spoke it after him word for word. Then the monsieur Hessels taking the book again, told the people that the dukes of Brabant made an other second oath to the barons, noblemen, cities, boroughs, & all the inhabitants & subjects of the country, to be to them a good & just prince, and not to deal with them after his own will, nor by way of rigour, but by law and justice, & according to their privileges. Which oath was likewise rehearsed line 20 in the Dutch tongue, & the book delivered again to the said chancellor, and the monsieur repeated the oath after him as he had done the first. Then were the mantle and bonnet of the duchy brought unto him, 
The mantle and bonnet of the duchy of Brabant.  which were crimson velvet; the mantle was trailed on the ground, and both of them were furred with powdered ermine turned up very broad. The prince of Orange told his highness, that it behoved him to be appareled in those robes. And when he asked whether he must wear them into the city? It line 30 was answered, yea: and that it was the solemn attire of the princes and dukes of Brabant of old time. 
The monsieur created duke of Brabant.  Whereunto when his highness had agreed, the prince did first put upon him the said mantle, and fastening the button thereof, said these words; My lord, you must keep this button fast closed, that no man may pull your mantle from you. And then he set the bonnet upon his head, and said unto him: Sir I pray God you may well keep this attire, for now you may well assure yourself that you be duke line 40 of Brabant.  
Then the said Hessels told him how the custom required that the states should presently be sworn to him again to yield him fealty. Whereupon he uttered to the people the form of the oath; and then the said chancellor required it of the barons, noblemen, and deputies, and they pronounced it after him according to the manner of the former oaths, 
The states promise their fealty and obedience.  reverently doing again their homage, and promising fealty and obedience. After the taking of the oaths line 50 on both sides, as well by the monsieur as by the states of Brabant, while his highness was yet still in his robes of estate, the magistrates of Antwerp commanded their recorder and councillor master Uanderwerke to come up upon the stage, to make him an offer of the marquesship of the sacred empire, in the name of the city of Antwerp, which thing he did as followeth. 
An offer of the marquesship of the sacred empire made to the monsieur.  Most gracious lord and prince, the margrave, amptman, boroughmasters, and skepons, the treasurors, and receivers, the line 60 chief burgesses, and quartermaisters, the wardens, and ancients of the handicrafts, together with the colonels, wardens of guilds, and captains of the city, were very glad when they understood of your highness happy arrival in the isle of Walkeren, as they have caused to be very largely and with all humility and reverence showed unto you, by their deputies sent to your highness for the same purpose. But now, forsomuch as they see your highness not only arrived in the country of Brabant, but also received for duke, and for their prince and lord: their fore-conceived joy is greatly increased and made fully perfect, trusting that by this your coming there will once ensue an end of the desolations, calamities, and miseries, whereinto the country hath been brought by the unjust government passed, and by the more unjust and wrongful war which the enemies hold yet still to bring the whole country to destruction, with all manner of calamities and oppressions which they are able to devise. 
The magistrates of Antwerp thankfulness to the monsieur signified.  And therefore they give your highness most humble thanks for the pains & travel which you have vouchsafed to take to come into this country: yielding infinitely like thanks unto God, for that he hath given & sent them such a prince, as not only is of ability and power, but also is very willing, and well disposed to defend them from all enemies, & to rule and govern them with all good policy & justice, according to the privileges, laws, and customs of the country. For although they be joined in league with the rest of the states of Brabant, and generally with all the states of the low countries, & that they have all entered into arms jointly together; yet their so doing hath not been to exempt and withdraw themselves from the just government of their lord and prince, but only to maintain their ancient liberties, laws, and privileges, that being governed according to the same, they might live with all dutiful obedience in good rest, peace, and tranquility. 
The sovereignty of what places the monsieur had undertaken.  The full accomplishment of which their desires, they think themselves to have most happily obtained, sith it hath pleased God of his infinite grace & mercy to put into your highness heart, to take upon you the sovereignty of these low countries, the dukedom of Brabant, the city of Antwerp, and the marquesship of the sacred empire. For seeing that God hath stirred them up so great a prince, the brother of a mighty king; they have no doubt at all, but that your highness will (by God's grace) soon find means to deliver these countries from the wretched wars wherein they have been so long plunged.  
The margrave, amptman, boroughmaisters, skepons, and other members of this city, think it not expedient to repeat the causes of the war, and the equity of the case whereon they stand; forsomuch as it hath diverse times heretofore been discussed largely enough by the general estates: and moreover been notably known to the world, and many ways allowed by your highness. Yet again therefore with all humble submission and reverence, they thank your highness, that it hath pleased you to agree unto them, and to promise the maintenance of their privileges, laws, and customs: yea and of the articles comprised in the principal composition, and in the joyful entrance into the duchy of Brabant, assuring your highness, 
Antwerp and the marquesship promiseth humble subjection.  that the people of the city of Antwerp, and of the marquesship of the holy empire shall be, and continue right humble subjects to you, even to the spending of their bodies & goods, and whatsoever else they be able to make for the increasing of your honour and glory. Hereunto his highness answered very graciously, that he thanked those noblemen for their good will and affection towards him; and that he meant to show them by his doings how desirous he was to govern and rule the country with good policy and justice. And all this he did at large and with very great grace. This done, the said Uanderwerke turning himself to the people cried with a loud voice, that his highness, as duke of Brabant, Alencon, Anjou, Berreie, &c: would be sworn to the city of Antwerp, and the marquesship of the sacred empire, desiring them to pray unto God, that by that so good and solemn deed God's name might be sanctified, the safety and prosperity of the country procured, and the honour and glory of the said duke increased.  
Then was the oath, which his highness should take, read openly to the people in the Flemish tongue by the same Uanderwercke. 
The oath that the monsieur should take openly read to the people.  Which being done, monsieur the amptman read the same oath to his highness in French, and his highness made and performed the same in his hands, which the boroughmaster of the town of Antwerp held up, because the receiving of the oath at his hand belonged unto him. Also the said boroughmaster, whose name was sir Philip of Schoonehoven, kneeling down before the duke's highness, at the same time gave him a gilt key in token of subjection, and that he might dispose line 10 of the city as of his own: which key was delivered again by his highness to the boroughmaster, to whom he said very graciously, that he assured himself, that the said boroughmaster and all the burgesses and inhabitants of the city, would keep the city faithfully for him, as they had done until that instant.  
After the finishing and accomplishment of all the said solemnities, the heralds of Brabant and Lotricke (or in the vulgar Brabant, Wallon, Lothier, line 20 that is to say Lotharing, or the true Lorraine) cried with a loud voice, 
A largesse cast among the standers by.  God save the duke of Brabant, And then sounding the trumpets, they made a largesse, casting a great sort of pieces of gold and silver among the standers by. These pieces were of two sorts: the one sort had on the one side the image of the monsieur then duke of Brabant: the other sort had on the one side the arms of Anjou & Brabant, and about the verges was written; Francis of line 30 France duke of Brabant. On the otherside of them all was a devise of the sun, with the monsieurs own inscription, Cheriseth and Chaseth, which is the monsieurs ordinary posy. 
The monsieurs posy.  Without the town were three regiments of the citizens, to the number of a three thousand men in order of battle, who made a goodly show with their fair armours and their ensigns displayed. 
A show of men in armour.  And they never went out of their place until all the ceremonies were dispatched, and that his highness was gone into the city. Besides line 40 these, there was an infinite number of people in the city, whereof many were strangers, who marveled greatly at these sights, and especially the Frenchmen, 
The Frenchmen marvel at the monsieurs strange habiliments, etc.  who wondered to see their master in that apparel, and spoke diversly of it, as is wont to be done in matters that are new and erst unseen. But when they understood how it was the dukelie apparel, and that he wore it as a representation of antiquity▪ the like whereof is worn yet still by the electors of the sacred empire in their great ceremonies; they were astonished, and thought him to be a prince of more line 50 stately countenance and majesty than afore: in somuch that it was said aloud among them, that seeing it was the mantel of the duchy, it should cost the lives of fifty thousand Frenchmen, before it should be plucked from him again.  
As soon as the ceremonies were ended▪ his highness came down from the theatre, and mounted upon a white courser of Naples, covered with a coperison of velvet richly embroidered with gold. And so he began to take his way towards the right renowned line 60 and rich city of Antwerp, and was conveyed along by the counterscarp, unto the sumptuous and stately gate, called Keisers gate or S. George's gate, whereat he entered into the good city of Antwerp in this sort. 
The order of the monsieurs entering into Antwerp.  First marched the two sergeants majors or marshals of the city, accompanied of two pursuivants with the arms of the city, after whom followed the trumpets with the arms of Brabant. The first company was of Almane merchants commonly called Easterlings, well mounted and well appareled after the manner of Almane. Next them followed the English merchants in excellent good order, all appareled in cassocks of black velvet all of one fashion. Then came the colonels and captains of the city: after whom followed a great number of gentlemen, as well of the same country as of other nations. Behind them went the body of the city, that is to wit, the wickemasters, the wardens, the ancient magistrate, the masters of the wards, the boroughmasters, deputies, and wardens of the halls, the ushers, the secretaries, the registers, the receivers and treasurers, the schepons, the amptman, & the two boroughmasters, all appareled in cloaks of black velvet, and all of one fashion. After them came the trumpets of the states of Brabant, Lembourgh, and Lothier, & after them the states themselves in this order. First went the deputies of the under cities. The deputies of the city of Antwerp. The deputies of Brussels. Then succeeded the noblemen of Brabant, as the chancellor of Brabant, and above him Lamorall Egmond brother to the county of Egmond, baron of Gasebecke. A great number of lords of the same country, of France, 
Lords of England and France well horsed.  and of England well horsed and richly appareled. The Swissers with their drums and fiffes. The monsieurs own household, among whom were intermingled certain lords of England. Next this came the county de laval, having on either hand an English lord. The prince of Espinoie, having on his right hand the lord of Hunsdon, & on his left the lord Howard: the prince Dolphin, 
The earl of Leicester on the right hand of prince Dolphin.  having on his right hand the earl of Leicester, & on his left the prince of Orange: the margrave of Antwerp bareheaded, bearing the mace of justice: the lord Peterson baron of Merode, taking upon him that day as marshal of Brabant, and bearing the naked sword before the duke's highness: then came the duke himself, mounted and appareled as you have heard afore. Next behind the duke followed county Morice of Nassau son to the prince of Orange, having on his right hand county Philip of Nassau nephew to the said prince, and son to county john of Nassau, and on his left hand the lord Shefield. His highness was guarded by the companies of the guilds, that is to say, 
The companies of the guilds.  by the ancient brotherhoods of the archers, crossbows, and harquebussers in so goodly armour, as fairer could not be found: these went afore him and about him on a cluster without order, like flower deluces upon a royal rob.  
After them followed the guard of Frenchmen on a like heap, and after them the prince of Oranges guard on foot. Then lastly in very good order came the twenty ensigns of citizens, which had stood in order of battle without the town. Over the gate where his highness entered, there was a compartement of Doric work, wherein was written this title. To Francis the son of Henry the second, 
An inscription congratula●orie to the monsieur.  and only brother of Henry the third king of France, called by God's singular providence to the sovereign principality of the low countries, and to the dukedom of Brabant, and the marqueship of the sacred empire, which God grant to be most happy and lucky unto him, as to their invested prince whom they have most earnestly wished for, and who as now is happily come into this his most serviceable city, his most hearty favourers: The senate & people of Antwerp.  
The chariot of the maiden of Antwerp could not go out of the city for want▪ of room to turn in: 
The chariot of the maiden of Antwerp described.  and therefore it tarried for his highness at the gate within the city. This chariot was called the chariot of alliance: wherein sat a damosel appareled in satin red and white, which are the colours of Antwerp: who had in her left hand a branch of baietrée, & on her head a garland of laurel, in token of victory against the tyrannies of the king of Spain, and in token of the deliverance which the people hoped for by means of their new prince, through his gracious goodness, faithfulness, victoriousness, and defence: to whom with her other hand the p●rsented the knies of the town, 
.  according to the verses written over h●r ●ead, which shall be let down hereafter. Before h●r were the arms of the marqueship of the holy empire. On her right hand was Religion appareled like one of the Sibyls▪ h●lding in her one hand an open book, named the Law and the Gospel: and in her other hand a sword: named God's word: and on her left hand was justice holding a balance and a line 10 sword in her hand, and over the balance was written, 
〈◊〉.  Yea and Nay.  
Before the damosel sa●e Concord, clothed in white, yellow, and orange tawpie, bearing a target upon her arm, wherein was painted a crowned sceptre, with two little snakes; and under them, two doo●es, all closed in with a garland of ●life, betokening commendable government with providence. Upon her head she had a helmet, 
W●sedome.  be tokening Wisdom. In her hand she carried a lance, with a penon line 20 upon it, on the one side whereof were the arms of Anjou crowned with olife, and on the other side a lamb with a wolf, 
Emblems of peace & 〈◊〉  and a lion with an or, to betoken the great peacefulness that is looked for under this prince, as well in religion as in matters of state. At Concords right hand sat Wisdom, and at her left hand Force. In the midst of the chariot was a pillar richly made of Corinthian work, upon the top whereof was a Hart held between two armed hands, which hart had two wings, betokening line 30 Union, Faith, and Force: and a sword with two serpents writhing about it, and holding their tails to their ●ares; signifying Discreet government, and ●ares stopped against flatterers. 
Discreet government.  At the foot of the pillar was a compartement with the arms of Anjou and Brabant. On the breast of the lion of Brabant, were the arms of the marqueship of the sacred empire, 
Atonement.  and of the city of Antwerp. Upon the arms was written Atonement. Upon the corners of the chariot were two armed images with morions on line 40 their heads, attired in orange white and blue. The one of them was named Faithfulness, 
Faithfulness▪ Watchfulness.  and the other Watchfulness. In their hands they had each of them a shield, wherein were painted two swords across, and two doo●es with a sheaf of arrows, betokening Union. 
Union.  Upon one of the shields was written, Defense: 
Defense. Offence.  and upon the other, Offence; each of the images had a penon of azure silk: in one of the which there was a pelican killing herself for her young birds: and in the other a hen a brooding her chickens. line 50 Over the maiden's head were these verses set: 
My ruler's outrage, wickedness,  
and furious tyranny,  
Have cast me back these keys, which I  
had given obediently,  
Upon conditions never kept,  
o prince of noble fame,  
With better bead of luck and lot,  
receive thou now the same.  
Thy godliness and prowess have line 60  
of right deserved it.  
O triple happy prince to whom  
these countries do submit  
Their state! o happy Belgike, o  
most happy like to be,  
Which underneath so great a prince,  
mayst now live safe and free.   
Sir gentlemen of the city waited at the gate with a canopy of cloth of gold frized, 
A canopy carried over the monsieurs ●ead.  which they afterward unfolded & carried it over the duke's head, who went under it into the town in the forementioned order. All the streets from the gate to his lodging were set on either side with armed men under their ensigns with their fiffes & drums. The officers carried gilt targets and swords in their 〈◊〉: and all the rest were armed after the best and goodliest manner that could be seen. His highness proceeded fo●rth on to the corner of the street called Gastbo●●e street, that is to sa●e, the S●●ttlehouse street, near unto saint George's 〈◊〉 where was a show made in the likeness of a ●able, very great and high, 
 which was made by one of the companies of their tragical and comical poets, commonly called amongst them rhetoricians. The company was called Care, or as some others term it, the Followsun, after the name of a flower which followeth the sun, & the speech of the devise was, Growing up in virtue. The show or table had three compartments or partitions. The first was the first book of Samuel the fifteenth chapter, where Samuel chargeth Saul with his disobedience, & hath a piece of his garment rend off by him, in token that the kingdom should be plucked from saul's house & given to a better. Whereby was meant▪ 
The signification of the sh●w●s concerning the K. of Spain and the monsieur.  that the sovereignty of those low countries was taken from the king of Spain for his abhommable perturies, tyrannies, & extortions. In the second compartement was set forth, how Samuel commanded Ishaie the father of David to bring forth his sons: of whom God would make one the prince of his people, that is to wit, the youngest, which was David. In the third was showed how David bring anointed fought with Golias, and overcame him. The title or superscription was a ●●●ygian work, wherein were written these verses: 
As God bereaving Saul of crown and mace,  
Did dispossess him of his kingdom quite,  
And after set up David in his place:  
So now likewise dispatching from our sight,  
The tyrants which oppressed us by might,  
He giveth thee (o noble duke) the rain  
Of these our countries, over us to rain.   
The front and crest being garnished with banners, scutcheons of arms, cresse●s and torches, carried the duke's devise, Cherisheth and Chaseth. And at the foot of the table lay Discord closed up in a prison of lattisworke, where she was tormented with belhounds and serpents; and there were these verses following: 
Alencon whom God Cherish aye,  
Doth Chase all ire and wrath away.   
His highness passing forth still beyond the place called the Thréewaieleet, came to the street named Hwivetter street, that is to say, the chandellors' street, where was an other stately pageant with arms, 
A stately pageant important to the present purpose.  torches, and cr●ssets, made by an other company of the rhetoricians, called painters or violers, who had for their devise, ●nit together by singleness. In this pageant was painted the near alliance of David and jonathas: to betoken the firmness of the oath mutually made by his highness & the states of Brabant; and the magistrates, members, colonels, and captains of the city of Antwerp. In this table was written in a compartement of Phrygian work: 
Like as the faithful jonathas  
did promise to defend,  
Good David from the harms which Saul  
against him did intend:  
So keep thou us (ò gracious prince)  
which love to live in rest,  
Against the tyrants by whose force  
we have been sore oppressed.   
Then went he further to the end of the street, where the upholsters shops are, which part was full of burning torches & barrels of burning pitch, and so came to the Meerebridge. At the entering thereof stood an oliphant bearing a castle of stone with soldiers and artillery. 
An oliphant bearing a castle of stone with soldio●s and artillery.  Before the oliphant were painted the arms of the marquesdome and of the city, and behind, a spear with a banner of taffety, with the arms of Anjou in a wreath of laurel, and four other bannerets of crimson taffata, pulled out, wherein were painted the hands of Antwerp, with this poesy: Cherisheth and Chaseth. And upon his side of his belly were these verses manifestly written: 
Whom light of Phebee heretofore did lead,  
I now am drawn away,  
Her brother's beams to follow in her stead,  
A far more certain stay.  
I think my change right gainful, sith I see,  
These lower countries under him to be. line 10   
From the Merebridge he went along the Merestréet, until he came to the ward, where were four companies ranged in order of battle. From thence he passed to the corner of Clare street, where was a stage made by a company of rhetoricians called the Olife branch, who had for their posy, Behold grace. Upon this stage sat a damsel named Antwerp, 
A damsel representing Antwerp holding a coffer of privileges, etc.  bearing in her bosom a pretty daughter called the Knowledge of God: who held a coffer wherein were privileges, laws, franchises and truth: which were line 20 kept by the Grace of God, and by Providence, Wisdom, Faithfulness, Diligence, Loyalty, Perseverance, Unity, Good heed, and Order. And aloft was a compartement of Phrygian work (very artificially handled) wherein were these verses: 
O prince, our father, hope of help and stay:  
Dame grace, God's imp, whom here thou seest to stand,  
From top to toe fair clad in white array,  
With branch of olife in her heavenly hand:  
Hath willed thee to harbour here within line 30  
The stately walls of lady Antwerp, and  
The love of her with endless fame to win,  
By curing of her griefs with law and right,  
And eke by putting of her foes to flight.   
Somewhat lower towards the midst, was Neptune with his threetimed mace, riding over waves upon a dolphin, & on his left hand were these verses: 
Gods heavenly grace, and soothfull skill,  
reviving Antwerp new,  
Through chare defence of faithful league line 40  
have kept her safe, as dew  
To thee her duke ennobled both  
by father and by brother,  
Both kings of France, tone gone to God  
long since, still reigning other.  
And therefore bend thou now thy wits,  
by rightful force to wreak  
Her cruel foes, which did so oft  
their leagues through falsehood break.   
He passed from Clare street through long New line 50 street to saint Katharins' bridge, right over against Cross street, where was a triumphal arch cunningly painted and builded of white stone, 
A triumphal arch diversly garnished.  which was garnished with his highnesses arms, and with torches and cressets, and with music of holboys and clarions. And on the top of it was written: To the happy coming hither of Francis, only brother to Henry the third, son to Henry the second, grandchild to Francis the first, now invested duke of Brabant, the prince that hath most deeply deserved line 60 of this their country, as a father of the same: The senate and people of Antwerp. Underneath this in an other compartement of Phrygian work, was written this: At length yet hinder not this imp to bring the wrooping world again unto some redress. In passing through the short New street, & by the marketstéed, he turned toward the Cooper's street in the street called Chéeselane to the great market place, which was full of torches of war, and of barels of pitch upon long poles up to the highest windows, which commonly are five stories high. In this market place were imbattelled six ensigns, with the ensign of the youth which was under a green standard, 
Six ensigns with the ensign of the youth under a green standard.  all in the best armour that was to be seen in any place of the world. In the midst of the citizens was the great giant the founder of the city of Antwerp, whose cuirass was azure, and his apparel tawny white and grey. He bore banners of azure with the arms of Anjou, & had these giantlike speeches contained in these verses, written before him: 
Fierce fury, moody rage, unbridled ire,  
Stout force, hot violence, cruel tyranny,  
Nought booted me, ne furthered my desire:  
In keeping of my wished sovereignty.  
The surest way for kings to govern by,  
Is mildness matched with a prudent mind,  
To vice severe, to virtue meek and kind.  
For oft the calm and quiet governance,  
Brings things to pass which violence could not win:  
Feercenesse that case will nought at all advance,  
By mildness shalt thou better hold folk in:  
Outrageous storming is not worth a pin,  
By mine example therefore have a care,  
All cruel dealings utterly to spare.   
Behind the giant were written these verses: 
See you this orped giant here,  
so huge of limb and bone?  
Fame says that Antwerp was sometime  
a thrall to such a one.   
This giant was made by cunning to turn his face towards the duke as he passed by, 
A cunning devise of a giant turning his head.  and to let fall the arms of Spain which he held in his hand, & to put up the arms of Anjou. Also there was a stage in the same market place before the town house, full of nymphs & virtues. But forsomuch as it served chiefly for the day of his taking of his oath in the city of Antwerp, which was the 22 day of that month: it shall be spoken of more at large hereafter. His highness departing out of the market place, took his way towards the street called the High street, and when he came to the street called the old Cornemarket; there was a whale carrying Neptune naked with his thréeforked mace in his hand, 
A whale caring Neptune & what 〈◊〉 betokened.  which betokened the great commodities which the city of Antwerp received by the sea and by the river Schelt. Before this monster was an other naked man, and by him two other portraitures, the one of navigation, and the other of merchandise, with a book of accounts, and a purse, such as the factors do carry with them when they go to receive money. Before this Neptune, in a compartement, were written these verses following: 
The lordship of the seas to thee  
the destinies behight:  
In sign whereof I Neptune yield  
this mace as thine of right.  
That Antwerp having rid all lets  
by thee on sea and land,  
May once enjoy her wished fruit,  
and safe from peril stand.   
His highness kept on his way through the High street, to a place where sometime was the gate called S. john's gate, which was beaten down the year before: in steed whereof there was a triumphal arch of Ionian work. 
An arch wholly applied to the monsieurs own posy.  This arch was wholly applied unto his highness own posy Cherisheth and Chaseth. On high over it was strained a covering after the manner of a round vault, wherein was painted the sun: & under the sun was painted the sea with ships, and the earth clad with her verdure. Also there appeared a cloud on both sides, so as the light of the sun did shine forth and yield out his force to the earth. On the outside of the bowing of the arch were painted three goddesses: namely Flora, who held her flowers in her hand: Ceres, who had her corn: and Pomona, who held a horn stored with abundance of all things. Likewise the earth was clad with green trees, fruits, and fields, replenished with all fruitfulmesse: which thing came to pass by the heat and operation of the sun, which was betokened by this word Cherisheth. 
Cherisheth.  On the other side being the left hand, were drierie and barren fields, the air every where lowering and cloudy, and the trees and plants withered: which thing was done by the three hellhounds, Discord, violence, & Tyranny, who fled away at the sight of his highness, according to the signification of his other word, Chaseth. On an other side stood the same posy again, 
Chaseth.  Cherisheth and Chaseth, by an other mean.  
At the right hand over the word Cherisheth was a great field well tilled, with a husbandman's house line 10 upon it. The husbandman himself being appareled after the French fashion was sowing of corn, 
The monsieurs posy interpreted in a show.  and an other by him was spreading of mu●ke. At the left hand was written the word Chaseth, on which side also was painted a French captain in armour following his allies, confederates, and soldiers: to do men to understand, that by the treaties, leagues, and agreements made with the duke's highness, all tyranny, violence, and discord should be chased away; and that by the beams of that sun, the country line 20 should receive all peace, prosperity, and abundance. Upon the forfront were these verses painted: 
Like as the rising of the sun  
doth chase the night away,  
And with his kindly heat  
the ground well cherish aye:  
Even so thy coming (noble prince)  
doth chase all tempests quite,  
And folk with cheerful hope  
of freedom much delight. line 30   
This arch was impossed aloft with scutcheons of the arms of Anjou, 
The ornaments of the arch aloft.  compassed about with branches of olive, all upon azure. Also there were diverse other scutcheons, whose field was gules bordered with argent, and a great number of burning torches. And the said arch was furnished with diverse instruments of music, and the musicians themselves were clad in the colours of the city. His highness passing under this triumphal arch, came to a place called the Owure, that is to say, the bank, where line 40 were two companies imbattelled, armed like all the residue. 
A monstrous sea horse of twenty foot high, & what it signified.  And so passing by the ward there, he went to the place that is right over against the mint: before the which there was a huge and monstrous seahorsse of twenty foot high, upon whom sat a nymph called Concord, bearing a shield wherein was painted a book and a rod, which was named, the Rule of truth. In her hand she bore a flag, wherein was written, Faithful alliance. This monster of the sea was named Tyranny, and he had a bridle in his mouth line 50 with double reins of iron chained called Law and Reason. Whereby the duke's highness was done to understand, that he as a true Perseus was to deliver that country from all tyranny, and afterward to govern it by justice and reason. Over against the mint gate, where the street is narrowest, were two obelisks or round spires, and between them a triumphal arch with his pillars of Corinthian work, gilded and enriched with his relief under him. Upon the forefront were his highnesses arms, line 60 and likewise on the sides were other arms, with banners, torches, and cressets. Under the arms of his highness were written these verses following: 
Full mighty is that common weal,  
and in a happy case,  
And blest with all commodities  
through Gods most heavenly grace,  
Where prince behaves himself as head,  
and commons him obey  
As members, either carefully  
regarding others stay.   
From this triumphal arch unto the palace, that is to wit, all along saint Michael's street, which is a mile in length, stood on either side three score and ten pillars, 
Three score and ten pillars, with a space of two and twenty foot between each.  with a space of two and twenty foot between pillar and pillar. Every pillar was twelve foot high, and upon the pillars was a continual terrace, & on every each other pillar was a cresset: and on the pillars between were the arms of Brabant, Anjou, and Antwerp, divided according to the spaces between the said pillars. And the pillars were crested about with garlands of ivy. On the side of the street towards the palace was a pageant with banners, torches, and pyramids; upon the uppermost part of one of the sides whereof was a crane, and upon the other side a cock: 
Proper emblems and their meanings.  giving knowledge as well to the heads as to the members, that watchfulness is needful. A little spaniel betokening faithfulness, & a little lamb betokening peace, were painted accompanied with the Sibyls; which represented wisdom, love, faithfulness, obedience, virtue and honour, without the which no true peace can continue. And all these were guided by the light of the holy ghost, which was resembled by a certain brightness that discovered the chief instruments of discord, namely Envy and Slander, who péered out behind, 
Envy and Slander.  Envy gnawing her own heart, and Slander having double heart, double tongue, and double face, howbeit with small effect. For on the two sides of this pageant were two counterfeits, on the one side Hercules, & on the other David, as it were in copper, having gotten the upper hand of Goliath, betokening strength and stoutness: 
Concord holding Discord in a chain, etc.  and underneath was Concord, who held Discord in a chain with collars about his neck: which Discord offering with his one hand an apple of gold, and with his other hand threatening men with his force and tyranny, was yet nevertheless driven into the dungeon of sorrow, where he is kept prisoner by Concord, who keepeth the door fast shut: betokening the same thing which the country looketh for at his highness hand according to his posy Cherisheth and Chaseth. Upon the forefront of the compartement made of Phrygian work were these verses following painted out in most lively form: 
O let the earth the kissings sweet  
of peace and justice see,  
And let her power her riches forth  
in all men's bosoms free:  
Let godliness and faithfulness  
go matched arm in arm,  
And let the bond of endless love  
keep all things knit from harm.   
Before the duke came at saint michael's, where the palace was prepared for his highness, 
Light with torches and cressets as clear as the noon day.  the day was so far spent, that they were feign to light up their cressets & torches, which cast so great and clear a light through the whole town, that the duke's highness, and the princes and lords which accompanied him, and likewise the soldiers with their glistering armours, were seen more clearly than at any time of the day. And as the multitude of people was very great in the city, so the nearer that his highness drew to his palace, the greater still did the number grow. So at length the duke of Brabant and Anjou entered into his palace in the order afore mentioned, having moreover a two or three hundred as well of offenders as of banished folk which followed him bareheaded and fettered, craving mercy. The heralds did cast pieces of gold and silver abroad, as they had done at the meetings of all the streets as they passed through them. At the entry of the palace was an arch of twenty foot high, 
Three graces Virtue, Glory, and Honour in a compartement.  resting upon three pillars of Phrygian work; and upon the top thereof was a compartement wherein were the three graces, that is to wit, Virtue, Glory, and Honour, who offered unto his highness an olife branch, in token of peace, a laurel bough in token of victory, and a crown which was sent him from heaven. And under the compartement were written these verses: 
O prince whose merits pass his praise,  
whose virtues have no peers,  
Whose mind surmounts his fortune far,  
whose thews exceed his years:  
Take gently here this olive branch,  
this laurel bough and crown,  
Three presents given thee by three nymphs,  
and sent from heaven down.    

¶ The oath made by Francis duke of Brabant to the line 10 members of the right renowned city of Antwerp, and the oath made by them again unto his highness.  

Twenty or thirty thousand harquebusses shot off.  The duke of Brabant being come into his palace, caused a peal of a twenty or thirty thousand harquebusses to be shot off, and then all the companies (saving those which were to watch that night) began to withdraw themselves appase. Which thing was done in such order and with such silence, that in less than half an hour all the city was disarmed; line 20 after which manner they had also armed themselves in less than an hour without any noise in the morning. The princes also and the lords withdrew themselves to their lodgings, and then was all the great ordinance of the town shot off twice, as it had been at the duke's first coming to the city, that all the town seemed to be on fire. 
The night resembled the day.  Cressets were lighted and fires made for joy through all the streets and meetings, ways, and upon the stéeples, in so great number and so continually, that all the night resembled line 30 the day: in so much that when they that were without the town looked up into the sky, they thought the element was all on fire. These bonfires continued every night until the next thursday; on which day his highness took his peculiar oath to the town of Antwerp, in doing whereof these solemnities ensuing were observed. 
Solemnities used whiles the monsieur was taking his peculiar oath to Antwerp.  The amptman, boroughmaisters, and skepons of Antwerp came to the said palace of S. Michael the next thursday being the two and twentieth day of the same month: line 40 at which place they made humble suit unto his highness, that as he had vouchsafed to give his oath to the states of Brabant and the marquesdome of the sacred empire, and likewise to receive theirs; so it might please him to give his oath that day peculiarly to the city of Antwerp, and likewise to take theirs at the place of old time accustomed. Whereunto when the duke had assented, they took their way in the same order that had been observed at line 50 his entering into the town; saving that the lord Edward de Clastro ambassador for Don Antonio king of Portugal, was that day in the latter company of the princes and lords. And so they marched along the said street of saint Michael to the great marketsted, where the sumptuous common house of the city is. And because that on the day of his entrance in, it was not possible for him to take a perfect view of all the shows, by reason that the night overtook them, they were presented unto his highness again, line 60 as well in the place before the mint, as in other places. 
Two pageants, one of mount Parnassus, and the other a mossy rock.  Also there were two pageants more prepared, which were devised both in one day; the one was mount Parnassus whereon sat Apollo appareled like the sun, and accompanied with the nine muses playing upon diverse kinds of instruments, and with sweet voice singing a certain ditie together written in commendation of his highness. This pageant was in the street called the High street, over against the street named Reiner street. Right over against this pageant was an other on the side of the street called the Flax market, which was a mossy rock overgrown with dry and withered trees, wherein appeared a cave very hideous, dark, and drierie to behold, & in the same lay lurking the three hellhounds, Discord, violence, and Tyranny: who feeling Apollo's beams, and hearing the sweetness and harmony of the voices and instruments, shrunk away and hid themselves in the deepest of the dungeon, and afterward péered out again to hearken whether that melody and harmony continued still or no, minding to have come forth again, and to have troubled the common wealth, if the same had ceased.  
His highness passed on, and with very much ado came to the great market place, by reason of the infinite multitude of people, which could not be put asunder without great pain. 
A scaffold hong with scarlet and richly adorned.  As soon as he was alighted from his horse, he went up a scaffold which had been set up for the same purpose, in the midst of the market place hard by the town house; before whom went the magistrate of the city, and a great number of princes, lords, and gentlemen. This scaffold being great and large of the height of forty foot, was hanged with scarlet. Upon it was a cloth of estate, the back whereof was cloth of gold frized, 
A chair of estate of cloth of gold frized.  under the which was a chair of the same. The day of his first coming thither, there had been presented unto him on the right side, Wisdom offering him a golden sceptre: on his left side, justice offering him the sword of justice from above the chair: and behind him Clemency offering him the cap of the dukedom. Before the chair as it were at the foot of it, were Obedience, Faithfulness, Love of God, & Reverence. And by the chair sides there were with them, Concord, Sageness, Ualiantnes, Good will, Truth, pitifulness, Perseverance, and Reason, of whom two on either side held each of them a torch of virgin war, & they were all apparelled like nymphs. But on this day when his highness went up to this stage, the nymphs were away; and in steed of them, the chair was garnished on both sides with pillars. On the right side between the pillars was a lion holding a naked sword, 
Beautiful emblems about the chair of estate, & what they signified.  to betoken the authority of the magistrate. Above the lion was an eagle feeding her young, and turning herself towards the shining of the sun, as taking her force of the prince. On the left side was an ox with a yoke on his neck, and above him a hen brooding her chickens, and by her a cock. The ox with his yoke signified obedience: and the cock and the hen betokened the watchfulness, care, and defence of the superior. The said scaffold was garnished with banners of azure beaten with the arms of Anjou, and with banners of gewles beaten with the arms of Antwerp, and with cressets and torches. And above among the arms were writte● these verses in very fair & legible letters: 

At length thou art come,  
and joyful we be,  
Thy presence long looked for  
here present to see.   

1  
Of triumphs, though stately, 
1 A little under, at the right hand under the arms of Brabant▪ were these verses.   
kings boast but in vain,  
Unless they by justice  
uprightly do rain.   

2  
Nought booteth law, authority, or sage forecast of wit, 
2 On the left hand under the arms of Antwerp was written thus.   
Unless to lawful government  
folk do their force submit.   

3  
God, God is he the hearts of kings  
which holdeth in his hand,  
He, 
3 This was written somewhat lower.  He it is that highest things  
doth make too fall or stand.  
When he with gracious look beholds  
a people: they enjoy  
A goodly ruler, under whom  
no troubles them annoy.  
But if misliking make him frown,  
then makes he them a prey  
To tyrants, under whom they taste  
of sorrow every day.    
From this scaffold he might behold before him an infinite number of people, ready to be sworn unto him: and also three companies of banished and condemned men in fetters, 
Banished and condemned men in fetters craving mercy pardoned.  and bareheaded, craving mercy at his hand, which was granted unto them. Moreover all the houses about the market line 10 stead had cressets burning on high before them. Now then, after that room and silence was made, their councillor and recorder Uanderwerke propounded the matter as followeth. Right gracious lord and prince, the margrave, the amptman, the boroughmasters, the skepons, the treasurors, the receivers, the old deputies, the chief burgesses, the quartermasters, the wardens, the ancients of the handicrafts, the colonels, the wardens of the guilds, and the captains of the city, your highnesses most humble and line 20 obedient subjects, are exceeding glad to see that you, whom they have already received for duke of Brabant, and for their sovereign lord and prince, are ready to make your oath unto this city, and to receive it at the hand of the magistrates, burgesses and citizens thereof, in respect of the city itself, and of the marquesdome of the sacred empire: assuring themselves that your highness will be unto them a good, 
All promises kept on the monsieurs part, they could do no less.  righteous, and lawful prince, to govern them according to their franchises, laws, and customs: line 30 and promising mutually on their behalf to your highness, to be good, loyal, and faithful subjects unto you, to spend all their goods, yea and their lives in your service, and in the maintenance of your dignities, rights and pre-eminences. And like as God hath put into your highness mind, to take upon you, first the protection and defence, and secondly the whole sovereignty of the low countries and provinces, which have entered into league with you, upon hope that the same God will of his gracious goodness line 40 and mercy so bless and prosper your dealings and enterprises: as that they shall out of hand see the effect of that communication in the highest degree, to the accomplishment of your royal and heroical desires, both in the general, and also in the particular deliverance of the country from the calamities and miseries of war: whereby they shall have the better cause to acknowledge the great good turns and benefits received at your highness hand, and to honour, love, and serve you, as the very protector of the land and father of their country. line 50  
When Uanderwerke had made an end, and the duke's highness had answered him conformably to that which he had spoken without the town, 
The monsieur is ready to take his oath of the magistrate & people of Antwerp.  the said Uanderwerke told the people aloud, that the duke was ready to take and receive his oath, at the hand of the magistrate, and of all the people and inhabiters of the city of Antwerp: and that God had vouchsafed to send them a prince of so rare and heroical virtues, of so great puissance, and the only brother of line 60 so great a king; that they might well hope, that the same God would enable him to rid these countries within a while from the great number of calamities and miseries wherewith they were oppressed. And forsomuch as his highness had been received with solemn deliberation of the states confederate, yea and with solemn resolution of all the members of that city, and God had commanded men to love, honour and obey their princes: he exhorted the people to yield him all humble obedience according to God's commandment. To which intent, the oath as well which his highness should make to the people, 
Good success wished to the mutual oth●akers.  as which the people should make to his highness, should be read unto them; praying God to give such grace unto his highness, as he following the same, might well rule and govern; and unto the burgesses and citizens of Antwerp, as they might perform their obedience, like good, loyal, and faithful subjects: that God's name might be sanctified, to the benefit, prosperity, and safeguard of the city, and to the great increase of the duke's puissance, honour, and glory. Then the same Uanderwerke read the oath which was to be made by the duke, 
The monsieurs o'th' red in French.  with the style of the duke of Brabant, and all his other titles. Which oath was read to his highness in French, and received by sir Philip Schonehoven, lord of Waneroe, boroughmaster without the city.  
Which being done, the said Uanderwerke read the oath which the magistrate and people were to make, which was repeated word for word by the magistrates and a great number of people which were within the hearing of it. And this oath was exacted of the magistrate and people of Antwerp by the amptman in the name and by the commandment of the duke. Upon the finishing of these solemnities, the duke himself did cast two or three handfuls of gold and silver among them, 
The monsieur casteth largesse of gold & silver among the people.  & then the heralds cried A largesse, and the trumpets and drums were sounded every where, and many instruments of music were played upon, as had been done afore at his first arrival. When he was come down from the scaffold, he went to the townehouse with all the princes, lords, and gentlemen, which were very many: where he was received by the worshipful of the city, and di●ed openly at a very sumptuous and royal feast prepared for him: and so that day passed in great joy, contentation and admiration, as well of his highness & his company, as of all the rest of the people. Towards night were shot off two peals of great ordinance again, 
Two peals of great ordinance with other signs of joy.  and the fires of joy were continued much greater, and more in number than afore.  
Thus ended the joyful and royal entertainment of the right noble prince Francis, son and brother to the king of France, by the grace of God duke of Brabant, The rest of the week and the days following, the lords of the privy council, 
What was done by the way of courteous duty when all the triumphs were ended.  the officers of the aids, of the exchekers, of the chambers of the accounts, and of the other corporations, colleges, and commonalties came to visit his highness, and to offer him their humble service, promising all faithfulness and obedience: all whom he received very graciously to their contentation, answering them so advisedly, with so good grace & fitness, without omitting any point of that which he had purposed: that all men not only wondered at him, but also were enforced to honour and love him, and to set forth his praises among the people. Finally the deputies of the reformed churches of both the languages, being presented unto him by the prince of Orange, were gently heard, and they spoke to him as followeth.  
Sir, we be sent unto your highness by the reformed churches of this city, as well of the language of low Dutchland, as of the French, to show unto you with all humility, reverence and subjection, that we have thanked and still do thank God with all our hart, for vouchsafing to bring your highness so happily hither. And this our joy is matched with the joy of all other folks, as we hope your highness hath understood by the glad and joyful receiving and entertaining of you. Also sir we hope, that as the great honour and felicity which these countries have attained unto (wherein few countries are able to match them) have been purchased under the sovereignty and government of the right renowned princes, the dukes of Burgognie, 
Dukes of Burgognie issued out of the house of France.  which issued out of the most noble house of France: so under your guiding and government being of the same house, the ancient renown of the same dignity shall be recovered by your prowess, and maintained by your wisdom. It is little more than three hundred years ago, 
Under whom the state hath been advanced.  that these countries being governed by sundry dukes, earls, and lords, had not attained the renown which other nations have since that time so much wondered at. The first that began to give increase to it was Philip duke of Burgognie, surnamed the hardy, 
Philip duke of Burgognie surnamed the hardy.  who was brother to king Charles the fift, the son of king john, and grand son of king Philip of Ualois: of which kings your highness line 10 is lineally descended from the father to the son. For the first duke of Orleans, of whom your highness is lineally descended from the father to the son, was the son of king Charles the fift; and as now there be no more heirs males of the said duke of Orleans, but only your highness and the king your brother. Whereby it falleth out, that the dukes of Burgognie are great uncles to your highness by the father's side. And therefore we doubt not but you will follow the footsteps of their virtues, in restoring the state of the country to her ancient renown line 20 and dignity: and also maintain and increase the honour whereunto it hath been advanced, by those noble princes your uncles.  

Duke john the second, and Philip the second, advancers of the state.  The second duke under whom this state hath been greatly advanced, was john the second: nevertheless it came not to full perfection, until the time of Philip the second. In which perfection it was maintained by Charles the last duke of Burgognie so long as he lived. The said Philip the second, to whom the line 30 honour of stablishing that state most peculiarly belongeth, was one of the most knightly and valiant princes of his time. He won the victory in nine fought fields, in most of the which he was put to the trial and hazard of his person, by fight with his own hands. He was a very sage prince, and such a one as had to deal with the greatest princes in christendom: of whom some were his adversaries, and yet he behaved himself so wisely, that he achieved all things to his honour whatsoever he took in hand. Also he was very rich: insomuch that line 40 for all his wars which lasted above thirty years, 
Philip the second a very rich prince, surnamed Philip the good.  he left behind him more substance and ready money, than any other prince of his time, as the writers of the histories of that age do witness unto us. And yet notwithstanding, for all these great virtues & qualities of his, he was not named Philip the sage, nor Philip the valiant, nor Philip the rich, but Philip the good. So well do all folk by general consent understand, which is the virtue that best beseemeth and becometh a great prince, & is best liked of his people: line 50 namely, that a prince be good and loving to his subjects. Surely sir, all men hope that your highness will follow the example of that good prince, 
He directeth his speech to the monsieur.  the first bringer of the state of this country to perfection, a right noble and renowned prince of the house of France. And we praise God, for that as many as have had the honour to come into your highness presence, yield record that you have very great likelihoods of these virtues, which we pray God so to accomplish and make perfect in you, as all his people line 60 may to your great honour receive the perfect and ripe fruits of them. And this do all the rest of the people desire as well as we.  
Howbeit, we have a most humble suit to make peculiarly to your highness, 
A su●e moved to the monsieur.  which we most humbly beseech you to grant. The thing that induceth us to do it, is that you bear the name of Francis. For as of● as we hear that name named: the remembrance of that great king Francis your highness grandfather cometh to our mind. He was a right valiant, 
Francis the monsieurs grandfather commended.  courageous, noble and godly prince: and yet notwithstanding all the nations of the earth did by one common consent surname him the father of learning. For of a truth, since that emperor and great king of France, called Charles the great, there was never any king of France that so highly favoured learning, as this great king Francis. And as the said king Charles was the founder of the famous university of Paris, so was king Francis the restorer thereof again: and both of them to their great costs & charges called men of excellent knowledge thither out of strange countries, to teach the languages & all kinds of arts & sciences. The house of this great king Francis was as an university, and his table was a place of conference concerning all manner of learning. 
A good suit to the monsieur, & the like of all princes and great men to be preferred and granted.  And like as other great princes of his time following his example, enriched their dominions and kingdoms with learned men and learning: so we most humbly beseech your highness to follow the example of this great king your grandfather in doing the like, and to make singular account of learning, and to take the professors thereof under your protection. True it is sir, that through the malice of men, war is commonly the overthrower of learning. But if a great prince set himself against the mischief, he may easily stop it. Our desire is not that your highness should neglect the exercise of chivalry, for to give yourself to study: but to follow so the one, as the other be not left off and forgotten. For as we have seen many commonweals flourish so long as they professed chivalry and learning together: and yet have fallen into the hands of their enemies, even in the chief flower of their skill in sciences, by reason of their discontinuing of their former trade of arms, after which manner it fell to the athenians to come into subjection to the kings of Macedon: so the people which have professed arms alone without learning, 
Learning and chivalry must go together.  have always become barbarous, cruel, and utterly destitute of all humanity, as we see at this day by the Tartars and Moscovites. And therefore to our seeming, a man may well say, that chivalry is the foundation and sinews of a commonweal: and that learning garnisheth and beautifieth the body thereof with lively and fresh colours, serving it for enrichments and ornaments. In respect whereof, as we meant not to desire your highness to forget those which make profession of chivalry, whom you ought to embrace as your strength: so we most humbly beseech you to vouchsafe to secure learning, and to maintain learned men with your gracious favour.  
Sir, 
Causes that moved the making of this suit.  very needful causes move us to make this humble petition to your highness: for that we being professors of learning, aught to have learning in singular estimation, and to procure (if it be possible for us) that the fruit of the things which we have enjoyed for a time, may be conveyed to our posterity: and secondly for the oaths sake which we have taken at the time of our proceeding in our degrees, which is, to maintain and further the schools and learning of the university, in what degree soever we come unto. And therefore we hope that your highness will do us the honour to take this most humble request of ours in good part. As touching our own persons, 
He speaketh in the behalf of all the rest of like profession and faculty.  we promise your highness all obedience, faithfulness, and subjection: and that according to our small ability, we will do our endeavour towards such as we may have access unto, that they also may yield obedience to your highness, and to the magistrates whom it shall please you to set over the people. And here to make an end, we heartily pray God to preserve your highness a long time in happy estate among this people, and to give you the grace to rule and govern them justly and uprightly, to rid them out of the hands of their enemies, to maintain them long in most happy peace, and to restore this state again to the ancient dignity, greatness, renown, and felicity: that after your decease you may leave a most blessed and famous remembrance among all nations. And for the bringing hereof to pass, we yet again beseech the king of kings and great prince of princes, to make you as valiant as David, as wise as Solomon, and as zealous of his glory as Ezechias.  

The monsieur speaketh well whatsoever his meaning was.  Hereunto the duke answered, that he was very glad to see such a consent of all the people in the receiving of him: and that he hoped so to rule and govern line 10 them, as they should not be disappointed of the hope which they had conceived of his government, which he would fashion out after the pattern of his predecessors and great uncles, who had governed these countries so happily. And he thanked them for their good will & love, praying them to continue the same, and promising to take them into his protection together with the rest of the people in general: & that as he had heretofore a singular regard of learned men, so would he be willing to continue the same line 20 hereafter.  

A good beginning in prince and people.  After this manner began this great prince to govern that people with great authority and modesty; and the people to yield unto him very willing and honourable obedience: and all men hope both generally and particularly, that God will give him the grace so to hold on in that so holy and commendable government, as that by his example he shall show to all princes and to all others that come after him, how greatly the just and lawful government line 30 availeth: and that the people on their side shall show what manner of obedience, love, and constancy is due to good princes: in which virtues there was never yet any people that could skill to surmount them, neither shall any hereafter, by the help of the great God, and everlasting father of our saviour jesus Christ, to whom with the unity of the holy spirit be all glory for ever and ever, Amen.]  

john Pain executed at Chelmsford.  john Pain priest being indicted of high treason line 40 for words by him spoken, was arraigned and condemned at Chelmsford on the last day of March, and was there executed on the second day of April, according to the quality of his offence, and as law had awarded. In the month of May, namely, on the fifteenth day at night, 
A blazing star.  about ten of the clock, a blazing star appeared, descending in the northwest, the beard whereof streamed into the southeast.  
On monday being the eight & twentieth of May, line 50 Thomas Ford, 
Execution of Thomas Ford, john Shirt, and Robert johnson priests of the pope's order.  john Shirt, and Robert johnson priests, having been before indicted, arraigned, and as well by their own testimony, as also sufficient witnesses produced to their faces, found guilty, and condemned for high treason intended, practised, and appointed against her majesties most royal person, as also for the utter ruin, overthrow, and subversion of her peaceable and well governed realm, themselves being sent as instruments, to deal for and in the behalf of the pope, in this disloyal and traitorous cause; according as justice had before determined, line 60 were drawn upon hurdles from the Tower of London to the place appointed for execution; having been so long time spared, 
To persevere in wickedness is no constancy but obstinacy.  by her majesties most royal and princely regard of mercy, to try if either the fear of God would take place in them, consideration and respect of their own duties move them, or the mere love and accustomed clemency of her majesty might win them, to acknowledge her to be their lawful sovereign, and themselves her subjects bound to serve her, notwithstanding any pretence or authority to the contrary, & not for matter of their popish superstition. All this notwithstanding they remained given over to their own wickedness, and swallowed up in the gulf of their undutiful affection, which caused justice to step before mercy, committing them to the reward of their lewd and unnatural dealing.  
All the way as they were drawn, 
Consolation ministered to them as they went to their death's.  they were accompanied with divers zealous and godly men, who in mild & loving speeches made known unto them, how justly God repaieth the reprobat, how fatherly again he receiveth the obedient, how he overthroweth the ungodly in their own devices, and protecteth his chosen in all storms and afflictions. In remembrance of all these, to bethink themselves of their wickednesses passed, and to show such hearty and zealous repentance for the same, that albeit they had so grievously trespassed, yet in contrite and humble sorrowing they might be graciously received into his heavenly favour, whom they had moved and stirred by their unreverent regard, to smite and chasten with the rod of his fury. 
The sheriff himself trieth what he can do to convert them.  Among which godly persuasions, master sheriff himself, both learnedly and earnestly laboured unto them, moving all good occasions he might devise to change the obstinacy he perceived in them, into a christianlike humility and repentance; but these good endeavours took no wished effect, their own evil disposition so blinded them, that there was no way for grace to enter.  
When they were come beyond saint Giles in the field, there approached unto the hurdle one of their own sect, and a priest (as himself had confessed) who in this manner spoke unto the prisoners: O gentlemen be joyful in the blood of jesus Christ, for this is the day of your triumph and joy. Being asked why he used such words, he said unto the prisoners again; I pronounce unto you; yea, I pronounce a full remission and pardon unto your souls. Using these and other traitorous speeches, hold was laid on him. 
He was the echo of a false and antichristian voice.  When as master sheriff demanded what he was, he answered; He was the voice of a crier in the wilderness, and that he was sent to prepare the Lords way. And notwithstanding such means of resistance as himself used, he was delivered unto Thomas Norris pursuivant, who brought him unto Newgate, where he confessed unto him that he was a priest, and that he had so long dissembled, as he would now leave off and do so no more.  
Being come to the place of execution Thomas Ford was first brought up into the cart, when as he began in this manner. 
Thomas Ford his words touching his innocency.  Whereas I am come hither to die, for matters laid unto my charge of treason, which should be conspired against the queen, within these two years or somewhat more: I give you to understand, that of any such matter I am innocent & free, for that I can prove my coming into England to be five years since. Whereupon master sheriff spoke unto him and said; Ford, have mind on God, and ask him and her majesty heartily forgiveness, whom thou hast so highly offended; thou dost but delude the people, for it is manifestly known how thou art guilty of the matters laid to thy charge, here be thine own answers to show, affirmed under thine own hand, and other witnesses to reprove thee. Whereupon 
* The writer of this pamphlet, who seemed to be acquainted with all their dealings.  I myself was called forth, who justified the causes to his face, that at his arraignment was laid to his charge, and he evidently and plainly found guilty thereof. Then were his answers whereto he had subscribed read unto him, which is in the book lately set forth by authority. Whereupon he took occasion to tell a long circumstance of a certain question moved at Oxford, as concerning taking arms against her majesty, which horrible treason he seemed to approve thereby.  
Then master sheriff willed him to ask her majesty forgiveness, offering him to stand his friend in attaining her grace's mercy, if he would change his former traitorous mind, to become a true and faithful subject, acknowledging her to be his lawful sovereign lady, notwithstanding any thing that any pope could say or do to the contrary. 
A shameless negative voice to a manifest charge of offence, and evident conviction.  Where to he answered; I have not offended her majesty, but if I have, I ask her forgiveness and all the world; and in no other treason have I offended than my religion, which is the catholic faith, wherein I will live and die. And as for the queen's majesty, I do acknowledge her supremacy in all things temporal, line 10 but as concerning ecclesiastical causes, I deny her; that only belongeth to the vicar of Christ, the pope. In brief, he granted to nothing, but showed himself an impious and obstinate traitor, and so he remained to the death, refusing to pray in the English tongue, mumbling a few Latin prayers, desiring those that were Ex domo Dei to pray with him, & so he died. In the mean time that hehanged, which was till he was dead, so great is the mercy of our gracious princess, john Shirt was brought from off the line 20 hurdle to the gallows, where seeing Ford hanging, he began with holding up his hands, as the papists are wont to do before their images; O sweet Tom, O happy Tom, 
john Shirt his vain speeches at the sight of Tom Fords dead body dismembered.  O blessed Tom. Then being stayed, Ford was cut down & carried to the place where his body should be quartered. In which time Shirt was brought up into the cart, where looking towards the dead body of Ford, he fell down on his knees, and held up his hands unto it, saying again: O happy line 30 Tom, O blessed Tom, thy sweet soul pray for me; O dear Tom, thy blessed soul pray for me. For which words being rebuked, the executioner lifted him up on his feet, when as he prepared him to his confession, saying; I am brought hither to this place, to die a death which is both shameful & ignominious, 
Sherts' oration to the people justifying the form of a godly martyrs death.  for which I thank thee my Lord God, who framing me to thine own similitude and likeness, hast blessed me to this good end. There being stayed, because he seemed to prolong the time to small purpose, the line 40 sheriff willed him to remember himself, for what cause he was come thither, how he had offended the queen's majesty, and that he was now to ask her forgiveness. Besides, he might receive her princely mercy; whereto with an hypocritical outward boldness, but an inward fainting fear (as afterward every one plainly beheld) he gave this answer: What (master sheriff) shall I save this frail and vile carcase, 
Note Sherts' obstinacy.  and damn mine own soul? No, no, I am a catholic, in that faith I was borne, in that faith will I die, and here shall my blood seal it. line 50  
Then master sheriff spoke unto him, saying; By the way as we came you swore an oath, for which you willed me to bear witness that you were heartily sorry: now I pray you let me be a witness, that you are heartily sorry for offending the queens majesty. Why sir (quoth he) I have not offended her, without it be in my religion; and if I have offended her, than I ask her forgiveness. Master sheriff upon this said unto him; Is this the fruit of your religion, to kneel to the dead body of thy fellow, and to desire line 60 his soul to pray for thee? Alas, what can it either profit or hinder thee? Pray thou to God, and he will help thee. Master sheriff (quoth Shirt) this is the true catholic religion, and whosoever is not of it is damned. I desire his soul to pray for me, the most glorious virgin Marie to pray for me, 
Sh●rt is peremptory in his speech to justify his religion.  and all the holy company of heaven to pray for me. At which words the people cried; Away with the traitor, hang h●m, hang him. O Shirt (quoth master sheriff) forsake that whore of Rome, that wicked Antichrist, with all his abominable blasphemies and treacheries, and put thy whole confidence in jesus Christ. Whereto he answered; O master sheriff, you little remember the day when as you & I shall stand both at one bar, and I come as witness against you, that you called that holy and blessed vicar of Christ the whore of Rome. At which words the people cried again; Hang him, hang him, away with him. Then he began his Pater noster in Latin, and before he had fully ended two petitions of it he fell into the creed, and then to the Pater noster again, 
Huddling up of prayers mangled and ●eeced together after the popish manner.  afterward he said the ave Maria, which done, knocking himself on the breast, saying, jesus esto mihi jesus, the cart was drawn away, and he committed to the mercy of God. But then, to manifest that his former boldness was but mere dissembling and hypocrisy, he lifted up his hands, and caught hold on the halter: so that every one perceived his fair outward show, and his foul inward disfigured nature, also how loath he was and unwilling to die. Whereby he showed that he was not endued with the audacity and stout resolution of the heathen, who for moral virtues sake cast themselves into dangers, many times deadly; holding opinion, that he beareth but a counterfeit show of virtue that shrinketh at any torment, at any hazard, at any death, & therefore said: 
— virtus  
Per scopulos durum fortis anhelat iter.   
Robert johnson being brought up into the cart, master sheriff, according as he had before, both declared unto him her majesties mercy if he would repent; and also willed him to be sorry for his offences against her: whereof he seemed to make small estimation, denying the treasons according as the others had done, and appealing likewise upon his religion. Then was the 
* Who seemed acquainted with all their practices.  writer hereof called forth, who gave him to understand, how notably he was approved guilty at his arreignment, & every matter sufficiently handled, how according as the rest were, he was confounded to his face. Whereunto he would make no other answer, but said; Well well, (quoth he) calling the party by his name, God forgive the. Then were his answers read unto him, as they had been before to the other two, he not yielding denial, but said he spoke them & would do it again. Then was Athanasius Creed moved to him, which he granted to be the catholic faith, whereof the pope was vicar, and that there was no other catholic faith, but only his. Why (quoth the preacher) the pope is not named in it. I know not that (quoth he again) I have not read it. Then master sheriff desired him to say his prayers in English, and he with all the company would pray with him: which he refusing to do, in his Latin prayers the cart was drawn away, and he committed to God's mercy. And thus was justice ministered, and that execution to God's glory, & the ease of the common wealth's grief dispatched.  
On the wednesday following, 
Execution of Luke Kirbie, William Filbie, Thomas Coteham, and Laurence Richardson priests of the pope's order.  which was the thirtieth day of May, in the same manner as I have before expressed, Luke Kirbie, William Filbie, Thomas Coteham, & Laurence Richardson, were committed from the tower of London, to the place of execution; and as the other were on the monday before associated and accompanied with diverse learned and godly preachers; even so were these, as to say, master Charke, master Herne, and diverse others, who all the way applied such godly and christian persuasions unto them (as had not the child of perdition so marvelously blinded them) were of force to have won them into grace and mercy. The speeches they used to them by the way were needless here to set down, for that they did especially concern causes to root out that wicked opinion in them, and to establish a sound and perfect faith in place thereof; but even as it was in the other, so it did agree in them. But Luke Kirbie seemed to challenge the 
* Who was an observer (as he pretended) of all their doings.  writer hereof as sufficient to prove nothing against him, which he did because it was supposed he was not there present: but what passed between him & the said writer, you shall hear hereafter. They being come to the place of execution, William Filbie was brought up into the cart, where conforming himself unto the death, his wicked treasons were moved unto him, which obstinately and impudently he denied. Then was he demanded if he would acknowledge the queens majesty his sovereign princess, and supreme head under Christ of line 10 the church of England? No (quoth he) I will acknowledge no other head of the church than the pope only. Whereupon his answers were read unto him, and he not denying them in any point, even as they were wicked and impious, even so he remained in them, still appealing that it was for his religion that he died, and not for any treason. But the contrary was proved unto his face, as well by sufficient proofs, as also by the traitorous answers, whereto he had subscribed with his own hand. At last, as he was desired, line 20 
Most manifest and undoubted to●ens of a resolute votary to the pope his 〈◊〉.  he prayed for the queen's majesty, that God might bless her, and incline her heart to mercy toward the catholics, of which society he was one. Then they opening his bosom, found there two crosses, which being taken from him were held up, and showed to all the people, beside his crown was shaven. So after a few silent Latin prayers to himself, the cart was drawn away.  
The next was Luke Kirbie, who being brought up into the cart, offered long circumstance of speech, as line 30 concerning that he was come thither to die, hoping to be saved in the blood of Christ: and much matter, which were needless here to rehearse. Afterward, he began to say, that there were none could approve him to be a traitor: neither had he at any time attempted any thing prejudicial to her majesty, and that his adversaries, naming them by special name, could not upbraid him with any thing. Whereupon master sheriff told him that one of them was there, and asked him if he would have him called to line 40 him. I see him (quoth he) yonder, and let him say what he can against me. Then he was the 
* Th●obseruer ●nd writer of 〈◊〉 their plots and devices ●s he pretended.  party bidden come somewhat near him, to whom he began in vehement sort to say, Consider with thyself how untruely thou hast charged me, with that which I never said nor thought. Besides, thou knowest that when thou camest to the Tower to me, before master lieutenant, & an other who was there present then, thou wast demanded what thou thoughtest of me, and what thou couldst say against me? When as line 50 thou madest answer, thou knewest no harm by me, neither couldst thou at any time say otherwise of me than well: whereupon thou wast asked, wherefore thou reportedst otherwise at my arraignment? Then the sheriff said unto him; Who can bear thee witness of this? Quoth he again; He spoke it before master lieutenant, and an other was by then. Then was he demanded what other he was that was present? Which (after long trifling) he said was a keeper, & named him. Whereto the said writer made answer line 60 as followeth. 
One of these two must needs be in a fowl error: for both holding contraries could not speak truth.  Master Kirbie, I with and desire you, in the fear of God, to remember yourself: for this is not a place to report an untruth, neither to slander any man otherwise than you are able to prove, Wh●n as I came unto the Tower, & made known to master lieutenant for what cause I was sent to speak with you▪ you were brought into a chamber by your keeper: and what I then moved, yourself very well knoweth, as concerning my allowance being the pope's scholar: where what answer you made, I have truly, and according as you answered, already set down in print. Master lieutenant neither moved any such words to me, as here you reported, and I call God to my witness, that not a motion of any such matter was once offered to me by master lieutenant, or by your keeper. Yourself then uttered, that at sundry times in the seminary there were diverse lewd words spoken, which might better have been spared; and denied that you were not in my chamber, when as I lying sick in my bed, the traitorous speeches were moved by them, which were then present, whereof yourself was one; with diverse other matters which you spoke unto me, which master lieutenant himself heard, and your keeper being present. But if this be true which you say, that it may be proved there were either such words moved unto me, or any such answer made by me, I offer to sustain what punishment the law shall afford me. Then falling to an other matter, 
Repetitio beneficij est exprebratio.  for that this redounded to his own confusion (as master lieutenant can well witness) he began to talk of my being at Rome, what friendship he had showed unto me, and had done the like unto a number of Englishmen, whom he well knew not to be of that religion, both by his own purse, as also by fréending them to some of the pope's chamber, he made conveyance for th●m thence sometime going forty miles with them: when (quoth he) had my dealings been known, I should hardly have been well thought of: and I knew well enough that you were never bend to that religion, albeit they thought the contrary. Yea I knew well enough when you departed thence, that your disposition was contrary to ours, and concealed it to myself.  
O Kirbie (quoth master sheriff) this is very unlike, that you could afford such favour to any, 
Master sheriffs words uttered by the way of interception.  who were contrary to that religion that you professed. No, no, if you knew any such there, you would rather help to persecute them than pity them, as it is the nature of you all. M. Kirbie (quoth this writer) it is very unlike that you had any such secret knowledge of me, either of my religion, or how I was secretly bend as you seem here to profess: for had I been such a one as you would persuade these here you knew me to be, would you have delivered me those silken pictures hallowed by the pope which you did: and moreover, make known unto me sundry of your friends here in England, to whom I should convey them? 
This was great & very merciful forbearance to let all this talk pass to and fro at the place of execution.  O sir (quoth he) I confess indeed I delivered to thee such pictures, but thou knowest I gave thee two julies' to go buy them with, I did it because I knew thee to be such a one, and therefore I did misdoubt thee, for I would not credit thee with my hallowed pictures. M. Kirbie (quoth the other) to ●enie your own doings is marvelous impudency: did not you in your chamber deliver me certain silken pictures, which you told me at Stukleis being there, were hallowed by the pope, and what indulgences were allowed them? One of them, which was a crucifix, you gave me; the other you willed me deliver to your friends at Rheimes and in England. And because they were too few (as in deed I think they were no more but five) you gave me two julies', to go into the city to buy more, which I did: and having brought them to you, three or four of the fairest you took from me, promising to get them hallowed at the next benediction: the other in deed you gave me, and I took them with me. How say you now Kirbie (quoth master sheriff) would you have credited him with such matters, 
Men indeed use to repose their trust in such, whom they suppose to be like themselves.  had you not supposed him to be one of your own sect? Master sheriff (quoth he) what I have said, I know very well▪ And after he was gone from Rome I sent fifteen shillings to Rheimes to be delivered to him, but he was departed thence towards England, before it came.  
Then master sheriff said to him again; You stand upon these points very much, which there is none that are here, but will judge to be untrue: thou hearest what he hath said unto thee, and we have heard that thou deniedst every thing. What sayest thou to thy treasons, 
Mercy offered to Kirbie notwithstanding his conviction of treason.  wherefore thou art come hither to die? Wilt thou be sorry for them? ask God and her majesty forgiveness, for she is merciful, and we will carry thee back again if we shall perceive in thee any such motion, that thou wilt forsake thy former wickedness, and become a good and faithful subject. At these words the people among themselves almost line 10 generally said: O exceeding mercy and favour! what a gracious princess have we, who affordeth such mercy unto those that have so ill deserved? Can there be a princess of greater pity, of more clemency or tenderness to be found in all the world? No.  Principe nil ista mitius orbis habet. 
Then Field the preacher in the book read his answers to him, whereto he had subscribed with his own hand: Whether the pope might lawfully depose her majesty, or had any authority to take the line 20 title of her crown and dignity away from her? 
To such as are proditoriouslie minded it is a matter disputable: but to a good subject a matter determinable.  Whereto Kirbie answered: This is a matter disputable in schools, and therefore I may not judge of it. I think this with myself, that if any prince fall by infidelity into turcism, atheism, paganism, or any such like, that the pope hath authority to depose such a prince. And being asked, if her majesty were in any such? He said, he knew his own conscience. another preacher being by said unto him, that the prince received his authority from God, and that he line 30 was to be suppressed by none, but only by God. Again, that Solomon said: By me (meaning by God) kings reign, 
Prou. 8.15, 16.  and princes decree justice. By me princes rule, and the nobles and all the judges of the earth. 
Rom. 13.1, 2, 3, 4.  Again, S. Paul saith: Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, & they that resist, shall receive to themselves judgement. For princes are not line 40 to be feared for good works but for evil. Wilt thou then be without fear of the power? do well, so shalt thou purchase praise of the same. For he is the minister of God for thy wealth; 
This counsel of the apostle they had not the grace to follow.  but if thou do evil, fear, for he beareth a sword not for nought, for he is the minister of God to take vengeance on him that doth evil. If then the pope be a soul, he is to be obedient to the higher powers. And being a subject unto God, as all other princes be, he must not take upon him what belongeth to God. As for the authority line 50 that her majesty hath, she hath received it from God; neither is the pope, or any earthly prince to deprive her thereof, but only God. Again, when jesus was brought before Pilate, Pilate said unto him; Knowest thou not that I have power to crucify thee, 
john. 19.10, 11.  and have power to lose thee? To the which jesus answered: Thou couldst have no power at all against me, except it were given thee from above. Thus may you see, that what prince soever ruleth upon earth, hath his power and authority only from God: and not that any mortal man can use line 60 the authority of a prince at his pleasure. How say you to this? Whereto he would make no answer, but seemed to demand of them, 
This demand implieth a kind of suspicion or secret charge that her majesty is such a one.  if they would deny, that if a prince were in paganism, atheism, or governed by infidelity: that such a prince might not lawfully be deposed? Which the learned preachers answered in learned sort, approving that as the power was of God, so princes were not to be deposed by any, but only by God.  
No (quoth Kirbie again) hath it not been disputed in schools for these five hundred years, and will you deny it? O master Crowleie, master Crowleie; and there paused: as if that master Crowleie had agreed with him in such a monstruous error. But master Crowleie himself gave one to understand, that at such time as he conferred with the said Kirbie in the tower, about the same argument, that his answer was unto him: If any prince fell into any such kind of error, that prince were corrigible, but of whom? Not of any earthly prince, but of that heavenly prince, who gave him his authority, 
Not of the pope then, belike, who is not to ●oore into o●her princes provinces, etc.  and seeing him abuse it any way, correcteth him in his justice. For by his attributing to the pope this authority, he witnessed him to be antichrist, in that he will depose princes at his pleasure, and exalt himself above all that is called God, and forgive men their sins at his pleasure likewise. All this was not sufficient to mollify the obstinate mind of Kirbie, but he would persist still in this devilish imagination. Master sheriff and the preachers, seeing him wavering, and not able to yield any reason for his arrogant opinion, laboured as much as in them lay to change it: when all would not serve, they desired him in hearty and humble manner to pray unto God, to ask her majesty forgiveness, for the treasons wherein he had offended her. Whereunto he answered, that he had not offended in any treason, to his knowledge. Whereupon they showed him his treasons, which were adjudged by the people worthy of greater punishment, 
Vox popili Dei, vox fertur esse Dei.  than he was at that time to suffer; yet would not he acknowledge them, but prayed to God for her majesty, that she might long rule in her authority, to confound all her enemies: and that his hart was free from any treason to her majesty. Then preparing himself unto his prayers, the preachers desired him to pray in English with them, and to say a prayer after them; wherein, if he could find any fault, he should be resolved thereof. O (quoth he again) you and I were not one in faith, therefore I think I should offend God, if I should pray with you: at which words, the people began to cry, Away with him: so he saying his Pater noster in Latin, ended his life.  
Then was Laurence Richardson brought up into the cart, 
Laurence Richardson and Thomas Coteham their gestures and speeches of their deaths.  & to him Thomas Coteham to be executed together. But Coteham seemed to utter such words as though there had been hope he would have forsaken his wickedness, so that the halter was untied, and he brought down out of the cart against. In which time Laurence Richardson prepared him to death, confessing himself a catholic, and that he would believe in all things as the catholic church of Rome did, unto the pope he allowed the only supremacy. In which traitorous opinion, after certain Latin prayers, he was committed to God. Then was Coteham brought up to the cart again, & the good opinion had of him before changed into that obstinate nature that was in them all, saying to master sheriff, that before he came into England, he was armed for India, and thither if he might be suffered he would pass with as much convenient speed as might be. 
For he was not so furnished for England as to 〈◊〉 souls so easily to papistry.  Then looking to the body of Laurence Richardson, whereon the executioner was using his office, he lifted up his hands and said; O blessed Laurence pray for me, thy blessed soul Laurence pray for me: for which words both t●e preachers and the people rebuked him, telling him that he ought to pray to none, but to God only; all help of man was but in vain. Whereto he answered, he was assured that he could pray for him. In brief, his treasons being moved to him, he denied all, albeit his own handwriting was there to affirm it. He prayed for her majesty, and said his Pater noster & ave Maria: and as the cart was drawing away he said; In marius tuas 
* He should have said Daemon.  Domine commendo spiritum meum, and then he died. Thus did the broom of justice sweep away these noisome cobwebs, noisome both to church and commonwealth, as being of the devils h●tching, but nurssed and fostered of popery, to ensnare and trap seely souls, as the spider doth the fly: from whom the Lord God deliver every member of his church.  
On the second day of june, Philip Prise was hanged in Fléetstréet for killing one of the sheriffs sergeants that had arrested him. 
Philip Price hanged in Fleetstreet for killing of a sergeant.  This man at his death, as inwardly touched with sorrow for the offence which he had committed and died, gave such apparent tokens and notes of a repentant mind; line 10 that partly with his speeches which were pathetical, and partly with his tears which were plentiful, as also with his vehement sighs and grievous groans, joined with diverse other gestures (great signs of inward grace) he so moved the beholders, that many which beheld him, pitied his woeful end, most yea in manner all (whereof some were such as a man would have thought had never a tear to shed at such a sight, having viewed diverse the like and more lamentable spectacles) with wet eyes beheld line 20 him, and yet in heart rejoiced that he died reconciled to God. On the eight and twentieth of june, Peregrine Bartie lord Willoughby of Grobie appointed ambassador to Fredrick the second king of Denmark with the garter, 
Lord Willoughby ambassador sent into Denmark.  whereunto he had been elected & chosen a long time before, took his leave of the queens majesty at Gréenewich; with whom sir Gilbert Dethicke alias Garter principal king of arms was joined in commission, for the investing of the said king into the order; and Robert Glover line 30 alias Summerset herald was also present, and gave his attendance in the same voyage, as likewise did a competent number of gentlemen and yeomen, in all to the number of six and fifty persons, besides mariners, etc. The said lord ambassador prepared himself towards Kingston upon Hull, where he embarked with his whole train on the fourteenth day of julie, and prosperously arrived at Elsemore in Denmark on the one and twentieth day of the same month, where he was honourably entertained. line 40  
On the thirteenth day of August he presented himself before the king in his castle of Croneborough, and made his first speech unto him in Latin; which speech being ended, 
The lord ambassadors oration in Latin to the king of Denmark, etc.  the lord Willoughby delivered unto the king her majesties letters, and withal the commission for the king's investure into that honourable order of the garter. Which letters the king opened, and delivered them to Henry Ramelis his chancellor for Germany to read, whom he commanded line 50 to answer my lords former oration. From the king my lord was conveyed to the queens presence, unto whom also he delivered her majesties letters with salutations. The next day being thursday the fourteenth of August, the king royally prepared, received the robes of the order with his own hands, 
The king of Denmark invested into the right honourable order of the garter.  and with great contentment accepted and ware the garter, the collar, and the George, when as my lord concluded the whole dedication with sundry wel-wishing. In the end whereof he put the king in mind line 60 of the oath and thankful acceptation of the order to be testified by a public instrument, as was before promised, where unto the king answered by his chancellor Nicholas Kaas with many effectual words: and immediately in sign of joy, a great volee was discharged of all the great shot in his castle, and the lord ambassador with all his train was royally feasted & rewarded. On thursday the sixtéenth day of August, the king took my lord ambassador forth on hunting two leagues from Elsemore, and there in the dinner time uttered many loving speeches. And after, to wit, on the one and twentieth of September the lord ambassador with all his train embarked at Emden, and arrived at Bromeholme in Norfolk on thursday the seven and twentieth day of September.  
On the nineteenth day of julie certain ferkins of gunpowder to the number of seven, 
Misfortune by gunpowder.  and as many or more ferkins of sturgeon laden in a car upon Galley key near unto the Tower of London, some small portion of the same powder being shed on the ground, the horse in the said car stroke fire with his foot, and fired all together, wherethrough the sturgeon was blown away, some into the Thames, some elsewhere: one ferkin was driven through a lome wall that was boarded over, but all was spoiled and lost, the cra●e on the wharf with the houses near adjoining shattered, many men and horses sore blasted; the three men and seven horses died thereof. 
Strange tempest in Norfolk.  On the twelve day of August there arose a great tempest of lightning, thunder, whirlwind, and rain, with hailstones fashioned like to the rowels of spurs two or three inches about in the county of Norfolk, between the market towns of north Walsham and Worsted (the town wherein the making of woorsteds commmonlie called Norwich woorsted was first practised and took their beginning) which tempest beat the corn flat unto the ground, rend up many great trees, and shivered them in pieces, or wound them like withies. At Hening more than a mile from Worsted, the west door of the church, weighing more than three hundred pound weight, was lifted off the hooks, and thrown over the font, within one yard of the chancel door; the top of the church was riven up, and the lead as it were blown away; five webs of lead were ruffled up together, like as they had been clouts of linen cloth, and blown into the field without the churchyard. Also at east Russen were many barns blown down, and houses uncovered.  
This year Michaelmas term was reiourned from the vtas thereof, 
Anno reg. 2●.  until the fourth return of the same called Mense Michaelis, 
Term kept at Hertford.  and from the said return until the return commonly called Crastino animarum next ensuing, & then reiorned from Westminster to the castle of Hertford in Hertfordshire, there to begin in the said Crastino animarum, and to be continued till the end of the same term, which was done accordingly, where was plenty of good viands to be had for money, but lodging hard and scant; besides the long and plashie way that many had unto their hosts, and then peradventure sleep in the chimney corner, or upon the hard boards with a pillow under their heads. Was not this a good amends?  
This year Peter Moris' free denizen, 
Thames water conveyed over saint Magnus' steeple.  having made an engine for that purpose, conveyed Thames water in pipes of lead over the steeple of saint Magnus' church, at the north end of London bridge, and so into diverse men's houses in Thames street, new Fish street, and Grass street, up unto the northwest corner of Leaden hall (the highest ground of the city of Lond●n) where the waste of the first main pipe ran first this year one thousand five hundred eighty and two on Christmas éeuen: which main pipe being since at the charges of the city brought up into a standard there made for that purpose, and divided into four several spouts ran four ways, plentifully serving to the use of the inhabitants near adjoining that will fetch the same into their houses, and also cleansed the channels of the streets, north towards Bishopsgate, east towards Aldgate, south towards the Bridge, and west towards the Stocks market. No doubt a great commodity to that part of the city, and would be far greater, if the said water were maintained to run continually, or at the least, at every tide some reasonable quantity, as at the first it did; but since is much aslaked, through whose default I know not, sith the engine is sufficient to convey water plentifully: which being well considered by Barnard Randolph esquire, 
justice Randolph h●s charity.  common sergeant of the city of London: he being alive, gave and delivered to the company of the fishmongers in London a round sum to be employed toward the conducting of Thames water for the good service of the commonwealth in convenient order. Other legacies very liberally and bountifully he gave by his testament to be laid out in works of charity, as I have noted more at large hereafter in due line 10 place, upon occasion of recording the day of his death. The publication of whose acts, as also of diverse others, if they may move the rich of this world to part with some small portion of their store to the like christian uses, I shall be glad, and think my pains worth the printing: otherwise I say with one that persuading this age to walk worthy of their calling, and doubting his words should be but wind, concluded with this interrogative distichon: 
Sed quid verba miser non proficientia per do? line 20  
Quid juuat in vacuos missa loquela notos?   

Public lecture of surgery founded in London, & presently red (as also in the life of the founder) by doctor Forster, to his high praise & credit.  This year 1582 was there instituted and first founded a public lecture or lesson in surgery, to begin to be read in the college of physicians in London, in Anno 1584., the sixth day of May, against that time new re-edified in a part of the house that doctor Linacre gave by testament to them, by john Lumleie lord Lumleie, and Richard Caldwell doctor in physic, to the honour of God, the common profit of her majesties subjects, and good same, with line 30 increase of estimation and credit of all the surgians of this realm. The reader whereof to be a doctor of physic, and of good practice and knowledge, and to have an honest stipend, no less than those of the universities erected by king Henry the eight, namely of law, divinity, and physic, and lands assured to the said college for the maintenance of the public lesson; whereunto such statutes be annexed as be for the great commodity of those which shall give and incline themselves to be diligent hearers for the obtaining line 40 of knowledge in surgery, as whether he be learned or unlearned that shall become an auditor or hearer of the lecture, he may find himself not to repent the time so employed. First twice a week through out the year; to wit, on wednesdays and fridays, at ten of the clock till eleven, shall the reader read three quarters of an hour in Latin, and the other quarter in English, wherein that shall be plainly declared for those that understand not Latin, what was said in Latin. 
What exercises are to be followed in the said college by the will of the founder. The first years exercises.  And the first year to read Horatius Morus tables, an epitome or brief handling line 50 of all the whole art of surgery, that is, of swellings or apostems, wounds, ulcers, bonesetting, and healing of bones broken, termed commonly fractions, and to read Oribasius of knots and Galen of bands, such works as have been long hid, and are scarcely now a days among the learned known, and yet are (as the anatomies) to the first enterers in surgery and novices in physic; but amongst the ancient writers and Grecians well line 60 known. At the end of the year in winter to disse●t openly in the reading place all the body of man especially the inward parts for five days together, as well before as after dinner; if the bodies may so last without annoy.  

The second years exercises.  The second year to read Tagaultius institutions of surgery, and only of swellings or apostems, and in the winter to dissect the trunk only of the body, namely from the head to the lowest part where the members are, and to handle the muscles especially. The third year to read of wounds only of Tagaultius, 
The third years, and fourth years exercises.  and in winter to make public dissection of the head only. The fourth year to read of ulcers only the same author, and to anatomize or dissect a leg and an arm for the knowledge of muscles, sinews, arteries, veins, gristles, ligaments, and tendons. 
The fift and sixth years exercises, and so to continue with Re●e●n●i● princip●.  The fift year to read the sixth book of Paulus Aegineta, and in winter to make anatomy of a skeleton, & therewithal to show & declare the use of certain instruments; as Scamnum Hippocratis, and other instruments for setting in of bones. The sixth year to read Holerius of the matter of surgery, as of medicines for surgians to use. And the seventh year to begin again, and continue still. A godly and charitable erection doubtless, such as was the more needful, as hitherto hath been the want and lack so hurtful: sith that only in each universities by the foundation of the ordinary and public lessons, there is one of physic, but none of surgery, and this only of surgery and not of physic, I mean so as physic is now taken separatelie from surgery, and that part which only useth the hand as it is sorted from the apothecary. So that now England may rejoice for those happy benefactors & singular well-willers to their country, who furnish her so in all respects, that now she may as compare for the knowledge of physic so by means to come to it, with France, Italy, and Spain, and in no case behind them but for a lecture in simples, which God at his pleasure may procure, in moving some hereafter in like motion and instinct to be as careful and beneficial as these were to the help and furtherance of their country. 
Ab. Fl. Spectator & auditor.  ¶ At the publication of this foundation, which was celebrated with a goodly assembly of doctor's collegiates and licentiats, as also some masters of surgery, with other students, some whereof had been academical; doctor Caldwell so aged that his number of years with his white head adding double reverence to his person (whereof I may well say no less than is left written of a doctor of the same faculty very famous while he lived, 
Conspicienda aetas, sed & ars provectior annis,  
Famáque Paeonio non renuenda choro)  even he, notwithstanding his age and impotency, made an oration in Latin to the auditory, the same by occasion of his manifold debilities unfinished at the direction specially of the precedent, 
Doctor Gilsord precedent of the college of physicians.  who (after a few words, shortly and sweetly uttered) gave occasion and opportunity to D. Forster, then and yet the appointed lecturer, to deliver his matter, which he discharged in such methodical manner, that each one present endued with judgement, conceived such hope of the doctor, touching the performance of all actions incident unto him by that place, as some of them continued his auditors in all weathers, and still hold out; whose diligence he requiteth with the imparting of further knowledge than the said public lecture doth afford. When the assembly was dissolved, and the founder accompanied home, diligent care was taken for the due preferring of this established exercise: insomuch that D. Caldwell, and D. Forster, to furnish the auditors with such books as he was to read, caused to be printed the epitome of Horatius Morus first in Latin: then in English, which was translated by the said doctor Caldwell. But before it was half perfected, the good old doctor fell sick, and as a candle goeth out of itself, or a ripe apple falling from the tree, so departed he out of this world at the doctor's commons, where his usual lodging was; & was very worshipfully buried. But of his death hereafter, in the year 1584.: where the day of his decease being mentioned, matter worth the reading shall be remembered.]  
Francis of Ualois, the kings only brother, 
Francis of Ualois attempteth diverse exploits, the issue whereof fell out to his misfortune.  duke of Louthier, Brabant, Limbourgh, Gelder's, Anjou, Alencon, &c: earl of Flanders, Holland, Zealand, &c: marquess of the sacred empire, lord of Friesland, &c: having now indifferently well (with his good successes h●d in the vittelling, and removing the séeges of Cambreie and Lothem, and winning the towns of Alaft and Endonan) gotten the hearts of the people, and by that means placed his Frenchmen in Dunkirk, Winexburgh, Dixmide, Dexmond, Uilno●d, and other places, thought now (using young & evil counsel) to make himself a more absolute prince, 
The monsi●urs ambition spreading like ● canker.  as though it were too base a thing for his highness to rule with the advise of the estates of the countries. Wherefore having come to him out line 10 of France the marshal Byron, with great troops of Swissers and Frenchmen, he now causeth them all at one time; to wit, on the seventh of januarie, to invade so many towns as they could make themselves masters of; which with them took effect in the above named towns, but at Bridges they were put out. And at Antwerp on the said seventh day, under the pretence to muster his army without the town, upon the very noon time of the day, when the citizens were at dinner, he causeth two gates (as line 20 uncertain by which he would go) to be opened for him, and the chains overthwart the streets to be unchained, which (for some suspicion had of the Frenchmen without) were locked: then he issued out with all his court and a great number of gentlemen, very brave, mounted on great horses above two hundred, many of them being secretly armed under their garments, 
The French gentlemen aware armour under their garments: with good meaning no doubt.  and coming to saint james gate. At the bridge without met him certain of his companies of horsemen and footmen, who stayed themselves line 30 on both sides the way, making as it were a lane for the duke to pass by with a few of his: who being passed them, made a token to them with his cap, to invade the city: whereupon his men killed the watch, with the colonel Uierendell, that stood bare headed to see their prince pass. Then entered the gate seventeen ensigns of footmen, and four colonels of horsemen, the Swissers following, & the duke crying to them, March, march, La ville est gagnee, mais me pillon point. Being thus strongly entered they line 40 cried, 
The monsieur was glad to retire notwithstanding this confident clamour.  Ville gagnee vive la mess, and took in on both sides the bulwarks, turned the ordinance towards the city, & came by divers streets almost to the midst of the city. The citizens at dinner hearing the alarm, very furiously issued out, with such weapons as first came to their hands, and set upon them, first, by the bylanes, other some chained up the streets, and so barred them from going any further. They turn all against the soldiers that were entered the city with most violent shot. In the mean space the line 50 citizens near and about the gate with their harquebussers bestow their small shot as thick as hail out of windows upon the gate, where first they killed a horse, and then divers men entering, which troubled the other following, that a great number was even in the very gate killed, and so heaped one upon another that the gate was stopped; whereby all that were entered within the city, in less than in one hours space were killed or taken prisoners. Wherein the citizens behaved themselves so valiantly, & so manly, line 60 that many for lack of leaden pellets, took their money out of their purses, bowed it with their teeth, and put it in stead of pellets in their harquebussers: 
Sic sese & sobolem charam, cum uxore mariti  
Defendunt, Gallis ne praeda voracibus essent.   
In this skirmish of so little space were slain above 1530 Frenchmen horsemen and footmen, 
Noblemen & other French 〈◊〉 prisoner's.  told at the burying, and more than two thousand prisoners taken, amongst the which were the earl Fernaugus, the bishop of Constance, and many other notable personages. And amongst the dead were the earl of saint Agnau and his son, the earl of Chasteaurousse, the son of the marshal of France Byron: monsieur de Saisonall governor of Uilnord, 
Noblemen of France slain  the son of the lord Miranbeau, and others. A marvelous act of citizens in their defence without any soldiers, against old soldiers and tried men of arms, and number of so great nobility. A marvelous continency & clemency of rough citizens against their enemies, in keeping their hands from the kill of prisoners whom they had in their power, and surely a wonderful work of God.  
The prince of Orange with others had refused to go forth, and his danger was not small; with other gentlemen more, and lords of the religion. The prince Dolphin, the earl Lamall and others were with the duke lookers on, and intercessors for their friends whom they reckoned dead. After that fact, the duke with his camp was forced for lack of victuals and necessaries, 
Francis duke of Anjou and Alencon retireth.  to retire him with his army toward Machlin, and from thence with great difficulty passing great waters, with loss of many a man got to Dermond, where he was kept in by the general Norris, with three and twenty ensigns Englishmen and Scots, so that he lacked victuals and necessaries, whereby he was forced, 
General Norris with 23. ensigns.  as also to have his prisoners restored, to enter into a treaty with the estates, to surrender all the towns by his men possessed, and to retire him to Dunkirk: where further with the estates, by intercession of princes was hoped a reconcilement to be made. But he seeing the country unwilling, and finding himself sick (as it was thought) of melancholy, he retired from Dunkirk toward France. And so as he was retired, the prince of Parma for king Philip, 
Francis duke of Alencon and of Anjou sickeneth.  caused Dunkirk to be besieged, few Frenchmen left within it. And as the state's General and the prince of Orange would have sent thither to rescue the town, the marshal Byron with his Frenchmen and Swissers, the Flemings chiefly they of Gaunt, partly for hatred of the French, and partly that many now were become Spanish, would not suffer him to come over into Flanders, whereby Dunkirk was forced to surrender: and this loss being imputed to the duke, increased his sickness, so that he died at Chasteau Thierie the tenth of julie 1583, & was royally buried at saint Diones by Paris.  
¶ But before we pass the absolute commemoration of the monsieur, 
Abr. Fl. ex lib. cui tit. Regret funebre, contenant le discours de la mor● de Monseigneu● fils de France, frere unicque, du roy.  sith in some remembrances we have attained to a perfection, it shall not be amiss here to annex the manner of his sickness, as also the very speeches which he uttered, as they are reported by james Berson Parisien, preacher to the French king, and to the said monsieur, in a discourse by him published, under the title of A funeral complaint, etc. Wherein whatsoever is spoken, deserveth the greater credit, for that the said Berson was upon his own certain knowledge able to give out the truth, and therefore intimateth to the readers of his treatise, that they are not to look for either flatteries, or haughty, proud, and lying arguments: he being the man who assuredly was able to answer and bear witness of the piety, religion, and departure of monsieur, a son of France, and the kings only brother in the favour of God, as the same upon whom he reposed himself concerning his conscience, soul and salvation; and having from the beginning of his sickness administered unto him the holy sacrament, and did assist him to the end. You are therefore to understand, that after 
* Meaning Berson the monsieurs preacher and the writer of this discourse.  my said lords cross haps and danger of life in the low countries, and his return into his duchy of Castle Thierie, his natural & brotherly resolution taken to go alone to Paris, there to yield himself to his majesties arms, a deed to be accounted and taken as a strong bulwark against whatsoever the popular and envious slanders: after his return home he conceived an extreme contentation in daily hearing of sermons, yea not satisfied with the only hearing of them, he greatly delighted to talk of the same, also to have the same repeated unto him. Thus did our Lord in convenient time dispose his soul, 
The manner of the monsieurs sickness.  which he purposed shortly to visit in his next sickness, and that was an ague that continued without equality until the thirteenth of March, and then he fell into so strange a judgement, that all even the physicians began to doubt of him. For a flux of blood issued so continually out of his nose and mouth, that they were still forced to hold him line 10 a basin, whereinto he voided the pure and clear blood. When all men were as it were astonished thereat, himself began with a perfect mind and understanding to say; My friends, help me, will you suffer a christian prince thus to die? Now is the time come that God will call me to account: cause monsieur Berson to come hither.  
When I came, ha monsieur Berson (said this good prince) I am dead, I must acknowledge my God; my friend flatter me not, I will reconcile myself. line 20 Alas I am a great sinner, will not God have mercy on me? Will not he forgive me? I answered, There is no doubt my lord but upon humbling yourself before his holy majesty with contrition, you shall obtain remission of your sins. My lord, you are very sick, 
Bersons' words of comfort to the monsieur, whether his disease were natural, or proceeding from God.  I will not flatter with you, but your whole life and yourself resteth in the hands of God. Sickness is natural, or sent by God for a warning; if your disease be natural there is hope: we will use all means for remedy. On the one side the physician's line 30 are here ready, who shall employ themselves. On the other side, all the world is in prayer & devotion for your health. If it proceedeth from God, it is a warning to you for the rest of your life, to the end to draw you nearer to him, either else to advertise you of your natural condition: that is, that you are mortal & must once pay this debt, and restore your soul to God who lent it to you, at whatsoever time he shall call for it. Now my lord, sith we can not certainly discern the one from the other, is it not best line 40 for you to conform your will to Gods will. Also in case God granteth you to overlive this sickness, are you not resolved to better your life, and to live more in his fear than before? Again, if he be determined to call you out of this world, are not you content to go into Abraham's bosom, and there to rest under the protection of his mercy? Resolve yourself my lord, you have a goodly soul.  

The monsieurs resolute to die.  I am (said this good prince) fully resolved in the will of my God, let him do with me whatsoever line 50 shall please him: only that he will vouchsafe to have mercy on me. I would reconcile me but I shall hardly speak: and in truth the blood still belched out into the basin which 
* Namely Berson.  I held with one hand, whilst with a handkerchief in the ot●er I wiped from his face and breast a great cold sweat that even smelled of death: as also I perceived his nostrils to be closed up, his eyes sunk, and heard the rattling and blood that stopped him up. Every body being gone forth I said unto him, My lord strain not yourself line 60 to speak much, only begin with the chiefest matters, and those that most trouble your conscience, and for the rest I will instruct you. Then joining his hands and lifting up his eyes unto heaven, he began to sigh, mourn, and sob with extreme contrition and grief, which when I perceived, I still endeavoured to assure him in talking to him of God and of the merits of the blood of jesus Christ, wherein the greater delight that he conceived, the more did he detest himself as a most miserable sinner: then might you have seen among much sweat which as pearls ran down his hair and heard, the great tears trickeling down his eyes, whiles with great pain he accused himself.  
After this, diverse speeches passed with certain actions between the monsieur and Berson, which to omit is less offensive than to publish. To proceed then, the monsieur lying in his agony, be thought him (amongst other things) of his family, and said; Alas I moan none but my poor servants, & withal, that I shall die without celebration of mine Easter: will not the Lord grant me that grace? Then 
* Berson who was then busy about certain ceremonies incident to the time and his office.  I promised him that God would hear so just a petition, and therefore willed him a while to have patience, it should not be the first miracle that ever our Lord had wrought. Having thus spoken, certain ceremonies were solemnly commenced and finished, not without many speeches interchanged between the monsieur and Berson; insomuch that (saith he) I can not rehearse all that he said unto me; but this I dare assure you, that if his health had continued, I was thereby in hope of most profitable effects to all christendom, 
Great hope conceived of the monsieur if he had not been prevented with d●ath.  and to the estate and quietness of our France. But we were not worthy, our sins crying for vengeance to God, who as he punisheth nations by giving them wicked princes, so doth he also chastise them by taking from them the good, even at such time as they are ready to relieve us, and afterward we have cause to lament and mourn.  
His health after this first fit continued a while, but by reason of a crumb of bread that stuck in the vuula, and thereby procured a violent cough with spitting of blood, he fell into it again, and from thensefoorth kept his bed, sometimes well and sometimes ill, yet eating his meat reasonably well, howbeit gathering no force to the substance of his body. Finally, the same day that the physicians (after the view of the operation of a medicine) had conceived a better opinion of him than before; being saturday the ninth of june about eight of the clock at night, he was taken with a marvelous shortness of wind, 
The monsieur falleth into an extremity of his malady, and past hope of recovery.  and a pain in one of his sides: and seeing himself so taken before any man spoke to him, he sent for me, saying; Now is the time that I must die, you have greatly abused me; howbeit they used all diligence. But about midnight, when there was no further hope, they sent for me. When I was come I found the good prince laid in his estate, of whom truly I had no other opinion but that death was at hand, and therefore was very importunate to speak unto him, fearing lest he should have died without the sacrament, which so greatly he had longed for.  
One commendable matter I noted in the nobility there present, which was; that there was not one but did importunately urge to speak unto him of God: for mine own part I was very unpatient, & every one was in fear to speak first. One there was that willed me to change mine apparel, & to put on a black garment, lest he should conceive any mistrust. How (said I) can I so do? He hath sent for me, and knoweth my clothing: if by my speech he should know me, and then find my clothing changed, he will enter a greater apprehension of death than before: therefore consider of it, if any thing fall out amiss, it will be a perpetual reproach to us all. In the end monsieur Fougier his steward a very wise man so ordered the matter, and with such discretion, that he broke with him of it. At that time was he overcome with a drowsy sleep, and still holden with a short wind, accompanied with continual sweats, and sometime would ask; 
Do men ●te thus? saith the monsie●r drawing t● his end.  Do men die thus? On the tenth day of june which was sunday, after divers ceremonial actions dispatched, and speeches to and fro uttered, with pitiful sighs on all sides of inward settled sorrow; the monsieur desired that he might sleep a while: but his sleep was not long yer he awaked, when betwixt him and Berson (all the rest being gone) something was said and done, which (belike) was not for every ear & eye to hear or see. In the end, Berson perceiving by manifest indications, that death pressed upon him, used these words to the monsieur, some (of likeliehood) being then within the hearing. My lord, in the beginning of your sickness, 
Bersons' words to the monsieur in the hearing of diverse gentlemen present.  you & I made a joint promise unto God, wherewith I am burdened: now therefore I do unburden myself thereof, unless you will help to burden me again. We are witnesses that you have loved God: now is the time that you must acknowledge him, you are very sick, but your soul is line 10 sound in your body. If it please our good God to grant you life, he granteth it to the end you should amend; so should yourself be happy, and we content that you should live. If he vouchsafe ●o call you into paradise, how blessed shall you be, or where may you be better? So that whatsoever happen, be it life, be it death, still shall you be content and happy. Resolve yourself therefore wholly in the will of God. All we here are your faithful servants, and those who evermore have desired to be so fortunate as to be honoured line 20 with your commandments; whose eyes and ears have always been open to hear and obey you, and to fulfil your will; never did you command any thing, but you were immediately obeyed. Now know you, that yourself are Gods servant; him you must obey, and to his will must you wholly resolve yourself: whether it be his will you should live, or is his pleasure you should die still say: His will be done. line 30  

His will (meaning Gods) be done, saith the monsieur with a forced speech on his death bed.  Then with a forced speech this good prince said: His will be done. Take no care my lord said I, for any worldly matters. Greatness, riches, and renown do perish. Paradise is to be found and possessed. It is a great matter to be a king's son, but it is much greater to be the child of God. You are now as a child new borne, you want nothing but the food of the children of God: you have no more to do, but to communicate in the precious body of our Lord: it is here ready, would you not gladly have line 40 it? I will cause you easily to use it. He answered yes. Then taking the holy sacrament I began to say unto him: My Lord jesus the heavenly word and everlasting son of God, in old time invisible, did in the end visibly manifest himself to the world in human flesh, by taking upon him our visible and passable nature: but because he was not perpetually to remain in this human vale, reviving and ascending into heaven, we had him no longer to touch and handle carnally and visibly. And therefore to line 50 the end not to fail of his promise, 
The institution and use of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ.  that he would be still with us until the consummation of the world; he hath given us invisibly his precious body & blood under these holy signs and sacraments, that by the communion in such and so precious a gift, we might be strengthened in his love, & through his grace be defended against all temptations & stumbling blocks of our salvation: like as Elias, who in the strength of the food for him miraculously ordained, after his sleep traveled long journeys, even until he did see line 60 God. Receive therefore this sign and testimony of the remission of your sins, and when you shall be presented before the majesty of God, it shall be unto you a badge and token that you belong unto him.  
Then lifting up his eyes and looking all about him, this good prince opened his mouth, which presently I moistened with his drink, & so gave him the holy sacrament, and again powered in some of his drink to swallow it withal, which he did both devoutly and courageously; insomuch that afterward he did eat & speak better than he had done all the night & morning before, to the great contentation of all the company: in whose presence I did again exhort him saying: Now my lord, behold you are armed with the chief of all your desire, I beseech you comfort yourself in the lord 
Bersons exhor●atorie speeches to the monsieur, preparing and settling himself to Codward.  It is a great favour that he hath showed you, in making you (as it appeareth) inheritor unto the faith, piety, and christianity of the kings of France, whose faith and descent you do hold.  
Let your soul now rejoise, yea although you should now die. Think what a contentation unto you it shall be; to be discharged from so many worldly affairs, what a pleasure to exchange this mortal life for an immortal, glorious and perdurable life; fear no lets: the way is already beaten, already are they passed the same, whose greatness & faith you do● ensue. The patriarches do tarry for you, the prophets do call you: the apostles do stretch forth their arms unto you: the martyrs do invite you: the confessors do solicit you: the virgins do give you place: all the saints do look for you. We have discharged all the duties of faithful servants, and such as love you heartily. And having thus spoken, with a demand or two made, and their answers added: Berson, being the mouth of the residue, said of the monsieur drawing on; that they (meaning himself and the company present) waited but for the hour of his death: yet had he one hour and a half to live. So soon as we were gone, he desired to have his head laid lower: his chamberlain immediately called to us for help, & suddenly he gave up the ghost: myself james Berson, at the dissolution of his sweet soul from his lovely body, using these words: Go and pass on christian soul, and return to him that hath created thee, etc.  
He went away so sweetly that it could hardly be perceived, 
The monsieur departure out of this world like a lamp, whose light 〈◊〉 for want o● oil.  insomuch that some who could not be persuaded that he was dead (for his eyes were open and clear, and his countenance no whit changed) held a looking glass to his mouth, but there was no sign of life: others feeling his pulses, imagined they did beat, but that was because they were strained even to the nails ends. At this word, He is gone, oh what pity! oh God what tears! what sighs! what sobs! all was dissolved into howling and cries: those that in armour were forwardest, were now readiest in tears, sundry swooned in the chamber, at the sound hereof the town quaked, the castle sounded most lamentable voices: yea myself having lost all courage was forced to open the pool of my head, and to unstop the gate of my hart, to the end with tears and lamentations to discharge that affection which I bore unto him.  
About four of the clock, 
marvelous 〈◊〉 of inward love & 〈…〉 affection 〈…〉 the mon●●eur departed.  when all were departed I took the linen wherein he was lapped from about the body of this good prince, than did I lay and order it honestly and with reverence handled it, some of us also had so good hap as to kiss his hands & head. Oh my good lord and master, never durst I have been so bold, had it not been for the confidence you reposed in me: alas why was it so late before I did know you, to serve you so small a time? infinitely am I forced to print you in my remembrance, engrave you in my soul, and to bury you in my hart, for that you vouchsafed to make mine ears guardians of that which rested in your conscience. Mourn, 
The●e be very 〈◊〉 & 〈…〉 ●●●eed.  mourn with me my masters, and all ye the officers of his house: we have l●st the best master in the world for ever shall the tenth day of june bear witness of our mishap: hereafter shall we never upon that day have occasion to hold merry feast between twelve and one of the clock, the hour of the decease of so desired a prince▪ The year 1584. is indeed a year of revolution. France, France, quarter thine arms & in 〈◊〉 of lions sow in tears: for the Lord taketh from us all our noble & honourable, and taketh the good to deprive us of them, for my part I will bear thee company. Moreover for his trespasses I do give him flowers, and for his body in ashes the lamentations of Flanders, at the least I inherit in his right an example of virtue, accounting myself infinitely bounden unto their majesties, who gave me to do the service appertaining to my ministery, 
For he was preacher, &c: to the monsieur and lost dimidium animae suae up his death.  unto a prince that loved me so much, and in whose house all men honoured me, whose orator I do most devoutly rest, desiring them to have line 10 patience, though for recompense they have no more but myself. Requiescat in pace. This is all that we purposed to say touching the monsieur, having omitted much that is not communicable, & now will we turn our pen upon passage to England, noting occurrents of our own.]  

Ground removed.  The thirteenth day of januarie, in the parish of Ermitage in a place called Black more in Dorsetshire, a piece of ground containing three acres removed from the place where it was first planted, and was carried clean over an other close, where alder line 20 and willow trees grew, the space of forty goad (every goad containing fifteen foot) and hath stopped up an high way that directed towards the market town of Cerne; and yet notwithstanding the hedges wherewith it was enclosed, environ it still, and the trees stand thereon bolt upright, saving one oak tree, that is well nigh twenty goads removed: the place whereas the ground had his being at the first is left like unto a great hollow pit. 
Eight persons killed by the fall of a scaffold at the bea●● garden, a warning to profaners of the sabbath day.  The same thirteenth day of januarie, being sunday, about line 30 four of the clock in the afternoon, the old and underpropped scaffolds round about the bear garden, commonly called Paris garden, on the southside the Thames, over against the city of London, overcharged with people fell suddenly down, whereby to the number of eight persons men and women were slain, and many other sore hurt and bruised. A friendly warning to all such as more delight themselves in the cruelty of beasts, to see them rend one an other; line 40 than in the works of mercy, which are the fruits of a true professed faith, and aught to be the sabbath days exercise: and not only a warning to works of mercy, but a watchword to put us in mind how we violate the sabbath day, the Lords own day, which he sanctified himself, that we by his example might sanctify the same, and not profane it with such gentilism as we do, as though God would not call us to a reckoning for abusing his holy ordinances, and falsifying the glorious title of christians in line 50 our odious actions: for the which God will severely expostulat with us, and with indignation demand of us why we take his laws in our mouths, & renounce them in our minds; why we let them swim in our lips, and slip from our lives, as the vain jews did, unto whom God said in displeasure as followeth: 
Quid de lege mea declamas ore profano?  

Eob. H●ss. in Psal. 50.  Non hoc officij debuit esse tui:  
Cùm tamen & mores & leges oderis aequas,  
Et verbi officium negligis omne mei. line 60   
On the third of February being sunday, William Bruistar habardasher (a man of more than threescore years old) being lodged over the south-west porch of saint Bride's church in Fleetstréet, 
William Bruistar and Marie Breame smothered to death.  with a woman named Marry bream (whom the same Bruistar had bailed out of Bridewell) were both found smothered to death, in manner following. On the same sunday in the morning, a marriage being solemnised in that church, a strong favour was felt, which was thought to have been the burning of old shoes or such like, in some gentleman's chamber there about, thereby to suppress the infection of the plague. But in the afternoon before evening prayer, the parishioners espied a smoke to issue out of Bruistars chamber, and thereupon made haste to the door, which they found fast locked, and were forced to break it open, but could not enter, till they had ripped up the lead and roof of the chamber to let out the smothering stench: which being done, they found Bruistar dead, sitting on a settle by his bed's side (in his apparel, and close trussed) his right thigh & right arm up to the elbow burnt or scorched with the fire of a small pan of coals that stood before him, but now being clean quenched with the damp or lack of air. The woman also lay dead over the pan, so that her arms were likewise burnt, with the neither part of her body before to her breast, and behind to the shoulders, and nothing else in the chamber burnt, but the bottom of the settle whereon Bruistar sat. Of this lamentable accident people talked diversly, and pamphlets were published to make the same more known: howbeit, to leave the certain means of the event to his knowledge that understandeth and seeth all things, let it be a warning to all ages so to live, as that an honest report may attend their death, & shame fly from them as a cloud before the wind: Sic sapient, sic non insipientes erunt.  
On the sixteenth of April about six of the clock in the morning, Thomas Worth & Alice Shepheard, year 1583 
A man and a woman hanged at Shoo-lane end.  were hanged on a gibbet at Shoolane end in Fléetstreet, for killing of a apprentice in the same Shoolane. Also on the same day about eight of the clock in the morning, a gunpowder house, 
The gunpowder house in Fetterlane blown up.  called the sign of the gun in Fetterlane near unto Fléetstréet, and diverse other houses near adjoining, were blown up, with the spoire of fifty hundred weight of powder: two men and one woman were slain, & diverse other persons, as well men as women and children were sore hurt; some blasted with the flame, some bruised with the fall of timber upon them, etc.  
Albertus Alasco, free baron of Lasco, Uaivode, 
Palatine of Siradia in Poland came into England.  or palatine of Siradia in Poland, arrived at Harwich in Essex, and on the last of April came by water to Winchester house in Southworke, where he remained for the most part of his abode here: of whom more hereafter at his return into his own country. Elias Thackar tailor was hanged at saint Edmund's bury in Suffolk on the fourth of june, 
Elias Thackar, and john Coping hanged at Berrie.  and john Coping shoemaker on the sixth of the same month, for spreading and maintaining certain books seditiously penned by one Robert Browne against the received book of English common prayer, established by the laws of this realm their books (so many as could be found) were burned before them. This year on the ninth of june deceased Thomas Ratclife earl of Sussex, 
Thomas Ratclife earl of Sussex deceased.  lord chamberlain to her majesty, and knight of the garter, at Barmundseie in the borough of Southworke besides London, and was on the eight of julie next following conveyed through the same city of London toward Newhall in Essex, there to be buried in form following. First went on foot before him forty and five poor men in black gowns, then on horseback one hundred and twenty servingmen in black coats, than ninety and five gentlemen in black gowns or cloaks, besides the heralds at arms and other, which bore his helm, crest, sword, coat of arms, and banners of arms, etc. Then the deceased earl, covered with a pall of black velvet, in a chariot likewise covered with black velvet, drawn with four goodly geldings; next after was led the earls steed covered with black velvet, than sir Henry Ratclife the succeeding earl chief mourner, and eight other lords all in black, than the lord mayor and his brethren the aldermen of London riding in murray gowns, then on foot the gentlemen of Greis in, and last of all the worshipful company of the merchant tailors of London in their liveries, for that the said earl was a brother of their company, as many noble men, and famous princes, kings of this realm before him had been; as more at large is declared in 
* I. Stow.  the summary of the chronicles of England, in the eightéenth year of king Henry the seventh. The mayor and aldermen, the gentlemen of Greis in, and the merchant tailors accompanied the corpse to the bars without Aldgate, and returned. This was the end of that nobleman, who (whiles he lived) adventured limb and life line 10 against the enemies of the English commonwealth, and therefore in respect of his excellent services, deserved no less remembrance than is already extant of him in print, whereof this following is a parcel: 
— satrapas praeclarus, fortis & audax,  
Elisabetha tui speciosi corporis acer  
Et fidus custos, discrimen adire paratus  
Quodlibet, invicto Mavortis pectore campo:  
Cui virtus persaepè herbam porrexit Hibernus,  
Quem pugnis fulg●ns ornat victoria parta line 20  
Sanguineis, sed laus huic maxima judicis aequi.   
Edmund grindal doctor of divinity archbishop of Canturburie deceased at Croidon in Surrie on the sixth day of julie, 
Edmund grindal archbishop of Canturburie deceased.  & was there buried. This good man in his life time was so studious, that his book was his bride, and his study his bride-chamber, whereupon he spent both his eyesight, his strength, and his health, and therefore might very well not activelie but passively be named as (he was) grindal: for he groond himself even to his grave by mortification. line 30 Of whom much might be spoken for others imitation (si●h the use of the history, is to instruct succeeding ages) but this shall suffice, that as his learning & virtue were inseparable companions; so the reward of both is the good name which he hath left behind him as a monument perpetual, because virtue was the founder of the same: according to the true saying of the late poet importing no less: 
Virtutis merces eadem & labour, illa tropheum est,  

Abr. Hart. in R.L.  Soláque dat nigrae vincere mortis iter: line 40  
Nam nisi virtutis quaeratur gloria factis,  
Omnis in extremos est abitura rogos.   

justice Randolfe his charity of one thousand nine hundred pounds.  Barnard Randolfe esquire, common sergeant to the city of London, deceased on the seventh of August. This man in his life time, somewhat before his death, gave and delivered to the company of the Fishmongers in London the sum of nine hundred pounds, of good and lawful money of England to be employed towards the conducting of Thames water, cesterning the same in lead, and castelling line 50 with stone in the parishes of saint Marie Magdalene, and saint Nicholas cold abbey, near unto old Fishstréet, seven hundred pounds. The other two hundred pounds, to pay for ever yearly the sum of ten pounds, that is, towards the maintenance of a poor scholar in the university of Oxenford yearly four pounds. Towards the mending of the high ways in the parish of Tisehurst, in the county of Sussex, where the said Barnard was borne, every year four pounds. And to the poor people of the line 60 parishes of saint Nicholas Olive in Bredstréet and saint Marie Magdalene near to old Fish-street forty shillings, to wit, twenty shillings to either parish for ever. More he willed and bequeathed by his last will and testament to be bestowed in land or annuities, to the relief of the poor inhabiting in the wards of Quéenehive, and castle Bainard in the city of London, and in the aforesaid parish of Tisehurst in the county of Sussex, the sum of one thousand pounds.  
This year in the month of june, were sent to the seas, 
●●●roners apprehended and executed.  a ship called the bark Talbot, and a small bark, both manned with a hundred men, under the charge of William Borough esquire, clerk of her majesties navy, for the apprehending of certain outrageous searovers, who for that they were many in number, and well appointed (contemning the small strength that was set out against them) so boldly behaved themselves, as that shortly after it was confidently bruited, that they had vanquished in fight the said ship and bark. But within few days after, beyond all expectation, they were by the said William Borough and his company discomfited and taken, to the number of ten sail (whereof three were prizes) & some of the chief pirates, namely Thomas Walton alias Purser, Clinton Atkinson, William Ellis, William Valentine alias Bagh, Thomas Beven and four more, on the thirtieth of August were hanged at Wapping in the ooze besides London. Walton as he went to the gallows rend his venetian breeches of crimson taffeta, and distributed the same piecemeal, to such his old acquaintance as stood near about him: but Atkinson had before given his murrie velvet doublet with great gold buttons, and the like coloured velvet venetians laid with great gold lace (apparel too sumptuous for sea-rovers) which he had worn at the seas, & wherein he was brought up prisoner from Corpse castle in the isle of Porbeke to London, unto such his friends as pleased him, before he went to Wapping.  
¶ This Clinton Atkinson (a personable fellow, 
A brief description of Clinton Atki●son and his parentage.  tall of stature and well proportioned, of acceptable behaviour when he kept shop for himself, being a free man of London, and like enough to do well if he had taken good ways) had his name of the late earl of Lincoln now deceased, who christened him being an infant, & by whose special means (being grown a proper man) he was not long before saved from the like death, and yet through want of grace making relapse, fell within danger of law. He descended of honest parents, his father specially being a man of very honest name, one that loved the truth, for the testimony whereof he forsook his own native country, leading a hard life with his family beyond the seas in queen Mary's days: & returning to England at the inthronization of our gracious queen Elisabeth in the seat royal, was made minister, in which vocation he died in God's favour, and the good opinion of his neighbours, leving behind him (among other sons) this his eldest, sorted (as you see) to the shame, which malefactors of that quality, and so convinced, can not avoid. This avoweth he that knew the man as well as the right hand from the left. Where (to conclude) we are to mark that it is not always true, that good parents have good children: for here is an example of degeneration, procured not by evil education (for this Clinton wanted no good bringing up) but by bad company and liberty, 
Company & liberty bring many to misery.  the very spoil of many a one that otherwise might live & thrive. Wherein by the way we are to wonder at the counsels of God, who suffereth children so much to vary from their parents in quality, as if they had not received their birthright, but were bastards & changelings: but to end with the prophet David's saying: Intima consilij non penetranda Dei.  
On the eighteenth day of September, 
An heretic john jews burned at Norwich. See pag. 1299.  john jews, who named himself Abdoit, an obstinate heretic, denying the godhead of Christ, and holding divers other detestable heresies (much like to his predecessor Matthew Hamont) was burned at Norwich. On the two and twentieth of September Albertus de Lasco, palatine of Siradia in Poland, 
Palatine of Siradia in Poland returned.  before spoken of, now when he had well viewed the order of our English court and nobility; with other places of this realm, especially the university of Oxenford, &c: taking leave of her majesty, and of the nobility, he departed towards Poland. But before we make entrance into further occurrents, it shall not be amiss to touch some necessary circumstances of remembrance.  

A description of Albertus his person, apparel, etc.  This Albertus in the eyes of the most, whereof some knew him, that might hardly commend him, esteemed him a man for making well proportioned, of an indifferent tall stature, of countenance amiable, and complexion English like, having a white beard of such length and breadth, as that lying in his bed, and parting it with his hands, the same overspread all his breast and shoulders, himself greatly line 10 delighting therein, and reputing it an ornament: as for his qualities (apparent unto the world) they were generous, his utterance sweet, his wit plausible, in the knowledge of tongues well seen: his ordinary attire scarlet, but when he presented himself to her majesty, a rob or gown of purple velvet, with other habiliments and furniture agreeable; his shoes of a strange fashion, supposed of some not altogether unlike Chaucer's. Finally, a gallant fellow he was, & (as might be gathered by some words line 20 spoken by him in 
* 
At Oxenford, where he termed the Latin that he spoke Militare Latinum, that is, soldiers Latin.  
The lord Norris his daughter married to sir A. Paulet his eldest son.   open audience) more Martial than Mercurial; very active in respect of his age, and also studious in diverse faculties, etc.  
Touching the entertainment which he had at Oxenford, and how the university did congratulate his coming, it is somewhat worth the noting. In the month of june, the said Albertus de Lasco, coming from the marriage of the lord Norris his daughter, with sir A. Paulets eldest son at Ricot, he put himself on the way to Oxenford▪ whereof the line 30 university (doctor Hovenden then vicechancellor, & master Le●son with master Edes proctor's) having intelligence, provided for his convenient receiving: insomuch that in the way to Oxenford, there met him doctor Westfailing, who greeted him with a pithy salutation. In like sort did the mayor and his brethren, in whose behalf for the whole city, the town clerk a worshipful master of art, pronounced his short and sententious speech in Latin, not without some gratulatory gift from that corporation. line 40 On the east gate whereat he entered, stood a consort of musicians, who for a long space made very sweet harmony, which could not but move & delight: 
Inscia plebs populísque arrectis auribus astat,  
Dulciferúmque rudi suscipit aure melos.   
All up the high street unto saint Mary's church, on either side the way, were decently marshaled scholars in their gowns & caps, bachelors and masters in their habits and hoods. At saint Maries the orator of the university (notable in his faculty) presented line 50 him a book, 
The welcoming of Albertus to the university of Oxenford, with a partile description of his entertainment.  in which were closely couched very rich and gorgeous gloves. From thence he marched to Christ's church, where he was whilst he abode in the university most honourably entertained. And the first night being vacant, as in which he sought rather rest in his lodging than recreation in any academical pastimes, strange fire works were showed, in the great quadrangle, besides rockets and a number such manner of devices. On the second day, his first dinner was made him at Alsoules' college, where (besides dutiful receiving of him) he was solemnly line 60 satisfied with scholerlie exercises and courtly fare. This night & the night ensuing, after sumptuous suppers in his lodging, he personaly was present with his train in the hall, first at the playing of a pleasant comedy entitled Rivales; then at the setting out of a very stately tragedy named Dido, wherein the queens banquet (with Aeneas' narration of the destruction of troy) was lively described in a marchpaine pattern, there was also a goodly sight of hunters with full cry of a kennel of hounds, Mercury and Iris descending and ascending from and to an high place, 
Rain of rosewater, and hail of sugar confects, etc.  the tempest wherein it hailed small confects, reigned rose-water, and snew an artificial kind of snew, all strange, marvelous, & abundant.  
Most of the actors were of the same house, six or seven of them were of saint john's, & three or four of other colleges & hals. His second dinner the third day was at Magdalen college, with oratory welcoming & bountiful feasting. His third dinner the fourth day at New college. The eloquent speech in Greek Latin and Dutch with his own unstudied answer thereunto, & all other before rehearsed, are not to be omitted; nor the public philosophy, physic, and divinity disputations, in all which those learned opponents, respondents, & moderators, quited themselves like themselves, sharply and soundly, besides all other solemn sermons & lectures. At afternoon the fourth & last day, he went towards Woodstock manor, and without the north gate by the way he was invited unto a banquet at saint john's college, where the gates & outward walls overcovered with thousands of verses, & other emblematical poetries than offered him, argued their hearty goodwills: but his hasting to his journeys end caused him not to tarry the delicate banquet; yet only staying the delivery of a sweet oration and his own quick witty reply thereunto, he departed immediately, accompanied for a mile or two with the most of those reverend doctors and heads of houses all on horseback, where the orator again gave him an orators farewell. And this is the sum of his entertainment, not delivered in such sort as the dignity of the same requireth; howbeit sufficient for a sudden remembrance.  
On the three & twentieth day of September, john Whitegift doctor of divinity, 
Doctor Whitegift archbishop of Canturburie.  sometimes master of Trinity college in Cambridge, and afterwards bishop of Worcester, was at Lambhith translated to the archbishopric of Canturburie, where he at his coming to Lambehith (as also elsewhere he always did) gave evident testimonies both of mindfulness and thankfulness for his advancements: as by the three tables hanging at the upper end of his great chamber appeareth: their position in this sort. In the midst her majesties arms royal artificially wrought, with as much cunning as the painter by his pencil could describe them: and under them this distichon of thanksgiving, and well-wishing: 
Nestoreos foelix regat Elisabetha per annos,  
Quae mihi munificè 
* Allusio, ad D. archiep. nomen.  Candida dona dedit.   
On the right side, the arms of the see of Canturburie of azure, a pall silver garnished with crosses form fiche sable over a cross portatile gold: to the lower end whereof this distichon is fairly fixed: 
En leave multiplici premeretur cuspide corpus, 
Ab. Hart. quondam Cant. & Trinitarius.   
Nibaculus Christi grand levaret onus.   
On the left side are placed the ancient arms of the see of Worcester, from the which he was translated, which are of silver, ten torteaux, four, three, two, one: with this distichon thereunto annexed: 
Qui crucis aerumnas patitur, post fata triumphant,  
Lilia sic spondent fuluis coniuncta talentis.]   
Over & above the arms of both the said sees is his grace's posy, Vincit qui patitur: a deserved posy, and justified by his actions. 
A monstrous fish taken in Norfolk.  The tenth of October at Easter, a town in Norfolk near the sea coast, about two miles from Yarmouth, there was a fish of wonderful length, by force of the wind (being then easterly) driven a shore, the length whereof was from the neck unto the tail seventeen yards and one foot, having a big head; for the chap of the saw was three yards and a quarter in length, with teeth of three quarters of a yard compass, great eyes, and two great holes over them to spout out water, her tail was fourteen foot broad, &c: she lay in the sands, and was soonken therein a yard and a half deep, and yet was she above the sands so high, that a lather of fourteen staves would but reach to the top of her back; so that in thickness from the back to the belly, she was four yards and a half. john Slade, 
Slade and body executed.  sometime a schoolmaster, and john Body a master of art of Oxford, being both indicted and condemned of high treason, were drawn, hanged, and quartered: Slade at Winchester on the thirtieth day of October, and Body at Andovar on the second day of November. line 10  

An Reg. 26. Horssestealers hanged, ten at once in Smithfield.  About this time, one named Ditch a notable horssestealer, was apprehended at the sessions holden for the goal delivery at Newgat, on the fourth of December, nineteen times indicted, whereof he confessed eighteen: who also between the time of his apprehension and the said sessions, appeached many for stealing of horses, whereof (diverse being apprehended) ten of them were condemned, and hanged in Smithfield on the sixth day of December, being friday, and horse market there. He also holp diverse more to their horses again which had been line 20 stolen from them, taking of every one of them ten shillings the piece or more that so recovered their horses: whereby he made fifteen pounds of currant money towards his charges. 
Desmonds' head set on London bridge.  james earl of Desmond in Ireland, secretly wandering without any succour as a miserable beggar, being taken in his cabin by one of the Irishrie, his head was cut off, and sent into England, where the same (as the head of an archrebel) was set upon London bridge on the line 30 thirteenth day of December. Look for the manner of his rebellion and his death more at large set down in the history of Ireland.  
The tenth day of December, through negligence of undiscréet persons, 
Nantwich in Cheshire burnt.  brewing in the town of Nantwich, in a place called Waterlode; the fire being carelessly left, took hold (as should seem) upon some straw, or such light matter, & so burst forth to the roofs of the house, and in short time so increased, that from the west end of the town (the wind at line 40 south-west) the flame was dispersed so furiously into the town on the southside, that in short space a great part of the said southside and some of the eastside was burned down to the ground. Which fire beginning at six of the clock in the evening, and continuing till six of the clock in the morning following, never ceased burning, till it had consumed above the number of two hundred houses, beside brew houses, barns, stables, &c: in all about six hundred houses, so that by estimation of many, the loss of houses and goods amounted to above thirty line 50 thousand pounds, as more at large appeared by a particular book printed of that matter. About this time, 
Someruile, Arden, and others arraigned.  john somervile a furious young man of Elstow in Warwikeshire, of late discovered and taken in his way coming with full intent to kill the queens majesty (whom God long prosper to reign over us) confessed the treason, and that he was moved thereunto in his wicked spirit, by certain traitorous persons his kinsmen and allies, and also by often reading of certain seditious books lately line 60 published, for the which the said Someruile, Edward Arden a squire of Parkehall in Warwikeshire, Marie Arden his wife (father and mother in law to the said Someruile) and Hugh Hall priest, being with other before indicted at Warwick, were on the sixteenth of December arraigned in the Guildhall of London, where they were found guilty and condemned of high treason. On the nintéenth of December, 
Arden 〈◊〉.  john somervile, and Edward Arden, being brought from the tower of London to Newgate of the same city, and there shut up in several places: within two hours after, somervile was found (desperately) to have strangled himself. And on the morrow being the tw●ntith of December, Edward Arden was drawn from Newgate into Smithfield, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered: whose head with Someruiles' was set on London bridge, and his quarters on the gates of the city; but the body of somervile was buried in the More-fields, near unto the windmills without Moregate. A dreadful example of God's heavy judgement upon those two offenders; but specially against the last, whom God delivered to a reprobat mind, in somuch that his own hands became his hangman, preventing the office of the common executioner, who should have performed that last action upon him: whereof the justice of God in vengeance made himself the finisher and fulfiller. Thus much by the way of terror, that the remembrance hereof, by the reading & reporting of the same, may make men evil minded, amazed at the rigorous revengement which God taketh (when he seeth his due time) upon the wicked: after his long sufferance and patience most wickedly abused; whereof the poet saith: 
Vltio procedit (fateor) divina gradatim,  
Nec quoties peccant fulmina vibrat eyes:  
Supplicij verò justa gravitate rependit  
Turpia, quae longo tempore facta tulit.   
In this year 1583 (which should have been noted in the fore part of the year) by the means of a certain astrological discourse, 
This book for the time that it was in request, set people tongues on work▪ and filled their minds with strange conceits.  upon the great and notable conjunction of the two superior planets, Saturn and jupiter, prognosticated to be the eight and twentieth of April; the common sort of people, yea and no small multitude of such as think scorn to be called fools, or counted beggars, whilst they were in expectation of this conjunction, were in no small imaginations, supposing that no less would have been effectuated, than by the said discourse was prophesied. Into these fancies not void of fear and mistrust they were drawn with the more facility, for that they had read, and heard, & pondered, and suspected, and in part believed the predictions of such events as should ensue by influence of that conjunction. For it was termed the great and notable conjunction, which should be manifested to the ignorant sort, 
Why it was called the great conjunction.  by many fierce and boisterous winds then suddenly breaking out. It was called the greatest and most sovereign conjunction among the seven planets: why so? Because laws, and empires, and regions are ruled by the same: which foretelleth the coming of a prophet, & the destruction of certain climates and parts of the earth, and new found heresies, and a new founded kingdom, and damages through the pestilence, and abundant showers: which doth prognosticat the destiny of a great and mighty king, much sorrow & heaviness to men, losses to rich and noble men, yea and those too which are accounted and reputed like to prophets, and a multitude of locusts: which doth foreshow▪ that weighty and wonderful things shall come into the world: which doth threaten continual overflows of waters, and particular deluges in some countries: finally, which menaceth much mischief. The publication, off reading, and talking of this conjunction, with the remembrance of the instant wherein it should be, made many (when the day foretold was come) to look for some strange apparition or vision in the air; and withal, put them in mind of an old and common prophesy, touching the year 1588., 
Touching the year of wonders, gathered to be 1588.  which is now so ri●e in every man's mouth. That year was many hundred years ago foretold and much spoken of amongst astrologers, who have as it were, Vnanimi consensu, prognosticated, that either a marvelous fearful & horrible alteration of empires, kingdoms, segniories and estates, together likewise with other most wonderful, and very extraordinary accidents, as extreme hunger and pestilence, desperate treasons and commotions shall then fall out, to the miserable affliction and oppression of huge multitudes: or else, that an utter and final overthrow and destruction of the whole world shall ensue: which prophesy is contained in these verses following: 
Post mill expletos à partu Virginis annos,  

●●ouitius Regiomontanus.  Et post quingentos rursus ab orb datos:  
Octogesimus octauus mirabilis annus  
Ingruet, is secum tristia fata feret.  
Si non hoc anno totus malus occidet orbis, line 10  
Si non in nihilum terra, fretúmque ruet:  
Cuncta tamen mundi sursum ibunt atque retrorsum,  
Imperia, & luctus undique grandis erit.   
So that by this prophesy, either a final dissolution, or a wonderful horrible alteration of the world is then to be expected. All these considerations laid together, as well the prediction of the conjunction in expectation, 
The great year of 1588. is more talked of than feared.  as also the dreadful events, which were to ensue thereupon: and upon the neck of these, the line 20 great year of 1588. in every man's mouth, the more frequent and common by occasion of a book extant under the title of the end of the world, and the second coming of Christ, made diverse diversly affected; insomuch that some conversing and conferring, looked for no less than was prophesied; and talking very religiously, seemed as though they would become sanctified people: howbeit, the day of the conjunction being past, 
When people saw nothing in the air (as they looked for) they fell to derision.  with a certain countercheck against the said astrological discourse in line 30 some points defective, and no such events palpably perceived as were prognosticated; people fell to their former security, and condemned the discourser of extreme madness and folly: whereof no more but this, Scientia nullum habet sibi inimicum praeter ignorantem.  
year 1584. On the tenth of januarie in the year 1584. at a sessions holden in the justice hall in the old bailie of London for goal delivery of Newgate, 
Cartar executed for printing a traitorous book.  William Cartar of the city of London was there indicted, arraigned, line 40 and condemned of high treason, for printing a seditious and traitorous book in English, entitled A treatise of schism: and was for the same (according to sentence pronounced against him) on the next morrow, which was the eleventh of januarie, drawn from Newgate to Tyburn, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. And forthwith against slanderous reports, 
A declaration of the favourable dealing of her majesties commissioners, for the examining of traitors.  spread abroad in seditious books, letters and libels, thereby to inflame the hearts of our countrymen, and her majesties subjects: a book line 50 was published, entitled, A declaration of the favourable dealing of her majesties commissioners, etc. Which book I have thought good in this place to set down (for the better instruction of the reader) even as the same was printed and published, and thus it followeth.   

A declaration of the favourable dealing of her majesties commissioners appointed for the examination of certain traitors, and of tortures unjustly reported to be done upon them line 60 for matters of religion.  

To the reader.  GOod reader, although her majesties most mild and gracious government be sufficient to defend itself against those most slanderous reports of heathenish and unnatural tyranny and cruel tortures, pretended to have been executed upon certain traitors, who lately suffered for their treason, and others, aswell spread abroad by rungates, jesuits, and seminary men in their seditious books, letters, and libels, in foreign countries and princes courts, as also insinuated into the hearts of some of our own countrymen and her majesties subjects: yet for thy better satisfaction I have conferred with a very honest gentleman, whom I knew to have good and sufficient means to deliver the truth against such forgers of lies and shameless slanders in that behalf, which he and other that do know and have affirmed the same will at all times justify. And for thy further assurance and satisfaction herein, he hath set down to the view of all men these necessary notes following.  
Touching the rack and torments used to such traitors as pretended themselves to be catholics, upon whom the same have been exercised, it is affirmed for truth, and is offered upon due examination so to be proved, to be as followeth. First, 
The slanderous report concerning the extreme use of the rack convinced.  that the forms of torture in their severity or rigour of execution, have not been such and in such manner performed, as the slanderers and seditious libelers have slanderously & maliciously published. And that even the principal offendor Campion himself, who was sent & came from Rome, and continued here in sundry corners of the realm, having secretly wandered in the greatest part of the shires of England in a disguised sort, to the intent to make special preparation of treasons; and to that end and for furtherance of those his labours, sent over for more help and assistance, and cunningly and traitorously at Rome before he came from thence, procured toleration for such prepared rebels to keep themselves covert under pretence of temporary and permissive obedience to her majesty the state standing as it doth; but so soon as there were sufficient force whereby the bull of her majesties deprivation might be publicly executed, they should then join all together with that force upon pain of curse and damnation: that very Campion, I say, 
Campion and Briant were too favourably used: and far under the proportion of their treasonable offences.  before the conference had with him by learned men in the Tower, wherein he was charitably used, was never so racked, but that he was presently able to walk, and to write, and did presently write and subscribe all his confessions, as by the originals thereof may evidently appear.  
A horrible matter is also made of the starving of one Alexander Briant, how he should eat clay out of the walls, gathered water to drink from the droppings of houses, with such other false ostentations of immanity: where the truth is this, that what soever Briant suffered in want of food, he suffered the same wilfully & of extreme impudent obstinacy, against the mind and liking of those that dealt with him. For certain traitorous writings being found about him, it was thought convenient by conference of hands to understand whose writing they were, and thereupon he being in her majesties name commanded to write, which he could very well do, and being permitted to him to write what he would himself, in these terms, that if he liked not to write one thing, he might write another, or what he listed (which to do being charged in her majesties name was his duty, and to refuse was disloyal and undutiful) yet the man would by no means be induced to write any thing at all. Then was it commanded to his keeper to give unto him such meat, drink, and other convenient necessaries as he would write for, and to forbear to give him any thing for which he would not write.  
But Briant being thereof advertised and off moved to write, 
The cursed & stubborn hart of Briant.  persisting so in his cursed heart by almost two days and two nights, made choice rather to lack food, than to write for the sustenance which he might readily have had for writing, & which he had indeed readily and plentifully so soon as he wrote. And as it is said of these two, so is it to be said of other; with this, that there was a perpetual care had, & the queens servants the warders, whose office and act it is to handle the rack, were ever by those that attended the examinations specially charged, to use it in as charitable manner as such a thing might be.  
secondly it is said, and likewise offered to be justified, that never any of these seminaries, or such other pretended catholics, which at any time in her majesties reign have been put to the rack, were upon the rack or in other torture demanded any line 10 question of their supposed conscience; as what they believed in any point of doctrine or faith, as the mass, 
Ergo it is false which the infamous libeler hath ●ast abroad, Relligio 〈…〉 mala vita 〈◊〉.  transubstantiation, or such like: but only with what persons at home, or abroad, and touching what plaits, practices and conferences they had dealt about attempts against her majesties estate or person, or to alter the laws of the realm for matters of religion, by treason or by force, and how they were persuaded themselves, and did persuade other touching the pope's bull and pretence of authority, to depose line 20 kings and princes; and namely, for deprivation of her majesty, and to discharge subjects from their allegiance, expressing herein alway the kingly powers and estates, and the subjects allegiance civilly, without mentioning or meaning therein any right that the queen as in right of the crown hath over persons ecclesiastical being her subjects. In all which cases, Campion and the rest never answered plainly, but sophistically, deceitfully and traitorously, restraining their confession of allegiance line 30 only to the permissive form of the pope's toleration. As for example, if they were asked, whether they did acknowledge themselves the queen's subjects and would obey her, they would say, Yea: for so they had leave for a time to do. 
This is consonant to the report set down before in the discovery of Campion, pag. 1325.  But adding more to the question, and they being asked, if they would so acknowledge & obey her any longer than the pope would so permit them; or notwithstanding such commandment as the pope would or might give to the contrary: then they either refused so to obey, or denied line 40 to answer; or said, that they could not answer to those questions without danger. Which very answer without more saying, was a plain answer to all reasonable understanding, that they would no longer be subjects, nor persuade other to be subjects, than the pope gave licence. And at their very arraignment, when they laboured to leave in the minds of the people and standers by, an opinion that they were to die, not for treason, but for matter of faith and conscience in doctrine, touching the service of line 50 God, without any attempt or purpose against her majesty, they cried out that they were true subjects, and did and would obey and serve her majesty. Immediately, to prove whether that hypocritical and sophistical speech extended to a perpetuity of their obedience, or to so long time as the pope so permitted, or no; they were openly in place of judgement asked by the queen's learned council, 
What allegigi●nce these fellows meant to her majesty may appear by these words of Campion, being the mouth o● the ●est.  whether they would so obey and be true subjects, if the pope commanded the contrary? They plainly disclosed themselves in answer, saying by the mouth of Campion: line 60 This place (meaning the court of her majesties Bench) hath no power to inquire or judge of the holy father's authority: and other answer they would not make.  
thirdly, that none of them have been put to the rack or torture, no not for the matters of treason, or partnership of treason or such like, but where it was first known and evidently probable by former detections, confessions, and otherwise, that the party so racked, or tortured, was guilty, and did know, and could deliver truth of the things wherewith he was charged: so as it was first assured, that no innocent was at any time tormented, and the rack was never used to wring out confessions at adventure upon uncertainties, in which doing it might be possible that an innocent in that case might have been racked.  
fourthly, that none of them hath been racked or tortured, unless he had first said expressly, or amounting to as much, that he will not tell the truth, 
As namely Campion, of whom an infamous libeler reporteth (in commendation forsooth of his constancy) Non secreta mee iorius lic●tor● fatebor.  though the queen command him. And if any of them being examined did say he could not tell, or did not remember, if he would so affirm in such manner as christians among christians are believed; such his answer was accepted, if there were not apparent evidence to prove that he wilfully said untruely. But if he said that his answer in delivering truth, should hurt a catholic, & so be an offence against the charity, which they said to be sin, & that the queen could not command them to sin, & therefore how soever the queen commanded, they would not tell the truth, which they were known to know, or to such effect: they were then put to the torture, or else not.  
fiftly, that the proceeding to torture was alway so slowly, so unwillingly, & with so many preparations of persuasions to spare themselves, and so many means to let them know that the truth was by them to be uttered, both in duty to her majesty, and in wisdom for themselves, as whosoever was present at those actions, must needs acknowledge in her majesties ministers, a full purpose to follow the example of her own most gracious disposition: whom God long preserve.  
Thus it appeareth, that albeit by the more general laws of nations, torture hath been, and is lawfully judged to be used in lesser cases, and in sharper manner for inquisition of truth in crimes not so near extending to public danger, as these ungracious persons have committed, whose conspiracies and the particularities thereof it did so much import and behove to have disclosed: yet even in that necessary use of such proceeding, enforced by the offenders notorious obstinacy, is nevertheless to be acknowledged the sweet temperature of her majesties mild and gracious clemency, and their slanderous lewdness to be the more condemned, that have in favour of heinous malefactors, and stubborn traitors, spread untrue rumours and slanders, to make her merciful government disliked, under false pretence and rumours of sharpness and cruelty to those, against whom nothing can be cruel, and yet upon whom nothing hath been done but gentle and merciful.   

The execution of justice in England for maintenance of public and christian peace, against certain stirrers of sedition, and adherents to the traitors and enemies of the realm, without any persecution of them for questions of religion, as is falsely reported and published by the fautors and fosterers of their treasons.  
IT hath been in all ages and in all countries a common usage of all offenders, 
All offenders cover their faults with contrary causes.  for the most part, both great and small, to make defence of their lewd and unlawful facts by untruths, and by colouring and covering their deeds (were they never so vile) with pretences of some other causes of contrary operations or effects: to the intent not only to avoid punishment or shame, but to continue, uphold, and prosecute their wicked attempts, to the full satisfaction of their disordered and malicious appetites. And though such hath been the use of all offenders, 
Rebels do most dangerously cover their faults.  yet of none with more danger than of rebels and traitors to their lawful princes, kings, and countries. Of which sort of late years are specially to be noted certain persons naturally borne subjects in the realm of England and Ireland, who having for some good time professed outwardly their obedience to their sovereign lady queen Elisabeth, have nevertheless afterward been stirred up and seduced by wicked spirit, 
Rebellion in England and Ireland.  first in England sundry years passed, and secondly and of later time in Ireland, to enter into open rebellion, taking arms and coming into the field against her majesty and her lieutenants, with their forces under banners displayed, inducing by notable untruths many simple people to follow and assist them in their traitorous actions.  
And though it is very well known, that both line 10 their intentions and manifest actions were bend to have deposed the queens majesty from her crown, and to have traitorously set in her place some other whom they liked, 
The rebels vanquished by the queens power.  whereby if they had not been speedily resisted, they would have committed great bloodsheds and slaughters of her majesties faithful subjects, and ruined their native country: yet by God's power given unto her majesty, they were so speedily vanquished, 
Some of the rebels fled into foreign countries.  as some few of them suffered by order of law according to their deserts, line 20 many & the greatest part upon confession of their faults were pardoned, the rest (but they not many) of the principal, escaped into foreign countries, & there, because in none or few places rebels and traitors to their natural princes and countries dare for their treasons challenge at their first muster open comfort or succour, these notable traitors and rebels have falsely informed many kings, princes and states, and specially the bishop of Rome, commonly called the pope (from whom they all had secretly their first line 30 comfort to rebel) that the cause of their flying from their countries was for the religion of Rome, 
Rebels pretend religion for their defence.  and for maintenance of the said pope's authority: whereas diverse of them before their rebellion lived so notoriously, the most part of their lives, out of all good rule, either for honest manners, or for any sense in religion, as they might have been rather familiar with Catiline, or favourers to Sardanapalus, than accounted good subjects under any christian princes. As for some examples of the heads of line 40 these rebellions, out of England fled Charles Nevil earl of Westmoreland, a person utterly wasted by looseness of life, and by God's punishment even in the time of his rebellion bereaved of his children that should have succeeded him in the earldom, and his body now eaten with ulcers of lewd causes (as his companions do say) that no enemy he hath can wish him a viler punishment: a pitiful loss to the realm of so noble a house, never before in any age atteinted for disloyalty. 
Kingleaders of rebels, Charles Nevil earl of Westmoreland, and Thomas Stukeleie.  And out of Ireland ran line 50 away one Thomas Stukeleie, a defamed person almost through all christendom, and a faithless beast rather than a man, fleeing first out of England for notable pirasies, and out of Ireland for treacheries not pardonable, which two were the first ringleaders of the rest of the rebels, the one for England, the other for Ireland.  
But notwithstanding the notorious evil and wicked lives of these & others their confederates, void of line 60 all christian religion, it liked the bishop of Rome, as in favour of their treasons, not to colour their offences, as themselves openly pretend to do, for avoiding of common shame of the world: but flatly to animate them to continue their former wicked purposes, that is, to take arms against their lawful queen, to invade her realm with foreign forces, to pursue all her good subjects & their native countries with fire and sword: for maintenance whereof there had some years before, at sundry times, proceeded in a thundering sort, 
The effect of the pope's bull against the queen of England.  bulls, excommunications, and other public writings, denouncing her majesty being the lawful queen, and Gods anointed servant not to be the queen of the realm, charging and upon pains of excommunication comm●●●ing all her subjects to departed from their natural allegiances, whereto by birth and by oath they were bound: provoking also and authorising all persons of all degrees within both the realms to rebel. And upon this antichristian warrant, being contrary to all the laws of God and man, & nothing agreeable to a pastoral officer, not only all the rabble of the foresaid traitors that were before fled; but also all other persons that had forsaken their native countries, being of diverse conditions and qualities, some not able to live at home but in beggary, some discontented for lack of preferments, which they gaped for unworthily in universities and other places, some bankrupt merchants, some in a sort learned to contentions, 
The practices of the traitor's rebels, and fugitives to execute the 〈◊〉.  being not contented to learn to obey the laws of the land, have many years running up and down, from country to country, practised some in one corner, some in an other, some with seeking to gather forces and money for forces, some with instigation of princes by untruths, to make war upon their natural country, some with inward practices to murder the greatest, some with seditious writings, and very many of late with public infamous libels, full of despiteful vile terms and poisoned lies, altogether to uphold the foresaid antichristian and tyrannous warrant of the pope's bull.  
And yet also by some other means, to further these inventions, because they could not readily prevail by way of force, 
Seminaries erected to nurse seditious fugitives.  finding foreign princes of better consideration & not readily inclined to their wicked purposes, it was devised to erect by certain schools which they called seminaries, to nourish and bring up persons disposed naturally to sedition, to continue their race & trade, and to become seedmen in their tillage of sedition, and them to send secretly into these the queens majesties realms of England & Ireland under secret masks, some of priesthood, some of other inferior orders, with titles of seminaries for some of the meaner sort, and of jesuits for the stagers and ranker sort and such like, but yet so warily they crept into the land, as none brought the marks of their priesthood with them. 
The seminary fugitives come secretly into the realm to induce the people to obey the pope's bull.  But in divers corners of her majesties dominions these seminaries or séedmen and jesuits, bringing with them certain Romish trash, as of their hallowed war, their Agnus Dei, their grains, and many kind of beads, and such like, have as tillagemen laboured secretly to persuade the people to allow of the pope's foresaid bulls and warrants, & of his absolute authority over all princes and countries, and striking many with pricks of conscience to obey the same; whereby in process of small time, if this wicked and dangerous, traitorous, & crafty course had not been by God's goodness espied and stated, there had followed imminent danger of horrible uproars in the realms, and a manifest bloody destruction of great multitudes of christians.  
For it can not be denied but that so many as should have been induced & thoroughly persuaded to have obeyed that wicked warrant of the pope's, and the contents thereof, should have been forthwith in their hearts and consciences secret traitors, and for to be in deed errant and open traitors: there should have wanted nothing but opportunity to feel their strength & to assemble themselves in such numbers with armour and weapons, as they might have presumed to have been the greater part, and so by open civil war to have come to their wicked purposes. But God's goodness, by whom kings do rule, and by whose blast traitors are commonly wasted and confounded, hath otherwise given to her majesty as to his handmaid and dear servant, ruling under him, the spirit of wisdom and power, whereby she hath caused some of these seditious séedmen and sowers of rebellion, 
Sowers of sedition taken, co●●ented, & executed 〈◊〉 treason.  to be discovered for all their secret lurk, and to be taken and charged with these former points of high treason, not being dealt withal upon questions of religion, but justly by order of laws, openly condemned as traitors.  
At which times, notwithstanding all manner gentle ways of persuasions used, to move them to desist from such manifest traitorous courses and opinions with offer of mercy; yet was the canker of their rebellious humours so deeply entered and graven into line 10 the hearts of many of them, as they would not be removed from their traitorous determinations. And therefore as manifest traitors in maintaining and adhering to the capital enemy of her majesty & her crown (who hath not only been the cause of two rebellions already passed in England and Ireland, but in that of Ireland did manifestly wage and maintain his own people, captains, and soldiers under the banner of Rome, against her majesty, line 20 so as no enemy could do more) these I say have justly suffered death not by force or form of any new laws established, 
The seditious treitors condemned by the ancient laws of the realm, made two hundred years past.  either for religion or against the pope's supremacy, as the slanderous libelers would have it seem to be; but by the ancient temporal laws of the realm, and namely by the laws of parliament made in king Edward the third his time, about the year of our Lord 1330, which is above two hundred years and more past, when the bishops of Rome and pope's were suffered to have line 30 their authority ecclesiastical in this realm, as they had in many other countries. But yet of this kind of offenders, 
Persons condemned, spared from execution, upon refusal of their treasonable opinions.  as many of them, as after their condemnations were contented to renounce their former traitorous assertions; so many were spared from execution, & do live still at this day: such was the unwillingness in her majesty to have any blood spilled, without this very urgent, just, and necessary cause proceeding from themselves.  
And yet nevertheless, such of the rest of the traitors as remain in foreign parts, continuing still line 40 their rebellious minds, and craftily keeping themselves aloof off from dangers, cease not to provoke sundry other inferior seditious persons, 
The foreign traitors continue sending of persons to move sedition in the realm.  newly to steal secretly into the realm, to revive the former seditious practices, to the execution of the pope's foresaid bull against her majesty and the realm, pretending when they are apprehended, that they came only into the realm by the commandment of their superiors, the heads of the jesuits, to whom they are bound (as they say) by oath against either king line 50 or country, and here to inform or reform men's consciences from errors in some points of religion, as they think meet. But yet in very truth, the whole scope of their secret labours is manifestly proved, to be secretly to win all people, with whom they dare deal; so to allow of the pope's said bulls, and of his authority without exception, as in obeying thereof, they take themselves fully discharged of their allegiance and obedience to their lawful prince and country: yea, and to be well warranted line 60 to take arms to rebel against her majesty, when they shall be thereunto called; and to be ready secretly to join with any foreign force that can be procured to invade the realm, whereof also they have a long time given, and yet do for their advantage, no small comfort of success. And so consequently the effect of their labours is to bring the realm not only into a dangerous war against the forces of strangers (from which it hath been free above three and twenty or four and twenty years, 
The seditious 〈◊〉 labour to bring the realm into a war external and domestical.  a case very memorable and hard to be matched with an example of the like) but into a war domestical and civil, wherein no blood is usually spared, nor mercy yielded, and wherein neither the vanquishor nor the vanquished can have just cause of triumph.  
And forsomuch as these are the most evident perils that necessarily should follow, if these kind of vermin were suffered to creep by stealth into the realm, and to spread their poison within the same, howsoever when they are taken, like hypocrites, they colour and counterfeit the same with profession of devotion in religion: 
The duty of the queen and all her governors to God and their country, is to repel practices of rebellion.  it is of all persons to be yielded in reason, that her majesty and all her governors and magistrates of justice, having care to maintain the peace of the realm (which God hath given in her time, to continue longer than ever in any time of her progenitors) ought of duty to almighty God the author of peace, and according to the natural love and charge due to their country, and for avoiding of the floods of blood, which in civil wars are seen to run and flow, by all lawful means possible, as well by the sword as by law, in their several seasons to impeach and repel these so manifest and dangerous colourable practices, and works of sedition and rebellion.  
And though there are many subjects known in the realm, that differ in some opinions of religion from the church of England and that do also not forbear to profess the same: yet in that they do also profess loyalty and obedience to her majesty, and offer readily to her majesties defence, to impugn & resist any foreign force, though it should come or be procured from the pope himself: none of these sort are for their contrary opinions in religion prosecuted or charged with any crimes or pains of treason, 
None charged with capital crimes, being of a contrary religion, and professing to withstand foreign forces.  nor yet willingly searched in their consciences for their contrary opinions, that savour not of treason. And of these sorts, there have been and are a number of persons, not of such base and vulgar note as those which of late have been executed, as in particular, some by name are well known, and not unfit to be remembered. The first and chiefest by office was doctor Heth, that was archbishop of York, and lord chancellor of England in queen Mary's time; who at the first coming of her majesty to the crown, showing himself a faithful and quiet subject, continued in both the said offices, though in religion then manifestly differing; and yet was he not restrained of his liberty, nor deprived of his proper lands and goods, but leaving willingly both his offices, lived in his own house very discreetly, and enjoyed all his purchased lands during all his natural life, until by very age he departed this world, and then left his house and living to his friends. An example of gentleness never matched in queen Mary's time.  
The like did one doctor Poole that had been bishop of Peterborough, an ancient grave person, 
Names of diverse ecclesiastical persons professing contrary religion, never charged with capital crimes.  and a very quiet subject. There were also others that had been bishops and in great estimation, as doctor Tunstall bishop of Duresme, a person of great reputation, and also whilst he lived of very quiet behaviour. There were also other, as doctor White & doctor Oglethorpe, the one of Winchester, the other of carlil, bishops, persons of courteous natures, and he of carlil so inclined to dutifulness to the queens majesty, as he did the office at the consecration and coronation of her majesty in the church of Westminster: and doctor Thurlebie, & doctor Watson yet living, one of Elie, the other of Lincoln, bishops: the one of nature affable, the other altogether sour, and yet living. Whereto may be added the bishop then of Excester, turbervile, an honest gentleman, but a simple bishop, who lived at his own liberty to the end of his life: and none of all these pressed with any capital pain, though they maintained the pope's authority against the laws of the realm. And some abbots, as master Feckenam yet living, a person also of quiet and courteous behaviour, for a great time. Some also were deans, as doctor Boxall dean of Windsor, a person of great modesty, learning and knowledge: doctor Cole dean of Paul's, a person more earnest than discreet: doctor Reinolds dean of Excester, not unlearned, and many such others, having borne office & dignities in the church, & that had made profession against the pope, which they only began in queen Mary's time to change: yet were these never to this day burdened with capital peanes, nor yet deprived of line 10 any their goods or proper liveloods; but only removed from their ecclesiastical offices, which they would not exercise according to the laws. And most of them, & many other of their sort for a great time were detained in bishops houses in very civil and courteous manner, without charge to themselves or their friends, until the time that the pope began by his bulls & messages, to offer trouble to the realm by stirring of rebellion. About which time only, some line 20 of these aforenamed, being found busier in matters of state tending to stir troubles, than was meet for the common quiet of the realm, were removed to other more private places, where such other wanderers as were men known to move sedition, might be restrained from common resorting to them to increase trouble, as the pope's bull gave manifest occasion to doubt: and yet without charging them in their consciences or otherwise, by any inquisition to bring them into danger of any capital law: line 30 so as no one was called to any capital or bloody question upon matters of religion, but have all enjoyed their life as the course of nature would: and such of them as yet remain, may (if they will not be authors or instruments of rebellion or sedition) enjoy the time that God and nature shall yield them without danger of life or member.  
And yet it is worthy to be well marked, that the chiefest of all these and the most of them, 
The late favourers of the pope's authority were the chief adversaries of the same, by their doctrines and writings.  had in time of king Henry the eight, and king Edward the sixth, line 40 either by preaching, writing, reading, or arguing, taught all people to condemn, yea to abhor the authority of the pope: for which purpose they had many times given their oaths publicly, against the pope's authority, and had also yielded to both the said kings the title of supreme head of the church of England next under Christ, which title the adversaries do most falsely write and affirm, that the queens majesty now useth: a manifest lie & untruth, to be seen by the very acts of parliament, and at the beginning of her reign omitted in her style. And for proof that line 50 these foresaid bishops and learned men had so long time disavowed the pope's authority, many of their books and sermons against the pope's authority remain printed both in English and Latin to be seen in these times, to their great shame and reproof to change so often, but specially in persecuting such as themselves had taught and established to hold the contrary. A sin, near the sin against the holy ghost.  
There were also and yet be a great number of others, line 60 being lay men of good possessions and lands, 
A great number of lay persons of livelihood being of a contrary religion, never charged with capital crime.  men of good credit in their countries, manifestly of late time seduced to hold contrary opinions in religion for the pope's authority: and yet none of them have been sought hitherto to be impeached in any point or quarrel of treason, or of loss of life, member or inheritance. So as it may plainly appear, that it is not, nor hath been for contrarious opinions in religion, or for the pope's authority alone, as the adversaries do boldly and falsely publish, that any persons have suffered death since her majesties reign. And yet some of these sort are well known to hold opinion, that the pope ought by authority of God's word to be supreme and only head of the catholic church through the whole world, and only to rule in all causes ecclesiastical, and that the queens majesty ought not to be the governor over any her subjects in her realm being persons ecclesiastical: which opinions are nevertheless in some part by the laws of the realm punishable in their degrees. And yet for none of these points have any persons been prosecuted with the charge of treason, 
No person charged with capital 〈◊〉 for the only maintenance of the pope's supremacy.  or in danger of life.  
And if than it be inquired, for what cause these others have of late suffered death, it is truly to be answered as afore is often remembered, that none at all were impeached for treason to the danger of their life, but such as did obstinately maintain the contents of the pope's bull afore mentioned; 
Four points of treason. Such condemned only for treason, as maintain the effects of the pope's bull against her majesty and the realm.  which do import, that her majesty is not the lawful queen of England, the first and highest point of treason: and that all her subjects are discharged of their oaths and obedience; a second high point of treason: and all warranted to disobey her and her laws; a third and a very large point of treason. And thereto is to be added a fourth point most manifest, in that they would not disallow the pope's hostile proceedings in open wars against her majesty in her realm of Ireland, where one of their company doctor Sanders, a lewd scholar and subject of England, a fugitive and a principal companion and conspirator with the traitors and rebels at Rome, was by the pope's special commission a commander, as in form of a legate, and sometime a bursor or paiemaster for those wars. Which doctor Sanders in his book of his church monarchy, did afore his passing into Ireland openly by writing, gloriously avow the foresaid bull of Pius Quintus against her majesty, to be lawful; 
Doctor Sanders maintenance of the pope's bull.  and affirmeth that by virtue thereof one doctor Morton, an old English fugitive and conspirator, was sent from Rome into the north parts of England, which was true, to stir up the first rebellion there, whereof Charles Nevil the late earl of Westmoreland was a head captain.  
And thereby it may manifestly appear to all men, how this bull was the ground of the rebellions both in England and Ireland, 
The persons that suffered death, were condemned for treason & not for religion.  and how for maintenance thereof, and for sowing of sedition by warrant and allowance of the same, these persons were justly condemned of treason, and lawfully executed by the ancient laws temporal of the realm, without charging them for any other matter than for their practices and conspiracies both abroad and at home against the queen and the realm; and for the maintaining of the pope's foresaid authority and bull, published to deprive her majesty of her crown, and for withdrawing and reconciling of her subjects from their natural allegiance due to her majesty and to their country, and for moving them to sedition: and for no other causes or questions of religion were these persons condemned; although true it is, that when they were charged & convinced of these points of conspiracies and treasons, they would still in their answers colourably pretend their actions to have been for religion: but in deed and truth they were manifested to be for the procurement and maintenance of the rebellions and wars against her majesty and her realm.  
And herein is now the manifest diversity to be seen and well considered betwixt the truth of her majesties actions, 
The diversity betwixt truth and falsehood.  & the falsehood of the blasphemous adversaries: that where the factious party of the pope the principal author of the invasions of her majesties dominions, do falsely allege that a number of persons, whom they term as martyrs, have died for defence of the catholic religion; the same in very truth may manifestly appear to have died (if they so will have it) as martyrs for the pope, but yet as traitors against their sovereign and queen in adhering to him, being the notable and only open hostile enemy in all actions of war against her majesty, her kingdoms and people: 
A full proof that the maintainers of the bull are directly guilty of 〈◊〉.  and that this is the meaning of all these that have so obstinately maintained the authority and contents of this bull, the very words of the bull do declare in this sort, as doctor Sanders reporteth them.   
PIus Quintus pontifex maximus, de apostolicae potestais plenitudine, declaravit Elisabetham praetenso regni iure, line 10 necnon omne & quocunque dominio, dignitate, privilegióque privatam: itémque proceres, subditos & populos dicti regni, ac catero; omnes qui illi quomodocunque iuraverunt, à juramento huiusmodi ac omni fidelitatis debito, perpetuò absolutos: That is to say, Pius Quintus the greatest bishop, of the fullness of the apostolic power, declared Elisabeth to be bereaved or deprived of her pretended right of her kingdom, and also of all and whatsoever dominion, dignity and privilege: and also the nobles, subjects and people of the said kingdom, and line 20 all others which had sworn to her any manner of ways, to be absolved for ever from such oath, and from all debt or duty of fealty, &c: with many threatening cursings, to all that durst obey her or her laws. As for execution hereof, to prove, that the effect of the pope's bull and message was a flat rebellion, it is not amiss to hear what the same doctor Sanders the pope's fire brand in Ireland also writeth in his visible church monarchy, which is thus.  
Pius Quintus pon●ifex maximus, Anno Domini 1569 reverendum presbyterum Nicolaum Mortanum Anglum i● Angliam misit, 
Doctor Mortons' secret embassage from Rome to 〈◊〉 the rebellion in the north.  ut certis illustribus viris authoritate apostolica denuntiaret, Elisabetham quae tunc rerum potiebatur, haereticam esse: obe●mque causam, omni dominio & potestate excidisse, impunéque ab illis velut ethnicam haleri posse, nec 〈◊〉 l●gibus aut mandatis deinceps obedire cogi: That is to say, Pius Quintus the greatest bishop, in the year of our Lord 1569, sent the reverend priest Nicholas Morton an Englishman into England, line 40 that he should denounce or declare by the apostolic authority to certain noblem●n, Elisabeth, who then was in possession, to be an heretic: & for that cause to have fallen from all dominion and power, and that she may be had or reputed of them as an ethnic, and that they are not to be compelled to obey her laws or commandments, etc. Thus you see an embassage of rebellion from the pope's holiness, the ambassador an old doting English priest, a fugitive and conspirator, sent (as he saith) to some noble line 50 men, and these were the two earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, heads of the rebellion. And after this, he followeth to declare the success thereof, which I dare say he was sorry it was so evil, with these words.  
Qui dementiatione milti nobiles viri adducti sunt, ut de 〈◊〉 liberandis cogitare auderent ac sperabant illi quidem 〈◊〉 ●●nes summis viribus affu●ur●s esse: verum etsi 〈…〉 expect●bant res evenit, quia catholici omnes nandum probè cognoverant, Elisabetham haereticam esse declar●●●m, line 60 tamen laudanda illorum nobilium consilia erant: That is: By which denunciation, many noblemen were induced or led, that they were boldened to think of the fréeing of their brethren, and they hoped certainly that all the catholics would have assisted them with all their strength: but although the matter happened otherwise than they hoped for, because all the catholics knew not that Elisabeth was declared to be an heretic, yet the counsels and intents of those noblemen were to be praised. A rebellion and a vanquishing of rebels very smoothly described.  
This noble fact here mentioned was the rebellion in the north: the noblemen were the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland: the lack of the event or success was, that the traitors were vanquished, and the queen's majesty and her subjects had by God's ordinance the victory: and the cause why the rebels prevailed not, was because all the catholics had not been duly informed that the queen's majesty was declared to be (as they term it) an heretic: which want of information, to the intent to make the rebels mightier in number and power, was diligently and cunningly supplied by the sending into the realm of a great multitude of the seminaries and jesuits, whose special charge was to inform the people thereof, as by their actions hath manifestly appeared. A supplement to amend the former error.  
And though doctor Sanders hath thus written, yet it may be said by such as favoured the two notable jesuits, one named Robert Persons (who yet hideth himself in corners to continue his traitorous practice) the other named Edmund Campion (who was found out being disguised like a roister and suffered for his treasons) that doctor Sanders treason is his proper treason in allowing of the said bull, 
Persons and Campion are offenders as doctor Sanders is, for allowance of the bull.  and not to be imputed to Persons and Campion. Therefore to make it plain that these two by special authority had charge to execute the sentence of this bull, these acts in writing following shall make manifest, which are not feigned or imagined, but are the very writings taken about one of their complices, even immediately after Campions' death: although Campion before his death would not be known of any such matter. Whereby may appear what trust is to be given to the words of such pseudomartyrs.  

Facultates concessae pp. Roberto Personio & Edmundo Campiano, pro Anglia, die 14 Aprilis, 1580.  
PEtatur à summo domino nostro explicatio bulla declaratoria per Pium Quintum contra Elisabetham & ei adhaerentes, quam catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo; ut obliget semper illam & haereticos, catholicos vero nullo mod● obliget rebus sic stantibus, sed tum demum quando publica eiusdem bullae executio fieri poterit. Then followed many other petitions of faculties for their further authorities, which are not needful for this purpose to be recited: but in the end followeth this sentence as an answer of the pope's. Has praedictas gratias concessit summus pontifex patri Roberto Personio, & Edmundo Campiano in Angliam profecturis, die 14 Aprilis, 1580. present patre Oliueri● Manarco assistance. The English of which Latin sentences is as followeth.   

Faculties granted to the two fathers Robert Persons and Edmund Campion, for England, the fourteenth day of April, 1580.  
LEt it be asked or required of our most holy lord, 
Faculties granted to Persons and Campion by pope Gregory the thirteenth Anno 1580.  the explication or meaning of the bull declaratory made by Pius the fift against Elisabeth, & such as do adhere or obey her, which bull the catholics desire to be understood in this manner: that the same bull shall always bind her and the heretics; but the catholics it shall by no means bind, as matters or things do now stand or be: but hereafter, when the public execution of that bull may be had or made. Then in the end the conclusion was thus added. The highest pontiff or bishop granted these foresaid graces to father Robert Persons & Edmund Campion, who are now to take their journeys into England, the 14 day of April, 
By what authority Campion came into England.  in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and eighty. Being present the father Oliverius Manarke assistant. Hereby it is manifest, what authority Campion had to impart the contents of the bull against the queens majesty, howsoever he himself denied the same: for this was his errand.  
And though it be manifest that these two jesuits, Parsons and Campion, not only required to have the pope's mind declared for the bull; but also in their own petitions showed how they and other catholics did desire to have the said bull to be understood against the queen of England: yet to make the matter more plain how all other jesuits and seminaries; line 10 yea how all papists naming themselves catholics, do or are warranted to interpret the said bull against her majesty and her good subjects, howsoever they will disguise it, you shall see what one of their fellows, named Hart, who was condemned with Campion and yet liveth, did amongst many other things declare his knowledge thereof the last day of December in the same year one thousand five hundred and eighty, in these words following. 
Heart's confession of the interpretation of the bull of Pius Quintus.  The bull of Pius Quintus (for so much line 20 as it is against the queen) is holden amongst the English catholics for a lawful sentence, and a sufficient discharge of her subjects fidelity, and so remaineth in force: but in some points touching the subjects, it is altered by the present pope. For where in that bull all her subjects are commanded not to obey her, and she being excommunicate and deposed, all that do obey her are likewise innodate and accursed, which point is perilous to the catholics: for if they obey her, they be in the pope's curse, line 30 and if they disobey her, they are in the queens danger: therefore the present pope to relieve them hath altered that part of the bull, and dispensed with them to obey and serve her, without peril of excommunication: which dispensation is to endure but till it please the pope otherwise to determine.  
Wherefore to make some conclusion of the matters before mentioned, 
A conclusion that all the infamous books against the queen and the realm, are false.  all persons both within the realm and abroad, may plainly perceive that all the infamous libels lately published abroad in sundry line 40 languages, and the slanderous reports made in other prince's courts of a multitude of persons, to have been of late put to torments and death only for profession of the catholic religion, and not for matters of state against the queen's majesty, are false and shameless, and published to the maintenance of traitors and rebels. And to make the matter seem more horrible or lamentable, they recite the particular names of all the persons, which by their own catalogue exceed not for these five and line 50 twenty years space, above the number of three score, 
Difference of the small numbers that have been executed in the space of five and twenty years, from the great numbers in five years of queen Mary's reign.  forgetting or rather with their stony and senseless hearts not regarding, in what cruel sort in the time of queen Marie, which little exceeded the space of five years, the queens majesties reign being five times as many, there were by imprisonment, torments, famine, and fire, of men, women, maidens, and children, almost the number of four hundred, besides such as were secretly line 60 murdered in prisons: and of that number, above twenty that had been archbishops, bishops, and principal prelates or officers in the church lamentably destroyed; and of women above three score, and of children above forty, and amongst the women, some great with child, and one, out of whose body the child by fire was expelled alive, and yet also cruelly burned: examples beyond all heathen cruelty.  
And most of the youth that then suffered cruel death, both men, women, and children (which is to be noted) were such, as had never by the sacrament of baptism, or by confirmation, professed, or was ever taught or instructed, or ever had heard of any other kind of religion, but only of that which by their blood and death in the fire they did as true martyrs testify. A matter of an other sort to be lamented in a christian charity with simplicity of words, and not with puffed eloquence, than the execution in this time of a very few traitors; who also in their time, if they exceeded thirty years of age, had in their baptism professed, and in their youth had learned the same religion which they now so bitterly oppugned. And besides that, in their opinions they differ much from the martyrs of queen Mary's time: for though they which suffered in queen Mary's time continued in the profession of the religion wherein they were christened, and as they were perpetually taught; yet they never at their death denied their lawful queen, nor maintained any of her open and foreign enemies, nor any procured rebellion or civil war, nor did sow any sedition in secret corners, nor withdrew any subjects from their obedience, as these sworn servants of the pope have continually done.  
And therefore all these things well considered, there is no doubt, but all good subjects within the realm do manifestly see, and all wavering persons (not being led clean out of the way by the seditious) will hereafter perceive, how they have been abused to go astray. And all strangers, but specially all christian potentates, as emperors, 
An advertisement unto all princes of countries abroad.  kings, princes, and such like, having their sovereign estates, either in succession hereditary, or by consent of their people, being acquainted with the very truth of these her majesties late just and necessary actions, only for defence of herself, her crown, and people, against open invadours, and for eschewing of civil wars, stirred up by rebellion, will allow in their own like cases, for a truth and rule (as it is not to be doubted but they will) that it belongeth not unto a bishop of Rome as successor of saint Peter, and therein a pastor spiritual, or if he were the bishop of all christendom, as by the name of pope he claimeth, first by his bulls or excommunications, in this sort at his will in favour of traitors and rebels, to depose any sovereign princes, being lawfully invested in their crowns by succession in blood, or by lawful election; and then to arm subjects against their natural lords, to make wars, and to dispense with them for their oaths in so doing, or to excommunicate faithful subjects for obeying of their natural princes, & lastly himself to make open war, with his own soldiers, against princes moving no force against him.  
For if these high tragical powers should be permitted to him to exercise, than should no empire, no kingdom, no country, no city or town be possessed by any lawful title, longer than one such only an earthly man, sitting (as he saith) in saint Peter's chair at Rome, should for his will and appetite (without warrant from God or man) think meet and determine: 
The authority proclaimed by the pope not warranted by Christ, or by the two apostles Peter and Paul.  an authority never challenged by the Lord of lords the son of God, jesus Christ our only Lord and saviour, and the only head of his church, whilst he was in his humanity upon the earth; nor yet delivered by any writing or certain tradition from saint Peter, from whom the pope pretendeth to derive all his authority; nor yet from saint Paul the apostle of the gentiles: but contrariwise by all preachings, precepts and writings, contained in the gospel and other scriptures of the apostles, obedience is expressly commanded unto all earthly princes; yea, even unto kings by especial name, and that so generally, as no person is excepted from such duty of obedience, as by the sentence of saint Paul even to the Romans, appeareth, Omnis anima sublimioribus potestatibus sit subdi●a, that is, Let every soul be subject to the higher powers: within the compass of which law or precept, saint chrysostom being bishop of Constantinople▪ writeth, that Even apostles prophets, evangelists, and monks are comprehended.  
And for proof of saint Peter's mind herein, from whom these pope's claim their authority, it can not be plainelier expressed, than when he writeth line 10 thus, Proinde subiecti estote cuiui● human ordinationi, propter Dominum, sive regi, ut qui super●m●e●a, sive praesidibus ab eo missis, that is, Therefore be you subject to every human ordinance or creature for the Lord, whether it be to the king, as to him that is supereminent, or above the rest, or to his precedents sent by him. By which two principal apostles of Christ, these pope's the pretenced successors, but chiefly by that which Christ the son of God the only master of truth said to Peter and his fellow apostles, Reges gentium line 20 dominantur, vos autem non sic, that is, The kings of the gentiles have rule over them, but you not so, may learn to forsake their arrogant and tyrannous authorities in earthly and temporal causes over kings and princes, and exercise their pastoral office: as saint Peter was charged thrice at one time by his Lord and master, Pasce oves meas, Feed my sheep, and peremptorily forbidden to use a sword, in saying to him, Convert gladium tuum in locum suum, or Mitte gladium tuum in vaginam, that is, Turn thy line 30 sword into his place: or, Put thy sword into the scabbard.  
All which precepts of Christ and his apostles were duly followed and observed many hundred years after their death, by the faithful and godly bishops of Rome, that duly followed the doctrine and humility of the apostles, and the doctrine of Christ, and were holy martyrs, and thereby dilated the limits of Christ's church and the faith more in the compass of an hundred years, than the latter pope's have line 40 done with their swords and curses these five hundred years, and so continued until the time of one pope Hildebrand, otherwise called Gregory the seventh, 
Pope Hildebrand the first that made war against the emperor.  about the year of our Lord, one thousand three score and fourteen; who first began to usurp that kind of tyranny, which of late the late pope called Pius Quintus, and since that time Gregory now the thirteenth hath followed, for some example as it seemeth: that is, where Gregory the seventh, in the year of our Lord one thousand three score and line 50 fourteen, or thereabout, presumed to depose Henry the fourth, a noble emperor then being; Gregory the thirteenth now at this time, would attempt the like against king Henry the eights daughter and heir queen Elisabeth, a sovereign, and a maiden queen, holding her crown immediately of God.  
And to the end it may appear to princes, or to their good councillors in one example, what was the fortunate success that God gave to this good christian emperor Henry, against the proud pope Hildebrand, line 60 it is to be noted, that when the pope Gregory attempted to depose this noble emperor Henry, there was one Rodulph a noble man, by some named the count of Reenfield, 
An. Do. 1074. The judgement of God against the pope's false erected emperor.  that by the pope's procurement usurped the name of the emperor, who was overcome by the said Henry the lawful emperor, and in fight having lost his right hand, he, the said Rodulph, lamented his case to certain bishops, who in the pope's name had erected him up, and to them he said, that the self same right hand which he had lost, was the same hand wherewith he had before sworn obedience to his lord and master the emperor Henry; and that in following their ungodly counsels, he had brought upon him God's heavy and just judgements. And so Henry the emperor prevailing by God's power, 
Pope Gregory the seventh deposed by Henry the fourth.  caused Gregory the pope by a synod in Italy to be deposed, as in like times before him his predecessor Otho the emperor had deposed one pope john for many heinous crimes: & so were also within a short time three other pope's, namely, Sylvester, Bennet, and Gregory the sixth, used by the emperor Henry the third, about the year of our Lord, one thousand forty and seven, for their like presumptuous attempts in temporal actions against the said emperor's.  
Many other examples might be showed to the emperor's majesty, 

Henry the fift.  
Fredrick the first.  
Fredrick the second. jews of Bavar, emperors.   and the princes of the holy empire now being, after the time of Henry the fourth: as of Henry the fift, and Fredrick the first, and Fredrick the second, and then of jews of Bavar, all emperors, cruelly and tyrannously persecuted by the pope's, and by their bulls, curses, and by open wars, and likewise to many other the great kings and monarches of christendom, of their noble progenitors, kings of their several dominions. Whereby they may see how this kind of tyrannous authority in pope's to make wars upon emperors & kings, and to command them to be deprived, took hold at the first by pope Hildebrand, though the same never had any lawful example or warrant from the laws of God of the old or new testament: but yet the successes of their tyrannies were by God's goodness for the most part made frustrate, as by God's goodness there is no doubt, but the like will follow to their confusions at all times to come.  
And therefore, as there is no doubt, but the like violent tyrannous proceedings by any pope in maintenance of traitors and rebels, would be withstood by every sovereign prince in christendom in defence of their persons and crowns, and maintenance of their subjects in peace: so is there at this present a like just cause that the emperor's majesty, with the princes of the holy empire, and all other sovereign kings & princes in christendom, should judge the same to be lawful for her majesty being a queen, 
Whatsoever is lawful for other prince's sovereigns', is lawful for the queen and crown of England.  and holding the very place of a king and a prince sovereign over divers kingdoms and nations; she being also most lawfully invested in her crown: and as for good governing of her people, with such applause and general allowance, loved, and obeyed of them; saving a few ragged traitors, or rebels, or persons discontented, whereof no other realm is free, as continually for these five & twenty years past hath been notably seen, and so publicly marked, even by strangers repairing into this realm, as it were no cause of disgrace to any monarch and king in christendom, to have her majesties felicity compared with any of theirs whatsoever: and it may be, there are many kings and princes could be well contented with the fruition of some proportion of her felicity.  
And though the pope's be now suffered by the emperor, in the lands of his own peculiar patrimony, and by the two great monarches, the French king and the king of Spain, in their dominions and territories (although by many other kings not so allowed) to continue his authority in sundry cases, and his glorious title to be the universal bishop of the world, 
The title of universal ●●shop is a preamble of antichrist.  which title Gregory the great above nine hundred years past, called a profane title, full of sacrilege, and a preamble of antichrist: yet in all their dominions & kingdoms, as also in the realm of England, most notably by many ancient laws it is well known, how many ways the tyrannous power of this his excessive authority hath been, and still is restrained, checked and limited by laws and pragmatikes, both ancient and new, both in France and Spain and other dominions: a very large field for the lawyers of those countries to walk in and discourse.  
And howsoever the pope's canonists, being as his bombarders, do make his excommunications and curses appear fearful to the multitude and simple people: yet all great emperors and kings aforetime, in their own cases, of their rights and royal pre-eminences, though the same concerned but a city or a poor town, and sometime but the not allowance line 10 of some unworthy person to a bishopric or to an abbeie, never refrained to despise all pope's curses or forces; but attempted always, either by their swords to compel them to desist from their furious actions, or without any fear of themselves, in body, soul, or conscience, stoutly to withstand their curses, and that sometime by force, sometime by ordinances and laws: the ancient histories whereof are too many to be repeated, and of none more frequent and effectual than of the kings of France. line 20 And in the records of England doth appear, how stoutly the kings & the baronadie of England from age to age, by extreme penal laws have so repelled the pope's usurpations, as with the very name of premunires his proctor's have been terrified, and his clergy have quaked, as of late cardinal Woolseie did prove.  
But leaving those that are ancient, we may remember how in this our own present or late age, it hath been manifestly seen, how the army of the line 30 late noble emperor Charles the fift, father to king Philip that now reigneth, was not afraid of his curses, when in the year of our Lord 1527, Rome itself was besieged and sacked, year 1527 and the pope then called Clement, and his cardinals, 
Rome sacked, and the pope Clement taken prisoner by the emperor's army.  to the number of about thirty and three, in his mount Adrian or castle S. Angelo, taken prisoners and detained seven months or more, and after ransomed by Don Vgo di Moncada a Spaniard, and the marquess of Guasto, at above four hundred thousand ducats, besides the line 40 ransoms of the cardinals which was much greater; having not long before time been also (notwithstanding his curses) besieged in the same castle by the family of the Colonies and their fautors his next neighbours being then imperialists, and forced to yield to all their demands. year 1550 Neither did king Henry the second of France, 

King Henry the second of France his edicts against the pope and his courts of Rome.  
The besieging of Rome and the pope by the duke of Alva and king Philip's army.   father to Henry now king of France, about the year 1550, fear or regard the pope or his court of Rome, when he made several strict edicts against many parts of the pope's claims in prejudice of the crown and clergy of line 50 France, retracting the authority of the court of Rome greatly to the hindrance of the pope's former profits. Neither was the army of king Philip now of Spain, whereof the duke of Alva was general, stricken with any fear of cursing, when it was brought afore Rome against the pope, in the year of our Lord 1555, where great destruction was made by the said army, and all the delicate buildings, gardens, and orchards, next to Rome walls overthrown, wherewith his holiness was more terrified line 60 than he was able to remove with any his curses. 
Queen Marie and cardinal Poole resisted the pope.  Neither was queen Marie the queens majesties noble late sister, a person not a little devoted to the Roman religion, so afraid of the pope's cursings; but that both she and her whole council, and that with the assent of all the judges of the realm, according to the ancient laws, in favour of cardinal Poole her kinsman, did most strictly forbid the entry of his bulls, and of a cardinals hat at Calis, that was sent from the pope for one friar Peito, an observant pleasant friar, whom the pope had assigned to be a cardinal in disgrace of cardinal Poole: neither did cardinal Poole himself at the same time obey the pope's commandments, nor showed himself afraid, being assisted by the queen, when the pope did threaten him with pain of curses and excommunications; but did still oppose himself against the pope's commandment, for the said pretended cardinal Peito: who notwithstanding all the threatenings of the pope, was forced to go up and down in the streets of London like a begging friar, without his red hat: 
D. Peito a begging friar.  a shout resistance in a queen for a poor cardinals 〈◊〉, wherein she followed the example of her grandfather king Henry the seventh, for a matter of Alum, wherein the king used very great severity against the pope.  
So as howsoever the christian kings for some respects in policy can endure the pope to command where no harm nor disadvantage groweth to themselves, yet sur● it is, and the pope's are not ignorant, 
The kings of christendom never suffer pope's to abridge their titles or rights, though they suffer them to have rule over their people.  but where they shall in any sort attempt to take from christian princes any part of their dominions, or shall give aid to their enemies, or to any other their rebels, in those cases, their bulls, their curses, their excommunications, their sentences and most solemn anathematicals, no nor their cross keys, or double edged sword, will serve their turns to compass their intentions. And now, where the pope hath manifestly by his bulls and excommunications attempted as much as he could, to deprive her majesty of her kingdoms, to withdraw from her the obedience of her subjects, to procure rebellions in her realms, yea to make both rebellions and open wars with his own captains, soldiers, banners, ensigns, and all other things belonging to war: shall this pope Gregory or any other pope after him, think that a sovereign queen, possessed of the two realms of England and Ireland, established so many years in her kingdoms as three or four pope's have sit in their chair at Rome, fortified with so much duty, love and strength of her subjects, acknowledging no superior over her realms, 
The queen of England may not suffer the pope by any means to make rebellions in her realm.  but the mighty hand of God: shall she forbear, or fear to withstand and make frustrate his unlawful attempts, either by her sword or by her laws; or to put his soldiers inuadors of her realm to the sword martiallie, or to execute her laws upon her own rebellious subjects civilly, that are proved to be his chief instruments for rebellion, & for his open war? This is sure, that howsoever either he sitting in his chair with a triple crown at Rome, or any other his proctor's in any part of christendom, shall renew these unlawful attempts: almighty God the king of kings whom her majesty only honoureth and acknowledgeth to be her only sovereign Lord and protector, & whose laws and gospel of his son jesus Christ she seeketh to defend, will no doubt but deliver sufficient power into his maiden's hand his servant queen Elisabeth, to withstand and confound them all.  
And where the seditious trumpeters of infamies & lies have sounded forth and entitled certain that have suffered for treason, to be martyrs for religion: 
Addit●men●● to the pope's martyrolog●.  so may they also at this time (if they list) add to their forged catalogue the headless body of the late miserable earl of Desmond, the head of the Irish rebellion: who of late, secretly wandering without succour, as a miserable beggar, was taken by one of the Irishrie in his cabin, and in an Irish sort, after his own accustomed savage manner, his head cut off from his body: an end due to such an archrebel. And herewith to remember the end of his chief confederates, may be noted for example to others, 
The strange ends of james earl of Desmond, D. Sanders, james Fitzmoris.  the strange manner of the death of doctor Sanders the pope's Irish legate, who also wandering in the mountains in Ireland without succour, died raving in a frenzy. And before him, one james Fitzmoris the first traitor of Ireland next to Stukeleie the rakehell, a man not unknown in the pope's palace for a wicked crafty traitor, was slain at one blow by an Irish noble young gentleman, in defence of his father's country which the traitor sought to burn. A fourth man of singular note was john of Desmond, 
john of Desmond.  brother to the earl, a very bloody faithless traitor, & a notable murderer of his familiar friends, who also wandering to seek some prey like a wolf in the woods, was taken & beheaded after his own usage, being (as he thought) sufficiently armed with line 10 the pope's bulls and certain Agnus Dei, & one notable ring with a precious stone about his neck sent from the pope's finger (as it was said) but these he saw saved not his life. And such were the fatal ends of all these, being the principal heads of the Irish war and rebellion, so as no one person remaineth at this day in Ireland a known traitor: a work of God and not of man.  
To this number they may (if they seek number) also add a furious young man of Warwikeshire, 
john Someruile.  by line 20 name Someruile, to increase their calendar of the pope's martyrs, who of late was discovered and taken in his way, coming with a full intent to have killed her majesty, whose life God always have in his custody. The attempt not denied by the traitor himself, but confessed, and that he was moved thereto in his wicked spirit, by enticements of certain seditious and traitorous persons his kinsmen and allies, & also by often reading of sundry seditious vile books lately published against her majesty, and his line 30 end was in desperation to strangle himself to death: an example of God's severity against such as presume to offer violence to his anointed. But as God of his goodness hath of long time hitherto preserved her majesty from these and the like treacheries: so hath she no cause to fear, being under his protection, she saying with king David in the psalm: My God is my helper and I will trust in him, he is my protection, and the strength or the power of my salvation. And for the more comfort of all good subjects line 40 against the shadows of the pope's bulls, it is manifest to the world, that from the beginning of her majesties reign, 
The prosperity of England, during the pope's curses.  by God's singular goodness, her kingdom hath enjoyed more universal peace, her people increased in more numbers, in more strength, and with greater riches, & with less sickness, the earth of her kingdoms hath yielded more fruits, and generally all kind of worldly felicity hath more abounded since and during the time of the pope's thunders, bulls, curses and maledictions, than in any other line 50 long times before, when the pope's pardons and blessings came yearly into the realm: so as his curses and maledictions have turned back to himself and his fautors, that it may be said to the blessed queen Elisabeth of England and of her people, as was said in Deuteronomie of Balaam: The Lord thy God would not hear Balaam, but did turn his maledictions or curses into benedictions or blessings: the reason is, for because thy God loved thee.  
Although these former reasons are sufficient to line 60 persuade all kind of reasonable persons to allow of her majesties actions, to be good, reasonable, lawful and necessary: yet because it may be, that such as have by frequent reading of false artificial libels; and by giving credit to them, upon a prejudice or forejudgement afore grounded, by their rooted opinions in favour of the pope, will rest unsatisfied: therefore as much as may be, to satisfy all persons as far forth as common reason may warrant, that her majesties late action in executing certain seditious traitors, hath not proceeded for the holding of opinions, either for the pope's supremacy, or against her majesties regality; but for the very crimes of sedition and treason: it shall suffice briefly, in manner of a repetition of the former reasons, to remember these things following.  
First, it cannot be denied, 
Reasons to persuade by reason the favourers of the pope, that none hath been executed for religion but for treason. The first reason.  but that her majesty did for many years suffer quietly the pope's bulls and excommunications without punishment of the fautors thereof, accounting of them but as of words or wind, or of writings in parchment weighed down with lead, or as of water bubbles, commonly called in Latin Bullae, & such like: but yet after some proof that courage was taken thereof by some bold and bad subjects, she could not but then esteem them to be very preambles, or as forerunners of greater danger: and therefore, with what reason could any mislike, that her majesty did for a bare defence against them, without other action or force, use the help of reviving of former laws, to prohibit the publication or execution of such kind of bulls within her realm?  
secondly, when notwithstanding the prohibition by her laws, 
The second reason.  the same bulls were plentifully (but in secret sort) brought into the realm, and at length arrogantly set upon the gates of the bishop of London's palace near to the cathedral church of Paul's the principal city of the realm, by a lewd person, 
The bull of Pius Quintus set up at Paul's.  using the same like a herald sent from the pope: who can in any common reason mislike, that her majesty finding this kind of denunciation of war, as a defiance to be made in her principal city by one of her subjects, avowing and obstinately maintaining the same, should according to justice cause the offendor to have the reward due to such a fact? 
The first punishment for the bull.  And this was the first action of any capital punishment inflicted for matter sent from Rome to move rebellion, which was after her majesty had reigned about the space of twelve years or more: a time sufficient to prove her majesties patience.  
thirdly, when the pope had risen up out of his chair in his wrath, 
The third reason.  from words and writings to actions, and had contrary to the advise given by saint Barnard to one of his predecessors, that is, when by his messages he left Verbum, and took Ferrum, that is, left to feed by the word, which was his office, and began to strike with the sword which was forbidden him, and stirred her noblemen and people directly to disobedience and to open rebellion, which was the office of Dathan and Abiram, and that her lewd subjects by his commandment had executed the same with all the forces which they could make or bring into the field: 
Rebellion in the north.  who with common reason can disallow that her majesty used her royal lawful authority, and by her forces lawful subdued rebels forces unlawful, and punished the authors thereof no otherwise than the pope himself useth to do with his own rebellious subjects, in the patrimony of his church, as not many months passed he had been forced to intend? And if any prince of people in the world would otherwise neglect his office, and suffer his rebels to have their wills; none ought to pity him, if for want of resistance and courage he lost both his crown, his head, his life, and his kingdom.  
fourthly, when her majesty beheld a further increase of the pope's malice, 
The fourth reason.  notwithstanding that the first rebellion was in her north parts vanquished, in that he entertained abroad out of this realm, the traitors and rebels that fled for the rebellion, and all the rabble of other the fugitives of the realm, & that he sent a number of the same in sorts disguised into both the realms of England and Ireland, who there secretly alured her people to new rebellions, and at the same time spared not his charges to send also out of Italy by sea, certain ships with captains of his own, with their bands of soldiers, 
The invasion of Ireland by the pope.  furnished with treasure, munition, victuals, ensigns, banners, and all other things requisite to the war, into her realm of Ireland, where the same forces with other auxiliar companies out of Spain landed, and fortified themselves very strongly on the sea side, and proclaimed open war, erecting the pope's banner against her majesty: may it be now asked of these persons, favourers of the Romish authority, what in reason should have been done by her majesty otherwise, than first to apprehend all such fugitives so stolen into the realm, and dispersed in disguising habits to sow sedition, as some priests in their secret line 10 profession, but all in their apparel as ●oisters or ruffians, some scholars, like to the basest common people, and them to commit to prisons, and upon their examinations of their trades and haunts, to convince them of their conspiracies abroad, by testimony of their own companions, and of sowing sedition secretly at home in the realm? What may be reasonably thought was meet to be done with such seditious persons, but by the laws of the realm to try, condemn and execute them? And specially having line 20 regard to the dangerous time, when the pope's forces were in the realm of Ireland, and more in preparation to follow as well into England as into Ireland, to the resistance whereof her majesty and her realm was forced to be at greater charges, than ever she had been since she was queen thereof. And so by God's power, which he gave to her on the one part, she did by her laws suppress the seditious stirrers of rebellion in her realm of England, and by line 30 her sword vanquished all the pope's forces in her realm of Ireland, 
The pope's forces vanquished in Ireland.  excepting certain captains of mark that were saved from the sword, as persons that did renounce their quarrel, and seemed to curse or to blame such as sent them to so unfortunate and desperate a voyage.  

The politic adversaries satisfied.  But though these reasons, grounded upon rules of natural reason, shall satisfy a great number of the adversaries (who will yield that by good order of civil and christian policy and government her majesty line 40 could nor can do no less than she hath done, first to subdue with her forces her rebels and traitors, and next by order of her laws to correct the aiders & abettors, & lastly to put also to the sword such forces as the pope sent into her dominions) yet there are certain other persons, 
Objection of the papists, that the persons executed, are but scholars and unarmed.  more nicely addicted to the pope, that will yet seem to be unsatisfied: for that, as they will term the matter, a number of silly poor wretches were put to death as traitors, being but in profession scholars or priests, by the names of seminaries, jesuits, or simple schoolmasters, that line 50 came not into the realm with any armour or weapon, by force to aid the rebels and traitors, either in England or in Ireland in their rebellions or wars; of which sort of wretches the commiseration is made, as though for their contrary opinions in religion, or for teaching of the people to disobey the laws of the realm, they might have been otherwise punished and corrected, but yet not with capital pain. These kinds of defences tend only to find fault rather with the severity of their punishments, than to line 60 acquit them as innocents or quiet subjects.  
But for answer to the better satisfaction of these vice and scrupulous favourers of traitors, it must be with reason demanded of them (if at least they will open their ears to reason) whether they think that when a king being established in his realm, hath a rebellion first secretly practised, and afterward openly raised in his realm by his own seditious subjects; and when by a foreign potentate or enemy the same rebellion is maintained, and the rebels by messages and promises comforted to continue, and their treasons against their natural prince avowed; and consequently when the same potentat and enemy, being author of ●he said rebellion, 
Many are traitors though they have no armour nor weapon.  shall with his own proper forces invade the realm and subjects of the prince that is so lawfully and peaceably possessed: in these cases, shall no subject favouring these rebels, and yielding obedience to the enemy the inuador, be committed or punished as a traitor; but only such of them, as shall be found openly to carry armour and weapon? Shall no subject, that is a espial and an explorer for the rebel or enemy against his natural prince, be taken and punished as a traitor, because he is not found with armour or weapon; but yet is taken in his disguised apparel, with scrolls and writings, or other manifest tokens, to prove him a spy for traitors, after he hath wandered secretly in his sovereigns' camp, region, court, or city? Shall no subject be counted a traitor, that will secretly give earnest and priest money to persons to be rebels or enemies, or that will attempt to poison the victuals, or the founteins; or secretly set on fire the ships or munition, or that will secretly search and sound the havens and créeks for landing, or measure the depth of ditches, or height of bulwarks and walls, because these offenders are not found with armour or weapon? The answer I think must needs be yielded (if reason and experience shall have rule with these adversaries) that all these and such like are to be punished as traitors: and the principal reason is, because it can not be denied, but that the actions of all these are necessary accessaries, and adherents proper to further and continue all rebellions and wars. But if they will deny, that none are traitors that are not armed, they will make judas no traitor, that came to Christ without armour, colouring his treason with a kiss.  
Now therefore it resteth to apply the facts of these late malefactors that are pretended to have offended but as scholars, or bookmen; 
The application of the scholastical traitors, to others, that are traitors without armour.  or at the most but as persons that only in words and doctrine, and not with armour did favour and help the rebels and the enemies. For which purpose let these persons be termed as they list, scholars, schoolmasters, bookmen, seminaries, priests, jesuits, friars, beadmen, Romanists, pardoners, or what else you will; neither their titles, nor their apparel hath made them traitors, but their traitorous secret motions & practices: their persons have not made the war, but their directions and counsels have set up the rebellions. It is truly to be pondered, that the very causes final of these rebellions and wars, have been to depose her majesty from her crown: the pope's bull hath roared it so to be. The causes instrumental are th●se kind of seminaries and seedmen of sedition: their secret teachings and reconciliations have confirmed it. The fruits and effects thereof are by rebellion to shed the blood of all her faithful subjects: the rewards of the inuadors (if they could prevail) should be the disinheriting of all the nobility, the clergy, and the whole commonalty, that would (as they are bound by the laws of God, by their birth, and oaths) defend their natural gracious queen, their native country, their wives, their children, their family, and their houses.  
And now examine these which you call unarmed scholars and priests, wherefore they first fled out of the realm, why they lived and were conversant in company of the principal rebels and traitors at Rome, and in their places, where it is proved that they were partakers of their conspiracies? Let it be answered why they came thus by stealth into the realm? Why they have wandered up & down in corners in disguised sort, changing their titles, names and manner of apparel? Why they have enticed and sought to persuade by their secret false reasons, the people to allow and believe all the actions and attempts whatsoever the pope hath done, or shall do, to be lawful? Why they have reconciled and with●●wne so many people in corners from the laws of the realm to the obedience of the pope, a 〈◊〉 potentate and open enemy, whom they k●●w to have already declared the queen to be no lawful queen, to have maintained the known rebels and traitors, to have invaded her majesties dominions with open war? Examine further, how these vagrant disguised unarmed spies have answered, line 10 when they were taken and demanded what they thought of the bull of pope Pius Quintus, 
 which was published to deprive the queens majesty, and to warrant her subjects to disobey her: whether they thought that all subjects ought to obey the same bull, and so to rebel? secondly, whether they thought her majesty to be lawful queen of the realm, notwithstanding the said bull or any other bull of the pope? thirdly, whether the pope might give such licence as he did to the earls of Northumberland and line 20 Westmoreland, and other her majesties subjects to rebel as they did? Or give power to doctor Sanders a natural borne 〈◊〉, but an unnatural worn priest, to take arms and move wars as he did in Ireland? fourthly, whether the pope may discharge the subjects of her majesty, or of any other princes christened, of their oaths of obedience? fiftly, whether the said traitorous priest doctor Sanders or one Bristol a rebellious fugitive, did in their books writ● truly or falsely, in approving the said bull of line 30 〈…〉, and the contents thereof? lastly, what were to be done, if the pope or any other assigned by 〈◊〉, would invade the realm of England, and what part they would take, or what part any faithful subject of her majesties ought to take? To these few questions very apt to try the truth or falsehood of any such seditious persons, being justly before condemned for their disloyalty, these lewd unarmed traitors I say would in no wise answer directly herto, as all other faith full subjects to any christian prince ought line 40 to do.  
And as they by refusal to answer directly to these questions only, might have been justly convinced as guilty of treason: 
The offenders executed 〈…〉, religion.  so yet were they not thereupon condemned, but upon all their other former actions committed both abroad & in the realm, which were no less traitorous than the actions of all other the spies and traitors, and of judas himself afore remembered, which had no armour nor weapon, and yet at all times ought to be adjudged traitors. For these disguised persons (called scholars or priests) having line 50 been first conversant of long time with the traitors beyond the sea in all their conspiracies, came hither by stealth in time of war and rebellion by commandment of the capital enemy the pope or his legates, to be secret espials and explorers in the realm for the pope, to deliver by secret, Romish tokens, as it were an earnest or priest, to them that should be in readiness to join with rebels or open enemies, and in like sort with their hallowed baggages from Rome to line 60 poison the senses of the subjects, pouring into their hearts malicious and pestilent opinions against her majesty and the laws of the realm; and also to kindle and set on fire ●he hearts of discontented subjects with the flames of rebellion, & to search & sound the depths and secrets of all men's inward intentions, either against her majesty, or for her: and finally, to bring into a beadroll, or as it were into a m●●●er roll, the names and powers with the dwellings of all them that should be ready to rebel, and to aid the foreign invasion.  
These kinds of seditious actions for the service of the pope and the traitors and rebels abroad, have made them traitors: not their b●●ks, nor their ●eads, no nor their cakes of ware which they call Agnus Dei, nor other their relics, no nor yet their opinions for the ceremonies or rites of the church of Rome: and therefore it is to be certainly concluded, that these did justly deserve their capital punishments as traitors, though they were not apprehended with open armour or weapon. Now if this latter repetition, as it were of all the former causes and reasons afore recited, may not serve to stop the boisterous mouths, and the pestiferous tongues, and venomous breaths of those that are infected with so gross errors, as to defend seditious subjects, stirrers of rebellion against their natural prince and country; then are they to be left without any further argument of the almighty God, as persons that have covered their eyes against the suns light, 
Unreasonable ●nd obstinate persons are left to God's judgement.  stopped their ears against the sound of justice, and oppressed their hearts against the force of reason, and as the psalmist saith: They speak lies, they are as venomous as the poison of a serpent, even like the deaf adder that stoppeth his ears.  
Wherefore with christian charity to conclude, if these rebels and traitors, and their fautors would yet take some remorse and compassion of their natural country, and would consider how vain their attempts have been so many years; and how many of their confederates are wasted by miseries and calamities, and how none of all their attempts or plaits have prospered, and therefore would desist from their unnatural practices abroad: and if these seminaries, secret wanderers, and explorators in the dark, would employ their travels in the works of light and doctrine according to the usage of their schools, and content themselves with their profession and devotion: and that the remnant of the wicked flock of the seedmen of sedition would cease from their rebellious, false and infamous railings and libel, altogether contrary to christian charity: there is no doubt by God's grace (her majesty being so much given to mercy and devoted to peace) but all colour and occasion of shedding the blood of any more of her natural subjects of this land, yea all further bodily punishment should utterly cease. Against whose malices, if they shall not desist, almighty God continue her majesty with his spirit and power long to reign and live in his fear, and to be able to vanquish them all, being God's enemies, and especially her rebels and traitors both at home & abroad, & to maintain & preserve all her natural good loving subjects, to the true service of the same almighty God, according to his holy word & will. Many other things might be remembered for defence of other her majesties princely, honourable, and godly actions in sundry other things, wherein also these and the like seditious railors have of late time without all shame, by feigned and false libels sought to discredit her majesty & her government: but at this time, these former causes and reasons alleged by way of advertisements, only for maintenance of truth, are sufficient to justify her majesties actions to the whole world in the cases remembered. Magna est veritas, & pr●ualet: Great is truth, 
2. Esd. 4.  and she overcometh.   
On the two and twentieth of januarie, 
Bishop of Winchester deceased.  john Watson bishop of Winchester deceased at Woolseie, and was buried at Winchester on the sixtéenth day of Feb●uarie; a man he was well taught by the art which he professed and practised, to esteem this life as it is, even transitory & very vain; wherein as men are the further s●epf in age, so should they be the less desirous to live, and take death coming timely (which is, when as natural heat and the moisture radical are decayed) in such good part, as nothing more acceptable. But who thinks his death to come timely; but the godly wise, who have learned, that as men have days of life decreed, so they have days of death determined; according to the tetrastichon, which that famous man joachimus Camerarius (an excellent man and of singular note) made a little before his departing out of this world: 
Morte nihil tempestiva esse optatius aiunt,  
Sed tempestivam quis putat esse suam?  
Qui putat ille sapit; quoniam ut solatia vitae, line 10  
Sic & quisque suae tempora mortis habet.   
On the seventh of February were arraigned at Westminster, 
Five executed for treason.  james fen, George Haddocks, john Munden, john Nutter, and Thomas Homerford: all five were found guilty of high treason, and had judgement to be drawn, hanged, bowelled, and quartered, 
A. F. ex add. G. C. Master Walter Raleigh his voyage for the discovery of that land which lieth between Notembega and Florida.  and were executed at Tyburn on the twelve day of February. ¶ In this year, 1584., even at the prime of the year, namely in April, master Walter Raleigh esquire, a gentleman from line 20 his infancy brought up and trained in martial discipline, both by land and sea, and well inclined to all virtuous and honourable adventures, having built a ship and a pinnace, set them to the sea, furnished with all provisions necessary for a long voyage, and committed the charge of them to two gentlemen (his own servants) the one called Philip Amadis, the other Arthur Barlow, 
Philip Amadis, and Arthur Barlow.  with direction to discover that land which lieth between Norembega and Florida in the west Indies; who according to their line 30 commission, made as sufficient a discovery thereof as so short a time would permit: for they returned in August next following, 
Two savage men and other things brought from the said land discovered.  and brought with them two savage men of that country, with sundry other things, that did assure their master of the goodness of the soil, and of great commodities that would arise to the realm of England, by traffic, if that the English had any habitation, and were planted to live there. 
Master Walter Raleigh prepareth for a second voyage to the said land late discovered.  Whereupon, he immediately prepared for a second voyage, which with all expedition (nothing line 40 at all regarding the charges that it would amount unto) did presently set in hand.  
This country of Norembega aforesaid (and the land on this side of it) sir Humphrey Gilbert, brother to sir Walter Raleigh, a man both valiant and well experienced in martial affairs, did attempt to discover, with intention to settle an English colony there, in the year 1578: having in his company his two brethren, 
Gentlemen that associated sir Humfreie Gilbert in his voyage to Norembega 1578.  Walter and Carew Raleighs, Henry Knolles, George Carew, William Careie, line 50 Edward Dennie, Henry Nowell, Miles Morgan, Francis Knolles, Henry North, and diverse other gentlemen of good calling, and ten sails of all sorts of shipping, well and sufficiently furnished for such an enterprise, weighed anchor in the west country, & set to the sea. But God not favouring his attempt, the journey took no good success: 
The voyage hath not wished success.  for all his ships enforced by some occasion or mischance, made their present return again; that only excepted, wherein his brother Walter Raleigh was captain, who being desirous to do somewhat worthy honour, took line 60 his course for the west Indies, but for want of victuals and other necessaries (needful in so long a voyage) when he had sailed as far as the islands of Cape De Uerde upon the coast of Africa, was enforced to set sail and return for England. 
Master Walter Raleigh sailed as far as Cape de Uerde, etc. and arriveth in sa●e●ie at Plymouth.  In this his voyage he passed many dangerous adventures, as well by tempests as fights on the sea; but lastly he arrived safely at Plymouth in the west country in May next following. Sir Humfreie Gilbert notwithstanding this unfortunate success of his first attempt, enterprised the said voyage the second time, and set to the sea with three ships and pinesses, 
Sir Humphrey Gilberd severed from his company, dead, and never heard of.  in the year 1584., in the which journey he lost his life; but in what sort no man can witness. For being by force of foul weather separated from his company, he was never heard of afterwards.]  
¶ In this year, and the twentieth day of May departed out of this life that famous father of physic and surgery, the English Hypocrates and Galen, 
Ab. Fl. hor●●● omnium ma●imè cons●ius.  I mean doctor Caldwell, and was buried on the sixth of june immediately following at S. Benet's church by Paul's wharf, 
The decease of D. Caldwe●l physician of whom there is former mention, pag. 1349.  at the upper end of the chancel: his body was very solemnly accompanied to the church with a train of learned and grave doctors, besides others of that faculty, the heralds of arms doing him such honour at his funeral as to him of duty appertained. Of this man's rare love to his country hath been spoken before, where mention is made of the institution of a surgery lecture perpetually to be continued for the common benefit of London, and consequently of all England: the like whereof is not established nor used in any university of christendom (Bononie and Padua excepted) and therefore the more to be esteemed. Indeed the like institution was in towardness, 
The court of Francis the first a university, etc. pag. 1343.  whiles Francis the French of that name the first lived: but when he died, as the court that he kept in his time was counted a university, but after his death made an exchange thereof with another name: so likewise discontinued or rather utterly broke off that purposed institution of a surgery lecture at Paris: so that in this point London hath a prerogative excelling the universities.  
This D. Caldwell in his last will and testament gave many great legacies to a great number of his poorest kinsfolks, 
The distributions of D. Caldwell in his life times and his bequests after his death.  as also unto others nothing allied unto him. He gave in his life time two hundred pounds to be lent gratis forever to the Clothiers in Burton, whereby clothing might be maintained, the poor artificers set on work, and the poor citizens in Lichfield also benefited: the corporation of the said town being bound for the receiving and delivering thereof every five years to the youngest and poorest occupiers. He gave great sums of money to the poor towneships in Staffordshire where he was borne, both towards the relieving of their private estate, as also to the repairing of their bridges and amending of their high ways, for the commodity of all the country. He left large sums of money to be employed by his executors at their discretion, 
His commentaries upon some part of Paulus Acgineta, and other books.  where charity moved; as also to the publishing of such learned books of physic and surgery (with sundry chargeable forms graven in copper and finished in his life) as he meant (if he had lived) to see extant.  
diverse good works in his days he had done, and hath left order to be done after his death: which was very mild and still, not unlike the decease of a babe in the cradle; having been assailed with no extremity of sickness (his 
* His ordinary infirmity was the colic, which tormented him exceedingly.  ordinary infirmity excepted which was intermissive) that either might wring him or weary him to make him unpatient. So that he died as sleeping, having left behind him both credit of learning, cunning, & other good ornaments, the very beauty of his age, which was exactly found by true computation to be threescore and fourteen, 
His age and counterfeit which seemed to be made 1571, and in the year of his age 5●.  in which year he died; as may be gathered by his counterfeit so naturally conveyed into colours, with his white beard, the hollowness of his cheeks, the wrinkles of his brows, the lively sight of his eyes, and other accessaries; and all within a module, the circumference whereof exceedeth not six inches, if it amount to so much in exact measure, as a man beholding the said representation, would swer● that it were not possible for art to draw more near in imitation to nature. So that this doctor dying in so ripe an age, was committed to holy ground, where he rested in peace, his cote armour bearing witness of his ancestry: 
The arms of Caldwell blasoned.  for he beareth azure, a cross form fiche or, within an urle of stars or: the second argent, a fesse indented sable charged with four leuses heads ●irant razed or: the third as the second, and fourth as the first quarterlie. Also he beareth to his crest on a toss or and azure, a cock's head argent, couped, membered geules supporting 
* The cross form fiche was the cote of Cedwallader the last king of Britain's▪ in An. Dom. 680.  a cross form fiche or, between two wings sable, and mantled geules doubled argent.  
In further memory of whom (so long as the line 10 church wherein he lieth buried doth stand, and the monuments therein blessed from sacrilegious hands) there remaineth fixed in the wall over his grave, a copper plate wherein his said cote armour is workemanlie graven, with the arms of the physician's college so under it, as they are knit unto it. On either side of this latter scutcheon are set certain binding bands and other instruments of surgery in their right forms, with their proper use also to be practised upon each member; be the same head, leg, arm, line 20 hand, or foot: all workemanlie wrought, & under the same a memorial graven for wished perpetuity: 
Caldwallus jacet hîc patriae studiosus alumnus,  
Chirurgis Chiron, Hypocrates Medicis:  
Heracles laqueis dum fascia membra revincit,  
Galenus priscae laudis & artis amans:  

These figurs 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, have relation to certain marks, namely the mullet, the ●●nquesoil●, the flower delice, the hand, the crescent or moon, and the pansy, graven in the copper plate, which marks are referred to their like, in and about the arms above said.  Chirurgis stabilem lecturam condidit, illi  
Praefecit Medicos, quos ea turba colat:  
Plintheus hinc astat laqueus, Carchesius, inde  
Fascia; quae studij sunt monumenta sui: line 30  
Felix Chirurgus patronum qui tibi talem  
Nactus es, & felix qui dolet aeger erit.  
Laquei Plintheus 1  
Laquei Charchesius 2  
Fascia Totum caput cingens 3  
Fascia Rhombus 4  
Machinamenta Scamnum Hippocratis 5  
Machinamenta Glossocomium 6  
Quem tibi vinxisti charum dum vita manebat, line 40  
Te cum Melpomene post tua fata canet.  Ric. Forsterus.  
In this year of Lord 1584., on the one and twentieth day of May, 
Francis Throckmorton arraigned and condemned of high treason.  Francis Throckemorton esquire, was arraigned in the Guildhall of the city of London, where being found guilty of high treason, he was condemned and had judgement accordingly, to be drawn, hanged, boweled, and quartered. A discovery of whose treasons, practised and attempted against the queens majesty and the realm, line 50 were afterward; to wit, in the month of june, published as followeth.  

A true and perfect declaration of the treasons practised and attempted by Francis Throckemorton, late of London, against the queen's majesty and the realm.  
WHereas there have been very lewd and slanderous brutes and reports given out, line 60 of the due and orderly proceedings held with Francis Throckemorton lately arraigned & condemned of high treason at the guildhall in London, the one and twentieth day of May last, whereby such as are evil affected toward her majesty, and the present government, have endeavoured falsely and injuriously to charge her majesty and her faithful ministers with cruelty and injustice used against the said Throckemorton, by extorting from him by torture, such confessions as he hath made against himself, & by inforsing the same to make them lawful evidence to convict him of the treasons therein specified: albeit her majesties subjects in general, calling to mind the mild and temperate course she hath held all the time of her most happy reign, might rather impute her clemency and lenity used towards all sorts of offenders to a kind of fault, than tax her with the contrary: yet such as allow of practices and treasons against her majesty, 
But how can their interpretations be found, whose judgements are corrupt?  do always interpret both of the one and of the other, according to the particular affections that do possess them, that is, to the worst. And forsomuch as the case of Throckemorton at this time hath been subject to their sinister constructions; and considering that lies and false brutes cast abroad are most commonly believed, until they be controlled by the truth: it hath been thought expedient in this short discourse to deliver unto your view and consideration, a true and perfect declaration of the treasons practised and attempted by the said Throckemorton against her majesty and the realm, by him confessed before his arraignment, whereby her majesty was justly and in reason persuaded to put him to his trial.  
You shall likewise perceive what course hath been held with him by her commissioners to bring him to confess the truth: with what impudency and how falsely he hath denied his saiengs and confessions: and lastly, how by a new submission and confession of his said treasons since his condemnation, he endeavoureth to satisfy her majesty, and to show the reasons that moved him to deny the first, 
The premises being all sufficient cannot but answer any circumstance touching this traitor.  which he affirmeth and confirmeth by the last: which may in reason satisfy, though not all; yet such as are not forestalled, or rather forepoisoned and infected with the lies and untruths already spread and delivered in favour of the traitor & his treasons. You shall therefore understand, that the cause of his apprehension grew first upon secret intelligence given to the queen's majesty, that he was a privy conveier and receiver of letters to and from the Scotish queen: upon which information nevertheless diverse months were suffered to pass on, before he was called to answer the matter, to the end there might some proof more apparent be had to charge him therewith directly: which shortly after fell out, and thereupon there were sent unto his houses in London, and at Leusham in Kent, to search and apprehend him, certain gentlemen of no mean credit and reputation: of whom, two were sent to his house by Paul's wharf, where he was apprehended, & so by one of them conveyed presently away; the other remaining in the chamber to make search for papers, writings, &c: which might give proof of his suspected practices.  
In that search, there were found the two papers containing the names of certain catholic noblemen and gentlemen, expressing the havens for landing of foreign forces, with other particularities in the said papers mentioned, the one written in the secretary hand (which he at the bar confessed to be his own handwriting) and the other in the Roman hand, which he denied to be his, and would not show how the same came unto his hands: howbeit in his examinations he hath confessed them both to be his own handwriting: and so they are in truth. There were also found among other of his papers, twelve petidegrées of the descent of the crown of England, 
The bishop of Rosse an enemy to the English state.  printed and published by the bishop of Rosse, in the defence of the pretended title of the Scotish queen his mistress: with certain infamous libels against her majesty printed and published beyond the seas: which being found in the hands of a man so evil affected, comparing the same with his doings and practices against her majesty, you will judge the purpose wherefore he kept them.  
Shortly after his apprehension, he was examined by some of her majesties privy council, how he came by the said two papers of the havens: and h● most impudently denied with many protestations that he never saw them, affirming they were none of his, but were foisted in (as he termed it) among his papers by the gentlemen that searched his house. Notwithstanding being more earnestly pressed to confess the truth, he said they had been left (he knew not how) in his chamber by a man of his, who not long before was departed out of the realm, named Edward Rogers, alias Nuttebie, by whom they were written. And to make this devise to carry some colour of truth, 
A colour of truth to countenance a manifest lie.  after his committing unto the line 10 Tower, he found the means to get three cards, on the backside of which cards he wrote to his brother George Throckemorton to this effect. I have been examined by whom the two papers, containing the names of certain noblemen and gentlemen, and of havens, &c: were written; & I have alleged them to have been written by Edward Nuttebie my man, of whose handwriting you know them to be: meaning by this devise to have had his brother confirm his falsehood. line 20  
These cards were intercepted, and thereby the suspicion before conceived of his practices increased. Whereupon, as upon other just cause and matter against him, having been sundry times brought before some of the principal personages of her majesties most honourable privy council; and by them with all industry examined, and persuaded in very mild and charitable manner, to confess the truth, promising to procure pardon for him, in case he would bewray the depth of his practices: but no persuasion line 30 prevailing, her majesty thought it agreeable with good policy, and the safety of her royal person and state, to commit him over to the hands of some of her learned council and others her faithful servants and ministers, with commission to them, to assay by torture to draw from him the truth of the matters appearing so weighty as to concern the invading of the realm, etc. These men by virtue of that commission, 
The manner of proceeding against Throckemorton by commission.  proceeded with him, first as the council had formerly done by way of persuasion, line 40 to induce him to confess: but finding that course not to prevail, they were constrained to commit him to such as are usually appointed in the Tower to handle the rack, by whom he was laid upon the same, and somewhat pinched, although not much: for at the end of three days following, he had recovered himself, and was in as good plight as before the time of his racking: which if it had then or any other time been ministered unto him with that violence that he and his favourers have endeavoured line 50 slanderously to give out, the signs thereof would have appeared upon his limbs for many years.  
At this first time of torture he would confess nothing, but continued in his former obstinacy and denial of the truth. The second time that he was put to the rack, before he was strained up to any purpose, he yielded to confess any thing he knew, in the matters objected against him: whereupon he was loosed. And then the commissioners proceeded with line 60 him according to such interrogatories as had been delivered unto them: which for the more brevity shall here be omitted, the intent of this declaration tending only to discover unto you the treasons and treacherous dealings of the said Francis Throckemorton as well before as since his imprisonment, 
The intent of this declaration what it is.  for your better knowledge of the man, and manifestation of the due and just proceedings held with him by her majesties commissioners appointed unto that service. And here you are to note, that when he was first pressed to discover by whom the plots of the havens were set down, and to what purpose; he began (without any further interrogation ministered) by way of an historical narration, to declare that at his being at Spain in the country of Liege certain years passed, he entered into conference with one jennie a notorious known traitor, 
jennie a notorious known traitor, & conferre● with Throckmorton.  touching the altering of the state of the realm here, and how the same might be attempted by foreign invasion, and to the like effect had sundry conferences with sir Francis Englefield in the low countries, who daily solicited the Spanish king in Spain, and his governors in the said countries, to attempt the invading of the realm, continued a course of practising against her majesty & the state, by letters between sir Francis Englefield & himself, till within these two years last passed, and that he did from time to time acquaint sir john Throckemorton his late father with his traitorous practices, who (as he said) seeing no probability of success in them, dissuaded him from any further meddling with those practices.  
He hath further confessed, that he used his father's advise & opinion in setting down the names of the catholic noblemen & gentlemen, and did acquaint him with the description of the havens for the landing of forces, which he conceived and put in writing only by view of the map, & not by particular sight or survey of the said havens.  
Item, he hath also confessed, that upon the intermission of writing of letters, 
Sir Francis Englefield, Thomas Throckemorton, and Thomas Morgan.  and the accustomed intelligences passed between sir Francis Englefield and him, he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throckemorton, by letters and conference, and by Thomas Morgan by letters (two of the principal confederates and workers of these treasons residing in France) with a resolute determination agreed on by the Scotish queen and her confederates in France and in other foreign parts, and also in England, for the invading of the realm.  
That the duke of Guise should be the principal leader and executor of that invasion.  
That the pretension (which should be publicly notified) should be to deliver the Scotish queen to liberty, 
A pretension of an invasion into England.  & to procure even by force from the queens majesty a tolerance in religion for the pretended catholics. But the intention (the bottom whereof should not at the first be made known to all men) should be upon the queens majesties resistance, to remove her majesty from her crown and state.  
That the duke of Guise had prepared the forces, 
The special means wanting.  but there wanted two things, money, and the assistance of a convenient party in England, to join with the foreign forces; and a third thing, how to set the Scotish queen at liberty without peril of her person.  
For the first thing wanting, that is, money; messengers were sent from foreign parts both to Rome and Spain, & their return daily expected to their liking. And the Spanish ambassador to encourage the English to join both in purse & person, 
The Spanish ambassadors words tending to this invasion.  did give out, that the king his master would not only make some notable attempt against England, but also would bear half the charge of the enterprise. For the second thing, that is, the preparing of a sufficient party in England, to receive and to join with the foreign forces, one especial messenger was sent over into England in August last, under a counterfeit name from the confederates in France, to signify the plat and preparation there, and to solicit the same here.  
That Thomas Throckemorton his brother made him privy to his negotiation at his last being here in England; and that thereupon Francis Throckemorton took upon him to be a follower and mean for the effectuating thereof among the confederates in England, with the help of the Spanish ambassador, whom he instructed how and with whom to deal for the preparing of a convenient party here within the realm, for that himself would not be seen to be a sounder of men, lest he might be discovered, and so endanger himself and the enterprise, knowing that the ambassador being a public person, might safely deal therein without peril.  

Landing places for foreign forces about Arundel in Sussex.  That the duke of Guise and other heads of the enterprise had refused some landing places, and made special choice of Sussex, and about Arundel in Sussex, both for the near cut from the parts of France, where the duke did or best could assemble his force, line 10 and for the opportunity of assured persons to give assistance, etc.  
That he, taking upon him the pursuit of this course, showed the whole plot and devise of the havens for landing to the Spanish ambassador, who did encourage him therein; he promising, that if he might have respite until the next spring, the same should be done more exactly.  
That at the time of Thomas Throckemortons being here, lest the negotiation of the enterprise, by line 20 s●me casualty, might fail in the only hand of one man Thomas Throckemorton, there was also from the confederates sent over into Sussex, Charles Paget, 
Charles Paget under the name of Mope alias Spring a confederate in this action.  under the name of Mope alias Spring, and thereof an advertisement covertly sent unto Thomas Throckemorton, both that Thomas might understand it, and not be offended that an other was joined with him in his labour.  
That the Spanish ambassador, by advertisements from the confederates, was made privy to this coming line 30 of Charles Paget under the name of Mope, and yet known to him to be Charles Paget.  
That the said ambassador did, according to his said advertisements, know & affirm that Charles Paget was come over to view the havens and country for landing of such foreign forces about Arundel, and specially to sound and confer with certain principal persons for assistance.  
The same ambassador also knew and affirmed, that Charles Paget had accordingly done his message, line 40 and had spoken with some principal persons here according unto his commission, and was returned.  
He moreover confessed that there was a devise between the Spanish ambassador and him, 
This would be feared and therefore always by policy prevented.  how such principal recusants here within the realm, as were in the commission of the peace in sundry counties, might upon the first brute of the landing of foreign forces, under colour and pretext of their authority and the defence of her majesty, levy men, whom they might after join to the foreign forces, and convert line 50 them against her majesty.  
In these few articles is briefly comprised the whole effect of his confession made at large, without any interrogatory particularly ministered, other than upon the two papers before mentioned, containing the names of men and havens. And here you are to note, that at the time of his apprehension, there was no knowledge or doubt had of these treasons, or of his privity unto them; but only an information and suspicion delivered and conceived of line 60 some practice between him and the Scotish queen, as is before mentioned. For the discovering whereof, 
Throckemorton wrote diverse letters to Marie the Scotish queen.  after he had been sundry times upon his allegiance commanded to declare his doings in conveying and receiving of letters to and from her; he did voluntarily confess that he had written diverse letters unto her, and had conveyed many to and fro, between her and Thomas Morgan in France, by whose means he was first made known to her, and that he had received as many letters from her. He also declared the effect of his letters to her, & of hers to him: which letters between them were always written in cipher, and the cipher with the nullities and marks for names of princes and councillors he sent unto the queen's majesty written with his own hand. He also delivered the names of some, by whom he conveyed his letters unto the Scotish queen, as by one Godfrey Fulgeam, 
Godfrey Fulgeam was glad to 〈…〉.  who fled the realm immediately upon Throckemortons' apprehension; and one other person, whom he described by his stature, shape, and apparel, and the man since apprehended and examined, hath confessed the same: the man's name is William Ardington.  
The sum and effect of the most part of these confessions, although they were at the time of his arraignment opened and dilated by her majesties sergeant, attorney, and solicitor general at the bar, and therefore seem not needful to be repeated here; yet because the purpose of this discourse is to show sufficient proof, that the matters contained in his said confessions, 
The cause why Throckmortons' confessions are here mentioned.  are neither false nor feigned (as Francis Throckmorton most impudently affirmed at his trial, alleging that they were mere inventions of himself by policy to avoid the torture) they have been here inserted, to the end you may the better judge of the proofs, presumptions, and circumstances following, by comparing the matters with their accidents, and consequently see the falsehood of the traitor, the just and honourable proceedings of her majesty, and the honest and loyal endeavours of her ministers employed in the discovering of the treasons.  
First, it is true and not denied by himself, 
Throckemorton was at Spa, and elsewhere, etc.  that he was at Spa about the time by him mentioned, and had conference with jenneie in that place, and with sir Francis Englefield in Flanders, and that he hath written letters to sir Francis, and received letters from him: for if he should deny the same, he were to be convinced by good proof: for it hath been noted in him by many of his countrymen, English subjects, that both in those parts and in France, he did continually associate himself with English rebels and fugitives. If then you consider with whom he hath conversed beyond the seas, and compare his religion with theirs, you will judge of his conversation accordingly. And it is to be supposed, that those men, known to be continual practisers against the queens majesty and this realm, from whence for their treasons and unnatural demeanours they are worthily banished, will not in their conventicles and meetings forget to bethink them of their banishment, and how they might be restored to their country, where unto no desert in her majesties life time (which God long continue) can well (without her majesties great mercy) restore them.  
Then I pray you, what conferences might master Throckemorton have with sir Francis Englefield, 
This is a principal mark whereat they shoot, and therefore they cannot but meditat upon the means.  with jenneie, with Liggons, with Owen, and with such like, who were his daily companions in France and in the low countries? He hath written letters to sir Francis Englefield. To what purposes? He haunted continually two ambassadors in London, by whose means he sent and received letters to and from beyond the seas daily. To whom, and from whom? Even to and from Thomas Morgan, and Thomas Throckemorton at Paris, men known to her majesty and her council to be notorious practisers, very inward with the duke of Guise, and contrivers of the treasons and devices for the invasion intended. And for very certain knowledge thereof, we need not be beholding to Francis Throckemorton only (although he hath said much of them) but to others of better credit than himself. 
The duke of Guise his enterprise to invade the realm.   
That the duke of Guise did undertake the enterprise to invade the realm with a foreign power, to be defrayed by the pope and king of Spain (a part of master Throckemortons' confession) and he in truth the first discoverer thereof to her majesty: if he will say that it was but invention, it will approve false. For since he discovered the same, there have been diverse advertisements thereof sent to her majesty from foreign princes her highness loving neighbours and allies; as also by other good means and intelligences from her ambassadors and servants residing in other countries. If he deny (as he hath done) that he never had knowledge of any such matter when he confessed the same, it hath no likelihood of line 10 truth: for Throckemorton was never known to be a prophet to foretell things Defuturo.  
He resorted often to the Spanish ambassador, at the least twice a week when he was in London: 
The Spanish ambassador and Throckemorton did often times converse and confer.  this often repair could not be to confer with the ambassador for the exchange of money for his brother, as he pretended at his arraignment: there was some other cause. When he was apprehended, he had a casket covered with green velvet, very cunningly conveyed out of his chamber by a maidseruant line 20 of the house, taken up under a bed's side in his chamber (one of the gentlemen who were sent to apprehend him then being in the chamber, & unknowing thereof) which casket not long after his apprehension, was by one john Meredith a follower of Throckemorton, conveyed to the hands of the Spanish ambassador. And why to him? If the matters therein might well have abidden the light, why should not the casket have been kept still at home? And if not there, why not sent to some other place of line 30 safety, as well as to the Spanish ambassador? It is to be conceived, that this casket was not conveyed thither without the direction of Francis Throckemorton, though carried by Meredith, who did well know of what moment the matters were that were within the casket, & of what danger to Throckemorton if they had been disclosed; & therefore meant to bestow them in a safe place where they could not readily be had (as he thought) and with a person not unacquainted with the quality of them. After the line 40 delivery of the casket, Meredith fled: for in truth he was privy to the treasons, and a fellow practiser in them. To whom Francis Throckemorton, being taken short at the time of his apprehension, 
Throckemorton surprised and put to a narrow shift.  and forced to run up a stair to deface a letter, which he was then in writing to the Scotish queen in cipher (as he hath confessed) being suddenly apprehended, and so forced to departed away presently out of his house, delivered privily into the hands of Meredith, either the cipher by the which he was writing his letter line 50 to the Scotish queen, or a letter in cipher by him written unto her: therefore he trusted Meredith as a man privy to his doings.  
You are also to understand, that Throckemorton was in very great fear of the discovering of this casket after his apprehension. 
●eare is an ordinary tormentor of a guilty conscience.  For remaining two or three days prisoner in the house of one of the gentlemen that were sent to apprehend him, before he was committed to the Tower, he was permitted to talk with a solicitor of his law causes, who brought him line 60 certain books drawn, or other like papers written, which he made show to peruse. But that was not the matter why he sent for his solicitor: for in perusing the books, he conveyed into them a little piece of paper, upon the which he had written with a coal; I would feign know whether my casket be safe: or to the like effect. The solicitor departing from him, and resorting to Throckemortons' house, not far distant from the place where he remained prisoner, opening his papers, did shake out this piece of paper, which he took up and delivered to one of Francis Throckemortons' men; but the casket was already conveyed to the Spanish ambassador. Whereby you will perceive what care he had of the casket, & how much it might import him to have the writings or matters within the same concealed. He being examined touching the casket, and what was in the same, he denied at the first that ever he had any such casket; 
The clouds of lies cannot so darken the truth but it will appear.  but finding afterwards that the casket was discovered, he confessed the casket, and said there were certain letters therein that came to his hands for the Scotish queen from Thomas Morgan at Paris, and other letters and papers, but confessed not all, as it is supposed. That Charles Paget came over into the realm to evil purposes, as Throckemorton doth declare in his confession, could not be invented: for even at the same time that he mentioneth, Paget came over, in secret and suspicious manner, stayed not above fifteen days, endeavoured in a sort to find the disposition of William Shellie esquire, how he might stand affected to give assistance to the treasons, 
How William Shellie stood affectioned to these treasonable plots.  although Paget discovered not directly his traitorous intents to Shellie: therefore all Throckemortons' confessions were not forged or invented.  
But because the two papers produced at his arraignment, containing the description of the havens for the commodious landing of forces, do most apparently condemn him, and are a manifest argument of his privity to the whole treason; you may not forget that he acknowledged one of the papers written in the secretary hand, to have been of his own doing, but denied the other written in the Roman hand. In the which, under the title of Cheshire, &c: is said, 
Certain words and clauses of letters treasonable.  Upon the landing of foreign supplies, Chester shall be taken. But what in your opinions might be understood by that sentence, Chester shall be taken, when you shall compare the paper in the secretary hand with the other written in the Roman hand, entitled; The names of noblemen and gentlemen in every county fit to be dealt withal in this matter (which in truth were both one, although the Roman were somewhat more enlarged) the question is to be asked, What matter? The answer followeth necessarily, To assist the foreign forces that shall come to invade the realm: for that there is an other title in that paper over the names of the havens, &c: Havens in every coast fit for the landing of forces. Now judge you, to what end these names of men and descriptions of havens, their entries, capacities, what winds bring unto them from Spain, France, and Flanders, were written and set down by Throckemorton: the papers are both of his own handwriting, and the secretary but a project or copy of the Roman.  
Is it not likely (think you) that he would acquaint the Spanish ambassador with these papers (as he hath confessed) when he made him partaker of the rest of his traitorous practices & devices, as you have heard, and thought his casket of treasons to be most safely committed to his hands? It may be thought that there is no man of so simple understanding, that will judge to the contrary, unless he be parciallie affected to excuse the treasons. 
What mind Throckemorton hath carried towards her majesty.  And now to show unto you what mind this man hath carried towards her majesty; you are to be informed that Francis Throckemorton, after he had discovered to her majesty his course of practising, repenting himself of his plain dealing in the bewraying thereof, said to some of the commissioners upon occasion of speech; I would I had been hanged when I first opened my mouth to declare any of the matters by me confessed. And being at other times sent unto by her majesty with offer of pardon, if he would disclose the whole pack and complices of the treasons; he used this argument to persuade her majesty, that he had confessed all, saying that Sith he had already brought himself by his confessions within the danger of the laws, to the utter ruin of his house and family, he wondered why there should be any conceit in her majesty, that he had not declared all. But to persuade such as were sent unto him for these purposes, the rather to believe that he could discover no more, at one time he used these speeches following with great vehemency: Now I have disclosed the secrets of her who was the dearest thing unto me in the world (meaning the Scotish queen) and whom I thought no torment should have drawn line 10 me so much to have prejudiced as I have done by my confessions. 
This vehement speech importeth same secrets of great moment between Throckemorton and the Scotish queen.  I see no cause why I should spare any one, if I could say aught against him: and sith I have failed of my faith towards her, I care not if I were hanged.  
And when he began first to confess his treasons, which he did most unwillingly, after he was entered into the declaration of them before all the commissioners, upon advisement he desired he might deliver his knowledge but to one of them only: whereunto they yielded. And thereupon removing aside line 20 from the place where he sat by the rack, he used this proverb in Italian, 
Chi a person la fede, a person l'honore, an Italian proverb.  Chi a person la fede, a person l'honore, that is, He that hath falsed his faith, hath lost his reputation; meaning thereby (as it may be conceived) that he had given his faith to be a traitor, and not to reveal the treasons: & then he began to confess as you have heard. By this discourse, containing the principal heads of his treasons, and the proofs and circumstances of the same, you that are not transported with undutiful minds and affections, will line 30 clearly perceive how impudéntlie and untruely he denied at his arraignment the truth of his confessions, charging her majesty with cruelty, and her ministers with untruths in their proceeding against him. 
The cause that moved Throckemorton to deny his confessions at his arraignment.  But the cause that moved him thereto, was the vain conceit he had taken that his case was clear in law, by the intermission of the time between his confession made and his arraignment, grounding himself upon a statute of the thirteenth year of her majesties reign, in the which there are certain treasons line 40 specified and made of that nature, that no person shallbe arraigned for any of those offences committed within any of the queens majesties dominions, unless the offendor be thereof indicted within six months next after the same offence committed; and shall not be arraigned for the same, unless the offence be proved by the testimony and oath of two sufficient witnesses, or his voluntary confession without violence: wherein he was greatly deceived. For it was made manifest unto him by the line 50 lord chief justice and other of the judges in commission at his trial, that his treasons were punishable by a statute of 25. Edw. 3. which admitted no such limitation of time or proof. Herein his skill failed him, and forgot the advise given unto him by some of the commissioners, who (pitying his misfortune) for sundry good gifts of the mind appearing in him) assured him that there was no way so ready for him to redeem his life, 
These gifts in him were Vivenenum in 〈◊〉 poculo.  as by submission and acknowledging of his offence, which for a time after he had confessed line 60 his treasons he was contented to follow, and now eftsoons after his condemnation by a new submission to the queens majesty the fourth of june had resumed that course. The submission Verbatim, written with his own hand, followeth.   
To her most excellent majesty, even to her own royal hands.  

Throckemortons' submison in a letter, answering Ad verbum with his own handwriting.  MOst excellent prince, and my most gracious sovereign, sith to me the most miserable of all your majesties poor distressed subjects, being justly condemned by the ordinary and orderly course of your majesties laws, there resteth no further mean of defence but submission: vouchsafe, most excellent prince, graciously to accept the same, which prostrate in all humility I here present unto the hands of your most excellent majesty; beseeching the same, that as justice hath been derived from your highness, as from the fountain, to the trial of mine actions: so I may receive from the same spring, some drop of grace and mercy for the great & grievous offence, whereof I rest by your majesties laws justly condemned: some part, I say, of that your accustomed gracious clemency, whereof most your distressed subjects have tasted, and few been deprived. And albeit the inconsiderate rashness of unbridled youth hath withdrawn me from that loyal respect, which nature & duty bound me to owe unto your majesty, as to my lawful & natural dread sovereign; and that the natural care in me of the defence of my life moved me lately to the untrue & undutiful gainesaieng of some such points as had been before by me in most humble sort confessed: nevertheless, I most humbly beseech your most excellent majesty, that in imitation of God, whose image (both in respect of the happy place you hold, 
He sueth for undeserved mercy to her majesty in his misery, in whose favour he might have lived by loyalty.  as also in regard of your singular wisdom and other the rare and singular virtues & perfections wherewith God & nature hath plentifully endued you) you represent unto us here in earth, it may please your majesty to commiserate the lamentable estate of me now the most miserable of all your majesties subjects and graciously to grant unto me remission and forgiveness, that not only do most humbly confess myself worthy of death; but also in show of my repentance and sorrowful afflicted mind, do not crave at your majesties hands the prolonging of my life, if the same shall not stand with your gracious good pleasure; but rather desire the trebling of the torment justly by your majesties laws imposed upon me, if the same may be any satisfaction to your majesty for the heinous crime whereof I remain by your majesties laws justly condemned; or any mitigation of your majesties indignation worthily conceived against me, that desire not to live without your favour; and dying will wish from my hart, that my end may be the beginning of your majesties security, and my death the preservation of your life, and the increase both to your majesty, and to this your most flourishing commonwealth, of all the most happy blessings of almighty God.  
Your majesties most woeful subject in that he hath offended you: Francis Throckemorton.  
He sent unto her majesty, 
A declaration, &c: written by Throckemorton to the queens majesty.  together with the said submission, a declaration written likewise with his own hand, containing the effects of the most principal points of his treasons formerly confessed: retracting only the accusation of his father, and some other particularities of no moment to clear him of his treasons, the effect whereof followeth in his own words, as he set them down.  

The declaration which Throckmorton sent to her majesty, with his letter of submission.  
THe only cause why I coined the practice first by me confessed, and unjustly touched my father, was, for that partly I conceived that the paper written so long since, could not now by law have touched me: but principally, for that I was willing thereby to colour the setting down of those names and havens in Roman hand, which were written long after the time by me confessed upon occasion of conference between the Spanish ambassador and me of this latter practice. Mine intelligence with the Scotish queen began a little before Christmas was two years: the cipher I had from Thomas Morgan in France; the first letter I received by Godfrey Fulgeam, by whom also came all such others as I after received for the most part, unless it were such as came to me by F. A. his hands, who as he told line 10 me, 
William Ardington.  received them of the fellow by me spoken of in my former confessions, whose name, I protest before God, I know not, nor whence he is. And for such letters as came unto me in the absence of Fulgeam, they were enclosed under a coverture from Fulgeam, and were delivered me by the hands of Robert Tunstead his brother in law, unto whom I delivered such as I had for the Scotish queen, covered with a direction unto Fulgeam: and once I remember or twice I sent by one of my men called line 20 Butler, letters for the Scotish queen to the house of the said Tunstead, near Buckestones, covered with a direction to Tunstead, and under a letter to Fulgeam. In such letters as came to me from the Scotish queen, were enclosed letters to F. A. many times, and most times some for Thomas Morgan. Her letters to me contained, etc.  
But before I returned mine answer unto her, I understood of the death of the duke of Lenox, and withal heard from Morgan, with whom all mine line 30 intelligence was (for with my brother I never had any, other than that the matters by me written to Morgan were by him imparted unto my brother most times) that by the persuasion of the pope and the king of Spain, 
The next way to attain liberty for the Scotish queen, etc.  the duke of Guise had yielded to perform the journey in person: and that it was thought that the next way to attain liberty for the Scotish queen, and to reform Scotland, was to begin here in England. And therefore he desired to know from me, whether in mine opinion line 40 catholics would not back any such force as should be sent, considering a demand of tolerance in religion for them should ensue the well performing of the said enterprise, and what I thought the force would amount unto, both of horse and footmen, and where I thought to be the fittest landing. Mine answer was, that as then, I saw no great probability of the good success of such an enterprise, for that the catholics were timorous, dispersed, the matter perilous to be communicated unto many, without which I saw not how any estimat could be line 50 made of the forces: beside, that it was an imminent danger unto the Scotish queen, whereof I saw no remedy.  
I took notice of this matter in my next letters to the Scotish queen, whose answer was, that she lately heard of that determination, etc. Upon my former answer unto Morgan, he desired me, that I would confer with the Spanish ambassador, to whom I should be recommended from thence. Hereupon line 60 the said ambassador sent for me, and broke with me in this matter, assuring me that in his opinion he found it very easy to make great alteration here with very little force, 
The pestilent persuasion of the Spanish ambassador to prefer this pernicious enterprise.  considering the disuse in men to war, and troubles would so amaze them (as he thought) that they would be as soon overthrown as assailed: & he could not think but in such a case catholics would show themselves, sith the purpose tended to the obtaining for them liberty of conscience: and therefore he desired me to acquaint him, what I thought men would do in such a case, and where I thought the fittest landing, and what holds in these parts were easiest to be surprised. I answered him, that (as it seemed) the enterprise stood upon great uncerteinties, if it depended of the knowledge of a certain force to be found here, which no man could assure him of, unless he had sounded all the catholics, which was not possible without a manifest hazard of the discovery of the purpose. For as for any great parsonage, I know no one to be drawn to this action, that could carry any more than his ordinary retinue: the only way in such a case was (I told him) for such as would be drawn into this matter, and were of credit in their countries, to levy forces under colour of the prince's authority.  
But for that these things depended upon uncertain grounds, 
The resolution was frustrate as also the later of the plo●▪ such was God's justice to persecute & supplant both the one and the other.  which was not fit to be used in so great an action, I said it was to be resolved, that the force to be sent should be of that number, that what backing soever they should find here, they might be able of themselves to encounter with any force that might be provided to be sent against them, and therefore they could not be less than fifteen thousand men. For the place of their landing, I said it depended much upon the force that should be sent: for if that were in great number, it mattered not where they landed: if in a small company, than was it requisite that it should be in the country's best affected, & furthest from her majesties principal forces, which I said to be in the northern parts on either side. To the danger of the Scotish queen by me objected, he said he knew no remedy, unless she might be taken away by some two hundred horse, which I told him I saw not to be possible: for that I knew not any gentleman in those parts (which were men, if any, to perform it) that I durst wish to be made acquainted with the matter before hand.  
Finally, our conclusion was, that I should inform him of the havens as particularly as I could: and within few days after, finding by him that the force intended hither, was far inferior unto that I spoke of; and that there was some different between the pope & the king of Spain for the charge, I told him that the surest course and of least danger were, to send a supply into Scotland, 
Was this (think you) ● natural subjects opinion, or not rather the conceit of a tyrannous traitor?  where a small force would breed a great alteration, and things being there established by the good liking of the king, I thought it was in him by a continual war, & by incursions so to annoy this state, as her majesty here should be forced to yield the liberty of the Scotish queen, and what should thereupon have been reasonably demanded for the benefit of the catholics here. And herein I said it would be a great furtherance, if at the same time some few were landed in Ireland, where: although they abide the same hazard that the former forces sustained; yet would the charge be so great to her majesty, and so great an occasion of dispersing of her forces, as a much less company than was spoken of first by me, would (being landed here in a convenient place) shake the minds of men generally, and be of force (if any thing) to draw them to show themselves in the furtherance of the purpose.  
He utterly rejected the purpose for Ireland, and disliked not the purpose for Scotland; but still he was in mind to have forces landed here: and therefore desired me very earnestly to inquire particularly of the havens on the side of Cumberland and Lancashire, 
This Spanish ambassador had no good meaning in moving this request.  and what men were dwelling there that were well affected in religion, and what places easy to be taken, and what apt for fortification. The next time that I went to the Spanish ambassador, he found himself grieved that he understood matters were determined in France without his privity: and told me that Persons the jesuit was gone unto Rome, sent (as he thought) to understand the pope's mind. Soon after came over my brother Thomas, to make an end of our account, and to persuade me to come over, assuring me that for aught he could see in likelihood, the enterprise was never like to take effect. In the time of his being here, and while I entertained intelligence with the Scotish queen concerning her liberty, the Spanish ambassador sent for me, and told me of the coming over of Mope to view Sussex and the havens, 
This Mope was Charles Paget otherwise named Spring: as before.  and as he thought, to taste the best of account there: whereat he line 10 seemed to be aggrieved, for that such matters had not been left to him, being one whom they in France made believe that they relied upon principally in this enterprise. Afterwards, the ambassador told me, that it was Charles Paget, and that he was returned, but where he had been he knew not, and at the same time I received a letter from Morgan, that it was Paget: but assuring me, and so willed me to assure the ambassador, that his coming was not to move any man, but only to view the country, line 20 for that the moving of any man was referred unto him. I did so, and he entreated me to remember him for those foresaid names and havens, saying, that so it were done exactly by the spring, it would suffice: for that sooner he saw no likelihood of the execution of the enterprise.  
My brother having made an end of his account with me, 
Throckmortons' purpose if his enterprise succeeded not by the next spring.  returned with this resolution between us (I protest before God) that if the enterprise succeeded not between this and the next spring now past, that line 30 I would settle my things here and go over. And for this cause, he being gone, I went down into the country, both to sell and take order for my lands in those parts, as also to fetch the draft of gentlemen and havens for the most part of England, which had been set down by me above two years since, and left behind me at Feckenham in my study. Not finding the draft at Feckenham, I returned to London, where I found the note of names in secretary hand, which I carried to the Spanish ambassador, line 40 and there drew that other in Roman hand in his study, putting down Chester to be taken, in respect of the easiness as I thought, and the rather to give him encouragement in the matter, I left it with him, promising him that by the next spring I would perfect it, if I tarried so long; making known unto him, that I was had in suspicion, and my determination to be gone: but he pressed the contrary of me, assuring me, that if the enterprise proceeded not, he would then also departed. line 50  

Sir Francis Englefield whether excusable or no.  Whether sir Francis Englefield were a dealer in this practice or no, I know not: but sure I am (for so the Spanish ambassador told me) that sir Francis had intelligence with the said ambassador all the time of his being here. The Spanish ambassador told me that he heard the people of North-wales were generally well affected, and therefore he desired to have the havens of that country: I told him that hereafter I would help him thereunto, although no good might be expected there, for the reasons by me set down in my first confession: and line 60 hereupon the day before mine apprehension, the ambassador sent me back the said paper in Roman hand, desiring me to set down the same at my leisure more exactly, which was the cause that it was not in my green velvet casket. The writings in my casket were such as were by me confessed, and came unto my hands as I have confessed.  
¶ I most humbly beseech her most excellent majesty▪ that she extremity which I have already sustained, 
Throckemortons' suit for commiseration to her majesty.  and the causes by 〈◊〉 discovered, to the safety of her majesty and the state, 〈◊〉 made known (as hath appeared) by any other mean than by myself, may crave at her hands the extending of her gracious commiseration towards the relieving of the lamentable estate of me, her majesties poor distressed subject, and mine, if God for mine offences forbidden not the same.  
Now judge all ye, that be not perversely affected whether Throckemorton be justly condemned, and whether his confessions (though as he pretended, extorted from him by violence) be of force in law against him. He conspired to overthrow the state, to bring in strangers to invade the realm, to remove her majesty from her lawful & natural right and inheritance to the crown of England, 
A recapitulation of so●e treasonable enterprises by Throckemorton.  and to place a stranger in her seat. But this last point, for placing of a stranger, will (per chance) be denied: then note, that in the whole course of the practice, the greatest bar to the prosecution of the enterprise, was, they found no way how to put theScottish queen in safety. Then, if these dangerous treasons be discovered by torture (the only means left unto princes to discover treasons and attempts against their states and persons, where they find apparent matter to induce suspicion, as in the case of Throckemorton, upon sight of the plots of havens, etc.) may the law touch the traitor or not? If any man hold this question negatively, hold him for a friend to traitors and treasons, and an enemy to the queens majesty, whom God long preserve, and confound her enemies: Amen.   
On the tenth day of julie next following, the same Francis Throckemorton was conveyed by water from the Tower of London to the Black friars stairs, 
Throckemorton executed.  and from thence by land to the session's hall in the old bailie without Newgate, where he was delivered to the sheriffs of London, and then laid on a hurdle, from whence he was drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. The nintéenth day of julie, Robert baron of Denbigh, 
Robert baron of Denbigh deceased.  the only son and heir of Robert earl of Leicester, departed this mortal life, being then of the age of three years and somewhat more, at Wansted in Essex, the solemnity of whose funeral was there honourably kept on the first of August; and after, his body was conveyed to Warwick, & there in the chapel of Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick his ancestor honourably intoomed, on the one and twentieth of October. In memory of whom (but not as an epicedium, nor yet as an epitaph) these verses of fit invention and devise may well be used: 
O puer, o ●xpressa atrum sed maior imago,  
Nunc bona cum domino spes tumulata jacet:  
Sic rosa, sic tenerae sulco resecantur aristae,  
Candida sic primo lilia vere cadunt.   
In this year, 
The charitable deeds of D. S.  an ancient and charitable citizen of London named D. S. embroderer to the queens majesty (whom God from bare estate had advanced to a degree of credit, having his wife alive, and by her only eight children, six of them married, whose children counted together made above the number of twenty) this man (I say) notwithstanding these great occasions by multiplied generations might have provoked him to gather and lay up against his death, such worldly wealth, as they thereby might reap profit after his decease: yet remembering himself, that christians are not placed in this world to benefit their children only, but also to do good to the household of faith, whereof none are more likely to be members than the godly poor, did lay out the most part of his substance (when he was three score years of age) in and about the building of six proper houses in form of a quadrangle, with these words in fair great letters round about the same: 
The poor widows Inn here you may see, 
These letters are placed above the qu●drats or squares of the building.   
Where six poor widows have houseroom fire:  
And twenty shillings yeerelie paid,  
During our lives for our further aid:  
Though gift be but bare & came from small store,  
Despise not the giver but praise God therefore.  
Work whilst thou hast breath:  
No way to life but Christ's death.   
Upon the front of the building, over the door or gate of entrance, are these words of well wishing graven in stone: GOD SAVE OUR NOBLE QUEEN ELISABETH CHIEF FOUNDER line 10 OF THIS WORK. The original of this foundation was in this manner. The said D. S. did purchase certain old houses in the ward of castle Bainard, 
Six houses of perpetual relief, founded upon S. Peter's hill in Baniard castle ward.  in the city of London, and pulling them down to the ground, did (upon his own charges) build upon the same ground six little houses all of brick and stone, as strongly as he could devise to continue, every house having three several rooms one over the other: wherein he placed six poor widows immediately after they were builded, that is, line 20 in every house one widow, choosing them within the parish where the said houses do stand; being such as have lived in good name and fame all the days of their lives, and so do continue, and are of the age of three score years or thereabouts, before they shall be admitted to dwell in any of them: & being thus admitted, and remaining widows, they have their dwelling free during their lives, and twenty shillings a piece beside, paid them quarterly by five shillings every quarter, to buy them wood & coals. line 30 And this he truly payeth themduring his own life, and his wife shall do it likewise if she do out live him during her life; and after both their deceases, he hath made it over unto Christ's hospital to perform the same for ever. 
Rents left in perpetuity for the maintenance of the said houses.  For the performance of the premises, he hath left unto the said hospital sufficient rents, as well to pay the said six pounds yearly unto the said six poor widows; as also to keep the said houses in reparations and buildings for ever, with some overplus unto the said hospital. line 40  

Ordinances of the founder to be inviolably observed.  And to the intent that his good and charitable provision should by no misbehaviour be abused, but decent and agreeable to the age of the parties there seated, he made certain ordinances and rules, to be observed and kept by those six poor widows which do dwell or hereafter shall dwell in any of those six houses, standing upon saint Peter's hill, in the ward of castle Bainard, erected by the said D. S. embroderer to our most gracious and noble queen Elisabeth, Anno 1584. line 50  

What kind of widows are to be admitted into these houses.  1 First, I will that they shall be such widows as shall be given to serve God, before all other exercises, and such as have lived in good name and fame, and so do continue; no blasphemers of the name of God, no drunkards, no scolds, nor any disquiet persons, but of good and godly conversation, to the better example of others. They shall be of the age of threescore years, or of six and fifty years at the least, before they shall be admitted to dwell in any of the same houses. And if any of them shall fortune line 60 to marry, they shall departed out of the same house or houses wherein she or they do dwell, before they do marry, and never to be admitted to dwell in any of the same houses again.  
2 Also, they nor any of them shall not lodge, nor suffer to be lodged or harboured by day nor yet by night, 
Whom they may lodge and not lodge.  any manner of person, neither man, nor woman, nor child, within any of their houses, but only themselves; without it be in some great extremity of sickness, when as of necessity some honest ancient woman a keeper, may watch with any of them for a night or two upon great necessity, or else not lodge, harbour, keep, or maintain, or suffer to be lodged, harboured, kept, or maintained, neither by day nor yet by night, any manner of person; although they be never so near of blood or kindred, but if any of them shall so do, she or they shall presently avoid out of her or their houses within twenty days next after any such offence committed, & never to be admitted to dwell in any of the said houses after. My meaning is not but that they may come the one of them unto the others house, or their friends, to be merry together (when they shall think meet) lovingly, as honest neighbours use to do at hours convenient, and so to departed in good order.  
3 Also, they shall be no keepers of sick persons in other houses which shall be sick of the plague, 
In order for the avoiding of infection, sickness, annoyance, etc.  or of any infectious sickness, for bringing of infected clothes among themselves: nor they shall not suffer any other folks to have any recourse by their means, to wash any bucks or other clothes, neither woollen or linen at the well, nor in any other part of the same yards but only themselves, for annoieng of the tenants with filth & foul waters running through their yards & houses there adjoining. And if any of the rest of the said widows do or shall know that any of them or more, have offended any of these articles aforesaid, and do not show the same unto such persons as shall have authority to correct and amend the same: then all such persons shall be in the like danger as the party that hath so offended, if it may be proved that they did know thereof: and if they or any of them shall offend in any of these articles, they shall be put from their houses as is aforesaid, and not be admitted any more into any of them.  
4 Also, I will that they and either of them, 
What week days they are to repair to the church.  shall most usually use the parish church of saint Benet's, near Paul's wharf, and especially upon the sabbath day, and upon monday, wednesday, and friday, in every week if there be any service in the same church on the said days: and if they or any of them shall be absent from the same church at service time, being in the city, and being not sick, they shall pay two pence for every time so offending, which shall be put into the poors bore among themselves, or into the poors box in the said parish church.  
5 Also, 
Convenient use of water, etc.  I will that none of them do occupy any water above the stairs of any of the same houses, for decaieng of the same houses, and perishing of the séelings: and if any of them shall so offend, she or they shall lose the five shillings that they should receive the next quarter day following, by virtue of my will.  
6 Also, 
Performance of these ordinances intended.  I will have them to put in two sufficient suertis to be bound in twenty pounds before they be admitted into any of the same houses, to perform these articles, or else to avoid the said houses within twenty days (as is aforesaid) quietly.  
7 Also, 
An order for lantern and candle light in winter.  I will that the two widows that do or shall dwell in the two houses next the street on either side of the gate, shall hang out one lantern between them both, and a whole candle in it burning, according unto the custom in the city of London used in the winter season; that is to say, the one widow one week to hang it out, and the other widow another week, and so to continue from time to time, and the said lantern to be maintained by those two widows that shall have the hanging of them out. And I will that they do maintain them to be fair, large, and clear lanterns: and for the provision of the candles, I will that the other four widows dwelling in the other four houses, shall buy either of them one pound of cotton candles, and deliver them unto the two widows that shall hang out the lantern, so as always there shall not be above ten candles in the pound. And if any of the same widows shall not perform this my meaning, I will that twice so much more as will perform the premises, shall be stayed out of the five shillings that they or either of them should receive the next quarter day following, by virtue of my last will and testament.  
God grant that they which are better able, may have no less good will to do the like, or better, that the godly poor may be relieved here on earth, upon whom, be it little or much that is bestowed; Christ jesus no doubt will reward it a hundred fold in heaven: and who would not by works of faithful charity, line 10 endeavour to dwell in God, whom the scripture calleth charity? Considering that the apostle exhorteth all christians in no case to forget to do good and distribute, sith with such sacrifices he is well pleased.  
On the 12 day of November, the queens majesty (returning after her progress) came to her manor of S. james, 
The love of the Londoners to the queen's majesty.  where the citizens of London, to the number of two hundred of the gravest sort in coats of velvet, and chains of gold, on horseback, and a thousand of the companies on foot (having with line 20 them a thousand men with torches ready there to give light on every side for that the night drew on) received and welcomed her grace. 
A parliament at Westminster.  And on the four and twentieth day of the same month, her majesty and the lords road to the parliament, which was that day begun at Westminster. 
An▪ Reg. 27.   

Addition of Fr. Thin.  ¶ In the foresaid parliament held at Westminster, were many necessary laws ordained for the commonwealth, amongst which was one special act procured by sir Roger Manwood knight thief baron of line 30 the excheker, 
An act for the maintenance of Rochester stone bridge procured by sir Roger Manwood.  for the maintenance of the famous stone bridge of Rochester. And here because there is mention made of sir Roger Manwood & Rochester bridge; I think it convenient (sith I have always determined to set forth what soever might come to my mind and pen touching my sweet and native country of Kent, and such persons of the same as either by honourable descent in that country, or by office of high place in the commonwealth, or by worthy remembrance deserve not to be forgotten) to speak line 40 somewhat of the same sir Roger Manwood, and such things as he hath done for that country, 
Sir Roger Manwood a friend to the commonwealth.  especially sith master Lambard a man of rare judgement hath not for gotten to treat of him in his book of the perambulation of Kent under the title of Sandwich. Wherefore thinking him worthy remembrance for that which he hath done in his own country of Kent, I enter in discourse of him a Kentishman ●n this sort.  
This man being borne at Sandwich in the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred and line 50 five and twenty, 
The place & time of Sir Roger Manwoods' birth, and bringing up.  was first instructed in the grammar school of that town, as then but a mean thing and taught by a chanterie priest of the foundation of one Thomas Ellis. Afterwards, when as by dissolution of chanteries in the time of king Edward the sixth this chanterie school was taken away, 
Dissolution of chanteries.  & the children of the towns people being many in number were forced to be taught in the grammar schools far distant from Sandwich, to the great charges of their parents (whereby many poor men's children line 60 for capacity and pains taking meet for learning, were put by the course of learning which otherwise might have proved learned and become good members of the commonwealth) the said sir Roger Manwood by st●die in the law, 
Sir Roger Manwood reader in the inner temple.  and reader in the inner temple, well considering the same (and minding to restore to Sandwich town his birth place, a better grammar school than tha● wherein he was first brought up) did in the year of our redemption one thousand five hundred three sco●e and three, upon his m●nie charges procure from the de●●e & chapter of Christ's church of Canturburie a vacant place (having many broken near walls) 〈◊〉 to the town gate in Sandwich called Canturburie gate. 
He erected ● fair schoolhouse of brick and stone.  In which void tomb adjoining to the river of Delfe is now erected a fair schoolhouse (for the schoolmaster, usher, & certain boarding scholars) framed all of brick & stone. For perpetual continuance of which school, the said sir Roger Manwood (now lord chief baron in this year of our Lord 1586) procured letters patents from the queen for incorporating and assurance of the same school (with other lands and revenues thereto belonging) to the mayor and his brethren of Sandwich and to their successors for ever, 
He procureth letters patents &c: for the maintenance of the same in perpetuity.  by the name of the governors of the free grammar school of Roger Manwood in Sandwich; assuring to the said governors of his own land the clear yearly value of 22 pounds and more. Further, thereunto procuring of his brother Thomas Manwood (sometime mayor of Sandwich) the clear yearly value of ten pounds of lands and tenements; and also of one Thomas Tompson (jurat of Sandwich) eight pounds by year De claro, of his own lands and tenements, 
The sum of 40 pounds allowed yearly, &c: to the maintenance of the said grammar school.  in the gross sum amounting to forty pounds by year, which lands being sufficiently assured to the said governors, with convenient dwelling for the master, and usher, lodging for sixteen boarding scholars, and with some benevolence of parents for the teaching of their children, is a large endowment for perpetual maintenance of the same grammar school.  
Besides which, for the further benefit of the same school, the same sir Roger Manwood hath obtained two scholars rooms in Gonuile and Caius college in Cambridge, 
Two scholars rooms obtained in Cambridge & two in Oxford for such scholars as remove from the said school to either of the universities.  and two other scholars rooms in Lincoln college at Oxford, with pension of four marks yearly to every of the said four scholars to be removed from that school of Sandwich, and to be placed in those colleges, from time to time as often as any of the same college scholars rooms shall be void, and that any scholar shall be meet to come from that school of Sandwich. Beyond all which that he hath done for recompense of his birth place, with a free grammar school for the education of the youth there, he also for relief of age hath near unto his dwelling place of saint stephan's in Hackington parish (adjoining to Canturburie) built in the year of our redemption 1573, 
Seven alms houses by him founded for the relief of the honest aged.  a fair row of seven alms houses of brick, placing in every of the same alms houses poor folks, such as are counted to be honest & good. For perpetual maintenance of which alms persons he hath endowed that building with a yéerelie allowance of the value of four pounds by year (to every of the same alms men & houses) in money, bread, & fuel. 
Sir Roger Manwood● tomb.  And in the same parish church near to those alms houses he hath newly erected an Isle, where his tomb is made and placed, & in that church a new room of seven pews and seats for the alms people to be bestowed in, together by themselves.  
Likewise for setting to work of middle age, whereby they may eschew idleness, 
A house of correction for ●ustie idle persons.  this sir Roger Manwood did in the year of Christ, one thousand five hundred seventy and eight, build a new house of correction in the Westgate street in the suburbs of Canturburie. And moreover, 
The ancient bridge of Rochester, when builded and by whom.  whereas Rochester bridge standing on the river of Medweie, being famously built of stone (in the time of king Richard the second as is most likely, though some attribute the same to the time of Edward the third) by one sir Robert Knolles knight, 
diverse opinions concerning the first founding of the said bridge.  with the help of john lord Cobham of Cobham, and Margaret courtney his wife, being two of the principal benefactors thereunto, after the decay of a wooden bridge (first erected over the same river some hundred years before that of stone) had (for the perpetual maintenance of the same stone bridge) the ancient contributary lands (given for the support of the wooden bridge) after the ruin of the same wooden bridge reduced (by act of parliament holden in the one and twentieth of Richard the second) to the maintenance of the same new stone bridge; and that sundry manors, lands, tenements, & rents in Kent, London, & Essex, were by devise of sundry persons assured for the upholding of the same new stone bridge: 
How the said bridge began to decay, and what means are used for the repairing of the same.  yet by want of due circumspection this new stone bridge became in so great decay, that in the latter time of queen Marie, and beginning of her majesty now reigning, line 10 collection was made upon all horsemen, & carriages passing over that bridge in manner of a toll or tax: and more, by reason of the queen's commission, an universal taxation was made in nature of a tenth and fifteenth over all the country of Kent, and the city of Canturburie, for and towards the reparations of the same bridge.  
All which being an unwilling burden, & grief to the people, together with the revenues of the bridge lands, did not yet suffice to save the ruin of that famous line 20 stone bridge, until by the careful travel of the said sir Roger Manwood (than a justice in the common plées) a remedy was sound therefore without injury to any person, 
Sir Roger Manwoods devised remedy for the keeping of the said bridge well repaired.  and without exaction of any passenger. Which remedy was, that all the manors, lands, tenements, and rents, belonging unto the bridge, should be freed from all leases thereof, made at small rents; and the same lands so let to be duly improved to a higher rate, the same being a matter answerable to right and reason; considering line 30 the cause of the first gift of those lands then sufficient, and the now dearth of things, which made it insufficient to support the said bridge) the stone, timber and other stuff, for repair of the same bridge, with the works, wages, and carriages concerning it, being now grown to far greater prices than in old time they were. Which devised remedy to undo the old leases, 
His devised remedy tending to so good a purpose was impugned.  was much impugned by many persons of wealthy behaviour, receiving great profit by those old under rented leases. line 40  
All which notwithstanding, this Roger Manwood prosecuted the same to a good success: for he making to appear before the lords of the council and the rest of the judges of the realm (in the presence of such as enjoyed these old leases, and of their learned council, and other favourers) that the said manors, lands, and tenements, belonging to the said bridge, were given to the wardens & commonalty, owners of the contributory lands; and that their old leases line 50 made by the wardens only without consent of the commonalty, were not good in law: the farmers submitted themselves to surrender their old insufficient leases, 
The yearly revenues of the said bridge amount unto more in value by triple than they were before.  and to take such as might be available in law of the same lands. Whereby the yearly revenues of the bridge lands grew to be of more value than triple that which they were before: and yet the old farmers had new leases unto their own contentation; because the same are not so improved, but that they are as reasonably let as other private line 60 men's lands be.  
To which devise a further remedy was then added, 
A further remedy devised.  and set forth by the said justice. Manwood, who for perpetual supply (when need should be) procured that the ancient contributory lands, almost grown into oblivion, should be to that end reduced into a convenient order answerable unto right and justice. And likewise (for good direction in yearly elections of wardens, and other officers, with the accounts, provision, works; and other such necessaries required for perpetual maintenance of that bridge) obtained an act of parliament in the eightéenth year of this queens reign, 
An act of parliament obtained for the behoof of the said bridge.  as appeareth in the printed book of statutes: wherein were many things ordained for the good ordering of the said bridge, and the officers belonging thereunto. After all which a charge of five hundred pounds was of record demanded and levied upon the wardens of the said bridge, for arerages of the stipends of chanterie priests, sometime serving in the chapel at the east end of the said bridge, to the great damage and overthrow of the bridge; had not the said justice Manwood by his travel upon due and lawful trial at the assizes, delivered & discharged the bridge of that great demand; as appeareth by record in the court of the excheker, before the said sir Roger Manwood came to be chief baron there. And yet abuse and slackness being had in these things, the wardens (notwithstanding that great benevolence and relief was at sundry times and of sundry persons procured unto the said bridge, by the careful and diligent travel of Thomas Wooten of Bocton Maleherbe of Kent esquire, a dear father and favourer of his country, 
Master Thomas Wooten of Kent esquire a father and favourer of his country.  as well at the times of the elections of the wardens, and the accounts of the officers) were forced to disburse great sums of their own money from time to time, to dispatch the needful charges and works required for the bridge, without any convenient allowance of the contributory persons, at the yearly elections of the wardens, and without due regard had for order of the said land, belonging and contributory to the bridge.  
For avoiding whereof the said sir Roger Manwood, then & now lord chief baron of the excheker, procured to pass another act of parlment, in the seven & twentieth year of her majesty reign, wherein is further provision made for the said bridge, as in the printed book of statutes at large appeareth. By which fully provided meane● and by reasonable following the precedents of the works and accounts (written in great 
* Sir Roger Manwood and master William Lambard esquire wardens of the said bridge.  l●gear books by the said chief baron▪ and William Lambard esquire, in the year next after the said last mentioned act of parliament of the seven and twentieth of the queens reign, they then executing the office of wardens) all needful reparations be so done, and provision before hand so made, as it is now grown out of all controversy, that the said famous stone bridge of Rochester for ever like to last according unto the intent of the first building, and the endowment thereof for the good and beneficial service of the commonwealth. This sir Roger Manwood, having had before an other wife issued of the gentlemanly family of the Theobalds', 
Elisabeth (daughter of john Copinger esquire) second wife to sir Roger Manwood, her modesty, etc.  is at this day joined in marriage with Elisabeth (descended of an ancient and worshipful family) the daughter of john Copinger of All-hallows in the county of Kent esquire: which Elisabeth, being a woman of such rare modesty and patience, as her very enemies must needs confess the same: occasioned these verses following to be composed touching her & her husband the said sir Roger Manwood: 
Scaccarij protho bar● (Manwoode) beatum  
Quem faciunt leges, lingua, loquela virum●  
Coniuge foelici●r tamenes, quae nata Copinger  
Egreg●● est summa foemina digna viro:  
Quae viduata th●ro Wilkins, coniunctáque Manwood,  
〈◊〉 coniux est ●oriata binis.]   
In the month of januarie deceased Edward Fines lord Clinton, earl of Lincoln, 
The earl of Lincoln deceased.  and lord admiral of England, knight of the garter, and one of her majesties privy council, a man of great years, and service, as well by sea as land, he was burie● at Windsor, leaving many children behind him honourably married. Of this noble man (whiles he lived) one to whom the honourable lords of the cour● were not obscurely known, writing of the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 siue Elisabeth●▪ C. O.  peaceable regiment of the queen's majesty, & comprising in an orderly discourse their high places of service to the crown, amongst others, speaketh very commendably and deservedly of this deceased earl, who (at such time as the said book was published under the title aforenamed) had been lord great admiral of England thirty years, and of council unto three princes: always of unspotted report specially for allegiance, and therefore as singularly beloved in his life; so accordingly bemoaned at his death. The words that concern this noble man's memorial are thus extant, to the advancement of his honour, testified by report of two English poets: line 10 
O Clintone tuae concessa est regia classis  
Tutelae, totos ter denos circiter annos:  
Consuluisse tribus (nec & haec tibi gloria parva)  
Principibus, veterum satraparum sanguine claroes,  
Multa gerens pelago praeclarè, multáque terris:  
Hunc decorat comitem grandi Lincolnia fastis.   
And before this, namely in the year 1564, at what time the said noble man was honoured with the title of Praefectus maris, and attendant upon her majesty in presence, at her being in Cambridge, where line 20 she was magnifically entertained with all her troup of lords and train of ladies, &c: thus did an academike write in praise of the forenamed earl: 
Regnatórque maris Clintonus, cuius in undis  
Excellens nomen praecipuúmque decus:  
Ille mihi Neptunus, aquas movet ille tridente,  
Hunc Triton, hunc pelagi dijque deaeque colunt.   

jesuits, seminaries, and massing priests set over the seas and banished out of this realm of England for ever.  On the one and twentieth day of januarie, one and twenty jesuits, seminaries, and other massing priests, late prisoners in the Tower of London, line 30 Marshalsee, and King's bench, were shipped at the Tower wharf, to be conveyed towards France, & banished this realm for ever, by virtue of a commission from her majesty, as may more fully appear by that which followeth.  

A view of the said commission from the queen's majesty.  
WHere as the queen's most excellent line 40 majesty, foreseeing the danger that hath and might grow unto the realm, by access of jesuits and seminary priests, and other like wandering and massing priests coming hither to seduce and withdraw her loving subjects from their due obedience to God and her majesty; and there withal, traitorously to practise the moving and stirring of rebellion within the realm, as hath appeared by sufficient proof against them, and line 50 by confession of sundry of themselves; for the which diverse of the said jesuits and seminaries have been tried, condemned, and executed by the ordinary and orderly course of her majesties laws, and yet they have not refrained daily to practise and attempt the like treasons. 
The queens majesties mercies notable.  Her majesty notwithstanding, following the accustomed course of her princely clemency, liking rather for this time to have them only banished out of the realm, than to suffer the justice line 60 of her laws to be executed against them (although they have deserved the same in the highest degree) hath given power to us of her majesties privy council & others, by commission and warrant under the great seal of England, bearing date the fifteenth day of this present month of januarie, to see this her purpose and determination for their banishment put in execution. By virtue whereof, we have proceeded thereunto, and have committed to the charge of these bearers, William Bolles one of her majesties yeomen of her chamber, and Anthony Hall, the persons whose names do follow, that is to say, james Bosgrave, 
The names of such Jebusites (jesuits, I should say) as by virtue of the queen's commission were banished out of the queéenes' dominions.  john Hart, Edward Rushton, jasper Heiwood, William Tedder, Samuel Coniers, Arthur Pits, William Wharmington, Richard Slake, William Hartlie, Richard Norris, William Dean, William Bishop, Robert Nutter, Thomas Stephanson, john Coliton, Christopher Tomson, Thomas Worthington, john Barns, William Smith, clerks, being jesuits, seminaries, and other wandering and massing priests, and Henry Orton gentleman: all which have been apprehended in this realm, to be by them embarked, and transported beyond the seas, according to such direction as they have received in that behalf.  
These shall be therefore by the authority aforesaid, to will and require you, and in her majesties name strictly to charge and command you, and every of you her majesties officers, as well within the realm of England and Iceland, as in any other parts of her majesties dominions and countries, to whom it may and shall appertain, not only to suffer them to pass under the charge of the said William Bolles and Anthony Hall: but also that in case by contrariety of winds, or extremity of weather, they shall be after their embarking, driven into any port or creak within any of your jurisdictions, that upon the sight of this passport ye aid and assist the said Bolles, and Anthony Hall, if they shall so require you, in seeing them safely retained, committed, & kept in custody (if they shall come aland) till such time as they the said William Bolles and Anthony Hall may with safety put again into the sea, to transport them to such place beyond the sea as by our direction they are appointed; and to suffer them eftsoons to embark and departed, without stay or interruption. Foreseeing, that they the said jesuits and seminaries, 
A further charge upon the said seminaries touching transportation.  and other the wandering and massing priests aforesaid, nor any of them, nor the said Henry Orton be suffered to convey or transport out of the realm, any thing that by the laws be prohibited or forbidden. Whereof (as of the rest commanded herein) we require you not to fail, as you will answer to the contrary at your perils. Given under our hands at Gréenewich the twentieth day of januarie, in the seven and twenty year of her majesties reign. ¶ Now followeth a certificate of the master that transported the forenamed one and twenty banished persons, as followeth.   

To the right honourable lords and others of her majesties most honourable privy council, and all other officers to whom it may appertain.  
THese may be to certify, &c: 
A certificate to the lords of the council, &c: concerning the foresaid maiter.  that William Bolles, yeoman usher of her majesties chamber, and Anthony Hall of London skinner, having embarked at the Tower wharf of London, the one and twentieth day of januarie 1584. one and twenty persons being banished men into my bark called the Marie Martin of Colchester, to be transported and conveyed into Normandy, for sixteen of which said one and twenty persons they had compounded with me aforehand. The same William Bolles and Anthony Hall have satisfied and paid me for all their passages and victuals, and have also hired at Dover an experimented pilot for the coasts of Normandy; which said Bolles and Hall with the said banished men in their charges, after their being by contrary winds driven to stay against Erith, at Gravesend, in Tilberie hope, at Lée, at the Spaniard, at the Downs, at Dover, and at Rye, were by force of weather and chase of pirates driven to Bullen, and there arrived all safely the second day of February 1584., and thence sent the said banished men, some by horse, but most on foot, with conducts to Abbivile in the coasts of Normandy. Witness my hand hereunto this fift of February, 1584. ¶ By me Matthew Strut.   

another certificate, written and directed into England by the said banished men.  
TO all magistrates, officers, & ministers, within the realm of England or elsewhere, to whom it may in any wise appertain: line 10 this may be to give certification, that we whose names are here under written, 
A certificate worthy to hang upon perpetual record, wherein the jesuits do acknowledge the exceeding courteous and bountiful usage showed unto them at and in their banishment, etc. Note good reader note.  who were embarked at the Tower wharf of London the one and twentieth day of januarie 1584., and there received into the charge of master William Bolles, and master Anthony Hall, by commission from their lordships and other her majesties most honourable privy council, have been by them the said William Bolles and Anthony Hall very friendly & honestly entreated, and with careful diligence line 20 safely conducted, transported, & conveyed to the province of Normandy, & by them left this third day of February, according to the English computation, in the year of Christ 1584., which said Bolles and Hall have in our presence paid the master of the bark which transported us for his whole fraught and victuals in the ship, for the time of our remaining abroad: and generally so well used us in all respects, that we can not but acknowledge ourselves much beholding to them & fully satisfied, in having been line 30 committed to the charge of so courteous officers, sith the case standeth so with us that we are banished our country contrary to our desires, wherein we take no little grief of mind. For testimony whereof, we have hereunto set our several hands this present third day of February 1584. jasper Halwood, Edward Rushton, john Hart, etc.   
¶ O Lord what a merciful queen is this, in such sort to forgive and forget injuries, yea treasonable injuries, as by banishment only to chastise them, line 40 that deserved extreme punishment? Yea with a banishment scarce fitly to be so termed; sith in the execution thereof there was such clemency showed, as that the banished by their own confessions have left acknowledged under their own handwriting, a notable kind of courtesy received by the means of her majesty. And therefore they cannot but in conscience commend her highness tender affection so graciously exchanged for severe affliction; insomuch that it may rightly be reported of her, gighnesse, line 50 which the poet spoke of Caesar, that is to say: 

ovid. lib. 1. de Pons.  Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox,  
Cuíque dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox.   

Earl of Derbie ambassador into France.  Henry earl of Derby appointed to be her majesties ambassador, to Henry the third French king, and to invest him with the order of the garter, took his leave of the queens majesty at Greenwich on the twentieth day of januarie, and with him such gentlemen as were present, were admitted to kiss her highness hand. Master Robert Cook, Clarencieux line 60 appointed to attend in that voyage in place of Garter, 
Attendants upon the said ambassador.  whose room was void, and Robert Glover Sumerset herald likewise appointed to that journey, were referred to the two and twenty day of the same month. Noble men and gentlemen attending on the earl of Derbie; the lord Sands with eight servants, lord Windsor, eleven servants, master Scroop son and heir to the lord Scroop two servants, master Windsor brother to the lord Windsor three servants, sir Richard Sherborne three servants, sir Randolph Brereton six servants, master Clarencieux for Garter four servants, master Anthony Cook four servants, master Gerard son and heir to sir Thomas Gerard, master Fléetwood, master Nudigate, master Stallage gentleman usher, the queens servants. Master Sumerset herald of arms two servants, master Crompton, master Smith, master Denton, master Thomas Mils one servant. The earls own; master Thomas Arden steward two servants, master Fox controllor one servant, master Newton gentleman usher one servant, master Philip's chaplain one servant, master Alexander gentleman of the horse one servant, master Morecroft physician one servant. The earls waiting gentlemen; master Dawnie son and heir to sir john Dawnie one servant, master Legh son and heir to sir Piers a Legh one servant, master Warren one servant, master Thomas Shereborne son to sir Richard Shereborne, master Do●lie had one servant, master Market one servant, master Richard Starkie one servant, master Stanley one servant, master Brierton, master Hanmer one servant, master Flood one servant, master Salisbury one servant, master Bushie my lord's page, master Donnes one servant, master Francis Starkie one servant, master Baptist one servant, master Randolph one servant, master Tusser, master Chambers one servant, master Forton, master russel one servant. The earls yeomen fifty. This train had to carry trunks, males, and chests, five carts and a waggon throughout from Calis to Paris, besides the earls sumpter horse and guard viands on horse back.  
On the six and twentieth day of januarie, the earl with his train passed from London to Gravesend in a tiltboat called a light horsseman, 
The lord ambassador passeth from London to Gravesend, and so to Dover, and arriveth at Calis.  and there taking post horses rid to Sittingborne, and there lodged, from whence they rid to Dover, where they embarked and landed at Calis on the first of February, the earl of Derbie lord ambassador, with the lords Sands and Windsor transported in the queens ship named the Scout, the other gentlemen & train in craiers of Dover to the number of eight in the whole, 
Monsieur de Gourdon governor of Calis interteineth the ambassador.  where they were all received and welcomed to the town by monsieur de Gourdon governor thereof, and rested there the next day: on which day at night the said earl, barons, and principal gentlemen were invited to a supper, by the said monsieur de Gourdon, which was prepared for them in a merchant's house in very sumptuous sort and great entertainment, and after supper music and dancing, some ladies and gentlewomen of the town being purposely brought to the place to entertain and to danse with the noblemen and others.  
On the third of February the whole train went from Calis to Bullogne to bed, where they were very well entertained, the governors deputy presenting the earl with certain pots of wine of sundry sorts. On the fourth of February they rid to Monstrell to bed, and there were likewise presented. On the fift they went to Albevill to bed, and were met with one hundred and fifty shot of harquebuzers at the entry of the town, where on either side the streets were made ranks of shot all the way as they passed to their lodging, & after marched off about the market place, giving many a volée of shot till it waxed dark, the governor of the town presenting sundry sorts of wine. And the day following they took their journey to Amiens to bed, where of monsieur Crevicure called Bonivet, 
Monsieur Crevicure lieutenant of Picardy meeteth the lord ambassador▪ etc.  lieutenant of Picardy for the king, accompanied with an hundred gentlemen, and best citizens, met the earl half a mile without the town, and so rid talking with him & his train. That night the said Crevicure presented the earl with great store of very large and good fresh water fish, and the town with wine of diverse sorts, and the day following being sunday, the said Crevicure invited the earl to dinner, which dinner was greatly commended. After dinner his lordship & train went to Brethnill to bed, the next day to Clerimont, where he stayed tuesday, and on wednesday the tenth of February to Luzarch.  
On the 11 he went to S. Device, where by the way his lordship was met by sir Edward Stafford, 
Sir Edward Stafford the queens ambassador resident with the French king, etc.  her majesties ambassador resident with the French king, who brought with him diverse gentlemen of England, to the number of thirty horse, and so accompanied line 10 him to S. Device where they kept company all the day following being friday. On saturday his lordship made his entry into Paris, about two or three of the clock at after noon, there being of the lord ambassadors train more than two hundred horse; and midway between saint Device and Paris, there met with their lordships sent from the king, the duke of Montpensier a prince of the blood, the lords of Cavignie, le Chapelle aux Ursins, county de Lude, de Pienne, de Malicorne, de la Moth line 20 Fenelon, who had sometimes been ambassador liger in England, Destrie, D'abin, de Fontaines, de Cormisson, the marquess of Curton, the county de Grignan, all councillors in the council, & knights of the holy ghost. The duke of Tremoville, the counties de Brissac, de Creance, Sancerre, and of Lasuze, with a great number of lords and barons, gentlemen of the chamber, which all were commanded by the king to mount on horseback, and accompany the said duke de Montpensier, who met the earl of line 30 Derbie and the English train midway betwixt Paris and saint Device, and did accompany him unto hostel de Longueville, sometime called the hostile of Anjou. At his lordship's entry into the said lodging, 
The lord ambassadors entertainment and usage.  the siers de Marle and de Gonaix maistres de hostel to his majesty, gave him to understand how they were appointed by the king to have care of his good usage and entertainment, who likewise had appointed mesiers de la Moth Fenelon, the marquess de Curton, & the county de Grignan, to keep line 40 his lordship company at all times. And so was his lordship with the other lords and gentlemen lodged in the said hostel de Longueville, where was three tables very sumptuously furnished for them all of the king's cost; the one table in the great chamber for the lords and gentlemen, servants to her majesty; the other in the hall for the earl of Derbies' gentlemen; and the third in a gallery beneath for gentlemen's servants, besides livery into every chamber, both of wax, wood, wine, and such like, in as great line 50 plenty as could be desired.  

The stately & the honourable receiving at the lord ambassador before he came in presence ¶ audience of the French king.  On sunday the fourteenth of February after the English account, and the four and twentieth after the French reckoning, the said earl betwixt the hours of two and three in the after noon, went from his lodging by a postern through the garden, which is near to the Louvre, accompanied with the said lords de la Moth Fenelon, de Curton, and Grignan, together with the sire de Gondie, & the said de Marle, and de Gonaix, and found the captains of the regiment line 60 of the king's guard, making two ranks on either side of the street, beginning from the postern to the Louvre gate, who welcomed him in the king's behalf. Without the gate of the said Louvre he was received by the lieutenants of the great provost of France & his archers; at the Louvre gate by the sire de Montegnie captain thereof to his majesty and his archers; which archers together with those of the great provost made two ranks from the said gate of the Louvre to the foot of the stairs. From the foot of the stairs his lordship was received by the sire de Perdillon the French lieutenant of the Swissers of the king's guard, which from the foot of the said stairs to the door of the hall, made two ranks for his lordship's passage. At the entry of the hall, his lordship was received by the sire de Chasteau viaux knight of the holy ghost, and captain of the archers of the king's guard; who likewise from the said door unto the door of the antechamber made two ranks. From the door of the antechamber, his lordship was received by the sire de Combault of the holy ghost, chief master de hostel to the king, and by the other masters of the hostel to his majesty, and by his gentlemen waiters; and there in the said antechamber all the said earl of Derbies' officers and gentlemen wearing liveries were appointed to stay, and the queens servants that proceeded next after them, and before the said earl went still forward. At the entry of the chamber of estate his lordship was received by the sire de Liencourt knight of the holy ghost, chief escuir of the king's escuir, and the other escuires of the escuir together, with the lieutenant of the hundred gentlemen of his majesty, who made likewise two ranks for his lordship's passage from that chamber door to the chamber of audience, every of them bearing halberds in their hands. At the entrance of the antechamber, his lordship was received by the duke joieulx, accompanied with the gentlemen of the king's chamber ordinary, who made two ranks from that chamber door to the door of the chamber royal.  
Into the said chamber royal first entered all the gentlemen, 
The chamber royal, & manner of receiving and conducting of the lord ambassador thereunto, and other notable observations.  the queens majesties servants, the lords that had received and accompanied the said earl and lords: and the said duke de joieulx accompanied the said earl of Derbie even unto the bars that stood about the edge of the haltpase, or mounting floor 〈◊〉 the same chamber, where the king stood at his beds feet, accompanied without the said barriers on his right hand with the cardinals of Bourbon, Uandosme, and joieulx; and on the left hand with the lords, the princes of Contie, the county de Soissons, and duke Montpensier, princes of the blood: the dukes de Nevers, Delbeufe, de la Tremoville, de Retz, monsieur le chancellor, sire de Uilequier, du Bouchase, de la Ualette, Dantragues, de la Chapelle aux Ursins, Chavignie, lafoy Uauguion, county de Mauleurier, Clermont, Dantragues, de Larchaut, and other knights of the holy ghost, and councillors of the estate in great number. 
The earl of Derby & sir Edward Stafford, &c: are courteously received of the king.  The said earl with the lord ambassador ordinary of England alonely entered within the said haltpase within the barriers unto his majesty, of whom they were received with great courtesy, & as amiable countenance as could be. And the earl delivered the queens majesties letters unto the king with great reverence, and then making rehearsal of that he had in charge to say, the said ambassador presented unto the king the lords Sands and Windsor, with other the English knights and gentlemen; which all one after an other mounted upon the haltpase, kissed their hands, & did their reverence unto the king. 
The lord ambassador saluted the queen mother.  Then the earl took his leave, and was conducted by all the lords & captains that had before received him, and conveyed him unto the place where they had first received him. Afterwards he went to salute the queen mother, and at the entrance into her antechamber he was received by monsieur de Lansac knight of the holy ghost, and knight of honour unto the same queen, whom he found accompanied with her niece the princess of Lorraine standing at her bed's head, the princesses of Conde and jontie, and the duchess of Nevers standing at the bed's feet, the duchesses' Dusez, and of Rez, and other ladies and gentlewomen in great number. 
The lord ambassador conveyed to the queen Regent's chamber.  From thence his lordship was conveyed to the queen Regent's chamber, at the entrance whereof he was received by the county de Fiesque knight of the holy ghost, and her knight of honour, finding her accompanied with the duchesses' of Montpensier and joieulx, who stood at her beds feet, the lady of Roiden her lady of honour and other ladies and gentlewomen also in great number, and then returned to the foresaid hostel de Longueville.  
On monday the fifteenth of February, the king by monsieur le Moth Fenelon told the lord ambassador his mind touching the receipt of the order, that he intended to receive it on thursday following in the after noon, at the Augustine friars, which was done line 10 accordingly with a mantle of blue velvet, 
The French king invested into the order of the garter.  and a hood, and collar of the order, with a book of the statutes of the order, which all were invested upon the king in a place called maison de Nautralles; but the oath was ministered unto the king in the friars church, Magnificat being then song, or singing. On sunday the eight and twentieth of February, the ambassador with his train took their leave, at whose return from the court to his lodging he was presented that night with a rich cupboard of plate, 
Gifts of royal magnificence bestowed and received.  worth twelve line 20 hundred pounds at the least; and unto master Clarenceaux was given a chain of gold worth one hundred and twenty pounds and better, of two hundred thirty and six links; to master Sumerset a chain of one hundred and fifty links, worth one hundred marks; and to Thomas Mils a chain of the same value.  
On the thursday following, the earl with his train set forward homewards from Paris unto saint Device, and so were lodged all the way in the line 30 same lodgings that before they had been received in, and arrived prosperously in England, from Bullogne to Dover, on friday the twelve day of March; and on the tuesday following were brought to the queens majesties presence at Greenwich, who graciously welcomed them home.  

William Parrie hanged and quartered at Westminster.  This year on the second day of March being tuesday, William Parrie was drawn from the Tower through the city of London to Westminster, line 40 and there in the palace court, hanged, boweled, and quartered, for high and horrible treasons by him practised, as may appear by the discourse that followeth, published upon his execution, to give general intimation of his notorious treacheries unto all the queens majesties subjects.  

A true and plain declaration of the horrible treasons practised by William Parrie against the queen's majesty, and of his line 50 conviction and execution for the same, the second of March 1584., according to the account of England.  

A description of William Parrie.  THis William Parrie, being a man of very mean and base parentage, but of a most proud and insolent spirit, bearing himself always far above the measure of his fortune, after he had long led a wasteful and dissolute life, and had committed a great outrage against one Hugh Hare, a gentleman of the inner line 60 temple, with an intent to have murdered him in his own chamber, for the which he was most justly convicted, seeing himself generally condemned with all good men for the same, and other his misdemeanours, he left his natural country, & gave himself to travel into foreign parts beyond the seas. In the course of this his travel he forsook his allegiance and dutiful obedience to her majesty, 
William Parrie reconciled to the pope: and of hi● treason In superlativo gradu.  and was reconciled, and subjecteth himself to the pope. After which, upon conference with certain jesuits and others of like quality, he first conceived his most detestable treason to kill the queen (whose life God long preserve) which he bond himself by promise, letters, and vows, to perform and execute: and so with this intent he returned into England in januarie one thousand five hundred four score & three; and since that did practise at sundry times to have executed his most devilish purpose and determinatition: yet covering the same so much as in him lay with a veil and pretence of great loyalty unto her majesty.  
Immediately upon his return into England, 
O papistical dissimulation!  he sought to have secret access to her majesty, pretending to have some matter of great importance to reveal unto her: which obtained, and the same so privately in his highness palace at Whitehall, as her majesty had but one only councillor with her at the time of his acresse, in a remote place, who was so far distant, as he could not hear his speech. And there then he discovered unto her majesty (but shadowed with all crafty and tratiorous skill he had) some part of the conference and proceeding as well with the said jesuits, and other ministers of the pope's, as especially with one Thomas Morgan a fugitive, 
Thomas Morgan a fugitive and furtherer of Parries' purpose.  residing at Paris, who above all others did persuade him to proceed in that most devilish attempt (as is set down in his voluntary confession following) bearing her majesty notwithstanding in hand, that his only intent of proceeding so far with the said jesuits, and the pope's ministers, tended to no other end, but to discover the dangerous practices devised and attempted against her majesty by her disloyal subjects and other malicious persons in foreign parts: albeit it hath since appeared most manifestly, as well by his said confession, as by his dealing with one Edmund Nevil esquire, 
Edmund Nevil not ignorant of this attempt.  that his only intent of discovering the same, in sort as he craftily and traitorously did, tended to no other end, but to make the way the easier to accomplish his most devilish and wicked purpose.  
And although any other prince but her majesty (who is loath to put on a hard censure of those that protest to be loyal, as Parrie did) would rather have proceeded unto the punishment of a subject that had waded so far, as by oath and vow to promise the taking away of her life (as he unto her majesties self did confess) yet such was her goodness, as in stead of punishing, she did deal so graciously with him, as she suffered him not only to have access unto her presence: but also many times to have private conference with her, and did offer unto him upon opinion once conceived of his fidelity towards her (as though his wicked pretence had been, as he protested, for her service) a most liberal pension. Besides, to the end that he might not grow hateful to the good and well affected subjects of the realm (from whom he could in no sort have escaped with safety of his life, 
O gracious queen and too too favourable, even to thine enemies!  if his devilish purpose had been revealed her majesty did conceal the same, without communicating it to any creature; until such time as he himself had opened the same unto certain of her council; and that it was also discovered that he sought to draw the said Nevil to have been a party in his devilish and most wicked purpose.  
A very rare example, and such as doth more set forth the singular goodness and bounty of her majesties princely nature, than commend (if it be lawful for a subject to censure his sovereign) her providence such as ought to be in a prince and person of her majesties wisdom and quality. And as the goodness of her majesties nature did hereby most manifestly show itself to be rare in so extraordinary a case, 
The malice of Parrie groweth to an extremity of mischief against the queen.  and in a matter of so great peril unto her own royal person: so did the malice of Parrie most evidently appear to be in the highest and extremest degree, who notwithstanding the said extraordinary grace and favour extended towards him, did not only persuade the said Nevil to be an associate in the said wicked enterprise: but did also very vehemently (as Nevil confesseth) importune him therein as an action lawful, honourable, and meritorious, omitting nothing that might provoke him to assent thereunto. But such was the singular goodness of almighty God (who even from her majesties cradle by many evident arguments hath showed himself her only and especial protector) that he so wrought in Nevil's heart, 
Nevil discovereth the intended treason against her majesty.  as he was moved to reveal the same unto her majesty, and for that purpose made line 10 choice of a faithful gentleman and of good quality in the court, unto whom upon monday the eight of February last passed, he discovered at large all that had passed between Parrie and him, who immediately made it known to her majesty. Whereupon her highness pleasure was, that Nevil should be examined by the earl of Leceister, and sir Christopher Hatton: who in the evening of the same day did examine him, and he affirmed constantly all which he had before declared to the said gentleman. line 20  
In the mean time, her majesty continued her singular and most princely magnanimity, 
Did ever any man read or hear of the like magnanimity in a woman.  neither dismayed with the rareness of the accident, nor appalled with the horror of so villainous an enterprise, tending even to the taking away of her most gracious life (a matter especially observed by the councillor that was present at such time as Parrie after his return did first discover unto her majesty his wicked purpose; who found no other alteration in her countenance, than if he had imparted unto her some matter line 30 of contentment) which showeth manifestly how she reposeth her confidence wholly in the defence of the almighty. And so her majesty, following the wonted course of her singular clemency, gave order that Parrie the same monday in the evening (though not so known to him) should be sent unto master secretaries house in London, he being then there; who according unto such direction as he received from her majesty, did let him understand, that her highness (in respect of the good will she knew he line 40 bare unto the said Parrie, 
Parrie is committed to the custody & examination of sir Francis Walsingham.  & of the trust that Parrie did outwardly profess to repose in master secretary) had made especial choice of him to deal with him in a matter that concerned her highly, and that the doubted not, but that he would discharge his duty towards her, according unto that extraordinary devotion that he professed to bear unto her.  
And thereupon he told him that her majesty had been advertised, that there was somewhat intended presently against her own person, wherewith she line 50 thought he could not but be made acquainted, considering the great trust that some of her worst affected subjects reposed in him: and that her pleasure therefore was, that he should declare unto him his knowledge therein: and whether the said Parrie himself had let fall any speech unto any person (though with an intent only to have discovered his disposition) that might draw him in suspicion, as though he himself had any such wicked intent. But line 60 Parrie with great and vehement protestations denied it utterly. 
Parrie denieth with protestations whatsoever is demanded of him.  Whereupon master secretary, the rather to induce him to deal more plainly in a matter so important, declared unto him, that there was a gentleman of quality every way as good or better than himself, and rather his friend than enemy, that would avouch it to his face: yet Parrie persisted stubbornly in his former denial, and justification of his own innocency, and would not in any respect yield that he was party or privy to any such motion, enterprise, or intent.  
Being lodged that night at M. secretaries house, the next morning he desired earnestly to have some further speech with master secretary: which granted, Parrie declared to him that he had called to remembrance that he had once some speech with one Nevil a kinsman of his (so he called him) touching a point of doctrine contained in the answer made to the book, entitled, The execution of justice in England; 
Parrie is desirous to have some speech with master secretary.  by which book it was resolved, that it was lawful to take away the life of a prince, in furtherance of the catholic religion: but he protested that they never had any speech at all of any attempt intended against her majesties person. Which denial of his (at two sundry times after so much light given him) doth set forth most apparently both the justice and providence of God: his justice, for that (though he was one of a sharp conceit) he had no power to take hold of this overture, thereby to have avoided the danger that Nevil's accusation might bring him into by confessing the same, as a thing propounded only to feel Nevil's mind, whom before he had reported unto master secretary he found a person discontented, and therefore his confession might to very great purpose have served to have cleared himself touching the intent: his providence, for that of his great mercy he would not suffer so dangerous and wicked a member to escape and live to her majesties peril.  
The same day at night, Parrie was brought to the earl of Leicester's house, 
Parrie is examined before certain lords of the council, etc.  and there eftsoons examined before the said earl of Leicester, master vicechamberlaine, and master secretary: he persisted still in his denial of all that he was charged with. Whereupon, Nevil being brought before him face to face, justified his accusation against him. He notwithstanding would not yet yield to confess it, but very proudly and insolently opposed his credit against the credit of Nevil, affirming that his no, was as good as Nevil's yea, & as by way of recrimination, objected the crime to Nevil himself. On the other side, 
Nevil chargeth Parrie so precisely, that he is committed to the Tower.  Nevil did with great constancy affirm all that he had before said, and did set down many probable circumstances of the times, places, and manners of their sundry conferences, and of such other accidents as had happened between them in the course of that action: whereupon Parrie was then committed to the Tower, and Nevil commanded by their honours to set down in writing under his hand, all that which before he had delivered by words: which he did with his own hand as followeth.   

Edmund Nevil his declaration the tenth of February, 1584., subscribed with his own hand.  
WIlliam Parrie the last summer, 
Note the malicious humour of Parrie because he might not obtain preferment to his liking.  soon after his repulse in his suit for the mastership of saint Katharins', repaired to my lodging in the White friars, where he showed himself a person greatly discontented, and vehemently inveighed against her majesty, and willed me to assure myself, that during this time and state, I should never receive contentment. But sith, said he, I know you to be honourably descended, and a man of resolution, if you will give me assurance, either to join with me, or not to discover me, I will deliver unto you the only means to do yourself good. Which when I had promised him, he appointed me to come the next day to his house in Feuterlane: & repairing thither accordingly, I found him in his bed; whereupon he commanded his men forth, and began with me in this order.  
My lord said he (for so he called me) I protest before God, that three reasons principally do induce me to enter into this action which I intent to discover unto you: 
A triple reason that moved Parrie to his pretended treason.  the replanting of religion, the preferring of the Scotish title, and the advancement of justice, wonderfully corrupted in this commonwealth. And thereupon entered into some discourses, what places were fit to be taken to give entrance to such foreign forces as should be best liked of, for the furtherance of such enterprises as were to be undertaken. And with these discourses he passed the time, until he went to dinner: after which, the company being retired, he entered into his former discourses. And if I be not deceived (said he) by taking of Quinborough line 10 castle, we shall hinder the passage of the queens ships forth of the river. Whereunto when he saw me use no contradiction, he shook me by the hand. Tush (said he) this is nothing: if men were resolute, there is an enterprise of much more moment, and much easier to perform: an act honourable, and meritorious to God and the world. 
Parrie counted it an act meritorious to murder her majesty.  Which seeing me desirous to know, he was not ashamed to utter in plain terms, to consist in killing of her majesty: wherein, saith he, if you will go with me, I will line 20 lose my life, or deliver my country from her bad and tyrannous government. At which speeches finding me discontented, he asked me if I had read doctor Allens book, out of which he alleged an authority for it. I answered, no, and that I did not believe that authority. Well (said he) what will you say, if I show further authority than this, even from Rome itself, a plain dispensation for the kill of her, wherein you shall find it (as I said before) meritorious? Good cousin said I, when you shall show it line 30 me, I shall think it very strange, when I shall see one to hold that for meritorious, which another holdeth for damnable. Well, said Parrie, do me but the favour to think upon it till to morrow: and if one man be in the town, I will not fail to show you the thing itself: and if he be not, he will be within these five or six days; at which time if it please you to meet me at canon row, we may there receive the sacrament to be true each to other, and then I will discover unto you both the party, 
O villainous persuasion or inducement to be accessary to the treason!  & the thing line 40 itself. Whereupon I prayed Parrie to think better upon it, as a matter of great charge both of soul and body. I would to God, said Parrie, you were as perfectly persuaded in it as I am! for then undoubtedly you should do God great service.  
Not long after eight or ten days (as I remember) Parrie coming to visit me at my lodging in Herns rents in Holborn, as he often used, we walked forth into the fields, where he renewed again line 50 his determination to kill her majesty, whom he said he thought most unworthy to live, 
Note Parries pestilent humour of malice against her majesty.  and that he wondered I was so scrupulous therein. She hath sought, said he, your ruin and overthrow, why should you not then seek to revenge it? I confess (quoth I) that my case is hard, but yet am I not so desperate as to revenge it upon myself, which must needs be the event of so unhonest and unpossible an enterprise. Impossible, said Parrie! I wonder at you, for in truth there is not any thing more easy: you are no line 60 courtier, and therefore know not her customs of walking with small train, and often in the garden very privately, at which time myself may easily have access unto her, and you also when you are known in court. Upon the fact we must have a barge ready to carry us with speed down the river, where we will have a ship ready to transport us if it be needful: but upon my head, we shall never be followed so far. 
These doubts were of advantage to Nevil, but means of reproachful ruin to Parri●.  I asked him; How will you escape forth of the garden? For you shall not be permitted to carry any men with you, and the gates will then be locked, neither can you carry a dag without suspicion. As for a dag (said Parrie) I care not: my dagger is enough. And as for mine escaping, those that shall be with her, will be so busy about her, as I shall find opportunity enough to escape, if you be there ready with the barge to receive me.  
But if this seem dangerous in respect of your reason before showed, let it then rest till her coming to saint james, and let us furnish ourselves in the mean time with men and horse fit for the purpose: may each of us keep eight or ten men without suspicion? And for my part, said he, I shall find good fellows that will follow me without suspecting mine intent. It is much, said he, that so many resolute men may do upon the sudden, 
Note the traitorous p●octise of Parrie laid down in order as it should have been come,  being well appointed with each his case of dags: if they were an hundred waiting upon her, they were not able to save her, you coming on the one side, and I on the other, and discharging our dags upon her, it were unhappy if we should both miss her. But if our dags fail, I shall bestir me well with a sword yet she escape me. Whereunto I said: Good doctor give over this odious enterprise, & trouble me no more with the hearing of that, which in heart I loath so much. I would to God the enterprise were honest, that I might make known unto thee whether I want resolution! And not long after, her majesty came to saint james, after which, one morning (the day certain I remember not) Parrie revived again his former discourse of killing her majesty, with great earnestness and importunity persuading me to join therein: saying he thought me the only man of England like to perform it, in respect of my valour, as he termed it.  
Whereupon I made semblance as if I had been more willing to hear him than before, hoping by that means to cause him to deliver his mind to some other that might be witness thereof with me, wherein nevertheless I failed. After all this, 
Mark the resoluteness of Parrie to accomplish his treason by oft frequenting the action.  on saturday last being the sixth of February, between the houss of five and six in the after noon, Parrie came to my chamber, and desired to talk with me apart, whereupon we drew ourselves to a window. And where I had told Parrie before, that a learned man whom I met by chance in the fields, unto whom I proponed the question touching her majesty, had answered me that it was an enterprise most villainous and damnable, willing me to discharge myself of it: Parrie then desired to know that learned man's name, and what was become of him, saying after a scornful manner; No doubt he was a very wise man, and you wiser in believing him: & said further, I hope you told him not that I had any thing from Rome. Yes in truth, said I Whereunto Parrie said, I would you had not named me, nor spoken of any thing I had from Rome! And thereupon he earnestly persuaded me eftsoons to departed beyond the seas, 
Nevil i● resolved at no hand to be partaker with Parrie in his treason.  promising to procure me safe passage into Wales, and from thence into Britain, whereat we ended. But I than resolved not to do so, but to discharge my conscience, and lay open this his most traitorous and abominable intention against her majesty: which I revealed in sort as is before set down.  
Edmund Nevil.   
After this confession of Edmund Nevil, William Parrie the eleventh day of February last, being examined in the Tower of London, by the lord Hunsdon lord governor of Berwick, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberleine to her majesty, and Francis Walsingham knight principal secretary to her majesty, 
Parries voluntary confession in the hearing of certain lords, etc.  did voluntarily and without any constraint, by word of mouth make confession of his said treason, and after set it down in writing all with his own hand in his lodging in the Tower, and sent it to the court the thirteenth of the same, by the lieutenant of the Tower. The parts whereof concerning his manner of doing the same, and the treasons wherewith he was justly charged are here set down, word for word, as they are written and signed with his own hand & name, the eleventh of February, 1584.  

The voluntary confession of William Parrie, in writing all with his own hand.  
¶ The voluntary confession of William Parrie, doctor of the laws (now prisoner in the Tower) & accused line 10 of treason by Edmund Nevil esquire, promised by him (with all faith & humility) to the queen's majesty, in discharge of his conscience and duty towards God and her. Before the lord Hunsdon lord governor of Berwick, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberlaine, sir F. Walsingham knight principal secretary, the thirteenth of February, 1584. Parrie.  

Alack, good and gracious lady, whose hard hap it was to entertain so bad & graceless a servant.  IN the year 1570 I was sworn her line 20 majesties servant, from which time until the year 1580, I served, honoured, and loved her with as great readiness, devotion and assurance as any poor subject in England. In the end of that year, and until Midsummer 1582, I had some trouble for the hurting of a gentleman of the Temple. In which action I was so disgraced and oppressed by two great men (to whom I have of late been beholden) that I never had contented thought since. There began my misfortune, line 30 and here followeth my woeful fall. 
Parrie sueth ●or licence to travel beyond sea, and obtaineth it.  In julie after, I laboured for licence to travel for three years, which (upon some consideration) was easily obtained. And so in August, I went over with doubtful mind of return, for that being suspected in religion, and not having received the communion in two and twenty years, I began to mistrust my advancement in England. In September I came to Paris, where I was reconciled to the church, and advised to live without scandal, the rather for that it was mistrusted line 40 by the English catholics, that I had intelligence with the greatest councillor of England. I stayed not long there, but removed to Lions (a place of great traffic) where, because it was the ordinary passage of our nation to and fro between Paris and Rome, I was also suspected.  

Parrie justifieth himself in religion before the inquisitor of Milan.  To put all men out of doubt of me, and for some other cause, I went to Milan, from whence as a place of some danger (though I found favour there) after I had cleared my conscience, and justified my line 50 self in religion before the inquisitor, I went to Venice. There I came acquainted with father Benedicto Palmio, a grave and a learned jesuit. By conference with him of the hard state of the catholics in England, & by reading of the book De persecutione Anglicana, and other discourses of like argument, 1 I conceived a possible mean to relieve the afflicted state of our catholics, if the same might be well warranted in religion and conscience by the pope, or some learned divines. I asked his opinion, he line 60 made it clear, commended my devotion, comforted me in it, 
Parrie is resolved in the plot of his treacherous devise.  and after a while made me known to the Nuntio Campeggio, there resident for his holiness. By his means I wrote unto the pope, presented the service, and sued for a passport to go to Rome, and to return safely into France. Answer came from cardinal Como, that I might come, and should be welcome. I misliked the warrant, sued for a better, which I was promised: but it came not before my departure to Lions, where I promised to stay some time for it.  
And being indeed desirous to go to Rome, and loath to go without countenance, I desired Christofero de Salazar, secretary to the king catholic in Venice, who had some understanding (by conference) of my devotion to the afflicted catholics at home and abroad, 
Note with what fellows, enemies to God and his church, Parrie linketh himself.  to commend me to the duke 〈◊〉 Nova terra governor of Milan, and to the county of Olivaris Embi, then resident for the king his master in Rome: which he promised to do effectually for the one, and did for the other. And so I took my journey towards Lions, whither came for me an ample passport (but somewhat too late) that I might come & go In verbo pontificis per omnes iurisdictiones ecclesiasticus, absque impedimento. I acquainted some good fathers there of my necessity to departed towards Paris by promise, & prayed their advises upon diverse points, wherein I was well satisfied. And so assuring them that his holiness should hear from me shortly, it was undertaken that I should be excused for that time.  
In October I came to Paris, where (upon better opinion conceived of me amongst my catholic countrymen) I found my credit well settled, and such as mistrusted me before, ready to trust and embrace me. 
Note the devilish conference between Morgan and Parrie.  And being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a catholic gentleman (greatly beloved and trusted on that side) amongst other gentlemen, talking (but in very good sort) of England, I was desired by Morgan to go up with him to another chamber, where he broke with me, and told me that it was hoped and looked for, that I should do some service for God and his church. I answered him I would do it, if it were to kill the greatest subject in England: whom I named, and in truth then hated. No no, said he, let him live to his greater fall and ruin of his house: 2 it is the queen I mean. I had him as I wished, and told him it were soon done, if it might be lawfully done, and warranted in the opinion of some learned divines. 
Parrie boweth to undertake the kill of the queen.  And so the doubt once resolved (though as you have heard I was before reasonably well satisfied) I vowed to undertake the enterprise, for the restitution of England to the ancient obedience of the see apostolic. divers divines were named, doctor Allen I desired, Parsons I refused. And by chance came master Wats a learned priest, with whom I conferred, and was overruled.  
3 For he plainly pronounced (the case only altered in name) that it was utterly unlawful: with whom many English priests did agree as I have heard, if it be not altered, since the book made in answer of the execution of the English justice was published, which I must confess hath taken hard hold in me, and (I fear me) will do in others, if it be not prevented by more gracious handling of the quiet and obedient catholic subjects, whereof there is 
* O Lord what a lamentable hearing is this!  good and greater store in England than this age will extinguish. Well, notwithstanding all these doubts, I was gone so far by letters and conference in Italy, that I could not go back, but promised faithfully to perform the enterprise, if his holiness upon my offer & letters would allow it, & grant me full remission of my sins. 4 I wrote my letters the first of januarie 1584., by their computation, 
Parrie is now become altogether past grace, and grown resolute with judas to kill the Lords anointed.  took advise upon them in confession of father Aniball a Codreto a learned jesuit in Paris, was lovingly embraced, commended, confessed, and communicated at the jesuits at one altar with the cardinals of Uandosmi and Narbone: whereof I prayed certificate, and enclosed the same in my letter to his holiness, to lead him the rather to absolve me, which I required by my letters, in consideration of so great an enterprise undertaken without promise or reward.  
5 I went with Morgan to the Nuntio Ragazzoni, to whom I read the letter and certificate enclosed, sealed it, & left it with him to send to Rome: he promised great care of it, and to procure answer; and so lovingly embraced me, wished me good speed, and promised that I should be remembered at the altar.  
6 After this I desired Morgan, that some special man might be made privy to this matter, lest he dying, and I miscarieng in the execution, and my intent never truly discovered, it might stick for an everlasting spot in my race. diverse were named, but none agreed upon for fear of bewraying.  
7 This being done, Morgan assured me, that shortly after my departure, 
A proviso for a Scotish invasion after the devise of Parrie executed.  the L. Fernehurst (then in Paris) should go into Scotland, and be ready upon the first news of the queens fall, to enter into England line 10 with 20 or 30000 men to defend the queen of Scotland (whom, and the king her son, I do in my conscience acquit of any privity, liking, or consent to this, or any other bad action, for any thing that ever I did know.)  
I shortly departed for England, and arrived at Rye in januarie 1583, from whence I wrote to the court, advertised some, that I had a special service to discover to the queens majesty. 
Note the villains ill mind to her majesty.  8 Which I did more to prepare access and credit, than for any care I line 20 had of her person, though I were fully resolved never to touch her (notwithstanding any warrant) if by any devise, persuasion, or policy she might be wrought to deal more graciously with the catholics than she doth, or by our manner of proceeding in parliament meaneth to do, for any thing yet seen. I came to the court (than at Whitehall) prayed audience, had it at large, and very privately discovered to her majesty this conspiracy, much to this effect, though covered with all the skill I had: she took line 30 it doubtfully, I departed with fear. And amongst other things, I cannot forget her majesties gracious speech then uttered touching the catholics, which of late, after a sort I avowed in parliament: she said to me that never a catholic should be troubled for religion or supremacy, 
Note her majesties undeserved graciousness to pretended catholics.  so long as they lived like good subjects. Whereby I mistrusted that her majesty is borne in hand, that none is troubled for the one or the other. It may be truly said that it is better than it hath been, though it be not yet as it should be. line 40  
In March last, while I was at Gréenewich (as I remember) suing for saint Katherine's, came letters to me from cardinal Como, dated at Rome the last of januarie before, whereby I found the enterprise commended, and allowed, and myself absolved (in his holiness name) of all my sins, and willed to go forward in the name of God. That letter I showed to some in court, who imparted it to the queen: what it wrought, or may work in her majesty, God knoweth: only this I know, 9 That line 50 it confirmed my resolution to kill her, 
Note Parries resolution by letters from cardinal Como.  and made it clear in my conscience, that it was lawful and meritorious. And yet was I determined never to do it, if either policy, practice, persuasion, or motion in parliament could prevail. I feared to be tempted, and therefore always when I came near her, I left my dagger at home, 10 When I looked upon her majesty, & remembered her many excellencies, I was greatly troubled: and yet I saw no remedy, for my vows were in heaven, 
Parrie is in a mammering what to do as may be noted by these speeches interrogatory.  my letters and promises in earth, and the case of the catholic recusants and others line 60 little bettered.  
Sometimes I said to myself: Why should I care for her? What hath she done for me? Have I not spent ten thousand marks since I knew her service, and never had penny by her? It may be said, she gave me my life. But I say (as my case stood) it had been tyranny to take it: and I fear me it is little less yet. If it please her graciously to look into my discontentments, 
Parrie desperate.  would to jesus Christ she had it, for I am weary of it. And now to come to an end of this tragical discourse. In julie I left the court, utterly rejected, discontented, and as her majesty might perceive by my passionate letters, careless of myself. I came to London: doctor Allens book was sent me out of France: 11 It redoubled my former conceits, every word in it was a warrant to a prepared mind. It taught that kings may be excommunicated, deprived, and violently handled. It proveth that all wars civil or foreign, undertaken for religion, is honourable. Her majesty may do well to read it, and to be out of doubt (if things be not amended) that it is a warning, and a doctrine full dangerous. This is the book I showed, in some places read, 
How long the conspiracy was in handling ye● it was detected.  and lent to my cousin Nevil (the accuser) who came often to mine house, put his finger in my dish, his hand in my purse, and the night wherein he accused me, was wrapped in my gown, six months at least after we had entered into this conspiracy: in which space her majesty, and ten princes in several provinces might have been killed. God bless her majesty from him: for before almighty God I joy and am glad in my soul, that it was his hap to discover me in time, though there were no danger near.  
And now to the matter of our meetings. He came to me in the beginning of August, and spoke to me in this or the like sort: Cousin, let us do somewhat, sith we can have nothing. I offered to join with him, and gladly heard him, hoping because I knew him to be a catholic, that he would hit upon that I had in my head: but it sell not out so. He thought the delivery of the queen of Scotland easy, 
Note the actions that should have been commenced and finished in this conspiracy.  presuming upon his credit and kindred in the North: I thought it dangerous to her, and impossible to men of our fortunes. He fell from that to the taking of Berwick: I spoke of Quinborough and the navy, rather to entertain him with discourse, than that I cared for those motions, my head being full of greater matter. 12 I told him that I had an other manner of enterprise, more honourable and profitable unto us, and the catholics commonwealth, than all these, if he would join in it with me, as he presently vowed to do. He pressed to know it, I willed him to sleep upon the motion: he did so, and (belike overtaken) came unto me the next morning to my lodging in London, offered to join with me, 
This oath and all of the like quality and nature are violable Sa●u● interim anima.  and took his oath upon a bible, to conceal and constantly to pursue the enterprise for the advancement of religion: which I also did, and meant to perform: the killing of the queen was the matter.  
The manner and place, to be on horseback, with eight or ten horses, when she should ride abroad about saint james, or some other like place. It was once thought fit in a garden, and that the escape would be easiest by water into Shepeie, or some other part: but we resolved upon the first. This continued as agreed upon many months, 
The death of Westmoreland reported.  till he heard of the death of Westmoreland, whose land and dignity (whereof he assured himself) bred belike this conscience in him to discover a treason in February, contrived and agreed upon in August. If it cost him not an ambitious head at last, let him never trust me. He brought a tall gentleman (whom he commended for an excellent pistolier) to me to canon Row, to make one in the match: but I refused to deal with him, being loath to lay my head upon so many hands.  
M. Nevil hath (I think) forgotten, 
Parrrie chargeth Nevil with grievous speeches of cursed disloyalty.  that he did swear to me at diverse times, that all the advancement she could give, should serve but for her scourge, if ever time and occasion should serve: and that although he would not lay hand upon her in a corner, his hart served him to strike off her head in the field. Now leaving him to himself, thus much (to make an end) I must confess of my sefe: I did mean to try what might be done in parliament, to do my best to hinder all hard courses, to have prayed hearing of the queen's majesty, to move her (if I could) to take compassion upon her catholic subjects, and when all had failed, to do as I intended. If her majesty by this course would have eased them, though she had never preferred me, I had with all comfort and patience borne it: 13 but if she had preferred me without ease or care of them, the enterprise had held. 
God (no doubt) will preserve good queen. Elisabeth, though a thousand such traitors as Parrie conspire her death to their own destruction.  ¶ God preserve the queen, & incline her merciful hart to forgive me this desperate purpose, and to take my head (with all my hart) for her better satisfaction. line 10  
W. Parrie.   
After which, for the better manifesting of his treasons, on the fourteenth of February last passed, there was a letter written by him to her majesty, very voluntarily, all of his own hand, without any motion made to him. The tenor whereof, for that which concerneth these his traitorous dealings, is as followeth. line 20  
A letter written by Parrie to her majesty.  
YOur majesty may see by my voluntary confession, the dangerous fruits of a discontented mind: 
Parries purpose conceived in Venice, continued in Lions, resolved in Paris, to be executed in England.  & how constantly I pursued my first conceived purpose in Venice, for the relief of the afflicted catholics, continued it in Lions, and resolved in Paris to put it in adventure, for the restitution line 30 of England to the ancient obedience of the see apostolic. You may see withal how it is commended, allowed, and warranted in conscience, divinity, and policy, by the pope and some great divines: though it be true or likely, that most of our English divines (less practised in matters of this weight) do utterly mislike and condemn it.  
The enterprise is prevented, and conspiracy discovered, by an honourable gentleman my kinsman, and late familiar friend, 
Nevil charged by Parrie to be accessary to the treason.  master Edmund Nevil, privy line 40 and by solemn oath (taken upon the bible) party to the matter, whereof I am hardly glad, but now sorry (in my very soul) that ever I conceived or intended it, how commendable or meritorious so ever I thought it. God thank him, and forgive me, who would not now (before God) attempt it (if I had liberty and opportunity to do it) to gain your kingdom. I beseech Christ that my death and example may as well satisfy your majesty, and the world, as it shall glad and content me. line 50  
The queen of Scotland is your prisoner, let her be honourably entreated, but yet surely guarded. The French king is French, 
Compare these warnings with the events in Anno 1585., 1586, specially about August.  you know it well enough, you will find him occupied when he should do you good; he will not lose a pilgrimage to save you a crown. I have no more to say at this time, but that with my hart & soul I do now honour & love you, am inwardly sorry for mine offence, and ready to make you amends by my death and patience. Discharge me A culpa but not A poena, good lady. And line 60 so farewell, most gracious and the best natured and qualified queen that ever lived in England. From the Tower, the fourteenth of February, one thousand five hundred eighty and four.  
W. Parrie.  
After which, to wit, the eighteenth of February last passed, 
Parries guilty conscience exonerateth itself by voluntary confession.  Parrie, in further acknowledging his wicked and intended treasons, wrote a letter all of his own hand in like voluntary manner to the lord treasurer of England, and the earl of Leicester, lord steward of her majesties house, the tenor whereof is as followeth.  
William Parries letter to the lord treasurer, and the earl of Leicester.  
MY lords, now that the conspiracy is discovered, the fault confessed, my conscience cleared, and mind prepared patiently to suffer the pains due for so heinous a crime; I hope it shall not offend you, if crying Miserere with the poor publican, I leave to despair with cursed Caine. My case is rare and strange, and for any thing I can remember, singular: 
A traitor of singular note by his own confession was Parrie.  a natural subject solemnly to vow the death of his natural queen (so borne, so known, and so taken by all men) for the relief of the afflicted catholics, and restitution of religion. The matter first conceived in Venice, the service (in general words) presented to the pope, continued and undertaken in Paris, and lastly commended and warranted by his holiness, digested and resolved in England, if it had not been prevented by accusation, or by her majesties greater lenity and more gracious usage of her catholic subjects.  
This is my first and last offence conceived against my prince or country, 
An offence sufficient to hang 1000 traitors without drop of mercy.  and doth (I cannot deny) contain all other faults whatsoever. It is now to be punished by death, or most graciously (beyond all common expectation) to be pardoned. Death I do confess to have deserved, life I do (with all humility) crave, if it may stand with the queen's honour, and policy of the time. To leave so great a treason unpunished were strange; to draw it by death in example were dangerous; a sworn servant to take upon him such an enterprise upon such a ground, and by such a warrant, hath not been seen in England; to indict him, arreigne him, bring him to the scaffold, and to publish his offence, can do no good; to hope that he hath more to discover than is confessed, 
Parrie had more glozing rhetoric than faithful obedience.  or that at his execution he will unsay any thing he hath written, is in vain; to conclude, that it is impossible for him in time to make some part of amends, were very hard, and against former experience.  
The question than is, whether it be better to kill him, or (lest the matter be mistaken) upon hope of his amendment to pardon him. For mine own opinion (though partial) I will deliver you my conscience. The case is good queen Elisabeths', the offence is committed against her sacred person, and she may (of her mercy) pardon it without prejudice to any. Then this I say in few words, as a man more desirous to discharge his troubled conscience, than to live: Pardon poor Parrie and relieve him; for life without living is not fit for him. If this may not be, or be thought dangerous, or dishonourable to the queen's majesty (as by your favours, 
Good Lord with what heart might Parrie hope after any thing but death, having been so capital a traitor?  I think it full of honour and mercy) than I beseech your lordships (and no other) once to hear me before I be indicted, and afterwards (if I must die) humbly to entreat the queen's majesty to hasten my trial and execution: which I pray God (with all my heart) may prove as honourable to her, as I hope it shall be happy to me▪ who will while I live (as I have done always) pray to jesus Christ for her majesties long and prosperous reign. From the Tower the eighteenth of February, 1584.  
W. Parrie.  
ANd where in this mean time sir Francis Walsingham secretary to her majesty, had dealt with one William Creitchton, a Scot for his birth, and a jesuit by his profession, 
Creitchton apprehended with diverse plots for invasions of this realm.  now prisoner also in the Tower, for that he was apprehended with diverse plots for invasions of this realm, to understand of him, if the said Parrie had ever dealt with him in the parties beyond the seas touching that question, whether it were lawful to kill her majesty or not. The which at that time the said Creitchton called not to his remembrance: yet after upon better calling it to mind, upon the twentieth day of February last passed, he wrote unto master secretary Walsingham thereof voluntarily, all of his own hand, to the effect following.  
William Creitchtons' letter to sir Francis Walsingham, Febr. 20. line 10  
RIght honourable sir, when your honour demanded me if master Parrie did ask me, if it were leason to kill the queen; in deed and verity, than I had no remembrance at all thereof. But since, thinking on the matter, I have called to mind the whole fashion of his dealing with me, and some of his arguments: for he dealt very craftily with me, 
Note Creitchtons' report of Parries' craft and malice.  I dare not say maliciously. For I did in no wise think of any such deseine of his, or of any other, and did answer him simply line 20 after my conscience and knowledge to the verity of the question. For after that I had answered him twice before, Quòd omninò non liceret; he returned late at even by reason I was to departed early in the next morning toward Chamberie in savoy where I did remain, and being returned out of the close within one of the classes of the college, he proponed to me of new the matter, with his reasons and arguments.  
First he alleged the utility of the deed for delivering of so many catholics out of misery, 
Creitchtons' reasons to repel Parries traitorous allegations.  and restitution line 30 of the catholic religion. I answered, that the scripture answereth thereto, saying: Non sunt facienda mala, ut veniant bona. So that for no good, how great that ever it be, may be wrought any evil, how little that ever it be. He replied that it was not evil to take away so great evil, and induce so great good. I answered, that all good is not to be done, but that only: Quòd bene & legitimè fieri potest. And therefore, 
Deum magis amare adverbia quàm nomina.  dixi Deum magis amare adverbia, quàm nomina. Quia in actionibus magis ei placent bene & legitimè, line 40 quàm bonum. Ita ut nullum bonum liceat facere, nisi bene & legitimè fieri possit. Quòd in hoc casu fieri non potest. Yet said he, that several learned men were of the opinion, Quòd liceret. I answered, that they men perhaps were of the opinion, that for the safety of many in soul and body, they would permit a particular to his danger, & to the occult judgement of God: or perhaps said so, moved rather by some compassion and commiseration of the miserable estate of the catholics, nor for any such doctrine that they did find in line 50 their books. For it is certain, that such a thing is not licit to a particular, without special revelation divine, which exceedeth our learning and doctrine. 
Creitchton holdeth Parries attempt unlawful: note.  And so he departed from me. Out of the prison in the Tower, the 20 of February.  
Your honours poor servitor in Christ jesus, W. Creitchton prisoner.  

Parrie saith and unsaith like a traitor to shift off the heavy charge of treason.  ANd where also the same Parrie was on the same twentieth day of February examined by sir Francis Walsingham knight, what was become line 60 of the letter contained in his confession to be written unto him by the cardinal de Como: h● then answered, that it was consumed and burnt. And yet after, the next day following, being more vehemently urged upon that point in examination (because it was known that it was not burnt) he confessed where he had left it in the town: whereupon, by Parries' direction it was sent for, where it had been lapped up together with other frivolous papers, and written upon the one side of it; The last will of William Parrie. The which letter was in the Italian tongue as hereafter followeth, with the same in English accordingly translated.  
Amon Signore, mon signor Guglielmo Parrie.  
MOn Signore, la Santita di N.S. haveduto le lettere di V.S. del primo con la fede inclusa, 
Cardinal de Como his animating letter to Parrie to persevere in his devilish devise.  & non può se non laudare la buona dispositione che scrive di tenere verso il seruitio & beneficio publico, nel ch● la Santita sua lessorta di perseverare, con farne riuscireli eff●tti che V.S. promette: & accioche tanto maggiorment V.S. sia aiutata da quel buon spirito chel ha' mosso, le concede sua beneditione, plenaria indulgenza & remissione di tutti li peccati, secondo che V.S. ha chiesto, assicurandossi che oltre il merito, chen havera in cielo, vuole anco sua Santitata constituirsi debitore a reconoscere li meriti di V.S. in ognimiglior modo che porta, & cio tanto piu, 
But as God would, Parries enterprise wanted that wished Bu●no & se●●c● successo.  quanto che V. S. usa maggior modestia in non pretender niente. Metta dunque ad effetto li suoì santi & honorati pensieri, & attenda a star sano. Che per fine io me le offero di core, & le desiderio ogni buon● & felice successo. Di Roma a 30 di Gennaro, 1584.  


Al piacerdi V.S.  
N. cardinali di Como.  
Al Sig. Guglielmo Parri.    
Cardinal de Comos' letter to D. Parrie, 30. jan. 1584. by account of Rome.  
MOn signor, his holiness hath seen your letter of the first, with the certificate included, 
A good clergy in the mean time that allow treasons in this sort.  and cannot but commend the good disposition & resolution which you writ to hold towards the service and benefit public: wherein his holiness doth exhort you to persevere, & to bring to effect that which you have promised. And to the end you may be so much the more helped by that 
* Good spirit, nay malignant spirit & more than diabolical.  good spirit which hath moved you thereunto, he granteth unto you his blessing, plenary indulgence and remission of all your sins, according to your request. Assuring you, that besides the merit that you shall receive therefore in heaven, his holiness will further make himself debtor to acknowledge your deservings in the best manner that he can: and so much the more, in that you use the greater modesty in not pretending any thing. Put therefore to effect your 
* Nay cursed and abominable purposes, with destruction to the undertaker.  holy and honourable purposes, and attend your health. And to conclude, I offer myself unto you heartily, and do desire all good and happy success. From Rome the 30 of januarie, 1584.  
At the pleasure of your Signory, N. Card. of Como.  
Upon all which former accusation, declaration, confessions and proofs, 
Parrie convented, and arraigned a● Westminster hall the 22 of February.  upon monday the two and twentieth day of February last passed, at Westminster hall, before sir Christopher Wraie knight chief justice of England, sir Gilbert Gerrard knight master of the rolls, sir Edmund Anderson knight chief justice of the common plées, sir Roger Manwood knight chief baron of the excheker, sir Thomas gaudy knight one of the justices of the pleas before her majesty to be holden, & William P●riam one of the justices of the common plées, by virtue of her majesties commission to them and others in that behalf directed: the same Parrie was indicted of high treason, for intending and practising the death and destruction of her majesty, whom God long prosper, and preserve from all such wicked attempts. The tenor of which indictment appeareth more particularly in the course of his arreignment following.  

The manner of the arreignment of William Parrie the 25 of February 1584., 
The names of such personages of 〈…〉.  at Westminster, in the place where the court commonly called the King's bench is usually kept by virtue of her majesties commission of oier and terminer, before Henry lord Hunsdon governor of Barwike, sir Francis Knolles knight treasurer of the queen's majesties household, sir james Croft knight comptrollor of the same household, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberleine to her majesty, sir Christopher Wraie knight chief justice of England, sir Gilbert Gerrard knight line 10 master of the rolls, sir Edmund Anderson knight chief justice of the common pleas, sir Roger Manwood knight chief baron of the excheker, and sir Thomas Hennage knight treasurer of the chamber.  
FIrst three proclamations for silence were made, according to the usual course in such cases. Then the lieutenant was commanded to return his precept, who did so, 
The lieutenant of the tower returneth his precept.  and brought the prisoner to the bar, to whom line 20 Miles Sands esquire clerk of the crown said; William Parrie hold up thy hand: and he did so. Then said the clerk of the crown; Thou art here indicted by the oaths of twelve good and lawful men of the county of Midlesex, before sir Christopher Wraie knight and others, which took the indictment by the name of W. Parrie, late of London gentleman, otherwise called W. Parrie, late of London doctor of the law, 
The indictment against Parrie wherein his ●●inous ●reason appeareth.  for that thou as a false traitor against the most noble and christian prince, queen Elisabeth line 30 thy most gracious sovereign and liege lady, not having the fear of God before thine eyes, nor regarding thy due allegiance (but being seduced by the instigation of the devil, and intending to withdraw and extinguish the hearty love and due obedience, which true & faithful subjects should bear unto the same our sovereign lady) didst at Westminster in the county of Midlesex on the first day of February, in the six and twentieth year of her highness reign, and at diverse other times and places in the same line 40 county, maliciously, and traitorously conspire and compass, not only to deprive and depose the same our sovereign lady of her royal estate, title and dignity; but also to bring her highness to death and final destruction, and sedition in the realm to make, and the government thereof to subvert, and the sincere religion of God established in her highness dominions to alter and supplant.  
And that, whereas thou William Parrie, by thy letters sent unto Gregory bishop of Rome, 
Parrie sent letters to Gregory the ●● bishop of Rome: and wha● was the sco●● of them.  didst signify unto the same bishop thy purposes and intentions line 50 aforesaid, and thereby didst pray and require the same bishop to give thee absolution; that thou afterwards, that is to say, the last day of March in the six and twentieth year aforesaid, didst traitorously receive letters from one called cardinal de Como, directed unto thee William Parrie, whereby the same cardinal did signify unto thee, that the bishop of Rome had perused thy letters, and allowed of thine intent; and that to that end he had absolved line 60 thee of all thy sins, and by the same letter did animate and stir thee to proceed with thine enterprise; and that thereupon, thou, the last day of August in the six and twentieth year aforesaid, at saint Giles in the fields, in the same county of Midlesex, didst traitorously confer with one Edmund Nevil esquire, 
Parrie moou●● Nevil to assi●● him in his treasons.  uttering to him all thy wicked and traitorous devices, and then and there didst move him to assist thee therein, and to join with thee in those wicked treasons aforesaid, against the peace of our said sovereign lady the queen, her crown and dignity. Wha● sayest thou William Parrie, art thou guilty of these treasons whereof thou standest here indicted, or not guilty▪  
Than Parrie said; Before I plead not guilty, 
Parries answer to the indictment, wherein he confesses 〈◊〉.  or confess myself guilty, I pray you give me leave to speak a few words: and with humbling himself began in this manner. God save queen Elisabeth, & God send me grace to discharge my duty to her, and to send you home in charity. But touching the matters that I am indicted of, some were in one place, and some in another, and done so secretly, as none can see into them, except that they had eyes like unto God: wherefore I will not lay my blood upon the jury, but do mind to confess the indictment. It containeth but the parts that have been openly read, I pray you tell me. Whereunto it was answered, that the indictment contained the parts he had heard read, & no other. Whereupon the clerk of the crown said unto Parrie, Parrie, thou must answer directly to the indictment, whether thou be guilty or not.  
Then said Parrie, 
Parrie confesseth that he is guilty of all things contained in the indictment.  I do confess that I am guilty of all that is therein contained: and further too, I desire not life, but desire to die. Unto which the clerk of the crown said; If you confess it, you must confess it in manner and form as it is comprised in the indictment. Whereunto he said; I do confess it in manner and form as the same is set down, and all the circumstances thereof. Then the confession being recorded, the queens learned council being ready to pray judgement upon the same confession, master vicechamberleine said: These matters contained in this indictment, and confessed by this man, 
Sir Christopher Hattons collection out of Parries' indictment.  are of great importance; they touch the person of the queens most excellent majesty in the highest degree, the very state and weldooing of the whole commonwealth, and the truth of God's word established in these her majesties dominions, and the open demonstration of that capital envy of the man of Rome, that hath set himself against God and all godliness, all good princes and good government, and against good men. Wherefore I pray you for the satisfaction of this great multitude, let the whole matter appear, that every one may see that the matter of itself is as bad as the indictment purporteth, and as he hath confessed.  
Whereto in respect that the justice of the realm hath been of late very impudently slandered, all yielded as a thing necessary to satisfy the world in particular, of that which was but summarily comprised in the indictment, though in the law, his confession served sufficiently to have proceeded thereupon unto judgement. Whereupon the lords and others the commissioners, 
Certain special matters under writing read in open audience of the multitude for their satisfaction.  her majesties learned council, and Parrie himself agreed, that Parries confession (taken the eleventh and thirteenth of February 1584., before the lord of Hunsdon, master Uicechamberleine, and master Secretary) and cardinal de Como his letters, and Parries letters to the lord treasurer and lord steward, should be openly read.  
And Parrie, for the better satifieng of the people and standers by, offered to read them himself: but being told how the order was, that the clerk of the crown should read them, it was so resolved of all parts. And then master vicechamberleine caused to be showed to Parrie his said confession, the cardinals letter, and his own letter aforesaid: which after he had particularly viewed every leaf thereof, he confessed, and said openly they were the same. Then said master vicechamberleine; Before we proceed to show what he hath confessed, what say you (said he to Parrie) is that which you have confessed here true, and did you confess it freely and willingly of yourself, or was there any extort means used to draw it from you? 
Parries confession was not Coacta but Voluntaria: ergo more credible.  Surely (said Parrie) I made that confession freely without any constraint, and that is all true, and more too: for there is no treason that hath been since the first year of the queen any way touching religion, saving receipt of Agnus Dei, and persuading of others, wherein I have not much dealt, but I have offended in it. And I have also delivered mine opinion in writing, who ought to be successor to the crown: which he said to be treason also.  

Parries confession of his treasons was read by his own assent. A letter of cardinal di Como unto Parrie also read.  Then his confession of the eleventh and thirteenth of February, all of his own handwriting, and before particularly set down, was openly and distinctly read by the clerk of the crown. And that done, the cardinal di Como his letter in Italian was delivered unto Parries' hand, by the direction of line 10 master vicechamberleine, which Parrie there perused, & openly affirmed to be wholly of the cardinals own handwriting, and the seal to be his own also, and to be with a cardinals hat on it: and himself did openly read it in Italian, as before is set down. And the words bearing sense as it were written to a bishop or to a man of such degree, it was demanded of him by master vicechamberleine, whether he had not taken the degree of a bishop? He said, No: but said at first, those terms were proper to the degree line 20 he had taken: and after said that the cardinal did vouchsafe as of a favour to write so to him. Then the copy of that letter in English as before is also set down, was in like manner openly read by the clerk of the crown, which Parrie then acknowledged to be truly translated. 
Parries letter of the eighteenth of February to the lord treasurer and the earl of Leicester read.  And thereupon was showed unto Parrie his letter of the eighteenth of February, written to the lord treasurer, and the lord steward: which he confessed to be all of his own handwriting, and was as before is set down. line 30  
These matters being read openly for manifestation of the matter, Parrie prayed leave to speak; whereto master vicechamberleine said: If you will say any thing for the better opening to the world of those your foul and horrible facts, speak on: but if you mean to make any excuse of that which you have confessed, which else would have been and do stand proved against you; for my part, I will not sit to hear you. 
The queens attorney requireth judgement.  Then her majesties attorney general stood up and said: It appeareth before you my lords, line 40 that this man hath been indicted and arraigned of several most heinous and horrible treasons, and hath confessed them, which is before you of record: wherefore there resteth no more to be done, but for the court to give judgement accordingly, which here I require in the behalf of the queens majesty. Then said Parrie, I pray you hear me for discharging of my conscience; I will not go about to excuse myself, nor to seek to save my life, I care not for it, you have my confession of record, that is line 50 enough for my life: and I mean to utter more, for which I were worthy to die; and said: I pray you hear me, in that I am to speak to discharge my conscience. Then said master vicechamberleine; Parrie, then do thy duty according to conscience, and utter all that thou canst say concerning those thy most wicked facts.  
Then said Parrie: My cause is rare, singular and unnatural, conceived at Venice, presented in general words to the pope, undertaken at Paris, commended line 60 and allowed of by his holiness, and was to have been executed in England, if it had not been prevented. Yea, I have committed many treasons, for I have committed treason in being reconciled, and treason in taking absolution. There hath been no treason since the first year of the queens reign touching religion, but that I am guilty of (except for receiving of Agnus Dei, & persuading as I have said) and yet never intended to kill queen Elisabeth. I appeal to her own knowledge and to my lord treasurors and master secretaries. 

Parrie had for his credit a●ore time said very secretly, that he had been solicited beyond the ●●as to commit the fact, but he would not do it, ● wherewith he crast●●i● abused both the queens majesty, & those two coun●●llors, whereof he now would help himself with these speeches against most manifest proofs.  
Master vicechamberleins speeches, proving manifestly Parries traitorous intenti●ons.   Then said my lord of Hunsdon: Hast thou acknowledged it so often, and so plainly in writing under thy hand, and here of record; and now, when thou shouldest have thy judgement according to that which thou hast confessed thyself guilty of, doest thou go back again, and deny the effect of all? How can we believe that thou now sayest?  
Then said master vicechamberleine; This is absurd, thou hast not only confessed generally, that thou wert guilty according to the indictment, which summarily, and yet in express words doth contain that thou hadst traitorously compassed and intended the death & destruction of her majesty: but thou also saidst particularly that thou wert guilty of every of the treasons contained therein, whereof the same was one in plain & express letter set down, and read unto thee; Yea thou saiedst that thou wert guilty of more treasons too beside these; And didst thou not upon thy examination voluntarily confess, how thou wast moved first thereunto by mislike of thy state after thy departure out of the realm? And that thou didst mislike her majesty for that she had done nothing for thee? How by wicked papists and popish books thou wert persuaded that it was lawful to kill her majesty? How thou wert by reconciliation become one of that wicked sort, that held her majesty for neither lawful queen, nor christian? And that it was meritorious to kill her? And didst thou not signify that thy purpose to the pope by letters, and receivedst letters from the cardinal, how he allowed of thine intent, and excited thee to perform it, and thereupon didst receive absolution? And didst thou not conceive it, promise it, vow it, swear it, and receive the sacrament that thou wouldst do it? And didst not thou thereupon affirm, that thy vows were in heaven, and thy letters and promises on earth to bind thee to do it? And that what soever her majesty would have done for thee, could not have removed thee from that intention or purpose, unless she would have desisted from dealing as she hath done with the catholics, as thou callest them? All this thou hast plainly confessed; and I protest before this great assembly, 
Not● all this charge of master vicechamberleine to be a recapitulation of all or most the treasons of Parrie.  thou hast confessed it more plainly & in better sort, than my memory will serve me to utter: and sayest thou now, that thou never meantest it?  
Ah (said Parrie) your honours know how my confession upon mine examination was extorted. Then both the lord Hunsdon and master Uicechamberleine affirmed, that there was no torture or threatening words offered him. But Parrie then said, 
Parrie charges the lords of the council with untruth.  that they told him, that if he would not confess willingly, he should have torture. Whereunto their honours answered, that they used not any speech or word of torture to him. You said, said Parrie, that you would proceed with rigour against me, if I would not confess it of myself. But their honours expressly affirmed that they used no such words. But I will tell thee, said master Uicechamberleine, what we said; I spoke these words: If you will willingly utter the truth of yourself, it may do you good, and I wish you to do so; if you will not, we must then proceed in ordinary course to take your examination. Whereunto you answered, that you would tell the truth of yourself. Was not this true? 
Parrie r●prooued of false speeches, and so by himself also confessed.  Which then he yielded unto. And hereunto, her majesties attorney general put Parrie in remembrance what speeches he used to the lieutenant of the Tower, the queen's majesties sergeant at law, M. gaudy, and the same attorney on saturday the twentieth of February last at the Tower, upon that he was by them then examined by order from the lords: which was, that be acknowledged he was most mildly and favourably dealt with, in all his examinations: which he also at the bar then acknowledged to be true.  
Then master vicechamberleine said, that it was wonder to see the magnanimity of her majesty, 
The magnanimity of the queens majesty notified by sir Christopher Hatton.  which after that thou hadst opened those traitorous practices in sort as thou hast laid it down in thy confession, was nevertheless such, and so far from all fear, as that she would not so much as acquaint any one of her highness privy council with it, to his knowledge, no not until after this thine enterprise discovered and made manifest. And besides that which thou hast set down under thine own hand, thou didst confess, that thou hadst prepared two Scotish line 10 daggers fit for such a purpose: and those being disposed away by thee, thou didst say that an other would serve thy turn. And withal, Parrie, didst thou not also confess before us how wonderfully thou wert appalled and perplexed upon a sudden at the presence of her majesty at Hampton court this last summer, saying that thou didst think thou then sawest in her the very likeness and image of king Henry the seventh? And that therewith, and upon some speeches used by her majesty, thou didst line 20 turn about and weep bitterly to thyself? And yet didst call to mind that thy vows were in heaven, thy letters and promises on earth; and that therefore thou didst say with thyself, that there was no remedy but to do it? Didst thou not confess this? The which he acknowledged.  
Then said the lord Hunsdon; Sayest thou now, that thou didst never mean to kill the queen? 
The lord of Hunsdons' speeches convincing Parrie manifestly of high treason.  Didst thou not confess, that when thou didst utter this practice of treachery to her majesty, that thou line 30 didst cover it with all the skill thou hadst; and that it was done by thee, rather to get credit and access thereby, than for any regard thou hadst of her person? But in truth thou didst it, that thereby thou mightest have better opportunity to perform thy wicked enterprise. And wouldst thou have run into such fear as thou didst confess that thou wert in, when thou didst utter it, if thou hadst never meant it? What reason canst thou show for thyself? With that he cried out in a furious manner: I never meant to kill her: I will lay my line 40 blood upon queen Elisabeth and you, 
Parries exclamation of outrage and unpatientnesse.  before God and the world: and thereupon fell into a rage and evil words with the queens majesties attorney general. Then said the lord Hunsdon; This is but thy popish pride & ostentation, which thou wouldst have to be told to thy fellows of that faction, to make them believe that thou diest for popery, when thou diest for most horrible and dangerous treasons against her majesty, and thy whole country. For thy line 50 laying of thy blood, it must lie on thine own head, as a just reward of thy wickedness. The laws of the realm most justly condemn thee to die out of thine own mouth, for conspiring the destruction both of her majesty, and of us all: therefore thy blood be upon thee: neither her majesty, nor we at any time sought it; thyself hast spilled it.  
Then he was asked what he could say, why judgement of death ought not to be awarded against him? Whereto he said, 
Parrie abuseth the honourable and worshipful of the bench with terms uncouth and dark speeches.  he did see that he must die, because he was not settled. What meanest thou by that, said line 60 master vicechamberleine? Said he, Look into your study, and into your new books, and you shall find what I mean. I protest (said his honour) I know not what thou meanest: thou doest not well to use such dark speeches, unless thou wouldst plainly utter what thou meanest thereby. But he said, he cared not for death, and that he would lay his blood amongst them. Then spoke the lord chief justice of England, being required to give judgement according to law, and said; Parrie, you have been much heard, and what you mean by being settled, I know not; but I see you are so settled in popery, that you cannot settle yourself to be a good subject. But touching that you should say to state judgement from being given against you, your speeches must be of one of these kinds; either to prove the indictment (which you have confessed to be true) to be insufficient in law; 
More liberty of speech given to Parrie than by law was allowable.  or else to plead somewhat touching her majesties mercy, why justice should not be done of you. All other speeches wherein you have used great liberty, is more than by law you can ask. These be the matters you must look to, what say you to them? Whereto he said nothing.  
Then said the lord chief justice; Parrie, thou hast been before this time indicted of diverse most horrible and hateful treasons, committed against thy most gracious sovereign, and native country: the matter most detestable, the manner most subtle and dangerous, and the occasions and means that lead thee thereunto most ungodly and villainous. That thou didst intend it, 
Parries' trea●ons recapitulated by the lord chief justice, both for manner and matter.  it is most evident by thyself. The matter was the destruction of a most sacred and an anointed queen thy sovereign and mistress, who hath showed thee such favour, as some thy betters have not obtained: yea, the overthrow of thy country wherein thou wert borne, & of a most happy commonwealth whereof thou art a member, and of such a queen, as hath bestowed on thee the benefit of all benefits in this world (that is to say) thy life, heretofore granted thee by her mercy when thou hadst lost it by justice & desert. Yet thou her servant sworn to defend her, mentest with thy bloody hand to have taken away her life, that mercifully gave thee thine, when it was yielded into her hands. This is the matter wherein thou hast offended.  
The manner was most subtle and dangerous, beyond all that before thee have committed any wickedness against her majesty: for thou making show as if thou wouldst simply have uttered for her safety the evil that others had contrived, didst but seek thereby credit & access, that thou mightest take the apt opportunity for her destruction. And for the occasions and means that drew thee on, 
The occasions and means that induced Parrie to these treasons.  they were most ungodly and villainous: as the persuasions of the pope, of papists, and popish books. The pope pretendeth that he is a pastor, when as in truth he is far from feeding of the flock of Christ, but rather as a wolf seeketh but to feed on & to suck out the blood of true christians, and as it were thirsteth after the blood of our most gracious and christian queen. And these papists and popish books, while they pretend to set forth divinity, they do indeed most ungodly teach and persuade that which is quite contrary both to God and his word. 
The danger & damnableness● of popish books either read or listened unto of papists, etc.  For the word teacheth obedience of subjects toward princes, & forbiddeth any private man to kill; but they teach subjects to disobey princes, & that a private wicked person may kill. Yea & whom? a most godly queen, & their own natural and most gracious sovereign. Let all men therefore take heed how they receive any thing from him, hear or read any of their books, and how they confer with any papists. God grant her majesty, that she may know by thee, how ever she trust such like to come so near her person!  
But see the end, and why thou didst it, and it will appear to be a most miserable, fearful, and foolish thing: for thou didst imagine, that it was to relieve those that thou callest catholics, who were most likely amongst all others to have felt the worst of it, if thy devilish practice had taken effect. But sith thou hast been indicted of the treasons comprised in the indictment, and thereupon arraigned, and hast confessed thyself guilty of them; 
The form of judgement against the traitor pronounced by the lord chief justice.  the court doth award, that thou shalt be had from hence to the place whence thou didst come, and so drawn through the open city of London upon an hurdle to the place of execution, and there to be hanged and let down alive, and thy privy parts cut off, and thy entrails taken out and burnt in thy sight, than thy head to be cut off, and thy body to be divided in four parts, and to be disposed at her majesties pleasure: and God have mercy on thy soul.  

Parrie rageth at the justice bar without all reverence.  Parrie nevertheless persisted still in his rage and fond speech, and raginglie there said, he there summoned queen Elisabeth to answer for his blood before God: wherewith the lieutenant of the Tower was commanded to take him from the bar: and line 10 so he did. And upon his departure, the people stricken as it were at heart with the horror of his intended enterprise, ceased not, but pursued him with outcries, as; Away with the traitor, away with him, & such like: whereupon he was conveyed to the barge, to pass to the Tower again by water: 
William Parrie the traitor executed.  & the court was adjourned. After which, upon the second day of this instant March, William Parrie was by virtue of process in that behalf awarded from the same commissioners of oier and terminer, delivered by the lieutenant of the Tower erlie in the morning line 20 unto the sheriffs of London and Middlesex, who received him at the Tower hill, and thereupon, according to the judgement, caused him there to be forthwith set on the hurdle: from whence he was drawn thereupon through the midst of the city of London, unto the place for his execution in the palace at Westminster: 
Parrie (even at the time of his death) seeketh to clear and purge himself as innocent of the treasons for the which he was condemned.  where, having long time of stay admitted unto him before his execution, he most maliciously and impudently, after some other line 30 vain discourses eftsoons & often delivered in speech, that he was never guilty of any intention to kill queen Elisabeth, and so (without any request made by him to the people to pray to God for him, or prayer publicly used by himself for aught that appeared: but such as he used, if he used any, was private to himself) he was executed according to the judgement. And now for his intent, how soever he pretended the contrary in words, yet by these his own writings, confessions, letters, & many other proofs line 40 afore here expressed, it is most manifest to all persons, how horrible his intentions and treasons were, and how justly he suffered for the same: and thereby greatly to be doubted, that as he had lived a long time vainly and ungodly, and like an atheist and godless man, so he continued the same course till his death to the outward sight of men. ¶ Here endeth the true and plain course and process of the treasons, arrest, arraignment, and execution of William Parrie the traitor. line 50   

An addition not unnecessary for this purpose.  
FOrsomuch as Parrie in the abundance of his proud and arrogant humour, hath often both in his confession, and letters, pretended some great and grievous causes of discontentment against her majesty, and the present state: it shall not be impertinent, for better satisfaction of all persons, to set forth simply and truly, the condition and quality of the man, what he line 60 was by birth and education, and in what course of life he had lived. 
A description of Parrie both by lineage person, education, and quality, etc.  This vile and traitorous wretch was one of the younger sons of a poor man, called Harrie ap David: he dwelled in North-wales in a little village called Northop in the county of Flint: there he kept a common alehouse, which was the best and greatest stay of his living. In that house was this traitor borne, his mother was the reputed daughter of one conway a priest, parson of a poor parish called Halkin in the same county of Flint: his eldest brother dwelleth at this present in the same house, and there keepeth an alehouse as his father did before him. This traitor in his childhood so soon as he had learned a little to write and read, was put to serve a poor man dwelling in Chester, 
Parrie basely borne and basely brought up.  named john Fisher, who professed to have some small skill and understanding in the law. With him he continued diverse years, and served as a clerk, to write such things as in that trade, which his master used, he was appointed.  
During this time, he learned the English tongue, and at such times of leisure as the poor man his master had no occasion otherwise to use him, he was suffered to go to the grammar school, where he got some little understanding in the Latin tongue. In this his childhood he was noted by such as best knew him, to be of a most villainous and dangerous nature & disposition. He did often run away from his master, and was often taken & brought to him again. His master, to correct his perverse and froward conditions, 
Parrie a very runagate and vagrant rakehell in his young years.  did many times shut him as prisoner in some close place of his house, and many times caused him to be chained, locked, and clogged, to stay his running away. Yet all was in vain: for about the third year of her majesties reign, for his last farewell to his poor master, he ran away from him, and came to London to seek his adventures. He was then constrained to seek what trade he could to live by, and to get meat and drink for his belly, and clothes for his back.  
His good hap in the end was to be entertained in place of service above his desert, where he stayed not long, but shifted himself diverse times from service to service, and from one master to another. Now he began to forget his old home, his birth, his education, his parents, his friends, his own name, and what he was. He aspired to greater matters, 
Note Parries ambition, and how the priest forgetteth that ever he was parish clerk's.  he challenged the name and title of a great gentleman, he vaunted himself to be of kin and allied to noble and worshipful, he left his old name which he did bear, and was commonly called by in his childhood, & during all the time of his abode in the country, which was William ap Harrie (as the manner in Wales is.) And because he would seem to be in deed the man which he pretended, he took upon him the name of Parrie, being the surname of diverse gentlemen of great worship and haviour. And because his mother's name by her father a simple priest, was conway: he pretended kindred to the family of sir john conway, and so thereby made himself of kin to Edmund Nevil.  
Being thus set forth with his new name and new title of gentleman, 
Parrie matcheth himself in marriage with a widow in Southwales.  and commended by some of his good favourers, he matched himself in marriage with a widow in Southwales, who brought him some reasonable portion of wealth. She lived with him but a short time, and the wealth he had with her lasted not long: it was soon consumed with his dissolute 〈◊〉 wasteful manner of life. He was then driven to his wonted shifts, his creditors were many, the debt which he owed great, he had nothing wherewith to make payment, he was continually pursued by sergeants and officers to arrest him, he did often by sleights and shifts escape from them. 
Parrie a shifter, in debt & danger; he marrieth a rich widow, etc.  In this his needy and poor estate, he sought to repair himself again by a new match in marriage with another widow, which before was the wife of one Richard Heiwood.  
This matter was so earnestly followed by himself, and so effectually commended by his friends and favourers, that the silly woman yielded to take him to husband: a match in every respect very unequal and unfit. Her wealth and yearly livelihood was very great, his poor and base estate worse than nothing, he very young, she of such age as for years she might have been his mother. When he had thus possessed himself of his new wives wealth, he omitted nothing that might serve for a prodigal, dissolute, 
Parrie defloureth his wives own daughter, and sundry ways abuseth the old mother.  and most ungodly course of life. His riot and excess was unmeasurable, he did most wickedly deflower his wives own daughter, and sundry ways pitifully abuse the old mother: he carried himself for his outward port and countenance (so long as his old wives bags lasted) in such sort, as might well have sufficed for a man of very good haviour and degree. But this lasted not long, his proud hart & wasteful hand had soon powered out old Heiwoods' wealth. line 10  
He then fell again to his wonted shifts, borrowed where he could find any to lend, and engaged his credit so far as any would trust him. Amongst others, he became greatly indebted to Hugh Hare, the gentleman before named. Who after long forbearing of his money, sought to recover it by law. For this cause Parrie conceived great displeasure against him, which he pursued with all malice, even to the seeking of his life. In this murderous intent, he came in the night time to M. Hare's chamber in line 20 the Temple, broke open the door, assaulted him, and wounded him grievously, and so left him in great danger of life. For this offence he was apprehended, committed to Newgate, indicted of burgularie, arraigned, and found guilty by a very substantial jury, and condemned to be hanged, as the law in that case requireth.  

Parrie condemned for burgularie, is pardoned of the queen.  He standing thus convicted, her majesty of her most gracious clemency, and pitiful disposition, line 30 took compassion upon him, pardoned his offence, & gave him his life, which by the law & due course of justice he ought then to have lost. After this he tarried not long, but pretending some causes of discontentment, departed the realm, and traveled beyond the seas. How he demeaned himself there from time to time, and with whom he conversed, is partly in his own confession touched before. This is the man, this is his race, which he feared should be spotted if he miscarried in the execution of his traitorous enterprise, this hath been the course of his life, these are line 40 the great causes of his discontentment.  

Parrie pretended a conscience of religion, being utterly profane and of as religion.  And whereas at his arraignment and execution, he pretended great care of the disobedient popish subjects of this realm, whom he called catholics, and in very insolent sort seemed to glory greatly in the profession of his pretenced catholic religion: the whole course and action of his life showeth plainly, how profanely & irreligiously he did always bear himself. He vaunted, that for these two and twenty years passed he had been a catholic, and during all line 50 that time never received the communion: yet before he traveled beyond the seas, at three several times within the compass of these two and twenty years, 
Parries voluntary oath (thrice taken in 22 years) of obedience to her majesty.  he did voluntarily take the oath of obedience to the queen's majesty, set down in the statute made in the first year of her highness reign; by which, amongst other things, he did testify and declare in his conscience, that no foreign prince, person, prelate, state, or potentat, hath or aught to have any jurisdiction, power, pre-eminence, or authority, ecclesiastical line 60 or spiritual, within this realm; and therefore did utterly renounce & forsake all foreign jurisdictions, powers, and authorities, and did promise to bear faith and true allegiance to the queens highness, her heirs and lawful successors.  
With what conscience or religion he took that oath so often, if so be he were then a papist in deed, as since the discovery of his treasons he pretended, let his best friends the papists themselves judge. 
And this is most like, for what will not 〈◊〉 pope dispense withal.  But perhaps it may be said, that he repented those his offences past: that since those three oaths so taken by him, he was twice reconciled to the pope, and so his conscience cleared, and he become a new man, and (which is more) that in the time of his last travel, he cast away all his former lewd manners: that he changed his degree and habit, and bought or begged the grave title of a doctor of law, for which he was well qualified with a little grammar school Latin: that he had plenary indulgence and remission of all his sins, in consideration of his undertaking of so holy an enterprise as to kill queen Elisabeth, a sacred anointed queen, his natural and sovereign lady: that he promised to the pope, & vowed to God to perform it: that he confirmed the same by receiving the sacrament at the jesuits, 
Parries tw● beaupéers the cardinals of Uand o● me & Narbone.  at one altar with his two beaupéeres, the cardinals of Uandosme and Narbone: and that since his last return into England, he did take his oath upon the bible to execute it. These reasons may seem to bear some weight in deed amongst his friends the jesuits, and other papists of state, who have special skill in matters of such importance.  
But now lately in the beginning of this parliament in November last, 
What a notable dissembler was this?  he did eftsoons solemnly in public place take the oath before mentioned, of obedience to her majesty. How that may stand with his reconciliations to the pope, and with his promises, vows, and oath to kill the queen, it is a thing can hardly be warranted, unless it be by some special privilege of the pope's omnipotency. But let him have the glory he desired, to live and die a papist. He deserved it, it is fit for him, his death was correspondent to the course of his life, which was disloyal, perjured, and traitorous towards her majesty; and false and perfidious towards the pope himself, 
Parrie perjured towards her majesty & perfidious to the pope, etc.  and his catholics, if they will believe his solemn protestations which he made at his arraignment and execution, that he never meant nor intended any hurt to her highness person. For if that be true, where are then his vows which he said were in heaven, his letters and promises upon earth? Why hath he stolen out of the pope's shop so large an indulgence and plenary remission of all his sins, and meant to perform nothing that he promised? Why was his devotion and zeal so highly commended? Why was he so specially prayed for and remembered at the altar? All these great favours were then bestowed upon him without cause or desert: for he deceived the pope, 
No trust nor certain dealing used by Parrie to or fro.  he deceived the cardinals and jesuits with a false semblance and pretence to do that thing which he never meant.  
But the matter is clear, the conspiracy, and his traitorous intent is too plain and evident: it is the Lord that revealed it in time, and prevented their malice: there lacked no will or readiness in him to execute that horrible fact. It is the Lord that hath preserved her majesty from all the wicked practices and conspiracies of that hellish rabble: it is he that hath most graciously delivered her from the hands of this traitorous miscreant. The Lord is her only defence in whom she hath always trusted, he will defend her majesty, and fulfil for her sake no less than good king David (sundry times assaulted with falseharted enemies) and all loyal subjects will heartily pray for; namely such vengeance and heavy measure of judgement to be proportioned and allotted them, as is wished against the malicious wicked in the eight and fiftieth psalm, effectually set down by the Paraphrast in these words following: 
Confringe malas (o Deus) impudens  
Os comminutis contere dentibus: 
Buch. in psalm. 58.   
Et rictibus saevis hiantes  
Hos inhibe catulos leonum, etc.  
Sensim liquescant, tardigradus velut  
Limax: acerbo funere deserant  
Vitale lumen, more foetus  
Ante suum pereuntis ortum, etc.    

A few observations gathered out of the very words and writings of William Parrie the traitor, applied to prove his traitorous conjuration, with a resolute intent, imagination, purpose, and obstinate determination to have killed her majesty, our most gracious sovereign: whom the Lord hath saved, and ever may he save by his mercy.  
THis William Parrie the traitor, 1 confesseth to have conceived the treason at line 10 Venice, 
Benedicto Palmio a jesuit, mentioned before, pag. 1385.  by conference with B. Palmio, of whom he still thinketh so well, as he can not but speak of him with reverend mention; whereas, if he had never thought, or did now forethink the treason, he would rather curse the time that ever he met with such a bloody and treacherous ghostly father. Well, this grave and learned friar Palmio (saith he) made the matter clear in religion and conscience, and commended the traitor's devotion. line 20 This treason Parrie so apprehended, as he wrote presently to the pope, presenting the service. 2 Returning to Paris, 
Thomas Morgan and Wats the one termed a catholic gentleman, pag. 1385.  he conferred with Morgan, vowed to perform it for restitution of England, etc. 3 Being dissuaded (as the credible man writeth) by Wats, he replied that he was gone so far, as he could not go back, but promised faithfully to perform the enterprise, if the pope would upon his offers and letters allow it, and grant remission, etc.  
Where this by the way is to be noted, that if the line 30 opinions of these English priests (as he will needs make us believe) were differing from the pope, and our English jesuits, varying from jesuit Palmio and others beyond sea jesuits, in the question of murdering a prince: some of them at least would have given loyal intelligence of such a treason conceived and nourished in that man, who had made so many privy both beyond and on this side the sea, as could not be dissuaded from his purpose, but ever departed with a resolution contrary unto these cold dissuaders. 
They cannot be found in loyalty that are unfound in religion: Ergo how ca● they give Caesar his right, that deny God his due and true service?  It were no good policy to trust this line 40 popish traitor, but rather to suspect all pope created priests to be of the same mind with their supreme head, and all English jesuits to consent with foreign jesuits their fellow members. They be all of one order and vow, they have one superior; and if they had detested this fact in deed, some of them, seeing the wretch to persist, must needs have bewrayed it, and not to suffer him to go on headlong in such a sin, leaving her royal person to the will and malice (as much as in them lay) of a murdering ruffian. line 50  
But to prove his intent with continuance and growing of the same, 4 Again he writeth letters to the pope, in januarie one thousand five hundred eighty and four by that account, took advise upon them in confession of A. Codreto, 
Aniball a jesuit in Paris, of whom before, pag. 1385.  was commended, again confessed, took the sacrament (verily Cruentum sacramentum, & sacrificium cruoris) at the jesuits, at one altar, with the cardinals of Uandosmi and of Narbone. Hereof he had certificate to the pope, which he sent enclosed in his letters to his holiness, to lead line 60 him to absolve him; which he required in consideration of so great an enterprise undertaken without reward. 5 The latter and certificate he read to Ragazzoni, and left with him to be sent to the pope, 
Ragazzoni the Nuntio: see before, pag. 1385.  who wished him good speed, promising he should be remembered at the altar. 6 He doubteth, lest if Morgan died, and he miscarried in the execution (as he did, God be thanked, and choked in the halter, notwithstanding their remembrance at the altar) and his intent never truly discovered; that is to say, that he did it for the catholics, it might be a spot in his race. Mark here the very word (intent) in his own confession. 
See before pag. 1386.  7 Morgan assureth him, that the lord Fernehurst should go into Scotland, and be ready to enter upon the first news of our queens fall. Thus much for his intent beyond the sea, and before his conjuration discovered.  
Upon his arrival in England, he wrote to court, that he had a special service of discovery unto the queen: but with what intent, let his own words speak, 8 More to prepare access and credit, 
See befor●, pag. 1386.  than for any care had of her person. Admitted unto her gracious audience, he discovered the conjuration; yet in what manner, let himself say, even covered with all the skill he had. This intent was with deep treason: for (as he saith) so he did, he disclosed only so much as he thought good and necessary to ground in her highness a settled confidence towards him, whereby he might effect his traitorous intent with better opportunity, and his own safety. He bewrayed himself so far as he might cover his chief drift, many principal things concealed, nothing of lord Fernehurst with his Scotish forces, etc. 9 Receiving from the pope himself commendation and allowance of his enterprise, of encouragement, and plenary indulgence by no meaner man than cardinal di Como, though he showed the letter to her majesty; 
Cardinal di Como, of whom see b●fore, pag. 1385. and his letter to Parrie, pag. 1388.  not for any care of her person, but for his better access & credit, as the rest, yet let his own words tell what his intent was at the very receiving and showing of the same letter. Forsooth (saith he) this letter confirmed his resolution to kill the queen, making it clear in his conscience, as a thing lawful and meritorious.  
Now is his intent grown to a resolution, not doubtful, but clear in conscience, not alone lawful, but meritorious. Papa dixit, a cardinal is Nuntio. What other thing is this, than for the pope and his cardinals, like an other Antoninus Commodus, to make one Inter sicarios & gladiatores? The devil enforcing this traitor's heart to execute his intent, 
S●● befor●▪ pag. 1386.  10 He was troubled looking upon the queen, and remembering her excellencies: yet he saw no remedy, his vows were in heaven, his letters and promises on earth. Yea, he strove to close his eyes at these excellencies, and obstinated his hart by seeking reasons to quench all sparks of humanity and allegiance arising in his thoughts. For thus reasoneth he against his conscience; Why shouldest thou care for her? What hath she done for thee? Hast thou not spent ten thousand marks, etc. What more devilish intent could possess a traitor, than to labour to suppress a small remain of conscience, abhorring to kill so excellent a parsonage, which God stirred up in his thoughts to his juster condemnation? 
S●● befor●▪ pag. 1386. part of Parries voluntary confession.  11 Doctor Allens book redoubled his former conceits, every word was a warrant to a prepared mind.  
See how the smooth words of that catholic book are interpreted and conceived. One spirit occupieth the catholic reader with the catholic writer, and therefore can best expound the writer's sense in his reader's mouth, even to be a book fraught with emphatical speeches of energetical persuasion to kill and depose her majesty, and yet doth the hypocrite writer, that traitor catholic, dissemble and protest otherwise. 12 Parrie suffering repulse in a suit for S. Katharins', communeth with master Nevil, 
Note the p●●nicious dealing of Parrie every way hurtful, Ta● principi quàm populo, dei●ceps sibime● o● proditori sum●●. pag. 1386.  recommendeth the enterprise as honourable & profitable to the catholic commonweal. Being prejudiced in opinion of Allens book (as before) he commendeth it, and delivereth it to Nevil, thereby to work the same vile intent in him which it had already confirmed in himself. He took now an other oath upon the bible, after the manner of a protestant, to pursue the enterprise, and meant (he saith) to perform it, so far forth as the place and manner of doing was appointed. This second conjuration he never bewrayed in six months, till accused by Nevil, and then at first denied it.  
13 Finally, to declare his height of malice, he saith, if the queen had preferred him never so greatly, yet must this bloody enterprise have holden, except 〈◊〉 ●ad relieved the catholics. Was this no inten●▪ 〈◊〉 neither benefit nor bounty could stay? Which neither fear of God, nor reverence of excellency could repel? Which neither dread of punishment, nor tract of time could remove? Did he conceive it, confer and advise of it, vow himself line 10 to the execrable service, present and offer it, harden his heart against others dissuasions, beat back contrary motions of his own conscience, go so far as he could not go back, promise it faithfully, receive a church sacrament thereupon, make certificate thereof, propound himself the end and reason of his intent, discourse upon the contingent sequel, preventing the spot of his race, receive letters of allowance, commendation, encouragement, and absolution, could he vow in heaven, and promise on line 20 earth, could he do all this in a thing which he meant not?  
Can he resolve and confirm his resolution of a thing which he intended not; 
All these circumstances prove that Parrie was resolute and by prepared both in hart and by hand to put in practise his conceived unnatural treason.  yea, could he intend & mean (for all these be his own words) that which he never meant nor intended? could he redouble his conceits, and have a prepared mind for that he intended not? Would such a crafty traitor practise with others by persuasive speech, & traitorous book in such a matter, as the only broaching thereof must line 30 capitallie endamage his kinsman and friend, and withal lay his own head in his friend's hand? And yet notwithstanding, either he meant this treason, either else he little loved his friend, to tempt him so dangerously; whom yet, he saith, he loved so, as to suffer his finger in his dish, & his hand in his purse. But which is above all, would any man swear again on the bible, appoint time and place, conceals it with as much peril as if he had done it; would he deny it, would so ambitious a man discontent himself line 40 with all preferment, for the achieving of that which he meant not? Was this mischievous course, begun and continued, a long time, at home and abroad, in many kingdoms, communicated with many persons, of several nation and quality, as pope, 
How could this heihound die an innocent for intent; the premises considered.  cardinal, Nuntio, fri●r, priest, king's secretary and ambassadors, all this while not meant? Was it frankly and voluntarily confessed meant, finally, recorded by pleading guilty in manner & form with all circumstance, and yet could he die an innocent line 50 for intent?  
All this falling upon no simple man, but upon one, not now the first time holding up his h●nd at bar, & upon a doctor of law, the very hood whereof is able to give a man more judgement, than to slip without light in all these things: I know not how he may be excused without strong suspicion of the excuser. And if a prince may not judge a wicked servant out of his own mouth, nor determine an offence by two or three months, it were a notable line 60 world for traitors and murderers, thus to have all proceedings set lose, as well of our common laws, which condemn upon all evidences, as of the civil laws, which give capital sentence upon confession only: yea, Moses wisdom is overreached, and Christ's equity in his evangelical parable against the lewd servant not using his talon is eluded. All this is also ratified by voluntary letters of his to her majesty apart, and to her honourable council. And if any Italianat papist nevertheless will needs believe this repugnancy of his last speeches▪ let him yet take this one note of him, whereby to consider how credible a man he crediteth.  
Either Parrie meant this monstrous murder according to his vows in heaven, 
A dilemma or reason of advantage, concluding that Parrie died a perjured traitor.  and sworn promises in earth, and so died a desperate traitor, protesting the contrary in his last words upon his soul and damnation: or else was he perjured, to the foul abuse of pope & all popery, most execrablie profaning God's name by promising, swearing, vowing, &c: that which he meant not. Necessarily therefore must he perish upon perjured treason, or wrecks upon desperate deieration. Nothing avoideth this dilemma, but a popish bull of dispensation, which if he had, I know not how princes may not as safely suffer wolves and bears come to their presence, as such papists. And very like it is that Parrie had a special bull, either else was it comprehended in his indulgence, that he might take oaths contrary to his catholic conscience, as he did the oath of supremacy in the beginning of the last parliament. Which if his coniuratours had not been privy with what intention he did swear, he never durst have taken it, lest they should have now bewrayed him as a man sworn against the pope, therefore not to be trusted. But the truth is, this papist Parrie was both a traitor, and a manifold perjured traitor, whom (with all other of the like stamp) we leave to the final judgement of God at the last and dreadful doom: registering (in the mean time) a proper epigram, and of no less fit than true devise, in memory of the said capital traitor, requiting that prophetical posy concerning Daruell Gatheren and friar Forrest, of whom you shall read in the thirteenth year of king Henry the eight; this of Parrie being as followeth: 

William Parrie  
Was ap Harrie  
By his name:  
From the alehouse  
To the gallows  
Grew his fame.   

Gotten westward  
On a bastard  
●s is thought:  
Wherefore one way  
Kin to conway  
Hath he sought.   

Like a beast  
With inceast  
He begon:  
Mother married  
Daughter carried  
Him a son.   

Much he borrowed  
Which he sorrowed  
To repay:  
Hare his good  
Bought with blood  
As they say.   

Yet for payment  
Had arrainment  
Of his debtor  
She that gave him  
Life to save him  
Hanged a better.   

Parrie his pardon  
Thought no guerdon  
For his worth:  
Wherefore sought  
That he mought  
Travel forth.   

Which obtained  
He remained  
As before:  
And with rashness  
Showed his bashnes  
More and more.   

He did enter  
To adventuer  
Even her death:  
By whose favour  
He did ever  
Draw his breath.   

It was pity  
One so witty  
Malcontent:  
Leaving ●eason  
Should to treason  
So be bend.   

But his gifts  
Were but shifts  
Void of grace:  
And his bravery  
Was but knavery  
Vile and base.   

Wales did bear him  
France did swear him  
To the pope:  
Venice wrought him  
London brought him  
To the rope.   

Wherewith strangled  
And then mangled  
Being dead:  
Poles supporters  
Of his quarters  
And his head.    
In this year one thousand five hundred eighty & four, sir Walter Mildmaie knight, one of her majesties most honourable privy council, founded a college in the university of Cambridge, and named it emmanuel college. ¶ The same was sometimes a house of friars, 
Abr. Fl. ex lib. manuscripto.  and came to king Henry the eight by dissolution, as appeareth by the sequeale, being an extract out of a substantial and large book written in parchment (which I have seen, and whence I had this transcript) containing the entry or enrolment of certain letters patents, writings and evidences line 10 touching the said college. First the premises came unto king Henry the eight by act of parliament touching the dissolution of monasteries; 
Situs nuper domus fratrum praedicatorum vocata le Blackfriar's in villa Cantabrigiae.  & afterwards the said king by letters patents under the great seal of England, dated Decimo sexto Aprilis, anno tricesimo quinto regni sui, did grant the same to Edward Elrington and Humfreie Metcalfe, and to the heirs of the said Edward for ever. After that, the said Edward Elrington and Humfreie Metcalfe by their deed poll dated Quarto Martij, anno tricesimo sexto Henrici line 20 octavi, did grant the premises to William Sherwood gentleman & his heirs for ever. Then George Sherewood gentleman, son and heir to William Sherwood by deed poll dated Vicesimo nono Septembris, anno vicesimo tertio Elisabethae reginae, did grant the premises to Robert Tailor esquire and to his heirs for ever.  
And afterwards, the said Robert Tailor by deed poll dated Duodecimo Junii, anno vicesimo quinto Elisabethae reginae, did grant the premises to Richard Culuerwell line 30 citizen & mercer of London and Laurence Chaderton of Cambridge bachelor of divinity, and their heirs for ever. And after that, the premises were conveyed to sir Walter Mildmaie, who hath converted the same into a séedplot of learning, for the benefit of the church & commonwealth: so that the students may very truly say this, and more too of so good, so honoorable and virtuous a founder: 
— flwijs dum cruerit aequor,  
Dúmque vagas stellas pascet uterque polus, line 40  
Dum steriles altis lustrabunt montibus umbrae,  
Virtutis stabit fama decúsque tuae.   
year 1585. On the nine and twentieth day of March, which was in the year of Christ 1585., 
The parliament dissolved.  the parliament was dissolved: at the breaking up whereof, the queens majesty in the parliament house made an oration, to such effect as followeth.   

The queen's majesties oration line 50 in the parliament house.  
MY Lords and ye of the lower house, my silence must not injury the owner so much, 
The queens majesties oration in the parliament house.  as to suppose a substitute sufficient to render you the thanks that my heart yieldeth you: not so much for the safe keeping of my life (for which your care appeareth so manifest) as for line 60 the neglecting your private future peril, not regarding other way than my present state. No prince herein (I confess) can be surer tied, or faster bound than I am, with the link of your good will; and can for that, but yield a hart & hand to seek for ever all your best. Yet one matter toucheth me so near, as I may not overskip: 
O the care that her majesty hath of true religion, the lord of life lengthen her grace's life.  religion, the ground on which all other matters ought to take root, and being corrupted may mar all the tree: and that there be some faultfinders with the order of the clergy, which so may make a slander to myself & the church, whose over ruler God hath made me; whose negligence can not be excused, if any schisms or errors heretical were suffered.  
Thus much I must say, that some faults and negligences may grow and be (as in all other great charges it happeneth) and what vocation without? All which if you my lords of the clergy do not amend, I mean to depose you: look you therefore to your charges; this may be amended without heedless or open exclamation. I am supposed to have many studies, but most philosophical: 
Her majesties reverend estimation of God's word and sacred scriptures.  I must yield this to be true, that I suppose few (that be no professors) have read more. And I need not tell you, that I am so simple that I understand not, nor so forgetful that I remember not; & yet amongst my many volumes, I hope God's book hath not been my sildomest studies, in which we find that, which by reason (for my part) we ought to believe, that seeing so great wickedness and griefs in the world, in which we live but as waie-faring pilgrims, we suppose that God would never have made us but for a better place, and of more comfort than we find here. I know no creature that breatheth, whose life standeth hourly in more peril for it than mine own, who entered not into my state without sight of manifold dangers of life and crown, as one that had the mightiest and greatest to wrestle with. Then it followeth, that I regarded it so much as I left myself behind my care.  
And so you see that you wrong me too much (if any such there be) as doubt my coldness in that behalf. 
O most princely resolution and persuasion!  For if I were not persuaded that mine were the true way of God's will, God forbidden I should live to prescribe it to you. Take heed, lest Ecclesiastes say not too true; They that fear the hoary frost, the snow shall fall upon them. I see many over bold with God almighty, making too many subtle scanning of his blessed will, as lawyers do with human testaments: the presumption is so great as I may not suffer it (yet mind I not hereby to animate 
* The God of vengeance and justice root them out, that the Lords anointed may be free from all fear of hurt.  Romanists, which what adversaries they be to mine estate is sufficiently known) nor tolerate new fangledness. I mean to guide them both by God's true rule: in both parts be perils, and of the latter I must pronounce them dangerous to a kingly rule, to have every man according to his own censure to make a doom of the validity and privity of his prince's government, with a common veil and cover of God's word, whose followers must not be judged but by private men's exposition, God defend you from such a ruler that so evil will guide you. 
What subject would think life and lands too dear to lose (if need were) for so gracious a queen?  Now I conclude, that your love and care neither is nor shall be bestowed upon a careless prince, but such as for your good will passeth as little for this world as who careth least; with thanks for your free subsidy: a manifest show of the abundance of your good wills, the which I assure you, but to be employed to your weal, I could be better pleased to return than receive.  
This is the sum of her majesties oration uttered in a solemn assembly, and well worthy the recording, as testifying no less in sincerity and truth, than every good subject may seal unto himself, and lay his hand upon his hart to be faithfully meant for his security. Wherein is specially to be noted the religious care which her majesty hath vowed to have of the propagation and supportation of the gospel; according to that which is reported of her by way of prophesy in the vision of queen Anne in a dream; where (after a repetition of miseries foretold to befall in queen Mary's days) these words are inferred: 
Ecce malis tantis tua parva medebitur infans, 
C. O. in sua Elisabetha.   
Iámque tenella geret post sceptrum patris adulta,  
Solamen magnum patriae, solamen amicis:  
Qua regnant diu, coelis ea fata feruntur,  
Britanni populus foelix, erit Anglia foelix,  
Et longa tali sub principe pace fruetur.  
Papa relegatus fallax ad littora Tibris  
Ausonij, propria ditione iubebitur esse  
Contentus, vaenúmque domi protrudere merces.  
Hic juris papalis erit tum terminus Anglis.  
Vestra dabit proles papae immedicabile vulnus,  
Non post idolis genua incuruare licebit  
Ampliùs, aut statuis benè olentia thura cremare▪  
Hinc papae incassum furibunda movebitur ira,  
Dentibus infrendens & quaeret tollere prolem  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insidijs structis, quae numine coeli line 10  
Protectore suo sem●tis hostibus aeuum  
Pace colet, seros ornabit honoribus annos,  
Pace suos placida cives: sua regna beabit.  
Non tamen in claram bacchari desinet atrox  
Reginam, pus ore vomens & virus ut aspis,  
Promittet coelum verbis (quis crederet illud?)  
Principis obsequium quicunque reliquerit ultrò,  
Cum pacto hoc miseros revera in Tartara mittat.   

Abr. Flem. The death of pope Gregory the thirteenth: read of this pope's practices against England in Parries' treasons, pag. 1382, etc.  ¶ In this year of Grace, on the eleventh of April died pope Gregory the thirteenth, termed the last & line 20 lewd pope of that name; one that wanted not the ways to apply his usurped supremacy to the common abuse of all christendom, according to the received custom of his predecessors; who rather than they would abide any be it never so small an eclipse of their worldly pomp, all the world shallbe set together by the ears, in so much that heaven & earth shall ring with the noise of the tumults. This is he that (among other acts by him undertaken & done) after the old Roman or julian calendar was by popish arguments line 30 accused & charged with manifold imperfections, whereinto by continuance of time it fortuned to fall, thrust forth into the world a reformed calendar, exhibited to his holiness by one Antony Lillie doctor of arts & physic, wherein (by a certain new circle of epacts by one Aloisius the said Antony's brother german devised, and to an undoubted rule of the golden number directed, as also to whatsoever magnitude or greatness of the year of the sun applied) all things that in the old calendar were line 40 faulty, may by constant reason and for ever to last be so restored; that the calendar once reform according to this plot, need never hereafter either to be altered or amended. 
The pope is very busy by his own presumptuous & proud enterprises to impeach christian liberty.  Howbeit, in commending the perfect reformation of this new calendar, whereby not only all things erroneous are abolished; but also such foresight is had of the time to come, that the calculation of this calendar shall never hereafter seem subject unto change: an occasion of some demands may hereof arise, touching christian liberty; line 50 namely; Whether the church be tied to a certain time according to the reformed calculation astronomical, in the celebration of yearly festivals? Whether it be lawful for the bishop of Rome to reform the time and the calendar? Whether the church of Christ be bound by necessity of religion to receive that calendar, at the first original beginning proceeding from the pope, though the same afterwards were set forth under another title? Whether it profiteth or be requisite that for the keeping of peace and concord, in contracts, bargainings, and intercourse of traffic line 60 and merchandise; the one party should submit himself to that calendar, whereunto the pope hath yoked his popelings; and persuaded many more to do the same, 
This hath been done in such sort by a mathematician stranger, that he is bold to challenge any holding the contrary opinion to a reproof of his examination.  etc. Although these and the like interrogatories may be made against the papists; yet because to give an instance is not to answer a doubt, it is to be wished that this calendar were throughly si●ted by some sound and sober mathematician, and the three heads, whereof this new reformed calendar of Gregory doth consist, disproved: which three heads, repeated by Gregory in his bull before the said calendar, are these.  
1 The restoring and coupling of the equinoctial in the spring to the one and twentieth day of March, with such a caveat given, that from thence, as from the proper and fixed seat, it may not possibly hereafter at any time remove. 2 The correction of the golden number by the circle of epacts, in such sort, that the numbers of epacts may show not only the day of the new moon in every month of all years; but also, and that principally the term of Easter: that is, the certain & just day of the very next full moon following after the equinoctial of the spring; and that every year without error or deceit. 3 The very just and certain sunday of Easter, that aught to be celebrated and kept on the very next sunday after the full moon, which first doth follow after the just equinoctial of the spring. 
Vide M. Michaelem Maestlinum Gaeppingensem in Tibuigens● academia Mathematicum, etc.  These three heads being so anatomised and opened by mathematicians as were meet, it should be found in the end, that this new calendar, in all and every part thereof, even wherein it is best reform, or so thought to be, is many ways faulty, & erroneous in the very grounds: in which quality leaving it, as not to be put to the touch in a public chronicle, but otherwise to be had in trial, Gregory the preferrer thereof is now to be handled by description, which is no fiction or imagined babble, but derived out of an oration or funeral sermon at Rome, at the burial of his holiness, containing his manners, life, deeds, and last words at his death: together with the lamentations of the cardinals and whole Romish clergy. Otherwise to be entitled: as followeth.   

A sermon full of papistical adulation, and matter sufficient to procure the wise and virtuous minded to contemn such gross and palpable blindness, and all persons to laugh at the Romanists absurd and erroneous follies.  
THere is nothing so certain as death, 
A good and plausible beginning, if the proceeding were agreeable.  either uncertain as the moment thereof. Wherefore the holy doctor saith: Keep thyself continually in that estate wherein thou desirest to die. And the proverb goeth, that many a one thinketh himself in perfect health, when he beareth death in his bosom. To say the truth, we do continually carry death about with us, it is in us immediately after we take life and moving in our mother's womb; and wheresoever we walk, it is still at our heels: if we take horse, it is with us: if we be on the water, it is the guide of our ship: so as we can never say death to be absent from us: for ourselves are very death, and no part of our body immortal. Wherefore those that suppose themselves to live in this world are far deceived in their own opinions, and the pilgrimage of man in this world is but a shadow of life, which unto us seemeth life, but in deed is none. The better therefore to describe the said shadow, I will make an abstraction of the dead time of man's age, from the full and greatest age that a creature can live in the world. 
Popish divines do rather imitate any duns than the prophet David, who setteth down the age of man to consist of 70▪ years.   
First, the longest age that man can live is but sixty years. From sixty years we must deduct the nights, for man when he sleepeth liveth not. Besides that, sleep is termed the image of death: so that deducting the nights, which comprehend one half of the time, man liveth but three score years in the world. Whiles man liveth these sixty years, he liveth but the one half of them, for if he have one day of mirth and quiet, he hath another of sorrow and care, because grief doth still secretly creep into mirth. And any person troubled with cares and vexed in mind, doth rather die than live. We must therefore take from the sixty years aforesaid the one half, and so there remain but thirty. Now, let us see whether in the space of six score years a man may not pass away ten at the least in sickness, 
A further examination of man's age by popish learning.  mischances, or other infirmities? I may tell you there is no man that liveth six score years in the world, but at several times and during the said age he hath above ten years infirmity: and therefore we must take from the thirty years which are the remainder of man's life yet ten years, & then there are but twenty left, which are now the twenty years of his life. We must take them at his infancy & in his oldest age: that is, ten line 10 years from his very chlidhood, & the other ten from his extreme old age. But sith aswell in infancy as in extremity of age there is no life, but rather a living death; I conclude, that man hath not one only hour of life in this world, also that whosoever seeketh life in this world doth much deceive himself. In heaven therefore it is that we must assure ourselves to live, and seek for life; but not upon earth where death doth continually haunt us. For we ought to die to the world, to the end to be borne in jesus line 20 Christ; according to the sovereign sentence and decree, O ye inhabitants of Rome we see your great bishop and mine is dead: 
Happy news to the true church, when the membes of antichrist decrease.  behold our crown is fallen: our lodestar vanished away and our light extinguished.  
And for mine own part, O miserable man, who am deprived of him, of two things I wish for one, that is, either never to remember the good that we have lost; either else calling the same to mind, to find some one that were able to give me comfort correspondent line 30 to the greatness of the heaviness wherinto I am fallen. And indeed myself do now come into the pulpit upon two several occasions mere contrary each to other, to wit, to rehearse the greatness of the good that is taken from us, & to comfort those that sustain the loss: nay rather, to do two things which seem to repugn each other. For if it be true that nothing doth more aggravate the grief of the loss, 
This is no adulation to a dead carrion, what did this fellow (think you) to the beast when he was alive?  than the remembrance of the value of the thing lost▪ then doth nothing seem more contrary to the comfort of the living, than the praises of him that is line 40 dead, as in this case, wherein so far do the merits of the deceased exceed, that the arrows which pierce his hart that is deprived of him are the more sharp and grievous. Howbeit some man would answer, that contrariwise by the commendations of him that is departed, we do declare that he is not dead, but liveth, and thus we may by little and little assuage the sorrow of our loss and damage in whatsoever manner. line 50  

A comparison abused to the commendation of lewd pope Gregory.  But as it were hard for a painter in the face of a sorrowful person to represent a smiling countenance, so doth it seem to me a difficult enterprise to undertake to comfort a man by rehearsing the virtues of him that is taken away from us: and that the more, if we should enter into consideration of him that is spoken of: of yourselves that are the hearers: and of me that do make the discourse: for in each of these three, the same circumstances that seem to make mine enterprise easy, are those that indeed do yield it most difficult and troublesome. As line 60 if a man should in respect of him say, that if the multitude of his great virtues do seem to abridge my labour, 
Childish reasons and worse divinity.  in seeking some argument whereupon to ground his praises: so contrariwise the abundance of so great virtues do hold me so short, that I can not certainly resolve upon the choice of one only whereupon worthily to commend him. For you, if a man should say, in that you all knew him and used him to your great profit, it should seem sufficient for me only to decipher matters: so contrariwise your own perfect knowledge, together with your dealings with him, would sufficiently open unto you all my defaults in displaying of him. And for mine own part, if infinite courtesies and great favours, 
How did this fellow flatter Gregory alive, whom he so magnified being dead.  wherewith he hath always gratified me, do seem without seeking any cunning to breed in me as much affection as is requisite: so by contrary reason, the great favours and benefits, wherewith he hath always gratified me, do not leave me any cunning means to hinder me from having greater affection than is here to be required of me. And this was the principal reason that moved me somewhat to refuse this so honourable a commission, and unto me in many other respects most welcome, and to request you to appoint and commit to some other the charge to discourse hereupon, and to leave unto me tears and lamentations only.  
But now unto thee, 
A fit child and scholar for so bad a father and master.  Oh my good master and father (for so will I always call thee) do I turn myself. May it be possible that this my oration, which lately in thy life thou didst hearken unto, should now be employed in praising of thee being dead, either that this my tongue, which imploieng me to the service of this country, thou didst too greatly honour, should now be occupied, alas, in lamentations for thy so hurtful death to all christendom? And what? Hast thou then brought me so joyfully to Rome, to the end here to celebrate thy funerals? Oh how that commission to read Hieremie might well foreshow unto me (but I percived it not) that my lecture thereof should end in lamentations, and now behold that divination accomplished! See Quomodo sedet sola civitas, how the city sitteth desolate, notwithstanding it be Plena populo, full of people: also how this spouse, the church of Rome, 
No spouse but a strumpet spotted with spiritual fornication.  who by great brightness seemed to be Domina gentium, lady of nations, now having lost thee, Est facta quasi vidua, is made as it were a widow: and as a widow all dipped in tears and lamentations, willeth me to celebrate the praises of her dear spouse, which she all wholly together can not celebrate: 
Beastly and blasphemous divinity, fit for so lewd a bishop, and so unlearned a chaplain.  wherein although I can not (as in truth I am not able) attain to the least parcel of thy deserts, which are not well to be expressed, yet at all adventures I assure myself, O happy soul, that as in thy life time thou didst pardon me a number of other imperfections, so now thou wilt likewise forgive me this: I know that as thou wert accustomed, thou wilt make better account of the good will than of the gloze and pomp of words, and as discreet shalt well see, that not only I, but also that no orator is able to attain to the type of thy commendations.  
Among the which my lords, and ye my hearers, I do freely confess, that I have greatly doubted whether I were best to begin, as I take the manner to be, 
Nobly borne (no doubt) was this Gregory, otherwise called Hugh the good fellow.  at the greatness and eminency of the family from whence he is extract: and at the first I was purposed so to do, and that the rather because it is not yet scarce two months since that myself heard him in this temple, discourse how our saviour jesus Christ was content to be borne of a mother though poor, yet noble, and descended of a noble race; also that nobility was very effectual even to spiritual life, as it may be said of him that is noble, that whether it be through conformity or resemblance of mind with his predecessors, either through the remembrance of such things as they have done, either else through the effect of good bringing up, or for what other reason he is better disposed to do well; that nobility serveth him as a spur to goodness and a bridle to evil: also that as the precious stone being set in gold maketh a greater show than in iron, 
A similitude of a precious stone set in gold, and ver●tues in personages nobly descended.  even so the same virtuous deeds do give a more effectual example, when they proceed from noble personages than from men of base estate, with other things which he spoke to the same purpose.  
Howbeit I will not speak thereof, in that it might be accounted rashness in me, even in Rome to seek to make his holiness family more famous than it is. It may be that some may say that this family doth want glorious titles, pre-eminence, riches, possessions, jurisdictions, pretensions of rights, patronages, ancient petidegrees of their predecessors, commendations of learning, praise of arms, noble and famous alliances either in Italy or without, and to be brief, all such things collected into one, as being severally taken are sufficient to set a fair line 10 show upon a whole progeny. Notwithstanding all these things which are terrestrial & too common with others, and for the causes aforesaid his holiness perceiving (as he perceived all things) that it is not enough for a horse to be of a good race, 
Gregory perceived all things: but it would be known how.  except himself be also good, and that they are happy and wise, who as the sea, do not receive the sweetness of this vain glory of the rivers of their predecessors, but returning their course and swelling over the mouths of the rivers themselves, can yield to their forerunners line 20 the reward of firm and permanent commendation; so of that great nobility which he had brought forth of his mother's womb with him, he did therein only yield thanks to God, for that his actions with their circumstances, thereby, and in respect thereof, were more notable and exemplary.  

A long similitude most fondly and most ridiculously applied.  Oh most happy person, who in the midst of so great eminency of birth, could so well subdue pride, and in himself give example unto other! Even like unto the pearl, which although it lieth in the bottom line 30 of the sea, yet keeping itself close in the shell, and never opening until it ascendeth to receive the dew of heaven, we find therein no smell, no savour, or drop that tasteth of her sea; but being pure, clear and white, it seemeth to be form even in heaven. We must not therefore take commendations of this people at the transitory things of the sea of this world, and although he be therein extract of a most noble birth, yet will I not say any more thereof as of that which is none of his. line 40  

Mark this principally, that Gregory was mortified if the text lie not.  But discoursing and speaking of that which properly appertaineth to himself, I would ask whether his mind commanded not his body? Also whether it were possible to find a body more withered, afflicted, macerated, dried up, or pale through the effect of austere and hard penance? Other men's bodies (O christian hearers) are for the most part wished to be of this or that form, because they yield such or such inclination to the mind. But in this I will show you a matter worth the noting; that is, that line 50 here the case was altered, for it was the mind that ministered inclination to the body: so that being waxen altogether spiritual, had not extreme need forced him, he never desired meat, drink, or bodily rest: and he lived in such sort as it was a miracle (whereof, alas, we have but too soon seen the issue) how he could live so many years, but rather living was dead. And for my part I assure you, I never, even in the hart of summer, 
jesus! what a wonder is this? and well worthy to be placed in Legenda aurea.  kissing his holy hands (good God shall I never do so more?) found them other line 60 than cold, wherein there was no heat, except the same proceeded of some excess or immoderate labour, or of some motion of a sudden fever. O most dear body! O most holy members! But look yet once again upon them, O ye Roman people, and say: Are not these the very hands which so often have been joined together, and lifted up to pray and offer sacrifice for us? 
The head which sought to overthrow the true church, to dissuade subjects from their allegiance to their prince, and to maintain his own pomp and glory.  Be not these the feet that have traveled so far for our sakes? Is not this the head that never imagined any thing but for our benefit? Is not this the heart that burned in love of us? O dear members! O members so dear! What? Shall you then go under the earth? And what? Must you be buried? Alas my God who is that thou hast taken away from us? And wherefore do ye hide yourselves? For my part, none but only death shall ever pluck out of my heart the lively image of that so well beloved countenance: especially in this act, wherein with your eyes toward heaven as it were smiling, and with an angelical countenance I see you departed and remain dead.  
But it is time for us (O christian hearers) to proceed to matters of greater importance, 
For all that is hitherto spoken is mere ridiculous, idle and mere lip-labour.  which are so many & withal so entangled one within an other, that I could not find any more fit mean to part and divide them; neither do I think that we can take any better course, than the very course of his holy life: and there to begin. When he was a little child he was very devout, and it is well known that God, even in his first youth, wrought in him marvelous signs of singular goodness. The like is read of saint basil, saint Gregory, saint Dominike, saint Francis, and many others, as was to be seen in this young child (say they that do remember it) namely, that at his return from the college, all the delight that that age used to take in any other thing, he took only in framing of little altars, adorning of small chapels, 
Notes that he would in time prove a strong pillar of idolatry.  and counterfeiting of holy things. Matters, which although the wisest may think too base for this place, and for the occasion now ministered, yet would I not only not disdain, but also take great and singular pleasure in the same.  
And although some do say, that among such serious affairs such small trifles should have no place: yet do I delight to show how commendable, not only grave matters, but even such small things were in him. Concerning the rest, according to the proportion of his age, or rather beyond the reach of that age (as occasions do increase so must my style arise) his holiness being past the inferior schools, and coming to study the law, it is not possible to make an end of writing with what modesty and gravity he there passed the years of his study: he was appareled in clerks attire, but, which was of greater importance, he observed clergy manners, much continency, 
The continency and virginity of the popish clergy doth consist in keeping of concubines.  & (as is supposed) perpetual virginity, with modest behaviour, no vanity, continual study: these were his exercises. And to be brief, although through our mishaps, the university wherein he studied were not usually either the quietest or the holiest in the world, yet might the writing of Nazianzen concerning the great basil and the town of Athens be applied to him. Like as there is one river, 
Note how Gregory is extolled by way of comparison.  which flowing through the sea, taketh no bitterness thereof; also a certain beast that liveth in the fire and consumeth not: even so he with great quietness passing these troubles, and with sovereign virtues such vices, did first and most worthily attain to the doctoral degree, & afterward was called to Rome, and made cardinal, only through desert, for his learned studies, and not by favour, as the most part do now usually practise.  
A happy departure, a blessed journey for all the holy church, but especially for this great city of Rome, which have received so great benefits and so much comfort at his hands. Notwithstanding, whatsoever affairs he had in hand, 
A great student was Gregory, but in no good faculty.  yet did he daily apply his study at a certain hour, & so continued his study even to his death, with so deep judgement and good success, that although his intellectual habitudes had not been very far surmounted & darkened through the marvelous brightness of his moral and theological virtues: yet in respect of his learning and study only, he deserved great praise, and in truth he was never other than most learned and a great favourer of learned men. Who did ever show them more pleasure, or receive them more courteously? 
Better had that liberality been exhibited to thieves than to sacrilegious beasts etc.  Besides the seminaries and colleges, as well at Pavia as here, the lectures, the stipends, with such & so many things done to the behoof of learning, and besides the books which he hath of himself written: and now that the bridle of his modesty doth no longer detain, I hope, as myself have seen them, so coming to light, all the world shall behold them, and in them perceive as in himself whether were more his holy writings or good manners. This love of learning and holiness of life line 10 he practised so diligently in himself, that through God's grace, and the inspiration of the holy ghost, he was in respect of his virtues, knowledge, and holy life, 
Gregory a good companion to traitors, but an ill companion to the godly.  elected pope, and his name from Hugh good Companion, was changed and called Gregory the thirteenth. During his papacy he lived so religiously and devoutly, that the whole life of a man were little enough to rehearse the same. But herein I repose myself upon that zeal which I perceive in every one to commend him, whereby I may line 20 shortly see so many poesies, verses, and rhymes, with such histories, so many orations, and volumes to his honour, that all these things, as well such as I can not touch, as the rest which I mention and speak of, shall briefly be deciphered and lively set forth.  

It is unpossible (if you will believe this flattering parasite) to rehearse Gregory's works etc.  For to rehearse all the holy works of our good shepherd, or to endeavour to set forth that very pattern of a bishop which he hath expressed in himself, to say truth, I think unpossible, and much less to believe that the very summary of those things that line 30 he hath done may be drawn into any annals or chronicle. Neither can I conceive any means to attain thereto, unless some one have in form of remembrances been daily collecting the course of his deeds and works. For my part in this short discourse that I have to prosecute, as one not able to restrain the whole sea, I will go see if I may gather the water at the rivers and brooks from whence this sea doth arise, that is, from his virtues, which in him have wrought so many holy works. Notwithstanding I line 40 might at once in general words say, that all virtues beseeming a bishop, which saint Paul & others do speak of, were to be found in him.  
Alas how this holy pastor burning in love, made himself lean for you, 
The wolf is dead, and the sheep want a good shepherd.  O ye poor artificers, ladies, young infants, and poor beggars! Alas ye all have lost your father, the shepherd is dead, & the sheep remain a prey to the wolves. How soever it is, hereof may we plainly see O Rome, that he bore thee singular good will: and in deed (for I will not line 50 conceal thy commendation) it is evident that thou didst answer his good will with reciprocal amity, witness this thy assembly: these sobs & these tears do testify thy acknowledging thereof, besides all other things, alas, too bitter and too sweet together; even the night of his departure was to you and to me infortunate. O great, O great pity, what could be seen more worthy compassion and tears, than the fearful stir of the people? It seemed, when the most horrible sound of the bell called ave Maria, 
How could the pope need the prayers of men, sith himself can forgive sins?  that gave notice of his death, to the end to pray to God line 60 for him, sent furies to all both men and women.  
One ran here, an other there, some two together, others without order or reason: all wept, all cried, all howled out, saying: Ah, good God whereto are we brought? What shall become of us? If the infection doth afflict us, who shall pray for us? Ah that we had not deserved it! Oh how God is wroth with us! With many other exclamations sufficient to have rend the marble stones, and cloven the walls in sunder. He was a man of much prayer and reading, as ever was any, and in private behaviour had not his like. Two things there were that made him wonderful wise. 
Two things made Gregory wise if you will believe the reporter.  The one, he would in all affairs hear counsel. The other, he had still recourse unto prayer. Truly he was as wise as holy. I confess that in respect of his example only, I learned to understand this place of saint Paul concerning his care of all the churches: Quis infirmatur & ego non infirmor? Quis scandalizatur & ego non uror? Who is weak and I am not sick? Or who is offended and I burn not? And that which followeth.  
To be brief, toward the end of his days, 
Two imaginations in Gregory's head toward his death.  and being hore haired, he conceived two excellent imaginations. The one, concerning that great and wonderful college that is now at building in your Rome, for the teaching (a wonderful matter) of all languages in the world. The other, 
Some traitorous devise for the persecution of the gospel.  the same which he propounded and began to put in execution touching the recovery of the goods of the catholic apostolic Romish church. The same was it which he did so highly commend to the clergy, yea to the christian princes, and unto his successor, to the end that the Roman see might recover the full brightness of her glory, and to deprive the enemy of mankind of that innumerable gain of souls, that through his subtlety he doth daily make. These were his last words when he left us with the water in our eyes, and sorrow in our hearts, for the loss of a thing of so great value. Nevertheless, sith it is to no purpose to weep, it resteth that we do two things. The one, that so much as in us lieth, we endeavour to retain those notable institutions, and walk in that path which he hath prescribed for us. The other, 
God root out all of that succession, & give his truth free passage against popery.  that we have recourse to God with prayer, that he will send us a successor worthy him: and that as Simplician succeeded saint Ambrose, so to this Ambrose an other Simplician in virtue and holiness may succeed.  
This is that small matter, Oh blessed soul, which my foolish and unmeet tongue is able this day to utter of thee in midst of these sighs and lamentations. Now shall it cease: howbeit, at time convenient, both this day and ever, my heart shall discourse of thee. Oh wretch that I am! O ye Roman people, to whom happeneth still the contrary of that which happened to the Roman soldier, that was wounded and maimed upon one of his legs, at a certain victory that he obtained. For he said, that at every step that he set, and upon the least pain that he felt of his leg, he called to mind the most honourable blazon of his glory: but I contrariwise, in the least commendations that I may obtain, shall think upon my losses. For when soever I shall boast, that I have been servant to such a holiness, 
A lack good soul that hast lost thy solace and comfort.  and so great a parsonage, I must necessarily withal remember what a good I am deprived of. Let us therefore pray to our good God, that it may please him of his grace with his holy spirit to inspire the most reverend cardinals, the electors of the holy apostolic and Romish see, to the end his holiness successor, succeeding in the holy see, may likewise succeed in those virtues and holiness, wherewith he was endued and replenished.  
¶ This is the parasitical and flattering 
* Faithfully translated out of the French copy printed at Paris for Peter jabert dwelling in Harp street, with the kings privilege 1585.  sermon of a popeling, patched together like a beggars mantle of sundry rotten rags diversly coloured: wherein there is as much learning as wit; and as much of both as of truth and goodness in this praiser and the praised: of whom (because it is sin against the holy ghost to speak otherwise than according to the motion of a good and sound conscience) an epitaph imprecatorie (as fit for him as a pudding for a friars mouth) is here placed as a conclusion of this his memorial, and appliable unto all and every one of that antichristian and diabolical succession.  
Albus an after (lector) cognoscere sivis  
Papa, tibi dicam qua ratione licet;  
Tumetamorphôsin lepidam spectabis: olorem  
Fac papam, ceruus protinus ater erit.  
Vt quocunque meat, sordes testudo relinquit,  
Sic immundiciem linquit ubique suam.  
Monstrum tale vorax absorbeat ergo barathrum,  
Atque Deo poenas tempus in omne luat.  
When this Gregory was deceased, shortly after (lest the overlong vacancy of the sacred and apostolic see should prejudice the Romish prelasie and clergy) the succession came to Sixtus Quintus, 
Sixtus quintus pope of Rome next after Gregory the good fellow or boun companion.  who according to the disposition of his predecessors) endeavouring line 10 to maintain the title of his supremacy, and to bear rule over men's consciences, as though peremptory authority had by privilege passed unto the bishops of that see to control and give the check to all christendom; one jot or minute whereof the beast now residing at Rome not meaning to relinguish, but rather to fortify and advance, undertook to intermeddle with princes of renown, as proffering to bring them within the compass of his jurisdiction: insomuch that falling to the extreme point of his antichristian power, he let fly (but as paper-shot) line 20 his excommunications, 
Excommunication a perilous bolt to shoot at princes.  thinking that if any thing were able to daunt and appall the courages of mighty men, this were the way. But herein Sixtus Quintus was foolified, for proof whereof behold an answer to the excommunication lately denounced and published by the said Sixtus Quintus, pope of Rome so called, against two christian princes undermined, and sent to Rome as followeth.   

The answer of Henry king of Navarre, and Henry prince of Conde, to the excommunication of Sixtus Quintus, now pope, etc.  
HEnrie by the grace of God king of Navarre, prince of Bearne, chief peer and prince of France, opposeth himself against the excommunication of Sixtus line 40 Quintus, 
The pope's excommunications against for●en princes are to be esteemed but as paper hot.  terming himself pope of Rome, avouching the same to be false, and appealeth to the court of peers of France, of whom he hath the reputation to be the first in degree. And as concerning the crime of heresy, whereof he is falsely accused by the said excommunication, 
The king of Navarre giveth the pope the lie.  he avoweth and affirmeth, that my lord the pope, saving his holiness and reverence, hath therein most falsely and wickedly lied: and that the pope himself is an heretic, which he offereth to prove publicly in a general or common council lawfully assembled. Where if he shall refuse line 50 to appear and submit himself, as by his own canons and decrees he is specially bound, the said king doth and will hold and repute him a very antichrist, and in that quality of antichrist denounceth perpetual war against him: 
The king of Navarre denounceth perpetual war against the pope.  protesting in the mean time, the pope's wicked sentence to be unlawful and insufficient, and to prosecute against him and his successors (for reparation of honour) revenge of the injury thereby offered to him and all the princes of his blood, as the lewdness of the act and the present line 60 necessity do require. For if in times past, the princes and kings his progenitors have been able to chastise the insolency and arrogancy of such companions as the pope is, 
This their forgetfulness is wilful, as agreeable to their ambitious humour.  when they forga●●heir duties, and exceeded the limits of their vocation and place, confounding and intermixing their spiritual jurisdiction with the temporal: the said king of Navarre being in state nothing inferior to them, doth hope, that God will give him the grace to revenge the wrong and injury hereby done to his sovereign, his family and blood, and to the supreme courts and seats of justice and parliament in France, upon the said pope and his successors: and to that end and purpose he imploreth the aid, succour, 
The king of Navarre imploreth the aid of all christian kings, &c: against the tyranny and usurpation of the pope.  and assistance of all true christian kings, prince's ● commonweals, whom this case doth concern, together with the allies and confederates of the crown of France, against the tyranny and usurpation of the said pope and of the associated conspirators against the state of their sovereign, enemies to God, France, and the common peace and quiet of christendom. The like protestation is also made by Henry of Bourbon prince of Conde, unto whom the excommunication likewise reacheth. ¶ Fixed and set up upon the Pasquile at Rome to the view of all men.  
¶ Thus far of two pope's, who though they be but profane priests, & mere foreigners to England both by birth and belief; yet sith they have been overbold to busy themselves with the affairs not only of other christian princes, but also with the state of our nation, wherinto they have had too far an insight, by the aid of certain unnatural and degenerate people; many of them being fugitives, and carrying about them even in their bosom a conscience bespotted with sins of exceeding horror and heinousness: in consideration hereof, as also of other practices tending to an universal desolation of truth and lovers of truth, as also to the dissolution of civil policy and destruction of our most gracious sovereign lady queen Elisabeth, the lords anointed and lieutenant, principal within her own dominions: what faithful subject can but note them; howbeit, none otherwise than the reports of them have passed under many eyes and through many hands, printed even in foreign speech, before the same were published in English. At which pope's, meaning now to make a stop, we will come again to matters of our own.   
¶ In this year 1585., even in April, at the pleasant prime, sir Walter Raleigh knight, 

Abr. Fl. ex chirographo D. G. militis.  
Sir Walter Raleighs chargeable voyage to the foresaid land lately discovered, and by the queens majesty named Uirginia.   being encouraged by the reports of his men of the goodness of the soil and the fertility of the country, which they had discovered this year last passed, and now by her majesty called Uirginia, with knightly courage counteruaileable to his double desire of honour, by undertaking hard adventurs, furnished to his great charges eight sails of all sorts, and immediately set them to the sea, ordaining sir Richard Gréenfield his kinsman (a gentleman of very good estimation both for his parentage and sundry good virtues, who for love he bore unto sir Walter Raleigh, together with a disposition that he had to attempt honourable actions worthy of honour, 
Sir Richard Gréenefield lieutenant to sir Walter Raleigh for this voyage.  was willing to hazard himself in this voyage) his lieutenant, inioining him either to tarry himself, or to leave some gentleman of good worth with a competent number of soldiers in the country of Uirginia, to begin an English colony there. Who with the ships aforesaid, having in his company sir john Arundel, 
Gentlemen that associated sir Richard Gréenefield.  Thomas Candish, Ralph Lane, Edward Gorges, john Stuklie, Edward Stafford, Philip Amadis, Arthur Barlow, Thomas Heriot, and diverse other gentlemen with a competent number of soldiers, departed from London in April aforesaid. But after they had sailed certain numbers of leagues at the sea, by force and violence of fowl weather they were separated one from another; 
Sir Richard Gréenefield singled from his company by fowl weather arriveth in Hispaniola.  so that sir Richard Gréenefield being singled from his fleet, all alone arrived in the Island of Hispaniola in the west Indies, about the midst of june following, where he determined resolutely to remain, until he had built a boat (for he had lost his own boat in the tempests aforesaid.)  
Whereupon immediately after his landing, finding a place to his liking, he esconsed himself in despite of the Spaniards, who by all possible means did there best endeavour by proffering of sundry skirmishes, to enforced him to retire to his ship: 
The valiantness of sir Richard Gréenefield against the Spaniards.  but he nothing appalled with their brags kept his ground. Twelve days after his arrival there, after Thomas Candish arrived at the same place, where sir Richard Gréenfield was ensconsing of himself, to the great rejoicing both of themselves & their companies. The Spaniards finding it too hard for them (notwithstanding their multitudes) to remove these few resolute Englishmen by violence, came to a parlée, and in the same concluded an amity, that the one nation might in safety traffic with the other. 
A parlée tending to the concluding of an amity between the English and Spanish.  Now line 10 when sir Richard Gréenefield had tarried in that Island almost a month, and had built his boat, revittelled himself, and laden his ships with horses, mares, kine, sheep, swine, &c: to transport with him to Uirginia (because these sorts of cattle heretofore were not to be found in that country) he departed thence; 
What kind of cattle for vittelling sir Richard Gréenefield transported to Uirginia.  and in his way he made discovery of many islands and havens upon the continent adjoining, and arrived safely in the new discovered country (where he met with the rest of his fleet that attended line 20 his coming thither) about the midst of julie next ensuing, 
Sir Richard Gréenefield meeteth with the rest of his fleet and is in danger of shipwreck.  not without great danger of shipwreck. For at the very entrance into the harborough, his ship strake on the ground, and did beat so many strokes upon the sands, that if God had not miraculously delivered him, there had been no way to avoid present death. In this danger his ship was so bruised, that the salt-water came so abundantly into her, that the most part of his corn, salt, meal, rice, biscuit, & other provisions that he should line 30 have left with them that remained behind him in the country was spoiled.  

Sir Richard Gréenefield establisheth an English colony in Uirginia by commission.  After he had remained there certain days, according to his commission from sir Walter Raleigh, he began to establish a colony, appointing master Ralph Lane (a gentleman of good account) general of those English which were to remain there, being in all to the number of an hundred and seven persons, amongst whom diverse gentlemen remained; line 40 namely, Philip Amadis, Edward Stafford, mervin, Kendal, Prideaux, Acton, Heriot, and others. When he had taken sufficient order for the establishing of master Lane and his company aforesaid, leaving with them as much of all provisions as his plenty would give him leave, he weighed anchor for England. But in his return, not having sailed many leagues from the coast of Uirginia, he descried a tall ship of four hundred tuns or thereabouts, 
Sir Richard Gréenefield describeth a Spanish ship, chaseth and surpriseth her.  making the same course that he did, unto whom he gave line 50 chase, and in few hours by goodness of sail overtook, and by violence wan, richly laden with sugar, hides, spices, and some quantity of gold, silver, and pearl: she was the viceadmerall of the fleet of Sancto Domingo that year for Spain. After this good fortune, 
another voyage resolved upon by sir Walter Raleigh for the supply of those that were left in Uirginia.  having a merry gale, not many days after he arrived at Plymouth in October next ensuing; where sir Walter Raleigh meeting with him, did presently resolve upon another voyage, to supply Ralph Lane, and his company that were left with line 60 him in Uirginia, the next spring following: which accordingly was performed with all expedition.]  
In April about the fourteenth day, by commandment of her majesties most honourable privy council, 
Four thousand men trained up with shot in the city of London.  the citizens of London appointed out of the companies of the same city to the number of four thousand men, with armour, ensigns, drums, mischiefs, and other furniture for the wars, the greater part whereof (or almost all of them) were shot, the other were pikes and halberds in fair corslets: all those to be trained up under expert captains, 
Skirmish before the queens majesty at Gréenewich.  with sergeants of the bands, wiflers, and other necessary officers, mustered and skirmished daily at the Miles end, and in saint George's field, and on the eightéenth day of May (having overnight set forward out of saint George's field) mustered in the park at Gréenwich, and skirmished before the queens majesty, who gave to them great thanks for their activeness and pains: sith her majesty might perceive the appliableness of those her people, even in pastime not void of peril, to delight her eyes and rejoice her hart; esteeming nothing too dear to part withal, so it might any ways concern duty to her highness. In discharge whereof as she hath no forwarder subjects in her land, so to discover, inquire, 
The Londoners commended.  and persecute the disloyal none readier, even to the hazard of their lives, for the safety of her life, which is the life of the whole land, and the prop of true religion: in respect whereof we say and pray with the well wishing subject, that upon seeing & hearing of her highness, fell into such an admiration of her excellency, that he left these verses among many after his godly death: 
Inclyte da longum dici, Deus, Elisabetha Est,  
Elisabetha tua Est, relligióque tua Est:  
Da Deus haud unquam dici, Fuit Elisabetha,  
Elisabetha Fuit, relligióque Fuit.   
¶ On the ninetéenth of May being Ascension eve, Edward Wootton esquire, 
Fr. Thin.  descended of a worthy parentage, was ambassador into Scotland, to establish a league of amity between the two nations of England and Scotland: 
A league of amity between England and Scotland established: Edward Wootton esquire ambassador.  whom I will now leave in that country executing his commission, and turn my pen to some persons of that surname, who for their singularity of wit & learning, for their honour and government in and of the realm about the prince, and elsewhere at home and abroad, deserve such commendations, that they merit Niveo signari lapillo. In treating of whom I will neither make mention of the antiquity of that worshipful family from the first original, 
The Woottons an ancient family, and of special name in diverse kings reigns.  nor yet treat of Richard Wootton, living in the time of Edward the first, the father of john Wootton coroner of Dunstable an officer of great account in those days and father to an other john Wootton, &c: nor of Richard Wootton or Woocton, an officer of the excheker in the time of Edward the second, nor of sir Nicholas Wootton knight, living about the days of Richard the second, nor of any other Woottons whereof this Edward Wootton is descended: but only of such Woottons his ancestors, who of late time lived within the compass of my memory, and were the sons of sir Robert Wootton of Bocton Malherbe in Kent knight, deserving not to be forgotten, 
Sir Robert Wootton of Bocton Malherbe in Kent, a man of singular note.  in that he was father to two such worthy sons, as I do not remember that ever England nourished at one time for like honour, disposition of mind, favour and service to their country.  
The sons of this sir Robert Wootton, whereof we intent to entreat, 
Sir Edward Wootton and Nicholas Wootton doctor of both laws, the rare sons of a rare father.  were sir Edward Wootton knight the eldest, and Nicholas Wootton doctor of both laws the younger son. Whereof the first being a man of great estimation in the country for his orderly and wise managing of the private affairs of his country of Kent, was for his fidelity and good carriage in small things made lord and ruler of great things. For king Henry the eight, understanding the gravity of the man, his rare wit, deep judgement, great experience, 
Sir Edward Wootton one of king Henry the eights privy council.  and other parts required in a sound councillor, did admit this sir Edward into his own bosom, and made him of his privy council: whose modest mind being so far estranged from desire of honour, as that he would not accept it by great enforcement (a virtue very rare, 
Sir Edward Wootton refuseth to be lord chancellor of England.  and such as declareth a noble mind judicially grounded upon the truth of divine philosophy) refused the honourable place of the chancellorship of England, accounting that the virtue of the mind made a man honourable, and not the honourable place. For 〈◊〉 saith saint chrysostom; 
Chrysost. de reparation● lap●●.  Honour verus virtus animi est, hic honor nec à Caesaribus praestatur, neque adulatione conquiritur, neque pecunia praeparatur; nihil fucati in se habet, nihil sunulati, nihil occulti huius honoris successor est, nullus est accusator: nullus ingratus.  
Wherefore not being ambitious of honour (after which the best do often hunt, although such greedy desire of honour and ambition be, as saith Barnard, Futile malum, 
Barnard in se●. quadrages.  secretum virus, pestis occulta, doli artifex, matter hypocrisis, livoris parens, vitiorum origo, tinea sanctitatis, line 10 excae●atrix cordium, ex remedijs morbos creans, ex medicina languorem generans) did further increase his honour and advance him to greater credit; as appeareth by this, that king Henry the eight, whom this man had long and faithfully served in his life time, made him one of his executors, and the disposer of his testament at the time of his death; 
Nicholas Wootton doctor of both laws refuseth to be archbishop of Canturburie: a rare note in him (as also in his brother) of contentation with their estates.  with whom also in the same authority he joined his brother doctor Nicholas Wootton, a man of no less merit than the other, and rightly deserving to be here joined in remembrance with his brother after their deaths, since line 20 almost equal honour, like love, the same authority in the commonweal, one blood, and one Christ did join them together in perfect amity during their lives: of which Nicholas Wootton I will not speak any more (except that as his brother refused the chancellorship, so he in the beginning of the reign of this queen (refused the bishopric of Canturburie) but that which the worthy gentleman Thomas Wootton of Bocton Malherbe esquire now living (son to the said sir Edward, 
Thomas Wootton of Bocton Malherbe (son to the said sir Edward) a great regarder of his progenitors estimation.  and nephew to the line 30 said Nicholas, this Thomas being a great and fast favoror of his country, not unthankful unto him therefore) hath set down in a stately and rich tomb of curious workmanship, form after the order of a pyramid, and placed in the church of Canturburie, on which is engraved in a fair stone of marble this epitaph following: wherein his birth, his parents, his honours at home, his ambassages abroad, and other things necessary the knowledge are faithfully set down. line 40  
Nicholaus Woottonus Roberti Woottoni equitis aurati ex Anna Belknappa filius, 
Epitaphium celebre Nicholai Woottoni primi post monasteriorum dissolutionem  utriusque juris doctor, ecclesiae huius primus itémque metròpolitanae ecclesiae divi Petri Eboracensis decanus, Henrico 8. Eduardo 6. Mariae & Elisabethae Angliae regibus à secretis concilijs; ad Carolum 5. Caesarem bis, ad Philippum Hispaniarum regem semel, ad Franciscum primum Francorum regem semel, ad Henricum secundum eius filium ter, ad Mariae Hungariae reginam Belgarum praesidem semel, ad Gulielmum Cleviensem ducem bis, legatione functus. Renovatae pacis inter Anglos, Francos, & Scotos, inter Guinas line 50 & Arderam anno. 1540 similiter, & ad castrum Cameracense anno. 1559. Denique Edinburgi Scotiae anno 1560. oratorum unus, 
Annus aetatis cùm è vita excessisset.  hîc tandem ferè septuagenarius requiescit. Haec ille ante mortem & ante morbum quasi fatalem diem praesentiens, & cygneam cantionem propheticè canens, sua manu in museo scripta reliquit.  
Qui apud tales principes (divina providentia gubernante) laudabiliter, & in tot ac tantis causis (quarum magnitud● gravissima, utilitas publica fuit) feliciter bonam vitae suae partem consumpit; 
Homo summa laud dignus Woottonus vel ipsa invidia judice.  eum virum sapientem & experientissimum line 60 ipsa invidia judicare debet. Quàm semper ab omni contentione honorum fuerit alienus, illud decalarat, quòd ad hanc ecclesiasticam dignitatem non ambitione ulla sua inflammatus, nec amicorum opera usus, aspiravit: sed eam utramque Henricus octauus (hominis merito & virtute provocatus) ultro detulit. Cùmque idem rex illustrissimus morbum laethalem ingravescere persentiret, 
Dignitatis gradus quibus Woottonus iste est insignitus regnantibus diversis principibus.  & Eduardi principis sanè excellentissimi, adhuc tandem pueri & reipublicae administrandae imparis, imbecillam aetatem senili prudentia secretioris concilij sui, regendum existimaret, illis instituit hunc Nicholaum (absentem tunc in Francia legatum) unum esse voluit. Eduardi regi iam medio regni curriculo propè confecto, unus è primarijs secretarijs fuit, quem locum tenere potuisset, nisi & suis & assiduis amicorum precibus abdicandi veniam impetrasset. Corpus illi erat gracile quidem & parvum sed erectum, 
Rerum quar●●dum mi●io Wottone ●e●orabilu●m luc●ienta descriptio.  habitudo sana, vultus liberalae, victus exquisitus, quem semel tantùm in die capere consueverat: valit●do adeo firma utrarò morbum aliquem sentiret: animus vero totus libris acliteris dicatus: artium medicinae, iurisprudentiae, & theologiae studio intentus: linguarum Romanae, Italicae, Gallicae, & Germanicae inferioris cognitione pulch●e exornatus. Ita vir iste genere clarus, legationibus clarior, domi ac foris clarissimus, 
Videlice● ecclesiae christi Canniariensis.  honore florins, labore fractus, aetate confectus; postquam decanus huius ecclesiae annis 25. dies 293. praefuisset, Londini januarij 26. anno nostrae salutus 1566. piè & suaviter in Domino obdormivit. Thoma Wootteno nepote haerede relicto, qui ei hoc monumentum non honoris ergo quo abundavit vivus & florescit mortuus, 
Monumentum in demor tui memori●●● amoris ergô extruct●.  sed amoris causa quem memoria colet ut debet sempiterna, consecravit.  
In which epitaph it appeareth what he was, & how greatly learned and reverenced for the same. Wherefore néeding not to speak any more of him, sith, I shall not be able with due majesty of style to express his worthiness; I will yet, leaving what other wise his merit might challenge to be spoken, note one strange and rare thing, which to my remembrance never happened to any one man before the same, 
This is touched in the former epitaph among other his preferments.  being this that he had not only been councillor to four kings and queens of England following in succession of time, but also that he had been thirteen several times ambassador and orator to diverse princes for the affairs of the public wealth, and the prince's honour. Thus leaving this worthy doctor with his nephew Thomas Wootton, father to Edward Wootton sent ambassador to Scotland, which occasioned me to treat thus much of the Woottons, I conclude, that it is a singular blessing of God, not commonly given to every race, to be beautified with such great and succeeding honour in the descents of the family. 
Commendation of Edward Wootton, in respect of his great traveling over the most part of Europe and his employments in ambassages etc.  Whereof this Edward Wootton now living, hath in the life of his father given great proof of continuance to descend to their posterity, in that he in these his young years, hath been (after his travel over the most part of Europe) twice employed in ambassages for the service of his country; first to the king of Portugal, & now to the king of Scots: with whom I will at this time set end to this discourse of the Woottons.]  
On the one and twentieth day of june, 
Earl of Northumberland found to have murdered himself in the tower of London.  Henry Persie earl of Northumberland, prisoner in the Tower of London upon vehement suspicion of high treason, was there found dead, and also of his own devilish intent, and of his malice before pretended to have murdered himself, as more manifestly and at large may appear, by an inquisition made by a substantial jury, taken before the coroner as followeth verbatim with the record.  

¶ A copy of the said inquisition.  
AN inquisition taken at the city of London, that is within the tower of London, 
A quest of inquiry upon his violent & voluntary death.  in the parish of All-hallows Barking, in the ward of the Tower of London, on Monday being the one and twentieth day of june, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lady Elisabeth by the grace of God queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith etc., the seven and twentieth: before William squire gentleman coroner to our said sovereign lady the queen within the city of London and the liberties of the same, upon the view of the body of Henry Persie knight, late earl of Northumberland, late prisoner there within the Tower of London aforesaid, for suspicion of high treason by him supposed to be done, there lying dead, and slain: by the oaths of Nicholas Whéeler, Simon Horssepoole, Thomas Gardener, William Leaveson, Owen Morgan, Henry Lodge, William Abraham, William Horn, Thomas russel, john Porter, Robert Dow, Anthony Hall, William Curtis, Thomas Wood, Matthew Dolman, Thomas Martin, Richard Sleford, john Trot, Philip Smith, Thomas Tailor, and Henry Bowdler, of good and lawful men of the same ward, and of three other wards to the same ward next adjoining, as the manner and custom is in the city aforesaid, to inquire how, in what manner, and when the said Henry Persie late earl of Northumberland came to his death.  
Which jury do say upon their oaths, that on the line 10 one & twentieth day of this instant month of june, 
The verdict of the jury delivered upon their oaths.  in the year of the reign of our sovereign lady Elisabeth by the grace of God queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: the seven and twentieth aforesaid, and long before the foresaid Henry late earl of Northumberland prisoner in the Tower of London situate in the parish of Alhallows Barking aforesaid, in the ward of the Tower of London, aforesaid, for suspicion of high treason aforesaid, by him against our sovereign lady line 20 the queen supposed to be committed; and the foresaid earl so remaining prisoner, and being placed in a certain chamber within the Tower of London aforesaid, there prisoner remaining, imagining and intending himself devilishly and feloniouslie to kill and murder before the foresaid one & twentieth day of june: that is to say, the sixteenth day of june in the seven and twentieth year aforesaid, 
The means that the earl made and prepared to destroy himself.  did prepare a certain dag of iron and steel of the value of ten shillings: and also certain bullets of lead, and a certain quantity of gunpowder, contained in a line 30 certain small box, and caused the foresaid gun, the bullets of lead and the gunpowder to be brought into the foresaid chamber unto him the same earl of Northumberland, and to be delivered to the same earl then and there by the hands of james a Price yeoman, to execute his devilish and felonious purpose and intention.  
Which dag aforesaid, the foresaid earl caused secretly to be hidden in a certain mattris under the bolster of his bed in the chamber aforesaid, and line 40 then and there, the foresaid one and twentieth day of june in the seven and twentieth year aforesaid, 
This consenteth with the discourse following, wherein the same matter is more largely handled.  between the hours of twelve and one in the night of the foresaid one and twentieth day of june, thinking and intending to prosecute and follow his devilish intention and purpose aforesaid, did bolt the door of the foresaid chamber, and the inner part of his said chamber towards himself, lest any man should foresee or withstand his devilish, felonious, and malicious intent: and the said door of his foresaid line 50 chamber, being so bolted; the same earl then and there into his bed himself did lay; and upon this afterward, that is to say, the foresaid one and twentieth day of june, in the seven & twentieth year aforesaid, about the hours aforesaid, within the Tower of London aforesaid, situate and being in the parish of Alhallows Barking aforesaid, in the ward of the Tower of London aforesaid, not having the almighty God or his fear before his eyes, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of the devil, of his line 60 malice afore pretended; did take up into his hands the foresaid dag of iron and steel, then and there made ready, charged with gunpowder, and three bullets of lead, and the foresaid dag to the left part of his breast near unto the pap of the same part of his breast, 
The order of the action that was the earls destruction.  then and there feloniouslie and devilishly did put, and upon the same part of his breast the foresaid dag did discharge.  
By reason of the violence of which gunpowder, and of the foresaid three bullets of lead, the foresaid earl into his body and heart, and through his chine-bone, even into his right shoulder, himself then and there with the foresaid bullets of lead feloniouslie and voluntarily did strike; giving unto himself then and there one mortal wound, of the depth of twelve inches, and of the breadth of two inches: 
The breadth and depth of his wound.  of which mortal wound aforesaid, the foresaid earl within the Tower of London aforesaid, the day, year, parish, and ward aforesaid, instantly died. And so the jury doth say upon their oaths aforesaid, that the foresaid earl, the day, year, and place above written, of his devilish intent aforesaid, and of his malice before pretended, feloniouslie and voluntarily himself did kill and murder in manner and form aforesaid, against the peace of our sovereign lady the queen, her crown and dignity. But what goods and cattles the foresaid earl in the time of the felony and murder to himself aforesaid committed, had, or as yet hath, the jury knew not, &c: in witness whereof, etc. ¶ This was the verdict of the jurors, whereby the manner how, and the matter whereby the earl dispatched himself is truly declared: which being taken for truth (as deserving no less, the parties welworthie of credit) it remained to provide for the bestowing of his wretched carcase, which on the three and twentieth day of june was buried in saint Peter's church within the said Tower of London. 
Henry earl of Northumberland buried in the Tower.  This was the end of that graceless earl, the manner of whose murder, and part of his treasons are here dilated, as the same was publicly delivered in the starchamber, and after published in a book entitled:   

A true and summary report of the declaration of some part of the earl of Northumberlands treasons, delivered publicly in the court at the Starchamber by the lord Chancellor and others of her majesties most honourable privy council, & council learned, by her majesties special commandment, together with the examinations & depositions of sundry persons touching the manner of his most wicked and violent murder committed upon himself with his own hand, in the Tower of London, the 20 day of june, 1585.  
MAlice, among other essential properties pertaining to her ugly nature, hath this one not inferior to the rest and the worst, incredulity, 
Incredulity an essential property of malice.  wherewith the commonly possesseth the minds and affections of all those that are infected with her, so blinding the eyes & judgement of the best and clearest sighted, that they cannot see or perceive the bright beams of the truth, although the same be delivered with never so great purity, proof, circumstance and probability. It is said that no truth passeth abroad unaccompanied with her contrary; and as they go, truth is ever constrained to yield the precedence and pre-eminence to her yoke-fellow falsehood, 
Truth and falsehood commonly concur & are opposite.  whose lodging is always first made and prepared without a harbinger in the corrupt nature of mankind, by whom she is first received, entertained and harboured at all times: whereof in our daily experience there happen many and dangerous demonstrations, especially in matters of the highest moment, tending to excuse or accuse the actions of the greatest personages.  
There was of late delivered in public by persons of honour, credit, and reputation, a large declaration of certain treasons practised by the late earl of Northumberland, 
An ingredience into the history of Northumberland.  of the manner of his untimely death, being with his own hand murdered in the Tower, and of the causes that wrought him thereunto. The particularities whereof are such and so many, as for the help of my memory (coming then to the Starchamber by occasion, and not looking for any such presence of the nobility and privy council as I found there at that time, and not looking for any such cause of that nature to have been handled there that day) I took notes of the several matters declared by the lord chancellor, master attorney, and solicitor general, the lord chief baron, and master vicechamberlaine: for (as I remember) they spoke in order as they are here marshaled, and therefore I place them in this sort, and not according to their precedence in dignity.  
Upon the hearing of the treasons with their proofs and circumstances, and the desperate manner of the earls destruction delivered in that place, and by persons of that quality, I supposed no man to line 10 have been so void of judgement or the use of common reason, 
The manner of the earls making away of himself not generally beloved.  that would have doubted of any one point or particle thereof, until it was my chance (falling in company with diverse persons at sundry times, as well about the city of London as abroad) to hear many men report variablie and corruptly of the manner and matter of this public declaration, possessing the minds and opinions of the people with manifest untruths: as, that the earl had been unjustly detained in prison without proof or line 20 just cause of suspicion of treason: and that he had been murdered by devise and practise of some great enemies, 
The cause whi● the collection of Northumberlands treasons and self-murder was published.  and not destroyed by himself. These slanderous reports have ministered unto me this occasion to set forth unto thy view and consideration (gentle reader) this short collection of the said treasons and murder, as near unto the truth as my notes taken may lead and permit me, with the view of some of the examinations themselves concerning this cause for my better satisfaction since obtained. Which I line 30 have undertaken for two respects: the one, to convince the false and malicious impressions and constructions received and made of these actions, by such as are in heart enemies to the happy estate of her majesties present government: the other, because it may be thought necessary for the preventing of a further contagion like to grow (by this creeping infection) in the minds of such as are apt (though otherwise indifferent) in these and the like rumours, to receive the bad as the good, and they the most in number. Wherein if I have seemed more bold than line 40 wise, or intermeddled myself in matters above my reach, and not appertaining unto me, I crave pardon where it is to be asked, and commit myself to thy friendly interpretation to be made of my simple travel and dutiful meaning herein.  
Upon the three and twentieth day of june last, assembled in the court of Starchamber, 
Persons of honour and worship assembled in the Starchamber, in whose audience Northumberlands case was canvased.  sir Thomas Bromleie knight lord chancellor of England, William lord Burleigh lord treasurer of England, line 50 George earl of Shrewsburie lord marshal of England, Henry earl of Derbie, Robert earl of Leicester, Charles lord Howard of Effingham lord chamberlain, Henry lord Hunsdon lord governor of Berwick, sir Francis Knollis knight treasurer, sir james Croft knight comptrollor of her majesties household, sir Christopher Hatton knight vice-chamberlaine to the queens majesty, the lord chief justice of her majesties bench, the master of the rolls, and the lord chief baron of the excheker, line 60 and others. The audience very great of knights, esquires, and men of other quality, the lord chancellor began briefly and summarily to declare, that whereas Henry late earl of Northumberland, for diverse notable treasons and practices by him taken in hand, to the danger not only of her majesties royal person, but to the peril of the whole realm, had been long detained in prison, and looking into the guilt of his own conscience, and perceiving by such means of intelligence, as he by corrupting of his keepers and other like devices had obtained, that his treasons were by sundry examinations and confessions discovered, grew thereby into such a desperate estate, as that thereupon he had most wickedly destroyed & murdered himself. Which being made known to the lords of her majesties privy council, order was thereupon taken, and direction given to the lord chief justice of England, the master of the rolls, and the lord chief baron of the e●cheker, 
Examinants' appointed for and about the manner of Northumberlands self murder.  to examine the manner and circumstances of his death, which they with all good endeavour and diligence had accordingly performed. And least through the sinister means of such persons as be evil affected to the present estate of her majesties government, some bad and untrue conceits might be had as well of the cause of the earls deteinement, as of the manner of his death: it was therefore thought necessary to have the truth thereof made known in that presence: and then he required her majesties learned council there present to deliver at large the particularities both of the treasons, and in what sort the earl had murdered himself. Then began john Popham esquire, her majesties attorney general, as followeth.  
The earl of Northumberland about the time of the last rebellion in the north, 
Master attorney, namely john Popham discovereth the earls treasonable practices.  in the eleventh year of her majesties reign (then called by the title of Henry Persie knight) had undertaken the conveying away of the Scotish queen: for the which (as appeareth by a record of the fourteenth year of her majesties reign) in the court of her majesties bench he was indicted, he confessed the offence, and put himself to her majesties mercies. At which time, upon his said confession, submission, and faithful promise of his duty and allegiance to her highness from thenseforth, the queens majesty of her merciful nature was pleased, not to look into his offence with the extremity of her laws; but dealt therein as by way of contempt only, as may appear by the record: the effect whereof was then showed in the court, under the hand of one of the clerks of her majesties said bench, In haec verba.   

An extract of the said record containing the said earls indictment.  
MEmorandum, 
Middlesex.  that Henry Persie late of Tinmouth in the county of Northumberland knight, was indicted in the term of Easter, in the fourteenth year of her majesties reign, for that he with divers others did conspire for the delivering of the queen of Scots out of the custody of the earl of Shrewsburie. Upon which indictment the same Henry Persie did confess the offence, 
The earl confesseth his offence, and is put to 5000 marks fine.  and did put himself to the queens mercy: and thereupon judgement was after given by the court, that the said Henry should pay to the queen for a fine for his said offence, five thousand marks, as appeareth by the record thereof in court.  
Per Micha. 14. & 15. Elisabethae reginae, rotulo quinto inter placista reginae. Concordat cum recordo. Per Io. Iue've.   
By this record it may appear that the earl had his hand in that rebellion. But for a further proof thereof, it is most manifestly discovered in a certain tract written by the bishop of Rosse (wherein he showeth how faithfully he behaved himself in the managing of those treasons, 
The earl a dealer in rebellion as his brother (therefore executed) was.  at and about the time of that rebellion) that the said earl was in effect as far plunged into the same, as the late earl his brother, howsoever he wound himself out of the danger thereof at that time. Notwithstanding these traitorous practices, the queen's majesty was contented to remit all within a short time, and then accepted most graciously of him both in honour and favour, though unworthily bestowed upon him, for that he utterly forgetting those graces and favours received at her majesties merciful hands, with a graceless resolution was contented to enter into a new plot now lately contrived, not only for the delivering of the Scotish queen, but for the invading of the whole realm, 
A sum of the traitorous purposes whereinto the earl was entered with a graceless resolution.  the overthrow of the government, aswell concerning the state of religion, as otherwise, the danger of her majesties sacred person, and advancing of the said Scotish queen to the line 10 regal crown and sceptre of this realm, whereunto her majesty is lineally and lawfully borne and descended, and wherein God of his mercy continue her long in happy state of government, to the increase of her own glory, and the comfort of her loving and obedient subjects.  
Then did master attorney enter into the particularities of the treasons, leaving many parts thereof untouched, because the case stood so as it was not then convenient to reveal them (as he said) in line 20 respect that they touched some other persons undealt withal at that time, showing that Throckemortons' treasons were not old, but fresh in every man's memory, and how far forth they reached unto the earl, he declared. 
The treasons of Throckmorton communicable. with the earl.  And for that the treasons of Throckemorton tended especially to the invading of the realm with foreign forces, the purpose of that invasion long before intended, is proved by sundry examinations and confessions taken here within the realm, aswell of her majesty's own subjects as line 30 others, by letters intercepted, written from and to the conspirators abroad and at home, and by other good advertisements and intelligences had from foreign parts discovering the same. He declared that in a letter written from doctor Sanders to doctor Allen out of Spain, in the year 1577, it is set down among other things, that the state of Christendom stood upon the stout assailing of England.  
That in a letter sent to the said Allen from Rome, touching audience given by the pope to the ambassadors line 40 of certain foreign princes, between the pope & whom a league was agreed on against the queens majesty, there were enclosed certain articles containing in effect, 
An invasion of this land by twenty thousand men concluded upon.  that the realm should be invaded with twenty thousand men at the charge of the said pope and princes, that her majesty should be deposed, and some English catholic elected king. That it was confessed that the coming over of so many priests into the realm, was to win great numbers line 50 to the catholic party, to join (if opportunity served) either with foreign invasion, or with tumult at home. That at Narbonne in Province, there was met an Englishman, being the head preacher there, who gave intelligence to one of her majesties subjects, that the realm should shortly be invaded by a foreign king, and the popish religion restored: and said further, that priests came into England and dispersed themselves in countries, to make their party strong. A message was sent in November line 60 1581., to doctor Allen from a subject of this realm, by a seminary priest then returning beyond the seas: that whereas he had received word from Allen at Alhallontide before, that men and all things were in a readiness, if the place of landing might be known: that Allen should forthwith send word whether things were in such readiness or not: and if they were, he would then send him such perfect instructions as he could. 
Pain with all of his accursed stamp shall (I hope in God) be found false prophets.  One Pain executed for treason, confessed that this realm could not continue in the state wherein it was, for that the pope had a special care thereof, and would in short time either by foreign princes, or by some other means work a change of things here.  
From hence, master attorney fell into the treasons confessed by Francis Throckemorton, showing that the state of this realm had been often presented to the consideration of a foreign prince, who after long hearkening to the motion, had resolved to yield what furtherance he might, and to give all aids necessary for the reforming of religion, so they might be backed by such as were well affected within this country. That the duke of Guise had solicited for two years together the pope and other princes, to supply him with forces: but being crossed by the death of a great parsonage, it was now grown to this pass, if there could be a party found in England to join in that action, and convenient places and means for landing, and other things necessary, there should be a supply for Guise of foreign strength. Francis Throckemorton was recommended from beyond the sea to Don Barnardino de Mendoza, 
Francis Throckmormorton recommended to Don Barnardino de Mendoza & made acquainted with that which cost him his life.  ambassador resident for the Spanish king here in England, who acquainted Throckemorton what plot was laid for the enterprise of the duke of Guise, and that he was willed to confer with Throckemorton in the matter, who thereupon acquainted the said ambassador with the plot of the havens, and with the noble men and gentlemen that he had set down as fit to be dealt withal in that cause. Throckemorton said, that the bottom of this enterprise (which was not to be known to many) was, that if a toleration of religion might not be obtained without alteration of the government, that then the government should be altered, & the queen removed. That the Scotish queen was made acquainted from the duke of Guise with the intention to relieve her by these forces.  
It was in debate between Throckemorton and the Spanish ambassador, 
Francis Throckmortons own confessions do conform the report of these practices, see pa. 1374, 1375.  how the Scotish queen might be delivered, as by an enterprise to be made with a certain number of horses: and it was told Francis Throckemorton by his brother Thomas Throckemorton, that it was a principal matter in debate beyond the seas, how she might be delivered with safety: the lack of resolution wherein, was the principal stay of the execution of the attempt of invasion. Mendoza told Francis Throckemorton about Bartholomewtide 1583, that one Mope was come into England to sound the earl of Northumberland, and other principal men in Sussex: and about the end of September following, the same Mendoza told him, that Mope was Charles Paget, and that he came not only to sound the men, but to view the places, the havens, the provisions and means, and nearness and commodity of men's abidings that should join with the foreign forces. It was devised, that such noble men and others, as would be contented to assist the foreign forces (being justices of peace & of credit in their countries) might by colour of their authority levy men as for her majesties defence, and yet employ them to assist the foreign forces. The lord Paget was made acquainted with this devise, and answered, that it was a good course, and that he had thought upon it before. Mendoza told Throckemorton, that Charles Paget had been in Sussex, and had spoken with those that were there, 
Francis Throckmorton desireth the lord Paget not to make the earl privy to the consultations of them two.  and that he came to move the earl of Northumberland and others. The night before Throckemorton was apprehended, he came to the lord Paget, and desired him that he would not acquaint the earl of Northumberland and certain others (whom he named) with such matters as had passed between them two, touching the practice of this invasion: and the lord Paget willed him to deal as wisely for his part as he would do for himself, and all should be well: but (quoth the lord Paget) the earl of Northumberland knoweth you well enough. It was once agreed among the confederates, that the duke of Guise should land in Sussex, being over against Deep and Normandy: which after was misliked, because those parts lay too near to her majesties greatest force and store, and that the people thereabout for the most part were protestants.  
Master attorney showed further, that in summer last, there was taken upon the seas, sailing towards Scotland, a Scotish jesuit, about whom line 10 there was found a discourse written in Italian of a like enterprise to be attempted against England, which should have been executed in September or October then last passed: wherein assurance is made that the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, Dacres that is dead, whom they termed lord Dacres, 
In the North parts should the purposed invasion of this land have been made.  and of all the catholic lords and gentlemen in the north parts (where the invasion should have been attempted) setting it down, that it is not said by conjecture that these men are assured, line 20 but that it is certainly known that they will join with the foreign forces. In the said discourse it is also affirmed that the priests dispersed in the realm, can dispose of the other catholics of the realm, as they shall be ordered: and that the pope's excommunication should be renewed and pronounced against her majesty, and all those that shall take her part: and that all such should be holden traitors that did not join with that army by a day.  
When master attorney had thus proved the line 30 purpose of invasion, 
Charles Pagets coming over about the prosecution & practice of the 〈◊〉 enterprise 〈◊〉.  he proceeded to the proof of Charles Pagets coming over about the practice and prosecution of that enterprise. And first, that Paget came to Petworth in September 1583, was secretly received, and brought in the night la●e to the earl of Northumberland into his gallery at Petworth, by one of the earls servants: where the earl and he had secret conference together by the space of a large hour: from thence Paget was likewise conveyed back into the town by the same line 40 servant, and there lodged all that night, and the next night following was conveyed secretly to a 〈…〉.  
 
And for better proof thereof, it was alleged by master attorneie, that Charles Paget returning from Petworth to the house of one William Davies, near to the place where Paget had landed in Sussex, 
William 〈◊〉 an actor in this purposed 〈◊〉, & what consultations passed between him and Charles Paget.  and took shipping again at his departure beyond the seas, sent to William Shelleie esquire, residing then at his house at Michelgrove, distant about a mile from the house of William Davies, to come unto him (who within few days before had been at the lodge at Petworth with the said Paget) and now at their meeting in a coppice near to Davies house, Paget entered into speech and discourse with him of divers matters, and at the last among other things, he began to be inquisitive of the strength and fortification of Portesmouth, and what forces and strength her majesty had in the other parts westward.  
Paget broke out and declared unto him that foreign princes would seek revenge against her majesty of the wrongs by her done unto them, & would take such time and opportunity as might best serve them for that purpose, and said that those princes disdained to see the Scotish queen so kept & used here as she was, and would use all their forces for her delivery: that the duke of Guise would be a dealer therein, 
 and that the earl of Northumberland would be an assistant unto them, willing Shelleie whatsoever should happen, to follow the earl of Northumberland, affirming that there was not a noble man in England of conduct and government like to the said earl; saying further, that the earl of Northumberland was affected to the Scotish queen, & would do what he could for her advancement: that the duke of Guise had forces in a readiness to be employed for the altering of the state of religion here in England, and to set the forenamed Scotish queen at liberty.  
 
 
〈…〉 away the lord Paget, grew upon the apprehension of Throckmorton, who being committed to the Tower, and charged with high matters, was in case to be dealt withal by way of extremity to be made to confess the treasons charged upon him; in revealing whereof, Charles Pagets coming to Petworth, and the cause of his repair thither could not be concealed. No man at this time within the realm could accuse the earl of these confederacies, but the lord Paget only, who stood in danger to be discovered by Francis Throckmorton: the safety therefore of the line 10 earl rested altogether upon the lord Pagets departing out of the realm. 
This was a shift but yet succourless, as appeareth by the sequel.  Which was procured by the earl with so great expedition, as that Throckmorton being committed to the Tower about the seventh day of November 1583, the earl made means the twelve day to have the lord Paget provided of shipping in all haste by William Shelleie, wherein the earl used such importunate entreaty, & sent so often to hasten the preparation of the ship, that the same was provided, and the lord Paget embarked by the line 20 14. of the same month following, or thereabout.  
The departure of the lord Paget soon after discovered, and how, and by whom he was conveyed away: her majesty upon good cause taking offence thereat, the earl being then at London had notice thereof, and of the confessions of Throckmorton (who began to discover the treasons) came presently down to Petworth, sent immediately for William Shelleie, who coming to him to Petworth the next morning about dinner time, met the earl in a dining line 30 parlour ready to go to his dinner. The earl took Shelleie aside into a chamber, 
The earl and Shelleie confer, and as men dismayed for the discovery of their dealings are extreme penlife.  and as a man greatly distracted and troubled in mind, entered into these speeches: Alas I am a man cast away! And Shelleie demanding what he meant by those speeches, the earl answered: The actions I have entered into, I fear will be my utter undoing, and thereupon desired Shelleie to keep his counsel, and to discover no more of him than he must needs. The earl moreover at this meeting entreated William Shelleie to line 40 convey away all such as he knew to have been employed and were privy of the lord Pagets going away, and of Charles Pagets coming over, which was accordingly performed by Shelleie: and the earl for his part conveyed away a principal man of his own, whom he had often used in messages into France, and had been of trust appointed by the earl, to attend on Charles Paget, all the time of his stay at Connigar lodge.  
Master solicitor pursuing the matters that made line 50 the earls practices and devices for the concealing of his treasons manifest, declared further: that after the earl and Shelleie had obtained some liberty in the Tower after their first restraint: the earl found means to have intelligence with Shelleie, & was advertised from him of all that he had confessed in his first examinations, taken before they were last restrained: since which time, the earl by corrupting of his keeper hath practised to have continual advertisements as before, 
What deserved the keeper that would be corrupted by an offendor so malicious?  as well of things done within the Tower as abroad: in so much as by his said keeper he had sent and conveyed twelve several letters out of the Tower within the space of nine or ten weeks, and one of those on sunday the twentieth day of june in the morning, when he murdered himself the night following.  
By the same corruption of his keepers he sent also a message to William Shelleie by a maidservant in the Tower, 
The earl and Shelleie communicate their minds by message.  by the which he required him to stand to his first confessions, and to go no further; for so it would be best for him, and he should keep himself out of danger. Whereunto Shelleie returned answer by the same messenger, that he could hold out no longer, that he had concealed the matters as long as he could, and willed the earl to consider that there was a great difference between the earls estate and his: for that the earl in respect of his nobility was not in danger to be dealt withal in such sort as he the said Shelleie was like to be, being but a private gentleman, and therefore to be used with all extremity to be made confess the truth: wherefore he advised the earl to deal plainly, and to remember what speeches had passed at his house at Petworth, when Charles Paget came last thither.  
james Price by the same corruption of the earls keeper came to William Shelleie on the friday or saturday before Trinity sunday last, 
james Price a messenger to and fro between the earl & Shelleie.  and told him that the earl was very desirous to understand how far he had gone in his confessions: and at Prices instance, Shelleie did set down in writing the effect of the said confessions, and sent the same to the said earl: who upon the sight thereof, perceiving the treasons revealed and discovered, and knowing thereby how heinous his offences were, fearing the justice and severity of the laws, and so the ruin and overthrow of his house, fell into desperation, & so to the destruction of himself. For confirmation whereof, it was confessed by one jaques Pantins, a groom of the earls chamber, who had attended on the earl in the Tower by the space of ten weeks before his death, that he had heard the earl often say, that master Shelleie was no faithful friend unto him, and that he had confessed such things as were sufficient to overthrow them both: that he was undone by Shelleys accusations, affirming that the earl began to despair of himself, 
The earl becometh desperate and forceth not to destroy himself.  often with tears lamenting his cause, which the earl said to proceed only of the remembrance of his wife and children, saying further, that such matters were laid unto his charge, that he expected no favour, but to be brought to his trial, and then he was but a lost man: repeating often that Shelleie had undone him, and still mistrusting his cause, wished for death.  
Herewith master solicitor concluded, 
Sir Roger Manwood describeth the manner how the earl murdered himself.  and then sir Roger Manwood knight, lord chief baron of her majesties excheker, entered into the description of the earls death, and in what sort he had murdered himself: showing first how the same had been found by a very substantial jury chosen among the best commoners of the city, impanelled by the coroner upon the view of the body, and diligent inquiry by all due means had according to the law, and declared, that upon the discovery of the intelligence conveyed between the earl and Shelleie, it was thought necessary for the benefit of her majesties service, by such of her highness most honourable privy council, as were appointed commissioners to examine the course of these treasons, that jaques Pantins' attending upon the earl, and the earls corrupt keepers should be removed.  
Whereupon Thomas Bailiff gentleman, sent to attend on the earl of Northumberland, 
Thomas Bailiff the one & twentieth of june 1585. deposed.  upon the removing of Palmer and jaques Pantins from about the said earl (who from the beginning of his last restraint attended on him) for the reasons lastly before mentioned, was by the lieutenant of the Tower on the sunday about two of the clock in the after noon (being the twentieth of june) shut up with the earl, as appointed to remain with him, and serve him in the prison for a time, until Palmer, 
Palmer, Pantins and Price committed close prisoners.  Pantins, and 
* This Price is supposed to be mistaken for Edward Brice.  Price, then committed close prisoners, might be examined, how the earl came by such intelligences as were discovered to have passed between the earl and Shelleie, and between the earl and others. Bailiff served the earl at his supper, brought him to his bed about nine of the clock, and after some services done by the earls commandment, departed from the earl to an utter chamber, where he lay part of that night: and being come into his chamber, the earl rose out of his bed and came to his chamber door, and bolted the same unto him in the inner side, 
O desperate dissimulation!  saying to Bailiff, he could not sleep unless his door were fast.  
About twelve of the clock at midnight, Bailiff being in a slumber, heard a great noise, seeming unto him to be the falling of some door, or rather a piece of the house: the noise was so sudden and so line 10 great, that he started out of his bed, and crying unto the earl with a loud voice, said: My lord, know you what this is? The earl not answering, Bailiff cried and knocked still at the earls door, saying, My lord, how do you? But finding that the earl made no answer, 
He could not answer having discharged the dag into his body.  continued his crying and calling, until an old man that lay without, spoke unto him, saying, Gentleman, shall I call the watch, seeing he will not speak? Yea (quoth Bailiff) for God's sake. Then did the old man rise, & called one of the watch, whom Bailiff entreated with all possible speed to line 20 call master lieutenant unto him. In the mean time Bailiff heard the earl give a long and most grievous groan, and after that, gave a second groan: and then the lieutenant (being come) called unto the earl, who not answering, Bailiff cried unto the lieutenant to break open the earls chamber door bolted unto him in the inner side, which was done, and then they found the earl dead in his bed, and by his bed side a dag, wherewith he had killed himself. line 30  

Sir Owen Hopton knight, lieutenant of the Tower, 1585.  Sir Owen Hopton knight, examined upon his oath, affirmed that on sunday last at night, less than a quarter of an hour before one of the clock after midnight, he was called up by the watch to come to the earl of Northumberland, who had been called unto by master Bailiff his keeper, and would not speak as the watch told him. Whereupon the said sir Owen went presently to the earls lodging, opened the utter doors, till he came unto the chamber where master Bailiff lay, which was next to the line 40 earls bedchamber. Bailiff said to this examinat as he came in, that he was wakened with a noise as it were of a door or some great thing falling, & that he had called on the earl, and could have no answer. And this examinat going to the earls chamber door, finding the same bolted fast on the other side within the earls lodging, so as he could not go into the earl, this examinat called on the earl, telling him the lieutenant was there, and prayed his lordship to open the door. line 50  

The warders with their halberds wrest and wring at the earls chamber door.  But this examinat having no answer made unto him, and finding the door fast bolted in the inner side of the earls chamber with a strong iron bolt, so as they could not enter into the same out of the lodging where the said Bailiff lay, without breaking up the chamber door, caused the warders which were with this examinat, to thrust in their halberds, and to wrest the door thereby, as much as they could, and withal to run at the door with their feet, & with violence to thrust it open, which they did accordingly. line 60 And when this examinat came into the chamber, in turning up the shéets, 
The place of the body where the earl had wounded himself.  he perceived them to be bloodied: and then searching further, found the wound, which was very near the pap, not thinking at the first sight, but that it had been done with a knife.  
This examinat went thereupon presently to write to the court, and took the warders into the utter chamber, & left them there until he returned, bolting the door of the earls bedchamber on the outside. And as soon as this examinat returned from writing of his letter to the court, 
The dag found in the floor, and the box and pellets in the bed.  he searched about the chamber, and found the dag in the floor, about three foot from the bed, near unto a table that had a green cloth on it, which did somewhat shadow the dag: and after, turning down the bed clothes, found the box in the which the powder and pellets were, on the bed under the coverlet; and saith, that the chamber where the earl lay, hath no other door but that one door which was broken open as aforesaid, save one door that went into a privy, which hath no manner of passage out of it: and that the earls lodging chamber, and the entering to the privy, 
This is a manifest proof and full of sufficient credit, that none could come at him to do him violence.  are both walled round about with a stone wall, and a brick wall, and that there is no door or passage out of or from the said earls bedchamber or privy, but that only door which was broken open by the appointment of this examinat. The warders that were with this examinat at the entry into the prison, and the breaking up of the earls chamber door, and the doing of the other things aforesaid, were Michael Sibleie, Anthony Davies, William Riland, and john Potter, and one john Pinner this examinats' servant was there also.  
For the proof and confirmation of the several parts and points of this deposition, Sibleie, Davies, 
Deponents Viva voce, confirming the lieutenant's deposition upon his examination.  Riland, Potter and Pinner were deposed, and they Viva voce affirmed so much thereof to be true, as was reported by the examination of the lieutenant, concerning the coming of the lieutenant unto the earls chamber, the breaking up of the door being bolted with a strong bolt on the inner side, the finding of the earl dead upon his bed, the dag lying on the ground, the powder and pellets in a box on the bed under the coverlet, with the rest of the circumstances thereunto appertaining. They affirmed also, that there was but one door in the earls chamber, saving the door of the privy, which together with the chamber was strongly walled about with stone and brick: and further (as I remember) the lord chief baron confirmed the same, having viewed the chamber himself where the earl lodged, and was found dead.  
jaques Pantins in his examination of the one and twentieth of june confesseth, that james Price delivered the dag to the earl his master in this examinats' presence: whereupon he presently suspected that the earl meant mischief to himself, and therefore did his endeavour to persuade the earl to send away the dag, and told the earl that he knew not how the devil might tempt his lordship, & that the devil was great; but could by no means prevail with the earl in that behalf: and saith moreover, that the earl required him to hide the dag, and he thereupon hanged the same on a nail within the chimney in the earls bedchamber, where the earl thinking the same not to be sufficiently safe in that place, it was by the earls appointment taken from thence, and put into a slit in the side of a mattress that lay under the earls bed, near to the bed's head, and that the same sunday morning that the earl murdered himself at night, he saw the dag lying under the earls beds head. The dag was bought not many days before of one Adrian Mulan a dagmaker, 
Of whom the dag was bought.  dwelling in east Smithfield, as by the said Mulan was testified Viva voce upon his oath, in the open court, at the time of the public declaration made of these matters in the Starchamber.  
All these particularities considered, with the depositions and proofs of the witness concerning the earls death; first, how he came by the dag; secondly, how long he had kept the same, and in what secret manner; thirdly, the earls bolting of his chamber door in the inside; fourthly, the blow of the dag; fiftly, the breaking up of the earls chamber door by the lieutenant of the Tower; and lastly, the finding of the earl dead as aforesaid: what is he so simple that will think or imagine, or so impudent and malicious that will avouch and report, that the earl of Northumberland should have been murdered of purpose, by practice or devise of any person, affecting his destruction in that manner? If men consider the inconvenience happened thereby, as well in matter of state, as commodity to the queens majesty, lost by the prevention of his trial, who can in reason conjecture the earl to have been murdered of policy or set purpose, as the evil affected line 10 seem to conceive?  
If the earl had lived to have received the censure of the law for his offences, all lewd and frivolous objections had then been answered, and all his goods, cattles and lands by his atteindor had come unto her majesty, and the honour and state of his house and posterity utterly overthrown: 
The principal cause that made the earl lay hands upon himself.  the consideration and fear whereof appeareth without all doubt to have been the principal and only cause that made him lay violent hands upon himself. If line 20 objections be made, that to murder him in that sort might be a satisfaction to his enemies, who could be pacified by no means but with his blood: that seemeth to be as improbable, for that it is commonly discerned in the corrupt nature of man, that when we are possessed with so profound a hatred, as to seek the death of our enemy, we imagine and wish his destruction to be had with the greatest shame and infamy that can be devised: think you not then, that if the earl of Northumberland had any line 30 such enemy that knew the danger wherein he stood, and that his trial and conviction by law would draw upon him the loss of his life, lands and goods, fame, honour, and the utter subversion of his house, would be so kindhearted unto him, as to help to take away his life only, & save him all the rest? I suppose there is no man of judgement will believe it.  
But to return to the manner of the earls death. It was declared by the lord Hunsdon, and the lord chief baron, 
The lord of Hunsdon declareth how the dag was more than ordinarily charged: and how the earl dispatched himself.  that the dag wherewith the earl murdered line 40 himself, was charged with three bullets, and so of necessity with more than an ordinary charge of powder, to force that weight of bullets to work their effect. The earl lying upon his back on the left side of his bed, took the dag charged in his left hand (by all likelihood) laid the mouth of the dag upon his left pap (having first put aside his wastecote) and his shirt being only between the dag and his body (which was burnt away the breadth of a large hand) discharged the same, wherewith was made line 50 a large wound in his said pap, his heart pierced and torn in diverse lobes or pieces, three of his ribs broken, the chinebone of his back cut almost in sunder, and under the point of the shoulder blade on the right side within the skin, the three bullets were found by the lord Hunsdon, 
Three bullets found under the point of the earls shoulder blade.  which he caused the surgeon in his presence to cut out, lying all three close together within the breadth and compass of an inch or thereabout: the bullets were showed by his lordship at the time of the publication made in the court at the Starchamber. line 60  
And whereas it hath been slanderously given out to the advantage of the earl, as the reporters suppose, 
A slanderous report of the queens enemies and the earls favourers answered.  that he was imprisoned & kept in so streict, narrow and close room, with such penury of air and breath, that thereby he grew sickelie and weary of his life, and that to have been the cause chiefly why he murdered himself; if it were so that he died by the violence of his own hand which they hardly believe. To answer that peevish and senseless slander, there was much spoken by the lord chief baron, who had viewed and caused very exactly to be measured the chambers and rooms within the prison where the earl lay, being part of her majesties own lodging in the Tower. The particular length and breadth of the said chambers & rooms, and the quality of the lights and windows, expressed by the said lord chief baron, I can not repeat: but well I do remember it was declared, that all the day time, the earl had the liberty of five large chambers, 
The earl wanted no prospects for pleasure nor walks of convenient liberty.  and two long entries within the utter door of his prison: three of which chambers, and one of the entries lay upon two fair gardens within the Tower wall, and upon the Tower wharf, with a pleasant prospect to the Thames, and to the country, more than five miles beyond. The windows were of a very large proportion, yielding so much air and light, as more cannot be desired in any house. Note therefore how maliciously those that favour traitors and treasons, can deliver out these and the like slanderous speeches, to the dishonour of her majesty, noting her councillors and ministers with inhumanity and uncharitable severity, contrary to all truth and honesty.  
When the lord chief baron had finished this discourse of the manner of the earls death, 
Sir Christopher Hatton revealeth to the court and auditory the gracious dealing of her majesty with the said earl, no such favour deserving.  with the circumstances, and had satisfied the court and auditory concerning the quality of the prison where the earl had remained, sir Christopher Hatton knight her majesties vicechamberlaine, who (as it seemed) had been specially employed by her majesty among others of her privy council in the looking into and examining of the treasons aforesaid, aswell in the person of the earl as of others, and at the time of the earls commitment from his house in S. Martin's to the Tower of London, sent unto him from her majesty to put the earl in mind of her majesties manifold graces and favours in former times conferred upon him, proceeding from the spring of her majesties princely and bountiful nature, and not of his deservings, and to advise him to deliver the truth of the matters so clearly appearing against him, either by his letters privately to her majesty, or by speech to master vicechamberlaine, who signified also unto him, that if he would determine to take that course, he should not only not be committed to the Tower, but should find grace & favour at her majesties hands, in the mitigation of such punishment as the law might lay upon him.  
And here M. vicechamberlaine repeated at length the effect of her majesties message at that time sent to the earl, beginning first with the remembrance of his practice undertaken for the conveying away of the Scotish queen about the time of the last rebellion (as hath been declared in the beginning of this tract) and that he confessing the offence being capital, her majesty nevertheless was pleased to alter the course of his trial by the justice of her laws, 
The queens majesty mitigateth the punishment which the law would have awarded against the earl.  and suffered the same to receive a slight and easy punishment by way of mulct or fine of five thousand marks, whereof before this his imprisonment (as it is credibly reported) there was not one penny paid, or his land touched with any extent for the payment thereof, which offence was by her majesty not only most graciously forgiven, but also most christianly forgotten, receiving him not long after to the place of honour that his ancestors had enjoyed for many years before him, and gave him such entrance into her princely favour and good opinion, that no man of his quality received greater countenance and comfort at her majesties hands than he; insomuch that in all exercises of recreation, 
The queens majesties nature is to love her enemies, O that they could change their nature, and love her highness again!  used by her majesty, the earl was always called to be one: and whensoever her majesty showed herself abroad in public, she gave to him the honour of the best and highest services about her person, more often than to all the noble men of the court.  
But the remembrance of these most gracious and more than extraordinary favours and benefits received, nor the hope given unto him by master vicechamberlaine of her majesties disposition of mercy towards him, nor the consideration of the depth and weight of his treasons against her majesty, her estate, her crown and dignity, with the danger thereby like to fall upon him by the course of her highness laws, to the utter ruin and subversion of him and his house (standing now at her majesties mercy) could once move his heart to that natural line 10 and dutiful care of her majesties safety that he ought to have borne towards her, and she most worthily had merited at his hands, or any remorse or compassion of himself and his posterity: but resting upon terms of his innocency, 
The earl standeth upon terms of his innocency, all the world seeing the cause to contrary.  having (as you may perceive) conveyed away all those that he thought could or would any way accuse him, he made choice rather to go to the Tower, abide the hazard of her majesties high indignation, and the extremity of the law for his offences. line 20  
All which was a notable augur of his fall, and that God by his just judgement had for his sins and ingratitude taken from him his spirit of grace, and delivered him over to the enemy of his soul, who brought him to that most dreadful & horrible end, whereunto he is come: 
* To this petition let all true hearted Englishmen say, Amen.  from the which, God of his mercy defend all christian people, and preserve the queens majesty from the treasons of her subjects, that she may live in all happiness, to see the ruin of her enemies abroad and at home, and that she, and line 30 we her true and loving subjects, may be always thankful to God for all his blessings bestowed upon us by her, the only maintainer of his holy gospel among us.  

The arrival and entertainment of the deputies for the estates of the low countries.  On the six & twentieth of june arrived at London deputies for the estates of the netherlands, or low countries, who were lodged about the Tower street, & had their diet for the time of their abode here, very worshipfully appointed (all at the charges of her majesty) in the Clothworkers hall in Minchenlane, line 40 near to the said Tower street. These on the nine & twentieth of june, being the feast of the apostles Peter & Paul repaired to the court, then at Gréenewich, where by virtue of their commissions from the united countries, they presented to her majesty the sovereignty of those countries, to wit of Brabant, but the commission (for the siege) of Antuerpe not full authorised, of Gelder, of Flanders, of Holland, 
The names of the said deputies for the estates.  of Zealand, of Utrecht, and of Friesland. For Brabant, jaques de Grise great bailie of Bridges line 50 councillor of the Franks. For Guelerr, Rutger of Barsold, gentleman. For Flanders, noel de Garsie lord of Schonewalle. For Holland, john Wanderdoest, lord of Nortwicke, josse de Menin pensionary of Dordreght, john of old Barnevelt pensionary of Rotradame, and D. Francis Maolso. For Zealand, jacob Dales councillor and pensionary of Tergoest. For Utrecht, Paulus Buis doctor of the laws. For Friesland, I. Fritzma, line 60 gentleman: H. Ansona precedent of Friesland: and Lads jangema, gentleman. All these falling on their knees tofore her majesty, and so remaining for a long space, one of them, to wit, josse de Menin councillor and pensionary of Dordreght, one of the commissioners for Holland, made to her majesty this oration in French as followeth.  

The said deputies oration in French to her majesty at Greenwich.  
Madam, les estats des provinces unies des pais bas, remercient treshumblement vostre maiesté de la bonné affection & faveur, quel à pleu de monstrer audits pais en leur necessites, & confermer per tant de tesmoignaiges evidens; & encores dernierement, quand apres l'execrable assasmat come en la person de feu monsir le prince d'Orenges, il à pleu a vostre maiesté fair entendre audits estates per son ambassadeur le sire Davison, le soing qu'icelle avoit a nostre defence & observation, & aussy par le sire de Grise, le grand desplaisir que vostre maiesté avoit conceu, de voir l'esdits' estates frustres de l'esperance quelle avoient fondeé sur le traicte de France. Mais que le soin que vostre maiesté a tousiours en de nostre bien & conservation n'estoit pour cela en rien diminué, aine quel s'augmentoit, plustost a measure quella necessité de nos affairs le requiert, dont ledits pais en general, & chacun d'eulx en particulier demeurerent perpetuellement tresobliges a vostre maiesté, pour le recognoistre avec tout fidelité & obeisance.  
Et come ledits estates considerent Madame, que depues le deces endit sire prince d'Orenges, ills out faict part de plusieurs de leurs places & bonne villes; & que pour la conservation desdits pais il leur est besoing d'vng prince & sire souuerain, qui les puisse garentir & defendre country la tyranné & inique oppression des Espaignols & leurs adherens, qui s'efforcent de plus en plus par leurs sinistres arms & tous aultres moyens, de destruire & ruiner lesdits pais, de fonds en comble & reduire ce powre peuple en une servitude perpetuellé, pire que des Indiens souls l'insuportable ioug de la detestable inquisition d'Espaigne. Considerans aussy que les corps des villes & communaultes desdits pais ont une fermé afience, que vostre maiesté ne les vouldra veoir perir au gre de leurs ennemies, qui leur font ceste longue & cruelle guerre, a toute oultrance laquelle les estates desdits pais bas (ensuivant leur devoir & obligation quells on't a leurs bourgois & ycitogens) ont estes contraincts de soustenir, repoulser, & destourner, pour la tyranné & servitude manifest qu'on taschat d'introduire & imposer au powre peuple, & pour conserver leur liberté, droits, privileges, & franchises, avec l'exercise de la vray religion chrestienné, dont vostre maiesté port a bon droit le tiltre de protectrice & defenderesse, country laquelle lesdits ennemies & leurs associes, on't & faict tant de ligues, dress tant de cauteleuzes, embushes, & trahisons, & ne cessent encore tout les iours de praticquer & machiner country la person de vostre maiesté, & au prejudice du reque & transquillite de ses royaulmes & estates, laquelle le bon Dieu a preserve iusques a present, pour le bien de la chrestienté, & sustentation de ses eglises.  
Sy est ce Madame, que pour ces causes, & raisins, & aultres bonnes considerations, lesdits estates on't prins par ensemble une bonné & fermé resolution, de prendre leurs recours a vostre maiesté, veu que cest une chose ordinaire a tous peuples & nations oppressées, de recourir en leurs calamities & oppressions, pour support & faveur country leurs ennemies, aulx roys & princes voisme, & singulierement a ceulx qui sont dovez a magnanimité, pieté, justice, & aultres vertus royalles, & a cest effect nous ont lesdits estates depute vers vostre maiesté, pour presenter a icelle la principaulté, sowerainté, & just domination desdits provinces, soubs certaines bonnes & equitables conditions, concernantes principallement la conservation de l'exercise de la religion reformée, & de leurs ancienne privileges, libertes, franchises & usances, & l'administration du faict de la guerre, policy, & justice esdits pais.  
Et combien que lesdits pais ayent beaucoup souffert par ces lungs & continuelles guerres, & que l'ennemy se soit empare de plusieurs villes & places forts esdits pais, toutes fois, oultre ce qu'es pais de Brabant, Gueldre, Flandre, Malins, & Ouerissel, see mainteinent encores maintes bonnes villes & places country l'effort de l'ennemy, sy est ce que les pais d'Holland, Zeeland, Vtrecht, & Frise sont encores, graces a Dieu, en leur entier, ou il y a beaucoup de grandes & fortes villes, & places bells, rivieres, profondes, ports & haures de mer, desquelles vostre maiesté & ses successeurs pourront tirer plusieurs bons services, fruits, & commodities dont il n'est de fair yci plus long recit. Seulement que ceste cy entre aultres merit bien une consideration speciale line 10 que la conjunction desdits pais d'Holland, Zeeland, Frise, & des villes de l'Escluze, & Osteynd en Flandres avec les royaulmes de vostre maiesté, emporte quant & soy l'empire absolute de la grand mer ocean, & par consequence une asseurance & felicité perpetuelle pour les subjects de vostre serenissime maiesté. La quelle nous supplions treshumblement que son bon plaisir soit de nous accorder lesdits points ou conditions, & ce en suivant, vouloir accepter pour soy & line 20 ses successeurs legittimes en la couronne d'Angleterre protecteurs de la religion reformée, la justice principaute & signory sovereign desdits pais & consequemment du recepuoir les peuples desdits pais, come vous treshumbles & tresobeissants subjects soubs lafoy protection & safeguard perpetuelle de vostre maiesté, peuples certeinement autant fidelles, aymant leurs princes & seigneurs (a parlour & sans iactance) que nul aultre de la chrestienté.  
Ce faisant Madame, vous conserueres tant de belles eglises, qu'il a pleu a Dieu en ce dernier temps line 30 assembler esdits pais a present en beaucoup de lieux fort affliges, & esbranles & deliureres lesdits pais & peuples (nagueres avant l'inique maison des Espaignols) tant riches & florissans, pour la grand commodité de la mer, ports, haures, rivieres, traffiqs, & manufactures dont ils sont doves de nature. Vous les deliureres (dis ie Madame) de ruin & perpetuelle servitude de corpse & ame, qui sera vng oewre vrayement royal & tresexcellent, agreeable a Dieu, profitable a toute chrestienté, dign de louange immortelle, line 40 corespondant a la magnanimité & vertus heroicques de vostre maiesté, & conjoinct avec l'asseurance & prosperites' des royalmes & subjects d'icelle. Et surce presentons a vostre maiesté lesdits articles ou conditions, en reverence, prians le grand Roy des roys de preserver vostre maiesté de ses ennemies, l'accroistre en gloire & felicité, & l'auoir en sa seinte guard à perpetuité.  Faict par Iosse de Menin, concelier & pensionaire de Derdreght. 
An. 1585. 29 de june, A Greenwich.   

The foresaid oration in English.  
MAdam, the states of the united provinces of the low countries most humbly thank your majesty for the good affection & favour, which it pleased you to show to the said countries in their necessity, & to confirm the same with so many evident testimonies; & that line 60 lastly, after the execrable assault committed upon the person of the late prince of Orange, 
The queens majesties most gracious favour acknowledged.  at what time it pleased your majesty to let the said states understand by your ambassador master Davison, what care you had of our defence and preservation, and also by segneur de Crist, the great displeasure which your majesty conceived, to see the states frustrated of the hope which they had founded upon the treaty of France. But since the care which your majesty hath always had over our good and conservation is not thereby any whit diminished, but hath more plentifully increased, according as the necessity of our affairs required; for which the said country in general, and every of us in particular remain perpetually bound to your majesty, and acknowledge the same with all fidelity and obeisance.  
And as the said states (Madam) do consider that since the decease of the prince of Orange they have sustained the loss of diverse of their holds and good towns; 
The distressed state of the 〈◊〉 countri●●●●●ter the death of the prince of Orange.  and that for the preservation of the said country it is needful for them to have a prince and sovereign ruler, which may warrant and defend them against the tyranny and unjust oppression of the Spaniards and their adherents, which daily more and more enforce themselves by their sinister power and all other means to destroy and overthrow the said countries, and reduce this poor people in perpetual servitude, worse than that of the Indians under the importable yoke of the detestable inquisition of Spain. 
The hope that the low country people had in her highness help.  Considering also that the body of the towns and commonalties of the aforesaid countries have a firm hope, that your majesty will not see them perish according to the desire of their enemies, which make this long and cruel war, all which outrages the states of the said low countries (following the diligence and band which they own to their burgesses and citizens) are to sustain, repel, and to turn from them, by reason of the manifest tyranny & servitude which the Spaniards attempt to bring in & to lay upon the poor people) thereby to preserve their liberties, rights, 
Spanish servitude importable.  privileges, and franchises, with the exercise of the true christian religion, whereof your majesty by good right carrieth the title of protectrice and defendresse, against which the said enemies and their associates already have and still do make many leagues, devise many subtleties, treasons, and ambushes, not ceasing daily to practise and imagine them against the person of your majesty, and to the prejudice of the rest of your realm and states, whom the good God hath preserved until this present, for the wealth of the christians, and sustentation of their churches.  
Wherefore (Madam) it is so, that for these causes, 
The cause why the deputies for the states came into England, and their suit unto her highness expressed.  reasons, & other considerations, the said states have assembled and concluded upon a good and firm resolution to have recourse unto your majesty, sith it is an ordinary matter amongst all people and oppressed nations, in their calamities and oppressions to crave support and favour against their enemies, of kings and princes near unto them, but especially of those who be endued with magnanimity, piety, justice, and other princely virtues, to which effect the states have appointed us to come unto your majesty to present unto the same the principality, sovereignty, 
The government & principality of the low countries presented to the queens majesty.  and just government of the said provinces under certain good and equal conditions, chiefly concerning the preservation of the exercise of the reformed religion, and of the ancient privileges, liberties, franchises, and customs, and next of the administration of the affairs, policy, and justice of the wars in the said country.  
And although that these countries have sustained much hurt by these long and continual wars, and that the enemy hath taken divers strong places and forts in the same countries: 
Many good towns and places yet remaining in the low countries defensible against the enemy.  yet there is beside the same in the countries of Brabant, Gelderland, Flanders, Malmes, & Ouerset, many good towns and places, which defend themselves against the force of the enemy, and the countries of Holland, Zealand, Utricht, and Frise be yet (thanks be to God) entire and whole: in which there be many great and strong towns and places, fair rivers, and deep ports and havens of the sea, out of which your majesty and your successors may receive diverse good services, fruits, and commodities, whereof it is needless here to make any long recital. Only this amongst other matters deserveth good and especial consideration, 
The uniting of the low countries to the realms of England, &c: how beneficial.  that the uniting of those countries of Holland, Zealand, Frise, and the towns of Sluze and Ostend in Flanders, unto the realms of your majesty importeth so much as the absolute government of the great ocean sea, and by consequence, an assurance and perpetual felicity for the subjects of your worthy majesty. Which we most humbly beseech, that it will please the same to condescend unto us in the said points and conditions, line 10 and in that which followeth, which is, that you will for you and your lawful successors in the crown of England be protectors of the reformed religion, 
Protection of the reformed religion a part of their suit.  as the principal justicer and sovereign governor of the said countries: and consequently to receive the people of the same, as your most humble and most obedient subjects under the protection and continual safeguard of your majesty; they being a people assuredly so faithful and loving to their princes and lords (be it spoken without vaunting) as any other line 20 nation is throughout christendom. 

The loyalty and faithfulness of the low country people commanded.  
Benefits like to ensue upon the said protection undertaken of her highness.    
In doing whereof (Madam) you shall preserve many goodly churches, which it hath pleased God to assemble in these latter times in the same countries, at this present in many places grievously afflicted, and you shall deliver the same country and people (of late before the unjust deeds of the house of Spain) very rich and flourishing, through the great commodity of the sea, ports, havens, rivers, traffic, and merchandise, whereof they be naturally endued. line 30 You shall I say (Madam) deliver them from ruin and perpetual bondage of body and soul, being a work right royal and most magnificent, acceptable to God, profitable to all christianity, worthy immortal commendation, answerable to the magnanimity, and heroical virtues of your majesty, and joined with the assurance and prosperity of your dominions and subjects. Whereupon we present unto your majesty the said articles and conditions, 
The said deputies do present certain articles and conditions to her majesty concerning their suit.  reverently praying the King of king's line 40 to preserve your majesty from your enemies, to increase your glory and felicity, and for ever to keep you in his holy protection.   
¶ This oration ended and the sum thereof considered, it pleased the queens majesty, by direction of her wise and politic council, to incline her hart (always pitiful and replenished with commiseration) to the ease and relief of the said oppressed people. And because her own subjects should not be utterly line 50 unacquainted with her highness doings in that case, there was published by authority a book thereof as in due place hereafter followeth.  
On sunday the fourth of julie, Charles lord Howard, late lord chamberlain was made lord admiral, and Henry lord Hunsdon was made lord chamberlain of household. On the fift day of julie Thomas Awfeld a seminary priest, and Thomas Weblie dyer, 
Aufeld and Weblie hanged for publishing of seditious books.  were arraigned at the session's hall in the Old bailie, found guilty, condemned, and had line 60 judgement as felons to be hanged: for publishing of books containing false, seditious, and slanderous matter, to the defamation of our sovereign lady the queen, and to the excitation of insurrection and rebellion, as more at large appeareth in their indictments. These were on the next morrow, to wit, the sixth of julie, executed at Tyburn accordingly. On thursday the sixteenth of julie, 
Five or rather 〈◊〉 people slain by the fall of a wall in London near unto Downegate.  by the sudden fall of a brick wall in Thames street of London, near unto Downegate, five persons were overwhelmed and slain, to wit, a man & his wife (the wife being great with child) and two children, the one their own, the other a nurse child, and a poor man that lived by charity, having no known dwelling place. On the same sixteenth of julie was sir Francis russel knight, lord russel, 
Earl of Bedford and the lord russel his son deceased.  third son to Francis russel earl of Bedford, slain with a dag in the borders of Scotland beside Berwick, by a Scot borne in those parts, as they met upon a true day, as more at large appeareth in the history of Scotland. On the next morrow, to wit, the seventeenth of julie, Francis russel earl of Bedford, knight of the garter, and one of her majesties privy council, father to the late named sir Francis, lord russel slain on the borders of Scotland, deceased, and was honourably buried at Cheinies in Bedfordshire on the eight of September next following.  
On the three and twentieth of julie certain soldiers were pressed in the several wards of the city of London, 
Soldiers sent to aid the low countries of Holland, Zealand, etc.  which soldiers being furnished for the wars, and clothed in red coats, all at the charges of the companies and citizens, set forth toward the seas on the thirteenth of August, and were transported over into Holland, Zealand, &c: as other the like soldiers out of other parts of the realm before had been, to serve for the defence of the low countries under general Norris, and other approved captains. On the fourth day of August, betwixt the hours of four and five of the clock in the morning, 
Ground and trees sunk and swallowed up in Kent eight miles from London.  at the end of the town called Motingham in Kent, eight miles from London, in a lane not far from the houses, the ground began to sink, three great elms being swallowed up, the tops falling downward into a hole with the roots upward, turning round in the falling, and driven into the earth past man's sight, to the wonderful amazement of many honest men of the same town, being beholders of this strange sight: and before ten of the clock that present day, the ground & trees were sunk so low, that neither the one or other might be discerned, the hole or vault being sometimes filled with water, and otherwhiles neither bottom, trees, or water may be perceived: the compass of this hole is about fourscore yards, and being sounded with a lead and line of fifty fadams, cannot therewith find or feel any bottom. Ten yards distant from this place, there is another piece of ground sunk in like manner, which parcel of ground falleth still into the high way to the great fear of that whole town, but especially to the inhabitants of a house not far distant from the aforesaid places.  
On the fifteenth day of September, to the number of two & thirty seminaries, 
Seminary and massing priests banished.  massing priests and others, late prisoners in the tower of London, Marshalsée, King's bench, and other places, were embarked in the Marie Martin of Colchester, on the southside of the Thames right over against S. Katherine's, to be transported over into the coasts of Normandy, to be banished this realm for ever, by virtue of a commission from her majesty, before specified in pag. 1379.  

A copy of the certificate written and directed into England by the said banished men.  
WHereas upon your honours commission directed unto Anthony Hall, 
Note in this certificate an acknowledgement of very great English courtesy to the seminaries in their transportation.  and Thomas Stockar, for the transporting of us whose names are under written, into the coasts of Normandy, who accordingly took us into a bark called the Marie Martin of Colchester, on the south side of the Thames, right over that part of saint Katherine's next to London bridge, the fifteenth day of September 1585., according to the computation of England: our will is to testify unto your good honours, that they the said Anthony Hall & Thomas Stockar have generally so well used us in all respects, that we can not but acknowledge ourselves much beholding (as much as in them lay) to so courteous & loving officers. Nevertheless coming along the sea, and meeting with her majesties admiral in the downs, who promising that we should not be disturbed in our course into the province of Normandy, according to your honours said commission, we had not from him departed two leagues, 
The seminaries suddenly assaulted and in danger of death by a Flushinger as they were passing over sea.  when as a Flushinger with his people suddenly entered upon us, being peaceably stowed under line 10 the hatches, and in our quiet rest, with their swords drawn, their calleivers and their matches fired in their hands, to our great terror & discomfort, the most of us being very sore sea sick, expecting at that instant nothing but either the rigorous dint of sword, or bullet of calleiver. Howbeit parley being had by our said commissioners with them, they departed, after which time we considering the general danger on the seas, besought with one consent your honours commissioners to set us on land at Calais: line 20 but they in no wise yielding thereunto, at last by reason of our importunity in such danger & weakness, 
The seminaries are set on shore at Bullogne through their own importunity.  yielded to set us on shore at Bullogne, partly by reason of the fear we were then put in, & partly for that we feared afterward more unreasonable measure; but specially the greatest number of us so sore sick, that very tedious unto us it seemed to bear so long and dangerous a passage. In witness whereof to this our certificate we have all subscribed our names the nineteenth of September 1585. W. line 30 Gimlets, R. Fen: Io. Nele: Christopher Small, etc.   
¶ Ye have heard before that certain soldiers out of divers parts of this realm were transported over the seas into Holland and Zealand, &c: with such convenient and serviceable furniture, as might be presupposed necessary for defence: whom we will leave upon their guard, and more clearly to set forth the reasons of their transportation, we do mean here, as we promised before page 1413▪ when we line 40 came to due place, to deliver a book published by authority concerning that argument, the title and substance whereof in all points agreeable with the printed copy first extant, doth orderly follow.  

A declaration of the causes moving the queen of England to give aid to the defence of the people afflicted and oppressed in the low countries.  

Kings and prince's sovereigns', are to yield account of their actions only to almighty God, the king of kings.  ALthough kings and princes soveregnes, owing their homage and service only unto the almighty God the King of all kings, are in that respect not bound to yield account or render the reasons of their actions to any others but to God their only sovereign Lord: yet (though amongst the most ancient and christian monarches the same Lord God having committed to us the sovereignty of this realm of England and other our dominions, which we hold line 60 immediately of the same almighty Lord, and so thereby accountable only to his divine Majesty) we are notwithstanding this our prerogative at this time specially moved, for diverse reasons hereafter briefly remembered, to publish not only unto our own natural loving subjects, but also to all others our neighbours, specially to such princes & states as are our confederates, or have for their subjects cause of commerce with our countries and people, what our intention is at this time, and upon what just and reasonable grounds we are moved to give aid unto our next neighbours the natural people of the low countries, being by long wars and persecutions of strange nations there, lamentably afflicted, and in present danger to be brought into a perpetual servitude.  
First, 
Natural causes of the ancient continual traffic betwixt the people of England & them of the low countries.  it is to be understood (which percase is not perfectly known to a great number of persons) that there hath been, time out of mind, even by the natural situation of those low countries and our realm of England, one directly opposite to the other, and by reason of the ready crossing of the seas, and multitude of large and commodious havens respectively on both sides, a continual traffic and commerce betwixt the people of England, and the natural people of those low countries, and so continued in all ancient times, when the several provinces thereof, as Flanders, Holland, and Zealand, and other countries to them adjoining, were ruled and possessed by several lords, and not united together, as of late years they have been by intermarriages, 
Confederatitions both betwixt the kings of England and lords of the low countries, and also the subjects of both countries  and at length by concurrences of many and sundry titles have also been reduced to be under the government of their lords that succeeded to the dukedom of Burgundy: whereby there hath been in former ages many special alliances and confederations, not only betwixt the kings of England our progenitors and the lords of the said countries of Flanders, Holland, Zealand, and their adherents: but also betwixt the very natural subjects of both countries, as the prelates, noblemen, citizens, burgesses, and other commonalties of the great cities and port towns of either country reciprocally, 
The people of both the countries bound by special obligations interchangeably, for mutual favours and friendly offices.  by special obligations and stipulations under their seals interchangeably, for maintenance both of commerce and intercourse of merchants, & also of special mutual amity to be observed betwixt the people and inhabitants of both parties as well ecclesiastical as secular: and very express provision in such treaties contained for mutual favours, affections, and all other friendly offices to be used and prosecuted by the people of the one nation towards the other. By which mutual bonds, there hath continued perpetual unions of the people's hearts together, and so by way of continual intercourses, from age to age the same mutual love hath been inviolably kept and exercised, as it had been by the work of nature, and never utterly dissolved, nor yet for any long time discontinued, howsoever the kings, and the lords of the countries sometimes (though very rarely) have been at difference by sinister means of some other princes their neighbours, envying the felicity of these two countries.  
And for maintenance and testimony of these natural unions of the peoples of these kingdoms and countries in perpetual amity, there are extant sundry authentic treaties and transactions for mutual commerce, 
Treaties extant of ancient time, betwixt the kings of England and the dukes of Burgundy, for the commerce betwixt their countries.  intercourse and streict amity of ancient times: as for example, some very solemnly accorded in the times of king Henry the sixth our progenitor, and Philip the second duke of Burgundy, and inheritor to the county of Flanders by the lady Margaret his grandmoother, which was above one hundred & forty years past, & the same also renewed by the noble duke Charles his son, father to the king of Spain's grandmoother, and husband to the lady Margaret sister to our great grandfather king Edward the fourth: and after that, of new ofttimes renewed by our most noble & sage grandfather king Henry the seventh, and the archduke Philip grandfather to the king of Spain now being: and in latter times, often renewed betwixt our father of noble memory king Henry the eight, and Charles the fift emperor of Almain, father also to the present king of Spain. 
conventions for the subjects of either side, to show mutual favours one to th' e other.   
In all which treaties, transactions, and confederations of amity and mutual commerce, it was also at all times specially and principally contained in express words, by conventions, concords, and conclusions, that the natural people, and subjects of either side, should show mutual favours and duties one to the other, and should safely, freely and securely commerce together in every their countries; and so hath the same mutual and natural concourse and commerce been without interruption continued in many ages, far above the like example of any other countries in christendom, to the honour and strength of the princes, and to the singular great benefit and enriching of their people: until of late line 10 years that the king of Spain departing out of his low countries into Spain, hath been (as it is to be thought) counseled by his councillors of Spain, 
Spaniards and strangers lately appointed governors in the low countries, to the violation of the liberties of the country.  to appoint Spaniards, forrenners and strangers of strange blood, men more exercised in wars than in peaceable government, and some of them notably delighted in blood, as hath appeared by their actions, to be the chiefest governors of all his said low countries, contrary to the ancient laws and customs thereof, having great plenty of noble, line 20 valiant and faithful persons naturally borne, and such as the emperor Charles, and the king himself had to their great honours used in their service, able to have been employed in the rule of those countries.  
But these Spaniards, being mere strangers, having no natural regard in their government to the maintenance of those countries and people in their ancient and natural manner of peaceable living, as the most noble and wise emperor Charles; line 30 yea and as his son king Philip himself had, whilst he remained in those countries, and used the counsels of the states and natural of the countries, not violating the ancient liberties of the countries: but contrariwise, these Spaniards being exalted to absolute government, by ambition, and for private lucre have violently broken the ancient laws and liberties of all the countries, 
The destruction of the nobility, and the people of the countries by the Spanish government.  and in a tyrannous sort have banished, killed and destroyed without order of line 40 law, within the space of few months, many of the most ancient and principal persons of the natural nobility that were most worthy of government. And howsoever in the beginning of these cruel persecutions, the pretence thereof was for maintenance of the Romish religion: yet they spared not to deprive very many catholics and ecclesiastical persons of their franchises and privileges: and of the chiefest that were executed of the nobility, none was in the whole country more affected to that religion line 50 than was the noble and valiant county of Egmond, the very glory of that country, who neither for his singular victories in the service of the king of Spain can be forgotten in the true histories, 
The lamentable violent death of the county of Egmond, the glory of those countries.  nor yet for the cruelty used for his destruction, to be but for ever lamented in the hearts of the natural people of that country.  
And furthermore, to bring these whole countries in servitude to Spain, these foreign governors have by long intestine war, with multitude of Spaniards, and with some few Italians and Almains, line 60 made the greater part of the said countries (which with their riches by common estimation answered the emperor Charles equally to his Indies) in a manner desolate, and have also lamentably destroyed by sword, 
The rich towns and strengths with the wealth thereof possessed by the Spaniards.  famine, and other cruel manners of death, a great part of the natural people, & now the rich towns and strong places being desolate of their natural inhabitants, are held and kept chiefly with force by the Spaniards. All which pitiful miseries and horrible calamities of these most rich countries and people, are of all their neighbours at this day, even of such as in ancient time have been at frequent discord with them through natural compassion very greatly pitied, which appeared specially this present year, when the French king pretended to have received them to his protection, had not (as the states of the country & their deputies were answered) that certain untimely and unlooked for complots of the house of Guise, stirred and maintained by money out of Spain, disturbed the good and general peace of France, and thereby urged the king to forbear from the resolution he had made, not only to aid the oppressed people of the low countries against the Spaniards, but also to have accepted them as his own subjects. But in very truth, howsoever they were pitied, and in a sort for a time comforted & kept in hope in France by the French king, who also hath oftentimes earnestly solicited us as queen of England, both by message and writing to be careful of their defence: yet in respect that▪ they were otherwise more straightly knit in ancient friendship to this realm than to any other country, 
The French kings offers to have aided and received to his subjection the oppressed people of the low countries.  we are sure that they could be pitied of none for this long time with more cause and grief generally, than of our subjects of this our realm of England, being their most ancient allies and familiar neighbours: and that in such manner, as this our realm of England and those countries have been by common language of long time resembled and termed as man and wife.  
And for these urgent causes and many others, 
The queen of England's continual friendly advises to the king of Spain for restraining of the tyranny of his governors.  we have by many friendly messages and ambassadors, by many letters and writings to the said king of Spain our brother and alley, declared our compassion of this so evil and cruel usage of his natural and loyal people by sundry his martial governors and other his men of war, all strangers to these his countries. And furthermore, as a good loving sister to him, and a natural good neighbour to his low countries and people, we have often, and often again most friendly warned him, that if he did not otherwise by his wisdom and princely clemency restrain the tyranny of his governors and cruelty of his men of war, we feared that the people of his countries should be forced for safety of their lives, and for continuance of their native country in the former state of their liberties, to seek the protection of some other foreign lord, or rather to yield themselves wholly to the sovereignty of some mighty prince, as by the ancient laws of their countries, and by special privileges granted by some of the lords and dukes of the countries to the people, they do pretend and affirm, that in such cases of general injustice, and upon such violent breaking of their privileges they are free from their former homages, and at liberty to make choice of any other prince to be their prince and head.  
The proof whereof by examples past is to be seen & read in the ancient histories of diverse alterations, of the lords and ladies of the countries of Brabant, Flanders, Holland, and Zealand, and other countries to them united by the states and people of the countries; and that by some such alterations, as the stories do testify, Philip the duke of Burgundy came to his title, from which the king of Spain's interest is derived: but the further discussion hereof, we leave to the view of the monuments and records of the countries. And now, 
The queen of England's means used to stay the states of the low countries from yielding their subjection to any other foreign prince.  for the purposes to stay them from yielding themselves in any like sort to the sovereignty of any other strange prince, certain years passed, upon the earnest request of sundry of the greatest persons of degree in those countries, and most obedient subjects to the king, such as were the duke of Ascot, and the marquess of Haverie yet living, and of such others as had principal offices in those countries in the time of the emperor Charles, we yielded at their importunate requests, to grant them priests of money, only to continue them as his subjects, and to maintain themselves in their just defence against the violence and cruelties of the Spaniards their oppressors, thereby staying them from yielding their subjection to any other prince from the said king of Spain: and during the time of that our aid given to them, and their stay in their obedience to the king of Spain, we did freely acquaint the same king with our actions, and did still continue our friendly advises to him, to move him to command his governors and men of war, not line 10 to use such insolent cruelties against his people, as might make them to despair of his favours, and seek some other lord.  
And in these kind of persuasions and actions we continued many years, not only for compassion of the miserable state of the countries, but of a natural disposition to have the ancient conditions of streict amity and commerce for our kingdoms and people to continue with the states and the people of the said dukedom of Burgundy and the appendents, line 20 and namely with our next neighbours the countries of Flanders, Holland and Zealand. For we did manifestly see, if the nation of Spain should make a conquest of those countries, as was and yet is apparently intended, and plant themselves there as they have done in Naples and other countries, adding thereto the late examples of the violent hostile enterprise of a power of Spaniards, 
The enterprise of the Spaniards in Ireland sent by the king of Spain and the pope.  being sent within these few years by the king of Spain and the pope into our realm of Ireland, with an intent line 30 manifestly confessed by the captains, that those numbers were sent aforehand to seize upon some strength there, to the intent with other great forces to pursue a conquest thereof: we did (we say again) manifestly see in what danger ourself, our countries and people might shortly be, if in convenient time we did not speedily otherwise regard to prevent or stay the same. And yet notwithstanding our said often requests and advises given to the king of Spain, manifestly for his own weal and honour, line 40 we found him by his council of Spain so unwilling in any sort to incline to our friendly counsel, that his governors and chéefeteins in his low countries increased their cruelties towards his own afflicted people, and his officers in Spain offered daily greater injuries to ours, 
The refusal of the queens messenger, and her letters to the king of Spain.  resorting thither for traffic: yea, they of his council in Spain would not permit our express messenger with our letters to come to the king their master's presence: a matter very strange, and against the law of line 50 nations.  

The just causes of dismissing of Barnardin Mendoza out of Englā●.  And the cause of this our writing and sending to the king, proceeded of matter that was worthy to be known to the king, and not unmeet now also to be declared to the world, to show both our good disposition towards the king in imparting to him our griefs, and to let it appear how evil we have been used by his ministers, as in some part may appear by this that followeth. Although we could not have line 60 these many years past any of our servants, whom we sent at sundry times as our ambassadors to the king our good brother (as was meet) suffered to continue there without many injuries and indignities offered to their families, and diverse times to their own persons by the greatest of his councillors, so as they were constrained to leave their places, and some expelled and in a sort banished the country, without cause given by them, or notified to us: yet we, minding to continue very good friendship with the king, as his good sister, did of long time and many years give favourable allowance to all that came as his ambassadors to us, saving only upon manifest dangerous practices attempted by two of them to trouble our estate, 
Two turbulent spirited persons (Spaniard● diving what they could to set all England in a tumult.  whereof the one was Girald Despes, a very turbulent spirited person, and altogether unskilful and unapt to deal in princes affairs being in amity, as at his return into Spain he was so there also reputed: the other and last was Barnardin de Mendoza, one whom we did accept and use with great favour a long time, as was manifestly seen in our court, and we think cannot be denied by himself: but yet of late years (we know not by what direction) we found him to be a secret great favourer to sundry our evil disposed and seditious subjects, not only to such as lurked in our realm, but also to such as fled the same, being notoriously condemned as open rebels & traitors, with whom by his letters, messages, and secret counsels he did in the end devise how with a power of men, partly to come out of Spain, partly out of the low countries, whereof he gave them great comfort in the king's name, an invasion might be made into our realm, setting down in writing the manner how the same should be done, with what numbers of men and ships, and upon what coasts, ports, and places of our realm by special name, and who the persons should be in our realm of no small account, that should favour this invasion, and take part with the invadours, with many other circumstances declaring his full set purpose and labours taken, to trouble us and our realm very dangerously, as hath been most clearly proved and confessed by such as were in that confederacy with him, whereof some are fled and now do frequent his company in France, and some were taken, 
See the vo●luntarie confession of F. Throgmorto● in pages 1370 1373.  who confessed at great length by writing the whole course herein held by the said ambassador, as was manifestly of late time published to the world upon Francis Throgmortons' a principal traitors examination.  
And when we found manifestly this ambassador so dangerous an instrument, or rather a head to a rebellion and invasion; and that for a year or more together he never brought to us any letter from the king his master, notwithstanding our often request made to him that he would by some letter from the king to us, let it appear that it was the king's will that he should deal with us in his master's name in sundry things that he propounded to us as his ambassador, which we did judge to be contrary to the king his masters will: we did finally cause him to be charged with these dangerous practices, and made it patent to him how, and by whom, with many other circumstances we knew it, and therefore caused him in very gentle sort to be content within some reasonable time to departed out of our realm, the rather for his own safety, 
The courteous dealing of her majesty with Mendoza (a man mortally hated) departing out of England.  as one in very deed mortally hated of our people: for the which we granted him favourable conduct, both to the sea and over the sea: and thereupon we did speedily send a servant of ours into Spain with our letters to the king, only to certify him of this accident, and to make the whole matter apparent unto him: and this was the messenger afore mentioned, that might not be suffered to deliver our message or our letters to the king.  
And beside these indignities, it is most manifest how his ministers also have both heretofore many times, and now lately practised here in England by means of certain rebels, to have procured sundry invasions of our realm, by their forces out of Spain and the low countries: very hard recompenses (we may say) for so many our good offices. Hereupon we hope no reasonable person can blame us, if we have disposed ourselves to change this our former course, and more carefully to look to the safety of ourself and our people: and finding our own dangers in deed very great and imminent, we have been the more urgentlie provoked to attempt and accelerate some good remedy, for that besides many other advises given us both at home & from abroad, in due time to withstand these dangers, we have found the general disposition of all our own faithful people very ready in this case, and earnest in offering to us both in parlements and otherwise, their services with their bodies and blood, and their aids with their lands and goods, to withstand and prevent this present common danger to our realm line 10 and themselves, evidently seen and feared by the subverting and rooting up of the ancient nation of these low countries, and by planting the Spanish nation and men of war, enemies to our countries, there so near unto us.  

The queen of England's proceeding for the delivery of Scotland from the servitude wherein the house of Guise meant to have brought it.  And besides these occasions and considerations, we did also call to our remembrance our former fortunate proceeding by Gods special favour, in the beginning of our reign, in remedieng of a like mischief that was intended against us in Scotland by line 20 certain Frenchmen, who then were directed only by the house of Guise, by colour of the marriage of their niece the queen of Scots with the Dolphin of France, in like manner as the offsprings of the said house have even now lately sought to attain to the like inordinate power in France: a matter of some consequence for ourselves to consider; although we hope the king our good brother professing sincere friendship towards us, as we profess the like to him, will moderate this aspiring greatness of line 30 that house, that neither himself, nor the princes of his blood be overruled, nor we (minding to continue perfect friendship with the king & his blood) be by the said house of Guise & their faction disquieted or disturbed in our countries. But now to return to this like example of Scotland aforesaid. When the French had in like manner (as the Spaniards have now of long time attempted in the low countries) sought by force to have subdued the people there, and brought them into a servitude to the crown of line 40 France, and also by the ambitious desires of the said house of Guise, to have proceeded to a war by way of Scotland, for the conquest of our crown for their niece the queen of Scots (a matter most manifest to the common knowledge of the world) it pleased almighty God, as it remaineth in good memory to our honour and comfort, to further our tention and honourable and just actions at that time in such sort, as by our aiding then of the nation of Scotland being sore oppressed with the French, and line 50 universally requiring our aid, we procured to that realm (though to our great cost) a full deliverance of the force of strangers and danger of servitude, and restored peace to the whole country, which hath continued there ever since many years, saving that at some time of partialities of certain of the noble men, as hath been usual in that country, in the minority of the young king, there have risen some inward troubles, which for the most part we have in favour of the king and his governors used means to pacify: 
The realm of Scotland restored to the ancient freedom, and so possessed by the present king by the means only of the queen of England.  so as at this day such is the quietness in line 60 Scotland, as the king our dear brother & cousin, by name james the sixth, a prince of great hope for many good princely respects, reigneth there in honour and love of his people, and in very good and perfect amity with us and our country. And so our actions at that time came to so good success by the goodness of God, as both our own realm, and that of Scotland, hath ever since remained in better amity and peace than can be remembered these many hundred years before; and yet nothing hereby done by us, nor any cause justly given: but that also the French kings that have since succeeded, which have been three in number, and all brethren, have made and concluded diverse treaties for good peace with us, which presently continue in force on both parties, notwithstanding our foresaid actions attempted, for removing out of Scotland of the said French forces, so transported by the only direction of the house of Guise.  
And therefore, to conclude for the declaration of our present intention at this time, 
The conclusion of the causes of sending of certain companies of English soldiers to the defence of the oppressed people of the low countries, and to withstand the attempts against this realm.  we hope it shall of all persons abroad be well interpreted, as we know it will be of such as are not led by partiality, that upon the often and continual lamentable requests made to us by the universal states of the countries of Holland, Zealand, gelders, and other provinces with them united (being desperate of the king of Spain's favours) for our succours to be yielded to them, only for their defence against the Spaniards and other strangers, and therewith finding manifestly by our often and importunate requests and advises given to the king of Spain, no hope of relief of these their miseries, but rather an increase thereof by daily conquests of their towns and slaughter of their people (though in very truth we cannot impute the increase of any late cruelties to the person of him that now hath the title of general governor, showing his natural disposition more inclinable to mercy and clemency, than it seemeth he can direct the hearts of the Spaniards under him, that have been so long trained in shedding of blood under the former Spanish governors) and joining thereunto our own danger at hand, by the overthrow and destruction of our neighbours, and access and planting of the great forces of the Spaniards so near to our countries, with precedent arguments of many troublesome attempts against our realm: we did therefore by good advise and after long deliberation determine, to send certain companies of soldiers to aid the natural people of those countries, only to defend them and their towns from sacking and desolation, & thereby to procure them safety, to the honour of God, whom they desire to serve sincerely as christian people according to his holy word, and to enjoy their ancient liberties for them and their posterity, and so consequently to preserve and continue the lawful and ancient commerce betwixt our people and those countries and ours.  
And so we hope our intention herein, and our subsequent actions will be by God's favour both honourably interpreted of all persons (saving of the oppressors themselves, and their partisans) in that we mean not hereby, either for ambition or malice (the two roots of all injustice) to make any particular profit hereof to ourself or to our people; 

Three special things reasonably desired by the queen of England.  
1. The end of wars with restitution of the low countries to their ancient liberties.  
2. Surety from invasion of her own realm.  
3. And renewing of the mutual traffic between the countries.  
The causes of taking some towns into her majesties custody.   only desiring at this time to obtain by God's favour for the countries, a deliverance of them from war by the Spaniards and forraines: a restitution of their ancient liberties and government by some christian peace, and thereby a surety for ourselves and our realm to be free from invading neighbours: and our people to enjoy in those countries their lawful commerce and intercourse of friendship & merchandise, according to the ancient usage and treat●ies of intercourse, made betwixt our progenitors and the lords and earls of those countries, and betwixt our people and the people of those countries.  
And though our further intention also is, or may be, to take into our guard some few towns upon the sea side next opposite to our realm, which otherwise might be in danger to be taken by the strangers, enemies of the country: yet therein considering we have no meaning at this time to take and retain the same to our own proper use: we hope that all persons will think it agreeable with good reason and princely policy, that we should have the guard and use of some such places for sure access and recess of our people and soldiers in safety, and for furniture of them with victuals and other things requisite and necessary, whilst it shall be needful for them to continue in those countries for the aiding thereof in these their great calamities, miseries, and imminent danger, and until the countries may be delivered of such strange forces as do now oppress them, and recover their ancient lawful liberties and manner of government, to live in peace as they have heretofore done, and do now most earnestly line 10 in lamentable manner desire to do, which are the very only true ends of all our actions now intended: howsoever malicious tongues may utter their cankered conceits to the contrary, as at this day the world aboundeth with such blasphemous reports in writings and infamous libels, as in no age the devil hath more abounded with notable spirits replenished with all wickedness to utter his rage against professors of christian religion. But thereof we leave the revenge to God the searcher of hearts, line 20 hoping that he beholding the sincerity of our heart, will grant good success to our intentions, whereby a christian peace may ensue to his divine honour, and comfort to all them that love peace truly, and will seek it sincerely.   

An addition to the declaration, touching the slanders published of her majesty.  
AFter we had finished our declaration, there came to our hands a pamphlet written in Italian, printed at Milan, entitled nuovo adviso, directed to the archbishop of Milan, containing a report of the expugnation of Antwerp by the prince of Parma: by the which we found ourself most maliciously charged with two notable crimes, no less hateful to the world, than most repugnant and contrary to our own natural inclination. 
The sum of a slanderous pamphlet published in the Italian tongue against the queens majesty.  line 40 The one with ingratitude towards the king of Spain, who (as the author saith) saved our life being justly by sentence adjudged to death in our sister's time: the other, that there were some persons procured to be corrupted with great promises, and that with our intelligence, as the reporter addeth in a parenthesis in these words (as it was said) that the life of the prince of Parma should be taken away. And for the better proving and countenancing of this horrible lie, it is further added in line 50 the said pamphlet, that it pleased the Lord God to discover this, and bring two of the wicked persons to justice. Now, knowing how men are maliciously bend in this declining age of the world, both to judge, speak, and write maliciously, falsely, and unreverently of princes: 
The queens majesty is jealous over the conservation of her reputation.  and holding nothing so dear unto us, as the conservation of our reputation and honour to be blameless: we found it very expedient, not to suffer two such horrible imputations to pass under silence; lest for lack of answer, line 60 it might argue a kind of guiltiness, and did therefore think, that what might be alleged by us for our justification in that behalf, might most aptly be joined unto this former declaration now to be published, to lay open before the world, the manner and ground of our proceeding in the causes of the low countries.  
And for answer of the first point wherewith we are charged, 
An answer to the first point of the said pamphlet, clearing her highness of ingratitude.  touching our ingratitude towards the king of Spain; as we do most willingly acknowledge that we were beholding unto him in the time of our late sister, which we then did acknowledge very thank●fullie, and have sought many ways since in like sort to requite, as in our former declaration by our actions may appear: so do we utterly deny as a most manifest untruth, that ever he was the cause of the saving of our life as a person by course of justice sentenced unto death, whoever carried ourself towards our said sister in dutiful sort, as our loyalty was never called in question, much less any sentence of death pronounced against us: a matter such, as in respect of the ordinary course of proceeding, as by process in law, by place of trial, by the judge that should pronounce such sentence, and other necessary circumstances in like cases usual, especially against one of our quality, as it could not but have been publicly known, if any such thing had been put in execution. This then being true, we leave to the world to judge how maliciously and injuriously the author of the said pamphlet dealeth with us, in charging us by so notable an untruth, with a vice that of all other we do most hate and abhor. And therefore by the manifest untruth of this imputation, men not transported with passion may easily discern what untruth is contained in the second, by the which we are charged to have been acquainted with an intended attempt against the life of the said prince: a matter, 
The second point of the pamphlet answered to the full satisfaction of any that is reasonable.  if any such thing should have been by us intended, must have proceeded either of a misliking we had of his person, or that the prosecution of the wars in the low countries was so committed unto him, as no other might prosecute the same but he.  
And first for his person, we could never learn that he hath at any time, by act or speech, done any thing that might justly breed a mislike in us towards him, much less a hatred against his person in so high a degree, as to be either privy or assenting to the taking away of his life. Besides, he is one of whom we have ever had an honourable conceit, in respect of those singular rare parts we always have noted in him, which hath won unto him as great reputation, as any man this day living carrieth of his degree and quality: and so have we always delivered out by speech unto the world, when any occasion hath been offered to make mention of him. Now touching the prosecution committed unto him of the wars in the low countries, 
The prosecution of the wars in the low countries is not like to cease, though the prince of Parma were dead.  as all men of judgement know, that the taking away of his life carrieth no likelihood that the same shall work any end of the said prosecution: so is it manifestly known, that no man hath dealt more honourably than the said prince, either in duly observing of his promise, or extending grace and mercy, where merit and desert hath craved the same: and therefore no greater impiety by any could be wrought, nor nothing more prejudicial to ourself (so long as the king shall continue the prosecution of the cause in that forcible sort he now doth) than to be an instrument to take him away from thence by such violent means, that hath dealt in a more honourable and gracious sort in the charge committed unto him, than any other that hath ever gone before him, or is likely to succeed after him.  
Now therefore how unlikely it is, that we having neither cause to mislike of his person, 
This being duly pondered, all the world may see how unjustly her highness is slandered.  nor that the prosecution of the wars should cease by loss of him, should be either author, or any way assenting to so horrible a fact, we refer to the judgement of such as look into causes, not with the eyes of their affection; but do measure and weigh things according to honour and reason. Besides, it is likely if it had been true that we had been any way chargeable (as the author reporteth) the confessions of the parties executed (importing such matter as by him is alleged) would have been both produced and published: for malice leaveth nothing unsearched, 
The nature of malice comprised in a sentence of few 〈◊〉.  that may nourish the venom of that humour. 
〈◊〉 in a 〈◊〉 of few ●ords.   
The best course therefore that both we and all other princes can hold in this unfortunate age that overfloweth with numbers of malignant spirits, is through the grace and goodness of almighty God, to direct our course in such sort, as they may rather show their wills through malice, than with just cause by desert to say ill, or deface princes either by speech or writing: assuring ourselves that beside the punishment that such wicked and infamous libellors' line 10 shall receive at the hands of the almighty for depraving of princes and lawful magistrates, 
The reward ●●at wicked and infamous ●●bellors shall ●ape at the hands of God and men.  who are Gods ministers; they both are and always shall be thought by all good men, unworthy to live upon the face of the earth.  
Given at Richmount the first of October, 1585., and the 27 year of the reign of our sovereign lady the queen, to be published.   
In the months of November and December, line 20 many horses and men were shipped at the Tower wharf to be transported over into the low countries. And on the sixth of December the right honourable lord Robert Dudleie earl of Leicester, 
The earl of Leicester's pa●sing over 〈◊〉 the low ●●●ntries.  lord lieutenant general (after he had taken his leave of her majesty and the court) with his train entered the town of Colchester in Essex, where the mayor & his brethren, all in scarlet gowns, with multitudes of people met him, and so with great solemnity entered line 30 the town, where he lodged that night, and on the next morrow set forward to Harwich, into the which town he was accordingly received and entertained. On the eight of December, accompanied with divers lords and knights, he arrived at Flushing, where he was entertained by sir Philip Sidneie governor, the Grave Morris, the states of the town, and others passing honourably. The next day he sailed to Middleborough, where his receiving was answerable to his person; and after certain days there spent, as occasions then moved, he came to Williamstat, line 40 then to Rotherodam, then to Delft, where he lodged even in the house where the prince of Orange was slain. And after a day or twooes tarriance, he removed thence to Donhage, where he was entertained with ten several shows, of no less rare invention than exquisite sumptuousness, so glad were the people (best and worst, one with another) of his coming. Certain days passed, and januarie entered, the lord lieutenant with three hundred horses in their furniture entered Leidon, where he was received of the burgomasters, burgesses, and others, line 50 with seven several shows that follow. It is to be noted, that eight years before this, they were besieged, and therefore now presented their extremities, which at that time they were driven into. They brought therefore a fair woman on the stage very bravely appareled, 
The first show ●f a woman representing Leidon.  & she represented the town, her they assaulted by Spaniards, with false fires of great and small shot a long time in order of battle, & then retiring continued their siege; here they lay so long that victuals waxed scarce, and then they presented after line 60 the poets, 
●he second 〈◊〉 of fa●e.  of what this show had passed. Famine attired accordingly then breathed into the woman, after which they presented men rending dogs and cats alive in sunder, and fed on them, and soldiers robbing women of their children.  
Sickness now possesseth her and pestilence, and this they presented in abrupt burials of townsmen on heaps; 
●he third 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  and lastly with a brave burial of a captain, who was borne over the stage with dead matches, howling trumpets, wrapped up ancients, trailed pikes, drawn pieces; and after he was put into the ground, and bid farewell with a volée of great and small shot. The Spaniards pitying her, 
The fourth show of Spanish seruituu●.  writ and sent letters by diverse messengers, all which she read and refused, without return of answer: now hope possesseth her, and therefore they took another way. Now she commanded a light to be set on the highest steeple in the town, to signify unto the prince of Orange that lay in Delft, 
The fift show of hope to be succoured.  how they hoped for succour; who again by devise of a dove sent them promise of aid, by which dove they promised to attend the good hour, and so the show ended.  
Now came God's providence, upon whom the town relied, and she leaned: 
The sixth show of aid promised.  God's providence in the dead of the night overthrew a piece of the wall and vawmure of six and twenty poles. Which the enemy hearing, and fearing the prince and his power to be entered for their aid, they fled, whom when the town had in pursuit, they put all they overtook to the sword, the rest escaped by flight, and so with the woman as it were now at liberty that presented the town, they marched away merrily with great triumph. At the last they brought in a woman very brave, armed as the other was, 
The last show of liberty, victory, and triumph.  her they besieged with a Spaniard, enticed with a Frenchman, and flattered with an jatlian twice, the Spaniard put by, she fled the stage, and leaping off hastily hid herself under the earls cloak, whom he shadowed, and the Spaniard threatening marched away. The earl led her to his lodging, whereinto he entered with shot. On the scaffold were written these verses, in effect as followeth in English: 
We Flemings being banished, now wailing here, 
These verses seem to be made by no metrician, perhaps they were devised by some of Leidon.   
We are as they in Babylon, by the water clear,  
Because we would not worship idols, but God's word,  
And might not sing our praise unto the Lord,  
Are we driven out as now doth appear,  
But our deliverance is now very near,  
For God hath looked upon our miserableness,  
And sent us a prince whom he will bless,  
Which praised be God as it doth beseem,  
Who hath delivered us from dangerous case,  
And humbled the heart of such a noble queen,  
As hath sent us a governor now in this space,  
Laying his hand to the wars through his grace,  
And his arm mightily, the which us defend,  
Thus praised may he be world without end,  
Which sendeth such a prince above all that liveth,  
And one that governs to gods honour he now giveth.   
So passing on to my lords lodging, on the door of the entering were written these verses following: 
Pro auspicijs illustrissimi & generosissimi comitis Roberti Dudlaei, regiae maiestati apud Anglos à consilijs, & gubernatoris Belgiae, &c: ad Holandos consolatio.  
Inter Iberiadum furias & tigridis iras, 
Verses written upon the door of the lord lieutenant's lodging.   
Oppressi fletum comprimitote viri,  
Nos licèt innumeris hostilia bella periclis  
Assiduè infestent, mill necesque trahant,  
Nostra tamen Domini rebus fiducia si sit  
In Domino, miseris expediet facilè.  
Nicanor Lestrij generis viribus malè nostras  
Ceruices pulsat, barbara verba vomens:  
Viribus at Lecestranis iugulabitur ille,  
En Machabaeus adest, qui Nicanora premat,  
Auspicio Christi, qui in vitam funera vertit,  
Qui fidei vindex, qui mala nostra levat.  
En generose comes, Davidis pia facta secutus,  
justiciae exerce iura severa tuae:  
Et tibi sit praesens magnum qui temperat orbem,  
Vt pede victrici colla ter as Goliae.   
On the day after his coming to the town, 
The lord lieutenant returneth back from Leidon to Donhage.  he was banketted, at which banquet were orations and devices many. On the fift of januarie he came back from Leidon unto Donhage. The tenth he mustered part of his horsemen, to the number of five hundred or more, and then pointed them into several garrisons, and to several governors, the earl of Essex was that day made general of the horses. The eleventh day he came from Donhage to Leidon. The twelve day a general fast was proclaimed through Holland, 
A géneráll fast proclaimed and devoutly observed.  Gelderland, and Friesland, which was kept with great zeal. The lord lieutenant spent that day till night with preaching, reading, and singing of psalms; neither he or any of his eating any thing. The ninetéenth line 10 of januarie he came from Leidon to Donhage, where in his time of abode he road to a little fisher town two miles from the Hage, 
The lord lieutenant rideth to Skeveling, and is presented with a few English verses.  named Skeveling, which town doth bound on the main seas. In this town he was presented with these verses: 
Like as the sea goddess Thetis had engendered,  
The valiant Achilles to the Greeks defence,  
So hath now this English Thetis, who all praise deserved  
Sent us this Achilles to our assistance,  
Wherefore we yield him all due reverence. line 20   
These words were written in the great hall at Donhage, containing terms of honour & well-wishing: Beatus qui facit opus Domini fideliter. 
Titles of honór ascribed to the lord lieutenant, with a rejoicing at his coming.  ¶ Inclyto principi Roberto Dudlaeo comiti Leicestriae, inter magnates maximè pio, prudenti, forti, Dei permissu a regina misso, praefecto ac gubernatori Belgarum, prosperum hunc optatúmque adventum toto laetitiae sinu gratulamur, ecclesiae & reipublicae salutem optamus, foederati ordinis Belgij, addicti celsitudini eius. ¶ Deus caepit, Deus dirigat. line 30  

The estates sworn to the queen of England.  On the five and twentieth of januarie, the lord lieutenant was installed and sworn, and likewise all the states sworn to the queen. The manner of the installing was thus. At Donhage is a marvelous fair hall, at the upper end whereof are five or six large steps ascending, which do reach to a fair chamber, at the upper end whereof on high was plac●d a cloth of estate, 
The earl of leicester installed at Donhage▪ with the manner and order thereof.  in the midst of which were the arms of England, and against them my lord was seated: on each side of him two steps descending line 40 sat twelve of the principal states, & below them sat the residue, to the number of twenty right before my lord, but four or five steps descending. On the right hand of my lord did stand the prince of Portugal, 
Persons of honour and worship.  next him the lord Morleie, next master Norris governor of Munster, next sir William russel, and sir Robert Germin, with diverse men of great account. On the left hand of my lord did stand the Grave Morris, next the earl of Essex, sir William Stanleie, sir Robert Stapleton, and sir Thomas line 50 Parrot, with divers others of great account. Thus being placed, a Dutchman made a large oration in Dutch, declaring the causes of the matter in hand, with thanks to the queens majesty and the lord lieutenant.  
Then was read in Latin the covenants between the states, 
The covenants between the queens majesty and the estates, read in Latin and delivered to and fro.  the queen and my lord: this done the covenants were delivered to my lord, which he delivered to the states, and the states delivered an other to him: then was my lord demanded to vow line 60 the same by oath, who holding his hand to heaven did swear to the covenants. The like did the states, holding up their hands, vow to perform. Then again were the states sworn to the queen and my lord her lieutenant in those affairs. This done, my lord gave to them several thanks, and they severally did give to him the like, which being done, my lord passed through to his chamber, the trumpets all sounding before him. And here as matter of conveniency requireth, we purpose to touch the peremptory authority committed to the said lord lieutenant by common consent of the states: being as followeth in the placard.  

A placard containing the authority given by the states of the low countries, unto the mighty prince, Robert earl of Leicester, baron of Denbigh, &c: for the government of the said low countries: translated out of Dutch into English, as followeth.  
THe general states of the united provinces of the low countries, to all those which shall see or hear these present writings, health and dilection. Even as it hath pleased her majesty of England mercifully to send over into these countries the high and mighty prince and lord, lord Robert earl of Leicester, 
Note what ● title and stil● of excellency the state's 〈◊〉 to the earl their governor, and the honourable se●●uice to him ●●pointed.  baron of Denbigh, and one of the privy council, knight of the noble order of the garter, and not only to admit and institute his excellency as chief head above all military soldiers on horse or foot, which her majesty hath sent or shall send over hereafter into these countries; & to the end to assist us with counsel, aid & advise, according to his great experience, policy and wisdom in the direction of public affairs of the land, as well touching the feats of war, as other ways, in conservation of all that which most tendeth to the profit of the foresaid land, to bring back and reduce the same into such good order and rule as it hath been in times past, to the end that so much the better and orderly he may resist the force and tyranny of our enemies, and to frustrate all his practices: but also besides this to honour and enrich his foresaid excellency with greater authority, might and commandment, above all her majesties admerals and viceadmerals, and ships of war, to command them all, & to employ them to the service of these countries, and in such order as his excellency shall find needful for the same country; and that his excellency following her majesties commandment, 
The good 〈◊〉 and affection of the lord lieutenant to perform the premises sig●nified and by good proof 〈◊〉 stified.  desirous to show the effect of the good will and affection which he beareth to these affairs, and to the preservation of the same, and also of the true christian religion, and hath employed himself so willingly in the foresaid matters, that his excellency for that only cause hath left and abandoned his native country and goods, and transported himself hitherward amongst us: so that her majesty and his excellency could never have done or showed unto us a greater benefit than this.  
Therefore are we resolved, with good and ripe deliberation, to certify all men by these presents, 
The states agnise the p●●●emptorie authority put into the lord lieutenant's hands in respect of his government.  that we have desired, accepted, and authorised the foresaid mighty and honourable prince, lord Robert earl of Leicester, &c: to be our governor and general captain over all the united provinces, and associate cities and members of the same. And we give unto his excellency, besides the authority of her majesty given unto him, the highest and supreme commandment, and absolute authority above, and in all matters of warfare by sea and by land, to execute & administrat the same to the resistance of the enemy, even as his excellency shall think most commodious to the preservation of these countries: and so further, to do all such things as appertain to the office of a general captain. And furthermore, we commit the administration & use of policy and justice over the foresaid united provinces, and associate cities and members of the same into his hands, 
Like auth●●●tie given to the lord lieutenant, as other governors his 〈◊〉 predecessors 〈◊〉 had in the 〈◊〉 countries.  to execute and administrat the same with such power and authority, as have had in times past all the other governors of these low countries before him; and especially, as have been exercised, and lawfully administered in the time of Charles the fift; reserved only the laws and privileges of the foresaid countries: also with especial power to collect profits, and receive, and administrat all the contributions which are agreed and condescended, or shall hereafter be consented or agreed, to the maintenance of the wars: and also, that which is or shall be delivered hereafter into his excellencies hands: and this all according to the virtue of other letters and missives written more at large touching the same agreement. All which former charge and commission, his excellency through our earnest desire hath accepted, and hath delivered solemn oath and assurance into our hands, first of all, for the preservation line 10 of the true christian religion, and maintenance of the privileges and rights of these lands and provinces, members, and cities of the same.  
We therefore ordain and command all governors of provinces and cities, 
●n acknowledgement and performance of duty and elegiance enjoined to all persons of the low countries (under pain of punishment) to the lord lieutenant.  all admerals and viceadmerals, all officers, coroners, captains, their officers and soldiers by sea and land, and furthermore all other councillors, officers, treasurors, receivers, bailiffs, burgomasters, marshals, magistrates, gentlemen, burghers, & other inhabitants & subjects of line 20 these l●nds, of what quality or condition soever; that they & every of them do acknowledge his foresaid excellency in the quality of government, and captain general over the foresaid united provinces, to honour, respect and obey him, as they ought to do, without making any difficulty in doing the same, upon pain of falling in the displeasure and anger of his excellency, and to be punished according to the heaviness of the fault, and as reason shall require. And to the end that no body should pretend line 30 ignorance, we command expressly to make known these ordinances, 
All pretence of ignorance cut off, lest the course of obedience might be hindered.  to proclaim and publish them, whereas men are accustomed to proclaim all publications; proceeding, and commanding to proceed with rigour against all disdainors and neglectors of the same, according to the order of punishment before mentioned, without any favour or dissimulation to the contrary, because we have thought the same to be expedient for the preservation of the country.  
Given in our congregation & assembly line 40 in the Hage, the sixth day of February, 1586, by ordinance of the foresaid general states.   
This placard thus passed, the lord lieutenant bending his mind to his charge undertaken, 
councillors 〈◊〉, matters of late elected by the lord lieutenant.  did ordain certain special men, natives borne, of the council, to the intent that such affairs as chanced to occur, might by them be conveniently managed. And as he took order for matters of policy, so was he studious in preferring martial affairs, providing line 50 by good laws and ordinances not only concerning common soldiers, but captains in like sort, that a convenient course and well beseeming the excellency of his place, might be observed in all military businesses: for proof whereof these laws touching captains (as a note of the rest) may serve.  

●●wes for captein● and soldiers.  First, no captain, officer, or other person, shall receive or entertain any other man's soldier or servant, without consent of his former captain or line 60 master, neither shall entice any other man's soldier from him, upon pain of loss of a months wages, and to restore the party to his former captain or master.  
secondly, no captain shall send forth any men to do any enterprise, without knowledge of the general or chief officer appointed thereunto, upon pain of loss of his place.  
thirdly, all private captains being no head officers, shall watch and ward with their ensigns, unless it be by special leave, upon pain of the loss of a months pay, & for the second time lose his place.  
fourthly, no captain shall sell or ransom his prisoner without licence of the general, and shall not suffer them to departed without making the high marshal privy to the same, upon pain to lose his prisoner, and imprisonment.  
fiftly, any captain finding any soldier, of what band or company so ever, which hath transgressed any of these laws & ordinances, may take him & bring him unto the marshal to be punished.  
sixtly, that no captain shall receive or enroll any person into his pay under him, but that he cause the said soldier to receive the oath, upon pain to the captain for not observing the same, or loss of a months pay.  
Seaventhlie, no inferior captain shall for corruption or any other cause, licence any of his soldiers to departed the camp or garrison, without special licence of the general or head officer, upon pain of loss of his months pay, and expulsion out of his office.  
eightly, if any captain hereafter receiving his soldiers pay, do not pay the same unto them within eight days after, and being demanded, then upon complaint made, and the captain thereof indicted, he shall lose his months pay, and be deprived of his office, banished the camp, and disabled from thensefoorth to serve in the army.  
Ninthlie, captains & officers shall resort to their soldiers lodgings, to see in what state their armour and munition be in, and to give great charge that their furniture be always in a readiness, their corslets with all pieces belonging to the same, and their calivers to be made clean & oiled, to have match and powder dry, and strings for their bows, their bills and halberds to be kept clean and sharp, upon pain and punishment arbitrary, according to the quality of their negligence.  
Tenthlie, that every captain or officer shall cause these said statutes to be read every twentieth day to them of their charge, as well horsemen as footmen, & to follow the same so near as they may.  
Now when the state of the country was provided for in such sort as before ye have heard, 
The lord lieutenant cometh from the Hage to Harlem, & how he was received.  the lord lieutenant proceeded to other actions, insomuch that on the first of March he came from Hage to Leidon, and the third of March from Leidon to Harlem, where being honourably entertained, according to the manner in other places before named, with sundry representations: on the tenth day of March he came from Harlem to Amsterdam, a town counted inexpugnable, being there received in most sumptuous sort with diversity of shows & ceremonies. 
Utricht people commended for their great kindness showed to the Englishmen.  The like also were exhibited unto him coming to Utricht, the people of which town showed themselves greatly to favour our Englishmen, for there came to the town from the Leger three hundred or four hundred soldiers, so sick and poor, that it was wonder to see their misery: and the townsmen not only received them, but also relieved them with meat drink and clothes, giving them for the most part new shirts and other necessary apparel; looking so unto them for their health, that whereas for the most part they were in great danger of death, few or none of them at that time perished.  
The three and twentieth of April, the earl of Leicester being lieutenant, 
S. George's feast solemntlie observed at Utricht.  and governor general of her majesties forces in the low countries of the united provinces (as is aforesaid) and making his residence at that time in Utricht (a great and goodly town upon the frontiers of Holland) kept most honourably the feast of S. George therein, the proceedings whereof being so princely performed to the honour of our nation, in the view of so many thousand strangers, I could not choose (having gotten the true and faithful description, by one William S●●ger alias Portcullis an officer at arms in that service) to make some brief remembrance of the manner thereof in this book, 
S. George's feast solemnly observed at Utricht.  to wit. The streets of Utricht being large and fair, were ranked and set with eight ensigns of burghers richly appointed, wearing scarves knit like roses white and red upon their arms, between whom from the court of my lord unto the cathedral church called the Dome, the proceeding was on horseback. First rid the trumpeters appareled in scarlet, laid with silver lace, sounding their trumpets most royally, their bannerols being line 10 displayed and richly limmed with my lords arms. Then followed the gentlemen, captains, colonels, and her majesties sworn men, to the number of a forty horse, richly adorned in cloth of gold, silver, and silks, of all colours. After came six knights, four barons, with the council of estates: the right honourable earl of Essex accompanied the bishop of Cullen prince elector; and the prince of Portugal rid by himself: next proceeded the captain of line 20 the guard, the treasurer and controllor of the household, bearing their white slaves; after whom followed two gentlemen ushers, and Portcullis herald in a rich cote of arms of England.  
Then came my lord most princelike, invested in his robes of the order, 
L. lieutenant invested in the robes of order.  guarded by the principal burghers of the town, which offered themselves to that service, besides his own guard, which were a fifty halberds in scarlet cloaks, guarded with purple and white velvet. He being thus honourably brought unto the church, after due reverence done unto the line 30 queens majesties estate, which was there erected on the right hand, he took his own stall on the left, by certain degrees lower. Then began prayers, and a sermon made by master knewstubs my lords chaplain, after which my lord proceeded to the offering; first for her majesty, & then for himself, the which he performed with such decorum & princely behaviour, that all generally spoke most honourably of him.  
These solemnities being done, his lordship returned line 40 as he came, leaving behind him the earl of Essex and certain gentlemen to accompany the princes and the ladies of the court. His court was a fair and large house, belonging in times passed to the knights of the Rhodes, in which was a very great hall richly hung with tapistry; at the upper end whereof was a most sumptuous cloth and chair of estate for the queens majesty, with her arms and style thereon, and before it a table covered with all things so requisite as if in person she had been there; line 50 on the left hand almost at the table's end was my lords trencher and stool, for he would have no chair. The tables being covered, & all degrees assembled, my lord before the estate of her majesty knighted a Dutch gentleman, called sir Martin Skinke, for his manifold services done to his country, the which done, the ushers marshaled the feast. 
Martin Skink knighted, who promised Portcullis to show him seventy ensigns that he had now in the field.  At the table on the right side of the hall sat the young prince of Portugal, the prince elector and his wife, the princess Semeie, the earl of Essex, the Grave Morris line 60 and his lady, & between every lady was an English lord or knight placed. On the left side sat the states and chief burghers of the town, and the grand prior of Amerford (who came to see the feast) was by my lords appointment placed uppermost at that table. Then began the trumpets to sound in the service which was (most princelike & abundant served on the knee) carved & tasted to her majesties trencher.  
To prosecute the sumptuousness, stateliness, and variety of devices in service at this banquet, requireth a discourse of many lines, and therefore leaving it to the imagination of the reader (having relation to the former) we will hear surcease; remembering thus much to the honour of the lord lieutenant, that sundry military exploits or stratagems were with no less magnanimity attempted, than with felicity achieved against the enemy, during the time of his abode in those countries, which it were better utterly to omit, than not with convenient dignity to record: being herein semblably affected to his honour, as sometimes was the poet Horace to Agrippa, Qui sibi non convenire tam sublime argumentum asseverabat; proinde Varium poetam rectiùs scripturum eius praeclara facinora dicebat, qui ad Homericam foelicitatem proximè accedere videbatur. And now to leave him in the hands of God, upon whom dependeth his honour's hope, we will here leave the netherlands, and approach to matters of England.  
On the one and twentieth day of this januarie, 
Seminary priests execrated at Tyburn. A wench burnt in Smithfield.  two seminary priests (before arraigned and condemned) were drawn to the Tyburn, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. Also on the same day, a wench was burnt in Smithfield for poisoning of her aunt and mistress, and also attempting to have done the like wicked offence to her uncle. On the second day of February, or the feast of the purification of our blessed lady, 
Archbishop Canterbury lord Cobha● & lord Buck●hurst, of the privy council.  doctor john Whitegift archbishop of Canturburie, William lord Cobham lord warden of the five ports, and Thomas lord Buckhurst, were chosen and taken to be of her majesties privy council: the two first, to wit, the archbishop and the lord Cobham were sworn the same day, and the third on the next morrow. And here, as in other places of these chronicles, where we have set down certain collections of right worthy personages in high calling and very honourable office, we are lead by some reason to deliver a catalogue of the names (at least) of such archbishops as have successively possessed the metropolitan see of Canturburie, therein implieng their antiquity and authority, &c: and from thence proceed to say somewhat of the lord Cobham's and lord wardens of the cinque ports, as a matter of some consequence, 
Pag. 1435, 〈◊〉  by means of the mutual advancement at one instant which her highness of special grace vouchsafed them both. And to begin with Canturburie, being first named, you shall understand that Augustine the monk (according to the received opinion of chronographers) was the first archbishop which occupied that metropolitan see, next whom sucéeded one Laurentius, than Melitus, justus, Honorius, Deusdedit, Theodorus, Brightwaldus, Tatwinus, Nothelmus, Cutbertus, Beguinus, Lambertus, Athelardus, Wilfredus, Theologildus, Athelredus, Plegmundus, Athelmus, Wolfelmus, Odo Severus, Dunstanus, Ethelgarus, Siricius, Aluricius, Elphegus, Livingus, Agelnothus, Edsinus: and so forward with the residue before and after the conquest, 
The num●●● of archbishop of Cantur●●●rie from th● first to the 〈◊〉  which being multiplied by unities, do make up the complete number of three score and twelve.  
Where by the way we might touch the variety of their names (sith authors therein do dissent) as also the time wherein they lived and flourished, with some commemoration of their acts and deeds, both in church and commonwealth. But this kind of discourse being ecclesiastical, is unproper for this secular history: wherefore labouring no further therein, we will remit the reader to such authors as Ex professo have amply treated of that argument: minding now by way of note in a few lines to touch the three late primates, as they have succeeded each other since the coronation and regiment of her majesty: the first of whom was Matthew Parker, whose predecessor Reg. Poole dying, he was advanced, and enjoyed the same advancement certain years, (having been the seventy archbishop of that see) during which time he did much good diverse ways, deserving well not only of the church, but also of the commonwealth. But having spoken elsewhere of this man, we will here stay our course; concluding this collection of archbishops in their successions, with the two reverend divines and doctor's, the one Edmund grindal late deceased; the other john Whi●egift now living; of whom no more but silence, for virtue doth sufficiently commend h●r self. Now order would, that we should descend into a discourse of the lord Cobham's & lord wardens of the cinque ports, remembered before page 1435, a 10: but herein the line 10 reader is patiently to put up the disappointment of his expectation, upon supposal of some reasonable impediment why the same was not satisfied. And now to the course of our history orderly to be continued.  

 ¶ In this year 1586, certain of the lords of her majesties most honourable privy council made an appointment to have met at Dover, to survey a notable piece of work there lately performed about the haven, to the benefit of the whole land▪ Howbeit the said lords, by means of other accidents line 20 of importance, stayed at the court, and went not that journey. Nevertheless the lord Cobham, lord warden of the cinque ports, one of her majesties privy council, repairing thither (accompanied with diverse knights and gentlemen of great worship) did take the view both of the work finished, and also conferred about the business then in hand. Now for so much as that which is already done, is a perfect and an absolute work, to the perpetual maintenance of a haven in that place, being such a monument as is hardly to be found written in any record, it might line 30 seem absurd that no mention thereof should be made in this chronicle: and that the cost and business thereabouts employed hath not been unnecessary, may appear by the reason's ensuing.  
First, Dover hath been ever reputed the key and lock (as Matthaeus Parisiensis reporteth, 

Considerations why the building of Dover haven is here recorded.  
Dover the nearest place of England to France.  
Dover the most convenient place of England for a haven.   or as rather he should have said) the very door and entrance into the realm of England, either for friend or so, and also the ready passage unto all nations, but especially into France, from whence it is not distant about thirty line 40 English miles, and is commonly passed in five or six hours at the most, and in a prosperous wind within half the time. secondly, it standeth in the most convenient place of all this land to offend the enemy, and to defend either domestical or foreign friend. thirdly, a mean harbour would be there (in the opinion of all skilful mariners) more beneficial & commodious for the navigation of England, than an excellent haven placed any where else about the coast thereof. fourthly, all our passengers through the narrow seas being line 50 distressed by violence of weather, or by inconvenience of piracy, 
Reasons why a harbour at Dover would be so beneficial.  or else by force of the common enemy in the time of war, might there have present succour and refuge, and both speedy and easy passage thereinto, or otherwise be best rescued. fiftly, of late years, the considerations aforesaid have moved some noble princes of this land, to bestow infinite treasure to gain a harborough or haven in that place, to their great honour, fame, and commendation, to the wonderful contentment of all their subjects, and for the good and benefit line 60 of all the neighbours adjoining, and strangers passing these narrow seas. Finally, it hath pleased our most noble queen Elisabeth to undertake it, 
A true commendation of queen Elisabeth.  who in all good actions and necessary works, for the benefit of the realm, & commonwealth of England, hath been so liberal, careful, and provident, as thereby her glory and renown is spread over all the face of the earth, and reacheth unto heaven, where the king of kings sitteth, and heareth the praises and prayers, not only of her own people, but of all christians living in her behalf, for whose good (it seemeth) she was brought forth and preserved in this world.  
And now (I say) for so much as her highness hath at this present time taken order for the building of a new haven in this place, and bountifully employed great 〈◊〉 of money upon the same (being begun with more probability, judgement, and circumspection, and accompanied with better success than ever any of her highness predecessors have heretofore had in this case; wherein the most difficult and dangerous work is already accomplished, so as there is now and ever hereafter will be a very good haven, except extreme negligence be used in maintaining the same) I thought it a most necessary ma●ter to be here recorded, ●o her majesties perpetual ●ame, 
The 〈…〉 Dover w●ll maintain a haven there for ever.  and partly also to give light and encouragement to her successors in the crown of England, to attempt and undertake, and the better to execute and accomplish the like famous enterprise. For actions of far less importance are made memorable by historiographers, as in every chronicle may appear.  
In this discourse I thought meet to pass over the antiquity of the town and port of Dover, with the liberties thereof; which together with the ruins and misfortunes of fire are to be found extant in the perambulation of Kent, written by William Lambard esquire. Of Dover castle somewhat might here be said, 
In peramb. Cant. 〈◊〉 Dover.  but for so much as master Lambard hath so largely discoursed thereupon in his book, which is likely to remain of continuance, I will make bold with the reader to refer him there unto; and only give this note (to wit) that whereas he justly complaineth of the miserable ruins thereof; it hath pleased her majesty (in respect of the necessary maintenance of the same) to bestow more charge of late in repairing and reedifying of it, 
Dover castle re-edified by queen Elisabeth.  than hath been spent thereabouts (as it seemeth) since the first building thereof, whether the same were done by julius Cesar the Roman emperor, or by Aru●ragus then king of the Britain's (king Edward the fourth only excepted) who (as john Rosse reporteth) did throughly repair it, 
Edward the fourth bestowed ten thousand pounds upon reparations of Dover castle.  bestowing thereon 10000 pounds, insomuch as it is now reduced to be a piece of great force and importance, and very beautiful to behold. Wherein the honourable disposition of the lord Burghleie lord high treasurer of England is to be commended, who was a principal furtherer thereof, and whose forwardness in all military affairs is had in admiration among all the best soldiers of England, although he himself an aged and a most grave councillor. And in these commendations if I should omit the praises of the honourable lord Cobham, lord warden of the cinque ports, and constable of the castle of Dover, &c: I should do him great wrong. For by his providence and mediation, together with the diligent travel and industry of Richard Barrie esquire, lieutenant of the said castle, that work is accomplished, to the comfort and benefit of the whole realm. Within the walls whereof is now also raised such a mount at the north side thereof▪ as thereby the castle is double so strong as before. But omitting all other occasions and matters concerning Dover, I will now pass to my purpose.  
But yet, before I enter into these last works, 
The situation of Dover harbour.  I must give you to understand, that the very situation of the place ministereth encouragement to the executioners, and yieldeth great favour and occasion to the attempt. For Dover cliffs stand to the sea north and east, the town being placed at the foot of the northern cliffs, the castle on the top of the eastern cliffs, called the Castle Ray: so as there is a natural bay, 
A natural road for ships at Dover.  through the which from by north issueth a proper river entering into the same bay: & thence runneth through the haven into the sea. In times past, until of late years, that only ●aie hath served them for a road, and at many times in some sort hath stood the navy (but especially the fisher boats) in good stead. For in a great northerly and westerly wind, the ships were driven from the Downs and the foreland to repair thither, 

The haven of Rye decayed, whereby more need of a harbour at Dover.  
Ships lost for lack of sufficient harbour at Dover.   where they might lie safely until the wind blew great from by east or south, & then were they driven to departed thence unto the Camber at Rye (which then was a notable good road, though now utterly decayed) or into the Isle of Wight. For in a sudden flaw or storm of wind at southeast, there have been seven or eight ships broken all to pieces in one day upon the said cliffs. To relieve and amend the same harborough, and somewhat to mitigat the foresaid inconvenience, line 10 there was a round tower builded by one john Clarke, 
The first benefit bestowed on Dover harbour.  priest, master of the maison de Dieu, about the year one thousand five hundred, at the south-west part of the said bay, which served somewhat to defend the ships from the rage of the south-west wind, but especially to moor the ships which were tied thereunto. For many great ringles were fastened to the same tower for that purpose, as it may yet be seen, sith it standeth there at this hour. And hereby that part of the bay was made so pleasant, as ever after line 20 that corner hath been named, and is at this day called Little paradise. 
Little paradise.  Nevertheless this was thought very insufficient in respect of the place, for the safeguard of such a multitude of ships as usually lay for harbour in that road. For besides all strange boats, which commonly repaired thither, it appeareth in the book of Doomesdaie, that Dover armed yearly at his proper charges twenty vessels to the sea by the space of fifteen days, 
In the reign of Edward the Confessor.  with one and twenty able men in each ship. line 30  
Now about the year of Christ one thousand five hundred fifty and two, one sir john Thomson clerk, parson of the parish of saint james in Dover, being a man ingenious, and seeing the conveniency and possibility of a good haven to be made in that place, consulted with the chief and best mariners of the town. Among whom it was agreed, that humble suit should be made to the king's majesty by the state of the town, for his gracious favour and aid toward the making of a good haven there. And it was also line 40 by them all thought meet, that the said sir john Thomson should exhibit their petition to his highness: whereunto he agreed, and drew a plot, and prepared a supplication in the name and behalf of the town, 
Sir john Thomson priest his supplication.  containing the necessary causes and reasons, devices and instructions, for the erection and building thereof. But he told them he was poor, and therefore unable of his own proper charges to follow the suit. In which respect they collected among themselves, and delivered unto him four pounds ten shillings, which line 50 he accepted, and forthwith repaired to the court; where he so demeaned himself, as he had present access to the king, who heard his suit with great favour, and debated with him about the contents of his plot, and liked so well of his informations that he willed him to repair home, and without delay to return to his presence, accompanied with some of the best mariners or seamen of the town, and so with commendations dismissed him for that time.  
When the masters of the town understood his grace's pleasure, they immediately assembled themselves, line 60 and made choice of Edward May, Robert justice, Richard Cowchie, and john Steward, as the fittest and skilfullest persons to use conference, and to be employed in that cause, being all mariners of good experience. These four and the said sir john Thomson without further stay resorted to the court, with whom when the king had communed, he conceived of the necessity of a haven to be there had, and of the probability and likelihood of good success in the enterprise to be performed according to their suggestion. And because his majesty understood the poor estate of the town, he granted his gracious aid for the supply of their want of money, delivering at that time out of his own coffers unto them the sum of five hundred pounds, 
Five hundred pounds given by Henry the eight towards a beginning of Dover works The maison de Dieu of Dover.  wherewith he willed them to make a beginning of the work. At which time he bestowed on the said sir john Thomson the mastership of the maison de Dieu of Dover, which was a hospital, valued at one hundred and twenty pounds by the year: the custom and duty of the which house was (as the ancient townsmen inform me) to entertain and relieve soldiers, and others which came from beyond the seas, hurt or distressed, who were allowed some relief there, by the space of certain days gratis: which though I find not directly set down in record, yet do I know assuredly the same to have been put in execution, wherewith the very name of the house is agreeable, and as it were a credible witness. The king at that time also appointed the said sir john to be principal surueior of the works, 
Surveyors & overseers.  and under him the other four to be overseers of the same.  
Now am I to give you to understand, that the drift and devise of the said sir john Thomson was to erect a huge wall (which he termed by the name of a pierre) from Arcliffe chapel, 
Sir john Thomsons devise discovered.  being the south-west part of the bay directly towards the east into the main sea, about 131 rods in length: so as by that means the harborough was to be guarded from the rage of all weather, coming from the north, north-east, northwest, and south-west, and so the entrance only at east southeast, whereinto when the ships were once brought, they might there lie safe in all weather, at the one side or the other. But the pierre was not finished by 350 foot so far as the foundation thereof (which he called the Molehead) was laid, 
The Molehead.  which foundation consisted of great rocks, brought from a place near hand, called Hakcliffe, or the castle Ray and Folkestone. This pierre was begun on S. Anne's day 1533, 
Dover pierre when it was taken in hand and whereof it consisted.  and it was compiled of two rows of main posts, & great piles of five or six & twenty foot long, set at each side close together, which were let down and put in certain holes hewed in the great rocks, laid for that purpose: but some of those piles were shod with iron, and driven into the main rock of chalk, with a great engine called a ram. These posts and piles were combined and held together with iron bolts, and were filled with mighty stones of chalks as also with beach, and other earth: but the bottom consisted altogether of great rocks of stone, which if they had not been brought thither by a special devise, must needs have been extreme chargeable: for many of them were of twenty tun a piece, and few under.  
The practice of this charge is now common, 
A notable d●uise to carry great rocks by water.  but it was before that time rare & unknown in England, and invented there by a poor simple man named john Young, who first with a nutshell, after with an eggshell, & lastly with a small vessel, made proof what weight those things could raise & bear in the water; and having by that experiment made trial, or at least a probable conjecture, that stones of great weight might be raised and carried in the water by greater vessels, he discovered his experience to such as were officers in the work; who presently put in practice & execution the same devise, & making provision of great & strong barrels and pipes of wood, carried them to Folkstone, and at low water fastened thereto with chains such huge stones as lay on the shore, near the low water mark (where the quarry or mine of those rocks is) so as when the flood or full sea came, the said vessels with the stones thereto fastened rose up & swum. And if the stone were of such quantity as two or three empty casks could not lift it up, then did they add a barrel or two more, which would not fail to do it: then did they drag with small boats the casks & stones thereunto tied, to the place where they were disposed to sink them, & so the work wherein consisted the greatest difficulty in appearance, was with most ease and least charge accomplished. 
Four pence a day.  And for this devise the said john Young had a yéerelie stipend given unto him by the king during his life. With these stones, as also by this means was the greatest work done, and with great cost and labour these piles were filled up. The chalk and filling thereof being brought from the north pierre, was conveyed thither in a great boat called a Gaboth, which had nine kéeles. 
A Gaboth.  There stands yet of the timber work of the old pierre four score foot in length, and ●o●es upon that part of the pierre, where stood a fort line 10 named the Black bulwark.  
Now that which was done on that side, with the help of nature at the other two sides made an excellent ro●e or harborough for the time it continued, and had maintenance. 
The charge of the pierre.  The king for his part spared no charge, for he spent hereabouts (as I am credibly informed) fifty thousand pounds, nor yet did forbear any travel which might further the work. 

The king's care for Dover pierre.  
The kings repair to Do●er.   For in person he purposely repaired thither diverse and sundry times, being distant from the court fifty miles at line 20 the least; yea his highness had such care that it should be well performed, that no expert man in water works, either on this side, or beyond the seas, but (if it might be) he was brought thither, or at the least conferred withal. And during the time of all the work, the king's coffers seemed to stand wide open. 
The cause of the decay of the pierre.  But alas, th● king's care and charge, and the continual trouble and travel of officers was such about the work present, that the provision for the future maintenance thereof was utterly neglected. For the king's absence at his line 30 being at Bullen, his sickness at his return, and finally his death meeting with the nonage of his son king Edward the sixth, made an end of all this work: which being once in the state of decay, there was no reparations nor further proceeding therein, till the time of queen Marie; in the beginning of whose reigns (by the space of two years) there was some rumbling thereabout. But the workmen and officers were not well paid; and after bad payment, no payment, and so all was given over. Sir Anthony Aucher line 40 was treasurer in these works, 

Officers about the pierre.  
The ruin of Dover pierre.   and many other inferior officers also there were, and many other inferior officers also there were, but especially of clerks.  
But now I am to declare unto you the lamentable ruin and decay of this work, before the end and finishing whereof there was brought along the coast, from by south-west, a marvelous quantity of beach and bowlder stone, whereof there had been never any seen before in those parts of that coast, and a great quantity thereof rested upon the back of the pierre, 
Stone called beach or bowlder choked up Dover haven  especially before the Black bulwark, which (so long line 50 as it might lie there without further annoyance) was (in appearance) a singular help for the strength and preservation of the said work, but it fell out otherwise. For besides that, that an easterly great wind would remove and drive it from that coast, and consequently from the pierre, which then would lie naked as before, until the south and western wind turned it back again; the pierre through negligence decaieng especially at the Black bulwark (where the greatest abundance of beach usually rested) it passed through line 60 the decayed places thereof in such measure, as in short time thereby grew a shelf of beach from that point of the pierre to the east part of the bay, butting to the Castle Ray; so as no entrance thereinto for any ship remained. And the more that the furthest point of the pierre decayed and waxed shorter, the nearer was the shelf brought unto the shore: insomuch as if the residue of the pierre had not been preserved, that shelf would soon have been brought to the very town, and so have choked up the bay, and béerest all possibility of ever having a harbour in that place.  
The decay of the pierre grew now more and more, partly (as is said) through want of providence and cost to be employed thereupon, 
Two causes of the decay of Dover pie rre.  and sufficient provision to maintain the same: but especially through the disorder of the poorer sort of the townsmen, who daily purloined timber, iron, and all that was any thing worth, which they could pull or catch from the decaieng places of the pierre. 
Some●i●e no harborough at all at Dover.  And now (by means of this shelf) the haven waxed worse than ever it was, insomuch as oftentimes a boat that drew but four foot of w●ter could not enter into the mouth thereof, and sometime none at all: for the bay was altogether shut up, so as the harborough was become a penned, out of the which nothing could pass out or in, saving the water that soaked through the beach. But the river, which issueth out of the town at a water gate standing at the north-east end of the said penned, in continuance of time would make an issue through some part of the same beach into the sea, sometime at one end, sometime at another, sometime very shallow, and never very deep; which issue was always their havens mouth, until a contrary wind did stop it up again, and then they had no entrance at all, until the river had made a new fret, or that they had digged a channel through the beach, which many times they were driven to do.  
The loss of this haven, and the loss of Calis, 
How Dover was made desolate.  which happened about one time, made such an alteration, or rather desolation in and of the town, as was lamentable and wonderful to behold. For of a brave, rich, and populous town, it presently became a poor and desolate village, retaining only the name and liberties of the famous port of Dover. Nevertheless, the necessity and expedience of a good haven in that place did still remain, & a convenient mean also was left for the accomplishment thereof, as it seemed to diverse which were wise and of good experience: insomuch as that very matter, which was supposed to be the destruction of the late harborough, should now become a principal help and furtherance to a new haven of greater importance, and better security than ever it was before. 
That beach which destroyed the pierre helpeth now the haven.  For (as you have heard) Dover cliffs naturally defend this bay from all tempests coming from the north-east and northwest; the pierre yet remaining guardeth it from the west and south-west winds; & the shelf of beach crossing from the end thereof to the Castle Ray, had made such a close penned, as if any ships could be conveyed thereinto, they might there rest in great safety.  
The room within this close bay containeth almost forty acres, and the river (as I have said) runneth quite through the same immediately into the main sea at south: so as the said penned being surrounded at every high water, and lying almost bare at every ebb, the ouze or ●l●ech grew to be fourteen or fifteen foot deep, the bottom thereof being a main rock of chalk: insomuch as a great multitude of ships might be placed there in good security, if the entrance could be made good. These things considered by men of good capacity and experience, sundry devices and conceits were exhibited thereabouts, whereof some seemed very probable; and were the rather heard and commended, for that the work was so necessary and beneficial to the commonwealth. And in that respect, it pleased the queen's majesty to grant to the town of Dover, towards the repairing of their haven, the free transportation of thirty thousand quarters of wheat, 
A bountiful gift of queen Elisabeth towards the repairing of Dover haven.  ten thousand quarters of barley and malt, and four thousand tun of beer, without paying either custom or impost: which was a gift of no small importance.  
For (besides great sums of money already levied and employed upon the beginning of these works) the licence or patent was sold to a couple of merchants of London named john Bird, and Thomas Wats, 
The patent of the queens gift sold unto two merchants.  after the rate of three shillings and four pence for every quarter of wheat, and two shillings and eight pence for every quarter of barley and malt; and the licence of beer being sold to diverse others amounted to four thousand marks at the least. Besides all this, it was enacted in the parliament holden the three and twentieth year of the reign of her majesty, 
The act of parliament for Dover haven 23. Elisab.  for and in the considerations aforesaid, and for that there was a probable plot contrived by skilful men, to be performed for a convenient sum of money, that for every ship, vessel, or craier, whereof any of her majesties subjects were owners, or part-owners, being of the line 10 burden of twenty tuns or upwards, loading or discharging within this realm, or passing to or fro any foreign country, during the space of seven years then next ensuing, from forty days after the end of the same session of parliament, there should be paid for every such voyage by the master or owner of all such vessels, 

Three pence the tun of every vessel allowed towards Dover haven.  
The tonnage amounted to 1000 pounds yearly.  
The tenure of the queens commission for Dover haven.   &c: the sum of three pence for every tun of the burden of such ship, etc.  
Hereby there grew great sums of money to be yearly levied toward these works, amounting to one thousand pounds yearly at the least, and yet the line 20 time not expired by two years. After this, her majesty being careful that the haven should with expedition be taken in hand, directed her letters patents, dated the nine and twentieth day of March, in the four and twentieth year of her reign, to the lord Cobham lord warden of her cinque ports, &c: sir Thomas Scot, sir james Hales knights, Thomas Wootton, Edward Bois, the mayor of the town of Dover present and to come, Richard Barrie lieutenant of line 30 the castle of Dover, Henry Palmer, Thomas Digs, Thomas Wilford, and William Partridge esquires, all which were of the shire, and men of great wisdom and judgement, and no small travelers in matters concerning the common wealth: some of them marvelous expert in affairs and matters of the seas, some in fortifications, some having traveled beyond the seas for experience and conference that way, and to see the order of foreign seaworks and havens, and none without singular virtues. In line 40 which respect they were commissionated and authorised by those presents, to do, and foresee to be done from time to time, all things needful and requisite to be employed about the repairing and mending of the said haven, and as might tend to the furtherance of the said service: and to choose officers, and assign their stipends, and the several fees of all ministers, attendants and clerks needful for the substantial, necessary, speedy, and cheap doing thereof, and therein to set down particular orders and directions, as might be for the furtherance and accomplishing of the said line 50 works most expedient.  
Now for the performance hereof, many plots by sundry persons were devised, 
john True suru●ior general of Dover haven.  and first of all one john True was commended, or at the least commended himself to the lords of her majesties privy council, to whom he made great show to be an expert engineer, and by their lordships he was sent to Dover, and presented to be general surueior of the works, as one in whom they reposed great hope of furthering and finishing the said haven; whereof he line 60 made no doubt, but resolutely promised the speedy execution and accomplishing thereof. His devise and determination was, 
The devise of john True.  to make within the said bay near to the shelf of beach, a long wall from the water gate (out of which the river issueth into the harborough) to the black bulwark, in length two hundred rods. This wall was to be made of excellent stone at Folkstone, the which he framed after a strange and contrary kind of workmanship. And there was for this purpose already perfectly hewed of the same stone seven thousand foot, and six thousand foot more was scapled: he bestowed and spent thereabouts one thousand two hundred fourscore and eight pounds, 
Stone he●ed at Folkestone, amounting to 1288 pounds.  as appeareth in the accounts of the treasurors for that time being; and yet there was not one stone of his said long wall laid, nor that hitherto hath come to any profitable use. But this wall if it had been, or rather could have been finished, it would have cost a hundred thousand pounds, 
Infinite charge to accomplish the stone wall.  and yet would never have served the turn. For a stone wall is so contrary to the nature of that sandy foundation, as it can make no good conjunction nor perfect penned.  
For the furtherance of his devise he would have plucked down a great part of the old pierre, whereof there was then too little remaining: 
john True had ten shillings a day for his fee.  he detracted the time, for he had ten shillings a day allowed unto him for his fee, which perhaps he was loath to forego. He either could or would not render any reason to the commissioners of his doings and final purpose, but always said he would make them a good haven, neither would he set down any time certain for the accomplishing thereof. All these matters, with his negligence, delays, & untowardliness of his works, being advertised to the lords of her majesties council, he was dismissed. 
john True is dismissed.   
After whom, one Ferdinando Poins, 
Ferdinando Poins.  who had been conversant and acquainted with water works in the low countries, and had dealt much about Woolwich and Erith breaches, offered his service for the accomplishing of these works; affirming, that it was an easy matter to bring the same to pass, in such sort as there should soon be a good harborough; refusing not to have taken the work to do by great, either by a plot of his own devising, or else by the plot agreed on by the commissioners, and allowed by the lords of the council. But this Ferdinando Poins, although he seemed a very good executioner either of his own, or another man's devise concerning such affairs: yet was he very loath to discover his order and manner of working, or any other devise of his own, lest (as he said) he might be prevented by some other that would undertake to do it by his devices, better cheap than himself could afford it, and so he to lose, and other to gain the benefit of his invention. Howbeit, in the end he was content to be employed any way, so as therewithal he might have money before hand: for Woolwich works did so stick in his fingers, as money was very palpable and plausible unto him.  
In fine, 
Poins his groin.  he undertook to make certain groins or knocks, which at the havens mouth should cause such a depth, as thereby the whole harborough should lie dry at a low water, whereby the works about the walls might the better and more conveniently be performed, and the present entry amended. For it was concluded, that there should be made a perfect penned within the bay, 
The penned 16 acres.  containing in quantity about sixteen acres, which should be environed with a long wall, reaching from above the water gate near to the Castle Ray, extending in length about a hundred and twenty rods alongst within the shelf of beach, directly towards the end of the pierre, 
The length of the long wall.  where the black bulwark was placed; and at the end of the said long wall, 
The cross wall.  a cross wall of length about forty rods, reaching from that wall directly cross to the shore at the northern cliff, not far from the towns end. And this should make a perfect penned to contain and retain the water of the river, which (when the s●use standing in the cross wall should be opened) might be of force to make and maintain a depth for an entrance or havens mouth for shipping to come into the road, 
The road for ships.  which lieth betwixt the main sea and the penned.  
In this work there appeared great difficulty, and so much the more, in that (for the most part) the place where the wall should stand, was continually surrounded, and also the sea did every tide overflow the same, and besides that annoyance, the cross wall also must cross the river, the course whereof could not be diverted any other way but with extreme charge. The special cause why this harborough was continually surrounded, even at the low water, was for want of a depth at the havens mouth, which might at an ebb convey thence into the sea (more speedily and abundantly) all those waters which remained upon the face of the haven. To the execution line 10 hereof (I say) the said Ferdinando Poins was appointed, 
One thousand pounds to Ferdinando Poins.  and towards his charge thereabouts there was first delivered unto him one thousand pounds, by force of a warrant sent by the commissioners for Dover haven, to Thomas Smith of Ostinhanger esquire, farmer of her majesties customs inwards in the ports of London, Sandwich, Chichester, Southampton, and Ipswich, with their créeks and members, and the creek of Woodbridge, being a member of the port of Yarmouth, line 20 who is nevertheless called by the name of Customer Smith, because in times past his office was by letters patents to collect the said custom, 
Customer Smith.  and to yield account thereof, as other customers usually do, having for his fee one hundred and three score pounds yearly. Now for that he was so trusty and sufficient a person every way, there was committed unto his charge the receipt of all such sums of money as were due, either for the aforesaid tonnage, or for the licence of free transportation of line 30 corn and beer, the which sums as need required, were by him to be delivered to the treasurer for Dover harborough upon the counsels direction, and a warrant of six of the said commissioners hands.  
There might be much written in the renown and commendation of this man, for his great affairs and adventures, as also for other singular virtues: but for that he yet liveth, and is generally known, it may with modesty be deferred; yet thus much I have said of him, for that he was a special savorer and furtherer of these works, never making line 40 delay of any payment appointed or required, but rather disbursing great sums of money out of his own coffers to set forwards the same. After the receipt of this thousand pounds, the said F. Poins had 200 more, as it appeareth in those accounts. Truly, this Ferdinando Poins applied the works industriously, and performed some thing profitably for the draining of the harborough, by making two groins, whereby there was a depth made at the havens mouth. But as it is thought, his work either line 50 was or might have been performed with less than half that money: which if he had done, I would more willingly have published his praises. By the premises it may appear, that the life of the haven consisteth in the penned, and consequently in the long wall and cross wall, without the which no penned could be made, so as walls must be erected. But now the question grew to be how and whereof they should be framed which were to be wrought in the sea, upon line 60 the sand or beach, through a river, &c: and the same wall to withstand the violence and rage of the sea at the one side, 
variety of devices.  and to hold and retain a mighty weight of fresh at the other, so as no water might soak through or under the same.  
Master True (as you have heard) would have made stone walls very costly, and without limitation of time. Master Ferdinando Poins would have raised them with ouze and beach shoveled and cast together without any more ado. An other would have made a coffin dam, whereof the cost would have been infinite. Pet and Baker, being skilful shipwrights, with certain other coparteners, thought a wooden wall most convenient; and presented to the commissioners a module thereof, devised and framed (for the most part) by one Andrew a carpentar, than servant to the said Pet: which devise master William Burroughs, a very expert seaman, exceedingly liked and commended. Master True his devise was rejected as impossible and intolerable. Master Poins his workmanship was easy for a plain man of the country to conceive and perform: but very few could be persuaded that his wall would be tied enough to make a penned, consisting only of slub and beach shoveled together, and lying so hover: for that was his d●uise. Nevertheless, 
Sir W. Winter sent to Dover to survey the harbour, etc.  sir William Winter (a man very skilful and of great experience in sea matters, being sent to Dover by the lords of her majesties privy council, with master William Burroughs and others, to survey and confer about that haven with the said commissioners) understanding Ferdinando Poins had dealt in the inning of Woolwich & Erith marshes, being also willing to do him good, gave favourable ear unto him, as to one that propounded an easy and a cheap platform, and not much unprobable in his opinion, whose desire was to have it well performed, and with as small charge as might be, for that he was the greatest preferrer of that bill in the parliament house, and yielded the best reasons for a haven to be there placed.  
At this assembly were proposed other sundry men's devices; namely, of one Thomas Brooker gentleman, john Stoneham carpentar, Bedwell, &c: and among the rest sir Thomas Scot, 
Sir Thomas Scot  being a man careful for the affairs of his country, and therewithal very perspicuous, being wearied with many fruitless conferences, delays, strange and untoward devices, chargeable and vain attempts, and contrary proceedings; and among other things, having had great experience in Romneie marsh matters (the greatest business whereof consisteth in making and repairing of walls to defend the same marsh from the invasion and inundation of the sea) and daily seeing the nature and effects thereof, weighing also in his mind, that Romneie marsh walls are of greater bulk and force than these need to be, 
The walls of Romneie marsh subject to the raging seas.  for that they lie more open to the main sea, and without comparison more subject to the weight and violent rage thereof; and further knowing that the marsh walls are placed not far from thence upon that coast, upon a foundation in all respects like unto the same, if not worse (for sometimes they build upon a very quick sand, where one may thrust down a pole of a doozzen or twenty foot, and not find or feel the bottom) and after he had compared these works together, perceiving no impediment why one rule should not direct two works of one kind, he conferred with his neighbours of Romneie marsh therein, who allowed and confirmed his devise, and afterward readily attended on him to Dover, there to approve his opinion with their reasons and experience; and not so only, but also to undertake and perform what soever he had set down or promised in that behalf. 
All the commissioners join with sir Thomas Scot, and allow his devise.  The residue of the commissioners (hearing and conceiving sir Thomas Scots reasons, joined and confirmed with experience not far fetched, but ratified by near neighbours, being persons of good account, which were expert from their childhood in the practice of those kind of works) inclined greatly unto his motion; and the rather, for that they knew him to be such a one as would not seek for private gains. Howbeit, they which exhibited the wooden work, could not well conceive hereof, nor easily consent hereunto. And no way was thought by them more fit to prefer their own work, than to make some offer to do it by great, which the lords of the council greatly desired, as whereby they might understand the uttermost charge and time required for the accomplishing thereof. But the price of the wooden wall grew to be so large (for five thousand and five hundred pounds was the lowest rate of their demand for the long wall only) that it was much misliked. For first there was no likelihood or possibility that the same should be set fast and unmovable where the slub or sléech is fifteen foot deep at the least, 
Seven invincible reasons against the wooden wall.  and the main rock immediately underneath it. secondly, if the same could be erected, yet it must line 10 in short time be so shaken by reason of the weight of the penned water on the one side at low water, and by the violence of the sea on the other side at the flood, that through the unstedinesse thereof, it could not continue tied. thirdly, the nature of the sand and slub was thought to be so different from the condition of wooden boards and planks, whereof this wall was to consist, that though there were no weight or wether that could impech the steady standing thereof, yet there could be no such firm conjunction betwixt line 20 them, but that the very weight of the wall itself must needs cause the same to decline to one side or other, whereby water would drain betwixt, by reason of the thinness of the slub or sleech, which could minister no certain stay thereunto, nor likelihood that the same should so unite with the wood, as to stand steady, and to make a perfect penned in that place: but to help that matter, they meant to have shored and braced the said timber wall, in such sort as the same should have stayed the whole work: yet no line 30 bracing could (as the best opinion was) have prevailed to bring that wall to be good or steady. fourthly, it was thought that such a wall so placed, would be subject to more than ordinary decay, by reason that any woodworke lying in water, especially when it is sometimes wet and sometimes dry, will in short time rot and disjoint: so as if the same could be repaired (whereof there was great doubt made) yet the reparations would be in respect of charge very intolerable. fiftly, the delay of time herein was also line 40 disliked, for two years being demanded for the accomplishing of that one wall, no time could be promised. sixtly, they being demanded whether they had ever seen (either on this side or beyond the seas) any such wall or work; they answered, No: but affirmed it to be in their opinions so probable, as they would adventure to undertake it for thirty pounds the rod, but in what space to finish it they could not say. seventhly, there was required for line 50 the building of this wall 7000 tun of timber, which all Kent and Sussex (without unrecoverable hurt in deprivation of their timber) was not able to yield: and the necessary carriages for such a provision could have been by no means procured, without the undoing of the inhabitants, and spoil of the country. These causes were of force enough to overthrow a wooden wall. The devise nevertheless deserved commendation.  
These matters thus mentioned were afterwards debated before the lords of the council, and line 60 these reasons with many others were delivered unto their lordships by master Thomas Digs, the first elected surueior of the works, as from the commissioners. The credit of the parties, who were to undertake this wooden wall, and their reasons prevailed so much, as diverse noble and wise men grew to conceive good liking thereof. But the lord treasurer, whose voice and judgement in all causes of importance hath in all his time worthily carried the sway, 
The lord treasurors resolution.  allowed rather of the marsh works; saying that if he erred therein, as not seeing but hearing the matter in question, he would err with discretion, as led by the reasons of the commissioners; who had seen and tried the experience of that kind of work.  
diverse liked of Poins his work, or at the least of his communication: partly (as it is said) for the cheapness supposed, though in deed the contrary fell out in demand: partly for the expedition promised, which could never have been performed: partly for that he was known to be a special executioner in Woolwich breaches, being works defensative against invasion of waters, as yet vnaccomplished, though no small charges have been therein employed, for the recovery of two thousand acres of excellent marsh land, lying seven miles from London, in the parishes of Plumsted, Erith, &c: lost by a breach made in the walls there with a tempest, 
Of Woolwich and Erith breaches.  about the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and thirty, to the undoing of many, but specially of sir Edward Boulton knight: partly also he was harkened unto, for that he was reputed to be a good engineer; partly for his experience in foreign works, partly for his resoluteness: but especially, for that he made a show of more cunning than he would utter; so as although his devise for the erection of the walls was finally rejected; yet was the matter brought to further conference. For he was commended to the lords of her majesties privy council, and namely to sir Francis Walsingham knight, 
Secretary Walsingham the chief director and furtherer of Dover haven.  principal secretary to her highness; to whom was happily referred the consideration and chief direction of all matters concerning these works; wherein he dealt from time to time, with as great care, travel, and circumspection, as though his own estate had depended upon the well proceeding thereof. Whatsoever was thought necessary to be done thereabouts, was always advertised by the commissioners unto him, and his opinion and direction required, and he without good conference and probability would enter into no action concerning this matter.  
Now therefore he wrote to sir Thomas Scot, 
 requiring him to send up some sufficient person, acquainted & exercised in Romneie marsh works, to satisfy the lords of the council in all such doubts as should be objected, specially by master Burroughs, who had more liking of the shipwrights manner of work, than either of the Romneie marsh works exhibited by sir Thomas Scot, or of Plumsted works propounded by Ferdinando Poins. Wherein sir Francis Walsingham showed master Digs his defence, & his own good liking of the earthen walls; only requiring, that sir Thomas Scot would throughly inform himself by conference with the marshmen, to answer certain objections which he there enclosed, sent down unto him in writing, concerning the passage of the long wall, and the distance thereof from the shore, the high and tightnes of the same, the conveniency of the foundation, the manner of stuff, the time of finishing, the breadth below and at the top, the undertakers thereof, and of their assurance, &c: and lastly, that some sufficient person should be sent up, to confer in these matters. All which points were so answered by sir Thomas Scot, as sir Francis Walsingham was greatly satisfied thereby. Concerning the doing thereof by great, sir Thomas Scots advise was, that (seeing it was a prince's charge) it might rather be performed by day workers and good overseers, than by great; wherein no man would adventure, in respect of the quantity of the charge and difficulty of the works, without certainty of great gains. Nevertheless, 
No dealing by great, in matters of excessive charge and danger.  if it were so set down by the lords of the privy council, that it should be done no other way but by great; he himself would undertake it better cheap than any other had proffered to do it by five hundred marks, and to that effect would put in very good and sufficient assurance. Presently after the receipt of those letters, sir Thomas Scot sent to the court a kinsman of his, named Reinold Scot, who had been deputed a surueior of Romneie marsh by the space of four years together; and Reinold Smith, who had been clerk of Romneie marsh, and a continual dealer about those walls by the space of thirty years. These two repairing first to Dover, to consider of the earth, which should serve to make the walls of the line 10 penned of Dover haven, and to search where such earth as would serve that turn might most conveniently and nearest hand be had, with pasture for horses which should be employed for carriage thereof, proceeded to the court at Richmont, where they attended on master secretary Walsingham on the monday and tuesday before Easter day 1583: and after conference had with him, they delivered unto him certain notes in writing from sir Thomas Scot, 
Sir Thomas Scots notes.  containing necessary orders, and recounting line 20 the charges, business, and offices, &c: incident to the erection of these walls, imitating as near as time, place, and matter would give leave, the manner of Romneie marsh works: wherein he remembered or rather required a yearly assembly of commissioners at Dover in Easter week, as is by the lords of Romneie marsh at Whitsuntide, with the election of officers, and set down the duty and charge of each officer, the order of the works, what provision of stuff should be made, to wit, of timber, thorn, faggots, néedels', keys, béetels, piles, pasture, earth, line 30 with total sums of all officers fees, of all stuff and provision, of all the labourers, and of all the carriages: which estimat was little or nothing differing from the charge as it fell out, saving that where he set it down that both walls might be finished in two summers, 
Dover penned finished in three months.  he accomplished them in one quarter of a year, beyond promise or expectation.  
Master secretary Walsingham (having perused these notes, 
Reinold Scot and Ralph Smith examined by master secretary about the walls of the penned.  & seen the manner of the works & rates set down therein) liked very well thereof: howbe line 40 it, he strictly examined the parties aforesaid, how those works could be performed at so low prices, and especially, how so many courts could be provided without commission, or grief to the country, every court having a horse and a driver, and all for twelve pence a day, in a place where pastures are for the most part barre●, and hard to be gotten: and both that and all other things, but especially victuals extreme déere. But being satisfied herein by the said Reinold Scot & Reinold Smith, he thought line 50 good nevertheless to send them two, accompanied with Thomas Digs esquire, and William Burroughs gentleman, to confer with sir William Winter, the said Ferdinando Poins, & the Plumsted men, which were workmen in Woolwich and Erith breaches, who propounded to the said workmen certain questions at the house of sir William Winter at Tower hill. 
Questions propounded to Poins and the Plumsted men.  Wherein they were demanded amongst other things, whether they ever had heretofore made any walls, whereby water line 60 hath been penned to any height, and upon what foundation or soil they were set, and of what substance their walls were made, and whether they could remedy such walls if they leaked, or could work in water: and finally, what they would ask for a rod doing, and what sureties they could put in for the tightnesse of their work.  
Ferdinando Poins and his Plumsted men answered very comfortably to every question, they seemed ignorant in nothing, and promised to perform whatsoever was required, saving assurance. But they knew not the order of Romneie marsh works, neither could they possibly have accomplished this: for they were only good dikers and hodmen, which arts were little pertinent hereunto. Master secretary being advertised how Ferdinando Poins and his pioneers of Plumsted showed themselves in this conference, wherein neither their own disability, nor the difficulty of: the work by themselves was any thing at all doubted of, thought it not amiss to advertise the residue of the lords of the council thereof: so as if those works might in such wise be by any thought possible to be performed, then might the marsh works with much more assurance be trusted unto; and that did master Burroughs now very well conceive and note: nevertheless, it was thought expedient by their lordships, that Poins and his workmen should repair to Dover to a final conference in those matters; who perchance might be somewaie at the least employed in those businesses. 
Sir Thomas Scots devise allowed by the lords of the council.  And therefore master secretary sent down to sir Thomas Scot, that their lordships had received the resolution he grew unto, upon conference with the marshmen of Romneie, touching the proceeding in the plot of Dover haven, and had both well considered & allowed of the same; and that their lordships also had appointed, that on the tuesday after Easter week, master Burroughs and master Poins, with certain marshmen of Plumsted, should be sent down to meet and confer further with him about the going forwards with the same plot at Dover: at which time such order might be taken and agreed on among the commissioners, for the making of all necessary provisions for the same, as should be thought most expedient.  
On the ninth day of April next ensuing, 
The resolution at a conference at Dover.  the parties above specified came to Dover accordingly, where all the commissioners for that harborough met them, who having received letters from the lords of the council to set down a final resolution; after long debating of ma●ters, agreed that Romneie marshmen should undertake the work; and for the better and more speedy proceeding therein, the commissioners made election of all necessary officers, and rated their wages in this sort. The treasurer, which was sir james Hales knight, 
Officers elected at Dover.  to have for every fifty pounds received and disbursed, six shillings eight pence, and for his clerk five pounds yearly. john Smith the expenditor twenty pounds yearly, his clerk five pounds yearly. The common clerk twenty marks, and each sworn man during his attendance eight pence a day. The general surueior (that is to say) master Digs esquire twenty marks yearly, which he gave to Alexander Mindge his deputy.  
It was there also ordered, that the deputies surueior, the expenditor, and clerk, should take present order for the enlarging of the ways for carriages to pass; for thorn, faggot, béetels, needle's, keys, piles, bavin, and carriages for them, before Whitsuntide following. These things were committed to their charge; but they were afterwards eased by purveyors appointed for those and other purposes; they having more to do otherwise than they could well overcome. Having now discovered the first & second estate of Dover harborough, every man's devise for the amending, or rather erecting of a new haven in that place, with declaration of her majesties bounty, and the care of the whole state jointly and severally in that behalf: I am to make description of the things performed, and of the manner of the execution thereof, in which thing consisted the difficulty, and (as some thought) the impossibility of this enterprise.  
First therefore you are to understand, that before a haven could be there erected, there must be made a penned, to contain abundance of water issuing from the land, which being let out at a sluse, should open & maintain the havens mouth; the violence whereof should scour it so, as neither beach, sand, 
The commodity of the penned.  nor slub might there remain. The working of these walls in the sea and through the channel, was the great thing to be brought to pass, as hath been before said. The discovery therefore of these works will not be unprofitable to posterity, nor unnecessary for the time present. Herein I will omit all contentions & factions concerning these proceedings, line 10 as also all injurious practices against those works, whence soever they sprang: but I would gladly give to every one his due commendation, which cannot be done; because therein I should grow to● long. I thought meet also to omit a controversy rising about the placing of the havens mouth, excellently disputed betwixt persons of good account.  
The question was, whether were most convenient a more ready and speedy entrance in times of danger, when contrary winds permitted no line 20 entry or abode in any harbourough, though this entrance were somewhat more shallow, whereby the greatest ships in those cases should be excluded: or a deeper havens mouth in an other place more convenient for great ships, with a more calm ingress, and a quieter road, the havens mouth somewhat more easterly, and therefore not so good to enter into at a south-west wind, which distresseth men most in those seas: wherein (I say) I forbear to repeat the arguments of each side, and the circumstance of that line 30 matter (being now decided and overruled) in such sort as I do the works of the penned, the description whereof may be profitable to all that shall have to do either in havens or great water breaches. For both Plumsted & Erith marshes, or any like breaches by this means doubtless may easily and most assuredly be recovered. 
Woolwich breach recoverable.  In the declaration hereof also, the parties which have deserved commendation or consideration may perhaps in some sort have a kind of recompense: for other reward was not looked line 40 after, or sought for by the best executioners hereof, sith the better sort employed their travel with great charges, 
Every degree willing to set forward this work.  the meaner sort their ready furtherance to their power, the poorer people their labour at a small rate to the preferring and performance of this work; and all with such forwardness and willingness of mind, as the like hath not been known or seen in this age: the beholding whereof would have amazed any man unacquainted with Romeneie marsh works, from whence the pattern hereof was fetched, and the officers and chief workmen line 50 thereof brought by sir Thomas Scot to Dover. These works were digested and ordered by them, even as a battle is marshaled by officers of the field. And truly it was expedient that good direction should be used in this behalf, for there were to be employed five or six hundred courts about a wall of small breadth at one instant, 
Six hundred courts employed at once in these works.  none to be idle or hindered by an other, for the stay of one court a very little space might be to the works an incredible hindrance. line 60  
The nature and names of the offices and officers hereunto pertaining you have already heard. For as they were at the first set down by sir Thomas Scot, so in all respects was it ordered and concluded in that behalf; saving that because these works were so great, and required such expedition, as the expenditor was overcharged with business, 
john Smith the expenditor.  though an expert man trained up in Romneie marsh in those affairs, trusty, diligent, and every way sufficient: unto whose office naturally belonged the purveyance of all necessaries, any way appertaining to the maintenance of the walls. There was appointed by the commissioners (as chief purueior) a gentleman of good sufficiency named john keys, 
john Keys gentleman chief purueior.  by whose countenance and discreet dealing men were brought to yield willingly any of their commodities towards the help and furtherance of these proceed for their just values, which was duly answered unto them, so as no man was seen to complain of any injury or hard dealing. But when the works, or rather the workers grew to be greater and more in number than was expected, (which came to pass by reason of the multitude of courts and workmen, who proffered their service so fast, as from the rate of two hundred, which was at the first set down, they increased to six hundred) all pastures near the town being employed that way, many men were content to make their own provision, conditionally to be admitted into the works, insomuch as some hired pasture for their working horses seven or eight miles from Dover, and nevertheless came to work with the first, and continued the whole day with them that wrought longest. For they came at six of the clock in the morning, and departed at six of the clock at night, except extraordinary causes in preventing inconveniences of great and fowl tides caused them to work longer. diverse brought thither courts from besides Maidstone and Sevenocke, being thirty or forty miles from Dover; and in the end the officers were driven to put back and refuse such as made suit to bring courts into the works: and yet had they for their horse, their court, and their driver but only twelve pence a day. Which because it seemeth incredible, 
A hors●e, a court, and a driver for twelve pence the day.  I thought good to discover and unfold to the reader in such sort, as he might be resolved and satisfied in the certainty thereof, and throughly conceive not only the possibility but also the reason of it.  
First therefore the time of year when that work was to be done must be considered, which was intended, and by proclamations in certain market towns notified to have had beginning the thirteenth of May (when in those parts barleie season is ended) and from that time till harvest or haieng time little is to be done in husbandry; and assoon as harvest should begin, their purpose was to leave this work● until the year following. So as in this mean time, that is to say, from April till harvest, the servants, & specially the cattle of farmers are rather chargeable than any way gainful unto them, and therefore at such a time to raise profit by them is double advantage. Nevertheless, he that should make his best commodity herein, was to look circumspectly into the matter, and then might he see that it was requisite to have two courts: for one boy might drive them both, because whilst the one was driven, the other was filled, & the same being unloaden or discharged, he went for the other, leaving that to be filled. This filler was a labourer allowed to every man which had two courts, for whom the owner of the two courts had ten pence the day: so as he had for his f●ller, his driver, his two horses, and his two courts two shillings and ten pence the day, which amounteth to seventeen shillings the week. He paid out of the same for the board of his filler and driver six shillings weekly, and so had the owner of clear wéekelie gain for his two servants and two horses nine shillings, which must all this while have lain at his charge.  
There were among this number certain double courts, which had double wages; because they were furnished with two horses in a court, being double in quantity to the rest, and were specially employed about the carriage of sléech, a more weighty mould than either the chalk or the earth. A single court contained in length five foot, in breadth two foot, 
The quantity of one court or tumbril.  and in depth sixteen inches: whereunto the expenditor looked ●erie narrowly, as also to the sufficiency an● diligence of every workem●n and ●orse, so as upon every default their wages was totted and defalked, or the offenders excluded from the wo●ks, or some times punished with stocks and other 〈◊〉.  

 An entrance into this work was made in the beginning of May, one thousand five hundred four 〈◊〉 and th●ee, in the five and twentieth year of her majesties reign, with six courts only at the cross w●ll▪ & such was the towardliness thereof, as yielded line 10 so great a brute & promise of good success, that from that day f●●ward there were continually carriages brought (at the rate before set down) beyond all expectation: in so much as by the 27 of june, there were assembled in those works 542 courts, and almost 1000 workmen. And truly, there consisted so great difficulty in marshalling this multitude (for all were to work at once, none might stay for other, or be impediment to others work) as without the pattern of f●●mer experience the work could line 20 hardly have been performed.  

 Herein Richard Coast and William Norris inr●ts, and the aforenamed Reginald Smith clerk of Romneie marsh were chief directors, and as it were marshals, as having daily experience in the like works. For in Romneie marsh there are every year commonly employed at one time about making or mending of some one wall 200 courts at the least, in each court for the most part being two oxen, for whom the owners hire feeding in the marsh, as line 30 they can agree with the landholders, and yet have had hitherto for their court and deiver but ten pence the day. And this together with their manner of working would be wonderful, famous, and much spoken of throughout England, if the continuance of so many hundred years exercise thereof had not qualified the strangeness and admiration of it. For here (though at Dover it could not be so, 
A benefit to 〈◊〉 & ●east.  because they wrought altogether with horsbeasts) the might's feeding prevaileth so much over the days working, that line 40 bullocks brought to those works lean and out of flesh, are returned from the works most commonly in very good plight.  

The 〈◊〉 substance of the wal●s.  The stuff carried by these courts for the erection of the walls at Dover, was earth, being of a haselie mould, chalk and fleech, whereunto the carriages were severally employed, the most number for earth, whereof the greatest part of the wall consisted; the second for chalk, which mingled and beaten together with the earth, did make the same more firm, line 50 and was placed in the midst of the wall; the smallest number for sléech, which served for the out sides only. For the same being beaten with béetles to the sides of the wall, 
The disposing of the works.  would by and by cleave so fast and close thereunto, as thereby the walls were strengthened; and thereupon also the arming might be set much more firmly than upon any other mould. This also preserved the wall from annoyance by rage of waters, almost as well as if they were otherwise armed with thorn and faggot. line 60  
There was provided near to the castle called Arclif●e (whereof Henry Guildford esquire, 
Henry Guildford esquire, captain of Arcliffe castle.  being one that took especial care and pains in setting forward that business, was then capiteine) two acres and a half of ground for the provision of earth for the walls: which ground was distant from the cross wall about twenty score tailors yards, and for the same the owner had ten pounds, and the soil remaining to himself, which in short time will recover to be as good as ever it was. At an other place also called Horsepoole sole, lying behind S. james his church, was more earth provided, which was altogether employed upon the long wall, as being nearer thereunto. Hereof every court brought commonly to the walls in one da●e abou● 〈…〉. The chalk was had from diverse places of the cli●●●s, somewhat 〈◊〉 to the w●ls than the earth, and these b●ought about seventeen or eighté●ne lo●● a days. The 〈◊〉 was for the most part had at the 〈◊〉 part of the 〈◊〉 in a place called Paradise. And to these several sorts of stuff● were several carriages appointed and disposed, as might most 〈◊〉 serve the t●rne, and as occasion seru●d▪ for sometimes more and sometimes less of each sort of mould was necessarily employed. Sometimes also the fléech was ●ad close at the side of the walls, and therefore fewer carriages employed that wai●.  
Now to make a perfect trial of the work before the day limited that all the courts should come in, there was an experiment of great importance performed, which was the making of a bai● head, & thereby a p●nt to keep the water in or out of a piece of the ●auen called Little paradise, which place containeth about th●●● acres and a half of ground in great depth, wherein there riseth many springs. An● in the place where this wall or bay head should be made, the ou●e & fléech was twenty f●●t deep at the least. Herein also was laid first a 〈◊〉, and afterwards a sluse of great charge, the stream whereof meeting with the course of the great sluse increaseth the force thereof to the benefit of the havens mouth.  
On the thirteenth day of May, 
The beginning of the great works at Do●●r.  in the year of our salvation one thousand five hundred eighty and three, when the courts, which (by proclamations made one month before in diverse market towns) were to come to begin the works, there were 〈◊〉 of them prepared and ready furnished for the purpose than were expected. Howbeit, the same was brought to pass by the means of sir Thomas Scot and other of the commissioners, who brought bo●● their own and their neighbours carriages, persuading all whom they thought able and meet, to set forward, and give encouragement to the execution of these works. But Ro●neie marshmen, and such as knew those works, were they indeed which only gave light to others of the true & right manner of working, and of the commodity ensuing hereby; & they in effect supplied those works, until the country did see which way to save themselves, and make profit thereof. But such was the multitude already assembled, that (to avoid the difficulty and confusion of so many courts working together at the beginning, and to do the better and greater service afterwards) the whole course was altered by sir Thomas Scot, by whom it was thought most meet to enter into the execution of both walls (to wit, the long wall and cross wall) together, & to divide the courts into two parts: with whom the said Richard Barrie esquire lieutenant of Dover castle willingly joined, undertaking the charge or oversight of the long wall, as sir Thomas Scot did of the cross wall; and by that means all the workmen & courts did with much more conveniency and speed accomplish their work.  
The cross wall was of more importance, 
Reasons for the difficulty of the cross wall.  and the difficulty to make it was greater than of the long wall, for many respects. First, for that the cross wall standeth nearer to the main sea than the long wall, and by that means this work more violently impugned, and sooner interrupted than that of the long wall. secondly, they carried the cross wall through the channel (a thing very strange and difficult) and so did they not the long wall. thirdly, the ouze and fleech was deeper under the cross wall than under the long wall. fourthly, the cross wall was to be made deeper or higher, and brother or wider than the long wall. fiftly, the tide was to hinder this work, by approaching sooner, by rising higher, and by more violent raging than it did at the other. sixtly, the weight of the penned water was to lie altogether upon this wall, and consequently the water would search thereinto more dangerously. seventhly, in this wall there was a ●luse to be laid, which without great circumspection would have endangered the whole work. Add unto these, that the cross wall was more suddenly undertaken, & of more importance. For under fifteen thousand pounds none ever made offer to do it before this line 10 time: for the first purpose was to begin with the long wall only, or rather a piece thereof, as a work sufficient to be performed in one summer.  
Now if the long wall was thought a work so difficult, dangerous, costly, and tedious, what may be thought of the cross wall? Truly, had not the other commissioners been comforted herein by sir Thomas Scot, the impossibility presupposed would have discouraged and overthrown the whole enterprise. But he with good comfort and confidence entered upon the cross wall, and master lieutenant on line 20 the long wall: insomuch as the one was called sir Thomas Scots wall, the other master lieutenant's wall. And certainly, they might well so be termed, in respect of the pains, care, and costs employed upon them by those two gentlemen. Sir Thomas Scot dwelled twelve long Kentish miles from Dover, yet did he seldom fail to come from his house to the beginning of the work every monday morning while the walls were in hand; and from that line 30 day until saturday in the evening, when he returned home. He lightly came first to the walls, and departed with the last: and it behoved him so to do, in as much as by his means only this manner of work was undertaken, and all other devices rejected. 
This work undertaken and other rejected by sir Thomas Scots means.  He lay in one john Spritwels house, who kept an inn in Dover, called the Greihound, and there did he and his followers and servants, together with master lieutenant and his company receive their diet at a dear hand. For although the castle stand line 40 within a quarter of a mile of the work, and as near to the town; yet was the lieutenant's industry and charge such, as he or his servants did never lightly return home from five of the clock in the morning till after supper; but remained always there with sir Thomas Scot, in continual business & extreme charge, not only in respect of their own table, but also in regard of strangers, who came to see them and the works, whose charges they commonly defrayed. Besides that, they did (not seldom line 50 times) bestow rewards bountifully upon the poor workmen, who upon sundry occasions were driven to work longer than the rest, and with more difficulty; for some at some times wrought in danger of life, & ofttimes in the waters up to the was● or shoulders. And among the rest (to whom I could rather wish a liberal recompense than a due praise) there was in these works a poor man named john Bowl, 
Bowl a notable good workman.  borne and brought up in Romneie marsh, whose dexterity of hand, fine and excellent inventions in executing difficult works, and whose willing line 60 mind and painfulness for his own part, with furthering and encouraging of others, ought in some calling to have been honoured, and in his poor estate should not be forgotten. As touching the residue of the commissioners, they for their parts (if they were in health) did almost daily visit the works, 
Commissioners.  with as great care for the good proceedings thereof as was possible.  
Sir james Hales was this year chosen by the general voice and consent of the commissioners, 
Treasurer.  and with the good allowance of the lords of the council, treasurer for the works (as sir Thomas Scot was the two years precedent) and did not only discharge the office and duty thereof with commendation and just account, which amounted almost to five thousand pounds: but beside his often repair at other times during the works, he did continue there by the space of one whole month, while sir Thomas Scot (by means of a sickness taken upon the walls) was absent, and all that time kept a bountiful table, and used great diligence, in continual oversight and furtherance of the works, whereof Thomas Digs esquire was general surueior commended thereunto by the lords of the council, who although he made his chief abode then at London, yet did he often repair to the works, and seriously bend himself to set forward the same there, being also a careful solicitor in that behalf. Certain of the iurats & chief magistrates of the town, were by two at once daily assigned to be directors and setters forth of the carriages, 
Two iura●● called directors.  and to see the courts well filled: these also did refuse their allowance, being eight pence the day, and did nevertheless very diligently attend upon their charge: their names were john Watson, john Garret, William Willis, Thomas Brodgat, etc.  
There were eight men called guiders standing at eight several stations, or places of most danger, 
Eight gu●ders  to guide and help the drivers distressed or troubled with their cattle or courts, and to hasten them forward: for the default of one did make stay of the whole company, and these had eight pence the day. There attended also at the walls eight men called untingers, 
Eight untingers.  to lose and undo the tackle of every court immediately before the unloading or shelving thereof, and were allowed eight pence the day. Then were there eight sheluers, which pulled down the courts as soon as they came to the place where it was needful to unload, 
Eight she●uers.  and these were chosen of the strongest and nimblest men, having ten pence the day. There were also eight tingers, whose special office was to lift up the courts immediately after they were unloaden, and to make fast their tackle; 
Eight ●●●gers.  for the drivers hasted forth without making any stay, otherwise all the company must have ●arried for them; these had eight pence the day. The number of the labourers which were to shovel abroad and lay even the earth, chalk, and sléech, 
labourers.  as soon as it was unloaden was uncertain, they had six pence and eight pence the day. A great many marshmen were assigned to lay the sléech upon the sides of the walls, and were called scavelmen, and had twelve pence the day. The number of béetlemen also were uncertain, 
Scavelmen. Béetlemen.  who served to beat or drive the sléech to the sides of the walls, and to break the great stones of chalk laid on the walls; as also to level the earth, and to work it close together, having for their wages eight pence the day. Many marshmen also were appointed to arm the sides of the walls, after they were sléeched, & had twelve pence, 
Armours.  and some sixteen pence the day.  
The order of arming was in this manner. 
The order of arming.  First beginning at the foot of the wall, they laid down a row of faggot, through every one of the which they drive a needle or stake about four foot long, having an eye or hole at the great end. Then do they edder it with thorn and other provision for that purpose, and lastly drive a key or wooden wedge (being one foot and a half long) through the eye of the needle to keep down the edder, which staith down the faggot. Also there was an inferior purueior for faggot, thorn, 
Inferior purveyors.  needles, keys, &c: who for his horse & himself was allowed for every day he traveled two shillings. The clerk of the works, 
Clerk. Expenditor.  who kept all the reckonings of the expenditor (through whose hands all the money passed) he at five a clock in the morning, together with the expenditor, called every one that wrought that day, and saw everse court furnished, and recorded all this in his book, and such as were absent, had no allowance that day: if they came late, their wages was totted at the expenditors good discretion. There was one juline appointed to attend upon Poins his groins, 
The groin keeper.  he was a Dutchman, and more expert in those kind of water works than Poins himself, his wages was first (I mean in Poins his time) two shillings a day, afterwards (to wit) whilst these works were in hand, and better husbandry was used, he had but four groats a day. line 10 And thus much touching the offices and officers duties.  

The mane● of the wall work.  Every court was most commonly filled over night, and in the morning at six of the clock they all approached orderly to the place where the wall should be made. The first driver for good consideration was chosen to be a sufficient and a diligent person, and that court to have a good gelding: for as he lead ●he danse, so must they all follow. line 20 When the first court came nigh to the place where he should unload, one untinged it, and the driver proceeded with his court, either into the ouze or water, or as near thereunto as they could; and bringing his horse about in his return, when the tail of the court was turned to the water side, the sheluer plucked down the load, as far into the channel as he could. The driver never stayed, but went forth for a new load: the tinger runneth after and pulleth up the court, and fasteneth the tackle, and goeth presently line 30 with speed to do likewise to another; and so doth the untinger. When the whole course of courts (being about two hundred) were unloaden, the labourers with their shovels and béetels plied to make even the wall against another course came.  
Sometimes they wrought a whole day or two, and laid down many thousand loads of earth and chalk, and no increase seen at night of the work, either in height or length▪ in so much as many supposed that the earth was rather washed away than line 40 sunk. And in truth, some part thereof was carried away with the flood in a rough tide; for all the water in the haven was many times discoloured therewith; especially, until sir Thomas Scot took order, 
How the wall was saved from being wasted.  that before every flood, not only each side of the wall, but the end also should be armed with faggot; & in the morning or after noon (when return was made to the works) the end where they were to proceed, should be unarmed again: which needed not be done to the sides, for they carried the whole line 50 breadth of the wall with them. But in truth, the weight of the wall, with the continual passage thereupon, made the whole work to sink to the very rock; being from the top of the channel sixteen foot, and from the face of the water at the flood, almost as much more. But in the end, it was a wonder to see how the multitude of carriages (being well plied) prevailed, even over the flood: which though it rose exceeding fast, and was come to the very brink or uppermost lane of the wall, a new course of courts came from time to time and supplied line 60 the want; which if it should have stayed a minute longer, would have turned to great loss: for they could have wrought no longer that tide.  
In this manner they proceeded, until there was made of the cross wall about five and twenty rods, which they wrought always (as they went) above the high water mark (otherwise it could never have been perform●●) and so they passed through the channel or river, and carried the wall beyond the same three or four rods, so as the back water or channel had no issue to pass down into the sea; but as it rose above ●he flats, and ran away before the end of the wall; whence they continually drove it further and further by lengthening the same. Howbe it, 
The inconvenience which would have followed the diverting of the river another way.  by this means they wrought always in the water, which was very discommodious. This river therefore many men would have had turned some other way; otherwise it was thought, that this wall could not have been made, the turning whereof would have been diverse ways inconvenient. First, for the extreme charge; secondly, the havens mouth would (for want hereof) have soon been swerved up; thirdly, Poins his work, which cost one thousand & two hundred pounds, should have been hereby frustrated; fourthly, the haven (all that time) and all passage unto Dover had been utterly taken away, to the great hindrance and undoing of the townsmen there. But sir Thomas Scot, who employed his head and mind to seek all advantages for the setting forward of this work, and had conceived a perfect plot for the finishing of the same, 
A sluse made for diverse good purposes.  caused a cut to be made in the wall, and a small fluse to be laid in the very place where the cha●ell did first run, which served (for the time) not only to give natural passage to the river, and to maintain the havens mouth: but as a bridge also for the courts to pass over the water, to the further end of the wall; which now by this means remained dry and free from water until the flood, to the great advantage and commodity of the work.  
This sluse was composed with two arches, in length sixty foot (besides the splaies) at each end, in breadth eight foot, and in depth also eight food, and the charge thereof amounted not to above one hundred marks. In truth, the laying of this sluse was a very dangerous and difficult piece of work, 
A difficult and dangerous work.  and the executioners thereof worthy of commendation, for with great courage to do their ●●●●trie service they adventured their lives in more peril than I can well express. Many were astonished to behold the dangerous case of the workmen, and diverse departed from the place as being loath to see the poor men's destruction. Wherein the said Reginald Smith, and the Romneie marshmen dealt with great dexterity and courage; when all other almost had given it over, persisting in continual and extreme travel thereabouts, by the space of two days and one night without intermission.  
After the cut was digged through the wall, the sluse was laid by piecemeal, at the direction of him and the foresaid Richard Coast, William Norris, and john Bowl, whose hands were as busy also as any others in the doing thereof. And as they were traveling hereabouts, the weight of the wall itself, with the earth cast out of the trench thereunto, and the multitude of the beholders standing thereon, made a cleft or crase therein, consisting of many hundred loads of earth, which declined towards the cut where they wrought to lay the sluse, and was ready to fall upon them all, so as they were feign to sustain the side thereof with shores which they supported chiefly with their own force. Which if they had not done with great art & labour, by the space of divers hours together, the wall had fallen into the place where the sluse should have been laid, to the destruction of sundry people, and to the discomfort of many belonging to the works. But these marshmen never gave over, till every stick thereof was laid, at what time each man rejoiced that meant well to the works, and diverse bestowed rewards upon the workmen, and praise was given to God for his favour showed in that behalf.  
This work being thus performed, the courts (which during that time were altogether set to work at master lieutenant's wall) did now divide themselves again, and return to work as before at sir Thomas Scots wall, and at every side wrought with singular diligence & great facility. 
God's blessing and favour showed to the works of Do●er.  And God so favoured those works, as there were not lost in all that summer by means of foul wether above three days and a half, wherein either courts or labourers were put from their work, and in all those business not one person slain, and yet almost in every action belonging thereunto there was imminent danger, as first you heard in the laying of the slu●e. And many times in digging of chalk, they stood in the cliff and undermined it, so as sometimes an line 10 hundred load fell down at once from under their feet, and sometimes from above their heads; and yet through God's goodness, & their diligent care, all escaped without hurt: saving two persons, upon whom great chalk rocks & much abundance of earth did fall, and yet were recovered without loss of life or of limb. 
Dangers happily escaped.  In the passage also of the courts, if (by chance) either man or boy had fallen down amongst them (as sometimes some did) the hill was so steep at some places, and the court was so swift, line 20 that there could be no stay made, but the courts must run over them, and yet no great harm hath happened that way. And I myself have seen a court laden with earth pass over the belly or stomach of the driver, and yet he not hurt at all thereby. Many courts also being unloaden (for expedition) were driven at low waters through the channel, within the penned, from master lieutenant's wall, whereby they gained more than half the way: and so long as by any possibility they might pass that line 30 way, they were loath to go about. And when the flood came, the channel did so suddenly swell, as many horses with their courts and drivers which road in them were overtaken, or rather overwhelmed with water, and were forced to swim, with great hazard of life, though thereat some took pleasure. For sometimes the boys would strip themselves naked, 
Boys play.  and ride in that case in their courts through the channel, being so high, as they were ducked over head and ears: but they knew their horses would swim and carry them through the stream, which ministered line 40 to some occasion of laughter and mirth. Finally, this summer, being in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred eighty and three, was very hot and contagious, & the infection of the plague that year more universally dispersed through England than in many years before, and that town very much subject thereunto, by means of thoroughfare and common passage, and had been extremely visited therewith not long before, so as the town line 50 was abandoned of most men; yea of some of the inhabitants themselves for that cause: and yet God blessed so the works, as in this extraordinary and populous assembly, there was in no part of the town any death or infection either of townsmen or workmen, which resorted thither from all the parts of England.  
And one thing more in mine opinion is to be noted and commended herein, that is to say, that in all this time, and among all these people, there was never any tumult, fray, nor falling out, to the disquieting line 60 or disturbance of the works, which by that means were the better applied, and with less interruption. For they never ceased working the whole day, saving that at eleven of the clock before noon, as also at six of the clock in the evening, there was a flag usually held up by the serrgeant of the town, in the top of a tower, 
The flag of liberty.  except the tide or extraordinary business forced the officers to preuen● the hour, or to make some small delay & stay thereof. And presently upon the sign given, there was a general shout made by all the workers: and wheresoever any court was at that instant either empty or laden, there was it left, till one of the clock after noon or six of the clock in the morning, when they returned to their business. But by the space of half an hour before the flag of liberty was hanged out, all the court drivers entered into a song, whereof although the ditty was barbarous, and the note rustical, the matter of no moment, & all but a jest: yet is it not unworthy of some brief note of remembrance; because the tune or rather the noise thereof was extraordinary, and (being delivered with the continual voice of such a multitude) was very strange. In this and some other respect, I will set down their ditty, the words whereof were these: 
O Harrie hold up thy hat, 'tis eleven 
* Or six.  a clock,  
and a little, little, little past:  
My bow is broke, I would unyoke,  
my foot is sore, I can work no more.   
This song was made and set in Romneie marsh, where their best making is making of walls and dikes, and their best setting is to set a needle or a stake in a hedge: howbeit this is a more civil call than the brutish call at the theatre for the coming away of the players to the stage. I think there was never work attempted with more desire, 
A commendation of them which wrought or had any charge about Dover works.  nor proceeded in with more contentment, nor executed with greater travel of workmen, or diligence of officers, nor provided for with more carefulness of commissioners, nor with truer accounts or duer pay, nor contrived with more circumspection of the devisers and undertakers of the work, nor ended with more commendation or comfort: saving that upon the seven & twentieth of julie, being S. james his day, the very day when the cross wall and the long wall met, and were joined together, and in effect finished (for both walls were brought above the high water mark, and nothing remained to be done of the same but highthening, which might be done at any time after) sir Thomas Scot the principal pillar of that work fell sick upon the walls, 
Sir Thomas Scot fell sick in Dover works.  and was conveyed thence in a waggon to his house, where he remained six weeks, more likely to die than to live, whose lady and wife (being a most virtuous and noble matron, & a lively pattern of womanhood and sobriety, the daughter of sir john Baker knight, and the mother of seventeen children) used such diligent attendance and continual care for her husband's recovery of health, 
The death of the lady Scot  as thereby she brought herself into so weak state of body, as being great with two children, she fell sick; and after her untimely travel, being delivered of a son and a daughter, she ended her mortal life.  
This sickness of sir Thomas Scot, and that which fell out thereupon, was no small discomfiture to him and all his. And the workmen at Dover made such moan for his sickness, and also for his absence, that every street was replenished with sorrow and grief; and the people would be comforted with nothing more, nor any way be better encouraged to work lustily, than to be told that sir Thomas Scot was well recovered, and would shortly be amongst them again. And in truth, they translated their barbarous music into a sorrowful song, and in steed of calling to Harrie for their dinner, they called to God for the good health and return of their best friend sir Thomas Scot, and that with a general and continual outcry, even in their old accustomed tune & time. But the courts proceeded in highthening the walls, until they were raised about two foot higher than they were on S. james his day, when the walls met together; so as the cross wall is ninety foot broad in the bottom, 
The breadth, depth, length, and charge of the long and cross wall, with the ●●●ming▪, etc.  and about fifty foot in the top. The long wall is seventy foot in the bottom, and almost forty foot in the top, in so much as upon either wall two courts may meet and pass, or turn without troubling each other. The length of the cross wall is forty rods, the length of the long wall a hundred and twenty rods. The charge of these two walls, with the appurtenances, amounted to two thousand and seven hundred pounds, as appeareth in the expenditors books. If there were any issue or draining of water under the walls, it was soon stopped by the poise of the wall itself, which never left sinking till it came to the foundation of the rock, except (by some oversight of the workmen) some part thereof were set upon the beach, which should by order have been first removed, & in that case they benched it, digging a trench at the foot of that part of line 10 the wall, and filling the same with earth, they made it very tied, and so might any such place be perfected and amended if need should require. But at this hour there leaketh not a drop of water under or through any part of the wall that any man may perceive or see: 
A necessary remedy if water drain under the wall  so as a full penned shrinketh not any whit at all betwixt tide and tide, whereas the allowance of one foot leakage or fall at the least was required of them, which exhibited the plot of the wooden line 20 wall, which being measured from the top or face of the high penned diminisheth almost one quarter thereof. 
Expedition necessary and profitable.  And thus betwixt the first of May and midst of August, this penned, which was thought unpossible to be done in three years, was perfectly finished in less than three months, and remaineth in so good and sure state, as the longer it standeth, the better and tighter it will be.  
If never any thing should be added hereunto, this penned (by reason of the abundance of water retained therein, 
The state of the walls.  and issuing out of the s●use) would maintain line 30 a good haven in that place: for the violent course thereof will always open the havens mouth, and make a fret there, even down to the rock, although it be distant from the same threescore rods; in so much as at this instant there ma●e come in at quarter flood a bark of forty or fifty tun, and at full sea a ship of three hundred tun and upwards. But when the two lusty heads are once finished (which are now in hand) so as the havens mouth be perfected▪ any ship what soever may enter in thereat, line 40 and remain within that road in good safety. But as at many other times heretofore there hath been sure trial had of the good effects of this penned, 
A sure trial lately made of the good effect of the penned.  so now in this last month of October one thousand five hundred fourscore and six, one gate of the s●use being by mischance broken, 
A ga●e of the ●●use broken.  so as by the space of four days there could be no water retained within she penned, to scour the mouth of the haven, the same was so choked and swerved up with sand and beach line 50 in that space, as no boat could enter in▪ or pass out of the same: 
Edward Wootton esquire ambassador into France.  insomuch as Edward Wootton esquire, being then at Dover to pass thence in an embassage from her majesty to the French king, was forced to send to Sandwich for a craier, to transport him to Calis, because no boat of Dover lying within the road could pass out at the havens mouth. But assoon as the said gate of the sluse was repaired, even the next tide following, 
The effect of the penned.  a vessel of three hundred tun might and did easily pass in and out thereat, line 60 one penned of water had so scoured and depthened the same. Whereby it may appear, that neither the cost bestowed, nor the work performed, hath been unprofitably imploi●d, or unnecessarily undertaken.  
Now you shall understand, that the small sluse which was first made and laid in the cross wall in such sort, 
Of the sluse.  and for such purpose as hath been declared, was taken up after the said walls were finished, and a sluse of far greater charge was made by the aforesaid Peter Pet, who undertook to do it by great, and had for the same four hundred pounds, the laying whereof did cost two hundred pounds more at the least. This sluse containeth in length fourscore foot, in breadth sixteen foot, in depth thirteen, and hath in it two draw gates. It was one whole month in laying, 
The lord Cobham remaineth at Dover one whole month.  all which time the said lord Cobham made his abode there, and kept a most honourable and costly table, furthering those works not only with his continual presence and countenance, but also with his good direction, and that not at starts, but from morning till night, and from day to day, until the full accomplishing thereof.  
And in the mean time sir Francis Walsingham her majesties principal secretary was not uncareful of this action, 
Sir Francis Walsingham principal friend to these works.  as being the man without whom nothing was done, directing the course, and alway looking into the state thereof, and gave continual life thereunto, by providing money for it, whereof when any want approached, he never failed to see or rather to send a sure supply. Since the finishing of these walls and sluices, 
Of the lat● works.  there hath been much work and charge employed about one of the iuttie heads, and beautifying of the harborough, wherein one George carry of Devonshire esquire, and one john Hill an auditor, have been the principal directors. But because that work remaineth as yet unperformed, the report thereof shall also remain to be made by others that shall hereafter have occasion to write of such affairs.  
¶ At the assizes kept at the city of Excester, 
The note of john Hooker aliâs Vowel concerning the sudden and strange sickness of late happening in Excester.  the fourteenth day of March, in the eight and twentieth year of her majesties reign, before sir Edmund Anderson knight lord chief justice of the common pleas, and sergeant Floredaie one of the barons of the excheker, justices of the assizes in the county of Devon and Exon, there happened a very sudden and a strange sickness; first amongst the prisoners of the jail of the castle of Exon, & then dispersed (upon their trial) amongst sundry other persons: which was not much unlike to the sickness that of late years happened at an assize holden at Oxford, before sir Robert ●ell knight, lord chief baron of the excheker, and justice then of that assize; and of which sickness he amongst others died. This sickness was very sharp for the time, & few escaped, which at the first were infected therewith. It was contagious and infectious, but not so violent, as commonly the pestilence is; neither doth there appear any outward ulcer or sore.  
The origen and cause thereof diverse men are of diverse judgements. Some did impute it, 
The originals cause of this infection whereto imputed.  and were of the mind, that it proceeded from the contagion of the jail, which by reason of the close air, and filthy stink, the prisoners newly come out of a fresh air into the same, are in short time for the most part infected therewith; and this is commonly called the jail sickness, and many die thereof. Some did impute it to certain poor Portugeses, than prisoners in the said jail. For not long before, 
Barnard Drake esquire.  one Barnard Drake esquire (afterwards dubbed ●●ight) had been at the seas, and meeting 〈◊〉 certain Portugeses, come from New found land, and laden with fish, he took them as a good prize, and brought them into Dartmouth haven in England; and from thence they were sent, being in number about eight and thirty persons, unto the jail of the castle of Exon, and there were cast into the deep pit and stinking dungeon.  
These men had been before a long time at the seas, and had no change of apparel, 
The mischief of nasty apparel.  nor lain in bed, and now lying upon the ground without succour or relief, were soon infected; and all for the most part were sick, and some of them died, and some one of them was distracted: and this sickness very soon af●er dispersed itself among all the residue of the prisoners in the jail; of which disease many of them died, but all brought to great extremities, and very hardly escaped. These men, when they were to be brought before the foresaid justices for their trial, many of them were so weak and sick, that they were not able to go nor stand; but were carried from the jail to the place of judgement, some upon handbarrowes, and some between men leading them, and so brought to the place of justice.  
The sight of these men's miserable and pitiful cases, being thought (and more like) to be hunger starved line 10 than with sickness diseased, moved many a man's hart to behold and look upon them; but none pitied them more than the lords justices themselves, and especially the lord chief justice himself; who upon this occasion took a better order for keeping all prisoners thensefoorth in the jail, and for the more often trials: which was now appointed to be quarterly kept at every quarter sessions, 
The assize at Excester appointed to be quarterly kept.  and not to be posted any more over, as in times past until the assizes. These prisoners thus brought from out of the line 20 jail to the judgement place, after that they had been stayed, and paused a while in the open air, and somewhat refreshed therewith, they were brought into the house, in the one end of the hall near to the judges seat, and which is the ordinary and accustomable place where they do stand to their trials and arreignments.  
And howsoever the matter fell out, and by what occasion it happened, an infection followed upon many and a great number of such as were there in the line 30 court, 
This sickness was contagious & mortal.  and especially upon such as were nearest to them were soon infected. And albeit the in●ection was not then perceived, because every man departed (as he thought) in as good health as he came thither: yet the same by little and little so crept into such, as upon whom the infection was sei●oned, that after a few days, and at their home coming to their own houses, they felt the violence of this pestilent sickness: wherein more died that were infected, than escaped. And besides the prisoners, many line 40 there were of good account, and of all other degrees, which died thereof: as by name sergeant Floredaie who then was the judge of those trials upon the prisoners, sir john Chichester, sir Arthur Basset, and sir Barnard Drake knights; 
Principal men that died of that infection.  Thomas Carew of Haccombe, Robert carry of Clovelleigh, john Fortescue of Wood, john Waldron of Bradféeld, and Thomas Risdone esquires, and justices of the peace.  
The loss of every of them was very great to line 50 the commonwealth of that province and country: but none more lamented than these two knights, sir john Chichester, 
Sir john Chichester, and sir Arthur Basset bemoaned and commended.  and sir Arthur Basset; who albeit they were but young in years, yet ancient in wisdom, upright in judgement, and zealous in the ministration of justice. Likewise Robert Carry, a gentleman stricken in years, and a man of great experience, knowledge, and learning: he had been a student of the common laws of the realm at the temple, and very well learned both therein, and universally seen in all good letters: an eloquent man line 60 of his speech, effectual in delivery, deep in judgement, upright in justice, and consider at in all his doings. The more worthy were these personages, the greater loss was their deaths to the whole common wealth of that country. 
Eleven of the jury with other officers die of this lickenesse.  Of the plebeian and common people died very many, and especially constables, réeves, and tithing men, and such as were jurors, and namely one jury of twelve, of which there died eleven.  
This likeness was dispersed through out all the whole shire, and at the writing hereof in the fine of October, one thousand five hundred fourscore and six, it is not altogether extinguished. It resteth for the most part about fourteen days and upwards by a secret infection, before it break out into his force and violence. At the first coming, it made the people afraid and dismayed, many men then pretending rather than performing the amendment of life. So long as the plague was hot and fervent, so long every man was holy and repentant: but with the slaking of the one, 
Affliction draweth men to God, etc.  followed the forgetfulness of the other; even as it is with a company of shrewd children, who so long as the rod is over the head, so long fear of correction frameth them to aptness, conformity, and obedience.  
¶ In the chronicles of Ireland, upon occasion of service in the highest office there, 
An introduct●●● to the historical remembrance of the Sidneys, the father and the son, etc.  mention was made here and there of sir Henry Sidneie his saiengs and doings, where promise did pass (by means of discoursing his death) that the reader was to lo●ke for a full declaration of his life and death in the chronicles of England, as course of time should give direction. Now therefore having entered into the eight and twentieth year of her majesties gracious government, and the year of Christ 1586, the time most fitly openeth a ready way into the history concerning that nobleman, penned by one that could not be ignorant of his affairs, considering the nearness and necessariness of his service, and therefore as a truth to be received.  
This right famous, renowned, worthy, 
The note of Edmund Molineux touching sir Henry Sidney'S life and death.  virtuous and heroical knight, by father and mother very nobly descended, was from his infancy bred and brought up in the prince's court, and in nearness to his person used familiarly even as a companion, and many times a bedfellow. 
His education in his youth.  After that by course of nature and lawful descent, this young prince was invested in the kingdom and imperial crown, he advanced this gallant noble gentleman (partly as it seemed for the singular love and entire affection he formerly bore him) to be a principal gentleman of his privy chamber. For he was then reputed for comeliness of person, gallantness & liveliness of spirit, virtue, quality, beauty, & good composition of body, the only odd man & paragon of the court. And from time to time this good and most godly king held such delight in his pleasant, modest, and sweet conversation and company, as he would seldom or never give him leave to be absent from him, till his last breath that he departed this life in his arms at Greenwich. Such exceeding expectation & hope was conceived of this honourable gentleman in his younger years, as he was specially chosen and sent ambassador to Henry the first than French king, 
His ●●●●●●ment in embassage.  concerning matter very important, being at that time not fully one and twenty years old, and performed his charge with that▪ singular commendation, wisdom, spirit and dexterity, as at sundry times not long after, he was employed in embassage both in France & Scotland, yea sometime twice in one year.  
He was four several times lord justice of Ireland, 
Four times lord justice, thrice lord deputy of Ireland.  and three times by special appointment and commission sent deputy out of England: at each which several time, he by his wisdom and good government appeased and suppressed a great and an actual rebellion, the seeds whereof were for the most part sown and the fire kindled (though smoothly and cunningly hid and covered) before his coming, or in the time of his absence▪ 
He suppressed by force and policy three actual rebellions.  In his first deputation he suppressed the rebellion of Shane oneil, and flowered the top of the castle of Dublin with the archrebels head. In his second he suppressed the most dangerous insurrection begun and long continued by some of the Butlers. In the third the commotion of the earl of Clanricard, & his two graceless hope-lost sons Shane and Ulike Bourke.  

He revived and put in execution the laws for the abolishing of coin and livery.  Immediately after his first arrival deputy, he caused the old statutes and ordinances for the abolishing of coin and livery (●he ancient festering sore and creeping canker of that country and commonwealth) to be revived and put in due execution▪ against sundry persons of calling and note, who were therewithal sharply touched, whereupon followed a long time after great good to the country, and a speedy relief to the poor oppressed people of that realm. He devised that the remoter provinces should be governed by precedents, after the imitation line 10 of the marches of Wales, from whence he took his pattern, being himself at that time precedent, holding opinion that there could be neither better nor a more expedit and easy means to reform and reduce that barbarous country to perfect obedience and civility, 
He devised the planting of precedents in the remoter provinces.  than planting of precedents in the remoter provinces, to the end universal justice might be currant amongst them, whereby the poor might be delivered from the wonted eractions and tyrannies of the lords and great ones (by whom they were line 20 daily spoiled and oppressed) and taste the sweet benefits and pleasant fruits of peace and quietness, the only singular commodity, and the most happy blessing of wise, politic, and discreet government.  

He devised the laws for the distribution of the Irish countries into shire ground.  He both first devised, and consequently prudently executed, the plot for the division and distribution of the Irish countries into shire ground, whereby ensued the currencie of her majesties writ, which before that time was either not known, or at least line 30 never used amongst them. He in his government advanced and increased the revenues of the crown by way of custom, 
He increased the revenues ten thousand pounds yerlie.  impost upon wines, compositions with the Irishrie for rent and service, and other direct and commendable means, as out of casualties creating rents certain, ten thousand pounds yearly. And by good devise and policy he had both intended, and would have brought to pass and performed a far greater increase, if envy, spite, and malice of that unhappy country had not crossed him, and opposed line 40 themselves all that they could, by purse or credit against his honourable, worthy, and commendable services & desseins: an example of rare note to be duly followed, and carefully executed by his successors, that Ireland may in short time be reduced to bear Ireland's charges, and made both honourable and profitable to the crown (as were to be wished.) He repaired the castle of Dubline, being used a long time before as a ruinous, unclean, and filthy place, of no reckoning and account, stored only with mechanical line 50 persons, and some of worse sort (the constable and his family excepted) and left the same a convenient and fit house for the governor to lie in, to which use it now serveth and is employed.  
He builded the bridge of Athelon over the river of Shenin, arched it with masonry and free stone, strong wall and battlement, and made it of that strength, together with that spaciousness and breadth, as two carts may (in manner) meet affront. 
His buildings fortifications, and other necessary works for the benefit and good of the country.  By building line 60 of which bridge over so swift & great a stream, the passage was set open and made free out of the pale into Conaught, which before (by reason of the strenablenesse of the water) was not passable, which dawnted and appalled the rebels and traitors more, and kept them in greater awe and due obedience, than any devise or policy before had done, or other plot lightly could then do. He likewise began the wasling and fortifying of the town of Carickfergus in Ulster, reedifying of the town of Athenrie in Conaught, the strengthening of Athelon with gates and other fortifications, the foundation and plot of the bridge of Caterlagh, and made a strong goal at Molingar, and walled the same about with stone, to imprison rebels, thieves, and other malefactors. And likewise he begun many other needful and necessary works in sundry other places which tended to the great furtherance and advancement of service, but he left them Quasi opera inchoata: for he being called away so soon, time would not permit and allow him to finish and fully to end them, or (it may be) by fatal appointment the time is not yet come the country deserveth so great a good and benefit of God's eternal blessing.  
He found her majesties records laid as it were in an open place, whither any man (that vouchsafed his pains) might come that would, not defended, but subject to wind, rain, and all kind of weather, and so in a sort neglected, that they served now and then (as I have by good men and good means credibly heard reported) in steed of better litter to rub horse heels, 
He built convenient rooms for the keeping and preservation of the records which before were neglected.  which he with great care and diligence caused to be perused and sorted, and prepared an apt place within the castle of Dubline, well trimmed and boarded with a chimney in the room, where neither by the moisture of the walls, nor unseasonableness of the weather, nor other means they could be subject to harm. He prepared fit & convenient places and several divisions to lay them apart, according to their several natures, and appointed one of discretion and skill to look to them, who also for his better encouragement was assigned a convenient fee for his labour. He also caused the statutes, policies, and ordinances of that realm, which lay hid and not known to many (though not destroyed but kept in safety) to be searched, surveyed, and over viewed, by men of the best learning, skill, and discretion he could find or come by in that realm, giving them in express charge to peruse and read all, 
He caused th● statutes of Ireland to b● imprinted which never before were published.  and to collect such and so many of them as they should in their discretion's judge and discern to be expedient and necessary to be published and known, to the end the same might be imprinted, as afterward they were, that no man thenceforth might pretend ignorance in the laws, statutes, & ordinances of his own country where he was borne, which every man by our laws is bound to know. And because he both saw and by experience found what defect grew in the administration of justice, by reason of kindred, affinity, corruption, partiality, as otherwise; he devised, 
He procured some Englishmen to be sent over, for the better administration of justice.  and earnestly sought to have Englishmen sent over to supply the chief places of justice. And for the better increase of her majesties revenue and profit, he prayed the like to serve in the rooms of her highness attorneie general and solicitor.  
No man had a greater desire to advance the public every way than he had, and in opinion greatly magnified & esteemed all them that were of that mind: for he would many times say, that those were things memorable, of perpetuity, fame, and last, where all private things died and perished with their private persons. 

A great furtherer of all public works.  
The great love he got him in all places where he served.   Wheresoever he was bestowed to serve, he had such a rare gift, gallant courtly behaviour, and comeliness of person, as he gained the hearts of many, and such universal liking and loving of all sorts of people toward him, as they were ever desirous and never weary of him; but special suit commonly made of the gravest▪ best, and wisest sort amongst them, when he was revoked to have him return and continue again amongst them. He was (as best became him) very advised, circumspect, and careful in the service of the state, not only setting apart, but in a sort neglecting all business of his own, in respect of his charge. 
His carefulness in the service of the state.  He was a perfect orator by nature, having such readiness and facility of speech, flowing eloquence, sweet delivery, and passing memory (for he seldom or never forgot any thing he either read or heard) as he was specially noted a most rare man of all that did hear him. Such ample instructions he would give for the framing and writing of his letters, or any other thing he committed to be conceived and put down in writing, and dispose the same in so good order and fine method, as a very simple man, if he retained and remembered but a part of that he said and delivered, might supply himself with matter enough to the purpose to write of.  
And when by occasion he happened upon some dull line 10 conceited spirited fellow (as Ireland and Wales now and then bred some such) to whom he had given instructions to write, who afterwards brought him the same to sign, 
Very expert and able he was of a bad clerk in time to frame a good secretary.  not couched in sort as he liked or would have it; his temperance, courtesy, and discreet modesty was such, as he would never show choler and impatience, rend the paper in pieces, or publicly disgrace the writer, but bid him not be discouraged for that fault: he could give him the like instructions again he gave him before, but willed line 20 him then to mark and remember them better. At each several time he was sent deputy into Ireland, he was by occasion, and as time fell out, furnished with a new secretary. The first was master Edward Waterhouse, now knighted, and one of her majesties council in Ireland. The second master Edmund Tremaine, who after was preferred to be a clerk to her majesties council on her highness person attendant. The third (who although it was thought of many, who were in that case well able line 30 to judge) neither in pain, desert, birth, nor breeding was much inferior to the other two that were before him: yet in fortune, reward, or other recompense so far behind them, as this noble gentleman (who truly honoured virtue) master to them all three, would many times in sort lament, and deeply bemoan to his good friends, commending highly this man's pain and diligence, attributing his hard hap to his own mishap, the time so served he could not do him good, which many times & by sundry means line 40 he had earnestly attempted to do; affirming often in solemn and earnest protestation as well to him as others, that it grieved him not a little, his fortune was so bad, to come to him now in the declination and wane of the moon: for he was the sole only man he had employed about him in that nearness and credit of service, wherein he had used him, that ever had quailed under his hands (for that was the term he used) howbeit, he well hoped time or some good man (in respect his service was public and not line 50 private) would repair that then he could not do. For he deemed the man right worthy regard and consideration, that had served him so long (and that in his great and royal services, in so painful and toilsome a place) without any great wages, fee, or other entertainment growing to him in perpetuity or other ways; which was either burdenous to his purse, or proceeding by or from him by any other degree, to the gentleman's benefit, increase of credit, or further advancement, in recompense of his long service.  
He had both a special care & likewise a ●ingular line 60 gift in dispatch of common causes, 
Of great facility in dispatch of common causes.  and the people in like manner had a passing marvelous desire to be heard & dispatched by him. Therefore as well in part to satisfy their humours and affections, as more completlie to perform the due and full measure of his charge (which was to hear and help all as near as he could) he applied himself greatly thereunto, and would spare no pains, but endure marvelous toil and travel to rid and dispatch away suitors: which he could do with such dexterity and wonderful facility, as the same might seem no weariness and tediousness at all to him (that was half a hell to some others) but rather to be reckoned a kind of recreation and pastime. He made many beholding unto him, for he (as much as lay in him) did benefit many, and had more than an ordinar●e desire to do for all his friends and faithful followers; and so carefully, earnestly, 
A great desire to do for all men.  and painfully he would travel to advance their particular suits, were it sometimes to speak to her majesty herself, or to the body of her grave and honourable council, or to any private councillor apart, as though he had purposely followed his own most weighty causes.  
And as he was a most dear, kind, tender, 
A tender father to his children and a loving master to his servants.  and loving father to his children (for none could love and esteem his children more than he did) and noting in them great minds and haughty courages, which drew them by degrees to excess in expense, and more than an ordinary liberality, he would sometime fatherly advise them thus; that if they meant to live in order, they should ever behold whose sons, & seldom think whose nephews they were: so he was an affable, gentle, courteous, constant, and honourable master to his servants. For he would often say, it was an easy matter for them to keep him, but hard to recover his love and favour, if they had once lost him. And when any of his noble and most loving friends would commend him greatly (as many times they would) that he made much of his old servants (for few that came to him ever went from him, but such as were first advanced by him to better preferment) he would answer plesantlie after his wonted mirth; Lord I give thee thanks, that of those thou gavest me I have not lost one. He was marvelous affable and courteous of nature, of easy access, and plesantlie familiar with any that had occasion to repair unto him, & strict and precise in the observation of good order. For he would seldom break it in any respect, but upon evident, known, and most just cause, or when he was overruled (as sometimes he was) by such as had sovereign power to direct and command him. 

Sol●●ario homini atque in agro vitam agenti opinio justitiae necessaria est.  
He was entirely beloved of the officers of her majesties household.   Extraordinary courses he always utterly misliked, especially when order was perverted, or justice hindered, whereby the common society of man's life is only preserved and maintained; which two things specially purchased him such universal goodwill every where (and namely amongst the officers of her majesties most honourable household, with whom he would many times be familiarly conversant) as they have often wished he might have been honoured with a white staff, to have borne office with authority amongst them.  
His nature was so tempered with modesty, piety and patience, as he seldom showed heat or choler, how grievous so ever the offence was which was given him. He was a fast friend where he professed friendship, and no revengeful so when he was offended; & hardly would he be removed in friendship from his friend or follower, but upon most just, certain, and known cause, which he could not smulther, and would not hide from the party. I have many times heard him say, 
He was dubbed knight the same day sir William Cecil was.  and by occasion have seen the same written in his own letters, that he was dubbed knight (by that noble and virtuous prince king Edward) the self same day sir William Cecil (then principal secretary, now lord treasurer of England) was, by means whereof and that sir William Cecil was (yea even in those days) esteemed a most rare man, both for sundry and singular gifts of nature, learning, wisdom, and integrity: and partly by the friendly good offices of that true pattern of humanity and courtesy, sir john cheek, than schoolmaster to the king (a choice dear friend to them both) that there began such an entry of acquaintance, knowledge, love, mutual goodwill, and entire friendship betwixt them, as continued always 〈…〉, and 〈◊〉 after till his dying day▪ A matter of pro●●ritie it were and intolerable tediousness to particular in ample manner the ra●e qualities of his body and mind: wherefore we w●ll 〈◊〉 run them over, as loath to abridge his deserved 〈◊〉 too liberally. This noble man was fortunate in war, and no less happy in peace, passing well beloved of his soldiers, upright in justice, yet withal inclined to mercy▪ ●e reverenced all m●n of science, for he would many times say, Science was to be honoured wheresoever it was to be found: line 10 〈…〉. He omitted not mo●ning & evening prayer, he was liberal and honourable in hospitality, his skill far escape other men's in knowledge and secrets of Ireland, yea of that country birth. The love and affection the Irishrie bore him, 〈◊〉 many of them to civility▪ he was little given to sleep and ease in the night, for he seldom kept his bed above six hours if he were in he●●th neither after ●e arose would he take in the day time any line 20 kind of repose. He would in his journeys weary and lay up most of his company; nothing offended him more than ingratitude; in his dealings his word was his worst; sociable he was with his assistants; he had an intention to have erected certain nurseries of learning; his service was subject to the ear, and not to the eye, whereby his virtues many times were suppressed; he was deputy of Ireland, and precedent of Wales both at one time.  
This noble knight, grave councillor, complete gentleman, and most worthy and rar● subject, departed line 30 this life at the bishop's palace at Worcester, the fift day of May, 
He died at the bishop's palace 〈◊〉 Worcester.  in the year of our Lord 1586 (being fifty and seven years old complete▪ wanting only one month and fifteen days) about four of the clock in the morning, after he had continued seven days sick of a kind of cold palseie, as the physicians decreed of the disease, which happened unto him (as it was of m●nie said, and of more thought) by reason of an e●tre●e cold he took upon the water in his passage line 40 and remove by barge between Bewdlie and Worcester, not long after he had been purged, and his bod●e not fully settled, but his pores remaining still ●●en as it is most like) by reas●n of an extraordinary looseness which consequently followed the taking of his physic, and could not be stopped; hau●ng then been lord precedent of her majesties council established in the dominion and principality of Wales six and twenty years complete, without any change or alteration, or absolute transferring the line 50 room or authority to any other in the mean time, for whose death there was great moan and lamentation. 
His death greatly bemoaned.  As for his body by easy journeys and short removes, 
His corpse was buried at Penshurst.  it was conveyed from Worcester to his house at Penshurst in Kent, very honourably and well attended with great train, ceremony, and all other things appertaining to funeral order, honour, and solemnity, where he was honourably interred the one and twentieth day of june following. He was before embowelled, & his entrails buried in the deans line 60 chapel in the cathedral church at Worcester; his heart brought to Ludlow, & buried in the tomb with his dear beloved daughter Ambrosia, in the little oratory he made in the semicollegiat parish church there, wherein he erected this monument.  
The ninth day of August next following, died the most noble, 
The time of my lady Sidney'S death.  worthy, beneficent, and bounteous lady, the lady Marie Sidneie, his only spouse and most dear wife, who was eldest daughter unto that renowned duke john late of Northumberland, and sister to the right honourable and most worthy the earls of Warwick and Leicester, most zealously, godly, and penitently, as by the testimony of some honourable and other grave personages is well avouched, and was into●●ed at Penshurst, in the s●me tomb with her d●●re and honourable husband. During the whole course of her sickness▪ and specially a little before it pleased almighty God to call her ●ense to his mercy, she used such godly 〈◊〉▪ earnest and effectual persuasions to all those about her, and unto such others as came of friendly courtesy to visit ●ir, to exhort them to repentance and amendment of life, and dehort them from all sin and lewdness, as wounded the consciences▪ and inwardly pierced the hearts of many that heard her. They left behind them yet living most dear pledges, 
Sir Philip▪ sir Robert and master Thomas Sidneiss.  noble and worthy resemblances descended of them▪ th●ee sons, all forward, martial, and valorous gentlemen▪ and one only daughter, matched in marriage unto the right honourable Henry earl of Penbroke, 
Marry countess of Penbroke, William lord Herbert of Cardiff.  whom God hath already blessed with goodly, rare, and towardly issue: sir Philip Sidneie his son & heir, Ad 〈◊〉 ●ereditas glori● & 〈◊〉 im●tati● pert●●et, a gentleman of great hope, and exceeding expectation, endowed with many rare gifts, singular virtues, and other ornaments both of mind and body, one generally beloved and esteemed of all men; who matched in marriage with the daughter and heir of sir Francis Walsingham knight, 
The commendation of sir Philip Sidneie.  her majesties principal secretary, by whom he hath already a goodly babe, but a daughter.  
This right worthy, 
Lord governor o● U●●ssingen, commonly called Fl●●shing.  and thrice renowned knight sir Philip Sidneie lord governor of Ulissingen, having spent some time in her majesties service in the low countries, with great honour, special credit, and estimation; and withal▪ having obtained by his virtue, valour, and great policy, such an entry of entire good will, trust, and authority with the states, as his counsels and persuasions could much more prevail and work singular effect with them, than any one man's could do in any cause what soever that happened to fall in question or debate amongst them: therefore earnestly following the course he then took in hand for the advancement of that service, and to win fame (the only mark true nobility either doth or aught to level at) he embarked himself at Ulissingen, accompanied only with three thousand footmen; and bending his course to Arell, 
He surprise● Arell in Flanders.  which lieth in the county of Flanders, used both such diligence and secrecy in this expedition, as he surprised the town, before they could have intelligence of his coming, without loss or hurt of any one of his company. By means whereof, the forts and sconces there near abouts adjoining, being stricken upon the sudden into such a fear and amazement, as doubting some further perils to them intended, than any at the present well appeared; voluntarily and simply gave themselves and their holds into his hands, & yielded to his disposition and mercy. And so after he had well refreshed himself and his company in this town he had thus new taken, he departed thence, & remained in the country not far off, ten or twelve days next following, till he had vittelled the same & put in a garrison, & left monsieur Pernon there governor.  
Now in the mean time of his stay, attending these services (and because he would always be occupied in some honourable action) he broke a sluse, forced a trench, and cut out a bank, that made such an open passage & entrance into the sea, as since it hath drowned and destroyed the whole country (being well near now worn into a channel) the same having been the best and most fertile soil in those parts, 
He drowned the country by making 〈◊〉 entry into th● sea.  and far exceeding any territory near thereabouts, to so great a prejudice and annoyance of the enemy, as by common & well grounded opinion, neither by sluse, or lightly any other drain or devise, that country can possibly be recovered or regained. And this enterprise was achieved without making head or other offer of offence, 
No resistance made by Mondragon.  invasion, or resistance by Mondragon, who was of purpose employed with sufficient force to defend the country, and to have impeached all these attempts and actions.  
Moreover, his advise for the service intended at Gravelin (dissenting in opinion from others, 
Gravelin.  who were thought the most expert captains and best renowned and sorted soldiers) gave such a sufficient proof of his excellent wit, policy, and ripe judgement; as his only act and counsel, with the loss of line 10 a very few of his company, wrought all their safeties, which otherwise by treachery had been most likely to have been entrapped. And so consequently going forward in other services, at an encounter with the enemy not far from Zutphen, 
His hurt at the encounter near Zutphen.  where he that day most valiantly served (for he bore the invincible mind of an ancient worthy Roman, who ever where he came made account of victory) he received hurt by a musket shot a little above the left knee, which so broke and rifted the bone, and so entered the line 20 thigh upward towards the body, as the bullet could not be found before his body was opened. Of which hurt notwithstanding he lived (though in great pain and extreme torment) six and twenty days following, 
The day of the death of sir Philip Sidneie.  and died the seventeenth day of October between two and three of the clock in the afternoon at Arnam in Gelderland.  
He greatly abounded in sundry good virtues, which ever, where he came, procured him love, but chiefly in justice and liberality (a worthy & most line 30 special note in a governor) which gained him hearty love coupled with fame and honour. 
Omnis virtus nos ad se allicit, facítque ut diligamus eos, in quibus inesse videatur, tamen justicia & liberalitas id maximè efficit.  For the which especially, those under his late charge and government so greatly loved, esteemed, honoured, & in a sort adored him when he was alive; as they made earnest means and entreaty to have his body remain there still with them for memory when he was dead; and promised that (if they might obtain it) to erect for him as fair a monument as any prince had in christendom, yea though the same should cost half line 40 a tun of gol● the building. His body was most honourably conveyed from Arnam to London, where it remained at the Minories certain days, & from thence brought and removed on the sixteenth of February alongst the streets through Cheapside, with funeral pomp and solemnity beseeming so martial a gentleman; the ensigns of war, and pikes trailed upon the ground, the drums and flutes covered with black and making a softly sound, with other stately shows of mournful representations; the earl of Leicester with other honourable line 50 and worshipful personages following the dead body, which finally was interred in Paul's church of London.]  
About this time one Thomas Lovelace, late of Staple inn gentleman, 
Thomas Lovelace condignly punished by judgement of the honourable court in the starchamber for counterfeiting of letters, etc. I. S.  for counterfeiting of false and treacherous letters against his own kindred, containing most traitorous matter against her majesties own person, was judged in the Starchamber to be carried on horseback about Westminster line 60 hall with his face to the horse tail, and a paper on his back declaring his offence; then to be set on the pillory in the palace at Westminster, and there to have one of his ears cut off: then to ride in like sort into London, and in Cheapside to be set on the pillory upon a market day: after that to be conveyed into Kent, where standing openly on the pillory in the place of assize as before, he should lose his other ear; and lastly be set upon the pillory one market day in Canturburie, and another at Rochester; his offence and punishment in every of the said places openly read and published: which judicial sentence was accordingly executed.  
On sunday the eight day of May an ambassador, named Henry Ramelius, 
Henry Ramelius ambassador out of Denmark.  entitled Cancellarius Germanicus, arrived at the tower of London. A gentleman he was of goodly parsonage, somewhat corpulent, and of sanguine complexion, very eloquent likewise and learned, not only in the knowledge of diverse tongues, as Latin, French, Italian, and Germane; but also in sundry sciences. He came in embassage from Fredrick the second of that name, king of Denmark, unto the queen's majesty of England, and arriving (as you have heard) at the Tower, was honourably received of the lord Cobham and other great estates; who conveyed him from thence through Tower street into Bishopsgate street, and so to a fair and large house called Crosbies' place, where he was well lodged and remained.  
The said Ramelius, during the time of his tarriance had attendance done him convenient for his person, both by water and by land: 
The Danish ambassador honourably entertained.  the queens majesties barges and servants employed about him to & from London, the court then being at Gréenwich; whither always when he came, the nobility of England failed in no point of courtesy that might be showed: which he seemed (as he could no less) very acceptably to take. Now being in England, and in the English court, he might (and no doubt did) mark the magnificence of her majesty, in all respects admirable. 
The majesty of the English court.  Whereof a notable precedent was given in Whitsunweeke; at what time the said ambassador, being at the court, was accompanied with certain English lords to her highness chapel, and placed not far from her excellency, did hear divine service so melodiously said and song, both by voice and instruments of consort, 
heavenly music in the queen's chapel.  as a man half dead might thereby have been quickened. The gentlemen of the chapel with the rest of the quire bending themselves both with skill and zeal, that day to honour their prince according to their place. The bishop of Salisbury and others distinctly reading part of divine service, and in presence of all the auditory doing such obeisance with knee and countenance, as the presence of so gracious a sovereign as they had in their eyes did require.  
Now when this solemnity was ended, 
The ambassador of Denmark seethe the royal service of the queen of England.  her majesty departed; and so did the ambassador, attended upon and accompanied unto the place appointed for dinner, where standing near unto a fair window fronting into the open court, he might (being in communication, now with one and then with another English lord, as the L. Charles Howard L. admiral, the lord Cobham lord warden of the cinque ports, &c:) behold the royal service of her majesty, very personable gentlemen thereto sorted, carrying covered dishes all of silver and gilt very beautiful; themselves in velvet and silk suitable in each respect, and as decently made, so decently worn; the trumpets sounding, and the drums playing thereunto: a marvelous delightsome thing to hear, & a passing gallant sight to behold. When dinner was done, the ambassador was made partaker of such courtly recreations as for that time were fit, wherewith he could not but be pleasantly conceited; considering that as every thing was done with purpose to delight: 
Recreations and disports for prince and people.  so he with others must needs be accordingly affected. And as the better sort had their convenient disports, so were not the ordinary people excluded from competent pleasure. For upon a green very spacious and large, where thousands might stand and behold with good contentment, there bearebaiting & bull-baiting (tempered with other merry disports) were exhibited: whereat it cannot be spoken what pleasure the people took.  
Now the day being far spent, and the sun in his declination, the pastimes ended, and the actors therein weary; the ambassador withdrew unto his lodging by barge to Crosbies' place, 
This Crosby ●as a knight, 〈◊〉 his gift to 〈◊〉 of ●ondon, pag. ●●, ●50.  where (no doubt) this days solemnity was thought upon, and talked of; if not by him, yet by his train, and perhaps (as like enough) of both. Now after this, and many other English courtesies else where, very bountifully given and taken: the ambassador, after the finishing of such affairs as he was put in trust withal, 
The ambassador depar●●th home towards Den●arke.  taking his leave both of the court, city, and country, returned towards Denmark on the thirtieth line 10 day of May next following, whom we will leave upon his voyage, and touch other matters happening at home.  
In this year one thousand five hundred four score and six, 
●ord Ed●ard earl of Rutland ambassador into Scotland.  and on the fourth day of june, a commission was directed from the queens majesty then at Gréenewich, tending to the ratification of a firm league of amity between the two mighty princes, Elisabeth queen of England, and james the sixth of that name king of Scots, upon certain line 20 causes necessary and important: the reign and government of the said princes, happening in so doubtful and dangerous times, wherein the princes near adjoining, who will be called catholic, agnising the pope's authority, by mutual leagues do knit friendship, for the rooting up and throwing out of the true, pure, and sincere religion of the gospel, not only out of their own territories and dominions, but also out of other foreign kingdoms; and thereto have obliged their faith. line 30  
Lest they therefore that love the religion of the gospel, 
The queens majesty hath special care of christian religion to be preserved and propagated.  should seem less careful for the defence and supportation thereof, than they which earnestly endeavour to maintain and uphold that of Rome, lest it should be overthrown; the said princes for the greater security of their persons, upon whose safety the safety of the whole people doth depend, and for the preservation of the true, ancient, and christian religion, which they now profess; have thought good that a stricter bond of a mutual and social league, 
● league between England and Scotland confirmed.  than at any time hitherto hath been line 40 agreed upon between their majesties progenitors▪ should now be substantially concluded. This league was articulated, and commissioners thereto appointed; the right honourable Edward earl of Rutland, (a complete noble man, answerable to the etymon of his name, and very well deserving the poet's report: 
— nomen virtutilus aequat,  
Nec ●init ingenium nobilitate premi)  the lord William Evers, and also Thomas Randolph esquire: who with their train of attendants line 50 came to Berwick the ninetéenth of june, where (the ambassadors of Scotland being in like sort present) they accomplished the matter, whereto they were commissionated: the articles of the said league in all and every part sufficiently confirmed, 
See more of this embassage in the history of Scotland, pag. 456. 〈…〉  on the fift of julie. All which being dispatched, the said earl of Rutland with his train returned. This embassage is reported in the history of Scotland, whereunto (for the avoiding of tautology) we refer the reader. line 60  

The horrible conspiracy of babington & ●ther his 〈◊〉 traitors 〈◊〉 s●oursed by ●. F.  In the month of julie a very dangerous conspiracy was discovered▪ tending to the subversion of the state and lamentable confusion of all things: wherein as the turbulent spirited did what they could to proceed, so it pleased God the author of peace to intercept them in the plot of their mischéefous devise, and to overthrow them in their own imagined nets. Ringleaders in this pretended treason were certain gentlemen and others (of whom hereafter by particular name we will speak) who had waded and ventured so far therein, that upon the notice thereof (as God will suffer no such attempts to lie long vndetected) order was taken for a very strict inquiry and search universally to be made for their apprehension, which was accordingly executed, in so much that the conspirators distressed and succorles were put to very hard shifts by this inquisition and pursu●e, and in fine apprehended, to the great rejoicing of the citizens of London, diversly testified; as with bonfires, making merry in the streets at square and round tables, singing of psalms, marching about their fires with tqabor an● pipe, and giving many a shout, that the air rang withal. In so much that the consideration thereof did so work in her highness, as hereupon (a thing rare in a prince) she directed letters of thanks to the city, for the manifold testifications of their love and loyalty: which because they are material (as no word nor title proceeding from so singular a sovereign, is to fall to the ground unrecorded) we are in duty bound truly to annex them, as we had them under publication. And first a brief oration of master james Dalton, one of the councillors of the city of London, in the absence of the recorder, as followeth.  

The oration of master james Dalton, etc.  
RIght worshipful, my good countrymen and citizens of this most noble city of London: since the late brute and report of a most wicked & traitorous conspiracy, not only to take away the life of our most gracious sovereign (whom God grant long to live and reign over us) but also to stir up a general rebellion throughout the whole realm: the great and universal joy of you all of this city, upon the apprehension of diverse of that most wicked conspiracy of late declared and testified, by many outward acts and shows, hath wrought in the queen's most excellent majesty such a gracious contentment; that it hath moved her highness, by her letters signed with her own hand, to signify unto my lord mayor of this city & his brethren, her most noble and princely acceptation thereof, and that in such sort, as thereby may appear, that her highness hath not more, no not so much rejoiced at the most happy escape of the wicked mischief intended against her own person▪ as at the joy which her loving subjects, & namely you of this city of London took at the apprehension of the practisers of that intended treason.  
By occasion whereof, her highness brought to a thankful remembrance, and acknowledging of God's infinite blessings bestowed on her, comparable with any prince or creature in the world, no worldly thing more or like accounteth of, than of the hearty love of her loving and faithful subjects many ways, and many times before now; but especially by this our great joy in this sort, at this time, and upon this occasion showed. And that her exceeding great love and acceptation of our rejoicing may the more appear unto you: it hath pleased her highness in the same letters to declare, that she desireth not longer to live among us, than she shall maintain, continue, nourish, and increase the love and goodwill of her subjects towards her. And this her highness hath willed to be made known unto you all, with this; that she will not fail with all care, and by all good means that appertain to a christian prince, to seek the conservation of you all, so loving and dutiful affected subjects.  
This her majesties pleasure in part now declared, and more to be made known unto you by her own letters, which you shall hear read, my lord mayor and his brethren have required me to declare unto you all, that they do heartily rejoice & thank God for the happy day of the good acceptation of this your great joy; & my 
Sir Wolstan Dixie lord mayor of London, Anthony Ratcliff, and Henry Prannell sheriffs.  lord himself hath willed me to give you all hearty thanks in his name; for that in the time of his service, your dutiful behaviours have gotten to the city so noble and worthy a testimony of duty and loyalty, of so noble and worthy a queen. Now, for somuch as God's blessings wonderfully abound, & one joy cometh upon another, let us not be unthankful to God, but acknowledge his goodness, and attribute the line 10 same (as in deed we ought) to the sincere religion of almighty God, most godly established by the queens most excellent majesty, which hath taught us to know God aright, our duty to our sovereign, and to love our country, and hath made us dutiful and obedient subjects, rejoicing at all good things happening to her majesty, her realm, or to any in her noble service, the true effects of a true and good religion: whereas the contemners thereof, and immoderate affectors of the Romish religion and superstitions, line 20 being void of the true knowledge of God, have declined from God, their allegiance to their prince, their love to their country, and have become inventors of mischiefs, bruiters and spreaders abroad of false and seditious rumours, such as joy at no good thing; but contrariwise rejoice at every evil success, the badges and marks of their profession, who have before this, in this realm and in other her highness dominions, stirred up rebellion, foreign invasion, and many times practised the very line 30 death & destruction of the queen herself, the ruin & subversion of the whole realm; the proper effects of their Romish religion.  
We have beheld all these things, and seen in our days the ruin and mischéefes invented against others, fall upon the inventors themselves; and have known the wicked and violent hands of diverse of them, diversly to kill and murder themselves, when most traitorously they would, and most happily they could not, slay the lords anointed. line 40 As we have known all these things, so God be thanked, that by a better religion, having been better taught, we have been no partakers of their wicked devices, but have put to our helping hands, as occasion hath served; and ever ready to overthrow the authors and devisers thereof. And I have no doubt, but we of this noble city, who hitherto have been always ready, dutifully and faithfully to serve her majesty upon all occasions (her highness now so graciously accepting only of our rejoicing line 50 at the apprehension of her enemies, even the least part of the duty of a good subject to so good a queen) will be ready every one with all that we can make, and with the uttermost adventure of all our lives, speedily to be revenged upon all such as shall villainously and traitorously attempt or put in ure any mischief to her noble person; and in the mean time will have a better eye and ear to all suspicious and miscontented persons, to their saiengs and doings, to their false brutes and reports, to the places and line 60 corners of their haunt and resort, to their harbourers, companions, aiders and maintainers. God uphold and continue his religion among us, and increase our zeal therein, which hath made us so loving and loyal, and so beloved and acceptable subjects to so worthy a prince; and root out that wicked and Romish religion, that hath made so many disloyal and traitorous subjects; to whom is both odious & irksome the long life and prosperous reign of our most noble queen Elisabeth. God confound all such traitors, and preserve her highness long to live and reign our us. ¶ Having thus spoken, the multitude all the while no less silent than attendant, the speaker very reverently opened her majesties letters, & read the same with a very distinct and audible voice, as followeth.   

To our right trusty and well-beloved, the lord mayor of our city of London, and his brethren the aldermen of the same.  
RIght trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Being given to understand, how greatly our good and most loving subjects of that city, did rejoice at the apprehension of certain devilish and wicked minded subjects of ours, that through the great and singular goodness of God have been detected, to have most wickedly and unnaturally conspired, not only the taking away of our own life, but also to have stirred up (as much as in them lay) a general rebellion throughout our whole realm: we could not but by our own letters witness unto you the great and singular contentment we received upon the knowledge thereof; assuring you, that we did not so much rejoice at the escape of the intended attempt against our own person, as to see the great joy our most loving subjects took at the apprehension of the contrivers thereof: which to make their love more apparent, they have (as we are to our great comfort informed) omitted no outward show, that by any external act might witness to the world the inward love and dutiful affection they bear towards us. And as we have as great cause with all thankfulness to acknowledge Gods great goodness toward us, through the infinite blessings he layeth upon us, as many as ever prince had; yea rather as ever creature had: yet do we not for any worldly blessing received from his divine majesty, so greatly acknowledge the same, as in that it hath pleased him to incline the hearts of our subjects, even from the first beginning of our reign; to carry as great love toward us, as ever subjects carried toward prince, which ought to move us (as it doth in very deed) to seek with all care, & by all good means that appertain to a christian prince, the conservation of so loving and dutiful affected subjects: assuring you, that we desire no longer to live, than while we may in the whole course of our government carry ourselves in such sort, as may not only nourish and continue their love and good will toward us, but also increase the same. We think meet, that these our letters should be communicated in some general assembly to our most loving subjects the commoners of that city. Given under our signet at our castle of Windsor, the eighteenth day of August one thousand five hundred four score and six, in the eight and twentieth year of our reign.   
But leaving this princely precedent of thankfulness to perpetual record, we will touch the next occurrence, as course of time ministereth occasion. About this time of the year returned into England sir Francis Drake knight, 
Sir Francis Drake his turn into England 〈◊〉 his last 〈◊〉 finished.  a man of rare knowledge in navigation, and very fortunate in the event of his enterprises, after many feats of good service accomplished in foreign countries, as at Baion, Hispaniola, S. Dominico, Carthagena, &c: to the admiration of all people amongst whom he came, and contrary to the expectation of the Spaniards, who upon supposal of places impregnable grew so confident, that they seemed lightly to esteem any purposed force of the enemy, and therefore doubted no kind of annoyance. Howbeit, they were as safe as he that hangeth by the leaves of a tree in the end of autumn, when as the leaves begin to fall. For they were so terrified at the sight of sack and spoil, as also doubting a total waist by fire and sword, that they were glad to yield to composition. And here, because mention is made of Hispaniola, note ye that it is supposed that Solomon king of jerusalem had his great riches of gold from hence, 
Hispaniola in old time called Ophir.  and that his ships sailed to Ophir (the old name as some affirm of Hispaniola) by the gulf of Persia, called Sinus Persicus. As for Sancto Dominico, it is the chief city in Hispaniola, reported in history, as touching the building, that there is no city in Spain, Tanto line 10 pro tant●, no not Barsalona, that is to be preferred before it generally. For the houses are for the most part of stone, as are they of Barsalona, or of so strong and well wrought earth, that it maketh a singular and strong binding.  
But leaving description of places, it shall not be amiss having now touched (though not with convenient dignity) the last voyage of this singular gentleman, to annex in this place a memorial of a former voyage by him attempted, namely on the thirteenth line 20 day of December, in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred seventy & seven: at what time accompanied with five tall ships well manned & appointed, he sailed into the wost Indies: & by the same adventure (most luckily accomplished) eternised his name. At what time the king of Moluccaes' admiring his order, & astonished at the hearing of the peals of English ordinance, roaring like thunder (which he there at his arrival valiantly & liberally discharged) received him right honourably, causing four galliasses line 30 to conduct and bring his ship into the surest harborough, and himself with his company to his presence. In this voyage he discovered a country erst unknown, which he named Nova Albion, where by his courteous dealing he so alured and won the hearts of the inhabitants, that twice they crowned him king. Beyond the large country of Chilie, where it hath been heretofore thought that nothing had been but continent and firm land, he found sundry islands, the furthest whereof lying most south, line 40 he called by her majesties name Elisabetha. Now after many a singular note of his incomparable valorousnesse exhibited in places where he came, and purposing to make his adventure profitable, 
The return of sir Francis Drake into England with great riches, etc.  he neglected no means that might stand with his honesty and honour; returning home into England with great riches the six and twentieth of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and eighty; with one ship only. For of the five, wherewith (at his first setting forth) he was furnished, he line 50 was forced to set two on fire, the third perished, the fourth came back and went not forwards at the first. 
Many voyages of great difficulty have been undertaken, but failed in the issue.  A voyage of great adventure and prosperous success, contrary to the ackward and frowning hap of sundry worthy gentlemen, whose attempts albeit honourable and commendable, yet matched with misfortune, or at least defective in deserved and hoped issue: a sore dicouragement to gentlemen of travel, and not a little impeaching the art of navigation. line 60  
And now to resume our former remembrance of the conspirators, you shall understand, that after due examination had, & no rigour used either by torture or torment, the wicked wretches guilty consciences driving them to voluntary confession, on the seventh day of September, 
Traitors indicted, arraigned, and condemned at Westminster.  certain of them were led from the Tower of London to Westminster by water, where they were indicted; first, for intending treason against the queens own person; secondly, for stirring civil wars within the realm; and thirdly, 
I. S.  for practising to bring in foreign power to invade the land. Seven of them appeared at Westminster on the thirteenth day of September, who all pleaded guilty, and therefore had no jury, 
The first seven condemned without any jury.  but were condemned, and had judgement on the next morrow.  
On the fifteenth day of September, other seven of them were likewise arraigned at Westminster, who pleading not guilty, were tried by a jury, found guilty, and had judgement accordingly. The effect of whose treasons shortly to touch them were these. john Savage, 
The effect of the last seven their treasons notable.  remaining long in France at Rheims, was persuaded by doctor Gilbert Gifford, that great honour should redound to him, if he would take in hand to change religion, to invade the realm by foreign power, to dispossess the queen of England, and to proclaim the Scotish queen, and set her in her place. All which Savage promised to do, or else to lose his life, and thereupon returned into England; where he imparted his purpose to Anthony Babington, requiring his aid therein. Then john Ballard priest, also persuaded the said Babington to the purpose before expressed, promising him aid of threescore thousand men that secretly should be landed, and told him both how & when (as he thought.) Whereupon Babington promised and concluded to make a slaughter upon the council of her majesty in the Starchamber, then to have sacked London, to have burned the navy and chiefest ships, to kill or displace the lords, knights and magistrates, that remained true subjects to our right & lawful queen and realm, and also to have cloyed and poisoned the greatest ordinance, etc. These were their purposes.  
Now touching the names of the traitors, their behaviours and speeches, with the manner of their executions, you shall understand, that upon the twentieth day of September, being tuesday, john Ballard a priest, and first persuader of Babington to these odious treasons, was laid alone upon an hurdle, and six others two and two in like sort, all drawn from Tower hill through the city of London, unto a field at the upper end of Holborn, 
The place of their execution was sometime the meeting place of their consultation.  hard by the high way side to saint Giles in the field, where was erected a scaffold for their execution, & a pair of gallows of extraordinary height, as was that whereupon haughty Haman was hanged for his ambition, &c: the place likewise so railed to keep off horsemen, as the people might plainly see the execution. On the first day the traitors were placed upon the scaffold, 
The order of the traitors executed. john Ballard priest persuader of Babington to these odious treasons executed.  that the one might behold the reward of his fellows treason. Ballard the priest, who was the first broacher of this treason, was the first that was hanged, who being cut down (according to judgement) was dismembered, his belly ripped up, his bowels and traitorous heart taken out & thrown into the fire, his head also (severed from his shoulders) was set on a short stake upon the top of the gallows, and the trunk of his body quartered and imbrued in his own blood, wherewith the executioners hands were bathed, and some of the standers by (but to their great loathing, as not able for their lives to avoid it, such was the throng) beesprinkled. This Ballard, 
How Ballard was affected at his death.  at the very time of his death not denying his treason, died an obstinate papist, and in his protestation doubtfully said, that If he had offended the queen's majesty, or any man else, he was sorry, and so conditionally desired forgiveness. The malicious affection of his heart towards her highness appeared in the trembling passage of death, that whereas his treasons were impious, odious, and damnable, as the most wicked (to wit his confederates for the most part) confessed (as the common fame goeth) that they exceeded the greatness of her majesties mercy, 
Ballards' sophistical ask of the queen's majesty forgiveness.  which may not be measured, where there is any measure in offending.  
And yet in his desire of remission at her highness hands, he added this condition (If) as one that doubted if he had offended her person.  

Anthony Babington esquire executed.  Next unto this priest, Anthony Babington was made ready to the gallows, who in every point was handled like unto Ballard; in whom a sign of his former pride was to be observed. For whereas the rest (through the cogitation of death) were exercised in prayer upon their knees and bareheaded; he (whose turn was next) stood on his feet line 10 with his hat on his head, 
A note of Babingtons' pride at the very instant of his execution.  as if he had been but a beholder of the execution. Concerning his religion, he died a papist. His treasons were so odious, as the sting of conscience compelled him to acknowledge himself a most grievous trespasser against the divine majesty, and the queens highness. Next unto Babington, 
john Savage gentleman executed.  Savage was likewise prepared for the execution. This notable traitor (as the fame goeth) was the man that conferred with doctor Gifford at Paris; 
The fruits that issue from listening to the counsel of jesuits, Romanists, and Rhemists.  and by the confirmations of the line 20 English fugitives at Rheims was resolved, and resolutely determined to kill the queen. It is likewise said, that upon the apprehension of Ballard the priest, Babington accellerated and hastened this Savage to dispatch his resolution, and that he only deferred the matter for the making of a courtlike suit of apparel.  
When Savage was executed, Barnewell was made ready to die, 
Robert Barnewell gentleman executed.  an obstinate papist, who for his treason made conscience his best excuse; howbeit a line 30 rotten conscience, which was infected with the murder of a virtuous queen; which sith it was so bad, few there were that heard him, but forbade their conscience to pity him, otherwise than charitably to be sorrowful for his offence, deserving so shameful a fall, and damnable before God and man. After this Barnewell, 

Chidiocke Tichborne esquire executed.  
Charles Tilneie a pensioner executed.   Tichborns turn was served, a proper young gentleman, whose humility and moan moved much compassion. Tilneie one of the queen's majesties pensioners, next unto Tichborne, made work for the hangman, a wretch well worthy of line 40 death, who went about to take away her highness life.  

Edward Abington esquire executed, his threatening speech.  The last of these seven that suffered was Edward Abington, whose father was an officer of good credit in her highness house, and for many advancements was bound to say; God save good Q. Elisabeth. But his son was a notable papist, & an archtraitor, who at his death did all that in him lay, to fix a fear in the hearts of the ignorant multitude, with this speech, that there could not choose but be great effusion of blood in England very shortly. But line 50 Gods providence maketh it apparent, that the prophecies of traitors prove not evermore scripture. For Throgmorton the traitor said, 
Throgmortons' prophesy and Abingtons of like truth in event.  that before one year was expired, the prosperity & peace of England should be turned into general calamity. Howbeit, the date of that divination is out, & they both (as may béetide the rest of that rebellious rout in their appointed time) by God's grace partakers of semblable destiny. This Abington was the last of the first seven that were executed: and thus ended line 60 that days work, to the comfort of Israel, for that the execrable thing which troubled the whole land (and highly offended the divine majesty) was taken away.  

Thomas Salisbury esquire executed.  On the day following (according to general expectation) being the one and twentieth day of September, Salisbury was laid alone upon an hurdle, and other six, two and two in like manner, all drawn from Tower hill through the city of London, 
The last seven traitors executed with great favour.  unto the former place of execution. Salisbury was the first man that suffered, who in all points was handled as the other seven the day before; saving that he and the latter six were executed with this favour, that they were permitted to hang until they were fully dead, before the rest of their execution was performed. And albeit this man was blinded with the superstition of papistry, even at the point of death, yet he mildly acknowledged his grievous offence against the queen, 
Salisbury acknowledgeth his grievous offence: a note of repentance. violence forbidden by Salisbury.  and in his last commendation charged all catholics (for so he only accounted the papists) that they should leave attempting to set up their religion by violent hand, and by double and triple repetition exhorted them to patience, and earnestly forbade them all manner of violence.  
After Salisbury was with all possible favour executed, Dun was stripped into his shirt, 
Henry Dun gentleman executed.  and seemed penitent for his grievous offence: who after that with very earnest persuasions he had likewise disuaded the Romanists from attempting any matter of violence, he was executed with exceeding favour. This Dun (as the report goeth) lived reasonable wealthily, 
The ambitious humour of Henry Dun.  but it seemeth the man was of a discontented humour, and in dislike with a competent vocation; as appeared by this his vain imagination. For in Trinity term last▪ coming into the King's bench office, among other pleasant speeches to one of his familiars; You will marvel (quoth he) to see me within one quarter of a year to walk up and down the streets with twenty men after me. Whereupon one of his acquaintance pleasantly answered, that he feared he should first see him followed to the gallows with a thousand people. Dun showed his desire, and the other read his destiny. But let the end of this traitor be a warning to all ambitious men, that destruction followeth presumption, and pride will have a fall.  
When the execution of Dun was finished, the next in that tragedy was jones. 
Edward jones esquire executed.  This traitor (by that which was easy to be gathered of his behaviour at the gallows) was a very close papist, of a shrewd reach, and a most dangerous member in this common wealth. For notwithstanding his protestation that he disuaded Salisbury from this odious enterprise; yet his own talk showed that his counsel proceeded of a fear which he had, that the proud humour of Babington threatened an overthrow of their purpose; rather than of any dutiful zeal that he bore towards the safety of the queens majesty. For he neither would himself discover this treason of the highest degree, neither did he counsel his friend Salisbury to prevent his own danger in detecting the conspiracy of his companions: yea when the odiousness thereof broke out into public knowledge, he (contrary to the general duty of a good subject, and in contempt of a special warrant directed unto him) not only refused (as he himself confessed) to apprehend Salisbury being in his own house, but (so far as he might) succoured him, after that he was published to be a firebrand of that most wicked treason. One special thing nevertheless, which moved many to pity him above the rest, was, because with vehement words he protested, that although he was a catholic in religion, 
Foreign invasion reproved by jones.  yet he so deeply weighed the liberty of his country, as that he would be (and ever was) ready to spend his life in withstanding any foreign enemy, French, Italish, Spanish, or whatsoever: by whose opinion the toleration of invasion was so far from nature and christian duty, as no excuse or punishment might satisfy the crime.  
After jones had paid the price of his treason, 
john Travers & john Charnocke gentlemen executed.  with all possible favour, than Charnocke was executed, and after him Travers, both two men (as it seemed) bewitched with an ignorant devotion; for that in their ends nothing was to be observed but their praying to our lady, calling upon saints, joined with a number of ceremonies, crossings, and blessings, etc. So that it appeared that in their prayers, they were bound to form more than to faith.  
When the hangman had given these two his heavy blessing, 
Robert Gage executed.  Gage prepared himself to die, who began his protestation, that there was never subject more bound to a prince than his father was to her majesty: and from that reverend recognizance and true acknowledgement of her majesties graciousness, 
Her majesties graciousness commended by this traitor.  line 10 he fell to excuse himself of the odious treasons for which he was to die: but on so weak a ground, as the simplest judgement then present, found (by the order of his own confession) that he was a dangerous instrument for the pope. He confessed that he accompanied Ballard the seminary priest (who hatched the great egg of this pestilent practice) into Yorkshire, 
Hypocrisy of Robert Gage.  & that he wrote a letter for the said priest to a Frenchman or Spaniard of account beyond the seas. To be short, in all the course of his confession, line 20 in indifferent judgements, he accused himself to be an hollow hearted subject, and a sound papist. This cunning traitor Gage could never have made a confession of more infamy to himself, than in acknowledging the queen's majesties most excellent favour, showed to his father (which a dutiful son ought to esteem a benefit unto himself) and so to redouble the reproach of his treasons, he condemned himself of ingratitude, an unnatural vice, which the very fowls of the air abhor: line 30 as (to use one example of sufficiency for a thousand) is reported of the stork; which so often as she hath young, casteth one out of the nest for the hire of the house, and reward of him that lodged her.  
The last that suffered was one of the Bellamy's, 
jerom Bellamy gentleman executed.  whose countenance discovered him to be a settled papist, and who as he could say little to save his life; so at the gallows he spoke nothing to defend his death. Although this traitor had but a dull spirit, yet (as it seemed) he had a malicious heart, line 40 answerable to that of his friends, who succoured Babington and some of his associates, when fear of the law, and shame of their odious treasons, made them to shroud themselves like foxes in holes and coverts. And it seemeth that they were as resolute to follow the treasons of Babington, as they were ready to relieve him from the danger of the law. Otherwise if this Bellamy's brother had not had an accusing conscience, 
One of the Bellamy's hanged himself in the Tower.  he would never with violent hands have hanged himself.  
Thus ended the second days execution, to the line 50 full satisfaction of the people's expectation; who nevertheless (as the day before) were inwardly touched with passions engendered by the deep impressions of the present objects: but touched they were, as nothing pitying their deserved deaths, in regard they were most heinous malefactors: but as they were men, in whom humanity should so have prevailed, as that they should rather have chosen loss of life & livelihood, than to have intended the desolation of line 60 their native country, the deprivation of prince, the deposition of peers, the destruction of people; and whatsoever might seem as a directory to bloodshed and slaughter, from the highest governor sitting in royalty adorned with crown and sceptre, to the sucking babe lying in the cradle wrapped in swathing clouts. 
Ex libello I. Nich. typis C.B. excuso 1581.  Which extremities of butcherly cruelty and unnatural savageness, have had an ancient purpose of practice, as may appear by a clause or two of john Nichols his recantation; where speaking of Pius Quintus, excommunicating our liege sovereign, he saith that the same was within a twelve month of the first publication revived, and five hundred copies printed at Rome, which were dispersed throughout Italy, Spain, 
See be fore pag 1357, a, 60, etc. 1358, v, 60, etc.  & Germany. Whereof what were the contents, is at large set down in the treatise of execution of justice in England for treason, not for religion.  
But thus saith the same convert, that a reader of divinity positive, in the hearing of two hundred scholars, vomited these profane words out of his uncircumcised mouth; that it was lawful for any of worship in England, to authorize the vilest wretch that is, to seek the death of her highness: whose prosperous estate the Italish priest and Spanish prince do so malign, that they would work wonders, were it not for certain impedits: as father Pais a Spaniard, 
The causes that have so long hindered king Philip to invade England.  reader of divinity scholastical in the Roman college, affirmed in an auditory of three hundred, saying: Bona papae voluntas trita & manifesta est, & eius crumena parata: sed R. P. aut metus subtrahit, aut potestatis defectus vetat, ut suum in Angliam exercitum ducere non audeat. Where (by the way) would be noted an invasion long since pretended. And that the queens majesties estate was then maliciously aimed at, may appear by these comminations and threats, that they would burn her bones, and the bones of all such as loved her, either alive or dead; of whom, some were lords temporal, some spiritual, etc. Memorandum, that this was to be done, when they held the stern of government: which shall be, when errant traitors are good subjects, and rank knaves honest men.  
And now to touch the punishment inflicted upon the foresaid wretches, there is none (if he be not a sworn adversary to the state, and an enemy to justice) but must needs confess, that although some of the conspirators were no less sharply executed, than by law was censured: yet considering the quality of their offence, it was a death tempered with lenity, if no more but the spéedines of their execution be considered, whereby their pain and smart was but momentany. Oh with what severity did the ancients punish offences of this nature! And not without cause. For besides that nothing is more usual in all the whole scriptures, than prohibition to kill or to seek the life or honour, not only of the prince, but also of inferior magistrates, although they be wicked (and it is said in Exodus; 
The reverend regard that subjects ought to have of their sovereigns', etc.  Thou shalt not rail upon the judges, neither speak evil of the ruler of the people) so is it provided by the laws of nations, that not only he that hath killed his sovereign, but he also that made the attempt, that gave counsel, that yielded consent, that conceived the thought, is guilty of high treason. Yea, he that was never prevented nor taken in the manner, in this point of the sovereign, the law accounteth him as condemned already; and judgeth him capable of death, that thought once in times past to have seized upon the life of his prince, any repentance that followed notwithstanding.  
And truly there was a gentleman of Normandy, who confessed to a Franciscane friar, 
A gentleman judged to die because he once thought to have killed his prince.  that he once minded to have killed king Francis the first: but repented him of that evil thought. The friar gave him absolution, but yet afterwards informed the king of the same; who sent the gentleman to the parliament at Paris there to be tried, where he was by common consent condemned to die, and after executed. Amongst the Macedonians there was a law, 
A severe law against treason.  that condemned to death five of their next kinsfolks that were convicted of conspiracy against their prince. And most notable is the history of Romilda, who seeing her town or city besieged by a barbarous king, but yet youthful and wanton; she signified unto the enemy by messengers, that she would betray the citizens into his hands, if he would honour her with marriage. Which when the king had promised to do, she in the night season opened the gates, and (the people unwitting and ignorant) let in foreign force. Now the king being entered & in possession, commanded that the town should be sacked, and all the people slaughtered, Romilda excepted, the use of whose body (for his oath sake, which he was loath to violate) he had the same night as in wedlock: howbeit, the next day he cast her off, and betook her to twelve scullions by turns to be abused; & lastly pitched her upon a stake. line 10 Here you have examples in both sexes (man and woman) of treason and conspiracy most severely executed: 
A woman tratoresse well rewarded.  which if they be compared unto the sufferings of our late offenders, jesus what odds shall we see and confess? And as the ancients had treason in mortal hatred; so could they not away with ingratitude, as may be observed by the laws of Draco (which were said to be written in blood, they were so sharp and peremptory) amongst which, there was a commandment, that if any man had line 20 received a benefit of his neighbour, and it were proved against him long after that he had been unthankful for it, and had ill acknowledged the good turn received; such a one should be put to death. So then we see how in old time they opposed their affections against particular vices, persecuting them with severity, as labouring to supplant them: this age of ours beholdeth ingratitude and treason combined, with a fowl nest of other irksome and noisome sins, in the hearts of helbounds (for we line 30 may not vouchsafe them the name of men) breathing out the vapours of their venomous infection, to the damnifieng of the whole commonwealth: what favour then deserve such to find where they have offended, or rather what rigour are they not worthy to suffer?  

Against seeking after novelties, and to teach men to be well advised, etc.  Among the Locrians there was a strict decree, that every citizen, desirous to bring in a new law, should come and declare it publicly before the people with a halter about his neck; to the end that line 40 if his new law was not thought meet to be received, and very profitable for the commonwealth, he might presently be strangled with the same rope. If they in old time went so short a way to work in a case of unadvisedness, to teach others that they undertake nothing without mature deliberation: what are we taught to be convenient for such, as break not their wits either to devise or prefer new laws; but endeavour what they can to dissolve all law and order, all peace and society, all government and line 50 subjection; and by the impulsion of a furious mind to let in liberty, contempt, and all the enormities and abuses that accompany a licentious life? To let pass the plurality of examples & authorities of this kind, the number being so great as that they would fill up Erotostthenes siue; and to say somewhat of severity, that by opposition of country to country in that respect, we may see the great difference between ours and theirs.  

Extreme kinds of torments in other countries for treason, etc.  It is severity to slay men quick, to chain them alive to a stake, in such sort as they may run round line 60 thereabout, the fire environing them on all sides: it is severity to have collops of flesh plucked from the body with hot burning tongs: it is severity to be cast down from a steep place stark naked upon sharp stakes: it is severity to be torn in pieces with wild horses, and to have the bones broken upon a wheel. All these be extremities of torments awarded by law, and at this day practised in foreign regions for treason, and sometime for crimes of nothing so dangerous a nature. Finally, if we confer the severity of this execution, exercised upon rebellious and traitorous subjects in a superlative degree of disloyalty, with that of other nations commonly used, namely in principal affairs, which concern peace and war, and matters of government, to accept the service of runagate slaves, to place them in authority, to change or depose at pleasure any whatsoever; yea to strangle them upon the least suspicion or dislike: our severity is clemency. For in this is ripe reason and judicial process; in the other will without wit, & (as commonly they say) Omnia pro imperio, nihil pro officio.  
And therefore we conclude, that ingratitude being counted unnatural, 
Traitors justly rewarded, and yet nothing so as they deserve.  and treason (a vice vomited out of hell mouth) linked together with many knots of other shameful sins, and all concurring in the hearts and lives of these outrageous conspirators as in a centre: why should it be thought severity to have justice justly administered, that traitors should be drawn upon hurdles, strangled in a halter, cut down alive, dismembered, their bellies ripped, their bowels taken out and burned, their heads chopped from their shoulders, their bodies cloven in four quarters, and set over the gates of London, for the fowls of the air to feed upon at full? Unto which fowl end may all such come, as mean any mischief against good queen Elisabeth, the lords of her highness council, the body politic of the land, the slander or innovation of true religion, &c: wherein God make prince and people of one mind, and plant in all subjects a reverend regard of obedience and contentment of present estate, supported with justice and religion: 
A pretty apolog allusorie to the present case of malcontents.  lest longing after novelties, it far with them as with the frogs, who living at liberty in lakes and ponds, would needs (as misliking their present intercommunitie of life) with one consent sue to jupiter for a king, and so did. Whereat he wondering, granted their desires, and cast them an huge trunk of a tree, which besides that it made a great noise in the water as it fell, to their terrifying; so it was cumbersome by taking up their accustomed passage: insomuch that discontented therewithal, they assaulted jupiter with a fresh petition, complaining that (besides diverse mislikes otherwise) the king whom he gave them was but a senseless stock, and unworthy of obedience: wherefore it would please him to appoint them another endued with life. Whereupon jupiter sent the herne among them, who entering into the water, devoured up the frogs one after another: insomuch that the residue, seeing their new king so ravenously gobbling up their fellows, lamentably weeping besought jupiter to deliver them from the throat of that dragon and tyrant. But he (of purpose unchangeable) made them a flat answer, that (will they nill they) the herne should rule over them.  
Whereby we are taught to be content when we are well, and to make much of good queen Elisabeth, by whom we enjoy life and liberty, with other blessings from above; beseeching God we may see a consummation of the world, before the sceptre of the kingdom be translated to another. For (as the proverb saith) seldom cometh the better. 
Seldom cometh the better.  But to the purpose, this execution being dispatched, and the testimonies thereof dispersed and visible in diverse places about the city, as at London bridge, where the traitors heads were ranged into their several classes: many rhymes, ballads, and pamphlets were set forth by sundry well affected people, wherein briefly were comprised the plot of their conspiracy, the names of the traitors, and their successive suffering, which growing common and familiar both in city and country, were chanted with no less alacrity & courage of the singer; than willingly and delightfullie listened unto of the hearer. So that, what by one mean and what by another, all England was made acquainted with this horrible conspiracy, not so much admiring the manner of the mischéefes intended, as comforted that her highness had the holy hand of God overshadowing her, the surest protection that prince or people can have against peril. So that England is replenished with faithful and loving subjects, though here and there (like darnel among wheat) lurk a viper or asp waiting opportunity to bite or sting.  
Now to make a complete discourse of all these heavy & tragical accidents, having thus far continued line 10 much important matter concerning the same: the reader is with due regard to peruse the addition following, wherein is argument of aggravation touching these treasons: which being advisedly read, considered, and conferred with the former narration, will yield as sound, pithy, and effectual information for the knowledge of the conspirators purposed plot, as any subject would desire: and more than without grief or tears any true English heart can abide to read or hear. Where, by the way, is to be line 20 noted, that Marie the Scotish Q. was a principal.  
It is apparent by the judicial confessions of john Ballard priest, Anthony Babington, and their confederates, that the said john Ballard (being a priest of the English seminary at Rheims) in Lent past (after he and sundry other jesuits and priests, of his sect, had traveled throughout all parts almost of this realm, & laboured to their uttermost to breed in her majesties subjects an inclination to rebel against her) he went into France, and there treated line 30 and concluded with Barnardino de Mendoza (the Spanish ambassador resiant at Paris) with Charles Paget & Thomas Morgan two English fugitives, 
Barnardino de Mendoza, always mischéefouslie minded against the state of England: note his practices with Ballard.  and inexcusable traitors for an invasion to be made by foreign forces into this kingdom. And because no assurance could then be made unto Mendoza for the entertaining, assisting, and good landing of those whom the king his master, the pope, and the house of Guise should dispatch for that service, he sent the said Ballard into England at Whitsuntide last, line 40 with express charge to inform the catholics, that for sundry important considerations, the king his master had vowed upon his soul to reform England, or to lose Spain: and for that purpose had in readiness such forces & warlike preparations, as the like was never seen in these parts of christendom. And therefore willed him to stir the people, and work the means to make some faction to give them landing & entertainment at their coming: & specially to preserve the Scotish Q. in that confusion; line 50 letting the catholics' understand, that in case they did not assist the invaders, they would then enter as conquerors, put no difference betwixt man & man.  
With this dispatch Ballard by the special direction of Morgan (a notorious traitor to this state, yea a professed & sworn servant unto the Scotish queen) repaired to Anthony Babington, 
The Scotish queen is an actor in this purposed conspiracy.  a gentleman to whom the said Scotish Q. upon the commendation of Morgan & the bishop of Glascow, had long before line 60 written letters of gratulation, & with whom she had secret intelligence by sending of letters & other messages, the space almost of two years before. To this gentleman Ballard discovered at large the whole purpose of Mendoza, Paget, & Morgan, and said (as he had in charge) that if happily a strong party could be made here to assist the invasion, and advance the Scotish queen, men, munition, money, and victuals should be abundantly supplied from beyond the seas; and therefore persuaded Babington to sound the whole realm, and to undertake the action. Babington at the first proposed many difficulties, but principally this, that the invaders or their assistants could have no hope (the state being so well settled) to prevail during her majesties life. Whereupon Ballard presently replied, that her life could be no hindrance therein. For upon like doubts moved beyond the seas by means already laid, 
john Savage had vowed and sworn to kill the queen.  john Savage (a conspirator convicted hereof by his own confession) through the persuasion and procurement principally of one William Gifford (an English fugitive, and reader of divinity in the English seminary at Rheims) had vowed and sworn to kill her majesty, as a thing resolved upon to be lawful, honourable, and meritorious.  
This difficulty being thus removed, and Ballard from day to day continuing his persuasions, and highly commending the murdering of her majesty as a deed of great honour, singular merit, and easy to effectuate: 
Babington undertaketh the managing of the whole action: note their treasons.  Babington undertook the managing of the whole action, and having first with his complices entered into many several propositions of sundry treasonable natures, as to surprise her majesties person by force, to kill the lord treasurer, the earl of Leicester, and sir Francis Walsingham, to remove her councillors, and to place new, to murder the nobility whilst they were set in administering justice, to sack the city of London, to fire the navy of the realm, to surprise some forces and havens, to furnish the pay of their forces by an universal spoil and robbing of the richer sort; having (I say) first entered into these and such like propositions) in fine, he with Ballard and others resolved upon these three principal points: first, that the invaders should be assisted by a prepared readiness in the people to rebel in diverse places, and to join with them upon their first landing; that her majesty should be murdered by six gentlemen of resolution; and lastly, that the Scotish queen should be advanced to the crown of England. For the better performance of these resolutions, Ballard and Babington sounded diverse, and dealt with many; and so far Babington proceeded in short time, that a choice was made by him of the six that should execute the attempt against her majesties person, that some others were especially assigned by him to attend and assist the invasion, with direction from Babington to be popular unto their uttermost; and that himself resolved upon the first assurance either of her majesties death, or of the stranger's arrival, to proclaim the queen of Scots queen of England.  
Things standing in these terms, 
The Scotish queen writeth unto Babington in cipher: with his advise, direction, and request.  and Babington deferring only the execution of this plot, until signification thereof were given to the Scotish queen, and her good pleasure known therein (God so ordaining it) the Scotish queen in june last wrote unto Babington a short letter in cipher, signifying her discontent for the breach of their intelligence, and requiring him to send by that bearer a packet received for her in April before, and until that time retained by Babington, as wanting good means of conveying, and therefore fearing the danger of that service. Whereupon Babington using that opportunity, both delivered her packet unto that messenger, and by him wrote unto her touching every particular of this plot above mentioned, and how far he had proceeded therein; signifying amongst many other things, how desirous he was to do her some service, how well it might be performed, if assurance were given from beyond the seas for that which was undertaken thence, and how necessary it were that rewards were promised unto the chief actors for their better encouragement, and to be given to their posterities, in case they miscarried in the execution. And therefore he required, that she would grant authority to some such as it might like her to give certain offices and dignities necessary for this action. Unto this letter Babington about twenty days after in the same cipher, by which he did write before, received answer from the Scotish queen, with which she also sent enclosed (as her secretary now confesseth) a new alphabet in cipher, to be used between them from that time forward.  
And in this her letter she not only declared her good opinion of Babington, gave him due thanks for his readiness to do her service, promised correspondency in all that she might, and willed line 10 that the resolution being taken, he should with all speed impart it to Barnardino de Mendoza, considering first what forces on foot or horseback he could make, what place for their assembly, what leaders in every shire, what general or chief leaders; but also amongst infinite other traitorous directions (apparent by the very letters) she advised that upon return of answer from Mendoza, 
The Scotish queens advise in this mischievous plot favouring altogether of inhumanity.  with assurance that all things were in a readiness, then and not before it should be convenient to sound the line 20 country. And to colour the provision and preparation, it should be given out, that what they did, was not upon any evil or disloyal disposition towards her majesty, but for the just defence of catholics, their bodies, lives, & lands, against the violence of the Puritans, the principal whereof being in the low countries with the chief forces of the realm, purposed at his return to ruin not only the whole catholics, but also meant to deprive her majesty of the crown. And that they should give it out, that line 30 therefore the preparation was for the defence of her majesty, and her lawful successors, not naming the Scotish queen: under which pretence an association also might be made amongst the catholics.  
Which being done, and all things in readiness both within and without the realm, it should be then time for the six gentlemen to work, 
Six gentlemen of resolution, etc.  taking order that (because the time would be somewhat uncertain of the exploit upon her majesties person) there should be continually some men in readiness line 40 about the court well horsed, to bring word in post into the country (by four several ways for fear of intercepting) when that designment was performed, to the end she might be taken away before her keeper could either convey her away or fortify the place. She wished that some fire might be kindled in Ireland, to the end the councillors attention might be distracted from that part whence the stroke should come, which was from Flanders, Spain, and the house of Guise. She advised Babington to deal carefully and vigilantly, to provide all things line 50 necessary for effecting the enterprise, in such sort that it might take good effect by the grace of God (for so it pleaseth her to use the phrase.) lastly, after great promises of large requital to all the conspirators, and many other particular advises tending wholly to the subversion of this state, and deprivation of her majesties life, she groweth towards a conclusion, with prayer for his good success in the aforesaid conspiracy. It were needless to express more particularly the contents of his or her letters, the originals line 60 themselves being extant and surprised.  
To these letters Babington wrote for answer by the same messenger, that so soon as the resolution was fully taken with Mendoza, he would inform her more; and thereupon within three days after addressed Ballard towards Mendoza with signification, that all things were here in a readiness, and attended only the arrival of their forces. But God, who hath always protected her majesty in all mercy beyond the expectation of man, even almost in the very point of execution, discovered the conspiracy. 
Ballard apprehended being ready to be embarked and transported oversea.  And thereupon Ballard (being ready to embark himself) was taken, upon whose apprehension Babington forced (as he said) with the extreme danger to be discovered, and the no hope of any pardon for so hateful an offence, entered a new resolution with Savage aforenamed & Charnocke, to take her majesties life away presently, otherwise intended to have been respited until the invasion, which (as Ballard from the mouth of Mendoza swore) must at the uttermost have been performed by September. But Babington, finding himself restrained before he witted, and thereby assuring himself that all was known, found the means to escape, in hope to have recovered the sea, and so to have saved himself and his confederates. Yet after ten days search through all countries adjoining to London, though disguised in clowns attire, and discolored with walnut leaves, he was discovered, apprehended, 
The conspirators disguised themselves, thinking by that mean to shift the matter.  and with some other of the conspirators brought unto London, with greater manifestation of true joy in the people for their surprise, than tongue can express or pen may write.  
The apprehension of Ballard and flight of Babington dismayed the rest, and dispersed the other conspirators; yet not so far, but that justice hath since laid hold upon the most of them. And though in the beginning they seemed all resolved to stand unto the denial of every part of this action; yet such is the force of truth, 
Magna est veritas & praevalet.  that without either hope of favour or fear of torture, they have all acknowledged the conspiracy, and confessed their several offences, agnising the Scotish queen to be the principal comforter, director, and imbracer of these treasons, and imputing this error to their deceivable expectation of her future greatness in this land, the hope whereof joined with her allurements, hath heretofore as the world can witness (though these could not beware thereby) bred diverse rebellions within this kingdom, overturned many happy estates, and defiled sundry families of unspotted fidelity in former time.  
All which notwithstanding our catholics and others own and attribute so great a privilege to her person only, 
How the popish catholics' are affected to the Scotish queen.  that being past expectation (as they term it) of any good from the king her son, and not regarding the interest of any other to the succession of this state, if she by death or otherwise may not be advanced unto this kingdom: they are then determined to set the crown on the house of Spain, either by pretence of some putative title, to which effect some pamphlets have been already composed; or rather (to avoid all controversies) by some grant and investure from the see apostolic: for the dispatch whereof (as the conspirators confess) doctor Allen an English fugitive, and some others attend in Rome to solicit the pope. 
What the fugitive divines must do for their parts.  Which being once performed, some of the graver and more reverend sort (as they call them) of our fugitive divines, must secretly make their repair hither, and in auricular confession persuade the principal catholics of this land, and such as are able to sway the rest, to favour, maintain and advance that title of Spain against all others, under pain of damnation. By means whereof it is intended that Spain shall mount to so huge a greatness, as to be able of himself to give laws to all the states of christendom. ¶ With this note, being the very flower and grace of all the former discourse, we will conclude, having now no more to say touching the conspiracy, but these few verses, which we will use in am of a conclusion, and so proceed unto other matters of consequence, convenient for the book: 
Quid non papa ruens spondet, modo jussa capessas? 
In nefariam Babingtoni caeterorumque coniurationem, hexastichon.   
En diadema tibi, sceptráque, pactus Hymen▪  
Dissimilem votis mercedem, nacta, sed ausis  
Et sceleri retulit turba nefanda parem.  
Successere rogi regno, coriúque coronae,  
Pro sceptro laqueus, pro thalamo tumulus.]   

Sir Philip Sidneie slain at Zutphen in Gelderland: of whom see more pag. 1554.  In this mean time, to wit, on thursday the 22 day of September, sir Philip Sidneie knight, a most valiant & towardly gentleman, son & heir to sir Henry Sidneie late deceased (as is before showed, in service of his prince, and defence of his country, in the wars of the Netherlands) was shot into his thigh with a musket at Zutphen in Gelderland, whereof he died on the 17 of October, line 10 whose body was conveyed into England, to be honourably buried. On the eight of October, john Low, 
Seminary priests executed at Tiborn.  john adam's, and Robert Dibdale, being before condemned for treason, in being made priests by authority of the bishop of Rome, since the feast of john Baptist in the first year of her majesties reign, and remaining here after the term of forty days after session of the last parliament, were drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. line 20  

A tempestuous wind in October terrible and hurtful.  On the same day at night being saturday, there arose the greatest storm that happened since the wind which some do call Dover wind; and some others, the wind that blew away Calis, which was in the time of the reign of queen Marie. For beside great harms, which happened that night upon the seas, there were upon the land in every quarter overthrown thereby, houses, cottages, barns, haiestacks, tiles, chimneys, pales, and gates innumerable, and many trees both great line 30 and small were not only torn and rend asunder, but grubd up by the roots: in so much as upon the monday next in many places men could not pass on horseback in the high ways, by reason of the trees that lay blown and broken down cross overthwart the streets. 
The accidents noteworthie by means of this blustering wind.  And among other strange chances happening in that tempest, I thought good (for a taste) to recite three accidents which befell not far asunder within the county of Kent. The one was at Sittingborne, where a woman passing in the line 40 street by her neighbours house, saw a great tree standing close by the same, to waver and wag at the very root, in such sort as she suspecting the ruin thereof, called unto her neighbours who were then in bed, and told them the danger thereof, who presently arising, descended from out of the lost where they lodged, and were no sooner departed thence, but down fell the tree and brake through the roof of that house, and rested on the bed where they lay.  

A strange accident of a walnut tree blown down with the wind, etc.  There was also blown down with the violence line 50 of the same wind not far off a great walnut tree, the arms and branches whereof bare and bend a couple of imps, in such sort as the owner in the morning to save them, did cut off two branches from the walnut tree, and so departed to the church to hear morning prayer: but before he was returned home to dinner, his walnut tree stood as upright as ever it did, and so remaineth and groweth as before. The third strange chance happened that night at Dartford in the said shire, 
The third strange chance  at the dwelling house of line 60 master Beer esquire, where by the force of the said wind, all the coping of one side of a great gable head of brick (reaching from below the top or roof of the same house almost to the eaves thereof) was blown quite over the house under which it stood, and never touched any part thereof at any side. By these accidents happening within so small a circuit, it may be conceived what great harms were done that night throughout the whole realm. For it was thought universal, as was also that which raged in the end of September, wherewithal fell such sharp showers of rain, that the drops thereof beating against the faces of travelers made them to smart, as with twigs of birch: and so vehement they were that they pierced through their clothing to their skin: so that many wring wet and sore beaten with wind and weather, being very ill apaid, were glad to shorten their purposed journeys, by taking the next town for their present succour, where they might see the roofs and rafters of houses naked of tiles, and hear the donging of bells as they hung in the steeples, etc. At what time it was reported by people of great age, that they had been in many tempests they thanked God, but none comparable to this: which might well be so, if a man were disposed to set down a register of the particular casualties, losses, damages, hurts, hindrances, &c: thereby occasioned. In the table if you look for tempests and winds, you shall read strange matter and worthy observation, though some account this and many more but ridiculus stuff: which kind of people I doubt are not of the number that wonder at God's works, but are too too much addicted to natural philosophy.  
One of the west gates of the city of London, 
Ludgate of London newly builded.  commonly called Ludgate, being sore decayed, and in peril to have fallen, was taken down, the prisoners thereof in the mean time remaining under the charge of Thomas Lutwich custos or keeper of Ludgate, in the southeast quadrant to the same gate adjoining: which quadrant, for the ease of the prisosoners freemen of that city, was sometime builded by sir Steven Foster fishmonger, lord mayor of that city, in Anno 1453. And this year, the said gate was again not only newly, but also strongly and beautifullie builded, at the charges of the citizens of the same city, the foundation whereof, in the name and presence of sir Wolstan Dixie maior, certain of his brethren the aldermen, Anthony Ratclife and Henry Pranell sheriffs, was laid on the second day of May, and so forthwith so diligently applied by William Kirwine free mason (and other woorkmen of diverse crafts under his charge) who for a certain sum had taken upon him for all manner of stuff & workmanship to the same belonging, that the same gate was fully finished in the space of six months or less. So that on the 29 day of October in the same year, the said gate was set open to sir William Cicill knight lord treasurer, who first entered the same on horseback, accompanied of diverse other honourable persons, and noble men of her majesties privy council, who all road to the Guildhall, where on the same day kept his feast George Barnes lord mayor of that city, after he had taken his oath and charge in the exchecker at Westminster.  
On the 29 day of October the archbishop of Canturburie, the lord treasurer, 
Parliament at Westminster.  and the earl of Derbie, representing the queens majesties person, began the high court of parliament by prox, which session of parliament was at this time assembled for trial of matters concerning Marie queen of Scots, as more plainly shall appear, by that which followeth the end of that session. 
Anno Reg. 29. The earl of Leicester returned from the low countries, and arrived in England.  In the month of November about the 23 day, the right honourable lord Robert earl of Leicester, lieutenant general of all her majesties forces in the united provinces of the low countries, returning from thence, arrived at London, and went late to the court, where as he was not so suddenly come, as forwardlie welcome of the principal, and others, to the great rejoicing of all estates throughout the whole realm, as may appear by verses of gratulation, in part as followeth: 
Solonem ingenio, 
In reditum magnanimi herois, Roberti Comitis Lecestrij, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratulatorium T. N.  magnum qui Nestora vincis  
Consilio, pietate Numam, gravitate Catonem:  
Gratus ades, ter gratus ades, Comes inclyte, ab oris  
Teutonicis, salsi emensus vada caerula ponti:  
Rauca fuit Wansteda diu, te absent, nec ullas  
Laetitiae ediderat voces: Ilfordia eclypsin  
Passa fuit, modulis flevit Laitona canoris:  
Hammáque moestificis ululavit percita curis.  
At veluti auricomus dispellit nubila Titan,  
Exhilarat tua sic nostros praesentia vultus  
Magne Comes, terrae decus, immortal Britannae,  
Magnanimos inter meritò numerande dynastas.   

The parliament prorogued.  On the second day of December, the session of parliament (begun the nine & twentieth of October as is afore showed) was dissolved & broken up, line 10 and was prorogued until the five & twentieth of February next following. The substance and effect of matters handled in the same parliament, is set down in a letter learnedly penned, and directed to the right honourable the earl of Leicester, as followeth.  
THE COPY OF A LETTER TO the right honourable the earl of Leicester, lieutenant general of all her majesties forces in the united provinces of the low countries, written line 20 before, but delivered at his return from thence: with a report of certain petitions and declarations made to the queen's majesty at two several times, from all the lords and commons lately assembled in parliament: and her majesties answers thereunto by herself delivered, though not expressed by the reporter with such grace and life, as the same were uttered by her majesty.  
To the right honourable the earl of Leicester, etc.  
line 30  
ALbeit with earnest desire of my heart (right honourable my very good lord) I have always endeavoured to do your lordship some acceptable service, for the honour you first vouchsafed me from beyond my cradle, and after confirmed with the favourable opinion line 40 wherewith you have always countenanced me ever since, even thus far onward on my days, which also together with my years hath increased faster than mine ability to perform, being crossed in nothing more deeply, than when I was letted by the overmuch tendering of me by my parents, to attend your lordship in your late voyage and honourable expedition into the low countries: yet have I been ever since most studious to observe and apprehend some good occasion, or fit opportunity, to testify line 50 the dutiful reverence I bear to your lordship: wherein if hitherto I have been slack in performance during your absence, it hath proceeded of the care I had, not to entertain your lordship with matter either frivolous or vulgar: though things of that nature might best become my condition, and well agree with my understanding.  
In which cogitation it came to my mind, that the report of the speeches delivered by the queens most excellent majesty in a late and weighty cause line 60 dealt in this parliament, in answer to the petitions presented to her majesty the twelve and four and twentieth day of November at Richmond by the lord chancellor and speaker, respectively, in the name and behalf of both estates, accompanied with diverse of either sort, would doubtless be a thing to your lordship most grateful, as one ever pleased justly to admire the rare perfections of her mind, and approved judgement, wherewith according to your estate and place, deservedly, your lordship hath been usually acquainted: as also worthy of eternal monument and everlasting memory, for as much as on the sudden they were delivered by herself, for answer of a matter propounded, debated, resolved, and digested, with great labour and premeditation of the greatest, gravest, wisest, and most choice persons of the whole realm, whereof although I have but slenderly purtraied the lineaments, without expressing to life the external ornaments of her royal speech, accompanied with all princely and graceful accomplements: yet doubt I not but your lordship will easily find her inward virtues, whereof it is impossible for me to make the least adumbration.  
And because in the daily expectation of your lordship's return, I rested uncertain how these might come safely to your lordship's hands: I did therefore advise to have this my letter with the included copies to be ready to attend your first arrival, in gratulation of the safety thereof, which hath been long desired. Wherein, as I strive to perform a particular duty to your lordship, so trust I you will have that honourable consideration, that in the communication thereof with others, there grow not any prejudice to me for my presumption, in adventuring to be a reporter of that, which in the delivery wrought so great astonishment to all the hearers, as it exceeded the fullness of every man's expectation: and therefore, without some favourable construction of mine attempt, I might incur great blame by my slender manner of report, so to have blemished the excellency of her majesties speeches, whereof I humbly beseech your lordship to have favourable regard. Thus referring them to your lordship's disposition, and myself to your favourable protection, I humbly take my leave. 25. November. 1586.  
Your lordship's most humbly in all duty to command, R. C.  

The brief of the lord chancellor's first speech, at the time when he delivered her most excellent majesty a petition in writing, for and in the name of the lords and commons: which speeches were of more length than here are by me collected: but sure I am, the substance thereof is here truly expressed.  
THat the lords and commons, having of long time to their intolerable grief, found, by how many practices the Scotish queen had compassed the destruction of her highness most royal person (in whose safety next under God they acknowledged their chief felicity to consist) thereby not only to bereave them of the sincere and true religion in this realm professed and established, but to bring back again this noble realm into the thraldom of Romish tyranny, and to overthrow the happy estate thereof: wherein, although her highness of her abundant, gracious, natural clemency, and princely magnanimity, hath either lightly passed them over, or with no small indulgence tolerated, notwithstanding the often and earnest instances of her nobility and commons in sundry parlements heretofore: and further hath protected her from the violent pursuit of her own people: she yet, as a person obdurate in malice (as it appeareth) continued her former practices, as had been lately manifested by certain wicked conspiracies plotted by one Anthony Babington, and diverse desperate persons, that had combined and confederated themselves by vow and oath in a most horrible enterprise, by murder to take away the life of her majesty: wherein the Scotish queen did not only advise them, but also direct, comfort, and abbet them, with persuasion, counsel, promise of reward, and earnest obtestation.  
Whereupon her majesty at the earnest request of such as tendered the safety of her royal person, and the quiet of the realm, did direct commission under the great seal to sundry lords and others of her majesties privy council, & a great number of lords of parliament, of the greatest and most ancient degree, assisted with some of the principal judges of the realm, to hear, examine, and determine the same, according to a statute in that behalf, made in the seven and twentieth year of her reign. Who to the number of thirty and six, having attended line 10 the execution of the said commission, and diverse days and times heard the allegations against the said Scotish queen in her own presence and hearing (she being permitted to say what she would in her own excuse) did with one assent, find her calpable both in privity & consent to the said crimes objected, and also in compassing the queens majesties death.  
Which sentence, by her own directions, upon the hearing of the proofs and process in parliament, line 20 was judged to have been most honourable and just. And thereupon they all beseech her majesty, that forasmuch as the said queen of Scots, was the very ground and only subject, whereupon such dangerous practices and complots had been founded, against her majesties most royal person, and the estate of this realm for these many years, to the overthrow of sundry of the nobility of the land, and danger of christian religion, and that they could see line 30 no hope of her desisting, and her adherents; but that still her majesties safety must be hazarded, and stand to the event of the like miraculous discoveries.  
Therefore, as most humble and instant suppliants, they did upon their knees at her most gracious feet, beseech and request in most earnest manner, that aswell for the continuance of God's religion, the quiet of this kingdom, preservation of her person, and defence of them and their posterities, it would line 40 please her highness to take order, that the said sentence might be published, and such further direction given, as was requisite in this so weighty a cause, according to the purport and intent of the said statute. Wherein, if her majesty (pursuing her wonted clemency) should now be remiss, besides the imminent danger to her person, she might by the stay thereof, procure the heavy displeasure of almighty God, as by sundry severe examples of his justice in the sacred scriptures doth appear. And so line 50 he delivered to her majesties own hands the petition in writing, which he said had been with great deliberation assented unto by all the whole parliament.   

A SHORT EXTRACT OF SUCH reasons, as were delivered in speech by master sargent Puckering, speaker of the lower house, before the queens most excellent majesty in her presence chamber at Richmond, the twelve of November 1586, in the eight and twentieth year of her line 60 reign, containing diverse apparent and imminent dangers, that may grow to her majesties most royal person, and to her realm from the Scotish queen and her adherents, if remedy be not provided.  
First touching the danger of her majesties person.  
1 BOth this Scotish queen and her favourers, do think her to have right, not to succeed but to enjoy your crown in possession: and therefore as she is a most impatient competitor, so will she not spare any means whatsoever, that may bereave us of your majesty, the only impediment that she enjoyeth not her desire.  
2 She is obdurate in malice against your royal person, notwithstanding you have showed her all favour and mercy, as well in preserving her kingdom, as saving her life, and saluing her honour. And therefore there is no place for mercy, since there is no hope that she will desist from most wicked attempts: the rather, for that her malice appeareth such, that she maketh (as it were) her testament of the same, to be executed after her death, and appointeth her executors to perform it.  
3 She boldly and openly professed it lawful for her to move invasion upon you. And therefore, as of invasion victory may ensue, and of victory, the death of the vanquished: so did she thereby not obscurely bewray, that she thought it lawful for her to destroy your sacred person.  
4 She thinketh it not only lawful, but honourable also and meritorious to take your life from you, as being already deprived of your crown by the excommunication of the holy father. And therefore it is like she will (as hitherto she hath done) continually seek it by whatsoever means.  
5 That she is greedy of your majesties death, and preferreth it before her own life and safety: for in her direction to one of her lay complices, she advised (under covert terms) that whatsoever should become of her, that tragical execution should be performed upon you.  
1 IT is most perilous to spare her, 
The danger of the overthrow of the true religion.  that continually hath sought the overthrow and suppression of true religion, infected with popery from her tender youth, and being after that a confederate in that holy league when she came to age, and ever since a professed enemy against the truth.  
2 She resteth wholly upon popish hopes to deliver and advance her, and is thereby so devoted to that profession, that aswell for satisfaction of others, as for feeding of her own humour, she will supplant the gospel, where and when so ever she may: which evil is so much the greater, and the more to be avoided, as that it stayeth the very soul, and will spread itself not only over England and Scotland, but also into those parts beyond the seas, where the gospel of God is maintained, the which cannot but be exceedingly weakened, by the defection of this noble Island.  
1 As the Lydians said, 
The peril of the state of the realm.  unum regem agnoscunt Lydi, duos autem tolerare non possunt: So we say, unicam reginam Elizabetham agnoscunt Angli, duas autem tolerare non possunt.  
2 As she hath already by her allurements brought to destruction more noble men and their houses, together with a greater multitude of the commons of this realm, during her being here, than she should have been able to do, if she had been in possession of her own crown, and armed in the field against us: so will she still be continual cause of the like spoil, to the greater loss and peril of this estate: and therefore this realm neither can, nor may endure her.  
3 Again, she is the only hope of all discontented subjects, she is the foundation whereon all the evil disposed do build, she is the root from whence all rebellions and treacheries do spring: and therefore whilst this hope lasteth, this foundation standeth, and this root liveth, they will retain heart, and set on foot whatsoever their devices against the realm, which otherwise will fall away, die, and come to nothing.  
4 Mercy now in this case towards her would in the end prove cruelty against us all. Nam est quaedam crudelis misericordia, and therefore to spare her, is to spill us.  
5 Besides this, it will exceedingly grieve and in a manner deadly wound the hearts of all the good subjects of your land, if they shall see a conspiracy so horrible not condignly punished.  
6 Thousands of your majesties most liege and loving subjects, of all sorts and degrees, that in a line 10 tender zeal of your majesties safety, have most willingly both by open subscription and solemn vow, entered into a firm and loyal association, and have thereby protested to pursue unto the death, by all forcible and possible means, such as she is by just sentence now found to be: can neither discharge their love, nor well save their oaths, if your majesty shall keep her alive: of which burden your majesties subjects are most desirous to be relieved, as the same may be, if justice be done. line 20  
7 lastly, your majesties most loving and dutiful commons doubt not, but that as your majesty is duly exercised in reading the book of God: so it will please you to call to your princely remembrance, how fearful the examples of God's vengeance be, that are there to be found against king Saul for sparing king Agag, & against king Achab for saving the life of Benadad; both which were by the just judgement of God deprived of their kingdoms, for sparing those wicked princes, whom God line 30 had delivered into their hands, of purpose to be slain by them, as by the ministers of his eternal and divine justice. Wherein full wisely Solomon proceeded to punishment, when he took the life of his own natural and elder brother Adonias, for the only intention of a marriage, that gave suspicion of treason against him. Herein we your majesties most loving and obedient subjects earnestly depend upon your princely resolution, which we assure ourselves shall be to God most acceptable, and line 40 to us no other than the state of your regal authority may afford us, and the approved arguments of your tender care for our safety under your charge doth promise to our expectation.   

A REPORT OF HER majesties most gracious answer, delivered by herself verbally, to the first petitions of the lords and commons, being the estates of parliament, in her chamber of presence at Richmond, the twelve day of line 50 November 1586, at the full almost of eight and twenty years of her reign. Whereof the reporter requireth of all that were hearers, a favourable interpretation of his intent, because he findeth that he can not express the same answerable to the original, which the learned call Prototypon.  
THe bottomless graces and immeasurable benefits bestowed upon me by the almighty, are, and have been such, as I must not only acknowledge them, but line 60 admire them, accounting them as well miracles as benefits; not so much in respect of his divine majesty, with whom nothing is more common than to do things rare and singular: as in regard of our weakness, who can not sufficiently set forth his wonderful works and graces, which to me have been so many, so diversely folded and embroidered one upon another, as in no sort I am able to express them. And although there liveth not any, that may more justly acknowledge themselves infinitely bound unto God than I, whose life he hath miraculously preserved at sundry times (beyond my merit) from a multitude of perils & dangers: yet is not that the cause, for which I count myself the deepeliest bound to give him my humblest thanks, or to yield him greatest recognition; but this which I shall tell you hereafter, which will deserve the name of wonder, if rare things and seldom seen be worthy of account. Even this it is, that as I came to the crown with the willing hearts of my subjects, so do I now after eight and twenty years reign, perceive in you no diminution of good wills, which if happily I should want, well might I breathe, but never think I lived.  
And now, albeit I find my life hath been full dangerously sought, and death contrived by such as no desert procured: yet am I therein so clear from malice (which hath the property to make men glad at the falls and faults of their foes, and make them seem to do for other causes, when rancour is the ground) as I protest it is and hath been my grievous thought, that one, not different in sex, of like estate, and my near kin, should fall into so great a crime: yea I had so little purpose to pursue her with any colour of malice, that as it is not unknown to some of my lords here (for now I will play the blab) I secretly wrote her a letter upon the discovery of sundry treasons, that if she would confess them, and privately acknowledge them by her letters to myself, she never should need be called for them into so public question. Neither did I it of mind to cirumvent her: for than I knew as much as she could confess, and so did I write. And if even yet, now that the matter is made but too apparent, I thought she truly would repent (as perhaps she would easily appear in outward show to do) and that for her, none other would take the matter upon them; or that we were but as two milk maids with pails upon our arms, or that there were no more dependency upon us but mine own life were only in danger, and not the whole estate of your religion and well doings, I protest (wherein you may believe me, for though I may have many vices, I hope I have not accustomed my tongue to be an instrument of untruth) I would most willingly pardon and remit this offence.  
Or if by my death other nations and kingdoms might truly say, that this realm had attained an ever prosperous and flourishing estate: I would (I assure you) not desire to live; but gladly give my life, to the end my death might procure you a better prince. And for your sakes it is, that I desire to live, to keep you from a worse. For as for me, I assure you, I find no great cause I should be fond to live: I take no such pleasure in it, that I should much wish it; nor conceive such terror in death, that I should greatly fear it: and yet I say not, but if the stroke were coming, perchance flesh and blood would be moved with it, and seek to shun it. I have had good experience and trial of this world: I know what it is to be a subject; what to be a sovereign; what to have good neighbours, and sometime meet evil willers. I have found treason in trust, seen great benefits little regarded, and in stead of gratefulness, courses of purpose to cross.  
These former remembrances, present feeling, and future expectation of evils (I say) have made me think, An evil is much the better, the less while it endureth: & so, them happiest, that are soon hence: and taught me to bear with a better mind these treasons, than is common to my sex: yea, with a better heart perhaps, than is in some men. Which I hope you will not merely impute to my simplicity or want of understanding, but rather, that I thus conceived, that had their purposes taken effect, I should not have found the blow, before I had felt it: and though my peril should have been great, my pain should have been but small and short: wherein, as I would be loath to die so bloody a death, so doubt I not, but God would have given me grace to be prepared for such an event, chance when it shall, which I refer unto his good pleasure. And now, as touching their treasons and conspiracies, together with the contriver of them, I will not so preiudicat myself and this my realm, as to say line 10 or think, that I might not, without the last statute, by the ancient laws of this land, have proceeded against her, which was not made particularly to prejudice her; though perhaps it might then be suspected, in respect of the disposition of such as depend that way. It was so far from being intended to entrap her, that it was rather an admonition to warn the danger thereof: but sith it is made, and in the force of a law, I thought good, in that which might concern her, to proceed according thereunto, line 20 rather than by course of common law: wherein, if you the judges have not deceived me, or that the books you brought me were not false (which God forbidden) I might as justly have tried her by the ancient laws of the land.  
But you lawyers are so nice in sifting, and scanning every word and letter, that many times you stand more upon form than matter, upon syllables than sense of the law. For in the strictness & exact following of common form, she must have been indicted in Staffordshire, have line 30 holden up her hand at the bar, and been tried by a jury: a proper course forsooth, to deal in that manner with one of her estate. I thought it better therefore, for avoiding of these and more absurdities, to commit the cause to the inquisition of a good number of the greatest and most noble personages of this realm, of the judges and others of good account, whose sentence I must approve: and all little enough. For we princes, I tell you, are set on stages, in the sight and view of all the world duly line 40 observed; the eyes of many behold our actions; a spot is soon spied in our garments; a blemish quickly noted in our doings. It behoveth us therefore to be careful that our proceedings be just and honourable.  
But I must tell you one thing more, that in this last act of parliament you have brought me unto a narrow streict, that I must give direction for her death, which cannot be to me but a most grievous and irksome burden. And lest you line 50 might mistake mine absence from this parliament (which I had almost forgotten) although there be no cause why I should willingly come amongst multitudes, for that amongst many some may be evil: yet hath it not been the doubt of any such danger or occasion that kept me from thence; but only the great grief to hear this cause spoken of; especially, that such a one of state and kin should need so open a declaration, and that this nation should be so spotted with blots of disloyalty. line 60 Wherein the less is my grief, for that I hope the better part is mine, and those of the worse not so much to be accounted of, for that in seeking my destruction, they might have spoiled their own souls. And even now could I tell you, that which would make you sorry. It is a secret, and yet I will tell it you; although it is known I have the property to keep counsel, but too well oftentimes to mine own peril. It is not long since mine eyes did see it written, that an oath was taken within few days, either to kill me, or to be hanged themselves: and that to be performed yer one month were ended. Hereby I see your danger in me, and neither can nor will be so unthankful or careless of your consciences, as not provide for your safety.  
I am not unmindful of your oath made in the association, manifesting your great good wills and affections, taken and entered into, upon good conscience, and true knowledge of the guilt, for safety of my person, and conservation of my life: done (I protest to God) before I heard it, or ever thought of such a matter, until a great number of hands with many obligations were showed me, at Hampton court, signed and subscribed with the names and seals of the greatest of this land. Which as I do acknowledge as a perfect argument of your true hearts, and great zeal to my safety: so shall my bond be stronger tied to greater care for all your good. But for as much as this matter is rare, weighty, and of great consequence, I think you do not look for any present resolution: the rather, for that, as it is not my manner, in matters of far less moment, to give speedy answer without due consideration; so in this of such importance, I think it very requisite with earnest prayer to beseech his divine majesty, so to illuminat my understanding, and inspire me with his grace, as I may do and determine that, which shall serve to the establishment of his church, preservation of your estates, and prosperity of this common wealth under my charge. Wherein (for that I know delay is dangerous) you shall have with all conveniency our resolution delivered by our message. And what ever any prince may merit of their subjects, for their approved testimony of their unfeigned sincerity, either by governing justly, void of all partiality, or sufferance of any injuries done (even to the poorest) that do I assuredly promise inviolably to perform, for requital of your so many deserts.   

¶ The occasions of the second access.  
THis answer thus made by her majesty, the lords and commons were dismissed. And then her highness some few days after, upon deliberation had of this petition, being (as it appeared) of her merciful disposition of nature, and her princely magnanimity, in some conflict with herself what to do in a cause so weighty and important to her and the realm, sent by the lord chancellor (as I heard) and by the mouth of an honourable person, and a right worthy member of the lower house, this message to both houses: moving and earnestly charging them, to enter into a further consideration, whether there might not be some other way of remedy, than that they had already required, so far disagreeing from her own natural inclination. Whereupon, the lords and commons in either houses assembled, had sundry consultations, both in their several houses generally, and by private committees deputed specially. And after conference had betwixt the said committées, it was resolved with unanimity of consent amongst them in the lower house, and by universal concord in the upper house (the question there propounded to every one of the lords) that there could be found no other sound and assured mean, in the depth of their understanding, for the continuance of the christian religion, quiet of the realm, and safety of her majesties most royal person, than that which was contained in their former petition. The reasons whereof were summarily these that follow, which are more shortly reported than they were uttered.   

A brief report of the second access the four and twentieth of November 1586: and of the answer made in the name of t●e lords of the parliament, to a message sent from her majesty by the lord chancellor after her first answer.  
THe lord chancellor, accompanied with above five or six and twenty lords of parliament, came before her highness in her line 10 chamber of presence, to deliver the resolution of all the lords of parliament, concerning a message which he had not long before delivered from her majesty, for further consultation, whether any other means could be thought of, or found out by any of them, how the Scotish queens life might be spared, and yet her majesties person saved out of peril, and the state of the realm preserved in quiet; declared, that according to that he had received in commandment from her majesty, he had imparted line 20 the same unto the lords assembled in the upper house, whom he found by their general silence much amazed at the propounding thereof, considering the same had been before in deliberation amongst them, and resolved upon, and as appeared by their former petition exhibited to her highness, wherein they had expressed the same resolution.  
Notwithstanding, for her majesties further satisfaction, they had entered into a new consultation, & for that purpose selected a great number of the choicest line 30 persons of the higher house of parliament to confer thereof, either privately or together with the lower house: which also was done accordingly at several times. At all which conferences it was concluded by them all, & so afterwards by the whole assembly of both houses, that there could be no other assured means for the preservation of her majesties life, and continuance of God's religion & quiet of this state, than by the full execution of the sentence according to their former petition, instantly pressing her majesty line 40 with many arguments and reasons tending thereto. All which, though by distance from his lordship I could not well conceive, yet this I did remember precisely and especially was one: that as it were injustice to deny execution of law at the suit of any one particular, and the meanest of her people: so much more not to yield to the earnest instance and humble prayers of all her faithful and loving subjects. And so concluded, with earnest petition for her majesties resolute determination and line 50 answer, for a present and speedy direction by proclamation, and otherwise also, according unto the form of the statute.   

A summary report of the second speech, uttered by the speaker of the lower house, by direction of all the commons.  
THat if her majesty should be safe without taking away the life of the Scotish queen, the same were most likely and probably to grow, by one of these means following.  
1 First, that happily she might be reclaimed and become a repentant convert, agnising her majesties great mercy and favours in remitting her heinous offence, and by her loyalty hereafter perform the fruits of such conversion.  
2 Or else by a more streict guard be so kept, as there should be no fear of the like attempts hereafter.  
3 Or that good assurance might be given by oath, bonds or hostages, as cautions for her good and loyal demeanour from henseforth.  
4 Or lastly by banishment, the realm might be voided of her person, and thereby the perils further removed that grow to her majesty by her presence. The moments whereof being duly pondered, did yet appear so light in all their judgements, that they durst not advise any security to rest in any, no not in all of them. For touching her conversion, it was considered, that if piety or duty could have restrained her from such heinous attempts, there was cause abundantly ministered unto her on her majesties behalf, when she not only protected her against the violence of her own subjects, who pursued her to death by justice, but covered her honour when the same by public fame was touched, and by very heinous and capital crimes (objected and proved against her before certain commissary delegates assigned to examine the same) more than blemished; and spared her life, when for her former conspiracies and confederacies with the Northern rebels, her highness was with great instance pressed by both the houses in the fouretéenth year of her majesties reign, to do like justice upon her, as now is desired, and as her treasonable practices than had most justly deserved.  
And where the penalty of this act sufficiently notified unto her, should have terrified her from so wicked attempts; she hath nevertheless insisted in her former practices, as a person obdurate in malice against her majesty, and irrecoverable; so as there was no probable hope of any conversion, but rather great doubt and fear of relapse and recidivation, forasmuch as she stood obstinately in the denial of matter most evidently proved, and now most justly sentenced against her, and was not entered into the first part of repentance, the recognition of her offence, and so much the further off from the true fruits that should accompany the same.  
As for a surer guard & more streict imprisonment, it was resolved that there was no security therein, nor yet in the other two means propounded of bonds and hostages: forasmuch as the same means that should be practised to take her majesties life away, (which God forbidden) would aptly serve for the delivery of her person, and release of the bonds & hostages that should be given for cautions in that behalf: which being unhappily achieved, and to our irreparable loss, who should sue the bonds, or detain the hostages? Or being detained, what proportion was there in bonds or hostages whatsoever, to countervail the value of so precious & inestimable a jewel, as her majesty is to this realm, & to us all? But she will solemnly vow & take an oath, that she will not attempt any thing to the hurt of her majesties person. She hath already sundry times falsified her word, her writing, and her oath; and holdeth it for an article of religion, that faith is not to be holden with heretics, of which sort she accounteth your majesty and all the professors of the gospel to be: and therefore have we little reason to trust her in that, whereof she maketh so small a conscience.  
As for banishment, that were a step A malo in peius, to set her at liberty, a thing so greatly desired and thirsted for by her adherents, and by some princes her allies, who sought her enlargement chiefly to make her a head to be set up against her majesty, in time of invasion. To the which were added some few reasons collected out of her own letters and the confession of Babington, her instrument and conspirator: by which appeared how her own conscience bewrayed what might justly fall upon her, in case any of her intended designments came to light, that she might haply be shut up in some more close and strict prison, as the Tower of London, if there befell her no worse thing. And in that she directed Babington, in case he failed in the action of her delivery, that he should nevertheless proceed in the residue; which was the death of her majesty: who also confessed, that upon assurance of her majesties death, or the arrival of strangers, he intended to proclaim the queen of Scots, and made no doubt of the desired success: and therefore her majesties death being so earnestly sought, for advancement line 10 of this competitor, her highness could not remain in quietness or security, if the Scotish queen should longer continue her life.   

THE SECOND ANSWER made by the queen's majesty, delivered by her own mouth, to the second speech, uttered in the names of the lords and commons of the parliament.  
FUll grievous is the way, whose going on, and end, breed cumber for the line 20 hire of a laborious journey. I have strived more this day than ever in my life, whether I should speak, or use silence. If I speak and not complain, I shall dissemble; if I hold my peace, your labour taken were full vain. For me to make my moan, were strange and rare: for I suppose you shall find few, that for their own particular, will cumber you with such a care. Yet such I protest hath been my greedy desire and hungry will, that of your consultation line 30 might have fallen out some other means to work my safety joined with your assurance (than that for which you are become such earnest suitors) as I protest, I must needs use complaint, though not of you, but unto you, and of the cause; for that I do perceive by your advises, prayers, and desires, there falleth out this accident, that only my iniurers' bane must be my life's surety.  
But if any there live so wicked of nature, to suppose, that I prolonged this time only, Pro forma, line 40 to the intent to make a show of clemency, thereby to set my praises to the wierdrawers to lengthen them the more: they do me so great a wrong, as they can hardly recompense. Or if any person there be, that think or imagine, that the least vainglorious thought hath drawn me further herein, they do me as open injury as ever was done to any living creature, as he that is the maker of all thoughts knoweth best to be true. Or if there be any, that think, that the lords appointed in commission line 50 durst do no other, as fearing thereby to displease, or else to be suspected to be of a contrary opinion to my safety, they do but heap upon me injurious conceits. For either those put in trust by me to supply my place, have not performed their duties towards me; or else they have signified unto you all, that my desire was, that every one should do according to his conscience, and in the course of his proceedings should enjoy both freedom of voice and liberty of opinion; and what they would not openly line 60 declare, they might privately to myself have revealed. It was of a willing mind and great desire I had, that some other means might be found out, wherein I should have taken more comfort, than in any other thing under the sun.  
And sith now it is resolved, that my surety can not be established without a princess end, I have just cause to complain; that I, who have in my time pardoned so many rebels, winked at so many treasons, and either not produced them, or altogether slipped them over with silence, should now be forced to this proceeding, against such a person. I have beside, during my reign, seen and heard many opprobrious books and pamphlets against me, my realm and state, accusing me to be a tyrant; I thank them for their alms: I believe, therein their meaning was to tell me news, and news it is to me in deed; I would it were as strange to hear of their impiety! What will they not now say, when it shall be spread, that for the safety of her life, a maiden queen could be content to spill the blood, even of her own kinswoman? I may therefore full well complain, that any man should think me given to cruelty, whereof I am so guiltless and innocent, as I should slander God, if I should say he gave me so vile a mind: yea, I protest, I am so far from it, that for mine own life I would not touch her: neither hath my care been so much bend how to prolong mine, as how to preserve both: which I am right sorry is made so hard, yea so impossible.  
I am not so void of judgement, as not to see mine own peril; nor yet so ignorant, as not to know it were in nature a foolish course, to cherish a sword to cut mine own throat; nor so careless, as not to weigh that my life daily is in hazard: but this I do consider, that many a man would put his life in danger for the safeguard of a king, I do not say that so will I: but I pray you think, that I have thought upon it. But sith so many have both written & spoken against me, I pray you give me leave to say somewhat for myself, & before you return to your countries, let you know, for what a one you have passed so careful thoughts. Wherein, as I think myself infinitely beholding unto you all, that seek to preserve my life by all the means you may: so I protest unto you, that there liveth no prince, that ever shall be more mindful to requite so good deserts. And as I perceive you have kept your old wonts, in a general seeking of the lengthening of my days: so am I sure that I shall never requite it, unless I had as many lives as you all: but for ever I will acknowledge it, while there is any breath left me. Although I may not justify, but may justly condemn my sundry faults and sins to God: yet for my care in this government, let me acquaint you with my intents.  
When first I took the sceptre, my title made me not forget the giver: and therefore began, as it became me, with such religion, as both I was borne in, bred in, and I trust shall die in. Although I was not so simple, as not to know what danger and peril so great an alteration might procure me: how many great princes of the contrary opinion would attempt all they might against me: and generally, what enmity I should breed unto myself: which all I regarded not, knowing that he, for whose sake I did it, might, and would defend me. For which it is, that ever since I have been so dangerously prosecuted, as I rather marvel that I am, than muse that I should not be: if it were not Gods holy hand that continueth me, beyond all other expectation. Then entered I further into the school of experience, bethinking what it fitted a king to do: and there I saw, he scant was well furnished, if either he lacked justice, temperance, magnanimity, or judgement. As for the two latter, I will not boast, my sex doth not permit it: but for the two first, this dare I say; amongst my subjects I never knew a difference of person, where right was one: nor never to my knowledge preferred for favour, whom I thought not fit for worth: nor bent my ears to credit a tale that first was told me: nor was so rash, to corrupt my judgement with my censure, before I heard the cause. I will not say, but many reports might fortune be brought me by such as might hear the case, whose partiality might mar sometime the matter: for we princes may not hear all ourselves. But this dare I boldly affirm, my verdict went ever with the truth of my knowledge. As full well wished Alcibiades his friend, that he should not give any answer, till he had recited the letters of the alphabet: so have I not used over sudden resolutions, in matters that have touched me full near: you will say that with me, I think.  
And therefore, as touching your counsels and consultations, I conceive them to be wise, honest, line 10 and conscionable: so provident and careful for the safety of my life (which I wish no longer than may be for your good) that though I never can yield you of recompense your due: yet shall I endeavour myself to give you cause, to think your good will not ill bestowed, and strive to make myself worthy for such subjects. And now for your petition, I shall pray you for this present, to content yourselves with an answer without answer. Your judgement I condemn not, neither do I mistake your reasons, line 20 but pray you to accept my thankfulness, excuse my doubtfulness, and take in good part my answer answerless: wherein I attribute not so much to mine own judgement, but that I think many particular persons may go before me, though by my degree I go before them. Therefore if I should say, I would not do what you request, it might peradventure be more than I thought: and to say I would do it, might perhaps breed peril of that you labour to preserve, being more than in line 30 your own wisdoms and discretions would seem convenient, circumstances of place and time being duly considered.   
Thus far the proceeding against the Scotish queen, as the same is reported by R. C. Now followeth the publication of the same, which was done with great port and stateliness. For upon tuesday, being the sixth day of December, 
The sentence given against the Scotish queen solemnly proclaimed.  the lord mayor of London, assisted with divers earls, and barons, line 40 the aldermen in their scarlet gowns, the principal officers of the city, the greatest number of gentlemen of the best account in and about the city, with the number of fourscore of the most grave & worshipfullest citizens, in coats of velvet, and chains of gold, all on horse back, in most solemn and stately manner, by the sound of four trumpets, about ten of the clock in the forenone, made open and public proclamation and declaration of the sentence lately given by the nobility against line 50 the queen of Scots, under the great seal of England, bearing date at Richmont the fourth day of December, being openly read by master Sebright, town-clerk of London, & with loud voice solemnly proclaimed by the serrgeant at arms of the said city, in four several places, to wit, at the cross in Cheap, at the end of Chancery lane in Fleetstreet, over against the Temple, at Leaden hall corner, and at saint Magnus' corner near London bridge.  
During which time, the like solemn proclamations line 60 were made with great solemnities in the county of Middlesex, namely in the palace at Westminster, without Temple bar, and in Holborn, by the sheriffs of London and Midlesex, assisted with sundry noblemen, gentlemen of good account, and the justices of peace of the said county, to the great and wonderful rejoicing of the people of all sorts, as manifestly appeared by their eager running after the portly train, their thronging to hear the same published, their ringing of bells, making of bonfires, and singing of psalms in every street and lane of the city. The said proclamation followeth.  

A true copy of the proclamation lately published by the queen's majesty, under the great seal of England, for the declaring of the sentence lately given against the queen of Scots, in form as followeth.  
ELisabeth by the grace of God, queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. Whereas we were given to understand very credibly, though to our great grief, that diverse things were, and of late time had been compassed▪ imagined, and resolutely intended, tending directly to the hurt and destruction of our royal person, and to the subversion of the state of our realm by foreign invasions and rebellions at home, as well by the queen of Scots, remaining in our realm under our protection, as by many diverse other wicked persons with her privity, who had freely confessed the same, and had thereupon received open trial, judgement, and execution according to the laws for their deserts. And though in very truth we were greatly and deeply grieved in our mind, to think or imagine that any such unnatural and monstrous acts should be either devised, or willingly assented unto against us, by her being a princess borne, and of our sex and blood, and one also whose life & honour we had many times before saved and preserved: yet were we so directly drawn to think all the same to be true, by the sight and understanding of such proofs as were manifestly produced afore us, upon matters that had as well proceeded from herself, as from the conspirators themselves, who voluntarily & freely without any coercion had confessed their conspirations, both jointly with her, and directed by her, against our person and our realm: and therefore also we saw great reason, to think the same over dangerous to be suffered to pass onward to take their full effect.  
Wherefore we were by sundry lords of our nobility, and others our loving subjects, earnestly moved and counseled, to take undelaied order for the inquisition and examination of all these dangerous enterprises & conspiracies, by sundry ways directly avowed to be by the said queen of Scots against us and our realm certainly intended; and also to use all present means with expedition to withstand or rather to prevent the same. And for that we were very unwilling to proceed against her, considering her birth and estate, by such usual sort as by the common laws of the realm we might have lawfully done, which was by indictment and arreignment by ordinary juries: therefore, in respect both of our own honour, and of her person, we yielded, by good advise given to us, to proceed in the most honourable sort that could be devised within our realm, to the examination hereof, according to a late act of parliament, made the three and twentieth day of November, in the seven and twentieth year of our reign.  
Whereupon by our commission under our great seal of England, bearing date at our castle of Windsor in our county of Berkshire, the sixth day of October now last passed, we did (for that purpose) according to that statute, assign, name, and appoint all the lords and others of our privy council, and so many other earls and barons lords of parliament, of the greatest degree and most ancient of the nobility of this our realm, as with the same lords and others of our privy council, made up the number of forty and two, adding also thereto a further, number according to the tenor of the foresaid act of parliament, of certain of the chiefest and other principal judges of the courts of record at Westminster, amounting in the whole to the number of forty and seven, to examine all things compassed and imagined, tending to the hurt of our royal person, as well by the said queen of Scots, by the name of Marry the daughter & heir of james the fift late king of Scots, commonly called the queen of Scots & Dowager of France, as by any other by her privity, and all the circumstances thereof, & thereupon according to the tenor of the said act of parliament, to give sentence or judgement, as upon good proof the matter unto them should appear, as line 10 by the same commission more fully appeareth.  
And where afterwards the more part of the said councillors, lords, and judges, in our said commission named, that is to say, the number of six and thirty, did in the presence and hearing of the said queen of Scots, where she remained at our castle of Foderinghaie, at diverse days and times in public place, very exactly, uprightly, and with great deliberation examine all the matters & offences, whereof she was charged and accused, tending unto the dangers afore rehearsed and mentioned in our said line 20 commission and all the circumstances thereof, and heard also at large in all favourable manner, what the same queen did, or could say for her excuse and defence in that behalf. Whereupon afterwards on the five and twentieth day of October now last passed, all the said council, lords, and judges, that had heard and examined the same cause in the said queen's presence, as afore is mentioned, with one assent and consent, after good deliberation did give line 30 their sentence and judgement, in this sort following.  
That after the first day of june, in the seven and twentieth year of our reign, and before the date of our said commission, diverse things were compassed and imagined within this realm of England by Anthony Babington, and others, with the privity of the said Marie, pretending title to the crown of this realm of England, tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of our royal person. line 40 And likewise, that after the same first day of june, and before the date of our said commission, the said Marie, pretending title to the same crown, had compassed & imagined within the same realm, divers things tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of our royal person, contrary to the form of the said statute: which sentence and judgement the same lords and commissioners have with one full consent caused to be put in writing, and duly engrossed, with the whole process of their proceedings thereunto belonging, and have subscribed line 50 the same with their hands, as by a record thereof showed to us more fully and largely doth appear.  
And whereas also, sithence the same sentence and judgement so given and recorded, the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled, have also at sundry times in open parliament, heard and considered the principal evidences, proofs, and circumstances, whereupon the same sentence and judgement was grounded, and have by their public assent in parliament affirmed the same to be a line 60 just, lawful, and true sentence, and so have allowed and approved the same in writing presented unto us: and have also notified to us, how deeply they did foresee the great and many imminent dangers, which otherwise might and would grow to our person, and to the whole realm, if this sentence were not fully executed: and consequently therefore, they did by their most humble and earnest petitions in that behalf, of one accord, having access unto us (upon their sundry requests) most instantly upon their knees, pray, beseech, and with many reasons of great force and importance, move and press us, that the said sentence and judgement so justly & duly given, and by them approved, as is aforesaid, might (according to the express tenor of the said act of parliament) by our proclamation under our great seal be declared and published, and the same also finally executed.  
But after such most earnest request, so made to us from all the said lords and commons in parliament, they perceiving by our own speeches and answers, how deeply we are grieved to hear of these horrible and unnatural attempts and actions of that queen, whose many former offences, manifestly and dangerously committed against us, our crown and realm, we had overpassed with our over great clemency, contrary to the many advises and requests of our subjects, aswell in parliament as otherwise: and therefore they also understanding from ourself, how desirous we were to have some other means devised by them in their several places of parliament, to withstand these mischiefs intended both against ourself, and the public quiet state of our realm, and surety of our good subjects, than by execution of the foresaid sentence, as was required: they did after their sundry consultations apart, and conferences jointly with one accord, in the names of all the lords of parliament, even by the particular votes of them all assembled, and also of the commons with one universal assent, representing the state of all our realm, at their several times of access unto us, allege, declare, and protest, that upon their long, many, & advised consultations and conferences by our commandment, and for our satisfaction in that behalf had, they could not by any means find or devise, how the surety of our royal person, and the preservation of themselves and their posterity, with the good state of the realm, might be provided for and continued, without the publication and due execution of the said sentence.  
Whereupon, being not only moved to our grief, but also overcome with the earnest requests, declarations, and important reasons of all our said subjects, the nobles and commons of our realm, whose judgement, knowledge, and natural care of us, and the whole realm, we know doth far surmount all others, being not so interessed therein, and so justly to be esteemed: and perceiving also the said sentence to have been honourably, lawfully, and justly given, agreeable to justice and to the laws of our realm: we did yield, and do according to this said statute by this our proclamation under our great seal of England, declare, notify, and publish to all our loving subjects, and other persons whatsoever, that the said sentence and judgement is given in manner aforesaid, to the intent, that they and every of them, by this our proclamation may have full understanding and knowledge thereof. We do also will you, that you return this our proclamation into to our court of Chancery, as speedily as you may conveniently, with the place and time of the proclaiming thereof thereupon endorsed, whereof fail you not. In witness whereof, we have caused this our proclamation to be made patent, and sealed with the great seal of England. At our manor of Richmont the fourth day of December, the nine and twentieth year of our reign, and in the year of our Lord God, one thousand five hundred fourscore and six.   
Now to conclude with a remembrance of perpetuity concerning the queen's majesty, of whose loving care and tender affection towards all her faithful subjects as we have manifold testimonies in the history of her highness time, whereby their hearts are linked unto her majesty with an indissoluble knot of deserved love and loyalty: so we may not omit in any case the public witness of her highness natural care and merciful providence over her liege people, even those of the poorer sort, unto whom the comfortable streams of her rare regard for their benefit and welfare, in a hard time of scarcity, do most plentifully flow. But because our barren and sapless style is insufficient, with convenient dignity to describe, nay not so much as to delineat or shadow out this incomparable line 10 pity and piety of her highness tender heart to her commons, I will surcease to intermeddle therein, reserving the same unto the due consideration of every particular member of this body politic (whereof her majesty is the sovereign head) by the view and perusal of the proclamation and orders here annexed.  

A true copy of the said proclamation concerning corn, etc.  
THe queens most excellent majesty, line 20 foreseeing the general dearth grown of corn & other victuals, partly through the unseasonableness of the year past, whereby want hath grown more in some countries than in others, but most of all generally through the covetousness & uncharitable greediness of such as be great cornemasters & ingrosers of corn, using all the subtle means they can, to work their own present unconscionable gain against the rules of charity, which her majesty of her princely line 30 care and love towards her people, utterly condemneth, and earnestly desireth to remedy, for the relief of the poorer sort. And therefore, her majesty with her princely care towards her people, having (with the advise of her council) had good consideration hereof, doth by this her proclamation, give express commandment and charge unto all such to whom it shall or may appertain, that such good orders as her majesty hath commanded to be devised for that purpose, and now also are sent to all parts line 40 of her realm, be diligently and effectually put in speedy execution: signifying withal unto all her good and loving subjects, that if any shall be found obstinate or negligent in the due execution, or otherwise in the observation thereof, that then upon due information and proof thereof made unto her highness said council, which she requireth not to be spared by any, having just cause of complaint, for respect of any person, she hath given special commandment and order, that they shall be speedily line 50 called to answer; & thereupon, according to the quality of their offences, shall receive sharp punishment, whereby others may take example to avoid the like contempt, negligence, or other defaults.  
And although this dearth hath in sundry parts of the realm first grown by the visitation of almighty God, in the alteration of seasonable weather this last year, which nevertheless of his great mercy hath not been so extreme in this realm, as in many other countries adjoining, where the line 60 dearth is by many occasions manifestly known to be far greater than is in this realm hitherto, or by his goodness is like to be: yet it is manifestly known the said dearth to have been wilfully increased in very many places of this realm, not only by & through the covetousness of many ingrosers of corn & cornmasters, but also by unlawful transportation of grain, & lack also of preservation of store in time requisite. Her highness acknowledging this manner of God's mercy and favour in a more favourable measure towards her country and her people, than to other foreign parts near adjoining, hath thought good and necessary, for a further remedy against the uncharitable covetousness of the cornemasters, as cause shall require, to notify, that if such as be the great cornemasters and owners of grain, or of other necessary victuals for food of the poor, shall not be willing, or do not perform these orders, whereby the poorer sort may be relieved in the markets at reasonable prices; or that it shall appear that other needful victuals shall by covetousness of any persons grow to excessive prices, to the pinching of the poorer sort: then her highness doth hereby signify, that she will not only severely punish the offenders for their cruel covetousness and offences against her orders; but will also for redress of the excessive prices of other needful victuals, give order that reasonable prices shall be set both on corn and other victuals, to be sold for the relief of her majesties poor subjects, according both to her prerogative royal, and to the order of justice, as by special law of parliament therefore made in the five and twentieth year of the reign of her late noble and dear father king Henry the eight, is specially in such cases provided. Given at Greenwich the second day of januarie, one thousand five hundred fourscore and six, in the nine and twentieth year of her highness reign.   
Now the said orders before specified, being a matter of coherence (devised by the special commandment of her majesty, for the relief and stay of the present dearth of grain within the realm) and published at large, do here follow (agreeable to that which was sent from the court at Gréenewich abroad into the realm, the second day of januarie, one thousand five hundred four score and six, in the nine and twentieth year of her majesties reign, by her majesties privy council) but abridged according to the annotations. And first; That the justices shall divide themselves into sundry parts to execute these orders: 
An abridgement of the orders devised for the relief of the poor in this time of dearth, etc.  To appoint sundry juries to inquire of things hereafter following: The oath of the jurors, with charge to inquire what number of persons be in the houses of them that have store of corn: For badgers, broggers, and carriers of corn: Maltmakers, bakers, and brewers: Buyers of corn to sell again: Buyers of corn upon the ground: Against such as shall refuse to declare the truth of the matters inquirable: Parties offending to appear afore the council: A consideration of all persons that have corn, to determine how they shall serve the markets with such portions as they may spare: The form of the recognizance to be freely taken.  
Orders to be observed by such as shall be appointed to serve the markets with corn, for the relief of the poor people first: To whom corn shall be sold, after that the poor are served: No corn brought to the market unsold, to be carried out of the town: None to buy such kind of corn as they shall bring to sell, but by warrant upon reasonable cause: No corn to be bought & to sell again: No corn to be bought but in open market: inquiry to be made against ingrosers: An order for all licences from the justices of the peace, to be kept in a record: Regard to the bakers for keeping of the size of bread: Bread faulty in any excess to be sold towards the relief of the poor: No badger to buy corn but in open market, and with a sufficient licence in writing: The badgers to show wéekelie their books of buying: No justices servant to be a badger, nor none other, but such as shall be licensed in open sessions: No badger, baker, brewer, or purueior, to buy grain, until an hour after the full market begin: Some justices to be present in the market, to see the poor relieved upon reasonable prices.  
Where justices are wanting in any hundred for to appoint some rich persons to supp●●e the want: That ministers and preachers exhort the rich sort to be liberal to help the poor with money or victuals needful: To make malt of oats in countries where there hath been use thereof: No waste of bread corn superfluously, nor any expense thereof but for feeding of people: 
Starch.  None suffered to make starch of any grain: Able poor people to be set to work: Stocks of money for provision of works for poor people: Clothiers to continue their worke-folks: line 10 Soldiers hurt, and impotent people, to be relieved in their dwelling places: That no millers be suffered to be common buyers of corn, nor to sell meal, but to attend to the true grinding of the corn brought, & to use measurable toll these dear seasons: Conferences to be had betwixt the justices of peace in the shires, and the principal officers of cities and towns corporat for provisions of grain, for the inhabitants in cities and corporat towns: Order for places exempted from the jurisdiction line 20 of the justices of peace in the bodies of the shires: Regard to stay all transportation of grain out of the realm: Certificate to be made of the execution of these orders monethlie to the sheriff, and he to certify the same to the privy council within every forty days: To certify what justices be absent from the service, that such as without just excuse shall not attend, may be displaced, and their rooms, if there be need, supplied.  
The conclusion of these orders is this Ad verbum, That if any shall offend against the true meaning line 30 of these instructions, or of any part thereof, or shall use any sinister mean to the defrauding thereof, that such be severely punished according to the laws; and for such obstinate persons as shall not conform themselves, the justices shall at their pleasure bind them to appear before the queens majesties privy council by a day certain, there to be further dealt with by severe punishment, for the better example of all others.  

F. T.  Now as Holinshed and such as with painful care and love to their country have thought good before me, to knit up the several reign of every several king with a generalty of the several writers in that prince's days: So have I been importuned by many of my friends, to knit up the said whole history with a particular catalogue of all such as have purposely in several histories of this realm, or by the way in the histories of other countries written of England and English matter. For which cause line 50 (with the title of other anonymall chronicles) I have here for that purpose, by order of alphabet set down the same. Wherein, although I shall not set down every man's name, nor of what time & quality every one was (for he is not living I suppose that can do the same) yet having done my good will therein, and that more than perhaps some others would have done, I pray thee to bear with the defaults, and accept that which I have done and could do. And although perhaps I may set down line 60 one man twice, as first by his name, and then set down the work without his name, as another several thing: yet is it not of purpose done, or to the end that I would make a great show, and seem ambitious of names or knowledge; but for that I have not as yet attained to that perfection, which hereafter I hope to do in distinguishing of the same. For Rome was not built in one day, & yet if one days foundation thereof had not been first laid, it had never been after builded: and so to the matter.  
A, Abbo Floriacensis lived in the time of Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie, to whom he dedicated his book: Abbas Wiseburgensis, Nicholaus adam's lived in the days of king Edward the sixth, Alfric Abbas, Alfric that gathered the lives of the saints in Saxony, which I sometimes had, it may be that these two were all one man; Alfridus Beverlacensis thesaurarius whom Leland calleth Aluredus Fibroleganus; Alanus abbot of Teukesburie, one of the four that writ the Quadrilogium of Thomas Becket in the time of king john, Alexander Hessebiensis; he writ Epitome Britannicae historiae; Alexander Somersetensis, Alexander Staffordiensis, Aelius Spartianus, Alured or Alfred king of England in the year of Christ nine hundred and three, Adam Merimuth canon of Paul's in the reign of Richard the second, Anianus Marcellinus, Richardus Angeruil surnamed De Berie, bishop of Durham died in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred forty and five; Antoninus, Arnold of London in the time of king Henry the eight, Asserius Menevensis, Aurelius or Aluredus Rivalensis, Robert Auersberie.  
B, Sir Nicholas Bacon knight lord keeper of the great seal unto queen Elisabeth, Benedictus Claudiocestrensis, Balantine a Scot, William Baldwin lived in the time of king Edward the sixth, Stephan Batemaine died in the year one thousand five hundred eighty and four, Beda an English Saxon died in the year of Christ seven hundred thirty and two, G. de Barrie archdeacon of S. David's writ the life of Remigius bishop of Lincoln, john Bale flourished in the time of Edward the sixth, Barnardus Andreas writ a chronicle entitled Liber Barnardi Andreae Tolosati poetae laureati regij historiographi de vita atque gestis Henrici septimi, in whose time he flourished; Robert Boston in the time of Edward the second, Ralph Baldock bishop of London under Edward the second, Peter Basset in the time of Henry the fift, whose life he did write; Robert Bale recorder of London, he died in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred three score and one about the latter end of the reign of Richard the second; Edmund Bedenhame writer of the chronicles of Rochester; john Bramus, and not Bromus as saith Bale a monk of Tedford; john Bracklow a Benedictine monk, in the year one thousand two hundred fourteen▪ johannes Brompton, historiae vetus quam contulit jornal. monasterio, as hath Matthew Parker In vitis episcop. Cantu. Ferdinando Blake lived in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred four score and four, Bodinus, john Bouchet a Frenchman of Aquitaine, Nicholas Brodingham or Brodringham, john Bosue of Bury, Blondus Foroliviensis, Henry Bradshaw borne in Chester a black monk there in the time of Henry the eight, john Burgh a monk in the days of K. Edward the third, Nicholas Bungeie borne in a town of the same name in Norfolk in the days of king Henry the sixth, sir john Bourchier knight lord Barnes translated Froissard, Bullerus, Roger Bond, Thomas Buckhurst lord Buckhurst now living, Stephan Birchington, George Buckhanan lived in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and four score.  
C, Thomas Castleford, sir William Cicill knight lord Burleigh lord treasurer of England now living, William Caxton lived in the days of king Edward the fourth, Campbell, carrion a German, Caradocus Lancarnavensis lived in the days of K. Stephan, julius Caesar a Roman, john Capgrave borne in Kent an Augustine friar died in the fourth year of king Edward the fourth, in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred three score and four, Cornelius Hibernensis, Cornelius Tacitus, Albertus Crantz, john Caius died in the reign of our queen Elisabeth, William Campden now living, George Cavendish gentleman usher unto cardinal Woolseie, whose life he did write, john Clinu or Linu an Irishman, he flourished in the year of Christ one thousand three hundred and fifty, Ralph Coggeshall abbot of Coggeshall in Essex lived in the time of king Henry the third and writ the appendix to Radulphus Niger, Thomas Cooper bishop of Winchester now living, Richard Carguent flourished in the days of king Edward the first, Thomas Churchyard now living. D, Demetrius a Britain, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius, line 10 Dion Cassius, Thomas Dando a Carmelit friar of Marleborow, writ the life of Alphred king of Mercia or rather of west Saxons, and lived in the time of king Henry the sixth; Diovionensis, Dolensis writ De laudibus Britonum.  
E, Edmerus a monk of Canturburie lived in the time of Henry the second; Elwardus, Eutropius a Roman priest, Enguerrant de monstrelet a Frenchman, and scholar in Paris in the time of king Henry the fift; Edmund Campian a jesuit line 20 brought up in Oxford, & executed in the year of our Lord 1581.; john Euersoen a monk of Bury flourished in the time of king Edward the first, and so continued in the time of king Edward the third; Ernulphus bishop of Rochester lived in the time of king Henry the second, and compiled Textus Roffensis, containing the grants of the lands to the same house, & the copies of sundry ancient laws in the Saxon tongue, Thomas Elmeham prior of Lenton.  
F, Robert Fabian alderman of London, lived in line 30 the time of Henry the seventh, Geffreie Fenton now living; Samuel and Abraham Flemings both living▪ brethren by one belly, and Londoners borne, Quorum prior historiolam quandam de regimine Mariae nuper Anglorum principis, eámque elegantem, Latino idiomate (nunquam tamen excusam) contexuit: posterior in hisce chronicis detergendis atque dilatandis, una cum vberrimorū indicum accessione, plurimùm desudavit; johannes Fibernis or Beaver writ the history of Westminster, john Froissart, Ferculphus, Flaccus Albinus or Alcuinus, Philip line 40 Flattesberie a worthy Irish gentleman flourished in the year 1517, john Fourdon a Scot, john Fox a learned divine, that writ the Acts and Monuments, and is now living; George Ferres living in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred three score and eight, Fabius Questor, Florentius Wigornius died about the year of our Lord one thousand one hundred and eighteen, being about the eighteenth year of king Henry the first.  
G, Robert Gagwin a Frenchman, john Greie line 50 bishop of Norwich in king john's time, Thomas Gardiner a monk of Westminster in the time of Henry the eight; Robert Glover by office named Somerset now living a most rare antiquary, and worthily deserving to be named Scientissimus antiquitatum; Francis Guiciardine an Italian living in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred three score and eighteen, Laurence Guiciardine, Gildas Sapiens, Gildas Cambrensis, Gildas Badonicus, Gildas Albanius, Geffreie of Munmouth lived in the line 60 time of king Stephan, john Gower knight died about the second of Henry the fourth, Giraldus Cambrensis lived in the time of Henry the second, Richard the first, and king john; Nicholas Gill a Frenchman, Gocelinus first a monk of saint Berrine beyond the seas, and after a monk of Canturburie; Giraldus Cornubiensis De gestis Anglorum, Gulielmus Malmsberie in the days of K. Stephan, Gulielmus Parus alias Gulielmus Novoburgensis or Newberie, Geruasius Dorobernensis▪ Geruasius Tilberiensis, Richard Grafton in the time of queen Elisabeth, Robert Green, Guido de Columna.  
H, john Hales, Hugo Albus Petroburgensis, in the time of king john; john Harding esquire lived in the days of Edward the fourth, Edward Hall a counsellor of Greies' inn flourished in the time of Henry the eight and Edward the sixth▪ Abrahamus Hartwellus Academicus Cantab▪ that writ in verse Regina literata; Henry of Marleborow, Gualther Hemigsford a monk of Gisborne in the days of Edward the third, Hector Boetius a Scot, Hirmannus archdeacon in the year of our Lord one thousand three score and ten, Heribert de Bosham one of the four that writ the life of Thomas Becket, Hoclet one that lived in the time of Henry the sixth in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred fifty and four, john de Hexam and Richard de Hexam lived in the days of king Richard the first, Wilfrid Holme under Henry the eight, raphael Holinshed in the time of queen Elisabeth, William Harrison now living, john Harrison doctor of arts and of physic, Ralph Higden alias Cestrensis flourished in the time of Edward the third, john Higgins now living, Roger Hoveden lived in the time of king john, Hugo de sancto Victore; Hugo Abbas Petroburgensis, it may be that Hugo Abbas before & this Hugo were one man, although for this time I suppose the contrary; Hugo de Genesis an Italian, john Hooker alias Uowell now living.  
I, jehan de Bauge, johannes Maior a Scot, johannes Severianus, johannes Carnotensis one of the four that writ the Quadrilogium of the life of Thomas Becket, johannes Anglicus writ Historiam auream, jehan Maior de Belgis, johannes Londoniensis, john a monk of Ford, jossridus Crowlandensis, Ingulfus abbot of Crowland in the days of William Conqueror, Thomas Ichingham whom Leland calleth Thomas Vicanius, josephus Domnoniensis, joceline of furnaces, Peter de Icham or Itham a monk, whose book beginneth Non solùm audiendis sacrae scripturae verbis aurem sedulus auditor accomodare tenetur, which book Caius de antiquitate Cantab. doth ascribe to Robert Remington, as after shall appear; julius Capitolinus In vita Antonij Pij.  
K, Albertus Krantz a Dane, Kentigernus, Henry Knighton lived in the time of king Richard the second. L, Lanfrancus that writ a chronicle in Welsh, Stephan Langton bishop of Canturburie writ the life of king Richard the first, john Leland in the time of Henry the eight and Edward the sixth, William Lambard esquire now living, and deserving well of all antiquity; George Lily, Humfreie Lhoid, he died in the time of queen Elisabeth; Piers de Longtoft, Thomas Lanquet, john Lesle a Scot bishop of Rosse in Scotland now living, john Langden bishop of Rochester.  
M, Marcerius an Englishman, of whom john Baconthorpe speaketh in the prolog of the fourth book of Senten. quaest. 10. john Maluerne monk of Worcester continued Ranulphus in the year of Christ, one thousand three hundred three score and sixteen; Marianus Scotus lived about the year of Christ one thousand four score and ten, Matthew Paris, Matthew Westminster alias Flores historiarum a monk of Westminster, and lived in the king time of Edward the third; Thomas More knight lord chancellor of England, Thomas de la More knight lived in the days of Edward the second, Radulphus Marham, Merlinus Ambrose, Merlinus Sylvester, Melkinus, Nicholas Montacute lived in the time of Henry the sixth, Edmund Molineux now living, Sebastian Munster a German.  
N, Nennius Helius brother to Cassivelane & Lud kings of Britain, Nennius Banchorensis, Nauclerus Alexander Nevil now living, Laurence Nowell died about the sixteenth year of queen Elisabeth, Nimanus that wrote Eulogium. O, Osbert de Clare prior of Westminster, Osbe●nus Dorobernensis in the time of William the Conqueror, Thomas O●terborne a Franciscan or greie friar lived in the time of Henry the fift, Abraham Ortu●lius now living a Fleming; Christopher Ocland now living sometime schoolmaster in Southworke.  
P, William Pakington clerk & treasurer to the black prince of his household in Gascoigne, Patricius Consul, joannes de Prato a writer of Aquitaine & protonotary, Paulus Aemilius, Petrus Blessensis line 10 archdeacon of Bath, Philip de Comines alias monsieur de Argentone secretary to Charles duke of Burgoine, Polydore Virgil an Urbinat Italian and canon of Paul's in the days of Henry the eight, Paulus iovius an Italian bishop of Nucerne, john Pike, john Price knight died in the reign of queen Elisabeth, William Paten now living, john Proctor schoolmaster of Tunbridge to whom I was sometime scholar, Ptolomeus, David powel now living. line 20  
R. john Read in the time of Edward the first, john Rastall, Radulphus Londonien●is, Radulphus Niger lived in the days of king Henry the third, Radulphus de Diceto dean of Paul's in London in the time of king john, Reutha king of Scots. Michael Ricius, William Rishanger a monk of saint Albon in the days of Edward the second. Richester a monk of Westminster lived in the time of Edward the third, and wrote an excellent chronicle beginning at the coming of the line 30 Sa●ons in the year of our Lord four hundred forty and nine, & continued it until the year one thousand three hundred forty and eight, containing eight hundred fourscore and nineteen years; Richardus Deuif●en●●s, Richardus Cadneus, Richardus Eliensis whose story beginneth Cum animaduerterem excell●●tiam Ebien●is insulae, etc. Richardus Eliensis an other from the former that wrote an other history of Elie, Robert abbot of saint Michael's mount flourished in the year of Christ one thousand five hundred line 40 fifty and eight; Robertus Montensis, Robertus fi●e cognomento, Robertus Remingtonus De gestis Anglorum, cuiu● initium, Non s●lum audiendis sacrae scriptur● verbis, etc. This saith Caius In antiquitate Cant●brigiae. But others attribute that work to Peter Icham, See before in the letter I  
Robert Record living in the time of queen Marie, Robert bishop of Hereford which lived in the year of our redemption one thousand threescore and twelve, Robertus de Paterna that wrote line 50 the register of Oxford, Robert a prior of Shrewsburie, Roger of Abindon, Roger of Winsore, Roger de Window, Roger of Chester lived in the da●es of Edward the third, john R●use borne in Warwikeshire lived in the days of Henry the seventh, and being a canon of Osneie died at Warwick in the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred fourscore and eleven, Thomas Rudborne archdeacon of Sudberie after bishop of S. David's line 60 in Wales lived in the time of Henry the fourth, Henry the fift, and Henry the sixth; Thomas Rudborne an other from the former was a monk of Winchester and followed many other authors, amongst which was the said Thomas Rudborne bishop of S. David's.  
S, Saxo Grammaticus a Dane, Samuel Britannus, Sextus Aurelius, Sentleger, Edward Segeswike now living, johannes Sulgenus or Sullenus, Solinus, Sigebertus Gemblacensis, Thomas Spot who lived in the reign of Edward the first, Antonius Sabellicus a Venetian, john Sleidan a German, Richard Sowthwell, Reginald Scot now living, Simon Dunelmensis, john Stow now living, john Knish a Cornish man in the days of Henry the eight, Richard Stan●hust borne in Ireland now living, Sharton now living, john Swapham, Stephanides, alias Fitzstephan. T, Titus Livius Pataviensis, Titus Livius F●ro●●iensis an Italian lived in the time of Henry the fift, john Tartor a monk of Bury, Andrew Thevet a Frenchman, Nicholas Trivet a black friar borne in Norfolk son to sir Thomas Trivet knight one of the king's justices lived in the days of Edward the third, and died in the year of our Lord one thousand three hundred twenty and eight; john Tilberie flourished in the year of Christ one thousand one hundred fourscore and ten; john Trevisa a Cornishman priest and vicar of Barkleie, Tele●inus a Briton, Francis Botevile alias Thin now living, Brian Tuke knight lived in the days of Henry the eight, john Twine died in the reign of queen Elisabeth, William thorn lived in the days of Richard the second, Richard Turpin borne of a worshipful family in England served in the garrison of Calis, he died in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred forty and one; Tobias Roffensis, Turgotus which lived in the year of Christ one thousand ninety and eight in the time of William Rufus wrote a chronicle of Durham.  
V, Veremund a Spaniard, raphael U●lateran, Giovanni Vilani a Florentine, Ponticus Virunnius an Italian, john Ufford, john Uton. W, john Whethamsted otherwise called Frumentarius a learned man abbot of S. Albon's lived in the days of Henry the sixth, Roger Wall an herald who in Latin writ the doings of Henry the fift, Thomas Walsingham a monk of the abbeie of S. Albon's lived in the reign of Henry the sixth, William of Ri●all lived in the age of king Stephan, Willielmus Cantuariensis one of the four that wrote the Quadrilogium of Thomas Becket lived in the time of king john, Willielmus Gemeticensis, Willielmus filius Stephani a clerk of the Chancery and dean of the chapel of Thomas Becket in the days of Henry the second, Willielmus Summersetensis, Willielmus Crowlandensis (for the other Williams see in the letter G, in the name of Gulielmus) Thomas Wike canon of Osneie, john Walworth, Walterus Excestrensis, Walterus Coventrensis.  
annals Burtonenses, Memoriale historiarum, Chronica Dunstable, Chronicle of Tinmouth, 
Anonymall or nameless chronicles, treating wholly or in part of England.  Chronicles of S. Albon, Def●orationes Galfridi, Historia obsidionis Eliensis insulae, Chronica, curus inituem, Calendarium Bruti, Chronicle beginning Rex Pictorum, Chronica Westmonast. Chronicle beginning In diebu● sanctissimi regis Edward●, Chronicle beginning Aeneas cum Ascanio, C●ronica chronicorum, Supplementum chronicorum, Fasciculus temporum, Historia Richardi secundi beginning De part Bruti, Eulogium, Historia jornalensis, Historia Carina written in Latin compiled in the thirteenth year of Richard the second by whom it was caused to be written, as the title declareth, which for that it showeth no name of the author▪ and for that master For borrowed the ●ame of master carry citizen of London, master For in his Acts and Monuments the second edition calleth the same book Historia Carina.  
The epitome of chronicles from Brute to Henry 6. beginning Ab origine mundi concurrunt anni secundum Hebraeos, 6646. Chronicle beginning Chronicorun vero quae sunt imagines historiarum, Chronicle of genealogies beginning Cuilibet principi congruum, The chronicles of S. Swithin, The commentaries of Hide, The continuances of Roger Hoveden beginning Excerpta ex dictis viri religiosi, An other chronicle of S. Albon's beginning Fecit rex Edwardus tertius comites, Historia regia vel sancti Edmundi, Chronicle of Elie beginning Anno ab incarnatione dominica, 616. qui est annus 21, ex quo Augustinus cum socijs ad praedicandum genti Anglorum missus est, Historia Anglorum beginning Considerans historiae Britonum, Pictorum, Scotorum, Saxonum, Anglorum, Danorum, & Normannorun prolixitatem, etc. Le mere des histories, Les annales de France, Les annales d'Acquitaine, Les grand cronicqz de Britain, Les petit cronicqz de Britain, Les cronicqz de Normandi, Le rosary, Les genelogies des line 10 roys, Chronicles de Flanders, The chronicles of London, The chronicle called Brute, The Saxon chronicle of the church of Worcester, The Saxon chronicle of the abbeie of Peterborrow, The Saxon chronicle written in the year of Christ eight hundred four score and five, The chronicles of England. Thus far this catalogue. Now peradventure some will look for a rehearsal omni gatherum of such as have written in the reign of our blessed sovereign: but herein as it passeth our possibility to line 20 satisfy their expectation, their number being infinite, and many of them unknown and unworthy of remembrance: so it were to be wished that some favourer of learned men's fame, would comprise their names and works in a particular volume, therein imitating either the order of Bale, or Gesner; or else the commendable method of john james the Frislander, printed at Tigurie one thousand five hundred fourscore and three, either of which courses being taken would well serve the turn. line 30  

The conclusion.  Thus far (blessed be Christ) the extent of English chronicles; a long labour, of great care and expense: howbeit at length conquered and overcome, by the benefit of his grace who enableth us to go through with all things that be good: his name be praised therefore. Wherein if the help of such as are furnished with variety of knowledge, or as by gorgeous show of words and rich pomp of phrase pretend profound skill, had been as forward to advance line 40 this work (being of unexpercted magnitude by means of the multitude of contents) as some of low sail, willing to lay out their poor talon, have afforded what furtherance they were able (somewhat to the satisfying of those honest minded men and partners, at whose great costs and charges the same is now newly printed, though not to their full contentment who were ever desirous and diversly made assays to have it so absolute, as nothing might want of due perfection, if the means might have been obtained) the chronicles of England, both for matter & manner, had been comparable to any history or annals in Christendom. Howbeit perfected as it is, though not with exquisite curiousness to please every fickle fancy, yet according to the proportion of skill vouchsafed of God to the dealers therein (men of commendable diligence though not of deepest judgement) somewhat to satisfy the well affected and indifferent mind, the same is now come abroad, yielding matter no less manifold than the spring doth flowers, and the same marvelous fruitful, if they have their right use and due application: which indeed is the very end of histories and chronicles. And so craving a favourable acceptation of this tedious travel, with a toleration of all such defaults as haply therein lie hidden, and by diligent reading may soon be spied; we wish that they which best may, would once in their life grow resolute and at a point, in this laudable kind of study (most necessary, next to the word of God, for common knowledge) little or much to exercise their head and hand. Finally beseeching God to bless the realm of England, and the precious jewel of the same (even good queen Elisabeth) to save as the apple of his eye; to protect her with the target of his power against all the pernicious practices of satins instruments; to lengthen the lives of her highness honourable councillors, by whose vigilant policy this whole land fareth the better; in preventing, intercepting and making frustrate (God directing and prospering their consultations and proceedings) all the attempts of traitors, to whom O Lord in vengeance give the judgement of judas, as they have been partakers of his sin; let them be entangled and taken in the traps of their treacheries, and swallowed up in the seas of deserved confusion, that they be no more a family. And we beseech God to increase the multitude of loyal subjects, to make them strong in faith towards him, and in love one with another, that the gospel (which is the doctrine of pacification and obedience) may be glorified in the commonwealth of England, a corner of the world, O Lord, which thou hast singled out for the magnifying of thy majesty, and whereof we pray thee to give us a daily remembrance: so shall we make conscience of sin, & addict ourselves to the exercises of righteousness, Amen.  
FINIS.    

The third table for the Chronicles of England from the conquest until this present regiment: wherein the reader is to observe these notes for his better direction; namely, to seek for the surnames of persons as more commonly known than the proper; and also when the name faileth to look for the dignity, title, office and degree of such persons; as Armenia, Cipriots, Spain, France, Portugal, Navarre, Denmark, &c. if they were kings: Archbishop, Bishop, Pope, Carnal, Legate, &c. if they were Clergiemen: Chancellors, Treasurors, Lord high constables, Lord wardens of the cinque ports, &c. Duke, Earl, marquess, Queen, Duchess, Countess, &c. if they were great states: Mayor, Sargents at law, Officers, &c: if they were of that degree: knights and esquires excepted, who as they were of renown, are accordingly noted by their usual names. Likewise for such as have been executed as notorious offenders against the prince and the state, to come to the knowledge of their names, look for the quality of their offence; as counterfeiting, coineclippers, conspiracy and conspirators, murder and murderers, rebellion and rebels, treason and traitors, priests seminary, &c: of all which this table affordeth infinite examples. Finally, wheresoever you find this word (Note) there doth matter of consideration come to hand.  
If the reader be not satisfied with this table, let him not blame the order, but his own conceit. Gathered by Abraham Fleming.  


A.  
ABbasie of Winchester obtained for money, 21, a 40  
Abbot Agelnothus, ¶ See Agelnothus. O● Battle in rescuing Winchelseie is put to flight, 427, a 50. Egelsin. ¶ See Egelsin. Egelwine. ¶ See Egelwine. Fecknam of Westminster installed, 1132, b 20. Fredrick. ¶ See Fredrick. joachim, a man of great fame, 126, a 10. Of Glastenburie an earls son, 42, a 60. Losavage. ¶ See Losavage. Paul. ¶ See Paul. Of saint Augustine captain of an army, 2 a 10. Of S. Edmundsburie, Robert Lo● an earls son, 20, a 40. Thurstan, ¶ See Thurstan. Of Westminster dieth suddenly, 516, b 30. ¶ See Conspiracy.  
abbots ordained by William Rufus, 20, a 60. They and prior's deprived, and why, 30, b 10. Not to be made knights, &c: note, 30, b 50  
Abbey of Battle with the roll thereof, 3, 4, 5. The first of white monks when and by whom founded, 26, a 60. Of S. Albon's repaired by Lanfranke. 18, a 60  
Abbeys builded three by duke William, 15, a 40. Founded in king stephan's time, 64, b 60 Eleven let out to farm, 26, a 40. Searched and ransacked at duke William's commandment, 8, b 50. Suppressed, 945, b 50, 946, b 10, 947, b 50. Their lands promised by queen Marie to be restored: note, 1127, b 10, etc. ¶ See Churches and Nunneries.  
Abjuration for speaking against the pope's authority, 898, b 30. Of bishop Peacock, 646, a 60. ¶ See Bishop Peacock.  
Absolution to be purchased from Rome, 214, b 60. Of the clergy sued for from Rome, 201, b 60. Of Oxford by legate Otho, 222, a 50. For vows & other offences, 257, b 60. For an oath obtained, 313, b 60. For the offence of disobedience, 201, b 10. Pronounced by cardinal Pool to the parliament house, 1123, b 10  
Aburgavennie lord arraigned at Westminster, 872, b 10. Assembleth a power against Wyatt, & putteth them to flight, 1094, a 10, b 20  
Accusation false for a time prevailed but in fine frustrate: note, 223, b 50, 60. Of a justice for taking of bribes, 243, b 50. Of two noble men that had the custody of the king and queen of Scots, 251, a 30. Against prince Henry to king Henry the fourth his father, 539, a 10. Unjust redoundeth to the accusants' shame, 937, b 60. Interchangable and doubtful tried by combat: note, 992, b 60, 993, a 10. False punished, 968, a 50. By the pillory: note, 1132, b 30. Of a master against his servant whereof followed secret vengeance, 1084, b 20, 30  
Acton knight his rebellion, surprised, he and his complices condemned of treason and heresy, 544, a 60, b 40  
Adela married to Richard Henry the second his son, 94, a 30  
Adelicia. ¶ See Queen.  
Admonition. ¶ See Warning.  
Adnothus master of the horse to king Harold slain in fight 6, a 60  
Adventurers, 875, b 10. Soldiers and why so called, 880, b 60, 881, a 10. Their captain slain, and they discomfited, 882, b 10. Good servitors, 882, b 60. Slain and discomfited, their final end, 883, b 50. ¶ See Kréekers.  
Adulte. ¶ See Emperor.  
Adultery punished with hanging, 211, b 60. severely corrected in a majors time of London, 440, b 10. ¶ See Incest and Whoredom.  
Affinity ¶ See Friendship and Marriage.  
Agatha the mother of Edgar Etheling driven by tempest into Scotland, 6, a 30  
Agelmarus bishop of Theiford deposed and why, 9, a 20  
Agelnothus abbot of Glastenburie, 5, a 10  
Agincourt battle, 552, b 60. When fought, 618, b 20. The number of the slain, noblemen prisoners, 555, a 50, 60, b 10, etc.  
Agreement. ¶ See Peace.  
air red as though on fire, 38, a 40. Full of clouds, red, yellow, & green, 102, b 60. ruddy of colour as though it burned and of a sanguine hue, 142, a 10. Seemed to be on a bright fire, 167, a 40. ¶ See Sights.  
Aiske a town, burned by the English, 810, b 30  
Alane earl of Britain advanced by duke William his uncle, 7, a 60  
Alane the black earl, issueless▪ 7, b 20  
Alane le Rous, issueless, 7, b 20  
Alan the son of Stephan, 7, b 30  
Alanson besieged & yielded up, 561, a 40  
Albemarle besieged by French king, 146, b 30. Won by the earl of Flanders, 88, b 30  
Albemarle William, whose son should have been made king of England, 22, a 10  
Alberike ruler of Northumberland, 13, a 40  
Albertus de Lasco, &c: his coming into England, 1353, b 40. Prepareth for his return into Poland, 1354, b 60. Described, 1355, a 10. Entertained at Oxford, 50, 60, b 10. His departing thence, 20, ¶ See Polander.  
Alderman of London his authority, 120, a 30. Seven deceased within the space of ten months, 1209, b 60, 1132, b 10 ¶ See Almshouses, Charity, Londoners, and School.  
Aldgitha queen, sister to Edwin & Mercia sent to Chester, 1. a 30  
Aldred archbishop of York, 1, a 40. Crowneth duke William, 1, b 20. And Maud queen, 6, a 60. Dieth for grief, b 60.  
Alexander king of Scots deceasseth, the manner thereof, 283, a 10  
Alexander bishop of Lincoln fled into Scotland, 8, a 30  
Alexander Robert. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Alexander. ¶ See Pope.  
Alice the daughter of earl Morieine sold for money, 84, a 60,  
Alum dear, 791  
Almain great and tall encountered withal by the duke of Suffolk, 833, b 60, 834, a 10  
Alms. ¶ See Charity.  
Almshouses for the poor, 1311, b 20. Within Bishopsgate, 1062, b 30. Of David Smith for poor widows, 1375, b 50, 1376. For the relief of the poor, 1377, b 30  
Almiramumoli king of the Saracens feigneth himself dead, 124, a 20  
Altars taken down and tables set in their room, 1062, b 10  
Ambassador into Denmark, 892, b 10. 1348. a 20, 30, etc. Sent into France, 110, b 10, 167, a 50, 205, a 60, 209, a 20, 257, a 20, 336, a 20, 351, a 50, 477, a 30, 485, b 30, 546, b 30, 849, a 10, &c: 1229, a 10, 20, 1129, a 50, 1380, a 50, 60, 1381, all. 1382, a 10, etc. ¶ See Sackuill. Sent to the general council, they come to the council, 236, b 60. At Cambreie, 260, b 10. Sent into Germany, 292, b 20. Sent to the king of Almaigne, 260, b 60. To Philip archduke of Burgogne, 777, a 50. To the pope, 242, a 20, 365, a 50, 380, a 20, 535, a 20, 30, 381, b 10, 237, a 60, 205, b 10, 179, b 60, 187, a 50, b 30, 29, a 50, 31, b 10, 20, etc. Sent to the king of Scots, 297, b 20, 162, a 60, 163, b 30, 1402, b 30. Sent into Spain, 248, b 30. To the emperor Charles, 897, b 60. The answer which they receive, 899, a 10. Sent from Alfonse king of Castille, &c: 100, b 50. Sent from the king of Connagh in Ireland, 96, b 40. Sent from the emperor, 1093, a 30, 961, a 50, 894, a 30, 891, a 60, 839, a 60: note, 791, a 30, 35, a 10, 38, a 10, 75, a 60. Out of France into England, 1238, a 20. From the K. of Spain, 808, b 60, 894, a 60, b 10. From the French king with a train, 848, a 40, 50, 60, 771, a 50, 546, b 30, 1315, b 60, 1316, a 10, 518, a 30, 474, b 40, 350, b 60, 282, b 50, 334, b 60. From the good towns in Flanders, 368, a 60. From the king of Hungary, 894, b 40. Out of moscovy, 1132, b 60, 1211, b 50, 60. From the duke of Burgogne, 693, b 30, 60. From the pope, 336, a 10. Out of Scotland, 705, a 30, 518, a 60, 159, b 60, 875, b 40. From Swethen about a marriage, 1185, a 60, b 10  
Ambassador ligier of Spain. ¶ See Mendoza.  
embassage disdainful, 545, a 10. Royal into France, 477, a 60  
Amberuilliers castle taken, 589, a 60  
Amphibalus body found and buried at saint Albon, 101, b 30  
amphibology of this word daughter, 156, b 10  
Ambition was Anselme loath to be suspected of, 28, a 10. Of earl Robert of Northumberland, 22, b 10. Of earl john, 132, b 40. In the French and Spanish kings aspiring to the empire. 851, a 40, etc. Of archbishop Thurstane notable, 38, b 10. Of bishop Longchampe. 129, a 10. Of an old aged bishop of Durham: note, 119, b 40, 50, 60. Of earls suing to be kings, 1, a 30. Of two archbishops, 39, b 60. Of bishops, 38, b 20. Contentious, 121, a 30. Of two monks labouring for an abbasie, 18, b 60. Of man's nature, 76, a 40, 714, a 30. The working thereof, 739, b 60. And fruits thereof: noted in Robert, 12, a 30. It will have a fall: note, 734, b 60. Note the whole story, from page 1083, a 60, b 10, etc. 1084, b 10, etc. ¶ See Selim and Turk.  
Amsterdam a town of great concourse and commerce, inexpugnable, 1430, b 30, 50  
Anabaptists do penance and are burned, 946, a 40, 50. Their heresies, recantation, and penance at Paul's cross, 1260, b 10, 20, 30, etc. Banished. 1261, b 20. Burned in Smithfield, 1261, b 40. Many in Amsterdam, 1430, b 40  
Anger and what the heat thereof driveth a man unto: note, 211, b 10. ¶ See Envy.  
Angiers city taken, 158, b 30. Won of king john by assault, 170, a 30. And by him repaired, 170, b 30  
Angleseie environed with the sea, 23, a 40  
Angolesme recovered by the Frenchmen, 369, a 30  
Anjou, a road made thereunto by the duke of Clarence, 579, b 60  
Anne Askew and others arraigned and acquitted, 968, b 10, etc.  
Anne Bullen created marchioness of Penbroke, 928, b 30. ¶ See Queen.  
Anne of Cléeve, a marriage between her and king Henry the eight concluded, 947, b 60. She is received at Calis, landeth in Kent, the order of her receiving on Black heath, 948, a 40, b 30, The meeting of her and the king, her chariot wherein she road all her journey, her welcome to Gréenewich, 949,, a 50, b 20, 60. She is married to king Henry the eight, 950, a 10, etc. At queen Mary's coronation, 1091, a 30. Deceaseth, 1133, b 60  
Annates forbidden to be paid to the pope, 928, a 40  
Annuities. ¶ See Patents.  
Anselme archbishop of Canturburie elected, 20, a 60. At strife with William Rufus, and why, 24, a 10. His shift for his payment to William Rufus and his honest satisfaction, 22, b 10. ¶ See Archbishop. Prepareth to avoid the realm by ship, and complaineth to the pope of William Rufus, 26, a 10. His admonition from Rome to William Rufus, returneth into England, 27, b 60. At the instance of Hugh earl of Chester cometh over into England, 28, a 10. Restored home, 28, b 20. Goeth to Rome, 31, b 20. Denieth to do homage to Henry the first: note, 29, a 50. Holdeth a council at Westminster: note, and what was there decreed, 30, a 60. Refuseth to consecrat the bishops invested by the king, 31, a 60. Banished, and his see seized upon into the king's hands, 32, a 10. Received into Henry the firsts favour and returneth home, 33, b 20, 30. Held a synod, and what was there decreed, 34, b 10. Writeth to pope paschal that he would not send archbishop Thomas of York his pall, 35, a 20. His curse feared of king Henry the first and his bishops, 36, b 30. He falleth sick, 35, b 60. His death, and what country man he was, 36, a 30  
Antedating of the kings seal tresonable and so executed, 953, a 20  
Anticipation. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Antipape, 421, a 50, b 50, 475. a 10, 535, a 10, 24, b 20. ¶ See Fitzleo, Pope, and Schism.  
Antiquity reverenced, note the meaning of the proclamation, 1321, b 30. Presented unto queen Elisabeth at Norwich, 1293, b 30, 1294, a 60, b 10  
Antwerp entered into by the Spaniards who played the cruel tyrants, 1263, a 10 Interteineth the duke of Alencon right royally: note, 1332, 1333, &c: to 1344, a 10. rejoiceth at the duke of Alansons' coming, 1331, a 60, ¶ See Duke of Alencon.  
Apparel of king Henry the eight at his coronation, 801, a 40. Running at the ring, 805, b 60. Of him and his nobles going to meet Maximilian, 820, a 10, 20. After the taking of Tornay, 822, b 60. Sumptuous at queen Anne's coronation, 931, a 10, etc. b 60. Of the duke of Alencon whereat the French wondered, 1337, a 10. Of William Rufus counted gorgeous then, but now very simple, 27, b 40. Of Edward the second gorgeous and triumphant, 322, a 20. Sumptuous of Richard the second, 501, b 40. Of sir john Arundel very sumptuous, 423, b 50. Strange of prince Henry, son to Henry the fourth, 539, a 30. Gorgeous of Richard the seconds court: note, at the very end of his story, 544. Of Edward the fourth at an interview with the French king, 699, a 60, b 10, etc. Sumptuous of the earl of Northumberland, 791, a 60. Sumptuous of the duke of Buckingham, 801, a 10. Of great estates, 825, a 20. Stately in France at a tilt, 834, a 30. Of the earl of Surie receiving the French kings ambassadors, 148, a 40. Stately of the duchy of Brabant, 1336, a 20. Of the monsieur of Brabant, 1333, b 60. Of the king of England and France at an interview, 851, a 50, b 60, 859, a 60, 860, a 20, 30, 40. Right gorgeous in a show, 807, b 40. Fair suits given by king john and the archbishop of Canturburie to their servants: note, 163, a 60. Disguised soldiers in women's apparel: note, 1188, b 40. Of women wherein a bishop disguiseth himself, 132, a 10. Costly forbidden, 111, b 40. An act for it, 353, a 40, 396, b 40. Of a knight all not worth four shillings, 1099, b 20. Changed from robes to rags: note, 460, b 30. ¶ See Mask.  
Apparition. ¶ See Uision.  
Appeals to Rome, 213, a 40, 133, a 60, 98, a 50, 210, a 30. Forbidden, etc., 74, a 30. Of the prince of Wales before the French king, 401, a 20  
Appletrée. ¶ See Gun.  
Apprentices at what time admitted to fellowships of companies, 120, a 20  
Aques besieged by earl Richard, Henry the seconds son, 99, b 40  
Aquitane full of war, ●03, a 50. The grant thereof to the duke of Lancaster revoked, 485, b 10. Recouere● by the French, the dignity ●nd state of that dukedom, 641, a 40, 50  
Arbitrement of certain grave persons in the strife between William Rufus and his brother Robert rejected, and why, 21, a 60  
Archbishop Aldred submitteth himself to duke William, 1, a 50. ¶ See Aldred. Anselme, ¶ See Anselme. Arundel of Canturburie his answer for the clergy, he chafeth, the kings answer to him, 526, a 20, 40, 60. Baldwine of Canturburie deceaseth, 130, b 50. Exhorted men to go to war against the Saracens, 108, a 40. Boniface of Canturburie uncle to queen Elinor, 225, a 60. Described, and how he came to be advanced, 226, a 60. He deceaseth, 767, a 30. courtney of Canturburie his visitation, 483, b 60. He excommunicateth the Wiclenists: note, 484, a 10. Authorised by the pope to levy four pence of the pound, &c: note, 485, a 20. Cranmer of Canturburie, 929, b 30. ¶ See Cranmer. Edmund of Canturburie getteth him to Pontneie to remain in voluntary exile, 224, b 60. What caused him to departed England, his death and surname, reputed a saint, 225, a 10, 20. grindal of Canturburie elected, 1262, a 30. Deceaseth, 1354, a 20. Heath of Canturburie his words uttered in the parliament house touching the proclaiming of queen Elisabeth, 1170, a 40. Lord chancellor, 1130, b 40. Hubert elected of Canturburie, lord chief justice, 140, a 30, 145, b 30. Complained of to the pope, 153, a 20. His words at the coronation of king john, 158, b 60. Lord chancellor, to the mislike of some: note, 159, b 30. Deceaseth, 169, a 50. Lanfranke. ¶ See Lanfranke. Langton of Canturburie elected whiles two others were striving for it, 171, a 10. Nevil of Canturburie commended, 213, a 60. His conditions, b 10, etc. Parker of Canturburie deceaseth, 1261, a 10. His commendation, 20. A benefactor diverse ways, 40, 50, 60, ¶ See Parker. Ralph of Canturburies' return into England out of Normandy, 41, a 10. Dieth, 42, a 60. Reignolds election of Canturburie bred much discord, 169, a 60. Richard of Canturburie elected receiveth his pall, 37, b 20. His consecration disturbed, 85, b 60. His death, and conditions: note, 108, a 40. Robert of Canturburie accused by Edward the first to the pope, suspended, 313, b 50. Roger of Canturburie, 64, b 20. Savage of Canturburie deceaseth, 795, b 30. Stephan of Canturburie deceaseth, 210, a 10. Stigand. ¶ See Stigand. Stratford of Canturburie in Edward the thirds displeasure, he writeth unto him, refuseth to come to the court, 361, a 10, 30, 60. Sudburie of Canturburie made lord chancellor, 424, b 50. Theobald of Canturburie consecrated, 50, a 60. Deceased, 68, b 60. Thomas, 9, a 20. ¶ See Thomas. Wethersheid elected to Canturburie, 210, a 10. Whitegift doctor of divinity, thankful for his advancements, the arms of both sees which he enjoyed blasoned, his posy answerable to his property, 1355, b 30, etc. Made of the privy council, 1434, b 60. William of Canturburie, 42, a 60  
Archbishop of Canturburie primate of Ireland, 22, b 50. Made the pope's legate, 147, b 50. Besieged Marleburgh castle, 142, a 40. Flieth out of the realm, 59, a 60. Goeth to Rome, 39, b 60. Hath power legantine, 69, a 10. He and king William at contention and why, 24, a 20, captain of an army, 2 a 10. Put by from crowning the king, 1, b 20. Accused of treason by the speaker in parliament, 490, b 40. Condemned to perpetual imprisonment, 491 a 50. His words at a parliament in the behalf of the clergy, that would be exempted from paying of subsidies, &c: 301, b 60. His goods confiscate, his obstinacy, 302, a 20, 50. Purchaseth a grant of the pope to levy money, 238, a 60. Restored to his see, 514, a 10, His curse, 241, a 60. He and Winchester made friends, 247, b 10. Standeth against Henry the third in defence of his clergy, at contention with the earl of Kent, appealeth to Rome, dieth in his return from thence, 213, a 30, etc. Ready to broach new contention, 204, b 60, Legate and lord chief justice of England, 147, b 60  
Archbishops at contention for primacy: note, 9, a 30. Decided by the king and bishops of the lands, 9, a 60. Sentenced by decree of the pope, 9, b 40. Go both to Rome, and why, 31, b 20. At strife, 35. all. For the primacy: note, 37, b 40. Through ambition, 39, b 60. Sue both personally for their consecration to the pope, 40, a 10, etc. At strife for a piece of service about king Henry the first, 43, a 40. At strife for caring of their crosses, 142, b 20. At strife in king Henry the eights time, 919, b 30. Of Canturburies' see void four years, and in Henry the first hands, 37, a 60  
Archbishops of Canturburie from the first to the last, their names and lives, &c: set down in a collection, 1435, a 10, etc.  
Archbishop Geffreie bastard of York, 119, b 10. Obtaineth his pall, 130, b 20, Committed to prison: note, 130, b 60. Deprived and why, 161, b 60. Restored to all his dignities, 163, b 20 Stealeth out of the realm, 170, b 50. Deceasseth, 176, b 10. Gerard of York consecrateth the bishops of Henry the firsts investing, 31, b 10. receiveth his pall, 31, b 60. Deceaseth, 35, a 10. Greie of York, 182, a 60. Gréenewich, and what sums of money the pope had of him, 315, a 20. Nevil, 969, b 10, Roger sent to the pope, 72, a 60. Forbidden the use of the sacraments, 76, b 10. Deceaseth, 105, b 20. Sands, 1145, b 50. ¶ See Sands. Thomas sometimes Henry the firsts chaplain and much a do about his consecration, 35, a 10. etc. Refuseth to come to Canturburie to be consecrated, 35 a 50. Suspended, etc. 35, b 60, 36, a 10. Hath his pall sent him from the pope, 36, a 50. Submits himself to Canturburie, note the form, 36, b 30. Dieth, 37, b 40. Thurstane of York, 37, b 40. Restored upon condition, 40, b 60. Made lieutenant of the north parts, 49, a 20. In arms against the Scots, 49, a 50. Deceaseth, 1211, a 50  
Archbishop of York acknowleged primate of all Scotland, 9, b 20, His subjection to the archbishop of Canturburie: note, 9, b 10. Sent over to Guisnes to be kept in safe custody, 693, b 10. Inconstant and variable: note, 683, a 20, 60, b 10. A conspirator, he is in arms, 529, b 10, 20. Forbidden to be at Richard the firsts coronation, 143, b 30. The estimation that was had of him, his protestation why he put on arms, b. 60. He and others arrested, put to death, reputed a martyr, 530, a 30, 60, a 10. Of counsel with the Perseus' conspiracy, 522, a 10, 20. Made cardinal, resigneth his archbishopric, 279, b 20. Crowneth Henry the first, and why, 28, a 20. Deprived of his cross, 257, b 50. Accursed by the pope, his constancy: note, 256, b 40. Governor of the realm, 229, b 10. Proud, deposed, and out of favour with Richard the first, 147, b 40. Accused but to no purpose, 143, a 10. His presumptuous demeanour, 98, a 30. He and Elie reconciled by Richard the firsts means, 144, a 60. He and Durham at strife, 133, a 60. Sick and his place supplied, 49, a 60  
Archbishop of Cullen visiteth Beckets tomb, 107, b 60. Of Rome chief governor of England, 132, b 30. Of saint Andrews in Scotland receiveth his staff from an altar, 41, a 50. A deadly enemy to Henry the eight, 959, b 10. Of Uienna the pope's legate not received as legate, and why, 29, a 40  
Archbishops of England are in no respect to deal with the pope: note, 24. Their authority notably exemplied in Anselme: note, 24, 25. Their election annulled upon good causes: note, 210, a 10. Six at London in time of the parliament, 256, a 10  
archbishopric of Canturburie void more than three years, 225, a 60. Void four years: note, 18, b 10. Let out to farm, 206, a 40  
Archbishopriks given to strangers by duke William, 9, a 20  
Archdecons should be deacons, 30, b 30  
Archdeconries not to be let out to farm, 30, b 30  
Archer good was Henry the eight, 806, a 40  
Archer English of the garrison of Calis, a notable piece of service against the enemy, 380, a 60  
Archers of England drive the French from their siege, 363, a 10. Notable service against the Genoese: note, 372, a 40, 50, Uictorious against the French, 373, a 60. Service against the Scots, 987, a 60. Fulfil a prophesy: note, 388, b 50. Force against the French, 389, a 40, Worthy activity, 396, b 60. Ualiancie against the Spaniards, 399, a 30. Good service under sir Hugh Caluerlie, 422, b 50. Under the conduct of a priest, 443, b 50 Shot killeth in a quarrel, 447, a 50. Great service against the Spanish & French 448, a 10. Good service against the Saracens, 473, a 60. In the time of a conspiracy: note, 516, a 30. The greatest force of the English army: note, 553, a 60. Good service at Teukesburie field, 687, b 60. Good service under sir Humfreie Talbot, 770, b 30. Good service against the enemy, 771, a 10. Of the Cornish rebels whose arrows were in length a full cloth yard. 782, b 10. Game made with laying waist of garden's in Moor field, 785, a 20. A show of two hundred in a maigame before king Henry the eight, 836, b 40. Gall the French horsemen, 966, a 60  
Archers Irish, 986, a 20. Discomfited, 984, b 40. ¶ See Enclosures.  
Ard assaulted by the Englishmen, 528, b 40  
Arden murdered by the means of his wife a notable whore: note, 1062, b 40, etc.  
Arden. ¶ See Sumeruill.  
Arks besieged, 819, a 30  
Arlet duke William Conqueror's mother the daughter of a burgess, 20, a 10  
Armach in Ireland, where the see metropolitan is, 100, b 40  
Armenia, the king thereof cometh over into England for aid against the Turks, 448, b 50. Sueth for a safe conduct to come into England, which is denied him, 453, b 30. Would gladly that a peace between England and France should be concluded, 480. b 30  
Armetrid● the wife of Hugh Lou earl of Chester, 20, a 40  
Army called the army of God and the holy church, 185. a 50  
Armour, and an ordinance for the same, 105, a 30. ¶ See England.  
Arnalt knight his valiantness, 997, a 10, 40  
Arrogancy of Becket blamed, 77, b 10. ¶ See Ambition and Pride.  
Arsacid●. ¶ See Saracens.  
Arthur made away by means of his uncle king john, and why, 7, b 30  
Arthur the eldest and first son of Henry the seventh borne, 769, b 10. Had carnal knowledge with his wife, he is sent into Wales, 789, a 50, 60, b 20. Deceaseth, 790, b 10  
Arthur Plantagenet created viscount Lisle, 878, a 50. Deceaseth in the tower, 955, a 60. ¶ See Plantagenet.  
Arthur of Britain. ¶ See Duke.  
Arundel castle besieged, 30, a 50  
Arundel knight drowned, his excess and sumptuous apparel, 423, b 10, 60  
Ask a notable rebel pardoned: note, 942, b 30. He and others practise to raise a new rebellion, 944, a 10, etc. He with his coparteners is exeecuted, 944, b 10  
Assassini. ¶ See Saracens,  
Assemblies unlawful an act there against, 1061, a 30  
Assize of bread published by proclamation: note, 166, a 20, 30  
Astronomers deceived, and how they excused their false predictions, 882, b 20. Deceived in their predictions▪ 1356, b 30, etc.  
Attaindors at parliament, 946, b 20. 995, a 10. ¶ See Treason.  
Audleie lord chief captain of the Cornish rebels ignominiously drawn unto Tyburn and executed, 782, a 10, b 30. Slain. 649, b 10  
Audleie knight lord chancellor, 929, b 20. Keeper of the great seal, 928, b 20  
Auricular confession. ¶ See Confession.  
Auxerre city taken by sir Robert Knols▪ 391, b 30    


B.  
BAbington and his confederates. ¶ See Traitors.  
Bacon knight lord keeper deceaseth, 1271, b 60. His epitaph in Paul's, 1272, a 10. See more of him, 1286, b 40. ¶ See Chancellors.  
Badbie his notable constancy, 536, a 60  
Badge of the bright sun the earl of Marches badge, 660, a 20. Of the earl of Warwick worn in every man's cap: note, 678, b 40. Of Richard the second, 500, b 60. Of queen Elisabeth, note, 1290, b 10  
Badges a bill against the wearing of them, 472, b 60  
Baffuling what it is among the Scots, 427, a 30  
Bagot knight and prisoner discloseth secrets of trouble▪ 512, b 50, 60, &c: 513, a 10, etc.  
Bailiffs first that bare rule in London, 119, b 60. ¶ See London, and Officers.  
Bainard's castle new built. 788, a 10  
Baion yielded to the Englishmen, 293, b 20  
Bakers sell bread lacking six or seven ounces weight in a penny loaf, 282, b 60. Punished by the pillory, 259, b 40  
Bales writing within the compass of a penny, 1262, b 10  
Balliol king of Scots obtaineth the kingdom of Scotland, 288, b 60. The form of his fealty to the king of England, 288, b 60. 289, b 50. His homage, 290, a 20. Crowned king of Scotland, 349, b 60. Chased out of Scotland, 350, a 20. Doth homage to Edward the third, 350, b 20. Departeth this life, 308, b 60  
Banbourgh. ¶ See castle.  
Banquet royal: note, 254, a 50.825, a 30. Of two hundred and three score dishes. 849, a 40. Of two hundred dishes upon the sudden, 922, b 20. Of thirty or forty dishes and not one of them fish nor flesh, 1192, b 50. Full of proper devices, 1425, a 30  
Banqueting house of French king describeth, 849, b 10, etc. Of Henry the eight in his palace at Guisnes, 857, b 60. Within the town of Calis, 861, b 20, etc. At Westminster builded, 1315, b 10. How garnished and decked, 30. The costs and charges thereof, 40  
bankrupts practise, 812, b 20  
Banishment of bishops and other English in duke William's time, 8, a 30. By whom ordained, 33, b 50. For twelve months, 269, b 10. Of the earl of Cornwall out of the realm, 319, b 60. Perpetual. 465, a 30  
Banister the duke of Buckingham servant receiveth the duke in peril of life into his house, 743, b 50. Betrayeth him into the hands of his enemies for money, God's secret judgements upon him and his children: note, 744, a 50, 60  
Barnabées day kept holy day all London over, 1062, b 10  
Barnard of Newmarch a Norman, 17, a 60  
Barns doctor and two merchants of the Stillyard did penance at Paul's cross for heresy, 892, b 60. For a sermon invective against bishop Gardiner, asketh him forgiveness, 950, b 10. He and others executed, 952, b 30  
Barnet town how seated, 684, a 10  
Barnet field. ¶ See Battle.  
Barons four under th● earl of Chester, 20, a 20  
Barton the Scotish pirate, 426, b 20. Incountreth the lord Howard, he is slain, 811, a 20, etc.  
Bastard of Burgogne ambassador into England, justs betwixt him and the lord S●ales, 669, a 10, 20  
Bastard to a king made a bishop, 99, b 60  
Bastards made legitimat, 487, b 10  
Bath taken by the bishop of Constance, 17, a 40. It and Welles when and by whom united, 27, b 50  
Battle of Agincourt, 552, b 60, 553, a 10, etc. At Barnet, 684, a 10, etc. 685, a 10, etc. Of Bloreheath, 649, a 50, 60, b 10. Of S. Edmundsbu●ie, 90, b 20. Of Northhampton, 654, b 20. Of Palmesundaie, 664, a 40. Of Saxton. ¶ See Palmesundaie. At Hedgcote or Banberie, 672, b 30. At Exham, 666, b 10. At Teukesburie, 687, b 60. The first at saint Albon, 643, a 60, 644, a 20. At Wakefield, 659, b 10. Of three long hours between the English & French, great loss on the English side, 601, b 30. Second at saint Albon, 660, a 60. Of Mortimer's cross, 660, a 20. Of Uerneull, 588, a 50, b 40. Of Ferribrig the thirteenth of March, one thousand four hundred three score and one, wherein twenty thousand were slain, most knights and gentlemen, 1234, a 50. Between duke William and his son Robert: note, 12, a 40. Between the Danes and Normans very fierce, 7, a 40. Begun with prayer: note, 371, a 60. At Kenils cross▪ 376, a 20. Of Aulr●ie, 396, b 10, etc. Of Sluice where the English were victors, 358, b 10. Of Ba●okesburie, 322, a 40. Called the White battle, and why, 325, a 10. Of Borroughbridge, 341, a 10. Of C●meran in Uister, 322, b 60. At Dunbar between the English and Scots in Edward the first time, 299, b 30. Between the earl of Lincoln and the earl of Arthois, 302, b 30, 40, etc. Of Fowkirke, 307, b 30. Between Henry the third and his barons: note, 267, b all. Of Euesham, 270, a 50. Of Chesterfield, 272, a 40. Between king Richard the third and the earl of Richmond, called Bosworth field, 758, b 60. At Stoke near to Newarke between the earl of Lincoln, &c: and Henry the seventh, 766, b 40, 50, 767, a 10, 20. Of saint Aulbin in Britain between the duke of Britain and the French king, 769, a 30. At Black-heath, 782, b 10. Of Spurs, 822, a 50. At Floddon between the English and the Scotish, 426, 427, 428. Of Pavia, 884, a 60, b 10, etc. At Muskleborrow. ¶ See Leith and Scotland. Stayed by God's providence: note, 943, a 30. Of the bridge of Bovins, 183, a 60. Sharp and bloody between duke Robert and Henry the first brethren, 33, a 10, 20, etc. Three things to be foreseen by them that shall give it, 52, b 50, 60. Of Monadmore in Ireland, 59, b 10  
Battle betwixt fishes, 225, b 60. Of herrings, 600, a 40. Betwixt flies and gnats, 465 b 60. Their slaughter, 466, a 10. ¶ See wars.  
Battle abbeie, why so called and by whom built, 15, a 40. The church to what saint dedicated, 21, a 40. Their abbey roll, 3, 4, 5  
Baulbason a French knight valiant fights with Henry the fift hand to hand, 577, a 10, 60  
Becket Thomas archdecon of Canturburie, 64, b 20. Lord chancellor, 65, a 40. Sent into France, 67, a 50. His & Henry the seconds first falling out, 68, b 20. His authorit●e. 69, a 10. A better courtier than a preacher, 69, a 30. Practiseth secret treason, 69, b 10. receiveth an oath, 70, b 10. Repenteth him thereof, and would have fled the realm, 70, b 20, etc. Cited to appear before the king and sentence against him, 70. b 60. Condemned in five hundred marks, 71, a 10. Called to an account, 71, a 20. Will not be persuaded to submit himself to the king, appealeth to Rome, goeth to the court, is reputed a traitor, and disallowed to be archbishop, 71, all. His stout courage, 72, a 10. His flight by night, 72, a 40. His complaint to the pope, 72, b 50. Resigneth his pall, 73, a 50. His curse, 74, b 20. An edict against him, 74, a 20. Six years in exile, 77 a 30. His arrogancy and wilfulness in opinion, in favour with the French king, reconciled to Henry the second the king of England, 77, b all. Is advised by the French king, returneth into England, is complained of to Henry the second by the archbishop of York, he is killed, 78, all, 79, all. His death discussed, 82, b 50. The king purgeth himself of his death, 83, b 30. Canonised a saint, his holy day and collect for the same, 85, b 10, 20. His tomb visited by the French king, 103, a 60. His tomb visited by the archbishop of Cullen, 107, b 60. His shrine visited by the earl of Flanders, 152, a 60. His sword in the ministration of an oath, 303, b 40. His shrine taken away and his dead bones burnt, 945, b 50  
beacons and the use of them in countries near the sea, 752, a 30  
Bedford castle besieged, 206, b 20. Delivered to the barons, 185, a 60  
Bele doctor an undiscréet and seditious preacher, 841, a 10, 20  
Belesme. ¶ See earl.  
Bell a seditious priest arraigned, condemned, his prophesy, his sermon to the rebels, his seditious letter, his execution at saint Albon, 437, a 40, etc.  
Bell rung at eight of the clock at night by whom appointed, and why, 6, a 50. ¶ See Chime.  
Bell castle assaulted and yielded up to the English, 879, b 30  
Bellman. ¶ See Common crier.  
Benbrike doctor poisoned at Rome, 835, b 50  
Benefices belonging to strangers their valuation taken, 236, b 40. The value of them in strangers hands, 247 b 20. Bestowed without consent of patrons, 224, a 10. Impropriat, 214, b 60. With request to the pope that he would not meddle with their reservations, 408, b 60, 409, etc. Inhibited by the king & how: note, 363, b 60. The best in strangers hands, 365, a 60. A proclamation that all English beneficed men in Rome should return into England, 474, b 50, 60. ¶ See Adbeies, Bishops, Churches▪ Clergy, Pope, Sequestration.  
Benevolence granted to Edward the fourth, 694, a 50. Put into Henry the sevenths' head to be levied over the whole land, 792, a 20. An exaction of money of whose devise. 771, b 60. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Benevolence of the French king to the earl of Richmond: note▪ 745, a 40  
Beningfield knight his churlish using of the lady Elisabeth his prisoner and in his keeping, 1117, b 40. He is too streict and severe in his office against the lady Elisabeth, 1155, b 10, etc. He grudgeth at the gentle entertainment of her, his rude and ungentle behaviour, 1156, a 60, b 10, 20, etc. 60. His cruel dealing towards her, 1157, a 30  
Berebeating on sunday revenged by God's just judgement: note, 1353, a 30  
Berds shaven, and rounded hair in use with the Normans, 5, b 10  
Berengaria daugther to the king of Navarre, king Richard the firsts wife, 126, b 40▪ 127, a 40  
Berkhamstéed castle surrendered, 198, a 60  
Bertie, husband to the duchess of Suffolk attached by bishop Gardiner: note, 1142, b 10, etc. ¶ See duchess Katherine of Suffolk.  
Berwick fortified, 320, b 10, Taken by the Scots, 383, a 60. Besieged, 350, a 30. Surrendered, 350, a 50. Betrayed to the Scots, 324, a 20. Summoned and won by Edward the first, 298, a 20, 50. Fortified by Edward the first, 299, a 30▪ chiefly regarded, 881. b 40. Yielded to Henry the fourth, 530, b 50. The castle won by the Scots, recovered by the earl of Northampton▪ 446, b 20. Won by the Scots, 421, a 60. Recovered by the earl of Northumberland, 421, b 10. Won by the Scots, recovered by the English, 418, a 60. The captain thereof will not suffer the duke of Lancaster to enter, 439, a 10. Delivered to the French king and of him possessed, 665, a 60. Won by the Englishmen, 705, b 60. Delivered to the lord Stanley, &c: 706, b 60  
Betrice Henry the thirds daughter borne, 230, b 10  
Beuchamps journey to the holy land against the Saracens, 22, a 60. His valiantness, 88, a 10  
Beuclerke Henry why so called, 1●, a 60  
Beaver castle to whom it appertained, 189, a 30  
Beverleie town burned, 113, b 20  
Beumont viscount his daughter married unto the Scotish king, 110, a 60. Discomfited by the Scots, 323, a 40  
Beaumond lord of Heinault: note, 337, a 60, 346, b 60, 347. Forsaketh the king of England's service, 367, b 50, Lord high constable of England, 627, a 20  
Bible in every church comm●nded to be read, 945, b 40. The necessary use and benefit thereof, 1042, b 50. Presented to queen Elisabeth which she promiseth the city often to read over, 1175, b 60  
Bigod Roger his spoils and booties, 17, a 50. Hugh sometime steward to Henry the first, 46, b 40. Knight procureth a commotion, 943, b 60. Apprehended and executed, 944, a 10, b 10  
Bilneie burned, 928, a 10  
Bishop Adrian an Italian of Hereford, Bath and Wells, 771, a 40. Agelmarus. ¶ See Agelmarus. Alexander. ¶ See Alexander. Anthony of Durham his great revenues, kept out of the abbeie of Durham, summoned to appear before Edward the first, refuseth, the conclusion of the strife between him and the monks, 315, a 40, etc. Athelmarle Henry the thirds half brother bishop of Winchester, 243, a 10. Beauchampe of Salisbury is sent to the duke of York, &c: to know the lords meaning that were up in arms, 649, b 60. Beaufort of Winchester son to john duke of Lancaster, 590, b 60, 591, a 10, etc. Otherwise called the rich cardinal, deceased, and described, 627, b 60, 628. Christianus. ¶ See Christianus, Cox of Elie deceaseth, his epitaph, 1321, b 60. Egelwinus. ¶ See Egelwinus. Ermenfred. ¶ See Ermenfred. Fisher of Rochester complained of to king Henry the eight, 911, b 40, 50. Beheaded, 938, a 60. Foliot of London ambassador to the French king, 72, a 50. For of Durham owner of Norham castle, 782, b 50. Of Excester ambassador into Scotland, 767, b 50. Of Winchester, 839, b 50, 60. ¶ See Corpus Christi college. His wisdom in procuring the clergy to be contributors of money for Henry the sevenths' behoof, 792, a 50, 60. Gardiner bishop of Winchester ambassador into France, 939, a 60. ¶ See Gardiner. Geffreie of Lincoln king Henry's base son, 99▪ b 60. His letter to the archbishop of Canturburie, be resigneth his bishopric, 104, b 10, 40. Gifford of Winchester refuseth to be consecrated at the archbishop of Yorks hands, and therefore banished and deprived, 31, b 10. ¶ See Gifford. Godfrey of Winchester son to the lord Richard de Lucy deceaseth, 168, b 30. Gray of Norwich lord lieutenant of Ireland, 174, b 30. Gray of Norwich precedent of the council, 169, b 10, Grosted of Lincoln deceased, his praise, 249, a 10, Harvey first bishop of Elie, 36, a 30. Horn of Winchester deceaseth, 1299, b 60. Hugh of Lincoln his bold courage to king Richard the first, 143, b 60. Deceaseth, a description of ●is doings, and life presumptuous, 162, b 30. Admitted into the number of seints, 163, a 10. Of Coventrie restored to his see, 147, b 30, jewel of Salisbury deceiveth, 1226, b 30. Lis●e of Elie and the lady Wake at variance, 392, a 10. Longchampe of Elie the pope's legate, his stately port, 129, a 10 Depriveth bishops, meaneth to keep earl john low, besiegeth the castle of Lincoln, raiseth his siege with dishonour, breaketh agréements concluded, 129, all. Lord chancellor of England, 121, a 10. Morton of Elie commended, 791, a 10, Buildeth upon the duke's ambition, 737, b 10. Deviseth to be at his own liberty in his bishopric of Elie, he satieth into Flanders to the earl of Richmond, 741, a 60, b 10. What pageants he played, the high honour wherein he was placed, his subtle undermining of the duke of Gloucester, 736, b 10, 30, 50. Defeated the practices of king Richard the third and Peter Landoise, 747, b 60. Adjureth duke Richard to release the realm by some devise from the present evil estate, 738, a 60. A new conference between them, b 20, Made archbishop of Canturburie, cardinal, and lord chancellor, 767, a 30. Odo. ¶ See Odo. Osmond. ¶ See Osmond. Peacock of Chichester abjured at Paul's cross: note, 646, a 20. Peter of Winchester governor of king Henry the third, 202, a 60. Ralph of Durham his warlike exhortation, 49, a 60●. Ralegh of Winchester consecrated by the pope, he stealeth out of the realm, he giveth to the pope six thousand marks, 231, b 60. Ranulfe. ¶ See Ranulfe▪ Remclid of Hereford invested by the king: note, 31, a 50▪ Remigius. ¶ See Remigius. Richard of London translated to the archbishopric of Canturburie, 37, b 10. Roger of Salisbury put in trust with the government of the realm, 45, b 50. Ruthall of Durham, one of king Henry the sevenths privy council, his book of private affairs unadvisedly delivered in steed of the kings, disaduantageable to himself, 796, b 60. He dieth with grief, 797, a 10. Samson of Worcester the mouth of the bishops, 36, a 60. Tunstall▪ ¶ See Tunstall. Wainsléet of Winchester founder of Magdelene college in Oxford, 628, b 10, etc. Walkhelme. ¶ See Walkhelme. Walkher. ¶ See Walkher. Walter of Alba bringeth Anselme his pall, 25, b 60. ¶ See Walter, 1, a 50. Waltham of Salisbury buried of Westminster among the kings, 485, a 40. Warlewa●ts words to pope paschal in behalf of Henry the first, 31, b 40. Watson of Winchester deceaseth, 1368, b 60. Wickham of Winchester remembered and commended: note, 526, b 60, 527, a 10, etc. Made lord chancellor, 466, b 50. William ¶ See William. Wolstane. ¶ Seée Wolstane.  
Bishop of Beawois taken prisoner, 150, b 50. An adversary to Richard the first, two of his chapleins come to Richard the first, to entreat that they might wait upon their master, but are denied, 151, a 10  
Bishop of Carleill bold and faithful, commended, 513, b 40. The first was a prior, and the king's consellor, 44, b 20. Of Constance with others taketh Bath, 17, a 40. Of Coventrie committed to prison, 318, a 30. Of Dublin made archbishop, 59, b 20. Of Durham created an earl, 119, b 50. Besieged the castle of Tick●ill, 142, a 30. Lost his earldom. 144, a 10. Restrained of his liberty, 122, b 60 Chief ruler of the north parts, 121, a 10. He & earl Patrick at strife, 161, a 10. By letters assuageth the Scotish kings displeasure, he goeth into Scotland, 785, a 30, 40. Winneth castles, 307, a 40. Of Elies taking up of horses to K. Richard the firsts use, 122, b 50, 60. Summoned to appear at Reading, his return to London, a declaration against him, he yieldeth up the tower, 131, all His letter to the sheriff of Kent, 130, b 30. Disguiseth himself in woman's apparel, he flieth, is betrayed, and committed to prison, complaineth of his wrongs to the pope, 132, a 10. He deceaseth, 151, b 10. Of Elie imprisoneth archbishop Geffreie of York, 130, b 30. Arriveth in England as a simple bishop, 139, b 30. Sent ambassador to the emperor, 148, a 30. Banished, 50, b 30. Blind of Excester sent to Rome from Henry the first, 37, b 30. Pat in charge with the city of London, beheaded by the Londoners, 338, a 40, b 30. Hereford arrested for treason, 335, a 10. His devise to get money of the bishops, 251, b 10. Of Ireland elected out of England, 22, a 50. Of Léege murdered, 140, a 10. Of Lincoln visiteth abbeys, and is suspended by the pope, 244, a 40, 50. captain of a band of men, 30, a 50. Of London taken up with reproachful words, and revenged by the Londoners, 412, a 20. His palace, where Richard second kept open house, 474, a 10. Stout words to an earl, 458, a 20. Made lord chancellor, 440, b 60. Ambassador to the emperor, 168, b 20. Deane to the archbishop of Canturburie, 35, b 20. Of Norwich in arms against the antipape, 441, b 50, 60, 442, a 40. Courageous and warlike, 444, a 20. Setteth forward with his army, & invadeth Flanders, 442, b 10, 50. The order of his battle against the Flemings, 443, a 30. His disobedience punished, 445, a 20. His army of five hundred footmen and many horsemen 176, b 50. Returneth out of Flanders into England, 444, b 60. Of Rosse an enemy to the English estate, 1370, b 60. Of Salisburies' men and the Londoners in a riot, he maketh a great ●o●plai●● of them to the king, 478, a 20, 50. der for thought, 50, b 30. Made lord chancellor, 51, a 10. Shamefully murdered: note, 636, a 10. Of Whiteherne consecrated, 119, b 10. Of Winchester lent Henry the fift two hundred thousand pounds▪ 580, b 10, Made a cardinal, 596, b 10. Legated and unlegated by the pope, 602, a 60, b 60  
Bishop earl of Kent, 13, a 60. captain of an army, 7, b 40. Wiped of five thousand pounds by William Rufus: note, 20, b 10. Deprived of his staff by the king, 21, a 40. ¶ See Herbert. One revengeth another's death, 12, b 20  
Bishops chosen principal justices of the realm, 115, b 20. Sent ambassadors to the French king, 112, b 50▪ Forbidden the use of the sacrament, 76, b 10. Disallow archbishop Thomas Becket, 71, b 40. Think to please God in breaking their oath, 46, b 40. Of Man first and second, 59 b 10. Threatened, 59, a 40. In suspicion to be disloyal, 50, b 10. Investing done by the kings of England. 29, a 50. ¶ See William Rufus. At strife about crowning the king, and saying mass before him, 37, a 10. Translation from see to see, 36, a 30. Of privy council and ambassadors to Rome, 31, b 20. Five consecrated by Anselme in one day, 34, a 40. Inuest●tures given away from the king by the pope's sentence, 31, b 60. Of a late election Salisbury and Hereford, 30, a 60, b 10. Deprived by the bishop of Elie, 129, a 50. Contentious and ambitious, 121, a 50. Elected and consecrated, 119, a 60, b 10. Quarrel with the monks of Canturburie, 169, b 30. Three dead in one year, 788, b 20. Restored and others deprived, 1089, a 20. Travel to make peace, 265, a 30. Would rather become martyrs than lose their money, 252, b 40. Practise to disappoint the archbishop of Canturburie of his purpose, 243, a 50. Readiness to resist the Saracens, 209, a 50. Ambassadors, 205, a 60. Cannot tell what to say in the contention between king William Rufus and Anselme: note, 25. Of Ireland their names and fees, 22, b 50. Seditious and rank warriors, 17, a 30, 40. In fault that duke William was king of England, 1, a 40, 50. Submit themselves to duke William, 1, a 40. Sworn to be loyal, 1, b 20. Fly into foreign lands and countries, 6, a 20. Sees removed from small towns to cities of more fame, 11, b 60. In arms against rebellious earls, 11, a 50. Of Scotland consecrated by the archbishop of York, 9, b 20. Of Excester from the first to the last set down in a catalogue, 1300, a 20, 30, 1301, etc. Six receive the communion, 1185, a 60▪ Deprived, & others succeeding, 1184, b 30. ¶ See Ambition, Archbishops, and Consecration.  
Bishopric of Carleils erection 44, b 20. Of Elie first erected, 36, a 30. Of Lincoln void seventeen years, 75, a 60, 109, b 40. Of Waterford in Ireland erected, 22, b 40  
bishoprics bestowed by king Henry his gift thought insufficient, 31, a 50. Bought of king William Rufus, 21, a 40. Let out to farm, 26, a 40  
Bishopsgate new builded, 702, b 60  
Biskains and Englishmen together by the ears, 813, b 60  
Blackwagon that followed evil May day, 844, a 60  
Blackheath field, 782, b 10  
blackness an haven town on the south shore of Scotland, 989, b 50  
Blackwell knight smothered to death in a throng, 319, a 10  
Black Will a notorious murdering ruffian, 1063, a 50, b 40. receiveth ten pounds in reward for murdering of Arden, 1065, a 10. Burnt at Flushing, 1066, a 20  
Blazing star, 1131, b 10, 252, a 50, 204, b 40, 277, b 40, 1344, a 40, 1314, a 50. Of strange appearance. 37, a 40. With other strange sights, 519, b 60. Very dreadful for thirty days space together, 225, b 60. In the north of a months continuance, 323, a 10. With long & terrible streams, 353, a 20. appearing in a fair & clear day, 11, b 50. ¶ See Comet and Star.  
Blasphemy of pope julie against God, 1128, a 40. Of a popish preacher severely punished by God, 1128, b 60, 1129, a 10  
Bleothgent king of Wales partaker with a rebel, 5, a 20  
Bluebeard, captain of rebels, 632, a 20  
Blockhouses & bulwarks builded, 946, b 10  
Bloreheath field, 649, a 50  
Bluet Robert bishop of Lincoln: note, 20, b 10  
Blunt knight, his notable service against the French, 540, b 50  
Bohune john, his wife and issue, 20, a 50  
Boier maior of Bodwin in Cornwall hanged: note, 1006, b 50, &c: 1007, a 10  
Boldness. ¶ See Magnanimity, and Words.  
Bolton prior of S. bartholomew's buildeth an house at Harrow on the hill to avoid floods prognosticated that year, 882, b 20  
Bondage. ¶ See Servitude.  
Bondmen by letters revocatory disfranchised, 437, a 10▪ Letters of manumission called in, 438, a 10  
Boner bishop of London employed about the controversy of Henry the eights unlawful marriage, 923, b 30. Bears with the enemies of the L. Elisabeth, 1160, a 10. His god was the rood of Paul's, 1121, a 60. Writeth to cardinal Poole concerning persecution, 1164, a 10. Head broken: note, 915, a 60, b 10  
Books any way imparing the pope's dignity are forbidden, 1131, a 60. Seditious scattered, and the offenders executed, 1353, b 40. Printed & the printer executed, 1357, a 40. Popish dangerous and damnable to read or listen unto, 1391, b 50. Seditious published against the state, and the offenders executed, 1413, a 50 ¶ See Libels.  
Boorne doctor preaching at Paul's cross hath a dagger thrown at him, 1089, a 60, b 10  
Bosworth field. ¶ See Battle.  
Bounarme with his ten spears all at once about him, 834. a 50  
Bows Ralph. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Bow steeple builded, 815, b 60  
Brabanders and the reason of their name: note, 98, b 50, 60, 99, a 10. Overcome by earl Richard, Henry the seconds son, 98, b 50. The number of 20000 retained by Henry the second to bear armour, 87, a 50  
Bray knight of the garter commended. 791, a 10  
Brambre knight executed with an axe of his own devise, 464, a 10  
Brandon knight standardbearer to the earl of Richmond slain, 759, a 50. Knight his pomp at a justs, 807, b 60. He is created viscount Lisle, 816, a 30  
Bread made of bran & puffens, 1022, a 10. Made of fern roots, 616, b 60. ¶ See Assize.  
bream. ¶ See Bruistar.  
Breast yielded up to the duke of Britain, 487, b 30. Besieged by the duke of Lancaster, and the manner how, 449, b 10. Force intended against it, 1149, b 50  
Brethren at deadly hate & pursuing one another, 32, b 40. Set at variance by factious persons, 32, a 60. In arms one against another, 19, a 10. Forces united how valiant & effectual in war, 6, b 50, 7, a 20  
Brereton captain of the adventurers taken and slain, 882, b 20  
Briake in Britain assaulted & taken, 534, b 30  
Bribe of five hundred marks given to come to the pope's presence, 80, b 30  
Bribes the overthrow of laws & good orders: note, 862, b 40. Of a justice severely handled for taking them, 243, b 50▪ 244, a 10. Hinder the execution of good orders & statutes: note, 380, b 30, 40. Refused, 18, b 60  
Bribery how it tempteth men's minds: note, 361, b 50. ¶ See Gifts and Rewards.  
Bridges made with hard shift, 1138, b 60. In England borne down with landflouds, 38, a 40. ¶ See Floods.  
Bridgenorth besieged, 30, a 60  
Bridewell a place which Henry the eight put to use of pleasure. 894, a 20. Henry the eights new palace, a place receiving noblemen, 873, b 30. The mayor and aldermen enter and take possession thereof, 1130, b 40. When it became a place to punish vagrant and lewd persons, 1082, b, 10  
Bristol taken by the earl of Gloucester, 48, b 60. ¶ See Fair.  
Britain was the first name of England & Scotland, 1000, a 10. ¶ See Earles.  
Britain's plagued by the lord admiral, 814, a 10, etc.  
Bromleie esquire his manhood, 551, b 10  
Bromleie knight his decease, 565, b 40. Made captain of Dampfront, 563, b 30. The old arms of their house, 564, a 30. Knight lord chancellor, 1272, a 20, 1286, b 60  
Brotherton Thomas K Edward the first his son, 309, a 60  
Browne his seditious books procure loss of life, 1353, b 40  
Browne. ¶ See Murder.  
Brunkard Henry. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Bruse crowned king of Scotland, in arms against prince Edward and the English power, put to flight by the earl of Penbroke, fled into Kentrie, his wife and brethren taken, his words to his wife, he is executed, his lands given away by the king Edward the first, wherein note the end of disloyalty, 314, a 10, 40, 60, b 20, 40, 50  
Bruse invadeth England, 332. His ill dealing with Welshmen, 95, b 30. His wife whose daughter she was, 314, b 20. Pronounced accursed, 324, a 50. Chriveth in his success, invadeth England, & raiseth his siege, 322, a 10, b 30, 40  
Bruistar and Marie Breame smothered to death, 1353, a 60, b 10  
Bucchanan reproving and reproved, 112, a 30  
Buckhurst lord made of the privy council, 1434, b 60. ¶ See Sackuill.  
Buggery committed by a lord and punished, 952, b 20  
buying and selling on the sunday a law against it, 624, a 20. ¶ See Selling.  
Buildings of William Rufus very great and famous, 23, a 60, b 10  
Bull seditious hanged on the bishop of London's gate, and the party executed as a traitor, 1221, a 20, etc. 1222, a 30. ¶ See Felton and Pope.  
Bullen besieged, assaulted, delivered up, the number of them that went forth of the town, 964, a 40, b 30, 60. Many seats of arms exploited betwixt the English & French, 972, a 40. The Frenchmen busy to build a fort there. 970, a 60, b 10. To be restored to the French king by accord, note how, 973, b 20. And Bullenois restored to the French upon certain conditions: note, 1061, b 60. Delivered up and entered into, a 10, 20 By the French king, 1062, a 10, etc. Besieged by the Englishmen the king himself being present, 775, a 10. The bas●, a canvasado given unto it, the French have an overthrow, 967, a 20, etc.  
bullock a merciless murderer hanged within Bishopsgate: note, 1228, b 20, etc. ¶ See Murder.  
Bulmer knight rebuked for refusing K. Henry the eights service, and taking the service of the duke of Buckingham, 852, b 60, 853, a 10  
Burchet gentleman of the middle temple hanged: note, 1259 a 30  
Burdet knight his valiantness against the enemy; note, 590, b 40  
Burdet knight slain, 618, a 40  
Burdet for a word spoken beheaded. 703, a 10  
Bordeaux yielded again to the French king, 641. a 30  
Burgess of the parliament arrested, and what mischief thereof ensued: note, 955, b 40, etc. 956, a 10, etc.  
Burgognians join with the English host & make it stronger, 875, a 30  
Burly knight and the earl Uéere in faithful friendship, 464, a 40. What the same Burlie was: note, a 50, etc.  
Burial of duke William's body not suffered without satisfaction to the lord of the soil, 15▪ a 50. Of more than two hundred ded corpses in the Charterhouse yard, 379, b 30. Christian forbidden priests concubines, 207, b 30. Of nobles and great men in a monks cowl: note, 195, b 10, 20. Neglected: note, 157, a 10. Of the dead done with honour and reverence, 576, a 60. For the dead, 1211, b 10. Of dead bodies within their own parishes, 31, a 10. Of the jews at London, 101, b 20. ¶ See Churchyard new.  
Burning in the hand when enacted, 787, a 60, b 10  
Burse, ground purchased to build it, the first stone thereof laid, 1209, a 40, 50. Finished & named The royal exchange by the now queen Elisabeth, 1224, a 60  
Bushie knight, 495. ¶ See Flattery.  
Butcher strangely saved from drowning, 41, b 30. Hanged for favouring rebels, 943, a 60  
Butterwife set on the pillory. 702, b 40    


C.  
CAdwallon prince of Wales slain, 103, b 20  
Caen taken by the English, 559 b 60. Besieged and yielded to the French king, 630, a 50  
Cages and stocks ordained, 792 a 10  
Caldwell doctor in physic founder of surgery lecture in London: note, 1349, a 20, etc. Deceaseth, his distributions in his life, and bequests after his death, his commentaries upon Paulus Aegineta and other books, his infirmity that was his end, his age, 1369, b 10, etc. His arms blasoned, his epitaph, 1370, a 10, 20  
Calendar. ¶ See Calendar.  
Calis, the French commissioners would have razed to the ground, 480, a 40. Preparation made to win it, the enemies frustrated, 536, b 10, 40. Besieged; note: the commodiousness of that town, 373, b 10. Surrendered to Edward the third, upon what conditions▪ 377, b 60. Inexpugnable: note, 375, a 10. Six burgesses thereof presented to Edward the third, 378, a 10. yielded to the king of England, 378, a 30. Made a colony o● English, a practice to betray it, Edward the third passeth over secretly thither, 378, a 30, 40, b 40, 60. Not furnished with a sufficient number of men, delivered to the French, 1135, a 10, b 60. Rifled & spoiled by the French, the poorest avoid out of the same, conquered and lost in less than eight years, how long in possession of the kings of England, 1136, a 10, 50, b 10, 20. Haven, the Frenchmens meaning to destroy the same disappointed, 878, b 50. How the French were in love with it after it was lost, note the words of the lord cords 771, a 20. King Henry the seventh saileth thither, 788, a 10, etc. The mart of all English commodities kept there, 778, a 20. The duke of Burgognies army of 40000 men, 613, b 60. Besieged, he breaketh up his sie●e and flieth, 614, a 20, b 30. A report that Richard the second meant to resign it into the French kings hands, 462, b 10. The joy that the French made every way for the getting of it, 1136, b 60, 1137, a 10. The French king goeth to visit Calis, 1141, b 20. The loss thereof with what indignation queen Marie taketh it, 1149, b 40. Might have been recovered from the French, 1150, b 60. The eleventh king from the conquest got it, and the eleventh again after him lost it, 1161, b 10. Queen Marry pencil for the loss of it, the cause of her sickness and death, 1151, b 10, 20. Triumphs in France for the ge●ting again thereof, 1141, a 30. ¶ See Calis, Duke, and victory.  
Caluerleie knight a valiant captain, 418, b 60. He recovereth Mark castle, 419, a 10. His exploits against the French, 419, b 10. His valiantness, 422, b 50  
Cambridge, queen Elisabeths' progress thither, 1206, b 20, etc. Presenteth a ●aire & stately cup to queen Elisabeth, 1299, a 10. ¶ See Emanuel college.  
Campeius refuseth to give judgement in the matter of Henry the eight his unlawful marriage with queen Katherine, 908, b 50, 60. ¶ See Cardinal.  
Campians description of cardinal Woolseie, 917, b 20, ¶ See priests' seminary.  
Campbell a Scotish pirate or rover taken on the sea, 872, b 20  
Canons regular put in priests places, 100, a 10. Of York refuse to receive the archbishop of Canturburie as their primate, 147, b 60  
Canonizing of kings dear, 691, a 40  
Canturburie. ¶ See archbishopric.  
Canutus meant to have attempted a subduing of London, and what hindered, 7, a 30. Discomfited by the Normans retireth to his ships, 7, a 40. ¶ See Os●orne.  
Cardinal Campeius sent into England about Henry the eight his unlawful marriage, 906, b 60, Sent from the pope & the causes of his staying at Calis, received with great pomp, what trash was enclosed in his chests, the pomp of him and Woolseie going to the court, 845, a 10, etc. Of Canturburie, thought the fittest man to deal with the queen for surrendering her son, 717, a 50, he useth another way to persuade her, 720, b 20. De Comos' letter to Parrie, touching resolution to kill the queen, 1388, b 10, etc. Gualo cometh over into England, 192, a 20. A covetous prelate and favourer of king john, 187, b 20. johannes de Anagnia, prohibited to pass no further into England than Dover, 120, a 60, b 10. Nicholas sent into England to take away the interdiction, 181, b 20. Octavianus legate into Ireland, 110, b 30. And what words Richard the first used to him against Rome, 123, b 50. Otho cometh into England, the lords grudge at his receiving without their knowledge, he is praised for his sober behaviour, strifes by him are compounded, 221, b 30, etc. He holdeth a synod at London, he goeth to Oxford, a fray betwixt his men & the scholars, his cook slain, he complaineth to the king, he curseth the misdooers, 222, a 10, etc. Made to blush at a Charterhouse monks words, 225, b 10. Lieth in the wind still for the pope's profit, 224, a 40, etc., b 40. Beginneth to look to his own commodity, 224, a 10. His persuasions to the English clergy, touching tribute to the pope, frustrate, 208, a 40, 50, etc., b 10. Peito become a begging friar, 1365, b 10. Petrus Hispanus sent from the pope, the cause of his coming, his demand of money of religious houses, 315, b 50, 60. He preacheth, & curseth Bruse the usurper, 316, a 10. Piergot his travel to treat a peace between both kings of England & France, 388, b 40: note. Poole made archbishop of Canturburie, 1132, a 10. Was to reduce the church of England to the pope's obedience, 1092, a 10. Sent for home into England, 1092, b 60 The council divided about the receiving of him, 1093, a 10. Arriveth at Dover, his restitution in blood, cometh to the parliament house, his oration there tending to the public estate, 1122, all. Against the pope, 1365, a 60. cometh to Paul's cross in great pomp, 1126, a 60. A supplication exhibited unto him, his authority apostolic: note, 1123, a 60. His mal●ce against Henry the eight, 1134, b 60. Boners' letter touching persecution unto him, stayeth Boners cruelty somewhat, a papist but no bloody papist, half suspected for a Lutheran at Rome, an errant traitor, seditious and impudent, his treasons detected by his own brother, worse than a pagan, 1164, all. Unkind to Henry the ●ight that brought him up, the manner of his death an● distribution of his goods, 1165, a 10, 20, etc. Deceaseth, described, 1162, a 60, earnest in burning the bones of the dead, b 10, articles touching the clergy to be inquired of in his visitation, 30, etc., and the laity, 1163, a 30. Of Praxed, liberal of the faculties: note 428, b 60, 429, a 10, etc. Uiviano of S. stephan's in mount Celio, 100, a 40. Of Winchester complained against by the duke of Gloucester, 620, a 50, etc. Otherwise called the rich cardinal, deceaseth: note, 627, b 20. Woolseie. ¶ See Woolseie.  
Cardinal cometh into England, receiving an oath not to prejudice the realm, 239, b 60. He maketh shift for money, 240, a 10. Two, john and Peter sent into England in commission from the pope, 8, b 60. Two rob and the robbers executed, 323, a 60, they cursle the Scots, 3, b 10. Two from the pope to accord the two kings of England and France, 377, b 50. Two come into England about a treaty of peace 354, a 30. Their return to Rome, a 60. Appointed to treat a peace between England and France, 406, b 30. Sent to the king of England and France, to treat of peace, they gather money, 295, a 10.  
Cardinals of England all from the first to the last, collected, 1165, b 10, etc., 1166, 1167, 1168.  
Careie George knight desirous of combat with the lord Fleming, his letter of challenge, and reply to a former answer, 1218, a 10, 30, b 30  
Carew baron slain with a bullet shot, 817, b 10. Knight taken of the French, 960, b 60. Beheaded: note, 946, a 60. Used as an instrument to appease rebellion in Devon, 1015, b 30. Charged with the rebellion in Devonshire, 1022 b 30. ¶ See Dinham.  
carlil destroyed by the Danes, repaired and peopled by William Rufus, 19, b 50, 60. Assaulted by the Scots, 447, b 40  
Carter an Englishman serving among the French, but to their disadvantage, an hardy soldier, and good servitor, 997, a 20, b 10  
Cassimere ambassador from the emperor Maximilian: note, 791, a 30. His coming into England, receiving at London, going to the court, made knight of the garter, 1271, b 10, etc.  
Castle of Banbourgh how won and gotten, 21, b 50. Yielded unto king William Rufus, 21, b 60. Of Beaver summoned to yield to king john, 189, a 30. Of Biham yielded, 203, a 30. Chartleie and Beston built, 202, b 50. Of Doll in Britain belonging to earl Ralph, besieged, 11, b 40. Of Dover & Windsor could Lewis never subdue, 192, a 60. Yielded unto the queen, 49, a 10. Doth Lewis the French labour to get but in vain, 193, a 30. Of Durham by whom built, 10, b 60. Of Faringdon bui●●, 56, b 20. O● Fodringheie taken by dissimulation, 203, a 20. Galliard besieged and won by the French, 166, b 50. builded by Richard the first 155, a 60, b 10. Of Horn overthrown by William Rufus, 17, b 40. Of Huntingdon won, 92, a 60. Of Ma●uaisin built by William Ru●us, and why, 21, b 50. Of Montgom●rie built, 203, a 60. Woon by the Welshmen, 21. Of Newarke in whose keeping, 192, b 20. Where king john died, 194, a 60. Of Newberrie won, 59, b 30. Norham by whom begun, 42, a 40. Nottingham won by Richard the first, 142, a 60. In whose keeping, 192, b 60. Of Ramseie where Odolaie fortified against William Rufus, 17, b 40. Of Richmont near Gillingham builded, 7, b 10. Of Rochester. ¶ See Rochester. Of Rockingham, 25, a 10. Of Rutland builded, 67, a 30. Of Tickhill yielded, 142, b 10. Of Tunbridge yielded into William Rufus his hands, 17. b 40  
Castles besieged and surrendered to Lewis the French kings son, 198, b 20. Won by the bishop of Durham, 307, a 40. builded by duke William for the suppressing of rebellions, 6, a 40. Fortified by king john, 192. Besieged by bishops, 142, a 30, 40. Delivered to king Richard the first, 128, a 60. Delivered by the king of Scots, 95, a 30. Won by the Scots, 91, a 60. Held by great men against king Stephan, 48, b 60. licensed to be builded, 47, a 30. Many builded in king stephan's days, 65, a 10. In number 1115 to be razed, 61, b 20. Fortified by the bishop of Winchester, 54, a 20. Built by the bishop of Salisbury, 50, b 20. Recovered by K. Stephan, 50, a 50. Of Bristol & Cardiff, &c: by whom builded, 37, a 50. Fortified against Henry the first, 30, a 30  
Castle seen in the air and armed men, 395, a 60  
Casteller. ¶ See Shoemaker.  
Castille invaded by the duke of Lancaster and the king of Portugal, 450, a 30. Philip king thereof saileth out of Flanders into Spain, cast by casualty of sea upon the English coasts, promiseth to deliver to Henry the seventh the earl of Suffolk, 794, a 20, 30, 50  
Cat hanged in Cheap disguised like a mas●ing priest, 1102, b 50  
Cataia. ¶ See Frobisher.  
Catesby and his conditions described, 722, a 30  
Cavendish lord chief justice of England beheaded by the rebels, 434, b 10, 20  
Cementarius and his mischéefous preaching, 173, b 60  
Chancellor lord elected bishop, 20, b 10  
Chancellors of England first & last laid down in a collection, 1272, a 30, 1273, etc. 1286, b 60  
Chancery court by whom instituted, 8, a 60. It and king's-bench kept at York, & from thence removed to London, 480, a 10  
Channel from Torkseie to Lincoln made by hand, 42, a 40  
Chapel of our lady of peace, 486, b 60  
Chapels none to be newly built without the bishop's consent, 30, b 40  
Charing cross and others erected, 285, b 40  
Charles de Ualois chaseth the Englishmen, his return into France, 294, a 40, b 60. Sent to Bruges, and disappointed of his prey, 304, b 40, 50, ¶ See French king.  
Charles james young prince of Scots christened, 1209, b 50  
Charity of Henry the fift, 566, b 20. Of Henry the seventh, 797, a 20. Of Londoners towards the hospitals, 1083, a 10, etc. Of sir Rowland Hill: note, 1060, b 50, 60. Of William Lamb esquire, 1311, a 60, b 10, etc., 1312, 1313. Of sir Andrew Jude, 1062, b 20. Of justice Randolph, 1349, a 40, 1354 a 40. Of archb. Parker, 1261, a 20, 30, etc. Of sir William Harper, 1194, b 40. Of sir Roger Manwood, 1377, a 60, b 10, etc. Of sir William peter's, 1227, b 50. Of David Smith, 1375, b 50, 1376. Of john Ligh a priest, 796, a 10, 20, etc. Of Kneisworth mayor of London, 792, b 10, 20. Of sir john Allen, twice mayor of London, 961, a 60, b 10, etc. Of George Monex maior of London, 830, a 30. Of Thomas Huntlow sheriff of London, 948, a 10. Of Thomas Gibson sheriff of London, 945, b 60. Of sir Thomas White, 1092, a 30. Of sir john Gresham, 1131, b 10. Preached before Edward the sixth, and the effects that followed: note, 1081 b 20, etc. It and concord in a commonwealth be things most necessary: note, 971, b 30 ¶ See Almshouses, Pity, and Mercy.  
Charta de Foresta, 308, b 10, 185, b 60, 207, a 40, 306, a 40.  
Charter of Alexander king of Scotland made to Henry the third, 233, b 60. The same confirmed by the pope, 235. Of articles concerning a league between Henry the third & the nobles of Wales, 226, b 60. Of the articles of David of Wales his submission, 227, b 60. Where Edward the first is acknowledged superior lord of Scotland, 286, b, 10, etc., 287, a all. Of king john's submission, as it was conveyed to the pope at Rome 177, b 50. Of Richard the first concerning tournaments. 146, a 10▪ Containing articles of the peace and agreement concluded betwixt the two kings read in S. Peter's church in York, 96, a 10. Of agreement between the king of England and the king of Conagh, 96, b 60. Of king Stephan and the pacification of troubles betwixt him and Henry fitzempress, 62, a 10. Of manumission granted to the rebels by Richard the second, 434, a 10. Blank sealed: note, 496, a 10, Confirmed under Henry the thirds acknowledgement and subscription of witnesses, 220, b 20. Canceled and much grieved at, 208, b 60.  
Chartres taken by treason notwithstanding the truce, 607, a 60  
Chastity of the lady Gray, and her wisdom, 726, a 50. Should such profess as would be admitted subdeacons, 30, b. 30. ¶ See Clergy.  
Charugage a certain duty for every plowland, 229, a 50  
Chaucer the English poet in what kings time he lived, 541 b 50. ¶ See Dukes.  
Chaumount Hugh taken prisoner. 152, a 10  
Cheek knight his deserved commendation: note 1055, a 50, 60, b 10, etc. His treatise showing how grievous sedition is to a commonwealth: note, 1042, 1043, etc., to 1055.  
Cheinie knight, lord warden of the cinque ports, authorised by Henry the eight to the christening of the Dolphin's daughter, 973, b 50, 60. An enemy to Wyatt: note, 1094, a 40. Henry the eights letter to him for a prescript form of demeanour in the English towards the French, 974, a 40, etc. Lord warden of the cinque ports his death, his old services at home and abroad, much spoken to his praise and honour: note, 1171, a 30, 40, 50, 60, b 10, 20, 30.  
Cheapside conduit builded, 704, b 10  
Cheshire made a principality, 492, b 40  
Cheshiremen guard Richard the second, 489, b 50. Slain: note, 523, b 60  
Chester abbeie by whom builded, 27, b 60. And who gave order thereto, 28, b 10. Earldom by whom possessed and enjoyed. 20 a 10  
Chierburgh besieged by the English, 562, b 50. Yielded to the Englishmen, 563, a 10. Delivered to the English, 420, a 10. Possessed by the English, 564, a 40  
Child of eleven years old speaking strange speeches, 1315. a 10, etc.  
Chime of saint Giles without Cripplegate to be maintained, 1312, a 60. ¶ See Bels.  
Chimniage. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Chinon taken by force of assault. 169, b 60  
Chisie William, a notable thief hanged, 124, a 20  
Christ and of a portion of his blood showed in a solemn procession, 240, a 40  
Christ counterfeit whipped, 1194, a 10. False apprehended and punished, 203, b 40, 50  
Christ's hospital erected, 1082, b 10  
Christians prevail against the Saracens at Damieta, 202, b 20. It envious discord, 134, a 20. beheaded by the Turks 133, a 30. And Saracens are a peace 135. Two hundred and threescore delivered from the captivity of the Turks, by means of one john Fox: note, 1310, b 20. ¶ See Saracens.  
Christianity abjured for money: note, 27, a 40  
Christianus a bishop of the Danes, & captain in war, 7, b 40  
Christine a queens sister, a nun ¶ See Margaret.  
Christmas royal, 807, a 40  
Christmas shows, 816, a 10  
Christmas called The still Christmas, 892, b 40  
Chronicles whereof and why so named, and their necessary use, 1268, 1269  
Chroniclers deserve a dutiful reverence, and why, 1268  
Church of saint Anthony's in London, when and by whom builded, 779, a 50. Of saint Dunstan's in the east defiled with blood: note, 562, a 20, etc. Of Elie dedicated: note, 246, b 30. Of Hales solemnly dedicated, 244, b 60, 245, a 10. Of Scotland obedient to the church of England, 97, b 10. Of England sore fléesed of her wealth, 18, b 30. Ruinated by the Danes in the north parts, and very scant: note, 11, a 20. Deprived of temporal prosperity, 256, a 50. Impropriat, and that the bishop of Lincoln had authority to institute vicar's in them, 246, a 40. Occupied by incumbents strangers of the pope's preferring, what grudge it bred: note, 214, a 60. Spoils advantage not the getter: note, 194, a 50. That for fear of the censure thereof the English pledges were released, 147, b 10, jewels etc., turned into money for Richard the first his ransom, 139, b 10. The state thereof in Beckets time, 77, a 60. livings restored by act of parliament: note, 1130, a 20. Cathedral to enjoy the right of their elections, 409, a 10. Overthrown by an earthquake, 440, b 40. In London stricken and broken by tempest, 1185, a 10. Made a kennel of hounds, revenged, 23, a 50. ¶ See Consecration, Fines, Inuestitures, Lands, Schism.  
Churchmen. ¶ See Clergy.  
Churchyard new near Bedlam first made, ●211, b 10  
Cicester, the situation thereof, 796, b 10  
Cicill knight commissioner into Scotland, about an accord of peace, 1192, a 30. Created lord treasurer, 1238, a 50. His descent, 1255, b 30  
Cipriots resist Richard the first his landing, and are pursued, vanquished, 127, a 60, b 10. Their offers in respect of his discontentment & loss, 127, b 60. Submit themselves and are received as his subjects, 128, a 40. Their king submitteth himself to Richard the first, 128, a 10. Stealeth away, & submitteth himself again, is committed prisoner and chained in gives of silver, 128, a 10, 60, b 10  
Circumcision for love of a jewish woman, 203, b 60  
Cisteaux monks. ¶ See monks white.  
City whereof it consisteth, 1046, b 50  
Cities their necessary use and service: note, 1047, b 10, 20, 30  
Citizens, ¶ See Londoners.  
Clergy their presumptuous authority restrained by acts, 239, b 40. Large offer to Henry the third in a parliament, 255, b 30. Deprived of their livings and liberties, 8, b, 60, and Normans preferred, 9, a 10. Ricked at by duke William, against whom note his malice, 9, a 10. Pinched by their purses, fret and ●ume against the pope's proceedings in that behalf, 252, b 30. Resist duke William's decrees, and are banished, 8, a 30 Hardly dealt withal, and out of order: note, 24, a 30. Of England complain to pope Urban against William Rufus, 18, b 40. Cardinal Pools articles concerning them, 1162, b 30. Grant half of all their spiritual revenues for one year to Henry the eight, 877, b 20. Complained of by the commons, 911, a 30. Both head and tail one with another against them, 911, b 10. In danger of a praemunire, their offer to Henry the eight 923, a 20, 30. The same pardoned, 923, b 10. Their submission to H. the eight: note, 923. Speak evil of Henry the eights proceedings in the reformation of religion, 941, a 20, 30. Convocation for the reforming of religion, 940, b 60. Complained of for their cruelty Ex officio. 928, a 20. The cause why so heinously offending was so favoured, 787, a 50, etc. Of two sorts and both desirous to spare their purses, 792, a 30. Of Excester against Henry the sixth and the duke of Summerset, in defence of their ecclesiastical privileges, 637, b 30. A bill exhibited against them in the parliament, 545, b 10. Libels against them cast abroad 558, b 20. sorely bridled, 475, a 30. Inueied against of the Wicklevists. 481, b 60. They complain of them to the king, 482, a 10. Ignorant and covetous in Richard the seconds time: note, 508 a 30. Maintained by archbishop Arundel of Canturburie, 526, a 20, 30, etc. Favoured of Henry the fourth, 536, a 50. Displeased by Henry the firsts doings, 31, a 40. Of England consisted most of priests sons, 34, a 20. Exempted from dealing in any temporal cause or office, 30, b 20. To keep no women in their house: except, etc., 34, b 10. Of liberties obtained for them, 99, a 40. Against Henry the second, whom he laboureth to bridle, 70, a 10. A heavy time for them: note, 172, a 50. In what awe they had K. john, 180, b 20, etc. Repining against king john, 184, b 30. More malicious to K. john than he deserved, 196, a 20, 30, etc., b 20. Complain to Henry the third against the collections for the pope, 225, a 10. Of Durham glad to fly into the holy Island, 7, b 60. Paid a tenth sooner than the time appointed, 355, a 40. Deposed for denying the subsidy, 406, ● 20. Presumptuous demenors, 335, a 30. Without head: note, 293, a 10. Grant half part of their livings to king Edward the first, 293, a 20. Grant the eleventh part of ecclesiastical things to Edward the first, 285, b 20. And tenths of spiritual livings to Edward the first, 285, b 50. Continue in denial of a subsidy, 301, b 60. Excuse to be free from subsidies, etc., 301, b 40. Their pride abhorred of Edward the first, 316, b 20. Oppressed complain, & the same redressed, 315, b 30. Fined, but the temporalty pardoned: note▪ 201, b 60. In a miserable case, 302, a 40. Pinched with courtesies, benevolences, and aids: note, 315, a 30. Maintained & defended by archbishop Richard of Canturburie, 213, a 50. Sore gréened at the pope's exactions, 224, b 40, etc. ¶ See Bishops, Churchmen, and Priests.  
Clerk knight, a valiant captain, 422, a 50  
Clinton lord admiral, sent against the rebels in the north, 1212, b 40. Sent out against Breast, 1149, b 60. His service in Scotland, 986, 987, 988, 989, b 50. Deceaseth, 1378, b 50, 1379, a 10  
Clinton Gefferie, a noble man accused of treason, 43, b 50  
Clinton Atkinson. ¶ See Pirates.  
Clothiers in diverse places relieved, 1311, b 40. In Burton had two hundred pounds lent gratis for ever, 1369, b 30  
Clippers of gold. ¶ See Coin.  
Cn●to with certain Danes, arriveth in England: note, 11, b 30  
Cobham lord with his new supply of soldiers, valiant, 998, a 10, 40. Condemned: note, 493  
Cobham lord unable to resist Wyatt and his power, 1095, b 50. Made of the privy council, 1434, b 60. His lineal descent, 1505, b 30, etc.  
Cock of Westminster. ¶ See Casteller.  
Cognisances. ¶ See Badges.  
Coin base, 963, b 10. New, 10●0, b 50. Of small pieces, as six pence, etc., 1194, b 50. New of sundry sorts, 1193, b 50. Thirty barrels carried over sea for foldiours pay, 229, b 20. Of sundry sorts in England currant, prohibited by proclamation, 309, a 20. ¶ See Money. Of Edward the first amended, 280, a 20. Of groats and half groats, first coined, 380, b 10. To be inhansed or abased, 400, b 40. Disannulled, and degrees of Florensmade, 367, a 30. New of gold called the Floren, 366, a 10. Of Ireland reform, 174, b 30. Altered, 67, a 40. Of Henry the seconds changed in form, and why, 104, a 30. Cracked, wherein note Henry the firsts art, 45, b 10. Changed, 540, a 40. Embased, 1066, b 40. New stamped, 667, b 10. diverse sorts newly ordained, 791, b 60. Of gold set at their valuation, 893, b 60. Salute, 578  
Coin clipped an ordinance for the same: note, 241, a 10  
Coin clippers, washers, etc., searched for, 279, b 30  
Coin clippers both gold and silver, executed as traitors, 2262, a 40: note, 1270, a 30  
Coin counter●ettors executed, 1271, a 60, 1211, a 60  
Coiner executed, 792, a 20  
Colchester castle besieged, and delivered to king john, 190, b 30  
Collect devised in honour of Thomas Becket: note, 85, b 20. ¶ See Prayers.  
Collection. ¶ See officers.  
Collingborne a favourer of the earl of Richmond, his purpose to aid him at Pool in Dorsetshire, indicted to be a libellor against the king, he is executed, 746, b 10, etc.  
Collingham a valorous gentleman of Sussex, 192, a 50  
Colony of southern men planted in Carlell, 19, b 60  
Combat appointed at Tuthill, in a controversy of land, but not tried: note, 1225, b 60, 1226, a 10, etc. With the lord Fleming, sued for by sir George Careie, 1218, a 10. Fought at Westminster, 379, b 50. In a case of debate, appointed and disappointed, 381, a 10. Required betwixt the king of England & France, for trial of all matters in controversy between them 152, a 30. Purposed in a controversy of lands, 100, b 50. Betwixt Henry de Essex, and Robert de Montfort, 67, a 20. Fought betwixt two esquires of differing nations, 446, a 60. Between two dukes, stayed by Richard the second, 493, a 60. Appointed between the duke of Lancaster, and the duke of Norfolk, 494, b 30, etc., 495, a 10, etc. Between a knight and an esquire, with the manner thereof: note, 424, b 50, 425, a 10, etc. For trial of treason, in what case lawful: note, 424, b 10. Between two Scotish gentlemen, accusing each other, 992, b 60, 993, a 10. Between Henry the fift, and monsieur Baulbason, 577, a 10, 60, b 10, etc. Upon trial of manhood between an Englishman & a French, 628, b 40. Appointed and disappointed, 626, b 10. Between julian Romeron, and Marrow, 974, b 60. The French king challengeth the emperor thereto, and giveth him the lie, 905, b 60  
Comet. ¶ See Blasingstar.  
Commandment bloody, executed on the English, 10, b 10  
Common crier for say of household stuff, 1207, a 50  
Commons proponed certain articles against the duke of Suffolk, 631, a 30  
Commotion of the commons in diverse parts of the realm, by reason of the great subsidy, and other oppressions, 429 a 60, b 10, etc. In Summersetshire & other places: note, 1002, a 40. In Yorkshire, 672, a 10. In Norwich against the prior of the place: note, 626, a 60. ¶ See Insurrection, Rebellion, and Subsidy.  
Communion book and common prayer published, 996, b 10. Confirmed, 1066, a 60.  
Communion in both kinds, 980, a 10. Received of six bishops, 1185, a 60  
Company lewd, and what mischief and disorder it worketh, 318, b 10. With ill counsel how mischéefous, 321, b 10  
Compassion of an Englishman to a French, 628, b 50. Of Perkin Warbeck counterfeit, 781, a 40  
Compiegne surrendered to the English by a policy, recovered from the French, 587, a 60, b 30.  
Complaint out of England to Rome against Henry the third, 222, b 30. Made to the pope by the monks of Christ's church of their archbishop, 153, a 20. Of Becket to the pope, 72, b 50. Of Anselme to the pope against William Rufus, 26, a 10. ¶ See Clergy.  
Compremise. ¶ See abitrement.  
Compulsion voluntary, 1015, a 30  
Conan the son of Alane earl of Britain, married to a king's daughter, 7, b 30  
Concubine of the duke of Lancaster married unto him, 485, b 60, 486, a 10. Of the duke of Gloucester, whom he marrieth, 590, a 60. Three of Edward the fourth, 725, a 10. ¶ See Shores wife, Perers, and Priests.  
Concubines love to her paramour, notable, 149, b 60  
Conduit at Walbrooke new built, 1211, a 60. In Holborn founded and finished, 1311, b 60. In Cheapside builded, 704, b 10. At Bishopsgate builded, 792, b 10  
Confession of the duke of Suffolk at his beheading, 1100, b 60, 1101, a 10. Of sir Thomas Palmer on the scaffold at Tower hill, 1090, a 60. Uoluntarie of Francis Throckmorton the traitor, written to queen Elisabeth, with his letters of submission: note, 1373, b 60, 1374, etc. Uoluntarie of Parrie the notable traitor that meant to have murdered the queen, 1384, b 60, 1385, 1386, 1387. Of the lady jane at her beheading, 1099, b 60, 1100, a 10. Of sir Thomas Wyatt, before judgement passed against him, 1104. Of the duke of Norfolk, when he should be executed on Tower hill: note, 1229, b 20, etc., 1230. Of Richard the first his lewd life: note, 126, b 10. Of jack Straw at the time of his death, 438, b 10. Of the duke of Summerset at his death on the Tower-hill, 1068, a 10, b 50. Of the lord Cromwell when he was beheaded, 951, b 20. Of Elisabeth Barton the holy maid of Kent, at her execution, 937, a 40. Auricular spoken against, and how the same was punished: note, 968, b 30  
Confirmation of children by the bishop, 1003, a 40  
Coniers knight, a captain of Durham tower, 101, a 20. Of rare valiantness, 672, a 50  
Conjunction of jupiter and Saturn, 484, b 40. Prophesied, but the prophesier deceived, 1356, b 30, etc.  
Coniuror suddenly dieth when a case of his should have been tried in law: note, 1271, a 20. Punished: note, 348, a 50, 60, b 10. Hanged, 1314, b 60  
Connagh in Ireland how seated, 81, b 60. A kingdom, 96, b 40. The king thereof entereth into the marches of England, he and his are vanquished, 212, b 50, 60. The king is taken and committed to prison, 213, a 10  
Conquer and diverse other places burnt by the lord admiral of England, 814, b 10. Taken and burned, 1151, a 10  
Conrade duke of Ostrich. ¶ See duke.  
Conscience guilty of an oftendor unquiet: note, 1228, b 50, 60. Guilty in extremity of sickness pincheth sore, 541, a 40. Grudging and accusing what a torment, 735, b 50. Troubled for offence of rebellion: note, 18, a 30. Guilty. ¶ See Suspicion.  
Consecration of bishop Samuel: note, 22, a 40. Of Richard archbishop of Canturburie disturbed by young king Henry, 85, b 60, 86, a 10. Of churches in what respect allowed, 30, b 50. Of Thomas archbishop of York upon his submission, and recovereth his pall 36, b 40. Of the archbishop of York deferred: note 35, all. Of bishops denied because of their investiture by the king: note, 31, a 60, b 10. Of the archbishop of Canturburie by pope Calixtus. 40, a 50. Of Eadmer, whereabout was contention, 41, a 20. Of the Lord's body, 1003, a 50, etc. Of an Irish bishop, 22, b 60  
Conspiracy against king William Rufus, to put him beside the crown, 17, a 10, 20, Of Robert earl of Northumberland, and why, 21, b 30. In Norfolk towards, and how extinguished: note, 1221, b 60, 1222, a 10. Of the lords against Henry the third, 209, a 50, 60, etc., b 10. Of Foukes de Brent, against Henry the third, and his ●oule end, 206, a 40. Against the lord chief justice, 205, a 40. To set prisoners at liberty, 333, a 30. Of lords against king john, 184, a 10, 185, a 30, etc. Of lords banding themselves against king john, 185, a 10. Of great men against king Stephan, 48, b 60. Disclosed, and the discloser slain, 531, b 40. What an ill event it hath, 530 a 40, 60, b 30, etc. A fresh against Henry the fourth, by the earl of Northumberland and others, 529, a 60. Of the Perseus' with Owen Glendouer, 521, b 50, 522, 523. Devised, but not practised, and yet punished: note, 520, a 10. etc. Against Henry the fourth & the parties executed, 516, ● 50, 60, b 10, etc. Of the noblemen strangely disclosed: note 515, a 10, 20. Of the abbot of Westminster against Henry the fourth: note, 514, b 20, Between the duke of Gloucester and the abbot of saint Albon, their purpose, & is disclosed, 488, b 10, 40, 50. Of Richard the second against the duke of Gloucester, 489, a 60. Of Frenchmen against the English, 568, b 60. Of nobles against Edward the fourth: note, 670, b 20, 30, 671, 672, etc. Of the parisians against the duke of Bedford punished with death, 586, a 60 At Excester against Richard the third, some of the parties executed, 746, a 10, 30. Of the duke of Buckingham against Richard the third, had ill success: note, 743, a 10, etc., 744, a 10, etc. Against Henry the seventh, and what an ill end it had, 765, 766, 767, a 10, etc. Against the prince falleth out alway to the conspirators shameful death, 790, a 30, 40. Traitorous: note, 941, upon a malcontentment. ¶ See Lincolneshiremen. Against the lady Elisabeth whiles she was in trouble, 1157, a 50, 60, b 10, etc. Against queen Marie, sorting to an evil end: note, 1132, a 20, 40, 60. Of queen Mary's death, and the offenders executed, 1117, a 60. ¶ See Duke of Buckingham, noblemans, Rebellion.  
Conspirators overthrown and discomfited: note, 18, a 10, 20. Extremely punished, and that diversly, 21, b 60. Uanquished and punished: note, 188, a 30, 40, An league, and invade Henry the seconds dominions, 87, b all. Against Henry the first, to put him b●side the crown, 29, b 20  
Constable. ¶ See France.  
Constables of England, called high constables, the office ending in the duke of Buckingham, 865, b 60, 866, etc.  
Constance the mother of duke Arthur. ¶ See Duke.  
Constance wife to Eustace sent home, 61, a 30  
Constancy of the archbishop of York, 256, b 40. Of the earl of carlil at his death, 334, a 60. In martyrdom, 536, a 60. Of a good jew in christianity, 27, a 60  
Constantia the daughter of Margaret countess of Britain, how married, 7, b 30  
Constantinople the emperor thereof cometh into England, 222, a 60  
Contention betwixt the earls of Leicester and Gloucester, 261, b 10. Between the two princes of Wales pursued: note, 226, b 20, etc. Betwixt prelates, 244, b 10. Between Henry the third, and the bishop of Lincoln, 228, b 40. Betwixt Fredrick the emperor and pope Innocent, 224, b 30. Betwixt two Welsh princes for the principality, 224, b 10. Between the archbishop of Canturburie and the earl of Kent, 213, a 40, etc. Newly broached by the archbishop of Canturburie, 204, b 60. Betwixt the earls of Leceister and Gloucester, 259, a 60. About the choosing of the emperor, 155, a 20. Between bishops for superiority, 133. a 60. Betwixt two ambitious bishops, 121, a 50. Between Henry the second and Thomas Becket, 68, b 20. Between bishops, 36, b 60, 37, a 10. About the election of the mayor of London, 445, a 60. Hot between William Rufus & Anselme, 24, 25. ¶ See Discord, Dissension, Uariance.  
Contracts of marriage to be void without witnesses, 30, b 60. ¶ See Marriage.  
Contribution appointed by Henry the second, 74, a 60  
Controversy betwixt king Henry the third, and the bishop of Winchester, 231, b 60, 232, a 10. About the crown of Scotland, 285, b 60, 286, a all. Between the archbishop of Canturburie & the monks 120, b 10, Betwixt the nobles and peers appeased by Henry the first, 38, a 60. ¶ See Combat and Contention.  
Convocation at Westminster called by bishop Longchamp, 129, a 20. ¶ See Council and Synod.  
Cook Anthony. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Coplan● refuseth to deliver his prisoner the king of Scots to any except to the king of England, 376, a 60  
Copsti slain by Osulfe, 13, a 30  
cords lord a Frenchman maketh advantage of occasion, 770, a 60. His malicious and foolish words, 771, a 20  
Cornishmen strong archers, 782 b 10. Rebel against Henry the seventh, their shameful end, 781, b 20, 30, &c: 782, a 10, etc.  
Coronation solemn and stately of Richard the second, 416, a 60, b 10, etc., 417, a 10, etc. Of Richard the first royal, 118, a 30  
Corpus Christi college in Oxford, by whom and when founded, 839, b 50, 60  
Cosneie besieged by the Dolphin, & rescued by the duke of Bedford, 582, b 40, 60  
Cotteshold sheep transported into Spain, 668, b 50  
Coventrie the queens Henry the sixts wife secret harbour. 654, a 30. She is a better captain than the king her husband, 654, a 50. The church when and by whom joined to the see of Chester, 27, b 60  
Covetousness of Henry the first: note, 37, a 60. Of Cardinal Uiviano noted, 100, a 10, b 10 Of the emperor, having Richard the first his prisoner, 137, a 30 Of the emperor notable against honesty and honour, 141, a 20, 30, 40, 50. To be noted in Richard the firsts demands, 124, b 40. Of king john, 184, b 20. Of cardinal Gualo, 187, b 20. Of Gualo notable, 193, a 20. Of duke William, 8, a 40, b 50. Of William Rufus, 18, b 10, 20, b 10. Purchased Henry the seventh hatred among his people, 791, b 20, 30, 40. Of two monks, 18, b 50. Of officers in a collection, 139, a 60. Inveighed against, 213, a 60, b 10. Of money the cause of murder: note, 1228, b 20, etc. Cloaked with an excuse, 37, b 10. ¶ See Flemings, and Rome.  
Council held at Rockingham castle: and why, 25, a 10. Held at London, 204, b 60. General summoned by the pope, 236, b 20, 237, a 10, etc. In Edward the thirds ship, 368, a 10. Of the clergy called by the cardinal, 181, b 40. At York, 322, a 60. At Westminster by the archbishop of Canturburie, 162, a 10. At Winchester and traitors proclaimed, 143, b 10. At Canturburie, 120, b 20. At Pipewell, 119, a 60. At London by king Henry the first, and why, 34, a 30. At Oxford, 68, a 60. At Clarendon, 70, a 30. At Tours, 69, a 60. General at Rome, 102, b 20. At Westminster, 85, a 60. At Gattington, 111, b 60. Of bishops, 71, a 20. At Castill, called by K. Henry the second. 82, a 40. Of lords at Clarkenwell, 108, b 30. General at Pisa, 535, a 20. Provincial, 535, a 20. At Stamford, 477, b 30. At Nottingham, and who present, 456, a 60. General at Constance, 547, a 40. General the prerogative of the English nation, 558, a 60. Of Henry the sixth, most spiritual persons: note, 622, b 60. ¶ See Assembly, Folkmote, Parliament, & Synod.  
Counsel good, the want whereof a cause of committing foul sins: note, 18, b 10. Evil of nobles to duke Robert, to put king William his brother from the crown, 17 a 10, 20. Good of Lanfranke to William Rufus, to win and keep favour of people, etc., 16, b 10. Of strangers followed, homebred refused, 231, a 30 Good given, and safely followed: note, 215, a 10, 20, 30. That bred grudge and mislike between Henry the third and his nobles, 205, b 40. Evil turneth to the hurt of the counsellor, 205, a 40. Evil of a bishop to his sovereign, against the commonwealth, 204, b 60. Evil falleth out ill to the counsel giver: note, 204, a 40, 50. Evil and lewd company how mischievous, 321, b 10. Good given, ill rewarded, 332, a 40. Good not to use cruelty, 188, a 30. Good ill requited, 184, b 20. Given for the which the counsellors were cursed, 168, b 50, 60, 169 a 10. Of evil persons to the son against the father, dangerous to a state, 86, a 50, b 10 Evil sorteth ill to the counsellor, 112, a 50. Lewd fa●leth ou● ill ●0 the counsellor, 28, b 30. Evil and dangerous, 430 b 20. Good neglected, 447, b 50. Evil and what inconvenience followeth it: note, 507, b 50. Taken how to deal with the lords that conspired against Richard the second, 458, b 20. evil how prevalent and mischievous, 670, b 30, 50, etc. Of the lord Hastings to his acquaintance: note, 675, b 10. Of a damsel to the duke of Clarence, 675, a 10, 20. Good regarded of a king: note, 8▪ 2. Ill given to a king, 248, a 60. Evil given & followed: note, 12, a 40. covetous & mischéefous of the earl of Hereford practised, 8, b 60. ¶ See warnings.  
Counter in Woodstréet not ancient, 1129, b 40  
Counterfeit of Richard Plantaganet, 775, a 60  
Counterfeit earl of Warwick, 785, a 30  
Counterfeit king Edward the sixth, whipped, and executed as a traitor, 1127, a 40, and b 10  
Counterfeit king Richard the second, 515, a 50, 525, b 10  
Counterfeit duke of York. ¶ See Perkin Warbeck.  
Counterfeit Christ whipped. 1194, a 10  
Counterfeit to be possessed with the devil, punished by doing open penance, 1259, b 60  
Counterfeit spirit in a wall without Aldersgate, 1117, b 60. ¶ See Dissimulation and Dissemblers.  
Counterfeiting of licences, and antedating them, 953, a 20 ¶ See Antedating.  
Counterfeiting of queen Elisabeths' hand, punished as an offence tresonable, 1227, b 60, 1315, a 40  
Countess of Bierne a woman receiveth soldiers pay, 230, 30. Of Boughanhir punishment for setting the crown on Robert Bruise his head: note, 314, a 10. Of Oxford practice to brute that Richard the second was alive, 525, a 60. Committed to prison, 525, b 20. Deceaseth, 702, b 40, 237 b 20  
Countess of Provence cometh over into England, 231 b 50.240, b 20. Dealeth unjustly wi●h Henry the third her son in law, 238, a 40  
Countess of Richmond and Derbie, etc., mother to Henry the seventh, 678, a 60  
Countess of Salisbury beheaded, being the last of the right line and navy of Plantagenet, 953, a 60  
Countess of Warwick taketh sanctuary, 685, b 50  
Court, certain lords, ladies, and others put out of Richard the seconds court, 463, a 50, 60  
Court misliked, 496, a 60  
courtney lord, prisoner in the Tower, he hath privy enemies, 1101, b 10, etc., 1102, a 10, etc.  
courtney earl of Devonshire goeth over into Italy, deceaseth, descended of the blood royal, 1129, a 20, 30  
Couper. ¶ See Follie.  
Cox doctor the duke of Summersets ghostly father at his death, 1069, a 40  
Cranmer arraigned of treason, 1093, a 30. Nominated archbishop of Canturburie, 929, b 30. He, Latimer & Ridlie sent to Oxford to dispute, 1102, b 60. Committed to the tower, 1090, b 60. Examined, condemned, burned, described, 1131, b 20, 30, 60  
Credulity how mischéefous, 780, a 40, 50, &c: 781, a 10, etc.  
Creichton a Scot apprehended with diverse plots for invasion of this realm, 1387, b 60  
Creplegate builded, 705, b 40  
Crispin William taken prisoner, 33, a 40. ¶ See earl.  
Crofts knight, general of Hadington, 996, b 60 Examined touching the lady Elisabeth, 1154, a 60. Went to talk with the queen of Scots, 1188, a 10. His military service in Scotland, 1187, a 30  
Crotoie besieged by the duke of Burgognie, & rescued, 616, b 10  
Crome at Paul's cross recanteth, 973, b 30, 40.  
Cromwell sometimes cardinal Wolf's servant, advanced to Henry the eights service, 913, b 20. Master of the jewel house▪ 929, b 50▪ Created lord and keeper of the privy scale, 941, a 10. Made knight of the garter, 944. b 20. Lord earl of Essex, & great chamberlain of England, 950, b 50, 60. Committed to the Tower, 951, a 10. The words he spoke at his death, 951, b 20. A description of him by sundry circumstances, b 60, 952, a 10, 20, etc.  
Cross called the black cross, 347, b 30. Of the bishop of Elie and the print thereof, 131, b 60. The sign thereof solemnly used by the duke of Lancaster, 505, b 30. And the privilege of those that took upon them the same, 191, a 60. Preached against Manfred, 252, b 10. Seen in the air long and large, with a crucifix, 113, b 30. In Cheap defaced: note, 1321, b 30.  
Crosses red, white, and greéne differencs of nations: note, 111, b 10  
Crosby knight his gift to the city of London, 702, a 50  
Crown established by act of parliament: note, 937, a 60. And what king john did for fear to be deprived thereof, 7, b 30. Entailed, 514, a 20. ¶ See oath, Parliament, Succession.  
Crown of sedges and bulrushes set upon the duke of York's head in derision, 659, b 50  
Cruelty paid with sudden mischief, 664, b 20. Of the Britan's and Flemings, 525, a 50. Beastly and barbarous, 528, a 30. Restrained by God's judgement, 147, a 40, 50. Without direction of justice, 173, b 30 Of king john by the preaching of Cementarius a preacher, 173, b 60. Of duke William against the English, 14, a 20, 8, a 30, 40, b 50. Of the Scots, 299, a 60. Of king Malcolme against the English, 10, b 10. Of the papists in queen Mary's time toward the martyrs, 1363, a 40, 50. joined with victory, 23, a 50. And extremity showed unto gentlemen by rebels, 1052, b 20. ¶ See Frenchmen.  
Culpepper undermarshal of Calis, 819, b 30  
Culuerings seven, called the seven sisters, taken from the Scots, 829, a 60. ¶ See Guns.  
Cumberland ●ore spoiled by the Scots. 447, b 40  
Cumin Robert captein against the Northumber's in a rebellion, 6, b 10  
Curcie john Winneth Dun in Ulster, 100, a 30. His valiantness, 100, b 40  
Curcie Robert slain, 67, a 10  
Curfue, or cover few, when and why first instituted, 6, a 50  
Curse of duke William against Robert his rebellious son, 12. a 40. Or archbishop Gefferie of York, 170, b 50. Of Thomas Becket for curtailing his horse, 79, b 60. Of the pope against the archbishop of York: note, 256, b 40. Against the troublers of peace, 273, a 40. Upon the people of the south parts of England, 214, b 30. Against the breakers of Oxford statutes, 262, a 10. For oppressing of the poor, and how feared: note, 175, a 40. Of a legate to Lewis the French kings son, 200, a 10. A great piece of ecclesiastical discipline in old time: note, 35, b 60, 36, a 10. Every sunday to be read, 31, a 20. ¶ See Pope.  
Curses of the oppressed heard and revenged: note, 1066, a 50  
Curthose Robert, Henry the first his brother, dieth for grief, 44, b 50  
Custom that the kings of England's eldest sons were ever made dukes of Normandy, 38, a 30. Of buying and selling of men like oxen & kine, 31, a 10. Of wool, and the augmentation thereof grudged at: note, 304, b 10. Raised to an higher prices, 303, a 40    


D.  
DArcie lord knight of the garter, general of a power sent against the moors, 808, b 60. His company ready at Plymouth, honourably received of the king of Aragon's council, discontented at a bishop's declaration, 809, b 10, 40, 60. His return out of Spain. 810, a 40  
Dacres lord arraigned, but found clear to his great honour, 937, b 60. arraigned for murder, executed at Tyburn: note, 954, a 40, 60. Rebelleth, 1213, a 20. Flieth into Scotland, 1213, a 50  
Dale pewterer his fault and releasement after long imprisonment: note, 968, b 30  
Damieta, 202, a 40. ¶ See Saracens.  
Dampfront yielded to Henry the fift, 563, a 20  
Damport one of the guard hanged for robbing, 953, a 60, b 10  
Danes rob the English merchants, and win great prizes, 485, a 10. Arrived in England to join with the rebels against duke William, and return doing nothing, 11, b 30. Winter betwixt Ouse and Trent, 7, a 40. Wasted and ruinated religious places in the north parts, 11, a 20. Under the conduct of Canute, etc. prevail mightily in the North, 6, b 50, 7 a 30. ¶ See Normans, Sweine.  
Darlington knight, lord guardian of London, removed, 478, a 60, b 10  
Daubeneie lord with others sent against the French king, his feats of arms, 770, b 10, etc. Henry the seavenths chief chamberlain, 779, a 60. Deceaseth, 795, b 10  
David of Wales revolteth, and becometh a rebel, 280, b 60. Condemned of treason, & executed, 282, a 60, b 10  
Debate betwixt the dukes of Lancaster and Brunswike, 381, a 10. Betwixt the townsmen and scholars of Oxford: note, 381, b 20. And how it was ended and taken up, 382 a 50, 60, b 10, etc. ¶ See Contention.  
Debt of Henry the third, three hundred thousand marks, 252, a 20. Henry the thirds sparing to bring him out of it, 242, b 20. Maketh foes of friends: note, 312, a 20  
Dedication of churches. ¶ See Church.  
Deed of gift with the form thereof in duke William's time, 7, b 10  
Delays did not William Rufus use, but exceeding speed: note, 23, b 20. Breedeth loss: note, 17, b 60  
Demands of the pope of a large tenth, 210, b 60. Out of spiritual livings in England, 208, a 40, 50. In a treaty of peace, 160, b 20. Moderated, 480, a 60. Hard, that hindered the peace between England and France, 410, a 60, b 10. Too large, & hinder the concluding of peace, 362, a 60. Very large for a dowry of gold and silver, 124, b 40. Unreasonable, 233, a 50, 60. Presumptuous of the French king concerning peace, 388, b 10  
Deny Edward. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Denmark king arriveth in England, the city of London banquet him, he departeth into Flanders, 878, a 60, b 10. Invested into the order of the garter, 1348, a 50  
Derision of the Englishmen in a ●ime, 347, a 40. Of queen jone, called jone Make-peace, 347, b 50. Of the duke of York aspiring to the crown, 659, b 50. Lewis his fair, 200, b 10  
Dearth, 381, a 50. Of corn, 473, a 20, 204, b 30, 292, b 40. Increaseth, 323, a 30, 260, a 10. By means of rain, 404, b 60, 58, a 60. By extreme cold weather, 217, b 50. After a wet season, 898, b 40. Or victuals: note, 959, b 50, 616, b 10. 237, b 50. For space of three years, 156, b 60. Made markets dear, 284, b 20. Through out all England, 150, b 30. exceeding great, 257, a 40. In Henry the thirds camp: note, 248, b 50  
Dearth and plenty, 1133, a 30. Without scarcity and plenty to them that had money, 1259, b 10. Where none needed, 476, b 40  
Dearth and death, 323, b 50, 258, a 30, 97, a 50, 323, a 10, 351, a 40. ¶ See Scarcity.  
Desire hard to be bridled: note 576, a 10  
Desmond john his miserable end: note, 1366, a 10, etc. ¶ See more in earl of Desmond.  
Desperation, 677, a 10  
Destiny cannot be avoided, 639 b 10  
Death of great personages, 312, b 30, 295, b 60, 263, a 10, 247, a 20, 236, a 50, 239, a 60, 241, a 50, 240, b 10, 352, b 10, 20, 231, b 10, 244, b 40, 230, b 50, 228, b 50, 223, b 30, 514, b 10, 1171, b 50, 60, 795, b 10, etc. 30, 791, a 10, 950, a 60, 944, b 60, 108, a 30, etc., 481, a 20, 30. In Spain through heat of that country, 450, a 60, b 10, 395, b 30, 237, b 30. And multitudes of people, 410, a 30. Of learned bishops, 249, a 10. In one year, 778, b 20. Of seven aldermen in London within the space of ten months, 1209, b 60. ¶ See Aldermen.  
Death preferred before loss of money, 252, b 40. Great by the flux, 537, a 20. Of people, 21, a 30. Desperate of Summeruile, 1366, a 20. In Winter, 892, b 30. Of much people in London, etc., 825, a 60. By strange diseases: note, 1132, b 10. By the sword preferred before famishment, 166 b 20. Of old people, 1142, a 50. After a great dearth, 97, a 50. Of horse and men in the English host, 445, b 30. In the North countries, with spoil done by the Scots, 422, b 60 In York and sundry other places, 475, b 10. Of men and beasts, called the third mortality, 404, b 20. After a sort sudden, 397, b 50. Most men, few women, 395, a 50. Of people betwixt Candlemas and Easter, 379, b 30. Lamentable, 323, b 50. It endeth discord: note, 395, a 60. ¶ See Burial.  
Death sudden of sir Thomas Gresham, 1310, b 50. Of a woman that forswore herself. ¶ See Perjury. Of a sorcerer: note, 1271, a 20. Of queen Anne, the wife of Richard the third, 751, a 40. Sudden and dreadful of a blasphemous preacher, 1128, b 60, 1129, a 10. Of a merciless & tyrannical bishop, 1130, a 60. Of the earl of Suffolk: note, 440, a 10. ¶ See abbot.  
Death and dearth, 323, a 10, 258, a 30, 217, b 50, 953, a 10: note, 1049, a 10, 404, b 60, 378, b 20, 30. ¶ See Mortality, Plague, Pestilence, & Sweeting sickness.  
Devotion superstitious of Henry the young prince: note, 107 a 20. ¶ See Moor knight.  
Diches about London cleansed, 789, b 40, 50  
Diet of free cost: note, 1425, b 60 Moderated by an ordinance made by the mayor and aldermen, 959, b 60, 960, a 10. Excessive restrained, 111, b 40 A statute concerning it: note, 396, a 50  
Digbie Edward. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Digcon, ¶ See Gun.  
Dimmocke knight his challenge at Richard the thirds coronation, 734, a 40. The king's champion, the manner of his tenure at a coronation, 802, a 20. His championlike office, 1180, a 40  
Dinham esquire high treasurer of England, 650, b 30. Ualiant, 651, a 20. He and baron Carew with their powers come to Excester, 676, a 40.  
Diram and Culpepper queen Katharins' paramours, arraigned at Guildhall, executed, 954. b 30, 60, 955, a 10  
Discord what cometh of it, 406, a 10. Unnatural of brethren abhorred, 30, a 10. Between the French king and his nobles, 103, b 40. Between Henry the second and the French king, 107, b 30. Causing civil war that might have been foreseen 83 a 10. Mainte●ned between sons by the mother, 86, b 60 87, a 10. Sown betwixt Henry the father and Henry the son, 84, a 20. increaseth between Henry the second and Thomas Becket: note, 69. b 40. Envious among the christians, 134, a 20. Betwixt the pope and the emperor, 75, b 10. Betwixt the cardinal and the archbishop of Canturburie, 182, a 40. Betwixt king john and his barons, with the causes, 184, b 20. It and concord with their differing effects, 1054, b 20. What it breedeth, 672, b 40. In an army the hinderer of all profitable enterprises, 126, a 30. Civil, & inconveniences thereof, 636, a 30, b 20. etc., 60. Among the French nobles, 557, a 60. giveth opportunity to the enemy: note, 19, b 10. Offereth occasion of invasion: note, 21, b 20. How inconvenient, 1, a 40, 50. About trifles, and how unhappy it fell out, 13, b 30, etc. Betwixt savoury de Ma●leon and the earl of Salisbury, 206, a 20. Betwixt the Norman mariners and them of Baion, 288, b 30. Betwixt Edward the firsts men and the Gantners, 306, a 50 Betwixt priests and friars, 392, a 20. Of three or four years ended by the death of one man, 395, a 60. ¶ See Contention and Malice.  
Disme granted of the clergy, 409, a 10. To Edward the first and his brother, 277, b 10. To Henry the third by the pope, for one whole year, 271, b 10  
Disobedience of the bishop of Norwich to Richard the second punished, 445, a 20. Of the archbishop Thurstane against Henry the first, 38, b 10. To Richard the firsts commandment, 140, b 50. 10. Maintained, 86, b, all, 87, a 50. Of earl Robert of Leicester, 89, b 50. In Henry the son to Henry the second his father, 76, b 10, etc. 77, a 20. To the prince, a sin most abominable, 1044, a 40. To the king, is disobedience to God, 1004, b 60. Of a subject against h●s king sen●ing for him, 21, b 30. Of the nobles to Edward the first: note, 302, a 60, b 10. It and presumption of the bishop of Durham against Edward the first: note, 315, a 60, 99, b 10 ¶ See Rebel●ion.  
Dispensation. ¶ See Marriage, and Pope.  
Disputation of grammar scholars, 1129, b 10, etc.  
Dissemblers punished, 203, b 40, 50  
Dissension among the Noblemen, 451, b 40. Between Richard the second and the parliament house, 4 2, b 10. And his nobles, 458, a 30. The fruits thereof, 1052, b 40. In France made the earl of Richmond renew his suit, and put him to his shifts, 752, a 60 He hath men and money of the French king for hostages, he is grieved at the news of king Richard the thirds intended marriage with his niece, 752, b 30, 50, Civil among Noblemen, prosecuted with sword and slaughter: note, 672, a 10, 60. b 10, etc. Betwixt the duke of Gloucester and the bishop of Winchester, 590, b 60, 591, a 10. etc. Orders taken by the lords for the pacifying thereof, 594, b 30, etc., 595, a 10, etc. 620, a 30, 50, etc. Civil and the inconvenience thereof, 645, b 20. Among the Scotish nobility, 531, b 40. Betwixt prince Edward and the earl of Gloucester, 262, a 60  
Dissimulation of Edward the seconds wife, 336, b 30. To avoid danger: note, 498, b 60, 490, a 10. Of young king Henry: note, 106, b 30. Notable of a wench counterfeiting a spirit, 1117, b 60. Of Wolseie, 909, a 10. Of the French king, 774, b 40. Of the duke of Gloucester dangerous, 715, b 40. To avoid imminent danger, 124, a 20. Of Richard the first did him no good: note, 135, b 50. Most profound and notable, 721, a 40. Singular of duke Richard the third, 731, b 10, 732, a 30, 40. Of the earl of Warwick, 667, b 20. Of the king of Cyprus, 128, a 10. Of Edward the fourth, to pass the countries without danger, and bring his purpose to pass, 679, a 40, etc., b 10, etc. Of the duke of Clarence, 681, b 60. Of the high constable of France, 695, a 50. Of the French king upon a naughty meaning, 698, b 30. With other ill quali●ies: note, 600, b 10, etc. Notable, 548, b 10. O● Parrie notorious, 1393, b 20, 1382, b 10. ¶ See Flattery and Policy.  
Devil appeareth in the likeness of a friar, 520, a 50  
Division in a realm, and the mortal mischief thereof, 630, b 60  
Divorce sought between honourable personages, 458, a 10. Between Henry the eight and queen Katherine. ¶ See Queen Katherine.  
Dog in a rochet under the name of Gardiner. 1143, a 20  
Dolphin of France commended, 560, b 20. Fléeseth his old mother of her treasure, and what mischief rose thereof, 560, b 30. Causeth solemn justs to be proclaimed at Paris, 833, a 10. etc. He is hurt in the hand, b 50. His secret malice, 60. cometh before Bullen with a great pow●r. 969, b 60. Causeth himself to be proclaimed king of France, 585, b 50. He is tempering with the English, 586, a 10. Sentence against him for the murder of john duke of Burgundy, 578, b 30. Pursued by Henry the fift, 580, b 60. Why called king of Berrie, 581, a 10. Calling himself king of Sicill, 552, a 40. Deceaseth, 556, a 60. Why the sun and heir of every French king is so called, 1141, b 60  
Dolphins taken in the Thames 1083, a 50. At London bridge 447, a 40  
Dover rob by the French, 295, b 10. A convenient and perpetual harborough for ships: 1545, a 10, etc. The castle invincible, 191, b 50. Delivered to Henry the third, 271, b 60. ¶ See castle.  
Dowry very large demanded: note, 124 b 40  
Drake sir Francis. ¶ See Uoiage.  
Drake sir Bernard knight, deceaseth, 1547, b 60, 1548, a 40  
Drake burning seen in the air 277, b 40.  
Dragon fiery seen in diverse places, 484, b 30. Two seen fight in the air, 216, b 30.  
Dream of a knight that had long hair: note, 46, a 10. Of Richard the thirds, foretelling him of his end, 755, a 50. Of William Rufus: note, 26, b 10. Of a monk concerning William Rufus, 26, b 20  
Dreams of Henry the first, strange and troublesome, 43▪ b 60. Horrible that vexed Richard the second, after the execution of the earl of Arundel, 492, a 20. Import somewhat to befall, 44, a 10. And prognosticat the true event of an action, 723, a 30  
Dreux besieged and rendered to the Englishmen, 580, b 30  
Dry wednesday, 818, b 20  
Drink more than ordinary taken, causeth forgetfulness of good advise, 26, b 30  
Drunkenness the overthrow of right and manhood: note, 626, b 20  
Drought, 284, a 40. In the spring, 249, a 30. At Michaelmas, 249, a 30. Great, 245, b 40, 785, a 30. exceeding great 381, a 40. ¶ See Summer.  
Drowning of a lad in a kennel, 1260, a 10. Of people, cattle, etc. by the breaking in of the sea, 220, a 60. Of above a thousand men in one place, and more in others: note, 423 a 60, b 10, etc.  
Drury captain his good service at the rebellion in Norfolk, 1038, a 40. Knight, his military service, his advancement, 1216, b 10, 40  
Duchess Katherine. of Suffolk hated of Stephan Gardiner: note, 1142, a 60, b 10, etc. Her trouble, persecution, and voluntary banishment, 1143, 1144, 1145. Of Gloucester deceaseth, 514, b 10. Of York mother to Edward the fourth, deceaseth, 779, b 10. Of Salisbury beheaded, 703 b 10. Of Bedford deceaseth, 607, b 50 Of Burgogne her appeal, 578, a 30. ¶ See Margaret. Of Saxony delivered of a child, 106, a 10, 107, b 60. Of savoy, sends for aid to king Henry the eight against the duke of Gelder's, 810, a 50 Bestoweth new coats on the English soldiers, 810, b 60. Of Angolesme meet about a treatise of peace, 909, b 60  
Duchmen come into England holding a contrary opinion to the Romish church, 68, a 50 Two of strange and monstrous stature, 1322, a 10  
Dudleie chosen sp●aker for the commons at the parliament, 791, b 60. ¶ See Empson.  
Dudleie knight lord admiral setteth forth from London towards Scotland, 961, b 40. Went into France to receive the French kings oath, his entertainment, 975, a 10, etc. Lord Howard impeacheth the French power, 1140, b 60. Lord Henry slain at the besieging of saint Quinuns, 1134, b 10, 20. Bishop of Durham of honourable descent deceaseth, 761, b 40. Robert, the creation of him baron of Denbigh, and earl of Leicester, 1207, a 60, b 10. ¶ See Earl.  
Duke Alan of Britain, 52, b 10, 51, b 60. Of Albany levieth an army to invade England, 875, b 20. Albert of Holland cometh into England, 556, b 60. An earnest mediator for peace, entereth in league with Henry the fift, 557, a 10, b 20 Albert of Saxony his policy to get the town of Dam▪ he sendeth for aid to Henry the seventh to win Sl●is. 772, a 20, 50  
Duke of Alencon cometh into England, 1322, a 40. Departeth out of England with all the nobility and gentlemen attending upon him, 1329 Attempteth diverse exploits unfortunately falling out, 1349, b 60. His ambition spreading like a canker, glad to retire notwithstanding a confident clamour, he sickneth, 1350, a all. Arriveth at Flushing, 1331, a 20. Received at Middleborough, 40. Refuseth to ride on horseback, b 60. Goeth to see the town of Ermwiden, 1332, b 10. His ships painted with his own colours, 20. He prepareth to make his entry into Antwerp, 40. His royal entertainment: note, 50. Created duke of Brabant▪ the states promise their loyalty, an offer of the marquesship of the sacred empire, &c: 1336, all. His posy, & strange habiliments, the order of his entering into Antwerp, 1337, a 10, etc. Saileth towards Antwerp, landeth at a village in Brabant, a theatre erected for him, kissing of his hand, his chair of estate, obeisance done to him, 1334, all. The state's loyalty unto him▪ his answer unto an oration made in their behalf, his promise even to the shedding of his blood, he is content to swear to articles agreed upon 1335, b 10, etc. Keys of Antwerp presented to him, a canopy carried over his head, 1338, a 10, 60. Ready to take his oath of the magistrates and people, it is read in French▪ he casteth largesse of gold & silver among the people, 1342▪ a 10, etc. The manner of his disease, 1351, a 10. His resoluteness to die, 50. Great hope conceived of him if he had not been prevented with death▪ b 20. Falleth into an extremity of his malady and past recovery, 40. His words upon his death bed, 1352, a 10, 30. His departure out of this world like a lamp, whose light faileth for want of oil, 30. His death grievously lamented, 50, 60, 1353, a 10  
Duke Alphonse of Calabrie made knight of the garter, 775, b 20  
Duke Arthur of Britain made knight, 160, a 10. His mistrust in his uncle king john, 160, b 60. Doth homage to K. john, 162, a 20. Proclaimeth himself earl of Anjou, &c: 164, b 10. Taken prisoner, 164, b 60. His mother accuseth K. john for the murder of her son, 166, a 10, 20. Committed to streict prison, 165, a 50. His death very lamentable, 165, b all  
Duke of Aumarle constable of England, 495, b 50. Accused 512, a 10. His answer unto Bagot's bill, he is appealed of treason, challengeth trial with the lord Fitzwater, 512, a 10, etc.  
Duke of Ostrich why he bore king Richard no goodwill, 136, a 10. threateneth the English hostages with loss of life, 147, a 40. He catcheth a fall beside his horse, & dieth of the hurt, a 60  
Duke Beauford of Summerset son unto him that was slain, 645, a 10. Conan of Britain deceasseth, 75, a 10. Geffreie of Britain his homage, 75, b 60. Guildebald of Urbino in Italy made knight of the garter, 795, b 10. john the second & Philip the second advancers of the state, 1343, a 30. Philip of Burgognie surnamed the Hardy, 1343. Siward. ¶ See Siward. William of Aquitaine his feigned friendship, 67, b 20. William of Normandy his politic conquest of England, 1, a 10. ¶ See William.  
Duke of Bavier cometh to K. Henry the fift with a number of horsemen, 577, a 50. He & his troup departeth with king Henry the fifts favour, 578, b 10  
Duke of Bedford against the lord Lovel in arms, 764, b 10. Regent of England, 558, b 10. Calleth a parliament, 581, a 60. He rescueth Cosnie 582, b 60. giveth the French a great overthrow by sea, 557, a 40. Returneth into France, 596, a 60. His endeavours in France where he was regent, 585, a 40, b 20, etc. His decease: note, 612, a 50  
Duke of Britain pretendeth a right to the earldom of Westmoreland, 513, b 60. Sendeth ambassadors to Henry the fift, 582, b 60. His love to the earl of Richmond and care of his safety, 748, b 20. In arms against the French K. 767, a 10, &c: 768, a 10, etc. The battle is tried, he dieth, a 60. Restored to his dukedom 422, b 20. A friend to the Englishmen, 444, a 60. His dissimulation, he & the French K. accorded, 427, b 50, 60. cometh over into Britain, 408, a 40. Deceaseth, 367, b 40  
Duke of Buckingham highly commended, 737, b 40. Rich array, 801, a 10. Envied & hated of cardinal Woolseie, 855, b 10, etc. Means to wind him out of Henry the eights favour, 855, b 40, 40, 60. Bills of complaints exhibited to him, he depriveth Kneuet of his office, 856, a 10. He & his company join with Henry the seventh against Perkin Warbeck, 784, a 50. His words to Q. Elisabeth, 717, b 40. His oration to the mayor, aldermen, and commons at Guildhall, 728, a 60, etc. He & Gloucester fall out, and why, 376, a 30. They mistrust one an other▪ 736, a 50. Conspired against Richard the third, he is a professed enemy to him, his power of wild Welshmen (false-harted) do fail him, a great water his undoing, his adherents & their power dispersed, 743, a 30, 50, b 10, 30, 60. The principal cause why he conceived such inward grudge against duke Richard the third, 739, b 20. His imaginations to deprive Richard the third, 739, b 40, 60. Rewards promised by proclamation for the attaching of him, betrayed of his own servant, beheaded without arreignment or judgement, 744, a 20, 50, b 10. Convinced with others to work mischief, 715, a 30. His resolution no● to meddle in seeking to obtain the crown, but by deposing Richard the third to prefer the earl of Richmond thereto, the sum of his purpose, 740, a 60, b 40, 60. Is sent to the duke of York to know the cause of his being in arms, 643, a 40. Destruction devised and practised, 862, b 50, 60. He is accused & indicted of treason, 863, a 10, &c: 864, a 10, etc. Areigned at Westminster, convinced of high treason, judgement given upon him, beheaded on Tower hill, the last lord high constable of England, 865, a 20, 40. ¶ See Duke of Gloucester.  
Duke of Bourbon's practices to make the Englishmen revolt from their own king, 517, b 50. Incampeth near Rone, slain at the assault, 895, b 30, 60. Dieth at London, 610, a 40  
Duke of Burgognie chief doer in France, 560, b 40. Prepareth to besiege Calis, 528, b 40. Envieth the glory of the English, 616, b 10. His oath to Henry the fift, 572, b 40. Prepareth an army against Calis, 613, b 40. His army of 40000 men, b 60. Besiegeth it, his enterprise to b●r the haven, his bastile taken, he breaketh up his siege, & flieth, 614, all. He & Charles of France at peace, and what mischief ensued it, 611, a 50, 60, 612, a 10, etc. cometh to king Edward the fourth, 695, a 20. He departeth suddenly to the king's discontentment, a 60, b 10. Departeth from Edward the fourth in a rage, 698, a 30. cometh in haste to Edward the fourth, 697, a 50. His behaviour and speech, a 60, b 10, etc. Sendeth ambassadors to Calis, 678, a 60. He invadeth Edward the fourth, &c: 678, b 60, 679, a 10. Deceaseth, 690, a 60, 702, b 20. Murdered, 571, a 60  
Dukes of Burgognie issued out of the house of France, 1342, b 60, 1343, a 10, etc.  
Duke of Clarence lord Lionel, 395, b 50. Sent to aid the duke of Orleans, 539, b 60. Marcheth towards Guisnes, 540, a 20. Made a road into Anjou, 579, b 60. He is betrayed by Ferguse a Lombard, 580, a 10. He and diverse nobles slain, a 20, 30. Before Paris with his army, 570, b 20. Seeketh to make peace between Edward the fourth and the earl of Warwick, 682, a 50. Weighing the inconvenience of discord, wareth wise, & slow to aid the earl of Warwick, his dissimulation, 681, a 60, b 1050, 60. He and the earl of Warwick sojourned at Excester to pass over the seas, they arrive on the English coasts, 676, b 10, 60. A conspirator against his brother Edward the fourth, he taketh the seas, 674, a 40. His promise to a damsel persuading him to peace, 675, a 10, 20, Drowned in a but of Malmescie, 703, a 40  
Duke of Excester his pithy saying, 546, a 60. Uncle to Henry the fift, 560, a 30, 40. captain of Harflue, 556, a 60. His overthrow by the French, b 10 With a power at Newarke, 680, b 60. Left for dead but recovered: note, 685, a 60. Deceaseth, 596, b 60, 598, b 50. Found dead in the sea, 694, b 10  
Duke of Gelderlands letters to Richard second, 475, b 50. cometh into England, disuadeth Richard the second ●rom peace with the French K. 477, b 30  
Duke of Glocesters' protestation upon his oath, 458, a 10. Arrested, 489, a 30. Confesseth all wherewith he was charged, he is smothered to death: note, 489, a 60, b 10. He & Richard second at privy grudge, talk between them, 487, b 40, 50. Excused to K. Richard second by the duke of Lancaster & York, he & the abbot of S. Albon's conspire, 488, a 40, b 10, etc. Made duke of Ireland, his journey thither unlucklie stayed, 479, b 50, 60. His journey into Prutzenland, in great favour with the commons, 475, a 60. A severe man, 464, a 40. His death, the doers therein exempted from king Henry the fourth's pardon, 514 a 50. In question, 525, b 40. His death in part revenged, 513, b 20 Much ado about it: note, 512, a 50, 60, 513. a 10. His complaint to Henry sixth against the cardinal of Winchester, 620, a 50. Liketh well of the king's marriage with the earl of Armenaks daughter: note, 624, b 60. Winneth Rockesburgh castle, 657, a 60. His death, & what mischief followed it, 627, a 60. He is commended: note, b 10, etc. Discharged of all government, the faint quarrel piked against him, he is suddenly murdered, 627, a 10. Ill practices against him under fair countenances, 622, b 60. Spoileth Flanders, 614, b 60. Calleth a parliament, Henry the sixth in France, 607, b 10. Articles against the bishop of Winchester, 591, a 60. Marriage in question, he waxeth weary of his wife, 590, a 60 He and bishop of Winchester at dissension, 590, a 60, 591, a 10, etc. murdereth Henry the sixth in the Tower, 690, b 60. An enemy to peace, 697, a 10. Proclamation against the lord Hastings. &c: 724, a 20. Marrieth another man's wife: note, 586, a 30. His behaviour in the assembly of lords, 722, b 10. His oration to the lords against the queen, 717, a 10. His resolution to go through with his devilish enterprise, 721 b 20 Solicitations tending wholly to trouble and bloodshed, 714, a 60. His & Buckingham's practices, 715, a 30. Made protector, 716, b 50. ¶ See duke of Buckingham.  
Duke of Guise with a great army cometh towards Calis, entereth the English frontiers, his policy, 1135, a 20, 40, b 10. His proclamation to bring in money, plate, etc., 1136, a 10. Marcheth to the town and fort of Guisnes, 1137, a 40. And monsieur Dandelot with their powers, in a rage with his soldiers, a trumpeter from him to the lord Greie, they have communication one whole hour, 1139, a 10, 30, b 30 Appointed to be a principal leader and executor of foreign invasion, 1371, b 30, 40, etc., b 60  
Duke of Hereford appealeth the duke of Norfolk of treason, 493, b 20. Beloved of the people, honourably entertained with the French king, 493, b 30  
Duke of Ireland's passage stopped by the lords, his soldiers revolt from him, he flieth from his army, getteth him into Holland, letters found in his trunks, 421, a 10, 50, 60. He and his associates attainted of treason by parliament, 463, b 30  
Duke of Lancaster and the Londoners submit their quarrels to the king's order, 416, a 20. He & York excuse the duke of Gloucester to king Richard the second, 488, a 40. High steward of England at an arreignment, 491, a 60. He & York assemble their powers to resist Richard the seconds dealings, 490, a 10. Returneth into England out of Gascoigne, 467, a 60. Created, 380, b 50. Debate betwixt him and the duke of Brunswike, 381, a 10. Goeth over sea with a navy, and two of Edward the thirds sons with him, 382, a 30. Is sent to aid the king of Navarre, 386, b 30. Persuadeth Edward the third to peace with the French king, 393, b 50. Maketh a journey into France, 404, a 50. Sent into France with an army, fortifieth his camp, 403, b 30, 50. cometh to Bordeaux, 408, a 50, etc. In danger by the Londoners: note, 412, a 20. Goeth into Spain with an army, 448, b 60. He landeth at Breast, and winneth two bastides from the French, landeth at Groigue, 449, a 50, 60. He & the king of Portugal allied, they invade Castille, he returneth out of Portugal into Gascoigne, 450, a 20. Reconcileth the king and the lords, 467, b 10. Made duke of Aquitaine, 473, a 10. cometh to Chester city, the country submit themselves unto him, Holt castle delivered unto him, 500, a 10, 30. He and Gloucester sent into France to treat of peace, 480, a 30. The grant of the duchy of Aquitane unto him revoked 485, b 10. He marrieth a lady of mean estate, whom he kept as his concubine, b 60. Calleth a parliament in Richard the seconds name, 502, a 10. His behaviour to the king, their meeting, his demand, & receiving into London, 501, b 10, 20, 50. His bastards made legitimat, 487, b 10. Ambassador for the K. into France, 475, b 30, A prince of great renown, 477, a 60. Saileth into Aquitaine, 481, a 60. Solicited to expel king Richard the second, b 60. And to take upon him the regiment, 497, b 60. The duke of Britain his great friend, the commons deny to resist the duke, he landeth in Yorkshire, his oath to the lords that aided him, the hearts of the commons wholly bend unto him, he marcheth to Bristol, 498, a 10, 50, 60, b 10, 30, 60. Feasteth strangers, 474, a 20. Envied of the rebels: note, 431, a 20, etc. Not suffered to enter into the town of Berwick, 439, a 10. Chargeth the earl of Northumberland with many crimes, cometh to the parliament with a great troops of men, 439, a 20, 60, b 10. Sent into France to treat of peace, 446, a 40. Misliking the manners of the court getteth himself to Killingworth castle, 419, b 20. He & the earl of Cambridge appointed protectors, 418, a 20. Saileth to Britain with a great power, 420, a 60. Getteth him to his castle of Pomfret and fortifieth it, 446, b 60. Layeth challenge to the crown, 505, b 40. He is placed in the regal throne, b 60. King elect, his words to the lords, 507, a 60. His coronation, proclaimed by the name of Henry the fourth, 507, b 10, 30. Invaded Scotland with an army, 445, b 10. Appeached of treason, 445, b 40. His decease, 395, b 10, 496, a 20. ¶ See Edmund.  
Duke of Normandy cometh down into Britain, 364, b 10  
Duke of Norfolk in arms against Wyatt, arriveth at Stroud 1094, b 50. He with the captain of the guard put to their shifts, 1095, a 10. He and Suffolk elected into the order of S. Michael, 929, a 10. Ambassador into France, 950, a 50. Henry the eights lieutenant, 942, b 60. cometh with a power against the rebels in Suffolk, 891, b 40. He & the earl of Surrie on Richard the thirds side, 755, b 20. His constancy & allegiance to Richard third, he is slain, 759, b 10. Accused of treason, 493 b 20. Objections against him, 494, a 30. Committed to the Tower, atteinted, and the atteindor reversed, 976, b 10, 50. Deceaseth, 514, a 60, b 10, 891, a 60, 1121, b 30. Invested into the order of S. Michael, 1209, a 20▪ Scent to the Tower, 1211, b 60. Removed from the Tower to the Charterhouse, 1222, a 20. Committed to the Tower, 1226, b 30. arraigned, condemned, and judged, 1227, b 60. Beheaded, foreign nations writ thereof, his attire, behaviour & speech at his execution: note, 1229, a 50, 60, b 10, &c: 1230  
Duke of Northumberlands enterprise against the lady Marie encouraged, 1085, b 50, 60. His words to the lords of the council about queen jane, who adhered unto him, he setteth forward with all speed, 1086, a 10, &c: b 10, 20. Writeth for more succours, 1087, a 30. His sons released out of the Tower, 1127, a 10. Arrested by the earl of Arundel and committed to the Tower with his adherents, 1088, a 60, b 30. arraigned, his request to understand the opinion of the court in two points, 1089, b 40, 50, His four requests after his judgement to die, he with others are executed at Tower hill, 1090, a 10, 50  
Duke of Orleans partaker with the duke of Britain against the French king, 768, b 10. How long prisoner in England, his ransom and release, 618, b 20, 50. Challenge, 524, b 60 He besieged Uergi in Guien, 525, a 20. Besiegeth towns in Gascoigne, 533, a 50. cometh to the English army, 540, b 30. Murdered, 537, a 60  
Duke Richard his singular dissimulation, 731, b 10. He speaketh otherwise than he meaneth, 731, b 20. His election hard to be preferred, 730, b 20. Preferred at last by voices of confederacy, 730, b 60. adjured by bishop Morton, their conference, he openeth himself and his secrets to the bishop, complaineth of lack of preferment in K. Edward's days, 738, all. His title to the crown, with the office and dignity of a king, he is commended to the people as worthy and sufficient, 730, a 20, 30. ¶ See Duke of Gloucester and Richard.  
Duke of Richmond a martialist or warrior Henry the eights base son, 929, a 10. Henry Fitzroie Henry the eights base son deceasseth, 941, a 10  
Duke of Saxony in disfavour and exile, 105, b 60. cometh into England, his goodly stature, 212, b 40. Pardoned and revoked out of exile, 108, a 10  
Duke of Suffolk created, 627, b 30. Winneth the goodwill of the queen Dowager of France 836, b 10. They married together, b 30. Entereth France with an army, 879, a 50. Breaketh up his army & cometh to Calis, 881, a 40. Chivalry & valiant service in France, he knighteth diverse gentlemen, 879, b 60, 880, all. Hope hindered by cardinal Woolfeie, 839, a 60. And others sent into France to fetch the French queen into England, 836. a 50. Incountereth with a strong and tall Almain, 833, b 60. He foileth the Almain, 834, a 10. Deceasseth, his just commendation, 969, b 30. The commons exclaim against him, 631, a 10, 20, 40. Committed to the Tower, his wretched dèth, 632, a 10, 50. He with others brought to the Tower, 1099, a b 10. Committed to the Tower and released, 1088, b 40. Goeth down into Leicestershire, is a favourer and furtherer of Wiat's practices, he is kept out of Coventrie, apprehended, 1095, a 40, 60, b 10. arraigned, condemned, beheaded, 1100, b 20, 40, 50. What words he spoke to the people at his death, b 60.  
Duke of Summerset made regent of Normandy, and the duke of York discharged, 625, b 30. Made captain of Calis, 650, b 60. His valiantness, 619, a 30. Revolteth from Edward the fourth, taken & beheaded, 666, a 40, &c: b 20, etc. Made lord protector, 979, a 40, 50. His return from Scotland, 992, a 60. Not desirous of slaughter, 988, b 20. With his power against Scotland, 980, a 30, &c: b 30. Sendeth an herald to summon a castle, 981, a 10, 20. Answer to a Scotish herald at arms, 983, b 60. His diligence to further the fortification to Rockesburgh, 991, b 10. His stately style with his epistle exhortative sent to the Scotish nobles, &c: 998, b 10, etc. He & the earl of Warwick outwardly friends, 1062, a 50. And others submit themselves to Edward the fourth, 665, b 60. Again apprehended and committed to the Tower, 1066, b 60 Charged sir Peter Carew with the rebellion, 1022, b 30. He and the earl of Devonshire comfort queen Margaret, 685, b 60. Politiké & puissant, 687, b 60. More hardy than wise, 687, b 60, 688, a 10, etc. Striketh out the lord Wenlocks brains, 688, a 50. His infortunatnesse, 615, b 60. Arrested, 642, a 20. Set at liberty, made deputy of Calis, 40, 50. Accuseth the earl of York of high treason, 639, a 50. Burdened with all things that happened amiss, 643, a 40. He is slain, b 10. His displacing out of his protectorships consulted on, removeth in haste with K. Edward sixth to Windsor, his letter to the lord privy seal 1057, a 20, 50, 60. His letters to the lords, 1058, a 30. A proclamation with articles against him, b 20, 30, etc. Prisoner, conmitted to the Tower, articles objected against him, 1059, b 10, 30, 40, 1060, a 10, etc. Released & restored, 1060, b 10, 20. Delivered out of the Tower, 1062, a 50. arraigned both of felony & treason, condemend of felony, people murmur at his condemnation, delivered to be executed, his behaviour at his death, 1067, a 10, 30, 40, 50, b 40, 60. His words at his death, a sudden noise & fear among the people assembled, 1068, a 10, &c: 50, b 19, 1069, a 60. Described, b 10. Beheaded, 688, b 60  
Duke of Surrie marshal of England, 493, b 50  
Duke of York lieutenant general of England, 497, a 10. Misliketh the court & goeth home, 496, a 60. Noted for cruelty, what manner of man he was, his end, 712, a 10, 20. Plantagenet afterwards Richard third, 595 b 40. Made regent of France, envied of duke of Summerset, 612, b 10, 617, b 10, 619, a 30. Appointed again to be regent of Normandy, 625, b 50. A persecuting enemy to the duke of Summerset: note, 630, b 20. Assembleth an army, his words in writing sent to the K. 642, a 50, b 20, &c: 643: a 10. His coming against the K. justified, he is made protector of the realm, 644, b 20. Discharged of his office, 645, a 10, 20. Assembleth an army, 649, b 30. cometh out of Ireland, his strange demenors bold speech and oration to the lords of parliament, 655, a 30, etc. Crowned with sedge or bulrushes in derision, 659, b 50. He and his complices fly, 650, b 20. He and others atteinted, 652, a 10, etc. Articles that he and the other earls sent to the archbishop of Canturburie and the commons, 652, b 10, etc. Articles of peace and agreement between him and Henry the sixth, his claim to the crown, 657, b 20, etc. Proclaimed heir apparent to the crown, he is slain, 659, a 30, b 10. Tempering about his title to the crown, 627, b 40. Reconciliation to Henry the sixth, he accuseth the duke of Summerset of treason, 639, a 40. Set at liberty and why, his submission to king Henry the sixth under his oath, 639, b 50. Maketh claim to the crown, 637, a 50. Raiseth a great power to recover it, his letter to Henry the sixth, 637, a 50, b 10, 50, 638, a 10, etc. Favourers executed and spoiled, 653, b 20. Seeks the destruction of the duke of Summerset, banded himself with Nevil's, 641, b 60. Slain in Agincourt field, 555, b 60. Buried at Fodringhaie castle, 556, a 20. Taketh indenture sextipartite of the conspired noblemen out of his sons bosom: note, 515, a 20▪ Deceaseth, 520, b 30. Accused by his sister the lady Spenser, 527, b 30. His head set on a po●e at York, 659, b 60. ¶ See Richard the third.  
Dukes of Gloucester infortunate: note, 627, a 50. Of Normandy were the kings of England's eldest sons, 38, a 30. Of Yorks honourable emulation, 776, a 50  
Dukes and earls, &c: created, 537, b 60, 546, b 30, 625, a 10, 702, a 60, 1081, a 60, b 10, etc., 1066, b 60, 492, b 40, 448, a 60, 395, b 50. Deprived of their titles, 513, b 10. Of England from the first to the last, all set down in a collection, 1230, b 30, etc., to 1238, a 10.  
Duncane a Scot wasteth Kendal, 91, b 10  
Dunkirk won & sacked by the English, 442, b 50. Taken and burnt by the French, 1150, a 40    


E.  
EAdmer. ¶ See Archbishop. Eclipse of the sun strange▪ 102, b 50, 348, b 30, 212, b 40, 229, a 10  
Eclipse of the moon, 241, a 50. At thirteen days old, 212, b 40. Of four hours continuance, 251, a 50. Of the sun and moon extraordinary, 44, a 40. Very strange: note, 128, b 50.  
Eclipses four in a year, 961, a 60  
Edinburgh castle besieged, 353, b 40. Entered forcibly by the English, 962, a 60. Delivered to Edward the first, 300, a 60. Burnt by Richard the second, 447, b 10. Left desolate, 445, b 10  
Edgar Etheling where borne, 6, a 30. Pursueth the Normans, 6, b 40. Flieth into Scotland, 7, a 50. joineth forces with Osborn against the Normans 6, b 50. Should have been made king of England, 1, a 40. And why he was not advanced to the crown of England, 1, a 50. Sent into Scotland with an army, and why, 23, a 30. The son of king Malcolme to be placed in the kingdom, 23, a 30. In service at the wars under the Scotish king, 19, b 30. In great account with Robert duke of Normandy, 19, b 50. Deprived of his honour by William Rufus, 19, a 50. Obtaineth licence of duke William to departed the realm, 14, b 10. Groweth in favour & honour with duke William, 10, b 60, 11, a 10. captain in rebellion against duke William after a reconcilement and pardon, described: note, 9, b 60. Second flight into Scotland, 10, a 40. ¶ See Edwin.  
Edgar the K. of Scotland's sister wise to Henry the first, 29, a 10  
Edmund son to Henry the third, 236, a 60. showed in parliament as K. of Naples, 255, b 10 Invested king of Sicill & Naples, 252, b 60. Created duke of Lancaster, 249, a 10  
Edmund of Langlie borne, afterwards duke of York, 363, a 30  
Edmund the great, son to Harold, his exploits, 6, a 60  
Edrike Syluaticus rebelleth in the absence of duke William, 5, a 10  
Edward the first proclaimed king of England, his coronation and beginning of regiment, 277, all. He entereth into Wales to rescue his people against the Welsh, 281, a 20. Goeth over into France, 279, b 20. His favour and goodwill to the princes of Wales, 279, a 10, etc. David of Wales preferreth him in marriage, 279, a 20, etc. cometh to Chester, 278, a 20. Surnamed Longshank● (and why) borne, 223, b 40. Sendeth an army into Scotland, 314, a 20. His provision for his journey into France, 303, a 50, Putteth prince Edward in prison, 313, b 30. Answer to pope Boniface proving the right of Scotland to belong to him, 309, b 60, 310, a 10, etc. Entereth into Scotland to revenge the death of his people, 312, a 40. Goeth with an army into Scotland, 309, a 50. Uexeth them, &c: b 30. Goeth to Scotland, 311, a 50. Married to the French kings sister, 309, a 10. His liberality towards his nobles, 308, a 40. Earl's Marshal and Hereford refuse to go over with him into Flanders, 304. Guardians appointed over his son in his absence, he passeth over into Flanders, b 20. Taketh upon him the cross, 284, a 20. Passeth over into France, 283, b 30. Recognised for superior lord of Scotland: note, 286, all. Summoned to appear at Paris, 290, b 50. Condemned in the French court, 291, b 20. His request made to the Scots denied, 296, a 30. Entereth into Wales 293, b 30. Shift to get money, 280, a 50. Goeth about to purchase his people's goodwill, 277, b 50. Renounceth the French king, his shift for money, an excuse that he used, 292, b 10, 60. Concludeth a league with the earl of Flanders and the earl Bar, 296, b 50. Fortifieth Berwick, 299, a 30, Summoneth and winneth Berwick, 298, a 20, 50. Plants his siege about Edinburgh castle, 299, b 60. Passeth forth through Scotland, bringeth the marble stone from thence, the nobility submit themselves unto him, the form of their homage, his words accepting it, 301, a all. Meant to have made a full conquest of Scotland as he had done of Wales, 317, a 10. The form of fealty that Balliol king of Scots did to him▪ 289, b 60. Appointeth wardens for the realm of Scotland, beareth sway in the election of their chancellor, the nobility swear fealty to him: note, 288, a 30, etc. Sickeneth, dieth, is buried at Westminster: his issue, his stature and form of body, his virtues and vices, 316, a 60▪ b 10, etc.  
Edward the second borne, 282, b 20. When he began his reign, 318, a 10. He & the earl of Lancaster made friends, 324, a 40. Goeth into Scotland, what he did there, his entrance, 320, b 10. Hath his nobles in no regard: note, 318, b 10. Deposed by act of parliament, 340, b 10. Saveth into Wales, 338, b 60. His savoury to the Welshmen, 339, a 10. Sought unto to resign his crown, his grief thereat, 340, b 50, 60. Betrayed into his enemies hands, brought to Killingworth castle, 339, b 50 Withstood in arms by his wife, 336, 337, 338. Sendeth for his wife and son home out of France, 336, b 10, 2●. Writeth to the duke of Britain, 335, b 30. Like to be betrayed, the traitors executed, 333, 334. Goeth to Scotland with an army, 332, b 50. Subdueth his barons, 330, 331, 332, a 10. In arms against his enemies, his proclamation, 329, b 60. Passeth by a ford, cometh to Tutburie, causeth hue & cry to be made, 330, a 30, 50. Durst not but yield to his nobles request, 327, b 10. He goeth to Canturburie, talketh with lord chamberlain, besiegeth the castle of Léeds, 327, b 10. Affection and love to P●ers Gaveston, 320, a 10. His request for his life, his displeasure for his death, 321, a 30, 60. Passeth over to France, 318, b 50. Doth homage to the French king, marrieth his daughter, returneth, is received into London, crowned, 318, b 60, 319, a 10. Goeth to Berwick, 324, b 50. Passeth into Scotland, what issue his army had there, he escapeth danger of death, 322, a 20, 40. Murdered, 341, b 60. His nature and conditions, his issue, 342, a 10, etc.  
Edward the third borne, 321, b 10. Beginneth his r●igne, 343, a 60. Passeth over into Calis, invadeth France, returneth for want of victuals, the constable of France demandeth battle of him, 383, a 10. Lodgeth his army near Berwick, the Scots yield unto him, the realm of Scotland resigned unto him, 386, a 50, 60. Three kings come un-him about business, 396, a 50. Advanceth his sons to degree of honour, 395, b 50. Prepareth to make a journey to France, arriveth at Calis, 392, b 10, 30 Draweth towards Paris, 393, a 60. Returneth out of France into England, 394, b 30. His four sons take part with the lord majors, &c: challenge at ●usts, 392, a 50. Sore afflicteth the Scots, 386. b 20. His honourable hart to his enemy, 379, b 10, Hath Calis surrendered unto him. ¶ See Calis. His pity towards the poor: note, 375, a 20. His voyage, invasion, and victory against the French summarily set down in a letter missive, 373, b 30, etc. His words & behaviour to his son the young prince after his victory against the French, 372, b 60. Passeth over into Normandy, his army, landing, & ordering of his soldiers, 369, b 40, etc. His enterprises and atchivements against towns & people, his spoil & booties, he is in danger, 370, all. Beginneth his enterprise against the enemy with prayer to God, his demeanour before the battle, 371, a 10, b 30. Hath towns restored him, 360, a 60. Taketh into his hands all the profits that the cardinals, &c: held within his realm, 369, b 30. Goeth over into Flanders, 367, b 60. Passeth over into Britain, 364, a 40. Returneth by sea out of Britain, he is in danger of drowning. 365, a 30. Feasted by the earl of Flanders, he goeth into Zealand, arriveth at the Tower, dealeth roundly with his officers, 360, b 10, etc. Is offended with the archbishop of Canturburie, 361, a 10. Taketh sea, setteth upon his enemies the French, getteth the victory, goeth to Gaunt, covenants betwixt him & his confederates, 358, a 50, 60, b 50 359, a 40. Signifieth his right to crown of France, taketh upon him the title and arms thereof, 357, a 20, 30. Taketh upon him the name of K. of France, 356, b 30, and by what right he claimed it, 40, etc. Besiegeth Cambrie, 355, b 20. He raseth his siege, b 40. Hath Flanders at commandment, he saileth to Antwerp, 354, b 60. His confederates, 355, a 10. Practiseth to al●enat the Flemings hearts from obedience to their earl, 353, b 50. Entereth into Scotland with an army, 351, a 10. Maketh spoil by fire and sword, the Scots ordain a statute in favour of him, towns fortified by him there, he studieth to gather money to maintain his wars, 352, all. Aideth the K. of Scots and why, 350, a 10. Passeth the sea appareled like a merchant, 348, b 40. Waxeth feeble & sick, 411, a 20. Deceasseth, his issue, praise, proportion of body, and virtues, 412, a 40, &c: 413.  
Edward the fourth borne, 623, a 30. Feasteth the mayor and aidermen of London, 705, a 10. He and the French king their interview, the manner thereof: note, 699, a 30, 40, etc. His shift to get money: note, 694, a 40, etc. He passeth over into France, and sendeth a defiance to the French king, 694, b 10, 40. Returneth into England, 701, a 10. Without interruption passeth forward to York, marcheth to the city gates, receiveth the sacrament & an oath, the marquess Montacute suffereth him to pass by, he cometh to Northhampton, 680, a 30, etc. Dispraised and ●owlie spoken of by the earl of Warwick, 671, a 20. His communication with the duke of Burgognie: note, 697, a 50, 60, b 10, etc. Shameful and slanderous words against him, 698, b 30. His politic foresight, 688, a 20. cometh to Leicester, provoketh the earl of Warwick to fight, cometh to Warwick, he and his brother the duke of Clarence reconciled unwitting to the earl of Warwick, 681, a 10, etc. His victory, and the offering up of his standard, 685, b 10. Lodgeth with his army before his enemies, 684, a 10. Set forward against his enemies the nobles of England, 686, a 40. His painful march with his army, the ordering of his battles, 687, b 10, 30. Passeth to London, 682, b 30. The Londoners resolve to receive him, the Tower recovered to his use, he entereth into London, 683, a 60, b 10. Arriveth on the coast of Norfolk, then at the head of Humber, landeth at Ravenspurgh, the people let him pass hearing the cause of his coming into the country, he passeth towards York, 679, a 10, etc. judged a usurper, 678, a 10. His friends take sanctuary, 677, b 10. Received very honourably into the city of Excester, 676, b 30. The citizen's benevolence to him, how long he continued there, b 30, 50. cometh to Lin, taketh ship to pass over sea, the number that passed over with him, he arrived at Alquemar●e, 675, b 10, 20, 40. Taken prisoner and brought to Warwick castle, 673, a 60. He is delivered out of captivity, cometh to London, b 10, 20. His proclamation to such as were assembled under him, 664, b 10. His title to the crown, 663, b 60, 664 a 10. Proclaimed K. 725, b 10. Notably slandered and spoken against in the duke of Buckingham's oration, 728, a 50, 60, etc., 729. a 10, etc. His words to his mother about marriage, 726, b 30. Slandered in a sermon, 727▪ b 50. His flight into Holland, 727, a 50. The chiefest devise of the conspirators to depose him, 725, b 60. Described, his qualities, 711, a 40, etc. His three concubines, 725, a 10. His last words uttered on his death bed, 708, b 30, 50, etc. Deceaseth, his issue male and female. 710, a 20, etc.  
Edward the fift his coming to London, 716, b 50. He and his brother murdered in the Tower: note, 734, b 20, etc., 735, all.  
Edward the sixth borne, 944, a 10 Proclaimed king of England rideth through London to Westminster, crowned, 979, a 10, b 10, 30. His letter to the citizens of London, 1059, a 10. He rideth through London, 1060, b 40. His princely speech to doctor Ridleie after his sermon made of mercy & charity, 1081, b 60. His message to the rebels of Cornwall and Devonshire, 1003, b 60, 1004, a 10. Founder of the hospitals in London, 1082, b 30. His victories against the Scots, 1161, b 10. His fear and mistrust of three marriages which fell out to be true▪ he falieth sick & dieth, 1083, b 20, 30, 60. His praiseworthy qualities, and death revealed, 1084, a 30, etc., b 10. His burial, 1089, a 50. Counterfeited, and the party executed, 1127, a 40, etc., b 10  
Edward created prince, 365, a 40. Made knight, 660, b 60. Setteth forward into the holy land, 274, b 60. traitorously wounded, 275, a 20▪ Getteth diverse castles, 266, a 60. Escapeth a danger, 269, b 50. He and the earl of Gloucester not suffered to come within the city of London, 262, b Evil entreated in many places, 262, b 60. Goeth against the Welshmen, 264, a 10. receiveth the cross, 274, a 40. Taketh money out of the treasury of the temple, 264, a 60. Arriveth at Acres, in danger to be slain by treason, 275, a 20. Hath the rule of London, he appointeth the mayor & sheriffs, 274, b 20. Sent to the king of Castille, 249, b 50. He marrieth the lady Elinor daughter to king A●fonse, b 60. Created prince of Wales. 250, a 10. His wife cometh to London, 252, a 50. Pursueth the Londoners, 268, a 10. Imprisoned for riot, 313, b 30. Made knight, and sent into Scotland, 314, a 30. Goeth over into Gascoigne, 382, b 50. His proceedings in Aquitane, 383 b 20, etc. Two bishops sent unto him from the pope, 383, b 50, &c: 384, a 10, etc. His first son borne, 397, a 60. And duke of Aquitaine, 332, a 40. Sent into France, 336, a 60. invadeth the French dominions, 387, a 10, His order where he came, his feats of arms, the passages stopped against him, he returneth. lodgeth in the town of Remorentius, he is followed by the French king, 387, all. Contenied to come to a parlée, his offer, his exhortation to his soldiers when he saw he must needs fight, 388, a 60, b 10, 60. Noblemen that were with him, the number of his army, both powers join issue, 389. He obtaineth the victory, his meek oration to the French king his prisoner, he returneth to Bordeaux, bringeth the French king over into England, 390, a 10, b 20, 60. Made lord warden of the realm, 339, b 20. Setteth forward into Spain, 398, a 20. He passeth into Guien, 395, b 60. Put to his shifts for default of money, he returneth into Gascoigne, constrained to burden his subjects with a sore subsidy, 400, a 10, 30, b 30. Appealed to appear before the French king, 401, a 10. His answer, a letter published by him to appease the Gescoignes, b 40. Diseased with sickness, 402, b 20. Deceaseth, buried at Canturburie, his death grievously taken, 410, b 50, 60. Returneth out of France into England, 406, a 60. Married to the earl of Warwikes daughter, 674, b 60. Taken in flight, he is murdered, 688, a 60, b 20  
Edward called the Black prince borne, 348, b 20  
Edward the third, son of Henry the seventh christened, 788 a 10  
Edwin earl of Northumberland withdraweth from the battle against duke William, 1, a 30. His lands given to Alane earl of Britain, 7. Reconciled to king William, 9, b 40. He and Edgar Etheling resist duke William and his Normans, 6, a 10. He & Marchar submit themselves to duke William, 1, a 50. Slain of his own soldiers, 10, a 50. ¶ See Marchar.  
Egelsin abbot. ¶ See Stigand.  
Egelsin abbot of S. Augustine his martial mind, unpatient of forced servitude, 1, b 50, 2, a 10  
Egelwine abbot of Euesham ● warrior, 11, a 50  
Egelwinus bishop of Durham flieth from Durham: note, 7▪ b 60. In arms against duke William, taken prisoner, and famished to death, 10▪ a 40, 50  
Egmond county lieutenant general for king Philip in the low countries, his valiant onset upon the French, 1150▪ a 60, b 20  
Egremond knight a captain rebel, 769, b 50. Flieth into Flanders, 770, a 10  
Egremond lord Persie, 647, b 30 committed to Newgate, his escape, 645, b 60  
Election & choice of three things 284, b 60  
Elinor countess of Britain deceaseth, 228, b 60  
Elinor prince Edward's wife cometh to London, 252, a 60  
Elinor K. Henry the seconds daughter married to the king of Castille, 98, b 30  
Elinor Cobham accused of treason: note, 622, b 60, 623. a 10. ¶ See Marriage, and Queen.  
Elephant sent to Henry the third from the French king, 252. a 30. Two presented to the pope: note, 837, b 10  
Elie held against Henry the third, 273, a 50. Spoiled & the church: note, 190, a 40  
Elisabeth second daughter to king Henry the eight prisoner in the Tower, she hath heavy enemies of the clergy, 1101, b 10, &c: 1102, a 10, 20, etc. Her blood thirsted after by Gardener, her life preserved by master Briges lieutenant of the Tower, 1130, b 20, 30. The whole story of her troubles in the days of queen Marie, and how she was preserved, notable to read, 1151, b 50, 60, 1152, 1153, 1154, 1155. Delivered out of the Tower, her words to Beningfield knight her keeper in the time of durance, 1117, b 40. Proclaimed queen the same day that Marie died, 1160, a 40. And the lady Anne of Cléeve ride together in a rich chariot, 1091 a 30. ¶ See Queen.  
Elisabeth wife to Henry the seventh her birth, 668, b 50  
Elisabeth Barton her practices discovered with her adherents, she is attainted, becometh a nun, 936, a 20, b 10, 60. Bishops give credit to her hypocritical doings, she is executed, her confession at her death, 937, a 10, 20, 30  
emmanuel college at Cambridge founded, 1396, a 10, etc.  
Emperor Adulfe breaketh promise with the king of England and the earl of Flanders, 304, b 60  
Emperor of Constantinople cometh into England, 239, b 60, 519, a 20  
Emperor Ferdinand deceaseth, foretelleth the uttermost day of his death, his goodly issue male and female, 1208, a 10, 20, 30  
Emperor Charles, preparation for receiving of him into England, 853, a 50. Landeth in England, meeteth with Henry the eight at Dover, laboureth to hinder the purposed interview between Henry the eight and the French K▪ saileth into Flanders, 856, a 40, b 60, a 20. cometh to Calis to K, Henry the eight, 861, b 20. His interteimnent: note, b 30, etc. And the French king at wars, 781, a 10, Landeth at Dover, he and Henry the eight swear each to other to observe the league interchangeably made, 873, a 60, b 50. Moderation and temperance at the news of victory, 885, b 10, 30. And what the French kings mother offered him for the deliverance of her son, he hopeth to recover more profit by the French king in peace than wars, 886, a 50, 60, b 60. Departeth out of England into Spain, 874, a 10. Sendeth Henry the eight a present, 882, a 40. His answer to the English ambassador, articles sent to them, he releaseth twelve prejudicial articles to the French king, 898, a 10, 60, b 60. His answer to the English heralds and oration, 201, b 30. Commands that the French king, being his prisoner, should be received with honour in all places where he should pass, 887, b 10. A truce between him and the governors of France, 887, b 60. He visiteth the French king in durance, covenants of accord by him to be performed, 888, a 20, b 60. cometh to hear what the English & French heralds had to say, 899, He giveth them liberty to speak, a 40. His munificence: note, 921, a 20. Deceasseth, an obsequy kept for him, 1171, b 50  
Emperor Maximilian & Henry the eight meet royally, 820, a 10. Weareth a cross of S. George as soldier to the king of England Henry the eight, 821, a 50. Invested into the order of the garter, 1210, a 60. Deceasseth, a description of his qualities, 851, a 10  
Emperor Sigismond cometh into England, the strange manner of receiving him at Dover, 556, b 30, 40  
Emperor concludeth a peace with the French king▪ 965, a 40. Answereth the French kings letters, 904▪ a 30. Gift to Philip prince of Spain, 1120, a 20. Won from the king of England's friendship, 361, b 50. He offereth to be a mean to conclude a peace between the two kings of England and France, 361, b 60. Hath the electing and assigning of the pope, 24, b 20. Commandeth the English herald to leave his oration behind him in writing, his words to the French herald, he giveth him his answer in writing, 902, a 10, b 10, 50. Defied by the two kings, the one of England the other of France, 905, b 40. ¶ See Spanish king.  
Emperors. ¶ See Popes.  
Empson and Dudlie with their promoters, 791, b 30. Ravening wolves and caterpillars to the commonwealth, 794, b 20, 30. Atteinted of treason, his words to the lords of the council to find favour, 803, b 40, 50, 60. Most of the lords of the council against him, sometime recorder of Coventrie, indicted and found guilty, condemned, 804, a 30, etc. Committed to the Tower, 799, b 50. Beheaded, 809, a 10  
Empson an obstinate monk, the last monk seen in that clothing in England till queen Mary's days, 952, b 60.  
Emulation of the dukes of York, 776, a 50  
Engines to cast stones, 312, a 60  
England & Scotland like to go together by the ears afresh, 785, a 60. How many parishes it hath: note, 877, b 50. Provision for the defence thereof▪ 946, b 60. It and Scotland made one by amity, what able to do, 1001, a 50. Reconciled to the catholic church, and what joy in Rome therefore, 1123, b 30. Governed by Normans & French kings one hundred twenty and two years after William Conquerors coming in, 116, b 40. Divided into four parts, and the governors: note, 103 a 60. It & France the arms quartered, 356, b 30. How gainful to the court of Rome 171, a 40. Became tributary to the pope, 177, b 20. shrewdly vexed, subdued, and spoiled in diverse places by the French, 192, 193. A great navy of French ships purpose to invade it, 451, a 20. Many towns burnt and destroyed on the coasts thereof by the French and Spanish. ¶ See Frenchmen, and French king, and Spaniards, 427. In a lamentable case in the time of duke William: note, 5, b 20. Guided by deputies in the absence of duke William, 5, a 10. Without a king and who towards it, 1, a 40. Furnished with armour and munition, 1193, b 60. Invasion thereof by foreign forces intended: note, 1371, a 10, etc., b 30, 40, etc. To be invaded, and diverse plots taken by traitors and conspirators for the practice thereof, 1387, b 60. The prosperity thereof during the pope's curses, 1366, a 40. To be invaded by a Scotish power, 1386, a 10. In a short space brought from a troubled to a peaceable estate, 203, b 20. Subject to four and twenty governors: note, 259, a 20  
Englishmen sore afflicted, 552, a 20. The order of their army and archers at Agincourt battle, 553, a 50. Give the onset to the French, both armies join battle, 554, a 50, 60. Three great victories within a short time together, 566, b 10. Take divers towns and castles in France, 568, b 30, etc. Discomfited under the duke of Clarence, 580, a 30. A sore conflict between them and the French, 556, b 10. Take castles and towns in Normandy, 559, a 50, etc. Camp greatly hindered for want of beasts to draw their ordinance, & the king of Navars' gentle offer to them, 813, a 30, 40, 50. Their navy & the French encounter upon the coasts of Britain, their cruel fight, the French flieth, 815, a 60, b 10, 20. unruly behaviour being in soldiers service, 809, b 30. Many purposing to set upon the French in the haven are defeated by a mischance, 816, a 50. Over rash hardiness turneth them to hurt, 829, b 10. Shamefully abused of Frenchmen and other strangers: note, 840, a 20, etc. Play the courageous soldiers in France, 879, all, 880, all. Besieged Heding castle, win a great booty from the French 875, a 40, b 10. Negligent for not putting their valiant doings in writing, 965, b 40. Goods arrested in Bordeaux, 872, b 40. Good service at the taking o● Leith in Scotland: note, 962, a 30, &c: 963, a 10. Burn S. I●hans de Lucy, break up their camp at biscay, dispersed into sundry villages, unappeasable rage among them, they return out of biscay, 814, a 10, etc. Ualiant service against the French & Scots, their horsemen discomfited, 994, a 20, b 40. Go by sea and land into Scotland, 980, a 30, etc. The order of the army in marching forward, 980, b 60. Patient in suffering all wants of relief, 995, a 40. mannerly, French unmannerly, 699, b 30 In a mutiny & murmuring, 1140, a 20, 30. Lose all by Henry the sixth, that they got by Henry the fift. ¶ Compare both stories together, 601. Shamefully foiled by the French, 601, b 10. Gain eighteen standards and one banner, 590, b 40. And French at hot skirmishes: note, 596, b 10, etc. Compassion to a Frenchman an enemy, 628, b 50. Lose all in France, 629, b 30, etc. In a mutiny, committed to prison, 124, a 40. Overthrown at Formigni, 630, a 30. And Frenchmen fight upon a small occasion, 126, a 30. victory against the French & their booties, 144, b 50, 60. Spo●●e Lothian, 89, a 60. God directeth their battle, fighteth for them, their valiantness: note, 372, a 30. victory at Halidon hill, 350, a 40. Derided in a rhyme, 347, a 40. They & Genoese meet & fight on the seas, 363, b 10. Win the passage over the water of Some against the French, 371, a 20. Make forrays and roads into the borders of France, 374, b 60. Against the Scots, encouraged by the queen, 375, b 50, 60. Obtain the victory, 376, a 10. Imbateled before Paris, 393 b 10, Lodge with their army before Paris, 405, b 10. Uictori●▪ against the Flemings on the sea, 407, a 20. Burn towns in France, 356, a 10. Discomfited by constable of France, 408, a 20. Fly to save their lives, a great slaughter of them, and all by the Scots, 322, a 40, 50. Service against the French at Leith in Scotland, 1186, a 40, 1187, all. They give the French the repulse, 1188, a 50. A number of them slain, 60, their hot skirmishes 1189, all. They win a trench from the French, 1190, a 30, b 10. Give them the repulse, b 60. Repelled by the policies of French, 1191, a 50. A number slain & hurt, 60. Slain in Scotland, 303, b 10. And Flemings vanquished by the French, 180, a 10. Assail the French ships, 179, a 50. Spoil the Isles of Orkneie, 518, b 10 Play the men, they besiege Ard & Sluis, 528, a 60, b 10, assault Briake in Britain, 534, b 30. The fortune of the earl of saint Paul against them, 538, b 40. Die in Spain by reason of the great heat of that country, 450 a 60. Provision to resist the great power of the French, 451, a 40. Subdue diverse towns in Flanders and spottle the country. 443, b 10. Their army journey through France, 426, b 60. Driven out of Flanders by the French K. 444, a 60. Navy overmatched & overcome by the Spanish, 420, a 30. Cruelly abused under the pretence of peace, by duke William, 10, a 30. Host entereth into Britain, 427, a 10. They besiege Aunts, break up their siege, 427, b 30. achieve an exploit against the French 422, a 30, etc. Sailing over sea scattered in a tempest, 423, a 60. Overthrown by Scots, 418, b 10. Overthrown by the French, 418, a 10. Cats, not to be caught without mittens 426, b 60. Weapons before the use of the long bow, 15, b 50. Extremely hated & handled of duke Will●am & his Normans, 8, a 10, 20, 30, 40. Miserable estate in the days of Malcolme, 10, b 10. Service in foreign lands well liked of duke William, 10, b 60. Kept low by duke William and his Normans, 14, a 10, etc. Chraldome in the severe regiment of duke William, 1, b 10. Fairlie entreated at king William Rufus hands, & why, 17, b 30. Retire to Newhaven with honour, 1397▪ a 10. Much made of at Utricht, 1431, b 40. Win towns from the French, 207, b 10. Sent to Spain against the Saracens, 213, a 10. Distressed by the Welsh, 214, a 20 How many under Henry the third against the French K. 329, b 40. Overthrown by the Welsh, 255, a 20. Distressed by the Scots, 297, b 50. And the French encounter, 229, b 60. And Welsh at grudge, 278 860. Distressed by the Welsh, 281, a 10, Taken by French, 294, b 10. Uictors by sea against the French, 290, b 30, 40. Stand in doubt of the Welsh, 307, a 60. Uanquished by the Scots, 311, b 60  
English gentlemen maintained by the French wars, 480, b 10. Light & toiesh behaviour in the French court, 850, a 10. Discharged of their places & offices under queen Marie the French kings wife, 833, a 10. ¶ See Flanders, Flemings, French and Scots.  
Enemy vittelled by the enemy, 426, b 20  
Enemies domestical very royally dealt withal: note, 459, b 30, 40. ¶ See Forgiveness.  
Envy, and that persons endued therewith are ready to for●e matters of suspicion, 95, b 10. Of the lords against the Spensers, 325, a 30. Born for a lady bestowed in marriage, 164, a 60. Of queen Elinor against Arthur, 158, a 60. Of the Flemings, 64, a 30 At another's prosperity, 37, a 50. Of the earl of March at Henry the fourth's advancement, 511, a 30. The pursuer of virtue and prowess, 455, a 30. Issue and fruits thereof: note, 422, b 60. Against another's honourable advancement, 451, b 60. And spite between the lords spiritual & temporal, & what mischief ensued, 1, a 50. How mischievous: note, 708, a 50, 60. ¶ See Discord and Spite.  
Equality in a land how inconvenient, 1043, a 60. How hurtful and unconscionable to wish, b 30  
earl Aimer of Penbroke arrested, 332, a 50. Alan●. ¶ See Alan. Albericke de Uéere an eloquent pleader for K. Stephan, 51, a 30. Slain in a seditious tumult, 54, a 60. Arundel. ¶ See justs triumphant. Auberie de Uéere of Oxenford, 480, a 10  
Earl Baldwin de Rivers of I'll of Wight, 224, a 60. His oration to king stephan's army, 52, b 50. Belesme of Schrewesburie a factious man: note, 32, a 60. Subdued and banished, 30, a 60. Beauchampe of Warwick protector of England, 424, a 40. Of Warwick deceaseth, 519, b 60 405, a 10. Beauford of Surrie deceaseth, 536, b 10. Bigod of Norfolk a valiant chiefeteine, 47, b 60. Accorded with king Henry the second, 92, a 60, 51, b 60. Bolinbrooke of Derbie afterwards king, 448, a 90. Bourchier of Essex deceaseth, 950, a 60  
earl Charles of Westmoreland, sore judgements of God upon him: note, 1359, a 40. Charles of Flanders murdered and issueless, 43, a 50. Clinton of Lincoln ambassador into France, the manner of his entertainment, 1229, a 10, 20. courtney of Denonshire the first destroyer of Excester haven, 1008, a 40. Created, 1089, a 20. Crispin of Eureux woundeth Henry the first, and is taken prisoner, 40, a 60  
earl de Gaunt of Lincoln, 192, b 60. Dudleie of Warwick sent into Normandy with an army, 1195, a 60  
earl Edmund of Lancaster sent into Gascoigne, his service in arms, his death, 296, a 50, etc., b 10. Edmund of Suffolk flieth over into Flanders, his discontented mind, 780, a 10 Beheaded 816, a 10. Edward of Warwick, son & air to George duke of Cla●ence, beheaded, 703, b 10. Edwin of Northumberland. ¶ See Edwin, 1, a 30. Eustace. ¶ See Eustace.  
earl Ferreis of Derbie cometh to Chester with twenty thousand men, 269, a 60. Fitzosborne. ¶ See Fitzosborne. Fitzpeter created earl of Essex, 159, b 20. Decesseth 181, b 10. Foulke of Anion quarreleth with Henry the first, and whi●, 42, a 50. Accords the kings of England and France, 40, b 60. An enemy to Henry the first: note, 37, a 50, 60. Became allied to Henry the first, 40, b 20  
Earl Geffreie Plantagenet, of Anjou married the daughter of Henry the first, 43, b 10. Putteth away his wi●e, and taketh her again, 44, a 40, Had a son by Maud the empress, afterwards king of England, 44, b 10. Put to flight by king Stephan, 48, a 30. Raiseth commotions in Flanders, 48, a 20. Dealeth unfaithfully, 106, a 60 Dieth 110, a 30. Gerald of Kildare deputy of Ireland, apprehended, examined, & released, 779, b 20. George of March flieth into England, 518, a 60. Gospatrike. ¶ See Gospatrike. Guido. ¶ See Guido.  
earl Hastings of Penbroke. as he was learning to just, is wounded to death, 467, b 20. Helias. ¶ See Helias. Henry of Essex dishonoured, 67, a 10. Henry of Huntingdon his valiantness, 50, a 10. Herbert of Penbroke prepareth against the earl of Warwick, 672, a 60, b 10. Holland of Huntingdon, 465, b 60. A great exploit done by him against the French, 558, b 50, etc. Holland of Kent in favour with Henry the fourth▪ he marrieth a daughter of a lord of Milan, 532, a 40, 50. Sent to the sea with an army, 534, b 20. Hugh of Chester deceseth, 105, b 10. Hugh of March cometh over to Henry the third, and offereth him service, 209, a 10. Worketh to induce the Normans and Poictovins to favour king Henry the third, 210, a 40. Hugh of Montferrat taken prisoner, 42, b 20. Hubert de Burgh created earl of Kent, and why, 209, b 60. In Henry the thirds displeasure: note, 211, b 10. Escapeth out of prison, and taketh sanctuary, 217, a 30, etc. He is brought back, restored to sanctuary, reserved, conveyed into Wales, discharged of his office of chief justice, takes sanctuary, relieved by the Londoners, apprehended, cast in prison, and banished, 215, a 50, etc. Hubert of Morienne and his daughter sold for money, 84, a 60, b 10  
Earl jasper of Penbroke, 678, a 60. Beheadeth Roger Uaughan, passeth over into Britain with his nephew, 693, a 50, 60. john of an ambitious nature, 132, a 40. No friend to the bishop of Elie, 132, a 10. In arms to usurp the kingdom, 137, b 60. Purposed to seize upon the kingdom in his brother's absence, 134, b 50. Submitteth himself to his brother Richard the first, and craveth pardon for his offence, 146, b 60. Pardoned of all his rebellions, 147, a 10. john Scot of Chester poisoned by his wife, his four sisters, 220, b 60. john of Mortaigne licensed to return into England, 121, b 10  
Earl Lambert. ¶ See Lambert. Lacie of Lincoln deceaseth, his burial, his request on his death bed, 320, b 30  
Earl mandevil of Essex licensed to go into the holy land, 101, a 10. William of Essex taken, 56, a 20. Marchar of Mercia. ¶ See Marchar. Martial of Penbroke his oration in the assembly of peers, 197, a 40, Recovereth his castles taken by the prince of Wales, 205, a 30. Killed with a fall from his horse, 228, b 60. Deceaseth, his burial, 202, a 60, 213, b 60 Matthew of Bullongne, 87, b 10. Wounded and dieth, 88, b 40. Montacute of Salisbury a politic man and valiant, 598, b 60. Miles of Hereford, 51, b 10. Deceaseth, 56, a 10. Mortimer of March his good service in Ireland, 440, a 30. Slain by the wild Irish, his issue, 448, b 10. Last earl of March of that name deceseth without issue: note, 590, a 10. Montgomerie. ¶ See Montgomerie. mowbray. ¶ See mowbray. Mulbraie. ¶ See Mulbraie.  
earl Nevil of Westmoreland, &c: Prepareth to resist the king's enemies, his subtle policy, 529, b 40, 50. Persuadeth king Henry the fift unto the conquest of Scotland, 546, a 40. Nevil of Salisbury his issue, 641, b 60  
Earl Patrick of Salisbury slain, 75, b 30. Persie of Northumberland created, 1133, a 60. Warden of the whole marches, 875, b 50. Sent to the seas, 455, a 50. Lieutenant of Calis, 475, b 10· Conspireth with Owen Glendouer, 521, b 50, 522, 523. Restored, 545, a 20. Beheaded at York, 1257, a 20. Murdered himself in the Tower, 1403, b 50 A quest of inquiry upon the fact, 50, 1404, all. Buried in the Tower, b 20. The whole manner of killing himself, b 40, &c: to 1419, a 10. Persie of Worcester leaveth the king and flieth to the duke of Lancaster, 500, a 10. Sent over into Gascoigne to appease the people, 518, a 10, 20. Petwike of Perch, 67, b 10. Philip of Flanders, 87, b 10. A mean to make peace between the kings of England & France, 114, a 60. His devotion at Thomas Beckets tomb, 100, b 60. Doth homage to the king of England, 103, b 60. His release made at Henry the seconds request, 95, a 60. Plantagenet of Warwick son and heir to George duke of Clarence committed to the Tower, 762, a 10  
Earl Ralph. ¶ See Ralph. Raimond of Barzelon, 67, b 10. Of Tripoli, 129. Ranulph of Chester taketh his wife the duchess of Britain prisoner, 150, b 20. Layeth siege to Montsorell castle, 199, a 60. He raiseth his siege, 199, b 20. Returneth from the holy land, 202, b 20. Goeth into the holy land, 202, b 40. Deceaseth, thrice married, the partition of his lands, his exploits, 215, b 40. Reinold of Cornwall base son to king Henry the first departed this life, 95. b 40. Reinold Greie of Kent. 1227, b 40. Deceaseth, 1258, a 20. Richard obeyeth his father Henry. 109, a 60. Seizeth upon his father Henry the seconds treasure, 111, a 30. Is rebelled against, he invadeth the earl of toulouse lands, 112, a 60. Revolteth from his father unto the French king, 113, a 50. Richard of Chester under king Henry the firsts tuition, 32, b 10. He & his wife drowned, 41, b 10. Richard of Clares submission, 92, b 20. Richard of Cornwall returneth out of Gascoigne, 209, a 40. Departeth from the court secretly, joineth himself with the earls of Chester and Penbroke, 209, a 60. King of Almain, deceaseth, his burial and issue, 275, a 60. His son murdered, b 20. Richard of Essex, 961, a 60. Richard of Glocesters' submission, 92, b 20. Richard of Gloucester dieth, 95, b 50. Richard of Poitow king Henry the seconds son, his victory against the Brabanders, 98, b 50. His sharp assault of Talburgh, 104, a 10. Robert of Derbie, 92, a 20. Robert of Gloucester Henry the firsts base son, 37, a 50. An enemy to king Stephan, 48, b 50. Described, 53, a 10. cometh to Gloucester, 51, a 60. Father in law to john king Richard's brother, 117, a 30. Taken prisoner, 54, a 50. Dieth, 56, b 50. Robert of Leicester famous and valiant, 134, a 50, 60. Put to flight, 89, a 30. Taken prisoner, 144, b 40, 90, a 40. Offer for his ransom, 146, b 40. Robert Dudleie created baron and earl, 1207, a 60, b 10. Invested into the order of saint Michael, 1209, a 20. ¶ See earl of Leicester. Robert of Mellent rebelleth against king Henry the first, 42, b 10. Robert of Richmond against the Frenchmen, his martial acts, in danger to be slain, 359, b 10, &c: 60. Robert de Belesme of Shrewesburie rebelleth, 30, a 30. Robert de Uéere owner of Hidingham castle, 190, b 50. Robert passeth over into Normandy, 55, a 20. Roger Fitzmiles of Hereford, 66, a 10  
Earl Saier de Quincie of Winchester 199, a 60. Seimor of Hereford lieutenant of the North goeth against the Scots, 961, b 30. His answer to the provost of Edinburgh, 962, a 30. Simon of Hampton, 51, b 60, 52, b 20. Dieth, 60, b 10. Simon of Huntingdon dieth, 108, a 20. Simon of Leicester married with Henry thirds sister, 222 ball. Maketh his possessions into money and goeth into the holy land, 224, a 60, b 10, 225, b 40. Fled over into France, 223, b 30. Stanley of Derbie deceaseth, his life, death, and qualities, 1257, a 60, b 10. Stephan of Bullongne sworn to the succession of the crown, 43, a 10. ¶ See Stephan. Strangbow marrieth Dermutius his daughter, 81, a 50. Confined, seeketh king Henry the seconds favour, and is pardoned, 81, a 50, 60. He maketh surrender to king Henry the first, b 20. Strangbow of Straguill, 81, a 10. Summerset of Worcester sent into France rob upon the sea, 1257, b 40, 50, 60  
Earl Talbot of Shrewesburie and his son manfully slain, 639, a 60, b 50. Sent into France with an army, 817, 840. Theobald of champaign his descent in arms against the French king, 39, b 20. His country invaded by the French king, 40, b 20. Theodorike of Flanders, 66, b 60. Tiptoft of Worcester beheaded, 678. Turketillus. ¶ See Turketillus.  
earl Ualeran of saint Paul put to flight, 528, b 20. Uéere of Oxford, his charge to his bands of men, his valiantness, 759, a 10, 20. Yieldeth himself to king Edward the fourth, sent over sea, and kept prisoner twelve years, 693, b 20. Made marquess of Dublin, 448, a 60. Created duke of Ireland, 451, b 60. Duke of Ireland, to be safely conducted to the king's presence by the sheriff of Cheshire, 460 b 60. Deceaseth in miserable necessity: note, 479, b 60. His corpse conveyed from Louvain into England and there royally buried, 485, a 60. Seeketh to be divorced from his lawful wife: note, 458, a 10. Sent over into Gascoigne, 294, b 60. His valiantness, 684. b 20. Geiteth out of prison, and he with others go to the earl of Richmond, 749, a 10, 20. He livieth a power & cometh into England, his valour and chivalry, a 50, 60. He submitteth himself and yieldeth to the king, b 50. The earl of Richmond is glad of him and his company, b 60. Deceaseth, 950, a 60.  
earl Walter of Essex saileth into Ireland, 1258, b 60. Deceaseth, 1263, a 40. The place of his birth, 60. His praise in sundry respects, b 20. Disposed to enlarge his nobility, 60 ¶ See earl of Essex. Waltheof. ¶ See Waltheof. Warren, 51, b 60. Warren of Surreie his words to Edward the first, 280, b 10. Of Shrewesburie warden of the Welsh marches, 42, a 40. William of Arundel ambassador to the French king, 72, a 50. Dieth, 98, b 20. William of Kent, William de Ypresse, 54, a 30. William son to duke Robert earl of Flanders, 43, a 50. Dieth of wounds, 43, b 20. Duke Robert of Normandies' son by Sibyl, 34. a 10. William named de Longspée with others go into the holy land, 241, b 50. William of Mortaigne and Bullongne, 68, a 20, 66, b 50. A factious man, 32, a 60. His wilfulness and malcontentment, b 10. William of Salisbury invadeth the countries about London, 89, b 30.  
earl of Albemerle, 52, a 10, 52, b 10. Why supposed to betray the town, 88, b 30. Of Aluergnes' lands spoiled, 75, a 40 Of Anjou, 55, a 20, ¶ See Normandy. Departeth this life, 58, b 20. Of Arminacks daughter affied to Henry the sixth, he, his lady, son & two daughters taken, 624, a 10. An open enemy to England: note, 636, b 10. Of arundel's friendly speech to lady Elisabeth, 1154, a 50. His exploits in France: note, 609, a 10. His death, 610, a 20. Goeth to sea with five hundred men of arms and a thousand archers, 454, a 50. His liberality: note, 454, b 50. Saileth into Britain with a great power, 455, a 10. Returneth into France, 465, b 10. Sent to the sea with a great navy in aid of the duke of Britain 465, a 50. joineth with the lords in conspiracy, 458, a 60. To be apprehended by the earl of Northumberland, 60. Answer to his indictment, he is condemned, 491, b 10, 50, 60. Executed, 492, a 10, 20. Overthrown in the midst of a water, 56, a 30. Professeth himself sorry that he goeth not with the duke of Northumberland against the lady Marie, 1086, b 10. Apprehended, 489, b 20. arraigned, 491, a 60  
Earl of Bedford and his son the lord russel deceaseth, 1413, b 10. Of Blois his son made bishop of Winchester, 42, a 60. Of Britain assisted against the French king, he submitteth himself, 219, a 10, 20. Of Buckingham sent into Britain to and the duke against the French king, 425, b 60. He maketh knights at his entrance into France, 426, a 30. Displeased with the duke of Britain, returneth into England, 427, b 60. O● Bullogne prepareth six hundred ships to invade England. 75, a 50  
Earl of caerleil raiseth an army, put to death for treason, 333, a 10, b 20. His judgement and constancy at his death, 334, a 60. Of Cambridge returneth out of Portugal, 441, b 20. His son affianced to the king of Portugeses daughter, 441, b 20, 40. He and other lords apprehended for treason, 548, b 10. Executed, 50. The effect of his indictment, 549, a 30, etc. Of Chaster described, 53, a 10. His exploits being the king's lieutenant, 212, b 20. Withstood the gathering of tenths for the pope, 211, a 50. Bare S. Edward's sword before Henry the third at his marriage, 219, b 40. His oration to the earl of Gloucester, 52, a 10. His right and title thereto, and privileges, his four barons under him: note, 20, a 20. Dieth, 60, b 10. Of Cornwall marrieth the countess of Gloucester, 213, b 50. Elected emperor, 254, b 10. Stands against the K. his brother for grant of a subsidy, 251, b 40. He dareth the king money, 252, a 20. Elected king of Almain, taketh his leave of the king his brother, 256, a 20. And king of Almain, his protestation to the English ambassadors, he cometh over into England, receiveth an oath not to infringe the statutes of Oxford, 261, a all. An intercessor for peace to be had betwixt the pope and the emperor, 226, b 10  
Earl of Derbies' exploits in France and his taking of towns, 368, b 40, &c: 369, a 10, etc. Assembleth an army, winneth towns, and is victorious, 375, a 30, etc. His exploits against the infidels, 473, b 10. Keepeth Newland bridge, 377, b 20. Ambassador into France, his entertainment, 1380, a 50, 60, &c: 1381, all, 1382, a 10, etc. Of Desmond a rebel and others brought to order by the earl of Surrie & his power, 855, b 60. His strange and miserable end, 1365, b 60. His head set on London bridge, 1356, a 20  
Earl of Essex captain general of Uister, in Ireland, 1259, a 20. How he spent his youthful years, 1264, a 10. Perfect in the scriptures, 1264, a 30. I favourer of preachers, 40. Expert in chronicles, histories, &c: 50. Endued with martial knowledge and prowess, b 20. His humanity, affableness, &c: 1265, a 10. His ●quanimitie, 40. He could not away with swearing, chase, &c: 50. His devotion in likeness, 60. Heavenly contemplation toward his death, b 10. How his servants were affected at his speeches, 30. Eternally blessed, 60, His epitaph geneologicall, 1296, a 10. His death much lamented, b 2●. Queen Elisabeths' testimony concerning him, 60. Why his epitaph geneologicall was added to the sermon, 1267, a 10. His counsel to the young earl his son now alive, 20. Goeth to Leger, 1431, b 20  
Earl of Ewe. ¶ See William.  
earl of Flanders his oath, 91, a 10. Assisteth king Sweine to invade England, 14, a 50. Wounded and dead, 40, b 10. Allu●ed from Richard the first to the French K. 126, b 50. His devotion unto Thomas Beckets shrine, 152, a 60. Winneth towns, 151, b 50. In arms against the Turks, 164, a 20. Flieth into Gant, 354, b 40. He returneth and eftsoons flieth, 354, b 50. Forced to a promise of marriage, 376, b 30. Dishonourable abusing of Edward the third & his own people, ●76, b 40. He & his wife arrested, enforced to agree with the French king, released, & returned home, he defieth the French king, till he is accursed, his son appealeth from an interdiction, 297, a 10, etc. Pacifieth his people, 306, b 40. Feasteth the king of England, 360, b 10. Sendeth to the bishop of Norwich to know the cause of his invasion, 442, b 60  
Earl of Glocesters' answer to the earl of Chester's ora●ion, 52, a 30. Maketh war on the Welshmen▪ 281, b 10. Raiseth a commotion, 272, b 60. Confederateth with the earl of Leicester, 262, b 50. Admonished to obtie Henry the third, the Tower defended against him, 273, a 10. Sworn to the peace by Henry the third on his death bed, 276, a 40  
Earl of Henault defieth the French king, 357, b 60. Of Hereford's evil counsel to duke William, 8, b 60. He ● Lancaster join, 329, a 40. They flee, come to Pomfret, the one slain the other taken, 330, a 40, b 60▪ Of Hertford fo. raveth the middle marches of Scotland, 969, b 10, 60. Of Huntingdon politic & wise, 616, b 60, 617, a 10  
Earl of Kent a bishop, 18, a 60. Dispossessed of his lands, but pardoned of life, but excluded from liberty, 216, a 60, b 10. ¶ See Odo. Of Kildare restored to his deputiship in Ireland, 878, b 10, 20. Made deputy of Ireland, 883, b 30. Committed to the Tower by cardinal woolseis means, 855, b 20. Executed, 943, b 50. Of Kime otherwise Angus beheaded, 666, b 40  
Earl of Lancaster untruely ●ained to be surnamed Crookebacke, 511, a 50. Canonised for a saint, 472, b 50. A great strife whether he should be reputed a saint or no, 331, b 60, 332, a 10. arraigned, found gu●irie, and beheaded, 331, a 40, 60  
Earl of Leicester brother to the earl of Mellent, 58, b 60. Offered to strike the king▪ 89, b 50. In arms against the French king, 138, a 52▪ Put to flight by the French, his valiantness at a fresh assault, 154, b 20. Put to a hard shift by the Gascoignes, 246, b 60. Service in Gascoigne, 242, a 60. Threateneth the earl of Penbroke, 252, b 40. Resigneth his government of Gascoigne, 247, b 60. Danteth his enemies, 245, b 10. Slain, 270, a 60. His son raiseth an army, winneth winchester, his army is discomfited, 270, a all. His pride bringeth the barons to confusion, b 10.  
earl of Leicester baron Denbigh, passeth, over sea to the low countries as the queens lieutenant, 1419, a 20. Arriveth at Flushing, 1424, a 20. Saileth towards Middleborough, b 40. His entertainment there, 50. Honourably feasted in Christmas time of the states, 1425, a 20. He feasteth them again, 40▪ Landeth at Williamstat, 60. Entereth into Dort, b 10. cometh to Rotherdam, 50. Entereth into Delfe, 60. Magnificent entertainment of the queen, and the bountiful fare he kept for his attendants, in progress, 1299, a 30. On the right hand of the prince Dolphin, 1337, b 30. Keepeth saint George's feast solemnly at Utricht, 1433, b 20. Invested with the robes of the order, 60. cometh to Utricht, and how received, 1431, a 60, b 10. A placard containing the authority given him by the states of the low countries, 1428, b 10, etc., 1429, a 10, etc. Lodgeth in the house where the prince of Orange was slain, 1426, a 10. removeth to Donhage, and worthily entertained, 30. Entertained at L●idon, he rideth to Ske●eling, titles of honour ascribed unto him, 1427 b 60. cometh to Harlem, and how he was received, 1429, b 40, etc., 1430, a 10, etc. Goeth to Amsterdam, and how entertained, 40  
Earl of Leicester's only son & he●re deceaseth, 1375, b 40.  
earl of Lincoln proclaimed heir apparent, 747, a 30. Son to john de la Poole, duke of Suf●olke, a conspi●or, 766, a 10. His flight into Flanders, doubted of Henry the seventh, he entereth Yorkshire with his power, trieth battle with the king, he is slain, 766, b 60, 767, a 10. Deceaseth, 1378, b 60, 1379, a 10. ¶ See Lacies.  
earl of March duke of York, 659, b 60. The great hope of the people conceived of him, he is elected king, he taketh upon him the regiment, 661, a 60, b 10, 40. His badge: note, 660, a 20  
Earl of Mellent, 51, b 60, 52, b 10. Discontented with the bishops in an assembly, 36, a 60, b 10, 20. A councillor to Henry the first, to hold the title of investitures of prelates, 32, a 30. Taken prisoner, 42, b 20. His sons praised for their learning: note, 44, a 60. Of Mortaigne taken prisoner, 33, a 40. Mortimer. ¶ See Mortimer.  
earl of Northumberland charged by the duke of Lancaster with sundry crimes, the Londoners are his friends, they are accorded▪ 439, a 60, b 10. Sent to apprehended the earl of Arundel, 458, a 60. His words to the king, in behalf of the lords ●ialtie, 459, a 20. His message to Richard the second, 500, b 20. cleareth himself of much suspicion, 525, b 20, 30. Flieth, 530, b 40. Against Westmoreland, he is restored, 524, a 10, b 10. His return into England, 534, a 30 Slain, 534, a 60. Murdered by the northern rebels, 769, b 30, 40. His rich array, 791, a 60. Committed to prison by the cardinal Wolseis means, 855, b 60. Arresteth Wolseie. 915, b 20, 30, 40. He and Westmoreland rebel, and what ill success it had: note, 1212, 1213. ¶ See Conspiracy, Earl Persie.  
earl of Ormond high treasurer of Ireland, 883, b 30. Of Oxford. ¶ See earl Uéere.  
earl of Perch slain, 200, a 60. Of Penbroke passeth over into Ireland, he is taken prisoner, his death, 218, a 60, b 10. In danger of taking▪ he is rescued, 217, b 40 Lord warden of Scotland, 312, b 10. Diligent: note, 201, a 20. Ualiant manhood, 672, b 60. Discontented, waiteth for advantage, 667, a 60. Conductor of the earl of Richmond's company, 748, a 20. General of queen Mary's army against Wyatt and his company, they encounter. 1098, a 30, 60. Deceaseth, his epitaph, 1213, b 10  
Earl of Richmond causeth his men to put on armour, he setteth them in order, and appointeth chiefteins, 755, b 20, 40. His person described, his cause just and right, a great motive to the nobles to assi●● him, encouragements to his army to play the men, 757, a 50, b 20. His oration by ●●chard the third to the chee●eteins of his army, 755, b 60. Politic, 758, b 60 Preparation of ships and soldiers to the sea, disparkled by tempest, he seeth all the English banks furnished with soldiers, 744, b 50, 60. Sendeth to know whether they were with him or against him, arriveth in Normandy, and passeth by land into Britain, in favour with the French king, he lamenteth and rejoiceth, the lords give faith and promise each to other for his furtherance, he sweareth to marry Elisabeth the daughter to Edward the fourth after possession of the crown, diverse of his faction apprehended and executed, 745, a 10, 30, 40, 60, b 10, 20, 50, 60. Arriveth at Milford haven, his power made strong by access of the confederates, he sendeth secret word to his mother & fréend● that he meant a direct passage to London, and desired their conference, he is aided of the Welshmen, 753, a 60, b 20, 40. At Lichfield, removeth his power to Tamworth, ●nd of a strange chance that happened to him, put to a hard shift. 754, b 10, 30, 50, 60. Informed of his royal preferment, etc. He maketh the duke of Britain privy to the matter▪ preparation to bring in, receive and erect him to the kingdom, 742, b 10, 40, 60. Arteinted in parliament, and all other that fled over sea to take his part, 746, a 40. Small train for a policy, appareled like a page, he attendeth upon one of his men, he is favoured of foreign and home-born, he goeth to the French king and requireth secure to recover the crown, 748, a 30, 40, b 10, etc., 50. diverse Englishmen submit themselves unto him in France, 750, a 10. Proffereth to encounter Richard the third body to body, 759, a 40. Devout behaviour after the victory, 760, a 30. Crowned by the lord Stanley in the field▪ by the name of Henry the seventh, 760, a 40, 50. ¶ See Henry the seventh. Of Rutland put the French army in danger of an overthrow, 1240, b 30. Employed in martial affairs about Scotland, 1061, a 10. Detecteth the nobles conspiracy to king Henry the fourth, 515, & 40. Sent over ambassador into France, 519, a 40. His folly the cause of disclosing the noblemen's conspiracy, 515, a 10, 20. Being young cruelly murdered: note, 659, b 30, Went against the rebels in the north, 1212, b 20 ¶ See Manners.  
earl of Salisbury gathered ● power, 649, a 20. Charged with treason, his request, he is maineprised, 513, a 50, b 50, 60. Slain by the Saracens, 243, a 10. Deceseth, 150, b 30 Sea-sick, deceaseth, 207, b 10. Deceaseth, bruised at the justs, 366, b 60. Slain, 599, b 30. Of Shrewsburies' great diligence, policy and and true service against the northern rebels, 942, a 30. His loyalty, what he said to them that talked lewdly of him, provided of ●ll soldiers, his oath in presence of the people necessary, 942, a 30, 60, b 10, 30, 50. General of an army against the Scots and French, 994, b 60. cometh to Hadington, and of his doings against the enemy, 995, a 10, 20, 60, b 10, etc. Of Southampton deceaseth, 1062, b 20. Of Suffolk in great favour with K. Richard the second: note, 454, a 40. Put to his shifts and distressed, 790, a 60, b 10. grievously charged by the parliament house for sundry offences, 453, a 60. Flieth over into Calis disguised: note, 460, b 30. Sudden death, 440, a 10. Of Surreie entereth Scotland, defacing castles and towers, his valiant heart, rejoicing at his hap likely to fight hand to hand with the king of Scots, ambassadors to treat a peace between both nations, 783, a 20, 40. High treasurer of England, 781, b 60. Sent with a great power against the northern rebels, 769, b 60. Ualiant determination to encounter the Scots, the ordering of his army, 828 a 10, 20. And his son the lord admiral with joined powers against the Scots, 825, b 50, 60. Their message to the king of Scots, 826, a 60, b 10. They remove their camps to and fro as occasion moveth 827, b 20, 50. High admiral, his attire at the receiving of the French kings ambassadors, 848, a 40. His service against certain rebels, 855, b 50 High admiral and his company come unto Hampton court, 873, b 60. Entereth Scotland, 306, b 60. His manner of winning Morleis in Britain, he maketh knights 874, a 30, 40. Sent with an army to invade France, cometh with his power to Calis, returneth into England, 875, a 10, 60, b 10. invadeth Scotland and prevaileth against them, 881, a 60, b 10, etc. And Southampton sent to Calis, 953, a 40. Committed to the Tower notwithstanding his submission, 759, b 50. Beheaded, 976, b 40, 50. Of Sussex maketh a journey into Scotland, his valorous service, 1222, a 40, etc. invadeth Scotland, 1213, b 60. Uieweth Hume castle, 1214, a 40. Went against the rebels in the north, 1212, b 10. Gentle to lady Elisabeth, 1153, a 50, Uisiteth madam de Parma, 1210, a 60. His journeys during his abode beyond seas, b 10. Entertained of the emperor, 20. Saluted of the duke of Austria, 40. Departeth from Uienna, 60. Deceaseth, 1353, b 50. His honourable funeral, 60, 1354, a 10. ¶ See Fitzwater. Of saint Giles accorded with king Henry the second, 85, a 20. Otherwise Tho●ouze, 67, b 30. Of saint Paul, revolteth to the French, 619, b 10. Confedered with the duke of Burgognie, 694, a 30. His counsel unto king Henry the first, 488, a 10 Came out of France to see a challenge performed at Coventrie, 495, a 20. Assalteth the castle of Guisnes, 538, b 40. His fortune against the Englishmen, 538, b 40. Landed in the isle of Wight, he maketh spoil, 521, a 60. Deceaseth, 608, b 50  
Earl of Tholouze lands invaded by earl Richard, 112, a 60  
Earl of Warwick made governor of king Henry the sixth, 596, a 50. And others sent to the general council, 547, a 50, 60. Denieth that ever he acknowledged himself guilty of treason, 513, a 30. Assaulted, 648, b 20. Lord admiral and lieutenant of Calis, he scoureth the seas and taketh a rich prize, 648, a 10, etc. Regent of France, 616, a 20. His entrance thereinto, a 60. Answer to the duke of Clarence his message, 682, b 10. And Edward the fourth encounter, his manful courage, 684, a 10, &c: b 40. He is slain, 685, a 10. Followeth king Edward the fourth to foil him. 683, b 40. And the duke of Clarence took the seas, he is kept out of Calis, landed at deep, 674, a 50, b 30. The love which the people bore unto him, 675, a 40. In a cha●e because of king Edward the fourth's delivery, 673, b 30. In Coventrie, provoked to fight by king Edward the fourth, 681, a 10. His housekeeping, instituted governor of the realm, his badge worn in every man's cap: note, 678, a 30, 40, b 40. Discourageth king Edward the fourth, and maketh him fly for fear out of England, 675, a 60, b 10, etc., His standard, what ensign it bore, 673, a 10. The fruits of his malice, 673, a 30. Beareth a continual grudge unto king Edward the fourth, his persuasions to his two brethren against him, 670, b 20, 50, 671, b 10, &c: b 50. Offended with king Edward the fourth's marriage, 668, a 60. He keepeth his grief secret, b 20. Sent over into France about K. Edward the fourth's marriage, 667, b 60. His courage, a trusty friend to king Edward the fourth, 664, a 60 b 10. The right one, order taken for the showing of him abroad, 765, b 30. Had in fear & controversy in foreign regions▪ 787, b 60. showed openly in procession, 766, a 10. His manly courage, 982, a 50. His presence greatly encourageth the English soldiers, 987, a 10, His request and message to the earl of Huntleie, 984, a 20. arraigned of treason, Confesseth it, submitteth himself, is pardoned, 492, a 50, 60, b 10. In highest authority, 1061, b 10. Commended, he is slain, 727, a 60. Sent against the rebels in the north, 1212, b 40. Commended, 1205, a 50. Deceaseth, 404, b 20. His valiantness, 1204, a 60. Shot through the thigh with an arquebus, b 50. Noble men of France sent unto him from the admiral about conference, 1199b 30. Landeth at Newhaven, 1196, a 20. An oath taken by him and his officers 30. He and the Rheingrave talk together, b 10. He appointed to go against Norfolk rebels, 1034, b 30. cometh to Cambridge, b 40. He sendeth an herald at arms to the rebels offering pardon. &c: 1036, a 10, etc. Counsel given him to abandon Norwich, goeth forth to give the enemies battle, 1038, a 60, b 70. The rebels yield to him, & showeth them mercy, 1039, b 20, Counter●et of Warwick ¶ See Simene●●. Of Wiltshire and others spoil Newberie, he saileth over seas, 653 b 20, 30. The duke of Buckingham's brother 803, b 20. Of Winchester besieged by his own tenants, 240, b 10. reproachfully executed, 339, a 50. Of Worcester governor to the prince slippeth from him, 522, b 30. And others beheaded, 523, b 60  
Earls of Chester the true and famous genealogy, 221, a 10 took end in john Scot, 221, a 10. Of Leicester from the first to the last by succession, set down in a collection, 1419, a 40, &c: unto 1424, b 10. Of Richmond line that first bore their title of honour of the said castle and town, 7, b 20  
Earls created, 332, a 20▪ 568▪ a 60 347, b 60. 892, a 50.912▪ b 50. And dukes created, 395, b 50. And barons, 960, a 20. And lords, 1061, a 40, 1228, a 60, b 10. At a parliament, 353, a 30. Three taken and beheaded, 183, b 10  
earldom of March purchased, 102, a 50.  
Erminfred bishop of Zion or Sitlen a chief commissioner from pope Alexander, 8, b 60.  
Ermingard viscount Beaumont's daughter married to William king of Scots, 110, a 60  
earthquake, 217, b 50. In Kent, &c: 1313, & 10. Over all England, 109, a 40. General in England. 11▪ b 50. In H. the firsts time, 39, b 10. Sensible and visible, 44, b 40. That did much hurt, 440, b 40. In the fourteenth of duke William's reign, 14, a 30. Universal how frightful and hurtful, 1311, a 20. &c: That overthrew buildings, 239, b 20. At saint Albon counted strange, and why, 243, a 60. That overthrew houses, 241, a 60. General, did much hurt, 278, a 30. In diverse places of England, 1206, a 20, 30 In sundry places of England, and what harm was thereby done, 1260, b 10. After a thunder, 204, b 40▪ With lightening and thunder, &c: 277, b 40: note,  
Earth lifted up itself like a huge tower, 102, b 60. removed in Dorsetshire, 1353, a 20. And trees sunk and swallowed up in Kent: note, 1413, b 20, 30. Strangely moving in the county of Hereford, 1224, b 10  
Escuage demanded: note, 213, a 20. Granted, 233, b 40, 248, a 40, 262, a 10. Paid, 203, a 60. Gathered, twenty shillings of every knight's fee, 230, b 50. Termed the great, 229, a 50  
Espeke Walter, the first that brought the order of white monks into England, 26, a 60  
Essexmen beginers of a shrewd rebellion, 429, b 60. They prosecute it, 430, etc.  
Ester day fell at the highest, namely on saint Marks day 167, a 60  
Esterlings. ¶ See Riot.  
Estouteville Robert taken prisoner. 33, a 40  
Evil May day. ¶ See Rebellion of Lincoln.  
Euers, constable of Dover castle, etc., 480, a 20. Lord that now liveth, his noble ancestry 412, b 50. Knight his good service in the North, 942, b 30. His prowess and valiant service, 962, b 30. Slain, 968, a 60  
Eureux city yielded unto the Frenchmen, 386, b 50. Taken by treason, 619, b 60  
Eustace earl of Bullongne, against William Rufus, 17, b 60. Son to king Stephen duke of Normandy, 48, a 40. Angry with his father, 60, a 60. He dieth▪ ¶ See monk.  
Exactions cause commotions, 626, b 10. Great, 145, a 40. With shifts of extortion practised, 146, a 10. New and strange: note 496, a 20. Intolerable, 239, b 10. ¶ See Covetousness, Subsidies, etc. Taxes, Tenths, and Tributes.  
Example evil how it prevaileth, 430, a 60. Of great ones what it doth for imitation, 845, b 60  
Execution without judgement upon noblemen, 673, a 30, 693, a 50. Of the duke of Buckingham without arreignment or judgement, 744, b 10  
Excester rebelled against duke William, and is subdued, 6, b 10. Preserved from fire, 784, a 10. Besieged, the loyalty of the citizens, 1002, b 40, 60. City described, with the sundry assaults of the same, 1007 b 10, 1008, 1009, 1010, 1011, 1012, 1013, 1014. Commended for love and loyal service to the king and state: note, 1047 b 40, 50. Noble & true, 1048, a 10. Great practices to procure the citizens thereof to join with the Devonshire rebels: note, 1020, a 30, etc. The antiquity, foundation, and building of the cathedral church of saint peter's in Excester, 10●7, a 20, etc. ¶ See Clergy, Edward the fourth, and Richard the third.  
Excommunication denounced against the rebellious barons in king john's time, 188, b 60 Of Romish usurers, and the excommunicator called to his answer, 219, b 10. A ●art that made both king and people to quail, 223, b 60. Of priest for incontinency, 242, a 60. And suspension threatened against the English clergy, 239, a 40. threatened to such as assisted king john, 181, a 50. Of Lewis the French kings son by name, 192, a 20. By name and in particular, 190, a 10. Of king john when it was to be released, 178, b 40. Of Guy de Montfort, 277. a 40. Of duke Leopald for unprisoning of Richard the fourth, 147. a 50. Extended to the dead & buried: note, 392, a 10. Flashed and thundered out against the Wiclevists: note, 484, a 10, &c: Threatened against attempters of tumults, 205, b 60. The fear thereof constrained a contribution, 211, a 10. Of pope Sixtus quintus esteemed as nothing: note, 1401, a 40, &c: ¶ See Legates▪ Popes, and Priests.  
Excheker, and the officers unto the same by whom instituted, 8, a 60. removed from Westminster to Northhampton, 173, a 10. It and the king's bench removed unto Shrewesburie, 278, b 10.  
Excuse of Edward the first to avoid an inconvenience, 308, a 60. Of the clergy to be free from subsidies, &c: 301, b 40. ¶ See Covetousness.  
Exham field. ¶ See Battle.  
Exton knight a murderer of king Richard the second 517, a 10. His too late repentance and sorrow▪ a 20. Extortion of William Rufus made him ●uill spoken of amongst his subjects, 23, b 10. An ordinance against it, 260, b 10. ¶ See Oppression & Usury.    


F.  
FActions of York and Lancaster unpossible to be mingled without danger of discord, 647, a 40  
Fair kept at Westminster at saint Edward's tide, 241, a 30 Fifteen days together,, 247, a 20. Of Lewis the French kings son in derision, 200, b 10. At Bristol rob, 263, b 50  
Falois besieged and rendered up to king Henry the fift, 561 b 10, 60. ¶ See Arlet.  
Falsehood betwixt brethren, 32, a 60  
Family of love, five of that sect stood at Paul's cross, 1261, b 30. Proclamation against them: note, 1314, a 60, b 10.  
Famine extreme within Rone, 566, b 20. Richard the second died thereof, 516, b 60. Suffered, 68, b 20. The cause why Rone was surrendered, 167, b 60. Refused, and death by the sword chosen, 166, a 20. The punishment of witchcraft, 204, a 10. Lamentable, 323, b 40. ¶ See Pestilence.  
Farrer an haberdasher of London a sore enemy to the lady Elisabeth, 1159, b 20, 30, &c:  
Fast general proclaimed and devoutly observed, 1427, b 50  
Fasts & processions used, 260 a 10  
Favour. ¶ See People.  
Fecknam. ¶ See abbot.  
Fees. ¶ See Annuities.  
Fear causeth want of speech, 659, b 30. Made king Edward the fourth forsake his kingdom, 675, a 60, b 10. What it forceth men unto, 293 a 20. Causeth restitution of wrongful detained towns, 311, b 20. Forceth agreement: note, 114, b 20. Among the people assembled at the duke of Summersets execution, 1068, a 50, b 10, ¶ See Suspicion.  
Fergusa a Lombard betrayeth the duke of Clarence, 580, a 10  
Felton ¶ See Bull seditious.  
Ferdinando archduke of Ostrich made knight of the garter, 882, a 60  
Ferrer lord of misrule at a Christmas at the court, his behaviour and port, 1067, a 60, b 10, &c:  
Ferrer knight William taken prisoner, 33, a 40  
Ferrer a traitor. ¶ See Treason.  
Fescampe William, his devices of a plain song whereabout was strife, 13, b 30  
Feast rare and royal, 1332, a 60 At queen Katharins' coronation, 579, a 10, &c: Sumptuand full of rare devices, 1434, a 30  
Fatherston, alias Constable. ¶ See Counterfeit of king Edward the sixth.  
Feversham abbeie by whom founded, 58, a 20  
fifteenth granted unto king Henry the third by the temporalty, 213, a 10. Of the sixth penny after the rate of men's goods, 312, b 20. Of all the movables to be found within the realm, 207, a 30. Three granted, 402, a 60. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Fight among sparows, 397, b 50  
Finch knight drowned, 1202, b 10  
Fine for misdemeanour, 704, a 60 Of five thousand marks paid to king Henry the third by the Londoners, 208, b 40. For murder, 122, b 30. Of a keeper for a prisoners escape, 152, a 20  
Fines set on prisoners for their ransoms, 144, a 50. Paid for licence to exercise turnements, 145, b 60. Set on the nobles by king john for not aiding him against the French king, 167, a 20. For not coming to the church, 1322. Of priests that had wives, 26, a 30. Extreme levied upon the clergy: note, 201, b 60, 202, a 10. Set on the mayor of London and the sheriffs, 256, b 30: note. Set on sheriffs heads, 254, a 60. Of four hundred pounds set upon aldermen's heads of London by king Henry the seventh, 795, b 60, 796, a 10. Sessed upon them that favoured the Cornish rebels. 785, a 10. ¶ See Escuage, Forfeits, and Nobility.  
Fire bursteth out of the earth, 44, b 40. It & the sword God's angry angels, 1001, b 10  
Fish monstrous taken in Norfolk, 1355, b 60. Of twenty yards long, &c: note, 1259, b 30. Driven to the English shore, 1206, a 40. Like unto a man, 168, a 10  
Fishes of the sea fight, 225, b 60 115, a 10. Monstrous at Downam bridge in Suffolk 1211, a 50. In Westminster hall after the fall of an high flood, 1271, b 50.  
Fishmongers bound to find ●oure scholars at the universities, &c: note, 792, b 10. Sore troubled by the mayor of London, 440, b 30. An act against them within the city of London, 441, a 50. The statute against them repealed and they restored to their liberties, 442 a 60. Benefited by justice Randolph, 1354, a 40, 50.  
Fitzalan William a conspirator 49, a 10  
Fitzarnulfe a Londoner procureth the citizens to revenge their cause by rebellion, he is apprehended and executed, 204, a 40  
Fitzbaldrike sheriff of York, 10, a 10  
fitzempress Henry, his return into England 58, a 20. and is knighted, 40  
Fitzsergus Gilbert killed his brother: note, 98, b 40  
Fitzgeffreie chamberlain unto king Richard the first, 128, a 60. His death, b 60  
Fitzhammon Robert his tale to William Rufus, 26, b 20  
Fitziohn Eustace a conspirator, 49, a 10. Slain, 67, a 10  
Fitzleo Peter an usurping pope, 44, a 50  
Fitzmiles Roger. ¶ See earl.  
Fitzmoris his miserable end, 1365, b 60  
Fitzosbert his unnatural ingratitude, and complaint to K. Richard the first against the city of London, 149, a 40. Why he ware his long beard, his oration to the people, he is called before the archbishop of Canturburie lord chief justice & precedent of the realm, he flieth into the church of saint Marie Bow, he is attached, his concubines, 149, all. Is executed, the archbishop of Canturburie evil spoken of for his death, an old whoremonger and new saint 150, a 10, 20  
Fitzosborne William earl of Hereford, &c: governor of England in duke William's absence, 5, a 10  
Fitzroie Oliver son to king john, 202, a 20  
Fitzscroope Richard in arms against Edrike the rebel, 5, a 10  
Fitzwalter lord deceaseth in Spain, 450, b 10. Appealeth the duke of Aumerle of treason, 512, a 60. He is mainprised, 513, b 60. Earl of Sussex, his service against the Scots, he is in great danger: note, 986, a 20  
Fitzwilliams recorder of London his wisdom in a dangerous case. 730, b 30  
Flanders spoiled by the duke of Gloucester, 614, b 60. Wholly at the devotion of Edward the third, 354, b 60. Interdicted, 358, a 10. diverse roads made thereinto by the English, and great spoil done, 454, b 60. Invaded by the bishop of Norwich, 442, b 60. a great part drowned by an exundation, 34, a 60. ¶ See earl of Leicester, & League.  
Flattery impudent of sir john Bushie to king Richard the second, 490, b 60. Used in a sermon: note, 725, b 40 Notable, 727, b 50, 60, 728, a 10, etc. ¶ See Dissumulation.  
Fléetwood recorder of London made serrgeant at law, ¶ See Sargents at law.  
Fleming bishop of Lincoln, founder of Lincoln college in Oxford, 604, a 20  
Fleming knight master of the ordinance, 991, b 50  
Fleming lord required to come to parlée with the general, 1217, b 20. His dishonourable dealing, 30. His double dealing, 1218, a 10. His letter to sir George Careie, 1218, a 60  
Flemings threescore thousand came to the aid of the earl of Henault, 359, a 10. Released of debts and interdiction, 360▪ a 50. Besiege air, and do much mischief the French 377, a 60. Do what they might to endamage the French behalf o● English, 376, b 20. Their hearts alienated from the obedience of their earl, 353, b 50. Swear fealty to Edward the third, 357, a 40. Uanquished by the earl of Arthois, 303, a 60. Set upon the Englishmen in their lodgings, 306, b 10. Banished the land, 313, b 50. Their fleet looseth the victory to the English navy, 454, b 20. Kill an English herald of arms, 443, a 10▪ Discomfited by the Englishmen, 443, a 40. Sent home into Flanders, 92, b 10. Their envy, 64, a 30. Coming over into England, have places appointed them to inhabit, 34, a 60. Motion to have Edward the third take upon him the title to the crown of France, 356, b 10. Slain through their own covetousness. 1151, a 20  
Flies in February the number strange, 1260, a 60. Many seen, in a year, a prognostication natural or a plague like to follow, 1050, b 30  
Flint castle built, 279, b 50  
Flix, great death thereby in the English host, 550, b 50. By unwonted diet, and thereupon death, 813, b 10. Gotten by exessive eating of fruits, 476, b 10. Causing a great death, 537, a 20  
Flodden field, 826, a 40, etc. 427, a 10, etc., 428, a 10, etc.  
Floren. ¶ See Coin.  
Floods and high waters doing much hurt, 1129, b 50. Foretold by astronomy, but falling out false, 882, b 20. Drowning the marshes on Essex and Kent side, etc., 914, b 40. That hindered a great and bloody conflict, 943, a 30. That did much hurt, 480, b 60. In the river of Thames, 1207, a 50. High by means of a great thaw, 1208, a 60. High that did much hurt, 1310, b 30. Three without ebb between, 540, a 50. High that drowned Westminster hall, 1271, b 50. Great and violent, 161, a 10, 355, b 10. That did great hurt, 220, b 50. In the night, 284, a 30. ¶ See Bridges, and Rivers.  
Flower delices three, and how they come annexed unto the arms of England, 15, a 10  
Flushingers trouble the English passengers, 1262, b 40, 50  
Folkmote at Paul's, 262, a 20, 263, a 30, 264, a 30  
Folly of a couper, 819, b 60  
Forfeits, 312, b 60. For breaking peace concluded betwixt Richard the first, and the French king, 148, b 50. ¶ See Fines.  
Forgery of William Rufus to get money, 20, b 10  
Forgetfulness of duty in young men advanced to dignity, 76,  
Forgtuenesse of an eminie, a notable example, 156, a 30  
Forest called New forest, and what waste & desolation was made to make it, 14, a 30. Of Shirewood pleased king Richard the first very greatly, 142, b 10. ¶ See Friar.  
Forests to be severed the new from the old, 207, a 50. The perambulations of them appointed to bishops, 308, b 30. Seized into duke W. hands, 14, a 20. Their government divided, 108, a 30. And ordinances for them, 153, b 50. King john's commandment against the white monks concerning them, 162, a 40  
Forster doctor of physic first reader of surgery lecture in London, 1349, a 20, 30, &c: his faithful and friendly epitaph upon doctor Caldwell deceased, 1370, a 20  
Forswearing. ¶ See Perjury.  
Fortescue, and the reason of the name, 749, b 30  
Fortress, ¶ See castle.  
Fortune. ¶ See Walden.  
Fouks' de Brent a man of great stomach and rashness, 202, a 10. An enemy to rest and quietness, 206, a 40. His fowl end, 206, b 40. ¶ See earl.  
fountain flowing with blood, 23, b 20  
Fowls tame leave houses, and waxing wild get them to the woods, 14, a 60, b 10. Wild forbidden to be taken, 173, a 10  
Foulgier Ralph a valiant man, assistant to prince Henry's rebellions, 886, b 60. Taken by sir Francis surnamed the Arragonois, 628, b 60  
Fox, his practice to deliver certain christians from the Turks, 1310, b 20  
Foxleie slept more than feuretéene days & as many nights: note, 972, b 20  
Fray at Oxford betwixt legate Otho's men and the scholars, 222, a 20. Betwixt the English archers and the Hentuiers, 347, a 20. In saint Dunstan's church in the east, 562, a 20. near Clerknwell where the mayor of London, &c: was resisted, 641, b 10. In Fléetstréet between the stréet-dwellers and gentlemen of courts, 646, b 60: note. Between Spaniards and Englishmen about whores, 1126 b 60. On Clist heath two miles from Excester, 644, a 30. In London against the mayor, 636, a 20. Great by night in Fléetstréet, 623, a 30. Whereby ensued murder and execution: note, 954, a 20, &c: Between the Almans of king Henry the eights camp and the Englishmen, 821, a 60. Between the Englishmen and the townsmen of Sancta Maris. 813, b 60. Between the English and townsmen of Calis upon a small occasion, 810, a 10. Between goldsmiths & tailors of London, 274, a 50. Betwixt the monks & citizens of Norwich, 275, b 60. Betwixt the Welsh and English, 307, a 60  
France interdicted by the pope's legate, 160, a 60. At division in itself by civil wars, 1195, a 20. The troubles thereof touch most the Q. of England, 1195, b 30. Disquieted with two factions, 537, a 50, 60, b 10, &c: Invaded by duke William, and what wast he made there by fire, &c: 14, b 30. The iorme of the English army through it, 426, a 60. Their whole puissance vanquished by the English archers, 373, a 60: note and read the order and proceeding of that battle two pages before. The frontiers thereof full of men of war, 357, b 50. And how king Edward the third took upon him the name of king thereof, 356, b 30. And by what right he claimed it, 40, &c: 357, a 10, 20, &c: And great preparation made in England for wars against it, 547, a 60. Civil discord amongst the nobles thereof, 557, a 60. The oath of the three estates, 578, a 30. Henry the fift taketh upon him to be regent there, 578, a 50. And what towns and castles king Henry the fift got. ¶ See the history of king Henry the fift, 563, 564, 565. All lost there through civil discord at home 636, b 30, &c: 60. The English lose all there, 629, b 30. The duchy of Britain incorporated unto it, 769, b 10. The constable thereof a deep dissembler, 695, a 50. His offer to king Edward the fourth, 698 a 40. All aslant in whose time, 748, b 60, 749, a 10. It is concluded in parliament that king Henry the eight should personally invade it, 815, b 50▪ An army levied to invade it, three battles appointed with their several lieutenants, 963 b 30, 40, &c: Afflicted by the Englishmen and their aids, 879, a 10, &c: It is agreed among the lords of England to annoy and infest it, 1061, b 30  
Francis knight slain in Devonshire rebellion, 1024, a 20, 60  
Francis de Ualois, etc. ¶ See Duke of Alencon.  
Fratricide, 1270, a 10. ¶ See Murder.  
Fredrick abbot of saint Albon a rich & a puissant prelate: note, 9, b 60, 10, a 10  
Fredrick the emperor allied to king Henry the third, 219, a 60. ¶ See pope Alexander.  
Friendship▪ 395, and 394. ¶ See Peace. Entertained by affifinitie, 586, a 40. Feigned of duke William of Aquitane, 67 b 20. Found in a foreign country, 6, a 30. Between the earl of Cornwall and the earl of Penbroke, 209, a 60. Sold for gifts and bribes: note, 361 b 50  
Fréemen of London, 120, a 20  
Free school at Wuluerhampton 796, a 10. ¶ See School.  
French king maketh war against the duke of Normandy, 58, b 60. Open wars proclaimed against him by Q. Marie, 1133, b 10, 20, &c: His son traveleth in vain to take Dover, 193, a 30. Sendeth to the pope, cometh unto Calis, taketh the sea, landeth in Kent, the lords do him homage, 191, b 10, &c: Goeth to visit Calis, 1141, b 20. His son maintaineth his pretended title to the crown of England, 191, a 50. Allegeth that king john is not lawful king of England, 191 a 20. His son came to fight with king john, 183, a 60. Returneth into France, 179, b 40. Burneth his ships, 180 a 20. invadeth Flanders, 179, a 10. Displeased for the reconciliation of king john with the pope, he meaneth to proceed in his journey against England, 178, b 50, 60. Prepareth to invade England, 176, b 20. Winneth diverse things from the king of England, 169, b 40. Will not accord to peace with king john 166, b 30, 40. invadeth Normandy, 160, a 10. Demands in a treaty of peace, 160, b 20 Maketh war against king john, 164, a 60. invadeth Normandy, 166, b 10. Winneth towns from king john, 167, b 10. Almost drowned being pursued by king Richard the first, 153, b 10. Pursued by king Richard the first in danger of drowning, 148, a 40 Raiseth his siege from Uernuell, 144, b 20. invadeth Normandy, 141, b 30. His and earl john's offers to have king Richard the first kept still in prison, 141, a 20. His evil dealing and promise breaking with king Richard the first, 133, b 60. Entereth guysor's, 151, b 60. Confesseth earl john to usurp against his brother king Richard the first, 137, b 50. Setteth from Messins towards the holy land, 127, a 40. Maketh an overture for peace, he leaveth his siege, 93, b 50. Soweth sedition between Henry the father and Henry the son, 84, a 30 cometh a madding to visit Beckets tomb, 103, a 60. Entereth the town of Mauns and maketh spoil, 114, a 20. Hideth his head at the arrival of Henry the second, 112, b 30, 40. His subjects arrested in Normandy, 110, b 20. Troubled with a frenzy, 519, a 50, 60. Picketh a quarrel against England, 551, a 30. Invested with the order of the garter, 1382, a 10. Francis the great his court a university: note, 1343, a 60 b 10. Deceaseth, an obsequy for him in Paul's, 1259, b 50. cometh to the camp before Newhaven, 1205, a 60. Deceaseth, an obsequy kept for him, the chief mooruers, 1185 a 40, 50. Procureth a peace between duke Robert and William Rufus, 19, a 30. His policy against the English, 426, b 50. For money raiseth his siege, and forbeareth to aid duke Robert, 19, a 20. Restoreth towns in Gascoigne to king Edward for fear, 311, b 20. With an huge army driveth the English out of Flanders, 444, a 60. The order of service at his table, 487, a 20, 30. giveth his daughter to king Richard in marriage, 487, a 10. His privy practices disclosed by the pope's nuntio, 475, a 10. Two of his ships taken with a great prize in them, 453, b 40. Aideth the Scots against the English, 447, a 20. invadeth Flanders, 303, a 50. His unjust dealing, he renounceth what he had said, 292, a 40. Sendeth out a fleet against England, 295, a 50. Deceaseth, 427 a 10. ¶ See Normandy, & Philip▪ Arbitrateth a matter betwixt Henry the third and his nobles, and giveth sentence against the barons, 265, b 60. Requested by the pope to make war against England, refuseth so to do, 238, a 20. His brother named Charles made earl of Provence, 238, a 50. invadeth the earl of Marches lands, 229, b 30. To whom the earl of Britain submitteth himself, 219, a 20. His carriages distressed by the earls of Britain & Chester, 214, a 40 Deceaseth, 205, a 60. His sons army discomfited, and his gentlemen taken prisoners, 200, a 60. Answer to Henry the third, requiring restitution of his right, 203, b 10. Assembleth an army, cometh to Calis, his lords request to Edward the third, he returneth into Rone, 377, a 40, 60▪ b 30, 60. licensed depart, goeth over to Calis, 394, b 10 His oath of peace, hostages delivered for him, prisoner in England four years, 395, a 10. Prisoner, & comforted by the prince, whom he thanketh for his bounty, he is brought over into England, 390, a 30, b 20, 60. He is sorrowful, he is removed to Windsor, 391, a 10, 40. removed from the castle of Hertford to Somerton, his allowance, 392, a 60. His ransom, 394, a 60. Followeth the prince of Wales, 387, b 40. His presumptuous demands, 388, b 10. cometh to give the duke of Lancaster battle, 386, b 60. Taken prisoner, 389, b 40. Departeth out of the field by constraint: note, 372, b 40▪ His great army, and the service done by them, 360, a 10. Prepareth a great navy against Flanders, 358, a 40. Not of sound memory, 557, b 10. Consulteth how to deal with the Englishmen, sendeth defiance to Henry the fift, the number of his army, 552, a 40, etc. Deceaseth, 584, a 60. Turneth the civil dissension of England to his advantage: note, 636, a 30, etc. Practiseth with a witch, 602, a 20 Armed, fled in the night, 602, a 60. Deceaseth, 795, b 40, 50. Described both for person and quality, 775, b 40. Dissimulation, a motion for a treaty of peace with the English, 774, b 40, 60. Request for aid against the duke of Britain, 768, a 20. Feedeth Edward the fourth with fair words and promises, 704, b 30. Large offers to Edward the fourth, 704, a 20. buyeth peace with tribute of Edward the fourth: note, 700, b 10. Nothing precise in outward shows of honour, 695, b 20. His speech to the English herald that gave him defiance, 694, b 60, 695, a 10, etc. Dissimulation upon purpose and ill meaning, 698, a 10. Promiseth the earl of Richmond assistance to recover the crown, 748, b 50, 60. His benevolence unto the earl of Richmond, 745, a 40. Francis the first comes to the crown, his praiseworthy properties, 836, a 60. His royal ornaments at an interview, the description of his person, his rich array at a justs, 858, a 50, ●0, b 50. His and his partner's attire at a challenge, 859, a 60. His furniture and devise upon his ornaments, 860, a 40. Afflicted ●ith foreign power on all sides, 965, a 30, etc. An enemy to all christian princes, his power againts king Henry the eight and the emperor, he retireth back with his army, 960. His children delivered when the ransom of their father was paid, 914, a 20, 40. His sitting in his royalties with his great estates about him, &c: with an oration made to the assembly, 904, a 30, 40, &c: b 40. His oration before an honourable assembly at Paris wholly concerning the emperor, and savouring of malcontentment, 902, b 60. A writing from him directed to the emperor, 903, b 20. receiveth the order of the garter, 898, b 20. With the viceroie inbarked, not a little glad of his liberty, not very hasty to ratify the accord, complaineth of the emperor to the pope's ambassadors, 890 a 30, 50, b 10, 30, 50. His royalty restrained, 889, a 20. The manner of his delivery out of prison, 990, a 10. Taken prisoner, why he desired to sight in plain field, the manner how he was vanquished and taken, 884, a 40, 60, b 30, 50. Led prisoner to the rock of Pasqueton, his letter to his mother the regent of France, 885, a 50, b 30. Marrieth the emperor Charles his sister, 889, b 40. Led prisoner into Spain, extremely sick in the castle of Madrill, 887, a 50, b 60. endurance, is visited by the emperor, his sister the lady Alencon treateth for him, he is careful over the crown of France, a treaty touching his delivery, 888, a 20, 50, 60, b 20. He and king Henry the eight at variance: note, 872, a 60, b 10, etc. Attacheth the Englishmen'S goods in Bordeaux, 872, b 40. He & the Spanish begin to aspire to the empire, in hope to be emperor as well as the Spanish, builded his hope upon the humours of the princes of Germany, resteth upon the favour of the pope, 851, a 40, b 10, &c: His toiesh and light behaviour abroad: note, 850, a 10, &c: Deceaseth, the variableness of his fortune, 835, b 60, 836, a 10. Procureth the pope to be a mean to Henry the eight for peace, 831, b 50. Hath his hands full of trouble 812, b 40. Writeth to cardinal Woolseie, 848, a 20. Prepareth an army in aid of the Scots, 993, a 60, b 10, &c: Purposeth to surprise Gernseie and jerdseie, but is repelled, ashamed that any report should pass of his evil success, persevereth in his former martial action, 1055, b 30, 50, 60. The causes that made him to break up his camp, b 30. proceedeth against prince Edward in judgement of appeal, 402, a 20. Sent to defy the king of England, the county of Ponthieu taken by him, 402, b 10. Prepareth a navy, 403, b 20. Deceaseth. 396, a 60  
Frenchmen fall to spoiling and rifling of Calis, 1136, a 10, &c: Nettled with the loss of saint Quintines, they take Newnam bridge, and Rye bank, disappoint the Englishmen'S devise, they demand a parlée, 1135, a 10, 50, b 10, 30, 60. Show themselves in their kinds, 192, b 30. In king john's time overrun, take, spoil, and subdue divers places of England, 192, 193. Sent over to aid the rebellious barons, 190, b 10. Uncommanded of the king, assault Roven, 93, a 60. They & Normans fight, 60, b 50. Do much hurt in Wales, burn towns, are slain, return home, 531, a 30, &c: Their demand of the isle of Wight, 524 b 40. Invade the isle of Wight, 524, a 60. Demand a dower for queen Isabella, 519 a 60. Their practices to make the English revolt from their own king, 517, b 60. Break the law of arms, 1204, b 50. Spoil divers English ships 1195, a 60 Gather cockles to their loss and undooing, 1192▪ a 20, 50. Their policy in women's apparel: note, 1188, b 40, 50. Repelled by the English, 1188, a 50, numbers slain 60. Driven into Leith, b 10. Win a trench, 50. Repelled & some slain, 60. A trench won from them, 1190, b 10. Repelled by the English, 50. Sent into Scotland to aid the queen Dowager, 1186, b 40. Ships taken by the Englishmen, 445, a 10. Burn the town of Rye, 417, b 50. Spoil the isle of Wight, burn Portsmouth, Dartmouth, and Plymouth, 417, b 60. Their galleys chased from the English costs and vanquished, 427, a 20. They & Spaniards burn and destroy diverse towns on the English costs: note, 427, a 40, 50, &c: Uittell the English for fear: note, 426, b 20. Spoil and burn diverse towns in the west country, 425, b 40. Their admeral persuadeth the Scots to fight with the English, 447, b 20. Subtlety, 480, b 20. Fleet setting forward towards England is driven back by contrary winds, 454, a 10. Purpose an invasion of England with their ships, 451, a 20. Four hundred slain besides diverse taken, 304, b 50. Their bloody victory, 294, b 10. Slain handsmooth by the English, 295, a 60. Rob Dover, chased to their ships, discomfited and slain, 295, b 10, & Forced to retire by the English, 296, a 60. Die thorough pestilence & other ways, 230, a 60. Their spite toward the English, 241, b 60. Taken at advantage, 207, b 10. Put to flight at Lincoln, 200, a 60. Their soldiers in a poor estate, 199, b 40. Their pride procureth them hatred, 198, a 10. Fleet assailed and vanquished, 201, a 50, 60. Meant not to fight with the English, 408, b 30. Prosperous success in Poictou, 407 b 30. Withdraw themselves into their fortresses and shire towns, 405, a 60. Take the king of Navarre, 398, a 40. And English skirmish, the French fly, & submit themselves, 387, a 60, b 10, 30. Distressed, the ordering of their battle, 388, a 10, 40. Seek to save themselves by flight, 389, b 30. Forsake their horses and fight on foot, 379, a 50, 60. Slain the day after the battle, 373, a 30. Discomfited and slain, 369, a 60. Slain in great numbers, 372, b 50. Lose the passage over the water of Some, disorder amongst them, 371, a 20, b 50. Distressed and discomfited, 368, b 40. Their army discomfited by a few English, 364, a 50. Set upon the Flemings in skirmish, 359, b 30. Invade the costs of England, 355, a 50. Discomfited, 554, b 10, 10. Encountered by the earl of Huntingdon, 558, b 50, etc. Repelled, 996, a 10. Hearts discouraged with the loss of Rone, 568, b 60. Their voluntary subjection, they yield diverse castles and towns, 561, a 30. Received a great overthrow by sea by the duke of Bedford, their navy vanquished, 557, a 40. Rob Henry the fifts camp, 554, b 50. The order of their army, 553, a 10. Six to one of the English, a 30. Take occasion to invade the English, 645, b 20. Soon weary of the French government, 639, b 20. Discomfited, fly: note, 619 a 20. Overthrown, slain, taken prisoners and slain, 608, a 60. Break the peace, and take the town of S. Ualeran, 608, a 10. Faith and honesty, not to be trusted: note, 607, a 60. Recovered in Henry the sixts time all that they lost in Henry the fifts days: note the course of the stories and compare them together, 601, Commit a foul murder by negligence of the watch at Montargis, 597, b 60. When invincible, 769, a 60. Their love, 699, b 60. Overthrown to their grief and shame, 822, a 20. Land in Sussex, in the isle of Wight, distressed, the number of their navy, 969, a 10, 40.60. And English have many skirmishes, 972, 973. Dogged nature for a matter of nothing, 894, b 20. In London all arrested & put to their fines, 873, a 20. Failing in force make supply by policy, 880, a 60. Scoured of the English, and foiled of the Welsh, 874, b 20. Insolent sauciness against the English, 840, a 40. Their devilish nature, a 50. Foiled at justs of their challenge and proclaiming: note, 833, 834, a 10, etc. Navy discomfited by the English, flieth, 815, b 20 Army approaching against the power of Henry the eight, they get the great gun called the red gun by foolish hardiness of the master captain, 818, a 50, b 40. galleys land in Sussex and burn c●rteine cottages, 817, a 20. Cruelty reported by their own writers, 1056, a 60. Assail Bullognberg, the number of p●kes and bills broken upon them, repelled, fifteen wagons laden with their carcases, 997, a 60, b 10, 40, 50. They & the Scots do resolve to besiege Hadington, 993, a 60, b 10. Remove their camp, 994, b 50. Dislodged from before Hadington, encamped at Muskelburgh, chased, durst not come forth of their camp, 995, a 10, b 10. Of name taken prisoners, 1150, b 50. Their desperate adventure and dastardliness, 1139, a 20, b 10. ¶ See Bullen, Englishmen, and Normans.  
French gentlemen wear armour under their garments, 1350, a 50. Taken prisoners and slain, a 60  
Friar Forrest seditious, his execution, 945, a 20, etc. One of Ireland that accused the duke of Lancaster of treason▪ tormented and cruelly put to death, 445, b 40, 60, 446, a 10. Pateshull. ¶ See Pateshull. Patrick. ¶ See Patrick: note. Randoll committed to the Tower, he is slain by the person of the Tower, 568, b 20  
Friars beggars, an order for them, 521, a 40. Greie about London change their habits, 789, b 40. Minors when they began and increased, 170, b 60. observants impugn cardinal Woolseis authority, 884, a 10. Preachers inhabit Dunstable, 261, b 10  
Friars suborned to treat a peace betwixt Henry the third and his lords, 268, a 50. Executed for treason, 220, a 15, etc.  
Friaries suppressed, 938, a 10, 946, a 30. ¶ See Abbeys and Religious houses.  
Frith martyr burned, 937, b 60  
Frobishers first voyage for the discovery of Cataia, 1262, a 40. A rumour that he was cast away, 50. His second voyage to Cataia, 1270, a 40. His third voyage to Cataia, 1271, a 60  
Frost extreme, 58, a 60. Bitter and nipping, 881, a 10. Great and long: note, 612, a 60. Of continuance, 11, b 50. Hindering husbandry: note, 396, b 60, 168, b 30. After a sore flood, 20, b 50. With snow on S. Marks day, noisome to trees and plants, 238, b 60. With a sharp Winter, 1257, b 30  
Frost, called the great frost, 1208, a 60  
Fuage. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Fugitives practices to execute pope Pius his bulls, seditious and nourished in seminaries beyond seas, 1359. b 10 20, 30, etc. ¶ See Priests seminary. Seditious labour to bring the realm into a war external and domestical, 1360, a 60. Furtherers of treasons, 1382, b 20. ¶ See Parrie and Treason.  
Fulco a French priest his admonition to Richard the first: note, 156, b 10.    


G.  
Gain. ¶ See Gift.  
Game. ¶ See Wrestling.  
Games prohibited as unlawful, 111, b 40  
Ganteners' and king Edward the firsts men at debate, 306, a 50. Maintain war against the earl of Flanders, 448, b 30  
Guard of the prince. ¶ See Yeomen.  
Gardens. ¶ See Moorefield.  
Gardiner bishop of Winchester made lord chancellor, 1089, a 10. An enemy to the lady Elisabeth, examined of him, 1154 a 30, 40. Derided: note, dog in a rochet, 1143, a 20. The talk between the lady Elisabeth and him, 1158, b 20, 40. Crowneth queen Marie, 1091, b 30. His tale in the star chamber against the lady Elisabeth, 1102, a 20, &c: Preacheth at Paul's cross: note, 1126, a 60. His practice against lady Elisabeth, 1101, b 40. His old hatred against the duchess of Suffolk: note 1142, a 60, b 10, &c: 1143, a 10, &c: His death, visited with the sudden stroke of God, a hunter for the life of lady Elisabeth, 1130, a 40, 60, b 20: note,  
Garrisons placed in Wales by king Henry the first, 38, a 10  
Gascoigns refuse to receive the king of England for their sovereign 481, b 10. Send to Richard the first, signifying to him that they ought not to be divided from the crown, 485, a 60. Begin to humble themselves, 249, a 10. Complain of their streict handling, 247, b 60. Make war against the English subjects, they are daunted, 245, a 60, b 10 they mean to complain of the earl of Leicester, their allegations disproved, 246, a 20 40. Cease not to make war against the earl of Leicester, 246, b 60. Rebel, and why, 248, a 30. Pursue the Welshmen, 282, a 20. They and other nations how they took the death of Richard the second, 517, b all  
Gaston de Bierne noted for unthankfulness, 240, a 30. Attempteth to take the city of Baion, 250, a 30. Submitteth himself unto king Henry the third, 242, a 60  
Gavaro and others executed for murder, his desperate end, 1061, a 50, 60  
Gaunt besieged by the French king, 179, a 10  
Geffreie son to king Henry the second, 7, b 30  
Geffreie king Henry the seconds fourth son borne, 67, b 10. Marrieth the duchess of Britain, 75, a 20  
Geffreie bishop of Constance in arms against the earl of Camber, 11, a 50  
Geffreie bishop. ¶ See Bishop.  
Geffreie a king's brother rebelleth, 66, a 30  
Gelderland▪ ¶ See Duke.  
controversy and cruelty: note, 115, b 40  
Genowais stratagems to abash the English: note, 372, a 30, 40. Retained in the French kings wages, they meet the English on the feas & fight, 363, b 10, 20  
Gentlemen more trusty than the commons, more worthy than peom●n, 1052, b 10, 60  
Gerald. ¶ See earl Gerald.  
Gerard de Cambill charged with felony and treason, 143, a 10  
Gernseie. ¶ See jerdseie.  
Gifford William bishop of Winchester commended, 28, b 20  
Gifford doctor of physic precedent of the college of physicians, 1349, b 40  
Gift of king Henry teight unto the city of London, 976, b 40, 50. Of king Henry the second to Hugh Lacie, 82, b 20. Large and bountiful refused, 255, b 30. Of the new year, 249, a 50. Of earl Edwins lands to earl Alane: note the form, 7, b 10. ¶ See Crosby. Large refused being an ungodly gain, 147, b 20.  
Gifts great given for the favour of Edward the fourth's councillors and lords: note▪ 700, b 20. They pacify anger, procure favour, 478, b 50, 60. And obtain lost liberties: note, 479, a 10. Of royal magnificence bestowed by the French, 1382, a 20. A mean used to win the favour of the nobility, 16, a 10. Not respected, but the mind of the giver: note, 1179, b 20, 30. Given king Henry the eight in his progress into Yorkshire, 954, b 10, 20. ¶ See Bribes, Presents, and Rewards.  
Gilbert de Gaunt taken prisoner and put to his ransom, 7, a 20  
Gilbert murdered by Liui●us, 12, b 30  
Gilbert captain of Tunbridge castle, 17, b 40  
Gilbert knight his voyage to Norimbega, it hath not wished success, he is severed from his company, dead, and never heard of, 1369, a 50, 60, b 10  
Gilford knight, his message of thanks from king Henry the seventh to the Kentishmen, 780, a 10. Master of the horse unto king Henry the eight, 822, b 60  
Gilford lord Dudleie executed on the Tower hill, 1099, b 30 ¶ See Sands.  
guysor's besieged by king Richard the first, 151, b 60. Beséeged by the Englishmen, 570, b 50  
Gita the sister of Sweine king of Denmark escapeth into Flanders, 6, b 20  
Glass house burned, 1261, b 50  
Glendovers' rebellion in Wales, what he was, 518, b 60. The occasion that moved him to rebel, overthrown, 519, a 10 Reputed a coniuror: note, 520 b 20. Conspireth with the Persis, 521, b 50. His daughter married unto the earl of March, 521, a 20. He with his Welshmen full of mischief 519, b 20. He and his Welsh in arms against the lord Greie of Ruthen, prevaileth▪ 519, b 60. Taketh the earl of March prisoner, 520, a 60. Wasted the English marches 525, a 40. Aided by the marshal Montmerancie, 531, a 10. His crafty entering the castle Abirus●with, 533, b 40. He & fifteen hundred Welshmen taken and slain, 528, a 10. Endeth his life in great misery, 536, a 10  
Gloucester recovered & put to fine 266, b 10. Why it was not assulted by queen Margaret & her power, 686, a 40. ¶ See Duke.  
Goche his valiant service, 587, b 50, 60. Taken prisoner by the loundering of his horse, 611, b 30. A Welshman, his escape, 630, a 40. Slain upon London bridge, 635, a 30  
Goodwin. ¶ See Edmund.  
Goring George. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Gospatrike earl of Northumberland is sent against king Malcolme of Scotland: note, 10, a 60, From whom duke William taketh the earldom of Northumberland, & why, 10, b 50. How he came to be earl of Northumberland, 13, a 30. ¶ See Malcolme.  
Gospel, the shameful end of a contemner thereof: note, 935, a 60  
Grace of God, words misconstrived by the Scots: note, 423, a 20, etc.  
Grafton Richard slandered by a Scot and defended, 112, a 30. Defended against buchanan's slander, 298, b 10, etc.  
Granado is won from the Turks or Saracens, 772, b 30. The state and pomp of the same, b 60  
Grandmesuill Hugh set all upon the spoil, 17, a 50  
Grant of king Henry the third to his brother, 209, b 20. ¶ See Patents.  
Grantham church in Lincolnshire out of which the people were frighted, 2●4, b 20  
grazing inconvenient unto the commonwealth: note, 862, a 60, b 10  
Grass. ¶ See Mice. 1315, a 60  
Gravelin fortified by French for a countergarrison to Calis, 444, b 10  
Gravesend burned by the French and Spanish, 427, a 60  
Grief killeth an archbishop, 6, b 60. Of king john turned into rage, 183, b 10. 'Cause of a sore and dangerous sickness in king john, 194, a 60, Of mind doubled the cause of king john's death, 194, b 50. Killed David the prince of Wales, 238, a 60. Killed king Henry the seconds heart, 114, b 50. For loss of booties, 194, a 60. For an overthrow the death of a king, 958, b 40. The cause of death, 18, a 30, 44, b 60, 50, b 30, 728, a 30, 40: note, 1151, b 10▪ 20, 797, a 10. For unkindness, 88, b 50  
Greie lord committed unto the Tower, 952, b 10. Indicted and beheaded, 953, b 60  
Greie lord of Wilton deputy of Bullen, the letter of king Henry the eight unto him, 875, b 40, 50, 60. His service very honourably accepted of the king, 976, a 40. His request unto the duke of Summerset, 985, a 20. receiveth possession of Hume castle, 990, b 60  
Greie lord john duke of Suffolk's brother arraigned, condemned, pardoned, released, beheaded, 1117, b 60  
Greie lord captain of Guisnes, taketh the French at a sleepy advantage, commendeth his soldiers, 1137, a 50, 60, b 50 The danger that he escaped sitting upon a form with two gentlemen, hurt by mischance, he consulteth with the Englishmen, 1138, a 30, b 40, 50, 60. His words to his soldiers, being ashamed of their timorousness, agreeth with the enemy upon articles, 1140, a 20, 40  
Greie lord general of the queens army in Scotland, 1187, a 30. His message to the Frenchmen. 1188  
Greie Arthur hurt in the shoulder by shot, 1189, a 10  
Greie lord of Wilton deceaseth, 1198, a 50  
Greie Henry. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Greies' family advanced, 668, a 30, 40  
Green, one of Richard the thirds merciless instruments to murder two innocent princes, 734, b 50  
Gréenfield knight, sir Walter Raleighs lieutenant for the voyage to Uirginia, 1401, b 50. Singled from his company, arriveth in Hispaniola, 60. His valiantness against the Spaniards, 1402, a 10. In danger of shipwreck, 20. Chaseth and surpriseth a Spanish ship, 50  
Gréenwich repaired, 788, a 10  
Gresham knight suddenly deceaseth: note, 1310, b 50  
Great Harrie. ¶ See ship.  
Great Oneale. ¶ See Oneale.  
Grevill Fulke. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Griffin ap Rées doth much hurt on the marches, 38, a 60  
Griffin king of Wales departeth this life, 152, a 60  
Griffin of Wales breaketh his neck, 228, b 20  
Griffin beheaded at Tower hill, 928, a 10  
Groats and half groats. ¶ See Coins.  
Ground. ¶ See Earth.  
Guido earl of Britain his father and his three sons earls of Britain, 7, b 20  
Guenhera and the nobles of Wales make a league with Henry the third, 226, b 50  
Guy of Warwick deceaseth, 323, a 10  
Guildhall enlarged, the chapel, 540, b 10  
Guines. ¶ See Guisnes.  
Guisnes, Henry the eights palace royal there described: note, 856, b 40, b 50, etc., 857, all. ¶ See Greie lord captain of Guisnes.  
Guise. ¶ See Duke.  
Gun called Digeon, 614, b 50, Called the red gun overthrown, & recovered of the French, 818, b 30, 40  
Gun shot into the court at Gréenwich, 1132, b 50. By casualty discharged at the queens privy barge, she being therein, and some hurt done: note, 1310, b 10, etc.  
Guns of how ancient an invention, 453, b 50. Of iron when first made, 960, a 20. Gained from the French, 968, a 10. Called handguns and bearing of weapons forbidden by proclamation, 1117, b 60. ¶ See Culuerings.  
Gunpowder blows up a house and killeth fifteen persons, 1081, a 60. Sha●tereth houses in Bucklersberrie, 1208, a 50. Strangely set on fire doth much hurt, 1348, b 10  
Gurguint builder of Norwich castle, 1288, a 10. His speech, touching antiquity, 1189, a 40, etc.    


H.  
Hay at a double price, 785, a 30  
Ha●istones which made men amazed, 39, b 10. Of the bigness of hens eggs, 166, a 60. Of sundry strange shapes, 1313, b 60. Great, the like not seen, 284, b 20. A mighty storm that did much hurt, 250, a 50. That slew both men and horses: note, 393, b 60, 394, a 10. Square and of sixteen inches about, 1258, b 50. Fashioned like men's heads, 968, b 50  
Hales blood and who brought it into England, 275, b 10. showed at Paul's cross, 946, a 40  
Hales knight will not assent to the new succession of the crown, 1083, a 40, 50, 60. In trouble for religion, 1092, b 10. grievously tempted, drowneth himself, 1092, b 10, 30, 40  
Hambleton castle lost, summoned, rendered unto the French king, the number that came forth thereof, 1057, a 30, 50, b 10  
Hamblethew fortified by the Englishmen, 972, b 60  
Hamont burned. ¶ See Heretic.  
Hangman hanged, 945, b 40  
Harding Stephan monk of Shireborne, 26, a 60  
Har●●lo sands, 967, b 60  
Harflue besieged, 549, b 60. The people desire a parlée, yielded and sacked, 550, a 30, b 10. Besieged by the French, & rescued by the English▪ 557, a 10, 60, won by the English, 615, b 50. Besieged, 629, b 60. Yielded to the French king, 630, a 10  
Harleston knight his notable exploit: note, 422, a 20  
Harlot's cause many murders, 953, a 10. ¶ See Murder and Whoore.  
Harold king of Man knighted, 238, b 60. ¶ See Canutus.  
Hatred of the English against the Normans, and contrariwise, 14, a 10. Born to the jews, 121, b 50. irreconcilable between the dukes of Summerset and York: note, 630, b 20. Great between the duke of Buckingham and cardinal Woolseie, 855, b 20. Against Richard the third, 738, b 10, &c: 739, 740, 741, Of the earl of Gloucester against king Stephan, 48, b 50. ¶ See Envy and Malice.  
Harvest sore hindered by continual rain, 210, b 50, 322, b 50. Wet and rain, 249, a 30, 397, b 50. Late, 348, b 30: note, 260, a 10  
Harueie de Yuon his surrender to king Henry the second, 75, b 60. ¶ See Bishop.  
Hastings, the original of the name, the manner of their arms, 467, b 60. Their grant for exchange of lands, the record by which they executed the office of panteler, 469, a 10, 60. The order and number of clothes laid at the king's table, and how the Hastings had them in see, 469, a 20. Record whereby the said office of pantler is claimed, the petition for the second sword, which the earl of Arundel also claimed, the bill exhibited for the golden spurs, 471, a 10, b 10, 50  
Hastings lord his counsel to all his acquaintance, 675, b 10. Chamberlain maligned of the king and queen, 713, a 30. Described, 723, b 60. His life and deeds laid open, 724, a 40, etc. Beheaded. 723, a 20  
Hastings lord discharged out of the Tower, 1088, b 30  
Hastings castle, 6, a 40  
Haukesford knight his practice to kill himself, 677, a 10, etc.  
Head of wax wrought by necromancy speaketh, 484, b 20  
Heding castle besieged by the Englishmen, 875, a 40  
Hedgecote field, 672, b 30. ¶ See Battle.  
Helias the pretended earl of Man's his bold words to William Rufus, 23, b 60  
Henry the first when he began his reign, 28, a 10. Glad to seek the people's favour, and why, 28, b 10. Won the favour of the people from his brother Richard, 28, a 20. His wives, concubine, and children, his virtues, & vices, 45, a 50. In danger of drowning, 44, b 10. His promises to purchase the people's favour, 28, b 40. Reconciled with his brethren Robert and William, 19, a 60. Besieged by his two brethren Robert and William, 19, a 40. His base son to whom married, 37▪ a 40. Passeth over into Normandy and taketh diverse cities, 32, b 30. Persuaded to renounce his title to the investiture of prelates, 32, a 40. Consulteth with his nobles where to get him a wife, 28, b 30. Hurt in battle against the French king, his valiantness, 40, a 60. Against the consecration of archbishop Thurstane of York, 40, a 50. He and pope Calixtus come to an interview at guysor's, 40, b 30. Passeth over into Normandy to aid and assist the earl of champaign against the French king, 39, b 40. Placeth garrisons in Wales, 38, a 10. He and pope Innocent meet at Chartres, 44, a 50. His sons and daughters drowned by shipwreck, 41, b 10, Without issue, he marrieth again, 41, b 60. Goeth over into Normandy and createth his son William duke, 38, a 30. His passage into Normandy and never returneth alive, 44, b 30. Departeth this life of a surfeit. 45, a 10  
Henry the second crowned king, where and by whom. 65. a 10. Offended with the bishops, 70, a 30. Knighteth the king of Scots, 76, a 30. invadeth the earl of Aluergnes' land, 75, a 40, invadeth Wales, 73, b 10. He and the French king have an interview at Coicée, 69, a 40. His & Thomas Beckets first falling out, 68, a 20. He and the French king meet at guysor's, 95, a 50. He and his sons are accorded upon conditions, 94, a 40. Returneth out of Normandy, 93, a 20. His offer to his sons, 89, b 10. Knoweth not whom he may trust, 86, b 50. Purgeth himself of Beckets death, 83, b 60. Seeketh to appease the quarrel betwixt his sons, 100LS, a 60. Passeth into Normandy, he and his sons reconciled, 105, b 40. He and the French king come to an interview at Vadum S. Remigij, 104, b 50. Rideth all night to meet the French king at Dover, 103, a 60. He and the French king meet at Yurie, 101, b 40, 60. His sons wife is brought to bed of a son, 101, b 20. Against the Scots, 66, b 30. Goeth into the north, 66, a 20. Negligent in aiding the Christians against the Saracens, 116, a 10. Not so favourable to the church as he might have been, 115, b 60. His vices, 115. b 20. His sons and daughters, his base sons, the constitution of his body, his stature, his qualities of mind and body, 115, a 20, etc. He and the French king at strife, they talk together, 107, b 20, 40. His words of displeasure to his son earl Richard, 114, a 40. He and the French king come to a treaty of peace, 113, a 20. invadeth France and maketh waste and spoil, 112, b 60. He and the French kings interview betwixt Try and guysor's, 111, b 10. Passeth into Normandy to talk with French king, 110, b 40. His subjects arrested in France, 110, b 20. Nothing sorry for the death of Hugh La●ie, 110, a 30. He & the patriarch pass over into France, 109, a 50. Message to his son earl Richard, 109. His gift to Hugh Lacie, 82, b 20. Sorry for Thomas Beckets death, 80, a 30. Layeth his crown on the altar, 67, a 40. Landeth in Ireland and what he doth there, 81, b 10. Becometh servitor to his son, 76, b 10. Made his last will, 77, a 10▪ His son crowned at seventeen years old, 76, a 60. He and the French kings interview at guysor's, 74, a 60. Why called Shortmantell, 115, a 10. Sickeneth and die●h, 114, b 50. His dead body lay naked a long time, 114, b 60, 115, a 10. His epitaphs, 116, a 40  
Henry the third borne at Winchester, 171, b 60. The beginning of his reign, 197, a 10. His coronation and anointing, b 20. The presumptuous proceedings of the barons against him, 263, a 50. Asked counsel how to proceed in his wars against the French king, 232, b 20. Maketh hard shift for money to hire soldiers to assist him, he removeth towards Windsor, cometh to Stratford, 273 a 60, b 10. Lay at Cambridge, 273, a 50. He & the lord wardens of the cinque ports reconciled, 271, b 50. The barons that rose against him, their chief captains, 264, b 20. Aided by his two half brethren, he incampeth at jews, the barons send him letters, his answer, he de●ieth them, the battle between them, 267, b all. The scholars of Oxford fight against him, 267, a 10. His protestation against the articles at Oxford, 265, b 30. licensed to pass over into France, 263, b 20. He falleth sick of a sever quartane, 263, b 20 In his time many governors over the land pernicious to the commonwealth, 263, a 60, b 10. Asketh licence to pass over sea, 262, a 30. Saileth into France, compoundeth all differences with the French king, 262, a 40. Sore sick and in despair of life, 208, a 40. His charges and wasteful expenses, 255, b 60. Passeth himself into wales, 255, a 30. Lacketh money, 254, b 40. Assayeth to get money of the lord● temporal, 246, b 60. Maketh great shift for money to send unto the pope, and sendeth the pope a warrant to take it up, 250, b 40. His charges to Gascoigne, 250, b 10. Demandeth a subsidy, 249, b 20. Offended with them that refused to help him with money, b 40. His dets three hundred thousand marks, 252, a 20. Purposeth to go himself into Gascoigne, taketh the sea, arriveth at Bordeaux, 248, b 10, etc. invadeth Wales, buildeth a castle at Gannoke, 236, b 10. Returneth out of Wales, 237, b 40. Flat against the pope his demands and decrees, his proclamation inhibiting money to be sent to the pope, 238, b 60. 239, a 10. His half brethren come to see him, 239, b 60. Being in solemn procession at Paul's: note, 240, a 30. Disgraced by his nobles in a solemn parliament, 240, b 50. His eldest son created duke of Aquitaine, 246, b 10. Goeth into Wales with an army, 226, b 40. Rather hindered than helped by the countess of Bierne, 230, a 40. Spareth to set himself out of debt, 242, b 10. Driven to sell his state for lack of money▪ 241, a 20. Procureth a● inhibition to the pope, 242, b 10. His mother departeth this life, 239, a 50. Taketh upon him the cross, 242, a 40. Highly offended with the bishops, 246, b 60. Evil spoken of, 231, a 30. Passeth over into France against the French king, 229, b 20. His sundry means of impositions to gather money: note, 229, a 50. His half brethren depart the realm, 258, a 50, b 50. They are pursued, and send to the French king for safe conduct, 258, b 60. His severe sentence against a bribetaking justice, 243, b 50, etc., 244, a 10. Goeth with an army towards Scotland, 233, b 40. He and the king of Scots made friends, b 60. Lieth in wait for men's goods, 253, a 10. Favoureth not the city of London, 274, b 20. ¶ See London. Put to flight, 268, a 20. Returneth into England through France 250, a 60. Goeth over unto the French king, 266, a 40. Like to have been destroyed at Woodstock in his bed: note, 223, a 40. Crowned the second time, and why, 202, b 30. His marriage, 219, b 30. Entereth into Wales with an army, hath but sorry success, returneth, 217, a 60, b 10, 20. Goeth against the Welshmen but with ill success▪ 214, a 10. Gathereth money towards his iornie into France, 211, b 60. Saileth over into France, he taketh diverse towns and castles, getteth the victory, returneth into Britain, faileth home into England his own realm, 211, b 60, 212, all. Prepareth to pass over into France, 211, a 60. Is constrained to agree with the Welshmen, 210, b 30. In favour with Normans & Poictovins, 210, a 50. His grant to his brother, 209, b 10. Glad to appoint a day of treaty for pacification between him & his nobles, 209, b 10. And why he would not admit Walter de Hamelsham archbishop of Canturburie, 210, a 10. Will in no wise bind & endanger his lay fee to the church of Rome, 208, b 20. Demandeth restitution of parcels of inheritance belonging to the crown, 205, b 60. Purchaseth a bull of the pope for his sufficiency to govern, 205, b 10. Deposeth all the magistrates of the city of London, &c: 204, b 10. His summons to raise him an army, the captains of the same, 199, b 50, 60. He requireth restitution of his right of the French king, 203, b 10. Put in full possession of the realm, 201, b 60. His practice to get money, 241, b 20. Sickneth, 275, a 10. Extreme sick, his death, burial, issue, proportion of body, conditions good and bad, 276, a 40, etc.  
Henry the fourth duke of Lancaster, proclaimed king, 507, b 30 Plan●agenet his style or title, the beginning of his reign, 509 a 40. His coronation, 510, all. His title to the crown, 511, a 10 Meant to have made a journey against the infidels, he is vexed with sickness, 540, b 60. Of an apoplexy, his death, burial, issue, stature, &c: 541, a 10, etc. His suspicious controversy toward his son prince of Wales, 539, a 10. Taketh upon him to defend the Orleanciall faction, 538, b 30. The faction of Orleans sue to him for aid, 537, b 60. Articles of covenants which they offered him, the conditions which they requested of him, 538, a 10, 60. A favourer of the clergy, 536, a 50. In danger to be taken by the French pirates, 525, b 10. His coming to Berwick, he prevaileth against the Scots, he passeth into Wales, looseth his carriages, returneth, 530, b 50, 60 Wants money & can get none of the lords, 527, b 60. Goeth to York, 524, a 10. Charged with perjury, his answer to the messengers that brought the lords articles, he offereth pardon to his adversaries, his manhood against them, 523. His answer to the Perseus' libel, his speedy diligence against his enemies, he troubleth them with his sudden coming, 522, a 60, b 40. In arms against the Welshmen, he looseth his labour, 520, b 20, 30. His suspicion grounded upon a guilty conscience, his daughter married into Germany, 520, b 10 In danger to have been destroyed in his bed: note, 519, b 20. invadeth Scotland, making great waist, 518, b 20. Causeth Richard the second to be put to a violent death, 516, b 50. cometh to the Tower of London, the lords make towards the city against him, he goeth forth against them, 515, a 60, b 10, etc. A plot laid for his destruction, at a solemn justs, 514, b 60. In his time intaileth the crown, 514, a 10, 20. Suspected not to be well affected towards the church before his coming to the crown, 511, b 50, 60. His funerals kept at Canturburie, 543, b 50  
Henry the fift, his title, the beginning of his reign, his coronation day very tempestuous, he altereth his life & manners, 543. His justice in a progress, 579, b 40. The king of Scots in his army, 577, a 10. The duke of Bavier cometh to him with a number of horsemen, he and monsieur Baubason fight hand to hand, 577, a 50, 60. The bishop of Winchester dareth him 20000 pounds, 580, b 10. He saileth into France again, the Scotish king serveth him, he pursueth Dolphin, b 20, 30, 60. Returneth into England with his new wife, 578, b 50, 60. Received into Paris, 578, a 10. Taketh upon him the office of regent of France, 578, a 50. He & the French king at peace, the articles of the same, 572, a 20, &c: 573, a 40, etc. The effects of his oration to the French king, 576 a 10. Condescendeth to a treaty of peace with the French king, 572, a 20. cometh to Trois to the French king, affieth the French kings daughter, b 20, 30. Playeth the porters part, 570, a 20. Accursed, his enemies delivered into his hand, executed, his entrance into Rone, his behaviour & others, a legue between him and the duke of Britain, remaineth at Rone, sendeth his captains abroad to subdue castles & towns, he removeth to Uernon, 568, a 30, 40, 60. A rare & worthy example of equity in him, 560, b 60. His justice and charity, 566, a 60, b 40. His wise answer to a presumptuous French orator, 567, a 60. Aided by the king of Portugal, 566, a 20. Towns in Normandy yielded unto him, 562, b 50▪ His exploits in France, his victories, & surrenders to him, 561, a 10, &c: 562, 563▪ 564, 565, 566, 567. Arriveth in Normandy, how he prevailed against his enemies, and taketh castles and towns, 559, a 10. His royal modesty: note, 556, a 40. Wise and valiant challenge, an example in him what is to be done after victory, 555, a 10, 20. His valiantness in slaying the duke of Alencon, 554, b 20. His camp rob, b 50. His policy against the French horsemen, his oration to his men, his wish & noble courage, 553, b 30, 40, 50. Passeth the river of Some with his host, the number of his army, his justice in war, his answer to the French kings defiance, he rideth forth to take view of the French army, 552, all. His standard recovered from the French, 551, b 10. Saileth over to France with his host, 549, b 20. His charitable proclamation, his besieging of Harflue, 30, 60. He taketh and sacketh it, his merciful dealing with the French prisoners, 550, all. His words to certain traitors of the nobility, 548, b 30. Wise answer to the archbishop of Brugesse, 547, b 60. His policy in the time of a commotion, 544, b 10. His royal port, he falleth sick. 582, b 30, 50. Is brought sick to Bois de Uincennes, 583, a 10. His advise upon his death bed, his decease, his commendation in diverse respects, 583, all. The manner of his burial, 584, a 10, etc.  
Henry the sixth borne, 581, a 60, b 10. Crowned in Paris, 606, a 40. His coronation at Westminster, 602, b 60. The beginning of his reign, 585, a 20. Goeth against Kentish rebels with a power, 634, a 50. The manner of his burial, a description of his person, his canonisation to be a saint laboured for, his quality, 691, a 10, etc. showeth himself to the Londoners, he is delivered up to the hands of Edward the fourth his enemy, 683, a 30, b 10. Fetched out of the Tower and restored to his regiment, 677, b 50. His saying concerning Henry of Richmond, after king Henry the seventh, b 10. Commended by the earl of Warwick: note, 671, a 10. Assembleth an army against Edward the fourth and his adherents, 664, a 20. His power exceeded king Edward's, b 30. His part discomfited, he withdraweth to Berwick, 665, a 10, 40. Maketh a solemn feast at the reconcilement of the nobles that were at strife: note: createth dukes and knights, 595, b 40, 50, In person goeth with an army into France, 605, b 20. Returns out of France into England, 607, b 40. His receiving into Excester, the clergy there against him, 637, a 20, 90, etc. Practices to put him beside the crown, letters interchangable betwixt him and the usurper, 637, a 60, b 10, etc. 638, 639. In arms against the duke of York, his answer to the duke's letters, 642, a 60, b 10, 50. The armies join, the kings part vanquished, 643, all. Part discomfited, he is taken, 654, b 30, 40. Articles of peace and agreement between him & the duke of York, 657, b 20, etc. Letters kept from him of purpose, 644, a 60. He to reign in name, but not in rule, he to revoke certain grants agreed upon: note, 644, b 20. His power discomfited, fly, 660, b 10. Raiseth an army against the duke of York, 649, b 50. Present in habit royal at a solemn procession in Paul's, 648, a 60. Flieth, 666, b 20. He is taken, and laid up in hold, 667, a 30. His deposition described, 1234, b 40. Set up again as king, 727, a 60. Sick, 642, a 20. Murdered in the Tower, 690, b 60. And by whom, 712, b 20.  
Henry the seventh, his birth, age, descent, bringing up, and port that he bore, & king Henry the sixth his saying concerning him, 678, a 60, b 10. One of the blood of Henry the sixth, his life a grée●e to Edward the fourth, 701, b 10. He taketh sanctuary, note, 70, b 10, etc. His wife the lady Elisabeth when borne, 668, b 50. Crowned by the lord Stanley in the field, 760, a 50, 60. Doth some honour to Richard the third after his death, in respect of his burial, 761, a 20. Banisheth all Flemish ware out of his dominions, 778, a 20. He and Maximilian agree to plague the French men, 774, a 50. Desireth the king of Castille to have Edmund earl of Suffolk delivered into his hands, 793, a 30. His progress into Lancashire, 779, Wanted policy, 790, a 20. His chapels at Westminster built, 790, b 30. His policy against sir Robert Clifford, 778, b 20. He is in a quandary, 779, a 10. Purposeth wars against France, and openeth the just cause in parliament, 771, b 50. Sendeth espials into Flanders for a subtle policy, 777, b 30. He & the queen dined at sergeant feast kept at Elie house, 779, a 40. Requesteth a priest of six thousand marks, & goeth into the north, 764, a 30, 50. Maketh out a power against Perkin Warbeck 784, a 20. His gracious pardon to a great number of miserable rebels, 784, b 30. Covetous in his old age, 791, b 20. Saileth to Calis, he and the duke of Burgogne meet at saint Péeters' church without the town, 788, a 10, 30. Is loath that the French king should marry the duchess of Britain, 771, a 60. Sendeth the lord Daubnie and the lord Morleie against the French, 770, b 10. Borroweth a great sum of money of the chamber of London, 770, a 20. Sendeth forth his army against the French king, 769, a 40. His return out of the north country, his offer to make an atonement betwixt the French king and the duke of Britain, his love to queen Elisabeth, 768, a 10, 40, 60. Assembleth an army, his power soon increased, his encounter with the conspirators, he overcometh, 766, b 10, 20, 30, 60. All the captains against him slain, he giveth thanks to God after the victory, 767, a 20, b 30. cometh to London, he is crowned king, 762, a 30, b 10. He advanceth his friends, redeemeth his hostages, performeth his promise touching the marriage of Edward the fourth's daughter, 763, a 20, 60, b 30. His decease, what children he had, he is described, his qualities royal, his sepulture, executors of his last will, 797, a 20, 30, etc. Royally buried, a description of the whole pomp: note, 800, a 30, etc.  
Henry the eight, duke of York, and afterwards king, his birth, 775, b 60. Proclaimed king, his councillors, and riches, 799 a 20, 30. His coronation with the pomp thereof, 801, a 30, 40, etc. Good at tennis play, 809, a 10. He and the duke of Suffolk defenders at tilt against all comers, he receiveth a cap of maintenance from pope julie, 830, a 60, b 10. A notable good horsseman, 837, a 20. He rideth westward in progress, a 20. Sendeth for the queen of Scots & her husband to his court, 838, a 40, etc. Buildeth a castle at Tornay, 838, b 40. Sitteth in the starchamber in judgement, 852, b 60. Entitled defender of the faith, he writeth against Luther, at variance with the king of France, 872, a 30, 50, 60▪ His minions removed out of the court, 852, b 10. Glad of the French kings delivery out of prison, 889, b 60. Procurer of his liberty, 890, a 60. Alleged by the French king as a precedent of humanity in case of a captivated king, 890, b 40. Borroweth 20000 pounds of the city of London, 874, a 20. receiveth a golden rose for a present from pope Clement, 883, a 60. What moo●ed him graciously to receive the lady regent's ambassadors of France, 887. Passeth over to Calis, an interview between him & the French king, 928, b 40, 60. His base son made earl and duke in one day, 892, a 40 Sworn to perform the league concluded, 893, a 10. His articles for the reforming of religion, 940, b 60. His supremacy confirmed, 938, a 10. Proclaimed K. of Ireland, 955, a 60. Taketh alone of money, 957, a 10. His munificence to the earl of Angus, archbishop of S. Andrews his deadly foe, 959, b 10. Sent a power over against French king, 960, a 60, b 10. His message to the lord Greie by sir Thomas Palmer: no●e, 975, b 50. Passeth the s●as to Bullen, 964, a 60. Entereth into the town, returneth to England 965, a 10, 20. Goeth in progress into Yorkshire, gifts given him, 954, b 10, 20. A good archer and full of activeness: note, 806, a 40, 50, 60, b 10, 20, etc. Broke more s●aues at justs than the ●est, & had the prize given him, 809, a 50. Runneth at tilt, diverse pastimes wherein he was a principal actor, he runneth at the ring, 805, a 10, &c: b 6●. Forced to take arms against the Scots, 957, b 30. Magnificent and munificent to the French kings ambassadors, &c: 848, a 10, 20, &c: 849, a 10, etc. Purposeth in person to pass the seas to see the French K. his brother, 835, b 60. receiveth the order of S. Michael, 898, b 10. He cometh to westminster hall & there sitteth in judgement himself upon the riots of ill May da●●, his gracious & general pardon, he and the duke of Suffolk run at justs, 844, a 20, 30 50, b 30. Riding to Portesmouth, appoints captains over his ships, 815, a 40. His navy sets out, concluded in parliament that he should personally invade France, ●15, a 50, b 10, 50. Taketh the pope's part against the French K. 611, b 10. He and French K. their interview in the vale of Andren, they two make challenge to all comers ●t justs, his sumptuous furniture at the said justs, 858, a 30, b 30, 60. He runneth against monsieur Grandevill, the partners of his challenge, 859, a 30, b 10. His band of men with their devise on their apparel, his entertainment of the French queen, 860, b 20. He departeth from Guisn●s to Calis, and from thence to graveling to visit the emperor, his stately mask, himself a special actor, 861, b 10, 60. He returneth into England, 862, a 40. In person passeth over to France, 817, b 60. The order of his army, 817, a 10. Incampeth at arks, cometh to the siege, 819, a 20, 30. His power united with the emperor Maximilian his soldiers against Terwine: note, 821, a 50. Entereth into Terwine, the citizens are sworn unto him, marcheth on with his army to Tornay, goeth to L●sle to visit the young prince of Cast●le, 822, b 40, 50, 60. His pomp & port, 823, a 10 Maketh certain gentlemen knights for their good military service, 824, b 50. Falsely reported to be dead, he & his train ignorant of the way to his ca●pe by means of a mist he besiegeth Tornay, 823, a 60. Returneth to England, 825, a 60. meeteth the emperor Maximilian, his harness and furniture, his speech to a Scotish herald, his answer to the Sco●●sh king's letter, 820, a 20, 50, etc. Entitled Christianissimo by the pope, 831, a 10. His gift to the city of London: note, 976, b 40, 50. First named supreme head, 923, a 30. And what thereupon followed, his voluntary inclination to pardon the praemunire of the clergy, 923, b 10. His marriage in question, & how determined by diverse universities, b 30, 40, etc. His oration in the parliament house: note, 971, a 20, etc. He & his queen at Havering in the Bower, 852, b 30. Sets forward into France, he and the emperor Charles meet at Dover castle, keep their Whitsuntide at Canturburie, landeth at Calis, lodgeth in his palace at Guis●es, 856, a 20, 50, 60, b 30, 40. His affablenes with his young courtiers made them too saucy & bold: note, 851, a 60 Thankfulness to his military servitors, 829, b 50. The portion intended to be given with his daughter Marie in marriage, 850, b 10. His marriage by consent of all universities judged unlawful, 912, b 60 913, a 10, His marriage with his brother's wife in question, 897, a 60. Is desirous to be resolved by the opinions of the learned touching his marriage, 906, b 50. Confesseth that the sting of conscience made him mislike of the marriage, 907, b 60. Submitteth himself to the censures of the learned, mistrusteth the legates of seeking delays, his affection to the lady An Bullen, 90●, a 20, 50, 60, b 60. Marrieth the lady Anne Bullen, 929, a 60, Marrieth the lady Ian● Seimor, 940. cometh to see the lady Anne Cléeve at Rochester, 948, b 10. Welcommeth her to Gréenewich, 949, b 60. He marrieth her, 950, a 10, etc. His marriage with the lady Anne of Cléeve judged unlawful, 952, a 60. Marrieth the lady Katherine Par, 960 a 30. Maketh his last will & testament, his executors, 976, b 60. Deceaseth, described, commended, 977, a 10, 20, etc.  
Henry the prince is s●nt against Robert of Northumberland, 15, b 40. His disorder of life, 77, a 20. Seeketh to seize upon the government out of his father's hands, 86, a 60, b 10. New practices to put his father beside the crown, 99, b 10. Falleth sick, 106, a 60. He sendeth to his father, his repentance before his death, his death & burial, 107, a 10. Accused to his father, 539, a 10. Goeth to the court with a great train, his strange apparel, his coming to the king's presence, the words they both used, his request to have his accusors answer their wrongful accusations, 539, all. Taketh away the crown● before his father was dead, he is blamed of his father the king, his answer, 541, a 30  
Henry, the first son to Henry the eight deceaseth, 808, b 50  
Henry Fitzroie, K. Henry the eights base son: note, 892, a 40  
Henry the empress her son lord Henry came into England to see his mother, 55, b 50. Knighted in England, 58, a 40. Marrieth the duchess of Aquitain, 58, b 60. Returneth into England, he besiegeth Malmesburie castle & is forced to raise his siege, 59, b 40. Passeth into Normandy, his puissance, a peace between him and the French king, 54, a 60, b 10  
Henry son to the earl of Cornwall, and king of Almaigne murdered, 275, b 50  
Henry the emperor dead at Utrecht, 42, b 60  
Henry grace de Dieu, a great ship, otherwise called the great Henry, 815, b 40  
Here long how it was to be worn, 30, b 60. In the court redressed, 42, b 30. The abuse thereof, 44, b 60: note, 46, a 1●  
Heraclius patriarch of jerusalem, 108, b 10  
Herald at arms words from the Scotish king to Henry the eight, & how courteously used▪ 820, a 40, 50, 60, b 10. Of Scotland richly rewarded of Henry the eight, 821, a 30. From the K. of England & France to the emperor, the speeches & behaviours, 898, b 60, 899, all, 900, all. Defiance intimated, 901, b 10. Killed, & the deed doer executed as a traitor, 390, a 10. Not suffered to enter in France: note, 960. a 60, Scotish his message to the duke of Summerset. 983, b 40, etc. English his intimation to the Edenburghers, 707, b ●0, &c: 708, a 10, etc., His office, & how the French king rewarded an English herald giving him defiance, 695, a 10. Insufficient from the French king to the king of England & his speech, 695, b 30, 40, etc. Well rewarded at Henry the fourth's hands, 518, Slain, 443, a 10  
Herbert bishop of Thetford why deprived of his bishop's staff 21, a 40. He came to it by simony, 26, a 50  
Herbert knight of great pow●r among the Welsh: note, 752, b 60  
Hereford castle delivered unto Lewis the French king his son, 198, a 50  
Heremit of Pomefret or Wakefield his prophesy to king john: note, 180, a 30  
Heretic burned at Norwich, & what opinion he held, 1299, b 20, 30, 1354, b 60  
Hereward partaker with the English rebels against duke William, 10, a 50  
Herlowin a noble man in Normandy husband to William conquerors mother, 20, a 10  
Hertfordshire men sworn unto Richard the second, 438, a 30  
History writers blamed, 112, a 20  
Holy land otherwise called Palestine, 120, a 40. In danger, 104, b 50. Whereto Richard the first goeth like a pilgrim, 123, b 10. A●d granted to the people thereof, 111, b 20. ¶ See jerusalem, and Saracens.  
Holy maid of Kent. ¶ See Elisabeth Barton.  
Holland in Lincolnshire spoiled and made tributary unto the French, 193, a 10  
Holland beyond seas commended, 1426, a 30  
Holland knight killeth the lord Stafford, 447, a 5●. Made earl of Huntingdon, 465, b 60  
Hollocke county his secretary hanged, 1431, b 30  
Homage done to king Henry the second by his sons, 94, b 40. Of a thousand pounds yearly, 87. b 20. Done unto king Henry the third by the archbishop of Rone, 241, b 40 By the earl of savoy, 238, b 50. Of rebels to a foreign prince intruding himself upon the crown of England, 191, b 30. Of king Henry the second unto the French king, 107, b 50. Of king john to the French king, 161, a 60, b 10. By king Edward the first unto the French king, 283, b 30. Of the Scotish king, &c: unto the kings of England, 69, a 60, b 10, 20, 95, b 60, 162, a 60, 254, a 40, 50, 290, a 20, 245, a 40, 350, b 20, 587, a 20. Of the Scotish lords unto king Edward the first, with words of his accepting it: note, 301, a 30, etc. Of the nobles of Scotland unto king Edward the first set down in express words: note, 287, b 60, 288, a 10. ¶ See earl of Flanders, Malcolme, and Scots.  
Homilies, when and why instituted to be read in churches, 979, b 50. Commanded to be had in churches, 992, a 60  
Honours change manners: note, 543, b 10, 76, b 10  
Hope vain & frustrate, 193, b 50  
Horn. ¶ See Bishop.  
Horse flesh powdered and served in at a banquet, 1192, b 60.  
Horse stealers, ten hanged at once in Smithfield, 1356, a 10  
Hose. ¶ See Apparel.  
Hospital of saint leonard's in York why and by whom founded, 27, a 10  
Hospitals builded by archbishop Lanfranke, 18, a 50, ¶ See Sauoi●.  
Hospitality of Richard the second: note, 508, a 10. Of the earl of Warwick: note, 678, a 40  
Hostages English threatened to lose their lives, 147. Executed for promise broken, 597, b 10. Of France had great love and liberty showed them, 396, a 20. For the assurance of the French kings ransom, 394 a 60. Their number, 395, b 60 Delivered by the Scotish lords on the king's side, 1217, a 10. During the time of a parley between enemies, 1139, b 50. French for the delivery of Tornay, &c: in heaviness and sorrow courteously dealt with and royally: note, 850, a 30. ¶ See Pledges.  
Howard knight lord admiral, 812, ● 60. Goeth to Biska●e, his arrival, 813, a 10. Abused of the English soldiers, goeth to Britain, burneth diverse places, knighteth diverse gentlemen, the lords of Britain's request unto him, 814, a 50, 60, b 10. He would have Henry the eight present in person at the encounter and is rebuked, he cometh into the ●a●e where as prior jehon lay, 816, a 60, b 60. Drowned, 817, a 10  
Howard knight made lord admiral in his brother's room, 817, a 10, 20. Incountereth with the earls of Leneux and Argile, 828, b 20. Atteinted of treason, dieth prisoner, 940, b 50. In the Tower, 944, b 60.  
Howard lord gentle and favourable to the lady Elisabeth, 1158, b 10. Privy seal deceaseth, 1257, b 40. ¶ See Earl of Surrie.  
Hubert de Burgh assaileth the French fleet, 201, a 50  
Hugh earl of Chester his exploits against the Welshmen, 23, a 40. Despaireth of life, 28, a 10  
Hugh earl of Shrewesburie & Arundel his exploits, 23, a 40. Slain by a rover: note, 23, a 50  
Huldorne captain rebel executed, 672, a 30  
Hum● castle besieged, yielded up, possessed of the English, 990, b 10, etc.  
Hun hanged in the Lollards tower, his death lamented, & why, 835, a 10, 20  
Hunger when people did eat horses, 1022, a 60  
Hungerford lord executed for buggery, 952, b 20  
Hunsdich paved, 792, a 10  
Hunsdon lord his descent, he presenteth the order of the ●arter to the French king, 1206, a 60. He with others go against the rebels in the north, 1212, b 20. Made lord chamberlain, 1413, a 50  
Hunting fatal of William Rufus, 26, b 30, 40. Priests were not to use it, 97, a 60. A statute made concerning it, 238, b 20  
Hunting royal, 473, a 20, 30  
Huntingdon earldom by whom and to whom given in dowry, 11, b 20. Scotish, 66, b 50. The castle won, 92, a 60  
Husbandry hindered by frost, 396, b 60. Diminished whereb●●, and how remedied: note, 862, a 60, b 10. ¶ See Frosts, and Rain.    


I.  
IAcke Cads rebellion in Kent, 632, a 60. Is at his wit's end, disguiseth himself, is forsaken of his adherents, proclamation out to take him▪ he is apprehended and executed, 635. slayeth the Staffords, 634, a 60  
jacke Straw & his adherents executed, 436, a 50. His confession at the time of his death, 438, b 10  
jane the daughter of K. john married to the earl of March, 182, b 60  
jane de Ualois sister to the French K. treateth for peace, 360, a 30  
jane lady Gilford proclaimed queen, 1084, b 10. Hath the keeping of the keys of the Tower, 1087, a 40. Committed to the Tower with her husband the lord Gilford, 1088, b 50. Her behaviour at her execution, the words which she spoke on the scaffold, 1099 b, 40, 50, 60, 1100, a 10, etc.  
jaques Arkeneld purposeth the destruction of Gerard Deruse, his house been set, & he slain, 368, a 30, etc.  
Idleness & meat of other men's charge what they do, 1049, b 20  
jennie a notorious known traitor & conferrer with Francis Throckmorton, 1371, b 10  
jerdseie. ¶ See French king.  
jerusalem taken by Saladine prince of the Saracens, 110, b 50. With more part of all other towns taken from the christians, 111, a 60. The king thereof doth fealty to Richard the first, 127, b 60. The king thereof cometh to England, 205, a 50. ¶ See Holiela●d.  
jest of Philip the French king at duke William lying sick: note, 14, b 20. Of Richard the first at the castle of Chateau Galliard builded, 155, b 10. Of king john concerning the mass, 196, b 20. Of Edward the fourth and a widow that gave him money, 694, a 60. pleasant concerning the strict keeping of lady Elisabeth, 1156, b 40. Merie at the rood of Paul's, 1121, a 60. Of a cat hanged in Cheap, and of a dog clothed in a rochet called by the name of Gardener, 1143, a 20. Against scripture, justly rewarded, 1223, a 50. ¶ See Derision and Mock.  
jesuits & massing priests proclaimed against, 1315, a 40, Sent over seas and banished the realm: note well, 1379, a 30, &c: 1380. ¶ See Priest's seminary.  
jew, and of a good jews answer to William Rufus, 27, a 60, b 10. Stricken by a christian, 118, b 50. Hath his teeth drawn out, 174, a 40. At Teukesburie falleth into a jakes: note, 262, b 60  
jews and christians dispute, 27, b 20. Burnt to death, 119, a 10. Suit to William Rufus against jews become christians: note▪ 27, a 40. Brought into this land by duke William, 15, a 10. At Lincoln slain and spoiled, 272, a 20. Inhabiting London slain for treason, 267, a 60. Slain at London, & why, 263, b 40. Accused & executed for crucifying of a child, 253, a 50. Charged on pain of hanging to pay Henry the third 8000 marks, 252, a 10. Rob in Oxford, 238, b 10. Constrained to help Henry the third with money, 242, b 30. Released out of prison, 254, a 20. Punished by the purse for a murder committed, 224, a 30. Meant to crucify a child in spite of Christ, 219, a 30. Generally imprisoned through out all England, hated: note, 283, b 20. Banished out of England, and why, 285, a 50. Drowned, b 10. Give Henry third, the third part of all their movables, 211, b 60. Indicted and punished for abusing the king's coi●e, 279, b 30. Crucify a child, 56, b 20. Grievously taxed, tormented, and imprisoned, 174, a 30. And where they buried their d●ad, 101, b 20. Appointed to enroll all their debts, pledges, &c: 145, b 20. exceedingly hated and murdered: note, 121, b 50, 122, all. Houses set on fire at London, 118, b 60. Beaten & abused by the people, 118, b 60. Meant to present king Richard with a rich gift, 118, b 40  
jewel john. ¶ See Bishop.  
Island discovered. ¶ See Sebastian.  
Images taken away & removed from their places: note, 945, b 10, etc. Removed out of churches, 979, b 50. Through out the realm pulled down and defaced, 992, b 20. Taken down & burned in the streets 1184, b 60, 1185, a 10  
Impost. ¶ See Custom and Subsidy.  
Imprecation: note, 248, a 60  
Incest of king john, 184, b 20  
Enclosures of the fields about London cast down and overthrown by archers of London, 830, a 10. A proclamation for the laying of them open, 1002, a 10  
Incontinency of Henry the second, 115, b 30  
Indenture sextipartite of conspired noble men: note, 514, b 60, 515, a 20. Tripartite toving conspiracy, 521, b 60  
Indulgences biennals & triennals liberally granted, 428, b 60  
Infection. ¶ See Murren.  
Infidelity suspected in William Rufus, 27, b 20  
Ingratitude: note, 862, b 60. shrewdly practised and severely punished, 743, b 50. 744, a 50. A notable example thereof, 605, b 40. Of Fitzosbert unnatural, 149, a 50. Striketh dead, 50, b 30. In all estates towards Richard the second, 508, a 50, 60. For good service unrewarded, and what followed, 21, b 30. Of Odo for his restitution: note, 17, a 20. Of cardinal Pool to Henry the right that brought him up, 1165, a 10  
Injury done and no reu●nge sought: note, 1117, b 40. ¶ See revenge.  
Injustice, 173, b 30  
innocency no bar against execution, 1066, a 10  
Innocent hanged for the nocent 173, a 30  
Inquisitions taken of diverse matters: note, 153, b 30. Taken by a jury of sundry matters, 145, a 60. Of the losses every bishop had and sustained, &c: 180, b 60. Called Trail baston, 312, b 60. Taken of the misdemeanours of justices, 312, b 40. For abusors of the king's coin, 279, b 30. For the separating of forests, 207 a 50. What were the liberties in times passed of K Henry the thirds grandfather: note, 205, a 10. For washers & clippers of money, 241, a 10. For the valuation of benefices pertaining to strangers, 236, b 40. For offenders abusing clergy men strangers, 214, b 40  
Insurrection about the taking up of cor●●, 944, a 60. O● 〈◊〉 at 1093, b 10. wherein note what mischefous hurlibu●●es do chance in a comm●t●●● or rebellion, 1094. ¶ See Rebellion.  
Interdiction, 175, a 10. Threatened by the pope against the king & his clergy, 171, a 10. Of the land solemnly rel●s●d 183, a 20, 360, a ●0  
Entertainment unfit breedet● malcontentment, 20, b 60. Of the emperor Sigismond strange: note, 556, b 40, 50. ¶ See Friendship and Hospitality.  
Interview. ¶ See Edward the fourth & other kings of England, as French king, etc.  
Invasions punished and other offences against the king's peace, 312, b 60. ¶ See England and Scots.  
Inuestitutes of churches three days together argued upon, 34, a 30. Of prelates. ¶ See Bishops and Consecration▪  
johannes Cremensis alecherous legate: note, 42, b 40  
john of Gaunt borne, 357, a 60 Meried, 392, a 20. Duke of Lancaster, 395, b 30 Buried, and his daughter Blanch▪ 405, a 1●  
john the king proclaimed king of England, 157, a 20, b 40, 158 a 10. Made king of Ireland, 109, a 20, 101, a 30. Married 117, a 30. His impatiency to see himself bridled by his subjects, 186, b 20. Taketh diverse castles, 189 all. Aided by foreign soldiers against his barons, 187, b 60. Disquieted, departeth into the isle of Wight, 186, b 50. Crowned K. of England the second time, 165, a 60. From whom the Poictovins revolt, 164, b 10. cometh upon his enemies vnloked for, 164, b 40. divers ways molesteth the whit● monks, 163, a 10. Divorced from his wife Isabella the daughter of earl Robert of Gloucester, 161, b 60. He & the French king come to a parlée 160, b 10. Passeth over into Normandy, 160, a 40. Returneth out of Normandy, 161, a 40. Invested duke of Normandy, 158, b 20. cometh out of Normandy into England, 158, b 50. Wanting a●d against the French K. cometh back to England, 16● b 60. Prepareth an army to go into France, 168, b 40. Goeth to the sea, returneth, chargeth certain of his nobles with treason, 169, a 10, 20, 30. Taketh the sea, maketh was against the French king, 170, a 10, 20. Repareth Angiers, 170, b 30. Writeth to the pope touching the archbishop of Canturburies' election, 171, a 40. Threatened with interdiction, he & his realm put under the pope's curse, 171, a 10. Passeth into Ireland, 174, a 50. Goeth into Wales with an army, 174, b 60. Punisheth diverse that refused to go with him into Wales, 175, a 40. His destruction put in practice by means of the pope's legate & the French king, 175, b 40. Delivereth his crown to Pandulph, and hath it again restored, 177, a 60, b 10. His words of fealty made to the pope, 178, a 60. What caused him to agree with the pope, 180, b 10. His lords refuse to follow him into France 181, a 10. Commended to the pope for an honourable prince, 182, a 10. removeth to Angiers, 183, a 60. invadeth Britain, 183, a 40. Taketh upon him the cross to go into the holy land, 184 Subscribeth to his barons notwithstanding his oath, 186. b 10. cometh to his lords to talk of some pacification, 185, b 50 Left desolate of friends, 185, b 30. Maketh havoc on the possessions of his adversaries 193, b 50. His noblemen revolt from him to K. jews, 192, a 10. His children male and female, the description of his person, his fortune, his saiengs & doings, 196, a 10, etc. Incestuous & covetous: note, 184, b 20. The pope's vassal, 191. a 10. Assembleth a great army against the French K. 176, b 40. kneeleth down to the archbishop of Canturburie, & besought him of forgiveness, 810, b 40. His son named Oliver Fitz●oie, 202, a 50 By whose means his nephew Arthur lost his life, & why, 7, b 30. Falleth sick of an ague, his raging, 194, a 50, 60. His death diversly reported by writers, 194, a 60, b all. Reported to an ill purpose, 190, b 20. His burial, and corpulency, 194, b 60  
john Ball. ¶ See Ball.  
john a Chamber a notorious northern rebel, 769, b 40, etc. 770, a 10, etc. Hanged like an archtraitor, 770, a 10  
john Tiler. ¶ See Tiler.  
jone de Are pusell de Dieu, 600, 10, etc., 603, b 50. Taken prisoner, &c: note, 604, a 50, 60, b 10.  
Joy immoderate the cause of death, 955, b 20  
Ipswich besieged, 60, b 40  
Ireland divided into several estates, or kingdoms, 80, a 50. mostly conquered by Henry the second, 109, b 60. Four Irish kings submit themselves to Richard the second, 481, b 30. The yearly revenues thereof in Edward the thirds days, 481, a 50. Englishmen sent thither to inhabit the Ards in Ulster, 1257, a 20 Soldiers transported thither 1314, a 30. Invaded by the pope's means, 1366, b 60 ¶ See john and Soldiers.  
Irish do destroy Angleseie, 237, b 50. Rebelling, kill the English, 275, a 10. Friar appeacheth the duke of Lancaster of treason, 445, b 40. miserably tormented and put to death, 446, a 10. To avoid into their own country by proclamation, 481, a 40. With the lord of Kilmaine arrived at Harflue, 565, b 60. Their good service, 566, a 10. Wild spoil the earl of Kildars country, 914, a 10. Nobility submit themselves to Henry the eight in England, 957, a 10. Seven hundred in warlike manner pass through London, & muster before king Henry the eight: note, 963, b 20, 30. Bows, bagpipes, and darts among them, 1259, a 10.  
Iron great want within Scotland, 323, a 20  
Isabella daughter to the earl of Gloucester married unto john K. Richard's brother, 117, a 30  
Isabella the second wife of king john, & what issue she brought him, 161, b 60. Crowned, 162, a 30  
Isabella Henry the thirds mother deceaseth, 239, a 50  
Isabella countess of Cornwall deceaseth, 225, b 60  
Isabella wife to emperor Fredrick, deceaseth, 229, a 10  
Isabella de Boulbec. ¶ See Countess.  
Isac. ¶ See Cipriots.  
Isleie knight, all his apparel not worth four shillings, 1099, b 20  
Isoldune where seated, 146, b 10  
judge Morgan fell mad: note, 1099, a 60. ¶ See justice.  
judges and other officers committed to the Tower: note, 360, b 40, etc. ¶ See justices.  
judgement rash in an holy father, 109, a 20  
judgement secret of God upon Banister & his children after the attaching of the duke of Buckingham, 744, a 50, 60 ¶ See Revenge.  
judith, duke William's niece, whose daughter & to whom married, & how endowed, 11, b 10  
jury of twelve men ancient, when instituted, & how matters by them should be tried, 8 b 20. That went upon sir Nicholas Throkmorton, appeére in the starchamber, excessively fined, 1121, b 40. Extremely dealt withal, 1122, a 10. ¶ See Throckmorton knight. At Excester assize eleven dead: note, 1548, a 60  
justice chief of England giveth over his office & becometh a canon, 103, a 50. An office imposed upon prelates. ¶ See Archbishop,  
justice of Henry the fift: note, 560, b 60, 566, a 60. A notable example of Edward the first upon his son, 313, b 30. Mingled with mercy, 797, a 60. And the commendable care of K. Henry the second thereof: note, 115, a 60. Without regard of kindred, 315, a 20. And what followed upon the neglect of the same, 13, a 10. Partly pretended, 734, a 60. Perverted when one is hanged for another, 1007, a 20. In war: note the force thereof, 552, a 30. Corrupted. ¶ See Bribes.  
justices of peace when & why instituted, 8, a 60. Itinerants the division of their circuits, 97, b 60. Th●ir oath, 98, a 10, Die of infection, 1547, b 40. 1548, a 40. Chief of England elected & others deposed, 119, b 10. Itinerants' cause inquisitions to be made in their circuits, 145, a 60. Abuse justice: note, 225, b 20. Keep the term for pleés at S. saviours, 259, b 30. Begin to go their general circuits, 282, b 20. ¶ See Sickness at Excester and Oxford. Complained of to Edward the first, & punished: note, 284, b 60. 285, a 10, etc. Fined, 312, b 50. Sat neither in the tower nor elsewhere for a whole year, 361, b 20, Restrained from feés, bribery, & gifts, &c: note, 369, b 20, jurors, &c: brought to blockham feast by the rebels, 430, a 60. Compelled to subscribe, 458, b 10  
justs at Blie where P. Edward began to show proof of his chivalry, 254, a 20. At Brackleie, 242, a 10. In Cheapside, 348, b 50. At Chalons where prince Edward behaved himself Worthily, 276, a 20. At Dunstable, where king and queen were present, 363, a 40. At Gréenewich with goodly shows, 815 a 10. At Greenwich before the emperor Charles, 873, b 10. Where sir Francis Brian lost one of his eyes, 892, b 60. At London, the mayor and aldermen challengers, etc., 392, a 40, 50. In the Tower of London & Gréenewich, 646, b 60. Royal in Tuthill field for the space of eight days, 220, a 10. Devised to be holden at Oxford where Henry the fourth should have been murdered, 514, b 50.60. Within the king's palace of Shine for the space of a month, 774, a 30. In Smithfield, 366, a 10, 395, b 60 Royal, 473, b 30, 40, &c: 474, a 10, etc., 535, b 60. At Westminster with the shows and triumphs there, 807, a 50, 60, &c: And some hurt done, 940, b 60 1225, a 30. And much hurt done among the people, 1315, a 60. By gentlemen of name, to delight nobles of France note, 1316, 1317, 1318, 1319, 1320 1321. At Windsor, 366, a 50. Against all comers, 497, a 10 It & turnie appointed by the lords and by Henry the third disappointed, 236, b 60. Handled in a rougher manner than in these days, 245, a 10. Whereat sir Arnold Montensie was slain: note, 246, b 20. Prohibited by proclamation, 311, b 10. Betwixt the bastard of Burgogne & the lord Scales, 669, a 20. With many a proper devised show, 802, b 10, &c: 803, a 10, etc. Solemn wherein Henry the eight himself was a challenger, 835, b 10. Kept for honour of his sister the French queen, 838, a 60, b 10, &c: Between Henry the eight and others, 844, b 10, 950, a 30, 850 a 60. Proclaimed in sundry nations, 950, b 60, 951, a 10, etc. Royal in France: note, 858, a 60, b 10, &c: 859, a 10, &c: 860, a 10, etc. At Paris, the nobles go thither, decrees for the same, how long they lasted, with the manner thereof: note, 833, all. At Tornay for disport of the prince of Castille & the duchess of savoy, 825, a 20, ¶ See Tilt and Turnies.    


K.  
Calendar. ¶ See pope Gregory.  
Katherine daughter to the earl of Huntleie married to Perkin the rebel, 780, a 40. Presented to Henry the seventh, 784, b. 10  
Katherine the daughter of Ferdinando sent over into England out of Spain, 788, b 40, etc. Married to king Henry the eight, 801, a 10. ¶ See queen Katherine & Henry the eight.  
Kelwaie Thomas. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Kendal wasted, 91, b 10  
Kentishmen do lie in wait in woods for the coming of duke William, 2, a 10, Cannot away with bondage, and determine to fight with duke William for their laws and liberties, 2, a 10. The key of England, 2, b 10. Send a message to duke William, 2, b 10. Had duke William at advantage, 2, a 20, b 10, etc. Make an hurlie burlie and commit much mischief, 677, b 10. Executed for rebellion, 693, a 60. Have thanks of Henry the seventh for their good service, 780, a 10▪ Rebellion under john Tiler. ¶ See Tiler.  
Ket, his rebellion, a captain there, 1028, b 50, 60, to 1042, etc. He meant to have talked with the earl of Warwick, 1037, a 60. Power increaseth▪ 1032, b 60. Apprehended, examined, 1039, 50, 60. Both brothers executed, 1240, a 50, 60.  
Killingworth castle besieged, delivered to Henry the third, 272, b 10. Fortified against Henry the third, 272, a 30. Holden against Edward the second, 329, b 10  
King of Armenia. ¶ See Armenia. Of Cipriots. ¶ See Cipriots. Of France. ¶ See French king. Of Ireland. ¶ See Ireland. Of Portugal. ¶ See Portugal. Of Spain. ¶ See Spain, etc.  
King can abide no peer in his own realm: note, 25, a 50. In name but not in fame: note, 465, a 40. What kind of person he is or should be, 910, b 40. Office hard to discharge 740, a 40. Best kind of government, 1052, b 30. jurisdiction absolute in their own realms, & that the pope hath nothing there to do, 24, b 20, etc. Election & advancement referred to the people, 1, a 40. Oath at his coronation, 1, b 30.  
King's college in Cambridge founded: note, 691, b 40, etc.  
Kingdom to obtain what promises are made, but not kept. ¶ See Promises & People.  
Kingston knight is sent to fetch up Woolseie arrested of treason to Henry the eight, talk betwixt the said sir William and him, 916, b 30, 50. Provost marshal, execution of marshal law: note, 1006, b 60, his ill justice, 1007, a 10. Accused of treason, his decease, 1132, a 40.  
Kiriell sir Thomas, a valiant captain, 630, a 20.  
Kiss the pax would not the K. with Becket, 78, a 10. ¶ See Reconciliation.  
Kn●uet surueior deprived of his office: note, 856, a 10. An instrument to bring the duke of Buckingham to destruction, 862, b 60  
Kneuet knight arraigned for striking in the court, judged to lose his hand, he is pardoned, 953, b 10, etc.  
Kneuet sir Henry knight deceseth, 974, b 60.  
Kneuet Edmund knight, his service in Norfolk rebellion 1031, b 30.  
Knewstub. ¶ See Sermon.  
Knights of the Bath, 511, a 10.733, a 20.931, a 50.  
Knight's order of the Rhodes dissolved, 951, a 40.  
Knights of the round table first founded. ¶ See Order of the garter.  
Knights templars apprehended, and what laid to their charge 319, a 10, etc.  
Knights three hundred of men of arms to be found, 153, a 10 Two hundred fifty and two besides demilances taken prisoners by king john, 165, a 20. Made by Henry the third, 240, a 60. According to the value of their lands, 248, a 10. To be made according to their revenues, 254, a 30. Fees, how many in England in king Henry the third his time, 262, a 20. Four score made at once, 263, a 20. Made by the duke of Buckingham at his entry into France, 426, a 30, 40, b 30 Made of captains for good service in war, 551, a 40  
Knighthood, 595, b 50. To valorous gentlemen in service of wars, 814, b 20. For good military service, 824, b 50, 874, a 50, 880, b 40. Urged, or else to make fine, 929, b 40. For service done against the enemy, 962, b 40, etc. 991, b 40 992, a 20, 1216, b 40, 1222, a 60  
Knolles knight sent with an army into France, 405, a 20. Born in Cheshire, his counsel not followed, 405, b 60. The fear that the enemies had of him, 406, b 50. His severity, 445, b 10. Deceaseth, remembrances of him, 533, b 40  
Knolles Francis knight sent over to view the state of Newhaven, 1202, b 30. His four sons in a triumphant show, 1319, b 60. ¶ See Auxerre, and justs triumphant.    


L.  
labourers, an act of parliament for the drawing of them in order, 835, b 20  
Lacie Hugh, and of king Henry the seconds gift unto him, 82, b 30. Slain in Ireland, 109 b 60. His puissance and contempt, his diligence to enlarge his possessions in Ireland, 110, a 10  
Lacie Robert constable of Chester hangeth two for spite, 133 b 40  
Lacie Roger a Norman, 17, a 60  
Lacie Walter in arms against the rebels, 11, a 50  
Lacies constables of Chester by inheritance, their estimation and credit, 215, b 60, 217, a 10, 20, etc. Earls of Lincoln of whence they had their original, 20, a 30  
La●gnie on the river of main besieged, 608, a 10  
Lamb esquire, a good common wealth's man, deceaseth, his acts and deeds full of charity: note, 1311, a 60, b 10, &c: 1312, his epitaph, 1313, a 40  
Lambert earl of Lens, 11, b 10  
Lambert Simenill. ¶ See Simenill.  
Lamperdevaux castle builded, 279, b 10. Taken, 281, a 10  
Lancaster and York house, and the uniting of them in one intended, 740, b 40. Furthered 741, a 10, &c: 742, a 10, &c: 743, a 10, etc. Some matter concerning both worthy the reading▪ 761, a 20, 30  
Lancaster house, and how malicious Margaret the duchess of Burgogne was thereunto, 765, b 10. Envied 776, a 10  
Land, and how many acres an hide containeth, 13, b 10  
Lands let out for yearly rend in duke William's time, 8, a 40 Mortgaged for money, 17, a 30. Of the church defended and recovered by archbishop Lanfranke: note 18, a 60, b 10  
Landoise corrupted with rewards betrayeth the earl of Richmond into Richard the thirds hands, 747, b 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60. His expectation disappointed by the privy and unknown departing of the earl, 748, a 60  
Lanfranke an Italian the three and thirtieth archbishop of Canturburie, 9, a 20. His authority great among all the lords of England, 16, a 30. His counsel to William Rufus to win the nobles favour, 16, a 10. Diligent care for the safety of William Rufus, 17, b 20. In favour with pope Alexander, 9, a 40. Assisteth duke William in arms against the rebels, 9, b 50. Calleth a council of the clergy, 11, b 60. Praised for holding with the monks, 18, b 10. Envied for his prosperities sake, 17, a 10, 20. His death, 18 a 40, with a description of certain his qualities, and diverse of his acts and deeds, 18 40, a 50  
Largesse of William Rufus at his coronation: note, 16, a 40  
Law marshal a burden intolerable, 1052, b 10, Executed, 1199, a 50. 566, a 60, 1007, a 10, etc. ¶ See Soldiers.  
Law sal●ke, 836, a 60, 545, b 40  
Law of arms: note, 669, a 60, 577, b 40. Uiolated by the French, 1204, b 50. Touching heralds violated, 984, a 40  
Law of duke William against such as forced any women, 15, b 50  
Law to be quite abolished at the rebels request, 432, a 50  
Law against buying and selling on the sunday, 624, a 20  
Laws penal of duke William: note, 14, a 20. Confessed to be unequal, 8, b 40: note. Of S. Edward supposed most equa●l and indifferent, 10, a 20. Of William Rufus sharp, rigorous, and peremptory, 20, b 10. Of king Henry the first commanded to be universally observed, 181, a 30  
Laws written in the Norman tongue not understood of the English: note, void of conscience and equity, 8, b 10. Of England ancient abrogated and established, 8, a 60. Remain in Kent only, 2, b 30  
Laws and liberties fought for, 2, a 10  
Lawyers to plead their cases in English, &c: 396, a 20. Brought to blockham feast by the rebels, 430, a 60. Fraudulent punished, 950, b 30  
Lecture. ¶ See Surgery.  
Léeds castle besieged, 327, b 60, And yielded, 328, a 10  
Legate Anselme with his authority from Rome, 39, b 60 Ferentino gathereth much money in England, 170, b 10 Gualos practices to get money, 193, a 20. john de Anagnia from Rome to procure peace between kings, 113, b 60. Otho cardinal, and what duty he gathered of the clergy, 208, a 30. Pandulph, ¶ See Pandulph: note.  
Legate from the pope about reformation, a bawdy knave, 42 b 40. With the archbishop of Yorks pall, 36, a 50. ¶ See archbishop: note, 29, a 40. A shift by forbearing the name, 239, b 50. ¶ See Cardinal.  
Legates from Rome to reconcile the bishop of Elie and the archbishop of Roven, 137, a 50 They practise for their own advantage, 100, b 10. Authorised to celebrate a marriage, 98, a 50. Not regarded, they excommunicate, 37, b 30. From the pope about Beckets death, 82, b 50  
League betwixt England and Flanders, 354, b 30. Concluded, 296, b 50. Renewed, 160, a 50. Between England and France, 897, b 50. Renewed, 193, b 60: note, 768, b 60 Confirmed, 1229, a 40, 1238, a 30. Between England and Scotland, 1402, b 30. With the Scots and French to annoy the English, 296, a 10. Between the emperor and king Henry the fift, 557, b 20, etc. Between king Henry the eight and the emperor 959, b 60. Between king Henry and the duke of Britain, 568, a 60. Between king Henry the fift and the duke of Burgogne, and how articulated, 575, b 30. With king Henry the third and the Welsh nobility upon certain articles, 226, b 50, etc. Secret betwixt the pope and certain states of Italy, 893, a 10  
League of peace to break, an evil deed, 820, b 60. ¶ See Peace and Truce.  
Leicester won by force, 89, a 40. The walls and the castle razed, 98, b 20  
Leigh knight. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Leith burned, 990, a 30. More riches found there than was looked for in any town of Scotland, 962, a 30. Entered by the English army, and by them possessed and spoiled: note, 962, a 30. Assailed on the seventh of May, 1191, a 20. The great skirmishes between the English & French there in queen Elisabeths' time, 1186, b 40, etc. 1187, 1188. 1189. The French men driven into it, 1188, b 10. A fire in it, and augmented with shot of ordinance and windy wether, 1190, a 50. Maipoles set up therein on May day, b 10. Why the describing of the siege thereof is so largely set down, 1193, a 20. Peace concluded thereabouts, a 40, etc. Burned to the ground, 963, a 20  
Leofwins malicious mind against Livifus: note, 12, b 30  
Leolin prince of Wales summoned to come and do his homage, 278, a 10. And the Welsh rebels accursed, 281, a 20. His wife taken from him, he beginneth to make wars, maketh sure for peace, 278, a 50, 60. Restored to her husband, 279, b 10. He sueth for peace, 278, b 10. Beginneth new wars, 279, b 60. invadeth Edward the firsts friends, 281, b 10. Discomfited, 205, a 30. invadeth the English borders, 213, b 60. His courage, 214, a 10. Spoileth the marches of England, 217, a 20. Made cuckold and how he revenged it, 211, b 60. Wasteth and spoileth all the marches betwixt Wales and Shrewesburie, 218, a 30. Deceaseth, 224. Slain, his head presented to Edward the first, 281, b 40, 60  
Leopald. ¶ See duke of Ostrich.  
Learning in the earl of Mellents sons: note, 44, a 60  
Letter of king john to his nobles of England, touching his victories, and taking of duke Arthur prisoner, 165, ● 10. Of the proud bishop of Elie to the sheriff of Kent, 130, b 30. Of the pope to the clergy of England for the celebrating of a holy day, 85, b 10. Of king Richard the first to the states of England for the deposing the bishop of Elie, 132, a 30. Of the emperor to the states of England, touching his deliverance, 140, b 20. Of Richard the first to the archbishop of Canturburie, touching his deliverance out of prison, 140, a 50. To the duke of Ostrich, cléering Richard the first of the death of the marquess of Montferrat, 136, a 50. Of Henry the fourth to pope Gregory and the cardinals, 535, a 40, etc. Of William Northbourgh the king's confessor describing the king's voyage into France, 373, b 50, etc. Seditious of a priest, 437, b 30. Of E. W, concerning the earl of Essex Walter Devereux, 1266, a 60, b 10, etc. Of cardinal Como to Parrie for resolution to kill queen Elisabeth, 1388, b 10. Of Creitchton to sir Francis Walsingham touching Parries intended murdering of the queen, 1388, a 10. Of Boner vn●o cardinal Poole, concerning persecution, 1164 a 10. Of the council to Edmund Boner as touching queen Marie conceived with child, 1123, b 60. Of the lady Marie, touching her challenge unto the crown, 1084, b 50. With an answer of the lords, 1085, a 40. Of the king to the lord Cheinie, at his going into France: note, 1123. Right excellent of the duke of Summerset to the Scotish nobility touching the marriage between Edward the sixth and the queen of Scots, 998, b 10 etc. 999, 1000, 1001, a 10. Of defiance from the Scotish K. to Henry the eight, 820. Of the French king prisoner to his mother the regent of France, 884, b 50, 60. Of Gefferie the king's base son to Richard archbishop of Canturburie, 104, b 10. Of Gardener to Boner, touching the celebrating of pope Iu●ies funerals, 1128, a 60, b 10. Of young king Henry touching the disappointment of archbishop Richard's consecration. 86, a 10. Of Henry the second touching the pacification between him and Thomas Becket, 78, a 20. Of the pope's. ¶ See Pope.  
Letters of the duke of Summerset and the lord russel, 1057, a 60, b 20. Of Henry the sixth to the duke of York, 638, a 60. Of the duke of York to Henry the sixth, 637, b 60, 638, a 10, etc. Of the duke of G●lderland to Richard the second: note, 475, b 60, etc. 476, a 10, etc. Concerning prince Edward's doings and proceed beyond s●a, 384, a 10, etc. Of Parrie to queen Elisabeth & lords of the council after his voluntary confession: note, 1387, a 20, b 10. Of submission and suit of one Francis Throckmorton traitor against queen E●isabeth and the realm, 1373, a 60, b 60, 1374. He is executed, 1375, b 30. Missive taken from the queens ambassadors servants, 1195, b 20. Seditious of a bishop sent into a foreign realm: note, 17, a 10. Treasonable, 428, a 60. Of protection from the French king to the king of England, 102, a 60  
Letters intercepted, 329, b 10.  
Letters patents revoked, 526, b 50  
Lewin a Welshman hanged: note his treachery, 299, b 60, 300, a 10, etc.,  
Lewis the French king inclineth to peace with Henry the third, 201▪ b 10. Deceaseth 208, b 60, 209, a 10. His sons entitled to the kingdom of England, 201, b 20. Sendeth to his father for aid, 200, b 60. An army prepared in France to secure him, 201, a 10 His fair, 200, b 10. Maintaineth his title pretended to the crown of England, 191, a 50 ¶ See French king.  
Lewis le gross, 34, b 60  
Lewis. ¶ See Physician.  
Libel against cardinal Woolseie, 895, a 30. Seditious against Henry the seventh, and the libellors executed, 778, a 60. Causing loss of life, 746, b 10 Set on the duke of Northfolks' gate forewarning him of treachery against Richard the third, and of his own safety, 759, b 10. Against the queen and realm are false, 1363, a 40. Published in Italian against queen Elisabeth, and the same answered, 1418, a 40. Printed against queen Elisabeth, 1370, b 60. Against the clergy, 558, b 20. ¶ See Books seditious.  
Liberality of Richard the first wonderful, 126, b 30. Of the earl of Arundel: no●e, 454, b 50. Of Edward the first to his nobles, 308▪ a 40. Of sir Thomas Sackuill to the French, 1224, b 60, 1225, a 10. Of William Rufus, 27, a 20. Repent: note, 20, b 10. In a prince commended, 16, b 10  
Liberty preferred before a kingdom, 726, b 60. Obtained by gentle language, 673, a 60, b 10. Bought with money, 140, a 20, b 60. ¶ See ransom. Obtained by great words and proud brags, 23, b 60, 24, a 10. Desired above all things: note, 1046, a 30, 60  
Liberties. ¶ See Laws, Londoners, Privileges, and Southworke.  
Licence to build castles, 47, a 30 Of king Richard the first to gather riches, 120, a 60. For the English justs and turme: note, 145, b 60. Asked of Henry the third of the commonalty to pass over sea, 262, a 30. To bury the bodies of the rebels. 335, a 60. And that without it none should departed the realm, 20, b 40. To departed the realm, sought and obtained, 14, b 10  
Li●, & how dangerous to credit: note, 587, a 50  
Life to save what shifts noblemen can be content to make, 460 b 30  
Lightning. ¶ See Th●nder.  
Limerike a kingdom, 101, b 10  
Lymoges besieged, taken by force, 406, a 10, 40. Rendered to king Henry the second, 107, b 20  
Lincoln besieged, 56, b 10. Taken, 272, a 10. Woo●e o● the French, 192, b 60  
Lincoln castle, 6, a 40  
Lincoln john the author of the insurrection on ill May day, the griefs particularized in his bill for the city's behoof, a great enemy to strangers, prosecuteth his information of grievances by specialties, 840, b 10, 20, 40, 50, 60. Indicted, & wha●la●d to his charge, he is executed in Cheapside, 843, b 40, 60  
Lincolneshiremen throw away their coats the lighter to run away, 674, a 20. In arms against Henry the eight, 941, a 50, etc. They give over their rebellious enterprise, 941, b 10. Submit themselves and receive a new oath of fealty, 941, b 20, 30  
Lisle yielded unto the French king, 304, b 40  
Li●leton a judge of the common plées, 702, b 10  
Liu●fus slain, and what mischief thereof ensued, 12, b 30  
Loyalty of the citizens of Roven unto king john: note, 167, b 40. ¶ See Oth.  
Loiterer described, 1050, b 20  
London the only place for the jews to bury their dead, 101, b 20. When their burgesses were chosen commonly called their council, 164, a 40. The bailiffs thereof committed to prison, and why, 171, b 40. Bridge repaired, 172, b 10. Consumed with fire, 176, b 10. Bridge on fire, 791. The kings especial chamber, 729, b 20. Wall part thereof newly built, 702, b 60. Sore vexed, assaulted, & in sundry places spoiled, & burnt, 689, b 10, etc. 690, a 10, etc. When it first began to receive the form and state of a commonwealth, 120, a 20. Of how many wards it consisteth, 120, a 30. Men of arms & archers lie round about it twenty mile's compass was it were in camp, 451, b 50. The arms thereof augmented by addition of a dagger, 436, b 20. Liberty's seized into king Edward the firsts hands, 282, b 60. Confirmed, the rent of the farm of the sheriffs increased, 274, b 40. The liberties thereof seized into Henry the thirds hands, the sheriffs imprisoned, 251, b 40, etc. Walls decayed and newly repaired, 256, a 40. The custody thereof committed to the constable of the Tower: note, 256, b 20. Under the rule of prince Edward, &c: he appointeth the mayor and sheriffs, 274, b 20, In charge of the bishop of Excester, 338, a 40. Bridge and the tower there taken down, 1270, a 30. Served with Thames water by pipes brought into several houses, 1384, b 50. Where much hurt was done with wind, 19, b 10. A great part of it burned to the ground, 14, b 10. And of the charter granted unto the citizens by duke William, 15, a 60  
Londoners provident and pitiful in the time of scarcity, 476, b 60, 477, a 10. Pursued by prince Edward, 268, a 10. Refuse to lead the king a thousand pounds, 477, b 50. Revolt from the duke of Norfolk going against Wyatt, 1094, b 60. Take Wiat's part, 1095, b 40. Receiving of the duke of Summerset at his return out of Scotland, 992, a 60. Keep S. Barnabees d●ie holy day, 1062, b 10. Readiness to ass●st Edward the sixth in a motion & work of charity, 1082, a 10, 40. They & gentlemen of courts by the ears, 623, a 30 Skirmish with jacke Cade and his rebels upon London bridge, 635, a 10. Providence for safeguard o● peace, 647, a 50 Loyal and disclosers of treasons, 428, a 60. Are spited and envied at, 42●, ● 20, 30. Abused of strangers whereof followed the riot of ill May day, 840, a 20, &c: b 10, &c: 841, 842, 843, 844. entertain and banquet the king of Denmark, 878, b 10. Hated of cardinal Woolseie, 895, a 30, 40. Set forth a power into France, 969, b 10. Lend Henry the eight 20000 pounds, 874, a 20 Glorious receiving of Henry the eight, and the emperor Charles, 873, b 10, 20. Stately and gorgeous muster before Henry the eight: note, 947, a 40, &c: b 10, etc. Conspire to take the empress Maud, 53, b 60. Sue to king john for a mayor and two sheriffs, 172, b 30. Sore afraid of the Cornish rebels, 782, a 50. Resolve to receive Edward the fourth, and revolt from Henry the sixth, 683, a 60. Grant five thousand marks to Edward the fourth, which were seized of the five and twenty wards, 704, b 60. Loyal to Edward the fourth: note, 689, b 20. Riot against the jews at king Richard the firsts coronation, 118, b 10. &c: 119, a 10, etc. Ualiantnesse, & among them of two aldermen, 690, a 50, b 20. Present money to king Richard the first, 119, b 60. Large privileges and liberties, 11●, b ●●. And the privileges of their commonalty by whom granted, 131, b 30. Triumphant receiving of king Richard the first into the city, 14●. b 60. Hardly reported of by an A●maine lord, 141, b 60. Serve Richard the first in his buttery at his coronation: note, 143, b 40. Fowl disorder noted, and complained of to Richard the first, 149, a 40. Refused to fight against the lords, 459, a 10, 60. Specially afraid of the French forces, 451, b 30. In perplexity whether to take part with Richard the second or with the nobles, 462, a 60. They incline to the lords, 462 a 60. Receiving of the duke of Lancaster, 505, b 40, 50. Favourers of Wicliffes' doctrine, 440, b 20. Meet the K. and queen on Blackheath, 487, a 60, b 10, etc. Seal to blank charters, &c: to win Richard the seconds favour, 469, a 10. Evil reported of for their unstableness, 457, b 20. Commended themselves to the favour of Richard the second before the death of Edward, 415, b 40. They submit their quarrel with the earl of Lancaster to the king's order, 416, a 10. Friends to the earl of Northumberland. 439, b 10. Aiders of the rebels of Kent and Essex, 430, b 60. The lords of the land stand in doubt of them, 426, b 30. Prettily cozened of a thousand marks by king Henry the third, 247, b 50. Gift to the duke of Bedford at his return from beyond sea, 491, a 40. Sued unto to make choice of two to be their king, 1. a 40. Appointed to keep the subsidy granteth by the parliament, 418, b 60. Banished the city, 283, a 60. Their magistrates deposed a new ordained in their roonie, 204, b 10. Have free warren granted them of king Henry the third, and other liberties, 208, a 10. They & the constable of the tower at variance, 263, k 60. Outrage whetted with ill counsel, 204 a 40. Have free liberty to pass toll free through all England, 208, b 30. Pay Henry the third 5000 marks for a fine, 208, b 40. Have a grant to use a common seal, 210, a 40. Good devotion towards the earl of Kent, 215, a 60. Terrified with thunder, 216, b 10. Service at the marriage of Henry the third, 219, b 40, 60. Cast in prison and deprived of their liberties, 270, b 50, 60. Sworn to be true to Henry the third and his heirs, 264, a 30. Riot upon the bishop of Salisburies' men, 478, a 20. Grievously complained of to the king, their liberties seized upon, a guardian appointed to govern them, their liberties in part confirmed in part condemned, gifts presented by them to pacific the king's displeasure, 478, all. More gifts given by them to the king, their liberties ratified, 479. a 10, 20. In great disorder, 265, a 60. Curstly handled, their city committed to a guardian or custos: note, 271, a 30, 40. Pardoned by Henry the thirds charter, 271, b 20. Pardoned for receiving the earl of Gloucester into their city, 273, b 40. Goldsmiths and tailors together by the ears, 274, a 50. Rob the house of the lord Greie, 264, a 60. buy Henry the thirds plate to his great loss, 241, a 20. They and the abbot of Westminster at strife, 242, b 60. Receiving in of the countess of Pronance, 231, a 50. Pay a tallage and are grieved, 238, b 10 Fined at fifteen hundred marks for receiving a banished man into their city, 236, a 30. Help Henry the third at a pinch, 247, a 10, 20. Have their liberties restored unto them, 252, a 60. Called barons in der●sion, 247, b 60. greedy dealing to the hurt of the commonwealth, 257, a 60 Agree with the barons, 266, b 20. Spoiled at Croidon, 269, a 30. In an uproar choose new officers, 273, a 30. Glad to submit themselves to Henry the third, put to their fine, 271, a 10. Game of wrestling, and what tumult followed, 204, a 10, etc. Take part with the queen & her adherents, 338, all, 339, a 10. unruly & given to sedition: note, 338, b 10. Set prisoners at liberty out of the Tower, 338, b 50. Loyalty, avouching to keep traitors out of their gates, 338, a 10. Behead a citizen & a bishop in a riot, 338, b 10, 30 Will not permit king Edward the thirds justices to sit within the city, 361, b 20. Have their franchises confirmed, 343, a 40. Lent Edward the third money to be paid again out of the subsidy money, 357, b 40. In arms against the duke of Lancaster, meant to have slain him, 412, a 20. Outrage for words spoken to their bishop, 412, a 20. Commended, 1402, b 10. Four thousand trained up for service in the field, 1402, a 60, b 10. Muster before queen Elisabeth at Gréenewich, 1184, b 10. Their threefold plague, 1206, a 20. Household stuff sold by a common crier or bellman, 1207, a 50. Trained up in the field, 1228, a 50, 60. Love and hearty goodwill towards queen Elisabeth, 1377, a 20. Withstand duke William, 1, b 10. Love to queen Elisabeth manifested on the day of her coronation: note & observe it well, 1172, 1173, &c: Their farewell unto her, going out at Templebar 1178, b 60, Her last words to them by way of promise, 1179 a 30  
Loan of money taken by Henry the eight, 957, a 10  
Longchampe. ¶ See Bishop of Elie.  
Longland doctor misliketh of Henry the eights marriage with his brother's wife, 906, b 20  
Lords created and made, 480, a 20 Conspiring against Richard the second. ¶ See Noblemen.  
Lords and ladies put out of the court, etc. 463, a 50, etc.  
Lords of misrule. ¶ See Ferrer.  
Losaunge. ¶ See Herbert.  
Losecote field, 674, a 20  
Lottery at London called the great lottery, 1211, a 60, b 10  
Lou Hugh how he became earl of Chester. 20, a 10, His death and what issue he had, 20, a 40  
Love that Edward the second bare Péers Gaveston, 320, a 20. ¶ See Péers Gaveston, and Edward the second. Of the people to the lord Cabham: note, 544, b 30. Of Henry the seventh to his wife lady Elisabeth, 768, a 60. Of a mother natural and kind: note, 717, 718, 719, 720, 721. Of the duke of Britain to the earl of Richmond incorruptible, 747, b 10, &c: 748, b 20. Unlawful of Richard the third towards his niece, 751, a 50. Of naughty men converted into deadly hate, 739, b 10, etc. Wanton misleadeth and breedeth discord, 672 b 40, 50. Of the people to the earl of Warwick: note, 679. ¶ See Earl of Warwick in Henry the sixts time, & Edward the fourth. Of a concubine to her paramour, 149, b 60. Of king Richard the second to the earl of Oxford, & earl of Suffolk: note, 454, a 10, 20, 30, 40. ¶ See more in Earls. Of the father to the children, preferment to the mother, 486, a 10. Between man and wife exemplified, 481, a 20. Of a jewish woman made a decon, played the apostata, 203, b 60. Gotten by liberality and profit, 454, b 60 Blind & ungodly, 586, a 30. And lust with the danger & mischief of both, 545, a 40, 50, etc. Unlawful, with the shameful end thereof, 937, b 40. Therein is loss even of life: note, 41, b 30: note, 423, b 20  
Love French, 699, b 60  
Lovel William held the castle of carry, 48, b 60. Lord, his rebellion, he escapeth, 764, a 60 b 30. Arriveth in Flanders, continueth conspiror against Henry the seventh. 766, a 20. Knight, sent over to Calis with a power, 831, b 40, 50  
Loviers besieged, 609, a 20. And yielded up, 564, a 60, b 10  
Lovelace Thomas. ¶ See Punishment.  
Lothian spoiled, 89, a 60  
Low countries. ¶ See States.  
Lucy Richard lord chief justice of England deceaseth, 103, a 50  
Ludlow won by king Stephan, 50, b 10  
Lumleie lord founder of surgery lecture in London: note, 1349, a 20  
Lupus. ¶ See Lou.  
Lust of William Rufus, 18, b 10 ¶ See love.    


M.  
MAgdalen counterfeited to be king Richard the second, 515, a 50  
Magistrates authority great & peremptory, 1042, b 10. Are to be honoured both in speech & manners, 1043, a 50  
Magna charra, 308, b 10, 306, a 40, 185, b 60. Promised to be maintained, 248, a 40. Confirmed, 207, a 40, 312, b 20  
Magnanimity. ¶ See Queen Elisabeth.  
Magnus, admiral of rovers his exploits, 23, a 50  
Maid smiteth a mayor in the face, 1021, b 10  
May day the evil. ¶ See Rebellion of Lincoln.  
Maidstone, esquire, offereth to fight in his lady's quarrel, 527, b 40  
Maigame royal, 806, a 30, 809, a 20, etc.  
Mainprize, 144, a 50, 513, b 60  
Mayor or More, and what the word signifieth, 172, b 50  
Mayor of London sworn to be true to Henry the third, 264, a 30. An information against him to king Henry the third, 256, b 10. Discharged of his place for a while, 256, b 20. Condemned to prison and all his goods confiscate, 446, a 50. A severe punisher of adultery in his time, 440, b 10. Five aldermen knighted, 436, b 10. His words at the rebellion of Wat Tiler, 432, b 60. And sheriffs imprisoned at Windsor, 478, a 50. Commended for his careful provision of corn from beyond the seas in the time of dearth, 476, b 10. His rash and unadvised answer, 458, b 60. justly commended, 452, a 40. And his brethren challenge all comers at justs, 392, a 40, 50. Forced to take an oath, 338, b 10. And what order he took to see the king's peace kept: note, 326, b 60. Sworn, and went home in a greie cloak, 795, b 60▪ He and aldermen feasted by Edward the fourth: note, 705, a 30. Accused of treason: note, 670, a 40. Departeth from sergeant feast discontent because he sat not highest in the hall: note, 667, b 30. His office and authority, 120, a 40. One for the space of twenty and one years, 172, b 40. And shiriffs the first that were chosen, 172 b 20. And bailiffs chosen out of the number of five and thirty burgesses, 164, a 40. And sheriffs resisted at Clerkenwell, 641, b 10. And welcoming home of Henry the fift out of France, 556, a 30. That first ware a rich collar of gold and of whose gift, 961, b 10. Of council unto Henry the eight, 961, a 60, b 10. In a gown of crimson velvet, 931. And aldermen of London in black morning array come to Henry the eight with a heavy suit of ill May day, 843, b 60, 844, a 10. Sometime an officer: note, 764, b 60. Feast first kept at Gui●dhall, 789, b 30. ¶ See Contention, London, and Soldiers.  
majors feast none kept at Guildhall, 1206, a 30, 1211, b 60, 1260, a 10, 1262, a 10  
Mayor of Bodmin in Cornwall hanged, 1007, a 10. Of Excester smitten on the face by a maid, 1021, b 10, 20. Of Norwich his order of receiving the queen Elisabeth, 1287, a 30, 60, 1288, a 10, etc. Oration in English which he made to the queen, 1288, a 50, 60, b 40, etc. His gift presented unto her 1289, a 10, 20. Purposing to make another oration to the queen, is willed to forbear, & why, 1298, b 20. He is knighted, 30.  
Malcolme king of Scots destroyeth many places in the north parts, 10, a 60. Sendeth to duke William to treat of peace, 10, b 40. Doth homage to duke William for Scotland, 10, b 50. Marrieth Edgar Ethelings sister, 6, a 30, cometh to Gloucester, 20, b 60. Did five times waste Northumberland: note, 21, a 10. Enjoyeth the earldom of Huntingdon, 66, b 50. invadeth England, sueth for peace, 19, b 20, 20, b 60. He and his son slain, 21, a 10.  
Malcontentment, 738, b 60, 790, a 10. Grew to a conspiracy, 941, a 20, 30, etc. Of the earl of Montague: note, 32, b 10. Of Parrie because he might not have preferment to his liking 1383, b 60. ¶ See Counsel, Parrie, and Rebellion.  
Malcus' made and consecrated bishop of Waterford, 22, b 60.  
Malice of duke William against the English, 9, a 10. ¶ See William. of Leoswin breaketh into murder, 12, b 30. Between the two dukes of Burgogne and Orleans, and the chief cause thereof, 529, a 40. Of the earl of Cornwall to the city of London, 251, b 50. Between king Richard the second, and the duke of Gloucester, 487, b 40. Of cardinal Pool against king Henry the eight, 1134, b 60. Afresh betwixt Edward the fourth and the duke of Clarence, brethren, 703, a 30. Of the earl of Warwick against Edward the fourth: note, 670, b 10, 50, etc. Of Richard the first and the French king one against an other, 146, a 60. Of the French king against Richard the first: note, 141, a 20. Between dukes of Summerset and York: note, 625, b 40, 50. Of the duchess of Burgogne to the line of Lancaster, 776, a 10. ¶ See Margaret. Between the duke of Summerset and the duke of York: note, 612, b 10. Of the cardinal Woolscie mortal against the duke of Buckingham, 855, b 10, 66. Of the Frenchmen and their dogged stomaches, 840, a 20, etc. Against Henry, breaking out into an intent of murder, and the party executed, 223, a 40, etc. Of the lords against the earl of Cornwall increased: note, 319, b 10. Betwixt great estates about matters of marriage, 774, a 60.  
Malice incovenient unto the malicious: not, 17, a 10. Cloaked bursteth out, 264, a 40. Inferreth murder: note, 489 a 60, b 10. Chirsteth after revenge: note, 304, b 30. And the nature thereof, 1418, b 60, 1419, a 10. Bursteth out into murder: note, 673, a 30. Whereupon arise slanders, 63, b 60. Traveleth still to revenge, 641, b 60. To appease, a labour dangerous, 646, b 60. In a realm, the mortal mischief thereof, 630, b 60. Notably dissembled: note, 622, b 60. How mischie●ouslie it worketh to revenge, 962, b 40, &c: note, 590, b 60, 591, a 10, etc. Content with no revenge, 431, a 20, etc. ¶ See Envy, Hate, and Revenge.  
Man I'll taken by Robert Bruse, 318. b 10. ¶ See Harold.  
Manner's knight lord Roos created earl of Rutland, 892, a 50  
Manners Thomas knight his military service in Scotland, 1216, b 40, etc. ¶ See earl, and Rutland.  
Manwood lord chief baron of the excheker a good commonwelths man: note his deeds, 1377, 1378  
Mallet William sheriff of York and his family taken prisoners and put to ransom, 7, a 20  
Marble stone whereupon kings of Scots sat at their coronation, transferred to Westminster, 301, a 10, 20  
Marchades a valiant captain, 154, b 30. 155, b 40. A good servitor in wars, 158, b 30  
Marcher earl of Mercia flieth into Scotland, 6, a 30. Imprisoned by William Rufus, 16, a 30. Reconciled unto king William, 9, b 40. Withdraweth from the battle against duke William, 1, a 30. Flieth into Elie for defence against duke William, 10, a 40  
Margaret Douglas prisoner in the Tower, 940, b 50. Pardoned, released, 945, a 10  
Margaret the wife of K. Henry why not crowned, 76, b 60  
Margaret sister to earl Hugh of Chester, married to john Bohune, 20, a 40  
Margaret and Christine, the sisters of Edgar Etheling, 6, a 30  
Margaret the daughter of king William of Scotland married to earl Conan, 7, b 30  
Margaret daughter to the queen of Scots and of the earl Angus borne, 838 a 10  
Margaret daughter unto the French king affianced unto Henry the king's son of seven years old, 68, a 50. Crowned queen, 82, b 60  
Margaret duchess of Salisbury beheaded, 703, b 10  
Margaret sister to Edward the fourth, sent over to the duke of Burgogne: note, 669, b 30, etc.  
Margaret countess of Leneux sent to the Tower, 1208, b 20, Delivered out of the Tower, 1209, b 60  
Margaret duchess of Burgogne, sister to Edward the fourth, malicious to Lancaster house, 765, b 10. Her malice against the line of Lancaster, 776, a 10. Her new counterfeit of Richard Plantagegenet, 775, a 60  
Margrave of Baden and his wife great with child come to London, 1208, b 40. She is delivered of a child, b 50. The queen giveth the name, 60. ¶ See marquess.  
Marry the eldest daughter unto Henry the eight borne, 838, a 30. removeth to Framingham castle, 1085, b 40. To Keninghall in Norfolk, her letters to the council, with her challenge unto the crown by right of succession, 1084, b 30, 40. With their answer, 1085, a 40. Assembleth her powers against the duke of Northumberland, 1086, b 40, 50, etc. Wind and wether help her 1087, a 20. Proclaimed queen by the nobility, for fear of afterclaps, 1087, a 50. ¶ See Queen.  
Marry queen of Scots. ¶ See Queen of Scots.  
Marry countess of Perch, Henry the first his daughter, drowned, 41, b 10  
Marriage of kings, and first of king john after his divorce, 161, b 60. Of Edward the first to the lady Margaret, sister to the French king, 309, a 10. Of Edward the second and the French king his daughter, lady Isabella, 318, b 50. Of Edward the thirds sister to the duke of Gelderland, 354, b 60. Of Edward the fourth to Elisabeth Greie being an offensive marriage: note, 667, b 60. 668, a 10, etc. Of Henry the third with Elinor daughter to the earl of Provence, 219, b 30. Of Edward the sixth and the young Scotish queen Marie, 959, a 40. Newly moved, proceedeth not, 980, a 10, 20 etc. Written of to the nobles of Scotland: note, 999, a 20, etc. Of Henry the fift to lady Katherine, the French kings daughter, crowned queen, 578, b 50, 60. Solemnity thereat, 579, all. Of Henry the sixth to the earl of Armenaks daughter concluded, note, 624, a 10.624, b 60. To the lady Margaret daughter to Reiner king of Sicill and jerusalem, 625, a 40. Of Henry the seventh unto the daughter of Edward the fourth, 764, b 40. Of Henry the eighth and the duchess of Alencon the French kings sister reported, 897, a 60. With his brother's wife yet again in question, 906, b 20. Thought unlawful, and cometh unto judgement, 908, a 60, b 50, Common argument in sermons, 928, a 20. Yet again in question with the determinations of divers universities concerning the same, 923, b 20, 50, 924, 925, 926. Debated 906, b 60. By consent of all the universities in christendom judged unlawful: note, 912, b 60.913, a 10, etc. With the lady Anne Bullen, 929, a 60. With the lady Anne of Cléeve concluded, 947, b 60. Solemnised, 950, a 10, etc. judged unlawful, 952, a 60. With the lady Katherine Par, 960, a 30. Of Richard the second to the French kings daughter, 487, a 10. With the emperor's sister, 439, b 50. And the Emperor of Germanies' daughter, 428, b 50. Of Richard the third unto the lady Anne, daughter to Richard earl of Warwick, 733, b 60. Betwixt Richard the third and the earl of Richmond's niece, offensive, 752, b 50.  
Marriage of princes, and first of Edward the first his eldest son and Philip daughter to the earl of Flanders, offensive, 296, b 60 297, a 10. Of Edward prince of Wales and the lady Marie daughter to the earl of Henault, 337, b 30. To the earl of Warwiks' daughter, 674, b 60. Betwixt Henry the king's son seven years old, &c: 68, a 50. Of Richard, Henry the thirds brother to the lady Sanctia, 231, b 50. Betwixt Henry the thirds son and the king of Spain's daughter, 248, b 40. Of Edward, Henry the thirds son, unto king Alfonsus' daughter, 249▪ b 60. Of Edward the thirds second son lord Lionel, unto the duke of Milan's daughter, 400, a 60. His entertainment at Surrie, his receiving into Milan, b 10  
Marriage of honourable men, and first of the earl of March and the daughter of Owen Glendouer, 521, a 20. Of the lord Monchensies daughter, to William de Ualence Henry the thirds half brother, 240, a 20. Of the lord William Greie with the wife of Paul Pevier, 244, b 60. Of earl Thomas of Flanders, and jone the widow of Ferdinando, 224, a 60. Of earl Ralph of Chester unto three wives, 215, b 40. Between the emperor Fredrick, and Henry the thirds sister, 219, a 50. Of the earl of Cornwall and the countess of Gloucester, 213, b 50. Of the duke of Lancaster with a lady of mean estate: note, 485, b 60. Of the duke of Lancaster's daughter to the king of Portugal, 450, a 10, 20. Of earl Bolinbroke of Derbie to the daughter of earl Bohune of Hereford, 448, b 20. Between the prince of Spain and the duke of Lancaster's daughter, 450, b 40. Of Ambrose Dudlie earl of Warwick to the earl of Bedford's eldest daughter, 1208, b 60. Of Edmund earl of Cambridge to the lady Constance daughter to the king of Spain, 406, b 60. Of john of Gant duke of Richmond, to the duke of Lancaster's daughter, 392, a 30, Promised by constraint of the earl of Flanders and king Edward the thirds daughter, 379, b 30. Of Piers de Gaveston and the daughter of the earl of Gloucester, 318, b 40. Of the lord courtney with king Edward the fourth's daughter, 790, a 40. Betwixt prince Arthur and the lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinand● not fully concluded, and why 787, b 60, 78●, b 30. ¶ See Katherine. The solemnity of the same, 789, a 30. Of the lord Courcie and the king of England king Edward the third his daughter, 397, a 60. Betwixt the king of Castille and the lady Marie the king his daughter of ten years old, 795, b 50, 60. Moved betwixt the king of Scots and Margaret the eldest daughter of king Henry the seventh, 785, b 60. Of the earl of Kent to a daughter of lord Barnaby of Milan: note, 535, a 40. Betwixt the earl of Glocesters' son and the daughter of the lord Guy of Angolesme, 247, b 30. Purposed for the earl of Richmond with Walter Herbert's sister, but disappointed, 752, b 60. Concluded betwixt the prince of Rothsaie and the duke of Suffolk's daughter, 747, a 40. Of the king of Scots and king Edward the fourth's second daughter treated upon▪ 705, a 40. Between the king of Scots sister and the young prince of Wales, 665, a 60. Betwixt the duke of Burgoni●s son and heir with lady Margaret sister to king Edward the fourth, 668, b 10, 669, a 10, etc. Of the duke of Clarence with the earl of Warwikes eldest daughter, 671, b 60. Of duke Arthur's mother to Guy de Towers by a dispensation, 160, b 60. Of the duke of Bedford with the earl of S. Paul's daughter, 607, b 60. Of the duke of Gloucester with the wife of the duke of Brabant, he alive: note, 586, a 30. Between the earl of Richmond and king Edward the fourth's daughter accorded upon by oath, 745, b 20. Between the duke of Bedford and the sister of the duke of Burgognie, 586, a 40.  
Marriages of queens and honourable women, and first of the countess of Kent of her own choosing: note, 534, b 30, etc. Of king Henry the fourth's daughter to the king of Denmark, 532, a 10, 20. Of queen Isabella to king Richard the second, widow to the duke of Orleans his son, 519, b 20. Of king Henry the fourth's sister unto sir john Cornwall, 518, b 50. Of king Henry the fourth's daughter Blanch to the duke of Bavier, 520, b 10. Of the countess of Penbroke sister unto king Henry the third to Simon Montfort, 222, b 10. Of lady jone king Henry the thirds sister unto Alexander king of Scots, 203, b 30. Of queen Isabella Henry the thirds mother to the earl of March in France, 202, a 60, b 10. Of the lady jone de courtney king Richard the second his half sister to the earl of sain● Paul, 424, a 60. Of two of Edward the firsts daughters to two noble men, 285, a 50. Of Elisabeth countess of Holland king Edward the firsts daughter and the earl of Hereford, 311, b 10. Of the lady Elen king Edward the firsts daughter, to the duke of Bar a French man, 290, a 60. Of Elisabeth king Edward the firsts daughter unto the earl of Holland, 301, b 50 Of the countess of Gloucester with sir Ralph Monthermer, 295 b 60. Of Marie queen of Scots with Henry Stuard eldest son to the earl of Leneux, 1208, b 10. Of the countess of Art●ois married to the duke of Burgundy 401, b 60. Of the countess of Kent a widow and the prince of Wales: note, 395, a 50. Between the lady jane sister unto king Edward the third and the king of Scots, 347, b 50. Of an earls two daughters to two brethren, 322, a 10 Of the lady Margaret daughter to king Henry the seventh to james the fourth king of Scots, 788, b 30, 789, b 10. Of an earls daughter to an errant rascal and traitorous rebel, 780, a 40. Of the duchess of Britain and Charles the French king 771, b 40. Of the lady Margaret unto duke Charles how beneficial to king Edward the fourth, 676, a 10. Of the French lady Bona to the duke of Millam, 668, a 50. Of queen Marie with Philip prince of Spain, of some liked, of most misliked: note, 1093, a 40, &c: b 10. Agreed upon in parliament, 1102, b 10 Solemnised, with an abstract of the conditions of the same, 1118, b 10, 40, &c: 1119, a &c: 10, 1120, a 10. Of king john's daughter lady jane unto the earl of March, 182, b 60. Of Isabella to king john got him envy, 164, a 60. Of queen Katherine's mother to Henry the sixth, with Owen Tenther, 615, a 60. Of the lady Elisabeth unto Edward the fourth, 615, b 30. Of the queen of Scots and the Dolphin of France, 1056, b 60. Between the lady Marie Henry the eights daughter, and the king of Scots, purposed, 883, b 50. Between the lady Marie eldest daughter to Henry the eight, and the Dolphin of France pretended, 848, b 10. Of queen Katherine and Henry the eight, 801, a 10. Of the lady Elisabeth, now queen, to a Spaniard solicited, 1157, b 10. Moved in the parliament, and how answered by her sel●e, 1181, a 20, 40, &c: Sued unto out of Denmark, 1185, b 10, 20. Of a gentlewoman in flight to a king, 6, a 30  
Marriage foreign, and first between the king of France and the lady Margaret, eldest daughter to Henry the seventh, 791, b 10. Between the French kings daughter and Richard the second treated of, 485, b 30. Between the Dolphin of France, and Edward the fourth's daughter treated upon, 703, b 60.704, all. Between the French king and the lady Marie sister to Henry the eight, who should have been wife to the prince of Castille, 832, a 60, b 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60. Between the French kings daughter and the king of England's son, 94, b 30. Between the Dolphin, and the princess of Scots, 1141, b 40, 60. Of jews the French kings son and Blanch the niece of king john, 161, b 10. Of the French king and the emperor Charles his sister, 889, b 40. Made alliance between the pope & the French king, 847. b 30  
Marriage in general, and first of one offensive: note, 222, b all. Fatal, 211, b 60. Confirmed from Rome with money, 222, b 60. Within the degrees of consanguinity, dispensed withal by the pope, 392, a 30. Not to be forced: note, 376, b 40. Malice betwixt great personages as touching the same, 774, a 60. One intended, another begun and ended: note 667, b 60, 668, a 10, etc. A spiritual thing, and how it should be made, 726, b 30. Purchased with money, 84, b 10, Within the seventh degree of consanguinity dissolved, 30, b 60, 31, a 10. Broken off & revenged, 636, b 10. Infortunate and unprofitable to the realm of England, 625, a 60. Between children to compose strife, and establish amity between the parents, 1062, a 50 Of princes is not a matter to be tri●●ed in, 980, a 10, 20, etc. Undertaken without the king's assent, made treasonable: note, 940, b 50  
Marriages two royal, 788, b 30. Three between honourable estates: note, 1803, a 60. Mistrusted to sort to an evil end: note, b 10. ¶ See Contracts.  
Mariners of the cinque ports at deadly debate: note, 304, b 30. Commended, 281, a 40. Curse the archbishop of Canturburie and the earl of Penbroke, 169, a 10. ¶ See Seafaring men.  
Marisch the traitor executed: note, 230, b 10  
Marleswine and Gospatrike nobles of Northumberland, fly into Scotland, 6, a 30  
marquess of Baden returneth into his own country, 1209, a 30. Ualiant in chivalry, 833 b 60. Henry the eight and he make a challenge at justs, 835, b 10. Entereth into Scotland, and burneth divers towns, 875, b 60. Receives the emperor Charles at graveling, 873, a 60. Forsaketh the earl of Richmond▪ 752, b. 10. Committed to the Tower, 766, a 50. Delivered out of the Tower, 768, a 60. Of Excester condemned, executed, 946, a 20, 50. Montacute suffereth Edward the fourth to pass by him, 680, b 20. Slain, 685, a 20. Of Northampton sent into Norfolk to repress the rebels, 1033, a 20. Maketh shift to escape danger, 1034, b 60. Of Suffolks' request, 625, b 60 Chiefest in favour with king Henry the sixth and the queen, 626, b 40. Created duke, 627, b 30  
Mart of all English commodities kept at Calis, 778, a 20.  
Martin Sward a valiant captain of the Almans assistant to the earl of Lincoln against Henry the seventh a peerless warrior, 766, a 60, b 50. Is slain, 767, a 10  
Marton college in Oxford built, 282, b 60  
martyrdom, mark the causes thereof, 253, b 20  
Martyrs in queen Mary's time, the number great that were executed, 1363, a 40  
Martyrs fit for the pope's calendar, 1363, b 50, 65, 1366, a 10, etc.  
Mask, 848, b 60. Royal, 806, b 60.812, a 40.835, a 40. Both the kings of England and France, 861, a 40. With intended mischief, 515, b 50. Before queen Elisabeth, at her being in Norwich, 1296, a 40. In the French court of English lords, 860, b 30. Of grave and ancient courtiers, and likewise of youthful, 852, b 40, etc. Of lords and ladies, 850, a 50, etc. And a banquet, Henry the eight in person present at the cardinals house, 921, b 60. Stately to solace the emperor and his company, 861, b 60  
Mason knight, his friendly part towards the duchess of Suffolk, 1144, b 60. Secretary unto the French king, 1184, a 30  
Ma●●e, from the which a bishop and his deacon could not be scared by a tempest, 211, b 50. Whereat king john gave a pretty dry jest, 196, b 20. Concerning the celebrating of the same, &c: note, 484, a 40, etc. Abolished, 996, b 10. ¶ See jesuits and Priests.  
Mathild. ¶ See Maud.  
Matrevers lord, captain of Baieux, 560, b 60  
Maud borne, afterward empress, 30, a 30. Besieged in Oxford, 55, a 60. She escapeth, b 10. Flieth by night out of London, 54, a 10. Army put to flight, 54, a 30. Goeth to Bristol, 51, b 30. Followeth the victory, she cometh to London, 53, b 40. Besieged in Arundel castle, 51, b 10. Landed in England, and what power she brought, 51, a 50. Married to the earl of Anjou, 43, a 50. True to the crown of England, 43, a 10. Confesseth herself to be nought of her body, 63, b 50. Her decease, 75, a 60  
Maud duke William's wife, the daughter of earl Baldwine, earl of Flanders, 15, a 60. Crowned queen, 6, a 60. Her decease, 15, a 40  
Maud daughter and heir to Robert Fitzhammon, Henry the first his base son, 37, a 50  
Maud the wife of Henry the first, a professed nun, 29, a 10  
Maud Henry the first his daughter affianced to the emperor Henry, 35, a 10  
Maud queen delivered of a daughter after her own name, 30, a 30, ¶ See Queen.  
Mauns a city in Normandy besieged and delivered, 23▪ b 20. Besieged and taken, 158, b 10. Lost by treason of the citizens, recovered, 598, a 50, b 30 Yielded to the French king, 114, a 40  
Maunt city in France burnt by duke William, 14, b 40  
Maupasse. ¶ See Uernon.  
Maximil●an king of Romans, prisoned at Bruges by the townsmen, 770, a 40. He and Henry the seventh agree to plague the Frenchmen, the cause of his malice, he dealeth dishonestly with the king of England to his great vexation, breaketh promise with him, 774, a 60, b 20, 30. encourageth his men to play the men, 822, a 40  
Meaux besieged by the English men, taken by assault, 581, a 50, b 50. The conditions of the surrender thereof unto Henry the fift, 582, a 50  
Mekins burnt in Smithfield, 953, a 40  
Mellent. ¶ See earl.  
Melune viscount discovereth the purpose of Lewis and the English barons, his death, 193, b 10  
Melune besieged by king Henry the fift, 576, b 60. Yielded up to Henry the fift, 577, b 20  
Men barbarous brought from the new sound islands, 789, b 60  
Mendmarket. ¶ See Umfrevill  
Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador. ¶ See Throckmorton Francis.  
Mercia an earldom, 1, a 30  
Mercy in a warrior, note, 549, b 20. 550, b 60. ¶ See Charity.  
Merchant of London hanged at Noringham for murdering a merchant stranger of Genoa: note, 428 b 30  
Merchants of England received into Antwerp with general procession, 783, b 40▪ Sore hindered by a restraint, 778, a 20. Restrained out of Spain, 1206, a 10. Euillie entreated in Dutch land, 1263 a 10. Sustain great loss by sea, 1262, b 20. Complain unto queen Elisabeth of their wrongs, 1262, b 40. Proclamation for their free traffic as before, &c: 1267, b 10. Rob of the Danish pirates, and have great prizes taken from them, 485, a 10. Murder a stranger Genoa, 422, b 60 Staie● in Spain, 905, b 60  
Merchants strangers favoured of king Richard the second, their goods restored, 453, b 60. A proclamation concerning them▪ 927, a 50. Stayed in England, 905, b 60. Two of the stillyard do penance for heresy, 892, b 60. ¶ See Strangers.  
Measure of one length used through out England, 28, b 30 ¶ See Weights.  
Meta incognita. ¶ See Frobisher.  
Meulone a strong town yielded to the English, 571, b 60  
Meutas Hercules, ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Mice devour grass in Dansi● hundred, and how devoured ● note, 1315, a 60, b 10  
Michael's mount how seated, a great fortification, 19, a 40  
Midleton knight proclaimeth himself duke, 323, a 60  
Midsummer watch, 1206, b 10, 1208, b 30. Maintained, 1210 a 50. ¶ See Watch.  
Mildmaie knight founder of Emanuel college in Cambridge: note, 1396, a 10  
Mile and green why so called, 1271, b 60  
Miles Coverdale preacher in the time of Devoushire rebellion, 1023, b 60  
Miles, vicar of saint Brides slain, and the party executed, 914, b 30  
Milan won and razed by Richard the first, 146, b 50  
Miller's man hanged for his master, 1007, a 30  
Milnall in Suffolk burned▪ 1210, a 20  
Mines of gold & silver in England, 413, a 40. ¶ See Silver.  
Ministers more favoured than other men, 1201, a 40  
Minsterworth knight executed as a traitor, 411, b 10.  
Miracles of Fitzosbert whereby he was thought to be a saint, 149, a 20. Whereby Robert duke of Normandy was made king of jerusalem, 29, a 60, wrought by Woolstane to his advantage, 12, a 10, Seéns (forsooth) in the day of Cainpians execution, 1329, a 60  
Miracles of the holy maid of Kent. 936, b 50  
Mirth, & that after it cometh heaviness: note 26, b 40, 50 41, b 10  
Misery upon misery, 422, b, 60 423, a 10, etc. ¶ See Dearth and Death.  
M●st thick and blind, 373, a 20 Made Henry the eight and his soldiers unable to find the way to his camp, 823 a 60  
Mistrust in murderers one of of another, 1063, b 60. Causeth careful custody, 586, a 60 b 10. On all sides, of all estates and degrees: note 173 a 10. An enemy to peace, 457, b 10, 60. Of king Henry the third in his officers, 216, b 40 That the earls of Hereford & Martial had of Edward the first, 307, a 30. Of the Flemings in the earl of Richmond, 359, b 20. That the dukes of Buckingham and Gloucester had in each other, 736, a 50. Of duke Arthur in his uncle king john, 160, b 60. ¶ See Suspicion.  
Mock of Henry the first against his brother Robert Curthose, 44, b 60. At the mayor of Norwich, 1032, b 60 ¶ See Derision and jest.  
Molineux constable of Chester castle, 460, b 60. Knight slain: note, 461, b 10  
Monasteries erected in the north parts at the suit & travel of three monks, &c: 11, a 20. When none lest in all the north parts, 11, a 20. ¶ See abbeys and Religious houses  
Money, two falls thereof, 1066, b 50. Henry the sixts privy seals for some, 653, b 30. Refused to be lent purchaseth disfavor and revenge, 162, a 40. Largely given to maintain war against the Turks, 164, a 20. Carried out of the realm by a legate: note, 170, b 10. Suits preferred for it, 187, b 20. And what practices Gualo used to get it, 193, a 20 A perpetual order of an hundred and ●oure pounds lent yearly by course to certain towns: note, 1092, a 60, b 10 Buyeth liberties and privileges, 119, b 60. And what shi●ts king Richard the first made for it, 120, b 40. And of inquisitions to get it: note, 153, b 40. Gotten with extortion to procure Richard the first his ransom, 139, a 60, b 10. To make it, offices set to sa●e by Richard the first, 142, b 40. Great sums gotten by Richard the first without making of recompense, 143, b 60, 144, a 10. The practices of Richard the first to get it: note, 144, a 10, 20. Much gotten for licences and grants of just and turnie, 145, b 60. The means practised to get it: note: 145, a 60. Purchaseth erldoms, 102, a 50. Maketh marriages between great states, 84, b 10. Purchaseth favour to a murderer, 98, b 40 What shifts Edward the fourth made for it, 694, a 40, 50. The want thereof procureth peace, 696, b 50. The desire thereof an occasion to offend against duty and honesty, 743, b 50, 744, a 50. The means that Henry the seventh practised to get it, 792, b 20. Scant, but victuals abundant, 353, a 10 Lent Edward the third by Londoners, 357, b 40. Employed upon the commonwealth, 1354, a 40, 50. Base and fall thereof, 1193, b 50. Well unploied, 1311, b 40 Gathered by cardinals, 295, a 20. Edward the first his shifts to get it, 280, a 50. Foreign forbidden to go as currant, 309, a 20, 30. Edward the first his shifts for it, 292, b 50. Purchaseth the prince's favour, 496, a 10. Of practices to get it by Henry the third, 208, b 60. What cozening shifts the pope used to get it out of England, 211, a 40. Gathered to confirm a marriage, 222, b 60. To get it, practise against practice, 243, a 50. And what indirect means to get it practised by the Romish clergy, 226, a 10, 20, etc. What shifts Henry the third made to get it, 241, b 20. Procured to the procurers loss, 241, a 20. What shifts Henry the third made to send it pope Innocent, 250, b 40, etc. Of the bishop of Hereford's devise to get some of the bishops, 251, b 10. More esteemed than life, 252, b 40. For lands mortgaged to have it, 22, a 60, b, 20. Purchaseth favour when nothing else would: note 25, b 40. Received to enforce an abjuration of christianity, 27, a 40. Given and taken of the French king to raise his siege, 19, a 20. The shameful shift of William Rufus to get it, 20, b 10. Purchaseth peace, 21, b 10, ¶ See Cardinal of Praxed, Covetousness, Gifts, Inquisitions, Riches▪  
Monsieur. ¶ See duke of Alencon.  
Monsieur Thermes captain of Calis, his service, his determination to spoil king Philip's countries, sick of the gout, 1150, a 10, 30, 50  
Monmouth castle taken, 270, a 30  
Monster borne of a woman, 1083, a 40. Married, 1314, a 40 Of fourscore years old, 1313, b 60, 1314, a 10. Of a sow that brought out a pig of strange shape, 37, a 40  
Monsters bred and brought forth in diverse places of England, 1195, a 10  
Monstreau besieged and taken, 576, a 50  
Montargiss recovered by the English, 606, b 10, ¶ See Frenchmen.  
Monument, ¶ See Antiquities.  
Moon in eclipse seen of king Henry and his train, 103, a 60, New appeared before her time, 247, b 40, A strange wonder touching the same, 245, b 30. Turned into a bloody colour, 39, b 10. Strange fights about it, 102, b 30. Five seen in York, 163, a 50  
monk Eustace what he was, 201, a 60, Taken prisoner and beheaded, 201, a 60. Malcus. ¶ See Malcus. Samuel. ¶ See Samuel. When a wonder among the northern people, 11, a 30. Carthusian apprehended, and an enemy unto the pope: note, 225, a 60. Conference with the duke of Buckingham his tresonable practices, 863, a 60, b 10, etc. The last that was seen in monks clothing till queen Ma●ies days, 952, b 60  
Monks, when and how they should enjoin penance, 30, b 50. Should not be godfathers, 30, b 50. Should not hold nor occupy farms, 30, b 60. At whose hands they should receive parsonages, etc., 30, b 60. Hindered by the coming of the friars preachers, 26, b 30. Presumptuous stoutness, 154, a 60. Displace the secular priests at Durham, 13, a 50. Life, order, and profession what it should be, 18, b 60. Supported by Lanfranke, 18, b 10. Two striving for preferment dismissed by a third, 18, b 60. Three purposed to restore religion in Northumberland, 11, a 10. Cisteaux to whom the emperor was bountiful, 147, b 20. Cozened by Richard the first, 144, a 10. Of Glastenburie dispersed into diverse religious houses, 13, b 50. Play the men against the abbot and his adherents, 13, b 40. Of Coventrie displaced, 129, a 20. Placed in the church and secular canons displaced, 152, b 50. Of Canturburie without knowledge of king john choose a new archbishop, 169, a 60. Banished, 171, a 30. Of the Charterhouse executed, 938, a 60. Of Christ's church complain to the pope of their archbishop, 153, a 20, Called Monachi de charitate, 27, a 10 White when and by whom begun and brought into England, 26, a 60. Not privileged as other churches conventuall were, 173, a 60. Dealt hardly withal by king john, 162, a 40. Molested by king john diverse ways, 163, a 10. Of Norwich. ¶ See friars.  
Moor knight late undersheriff of London, now of Henry the eight his privy council, 841, b 50, The pains he took to appease ill May days riot, 842, a 10, 20. Speaker for the commons, his oration and behaviour in parliament, 876, a 50, 60. Answereth the oration of Faber in Henry the rights behalf, 895, a 10. Lord chancellor, his oration in the parliament, 910, b 10, etc. An enemy to protestants, 913, b 60. Delivered up the great seal, 928, b 10. Beheaded, a jester and scoffer at the hour of his death, 938, b 10, 30. In some sort commended, devoutly given, in his kind, 939. a 20, 40.  
Moor Edward. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Moor fields, ¶ See Archers.  
Mortgage of a dukedom for money, 22, a 60. ¶ See Lands  
Morguison the midway between Bullen and Calis, 1061, b 20  
Moris his devise for conveyance of Thames water, etc. 1348, b 50  
Morleie lord appealeth the earl of Salisbury, 513, a 50. He is mainprised, b 60. Slain in battle against the French, 770, b 50  
Morleis in Britain won by the earl of Surrie, 874, a 30.  
Mortaigne. ¶ See earl Mortaigne.  
Mortality of people very grievous: note, 157, a 10. ¶ See Dearth and Death.  
Mortmain statute established, 280, a 10. Required to be repealed, 293, a 30  
Morton doctor an old English fugitive, a stirrer up of rebellion in the north, 1361, b 30. His secret embassage from Rome, 1362, a 30. ¶ See Bishop Morton, & Archbishop.  
Mortimer and Audleie banished, 269, b 10  
Mortimer Hugh against Henry the second, 66, a 10  
Mortimer king Henry the thirds lieutenant in Wales, 255, a 30. His revenge against the Welshmen, 263, b 50  
Mortimer lord ofWigmore proclaimed traitor, 338, a 30. In what favour with Edward the seconds wife, 340, a 50  
Mortimer earl of March proclaimed heir apparent to the crown, 448, a 60, b 10. He ruleth all things at his pleasure 347, b 60. Envieth Henry the fourth's advancement, 511, a 30. His good service in Ireland, 440, a 30. Apprehended in Nottingham castle, 348, b 50. Beareth the blame of evil counsel, 347, b 20. Attainted, and five articles objected against him, 349, a 40. Committed unto prison in the Tower, 349, a 10. Breaketh out of the Tower: note, 334, b 60. Shamefully executed, 349, a 60  
Mortimers restored to the title and possessions of the earldom of March, 381, b 60  
Moubraie earl of Northumberland, 17, a 40  
Montacu●e. ¶ See earl.  
Mountcaster, now Newcastle, 11, a 10  
Mountfort Robert, combatant, 67, a 20  
Mountgomerie Roger earl of Shrewsburie, his wasting and spoiling, 17, a 50, 60, Reconciled to K. William Rufus, 17, b 30. Knight passed over the sea unto the French king, his reward▪ 701, a 50, 60  
Mountioie lord made general of Tornay, 837, b 40. His stratagem, 965, b 50  
Mountsorell betwixt Leicester and Lughburrow, 189, b 10. the castle besieged, 199, a 60  
Mulbraie Robert earl of Northumberland highly commended, 13, a 40, 50  
Mummery royal, 806, b 60. ¶ See Mask.  
Munition for wars, and of king Henry the second his ordinance in that behalf, 104, a 40. ¶ See Armour.  
Murcherdach king of Ireland, 22, a 30. His reverence to Henry the first: note, 45, b 30  
Murrain of cattle, 14, a 60. 21, a 30.324, b 30.249, a 60: note, 245, b 60. Universal, 43, b 60. Made flesh dear, 323, a 40  
Murder committed in Sussex by certain gentlemen, and they executed: note, 954, a 10, 20. Of two captains, notably punished by justice in the deed doers, 1061, a 60. Most shamefully committed by the means of a gentlewoman whore being a wife: note, 1062, b 40, etc. Merciless upon the young earl of Rutland: note, 659, b 30. Most lamentable of the lord Scales, 654, b 60. Shameful committed by the lord Sturton, & he hanged: note, 1133, a 10, 20. Intended against queen Mary's person, and the offenders executed, 1117, a 60. Of the marquess of Montferrat, 134, b 40. Cruel of prince Edward, and how justly plagued and afterwards revenged upon the murderers, 688 b 20. Of Henry the sixth by the duke of Gloucester, 690, b 60. Of the young princes Edward the fift and his brother in the Tower, how dispatched, and how revenged: note, 734, b 20, &c: 735, a all. Done upon the prior of Sheen, 790, b 60. An earl arraigned for the same, 790, b 60. Committed upon the king of Scots, 1209, b 60. Of a man by his premise, 1213, a 10. Merciless done upon a merchant, and the offenders executed: note, 1228, b 20, etc. Committed on the gaoler of Horsham, and the offender hanged in chains, 1258, a 10 Most horrible committed by Anthony Browne upon George Sanders merchant, and the offenders executed: note, 1258, a 20, etc. It & other mischéefes by Peter Burchet, and he hanged, 1259, a 30 etc. Committed on a prentice & the offenders hanged, 1353. b 20 Of an unnatural brother committed upon his brother natural, 1270, a 10. Committed upon a serrgeant, & the offender hanged up in Cheap, 1310, b 60. Another at Tyburn for the like offence, 1311▪ a 10. Committed upon a serrgeant and the party hanged in Fléetstréet, 1348 a 10. Of one cost many lives, 263, b 40. Heinous of a merchant stranger, 422, b 60. Done upon Richard the second how abhorred of foreign nations, 517, b all. Of Livifus how infortunatlie it fell out: note, 12, b 30. Committed at the high altar by an Italian: note, 275, b 30. For the which a yeoman of the guard was hanged up, 812, b 10. Through covetousness committed and punished, 937, b 50 Most unnatural: note, 605, b 40. Without mercy upon a light cause, 118, b 40, etc. 119, a 10, 20. Punished with a fine, 122, b 30. It & felony combined, 1228, b 30. Committed and the party hanged on Miles end, 1271. b 50. Punished by the purse, 224, a 30 Most cruel committed in Westminster church, 420, b 10 etc., 60. Wilful, & an act against mediation for the same, 472, b 60. Revenged with murder, 13, a 30. Punished with hanging in chains, 914, b 30. Will not be concealed: note, 944, a 30. Revenged by women: note, 605, b 60. Cannot be concealed: note, 1065, a 60, b 10, etc. Not redéemable with money: note, 1121, b 30. Henry the eight refused to hear it, but put it over to trial by common law, 853, a 10. ¶ See Slaughter and Burning in the hand, Revenge, Temptation.  
Murder of ones self to prevent justice: note, 1356, b 10. Desperate of the earl of Northumberland upon himself being prisoner in the Tower: note, 1403, b 50, 60. The whole story of the manner and order thereof, 1404, b 40, etc. to 1419, Desperate of one's self. ¶ See Hankesford: note.  
Murders committed by priests, 69, b 60.  
Murderer of his brother received into favour, 98, b 40. Notorious. ¶ See Black will..  
Murderers to be hanged by law, 115, b 10. Of Thomas Becket came to an evil end, 79, b 40.  
Muscleburrow field. ¶ See Battle, Leith.  
moscovy a cold country: note 1083, a 60.  
Musgrave a rebel, 943, b 60.  
Muster of horsemen before king Edward the sixth at Gréenewich: note, 1081, a 60, b 10, etc. Of Pensioners before queen Elisabeth, 1211. a 60 Of Londoners before queen Elisabeth at Gréenewich, 1402, a 60, b 10.1228, a 60. Very triumphant before Henry the eight, 947, a 40, etc., b 10, etc. At Gréenewich before Q. Elisabeth, 1●84, b 10  
Mutiny in the English army 250, a 40 973, a 40.880, b 50. 837. b 50. Edward's, among servingmen, 1017, a 40. Of soldiers against their captain, 1140, a 30. Betwixt the Englishmen and the townsmen of Lisbon, 124, a 40, Between the English soldiers and the people of Messina, 124, b 60.125, a 10. Among soldiers with outrageous disorder procuring execution, 1431, b 30. ¶ See fray, Riot, and Soldiers.  
Muttrell besieged by the English, 965, a 30, 60. The siege thereat broken up, 966, b 20.    


N  
NAu●r, the king thereof his gentle offer to the English, 813, a 40. His kingdom gotten to the K. of Spain, b 40. King without a realm, and whi●, 821, a 10. Hath Cherburg restored unto him that was engaged, 480, b 60. Taken by the Frenchmen, 398, a 40. cometh over into England, his constancy suspected, 406, a 10. His royal answer to the excommunication of pope Sixtus quintus: note, 1401, a 40, etc.  
Navy royal sent forth, 814, b 60 815, a 30. ¶ See Englishmen.  
Aunts besieged by Edward the third, 364, a 60. By the Englishmen, 427, b 20.  
Nauntwich in Cheshire burnt, 1356, a 30  
Neal baron. ¶ See Mawpasse.  
Necromancy. ¶ See Hed.  
Nevil bastard Fauconbridge, 689, a 50. A master of mischief, 60. b 10, etc. Beheaded, 693, a 30  
Nevil knight executed for rebellion, 953, a 60  
Nevil discovereth the intended treasons of Parrie against queen Elisabeth, 1383, a 10, b 50, &c: 1384, a 10, etc.  
News of heaviness to Henry the first, 41, b 10. That cast duke William in a fury, 6, b 30. That made the people in a great fear, 6, b 60. From the cast, 111, a 60  
Newarke castle built by the bishop of Lincoln, 50, b 20. Restored to the bishop of Lincoln, 202, a 30  
Newberie spoiled by the earl of Wil●shire and others, 653, b  
Newbolt a yeoman of the guard hanged, 812, b 10  
Newcastle upon Tine when founded, 12, b ●0, Burnt by casual fire, 241, a 60. ¶ See Montcaster. 11, a 10  
Newgate builded, 140, a 60. Set on fire, 1132, a 10. The keeper whereof a stranger would have murdered: note, 1132, b 30.  
Newhall in Essex called Beaulieu, 852, b 30  
Newhaven, the English fleet cometh afore it, 960, b 60 The French appoint to go out of it, 1200, a 60, b 10. A supply of soldiers out of Essex arrive there, 1197, a 60, b 10. And out of Devonshire, b 30. Greatly infected with the plague, 1204, a 50. Articles of agreement touching the surrender, b 60. A new supply of soldiers out of Norfolk, Suffolk, Willshire, and Glocestershire, 1203, a 10, 50. A fresh supply of soldiers arrive there, 1202, b 20. An alarm thereto. 1196, a 60. Prizes taken & brought thither, 1197, a 10, 20. A proclamation forbidding resort of soldiers thither without licence, 1202, b 40. The French king cometh to the camp lying before it, 1205, a 60. The chief cause why it was yielded, b 10. Special persons that died of the plague there, b 20, 30. Pestilence transported thence to London, b 50  
Newport besieged by Frenchmen, 771, a 10. Sacked and burnt by the Englishmen, 444, a 10.  
New years gift ¶ See Gift.  
Nicholson alias Lambert burned, 946, a 10  
Nigell. ¶ See Neal.  
Nightinghale parson of Crondall in Kent, his blasphemy in the pulpit, punished by God: note, 1128, b 60.1129, a 10  
Noble. ¶ See Coin.  
Nobility of England rooted out and beggared by duke William, 9, a 10. feign to fly, because of duke Wilkains tyranny, 10, a 40. Their livings taken away by duke William, 5, b 10. In arms against him and his Normans, 6, a 10▪ Hated of him and his people, 6, a 20. Forsake their native country, 6, a 20. In servitude to the Normans, 1, b 50. grievously fined by William Rufus, 20, b 10  
Nobility true described, 1266, b 10 Compared unto a river or flood, &c: note, 1263, b 30  
Noblemen and king Richard the second at debate, 458, a 30. Indicted of diverse offences, 457, b 20. Appeal one another of treason, 512, 513. That conspired against K. Henry the fourth, 514, b 30, They come to Circester, the bailiff setteth upon them in their lodgings, they set fire on their lodgings, their disconmfiture and shameful end, 515, b 10, etc. They do yield themselves, 516, a 30, 40. Beheaded for conspiracy, 516, a 50, 60. Conspiracy, namely of the Persi●s against Henry the fourth, 521, b 10, etc. 522, 523. Executed, 530, b 30. Complain to king Henry the third of the pope's collections, 232, b 10. Revolting from Lewis the French kings son, 199, a 30. Taken prisoners, 200, a 60. That rebelled, in what perplexity they were, 198, b 40, Their minds drawn from Lewis the French K. son, 197, b 40. Offended at Henry the third, and not without cause, 216, b 60. That took part with and against Henry the third, 264, b all. Proclaimed traitors by Henry the third, 217, a 10. That revolted from Henry the third, 266, a 20. Disgrace Henry the third in a parliament, 240, b 50. Of rare qualities, 1257, b 10. What fort and the walls of a realm, 1263, b 10. That went with the duke of Alencon over sea, 1329, b 50, 60, 1330, a 10, etc. Their vanguard distressed, they discomfited and executed, 688, a 40, etc. b 10▪ divers that stood against them executed, 464, a 20. At dissension, 451, b 40. Appointed to come in warlike manner to the parliament, 489, b 60. Apprehended imprisoned, and also indicted, 489, a 20, etc. At variance come to the parliament in armour, 439, b 10. roughly handled by Richard the second, 489, 490, 491, 492, 493. Against the duke of Summerset to displace him, 1057, a 20. 1058, ● 10. Consult and also practise to divert the success●●● of the crown, and how evilly it proved, note: 1085, a 60, b 10, etc. 1086, 1087. Imprisoned for eating flesh in lent, 960, a 10. At daggers drawing and bloodshed within the Tower note, 722, b 10, etc. 723, a 10 Conspirators executed, 688, b 60. In arms against Edward the fourth under queen Mar●aret, the place of their encamping, the ordering of their h●ast, 687, a 60, b 40, etc. Conspire against E●ward the fourth: note, 670, b 30 &c: 671, etc. A● deadly malice in Henry the sixts time: note the whole story, called to a treaty, brought to agree, 647, a 20▪ proclaimed traitors, 650, b 60. Their letters excus●torie to Henry the sixth, 651, a 60, b 10, etc. Atteinted, 652, a 10. That continued true and loyal to king john, 175, b 60. Begin to mislike the match which they had made with Lewis, 193, b 40. Dealing with Richard the second as touching his deposing, 502, a 20, etc. ¶ See duke of La●caster Revolting from king john to king Lewis, 192, a 10. Mistrusted and charged with treason, 457, b 10, 60. Confer how to prevent the perils pretended against them, counsel taken how to deal against them, their messengers to the king, 458, a 40, 60, b 20, 50 The Londoners refuse to fight against them, the lords take an oath together to prosecute their purposed enterprise, seek the favour of the Londoners, come before the king's presence in Westminster hall, their answer and grieves, 459, a 10, 50, 60, b 30, 40, 60. The king reproveth their doings, cleared of treason by proclamation, 460, a 10, 20, 30. Temper too far with the king's matters, and impeach his royalty, 452, b 10, etc. thirteen lords appointed to have the government under the king, 453, a 10, 60, b 10. Come to London with a great army, 461, a 40. Sent to the mayor and citizens of London to understand their meaning, 462, a 50. Enter into London, the king's words touching their proceedings, they refuse to come unto the Tower, but after search made they come before the king's presence, they open their griefs to the king, 472, b 10, etc. Drowned, 41, b 10. Die, 108, a 20 230, b 50. 228, b 50 ¶ See Death, Shipwreck.  
Noise, ¶ See Sound.  
Norham castle besieged by the Scots, rescued by the English, 782, b 50, 60. Delivered up to the Scotish kings hands, 825, b 40, 50  
Norimbega. ¶ See Raleigh.  
Normandy mortgaged to William Rufus and for what, 22, b 20. towns therein yielded to Henry the fift, 562, b 20 Brought into Henry the fift his suviection, having been a long time from him detained, 571, a 30. Won by the earl of Amon, 55, a 20. Invaded by the French king, 39, b 50 Subdued unto England on that day forty years past that William Conqueror subdued England to Normandy, 33, b 10. Interdicted, 160, a 60 137, a 60. By the archbishop of Normandy, 151, a 60. Recovered by the French king after three hundred and sixteen years keeping: note, 167, b 60. Lost, the state thereof, and the causes of the loss, 630, b 50  
Normans that came with William in the conquest of England, 2, b 40. Rebel, but are subdued to their smart, 612, b 30. Willingly sworn English, 561, a 10. Afraid at Henry the fift his arrival, 559, a 40. Under duke Robert vanquished, 33, a 20, 30. Inclined more to Henry the first than to D. Robert, 32, b 20. Their rule and the Frenches over England ceaseth, 116, b 40 Set upon by the English admiral, 290, b 10. Their posssessions confiscated, 232, b 40 Why disherited, 232, b 50 Writ to Henry the third to take their part against the French, 210, a 50. Preferred to clergy men's rooms and livings, 9, a 10. Rebel against duke William beyond the sea and soon subdued, 10, b 60 Their fashion and guise taken up of the English, 5, b 10 They hate the nobles even in the time of peace, 6, a 20. Lying in garrison at York and their dismal day, 6, b 60, 7, a 10. Pursued and slain by the English, 6, b 30. Give the Danes the discomfiture, 7, a 40. Have the nobility & commonalty in bondage, 1, b 50 Play the devils in wasting & spoiling, 17, a 60. Slain by the English at Worcester, 17, b 10. Their line touching the heirs male in whom ceased, 46, b 10. ¶ See William duke of Normandy.  
Norris general with three and twenty ensigns, 1350, b 20 Taketh the sconce of Light, 1431, b 60. Other exploits by him done against the enemy, 1432, a 10, etc. b 30  
Northhampton besieged, 185, a 50. Taken by force, 266, b 50  
Northcountries pitifully wasted by duke William, 7, b 40  
Northern men discomfit the Welshmen, 672, b 20. Spoil the town of saint Albon, their valiantness: note, 660, a 50. Rebellion and how suppressed, 942, a 10, etc. 943, a 10  
Northern prickers play the men, 818, a 60  
Northumberland an earldom, 1, a 30. Rebelleth against duke William, & is subdued, 6, b 10 Taken in possession of the Scots, 53, b 30. ¶ See Malcolme.  
Northumber's over whom duke William placeth and displaceth diverse nobles, 13, a 20 Kill Robert Cumin and his company, 6, b 30  
norton's. ¶ See Rebels of the north.  
Norwich how ancient, 1289, a 40. Besieged by the Normans, 11, b 30. Sacked, 272, b 10. sorely defaced with fire, 796, a 10. In commotion, their liberties seized into the king's hands, 626, a 60, b 10  
Nottingham taken by the earl of Derbie, 92, a 20. The castle, 6, a 40. How seated, 60, b 50  
Novencourt yielded to Richard the first, 146, b 10  
Nowell Henry. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Nun. ¶ See Christine.  
Nun's incontinency, and displaced out of their house, 100, a 10. Not to be godmothers, 30, b 50  
Nunneries. ¶ See Abbeys and Religious houses.    


O.  
OBedience and what rigorous means duke William used to reduce the English thereunto, 5, b 10, etc. 6, a 40 Of earl Richard to his father Henry the second, 109, a 60. Of the church of Scotland to the church of England, 97, b 10  
Occasion taken to invade England: note, 19, b 10 Taken of an invasion, 212, b 40, 50  
Odo bishop of Baieux, governor of England in duke William's absence, 5, a 10▪ In arms against the earl of Cambridge, 11, a 50. Conspireth against his nephew William Rufus, 17, a 20. earl of Kent, 13, a 60.18, a 60. In arms against king William's friends in Kent, 17, a 30. Is sent into Northumberland to revenge Walk●ers death, 12, b 20. Glad to submit himself for lack of victuals, 18, a 10 Lost his livings in England and returneth into Normandy, 18, a 10  
Offenders cover their faults with contrary causes, 1358, b 60  
Offence. ¶ See Punishment.  
Officer of the mayor of London chosen sheriff and lord mayor, 764, b 60. ¶ See Purueior, Sergeant.  
Officers called to accounts, and of their fraudulent dealing, 149, a 10. Go beyond their commission: note, 139, a 60 Of king john oppress the people, 183, b 50. About Henry the seventh abuse the common people extremely, 792, b 10. The cause of many men's undoing and other trouble, 794, b 10. Changed throughout the realm, 645, b 60. Chosen by sound advise, 543, b 40. Of the king of Spain full of tyrannical lordliness & villainy, 1335, a 50. New made, 509 b 40. Called to accounts, and restitution made out of hand with interest, 215, a 30. In displeasure with king Henry for their deceit, 216, b 40. Called to accounts how they had spent the king's treasure, 218, b 50. Punished for negligent looking to prisoners, 228, b 30 Appointed in an uproar, 273, a 30. Displaced and others placed, 466, b 40, 60. Committed to the Tower, and new made in place of old discharged: note, 360, b 40, 50, 60. Complained of to king Edward the third and punished, 369, b 10. ¶ See Excheker and justices,  
Offices set to sale for money, 142, b 40. claimed at the coronation of Henry the fourth, 510. a 20  
Oldcastell knight accused of heresy, scapeeth out of the Tower, 544, a 20, 50. Shifteth from place to place, he is laid in wait for to be taken, 560, a 60. Taken and wounded, executed, 561, b 20, 40  
Oneile the great of Ireland made knight, 808, a 50  
Opportunity taken by the Welshmen to invade England, 21, b 10. Not to be neglected, 694, a 30. ¶ See Occasion.  
Oppression punished: note, 256, b 20. Of the poor commonalty whereto it grew. ¶ See Curses, Empson, Extortion Officers.  
Orange prince cometh into England, 1126, b 20. Taketh order for the entertainment of the duke of Alencon, 1330.  
Oration of the earl Baldwine to king stephan's army, 52, b 50. Of the French king to a great assembly he sitting in his royalties. 904, b 40, etc. Of the duke of York made unto the lords of parliament, 655, b 20. Of prince Edward to the French king taken prisoner, 390, a 30. Of the archbishop of Canturburie after the deposing of Richard the second, 506▪ a 10,, etc. Of the bishop of Elie lord chancellor to the lords of the parliament house: note, 459, b 40. Of earl Marshal of Penbroke in the assembly of peers, 197, a 40. Of queen Eli●abeth which she made to the parliament house: note, 1396, a 50, etc. Of the deputy of the states of the low countries unto queen Elisabeth: note, 1411, a 60, b 10, &c: 1412, a 10, etc. In Latin and English of a Dutch minister to queen Elisabeth being in Norwich, 1293, a 40, b 50. Of queen Elisabeth to the university in Latin, 1206, b 60, 1207, a 10, etc. Of queen Elisabeth by way of answer in the parliament house touching a motion of marriage, 1181, ● 40, etc. Of Henry the fift to the king of France, 576, a 10. Of the duke of Buckingham to the mayor of London, aldermen, and commoners in the Guildhall, 728, a 60, b 10, etc. Of Henry the seventh to his army, 757, a 60. Of king Edward the fourth lying on his dethbed: note, 713, a 50, etc. 708, b 50. Of a French herald to Edward the fourth uttered with boldness of face and liberty of tongue, 695, b 40 Of the French king to an English herald, giving him defiance, 695, b 60, 696, a 10. etc. Of Faber summarily set down, 894, b 50. Of Empson to find favour, 803, b 60. Of Henry the eight in the parliament house, 971, a 20, etc. Of the French king before an honourable assembly, and favouring of displeasure, 902, b 60. Of sir Thomas Moor in the parliament house, 910, b 10, etc. Of two heralds to the emperor Charles, 899, a 50. Of sir Thomas Moor in the parliament, 876, a 50, 60. Of Tunstall made to the parliament, 876, a 20. Of the archbishop of Canturburie in the parliament summarily touched, 812, a 60. Of Perkin Warbeck the counterfeit unto the king of Scots, 780, a 50. Of cardinal Pool in the parliament house 1122, a 60, b 10, etc. Of queen Marie in Guildhall to the Londoners, 1096, a 60, 1097, As touching the restitution of abbeie lands, 1127, b 10, etc. Of archbishop Hubert of Canturburie unto the lords at the crowning of king john, 158, b 60, 159, a 10 Of the bishop of Durham to his soldiers, 49, a 60. Of the earl of Chester to the earl of Gloucester. 52, a 10. In Latin & English of Stephan Limbert schoolemaiste r in Norwich to queen Elisabeth at her being there, 1294, b 40, etc. 1295, a 10, etc. The same highly commended by the queen, 1296, a 20  
Orator proud & presumptuous, 567, a 40  
Order of the round table, the feast kept, 280, b 60. Of the ga●ter founded: note, and the cause thereof, 366, a 50, etc.  
Ordinances. ¶ See Clergy Ex officio.  
Orkenie. ¶ See Englishmen.  
Orleans besieged, a bulwark there taken, 599, a 20, 40, The siege broken up, 601, a 50  
Osborne with a navy out of Denmark arriveth in England, and why, 6, b 50. He is proffered great kindness of duke William to departed out of the north countries, 7, b 40, 50  
Osmond bishop of Salisbury, made the service after Salisbury use, 15, b 50  
Osneie abbey when founded: note, 1080, b 20  
Ossestrie town in Wales burnt thrice in three yers, 1210, a 10  
Osulfe strangely slain by a thief, 13, a 30  
Oath for the confirmation of peace between the two kings of England & France done by prox: note, 675, a 10, etc. b 10. Of observing the league interchangablie made and taken of Henry the eight and the emperor Charles, 873, b 50. Most wicked and disloyal of noblemen against their king, 674, b 60. Falsified by the lord Granuill, 586, a 10 Of fealty to prince Edward, 226, a 10. Not to infringe the statutes of Oxford, 261, a 50 corporal received upon the holy mysteries and sword of Thomas Becket, 303, b 40, Of fidelity to Edward the third taken of the Flemings, 357, a 40. Concerning the peace between the king of England and France, solemnly taken in parliament of the states: note▪ 395, b 10. Solemn of the second K of England to see peace performed, 394, b 40. Of the nobles to be true to prince Richard after his father's decease, 411, a 30 Of rebels ministered unto all passengers, 430, a 50. Of the commons of Hertfordshire to Richard the second, 438, a 30 Of the gentlemen of Norfolk forced by the rebels, 435 a 30. Of the duke of Lancaster & Hereford combatant touching the justness of his quarrel, 495, a 10. Taken of the two kings of England & France for the assurance of both their faithful meanings 486, b 40. Of Richard the second to perform the noblemen's orders, 465, a 40. Of the lords banded against the king, 459, a 50. Received of L●ol●e prince of Wales to Edward the first: note, 279, a 10. Of Edward the first in his anger to one of his nobles: note, 302, b 10. Of the French king to aid the son against the father, 87, b 10. Forced upon the lord mayor of London, 338, b 10. Of Edward the second at his coronation, which he said he would not unswear, 326, b 50 Nothing regarded of Edward the second: 321, b 30. Exacted of Henry the third by his nobles, 258, b 20. Of Henry the third at a parliament with an imprecation: note, 248, a 60. Of Thomas Becket whereof he repenteth him: note, 70, b 10. Of the earl of Flanders▪ 91, a 10. Of a cardinal not to prejudice the realm, 239, b 60. Given to the earl of Gloucester by Henry the third on his death bed, 276, a 40. Of the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of London sworn unto Henry the third, 264, a 20, etc. Nothing regarded of the French king, 205, b 10. Of jews urged upon him by Henry the third, 205, a 60. Of the traitor Parrie in a treasonable action, 1386 b 40. Interchangeable of the duke of Alencon and the people, 1342, a 50, 60 b 10. Of the duke of Alencon read openly to the people, 1337, a 10. Of K. Richard the first at his coronation, 118, a 60. Received of the earl of Warwick and other officers at Newhaven, 1196, a 30. Taken of the bishops & barons for their loyalty, 1, b 20. Of duke William at his coronation, 1, b 30. Of duke William solemnly taken and cruelly broken, 10, a 20. Of William Rufus by saint Luke's face, 27, a 60. Of the three estates of France, 578, a 30. Of the duke of Burgoigne with others to Henry the fift, 572, b 40, etc. 573, a 20. It and submission of the duke of York to Henry the sixth, 639, b 60. Of the duke of Norfolk kept with the loss of his life, 759, b 10. Corporal of the earl of Richmond to marry Edward the fourth's daughter, 745, b 20 Of the French king at an interview, 699, b 60. Taken of the nobility in Henry the firsts time for their fealty, 38, a 60. Taken of the lords touching the succession of the crown, 43, a 10▪ Of jews the son of the French king when he laboured to get the crown of England, 191, b 60 Of pope Innocent used upon a complaint, 187, b 10. Of allegiance to be true to K. john against all other persons, 184 b 10. Of diverse earls and barons of France to K. john to assist him, 160, b 30. Of K. john when his nobles were up in arms against him, 185, a 40, 50. Of the earl of Poictou Richard the first his nephew, 150, a 40. Of aliegiance received of the people to Richard the first in his absence, 137, b 40. Of allegiance to K. Richard the first at a council, 120, b 20. Of Lodoners to be true to king Richard the first and his heirs, 131, b 30 Of the king of Cypress to Richard the first, and broken: note, 128, a 10. Of king Richard the first, the king of France and their barons, 125 a 40. Of justices of itinerants 98, a 10. Taken about a place of meeting, 113, a 20. A dispensation for the same, 66, a 60. Of purgation taken solemnly: note, 83, b 30. Over all the realm to observe the king's peace, 148, a 20. Of fealty, Saluo semper ordine suo 85, a 60. Of allegiance newly taken, 173, a 50. Taken and broken for preferment: note, 43, a 10. Touching an act of establishing the crown taken of every person of lawful age, 937, a 60, b 10. It & the sacrament taken but not meant to be observed, 680, a 60. Cruelly made and cruelly kept: note, 723, a 10. Of allegiance broken and notably punished by God: note, 659, b 60. Added to a promise and the same performed, 14, b 30. Taken to be true to the king and his heirs, 14, a 60. Of a noble man by his honour: note, 1214, b 30. Upon the evangelist to stand to the judgement of holy church, 201, b 30. For restitution of heritage's, rights, liberties, etc. 201, b 40. Enforced, absolved, 313, b 60. Made, broken, and punished, 418, b 50. With protestation in a case of innocency: note, 458, a 10 Of allegiance confirmed by writing, 496, b 20  
Oaths that the dukes of Brabant were accustomed to take 1336, a 10. Corporal received for performance of agréements, 30. a 20▪ Of obedience willingly taken to K. john, 157, b 30. Outrageous order & discipline for them, 111, b 30 ¶ See Perjury, Promise, and Vow.  
Otho the emperor cometh over into England, 170, b 60 ¶ See Odo.  
Otuell an earls son, tutor to K. Henry the first children 20, a 40  
Ouse river: ¶ See Trent.  
Owen Glendouer: ¶ See Glendover.  
Owen prince of Wales slain, 39 b 10  
Owls devour mice: note a wonder, 1315, a 60, b 10  
Oxford forsaken of the scholars 173, b 30. Very forward in preferring queen Mary's religion, 1102, b 10. Queen Elizabeth's progress thither, 1209, a 60, b 10. The strange sickness there at the assize, whereof judges died, etc. 1270, a 40, b 10. Their manner of entertaining Albertus de lase, 1355, all. The masters of the university summoned to the parliament about the conclusion of a peace, etc. 255, a 60 The scholars thereof fight against Henry the third, 267, a 10 ¶ See Debate, fray, Statutes, Treason, & Uariance.    


P  
PAckinton strangely murdered, 944, a 20  
Paganels: ¶ See Painell.  
Pageants and shows sumptuous and sightlie, 849, a 10, etc. At queen Anne's coronation 930, a 60, b 10, etc. Upon the sudden at a Candlemas tide, 853, a 60. At the coronation of Henry the eight, 802, b 40, etc. 803, a 10. Of neat devise, 835, a 40. At queen Mary's coronation, 1091, a 10, &c: In London at the coming ofPhilip and Marie through the city, 1120, b 60 1121, a 10 Of pleasant invention, 808, a 60, b 10, etc. At the receiving of queen Elisabeth into Norwich, 1289.1290, 1291, unto 1299. In Antwerp at the receiving of the duke of Alencon, 1332, etc. to 1344, a 10. Of triumph at the coronation of queen Elisabeth. 1172, 1173, 1174, 1175, 1176, 1177, 1178, 1179. At a triumphant justs holden at Westminster, 1316, 1317, 1318, 1319, 1320, 1321. at Christmas. 816, a 20.812, a 20 807, a 40, etc. 839, b 40 On a maidaie, 809, a 20, etc. ¶ See Sights.  
Paget lord. ¶ See Throckmorton Francis, and Earl Persie of Northumberland.  
Painell kept the castle of Ludlow, 48, b 60  
Palace of Henry the eight at Guisnes described: note, 856, b 40, 50, &c: 857, all.  
Palatine of Siradia, ¶ See Albertus de Lasco.  
Palestine. ¶ See Holy land.  
Palmer knight beheaded, his words at his death, 1090, a 50 60  
palmsunday field. ¶ See Battle.  
Palsgrave of Rhine, his train come to receive Henry the eight, 823, a 20. He and others come over into England, 947, b 60  
Pandulph the pope's legate, a practiser of much mischief against king john, 175, a 10, b 40.177, a 10. Made bishop of Norwich, 202, a 60  
Papists cruelty against the martyrs in queen Mary's time, 1363, a 40, 50. Their objections that priests executed are but scholars and unarmed, 1367, a 40, 50. They call the protestants heretics and enemies to the cross of Christ even as Achab called Elias the disturber of Israel, himself being the only disturber 1125, a 60. Their prayers, & of what little effect they be, 1125, a 10. Animated by rebellion, 1054, a 10. By rebellion have an ill opinion of God's holy truth, 1054, b 10. Such as were never charged with capital crimes, 1360, b 60.1361, a 10, etc.  
Paraphrase of Erasmus commanded to be had in churches 992, a 60  
Pardon offered to conspirators and traitors, 650, a 10. Upon mistrust refused, 650, a 10. Offered to rebels: note, 431, b 60 At a parliament 396, a 10. Of six years and one hundred da●es preached, 240, a 60. To Appletrée having the halter about his neck, 1310, b 20. With exceptions at queen Mary's coronation, 1091, b 30. General to all rebels conditionally published, 1056, b 50. To the living, pity on the dead, 688, b 30, 40. General proclaimed, 942, b 20. No offence excepted, 765, b 20. By proclamation dispersed the Kentish rebels, 635, a 60, At a pinch for treason: note 627, a 50. Upon submission, 146, b 60 147, a 10. For prisoners at a woman's suit obtained, 378, a 20. ¶ See Forgiveness and Parliament.  
Pardoners two set on the pillory: note, 774, a 40  
Parrie sueth for licence to travel beyond sea, 1385, a 30. justifieth himself in religion before the inquisitor of Milan, 40. Resolved in the vile plot of his treacherous devise 60. With what enemies unto God he linketh himself, b 10. He voweth to undertake the kill of the queen, 30. And resolved himself so to do, 60. Committed unto the custody and examination of sir Francis Walsingham, 1383, a 40. Denieth with protestations whatsoever was demanded of him, 60. Examined before certain lords of the council, b 20. Committed to the Tower, 40. His discontentment because he might not have preferment to his own liking, 60. Confesseth himself guilty of all things contained in his indictment, 1389, b 20. His confession of treasons openly read by his own assent, 1390, a 30. judgement given against him, 40. He chargeth the lords of the council with untruth, b 50. Reproved, 60. His exclamation of outrage and unpatientnesse, 1391, a 40. Abuseth the assembly with terms and words uncouth, 60. The form of judgement pronounced against him, b 60. Desperate, 1386, a 60. How long his ●●actise was in handling yer it was detected, b 10. His oath in that ill matter, 40. He chargeth Nevil with grievous speeches cursed disloyalty, 60. What moved him to attempt the murdering of the queen, 1384, a 10. He counteth it a deed meritorious, 20. His pestilent humour of malice against her, 50. How his traitorous practice should have been done, b 10. His resoluteness to do it, 40. His voluntary confession in the hearing of certain lords, 60. Certain observations▪ out of his words and writings: note, 1394, all. A dilemma proving that he died a perjured traitor, 1395, b 10. An epigram of fit devise for so vile a wretch, b 30, etc. Rageth at the justice bar without all reverence, 1392, a 10. Even at his execution he seeketh to clear himself, 20, 30. A description of him by Image and life very lewd: note, 50, 60, b 10, etc. 1393. His letters unto queen Elisabeth and to the lords of the council, after his voluntary confession, 1387, a 20, b 10. His treasons practised against queen Elisabeth at full declared, 1382, a 50 Described, reconciled to the pope, 60. His malice groweth to an extremity of mischief against queen Elisabeth, b 60. Saith and unsaith, to shift of the heavy charge of his treasons, 1388, a 60. Convicted, b 60. arraigned, 1389, all.  
Paris, where Henry the sixth was crowned, 606, a 40. Henry the fift received in there, 578, a 10. Edward the third draweth near it with his power, the Englishmen lie before it, the suburbs burned, 393, a 50, b 10, 30. For multitude of people it passeth, 1333, b 50. The duke of Bedford's entrance thereinto, and executing certain conspirators, 586, a 60. The treason of the inhabitants, 613, a 40. Yielded to the French king, 613, a 60  
Paris garden. ¶ See Slaughter.  
Parishes. ¶ See England.  
Parker afterwards archbishop of Canturburie, preacheth to the rebels of Northfolk, 1030 b 30, 40, 50. They threaten him, he conveyeth himself from among them, 1032, a 10 ¶ See Archbishops of Canturburie.  
Parkin. ¶ See Perkin.  
Parliament holden at Blackfriar's, 876, a 10. At Cambridge, 465, b 40. At Coventrie, 652, a 10. Made frustrate 659, a 30. At Gloucester, 421, a 30 In Ireland, 481, b 40. At Lambeth, 215, b 40. Leicester 591, a 40. London, 261, a 50.251, b 30.257, b 10.250, b 60. Adiorned, 251, a 20.248, b 40.238, b 20.240, b 30.246, b 30, 265, b 20.274, b 10.220, a 10.202, b 10.308, a 60▪ 280, b 40.321, b 20▪ 351, a 10.43, b 40.54, b 20. At Marleburrough, 274 a 20. At Merton in Surrie, 220, a 50. At Northampton, 97, a 60.318, b 30.428, b 20.347, b 20.143, a 40. At Nottingham, 142, b 30. At Oxford, 101, a 30.209, b 50.167, a 20. At Rone by the duke of Bedford, 603, a 30. At saint Edmundsburie, 301, b 30, 627 a 20. At Salisbury, 445, b 30.302, a 60. At Shrewsburie, 282, a 60. At Westminster, 278 a 10, 283, a 60.210, b 60.220, a 60.214, b 60.229, a 50.233, a 40 1225, a 20.270, b 60.208, a 20.262, a 10.207, a 30.272, b 40. King Richard the second being in Ireland, 481, b 40, 50. Crowns of England and France intaled to Henry the sixth, &c: 678, a 20. With an atteindor and a pardon general 762, b 20. Whereunto queen Elisabeth and her lords did ride, 1377, a 20.1315, a 50. At Winchester, 259, b 30▪ 480, a 10 270, b 50. At Windsor, 96, b 40.103, a 50. At York. 309, a 10.332, a 10.306.350, b 10. Called by the duke of Bedford, Henry the fift being in France, 581, a 60. It and Richard the second at dissension 452, b 10. Called, Richard the second being prisoner in the Tower, 502, a 10. Called by the duke of Gloucester, Henry the sixth being in France, 607, b 10. Dissolved, queen Elisabeth making an oration to the whole house, 1396, a 50, etc. Wherein church livings are restored: note, 1130, a 20. Whereat Philip and Marie are present, 1122, a 10. Of white bands, 326, b 60▪ Parlamentum insanum, 258, a 60. Injurious and offensive, 493, a 50, 60. Determination concerning the intaling of the crown, 657, a 60. Of seven weeks continuance, 521, a 30 Called the laimens' parliament, 526, a 10. Long, 536, b 10. That wrought wonders, 463, b 10. Of three estates of the realm, 781, a 60. Whereto noble men are appointed to come in warlike manner, 489, b 60. Summoned, and new laws for the common wealth enacted, 764, a 40. Called the great parliament, 490, a 60. Called merciless, & of a head that spoke then, 484, b 20. The lords sit in the house in their armour, 439, b 10. Held on that time fifty years that Edward the third was born, 395, b 60.396, a 10. For the order of knighthood, 254, a 30. Prorogued, 258, a 10. May be deceived, 1124, b 60. And that the king of Scots came thither, 97, b 60. Adiorned from place to place, 631, a 30. At division: note, 911, a 30, etc. 912, a 20. Great and solemn, 255, a 60. Called the mad parliament, 258, a 60. The first use thereof in Henry the first his time, 38, a 60, b 40, 39 The authority thereof, 1005, b 30, The causes and conditions thereof: note, 452, b 20, 30. The authority of both houses granted to certain persons, 493, a 20. ¶ See Burgess, Council, Privilege.  
Parsonages with a decree touching the same, 30, b 60  
Pace doctor described, 871, b 60. His oration in praise of peace 848, b 40. Falleth out of his wits, 907, a 10  
Passport given to Anselme to departed the land, 26, a 10. ¶ See Safe conduct.  
Paten ¶ See bishop Wainfléet.  
Patents resumed into Richard the firsts hands by act of parliament, 143, b 50  
Pateshull a friar Augustine & a Wicklevist, forsaketh his profession, preacheth openly against his order, publisheth a libel against his brotherhood, his favourers, 455, a 60, b 10.  
Patience of the Englishmen in suffering all wants of relief, 995, a 40  
Patriarch of jerusalem cometh into England, 108, b 10  
Patrick an Augustine friar, seditious, and an enemy unto Lancaster house, 787, a 20  
Pavia besieged, and how the battle was tried, 884, a 40, 50 60, etc. 10, etc. 8●5, a 10  
Panier a contemner of the gospel and his shameful end: note, 935, a 60  
Paul abbot of S. Albon's commended, 18, a 60  
Paul's church in London dedicate, 225, b 50. The gates blew open with a tempest, 1209, a 20 Church steeple finished, 204, a 10. At lay at anchor, 979 b 30. Upon the weathercock whereof stood a Dutchman holding a streamer, etc. 1091, a 60. It is burnt by lightning: note, 624, a 50, 14, b 10. Means made to repair it, 1194, a 40, etc. Ten thousand pounds insufficient to repair it as it was at first▪ b 10  
Paulet sir Hugh knight his answer unto the constable of France, at the siege of Newhaven, 1203, b 10  
Paulet William treasurer deceaseth, his ancient & honourable service, blessed in his children, 1228, a 30  
Peace between England and France, 1206, a 50. Concluded, 261, a 60, 832, a 60, b 10 Difficulties about the practice thereof, the French council accord for it, the contents of the capitulation for it, 834, a 60, b 10, etc. Proclaimed, 892, b 10. Concluded & proclaimed, 973, b 20. Moved, 774, b 60 Commissioners sent over to Calis about the same, why the English preferred it before war, a conclusion thereof between both nations, 775, a 10, 30, 60. Treated of at Towers, 624, a 60. Treated but not concluded, 568, b 10, etc. conditionally concluded: note, 1061, b 40, 50, 60. With a marriage, 161, a 50. After weary wars, 146, b 50, 60 40, b 60 480, a 40. In memory whereof the chapel of our lady of peace was builded: note, 486, a 50, etc. b 20, 60. Perpetual treated, 474, b 40.445, a 40 Treated but not obtained, 362, a 50, 60. Treated by the lady jane de Ualois, 360, a 30. And articles drawn, 391, b 50 Commissioners appointed to treat thereabouts, 409, a 30. Concluded for one whole year, 379, b 40. Conditional at the moderation of the queen of England, 336, a 30.40. treated by a cardinal, 295, a 10. Decreed by the pope, 308, b 40. Treated upon by two duchesses': note, 909, b 60 910, a 60, etc. Between the French king and the emperor treated but not concluded, 1129, a 50, 60. Procured between the king of Spain and France at the suit of the duchess of Lorrane, 1151, a 60. Broken by the French king, etc. 402, a 60. Hard to be made betwixt Henry the second and the French king, 113, b 60. Concluded between Henry the second and the French king with much ado, 114, a 60. Treated between Henry the eight, and the French king, by a legate from Rome, 882, b 40. Between Edward the fourth, and the French king, the same articulated, 696, b 30, 50, etc. Said to be made by the Holy ghost: note, 700, a 60. Between Henry the sixth & the French king solemnly treated at Paris, 611, a 20. Between Henry the fift & the French king, & the articles of the said peace, 572, a 20, 60.573, a 40, etc. Between king john and the French king after war, 160, b 40. Said to be moved by the pope's Nuncios, 166, b 30. Between Richard the first and the French king, 121, a 30. Between Edward the third and the French king, after many bloody skirmishes, and upon what articles, 394, a 10, etc. Between William Rufus and his brother Robert for money, 21, b 10 Treated and proclaimed after long troubles between Henry the third and his barons: note, 268, a 60, b 10, etc. painfully procured by the countess of Wales betwixt the king and the duke of Lancaster, 446, b 60. Between Robert and Henry the first, brethren, 30, a 10. Of brethren, namely Edward the fourth and the duke of Clarence▪ 682, a 10. Between Henry the second and his sons, 89, b 10. Between the king of England and Scotland, 47, b 30.50, a 60. With king john compounded for by the king of Scots, 173, b 10. With the Scots, 607, b 10. Betwixt Edward the first and Leolin prince of Wales upon articles, 278, b 20, etc. 279, a 10 Between the king of England and the Scots with the charters of the same, 96, a 10 Sought by king john, but withstood of the French king, 167, a 40. Between the king of France and the king of Spain solemnly celebrated, 850, b 40. Betwéne Lewis and Henry the third after sharp wars, 201, b 10. Of queens by them procured: note, 291, b 50. Between the king of France and the duke of Britain, with the articles thereof, 427, b 50 between king Stephan and Henry Fitz empress, after their long wars, 61, a 60. Betwixt the two factions of Burgogne and Orleans, 538, b 60. Sought for of Sultan Saladin to Richard the first, and concluded, 135, a 0, Between Charles of France & the duke of Burgogne, 611, b 50. And what mischief came thereof, 612▪ a 10, etc. Between the emperor Charles and the French K. 888, b 20, 30, etc. Henry the eight, & the prince of Orange included in the same, why it set all Christendom in a woondering, 889, a 40, 60, b 10 20. Treated upon between the emperor Charles and the French K. 870, a 60. Betwixt the K. of Spain & France, treated of, 1183, b 50. The articles thereof, 1184, a 10. Between France & Scotland proclaimed, 1192, b 10, 20, 30. Articles of the same peace, the end thereof, with the commendation of the same, 1193, a 20, 40, 60. The praise and benefits thereof, 1054, b 60. A treatise thereof before an encounter, 10, b 40. Granted upon mutual conditions, 10, b 50. Made a pretence to execute inward malice, 10, a 30. Concluded to one party dishonourable, 19, a 20. Sought but not wrought, 226, b 10. Contemned, and revenge pursued, note, 204, a 40, 50. Concluded after much trouble, 273, b 40. And what a foul end an enemy thereto had, 206, b 40. Hindered by hard demands, 410, a 60, b 10. Solemnly made, and rechleslie broken, 402, b 20, Wrought by the grace of the holy-ghost: note, 393, b 60. Dishonourable, 347, b 20. Hindered with stoutness, 352, a 20. Offensive, 427, b 50, 60. Sought for but not admitted: note, 494, b 20. Sought but not obtained: note, 32, b 40. Persuaded, nothing prevailed, 146, b 10. Disaduantageable, 161, b 10. Displeasant, 30. After sharp wars, and victory: note, 572, b 20, etc. Sought for the supplanting of civil discord: note, 657, b 10. Procured by want of money, 696, b 50. Begun between two, an occasion thereof between many, 682, a 20. Sought after much malice & bloodshed between persons of great honour, 681, a 50▪ Called the women's peace: note, 909, b 60, 910, a 10, etc. Treated upon at Cambrie, executed: note, 914, a 20. Concluded upon articles, 98, a 40. After great troubles upon conditions: note, 94, a 40, b 30. Broken of set purpose: note, 112, a 10. ¶ See Parliament.  
Peers Alice is banished the realm: note, 418, b 50. ¶ See Perers.  
Péers Gaveston earl of Cornwall, 318, b 40. Edward the seconds lewd companion, 318, 50. Married, 318, b 40. Accursed, 319, b 60. Hated of the noble men, and why, 319, b 10. Banished the realm, b 60. The king his favour towards him, made deputy of Ireland, placed in Banburgh castle, banished into Flanders, 320, a 10, 40, b 60. His saucy abusing of the nobles, they assault and take him, he is brought unto Warwick and beheaded, the king displeased at his death, 321, a 20, etc.  
Penance at Paul's cross, note, 943, b 40.936, a 40. Of Anabaptists, 946, a 40.1260, b 20. Of a most horrible offendor: note, 1558, b 50. Of five persons of the family of love, 1261, b 30. At Paul's cross by a spirit in a wall without Aldersgate, 1117, b 60. Of two wenches counterfeiting themselves to be possessed with the devil, 1259, b 60, Of bishop Herbert▪ 26, a 50. That the regents and rulers of Oxford did at cardinal Otho his curse, 222, a 50. Enjoined unto the burgesses of Oxford: note, 181, b 40. Of the lady Cobham for her intended treason against Henry the sixth, 623, a 10. Of doctor Barnes and two merchants of the Stiliard for heresy, 892, b 60. That a wrongful justice did, 284, b 60. With penalty for murder: note, 562, a 52. Ridiculous: note, 484, a 30  
Penbroke c●niuror. ¶ See Sorcerer.  
Pendleton doctor preaching at Paul's cross hath a gun shot at him, 1117, b 50  
Penker doctor lost his voice in his sermon, &c: note, 725, b 40  
Pensioners muster before the queen Elisabeth, 1211, a 60  
People's favour fixed when it is once gotten: note, 149, all. 150, a 10, 20. Is Henry the first glad to seek, and why, 28, b 10. Great unto the duke of Summerset, 1068, b 40. Sought by fair words, 17, b 30. Their furious revenge for the death of one whom they loved: note, 12, b 60: What promises to purchase it, 8, b 40. ¶ See Commons.  
Perers Alice Edward the third his concubine: note, 410, b 20 Banished the realm, 418, b 50  
Perkin Warbeck was a long time taken for the younger of the two princes whom Richard the third murdered, 734, b 10. The counterfeit duke of York, his ready wit to learn all that made for his preferment unto honour, he arriveth in Ireland, saileth into France all a●●ant, returneth unto the lady Margaret his first founder, named by her the white rose of England, 776, a 10, etc. counterfeiteth the duke of York very cunningly, his true lineage, his conspiring fautors, 777, a 20, 40, b 50. Sir William Stanley his favourer, 778, b 40. He attempteth to land in Kent, his men discomfited, his captains taken and executed, he reculeth into Flanders, 779, b 40, 60. Saileth into Ireland, and is in sundry opinions, he marrieth the earl of Huntley's daughter, saith that he is Edward the fourth his lawful son, telleth the Scotish K. how he was preserved & kept alive, calleth the lady Margareth his aunt, craveth aid of the Scotish K. toward the recovery of the crown of England from Henry the seventh 780, a 20, etc. His counterfeit compassion, 781, a 40. He is feign to pack out of Scotland, his three counsellors, he assalteth Excester, 783, b 50, etc. He taketh sanctuary, his wife presented to Henry the seventh, all his partakers in their shirts with halters about their necks appear before Henry the seventh, he is assaulted in sanctuary, submitteth himself to the K. and is strictly seen unto, 784, a 60, b 10, etc. Escapeth from his keepers, his confession as it was written with his own hand, and read openly upon a scaffold by the standard in Cheap 786, a 10, 20, etc. 787, a 10. He corrupted his keepers, he is executed at Tyburn, 787, a 10, b 30  
Perjury punished, 46, b 20.680, a 60. By God 1262, a 20. Laid to William Rufus charge by his brother Robert, 21, a 40. ¶ See oath & Promise. Laid to Henry the fourth's charge, 524, a 10. ¶ See Baffuling.  
Perot sir Thomas knight▪ ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Persecution in England ceaseth, and the protestants return out of exile, 1181, b 50. ¶ See Martyr, Religion, Priests s●m●●arie.  
Persie lord sent against the Scots, 303▪ b 60. Put to flight by the king of Scots, 315, a 10. ¶ See Conspiracy and Earl.  
Persivall ¶ See Maior and Officer.  
Peson. ¶ See Wonder.  
Pestilence, 473, a 20. In Calis, 803, b 30. Followeth famine, 1049, b 40. In many places, specially in London, 787, b 60. In diverse parts of the realm, 704, a 60, That devoured wonderful multitudes: note, 703, b 20. Hot in London, 1211, b 60. In London, 961, a 40.525, a 60. Among the soldiers at Newhaven, 1204, a 50. The cause that Newhaven fell into the hands of the French, 1205, b 10, 20, 30. Transported from thence to London, 1205, b 50. And what a consumption of people it wrought in the city and suburbs: this was called the great plague, b 60. Like to have increased, 1260, a 10, 20. In Germany whereof three hundred thousand died, 1206, b 10  
Peterburrough spoiled, 194, a 30  
Peter pence forbidden to be any more gathered in England, 397, b 20  
Peter Landoise. ¶ See Landoise.  
Peter's William knight deceaseth, his charity, 1227, b 50  
Petitions three that queen Philip made to her husband on her death bed: note, 404, a 20, 30, etc. ¶ See Demands and Requests.  
Pe●o cardinal became a begging friar: note, 1365, b 10  
Peverell William disherited, 65 b 40  
Philip his preparation to come into England, the English ambassadors meet him at saint james of Compostella, his arrival in Southampton, received of the nobility, entertained of queen Marie, married unto her, what nobles were attendant on him, the conditions of their marriage, 1118, all. Installed at Windsor, he and she go through London to Westminster, 1120 b 50, 60. Passeth over into Flanders to encounter the French king, 1133, b 20, 1129 b 40. His return into England, 1133, a 40.  
Philip the hardy and why so surnamed, 401, b 60.  
Philip of Ostrich, afterwards K. of Castille or Spain, landeth in west parts of England, 792, b 40. His honourable entertainment, his bow inviolably kept, his death and description, 793, a 10, 50, 60  
Philip the French king bribed to procure peace between William Rufus and Robert. 21, b 10. Setteth Robert the son against his father William, duke of Normandy, 12, a 30. His jest at duke William lying sick, 14, b 20. His death, 34, b 60, 205, a 60. ¶ See French king.  
Philip king Richard the firsts base son, slew the viscount of Lymoges. 160, b 60  
Philip queen of England: ¶ See Queen.  
Philpot a worthy citizen of London and alderman, 419, b 60. Discloseth treasons, 428 a 60  
Physician jews showeth to queen Elizabeth the whole conceit and devise of uniting the house of Lancaster and York in one, 741, b 50  
Physicians counsel neglected dangerous to the death, 45, a 10, 20  
Piemount prince cometh into England, 1126, b 10  
Piers Exton. ¶ See Exton.  
Pilgrim his scrip and staff, 123, b 10  
Pilgrims rob and the thief hanged: note, 122, a 20  
Pilgrimage cloaked, 183, b 50 The holy pilgrimage, 942, a 20  
Pilgrimages. ¶ See Images.  
Pipes of lead under the ground to convey water, and when the casting of them was invented, 944. a 60. ¶ See Water.  
Pirate Barton. ¶ See Barton, Campbell.  
Pirates on the west seas taken and executed, 1258, a 10. Hanged at Wapping, 1258, b 40 1271, a 60, 1354, b 10, 20 ¶ See Clinton, etc.  
Pirates had like to have taken Henry the fourth, 533, b 10 Followed so that they durst not peep out, 537, a 30. To the number of twenty and two condemned and judged to die, 1262, a 10  
Pity of Henry the second to the poor: note, 115, a 50. Of Henry the seventh on a company of haltered rebels, 784, b 40. Of Henry the sixth notable: note, 691. b 20. Of king Henry the fift: note, 560. b 60 Of Hubert de Burgh toward duke Arthur of Britain in prison, 165. b 10. Of Edward the third towards the poor notable, 375. a 20. Of a queen of England unto six burgesses of Calis: note, 378. a 20. Of captain Randoll notable, 1205. b 10. Foolish in dearing with pardoning offenders: note. 1049. a 60. Of one the casting away of another: note, 41. b 30. On the dead▪ pardon to the living, 688. b 30▪ 40. Procureth peril. 423. b. 10.20. ¶ See Charity.  
Plague called The great plague, assuaged in London, 1262, a 10. Threefold to the poor citizens, 1209, a 20. A natural prognostication thereof, 1050. b. 30. Great in Essex, 480. b 60. In diverse places of England great, 805. a 10. ¶ See Pestilence.  
Play public, and conference there to further the rebellion in Norfolk, but note the issue, 1028. b 20.30.1029. 1030. Of a tragedy in Oxford with misfortune. 1209. b 10.  
Plays and interludes forbidden for a time, 1184. a 50.  
Planet's superiors conjunction, 484. b. 40.  
Plantagenet the true earl of Warwick a very innocent, he is executed: note 787. b 20.50 Knight deceaseth in the tower, the cause of his trouble, 955. a 60. b 10. etc. The last of the right li●e and name, 953, a 60. In whom that name rested▪ 703. b 20. A counterfeit of the lady Margaret's imagining, 775. a 60. ¶ See Arthur and Earl.  
Pledges that duke William led over with him into Normandy, 5, a 10. Scotish appointed to pass into England 1187. b 40. ¶ See Hostages.  
Plenty and abundance: note 284. a 40. And dearth, 11●3. a 30. Of victuals, but scarcity of money, 353. a 10. See Uittels.  
Plymouth burnt, 355. a 60.  
Pocks whereof many died▪ 397. b 50.  
Po●r Ranulfe slain, 106▪ a 20.  
Poitiers battle when it was, 390. a 10  
Poictovins revolt from king john. 164 b 10. Send king Henry the third word of their readiness to revolt from the French king, 207. a 10. Suspected to have poisoned the English lords, 259. b 50. Discomfited, 217. b 40  
Poinings knight lieutenant of Turnaie. 825. a 10. Discharged of keeping it, 837. b 40 A valiant captain sent into Flanders, 772. a 60. Sent into. Ireland with an army, his valiantness and success, 779. a 60. b 10. etc. His decease 969, b. 20.  
Poisoning, a woman burnt for it at Tunbridge. 1262. a 60. And also at Maidstone, 1226.40. Punished with boiling to death in hot water. 926. b 60. Practised, and the parties punished with standing on the pillory, 1258. b. 40. For the which a wench was burnt in Smithfield, 1434, b 10. And execution for the same, 259. b 60. 260. a 10. Bewrayed by the sweeting of precious stones, 194. b 20. Of earl Scot of Chester with his wife. 220, b 60. Of the earl of Devonshire▪ 646. b 60. In Italy practised: note 795. a 10. etc.  
Polander, ¶ See Albertus de Lasco.  
Policy whereby Compiegne was surrendered to the English. 587. a 60. Of the Parisions to outreach the duke of Bedford, 586. a 6. Of the French in taking Pon● de Larch, 629. a 20. In buying peace of the English, 700. b 10. etc. Of Edward the fourth against his enemies, 684, a 50. Of Richard the third mischievous and incestuous, note▪ 350. a 60. Ungracious & tending to the slaughter of princely innocents, 739. a 20. Of the earl of Richmond in getting the sun at the back of his soldiers, 758. b 60. To avoid danger 748. a 38. Of Henry the seventh against sir Robert Clifford, 778. b 20. In scenting forth espials into Flanders, 777. b 30. To prevent an intended mischief: note 536. b 20 Of duke Albert of Saxony to get the town of Dam, 772. a 20. Of the English archers against their enemies shot, 770. b 40. Of Henry the seventh to match suspected persons especially if they fled, 780. a In surprising the town of Pont Meulan, a 10. b 10. For a bridge, 617. b 60. Of sir Francis the Arragonois, 619. b 10. Of Henry the fift in the time of a commotion, 544 b 10. Oftentimes passeth force, 648. a 60. Of the earl of Huntingdon 617. Of Henry the fift against the French horsemen, 553. b 10: note 564. b 50. For ready bridges, 571. b 40, Of a priest favouring conspirators: note 516. a 40. Of the earl of Westmoreland, 529 b 40.50.530. a 10. Of the English against the Flemish 454. b 10. Of the French king against the English, 426. b 50.4222. a 60. Dastardlie of the French king to make Edward the third raise his siege from Calis, 375 b 30. Of the Scots discomfiting the English, 324. b. 60. Of a captain against the Welshmen, 236. a 60. a 60. Of the English, 295. a 60. Of the duke of Guise against the English, 1135. b 20. Of the French to make bridges 1138, b. 60. To restrain the people at the duke of Summersets execution, 1067. a 60. b 50. Of a yeoman of the guard a rebel whereby he got pardon. 844. Of Scattergood a guner to deceive the French 1192. a 60. Of Frenchmen disguised in woman's apparel, 1188. b 50. Of war by the Kentishmen, 2. a 20. Of the French to give the English a repulse, 1191. a 50▪ Of duke William in making a part of England waste, 11. a 40. Of the French king to get possession of Uernueill▪ 8.88. a 50. ¶ See Dissimulation, Stratagem.  
Pomfret castle rendered to Edward the second, 331. a  
Pontoise surprised by the Englishmen, 570. a 30. Recovered by them, 17. a 40. Besieged by the French king but valiantly defended, b 20. Gotten by French, 618, a 30  
Pont M●ulan surprised by entrance of a common privy, 610. b 10  
Pontorson rendered unto the Englishmen, 895, a 30.  
Poole Cardinal, ¶ See Cardinal Poole and Pope.  
Pope Adrian, 274. a 40. An Englishman borne. 66. a 50▪ His election to the popedom wondered and why, he cometh to Rome, 871. b 30.50. His creation, corruption of the cardinals in his election corrupted with many vices, 767. a 40, 50. b 21. His pride: note, 69. a 40. His grant to make john king of Ireland, 101. a 30. Maketh profit of his great pardon or heavenly grace, 788. a 60. Letters for the relief of the Holy land, 104. b 50. fatherly words to archbishop Lanfranke: note 9 a 50. Depriveth bishops and restoreth them, 9 a 40. Heareth the contention for the primacy between the archbishops, 9 a 30. Sent commissioners into England, 8. b 60. He and the emperor Frederik at debate, 75. b 10. His answer to Beckets complaint, 73. a 30.  
Pope Boniface prohibiteth Edward the first further to vex the Scots, 309. b 30.  
Pope Calixius held a council at Rheims, and consecrateth the archbishop of Canturburie with his own hands, 40 a 50. A suitor for archbishop Thurstane 40. b 40. His curse against both archbishops of Canturburie and York. 42. a 10.  
Pope Calestine a friend to archbishop Geffreie of York, 130. b 20. Maketh an archbishop of Canturburie legate of all England, 147, b 50.  
Pope Clement's reformation in England, 315. b 40. And what sums of money are had of the archbishop of York: note 315. a 30. Procureth a peace for one year betwixt the two kings of England and France, 379. b 40. Sent two cardinals to accord the two kings of England and France, 377. b 50. Letters in favour of the bishop of Elie, and how he defendeth his chapleins, 132. a 60. Sendeth Henry the eight a golden rose, 883. a 60. Pretended a title to the realm of Sicill, 124. b 60. Requireth Henry the eight personally to appear at a general council, 930. a 10. Taken prisoner by the emperor's army. 1365. a 30. Deceseth, more infortunate than fortunate, 935. b 10. His death prejudicial, 131. b 60  
Pope Eugenie sendeth a legate to treat a peace between the two kings of England and France, 607. a 50  
Pope Gelasius the second his death. 40. a 10  
Pope Gregory sendeth the bishop of Rauenn● to treat a peace betwixt England and France, 408. b 50. Messengers sent to him about reservations of benefices, b 60.409 etc. Denied to be true pope: note, 225. a 60. Sendeth cardinal Otho into England, 221. b 30. His means to move the people to a journey against the Saracens, 209. b 40. Disgraced by the cardinal of Burgis, 514. b 60 His plain song, whereabouts was great flidge, 13. b 30. His bull against the hearing of a married priests mass, 11. b 60 Deposed by king Henry the seventh, 1364. b 10. His faculties granted to Parsons and Campian for England, 1362, b 60. Parries' letters to him, & whereto they tended, 1389. a 50. A lewd sermon and full of papistical adulation made at his funerals. 1397. b 40. etc. 1398. etc. unto 1400. Deceaseth, 1397. a 20. His new calendar touched, 30.40. etc.  
Pope Honorius, his legate a bawdy knave sent into England about reformation, 42. b 40. His legate to king Henry the third, 208, a 10. Maintainer of king john's cause, 193. b 50  
Pope Hildebrand the first that made war against the emperor, 1364. a 40  
Pope Innocent summoneth a general council, 236. b 20 His request for maintenance of the wars against the Turks, 164. a 20. Offereth to king Henry the third the kingdom of Sicill, 250. b 20. And hath England tributary, 177. b 20. Would not confirm archbishop Reignolds of Canturburies' election, and why, 169. a 60. His answer to the English ambassadors, 187. a 60. b 10. His licence to king Richard the first to gather riches, 120. a 60. Commandeth that the church of Lameth should be razed, 154 a 30. His council held at Clerimont, 44. a 50. He findeth favour at king Henry the first his hands, and is thankful, 44. a 50. Sendeth cardinals about a treaty of peace, 391. a 30. Aided with money by king Henry the third against the emperor, 224. b 30. Deceaseth, 193. b 50. 274. a 30  
Pope julies' election, a description of his qualities, and how he came to the popedom, 811, b 30. etc. Sendeth king Henry the eight a cap of maintenance, etc. Compared to Anteus, his purposes and death, a malcontent, 830. b 10. etc. entituleth king Henry the eight Christianissimo, his daughter's request, a description of his properties, 831. a 20.50.60. Gave cardinal Pools authority apostolic, 1123. b 10. Dieth, a porkish pope, his monstrous blasphemy against God about a peacock, 1128. a 10. etc., 50.  
Pope Leo the tenth his creation, 831. b 60. His coronation, a poor prisoner on the same day twelve month of his election and inthronization▪ 832. a 10. 30. He soliciteth all the princes of christendom against the Turk, 846. a 10. receiveth two elephants for a present: note, 837. b 10. His crafty fear, 845. b 30. His decease supposed by poison, the manner and order of his death. 871. a 40▪ etc.  
Pope Martin legateth the bishop of Winchester & unlegateth him again, 602. a 60. b 60  
Pope Othobone named Adrian the fift, 274. a 40  
Pope paschal his bulls unto Anselme of Canturburie, 27. b 60. Grieved because his authority is not regarded in England, 37. b 20. Courteously receiveth the English ambassadors, 31. b 20. Authoriseth Anselm to order things to his own liking, 34. a 10. His stout words to bishop War●wast touching the investiture of churches, 31. b 50. Hath the determining of the strife about bishops investing and consecrating, 31. b 10. Writeth most courteously to king Henry the first in anselm's behalf, 32. a 10 Sick at Benevento, dieth, 40. a▪ 10  
Pope Paul a Roman borne created, 935, b 60  
Pope Pius, an embassage to him out of England, certain notes concerning him. 794. b 50.60. His bull against queen Elisabeth, the effect thereof, 1359, a 60. The practices of traitors to execute it, b 10.20 Hearts confession of the interpretation thereof, 1363. a 10. His bull seditious hanged on the bishop of London's gate, 1221. a 20▪ etc. A tresonable action, 1366. b 20  
Pope Sixtus Quintus successor to Gregory the thirteenth, excommunicateth princes, and is by them defied, 1401. a 10  
Pope Urban in mislike with king William Rufus, and whi●: note, 24. b 30. His legate for the crowning of earl john king of Ireland, 110. b 20. Why he could not redress the English enormities, 18. b 40, Calleth a council at Clerimont and why, 22. a 40. giveth faculties to a friar Carmelite, 455. a 60. His beneficial pardons to such as would fight against Clement antipape: note 441. a 60. b 60.442. a 40, Sendeth to Richard the second for aid against an antipape, 421. a 50  
Pope Wibteth advanced by the emperor against pope Urban, 24. b 20  
Pope sendeth a friar minor into England to restore Henry the thirds half brethren to their possessions, 261▪ b 50. His nuncio commanded to avoid the realm, & sent away▪ 237. a 10.30. Allowed eleven thousand marks among them of the spirituality, 239. b 50. Out of favour with the lords temporal of England, 211. a 10. Sendeth his legate to pacify Henry the third and his nobles, 271. a 20 Complaineth to Henry the third and blameth him, and commandeth offenders to be cursed, 214, b 20. Requireth maintenance for his wars against the emperor, 210. b 60 His demands out of spiritual livings in England, 208. a 40 50, etc. Lacketh money to maintain his estate: note, 208 a 40. His chaplain inhibited to levy money, 315. b 30. Exhorteth king Edward the first to make war against France. 311. a 60. His decree of peace betwixt the king of England and France, 308. b 40. His request for the releasing of john Balliol, b 40. Intermeddleth in princes matters, 297. a 10.20. De●●rous of peace between the kings of England and France: note, 388. b 40. His pretended right to be judge for the title of the realm of Scotland answered: note, 309. b 60.310, a 10. etc. His letters & the deliverers of them hanged, 392. a 20. Sendeth two bishops to the prince of Wales, 383. b 50. Interdicteth Flanders, 358. a 10. Taketh upon him to bestow and deal in benefices at his pleasures: note, 365. a 60. b all, 366. a 10. Sendeth a bull for the apprehension of Wicliffe, 419. a 20. Two at division for the dignity of S. Peter's chair, 484. b 50. Sendeth his nuntio to Richard the second: note why, 474. b 60. A disputation betwixt divines of Oxford and Cambridge for their obedience to him, 534, b 50.60. Beareth out the monks against the king & the archbishop of Canturburie, 155. a 50. Offended at king Richard the firsts imprisonment, 138. b 40. Into what a lamentable case he brought king john and his nobles, 186. b 20.30.40. His messengers to persuade the K. of England & the French king to peace, 146, b 10. Sendeth to take away the interdiction upon conditions, 181. b 20. He & king john reconciled, 178▪ b 40. His decree and inhibition contemned, 187. b 30. Threateneth interdiction against king john and the clergy, 171. b 60.172. a 10. Dismisseth two archbishops at strife, and electeth a third, 170. b 60. His dispensation for a marriage: note, 160. b 60. giveth sentence with the monks of Canturburie against the bishops, 170. b 10.20. Interdicteth France and Normandy, 160 a 60. Sendeth his nuncio to France, 166, b 30. He dispenseth for an oath of allegiance broken by the duke of York. 659, b 60. Send●●● Lionel bishop of Concor●ia to the French king, 771. b 10. Poisoned with the wine that his own son had sent to poison another, 795, a 40. He and the states of Italy in a league, abandoned of all hope, compoundeth with the imperials a hard article and to be marveled how he might brook it, the castle where he was prisoner infected with the plague 893. a 20.50.60. b 20. He & the emperor's agents at accord, a heavy payment for him to discharge, the manner of his going out of prison, 902. a 20. 30.60. He by the instigation of cardinal Poole intendeth mischief against England, 946. b 60. His supremacy denied in sermons, 937. b 10. curseth Henry the eight & the realm: note, 936. a 60. His authority banished out of England by proclamation, 914. b 40. He with certain cardinals fly to the castle of S. Angelo, 896. a 50. His legates scrape and rake money together for him: note, 226. a 30. etc. Hath Henry the second in a servile subjection: note, 83. b 50.84. a 10. His forces vanquished in Ireland, 1367. a 40. The cause of rebellions in England and of treasons: note, 1366. b 10. His curses no hindrance of England's prosperity, 1366▪ a 40. Not to be suffered to make rebellions in England, 1365. b 40. Kings of christendom never suffer him to abridge their titles or rights though they suffer him to have rule over their people, 1365. b 10. And that kings of France, Spain, and England have been against him: note, 1365. a 40, 50.60. Have cruelly persecuted emperors: note, 1364. a 60. His title of universal bishop is a preamble of antichrist, 1364. b 60. His authority not warranted by Christ or his two apostles Peter and Paul, 1363, b 60. His bull & the maintainers thereof only condemned of treason, 1361. b 20 supremacy, no person for the only maintenance thereof charged with capital crime 1361, b 10. Sendeth aid to the earl of Desmond, his banner erected: note, 1314. b 40. His bull, a full proof that the maintainers thereof are directly guilty of treason: note the words of the bull, etc. 1362 a all. His duty what it is not, and what it should be, 24. b 40 His decree for confirmation & benediction, 256. a 50▪ men's devotion to him waxeth cold, 253, b 50. He is liberal of another man's purse, 250. b 60. Offereth the kingdom of Sicill to earl of Cornwall, 247. a 40. Complained of to Henry the third, the king writeth unto him, 232. b 10. A collect to be said for him, another for his election, a woman imprisoned for not praying for him. 1128. b 20.40.50. An enemy to peace except he might have his own will, 226. b 10. Sendeth for money to maintain his wars against the emperor 233. b 20. His letters intercepted & stayed, 236, b 30. He & French king allied, 847. b 30. His decree that all spiritual men dying intestat their goods should remain unto him, 238 b 60, 237. etc. Requireth the French king to make war against England, the French king refuseth so to do, 238. a 20 Sendeth for the third part of one years profit of every beneficed man resident, 239, b 10. Maketh void the election of archbishop Nevil, 213, b 30 Sueth to Henry the third for licence to sojourn at Bordeaux 243. a 60. His presence more like to impair than amend things, b 10. His bull read at Paul's cross, 263. a 10. His grant authorising the bishop of Lincoln to institute vicar's in church's impropriat 246. a 40.50. Hath six thousand marks given him for a moderation: note, 244. a 40. Consecrateth William Raleigh bishop of Winchester, 231. b 60. He and king john at strife, and why, 171. all. Two die in one year, 229. a 10. Sueth unto Henry the third for his good will in benefices to bestow on his friends, 238. b 40. ¶ See Antipape, Cardinals, Legates, Marriage, Rome.  
Poor of three degrees, which to be cherished, & which to be punished, 1082. a 50. etc. And in what places, b 10. etc. Their necessity relieved by God's providence▪ 1129. a 60. b 10. Provision of corn for them. 1092. a 50. Provided for in time of scarcity, 381. a 50.60  
Portugal prince cometh to London, 589. b 60  
Portugal king sendeth aid to Henry the fift, 566. a 20. Aided with an army out of England against the king of Castille, 429. a 40. He with duke of Lancaster invade Castille, 450. a 30. Sendeth six galleys to king Richard the seconds aid, 448. a 10. Deceaseth, an obsequy for him, 1134. a 10  
Portgreeves, and the reason of the name, 120. a 10  
Posy of the duke of Alencon, 1337. a 10. etc. Interpreted, 1340. a 10  
Prayer and invocation to God before battle enterprised: note 371. a 60. Of queen Elisabeth as she went to her coronation, 1180. a 10. Superstitious of the Scots in a time of mortality among the English. 423. a 20  
Prayers used by householders in the suspicious & troublesome time of duke William, 5. b 50. 6. a 10. For queen Marie being with child that she may be safely delivered, 1125. a 20. 50. etc. 1126. a 40. ¶ See Collect, Papists, and Saints.  
Preacher at Paul's cross hath a dagger thrown at him, defended by the guard, 1089. a 60. b 10.20, 1090. a 20. Hath a gun shot at him, 1117. b 50 Popish blasphemy in the pulpit, and how severely punished by God, 1128. b 60.  
Preaching of pardon at the show of a relic, 240. a 60▪ To move christians to make a journey against the Saracens, 209. b 40. Of a cardinal, 316. a 10. Of the archbishop of Canturburie at the deposing of Edward the second, 340. b 10. Of Cementarius incensing K. john to cruelty, 173. b 60. Good wanting, was the cause of rebellion in Devonshire, 1015. a 10. ¶ See Recantation and Sermon.  
Preferment without looking or seeking obtained, 18. b 60  
Praemunire statute begun, 409. a 60. Whereof followed loss of goods, 951. a 50. A cause of malcontentment: note, 927. b 60, 928. a 10. ¶ See Woolseie.  
Premise hanged in London for killing his master, 1213. a 10 Killed, & the offenders hanged, 1353. b 20. ¶ See Riot.  
Present of Cambridge university to queen Elisabeth. 1299 a 10. Of a Dutch minister to queen Elisabeth at Norwich, 1293. b 30, 1294. a 60. b 10. Of white kine and a bull offered to king john, 174. ● 10. Sent by the Rhengrave to the earl of Warwick, 1197. b 50. That the emperor Charles sent to Henry the eight, 882, a 40. ¶ See Gift.  
Presents rich & sumptuous sent to Henry the third, 252, a 30  
Priest excommunicated for incontinency, 242. a 60. Committed a shameful murder▪ 173. a 30. Killeth a friar being prisoner, 568. b 20. Executed for treason, 947. b 50. Hanged for favouring of rebels, 943. a 60. b 10. Murdered, and the murderer hanged in chains, 814, b 30. A valiant soldior, 988, a 10. Massing ridiculously scorned, 1102, b 50. Seditious. ¶ See Simon.  
Priests that were hunters an act against them, 97. a 60. Their concubines forbidden christian burial, 207. b 30.40 etc. Religious men hardy soldiers, 443. a 60. Their sons not to succeed in their father's benefices, 30. b 30. Marriage forbidden & why, 30. b 10.20. Prohibited to marry and to keep women, 37. a 20. Sequestered from their wives, 34. b 20. Married in what respect to be excommunicated, 30. b 30. Should not haunt a●ses, and of their apparel, 30. To wear crowns. ●●b 40. All in Normandi●●mmunicated and why▪ 30. Unchaste how punish● 3. b 40. Of Rome taken 〈◊〉 with a whore: note 420. Favoured, by the esta●●ment of a statute, 54. b 5●0 be arrested offending inrests, 153. b 60. Use●● privy messengers, 68 ● Hated of king john: n 172. a 60. Their children gi●●●●ted by parliament, 10 a 60. ¶ S●e Ball, Clerg Moonks, and Policy.  
priests seminary, as Campia● Sherwin, Kerbie, Rishton others indicted of high treason: note well, 1312. a 50.60. Condemned, 1326. Their behaviours at their execution, 1328. b 60.1329. a 10. Of a miracle (forsooth) on the day of their death. ¶ See more of them, pag. 1357. a 60. etc. to 1368.1413 a 50. Banished, and how courteously used, by their own report, 1●13. b 50.60. Executed at Ti●urne, 1434. b 50. 1559. b 60. Died for treason and not for religion, 1361. b 40. Not to 〈◊〉 compared to the martyrs 〈◊〉 died in Q. Mary's time 〈◊〉 number, 1363. a 40.50. Their practices to execute th● pope's bull, nursseries er●●d for them, their secret coming into the realm to ind●●e the people to obey the sa bull, 1359. b all. Ford, S●●t, and johnson, arraigned 〈◊〉 condemned, with their b●auiors and speeches at the● death. 1344.1345. Of Kirb, F●bie Coteham and Ri●●dson, 1345.1346.1347. ¶ See jesuits, Scholars & ●reson.  
priest money demande● of the city of London ●o queen Mary's behoof, 100, b 50. Of twenty ●housan pounds to queen Marie 〈◊〉 of London, 142, a 30.  
Presumption o● the archbishop of York▪ 98. ●. O● Anselme 24. And of R●nulf● bishop of Chichester, 26● 20. Of cardinal Otho, 22. a 10. Of an oration in Frech to Henry the fift: note, 56, a 40. Of a cardinal, 182. a 0. Punished in posterity, 41● 40. ¶ See Pride.  
Pride of Henry, owned and served of his matir, 76, b 10 Of prelates mislied by king Edward the first▪ 16, b 20. Of the earl of Le●ters sons bringeth the baron to confusion, 270, b 10. Of ●e French procureth them ha●ed, 198. a 10. Of the duke of orleans, 524. Of Hugh Creshingham, 305. a 20. Of ●andulfe the pope's legate not●●e, 177, a 10. Of pope Alexa●●er, 99 a 40. Of great ruffs approved and reform in a ●ruingman, 1315. a 20.30. Hath a a fall, 147. b 40: note, 132. a 10. ¶ See Ambition Contention, 133. a 60. Prsumption, Wolseie.  
primacy. ¶ See Archbishops.  
Prince of Wales always the king's eldest son, 1141▪ b 60  
Printer executed for seditious books, 1357.140.  
Printing first invented, 648. b 60  
Prior jehan bringeth aid to the French king, 815. b 40. Lieth in Blank ●able bay with his power, he looseth one of his best foists, a consultation about the assaulting of him, the admiral roweth into the bay where he lieth, 816. a 60. b 30 40.50.60. Land th●● Sussex with the French galleys, he is driven to his galleys, 817. a 10. arriveth ●n the borders of Sussex, burneth the town of Brighthemstone, with other mischiefs, he is shot into the eye with on arrow, 831. b 20.50.  
Priors executed for treason, 938. a 30. ¶ See abbots.  
Priories suppressed▪ ●48. a 10.  
Prise rich taken by the earl of Warwick, 648. b 50. Of wines to the quantity of two hundred tun, 1196. a 50. More 1197. a 20. Of four hundred tun of Gascoigne & French wines, 1211. a 20  
Prizes taken by Frenchmen of about fifty thousand rownes value, 1199. a 10. ●0. 40. Of French goods ●aken by the Western ships, 968. a 20. ¶ See Greenfield.  
prisoner shifting to escape breaketh his neck, 228, b 20. Escaped and the sheriff of London is punished, 251. b 60 Rescued by an officer, and the rescu●rs punished: note, 260, a 50. Carefully seen unto: note, 376. a 60. Faithful, a ●●tab●e example, 423. a 50. Chained in gyves made of silver, 18, a 10. That should have ●ne hanged his good service, 770. b 30. Broke from th' session's house: note, 906. b 10  
Prisoners French mercifully used; not▪ 550.60. pitifully slain, 5●4. b 60. Taken in wars an● slain, 608. b 60. Discharged, 1088. b 60. Slain b● French as they were take●, 601. b 10. Of the Marshalsee break out, 792. a 10. sol in open markets: note, 819. b40. Scottish of name taken by the English, 989. a 40. Delivered out of the tower, 1127. a 10. Released, 95. a 20. Set at liberty by duke William before his death, 14. b 50. Released in an uproar, 273. a 30. Arraigned for not coming to the church, 1322. a 40. Proclamations for the lawful taking of them in war, 1200, b 10. 40. Set at liberty at William Rufus coronation, 16. b 10. Taken divers nobles & gentlemen of France, 200. a 60. Beheaded, 133. a 30. Released without ransom, 201. b 10. Set at liberty out of the tower by the Londoners, 338. b 50.60. A conspiracy to set them at liberty, 333. a 30. Honourably entreated by the prince of Wales: note, 390. a 10. etc. Taken in the wars how honourable entreated by Edward the third, 379. b 10.20. Set at large by rebels. 430. b 50. Saved from the gallows at a woman's suit, note, 378, a 20. ¶ See Fines.  
Privilege of the parliament. ¶ See Burgesses.  
Privileges and freedoms revoked by duke William, 8. a 20. Ecclesiastical defended against Henry the sixth & his nobles, 637. a 20.30. ¶ See Liberties.  
Procession in English, 963, b 30  
Proclamation against the pope's authority in England, 914. b 40. etc. Traitorous read and the reader apprehended, 1132. b 60. Heavy and grievous, 664, b 40. Of Henry the sixth for the taking of jacke Cade the rebel and 〈◊〉 fellows, 635, b 10. etc. For the lawful assize of bread, 166, a ●●. That all English benefited men in Rome should return into England 474. b 50.60. Clearing the lords of treason, 460. a 40. For the avoiding of Irishmen, 481. a 40. Touching money: note, 309. a 20. To avoid strangers. 202, b 40. Against puru●iors 259 d 20. That none should departed out of the realm 20. b 40. Against the family of love. 1314▪ a 60, b 10. For the free traffic of merchants as before, etc. 1267, b 10. ¶ See Enclosures.  
Prodigality of duke Robert of Normandy: note, 32, b 20. Of William Rufus, 26. b 10. noted .27, a 10.  
Progress of queen Elisabeth. ¶ See Queen Elisabeth.  
Promise to purchase the peopls' favour, 8. b 40. In sickness broken in health, 20. a 50. And what slackness in performance thereof procured: note, 19 b 40 Of Edward the first urged by his nobles: note, 308, a 50. 60. b 10. Very dishonourably broken, 304. b 60. Made against loyalty, & withstood by casualty, 295, a 30. Made to a request and performed: note, 320. b 40. Made solemnly, wickedly broken by the F. king, 133. b 60. Broken, and the hostages executed, 597. b 10. Of Edward the fourth made by proclamation broken 688. b 10. Broken with Henry the seventh by Maximilian very dishonourably: note, 774. b 20.30. Breaking punished with great forfeiture, 765 b 40. Of queen Marie made to the gospelers broken, 1161 a 50. Of queen Elisabeth in the parliament house, howsoever God inclined her heart, 1181. b 20. Of queen Elisabeth to the city on the day of her coronation: note, 1175. a 20. b 60.1179. a 30. Of the duke of Alencon, even to the shedding of his blood, 1335. b40  
Promises of William Rufus to the English clergy, but not kept: note, 17. b 30. Large prove light in performance, 28 a 40. Fair of king Stephan 47. a 10. Greet and mounteinlike, 704. a 20  
Promoters cause of murmuring etc. among the people, 794. b 10. etc. Troublesome beasts, 791. b 40. Punished, 800. a 10  
prophesy of death natural fell out true in proof, 1208. a 10. Of a cardinal: note, 388. b 50 Of Ball a seditious priest. 437 a 50. Of the revolting of the subjects from their prince. 493 b 60 Of the decay of the Perseus' stock, 534. a 60. Of an eremite of Wakefield to king john, 180. a 30. Of Henry the fift touching Henry his son the sixth: note, 581. b 10, Of winning France, 546. a 50. Betokening the translation of the crown, 655. a 40. Concerning the duke of Clarence his name beginning with a G, 703. a 40. The memory whereof appalled Richard the thirds spirits: note, 746. a 10. Of a monk unto the duke of Buckingham false 863, a 30, 864. a 30. Fantastical and fallible of the northern men, 1240. b 60. Touching Calis, 1141. b 20: note, 314. b 20. Fulfilled, 281. b 60 282. a 10.945. a 50.678. b 10. Vain: note▪ ●21. b 60  
Prophecies of astronomers false in event: note, 1356. b 10.20. etc. Devilish fantasies, 703. a 50. Deceitful to the Norfolk rebels: note; 1038. b 40. ¶ See Dreams, Signs, and Tokens.  
Prophet false served right, 440 a 60  
Protection. ¶ See Letters, Passport, and Safe conduct, 102. a 10  
Protectors of England from the first to the last collected, 1069. b 30. etc. 1070. to 1081.  
Prosperity persecuted with malice, 17. a 50.20. Anstable, 412. b 40.413. a 10. Of king Henry envied, 37. a 50  
Proverb, Ill will never said well, verified▪ 626. b 60.627. a 10. etc. Man purposeth but God disposeth, verified, 230. a 60.316. a 60.317 a 10.541. a 10.835. b 60. Ictus piscator sapit applied, 113. a 50. The more knave the better luck, verified in a bucher: note, 113. Proffered service stinks, verified, 1331, b ●0. Hast makes wast verified, 1202. b 10. He falleth into the fire that flieth from the smoke, verified, 228. b 20 When I lend I am a friend, when I ask I am a foe, verified, 312. a 10.20. It is good sleeping in a whole skin, verified, 444. b 40. Necessity hath no law, verified, 426. b 20. Soon hot soon cold, verified, 444▪ b 40. One mischief asketh an other, verified, 446, a 30 Wit or cunning dearly bought, verified, 467, b 20. One soweth but an other reapeth, verified, 36. a 40. Hast maketh waste, verified: note, 41. b 30. As good never a whit as never the better, verified, 538. b 40. Pitch and pay, verified▪ 532. a 40. 50. Look yer you leap practised: note, 519. b 30. Set a beggar on horse back and he will ride full gallop, verified▪ 192. b 30. He is an ill cook cannot lick his own fingers, verified, 193, a 20. He makes a rod for his own tail, verified, 193, b 10, 20. Plain fashion is best practised, 695, b 20. Marriage for pleasure repented by leisure, proved true, 667. b 60. etc. Marriage goeth by destiny verified, 667, b 60. Ill will never said well, verified, 727. b 10.729, etc. The lamb betaken to the wolf to keep 716. b 50. To giverosemeat and beat with the spit, verified, 715, b 40. Crooked of body crooked of quality, verified, 712. a 60. b 10. One ill turn requireth another, verified, 778, a 20. After mirth cometh moan, 808. b 50. Proffered service stinks, verified, 852. b 50.853, a 10. He that gapeth after other men's goods looseth his own, verified, 819. b 60. What the ●ie vieweth the hart ruth, verified, 975, b 20. Too much familiarity breeds contempt, verified, 852 a 60. b 10. Delay breedeth danger, verified, 1086. b 40. To come a day after the fair verified, 1136, b 20. Truth purchaseth hate, verified, 332. a 40. In trust is treason, verified, 743. b 50.60.744▪ a ●0. He hath made a rod for his own tail, verified, 464. a 10. Fair words make fools feign, verified, 191. b 60.144. a 20.  
Pulpit at Paul's cross all beraied and beastly, 1182, a 20  
Punishment severe upon Welsh men, 73. b 10. Of Thomas Lovel for counterfeiting letters: note, 1556. b 60. etc. Ridiculous for a great offence: note, 314. a 10  
Punishments according to the offence, 115, b 10  
Pursuivant of Henry the third had his hand cut off, 272, a 30  
Purueior of king john for wheat resisted, and the resistors punished: note, 171. b 40  
Purveyors punished, 369. b 20. Proclaimed against, 2●9. b 20. A statute against them, 396, a 10. Set in the pillory: note, 1181, b 60    


Q.  
Quarrel betwixt the bishops and monks of Canturburie about the archbishop's election, 169. b 30. That the French king picketh against England, 518. a 30. Faint picked against the duke of Gloucester, 627, a 10. Upon a small cause, 126, a 30. Prosecuted unto great mischief: note, 304, b 30. Ended with murder, 568. b 20. ¶ See Debate, fray, Mutiny, Riot and Wars.  
Queen Adelicia second wife to Henry the first, descended of the dukes of Lorraine, barren, 41. b 60  
Queen Aldgitha sent to Chester, and whose sister she was, 1. a 30  
Queen Anne's coronation proclaimed, & the same celebrated with great pomp, 930. a 40. etc. 931.932.933.934. With child. 929. b 40. Brought a bed of queen Elisabeth, 934. b 20. Committed to the tower, her imprecation at the tower gate, she is arraigned, her words at her death, 940. a 10. 20.60  
Queen Anne wife to king Richard the third and daughter to Richard earl of Warwick, 733, b 60  
Queen Anne wife to king Richard the second deceaseth, 481, a 20  
Queen Berengaria crowned, the wife of Richard the first, 128. a 40  
Queen Elinor Richard the firsts mother returneth home into England, 127. a 50  
Queen Elinor king john's mother an enemy to her nephew Arthur, 158. a 60. Brought a bed of a daughter, 69. a 40. Sendeth for speedy succour to king john, 164. b 10. Studieth to maintain the strife betwixt her sons, 86. b 60.87, a 10. Committed to close prison, 92 b 50. Set at liberty after long imprisonment, 117. a 50. Deceaseth, 167. b 60  
Queen Elinor the wife of Henry the third, 219. Passeth into Normandy, 158, b 10. Forsaketh the world, and becometh a nun, 283. b 50. Deceaseth, her praise, 285. b 30. Her burial, 288. b 20  
Queen Elisabeth crowned and anointed queen, 768. a 60. Delivered of her first son, 769. b 10. Forward and ready to further the uniting of the two houses of Lancaster and York, 742. a 10▪ 20.30. Taketh sanctuary, 715. b 60. Her desolut estate, 716. a 30  
Queen Elisabeth, late wife to Edward the fourth, 615. b. 30 Adjudged to forfeit all her lands for promise breaking. 765 b 40. She liveth a miserable and wretched life, she erected a college in Cambridge, b 50.60. Inconstant, she allureth her son the marquess Dorsset home out of France, 750▪ b 20.30. The cardinal thought the fittest man to deal with her for the surrendering of her son, reasons why it was thought meet to fetch him out of sanctuary, the duke of Buckingham's words unto her, 717. a 40. b 10.40. Her answers to the persuaders, she is loath to part with her son, her mistrust of the lord protector, she falleth to a resolution touching her sons delivery, 719. a 60. b 10.30  
Queen Elisabeth Greie, wife to Edward the fourth, 668. a 40. Her father and brother beheaded: note, 673. a 30. Delivered of a prince, the same christened like a poor man's child, 677. b 10  
Queen Elisabeth surnamed the good deceaseth, 791. a 10  
Queen Elisabeth of Castille dieth with issue male, 792. b 20  
Queen Elisabeth second daughter to Henry the eight, borne and christened, the stately order thereof: note, 934. b 20. Proclaimed queen, the beginning of her reign, her remove from Hatfield, the flourishing estate of this land under her reign, 1170, b 10.20.40.50. Her remove to the Tower, to Summerset house, 1171. a 10.20. Her prayer as she went to be crowned, 1180. a 10. Crowned, 1180. a 30. Desirous to know the meaning of the representations of the pageants, 1173. b 30. Listeneth to a child's oration, 1174. b 40. Her promise with thanks to the city of London▪ 1175. a 20. b 60. removeth from Westminster to the Tower by water, from thence to Westminster through London, saluteth them that salute her, pageants and shows of rejoicing, 1172. all. Her words unto the lord mayor of London, 1176, a 30. She receiveth Verbum Dei, kisseth it, and layeth it in her lap, b 50. She thinketh upon the city's charge, how willing she was to hear a child's speech 1177▪ b 20. The city's farewell unto her, going out at Temple bar, 1178, b 60. Her last words to the city by way of promise, 1178, a 30. Notes of her mercy etc. a 60. Her humility in receiving very trifles thankfully, b 30. Not forgetful to glorify God who glorified her, b 60 A motion made to her in the parliament house touching marriage, with her answer thereto, her promise, 1181, a 20, 40. etc. b 20. Determineth to aid the Scots suing for aid, 1186, b 40.1187 a 10. Sued unto out of Denmark about marriage, 1185. b 10, 20. Furnisheth her land with armour and munition, 1193. b 60. grieved with the loss of Paul's steeple, her benevolence towards the repairing thereof, 1194, a 40. And what causes moved her to send a power into France, 1195. a 30. b 10.30.40. Her progress to & through Cambridge, her oration to the university, 1206. b 20: etc. To Oxford, she maketh an oration to the university, 1209. a 60. b 10. Her own words importing how dearly she loveth her people, 1221. b 30. Her manifold virtues, b 50. Goeth to the Bursie being finished, nameth it the Royal exchange 1224. a 60. Her destruction devised to be practised. ¶ See Priest's seminary, and note it well. Her answer to the mayor of Norwich his oration, 1289. a 20. Encouraging words unto Stephan Lambert ready to make an oration unto her, 1294. b 30. She highly commendeth ●, 1296. a 20. Her behaviour ●fter all her welcoming, 12●7 a 20. Her departure from th● city heavily taken, 1298. a 10 20. Her words at her 〈◊〉 with water in her eyes, b 40 her progress into Suffolk and Norfolk, with th' whole manner of the sumptuous sights, and whatsoever else was devised for pleasure and delight, 1287. a 30. 128●. &c: to 1299. In d●nger of gunshot being in he privy barge, 1310. b 10. The p●ace of her abode during he time of her tarriance in Norwich, 1291, a 60. Accompanieth the duke of Alencon t● Canturburie, 1330, a 30. ●0. An intention to murtherhir, and the party executo, 1356. a 50. She giveth add to the defence of the low countries, & why so moved to do, 1414. a 50. etc. to 1419. a 10. Shamefully slandered by her enemies, and the same answered: note, 1418 a 30. etc. Her oration to the parliament house note, 1396. a 50. etc. Her magnanimity knowing Parries vowed treasons against her & yet concealing it, 1391, a 60. Parries treasonable practices to kill her and undo the whole realm: note well 1382. a 50. 60. etc. to 1385. Her magnanimity in suffering a known and sworn traitor against her to have access unto and talk with her, 1383. a 20. Conspired against, and her deprivation sought by traitors: note, 1370. a 40.50.60. b 10. etc. to 1375. ¶ See Elisabeth and Babington.  
Queen jane proclaimed with sound of trumpet queen of England, 1084. b 10. ¶ See jane.  
Queen jane deceseth, 544 b 40  
Queen jone late wife to king Henry the fourth arrested by the duke of Bedford and committed. 568. b 10  
Queen Isabella the wife of king Edward the second, 318. b 60 319. a 10  
Queen Isabella the second wife of king john. 162. a 30  
Queen Isabella wife unto king Richard the second transported into France, 519. a 60. And conveyed to Paris, her second marriage, b 10.20  
Queen Isabella married unto Hugh Brune earl of March 202. a 60  
Queen Katherine, her coronation, the wife of king Henry the fift, 578. b 60. Solemnity there ●9. a 10 Saileth into F●, 581 b▪ 60  
Quee●●atharines coronation, trai● and sumptuousness, 80●. etc. Delivered of her 〈…〉 named Henry▪ 807. a 2 Chooseth lawyers in her 〈◊〉 to justify her marriage, 〈…〉 speech in 〈◊〉 of the court, she auouch●●e conjunction good, she imports out of the court & 〈◊〉 again, 907, a 10.50. 〈◊〉 Procureth a curse 〈◊〉 king Henry the eight 〈◊〉 his realm from the pope, ●●6. a 60. H●r words upon 〈◊〉 motion of a divorce, stands stiff in the lawfulness of ●ir marriage, 927. a 10. etc., b 60 Accuseth cardinal Woolseie, hath communication with the cardinal in her privy chamber, refuseth to make sudden answer to a divorce, 908. a 30. b 10.20. Is divorced from king Henry the eight, 929. b 60, 930. a 10. Princess Dowiger, 929. b 30. Deceaseth, 939. b 20  
Queen Katherine, her parames detected of incontinent liu●g, 954. b 30.40. etc. She is attinted by parliament sent to the tower and beheaded▪ 955. 30.40 etc. 50  
Que●e Marie cometh unto L●don, 1088. b 50. Proclaim queen, 1088. a 30. Her cornation, pomp, and train 100L. a 20. Her marriage, diue● diversly affected therabo●, and what they did, 1120. a 6● b 10. A report that she wawith child, 1123. b 40. An what curious order is tak● for the young prince yet unborn: note, 1124. all. Ta●e between her and her siste● the lady Elisabeth: note 115 a 10. Her stout courage and ind of manhood, 1099. a 10. her deathconspired, and the p●ties executed, 1117. a 60 She● cardinal Poole resisted the p●e, 1365, a 60. Her oration 〈◊〉 Guild●all to the Londoners, 1096▪ a 60▪ Is compared if the papists to queen judith, 112, b 20. Her oration touchin the restitution of abbeie land● 1127. b 10. etc. Great pre●ration & triumph for her lien●●n childbed, 1130. b 50.60. ●hat became of her child no 〈◊〉 can tell: note, 1131. a 10 ●c. Proclaimeth open warsgainst the French king, th●capteins of her forces, 113, b 10.30. With what in●●●nation she took the loss of ●alis, 1149. b 40. pensive or the loss thereof, sickenet and dieth, 1151. b 10 20. H● never good success in any ●ing she went about, 1161. 10. How long and when ●e prospered, her promise t●the gospelers broken, 50.60 Her ill luck in the loss of Cas, b 10. In her childbirth ●0. With her husband, 50. Her final end and death. 60. The time of her reign, 1162 a 10. Her death, the manner thereof, thought to be for the l●sse of Calis, more blood spiltin her reign than in any kin●s days before, how unprosperous it was unto her an● her realm in all respects, 1160. b 10. etc. Buried, and the manner thereof, 1178, b 49  
Queen Marie king Henry the rights sister crowned queen of France: note, with what pomp, 833. a 60. b 10. etc. Dowager of France. ¶ See Duke of Suffolk.  
Queen Marry Dowager of Scotland deceaseth, 1192, a 10  
Queen Margaret the wife of Henry the son of Henry the second, 82, b 60. Brought a bed, 101, b 20  
Queen Margaret wife to Edward the first, delivered of Thomas Burtherton her first son, 309, a 50  
Queen Margaret Henry the sixth his wife lieth at Coventrie, she is a better captain than her husband the king, 654, a 50. Described, she taketh upon her the government, & dischargeth the duke of Gloucester, 626, b 40, 60 With her son goeth into Wales, 665, a 60. She returneth out of France, 666, a 10 Fortunate in her two battles: note, 660, b 50. Sendeth to the mayor of London for victuals, some sent by the mayor & stayed by the commons, she returneth northward, 661, a 10, 20, etc. Her flight, she is rob, 655, a 10. cometh to Ambois to see the earl of Warwick, 674, b 50. She with her son prince Edward land with a power out of France, 685, b 20, She is comforted by the nobles of England, b 60. The fear which she had for her son, 686, a 10. Taken prisoner, 688, b 60  
Queen Maud delivered of a son called William, 31, a 30 Departeth this life, 39, b 10  
Queen Maud wife to king Stephan sueth for the release of her husband to the emperor, 53, b 50  
Queen Philip wife to king Edward the third, 348, b 20 Delivered of john of Gaunt her fourth son, 357, a 60 Brought a bed of Edmund Langleie afterwards duke of York, 363, a 30. Deceaseth, her three petitions of the king, her praise, 404, a 20  
Queen of England with her son goeth into Heinault, 337, b 10. They both arrive in Suffolk, she is assisted by the prelates, her proclamation, 338, a 10, 30. She followeth the king to Oxford, the bishop of Hereford maketh an oration to her army, she goeth to Gloucester and Bristol, the lords cleave to her, 339, all. In danger of drowning, 265, a 10 Delivered of a daughter, 249, a 40.230, b 10, 378, a 50.362, a 30. Delivered of Edmund, 236 a 50. Her request & letters withstood by a subject: note, 376, a 60. Her liberality towards king Henry the third, 249, a 50. Out of favour with Edward the second her husband, 332, a 40. Sent over into France to talk with her brother, 336, a 30  
Queen of Denmark was the daughter of king Henry the fourth, 513, b 10. She is sent over to her husband, 532, a 20  
Queen of Scots and the earl of Angus her husband come into England, 838, a 20. She cometh unto the English court, how entertained, 50, 60, etc. Returneth to Scotland, 844, a 20. Conveyed into France and married unto the Dolphin, 1056, b 60  
Queen Dowager of Scotland doth what she can to procure war against England, 1142, a 10. ¶ See Agatha, Francis Throckmorton, Margaret, Maud.  
Queen mother governor of the realm, 548, a 40  
Queens of France and Hungary decease, 1171, b 60  
Queens three in the English court at once, 838, a 60  
queens college in Cambridge founded by the lady Elisabeth wife to king Edward the fourth▪ 765, b 60  
Questions in law demanded of the justices: note, 456, b 20 457, a 10, etc.    


R.  
RAdington knight lord warden of London, 478, b 10  
Ralph earl of Cambridge or 

Norfolk marrieth earl Roger's sister, 11, a 40  
His wife besieged in Norwich, 11, b 20    
Ralph the king's collector or proctor his extortions or pollings of the people, 24, a 20  
Ralph bishop of Durham committed to the Tower & why, 28, b 30. Broke out of prison, and his persuasion to duke Robert, 29, b 40  
Ralph Wilford. ¶ See Wilford,  
Raier founder of S. bartholomew's by Smithfield, 31, a 30  
Rain whereof grew a dearth, 58, a 60▪ 284, b 20. And death, 404, b 60. That did hurt harvest, 322, b 50. That hindered seed time, 355, a 50. Corn from ripening, 348, b 30. Continual for a long time: note, 239, b 30. From midsummer to christmas, 378, b 20. That did hurt unto houses, trees, corn and other things, 241, b 40. Of great continuance and no less abundance, 220, a 30 For the space of four months together, 224, a 10 Continual causing a very wet season, 895, a 20. Glutting and continual in the spring, 163, a 50. Excessive. ¶ See Floods.  
Rain of blood, 101, a 30.278, a 30.649, a 10  
Rain artificial of rose water▪ and hail of sugar confects, 1355, a 60. ¶ See Floods.  
Raleigh esquire in danger of the Devonshire rebels▪ 1016, b 40  
Raleigh knight his voyage for the discovery of that land which lieth between Norimbega and Florida, 1369, a 20. His preparation for a second voyage, 40. He sailed as far as Cape de Uerde, and arriveth in safety at Plymouth, 60. His chargeable voyage to Uirginia, 1401, b 40 etc. An English colony established there, 1402, a 50. His resolution upon an other voyage for the supply of those that were left there, 50  
Ramelius ambassador out of Denmark honourably entertained both in court and elsewhere: note, 1561, b 20  
Randoll a pitiful captain, 1205, b 10  
Randolph justice. ¶ See Charity.  
Ransom of Richard the first out of the emperor's hands, 138, b 60. Amounted to the sum of an hundred and fifty thousand marks, 140, a 20 Three thousand marks thereof given to the white monks and why, 147, b 20. Of Robert earl of Leicester, 146, b 40. Of the king of Scots David, 391, a 60. For the monk Eustace would not be received, 201, a 60. Of Q. Margaret, 684, a 10. Of the French king paid and his children delivered, 914, a 20, 40. Of the French king, 394, b 60. Of a lord by exchange, 606, b 30  
Ransoms sought for gain, 7, a 20. For towns, 193, a 60. ¶ See Fines.  
Ranulfe bishop of Chichester only held with Anselme against the king: note, 26, a 20  
Ranulfe de Meschines how he came to be earl of Chester, 20, a 10  
Ratcliff knight a favourer and coadjutor of Richard the third, 725, a 60  
Ratcliff Thomas. ¶ See justs triumphant, and E●le of Sussex.  
Ravishment of any woman how punished in duke William's time, 15, b 50  
Rebellion of Henry the son against his father to put him from the crown, 99, b 10. Of nobles against earl Richard, 112, a 50. Of Welshmen, 66, b 60. Of Richard against his father Henry the second, note 94, a 10. Of Geffreie, 66, a 30 Of the Welshmen against king john, and the success thereof, 176, a 30. Of lords banded against king john: note, 185, a 10, etc. Of the lords against king john, notwithstanding the pope's decree, 187, b 30. Of the earl of Shrewesburie Robert de Belesme, 30 a 30. In Yorkshire, and what event it had, 672, a 20. In the north pacified, 689, a 30. In Norfolk furthered at a public play, 1028, b 10, 20. In Devonshire, & captains names, their number, their hope in others failed, their end: note well, 1002, a 50, 60, b 10, 30 unto 1026. In Yorkshire the cause thereof, 1240, b 40, etc. Afresh in Suffolk and Essex, and the principals executed, 1062, a 40. In Kent and the causers executed, 1062, a 60. Of jacke Cade in Kent, very mischefous: note, 632, a 60, 10, etc. 633, 634, a 10, etc. And what end it had, 635, a 50, 60, b 60. In Ireland, 629, a 30. Of Owen Glendouer in Wales, 518, b 60, 519 a 10. In the north for a tax or subsidy granted by parliament, 769, b 50. In Flanders, 770, a 30. In Cornwall for the payment of a subsidy, 781 b 20. Of the lord Lovel, and the end thereof, 764, a 60 b 30. Of john Lincoln, the cause of 〈◊〉 May day: note, 840, b 10, etc. 841, 842, 843, 444 In the north proceeded from the pope, 1366, b 40 In Suffolk by the grievousness of a subsidy, poverty and necessity captains thereof, it is suppressed and the offenders punished, 891, b 10, 20, 30, 40, etc. New in Norfolk intended and bewrayed by one of the conspiracy before it burst out, 441, a 20. In the North notable, 942, a 10, etc. The same suppressed, 942, a 10, etc. Of the Lincolnshire men, 941, a 20, 30, etc. In Westmoreland, and the captains executed, 943, b 60. Practised in Yorkshire, & the offenders executed, 953, a 60. Of the earl of Aubemarle, 202, a 60. Of the Gascoignes and the cause thereof, 248, a 30. Of the Welshmen, & what caused it: note, 254, b 30 Of the earls of Northumberland & Westmoreland, 1212, and what evil end it had: note, 1213. Of Normans against duke William, soon suppressed, 10 b 60. Of two earls against duke William punished: note, 11, a 50, 60 Of the son against the father procured by the French king: note, 12, a 20. Of Edrike Siluaticus in the absence of duke William, 5, a 10 Of lords with their adherents executed, 330, b 60, 331, a 40, 60, b 30. Of the Welshmen chastised, 284, b 10. Of David, 280, b 60. He pursueth his enterprise, 281, a all. Condemned, executed, 282, a 60, b 10. Of the Irish against earl Mortimer, 448, b 60. In Scotland by means of one William Wallase, 303, a 60, b 10, In England 1358, b 60, 1359, a 10. In diverse parts of England by reason of a great subsidy and other oppressions, 429, a 60, b 10, etc. unto 435. Note the whole course of the story of Henry the second, 94, What it procureth unto rebels: note the words of viscount Melune, 193, b 10. The hurts which it doth: note in the story of king john, 190, 191, 192, 193, etc. The benefit thereof in one respect, 1051, b 10. What inconveniences flow from it, 1053, a 10, etc. b 10, etc. Bringeth the bréeders of it to a shameful end, 777, b 50, 60. ¶ See Perkin Warbeck. The favourers thereof executed: note, 942, a 60, b 10. That it is all princes duties to repel the practices thereof, 1360 b 10. Attempted but with evil success: note, 9, b 50. What a mischievous revenge it wrought upon the innocent, 5, b 10. The reward thereof, 281, b 40, 60: note, 534, a 20, 30, etc. Note in Robert Bruse 314, a 10, etc. It and execution 316, a 20, etc. 315, a 10. Orders taken to prevent it, 439, b 60. ¶ See Acton, Commotion, Excester, Glendover, Insurrection, Ket, Nevil bastard, Normans, Northumberland, Rebels, Riot, Sedition, Wiat.  
Rebels would give away the crown from their sovereign to a stranger, 190, a 50, 60. Excommunicated by name, 190 a 10. How rewarded, 693, a 30, 60. Their bodies buried by a licence obtained, 335, a 60 Of Essex up a fresh, scattered and slain, 436, b 10, 20. Executed in every lordship, b 60 Of saint Albon and Suffolk their outrageous behaviours, 434, a 40, b 10. Of Kent up again, 436, a 40. Of Norfolk and their outrages, 435, a 20, 30, 40, etc. In Kent and Essex, 429, b 20, 60, They minister an oath to all passengers, they kill lawyers, justices, &c: an huge number of them, their captains and ringleaders, they send to Richard the second to come and speak with them, they spoil Southworke & set prisoners at large, aided by the Londoners, they pretend a reformation, 430. They burn the savoy, their strange deling, their justice, they put lords to death, make a pastime to kill men, respect no place, but spoil all, the K. offereth them their pardons, 431. They would have all laws abolished, the K. persuadeth them to be quiet, 432. Quite discouraged, throw down their weapons, 433. severely executed & punished by duke William, 6, b 40. Of the North executed at Tyburn, 1221, b 60. In Ireland their strange & miserable end, 1365, b 60, 1366 a 10, etc. Most dangerously cover their faults, 1358, b 60. Uanquished by the queens power, fled into foreign countries, pretend religion for a defence, their ringleaders, 1319, a 10, etc. Of the North, Hall and Wilkinson executed at Tyburn, 1257, b 20. Executed at Durham, 1213, a 10 At York, a 60. Disherited by parliament: note, 270, b 60 Against their prince in a perplexity, 198, b 40. Notable pardoned and too well rewarded, 942, b 20. Of Suffolk pardoned after their appearance in the starchamber, 892 a 20. How miserable and yet mercifully pardoned, 784, b 40. Favourers fined, 785, a 10. Of Devonshire their articles sent to Edward the sixth, with an answer thereunto, 1003, a 30, etc. Executed: note, 944, a 50, b 10. ¶ See Conspirators, Fugitives, Noblemen, Sandwich and Traitors.  
Recantation of certain Anabaptists at Paul's cross, 1260, b 50. Of Cranmer how detested of him at his death, 1131, b 60. ¶ See Barnes, and Crome, Smith & Sermon.  
Reconciliation signified by kissing of the pax, 78, a 10  
Rées king of Wales slain in battle, 20, b 50  
Rées ap Meridoc accused and executed, 288, b 30  
Reformation ought to be no private man's, but the prince's action, 1051, b 20, 60  
Register for christening and burying, etc., in every church to be kept, 945, a 40  
Religion altered, 1090, b 40, 1123, b 30. Trouble & persecutions for it, 1127, a 20. Professors thereof persecuted, 1132, a 10. It goeth not by age but by truth, 1143, a 60, Advanced: note, 992, a 60. Beareth the blame & is counted the cause of rebellion: note, 1054, a 10, 20. Reformed in Edward the sixts days, 979, b 40, 50, etc. A book touching the reformation thereof published, 940, b 60. Laid open to great danger, 256, a 50 A conference thereabouts with the clergy on both sides 1182, a 40, &c: 1183 a 10, etc. Restored into the English tongue, 1172, a 10. Commissioners sent abroad to establish it, 1184, b 50. None charged with capital crimes being of a contrary religion, and professing to withstand foreign forces, 1360, b 30, 50, 1361, a 10, etc. Of Rome established by act of parliament: note, 519 a 30. ¶ See Moonks, Treason.  
Religious houses given Henry the eight in parliament, 992, b 10. Given to Henry the eight, 939, b 40. Uisited, 939, a 60. Henry the eights promises for the well disposing of them, 971, a 60. Suppressed, 1184, b 60. ¶ See abbeys.  
relics, ¶ See Becket, Christ, Hales.  
Rheims besieged, 392, b 60. The citizens thereof save their corn fields from destroying, by sending victuals to the English host, 426, b 10  
Remelie, ¶ See bishop.  
Remelius. ¶ See Ramelius.  
Remigius bishop of Dorchester deprived of his crosier & ring 9, a 40.  
Remission of sins granted to as many as would fight against Clement the antipape: note 441, a 60, b 60, 442, a 40  
Rent for a man's own lands by the year paid, 8, a 40  
Repentance of young king Henry before his death, his superstitious devotion, his death & burial, 107, a 10. Of rash advancement: note, 76, b 30. Of an act past, 128, a 10 Of a deed done not forséeing losses to ensue, 170, b 30. Too late, 193, b 40: note 32, a 60, 1104, a 30, 517, & 50. Of William Rufus in his sickness: note, 20, a 50. Of duke William for his cruelty against the English, 14, b 60. Despised of a desperate malefactor at his death, 1061, a 60.  
Report that Richard meant to yield up Calis to the French kings hands, 462, a 10. False of Henry the eights death, 823, a 30. Occasion of rebellions, 941, b 40. Of great disquietness, 777, a 10. How hurtful and troublesome, 1006 b 10.47, b 50. In the starchamber, against lady Elisabeth, 1102, a 10, 40  
Request granted upon necessary constraint, 2 b 20. Of the commons denying a subsidy, 410, b 10. ¶ See Demands and Petitions.  
Revenge of the Londoners, 338, b 50. Of the people for the death of one whom they favoured, 12, b 60. Against the dead body of duke William for injury past, 15, a 50. Of the duke of Ostrich upon king Richard the first, 136, a 10, 20. Of king john upon the white monks, 162, a 40. Of Richard the first a bastard for the death of his father being a king: note, 160, b 60. Sought by the French king for the death of duke Arthur, 167, a 60. Of sir Robert de Twing upon the Romans, 214, b 60. Of the lord Mortimer against the Welshmen, 263, b 50. Of Edward the first upon the Scots, 312, a 40. Of duke William for the loss of his subjects, 10 b 30 Of a bishop in a riotous manner, 247, a 60. Of Henry the third upon the bishop of Elie, 247, a 10 Of wrongs & injuries multiplied, 170, a 10, 20, Of injuries, 137, b 10. Of remembered grudge, 1089, a 40. A notable example to forbear it: note 1117, b 40. Of an old grudge: note, 636, b 10. Upon revenge: note, 840, a 20, 841, a 10, etc. counseled and pursued: note, 204, a 40, 50, Of an old grudge, 210, a 10 Interchangeable, 204, b 10, For cuckoldry, 211, b 60. For waste, 257, a 10. Nobly taken: note, 447, b 60. Upon revenge 446, a 30. With murder, 447, a 50. Neglected where it might have been executed: note, 459, b 30, 40. Of murder with murder, 368, a 50, Taken as occasion served, 340, a 30. Sought for murdering a bishop, 12, b 20. Of almighty God upon lascivious & disordered livers: note, 424, a 10. ¶ See Envy, Malice, and Murder.  
Reservations and provisions apostolic, 365, a 60  
Resignation by compulsion recompensed, 1134, b 40  
Restitution of towns to king Edward the third by the French king, 360, b 60  
Rewards how they prevail and work with a wicked mind, 747, b 30, 40. Very large offered to the duke of Britain to betray the earl of Richmond into Richard the third his hands, 747, a 60 b 10. Corrupt a keeper of a prisoner, 152, a 20. ¶ See Bribes, Gifts▪ Money.  
Rhods' taken by Soliman Ottoman the Turk, 876, b 10, &c: Rendered up unto him, 877, a 10, 20  
Rice ap Thomas sweareth fealty and service to the earl of Richmond, 753, b 40. ¶ See Rées.  
Rich lord saileth into Ireland, 1258, b 60  
Richard the first crowned king of England, 117, a 10. In arms against the French king, 146, a 60. His bastard son Philip's revenge: note, 160, b 60. His practices to get money, 143, b 60. 144, a 10, 20 Marrieth the lady Berengaria, 128, a 40. His letter to the states of England for the deposing of the bishop of Elie, 132, a 30. Like to have been delivered into the French kings hands, 140, a 10. He & the French king in arms, they talk together, the emperor disuadeth Richard from peace, the war is renewed betwixt them, they talk together again, a peace conditional concluded, 148, all. Offended with the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, 145, b 30 He transporteth over into France, 144, b 10▪ Crowned king anew, 143, b 30. His grant of allowance to the king of Scots when he came to England, 143, a 50. His commandment not obeyed, 140, b 50. Winneth Nottingham castle, 142, a 60. Released out of captivity, 141, a 10. Returneth into England, his triumphant receiving into London, 141, b 40, 50. Raiseth his siege from guysor's, 152, a 10. He and the earl of Tholouse agreed, 151, b 30 His lands wasted by certain Gascoignes, 137, a 60. Setteth things to sale for his going to the holy land, 120, a 40 His three daughters and how he bestowed them in marriage, 156, b 20. Charged by the emperor with injuries done to the Sicilians, 13●, b 20. His wisdom in making his answer, 30. Cleared of the murdering of the marquess of Montferrat: note, 136, a 40, 50. Is delivered to the emperor, he is committed close prisoner, 137, a 30. And the cause of displeasure betwixt him & the duke of Ostrich, 136, a 20 The confession of his lewd life in a chapel, 126, b 10. Uanquisheth the Cipriots & chaseth them out of their camp, 127, b 60. His navy setteth forth towards the holy land, 123, a 20. Returneth home out of the holy land, 135, b 20 Slandered for the death of the marquess Montferrat, 30 He cometh to Uienna, 50 Submitteth himself to the duke of Ostrich, 136, a 10 Discomfiteth the Saracens near to port japh, 134, a 30 Fell sick at Cephas and recovereth, 135, a 50. His talk with king Cankered, 126, b 50 His expenses out of reason & measure, 126, b 30. What were the causes of grudge between him and the French king, 126, a 30, etc. He and the king of France received a solemn oath, 123, a 40, His demands for the dowry of his sister, wife to king William, 124, b 40. Arriveth at Messina, 124, b 10. Blameth the court of Rome for covetousness, 123, b 50. Setteth forward to the holy land, his fleet stayed by contrary winds, 123, b 10, 20 Taketh a castle and hangeth the owner, 123, a 20. Passeth over into Normandy, 121, a 20. Desirous of money, and of his shifts, 120, b 40. Findeth his father's treasure, the order of his coronation, 118, a 20 30. He and the king of France determine to go into the holy land, 117, b 30. Besiegeth Chalus, he is wounded, despaireth of his life, ordaineth his testament, 155, b 30, etc. His bequests and legacies, his death, his stature & shape of body, his disposition of mind, the vices that were in him, 156, all  
Richard the second borne, 397, b 60. Counterfeited: note, 515, a 50. Created prince of Wales, 411, a 10. Prince of Chester, 492, b 40. Beginneth his reign, the Londoners commend themselves to his favour before the death of king Edward, 415, a 40, b 40. The solemn manner of his coronation: note, 416, a 60. etc. Married, the solemnity thereat, 487 a 10, 50, 60. etc. His evil government, 493, a 60. The emperor agreeth with him for his ransom, 139, a 10. Lands assigned unto him, 30. Orders taken for levying of money for his ransom, 50. Leaveth conway castle and betaketh himself to his enemies, 500 b 30. His cognisance or badge, 500, b 60. The parliament house a● dissension, he absenteth himself for the space of forty days: note, 452, b 10, 50 Loved earl de Ueere of Oxford exceedingly; 453, b 20 ¶ See Earl Ueere. His inordinate affection towards the duke of Ireland and the earl of Suffolk, 454, a 20. Retri●eth soldiers on all sides against the lords, 457, b 60. His manner of greeting and speaking to the lords that were banded against him, 459, b 30, 40, 50, 60.460, a 10. A report that he meant to yield up Calis into the French kings hands, 462, a 10. Keepeth his Christmas in the Tower of London, 462, a 50. Brought to his wit's end, 462, b 60. His inconstancy, he is compelled to the nobles request, 463, a 10 30. Ruled not but was ruled: note, 465, a 40. His question to his lords in the council chamber, taking upon him the government of all things, he displaceth diverse officers, etc. 466, b 10, 40. Kept open household in the bishop of London his palace, 474, a 10. Passeth over into Ireland with a mighty army, 481, b 20 Knighteth the four Irish kings and others, 481, b 30 482, a 20. Openeth his grievances in the parliament, 490, b 10. Saileth over into Ireland with a great army, 497, a 10. Lets the realm to farm, 496, a 60. A guard of Cheshire men about him, 489, b 50. Royally received into London, and his favour recovered with gifts, 479, b 50, 60 479, a 10. Taketh the death of queen Anne his wife grievously, 481, a 20. Goeth over to Calis, the interview between him and the French king, both their oaths, 486, a 60 b 20, 40. Expenses at the interview between him & the French king, 487, a 40, 50. He and the duke of Glocesters' privy grudge, 487, b 40. Conspireth the death of the duke of Gloucester, 489, a 60. He and the dukes of Lancaster and York reconciled. 490, a 50 He beareth saitn Edward's arms, 492▪ b 60. Greatly vexed in his sleep after the execution of the earl of Arundel, 392, a 20. Procureth the pope's bull against the breakers of his statutes, 493, a 50 His doom between the dukes of Lancaster & Norfolk, 495, a 60. Affianced and married to the emperor's sister, 439, b 50. Sumptuous in apparel, he is committed to the Tower, 501, b 40, 60. Articles objected against him, whereby he was counted worthy to be deposed, 502, a 20, etc. He is persuaded to resign the crown to the duke, 503, a 50. A copy of the said voluntary renunciation, b 10, 504, a 30. His resignation is confirmed, 505, a 10. The publication of the same, a 30. Returneth out of Ireland and landeth in Wales, 499, a 60. He despaireth of his safety, stealeth away from his army & taketh the castle of Flint, b 20.30. He and his queen in progress, 444, b 30. Appointed to be kept in perpetual prison, 513, a 10, 20. He and his nobles at dissension, 458, a 30. Goeth with an army against the Scots, 447, a 30 Burneth Edinburgh castle, b 10. Returneth out of Ireland, his dealing against the Wicklevists and their favourers, 482, a 20, 40, b 30.483, a 50, etc. removeth to saint Albans to see execution done upon the rebels, 437, a 20 Calleth in his letters of infranchising granted unto the bondmen, 437, a 10. Calleth in all such letters of manumission as the abbot of saint Albans had granted unto his bondmen, 438, a 10. He and the duke of Lancaster accorded, 446, b 60. Maketh an agreement between the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Northumberland, 439, b 20 Deprived, he delivereth to king Henry the fourth all the goods that he hath, his death, parsonage, fortune, 507, b 50 60. His noble housekeeping, and excess in apparel, the state of the realm in his time, 508, a 10, 20. The commons request against him, 513▪ b 30 His desperate manhood in prison, he is murdered, he is brought to the Tower, he is buried at Langlie, foreign princes abhor to hear of the shameful murdering of him, how the Gascoignes took his death, 515, all. The sundry reports of his death, 516, b 50, 60. Reported to be alive again, 525, a 60, b 10.520, a 10 533, a 60.522, b 20. And what harm it bred, 525, a 60  
Richard the third described, the manner of his nativity, his qualities, 712, a 60, b 10. Dispraised, 737, b 60. Beginneth his usurped reign, 732, a 20, b 20. He createth seventeen knights of the Bath, what peers and estates were attendant on him at his coronation, the solemn ceremonies used thereat, his wife queen Anne and her train, 733, all. Practiseth the murdering of his nephews, 734, b 20, 30, etc. Proclaimeth promises of rewards for the apprehending of the duke of Buckingham, sendeth forth a navy to scour the sea over against Britain, 744, a 10, 40. cometh to Excester and is received with presents, 746, a 10 Attempteth the duke of Britain to deliver the earl of Richmond into his hands, 747, a 60. His devise to infringe and defeat the earl of Richmond's purpose, his lewd practice to beguile him, 750, a 20. Casteth his love on his niece purposing to marry her, 751 a, 50, 60. What noble men he most mistrusted, why he gave licence to all in Hames castle to departed in safety with bag and baggage, b 30, 50. His offences and evil qualities summarily touched, a notorious tyrant, 758, a 10, 20. Contemneth the earl of Richmond and his power, sendeth to his friends for chosen men, the ordering of his army, 754, a 20, 50, b 10 His forged complaint against his wife to be rid of her, 751, a 10. His purpose in the case of conjuration against him, his drift in disposing his army, he prevaileth, 743, a 10, 60, b 10, etc. Calleth home his ships of war from the narrow seas, his pretended marriage offensive to the earl of Richmond, 752, a 10, b 50. The principals of his power fall from him, his dream foretells him of his end, bringeth all his men into a plain, his oration to the chieftains of his army, 755, a 30, 40, b 10. His vain confidence and bootless courage, 757, a 10. His army discomfited, fléeth, what persons of name were slain on his side, he himself taken and how he might have escaped, 759. The shameful carriage of his body to Leicester, his badge and cognisance every where defaced, the description of his person and certain of his behaviours, 760, b 20, 40 50. Honour done him after his death by the earl of Richmond his enemy. 761, a 20  
R●chard the second son of K. john, 173, a 10  
Richard the base son of king john beheadeth monk Eustace, 201, a 60  
Richard Henry the second his son affianced to earl Raimond's daughter. 67, b 20. Prepareth to resist his father, 94, a 10. Despaireth of good success, 94, a 10. Submitteth himself to his father. 94, a 10  
Richard, king Henry the third his brother married, 231, b 50 ¶ See Archbishop of Canturburie.  
Riches, and what means king Richard the first had to gather them, 120, a 50, 60. Of London great, what then of all England? 141, b 60. They and inheritance, from whom, to whom, and to what end given, 1043, b 10. The right way thereunto, b 50. Of Henry the eight, 799, a 50. ¶ See Money.  
Richmond built, and why so named, 788, a 10. On ●ire, 792, b 20  
Richmont castle near Gillingham when built, 7, b 10. ¶ See earl.  
Ridlie doctor persuadeth the people in a sermon at Paul's cross in the title of queen jane, 1087, a 40. He and Latimer examined for their doctrine, 1129, b 60.1130, a 10. Why he was more rigorously handled than the residue of the bishops, 1089, a 40. His sermon of mercy and charity before Edward the sixth how effectual: note, 1081, b 20  
Rye burnt by the Frenchmen, 417, b 50. The ships thereof win a good prize, 440, a 60  
Riot at king Richard the first his coronation, 118, b 40, etc. By the Suffolkmen: note, 343, b 10.344, all. 345. Of the people against the jews: note, 121, b 50.122, all. Of the Kentishmen: note, 677, b 30. In the city of London between strangers of divers nations and the Londoners, 645, a 30. Made on the Easterlings by the Londoners, 778, a 40. Of prince Edward punished by imprisonment, 313, b 30. Of the Londoners upon the bishop of Salisbury his men, 478, a 20. Betwixt the earl of Warwick, and the tenants of the abbot of Euesham, 411. a 30. At Calis upon the cutting of a purse, 879, b 10. Committed under pretence of wrestling, 204, a 20. Toward in west Smithfield, and the principals punished, 1321, b 30, 40. Brought within the compass of treason by a statute, 842, b 50, etc. ¶ See Frate, Rebellion.  
Rithwall king of Wales partaker with a rebel, 5, a 20  
River that suddenly ceased his course, 493, b 60  
Rivers that ●bbed and flowed became shallow, 38, a 40. Overflowing and drowning the land, 20 b 30. ¶ See Thames.  
rivers lord and others beheaded, 715, b 40.725, b 10  
Rivers Richard. ¶ See Mellent.  
Robert general of the Normans slain by the Northumber's, and why, 6, b 30  
Robert rebelleth against his father duke William, and how it came to pass, 12, a 20. Duke of Normandy, solicited to come into England to claim the crown, 29, b 20. Arriveth at Portsmouth, his mild nature, 29, b 60. cometh into England to visit his brother Henry the first, 32, a 50. Proclaimed after the decease of his father, 16, b 20. Arriveth at Southampton 17, b 50. How he might have easily recovered England from his brother, 17, b 60. Returneth out of the holy land, and laboureth to recover England from Henry the first, 29, a 60, Engageth a part of his dukedom for money, and why, 17, a 30. His valiantness in fight. 33. a 10. Maketh earnest suit to his brother Henry for peace, 32 b 40 Prisoner in Cardiff castle and there ●ieth, 33, b 30 More credulous than suspicious, 30, a 20. In disfavour with the English nobility and commons, 28, a 20. Chasen K. of jerusalem by reason of a miracle, 29, a 60. Morgageth his duchy of Normandy to his brother William Rufus, 22, a 60. It was he whom the nobles would have had for king being the elder brother, 16, a 30. Returneth into Normandy displeased with his brother William Rufus, 19, b 40. At discord afresh with his brother William, 21, a 40. His devise and desire to bereave William Rufus his brother of the kingdom of England, 16, b 40. To whom married, and his issue, 34, a 10. Taken prisoner, 33, a 40. Described, and his lamentable end, 33, b 40.60  
Robert earl of Northumberland refuseth to come to king William Rufus, 21, b 30. Inuironeth king Malcolme, 20, b 60, Taketh sanctuary, 21, b 60. Prisoner in Windsor castle, and the cause of his conspiracy, 22, a 10  
Robert the base son of Henry the first married, & made earl of Gloucester, 37, a 50. ¶ See earl.  
Robert the only son & heir of Robert earl of Leicester deceaseth, 1375, b 40  
Robbers. ¶ See thieves.  
Roch knight sent to the Fleet: note, 968, a 40  
Rochester besieged, 267, a 60. The castle fortified, and by whom, 17, a 30. Besieged by K. Rufus, 18, a 10. Besieged & yielded to king john, 188, a 10 40 Restored to the archbishop of Canturburie, 186, b 10. The bridge when builded and by whom, 1377, b 60. How it began to decay, means to keep it repaired by act of parliament 1378, a 10, etc.,  
Rochfort lord condemned and beheaded with others, 940, a 50  
Rockesburgh, and the situation thereof, in what sort to be fortified, 991, a 10, 30, b 10. The same burned by the Scots, 420, a 50  
Rodorke king of Ulster vanquished, 100, a 30  
Roger earl of Hereford conspireth against duke William, 11, a 40  
Rogues burnt through the ear, 1228, b 10. ¶ See Uagabonds  
Royal exchange. ¶ See Burse.  
Roiston set on fire, 531, b 20  
Rood of grace showed at Paul's cross, 945.  
Rood of Paul's erected: note, 1121, a 50, 60  
Rookesby sheriff of Yorkshire, his hardy courage to fight, 534, a 40  
Rome blamed by Richard the first for covetousness, 123, b 50. What gains it had out of England, 171, a 40. Henry the third would in no wise bind and endanger his leie see to it, 208, a 20. Besieged 895, b 60. Taken and sacked, 896, a 30, 50. Compositions with the soldiers to save certain places unspoiled, b 60. The spoil very rich, 897, a 50. Sacked, 1364, a 30. Besieged by the duke of Al●a and king Philip's army, 50. ¶ See Pope and Legates.  
Romans. ¶ See Triumphs.  
Rone besieged by Henry the fift, 565, a 20. Environed with enemies and succourless, the number within the town, extreme famine within it, 566 a 20, 30, b 20. They within the town demand parley, a truce for eight days, articles concerning the yielding up thereof, 567, b 60. King Henry the fift his entrance thereinto, 568, a 40. A conspiracy of the Frenchmen against the Englishmen, 568, b 60. The castle like to be taken by treason of the captain, 608, b 20. Yielded unto the French king, 629, b 50  
Rosamund the fair, concubine to Henry the second, where buried, 196, a 30. Her coffer, her death and epitaph, 115, b 50  
Ros lord revolteth unto the Scots, his brother continueth faithful unto the king of England, 297, b 40  
Ros a noble man of France accused, 251, a 30, etc.  
Roven besieged by the king of France, 92, b 60. Through famine surrendered unto the king of France, 167, b 50  
Round table. ¶ See Windsor castle.  
Rous knight, a valiant captain, 421, b 30  
Routs ¶ See Brabanders.  
Rufus William his promises to purchase the people's favour, 8, b 4. ¶ See William Rufus.  
Rugemont castle: note, 1007, b 60  
Rulers sundry in a land wekeneth it, 81, b 30  
Rumours false spread to work an alteration, 190, b 20. ¶ See Report.  
Running at the quintine, 247, b 50. At the ring, 805, b 60. At tilt, 805, a 10  
Ruptarij, 99, a 10. ¶ See Brabanders.  
russel knight his sober and discreet usage in service commended, 879, b 50  
russel lord deliverer of the city of Excester: note, 1022, a 60, b 10. Distrusteth himself and is upon departing out of Devonshire, he marcheth against the rebels towards Excester, 1023, a 20, etc. 1024, L. privy seal his letters to the L. protector, 1057, b 20, a 10 He sueth for peace between the lords, 1058, a 10. ¶ See earl of Bedford.  
Rutland earl lord Edward ambassador into Scotland: note, 1562, a 40  
Rutland castle built, 279, b 50 Besieged, 280, b 60. Taken, 278, b 10.  
Rutters, 99, a 10    


S.  
Sabbath, a superstitious and hurtful observation thereof, 262, b 60  
Sacrament of baptism how the rebels would have it ministered, 1003, a 40  
Sacraments forbidden to be used of the clergy, 76, b 10. Contemned, and how the offendor punished, 203, b 60  
Sacrilege and no sacrilege, 22, b 10. severely punished, 704, b 50  
Sackuill knight ambassador to the French king, 1224, b 30. His entertainment very honourable, 40. The first place of his audience, his liberality, 60. His return into England 125, a 10, 20. ¶ See Buckehurst.  
Safe conduct sued for of the king of Armenia, and denied him, 453, b 30. Granted unto soldiers, 21, b 10. And the force thereof, 459, b 30. Prevaileth not, 103, b 20. ¶ See Licence, Protection, 104, Cardinal Uiviano.  
Sadler sir Ralph knight, treasurer of the English army, 980, b 40. His service against the Scots commended, 988, b 30  
Say lord treasurer beheaded at the standard in Cheap, 634, b 30  
Saint Albon destroyed, 199, a 10  
Saint Anthony's. ¶ See Church.  
Saint Bartholomewes' by Smithfield when builded, 31 a 30. The hospital builded in part, 540, a 60  
Saint Marie Queries made a parish church, 950, a 60, Burned, 176, b 10. repaired. 172, b 10  
Saint Quintin's besieged and taken by the English, 1134, a 60, b 10  
Saint Thomas hospital erected, 1082, b 10  
Saints, and praying to them misliked by William Rufus: note, 27, b 20  
Saladine causeth the christian prisoners to be beheaded, 133, a 30. ¶ See jerusalem, Saracens, Turks.  
Salic. ¶ See Law.  
Salisbury made a city, 202, b 60  
Salisbury the traitor. ¶ See Babington.  
Salt called Bay salt, dear, 1260 a 50  
Salute. ¶ See Coin.  
Samson. ¶ See Bishop.  
Samuel monk of saint Albon made bishop of Dublin, 22, a 30  
Sanctuary and of such as fly for secure thereunto: note, 33, b 60. No safe harbour for rebels, 784, a 60. Nor for traitors: note, 764, b 40. ¶ See Robert of Northumberland, 21, b 60. and Westminster.  
Sanctuaries their use and abuse: note, 718, a 10, etc. Restrained, 790, b 10  
Sanders murdered. ¶ See Murder.  
Sanders doctor a maintainer of the pope's bull, 1361, b 30. His miserable end, 1365, b 60  
Sands knight a whip unto the Frenchmen, 874, b 10  
Sands doctor his trouble, persecution, and voluntary banishment, 1145, b 50, etc. 1146, 1147, 1148, 1149  
Sandwich kept by rebels, they sue for pardon, 693, a 10. Spoiled by the French, 645, b 30  
Saracens discomfited by Richard the first, 134, a 30. Uanquish the christians and kill the earl of Salisbury with others, 243, a 10. Called Arsacides, their generation and dealing with prince Edward, 275, a 30, etc. Against whom went diverse nobles of England, 225, b 30. Make sore war upon the christians in Spain, and are vanquished, 213, a 10. Had the whole land in possession, 205, a 60. Besiege the city of Damieta, 202, a 50. Win the same from the christians, 204, b 50. A journey against them, 473, a 40. Out of whose hands the whole land was to be recovered, 22, a 60. Win lands from the christians, 108, b 10. traitorously kill the marquess of Montferrat, 134, b 40. Yield Acres into the christians hands, 132, b 50. Make war against the Portugeses, 124, a 10. ¶ See Christians, Granado.  
Sergeant murdered, and the offendor hanged in Cheapside, 1310, b 60. Slain, & the murderer hanged in Fléetstréet▪ 1348, a 10. ¶ See Officer.  
Sargents at law their fest kept at Elie house, whereat Henry the seventh and his queen were present, 779, a 40. In the archbishop of Canturburies' palace, whereat were present Henry the seventh with all his nobles, 791, b 50. At Greies' inn, 1210, a 10. At the new temple, 1314, a 60  
Saturn and jupiter. ¶ See Planets.  
Satisfaction that Henry the second swore to make for the death of Becket, 83, b 50  
Savage knight slain at the siege of Bullo●gne, 775, a 50  
Savage the traitor, ¶ See Babington.  
savoury de Mauleon, and the earl of Salisbury at discord, 194, a 40.206, a 20. He revolteth to the French king, 40. An assistant of king john against his rebels, 187, b 60, 188, a 30, 190, b 10. Sore hurt and wounded, 190, b 60  
Sevoie burnt by the rebels, 431, a 20. The hospital, 796, a 50  
Sawtrie a priest burnt for religion, 519, a 30  
Scales lord his chivalry, 669, a 20, etc. Slain most cruelly: note, 654, b 60  
Scaliot a black smith. ¶ See Workmanship.  
Scarcity, provision thereagainst for the poors behoof, 476, b 60. ¶ See Dearth.  
Scattergood, ¶ See Policy.  
Schism between two pope's for the dignity of saint Peter's chair, 484, b 50. In the church, and whereupon, 24 b 20  
School of saint Anthony's in the city of London, 779, a 50 At Tunbridge, 1062, b 20. At Draiton in Shropshire, 1060, b 60. At Bristol and Reading, 1092, a 30. At Holt in Norfolk founded, 1131, b 10. At Sandwich erected, 1377, a 60, b 10. At Sutton Ualens in Kent, 1311, b 10. Founded by archbishop Parker, 1261, a 40. In Bedford founded by William Harper, 1194, b 40. Of the merchant tailors erected, 1194, a 10. At Ratcliff builded, 945, b 60. At Walthamstow builded, etc. 830, a 40  
Scholars disputations, 1129, b 10, etc. Tried from traitors by six questions: note, 1368, a 10, etc. ¶ See Oxford.  
Schoolmasters to teach scholars to construe their lessons in English, 396, a 20  
Scot sir Thomas knight, of Kent, a good politician, exceedingly beloved of the people, &c: note, 1539, b 30.1541, a 20.1546, b 40, 50  
Scot ¶ See earl of Chester.  
Scotland, Henry the fift is counseled to the conquest of it, 546, a 40. Invaded by the lords Ros and Dacres, 874, b 50. Sore spoiled by the earl of Surreie and his power, 878, b 30. Invaded, and diverse towns burned by the English, 875, b 60. It and England at wars, the causes of the same, 957, a 20, etc. And what towns, villages, &c: the English army burned and spoiled, 963, a 50, 60. The middle marches thereof forraied, 969. v 10. The country invaded by the earl of Hertford, 969, b 60. An English army goeth against it, their number arriveth in the land, 961, b 40, 50, 60, An harbour for rebels and malcontents: note the whole story of duke William & page, 10, b 20. Trouble there, Frenchmen sent thither, the lords thereof that were confedered against the French, 1180, b 30, 40, 60 The earl of Sussex maketh a journey thereinto, wasted by fire and sword, 1222, a 40, 50. Invaded by the earl of Sussex, 1213, b 60. Wasted and spoiled by fire and sword, 1214, 1215, 1216, 1217, 1218, 1219, 1220. Won five times by one king of England, 999, a 10, diverse places therein burned, besieged and otherwise dealt withal by the English, 990, a 10, etc. Invaded on the west side, 992, a 30. Places gained there by the English, 992, b 10, 20, etc. An English power both by sea and land sent thither, chiefteins of the army, 980, a 30, 40, etc. The borderers of England make a road thereinto, 446, a 20 Invaded, 445, b 10. ¶ See Duke of Lancaster. Invaded by the earl of Warwick, 353, b 20. Countries subdued therein by the Englishmen, 376, a 50. Resigned into the hands of king Edward the third, 386, a 60. When it had great want of men, 323, a 20. Controversy there, about the crown thereof: note, 285, b 60, 286, all. The king's fealty set down in form, 289, b 60 And his homage, 290, a 20 Edward the first appointed wardens for the same, 288, a 30, etc. That the right and title thereof belonged to Edward the first, note, 309, b 60, 310, a 10. The lord Segraue sent with an army thither, 311, b 30. ¶ See Britain, Church, Henry the fourth.  
Scots, their king invadeth Northumberland, 87, b 60 His thought at the view of the English army, the order of his host, French captains among them, the Scots are put to the worst in the right wing, the left wing discomfited, 828, all. The king's magnanimity, he fighteth himself very valiantly, the stoutness of his stomach, he is slain, his body found having diverse wounds, 829, a 10, etc. b 30 Serveth king Henry the fift, 580, b 30, In Henry the fift his army, 577, a 10 His letter of defiance to king Henry the eight, 820. cometh to the English parliament, 97, b 30. He with other delivered out of prison, 95, a 10. Doth homage to king Henry the second, 73, b 60. Knighted by king Henry the second, 76, a 30 Slain by his own subjects, 771, a 20. invadeth England with a great army in Perkins behalf, 781, a 20, b 10, etc. Desireth the lady Margaret eldest daughter of Henry the seventh to wife, 78●▪ b 60. Doth homage to Henry the sixth, 587, a 20, Fled from his siege at Rockesburgh, 615, a 20 james is murdered: note, 616, a 10. Besiegeth Rockesburgh, and is slain, 657, a 60. Taken prisoner, 91, b 60. invadeth Northumberland, 89, a 50. invadeth England, 91, a 60▪ Presented to the king of England, 92, b 10. Delivereth up castles, 95, a 30. Doth homage to the king of England, 95, b 60. Knight of the garter, 939, a 60. Murdered, 1209, b 60. Proclaimeth open wars against England, 518, b 10. invadeth England, the lords assemble a power to fight against him, the queen present in person, 375, b 40, etc. He is taken prisoner, 376, a 10. Resigneth the realm of Scotland into the hands of Edward the third, 386, a 60 Ransomed and set at liberty, 391, a 60. Sueth for peace unto king Edward the first, and submitteth himself, 300, b 10, etc. Would serve two masters, 297, b 20. Concludeth a league with the K. of France, 296, a 10. Renounceth his homage unto the king of England, 245, a 40. Doth homage unto the king of England, 299, a 40. Kept Christmas with the king of England at York, 211, b 30. cometh unto London, 263, a 10. Warden of the English marches, 229, b 10. His allegiance to K. Henry the third, testified by a charter, 233, b 60. invadeth England, 233, a 30. cometh into England, 254, a 40. His oath of allegiance unto Richard the first, 120, b 20, cometh unto king john at Lincoln, 162, a 60. Doth homage, 69, a 60. 193, a 60. Compoundeth with king john for peace, 173, b 10. Honoured with the order of knighthood, 176, a 30. cometh to see king Richard the first, 143, a 30. His allowance by the grant of king Richard: note, 143, a 50. He beareth the sword before the king, b 30. Maketh suit unto king Richard the first for Northumberland, 144, a 30. Entertained honourably at Canturburie, 120, b 20. ¶ See Bishop of Durham.  
Scots invade the English marches, 47, b 10. 48, a 60. Invade Northumberland, 49, a 40. They & the English do bicker, the Scots put to flight, 49, b 50, 60. Pursued, retire, 48, b 40. Invade the English borders, 782, b 40, 645, b 40, 50. Overthrown by sir Robert Umfrevill, 548, a 30. Invade the English borders, 560, a 30. They recoil home for fear, 560, a 50. With the aid of Tividalemen did much hurt in England, 892, a 30. Invade the bishopric of Durham, 332, b 10▪ etc., Prisoners in the archbishop of York his place, 811, a 40. Invade the borders of Enggland, assailed, discomfited, slain and put to flight, 825, b 20, etc. They and the Englishmen have a sharp conflict, two battles, fought not, but gave the looking on, they fly at the peal of guns, 829, a 10, 50, b 40. Enter into England and rob the market folks going unto Berwick, put to flight and slain, 383, a 20, 40. Discomfited by the Englishmen, 929, b 10. Moo●e war, and at last sue for peace, 936, a 50, 60. Enforce Henry the eight to war against them, their double dealing in a negotiation of an agreement, 957, b 30, 50. Invaded by the Englishmen, put to flight, taken prisoners, before the council in the starchamber, 958, all. They depart into their own country, 959, a 50 Their king dieth for grief, 958, b 30. A great power governed by noble men goeth against them, 961, b 40, 50, 60, They offer to impeach the English men's passage, flee unto Edinburgh, 962, a 10, 20, 30. Spoil the English marches, they lose more than they win, assault the castle of Work▪ 881, a 60, b 60. Chased and driven away, 862, a 10. All in England apprehended and fined, 873, a 30. They and the Englishmen encounter, 969, b 50, 60. An overthrow on both sides, 970, a 10, etc. Their cruelty against the Englishmen, 10, b 10. Invade England, 19, b 10. Overthrown and slain, and put to flight, 21, a 10. Sue unto queen Elisabeth for aid against the French, 1186, b 40. For respite of war, 1214, b 20. Their breach of covenant, 1214, a 50. And common fault, 1217, b 60 They muster four thousand men, 1219, a 20. Their vain doubt, they meet the English army, 984. a 60, b 30, Slain, the manner and the number, 988, a 10, 20, Why so few were taken, their vow, apparel, number of prisoners, spoil of their camp, the feature of their personages, 988, a 10, Such as came to king Henry the eight, their eb●●sance: note, 991, a 50, Submit and yield themselves to the English power: note, 981, b 20, Their subtle practice, 982, a 20, 30, They fly and are sharply pursued, 987, b 10▪ Cast away their munition and furniture, the lighter to be gone, 987, b 30, Charged with ill dealing in the contrace of marriage between king Edward the sixth and the queen of Scotland, 999, a 20, etc. Reject all the benefits proffered in the duke of Summersets exhortation: note, 1001, b 60, Aided by the French king, go to the worst, 993, a 60, etc. They are set at a sta●e upon the sudden, their order both in respect of furniture and disposition, an hot encounter between the English and them: note, 985, b 10, etc., 40, etc. 986, a 10, etc. Persons wounded & slain, b 10, etc. Hampered for their disloyalty in king Edward the sixts time, 980, 981, 982, Smothered in a cave, discomfited, and put to flight, slain and taken prisoners, 982, a 10, 50, 60, Preparation for war against them, 705, b 10, Enter into Ireland, hard hold betwixt them and the enemy, Berwick is betrayed unto them, they win castles, spoil and burn, they come into York, 324, all. Accursed by the pope, they invade England and return at their pleasure, 325, a 60, b 10, 20. Invade Northumberland, 329, a 10. Invade Ireland, 322, a 60. Great slaughter of them, they spoil the bishop of Durham, and raise their siege, b 20, etc. Take Work castle, 514, a 60. Burn and spoil in Northumberland, 518, b 40. Overthrown, vanquished at Hameldon, the number slain, prisoners taken, 520, b 30, 40, 50, 60, Their cruelty very barbarous, 465, b 20. They gave the English an overthrow, b 20. In the time of treaty they spoil Northumberland, having provided an army to invade England be hardly persuaded to accept a truce, 466, a 50, 60. Aided against the English by the French, they invade the frontiers of England, they spoil Cumberland, assault Carleill, 447, a 20, 40. Burn Work castle, 444, b 60. Spoil the north parts in the time of dearth, 422, b 60, 423, a 10, etc. Invade the English borders, spoil whole countries, and carry away great booties, 428, a 10. Their nobility at dissension, their prince stayed in Scotland, 531 b 50, 60. Invade England, 346, b 60. Disloyal to king Edward the third, he assalteth them, they submit themselves, 351, all. Their stoutness hindereth the conclusion of peace, a statute ordained by them in favour of king Edward the third, 352, a 30, &c: b 40. Fight with axes, 376, a 10. Sore afflicted by king Edward the third, 386, b 20. Enter into England, and do much hurt, compounded withal for money, 32●, a 10. Discomfit the lord Beaumond, 323, a 40. Accursed and interdicted, 323. b 10. Invade the English borders, 299, a 40. Their cruelty, the castle of Dunbar rendered to them, put to flight and slain, 299, b 10▪ 20, etc. 297, b 60. They raise their siege from Carleill, 298, a 10. Disloyal in dealing, 296, a 40. Their nobles fealty unto king Edward the first set down in express words, 287, b 60, 288, a 10. Their unfaithful dealing, 303, b 30. In arms, 303, b 40, 60. At discord, they sue for peace, discomfited, 304, a 10, etc. Promisbreakers, they assail the English, discomfit them, enter into Berwick, invade Northumberland, spoil the country, return home, discomfited and slain, 305, a 10, 50, 60, b 10, 50, 60. besiege Rockesborough, 306, b 60, Summoned unto the parliament at York, 307, a 10. The order of their battles▪ their horsemen fly, their archers slain, 307, b 30, 60. The slaughter of them, 308, a 10: Ulexed by king Edward the first, forbidden so to do by pope Boniface, 309, a 10. Fly from king Edward the firsts power, hide themselves, fall to submission, 312, a 40, etc. In arms under Bruse, discomfited, 314, a all.  
Scripture abused: note, 1223, a 50  
Scroop by king Richard the thirds commission kept a session against diverse indicted of high treason, 746, a 20  
Sea decreaseth, 38, a 40. Overflown, and doing much hurt by breaking into the land, 526, b 60, 350, b 50. With huge tides that did much hurt, 220, a 60. Seemeth to burn: note, 243, a 20. Riseth higher than the natural course gave, 244, b 40. Ceased from ebbing and flowing three months, 236, b 20. Riseth with very high tides, 252, a 50. Extraordinary, 204, b 40.  
Seafaring men, and of certain orders to be observed amongst them, 123, a 30  
Sebastian Gabato his voyage, 1083, a 50. His discovery of an Island of rich commodities, 785, a 30. Bringeth strange men from the new found islands, 789, b 50  
Secrets disclosed, 511, b 40, 50. Not to be discovered: note, 299, b 60, 300, a 10. Of princes disclosed by a crafty knave, 812, b 20  
Sedition to what issue it cometh, 787, a 30, 40. Sowers thereof taken, convented and executed, 1360, a 10. Condemned by ancient laws made two hundred years ago, 20. Some condemned, and yet spared from execution, and why, 30. The mischief springing from the same, 1054, b 30. Punished by imprisonment and confiscation, 446, a 50. Sown by a seditious priest, and by a counterfeit earl of Warwick, 765, a 20, etc. How grievous unto a commonwealth, discoursed by sir john cheek knight, 1042, 1043, unto 1055: note it well, it is worth the reading ¶ See Books, Counsel, and Letters.  
Segraue lord in arms against the Scots, taken, wounded, and rescued, 311, b 30 etc.  
Sele common granted unto the Londoners, 208, a 10. Royal old made void, and a new confirmed, 208, b 60. Newly made, 277, a 20. And the old, with all things sealed therewith annulled, 145, b 50  
Selun prince of Turks his ambition and tyranny against his father and affines, he overthroweth the Sophy of Persia, 846, a 10, 20, 30. Deceaseth, and Soliman doth succeed, 847, b 20. ¶ See Saracens.  
Selling and buying of men like oxen and ki●e, 31, a 10  
Semor knight sent unto the Tower, atteinted and beheaded, 996, a 60  
Sempringham William deceaseth, 113, b 20  
Senena. ¶ See Guenhera.  
Sens besieged and taken, 576, a 50  
Sentlow knight sent unto the Tower, 1152, b 60  
Sequestration of benefices: note, a shift to get money, 193, a 20  
Serle maior of London in a riot not esteemed or regarded, 204, a 40  
Serle, one of king Richard the second his chamber, noiseth abroad that king Richard is alive, he is apprehended, examined for the duke of Glocesters' death, drawn through every good town, executed at London, 525  
Sermon of George Clo●●e at Paul's cross offensive, for the which he was enjoined submission: note, 1558, b 10. Of Stephan Gardiner: note, 1126, a 60, Of friar Pateshull, 455, a 60, b 10. Of Bali a seditious priest unto certain rebels, 437, a 60, Of the bishop of Rochester at king Richard the second his coronation, 417, b 40. Full of slander against king Edward the fourth: note, 727, b 10, etc. That turned the preacher to shame and loss of life: note, 728, a 30, 40. Undiscréet and seditious, 841, a 10, 20. invective against bishop Gardiner, and the preacher asketh forgiveness, 950, b 10, 20. In Paul's church for victory against the Turks, 1226, b 40. The assembly thereat, b 50. Made by john Knewstubs, at Utricht in the low countries, in a stately assembly, 1433, b 60. Of doctor Ridleie before king Edward the sixth, what effects it wrought touching charity, &c: note, 1081, a 20, etc. That procured rigorous handling to the preacher: note, 1089, a 40. At Paul's cross wherein the people were persuaded unto the title of queen jane, 1087, a 40. At the Spittle without Bishopsgate, and the house of the mayor and aldermen by whom built, 702, b 50. Full of papistical adulation made at pope Gregory the thirteenth his burial, 1397, b 40, etc. 1398, etc. to 1400. ¶ See Oration, Preacher, Shaw, Submission.  
Sermons perpetually founded at Norwich, 1261, a 60. At Paul's cross none for the space of a quarter of a year: note, 1182, a 10, 20. Made to and for the marriage of king Henry the eight, with queen Katherine, 928, a 20. That brought the preacher unto loss of credit, honesty and life: note, 725, b 30, 40  
Servant constant and trusty: note, 500, b 60. Trusty and loyal unto the lady Elisabeth, 1159, b 40. Murdering his master is hanged, 1213, a 10. Accuseth his master, and cometh unto an ill end himself: note, 626, b 20. Betrayeth his master for reward: note, 743, b 50, 60 60.744, b 60, ¶ See Banister.  
servants wages rated by statute: note, 380, b 30, etc.  
Service 〈◊〉 remembered, 203, a 40. Good in war unrewarded breedeth conspiracy: note, ●1, b 30  
Servingman reproved and reform: note, 1315, a 20  
Servitude none in England before duke Williams coming in, 1, b 50. Spurned at very sore, 1, b 50, 2, a 10 forsaking of native country preferred before it, 6, a 20. Under the Normans signified unto the world by outward testimony, 5, b 10  
Sessions. ¶ See Sickness.  
Sessment refused to be paid as it was levied, and how punished, 968, a 40. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Sforce duke of Milan by usurpation, 761, a 60  
Shandois lord his false report in the Starchamber against lady Elisabeth, 1102, a 20. Deceaseth, 1258, a 20  
Shane Oneale of Ireland discomfited by the English power, 1209, b 30. Mangled and hacked in pieces, 1210, a 30 50  
Shaw mayor of London a proud man and a favourer of king Richard the third, 725, b 40  
Shaw doctor his sermon that lost him his honesty and his life: note, 725, b 40. Commended by the duke of Buckkingham, 729, b 40. He was taught his lesson yer he came into the pulpit, 727, b 10, etc. 40  
Shéene the king's manor burnt, 788, a 10  
Sheep. ¶ See Coteshold.  
Shepherd called the holy shepherd, 606, b 40  
Shefféeld lord is lamentably slain in the Norfolk rebellion, 1034, b 30. Laid to the rebels charge, 1046, b 60 1047, a 10  
Shellie how he was affectioned to Throckmortons' treasons, 1372, b 20. An actor in the conspiracy of the earl of Northumberland, 1407, b 10  
Shows of disport with Robin Hood, &c: before king Henry the eight, 836, b 40, etc., 837, a 10. Of estate on the Twelve night, 837, b 60. At justs at Gréenewich. 815, a 10. Of delight wherein great personages were actors, 805, a 10, etc. 806, a 10, etc. Triumphant of proper devise at the receiving of the earl of Leicester into the low countries, note well, 1424, b 10, etc. to 1430. ¶ See Pageants and Sights.  
Shift. ¶ See Policy.  
Ship royal called Henry grace de Dieu, 815, b 40 The Marie rose drowned through negligence: note, 969, a 30. The bark Agar recovered from the French, 972, a 60. The Regent burnt, 815, b 10 The Greihound cast away, 1202, b 10. The great Harrie burnt, 1090, b 50  
Ship seen in the air, 249, a 60  
Ships English spoiled by the French, 1195, a 60. Of queen Elisabeth sent forth into the narrow seas, 1211, a 10. Scour the narrow seas, 1257, b 50, 60. Their service in Ireland, 1314, b 50. Three of name won from the Scots, 989, b 60 Set on fire by the English, 995, b 30. Two of the French kings taken with a prize in them, 453, b 50.524, a 50. Of Rye win a good prize, 440, a 60. Of a strange mould and form driven on the coasts of England, 250, a 10  
Ships and castles seen in the air, 1313, a 60, b 10 ¶ See French and Flemish, Thames.  
Shipwreck, 562, b 10. 365, a 30. Wherein two hundred persons were drowned, 1202, b 10.423, a 60, b 10. Lamentable, 41, b 10. ¶ See Noblemen.  
sheriffs of shires when instituted, 8, a 60. Of all shires sent for to the court, 457, b 40. Orders devised for their appearance and bringing of accounts, 254, a 60, Of London put away their officers, 961, b 10. ¶ See London.  
Shirewood forest. ¶ See Forrest.  
Shoes long piked forbidden, 668, b 30  
Shoemaker called the cock of Westminster, his gifts to the hospitals, 1083, a 20  
Shooting in the long bow when first it came into England, 15 b 50  
Shore's wife king Edward the fourth his concubine: note, 722, b 60. More sued unto than all the lords in England, 729, a 40. Spoiled of all that she had, put to open penance, described, 724, b 10, etc.  
Shoreditch knight his words to the pope, and the pope's to him, 365, b 40, 50  
Shrewesburie town partly burnt, 218, a 30  
Sickness extreme among people in all places, 14, a 60 Strange at Oxford assize, whereof judges etc., died: note, 1270, a 40, b 10, etc. Strange in Excester, at a sessions there held, like that of Oxford: note, 1547, b 30, etc.  
Sidneie sir Henry knight sent ambassador into France▪ 1195, a 40. The history of his life and death, 1548, b 10, etc.  
Sidneie sir Philip knight dead of a wound, right honourably reported of beyond and on this side the seas: note, 1554, a 60, etc.  
Sidneie lady, the said knights mother deceaseth, her godly end, 1553, b 30  
Sights in the air fearful and strange, 1270, a 20. 1313, a ●0, 484, b 10, etc. 3●5, a 60, 210▪ b 50.249, a ●0 Of fiene impressions in the a●●e, 1208, a 40.1260, a 30 1201, b 60. Out of the earth▪ 220, a 10. ¶ See Moon, Pageants, Shows, & Wonders.  
Silver mines found in Deuon●shire: note, 316, b 3●  
Simon a fraudulent and seditious priest, 7●5, a 10  
Simenell the counterfeit earl of Warwick, 763, a 20. He is honourably received into Ireland, a 60. Proclaimed king of England, 766, a 10 He 〈◊〉 all his adherents landeth in England, b 10 He is taken, pardoned, and in place of homely service under Henry the seventh, 767, a 10, ●0  
Simony, wherein note Anseimes opinion, 24, a 50. A practi●e in William Rufus his time▪ 24, a 30. A thousand pounds for a bishopric, 26, a 50. Greatly abhorred by an archbishop of Canturburie: note, 213, a 60. ¶ See Abbasies and Bishopriks'.  
Simplicity abused, 1063, b 30  
Siward duke of Northumberland, 5, a 10  
Six articles fued for to be renewed, 1003, b 10. ¶ See Sta●u●e.  
Skinks valorous service against the Spaniards, 1431, a 10, etc. Taketh the town of Wary, 1429, b 10. Why he burned ●●, 30 Knighted, 1434, a 10. His good service against the enemy, 60, b 10▪ etc.  
Skipwi●h Richard. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Slander that went of king Richard for the death of the marquesie of Montferrat, 135, b 3●, Against king Edward the fourth confirmed: note, 729, b 50, 60. ¶ See Sermon.  
Slanders devised by malicious heads against queen Elisabeth. ¶ See Books seditious, Libel, and Queen Elisabeth.  
Slaughter of five or six people by the fall of a wall, 1413, a 60 Of eight persons by the fall of a scaffold at Paris garden, 1353, a 30. ¶ See Murder.  
Sleep of fourteen days and as many nights, 972, b 20  
Smith Thomas esquire and customer, a good commonwealth man: note, 1539, a 20  
Smith doctor his recantation. 980, a 10  
Smith embroderer. ¶ See Charity.  
Smithfield sometimes a common laistall and place of execution, 31, a 30. And to that use since oftentimes applied. ¶ See Arden and Horssestealers.  
Snow great in April, 1272, a 20, In May, 290, a 50  
Sodomitry punished in clergiemen and laiemen, 31, a 10  
Sultan king of Soria and Egypt his state, by whose election they were chosen, two of them slain, and all Soria & Egypt subdued, 846, a 60, b 10, etc.  
soldiers foreign arrive to aid king john against his barons, 187, b 60. Set altogether upon the spoil, 192, b 40 Of certain ordinances devised by them to be observed, 125, a 50. English enriched. 770, b 60. Trained up in turmes, 145, b 60. Make a fray against the lord mayor of London, 636, a 20. Commended with words, and rewarded with spoils, 560, a 10 English have new co●es bestowed upon them by the duchess of savoy, 810, b 10 Their unruly and drunken behaviour noted, 809, b 30▪ 810▪ a 10. Their misbehaviour against the L. admiral, 814. a 50. Of Tornay rewarded of K. Henry the eight, 850, b 10. Evil under a good captain, 942, b 30. Slay their captain 10, a 50. Their wages borne by the lords and peers of the realm, 14, a 60. How well affected William Rufus was to them, 27, a 10. priest and released for ten shillings or twenty shillings a man: note, 21, a 60, b 10. Their outrage, a proclamation to restrain it, 1197, a 60. Good orders proclaimed to be kept amongst them▪ 1196, b 40. Hanged for revolting, 1201, a 10. Executed for drawing upon their captains, etc., 1202, b 30. Transported into Ireland to vanquish Shane Oneale, 1209, b 30. Young trained up in the field at the city of London's charge, 1228, a 50, 60. Transported into Ireland, 1314, a a 30. Sent over sea to aid the low countries, 1413, b 10. To what shifts they fall af●er discamping, 1050, a 60. Retained on all sides by king Richard the second against the lords, 457, b 60. Hardy of priests and religious men, 443, a 60 A great abuse in the ch●ise of them, 45●, a 60. Called the crossed soldiers, 441, a 60 442, a 20. Encouraged by hope of gain, 443, b 40. Out of wages by means of peace do much hurt in France, 395, b 10. Defrauded of their wages and the party executed as a traitor, 411, b 10. Of the French in a poor estate, 199, b 40. Do much hurt, they spoil Westminster, they are sacked and are thrown into the Thames, 273, b 20 Their pa●●, a thing preferred before race of men▪ 229, b 20 ¶ See Adventures, Law marshal, Mutiny.  
Soliman Ottoman besiegeth and taketh Rhodes, 876, b 20. It is yielded up unto him, his contempt of christian religion, 877, a 10, 20. Successor after Selim's decease, 847, b 20.  
sophy of Persia. ¶ See Selim.  
Sorcery and enchantment. ¶ See Coniuror, and Elinor Cobham.  
Sound most strange and wonderful heard, 226, a 10  
Southampton burned, 355, b 50  
Southwell knight his words in the parliament house touching queen Mary's child yet unborn, 1124, a 50  
Southwell the archbishop of York his manor, 35, b 30  
Southworke in the jurisdiction of an alderman, 1062, a 60, b 10. Liberty's purchased for it, 1062, a 40  
Spain a deadly b●ne unto the English soldiers, 4●0, a 60▪ b 10. The king thereon his army under the conduct of the duke of Alva, & the kingdom of Navarre joined unto his▪ 813, b 30, etc. His claim to the empire, 8●1, a 50, 60. He is chosen emperor▪ 852▪ a 30. Philip his proclamation against English merchants, 1206, a 10. His officers 〈◊〉 of tyrannical lordliness and villainy, 1335, a 50. Chased and driven out of his realm, 397, b 10, 60. His egernes to be revenged, his dissimulation, 399, a 50, 60 Sendeth an herald unto prince Edward of Wales, 3●8, a 60  
Spaniards joined with the English army against the French, 879, b 60. As●a●t Rome, take it, sack it, kill and slay without exception: note, 896, a 10, etc. 897, a ●0. Enter into Antuerpe, spoiling, wounding and killing, 126●, a 10. They and others in Ireland slain, 1314, b 50, 60. Discomfited, 1432, b 10, etc. They bite their fingers for anger, 1433, a 30. They and Englishmen together by the ears about whores▪ 1126, b 60. Their manhood against the French, 1138, a 60. More favourable unto lady Elisabeth than some Englishmen▪ 1157, b 20. Hanged for murder, 1121. b 30. Their galleys chased from the English coasts, and vanquished. 427, a 20. Their Fleet overmatch the English, 420, a 3●. Uanquished by king Edward the third upon the sea▪ 379, b 60. Their order of bartell, 398, b 60. Their number, 399, a 10. Put to flight, the number slain 3●●, a 60, b 10. ¶ See Frenchmen, Gréenefield, Granado.  
Spenser the younger shamefully executed. 33●, b ●●  
Spenser lady committed untoward: note, 527, b ●●, 30  
Spensers notable instruments to bring king Edward the second to the liking of all kind of misrule, 321, b 10. En●●●d of t●e nobility, 325, a 30. Uariance between them and the lords, b 50. The lords in arms against them, their lands invaded, 326, all. Banished by the decree of the barons, articles wherewith they were charged▪ 327, a 10, &c: Yield themselves unto the law, favoured of king Edward, and restored to peace and quietness, 328, a 20, b 10. Restored to all their inheritances and advancements, 332, a 10.  
Spirit in a wall without Aldersgate, doth penance at Paul's cross for abusing the people, 1117, b 60  
Spirits in likeness of birds seen in the air, 166, a 60.  
Spite of the French king at Richard the first, and wh●e, 133, b 50. Of Roger Lace in hanging two men, 133, b 40. ¶ See Envy, Malice, and Revenge.  
Spoil rich and honourable, 201 b 10. Divided among soldiers: no●e, 560, a 10. ¶ See Soldiers.  
S●ring ●●●dered, 258. a 20 Seemed to be changed 〈…〉 winter, 〈…〉  
Stafford wasted. 〈…〉  
Stafford knight taken 〈◊〉 sanctuary and executed▪ 〈…〉  
Stafford lord slain by sir Io●● Holland: note, 447, a 50. Beheaded, 〈…〉  
stafford's slain by jack C●●e 634, a ●0  
Stamford taken by duke Henry, 〈…〉  
Stanhope knight committed to the Tower, 1066, b 60. He and others beheaded, 1081, a ●0  
Stanelie knight, a favourer of Perkine, Warbeck, 〈◊〉 of his alienated, 〈◊〉 from Henry the seventh, ●●8, b 40, 50, 60. He is beheaded▪ 779, a 10. He and his archers break the Scots arra●●, 828 b ●0  
Stanelie lord his devise to avoid suspicion of king Richard the third, and to save his own life, 754, a 10. He and others meet, embrace and consult, 755, a 20. Setteth the crown on the earl of Richmond his head, his bold answer to king Richard his pursuivants, 760, a 50, 60 His faithfulness, 673, a ●0 674, a 30  
Staple of wools removed to Calis, 395, b 60. Out of Flanders into England, 381 a 20  
Star strange appeared every morning for a time: note, 223, b 40. In the constellation of Cassiopeia, 1257, a 20  
Stars falling after a strange manner▪ 231, b 40. Seen at the very ●ime of an eclipse, 44, b 40 ¶ See Blazing star.  
S●arch. ¶ See Wheat.  
S●ates of the low countries, their deputies arrival in London, their message unto queen Elisabeth, 1411, a 40. etc. ●0, b 10, etc. 1412, a 10, etc. Their sure granted, 1412, b 10 1414. a 50, ● 1419. a 10: note. Sworn unto the queen of England, and wha● authority they gave the earl of Leicester by placard, 1428, all. ¶ See Queen Elisabeth, Duke of Alencon, and Earl of Leicester.  
Statute of the six articles, with the extreme proceeding therein, 946, b 30, 50. Spoken against to the loss of life, 953, a 40. Repealed, 992, b 10. Described, 1005, b 10. Ex Officio revived, 1126, b 60. Of praemunire begun, 409, a 60. For servants wages and labourers, 380, b 30, 40. For making of clothes and other things, 380, b 40. Of Mortmain, 280, a 10  
Statutes of Westminster ordained, 278, a 10. Established, 285, a 50. Of Gloucester, 279, b 10. Called Additamenta. 283, a 60. Of Quo warranto, 280, a 50. Of Eltham, 892, b 50. Of Oxford: note, 262, a 10 Protested against by king Henry the third, 265, b 30. Repealed, 270, b 50. ¶ See Apparel.  
Stephan when and by whom ●ee was crowned king, 46, a 40, 50. His valiantness: note, 53, a 60. Ordering of his army ready to give battle, 51, b 60. Besiegeth Wallingford, 51, b 30. Winneth Lincoln, 51, b 50. His power put to flight, 53, a 60 Taken prisoner and led unto Maud the empress, 53, b 20. He and the earl of Gloucester delivered by exchange, 54, b 20. Entereth Lincoln with the crown upon his head, 56, b 60. With an army cometh to York, 58, a 60. Incampeth near his enemies the Scots, 47, b 20. Agreeth with the earl of Anjou, 48, a 50, invadeth Scotland, 50, a 60. Maketh haste to rescue the north parts, 48, b 40. Burnt the south parts of Scotland, 48, b 50. He and Henry the fourth meet at Dunstable about a peace, they come to Canturburie, 64, a 10. His promise to purchase the people's favour, 8, b 40. Doubteth whom to trust, 51, a 10. Raiseth his siege 51, b 10. Beginneth to incline his mind unto peace, 61, a 40. Falleth sick, 47, b 50. Departeth this life, 64, b 40. A description of his person, qualities and actions, 64, b 40, 50  
Stephan earl of Britain, 7 b 20. ¶ See earl.  
Stephan Gardiner his oration to the council touching queen Marry her marriage, he commendeth the Spanish king, 1093, a 50, 60. ¶ See Bishop Gardiner.  
Stigand archbishop of Canturburie hated, and why duke William refused to be crowned at his hands, 1, b 20. His stout message unto duke William, 2, b 10. Flieth into Scotland, 8, a 30. His martial mind, and unpatient of foreign servitude, 1, b 50, 2, a 10. captain of an army of Kentishmen, 2, a 10. Deprived for three special causes, 8, b 60. Kept in perpetual prison and there ended his life, 9, a 20  
Stink noisome after a thunder: note, 204, b 20. Filthy after a tempest, 211, b 40. Most horrible in Winchcomb church, 19, a 60. Of Henry the first his dead body odious, 45, a 20  
Stoke battle. ¶ See Battle.  
Story doctor impudent and saucy, his words in the parliament house, 1180, b 20, 40. An enemy unto lady Elisabeth, 1159, b 60.1160, a 10. Executed for treason, his education and birth, a persecutor and exquisite tormentor of God's servants, apprehended, conveyed himself over seas, continuing there a persecutor, a commissioner to search for English books, intended the overthrow of England, searched the Engglish ships, apprehended by a wile, conveyed into England, indicted, arraigned, executed as a traitor: note, 1225, a 40, etc.  
Stradiotes, 82●, b 60, 822, a 10. Described and encountered of the English horsemen, 819, a 60  
Strangers resort to serve king Stephan, 47, a 50. Courteously provided for by king Henry the firsts entertainment, 34, a 60. Outface Englishmen against all honesty and conscience, 840, b 10. injuriously abused of diverse yoonkers, 841, b 10, 20, etc. Appointed to departed the realm, 65, b 10. Greatly grudged at for procuring licences to sell wo●d, 893, b 40. Over saucy lewd and knavish in dealing with Englishmen, 841, a 60. b 10. Skirmish with the rebels of Norwich, 1033, b 10. Went against the Devonshire rebels, 1003, b 30. Feasted by king Richard the second, and so doth the duke of Lancaster, 474, a 10. Sent for by king Henry the third to serve him in his wars, 217, a 20. A great complaint exhibited for that they got the best benefices, 365, a 60. In favour with king Henry the third, always odious unto the home-born, 216, b 50, 60. Ualuation of their benefices taken, 236, b 40. The value of spiritual livings in their hands, 247, b 20. Keep the castle of Windsor, 265, a 40. Merchants a new order for them, sent to the tower, 283, b 10. ¶ See Proclamation.  
Stratagem of the lord Montioie, 965, b 50.966, a 10. ¶ See Policy.  
Stratford bridge upon avon builded, 776, b 50  
Strife amongst the English subjects on the other side the sea, 157, a 60. It & emulation in sumptuous appareling of servants, 163, a 60. Betwixt the two archbishops, 142, b 20, Betwixt the laity and spirituality, 526, a 20, Betwixt the Londoners and the abbot of Westminster, 242 b 60. Betwixt king Henry the third and his barons, 216, b 40. Between the archbishop of Canturburie and the bishop of Winchester, 247, a 50. One ended, all ended: note, 591, b 30. ¶ See Quarrel and Uariance.  
Stues suppressed, 972, b 10  
Stukelie a defamed person and faithless beast: note, 1359, a 50  
Sturton lord committeth a shameful murder, he is hanged, 1133, a 10, 20  
Subsidy demanded and denied 215, a 10.251, a 10. To king Henry the third by his brother the earl of Cornwall, 251, b 30. Of the richer sort, 236, a 30. Causeth a commotion and insurrection in the realm: note, 429, a 60. Granted by the parliament, appointed to be kept of two citizens of London, 418, b 60. For the stay of parlements, 424, a 60. grievous causing many a bitter curse and much mischief, 428, b 40. To be paid by the great men and fat backs, but the poor to go free, 422, a 10, Granted and appointed to be spent according to the discretion of the nobility, 452, a 50. Of surcharge, 524, b 20, 30, Pardoned, 1090, b 60. Of the laity 1130, a 30. Very sore and intolerable laid upon his subjects by William Rufus, 22, a 60. Called the great: note, 815, b 60. To be paid by anticipation, 882, a 50. Granted to be paid in three years: note, 960, a 40. Raised by K. Henry the first to bestow with his daughter, 38, a 20. Granted of every knights see and clergy, 167, a 30. The collectors thereof complain to the earl of Northumberland that they cannot get it: note, 769, b 30, etc. Raised of wools, 292, b 20, Called chimmage, 401, b 20. Of fuage for the space of five years, 400, b 40, Dissuaded, 401, b 10. Of wool, 355, a 30. Of tonnage and poundage, 589, b 60. Of three shillings for every plowland, 161, a 50. Of the thirtieth part of all movable goods granted upon condition, 220, b 10 Of the forti●h part of every man's goods towards the discharge of the king's debt, 215, b 40. Of two shillings of every plowland, 202, b 10. Of the ninth part of the people's goods granted to king Edward the first, 306, a 20. Of an eight part of the people's goods granted, 301, b 30. Of the twentieth part of every man's goods, 279, b 10. Of four pennies and five pennies of every mark, 332. Of the one half of wools through the realm, 354, a 60. Of fifty thousand pounds demanded of the clergy, 406, b 20. Of fifty shillings of every sack of wool transportable over sea, 383, a 60. Of four pennies of every person above forty years of age, etc. 410, b 30 Of six and twenty shillings eight pennies of every sack of wool, etc., 3●6, b 10. For every last of leather forty shillings, 357, b 10. For every sack of wool forty shillings, 357, b 10. Of a new kind granted by the clergy, 531, b 30. Of the moiety of a tenth and of a fifteenth, 445, a 10, 20. Of twenty shillings of every knight's fee, 524, b 10. Of six shillings in the pound, &c: 1225, a 20, 30. Of movables and unmooveables granted, 1184, a 60. Of six shillings in the pound, granted of the spirituality, 971, a 10. Of the sixth part of every man's goods demanded, and what cursing and rebellion followed, 891, a 40 50. Of two shillings of every plough land, 142, b 60. Of five shillings of every hide of land, 153, a 10. Called the great subsidy, about the grant whereof there was hard hold, 877, b 20, 30, etc.  
Subsidies, an enemy to them was bishop Hugh of Lincoln, 162, b 50. Of sundry sorts repeated, 229, a 50 ¶ See Contribution, Custom, fifteenth, and Rebellion.  
Subdeacons admission not without profession of chastity, 30, b 30  
Subjection most vile and unbeseeming a king: note, 83, b 50 84, a 10. foreign how abhorred of a valorous mind: note, 192, a 50. Of York unto the archbish▪ of Canturburie. ¶ See Archbishop.  
Subjects bridle their king to his great unpatience, 186, b 10  
Submission of the Londoners to Henry the third, 271, a 10 Of David of Wales to Henry the third contained in articles, 227, b 60. Of the duke of York to king Henry the sixth under his oath, 639, b 60 Of king john to the pope testified in a charter, 177, b 20, etc. Purchaseth peace and pardon, 203, a 40. By constraint, 186, b 50, 167, b 50. Of George Close preacher for a sermon. ¶ See Sermon.  
Succession to the crown consulted upon to be diverted: note, 1083, b 40, 50, 60. ¶ See Crown.  
Sudburie hill, 686, b 40  
Suffolk men the first that resorted to the lady Marie against the duke of Northumberland. 1086, b 60  
Summer dry, 780, b 60. Extreme: note, 336, b 10. For the space of four months, 220, a 40. From March until julie, 381, a 40. Wet with many floods, 216, b 10 Dear, 381, a 50  
Summerset. ¶ See Herald.  
Summeruile. ¶ See Traitor.  
Sun appeareth like blood, 332, b 10. Counterfeit seen, 220, a 40  
Suns two appeared, 157, a 10. Three seen at once, 793, b 40. Four beside the accustomed, 216, b 20  
Sunday profaned and how punished by God: note, 1353, a 30. buying & selling a law against it, 624, a 20  
Superstition. ¶ See Religion.  
supremacy of king Henry the eight denied and the parties executed, 952, b 50.961, a 60 950, b 10.938, a 10, etc. ¶ See Pope, Traitor.  
Surgery lecture founded in London, and how to be exercised: note, 1349, a 20, etc. An excellent institution and for common benefit: note, 1369, b 10, 20.  
Suspension of the archbishop of York by the archbishop of Canturburie, 35, b 60.36, a 10 Of Ranulfe bishop of Chichester: note, 26, a 30. Pronounced by a legate in a synod holden at Paul's, 271, a 60  
Suspicion in a prince how mischievous, 738, a 30. Sometimes good and advantageable, 1087, a 50, 'Cause of apprehension and execution: note, 259, b 60.260, a 10. Of Henry the fourth grounded upon a guilty conscience: note, 520, b 10. That he had in his son prince Henry, 539, a 10. ¶ See Envy, and Mistrust.  
Suitors what shifts they made to be heard, 799, b 30  
Swanescombe in Kent where the Kentishmen met against duke William, 2, a 10  
Sward, ¶ See Martin.  
Sweine king of Denmark married earl goodwin's widow, 6, b 20, Reported to intend an invasion of England, 14, a 40. Sendeth his sons into England for recovery of his right, 6, b 50  
Sweting sickness, 794, a 60 The manner thereof, 765, b 60 And the remedy therefore, 764. a 10. Speedy and deadly, 844. a 50. Whereof died both mariners and others, 906, a 60. b 10. And remedy against it, 1066, a 60. b 20  
Synod called by the archbishop of Canturburie, 256. a 30. Held by Anselme, present thereat Henry the fourth with earls and barons, 34, b 10. At Dunstable, 182. a 40. At Lambeth. 280. b 30. At London, 95. b 50.58. b 40.224. a 40.11. b 60. At Northampton, 271. a 60. At Oxford, 203 b 40. At Reading, 280. a 10. Of bishops held at Westminster. 30. a 60. At Winchester and what was there decreed, 8. b 60. At Windsor about the archbishop's primacy, 9 a 10. b 10. At York by the archbishop of Canturburie. 148. a 10. ¶ See Assembly and Council.    


T.  
TAilors their malapertness at the election of an alderman. 623. a 40. They and the Goldsmiths of London together by the ears, 274. a 50. They had six kings of England brethren of their company, 790. b 60  
Talbot William defendeth Hereford in Wales, 48. b 60  
Talbot knight with his six score archers, 770, b 30.  
Talbot lord saileth into France 608. b 60.609. a 10. A valiant captain. 597. b 10. Ransomed by exchange, 606, b 30. Created earl of Shrewesburie, 623. b 10. ¶ See earl.  
Tallage of an eight thousand marks levied upon the jews, 25●. a 10  
Tame lord of Tame his gentle hart to the lady Elisabeth, 1156, a 10.20.50  
Tartas besieged, 619. b 60  
Tax or tribute levied on the commons by duke William, 8. b 50 Levied throughout the realm, 144. a 20. Of five shillings of every plough land, 155. a 60 Levied of the thirteenth part of every man's goods, 170. b 40. Levied of an hundred thousand pounds, 174. b 60.  
Taxes and subsidies raised in duke William's time, 5. b 10. Grievous of D. William upon the English, 8. a 30. ¶ See Lone, Subsidy, and Toll.  
Teemen toll, or Theyme toll. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Teeth, men borne with fewer than in times past, 379. b 50.  
Tempests that did much hurt, 473. a. 20.204. b 20.480. b 50.60.793. a 60. b 10. Grisly and hideous 166. a 60. The like never seen procuring peace, 393, b 60. That made great waste, 395. a 40. That struck many high biuldings. 252. a a 50, wonderful, 164, a 40. Most terrible with a stink, 19 a 60. Of wind and rain very hideous, 60. a 10. That did exceeding much hurt: note, 254. a 30. Very sore, & that lasted sixteen hours, 239. a 30. Boisterous upon the seas, 1136. b 30.40. That scattered Richard the first his ships sailing into the holy land, 127. a 60.423. a 60. etc. General; 424. a 20. By sea and land doing harm in most shires of England, 1222, b 10. etc. 1223.1224. a 10, etc. Great on Easter day in the morning, 282, b 30▪ Sore of lightning and thunder, etc. 82. a 60. b 10.46. a 20.231. a 10. Of rain and thunder with an eclipse: note, 372, a 30. Few the like: note, 244, b 20. Very wonderful: note, 1142. a 30. That did much hurt 1185 a 10.20. In December, 260. b 30. At Chelmesford, 1208. b 30. Great in Leicester town: note, 1198. b 40. Strange at London. 211. b 40. By lightning and thunder, with sore hurt done, 1205. b 10. In Norfolk strange, vehement and hurtful: note, 1348. b 20. In Richmondshire 1270. a 20. In Suffolk that did much hurt: note, 1270, b 40. ¶ See Wind.  
Temple gatehouse newly builded, 918. a 10.  
Templars, lands belonging to them, 33●. a 40. Three knights of this order in the French kings displeasure, 68 b 60. ¶ See Knights.  
Temptation great with large offers, 747. b 10. Prevaileth even to violent death; no●e, 1092. b 10.30.40. ¶ See Murder.  
Tenant's rebel against their landlord, the earl of Winchester: note, 240. b 10  
Tenths levied for Henry the seconds behoof, 111, b 60. Three granted, 402. a 60. Of spiritual men's livings for the space of three years, 405. a 20. For three years space granted of the clergy unto Henry the third, 248, a 40. Granted unto king Henry by the clergy, 213. a 10. Of the spirituality granted to the pope, 211. a 10. Of all the movables in England, Wales and Ireland, required by the pope, 210. b 60. Of ●clesiasticall livings granted to Edward the second by the pope, 325. a 50. Demanded of the clergy by Henry the third, 246. b 40. To the pope withstood by the earl of Chester, 211. a 50. They and first fruits restored to the crown, 1180. b 10. ¶ See Subsidy.  
Term kept at Hereford castle, 1206. a 40.1348. b 40. Begun at Oxford and adjourned to Westminster, 844. b 60. adjourned, 1260. a 10. Adiorned because of the plague, 1211, b 60  
Terms four yearly kept by whom instituted. 8. a 50  
Terrovan won by force by the English, 374. b 60  
Terwin besieged, 817, b 20. By the English, Henry the eight being present, 821. all. Sore beaten with the English ordinance, 819, a 50. Yielded up to Henry the eight, the citizens sworn unto him, it is burnt and spoiled, 822, b 10.40.50.  
Testament new translated into English, 913. b 60. ¶ See Gospel.  
Teukesburie field, 687▪ b 60.  
Teuther with others taken and beheaded, 660. a 30. ¶ See Marriage.  
Thames frozen over, 1208. a 60 Exceedingly: note, 274. a 60.263. b 60.58. a 60. And not passable, 942. b 20. Ships and vessels could not come up the river, 612. a 60 Rose with an high tide, 220, a 30. Swollen with high spring tides, &c: note, 26. b 10. So high that Westminster hall was on a flood▪ 1271. b 50▪ Overfloweth and doth much hurt, 274. b 10. Drowneth all the country for the space of six miles about Lambeth. 231. a 10. Passable from London bridge to the Tower, it was so shallow, 38. a 40.50. The water thereof conveyed over saint Magnus' steeple, 1348, b 50. ¶ See Tides.  
Thankfulness for old service, 203 a 40. Of H. the eight to his good military servitors 829. b 50. Of queen Elisabeth unto her subjects, &c: note, 1566. b 40 etc.  
Theatre erected for the duke of Alencon to stand upon and show himself to the people, 1334 a 50  
Thief that rob pilgrims taken and hanged, 123▪ a 20. ¶ See Murderer, Osulfe.  
thieves and robbers very few or none in England in duke William's time: note, 15. b 40. An ordinance against them, 248. a 20. Notable, and their whole nest broken, 241. b 20. Appointed to be hanged, 45. b 10. They and murderers saved by th●●r books and committed to the bishop's custody, 791. b 10. Sacrilegious severely▪ executed, 704, b 50  
Theobald. ¶ See earl.  
Thermes. ¶ See Monsieur.  
Thetford, a bishops see removed to Norwich, 26. a 50.  
Thomas archbishop of York, why deprived, 9 a 60. A canon of Ba●eux the five and twentieth archbishop of York, 9 a 20. Deprived of his crosier and ring, ibid.  
Thresher's masking: note, 214. b 20  
Threatening procureth submission: note, 21. b 60  
Throckmorton sir Nicholas knight arriveth at Newhaven, 1199. b 40. arraigned of high treason, the whole manner thereof, with his purgations: note, 1104. b 10. etc., 1105. to 1117. Eight of his jury appear in the starchamber, hard judgement against them, 1121. b 40. Extremely dealt withal, b 60. 1122. a 10. Five of his jury released, 1126. b 40  
Throckmorton Francis esquire, some great secrets between the Scotish queen and him, 1373, a 10. What moved him to deny his confessions at his arraignment, 30. His letter of submission to queen Elisabeth, 60. With a declaration of all his practices treasonable against her, b 50.60.1374. a 10, etc. Surprised and put to a narrow shift, 1372. a 40. What mind he carried towards queen Elisabeth, b 60. His treasons communicable to the earl of Northumberland, 1406. all. arraigned and condemned of high treason, the whole declaration thereof, with the manner of proceeding against him. 1370. a 40.50.60. etc. 1371. etc., to 1375  
Throckmorton john of Norwich a conspirator, executed as a traitor, 1222. a 10. ¶ See Traitors.  
Throng, certain thrust to death on London bridge, 487. b 10. ¶ See Blackwell, justs, and Paris garden.  
Thunder in winter, 249. a 40. 46▪ a 30. With lightening in December, 220. a 40.1206. a 40. At Christmas, and on Christmas day, 243. b 10.220. a 60. Very terrible and fearful: note, 114. a 60. That made men amazed, 39 b 10. For the space of fifteen days together, 236. a 50. 216. b 10. With an earthquake, 217 b 50. General and hurtful▪ 204. b 20. With wonder▪ 284. a 50. ¶ See Tempest and Wind.  
Thurstan abbot of Gla●●enburie, and the moonke of that house at strife, and why, a lewd man: note, 13. b 30. Deposed, returneth into Normandy, 13. b 40. Buyeth his plac● again for five hundred pounds, 13. b 60. Refuseth to obey king Henry the seconds pleasure, 38. b 10  
Tiberio an Italian, his valiantness, 965. b 20  
Tyburn, called The elms in Edward the thirds time, 349 a 60.  
Tichborne and his fellow traitors. ¶ See Babington.  
Tides two in one hour, 1260. a 20. ¶ See Floods. Rain, Sea, and Thames.  
Tiler beginner of the rebellion in Dertford in Kent: note, 429. b 20. etc. His proceed, 430 etc. A very crafty fellow, his proud sauciness, he is thrust through and slain, 432. a 30. b 10.40.  
T●●neie. ¶ See Tichborne.  
Tilt royal, with proper devices thereat, 830. a 60. ¶ See justs.  
tindal burned, his painfulness in writing and translating, 939. b 50.60. ¶ See Testament new.  
Tirrell sir Walter killeth William Rufus with an arrow in hunting, by chance: note, 26. b 30  
Tirrell knight described, 734. b 60. He receiveth the keys of the Tower, purposeth to destruie the two princes, dispatcheth the action, showeth the whole manner thereof to Richard the third, the murder confessed, he is beheaded for treason, 735. all.  
Tithes no●e to be given but to the church, 30. b 40. ¶ See Tenths and Clergy.  
Tokens foreshowing Wolfeis' ruin and fall▪ 915. a 50● b 10. Of victory: note, 660, a 20. Of things falling out in event, 793, b 10. Of imminent misfortune to the lord Hastings, 723. a 40.50.60. etc. Prodigious: note, 655. b 20 ¶ See Signs and Wonders.  
toll of the Hound: note, 928. a 60. ¶ See Tax.  
Tonque castle taken by the English, 559. a 50  
Torments extreme, 445. a 60  
Tornay furnished with a strong power of men, besieged, the great number of people at the si●ge thereof, 359. a 50.60. b 10, Besieged by the emperor Charles his forces, delivered to him 871. a 10. Summoned by Garter king at arms, the provosts words to the distressed townsmen, it is besieged▪ 823. b 10.20.60. On all sides besieged, and the provost with eleven more submit themselves, and yield up the city to Henry the eight, 824. a 10. etc. Articles of agreement betwixt the kings of England and France for the delivery thereof to the French &c: note, 848. b 10, &. The manner how it was delivered to the French king, 849. b 50 A castle builded there by Henry the eight, 838. b 40  
Towns in England burnt by the Frenchmen▪ 417. b 60. In old time how fortified, 443 b 30. In France taken by the earl of Derbie. 368. b 50  
Tower on London bridge taken down, 1270. a 30. Newly builded, 1271, a 10  
Tower of London new walled about by William Rufus, 23. a 60. Besieged, 54. a 10. Delivered to the earl of March, 654. b 60. yielded up to Lewis the French kings son, 192. b 20. At the Londoners commandment, 338. b 60  
Trail baston, 312. b 60. ¶ S●e Inquisition.  
Traitor Summeruile his miserable and desperate death, 1366. a 20. Carter executed at Tyburn, 1357. a 40. Elk● for counterfeiting the queen's signet manuel, 1563. main executed for denying the Q. supremacy, 1271. a 10. Nelson and Sherwood executed for denying the queen's supremacy, 1271, a 50. Pain executed at Tyburn, 1344. a 40 Thomas Woodhouse priest executed, 1258. b 60  
Traitors, Carneie, Mather, and Rolfe executed, 1227. b 60 Fen, Haddoc●e, Munden, Nutter▪ and Somerfoord executed at Tyburn 1369. a 10. ●rden & Sommeru●le executed for treason, 1356 a 50 Slade and body executed, 1356 a 10. Babington▪ Ballard, to the number of fourteen, their wonderful conspiracy and sharp execution: note. 1563, etc.  
Traitors to the crown proclaimed, 143. b 10. King Henry's nobles, 217. a 10. Care not for their lives, so they may achieve the end of their treasons: note, 223. a 40.50. Scholastical: note, 1367. a 40 etc. Six questions to try them fromscholers, 1368. a 10 etc. Many though they have no armour nor weapon: note, 1367. b 10.30. Their, rebels, and fugitives practices to execute pope Pius bulls against queen Elisabeth, 1● 59 b 10. Foreign continue sending of persons to move sedition in the realm, 1360. a 40. Five, all of one lineage executed, 943. b 50. They & rebels what ignominious ends they come to 78●. b 20. Put to flight and proclaimed 650. b 20.50. Attei●ted, executed, 652. a 10, etc. Their heads removed from the tower on London bridge, a set on the gate at the bridge foot, 1270. a 30. For a time may escape but at length come to the gallows, 223. b 60.224. a 10. Executed, wherein note the ancient kind of punishment, 130. b 20. Executed for denying the queen's supremacy, 1322. a 30. A declaration of queen Elisabeths' commissioners their faucurable dealing for their examining, 1357. a 60. etc. 1358. to 1368 Executed in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire. 767. b 40.50. ¶ See priests seminary, Fugitives, Babington, Felton, and Story.  
traveling commended and discommended as necessary and unnecessary. 1568▪ b 50, etc.  
Treiport suburbs set on fire by the English, 879. a 30  
Trenchulle lord William, a man of great power, 67. b 60  
Trent river where duke William pitched his tents against the Danes, 7. a 40. Hoist out of the channel with a tempest, 1142. a 40. Dried up for the space of a mile, 37 a 40. See Ch●●●ll.  
Tresham knight made lord of saint john's of jerusalem, 1134. b 60  
Tresham William. ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Tresilian, chief justice descried by his own man & executed at Tyburn, 463. b 50  
Treason against king Henry the fourth to have destroyed him in his bed: note, 519. b 20. Against Edward the second the traitor executed: note, 333.334 Against Henry the third by a clerk of Oxford, 223. a 40. Of Thomas Becket, 69. b 10 Of noble men iustl●e punished, 515 b 10 etc. Of a Saracen against prince Edward, 275 a 20. Land to the duke of Aumerle, and how he challenged trial, 513. a 60. Of sir Thomas turbervile, & he executed, 295. b 40. Of a messenger disclosing the secrets of Edward the firsts letters, 299. b 60, 300. a 10. Of Foulks de Brent how punished, 208. a 20. Of certain jews, and how revenged, 267. a 60. Notable of Francis Chrockmorton, set down in full discourse with the manner of proceeding against him: note, 1370. a 50 60, etc. 1371. to 1375. Notorious of Parrie to have murdered queen Elisabeth set down at large: note, 1382. a 50, etc. to 1395. Of earl Persie of Northumberland summarily set down: note, and unto what foul end he came, 1404. b 40.1405. etc. to 1419, a 10. Of the duke of Buckingham. ¶ See Duke. Of nobles for the which they were apprehended, 548. b 10. And executed, b 40. Of earl john moved in the parliament, and judgement denounced against him, 142. b 60. Laid unto the archbishop of Canturburies' charge by the speaker in parliament, 490. b 40. Laid to the duke of Norfolk by the duke of Hereford, 493 b 10. Laid to the duke of Lancaster, he cleared, and the accuser extremely tormented, 445. b 40, etc. In great men, and they executed: note, 946. a 20. etc. 50. Practised against the earl of Richmond, but prevented, 747. a 60. b 10, etc. 60. Of the citizens that lost men's, 598. a 60. Laid to the bishop of Winchester, with hisanswers, 591. a 60. b 60. Wherewith the dukes of York and Summerset mutually charge each other, 639. a 50. 60. Against the duke of Clarence, 580, a 10. He is slain, a 30. Laid to the nobles charge by king john, 169. a 30. Laid to one's charge, and pledges sent to and fro to follow the suit, 143. a 20. Of two sorts punished with death: no●e, 1227. b 60. Purposed at a mask against Henry the fourth his person, 515. b 50. In letters written by sir Ralph Ferrer to certain French lords, arrested, released, 428. a 60. b 10. For misgoverning the king and realm, and the parties executed, 498. b 60. Tried by a combat: note, 424▪ b 10, etc. 425. a 10, etc. Suspected among the nobles, and inquisition for the same, 457. b 20. Intended and prevented, 295 a 30. Will ever come to light by one mean or other, 333. b 10. It and not religion the cause of the pope's favourers execution, proved: note, 1366. b 10, etc. 1368. a 40▪ etc. The favourers thereof punished, 951 a 50.60. Punished in honourable personages of both sex, 70▪ b 10. To defraud soldiers of their wages, 411. b 10. Punished by death, though disclosed. 11. a 60. It and execution, 945. a 10. b 10▪ 952. b 30.60. Of two persons two ways: note, 928 a 10. ●13. b 40.598, a 60. b 40. Upon clergy men, 520. a 10, etc. Most severely punished. 1575. b ●0, etc. ¶ See Chartres, Conspiracy, Elinor Cobham, Eureux, Noble men, Paris, Par●●e, priests seminary, Rebellion, Rone castle, Scotish king james, Serlo, Traitors, and Woolseie.  
Tresuror lord sit●eth above the lord mayor at the sarg●nts ●east, 667. b 20  
Tresurors of England from the first to the last ●et down in a collection, 1238. a 1239. unto 1257. a 10. ¶ See C●●ill  
Treasure great of Richard king of Almain, 254. b. 20. Of Richard the first where it la●e, and delivered to king john. 157. a 20. Of Henry the second found at Salisbury▪ 118. a 20. & See Officers.  
Tribute of ox hides, 96. b 50 Of twelve pennies for every horse or ●oke of oxen, 98. b 10 Of three thousand marks by year released, 32, a 50. Levied throughout all England, and how: note, 13. a 60. b 10. Denied unto the pope with oaths and protestations▪ 236 a 60. To be paid unto the pope moved for the maintenance of his estate, 208. a 40. Of the French king to king Edward for peace and amity: note, 700 b 10, etc. For Tho●ouse 85. a 30. ¶ See Exactions, Subsidies, Taxes, Tenths, and Toll.  
Trivet knight slain with a fall from his horse, 465. b 50  
Triumphs of the Romans excelled all their other shows, 1333. a 20. ¶ See Pageants.  
Tri●●lfe a noble servitor in the French affairs. ●50. b 60  
Trollop forsaketh the rebellious lords, his estimation, 650, a 60  
Truce for three years betwixt six kings, 466. a 40. Betwixt England and France, 445. a 50. 230▪ b 10. For five years, 231. Treated 466. a 10. For three years, 214. a 50. General, 198, b 10. For three years expired, 219 a 10. For forty days, 892. a 60. For a month, 304 b 60. For eighteen months, 624. b 10. For six years, 607. a 60. For two years, 391 a 40.381 a 60.378. a 50.183. b 20. For three years, 364. b 30.40 With the conditions of the same, 50 60.365. a 10. For a year at the mediation of a woman, 360. a 30.409. b 10. 93. b 50. Conditional for two years, 170. a 60. For four years, 480▪ b 40. For fifty days. 160. a 40. 154. b 50. For five years, 155, a 10. For thirty years, 486 ●50. Betwixt England and Scotland, 875. b 30.439. a 10 At request of the French king 311, a 60.352. a 10.405. a 30. 89. a 60. With a treaty of alliance, 747. a 20. For s●uen years, 767. b 60.668. b 60. After much mischief and trouble, 334. b 30. Betwixt the emperor Charles and the governors of France. 887 b 60. Betwixt Henry the fift and the duke of Burgogne, 558▪ a 10. Betwixt Henry the sixth and the duchess of Burgogne, 6●5. a 30. Betwixt Henry the fift and the duke of Britain, 561. a 50.60 Betwixt Henry the eight and sundry Foreign princes, 843. a 20. Betwixt the English and the Britons for six days, 814. b 60. Prolonged for a year, 477. b 10. Tripartite, 572. a 40 Taken for a month, 68 a 40. The benefits ensuing from the same, 906. a 60. ¶ See Legu● and Peace.  
Trust in treason: note, 743 b 50.744. a 52. ¶ See Treason.  
Truth purchaseth hatred, 513. ● 60  
Tunstall, doctor, meister of the rolls. 849. a 10. Made bishop of Durham, 909. b 50. Made bishop of London, 872. a 10. His oration and sermon in the parliament house, 876. a 20. Described and commended, his arms, the offices he bore▪ 1185. b 30.40.50.60. Buildings by him founded, 1186. a 1●. Deprived of his bishopric, 30. Restored, 40. His death, 50. He and ●udeus compared, b 20  
Turk is mortally hated of the pope 847 a 10, etc. His victories against the sultan, his ambition hath no bounds 846. a 60. b 10, etc.  
Turk's warred against by the earl of Flanders and others, 164. a 20. At the siege of Uienna how many slain, 913. b 40. Overthrown and vanquished by the christians, principal men slain, 1226. b 40. 60. 1227. a 10, etc. ¶ See Ottoman, Rhodes, Saracens, Soliman.  
Turketillus' guider of the Danish army against the Normans. 7. b 40  
Tournaments. ¶ See Charter, and ●urr●es.  
Turnham Stephan committed to prison. 117. a 20  
Turnies, wherein earl Martial of Penbroke was hurt and died, 228. b 60. Exercised for the training up of soldiers, 145. b 60. At ●lie betwixt the southern and northern men, 221. b 60. ¶ See Ius●s.  
Tweed a troublesome and dangerous stream. 992. a 10  
Tyranny of duke William against the English: note, 8. a 10.40.15. b 30. Of Richard the second, 489. a 10, etc. ¶ See Cruelty, and William duke of Normandy.  
Tyrant. ¶ See Richard the third, or Duke of Gloucester.  
Tyrant's estate unquiet: note. 735. b 50    


V.  
VAgabonds and rogas by proclamation to avoid the city of London. 1121. b 10. ●0. Increased by rebellions, 1050. a 40. ¶ See Rogues.  
Ualdois profession, their examination, protestation, stoned to death, 68.60. b 10. ¶ See Dutchmen.  
Ualiantnesse and manhood, 534 a 40, etc. Of king Stephan, 53. a 60  
Uandement besieged▪ 606. b 50  
Uandosme taken by king Henry, 90, b 10  
Uannes' besieged by king Edward the third, 364. a 40  
Uariance between the lord chamberlain and the lady Elisabeths' servants, 1154. b 50. Between one john courtney and Philip Duffeld, 1021. a 10. Betwixt the lords and the Spensers, and why, 325, b 50.326.327: note all. Betwixt the students of Oxford, 26●. b 40. Betwixt the earl of Penbroke and others, ●57. b 30. Between the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Arundel. 481. a 10. Between the lord Latimer, and two esquires and to what a bloody issue it grew, 420. b 10, etc. Betwixt the bishop of Durham and earl Patrick, 161● a 10. Between sir john Holland's servants, and the lord Richard Stafford, 447. a 40. Very royally debated: note, 459. b 30.40.50. Betwixt the scholars of Oxford. 466. a 30. Betwixt the Londoners and the constable of the Tower, 263. b 60. Betwixt Henry the third and the earl of Penbroke, 223. b 20. Between the two kings of England and France, 872. a 60. b 10. Between the Lord Paul Tiptost and Rice ap Meridoc, 283. b 60. Between the bishop of Elie and the lady Wake, 392. a 10. ¶ See Archbishop, Contention, Debate, Discord and Strife.  
Ueere Henry constable of guysor's, 110. b 10  
Ueere brother to the earl of Oxford, slain, 772. b 10. ¶ See earl Ueere of Oxford.  
Uenlow besieged by the English, 810, b 40  
Uernueill besieged and obtained by the French, 88 a 10.60. Gotten from the English by crediting a lie, 588, a 60  
Uernon sir Warren baron of Shipbrooke, 20, a 30  
victory of the English against the French at the battle of Agincourt, their rejoicing: note, 555. a 20, etc. Against the Turks by the Christians: note, 1226. b 40.60.1227, a 10, etc. Of king john against his rebels, 188. a 40. Of the English at the battle of Slinse, 358. b 10. Bloody gotten by the Frenchmen, 294 b 10. Against the Irish and others in Ireland, 1314. b 40. Good of them of Calis against the French king▪ 448. a 30.40, etc. Of the English navy against the Flemish fleet▪ 454. b 10. Of the English against Scots signified with a great shout, 988. b 50. Against rebels, and what is to be done after the same, 1023. b 60. 1024. a 10. Of the English against the French: note, 997. a 60. b 10, etc. What is to be done after the obteinment thereof, 760. Consisteth not in multitude but in manliness, 758. b 10. Rich and honourable against the French, 201. b 10. What is to be done after the getting thereof. 885. b 30. Obtained, and God praised: note, 153. b 10. Without bloodshed, 33. a 60. Used with rigour feared: note, 167, a 10. To whom the same is to be ascribed: note, 373. a 10. What is to be done after the obteinment thereof, 767. b 30. The Spanish manner of thanksgiving after the getting thereof▪ 773. a 60. General processions after it, 589, b 50. Three within a short time falling to the English, 566. b 10. Of Edward the sixth against the Scots, 1161. b 10. ¶ See Battle, Cruelty, and War.  
Uintiesme (a kind of collection) gotten in Ireland for the pope, 226. a 40  
Virginia an English colony. ¶ See Raleigh.  
Uision of Richard archbishop of Canturburie, 108. a 40. Of a jew become a Christian, 27. a 50. Strange appearing to Henry the second, 83. a 10. Of diverse likenesses, 484. b 10. ¶ See Dreams.  
Uisions of admonition are to be esteemed, 83. b 10  
Uittels plenty sold, good cheap, 778. b 10. ● See Dearth.  
Ulster in Ireland a kingdom, 100 a 30.  
Umfrevill knight▪ his exploits in Scotland, 536. b 10. Surnamed Mendmarket, 536.  
University college in Oxford, when founded, 13. a 50. ¶ See Cambridge & Oxford.  
Unthankefulnes a vice unnatural and abhorred. 1506. a 20. Noted in earl Stephan, 43. a 10.20. Of Gaston de Bierne. 240 a 20.  
Uoiage denturous of sir Hugh Willoughby, to the loss of his own and his people's lives, 1083. a 60. of sir Francis Drake achieved with extraordinary honour and success: note, 1567. a 50. etc. ¶ See Frobisher, Gilbert, Greenfield Raleigh, Sebastian,  
Vow inviolably kept: note 793 a 50. Professed of a nun broken, 29. a 10. Of chastity broken: note, 222. b 30. Of king Henry the first whereof the pope offereth to discharge him, 40. b 50. Of Parrie the traitor to murder queen Elisabeth, 1385. b 30. And of other traitors to the same end: note, 1583, a 60. Of the Scots noisome to themselves: note, 988. a 40.  
Uowes absolved, 257. b 60. ¶ See oath and Promise.  
Urswike, king Henry the seavenths' chaplain ambassador into France, 768. a 30. etc.  
Usury for the lone of money forbidden: note 1062, a 60. Of the jews the cause of hating & killing them: note, 122. all.  
Usurer's goods seized, 145▪ b 10. Came from Rome into England under the name of merchants: note, 211. a 40. Called Cavisini: note, 211. a 50. Excommunicated, but to no purpose, 219. b 10. Accused & committed to prison, 244. a 60  
Usurpation: note the whole story of Richard the third, and Edward the fift: hath no good end. ¶ See Bruse. 314, 315, 316. cometh to an evil end, 323. a 60.    


W.  
WAinfleet. ¶ See Paten. Wales invaded by king William Rufus, and wasted, 22. b 10. Subdued by duke William, 12. a 20. Divided into shires, 282. a 40. The marches thereof sore impoverished, 257, a 40  
Walden his variable fortune: note, 532. a 10  
Walon lord came to serve Henry the eight▪ 818. b 60  
Wallop knight his martial acts in Normandy, 831. b 40  
Walkhelme bishop of Winchester 9 a 20  
Walkeher bishop of Durham had the whole rule of Northumberland, 13. a 40. A furtherer of monasteries to be erected, 11. a 20. Slain by the Northumber's, & why: note, 12. b 20  
Walteof son of Siward, 5. a 10 Ualiant, reconciled into the king's favour, 7. a 50. Earl of Northumberland, Northhampton and Huntingdon, 11 b 20. Married duke William's niece, and his issue, 11. b 10. He and Gospatrike deprived, 10, b 50. Beheaded as a rebel though he disclosed the same: note, 11. a 60. Described, and where he was buried, 11. b 10  
Walter bishop of Hereford submitteth himself to duke William, 1, a 50.  
Walter, knight. ¶ See Mildmaie, and Raliegh.  
War between two brethren, kings sons, 106, a 50. In Normandy betwixt king Rufus and his brother Robert, 21, a 50.60. Of barons against king john: note, 18●. b 10. etc. Proclaimed against England by the king of Scots▪ 5●8. b 10. Prepared against France, ●12. a ●0. Betwixt England and France, 290. a 60. b 20. Proclaimed betwixt England and France, 353. a 10. Prosecuted with eagerness, 354, 355 Upon a light occasion, 39 b 20. Renewed, 219. a 20. Between diverse nations in one year ended, 1192. b 60. Civil and the misery of England then, 60. b 60. Maketh no difference of time: note, 1188. b 30. etc. Cert●ine ordinances devised for that time, 125. a 40 The fruits thereof, 610. b 10. Foreign better than sedition at home, 1054. b 50. Open not so ill as civil, the occasion of many great inconveniences, 729. a 10. 20. Cannot be maintained without money. ¶ See Army, Battle, Benevolence, Frenchmen, France, Money, Munition, Scots, & Subsidy.  
Warbeck. ¶ See Perkin Warbeck.  
Ward Richard ¶ See justs Triumphant.  
Wards. ¶ See London.  
Warham doctor of laws, the sum of his speech to the archduke of Burgognie, 777. b 10  
Work castle burned by the Scots, 444. b 60  
Warlwast William taketh from Anselme all that he had: note, 26. a 10  
Warning of amendment of life, 44. b 10. Rejected both by wonders and dreams, and lested at, 26. b 10.20. Neglected cause of inconvenience: note, 83. a 10.20.30.40. Of a French priest given to Richard the first: note, 156. b 10 ¶ See Uisions.  
Warren. ¶ See earl  
Warwick castle taken and razed. 267, a 50.60  
Waste. ¶ See Northcountrie.  
Wat Tiler. ¶ See Tiler.  
Watch appointed to be kept by night in cities and burrows, 248. a 10 It and ward from four till six, and from six till four, 327. b 10. The mischief that groweth by the negligence of them, 597. b 60. In sleep what advantage to the enemy, 380. a 60. Found sleeping justly served, 819▪ b 20. At Midsummer discontinued, 1062. b 10. ¶ See Midsummer.  
Water conveyed from out the Thames by pipes into several houses, 1348. b 50. ¶ See Tides and Thames.  
Waters executed for Treason, 313. b 40. ¶ See Traitors.  
Waterquake, 440. b 50.1311. a 50.439. b 40  
wednesday. 818. b 20. ¶ See Dry.  
Weights and measures, 152, b 10 Reform after one standard. 209, b 60  
Weiland lord chief justice of the king's bench, his story, 284. b 40  
Well. ¶ See fountain.  
Welshmen under their kings, waste Her●ford, 5. a 20. Cruelly handled in their overthrow, 23. a ●0. Invaded by William Rufus, fly into the woods, 23. a 10. Uanquished at Brooknocke by William Rufus, 20. b 40. Invade England. 21, b 20. They dare not fight in open field, but work all upon advantage, 22. a 20. Prevail greatly against the English, 2 17. Besieged the castle of Montgomerie, 210. a 60. They are discomfites, b 10. etc. Put to flight, 214 a 10. Sent over to the aid of the earl of Britain, 219 a 10 War against the lord Mortimer's tenants, 263. b 50. Subject to the English laws, 244. a 50. Take castles, 329.10. Wasteful without remorse, 351. b 20. Appointed to jaques Arteveid for a guard against Gerard Device, 368. a 20. Molest the English subjects. 524. a 20. Rebel by the setting on of Owen Glendouer, 518. a 60. Waste Cheshire ●6. b 40. Up in arms, they sue for peace to Henry the first, 42. a 20.30. Fickle and by what means alured to Henry the firsts side, 30. a 60. Move rebellion, discomfited, and punished, 176. a 30. Not well dealt withal, 95. b 30. Their good service against the French, 113. a 10. Slay the sheriff of Glocestershire, 106. a 20, Their good service, 93. b 20. Make war on the English marches, severely punished, 73. b 10. Uanquished and slain, 154. b 20. Win Cardigan, 73. b 40. Rebel, invaded & subdued, 66. b 60, etc. Their valiancy against the French, 874. b 20. Make a riot at Calis, 879. b 10. Discomfited by the Northern men, 672. b 20. Invade the English marches, 37. b 60. Slain and discomfited by Henry the first, on all hands: note, 3●● a 10. Subdued, 203. a 60. Fly, 270 a 60. Submit themselves, 67. a 30. Slain, 673. b 10. Drowned within an ambush: note, ●36. a 60.  
Welshwomens' villainy against the English dead corpses, 520 a 60. Their beastly and barbarous cruelty upon the dead carcases of the English, 528. a 30. See fray, and Lewin.  
Wentworth lord deputy of Calis sendeth to the French to demand parley, 1135. b 50. Taken prisoner, 1136. a 50. arraigned and acquitted, 1184. a 50  
Westminster spoiled by soldiers, 273. b 20. The palace of the king burned, 815. b 60. The new church there begun, 202. b 10. Enlarged and repaired, 237, a 40. Of a cruel murder there committed, 420. b 10.60. The sanctuary confirmed by parliament, 421, b 60 The hall founded: note, 23. a 60. b 10. Overflown with waters: note, 1129. b 50. Full of water and not to be gotten into but on horseback, 231, a 10. Where boats might have been rowed up and down, 220. a 40. The new work there begun, 282, b 60. A new house made within the palace for the arreignment of the lords, 490. b 20  
weasel in Cleveland a free town note, 1144, a 40  
Weston doctor the duke of Suffolk's ghostly father, 1100, b 50. Against the lady Elisabeth, the lord majors judgement of him, 1101, b 40.50. resigneth the deanery of Westminster by compulsion, and is recompensed, 1134, b 40  
Weather intemperate by conjuring as was thought, 520. b 20. ¶ See Tempest.  
Wharton lord Thomas deceaseth, 1238. a 50  
Wheat and other corn scarce, with politic orders to redress it for the poor people's relief: note, 1588., etc.  
Whitegift john. ¶ See Archbishop.  
Whittington college erected, 540 a 50  
White meats licensed to be eaten in Lent, and noblemen punished for breaking the law, 960, a 10  
Whore the cause of a notorious and shameful murder: note, 1062, b 40, etc. ¶ See Concubine, Shore's wife, Spaniards, 1126, b 60  
whoredom reproved, and the reproover taken in the deed doing, 42. b 50. Strangely punished by the just judgement of God, 1353, a 60. b 10 It and murder go together, 953, a 10, 937. b 30, etc.  
Whoorlepooses taken in the Thames, 928, a 20  
Wyatt knight his insurrection, his proclamation at Maidstone, he cometh to Rochester, meeteth with his adherents, causeth much trouble, 1093. b 10.30.40.50.60. Soliciteth certain gentlemen to adhere unto him, an herald of arms sent unto him, the lord warden desirous to be tempering against him, 1094. a 10.40, etc. A proclamation that none should keep in his house any of his faction, he is sent to the Tower, hardly dealt with all at the lieutenant's hands, the furniture of his body, 1099 a 60. b 10. Marcheth with his power and executeth ●eats of arms against the adverse parts, prevaileth against the lord Cobham, 1095. b 40.50.60. His requests, 1096. a 20. Marcheth to Detford Strand, suffereth his prisoners to go abroad upon their word, cometh to Southworke, his desperate attempt, he and his complices fall to consultation, at his wit's end, 1097, all. He marcheth to Kingston, cometh unto the park corner, and skirmisheth with the queen's power, marcheth alongst the wall of S. james toward London, submitteth himself to the queen, 1098. all. arraigned, the effect of his indictment, he answereth not directly to the question guilty or unguilty, his exhortation to loyalty, altereth his mind touching the marriage, his answers to diverse speaking at his arreignment, 1103. all. His confession, and execution, 1104. a 20.60  
Wicliffe a secular priest his conclusions, the chiefest articles that he preached, 411, b 40, etc. He and his fellows maintained by certain lords, 412. a 10 His doctrine, 428. b. 50.440. a 30. Favoured of the Londoners. 440. b 20. Maintained by the learned, sentence pronounced against his books 535. b 50.60. Evil spoken of▪ and his followers reproached, 419, a 20  
Wiclivists increase, 467. a 40. 486. a ●20. Pope's letter to Richard the second against them, a 60. Bewrayed by some of their own sect, 521. a 10. Wrote against the clergy, 481 b 60. They are complained of, they increase, the lords seek that they might be surprised, 482. a 10.40.60. Richard the seconds commission against them and their sectaries, 483. a 50, etc. Excommunicated. note, 484. a 10, etc. ¶ See Pateshull.  
Widow without Aldgate murdered, 605. b 40. ¶ See jest and Benevolence.  
Widows provided for and relieved by the charity of David Smith: note, 1375. b 50 60.1376  
Wie river, 5. a 20  
Wife put away and taken again, 44. a 40. Rob by her husband and he hanged: note, 1561  
Wilford the counterfeit earl of Warwick, he is executed, 787, a 30 40  
Wilford knight taken prisoner, 996. b 30  
Wilfulness in opinion of Thomas Becket, 77. b 20  
William duke of Normandy, when he began his reign, 1. a 10. Crowned king on Christmas day, 1. b 20. Sworn at his coronation, with the sum of his oath, 1. b 30. why he refused to be crowned at archbishop Stigands hands, 1. b 20. took an oath and hostages of the nobles and lords of England, 1. b 10. His conditions and qualities, 15. a 20. His devise to disburden himself of soldiers wages, 14. a 60. What he beareth to his arms. 15. a 10. His descent, 1. a 10. Uanquisheth the English power, 1. a 10. And wasteth certain countries, a 20.30. Seizeth upon the Englishmen'S lands, and renteth them out by the year, 8, a 40. His covetous dealing and exactions: note, 8. b 50. Maketh a lamentable waste of the north countries, 7. b 40.50.60. Hateth the Englishmen more than ever he did before, 8, a 10. Subdueth certain rebels that fled to Elie for defence, 10. a 40.50. Glad to deal with the Danes by promises and fair proffers, 7. b 40.50. Present at a synod, wherein note his malice against the English, 9 a 10. Saileth over sea, and besiegeth Doll castle in Britain, 11. b 40. Pitcheth his tents and fighteth against the Danes, and putteth them to flight, 7. a 45. In a perplexity and glad to creep in favour with the English: note, 10. a 10. His oath and promise, with his cruelty and abusing of peace, 10. a 20. Goeth with an huge army against Malcolme king of Scots, and why, 10. b 30. His justice in restoring the right heir, 10. b 50. taketh away from the English their armour, 6. a 40. Subdueth the rebels of Excester▪ 6. b 10. And Wales, 12. a 20. Goeth over into Normandy, leaving guides over England, 5. a 10. Forced to yield to the Kentishmen request, 2. b 20. Hateth the English nobility even in the time of peace, 6. a 20. His three sons, their names and places of their birth, 6. a 60. His four sons, and what he bequeathed to them, 15. a 60. And five daughters, b 10. Returneth into England and waxeth rigorous against the English 5. a 30. b 10. In possession o● London and his promised covetesie, 1. b 10. What strangers came in with him at the conquest, their names, 2. b 40. His charter granted to the city of London, 15. a 60. He is politic, painful, and tyrannical against the English, 6. a 10. Overthrown and wounded in battle by his son Robert, 12. a 40.50.60 Falleth sick in Normandy: note, 14. b 20. In despair of his life by the Kentishmen, 2. a 40. Departeth this life, in what year of his age, 14 b 40 His sepulchre opened, his stature and epitaph. 1●. b 60.  
William Rufus when he began his reign, 16. a 10. Crowned king, and of his munificence 16. a 40. What means he used for to purchase the noble men's favour. 16▪ a 10. Given to sensual lust and covetousness, 18. b 10. In arms against the Normans, 17. b 20 invadeth Wales but to little effect 23. a 10. Goeth over into Normandy, 23. b 20. A bitter enemy to the pope's of Rome, 24. b 20, etc. Renounceth archbishop Anselme for his subject, 25. a 60. Farmeth archbishopriks, bishoprics, and abbeys, 26. a 40. Passeth into Normandy, and why, 19 a 10. Against his brother Robert, 21. a 50. Depriveth bishops▪ 21. a 40. His great courtesy to the English to win their favours, 17. b 30. In arms against the Welshmen▪ but with little success, 22. a 20. Suspected of infidelity▪ 27. b 20. Falleth sick at Gloucester, 20. a 50. Where buried, his conditions, proportion and no issue, 26. b 60.27. all.  
William the son of Henry the first made duke of Normandy. 38. a 30. Drowned, and how he might have escaped, 41. b 10.30  
William king of Scotland allied to the earls of Britain, 7. b 30  
William bishop of Durham the king's household chaplain in arms against the king, 17. a 60. Founder of university college in Oxford, 13. a 60. Besieged at Durham, forced to yield and exiled, 18. a 10. Restored, and dieth for sorrow, and why, 18. a 30  
William earl of Ewe renounceth Robert, and becometh king William Rufus man, 22. a 10  
Willoughby lord ambassador into Denmark, his oration in Latin to the king, investeth the king into the order of the g●rter, returneth and arriveth in England, 13 48. a 20, etc.  
Willoughby knight found frozen to death in his ship: note, 1083. a 60.  
Willoughby captain honourably buried, 1428. a 60  
Winc●ester, an earls son bishop there, 42. a 60. ¶ See Bishop.  
Wind monstrous and big, and doing much harm, 170, b 50. Full of annoyance▪ 914. b 30. 245. a 60, 1310. b 30.1579, a 20, etc. That troubled the sky 226, a 10. Extreme & terrible, 243. a 20. Big and boisterous that blew open Paul's gates, 1209. a 20. Tempestuous out of the south, 1260. a 40. That overthrew houses▪ 348. b 40. 220. a 60. In diverse places of England: note, 19 b 10. Continuing six or seven days, 395, b 40. For three months space hindering the spring, 250. a 50. Prognosticating trouble, 861. a 10. Upon the seas. 1211. a 50  
Windsor castle repaired, 392. a 50. And of the chamber there built called the round table, 366▪ a 20  
Windsor lord, ¶ See justs triumphant.  
Wine prised at a rate, 161. a 20. Sold for thirteen shillings & four pennies the tun, 455. a 10  
Winter sharp following a dry summer, 1210. a 60. With great frost, 1257. b 30. An enemy to warlike enterprises, 7. a 30. Extreme: note, 38. a 50. More than ordinary, 163. a 50. Never the like 166. a 60 That killed all kind of small fowls, 534. a 10. With a death, 892. b 30  
Winter sir William knight, and viceadmerall, saileth towards Sotland, 1187. a 10.  
Wisdom of Richard the first in making his answer, 138, b 40  
Witch hanged at Fevershom: wherein note the indirect course of justice, 1560. a 10. Of one that alured the Dolphin of France to take upon him the title of K. of France, 602. a 20  
Witchcraft punished with famine, 203. b 60.204. a 10  
Wood knighted ¶ See Maior of Norwich.  
Woodstock manor by whom builded. 45. b 30  
Wooduile lord aideth the duke of Britain without Henry the seavenths' consents, 768. a 40. Slain, 768. b 40  
Wool sold dog cheap by the stone 476. b 50. Sessed at a certain price, and what for the transporting out of the realm, 365 a 40. Transporting over sea, an act against it, 353, a 60. What K. Edward the third might spend a day there by that which was transported, 383. b 10 Granted in subsidy by the merchants, 440, a 20. ¶ See Subsidy, Staple.  
Wol●en cloth of two shillings the ●rode yard, 789, b 40  
waits wi●e a notable harlot, 〈◊〉 shameful end, 937, b 30, etc.  
Wol●e●● described, 829, b 60.830, a ●●, Made bishop of Dur●am▪ 〈◊〉 demandeth a great subsidy, his obstinate answer to the motion of the commons, 877, a 50, 60, b 10. Taketh it in scorn to be called brother by the archbishop, 848, a 10. reproved by Henry the eight, dissolveth the archbishop of Canturburie his convocation, 878 a 20.40. His princely p●rt at a banquet and other recreations: note, 848, b 50, 60. He will have every man sworn what he is worth, 874, b 60 Deviseth 〈◊〉 destruction of the duke of Buckingham, 862, b 50. Imboldeneth Kne●●t against him, b 60. Accuseth him to Henry the eight, 863, b 10, 20. What foreign chroniclers report of him, 886 b 30. Altereth the state of Henry the eight his household, 892, b 40. Erecteth tw● new colleges, he excuseth himself touching the strei●● commission for the tax, 891, a 10, 40, 60. His authority impugned, 884, a 10. Offended at a play, and punisheth the author and actors of the same, ●94, a 50. Goeth ambassador into France, his pomp, the manner of his receiving by the French king, 897, b 10, 20, 40 Suspected to be against Henry the eight his marriage with queen Kath●rine his brother's wife, 906, b 30. Articles exhibited against him, 911, b 20. At his manor of C●wood keepeth a good house, was to be arrested of treason, prognostications of his fall, arrested, taketh the action in good part, 915, a 10, 30, b 50, 60 His commissions to take up money by anticipation, 882, a 50. His ambitious humour, the ordering of the two kings of England and Spain, their interview committed to him, 853, a 20, etc. b 10, 20, etc. 854, all. 855, a 10, etc. His great pomp, put in great trust by the king of England and France, 858, a 20, 30. His liberality by virtue (forsooth) of his spiritual power, 872, b 50. He hateth the duke of Buckingham, causeth the earl of Kildare to be committed to ward, 855, b 20, 30, etc. His cruelty, 894, b 30. His excessive pride, 845, a 60, b 10 847, b 50. A caveat given him by a libel set up in London, he cannot abide the citizens, 895, a 30, 40, 50. His pomp when he received the emperor Charles at Dover, his pride at high mass, 873, a 50, b 40 Returneth out of France, 898, a 60. Is sent over to Calis, the emperor receiveth him, carrieth the great seal with him, and there sealeth writs and patents, 870, a 40 b 10, 20, 40. Maketh means to be elected pope, 871, b 10. Singeth mass before the two kings of England & France, 861, a 20. Desireth to see the commission of the arrest, committed to the custody of certain gentlemen, sickneth sitting at the table, falleth into a flux that cost him his life, 916 a 20. In displeasure with Henry the eight, articles exhibited against him, sued in a praemunire, loath to part from the great seal, but yet discharged, calleth all his officers to accounts, goeth to Asher and hath his plenty turned into penury, condemned in a praemunire, 909, a 10, 20, 30, 40, 60 b 30, 50. Archbishop of York, cardinal, chancellor of England, his cardinals hat received by Kentish gentlemen with great solemnity, justice executed by him upon offenders, he erecteth new courts by Henry the eights commission, 838, b 50, 60. He taketh upon him to determine causes▪ diverse peers offended at him, he hindereth the duke of Suffolk's hope, an enemy to peace, 839, a 50, 60, b 10. His advise to the mayor of London at Ill May days riot, 841, b 30, 40. licensed to repair into Yorkshire, his college lands seized upon to the behoof of Henry the eight, 913, b 10. Remove ●o Richmond, prepareth for his journey into the North, 914, a 60 b 10. Avoucheth that he cannot live, ascribeth his fall to the just judgement of God, the complete history of his behaviours, life, and death, 917, 918, 919, 920, 921, 922  
Wolstan bishop of Worcester and others resist the earl of Hereford rebelling, 11, a 50. Refuseth a place of safeguard against the Normans, 17, a 60 b 10. Like to have been deposed for his insufficiency of learning, 12, a 10. His miracle whereby he kept his bishopric, 12, a 10. Submitteth himself to duke William, 1, a 50. Dieth, 27, b 60.  
Woluerhampton, and how to be rightly called: note, 796, a 40  
Woman's request prevaileth in a great matter with a great parsonage, 32, a 50. Pitiful: note, 378, a 20. Their dissimulation, 336, b 30. Han●ed, drawn and quartered, 944, a 60. Ones request denied occasion of much broil, 327, b 40 328, a 10. One treateth for peace, & prevaileth between two kings: note, 360, a 30 One brought to bed of a monster: note, 1314, a 40. One of fourscoure years old brought a bed of a monster, 1313, b 60 1314, a 10. One brought to bed of four children at one burden, 1261, b 60  
Women will hardly be of one mind, 158, a 60. Their boldness in ecclesiastical matters: note, 484, a 50, 60. That to be severe against them is dishonourable: note, 314, a 10. Causers of mischief: note, 562, a 20. Counterfeiting themselves one our Lady the other Marie Magdalen, 203, b 50. Their 〈◊〉 what mischief it brée●e ●: note, 626▪ b 6●, 627, a all. Revenge a murder done upon one. 605, b 60. Hard to be reconciled, 378, a 60. Their peace, 115●, a 60  
Wonders, 37, a 40, 38, a 40. ●●● b 10▪ 44, b 40.82, a 60, b 10. 100LS, a 30.102, b 30.166, a 60.204, b 60 etc. 210, b 50▪ 216, b 10, 20, 30▪ 225, b 60.226, a 10▪ 239, b 20▪ 245, b 30.252, a 50, etc. 277, b 40 395, a 40 439, b 40, 484, b 10 etc. 493, b 60.645, b 10.793, b 10 etc., 40. Of a Dutchman standing on Paul's weathercock, note, 1091, a 60, b 10. Of pe●son without tilth growing upon hard stone & pebble, 1129. a 60, b 10. Of a man preserved from drowning, 1223, b 10▪ Of a lad drowned in a kennel 1259, b 60, 1260, a 10. Of a child speaking strange speeches, 1315, a 10, etc. Of mice devouring grass, 1315, a 60. Of the ground swallowed up 1413, b 20, 30. Strange esteemed to be warnings: note, 26, b 10. Strange in heaven and earth, 21, a 30. In the air or element, 142, a 10. Great, and whereof they were tokens, 204, b 50. What they betoken. 156, b 60.157, a 10, b 10 Of bay trees, 496, b 60. Of a fish like a man: note, 168, a 10. Of fight fishes, 115, a 10. Of Rosamunds' coter, 115 b 60. In the sun, moon, and the earth, 102, b 40, 50, 60. Of a dead carcase, 1066, a 30. To be noted in a dead corpse that lay long in the ground, 779, a 40. ¶ See Fish, Mir●cle, and Monsters.  
Worcester assaulted, 58, b 20. By the Normans, 17, a 60. With the valiantness of the people, b 10. Besieged and taken, 266, a 60. The city burnt by casualty, 37, b 50  
Words malicious and foolish of a French lord: note, 771, a 20 Of Henry the second that cest Becket his l●fe, 78, b 30 Of displeasure uttered by the father to his son, 114, a 40 Stout of a prelate to a peer, 458, a 20. Of a grave gentleman spoken on his death bed, do good, 197, b 40. Whet Henry the third unto war. 209, a 10. Fair overcome, 32, a 50. Make fools feign, 191, b 60. 144, a 20. Prevail not, 112, a 20. With fraud: note, 111, a 30 Smooth how mightily they prevail even in the enemy, 673, a 60, b 10. Fair with ill meaning: note, 136, a 10. Procure wounds and death, 954, a 20. Procure wounds and bloodshed, 447, a 40. Wounds and slaughter: note, 13, b 40. Shameful & slanderous against Edward the fourth, 698, b 30. Obscure and doubtful to be opened, 480, b 40. Unaduisedlie spoken against the prince the price of life: note, 703, a 10. Undecent to the lord chancellor punished in the speaker, 1081, a a 50. Gentle appeased strife, 880, b 50. That kindled heat and indignation to revenge, 172, b 10. Of wrath kindle displeasure and war, 3●, b 10 Fair and gentle which like behaviour how forcible, 518, a 10. Purchase displeasure, though truly spo●en, 513, b 40, 50, 60. Miscontru●d by the Scots: note, 423, a 20. Multiplied kindle displeasure, 487, b 50, 60. Royal and well b●séeming a king to rebellious lords: note, 400, a 10 Wische uttered, appease the wrath of a king: 458, a 10, etc., 50. Opprobrious procure ill will: note, 421, a 20. Of reproach how mischéefous in issue: note, 412, a 20. Great with little manhood, 23, b 60, 24 a 10. Of desdaine breeding mischief: note, 645, a 30. Punished with standing on the pillory, and loss of both the cares, 1084, a 20. Mixed with breadfull allegation prevail much: note, 143, b 60. ¶ See Gifts, Oath, and Promises,  
Works good of duke William before his death, 14, b 50, Of king Henry the first to win the people's favour, 28, b 20  
Workmanship very cunning, of comprising much matter in a little room, 1262, b 10. Of a lock and a key weighing but one wheatcorne, 1299, b 50, 60  
Worship to creatures not permitted to be done without the bishop's authority, 31, a  
Wotton ambassador into Scotland, of an ancient family: note, 1402, b 30, etc. 1403, etc.  
Wrecks by sea pardoned by K. Richard the first, through all his dominions, 126, a 60  
Wrestling at the hospital of S. james, betwixt the Londoners and all comers, 204, a 10, 20, etc. At Clerkenwell a great fray there, 641, a 60,  
Wr●otheslei● lord. ¶ See earl of South hampton.  
Writing of much matter within a penny compass, 1262, b 10    


Y.  
YArd. ¶ See Measure. Yeoman of the guard his shift to save himself from hanging, 844. One hanged, 812, b 10. Two hanged for robbing, 953, a 60, b 10. Their institution or first bringing in, 763, b 50. Defend the preacher at Paul's cross, 1089, b 30, 1090, a 20  
Year of jubilee, 788, a 60. Of wonders, 1588.: note▪ 1356, b 60. More talked of than feared, 1357, a 10, 20  
York besieged by duke William 7, a 60. Burned by the Normans and why, 6, b 60, 7, a 10 The shire subdued to Lewis the French kings son, 193, a 10. The people in a perplexity by the means of two adverse parties, 6, b 60. The castle, 6, a 40  
York place in●coffed to Henry the eight, 923, a 10  
Yorkshire. ¶ See Commotion.  
Ypres William warlike, 43, b 30 52, a 10. A Fleming, earl of Kent, 54, a 30. Departeth the realm, 65, b 20  
Ypresse besieged, 443, b 20. The siege broken up, 444, a 10     

These faults to be amended. For sir john Perot, read Pollard, pag. 1551, b 20. For sealed seldom, 1555, b 50 For Henry the first, read the second, 1548, b 50 The rest good reader, as judgement shall lead thee, reform.  
FINIS propositi laus Christo nescia FINIS.   

Finished in januarie 1587., and the 29 of the Queen's majesties reign, with the full continuation of the former years, at the expenses of john Harison, George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, Henry Denham, and Thomas Woodcock.  
AT LONDON Printed in Aldersgate street at the sign of the Star.  
Cum privilegio.